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Historical and contemporary development of the Chinese zheng Han, Mei 2001

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Historical and Contemporary Development of the Chinese Zheng by Han Mei MA, The Music Research Institute of Chinese Arts Academy Beijing, People's Republic of China, 1995 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS OF THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (School of Music) We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA October, 2000 ©HanMei 2000 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. The University of British Columbia Vancouver, Canada DE-6 (2/88) ABSTRACT The zheng is a plucked, half-tube Chinese zither with a history of over two and a half millennia. During this time, the zheng, as one of the principal Chinese instruments, was used in both ensemble and solo performances, playing an important role in Chinese music history. Throughout its history, the zheng underwent several major changes in terms of construction, performance practice, and musical style. Social changes, political policies, and Western musical influences also significantly affected the development of the instrument in the twentieth century; thus the zheng and its music have been brought to a new stage through forces of modernization and standardization. This thesis focuses mainly upon contemporary changes. Chapter One reviews zheng history before the 20th century, including its etymology, origin, construction, and music. The discussion is based upon historical documents, archaeological finds, and contemporary studies from both Chinese and non-Chinese sources. Through an examination of social, political, and cultural issues, Chapter i Two examines the contribution of musicians who have facilitated the transition from traditional styles to modern interpretations of zheng music. Finally, Chapter Two also examines aspects of modernized instruments, such as the construction of the changeable-key zheng and the butterfly-shaped zheng, together with some new performance techniques and new compositions. ii TABLE OF CONTENTS Abstract ii Table of Contents iii List of Figures iv Acknowledgments v CHAPTER ONE HISTORY OF THE TRADITIONAL ZHENG Scholarly Orientations and Sources 1 Etymology, Origin and Construction 3 Early Performance History 9 Repertoire and Schools of the Zheng 13 Performance Technique, Tuning, and Notation 17 CHAPTER TWO MODERNIZATION OF THE ZHENG Introduction: Social Influences Affecting Modernization 24 Western Impact on Chinese Music in the Early Twentieth Century 26 Zheng for the People: Popularization of the Zheng in the Twentieth Century 29 Zheng Reform: 1950 - 1970 34 Construction of the 21-string and Key-changeable Zheng 37 Creation of Other Types of Zheng 40 New Compositions and Techniques 43 CONCLUSION 49 Bibliography 51 Selected Discography 56 Glossary Of Chinese Characters 57 Appendix 62 iii LIST OF FIGURES Chapter One Figure 1.1 Written character for zheng 3 Figure 1.2 Five-string zheng 4 Figure 1.3 Thirteen-string zither excavated from Guixi county, Jiangxi province 5 Figure 1.4 Baixi performance, late Han or early Jin dynasty 7 Figure 1.5 Sixteen-string zheng from Chaozhou, Guangdong province 7 Figure 1.6 Fourteen-string zheng from the Qing dynasty 8 Figure 1.7 Section of a yanyue ensemble from the Tang dynasty . 10 Figure 1.8 Ludong Yayue Tuan, a Peng baban ensemble from Shandong 12 Figure 1.9 Excerpt from Jiang Xiangpai from Shandong 18 Figure 1.10 Excerpt from Hua Liushui from Henan 19 Figure 1.11 Gongche Notation 21 Figure 1.12 Excerpt from Hefan, written in gongche notation 21 Figure 1.13 Ersi notation 22 Figure 1.14 Excerpt from Hanya Xishui in ersi notation 22 Chapter Two Figure 2.1 21 -string zheng 3 7 Figure 2.2 Model 65 key-changeable zheng 39 Figure 2.3 Pentatonic 21-string pedal zheng 40 Figure 2.4 36-string diatonic key-changeable zheng 41 Figure 2.5 Butterfly twelve tone zheng 42 Figure 2.6 Excerpt from Qing Feng Nian 43 Figure 2.7 Excerpt from Qing Feng Nian 44 Figure 2.8 Excerpt from Lin Chong Yeben 45 Figure 2.9 Excerpt from Zhan Taifeng 47 Figure 2.10 Excerpt from Zhan Taifeng Al iv ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I would like to thank the many people who have assisted me during my studies at the School of Music, University of British Columbia, and especially all those who helped and encouraged me in the research, preparation and writing of this thesis. In particular I would like to thank my adviser, Dr. Alan Thrasher, who graciously guided me in writing an academic paper in English, my second language. I also would like to thank Dr. Michael Tenzer for his constant support and encouragement. I sincerely wish to thank my editors and friends Janette Tilley, James Flath, Sheila Lencoe, and Eileen Le Gallais for generously offering their expertise, time and effort. I also thank Wu Ganbo and Xiang Sihua for sharing their knowledge and experience of Chinese music. This thesis could never have come to fruition without the love and support of my fiance Randy Raine-Reusch, who gave a great deal of his time to assist me, and whose computer skills were invaluable in preparing the images for this thesis. Finally, warm thanks to all those who believe in me. V CHAPTER ONE HISTORY OF THE TRADITIONAL ZHENG Scholarly Orientations and Sources Chinese scholars traditionally considered the zheng as a folk or popular instrument, less significant than the cultivated scholar's zither, the seven-string qin. Compared with the extensive documentation and scholarly studies on the qin, traditional zheng studies were confined to descriptive statements. Many historical records merely have short introductions to the instrument, neglecting performance techniques, musical styles, and social functions. These early accounts have been cited in most of the Chinese music treatises and compilations throughout the centuries without critical evaluation. The earliest known written zheng reference is in the Shiji ("Record of History," 237 BC). The next references are brief accounts found in the Shuowen Jiezi and Shiming, ancient dictionaries from the Han dynasty (206 BC - 220 AD). These early accounts were restated in dynastic histories and musical treatises such as the Tongdian ("Encyclopedic History of Institutions," 801) and the Yueshu ("Treatise on Music" e.l 100). Later, most of these early records were included in Gujin Tushu Jicheng ("Synthesis of Books and Illustrations Past and Present," 1725) and Zhongguo Gudai Yinyue Shiliao Jiyao ("Summary and Collection of Historical Materials on Ancient Chinese Music,"1962). The earliest known zheng notation preserved in China, however, was not assembled until 1814, in Xiansuo Beikao ("String Music in Reference"), a notation book for string music transcribed in Chinese gongche notation. The first contemporary study of the zheng by a Chinese scholar was in 1938, by Liang Tsai-Ping, a celebrated zheng master. He wrote M Cheng Pu, an instruction book for the zheng, containing a historical summary based upon available written accounts. Few other studies of the zheng had appeared until after the late 1970s, when a large number of articles were published in China, Taiwan, and Hong Kong, including important books and papers on the issues of origin, development in construction, documentation (Cao 1983, Jiao 1992-1997) and notation (Chen 1978, Cao 1980). In the last twenty years, new archaeological finds stimulated active and serious discussions on morphological and origin issues of the zheng in Chinese scholarship (Huang 1987, Jiang 1985, Xiang 1990, 1993). The only Chinese journal specifically for zheng study was the Qinzheng, issued irregularly from 1986 to 1988 by the Xi'an Music Conservatory (Shaanxi province). The second half of the twentieth century saw a number of articles written on the zheng in foreign publications by both Chinese and non-Chinese scholars. R. H. van Gulik's (1951) article provided a reasonably detailed introduction to the zheng, and Hayashi Kenzo (1962)^  included studies on the origin and construction of the instrument. Liang Ming-yueh, in The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians (1980) and The New Grove Dictionary of Musical Instruments (1984), gave a basic overview of the zheng. Cheng Te-yuan's research (1991) discussed historical issues and introduced contemporization of the instrument. Alan Thrasher's research emphasized the structure and repertoire of traditional zheng music (1988,1995). The research in this paper is based upon extensive study of both historical accounts and research by contemporary scholars, in addition to my own experience as a zheng 2 performer for over twenty years. Therefore, I will discuss historical and contemporary development of the zheng, while offering my own interpretation of some of these issues. Etymology, Origin and Construction The Chinese character for zheng (fig. 1.1) has two portions: the upper, zhu ("bamboo," fig. 1.1a) and the lower, zheng, which has the same sound and shape as the word "struggle" (fig. 1.1b). The lower character, zheng ("struggle"), has fostered the following colourful explanation of the name and origin of the instrument. Two people struggled over a twenty-five-string se, an ancient Chinese zither used primarily for ritual. In the struggle they broke the instrument in half, thus creating both a twelve-string and thirteen-string zheng. Fig. 1.1 Written character for zheng 1a 1b This popular story has been discounted, and a more believable explanation is found in a second century dictionary, Shuowen Jiezi. It states: "The zheng has plucked strings [and] a bamboo body. [Its music onomatopoeically] sounds 'zheng' (Xu c.121)." A third century dictionary, Shiming, also states: "The strings [of the zheng] are stretched so tight that [it sounds] 'zheng, zheng'(Liu c.200:106)." According to these accounts, the name of the instrument is a phonetic complex. The upper part, the bamboo radical, most probably refers to the use of bamboo in the construction of the body during its early development; and the lower part is clearly a representation of its sound when played. Other legends explaining historical origins of the instrument abound. In one myth, Huangdi ("Emperor Huang"), the legendary first emperor of the Han Chinese people, 3 invented the instrument. Another legend suggests that Kui (c. 2200 BC), the first Chinese musical official, was commissioned to invent it.1 The most popular story claims that the zheng was invented by Meng Tian (d. 210 BC), a general of the Qin kingdom (present-day Shaanxi province). Since it is common in ancient Chinese custom and literature to give credit to famous persons or legendary beings for the invention of musical instruments, caution is needed in weighing the verity of such legends. It is generally accepted by Chinese scholars that the early zheng originated in the Qin kingdom of central western China (Cao 1983:2, Jiao 1992, vol.2:7).2 This assumption is mainly based upon the Shiji: "People of the Qin kingdom beat clay drums [and] earthen jars, play zheng [and] slap their thighs to accompany songs. This is the true music of Qin" (Sima, vol.87:2543). Based upon this statement, the zheng was called "Qin zheng" in some historical books. Fengsu Tongyi (c.175), a book discussing old Chinese customs, states that the zheng (prior to the first century AD) "had five strings and the body of a zhu" (another ancient zither made of bamboo) (Ying as cited in Chen 1725, vol.739:42)." Based upon this document, some Chinese scholars believe that the five-string zheng is the earliest (fig. 1.2). Fig.1.2 Five-string zheng, artistic recreation after Liu (1967:5) 1 Kui's alleged musical activities are recorded in the Shangshu ("The Classic of Historical Documents"), completed before the Spring and Autumn period (770-221 BC). 2 The Japanese scholar Hayashi Kenzo suggested that the zheng was probably introduced from the "West" (i.e. the Middle East) to China during the Warring States period (475-221 BC) (Hayashi 1962:167). This hypothesis has been dismissed by Chinese scholars due to lack of solid evidence. 4 However, new archaeological evidence has contested the belief that the five-string zheng of northwest China is the oldest. In the late 1970s, several twelve and thirteen-string wooden zithers were unearthed in Guangxi and Jiangxi provinces in southern China. The zithers found in Jiangxi date to the fifth century BC, much earlier than the five-string zheng.3 Based upon the construction of these zithers and the way their strings are mounted, they are almost certainly identifiable as zheng types (Huang 1987:39) (fig. 1.3). This indicates that the zheng might have originated in the minority-dominated South rather in the North (Xiang 1993:58).4 It is my opinion that the five-string bamboo zheng existed on the Central Plain of northern China before the first century A D and that the twelve and thirteen-string zithers, unearthed in southern China, might have had different origins. It is very possible that, along with the cultural interaction between the Han Chinese and the minorities, the larger zheng was assimilated by Han Chinese people, which in turn replaced the five-string zheng. Fig. 1.3 Thirteen-string zither excavated from Guixi county, Jiangxi province, China; photo from Liu (1992:200) 3 Two thirteen-string zithers, excavated in Guixi County, Jiangxi province in 1979, were carbon dated to 598 BC (±75) years. One zither is 166 cm in length and 17.5cm in width. No bridges were found in the tomb. On the left side of the instrument, there were thirteen holes lined in two rows, in which pegs could be put. On the right side, there were thirteen holes in one line. Presumably the strings were secured at this end, passing through these holes and wound around tuning pegs at the other side, the same as the zheng. 4 Non-Han minorities historically inhabited the places where the zithers were found. Since the minorities were non-literate and their history was largely neglected by Han scholars, very little written information about these instruments can be found in Chinese sources. 5 Some zheng scholars have suggested that wood was not used on the Central Plain of northern China for the construction of the instrument until the third century AD (Cheng 1991:3). What is known, according to the third century poetic essay Zhengfu Xu, is that a substantially different form of the zheng, to what was previously known, was present in the third century AD on the Central Plain. Its upper part is convex like the vault of heaven; its bottom flat like the earth; its inside is hollow so as to accommodate the six points of the compass, and its twelve strings with their bridges symbolize the twelve months of the year. (Fu c. 265 AD) 5 The following picture is a rubbing from a stone mural located in Yinan county, Shandong province from the late Han or early Jin dynasty, depicting a baixi performance (fig. 1.4).6 The musical ensemble includes a zither at the top of the third row, whose shape meets Fu Xuan's description of the zheng. Yet, some scholars believe that it was a se, a zither usually included in official ritual ensembles.7 5 Author's translation. 6 Baixi was a form of folk performance that included singing, dancing, acrobatics, martial arts, drama and music (Yang 1981:124). 7 In Liu's book (1988), only a segment of the original picture was shown which excluded most non-musical activities, such as a juggler, acrobat, lion dancer and tea server. This led many scholars to assume that this was a depiction of a ritualistic performance. The zither depicted has been thought to be a se, since several other instruments in the picture are considered to be played together with se in ritual events (e.g.jiangu, the big drum, yu, the mouth organ and qing, the stonechime). However, several se excavated from Han tombs show clearly that the soundbox of se was flat (see Liu 1988: 32, 53), and the zither depicted in this rubbing is clearly convex. 6 Fig. 1.4 Baixi performance, late Han or early Jin dynasty; photo after Liu (1988:31) The convex shape of the instrument described by Fu Xuan can be seen in Chaozhou zheng construction (fig. 1.5).8 Fig. 1.5 Sixteen-string zheng from Chaozhou, Guangdong Province The top soundboard of the wooden zheng is convex and usually made from softwood. The wood used for the sides and the flat bottom is often a hardwood, like red sandalwood, rosewood, or sometimes boxwood. The bridges are usually made of wood, occasionally of 8 The convex shape of the soundboard can also be found in the Vietnamese Dan tranh, which is related to the Chinese zheng. 1 ivory or bone. The size of the instrument varies in different regions and depends on the number of strings. Strings are secured at one end of the instrument, stretched over individual bridges and wound around tuning pegs at the other end. Silk strings were traditionally used, with steel or copper strings becoming more prevalent around the late nineteenth or early twentieth centuries. On the Central Plain of northern China, both twelve-string and thirteen-string zheng were popular during the Sui (581-618) and Tang dynasties (618-907). Fourteen-string zheng might have emerged in the Song dynasty (937-1279) and fifteen-string zheng probably appeared in the late Ming (1368-1644) (fig. 1.6) or early Qing dynasty (1644-1911), while sixteen-string zheng emerged no later than the nineteenth century. With the exception of the twelve-string zheng, all these instruments have remained in existence in different regions of China. The thirteen-string zheng has been popular in Henan and Shandong, while fourteen-string zheng has been used in Yulin region (Northern Shaanxi province), and the fifteen-string zheng has been common in Zhejiang (southeast coast). According to Dr. Thrasher, musicians from Chaozhou (Guangdong province) believe that the sixteen-string zheng has had a long history in the area. Fig. 1.6 Fourteen-string zheng from the Qing dynasty; photo after Liu (1992:201) 8 Early Performance History As mentioned earlier in this chapter, the first written reference to the zheng in the Shiji describes the zheng being used to accompany songs in the Qin kingdom, central-western China, around the third century BC. During the Han dynasty (206 BC-221 AD), the zheng was widely used in string and wind ensembles to accompany xianghe ge ("harmonious song"), a combination of folk singing, dancing and music popular in central and central-western China (part of Henan, Shandong and Shaanxi provinces) (Guo c. 1264-1269). The zheng was also played in ensembles with the qin, zhu and sheng to perform the instrumental repertoire of xianghe ge known as danqu (Yang 1981:115). In the Sui and Tang dynasties, the zheng occupied a very important part of the professional court ensembles that played yanyue, the music for banquets and other non-ritual court activities (fig. 1.7). Ensembles with the twelve-string zheng played mainly qingshang yue ("pure music"), the old Han Chinese music handed down from the Han Dynasty (Yang 1981:219). According to Chen Yang (c. 1100), non-Han musical genres of yanyue employed the thirteen-stringed zheng. The zheng's extensive use as a court instrument in the Sui and Tang dynasties resulted in its introduction to the neighbouring countries of Korea and Japan. In Korea, it became the twelve-string kayagum, and in Japan the thirteen-string koto, both of which have since become notable instruments of these countries (Hayashi 1962:160). As a solo instrument, the zheng served as a source of self-cultivation and entertainment during the Imperial times. It was played mostly by the literati, female 9 members of royal families, and courtesans (Gulik 1951:10). Playing zheng became a popul; subject of Chinese classical poetry and literature.9 Fig. 1.7 Section of ayanyue ensemble from the Tang dynasty; photo after Liu (1983:83) The growth of urban industries and commercial trade during the following Song dynasty (960-1127), saw the developing urban popular culture replace some aspects of old 9 Zheng music was often associated with sentimental subjects such as the beauty of nature, graceful maidens, romantic feelings, and wistful memories. Liang Tsai-Ping collected forty-four classical poems (1978:110-118) from the Han to the Yuan dynasties, which associated zheng music with sentimental feelings. 10 court culture (Yang 1981: 275, 412). Accordingly, the zheng, together with man (lute) and zhu (zither), were excluded from playing banquet music, jiaofang dayue (Yang 1981:375).10 However, a number of musicians remained in the Jiaofang, the Bureau of Court Music, as solo zheng performers (Jiao 1994, vol. 2:12)." During the Song dynasty, the zheng was also very active as a solo instrument used by common people for both instrumental music and narrative singing (Zhou, as cited in Meng c. 1150: vol. 10). Ducheng Jisheng ("Memories of the Capital"), which described various forms of entertainment in the Song capital, stated that: "Smaller ensembles have only one or two players, such as xiqin (the two-string fiddle, the early form of erhu) and xiao (the end-blown flute)...and solo plucked fourteen strings" (anonymous, cited as in Yang 1981:374). It is likely that this "plucked fourteen strings" instrument was the zheng. If this is true, it also indicates that the fourteen-string zheng appeared in folk music as early as the Song dynasty. During the Yuan dynasty (1271-1368), the thirteen-string zheng continued to be played in court banquet ensembles. It should be noticed that the Mongolians, rulers of the Yuan dynasty, introduced a form of ensemble to central China which included zheng, qin pipa or ruan (a four-string lute), huqin (two-string fiddle) and huobusi (a four-string lute without frets) (Yang 1981:731). This instrumentation is very similar to the xiansuo (string) ensemble that was popular in the two following dynasties, and suggests that xiansuo may have been derived from this Mongolian ensemble and adopted by Han Chinese. The zheng rejoined the banquet music ensemble in the second half of the dynasty (Southern Song), but the size of the ensemble was smaller. 11 Wenxian Tongkao ("A Comprehensive Investigation of Documents and Traditions") states: "The music of a single zheng was heard when the emperor entered the grand chamber holding a glass of wine in his hand." (Ma ed. vol. 146, as cited in Jiao 1994:vol. 2:16). 11 In the Ming (1368-1644) and Qing (1644-1911) dynasties, court music gradually declined while small instrumental ensembles, such as xiansuo, were increasingly popular among common people. Xiansuo was prevalent in Henan province, while the similar form peng baban ("knocking eight-beat") was popular until the middle of the twentieth century (fig.1.8).12 Fig. 1.8 Ludong Yayue Tuan (Refined Music Ensemble of East Shandong), a Peng baban ensemble in the early twentieth century; photo after L i (1994:front plates).13 1 2 The xiansuo ensemble employs the zheng, pipa (four-stringed lute), xianzi or sanxian (three-stringed lute), and huqin (two-stringed bowed fiddle). The peng baban ensemble includes the zheng, yangqin (hammered dulcimer), erhu and leiqin (two-string bowed fiddle). 1 3 This photo was taken in Shandong on April 8th, 1944. At the centre: Wang Dianyu (1899-1964), director of the ensemble; the second from the left is Zhao Yuzhai and the second from the right is Gao Zicheng. The instruments in the photo are (from left to right): erhu, yangqin, leiqin, zheng, leiqin, zheng, erhu. 12 In the South, the zheng has been prominently included in the sixian ("silk-string") ensembles of Hakka music and the xianshi ("string-poem") ensembles of Chaozhou music, both in Guangdong province.14 The zheng was also widely used in ensembles accompanying narrative singing traditions such as qinshu in Shandong, guziqu in Henan, xiaochang in Shaanxi, and tanhuang in Zhejiang provinces. In nanyin ("southern tone"), a narrative singing tradition popular in Guangdong province, the singer accompanied himself on the zheng. According to the Cantonese scholar Huang Jinpei, nanyin was also called manggong ("blind male ") zheng, since the singers were usually blind men. Repertoire and Schools of the Zheng Although court zheng music was frequently mentioned in classical documents and poetry, there is little documentation regarding traditional urban and rural zheng styles that can be found today, as most schools of zheng were found in smaller towns and rural regions. Scholars have not found a direct relationship between the early court solo zheng repertoire and the existing solo zheng music.15 Instead, the solo zheng repertoire, which is presently considered "traditional" in China, seems to have a close relationship with the regional ensemble music mentioned above, since both of them share many common features, such as their musical structure baban ("eight beat"). Baban is a 68-beat structure with a basic melody and a fixed phrase pattern that is derived from the qupai ("named tune"), an older dramatic melodic form. The majority of 1 4 The sixian ensemble employs the zheng, pipa and yehu (two-stringed bowed fiddle). The zheng, ipa, and erxian (two-stringed bowed fiddle) are the main instruments in the xianshi ensemble. 1 5 It is generally agreed by scholars that early zheng music (i.e. from the Tang dynasty) might have a close relationship with traditional Japanese koto music (see Thrasher 1995). 13 traditional zheng repertoire is in baban form. Northern zheng schools perform baban in a comparatively steady tempo, while in southern schools of zheng, baban is usually performed with tempo variations of increasing speeds (Thrasher 1988:1). In a slower tempo (e.g. a quarter note = 36 to 72), usually one measure of 4/4 is considered one ban ("beat"), therefore, as baban has 68 beats, a piece contains 68 measures. In a faster tempo (e.g. a quarter note = 84 to 108), two beats are counted in a measure of 2/4, thereupon a piece has 34 measures. Other than baban, the rest of traditional repertoire is formed by other qupai-derived melodies. Each zheng school has its own distinctive pieces and different styles. Traditional zheng music from these schools has been notated, and different notation systems have been used over the years (see next section). However, these scores only show the main notes of the melodies without providing details of embellishment and dynamics. This has resulted in the same piece being interpreted differently by each performer. Traditionally, zheng instructors sing the melodies for their students before playing so that the students can grasp the style.16 Among traditional zheng schools, the Henan and Shandong schools represent the northern styles, both using the thirteen-string zheng. Chaozhou and Hakka schools represent the south, using the sixteen-string zheng. Henan was once a major cultural centre of the Han Chinese people. Zheng music was prevalent in the area as early as the Han dynasty.17 The present day Henan zheng school is 1 6 1 experienced this teaching style when I studied with zheng masters Gao Zicheng, Zhao Yuzhai and Cao Zheng. 1 7 A famous poem of the late Han dynasty praises the zheng music that was popular in this region. Some believe it was written by Cao Zhi (192 - 232 AD). 14 located in the old Han cultural centre Kaifeng and its surrounding rural areas. Its repertoire of approximately fifty pieces, is divided into two types: bantou qu, a type of prelude, and paizi qu, or named tunes. Bantou qu follows the baban form, which contains 68 beats. It is the instrumental prelude of the dadiao quzi ("major tune"), a local narrative song tradition. The paizi qu contains a large number of qupai melodies drawn from the same narrative tradition. Among the most famous of these tunes are Tianxia Datong ("Universal Harmony"), also called Henan Baban, Hefan ("Reconciliation with the Barbarians"), and Bainiao Chaofeng ("Hundred Birds Honouring the Phoenix"). The earliest known printed Henan zheng music was in the book Zhongzhou Gudiao, completed in 1920 by Wang Huangshi (Ding, as cited in Yan 1993:273). Henan zheng music is distinctive in its leaping melodic contour, which comes from the imitation of the singing style of dadiao quzi. The Shandong zheng school is found mainly in Heze and Liucheng counties in southwest Shandong province. According to the local zheng masters, the performance techniques and repertoire of the school were handed down by a Taoist court musician during the early Qing dynasty. Its repertoire includes baban pieces and other minor tunes of qinshu, the local narrative song tradition. Since most baban pieces are short (34 measures), usually four pieces are played together as a set. Gaoshan Liushui ("High Mountain and Flowing Water"),18 Siduan Jin ("Four Variations") and Hangong Qiuyue ("Autumn Moon over the Han Palace") are among the best known of this repertoire of more than thirty pieces. The music is noted for its "earthy" style and "flowers" (embellishment of descending and ascending glissandi around the main melodic notes). Gaoshan Liushui includes Qinyun ("Sound of Music"), Fengbai Cuizhu ("Wind Swaying Bamboo"), Yejing Luanling ("Bells Ringing in the Silent Night") and Shuyun ("Sound of Reading") four short tunes. 15 The Chaozhou and Hakka schools are found in eastern Guangdong province in southern China. Chaozhou zheng music is characterized by its highly embellished melodies, baban form in increasing tempo variations, and its distinctive modes.19 The core repertoire is known as shi datao ("ten great suites"), including Pingsha Luoyan ("Geese Alighting on the Sandy Shore"), Hanya Xishui ("Winter Crows Playing Over a Stream") and other qupai tunes such as Liuqing Niang ("Madam Liuqing"). Hakka zheng music is also called handiao ("tunes of the Han Chinese"), or zhongzhou gudiao ("ancient tunes of central China"). The music is divided into two types: dadiao ("great tunes"), all in the baban form, and chuandiao ("minor tunes"). The best known melodies are Jiaochuang Yeyu ("The Night Rain Sprinkling on the Window"), Chushui Lian ("Lotus Blossoms Emerging from Water") and Xunfeng Qu ("Mild Breeze Melody"). The Hakka school shares a number of music features with the Chaozhou school, such as a baban structure played in increasing tempo variations and sophisticated modes.20 However, according to local musicians, Hakka melodies are less highly embellished than those of the neighbouring Chaozhou school. Another more recent school is Zhe or Wulin of Zhejiang province in southeastern China, which traditionally uses the fifteen-string zheng. Part of its repertoire came from that of the silk-bamboo music, an ensemble music tradition popular in Shanghai, Hangzhou (provincial capital of Zhejiang), and other nearby coastal areas. The Zhe or Wulin school 1 9 One piece usually has three sections: touban (first section) in slow tempo, kaopai (second section) in moderate tempo, and sanban (third section), in fast tempo. The modes are qing sanliu ("light three-six", sol la do re mi), zhong sanliu ("heavy three-six", sol iti do re tfa), qingsan zhongliu ("light three and heavy six", sol la do ret fa), huowu ("lively five", sol ti doi re fa) and fanxian ("to reverse strings", do re fa sol la"). 2 0 Hakka zheng modes are yingxian ("hard string", sol la do re mi) and ruanxian ("soft string", sol i ti do re fat). 16 also has adopted the repertoire of xiansuo shisantao ("Thirteen Pieces for Strings"), as collected in the Xiansuo Beikao ("String Music in Reference") (see page 1). Well known pieces from this school include Dengyue Jiaohui ("Moonbeams and Bright Light"), Yue'er Gao ("The High Moon") and Jiangjun Ling ("General's Command"), with over twenty other standard pieces. Unlike the repertoire of other zheng schools, these pieces require the technique of plucking simultaneously with both hands. Other smaller regional styles include the Qin school in Shaanxi province and the Min school of Fujian province. Although the zheng has had a long history in Shaanxi, the Qin zheng school does not have a solo repertoire; instead, the traditional zheng is only played with ensembles to accompany xiaoqu ("minor tunes"), the local narrative song tradition of Yulin county, northern Shaanxi.21 The Min school of zheng is located in Yunxiao, Zhao'an and other counties of southwestern Fujian province. Compared to the major zheng schools, its unique repertoire is small and it has borrowed a large part of the Chaozhou and Hakka repertoire. Therefore, it is very possible that traditional zheng music (i.e. baban repertoire) was introduced to this area either by Han Chinese from the Central Plain or learned from neighbouring Chaozhou and Hakka people. Performance Technique, Tuning, and Notation Before the Song dynasty, zheng performers knelt on the floor, placing the head of their instrument on their lap, with the instrument pointing to the left when playing. This 2 1 This narrative song may have been popular in the area since late Ming or early Qing dynasty. Other instruments of the ensemble are yangqin, pipa and sanxian. 17 position is preserved in Korean kayagum performance. Since the Song dynasty, the instrument has usually been placed on a table or stands. The techniques of playing the zheng can be divided into two types: plucking (usually with the right hand) and ornamenting (usually with the left hand). Basic right hand techniques include plucking the strings with fingernails (either real or simulated), with the thumb and middle finger plucking either outward or inward, and the index finger usually plucking inward. However, the choice of using these techniques varies with each school. For instance, Henan and Shandong schools regularly use a technique where the thumb, independent from the rest of the hand, quickly plucks one string in both directions to create staccato sixteenth or thirty-second notes (fig. 1.9, 1.10). The Zhe school is distinguished by the yao ("rolling"), a technique where the whole wrist is moved as the thumb rapidly picks a string in both directions to create an unbroken melodic line. This technique is similar to the lun ("roll") of the pipa or the tremolo of the guitar. Fig. 1.9 Excerpt from JiangXiangpai" from Shandong province, copy after Yan (1993:21) 1=D !_L-1I_-| 12222 right thumb plucking alternately inward and outward \ L \ L 1212 \L-1M_ 61156 1^61^6 1^ 6 1 2323 d><D 2323 18 Fig 1.10 Excerpt from Hua Liushui from Henan province, copy after Yan (1993:46) ® 555555l3 2222 7 1-111 7-y L m L L — * ' 3 2 2~c17 5 1.115 plucking alternatively inward and outward Southern schools have more subtle nuances in their right hand techniques, which are achieved through varying the intensity of plucking, using only the nail, or the combination of nail and the flesh of the fingertip, or by changing the position where the strings are plucked. Left hand technique involves the application of pressure to the strings on the left side of the bridges, to obtain alternate pitches (e.g. fa and ti are sounded by pressing the string of mi and la), to raise pitches, and to obtain various ornamens such as vibrato and portamento. Chaozhou and Hakka schools have very subtle and complex left-hand techniques. For example, the Chaozhou huowu mode, often uses intervals that are less than a semi-tone, achieved through a slight but controlled pressure of the left hand on a string (e.g. i7-T6-4<7). This technique requires a great deal of skill to be done properly. Despite differences in the playing techniques of different regions, the zheng is nearly always tuned to an anhemitonic pentatonic scale, using HXgong), j l j (shang), ^ Que), (zhi), and ^l(yu), five Chinese characters that represent the five notes in the scale of sol la do re mi. The traditional sixteen-string zheng allows for three pentatonic octaves. Traditionally the zheng is tuned to zhidiao, sol ( | f () , la (ffi), do (^), re (j^ f), mi (p$); or to gongdiao, do (HQ, re (JU), mi (f^), sol (^), la (3$), starting from the lowest string (see Appendix). 19 According to Hayashi, the twelve-string zheng used in the Tang court music was tuned in both forms, depending on the composition. The thirteen-string zheng of Shandong and Henan provinces was tuned the same as the twelve-string zheng, with one more note added above the highest note. This differs from the thirteen-string zheng of the Tang dynasty, where the additional string (added below the lowest string of twelve-string zheng) was tuned, depending on the key, either a fourth or fifth higher than the second string (Hayashi 1962:177). Some scholars have suggested that the reason why the lowest string was tuned to the dominant degree in the scale was to emphasize the tonal note, the second string (Tang 1993:43). This tuning system, where the lowest pitch of the instrument is on the second lowest string, is still found in the koto tradition of Japan. The fourteen-string zheng, used in Yulin, Shaanxi province, has a similar tuning principle to that of the Tang thirteen-string zheng and the koto (Li 1992: 859).22 This may be important evidence suggesting that the Yulin zheng is directly related to the court zheng tradition, and has a longer history than presently considered. Two notation systems were traditionally used for zheng music, gongche and ersi ("two-four"). Gongche notation, believed to have been originally invented for wind instruments, was extensively used in the Shandong, Henan and Hakka zheng schools, and in selected scores from the Chaozhou school. Gongche notation employs several Chinese characters in a similar manner to solfege, and occasionally includes abbreviated ideograph symbols indicating fingering techniques (Fig 1.11, 12). Traditionally Yulin zheng contains an additional string (the fifteenth string) below the lowest string. The local musicians say that the string is not tuned, but is only used to imitate percussive sounds where necessary. 20 Fig. 1.11 Gongche Notation •a- MZi ± ft X j i A S 5 6 7 1 2 3 4 5 6 sol la ti do re mi fa sol la Fig. 1.12 Excerpt from Hefan ("Reconciliation with the Barbarians"), written in gongche notation, photo after Li (1994) •A. A -_ - * ft. >l» A . ^ •* * Li Jt ^ ^ A-v _ £ £ t * -J: i _4 A . z>v C -firs*/ notation was traditionally used for Chaozhou zheng as well as other Chaozhou music genres. It has been suggested that the ersi notation system was most likely handed down from the Tang dynasty (Chen 1978:54), but, to my knowledge there is no conclusive evidence to prove this theory. Ersi notation uses seven numeric symbols, from two through eight, to indicate different notes (fig. 1.13). However, depending on the mode, two symbols may represent different pitches. The character for "three" can represent either la or -iti, and "six" can represent either mi or Tfa, depending on whether these strings are pushed or not. 21 Therefore, the mode of qingsanliu contains a "light (i.e. without push) three (la) and six (mi)", and zhongsanliu has a "heavy (i.e. push) three (-Iti) and six (Tfa)". Fig. 1.13 Ersi notation H m / \ light heavy 5 6 ^7 1 sol la Iti do 2 A -b A light heavy 2 3 U 5 6 re mi tfa sol la The following example, from Hanya Xishui "Winter Crows Playing Over a Stream", combines both ersi notation and a downbeat sign " ° " (fig. 1. 14). Fig. 1.14 Excerpt from Hanya Xishui, in ersi notation, photo after Chen (1978:131) — a c 4 » » ~/\0 > •» 4 45 2 5 4 3^ 5 45 6 I 5 4^3 §321 7 1 1.321 7 6 Some scholars believe that the notation included in the Japanese manuscript Jinchi Yoroku ("Essentials of Being Benevolent and Wise", 12th cent.) was zheng notation from the Tang dynasty (Cheng 1991:16). Ye Dong, the late scholar of Shanghai Music Conservatory, transcribed four pieces into staff notation. However, since no similar score has been found in China, its origin cannot yet be fully identified as Chinese. 22 Early in the twentieth century, cipher notation became the standard for zheng music, and staff notation has gradually become popular over the last thirty years, especially with conservatory trained musicians. 23 CHAPTER TWO MODERNIZATION OF THE ZHENG Introduction: Social Influences Affecting Modernization It is commonly held by Chinese historians that contemporary Chinese history begins in 1840, marked by the eruption of the Opium War between China and Great Britain (Zhongguo 1979:1). Throughout the twentieth century, China faced exceedingly complex social, political, economic, and cultural changes. These changes include the extermination of the Qing dynasty (1644-1911), the last imperial dynasty, the transitional Republican period (1911-1949), a time of pervasive wars between China and Japan as well as between the Republican and Communist Parties, and the rise of the Communist era beginning in 1949. Aggressive and invasive Western interest in the Chinese economy gave rise to continuous wars from the 1840s to the 1870s. Confronting the powerful warships and guns of the Western forces with simple lances and knives, China was quickly defeated and forced to open up to the West. Treaties signed between the defeated Qing court and the Western Powers permitted a number of western countries to own concessions and develop industries in the main cities of China. Although the Qing court remained the official Chinese government, foreign powers took control of China's major trade and industry, turning Imperial China into a semi-colonial country. Chinese nationalists and scholars were enraged and humiliated by the Western power after the Opium War. Yet, they began to study xixue, "Western knowledge," and to examine the cause of the nation's weakness. They realized that, compared with the West, China was far behind in industrial development and social structures. It was believed that 24 the basis of China's problem was the "undeveloped," or "backward" traditional culture, which prevented China from being a strong nation. As Li Dingyi, the Chinese historian, pointed out: They (Chinese nationalists and intellectuals) reached the conclusion that it was the traditional Chinese culture that was the chief obstacle in the way of China's achievement of strength and prosperity. They therefore put forward the idea that traditional Chinese culture should be overthrown. (Li 1970:327, as cited in Han 1979:13) Under the idea of ziqiang, or "self-strengthening," modern-thinking Chinese nationalists and scholars wrote a series of petitions and articles for reform. These urged the Chinese government to adopt Western industrial science and technology, to reform the political system according to Western constitutional models, and to abandon the traditional educational system. As a result, many arsenals, factories, and shipyards were built in China and western science and languages were taught in some schools in the major cities. Eventually, keju, the civil service examination system, was abolished. Students were sent abroad through individual or community initiatives or by government sponsorship in the hope that national regeneration could be achieved through the application of Western practical methods (Zhongguo 1979:52). By the turn of the twentieth century, the idea of discarding traditional ideologies and replacing them with Western models was widespread. This led to the "May Fourth" Campaign of 1919, which represented the peak of anti-traditional and pro-Western 2 3 Kang Youwei (1858-1927) initiated Gongche Shangshu ("Candidates Petition") in 1895, urging reforms in government administration. In 1898, another controversial book Kongzi Gaizhi Kao ("Confucius as a Reformer") was published, which attempted to legitimize reform within the framework of Confucian ideology. Yan Fu (1852-1921) used Darwin's evolutionary theory to argue that if China were not going to change, it would be eliminated by the world. 25 sentiments. On May fourth 1919, students of Beijing University led a demonstration against Beijing's role in Paris and the provisions of the Treaty of Versailles, which allowed Japan to retain control of the erstwhile German-leased territory in Shandong Province. The protest soon spread from Beijing to other cities and developed into a national campaign denouncing classical Chinese culture. Confucianism and Confucian classics became the major target for ridicule as students and scholars strongly advocated embracing "science" and "democracy" from the West. These political and cultural campaigns have had a strong and profound influence nationwide that resonates even today. Chinese people had lost their faith in the integrity of traditional culture and even felt ashamed of it. The "May Fourth" campaign, which is considered by most Chinese scholars and political leaders to be a "contemporary renaissance" (Liu 1988:7), was the primary factor in accelerating the pace'of westernization and modernization. Western Impact on Chinese Music in the Early Twentieth Century China's fascination with the West has had a great influence on its music as well.24 In 1927, the first Chinese music conservatory was founded with a curriculum following a Western model. Although some Chinese instruments were taught, Western instrumental music and compositional theory were the major courses.25 Moreover, a mandatory music 2 4 Western music's introduction to China has a long history. Catholic and Christian missionaries brought Western church music as early as the thirteenth century. However, it was not until late nineteenth centuries when Western music became increasingly popular in the urban areas. In 1895, the first Western military band was established in Beijing and in 1908, the first Western string ensemble was founded in Shanghai (Liu 1988:15,23) 2 5 According to Chao Mei-pa's article "The Trend of Modem Chinese Music" in 1937, out of one hundred and ten students in the National Conservatory, only two students studied Chinese music (pipa) as a major. 26 course was assigned for urban public schools across the nation, in which only Western music was taught. During this time, Chinese composers, apart from learning Western repertoire, also composed xin yinyue ("new music"). This musical style employed Western harmony, counterpoint, and the common practice, formal procedures of the time period, none of which had a direct connection with traditional Chinese music (Liu 1988:8). Also during this period, the first concert hall was built in 1933, in Nanjing, the capital of the Republic of China (Liu 1988:17). These developments helped to nourish the widespread familiarity with and adulation of Western music, but they also posed a great challenge to traditional music. Traditional Chinese music, especially instrumental music, was not active in urban areas at the beginning of the century. With the exception of sizhu ("silk-bamboo") music in Shanghai and Cantonese music in Guangzhou, most instrumental music genres were preserved in smaller towns and rural areas, or in Buddhist and Taoist monasteries, and did not attract the attention of the outside world. In contrast with the rapid acceptance and spread of Western music, traditional music encountered great criticism in urban areas by some Western trained scholars and educators. Chen Hong (1907-?) made the following statement: Our music died a long time ago. The so-called musicians now are lower class amateur bands, prostitutes, the blind, and the homeless. Their music is either extravagant or degenerate. If music represents culture, our nation of li (rite) and yue (music) has become bestial.26 This kind of traditional music should definitely be exterminated. (Chen 1933.11, as cited in Liu and Wu 1994:6) Ancient Chinese rulers, following Confucian philosophy, believed that human virtues, family relations, and rulership were associated with music. Thus, if music is seductive and depraved, the people will become mean-mannered. 27 Qing Zhu (1893-1959), another famous musical scholar said, In my opinion, there is only one type of music that can be considered as art, that is Western music... In the opinion of some patriotic citizens, Western music coming to China is a form of "art invasion." If this is true, then let it happen. It is obvious that Chinese music cannot compete with Western music.. .we have to choose between Chinese and Western music. We cannot have both. (Qing 1934.3. Ibid., 7) Judging Chinese instruments, compositional methods, and musical styles by Western classical standards of intonation, range, tone colour, and harmony, these Chinese scholars considered traditional music to be too simple and undeveloped. Furthermore, they reached the conclusion, based upon Darwin's theory of evolution, that Chinese music was at a lower stage of development; therefore, it should be eliminated. Most people, however, disagreed with this radical idea of abandoning traditional music. Instead, they wanted to "improve" Chinese music by applying Western musical concepts and techniques. Xiao Youmei (1884-1940), the famous music scholar and educator, believed that "Chinese music will have the possibility of continuing its development only if Chinese musical instruments are improved on the basis of Western technology" (Xiao 1916, as cited in Liu and Wu 1994:208). Since the 1920s, China has been on a revolutionary and rapid path to modernize and westernize traditional music and musical instruments. New compositions, called guoyue or "national music", were written for Chinese instruments. For example, Liu Tianhua (1895-1932), the distinguishedpipa and erhu player, composed ten pieces for erhu, the two-string bowed fiddle, by adapting The term guoyue was used to differentiate Chinese music from Western music in the 1920s (Liu and Wu 1994:3). Now the term is mainly used in Taiwan and Hong Kong. In China, music played by traditional Chinese instruments is called minyue, which also means "national music." 28 violin techniques. Guoyue pieces were also composed for large orchestral ensembles formed in the 1930s, featuring traditional Chinese instruments (Han 1979:14). Although the popularity of guoyue was important for the survival of traditional music at that time, it should be noted that these innovations gradually caused the abandonment of some unique characteristics of traditional music. For instance, guoyue, as composed music, is played according to a score. This is in contrast to traditional music practice, in which a basic melody is played and variously developed by individual musicians. Adherence to a score restricts the possibility for a greater diversity of styles created by different musical interpretations. Furthermore, traditional regional identities were gradually subsumed by a national style. Zheng for the People: Popularization of the Zheng in the Twentieth Century Although the zheng had been a court instrument and enjoyed by the literati, it seems that it's music was not popular in large urban areas, such as Beijing and Shanghai, at the turn of the twentieth century. Two zheng masters, Lin Yongzhi (? -1925) and Wei Ziyou (1875-1936) first introduced zheng music to Beijing between 1910 and the early 1920s. Lin Yongzhi, from Jieyang County, Guangdong province, brought the Chaozhou style to Beijing. His teaching and performances were documented in the Yinyue Zazhi, the music journal published by the Music Institute of Beijing University in 1920 (Cao 1993:275). Wei Ziyou, a former scholar-official of the Qing dynasty from Suiping County, Henan province, played and taught Henan zheng music at Beijing Daode Xueshe (school of ethics) around 1925 and often held private concerts at his home. He also assembled Zhongzhou Gudiao, a collection 29 of notations from the Henan zheng repertoire, written in gongche notation (unpublished) (Ding 1993:273). Wei's disciples, Shi Meiyin (b.?-d.?, Guangdong), Lou Shuhua (1907-1952, Hebei), and Liang Tsai-Ping (b.l910, Hebei) all became celebrated zheng masters. They not only inherited traditional zheng repertoires, but also began arranging new pieces for the zheng. In 1936, Lou rearranged the classical tune Guiqulai Ci ("Song of Coming and Going") and entitled it Yuzhou Changwan ("Fishermen Singing in the Twilight"), which has subsequently become a model piece for contemporary practice and performance. Liang Tsai-Ping assembled Ni Cheng Pu, the first instructional book on the zheng, which was published in 193828 and he performed and lectured internationally after moving to Taiwan in 1949. These zheng masters played a crucial role in popularizing traditional zheng music in the large cities. Due to their enthusiasm, the zheng and its traditional repertoire not only survived, but also developed to a new level as one of the most popular traditional Chinese instruments. Dr. Liang Ming-Yue identifies two schools in modern zheng music: fugupai, the "Renaissance school," led by Wei Ziyou and Shi Yinmei, and weixin pai, the "Renovation school," led by his father, Liang Tsai-ping. According to Liang Ming-Yue, the "Renaissance school" concentrated on reviving old zheng pieces, many of which were original melodies of the qupai tradition, while the "Renovation school" not only rearranged the old zheng melodies, but also composed new pieces in a more modern style (Liang 1984: 893-894). The concept of "Renaissance" and "Renovation" Schools, however, has not been widely accepted by other zheng scholars. Instead, "southern" and "northern" styles are used to specify the different zheng music styles (Cao 1983: 9). This seems reasonable since the 2 8 The book includes a brief historical summary, tuning and fingering instruction, and fifteen traditional pieces, written in gongche notation. 30 repertoire and styles that the above masters presented still belonged to the existing zheng schools or styles (e.g. Chaozhou and Henan) and therefore did not form distinct new schools. Another factor that influenced the popularization of the zheng was the rise of Communism in China. In 1949, the Chinese Communist Party came to power and established the People's Republic of China. To achieve the political goal of constructing a powerful and culturally developed new China, the government encouraged artists to contribute their talents to the socialist country. In the early 1950s, the government's cultural policies supported and stimulated music, along with other the Arts. Western and Chinese orchestras flourished nationwide and musical conservatories were founded in several major cities.29 Under this political climate a number of highly regarded zheng virtuosi were recruited from around the country to teach in music conservatories and to compose new zheng pieces. This was the first time in Chinese history that zheng performance was established as a conservatory course, and it signified that the zheng had emerged from its historical position as a minjian or "popular" instrument to become a serious instrument for the concert stage. Cao Zheng (1920-1998) born in Xinmin County, Liaoning province, was the first zheng performer involved in teaching at the music conservatories. Cao started learning the zheng with Lou Shuhua in Beijing in 1936 and went to study with Liang Tsai-ping after being introduced to him in Nanjing in 1946. In the following year, Cao presented his first solo concert in Xuzhou, Jiangsu province, and in 1948, he was hired as a term instructor to teach the zheng at Nanjing Guoli Yinzhuan (National Music Conservatory) (Zhou and Zhu 1994:2-3). In 1950, Cao was engaged to teach at Dongbei Yinzhuan ("Music Conservatory 2 9 According to official statistics, China had fifty-eight Western orchestras and fifty-five Chinese orchestras in 1951 (Zhongguo 1959:17). 31 of Northeastern China"), the predecessor of Shenyang Music Conservatory, where he remained until he was transferred to the Chinese Music Conservatory in Beijing in 1964 (ibid.3). Through Cao Zheng's recommendation, a number of zheng masters from various zheng schools were engaged to teach at conservatories. Cao Dongfu (1898-1970), from Dengxian County, Henan, was a master of Henan style. Born into a poor but musical family, and having learned dadiao quzi (local narrative singing) and instruments such as the zheng, yangqin, and zhuihu (a two-string fiddle) from his father, he became a street musician when he was eleven years old (Cao and Li 1988:1). In the early 1950s, he became a professional musician, performing in Henan, Hubei, and Beijing. In 1954 he began teaching zheng and went on to teach at Kaifeng Normal School, Zhengzhou Art School, the Chinese Central and Sichuan Music Conservatories. Another musician recommended by Cao Zheng was Zhao Yuzhai (b. 1923). Zhao Yuzhai was born in Yuncheng County, Shandong province, the home of qinshu (a narrative singing tradition), and Shandong zheng music. Here, at an early age, he learned the zheng and several other instruments from his father. In 1943, he studied with Wang Dianyu (1899-1964), a well-known blind multi-instrumentalist, and in 1950 joined an ensemble in Chongqing, Sichuan province, as a professional musician. Three years later, he was recommended by Cao Zheng to teach in the Shenyang Music Conservatory (Yan and Xu 1997:1-3). As a third example, Wang Shenzhi (1899-1972) became a significant zheng scholar under Cao Zheng's recommendation. Wang began to learn music in Hangzhou, Zhejiang province, in 1921. By 1925 he was already a talented musician and moved to Shanghai to 32 begin an active music career specializing in zheng, sizhu, and other musical genres (Guo 1993:40). Another artist who developed his career in Shanghai was Guo Ying (b.l914). Born into a musical family in Chaoyang county, Guangdong province, Guo went to Shanghai at age thirteen and later joined Xinchao Sizhu Hui ("The Society of New Chaozhou Silk and Bamboo Music"), playing Chaozhou music. In 1941, he held his first solo zheng concert in Shanghai. Guo joined the Shanghai National Orchestra in 1953 as a zheng soloist, and was invited to teach at Nanjing Yishu Xueyuan ("Nanjing Art Institute") in 1960. In the same year, he started teaching zheng at Shanghai Music Conservatory until his retirement (Guo and Guo 1996:2). Other notable zheng artists include Gao Zicheng (b. 1918) from Shandong, who joined the Ensemble of the Liberation Army in 1955. In 1957, he was transferred to Shaanxi Music Conservatory and taught there until retiring. Luo Jiuxiang (1902-1978) from Dapu County, Guangdong province, was a master player of Hakka style. He joined the local Hanju Opera troupe in Dapu in 1954. From 1959 to 1978, he taught zheng consecutively at Tianjin and Guangzhou Music Conservatories. Despite the fact that all these zheng masters came from different regions, their life experiences were quite similar, especially after 1949. At the beginning of the communist rule, they were provided opportunities to become professional performers and instructors, which put their talent to good use. Over the last forty years, they carried on the traditional heritage of zheng music by training a whole new generation of professional zheng players. Furthermore, they pushed the boundaries of traditional music, and created new pieces, some of which I will discuss later in this chapter. Unfortunately, their careers and personal lives 33 suffered from the continuous political upheaval of the late 1950s to 1970s. During the Cultural Revolution, they were politically persecuted.30 They were prohibited from playing traditional music and most of their notation books were burned, which was a great loss to the nation. Zheng Reform: 1950-1970 The reformation of zheng and its music began in the early 1950s. Communist China inherited the cultural iconoclasm of the "May Fourth" campaign, which held a negative opinion towards traditional culture in general. Mao Zedong clearly stated his cultural policy in the Yan 'an Forum on Literature and Art in 1942: We should take over the rich legacy and the good traditions in literature and art that have been handed down from past ages in China and foreign countries, but the aim must still be to serve the masses of the people. (Mao 1967: 76) Later in 1957, he reiterated his notion that "traditional [culture] should serve the present. Western [culture] should serve Chinese." Yet what precisely was the "essence" and "excellence" of Chinese traditional music was not clearly specified by Mao Zedong or the Party. Highly developed musical genres, such as qin music, were criticized for having served the elite and intellectuals. Village folk music, which was traditionally associated with folk festivals and religious ceremonies, was accused of being associated with "superstitious activities," unless its function was reformed to carry communist values.31 For the Chinese 3 0 Cao Dongfu passed away after being persecuted in 1970. 3 1 A good example is yangge, a collection of songs, dances, and folk plays traditionally performed in northern China for fifteen days from the New Year to the Lantern Festival. It was adopted by the Communist Party as a propaganda medium and as the basis of a mass cultural movement. It is known as a successful example of the stratagem of "putting new wine in old bottles." 34 musician, it was clear that the subtle and refined characteristics of traditional music contradicted the "strong, high, and fast" spirit of the socialist society. The idea of "[literature and arts] serving the millions and tens of millions of working people" (Mao 1942: 75) unfortunately has been an oppressive force in Chinese music since 1949. Musicians and composers were instructed to make music which echoed Marxist thinking, in an effort to convey the plight of the common people's lives and the spirit of the nation, while preserving traditions from the effects of radical social changes. Though these constraints on musical expression produced a mix of traditional music style and socialist ideology, perhaps this was the only way for tradition to survive such social change. In 1955, Zhao Yuzhai composed the solo zheng piece Qing Fengnian ("Celebrating the Harvest"), which depicts an exciting scene of village life. The next year, Cao Dongfu composed another zheng work, Nao Yuanxiao ("Rapturous Lantern Festival"). Although the two pieces are based upon traditional styles of Shandong and Henan zheng music, more dynamic melodies and fast tempi were applied to the music. In Qing Fengnian, the composer used both hands to play chords simultaneously, thereby redirecting the zheng composition from its subtle and soft essence toward a new direction of louder, stronger, and faster techniques and expressions. The traditional sixteen steel-string zheng, which contains three octaves, no longer met the demands of the new compositions. In order to accommodate these new musical trends, the traditional instruments had to be reformed. The reform of Chinese traditional musical instruments had already been suggested earlier. The issue had been discussed at the meeting of the Second Conference of the National Musicians' Association in 1953 (Li 1954:492) and the First Forum on Instruments' 35 Reform in 1954. Li Yuanqing, the former director of the Chinese Music Research Institute, pointed out that reform had become a crucial issue in the musical field. Although he acknowledged the rich heritage of traditional musical instruments, he also made the following statement: The stagnation of the Chinese Imperial society prevented the development of Chinese musical instruments. The Chinese instruments, therefore, are still in their 'childhood'. Chinese instruments cannot be compared with those of the West, because Western instruments experienced the capitalist revolution. Also the development of Western instruments was influenced by [the development of] contemporary science and technology. Hence, they are advanced in terms of construction. Today, along with the great change of the life of Chinese people, we feel that our instruments do not meet the requirements of the new life, new ideas, and new feelings. If we consider the future of the instruments within the glorious prospects of socialism, we will realize the importance of the reform. (Li 1954:493)33 Yang Yinliu, Li's successor at the Music Research Institute, also said: "Even though our national musical instruments are varied and colourful, from the contemporary point of view, they are inadequate and archaic. Their tonal quality is limited, their range is narrow, and modulation is difficult (Yang 1957:73 as cited in Hamm 1991:10)." Similar opinions were predominant, resulting in great changes to, and the reinvention of, many traditional instruments.34 The traditional zheng was considered to have three main restrictions: the range of the instrument was too limited for new compositions; it did not have enough strings to 3 2 Source: an unpublished collection of documents from this meeting. 3 3 Author's translation. 3 4 See Han Kuo-huang's article: "Minzu Yueqi de Gailiang: 1949-1976" [Revolution in Chinese Traditional Instruments 1949-1976], 1988. 36 accommodate playing both the melody with the right hand and the accompaniment with the left hand; and the instrument was too quiet to achieve the boldness of the new spirit and to be used as a concert instrument; therefore, changes were unavoidable. Construction of the 21-string and Key-changeable Zheng The first twenty-one-string zheng was produced in 1957 after Zhao Yuzhai suggested the Musical Instrument Factory (henceforth MIF), affiliated with the Shen Yang Musical Conservatory, enlarge the body of the instrument and increase the number of strings (Yan and Xu 1997:3). The 21-string zheng contains four octaves, ranging from D to d3. In 1962, Xu Zhengao of the Shanghai National MIF made the first 21-string "S" shape zheng (fig. 2.1). Different from the traditional zheng, the left shankou, or nut, is shaped in a curve to the performer's left (shown at the right in the picture below). Accordingly, thinner strings (i.e. higher pitches) are shorter and thicker strings (i.e. lower pitches) are longer. This system helped to balance the tension of the strings. In addition, the composition of the strings was changed from pure steel, to a steel core wrapped with nylon, similar to that of a harp. This type of zheng has since become the standard. Fig. 2.1 21-string zheng 37 In the early 1960s, due to the development of large Chinese orchestras and new compositions, the zheng had to develop further to allow it to change keys rapidly. In 1964, Zhang Kun of the Shenyang MIF experimented with the first key-changeable zheng. The goal of this innovation was to "enrich the expressive capability of the zheng so that the instrument is not only able to play complicated solo pieces, but also able to play in ensembles" (Zhang 1964:1-2). The construction of the first key-changeable zheng was finished in 1965, named "Model 65"(fig. 2.2). This new zheng has 22 strings, tuned pentatonically. The principle of changing keys on this instrument is to change the length of strings from bridges to the right shankou, or nut. The idea is similar to the traditional way of changing keys, which is to move bridges, thereby changing the string length. Unlike the traditional zheng, however, the bridges on Model 65 are permanently fixed to the soundboard. Instead, a key-changing mechanism is installed on the right side of the instrument. The mechanism comprises forty-four tuning posts, five connecting rods, eleven tuning switches and twenty-two fine-tuning metal, screws. The tuning posts are installed in two rolls inside the soundbox, to the left of the right shankou. These posts extend through the soundboard to the same height as the right shankou. At the top of each post there is a small cap with two pegs that the string sits between. When the tuning post is turned, these two pegs are rotated to act as temporary nuts, by contacting and thereby shortening the string. As there are two tuning posts per string, each of them can raise the string a semitone. Turning both tuning posts will raise the string a whole tone. All the tuning posts of the strings of the same pitch in different octaves are linked to a connecting rod that is attached to a tuning switch. When a tuning switch is moved to the side, the See Han Kuo-huang's article:" The Modern Chinese Orchestra," Asian Music, Vol.XI-I, 1979. 38 connecting rods will rotate the tuning posts of all the octaves of that pitch simultaneously, either raising or lowering the pitches as desired. When combined with the open strings in a neutral position, all twelve keys can be produced. Fine-tuning screws to the right of the shankou allow for small adjustments of pitches. Fig. 2.2 Model 65 key-changeable zheng, artistic recreation after Zhang (1964:no page). A newer model of key-changeable zheng, called "Model 72", was developed in the same factory in 1972. It has nineteen strings, and like the first model, a key-changing device is installed on the right side of the instrument. However, this mechanism has eight rows of nineteen tuning screws attached to semi-circular axles. When an axle is turned, the screws press against the strings raising them in pitch thus changing the intervals between the strings. Different combinations of axles would produce all the keys required (Shenyang 1973:2-4). Improving on the previous models of the key-changeable zheng, Zhang Kun created a new The numbers in the picture are: 1. tuning switches, 2. the caps of the tuning posts containing two pegs, 3. the lid, 4. tuning pegs, 5. bridges, 6. strings, 7. fine-tuning screws. 39 pedal operated model with a mechanism that moved the bridges, thereby changing the pitch of the strings when a pedal was depressed (fig. 2.3). A report on this project stated that besides having improved the tuning mechanism, making it more precise, the instrument makers also flattened the soundboard. This made the instrument faster to play, which was an important modification of the zheng, and a departure from the tradition of making the soundboard convex like the "vault of heaven". Fig. 2.3 Pentatonic 21-string pedal zheng, photo after Liu (1992:206) In the 1970s, more instrument manufacturers in China reproduced key-changeable zhengs based upon the older designs, such as the 21-string key-changeable zheng by Yingkou MIF, Liaoning province, and the 25-string version by Shaanxi MIF. Creation of Other Types of Zheng In 1972, Zhang Ziyue of Suzhou MIF, Jiangsu province, designed a diatonic 36-string (fig.2.4) and a 44-string zheng. The range of the 44-string zheng is more than six octaves 4 0 from Fl to g4 (Suzhou 1972:4). The key-change device is similar to that of the harp, which has seven pedals at the foot of the instrument, one controlling all the C-strings, one all the D-strings, and so on. Each pedal can be depressed two notches, shortening the corresponding strings to sound one or two semitones higher as desired. The basic tuning is in B major. When all the pedals are depressed one notch, the tuning is C major. Fig 2.4 36-string diatonic key-changeable zheng, photo after Liu (1992:204) In 1978, He Baoquan of Shanghai MIF designed a 49-string chromatic key-changeable zheng, ranging from D-d3. The instrument was named the "butterfly zheng," as the shape resembles a butterfly (He 1981:14) (fig.2.5). It is constructed so there is a nut at the centre of the instrument with a soundboard on either side. Strings are stretched in both directions from the nut, over a series of bridges on each soundboard. Each side of the 41 instrument is tuned to a pentatonic scale (i.e. right side is in G major, left side is in D major), and each side of the soundboard has four additional strings for semitones. Fig. 2.5 Butterfly Zheng, photo after Liu (1992:205) According to Xiang Sihua, who tested the butterfly zheng, only one key (D) could be played comfortably on this instrument. In other keys, to play pentatonically, the players had to skip over some strings, which made the instrument very awkward to play with traditional hand positions. Although the idea of making a key-changeable zheng was very popular from the 1970s to the 1980s, these experiments were not very successful. Most of the players, who have tried these new instruments, including myself, do not favour the new instruments, especially the key-changeable instruments. The tuning mechanisms are seldom accurate and often quickly put the instruments out of tune. As well, these mechanisms make the 37 Wu Ganbo, personal conversation, 2000. 42 instruments too heavy to be carried by a single person, and are therefore useless for the travelling musician. New Compositions and Techniques The 1950s saw the beginning of a number of new compositions being written specifically for the zheng. These compositions, mainly composed by zheng performers, incorporated new techniques and structures. In the zheng composition Qing Feng Nian, the composer/performer Zhao Yuzhai (mentioned above), added left hand techniques that differed from the traditional Shandong techniques. An example can be seen at the beginning of the piece, in which the melody is played by both hands alternately (fig. 2.6). Thus, a dramatic accelerando and crescendo can be achieved. Fig. 2.6 Excerpt from Qing Feng Nian, copy after Beijing (1996:193) 1 a D J 5 *? VP » 1 5 0 3 * 1 0 5 5 5 0 5 i 5 0 5 f 5 0 5 1 5 0 3 * 1 0 5 1 0 5 1 Q 5 1 P 5 5 i i 5050 3 3 1 0 5 1 1 0505 5 5 j i 5050 3 3 i f 0505 5 5 i i 5050 5 5 « • 1 1 5050 3 3 3 3 1 1 0505 1 1 0505 1 5 i o 1 5 i 0 r 5 j. o i 5 i o i 1 5 5 5 * 1 5 0 5 1 5 0 1 0 5 1 1 5 5 5 f 5 0 1 05 1 1 5 5 1010 1010 1010 1010 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 11 1 1 0 5 0 5 0 5 0 5 0505 0505 0500 0505 43 This piece also introduces the use of the left hand to play a glissando or "flowers", which, traditionally played by the right hand, is a distinctive characteristic of Shandong zheng music (see page 15). The left handed "flower" as an accompaniment to the melody played by the right hand gives the music a fuller and livelier sound (fig 2.7). Fig.2.7 Excerpt from Qing Feng Nian (ibid.) 5 1 I 1 I 1 5 1 | t 1 1 5 1 X " X X 3561 | 0 3561 | 0 35jj Qing Feng Nian was very successful and drew a great deal of attention. Zhao Yuzhai's composition was highly praised in an article entitled "The Guzheng Yanzou de Gexin Zhe" (The Innovative Zheng Performer), written by Li Ling, a famous musical analyst, and published in the official voice of the government, The People's Daily (Aug. 10th, 1956). This article had a profound impact on other zheng players, resulting in the appearance of approximately forty new compositions for the zheng (Xiang Sihua 1990:143). Wang Shenzhi and Lu Xiutang of Shanghai composed Linchong Yeben (c. 1962) for the newly designed 21-string "S" shaped zheng}% In order to make an unbroken melodic phrase to portray the hero's sorrow and other dark emotions, the composers introduced the The piece is based upon a famous classical story of Lin Chong of the Song dynasty. Lin, a loyal and innocent military general, was framed and forced to join the bandits in the Liangshan Mountain in Shandong province. 44 technique known as yao in the piece (fig.2.8). Althoughyao is a traditional technique from Zhejiang zheng school (see page 18), it was not recognized by most composers and zheng players until this piece was created. Consequently, yao has become a standard zheng technique, used extensively in contemporary zheng compositions. Fig. 2.8 Excerpt from Lin Chong Yeben, copy after Wu and Xiang (1996:43) Most zheng pieces composed during the 1950s, except for Qing Feng Nian and a few others, were quickly forgotten and were replaced by still livelier pieces, with more current political messages, written by the new generation of zheng performers and composers. In the late 1950s, the impact of changing political thought resulted in the "nationalization" of music 45 and the banishment of Western instruments in the music conservatories. Consequently, students who had learned Western instruments had to switch to Chinese instruments. Xiang Sihua (1939-), the celebrated zheng virtuoso, originally studied piano at the Affiliated High School of Shanghai Conservatory and had to transfer her studies to the zheng in 1958.40 The same was true of Zhang Yan (1945-1996) and Wang Changyun (1945- , daughter of Wang Shenzhi), two other zheng virtuosi. It is not surprising to find that these and other zheng performers soon introduced piano techniques to the zheng. In 1965, Wang Changyuan composed Zhan Taifeng ("Struggling with the Typhoon") when she was still a student of the Shanghai Music Conservatory. The composer was inspired by watching a group of dock workers struggling bravely against the destructive power of a typhoon. Similar to most Chinese musical compositions written between the 1950s and 1970s, this piece is very pictorial, with the first section depicting the scene of a busy dock through vigorous rhythmic and melodic statements (fig.2.9). In the second section, the composer applies double-handed descending and ascending glissandi on both sides of the bridges, imitating the howl of the wind and the fury of the waves hitting the dock. The third section uses two hands to pluck the strings rapidly in imitation of the workers fighting against the strong wind. The fourth section portrays the sunshine after the storm, and the last section recapitulates the lively working scene (Yuan 1987:147). Apart from applying approaches of the Zhejiang school, such as yao and sidian (i.e. plucking rapidly with thumb, index and middle fingers of the right hand), the composer also combines J y In 1958, the political campaign Dayuejin, known as "Great Leap Forward" to the West, occurred. The basic idea of the campaign was to catch up with the West both economically and culturally. After the Chinese broke political ties with Russian in the early 60s, the country was more isolated from the outside world. 4 0 Wu Gubo, personal conversation, 2000. 46 yao with saoxian ("stroke strings"), a quick plucking of several strings simultaneously, a pipa technique, creating a new technique called saoyao (fig 2.10). Fig. 2.9 Excerpt from Zhan Taifeng J = 144 > > e 5 2 2 5 4^=5 6 5_6 S_6 5_8 5 1 6 S 2 3 | 5 3 . . 1 3 32 1 . . . . 1 6532 1 2 2 2 5 5 5 2 5 2 5 2 5 2 5 2 0 | 5 Fig. 2.10 Excerpt from Zhan Taifeng stroke /\ ^ 6 6 6 6 6666 I 111 1 2222 1 6666 6668 | 6666 6666 I 6666 6666 j Till 2222 j 3333 3333 f 3333 3333 I mf 3 3 3 3 3 3 ? ? i o I i o | i o l i o | i o h " o | i o | i o | After the Cultural Revolution began in 1966, all traditional and Western music was prohibited. Except for the eight "model" Beijing operas approved by Jiang Qing, Mao Zedong's wife, the country's music withered completely. The government badly needed new compositions that could set a good example to guide and animate the development of revolutionary music to serve the political demand of the Cultural Revolution. Zhan Taifeng happened to be a perfect example for this purpose. Once more, the People's Daily published 47 an article praising the piece. It states: "Traditional zheng music does not reflect life of the workers. Even among the pieces composed in the 50s, very few have as clear a theme for praising workers as Zhan Taifeng. Therefore, this piece is worth serious attention (as cited in Xiang 1990:146)." Instantly Zhan Taifeng became the most popular tune in the country. This promoted the composition of more zheng pieces and stimulated new compositions for other traditional instruments.41 The popularity of Zhan Taifeng once again demonstrated the extensive political impact on the development of contemporary music in China. After Zhan Taifeng was praised by the government, more compositions were written for the zheng in the 1970s. Among them, the prominent ones include: Dongting Xinge ("The New Tune of Dongting Lake"), by Wang Changyuan and Pu Qizhang, 1973; Xinfu qushui Dao An 'cun ("Water of the Happy Canal Passing by My Village"), by Shen Liliang, Xiang Sihua and Fan Shang'e, 1974; Caoyuan Yingxiong Xiao Jiemei ("The Heroic Sisters From the Grassland"), by Liu Qichao and Zhang Yan, 1974; and Liuyang He ("Liuyang River"), by Zhang Yan, 1975. These pieces adopted more techniques from Western instruments, such as piano and harp, and therefore were seen as being more challenging for the performers. The more famous compositions include the pipa concerto Caoyuan Xiao Jiemei ("The Little Sisters from the Grasslands"), by Liu Dehai and Wu Zuqiang, 1973; the Dizi solo Yangbian Cuima YunliangMang ("Riding the Horses, Delivering Crops") by Wei Zhongxian, 1973, and the suona solo Shancun Laile Shouhuo Yun ("A Shop Assistant Coming to the Village") by Zhang Xiaofeng, 1972. 48 C O N C L U S I O N The twentieth century has witnessed many changes in the zheng: from its construction to performance techniques, and from its music to social status. These changes arose from the radical changes in social, economic, and political structures in China. The reform seems deeply rooted in a sense of national humiliation instilled in the country since the Opium War, as stated in a famous Chinese saying: " We must have what the foreigners have, we also must have what they do not have." Another factor is the contempt for traditional culture borne from the "May Fourth" campaign, which resulted in tugu naxin, meaning to throw out the old and to embrace the new, which has inspired a constant stream of cultural reforms. The fault in tugu naxin is that the Chinese musical establishment is in danger of repeating the mistakes of the past, without the wisdom of those who have gone before to guide them. If the inventors of the key-changeable zheng had researched the methods used to change modes from traditional Chaozhou music, like the piece Fenhong Lian ("Pink Lotus"), they might have saved themselves years of useless toil, that might have been better put to use developing more functional innovations on the instrument. Tugu naxin limits the options. A greater wisdom would allow Chinese musicians to employ nylon strings, while preserving steel strings that both define and are integral to the expression of the traditional styles, such as Chaozhou and Henan. This greater wisdom would also allow the revival of the manufacture and use of silk strings. In the haste to invent new techniques to make the zheng play louder, faster and with a profusion of notes, composers should not lose sight of yiyun busheng ("using lingering charm to make up sound"), a powerful musical technique that is part of the distinctive nature of the instrument. 49 Many performers, composers and instrument makers have devoted their lives to the popularization and reform of the zheng. While many of these reforms have been discarded, others have helped transform it from a regional instrument, to a powerful instrument of expression that is now heard on the international stage. Yet the erratic political and social transformations that seem to plague China will probably continue to have a profound effect on the instrument. Hopefully, there will come a time when a more expansive view of the instrument will allow all the stages of the zheng, from past to future, to be regarded as essential vehicles of expression, and that the terms "traditional" and "contemporary" will not be considered in opposition to each other, but rather be seen to form the two interlocking parts of yin and yang, inherently linked and in constant balance. 50 BIBLIOGRAPHY Historical Sources Chen Yang c.l 100 Yueshu [Treatise on Music], in Siku Quanshu vol. 66-75, ed. 1979, Taiwan: Shangwu Yinshuguan. Fu Xuan c.265 Zheng Fu Xu [Poetic Essay on the Zheng]. Guo Maoqian c. 1264 Yuefu Shiji [Collection of lyrics]. Liu Xi c.200 Shiming [Explanation of Chinese Characters], in Congshu Jicheng, vol. 1151, 106pp, Wang Yunwu ed., Beijing: Shangwu Yinshuguan 1939. Ma Duanlin, ed. c. 14th C. Wenxian Tongkao [A Comprehensive Investigation of Documents and Traditions]. Sima Qian 237 BC Shiji [Record of History], vol. 87, Beijing: Zhonghua Shuju, 1959. Xu Shen c.121 Shuowen Jiezi [Explanation of Graphs and Analysis of Characters], Shuowen Jiezi Xinbian, Feng Siyu ed., Hong Kong, 1966. Ying Zhao c. 175 Fengsu Tongyi [Elucidation of Customs], in Gujin Tushu Jicheng [Synthesis of Books and Illustrations Past and Present], Chen Menglei and others, ed., 1725, vol. 116, Beijing: Zhonghua Shuju, 1935. Zhou Mi c.l 150 Wulin Jiushi [Old Story of Wulin], inDongjingMenghua Lu [The Social Life and Customs in the East Capital], Meng Yuanlao, ed., c.l 160, Shanghai: Gudian Wenxue Chuban She, 1965. Contemporary Sources Beijing Yueqi Xuehui, ed. 1996 Guzheng Quji [Collection of Zheng Compositions], special collections. 51 Cao Yong'an and Li Bian 1988 Cao Dongfu Zhengqu Ji [Zheng Pieces by Cao Dongfu], Beijing: Renmin Yinyue Chuban She. Cao Zheng 1980 "Guanyu Ersipu he Ersipu yu Gongchepu Guanxi de Tantao" [A Discussion of the Ersi Notation and the Relationship Between the Ersi Notation and the Gongche Notation], Yinyue Yanjiu, vol. 4. 1983 "Discussion of the History of the Guzheng", translated by Yohana Knobloch, Asian Music, vol. xiv/2. Originally published in Zhongguo Yinyue, 1981, vol.3. 1993 "Chaozou Guzheng Liupai de Jieshao" [Introduction to the Chaozhou Zheng], in Zhongguo Guzheng Mingqu Huicui, Yan Liwen, ed. Shanghai: Yinyue Chubanshe. Chen Leishi 1978 Chaoyue Juepu "Ersipu " Yuanliu Kao [Source and Origin of the Lost Chaozhou Two-four Notation], Hong Kong. Cheng Te-yuan 1991 Zheng, Tradition and Change diss.,University of Maryland. Ding Chengyun 1993 "Henan Zhengpai" [Henan Zheng School], in Zhongguo Guzheng Mingqu Huicui, Yan Liwen, ed., Shanghai: Yinyue Chubanshe. Guo Xuejun 1993 "Wang Shenzhi he Zhepai Guzheng" [Wang Shenzhi and Zhejiang Zheng School], Zhongguo Yinyue, No.2. Guo Xuejun and Guo Dajin 1996 "Guo Ying Xiansheng Zhuanlue" [A Brief Biography of Guo Ying], Qinzheng No.l. Gulik Van R.H 1951 "Brief Note on the Cheng, the Chinese Small Cither", Journal of the Society for Research in Asiatic Music. Hayashi Kenzo 1962 Dongya Yueqi Kao [Examination of East Asian Musical Instruments], anonymous translation from Japanese original, Beijing. Rl978,1996. Hamm, Charles 1991 "Music and Radio in the People's Republic of China", Asian Music, vol. XXII-2. 52 Han Kuo-huang 1979 "The Modern Chinese Orchestra", Asian Music, vol. XI-1. 1988 "Minzu Yueqi de Gailiang: 1949-1976" [Revolution in Chinese Traditional Instruments: 1949-1976], in Zhongguo Xin Yinyue Shilun Ji 1946-1976, Liu Ching-Chih ed., Hong Kong. He Baoquan 1981 "Dieshi Zheng" [The Butterfly Zheng], Yueqi, vol.2. Huang Chengyuan 1987 "Gongyuan Qian 500 Nian de Zheng" [The Zheng of 5th Century BC--A Study of the Instruments from Guixi Ya Tomb], Zhongguo Yinyue, vol.3. Jiao Wenbin 1992-1997 "Qinzheng Shihua" [The History of the Zheng], Qinzheng. Jiang Tingyu 1985 "Guangxi Guixian Luopowan Chutu de Yueqi" [The Instruments Excavated From Luopowan, Guixian County, Guangxi Province], Zhongguo Yinyue, vol.3. Li Ling and others, ed. 1992 Zhongguo Minzu Minjian Qiyuequ Jicheng, Shaanxi Juan [Synthesis of Chinese Folk instrumental Music, Shaanxi Volume], Beijing. 1994, 1998 Zhongguo Minzu Minjian Qiyuequ Jicheng, Shandong Juan [Synthesis of Chinese Folk instrumental Music, Shandong Volume], Beijing. Li Shibin 1992 "Zheng Qu Chuangzuo Sanlun" [Notes on Zheng Composition], Qin Zheng, vol.2. Li Yuanqing 1954 "Lun Yueqi Gailang Wenti" [A Discussion on the Issue of the Instrumental Reform], in Yinyue Jianshe Wenji, vol.1, 1959, Beijing: Yinyue Chuban She. Liang Ming-yueh 1984 "Zheng", The New Grove Dictionary of Musical Instruments, vol.3 p893-4, ed. Stanley Sadie, Macmillan Press Limited, London. Liang Tsai-Ping 1938 Ni Cheng Pu [Music of Cheng], Zheng Lu Licheng Wenji, Liang Tsai-Ping Jiaoshou Guzheng Duzou QuJi, Taipei, 1978. Liu Ching-chih 1988 Zhongguo Xin Yinyue Shilun Ji, 1920-1945 [History of New Music in China from 1920 to 1945], Hong Kong. 53 1990 Zhongguo Xin Yinyue Shilun Ji, 1946-1976 [History of New Music in China From 1946 to 1976], Hong Kong. Liu Ching-chih and Wu Ganbo 1994 Zhongguo Xin yinyue ShiLun Ji-Guoyue Sixiang [History of the New Music in China-The Ideology of National Music], Hong Kong. Liu Dongsheng and others, ed. 1988 Zhongguo Yinyueshi Tujian [Pictorial Handbook of Chinese Musical History], Beijing: Renmin Yinyue Chuban She. 1992 Zhongguo Yueqi Tujian [Pictorial Handbook of Chinese Musical Instruments], Jinan: Shandong Jiaoyu Chuban She. Liu Zhiyi 1967 Tan Zheng Se [A Talk on the Zheng and Se], in Guoyue Jiangliang, vol. 3. Taipei. Mao Zedong 1942 "Yen'an Forum On Literature and Art", in Selected Works of Mao Tse-Tung vol.3, Beijing: Foreign Languages Press, 1967. Shenyang Yueqi Chang 1973 "Wusheng Yinjie Zhuandiao Zheng" [The Pentatonic Scale Changeable-key Zheng], Yueqi Keji Jianxun, vol.2. Suzhou Minzu Yueqi Chang 1972 "Qisheng Yinjie 44 Xuan Zhuandiao Zheng" [44-String Diatonic Key-changeable Zheng], Yuqi Keji Jianxun, vol.2. Tang Misao 1989 "Zhengshi Gaishu" [An Introduction to the History of the Zheng], Zhongguo Yinyue, vol.2. Thrasher Alan R. 1988 "Hakka-Chaozhou Instrumental Repertoire: An Analytical Perspective on Traditional Creativity", Asian Music, vol. xix. No.2. 1995 "The Melodic Model As A Structural Device: Chinese Zheng And Japanese Koto Repertories Compared", Asian Music vol. xxxvi, No.2. Wu Ganbo and Xiang Sihua 1996 Xian Sihua Yanzou Zhongguo Zhengpu [Zheng Pieces Played by Xiang Sihua], Hong Kong: Shanghai Shuju. 54 Xiang Sihua 1990 "Cong Zhengyue de Chuangzuo Kan Zhengyue de Fazhan" [A Review on the Development of Zheng Music Through Analyzing Its Compositions], in Minzu Yinyue Yanjiu vol.2, Liu Ching-chin ed. University of Hong Kong. Xiang Yang 1990 "Cong Zhu Dao Zheng" [From the Zhu to the Zheng], Zhongguo Yinyue Xue, vol.1. 1993 "Kaogu Faxian yu Qinzheng Shuo" [The Archeological Finds and the Zheng of the Qin State], Zhongyang Yinyue Xueyuan Xuebao, vol. 4. Yan Li and Xu Jie 1997 "Guzheng Yanzou Jia, Jiaoyu Jia Zhao Yuzhai Xiansheng" [Master Zhao Yuzhai, the Zheng Performer and Educator], Qinzheng, No. 1. Yang Yinliu 1981 Zhongguo Gudai Yinyue Shigao [Draft History of Ancient Chinese Music], 2 vols. Beijing. Yuan Jingfang 1987 Minzu Qiyue [National Instrumental Music], Beijing: Renmin Yinyue Chuban She. Zhang Kun 1964 "Zhuandiao Zheng de Jiegou Jiqi Yingyong" [Construction of the Changeable-Key Zheng and its Practice], unpublished, Shenyang Yinyue Xueyuan. Zhongguo Qingnian Chubanshe 1979 Zhongguo Jindaishi Changshi [General Knowledge of Chinese Contemporary History], Beijing: Zhongguo Qingnian Chubanshe. Zhongguo Yinyue Jia Xiehui, ed. 1959 Yinyue Jians he Wenji [Collection of Musical Articles], vol.1, 1959, Beijing: Yinyue Chuban She. Zhongguo Yinyue Yanjiu Suo, ed. 1962 Zhongguo Gudai Yinyue Shiliao Jiyao [Summary and Collection of Historical Materials on Ancient Chinese Music], Beijing. Zhou Qingqing and Zhu Ping 1994 "Guzheng Jiaoyu Jia-Cao Zheng" [The Guzheng Educator-Cao Zheng". Qinzheng, vol.2. 55 SELECTED DISCOGRAPHY OF ZHENG MUSIC Chen Leishi 1997 Louis CHEN Plays Zheng Solos, CD, Hong Kong: HUGO Productions Ltd, HRP 7166-2. Cheng Te-Yuan nd Chinese Zither Music " Sea Gull" concerto, series of four cassettes tapes, Art-Tune Recording Company. Li Bian 1997 Lodging in a Garden, Henan Zheng Music, CD, Hong Kong: HUGO Productions Ltd, HRP 7168-2. Liang Tsai-Ping Nd Zhengqu Zhenpin Ji [Master Pieces of the Cheng-Chinese 16-stringed Zither], LP 33 1/3 CCMI-004, CCMI-005. Qiao Jianzhong, ed. 1996 Xuanguan Chuanqi: Special Collection of Contemporary Chinese Musicians, CD, Taipei: Wind Records Co. Ltd. Qiu Ji 1997 Ode to Guizhou: Zheng music by XUXiao-lin, CD, Hong Kong: HUGO Productions Ltd, HRP 7164-2. Xiang Sihua 1980 Yuzhou Changwan ("fisherman's Song"), LP, Beijing: Chinese Record Company. 1982 Dengyue Jiaohui ("Moonbeams and Bright Light"), tape, Beijing: Chinese Record Company. 1995 Jiuzhou Fengcai [Charm of China], CD, Hong Kong: ROI Productions LTD. Yang Xiuming 1993 The Delicate Sanskrit Music, CD, Taipei: JANUS Resource International Co. JRAF-1121. Zhongguo Changpian She ed. nd. Guozheng Daquan ("Collection of Guzheng Music") in Zhongguo Yinyue Daquan ("The Whole Collection of Chinese Music"), series of eight cassette tapes, Beijing: CRC ED-153-154, EL 309-314. 56 GLOSSARY OF CHINESE CHARACTERS baban Atfi Bainiao Chaofeng HJSb^JIL baixi HSc Beijing Dapde Xueshe i t M i l t l - P l f Chao Dongfu W^c££ Caoyuan Xiaojiemei W-J^'h&fc CaoyuanYingxiong Xiaojiemei ^-MMM^tSM-Cao Zheng fflE chaozhou Chen Hong WML Cheng Te-yuan W0M chongqing 3_IS Chushui lian i-BzKM chuan diao ^iJf dadiao JKM dadiao quzi ^vlifrffi^ " dizi W~F Dongbei Yinzhuan Mit'sM Dongting Xinge erhu — ersi pu — H i t Fan Shang'e m±.M fanxian Fenhong Lian f&USI Fengsu Tongyi JHf&iSf# fugu pai tltr-f M Fu Xuan Gaoshan Liushui iljUi#i-7J<. Gao Zicheng rm l=i J^C gongche pu XKIff Gujin Tushu Jicheng "fi'^ IHS IftJ^ C guzi qu Ui^ffi Guo Ying IPM guoyue mm Guiqulai Ci MJfcfeir' Guixi t i Guangdong SUS 57 Hakka Hangong Qiuyue Wkl^fXR Han Kuo-huang WM^H Hanya Xishui ^StSczK Hangzhou #C'Jf[ He Baoquan M5tife Hefan W # Henan Mr*! huqin 59 # huobusi ^C-f^ huowu fr§5 Huangdi Jiaochuang Yeyu ^ W ^ M jiangu Jiang Qing ttW Jiangxi flCffi keju Kui ^ leiqin f||^ li H Li Ling Li Yuanqing ^TCJSI Lou Shuhua Itlstli? Linchong Yeben Wl^^M Lin Yongzhi ( #^K^ Liu Dehai S!r1I$* Liu Qichao Liuqing Niang $ PW#$ Liuyang He M6§M Liang Ming-yueh Liang Tsai-ping Lu Xiutang W\%% Luo Jiuxiang H A H Mao Zedong manggong zheng m £ ^ Meng Tian j|ti§ min HU minjian minzu hua J s ^ f b Nao Yuanxiao MTUW 58 Nanjing Guoli Yinzhuan nanyin Ni Cheng Pu paizi qu peng baban pipa Pingsha Luoyan Pu Qizhang qin qinshu qinzheng qing Qing Fengnian qing sanliu qingshang yue Qing Zhu qu pai man saoxian saoyao sanxian se Sichuan sidian Sima Qian sixian sizhu suona Shancun Laile Shouhuo Yuan Shandong Shen Liliang Shenyang shi datao Shiji Shi Meiyin Shiming Shuowen Jiezi Tianjin Tianxia Datong Tongdian mm M mj\\ ran.! 59 tugu naxin Wang Changyuan Wang Dianyu Wang Xunzhi Weixin Pai Wei Ziyou Wei Xianzhong Wu Ganbo wu lin Wu Zuqiang xi qin xixue Xiao Youmei xiansuo Xiansuo Beikao xian shi xian zi Xinchao Sizhu Hui xin yinyue xianghe daqu xianghe ge Xiang Sihua Xingfu Qushui Dao An Cun Xu Zhengao Xunfeng Qu yao Yan'an Forum On Literature And Art yanyue Yangbian Cuima Yunliang Mang yangge yiyun busheng yin Yingkou yang yangqin Yang Yinliu yu Yulin Yuzhou Changwan yue mmm mm mm mum .C-J_ M mm mm A--mm m E3R 60 Yueshu Yuanshi Zhejiang Zhao Yuzhai Zhang Kun Zhang Xiaofeng Zhang Yan Zhang Ziyue zheng Zhengfu Xu Zhongguo Gudai Yinyue Shiliao Jiyao zhong sanliu zhongzhou gudiao zhu zhu ziqiang m mm tT 61 APPENDIX Tuning and Cipher Notation for the 21-String Zheng in the Key of D String # 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 1 r> o ° o o ° 0 JOL o 33C ————xr cipher -j 2 3 5 6 1 2 3 5 6 1 2 3 5 6 1 2 3 5 6 1 Notation : : : : : • • * • • 62 


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