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More than black and white : ethnicity and memory for televised events Hennessy, Craig Norman 2001

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MORE THAN BLACK AND WHITE: ETHNICITY AND MEMORY FOR TELEVISED EVENTS by CRAIG N O R M A N HENNESSY B.A., The University of Calgary, 1992 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in THE F A C U L T Y OF G R A D U A T E STUDIES (Department of Psychology; Developmental Programme) We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA November 5, 2001 © Craig N. Hennessy, 2001 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfillment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Department of Psychology The University of British Columbia Vancouver, Canada November 5, 2001 Abstract Television can be a powerful teacher about the world outside the viewer's immediate environment. Inequalities exist in the portrayals of different racial-ethnic groups on television, and people form both positive and negative attitudes toward these groups based on the information presented. This study examined whether a person's ethnic group membership and/or message characteristics related to ethnicity influence a viewer's recall of information presented on a television newscast. The participants, 145 Chinese Canadian and 118 European Canadian undergraduate university students, viewed a simulated newscast and completed a test of recall for details of the information presented. The main finding was that the ethnicity of both the viewer and the subject matter, as well as the valence of the material, had an effect on the information recalled by the two groups of participants. In particular, Chinese Canadian participants' recall for a negative news story about the Chinese community in Vancouver was better than the recall of European Canadian participants. There was no difference for a positive story about the Chinese community, and European Canadians' recall for the other stories that were not about ethnicity was better than that of the Chinese Canadian participants. This held true both before and after competence in English was controlled. Recall was also related to ethnic self-identity rating as measured by the Suinn-Lew Asian Self-Identity Acculturation Scale (SL-ASIA). Chinese Canadian participants with a highly Asian self-identity score showed a lower rate of recall for non-Asian stories, whereas no such relationship was found for European Canadians. Implications for ethnic group portrayals on television are considered in light of these results. 11 Table of Contents Abstract page i i Table of Contents page i i i List of Figures page v Acknowledgements page v i Introduction page 1 History of Television Reception Theory page 3 Television and Ethnicity page 6 Asian Americans and Television page 13 Ethnicity and Memory of Televised Events page 16 Ethnic Self-Identity and Level of Acculturation page 19 Methodological Issues in Experimental Design page 23 Method page 31 Participants page 31 Materials and Procedures page 31 in Results page 42 Television Viewing Patterns page 42 News Recall page 44 Ethnic Identity and News Recall page 49 Discussion page 50 Notes page 58 References page 60 Appendices page 66 A . Impressions of Television Questionnaire (Asian) page 66 B . Impressions of Television Questionnaire (non-Asian) page 83 C. Suinn-Lew Asian Self-Identity Scale (SL-ASIA) page 100 D . Ethnic Identity Scale (non-Asian) page 108 E. Newscast Quiz - Positive Central Story page 116 F. Newscast Quiz - Negative Central Story page 119 iv List of Figures Figure 1: Family Income as a Measure of Socio-Economic Status page 32 Figure 2: Positive Central Story featuring Constant Key page 34 Figure 3: Negative Central Story featuring Constant Key page 35 Figure 4: Chinese Canadian News Host with Name Key page 37 Figure 5: European Canadian News Host with Name Key page 38 Figure 6: Fluency in English Language (Participant Estimate) page 47 v Acknowledgements I would like to thank my wife Hillary and my son Brendan Matthew for their incredible patience, understanding, encouragement, and love they have given to me through this entire journey. I recognize the sacrifices you have made, and I want you both to know how thankful I am that you were willing to make those sacrifices for me. I will never forget these things, and I look forward to the opportunity to return some of that generosity to both of you in kind. I would also like to thank Dr. Tannis MacBeth for taking a chance and agreeing to oversee this project with me, and for her wisdom, patience, encouragement and guidance at each step in the process. Above all, however, I would like to thank her for her compassion, and understanding that sometimes the path from beginning to end is not always a straight one. To Rene Siguenza and Gregg Loo, who were on board with this idea from the beginning, I extend my sincere gratitude for volunteering their time, input, and suggestions, as well as all their assistance with organization and data collection. This project would not have come to fruition in its current form without the minds and talents of both of these colleagues. Thanks go out to Jacoba Harlaar, Allison Howell, Janet Ip, and Lawrence McCandless for their help with data collection and entry. It would not have been possible to accumulate this impressive quantity of data without help from each of you, and I am truly grateful. Thank you to all of my friends at C K V U television, both those who donated their time in the creation of our amazing test materials (thanks again Susan, Elaine, Simi, and Oga!), and those who simply offered their timely support and encouragement along the way. Finally, to my Mom, Dad, Shannon, Candice, Meaghan, Lindsey, Alexander, Patrick, Willy, Aiden, Guy, Noah, Mike, Brenda, Fred, Jane, Bob, Julian, Kristen, Anna, and all the rest of my friends and family who are far too numerous to list here (but you know who you are), I just want to give a collective thank you for caring and mostly for not giving up. vi Introduction There may be no more pervasive or influential force in today's society than television. North Americans spend the majority of their leisure time viewing television, and more American households contain television sets than refrigerators or indoor plumbing (Kubey & Csikszentmihalyi, 1990). It would be difficult to imagine a person (not living in total isolation) spending any length of time without seeing or hearing the effects of television, even when not actually viewing. For example, in the schoolyards and dance clubs of both big cities and small towns there are young people wearing trendy clothes to help them emulate their favourite singers seen on Much Music or M T V . Companies spend billions of dollars annually, in some cases risking the future of their companies, relying on televised advertisements to sell their products. Even the English language itself is not immune, as the vernacular of pop culture is constantly updated with the latest catch phrases from popular television programs. Indeed, who would have predicted that Homer Simpson's famous "D'oh!" would become an entry in the online edition of the 2001 Oxford Dictionary? The reach of television's influence has also expanded geographically. Today's broadcast and satellite technology has made the world so "small" that televised images can reach across continents in fractions of seconds. News from one region of the country, or the world for that matter, can be seen in any other part almost as it happens. The major Canadian and American broadcast networks, as well as specialized news channels such as CNN, transmit a steady stream of news stories and images for viewing by the North American public. Recently, channels such as C N N International have been created to transmit much of this information from the United States and abroad to viewers in numerous foreign countries. The result of these developments, as well as other new technologies such as the internet, is unprecedented access to information related to other countries, ethnic groups, and cultures. 1 In contrast to the potential access provided by recent technological developments to information about other cultures and ethnic groups, the face-to-face interaction of people from different ethnic groups is restricted by international borders. But social and economic factors can be equally effective barriers preventing or limiting opportunities for people of different backgrounds to encounter each other and experience other cultures first-hand, even when they live in the same city. For many people, television provides their only window from which to view and learn about values, customs, and ways of living very different from their own, and it is in these very circumstances, when the viewer has no first-hand contact with a given topic, that television is believed to have the most influence (Gross & Morgan, 1980; cited from Berry, 1988). Several researchers have demonstrated that viewers, in particular children, can learn both positive and negative attitudes concerning ethnic groups' from television (see Berry, 1988, for a review). Television can be a powerful teacher about the world outside the viewer's immediate environment. Watching informative programs, such as news and documentaries, as well as entertainment programs, such as dramas and situation-comedies, provides the opportunity to learn about a multitude of matters and people with which the viewer may have had little or no actual contact. This vicarious exposure is one reason why multi-racial presentations on television are held to be desirable (Fleras, 1995; Graves, 1996). When considering the relationship between ethnicity and media messages, however, it is not just the ethnicity of the people on the television screen that must be considered. A l l viewers have their own individual ethnic backgrounds that contribute to their television viewing experience. This study was designed to examine the role of the viewer's ethnicity in the processing of televised messages, and to ask whether (a) the ethnicity of the viewer, and/or (b) message characteristics related to ethnicity, can influence the information that viewers recall from television news. 2 History of Television Reception Theory Initial attempts to explain the impact of mass communication were strongly guided by the stimulus-response model popular in the field of psychology at the time of television's infancy (Kubey & Csikszentmihalyi, 1990). These early theories asserted that messages carried on television were monolithic (i.e., each message in a program was received or "seen" the same by all viewers), and that these messages would have the same impact on all viewers. The influence of television was believed to be unidirectional, with the audience acting as passive receivers taking in the televised material. Since the second half of the 20 t h century, however, researchers have come to recognize these early notions about both the viewer and the message as overly simplistic. Some more recent theorists still describe watching television as passive, but this description refers more to the state of physical and mental relaxation induced in most viewers (Kubey, 1996). For example, Kubey has used the experience sampling method (ESM) to measure the impact of television viewing on people's mental and physical activities (e.g., Kubey & Csikszentmihalyi, 1990; Kubey, 1996). Participants were given beepers to carry with them, and each time they received a signal (up to eight times per day) they were asked to record their activities and feelings. Time spent watching television was associated with increased feelings of relaxation and passivity, as well as decreased alertness. These states continued to be experienced by the participants after television viewing had ceased. Although some television viewers do experience increased mental and physical passivity, researchers no longer accept the idea that the input from television is received passively. Instead, each viewer processes the information presented by the media within a social context (Kubey & Csikszentmihalyi, 1990). That is, active interpretation of televised content occurs within the context of sociological and demographic factors, which help to mediate the effects of television (Livingstone, 1990). Current models of mass communication acknowledge the 3 influence of televised (and other media) messages on viewers as both individualized and bi-directional. As MacBeth (1996) explained, .. .two viewers sitting side by side watching the same program will take away some different impressions, memories, and understandings. They are likely to be affected differently to some extent and could even take away completely different meanings. As is the case for any communication, the outcome results from the interaction of the characteristics of the message, in this case the television program and the nature of the television medium, and the characteristics of the receiver, in this case the viewer, (p. 5) The result of this interaction is a continuum, in which the effect of any given message is determined by whether the characteristics of the viewer or the characteristics of the message predominate (MacBeth, 1996). If the message characteristics are dominant, most viewers will receive the same central message, but if the viewer characteristics predominate, fewer viewers will receive the same message. MacBeth (formerly MacBeth Williams) explored the concept of a continuum in two related studies. In the first, university students were trained to code programs for specific content areas. Following the training, the students watched videotaped programs once through and subsequently answered a series of questions concerning the programs they had just seen (Williams et al., 1985; cited from MacBeth, 1996). For most questions, the trained coders agreed on the answers, but for some questions the training did not result in the coders answering reliably. In a second study, the same programs and questions were shown to another group of university students who had not been trained in the coding system and did not know the questions they would be asked to answer until after they had watched the program (Wotherspoon & Williams, 1989; cited from MacBeth, 1996). A similar pattern of results emerged. Whereas the untrained coders answered some questions reliably, both amongst themselves and in relation to the previous groups of trained coders, the untrained coders did not answer some questions reliably. The fact that a majority of the questions in both studies were answered reliably, despite the heterogeneity of the samples, was taken as evidence that for those questions, the message 4 characteristics were predominant. In the few instances for which agreement was not found amongst the trained coders, the untrained coders, or between the two groups, such as a question about the political philosophy of the program, the viewer characteristics were likely predominant. These findings support the cultural studies theorist Morley's (1980) argument that though each televised message carries with it a preferred meaning, the message is still open. The "openness" of the message leaves it with the potential to be received in a different way by the viewer, and thus another meaning can be taken away. Researchers need be aware of this fact, as simply analyzing the content of television will not necessarily reveal what messages viewers are receiving (Livingstone, 1990). Bandura's (1994) social cognitive theory of mass communication reinforces the idea that numerous internal and external factors interact to influence the effect of media messages. This model asserts that there are three categories of influences which act upon people; (a) behaviour; (b) cognitive, biological and other internal events; and (c) the environment. These three groups of factors all interact with and influence each other bi-directionally, though not necessarily at the same time or with the same intensity. The outcome of these three bi-directional interactions determines how information will be both received and recalled. According to Bandura (1994), human beings use symbols to understand and manipulate the information they receive, to recall this information, and to communicate with others. There is great flexibility within this system of symbolization, both in terms of input and output of information. Before any message can be mentally represented and retained, it first must be actively transformed in the mind of the receiver. During this process, the information being represented is subjected to cognitive factors and affective states which may influence or bias the way in which it is remembered. Similarly, the act of recalling the information requires active reconstruction of past events, which is once again subject to both internal and external 5 influences. When one considers the degree to which information is being transformed and restructured at each stage of this process, recognizing the significant influence of individual characteristics, it is understandable that people often process the same information in very diverse ways, and therefore possess the potential to be influenced by media messages differently. Television and Ethnicity One of the most fundamental building blocks in the construction of each person's personal identity is his or her ethnicity. Membership in an ethnic group is a source of great pride to many, and is central to both how we see and define ourselves, and how others see and define us. Ethnicity is one of a relatively small set of defining human characteristics. An individual's ethnicity represents more than just his or her biological or genetic background, but also a potentially strong source of influence on how one thinks about the world. In Bandura's social-cognitive model (1994), ethnicity would potentially constitute both a biological and a cognitive factor interacting with the others mentioned to determine the impact of televised messages. It is therefore important to examine whether ethnicity is one of the factors that influence the ways in which individuals process information presented on television. A memorable example which provides a good illustration of the focus of this research occurred a few years ago. In the fall of 1996, preparations were being made in California to try O.J. Simpson on civil charges arising from the murders of Nicole Brown Simpson and Ronald Goldman. Major difficulties were encountered during the process of jury selection. As CNN's website reported (Lamotte & Associated Press, 1996), "The pool of prospective jurors in the O.J. Simpson civil trial split along racial lines Tuesday, with whites saying that Simpson was probably guilty and African Americans saying he was probably innocent." This pattern of opinion was reported frequently during coverage of this story, dating back to before Simpson's criminal trial. Public opinion polls taken throughout the entire process showed that whereas over 6 70% of the European Americans polled believed O.J. Simpson was guilty of the crimes, an equal percentage of African Americans believed that he was innocent (Hunt, 1999). Moreover, the difference between the two ethnic groups increased as the trial progressed. When considering this disparity, one must keep in mind that not only did this trial receive extensive daily coverage in all of the mainstream media, but also that the trial was carried live on network television, allowing millions of people to watch on a daily basis. The public as a whole had never before been privy to this level of information from an ongoing criminal proceeding, yet despite having access to the same information, members of these two ethnic groups had a vast difference of opinion. The O.J. Simpson situation undoubtedly encompasses many external dynamics that reach well beyond the intended scope of this research, but it does speak to the original question of interest: Can factors related to ethnicity, both within the receiver and the message, influence what is remembered from the information seen on television? Researchers have investigated various issues concerning the relationship between television and ethnicity. The majority of these studies have involved comparing European American (White) and visible racial-ethnic groups (most often African Americans) on some feature of interest relating to television. Notable differences between these two groups have been found. For example, African Americans watch significantly more television than European Americans (Graves, 1996). This result has been demonstrated both with children (Tangney & Feshbach, 1988; Graves, 1996) and adults (Comstock & Cobbey, 1982), and is independent of socioeconomic status. Whereas for European Americans there is an inverse relationship between education level and amount of television watched, this is not the case for African Americans (Comstock & Cobbey, 1979). This may result in part from the more positive attitude held by African Americans toward television (Tangney & Feshbach, 1988). They are more likely to say that they don't watch enough television (Bower, 1973), as well as to consider television as a source of information, rather than simply entertainment (Tangney & Feshbach, 1988; Comstock 7 & Cobbey, 1982), independent of level of education. These attitudes indicate that the social stigma surrounding television watching in the African American community are less negative than in the European American community. African Americans prefer to watch programs featuring members of their own ethnic group (Graves, 1996), and seek out programs featuring African American cast members. Audience surveys performed by the advertising agency BBDO for the 1995-96 television season found that the five most popular programs in black households all featured predominantly African American casts (Owen, 1997). African American children also selected programs featuring members of their own race significantly more often when given a choice between two similar programs (Liss, 1981). Not as much is known about the preference for same-race viewing in other visible racial-ethnic groups, in part because of the infrequent portrayals of other non-white racial-ethnic groups (Graves, 1996). We know that some people seek out programs containing portrayals of their own group, but what is the nature of the portrayals they are seeing? There are critical differences in both the number and nature of presentations depicting various ethnic groups on television. The traditional method of evaluating visible racial-ethnic group presentations consisted of simply counting the number of members of each group of interest found on television during the designated time period (e.g., Greenberg, 1988). In the majority of these studies, visible racial-ethnic groups were underrepresented on television by comparison with the composition of the general population. This result has been found for both American (Zuckerman et al., 1980; Liss, 1981) and Canadian2 television (Moore & Cadeau, 1985; Fleras, 1995), as well as in other countries, such as France (Bourdon, 1995) and England (Daniels, 1990). This lack of representation is often explained in terms of both the smaller audience size and lesser spending power of visible racial-ethnic audiences in comparison to European Americans, as well as the lack of non-white people in the creative and decision-making positions in the television industry (Graves, 1996; Fleras, 8 1995). Referring to women on television, Greenberg (1988, p. 89) stated, "Counting fewer of them suggests that they count less." This statement certainly applies to visible racial-ethnic groups as well, in that less visibility on television may convey a message of lower status in our society (Graves, 1996). In more recent research, the focus has shifted from the quantity of visible racial-ethnic group representations on television to the quality of presentations (e.g., Greenberg, 1988). The unfortunate reality is that, when they are shown on television, such groups are often presented in a very stereotypical manner (Zuckerman et al., 1980). Despite the increase in the number of African-Americans on television, they are still found in a select number of programs, especially situation-comedies, and in a limited range of occupations, mainly blue-collar in nature (Greenberg, 1988). As Clark (1972) explains, ethnic groups seem to go through three stages of television portrayals. The first is virtual non-recognition; the group is simply not present to any measurable degree. This is followed by ridicule, and finally regulation, where the roles occupied by the members of that group are predominantly institutional, law-and-order type roles, such as police and firefighters. At the time of Clark's writing, African-Americans were emerging from the first two stages and moving into the third stage. Other visible racial-ethnic groups on American television, such as Hispanics, Asian Americans, and Native Americans, were then in the first two stages, where they have remained for decades (Graves, 1996). As Greenberg (1988) commented, though Latino/a Americans are the fastest growing visible racial-ethnic group in the United States, it is still extremely rare to see them on television. The same statement could be made regarding the lack of Asian Canadians on Canadian television today, by comparison with their representation in the Canadian population. The images of African Americans in American television news programs are also distorted, both on local (Entman, 1990) and national network newscasts (Entman, 1994). Local newscasts have a heavy focus on crime-related stories, and tend to present African Americans as 9 more dangerous and threatening in these stories (Entman, 1990). For example, in local newscasts, African Americans were twice as likely as European Americans to be shown being physically controlled by a police officer, despite more crime-related stories concerning European American suspects being shown in the over all sample. Entman (1994) also found differences in network news coverage between African Americans and European Americans, albeit more subtle ones. Network newscasts have a more national focus, and thus less coverage of local crimes, but the intense battle for ratings has given these programs an increased focus on sensational and controversial stories, such as crime and political scandal. African American leaders in Entman's sample were most frequently shown as either the center of scandal or complaining about the government. It was much rarer to find African Americans with positive contributions to offer, or as experts on non-black issues. It is important to note, however, that highly visible cases involving Supreme Court nominee Clarence Thomas (sexual harassment) and Washington, D.C. mayor Marion Barry (illegal drugs), two prominent African American public figures, were receiving considerable national attention at the time, so played a large role in these results. The situation for visible minority groups on Canadian television is very similar. According to Fleras (1995, p. 407), "...media treatment of aboriginal and racial minorities in Canada is mixed at best, deplorable at worst." The lack of visible racial-ethnic groups both on-screen and behind the scenes has rendered these groups virtually non-existent in the Canadian media. A content analysis performed during the 1983 television season found that less than 4% of commercials on Canadian television featured visible racial-ethnic groups (Moore & Cadeau, 1985), though the presence of new media outlets in Canada seems to be improving this situation (Fleras, 1995). News coverage of issues concerning visible racial-ethnic groups in Canada also provides a very one-sided depiction, with problems surrounding immigration, particularly when associated with violence and crime, a frequent topic (Fleras, 1995). Images of rusted ships 10 smuggling Chinese refugees to the British Columbia shore have been the most frequent high profile images of Asian people on Canadian newscasts in recent memory. These results demonstrate a potential problem with television and other media today. As mentioned, the media provide the only opportunity many children and adults have to witness people of other cultures or ethnic groups. They form their opinions and beliefs concerning other groups from this information provided by the media. If an altered view of reality is presented, then this may be what people remember. If African or Asian Americans are presented infrequently and in stereotyped roles (often negative or otherwise limited in nature), and other ethnic groups are ignored almost entirely, then this promotes the formation of false beliefs about these groups and society in general. Greenberg (1988) refers to the gradual development of beliefs through repeated exposure to media messages as a drip-drip-drip effect. Seeing the message once may not produce an effect, but repeated exposure over time can have a cumulative effect. For example, Zuckerman et al. (1980) found that children who watched more violent programs were more likely to support the belief that African Americans are less competent and less obedient than European Americans. On the other hand, presenting "critical portrayals", or strong forceful portrayals on television, may on occasion produce a "drench" effect, in which one significant portrayal may supersede the effect of many other portrayals. "The Cosby Show" and "Roots" would be two examples of noteworthy, non-stereotypical portrayals of African Americans that offered the mainstream audience a "drench" experience and had an impact on their beliefs concerning African Americans (Greenberg, 1988). One concern that must be addressed when discussing the study of visible racial-ethnic groups and television is the limited focus. Research on both ethnic diversity in televised portrayals and the impact of televised portrayals has focused mainly on African Americans and European Americans (Graves, 1996). Almost all of the studies described above included a visible racial-ethnic participant sample comprised solely of African Americans. In many cases, 11 the terms "ethnic minority" and "African American" are used interchangeably. For example, when Comstock and Cobbey (1982, p. 246) made the statement that ".. .Ethnic minority children have a distinctive orientation toward television and other mass media," they acknowledged that their evidence came almost entirely from data on African Americans. Most of these studies were conducted by researchers from universities and colleges in American cities, where the largest visible racial-ethnic group would often be African Americans, so perhaps this is not surprising. Inclusion of members of other visible racial-ethnic groups may be so limited that scientific comparisons are not possible. For example, when Tangney and Feshbach (1988) compared the viewing habits of children from various ethnic groups, results from the children in the "Black" and "White" groups were compared, but the remaining children were combined into one group labeled "Other" and their results discarded, with the justification that their small numbers and diverse backgrounds prevented any meaningful comparisons. There exists an inherent danger in interchanging the terms "African American" and "ethnic minority" or "visible racial-ethnic group", namely the possibility of research results being generalized too broadly, using them to make blanket statements about differences between European Americans and visible racial-ethnic groups in North America. Researchers must be careful not to apply findings to groups not represented in the participant sample. This is often easier in theory than in practice, as many studies dealing with ethnic comparisons do not provide detailed demographic information concerning the participants being tested (Hall, 1997). In the case of television research, various visible racial-ethnic groups may have very different orientations toward and/or experiences with television than African Americans in the United States, and therefore these groups should be considered separately, rather than simply lumped together under labels such as "ethnic minorities". As Graves (1996) points out, "...We need to move beyond comparisons of African and European American groups to include the many other visible racial-ethnic groups in North American society" (p. 81). 12 Asian Americans and Television One visible racial-ethnic group that has received relatively little attention from the English language mass communication research community has been Asian Americans (Graves, 1996). This may result in part from the relatively small numbers of Asian Americans in the population of the United States (less than 3% in 1991; Graves, 1996) and Canada (4.9%, 1996 Canadian census), but it is likely also attributable to their even more minimal presence on American television. Simply stated, "Asian Americans are seldom seen, seldom heard, seldom felt on American television" (Iiyama & Kitano, 1982, p. 151). During the 1987 television season, Asian Americans represented only 1.3% of the televised portrayals in programs and commercials (Williams & Condry, 1989; cited from Graves, 1996), and this number had not changed significantly when Graves and Ottaviani (1995; cited from Graves, 1996) analyzed prime-time programming during the 1993-94 season. "All-American Girl", a sitcom about a Korean American family that debuted in the fall of 1994, was the first American series to feature an Asian American cast (Graves, 1996), and was cancelled in 1995. It is interesting to note that Asian Americans are even less likely to appear in commercials than they are in the programs themselves (Iiyami & Kitano, 1982; Williams & Condry, 1989). The situation is just as bad for Asian American children and television. In a sample of Saturday morning children's programming on the four major American networks (ABC, NBC, CBS, FOX), there were no Asian Americans at all (Greenberg & Brand, 1993). More recently, programs intended for children have emerged with Asian Americans in lead roles, such as "The Mystery Files of Shelby Woo" and "One World", but they are still rare. It is telling that in two chapters concerning Asian American children and television, the authors of one wrote at length about Charlie Chan, a Chinese character in movies often portrayed by white actors (Iiyama & Kitano, 1982), while the other authors, writing about the Asian American child on television, wrote at length about Hop Sing, the domestic helper from "Bonanza" (Hamamoto, 1993). 13 When they are shown on U.S. television, the images of Asian Americans are very limited. They typically are background characters, and are shown in stereotypical roles, such as martial arts experts, evil geniuses, gang members, and laundrymen (Iiyami & Kitano, 1982). Asian Americans are rarely shown in family settings, and are frequently depicted as victims of crime (Graves, 1996). Hamamoto (1993) refers to these portrayals as "controlling images", created and broadcast by members of the dominant culture to promote their ideology and exert control over the group in question. Though the stereotypical portrayals of Asian Americans are not as negative as those of other visible racial-ethnic groups, they do present American values and behaviours as superior to Asian ones, and promote the idea that, in order to be accepted or successful, Asian people should be passive and assimilate into mainstream American society as much as possible (Iiyama & Kitano, 1982). The recent emergence of prominent Asian American characters such as Lucy Liu on "Ally McBeal", Ming-Na on "E.R.", and Sammo Hung of "Martial Law" may signal a change in both the quantity and quality of their portrayals on American television. The presence of Asian Americans on North American news programs is also quite restricted. While it is becoming more common to see Asian Americans as news hosts or reporters, this applies almost exclusively to females rather than males (Iiyama & Kitano, 1982). Coverage of important issues for the Asian American community is minimal and offers little variety. Most coverage involves either problems caused by Asians cheating or defying the immigration system (Fleras, 1995), or criminal activity associated with Asian American gangs. This pattern of coverage is evident both in the United States and Canada. Issues of actual interest to the Asian American or Asian Canadian communities, whether originating in Asia or North America, receive very little news media attention (Iiyama & Kitano, 1982), other than in multi-cultural or Asian-language newscasts available on public-access or specialty channels (Fleras, 1995). 14 Very little is known about the Asian American viewing experience with television (Iiyama & Kitano, 1982). Most of what is known comes from research with children, such as the Children's Time Study (see Iiyama & Kitano, 1982), and it shows a pattern of behaviour very different from other ethnic groups mentioned earlier. Asian American children, unlike their African American counterparts, do not watch twice as much television as European American children, and are more selective in their program choices than the other groups. This is likely due to Asian American parents exerting a higher level of control over their children's television viewing habits. It is interesting to note that Asian American parents exert more influence over their children's viewing habits, yet they spend only half as much time actually watching television with their children as European American parents (Iiyama & Kitano, 1982), a practice strongly recommended by researchers (Huston & Wright, 1996). It would be difficult to determine the degree to which Asian Americans prefer to watch programs featuring members of their own ethnic group, as there are still relatively few examples on television. The few relevant studies involving measures of same-race preference found that Asian American children stated significantly lower levels of same-race preference than did African American and European American children (e.g., Fox & Jordan, 1973), but this study did not concern televised portrayals. It may be that Asian American children and adults would like to watch shows with Asian cast members, but do not find them available, and thus choose other options. Like African Americans, Asian Americans are more likely to look to television as a source of information, rather than simply entertainment (Iiyama & Kitano, 1982), though with a different motivation. For recent Asian American immigrants, television represents a powerful tool for learning the language, customs, values, and behaviours of their new home (Ryu, 1978; cited from Iiyama & Kitano, 1982), and therefore television viewing is likely heavier for more recently arrived Asian Americans (Iiyama & Kitano, 1982). It is also the case that Asian American children are more likely to consider portrayals on television to be realistic and accurate 15 (Iiyama & Kitano, 1982). If television is being used to assist people with the acculturation process and teach them how to behave in a new setting very different from the old one, especially when these viewers believe the portrayals they are watching to be realistic, it is very important that televised portrayals not be stereotypical. Cheung and Chan (1996) conducted a study that considered the impact of television viewing on Asian participants in Hong Kong. They believed that increased exposure to television, particularly repeated exposure to the violent and materialistic portrayals popular on Hong Kong television, combined with a greater belief in the reality of televised portrayals, would correspond to an increase in "mean world value", or a belief that the world is "mean, inhuman, and fierce" (Cheung & Chan, 1996). They measured amount of viewing for 402 high school students in Hong Kong, and found that increased viewing, repeated exposure, and perceived reality were indeed related to increased likelihood of endorsing a mean world value. They argued that that resulted from a "cultivation effect" (see Gerbner et al., 1986), in which repeated exposure to the consistent messages contained in televised material is the source of influence, rather than a single exposure, much as Greenberg's (1988) drip vs. drench model described earlier would propose. Ethnicity and Recall of Televised Events The most popular method of assessing how much viewers remember from television news is through measures of recall, asking people to remember as much as they can from the news they have watched. Neuman's (1976) study relating education and recall of news offers a good example of how this method has been used. Telephone interviews were conducted with 232 adults who had watched some or all of a network newscast that evening. Participants were first asked to recall spontaneously as many stories from the news as possible, as well as any details from the stories (unaided recall). The interviewer then gave the headlines from each of 16 the remaining stories not mentioned, and asked whether the participant remembered that story, and any details from it (aided recall). Neuman found that participants remembered very little of the news they had watched, on average 1.2 of the 19.8 stories presented during the 2-week period of the study. In fact, half the participants could not remember any of the stories without prompting. Repeating the headlines only raised the recall level to 4.4 stories with details, plus an additional 4.3 stories without details. Surprisingly, length of time between viewing and being interviewed (ranging from several minutes to three hours) did not affect recall rate. The finding that people remember very little of the information they encounter on the news has been repeated frequently (Findahl & Hoijer, 1985; Faccoro & DeFleur, 1993). Researchers have conducted experiments using aided and unaided recall to compare recall rates from various forms of media. One of the inherent advantages in an experimental model, of course, is that the researchers control what the participants see by presenting them with either edited real news stories or those they themselves have created. For example, DeFleur et al. (1992) presented one of three news stories to each of 480 university freshmen by way of one of four possible media: television, radio, newspaper, or computer screen. Following exposure, the participants were asked to repeat what they had learned (unaided recall) and then complete a multiple-choice questionnaire concerning the details of the story (aided recall). Recall rates were found to be superior if the same stories were read in the newspaper or off a computer screen than if viewed on television or heard on radio. These results remained the same regardless of the type of recall measure used. Interestingly, when recall of television versus newspaper presentations was compared for elementary school children in the Netherlands, the children showed significantly higher recall from the television presentations (van der Molen & van der Voort, 1997), even after controlling for reading proficiency and test expectancy, that is, whether or not the children were expecting to be tested on the material. The difference between the Netherlands study and others in the United States or United Kingdom may be attributable to the fact that 17 more of the television programming in the Netherlands is educational and informative in nature, so viewers may watch more actively and more often seek information rather than simply entertainment. A review of the literature revealed no studies of ethnicity as a factor in recall for news events. Stauffer, Frost, and Rybolt (1981) did use a cross-cultural approach to contrast recall for news stories in different cultural groups. Recall rates for news presented via television, audio, and newspaper were compared for college students in Kenya and the United States. The audio and newspaper presentations were actually oral or written transcripts of the television broadcast. They found that, for both groups, recall rates did not differ significantly for the television and print presentations, with those in the audio condition remembering less. These researchers did not exercise the necessary controls for a true experiment, however, as they used different test materials for the two groups. The Americans were presented news from a private television network (CBS), while the Kenyans were given the daily newscast "Voice of Kenya", the national newscast produced by the government. Thus, they could not rule out other possible relevant variables when comparing the results from the two cultures. Faccoro and DeFleur (1993) performed a cross-cultural version of their experiment, described earlier, of recall for news presented with four different media (DeFleur et al., 1992). In this subsequent study, they examined the role of culture by comparing the recall rates of university students in the United States and Spain. As this study was looking at culture, rather than ethnicity, no specific ethnic-group breakdown was offered for the two participant groups. The authors did take great care to ensure that as many external variables as possible were controlled, in order to isolate culture as the variable of interest. The English and Spanish versions of the stories were virtually identical, the participants watched in an experimental setting to minimize contextual interference, and the exposure to the story was highly structured, to make it as even as possible over the four media conditions. When the aided and unaided recall 18 scores were combined for each group and across all four media types, there was no difference in recall between the Spanish and American students. However, significant differences did emerge when the variable of media-type was analyzed. The American students showed the same pattern found in the previous experiment, with recall of newspaper and computer presentations being superior to television and radio. For the Spanish participants, newspaper was also the best for recall, but computer presentations were the worst, with television and radio in the middle. This was attributed to the more widespread use of computers in the United States when compared to Spain at the time of the study. Ethnic Self-Identity and Level of Acculturation .. .each individual is unique; what each does with his or her ethnic heritage is up to each; but well before such choices are made, the individual finds himself or herself already thrown: Fate has provided many inescapable givens. (Novak, 1973, p. 19) To this point, all of the research cited relating ethnicity and television shares one common feature: the variable used to separate participants into groups has been ethnic group membership. Comparisons between African Americans and European Americans represent the most common example. These studies are generally well-conceived and informative in terms of explaining the experiences various ethnic groups have with television. Comparing two ethnic groups in this manner, however, seems to make an inherent assumption of homogeneity within the groups. It was suggested earlier that applying results obtained from one visible racial-ethnic group to other non-white groups does not recognize the differences that may exist between these groups. The same caution must be taken when looking at single ethnic groups. As the Novak (1973) quotation above indicates, ethnicity exists within individuals as a cognitive as well as hereditary factor. Each of us enters this world with a ethnic background and heritage, but how this ethnicity develops and is realized cognitively is unique to the 19 individual involved, and is subject to influence from many internal and external forces. In other words, though ethnic group members unquestionably share a number of cultural and genetic commonalities, there also exists the potential for considerable variability in important aspects related to their ethnicity. This variability could, in turn, affect the way individuals process the information presented on the news. According to Erikson's (e.g., 1968) psychosocial perspective, one of the most critical tasks in human development is ego identity development. Throughout the life span, people go through a series of eight "crises" or conflicts, each dealing with a specific issue or aspect of their social environment. Individuals must successfully negotiate or "master" each of these stages, in sequence, in order to feel competent and develop the ability to deal with the issue in an adaptive fashion in the future. In Erikson's view, a healthy sense of identity is rooted in the relationship between the individual and his/her society. The fourth stage, which starts around the onset of puberty and lasts until young adulthood, corresponding roughly to the period of adolescence, is labeled identity vs. role confusion. During this stage, people question for the first time who they are in relation to others and the world around them. Successful resolution of this crisis results in a strong self-identity, which emerges from the successful integration of one's own conceptions concerning his/her identity with those of others. Erikson's model clearly emphasizes the social component inherent in the identity formation process. Other theorists agree that social identity is one of the essential components of an individual's self-identity. Tajfel (1977) defined social identity as: .. .that part of an individual's self-concept which derives from his knowledge of his membership of a social group (or groups) together with the value and emotional significance attached to that membership, (p. 63). While many social and physical factors come together to collectively establish an individual's self-identity, some of these factors are the result of being a member of multiple social groups or categories (Tafjel, 1977). Ethnic groups are likely among the first such social groups to which 20 people become aware of belonging, and ethnicity remains a salient feature throughout the lifespan. As a result, ethnic group membership stands as a powerful and enduring influence contributing to an individual's social identity. Though one's ethnic group of origin cannot change, one's ethnic identity, or how one understands and feels about his/her own ethnicity, is subject to change (Phinney, 1990). For example, a person who is born Asian American will always belong to that ethnic group, but how they feel about being Asian American, how they value their ethnic heritage, and how their behaviour reflects the values and customs of that group may change. Phinney (1989) proposed that people go through a three-stage progression of ethnic identity development very similar to Erikson's model of ego identity formation. According to Phinney, people begin with an unexamined ethnic identity, due to a lack of interest in the subject or a diffusion of values from parents or other adults. For children or young adults from visible racial-ethnic groups, this often results in an identification with the dominant culture, although it is not always the case. In the second stage, people become aware of their own ethnicity, and this "awakening" results in a period of exploration, in which they engross themselves in many elements of their culture, such as literature and traditional events, in order to learn more about it. Through this learning process, they are able to enter the final stage of this process, in which they reach ethnic identity achievement. This status comes from a newfound understanding of their own ethnicity and what it means to them. This ethnic identity achievement is not permanent, however, as people can still experience further self-analysis and change concerning their ethnic identity. One factor capable of bringing about a change in ethnic identity is acculturation. As people from different cultures come together, the interaction between the two groups results in a process known as acculturation. The classic definition of acculturation comes from Redfield et al. (1936, p. 149), 21 Acculturation comprehends those phenomena which result when groups of individuals having different cultures come in continuous first-hand contact, with subsequent changes in the original culture patterns of either or both groups.. . This change in culture patterns is seen as inevitable, and though the change is in theory bi-directional, in general the movement occurs more within the weaker group in the direction of the dominant group (Berry, 1980). This model of acculturative change is common to both groups and individuals, and though contact is necessary for change to occur, the contact can be physical (i.e., face-to-face) or symbolic, such as through telecommunications (Berry, 1980). For example, consider the case of a group of people who have immigrated to a new country. As these people interact with members and elements of the new host culture, generally they become more accustomed to and comfortable in their new cultural environment. The likely result of this acculturation is that, over time, the group orientation will continue to move in the direction of the new, dominant culture. While the mass media are a powerful tool for acculturating people into the values, customs, and beliefs of a new culture, they can also serve to maintain the ethnic identity of the parent culture (Olearnik, 1987). Just as some form of contact with the new culture is required for acculturation to occur, physical or symbolic contact with the parent culture is also necessary to maintain ethnic identity. Often members of visible racial-ethnic groups who have relocated into another culture find it difficult to maintain their ethnic identity in the presence of so many acculturating forces, such as the mass media, which reinforce the values and beliefs of the dominant culture. Mass communication outlets, however, may also provide opportunities for these people to experience important elements of the parent culture in cases where first-hand exposure is not possible. For example, Olearnik (1987) found that members of the South Asian community in Britain used video rentals, as well as specialized radio and television programs broadcast in their own language, to maintain symbolic contact with their parent culture, an important tool in preserving their threatened ethnic identity. 22 The relationship between ethnic identity and memory for televised events is particularly relevant to the current research for two reasons. First, many of the participants were either first-or second-generation Canadians, and varied in terms of time spent in North America. Some were very recent arrivals to Canada from other countries, particularly those in the Chinese Canadian group, whereas others came from families that had been in North America for several generations. Some had lived abroad or had spent a significant period of time there, while others had had no contact with their country of ethnic origin at all. These disparities in both time of residence in Canada and degree of contact with country of ethnic origin seemed likely to yield a sample with a wide range in terms of acculturation level and self-identity. Participants who are recent arrivals to Canada will likely demonstrate a different level of acculturation than people whose families have been in Canada for generations. This may in turn be reflected in their memory for information presented on the news. Second, the participants were university undergraduate students, the majority of whom are in their late teens or early twenties. This is the point in development when people are emerging from Erikson's fourth psychosocial stage, and are in the final stages of identity formation (Phinney, 1990). They are also at the point when people are normally either reaching or have reached the final stage of ethnic identity achievement (Phinney, 1990). We would therefore expect our sample to represent a population of people who have given thought to the issue of their own personal identity, including their ethnic identity, and would therefore be subject to any influence which ethnic identity may have over people's processing of information presented on television. Methodological Issues in Experimental Design Previous research has demonstrated that a person's ethnic group membership can play a role in the messages received from television. This relationship is not thought to be direct, as 23 other factors are believed to interact with the ethnicity of the viewer when actively processing televised messages. The purpose of this study was to ascertain whether factors related to ethnicity contained within the messages can interact with the ethnicity of the viewer to influence how much Chinese Canadians and European Canadians remember from television news. This question had not previously been addressed. Attempts to measure how much people remember from the news in a natural setting are made extremely difficult by the factors of contextual interference (DeFleur et al., 1992), factors that serve to distract the viewer from the televised material of interest. An experimental design, therefore, may be the most prudent course of action (Faccoro & DeFleur, 1993). The results are obtained under a more stringent set of controls, which helps to limit the number of external variables operating, leading to a more direct test of the theoretical effect and a reduction in the number of other possible explanations for the obtained findings. Experiments also represent a good reference point from which subsequent research in more natural settings can emerge (Faccoro & DeFleur, 1993). When designing an experiment to assess the relationship between media messages and some other variable, however, a number of critical issues must be considered in order to ensure a valid experiment with meaningful results. One important decision involves the ethnic group make-up of the participant sample. For several reasons we might expect differences between Asian Canadians and European Canadians in news recall. As was previously mentioned, Asian Canadians use television more as a source of information than do European Canadians, so their approach to and resulting memory for televised newscasts may differ. Asian Canadians are also more likely to view televised presentations as realistic, which may influence the ways in which they attend to and process information from the news. Finally, Asian Canadians are represented by very limited and narrow images on Canadian television newscasts, and continued exposure to these images may lead 24 Asian Canadians to display different memory patterns for different types of stories which are shown more (negative) or less (positive) frequently. Research on Asian American viewers has been relatively rare, particularly by comparison with certain other visible racial-ethnic groups. An inadequate population base from which to draw participants in many regions is likely an important mitigating factor. The province of British Columbia, however, is fortunate to have a large Asian Canadian population, most of whom have immigrated from various countries throughout Asia over the past few generations. According to the most recent published census (1996), over 11% of British Columbia's roughly 3.7 million residents are of Asian heritage, with the largest concentration in Vancouver and the surrounding area. The student population at the University of British Columbia has a very substantial proportion of Asian Canadians, providing the opportunity to create two large samples from the specific ethnic groups of interest for comparison. The Greater Vancouver area also features multi-cultural television and radio programming, including specialized channels broadcasting exclusively Asian-language programming. Using a sample consisting entirely of university students does not result in a representative sample from which to generalize the results, but it does help to reduce some aspects of inter-participant variance, which can be helpful in detecting treatment effects (Faccoro & DeFleur, 1993). There are also several issues to consider when deciding what messages to present to participants in an experimental design. For example, in this study, we wanted to compare the way in which certain message characteristics interact with the ethnicity of the viewer to affect recall. It was necessary, therefore, to take every precaution to control any other possible sources of message variance, in order to maximize the possibility that any difference in response rate would be attributed to the message feature in question. While this seems very straightforward and logical in theory, it is in practice very difficult to find two different messages differing along only the desired dimension. A message that differs from another along one dimension likely also 25 differs along a number of others (Reeves & Geiger, 1994). Reeves and Geiger (1994) described the optimal approach to creating messages that vary as little as possible: The concern about unequal message groups could be eliminated, however, i f variance was created by changing a single feature of interest in two versions of the same message. This ensures that all other message characteristics are equivalent between the two manipulations.. .and rather than altering existing messages, we would prefer to alter different versions of original productions to gain maximum control over extraneous message features, (p. 171). Implementing this ideal approach would require the production of original news material designed specifically to vary only in the desired features, rather than simply editing existing material. Of course, access to professional production equipment, facilities, and expertise is not possible in most circumstances, so another option is to produce the required video materials with the equipment available to the layperson. At this point, one encounters other problems, such as believability and cost (Reeves & Geiger, 1994). Whereas experiments with home-produced video materials are far more cost-effective and achievable for most researchers, news segments produced at an actual broadcast facility make the test materials appear more authentic, particularly when showing them to older participants. It is difficult to imagine that many adults (or children for that matter) watching videotapes created with a home video-camera in a university classroom would actually believe that they are seeing the evening news. Without the appearance of reality, the validity of any results is called into question. A review of the relevant literature revealed few studies of memory for news events that included professionally produced test materials. Findahl and Hoijer (1985) used simulated radio and television newscasts produced by the news staff at the Swedish Broadcasting Corporation. They found that stories dealing with subject matter close to the participants' own realities were remembered best. In addition, details concerning the place an event happened and the principals involved were remembered better than details regarding the causes or consequences of an event. Burriss (1987) used materials produced at a local television station in Nashville, Tennessee, to 26 look at the impact of story complexity on recall. He presented participants the same news item presented as (a) a reporter standup, where the reporter reads the story; (b) an anchor story with an accompanying over-the-shoulder graphic; or (c) a produced story with video clips and announcer voice-over. The results revealed that increasing the complexity of the presentation significantly decreased the level of recall. Fortunately, in this experiment, access to the staff and facilities at C K V U television in Vancouver allowed for the production of news segments that were as authentic as possible. Having professional anchorwomen reading the actual news scripts on the C K V U news set and showing genuine network news stories gave the materials the highest level of believability. Though the researcher designed and created the newscasts, the stories and news scripts contained within them were real. It was felt that this would make the stories as realistic as possible, and provide the participants with sufficient details to be asked about later. The methodological difficulty was that, by using actual news stories rather than original creations, it was not possible to limit the message variance in the central story to one single factor. Nevertheless, on balance, the use of actual network news stories was seen as the best course of action. It seemed very unlikely that original items could be created with any degree of authenticity to vary solely on many of the factors of interest to this study, such as positive versus negative valence. Participants in the current study were shown one of four news segments they were told were from a recent local newscast. In reality, they were the segments created by the researcher, which featured a news anchorperson and five news stories. Following the news segment, a series of short, open-ended questions were given as a measure of recall for the details of the newscast. The major question prompting this research was whether certain message and/or viewer characteristics contribute to recall for news events. The factors examined were as follows: 27 1. Ethnicity of Viewer: As mentioned, Asian Canadians have different orientations toward information presented on television that may influence their recall for different types of news items. With Asian Canadians regarding television more as a source of information, and European Canadians more as a source of entertainment, it was expected that Chinese Canadians would remember more from the television newscast, particularly after controlling for fluency in English. 2. Ethnicity of the Host: If viewers prefer to watch people from their own ethnic-racial group on television, watching a television news segment featuring a host from the same ethnic group may lead to increased attention, and ultimately retention of the information presented; conversely, a reduction in attention and retention may occur if the ethnicity of the host does not match that of the viewer. 3. Ethnic Focus of Central versus Other Stories: People are more likely to remember information seen as personally relevant or "psychologically closer" to them (Findahl & Hoijer, 1985). Background knowledge or familiarity with the subject matter may also help memory for in-group portrayals. In addition, just as for the ethnicity of the host, a preference by viewers to watch material featuring members of their own group may lead to increased memory for news stories with a focus on their own ethnic group. For these reasons, it was expected that the Chinese Canadians would remember more details for the stories concerning the Chinese Canadian community in Vancouver. While the non-central stories did not deal specifically with ethnicity, the majority of the people shown in them were white, and it was therefore expected that European Canadians would remember more of the details from these stories. 4. Valence of Central Story: Overall, the impact and salience of negative information is generally greater, and thus, all things being equal, one would expect negative information to be remembered better (Shapiro, 1994). Television news images that induce anger in viewers have been found to be more memorable than images rated as neutral (Newhagen, 1998). For these 28 reasons, the negative central story was expected be more memorable to the participants than the positive central story. It is important to remember that this study contains both positive and negative information related to a single ethnic group, namely Chinese Canadians. Howard and Rothbart (1980) have offered several reasons to expect that recall rate for positive or negative stories concerning a specific ethnic group would vary depending on the ethnicity of the viewer. In their study, they divided the participants into two mutually exclusive groups based on an arbitrary measure. Memory for positive and negative information was compared for the in-group and out-group. Results showed that people are more likely to remember negative information when it is associated with another group than with their own group, particularly if it is consistent with previous expectations concerning that group. Evidence of a memory-processing bias that leads to increased memory for expectancy-confirming information has also been found in other studies. Fyock and Stangor (1994) performed a meta-analysis of 26 studies, and concluded "stereotypes may indeed be maintained at least partially through memory biases that favour processing of information that is consistent with existing expectations about real social groups." It is important to note that this study found the bias to be stronger for memory of traits than of behaviours. Bodenhausen (1988) looked at stereotypic biases in a mock-jury setting, and found that selective processing led to stereotype-consistent information presented to a jury being processed more thoroughly than stereotype-inconsistent information. Based on these findings, if the European Canadians came to this study with a set of prior expectations concerning Asian Canadians, which could be expected in light of their portrayals in Canadian news, we would expect the European Canadians to remember more about a negative story concerning Chinese Canadians. Not all researchers agree, however, that behaviour corresponding to an impression will be better remembered. Hastie and Kumar (1979) gave participants sets of sentences describing behaviours that were congruent, neutral, or 29 incongruent with a specific personality trait. The descriptions of incongruent behaviours were recalled significantly more than the neutral or congruent ones. Many studies have shown that people remember behaviours better when they are expected (Rothbart et al., 1979; Higgins & Bargh, 1987), and if people demonstrate an in-group bias, or demonstrate a preference to remember positive information concerning their own group, this would lead us to hypothesize that the Chinese Canadians would remember more of the positive story concerning their own ethnic group. 5. Level of Acculturation: We would expect differences to exist between the two groups in terms of their level of acculturation. On average, the Chinese Canadian participants were expected to demonstrate a lower level of acculturation, consistent with a more non-Western orientation, due to their relatively lesser amount of time in Canada, both in terms of number of years and generations, when compared to the European Canadian participants. With no previous studies having directly looked at the relationship between level of acculturation and television, it was difficult to develop hypotheses about the possible outcome with any degree of certainty. We speculated that differences would exist within each of the two groups as a result of acculturation. For the Chinese Canadians, we anticipated that those participants with a more Asian ethnic identity would have more interest in and knowledge of the Asian community, and would therefore remember more of the stories concerning their own ethnic group than would those with a more Western ethnic identity. Conversely, Chinese Canadians with a more Western orientation were expected to remember more of the non-Asian stories than the Asian-identified participants. The European Canadian participants, on the other hand, would likely have a very Western identification, on average, and the central stories did not concern their own specific culture of ethnic origin. We did not, therefore, expect the level of acculturation of the European Canadian participants to be related to their recall for the items on 30 the newscast, but if it did, we expected them to remember the non-Asian stories better than the Asian stories. Method Participants The participants were 263 undergraduate students at the University of British Columbia. A l l were enrolled in psychology courses, though had a wide range of majors. The sample included 145 Chinese Canadians and 118 European Canadians (i.e., white); 176 were female, and 87 were male. Their ages ranged from 17-35 years, with a mean of 19.73 (s.d. = 2.06). The average family income was $50,000-75,000, but ranged from under $25,000 to over $100,000 (see Figure 1 for demographic breakdowns). Course credit was given for participation in the study. Insert Figure 1 Here Materials and Procedures The participants were tested in groups of about ten per session. Each group (a) watched one of four videotaped news segments and completed three separate forms: (b) an Impressions of Television questionnaire (Appendix A and B), (c) the Suinn-Lew Asian Self-Identity Acculturation Scale (Appendix C and D), and (d) a news quiz (Appendix E and F). Six different presentation sequences for the four components were used to control for order effects, with the major stipulation that the news quiz could only be administered after the videotape had been shown, and thus came later in the testing order3. Varying the order of presentation meant that 31 Figure 1: Family Income as a Measure of Socio-Economic Status iTi o 3 0 (participant estimate) 0 - 24,999 50,000 - 74,999 100,000 • 25,000 - 49,999 75,000 - 99,999 Ethnicity ( C h i n e s e C a n a d i a n I E u r o p e a n C a n a d i a n Family Income Level (in Canadian Dollars) 32 some participants completed the news quiz directly after viewing the news segment, whereas others completed the other measures during the interval. Neuman (1976) found that the length of time between viewing the news and being interviewed did not significantly affect level of recall. In his experiment, this interval ranged up to 3 hours; in this study it was never longer than 1 hour. To increase validity and control other possibly relevant variables, the researchers created news videos that resembled a single segment of the local supper-hour newscast as closely as possible. The four videotaped news segments were recorded on the news set of a local television station, and were approximately 11 minutes in duration. Each segment featured five news stories from recent newscasts. Two of the stories were local. The other three concerned international news, and came from American network news sources, including C N N and NBC. Commercials were placed before and after the segment to increase the authenticity of appearing to start the tape in the middle of the newscast. Each news item featured a "constant key" or headline banner in the bottom right corner of the screen, which described the topic of the story and remained throughout (for examples, see Figures 2 and 3). These constant keys were not only intended to aid the participants in recall, but also are a regular feature of the actual newscast being simulated. When given the opportunity to comment on the study during debriefing, no participant indicated any uncertainty as to the authenticity of the news segment. Insert Figures 2 and 3 Here The four segments were created to be as identical as possible. The camera shots were the same (this was made possible through the use of robotic cameras), and both hosts read the actual script from the newscast verbatim. The four news tapes differed only in two key facets: the host of the news and the central news story. One half (132) of the participants watched a segment featuring a Chinese Canadian host, while the other half (131) saw a segment hosted by a 33 Figure 2: Positive Central Story featuring Constant Key 34 Figure 3: Negative Central Story featuring Constant Key 35 European Canadian. The hosts were both female, approximately the same age, and had similar levels of experience and on-air exposure in the Vancouver market (see Figures 4 and 5). Insert Figures 4 and 5 Here The only other difference was the central news story on the tape. As mentioned, each segment contained five news items. The first two stories (local gas leak; California wave damage) and the last two stories (Russian royal family; penguin man) were the same on all four tapes. The criteria for selecting these stories included having numerous details which could be asked about on the quiz, and that the stories not focus on ethnicity. The third story was the story of specific interest for the study, and varied according to the segment seen. Approximately half the Chinese and European Canadians participants (122 total) saw a positive story concerning the local Chinese community (the opening of a new Chinese language media outlet), and the remaining Chinese and European Canadian participants (141) watched a negative story pertaining to that community (immigration issues concerning an Asian gang member). Cross matching the two hosts and two central stories allowed for the four news segments. In order to find news stories meeting our criteria (specifically, the Chinese Canadian focus and the valence of the central stories) some items were chosen from different days. The news items were not date-specific, in that nothing placed the airdate at a particular date or time or linked them to a major event, so this should not have affected the believability of the newscasts. Friedman and Huttenlocher (1997) found that time of news events that were not memorable or easily linked to some significant simultaneous event was not easily recalled after 1 to 2 months. The news quiz consisted of twenty questions related to the news segment the participants had seen. The first two questions asked them to recall the name and ethnicity of the news host. In addition, there were three questions for each of the four non-central stories, and six questions 36 Figure 4: Chinese Canadian News Host with Name Key 37 Figure 5: European Canadian Host with Name Key 38 concerning the central story. The heading for each story's questions closely resembled the constant key on the videotape, to further aide in recall. Questions were open-ended and required only a very brief answer. This recall measure was chosen over a recognition measure, such as multiple-choice, because it does a better job of recognizing how active memory processing can alter information (Findahl & Hoijer, 1985). The Impressions of Television questionnaire, designed by the researchers, consists of 90 questions. It asks each participant to consider several aspects of his/her television viewing, including favorite programs and preferred language of viewing. Opinions about televised ethnic portrayals, family influence on viewing, and reality of televised values are also assessed for both English and Other language viewing. Two versions of this questionnaire were created, with only one difference. The Chinese Canadian participants were asked about "Asian-language" television viewing, while the European Canadians answered questions about "Other-language" viewing. Ethnic identity was assessed using a modified version of the Suinn-Lew Asian Self-Identity Acculturation scale (SL-ASIA), a self-administered questionnaire designed to assess the level of acculturation of Asian Americans (Suinn et al., 1987). This scale was modeled after the Acculturation Rating Scale for Mexican-Americans (ARSMA), which was created to measure this characteristic in Mexican Americans (Cuellar et al., 1980). The original, 21-question SL-ASIA scale classifies people of Asian background (e.g., Chinese, Japanese, Vietnamese, etc.) as Asian-identified, Western-identified, or bicultural in orientation, as a representation of their progress in the process of acculturation. Recognition was given to the multifaceted nature of acculturation, with items relating to such matters as language, friendship choice, generational information, cultural event participation, and media use. The scale is related to behaviour in a way that makes intuitive sense, in that both preferred and actual behaviours are considered. For example, there are questions regarding both preferred and actual language use. 39 Previous research using the SL-ASIA has mainly focused on clinical interests. For example, Atkinson and Gim (1989) studied cultural identity in Asian Americans as it related to their attitudes toward receiving mental health services. Modified versions of the SL-ASIA were given to 557 Asian American students, which included Chinese, Japanese, and Korean Americans. The researchers used SL-ASIA acculturation scores to divide the participants into two groups, reflecting a high or low level of acculturation. Results showed that Asian American participants with a higher acculturation score, which represents a more Western orientation, were more likely to recognize the need for psychological help and more willing to discuss their issues with a psychologist. The internal consistency of the SL-ASIA has been measured several times, most often with the coefficient alpha procedure. This method calculates the mean of all possible split-half reliabilities to determine the coefficient alpha, and is considered the preferred method of measuring internal consistency (Ponterotto et al., 1998). Ponterotto (1996) considers a coefficient alpha of .70 as the minimum acceptable for a measure such as this. The SL-ASIA has been shown to have a high level of internal consistency with Asian American university student (Suinn et al., 1992; Atkinson & Gim, 1989) and non-student (Ownbey & Horridge, 1998) samples, with alpha coefficients ranging from .83 to .91. These samples were drawn from various Asian American groups, such as Japanese, Chinese, and Korean Americans. Lower internal consistency scores were found with Japanese temporary residents (Kodama & Canetto, 1995; alpha coefficient = .72). These participants were hypothesized to have less commitment to the United States, due to their temporary status in the country, and thus less need for acculturation than someone who has immigrated. Lese and Robbins' (1994) study with Cambodian and Vietnamese refugees showed a coefficient alpha of .68, but this low score was attributed to one item concerning the level of recent participant contact with Asia. This item was seen as disturbing to the refugee participants, and removing it raised the coefficient alpha to .75. 40 The SL-ASIA has shown concurrent validity with other factors associated with acculturation, such as generation and length of time in the United States (Suinn et al., 1987). In terms of factorial validity, five factors emerged that combined to explain 65% of the variance: reading/writing/cultural preference (41.5% of the variance), ethnic interaction (10.7%), affinity for ethnic identity and pride (6.6%), generational identity (5.9%) and food preference (5.0%) (Suinn et al., 1992). These factors were very similar to those found in the A R M S A scale for Mexican Americans mentioned earlier (Cuellar et al., 1980). The validity of the SL-ASIA has also been examined cross-culturally. Suinn et al. (1995) showed that Asian people residing in Singapore showed more of an Asian identity than Asians residing in the United States, who demonstrated a more bicultural orientation. The same five factors found in the initial factor analysis mentioned earlier (Suinn et al., 1987) were found to exist for both groups. One area of concern with the SL-ASIA is its lack of distinction between Asian and Western identification. The SL-ASIA is scored on a continuum from 1.00 to 5.00, with 1.00 representing low acculturation or high Asian-identification and 5.00 representing high acculturation or high Western-identification. Suinn et al. (1995) acknowledge that acculturation has more than two possible outcomes, stating ".. .currently, the process of acculturation is viewed as neither linear nor unidimensional, but as orthogonal and multidimensional" (p. 140). However, the original, 21-item SL-ASIA only allowed for three possible outcomes: assimilation, when the individual assumes the values and attitudes of the host culture and becomes highly acculturated; resistance to assimilation, where individuals maintain their identification with their culture of origin and therefore demonstrate a low level of acculturation; or biculturalism, when the individual comes to accept features of both cultures. Biculturalism simply represents the midway score on the unidimensional continuum. There is no distinction between someone who strongly identifies with both cultures and someone who strongly identifies with neither. A truly orthogonal measure should assess commitment to each culture's values separately, in order to 41 give a more multidimensional view of acculturation (Ponterotto et al., 1998). For this reason, five questions were added to the SL-ASIA. They measure level of Asian and Western identification separately, to give a more orthogonal picture of participants' identity (see Suinn et al., 1995). These questions are scored separately from the original set of 21. The Chinese Canadian participants in this study completed a modified version of the revised 26-question SL-ASIA scale. The only modifications made to the scale were removing specific ethnic group labels such as "Oriental" which seemed outdated and potentially offensive, and one item was added regarding language of chosen reading materials. A second version of this questionnaire was also created for this study in order to allow equivalent measurement for the non-Asian group. The European Canadian participants were first asked to state their culture of ethnic origin, and if they had more than one (e.g., French and Irish), to specify the one with which they most strongly identified, or felt most strongly about. They were then instructed to consider only this primary culture when answering the questions as on the SL-ASIA. The questions were the same as those on the SL-ASIA, other than the researchers substituting the phrase "your culture of ethnic origin" for the original phrase "Asian culture". While this scale has not been validated for European Canadian participants, the researchers wanted to maintain equivalence in the measures performed by all participants during this procedure, and our main group of interest in terms of acculturation was Chinese Canadians. Results Television Viewing Patterns Various aspects of the Chinese Canadian and European Canadian participants' television viewing, including both their viewing preferences and actual viewing habits, were compared. Questions on the Impressions of Television were answered on a 5 or 6 point Likert scale. 42 In terms of language of programs watched, the actual viewing of the Chinese Canadian participants differed from their preferred viewing, as measured on a scale from 1 ("All English language") to 5 ("All Asian language"). Their overall preference was for English language television, and they reported watching less Asian language programming (2.17) than they said they would prefer to watch (2.39), t(\,\44) = -4.194, p = .001. The most frequent reasons cited for this disparity were the availability (19 instances), understanding (11), and quality (9) of Asian language programs, as well as the program selections of other family members (5). For the European Canadian participants, there was not a significant difference between the language of their actual and preferred viewing, when comparing English language programming to programming featuring the native language of their country of ethnic origin, ('(1,118) = -1.448, p_ = .150, non-significant. Participants were asked about the degree of family influence over their television viewing while they were growing up. The responses were recorded on a scale from 1 ("Very Strong Influence") to 6 ("No Influence"). The Chinese Canadian participants (mean = 2.96) rated their parents or family members as having significantly less influence over the amount of television they watched while growing up than did the European Canadian participants (2.58), /(1,261) = 2.664, p = .008. The Chinese Canadian score would roughly correspond to an average rating of "Moderate Influence", whereas the European Canadian score would be closer to a response of "Relatively Strong Influence". Using the same scale, the Chinese Canadian participants also rated the level of parental or family member control over program selection (3.37) as lower than did the European Canadians (2.81), /(1,261) = 3.644, p = .001. The European Canadian score would correspond most closely to a rating of "Moderate Influence", whereas the Chinese Canadian score fell between "Moderate" and "Relatively Weak Influence". When asked to rate the importance of parental monitoring of children's television viewing, once again there was a significant difference between the two groups. The European 43 Canadian participants (2.13) felt it was more important for parents to monitor and regulate their children's television viewing than did the Chinese Canadians (2.47), /(1,161) = 3.205, p = .002. The European Canadian score was closest to a rating of "Very Important", whereas the Chinese Canadian score fell between "Very Important" and "Moderately Important". News Recal l The main analysis compared the score on the central, Chinese community-centered story questions ("central story score") to the combined score from the other four stories ("non-central stories score")4. To make these scores equivalent, the non-central story score was divided in half, so the central and non-central story scores each had a maximum possible score of six points. The results from the news quiz were analyzed in a 2 (gender) x 2 (participant ethnicity, Chinese vs. European Canadian) x 2 (host ethnicity, Chinese vs. European Canadian) x 2 (valence of central story, positive vs. negative) x 2 (type of story, central vs. other) A N O V A , with repeated measures on the last factor. There was a significant gender main effect, with male participants remembering more on average than the female participants (3.708 vs. 3.410), F(l,247) = 6.672, p = .010. There was a significant type of story x participant ethnicity interaction, F(l,247) = 32.705. p = .0001. Simple main effects analyses revealed that, for the central, Chinese-centered stories, recall by Chinese Canadian participants (3.6825) was better than by European Canadian participants (3.4275), F( 1,247) = 4.077, p = .045. For the non-central stories, the opposite was true, as the European Canadian participants remembered more from this section of the news quiz than did the Chinese Canadians (3.9786 vs. 3.2603), F( 1,247) = 33.289, p = .0001. In addition, this two-way interaction was subsumed in a significant three-way interaction, type of story x participant ethnicity x central story valence, F(l,247) = 4.162, p = .042. Simple simple main effects revealed the following relationships among the three factors. For the 44 Chinese Canadian participants who saw the negatively-valenced central story, their recall for the central story (3.825) was significantly better than for the non-central stories (3.203), F( 1,247) = 12.13, p = .0006. For the European Canadian participants who saw the negatively-valenced central story, the opposite was true. Their recall for the central story was significantly poorer than for the other news (3.185 vs. 3.9425), F(l,247) = 17.77, p = .0001. For both the Chinese Canadian and European Canadian participants who saw the positive story concerning the Chinese community, there was no difference in their scores on the two parts of the news quiz. If the negative central story was shown, Chinese Canadian participants (3.825) had significantly better recall than European Canadians (3.185) for the central story, F(l,247) = 12.843, p_ = .0004, while the European Canadians remembered more of the other stories (3.9425) than did the Chinese Canadian participants (3.203), F(l,247) = 16.922, p = .0001. When the participants saw the positive central story, recall was the same for the central story (F= .531, n.s.), but the European Canadians still had better recall for the non-central stories (4.015) than did the Chinese Canadians (3.3175), F( 1,247) = 15.484, p = .0001. Valence of the central story made a significant difference only for the European participants' scores on the central story. Their recall mean was higher if the central story was positive (3.670) than negative (3.185), F(l,247) = 7.376, p= .007. Any study considering ethnicity as a potential source of variation must be careful not to confuse differences in linguistic ability with other differences of interest. In this case, we wanted to ensure that any disparity in recall for news items did not simply reflect fluency in the English language. To control for this potential confound, all participants for whom English was not their first language gave a self-assessment of their proficiency in English. A rating of 1 indicated a command of English equal to their first language and 5 indicated very little ability in English. A significant difference did exist between the two groups in terms of their English fluency, with the European Canadians rating themselves as more fluent in English (1.15) than did the Chinese 45 Canadian participants (2.27), r( 1,260) = 10.97, p = .001. It should be noted, however, that the large majority of participants in both groups spoke English either as their first language or equally well (see Figure 3), which is not surprising, as all were university students studying in English. Of the 262 participants who answered this question, 224 gave a response of 2 or lower. One participant did not answer the question. Insert Figure 6 Here Using this language proficiency score as a covariate, the previously described analyses were rerun, with the following results. The gender main effect was no longer significant, F(l,245) = 3.755, p = .054. A news type main effect emerged, F(l,245) = 6.106, p = .014. The score for both groups combined on the non-central stories (3.582) was better than for the central story (3.488), F(l,245) = 6.106, p = .014. The news type main effect was subsumed in the following two- and three-way relationships. The news type x participant ethnicity interaction effect remained significant, F( 1,245) = 14.612, p = .0002. Simple main effects analyses revealed that, when fluency in English was controlled, the recall by the Chinese Canadian participants for the central stories (3.6325) was only marginally better than recall by the European Canadians (3.3425), F( 1,245) = 2.68, p = .10. Recall by European Canadians for the non-central stories (3.96), however, remained significantly higher than that for Chinese Canadians (3.204), F( 1,245) = 18.19, p = .0001. In addition, for the Chinese Canadians, recall was better for the central, Chinese-centered story (3.6325) than for the non-central stories (3.204), F(l,245) = 5.855, p = .0016. The European Canadians showed the opposite pattern, with their recall for the non-central stories (3.96) better than for the central story (3.3425), F(l,245) = 12.173, p = .0006. With fluency in English as a covariate, the news type x participant ethnicity x story valence three-way interaction remained significant, F( 1,245) = 4.047, p = .045. The Chinese 46 igure 6: Fluency in English Language (participant estimate) Ethnicity Chinese Canadian European Canadian English 1 st Language 1 2 3 4 Linguistic Ability in English 47 Canadian participants who saw the negative story concerning the Chinese community recalled it better than the other stories (3.765 vs. 3.143), F(l,245) = 12.34, p = .0005. When the positive central story was shown, there was no difference for the Chinese Canadians in recall for the two parts of the quiz, F(l ,245) = 1.76, g = .19. The European Canadians who saw the negative central story (3.225) still showed worse recall than for the non-central stories (3.94), F(l,245) = 16.30, p = .0001. With English language competence controlled for, however, the European Canadian participants who saw the positive central story (3.46) now also remembered less than from the non-central stories (3.9795), F(l,245) = 8.61, p = .0037. The pattern of results stayed the same when determining whether ethnicity of participant varies for each combination of central story valence and type of story after controlling for English fluency. When participants saw the negative central story, Chinese Canadians (3.765) recalled significantly more than did the European Canadians (3.225) for the central story, F( 1,245) = 9.299, g = .0025, and the European Canadians remembered more of the other stories (3.94) than the Chinese Canadian participants (3.143), F( 1,245) = 20.26, p = .0001. When the positive central story was shown, there was no significant difference in recall for the central story, but the European Canadians remembered more of the non-central stories (3.9795) than did the Chinese Canadians (3.265), F(l,245) = 16.28, g = .0001. Valence of the central story now made no significant difference for all combinations of participant ethnicity and news type. A news type x linguistic ability interaction was also found in this A N C O V A , F(l,245) = 5.009, g - .026. This demonstrates that fluency in English was a significant covariate for the news scores, but not enough to change the main results from our earlier analyses, as the interaction relationships remained the same. 48 Ethnic Identity and News Recall The initial analyses revealed significant differences in recall rates between two ethnic groups for information presented in television news. Given that ethnicity played a role, the next analyses further explored the relationship between ethnicity and recall. As previously mentioned, when considering the relationship of ethnicity to memory for televised events, ethnicity should not be thought of as monolithic with homogeneous groups. We must also examine whether the amount remembered from the news is related to the level of acculturation, or ethnic identity. / First, Pearson-product-moment correlations were calculated between scores from the revised 22-question SL-ASIA (for the 202 participants who properly completed it) and the news quiz. For all participants, the higher the identity score, (i.e., less Westernized), the lower the score on the news quiz, (r = -.262, g = .001). For the non-central questions, the same relationship held, but was even stronger, (r = -.388, g = .001), but there was no significant relationship for ethnicity score and memory for the central story (r - .014, n.s.). Not surprisingly, the two groups differed in their level of ethnic identity, as measured by the SL-ASIA and its non-Asian equivalent. The Chinese Canadian participants (3.079) scored significantly higher (i.e., less Westernized) than did the European Canadians (2.210), 1,200) = 10.891, p = .0001. The Chinese Canadian score represents a bicultural orientation, whereas the European Canadian score reflects a Western orientation. The results were, therefore, further broken down for each ethnic group. For the Chinese-Canadian participants (n= 117), a higher total score on the news quiz showed a significant correlation with a lower ethnic identity score (i.e., more Western identified), (r - -.320, p = .001). Once again, considering only the non-central stories in the comparison increased the strength of the negative correlation (r = -.388, p_ = .001), while the central story yielded no significant relationship with ethnic identity (r = -.061, n.s.). 49 The results for the European-Canadian participants (n = 85) showed quite a different pattern, however, as the correlations for the total score (r = -.092), the non-central stories (r = -.104), and the central story (r = -.083) all failed to reach a level of significance. Discussion Overall, the results from these analyses offer support for the general hypothesis that a relationship exists between factors related to ethnicity and memory for televised events. Both the ethnic group membership and acculturation level of the viewer, as well as specific message characteristics related to ethnicity, were found to be significantly related to the amount of information recalled from the created newscasts. Not all of the specific individual hypotheses initially proposed received support, however. The relationships amongst the various factors studied is not simple, as none operated in isolation from either the other factors considered, as evidenced by the higher-level interaction effects, or those outside our control. The rate of recall for the complete news quiz was 56% for the Chinese Canadian participants and 62% for the European Canadians. These scores represent better levels of performance than many of the previous studies cited. This increased level of recall likely resulted, at least in part, from several design factors intended to enhance the ability of participants to remember the details of the stories contained in the news segments. The artificial examination setting, which included both completing the testing procedure in a laboratory room in a group of about ten participants and being told before viewing the news segment that questions concerning the material were to follow, differed from normal viewing habits and likely resulted in increased attention to the details of the stories. In addition, inherent memory aids, such as the constant keys placed on all stories and corresponding headings on the news quiz, may 50 have helped some participants to better remember the details of the stories. We expect that recall for details of the news viewed under more natural conditions would likely be lower. The results do show that participants remembered more from the news stories concerning their own ethnic group than those concerning another ethnic group. This was, however, not a simple straightforward relationship. As expected, other message characteristics interacted with the ethnicity of the content to influence rate of viewer recall. For example, the valence of the central story was found to influence recall for the other stories. In this type of research, therefore, one must be careful not to consider any single story in isolation, as showing one type of story may influence the amount and type of information recalled from the others. Future research would be well served to use similar methodology to vary stories along some other dimension or characteristic in order to determine its impact while controlling that of others. The Chinese Canadian participants remembered the negatively-valenced story concerning their own visible racial-ethnic group better than did the European Canadians, but this was not the case for the positive story. This indicates that a factor other than ethnicity of the subject matter had a different impact on the two groups. Perhaps the issues of immigration and/or gang violence are of particular interest or concern to the Chinese Canadian group, at least when the study was conducted, and more so than the opening of a Chinese language media outlet. The fact that these stories involved another ethnic group may have made both of them not as interesting or memorable to the European Canadian participants. It is very encouraging to see that the European Canadian participants did not show superior memory for the negative than the positive story concerning the Chinese Canadian community. A prejudice model of information processing would predict that participants should indeed remember more negative information concerning members of another visible ethnic group. Recalling the negative nature of the news stories concerning the Chinese Canadian community normally seen on North American news programs, perhaps it was the case that a 51 positive story concerning this group was unusual and noteworthy enough to stand out in the minds of the European Canadian participants and outweigh or counteract any natural tendency to remember negative information concerning an out-group. Another possible explanation for the difference could be certain characteristics of the questions asked, but this did not show up in the overall results, as overall there was no main effect for story valence. Of course, we must be cautious when ascribing the difference between recall scores on the two central stories to the valence of the stories in question. While this is a very salient property, of necessity, other features are also different. As Reeves and Geiger (1994) emphasized, there will always be multiple differences amongst any distinct media messages, no matter how stringent the controls applied in a specific research model. When looking at a characteristic as complex as the tone or valence of a news story, there are bound to be several other differences. Our conscious decision to use actual news stories when measuring differences in news recall meant that this was one area where maximum control was not possible. It would have been impossible to create two stories, one positive in valence and the other negative, but otherwise identical. When the limited coverage that the Asian Canadian communities receive in the mainstream English language media in North America is taken into account, even in a city as culturally diverse and boasting as large a Chinese community as Vancouver, selecting test materials can be particularly difficult. As predicted, the Chinese Canadian participants who rated themselves as more Westernized showed better recall for the non-central stories. Their score on the ethnicity measure indicated that they are more likely to have a personal interest in material concerning Western culture and society. Those who rated themselves as more Asian-oriented, however, would have less interest in this material. On the other hand, it is surprising that no correlation was found for the Chinese Canadian participants between ethnic identity and level of recall for the central stories concerning the Chinese Canadian community. We might have expected to see 52 a reversal of the results from the non-central questions. In the case of the highly Western-oriented Chinese Canadians, it may be the case that these participants remain sufficiently involved in their culture of origin to avoid any negative impact on their recall for material about this culture. People socialized in both cultures would be more accustomed to exposure to information concerning both groups, even if they express a preference for one culture over the other. As well, increased time of residence and exposure to Western culture may make the Western-oriented Chinese Canadians more accustomed to the North American-style news coverage of Chinese Canadian stories. Overall, the Chinese Canadian participants both preferred to watch and actually watched more English-language than Asian-language television programs. This finding is consistent with previous research showing that Asian Americans actively seek out English-language programming, as it represents a valuable source of information concerning North American society. In this way, television is able to serve as a powerful tool in the process of acculturation. However, i f one considers that these same Chinese Canadian participants were not watching as much Asian language television as they would like, it would seem that the acculturation or Westernization of these people is not entirely voluntary. Many would like to watch relatively more Asian language programming and less English language programming than they actually do, and they therefore may be exposed to more of Western society and its culture and values than they may desire. This may result in forced acculturation, which may in turn be reflected in better memory for non-Asian stories, due to their increased familiarity with Western society, forming a sort of spiral effect. In addition, if Chinese Canadian children and adolescents believe televised portrayals to be accurate, and they are remembering more of the negative information presented, this may be establishing a dangerous pattern for how Chinese Canadians come to view both themselves and the Chinese Canadian community in North American society. Any negative feelings which 53 result concerning their own ethnic group could in turn contribute to the desire within these people to become more acculturated or Western in orientation. In other words, this process could represent another mechanism through which television exerts a powerful influence that encourages the process of acculturation. These findings also seem consistent with those of Cheung and Chan (1996), described earlier, concerning the development of "mean world value." In this study, adolescents in Hong Kong who watched more television programs containing portrayals of violence and materialism (both considered by the authors to be negative portrayals) were more likely to hold a negative view of the world. Our results raise the possibility that it was not only greater exposure to these types of messages (which, according to Cheung and Chan, are commonly found on Hong Kong television), but also their tendency to remember negatively valenced information, which contributed to the development of this negative attitude. The results concerning family influence on viewing were surprising, as previous research had consistently shown that Asian American parents exert more control over their children's behaviour than do European American parents. It is important to keep in mind that the current research used self-ratings from the participants concerning their parents' behaviour. There was no objective scale provided for participants to use as a reference when rating parental behaviour. The participants were likely comparing the amount of control their parents exerted over their television viewing to their parents' control over other types of behaviours. These results may also relate to the previous finding that Asian parents spend significantly less time co-viewing television with their children than do European American parents. This may result in their children rating them as exerting less influence over television viewing. Another surprising result was that there was no significant difference in recall based on the ethnicity of the host, and more specifically, whether the ethnicity of the viewer matched the ethnicity of the news host. The ethnicity of the news content was related to level of recall, but 54 the ethnicity of the host was not. The majority of the questions concerned material presented in the actual news stories themselves, with very few questions directly related to the information presented by the host. In future research, more of the information tested could be provided in the newscast by the host. This could be accomplished through the use of one or more copy stories, where the information is simply read on camera by the host. Not only would this give a more accurate measure of recall differences related to the ethnicity of the host, but it would also allow for a replication of earlier studies comparing copy stories with produced items, and even voice-over stories, where the host reads the news copy while the accompanying pre-edited videotape is shown on screen. For anyone considering modeling their own methodology after the current study, the first and likely most difficult obstacle to overcome is that of production costs. As mentioned, in order to maximize the validity of the results, the researchers set out to produce test materials of the highest professional quality. This was achieved through eleven television industry professionals each volunteering over 2 hours of their time and technical expertise, the on-air personalities agreeing to participate and appear on-camera, and the television station allowing the researchers to use their studio and equipment at no charge. Finally, the lead researcher performed the editing of the completed versions of all four news tapes. Unfortunately, under normal circumstances, renting the services of a fully staffed television studio for an independent production would cost several thousand dollars per hour, plus substantial additional charges for the on-air talent and editing expertise. When considering the results of this study and their potential ramifications, it is important to consider the limited sample. Along with the European Canadians, only one visible racial-ethnic group was considered for these analyses, that being Chinese Canadians. Future research will be able to ascertain whether these same relationships hold true for other visible racial-ethnic groups. For example, would the same pattern of results emerge for Japanese Canadian 5 5 participants watching our same test materials, or Chinese Canadian participants watching news stories and hosts from the Japanese Canadian community? In order to accomplish this, however, any researcher would have to deal with the issues of appearance and accessibility. This study used actual news stories and hosts in order to maximize face validity. One unfortunate outcome of this decision was that, despite the large Chinese Canadian community in Vancouver, we were only able to locate one story of each type concerning that community in the news archives of the television station where the test materials were produced, looking back over the months prior to production. For other visible racial-ethnic groups, most of which would have an even smaller presence both in the population and on local television, this could present a difficult problem in terms of access to suitable testing materials. As well as being limited to two specific ethnic groups, it was also the case that all of the participants were university undergraduates. Though the sample was quite diverse in terms of certain factors such as socioeconomic status, this limited sample may have a particular orientation towards the news and/or style of processing information, particularly in a scholastic setting, which is unique to this population and not necessarily representative of the general population. Generalizability of the results would be increased if other samples with greater diversity in terms of age, education level, etc., were studied. A final comment is offered concerning the SL-ASIA scale, and specifically its attempt to capture the multidimensional nature of acculturation and ethnic identity. While the Suinn-Lew scale does a very good job at qualifying people of Asian heritage as either Asian-identified, Western-identified, or "bicultural", it treats these two identification styles as opposite ends of a single pole. As a result, the SL-ASIA lacks the ability to discriminate those respondents who are integrated, or strongly identified with both cultures, from those who are withdrawn, or not strongly associated with either culture. For some people ethnicity is a more salient component of their identity than it is for others, just as is sex-typing (the degree to which gender is an 56 important filter through which to view others and oneself). In the additional section of the SL-ASIA added to consider the question from a multidimensional perspective, only two questions are used for each culture, one for values and one for behaviours. This does not offer the full, rich view offered by a multi-item scale. Instead, each culture should be considered separately for each question of the scale in order to give an independent measure of each culture. Since the data were collected for this study, newer, truly bidimensional identity scales of this type have been developed, such as the Vancouver Index of Acculturation, or VIA (Ryder et al., 2000), with 10 pairs of questions for each culture. These researchers compared unidimensional (SL-ASIA) and bidimensional (VIA) measures, and found dimensions of acculturation which do not reflect a strong negative correlation for the two cultures, demonstrating an advantage of bidimensional scales. It would be prudent, therefore, for future research in this area to use such a scale, in order to better distinguish between the two groups of people who don't clearly show a stronger identification with one group or the other. Television is the preferred vehicle for a large proportion of people to obtain the information they seek to understand the world around them. Simply counting the number of portrayals of various ethnic groups on television, or looking at the audience demographic breakdowns, is not sufficient to understand the messages taken away from televised materials. Various characteristics of both the viewer and the message must be considered. Our society is becoming more multicultural at a rapid rate. One is left with the hope that this reality will soon be reflected on mainstream television, which would make a better understanding of the relationship between ethnicity and television an even more desirable undertaking. 57 Notes 1 . Many of the descriptive terms for ethnicity used in this study are those used by Sherryl Browne Graves (1996) in her chapter "Diversity on Television". The conception of ethnicity employed refers not specifically to race, but instead to one facet of an individual's cultural background. Ethnic groups are referred to by their continental identifiers, based on where the majority of their ancestors came from (e.g., African American, European Canadian). Visible racial-ethnic group is chosen over ethnic minority, as the latter is a relative term; in some locations the group may be the majority. When describing most examples of research, the generic identifiers such as Asian American refer to people of that visible racial-ethnic group living in either Canada or the United States. When describing our own study, however, the term Canadian is used instead oi American (i.e., Asian Canadian, European Canadian). During pilot testing, many participants objected to the use of the terms Asian American and European American in reference to themselves, as people who were either born in Canada or had specifically chosen to immigrate to Canada. 2. The similarity between the Canadian and American results is not surprising when one considers the large number of American programs aired on Canadian networks, and the presence of American channels on Canadian cable and satellite systems. Canadian television viewers have virtually unlimited access to American-produced programs throughout the day, and therefore are exposed to American culture and society, as it is presented by American television. 58 3. The six presentation orders used in this study were as follows: A. Newscast Videotape News Quiz Television Questionnaire Ethnicity Scale B. Newscast Videotape News Quiz Ethnicity Scale Television Questionnaire C. Newscast Videotape Ethnicity Scale Television Questionnaire News Quiz D. Newscast Videotape Television Questionnaire Ethnicity Scale News Quiz E. Ethnicity Scale Television Questionnaire Newscast Videotape News Quiz F. 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What are your three favourite television programs? 1) 2) 3) . Name your two favourite television personalities. (You may give character or actual name). 1) 2) Which television character or personality do you most identify with? The language of the television programming I do watch is: (please circle one). • ( 1 ) ( 2 ) (3)- (4) ( 5 ) - -A l l English Mostly English Equal English Mostly Asian A l l Asian Language Language and Asian Language Language The language of the television programming I would prefer to watch is: (please circle one). .......(1) ( 2 ) (3) - - ( 4 ) ( 5 ) - -A l l English Mostly English Equal English Mostly Asian A l l Asian Language Language and Asian Language Language 66 6. If your answers for questions #4 and #5 do not match, what.is/are the main reason(s) for the discrepancy? (1) Availability of Asian Language Programs (2) Quality of Asian Language Programs (3) Understanding of Asian Language Programs (4) Availability of English Language Programs (5) Quality of English Language Programs (6) Understanding of English Language Programs (7) Program Selection of Other Family Members (8) Other (please specify): (9) My answers for #4 and #5 do match II. Family Influence on Viewing - please circle the data point corresponding to your response. 7. While growing up, how much influence did your parents or family members have over the amount of television viewing you watched? (4) - (5) ( 6 ) - -Relatively Very Weak No Influence Weak Influence 8. While growing up, how much influence did your parents or family members have over the selection of television programs you watched? — ( 1 ) (2 ) - -Very Strong Relatively Influence Strong Moderate Influence (3) 67 9. How important is it, in general, for parents or family members to monitor and regulate their children's television viewing? ......(1) ( 2 ) - ( 3 ) - - (4) ( 5 ) - ~ Extremely Very Moderately Mildly Not at A l l Important Important Important Important Important III. Ethnic Representation A) Questions #10 -17 refer to your own specific Asian group (that is, Chinese or Japanese or Korean or Vietnamese, etc.). 10. How important is it to you to see members of your own Asian group on English language television programs? - - ( 1 ) - - - - ( 2 ) - (3) (4) (5) ( 6 ) ~ -Very Moderately Mildly Mildly Moderately Very Important Important Important Unimportant Unimportant Unimportant 11. How often do you see members of your own Asian group during your English language television viewing? ( 1 ) - - - ( 2 ) (3) (4) (5) ( 6 ) -Always Very Moderately Moderately Very Never Often Often Seldom Seldom 12. How has the number of members of your own Asian group on English language television programs changed in recent years? ( 1 ) - - ( 2 ) (3) - (4) (5) Many More Somewhat More About Somewhat Fewer Many Fewer Appearances Appearances The Same Appearances Appearances 13. The number of members of your own Asian group on English language television is: • - - ( 1 ) - - (2) ----- (3)- -(4) (5 ) - -Far Too Somewhat About The Somewhat Far Too Few Too Few Right Number Too Many Many 68 14. How important is it to you to see members of your own Asian group on Asian language television programs? - ( 1 ) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6) ( 7 ) - -Very Moderately Mildly Mildly Moderately Very Don't Watch Important Important Important Unimportant Unimportant Unimportant Asian Lng. 15. How often do you see members of your own Asian group during your Asian language television viewing? - - ( 1 ) ( 2 ) - ( 3 ) - ( 4 ) - ---(5) - - ( 6 ) ( 7 ) - -Always Very Moderately Moderately Very Never Don't Watch Often Often Seldom Seldom Asian Language 16. How has the number of members of your own Asian group on Asian language television programs changed in recent years? (1) (2). (3) - - ( 4 ) (5) ( 6 ) - -Many More Somewhat More About Somewhat Fewer Many Fewer Don't Watch Appearances Appearances The Same Appearances Appearances Asian Lng. 17. The number of members of your own Asian group on Asian language television is: (1) ( 2 ) . - . ( 3) (4) -(5) ( 6 ) - -Far Too Somewhat About The Somewhat Far Too Don't Watch Few Too Few Right Number Too Many Many Asian Language B) Questions #18 - 25 refer to Asian people of all groups (that is, Chinese and Japanese and Korean and Vietnamese, etc.). 18. How important is it to you to see Asian people of all groups on English language television programs? (1) (2)- (3) (4) - - ( 5 ) ( 6 ) - -Very Moderately Mildly Mildly Moderately Very Important Important Important Unimportant Unimportant Unimportant 69 19. How often do you see Asian people of all groups during your English language television viewing? - - (1) ( 2 ) - - (3) - (4) (5) (6 ) -Always Very Moderately Moderately Very Never Often Often Seldom Seldom 20. How has the number of appearances of Asian people of all groups on English language television programs changed in recent years? (1) ( 2 ) ( 3 ) - -(4) ( 5 ) ~ -Many More Somewhat More About Somewhat Fewer Many Fewer Appearances Appearances The Same Appearances Appearances 21. The number of Asian people of all groups on English language television is: (1) (2)-- - --(3) (4) (5 ) - -Far Too Somewhat About The Somewhat Far Too Few Too Few Right Number Too Many Many 22. How important is it to you to see Asian people of all groups on Asian language television programs? - ( 1 ) (2)-- - - ( 3 ) - - ( 4 ) - ( 5 ) - - (6) ( 7 ) - -Very Moderately Mildly Mildly Moderately Very Don't Watch Important Important Important Unimportant Unimportant Unimportant Asian Lng. 23. How often do you see Asian people of all groups during your Asian language television viewing? - - - ( 1 ) - ( 2 ) (3) ( 4 ) - -(5) (6) ( 7 ) - -Always Very Moderately Moderately Very Never Don't Watch Often Often Seldom Seldom Asian Language 24. How has the number of appearances of Asian people of all groups on Asian language television programs changed in recent years? (1) - - - (2) - (3) (4) (5) (6 ) - -Many More Somewhat More About Somewhat Fewer Many Fewer Don't Watch Appearances Appearances The Same Appearances Appearances Asian Lng. 70 25. The number of Asian people of all groups on Asian language television is: - - ( 1 ) - - - ( 2 ) - - (3) (4) (5) ( 6 ) - -Far Too Somewhat About The Somewhat Far Too Don't Watch Few Too Few Right Number Too Many Many Asian Language C) Questions #26 - 33 refer to African-North American people (i.e., Black, African-American, African-Canadian, etc.). 26. How important is it to you to see African-North American people on English language television programs? - - - ( 1 ) ( 2 ) - ( 3 ) -(4) (5) ( 6 ) - -Very Moderately Mildly Mildly Moderately Very Important Important Important Unimportant Unimportant Unimportant 27. How often do you see African-North American people during your English language television viewing? ( 1 ) - - ( 2 ) - - (3) (4) (5) (6 ) -Always Very Moderately Moderately Very Never Often Often Seldom Seldom 28. How has the number of appearances of African-North American people on English language television programs changed in recent years? "(I) -(2) (3) (4) ( 5 ) - - -Many More Somewhat More About Somewhat Fewer Many Fewer Appearances Appearances The Same Appearances Appearances 29. The number of African-North American people on English language television is: - - - ( 1 ) - ( 2 ) (3) - - ( 4 ) (5) - -Far Too Somewhat About The Somewhat Far Too Few Too Few Right Number Too Many Many 30. How important is it to you to see African-North American people on Asian language television programs? - ( 1 ) (2)-- - - (3) - (4) - (5) (6) (7) Very Moderately Mildly Mildly Moderately Very Don't Watch Important Important Important Unimportant Unimportant Unimportant Asian Lng. 71 31. How often do you see African-North American people during your Asian language television viewing? - - ( 1 ) - - ( 2 ) ( 3 ) -(4) (5) - - ( 6 ) ( 7 ) - -Always Very Moderately Moderately Very Never Don't Watch Often Often Seldom Seldom Asian Language 32. How has the number of appearances of African-North American people on Asian language television programs changed in recent years? ( 1 ) - ( 2 ) - (3) - - (4) - - ( 5 ) ( 6 ) - -Many More Somewhat More About Somewhat Fewer Many Fewer Don't Watch Appearances Appearances The Same Appearances Appearances Asian Lng. 33. The number of African-North American people on Asian language television is: (1) ( 2 ) ( 3 ) - -(4) -(5) (6)--Far Too Somewhat About The Somewhat Far Too Don't Watch Few Too Few Right Number Too Many Many Asian Language D) Questions #34 - 41 refer to visible minority ethnic groups other than those already mentioned (for example, Indo-North American, First Nations, etc.). 34. How important is it to you to see members of other visible minority ethnic groups on English language television programs? (1) ( 2 ) - ( 3 ) - - - - (4) - - ( 5 ) ( 6 ) - -Very Moderately Mildly Mildly Moderately Very Important Important Important Unimportant Unimportant Unimportant 35. How often do you see members of other visible ethnic minority groups during your English language television viewing? ( 1 ) ( 2 ) - - (3) - - - ( 4 ) (5) ( 6 ) - -Always Very Moderately Moderately Very Never Often Often Seldom Seldom 72 36. How has the number of appearances of members of other visible ethnic minority groups on English language television programs changed in recent years? - - " ( I ) (2) - - ( 3 ) - - (4) ( 5 ) - -Many More Somewhat More About Somewhat Fewer Many Fewer Appearances Appearances The Same Appearances Appearances 37. The number of members of other visible minority ethnic groups on English language television is: - - ( 1 ) ( 2 ) - ( 3 ) ( 4 ) - - (5)-~ Far Too Somewhat About The Somewhat Far Too Few Too Few Right Number Too Many Many 38. How important is it to you to see members of other visible minority ethnic groups on Asian language television programs? - ( 1 ) (2)-- - - (3) - - ( 4 ) (5) (6) ( 7 ) - -Very Moderately Mildly Mildly Moderately Very Don't Watch Important Important Important Unimportant Unimportant Unimportant Asian Lng. 39. How often do you see members of other visible ethnic minority groups during your Asian language television viewing? - - ( 1 ) ( 2 ) - - - ( 3 ) - (4) (5) (6) ( 7 ) - -Always Very Moderately Moderately Very Never Don't Watch Often Often Seldom Seldom Asian Language 40. How has the number of appearances of members of other visible ethnic minority groups on Asian language television programs changed in recent years? ( 1 ) - - - ( 2 ) - - - ( 3 ) - - (4) (5) ( 6 ) - -Many More Somewhat More About Somewhat Fewer Many Fewer Don't Watch Appearances Appearances The Same Appearances Appearances Asian Lng. 41. The number of members of other visible ethnic minority groups on Asian language television is: (1) (2) - (3) (4) (5) ( 6 ) - -Far Too Somewhat About The Somewhat Far Too Don't Watch Few Too Few Right Number Too Many Many Asian Lng. 73 IV. Realism of Representations 42. How realistic are the portrayals of North American life and society in general on English language television? (1) ( 2 ) ( 3 ) - - - ( 4 ) - (5) ( 6 ) - -Very Moderately Mildly Mildly Moderately Very Realistic Realistic Realistic Unrealistic Unrealistic Unrealistic 43. How realistic are the portrayals of the life and society of people of your own Asian group on English language television? ( 1 ) " - - ( 2 ) - (3) (4) - - (5 ) ( 6 ) - -Very Moderately Mildly Mildly Moderately Very Realistic Realistic Realistic Unrealistic Unrealistic Unrealistic 44. How realistic do most North Americans believe the portrayals of people of your own Asian group on English language television to be? (1) (2) (3) — ( 4 ) (5) ( 6 ) — Very Moderately Mildly Mildly Moderately Very Realistic Realistic Realistic Unrealistic Unrealistic Unrealistic 45. How have the portrayals of members of your own Asian group on English language television changed in recent years? ( 1 ) - - - - (2) (3)- (4) (5)-— Much More Somewhat More About Somewhat Less Much Less Stereotypical Stereotypical The Same Stereotypical Stereotypical 46. How do the portrayals of your own Asian group on television affect most North American's attitudes about this group? - - 0 ) - - " ( 2 ) - - - ( 3 ) -(4) ( 5 ) - -Very Somewhat Neither Positively Somewhat Very Positively Positively nor Negatively Negatively Negatively 74 47. How realistic are the portrayals of the lives and cultures of Asian people on English language television? (1) (2)- - - ( 3 ) (4) (5) ( 6 ) - -Very Moderately Mildly Mildly Moderately Very Realistic Realistic Realistic Unrealistic Unrealistic Unrealistic 48. How realistic do most North Americans believe the portrayals of Asian people on English language television to be? --(1) (2) - - ( 3 ) - - (4) - - ( 5 ) (6) Very Moderately Mildly Mildly Moderately Very Realistic Realistic Realistic Unrealistic Unrealistic Unrealistic 49. How have the portrayals of Asian people and characters on English language television changed in recent years? ( 1 ) - " ( 2 ) (3) (4) ( 5 ) - -Much More Somewhat More About Somewhat Less Much Less Stereotypical Stereotypical The Same Stereotypical Stereotypical 50. How do the portrayals of Asian people on television affect most North American's attitudes about this group? ( 1 ) ( 2 ) (3) (4) (5)-Very Somewhat Neither Positively Somewhat Very Positively Positively nor Negatively Negatively Negatively V. Dating and Relationships 51. How realistic are the portrayals of dating and romantic relationships on English language television? - - - ( 1 ) - ( 2 ) - - (3) -(4) - ( 5 ) ( 6 ) - -Very Moderately Mildly Mildly Moderately Very Realistic Realistic Realistic Unrealistic Unrealistic Unrealistic 75 52. How frequently do you see interracial dating and romantic relationships involving Asian characters on English language television? - - ( 1 ) - - (2)- - (3) ( 4 ) - - - ( 5 ) (6)~ Always Very Moderately Moderately Very Never Often Often Seldom Seldom 53. How realistic are the portrayals of interracial dating and romantic relationships involving Asian characters on English language television? . . . . . (1) ( 2 ) - - (3) (4) (5) (6) -Very Moderately Mildly Mildly Moderately Very Realistic Realistic Realistic Unrealistic Unrealistic Unrealistic 54. How frequently do you see interracial dating and romantic relationships involving Asian characters on Asian language television? - - ( 1 ) - - ( 2 ) - ( 3 ) - ( 4 ) - - - ( 5 ) (6) ( 7 ) - -Always Very Moderately Moderately Very Never Don't Watch Often Often Seldom Seldom Asian Language 55. How realistic are the portrayals of interracial dating and romantic relationships involving Asian characters on Asian language television? - - ( 1 ) (2) ---(3) - ( 4 ) (5) (6)-Very Moderately Mildly Mildly Moderately Very Realistic Realistic Realistic Unrealistic Unrealistic Unrealistic 56. To what extent have your personal expectations concerning dating and romantic relationships been influenced by or learned from English language television? — ( 1 ) - - - ( 2 ) - (3) ----- (4) - ( 5 ) -Not at A l l Slightly Moderately Strongly A Great Deal 57. To what extent have your personal expectations concerning dating and romantic relationships been influenced by or learned from Asian language television? - - ( 1 ) - - " ( 2 ) - (3) - - - ( 4 ) - -(5) (6) Not Slightly Moderately Strongly A Great Don't Watch at A l l Deal Asian Language 76 58. To what extent have your personal expectations concerning dating and romantic relationships been influenced by or learned from parents or other family members? - - ( 1 ) - - ( 2 ) ( 3 ) - - -(4) (5) Not at A l l Slightly Moderately Strongly A Great Deal 59. How strongly do the values and standards concerning dating and relationships expressed on English language television resemble those expressed by your parents or family members? - - ( 1 ) - - ( 2 ) - (3) (4) ( 5 ) — Not at A l l Slightly Moderately Strongly A Great Deal 60. How strongly do the values and standards concerning dating and relationships expressed on Asian language television resemble those expressed by your parents or family members? - ( 1 ) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6) Not Slightly Moderately Strongly A Great Don't Watch at A l l Deal Asian Language 61. Have you used an expression or saying which you learned from television in a romantic situation? - - - ( 1 ) - - - ( 2 ) (3) (4) ( 5 ) -Frequently Often Occasionally Rarely Never If you have, please give one or more examples: VI. Friendships 62. To what extent have your behaviours and ideas about interacting with friends been influenced by or learned from English language television? — ( 1 ) - ( 2 ) - - " ( 3 ) (4) ( 5 ) - - -Not at A l l Slightly Moderately Substantially A Great Deal 77 63. To what extent have your behaviours and ideas about interacting with friends been influenced by or learned from Asian language television? ( 1 ) - - — ( 2 ) (3) - (4) ( 5 ) - -Not at A l l Slightly Moderately Substantially A Great Deal 64. To what extent have your behaviours and ideas about interacting with friends been influenced by or learned from parents or family members? (1). . . ( 2 ) ( 3 ) - - -(4) ( 5 ) - -Not at A l l Slightly Moderately Substantially A Great Deal 65. How similar are your parents'/family members' expectations for young people's friendships to the friendship interactions of people your own age on English language television? (1) (2)- - - (3) (4) (5) Not at A l l Slightly Moderately Substantially A Great Deal 66. How similar are your parents'/family members' expectations for young people's friendships to the friendship interactions of people your own age on Asian language television? ( 1 ) - ( 2 ) - (3) (4) (5) Not at A l l Slightly Moderately Substantially A Great Deal VI. Family and Televised Values 67. In general, how acceptable to you personally are the values and behaviours of people on English language television? ......(1) ( 2 ) (3) - (4) (5) ( 6 ) - -Very Moderately Mildly Mildly Moderately Very Acceptable Acceptable Acceptable Unacceptable Unacceptable Unacceptable 68. My program choices are influenced by the values and behaviours of people on English language television. - - ( 1 ) (2) (3) - (4) (5) (6)~~ Strongly Moderately Mildly Mildly Moderately Strongly Agree Agree Agree Disagree Disagree Disagree 78 It is my impression that most European (white) Canadians find the values and behaviours of people on English language television: - - - ( 1 ) - - - ( 2 ) (3)- (4) (5) (6)-~ Very Moderately Mildly Mildly Moderately Very Acceptable Acceptable Acceptable Unacceptable Unacceptable Unacceptable It is my impression that most members of my own Asian-Canadian group find the values and behaviours of people on English language television: - - ( 1 ) - ( 2 ) " - - ( 3 ) - - ( 4 ) - - ( 5 ) (6)~~ Very Moderately Mildly Mildly Moderately Very Acceptable Acceptable Acceptable Unacceptable Unacceptable Unacceptable It is my impression that most Asian-Canadian people of all groups find the values and behaviours of people on English language television: - - ( 1 ) - (2)-- (3) (4)- (5) ( 6 ) - -Very Moderately Mildly Mildly Moderately Very Acceptable Acceptable Acceptable Unacceptable Unacceptable Unacceptable How similar are the values and behaviours of people on English language television to the values and behaviours presented in your home (i.e. with family members)? - - ( 1 ) ( 2 ) - - ( 3 ) (4) (5) Not at A l l Slightly Moderately Substantially A Great Deal How similar are the values and behaviours of Asian people on English language television to the values and behaviours presented in your home (i.e. with family members)? ~ - - ( 1 ) " ( 2 ) - - " ( 3 ) - --(4) (5) Not at A l l Slightly Moderately Substantially A Great Deal In general, how acceptable to you personally are the values and behaviours of people on Asian language television? - ( 1 ) ( 2 ) - - -(3) -(4) - (5) (6) ~ - ( 7 ) ~ ~ Very Moderately Mildly Mildly Moderately Very Don't Watch Acceptable Acceptable Acceptable Unacceptable Unacceptable Unacceptable Asian Lng. 79 75. My program choices are influenced by the values and behaviours of people on Asian language television. - - (1) (2) - - ( 3 ) - - ( 4 ) (5) (6)- ~ - ( 7 ) ~ -Strongly Moderately Mildly Mildly Moderately Strongly Don't Watch Agree Agree Agree Disagree Disagree Disagree Asian Language 76. It is my impression that most European (white) Canadian people find the values and behaviours of people on Asian language television: - ( 1 ) - - ( 2 ) - - - (3) - - ( 4 ) - - - - ( 5 ) ( 6 ) - - ~ » ( 7 ) ~ Very Moderately Mildly Mildly Moderately Very Don't Watch Acceptable Acceptable Acceptable Unacceptable Unacceptable Unacceptable Asian Lng. 77. It is my impression that most people of my own Asian group find the values and behaviours of people on Asian language television: ...(1) ( 2 ) ( 3) (4) - - (5) (6) ( 7 ) - -Very Moderately Mildly Mildly Moderately Very Don't Watch Acceptable Acceptable Acceptable Unacceptable Unacceptable Unacceptable Asian Lng. 78. It is my impression that most Asian-Canadian people of all groups find the values and behaviours of people on Asian language television: - ( 1 ) (2) (3) - - ( 4 ) - - - (5) (6) a y -Very Moderately Mildly Mildly Moderately Very Don't Watch Acceptable Acceptable Acceptable Unacceptable Unacceptable Unacceptable Asian Lng. 79. How closely do the values and behaviours of people and characters on Asian language television resemble the values and standards presented in your home (i.e. with family members)? - - ( 1 ) (2) --(3) ( 4 ) — - ( 5 ) (6) -Not Slightly Moderately Substantially A Great Don't Watch At A l l Deal Asian Language 80. How closely do the values and behaviours of Asian people and characters on Asian language television follow those presented in your home (i.e. with family members)? (1) ( 2 ) - ( 3 ) (4) (5) ( 6 ) - -Not Slightly Moderately Substantially A Great Don't Watch At A l l Deal Asian Language 80 In high school or university, how often have you tried to be or act like a person or character you have seen on English language television. (1) (2) . . . - ( 3 ) - - - ( 4 ) ( 5 ) -Very Moderately Occasionally Very Never Often Often Rarely 82. If you have, please give one or more examples: 83. I have one or more friends who have attempted to be or act like a person or character they have seen on English language television. ( 1 ) - " ( 2 ) ( 3 ) - - (4) - - (5 ) ( 6 ) - -Strongly Moderately Mildly Mildly Moderately Strongly Agree Agree Agree Disagree Disagree Disagree 84. In high school or university, how often have you tried to be or act like a person or character you have seen on Asian language television. ( 1 ) - " ( 2 ) - (3) (4) (5) (6)--Very Moderately Occasionally Very Never Don't Watch Often Often Rarely Asian Language 85. If you have, please give one or more examples: 86. I have one or more friends who have attempted to be or act like a person or character they have seen on Asian language television. - - ( 1 ) - - ( 2 ) — ( 3 ) (4)- (5) ( 6 ) - -Strongly Moderately Mildly Mildly Moderately Strongly Agree Agree Agree Disagree Disagree Disagree 81 VIII. Occupational Presentations 87. To what extent has the presentation of occupations and the workplace for all characters on English language television influenced your career goals and choices? - - ( 1 ) - - ( 2 ) - ( 3 ) - - - ( 4 ) ( 5 ) - ~ Not at A l l Slightly Moderately Substantially A Great Deal 88. To what extent has the presentation of occupations and the workplace for Asian characters on English language television influenced your career goals? - - - ( 1 ) - - - - (2) (3) - ( 4 ) ( 5 ) - -Not at A l l Slightly Moderately Substantially A Great Deal 89. To what extent has the presentation of occupations and the workplace for all characters on Asian language television influenced your career goals and choices? - ( 1 ) - " ( 2 ) (3)- (4) (5) ( 6 ) - -Not Slightly Moderately Substantially A Great Don't Watch At A l l Deal Asian Language 90. To what extent has the presentation of occupations and the workplace for characters from your own Asian group on Asian language television influenced your career goals? --(1) (2)-- (3) - ( 4 ) - - ( 5 ) ( 6 ) ~ -Not Slightly Moderately Substantially A Great Don't Watch At A l l Deal Asian Language 82 Appendix B: Television Questionnaire (non-Asian Participants) Personal Viewing Preferences (Note: When answering questions concerning television programs, you may consider programs and characters from all countries). What are your three favourite television programs? 1) _ 2) 3) _ Name your two favourite television personalities. (You may give character or actual name). 1) . 2) . Which television character or personality do you most identify with? The language of the television programming I dp watch is: (please circle one). . . . . . . . (1 ) ( 2 ) - (3)- _ ( 4 ) (5) - -A l l English Mostly English Equal English Mostly Other A l l Other Language Language and Other Language Language The language of the television programming I would prefer to watch is: (please circle one). (1) (2) — ( 3 ) (4) (5) A l l English Mostly English Equal English Mostly Other A l l Other Language Language and Othe Language Language 83 6. If your answers for questions #4 and #5 do not match, what is/are the main reason(s) for the discrepancy? (1) Availability of Other Language Programs (2) Quality of Other Language Programs (3) Understanding of Other Language Programs (4) Availability of English Language Programs (5) Quality of English Language Programs (6) Understanding of English Language Programs (7) Program Selection of Other Family Members (8) Other (please specify): (9) My answers for #4 and #5 do match //. Family Influence on Viewing - please circle the data point corresponding to your response. 7. While growing up, how much influence did your parents or family members have over the amount of television viewing you watched? (2) (3) - - ( 4 ) (5) ( 6 ) - -Very Strong Relatively Moderate Relatively Very Weak No Influence Influence Strong Influence Weak Influence 8. While growing up, how much influence did your parents or family members have over the selection of television programs you watched? - - ( 1 ) - ( 2 ) (3) (4) -(5) ( 6 ) - -Very Strong Relatively Moderate Relatively Very Weak No Influence Influence Strong Influence Weak Influence 84 9. How important is it, in general, for parents or family members to monitor and regulate their children's television viewing? " ( 2 ) - - ( 3 ) - - - - - ( 4 ) ( 5 ) - -Extremely Very Moderately Mildly Not At A l l Important Important Important Important Important III. Ethnic Representation A) Questions #10 -17 refer to your own specific ethnic group (that is, Italian or South-Asian or French or Japanese, etc.). 10. How important is it to you to see members of your own ethnic group on English language television programs? (1) (2) (3) (4) - - ( 5 ) ( 6 ) - -Very Moderately Mildly Mildly Moderately Very Important Important Important Unimportant Unimportant Unimportant 11. How often do you see members of your own ethnic group during your English language television viewing? - - ( 1 ) ( 2 ) (3) - - ( 4 ) (5) (6 ) -Always Very Moderately Moderately Very Never Often Often Seldom Seldom 12. How has the number of members of your own ethnic group on English language television programs changed in recent years? ( 1 ) - - - ( 2 ) ~ - (3) (4) (5) Many More Somewhat More About Somewhat Fewer Many Fewer Appearances Appearances The Same Appearances Appearances 13. The number of members of your own ethnic group on English language television is: ( 2 ) - ( 3 ) - ----- (4) (5 ) - -Far Too Somewhat About The Somewhat Far Too Few Too Few Right Number Too Many Many 85 14. How important is it to you to see members of your own ethnic group on Other language television programs? - ( 1 ) (2)- - - (3)-- ( 4 ) - - -(5) (6) (7)~~ Very Moderately Mildly Mildly Moderately Very Don't Watch Important Important Important Unimportant Unimportant Unimportant Other Lng. 15. How often do you see members of your own ethnic group during your Other language television viewing? - - ( 1 ) - - ( 2 ) - ( 3 ) - - ( 4 ) - - -(5) (6) ( 7 ) - -Always Very Moderately Moderately Very Never Don't Watch Often Often Seldom Seldom Other Language 16. How has the number of members of your own ethnic group on Other language television programs changed in recent years? ( 1 ) - - - ( 2 ) - - (3) - (4) (5) (6)--Many More Somewhat More About Somewhat Fewer Many Fewer Don't Watch Appearances Appearances The Same Appearances Appearances Other Lng. 17. The number of members of your own ethnic group on Other language television is: - - ( 1 ) - - (2) (3) - (4)- - (5) ( 6 ) - -Far Too Somewhat About The Somewhat Far Too Don't Watch Few Too Few Right Number Too Many Many Other Language B) Questions #18 - 25 refer to Asian people of all groups (that is, Chinese and Japanese and Korean and Vietnamese, etc.). 18. How important is it to you to see Asian people of all groups on English language television programs? ( 2 ) - - (3) - (4) (5) ( 6 ) - -Very Moderately Mildly Mildly Moderately Very Important Important Important Unimportant Unimportant Unimportant 86 19. How often do you see Asian people of all groups during your English language television viewing? ....(1) (2) ( 3 ) - - (4) (5) ( 6 ) -Always Very Moderately Moderately Very Never Often Often Seldom Seldom 20. How has the number of appearances of Asian people of all groups on English language television programs changed in recent years? ( 1 ) ( 2 ) (3) (4) ( 5 ) - -Many More Somewhat More About Somewhat Fewer Many Fewer Appearances Appearances The Same Appearances Appearances 21. The number of Asian people of all groups on English language television is: (1) - - (2) (3) (4) (5 ) - -Far Too Somewhat About The Somewhat Far Too Few Too Few Right Number Too Many Many 22. How important is it to you to see Asian people of all groups on Other language television programs? - ( 1 ) ( 2 ) - - (3) (4) (5) (6) ( 7 ) - -Very Moderately Mildly Mildly Moderately Very Don't Watch Important Important Important Unimportant Unimportant Unimportant Other Lng. 23. How often do you see Asian people of all groups during your Other language television viewing? •-(1) ( 2 ) - - ( 3 ) - - - ( 4 ) - (5) - ( 6 ) ( 7 ) - -Always Very Moderately Moderately Very Never Don't Watch Often Often Seldom Seldom Other Language 24. How has the number of appearances of Asian people of all groups on Other language television programs changed in recent years? ( 1 ) - ( 2 ) - (3) - - - ( 4 ) (5) (6)~~ Many More Somewhat More About Somewhat Fewer Many Fewer Don't Watch Appearances Appearances The Same Appearances Appearances Other Lng. 87 25. The number of Asian people of all groups on Other language television is: - - ( 1 ) - - ( 2 ) - ( 3 ) - - -(4)- (5) ( 6 ) - -Far Too Somewhat About The Somewhat Far Too Don't Watch Few Too Few Right Number Too Many Many Other Language C) Questions #26 - 33 refer to African-North American people (i.e., Black, African-American, African-Canadian, etc.). 26. How important is it to you to see African-North American people on English language television programs? -(2) (3) (4) (5) ( 6 ) ~ -Very Moderately Mildly Mildly Moderately Very Important Important Important Unimportant Unimportant Unimportant 27. How often do you see African-North American people during your English language television viewing? - - ( 1 ) - - ( 2 ) - - (3) (4) (5) (6 ) -Always Very Moderately Moderately Very Never Often Often Seldom Seldom 28. How has the number of appearances of African-North American people on English language television programs changed in recent years? (1) . . . . ( 2 ) (3) - ( 4 ) ( 5 ) - -Many More Somewhat More About Somewhat Fewer Many Fewer Appearances Appearances The Same Appearances Appearances 29. The number of African-North American people on English language television is: - - ( 1 ) - - - ( 2 ) - ( 3 ) ( 4 ) - - - - ( 5 ) - -Far Too Somewhat About The Somewhat Far Too Few Too Few Right Number Too Many Many 30. How important is it to you to see African-North American people on Other language television programs? ...(1) ( 2 ) (3) (4) (5) (6) ( 7 ) - -Very Moderately Mildly Mildly Moderately Very Don't Watch Important Important Important Unimportant Unimportant Unimportant Other Lng. 88 31. How often do you see African-North American people during your Other language television viewing? ....(1) ( 2 ) - - (3) ( 4 ) - - (5) - - ( 6 ) ( 7 ) - -Always Very Moderately Moderately Very Never Don't Watch Often Often Seldom Seldom Other Language 32. How has the number of appearances of African-North American people on Other language television programs changed in recent years? ( 1 ) - - ( 2 ) (3) (4) (5) ( 6 ) - -Many More Somewhat More About Somewhat Fewer Many Fewer Don't Watch Appearances Appearances The Same Appearances Appearances Other Lng. 33. The number of African-North American people on Other language television is: - - ( 1 ) (2) (3) - - - ( 4 ) (5) ( 6 ) - -Far Too Somewhat About The Somewhat Far Too Don't Watch Few Too Few Right Number Too Many Many Other Language D) Questions #34 - 41 refer to visible minority ethnic groups other than those already mentioned (for example, Indo-North American, First Nations, etc.). 34. How important is it to you to see members of other visible minority ethnic groups on English language television programs? -(1) (2)-- - ( 3 ) - - - (4) - - ( 5 ) ( 6 ) - -Very Moderately Mildly Mildly Moderately Very Important Important Important Unimportant Unimportant Unimportant 35. How often do you see members of other visible ethnic minority groups during your English language television viewing? - - ( 1 ) - " ( 2 ) ( 3 ) - - (4) (5) (6 ) -Always Very Moderately Moderately Very Never Often Often Seldom Seldom 89 36. How has the number of appearances of members of other visible ethnic minority groups on English language television programs changed in recent years? ( 1 ) - - - ( 2 ) ( 3 ) - - - - (4 ) (5) Many More Somewhat More About Somewhat Fewer Many Fewer Appearances Appearances The Same Appearances Appearances 37. The number of members of other visible minority ethnic groups on English language television is: - - (1) - - ( 2 ) - - ( 3 ) - - - ( 4 ) (5 ) - -Far Too Somewhat About The Somewhat Far Too Few Too Few Right Number Too Many Many 38. How important is it to you to see members of other visible minority ethnic groups on Other language television programs? - ( 1 ) (2) - - (3) ( 4 ) - - - ( 5 ) (6) ( 7 ) - -Very Moderately Mildly Mildly Moderately Very Don't Watch Important Important Important Unimportant Unimportant Unimportant Other Lng. 39. How often do you see members of other visible ethnic minority groups during your Other language television viewing? --(1) (2) - (3) (4) ( 5 ) - - - (6 ) ( 7 ) - -Always Very Moderately Moderately Very Never Don't Watch Often Often Seldom Seldom Other Language 40. How has the number of appearances of members of other visible ethnic minority groups on Other language television programs changed in recent years? "(1) (2) ( 3 ) - - - ( 4 ) (5) ( 6 ) - -Many More Somewhat More About Somewhat Fewer Many Fewer Don't Watch Appearances Appearances The Same Appearances Appearances Other Lng. 41. The number of members of other visible ethnic minority groups on Other language television is: (1) ( 2 ) - - ( 3 ) - - -(4) (5) ( 6 ) - -Far Too Somewhat About The Somewhat Far Too Don't Watch Few Too Few Right Number Too Many Many Other Language 90 IV. Realism of Representations 42. How realistic are the portrayals of North American life and society in general on English language television? (1) (2) - - - ( 3 ) - - - ( 4 ) - - - - ( 5 ) ( 6 ) - -Very Moderately Mildly Mildly Moderately Very Realistic Realistic Realistic Unrealistic Unrealistic Unrealistic 43. How realistic are the portrayals of the life and society of people of your own ethnic group on English language television? (1) (2)- - ( 3 ) - - ( 4 ) - (5) (6)-Very Moderately Mildly Mildly Moderately ' Very Realistic Realistic Realistic Unrealistic Unrealistic Unrealistic 44. How realistic do most North Americans believe the portrayals of people of your own ethnic group on English language television to be? (1) ( 2 ) (3) -(4) (5) ( 6 ) - -Very Moderately Mildly Mildly Moderately Very Realistic Realistic Realistic Unrealistic Unrealistic Unrealistic 45. How have the portrayals of members of your own ethnic group on English language television changed in recent years? ( 1 ) - ( 2 ) - - (3)- (4) ( 5 ) - -Much More Somewhat More About Somewhat Less Much Less Stereotypical Stereotypical The Same Stereotypical Stereotypical 46. How do the portrayals of your own ethnic group on television affect most North American's attitudes about this group? ( 1 ) - - - ( 2 ) - - (3)- (4) (5) -Very Somewhat Neither Positively Somewhat Very Positively Positively nor Negatively Negatively Negatively 91 47. How realistic are the portrayals of the lives and cultures of Asian-Canadian people on English language television? — - ( 1 ) - - - (2) (3) (4) -(5) ( 6 ) - -Very Moderately Mildly Mildly Moderately Very Realistic Realistic Realistic Unrealistic Unrealistic Unrealistic 48. How realistic do most North Americans believe the portrayals of Asian-Canadian people on English language television to be? ( 2 ) (3)- - - (4) (5) ( 6 ) - -Very Moderately Mildly Mildly Moderately Very Realistic Realistic Realistic Unrealistic Unrealistic Unrealistic 49. How have the portrayals of Asian-Canadian people and characters on English language television changed in recent years? (1) ( 2 ) (3)- - - ( 4 ) ( 5 ) - -Much More Somewhat More About Somewhat Less Much Less Stereotypical Stereotypical The Same Stereotypical Stereotypical 50. How do the portrayals of Asian-Canadian people on television affect most North American's attitudes about this group? - - ( 1 ) (2) ( 3 ) - - (4) ( 5 ) - -Very Somewhat Neither Positively Somewhat Very Positively Positively nor Negatively Negatively Negatively V. Dating and Relationships 51 . How realistic are the portrayals of dating and romantic relationships on English language television? - - 0 ) (2) (3) (4) (5) ( 6 ) - -Very Moderately Mildly Mildly Moderately Very Realistic Realistic Realistic Unrealistic Unrealistic Unrealistic 92 52. How frequently do you see interracial dating and romantic relationships involving characters from your own ethnic group on English language television? - - ( 1 ) - " ( 2 ) ( 3 ) - --(4) - - ( 5 ) (6)~ Always Very Moderately Moderately Very Never Often Often Seldom Seldom 53. How realistic are the portrayals of interracial dating and romantic relationships involving characters from your own ethnic group on English language television? .....(I) ( 2 ) (3) (4) (5) ( 6 ) - -Very Moderately Mildly Mildly Moderately Very Realistic Realistic Realistic Unrealistic Unrealistic Unrealistic 54. How frequently do you see interracial dating and romantic relationships involving characters from your own ethnic group on Other language television? - - ( 1 ) - - ( 2 ) - - ( 3 ) - - ( 4 ) - - - ( 5 ) (6) ( 7 ) - -Always Very Moderately Moderately Very Never Don't Watch Often Often Seldom Seldom Other Language 55. How realistic are the portrayals of interracial dating and romantic relationships involving characters from your own ethnic group on Other language television? ( 2 ) (3) (4) (5) ( 6 ) - ~ Very Moderately Mildly Mildly Moderately Very Realistic Realistic Realistic Unrealistic Unrealistic Unrealistic 56. To what extent have your personal expectations concerning dating and romantic relationships been influenced by or learned from English language television? —"(I) (2)- ---(3) (4) ( 5 ) - -Not at A l l Slightly Moderately Strongly A Great Deal 57. To what extent have your personal expectations concerning dating and romantic relationships been influenced by or learned from Other language television? - ( 1 ) - " ( 2 ) (3) (4)- - - - ( 5 ) (6) Not Slightly Moderately Strongly A Great Don't Watch at A l l Deal Other Language 93 58. To what extent have your personal expectations concerning dating and romantic relationships been influenced by or learned from parents or other family members? - - ( 1 ) " - - - ( 2 ) - - - ( 3 ) - - - - (4) (5) Not at A l l Slightly Moderately Strongly A Great Deal 59. How strongly do the values and standards concerning dating and relationships expressed on English language television resemble those expressed by your parents or family members? ......(1) ( 2 ) ( 3 ) - - (4) (5) Not at A l l Slightly Moderately Strongly A Great Deal 60. How strongly do the values and standards concerning dating and relationships expressed on Other language television resemble those expressed by your parents or family members? --(1) ( 2 ) - ---(3) - - (4) (5) (6) Not Slightly Moderately Strongly A Great Don't Watch at A l l Deal Other Language 61. Have you used an expression or saying which you learned from television in a romantic situation? - - ( 1 ) - ( 2 ) (3) (4) ( 5 ) -Frequently Often Occasionally Rarely Never If you have, please give one or more examples: VI. Friendships 62. To what extent have your behaviours and ideas about interacting with friends been influenced by or learned from English language television? - - ( 1 ) - - ( 2 ) ----- (3) - (4) ( 5 ) - -Not at A l l Slightly Moderately Substantially A Great Deal 94 63. To what extent have your behaviours and ideas about interacting with friends been influenced by or learned from Other language television? - - ( 1 ) - - - ( 2 ) ( 3 ) - - ( 4 ) (5) Not at A l l Slightly Moderately Substantially A Great Deal 64. To what extent have your behaviours and ideas about interacting with friends been influenced by or learned from parents or family members? - ( 1 ) (2)- - - --(3) (4) ( 5 ) - -Not at A l l Slightly Moderately Substantially A Great Deal 65. How similar are your parents'/family members' expectations for young people's friendships to the friendship interactions of people your own age on English language television? - - ( 1 ) (2) (3) (4) ( 5 ) - -Not at A l l Slightly Moderately Substantially A Great Deal 66. How similar are your parents'/family members' expectations for young people's friendships to the friendship interactions of people your own age on Other language television? ......(1) (2) -(3) (4) ( 5 ) - -Not at A l l Slightly Moderately Substantially A Great Deal VI. Family and Televised Values 67. In general, how acceptable to you personally are the values and behaviours of people on English language television? - - ( 1 ) - " ( 2 ) ( 3 ) - - --(4) - - - ( 5 ) ( 6 ) » ~ Very Moderately Mildly Mildly Moderately Very Acceptable Acceptable Acceptable Unacceptable Unacceptable Unacceptable 68. My program choices are influenced by the values and behaviours of people on English language television. - ( 1 ) - ( 2 ) - ( 3 ) - - - ( 4 ) - - ( 5 ) ( 6 ) - -Strongly Moderately Mildly Mildly Moderately Strongly Agree Agree Agree Disagree Disagree Disagree 95 69. It is my impression that most European (white) Canadians find the values and behaviours of people on English language television: - - ( 1 ) - - (2) (3) - - ( 4 ) - - - ( 5 ) (6)~~ Very Moderately Mildly Mildly Moderately Very Acceptable Acceptable Acceptable Unacceptable Unacceptable Unacceptable 70. It is my impression that most members of my own ethnic group find the values and behaviours of people on English language television: - - ( 1 ) - - ( 2 ) - (3) - -(4) (5) ( 6 ) - -Very Moderately Mildly Mildly Moderately Very Acceptable Acceptable Acceptable Unacceptable Unacceptable Unacceptable 71. It is my impression that most Asian-Canadian people groups find the values and behaviours of people on English language television: - - ( 1 ) - - ( 2 ) (3) - (4) (5) ( 6 ) - -Very Moderately Mildly Mildly Moderately Very Acceptable Acceptable Acceptable Unacceptable Unacceptable Unacceptable 72. How similar are the values and behaviours of people on English language television to the values and behaviours presented in your home (i.e. with family members)? ( 1 ) - - - ( 2 ) - - (3) (4) ( 5 ) - - -Not at A l l Slightly Moderately Substantially A Great Deal 73. How similar are the values and behaviours of people from your own ethnic group on English language television to the values and behaviours presented in your home (i.e. with family members)? (1)~~ ~ - ( 2 ) ( 3 ) - ( 4 ) - - ( 5 ) - -Not at A l l Slightly Moderately Substantially A Great Deal 74. In general, how acceptable to you personally are the values and behaviours of people on Other language television? - ( 1 ) - ~ " ( 2 ) (3) (4) (5) - - ( 6 ) ( 7 ) -Very Moderately Mildly Mildly Moderately Very Don't Watch Acceptable Acceptable Acceptable Unacceptable Unacceptable Unacceptable Other Lng. 96 75. My program choices are influenced by the values and behaviours of people on Other language television. - - (1) ( 2 ) - - (3) ( 4 ) - - (5) (6) ( 7 ) - ~ Strongly Moderately Mildly Mildly Moderately Strongly Don't Watch Agree Agree Agree Disagree Disagree Disagree Other Lng. 76. It is my impression that most European (white) Canadian people find the values and behaviours of people on Other language television: - ( 1 ) (2)-- - ( 3 ) - - - ( 4 ) - - (5) (6) ( 7 ) -Very Moderately Mildly Mildly Moderately Very Don't Watch Acceptable Acceptable Acceptable Unacceptable Unacceptable Unacceptable Other Lng. 77. It is my impression that most people of my_ own ethnic group find the values and behaviours of people on Other language television: - ( 1 ) ( 2 ) - - -(3) - ( 4 ) (5) (6) ( 7 ) -Very Moderately Mildly Mildly Moderately Very Don't Watch Acceptable Acceptable Acceptable Unacceptable Unacceptable Unacceptable Other Lng. 78. It is my impression that most Asian-Canadian people find the values and behaviours of people on Other language television: - ( 1 ) (2) ( 3 ) - ( 4 ) - - - - ( 5 ) ( 6 ) - - - a y -Very Moderately Mildly Mildly Moderately Very Don't Watch Acceptable Acceptable Acceptable Unacceptable Unacceptable Unacceptable Other Lng. 79. How closely do the values and behaviours of people and characters on Other language television resemble the values and standards presented in your home (i.e. with family members)? - - ( 1 ) ( 2 ) - - (3) - - ( 4 ) (5) (6) Not Slightly Moderately Substantially A Great Don't Watch At A l l Deal Other Language 80. How closely do the values and behaviours of Asian people and characters on Other language television follow those presented in your home (i.e. with family members)? ....(1) ( 2 ) - - (3)- - - (4) - - ( 5 ) ( 6 ) ~ ~ Not Slightly Moderately Substantially A Great Don't Watch At A l l Deal Other Language 97 81. In high school or university, how often have you tried to be or act like a person or character you have seen on English language television. - ( 1 ) - - ( 2 ) - - - -(3) (4) ( 5 ) -Very Moderately Occasionally Very Never Often Often Rarely 82. If you have, please give one or more examples: 83. I have one or more friends who have attempted to be or act like a person or character they have seen on English language television. - - ( 1 ) (2) (3) ( 4 ) - - (5) ( 6 ) - -Strongly Moderately Mildly Mildly Moderately Strongly Agree Agree Agree Disagree Disagree Disagree 84. In high school or university, how often have you tried to be or act like a person or character you have seen on Other language television. --(1) (2)- — ( 3 ) ( 4 ) - - - - ( 5 ) ( 6 ) - -Very Moderately Occasionally Very Never Don't Watch Often Often Rarely Other Language 85. If you have, please give one or more examples: 86. I have one or more friends who have attempted to be or act like a person or character they have seen on Other language television. - - ( 1 ) ( 2 ) (3) (4) (5) (6)~~ Strongly Moderately Mildly Mildly Moderately Strongly Agree Agree Agree Disagree Disagree Disagree 98 VIII. Occupational Presentations 87. To what extent has the presentation of occupations and the workplace for all characters on English language television influenced your career goals and choices? " ( 2 ) - - - - ( 3 ) - - - (4 ) (5)~-Not at A l l Slightly Moderately Substantially A Great Deal 88. To what extent has the presentation of occupations and the workplace for characters from your own ethnic group on English language television influenced your career goals? - - ( 1 ) - ( 2 ) - - - ( 3 ) (4) (5) - -Not at A l l Slightly Moderately Substantially A Great Deal 89. To what extent has the presentation of occupations and the workplace for all characters on Other language television influenced your career goals and choices? - - ( 1 ) - - - - ( 2 ) - - -(3)- --(4) --(5) (6) - -Not Slightly Moderately Substantially A Great Don't Watch At A l l Deal Other Language 90. To what extent has the presentation of occupations and the workplace for characters from your own ethnic group on Other language television influenced your career goals? - - ( 1 ) (2) --(3)- - - ( 4 ) - - - ( 5 ) - - ~-(6)~-Not Slightly Moderately Substantially A Great Don't Watch At A l l Deal Other Language 99 Appendix C: Suinn-Lew Asian Self-Identity Scale To all Participants, This questionnaire has been designed to assess the ethnic identity of Asian people. We want to assess the degree to which you identify with your place and culture of origin, as well as the area and culture in which you currently reside. Some of our participants were born outside Canada, whereas others were born in Vancouver or elsewhere in Canada. For everyone, we are interested in your ethnic makeup deriving from your family history, predating your family's and/or ancestors' arrival in Canada. Throughout this questionnaire, you will find expressions such as "your specific Asian group." This does not necessarily refer to the country in which you were born, or even where your parents were born. What this refers to is your ethnic heritage, or the area where your ancestors were from. Of course, many participants have parents or ancestors from more than one ethnic background. Please consider the one with which you most strongly identify when choosing your responses. To begin, what is your own specific ethnic background? (For example, Chinese, Korean, Japanese, etc.). If your background is mixed, please specify, and indicate the group with which you most strongly identify. As you complete this questionnaire, please use this identity when answering those of the following questions which are related to your ethnic origin. 100 Suinn-Lew Self-Identity Scale Instructions: The questions which follow are for the purpose of collecting information about your historical background as well as more recent behaviours which may be related to your cultural identity. Choose the one answer which best describes you. 1. What languages can you speak? (Please just consider English and your main Asian language.) (1) English only (2) Mostly English, Some Asian (3) Asian and English about equally well (bilingual) (4) Mostly Asian, some English 2. What language do you prefer to speak? (1) English only (2) Mostly English, some Asian language (3) Asian language and English about equally (4) Mostly Asian language, some English (5) Asian language only 3. How do you identify yourself? (1) Canadian (2) Chinese-Canadian, Japanese-Canadian, etc. (3) Asian-Canadian (4) Asian (5) Specific Asian group (for example, Chinese, Japanese, Korean, Vietnamese, etc.) 4. How does (did) your mother identify herself? (1) Canadian (2) Chinese-Canadian, Japanese-Canadian, etc. (3) Asian-Canadian (4) Asian (5) Specific Asian group (for example, Chinese, Japanese, Korean, Vietnamese, etc.) 5. How does (did) your father identify himself? (1) Canadian (2) Chinese-Canadian, Japanese-Canadian, etc. (3) Asian-Canadian (4) Asian (5) Specific Asian group (for example, Chinese, Japanese, Korean, Vietnamese, etc.) 101 6. What was the ethnic origin of the friends and peers you had as a child, up to age 6? (1) Almost exclusively Anglos, Blacks, Hispanics, or other non-Asian ethnic groups (2) Mostly Anglos, Blacks, Hispanics, or other non-Asian ethnic groups (3) About equally Asian groups and non-Asian groups (4) Mostly Asians, Asian-Canadians (5) Almost exclusively Asians, Asian-Canadians (6) I can't remember most of my friends at this age (7) I remember some of my friends, but cannot remember their ethnic identity 7. What was the ethnic origin of the friends and peers you had as a child, from 6 to 18? (1) Almost exclusively Anglos, Blacks, Hispanics, or other non-Asian ethnic groups (2) Mostly Anglos, Blacks, Hispanics, or other non-Asian ethnic groups (3) About equally Asian groups and non-Asian groups (4) Mostly Asians, Asian-Canadians (5) Almost exclusively Asians, Asian-Canadians 8. With whom do you now associate in the community? (1) Almost exclusively Anglos, Blacks, Hispanics, or other non-Asian ethnic groups (2) Mostly Anglos, Blacks, Hispanics, or other non-Asian ethnic groups (3) About equally Asian groups and non-Asian groups (4) Mostly Asians, Asian-Canadians (5) Almost exclusively Asians, Asian-Canadians 9. If you could pick, with whom would you prefer to associate in the community? (1) Almost exclusively Anglos, Blacks, Hispanics, or other non-Asian ethnic groups (2) Mostly Anglos, Blacks, Hispanics, or other non-Asian ethnic groups (3) About equally Asian groups and non-Asian groups (4) Mostly Asians, Asian-Canadians (5) Almost exclusively Asians, Asian-Canadians 10. What is your music preference? (1) English language music only (2) Mostly English (3) Equally Asian and English (4) Mostly Asian (5) Only Asian language music (e.g., Chinese, Japanese, Korean, Vietnamese, etc.) 11. What is your movie preference? (1) English movies only (2) Mostly English (3) Equally English and Asian (4) Mostly Asian (5) Only Asian movies (e.g., Chinese, Japanese, Korean, Vietnamese, etc.) 102 12. What is your reading preference? (1) English reading materials only (2) Mostly English (3) Equally English and Asian (4) Mostly Asian (5) Only Asian reading materials (e.g., Chinese, Japanese, Korean, Vietnamese, etc.) 13. Where were you born? (1) Canada (2) Asia - Where? (3) Other-Where? Where was your father born? (1) Canada (2) Asia - Where? (4) Don't Know (3) Other-Where? Where was your mother born? (1) Canada (2) Asia - Where? (4) Don't Know (3) Other-Where? Where was your father's father born? (1) Canada (2) Asia - Where? (4) Don't Know (3) Other-Where? Where was your father's mother born? (1) Canada (2) Asia - Where? (4) Don't Know (3) Other-Where? Where was your mother's father born? (1) Canada (2) Asia - Where? (4) Don't Know (3) Other-Where? Where was your mother's mother born? (1.) Canada (2) Asia - Where? (4) Don't Know (3) Other-Where? 103 On the basis of the above answers, circle the generation that best applies to you: (1) 1s t Generation = I was born in Asia or other (2) 2 n a Generation = I was born in Canada, either parent was born in Asia or other (3) 3 r a Generation = I was born in Canada, both parents were born in Canada, and all grandparents born in Asia or other (4) 4 t h Generation = I was born in Canada, both parents were born in Canada, and at least one grandparent born in Asia or other and one grandparent born in Canada (5) 5 t h Generation = I was born in Canada, both parents and all grandparents also born in Canada (6) I'm on a student visa or visiting Canada from another country - Where? (7) Don't know what generation best fits since I lack some information 14. Where were you raised? (1) In Canada only (2) Mostly in Canada, some in Asia (3) Equally in Asia and Canada (4) Mostly in Asia, some in Canada (5) In Asia only (6) Other - Where? 15. What contact have you had with Asia? (1) No exposure or communications with people in Asia (2) Occasional communications (letters, phone calls, etc.) with people in Asia (3) Occasional visits to Asia (4) Lived for less than one year in Asia (5) Raised one year or more in Asia 16. What is your food preference at home? (1) Exclusively North American food (2) Mostly North American food, some Asian food (3) About equally North American and Asian food (4) Mostly Asian food, some North American food (5) Exclusively Asian food 104 17. What is your food preference in restaurants? (1) Exclusively North American food (2) Mostly North American food, some Asian food (3) About equally North American and Asian food (4) Mostly Asian food, some North American food (5) Exclusively Asian food 18. I read (1) Only English (2) English better than an Asian language (3) Both an Asian language and English equally well (4) An Asian language better than English 19. I write (1) Only English (2) English better than an Asian language (3) Both an Asian language and English equally well (4) An Asian language better than English 20. If you consider yourself a member of an Asian group (Asian, Asian-Canadian, Chinese-Canadian, etc., whichever term you prefer), how much pride do you feel in being a member of this group? (1) No pride and feel negative toward group (2) No pride but do not feel negative toward group (3) Little pride (4) Moderately proud (5) Extremely proud (6) Do not consider myself a member of an Asian group 21. How would you rate yourself? (1) Very Westernized (2) Mostly Westernized (3) Bicultural (4) Mostly Asian (5) Very Asian 22. Do you participate in Asian occasions, holidays, traditions, etc.? (1) None at all (2) A few of them (3) Some of them (4) Most of them (5) Nearly all 105 23. Rate yourself on how much you believe in Asian values (e.g., about marriage, families, education, work): ( 1 ) - (2) - ( 3 ) - - ( 4 ) - - (5) (6) Do Not Believe Strongly Believe Not Familiar With In These Values In These Values These Values 24. Rate yourself on how much you believe in Canadian values: (1) -(2) (3) -(4) ( 5 ) - -Do Not Believe Strongly Believe In These Values In These Values 25. Rate yourself on how well you fit in when you are with other Asian people of the same ethnicity: - - - ( 1 ) (2) - (3) -(4) (5) Do Not Fit In Fit In Very Well 26. Rate yourself on how well you fit in when you are with other Canadians who are non-Asian (Westerners): — ( 1 ) - ( 2 ) (3) (4)-- — ( 5 ) — Do Not Fit In Fit In Very Well 27. There are many different ways in which people think of themselves. Which ONE of the following most closely describes how you view yourself? (1) I consider myself basically as Asian (e.g., Chinese, Japanese, Korean, Vietnamese, etc.). Even though I live and work/study in Canada, I still view myself basically as Asian. (2) I consider myself basically as Canadian. Even though I have an Asian background and characteristics, I still view myself basically as Canadian. (3) I consider myself as an Asian-Canadian, although deep down I always know I am Asian. (4) I consider myself as an Asian-Canadian, although deep down, I view myself as Canadian first. (5) I consider myself as an Asian-Canadian. I have both Asian and Canadian characteristics, and I view myself as a blend of both 106 Note: In this final section, we will be asking for some additional personal information, in order to be able to describe the demographics of our sample. 28. What gender are you? (1) Male (2) Female 29. How old are you? 30. If English is not your first language, please estimate your level of English proficiency. (1) . . ( 2 ) ( 3 ) - - - - (4) (5) Speak English as Well Very Little Ability as my First Language In English 31. What year of university are you in, and what is your major area of study? Year: Major: 32. What is your family's estimated annual income? (1) $0-$24,999 (2) $25,000 - $49,999 (3) $50,000 - $74,999 (4) $75,000 - $99,999 (5) $100,000 + 107 Appendix D: Non-Asian Self Identity Scale To all Participants, This questionnaire has been designed to assess ethnic identity. We want to know the degree to which you identify with your place and culture of origin, as well as the area and culture in which you currently reside. Some of the participants in this study were born outside Canada, whereas others were born in Vancouver or elsewhere in Canada. For everyone, we are interested in your ethnic makeup deriving from your family history, predating your family's and/or ancestors' arrival in Canada. Throughout this questionnaire, you will find expressions such as "your own ethnic group" and "your country of ethnic origin." This does not necessarily refer to the country in which you were born, or even where your parents were born. What this does refer to is your ethnic heritage, which may mean where your grandparents or great-grandparents were from (that is, country of origin outside North America). In addition, there are questions referring to "another language" or "language from your country of ethnic origin." This refers to the language from this "country of ethnic origin" previously mentioned, and will not apply to every respondent. Of course, many participants have parents or ancestors from more than one ethnic background. Please consider the one with which you most strongly identify when choosing your responses. To begin, what is your own specific ethnic background? (For example, Italian, Irish, African-American, Japanese, etc.) If your background is mixed please specify, and indicate the group with which you most strongly identify. As you complete this questionnaire, please use this identity when answering those of the following questions which are related to your ethnic origin. 108 Non-Asian Self-Identity Scale Instructions: The questions which follow are for the purpose of collecting information about your historical background as well as more recent behaviours which may be related to your cultural identity. Choose the one answer which best describes you. 1. What languages can you speak? (Please just consider English and your Other Language if applicable) (1) Only English (2) Mostly English, Another Language to some extent (e.g., German, French, Italian, Cantonese, etc.) (3) English and Another Language about equally well (4) Mostly Another Language, English to some extent 2. What language do you prefer to speak? (1) Only English (2) Mostly English, also Another Language but not as much (e.g., German, French, Cantonese, etc.) (3) English and Another Language about equally (4) Mostly Another Language, also English but not as much (5) Other Language only 3. How do you identify yourself? (1) Canadian (2) American/ North American (3) Both Canadian and your own ethnic group (e.g., African-Canadian, German-Canadian, etc.) (4) Both American/ North American and you own ethnic group (e.g., Italian-American, etc.) (5) Your own ethnic group (e.g., Spanish, French, Chinese, etc.) 4. How does (did) your mother identify herself? (1) Canadian (2) American/ North American (3) Both Canadian and your own ethnic group (e.g., African-Canadian, German-Canadian, etc.) (4) Both American/ North American and you own ethnic group (e.g., Italian-American, etc.) (5) Your own ethnic group (e.g., Spanish, French, Chinese, etc.) (6) Don't Know 109 5. How does (did) your father identify himself? (1) Canadian (2) American/ North American (3) Both Canadian and your own ethnic group (e.g., African-Canadian, German-Canadian, etc.) (4) Both American/ North American and you own ethnic group (e.g., Italian-American, etc.) (5) Your own ethnic group (e.g., Spanish, French, Chinese, etc.) (6) Don't Know 6. What was the ethnic origin of the friends and peers you had, as a child up to age 6? (1) Almost exclusively from groups other than your own ethnic group (2) Mostly from groups other than your own ethnic group (3) About equally from within and outside of your own ethnic group (4) Mostly from within your own ethnic group (5) Almost exclusively from within your own ethnic group (6) I can't remember most of my friends at this age (7) I remember some friends, but do not remember the ethnic identity of these friends 7. What was the ethnic origin of the friends and peers you had, as a child from age 6 to 18? (1) Almost exclusively from groups other than your own ethnic group (2) Mostly from groups other than your own ethnic group (3) About equally from within and outside of your own ethnic group (4) Mostly from within your own ethnic group (5) Almost exclusively from within your own ethnic group 8. With whom do you now associate with in the community? (1) Almost exclusively from groups other than your own ethnic group (2) Mostly from groups other than your own ethnic group (3) About equally from within and outside of your own ethnic group (4) Mostly from within your own ethnic group (5) Almost exclusively from within your own ethnic group 9. If you could pick, with whom would you prefer to associate in the community? (1) Almost exclusively from groups other than your own ethnic group (2) Mostly from groups other than your own ethnic group (3) About equally from within and outside of your own ethnic group (4) Mostly from within your own ethnic group (5) Almost exclusively from within your own ethnic group 110 10. What is your music preference? (1) English only (2) Mostly English (3) Equally English and Another Language (4) Mostly Another Language (5) Another Language only 11. What is your movie preference? (1) English only (2) Mostly English (3) Equally English and Another Language (4) Mostly Another Language (5) Another Language only 12. What is your reading preference? (1) English only (2) Mostly English (3) Equally English and Another Language (4) Mostly Another Language (5) Another Language only 13. Where were you born? (1) Canada (2) Other - Where? Where was your father born? (1) Canada (2) Other - Where? (3) Don't Know Where was your mother born? (1) Canada (2) Other - Where? (3) Don't Know Where was your father's father born? (1) Canada (2) Other - Where? (3) Don't Know Where was your fathers mother born? (1) Canada (2) Other - Where? (3) Don't Know Where was your mother's father born? (1) Canada (2) Other - Where? (3) Don't Know Where was your mother's mother born? (1) Canada (2) Other - Where? (3) Don't Know 111 On the basis of the above answers, circle the generation that best applies to you: (1) 1s t Generation = I was born outside of Canada (2) 2 n d Generation = I was born in Canada, either parent was born outside of Canada (3) 3 r d Generation = I was born in Canada, both parents were born in Canada, and all grandparents born outside of Canada (4) 4 t h Generation = I was born in Canada, both parents were born in Canada, and at least one grandparent born outside of Canada and one grandparent born in Canada (5) 5 , h Generation = I was born in Canada, both parents and all grandparents also born in Canada (6) I'm on a student visa or visiting Canada from another country - Where? (7) Don't know what generation best fits since I lack some information 14. Where were you raised? (1) In Canada only (2) Mostly in Canada, some in another country or countries (3) About equally in Canada and another country or countries (4) Mostly in another country or countries, some in Canada (5) In another country or countries only If applicable, which other country or countries? 15. What contact have you had with your country of ethnic origin? (1) No exposure or communication with people in the country of origin (2) Occasional communications (letters, phone calls, etc.) with people in your country of ethnic origin (3) Occasional visits to your country of ethnic origin (4) Lived for less than one year in your country of ethnic origin (5) Raised one year or more in your country of ethnic origin 16. What is your food preference at home? (1) Exclusively North American food (2) Mostly North American food (3) About equally North American food and food from your country of ethnic origin (4) Mostly food from your country of ethnic origin (5) Exclusively food from your country of ethnic origin (6) Food from my country of ethnic origin is similar to North American food 112 17. What is your food preference in restaurants? (1) Exclusively North American food (2) Mostly North American food (3) About equally North American food and food from your country of ethnic origin (4) Mostly food from your country of ethnic origin (5) Exclusively food from your country of ethnic origin 18. I read (1) Only English (2) English better than a language from my country of ethnic origin (3) Both English and a language from my country of ethnic origin equally well (4) A language from my country of ethnic origin better than English 19. I write (1) Only English (2) English better than a language from my country of ethnic origin (3) Both English and a language from my country of ethnic origin equally well (4) A language from my country of ethnic origin better than English 20. If you consider yourself to be a member of a particular ethnic group (e.g., Irish, Scottish-Canadian, etc., whichever term you prefer), how much pride do you have in this group? (1) No pride but do feel negative toward group (2) No pride but do not feel negative toward group (3) Little pride (4) Moderately proud (5) Extremely proud (6) I do not consider myself a member of an ethnic group 21. How would you rate yourself? (1) Very Canadian/ North American (2) Mostly Canadian/ North American (3) Bicultural (4) Mostly as a member of your ethnic group of origin (5) Very much as a member of your ethnic group of origin 22. Do you participate in occasions, holidays, traditions, etc., typical of your country of ethnic origin? (1) None at all (2) A few of them (3) Some of them (4) Most of them (5) Nearly all 113 23. Rate yourself on how much you believe in the values of your ethnic group of origin (e.g., about marriage, families, education, work): (1) (2) (3)- (4) (5) (6) Do Not Believe Strongly Believe Not Familiar With In These Values In These Values These Values 24. Rate yourself on how much you believe in Canadian/ North American values: ( 1 ) ( 2 ) ( 3 ) ( 4 ) - ( 5 ) Do Not Believe Strongly Believe In These Values In These Values 25. Rate yourself on how well you fit in when with other people of the same ethnicity: ( 1 ) ( 2 ) ( 3 ) ( 4 ) ( 5 ) Do Not Fit In Fit In Very Well 26. Rate yourself on how well you fit in when with other people who are not of the same ethnicity: ( 1 ) " ( 2 ) ( 3 ) - ( 4 ) ( 5 ) Do Not Fit In Fit In Very Well 27. There are many ways in which people think of themselves. Which ONE of the following most closely describes how you view yourself? (1) I consider myself basically as Canadian/ North American (2) I consider myself basically to be a member of my group of ethnic origin. (3) I consider myself to be both Canadian/ North American and a member of my group of ethnic origin. 114 Note: In this final section, we will be asking for some additional personal information, in order to be able to describe the demographics of our sample. 28. What gender are you? (1) Male (2) Female 29. How old are you? 30. If English is not your first language, please estimate your level of English proficiency. ( 1 ) - - ( 2 ) - - (3) (4) (5) Speak English as Well Very Little Ability as my First Language In English 31. What year of university are you in, and what is your major area of study? Year: Major: 32. What is your family's estimated annual income? (1) $0-$24,999 (2) $25,000 - $49,999 (3) $50,000 - $74,999 (4) $75,000 - $99,999 (5) $100,000 + 115 Appendix E: Newscast Quiz - Positive Central Story These questions refer to the newscast which you just watched. 1) What was the name of the host of the newscast? 2) What was the ethnicity of the host of the newscast? Gas Leak 3) What company's gas station had the gas leak? 4) According to the man interviewed, how many people were sent home? 5) What type of fuel was leaked? Wave Damage 6) How high did the waves reach in California? 7) In what city were the homes damaged by waves located? 116 8) What was said to be the cause of the high waves? Chinese Media 9) Who was holding the press conference with the media? 10) What was the ethnicity of the reporters at the press conference? (A) A l l Asian-Canadian (B) A l l European-Canadian (C) Mixed Ethnicities 11) What television station carried the Chinese newscast shown in the story? 12) What was the first Chinese newspaper in Vancouver? 13) What car company was mentioned for tailoring their ads for the Asian market? 14) When marketing to Asians, it was said to be important to recognize the value/emphasis placed on: Russian Royal Family 15) What was the name of the Russian Royal Family? 117 16) In what year were the remains of the family unearthed? 17) In what city was the family recently reburied? Penguin M a n 18) In what country does the "penguin man" live? 19) What was the "penguin man" shown eating? 20) What does the "penguin man" hope to be reincarnated (born again) as? Note: Please keep these questions confidential and do not discuss them with anyone until after the end of the term. This is very important to the success of our research. Thank you for your cooperation. 118 Appendix F: Newscast Quiz - Negative Central Story These questions refer to the newscast which you just watched. 1) What was the name of the host of the newscast? 2) What was the ethnicity of the host of the newscast? Gas Leak 3) What company's gas station had the gas leak? 4) According to the man interviewed, how many people were sent home? 5) What type of fuel was leaked? Wave Damage 6) How high did the waves reach in California? 7) In what city were the homes damaged by waves located? 119 8) What was said to be the cause of the high waves? Immigration Controversy 9) What was the name of the man accused of killing the child? 10) What was the ethnicity of the reporters at the press conference? (A) A l l Asian (B) A l l European-Canadian (C) Mixed Ethnicity 11) How was the baby killed? 12) How did the accused man know the baby's father? 13) What gang was the accused man said to belong to? 14) Why wasn't the accused man deported, according to the story? Russian Royal Family 15) What was the name of the Russian Royal Family? 120 16) In what year were the remains of the family unearthed? 17) In what city was the family recently reburied? Penguin M a n 18) In what country does the "penguin man" live? 19) What was the "penguin man" shown eating? 20) What does the "penguin man" hope to be reincarnated (born again) as? Note: Please keep these questions confidential and do not discuss them with anyone until the end of the term. This is very important for the success of our research. Thank you for your cooperation. 121 

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