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Crowding in the residential environment Howard, Barbara Jean 1974

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CROWDING IN THE RESIDENTIAL ENVIROfl€NT by B A R B A R A J E A N HOWARD B . A . , U n i v e r s i t y o f C o l o r a d o , 1971 A T H E S I S S U B M I T T E D I N P A R T I A L F U L F I L L M E N T OF T H E R E Q U I R E M E N T S FOR T H E D E G R E E OF M A S T E R OF A R T S I n t h e S c h o o l o f C O M M U N I T Y 6 R E G I O N A L P L A N N I N G We a c c e p t t h i s t h e s i s a s c o n f o r m i n g t o t h e r e q u i r e d s t a n d a r d T H E U N I V E R S I T Y OF B R I T I S H C O L U M B I A S e p t e m b e r , 197^  In p resen t ing t h i s t hes i s in p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t o f the requirements f o r an advanced degree at the U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the L i b r a r y sha l l make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e f o r reference and study. I f u r t h e r agree t h a t permission fo r ex tens ive copying o f t h i s t hes i s f o r s c h o l a r l y purposes may be granted by the Head o f my Department or by h is r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . I t is understood that copying or p u b l i c a t i * o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r f i n a n c i a l gain sha l l not be a l lowed w i thou t my w r i t t e n permiss ion. i on Department o f The U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Columbia Vancouver 8, Canada Date ^L^JE2J**JJUS 7 ABSTRACT High d e n s i t y — in the form o f overcrowding o f d w e l l i n g u n i t s , or the number o f people o r d w e l l i n g u n i t s per acre — has t r a d i t i o n a l l y been regarded as a lead ing f a c t o r in the environment which b r ings about pathology and soc ia l d i s o r g a n i z a t i o n o f a l l k i nds . The purpose o f t h i s study is t o promote a c l e a r e r unders tanding o f the response o f the i n d i v i d u a l to h igh d e n s i t y in the r e s i d e n t i a l environment in terms o f behavior and h e a l t h . The study is based on a review and c r i t i c a l examinat ion o f the l i t e r a t u r e concern ing (a) p rev ious i n v e s t i g a t i o n s o f the e f f e c t s o f h igh r e s i d e n t i a l d e n s i t i e s ( c o r r e l a t i o n a l and ep idemio log i ca l s t u d i e s , ex ten t and k ind o f soc ia l i n t e r a c t i o n , s a t i s f a c t i o n , and f a m i l y l i f e ) , as w e l l as (b) r e l a t e d research ( a n i m a l . s t u d i e s , exper imental i n v e s t i g a t i o n s o f the human e f f e c t s o f h igh d e n s i t i e s , and the human use o f space) . The i n t e g r a t i o n o f these f i n d i n g s i n d i c a t e s an o v e r a l l lack o f r i go rous s c i e n -t i f i c evidence concerning the adverse e f f e c t s o f h igh d e n s i t y on human behavior and h e a l t h . Conceptual a n a l y s i s o f t h i s ev idence, however, i nd i ca tes t h a t the human e f f e c t s o f h igh d e n s i t i e s appear t o depend main ly on : (a) s o c i a l aspects o f the s i t u a t i o n o r env i ronment , (b) personal a t t r i b u t e s or c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f the i n d i v i d u a l , (c) c u l t u r a l norms, (d) the type o f a c t i v i t y i n v o l v e d , (e) temporal d u r a t i o n ( i . e . , leng th o f exposure) , and ( f ) phys ica l f a c t o r s in a d d i t i o n to d e n s i t y v a r i a b l e s . The study a l so inc ludes a review o f recent t h e o r e t i c a l pe rspec t i ves concerning the r e l a t i o n s h i p between h igh d e n s i t i e s , patho logy and s o c i a l d i s o r g a n i z a t i o n . The bu lk o f these pe rspec t i ves r e l y on the concept o f s t ress as a l i n k between h igh d e n s i t i e s and p o t e n t i a l l y adverse conse-quences f o r the i n d i v i d u a l . A f u n c t i o n a l d i scuss ion o f present s t ress knowledge is f o l l owed by the d e s c r i p t i o n o f a Conceptual Model o f Crowding in the Res iden t ia l Environment, which is suggested as a t h e o r e t i c a l framework f o r f u t u r e research on the e f f e c t s of h igh r e s i d e n t i a l d e n s i t i e s . The conceptual model is based on S t o k o l s 1 E q u i l i b r i u m Model o f Human Response t o Crowding ( S t o k o l s , 1972), which has been mod i f i ed somewhat and a p p l i e d to the r e s i d e n t i a l envi ronment. The conc lud ing chapter suggests tha t performance s tandards , based on the b e h a v i o r - c o n t i n g e n t approach to the designed env i ronment , are necessary c r i t e r i a f o r the e v a l u a t i o n o f h igh d e n s i t y r e s i d e n t i a l deve lop-ment in o rde r to avoid undue s t ress on the pa r t o f the i n d i v i d u a l . i i i TABLE OF CONTENTS Page Abs t rac t n L i s t o f Tables v i i L i s t o f F igures v i i i Acknowledgements . i x Chapter 1 INTRODUCTION 1 1.1 Background 1 1.2 The Problem 3 1.3 Design & Purpose o f the Study ,. . . . 5 1.A Scope of. the Study 6 1.5 D e f i n i t i o n o f Terms 7 2 DENSITY, PATHOLOGY & SOCIAL DISORGANIZATION 10 2.1 C o r r e l a t i o n a l Stud ies 10 2.11 Overcrowding o f Dwel l ing Un i ts 12 2.12 High Popu la t ion Densi ty 16 2.13 Summary 26 2.2 Ep idemio log ica l Stud ies 29 3 SOCIAL INTERACTION, SATISFACTION, 6 FAMILY LIFE 33 3.1 Soc ia l I n t e r a c t i o n in High Densi ty Housing 3*» 3.11 B u i l d i n g Type 6 Design 35 3.12 Socia l 5 Personal Factors 37 3.13 Summary hi i v Chapter 3 (Cont inued) 3.2 S a t i s f a c t i o n & Family L i f e . . . . . 44 3.21 Fami l ies With C h i l d r e n : The High Rise . . . 45 3.22 D e f i c i t Compensation: The Downtown High Rise 51 3.23 Value O r i e n t a t i o n s 53 3.24 L i f e S t y l e 55 3.25 I n t e r a c t i o n o f Soc ia l & Physical Space . . . 57 3.26 Summary . . . . . 58 4 RELATED RESEARCH 61 4.1 Animal Studies . . . . . . . 62 4.2 Experimental I n v e s t i g a t i o n s 64 4.21 Soc ia l Densi ty 65 4.22 S p a t i a l Densi ty 67 4.23 Summary . . . . . . . 69 4.3 The Human Use o f Space 70 4.31 Nat iona l or C u l t u r a l D i f fe rences . . . . . . 72 4.32 Subcu l tu ra l o r Group D i f f e rences 75 4.33 Summary 77 5 CRITIQUE OF PREVIOUS RESEARCH ON THE EFFECTS OF HIGH DENSITIES . . . 79 5.1 Lack o f Rigorous S c i e n t i f i c Evidence 80 5.2 Summary: E f f e c t s o f High Densi ty o r Crowding in the Res iden t i a l Environment 81 5-3 Summary: Resul ts o f Related Research 84 5.4 I n t e g r a t i o n o f F ind ings 85 6 "CROWDING" AS A SUBJECTIVE EXPERIENCE 88 6.1 B i o l o g i c a l Versus Sub jec t i ve Links Between High Dens i t i es & Pathology 89 6.2 A Soc ia l -Psycho log i ca l Perspec t ive o f Crowding . . 96 v Chapter Page 7 THE EXPERIENCE OF STRESS 99 7.1 The Meaning o f " S t r e s s " 100 7.2 Sources o f St ress . . . . . . . . . . 102 7.3 I n i t i a l Responses to Stress 104 7.4 Adverse Consequences/Mani festat ions o f St ress . . . 106 7.5 Adapta t ion t o St ress 108 7.6 L i m i t a t i o n s o f St ress Knowledge 110 8 A CONCEPTUAL MODEL OF CROWDING IN THE RESIDENTIAL ENVIRONMENT . 112 8.1 I n t r o d u c t o r y Remarks 112 8.11 M o d i f i c a t i o n o f S t o k o l s ' Model 115 8.2 Purpose o f the Model & Usefulness o f Models in General 116 8.21 Purpose o f the Model 116 8.22 Shortcomings & Advantages o f Models 117 8.3 D e f i n i t i o n o f Terminology 119 8.4 D e s c r i p t i o n o f Major Features o f the Model . . . . 121 8.5 D e s c r i p t i o n o f Independent V a r i a b l e s 129 8.6 Use o f the Model S Formula t ion o f Hypotheses . . . 134 9 CONCLUSIONS: IMPLICATIONS FOR PLANNING 137 9.1 The Use o f Maximum Densi ty Standards . . . . . . . 139 9.2 Performance Standards 142 9.3 Behaviora l Design at High Densi ty 143 FOOTNOTES 148 BIBLIOGRAPHY 158 v i LIST OF TABLES I - - - - Page 1 Summary D e s c r i p t i o n o f Independent Va r iab les o f the Conceptual Model o f Crowding in the Res iden t i a l Environment . 124 v i i LIST OF FIGURES Figure Page 1 Dens i ty as a Cause-Ef fect R e l a t i o n s h i p . . . 21 2 Densi ty as a Spurious Re la t i on . . . . . 22 3 Densi ty as an In te rven ing V a r i a b l e 23 H Densi ty o f People As a Determinant o f Crowding . . . . 5 A Conceptual Model o f Crowding in the Res iden t i a l Environment , 123 • • l V I I I ACKNOllEftBOTS The author would l i k e t o express her s ince re a p p r e c i a t i o n to Brahm Wiesman and Robert F. K e l l y f o r t h e i r thorough ass is tance and many h e l p f u l comments dur ing the p r e p a r a t i o n o f t h i s t h e s i s . My thanks a lso t o many o t h e r f a c u l t y members and f r i e n d s who d i r e c t l y or i n d i r e c t l y a s s i s t e d in the complet ion o f t h i s s tudy . ix Chapter 1 INTRODUCTION This study Is concerned w i t h human response t o h igh d e n s i t y in the r e s i d e n t i a l envi ronment. Soc ia l f a c t o r s , personal a t t r i b u t e s o f the i n d i v i d u a l , c u l t u r a l norms, the type o f a c t i v i t y i n v o l v e d , temporal f a c t o r s , and c e r t a i n c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f the phys ica l environment in a d d i t i o n t o d e n s i t y are emphasized as important v a r i a b l e s which i n f l u e n c e or mediate the i n d i v i d u a l 1 s response to l i m i t e d space or h igh p o p u l a t i o n d e n s i t i e s . 1.1 Background Canadian housing s t a t i s t i c s f o r the pe r iod 1960-1969 revealed an important change in the p roduc t i on o f new d w e l l i n g u n i t s , i n d i c a t i n g t h a t i nc reas ing numbers o f Canadian urban r e s i d e n t s are now l i v i n g a t h igher d e n s i t i e s . Apartment s t a r t s increased from 27% o f t o t a l d w e l l i n g s t a r t s in 1960, t o 53% in 1969, w i t h an accompanying decrease in the percentage o f s ing le -de tached d w e l l i n g s t a r t s . Whi le data f o r the pe r iod 1970-72 r e f l e c t e d a moderat ion in the t rend to b u i l d at h igher d e n s i t i e s , the d e c l i n e in the t o t a l number o f m u l t i p l e f a m i l y s t a r t s in Canada in 1972 appears main ly t o have been a response t o r e l a t i v e l y h igh vacancy ra tes in on ly a few c i t i e s (Centra l Mortgage & Housing C o r p o r a t i o n , 1973). The need t o b u i l d a t h igher d e n s i t i e s in the fo reseeab le f u t u r e w i l l tend t o be r e i n f o r c e d , r a t h e r than m i t i g a t e d , by recent rap id increases in r e s i d e n t i a l land v a l u e s , as w e l l as inc reas ing ra tes of p o p u l a t i o n 1 2 growth in many large urban cent res in Canada. The ex is tence o f n a t u r a l b a r r i e r s t o urban g rowth , and/or l e g i s l a t i v e mechanisms p r e s e r v i n g f r i n g e a g r i c u l t u r a l land w i l l f u r t h e r i n f l u e n c e housing d e n s i t i e s in some urban areas . High d e n s i t y , however, has t r a d i t i o n a l l y been regarded as a lead ing f a c t o r in the environment which b r ings about pathology and s o c i a l d i s o r -g a n i z a t i o n o f a l l k i n d s . Research on the human e f f e c t s o f h igh d e n s i t i e s , e s p e c i a l l y t h a t concerned w i t h h igh r e s i d e n t i a l d e n s i t i e s , is abundant both in volume and type o f methodolog ica l approach; n e i t h e r is i t l a c k i n g in terms o f c r o s s - c u l t u r a l f i n d i n g s . The common i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f many o f these s t u d i e s , however, is t h a t h igh d e n s i t y almost i n e v i t a b l y leads t o d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n , phys ica l o r mental d i s o r d e r s , o r v a r i o u s forms o f s o c i a l d i s o r g a n i z a t i o n , d e s p i t e the lack o f unequivocal and r e p l i c a b l e s c i e n t i f i c evidence t h a t t h i s is so. Several recent s tud ies p e r t a i n i n g to h igh r e s i d e n t i a l d e n s i t i e s , as we l l as h igh d e n s i t y in o the r c o n t e x t s , have c o n t r i b u t e d g r e a t e r i n s i g h t i n t o t h i s problem. These inc lude exper imental ( l a b o r a t o r y ) i n v e s t i g a t i o n s o f the human e f f e c t s o f h igh d e n s i t i e s , as we l l as several Canadian s tud ies on f a m i l y l i f e in the h igh r i s e . There a r e , in f a c t , recent i n d i c a t i o n s t h a t Canadian research on t h i s problem is i n c r e a s i n g . A number o f s tud ies on va r ious aspects o f h igh r i s e l i v i n g are now in progress in To ron to , o r have been r e c e n t l y completed (Soc ia l P lanning Counci l o f M e t r o p o l i t a n Toron to , 1973). A recent repor t o f a medical consu l tan t to the Prov ince o f B r i t i s h Columbia on H e a l t h , Housing and the Socia l Environment a p t l y r e f l e c t s the c o n t i n u i n g concern about the e f f e c t s o f h igh d e n s i t y upon behavior and h e a l t h . The repor t c i t e s evidence t h a t crowding and h igh d e n s i t y h igh r i s e l i v i n g are assoc ia ted w i t h s t r e s s , i n f e c t i o u s diseases and psychoneurot ic d i s o r d e r s , and suggests t h a t the p o p u l a t i o n category o f the West End in Vancouver ". . .is of such nature as to be at exceptionally high risk to various forms of social and personal disorganization and physical disorder. " (Foulkes, 1973: IV-C-8-5) 3 The understanding o f how the i n d i v i d u a l exper iences and responds to h igh dens i t y in the r e s i d e n t i a l environment is fundamental to the f o r m u l a t i o n o f adequate Canadian housing p o l i c i e s , s tandards , and housing design at h igh d e n s i t y . The achievement o f t h i s understanding requ i res not on ly a c a r e f u l examinat ion and a n a l y s i s o f p rev ious f i n d i n g s on the e f f e c t s o f h igh d e n s i t y hous ing, but an i n q u i r y i n t o r e l a t e d research which may c o n t r i b u t e g r e a t e r i n s i g h t i n t o the complex i t y o f t h i s issue. 1.2 The Problem S c i e n t i f i c i n v e s t i g a t i o n s o f the e f f e c t s o f h igh d e n s i t y in the r e s i d e n t i a l environment have fo l l owed f o u r basic l i n e s o f research : (1 ) c o r r e l a t i o n a l s t u d i e s , u s u a l l y based on census d a t a ; (2) ep idemio log i ca l s t u d i e s ; (3 ) s tud ies on the ex ten t o f s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n ; and (k) d e s c r i p t i v e s tud ies o f s a t i s f a c t i o n and f a m i l y l i f e in h igh d e n s i t y housing accommodation. The f i n d i n g s o f a s e r i e s o f c o r r e l a t i o n a l s tud ies based on census t r a c t data have g e n e r a l l y r e s u l t e d in an unresolved debate over whether overcrowding ( the number o f persons per room or d w e l l i n g u n i t ) , or h igh d e n s i t y ( the number o f persons or d w e l l i n g u n i t s per acre) is the more s i g n i f i c a n t v a r i a b l e in r e l a t i o n to pathology and soc ia l d i s o r g a n i z a t i o n ( L o r i n g , 1956; Schmi t t : 1957, 1963, 1966 ; Winsborough, 1965; Marse l la e t a l , 1970; M i t c h e l l , 1 9 7 1 ; Ga l le et a l , 1 9 7 2 ) . F ind ings o f s tud ies which have p a r t i a l l y c o n t r o l l e d f o r i n t e r v e n i n g v a r i a b l e s ( e . g . , s o c i a l c l a s s , income, educa t i on , e t h n i c i t y ) , however, i n d i c a t e t h a t s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e and o t h e r v a r i a b l e s have an important i n f l u e n c e on the r e l a t i o n s h i p between h igh dens i t y and va r ious p a t h o l o g i e s . In a d d i t i o n , c o r r e l a t i o n a l s tud ies o f Hong Kong (Schmi t t , 1963 ; M i t c h e l l , 1971) suggest t ha t c u l t u r e mediates the r e l a t i o n s h i p between h igh d e n s i t y and pa tho logy . However, the u s e f u l -ness o f c o r r e l a t i o n a l s tud ies is yet a t best i n d i c a t i v e o f the a s s o c i a t i o n between h igh d e n s i t y and p a t h o l o g i e s , s ince r e l a t i o n s tha t appear a t the a rea l leve l may not appear at the leve l o f the i n d i v i d u a l ; n e i t h e r is a h igh degree o f c o r r e l a t i o n in i t s e l f p roo f o f a causa t i ve r e l a t i o n s h i p . k Epidemio log ica l s t u d i e s , i . e . , i n v e s t i g a t i o n s o f the inc idence o f phys ica l disease and mental d i s o r d e r s assoc ia ted w i t h apartment l i v i n g , i n d i c a t e t h a t r e s p i r a t o r y i n f e c t i o n s among c h i l d r e n and women, and psycho-n e u r o t i c symptoms among women are more common among apartment dwe l l e rs than among those l i v i n g in houses ( H i r d , 1967; Fanning, 1967). Yet the need f o r more c a r e f u l c o n t r o l f o r o t h e r f a c t o r s which may i n f l u e n c e such d i s o r d e r s , as we l l as g r e a t e r r e p l i c a t i o n o f such s t u d i e s , l i m i t the conc lus ions t h a t can be drawn from these f i n d i n g s as w e l l . Research on the k ind and ex ten t o f soc ia l i n t e r a c t i o n in the h igh r i s e and h igh d e n s i t y walk-up b u i l d i n g s i n d i c a t e s t h a t s p a t i a l f a c t o r s are l i k e l y t o p lay an important r o l e in i n i t i a t i n g soc ia l c o n t a c t s , but s o c i a l f a c t o r s l a r g e l y determine whether these con tac ts develop i n t o f r i e n d s h i p s (Darke, 1970). Phys ica l design and b u i l d i n g type (Cooney, 1962) as we l l as length o f res idence ( P f e i l , 1968) have been noted to i n f l u e n c e s o c i a b i l i t y and neighbor r e l a t i o n s in h igh d e n s i t y s e t t i n g s , w h i l e in formal s i t u a t i o n -s p e c i f i c s o c i a l norms seem to have cons ide rab le i n f l u e n c e on p a t t e r n s o f soc ia l i n t e r a c t i o n in the h igh r i s e (Miche lson, 1972). D e s c r i p t i v e s tud ies o f the behav io r , a t t i t u d e s and exper iences o f res iden ts o f h igh d e n s i t y housing have l a r g e l y focused on f a m i l y l i f e in the h igh r i s e . F ind ings suggest t h a t phys ica l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s in f luenced by h igh d e n s i t y - - but not a necessary accompaniment t o i t — have an e f f e c t on s a t i s f a c t i o n ( e . g . , l i v i n g o f f the ground versus ground c o n t a c t , access to outdoor space) . They do n o t , however, c a t e g o r i c a l l y cause d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n . Two recent Toronto s tud ies o f f a m i l i e s (both w i t h and w i t h o u t c h i l d r e n ) l i v i n g in h igh r i s e apartments i n d i c a t e the need to cons ider more than phys ica l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f the environment in de te rmin ing the success or f a i l u r e o f h igh d e n s i t y housing in terms o f r e s i d e n t s ' a t t i t u d e s , s a t i s f a c t i o n s , and behavior (Soc ia l P lanning Counci l o f Met ro . To ron to , 1973; M iche lson, 1972). L i f e s t y l e and f a m i l y m o b i l i t y ac t as important determinants in the choice o f the downtown h igh r i s e ; awareness of compro-mises inherent w i t h such housing type and l o c a t i o n , as we l l as immediate s a t i s f a c t i o n o f expec ta t i ons (Miche lson, 1973:a £ b) may f a c i l i t a t e adap ta t i on to t h i s housing fo rm. 5 The above basic l i n e s o f research on h igh r e s i d e n t i a l d e n s i t i e s have ye t t o e s t a b l i s h unequivocal evidence t h a t d e n s i t y , as a phys ica l c o n d i t i o n i n v o l v i n g the l i m i t a t i o n o f space, or a measure o f the p o p u l a t i o n o f an a rea , leads t o pa tho logy , s o c i a l d i s o r g a n i z a t i o n , or even c o n s i s t a n t d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n . Much o f the evidence does suggest , however, t ha t o t h e r v a r i a b l e s ( e . g . , soc ia l f a c t o r s , personal a t t r i b u t e s o f the i n d i v i d u a l , c u l t u r e ) have an important bear ing on the nature o f the e f f e c t s o f h igh r e s i d e n t i a l d e n s i t i e s f o r the i n d i v i d u a l . 1.3 Design S Purpose o f the Study The purpose o f t h i s study is t o : (a) undertake a c r i t i c a l review and examinat ion o f p rev ious research concerning the e f f e c t s o f h igh r e s i d e n t i a l d e n s i t i e s on behavior and h e a l t h ; and to (b) i n v e s t i g a t e r e l a t e d e m p i r i c a l research on crowding and d e n s i t y ( i . e . , animal s t u d i e s , exper imenta l i n v e s t i g a t i o n s , and s tud ies o f the human use o f space) in o rder t o determine the p o t e n t i a l use fu lness o f o the r f i n d i n g s , concepts , or t h e o r i e s in promot ing a c l e a r e r unders tanding o f the response o f the i n d i v i d u a l to h igh d e n s i t y in the r e s i d e n t i a l envi ronment . To accompl ish t h i s purpose, the research design w i l l be both e x p l o r a -t o r y and f o r m u l a t i v e , i n c o r p o r a t i n g the f o l l o w i n g procedures: (1 ) a c r i t i c a l examinat ion o f p rev ious e m p i r i c a l s tud ies concerning the e f f e c t s o f h igh r e s i d e n t i a l d e n s i t i e s on behavior and h e a l t h : c o r r e l a t i o n a l and ep idemio log i ca l s t u d i e s , ex ten t and k ind o f s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n , and d e s c r i p t i v e s tud ies o f s a t i s f a c t i o n and f a m i l y l i f e ; (2) an inspec t ion o f r e l a t e d e m p i r i c a l research on the e f f e c t s o f crowding and d e n s i t y : animal s t u d i e s ; and to a g r e a t e r e x t e n t , exper imental s tud ies d i r e c t l y concerned w i t h the e f f e c t s o f l i m i t e d space or h igh p o p u l a t i o n d e n s i t i e s on human behav io r , as we l l as i n v e s t i g a t i o n s o f the human use o f space; 6 (3) the de te rm ina t ion o f whether the r e s u l t s o f r e l a t e d research (see 2. above) on crowding o r d e n s i t y have p o t e n t i a l va lue in promoting a c l e a r e r understanding o f human response to h igh dens i t y in the r e s i d e n t i a l env i ronment , and i f so, the a p p l i c a t i o n o f such knowledge t o the problem; (k) the s p e c i f i c a t i o n o f independent v a r i a b l e s which have d i r e c t bear ing on the response o f the i n d i v i d u a l t o the l i m i t a t i o n o f space o r h igh popu la t i on d e n s i t i e s in the r e s i d e n t i a l e n v i r o n -ment; and (5) the d e s c r i p t i o n o f a Conceptual Model o f Crowding in the Res iden t ia l Environment, based on S t o k o l s ' E q u i l i b r i u m Model o f Human Response t o Crowding ( S t o k o l s , 1972) as a t h e o r e t i c a l framework f o r f u t u r e research on the problem. 1.^ Scope o f the Study Most o f t h i s work is based on e m p i r i c a l s tud ies o f h igh d e n s i t i e s in the r e s i d e n t i a l environment and the e f f e c t s o f overcrowding w i t h i n d w e l l i n g u n i t s o r h igh o u t s i d e r e s i d e n t i a l d e n s i t i e s upon behav io r , h e a l t h and f a m i l y l i f e . The search o f the l i t e r a t u r e was conf ined t o s tud ies undertaken s ince 1950, main ly in Canada, the U.S.A. , and Great B r i t a i n . The documentat ion o f the l i t e r a t u r e is not meant t o be e x h a u s t i v e , but r a t h e r a t tempts t o h i g h l i g h t major f i n d i n g s which are assumed t o s t r u c t u r e t o a cons ide rab le degree the understanding o f the d e n s i t y i ssue . Both q u a n t i t a t i v e ( s t a t i s t i c a l ) and q u a l i t a t i v e ( d e s c r i p t i v e ) f i n d i n g s are inc luded on the assumption t h a t obse rva t i on and q u a n t i f i c a t i o n are necessary pa r tne rs in the s c i e n t i f i c method. Much has been w r i t t e n concerning the ex ten t t o which ext remely poor housing c o n d i t i o n s ( e . g . , m u l t i p l e use o f t o i l e t and water f a c i l i t i e s , inadequate heat ing o r v e n t i l a t i o n ) a re assoc ia ted w i t h r e s p i r a t o r y and o t h e r i n f e c t i o u s d iseases , and o t h e r forms o f phys ica l i l l n e s s . S p e c i f i c i n q u i r y i n t o such evidence is beyond the scope o f t h i s s tudy , a l though the p o t e n t i a l i n f l u e n c e o f ext remely poor housing c o n d i t i o n s upon h e a l t h has been inc luded as a f a c t o r in the Conceptual Model o f Crowding in the Res iden t ia l Envi ronment. 7 Related research on the e f f e c t s o f s p a t i a l l i m i t a t i o n or h igh popu la t i on d e n s i t y in con tex ts o the r than the r e s i d e n t i a l env i ronment , however, i s considered not on ly impor tan t , but necessary to the under-s tanding o f how dens i t y i n f luences human behavior and h e a l t h . Thus, f i n d i n g s on the human use o f space, and exper imenta l s tud ies o f the e f f e c t s o f crowding and h igh d e n s i t y on human behavior are inc luded along w i t h a s e l e c t i v e d iscuss ion o f the r e s u l t s o f animal s t u d i e s . Whi le s tud ies o f the e f f e c t s o f d e n s i t y by animal e c o l o g i s t s are even more numerous than those ex tan t on the e f f e c t s f o r man, the e x t r a p o l a t i o n o f the r e s u l t s o f animal f i n d i n g s t o man is c o n t r o v e r s i a l , and ye t t o be accepted by many human behav iora l s c i e n t i s t s . Cer ta in i m p l i c a t i o n s o f these f i n d i n g s , however, are important t o the understanding o f how d e n s i t y a f f e c t s s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n and c o n s t r a i n s a c t i v i t i e s ; f u r t h e r , the s c i e n t i f i c approach used by e t h o l o g i s t s f o r the study o f crowding and d e n s i t y may be suggest ive f o r f u t u r e research on the e f f e c t s f o r man.^ The major l i t e r a t u r e sources have l a r g e l y been generated by behav iora l s c i e n t i s t s , i n c l u d i n g the r e l a t e d d i s c i p l i n e s o f s o c i o l o g y , psychology, s o c i a l eco logy , s o c i a l psychology and envi ronmental psychology. 1.5 D e f i n i t i o n o f Terms The terms "c rowd ing " and " d e n s i t y " have f r e q u e n t l y been used i n t e r -changeably in the l i t e r a t u r e , c o n t r i b u t i n g not on ly to a general con fus ion in the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f f i n d i n g s , but the lack o f development o f a broad t h e o r e t i c a l pe rspec t i ve w i t h which to approach the e f f e c t s o f l i m i t e d space or h igh popu la t i on d e n s i t i e s ( S t o k o l s , 1972). In a d d i t i o n , both "c rowd ing" and "ove rc rowd ing" have o f t e n been used t o r e f e r t o the occupancy o f persons per room or d w e l l i n g u n i t . Chapter 8 o f t h i s study inc ludes suggested d e f i n i t i o n s o f both " c rowd ing " and " d e n s i t y " f o r f u t u r e research purposes. "Crowding" has not been de f ined here in o rder to avo id c o n f u s i o n , a l though a p rec i se meaning has been suggested in Chapter 8. The d e f i n i t i o n s o f " d e n s i t y " and "ove rc rowd ing" shown below r e f l e c t those used in both North American and B r i t i s h c u r r e n t p lann ing p r a c t i c e . 8 Densi ty is de f ined as a phys ica l measurement denot ing the l i m i t a t i o n o f space ( S t o k o l s , 1972). In common p lann ing p r a c t i c e , d e n s i t y may be measured by one o r both o f the f o l l o w i n g methods: - number o f persons o r d w e l l i n g u n i t s / g r o s s r e s i d e n t i a l acre - number o f persons o r d w e l l i n g u n i t s / n e t r e s i d e n t i a l acre Gross r e s i d e n t i a l acreage r e f e r s t o land used f o r r e s i d e n t i a l purposes, i n c l u d i n g s t r e e t a l lowances, lanes , and o t h e r p u b l i c land uses ( e . g . , pa rks , elementary schoo ls , shopping c e n t r e s , h e a l t h , r e c r e a t i o n a l c e n t r e s ) . Th is term is f r e q u e n t l y in terchanged in the l i t e r a t u r e w i t h dens i t y per "g ross neighborhood a c r e " . High d e n s i t y . No at tempt has been made to d e f i n e h igh d e n s i t y in terms o f d w e l l i n g u n i t s o r persons per a c r e , s ince human e f f e c t s o f h igh d e n s i t y have been a t t r i b u t e d to not on ly h igh r i s e development, which by North American and B r i t i s h standards achieves a maximum o f between 200-300 persons per net r e s i d e n t i a l a c r e , but t o "apar tment " accommodation ( l a r g e l y synonymous w i t h m u l t i p l e d w e l l i n g u n i t ) . High d e n s i t y , t hen , i s de f ined broad ly in t h i s s tudy , g e n e r a l l y r e f e r r i n g t o m u l t i p l e d w e l l i n g u n i t s . " Abrams de f i ned a " m u l t i p l e d w e l l i n g " as ". . .a building composed of three or move dwelling units, usually having common access, service system, and use of land " u a n a ' . (Abrams, 1971: 95) Overcrowding is a measure o f the number o f persons per room o r d w e l l i n g u n i t . Abrams de f i ned overcrowding as "Too many persons living in too few rooms or too small an area. In the United States an occupancy ratio in excess of one person per room is considered overcrowding, but standards vary considerably across the world depending on cultural factors and housing resources." (Abrams, 1971: 216) Net r e s i d e n t i a l acreage is the most common measurement o f d e n s i t y u t i l i z e d in present p lann ing p r a c t i c e in North American and Great B r i t a i n . I t r e f e r s t o a measurement o f the land area used f o r r e s i d e n t i a l purposes, e x c l u d i n g s t r e e t a l lowances and land used f o r p u b l i c and o t h e r n o n r e s i d e n t i a l purposes. Th is term is f r e q u e n t l y in terchanged in the l i t e r a t u r e w i t h dens i t y per "ne t l o t a c r e " . 9 Res iden t ia l environment is used a lmos t l y e x c l u s i v e l y as pa r t o f the phrase " h i g h d e n s i t y in the r e s i d e n t i a l env i ronment " . Genera l l y , t h i s phrase serves to emphasize tha t t h i s study is concerned on ly w i t h h igh dens i t y l i v i n g , as opposed to crowded o f f i c e s , crowded c i t i e s , e t c . High d e n s i t y in the r e s i d e n t i a l environment r e f e r s t o : overcrowded d w e l l i n g u n i t s , inadequate assoc ia ted indoor o r outdoor space ( p u b l i c , p r i v a t e o r s e m i - p r i v a t e ) , and/or crowded community f a c i l i t i e s . Stress " . . .is the rate of all the wear and tear caused by life . . . . " and does not n e c e s s a r i l y imply adverse e f f e c t s . St ress may be produced by many o r a l l agents ; yet i t i s mani fested by a s p e c i f i c syndrome. The same s t r e s s t h a t has negat ive e f f e c t s f o r one i n d i v i d u a l may be i n v i g o r a t i n g f o r another (Se lye , 1956). 10 Chapter 2 DENSITY, PATHOLOGY & SOCIAL DISORGANIZATION 2.1 C o r r e l a t i o n a l Studies Many, i f not most e m p i r i c a l l y based conc lus ions concerning the e f f e c t o f l i m i t e d r e s i d e n t i a l space o r h igh r e s i d e n t i a l p o p u l a t i o n d e n s i t i e s on human behavior and hea l t h have been drawn from s tud ies demonst ra t ing s i g n i f i c a n t s t a t i s t i c a l a s s o c i a t i o n s between measures o f d e n s i t y and va r ious i n d i c a t o r s o f s o c i a l d i s o r g a n i z a t i o n and pa tho logy . These s t u d i e s inc lude those p e r t a i n i n g more s t r i c t l y to va r ious measures o f housing o r popu la t i on d e n s i t y based on census d a t a , as we l l as a rea l c o r r e l a t i o n s , i . e . , data based on some o t h e r measure o f land area than census t r a c t s . Both " o v e r c r o w d i n g " o f d w e l l i n g u n i t s ( u s u a l l y d e f i n e d as 1.01 persons or more per room) and " h i g h d e n s i t y " (a measure o f the number o f persons per net o r gross r e s i d e n t i a l acre) have produced p o s i t i v e c o r r e -l a t i o n s w i t h s t a t i s t i c a l i n d i c a t o r s o f j u v e n i l e de l inquency , a d u l t c r ime , mental i l l n e s s , t u b e r c u l o s i s , i n f a n t and a d u l t m o r t a l i t y , e t c . These f i n d i n g s warrant c lose i n v e s t i g a t i o n not on ly because o f t h e i r f requen t c o n t r a d i c t o r y n a t u r e , but s ince the more c a r e f u l l y c o n t r o l l e d s tud ies have prov ided f u r t h e r i n s i g h t i n t o the complex i ty o f t h i s a s s o c i a t i o n . Authors o f popular l i t e r a t u r e on t h i s sub jec t f r e q u e n t l y imply a causal r e l a t i o n s h i p between overcrowding o r h igh d e n s i t y , and s o c i a l (group) and i n d i v i d u a l p a t h o l o g i e s . Most authors o f h igh d e n s i t y c o r r e -l a t i o n a l s t u d i e s , however, not on ly emphasize the d i f f i c u l t i e s inherent in i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f c o r r e l a t i o n a l a n a l y s i s to the leve l o f the i n d i v i d u a l , 11 but f r e q u e n t l y s t ress t ha t p o s i t i v e c o r r e l a t i o n s do not n e c e s s a r i l y prove cause -e f fec t r e l a t i o n s h i p s . The general acceptance o f a causal r e l a t i o n s h i p is never the less ev ident in much o f the popular l i t e r a t u r e on the dangerous e f f e c t s o f crowding and h igh d e n s i t y , as we l l as in community response t o increased housing d e n s i t i e s in many urban areas . The concern t h a t overcrowding o f rooms w i t h i n d w e l l i n g u n i t s i s assoc ia ted w i t h poor h e a l t h has a long h i s t o r y in Canada. The 1930's and 'AO's were p a r t i c u l a r l y marked by an awareness o f an a s s o c i a t i o n between communicable disease and overc rowd ing , poor housing c o n d i t i o n s and/or b l i g h t e d c e n t r a l urban a reas , as r e f l e c t e d in the Bruce Report^ (193*0, 2 the C u r t i s Report (19^) and the fo rma t ion o f the C i t i z e n ' s Housing and Planning A s s o c i a t i o n in Toronto in ISkk (Rose, 1958). Present day concern over the e f f e c t s o f both overcrowding o f d w e l l i n g u n i t s and h igh d e n s i t y housing in Canada has been noted e a r l i e r , in the Foulkes Report to the Province o f B r i t i s h Columbia (Fou lkes, 1973)-C o r r e l a t i o n a l analyses demonst ra t ing s t a t i s t i c a l a s s o c i a t i o n s between both overcrowding and h igh d e n s i t y and ra tes o f pathology and s o c i a l d i s o r g a n i z a t i o n have been c a r r i e d ou t l a r g e l y in the Uni ted Sta tes and Asian c o u n t r i e s s ince the e a r l y 1950's. Stud ies o f the e f f e c t s o f ove r -crowding occur red in Great B r i t a i n in the 1930's as w e l l , but the survey o f the l i t e r a t u r e between the e a r l y 1950's and 197^  revealed no c o r r e l a t i o n a l s tud ies o f t h i s type in Canada. Two o f the e a r l i e s t i n v e s t i g a t i o n s prov ided evidence t h a t both overcrowding and h igh d e n s i t y are assoc ia ted w i t h forms o f patho logy o r soc ia l d i s o r g a n i z a t i o n . S c h m i t t ' s Honolulu s tudy , which u t i l i z e d f i v e separate measures o f p o p u l a t i o n d e n s i t y based on census d a t a , demonstrated t h a t o n l y two o f these — p o p u l a t i o n per net a c r e , and per cent o f u n i t s w i t h 1.51 o r more persons per room - - showed c o n s i s t e n t and s t r o n g l y p o s i t i v e c o r r e l a t i o n w i t h j u v e n i l e de l inquency and a d u l t cr ime (Schmi t t , 1957). Lor ing (1956) found s i m i l a r r e s u l t s in h is Boston study o f s o c i a l d i s o r g a n i z a t i o n . Most o f the d e n s i t y items which were p o s i t i v e l y 12 assoc ia ted w i t h s o c i a l d i s o r g a n i z a t i o n in L o r i n g ' s study were r e l a t e d t o a space component ( e . g . , average p r i v a t e and common space) , but two r e l a t e d to the number o f i n t e r a c t i n g i n d i v i d u a l s and uses ( i . e . , an envi ronmental index i n c l u d i n g d i s tance from r e c r e a t i o n and o the r community f a c i l i t i e s , and mixed r e s i d e n t i a l and business u s e ) . Lor ing hypothes ized , however, on the bas is o f h i s f i n d i n g s tha t the ". . .over-density presented by usage of housing and neighborhood space may aggravate or accelerate} not  cause or motivate, any tendency to disorganization in a personality or group. " (Loring3 1956: 167) Other s tud ies have prov ided c o n t r a d i c t o r y evidence on whether overcrowding or h igh d e n s i t y is the more s i g n i f i c a n t v a r i a b l e in r e l a t i o n to soc ia l d i s o r g a n i z a t i o n or pa tho logy . The i m p l i c a t i o n s o f these f i n d i n g s may be best understood by a separate examinat ion o f these issues. 2.11 Overcrowding o f Dwel l ing Un i ts M a r t i n ' s review o f a cons ide rab le number o f B r i t i s h s tud ies between t h e - e a r l y 1930's and 1961 led him t o conclude t h a t t he re is a c l e a r a s s o c i a t i o n between overcrowding and both h igh m o r t a l i t y ra tes and inc idence o f phys ica l d isease ( M a r t i n , 1967). Pover ty was h i g h l y c o r r e l a t e d w i t h overcrowding in one s tudy , however, and Mar t i n a l so noted t h a t c o r r e l a t i o n s in o t h e r s tud ies were app rec iab l y reduced when s o c i a l c lass was held c o n s t a n t . M a r t i n caut ioned t h a t s tud ies us ing m u l t i v a r i a t e c o r r e l a t i o n techniques can g i ve o n l y a very general i n d i c a t i o n o f the i n d i v i d u a l impor-tance o f the more prominent f a c t o r s , and t h a t apar t f rom overcrowding in hous ing, the complex i n t e r r e l a t i o n s h i p s o f a l l the p e r s o n a l , s o c i a l , economic, env i ronmenta l , and housing f a c t o r s must be considered ( M a r t i n , 1967). Aga in , Lander 's massive study o f j u v e n i l e de l inquency demonstrated a c lose correspondence between overcrowding and ra tes o f j u v e n i l e de l inquency , a l though substandard housing c o n d i t i o n s were e q u a l l y important 13 at the sur face leve l o f c o r r e l a t i o n . Both overcrowding and substandard housing showed no a s s o c i a t i o n w i t h j u v e n i l e de l inquency , however, when o t h e r v a r i a b l e s were held c o n s t a n t . Lander f i n a l l y exp la ined d i f f e r e n t i a l de l inquency ra tes in terms o f the concept o f anomie; i . e . , when group norms are no longer b ind ing or v a l i d in an area o r f o r a p o p u l a t i o n subgroup, i n d i v i d u a l behavior may lead t o dev ian t behavior (Lander, 195*0. Marse l la e t a l (1970) r e c e n t l y exp lored the r e l a t i o n s h i p between overcrowding and mental d i s o r d e r s in Man i l a , an ext remely overcrowded Asian c i t y . Overcrowding was i n v e s t i g a t e d on ly f o r i t s e f f e c t s on urban male marr ied F i l i p i n o s . Both overcrowding and low soc ia l c lass s t a t u s were assoc ia ted w i t h psychosomatic d i s o r d e r s and a n x i e t y , as w e l l as f e e l i n g s o f anger, f r u s t r a t i o n and w i t h d r a w a l . The t h i r d p a t t e r n , express ion o f a n x i e t y and v i o l e n c e , was independent o f s o c i a l c l a s s , i . e . , was found among sub jec ts w i t h both low and high income and e d u c a t i o n . Rather than conc lud ing tha t overcrowding leads t o mental d i s o r d e r s , the authors suggested t h a t i t operates o n l y as one o f a wide number o f v a r i a b l e s : "That is to say, lower-class individuals typically face many stresses such as housing, financial and status difficulties, and these obviously contribute to the ' patterns that emerge just as much as the overcrowding variable. " (Marsella et al, 1970: 292) The authors suggested t h a t f u t u r e s tud ies should exp lo re the e f f e c t o f p e r s o n a l i t y , among o t h e r c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f the i n d i v i d u a l , and a l so po in ted out the need t o i d e n t i f y c u l t u r a l d i f f e r e n c e s in the use o f space. There is an i n d i c a t i o n t h a t overcrowding in the P h i l i p p i n e s may t o some ex ten t be a f u n c t i o n o f choice o r s o c i a l norms, as evidenced by M a r s e l l a ' s remark t ha t even h igh income F i l i p i n o s l i v e in la rge houses t h a t are f r e q u e n t l y overcrowded (Marse l la e t a l , 1970). I t i s we l l recognized t h a t Hong Kong has ext remely h igh r e s i d e n t i a l d e n s i t i e s in comparison w i t h North American or western European s tandards . T h i r t e e n census t r a c t s in Hong Kong exceed 2,000 persons per gross a c r e , w h i l e the average household s ize is k.5 persons (Schmi t t , 1963). The median s i z e o f d w e l l i n g u n i t s in the co lony is A00 square f e e t , w i t h a median o f on ly k3 square f e e t o f l i v i n g space per person ( M i t c h e l l , 1971). 14 A v e r a g e A m e r i c a n c i t i e s se ldom exceed 150 p e r s o n s p e r g r o s s a c r e , a l t h o u g h t h e h i g h e s t r e s i d e n t i a l d e n s i t y i n t h e U.S. has been r e c o r d e d as 1,300 p e r s o n s per a c r e o f g r o u n d space i n s e v e r a l b l o c k s in M a n h a t t a n ( S c h m i t t , 1 9 6 3 ) . Maximum d e n s i t i e s f o r a p a r t m e n t deve lopmen t i n Canada a r e a p p r o x i -3 m a t e l y 2 0 0 - 3 0 0 p e r s o n s p e r n e t l o t a c r e . D e s p i t e t h e h i g h d e g r e e o f o v e r c r o w d i n g o f d w e l l i n g u n i t s i n Hong Kong, h o w e v e r , M i t c h e l l ' s i n v e s t i g a t i o n o f t h e e f f e c t s o f i n t e r n a l c r o w d i n g i n t h a t c i t y l e d h im t o c o n c l u d e t h a t t h i s f o r m o f h i g h d e n s i t y has v e r y l i t t l e e f f e c t , o r o n l y a v e r y l i m i t e d range o f e f f e c t s , on i n d i v i d u a l s and f a m i l i e s , ". . .although there is a suggestion that congestion is a potentially significant stress. " (Mitchell, 1971: 18) M i t c h e l l f o u n d t h a t o v e r c r o w d i n g w i t h i n d w e l l i n g u n i t s does n o t a f f e c t deeper and more b a s i c l e v e l s o f e m o t i o n a l s t r a i n and h o s t i l i t y , c o n t r a r y t o t h e f i n d i n g s o f M a r s e l l a (1970) a b o v e . S u p e r f i c i a l m a n i f e s t a t i o n s , i . e . , w o r r y and u n h a p p i n e s s , d i d a p p e a r t o be a f f e c t e d by o v e r c r o w d i n g , b u t when s t a t i s t i c a l c o n t r o l s were a p p l i e d f o r b o t h l o w - i n c o m e and l o w -e d u c a t i o n , o v e r c r o w d i n g a f f e c t e d w o r r y and u n h a p p i n e s s o n l y among l o w -income f a m i l i e s . Most o f t h e l i m i t e d e f f e c t s o f o v e r c r o w d i n g p e r t a i n e d t o t h e f a b r i c o f s o c i a l l i f e and s o c i a l c o n t r o l i n n e i g h b o r h o o d s , o r t o c o n g e s t i o n ( s i m u l t a n e o u s demands f o r t h e use o f v e r y l i m i t e d r e s o u r c e s ) . D o u b l i n g - u p o f n o n r e l a t e d h o u s e h o l d s i n one d w e l l i n g u n i t t e n d e d t o c r e a t e s t r e s s f u l s i t u a t i o n s , and o v e r c r o w d i n g a l s o f a c i l i t a t e d low p a r e n t a l c o n t r o l o v e r c h i l d r e n , i n t h e sense t h a t p a r e n t s had l e s s knowledge o f and c o n t r o l o v e r t h e i r c h i l d r e n ' s a c t i v i t i e s ( M i t c h e l l , 1 9 7 1 ) . G a l l e , Gove and McPherson (1972) have added t h e most r e c e n t c o n t r o v e r s i a l e v i d e n c e i n t h e g r o w i n g number o f f i n d i n g s g e n e r a t e d by c o r r e l a t i o n a l a n a l y s i s on t h e e f f e c t s o f o v e r c r o w d i n g . They have s u g g e s t e d t h a t o v e r c r o w d i n g may have a s e r i o u s impac t on human b e h a v i o r , a l t h o u g h a t t h e same t i m e t h e s e a u t h o r s emphas ized t h a t t h e i r s t u d y does n o t p r o v e t h e r e i s a c a u s a l r e l a t i o n between d e n s i t y and s o c i a l p a t h o l o g y . G a l l e e t a l used f o u r d i f f e r e n t measures o f p o p u l a t i o n d e n s i t y t o a s c e r t a i n t h e 15 a s s o c i a t i o n between these and f i v e ind ices o f soc ia l pathology in Chicago. The number o f persons per room was the most impor tant component o f d e n s i t y f o r ra tes o f m o r t a l i t y , f e r t i l i t y , p u b l i c a s s i s t a n c e , and j u v e n i l e del inquency (Ga l le e t a l , 1972). The e f f e c t s o f soc ia l c lass and e t h n i c i t y in G a l l e ' s study w i l l be d e a l t w i t h in a l a t e r s e c t i o n , along w i t h an examinat ion o f a t h e o r e t i c a l c o n t r i b u t i o n by these authors to the study o f the r e l a t i o n o f d e n s i t y t o pa tho logy . Ga l le e t a l made some important o b s e r v a t i o n s , however, which a s s i s t in the understanding o f how overcrowding i t s e l f may r e l a t e t o pa tho logy : ". . .as the number of persons in a dwelling increases, so will the number of social obligations, as well as the need to inhibit individual desires. . . . It would seem reasonable to expect that people would react to the incessant demands, stimulation, and lack of privacy resulting from overcrowding with irritability, weariness and withdrawal. Furthermore, people are likely to be so completely involved in reacting to their environment that it becomes extremely difficult for them to step back, look for themselves, and plan ahead. . . . We might expect the behavior of human beings in an over-crowded environment to be primarily a response to their immediate situation and to reflect relatively little regard for the long-range consequences of their acts. " (Galle, Gove & McPherson, 1972: 28) These s tud ies have indeed demonstrated t h a t overcrowding has been s t a t i s t i c a l l y r e l a t e d t o some forms o f soc ia l patho logy on the sur face leve l o f c o r r e l a t i o n . The i n f l u e n c e o f p o v e r t y , substandard hous ing, low soc ia l c lass s t a t u s and o t h e r v a r i a b l e s cannot be ignored , however, to the ex ten t t h a t these f a c t o r s change o r i g i n a l s t a t i s t i c a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s . The remarks o f Gal le et a l f u r t h e r suggest tha t the e f f e c t s o f a r e l a t i v e l y h igh number o f i n t e r a c t i n g i n d i v i d u a l s w i t h i n a g iven l i v i n g space tends to produce increased s o c i a l o b l i g a t i o n s , as we l l as g r e a t e r demands on the i n d i v i d u a l t o respond to h is soc ia l envi ronment . An examinat ion o f the e f f e c t s o f h igh popu la t i on dens i t y per g iven u n i t o f r e s i d e n t i a l land prov ides f u r t h e r i n s i g h t i n t o the i n f l uence o f these and o ther v a r i a b l e s on the r e l a t i o n between d e n s i t y , pathology and soc ia l d i s o r g a n i z a t i o n . 16 2 . 1 2 High Popu la t ion Densi ty Approaches to the study o f the e f f e c t s o f h igh p o p u l a t i o n d e n s i t y f a l l i n t o two general c a t e g o r i e s : (a) urban e c o l o g i c a l , i . e . , a rea l i n v e s t i g a t i o n s (based on " n a t u r a l areas o f a c i t y " ) , and (b) c o r r e l a t i o n analyses based on popu la t i on per r e s i d e n t i a l ac re . Urban Eco log ica l S tud ies . The f i r s t o f these approaches invo lves the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n o f the inc idence o f c e r t a i n pa tho log ies in a c i t y , as they correspond to p a r t i c u l a r subcommunities or " n a t u r a l " areas w i t h i n i t s boundar ies. Eco log ica l o r area l s tud ies have formed a major pa r t o f the research i n t e r e s t s o f the Chicago (or Park) school o f s o c i o l o g y . The s o c i a l patho logy o f the c i t y was a c e n t r a l a l though not e x c l u s i v e i n t e r e s t o f these urban s o c i o l o g i s t s , drawing them i n t o the study o f behav io ra l d i s o r d e r s , e s p e c i a l l y in the slums, t r a n s i e n t room-house d i s t r i c t s , and the d e t e r -i o r a t i n g areas a d j o i n i n g the expanding c e n t r a l business d i s t r i c t . McHarg, f o r example, s tud ied the s p e c i f i c environments o f p h y s i c a l , mental and s o c i a l h e a l t h in P h i l a d e l p h i a by mapping data f o r these ca tegor ies on t r a n s p a r e n c i e s , a long w i t h o t h e r i n f o r m a t i o n on d e n s i t y , e t h n i c i t y , economic parameters, e t c . Summary maps i n d i c a t e d tha t the hear t o f the c i t y was the hear t o f pa tho logy ; in the absence o f s t a t i s t i c a l c o r r e l a t i o n s , McHarg concluded tha t the " o b v i o u s " , most impor tant c o r r e l a t i o n was d e n s i t y (McHarg, 1 9 7 1 ) . Pover ty , unemployment, overcrowding and i l l i t e r a c y data a l so co inc ided w i t h the c e n t r a l c i t y o f P h i l a d e l p h i a t o a cons ide rab le e x t e n t . Winsborough used a somewhat s i m i l a r approach to i n v e s t i g a t e the r e l a t i o n s h i p between gross p o p u l a t i o n d e n s i t y and ind ices o f s o c i a l d i s -o r g a n i z a t i o n as they occurred in some s e v e n t y - f i v e Community Areas in Chicago, a l though c o r r e l a t i o n a n a l y s i s was a p p l i e d to de tec t the degree o f a s s o c i a t i o n between dens i t y and these v a r i a b l e s . A l l but one o f the v a r i a b l e s showed a p o s i t i v e c o r r e l a t i o n w i t h popu la t i on d e n s i t y ; i . e . , the h igher d e n s i t y , the h igher the ra tes o f s o c i a l d i s o r g a n i z a t i o n . A f t e r 17 c o n t r o l l i n g f o r socioeconomic s t a t u s , q u a l i t y o f housing and m i g r a t i o n , however, th ree ra tes o f d i s o r g a n i z a t i o n changed t o a s t rong negat ive a s s o c i a t i o n , one remained p o s i t i v e , and the f i n a l showed no a s s o c i a t i o n w i t h d e n s i t y (Winsborough, 1965)-Schmit t (1963) a l so used an urban e c o l o g i c a l approach to the study o f the e f f e c t s o f h igh popu la t i on d e n s i t y in Hong Kong; h is conc lus ions were l a r g e l y s i m i l a r to those of M i t c h e l l (1971) f o r t ha t c i t y . Overa l l ra tes o f m o r b i d i t y , m o r t a l i t y and s o c i a l d i s o r g a n i z a t i o n f o r Hong Kong were found t o be we l l below s i m i l a r f i g u r e s f o r the Uni ted Sta tes as a whole, d e s p i t e the e x c e p t i o n a l l y h igher d e n s i t i e s in Hong Kong. Schmit t suggested t h a t much o f the successfu l t o l e r a n c e o f h igh d e n s i t y and ove r -crowding in Hong Kong may stem from t r a d i t i o n a l Chinese l i v i n g p a t t e r n s which are asc r ibed p a r t l y to f a m i l y cohesiveness; however, the i n a b i l i t y o f most Hong Kong res iden ts to pay h igh commuter costs o f t r a n s p o r a t i o n , improvement from prev ious l i v i n g c o n d i t i o n s , and Chinese maintenance o f -o v e r a l l community h e a l t h by e f f i c i e n t a d m i n i s t r a t i o n must a l so be taken i n t o c o n s i d e r a t i o n (Schmi t t , 1963)• The apparen t l y successfu l t o l e r a n c e o f Hong Kong res iden ts t o ext remely h igh i n t e r n a l and ex te rna l r e s i d e n t i a l d e n s i t i e s may be a f u n c t i o n o f both c u l t u r e and a readiness to adapt to c i rcumstances which are not n e c e s s a r i l y a mat te r o f c h o i c e . Hugo-Brunt 's d e s c r i p t i o n o f the l i v i n g p a t t e r n s and the use o f urban space by Hong Kong r e s i d e n t s p rov ides i n s i g h t i n t o t h i s sugges t ion : "The resident Chinese are seemingly by nature, adaptable, gregarious and capable of utilizing the most meagre resources to enrich their environment. Their needs are few and simple: food, shelter and a livelihood. . . . Short of open space, provided with the simplest shelter and enjoying but the barest of necessities, the endurance, humour and sensitivity of the inhabitants has produced an environment which is mobile, exhila-rating and rich in experience. "The Chinese are city dwellers, not from choice but through circumstance, yet they have turned the street, the shop, the eating house and the tenement into theatre, market and community. All have blended together in an intricate and unusual social pattern. " (Hugo-Brunt, 1967: 488) The conno ta t ion o f the remainder o f Hugo-Brunt 's remarks is t ha t the Hong Kong res iden t not on ly spends a g rea t deal o f t ime out o f h is d w e l l i n g u n i t , but does so in an atmosphere c h a r a c t e r i z e d by a high degree o f i n t e r e s t , l i v e l i n e s s , and sense o f community and w e l l - b e i n g . A l though Schmit t (1963) suggested tha t p lanners in the Uni ted States should reexamine t h e i r own d e n s i t y standards in the l i g h t o f h i s f i n d i n g s , f u r t h e r i n v e s t i g a t i o n o f c u l t u r a l and o the r fo rces i n d i c a t e d above appears necessary f o r a b e t t e r understanding o f f a c t o r s which may c o n t r i b u t e t o the successfu l t o l e r a n c e o f such d e n s i t i e s . Popu la t ion Per Res iden t ia l Acre . Only a few authors have asser ted tha t h igh d e n s i t y expressed in p o p u l a t i o n per r e s i d e n t i a l acre has no d e l e t e r i o u s e f f e c t s . Jacobs, f o r example, suggested tha t overcrowding w i t h i n dwe l l i ngs or rooms is almost always a symptom o f p o v e r t y , and t h a t few people ever overcrowd by cho ice . Jacobs impl ied t h a t h igh p o p u l a t i o n d e n s i t i e s per r e s i d e n t i a l acre a r e , in f a c t , b e n e f i c i a l ; i . e . , dense concen t ra t i ons o f people are necessary t o help generate d i v e r s i t y in a c i t y neighborhood, as w e l l as depth in urban se rv i ces (Jacobs, 1961)= Alexander (1966) a l s o claimed the re is l i t t l e doubt t h a t ove r -crowding causes damage, but t h a t t h i s should not imply t h a t d e n s i t y o f popu la t i on per square m i l e should be reduced. A f t e r a review o f several c o r r e l a t i o n a l s t u d i e s , Alexander has o f f e r e d the f o l l o w i n g hypothes is t o f u l l y e x p l a i n a l l the observed c o r r e l a t i o n s : "Those social disorders apparently caused by density, are in fact caused by low income - education, and by social isolation. It is known that people who are poor, and badly educated, tend to live in high density areas. It is also known that people who are socially isolated tend to live in high density areas. Both variables are associated with high indices of social disorder." (Alexander, 1966: 47) I n v e s t i g a t i o n s o f the e f f e c t s o f h igh p o p u l a t i o n d e n s i t y per r e s i d e n t i a l acre o f land present somewhat c o n t r a d i c t o r y r e s u l t s . The f i r s t o f these s tud ies (Schmi t t , 1966) i n d i c a t e d tha t the d e n s i t y o f 19 persons per acre was the most important determinant o f pathology when overcrowding was held c o n s t a n t ; Gal le et a l ( 1 9 7 2 ) , however, found t h a t an equ iva len t measure o f persons per acre appeared to be r e l a t i v e l y un impor tan t . Resul ts o f a t h i r d study (Newman, 1972) i n d i c a t e d t h a t b u i l d i n g he igh t and type were necessary c o r r e l a t e s o f h igh cr ime r a t e s , but d e n s i t y was on ly c o i n c i d e n t a l to t h i s e f f e c t . S c h m i t t ' s second study o f Honolulu i n v e s t i g a t e d whether ove r -crowding o f d w e l l i n g u n i t s , versus h igh popu la t i on d e n s i t y , was more c l o s e l y i d e n t i f i e d w i t h poor hea l t h and s o c i a l d i s o r g a n i z a t i o n . Popu la t ion per net r e s i d e n t i a l acre was most c l o s e l y assoc ia ted w i t h these r a t e s , but the s t r e n g t h o f t h i s a s s o c i a t i o n was f u r t h e r v e r i f i e d by c o n t r o l l i n g the s p e c i f i c leve l o f i n t e r n a l crowding a t 1.01 o r more persons per room. The r e s u l t o f t h i s c o n t r o l was tha t ex te rna l ( o u t s i d e ) d e n s i t i e s " e x p l a i n e d " , o r were s t i l l p o s i t i v e l y assoc ia ted w i t h , ra tes o f pa tho logy . Cont ro ls f o r income and educat ion had no e f f e c t on the a s s o c i a t i o n between d e n s i t y per net acre and pathology (Schmi t t , 1 9 6 6 ) . The e f f e c t i v e n e s s o f S c h m i t t ' s c o n t r o l s f o r educat ion and income, however, may be quest ioned s ince both were set a t r e l a t i v e l y h igh l i m i t s . That i s , the c o n t r o l s may have had no e f f e c t s ince educat ion and income were not tes ted at t h e i r lower l e v e l s ( c f . , Freedman, 1 9 7 1 ) -G a l l e , Gove and McPherson ( 1 9 7 2 ) , as r e c a l l e d , found t h a t f o r m o r t a l i t y , f e r t i l i t y , p u b l i c ass is tance and j u v e n i l e de l inquency , the most important component o f dens i t y was persons per room, a measure o f ove r -crowding which the authors r e f e r r e d t o as " i n t e r p e r s o n a l p r e s s " . T h e second, but cons ide rab ly less important determinant o f the e f f e c t s o f d e n s i t y was housing u n i t s per s t r u c t u r e , a " s t r u c t u r a l f a c t o r " ^ o f d e n s i t y , roughly corresponding t o the number o f h igh r i s e apartment b u i l d i n g s in an a rea . The o t h e r two components o f d e n s i t y - - rooms per housing u n i t and s t r u c t u r e s per acre - - appeared t o be r e l a t i v e l y un impor tan t , a l though rooms per housing u n i t was s t r o n g l y r e l a t e d t o mental h o s p i t a l admissions (Gal le et a l , 1 9 7 2 ) . 20 Newman's recent i n v e s t i g a t i o n o f the e f f e c t s o f the phys ica l layout o f r e s i d e n t i a l environments on the c r i m i n a l v u l n e r a b i l i t y o f i n h a b i t a n t s i nd i ca ted t h a t cr ime ra te does not n e c e s s a r i l y c o r r e l a t e s p e c i f i c a l l y w i t h d e n s i t y o f u n i t s or popu la t i on per a c r e , but instead w i t h b u i l d i n g he igh t and t ype . He found t h a t h igh r i s e , e l e v a t o r - s e r v i c e d , double- loaded c o r r i d o r apartment b u i l d i n g s (seven s t o r i e s or g r e a t e r ) were assoc ia ted w i t h apprec iab ly h igher cr ime ra tes than t h e i r walk-up c o u n t e r p a r t s . Newman's a n a l y s i s was based on cr ime records f o r 100 p u b l i c housing p r o j e c t s in New York C i t y , i n c l u d i n g a wide v a r i a t i o n o f housing types and p r o j e c t s i t e p lans . Soc ia l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f the popu la t i on were held constant so t ha t o n l y the phys ica l form o f b u i l d i n g s was a l lowed to v a r y . The r e s u l t s i n d i c a t e d t h a t w h i l e soc ia l v a r i a b l e s played a key r o l e in account ing f o r o v e r a l l v a r i a t i o n s in c r ime , phys ica l v a r i a b l e s had a compounding i n f l u e n c e and a r e l a t i v e l y s t rong i n f l u e n c e upon cr imes in p a r t i c u l a r l o c a t i o n s . The p r e c i s e na tu re o f the i n t e r r e l a t i o n s h i p o f phys ica l f e a t u r e s , s o c i a l v a r i a b l e s and cr ime was not i n v e s t i g a t e d , s ince Newman was concerned p r i m a r i l y w i t h the i n f l u e n c e o f phys ica l design f e a t u r e s (Newman, 1 9 7 2 ) . C o r r e l a t i o n s between d e n s i t y and cr ime ra tes revealed t h e r e was no ev iden t p a t t e r n up t o a d e n s i t y o f 50 u n i t s per ac re ; above t h i s , however, cr ime ra te increased p r o p o r t i o n a t e l y w i t h d e n s i t y . Newman exp la ined t h i s phenomenon by the f a c t t h a t in New York C i t y , p u b l i c housing p r o j e c t s above 50 u n i t s per acre are con f ined to h igh r i s e , double- loaded c o r r i d o r b u i l d i n g s , the o p t i o n t h a t s t r o n g l y c o r r e l a t e d w i t h cr ime r a t e ^ (Newman, 1 9 7 2 ) . However, o t h e r evidence demonstrates t ha t pover ty is unmistakeably c o r r e l a t e d w i t h both the c r i m i n a l and the v i c t i m o f c r ime . The Report o f the Nat iona l Commission on the Causes £ Prevent ion o f V io lence (1970) i nd i ca ted t h a t v i o l e n t cr imes in c i t i e s in the Uni ted States are committed p r i m a r i l y by i n d i v i d u a l s at the lower end o f the income and occupat iona l sca le (an important m i n o r i t y o f whom are unemployed), w h i l e v i c t i m i z a t i o n ra tes f o r such crimes are a l so much h igher in lower-income groups. V i o l e n t 21 crime was found most o f t e n in urban areas c h a r a c t e r i z e d by low-income, l ow-educa t ion , h igh unemployment, r a c i a l and e t h n i c c o n c e n t r a t i o n s , and a combinat ion o f o the r f a c t o r s i n c l u d i n g overcrowding and h igh p o p u l a t i o n d e n s i t y . The Commission no ted , however, t h a t cr ime and del inquency were s t r o n g l y assoc ia ted w i t h neighborhoods d i s r u p t e d by p o p u l a t i o n movements and soc ia l change (F ina l Report o f the Nat iona l Commission on the Causes & Prevent ion o f V io lence , 1 9 7 0 ) . C o r r e l a t i o n a l s tud ies on overcrowding o f d w e l l i n g u n i t s and h igh popu la t i on d e n s i t y c i t e d above demonstrate t h a t both these d e n s i t y f a c t o r s have been p o s i t i v e l y c o r r e l a t e d w i t h patho logy and s o c i a l d i s o r g a n i z a t i o n . An e q u a l l y important o b s e r v a t i o n , however, i s t ha t soc ia l s t r u c t u r e v a r i a b l e s have f r e q u e n t l y co inc ided w i t h both d e n s i t y and pa tho logy . The important ques t ion t h a t must be posed is whether d e n s i t y has a d i r e c t c a u s e - e f f e c t r e l a t i o n s h i p w i t h pa tho logy , or do soc ia l s t r u c t u r e v a r i a b l e s account f o r both popu la t i on d e n s i t y and pathology? Th is problem a l s o suggests another p o s s i b i l i t y , in which both d e n s i t y and s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e v a r i a b l e s may be r e l a t e d t o the inc idence o f pa tho logy . These a l t e r n a t i v e s have not on ly been cons idered , but i l l u s t r a t e d in the form o f t h ree conceptual models by Ga l le et a l (1972) in the course o f t h e i r research . The f i r s t o f these (F igure 1) is- based on the assumption t h a t d e n s i t y has a s imple c a u s e - e f f e c t r e l a t i o n s h i p w i t h pa tho logy ; t h a t i s , the h igher the d e n s i t y , the h igher the pa tho logy . The u in the model i nd i ca tes unmeasured v a r i a b l e s not taken i n t o account t ha t a f f e c t p a t h o l o g i c a l behav io r . u i Dens i t y ^Pa tho logy FIGURE 1 Densi ty as a Cause-Ef fect R e l a t i o n s h i p (Ga l le et a l , 1972: 25) 22 The second model takes i n t o c o n s i d e r a t i o n the f a c t t ha t the lower g one 's soc ia l c lass and e t h n i c s t a t u s , the more l i k e l y a person is to l i v e in areas w i t h a high popu la t i on d e n s i t y . F igure 2. assumes tha t c lass and e t h n i c i t y , or s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e v a r i a b l e s , may account f o r the v a r i a t i o n s in both p o p u l a t i o n d e n s i t y and pa tho logy , w i t h no causal r e l a t i o n between d e n s i t y and pa tho logy ; i . e . , d e n s i t y is on ly s p u r i o u s l y (not genu ine ly ) r e l a t e d t o pa tho logy . Soc ia l S t r u c t u r e Var iab les Dens i t y FIGURE 2. Densi ty as a Spurious Re la t i on (Ga l le e t a l , 1972: 25) Figure 3. demonstrates the p o s s i b i l i t y o f d e n s i t y a c t i n g as an i n t e r v e n i n g v a r i a b l e between s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e v a r i a b l e s and pa tho logy . The t h i r d model assumes t h a t c lass and e t h n i c i t y may a f f e c t d e n s i t y , and d e n s i t y may, in t u r n , a f f e c t the p a t h o l o g i e s ; but i t a l so assumes t h a t the s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e v a r i a b l e s may a f f e c t pathology in a manner u n r e l a t e d t o d e n s i t y . Ga l le e t a l accepted the t h i r d model ( d e n s i t y as an i n t e r v e n i n g v a r i a b l e ) on the basis o f a c a r e f u l a n a l y s i s o f the c o n t r i b u t i o n s made by c l a s s , e t h n i c i t y , and the f o u r d e n s i t y components. Working from e i t h e r e f f e c t to cause ( f rom pathology to d e n s i t y ) , or f rom e a r l i e s t cause t o e f f e c t ( f rom s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e v a r i a b l e s t o p a t h o l o g y ) , the independent e f f e c t o f increments added by e i t h e r the s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e v a r i a b l e s o r by the components o f d e n s i t y was f a i r l y s m a l l . The r e s u l t s , t hen , were •3*Pathology 23 FIGURE 3. Densi ty as an In te rven ing V a r i a b l e (Ga l le e t a l , 1972: 25) compat ib le w i t h the assumption in F igure 3-, where c lass and e t h n i c i t y a f f e c t d e n s i t y , o r a f f e c t pathology in ways u n r e l a t e d to d e n s i t y , w h i l e d e n s i t y may a l so a f f e c t the p a t h o l o g i e s . The authors s t ressed they assumed, however, t h a t s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e v a r i a b l e s "cause" d e n s i t y , which ignores the p o s s i b i l i t y t h a t d e n s i t y "causes" the s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e v a r i a b l e s through s e l e c t i v e m i g r a t i o n (Ga l le e t a l , 1972). Related research does p rov ide evidence t h a t s e l e c t i v e m o b i l i t y , or a c e r t a i n k ind o f " d r i f t " , may account to a cons iderab le ex ten t f o r the o v e r - r e p r e s e n t a t i o n o f c e r t a i n pa tho log ies in congested, d e t e r i o r a t i n g subareas o f the c i t y . Fa r i s and Dunham, f o r example, found a h igher c o n c e n t r a t i o n o f p a t i e n t s w i t h sch izophren ia in c e r t a i n congested, s o c i a l l y d isorgan ized areas o f Chicago (Fa r i s & Dunham, 1939), but upon subsequent r e - i n v e s t i g a t i o n o f these f i n d i n g s , Dunham r e j e c t e d the idea t h a t s c h i z o -phren ia is indigenous e i t h e r t o a p a r t i c u l a r community or soc ia l c l a s s . I ns tead , Dunham concluded tha t c e r t a i n fo rces w i t h i n the soc ia l system, i . e . , s e l e c t i v e m o b i l i t y , i n f l u e n c e the c o n c e n t r a t i o n o f sch izophren ia -p rone f a m i l i e s in c e r t a i n p a r t s o f the c i t y . Changes in t reatment o f p s y c h i a t r i c d i s o r d e r s r e s u l t i n g in sch izophren ic p a t i e n t s spending most o f t h e i r l i v e s in the community, as we l l as changes in mental h o s p i t a l a d m i n i s t r a t i v e procedures, have t r a n s f e r r e d y e s t e r d a y ' s h o s p i t a l problem f o r the d i sab led p a t i e n t t o the community (Roman & W i l d e r , 1967). 2k Timms prov ided f u r t h e r evidence tha t s e l e c t i v e p o p u l a t i o n m o b i l i t y helps b r i n g about d e f i n i t e r e s i d e n t i a l p a t t e r n s f o r mental p a t i e n t s and c r i m i n a l s . Timms found an a s s o c i a t i o n between the inc idence o f s o c i a l dev iancy, low occupat iona l s t a t u s , f a m i l y i n s t a b i l i t y , areas o f low r e s i d e n t i a l s ta tus and apartment d i s t r i c t s , and h igh p o p u l a t i o n t u r n o v e r . He hypothes ized , t hen , t ha t low s t a t u s background and low r e s i d e n t i a l s ta tus in areas c h a r a c t e r i z e d by a breakdown in s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n and normat ive c o n t r o l s leads t o the o v e r - r e p r e s e n t a t i o n o f v a r i o u s types o f soc ia l deviance (Timms, 1 9 6 5 ) -G a l l e ' s model (F igure 3 . ) appears t o syn thes ize much o f the complex i ty o f the r e l a t i o n between d e n s i t y and pa tho logy , in t h a t s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e v a r i a b l e s seem t o have as much e f f e c t on the observab le pa tho log ies as do components o f d e n s i t y . Th is model depends t o a c o n s i -derab le e x t e n t , however, on the s p a t i a l co inc idence o f low s o c i a l c lass and e t h n i c s ta tus in h igh d e n s i t y r e s i d e n t i a l a reas . McHarg's s tudy o f Chicago v e r i f i e s t h i s assumption t o some ex ten t (McHarg, 1 9 7 1 ) . Canadian evidence a l so i n d i c a t e s t h a t urban pover ty (a reasonable equ iva len t o f low s o c i a l c lass s t a t u s ) is t y p i c a l l y loca ted in the downtown o f many Canadian c i t i e s ( e s p e c i a l l y Montreal and T o r o n t o ) . Urban pover ty in Canada is c h a r a c t e r i z e d by slum or poor housing c o n d i t i o n s near the c o r e , endemic unemployment, h igh cr ime r a t e s , d isadvantaged c h i l d r e n , e t c . ( L i t h w i c k , 1 9 7 0 ) . Whi le r e s i d e n t i a l d e n s i t y in the downtown may not n e c e s s a r i l y be h i g h , i t may be assumed t h a t the g r e a t e r i n t e n s i t y o f land use and mixed a c t i v i t i e s in a downtown c rea tes a h igher d e n s i t y o f i n t e r a c t i n g i n d i v i d u a l s . G a l l e ' s e t h n i c i t y index inc luded both f o r e i g n - b o r n res iden ts and major e t h n i c groups in the Uni ted S t a t e s . Whi le less is known concerning the urban s i t u a t i o n o f immigrants in Canada than t h a t o f p o v e r t y , in Montreal ". . .the densest area of immigrant residence is the central city, that part of the city where the lowest levels of income are found." (Lithwick, 1970: 90) 25 In Toron to , postwar immigrants c h a r a c t e r i s t i c a l l y l i v e in apartment d w e l l i n g s , w i t h the bulk o f l o w - q u a l i t y housing occupied by t h i s group. Both e t h n i c i t y and income in f l uence the housing choice o f immigrants , and crowding w i t h i n d w e l l i n g u n i t s is not uncommon. This does not n e c e s s a r i l y suggest a housing shortage f o r new immigrants, however. Overcrowding o f d w e l l i n g u n i t s in t h i s sense may be a f u n c t i o n o f both income and c h o i c e : "Sharing of facilities is an economical way for newly arrived immigrant households to minimize their expen-diture on housing, thereby enabling them to accumulate savings for later acquisition of their own homes. This transition-easing pattern of behavior is highly rational, and the all-too-easy inference is that those behaving in this way are bearing a heavy toll in terms of the 'social effects and human implications ' may lead to inappropriate policies." (Lithwick, 1970: 92) Immigrants may, in f a c t , be less s u s c e p t i b l e to the e f f e c t s o f h igher d e n s i t i e s than i n t e r n a l or r u r a l m i g r a n t s . The Canadian immigrant is requ i red t o meet c e r t a i n s k i l l requ i rements , which f r e q u e n t l y imp l ies a r e l a t i v e l y h igh leve l o f educat ion o r s p e c i a l i z e d t r a i n i n g , enab l ing the immigrant t o command the f a c i l i t i e s o f the c i t y more capably than h i s c o u n t e r p a r t , the r u r a l migrant ( c f . , L i t h w i c k , 1970). K e y f i t z , f o r example, suggested t h a t f i r s t migrant genera t ions t o the c i t y may be p a r t i c u l a r l y i l l - a d a p t e d t o the environmental c o n d i t i o n s encountered in h igh d e n s i t y a reas , w h i l e second- o r t h i r d - g e n e r a t i o n c i t y dwe l l e rs have learned t o p r o t e c t themselves aga ins t the great s t i m u l a t i o n o f the c i t y , are t y p i c a l l y more s u i t a b l y educated, and are p r o d u c t i v e enough in terms o f income to u t i l i z e a g r e a t e r v a r i e t y o f c i t y s e r v i c e s . K e y f i t z con t ras ted two types o f urban aggomerat ions: (a) h igh d e n s i t y c i t i e s in i n d u s t r i a l i z e d a f f l u e n t c o u n t r i e s , and (b) c i t i e s which are growing w i t h o u t access to resources o r i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n . He suggested t h a t r u r a l migrants t o the second type o f c i t y have l i t t l e to b u f f e r them from the s t r e s s o f h igh d e n s i t y l i v i n g ( K e y f i t z , 1972). 26 C o r r e l a t i o n a l s tud ies o f the e f f e c t s o f h igh d e n s i t i e s per g iven r e s i d e n t i a l area o f land and those o f the e f f e c t s o f overcrowding w i t h i n d w e l l i n g u n i t s have demonstrated a general s i m i l a r i t y . Both h igh " o u t s i d e " and h igh " i n s i d e " d e n s i t i e s have produced s i g n i f i c a n t s t a t i s t i c a l a s s o c i a t i o n s w i t h va r ious ind ices o f poor hea l t h and soc ia l d i s o r g a n i z a t i o n . In both cases, however, a number o f o the r v a r i a b l e s — e . g . , low-income, l ow-educa t ion , low s o c i a l c lass s t a t u s , m i g r a t i o n - - appeared t o be as important as the d e n s i t y v a r i a b l e s in t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p t o pathology and/or s o c i a l d i s o r g a n i z a t i o n . Perhaps the best conc lus ion tha t can be drawn from the above evidence is t h a t soc ia l s t r u c t u r e or o the r v a r i a b l e s may a f f e c t pa tho log ies (as we l l as d e n s i t y ) , w h i l e d e n s i t y may a l so a f f e c t pa tho log ies in a manner u n r e l a t e d to o ther v a r i a b l e s . That i s , a f u n c t i o n a l interdependence o f these v a r i a b l e s may " e x p l a i n " the h igher ra tes o f s o c i a l d i s o r g a n i z a t i o n and pa tho logy . The obvious i n f e r e n c e , however, is not t h a t e i t h e r o f these n e c e s s a r i l y "cause" such phenomenon, s ince the use o f c o r r e l a t i o n a l a n a l y s i s in i d e n t i f y i n g t r u e c a u s e - e f f e c t r e l a t i o n s invo lves some important l i m i t a t i o n s . These d i f f i c u l t i e s are descr ibed in the f o l l o w i n g s e c t i o n . 2.13 Summary: C o r r e l a t i o n a l Stud ies Despi te the p o t e n t i a l usefu lness o f c o r r e l a t i o n a l a n a l y s i s in i d e n t i f y i n g p r e v i o u s l y unconsidered a s s o c i a t i o n s w i t h pathology and soc ia l d i s o r g a n i z a t i o n , the r e s u l t s o f such s tud ies must be recognized as f a r from c o n c l u s i v e , on the basis o f a number o f l i m i t a t i o n s o f t h i s type o f a n a l y s i s . Problems assoc ia ted w i t h c o r r e l a t i o n a l a n a l y s i s in i d e n t i f y i n g a s imple causa t i ve r e l a t i o n between dens i t y and pa tho log ies have been noted by most authors o f s tud ies c i t e d above (Lander, 1954; Schmi t t , 1967, 1966; Winsborough, 1965; M a r t i n , 1967; Marse l la e t a l , 1970; Ga l le et a l , 1972), as we l l as o the r w r i t e r s on t h i s sub jec t 27 (Wal lace, 1952; Timms, 1965; Z l u t n i c k and Al tman, 1972). Ga l le and assoc ia tes have a p t l y noted t h a t "At the moment, we may speculate about how overcrowding relates to various pathologies, but specific knowledge about causal links, if there are any, is lacking. " (Galle, Gove S McPherson, 1972: 29) The f i r s t important d i f f i c u l t y in the use o f census or area l data r e l a t e s to the system o f s p a t i a l s u b - u n i t s by which the data is o rgan ized . That i s , the i n d i v i d u a l u n i t s should be s t r i c t l y comparable w i t h one ano ther , w i t h a maximum o f ex te rna l v a r i a t i o n and a minimum o f i n t e r n a l v a r i a t i o n (Timms, 1965). The importance o f using comparable s p a t i a l sub-areas in such a n a l y s i s can be seen by comparing aggregate cr ime ra tes f o r the West End o f Vancouver w i t h those o f the C i t y as a whole. On a square m i l e b a s i s , aggregate cr ime ra tes are f a r h igher f o r the West End than f o r the res t o f Vancouver. When the e f f e c t o f d e n s i t y on cr ime f requenc ies i s accounted f o r , however, the reverse appears t o be the case. For an average o f 10,000 persons per square m i l e , the t o t a l amount o f cr ime in the West End is cons ide rab ly lower than f o r Vancouver C i t y as a whole (West End P l a n , 1973). A second d i f f i c u l t y in the use o f c o r r e l a t i o n a l a n a l y s i s i s a t t r i b u t a b l e t o the ambigu i ty o f the pa tho log ies and forms o f s o c i a l d i s o r g a n i z a t i o n . Thus the ques t ion o f the r e l a t i v e d e f i n i t i o n o f such concepts as " n o r m a l " and "abnormal" behavior must be r a i s e d , e s p e c i a l l y as these may r e f l e c t soc ia l c lass va lues or c u l t u r a l d i f f e r e n c e s in d e f i n i t i o n . S i m i l a r i l y , the issue becomes even more c loudy in c o n s i d e r a -t i o n o f the adequacy o f many o f the ind ices used to assess p a t h o l o g i c a l behav io r ; e . g . , is the number o f j u v e n i l e s brought before a f a m i l y cou r t an a p p r o p r i a t e index f o r the amount o f " a s o c i a l , aggress ive behav io r " which occurs in a g iven area? (Gad, 1973). ' Rosenberg (1968) po in ted out the tendency o f many American s tud ies to s e l e c t the most disadvantaged m i n o r i t y groups f o r i n v e s t i g a t i o n o f the e f f e c t s o f overc rowd ing , " . . .whereas in Hong Kong they are a normal cross section of the general population." (Rosenberg, 1968: 426) A f u r t h e r d i f f i c u l t y in the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f such s tud ies a r i s e s when the r e s u l t s o f a study o f one urban area are impl ied to be t r u e f o r ano ther . Perhaps the most important problem assoc ia ted w i t h c o r r e l a t i o n a l a n a l y s i s , however, is t h a t o f in fe rence from the area l leve l to the leve l o f the i n d i v i d u a l . In the general case, r e s u l t s o f a rea l a n a l y s i s are s t r i c t l y a p p l i c a b l e on ly to the area l case (Timms, 1965); i . e . , r e l a t i o n s t h a t appear a t the group leve l may not appear a t the i n d i v i d u a 1evel. The l i m i t a t i o n s o f c o r r e l a t i o n a l a n a l y s i s in i d e n t i f y i n g t r u e causal r e l a t i o n s between d e n s i t y and pathology or soc ia l d i s o r g a n i z a t i o n as w e l l as the need f o r d i s c r e t e use o f t h i s s t a t i s t i c a l t o o l , are i l l u s t r a t e d by Kaplan: "It must be remembered. . . that significant correlations may be the result, not of any real relation among the correlated values but only a similarity in the pattern of forces operative in the two cases. . . . And even where there is_ a causal connection, it may be quite indirect: both sets of values may be the effects of the same cause rather than one being the same of the other. And the correlation itself gives us no way of distinguishing, in the case of direct causal relation, which variable is cause and which is effect. In short, statistical tools are like any other: the more powerful they are, the greater the demands which they make on the care and the intelligence of the user. " (Kaplan, 1964: 249-250) 29 2.2 Ep idemio log ica l Studies Apart from c o r r e l a t i o n a l a n a l y s i s , r e l a t i v e l y l i t t l e o the r evidence is a v a i l a b l e on the e f f e c t s o f h igh d e n s i t y housing upon hea l t h (Darke, 1970). Two p a r t i c u l a r s t u d i e s , however, have f r e q u e n t l y been used to demonstrate g r e a t e r i l l n e s s among apartment dwe l l e rs t luin among those l i v i n g in s i n g l e - f a m i l y or semi-detached hous ing. H i r d ' s i n v e s t i g a t i o n o f medical c o n s u l t a t i o n s among res iden ts l i v i n g in f l a t s ( the B r i t i s h equ iva len t o f the North American apartment) and s ing le -de tached houses i nd i ca ted t h a t emotional d i s tu rbance and r e s p i r a t o r y i n f e c t i o n s were more common among f l a t dwe l le rs than those l i v i n g in houses. Twice as many people l i v i n g in f l a t s as in houses consu l ted a p h y s i c i a n f o r reasons o f emot ional d i s t u r b a n c e ; and upper r e s p i r a t o r y i n f e c t i o n s among c h i l d r e n were a l so more common in f l a t dwe l le rs ( H i r d , 1967). One o f the impor tant d i f f i c u l t i e s o f t h i s study is t h a t H i r d d i d not have access to the prev ious medical h i s t o r i e s o f these tenan ts , The need t o assess such records f o r adequate comparisons was in f a c t recognized by H i r d . In a d d i t i o n , l i f e in a b lock o f f l a t s must bo r e l a t e d to the e f f e c t s o f the l a r g e r housing envi ronment , p rev ious exper iences and norms o f the r e s i d e n t s , and the tendency o f many persons t o p r o j e c t t h e i r " shor tcomings" onto t h e i r housing c i rcumstances ( H i r d , 1967). Fanning 's study o f the h e a l t h o f women and c h i l d r e n o f armed fo rces f a m i l i e s l i v i n g in t h r e e - and f o u r - s t o r e y f l a t s and houses in Germany supported H i r d ' s f i n d i n g s to some e x t e n t . Fanning noted t h a t the r e l a t i v e inc idence o f d isease in the f a m i l i e s who l i v e d in f l a t s was some 57% g r e a t e r than those in houses, w i t h the increase most pronounced in c h i l d r e n under the age o f ten (who had more r e s p i r a t o r y d iseases) , in women between twenty and twen ty -n ine years o f age (who had more r e s p i r a t o r y and psychoneurot ic d i s o r d e r s ) , as we l l as women over f o r t y , who a lso had more psychoneurot ic d i s o r d e r s (Fanning, 1967). Residents o f s ing le -de tached houses, however, had h igher ra tes o f blood d i s o r d e r s and home-associated a c c i d e n t s . Fanning a l so noted tha t the d i f f e r e n c e in ra tes o f neuroses 30 between f l a t and single-home res iden ts disappeared i f the women were work ing or over t h i r t y years o f age (Fanning, 1 9 6 7 ) • Fanning 's study is we l l documented, i n d i c a t i n g a s i m i l a r i t y in soc ia l c lass and income, equal a v a i l a b i l i t y o f soc ia l and medical s e r v i c e s , e t c . among the study sample. The hea l t h problems noted above were a l so based on s i g n i f i c a n t s t a t i s t i c a l d i f f e r e n c e s in i l l h e a l t h . Of p a r t i c u l a r no te , however, is the f i n d i n g t h a t a l though the amount o f i l l n e s s in f l a t s was g r e a t e r than t h a t in houses, the degree o f ser iousness measured by h o s p i t a l admissions f o r these d i s o r d e r s was no t . In f a c t , the ra te o f h o s p i t a l admissions among house d w e l l e r s was h igher than t h a t o f f l a t dwe l le rs (Fanning, 1 9 6 7 ) . A f i n a l problem in connect ion w i t h Fanning 's study is the presence o f a soc ia l d i s tu rbance among these f a m i l i e s , a t t r i b u t a b l e t o t h e i r removal from t h e i r p lace o f o r i g i n and severance o f f a m i l y t i e s . In Fanning 's words, "With women of all ages it may have been that this increase in morbidity and intolerance of flat life would not have occurred but for the fact that their basic cultural pattern had already been disturbed, and that living in flats in a community which had a more acceptable social pattern would have been better tolerated. " (Fanning, 1967: 385) In c o n t r a s t to the focus o f such s tud ies on the e f f e c t s o f apartment l i v i n g on h e a l t h , comparisons o f urban and r u r a l popu la t i ons have f r e q u e n t l y been used t o support the argument t h a t h igh d e n s i t i e s are assoc ia ted w i t h adverse e f f e c t s on h e a l t h and behav io r . As noted above, Chicago urban s o c i o l o g i s t s have c o n t r i b u t e d cons ide rab ly to the idea t h a t the c i t y i t s e l f , by v i r t u e o f i t s h igher d e n s i t y r e l a t i v e t o r u r a l c e n t r e s , is pa tho logy-r i d d e n , p a r t i c u l a r l y w i t h respect t o mental d i s t u r b a n c e . In a recent cha l lenge to t h i s hypo thes i s , Sro le (1972) c i t e d recent s t a t i s t i c a l evidence which suggests t ha t d i f f e r e n c e s in r e s p i r a t o r y i n f e c t i o n s and inc idence o f mental d i s o r d e r s between urban and r u r a l se t t l ements are now d i sappea r ing . Sro le argues t h a t the c i t y , by and l a r g e , may even be a more t h e r a p e u t i c 31 m i l i e u f o r a d u l t s seeking a change in environment than is the small community, e s p e c i a l l y f o r those who are d i scon ten t w i t h the s o c i a l c o n t r o l o f the r u r a l community. While t h i s somewhat c o n t r a d i c t s K e y f i t z ' suppos i t i on above, Sro le q u a l i f i e d h is hypothes is t o the ex ten t t ha t m e t r o p o l i t a n and r u r a l slums may under c e r t a i n complex c o n d i t i o n s be more psychopathogenic f o r c h i l d r e n ( S r o l e , 1 9 7 2 ) . Cassel (1972) argued in a s i m i l a r manner t ha t the evidence tha t overcrowding o r h igh p o p u l a t i o n d e n s i t y i s bad f o r h e a l t h is not s u b s t a n t i a l , The r a t i o f o r death ra tes in the Uni ted States p r i o r t o 1950 was in f a c t h igher in urban than in r u r a l a reas , but by 1960 the r a t i o had become reversed; s ince 1960 the r a t i o o f urban t o r u r a l deaths has been s t e a d i l y decreas ing . Data from Great B r i t a i n tends to c o n f i r m t h i s paradox; and even Hong Kong and H o l l a n d , among the most crowded areas in t h e ' w o r l d , enjoy one o f the h ighest l e v e l s o f phys ica l and mental h e a l t h in the wor ld (Casse l , 1 9 7 2 ) . Casse l ' s fundamental t h e s i s is t h a t t o the degree p o p u l a t i o n d e n s i t y is assoc ia ted w i t h poor h e a l t h , the negat ive a s s o c i a t i o n comes about because d e n s i t y increases the importance o f the s o c i a l environment as a determinant o f reac t i ons t o p o t e n t i a l l y i n f e c t i o u s s t i m u l i : "The effects of the physical environment on health, therefore, cannot be predicted without knowledge of the social experiences and characteristics of people living at different density levels. " (Cassel, 1972: 250) Cassel gave spec ia l weight t o two s o c i a l f a c t o r s : (a) the h i e r a r c h i c a l s t a t u s s t r u c t u r e o f the urban community and soc ia l group, and the i n d i v i d u a l ' s l o c a t i o n w i t h i n the h i e r a r c h y ; and (b) the degree o f s o c i a l i n t e g r a t i o n and s o c i a l cohesion w i t h i n the group o r community. His a p p l i c a t i o n o f t h i s model led Cassel t o conclude t h a t many o f the negat ive e f f e c t s o f h e a l t h assoc ia ted w i t h urban d e n s i t i e s are not caused by d e n s i t i e s themselves, but instead by the r a p i d i t y o f urban change and the r e l a t i v e l y l i m i t e d exper ience o f many recent urban migrants in l e a r n i n g how to adapt to urban s t resses (Casse l , 1 9 7 2 ) . 32 F i n a l l y , p a r t i c i p a n t s in a workshop on space and p r i v a c y in housing at the 1970 Conference on Heal th Research in Housing and I t s Environment (H.E.W., 1970) concluded tha t accord ing to present ev idence, ". . .space and privacy have only dubious and perhaps undiscovered causal relationships to health or illness . . . . For people who are high health risks, space and privacy do appear to have some relationship to illness and health. Crowding also appears to have a causal relationship to illness in societies having high incidences of infectious diseases. . . . Lack of space and privacy results in . . . discomfort, displeasure, disappointment, and dissatisfaction, which we had to distinguish from mental illness." (H.E.W.j 1970: 10) The common b e l i e f t h a t h igh d e n s i t y housing n e c e s s a r i l y leads t o g r e a t e r inc idence o f i l l h e a l t h is d i f f i c u l t to s u b s t a n t i a t e in view o f the yet unconf i rmed nature o f the r e l a t i o n s h i p between housing per se and h e a l t h . Cause-and-ef feet r e l a t i o n s h i p s between these f a c t o r s are not c l e a r , a l though i t appears t h a t s o c i a l and/or economic f a c t o r s have an important r e l a t i o n t o the w e l l - b e i n g or s t a t e o f h e a l t h o f the i n d i v i d u a l (Co lburn , 1969; H.E.W., 1970). Those invo lved in research on hea l th and the housing environment have c i t e d s o c i a l and economic f a c t o r s as p r i o r i t y items f o r f u t u r e i n v e s t i g a t i o n . Colburn noted t h a t t o t a l community p l a n n i n g , recogn iz ing the need f o r a wide range o f soc ia l and h e a l t h f a c i l i t i e s , a l so seems p a r t i c u l a r l y necessary i f apartment l i v i n g is to be s a t i s f a c t o r y in the f u l l e s t sense (Co lburn , 1969)-33 Chapter 3 SOCIAL INTERACTION, SATISFACTION, & FAMILY LIFE This chapter is an at tempt to condense a broad but r i c h l i t e r a t u r e g e n e r a l l y p e r t a i n i n g to s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n , s a t i s f a c t i o n , and f a m i l y l i f e as these r e l a t e t o h igh d e n s i t y r e s i d e n t i a l env i ronments. The s t u d i e s repor ted here are l a r g e l y based on the c o l l e c t i o n o f i n f o r m a t i o n through i n t e r v i e w s , q u e s t i o n n a i r e s , sys temat ic d i r e c t observa t ion o r p a r t i c i p a n t o b s e r v a t i o n , which have f r e q u e n t l y been r e f e r r e d to as " d e s c r i p t i v e s t u d i e s " . The research quest ions posed in these s tud ies g e n e r a l l y r e q u i r e and assume cons iderab le p r i o r knowledge o f the problem t o be i n v e s t i g a t e d , as con t ras ted w i t h the preceding c o r r e l a t i o n a l s t u d i e s . For example, in c o l l e c t i n g evidence on s a t i s f a c t i o n w i t h h igh d e n s i t y hous ing , the i n v e s t i g a t o r must c l e a r l y d e f i n e what components o f s a t i s f a c t i o n he wants t o measure, and d e l i n e a t e a s e r i e s o f ques t ions which at tempt to i d e n t i f y r e l a t i v e l y p rec i se independent v a r i a b l e s which lead to v a r i a t i o n s in s a t i s f a c t i o n ; e . g . , prev ious housing exper ience , intended length o f s t a y , household t ype , e t c . The f i n d i n g s o f s tud ies documented below r e f l e c t cons iderab le v a r i a t i o n in the techniques used to analyze accumulated d a t a , i n c l u d i n g r e l a t i v e l y elementary methods ( e . g . , pu re l y d e s c r i p t i v e r e p o r t i n g , the use o f s imple percentages) as we l l as more complex s t a t i s t i c a l procedures ( e . g . , f a c t o r a n a l y s i s ) . 34 3 .1 Socia l I n t e r a c t i o n in High Densi ty Housing A common no t ion assoc ia ted w i t h soc ia l i n t e r a c t i o n in h igh d e n s i t y housing is t h a t res iden ts are i s o l a t e d from meaningful soc ia l c o n t a c t , e s p e c i a l l y in the h igh r i s e . Another , less common idea, holds t ha t c lose p r o x i m i t y t o a great number o f people r e s u l t s in excess ive s o c i a l con tac t t o a degree t h a t p r i vacy is d i f f i c u l t to m a i n t a i n . Both these views share a basic assumption tha t the phys ica l environment s t r o n g l y i n f l u e n c e s , i f not de termines, both the k ind and ex ten t o f s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n . The idea t h a t phys ica l f a c t o r s in housing l a r g e l y determine s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n has been supported by a number o f s tud ies which i n v e s t i g a t e d the e f f e c t s o f s p a t i a l determinism upon s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s . F e s t i n g e r , Schacter and Back (1950) and Caplow & Forman ( 1 9 5 0 ) , f o r example, both s tud ied f r i e n d s h i p p a t t e r n s in marr ied s tudent u n i v e r s i t y communities and concluded t h a t phys ica l d i s tance (between the f r o n t doors o f d w e l l i n g u n i t s ) and f u n c t i o n a l d i s tance ( the p a t t e r n i n g o f peop le ' s movements, determined by s t a i r w a y s , pa ths , e t c . ) l a r g e l y determine f r i e n d s h i p p a t t e r n s in a r e s i d e n t i a l s e t t i n g . The no t i on o f s t r i c t s p a t i a l determin ism has s ince been cha l l enged , however, t o the e f f e c t t h a t s p a t i a l p r o x i m i t y o f t e n based on the p o s i t i o n and o u t l o o k o f doors may determine i n t e r a c t i o n p a t t e r n s , but normal ly on ly under c o n d i t i o n s o f rea l o r perce ived homogeneity among r e s i d e n t s , and where the re is a need f o r mutual a id (Miche lson, 1 9 7 0 : a ) . Wi th t h i s q u a l i f i c a t i o n in mind, we may examine s p e c i f i c f i n d i n g s on soc ia l r e l a t i o n s in h igh dens i t y hous ing. The s tud ies descr ibed in t h i s s e c t i o n r e f l e c t the importance o f phys ica l and s i t u a t i o n a l v a r i a b l e s upon the a c c e s s i b i l i t y o f persons f o r i n t e r a c t i o n ; they a l s o p o i n t out the added, i f not e q u a l l y s t rong i n f l u e n c e o f soc ia l and even personal v a r i a b l e s upon neighbor r e l a t i o n s in h igh d e n s i t y r e s i d e n t i a l a reas . 35 3.11 B u i l d i n g Type S Design: E f f e c t s on Social Re la t ions A comparison o f four d i f f e r e n t types o f m u l t i - s t o r e y apartment b u i l d i n g s in the Bethnal Green area o f London suggested tha t layout o r design is conducive to both s o c i a b i l i t y and p r i v a c y . The fou r b u i l d i n g types i n v e s t i g a t e d by Cooney (1962) were: (a) a f o u r - s t o r e y b lock o f maisonnet tes (row housing) w i t h a walk-up access ba lcony; (b) an e l e v e n - s t o r e y tower (or p o i n t ) b lock w i t h an e l e v a t o r t o p a r t l y enclosed landings serv ing th ree t o fou r dwel1 ings ; (c) an e l e v e n - s t o r e y s lab b lock w i t h an e l e v a t o r and access s t a i r c a s e t o e x t e r n a l ba lcon ies w i t h s i x to e i g h t f a m i l i e s per f l o o r ; and (d) a f i f t e e n - s t o r e y c l u s t e r b lock w i t h access from a c e n t r a l core e l e v a t o r across i n d i v i d u a l b r idges t o the apartments ( f o u r t o a f l o o r ) . Tenants were asked whether the layout o f these b u i l d i n g s was conducive t o neighbor s o c i a b i l i t y , whether p r i v a c y from o the r tenants was: p o s s i b l e , and whether housewives f e l t too i s o l a t e d . The c l u s t e r b lock scored h ighes t on enough p r i v a c y (100%), lowest on having a s o c i a b l e layout (ease in g e t t i n g t o know o the r t e n a n t s ) , and h ighes t on i s o l a t i o n (or f e e l i n g too c u t - o f f because o f the l a y o u t ) . The f o u r - s t o r e y row hous ing , however, scored h ighest on s o c i a b i l i t y (95%), lowest on i s o l a t i o n , and lowest on p r i v a c y , but s t i l l w i t h a 79% score on the l a t t e r . 1 Both the access balcony b u i l d i n g s were considered b e t t e r in terms o f s o c i a b i l i t y (Cooney, 1962). Another study which compared a t w e n t y - s t o r e y h igh r i s e w i t h f o u r -s to rey wa lk -ups , however, found t h a t r e s i d e n t s o f both these b u i l d i n g types were predominant ly s a t i s f i e d w i t h the amount o f con tac t w i t h neighbors in the b locks . The observable c h a r a c t e r i s t i c common to a l l those s a t i s f i e d w i t h the amount o f contac t they had was t h e i r perce ived a b i l i t y t o c o n t r o l 2 the s i t u a t i o n (Stevenson, Mar t i n S O ' N e i l l , 1967). A number o f o t h e r small s tud ies have a l so g e n e r a l l y come t o the conc lus ion tha t balcony access arrangements p rov ide g r e a t e r o p p o r t u n i t i e s 36 f o r contac t w i t h neighbors s imply because the p r o b a b i l i t y o f chance contac t is increased the g rea te r the number o f f a m i l i e s l i v i n g on one f l o o r ; yet another separate i n v e s t i g a t i o n found tha t tenants p r e f e r r e d common i n t e r i o r h a l l access t o balcony access because o f the lack o f p r i vacy and exposure t o weather (Darke, 1970). On the basis o f these s tud ies ' , one might be tempted t o conclude t h a t balcony-access arrangements, and e s p e c i a l l y the f o u r - s t o r e y wa lk -up , are "good" housing forms at h igh d e n s i t y , w h i l e the c l u s t e r b lock is "bad" (us ing Cooney's study a l o n e ) . I t is important to remember, however, t ha t in doing so, we are cons ide r ing on ly two aspects o f the adequacy o f a b u i l d i n g : s o c i a b i l i t y and p r i v a c y . F u r t h e r , a p a r t i c u l a r l y re levan t ques t ion which has not been answered by these s tud ies concerns the t r a d e -o f f between p r i v a c y and s o c i a b i l i t y . That i s , what is the r e l a t i v e va lue tha t res iden ts put upon p r i v a c y on the one hand, and o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r s o c i a b i l i t y on the o t h e r ; and what are the reasons f o r peop le ' s f e e l i n g s about the d i f f e r e n c e s in terms o f s o c i a b i l i t y , p r i v a c y and i s o l a t i o n from one b u i l d i n g type t o another? Cooney (1962) was p a r t i c u l a r l y cau t ious about making s t rong conc lus ions on the r e s u l t s o f h i s study f o r these very reasons. Pr ivacy is a concept which few have at tempted to d e f i n e except in re ference t o a number o f complex, i n t e r r e l a t e d f a c t o r s . I t is agreed t o some ex ten t t ha t the v a r i a b l e s which a f f e c t an i n d i v i d u a l ' s d e f i n i t i o n o f p r i vacy l a r g e l y r e l a t e to c u l t u r a l , soc ia l and personal f a c t o r s , i n c l u d i n g the i n d i v i d u a l ' s past exper ience ( c f . , I t t e l s o n et a l , 1970; K i r a , 1970). In a broader sense, however, the i n d i v i d u a l ' s d e f i n i t i o n o f what c o n s t i t u t e s p r i v a c y takes i n t o c o n s i d e r a t i o n what behaviors are a l l owab le in a p a r t i c u l a r s i t u a t i o n . In the psycho log ica l c o n t e x t , p r i v a c y is fundamental to the development o f a s t rong sense o f personal i d e n t i t y , and in i t s s imp les t form invo lves aloneness or freedom from the presence o f o the rs ( K i r a , 1970). The paradox ica l f a c t about p r i v a c y , however, is t ha t i t must be seen e s s e n t i a l l y as a s o c i a l phenomenon, i n c l u d i n g the freedom to communicate 37 d i f f e r e n t l y w i t h d i f f e r e n t i n d i v i d u a l s and groups (Proshansky, I t t e l s o n £ R i v l i n , 1970:a). Proshansky et a l asser ted tha t the p r i n c i p a l f u n c t i o n o f p r i vacy is to increase ". . . the individual's freedom of choice in a particular situation by giving him control over what, how and to whom he communicates information about himself. . . . " (Proshansky et al, 1970:a: 178) As r e c a l l e d , Stevenson found t h a t perce ived a b i l i t y to c o n t r o l the amount o f soc ia l con tac t was the most important f a c t o r c o n t r i b u t i n g t o s a t i s f a c -t i o n w i t h ex ten t o f s o c i a l c o n t a c t . The importance o f b u i l d i n g type and layout f o r both p r i vacy and s o c i a b i l i t y is cons iderab ly lessened when pe rcep t ion o f c o n t r o l , l a r g e l y a s u b j e c t i v e but a l s o s o c i a l f a c t o r , i s taken i n t o c o n s i d e r a t i o n . The pu rpor t o f t h i s d i scuss ion is to suggest t ha t the importance o f o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r s o c i a l con tac t in h igh d e n s i t y r e s i d e n t i a l s e t t i n g s can not be considered apar t from the necess i t y o f p r i v a c y . As impl ied above, p r i vacy and s o c i a b i l i t y are both e s s e n t i a l l y s o c i a l phenomenon, but each i s r e l a t e d t o a host o f o t h e r v a r i a b l e s which makes the p r e d i c t i o n o f s a t i s f a c t i o n w i t h e i t h e r h i g h l y complex, and p a r t i c u l a r l y d i f f i c u l t on the basis o f phys ica l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f housing a l o n e . Th is is not to asser t t ha t c e r t a i n phys ica l arrangements in housing may not be p o t e n t i a l l y more conducive t o both s o c i a b i l i t y and p r i v a c y ; r a t h e r , the evidence on the e f f e c t o f d i f f e r e n t housing forms is thus f a r not e n t i r e l y c l e a r . 3.12 Socia l £ Personal Factors in Neighbor Re la t ions Socia l v a r i a b l e s which bear on neighbor r e l a t i o n s in h igh d e n s i t y r e s i d e n t i a l s e t t i n g s inc lude such f a c t o r s as stage in the l i f e c y c l e , length o f res idence , homogeneity versus he te rogene i t y o f soc ia l charac-t e r i s t i c s , work and f a m i l y s t a t u s , need f o r mutual a i d , e t c . Personal v a r i a b l e s inc lude background and prev ious housing exper ience , v a l u e s , a t t i t u d e s , a s p i r a t i o n s or p e r s o n a l i t y . As mentioned e a r l i e r , i t appears 38 r e l a t i v e l y c e r t a i n tha t homogeneity (or perce ived homogeneity) and a need f o r mutual a i d among res iden ts tends to favor more cohesive neighbor r e l a t i o n s , but the important dimensions o f homogeneity have not yet been f u l l y i d e n t i f i e d . Socia l homogeneity was found t o be a s t rong exp lana to ry f a c t o r in neighbor r e l a t i o n s in a high d e n s i t y r e s i d e n t i a l area in a German i n d u s t r i a l c i t y , a l though length o f res idence and s i ze o f the apartment b lock were a l s o assoc ia ted w i t h more i n t e n s i v e soc ia l r e l a t i o n s h i p s . The group w i t h the widest c i r c l e o f f r i e n d s w i t h i n an apartment b lock were the most e l d e r l y and l o n g e s t - r e s i d e n t group; second were the very young f a m i l i e s , and middle-aged f a m i l i e s were l eas t f r i e n d l y . ^ I t seemed t h a t pr imary s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s developed qu ickes t in b locks where t h e r e was less tenant m o b i l i t y , and in smal le r apartment b locks ( P f e i l , 1968). H a r r i n g t o n ' s study o f a group o f housewives l i v i n g on one s t o r e y o f a b lock o f apartments w i t h - b a l c o n y access demonstrated the r o l e o f homogeneity o f s o c i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s and mutual a i d in s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s ; but o f equal importance, the pa r t t h a t pressure to conform t o group norms, and p e r s o n a l i t y f a c t o r s may p lay in promot ing cohesive neighbor r e l a t i o n s . Th is S c o t t i s h study is p a r t i c u l a r l y i n t e r e s t i n g f o r the comparison i t made o f two i d e n t i c a l b locks o f f l a t s on the same e s t a t e . The layout o f the f l a t s or apartments was i d e n t i c a l , and the res iden ts in each b lock were s i m i l a r on age, f a m i l y s i z e , s o c i a l c l a s s , and o t h e r c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s . Residents in the f r i e n d l i e r b lock o f f l a t s shared a g regar ious group norm, w h i l e the second group was more reserved and des i red a good deal o f p r i v a c y . Ha r r i ng ton observed t h a t the main d i f f e r e n c e in the amount and k ind o f i n t e r a c t i o n appeared t o be a t t r i b u t a b l e t o the s o c i a l s k i l l s and s t rong d e s i r e o f one housewife in promot ing an in tense neighborhood l i f e ( H a r r i n g t o n , 1964). In t h i s example, personal v a r i a b l e s apparen t l y had cons iderab le i n f l u e n c e not on ly on the f requency o f soc ia l i n t e r a c t i o n , but on the norms which guide the k ind o f soc ia l r e l a t i o n s which may occur . M iche lson 's recent study comparing f o u r combinat ions o f housing type and l o c a t i o n (h igh r i s e downtown, h igh r i s e suburban, s i n g l e houses 39 downtown, and s i n g l e houses (suburban) d id not support any no t i on o f h igh r i s e res iden ts being i s o l a t e d o r s u f f e r i n g from any real lack o f soc ia l c o n t a c t . The abso lu te f requency o f soc ia l con tac t f o r apartment d w e l l e r s was every b i t as h igh as f o r those l i v i n g in s i n g l e - f a m i l y homes; and where people e n t e r t a i n e d t h e i r f r i e n d s v a r i e d even l e s s , a l though the o r i g i n o f f i r s t contac t w i t h f r i e n d s most f r e q u e n t l y seen d id vary by intended housing type and l o c a t i o n (Miche lson, 1 9 7 2 ) . Probably the most important s i n g l e d i f f e r e n c e in soc ia l r e l a t i o n s between these housing t y p e - l o c a t i o n s , however, was t h a t h igh r i s e res iden ts had more contac t w i t h non- loca l f r i e n d s than w i t h c o - r e s i d e n t s in the h igh r i s e or the immediate loca l environment. That i s , f o r res iden ts o f the downtown h igh r i s e , s o c i a l con tac t is d i f f e r e n t in k i n d , but not in amount. A summary o f most o f the s i n g l e i d e n t i f i a b l e d i f f e r e n c e s in soc ia l i n t e r -a c t i o n p a t t e r n s o f h igh r i s e res iden ts and res iden t c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s f o l l o w s : (1 ) There was a complex o f v a r i a b l e s c e n t e r i n g on choice o f downtown h igh r i s e apartments which were s t a t i s t i c a l l y i n t e r r e l a t e d , i n c l u d i n g ". . .no children, a working wife, being out of the dwelling unit, basing friendships on non-locality factors, seeing noncolleagues on weekends only, T.V., and housework done to a lesser extent but mainly on weekends." (Michelson, 1972: 274) (2) Persons l i v i n g in a high r i s e downtown l o c a t i o n f i r s t met t h e i r most f r e q u e n t l y seen f r i e n d s on a n o n - l o c a l , community o f i n t e r e s t b a s i s , even though these f r i e n d s may l i v e nearby. Those in down-town apartments were p a r t i c u l a r l y more l i k e l y to have f i r s t met these assoc ia tes a t work. (3 ) People in h igh r i s e apartments were not i s o l a t e d from s o c i a l  c o n t a c t s , but were more in contac t w i t h non-proximate f r i e n d s than  w i t h ne ighbors . Husbands moving to a h igh r i s e see somewhat more o f t h e i r f r i e n d s than do those moving to s i n g l e houses. 40 (4) People In downtown l o c a t i o n s and high r i s e c u r r e n t l y saw t h e i r con tac ts a few percentage p o i n t s more a t work and s l i g h t l y less in the neighborhood, but the re was v i r t u a l l y no v a r i a t i o n whatever in the f o u r housing types and l o c a t i o n s as t o the amount o f v i s i t i n g in the home. (5) Those moving t o h igh r i s e apartments were f a r less knowledgeable o f e i t h e r the socio-economic or the personal c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f t h e i r f u t u r e ne ighbors ; i . e . , r es iden ts o f h igh r i s e apartments fee l more personal he te rogene i t y v i s - a - v i s t h e i r ne ighbors , and expect to encounter an incongruence in these c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , but apparen t l y make the move on o t h e r grounds (Michel son, 1972). These f i n d i n g s s t r o n g l y cha l lenge both the common n o t i o n t h a t h igh r i s e r e s i d e n t s a re i s o l a t e d from soc ia l con tac t and the popular myth o f h igh r i s e " s w i n g i n g " l i v i n g ( i . e . , the idea tha t most soc ia l i n t e r a c t i o n in a h igh r i s e r e s u l t s from con tac ts made w i t h i n an i n d i v i d u a l ' s own apartment b lock or ad jacent b l o c k s ) . The above s t a t i s t i c a l i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n in Miche lson 's study was v e r i f i e d and augmented by a t h r e e - y e a r p a r t i c i p a n t -observa t ion study o f the basis o f i n t e r a c t i o n in a suburban h igh r i s e (Reed, 1972). Th is study.emphasized the p r o p e r t i e s , o p e r a t i o n and consequences o f i n f o r m a l , s i t u a t i o n - s p e c i f i c norms upon p a t t e r n s o f s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n in the h igh r i s e . ' ' These were compared w i t h the r e s u l t s o f a s i m i l a r study in a s i n g l e - f a m i l y neighborhood. Soc ia l and envi ronmental f a c t o r s had an impor tant i n f l u e n c e on when and where i n t e r a c t i o n took p lace in the h igh r i s e , and w i t h whom. Five f a c t o r s were suggested to account f o r the c o n s i s t e n t d i f f e r e n c e in s p e c i f i c i n t e r a c t i o n p a t t e r n s between these two r e s i d e n t i a l s e t t i n g s . The o rder o f d i scuss ion below suggests no p a r t i c u l a r p r i o r i t y among these f a c t o r s : (a) Physical structure or layout. These f a c t o r s r e l a t e d l a r g e l y to f u n c t i o n a l or s t r u c t u r a l p r o p e r t i e s o f the h igh r i s e b u i l d i n g : common t r a n s i t (movement, passage) areas and f u n c t i o n - s p e c i f i c f a c i l i t i e s were the t y p i c a l areas o f chance encounter . The frequency o f i n t e r a c t i o n in 41 the h igh r i s e , however, tended to f a l l below the frequency o f encounter ; i . e . , not every encounter in the h igh r i s e led t o f a c e - t o - f a c e spoken i n t e r a c t i o n . In the s i n g l e - f a m i l y neighborhood the frequency o f i n t e r a c t i o n was h igher than t h a t o f encounter , due t o a g rea te r amount o f intended i n t e r a c t i o n . Th is d i f f e r e n c e in the r a t i o o f e n c o u n t e r - t o - i n t e r a c t ion was considered the key p o i n t in the study s ince i t demonstrated the d i f f e r e n t e f f e c t s o f both soc ia l (normat ive) and phys ica l (non-normat ive) f a c t o r s in s i t u a t e d i n t e r a c t i o n . The fou r remaining f a c t o r s c l a r i f y the d i f f e r e n t e f f e c t s o f both s o c i a l and phys ica l v a r i a b l e s . (b) Symbolic aspect of the residential unit. There was a c l e a r -cut d i f f e r e n c e in the symbol ic i n f o r m a t i o n content o f the s i n g l e - f a m i l y residence and the h igh r i s e apartment d w e l l i n g , r e s u l t i n g in a general i n a b i l i t y o f h igh r i s e res iden ts to eva lua te the socioeconomic s t a t u s , household compos i t i on , and l i v i n g p a t t e r n s o f t h e i r neighbors — e s s e n t i a l l y a r e f l e c t i o n o f the f a c t t h a t everyone l i v e s behind i d e n t i c a l doors w i t h no m a t e r i a l o r phys ica l m a n i f e s t a t i o n s which p rov ide c lues as to the personal o r s o c i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f those who l i v e behind them. (c) Socio-economic heterogeneity of residents. The lack o f symbol ic i n f o r m a t i o n content o f the high r i s e r e s i d e n t i a l u n i t is compounded by the usual g r e a t e r he te rogene i t y o f h igh r i s e res iden ts along s o c i o -economic, stage in the l i f e c y c l e , e t h n i c or o the r l i n e s , compared w i t h the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c a l l y more homogeneous c l u s t e r i n g o f res iden ts in s i n g l e -f a m i l y neighborhoods. (d) . Sensory boundedness and information control of residential  units. The absence o f open areas (o ther than ba lcon ies) sur round ing o r a t tached t o i n d i v i d u a l apartments means t h a t h igh r i s e res iden ts have a r e l a t i v e absence o f v i s u a l i n f o r m a t i o n concern ing the " l i f e r o u t i n e s " o f t h e i r ne ighbors . Th is may be aggravated in a l i k e manner by u n c o n t r o l l e d , p o s s i b l y undesi red i n f o r m a t i o n which is t r a n s m i t t e d a u r a l l y , i . e . , by no ise from domestic or c h i l d r e n ' s a c t i v i t i e s . (e) Mobility of residential population and length of residence. The r e l a t i v e l y h igher m o b i l i t y ra te o f h igh r i s e res iden ts suggests an hi a d d i t i o n a l d i f f i c u l t y in e s t a b l i s h i n g normat ive i n t e r a c t i o n p a t t e r n s , as we l l as the maintenance and t ransmiss ion o f a normat ive s t r u c t u r e over t ime (Reed, 1 9 7 2 ) . Ex is tence o f the l a s t f o u r f a c t o r s has an a d d i t i v e e f f e c t which tends to d i m i n i s h the amount o f i n f o r m a t i o n a v a i l a b l e about f e l l o w h igh r i s e r e s i d e n t s and depr ives them o f a fundamental basis f o r f o r m u l a t i n g i n f o r m a l , but e s p e c i a l l y more fo rma l i zed a p p r o p r i a t e p a t t e r n s o f i n t e r a c t i o n . Reed's p o s i t i o n was n o t , however, t h a t h igh r i s e apartment b u i l d i n g s are b a s i c a l l y normless s o c i a l s i t u a t i o n s , w h i l e soc ia l r e l a t i o n s in a community o f s i n g l e - f a m i 1 y homes is more cohes ive : "Some HR buildings have stable populations, a considerable feeling of solidarity among tenants, as well as other norm-facilitating conditions. Conversely, some SF areas have a high population turnover and other conditions weighing against the development of cohesion-generating norms. Rather than asserting that each of these observed patterns is characteristic of a specific housing type, the paper has argued that the patterns are a result of a combination of basic physical and physically-related social characteristics which may be found in any kind of residen-tial setting. " (Reed, 1972: 352) Thus, in the absence o f r e l a t i v e l y c l e a r l y understood and shared convent ions p e r t a i n i n g to the i n t e r a c t i o n s i t u a t i o n in a h igh r i s e , c e r t a i n phys ica l environmental f e a t u r e s , combined w i t h soc ia l v a r i a b l e s , tend to take on spec ia l importance in p a r t i a l l y s t r u c t u r i n g an i n f o r m a l , s i t u a t i o n - s p e c i f i c s o c i a l o rder in the h igh r i s e (Reed, 1 9 7 2 ) . 3 .13 Summary: Soc ia l I n t e r a c t i o n in High Densi ty Housing Th is d i scuss ion began w i t h a statement o f the degree t o which phys ica l f a c t o r s based on s p a t i a l p r o x i m i t y are mod i f i ed by the soc ia l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f res iden ts and the need f o r mutual a i d in t h e i r e f f e c t s on soc ia l r e l a t i o n s . M iche lson 's t e n t a t i v e conc lus ion ( I 9 7 0 : a ) was based on a review o f p rev ious l i t e r a t u r e on the r e s i d e n t i a l environment in general . 43 The review o f s i m i l a r and subsequent s tud ies above mod i f i es M iche lson 's conc lus ion on ly m i n i m a l l y . F ind ings on the e f f e c t o f phys ica l f a c t o r s in housing ( b u i l d i n g t ype , design) suggested tha t phys ica l s t r u c t u r e and layout appear t o i n f l uence s o c i a b i l i t y and p r i v a c y ; t ha t they determine o r cause these e f f e c t s was not e n t i r e l y s u b s t a n t i a t e d , however. In a d d i t i o n , the lack o f a measure o f i n d i v i d u a l v a r i a t i o n s in the t r a d e - o f f between s o c i a b i l i t y and p r i vacy renders the assessment o f "good" versus "bad" housing forms in t h i s sense tenuous. Reed's obse rva t i on o f the e f f e c t o f phys ica l o r environmental f a c t o r s o f the high r i s e does suggest t h a t where i n t e r a c t i o n occurs in t h i s s e t t i n g may be h i g h l y environment c o n t i g e n t ; but the mat te r o f who i n t e r a c t s w i t h whom, and the ex ten t o f such i n t e r a c t i o n was seen to be dependent t o a cons ide rab le degree on perce ived homogeneity in both soc ia l and personal c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s . The degree o f i n t e r r e l a t e d n e s s o f both soc ia l and phys ica l f a c t o r s suggested by Reed's study o f i n t e r a c t i o n in the high r i s e imp l ies t h a t the c a u s e - e f f e c t na tu re o f one o f these v a r i a b l e s on i n t e r a c t i o n cannot be determined w i t h o u t c o n s i d e r i n g t h a t o f the o t h e r . ^ Real or perce ived homogeneity among res iden ts does appear t o be a major s o c i a l v a r i a b l e which tends t o increase the p r o b a b i l i t y o f s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n in h igh d e n s i t y s e t t i n g s . The need f o r mutual a i d , another soc ia l v a r i a b l e , is o f t e n a f u n c t i o n o f l eng th o f res idence ; the opera -t i o n a l e f f e c t s o f these two v a r i a b l e s are somewhat c o n t r a d i c t o r y , however. High m o b i l i t y tends to i n h i b i t the es tab l ishment and maintenance o f more f o r m a l i z e d , c o n s i s t e n t p a t t e r n s o f s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n , w h i l e g r e a t e r leng th o f residence has an inverse e f f e c t . The need f o r mutual a i d , however, i s h ighest f o r a shor t t ime a f t e r the i n i t i a l move. In a d d i t i o n to these soc ia l f a c t o r s , personal v a r i a b l e s ( e . g . , s o c i a l s k i l l s , a s p i r a t i o n s ) have a d d i t i o n a l p o t e n t i a l e f f e c t on both the ex ten t and k ind o f i n t e r a c t i o n which may occur . F i n a l l y , as noted above, o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n in h igh dens i t y r e s i d e n t i a l s e t t i n g s have a coun te rpa r t in the need f o r p r i v a c y . The r e s i d e n t i a l environment seen as a soc ia l s t r u c t u r e depends on the ex is tence o f avenues o f communication between people w i t h a minimum o f e f f o r t . The balance between excessive communication o r s o c i a l s t i m u l i , on the one hand, and p r i v a c y (or the i n d i v i d u a l ' s freedom t o c o n t r o l what, how, and t o whom he communicates i n f o r m a t i o n about h i m s e l f ) on the o t h e r , is a f i n e d i s t i n c t i o n s ince both these are r e l a t i v e to the i n d i v i d u a l . The de te rm ina t i on o f how much and what k ind o f s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n is d e s i r a b l e in h igh d e n s i t y s e t t i n g s can perhaps best be approached by a s imultaneous i n v e s t i g a t i o n o f the p r i v a c y des i red and o b t a i n a b l e in such env i ronments. 3.2 S a t i s f a c t i o n & Family L i f e Apartment l i v i n g , and e s p e c i a l l y the h igh r i s e , has been the o b j e c t o f a g rea t deal o f concern w i t h respect to i t s s u i t a b i l i t y f o r fam.il ies w i t h c h i l d r e n . I t is g e n e r a l l y he ld t ha t such accommodation may be a p p r o p r i a t e f o r c e r t a i n groups or a t p a r t i c u l a r stages o f the l i f e cyc le ( e . g . , young s i n g l e persons, mar r ied couples w i t h o u t c h i l d r e n , mature s i n g l e a d u l t s , and the e l d e r l y ) but t h a t i t is not an adequate housing environment f o r f a m i l i e s w i t h dependent c h i l d r e n . D e s c r i p t i v e s t u d i e s , in g e n e r a l , v e r i f y t ha t f a m i l i e s w i t h c h i l d r e n are more d i s s a t i s f i e d w i t h apartment o r h igh r i s e l i v i n g than people a t o t h e r stages in the l i f e c y c l e , p r i m a r i l y due to problems assoc ia ted w i t h p a r e n t s ' s u p e r v i s i o n o f c h i l d r e n ' s a c t i v i t i e s , c h i l d r e n ' s p lay and t h e i r s a f e t y . Some i n v e s t i g a t o r s have emphasized the importance o f ensur ing t h a t f a m i l i e s w i t h young c h i l d r e n l i v i n g in h igh r i s e b u i l d i n g s are housed on the lower f l o o r s , o r recommended the use o f on ly t h r e e - t o f o u r - s t o r e y walk-ups f o r such f a m i l i e s at h igher d e n s i t i e s . Much o f the l i t e r a t u r e on s a t i s f a c t i o n in h igh d e n s i t y housing o r the r e s i d e n t i a l environment in general does, in f a c t , focus on f a m i l i e s w i t h young c h i l d r e n , e s p e c i a l l y those w i t h low incomes or those l i v i n g in p u b l i c l y - p r o v i d e d hous ing. U n t i l r e c e n t l y f i n d i n g s on s a t i s f a c t i o n o f persons i n o t h e r stages o f the l i f e c y c l e and in p r i v a t e r e n t a l housing have.been less f r e q u e n t . " S a t i s f a c t i o n " , however, is a concept which may be e a s i l y abused, e s p e c i a l l y when i t i s used to imply the f u l f i l l m e n t o f a l l expec ta t i ons or a s p i r a t i o n s w i t h respect to the housing envi ronment. In i t s most r e l i a b l e sense, s a t i s f a c t i o n is de f ined e n t i r e l y by the c u r r e n t s i t u a t i o n (Schorr , 1970), and promotes the understanding o f how f a m i l i e s or i n d i v i d u a l s may be reasonably s a t i s f i e d w i t h t h e i r c u r r e n t housing s i t u a t i o n w h i l e s t i l l a s p i r i n g t o the ideal cho ice o f a s i n g l e - f a m i l y home in the suburbs. Recent Canadian evidence suggests t ha t the f a m i l y m o b i l i t y cyc le not on ly " e x p l a i n s " s a t i s f a c t i o n w i t h the h igh r i s e ( e s p e c i a l l y in a downtown l o c a t i o n ) but t h a t many, i f not most f a m i l y households in t h e i r c h i l d - b e a r i n g years cons ider t h i s type o f accommodation as a temporary res idence . In t h i s sense, a move to the high r i s e is one in a s e r i e s f a c i l i t a t i n g the a t t a i n -ment o f the i d e a l , or the s i n g l e - f a m i l y home (Miche lson, 1973:a). Along w i t h f a m i l y m o b i l i t y and stage in the l i f e c y c l e , o t h e r v a r i a b l e s which i n f l u e n c e s a t i s f a c t i o n w i t h h igh d e n s i t y housing inc lude l i f e s t y l e , i d e n t i t y w i t h loca l phys ica l and soc ia l space, and personal va lues . The d iscuss ion below descr ibes common d i f f i c u l t i e s o f f a m i l i e s w i t h c h i l d r e n who l i v e in the h igh r i s e in some d e t a i l , in o rde r t o emphasize the need f o r c a r e f u l design o f h igh d e n s i t y housing f o r t h i s household t y p e . 3.21 Fami l ies w i t h C h i l d r e n : The High Rise Anthony Wal lace, an American a n t h r o p o l o g i s t / s o c i o l o g i s t , was one o f the f i r s t to undertake a major study o f the s u i t a b i l i t y o f the h igh r i s e f o r f a m i l i e s w i t h c h i l d r e n . L ike many o t h e r s , Wallace was p a r t i c u l a r l y i n t e r e s t e d in the adequacy o f t h i s housing form f o r low-income f a m i l i e s w i t h c h i l d r e n , ^ and a f t e r a comparison o f both h igh r i s e and row-housing u n i t s , recommended t h a t the e leva to r -apar tmen t be avoided f o r the use o f g t h i s group. Al though numerous arguments entered i n t o t h i s c o n c l u s i o n , h is main concerns r e l a t e d to (a) the lack o f p r i v a t e l y c o n t r o l l e d space, ". . .a fact which limits family activities, diminishes the vole of the father, and separates child from pavent it Wallace, 1952: 100) and (b) the u s a b i l i t y o f the d w e l l i n g u n i t i t s e l f f o r va r ious f a m i l y f u n c t i o n s . In t h i s sense, Wallace proposed t h a t f a m i l y s o l i d a r i t y would be weakened by both a lack o f s u f f i c i e n t space f o r e n t e r t a i n i n g and the necess i t y t o c a r r y on e x t r a - f a m i l y r e l a t i o n s h i p s o u t s i d e o f the home (Wal lace, 1952). Wallace a l so hypothesized t h a t h igh r i s e res iden ts in general are less l i k e l y t o be s a t i s f i e d w i t h t h e i r accommodation than are those l i v i n g in o ther types of. g round-contac t hous ing , basing much o f h i s argument on the overwhelming pre ference f o r the s i n g l e - f a m i l y house. The choice o f the s i n g l e - f a m i l y home as the ideal housing t y p e , e s p e c i a l l y by f a m i l y households, has not changed s ince the t ime o f Wa l lace ' s work and was demonstrated in most o f the survey s t u d i e s repor ted in t h i s s e c t i o n ( c f . , W i l l i s , 1955; Stevenson et a l , 1967; M i n i s t r y o f Housing & Local Government, 1970; Soc ia l Planning Counci l o f M e t r o p o l i t a n To ron to , 1973; Miche lson, 1973:b). A s p i r a t i o n s toward an i d e a l , however, do not n e c e s s a r i l y i n d i c a t e d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n w i t h the present s i t u a t i o n ; recent evidence suggests t ha t f a m i l i e s ". . .do seek downtown high vise apavtments fov valid veasons, despite the fact that they themselves as well as othevs may find this form of living an abomination for child-raising." (Michelson, 1973:a: 23) Subsequent s tud ies have r e i n f o r c e d Wal lace 's concern over a lack o f p r i v a t e l y c o n t r o l l e d space, p a r t i c u l a r l y w i t h respect to a p p r o p r i a t e p lay space and the loss o f c o n t r o l over c h i l d r e n ' s a c t i v i t i e s o u t s i d e the d w e l l i n g u n i t . The lack o f , or inadequate o u t d o o r / i n d o o r p lay space, as we l l as the design and u s a b i l i t y o f e x i s t i n g p lay space are important hi concerns o f more recent i n v e s t i g a t i o n s . The Socia l Planning Council o f M e t r o p o l i t a n To ron to , f o r example, repor ted t h a t the a v a i l a b i l i t y o f a p lay area was an e s p e c i a l l y important f a c t o r in s a t i s f a c t i o n w i t h the b u i l d i n g f o r f a m i l i e s w i t h c h i l d r e n (Socia l Planning Counci l o f Met ro-p o l i t a n To ron to , 1973). The enforced p a s s i v i t y o f men in apartments ( i . e . , the loss o f an o p p o r t u n i t y f o r home maintenance o r " d o - i t - y o u r s e l f " j o b s ) was v e r i f i e d to some ex ten t in subsequent s tud ies (Stevenson e t a l , 1967; Kumove, 1966), al though one recent study i n d i c a t e d tha t the m a j o r i t y o f husbands were e i t h e r g lad to be f r e e o f home maintenance tasks or missed them very l i t t l e (Soc ia l P lanning Counci l o f M e t r o p o l i t a n T o r o n t o , 1973). Wi th respect t o Wal lace 's concern t h a t h igh r i s e res iden ts are unable to e n t e r t a i n v i s i t o r s in t h e i r d w e l l i n g u n i t s , Michelson repor ted v i r t u a l l y no v a r i a t i o n in the amount o f in-home e n t e r t a i n i n g between apartment or h igh r i s e res iden ts and res iden ts o f s i n g l e - f a m i l y homes (Miche lson, 1972). Two recent Canadian s tud ies tend to c o n t r a d i c t the assumption t h a t h igh r i s e l i v i n g is not s u i t a b l e f o r the needs o f f a m i l y households. Michelson (I973:a), f o r example, found t h a t f a m i l i e s moving t o downtown h igh r i s e s do so f o r p o s i t i v e reasons, even though they may be expected t o e v e n t u a l l y seek another housing type or l o c a t i o n . S i m i l a r l y , the Socia l Planning Counci l o f M e t r o p o l i t a n Toronto (1973) repor ted t h a t most respondents expressed some degree o f s a t i s f a c t i o n w i t h t h e i r u n i t s , and the m a j o r i t y (51%) i n d i c a t e d t h e i r b u i l d i n g c rea ted no problems f o r t h e i r c h i l d r e n . On c l o s e r examina t ion , however, the Soc ia l Planning Counci l found t h a t p a r e n t s ' nega t ive a t t i t u d e s toward r a i s i n g c h i l d r e n in apar tments , concern about c h i l d r e n ' s s a f e t y and r e s t r i c t i o n s on t h e i r no isy a c t i v i t i e s , and suggest ions by parents t ha t c h i l d r e n ' s f a c i l i t i e s and programs would f a c i 1 i t a t e b e t t e r f a m i l y l i v i n g , a l l po in ted t o a d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n w i t h the high r i s e as a s e t t i n g f o r r a i s i n g c h i l d r e n . In a d d i t i o n , approx imate ly 75% o f a l l h igh r i s e respondents agreed t h a t f a m i l i e s l i v i n g in t h i s type o f accommodation were under more s t r e s s than f a m i l i e s in o t h e r types o f 48 hous ing. The l a r g e s t p r o p o r t i o n o f respondents f e l t t h a t problems r e l a t e d t o c h i l d r e n brought about s t ress in h igh r i s e apartments (Soc ia l Planning Counci l o f M e t r o p o l i t a n Toron to , 1973). Miche lson 's f i n d i n g s (1973:a) were based on a sample o f f a m i l i e s moving t o downtown h igh r i s e s in To ron to , 77% o f whom had no c h i l d r e n , and the overwhelming m a j o r i t y o f whom expected to be moving again w i t h i n f i v e years . The i m p l i c a t i o n s o f M iche lson 's study are discussed in g r e a t e r d e t a i l below (Sect ion 3-22 D e f i c i t Compensation) s ince t h i s evidence suggests t ha t the f a m i l y m o b i l i t y c y c l e has important i n f l u e n c e on s a t i s -f a c t i o n w i t h the h igh r i s e . I t is important to n o t e , however, t ha t f a m i l i e s l i v i n g in downtown h igh r i ses seem to exper ience d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n w i t h the s i ze o f t h e i r d w e l l i n g u n i t s , s ince they ". . .were uniquely likely to complain that their dwelling unit was too small, that they had too few bedrooms, that they had too little storage space, that the size of the existing rooms was too small, and that the layout of the rooms was not optimal." (Michelson, 1973:b: 57-58) Play , Superv is ion £ Safety o f Ch i ld ren in the High Rise. Problems o f c h i l d r e n ' s p l a y , s u p e r v i s i o n o f t h e i r a c t i v i t i e s , and the general s a f e t y o f young c h i l d r e n in the high r i s e are the most f requen t d i f f i c u l t i e s which emerge from an i n v e s t i g a t i o n o f the h igh r i s e l i t e r a t u r e on f a m i l i e s . The Socia l P lanning Counci l o f M e t r o p o l i t a n Toronto (1973) repor ted t h a t h3% o f t h e i r respondents repor ted t h e i r b u i l d i n g c reated a v a r i e t y o f problems f o r t h e i r c h i l d r e n , the most impor tant o f which was inadequate p lay space, w h i l e an important m a j o r i t y {57%) sa id they prevented t h e i r c h i l d r e n from engaging in some a c t i v i t i e s f o r a number o f reasons. P lay , s u p e r v i s i o n and s a f e t y problems r e l a t e d to l i v i n g high o f f the ground ( i . e . , g e n e r a l l y above the f i f t h f l o o r ) seem to be g r e a t e s t f o r f a m i l i e s w i t h very young c h i l d r e n - - e s p e c i a l l y those seven years o f age q or less ( M i n i s t r y o f Housing £ Local Gov t . , 1970; W i l l i s , 1955; Ber ry , *»9 1967)- Comments o f mothers i nd i ca ted t h a t c h i l d r e n o f t h i s age group are not al lowed t o go out to p lay w i t h o u t the accompaniment o f a parent or o the r a d u l t . The M i n i s t r y o f Housing & Local Government (1970), however, i nd ica ted tha t mothers equa l l y exper ienced problems about c h i l d r e n ' s p lay whether they l i v e d in houses or m u l t i s t o r e y d w e l l i n g s , on the upper o r lower f l o o r s o f b l o c k s , or o f f the ground or on i t : more than h a l f i nd i ca ted s imply t h a t the re were no s u i t a b l e p lay spaces o u t s i d e the home. S p e c i f i c problems assoc ia ted w i t h l i v i n g on upper f l o o r s inc luded being too h igh up t o see c h i l d r e n at p l a y , t h a t o f c h i l d r e n g e t t i n g down s a f e l y , and fears about c h i l d r e n f a l l i n g from ba lcon ies in e f f o r t s to see over the top o f r a i l i n g s . D i f f i c u l t i e s assoc ia ted w i t h p lay spaces in p a r t i c u l a r inc luded t r a f f i c danger, no i se , i n t e r f e r e n c e by o l d e r c h i l d r e n , and management p o l i c i e s which prevented c h i l d r e n from using spaces near t h e i r homes ( M i n i s t r y o f Housing & Local Gov t . , 1970). Superv is ion o f c h i l d r e n ' s a c t i v i t i e s , i . e . , being too high up t o observe c h i l d r e n ' s p l a y , is perhaps the g r e a t e s t d i f f i c u l t y exper ienced by h igh r i s e f a m i l i e s , e s p e c i a l l y mothers. As Michelson no ted , "When a child leaves his home to play many storeys below, his actions cannot be followed from the apartment. . , . This differs. . .from the low rise situation where children's play areas can be seen from kitchen windows. When necessary, mothers can call their children and children can be heard, and the mothers are at most a few flights of steps from the ground." (Michelson, 1970:a: 96-97) The need f o r observable and access ib le p lay space from f a m i l y d w e l l i n g u n i t s a t h igh d e n s i t y has been emphasized f r e q u e n t l y ( c f . , W i l l i s , 1955; Wood, 1961; Ber ry , 1967; M i n i s t r y o f Housing & Local Gov t . , 1970). Several i n v e s t i g a t o r s have recommended t h a t f a m i l i e s w i t h small c h i l d r e n should never be housed f a r o f f the ground, p r e f e r i n g instead tha t they l i v e a t the ground leve l o r not above the f o u r t h f l o o r ( W i l l i s , 1955; T y r w h i t t , 1968; M i n i s t r y o f Housing £ Local G o v t . ) . Newman (1972) s p e c i f i c a l l y recommended tha t the high r i s e should be s t r i c t l y avoided f o r low-income f a m i l i e s w i t h c h i l d r e n , and echoed the pre ference f o r walk-up b u i l d i n g s (no h igher than th ree s t o r i e s ) . 50 Some have suggested tha t u n i t s on lower l e v e l s o f h igh r i s e s be s p e c i f i c a l l y designed f o r f a m i l y l i v i n g , e t c . w i t h an a t tached garden o r p lay f a c i l i t i e s ( M i n i s t r y o f Housing & Local Gov t . , 1970; W i l l i s , 1955). Play a reas , however, do not have to be put on ground leve l (Be r ry , 1967), and "In a large high density scheme where not all families with young children could be housed on the ground, a wide access deck would give children a better outlook than a playroom and would also have adults passing by. Children could be supervised by their mothers if a window of their home overlooked the deck. . . . " (Ministry of Housing & Local Govt., 1970: 8) (a l though care should be taken t o preserve p r i v a c y ) . 1 ^ Others have noted t h a t a lack o f e x p l i c i t ru les (not merely the ex is tence o f r e s t r i c t i v e r u l e s ) on the use o f p u b l i c space around apartment b u i l d i n g s f o r p lay may be h i g h l y de t r imen ta l to a c h i l d ' s sense o f s e c u r i t y in h i s p lay a c t i v i t i e s (White., 1953). F i n a l l y , tenant p a r t i c i p a t i o n in work ing out a p p r o p r i a t e f a c i l i t i e s f o r c h i l d r e n ' s p lay in e x i s t i n g m u l t i s t o r e y dwe l l i ngs has been deemed an impor tant f a c t o r which may c o n t r i b u t e t o s a t i s f a c t i o n o f f a m i l y needs ( L e v i n , 1966; Whi te , 1953). L e v i n ' s d e s c r i p t i o n o f the p lay a c t i v i t i e s and r e c r e a t i o n f a c i l i t i e s o f c h i l d r e n l i v i n g in Russian f l a t s unde r l i nes the p o t e n t i a l success o f t e n a n t s ' committees in o r g a n i z i n g , p lann ing and s u p e r v i s i n g t h e i r own c h i l d r e n ' s r e c r e a t i o n . In Moscow, severa l b locks o f f l a t s a re b u i l t around a f a i r l y la rge p iece o f land which is a t the d isposa l o f the r e s i d e n t s . Each b lock has a t e n a n t s ' committee which has the r i g h t t o a l l o c a t e c e r t a i n sums o f money, as w e l l as some indoor or outdoor space f o r c h i l d r e n ' s a c t i v i t i e s . Making-do w i t h a v a i l a b l e space e i t h e r on the s i t e or nearby, o f t e n f a c i l i t a t e s r e c r e a t i o n t h a t would o therw ise be u n a v a i l a b l e . The o r g a n i z a t i o n o f p lay programs, as w e l l as s u p e r v i s i o n o f c h i l d r e n ' s a c t i v i t i e s , is f r e q u e n t l y c a r r i e d out by a r e t i r e d o r o t h e r i n t e r e s t e d person ( L e v i n , 1966). 51 3.22 D e f i c i t Compensation: The Downtown High Rise As suggested e a r l i e r , s a t i s f a c t i o n w i t h one 's present housing s i t u a t i o n does not prec lude a concur rent a s p i r a t i o n f o r an a l t o g e t h e r d i f f e r e n t housing environment in the f u t u r e . A recent i n v e s t i g a t i o n o f f a m i l y l i f e in apar tments , e s p e c i a l l y the h igh r i s e , by the Social Planning Counci l o f M e t r o p o l i t a n Toronto i n d i c a t e d t h a t a l though most respondents expressed some degree o f s a t i s f a c t i o n w i t h t h e i r u n i t s , near l y 58% never the less intended to move f o r a v a r i e t y o f reasons w i t h i n two years or when t h e i r lease was up (SPCMT, 1973). M iche lson, whose study a l so took p lace in Toronto a t approx imate ly the same t i m e , found s i m i l a r i n t e n t i o n s t o move among 57% o f respondents moving t o downtown h igh r i s e s . These i n t e n t i o n s were expressed before these f a m i l i e s even occupied t h e i r new r e s i d e n c e s . ^ These expec ta t i ons ". . . hardly indicate dissatisfaction with high-rise apartments in which the respondents have yet to live, but indicate rather intentions and aspirations which lead elsewhere. " (Michelson, 1973:a: 14) Although the Socia l Planning Counci l was unab le , on the basis o f t h e i r d a t a , t o answer the ques t ion o f what leads to s a t i s f a c t i o n w i t h apartment l i v i n g o r w i t h the s p e c i f i c u n i t or b u i l d i n g , the data d id suggest ". . .that the concept of 'relative deprivation' or 'trade off may be operative in these situations." (Social Planning Council of Metropolitan Toronto, 1973: 37) Michelson s p e c i f i c a l l y t es ted the degree to which r e l a t i v e d e p r i -v a t i o n may ac t as an important element in r e s i d e n t i a l m o b i l i t y , e s p e c i a l l y w i t h respect t o mar r ied couples in t h e i r c h i l d - b e a r i n g yea rs ! In f a c t , a decided " d e f i c i t compensat ion" process was evidenced among c e r t a i n f a m i l i e s who moved, o r were moving t o , h igh r i s e s in downtown l o c a t i o n s . " D e f i c i t compensat ion" is a concept r e f e r r i n g t o a general a c t i o n taken t o overcome r e l a t i v e d e p r i v a t i o n o r d isadvantage in some aspect o f one 's s i t u a t i o n , in comparison w i t h o t h e r s ; in t h i s c o n t e x t , however, such 52 behavior would c o n s t i t u t e a move to another housing type or l o c a t i o n where the disadvantage may be somewhat e a s i l y remedied (Michelson, 1 9 7 3 : a ) . People change residence f o r a number o f reasons; not a l l o f these reasons are c l e a r , nor are the i m p l i c a t i o n s and p a t t e r n s o f t h i s movement. Several somewhat recent exp lana t ions o f i n t r a - u r b a n m o b i l i t y in North America demonstrate q u i t e d i f f e r e n t t h i n k i n g on t h i s m a t t e r , and a l s o tend t o r e f l e c t s o c i e t a l changes ( c f . , Miche lson, 1 9 7 3 : a ) . Most have focused on the move as the main f a c t o r t o be e x p l a i n e d ; a recent p e r s p e c t i v e , however, suggests t h a t a focus on the f a m i l y as a u n i t and i t s p a t t e r n s o f movement may do much to b r i n g toge ther many prev ious exp lana t ions o f r e s i d e n t i a l m o b i l i t y . Michelson 0 9 7 3 : a ) de f ined f a m i l y m o b i l i t y in th ree general s tages : I . Base l ine Stage, I I . Incremental Change, and I I I . Approximat ion o f the 12 I d e a l . D e f i c i t compensation (a move t o remedy r e l a t i v e d e p r i v a t i o n ) was seen as one o f the processes by which people make housing choices in Stage I I , or the stage o f incremental change. Changes in housing type o r l o c a t i o n in Stage I I o f the f a m i l y m o b i l i t y cyc le are g e n e r a l l y those made w i t h the goal o f s a t i s f y i n g p r a c t i c a l problems which have a r i s e n , and can be seen to inc lude a number o f successive s t r a i n s and r e s o l u t i o n s between the base l ine stage and the approx imat ion o f the ideal ( i . e . , the s i n g l e -f a m i l y home). M iche lson 's study i nd i ca ted t h a t f a m i l i e s in Stage I I o f the m o b i l i t y cyc le chose the downtown h igh r i s e f o r two important reasons: (a) the presence o f o n - s i t e r e c r e a t i o n a l f a c i l i t i e s , and (b) the p r o x i m i t y o f downtown and work -p lace . These major " p u l l " f a c t o r s corresponded w i t h d e f i c i t s , o r r e l a t i v e d e p r i v a t i o n on the par t o f these f a m i l i e s p r i o r to t h e i r move to the downtown h igh r i s e (Michelson, 1 9 7 3 : a ) , The necessary evidence tha t a move t o the downtown high r i s e t r u l y r e f l e c t e d d e f i c i t compensation or an a b i l i t y to overcome r e l a t i v e d e p r i v a t i o n was demonstrated by t ime-budget data o f both p r e - and post-move a c t i v i t y o f these f a m i l i e s . The t ime-budgets i nd i ca ted a regu la r d e f i c i t 53 o f t ime spent in spor ts p a r t i c i p a t i o n before moving to a h igh r i s e ( r e l a t i v e t o o ther respondents in the sample) and a un ique ly h igh increase in spor ts a c t i v i t y immediately f o l l o w i n g t h e i r move. Despi te the lack o f a cont inued h igh leve l o f spor ts p a r t i c i p a t i o n a f t e r one year , t h i s p a t t e r n , accord ing to Miche lson, is not i n c o n s i s t e n t w i t h the concept o f d e f i c i t compensation in housing choice (Miche lson, 1973:a). S i m i l a r l y , the un ique ly la rge amount o f t ime saved on the t r i p t o work by people moving to downtown h igh r i s e apartments demonstrated a d d i t i o n a l evidence o f a decided d e f i c i t compensation process. In summary, ". . .it appears that despite long run aspirations for very different types of accommodation, people find positive reasons for moving, to downtown high rise apartments which correspond with aspects of their lives in which they previously suffered some degree of rela-tive deprivation. The consequence of their move is not to put them in any long run position of superiority with regard to these aspects, but nonetheless their new environment has compensated, as long as desired, for the deficit previously experienced. That they may become dissatisfied with their residences on other grounds and move again is by no means precluded, and in fact it should be expected given the model of family mobility." (Michelson, 197Z:a: 21-22) 3.23 Value O r i e n t a t i o n s £ High Dens i t i es Socia l s t a t u s , stage in the l i f e c y c l e , l i f e s t y l e , and va lue o r i e n t a t i o n s are among the more important s o c i a l v a r i a b l e s thought by many s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t s to be r e l a t e d to the urban environment (Miche lson, 1966). Of these , l i f e s t y l e and va lue o r i e n t a t i o n s have been shown t o be c l o s e l y r e l a t e d t o housing choice and the p r e f e r r e d form o f the r e s i d e n t i a l environment. The concept o f values o r va lue o r i e n t a t i o n s is d i f f i c u l t to d e f i n e in any p rec i se manner, s ince few s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t s agree on t h e i r n a t u r e , t h e i r l eve l o f g e n e r a l i t y , t h e i r amount o f v a r i a t i o n , t h e i r 54 s u s c e p t i b i 1 i t y t o change, and the most basic u n i t f o r t h e i r study (Michelson, 1970:a). Yet most would agree tha t values are (a) basic ru les or p r i n c i p l e s which guide human behav io r , and (b) tend t o be h i g h l y endur ing over t ime. Beyer (1959) was one o f the f i r s t to i n v e s t i g a t e the r e l a t i o n s h i p o f values to hous ing, and suggested t h a t n ine va lue o r i e n t a t i o n s ( f a m i l y c e n t r i s m , e q u a l i t y , phys ica l h e a l t h , economy, f reedom, a e s t h e t i c s , p r e s t i g e , mental h e a l t h , and l e i s u r e ) i n f l uence housing pre ferences and may lead t o s o l u t i o n s which b e t t e r f i t peop le ' s s h e l t e r requ i rements . The nomenclature o f s p e c i f i c va lue o r i e n t a t i o n s which have r e l e -vance f o r the housing environment v a r i e s g r e a t l y ; among these , however, (a) convenience o r ins t rumenta l ism, (b) exp ress ion , (c) c lass-consc iousness and (d) p e r s o n - o r i e n t a t i o n have been shown t o be e s p e c i a l l y important values c o i n c i d i n g w i t h the pre ference f o r h igh r e s i d e n t i a l d e n s i t y , o r the exper ience o f l i v i n g in such env i ronments. M iche lson 's study on ideal environment i nd i ca ted t h a t pre ferences f o r ideal housing types are supported by d i s t i n c t combinat ions o f va lue o r i e n t a t i o n s . High r i s e apartments were chosen on the asser ted basis o f express ion (beauty o r a e s t h e t i c a p p e a l ) , i ns t rumenta l i sm (convenience) and c lass consciousness (h igh s o c i a l c l a s s ) (Miche lson, 1965). Ins t rumenta l ism, or an o r i e n t a t i o n toward convenience, was a lso r e l a t e d t o pre ferences f o r l o t s i z e s , i . e . , the d is tances people chose between themselves and t h e i r ne ighbors : "The more instrumental a person's values turned out to be, the smaller he wanted his lot to be. . . . It is therefore to be expected that people with strong instrumental values would prefer smaller spaces surrounding them." (Michelson, 1970: 142) L ikewise , the more people cou ld be c h a r a c t e r i z e d as high on ins t rumenta l va lues , the c l o s e r they i d e a l l y wanted t o be to va r ious k inds o f a c t i v i t i e s and community f a c i l i t i e s (Miche lson, 1970). Preference f o r s i n g l e - f a m i l y homes, on the o t h e r hand, was most f r e q u e n t l y backed by i n d i v i d u a l i s m , or the a b i l i t y o f t h i s housing to 55 prov ide p r i v a c y f o r a f a m i l y , as we l l as a " d o i n g " o r i e n t a t i o n (a d e s i r e f o r freedom o f a c t i v i t y ) (Miche lson, 1965). Whether people wanted a great deal o f land or very l i t t l e , however, they claimed they wanted i t f o r what they could do in o r w i t h t h e i r p r i v a t e space: "The doing value orientation is cited frequently whether a person chooses great or small separation from his neighbors. " (Michelson, 1965: 239) Densely s e t t l e d urban communities have a l so been assoc ia ted w i t h p e r s o n - o r i e n t a t i o n , o r a high va lue placed on i n t e r a c t i o n w i t h r e l a t i v e s . Young and W i l l m o t t ' s study o f a work ing c lass community in Bethnal Green, a h igh d e n s i t y area in London's East End, i n d i c a t e d tha t k i n s h i p r e l a t i o n s were h i g h l y valued by these res iden ts - - t o an ex ten t t h a t newly mar r ied couples remained in t h e i r d i s t r i c t to r e t a i n c lose a s s o c i a t i o n w i t h t h e i r f a m i l i e s o r o r i g i n . Upon mov.ing t o a low-dens i t y suburban a r e a , many o f these people began t o va lue t h i n g s and o b j e c t s above t h e i r p rev ious v a l u a t i o n o f o t h e r people as a bas is o f behavior (Young £ W M l m o t t , 1967). 3.24 L i f e S t y l e £ The S e l f - S e l e c t i o n Process As noted e a r l i e r , l i f e s t y l e has a l so been found t o be c l o s e l y assoc ia ted w i t h both the p r e f e r r e d form o f the r e s i d e n t i a l environment and s a t i s f a c t i o n w i t h t ha t s e t t i n g . Value o r i e n t a t i o n s have in f a c t been placed a t the very basis o f l i f e s t y l e p a t t e r n s by some s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t s ; most d e f i n i t i o n s o f l i f e s t y l e , however, inc lude values as on ly one o f several components which c o n t r i b u t e t o p a t t e r n s o f behavior t ha t vary cons iderab ly one from another . Greer, f o r example, used l i f e s t y l e t o r e f e r t o a mode o f l i f e o f popu la t ions o f va r ious urban a reas , or l o c a l i t y groups: ) 56 "At the high urbanism pole we find neighborhoods where single persons, childless couples and one-child families predominate. At the opposite end we find the single family dwelling units inhabited by families with several children, where the woman's role is that of wife and mother instead of participant in the labor force." (Greer, 1962: 110) D e f i n i t i o n s and a p p l i c a t i o n s o f the l i f e s t y l e concept are so d i v e r s e as t o e l i m i n a t e the p r a c t i c a l i t y o f enumerating t h e i r v a r i e t y in t h i s d i s c u s s i o n . The d e f i n i t i o n o f f e r e d by Michelson to i n t e g r a t e the v a r i e d meanings o f t h i s concept is a c o n f i g u r a t i o n o f ro les and accompanying p r e d i s p o s i t i o n s to behavior which people choose to emphasize from a l a r g e r number o f p o s s i b i l i t i e s a v a i l a b l e t o those i n d i v i d u a l s having s i m i l a r basic c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s . " S e l f - s e l e c t i o n " is inherent to the concept o f l i f e s t y l e , s ince the i n d i v i d u a l s e l e c t s , and f i n d s c e r t a i n a c t i v i t i e s , o b j e c t s , e t c . more a p p r o p r i a t e t o , o r congruent w i t h , h i s s e l f than o t h e r s . The s e l e c t i o n o f these t h i n g s in maximum congruence is d i r e c t e d by the i n d i v i d u a l ' s p re ferences and o r i e n t a t i o n s , o r h i s h i e r a r c h y o f values (Miche lson, 1970:b). The process o f s e l f - s e l e c t i o n in hous ing, however, does not cons ider housing on ly as a symbol or p r o d u c t , but as an o p p o r t u n i t y s t r u c -t u r e f o r s p e c i f i c types o f behav io r . M iche lson 's recent Toronto s tudy , f o r example, i n d i c a t e d t h a t behav iora l r a t i o n a l e s en te r i n t o the choice o f p a r t i c u l a r housing env i ronments. Downtown and suburban h igh r i s e s were chosen on the asser ted basis o f o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r increased phys ica l e x e r c i s e , w h i l e the choice o f a downtown h igh r i s e was a l so expected t o decrease commuting t ime to work. These expec ta t ions were in f a c t r e a l i z e d by these f a m i l i e s immediately a f t e r the move, and v e r i f i e d the rea l i sm and importance o f behav iora l expec ta t ions in connect ion w i t h housing (Miche lson, 1973:c). A l i f e s t y l e c h a r a c t e r i z e d by in tense , f requent con tac t w i t h a la rge number o f r e l a t i v e s was r e p r e s e n t a t i v e o f both the West End in Boston and the East End in London. Both communities were l a r g e l y work ing c l a s s , a l though the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f t h i s l i f e s t y l e have a l s o been 57 assoc ia ted w i t h e t h n i c i t y . The important p o i n t , however, is t ha t t h i s p a r t i c u l a r behav iora l p a t t e r n ". . .seems to require. . .some arrangement of buildings, streets, and open spaces (or lack of them) that promotes the easy availability of person to person. " (Michelson, 1970:a: 66) These people were l i v i n g in s u f f i c i e n t l y h igh d e n s i t i e s to a l l o w r e l a t e d f a m i l i e s to l i v e c lose to each o t h e r ; the combinat ion and arrangement o f b u i l d i n g t yp es , land uses, and p a t t e r n o f s t r e e t s a l l s t r o n g l y supported t h i s s t y l e o f l i f e . F u r t h e r , the concept o f personal l i v i n g space was extended t o inc lude outdoor as we l l as indoor space (Miche lson, 1970:a). In s h o r t , a p a t t e r n o f more i n t i m a t e and f requent i n t e r p e r s o n a l con tac t requ i res a very d i f f e r e n t s p a t i a l s e t t i n g than one which h i g h l y values p r i v a c y . On the bas is o f h is study o f the s o c i a l values and housing o r i e n t a t i o n s o f the West-Enders in Boston, Hartman asser ted t h a t the q u a n t i t y o f i n d i v i d u a l space can p r o p e r l y be eva lua ted o n l y w i t h i n an e n t i r e l i v i n g p a t t e r n and l a rge r set o f s o c i a l and personal v a l u e s , not merely the o b j e c t i v e q u a l i t y o f the housing form (Hartman, 1963).. 3.25 I n t e r a c t i o n o f Socia l & Phys ica l Space The idea tha t c e r t a i n e t h n i c communities and work ing c lass groups d e r i v e c e r t a i n s a t i s f a c t i o n from p a t t e r n s o f loca l soc ia l i n t e r a c t i o n which are supported by a combinat ion o f land use and d e n s i t y f a c t o r s is not new. Fr ied and G le icher (1961), f o r example, found t h a t f o r the g rea t m a j o r i t y o f West-Enders in Boston, the loca l area was the focus o f s t r o n g l y p o s i t i v e sen t iments ; the sense o f loca l s p a t i a l i d e n t i t y , however, inc luded both loca l soc ia l r e l a t i o n s h i p s and loca l p l a c e s . The concept o f t e r r i t o r i a l space, a term suggested by Fr ied and Gle icher t o denote s u b j e c t i v e s p a t i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n (or a way o f s t r u c t u r i n g phys ica l space around the ac tua l r e s i d e n t i a l u n i t ) , however, is less f r e q u e n t l y accepted by behav iora l s c i e n t i s t s . F r ied and Gle icher suggested 58 t h a t the o r i e n t a t i o n o f res iden ts toward phys ica l space in the West End, a densely s e t t l e d working c lass area in Boston, was t e r r i t o r i a l ". . .in the sense that physical space is largely defined in terms of relatively bounded regions to which one has freedom or access. . . . " (Fried & Gleicher, 1961: 312) F u r t h e r , i t was c l e a r t ha t the area was d i f f e r e n t l y bounded f o r d i f f e r e n t people; f o r some the t e r r i t o r i a l zone was very s m a l l , and f o r o t h e r s , inc luded a sense o f access to the e n t i r e a rea . The authors suggested t h a t the r e l a t i v e l y bounded space pe rcep t i on o f the work ing c l a s s may be d i s t i n -guished from the more h i g h l y s e l e c t i v e and i n d i v i d u a l use o f space which seems to c h a r a c t e r i z e urban midd le - o r h i g h e r - s t a t u s groups (F r ied and G l e i c h e r , 1 9 6 1 ) . B u t t i m e r ' s more recent study o f the e v a l u a t i o n s o f d i f f e r e n t groups o f res iden ts o f Glasgow housing es ta tes supported the idea t h a t persons in the lowest socio-economic category i d e n t i f y w i t h a home ground, but a l s o i nd i ca ted tha t the sense o f i d e n t i t y w i t h p a r t i c u l a r urban places i n t e r a c t s w i t h soc ia l re fe rence systems, norms and va lues . S a t i s f a c t i o n w i t h an a rea , and w i t h d a i l y l i f e in a p a r t i c u l a r r e s i d e n t i a l s e t t i n g , are the r e s u l t o f congruence between at l eas t th ree components o f s p a t i a l exper ience. In the Glasgow s tudy , these inc luded an ". . .ability to identify with a home ground, accessibility to aspired social and service destinations, and a perception of the architectural environment corresponding to an image of the ideal environment." (Buttimer, 1972: 290) 3 . 2 6 Summary: S a t i s f a c t i o n & Family L i f e S a t i s f a c t i o n , as noted e a r l i e r , is a meaningful concept o n l y in i t s re ference to the c u r r e n t s i t u a t i o n . Much o f the evidence in t h i s chapter has i nd i ca ted t h a t s a t i s f a c t i o n , as an a t t i t u d e , encompasses a good deal more than pu re l y phys ica l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f a housing envi ronment . Whi le c e r t a i n design f e a t u r e s , amount o f outdoor usable space, and the arrangement 59 o f space appear to opera te as important components o f s a t i s f a c t i o n , s o c i a l re ference systems, a long w i t h personal norms, values or behav iora l p a t t e r n s f r e q u e n t l y ( i f not u s u a l l y ) cannot be separated from phys ica l f a c t o r s which promote a sense o f f u l f i l l m e n t w i t h present needs or wants. In a very real sense, then , there is not one housing s a t i s f a c t i o n , but several (Schor r , 1970). F u r t h e r , s a t i s f a c t i o n w i t h a c u r r e n t housing s i t u a t i o n does not prec lude a s p i r a t i o n s f o r an a l t o g e t h e r d i f f e r e n t housing s i t u a t i o n in the f u t u r e . I t has a l ready been noted t h a t many f a m i l i e s choose, f o r a p p a r e n t l y v a l i d reasons, to l i v e in downtown h igh r i s e s , even though t h i s type o f accommodation seems to present important d i f f i c u l t i e s f o r c h i l d - r a i s i n g . Whi le t h i s is not t o suggest t h a t f a m i l i e s w i t h young c h i l d r e n are t o t a l l y s a t i s f i e d w i t h present h igh r i s e form or d e s i g n , "The point is to take these units for what they are worth, and not to pretend they fill some other function even for the person selecting them for an interim period for indisputable purposes." (Michelson, 1973:a: 23) Family households who have s a t i s f i e d t h e i r expec ta t i ons f o r the "moment" but who see no v a l i d o p p o r t u n i t y f o r ach iev ing an approx imat ion o f t h e i r i d e a l , however, may e v e n t u a l l y exper ience g rea t d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n w i t h t h e i r present accommodation. The chance o f ach iev ing some approx imat ion o f an ideal is something which c e r t a i n l y permi ts r e l a t i v e s a t i s f a c t i o n w i t h several incremental r e s i d e n t i a l changes in the f a m i l y m o b i l i t y c y c l e . Nevertheless f o r c e r t a i n p o r t i o n s o f the p o p u l a t i o n whose c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s are such t h a t they recognize the f u t i l i t y o f ever a t t a i n i n g t h e i r i d e a l , i n i t i a l s a t i s f a c t i o n may be replaced by a more permanent f r u s t r a t i o n (Michelson, 1973:a). Th is group could c e r t a i n l y inc lude many res iden ts o f p u b l i c housing who may be unable to put as ide enough f i n a n c i a l resources f o r the achievement o f t h e i r i d e a l ; w i t h r a p i d l y inc reas ing housing c o s t s , however, and a general lack o f a v a i l a b i l i t y o f a l t e r n a t i v e housing t ypes , one might expect t h i s f r u s t r a t i o n t o a f f e c t a g r e a t e r p r o p o r t i o n o f urban p o p u l a t i o n s . 60 An impor tan t , i f not s i n g u l a r l y c r u c i a l conc lus ion o f t h i s s e c t i o n is t ha t no s i n g l e type o f res idence or l o c a t i o n is s u i t a b l e f o r a l l urban res iden ts — nor should one housing type be prov ided in the absence o f s u i t a b l e numbers o f a l t e r n a t i v e t ypes . High d e n s i t y r e s i d e n t i a l s e t t i n g s may in f a c t be a s a t i s f a c t o r y o r p r e f e r r e d l i v i n g environment f o r many households, a l though not a few wi11 cons ider such s i t u a t i o n s s a t i s f a c t o r y dur ing r e l a t i v e l y temporary per iods in t h e i r complete m o b i l i t y c y c l e . S a t i s f a c t i o n o f the needs o f f a m i l i e s w i t h young c h i l d r e n who e i t h e r choose or f i n d i t necessary t o l i v e in h igh r i s e apartments has p a r t i c u l a r p r i o r i t y , however, whether s u f f i c i e n t numbers o f o the r housing a l t e r n a t i v e s are or are not — a v a i l a b l e . 61 Chapter A RELATED RESEARCH The fo rego ing evidence has not conf i rmed s imple c a u s e - e f f e c t r e l a t i o n s h i p s between h igh d e n s i t y housing and soc ia l d i s o r g a n i z a t i o n , g r e a t e r inc idence o f phys ica l and mental i l l n e s s , d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n , or soc ia l i n t e r a c t i o n . Rather, the re is s u f f i c i e n t reason t o suggest , on the basis o f these f i n d i n g s , t h a t the response o f the i n d i v i d u a l to h igh d e n s i t y in the r e s i d e n t i a l environment is a f u n c t i o n o f a set of h i g h l y i n t e r -r e l a t e d f a c t o r s , v a r y i n g p r i m a r i l y accord ing to s o c i a l aspects o f the s i t u a t i o n , personal c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f the i n d i v i d u a l , and phys ica l f e a t u r e s o f the env i ronment , many o f which are not n e c e s s a r i l y r e l a t e d t o d e n s i t y . Inasmuch as cons ide rab le research has been undertaken on the human e f f e c t s o f s p a t i a l l i m i t a t i o n and h igh p o p u l a t i o n d e n s i t i e s in o t h e r c o n t e x t s , i n v e s t i g a t i o n o f these f i n d i n g s may produce g r e a t e r i n s i g h t i n t o the e f f e c t s o f h igh d e n s i t y in the r e s i d e n t i a l envi ronment. Growing concern f o r the q u a l i t y o f the phys ica l envi ronment , and f o r an unders tand-ing o f the r e l a t i o n s h i p between organisms and t h e i r env i ronment , has prompted behav iora l s c i e n t i s t s t o i n v e s t i g a t e not on ly the e f f e c t s o f crowding on animal p o p u l a t i o n s , but a l so upon man - - in a v a r i e t y o f n a t u r a l and exper imenta l s e t t i n g s , and under a number o f phys ica l and s o c i a l environmental c o n d i t i o n s . Related research on crowding and h igh d e n s i t y f a l l s i n t o t h r e e general c a t e g o r i e s : (1) animal s t u d i e s , (2) exper imenta l s tud ies d i r e c t l y concerned w i t h the e f f e c t s of l i m i t e d space and h igh p o p u l a t i o n 62 dens i t y on human behav io r , and (3) experiments on the human use of space. Discussion o f these f i n d i n g s has been undertaken w i t h the express purpose o f de te rmin ing the p o t e n t i a l usefu lness o f r e l a t e d research in promot ing a c l e a r e r understanding o f human response to h igh d e n s i t y in the r e s i d e n t i a l envi ronment. k.1 Animal Stud ies Another , but by no means i n s i g n i f i c a n t body o f e m p i r i c a l s tud ies p e r t a i n s t o the e f f e c t s o f crowding and d e n s i t y on an imals . C h r i s t i a n ' s work on s i ka deer and Calhoun's study o f Norway r a t s , f o r example, a re r e p r e s e n t a t i v e o f a g rea t number o f c a r e f u l l y conducted e t h o l o g i c a l s tud ies undertaken in e i t h e r f i e l d o r l a b o r a t o r y s e t t i n g s to assess both p h y s i o l o -g i c a l and behav iora l e f f e c t s o f c rowding. F ind ings o f these s tud ies as they are a p p l i c a b l e t o p a r t i c u l a r animal species remain l a r g e l y uncha l lenged; e x t r a p o l a t i o n o f these r e s u l t s to man, however, has become the o b j e c t o f cons iderab le con t rove rsy among soc ia l s c i e n t i s t s . The purpose o f t h i s sec t i on is t o b r i e f l y summarize the known e f f e c t s o f crowding and d e n s i t y on animal p o p u l a t i o n s , w h i l e at the same t ime p o i n t i n g out the weaknesses o f popu la r i zed w r i t i n g s which have at tempted t o d i r e c t l y apply these f i n d i n g s t o the human s i t u a t i o n , C h r i s t i a n ' s l o n g i t u d i n a l study o f the e f f e c t s o f a b u i l d - u p in a heard o f s i ka deer demonstrated t h a t phys ica l crowding among such animals b r ings about prolonged o v e r a c t i v i t y o f the a d r e n a l s , an e f f e c t which lowers defense mechanisms and produces severe metabo l i c d i s t u r b a n c e . The gradual popu la t i on increase o f the herd over a f o r t y year per iod r e s u l t e d In a massive d i e - o f f over a two-year p e r i o d . P h y s i o l o g i c a l changes held t o e f f e c t the d i e - o f f o f the deer were concluded t o be a r e s u l t o f s t r e s s reac t ions t o excess ive p o p u l a t i o n d e n s i t y and i t s r e s u l t a n t s o c i a l pressures ( C h r i s t i a n , I960). 63 Calhoun's study o f Norway r a t s is important f o r i t s f i n d i n g s concerning the e f f e c t s o f crowding on soc ia l o r g a n i z a t i o n . In s h o r t , Calhoun demonstrated t h a t crowding among t h i s species d i s r u p t s important s o c i a l f u n c t i o n s and thereby leads to s o c i a l d i s o r g a n i z a t i o n , and u l t i m a t e l y to p o p u l a t i o n d e c l i n e o r c o l l a p s e . The "behav io ra l s i n k " is a term coined by Calhoun t o desc r ibe the outcome o f any behav iora l process tha t c o l l e c t s animals toge ther in unusua l l y g rea t numbers. Calhount asser ted t h a t the " u n h e a l t h y " conno ta t ions o f the term were not a c c i d e n t a l : ". . .a behavioral sink does aot to aggravate all forms of pathology that oan be found within a group. " (Calhoun, 1962: 144) Calhoun d i d not s p e c i f i c a l l y apply these f i n d i n g s t o human behav io r , a l though he d i d suggest t h a t re f inement o f such exper imenta l procedures and the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f such s tud ies might e v e n t u a l l y c o n t r i b u t e to an under-s tand ing o f the e f f e c t s o f crowding on man (Calhoun, 1962). Genera l l y , the researchers who have c a r r i e d out exper iments w i t h animals have been c a r e f u l not to e x t r a p o l a t e t h e i r f i n d i n g s t o human beings (Gad, 1973)• A s i z a b l e c o l l e c t i o n o f recent popu la r i zed w r i t i n g s on the e v i l s o f crowding f o r man, however, have f r e q u e n t l y based t h e i r conc lus ions on animal research ( Z l u t n i c k and Al tman, 1972). Hal l (1966) and Sommer (1969) have been p a r t i c u l a r l y ins t rumenta l in spreading the r e s u l t s o f e t h o l o g i c a l s t u d i e s , and imply t ha t animal s tud ies may prov ide c lues to the sources o f urban p a t h o l o g i e s . I t has a l s o been argued t h a t t e r r i t o r i a l i t y and aggress ion , behav iora l phenomenon held to be innate t o animal spec ies , a re no less " n a t u r a l " f o r man (Lorenz, 1963; Ardrey , 1966). M o d i f i c a t i o n s o f these views asser t t ha t the tendency o f man t o render a p a r t i c u l a r area d i s t i n c t i v e and defend i t are not i n n a t e , but learned (Sommer, 1966)-Lorenz' and A r d r e y ' s works have been quest ioned at some leng th by many w r i t e r s , however, on the a s s e r t i o n t h a t animal and human behavior are two d i f f e r e n t l e v e l s o f r e a l i t y ; s i m i l a r l y , the development o f language and c u l t u r e in man makes him incomparable w i t h o the r an ima ls , w h i l e l e a r n i n g and exper ience i n f l u e n c e both the development and express ion o f aggress ion ( c f . , Sandhu, 1969)-64 T inbergen , an e t h o l o g i s t , lends a d i f f e r e n t pe rspec t i ve to the a p p l i c a b i l i t y o f animal f i n d i n g s t o the human e f f e c t s o f h igh d e n s i t i e s . In s h o r t , he suggests t ha t the methods o f e t h o l o g y , not n e c e s s a r i l y the r e s u l t s , are p o t e n t i a l l y usefu l f o r o the r behav iora l sc iences . In h is v iew, most w r i t e r s who have t r i e d to apply e tho logy to man have done t h i s in the wrong way, i . e . , by using f a c t s t h a t are v a l i d on ly o f some o f the animals s t u d i e d ; and as e t h o l o g i s t s keep s t r e s s i n g , no two species behave a l i k e ; ". . .instead of taking the easy way out, we ought to study man in his own right. . . . The message of the ethologists is that the methods, rather than the results, of ethology should be used for such study." (Tinbergen, 1968: 1414) 4.2 Experimental I n v e s t i g a t i o n s The most recent approach to the study o f the crowding and d e n s i t y phenomenon is exper imental i n v e s t i g a t i o n o f the e f f e c t s o f d i f f e r i n g popu la t i on and s p a t i a l d e n s i t i e s on human behav io r . Whi le these are s t i l l r e l a t i v e l y few in number in comparison w i t h c o r r e l a t i o n a l analyses and exper imental animal s t u d i e s , the v a r i e t y o f c o n d i t i o n s and sub jec ts tes ted c o n t r i b u t e both a g r e a t e r f l e x i b i l i t y and p r e c i s i o n t o the e m p i r i c a l i n v e s t i g a t i o n o f h igh d e n s i t y and crowding. These exper imenta l or l a b o r a t o r y s tud ies have g e n e r a l l y been o f two types : (a) those d e f i n i n g crowding in terms o f group s i ze o r p o p u l a t i o n d e n s i t y , i . e . , " s o c i a l d e n s i t y " , and (b) those t e s t i n g the e f f e c t s o f d i f f e r e n t - s i z e d s p a t i a l areas upon same-sized groups, i . e . , " s p a t i a l d e n s i t y " . In a d d i t i o n such i n v e s t i g a t i o n s have looked f o r evidence o f the e f f e c t s o f crowding in both s u b j e c t i v e / a f f e c t i v e and behav iora l human responses. For example, i n v e s t i g a t o r s have measured the e f f e c t s o f crowding as expressed in s u b j e c t i v e repo r t s o f l i k i n g or d i s l i k i n g o f another person ( G r i f f i t and V e i t c h , 1971), as w e l l as s u b j e c t i v e measures o f s t r e s s , 65 a n x i e t y , h o s t i l i t y and annoyance (Smith & Haythorn, 1972). Behaviora l measures have inc luded a g g r e s s i v e / d e s t r u c t i v e behav io r , non-aggress ive soc ia l encounters , and t e r r i t o r i a l behavior (Hut t 5 McGrew, 1967), a long w i t h the s i ze o f i n t e r a c t i o n group (Tucker 6 Friedman, 1972). The r e s u l t s o f these s tud ies vary c o n s i d e r a b l y . As a whole , however, the f i n d i n g s suggest t h a t in humans, dens i t y e f f e c t s appear t o depend on many f a c t o r s , not merely the lack o f space. In the main, exper imenta l i n v e s t i g a t i o n s demonstrate the importance o f c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o r a t t r i b u t e s o f the i n d i v i d u a l , the nature o f the phys ica l env i ronment , and s o c i a l aspects o f the s i t u a t i o n . 4.21 Soc ia l Densi ty Several exper imenta l s tud ies have i n v e s t i g a t e d the outcome o f p l a c i n g d i f f e r e n t numbers o f people w i t h i n the same s i ze o f s p a t i a l a r e a , o r the e f f e c t s o f " s o c i a l d e n s i t i e s " . Hut t and Vaizey (1966), f o r example, at tempted t o assess the e f f e c t s o f d i f f e r e n t group d e n s i t i e s on the behavior o f a u t i s t i c , brain-damaged, and " n o r m a l " c h i l d r e n between the ages o f th ree and e i g h t yea rs . A u t i s t i c c h i l d r e n were regarded as withdrawn o r i n t r o -ve r te d in comparison w i t h normal c h i l d r e n , w h i l e brain-damaged c h i l d r e n were regarded as more ou tgo ing and a c t i v e ( i . e . , e x t r o v e r t e d ) . Reactions t o crowded c o n d i t i o n s were expected to r e f l e c t the normal and extreme reac t i ons o f the general p o p u l a t i o n (Hut t & Vaizey, 1966). In b r i e f , the e f f e c t s o f group d e n s i t i e s were seen t o be a f u n c t i o n o f both the type o f sub jec t and the nature o f the phys ica l envi ronment . Dur ing f r e e - p l a y a c t i v i t i e s , the normal c h i l d r e n showed an apprec iab le increase in aggress ion on ly when the room was very crowded, and f o r a r e l a -t i v e l y small p r o p o r t i o n o f the t ime t e s t e d . A u t i s t i c c h i l d r e n demonstrated almost no aggress ion , w h i l e those brain-damaged showed more aggress ive behavior as the s i ze o f the group increased (but s t i l l on ly f o r a p o r t i o n o f the t ime they were observed) . With respect to non-aggress ive soc ia l 66 i n t e r a c t i o n , normal c h i l d r e n reduced t h e i r i n t e r a c t i o n w i t h inc reas ing group s i z e . T e r r i t o r i a l behav io r , or a t tempts to preserve a phys ica l area aga ins t i n t r u d e r s , was more dependent on the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f the phys ica l environment than on the number o f c h i l d r e n in the room (Hut t & Vaizey, 1966)-A second i n v e s t i g a t i o n tes ted the e f f e c t s o f group s i ze or p o p u l a t i o n d e n s i t y in combinat ion w i t h temperature , and concluded tha t d i s l i k e f o r another person was g r e a t e r du r ing exposure t o h igh p o p u l a t i o n d e n s i t y and h igh temperature , than under c o n d i t i o n s o f comfor tab le tempera-tu res and low popu la t i on d e n s i t y . The s i g n i f i c a n t temperature e f f e c t r e p l i c a t e d a prev ious f i n d i n g by G r i f f i t . Whi le the f i n d i n g s concern ing crowding supported the hypothes is t h a t ext remely crowded c o n d i t i o n s do i n f l uence s o c i a l behavior in a negat ive manner, 1 the authors s ta ted t h a t t h e i r i n v e s t i g a t i o n d id not s u b s t a n t i a t e any c l e a r statement concern ing a t what p o i n t crowding is e i t h e r f i r s t unp leasant , or next i n t o l e r a b l e ( G r i f f i t 6 V e i t c h , 1 9 7 1 ) . Desor 's study demonstrated t h a t the f e e l i n g o f being "crowded" is r e l a t e d to r e c e i v i n g excessive s t i m u l a t i o n from soc ia l sources, and not merely the r e s u l t o f a lack o f space. Fur ther i n d i v i d u a l d i f f e r e n c e s were la rge in what c o n s t i t u t e d the f e e l i n g o f being crowded. The r e s u l t s a l so i nd i ca ted t h a t a person 's c r i t e r i o n o f crowding v a r i e s w i t h ongoing a c t i v i t y . Desor 's research design was e s p e c i a l l y i n t e r e s t i n g in t h a t i t t es ted an a r c h i t e c t u r a l design hypo thes is : any a r c h i t e c t u r a l f e a t u r e o f a space t h a t reduces in te rpe rsona l pe rcep t i on w i t h i n t h a t space was assumed t o reduce human judgment o f the leve l o f crowding the re (Desor, 1 9 7 2 ) . Subjects were presented w i t h scaled-down rooms and human f i g u r e s , and asked t o p lace as many people as p o s s i b l e in the rooms w i t h o u t ove r -crowding them. The f i n d i n g s i nd i ca ted tha t room p a r t i t i o n i n g reduces the degree to which people judge a g iven space t o be crowded, i . e . , room p a r t i t i o n s permi t g r e a t e r numbers o f people to be accommodated w i t h o u t inc reas ing the i n d i v i d u a l ' s f e e l i n g o f being crowded. F u r t h e r , i t seemed 67 t h a t " o t h e r t h i n g s " , p r i n c i p a l l y the a c t i v i t y i n v o l v e d , were at leas t as 2 important as the leve l o f soc ia l s t i m u l a t i o n . Desor 's f i n d i n g s tha t d i f f e r e n t a c t i v i t i e s produced d i f f e r e n t assessments o f "crowded" suggests t ha t "Unraveling the variables relevant to crowding that differentiate activities poses a rather formidable challenge for further research." (Desor, 1972: 83) The complex na tu re o f the e f f e c t s o f crowding and group s i ze was f u r t h e r supported by Smith and Hayward's study o f small groups o f persons who were sub jec ted t o l abo ra to ry - i nduced i s o l a t i o n and conf inement . T h e i r f i n d i n g s were g e n e r a l l y i n d i c a t i v e o f the way in which s u b t l e changes in envi ronmental c o n d i t i o n s may i n f l u e n c e s u b j e c t i v e r e a c t i o n s ( e . g . , a n x i e t y , s t r e s s , h o s t i l i t y , and annoyance) to i s o l a t i o n and conf inement , The s u b j e c t i v e r e a c t i o n s o f i n d i v i d u a l s in groups i n t e r a c t e d h i g h l y w i t h both s o c i a l and phys ica l aspects o f the group s e t t i n g (Smith & Haythorn, 1 9 7 ? ) , Tucker and Friedman (1972) found support f o r the theory t ha t s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n between persons decreases as p o p u l a t i o n d e n s i t y inc reases , i . e - , under c o n d i t i o n s o f h igh p o p u l a t i o n d e n s i t y , people gather f o r i n t e r a c t i o n in smal le r groups. Th is r e s u l t was exp la ined as a psycho log ica l means o f reducing the e f f e c t s which r e s u l t f rom increased p o p u l a t i o n d e n s i t y (Tucker £ Friedman, 1 9 7 2 ) . 4 . 2 2 Spa t ia l Densi ty Very few i n v e s t i g a t o r s have observed the e f f e c t s o f p l a c i n g same-s ized groups in d i f f e r e n t s ized s p a t i a l a reas . The f i n d i n g s which are a v a i l a b l e apply to d i f f e r e n t behav io ra l measures, d i f f e r e n t a c t i v i t i e s , and d i f f e r e n t types o f s u b j e c t s , so t ha t comparison o f the e f f e c t s o f s p a t i a l d e n s i t y are d i f f i c u l t . Hut t and McGrew i n v e s t i g a t e d the s o c i a l behavior o f e i g h t c h i l d r e n under f r e e - p l a y c o n d i t i o n s in d i f f e r e n t - s i z e d spaces, and found tha t 68 aggress ive and t e r r i t o r i a l behavior increased w i t h inc reas ing s p a t i a l d e n s i t y . Somewhat c o n t r a r y to H u t t ' s e a r l i e r f i n d i n g s , the f requency o f non-aggressive s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n increased as d e n s i t y increased. The l a t t e r r e s u l t was in general agreement w i t h animal dens i t y s t u d i e s , but not w i t h Hutt and Va izey 's prev ious f i n d i n g in which normal c h i l d r e n reduced t h e i r i n t e r a c t i o n s w i t h increased d e n s i t y . Hutt and McGrew suggested t h a t environmental c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s may best e x p l a i n t h i s d iscrepancy (Hut t 6 McGrew, 1967). In Hut t and Va izey ' s e a r l i e r repor ted s o c i a l d e n s i t y s tudy , a c h i l d r e a c t i n g n e g a t i v e l y t o increased d e n s i t y c o n d i t i o n s could lessen h is d i s -comfort by purposely reducing h is i n t e r a c t i o n o f soc ia l c o n t a c t s . In Hut t and McGrew's s p a t i a l d e n s i t y s tudy , however, any c h i l d exper ienc ing d i scomfo r t in a crowded playroom was always f r e e to "escape" t o a l e s s -populated space ad jacent t o the playroom (Hut t 6 McGrew, 1967). A second exper imenta l i n v e s t i g a t i o n o f s p a t i a l d e n s i t y (Freedman, 197l) t e s t e d the e f f e c t s o f d i f f e r e n t - s i z e d rooms upon same-sized groups engaged in (a) performance tasks o f v a r y i n g degrees o f c o m p l e x i t y , (b)~ c o m p e t i t i v e versus coopera t i ve i n t e r a c t i o n , and (c) j u r y d e l i b e r a t i o n . In the f i r s t o f these no e f f e c t s o f any k ind were found t o be a t t r i b u t a b l e t o the degrees o f d e n s i t y in the rooms: "Regardless of the task, when or how it was performed, or by whom, we found no effects of density." (Freedman, 1971: 61) The second experiment ( compe t i t i ve versus coopera t i ve i n t e r a c t i o n ) i n d i c a t e d tha t boys competed more in the crowded room, w h i l e g i r l s were a f f e c t e d l e s s , i . e . , competed somewhat less in the crowded room. The r e s u l t s o f Freedman's t h i r d experiment ( j u r y d e l i b e r a t i o n ) were c o n s i s t e n t w i t h those o f the second. That i s , in one-sex groups, men responded n e g a t i v e l y t o crowded c o n d i t i o n s and became more susp ic ious and combat ive. Women responded p o s i t i v e l y , becoming more f r i e n d l y in h igh dens i t y s i t u a t i o n s . There were no e f f e c t s o f d e n s i t y when men and women were mixed (Freedman, 1971). 69 Freedman, in summarizing h is work and the r e s u l t s o f re levan t p rev ious s t u d i e s , asser ted tha t a v a i l a b l e evidence does not support the idea tha t d e n s i t y has g e n e r a l l y negat ive e f f e c t s on human be ings : "On the basis of my own research and the other available data, I would guess (and it is only a guess) that density per se is not particularly detrimental to human beings." (Freedman, 1971: 86) 4.23 Summary: Experimental I n v e s t i g a t i o n s The v a r i e t y o f c o n d i t i o n s under which these exper imenta l s tud ies were conducted, as w e l l as t h e i r yet- smal l number, renders c o n c l u s i v e s t a t e -ments about the e f f e c t s o f d e n s i t y and crowding upon human beings based on t h i s evidence tenuous a t bes t . The r e s u l t s , as demonstrated by the above rev iew, have been v a r i e d , a l though there is some reason to b e l i e v e t h a t extreme overcrowding does i n f l u e n c e soc ia l behavior in a nega t i ve manner-(Hut t 6 Va izey , 1966: G r i f f i t & V e i t c h , 1971). On the basis o f these f i n d i n g s , however, the parameters o f overcrowding in humans are on ly vaguely d e f i n e d , i f a t a l l . As G r i f f i t and V e i t c h s t a t e d , "The question of at what points on the density dimension do humans experience feelings of crowding which are initially unpleasant, then intolerable, is not answered by the present factorial investigation. " (Griffit & Veitch, 1972: 97) The approach o f many o f these experiments is n e c e s s a r i l y l i m i t e d in some aspec ts , as po in ted out by Freedman (1971). Perhaps one o f the most c r i t i c a l l i m i t a t i o n s o f exper imental s tud ies is t ha t the t ime span in which the e f f e c t s o f s o c i a l o r s p a t i a l d e n s i t i e s have been tes ted i s r e l a t i v e l y b r i e f compared to some s i t u a t i o n s in rea l l i f e , Another weakness is t h a t the sub jec ts knew they would e v e n t u a l l y get out o f the crowded environment (Freedman, 1971). I t is not ye t ev iden t f rom the above s tud ies whether the type o f a c t i v i t y invo lved is an important determinant o f the e f f e c t s o f d e n s i t y , s ince Desor 's f i n d i n g tha t d i f f e r e n t a c t i v i t i e s produced d i f f e r e n t assess-ments o f "crowded" was somewhat c o n t r a d i c t e d by Freedman's conc lus ion t h a t 70 performance o f tasks o f d i f f e r i n g complex i ty produces no d i f f e r e n c e s in the e f f e c t s o f s p a t i a l d e n s i t y . Fur ther i n v e s t i g a t i o n o f the i n f l u e n c e o f the type o f a c t i v i t y invo lved upon the e f f e c t s o f d e n s i t y w i l l be repor ted in Sect ion 4.3, The Human Use o f Space. Despi te the v a r i a t i o n s in the evidence o f t h i s p a r t , however, exper imenta l i n v e s t i g a t i o n d i r e c t l y conerned w i t h e i t h e r soc ia l or s p a t i a l dens i t y do demonstrate some q u i t e d i s t i n c t s i m i l a r i t i e s . The above s tud ies summarily i n d i c a t e t h a t human response to h igh d e n s i t i e s is not p r e d i c t a b l e s imply on the basis o f e i t h e r the number o f i n t e r a c t i n g i n d i v i d u a l s , or a lack o f space; r a t h e r , the e f f e c t s o f d e n s i t i e s are i n t e r a c t i v e w i t h not on ly the type o f sub jec t ( i . e . , a t t r i b u t e s or c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f the i n d i v i d u a l ) , but the na tu re o f the phys ica l env i ronment , and s o c i a l aspects o f the s i t u a t i o n . 4.3 The Human Use o f Space A t h i r d category o f r e l a t e d research g e n e r a l l y deals w i t h human space pe rcep t i on and man's use o f space in everyday behav io r . A l though many o f the s tud ies repor ted below do not focus d i r e c t l y on the human e f f e c t s of crowding o r d e n s i t y , they are p a r t i c u l a r l y re levan t t o problems a r i s i n g from s p a t i a l l i m i t a t i o n . Ha l l (1966) used the term "p roxemics" to r e f e r t o the i n t e r r e l a t e d observa t ions and t h e o r i e s o f man's use o f space as a s p e c i a l i z e d e l a b o r a t i o n o f c u l t u r e . The work o f Hal l (1959, 1966) and Sommer (1969) on proxemics suggests t h a t people d i f f e r in t h e i r v a l u e s , a t t i t u d e s and hab i t s concern ing the use o f space and the d is tances they ma in ta in from o t h e r s , but these d i f f e r e n c e s are l a r g e l y held t o be r e l a t e d t o c u l t u r a l norms or t r a d i t i o n s . Language, as a major element in the fo rmat ion o f though t , is be l ieved to have an important i n f l u e n c e on man's pe rcep t ion o f the w o r l d ; language not o n l y r e f l e c t s , but i n f luences man's use o f space ( H a l l : 1959, 1966). 71 Much o f the work on the human use o f space revolves around the concepts o f personal space, p r i vacy and t e r r i t o r i a l i t y . Centra l t o each o f these is the n o t i o n t h a t people e s t a b l i s h boundaries around themselves to ma in ta in t h e i r psycho log ica l i n t e g r i t y , manage t h e i r i n t e r a c t i o n s w i t h o t h e r s , and p r o t e c t t h e i r environment. Whi le the d is tances tha t an i n d i v i -dual ma in ta ins between h imse l f and o the rs are g e n e r a l l y seen as a f u n c t i o n o f such f a c t o r s as f a m i l i a r i t y , s t a t u s , s i t u a t i o n , sex, and age, the o v e r a l l p a t t e r n o f such s p a t i a l behavior i s c u l t u r a l l y determined ( c f . , Becker 6 Mayo, 1971; Sommer, 19^ 9; H a l l : 1959, 1966). Sommer has used the term "persona l space" t o r e f e r to a p o r t a b l e t e r r i t o r y t ha t an i n d i v i d u a l c a r r i e s around w i t h him which is f u n c t i o n a l in the d i s t a n c e he ma in ta ins w i t h o t h e r people — somewhat l i k e a " b u b b l e " o r i n v i s i b l e s h e l l which o the rs may not i n t r u d e upon. Sommer asse r t s t ha t t h i s p o r t a b l e t e r r i t o r y d isappears under c e r t a i n c o n d i t i o n s , such as crowding, w i t h the r e s u l t t h a t soc ia l norms l a r g e l y rep lace personal space as a mechanism f o r m a i n t a i n i n g p r i v a c y (Sommer, 19^ 9)• Personal space is on ly one o f f o u r types o f t e r r i t o r i e s a p p l i e d by Sommer t o human s o c i e t i e s , however. Pub l i c t e r r i t o r i e s ( e . g . , cou r tya rds and parks) p rov ide the i n d i v i d u a l freedom o f access, but not n e c e s s a r i l y o f a c t i o n . Home t e r r i t o r i e s , ( e . g . , c lubhouses) are p u b l i c areas taken over by groups o r i n d i v i d u a l s who have a sense o f c o n t r o l over the a rea . I n t e r " a c t i o n a l t e r r i t o r i e s inc lude those areas where s o c i a l ga the r ings may occur ; and personal space, the t e r r i t o r y encompassing the human body (Sommer, 1969). While some have r e s t r i c t e d the use o f the term " t e r r i t o r i a l i t y " t o s i t u a t i o n s i n v o l v i n g demarcat ion o f boundaries and defense o f a p a r t i c u l a r s p a t i a l a r e a ; and personal space or d i s t a n c e , t o i n t e r p e r s o n a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s which d e f i n e the use o f space (Becker & Mayo, 1971), o the rs have suggested tha t the two concepts are a t t imes v i r t u a l l y inseparab le : "In many situations defense of personal space is. so entangled with defense of an immediate territory that one sees them as part of a single process — the defense of privacy — that involves fundamental questions of space usage and property rights. " (Sommer, 1969: 45) 72 The term t e r r i t o r i a l i t y f i n d s i t s o r i g i n in the f i e l d o f animal eco logy. Many who have researched the human use o f space are not r e l u c t a n t to apply the term t o human behav io r , a l though the tendency in man is g e n e r a l l y he ld to be a lea rned , ra the r than innate capac i t y (Sommer, 1969), and the analogy is u s u a l l y l i m i t e d to ach iev ing and e x e r t i n g c o n t r o l over p r i v a t e p r o p e r t y . A view t h a t i s ga in ing cons iderab le acceptance among behav iora l s c i e n t i s t s holds t ha t t e r r i t o r i a l i t y in man is not o n l y t i e d t o h is d i r e c t s o c i a l i z i n g and broader c u l t u r a l exper iences , but serves the f u n c t i o n o f p r e s e r v i n g minimum space to p rov ide freedom o f cho ice in s a t i s f y i n g b i o l o g i c a l and complex s o c i a l mot i ves : "Territoriality in humans, defined as achieving and exerting control over a particular segment of space, seems always to be instrumental to the achievement of a more primary goal. We have suggested that the inner determinant of territorial behavior in the individual is his desire to maintain and achieve privacy. Terri-toriality thus becomes one mechanism whereby he can increase the range of options open to him and maximize his freedom of choice in a given situation." (Proshansky, Ittelson & Rivlin, 1970:a: 180) Discuss ion o f the human use o f space below main ly emphasizes d i f f e r e n c e s in i n t e r a c t i o n d i s tance and the everyday use o f space among and w i t h i n c u l t u r e s . For purpose o f c l a r i t y , these have been ca tegor i zed as (a) n a t i o n a l o r c u l t u r a l , and (b) s u b c u l t u r a l or group d i f f e r e n c e s in the use o f space. The observa t ions and experiments i n d i c a t e t h a t d i f f e r e n c e s w i t h i n c u l t u r e s vary main ly accord ing to e t h n i c , age, and sex groups. 4.31 Nat iona l or C u l t u r a l D i f f e rences in the Use o f Space Hal l (1959, 1966) has been p a r t i c u l a r l y ins t rumenta l in r e p o r t i n g evidence t h a t the o r g a n i z a t i o n o f space and s p a t i a l cues d i f f e r cons ide rab ly among c u l t u r e s , and in suggest ing tha t s u b j e c t i v e responses to c e r t a i n s p a t i a l arrangements a l so vary among members o f d i f f e r e n t c u l t u r e s . The 73 i n fe rence o f H a l l ' s observa t ions is t ha t s p a t i a l and a r c h i t e c t u r a l needs are not the same, but vary cons iderab ly among d i f f e r e n t c u l t u r a l groups. In the Uni ted S t a t e s , f o r example, space is h i g h l y p e r s o n a l i z e d , and r e l a t i o n s h i p s between places are v i s u a l i z e d on the basis o f personal exper ience. Ha l l observed tha t f o r Americans, the p o i n t s where t h i n g s begin and end are impor tan t , and the areas in between are l a r g e l y ignored o r considered "empty" . Americans use the edges o f rooms and leave the c e n t r e open f o r o t h e r a c t i v i t i e s . The Trukese, on the o ther hand, have not developed as an e l a b o r a t e nomenclature f o r edges o f p laces or o b j e c t s . Each open area is i d e n t i f i e d w i t h a name, however, and t r e a t e d as complete ly d i s t i n c t ( H a l l , 1959). The Japanese custom emphasizes cent res in a v a r i e t y o f s p a t i a l arrangements. T h e i r house w a l l s are s e m i - f i x e d and movable, in a r e s u l t t h a t rooms are m u l t i - p u r p o s e accord ing to the t ime o f day o r purpose ( H a l l , 1966). Michelson suggested tha t the Japanese exempl i f y successfu l adjustment t o very h igh d e n s i t i e s : "Faced with high urban masses in a country with no room in which to expand, and without the precedents for high rise construction, the Japanese have made their dwellings small, and private open space is minimal. " (Michelson, 1970:a: 155) The r e a c t i o n o f the Japanese people t o t h i s pressure is a " t u r n i n g i nward " , w i t h a s t rong d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n between what is p u b l i c and p r i v a t e in both phys ica l and s o c i a l terms. Lack o f s i z e in personal d w e l l i n g u n i t s is compensated f o r by i n t e n s i v e use o f personal l i v i n g space. E x t e r i o r space, however, is l a r g e l y ignored and unkempt s ince i t is p u b l i c and t h e r e f o r e does not r e f l e c t the i n d i v i d u a l ' s domain and r e s p o n s i b i l i t y (Miche lson, 1970:a). Hal l ma in ta ins the re are impor tant d i f f e r e n c e s between American and Eng l i sh proxemics as w e l l . In the Uni ted S t a t e s , space is used as a way o f c l a s s i f y i n g people and a c t i v i t i e s ; in England i t is the soc ia l system t h a t determines who you a r e . Whereas Americans depend on a r c h i t e c t u r a l f ea tu res f o r p r i v a c y , the Eng l ish use s u b t l e behav io ra l c lues to i n d i c a t e they do not want t o be bothered ( H a l l , ' 1 9 6 6 ) . 74 In a manner s i m i l a r to the E n g l i s h , when an Arab wants to be a l o n e , he stops t a l k i n g . In f a c t , the Arabs do not have a word f o r p r i v a c y , and accord ing to H a l l ' s o b s e r v a t i o n , do not l i k e to be a lone . The Arabs show a g r e a t e r o v e r t s e n s i t i v i t y to forms o f a r c h i t e c t u r a l crowding than the Americans, avo id ing p a r t i t i o n s and having a great deal more open space in t h e i r m i d d l e - c l a s s p r i v a t e d w e l l i n g s . Hal l imp l ied tha t the lack o f any sense o f " p r i v a t e " r i g h t s in p u b l i c areas and the o r i e n t a t i o n o f being deeply invo lved w i t h each o t h e r in an a c t i v e way, promotes c u l t u r a l adap ta t i on t o the very h igh p o p u l a t i o n d e n s i t i e s in several Arabian c i t i e s ( H a l l , 1 9 6 6 ) . Draper 's recent d e s c r i p t i o n o f the use o f space and d a i l y i n t e r a c t i o n p a t t e r n s o f the Kung Bushmen ( h u n t e r - g a t h e r e r s who l i v e on the edges o f the Ka lahar i Desert in Botswana and South-West A f r i c a ) suggested t h a t the Kung l i v e in very crowded c o n d i t i o n s by c h o i c e , not by an economic o r e c o l o g i c a l c o n s t r a i n t . The Kung l i v e in k in-based groups whose s i z e and m o b i l i t y a re determined t o a g rea t ex ten t by the a v a i l a b i l i t y o f food and water resources. The average d e n s i t y o f t h e i r camps is very h i g h , but the o r g a n i z a t i o n o f i n t e r i o r space in each se t t lement increases the exposure o f each i n d i v i d u a l to ano ther : "The human press in .'Kung camps is clearly extreme. The campsites themselves are tightly packed and the absence of physical barriers combined with the circular arrange-ment of inward-facing huts means, effectively, that approximately thirty people are living in a single room. The Kung apparently like to be close together, even touching. " (Draper, 1973: 303) Draper suggested two impor tant c o n d i t i o n s which may f a c i l i t a t e the accom-modation o f the Kung t o crowded l i v i n g c o n d i t i o n s , a l though there may in f a c t be o the r a m e l i o r a t i n g c o n d i t i o n s . The f i r s t o f these r e l a t e s to the Kung's c u l t u r a l acceptance o f moving from one camp t o another w h i l e r e t a i n i n g a s o c i a l l y cohesive group o f i n d i v i d u a l s who have known each o t h e r through years o f co - res idence . Another c o n d i t i o n r e l a t e s to the r e l a t i v e l y great separa t ion between camp s e t t l e m e n t s , which minimizes chance encounter 75 w i t h s t r a n g e r s . ^ Draper observed tha t c l e a r l y the Kung are crowded; ". . .yet the absence of presumably stress-related diseases suggests that residential crowding is not necessarily related to social pathology." (Draper, 1973: 303) k.32 Subcu l tu ra l or Group D i f f e rences in the Use o f Space R e l a t i v e l y l i t t l e i n f o r m a t i o n is a v a i l a b l e regard ing v a r i a t i o n s in i n t e r a c t i o n d is tance and the use o f space between s u b c u l t u r a l e t h n i c groups, or grouping along o ther l i n e s ( e . g . , age, s e x ) . Whi le evidence in t h i s sec t i on is not n e c e s s a r i l y d e f i n i t i v e , t o the ex ten t t h a t s u b c u l t u r a l groups do demonstrate s i m i l a r d i f f e r e n c e s in space usage, they may p r e f e r d i f f e r e n t i n t e r a c t i o n c o n d i t i o n s , and t h e r e f o r e may r e q u i r e c e r t a i n a r c h i -t e c t u r a l p a t t e r n s o f design f o r op t ima l i n te rpe rsona l f u n c t i o n i n g (Bax te r , 1970). B a x t e r ' s i n v e s t i g a t i o n o f the d is tances a t which people i n t e r a c t e d w i t h each o the r in several n a t u r a l s e t t i n g s revealed important d i f f e r e n c e s among e t h n i c , age and sex groups in in te rpe rsona l spac ing . The most s t r i k i n g r e s u l t o f the a n a l y s i s was a s i g n i f i c a n t d i f f e r e n c e in spacing a t t r i b u t a b l e to e t h n i c g roup ings : Mexican groups i n t e r a c t e d most prox imal1y (stood c l o s e s t ) ; Anglos were i n t e r m e d i a t e , and Blacks i n t e r a c t e d a t the g r e a t e s t d i s tance (Bax te r , 1970). Age groupings a lso showed s i g n i f i c a n t d i f f e r e n c e s in i n te rpe rsona l spac ing , w i t h c h i l d r e n i n t e r a c t i n g most p r o x i m a l l y . Adolescents were i n t e r m e d i a t e , and a d u l t s i n t e r a c t e d a t the g r e a t e s t d i s t a n c e s . Sex groupings a lso demonstrated s i g n i f i c a n t d i f f e r e n c e s in i n t e r a c t i o n d i s t a n c e s , a l though t h i s e f f e c t was q u i t e modest in comparison w i t h the s t r e n g t h o f d i f f e r e n c e s f o r both e t h n i c i t y and age. Baxter found tha t male-female groups i n t e r a c t e d most p r o x i m a l l y , female- female groups were i n t e r m e d i a t e , and male-male groups were most d i s t a n t . The order o f sex groupings d i d not remain constant w i t h i n the e t h n i c and age combina t ions , however (Bax te r , 1970). 76 The modest leve l o f the e f f e c t o f sex d i f f e r e n c e s in B a x t e r ' s study and i t s incons is tency across groupings is i n t e r e s t i n g , in view o f o the r f i n d i n g s c i t e d in t h i s chap te r . Freedman (1971) repor ted s i g n i f i c a n t d i f f e r e n c e s between men and women in response to crowded s i t u a t i o n s in two d i f f e r e n t o b s e r v a t i o n s , but Desor (1972) observed no r e p l i c a b l e sex d i f -ferences in h is study o f human judgement o f c rowding. Fur ther i n v e s t i g a t i o n o f sex d i f f e r e n c e s in space percep t ion is apparen t l y needed before conc lus i ve statements can be made on the e f f e c t o f t h i s v a r i a b l e . Ha l l (1971) a l s o repor ted t h a t behavior o f b lacks and wh i tes v a r i e d in the way in which r e s i d e n t i a l space was handled. T e r r i t o r i a l i t y , o r soc ia l c o n t r o l o f phys ica l space, was much more ev ident in the b lack neighborhoods, and t e r r i t o r i a l boundaries were c l o s e l y r e l a t e d t o group boundar ies. "T respass ing " was v i r t u a l l y meaningless among these b l a c k s , whose t e r r i t o r y was a group concern ra the r than a personal or p r i v a t e ma t te r . Ha l l observed t h a t the b lock c l u b , an impor tant p a r t o f b lack community l i f e i n Chicago, serves a wide v a r i e t y o f purposes, but one o f i t s more important f u n c t i o n s is s o c i a l c o n t r o l o f the young. In c o n t r a s t t o wh i te "suburban" c u l t u r e where o n l y the immediate f a m i l y as a r u l e c o r r e c t s c h i l d r e n ' s behav io r , b lack a d u l t s (and p r i n c i p a l l y the b lock c lub ) are expected t o not on ly d i s c i p l i n e o t h e r s ' c h i l d r e n , but encourage t h e i r good behav io r . The ex ten t o f s o c i a l c o n t r o l by b lock c lubs normal ly inc luded an area two b locks long on a s i n g l e s ide o f the s t r e e t . Ha l l suggested tha t t h i s form o f in formal c o n t r o l has managed to remain v i a b l e on b locks w i t h s i n g l e houses, as we l l as row-houses and l o w - r i s e apartments centered on c o u r t s , but t h a t the h igh r i s e , when combined w i t h r e s t r i c t i v e manage-ment p o l i c y , c o n t r i b u t e s t o the loss o f b lock c lub o r g a n i z a t i o n . The main d i f f i c u l t i e s were a t t r i b u t e d t o d i s t a n c e f rom the ground, which discourages group s u p e r v i s i o n o f c h i l d r e n , as w e l l as the lack o f o p p o r t u n i t y f o r res iden ts to exe rc i se i n i t i a t i v e over the care and maintenance o f grounds and p r o p e r t y . Whi le Ha l l s t ressed there is no th ing i n h e r e n t l y good or bad about h igh r i s e apar tments , he d id suggest t ha t successfu1 a d a p t a t i o n t o 77 crowded l i v i n g seems to be c o r r e l a t e d w i t h d i s c i p l i n e or homogeneity. He exp la ined the apparent successfu l adap ta t i on t o Hong Kong d e n s i t i e s by the h igh d i s c i p l i n e o f the Chinese in the f a m i l y c o n t e x t , along w i t h f a m i l y s t a b i l i t y ( H a l l , 1 9 7 0 -4.33 Summary: The Human Use o f Space Research on the human use o f space has i nd i ca ted tha t the d is tances people ma in ta in from o t h e r s , and man's everyday use o f space are not constant behav iora l p a t t e r n s , but vary both between and w i t h i n c u l t u r a l g roup ings . In another manner o f speaking, experiments and observa t ions on the human use o f space p rov ide evidence tha t c u l t u r a l norms mediate ( i . e . , i n f l uence ) man's p e r c e p t i o n o f , and adjustment t o i n t e r p e r s o n a l space ( S t o k o l s , 1 9 7 2 ) . To the ex ten t t h a t d i f f e r e n t c u l t u r a l groupings demonstrate s i m i l a r d i f f e r e n c e s in i n t e r a c t i o n d i s tance and the use o f space, i t is not a t a l l u n l i k e l y t ha t members o f d i f f e r e n t c u l t u r e s respond d i f f e r e n t l y to h igh d e n s i t y o r crowded s i t u a t i o n s . Whi le va lues and a t t i t u d e s are an impor tant component o f t he i n d i v i d u a l ' s response t o crowded s i t u a t i o n s , phys i ca l m a n i f e s t a t i o n s o f c u l t u r e , i . e . , design and the phys ica l arrangement o f space f o r p a r t i c u l a r a c t i v i t i e s , a l s o i n f l u e n c e the i n d i v i d u a l ' s pe rcep t i on o f space. H a l l , f o r example, a p p l i e d the term " s o c i o f u g a l spaces" to denote s p a t i a l arrangements which tend to keep people a p a r t , and " s o c i o p e t a l spaces" to those which tend t o b r i n g people t o g e t h e r . What is soc io fuga l in one c u l t u r e , however, may be soc iope ta l in another s ince members o f d i f f e r e n t c u l t u r e s apparen t l y i n t e r p r e t d i f f e r e n t phys ica l arrangements o f space as having d i f f e r e n t o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r behavior ( H a l l , 1966). Sommer's obse rva t i on o f the spacing o f i n d i v i d u a l s in small groups ind i ca ted tha t in a d d i t i o n to the nature o f the phys ica l s e t t i n g , p e r s o n a l i t y and c u l t u r a l f a c t o r s , the type o f a c t i v i t y performed in a g iven area in f luences whether the amount o f a v a i l a b l e space is too l i m i t e d o r adequate (Sommer, 1969). These f i n d i n g s support Desor 's ev idence, c i t e d p r e v i o u s l y , t h a t a 78 person 's c r i t e r i o n o f crowding v a r i e s accord ing to ongoing a c t i v i t y (Desor, 1972). Other works on the human use o f space have emphasized tha t p a r t i c u l a r phys ica l environments are e s p e c i a l l y conducive to c e r t a i n behav iora l p a t t e r n s (Barker , 1955; Goffman, 1959). 79 Chapter 5 CRITIQUE OF PREVIOUS RESEARCH ON THE EFFECTS OF HIGH DENSITIES As s ta ted In the i n t r o d u c t o r y remarks o f t h i s s tudy , the purpose o f t h i s work is t o promote a c l e a r e r understanding o f human response t o h igh d e n s i t y in the r e s i d e n t i a l envi ronment. More s p e c i f i c a l l y , t h i s research is an at tempt to c l a r i f y the e f f e c t s f o r the i n d i v i d u a l o f : (a) overcrowding w i t h i n d w e l l i n g u n i t s ; (b) h igh d e n s i t y o f p o p u l a t i o n or d w e l l i n g u n i t s per r e s i d e n t i a l ac re ; (c) congest ion o f p r i v a t e o r p u b l i c space cont iguous t o h igh d e n s i t y d w e l l i n g u n i t s ; and/or (d) congest ion o f community f a c i l i t i e s which support the r e s i d e n t i a l p o p u l a t i o n o f a g iven a rea . The e x p l o r a t i o n o f p rev ious s t u d i e s — c o r r e l a t i o n a l , ep idemio lo -g i c a l , soc ia l i n t e r a c t i o n , s a t i s f a c t i o n , and f a m i l y l i f e - - was undertaken to p rov ide a r e p r e s e n t a t i v e statement o f e x i s t i n g knowledge on the e f f e c t s o f h igh d e n s i t y in the r e s i d e n t i a l envi ronment. The i n t e n t o f t h i s chapter is t o summarize these f i n d i n g s , w h i l e supplementing t h i s knowledge w i t h the r e s u l t s o f r e l a t e d research. The i n t e g r a t i o n o f t h i s evidence con ta ins an i m p l i c i t assumption t h a t i n v e s t i g a t i o n s o f the human use o f space, exper imenta l s tud ies d i r e c t l y concerned w i t h the e f f e c t s o f h igh d e n s i t i e s on human behav io r , and c e r t a i n evidence from animal s tud ies are not o n l y u s e f u l , but necessary f o r an understanding o f the v a r i a b l e s which a f f e c t the i n d i v i d u a l ' s response to h igh d e n s i t i e s in the r e s i d e n t i a l envi ronment . 80 The summary o f these f i n d i n g s is preceded by a d i scuss ion o f the o v e r a l l lack o f r i go rous s c i e n t i f i c evidence on the human e f f e c t s o f crowding and h igh d e n s i t y , as w e l l as statements concerning general weaknesses o f much prev ious research . 5.1 Lack o f Rigorous S c i e n t i f i c Evidence on the  Human E f f e c t s o f Crowding & High Densi ty Despi te the ex is tence o f ex tens ive l i t e r a t u r e on the e f f e c t s o f h igh d e n s i t y and crowding - - both in the r e s i d e n t i a l environment and in o the r con tex ts - - r e l a t i v e l y l i t t l e r i go rous e m p i r i c a l evidence can be c i t e d on the human e f f e c t s o f these phenomena on behavior and h e a l t h . The fo rego ing examinat ion o f these s tud ies was not exhaus t i ve , but r a t h e r r e p r e s e n t a t i v e o f prev ious research on t h i s problem. Yet those who have conducted i n t e n s i v e reviews o f the l i t e r a t u r e are e i t h e r h i g h l y s c e p t i c a l o f the present s t a t e o f t h i s knowledge ( Z l u t n i c k 6 A l tman, 1972; Gad, 1973) or have des ignated on ly a p r e l i m i n a r y p i c t u r e o f the e f f e c t s o f crowding and d e n s i t y on the bas is o f e x i s t i n g evidence ( S t o k o l s , 1972). Fo l low ing h i s recent c r i t i q u e o f t h i s l i t e r a t u r e , Gad s ta ted t h a t ". . .the postulated link between high population densities in cities and the physical and mental health of urban man lacks a solid basis. Empirical evidence of these adverse effects is not only sparse and in places contradictory, but it suffers also from problems of definition and the lack of awareness that a priori value judgements are being made." (Gad, 1973: 385) In a s i m i l a r manner, Z l u t n i c k and Altman (1972) concluded t h a t one j u s t cannot be c o n f i d e n t about the e f f e c t s o f crowding on s o c i a l and psycho lo -g i c a l behavior in humans, in view o f the lack o f adequate s c i e n t i f i c evidence which is unequ ivoca l , r e p l i c a b l e , o r c a r e f u l l y des igned. Previous research e f f o r t s on the human e f f e c t s o f crowding and dens i t y have been g e n e r a l l y h indered by th ree major problems: the 81 ambigu i ty o f the terms " d e n s i t y " and " c r o w d i n g " , the lack o f p r e c i s e d e f i n i t i o n o f dependent v a r i a b l e s ( i . e . , pa tho log ies or e f f e c t s ) , and a f requent f a i l u r e to cons ider the importance o f i n t e r v e n i n g v a r i a b l e s (Miche lson, 1970:a; Gad, 1973; S t o k o l s , 1972). Much research has a l so lacked a t h e o r e t i c a l p e r s p e c t i v e ( S t o k o l s , 1972); w h i l e q u a l i t a t i v e dimensions o f space and the d u r a t i o n o f exposure to h igh d e n s i t i e s in d i f f e r e n t s e t t i n g s have l a r g e l y been ignored (Gad, 1973). Aside from these, many popular specu la t ions and hypotheses have e i t h e r been based on e x t r a p o l a t i o n from animal research , c o r r e l a t i o n a l d a t a , or o p i n i o n ( Z l u t n i c k & Al tman, 1972). A comprehensive understanding o f the e f f e c t s o f crowding and d e n s i t y in the r e s i d e n t i a l environment is more broad ly impeded by the high degree o f complex i ty o f these phenomena and t h e i r i n t e r r e l a t e d n e s s to o ther urban or s o c i e t a l problems. F u r t h e r , d e n s i t y and crowding may be analyzed a t a v a r i e t y o f l e v e l s - - one can speak o f a crowded c i t y , n e i g h -borhood, home o r d w e l l i n g u n i t , o f f i c e , c lassroom, community f a c i l i t i e s , e t c . S p e c i f i c v a r i a b l e s which i n t e r a c t w i t h s p a t i a l l i m i t a t i o n undoubtedly vary f rom one l eve l t o the n e x t , and the e f f e c t s on human behavior o r hea l t h are probably d i f f e r e n t a t each leve l ( S t o k o l s , 1972). 5.2 Summary: E f f e c t s o f High Densi ty o r Crowding in the Res iden t ia l Environment Examination o f the f i n d i n g s generated by the f o u r ca tego r ies o f research d i r e c t l y concerned w i t h housing and the r e s i d e n t i a l environment ( c o r r e l a t i o n a l s t u d i e s , ep idemio log ica l s t u d i e s , s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n in h igh d e n s i t y hous ing, and s a t i s f a c t i o n and f a m i l y l i f e ) does not permi t a p r e c i s e statement o f the c o n c l u s i v e e f f e c t s o f h igh d e n s i t y and crowding f o r the i n d i v i d u a l . Summation o f these f i n d i n g s w i l l n e c e s s a r i l y be general s ince r e s u l t s o f c o r r e l a t i o n a l s tud ies are l a r g e l y c o n t r a d i c t o r y , and o the r f i n d i n g s r e q u i r e f u r t h e r r e p l i c a t i o n . 82 Correlational studies have demonstrated a s t a t i s t i c a l r e l a t i o n s h i p between overcrowding o f d w e l l i n g u n i t s as we l l as high popu la t i on d e n s i t i e s per r e s i d e n t i a l a c r e , and var ious measures o f soc ia l d i s o r g a n i z a t i o n and pa tho logy . This evidence does not n e c e s s a r i l y i n d i c a t e a c a u s e - e f f e c t r e l a t i o n s h i p between d e n s i t y and pa tho logy , however. Indeed, the f requen t co inc idence o f low-income, l ow-educa t ion , substandard hous ing, and several o the r s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e v a r i a b l e s suggests to t h i s author t h a t the r e l a t i o n s h i p between d e n s i t y and pathology is a h i g h l y complex one. In s h o r t , a v a i l a b l e c o r r e l a t i o n a l evidence a t best i n d i c a t e s t h a t d e n s i t y e i t h e r (a) ac ts as an i n t e r v e n i n g v a r i a b l e between soc ia l s t r u c t u r e v a r i a b l e s and pathology ( i . e . , s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e v a r i a b l e s may a f f e c t d e n s i t y , and d e n s i t y may in t u r n a f f e c t p a t h o l o g i e s ; s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e v a r i a b l e s may a l so a f f e c t pathology in a manner un re la ted t o d e n s i t y ) ; or (b) is on ly s p u r i o u s l y o r not genu ine ly r e l a t e d to pathology ( i . e . , s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e v a r i a b l e s may account f o r v i r t u a l l y a l l v a r i a t i o n s in the r e l a t i o n o f popu la t i on d e n s i t y and p a t h o l o g y ) . (See Figures 2 and 3, Chapter 2.) As noted e a r l i e r , c o r r e l a t i o n a l a n a l y s i s is h indered by a number o f l i m i t a t i o n s , the most important being the d i f f i c u l t y o f i d e n t i f y i n g t r u e causal r e l a t i o n s between d e n s i t y and pa tho logy , and t h a t o f i n fe rence from the area l leve l t o the leve l o f the i n d i v i d u a l . Epidemiological studies, i . e . , i n v e s t i g a t i o n s o f the e f f e c t s o f apartment l i v i n g or h igh dens i t y housing on phys ica l and mental h e a l t h , have s u f f e r e d a s i m i l a r lack o f c o n t r o l f o r o t h e r v a r i a b l e s which may c o n t r i b u t e to poor h e a l t h ( e . g . , personal c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f the i n d i v i d u a l , h i s s t a t e o f h e a l t h , aspects o f the s o c i a l env i ronment , e t c . ) As p r e v i o u s l y no ted , a lack o f c e r t a i n t y on the pa r t o f many h e a l t h researchers on the r e l a t i o n s h i p s o f space and p r i v a c y to h e a l t h or i l l n e s s renders conc lus ions tha t apartment dwe l l e rs s u f f e r g r e a t e r poor hea l th than do those o f lower d e n s i t y housing q u i t e tenuous. Findings on the ex tent and k ind o f social interaction in h igh dens i t y r e s i d e n t i a l environments suggest t ha t phys ica l f a c t o r s in housing ( e . g . , b u i l d i n g type and l a y - o u t ) i n f l u e n c e where i n t e r a c t i o n occurs in a high r i s e or o the r h igh d e n s i t y accommodation; l i k e w i s e , phys ica l 83 f e a t u r e s o f h igh r i s e d w e l l i n g u n i t s seem t o c o n t r i b u t e t o a general lack o f i n f o r m a t i o n which might c o n t r i b u t e to f requent i n t e r a c t i o n between ne ighbors . The usual socio-economic he te rogene i t y o f h igh r i s e res iden ts or apartment d w e l l e r s , as w e l l as the r e l a t i v e l y h igh r e s i d e n t i a l m o b i l i t y which c h a r a c t e r i z e s t h i s p o p u l a t i o n , however, c o n t r i b u t e as much ( i f not more) t o a lack o f i n f o r m a t i o n which tends to d iscourage i n t e n s i v e neighbor i n t e r a c t i o n . Recent Toronto ev idence, n e v e r t h e l e s s , c o n t r a d i c t s the n o t i o n t h a t h igh r i s e r e s i d e n t s are i s o l a t e d from s o c i a l c o n t a c t : Michelson found t h a t the ex ten t o f soc ia l con tac t f o r apartment d w e l l e r s was every b i t as h igh as f o r those l i v i n g in s i n g l e - f a m i l y homes, a l though h igh r i s e r e s i d e n t s i n t e r a c t e d more w i t h non- loca l f r i e n d s than w i t h t h e i r neighbors (Miche lson, 1972). D e s c r i p t i v e s tud ies on satisfaction and family life i n d i c a t e t h a t f a m i l i e s w i t h young c h i l d r e n are g e n e r a l l y more d i s s a t i s f i e d w i t h apartment or h igh r i s e l i v i n g , e s p e c i a l l y those w i t h very young c h i l d r e n and those who l i v e above the f i f t h f l o o r . D i s s a t i s f a c t i o n , f o r these households, is g e n e r a l l y a t t r i b u t e d to problems assoc ia ted w i t h p a r e n t s ' s u p e r v i s i o n o f c h i l d r e n ' s a c t i v i t i e s , c h i l d r e n ' s p l a y , and t h e i r s a f e t y . Other evidence suggests t h a t p re ference f o r h igh d e n s i t y r e s i d e n t i a l environments is assoc ia ted w i t h d i s t i n c t va lue o r i e n t a t i o n s ( e . g . , conven ience) , w h i l e both the cho ice and exper ience o f l i v i n g in such s e t t i n g s is assoc ia ted w i t h c e r t a i n l i f e s t y l e s . Physical f ea tu res o f hous ing, s o c i a l aspects o f the env i ronment , norms, v a l u e s , and l i f e s t y l e s were a l l seen as i n t e r a c t i v e components o f s a t i s f a c t i o n w i t h any housing envi ronment. F i n a l l y , these f i n d i n g s suggest t h a t cho ice o f h igh r i s e l i v i n g by f a m i l y households i s a f u n c t i o n o f the f a m i l y m o b i l i t y cyc le du r ing a pe r iod o f f requent changes in housing type o r l o c a t i o n , but w i t h the i n t e n t i o n o f s a t i s f y i n g r e l a t i v e d e p r i v a t i o n , not n e c e s s a r i l y the idea l (Miche lson, 1973:a). 84 5-3 Summary: Resul ts o f Related Research Despi te an o v e r a l l lack o f r i go rous emp i r i ca l evidence on the human e f f e c t s of h igh dens i t y and crowding in areas o f r e l a t e d research , i t is poss ib le to o u t l i n e a p r e l i m i n a r y p i c t u r e o f the d e n s i t y and crowding phenomena on the basis o f e x i s t i n g evidence ( S t o k o l s , 1972). Animal studies i n d i c a t e t h a t (a) negat ive responses to crowding develop over t i m e , w h i l e (b) the l i m i t a t i o n o f space is a necessary c o n d i t i o n f o r adverse responses. In a d d i t i o n , animal s tud ies po in ted out the c o n s t r a i n t s t h a t s p a t i a l l i m i t a t i o n places on soc ia l a c t i v i t i e s . I t should be noted tha t a p p l i c a t i o n o f animal f i n d i n g s to t h i s study does not suggest t h a t s p e c i f i c e f f e c t s found f o r c e r t a i n animal species have re ference f o r human response to crowding and d e n s i t y . Rather, the in fe rence is t h a t animal f i n d i n g s p rov ide evidence on c o n d i t i o n s assoc ia ted w i t h crowding not g e n e r a l l y produced by o the r research e f f o r t s . Experimental investigations suggest t ha t in humans, response t o h igh popu la t i on o r s p a t i a l d e n s i t i e s depends on many f a c t o r s — not merely the number o f i n t e r a c t i n g i n d i v i d u a l s or a lack o f space. Stud ies i n v e s t i g a t i n g group (or s o c i a l ) d e n s i t i e s i nd i ca ted t h a t (a) the type o f sub jec t and na tu re o f the phys ica l env i ronment , (b) excess ive s t i m u l a t i o n from s o c i a l sources, and (c) the na tu re o f ongoing a c t i v i t y a l l p lay an important r o l e in human response t o crowding. Resul ts o f s p a t i a l d e n s i t y s tud ies i n d i c a t e d t h a t when group s i ze is held constant and phys ica l c o n d i t i o n s assoc ia ted w i t h s p a t i a l l i m i t a t i o n s are c o n t r o l l e d ( e . g . , r e s t r i c t i o n o f movement, phys ica l d i s c o m f o r t ) , h igh dens i t y has v i r t u a l l y no e f f e c t s on task per -formance. The s p e c i f i c na ture o f s u b j e c t i v e responses and soc ia l e f f e c t s o f both h igh p o p u l a t i o n d e n s i t y and s p a t i a l l i m i t a t i o n v a r i e d cons iderab ly among the s t u d i e s . A l though r e s u l t s o f two exper imenta l i n v e s t i g a t i o n s ( G r i f f i t £ V e i t c h , 1971; Hut t & McGrew, 1967) suggest the re is reason t o b e l i e v e tha t extreme overcrowding in f l uences soc ia l behavior in a negat ive manner, the p r e c i s e parameters o f overcrowding have not been i d e n t i f i e d . That i s , the p o i n t a t which f e e l i n g s o f crowding are i n i t i a l l y unp leasant , then i n t o l e r a b l e , was not answered by these s tud ies ( G r i f f i t £ V e i t c h , 1971). 85 Observat ions and experiments on the human use of space support o ther f i n d i n g s t h a t the type of a c t i v i t y performed in a g iven area in f luences whether the amount o f a v a i l a b l e space is perce ived by the i n d i v i d u a l as inadequate. By and l a r g e , however, t h i s research prov ides evidence t h a t c u l t u r a l norms i n f 1 u e n c e ' h a b i t s , v a l u e s , and a t t i t u d e s concerning the use o f space and i n te rpe rsona l d i s t a n c e . In another manner o f speaking, ". . .the relationship between space and pathology is mediated by variables such as culture. . . . Disruption to the individual and his psyche is very much dependent on the definitions and rules specified by the cultural system, at the top of the hierarchy /of control between cultural, social and personality systems/ , and by his relations within the social system. " (Michelson, 1970:a: 157) 5.4 I n t e g r a t i o n o f F indings The i n t e g r a t i o n o f the r e s u l t s o f r e l a t e d research w i t h the repor ted f i n d i n g s on the response o f the i n d i v i d u a l to h igh d e n s i t i e s in the r e s i -d e n t i a l environment cannot be undertaken in a s t r i c t or l i t e r a l manner. As noted e a r l i e r , s p e c i f i c v a r i a b l e s which i n t e r a c t w i t h s p a t i a l l i m i t a t i o n or h igh popu la t i on d e n s i t i e s undoubtedly vary accord ing to the s i t u a t i o n o r contex t ana lyzed. That i s , human e f f e c t s are probably q u i t e d i f f e r e n t depending upon whether one is i n t e r e s t e d in how the i n d i v i d u a l responds to s p a t i a l l i m i t a t i o n or overcrowding (a) in the d w e l l i n g u n i t o r home, (b) w i t h respect to cont iguous p r i v a t e o r p u b l i c space, and (c) crowded community f a c i l i t i e s — versus some o f the s i t u a t i o n s which have been s tud ied under l a b o r a t o r y c o n d i t i o n s ( e . g . , how men and women react d i f f e r e n t l y t o crowding when engaged in j u r y sen tenc ing : Freedman, 1 9 7 1 ; or what the minimum space and a p p r o p r i a t e group s i ze is f o r long- te rm conf inement : Smith and Haythorn, 1 9 7 2 ) . However, conceptual a n a l y s i s o f the f i n d i n g s d i r e c t l y concerned w i t h high dens i t y in the r e s i d e n t i a l envi ronment, as we l l as evidence c i t e d in 86 r e l a t e d research , i nd i ca tes a cons is tency in c e r t a i n general or system v a r i a b l e s which i n t e r a c t w i t h each o ther to produce d i f f e r e n t responses t o h igh d e n s i t i e s . Human e f f e c t s o f l i m i t e d space or h igh p o p u l a t i o n  d e n s i t i e s appear to depend main ly on : (a) s o c i a l aspects o f the s i t u a t i o n , (b) personal a t t r i b u t e s or c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f the i n d i v i d u a l , (c) c u l t u r a l norms, (d) the type o f a c t i v i t y i n v o l v e d , (e) temporal d u r a t i o n ( i . e . , length o f exposure) , and ( f ) phys ica l f a c t o r s in a d d i t i o n to dens i t y v a r i a b l e s . The evidence has i nd i ca ted t h a t these v a r i a b l e s may, on the one hand, i n t e r a c t w i t h l i m i t e d space or h igh p o p u l a t i o n d e n s i t y in such a manner as t o o f f s e t adverse human response t o h igh d e n s i t i e s ; t h a t i s , i n t e r a c t i o n o f any o f these v a r i a b l e s may mediate and p o t e n t i a l l y p rec lude adverse r e a c t i o n to h igh d e n s i t i e s . The o v e r a l l f i n d i n g s o f t h i s study have a l so demonstrated, however, t h a t these v a r i a b l e s may i n t e r a c t w i t h h igh d e n s i t y so as to provoke, o r induce p o t e n t i a l l y d e t r i m e n t a l r e a c t i o n s to l i m i t e d space o r h igh p o p u l a t i o n d e n s i t i e s . Understanding o f the response o f the i n d i v i d u a l to any o f the above named forms o f h igh d e n s i t y in the r e s i d e n t i a l environment thus requ i res c o n s i d e r a t i o n o f the i n t e r -a c t i o n o f t h i s m u l t i - d i m e n s i o n a l set o f p r o p e r t i e s , not s imple " p r e d i c t i o n " on the basis o f pu re l y s p a t i a l v a r i a b l e s or number o f persons. More p r e c i s e s p e c i f i c a t i o n o f the independent v a r i a b l e s which i n f l uence o r mediate the e f f e c t s o f h igh d e n s i t y in the r e s i d e n t i a l environment w i l l be discussed in great d e t a i l in Chapter 8, as they are incorpora ted in a conceptual model which t h e o r e t i c a l l y e x p l a i n s d i f f e r e n t i a l i n d i v i d u a l responses to " c r o w d i n g " in the r e s i d e n t i a l envi ronment. In o rde r to promote s t i l l f u r t h e r a c l e a r e r understanding o f the i n d i v i d u a l ' s response t o h igh r e s i d e n t i a l d e n s i t i e s , however, i t is advantageous to examine several t h e o r e t i c a l exp lana t ions from the l i t e r a t u r e which l i n k high d e n s i t i e s t o pathology or s o c i a l d i s o r g a n i z a t i o n by the concept o f 87 " s t r e s s " . Recent s o c i a l - p s y c h o l o g i c a l t h e o r e t i c a l pe rspec t i ves o f t h i s r e l a t i o n are emphasized s ince these exp lana t ions take i n t o p a r t i c u l a r c o n s i d e r a t i o n the i n f l uence o f the above v a r i a b l e s in i n f l u e n c i n g o r media t ing the e f f e c t s o f h igh d e n s i t i e s . 88 Chapter 6 "CROWDING" AS A SUBJECTIVE EXPERIENCE As Gad (1973) r e c e n t l y no ted , some i n v e s t i g a t o r s have accepted documentat ion o f f a i r l y c o n s i s t e n t co inc idence o f exposure t o h igh d e n s i t i e s and the occurrence o f adverse e f f e c t s as s u f f i c i e n t p roo f o f a c a u s e - e f f e c t r e l a t i o n s h i p ; s e v e r a l , however, have been more cur ious about e x p l a i n i n g the l i n k between h igh d e n s i t i e s and adverse consequences f o r the i n d i v i d u a l . Qui te a range o f exp lana t ions have been o f f e r e d , but the main d i f f e r e n c e s are between b i o l o g i c a l (or b iochemica l ) and s u b j e c t i v e (or p s y c h o l o g i c a l ) causal mechanisms. Both b i o l o g i c a l and s u b j e c t i v e exp lana t ions never the less r e l y on the concept o f s t ress as the l i n k between h igh d e n s i t i e s and p o t e n t i a l l y adverse e f f e c t s . In s h o r t , e i t h e r s u b j e c t i v e or b iochemical s t r e s s is seen as a response o f the i n d i v i d u a l to s p a t i a l inadequacy or excess ive soc ia l s t i m u l a t i o n , which may p o t e n t i a l l y lead t o adverse e f f e c t s in the form o f p h y s i o l o g i c a l or emotional imbalance. As w i l l be seen, however, c o g n i t i v e or perceptua l f a c t o r s are e s p e c i a l l y important determinants o f whether s t r e s s leads t o p o t e n t i a l l y adap t i ve responses t o h igh d e n s i t i e s , or a l t e r n a t i v e l y , adverse consequences f o r the i n d i v i d u a l . 89 6.1 B i o l o g i c a l Versus Sub jec t i ve Links Between High Dens i t i es and Pathology The concept o f s t ress is c e n t r a l t o H a l l ' s b iochemical e x p l a n a t i o n o f the r e l a t i o n s h i p between crowding and pa tho logy . Excessive demands are r e f l e c t e d in h igher a c t i v i t y l eve l s in the endocr ine (or hormone) system, which in t u r n can lead to p a t h o l o g i c psychic or p h y s i o l o g i c a l consequences. H a l l ' s argument is p a r t l y based on C h r i s t i a n , who found t h a t f o r some an imals , h igh d e n s i t i e s could lead to s t r e s s and subsequent o rgan ic and behav iora l changes ( H a l l , 1966). Desor (1972) has a l so been in f luenced by C h r i s t a i n ' s theory which holds t ha t animal pathology o c c u r r i n g in response t o crowded s i t u a t i o n s is a t t r i b u t a b l e t o psycho log ica l s t r e s s from h igh l e v e l s o f soc ia l s t r i f e and c o m p e t i t i o n between members o f the same spec ies . Desor 's psycho log ica l theory o f crowding asse r t s t ha t the f e e l i n g o f "be ing crowded" (among humans) r e s u l t s from pe rcep t ion o r awareness o f "excess ive s t i m u l a t i o n from soc ia l sources" - - a term serv ing as a psycho log ica l c o r r e l a t e o f p o p u l a t i o n s i z e . Desor made no s p e c i f i c re ference to poss ib le adverse human p h y s i o l o g i c a l , behav iora l or psycho log ica l consequences o f h igh d e n s i t i e s , s ince h i s o b j e c t i v e was t o p rov ide an exper imenta l l i n k between t h i s theory and the everyday d i c t i o n a r y meaning o f "crowded" (Desor, 1972). Esser 's b i o s o c i a l p e r s p e c t i v e on crowding ( c i t e d by Gad, 1973) conta ins both a s u b j e c t i v e and b i o l o g i c a l exp lana t i on o f the r e l a t i o n s h i p between h igh d e n s i t i e s and p a t h o l o g i e s . P h y s i o l o g i c a l changes may r e s u l t from the f e e l i n g o f c rowding, which is a r e s u l t o f an arousal s t a t e in the b r a i n . Esser r e l i e s r a t h e r h e a v i l y on Ardrey in h is assumption t h a t man r e t a i n s images from h is animal pas t , and tha t disharmony between such images and pe rcep t ion o f the environment may r e s u l t in s t r e s s or o v e r l o a d . He a lso emphasizes tha t s t imu lus over load may r e s u l t from a wide v a r i e t y o f personal and soc ia l sources, however, which are un re la ted to s p a t i a l f a c t o r s in general and d e n s i t y in p a r t i c u l a r (Gad, 1973). 90 Recent t h e o r e t i c a l d iscuss ions by-environmenta1 psycho log i s t s more s t r o n g l y emphasize a s u b j e c t i v e l i n k between h igh d e n s i t i e s and p o t e n t i a l l y adverse human e f f e c t s (Proshansky, I t t e l s o n S R i v l i n , 1 9 7 0 : a ; S t o k o l s , 1 9 7 2 ) , w h i l e n o t i n g t h a t o the r aspects o f the phys ica l e n v i r o n -ment, s o c i a l c o n d i t i o n s , personal a t t r i b u t e s and o the r f a c t o r s have an impor tant i n f l u e n c e on human response to h igh d e n s i t i e s ( I b i d . ; Z l u t n i c k £ A l tman, 1 9 7 2 ) . S toko ls made a c l e a r and use fu l d i s t i n c t i o n between crowding as a psycho log ica l or s u b j e c t i v e exper ience , and d e n s i t y as a phys ica l c o n d i t i o n i n v o l v i n g the l i m i t a t i o n o f space. Each o f these t h e o r e t i c a l d iscuss ions deserves expansion f o r a comparison o f the m e r i t s they con ta in in promot ing a c l e a r e r understanding o f the response o f the i n d i v i d u a l to h igh d e n s i t i e s , e s p e c i a l l y in the r e s i d e n t i a l env i ronment . Proshansky, I t t e l s o n and R i v l i n ( 1 9 7 0 : a ) assume t h a t man is a cogn iz ing and g o a l - o r i e n t e d organism who a t tempts t o o rgan ize h i s phys i ca l environment so t h a t i t maximizes h is freedom o f cho ice . The absence o f crowded c o n d i t i o n s is seen as ins t rumenta l in the achievement o f freedom o f c h o i c e , o r behav io ra l freedom. "Crowd ing" , accord ing t o these a u t h o r s , is both a psycho log ica l and s o c i a l phenomena, and is on ly i n d i r e c t l y r e l a t e d t o mere numbers or d e n s i t i e s o f peop le : "The significant element appears to be frustration in the achievement of some purpose because of the presence of others. . . . Crowding occurs when the number of people an individual is in contact with is sufficient to prevent him from carrying out some specific behavior and thereby restricts his freedom of choice." (Proshansky, Ittelson <§ Rivlin, 1970:a: 182) Crowding a lso has an o b j e c t i v e aspect in the capac i t y o f a p a r t i c u l a r s e t t i n g f o r a des i red behav io r . That i s , how a space is o r g a n i z e d , f o r what purposes i t is des igna ted , and what k inds o f a c t i v i t i e s are i n v o l v e d , a l l c o n t r i b u t e t o the phenomenology o f crowding (Proshansky et a l , 1 9 7 0 : a ) . Proshansky and assoc ia tes a l s o po in ted t h a t crowding can be p leasurab le as we l l as p a i n f u l ; crowding is an inherent q u a l i t y o f an urban s e t t i n g tha t may lend exci tement and a sense o f p a r t i c i p a t i o n f o r those w i t h i n i t . Depending upon c u l t u r a l and s u b c u l t u r a l d i f f e r e n c e s , 91 and an i n d i v i d u a l ' s past exper iences , he may expec t , and f i n d d e s i r a b l e , g r e a t e r numbers o f people. On the o ther hand, one may " a c c e p t " c rowd ing , but t h i s does not n e c e s s a r i l y imply an absence o f d i scomfo r t or p a i n . Acceptance is seen as a form o f adap ta t i on t o negat ive s i t u a t i o n s in which w i l l i n g n e s s t o change a s i t u a t i o n is n e u t r a l i z e d . The i n d i v i d u a l ' s a b i l i t y to exper ience the d iscomfor t is not n e u t r a l i z e d , a l though h is i n t e n s i t y o f f e e l i n g s may be reduced over long per iods o f t ime (Proshansky e t a l , 1970 :a). S t o k o l s ' t h e o r e t i c a l p e r s p e c t i v e o f the r e l a t i o n s h i p between h igh d e n s i t i e s and patho logy is somewhat s i m i l a r t o t h a t o f Proshansky and a s s o c i a t e s , a l though cons ide rab ly g r e a t e r emphasis is p laced on " c r o w d i n g " as a s u b j e c t i v e or psycho log ica l exper ience i n v o l v i n g s t r e s s . S toko ls has a l s o developed a more thorough t h e o r e t i c a l l i n k between the s t a t e o f s t ress and p o t e n t i a l (but not n e c e s s a r i l y ) adverse p h y s i o l o g i c a l o r psycho log ica l consequences f o r the i n d i v i d u a l . The concept o f " c r o w d i n g " , accord ing to S t o k o l s ' d e f i n i t i o n , . . refers to a situation in which the restrictive  aspects of limited space are perceived by the indivi- duals exposed to them. The recognition of spatial inadequacy arouses the experience of psychological and physiological stress. . . . Density is a univariate condition of limited space, without motivational over-tones, whereas crowding is a multivariate phenomenon, resulting from the interaction of spatial, social and personal factors. . . . " (Emphasis supplied) (Stokols, 1972: 75) I t has been noted t h a t most p rev ious research has been h indered to a cons ide rab le e x t e n t by the ambiguous use o f both " c r o w d i n g " and " d e n s i t y " ; these concepts have not o n l y been f r e q u e n t l y used in te rchangeab ly , but have both served as r e f e r e n t s f o r phys ica l c o n d i t i o n s . S t o k o l s ' d i s t i n c t i o n has an advantage in t h a t i t reserves " d e n s i t y " f o r pu re l y s p a t i a l c o n s i -d e r a t i o n s , and " c r o w d i n g " f o r the p o t e n t i a l response o f the i n d i v i d u a l to the l i m i t a t i o n o f phys ica l space. I t is ex t remely important to p o i n t out t ha t the exper ience o f crowding (a r e c o g n i t i o n o f s p a t i a l inadequacy) does not always occur under c o n d i t i o n s o f h igh d e n s i t y , accord ing to S t o k o l s ' 92 p e r s p e c t i v e . Rather, the exper ience o f crowding may be o f f s e t by phys ica l or soc ia l environmental f a c t o r s , or personal a t t r i b u t e s o f the i n d i v i d u a l . Provided these v a r i a b l e s do not mediate the e f f e c t s o f h igh d e n s i t y , however, the i n d i v i d u a l may exper ience c rowding . A l l s i t u a t i o n s o f crowding invo lve s t r e s s , ". . .but the occurrence of this stress cannot be •predicted on the basis of spatial considerations alone. Rather, the experience of crowding must be understood  as a phenomenon which develops over time and whose  developmental pattern and intensity are determined  through a combination of environmental and personal  factors. " (Emphasis supplied) (Stokols, 1972: 77) S p a t i a l r e s t r i c t i o n thus serves as a necessary antecedent o f , but not always a s u f f i c i e n t c o n d i t i o n f o r , the arousal o f crowding s t r e s s ( S t o k o l s , 1 9 7 2 ) . By example, i f several people share an apartment in which there is a r e l a t i v e l y small amount o f l i v i n g space per person, but f ee l q u i t e comfor tab le and u n r e s t r i c t e d , then a s i t u a t i o n o f crowding may be sa id not to e x i s t . Fewer persons in a l a r g e r apar tment , however, may f e e l r e s t r i c t e d and i n f r i n g e d upon by each o t h e r ; in t h i s case a s t a t e o f crowding may be sa id t o e x i s t . The determinant o f what c o n s t i t u t e s " c r o w d i n g " , t h e n , is a s u b j e c t i v e exper ience on the pa r t o f the i n d i v i d u a l which may be mediated by s o c i a l aspects o f the s i t u a t i o n , personal f a c t o r s , a c t i v i t y , c u l t u r e , t ime , and/or o t h e r aspects o f the phys ica l environment not d i r e c t l y a t t r i b u t a b l e t o d e n s i t y . I t should be noted tha t Proshansky and assoc ia tes are concerned p r i m a r i l y w i t h s o c i a l sources o f crowding s t ress ( t h a t i s , w i t h the i n d i v i d u a l ' s f r u s t r a t i o n because o f the presence o f o the r pe rsons ) ; S t o k o l s ' p e r s p e c t i v e , however, permi ts c o n s i d e r a t i o n o f both phys ica l and s o c i a l sources o f crowding s t r e s s . Phys ica l sources take i n t o c o n s i d e r a t i o n s u b j e c t i v e awareness o f the l i m i t a t i o n o f space due t o phys ica l v a r i a b l e s o n l y , w h i l e s o c i a l sources o f crowding s t r e s s invo lve the presence o f o the r persons, and the i n d i v i d u a l ' s r e l a t i o n s h i p to them ( S t o k o l s , 1 9 7 2 ) . 93 Z l u t n i c k and Altman (1972) have proposed tha t the concept o f crowding be d e a l t w i t h a t several l e v e l s : p h y s i c a l , i n te rpe rsona l and p s y c h o l o g i c a l . More s p e c i f i c a l l y , they s t a t e t h a t the concept o f crowding invo lves a mu1t i -d imensiona1 set o f i n t e r l o c k e d p r o p e r t i e s , as f o l l o w s : (a) s i t u a t i o n a l or environmental c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f h igh d e n s i t y o f people per u n i t o f space over long t ime per iods in environments where resources are l i m i t e d ; (b) c e r t a i n i n te rpe rsona l events where persons are not ab le t o s u f f i c i e n t l y c o n t r o l t h e i r i n t e r a c t i o n s w i t h o t h e r s , and/or where the psycho log ica l and p h y s i o l o g i c a l cos ts o f c o n t r o l l i n g i n t e r a c t i o n s are h i g h ; and (c) p e r s o n a l / s u b j e c t i v e events where the re is a network o f s u b j e c t i v e and personal f e e l i n g s r e f l e c t i n g an i n a b i l i t y to c o n t r o l i n t e r p e r s o n a l exchange, i n c o n g r u i t i e s w i t h past exper ience , and d isc repanc ies in expec ta t ions ( Z l u t n i c k and Al tman, 1972). Z l u t n i c k and Altman cons ider these p r o p e r t i e s as important v a r i a b l e s ' w h i c h must be taken i n t o c o n s i d e r a t i o n when de te rm in ing the e f f e c t s o f h igh d e n s i t i e s , but do not assume tha t a l l these c o n d i t i o n s need apply in "crowded" s i t u a t i o n s . T h e i r c o n c e p t u a l i z a t i o n o f the crowding phenomenon is q u i t e s i m i l a r t o t h a t o f S toko ls (1972), a l though " c r o w d i n g " is not n e c e s s a r i l y de f ined as a psycho log ica l or s u b j e c t i v e exper ience i n v o l v i n g p o t e n t i a l l y adverse consequences. Sub jec t i ve events are deemed an impor tant determinant o f the e f f e c t s o f c rowding, however; and these authors express the personal view tha t o v e r p o p u l a t i o n and crowding have ser ious e f f e c t s on soc ia l and psycho log ica l behavior in humans ( Z l u t n i c k S Al tman, 1972). The work o f Z l u t n i c k and Altman is p a r t i c u l a r l y impor tant f o r i t s d i scuss ion o f h igh d e n s i t i e s in the r e s i d e n t i a l envi ronment. The s p e c i f i c problem o f crowding o r h igh d e n s i t i e s in the r e s i d e n t i a l s e t t i n g was in f a c t s i g n i f i c a n t l y omi t ted from o t h e r t h e o r e t i c a l d iscuss ions o f the crowding phenomenon, a l though Stoko ls t r e a t e d t h i s issue m i n i m a l l y . 3k Z l u t n i c k and Altman cons t ruc ted a c l a s s i f i c a t i o n o f a v a r i e t y o f l i v i n g c o n d i t i o n s , based on f a c t o r d e f i n i t i o n s o f " i n s i d e " and " o u t s i d e " d e n s i t i e s (see F igure k. be low) . " I n s i d e " d e n s i t y , in t h i s c l a s s i f i c a t i o n , was de f ined as the number o f people per u n i t o f l i v i n g space w i t h i n an apartment or res idence; whereas " o u t s i d e " dens i t y r e f e r s t o the number o f people per u n i t o f space in a l a r g e r environmental u n i t w i t h i n which the i n s i d e d e n s i t y is imbedded ( e . g . , neighborhood, census t r a c t , net r e s i d e n -t i a l a c r e , e t c . ) ( Z l u t n i c k & Al tman, 1 9 7 2 ) . " I n s i d e " Densi ty (Wi th in Res iden t ia l Un i t s ) " O u t s i d e " Dens ? t y (Neighborhood or Community) low h igh low h igh SUBURBIA RURAL AREA 1 11 URBAN URBAN LUXURY AREA GHETTO 111 IV FIGURE k. Densi ty o f People  As a Determinant o f Crowding ( Z l u t n i c k 6 A l tman, 1972) The extreme o f t h i s c l a s s i f i c a t i o n , IV ( r e f e r r e d to by Z l u t n i c k and Altman as an "urban g h e t t o " ) , may have q u i t e h igh concen t ra t i ons o f people i n s i d e , as we l l as h igh o u t s i d e d e n s i t i e s . I t is q u i t e conce ivab le , i f not l i k e l y , t ha t persons l i v i n g in such s i t u a t i o n s may a d d i t i o n a l l y exper ience c o n d i t i o n s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c o f the pover ty cyc le ( e . g . , unemployment, low e d u c a t i o n , low or f i x e d incomes, ch ron ic i l l n e s s , p a r e n t - c h i l d o r m a r i t a l 95 r e l a t i o n s h i p s o f poor q u a l i t y , deser ted mothers w i t h dependent c h i l d r e n : Rose, 1 9 7 3 ) , and thus are s u s c e p t i b l e to s t ress owing from several sources which are u n r e l a t e d to dens i t y in p a r t i c u l a r . Category 111 ("urban luxury a rea" ) is analogous to the h igh o u t s i d e , but r e l a t i v e l y low ins ide d e n s i t i e s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c o f the West End in Vancouver. Such areas u s u a l l y con ta in a wider mix o f income l e v e l s , a t t r a c t persons who va lue the convenience which such d e n s i t i e s f r e q u e n t l y p rov ide to the ameni t ies o f downtown areas , and o f t e n have a low r a t i o o f 2 f a m i l y t o non - fam i l y households. F u r t h e r , the tendency o f persons l i v i n g in areas w i t h h igh o u t s i d e d e n s i t i e s to be q u i t e mobi le suggests t h a t such persons are not exposed t o high d e n s i t i e s f o r extended t ime p e r i o d s . ^ Cons ider ing on ly the environmental v a r i a b l e s o f the crowding phenomena, Z l u t n i c k and Altman suggested t h a t extreme crowding might e x i s t when (a) i ns ide and o u t s i d e d e n s i t i e s are h i g h , (b) when people are in such s i t u a t i o n s f o r a long pe r iod o f t i m e , and (c) when the environment is l i m i t e d in resources ( i . e . , c o n s i d e r a t i o n o f the q u a l i t y o f f a c i l i t i e s in g e n e r a l , and the arrangement o f space ins ide o r o u t s i d e a d w e l l i n g u n i t ) ( Z l u t n i c k 6 A l tman, 1972). Each o f the preceding t h e o r e t i c a l pe rspec t i ves ( w i t h the excep t ion o f Z l u t n i c k and Altman) r e l y on the concept o f s t ress as a l i n k between high d e n s i t i e s and p o t e n t i a l l y adverse e f f e c t s f o r the i n d i v i d u a l . Acceptance o f t h i s pe rspec t i ve requ i res not o n l y an o p e r a t i o n a l d e f i n i t i o n o f s t r e s s , but c a l l s f o r a c l a r i f i c a t i o n o f the r e l a t i o n s h i p between s t r e s s and adverse p h y s i o l o g i c a l , p s y c h o l o g i c a l , or behav io ra l consequences. These w i l l be d iscussed in subsequent sec t ions o f the s tudy . A more immediate c o n s i d e r a t i o n , however, i s an assessment o f whether any or severa l o f the above t h e o r e t i c a l pe rspec t i ves and concepts have p o t e n t i a l va lue in promot ing a c l e a r e r unders tanding o f the response o f the i n d i v i d u a l 1 96 t o h igh dens i t y in the r e s i d e n t i a l envi ronment. A c r u c i a l pa r t o f t h i s assessment is whether the t h e o r e t i c a l pe rspec t i ves inco rpora te the f i n d i n g s o u t l i n e d in the preceding chapter on the general o r system v a r i a b l e s which i n t e r a c t w i t h each o the r to a f f e c t human response to high d e n s i t i e s . 6.2 A S o c i a l - P s y c h o l o g i c a l Perspec t ive o f Crowding I t has been noted t h a t r e l a t e d research ( i n p a r t i c u l a r , exper imenta l i n v e s t i g a t i o n s ) i nd i ca ted tha t human response to h igh p o p u l a t i o n or s p a t i a l d e n s i t i e s depends on many f a c t o r s , not merely the lack o f space. F ind ings on the response t o h igh d e n s i t y in the r e s i d e n t i a l env i ronment , t oge the r w i t h r e s u l t s o f r e l a t e d research , i n d i c a t e d t h a t the human e f f e c t s o f h igh d e n s i t i e s appear to depend main ly on : (a) s o c i a l aspects o f the s i t u a t i o n , (b) personal a t t r i b u t e s o r c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f the i n d i v i d u a l , (c) c u l t u r a l norms, (d) the type o f a c t i v i t y i n v o l v e d , (e) temporal d u r a t i o n , and ( f ) phys ica l f a c t o r s in a d d i t i o n t o d e n s i t y v a r i a b l e s . The t h e o r e t i c a l works o f Proshansky e t a l (l970:a) and Stoko ls (1972) recognize t h a t each o f these v a r i a b l e s has an important i n f l u e n c e on the na tu re o f human response to h igh d e n s i t i e s . Z l u t n i c k and Altman(l972) emphasized the i n f l u e n c e o f a l l but the c u l t u r e and a c t i v i t y v a r i a b l e s . The bu lk o f the t h e o r e t i c a l pe rspec t i ves descr ibed in the preceding sec t i on emphasized t h a t the i n i t i a l response o f the i n d i v i d u a l to h igh d e n s i t i e s is s u b j e c t i v e in na tu re (Desor, 1972; Esser: Gad, 1973; Proshansky e t a l , 1970:a; S t o k o l s , 1973). S toko ls (1972) suggested t h a t r e c o g n i t i o n ( p e r c e p t i o n , awareness) o f the r e s t r i c t i v e aspects o f l i m i t e d space be i d e n t i f i e d as " c r o w d i n g " , to avoid f u r t h e r ambigu i ty o f vocabu la ry . S t o k o l s 1 concept o f crowding is analogous t o Proshansky and a s s o c i a t e s ' view tha t an i n d i v i d u a l may exper ience f r u s t r a t i o n in crowded s e t t i n g s w h i l e i n t e r a c t i n g w i t h h is environment in p u r s u i t o f freedom o f cho ice . 97 Whether the i n d i v i d u a l is f r u s t r a t e d o r recognizes a l i m i t a t i o n o f space, however, depends on the i n t e r a c t i o n o f a l l the independent v a r i a b l e s which i n f l u e n c e o r mediate the e f f e c t s o f h igh d e n s i t i e s , descr ibed above. The c r u c i a l l i n k , between h igh d e n s i t i e s and adverse consequences f o r the i n d i v i d u a l , accord ing to the preceding t h e o r e t i c a l p e r s p e c t i v e s , is psycho log ica l or p h y s i o l o g i c a l s t r e s s . As w i l l be d iscussed at g r e a t e r leng th in the sec t i on which f o l l o w s , " s t r e s s is the ra te o f a l l the wear and t e a r caused by l i f e " and does not n e c e s s a r i l y imply adverse e f f e c t s ; s t r e s s has b e n e f i c i a l as we l l as negat ive consequences (Se lye , 1956). Recogni t ion o f s p a t i a l l i m i t a t i o n , accord ing t o Stoko ls (1972), invo lves s t r e s s , but the exper ience o f s t ress provokes b e h a v i o r a l , p e r c e p t u a l , or c o g n i t i v e p o t e n t i a l l y t e n s i o n - r e d u c i n g responses designed t o a l l e v i a t e psycho log ica l s t r a i n or phys ica l d i s c o m f o r t : "The particular form of one 's response to crowding stress will be a function of the relative intensity of environ-mental and personal factors and of the degree to which they can be modified. " (Stokols, 1972: 77) Stokols suggested t h a t t e n s i o n - r e d u c i n g responses t o crowding s t r e s s may be adapt ive to the ex ten t they r e l i e v e o r reduce the e f f e c t s o f perce ived s p a t i a l l i m i t a t i o n ; these responses are " m a l a d a p t i v e " , however, i f they f a i l t o a l l e v i a t e the exper ience o f crowding s t r e s s ( S t o k o l s , 1972). On the basis o f the subsequent c r i t i c a l examinat ion o f the l i t e r a t u r e on the e f f e c t s o f h igh d e n s i t y and c rowding, i t is t h i s w r i t e r ' s view t h a t S t o k o l s ' s o c i a l - p s y c h o l o g i c a l model o f the human crowding phenomena ( toge the r w i t h the works o f Proshansky, I t t e l s o n S R i v l i n ( I 9 7 0 : a ) and Z l u t n i c k and Altman (1972)), c o n t r i b u t e s to a c l e a r e r understanding o f how the i n d i v i d u a l responds t o h igh d e n s i t i e s and o the r p o t e n t i a l sources of s t r e s s . These works are a d d i t i o n a l l y important in the sense tha t each o f these t h e o r e t i c a l frameworks promotes the idea t h a t d i f f e r e n t i n d i v i d u a l s may respond d i f f e r e n t l y to h igh d e n s i t i e s depending upon c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f the s o c i a l envi ronment, personal a t t r i b u t e s o f the i n d i v i d u a l , temporal d u r a t i o n , and o t h e r f a c t o r s . In a d d i t i o n , S t o k o l s ' model seems p a r t i c u l a r l y 98 s u i t a b l e f o r a p p l i c a t i o n to the problem o f the response o f the i n d i v i d u a l t o h igh d e n s i t i e s in the r e s i d e n t i a l envi ronment. Before h i s model can be mod i f i ed somewhat and app l i ed t o the r e s i d e n t i a l env i ronment , however, a f u n c t i o n a l but n e c e s s a r i l y l i m i t e d d i scuss ion o f s t ress is r e q u i r e d . 99 Chapter 7 THE EXPERIENCE OF STRESS Wallace (1952) was one o f the few i n v e s t i g a t o r s to d iscuss the e f f e c t s o f s t r e s s as they d i r e c t l y apply t o h igh r e s i d e n t i a l d e n s i t i e s . His comments covered the e f f e c t s o f s t r e s s r e s u l t i n g from excess ive s o c i a l s t i m u l a t i o n assoc ia ted w i t h h igh d e n s i t i e s , as we l l as the e f f e c t s o f s t imu lus d e p r i v a t i o n . The expend i tu re o f energy, in response t o i n c r e a s -ing s o c i a l s t i m u l i (or a lack o f s t i m u l i ) is c e n t r a l t o h is argument. He asser ted t h a t o t h e r th ings being equa l , dens i t y increases the f requency o f i n t e r a c t i o n among i n d i v i d u a l s : "This increase in frequence of stimulation by people implies the expenditure of more energy in making adjustments to new interpersonal situations; otherwise the organism will be overwhelmed by stimuli.. The only alternative to an increased expenditure of energy in interpersonal adjustments must be physical withdrawal from contact, which can only be achieved by 'privacy 1 arrangements. These, however, can hardly be satisfactory, since physical withdrawal (into an apartment, for instance) subjects the individual to an increased frequency of invariant physical stimuli. " (Emphasis supplied) (Wallace, 1952: 28) Wal lace 's documentat ion o f the general e f f e c t s o f s t r e s s is a p p r o p r i a t e ; the a s s e r t i o n , however, t h a t the i n d i v i d u a l has no choice but t o wi thdraw p h y s i c a l l y in o rder to reduce o r a l l e v i a t e s t ress must be mod i f i ed on the basis o f subsequent s t ress research. The ensuing d i scuss ion p o i n t s out tha t a v a r i e t y o f c o g n i t i v e , p e r c e p t u a l , o r behav iora l responses p o t e n t i a l l y reduce adverse e f f e c t s o f s t ress s t i m u l i . 100 As a pre face to the present d i scuss ion o f s t r e s s , i t is important to note t ha t many i n v e s t i g a t o r s p r e s e n t l y invo lved in human s t ress research cons ider i t s study to be s t i l l in a f o r m a t i v e , or p r e l i m i n a r y s t a t e . The l i m i t a t i o n s o f present knowledge on the s t ress phenomena w i l l be discussed l a t e r in more d e t a i l . For the p resen t , however, the evidence presented in t h i s s e c t i o n should be cons idered somewhat t e n t a t i v e l y , in the sense tha t cons iderab le s c i e n t i f i c r e p l i c a t i o n o f the evidence must be c a r r i e d o u t . 7.1 The Meaning o f " S t r e s s " The s t r e s s l i t e r a t u r e r e f l e c t s a v a r i e t y o f d e f i n i t i o n s o f the s t ress concept . Some meanings focus on p h y s i o l o g i c a l or psycho log ica l m a n i f e s t a t i o n s o f advers ive s t i m u l i , w h i l e o the rs descr ibe the c o n d i t i o n s under which s t r e s s may be sa id t o occur . Probably the best known o f these meanings is t h a t o f Selye (1956). Se lye ' s d e f i n i t i o n o f s t ress is b a s i c a l l y o r i e n t e d toward an a n a l y s i s o f s t ress in p h y s i o l o g i c a l o r biochemical terms, and has been w ide ly adopted in b i o l o g i c a l c i r c l e s (Howard 6 S c o t t , 1965)- His o p e r a t i o n a l d e f i n i t i o n s t a t e s t h a t "Stress is the state manifested by a specific syndrome which consists of all the nonspecifically induced changes within a biologic system." (Selye, 1956: 54) That i s , s t ress has i t s own c h a r a c t e r i s t i c form and composi t ion ( i . e . , shows i t s e l f through v i s i b l e changes), but no p a r t i c u l a r cause. Selye emphasized t h a t a n o n s p e c i f i c a l l y caused change is one t h a t can be produced by many o r a l l agen ts , in c o n t r a s t to s p e c i f i c a l l y caused changes tha t are produced by on ly one or a few agents . A " s t r e s s o r " , on the o t h e r hand, is t h a t which produces s t r e s s , but any one agent is more or less de f ined as a s t r e s s o r to the degree i t is capable o f producing n o n s p e c i f i c changes (Se lye , 1956). 101 Selye 's te rm, the "genera l adap ta t i on syndrome" ( G . A . S . ) , descr ibes the m a n i f e s t a t i o n s o f s t ress in the whole body as they develop over t ime . The G.A.S. evolves in th ree d i s t i n c t s tages : (1) the a larm r e a c t i o n , (2 ) the stage o f r e s i s t a n c e , and (3 ) the stage o f exhaus t i on . Most changes in the b i o l o g i c a l system occur in response t o the f i r s t two o f these : "At first they may upset or alarm us, but then we get used to them. In the course of a normal human life, everybody  goes through these first two stages many, many times. Otherwise we could never become adapted to perform all the activities and resist all the injuries which are man's lot. " (Emphasis supplied) (Selye, 1956: 64) According t o Selye, t hen , no one can l i v e w i t h o u t exper ienc ing some degree » o f s t r e s s a l l the t i m e . The G.A.S. a s s i s t s i n adjustment t o these changes, but " a d a p t a t i o n energy" must be a v a i l a b l e f o r these ad jus tments . In a manner o f speak ing , the same s t r e s s t h a t has nega t i ve e f f e c t s f o r one i n d i v i d u a l may be i n v i g o r a t i n g f o r ano ther . Selye a l so t h e o r i z e d t h a t t he re i s a r e l a t i o n s h i p between the a v a i l a b l e l eve l o f a d a p t a t i o n energy and the aging process (Se lye , 1 9 5 6 ) . Howard and S c o t t ' s f o r m u l a t i o n o f the s t r e s s concept i s d i r e c t e d at reducing the b a r r i e r s between those s t r e s s d e f i n i t i o n s which deal w i t h p h y s i o l o g i c a l processes (such as S e l y e ' s ) , and those which emphasize c o g n i t i v e and perceptua l processes o f the s t ress c o n d i t i o n . The i r s is not i n c o n s i s t e n t w i t h Se lye 's concept o f adap ta t i on energy o r the general adap ta t i on syndrome, but is more s i m i l a r to McGrath's assumption t h a t s t r e s s is r e l a t e d t o a d i s e q u i l i b r i u m , i . e . , t o an imbalance between envi ronmental demand and the response c a p a b i l i t y o f the organism (McGrath, 1 9 7 0 ) . Howard and Scot t suggested tha t d i s e q u i l i b r i u m imp l ies a problem s i t u a t i o n , to which the i n d i v i d u a l responds in a manner t o reduce t h r e a t s . Energy must be expended in p rob lem-so lv ing a c t i v i t y , w h i l e a p p r o p r i a t e resources ( e . g . , i n t e l l i g e n c e , spec ia l s k i l l s or knowledge) must be a v a i l a b l e t o master the problem. F a i l u r e to master the problem requ i res the excess use 102 o f energy, as we l l as maintenance a c t i v i t y . To the ex ten t t h a t excess maintenance a c t i v i t y e x i s t s , the i n d i v i d u a l may be said to be exper ienc ing s t ress (Howard and S c o t t , 1965). McGrath (1970) at tempted t o s p e c i f y one conceptual meaning o f s t ress as a usefu l paradigm f o r s t r e s s research , suggest ing tha t s t r e s s occurs when the re is a s u b s t a n t i a l imbalance between envi ronmental demand and the c a p a b i l i t y o f the organism t o respond. He no ted , however, t h a t t h i s d e f i n i t i o n requ i res a t leas t two important q u a l i f i c a t i o n s : (a) An envi ronmental demand can produce psycho log ica l or perce ived s t ress on ly i f the i n d i v i d u a l a n t i c i p a t e s t h a t he w i l l not be  ab le t o cope w i t h i t , cope w i t h i t adequa te ly , o r cope w i t h i t w i t h o u t endangering o the r g o a l s . That i t , one is not th reatened by demands he does not " r e c e i v e " or be l i eves h imse l f capable o f h a n d l i n g ; but i s th rea tened when he a n t i c i p a t e s he cannot handle these demands adequate ly ; (b) St ress o r t h r e a t occurs o n l y when the consequences o f f a i l u r e t o  meet the demand are perce ived by the i n d i v i d u a l t o be impor tan t , -o r t o have ser ious consequences f o r h imse l f (McGrath, 1970). 7.2 Sources o f St ress High d e n s i t y i s o f course the p r i n c i p a l p o t e n t i a l source o f s t r e s s w i t h which t h i s study is concerned. The manner in which h igh d e n s i t y may act as a s t r e s s o r i s discussed b r i e f l y here , s ince t h i s mat te r w i l l be t r e a t e d in g r e a t e r d e t a i l in a l a t e r s e c t i o n . The emphasis here , however, is t ha t a v a r i e t y o f o t h e r f a c t o r s ( e . g . , sensory d e p r i v a t i o n , p o v e r t y , noise) a l s o serve as p o t e n t i a l sources o f s t r e s s . The d iscuss ion o f o t h e r sources o f s t r e s s should not be i n t e r p r e t e d as exhaus t i ve , but merely r e p r e s e n t a t i v e o f o t h e r s t r e s s - p r o d u c i n g even ts . 103 Density as a Source of Stress. I t is important to d i f f e r e n t i a t e between phys ica l and soc ia l sources o f s t ress assoc ia ted w i t h h igh d e n s i t y . S toko ls (1972) t h e o r i z e d tha t when the i n d i v i d u a l ' s demand or need f o r phys ica l space exceeds the a v a i l a b l e supply o f space, he responds by exper ienc ing crowding s t r e s s . On the o t h e r hand, s t r e s s may occur when the s o c i a l environment p laces excess ive demand on the i n d i v i d u a l s imply because o f the number o f persons p resen t . The l a t t e r , however, a l so takes i n t o c o n s i d e r a t i o n the r e l a t i o n s h i p t o the i n d i v i d u a l o f o the r persons present ( S t o k o l s , 1972). High s o c i a l d e n s i t i e s , t h e n , may produce s t r e s s when the re is a cons ide rab le imbalance between the demand o f the environment and the c a p a b i l i t y o f the i n d i v i d u a l to respond. Other Sources of Stress. Most d iscuss ions of the s t r e s s problem imply t ha t s t r e s s c o n s i s t s o f an o v e r l o a d , i . e . , too much demand on the i n d i v i d u a l . Mi lgram (1970), f o r example, r e c e n t l y suggested t h a t l a rge numbers o f peop le , h igh p o p u l a t i o n d e n s i t y , and he te reogene i ty o f p o p u l a t i o n are not on ly major f a c t o r s which c o n d i t i o n a l l aspects o f our exper ience o f the urban s e t t i n g , but f a c t o r s which c o n s t i t u t e a cont inuous set o f encounters w i t h " o v e r l o a d " . M i lg ram's p e r s p e c t i v e o f the exper ience o f l i v i n g i n c i t i e s i s somewhat s i m i l a r t o W i r t h ' s d e s c r i p t i o n o f urbanism as a way o f l i f e ( W i r t h , 1951), a l though Milgram placed cons ide rab le emphasis on the adap ta t ions which occur when such over load is present (Mi lgram, 1970). Others ( e . g . , McGrath, 1970; Dubos, 1968; Rosenberg, 1968; Wal lace , 1952) however have noted tha t the re is a s u b s t a n t i a l body o f l i t e r a t u r e on sensory d e p r i v a t i o n and s o c i a l i s o l a t i o n which suggests t h a t s t r e s s - l i k e e f f e c t s may r e s u l t f rom environments which p lace too l i t t l e demand on the i n d i v i d u a l . Dubos, in f a c t , emphasized t h a t much more seems to be known about the harm done by i s o l a t i o n and soc ia l d e p r i v a t i o n than the e f f e c t s o f crowding and excess ive soc ia l s t i m u l a t i o n (Dubos, 1968). Far more research and theory has been devoted to phys ica l or " e n v i r o n m e n t a l " sources o f s t ress than to the e f f e c t s o f what may be g e n e r a l l y r e f e r r e d t o as soc ia l and psycho log ica l f a c t o r s in s t ress (McGrath, 1970). In recent yea rs , f o r example, an inc reas ing number o f i n v e s t i g a t o r s 104 have become i n t e r e s t e d in t h e p h y s i o l o g i c a l , p s y c h o l o g i c a l and b e h a v i o r a l 2 e f f e c t s o f n o i s e . G lass and S i n g e r ( 1 9 6 9 . 1972) r e c e n t l y f o u n d t h a t a d v e r s i v e b e h a v i o r a l e f f e c t s o f l o u d u n p r e d i c t a b l e n o i s e a r e s u b s t a n t i a l l y reduced i f t h e i n d i v i d u a l b e l i e v e s he has c o n t r o l o v e r t h e t e r m i n a t i o n o f t h e n o i s e . O t h e r i m p o r t a n t s o u r c e s o f s t r e s s w h i c h have been i n v e s t i g a t e d i n c l u d e t h e p o t e n t i a l l y s t r e s s f u l e f f e c t s o f s o c i o c u l t u r a l i m p o v e r i s h m e n t , s t a t u s and r o l e c o n f l i c t , i n t e r p e r s o n a l d i s a g r e e m e n t s , e t c . McGra th ( 1 9 7 0 ) p r o v i d e s a u s e f u l b i b l i o g r a p h y o f r e c e n t a r t i c l e s on s o c i a l and p s y c h o l o -g i c a l f a c t o r s i n s t r e s s . These i n c l u d e a number o f s t u d i e s i n r e a l l i f e (as opposed t o e x p e r i m e n t a l o r l a b o r a t o r y ) s e t t i n g s o f s t r e s s r e s u l t i n g f r o m p o v e r t y , s lum b a c k g r o u n d , c u l t u r a l d e p r i v a t i o n , o c c u p a t i o n a l s i t u a t i o n s , and p e r s o n a l and commun i ty d i s a s t e r s ( M c G r a t h , 1 9 7 0 ) . 7-3 I n i t i a l Responses t o S t r e s s I r r e s p e c t i v e o f i t s s o u r c e , t h e e x p e r i e n c e o f s t r e s s evokes any one ( o r s e v e r a l ) o f a v a r i e t y o f p o t e n t i a l l y t e n s i o n - r e d u c i n g r e s p o n s e s on t h e p a r t o f t h e i n d i v i d u a l . A c c o r d i n g t o S t o k o l s (1972) t h e p u r p o s e o f such responses i s t o r e d u c e o r a l l e v i a t e p s y c h o l o g i c a l s t r a i n o r p h y s i c a l d i s -c o m f o r t w h i c h accompan ies t h e e x p e r i e n c e o f s t r e s s . I t i s i m p o r t a n t t o n o t e t h a t t h e i n i t i a l r esponse o f t h e i n d i v i d u a l t o s t r e s s i s d i s t i n c t f r o m ( o r d i f f e r e n t t h a n ) what may be e v e n t u a l a d v e r s e consequences o f s t r e s s . In b r i e f , t h e t y p e o f r e s p o n s e — o r t h e manner i n w h i c h t h e i n d i v i d u a l i n i t i a l l y responds — t o a s t r e s s f u l e v e n t may t o a l a r g e e x t e n t d e t e r m i n e w h e t h e r he l a t e r e x p e r i e n c e s a d v e r s e m a n i f e s t a t i o n s o r c o n s e -quences o f s t r e s s . Responses t o s t r e s s may o c c u r i n c o g n i t i v e , p e r c e p t u a l , o r b e h a v i o r a l f o r m s . The t y p e o f r e s p o n s e w h i c h t h e i n d i v i d u a l a d o p t s t o a l l e v i a t e h i s e x p e r i e n c e o f s t r e s s depends upon (a) t h e r e l a t i v e i n t e n s i t y o f p h y s i c a l 105 and soc ia l v a r i a b l e s which accompany a s t r e s s f u l even t , as we l l as the i n d i v i d u a l ' s own personal c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s ; and (b) the degree to which they can be mod i f i ed ( S t o k o l s , 1 9 7 2 ) . Cognitive and Perceptual Responses. The s t r e s s l i t e r a t u r e consu l ted in t h i s study c o n s i s t e n t l y emphasized t h a t c o g n i t i v e and perceptua l f a c t o r s p lay an e s p e c i a l l y important r o l e in human response t o s t r e s s f u l even ts . McGrath, f o r example, asser ted tha t c o g n i t i v e or s u b j e c t i v e responses p o t e n t i a l l y mediate the e f f e c t s o f s t r e s s , a l though there is s u b s t a n t i a l i n t e r - and i n t r a - i n d i v i d u a 1 v a r i a b i l i t y in the pe rcep t ion o f s t r e s s and responses to i t (McGrath, 1 9 7 0 ) . Learn ing , o r exper ience w i t h s i t u a t i o n s or c o n d i t i o n s g i v i n g r i s e t o s t r e s s , produces d i f f e r e n t i a l responses t o s t ress (McGrath, 1 9 7 0 ) , and tends t o be adap t i ve f o r the i n d i v i d u a l (Howard & S c o t t , 1 9 6 5 ) • Glass and Singer (1972) found t h a t pe rcep t ion o f p o t e n t i a l c o n t r o l over no ise t e r m i n a t i o n app rec iab l y reduced the adverse a f t e r - e f f e c t s o f u n p r e d i c t a b l e no i se . The i r exper iments w i t h phys ica l s t r e s s o r s o the r than n o i s e , a long w i t h t h e i r i n v e s t i g a t i o n o f p rev ious s tud ies on s o c i a l s t r e s s o r s , led them t o conclude t h a t : ". . .the influence of unpredictability and uncontrollability is applicable to any stressor. . . . Deleterious aftereffects of stress are a function of the unpredictability of averse stimulation and the belief that one has little control over stimulus occurrence and nonoccurrence." (Glass & Singer, 1972: 158) Other c o g n i t i v e or perceptua l responses which may reduce or a l l e v i a t e s t r e s s i n c l u d e : - c o g n i t i v e app ra i sa l o f the r e l a t i v e importance o f the s i t u a t i o n (McGrath, 1 9 7 0 ) ; - i nc reas ing the d e s i r a b i l i t y o f the g iven s i t u a t i o n ( S t o k o l s , 1 9 7 2 ) ; - screening or s e l e c t i v i t y o f s t r e s s f u l s t i m u l i (Mi lg ram, 1 9 7 0 ) . 106 Behavioral Responses. Stokols suggested tha t c o g n i t i v e and perceptua l a t tempts t o a l l e v i a t e s t r e s s w i l l occur when i t i s not p o s s i b l e f o r the i n d i v i d u a l to e a s i l y a l t e r phys ica l or soc ia l v a r i a b l e s which accompany the s t r e s s s i t u a t i o n . When phys ica l or soc ia l c o n d i t i o n s are amenable to a l t e r a t i o n , however, a person w i l l l i k e l y adopt a behav io ra l response ( S t o k o l s , 1972). P o t e n t i a l l y s t r e s s - r e d u c i n g behav iora l responses i n c l u d e : a c t i v i t y - o r i e n t e d d i v e r s i o n techniques (Se lye , 1956; Howard and S c o t t , 1965); t e m p o r a r i l y w i thdrawing from a s t r e s s f u l s i t u a t i o n ; a c t i v e l y avo id ing s t r e s s f u l c o n d i t i o n s ( S t o k o l s , 1972); and changing or a l t e r i n g the phys ica l or s o c i a l environment ( F e s t i n g e r , 1957)-When the s i t u a t i o n g i v i n g r i s e to s t r e s s th rea tens or a c t u a l l y e l i m i n a t e s a behavior a person be l ieves h imse l f f r e e t o engage i n , the i n d i v i d u a l may exper ience " p s y c h o l o g i c a l reactance" — a term developed by Brehm t o descr ibe a m o t i v a t i o n a l s t a t e d i r e c t e d a t the re -es tab l i shment o f t he th rea tened or e l i m i n a t e d behav ior . Th is psycho log ica l reac tance, Brehm m a i n t a i n s , w i l l r e s u l t in ac tua l a t tempts t o engage in the th rea tened behavior (Brehm, 1966). S toko ls (1972), as we l l as Proshansky e t a l (I970:a) reached s i m i l a r conc lus ions concerning behav iora l responses to high d e n s i t y or crowded s i t u a t i o n s . 7.4 Adverse Consequences/Mani festat ions o f Stress The preceding d iscuss ion emphasized tha t c e r t a i n i n i t i a l responses o f the i n d i v i d u a l may be e s p e c i a l l y e f f e c t i v e in reducing o r a l l e v i a t i n g psycho log ica l s t r a i n o r phys ica l d i s c o m f o r t which accompany the exper ience o f s t r e s s . Should the form o f response f a i l t o produce t h i s e f f e c t , however, s t ress l i t e r a t u r e main ta ins t ha t observable m a n i f e s t a t i o n s or consequences o f s t r e s s may r e s u l t - - in observable p h y s i o l o g i c a l , psycho-l o g i c a l , or behav iora l m a n i f e s t a t i o n s o f s t r e s s . 107 There is a vast l i t e r a t u r e on the adverse consequences o f s t r e s s . The purpose o f t h i s d i scuss ion is t o p o i n t out the d i f f e r e n t ways in which s t ress may adverse ly a f f e c t the i n d i v i d u a l , r a the r than documenting the p rec i se forms o f these e f f e c t s . I t is important to no te , however, t h a t cons iderab ly g r e a t e r research has been devoted t o p h y s i o l o g i c a l , as opposed to psycho log ica l and behav iora l m a n i f e s t a t i o n s of s t r e s s . Rene Dubos (1968) noted tha t p h y s i o l o g i c a l t e s t s have shown tha t crowding as a form o f s t ress commonly r e s u l t s in increased s e c r e t i o n o f var ious hormones which a f f e c t the whole human phys io logy . Al though a c e r t a i n l eve l o f hormonal a c t i v i t y is necessary f o r w e l l - b e i n g , any excess has a v a r i e t y o f harmful e f f e c t s (Dubos, 1968). Selye (1956) p rov ided a thorough d i s c u s s i o n o f p o t e n t i a l p h y s i o l o g i c a l m a n i f e s t a t i o n s o f s t r e s s , w h i l e Howard and Scot t (1965) documented numerous s tud ies concerning the e f f e c t s o f s t ress on b i o l o g i c a l f u n c t i o n s . These inc lude s tud ies o f the e f f e c t s o f s t r e s s on the p h y s i o l o g i c a l p rocess , the i n f l u e n c e o f s t r e s s on the onset and outcome o f va r ious d iseases , and i t s i n f l u e n c e on i l l n e s s . Howard and Scot t suggested tha t one way an i n d i v i d u a l may respond t o s t r e s s or a h igh t e n s i o n l e v e l i s t o a t tempt t o " l i v e w i t h " t he t e n s i o n . I f the tens ion is great and p e r s i s t s f o r long per iods o f t i m e , however, i t tends to reduce energy and resources, which may r e s u l t in biochemical changes (Howard and S c o t t , 1965). As i n d i c a t e d above, psycho log ica l and behav iora l adverse man i fes-t a t i o n s o f s t r e s s are less f r e q u e n t l y documented, a l though research on these consequences has increased in recent years . Howard and S c o t t , f o r example, main ta ined t h a t excess tens ion may be mani fested in psycho log ica l and behav io ra l fo rms, as we l l as p h y s i o l o g i c a l . Excess tens ion may be discharged through s o c i a l l y approved behav io r , but when the i n d i v i d u a l be l ieves such behavior not t o be a v a i l a b l e t o him (or d e s i r a b l e ) , he may reso r t t o " d e v i a n t " behavior - - or behavior which f a l l s o u t s i d e normat ive p a t t e r n s . S o c i a l l y d isapproved behavior may in f a c t a c t u a l l y increase t e n s i o n , thus c r e a t i n g a s p i r a l i n v o l v i n g g r e a t e r s t r e s s (Howard and S c o t t , 1965). McGrath (1970) c i t e d a number o f s tud ies which have measured both 108 behaviora l and psycho log ica l m a n i f e s t a t i o n s o f s t r e s s . The l a t t e r inc lude emotional and m o t i v a t i o n a l i n d i c a t i o n s (McGrath, 1970). 7-5 Adapta t ion to Stress The preceding d iscuss ion o f s t ress has been sequent ia l in the sense tha t i t has moved from a c o n s i d e r a t i o n o f d i f f e r e n t sources o f s t r e s s , and the i n i t i a l response o f the i n d i v i d u a l t o the exper ience o f s t r e s s , t o an exp lana t ion o f how s t ress may r e s u l t in adverse consequences f o r the i n d i v i d u a l (g iven t h a t h i s i n i t i a l responses are not e f f e c t i v e in reducing psycho log ica l s t r a i n or phys ica l d i s c o m f o r t ) . Th is s e c t i o n depar ts from the sequent ia l o r d e r , in t h a t i t cons iders the p o s s i b i l i t y t h a t i n i t i a l responses (d iscussed in Sect ion 7-3) which were h e r e t o f o r e assumed t o be adapt ive f o r the i n d i v i d u a l , may in f a c t have long-range de t r imen ta l consequences f o r man. There is a cons iderab le body o f l i t e r a t u r e which suggests t ha t adap ta t i on may be c o s t l y t o man; i . e . , adap t i ve responses may e v e n t u a l l y " t a k e t h e i r t o l l " in the sense t h a t important a f t e r - e f f e c t s o f adap ta t i on may occur in the form o f phys i ca l /men ta l d iseases , psychosomatic d i s o r d e r s , o r behavior which is not seen as b e n e f i c i a l to man in the shor t or long range o f e f f e c t s . In b r i e f , ". . .it would thus seem important to question the validity of the simplistic idea that adaptation is unqualifyingly beneficial to man." (Glass & Singer, 1972: 11) The Meaning of Adaptation. The word " a d a p t a t i o n " has been g iven a v a r i e t y o f meanings, not a l l o f which p r o p e r l y apply to the adjustments t h a t human beings make t o c o n d i t i o n s o f modern l i f e (Dubos, 1968). Genera l l y , however, there are two c l a s s i c a l d e f i n i t i o n s which apply t o t h i s te rm: (a) the Darwinian d e f i n i t i o n (concerned w i t h a s t a t e o f f i t n e s s t o a g iven environment which enables a species to s u r v i v e and m u l t i p l y ) and 109 (b) a broader d e f i n i t i o n which is concerned w i t h responses o f the i n d i v i d u a l which enable him to s u r v i v e and f u n c t i o n in h is p a r t i c u l a r environment ( c f . , Dubos, 1968; Glass & S inger , 1 9 7 2 ) . Both these d e f i n i t i o n s are re levan t t o h igh d e n s i t y . The emphasis o f t h i s s tudy , however, is on the response o f the i n d i v i d u a l to h igh d e n s i t i e s in the r e s i d e n t i a l env i ronment , and s ince the u l t i m a t e i n t e r e s t i s in whether a person is ab le to " f u n c t i o n " in such an environment w i t h o u t unduly compromising h is goals o r endangering h is phys ica l o r mental h e a l t h , i t is a p p r o p r i a t e to exp lo re the i m p l i c a t i o n s o f the second o f these d e f i n i t i o n s . " F u n c t i o n " in t h i s sense imp l ies the f u l f i l l m e n t o f des i red a c t i v i t i e s and o t h e r behav io ra l and personal goals o r v a l u e s . Adap ta t ion may be thought o f as l a r g e l y synonymous w i t h the term " h a b i t u a t i o n " , which invo lves a l ea rn ing process and a gradual s i m p l i f i -c a t i o n o f the i n d i v i d u a l ' s responses to repeated s i m i l a r problems o f everyday l i f e (Se lye , 1956 ; Glass and S inger , 1 9 7 2 ) . Adap ta t ion a l so impl ies the no t i on o f homeostasis, g e n e r a l l y r e f e r r i n g to a s t a t e o f e q u i l i b r i u m between It the i n d i v i d u a l and h is envi ronment. Any ex te rna l element which d i s t u r b s t h i s s t a t e w i l l mo t i va te the i n d i v i d u a l t o respond in a c o g n i t i v e , behav-i o r a l o r p h y s i o l o g i c a l manner (Glass and S inger , 1972) in o rder t o c o r r e c t the d i s t u r b i n g e f f e c t s o f envi ronmental sources. As Dubos suggested, a response i s a d a p t i v e when i t promotes homeostasis (Dubos, 1 9 6 8 ) . The l a t t e r is on ly a concept o f the i d e a l , however; organisms and i n d i v i d u a l s do not always r e t u r n e x a c t l y to t h e i r o r i g i n a l s t a t e a f t e r responding t o a s t imu lus (Dubos, 1 9 6 5 ) . The Cost of Adaptation. The argument t ha t a d a p t a t i o n is p o t e n t i a l l y c o s t l y t o the i n d i v i d u a l ma in ta ins t ha t " a d a p t i v e " responses may very w e l l a l l e v i a t e o r lessen psycho log ica l s t r a i n or phys ica l d i scomfor t from s t r e s s t e m p o r a r i l y , but t h a t the process o f a d a p t a t i o n i t s e l f may r e s u l t in l ong -term consequences which are p o t e n t i a l l y d e l e t e r i o u s or not n e c e s s a r i l y b e n e f i c i a l to man or s o c i e t y . no Glass and S i n g e r ' s recent i n v e s t i g a t i o n o f noise as a s t r e s s o r , f o r example, led them to conclude t h a t adap ta t i on ". . .is certainly one way of coping with environmental stress, hut it is by no means an unequivocably effective strategy. For we have shown that stress exposure leaves adverse behavioral residues in spite of adaptation. It is also important to remember that these after effects are determined by the cognitive and social setting in which the stressor occurs. Mere intensity and similar physical parameters of the stimulus are not sufficient to produce psychological deficits in humans." (Glass & Singer, 1972: 166) Milgram suggested t h a t the observed behavior o f urban res iden ts is determined l a r g e l y by a v a r i e t y o f adap ta t ions t o o v e r l o a d , one source o f which he a t t r i b u t e d to h igh popu la t i on d e n s i t y . He mainta ined t h a t a d a p t a t i o n t o c i t y l i f e deforms d a i l y l i f e on severa l l e v e l s ; t h a t i s , such adap ta t i on reduces s o c i a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y on the pa r t o f the i n d i v i d u a l , impinges on r o l e performance, e t c . In s h o r t , Mi lgram held t ha t a d a p t a t i o n t o c i t y l i f e is mani fes ted in a gradual e v o l u t i o n o f behav io ra l norms, i n v o l v i n g a lessen ing o f moral and s o c i a l involvement (Mi lgram, 1970). Dubos noted tha t the long te rm, o r even shor t term a f t e r - e f f e c t s o f adap ta t i on t o h igh popu la t i on d e n s i t y are not yet w e l l unders tood. Yet he suggested tha t t he re is l i t t l e doubt t ha t the consequences o f h igh d e n s i t i e s and/or crowding w i l l in most cases have an i n s i d i o u s course ; t h a t i s , ". . . the worst effects will not be the initial ones, but the'complex secondary responses called forth later in individual persons and society as a whole." (Dubos, 1968: 154) 7.6 L i m i t a t i o n s o f Stress Knowledge As noted p r e v i o u s l y , the need f o r cons iderab le s c i e n t i f i c r e p l i c a t i o n o f (a) what c o n d i t i o n s or events act as p o t e n t i a l sources o f s t r e s s , (b) how the i n d i v i d u a l i n i t i a l l y responds to the exper ience o f s t r e s s , and 111 (c) the na ture o f the adverse consequences which s t ress may have f o r the i n d i v i d u a l , renders the preceding d i scuss ion t e n t a t i v e . Perhaps even less is known about (d) the long - te rm consequences o f adap ta t i on to s t r e s s . McGrath has summarized the present l i m i t a t i o n s of s t r e s s knowledge by p o i n t i n g out t h a t we have no s o l i d basis t o suppose t h a t , among a range o f s i t u a t i o n s which have been c i t e d as re levan t to s t ress research , we are d e a l i n g w i t h the same or even r e l a t e d phenomena. That i s , the re may be many k inds o f s t r e s s , not one. In a d d i t i o n , the techniques f o r measuring s t r e s s and i t s e f f e c t s are yet somewhat crude (McGrath, 1 9 7 0 ) . These l i m i t a t i o n s on present knowledge o f s t r e s s in general a l s o apply t o h igh d e n s i t y as an agent o f s t r e s s . Dubos po in ted out t ha t much less seems to be known o f the harmful human e f f e c t s o f crowding and excess ive s o c i a l s t i m u l a t i o n than those o f i s o l a t i o n and s o c i a l d e p r i v a t i o n (Dubos, 1 9 6 8 ) . These comments are not meant to suggest t h a t l i t t l e or no s u b s t a n t i a l evidence e x i s t s on the nature o f s t r e s s , nor on some o f the adverse conse-quences of the s t r e s s phenomena. Voluminous research has been devoted t o human s t r e s s in recent y e a r s , p r o v i d i n g impor tant d i r e c t i o n toward the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n o f some agents o f s t r e s s and the na tu re o f i t s e f f e c t s . At the moment, however, i t s study may be sa id t o be s t i l l in i t s f o r m a t i v e stage ( c f . , McGrath, 1970; Glass and S inger , 1 9 7 2 ) . 112 Chapter 8 A CONCEPTUAL MODEL OF CROWDING IN THE RESIDENTIAL ENVIRONMENT 8.1 I n t r o d u c t o r y Remarks As noted e a r l i e r , i t is t h i s w r i t e r ' s view t h a t recent s o c i a l -psycho log ica l t h e o r e t i c a l pe rspec t i ves concerning human response to h igh d e n s i t i e s c o n t r i b u t e s i g n i f i c a n t l y to a c l e a r e r understanding o f the i m p l i c a t i o n s o f h igh d e n s i t y r e s i d e n t i a l environments f o r behavior and h e a l t h . The most impor tant c o n t r i b u t i o n s o f the works o f S toko ls (1972), Proshansky, I t t e l s o n and R i v l i n (I970:a), and Z l u t n i c k and Altman (1972) is t h a t they recognize tha t the e f f e c t s o f h igh d e n s i t i e s can not be p r e d i c t e d on the bas is o f pu re ly s p a t i a l v a r i a b l e s or p o p u l a t i o n d e n s i t y . I ns tead , these authors emphasized tha t the manner in which the i n d i v i d u a l responds t o h igh d e n s i t i e s depends upon a number o f v a r i a b l e s analogous to those descr ibed in the conc lus ions o f Chapter 5 o f t h i s d i s c u s s i o n . S t o k o l s ' s o c i a l - p s y c h o l o g i c a l model o f the human crowding phenomena ( S t o k o l s , 1972), however, o f f e r s p a r t i c u l a r advantages in promot ing a b e t t e r understanding o f the e f f e c t s o f h igh d e n s i t i e s . ^ His conceptual framework achieves t h i s purpose by: (a) drawing a c r u c i a l d i s t i n c t i o n between the terms " d e n s i t y " and " c r o w d i n g " ; (b) i d e n t i f y i n g s p e c i f i c independent v a r i a b l e s which i n f l u e n c e , i . e . , appear t o de te rmine , the na tu re o f the i n d i v i d u a l ' s response to h igh d e n s i t i e s ; and 113 (c) p r o v i d i n g a t h e o r e t i c a l e x p l a n a t i o n o f the r e l a t i o n -ship between h igh d e n s i t i e s and p h y s i o l o g i c a l o r psycho log ica l d i s o r d e r s . One o f the impor tant weaknesses o f p rev ious research has been the 2 ambiguous u t i l i z a t i o n o f the terms " d e n s i t y " and " c r o w d i n g " . Most prev ious i n v e s t i g a t o r s have used these terms in te rchangeab ly as r e f e r e n t s f o r a phys ica l c o n d i t i o n , i n v o l v i n g e i t h e r l i m i t e d space or h igh p o p u l a t i o n d e n s i t i e s . A few authors have used "c rowd ing " to r e f e r to the i n d i v i d u a l ' s response to h igh d e n s i t i e s , but have r a r e l y o f f e r e d a c l e a r d e f i n i t i o n o f the meaning o f t h i s te rm. As Gad (1973) and Stoko ls (1972) po in ted o u t , t h i s has not on ly h indered the i n v e s t i g a t i o n o f the problem, but has impaired the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n o f independent and dependent v a r i a b l e s and obs t ruc ted the development o f t h e o r e t i c a l p e r s p e c t i v e s . Perhaps the most important weakness o f p rev ious d iscuss ions and i n v e s t i g a t i o n s o f the e f f e c t s o f h igh d e n s i t i e s , however, has been the f a i l u r e to c a r e f u l l y cons ider (and emphasize) v a r i a b l e s o t h e r than dens i t y which have impor tant i n f l u e n c e upon the i n d i v i d u a l ' s response t o , and the e f f e c t s o f , l i m i t e d space o r h igh popu la t i on d e n s i t i e s . The need f o r a broader c o n c e p t u a l i z a t i o n o f t h i s problem has been noted by severa l recent w r i t e r s ( c f . , Miche lson, 1970:a; Z l u t n i c k & Al tman, 1972; S t o k o l s , 1972). Yet S t o k o l s ' model s p e c i f i c a l l y recognizes s o c i a l envi ronmental q u a l i t i e s , personal a t t r i b u t e s o f the i n d i v i d u a l , and phys ica l envi ronmental q u a l i t i e s ( i n c l u d i n g exposure t i m e , arrangement o f space) - - in a d d i t i o n t o s p a t i a l c o n s i d e r a t i o n s — as independent v a r i a b l e s which d i r e c t l y a f f e c t the i n d i v i d u a l ' s response to h igh d e n s i t i e s ( S t o k o l s , 1972). I t should be noted t h a t Stoko ls a l so recognized the importance o f c u l t u r e and a c t i v i t y v a r i a b l e s as they p o t e n t i a l l y i n f l u e n c e the e f f e c t s o f h igh d e n s i t i e s , a l though he d id not spec i f y them d i r e c t l y in h is model. Inasmuch as the c r i t i c a l examinat ion o f the l i t e r a t u r e (discussed in Chapters 2-5) bore out the s i n g u l a r importance o f both c u l t u r e and a c t i v i t y , however, these are inc luded in the Conceptual Model o f Crowding in the Res iden t ia l Environment as a m o d i f i c a t i o n o f S t o k o l s ' framework. 114 F i n a l l y , S t o k o l s ' work o f f e r s a t h e o r e t i c a l e x p l a n a t i o n t o s e r v e as a g u i d e f o r f u t u r e r e s e a r c h — o f t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p between h i g h d e n s i t i e s and o b s e r v a b l e a d v e r s e p h y s i o l o g i c a l o r p s y c h o l o g i c a l consequences on t h e p a r t o f t h e i n d i v i d u a l . S t o k o l s f i r s t assumes t h a t an i n d i v i d u a l w i l l u s u a l l y be a b l e t o cope w i t h h i g h d e n s i t i e s t h r o u g h t h e use o f e i t h e r b e h a v i o r a l , p e r c e p t u a l , o r c o g n i t i v e responses w h i c h a l l e v i a t e o r l e s s e n t h e e x p e r i e n c e o f c r o w d i n g s t r e s s . He a l s o assumes, however , t h a t under c e r t a i n c o n d i t i o n s t h e p e r s o n w i l l n o t be a b l e t o cope s u c c e s s f u l l y w i t h s t r e s s r e s u l t i n g f r o m p r o l o n g e d e x p o s u r e t o h i g h d e n s i t i e s . I n t h i s e v e n t , S t o k o l s assumes t h e i n d i v i d u a l ' s " i n a d e q u a t e " r e s p o n s e s t o c r o w d i n g s t r e s s w i l l be m a n i f e s t e d i n p h y s i o l o g i c a l d i s o r d e r s o r p s y c h o l o g i c a l m a n i f e s t a -t i o n s o f s t r e s s . The t h e o r e t i c a l l i n k i n S t o k o l s 1 c o n c e p t u a l m o d e l , t h e n , between h i g h d e n s i t i e s and a d v e r s e consequences i s t h e c o n c e p t o f s t r e s s . As p r e v i o u s l y n o t e d , t h e b u l k o f t h e o r e t i c a l p e r s p e c t i v e s c o n s u l t e d i n t h i s s t u d y r e l i e d on s t r e s s as a l i n k between h i g h d e n s i t i e s and p o t e n t i a l l y a d v e r s e consequences f o r t h e i n d i v i d u a l . I t was a l s o n o t e d t h a t s e v e r a l o f t h e s e p e r s p e c t i v e s ( d e s c r i b e d i n C h a p t e r 6) assumed t h a t t h e i n i t i a l r e s p o n s e o f t h e i n d i v i d u a l t o h i g h d e n s i t i e s i s s u b j e c t i v e i n n a t u r e . D e s p i t e t h e s u p p o r t w h i c h o t h e r t h e o r e t i c a l wo rks l e n d t o S t o k o l s ' m o d e l , h o w e v e r , t h e l i m i t a t i o n s o f p r e s e n t know ledge on s t r e s s and i t s consequences i m p l i e s t h a t t h e v a l i d i t y and u s e f u l n e s s o f t h i s e x p l a n a t i o n must be bo rne o u t by f u r t h e r r e p l i c a t i o n o f s t r e s s k n o w l e d g e , as w e l l as f u r t h e r v e r i f i c a t i o n o f t h e e x t e n t t o w h i c h h i g h r e s i d e n t i a l d e n s i t y a c t s as a s t r e s s o r . The idea t h a t s t r e s s i s a u s e f u l c o n c e p t i n u n d e r s t a n d i n g how h o u s i n g a f f e c t s i n d i v i d u a l s i s n o t new, however . S c h o r r (1970) e a r l i e r n o t e d t h a t any h o u s i n g q u a l i t y t h a t a f f e c t s i n d i v i d u a l s may be i n t e r p r e t e d as p o t e n t i a l l y s t r e s s f u l ( e . g . , s o c i a l i s o l a t i o n , i n a d e q u a t e s p a c e , p h y s i c a l l y d i l a p i d a t e d d w e l l i n g u n i t s , o v e r c r o w d i n g w i t h i n d w e l l i n g u n i t s , how space i s a r r a n g e d t o p r o m o t e o r i n t e r f e r e w i t h p r i v a c y ) . Perhaps more a p p r o p r i a t e t o t h e f o c u s o f t h i s s t u d y , h o w e v e r , i s S c h o r r ' s p o i n t t h a t t h e s t r e s s c o n c e p t t a k e s i n t o c o n s i d e r a t i o n i n d i v i d u a l d i f f e r e n c e s i n 115 response t o housing q u a l i t i e s : "The use of such an intervening concept has at least two advantages over attempts to relate housing inadequacies (noise, for example) directly to behavioural consequences. It accounts for differences in reaction between individuals of the same general background. In other words, it intro-duces the idea that some people have more effective adjustive mechanisms than others — patently a factor which would not otherwise appear to be relevant. . . . " (Schorr, 1970: 322) 8.11 M o d i f i c a t i o n o f S t o k o l s ' Model . As a f i n a l i n t r o d u c t o r y comment, i t i s emphasized tha t the Conceptual Model o f Crowding in the Res iden t i a l Environment is a m o d i f i -c a t i o n o f S t o k o l s ' E q u i l i b r i u m Model o f Human Response t o Crowding ( S t o k o l s , 1972) in the f o l l o w i n g manner: (a) Two a d d i t i o n a l independent v a r i a b l e s , c u l t u r e and a c t i v i t y , have been added t o S t o k o l s ' i d e n t i f i c a t i o n o f those f a c t o r s which i n f l u e n c e and p o t e n t i a l l y mediate the exper ience o f crowding s t r e s s ; ^ (b) Three o f the independent v a r i a b l e s (phys i ca l / t empora l f a c t o r s , personal f a c t o r s , and soc ia l envi ronmental q u a l i t i e s ) have been a p p l i e d d i r e c t l y to the r e s i d e n t i a l environment by a d e s c r i p t i o n o f t h e i r components; (c) The present model in t roduces the p o s s i b i l i t y t ha t " o t h e r sources o f s t r e s s " ( e . g . , soc ia l i s o l a t i o n , f a c t o r s compr is ing the pover ty cyc le ) may r e s u l t in the exper ience o f s t r e s s and po ten-t i a l l y r e s u l t in observable m a n i f e s t a t i o n s o f s t r e s s - - in the form o f p h y s i o l o g i c a l d i s o r d e r s , emot ional imbalance, o r " d e v i a n t " behav ior . 116 (d) S t o k o l s 1 model prov ides a t h e o r e t i c a l exp lana t i on o f how s t ress may be t ransformed i n t o p h y s i o l o g i c a l or psycho log ica l d i s o r d e r s , but not soc ia l d i s o r g a n i z a t i o n . The present model p rov ides t h i s a d d i t i o n a l l i n k , based on t h i s w r i t e r ' s examinat ion o f the s t ress l i t e r a t u r e . Other minor m o d i f i c a t i o n s have been made to S t o k o l s ' conceptual model, and where these c o n t r i b u t e an important d i f f e r e n c e , they w i l l be no ted . 8 . 2 Purpose o f the Model & Usefulness o f Models in General 8 .21 Purpose o f the Model S t o k o l s ' conceptual model o f the human crowding pehnomena was p r i m a r i l y intended as a suggest ion f o r f u t u r e research , e s p e c i a l l y d i r e c t exper imenta l i n v e s t i g a t i o n o f the e f f e c t s o f h igh d e n s i t i e s . He a l s o emphasized t h a t h i s model pe rm i t ted an i n t e g r a t i o n o f va r ious t h e o r e t i c a l pe rspec t i ves o r approaches to t h i s problem, as w e l l as the d e r i v a t i o n o f exper imenta l hypotheses ( S t o k o l s , 1 9 7 2 ) . The advantages o f S t o k o l s ' model f o r f u r t h e r exper imenta l or o t h e r s c i e n t i f i c i n v e s t i g a t i o n o f the e f f e c t s o f l i m i t e d space or h igh p o p u l a t i o n d e n s i t i e s in g e n e r a l , and h igh r e s i d e n t i a l d e n s i t i e s in p a r t i c u l a r , are recognized by t h i s w r i t e r . Suggestions f o r f u r t h e r research o f t h i s problem in the form o f hypotheses are descr ibed in a l a t e r s e c t i o n . The d e s c r i p t i o n o f S t o k o l s ' model in t h i s chapter and i t s a p p l i c a t i o n t o the s p e c i f i c problem o f h igh r e s i d e n t i a l d e n s i t i e s , however, serves one important purpose w i t h respect t o t h i s s tudy . The conceptual model serves as a v e h i c l e f o r emphasizing tha t human response to h igh r e s i d e n t i a l d e n s i t i e s — however such d e n s i t i e s occur - - depends upon the i n t e r a c t i o n o f a number o f independent v a r i a b l e s , not merely the phys ica l parameter o f d e n s i t y . Previous research has demonstrated tha t personal c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s and prev ious exper ience o f the i n d i v i d u a l , aspects o f the s o c i a l 117 envi ronment , exposure t ime ( e . g . , l eng th o f r e s i d e n c y ) , a c t i v i t i e s which an i n d i v i d u a l or f a m i l y may wish t o pursue, the c u l t u r e i n v o l v e d , and phys ica l v a r i a b l e s o ther than d e n s i t y ( e . g . , arrangement o f space) a l l i n f l u e n c e and p o t e n t i a l l y mediate the e f f e c t s o f h igh d e n s i t i e s . In a word, the model suggests t h a t d i f f e r e n t i n d i v i d u a l s or f a m i l i e s respond d i f f e r e n t l y to h igh d e n s i t y , depending upon the na tu re o f each o f these v a r i a b l e s . As a h y p o t h e t i c a l e x p l a n a t i o n o f the r e l a t i o n s h i p between h igh d e n s i t y , pathology and s o c i a l d i s o r g a n i z a t i o n , the conceptual model c l e a r l y serves as a framework f o r f u t u r e research . The assumptions o f t h i s r e l a t i o n s h i p r e l y p r i m a r i l y on present s t r e s s knowledge, the l i m i t a t i o n s o f which a l ready have been no ted . Recent a t t e m p t s , however, t o i n v e s t i g a t e , t h e o r i z e and hypothes ize about the nature o f urban s t r e s s r e f l e c t a growing a t t i t u d e t h a t the s t r e s s concept holds promise f o r i n t e g r a t i n g the f i e l d s o f phys io logy , psychology, s o c i o l o g y , med ic ine , e t c . (Glass S S inger , 1972). The p r e s e n t a t i o n o f S t o k o l s 1 conceptual model in t h i s t h e s i s con ta ins an inherent assumption on the pa r t o f t h i s w r i t e r t h a t the study o f s t r e s s is a l so r e l e v a n t t o the p lann ing d i s c i p l i n e , in o rder t h a t those engaged in p lann ing both phys ica l developments and s o c i a l programmes may avo id c r e a t i n g , e i t h e r d i r e c t l y o r i n d i r e c t l y , c o n d i t i o n s o r s i t u a t i o n s which produce adverse consequences f o r the i n d i v i d u a l . 8.22 Shortcomings & Advantages o f Models in General Kaplan ( 1 9 6 4 ) has a p t l y noted both the shortcomings and advantages o f several s t y l e s and k inds o f models used in the f i e l d o f behav iora l sc ience . Th is w r i t e r is in sympathy w i t h h is o b j e c t i o n to both the b lanket condem-na t ion and i n d i s c r i m i n a t e enthusiasm o f models. Kaplan po in ted out severa l shortcomings o f models in g e n e r a l , two o f which are (a) o v e r s i m p l i f i c a t i o n and (b) overemphasis on fo rm. 118 A model which is o v e r s i m p l i f i e d may neg lec t something impor tant f o r the purposes o f tha t very model. Such models need n o t , however, n e c e s s a r i l y be c r i t i c i z e d on the basis o f o v e r s i m p l i f i c a t i o n alone s ince "Some of the greatest achievements on the level of theory are remarkable precisely for their simplicity. The failing in question is rather that we have simplified in the wrong way, in the wrong places. . . ." (Kaplan, 1964: 281) The Conceptual Model o f Crowding in the Res iden t ia l Environment may, f o r example, be o v e r s i m p l i f i e d in the sense tha t f u t u r e research w i l l i d e n t i f y a d d i t i o n a l independent v a r i a b l e s which a f f e c t the exper ience o f c rowding. In a d d i t i o n , the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n o f elements compr is ing these v a r i a b l e s is not meant t o be exhaus t i ve , but ra the r r e p r e s e n t a t i v e , as noted by S toko ls (1972). On the o t h e r hand, models which overemphasize form are not always use fu l in a g iven s t a t e o f knowledge. What l i m i t s t h e i r usefu lness may be an inadequacy in knowledge o f the sub jec t m a t t e r . In t h i s sense the requirements o f the model impose a premature c losu re on ideas, w h i l e on the c o n t r a r y ". . .we may be using the model precisely in order to find out how much or how little of what we suspect is indeed true. " (Kaplan, 1964: 279) Kaplan 's words above a c t u a l l y s t a t e an impor tant advantage o f conceptual or semant ical models. That i s , conceptual frameworks are p a r t i c u l a r l y use fu l in t ha t they a l l o w the " s y s t e m a t i c e x p l o i t a t i o n o f f a i l u r e " ; they need not be used in the expec ta t i on o f immediate success, but in the hope o f successive i d e n t i f i c a t i o n o f p a r t i c u l a r causes o f f a i l u r e (Kaplan, 1 9 6 4 ) . The Conceptual Model o f Crowding in the Res iden t ia l Environment is presented in t h i s study w i t h an u n d e r l y i n g goal o f p o t e n t i a l l y develop ing an acceptab le theory concerning the response o f the i n d i v i d u a l to h igh r e s i d e n t i a l d e n s i t i e s , in terms o f behavior and h e a l t h . I t s usefu lness w i l l depend not merely on how much or l i t t l e i s t r u e w i t h respect t o i t s assumpt ions, but a l s o on whether i t a s s i s t s in the eventual f o r m u l a t i o n o f an adequate t h e o r e t i c a l e x p l a n a t i o n o f the e f f e c t s o f h igh r e s i d e n t i a l d e n s i t i e s . 119 8.3 D e f i n i t i o n o f Terminology Since one o f the purposes o f t h i s t h e o r e t i c a l framework is to avo id f u r t h e r ambigu i ty o f vocabulary in d i scuss ion o f the e f f e c t s o f h igh d e n s i t i e s , the f o l l o w i n g sets out o p e r a t i o n a l d e f i n i t i o n s o f terms most important to the model. The term dens ? ty r e f e r s on ly to a phys ica l c o n d i t i o n imply ing the l i m i t a t i o n o f space, and is one component o f several f a c t o r s c l a s s i f i e d as the " p h y s i c a l env i ronment" ( S t o k o l s , 1972). The model expresses not one, but th ree d e f i n i t i o n s o f dens i t y (see Sect ion 8.5, Physical Features o f the Env i ronment ) . Each o f these d e n s i t y measures g e n e r a l l y r e f e r s t o the amount o f space a v a i l a b l e in a p a r t i c u l a r r e s i d e n t i a l c o n t e x t . Crowding r e f e r s to a s u b j e c t i v e exper ience in which the i n d i v i d u a l perce ives o r recognizes tha t h is demand f o r space exceeds the a v a i l a b l e supply o f space; t h a t i s , ". . .the restrictive aspects of space are perceived by the individuals exposed to them. " (Stokols, 1972: 75) The s i g n i f i c a n t element appears to be f r u s t r a t i o n in the achievement o f some purpose o r a c t i v i t y , i . e . , a r e s t r i c t i o n o f the i n d i v i d u a l ' s freedom o f cho ice( (Proshansky , I t t e l s o n & R i v l i n , 1970:a). The exper ience o f crowding is a phenomenon which develops over t ime and r e s u l t s from the i n t e r a c t i o n o f p h y s i c a l , s o c i a l , p e r s o n a l , c u l t u r a l , and a c t i v i t y v a r i a b l e s , and is accompanied by a s t a t e o f s t r e s s . The term nonsocia l crowding r e f e r s to a r e c o g n i t i o n o f the r e s t r i c -t i v e aspects o f space due to phys ica l v a r i a b l e s a lone ( S t o k o l s , 1972). These inc lude d e n s i t y f a c t o r s , the arrangement o f space, temporal d u r a t i o n , i n t e n s i f i c a t i o n o f s t i m u l i ( e . g . , n o i s e , movement, l i g h t s , e t c . ) , r e s i d e n t i a l b u i l d i n g type and h e i g h t , c a p a c i t y and a c c e s s i b i l i t y o f community f a c i l i t i e s , e t c . Soc ia l crowding is d i r e c t l y r e l a t e d to an awareness o f l i m i t e d space because o f the presence o f o the r persons, and takes i n t o c o n s i d e r a t i o n the i n d i v i d u a l ' s r e l a t i o n s h i p to them. Condi t ions o f soc ia l crowding 120 i n c l u d e such f a c t o r s as s o c i a l c o n s t r a i n t s on a v a i l a b l e s p a c e , s t a t u s c o n f l i c t s , c o m p e t i t i o n f o r s c a r c e r e s o u r c e s ( S t o k o l s , 1 9 7 2 ) , r o l e c o n f l i c t , i n t e r p e r s o n a l d i s a g r e e m e n t s , and l a c k o f p r i v a c y . S t r e s s i s d e f i n e d as " t h e r a t e o f a l l t h e wear and t e a r caused by l i f e " and does n o t n e c e s s a r i l y i n v o l v e a d v e r s e e f f e c t s . S t r e s s i s m a n i f e s t e d by a s p e c i f i c synd rome, y e t i t i s n o n s p e c i f i c a l l y c a u s e d , i . e . , i s a s t a t e t h a t can be p r o d u c e d by many o r a l l a g e n t s ( S e l y e , 1 9 5 6 ) . By way o f a b a s i c d e f i n i t i o n , s t r e s s a r i s i n g f r o m n o n s o c i a l ( p h y s i c a l ) s o u r c e s may be s a i d t o e x i s t when t h e r e i s a s u b s t a n t i a l i m b a l a n c e between a p e r s o n ' s demand f o r space and t h e c a p a c i t y o f a p a r t i c u l a r r e s i d e n t i a l space t o f u l f i l l t h i s e x p e c t a t i o n . S i m i l a r l y , s t r e s s a r i s i n g f r o m s o c i a l s o u r c e s ( i . e . , e x c e s s i v e s o c i a l s t i m u l a t i o n ) may be s a i d t o o c c u r when t h e r e i s a s u b s t a n t i a l i m b a l a n c e between e n v i r o n m e n t a l demand and t h e r e s p o n s e c a p a b i l i t y o f t h e o r g a n i s m ( c f . , M c G r a t h , 1 9 7 0 ) . A l l s i t u a t i o n s o f c r o w d i n g i n v o l v e s t r e s s , b u t i t s o c c u r r e n c e c a n n o t be p r e d i c t e d on t h e b a s i s o f p u r e l y s p a t i a l f a c t o r s o r t h e number o f p e r s o n s p r e s e n t ( S t o k o l s , 1 9 7 2 ) . The a d v e r s e consequences o f i n a d e q u a t e b e h a v i o r a l , p e r c e p t u a l o r c o g n i t i v e r e s p o n s e s t o s t r e s s may be m a n i f e s t e d i n t h e f o r m o f f e e l i n g s o f f r u s t r a t i o n , a l i e n a t i o n o r i m p a t i e n c e ( s u b j e c t i v e o f p s y c h o l o g i c a l m a n i f e s t a t i o n s ) , p h y s i o l o g i c a l changes o r d i s o r d e r s , o r s o c i a l b e h a v i o r w h i c h f a l l s o u t s i d e t h e range o f n o r m a t i v e p a t t e r n s . R e s i d e n t i a l E n v i r o n m e n t . P r e l i m i n a r y t o a d i s c u s s i o n o f t h e i n t e r a c t i v e p r o c e s s e s o f t h e c o n c e p t u a l m o d e l , a f u r t h e r e x p l a n a t o r y comment i s n e c e s s a r y on t h e mean ing o f t h i s t e r m . The scope o f t h e m o d e l , so f a r as p h y s i c a l p a r a m e t e r s a r e c o n c e r n e d , i n c l u d e s more t h a n t h e d w e l l i n g u n i t and c o n t i g u o u s r e s i d e n t i a l s p a c e . The recommended use o f " n e i g h b o r h o o d " o r " g r o s s d e n s i t y " measurements by t h e A m e r i c a n P u b l i c H e a l t h A s s o c i a t i o n ( i 9 6 0 ) i n t h e p l a n n i n g o f r e s i d e n t i a l c o m m u n i t i e s r e f l e c t s t h e need t o p r e v e n t o v e r c r o w d i n g o f a v a i l a b l e s c h o o l s , p a r k s , p l a y g r o u n d s , s t r e e t s , as w e l l as c o m m u n i t y , s o c i a l and h e a l t h f a c i l i t i e s . W h i l e such s t a n d a r d s do n o t l e s s e n t h e i m p o r t a n c e o f d e n s i t y s t a n d a r d s d e s i g n e d t o a v o i d 121 overcrowding o f people in d w e l l i n g u n i t s , or people or s t r u c t u r e s on s t r i c t l y r e s i d e n t i a l l and , the broader goal o f ach iev ing amenity and l i v a b i l i t y must a l so be extended to community se rv i ces and f a c i l i t i e s which support a g iven p o p u l a t i o n . In a recent d i scuss ion o f the d e n s i t y / overcrowding issue in the Canadian c o n t e x t , Kumove and Cappon (1972) expressed the concern tha t as d e n s i t i e s are increased, we f r e q u e n t l y f a i l t o make adequate p r o v i s i o n f o r community f a c i l i t i e s ( e . g . , r e c r e a t i o n a l f a c i l i t i e s , soc ia l s e r v i c e s , mental hea l t h se rv i ces ) which not on ly enable people t o l i v e more c o m f o r t a b l y , but which may in f a c t a s s i s t them in coping w i t h problems r e l a t e d o r un re la ted t o h igher d e n s i t i e s . The parameters o f the conceptual model r e f l e c t these concerns. 8.4 D e s c r i p t i o n o f Major Features o f the Model The dependent v a r i a b l e o f the conceptual model, " c r o w d i n g " , i s the c e n t r a l focus o f t h i s t h e s i s , i . e . , a p o t e n t i a l response o f the i n d i v i d u a l to h igh d e n s i t i e s in the r e s i d e n t i a l envi ronment . As determined p r e v i o u s l y , the major independent v a r i a b l e s which a f f e c t a person 's response t o h igh d e n s i t i e s ( i . e . , which a f f e c t a s u b j e c t i v e r e c o g n i t i o n o f the r e s t r i c t i v e aspects o f space) encompass more than merely the lack o f space or p u r e l y d e n s i t y f a c t o r s . Socia l aspects o f the s i t u a t i o n , personal a t t r i b u t e s o f the i n d i v i d u a l , c u l t u r a l norms, the type o f a c t i v i t y i n v o l v e d , temporal d u r a t i o n , and fea tu res o f the phys ica l environment i n t e r a c t in such a manner as t o p o t e n t i a l l y in te rvene or mediate pe rcep t ion o f , and f r u s t r a t i o n f rom, a lack o f adequate space. The t h e o r e t i c a l framework o f the model assumes tha t the e f f e c t o f i n t e r a c t i o n o f the independent v a r i a b l e s may be to prevent or mediate the i n d i v i d u a l ' s r e c o g n i t i o n o f the r e s t r i c t i v e aspects o f space; conve rse l y , the model a l s o assumes t h a t the i n t e r a c t i o n o f these v a r i a b l e s may ac t t o aggravate or a c c e l e r a t e the exper ience o f c rowding. As Stoko ls no ted , 122 ". . .spatial limitation appears to be a variable whose latent unpleasant properties are activated only through its interaction with other aspects of the specific situation." (Emphasis supplied) (Stokols, 1972: 78) The above basic dimensions are i d e n t i f i e d in F igure 5 . A Conceptual  Model o f Crowding in the Res iden t ia l Environment. (The independent v a r i a b l e s enclosed in the c i r c l e on the l e f t o f the model are comprised o f a number o f f a c t o r s which are summarized in Table 1 and d iscussed a t g r e a t e r length in Sect ion 8 . 5 . ) The i n t e r a c t i o n between each o f the independent v a r i a b l e s determines t h e i r importance and immediacy t o the i n d i v i d u a l ( S t o k o l s , 1 9 7 2 ) . No at tempt w i l l be made t o p o r t r a y t h i s i n t e r a c t i o n , s ince any o f these may achieve lesser or g r e a t e r importance accord ing to the s i t u a t i o n and the i n d i v i d u a l i n v o l v e d . The broken arrow in F igure 5 between the independent v a r i a b l e s and c rowding, the dependent v a r i a b l e , i n d i c a t e s t h a t the i n d i v i d u a l ' s s u b j e c t i v e r e c o g n i t i o n o f the r e s t r i c t i v e aspects o f space may be mediated by the i n t e r a c t i o n o f the independent v a r i a b l e s . That i s , the exper ience o f crowding does not necessar? ly r e s u l t from the i n t e r a c t i o n o f the independent v a r i a b l e s . As i n d i c a t e d in the preceding d e f i n i t i o n s , nonsocia l crowding r e f e r s t o r e c o g n i t i o n o f the r e s t r i c t i v e aspects o f space due to phys ica l v a r i a b l e s a lone ; w h i l e s o c i a l crowding occurs as a r e s u l t o f the r e c o g n i t i o n o f l i m i t e d space because o f the presence o f o the r persons, i n c l u d i n g the person 's r e l a t i o n s h i p to them. By example, the amount and arrangement o f p u b l i c space cont iguous to an apartment b u i l d i n g may r e s t r i c t the behav iora l ( a c t i v i t y ) a l t e r n a t i v e s open t o the i n d i v i d u a l . Should he be unable t o c a r r y out these des i red a c t i v i t i e s e lsewhere, or e i t h e r f a i l t o or be incapable o f adopt ing c o g n i t i v e or perceptua l adap t i ve responses to t h i s problem, he may become f r u s t r a t e d by (or d i s s a t i s f i e d w i t h ) h is present res idence on t h i s b a s i s ; i . e . , in a manner o f speaking the i n d i v i d u a l may exper ience nonsocia l c rowding. With respect to soc ia l c rowding, "doub l i ng up" o f un re la ted persons in a s i n g l e d w e l l i n g u n i t may he ighten the i n d i v i -d u a l ' s sense o f l i m i t e d space, and/or produce in te rpe rsona l d isagreements, r o l e c o n f l i c t s , or o the r p o t e n t i a l l y t ens ion -p roduc ing s i t u a t i o n s . OTHER SOURCES (Cognitive, Perceptual, or Behavioral A CONCEPTUAL MODEL OF CROWDING IN THE RESIDENTIAL ENVIRONENT FIGURE 5. r-o TABLE 1 SUMMARY DESCRIPTION OF INDEPENDENT VARIABLES OF THE CONCEPTUAL MODEL OF CROWDING IN THE RESIDENTIAL ENVIRONMENT Physica l & Temporal Factors Dens i t y Arrangement o f Space Temporal Dura t ion I n t e n s i f i c a t i o n o f S t i m u l i Community F a c i l i t i e s B u i l d i n g Height & Type Q u a l i t y o f Environmental Resources Personal A t t r i b u t e s  o f the I n d i v i d u a l Past Experience Percept ion of Contro l Expectat ions Social S k i l l s Values, L i f e S t y l e , I n t e r e s t s , Preferences Sta te o f Heal th Socioeconomic C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s s Socia l Environmental Factors Cu l tu re Compet i t ion f o r Scarce Resources Extent 6 Kind o f Socia l I n t e r a c t i o n Formal vs . Formal Regulat ions Concerning Use o f Space Role o r S ta tus C o n f l i c t , In te rpersona l Disagreements, Re la t ionsh ip to Other Persons C u l t u r a l and s u b c u l t u r a l d i f f e r e n c e s in the use and p e r c e p t i o n o f space. Act iv ? t y A c t i v i t i e s des i red or a c t u a l l y pursued in a h igh d e n s i t y r e s i d e n t i a l s e t t i n g . 125 As Stoko ls no ted , soc ia l crowding con ta ins an element o f nonsocia l crowding s ince the number o f people in a g iven area f r e q u e n t l y determines the amount o f space a v a i l a b l e to each person. S i t u a t i o n s o f s o c i a l crowding invo lve a f a r g rea te r number o f component v a r i a b l e s than nonsoc ia l c rowding, however, and a l l o w f o r a more complete a p p l i c a t i o n o f the model ( S t o k o l s , 1972). The Conceptual Model o f Crowding in the Res iden t ia l Environment assumes t h a t the exper ience o f crowding invo lves s t r e s s , but t h a t s t r e s s cannot be p r e d i c t e d on the basis o f pu re ly s p a t i a l f a c t o r s . In the same manner t ha t the exper ience o f crowding depends on the i n t e r a c t i o n o f a l l the independent v a r i a b l e s , the i n t e n s i t y and p a t t e r n o f s t r e s s is determined by the combinat ion o f p h y s i c a l , s o c i a l , p e r s o n a l , c u l t u r a l and a c t i v i t y f a c t o r s and is a "phenomenon which develops over t ime ( S t o k o l s , 1972). An emphasis o f the present model, not apparent in S t o k o l s 1 f ramework, is t h a t s t r e s s may a lso r e s u l t from sources which are on ly i n d i r e c t l y assoc ia ted w i t h s p a t i a l v a r i a b l e s , i . e . , occur o n l y in co inc idence w i t h h igh d e n s i t i e s . For example, a res iden t o f a h igh d e n s i t y r e s i d e n t i a l s e t t i n g may exper ience s t ress a r i s i n g from (a) any f a c t o r s compr is ing the pover ty cyc le ( e . g . , low income or unemployment, low e d u c a t i o n , d i s r u p t e d f a m i l y r e l a t i o n s h i p s ) ; (b) occupat iona l sources; (c) personal or community " d i s a s t e r s " , e t c . An a d d i t i o n a l , we 11-documented c o n d i t i o n tha t may produce s t r e s s - l i k e e f f e c t s is an environment t h a t p laces too l i t t l e demand on the i n d i v i d u a l , i . e . , sensory d e p r i v a t i o n , monotonous s t i m u l i , s o c i a l i s o l a t i o n . The f a c t o r i d e n t i f i e d as " o t h e r sources o f s t r e s s " in F igure 5 represents any or severa l o f these sources. Whi le there w i l l be a necessary i n t e r a c t i o n between any o f the events or s i t u a t i o n s de f ined as " o t h e r sources o f s t r e s s " and the indepen-dent v a r i a b l e s which i n f l u e n c e the i n d i v i d u a l ' s exper ience o f c rowding, the e f f e c t o f t h i s i n t e r a c t i o n may be such tha t the exper ience o f crowding as a response t o h igh d e n s i t y is mediated or does not occur . For example, a res iden t o f the West End in Vancouver may s u f f e r a personal loss ( e . g . , 126 loss o f h is j o b or the death o f a r e l a t i v e ) ; however, i f the high d e n s i t y o f the area is not unpleasant to t h i s person, or even corresponds w i t h h is present goals and va lues , h is personal loss may in a real sense have " n o t h i n g to do" w i t h the f a c t t ha t he l i v e s in a high dens i t y a rea . In t h i s event , any observable m a n i f e s t a t i o n s o f s t ress on the pa r t o f the i n d i v i d u a l would be a t t r i b u t a b l e not to h igh d e n s i t y , but to the ac tua l c o n d i t i o n s or events which gave r i s e t o s t r e s s . The Conceptual Model o f Crowding in the Res iden t ia l Environment a l so takes i n t o c o n s i d e r a t i o n , however, the p o s s i b i l i t y t h a t s t ress r e s u l t i n g from o ther sources may be aggravated or acce le ra ted by the exper ience o f l i v i n g in a high d e n s i t y r e s i d e n t i a l s e t t i n g . That i s , persons having any c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f the pover ty c y c l e may exper ience s t r e s s f rom any o f these p a r t i c u l a r c o n d i t i o n s , wh i l e t h i s exper ience o f s t r e s s may be i n t e n s i f i e d by overc rowd ing , a lack o f a p p r o p r i a t e space f o r f a m i l y a c t i v i t i e s , e t c . I r r e s p e c t i v e o f i t s source, the exper ience o f s t r e s s evokes a v a r i e t y o f p o s s i b l e b e h a v i o r a l , p e r c e p t u a l , or c o g n i t i v e p o t e n t i a l l y t ens ion - reduc ing responses, the purpose o f which are t o reduce or a l l e v i a t e psycho log ica l s t r a i n or phys ica l d i scomfor t ( S t o k o l s , 1 9 7 2 ) . Cogn i t i ve o r perceptua l responses which may reduce o r a l l e v i a t e s t r e s s i n c l u d e : (a) p r e d i c t a b i l i t y and percep t ion o f c o n t r o l over the s i t u a t i o n (Glass & S inger , 1972; S t o k o l s , 1972) ( e . g . , awareness o f compromises inherent to h igh d e n s i t y l i v i n g ; awareness o f a c a p a b i l i t y to pursue l e i s u r e - o r i e n t e d a c t i v i t e s elsewhere i f necessary, or e v e n t u a l l y r e l o c a t e in a lower d e n s i t y s e t t i n g ) ; (b) c o g n i t i v e app ra i sa l o f the r e l a t i v e importance o f the s i t u a t i o n (McQrath, 1 9 7 0 ) ; (c) inc reas ing the d e s i r a b i l i t y o f the g iven s i t u a t i o n (assessing the advantages, versus disadvantages o f h igh d e n s i t y l i v i n g ) ; (d) screening o r s e l e c t i v i t y o f s t i m u l i (Mi lg ram, 1970) ( " i g n o r i n g " c e r t a i n unpleasant soc ia l or phys ica l environmental s t i m u l i ) . 127 P o t e n t i a l l y s t r e s s - a l l e v i a t i n g behav iora l responses may i n c l u d e : (a) a c t i v e l y avo id ing crowded s i t u a t i o n s where p o s s i b l e ; (b) a c t i v i t y - o r i e n t e d d i v e r s i o n techniques (Se lye , 1956; Howard & S c o t t , 1965) ( e . g . , engaging in spor ts or o ther s o c i a l l y approved a c t i v i t i e s or b e h a v i o r ) ; (c) t e m p o r a r i l y w i thdrawing from soc ia l i n t e r a c t i o n ; (d) rear rang ing a g iven space. Whatever the response to crowding s t r e s s , i t s p a r t i c u l a r form w i l l depend on the r e l a t i v e i n t e n s i t y o f any o r a l l o f the independent v a r i a b l e s and the degree t o which they can be a l t e r e d . That i s , when s p a t i a l , p h y s i c a l , a c t i v i t y , o r s o c i a l v a r i a b l e s can be e a s i l y a l t e r e d , a person w i l l l i k e l y adopt a behav io ra l response. Where any o f these are not p o s s i b l e , c o g n i t i v e or perceptua l responses are l i k e l y to occur ( S t o k o l s , 1972). Thus f a r i t has been assumed tha t an i n d i v i d u a l may a l l e v i a t e crowding s t r e s s (or s t r e s s a r i s i n g from o t h e r sources) by u t i l i z i n g b e h a v i o r a l , p e r c e p t u a l , or c o g n i t i v e responses which invo lve mod i fy ing p h y s i c a l , t empora l , s o c i a l , p e r s o n a l , or a c t i v i t y v a r i a b l e s . What has not yet been considered is whether a p a r t i c u l a r response may, in e f f e c t , i n t e n -s i f y psycho log ica l s t r a i n or phys ica l d i s c o m f o r t ; o r as Stoko ls expressed t h i s p o s s i b i l i t y , whether a p a r t i c u l a r response perpetuates the cyc le o f crowding s t ress ( S t o k o l s , 1972). Most t e n s i o n - r e d u c i n g responses a r e , by t h e i r n a t u r e , d i v e r g e n t . Some o f these may o f f e r temporary r e l i e f , but may not a c t u a l l y e l i m i n a t e crowding s t r e s s , or s t r e s s emanating from o t h e r sources. For example, where s o c i a l l y sanct ioned t e n s i o n - r e d u c i n g responses are u n a v a i l a b l e t o , or inadequate f o r a g iven i n d i v i d u a l , s o c i a l l y d i s -approved techniques may be resor ted t o . In s h o r t , f a i l u r e t o a l l e v i a t e s t ress through o t h e r responses may be mani fested in observable forms o f soc ia l d i s o r g a n i z a t i o n . I t is important t o note tha t the use o f s o c i a l l y disapproved d i v e r s i o n techniques may r e s u l t in f u r t h e r s t r e s s by inducing s o c i a l sanct ions on the i n d i v i d u a l (Howard and S c o t t , 1965). 128 Long-term w i t h d r a w a l , as opposed to temporary wi thdrawal from s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n , is another type o f behav iora l response which may act t o increase the cyc le o f s t r e s s . As Wallace a p t l y no ted , "If withdrawal plunges the organism into a restricted, invariant environment, the slight physical stimuli required by their monotonous repetition requires a great expenditure of energy. 'The same four walls' can literally drive a man crazy; their effect is analogous to that of any sort of prolonged stimulation which progressively requires more and more energy to master." (Wallace, 1952: 29) Thus, i t would be expected t h a t prolonged wi thdrawal w i t h i n an apartment d w e l l i n g i n v o l v i n g an excess ive lack o f s o c i a l or o t h e r s t i m u l i may have as ser ious consequences as prolonged and i n v o l u n t a r y exposure to an overcrowded d w e l l i n g u n i t . F i n a l l y , the Conceptual Model o f Crowding in the R e s i d e n t i a l Environment assumes tha t the consequences o f inadequate o r i n a p p r o p r i a t e responses to crowding o r o t h e r sources o f s t ress may a l s o , however, be mani fested as f e e l i n g s o f f r u s t r a t i o n , a l i e n t a t i o n and impat ience, i . e . , as psycho log ica l m a n i f e s t a t i o n s o f s t r e s s . Since general s t r e s s theory a l so ma in ta ins t h a t s t r e s s reac t i ons may a f f e c t p h y s i o l o g i c a l changes and a f f e c t s c e r t a i n organs in very s p e c i f i c p a t t e r n s ( c f . , Se lye , 1956), i t may be expected tha t the maladapt ive consequences o f inadequate responses to s t r e s s may be n o t i c e a b l e as p h y s i o l o g i c a l d i s o r d e r s ( S t o k o l s , 1972). I t i s important t o note tha t both S t o k o l s ' t h e o r e t i c a l framework and t h a t o f Proshansky, I t t e l s o n and R i v l i n ( I970 :a ) have been c r i t i c i z e d f o r t h e i r f a i l u r e to e x p l a i n how s t r e s s may be t ransformed i n t o s o c i a l p a t h o l o g i e s , such as j u v e n i l e de l inquency , a d u l t c r ime , e t c . (Cassel , 1973)• That i s , w h i l e S t o k o l s 1 E q u i l i b r i u m Model o f Human Response t o Crowding prov ided a t h e o r e t i c a l l i n k between h igh d e n s i t i e s and both p h y s i o l o g i c a l and psycho log ica l adverse m a n i f e s t a t i o n s o f s t r e s s , i t d id not at tempt to e x p l a i n p o t e n t i a l occurrence o f observable forms o f s o c i a l d i s o r g a n i z a -t i o n . The Conceptual Model o f Crowding in the Res iden t ia l Environment has been mod i f i ed to p rov ide t h i s a d d i t i o n a l t h e o r e t i c a l l i n k , based on t h i s w r i t e r ' s examinat ion o f the s t ress l i t e r a t u r e . 129 8.5 D e s c r i p t i o n o f Independent Var iab les The independent v a r i a b l e s which i n f l uence the i n d i v i d u a l ' s response to the e f f e c t s o f h igh d e n s i t i e s (summarized in Table 1) are discussed below in g r e a t e r d e t a i l . The model assumes tha t phys ica l and temporal f a c t o r s , personal a t t r i b u t e s o f the i n d i v i d u a l , f ea tu res o f the s o c i a l env i ronment , c u l t u r e , and a c t i v i t y v a r i a b l e s i n t e r a c t in a manner to e i t h e r mediate the i n d i v i d u a l ' s r e c o g n i t i o n o f the r e s t r i c t i v e aspects o f l i m i t e d space, o r p o t e n t i a l l y aggravate or a c c e l e r a t e the exper ience o f crowding s t r e s s . Each o f the independent v a r i a b l e s are comprised o f a v a r i e t y o f f a c t o r s o r elements which are assumed to c o n t r i b u t e to the occur rence , o r lack o f occurrence o f , the exper ience o f c rowding. Whi le those f a c t o r s discussed below are based to a cons ide rab le ex ten t on S t o k o l s ' E q u i l i b r i u m Model o f Human Response to Crowding, the works o f Z l u t n i c k and Altman (1972) and Proshansky et a l ( I 970 :a ) have a l so c o n t r i b u t e d to t h i s formu-l a t i o n . Other a d d i t i o n s , and e s p e c i a l l y the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f a l l these f a c t o r s t o the r e s i d e n t i a l envi ronment , r e f l e c t t h i s w r i t e r ' s c o n t r i b u t i o n , based on evidence repor ted e a r l i e r in t h i s study and/or o t h e r knowledge. The q u a l i f i c a t i o n placed by S toko ls on h is enumeration o f f a c t o r v a r i a b l e s a p p l i e s to the present model as w e l l . That i s , the v a r i a b l e s and f a c t o r s l i s t e d are not seen to be the o n l y ones which i n f l u e n c e the exper ience o f c rowd ing ; f u t u r e research may i d e n t i f y a d d i t i o n a l v a r i a b l e s and hope-f u l l y w i l l determine ". . .the relative salience and importance of each factor. . . . " (Stokols, 1972: 78) Features o f the Physical Environment and Temporal Factors Whi le d e n s i t y ( the amount o f space) and the arrangement o f space are two o f the more impor tant phys ica l f a c t o r s o f crowded s i t u a t i o n s , temporal d u r a t i o n is an e q u a l l y , i f not more s a l i e n t dimension o f the crowding phenomena. 130 Density may denote any of the f o l l o w i n g : (a) the number o f persons per room or d w e l l i n g u n i t ( i . e what is f r e q u e n t l y r e f e r r e d to as " o v e r c r o w d i n g " ) ; • » (b) the number o f persons o r d w e l l i n g u n i t s per net l o t / r e s i d e n t i a l acre o f land ( land area used f o r s t r i c t l y r e s i d e n t i a l purposes, exc lud ing s t r e e t al lowances and o ther p u b l i c uses ) ; (c) the number o f persons o r d w e l l i n g u n i t s per gross l o t / r e s i d e n t i a l acre o f land (net r e s i d e n t i a l land p lus s t r e e t s , lanes , and o ther land used f o r schoo ls , r e c r e a t i o n , hea l t h and o t h e r community f a c i l i t i e s o r s e r v i c e s ) . Arrangement of Space. The arrangement o f a g iven space may support or encourage c e r t a i n a c t i v i t i e s , o r a l t e r n a t i v e l y c o n s t r a i n o r i m p l i c i t l y d iscourage a c t i v i t i e s . Even when some a c t i v i t i e s are supported they are u s u a l l y done so f o r o n l y a c e r t a i n range and s p e c i f i c number o f people (Eastman and Harper, 1 9 7 1 ) - The arrangement o f space, t h e n , imp l ies i t s u s a b i l i t y f o r a person 's des i red a c t i v i t i e s . In the present model, t h i s inc ludes the arrangement o f space (a) i ns ide the d w e l l i n g u n i t ; (b) p u b l i c space w i t h i n apartment b u i l d i n g s ; (c) outdoor p r i v a t e and p u b l i c space cont iguous t o the d w e l l i n g u n i t o r housing s t r u c t u r e ; (d) space devoted to pa rks , p laygrounds o r o t h e r r e c r e a t i o n a l or p u b l i c community f a c i l i t i e s . Temporal duration is a necessary c o n s i d e r a t i o n in the developmental p a t t e r n o f the crowding exper ience. In Z l u t n i c k and A l tman 's v iew, one component o f extreme crowding may be when people are in such s i t u a t i o n s f o r a long p e r i o d o f t ime ( Z l u t n i c k £ A l tman, 1 9 7 2 ) . Temporal d u r a t i o n may r e f e r to leng th o f res idency in a h igh d e n s i t y r e s i d e n t i a l area or length o f exposure t o an overcrowded d w e l l i n g u n i t , f o r example. Intensification of Stimuli. The i n t e n s i f i c a t i o n o f c e r t a i n s t i m u l i , e . g . , n o i s e , excess ive movement, l i g h t s , environmental p o l l u t i o n , may he ighten a person 's pe rcep t i on o f l i m i t e d space, o r may in f a c t ac t as separate sources o f s t r e s s . Noise i t s e l f i s capable o f a f f e c t i n g p h y s i o l o -g i c a l changes ( c f . , Forshaw, 1971) and when accompanied by a crowded s e t t i n g , may produce a d d i t i v e s t r e s s . G r i f f i t h and Ve i t ch ( 1 9 7 0 i n d i c a t e d 131 tha t d i s l i k e f o r another person was g r e a t e r dur ing exposure to high temperature and h igh popu la t i on d e n s i t y , than under c o n d i t i o n s o f com-f o r t a b l e temperatures and low popu la t i on d e n s i t y . Community Facilities. The number, c a p a c i t y and a c c e s s i b i l i t y o f r e c r e a t i o n a l , h e a l t h and o ther se rv ices f a c i l i t i e s in the community should a l so be considered w i t h respect to t h e i r a v a i l a b l e use to the i n d i v i d u a l . Building height and type have been assoc ia ted w i t h cr ime ra tes (Newman, 1972) as we l l as the p o t e n t i a l a b i l i t y o f these f a c t o r s t o i n f l uence s o c i a b i l i t y and p r i v a c y (Cooney, 1962). The quality of environmental resources a l so seems important to the crowding phenomenon ( Z l u t n i c k and Al tman, 1972). Th is may inc lude not on ly the phys ica l c o n d i t i o n o f a d w e l l i n g u n i t or housing s t r u c t u r e , but the q u a l i t y o f r e s i d e n t i a l and community f a c i l i t i e s in a g iven a r e a . Features o f the Socia l Environment The presence o f o the r persons in t roduces a number o f f a c t o r s which may he ighten an i n d i v i d u a l ' s sense o f s p a t i a l r e s t r i c t i o n . Competition for Scarce Resources. The ex ten t t o which a person perce ives h imse l f as competing w i t h o the rs f o r scarce resources heightens the importance o f l i m i t e d space ( S t o k o l s , 1972). A person may a l so f e e l crowded t o the ex ten t he is f r u s t r a t e d in the p u r s u i t o f h i s goals in a p a r t i c u l a r s e t t i n g s imply by the presence o f o thers (Proshansky e t a l , 1970). Extent and Kind of Social Interaction. A person 's sense o f crowding is a l so r e l a t i v e t o the ex ten t and k ind o f s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n which occurs w i t h i n a g iven phys ica l s e t t i n g . High m o b i l i t y versus r e l a t i v e s t a b i l i t y o f a r e s i d e n t i a l p o p u l a t i o n , and homogeneity versus the he te rogene i t y o f res iden ts ( e . g . , socioeconomic c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , stage in the l i f e c y c l e , household composi t ion) i n f l uence the ex ten t o f s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n which may occur in an apartment b u i l d i n g . In a d d i t i o n , soc ia l norms o f i n t e r a c t i o n ( formal versus in fo rma l ) i n f l uence who i n t e r a c t s w i t h whom in a ( h i g h r i s e ) apartment b u i l d i n g (Reed, 1972). 132 The ex ten t to which a person exper iences a sense o f crowding may also be in f luenced by formal or informal regulations concerning the use  of space. These are e s p e c i a l l y important as they are admin is te red by apartment managers and as they i n f l u e n c e the use o f p u b l i c space w i t h i n an apartment b l o c k , or s e m i - p r i v a t e / p u b l i c space cont iguous to an apartment b u i l d i n g . Other s o c i a l c o n d i t i o n s which may heighten a sense o f crowding or p o t e n t i a l l y ac t as separate sources o f s t r e s s inc lude role or status  conflict, a person's relationship to others, interpersonal disagreements, e t c . These may be p a r t i c u l a r l y important under c o n d i t i o n s o f overcrowding w i t h i n d w e l l i n g u n i t s . Personal A t t r i b u t e s o f the I n d i v i d u a l As Stoko ls observed, i t is q u i t e conce ivab le t h a t c e r t a i n personal a t t r i b u t e s o r c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s serve t o p r o t e c t the i n d i v i d u a l f rom the negat ive e f f e c t s o f c rowding, w h i l e o the rs tend to predispose him t o the d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n s and the adverse consequences o f crowded s i t u a t i o n s ( S t o k o l s , 1972). Past experience w i t h respect to r e s i d e n t i a l d e n s i t i e s may i n f l u e n c e a person 's response t o crowded s i t u a t i o n s . Th is f a c t o r con ta ins s i m i l a r i t y to the n o t i o n t h a t c o n d i t i o n i n g or l ea rn ing are important t o the successfu l s o l u t i o n o f problems, e s p e c i a l l y under s t r e s s f u l s i t u a t i o n s ( c f . , Howard and S c o t t , 1965). Perception of Control. The ex ten t t o which a person perce ives he has c o n t r o l over h is environment (phys ica l or s o c i a l ) has been shown t o reduce o r a l l e v i a t e the e f f e c t s o f s t r e s s f u l s t i m u l i (Glass and S inger , 1972). Expectations w i t h respect to (a) what d e n s i t i e s w i l l e x i s t in a g iven s i t u a t i o n ; (b) leng th o f res idence o r s t a y ; (c) c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f ne ighbors ; and o t h e r a n t i c i p a t i o n s which tend to r e f l e c t the " r e a l i t y " , or lack o f r e a l i t y , o f a h igh d e n s i t y environment may a l s o i n f l u e n c e a person 's exper ience o f crowding. 133 Whether a person has the social skills necessary to s u c c e s s f u l l y adapt to high d e n s i t y s i t u a t i o n s may a lso c o n t r i b u t e to h is pe rcep t ion o f a crowded s i t u a t i o n . As Z l u t n i c k and Altman observed, an " i n t r o v e r t " might f ee l e a s i l y crowded in a s i t u a t i o n tha t an " e x t r o v e r t " f i n d s s o c i a l l y en joyab le ( Z l u t n i c k & Al tman, 1972). The ex ten t t o which an i n d i v i d u a l ' s values, life style, interests  and preferences are congruent w i t h a phys ica l environment may determine t o a cons iderab le degree h is s a t i s f a c t i o n o r d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n . In a word, M iche lson 's e x p e r i e n t i a l and mental congruence model f o r s u c c e s s f u l l y planned phys ica l environments is a p p l i c a b l e to the crowding phenomenon (Miche lson, 1970:a) . Two a d d i t i o n a l f a c t o r s may c o n t r i b u t e t o an i n d i v i d u a l ' s response t o h igh d e n s i t i e s or o the r s t r e s s o r s : (a) the i n d i v i d u a l ' s p r e - e x i s t i n g state of health (phys ica l and/or mental ) as we l l as prev ious tendencies toward soc ia l d i s o r g a n i z a t i o n ; and (b) h i s general socio-economic characteristics ( e . g . , income, e d u c a t i o n , occupat iona l s k i l l s ) . Low o r f i x e d incomes, f o r example, may depr i ve a f a m i l y or i n d i v i d u a l o f access to h e a l t h se rv i ces or l i m i t t h e i r a b i l i t y t o seek r e c r e a t i o n a l f a c i l i t i e s elsewhere in an urban a r e a . Occupat ional s k i l l s and educat ion may l a r g e l y determine income and thus c o n t r i b u t e to an i n a b i l i t y to l oca te e lsewhere. C u l t u r e Cu l tu re c o n t r i b u t e s a f u r t h e r independent e f f e c t upon a person 's s u b j e c t i v e r e c o g n i t i o n o f l i m i t e d space. I n v e s t i g a t i o n s and observa t ions o f the human use o f space suggest the ex is tence o f both c u l t u r a l ( " n a t i o n a l " ) and s u b c u l t u r a l (group) d i f f e r e n c e s in the use and pe rcep t ion o f space. C u l t u r a l norms and va lues , s o c i a l norms and ro les s p e c i f i e d by a c u l t u r a l system, and man-made a r t i f a c t s o f c u l t u r e (design) i n f l u e n c e the nature o f p h y s i c a l , s o c i a l , and personal independent v a r i a b l e s . 134 Act i v i t y The type o f a c t i v i t y , or a c t i v i t i e s an i n d i v i d u a l or f a m i l y wishes to pursue, or i s a c t u a l l y engaged i n , w i l l d i r e c t l y a f f e c t both the pe rcep t ion o f l i m i t e d space and i t s importance to the i n d i v i d u a l . Features o f the phys ica l envi ronment, personal a t t r i b u t e s o f the i n d i v i d u a l , and soc ia l aspects o f the s i t u a t i o n a l l a f f e c t the k ind o f a c t i v i t y invo lved in a h igh d e n s i t y s e t t i n g . 8.6 Use o f the Model & Formulat ion o f Hypotheses As noted e a r l i e r , S toko ls p r i m a r i l y intended tha t h is model serve as a v e h i c l e f o r f u r t h e r exper imenta l i n v e s t i g a t i o n o f the e f f e c t s o f h igh d e n s i t i e s . As he observed, t h i s would r e q u i r e c a r e f u l s p e c i f i c a t i o n o f dependent measures o f the exper ience o f s t r e s s in o rder to assess the exper ience o f crowding ( e . g . , s u b j e c t i v e repo r t s o f d i s c o m f o r t , observa-t i o n a l ind ices o f s t r e s s ) ( S t o k o l s , 1972), Since the Conceptual Model o f Crowding in the Res iden t ia l Environment is based l a r g e l y on S t o k o l s ' work, and i t s m o d i f i c a t i o n s have not changed i t s adequacy f o r t h i s use, the present model is a l so s u i t e d f o r d i r e c t exper imenta l i n v e s t i g a t i o n o f the e f f e c t s o f h igh d e n s i t i e s . Experimental i n v e s t i g a t i o n may not e a s i l y lend i t s e l f , however, t o the day- to -day exper ience o f l i v i n g in overcrowded d w e l l i n g u n i t s or in areas having high o u t s i d e d e n s i t i e s o f persons or u n i t s per a c re . Thus i t is necessary to cons ider a d d i t i o n a l approaches f o r u t i l i z i n g t h i s t h e o r e t i c a l framework in f u t u r e research . The d e s c r i p t i o n o f the Conceptual Model o f Crowding in the Res iden t i a l Environment has been presented here as an inherent suggest ion tha t f u t u r e i n v e s t i g a t i o n o f the e f f e c t s o f h igh r e s i d e n t i a l d e n s i t i e s , whatever form such study may take , should cons ider the r o l e t h a t soc ia l env i ronmenta l f a c t o r s , personal a t t r i b u t e s o f the i n d i v i d u a l , c u l t u r a l norms, a c t i v i t y , temporal d u r a t i o n , and phys ica l f a c t o r s in a d d i t i o n to d e n s i t y v a r i a b l e s p lay in media t ing the e f f e c t s o f h igh r e s i d e n t i a l d e n s i t i e s . 135 As demonstrated in the c r i t i c a l examinat ion o f the l i t e r a t u r e , the i n t e r a c t i o n o f these v a r i a b l e s l a r g e l y determines the e f f e c t o f h igh d e n s i t i e s in terms o f the i n d i v i d u a l ' s behavior and h e a l t h . For example, these v a r i a b l e s should be considered e s p e c i a l l y in f u r t h e r s tud ies o f the s u i t a b i l i t y o f the h igh r i s e f o r f a m i l i e s w i t h c h i l d r e n , as we l l as the use o f t h i s b u i l d i n g form f o r lower-income persons. M iche lson 's f i n d i n g s have a l ready i nd i ca ted t h a t temporal d u r a t i o n and personal goals or va lues (as they r e l a t e to the f a m i l y m o b i l i t y cyc le ) are s i g n i f i c a n t f a c t o r s which c o n t r i b u t e t o s a t i s f a c t i o n w i t h the h igh r i s e f o r f a m i l i e s r e c e n t l y formed or in the very e a r l y stages o f c h i l d - r e a r i n g (Miche lson, 1973:a). The l i m i t a t i o n s o f c o r r e l a t i o n a l a n a l y s i s have a l ready been noted (Sect ion 2.13), the most important o f which is the d i f f i c u l t y such methodology presents in a s c e r t a i n i n g causal l i n k s between h igh d e n s i t y and patho logy or soc ia l d i s o r g a n i z a t i o n . Fur ther use o f such a n a l y s i s , however, may be usefu l to the ex ten t i t demonstrates the importance (or lack o f importance) o f such f a c t o r s as low income, low e d u c a t i o n , unemployment, d i s r u p t e d f a m i l y r e l a t i o n s h i p s , e t c . as these may c o r r e l a t e p o s i t i v e l y w i t h h igher inc idence o f poor h e a l t h o r behavior which dev ia tes from s o c i e t a l norms in areas w i t h h igh r e s i d e n t i a l d e n s i t i e s . The Conceptual Model o f Crowding in the Res iden t i a l Environment assumes the p o s s i b i l i t y t h a t c o n d i t i o n s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c o f the pover ty cyc le are capable o f producing s t r e s s - l i k e e f f e c t s and may in f a c t produce many o f the observable m a n i f e s t a t i o n s which many i n v e s t i g a t o r s a t t r i b u t e to h igh d e n s i t y . The model a l so assumes t h a t h igh r e s i d e n t i a l d e n s i t i e s may aggravate such s t r e s s , and/or t ha t h igh d e n s i t y i t s e l f may act as a s t r e s s o r . Inasmuch as present s t r e s s knowledge is p r e s e n t l y in i t s fo rma t i ve s tages , the use o f the model in t h i s sense must res t on the v e r i f i c a t i o n o f much o f the present ev idence, as we l l as advancement o f t h i s knowledge. 136 The Conceptual Model o f Crowding in the Res iden t ia l Environment suggests the f o l l o w i n g hypotheses f o r f u t u r e research concern ing the e f f e c t s o f h igh r e s i d e n t i a l d e n s i t i e s , in terms o f behavior and h e a l t h : ^ (a) Soc ia l environmental f a c t o r s , personal a t t r i b u t e s o f the i n d i v i d u a l , c u l t u r a l norms, the type o f a c t i v i t y i n v o l v e d , temporal d u r a t i o n , and/or phys ica l f a c t o r s o f the environment o the r than p u r e l y d e n s i t y v a r i a b l e s p o t e n t i a l l y mediate nega t i ve e f f e c t s o f h igh r e s i d e n t i a l d e n s i t i e s f o r the i n d i v i d u a l in terms o f behavior and h e a l t h . (b) Should the i n d i v i d u a l exper ience crowding s t r e s s ( i . e . , recognize the r e s t r i c t i v e aspects o f l i m i t e d space o r excess ive s t i m u l i from soc ia l s o u r c e s ) , c e r t a i n c o g n i t i v e , p e r c e p t u a l , and/or behav iora l responses p o t e n t i a l l y a 1 l e v i a t e o r lessen the exper ience o f s t r e s s . (c) Other sources o f s t ress ( e . g . , c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f the pover ty c y c l e , sensory d e p r i v a t i o n , s o c i a l i s o l a t i o n ) which may be o n l y i n d i r e c t l y assoc ia ted w i t h h igh r e s i d e n t i a l d e n s i t i e s may r e s u l t in observable p h y s i o l o g i c a l or psycho log ica l d i s o r d e r s , and/or soc ia l d i s o r g a n i z a t i o n . (d) High r e s i d e n t i a l d e n s i t i e s p o t e n t i a l l y aggravate o r a c c e l e r a t e the negat ive e f f e c t s o f o ther s t r e s s o r s . 137 Chapter 9 CONCLUSIONS: IMPLICATIONS FOR PLANNING The focus o f t h i s study has been the response o f the i n d i v i d u a l to h igh r e s i d e n t i a l d e n s i t i e s , in terms o f behavior and h e a l t h . A c r i t i c a l examinat ion o f the l i t e r a t u r e demonstrated tha t the e f f e c t s o f h igh d e n s i t i e s appear to depend main ly on the i n t e r a c t i o n o f a number o f independent v a r i a b l e s , none o f which was g iven any p a r t i c u l a r weight o r p r i o r i t y w i t h respect t o i t s importance. However, one o f these v a r i a b l e s — phys i ca l f a c t o r s o f the environment — has rece ived cons ide rab le a t t e n t i o n in the l i t e r a t u r e . I t has a l ready been emphasized tha t many i n v e s t i g a t o r s concerned w i t h the e f f e c t s o f h igh d e n s i t y have r e s t r i c t e d t h e i r study almost e x c l u s i v e l y to s p a t i a l v a r i a b l e s , expressed e i t h e r as a measure o f the amount o f r e s i d e n t i a l space o r as an i n d i c a t o r o f the popu la t i on o f an a rea . These authors f r e q u e n t l y expressed an i m p l i c i t o r e x p l i c i t assumption t h a t r e s t r i c t i n g o r reducing r e s i d e n t i a l d e n s i t i e s is necessary t o ensure p r o t e c t i o n f o r the i n d i v i d u a l . As w i l l be suggested in the f o l l o w i n g d i s c u s s i o n , s i m i l a r assumptions are r e f l e c t e d in both the formal a p p r o v a l , and formal or in formal p lann ing o f r e s i d e n t i a l development as c a r r i e d out by munic ipa l agencies. More r e c e n t l y , however, i n v e s t i g a t o r s o f the e f f e c t s o f h igh d e n s i t i e s who l a r g e l y represent the f i e l d o f behav io ra l sc ience have become more i n t e r e s t e d in the importance o f design at h igh d e n s i t y , i n c l u d i n g 138 not o n l y the design o f b u i l d i n g fo rm, but the arrangement and q u a l i t y o f cont iguous outdoor r e s i d e n t i a l space and assoc ia ted f a c i l i t i e s . Several recent s t u d i e s , f o r example, have addressed the problem o f " s a t i s f a c t i o n " by e x p l o r i n g what design fea tu res o f h igh d e n s i t y housing lead t o s a t i s f a c t i o n w i t h apartment l i v i n g on the pa r t o f f a m i l i e s w i t h c h i l d r e n ( c f . , Soc ia l Planning Counci l o f M e t r o p o l i t a n Toron to , 1973; Miche lson, 1973: a S b; M i n i s t r y o f Housing and Local Government, 1970). Others have demonstrated the f e a s i b i l i t y o f combining the p r e f e r r e d phys ica l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f the s i n g l e f a m i l y d w e l l i n g w i t h medium d e n s i t y housing forms f o r f a m i l i e s w i t h c h i l d r e n (Diamond, 1970). The u n d e r l y i n g concern o f most o f these i n v e s t i g a t o r s is the manner in which design a t h igher d e n s i t i e s can e f f e c t i v e l y meet the needs o f peop le , both as i n d i v i d u a l s and groups. The conc lud ing chapter o f t h i s study suggests t ha t recent a t tempts t o come to terms w i t h the problem o f design a t h igh d e n s i t y r e f l e c t a conscious e f f o r t to design o r c o n t r o l environments t o achieve s p e c i f i c b e h a v i o r a l , s o c i a l , and even b i o l o g i c a l outcomes. Studer (1970) has c a l l e d t h i s the " b e h a v i o r - c o n t i n g e n t approach t o environmental d e s i g n " . Th is approach t o the design o f r e s i d e n t i a l or o the r environments res t s on the argument t h a t ". . .we must decide what it is we want to do as individual and collective humans, and then, arrange our environment to maximize the probability that we will consummate these intentions." (Studer, 1970: 327) The conc lus ions a l so suggest t h a t design at h igh d e n s i t y should be guided by a number o f "performance s tandards" or general c r i t e r i a f o r design which r e f l e c t the behav io r - con t i ngen t approach t o envi ronmental des ign . Whi le such c r i t e r i a c o u l d , and i d e a l l y should serve as e f f e c t i v e g u i d e l i n e s f o r the a r c h i t e c t (who r e t a i n s the f i n a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r r e s i d e n t i a l d e s i g n ) , i t is asser ted tha t performance standards are equa l l y e s s e n t i a l t o the p lanner as a means o f e v a l u a t i n g h igh d e n s i t y r e s i d e n t i a l development, a long w i t h the use o f zoning by- law d e n s i t y s tandards . In o rder t o c l a r i f y t h i s assumpt ion, the d i scuss ion which f o l l o w s p o i n t s out 139 some d i f f i c u l t i e s inherent in the use of t r a d i t i o n a l zoning and development by - laws , but e s p e c i a l l y maximum d e n s i t y s tandards , as a means o f e v a l u a t i n g the s u i t a b i l i t y o f r e s i d e n t i a l development w i t h respect to the needs o f those who w i l l l i v e t h e r e . By and l a r g e , these t o o l s are p r e s e n t l y the on ly en fo rceab le c r i t e r i a by which the p lanner endeavors to ensure s a t i s -f a c t o r y l i v i n g c o n d i t i o n s at h igh d e n s i t y . 9.1 The Use o f Maximum Densi ty Standards The design o f r e s i d e n t i a l accommodation, cont iguous outdoor space, and assoc ia ted f a c i l i t i e s is l a r g e l y the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y o f the a r c h i t e c t . The i n f l u e n c e o f the p lanner on the design o f r e s i d e n t i a l development is less d i r e c t , i n v o l v i n g the enforcement, amendment and/or f o r m u l a t i o n o f zoning and development by- laws (except where he has the o p p o r t u n i t y t o d i r e c t l y a f f e c t the design o f p u b l i c or p r i v a t e housing developments) . The r e s u l t i n g form o f r e s i d e n t i a l development, never the -l e s s , is s t r u c t u r e d t o a cons ide rab le degree by the content o f munic ipa l zoning and development by - laws . T r a d i t i o n a l zoning by- laws have as t h e i r fundamental purpose the r e g u l a t i o n o f ". . .the development of land . . . with respect to the use of the same, and the location, design, construction, and use of buildings and structures for residence . . . and other purposes. . . . " (City of Vancouver, 1973: 1) Zoning by- laws r e f l e c t numerous a d d i t i o n a l o b j e c t i v e s , however, which inc lude the r e g u l a t i o n and l i m i t a t i o n o f p o p u l a t i o n d e n s i t y , the p r o v i s i o n o f adequate open spaces f o r l i g h t and a i r , the p r o t e c t i o n and improvement o f ameni ty , and the promotion o f h e a l t h , s a f e t y and the general w e l f a r e ( I b i d . ) . In o rder to accompl ish these o b j e c t i v e s , zoning by- laws commonly employ a number o f standards and r e s t r i c t i o n s which must be achieved in the design o f r e s i d e n t i a l development. 140 Maximum d e n s i t y s tandards , however, are o f t e n r e l i e d on by munic ipa l p lann ing agencies as the most important f a c t o r a f f e c t i n g the amenity o f h igh d e n s i t y r e s i d e n t i a l areas and s a t i s f a c t o r y l i v i n g c o n d i -t i o n s . 1 Densi ty standards are p a r t i c u l a r l y use fu l in e s t i m a t i n g space needs f o r both developed and p a r t i a l l y developed r e s i d e n t i a l a reas , and are u s u a l l y an adap ta t i on o f g e n e r a l l y recognized r e g u l a t i o n s considered t o be c o n s i s t e n t w i t h the p r i n c i p l e s o f h e a l t h f u l housing (Goodman, 1968). Densi ty standards are a l so use fu l as p r e l i m i n a r y design schemes and p r o -v ide a un i fo rm and o b j e c t i v e approach to comparing s i t e plans f o r general openness, ameni ty , and l i v a b i l i t y . I t must be recogn ized , however, t h a t ". . .density figures, no matter how accurately computed, are but a crude index of the design quality of a site plan. Being rigid mathematical ratios for relatively large areas, they cannot properly reflect all factors of design. . . . The amount of open space established  by density standards has limited meaning unless that  space is properly distributed and designed for  usability." (Emphasis supplied) (American Public Health Association, 1960: 36) In o rder to encourage a p p r o p r i a t e d i s t r i b u t i o n o f open space at e i t h e r h igh o r r e l a t i v e l y low d e n s i t i e s , r e s i d e n t i a l development must a l s o comply w i t h zoning by- law standards r e g u l a t i n g s i t e coverage, un i fo rm setbacks , and o the r f e a t u r e s o f s i t e l a y o u t . Experience has demonstrated, however, t ha t the use o f such r e g u l a t i o n s a l l too f r e q u e n t l y r e s u l t s in open areas sur rounding b u i l d i n g s which are o f l i t t l e use t o apartment d w e l l e r s except as v i s u a l r e l i e f and the p r o v i s i o n o f landscap ing. In b r i e f , d e n s i t y standards and o t h e r zoning by- law r e g u l a t i o n s have g e n e r a l l y proven t o be less than e f f e c t i v e in i n s u r i n g the u s a b i l i t y and proper d i s t r i b u t i o n o f open space, accord ing to the needs o f those who occupy a p a r t i c u l a r 3 apartment b l o c k . ; Densi ty s tandards , however, are f r e q u e n t l y r e l i e d on as yet another means o f i n s u r i n g s a t i s f a c t o r y l i v i n g c o n d i t i o n s . Maximum d e n s i -t i e s o f t e n pu rpor t t o p r o t e c t f a m i l i e s and i n d i v i d u a l s aga ins t s o c i a l and o the r i l l s which have been assoc ia ted w i t h h igh p o p u l a t i o n d e n s i t i e s . 141 Whi le the f o r m u l a t i o n o f maximum dens i t y standards which e f f e c t i v e l y avoid undue s t r e s s on the par t o f i n d i v i d u a l s or f a m i l i e s is both h i g h l y d e s i r a b l e and h o p e f u l l y ach ievab le , present evidence on a p p r o p r i a t e d e n s i t y l i m i t s which do not impair peop le ' s w e l l - b e i n g is f a r from conc lus ive ( c f . , False Creek Proposals Working Papers, 1971). In the absence o f such c r i t e r i a , a t tempts to d e r i v e maximum d e n s i t i e s which insure " h e a l t h f u l " r e s i d e n t i a l development are l a r g e l y s u b j e c t i v e o r invo lve the s u b s t i t u t i o n o f commonly accepted land use i n t e n s i t y measure-ments. When used on t h i s b a s i s , however, maximum d e n s i t y standards tend t o perpe tua te the ". . .sociological myth — raised, not by the sociolo-gists in this case but by the standard makers: that there is a uniform pathological response to high density. . . fyhich/ is not necessarily true." (Michelson, 1971: 10) Fur ther i n v e s t i g a t i o n o f h igh d e n s i t y as a s t r e s s o r w i l l h o p e f u l l y demon-s t r a t e the usefu lness o f maximum d e n s i t y standards as a p r o t e c t i o n f o r the h e a l t h and w e l l - b e i n g o f the i n d i v i d u a l , as opposed t o usefu l es t imates o f the space needs o f p a r t i c u l a r household t ypes . In any event , i t appears t h a t the p lanner ought we l l to be guided by Gideon's conc lus ion t h a t ". . .codes of density are no cure-all. . . . We have seen that correct density is a variable dependent on habits of living, the geographic situation and the demands of a particular project: it can never be something absolutely fixed. " (Gideon, 1965: 208) Gideon's remarks do not merely suggest t h a t maximum d e n s i t y standards do not n e c e s s a r i l y guarantee "good l i v i n g c o n d i t i o n s " ; they imply t h a t g r e a t e r f l e x i b i l i t y and d i f f e r e n t , or more a p p r o p r i a t e c r i t e r i a should supplement the p l a n n e r ' s e v a l u a t i o n o f r e s i d e n t i a l development. 142 9-2 Performance Standards The e s s e n t i a l concern o f many recent i n v e s t i g a t o r s o f the e f f e c t s o f h igh d e n s i t y is whether e x i s t i n g or planned h igh dens i t y development s a t i s f i e s the needs o f the " u s e r " . That i s , many have approached the bas ic ques t ion o f whether the design o f a p a r t i c u l a r p r o j e c t is re levan t to the behav iora l and s o c i a l needs and goals o f those who l i v e t h e r e . As Michelson suggested, whether a p a r t i c u l a r land use ". . . is portrayed statistically, or allowed or pro-hibited by current by-laws is less important that what it actually means to the particular segment of the population interested in its use. Regardless of whether it is currently legal or illegal, the important thing to ask is: 'will it work?'" (Michelson, 1971: 10) To ensure t h a t p lann ing is not o n l y s o c i a l l y s e n s i t i v e , but re levan t to the needs and goals o f the i n d i v i d u a l s who l i v e in a community, Michelson asser ted t h a t performance s tandards , as opposed t o abso lu te s tandards , are unques t ionab ly more a p p r o p r i a t e i f they are c o n s i s t e n t l y , a c c u r a t e l y , and hones t l y a p p l i e d (Miche lson, 197V). The use o f performance standards as an a d d i t i o n a l c r i t e r i a on which h igh d e n s i t y r e s i d e n t i a l development is eva luated imp l ies tha t the p lanner (and o the rs invo lved in the process ing o f development permi t a p p l i c a t i o n s ) must e x e r c i s e g r e a t e r d i s c r e t i o n in h i s judgement. At the same t i m e , however, these c r i t e r i a must be a p p l i e d s t e a d f a s t l y t o each development i f they are t o be u l t i m a t e l y r e s u l t a n t in more s u i t a b l e des ign . The purpose o f t h i s d i scuss ion is not to suggest an a p p r o p r i a t e admin i -s t r a t i v e process f o r the a p p l i c a t i o n and use o f performance standards by p lanne rs , t e c h n i c a l p lann ing boards, o r o the r munic ipa l agents invo lved in the e v a l u a t i o n o f r e s i d e n t i a l development. Rather , the d i scuss ion which f o l l o w s focuses on the nature o f such s tandards , and emphasizes several c o n s i d e r a t i o n s wh ich , in the view o f t h i s w r i t e r , are important t o the e v a l u a t i o n o f e f f e c t i v e design at h igh d e n s i t y . 143 9*3 Behaviora l Design at High Densi ty In recent years members o f the f i e l d o f behav iora l sc ience , as we l l as urban p lann ing and a r c h i t e c t u r e , have demonstrated inc reas ing i n t e r e s t in the in f l uence o f the designed environment on human behavior at the i n d i v i d u a l , group, and i n s t i t u t i o n a l l e v e l s . A l though behav io ra l research r e l a t i n g to environmental q u a l i t y is s t i l l in i t s e a r l y stages o f development, in a number o f cases i t has a l ready made use fu l c o n t r i -bu t ions to p u b l i c p o l i c y . As a f i e l d , however, i t s t i l l lacks both a broad conceptual framework and the development o f more r e f i n e d methodology (Sewe l l , 1971). Yet i t is p o s s i b l e to p o r t r a y t h e o r e t i c a l agreement among several i n v e s t i g a t o r s as t o the prominent concerns o f behav iora l p l a n n i n g , as i t r e l a t e s t o the designed environment in g e n e r a l . The fundamental concern o f these w r i t e r s is how t o c rea te phys ica l environments which meet both behav iora l and s o c i a l requirements o f those who w i l l use them. Al though somewhat d i f f e r e n t emphases are d i s t i n g u i s h a b l e , as a whole t h e i r i n t e r e s t s r e f l e c t S tuder ' s b e h a v i o r - c o n t i n g e n t approach to envi ronmental des ign , which is based on the assumption tha t we should arrange the phys ica l environment in such a manner as to maximize the o p p o r t u n i t y to achieve our i n t e n t i o n s both as i n d i v i d u a l s and as groups (Studer , 1970). A s i m i l a r view is expressed by Eastman and Harper (1971), Proshansky et a l (1970:b), Wood (1961), and Porteus (1971). Eastman and Harper (I96l) po in ted out t h a t in g e n e r a l , p a r t i c u l a r phys ica l environments may - - o r may not - - p rov ide support f o r c e r t a i n a c t i v i t i e s . That i s , a c t i v i t i e s which are supported are encouraged to the ex ten t they are the p r o p e n s i t i e s o f those who use the space. Those a c t i v i t i e s not supported are i m p l i c i t l y d iscouraged or d i r e c t l y c o n s t r a i n e d . The designer thus takes p a r t i a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r the behavior t h a t does or does not occur in a p a r t i c u l a r space. Eastman and Harper main ta ined tha t t h i s r e s p o n s i b i l i t y should be based on w e l l - d e f i n e d g o a l s , and 144 suggested t h a t two d i f f e r e n t o b j e c t i v e s o r general goals are open in behav iora l p l a n n i n g . These a r e : "(a) to encourage the existing propensities of users by providing support for the anticipated activities of all people. This objective maximizes behavioral  freedom. In working toward this end, the designer is trying to make the physical environment as unconstraining as possible. . . (b) to encourage some activities while discouraging others through the support or nonsupport of various activities. In this way, the designer channels behavior. . . . While no environment equally supports all activities and influences behavior in some minimal way, these two objectives are distinct in that, in the second case, the designer takes the responsibility for attempting to redirect existing propensities. " (Eastman & Harper, 1971: 435-436) Proshansky et a l (1970 :b ) , however, imp l ied tha t freedom o f choice in behavior is a c r i t e r i a t ha t should be a p p l i e d t o the design o f any phys ica l s e t t i n g . These authors were p r i m a r i l y i n t e r e s t e d in h igh d e n s i t y envi ronments, and e s p e c i a l l y the soc ia l and psycho log ica l phenomenon o f crowding. They asser ted t h a t a lack o f freedom o f choice in behavior may c o n t r i b u t e t o the exper ience o f c rowding, thus render ing t h i s c r i t e r i a p a r t i c u l a r l y impor tant in design a t h igh d e n s i t y . The bas ic requirements invo lved in des ign ing phys ica l s e t t i n g s which maximize freedom o f cho ice are descr ibed as f o l l o w s : "Whatever the primary purpose that brings the individual to a given physical setting, the setting must not only have the capacity to satisfy the primary need and other relevant subsidiary needs, but it must allow for goal satisfactions that are only remotely related to the major purpose. . . . Any physical setting that provides many alternatives for the satisfaction of related and unrelated subsidiary purposes obviously provides con-siderable freedom of choice." . (Proshansky et al, 1970:b: 175) The goal o f des ign ing h igh d e n s i t y r e s i d e n t i a l space so as t o maximize freedom o f choice in behavior has s i g n i f i c a n t m e r i t s , when taken 145 in the sense tha t adequate o p p o r t u n i t y should e x i s t f o r i n d i v i d u a l s and groups t o s a t i s f y t h e i r p r imary needs and re levan t s u b s i d i a r y needs. Experience has shown, however, t ha t in some cases the p r o v i s i o n s o f " f r e e space" f o r whatever purpose has r e s u l t e d in c o m p e t i t i o n between groups o r i n d i v i d u a l s f o r the use o f the space, as w e l l as r e s u l t i n g behavior which may serve at cross-purposes w i t h the best i n t e r e s t o f those l i v i n g nearby. In the case o f the P r u i t t - l g o e p u b l i c housing p r o -j e c t , f o r example, unusua l l y wide ( g a l l e r y ) c o r r i d o r s , f l e x i b l y designed and o r i g i n a l l y intended t o be f r e e f o r p lay and r e c r e a t i o n , e v e n t u a l l y became the " t e r r i t o r y " o f gangs o f teenagers . Herrenkohl (1972) po in ted out t h a t by l eav ing such spaces wide open and f a i l i n g t o cons ider the v a r i e t y o f groups seeking t o c rea te t h e i r own t e r r i t o r y , the intended purpose o f the space was subver ted . Other s tud ies have po in ted out p o t e n t i a l problems which may r e s u l t when boundaries and uses o f space are not s u f f i c i e n t l y c l e a r , and have i n d i c a t e d the need to c rea te real or symbol ic boundaries when i n t e g r a t i n g va r ious uses o f space ( p a r t i c u l a r l y between p u b l i c and s e m i - p r i v a t e o r p r i v a t e r e s i d e n t i a l space) i n o rder t o avo id s o c i a l problems a r i s i n g from misunderstandings about which space is a v a i l a b l e t o va r ious users ( c f . , Cooper, 1970; Newman, 1972). A s u i t a b l e m o d i f i c a t i o n o f the p r i n c i p l e "maximize freedom o f c h o i c e " , in t h i s w r i t e r ' s v iew, would be t o ensure t h a t s u f f i c i e n t and  a p p r o p r i a t e o v e r a l l o p p o r t u n i t y e x i s t s f o r the f u l f i l l m e n t o f a c t i v i t i e s  and goa ls which are the p r o p e n s i t i e s o f those who l i v e in h igh d e n s i t y  r e s i d e n t i a l accommodation. However, where p u b l i c and p r i v a t e (or semi- p r i v a t e ) r e s i d e n t i a l uses are i n t e g r a t e d or i n t e r m i n g l e , real or symbol ic  boundaries should be c rea ted t o avo id confus ion ove r , and c o m p e t i t i o n f o r , a g iven a rea . Given these c r i t e r i a , behavior is unconst ra ined w i t h respect t o o v e r a l l o p p o r t u n i t y t o engage in des i red a c t i v i t i e s , but behavior is channeled w i t h respect t o the groups or i n d i v i d u a l s who may use a g iven space. 146 Wood's s o c i a l theory o f housing design is an e x p l i c i t ". . .effort to come to terms with the problem of design of all high density, urban residential areas whether they come into being as projects, public or private, or through the redesign and conservation of older areas. " (Wood, 1961: 383) Wood is u l t i m a t e l y concerned w i t h the k ind o f soc ia l s t r u c t u r e which is d e s i r a b l e in a p r o j e c t and how t o use design t o achieve i t , a s s e r t i n g t h a t the f u l f i l l m e n t o f needs o f people is i t s e l f a s u i t a b l e design o b j e c t i v e . She suggested t h a t t h i s theory should be expressed almost e x c l u s i v e l y in the design o f p u b l i c space o u t s i d e the d w e l l i n g u n i t . Fo l lowing the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n o f f i v e general ca tego r ies o f needs t h a t must be served o u t s i d e the d w e l l i n g , ' ' Wood suggested fou r p r i n c i p l e s t o guide the a r c h i t e c t in design f o r soc ia l s t r u c t u r e . As presented here , they are viewed as e q u a l l y use fu l in g u i d i n g the p lanner in e v a l u a t i n g proposed or e x i s t i n g high d e n s i t y r e s i d e n t i a l development: (a) Design f o r v i s i b l e i d e n t i f i c a t i o n o f a f a m i l y and i t s d w e l l i n g (a c h a r a c t e r i s t i c not found in h igh r i s e b u i l d i n g s w i t h i n t e r i o r c o r r i d o r s ) ; (b) Design so as to make a s s o c i a t i o n and l o i t e r i n g easy not on ly on the b u i l d i n g f l o o r , but in lobb ies and on the grounds; (c) Design so as to make the f o r m u l a t i o n o f in formal groups easy ( e . g . , purposefu l arrangements o f benches and ground equipment) ; (d) Locate the f a c i l i t i e s and equipment so tha t they p rov ide and are prov ided w i t h s o c i a l c o n t r o l s . (Wood, 1961) Wood's soc ia l theory o f housing design gave p a r t i c u l a r a t t e n t i o n t o the design o f h igh d e n s i t y housing f o r f a m i l i e s w i t h c h i l d r e n , e s p e c i a l l y those design fea tu res important t o a p p r o p r i a t e p lay spaces (Wood, 1961). 147 The preceding d i scuss ion has suggested some c r i t e r i a which may be use fu l f o r the f o r m u l a t i o n o f performance standards f o r h igh d e n s i t y r e s i d e n t i a l des ign . The d e r i v a t i o n o f such standards f o r use by both the p lanner and a r c h i t e c t is deemed necessary to the c r e a t i o n o f h igh d e n s i t y hous ing, assoc ia ted space, and f a c i l i t i e s which avoid undue s t ress on the par t o f the i n d i v i d u a l . In f o r m u l a t i n g such s tandards , however, "The question always has to be raised: 'whom do we have in mind, and what are the goals as they perceive them? If you are interested in performance standards (as I think we ought to be), you always have to ask the question: 'performance for whom?'" (Michelson, 1971: 10) v 148 •.'FOOTNOTES' Chapter 1 1 For a more i n t e n s i v e i n v e s t i g a t i o n o f the r e s u l t s o f animal or e t h o l o g i c a l s tud ies concerning the e f f e c t s o f d e n s i t y , see Jorgensen (1973). Chapter 2 'Report o f the L ieu tenan t -Governor ' s Committee on Housing Condi-t i o n s in Toronto (1934). ^Advisory Committee on Recons t ruc t ion (1944). 3present day p lann ing a u t h o r i t i e s in Great B r i t a i n , the Uni ted S t a t e s , and Canada have g e n e r a l l y adopted maximum d e n s i t i e s o f approx imate ly 200-300 persons per net r e s i d e n t i a l ac re , and 100 persons per gross ne igh -borhood acre f o r apartment development (Technical Planning Board, 1965). ' ' S c h m i t t ' s educat ion c o n t r o l was popu la t i on 25 years o f age o r more, w i t h twelve years or more o f schoo l ing as a per cent o f persons 25 years o l d or more, 1950; and income, f a m i l i e s and u n r e l a t e d i n d i v i d u a l s w i t h 1949 incomes o f $3,000 or more as a per cent o f a l l f a m i l i e s and u n r e l a t e d i n d i v i d u a l s , 1950 (Schmi t t , 1966). ^ " I n t e r p e r s o n a l p ress" as a form o f overcrowding was measured by two d e n s i t y components: the number o f persons per room, and the number o f rooms per housing u n i t (Ga l le e t a l , 1972). ^ " S t r u c t u r a l " f a c t o r s o f popu la t i on d e n s i t y were measured by two o t h e r d e n s i t y components: the number o f housing u n i t s per s t r u c t u r e , and the number o f s t r u c t u r e s per acre (Ga l le e t a l , 1972). 149 (Chapter 2 - cont inued) ^Newman r e c e n t l y warned tha t Canada w i l l face s i m i l a r increases in cr ime and vandal ism i f i t cont inues to house f a m i l i e s in h igh r i s e b u i l d i n g s . A rep l y to t h i s warn ing , however, t r e a t e d Newman's argument w i t h scep t i c i sm on the basis tha t i t has very l i t t l e re levance to the Canadian exper ience. Rose (1973) noted tha t U.S. c i t i e s comparable in popu la t i on to M e t r o p o l i t a n Toronto have an inc idence o f major crimes 20 to 50 t imes t h a t o f the Toronto a rea . F u r t h e r , s t a t i s t i c s on j u v e n i l e " i n c i d e n t s " o c c u r r i n g in th ree major p u b l i c housing p r o j e c t s in Toronto i nd i ca ted t h a t the p r o j e c t w i t h h igh r i s e accommodation and the h ighest d e n s i t y o f u n i t s per acre had as few i n c i d e n t s as the p r o j e c t w i t h lower dens i t y and no h igh r i s e accommodation. Of p a r t i c u l a r i n t e r e s t , however, was the f a c t t h a t o n e - h a l f o f a l l j u v e n i l e i n c i d e n t s in one h igh r i s e b u i l d i n g emanated from one fami 1y (Rose, 1973)-o Gal le et a l chose th ree measures as an index o f soc ia l c l a s s : the percentage o f employed males in the area w i t h w h i t e - c o l l a r occupa t i ons ; the median number o f years o f educat ion completed by a l l persons 25 years and o l d e r in the a r e a ; and the median f a m i l y income f o r a l l f a m i l i e s r e s i d i n g in tha t community a rea . E t h n i c i t y was based on the percentage o f Negroes, Puerto Ricans, and f o r e i g n - b o r n l i v i n g in the community area (Gal le e t a l , 1972). g Roman and Wi lder suggested t h a t housing and community t o l e r a n c e are important f a c t o r s composing fo rces in the soc ia l system which lead t o the o v e r - r e p r e s e n t a t i o n o f p a t i e n t s w i t h sch izophren ia in decaying urban areas. In a t t emp t ing to loca te housing f o r some 100 persons per month r e f e r r e d by New York Sta te P s y c h i a t r i c h o s p i t a l s , the New York C i t y Wel fare Department can u s u a l l y on ly f i n d q u a r t e r s in b l i g h t e d rooming houses. Many p a t i e n t s are in need o f employment or f i n a n c i a l support as we l l (Roman and Wi lde r , 1967). Chapter 3 ^ I n f l u e n c e o f layout or b u i l d i n g type on s o c i a b i l i t y , p r i v a c y , and i s o l a t i o n : (Per cent saying yes) (Cooney, 1962) Type o f Block S o c i a b i 1 i t y Pr ivacy I s o l a t ion 4 -s to rey blocks o f row housing 95 79 5 11-s torey s lab b lock 71 81 13 11-s torey tower ( p o i n t ) b lock 30 95 30 15-s torey c l u s t e r b lock 24 100 42 150 (Chapter 3 ~ cont inued) z The k ind o f soc ia l con tac t in both b u i l d i n g types inc luded exchanges o f v i s i t s , not j u s t casual g r e e t i n g s between r e s i d e n t s , a l though the number o f neighbors contac ted was somewhat h igher in the walk-ups than in the h igh r i s e (Stevenson, Mar t i n & O ' N e i l l , 1967). 3one may hypothes ize tha t the e l d e r l y , being r e l a t i v e l y less mobi le in t h e i r envi ronment, would tend t o look f o r soc ia l con tac t in t h e i r neighbors when o t h e r o p p o r t u n i t i e s are l a c k i n g ; and as Michelson no ted , the aged f i n d g r e a t e s t s a t i s f a c t i o n in a c o n c e n t r a t i o n o f l i k e - a g e d people p a r t i c u l a r l y when they have loca l l i f e s t y l e s and p r e v i o u s l y l i v e d in non-cohesive communities (Miche lson, 1 9 7 0 : a ) . L i kew ise , young mothers are a l s o more r e s t r i c t e d in t h e i r m o b i l i t y (assuming they do not w o r k ) , and c h i l d r e n f r e q u e n t l y b r i n g such persons i n t o mutual c o n t a c t . M iche lson 's f i n d i n g s represent an i n v e s t i g a t i o n o f the d e c i s i o n -making processes and expec ta t ions among 761 f a m i l i e s i n tend ing t o move w i t h i n o r t o Toron to . Th is study is l o n g i t u d i n a l , based on i n f o r m a t i o n rece ived both be fore the move, and at f i x e d per iods up to and i n c l u d i n g fou r years a f t e r the move. The repor t o f h i s f i n d i n g s here (1972) is based on a f i r s t a n a l y s i s , which was fo l l owed by a d d i t i o n a l , more complete a n a l y s i s , documented in t h i s study as Michelson ( 1 9 7 3 : a , b, & c ) . -*The n o t i o n o f " s i t u a t e d i n t e r a c t i o n " used by Reed was a mod i f i ed ve rs ion o f an idea f i r s t suggested by Erv ing Goffman t o r e f e r to i n t e r a c t i o n which is e s p e c i a l l y dependent on i t s s e t t i n g , and which is r e l a t i v e l y c l e a r l y bounded s o c i a l l y , s p a t i a l l y , and t o some ex ten t t e m p o r a l l y . Goffman devoted much o f h i s a t t e n t i o n to " f o c u s e d " o r spoken f a c e - t o - f a c e i n t e r a c t i o n between people who are in each o t h e r ' s immediate phys ica l presence, w h i l e Reed concerned h imse l f w i t h both " f o c u s e d " and "un focused" i n t e r a c t i o n (unspoken communicat ion) , and the e f f e c t s o f the symbol ic aspects o f res idence along w i t h o t h e r personal o r s i t u a t i o n a l f a c t o r s (Reed, 1972). The present repor t o f Reed's obse rva t i on is l a r g e l y con f ined t o " f o c u s e d " i n t e r a c t i o n in the h igh r i s e . 6Reed suggested tha t the r e l a t i o n s h i p s between phys ica l and soc ia l v a r i a b l e s i n d i c a t e d by h is f i n d i n g s c a l l f o r more ex tens ive and i n t e n s i v e t e s t i n g ; e . g . , in o t h e r types o f r e s i d e n t i a l s e t t i n g s , and c o n t r o l l e d f o r such f a c t o r s as d e n s i t y , t o t a l p r o j e c t s i z e , r a t i o o f p u b l i c t o p r i v a t e space, s o c i a l compos i t i on , e t c . (Reed, 1 9 7 2 ) . ^Other s tud ies which have focused on low-income f a m i l i e s , or f a m i l i e s l i v i n g in p u b l i c l y - p r o v i d e d housing inc lude Stevenson et a l ( 1 9 6 7 ) , Newman ( 1 9 7 2 ) , M i n i s t r y o f Housing and Local Government ( 1 9 7 0 ) . 151 (Chapter 3 - cont inued) ^Wallace (1952) i n v e s t i g a t e d the e f f e c t s o f the high r i s e upon i n d i v i d u a l h e a l t h and community s t r u c t u r e , in a d d i t i o n to i t s e f f e c t s on the f a m i l y s t r u c t u r e o f low-income f a m i l i e s . His conc lus ion concerning the i n e f f e c t i v e n e s s o f the e leva to r -apa r tmen t in ach iev ing many o f the aims o f p u b l i c hous ing, i n s o f a r as they were r e l a t e d t o f a m i l i e s w i t h c h i l d r e n , res ted on some kk hypotheses concerning the problems o f h igh r i s e b u i l d i n g s . His d i s c u s s i o n inc luded a ra the r d e t a i l e d a n a l y s i s o f d e n s i t y i t s e l f and i t s r e l a t i o n s h i p to b u i l d i n g type and n o n - r e s i d e n t i a l land use. A l though some o f Wa l lace ' s o r i g i n a l hypotheses have s ince been chal lenged by sub-sequent s t u d i e s , o the rs have stood the t e s t o f t i m e . U n t i l very r e c e n t l y , few o the r s t u d i e s have at tempted as comprehensive an a n a l y s i s o f the high r i s e as d id Wal lace. ^Determin ing a s p e c i f i c age c u t - o f f f o r upper f l o o r s is a d m i t t e d l y a d i f f i c u l t m a t t e r . Both W i l l i s and the M i n i s t r y o f Housing and Local Government found, however, tha t u n t i l c h i l d r e n were seven years o f age, mothers p r e f e r r e d t o be ab le t o keep an eye on t h e i r a c t i v i t i e s , and in W i l l i s ' words, . .it is usually only when a child is beyond this age that he is considered responsible enough to go down and play in the grounds on his own." (Willis, 1955: 5) The M i n i s t r y o f Housing 's sample o f mothers o f c h i l d r e n aged th ree t o s i x l i v i n g on the upper f l o o r s o f b locks was ". . .too small to allow conclusions to be drawn with confidence, but those of this group who felt unable to let these children out to play unaccompanied do show a strong tendency to be generally dissatisfied." (Ministry of Housing & Local Government, 1970: 35) Perhaps the best warranted conc lus ion is t h a t c h i l d r e n o f preschool age are best housed on the g r o u n d - f l o o r l e v e l s ; o r as W i l l i s suggested, i f people choose t h e i r own f l o o r s as f a r as p o s s i b l e , they are more l i k e l y to be s a t i s f i e d ( W i l l i s , 1955). 1°The M i n i s t r y o f Housing and Local Government (1970) d id not recommend the use o f spec ia l playrooms on each f l o o r in h igh r i s e s , as they would not p rov ide the v a r i e t y o f scene and movement which a t t r a c t s c h i l d r e n t o p lay o u t s i d e : "Children would not be considered safe unless they are locked in, and sufficient numbers for a play group are unlikely to be available on each floor of a block." (Ministry of Housing & Local Government, 1970: 8) 152 (Chapter 3 - cont inued) I^An a d d i t i o n a l 33% sa id a move was " p o s s i b l e " w i t h i n the next f i v e years (Miche lson, 1973:a). 12 Miche lson 's a n a l y s i s o f the f a m i l y m o b i l i t y cyc le is l i m i t e d to the conjugal f a m i l y from marr iage to approx imate ly re t i r emen t age. His model is not intended as a p a t t e r n which a l l people cou ld be thought t o f o l l o w , but ra the r as a use fu l way o f c o n c e p t u a l i z i n g the general stages o f r e s i d e n t i a l f a m i l y m o b i l i t y . Stage I , the base ! ine s tage , b r i e f l y represents the fo rmat ion o f a f a m i l y o r i t s a r r i v a l w i t h i n a g iven m e t r o p o l i t a n a rea . E f f e c t i v e f a c t o r s o f r e s i d e n t i a l cho ice l a r g e l y depend on economics, p r e - e x i s t i n g s o c i a l c o n t a c t s , and p lace u t i l i t y ( e . g . , the t r i p t o w o r k ) . Stage I I , incremental change, r e f l e c t s i n te rmed ia te changes in res idence made w i t h se r ious i n t e n t over e i t h e r shor t or in f a c t ext remely long per iods o f t i m e , but not n e c e s s a r i l y having d i r e c t bear ing on those th ings these f a m i l i e s hold most important in housing. That i s , changes in housing type o r l o c a t i o n in Stage I I may o r may not be steps toward the a t ta inment o f the ideal in Stage I I I . Stage I I I , approx imat ion o f the i d e a l , may never be exper ienced by some f a m i l i e s , but i t s p o s s i b i l i t y is very impor tan t : "The chance of achieving some approximation of one's ideal is something which permits relative satisfaction within the various iterations of Stage II even at the same time the latter may not be satisfied in an absolute sense." (Michelson, 1973:a: 8) Chapter h 1 1 n t e r p e r s o n a l a t t r a c t i o n responses and s u b j e c t i v e eva lua t i ons o f a f f e c t i v e f e e l i n g s were more negat ive under c o n d i t i o n s o f h igh popu la t i on d e n s i t y than in l ow-dens i t y c o n d i t i o n s ( G r i f f i t and V e i t c h , 1971). ^Four a c t i v i t i e s were considered by the sub jec ts t o accommodate d i f f e r i n g degrees o f d e n s i t y . From h ighes t to lowest d e n s i t y , the fou r a c t i v i t i e s were ordered c o c k t a i l p a r t y ( s t a n d i n g ) , w a i t i n g in an a i r p o r t ( s t a n d i n g ) , s i t t i n g and t a l k i n g , and s i t t i n g and read ing . In o the r words, 153 (Chapter 4 - cont inued) the sub jec ts judged tha t the f i r s t ongoing a c t i v i t y would accommodate the h ighest p o p u l a t i o n d e n s i t y , and the l a s t ( s i t t i n g and reading) requ i red the lowest popu la t i on dens i t y (Desor, 1972). 3 In j u r y d e l i b e r a t i o n , men gave somewhat more severe sentences in the smal le r room than they d id in the l a r g e r . Women, however, were more l e n i e n t in the smal le r room. Higher d e n s i t i e s had an even s t ronger e f f e c t on the i n d i v i d u a l s ' s u b j e c t i v e r e a c t i o n s . Women in a small room found the exper ience more p leasan t , the o t h e r members more l i k e a b l e and more f r i e n d l y ; men, however, reacted in an oppos i te manner. A l l o f the i n t e r a c t i o n s o f sex and room s i ze were s i g n i f i c a n t s t a t i s t i c a l l y (Freedman, 1971). ^ I n d i v i d u a l s l i v i n g in crowded urban s e t t i n g s probably lack t h i s m o b i l i t y o p t i o n f o r economic reasons, as we l l as the soc ia l networks l i n k i n g r e l a t i v e s and f r i e n d s who can lend economic suppor t . Draper a l s o suggested t h a t " s t r a n g e r d e n s i t y " may be an important component o f modern urban s t r e s s (Draper , 1973). Chapter 6 'The present " o u t s i d e " d e n s i t y o f the West End in Vancouver is es t imated a t 175 persons per net r e s i d e n t i a l a c r e , w h i l e " i n s i d e " d e n s i t i e s averaged 1.6 persons per d w e l l i n g u n i t , accord ing t o 1971 census data (West End Planning Cent re , 1974). ^Census data i n d i c a t e t ha t average West End f a m i l y incomes f o r the year 1970 ranged between approx imate ly $7,300 and $12,150 (West End Planning Cent re , 1974). The p r o p o r t i o n o f f a m i l y households ( those w i t h c h i l r e n ) was approx imate ly on ly 9% in 1972, a l though many o f these were s i n g l e - p a r e n t f a m i l i e s (West End P o l i c y G u i d e l i n e s , 1972). Convenience to work and the downtown, as w e l l as nearby r e c r e a t i o n a l o p p o r t u n i t i e s ranked h ighes t in fea tu res l i k e d best in the West End, accord ing to the Marathon Report (1970). 3The average length o f residence in the West End is somewhat lower than t h a t o f the C i t y o f Vancouver as a whole. The apparen t l y h igh degree o f m o b i l i t y is the r e s u l t o f a f a i r l y small number (approx imate ly 15%) who move f r e q u e n t l y . Approx imate ly 38% o f the West End p o p u l a t i o n has res ided there over f i v e years (West End P o l i c y G u i d e l i n e s , 1972). Michelson (I973:a), however, repor ted t h a t the overwhelming m a j o r i t y o f f a m i l i e s moving t o downtown apartments expected to move again w i t h i n f i v e yea rs , a f i n d i n g supported by the Socia l Planning Council o f Metro. Toronto (1973). 154 Chapter 7 'Selye observed tha t the re seems t o be a c lose r e l a t i o n s h i p between the general adap ta t i on syndrome and a g i n g , in the sense t h a t each i n d i v i -dual i n h e r i t s a c e r t a i n amount o f adap ta t i on energy, determined by h is gene t i c background. Selye suggested the i n d i v i d u a l may draw on t h i s energy f o r a long but "monotonously unevent fu l e x i s t e n c e " or spend i t more r a p i d l y in a s t r e s s f u l , i n tense , but perhaps more e x c i t i n g l i f e (Se lye , 1956). Selye touched on ly on the fundamentals o f a g i n g ; i n v e s t i g a t i o n o f subsequent research on t h i s theory may prove i n s i g h t f u l . ^See, f o r example, Forshaw (1971). 3The Darwinian d e f i n i t i o n o f a d a p t a t i o n i s more f r e q u e n t l y sub-sc r ibed t o by b i o l o g i s t s concerned about the s u r v i v a l and m o r t a l i t y ra tes o f species (Dubos, 1968). C h r i s t i a n , f o r example, found t h a t the inc reas ing popu la t i on d e n s i t y o f a herd of s i ka deer over a number o f years r e s u l t e d in an u l t i m a t e " p o p u l a t i o n c r a s h " or d i e - o f f due to o v e r a c t i v i t y o f the adrenals owing from phys ica l crowding ( C h r i s t i a n , I960). Calhoun demon-s t r a t e d tha t crowding among Norway r a t s can r e s u l t in h igh i n f a n t m o r t a l i t y ra tes (Calhoun, 1962). '•This d e f i n i t i o n is somewhat broader than the s t r i c t p h y s i o l o g i c a l d e f i n i t i o n o f homeostasis, used by Selye t o desc r ibe the body 's tendency to ma in ta in a steady s t a t e d e s p i t e e x t e r n a l changes (Se lye , 1956). Chapter 8 ^ S t o k o l s ' s o c i a l - p s y c h o l o g i c a l model o f the human crowding phenomenon is more f o r m a l l y r e f e r r e d t o as an E q u i l i b r i u m Model o f Human Response to Crowding ( S t o k o l s , 1972). See, f o r example, Gad (1973) and Stoko ls (1972) f o r a d i scuss ion o f t h i s problem. ^Stoko ls* E q u i l i b r i u m Model o f Human Response t o Crowding ( S t o k o l s , 1972) does not i d e n t i f y c u l t u r e o r a c t i v i t y f a c t o r s as s p e c i f i c independent v a r i a b l e s . His d i scuss ion o f p rev ious research on crowding (and d e n s i t y ) , however, g ives r e c o g n i t i o n t ha t c u l t u r a l norms mediate the pe rcep t ion and adjustment o f i n te rpe rsona l space, w h i l e the type o f a c t i v i t y performed in a g iven area l a r g e l y determines whether the amount of a v a i l a b l e space is perce ived as adequate or too l i m i t e d . Stoko ls does not g ive any p a r t i c u l a r 155 (Chapter 8 - cont inued) importance t o the e f f e c t o f c u l t u r a l norms s ince h is i n v e s t i g a t i o n apparen t l y on ly focused on c u l t u r a l d i f f e r e n c e s in personal space, wh ich , in h is v iew, ". . .do not relate specifically to the experience of crowding. " (Stokols, 1972: 74) The evidence repor ted in Chapter h o f t h i s s tudy , however, suggested t h a t both c u l t u r a l and s u b c u l t u r a l d i f f e r e n c e s in the use o f space appear to have an impor tant i n f l u e n c e on s p a t i a l p e r c e p t i o n . S toko ls inc luded a c t i v i t y as a component o f the s o c i a l independent v a r i a b l e , on the assumption t h a t the type o f a c t i v i t y a person engages in w i t h o the rs w i l l d i r e c t l y a f f e c t the sa l i ence o f immediate space ( S t o k o l s , 1972). " A c t i v i t y " , however, is not something t h a t always is engaged in w i t h o t h e r peop le ; an a c t i v i t y can be pursued by one person, but may be prevented or i n h i b i t e d by merely a lack o f space and/or the presence o f o ther persons. Hence a c t i v i t y has been inc luded as a separate independent v a r i a b l e in the Conceptual Model o f Crowding in the R e s i d e n t i a l Environment as a f a c t o r which a f f e c t s the exper ience o f c rowding. ' 'S toko ls r e f e r r e d to crowding as a psycho log ica l exper ience , r e f e r r i n g t o an awareness, pe rcep t ion o r r e c o g n i t i o n by the i n d i v i d u a l o f the r e s t r i c t i v e aspects o f l i m i t e d space ( S t o k o l s , 1972). Inasmuch as the term " p s y c h o l o g i c a l exper ience" commonly c a r r i e s a s t r o n g l y negat ive c o n n o t a t i o n , the word " p s y c h o l o g i c a l " has been de le ted from the present model, a l though S t o k o l s ' e s s e n t i a l meaning has not been m o d i f i e d . As the d e s c r i p t i o n o f the model i l l u s t r a t e s , " c rowd ing " may be unp leasant , but is p o t e n t i a l l y a l l e v i a t e d depending upon the type and adequacy o f p a r t i c u l a r responses the i n d i v i d u a l adopts . ^Hypotheses (c) and (d) are somewhat analogous t o a conc lus ion reached by Marse l la (1970) as f o l l o w s : ". . .poverty itself, without the overcrowding, could well  encourage alienation, especially since one is faced with an inevitable future of physical and psychological want,' but in combination with overcrowding its influence may  be increased." (Emphasis supplied) (Marsella et al, 1970: 293) Hypothesis (d) is a d d i t i o n a l l y supported by L o r i n g ' s suggest ion tha t f u r t h e r s tud ies i n v e s t i g a t e the p o s s i b i l i t y t h a t : 156 (Chapter 8 - cont inued) ". . .density affects action otherwise stimulated and motivated. That is, the over-density. . .may aggravate  or accelerate, not cause or motivate, any tendency to  disorganization in a personality or group. " (Emphasis supplied) (Loring, 1956: 167) Chapter 9 'The Technical Board o f Vancouver, f o r example, noted t h a t "Probably the most important factor affecting the amenity of high density residential areas is the maximum density which should be allowed, consistent with good day present day living standards." (Technical Planning Board, 1965: 16) 2The " l a n d use i n t e n s i t y " approach to d e r i v i n g maximum d e n s i t y standards is considered one o f the most r e l i a b l e and comprehensive means o f de te rm in ing how many people should l i v e on a u n i t area o f land . The land use i n t e n s i t y concept is p a r t i c u l a r l y advantageous s ince i t deals w i t h q u a l i t a t i v e p lann ing f a c t o r s on a small s c a l e , and cons iders a l l the small space requirements which should be l e f t around the type o f household designated (False Creek Study Group, 1971). 3The implementat ion o f more f l e x i b l e zoning and development by- laws w i l l h o p e f u l l y r e s u l t in not o n l y the p r o v i s i o n o f usable outdoor space, s u i t a b l e to the needs o f occupants , but in f a r b e t t e r q u a l i t y and v a r i a t i o n in design a t h igh d e n s i t y . For example, the New York Zoning Reform Program "Housing Q u a l i t y " , requ i res " r e c r e a t i o n space" a p p r o p r i a t e in s i ze and type to the occupancy c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f the development, t o be located e i t h e r indoors o r outdoors (Urban Design Counci l o f the C i t y o f New York, n . d . ) . In a d d i t i o n , the proposed zoning zoning schedule f o r the West End in Vancouver combines a h i g h l y d i s c r e t i o n a r y zoning by- law (based on urban design g u i d e l i n e s p resc r ibed f o r the West End) w i t h requ i red "ameni ty a reas " a p p r o p r i a t e to the s i ze and occupancy o f the d w e l l i n g u n i t . The purpose o f the amenity area r e g u l a t i o n s is to c rea te adequate, e f f i c i e n t , and usable open space a p p r o p r i a t e t o the needs o f res iden ts (West End Planning Team, 1974). 157 (Chapter 9 - cont inued) ''Somewhat r e l i a b l e evidence is a v a i l a b l e on a p p r o p r i a t e d e n s i t i e s f o r f a m i l i e s w i t h c h i l d r e n , a l though these f i n d i n g s are not necessar1 ly r e l a t e d to the promot ion o f hea l t h or w e l l - b e i n g o f the i n d i v i d u a l . The M i n i s t r y o f Housing and Local Government, f o r example, concluded t h a t h igh d e n s i t y development o f up to 130 persons per acre ". . .could be compatible with satisfactory family life, given the right design and management policies" (Ministry of Bousing & Local Govt., 1970: 4) The problems o f h igher d e n s i t i e s , however, were not i n v e s t i g a t e d by t h e i r survey. These f i n d i n g s are g e n e r a l l y c o n s i s t e n t w i t h Diamond's work a t the Un ive r -s i t y o f To ron to , who found tha t the p r e f e r r e d c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f the s i n g l e f a m i l y d w e l l i n g (a p r i v a t e ent rance to the d w e l l i n g u n i t , access t o outdoor personal space, and accommodation o f the automobi le in a s s o c i a t i o n w i t h the d w e l l i n g ) could be incorpora ted i n t o housing forms o f up to k0 d w e l l i n g u n i t s per acre (Diamond, 1970). 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