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Japan's "last man" : overcoming a "crisis of ideas" 2000

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JAPAN'S "LAST MAN": OVERCOMING A "CRISIS OF IDEAS" by GREGORY IVAN POLAKOFF B.A., Sarah Lawrence College, 1986 M.A., San Francisco State University, 1991 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES Department of Asian Studies We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA December 2000 ® Gregory Ivan Pdlakoff, 2000 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Department The University of British Columbia Vancouver, Canada DE-6 (2/88) ABSTRACT Due to Mor i Ogai's importance not only as a writer, but as one of Japan's leading medical researchers and cultural critics, his works have always been under the scrutiny of scholars. This is especially true with respect to the fiction composed during a short segment of his career-from 1909 to 1912-which Richard Bowring has labelled Mor i Ogai's "literature of ideas." Ogai's "literature of ideas" depicts an enormous and heterogeneous array of ideas from a variety of humanistic and scientific disciplines, and is expressed in a variety of genres and literary styles. They represent Mor i Ogai's keen interest in a variety of Western literary and philosophical discourses, such as Naturalism, the Bildungsroman, and the cultural criticism of such thinkers as Nietzsche and Ibsen. Although the importance of Mor i Ogai's reception of Friedrich Nietzsche's ideas has been discussed to a l imited degree i n several studies, I intend to demonstrate that Nietzsche's ideas actually constitute a significant influence on the manner in which Ogai fine-tuned the structure, style, and content of his "literature of ideas." I believe that 6gai's "literature of ideas" is a definitive response to its author's disapproval of the outright "imitation" of Western ideas, which he perceived dominated Japan's modernization process. In addition, he was very wary of the consequences of imitating a discourse which he believed was characterized by a paradoxical union of optimistic and nihilistic ideologies. Although Mor i Ogai expressed envy at the progress-oriented nature of Western ideas and the philosophies of inspiring and forward-looking thinkers such as Plato and Goethe, he was also deeply disturbed by the gradual manifestation of pessimistic thought subsequent to the Renaissance-a phenomenon which he feared could be replicated in Japan. I w i l l argue that Nietzsche's notion of continuous self-development as depicted in Zarathustra is at the core of Ogai's "literature of ideas," the primary purpose of which is to depict Ogai's anxiety about Japan's modernization, and to posit a perspective which might help the Japanese intelligentsia to "overcome" the many obstacles which Ogai perceived as inherent components in this process. 1 T A B L E OF CONTENTS Abstract i i Table of Contents i i i Acknowledgments iv Preface v Japan's "Last Man" : Overcoming a "Crisis of Ideas" 1 A "Crisis of Ideas" 2 A Literature of "Detached Amusement" 6 "Nietzsche's New Man" .= 13 A Dissonant Literature In Search of Resolution 26 Japan: "Not Yet" 30 The Burden of Responsibility 36 The Pathology of a Bad Translation 40 Inorganic Solutions to Organic Problems 44 Japan's "Last Man" 51 Mor i Ogai's Existential Crisis 64 Conclusion: Mor i Ogai's Search for a "Blue Bird" 67 Bibliography 79 i i i ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Thank you, all m y family, friends, and colleagues (and Melriche's Coffee & Tea House!). iv PREFACE Although this is primarily an essay about Mor i Ogai, a Japanese fiction writer, it contains a significant discussion of German literature and philosophy, particularly that of Friedrich Nietzsche. As I would l ike this essay to be equally accessible to readers interested in both Japanese and German culture, I have decided to refer to all of the texts discussed i n this essay by the English translations of their titles. With the exception of several short passages and phrases which I translated, all of the English translations of Mor i Ogai's texts in this essay can be found in Youth and Other Stories, edited by J . Thomas Rimer, the most recent and widely available collection of M o r i Ogai's fiction available in English. • Passages from Zarathustra are referenced by the "book" and page from which they are quoted, eg., 1:4. The passage from the Gay Science at the head of this essay is referenced by the aphorism and page from which it is quoted. Die Explos iven . — Erwagt man, wie explosionsbedtirftig die Kraft junger Manner daliegt, so wundert man sich nicht, sie so unfein und so wenig wahlerisch sich fur diese oder jene Sache entscheiden zu sehen: Das, was sie reizt, ist der Anbl ick des Eifers, der u m eine Sache ist, und gleichsam der Anblick der brennenden Lunte, — nicht die Sache selber. Die feineren Verffihrer verstehen sich desshalb darauf, ihnen die Explosion in Aussicht zu stellen und von der Begriindung ihrer Sache abzusehen: mit Gri inden gewinnt man diese Pulverfasser nicht! (Friedrich Nietzsche, Die Frohliche Wissenschaft 38:80) The Explos ive Ones. — When one considers the explosiveness of the power which lies within young men, one barely gives it any thought when they see how indelicately and with so little discrimination they align themselves with this or that cause. That which entices them is the sight of the zeal that surrounds a cause, just like the sight of a burning fuse—not the cause itself. The cunning tempters therefore understand how to guarantee an explosion while failing to provide the rationale for their cause: one does not w i n these powder kegs over with reason! (Friedrich Nietzsche, The Gay Science 38) 1 A "Crisis of Ideas" S ^ t i T J S - t O S ^ f O ^ ^ r L f e W C f c S o (Ogai, "Mdsd" 130) I was received with great disappointment by my friends in Japan; and not without reason, because to return with my attitudes was unprecedented. Those before me had pulled their wares from their trunk and shown off some new trick or other, their faces bright with anticipation. I, on the other hand, did exactly the opposite. (Ogai, "Delusions" 175) Written from the perspective of a worn-out and tired intellectual in his declining years, Mori Ogai's autobiographical essay entitled "Delusions" (Moso ^M, 1911), is a bittersweet collection of afterthoughts. It is written by a man whose youthful encounter with the "West" inspired the seeds of both skepticism and a sense of profound personal detachment from the world-a perspective which only ripened with age.1 There are two conflicts depicted in this passage. The first is represented by the consternation felt by Ogai's colleagues upon learning that the returning 1 Although Mori Ogai does not identify himself as the narrator of "Delusions," this essay rides the finest possible line between fiction and pure autobiography. As pointed out by Donald Keene, the only "conspicuous departure from truth [in "Delusions"] consisted in Ogai's characterization of the central figure as a 'white-haired' old man, though the author was not yet fifty when he wrote 'Delusions'" (361). Although generally known to English readers as "Delusions," Thomas Rimer chose to publish his recent translation of "Moso" under the title "Daydreams," reflecting a very mild interpretation of the word moso ?RM. This text will be referred to as "Delusions" in this essay. 2 scholar was not a keen advocate of the popular shotgun approach to Westernization prevalent during the Meij i period (1868-1912)-a predicament which made the narrator feel quite alienated and detached from Japan's intelligentsia. The second conflict is present in Ogai's depiction of the Western ideas themselves, from which he was never able to either disengage himself or come to terms with. Although Ogai recognized the potential for progress and lofty achievements which he perceived as inherent components of Western discourse, he also identified a great "flaw" i n the evolution of Western philosophy, which has led to the ubiquity of nihilistic and pessimistic tendencies in Western ideas. Despite the optimism displayed by many intellectuals and proponents of modernization, many of whom embraced the popular-and rather fanatical-Meiji slogan "Japanese spirit, Western learning" (wakon yosai fP^ty^^t"), Mor i Ogai did not see any aspect of the "Japanese spirit" which made it inherently invulnerable to the great "flaw" he perceived i n Western philosophical thought.2 Throughout the texts I w i l l discuss in this essay, M o r i Ogai depicts the manifestations of "modernity" in much the same way as in the above quoted passage: grey, lustreless, and worse yet-tasteless-imitations of their Western counterparts which are doomed to inefficiency at best, and complete failure at the worst. This "flaw" in Western discourse is perhaps best represented by Ogai in the opening lines to "Delusions" as a great gap-an enormous and mysterious depth-symbolized rather appropriately by the Pacific Ocean: 2 As pointed out by Kenneth Henshall, the "xenophobic catch phrase 'sonnojoi' ('Revere the Emperor, expel the barbarians!') was soon to be replaced by more pragmatic and constructive slogans such as ivakon yosai' ('Japanese spirit, western learning') [...]. " (71). This quote captures the quick change in policy on the part of the Meiji government after realizing that isolationism cannot work when confronted with market economies and big guns. The former slogan, sonnojoi proved to be an ineffective method for dealing with large market driven economies with superior military technologies. 3 ttf> "rrti/«cv\ (124) Before h i m lies the open sea. The sand cast up by the waves has formed small hillocks, creating a natural defensive barrier. It is this k ind of formation that is meant by the word "dune," a word that originated with the Irish and Scots but which is now commonly used throughout Europe. Th in red pines grow in clusters on these dunes. They are still fairly young. The white-haired old man gazes out to sea from a room in his small house, which has been built surrounded by the pines in a small clearing cut for the purpose. (168) The use of the ocean as a symbol of an unpredictable and monstrous void is frequently employed by Western thinkers, particularly Schopenhauer, whose ideas are depicted by Ogai as prime examples of pessimism and nihi l ism in his fiction. Between the author and this monstrous void lies only the walls of his cabin and the young "thin red pines" growing on the dunes. The word which denotes "dune" is written in Roman phonetic script and annotated with katakana, which indicates the Japanese pronunciation of this word. 3 Although the Japanese language has its own word for "dune" (suna ftl>), Ogai has clearly chosen to employ a word of foreign origin. There are many possible reasons for this choice. Perhaps Ogai desired to conjure the imagery of a rugged coastline such as those found in Northern Europe. However, it is also possible that the sand dunes provide a suitable metaphor for the evanescence of Japan's "modernization." As I wi l l demonstrate in this essay, Mor i Ogai was deeply concerned that the conditions which set the stage for a social climate of n ih i l i sm and malaise in Europe would be replicated in Japan i f the process of modernization were 4 to continue to emphasize the outright imitation of Western ideas. The danger that such a negativity might surface in Japan is ubiquitously depicted throughout the texts I wil l discuss in this essay. It is a danger wh ich could manifest itself as soon as the veneer of Japan's achievements erodes, in the manner in which dunes erode on a beach, leaving the "thin red pines" exposed and unprotected. I believe that the young "red pines" growing on the dunes represent the young Japanese intellectuals that Mor i Ogai perceived to be Japan's most promising hope for survival in what is clearly depicted to be a "crisis of ideas" throughout Ogai's fiction written during the period in which "Delusions" was published. The clusters in which they grow represent the highly factional and cliquish intelligentsia of the late Meiji period. This crisis, like the arguments presented in "Delusions" are framed within the context of Japan's "encounter" with a distinctly foreign, "Western" discourse. The purpose of this essay is to explicate Ogai's depiction of Western ideas and the manner in which these ideas are applied in the process of Japan's modernization as represented in selected fiction composed between 1909 and 1912, which Richard Bowring has aptly labelled Mor i Ogai's "literature of ideas."4 At the core of my argument wi l l be Mor i Ogai's reception of German philosopher Friedrich Nietzsche's ideas, which I believe functions as a leitmotif throughout Ogai's "literature of ideas." Although Nietzsche is only mentioned by name sporadically throughout these works, Nietzsche's model of continuous personal growth through "overcoming" (Uberwindung) and critical thinking, particularly as depicted in Also Sprach Zarathustra (1885), can be identified throughout Ogai's "literature of ideas." The presence of Nietzsche's ideas serves the important function of assisting Mor i Ogai and his protagonists in coming to terms with this "flaw" in Western 3 Katakana is the Japanese syllabary reserved primarily to transcribe words of foreign, non- Chinese, origin. This custom of indicating the correct pronunciation of a word in small type next to the original text is called furigana In general, furigana is provided in hiragana F̂lŜ fe, the syllabary used to denote words of Sino-Japanese origin. However, in the event that furigana is provided for words of foreign etymology, katakana rfiEL%i is usually used. Mori Ogai's unorthodox orthographic representation of "dune" is not unique, but in fact employed quite frequently throughout the literature of this period in much the same manner as in "Delusions." 5 epistemology and the cultural "gap," which he clearly believes is standing directly in the path of Japan's progress towards achieving the status of a universally respected global power. However, at no time is it suggested that this high level of understanding can be achieved through the imitation or the endorsement of a specific ideology. In every text that I w i l l discuss, the only ideas which are clearly presented as a prescription for success are those which encourage intellectual and personal development as a way of life and skepticism towards imitation, extreme forms of individualism, and what Ogai perceives to be the "morals of the common herd." A Li terature o f "Detached A m u s e m e n t " ^mziiXft^ZtiXfoftX, ^ f f i f c % T » 4 * £ f t T & * , M i , ^ A f t # * f o t f e 5 i i » i , ffilZ.lZ&lt£&, —A<D%.lZl$'&\$t£fr'3lt<r>X*$>Z>„ (Ogai, "Moso" 133) As I considered the words of famous men in the past and in the present, I felt like a man standing at the crossroads who looks coolly at the faces of passersby. M y gaze was 4 "Literature of Ideas" is a part of the title of two chapters on Mor i Ogai's fiction written between 1909-1912 (although not exclusively); in Bowring's book Mori &gai and the Modernization of Japanese Culture. This book is the most complete source of scholarship on Mor i Ogai available in English. Although it is extraordinarily comprehensive and emphasizes the importance of Mor i Ogai's fiction and translations in the development of the history of ideas in Japan, it gives little credit to the artistic and aesthetic merits of Ogai's "literature of ideas." 6 detached, but I did stand there and occasionally raise m y hat to them. There were many, both past and present, who were worthy of respect. I raised my hat, but I was never tempted to leave the crossroads and follow in their footsteps. Many teachers I have met, but not a single master. (Ogai, "Delusions" 178) In this passage from "Delusions," Mor i Ogai depicts himself as a man who never found his "niche," in either a contemporary mil ieu or a historical discourse. The use of the word "crossroads" (tsuji i t ) is a metaphor which depicts the isolation that Ogai experienced as an intellectual throughout his life. It emphasizes not only his encounter with a vast and heterogeneous array of ideas, but his hesitation to step into any current of contemporary thought-either mainstream or radical. The manner in which he describes himself, floating amidst a sea of passing faces within the "crossroads," is strongly evocative of a man standing in the middle of a busy and modern intersection during rush hour-confused about how to reach a safe haven. However, despite the fact that this passage may evoke some distinctly modern imagery, it should be pointed out that tsuji is not a specifically modern term. As reflected in the English translation, tsuji literally denotes "crossroads" or "roadside" in a traditional context, and does not explicitly refer to the modern, urban, "intersection"-an image which was particularly new and futuristic in 1911. Clearly, the juxtaposition of modern imagery with an antiquated word is intended to depict this period in history as an important turning point in the evolution of Japanese culture. These semantic considerations indicate that the use of the word tsuji, as opposed to another word specifically coined to refer to a modern "intersection," shows that Mor i Ogai is also concerned with a particularly modern phenomenon; one that was instigated by an encounter with something distinctly foreign. It is apparent that there are a variety of aspects inherent in the culture of early twentieth-century Japan and the nation's encounter with foreign modes of thought which Mor i Ogai found quite discomfiting and distasteful. This discomfort is so extreme that Ogai felt compelled to remain within the confines of his role as an active "bystander," suspended at the "crossroads," his entire life. The primary definition of tsuji, which is rendered into English as 7 "crossroads," captures the intersection of distinct epistemological systems depicted in "Delusions," while the secondary definition, "roadside," emphasizes the alienation felt by the author as an intellectual. However, when considered in tandem, both meanings of the word "tsujf function as an effective metaphor to elucidate Mori Ogai's self-representation as a uniquely sensitive and perceptive intellectual, whose keen sense of judgement and discrimination may result in a feeling of "detached engagement," but lend his opinions an air of credibility as well. Donald Keene points out that Mori Ogai uses the word asobi iSt£ to express his feelings of "detached amusement" (364). Asobi is derived from the verb asobi JSI-S, which although normally translated into English simply as "to play," has a wide variety of other connotations as well. Asobi can also be translated as "a game," "a playground," "playtime," or even a ritualistic dance. Al l of these meanings are strongly evocative of active involvement on both a cerebral and physical level. In addition, they imply a defined discursive space in which these activities transpire. As I hope to illustrate, asobi is an important motif, which appears frequently in Mori Ogai's "literature of ideas." It helps to underscore the aspect of Mori Ogai's fiction which clearly delineates a process of learning and personal growth through the interplay of ideas. After nearly two decades of publishing virtually no original fiction of his own, Mori Ogai quickly regained his reputation as a creative writer in 1909 with the publication of "Half a Day" (Hannichi ¥-B, 1909). Ogai made a decisive departure from the romantic, fairy-tale narrative style which earned him his repute during his student years with such stories as "The Dancing Girl" (Maihime MVk, 1890) and "An Ephemeral Tale" (Utakata noki 5 tcfrtc<DH£, 1890), to one which can only be described as an enormous laboratory of ideas, in which a sense of hesitancy and the detached-engagement of a "man standing in the crossroads" can be keenly felt throughout every narrative. This "literature of ideas" coincided with the manifestation of a distinctly nationalistic climate and a crucial historical moment in the modernization of Japanese society.5 1909 was only four years after Japan's first victory over a European power in the Russo-Japanese War (1904-1905), which only served to exacerbate the hubris which permeated the spirit of Japanese nationalism after its local victories during the Sino-Japanese War (1894-1895). The end of this period of Ogai's 8 literary career coincides precisely with the end of the Meiji Era in 1912, which to many, symbolized the end of "traditional" Japan. 6 In addition, the beginning of the Taisho Era (1912-1926) was only two years before the beginning of the First World War, in which Japan continued to score victories i n its persistent attempts at establishing a sphere of military and economic influence throughout China and East Asia, and helped the allies to flush the Germans out of their colonies throughout Asia and Africa. 7 Japan was in a state of flux, somewhere in a "crossroads" too. The tension present in Ogai's works reflects the central importance of a concern shared by both Japan's intelligentsia and politicians: that the people of Japan be able to share a common, lucid, and universal method of written communication, without which respect in the international community would not be possible. For decades, intellectuals and government bureaucrats toyed with how to implement a policy known as genbunitchi ISc-the "unification" of written and spoken Japanese-as originally conceived by Meiji intellectuals in the 1870s.8 During this sensitive period, what started off as nationalism gradually began to take the shape of modern fascism, and the framework of Japan's fragile democracy-which was never more than a "procedural democracy" at best-increasingly exhibited major functional flaws. Not unlike the Prussian-controlled German 5 Scholars are not in agreement as to how Ogai's works should be categorized. In fact, the prefaces to many anthologies of Ogai's works translated into English often provide contradictory information regarding which works should properly be described as novels, autobiographical fiction, and narratives of self-development (see Rimer and Dilworth, vi i -vi i i , for a brief description of this ongoing debate). 6 In his discussion of "The Ashes of Destruction" (KaijinBl^, 1911-1912), Thomas Rimer suggests that the death of the Emperor Meiji and General Nogi "shook the author's own patterns of thinking," so much so, that "it sent h im veering off in another literary direction" and may have contributed to Ogai's decision to leave this work (Rimer, Youth 313). 7 Japan had a tenuous alliance with Great Britain during the First World War, in which . Britain helped it to acquire German territories. 9 empire, whose democratic institutions and constitution served as the foundations on which the early Meij i government was constructed, Japan became an expansionist state, and carefully defined what constituted a "threat" in order to deny the presence of conflict wi thin its sphere of influence, as is typical of Fascistic governments. 9 As discussed by Nanette Twine, what was originally known as genbunitchi gradually came to be referred to as kohxgo Hjj§ ("national language"), a movement which closely corresponded to a similar move towards language reform in Germany known as Gemeinsprache (a "common language"), in which "language" became an issue of "national identity and unity" and "a factor contributing much to the sense of authenticity necessary to social cohesion i n a developing power" (218). Due in part to a continued lack of consensus as to what form the Japanese language should ultimately manifest itself during this period of flux, the state of the Japanese language left many thinkers, including Ogai, with an enormous linguistic quandary. 1 0 "It is clear that Japan was and had been for some time a nation-state [to the Meij i oligarchs], a socially cohesive and politically autonomous territory, faced now with the urgent necessity for modernization to secure and fortify its position in the modern world into which it had been propelled" (Twine 9). See Twine, Chapter Five, for a discussion of the contributions of major writers in the Meiji period to genbunitchi, including Mor i Ogai (149-151). 9 In "The Prussia of the East?" Perry Anderson explores the extent to which Japan and Germany serve as suitable examples of parallel development. Despite differences in the development of Germany and Japan after the First World War, Anderson depicts Japan as a zealous younger brother in a competitive sibling relationship, citing evidence that Japan was even considered by some to be an appropriate model for Western nations in the late nineteenth century (11). In addition, he indicates that the authoritarian modelof the Prussian constitution contributed greatly to the rise of Japan's belligerence prior to the First World War and the disenchantment and rise of fascism which followed it: "The Meiji oligarchs, indeed, used the Second Reich as their model when they framed an authoritarian constitution and legal code for Japan. [...] The two states fought on opposite sides in the First World War, but each emerged as a dissatisfied power from it [...]" (11-12). 10 Clearly, despite Japan's "victories" around the turn of the century, M o r i Ogai did not consider the last days of the Meiji Era a time to celebrate, as indicated by the narrator's ambiguous sense of detachment from the modernization process depicted in "Delusions." Although Mor i Ogai did not issue a formal declaration of his stance on the question of language reform, his "literature of ideas" was composed in a colloquial, Naturalistic style-a clear departure from his earlier pieces which were written in gabun %&JC, or "elegant language," a literary style containing many elements of classical Japanese. Yet despite this shift in language, Mor i Ogai's fiction was quite different from that of the Japanese Naturalists and authors of the "I novel" (watakushi shosetsu fAAhl&)--novels of "self-discovery"-which in Ogai's opinion, was self-indulgent and focused excessively on sexuality and personal topics. Ogai was keenly interested in the literary form known as the "Bildungsroman" (novel of "self-development"), especially as conceived of by the German writer Goethe, whom Ogai deeply admired. This genre offered Ogai the opportunity to explore the development of a young man in relationship to an outer world of ideas rather than his discovery of an inner world of the self, as emphasized by the "I-novel." n Ogai's approach to the composition of the Bildungsroman is consistent with his powerful sense of commitment to the notion that literature serves a distinctly unselfish social purpose. Although Natsume Soseki also felt a similar sense of urgency regarding the course of Japan's modernization in the years following the Russo-Japanese War, Soseki was of the opinion that the "Japanese people could begin to worry less about the fate of the nation and live more for themselves as individuals; and [that] the ethic of self-sacrifice had begun to ring hollow" (Rubin 245). 1 2 As I hope to demonstrate by closely examining selected dialogues in Ogai's narratives, an individualistic 1 0 Twine notes that Japan's victory in the Sino-Japanese war added a new twist to the genbunitchi movement, as the use of Japanese overseas increased the government's concern with script reform and support of a colloquial written language (154). 1 1 As pointed out by Rimer, Goethe's Wilhelm Meister served as one of the primary influences on Mor i Ogai's Youth (Youth 373). 11 world-view, such as that advocated by Soseki, was exactly what Mori Ogai did not want to see evolve i n Japan, as it represents yet another hasty and ill-considered imitation and application of a Western idea-albeit a well-intentioned one. 1 3 The concept of "individualism" is broached with suspicion and great trepidation in M o r i Ogai's fiction. Ogai was well aware of the frenzy and disorder which the unsystematic and freewheeling application of philosophies that advocate "individualism" and "free w i l l " had caused throughout Europe and the Americas. As I wi l l demonstrate in this essay, Ogai never displayed anything but disappointment and disdain with writers such as Soseki, whom he saw as the possible (although unintentional) catalysts of a copycat reaction i n Japan. Richard Bowring aptly characterizes this relentlessly detached, yet committed and ascetic aspect of Ogai's life and work as "a sense of mission," a major component of which included carefully safeguarding himself from falling into the same trap as those who gleefully pull "wares from their trunk[s]" or show-off "some new trick," as depicted in "Delusions." 1 4 1 2 This passage is quoted from Jay Rubin's preface to his translation of two of Natsume Soseki's lectures entitled "Soseki as Lecturer: Autonomy and Coercion." The essay he is referring to is entitled "The Civilization of Modern-day Japan" ("Gendai nihon no kaika" J£f tB#0>0B'ffc I 1911). 1 3 M y interpretation of much of Ogai's fiction discussed in this essay is based on m y opinion that these narratives were written as a response to the highly popular writings and speeches of Natsume Soseki. For a brief, yet elucidating discussion of Ogai's relationship to his "rival," Natsume Soseki, see Rimer's introduction to Youth (Youth 373-380). 1 4 This epithet is also the title of a chapter in Bowring's Mori Ogai and the Modernization of Japanese Culture. 12 Nietzsche's "New Man" Throughout this essay, I wi l l point out many instances in which Mor i Ogai and his protagonists express great dissatisfaction with what they perceive to be a scarcity of words to represent the notion of "progress" in Japanese epistemology and the Japanese language. By "progress," I am not referring simply to a "competitive edge" or the desire of a nation or individual to better itself-qualities which are indeed an integral part of Japan's powerful drive towards attaining respect as a global economic and military power-but rather a more instinctual desire to "strive" towards a higher and transcendent state, in a way expressed by Goethe's Faust, a work which profoundly influenced Mor i Ogai. Although Faust, the protagonist of Goethe's two-volume classic, caused a sizeable amount of harm during his misadventures, his entire raison d'etre was based upon his desire to engage in a lifelong process of "striving" (Streberi), which, unlike any other goal that a human being could possess, represents a process of continual growth with no terminus. Goethe's work inspired Mor i Ogai to contemplate the monolithic task of translating both volumes of this drama into Japanese for over two decades. He eventually completed this task in 1913, only one year after the end of the Meiji Era. 1 5 Faust's commitment to "striving" is the centrepiece of the protagonist's famous pact wi th Mephistopheles ("the Devil"), in which Faust is promised a second chance at youth and the magical power of a demon companion at his constant disposal with the only stipulation that i f he should ever "tarry" (verweilen) in the moment-or cease to "strive" (streberi)-he would surrender his soul: Bowring explains that Ogai began thinking about translating Faust as early as 1885. As documented in a diary entry from that year, Ogai and a friend visited Auerbachskeller in Leipzig, an actual tavern mentioned in Faust, and discussed the possibility of translating the work into Classical Chinese (184). Ogai's final version, which appeared over twenty years later, was published in a lucid modern idiom. The first part of Faust was performed in Tokyo in 1913. 13 U n d Schlag aufSchlag! Werd' ich zum Augenblicke sagen: Verweile doch! du bist so schon! Dann magst du mich in Fesseln schlagen [...]. (581) A n d beat for beat! If the swift moment I entreat: Tarry a while! you are so fair! Then forge the shackles to my feet [...] . (41) Ultimately, despite a lifetime of callous deeds, as well as notable achievements, Faust escapes the flames of hell, as he never ceased to "strive." Although Goethe depicts a "hero" of questionable morality, Faust is spared the sting of Mor i Ogai's condemnation. I believe that it is the hunger for experience, personal growth, and achievement that lies at the core of Faust's actions, which spares Faust not only from hell, but from Ogai's condemnation, which can be quite caustic. At no point is Faust ever motivated by a bl ind or selfish desire to be individualistic for the sake of being individualist ic-a desire which Ogai perceived to be an inherent component of contemporary advocates of "individualism," such as Natsume Soseki. Faust's actions are always guided and structured by a clear commitment to the process of "striving" for its own sake. 1 6 Although Ogai makes it quite clear that Western discourse is filled with undesirable and negative qualities, his texts depict a distinct sense of envy at the loosely defined, yet distinctly optimistic, inspirational, and growth-oriented characteristics that he feels are lacking in his own culture. Mor i Ogai clearly expresses a powerful desire to see these lofty traits incorporated into Japanese thought so that Japan's political, scientific, and artistic communities would have a better chance for success in a world dominated by Western ideas. Although there are many models of 1 6 Although this is the generally accepted interpretation of Faust, it should be noted that there are literally hundreds of articles and books which offer numerous alternatives. 14 ambitious and striving heroes from other works which are explored i n Ogai's texts, I intend to argue that it is the model of self-development as expressed in the writings of Friedrich Nietzsche- particularly Also Sprach Zarathustra-which provides the most effective and easily transferable models for M o r i Ogai and his protagonists. Nietzsche's writings were written either directly or indirectly as a response to many of the same issues which were just as important in Mor i Ogai's Japan as they were in Germany; the frenzied spread of anarchism, communism, Naturalism, and the rise of the modern nation state were important concerns to both thinkers. Even though Nietzsche's ideas were misinterpreted and caused quite a stir in Japan-a fact which greatly irritated Mor i Ogai-Ogai cleverly managed to weave Nietzsche's ideas into his works. Nietzsche's ideas offered Ogai a foundation on which to develop a customized model of personal growth. It combines the progress-oriented and forward-propelling qualities Ogai identified in Nietzsche's ideas, with Ogai's usual emphasis on the importance of developing a keen sense of judgement and maintaining a healthy level of skepticism. Throughout Ogai's texts, his characters repeatedly mention or allude to the concept of the "new man," or as it is also referred to, the "modern man." Often this concept is introduced into a text specifically with reference to the philosophy of Friedrich Nietzsche. It is frequently depicted as representing both an exotic and desirable state of being, as well as one which clearly represents Ogai's ambivalent attitude towards ideas which express an extreme form of individualism. This is indicated in the following passage from "Play" (Asobi 2fc-€"U\ 1910): "His manner had become much milder, but there was still some measure of spite in his smile. Despite this stubborn, malicious streak, he was still not the modern man of'Nietzsche-ism.'" 1 7 # L £ If'&teWkM'VH; —^ *f ^-^M(D^^K\Z. iife. P j t l ^ V v ' (276). As Nietzsche does not frequently employ the term "modern man," the texts are l ikely referring to Nietzsche's notion of the Ubermensch as described primari ly in the German philosopher's only work of fiction, Also Sprach Zarathustra, which Ogai refers to and paraphrases throughout the texts I wi l l discuss in this essay. 1 8 I believe that Ogai was profoundly influenced by the model of intellectual and personal development represented by this concept. Despite the enormous controversy which has surrounded the notion of the Ubermensch over the 15 past century, this concept represents a process in which a high level of intellectual maturity is reached by gradually rising above pedestrian modes of thought, to one where ideas and concepts can be understood and applied in a constructive and creative manner without the burdens of convention and outmoded traditions. The concept of the Ubermensch is loaded wi th a sense of freedom and release from constraints, which for someone such as Mor i Ogai, who depicts himself as a man stuck at the "crossroads," must have been very inspiring: Ich lehre euch den Ubermenschen. Der Mensch ist Etwas, das uberwunden werden soli. Was habt ihr gethan, ihn zu iiberwindern? Al le Wesen bisher schufen Etwas uber sich hinaus: und ihr wollt die Ebbe dieser grossen Fluth sein und lieber noch zum Thiere zuriickgehn, als den Menschen uberwinden? Was ist der Affe fur den Menschen? Ein Gelachter oder eine schmerzliche Scham. U n d ebendas soil der Mensch fur den Ubermenschen sein .[...•] [•••• ] Einst wart ihr Affen, und auch jetzt noch ist der Mensch mehr Affe, als irgend ein Affe. [ ] Der Mensch ist ein Seil, gekniipft zwischen Thier und Ubermensch, - - ein Seil iiber einem Abgrunde. 1 7 Mor i Ogai's depiction of the "new man" is based on a number of models from European literature and philosophy. Bowring devoted an entire sub-chapter to this subject entitled "The New Man," (pp. 135-153). In particular, he discusses the importance of ideas such as individualism and the significance of Naturalistic thinking in Japanese attitudes and culture in shaping Mor i Ogai's depiction of the "new man." The use of the word "Nietzsche-ism" (— -i *f~ ^ jfeU) in this passage indicates that the speaker has been influenced by the general reception of Nietzsche in Japan, which tended to emphasize and exaggerate Nietzsche's most radical and "individualistic" qualities. 16 Ein gefahrliches Hiniiber, ein gefahrliches Auf-dem-Wege, ein gefahrliches Zuriickblicken, ein gefahrliches Schaudern und Stehenbleiben. (1:8-10) "I teach you the overman [Ubermensch]. Man is something that shall be overcome. What have you done to overcome him? "Al l beings so far have created something beyond themselves; and do you want to be the ebb of this great flood and even go back to the beasts rather than overcome man? What is ape to man? A laughingstock or a painful embarrassment. And man shall be just that for the overman [...] Once you were apes, and even now, too, man is more ape than any ape. [...] "Man is a rope, tied between beast and overman-a rope over an abyss. A dangerous across, a dangerous on-the-way, a dangerous looking-back, a dangerous shuddering and stopping. (1:124-126) It is also possible that Ogai is a making reference to the "great man" or the "noble man" depicted i n The Will to Power, however I cannot find any evidence to support this in Ogai's fiction. In addition to references to the Ubermensch and Zarathustra in Ogai's fiction, there is also the fact that Ogai contributed a short story entided "The Tower of Silence; ("Chinmoku no fd'fcfcSSOJgf, 1910) to serve as the preface to the Japanese translation of Zarathustra to consider. Ikuta Choko's translation of Zarathustra was the first translation of one of Nietzsche's works to appear in Japanese. "The Tower of Silence" appears just before Choko's translation and is captioned "In Lieu of a Preface for the Translation of Zarathustra" (Yakuhon Tsaratousutora no jo m kahu ^ hyOOrP IZftJj^). Sano Haruo has gathered sufficient evidence to conclude that not only was Ogai the contributor of the "preface," but was consulted regularly by Choko for assistance with the original German text, as Choko did not feel confident to tackle the German on his own. He also drew heavily upon the popular English translation by Thomas Commons, which is notorious for being a highly imaginative and far from accurate rendering of Nietzsche's text (Kaufmann 108). The publication of this translation coincides with the middle of Ogai's "literature of ideas," and is a strong indication of the importance of this text during this period of Ogai's literary career. 17 As discussed in the introduction, Mor i Ogai perceived the ideas of many European philosophers, such as Schopenhauer and Hartmann, as being essentially pessimistic, stifling, and even worse-nihil ist ic. Nietzsche, however, offers his readers not only optimism, but a model for self-development based on the acquisition of a keen sense of judgement and the ability to distinguish and "overcome" personal and cultural limitations-a model that can be readily applied to an epistemology which does not necessarily have to be German, European, or even Judeo- Christian. Although I do not contend that Ogai's protagonists in any way represent the Ubermensch, I believe they possess many qualities of what Nietzsche termed the "last man," the precursor of the Ubermensch, who remains suspended i n the most crucial stage of self-development. As depicted in the following passage, this stage is a turning point, in which the "last man" may manifest himself as an overly confident animal who believes that he has reached a god-like level of development and no longer sees the need for personal growth: Und sprach Zarathustra zum Volke: Es ist an der Zeit, dass der Mensch sich sein Ziel stecke. Es ist an der Zeit, dass der Mensch den Keim seiner hochsten Hoffnung pflanze. Noch ist sein Boden dazu reich genug. Aber dieser Boden wird einst arm und zahm sein, und kein hoher Baum wird mehr aus ihm wachsen konnen. Wehe! Es kommt die Zeit, wo der Mensch nicht mehr den Pfeil seiner Sehnsucht uber den Menschen hinaus wirft, und die Sehne seines Bogens verlernt hat, zu schwirren! Ich sage euch: man muss noch Chaos in sich haben, u m einen tanzenden Stern gebaren zu konnen. Ich sage euch: ihr habt noch Chaos in euch. Wehe! Es kommt die Zeit, wo der Mensch keinen Stern mehr gebaren wird. Wehe! Es kommt die Zeit des verachtlichsten Mencshen, der sich selber nicht mehr verachten kann. Seht! Ich zeige euch den letzten Menschen. (1:13) 18 A n d thus spoke Zarathustra to the people: "The time has come for man to set himself a goal. The time has come for man to plant the seed of his highest hope. His soil is r ich enough. But one day this soil wi l l be poor and domesticated, and no tall tree w i l l be able to grow in it. Alas, the time is coming when man wi l l no longer shoot the arrow of his longing beyond man, and the string of his bow w i l l have forgotten how to whir! "I say unto you: one must still have chaos i n oneself to be able to give birth to a dancing star. I say unto you: you still have chaos in yourselves. "Alas, the time is coming when man wi l l no longer give birth to a star. Alas, the time of the most despicable man is coming, he that is no longer able to despise himself. Behold, I show you the last man. (1:129) Alternatively, the "last man" may have enough good sense to recognize how "despicable" he has become, and prepare to undertake the process of "going under," the eventual result of which is the transformation into the Ubermensch: Was gross ist am Menschen, das ist, dass er eine Briicke und kein Zweck ist: was geliebt werden kann am Menschen, das ist, dass er ein Ubergang und ein Untergang ist. [ ] Ich liebe den, welche lebt, damit er erkenne, und welcher erkennen wi l l , damit einst der Ubermensch lebe. Und so wi l l er seinen Untergang. [••• ] Seht, ich bin ein Verkiindiger des Blitzes und ein schwerer Tropfen aus der Wolke: dieser Blitz aber heisst Ubermensch.— (1:11-12) "What is great in man is that he is a bridge and not an end: what can be loved in man is that he is an overture and a going under.[...] 19 "I love h i m who lives to know, and who wants to know so that the overman may live some day. A n d thus he wants to go under. [...] "Behold, I am a herald of the lightning and a heavy drop from the cloud; but this lightning is called overman." (127-128) As is clearly evident in the text, Nietzsche employs a variety of imagery from the natural world and music as metaphors to depict the transformation of the "last man" into an Ubermensch. O f particular interest here is the use of the word "overture" to describe the "last man," who is ready to undergo the final stage of the transformation-the "going under" (die Untergang)-necessary to become an Ubermensch. This particular imagery emphasizes not only the beginning ofa new "movement" (to build upon Nietzsche's imagery from music), but implies there is still more growth and development yet to come. Clearly, this metaphor is intended to indicate a continual and indefinite process of self-development. 1 9 The image of lightening and heavy rain i n the third strophe emphasizes the powerful impact which the Ubermensch is likely to have upon his entrance into society. This descent from the heavens is particularly significant, especially when considering that the final transformation into the Ubermensch involves "going under." One possible interpretation of this continual process of ascending and descending is that it is intended to emphasize that Nietzsche's process of self-development and transformation is characterized by an indefinite series of high and low points-or "overtures" and "finales." As depicted in Zarathustra, Nietzsche's concept 1 9 Nietzsche had a keen interest in music. This interest is perhaps highlighted by his friendship with the German composer Richard Wagner, whom Nietzsche cited as one of the principle inspirations for his early ideas, and whom he later disavowed and used as his primary example of cultural decadence in his mature years. Music theory is an important component to Nietzsche's ideas, ranging from his interpretations of Dionysian and Apollonian music and dance, to the significance of contemporary classical forms. Nietzsche actually composed a fair amount of music, which is a significant testimonial to the importance of music in his career. It is currently available on compact disk. 20 of the Ubermensch is not presented as a terminus in a process of intellectual and personal development. It is a rite of passage for an individual into a transcendent state of being in which an indefinite process of transformation and growth-of high and low points-is a way of life. The process of indefinite development and transformation depicted in Nietzsche's writings, particularly in Zarathustra, is either directly or implicitly related to Nietzsche's theory of "Eternal Recurrence." This is a complex component of Nietzsche's ideas that the author developed gradually over the course of his career. Eternal Recurrence is based upon the legend of the Greek god of wine and dance, Dionysus, who is ritualistically torn to bits by his worshippers in an orgiastic frenzy of wine, song, and dance, after which he is reconstituted only to undergo the same process every year for all eternity. However, in comparison with the myth of Sisyphus, the Greek deity who was sentenced to an eternity of having to roll a boulder up a h i l l only to watch it return to the bottom and repeat the process perpetually, Dionysus' sufferings are not a punishment, but symbolic of the realities inherent in the process of living. For Nietzsche, this process is a metaphor for how the process of personal and intellectual development should be perceived, despite its rather awesome and lurid overtones. Even though the process of Eternal Recurrence implies that both the desirable and undesirable aspects of life wi l l continually repeat themselves, it emphasizes that the process of growth, learning, and teaching, is an indefinite process as well . It is a frightening thought, even for Zarathustra: —ich komme ewig wieder zu diesem gleichen und selbigen Leben, i m Grossten und auch i m Kleinsten, dass ich wieder aller Dinge ewige Wiederkunft lehre,— —dass ich wieder das Wort spreche vom grossen Erden-und Menschen-Mittage, dass ich wieder den Menschen den Ubermenschen kiinde. (3:272) I come back eternally to this same, selfsame life, in what is greatest as in what is smallest, to teach again the eternal recurrence of all things, to speak again the work of the great noon of earth and man, to proclaim the overman again to men. (3:333) 21 This Dionysian aspect of Nietzsche's philosophy is depicted in the philosopher's texts i n stark opposition to the Apollonian, which represents the moral, rational, and "civilized" side of human nature. As the Apollonian tends to deny the Dionysian tendencies inherent in human beings and rejects them as primitive and inappropriate, the Dionysian side of human nature tends to remain repressed and suffocated by the rational, Apollonian side. 2 0 Very much like Nietzsche's "rival," Freud, the bifurcation of the Dionysian and the Apollonian is responsible for a great gulf in human nature which manifests itself in an unhealthy imbalance. As I hope to demonstrate, despite the danger of misinterpretation-which Ogai perceived to be an inherent component of Nietzsche's ideas-Nietzsche's theory of Eternal Recurrence represents a model for "change" in which nothing is actually ever "destroyed," but "reassembled" into a new matrix. As I w i l l elaborate later i n this essay, Mor i Ogai manipulates this theory rather effectively so it fits into many aspects of his world-view which are actually quite conservative. In "Delusions," Mor i Ogai expresses delight in his discovery of an optimistic thinker in Western thought, which despite its heterogeneity, he had previously regarded as being characterized by an overabundance of pessimism. However, even with respect to Nietzsche, Ogai displays his usual skepticism and trepidation: ±<DMfc%&^XigJZAb'&£. 0 - > 3 ^ ^ 7 ^ © Q u i e t i v e ^ * U 2 N f eVẑ s c h e ( D j g A ^ T e f c o f c , , 2 0 The genesis of this aspect of Nietzsche's thoughts is clearly represented in his early work, The Birth of Tragedy. Although Nietzsche tended to minimize the significance of this work in later years (this being in part due to his renunciation of his friendship with Wagner), these ideas remained at the core of his philosophy throughout his career. 22 S r f i l T T , M^^: l«I^ icS^^; ' (^ :<7 )1S*^^:Mv^•r [...]. (134) I had not been able to accept Schopenhauer's Quietive, that sedative which tried to destroy the wi l l to life and make people enter a state of nothingness; but now something whipped me out of my soporific state. Nietzsche's philosophy of the superman. This too, however, was intoxicating wine rather than nourishing food. With keen pleasure I saw his dismissal of the passive altruistic morals of the past as the morals of the common herd. I was also delighted to see h i m not only descry the socialist view of universal brotherhood as the morality of a stupid, foolish crowd who rejected all privilege, but also revile rampant anarchists as dogs barking in the streets of Europe. I could not, however, seriously accept his rejection of the conventions of the intellect, his argument that the wi l l to power lay at the root of all culture [...] (179) In this passage, the narrator of "Delusions" clearly delineates Ogai's position regarding the philosophy of Friedrich Nietzsche. Ogai's encounter with Nietzsche is depicted as a wish come true in his search for a truly optimistic alternative to the pessimistic thinking which he believed dominated Western thought when he returned from Europe in the 1880s. In addition, it seems as though Mor i Ogai has found a comrade in arms in his battle against what he perceives as "passive" and "altruistic morals," and ideologies designed for the "common herd," such as anarchism and communism. However, despite the active and progress-oriented qualities which Ogai identifies in Nietzsche, Mor i Ogai stops short of endorsing his philosophies. The reasons for this distance from the German philosopher is clearly expressed by the narrator of "Delusions," who believes that Nietzsche advocates the "rejection [of] the conventions of the intellect" and the notion that the "wil l to power" lies "at the root of all culture." The conflict between what initially seems to be an outright endorsement of Nietzsche's philosophies, but what eventually amounts to a rejection, is indicative-at least in part-of the 23 controversial and passionate nature of Nietzsche reception in Japan, rather than an outright objection by Mor i Ogai. The reception of Nietzsche's ideas i n Japan was clouded by even more misinterpretation and fanaticism than in Europe. As none of Nietzsche's work's was translated into Japanese until 1911, the only access Japanese readers had to Nietzsche was through difficult to procure editions in English or German or through secondary literature and pamphlets. The "Aesthetic Life" debate, named after Japanese philosopher Takayama Chogyu's 1901 essay entitled "Debating the Aesthetic Lifestyle'" (Biteki seikatsu o ronzu Hl f t^ f i f^ r i ra"^) sparked a massive controversy among a wide variety of figures from the ranks of Japan's most respected intellectuals, including Mor i Ogai. The language of the essay, which draws heavily upon "Nietzschean" ideas, was so provocative that it helped to spark what would eventually become a trend of government censorship of intellectuals who were perceived as espousing "dangerous" Western values of individualism and socialism: Chogyu's 'aesthetic life' was early confused with Nietzsche's 'extreme individualism' and ' immoralism'. Accordingly, the debate was mainly fought over what these concepts denoted. The larger issue was whether individualism was compatible with social existence, and whether Nietzsche's ideas and the 'Nietzschean' writings of his Japanese admirers represented 'dangerous thought' that should be proscribed in Japanese society. Chogyu's individualism predicated on instinctual satisfaction is demonstrated to have evolved circuitously from his idealist critique of modern civilization's (and Japanese society's) materialism, utilitarianism, and lack of spiritual values. (Petralia, abstract) As the profusion of words surrounded by single quotes in this passage indicates, there exists a large measure of doubt on the part of historians as to how much blame can be placed on Nietzsche's ideas themselves in sparking this debate. 2 1 However, despite the ambiguity of Mor i Ogai's reading of Nietzsche, it is clear that Ogai's brand of elitism is very similar to that of Nietzsche's, which is often referred to as aristokratischer 24 Radikalismus ("aristocratic radicalism"). 2 2 However, as indicated in "Delusions," Ogai felt that Nietzsche went too far i n his "rejection of the conventions of the intellect." Thus, Ogai struggled to find a way in which an authentic, Japanese set of "traditional values" could be maintained without resorting to imitating Western models of nationalism or indulging in the more self-centred and easily accessible approach towards self-discovery advocated by Natsume Soseki, which Ogai depicts not only as impulsive and selfish, but as reflecting the values of the "common herd." Graham Parkes cites evidence that Chogyu may have been relatively unfamiliar with Nietzsche when he wrote "On the Aesthetic Life" (197). For a complete discussion of the controversies sparked by "Debating the Aesthetic Lifestyle'" or Chogyu's role in shaping the course of Nietzsche-reception, see Petralia's dissertation Nietzsche in Meiji Japan-a comprehensive work of no less than eight hundred pages. For a more compact history, complete with translations of an essay by Chogyu and other key figures related to Nietzsche reception, see Hans-Joachim Becker's Die Fruhe Nietzsche-Rezeption in Japan (1893-1903): Ein Beitrag zur Individualismusproblematik im Modernisierungsprozess. For general Nietzsche-Reception in Japan, see Graham Parkes' chapter entitled "The Early Reception of Nietzsche's Philosophy in Japan" in the book (edited by Parkes) Nietzsche in Asian Thought and Kiichiro Oishi's "Nietzsche als Philologe in Japan: Versuch einer Rekonstruktion der Rezeptionsgeschichte." Bowring cites "internal evidence" that Ogai studied Danish critic and historian Georg Brandes' essays, including "Aristokratischer Radicalismus," as early as 1890 (143). Brandes corresponded with Nietzsche for a time, and is one of the first figures of "international repute to recognize Nietzsche's quality" as indicated in "Aristokratischer Radicalismus" (see Hollingdale 233-234). 25 A Dissonant Literature In Search of Resolution Some of 6gai's texts are literally flooded with ideas, so much so, that simply untangling the references and terms that might appear on any given page requires not only patience, but the desire to do a little research as well . I believe that Ogai was motivated by a number of factors in creating such difficult-to-penetrate texts. The first is based upon my conviction that Ogai accepted Emile Zola's theory that the purpose of fiction is to serve as a creative laboratory of ideas, as expressed in his treatise, The Experimental Novel.23 Despite the clear advantages which Naturalism offered Mor i Ogai, who placed a great emphasis on depicting the subtle details which comprise "modern" language and culture, the author was convinced that Naturalism was ultimately a let-down-an opinion which he did not'hesitate to share with his readers. However, a quick visual and textural analysis of Ogai's "literature of ideas" clearly illustrates that not only do Ogai's texts contain many of the characteristics inherent to Naturalistic literature, but employ them quite wel l -so wel l in fact, that they actually provide a useful set of "conclusions" from the "data" acquired in his "experiments," without the side-effects which he perceived to be an inherent component of Naturalism. 2 4 This laboratory permits Mori Ogai, fiction writer and lifetime scientific researcher, an opportunity to experiment with the vast array of ideas which characterizes the late Meiji period. This perspective on Ogai's "literature of ideas" emphasizes not only the excitement which Ogai felt while engaging these ideas, but his desire to see a resolution of the dissonance which he perceived as an inherent component of Japan's modernization. Bowring points out that when Ogai was in Germany, European critics were engaged in a heated debate over Naturalism, which may have had the initial effect of inspiring Ogai to take an interdisciplinary approach to writing literature: "Neither is it surprising that he should take particular interest in Zola's central thesis-that of the identity of science and art-as he was both doctor and prospective writer himself and saw the introduction of the scientific method as part of his mission on his return to Japan." (65). 26 Ogai's works of this period are well known for their fragmentation and open-endedness. Numerous commentaries have been written about the lack of closure and irregular structure characteristic of Ogai's works. Some critics, such as Richard Bowring, virtually apologize for Ogai's attempts at writ ing novels and label them failures. Bowring literally issues a warning to his readers: "It is undeniable that by the virtue of the fascination that his [Ogai's] life and character hold for the Japanese the works themselves are given a vicarious lustre which easily tarnishes i f one approaches them entirely on their own merits" (x). I prefer to regard Ogai's narratives of this period as representative of a "unique historico-philosophical moment" at the "watershed of two historical epochs," as described by Georg Lukacs in reference to examples of novelic discourse in the European Renaissance (104) 2 5 In Lukacs' early work, The Theory of the Novel he states that the tension inherent in such "unique historico-philosophical moments [as the Renaissance]" is what provides an author the material needed to construct a plot. This is a process which holds a basic scientific principle at the core of its theory: that all tension seeks to resolve itself At one point i n his discussion, Lukacs characterizes his theory as being indicative of the novel's inherent tendency towards depicting the "self-correction of the world's fragility," and persuasively argues that the fragmentation and heterogeneity are "only a symptom" which "renders the structure of the novel's totality clearly visible" (76). It is from this perspective that I propose to read Ogai's texts. Rather There is a large body of research which documents Ogai's ambivalent stance towards Naturalism as a movement and its reception in Japan. Bowring sums it up succinctly in the sentence: "If we remember Ogai's earlier arguments against the exclusive use of realism to the detriment of beauty, and especially the tendency of the European Naturalists to be obsessed with sexual instincts, his chagrin at seeing a somewhat similar movement establish itself in Japan can be imagined [emphasis added]" (123). Although Dennis Washburn employs Lukacs' theories in a different context than myself, I would like to give credit to his essay "Manly Virtue and the Quest for the Self: The Bildungsroman of Mor i Ogai" for inspiring me to consult The Theory of the Novel. 27 than considering the heterogeneity of ideas and the work's structural irregularities separately, I w i l l treat them as indicative of a dissonant quality which pervades Ogai's "literature of ideas." I feel that "dissonance" is an especially fitting term in that it implies not only the need for resolution but also progress and forward movement. I have chosen this perspective not only to provide a theoretical model by which one can examine this dissonance, but to introduce the topic of the European Renaissance, which functions as a key motif throughout Ogai's "literature of ideas." Japan of the late Meiji Era was an extraordinarily vibrant era, and one of the few environments i n the world during the last mi l lenn ium which experienced a surge of ideas, scientific advancements, and fundamental changes to the basic structure of society as Europe did during the Renaissance. Both periods experienced a sharp increase i n literacy, literature published in colloquial dialects, and a surge i n the volume of material that was actually published. In addition, as pointed out by Lukacs and depicted in Mor i Ogai's texts, both eras can be characterized by the heterogeneity and hybridity of their epistemological systems. As I wi l l elaborate later i n this essay, I believe that Ogai was influenced by the optimism, initiative, and progress achieved by European thought following the Middle Ages, and attempted to infuse his fiction with his own version of this spirit. Mor i Ogai depicts the Renaissance as a powerful and enviable symbol of progress and organic social transformation for which he was not able to find a suitable equivalent in Japanese epistemology and history. Mor i Ogai and his protagonists frequently allude to an aspect of the Renaissance, which many modern critics (as wel l as some earlier ones such as Lukacs), identify as the shift in philosophical and epistemological discourse from a "God-centred" perspective of the universe to a distinctly anthropocentric one, for the first time since the rise of orthodox Christianity, as described in the following passage by Harry Berger: The Christian assignment of system-building to God entailed sharper restrictions on the role played by the mind, but these very restrictions, with a gradual shift of value, became the source of power in Renaissance thought. For the Christian imagination up through the 28 fourteenth century, the second world or world made by the mind was second because the first world made by God wasbetter.[...] But by the time of Galileo, Descartes, Bernini, Mil ton, Leibniz, and Newton, the second world tends to be thought of as improving, superseding, or even replacing the first world. Actuality becomes a chaos or blueprint offered by God as raw material for the mind. (Berger 10-11) As I hope to demonstrate, this "gradual shift of value," was at the core of what Mor i Ogai believed to be the "gap" which separates Japanese from Western discourse. Mor i Ogai also felt that it was the most important factor in making the Renaissance a period of such unprecedented progress, as the "shift" described by Berger, served to make humanity feel empowered, inspired, and that there was no l imit to what it could achieve. Perceiving such qualities in another culture and not one's own is certainly a cause for not only envy, but a solid reason to feel that there is a bona fide "epistemological crisis" inherent in Japan's quest to become "equal to" or "greater" than the great European powers which Mor i Ogai and many other Japanese intellectuals felt was a necessary prerequisite of being "modern." Yet, at this juncture, the most relevant aspect of Lukacs' theories is their emphasis on the importance of heterogeneity and lack of closure, which results when a text is motivated primarily by the intersection of various epistemologies and cultural discourses, and the modification of existing epistemologies due to this "gradual shift of value." Lukacs' ideas provide a perspective from which every level of dissonance in Ogai's texts, ranging from the purely structural, to the most detailed discussion of philosophical ideas, can be interpreted as reflecting the "crisis .of ideas" which I believe motivated Ogai to renew his career as a fiction writer, change his literary style, and engage the genre of the Bildungsroman. The "self-correcting" nature of the modern novel as described by Lukacs, in which the act of depicting heterogeneous ideas actually provides a means by which the tension between them can be released, provided Ogai with a proper setting for his "laboratory of ideas," in which the road to an organic solution to Japan's "crisis of ideas" might present itself. 29 The responsibility to address the genuinely crucial and complex questions depicted in Ogai's fiction falls not only on the protagonists and other significant characters, but on the reader as well , who is forced to grapple with the inaccessibility and frustrating lack of closure inherent to Ogai's texts. Rather than acting to resolve the dissonance depicted in these narratives, Ogai's protagonists engage i n a process of active detachment, a process which I believe is deliberately intended to ensnare the reader into taking an active role in the process of "self-correction." As the only course of action which Ogai clearly endorses is the development of one's sense of judgement and intellectual maturity, any other system of ideas is put into question, encouraging the reader to think critically and maintain his or her own sense of "detached-engagement." Japan: "Not Yet" Ogai presents Japan as a zone of both physical and discursive flux. This impression is clearly expressed in his short story "Under Reconstruction" (Fushinchu Hf'bfy, 1910) in which Japan is described as a zone in the midst of continual transformation. In the following passage, the protagonist, Watanabe, who like Ogai lived in Germany, provides this bit of dry advice to his former European mistress who has travelled to Japan via Russia.: U < o t i . j fcV^»B J (247) "I'm going to America. Japan is just hopeless-from what I've heard on the radio, it [Japan] really can't be relied upon!" 30 "That's splendid. I think America would be good after Russia. Japan is still not quite as advanced as America. Japan is still under construction." Watanabe's former mistress finds the conditions i n Japan less than satisfactory for her entertainment career. However, as with any construction zone, the finished product is always a function of a variety of factors, including the soundness of its foundation, the quality of its materials and workmanship, and the clarity and style in which the blueprints are drawn. The quality of the blueprints determines how effectively the intentions of the architects w i l l be transmitted to those who wi l l be performing the actual construction. It is this aspect of the project that wi l l ultimately determine the quality and integrity of the final product. Thus, rather than depicting the construction zone as a disparaging metaphor, it is presented as a sign of continual renewal and un-released potential. Ogai's impetus to write the previous passage, and many similar ones in his essays and fiction, was based on a brief yet particularly disappointing lecture he attended in Germany by Edmund Naumann. 2 6 Naumann was one of the few Germans to have actually resided and worked in Japan for a long period of time during the 1880s. A n d despite his positive experiences he was left with the general impression that Japan simply didn't have the "right stuff to be a leader in scientific research. Ogai's reaction to Naumann's lecture is captured in a passage from "Delusions" which clearly refers to this incident: "A certain German, who has lived in Japan for a long time and is said to know the country inside out, has stated not only that such necessary conditions [to undertake serious scientific research] are lacking for the moment but that they wi l l never arise in the Far East "(174). B < foX 0 9 ffi^tc t^llZtlXfoZ&&AKf£, i t f c g ^ f i 5-MtfXfoZ>lifr*)X-te<X, 7%mzmo?xma*tkVXMt3;^b%:&Vtc (129). He bitterly interprets this argument as meaning that Japanese research institutions wi l l never be "more than transmitters of the results of research done in Europe" (,^BEOW$S<DjffitmX%$L 10B.<'^Pfttc:5 izHk^tev^XfoZ" pg. 129), an implication which he finds very distasteful (174). Yet, simplified 2 6 See Bowring, pp. 16-19, for a complete discussion of this issue. 31 in the coy tone of Watanabe in "Under Reconstruction," he counters this Eurocentric attitude by stating that the current state of affairs in Japan can be summed up with the expression "not yet" (";£/£" pg. 143), implying that one of the greatest tasks at hand in his home country is to ensure that nothing bad happens in the "[reconstruction zone." Despite his unwavering devotion to the cause of Japan's modernization, and patent refusal to deny his nation's ability to "strive" with its own distinct flair, 6gai's writings display a strong inclination towards honesty and openness. Even with his declaration "not yet," Ogai's tone deviates substantially from the fanaticism and essentialism that characterized Japanese nationalism during the late Meij i period. Although partially biased by his repeated encounters with government censors during the period in which he composed his "literature of ideas"-6gai's opinions, both fictional and otherwise, are clearly those of a person unselfishly concerned with the manner and appropriateness with which Japan should enter the community of modern nations. He implies that other Japanese reformers have acted without the maturity required to introduce foreign ideas in a well-balanced fashion. The following excerpt from "Delusions" accurately corresponds with Ogai's actual experiences as one of Japan's proponents of "modernization": lZcb&, 1&MA<DM&VVo \ k eVk r a*t z e r <D-*?5 te^Z&Xtc^ b, ^ * 7 7 J I mzs¥-m^<ftfoz>, ^&X'mfc&A,xfotc%.%, mm^^x^it, ± * ^ T 7 K - e ftfrb b\ bizotco (130) In Tokyo the debate about reconstructing the city was at its height, and the smart set said they wanted to put up those buildings the Germans call Wolkenkratzer, skyscrapers that you find in America on Block A or B. I argued to the contrary that the more people live in a confined space such as a city the higher the death rate, especially among children. Rather than taking all those dwellings that were now built side by side and pi l ing them on 32 top of each other, it would make far more sense to improve the water supply and the sewerage, I said. (175) In this passage, Ogai clearly depicts his aesthetic inclinations as wel l as his integrity as a good scientist and public servant. His primary concern here is obviously that Western technology, such as skyscrapers, which have become the trademark of North American and German cities, have been frequently adopted simply because they are Western. 2 7 Ogai provides clear and apparently unbiased rationales as to why building skyscrapers should be undertaken with caution in general, not to mention in Japan, where housing and public hygiene were very underdeveloped by European standards. Aesthetically speaking, Ogai seems to be greatly concerned about the "Block A or B" look, which he considers to be a distinguishing characteristic of Amer ican urban areas. In the same passage he also criticizes another faction of urban planners who wanted to "impose restrictions on building, arguing that we [the Japanese] should try to standardize the heights of eaves in Tokyo and thus achieve a beautiful ordered look." XMUfUfclftiJife^rin^ j ; 5 t "f"<5#Jt7)srB MXfoX, J | C J R © 3 & © * r © i i & £ £ — ^ L T , &?&tcZ>$\-U(D%k%J&& 5 b^Xfotc (130). Ogai is clearly not satisfied with this approach either, and complains that such an urban landscape would look like "soldiers on parade" ( "^^©MA/Zc^ 5 t£$T" pg. 130) and should be reconsidered in favour of allowing "each particular form of architecture to have its own style of r o o f ("fe (~>$ 5 MUI $ T O O $ i J f ; i £ - l i : T " pg. 130-131). Ogai clearly favours a process of urban development which emphasizes heterogeneity and organic transformation. Many of Ogai's fictional narratives contain ambivalent geographical descriptions of Japan "under reconstruction" in both the first and third person. Often, they contain less than complimentary descriptions of Japan, which accentuate the ambivalent attitude towards the improvements offered by 2 7 Although skyscrapers are quite ubiquitous in North America, they have been generally the - exception rather than the rule in most European cities, with the exception of the cities in the industrial part of western Germany. The German word Wolkenkratzter means "cloud scratcher," which closely corresponds in etymology to its English equivalent, "skyscaper." 33 Western technologies and ideas. In the following example from the first chapter of Youth, the tone of the text is tinged by technical or mathematical language in which the protagonist, Jun'ichi, remarks to himself on the lustreless quality of some aspects of Tokyo's outer appearance: a xmmzm \>x[...]+m r+ra a ^<D^m/\mxh^tco S„ An©ff l&©±fc , 7k*L*SiRaiM«<Ttt«>T*>5. (3) Koizumi Junichi [sic] left his inn on Shiba-Hikage. Despite the map of Tokyo he had with h im, he kept bothering people about directions. At a Shinbashi streetcar stop, he caught a car for Ueno, and he somehow managed to make the rather complicated transfer at Suda to another car. He finally got off at Third on Hongo [...]. It was eight i n the morning around the twentieth of October. There the street forked into a T-shape. The Sodeura-kan was just at the spot where the street leading uphil l from Gongenmae was cut at right angles by the road he was walking along. The painted wooden structure, looking like an oversized matchbox, seemed an imitation of a Western-style building. Above the door frame at the entrance were several resident nameplates. (381) The Tokyo perceived by Jun'ichi is a grid. The language used to describe the layout of the streets is just as mathematical and precise in the Japanese original as it is in English. Words such as teijiro ("T-shaped road") and phrases such as enchoku ni kiru tdkoro ("a place cut by right angles") indicates a cityscape created with modern, mathematical exactitude. Yet, as Jun' ichi feels that he must ask people for directions despite the fact that he possesses a map, it is suggested that Tokyo is 34 not simply a defined space in a fixed geographical location, but a large fluctuating mechanism, in which the various parts are connected by dynamic subcomponents such as gears, that are constantly shifting position. O f particular note is the "mdkuzai ni periki o nutta, matchi no hako no yd na giseiyo zukuri" ("painted wooden structure, looking like an oversized matchbox, seemed an imitation of a Western-style building"). "Painted wooden structure" is about as generic an architectural description as one could possibly imagine. Although the phrase "matchi no hako no yd na giseiyo zukuri' ("looking like an oversized matchbox, seemed an imitation of a Western-style building") helps the reader to imagine its shape and general lack of aesthetic appeal, and indicates a probable stylistic influence of the structure, it should be noted that such descriptions are qualified with a great deal of uncertainty. In short, its structure is characterized as i f it were a pimple or blob on the urban landscape. In addition, the predicate adjective "nutta" ("painted") implies that the structure has been given some sort of tasteless veneer to veil its lack of redeeming aesthetic qualities. There are aspects of Tokyo's urbanization which are depicted in Youth as being failures, neither authentic transplantations of Western ideas and technologies, nor distinctively Japanese adaptations or improvements of the former. They are grotesque and monstrous creations. In addition, they are ugly and possess an excessive degree of symmetry, two qualities that always seem to be among the final factors in influencing Ogai to issue a stamp of disapproval. The pitfalls of poor urban planning, public health, or military diets are not dissimilar to those involved in the construction of a modern Japanese attitude, world-view, or philosophical grounding. A n i l l - considered, poorly developed, and unbalanced system of ideas can lead to many of the same problems: inefficiency, lack of a distinctive identity, and of course, tastelessness. Ideas, like architectural concepts, can be imported verbatim. They can be adapted and combined with existing technologies, or disguised-an array of choices that applies to the importation of ideas and philosophical concepts as well . 35 The Burden of Responsibility In Ogai's fiction, the roles of architects and urban planners are subsumed by the importance of the cultural critic. Although in the present-day world it is almost comical for one to consider a student of literature or a literary critic as the potential saviour of a social crisis, the role of the scholar in Meiji Japan had a much higher degree of official importance than in present-day Western or Eastern cultures. The Japanese government officially sponsored many young scholars to study the humanities in Europe and North America, many of whom were ultimately destined to accept posts i n high-ranking government and military positions. The active study of Western ideas, languages, and institutions was policy and not simply a trend. Thus, when one of the young men in Ogai's stories sports his student cap and departmental insignia on his clothing, despite the measure of parody no doubt intended by Ogai, these young men are not intended to be thought of farcically, but rather as potentially influential members of society who have the moral and social obligation of actively participating in the modernization of Japan. They are vested with the responsibility of interpreting, introducing, and adopting foreign ideas for the benefit of those who are involved i n more practical aspects of the modernization process. The protagonist of Ogai's short story "As I f (Ka no yd ni fa<D <£ 5 f£), Hidemaro, is an excellent example of. this sentiment. "As I f is a short narrative of approximately twenty pages that describes the academic career of a young man who is the son of a prominent viscount. It includes a number of exchanges between Hidemaro and his father, who consistently expresses his support in his son's arcane fields of interest, inspired by the belief that regardless of what Hidemaro studies abroad, it w i l l in some way be of assistance to the state's agenda of creating a modern Japanese sense of self-identity. Gradually, Hidemaro settles upon history as his primary field of inquiry and a modern history of Japan as his ultimate goal. The following passage describes the viscount's initial reaction to his son's penchant for a broad liberal arts education: 36 £1£ , ! M M c S ^ £ . * T B v ^ T # v ^ & o T * 3 © ^ S > o ; / f c 0 (234) Each term was like the others, and the viscount, who had never made a specialty of any branch of learning, could not determine what some of the lectures were about. However, he concluded that his son was pursuing a very heterogeneous line of work. He had not sent his son to the university and Europe to enable him to become proficient in a special profession; he wanted h i m only to acquire a certain amount of knowledge which would enable him to have opinions about things when he succeeded his father and became one of the supports of the imperial family and to do the work that his position in life required h i m to do. (236) In addition to illustrating the importance of a broad, interdisciplinary approach to scholarship and the crucial role that the young scholar plays in the young Japanese nation-state, this story also emphasizes the importance of the radical aristocrat in Ogai's literature. However, it should be noted that although "old money" is not. required of these role models, a high degree of "breeding" definitely is. Although the protagonist's parents are not always described in Ogai's fiction of this period-as in Youth, in which the protagonist is a mysteriously unsentimental orphan- Ogai's young men display a sense of innate responsibility to their country's cultural and social development, much the same way Ogai did. Hidemaro is in the minority in that he is explicitly described as being a member of the aristocracy. The vast majority of Ogai's protagonists in his "literature of ideas" are educated, at least moderately well off, and sons of families of some importance from the provinces-much like himself. 2 8 37 When faced with a philosophical "crisis" of one sort or another, many authors turn to a systematic ideology or belief system, which helps not only the characters overcome their dilemma, but the plot to overcome chaos and banality. This is not generally a tactic practiced by Ogai. 2 9 Unlike the heroes of many narratives admired by Ogai himself, most of his protagonists do not turn to ' religion, to an "ism," or even like Faust, to an emotional state such as "striving." 3 0 Quite the contrary, their level of detachment from the world and everything in it remains fairly static, and the climax of many of Ogai's narratives is highlighted by something as seemingly insignificant as a protagonist deciding not to write an article or that they are not going to pursue a romantic interest. The greatest victory scored by Ogai's protagonists, including both the older narrators and the young "heroes" of his stories of self-development, is reflected in their intellectual growth. Rather than accumulating "raw experience" like Goethe's Faust, or becoming embroiled in painful affairs of the heart, such as Goethe's young hero, Wilhelm Meister, Ogai's characters experience life through an engaged detachment. 3 1 Their greatest achievements are measured by their ability to "strive" constantly toward improving their sense of judgement and expanding their horizons as intellectuals. For example, if Youth is indeed to be regarded as a Bildungsroman, then Jun'ichi's greatest achievement is 2 8 Ogai was born in Tsuwano in the mountainous western province of Iwami. According to Bowring, Ogai was descended from a long line of respected physicians who were at the "lower end of the samurai class" (1). 2 9 Ironically, despite the fact that "As I f provides an excellent depiction of the responsibility of a young intellectual towards society, it also provides an example of what happens when a young scholar does make the mistake of endorsing a specific philosophy, as I wi l l discuss later in this essay. 3 0 "ism," the suffix which comprises the last syllable of the name of many ideologies in English, is translated as shugi i l l in Japanese. Unlike its English equivalent, it can be used as a noun on its own. Ogai uses this word fairly frequently in his works, usually to refer to the profusion of ideologies which were being imported to Japan during the Meiji era, and the dizzying effect they had on the common people and intellectuals. 38 that he has reached a level of intellectual maturity in which he is able to distinguish between the "painted wooden structures" in the construction zone of ideas around him-the poor imitations, the trendy, and the deceptive-from those which are authentic examples of progress and originality. Although this process applies to Ogai's characters of all ages, I feel that an important component of Ogai's decision to write novels in the style of the Bildungsroman was based i n large part to the similarity of "youth"-particularly that of a university student-to that of a construction zone. I believe that the metaphor of the construction zone can be applied to human development as wel l . Just as Japan is depicted in Ogai's "literature of ideas" as an unfinished product whose future is still open-ended, what transpires during a young intellectual's development wil l shape the manner in which that individual wi l l utilize and interpret ideas for quite a long time. It is also a time of many tests and rites of passage, in which friendships, romantic relationships, and career decisions have the potential to affect greatly the integrity of one's thought processes. However, unlike protagonists from the novels of other authors, many of Ogai's simply do not fully engage the obstacles that come their way; rather, they intellectualize them and prefer to experience life from a distance, as observers. It is this distance that prevents a disaster from occurring in the construction site, and ensures that whatever is being built is completed authentically, soundly, efficiently, and with good taste. Although not all of Ogai's young protagonists are students, the intellectual freedom and comparatively unstructured lifestyle of a student is certainly a useful tool for Ogai. 3 2 Thus, the open-endedness and fragmentation of Ogai's fiction need not be considered as an indication of the author's lack of literary skills, but an innovative tool used to depict the discourse of a nation in flux. Goethe's Wilhelm Meister is credited by Rimer as being one of the major influences in Ogai's composition of Youth. One characteristic of Goethe's novel which is particularly similar to Youth is the presence of many extended intellectual conversations (see Rimer Youth, 373-377). Ogai's most famous young protagonist, Jun'ichi, is not a student. Although he is described as one, and lives as one, he is never registered as a student or ever explicitly expresses his intention to do so. He is a particularly open-ended character. 39 The Pathology of a Bad Translation m^xh^tco izmmzm^xMibtco cmm^mb Lxit^mk^mx, mrsx^fteomb^? ^ o ^ s - r ^ t c t ^ x i t ^ ^ , b^i-^wz, m (DtctbizmLxizteibfob^c.b%, m%m<D^o\zm^tc^<DXh^tc. mz^m^z Astfrn^tctbtzmtcLK^/uX, %m*M%&ZLtc<DXlZtev^bM^tCo if A, £ 8 8 1 & £ t l f c < £ > f i , $M&L"CbM<£>il;fc£: , & r 2 o < v \ g o f c 0 (Ogai, "Futan no tomo" 95) Among the letters I received in Manchuria was one from Ankokuji-san. He wrote that he had fallen seriously i l l and had therefore abandoned the study of German. He was going somewhere near the Boshu coast to convalesce. I immediately dispatched a letter consoling h im. It was the longest letter I have ever written. I wrote, somewhat metaphorically, that one should not believe that what the world called an "incurable illness" was really "incurable" and that in aspiring to have peace of mind one should not give in to illness. I suspected Ankokuji 's struggle with language was what had brought on this illness. I felt thoroughly sympathetic just imagining how much a person, no matter how easily he was able to follow even complex logic, would be afflicted i f he were to have to mechanically learn grammatical rules. (Ogai, "Two Friends" 209-210) Mor i Ogai's autobiographical short story "Two Friends" was published in 1915, several after the other stories discussed in this essay. "Two Friends" is very similar i n tone and content to "Delusions," in which a mature narrator takes a backward look at his days as an active, young intellectual. The narrator of "Two Friends" focuses on a specific incident that corresponds very closely with the events which transpired during what is often referred to as Mor i Ogai's "exile" i n 40 Kokura, in the prefecture of Kyushu. "Two Friends" has a sentimental, romantic, and almost prophetic quality which is largely absent in the other narratives discussed in this essay. Although there is only a gap of three to six years between the publication of "Two Friends" and the stories i n Ogai's "literature of ideas," a number of important events transpired during the intervening period that had a major effect on both Japan and Mor i Ogai personally. The event with the most poignant and universal significance was the death of General Nogi, who committed ritual suicide following the passing of the Meiji emperor, in keeping with the samurai tradition of junshi Jtl^E-following one's lord after death through self-disembowelment. For many Japanese, this dramatic and moving event served as a more powerful symbol of social and political change than the death of the Meij i emperor himself. Natsume Soseki, for example, used the powerful imagery and emotions surrounding this event as an important leitmotif to express the social mi l ieu of Tokyo in his widely-read Bildungsroman, Kokoro C (1914). In "Two Friends," the story of GeneralNogi serves as an important sub-text as wel l as a leitmotif as General Nogi and Mori Ogai were intimately acquainted. They met in Berl in in 1887 after which they corresponded frequently and developed a relationship whose roots were founded on mutual respect. As pointed out by Richard Bowring, Nogi was one of the few government officials to pay Mor i Ogai a farewell call prior to his departure to Kokura (121). Given the political significance and controversy surrounding Mori Ogai's transfer to Kokura, this event is indicative of a deep sense of camaraderie and mutual support shared by the two men. Thus, the story of General Nogi, a powerful literary sub-text, colours "Two Friends" with a distinct air of sentimentality with an indirect reference to Mori Ogai's relationship to a powerful national symbol of Meij i Japan. As discussed in the introduction, the death of General Nogi was followed by a period of great political and social uncertainty and the rise of fascism. Perhaps such powerful events as the suicide of General Nogi, the passing of the Meiji Emperor, and the many belligerent military campaigns that Japan undertook when Ogai wrote "Two 3 3 In 1899 Ogai was demoted and sent to Kokura as a chief medical officer. Bowring explains that "this demotion [...] can be traced to his earlier violent attacks on his superiors" (98). 41 Friends," instilled Ogai with an added sense of urgency. This is what may have led to his clearest and most direct statement that what lies at the root of Japan's "crisis of ideas" is a specifically linguistic problem. Although in the texts I have discussed thus far, Ogai has expressed the manifestation o f "modernity" in Japan in a manner which indicates a powerful dissonance between various epistemological systems, he does not specifically indicate a linguistic problem. However, in "Two Friends," the entire conflict of the narrative is centred on what is plainly depicted as an incongruity between the narrator's and his best friend's understanding of the concept of translation. At the end of the short story "Two Friends," the unnamed narrator speculates on the cause of the illness of a young monk named Ankokuji , whom he and his close friend F had befriended near their lodgings in Kokura. F originally approached the narrator with the intention of receiving instruction i n reading German philosophical texts. After a period of several years the two men develop a strong friendship, which to a large degree is an outgrowth of their original student- teacher relationship. Like many of Ogai's other protagonists, the narrator of "Two Friends" resembles his creator in a great number of ways. This includes Ogai's preferred method of addressing the complex problems inherent i n translating a text from a foreign language- particularly a European language. In the case of both Ogai and the narrator of "Two Friends," the keyword is "balance." Recognizing the complex relationship which exists between Japanese philosophical and epistemological traditions and their Western counterparts, the narrator suggests to F that the best way to instruct the monk, a novice in Western philosophical traditions, is by treating "both the colloquial language and literary language from an overall point of view." In fact, he even suggests that the language of Buddhist scriptures be employed liberally, suggesting that it is not the raw impact of a clean and literal translation which is ultimately desirable, but rather a subtle and sensitive rendering of a foreign work of philosophical discourse into Japanese: 42 ^i/frbWM^TMLXm&tCo Lfr^MfrTmi^mZmfoXMi-Z^jteVtCo (93) It was decided that F would take my place in reading and explicating the volume on philosophy to Ankokuji-san. F's manner of dealing with a foreign language, however, was different from mine. I dealt with both colloquial language and literary language from an overall point of view. F, however, would not be content without grammatically analyzing each word. I had opened Raphael Koeber's introduction to philosophy and started explaining from the very first word. On top of that, I had tried to translate using as much Buddhist vocabulary as possible (208). F, on the other hand, to the narrator's disappointment, insists that Ankokuji take the rather pedantic approach of a grammarian. A n d as the narrator had already agreed to transfer the custodian of this student to F, the fate of Ankokuji's academic training is out of his hands. Thus, the cause of Ankokuji's illness is clear: Ankokuji is a vict im of bad translation. Although "Two Friends" is a comparatively short story, and provides only a scanty amount of details about this character, it is clear that Ankokuji is extraordinarily inspired and quite motivated while under the guidance of the narrator, and affected quite negatively when under the rigid and coldly academic direction of F. As he is unable to comprehend Raphael von Koeber's ideas in German and unable to find an effective bridge between the Western epistemology and his own, it is implied that he experiences some form of crisis that is somatized into a very real pathological manifestation. F, on the other hand, develops into an increasingly pedantic and close-minded individual. Although somewhat melodramatic and sentimental, the end of "Two Friends" clearly illustrates the barrier of language and two of the worst possible outcomes of improper philological training. In the case of Ankokuji, the end result of this crisis is illness. In the case of F, it is a life full of unproductive and actually harmful scholarship, whose first vict im is the health of a young man and the second F's own life. F's crisis is depicted as having been brought on by his own 43 stubbornness. "Two Friends" provides the reader with an opportunity to see exactly what does happen i f something goes wrong during the "construction" phase of a young scholar's life. F, who at the beginning of the story is portrayed as a serious yet charming youth, ends up literally asphyxiating himself on his own words. Ankokuji, however, is an entirely different matter. It is clear that it was the superior tutelage of the narrator that was responsible for his recovery. Inorganic Solutions to Organic Problems The narrator of "Delusions" (1911) emphasizes that one viable-although not completely successful-solution to Japan's "crisis of ideas" is to coin new words to make up for the Japanese language's deficiency in progress-oriented vocabulary. One of the most interesting expressions of Ogai's admiration of the dynamic and striving-oriented nature of European thought is his fascination for the German word Forschung, which means "research." He contrasts this word to its Japanese equivalent, kenkyu which in his view lacks the zeal and fighting-spirit of Forschung. Forschung is a noun constructed from the participle of the verb forschen, which can be roughly translated into English as "to plow on": 3 4 3 4 The Sino-Japanese compound which corresponds most closely to "research" would be kenkyu ffii$L Th is compound is formed by combining characters which correspond roughly in English to "to sharpen" or to "polish," and "to reach an extreme" or "to investigate thoroughly," respectively. Although exactitude and a desire to acquire knowledge are important aspects of this term, Ogai is correct in pointing out that fosnfa/u lacks the striving orientation of the German word Forschung. . 44 flr^ft^v^J^^ L f c f g f i , * B B K : f c : £ f c f c v \ gM6iS*fc«Jr&T?B:fcv , >a\> (131) I had of course many friends who were far abler than I in this field [of the natural sciences]. Because they stayed and still battle on for the cause, the fact that I was excluded is no particular loss either for the state or for mankind. A n d yet I feel sorry for those who carry on the struggle. There is no atmosphere and so they gasp for air like divers working under high pressure. There is as yet no satisfactory Japanese equivalent for the word Forschung (research): proof that the right atmosphere does not exist. Society does not yet feel the need to express this concept with clarity. It is hardly anything to boast about, but I myself gave the scientific world such coined words as gyoseki (results) and gakumon no suiban (encouragement of learning), yet there is still no simple, easy way of expressing the idea of Forschung in Japanese. The vague word ofkenkyu is not really appropriate. Mere reading and study of books is kenkyu, is it not. (176) In this passage, Ogai is clearly depicting himself and his colleagues in the scientific community as being handicapped because of their language's inability to provide them with the tools they need to compete with their counterparts in the West. Ogai does not give the medical profession in Japan a very optimistic prognosis. As depicted in "Delusions" and "Two Friends" (1915) Ogai was greatly concerned with what he perceived to be the lack of innovation, the unimaginative penchant for imitation, and the pedantic perspective that prevailed in many aspects of Japan's scientific and intellectual communities. The narrator clearly reminds the reader of some of his own contributions to the linguistic modernization of Japan, by bestowing modern meanings to words of Sino-Japanese origin such as gyoseki MM (scientific results) and gakumon no suiban HMRI (encouragement of learning). 3 5 Although these words represent admirable attempts to capture the 45 progress-oriented spirit of Western scholarship and science without creating loanwords, Ogai is frustrated at what he perceives to be a deficiency in the Japanese language to provide the building blocks of a modern vocabulary. Despite the intense frustration experienced by Ogai's protagonists in their attempts to come to terms with the gap between Western and Eastern systems of thought, Ogai does depict a character who comes very close to providing a quick solution to this crisis. Hidemaro, the protagonist of "As I f (1912) devises a solution inspired by the ideas of the German philosopher Hans Vaihinger, as presented i n his book The Philosophy of As If (Die Philosophic des als ob, 1911). In this book, Hidemaro finds what he considers to be a fitting solution to the problem of how to deal with the mythology and belief systems of the Japanese people, which are an integral part of Japanese life and the government's programme of building a sense of national identity. Hidemaro is faced with the dilemma of how to grapple with issues such as ancestor worship and the "line dividing myth and history" /(246). The new perspective, aptly referred to as the "philosophy of'as if,"" is depicted by Hidemaro as being the direct result of the transition from a God-centred universe to the more anthropocentric one which has characterized Western discourse since the advent of modernity: foZtf, ZtiXi>1im&&Zfr<oJ$5fo*%.t>tiXkZ>. m&Xii, i> 4' *fr^y^jvtfW&%x&5fr<D*Diz.%jL^Z>kx<>xfoZa ft^-fo^^nsf^ m, mmizSmz, %&xi>ti:A,xi>, zotettm^x&zt, w a t i s i t ^ 3 5 Yoshida Seiichi points out that the word gyoseki is one possible translation for the German word Arbeit which means "work" or "labour," indicating that Mor i Ogai was strongly motivated by what he perceived to be progress-oriented qualities of the German language (322). 46 **tt+$H*Sfrl,«fc 5 fc-tSj&SfiVs, (248-250) Most of the modern philosophers regard the world as relative and not as absolute. Still they thinkas i f the absolute existed. In religion, again, Schleiermacher long ago stated that he regarded God as i f He were the Father. Confucius centuries ago said that when we worship the spirits of our ancestors we should do so as i f they were really with us; that means that we should worship them as if their spirits really did exist. Now we have examined religion as well as all branches of human knowledge and have seen that they are established on something which cannot be proved as real. That is to say, 'as i f lies at their foundation.[...] I'm just the same as an abstinent and upright believer in the gods of the moralists. The only difference is that I'm not so.stubborn. Don't you see that there's nothing safer, nothing less dangerous, than my thoughts? God isn't a fact; duty isn't a fact. We cannot but admit that now. But i f we glory i n that discovery and blaspheme, i f we trample upon duty, then real danger begins for the first time. We should try to repress not only such actions, but also such thoughts. (250-252) Unl ike Ogai's other protagonists, who attempt to make up for deficiencies in Japanese discourse by rethinking the concept of "translation," and effecting a solution to an epistemological problem from the ground up, Hidemaro tries an altogether different approach-by implementing a blanket solution that can be applied to a wide variety of philosophical and ideological dilemmas by merely altering one's perspective and not challenging the foundation on which these dilemmas are grounded. However, unlike F in "Two Friends," Hidemaro is not depicted as an unimaginative pedant. Hidemaro advocates leaving the basic framework of Japanese epistemology in place while importing a foreign solution to a problem that Western philosophy was forced to grapple with previously, presumably in the Renaissance, when an anthropocentric world-view began to prevail in Europe, and religious concepts were gradually being put into question. Hidemaro's arguments are 47 depicted as being quite seductive for a variety of reasons. They represent aristocratic ideals, eschew the values of the "common herd," and provide a logical model by which the conflict between Japan's "traditional" system of values and beliefs and the anthropocentric and individualistic values of the West can be reconciled. In addition, Hidemaro convincingly argues that a philosophy such as that suggested by Hans Vaihinger isn't really that foreign anyway, citing evidence that Confucius suggested a similar strategy to le nd legitimacy to the ancient tradition of ancestor worship wi th in the system of secular values espoused by Confucianism thousands of years ago i n China. However, at the end of the passage quoted above, Hidemaro gives clear expression to a by-product of Vaihinger's philosophy which makes it quite obvious that Hidemaro's ideas are meant to be interpreted with a great deal of skepticism and suspicion. This by-product is Hidemaro's outright endorsement of the repression of "actions" and "thoughts," as wel l as his opinion that the "philosophy of 'as i f " must be kept se cret from the public for the time being. Clearly, such a reactionary and arch-conservative attitude goes against the grain of nearly everything that Mor i Ogai stood for, a fact that is especially poignant when one considers that Mori Ogai himself was harshly criticized for speaking out against the policies of conservative and reactionary cultural essentialists. 3 6 Hidemaro's adoption of Vaihinger's "philosophy of'as i f" is indicative of one of the greatest difficulties involving the importation of a foreign philosophical system: the system's drawbacks must be accepted along with its advantages. As emphasized throughout this essay, there is little evidence in Mor i Ogai's fiction that he believed that Japan is immune to the pitfalls of Western ideas, and that a slogan such as "Japanese spirit, Western learning" is not an effective attitude 3 6 A n excellent source of information on this aspect of Mori Ogai's career is Helen Hopper's article entitled "Mori Ogai's Response to Suppression of Intellectual Freedom, 1909-12." Hopper provides in-depth discussion of Mori Ogai's lifelong struggle to remain loyal to both the Japanese government and his instincts as an intellectual and fiction writer. Throughout her article she indicates that despite Ogai's struggle to be loyal to the government, Ogai frequently became the target of censorship and punitive action. She describes "As I f as a meditation in which Ogai explores the implications of his own struggle with Japan's state-sponsored belief system. 4 8 towards modernization. On the contrary, even when discussing Western ideas he found inspiring, such as those of Friedrich Nietzsche, Ogai's protagonists nearly always conclude their arguments with some form of disclaimer or strong indication of skepticism or trepidation regarding these ideas. The case of Hidemaro provides the best example of how the adoption of foreign ideas can go wrong, as the idea this protagonist chooses to adopt is designed specifically to cover-up the inconsistencies and failings inherent in Western thought. It offers an inorganic solution to an extremely profound philosophical dilemma faced by the protagonist in wri t ing his "history." It is not Hidemaro's experimentation with Vaihinger's "philosophy of'as i f" that makes h im a "failure" in Ogai's "literature of ideas," but his decision about what to do with the knowledge he had gained. As Rimer points out in the introduction to Gregg Sinclair's and Kazo Suita's translation to this story, Hidemaro and his father the Viscount can be: [..] understood as a sort of extended metaphor between European-trained intellectuals, such as Ogai, and the paternalistic Japanese state, which [...] looked with increasing suspicion upon those intellectuals, typified by Hidemaro, who had begun to question the thickening clusters of myth and history propounded by authorities of the Meiji state in order to solidify nationalistic sentiments among the general population. (Youth, 231) Unt i l the final declaration of his intentions to endorse the "philosophy of'as if,'" Hidemaro remains "in the crossroads," like his "creator" Mor i Ogai. Very much in the tradition of Ogai's "literature of ideas," "As I f contains a number of parallelisms between Ogai's own life and that of his fictional character. Most of these similarities are transparently manifested in the tripartite structure of the story: the young university student prior to his official stint in Berlin, the distinguished young Japanese scholar in Berlin, and the more mature professional scholar with many social and political responsibilities subsequent to his residence in Germany. The structure of the narrative is influenced by the manner in which Ogai perceives the "structure" of his own life, as depicted in numerous essays, diaries, and biographical writings. 49 Hidemaro is the only character in the narratives I have discussed who has clearly broken free from the paralyzing effects of the "crossroads." Throughout the first two sections of "As If," Hidemaro remains firmly entrenched i n the role of the "active bystander." In the third section, which details Hidemaro's "post-European" life, he finds himself excessively burdened by the expectations put upon h i m by his position as a government official. As a result, he also finds himself with a case of writer's block in his assigned task of composing a new "history" of Japan. Towards the end of the story, however, he comes upon the Vaihinger text (published only one year prior to "As I f in 1911), and makes a conscious decision to "step-out" of the "crossroads" with the powerful epistemological tools he has acquired. He feels confident that with these tools he can now write his "history," as all of the dilemmas he had formerly faced have now been solved. Even though Hidemaro is aware of the obvious drawbacks of implementing the "philosophy of'as if , '" he goes ahead and does it anyway, in the belief that there is simply no other choice: bob-fZb, A#X#»JK:ft3]»Hi£, fllii^fc:LTi^^cfc*. (251) I did unwisely when I selected my profession. It's easy enough to do my work without distinguishing clearly or by dissembling, but i f I want to do it honestly, earnestly, I see I am hemmed in on all sides. It was my misfortune to choose such a profession. (253-254) Perhaps the similarities between Mori Ogai and Hidemaro indicate that while composing "As If," Ogai was contemplating what his life would have been like i f his personal background had been a little different. I believe that this narrative is a meditation on the virtues of not having chosen a career of pure historical scholarship, but rather one which balanced a "day" job as a government official with duties related to public health and hygiene, and "moonlighting" as a writer of fiction, in which becoming embroiled in dilemmas such as the one described above by Hidemaro would not 50 be l ikely. Ogai was free to experiment with ideas, both historical and current, without the pressure of having to affirm state-sponsored myths and "invented traditions." In any event, Ogai did not choose Hidemaro's approach and remained free of the guilt of having to deceive the public and advocate repression and censorship. Hidemaro, on the other hand, may be confident that he has found an answer to his epistemological crises, but he obviously does not feel very good about feeling "hemmed i n on all sides" and being forced into a position where he must side against intellectual freedom. Clearly this story illustrates the temptations that exist for the hesitant bystander stuck at the crossroads. Perhaps a more fitting title for this story would have been "What If?" Hidemaro is clearly depicted as villainous to Ogai, as he acts against his better judgement. Japan's "Last Man" The "last man" is a central theme throughout Ogai's novel, Youth (1911). It is introduced early on i n the novel in the depiction of a lecture by a famous writer named Fuseki, who is generally regarded to be a fictional representation of the celebrated fiction writer and essayist Natsume Soseki. During the period in which Youth is set, both Mori Ogai and Natsume Soseki displayed a keen interest in the works of the Norwegian playwright Henrik Ibsen. In fact, one of Youth's most pivotal chapters depicts the Japanese premiere of Ibsen's play, John Gabriel Borkman, that is clearly a fictional representation of the real-life premiere for which Mor i Ogai himself provided the Japanese text.3 7 In the portion of Fuseki's lecture quoted below, Fuseki is paraphrasing the fifth aphorism of the first book of Zarathustra in which he substitutes Nietzsche's highly abstract imagery in Zarathustra in favour of references to the works of Ibsen and Nietzsche: 3 7 This event took place in 1909 at the Yurakuza theatre in Tokyo. 51 fc-cab-t £>, 7b&&6L\/'>toX'$>ol£frt>bxoX, B J j & s S f c f i & k * ^ . (24) At first, Ibsen was Norway's little Ibsen, but after turning to social dramas, he became Europe's big Ibsen. When he was introduced in Japan, however, he again reverted to the small Ibsen. No matter what comes to Japan, it turns into something small. Even Nietzsche became small in our country. [...] Something occurs to me that Nietzsche once said: 'At the time the earth became small. A n d then everything on earth became smaller.' The last race of human beings wi l l be dancing with superb nimbleness and flexibility. 'We've discovered real happiness,' this last race wi l l say, their eyes bl inking. The Japanese people import all kinds of systems, all kinds of isms, and while toying with these, Japanese eyes are perpetually blinking. Everything and anything in turned into small playthings when fingered by us Japanese. So you don't have to be terrified i f this thing or ism is at first quite dreadful. (406-407) The passage in Zarathustra which Ogai's bears such a remarkable similarity to comes directly after the passage quoted previously in this essay in which the nature of the "last man" is described: „Was ist Liebe? Was ist Schopfung? Was ist Sehnsucht? Was ist Stern?" — so fragt der letzte Mensch und blinzelt. Die Erde ist dann klein geworden, und auf ihr hiipft der letzte Mensch, der Alles klein macht. Sein Geschlecht ist unaustilgbar, wie der Erdfloh; der letzte Mensch lebt am langsten. „Wir haben das Gluck erfunden" — sagen die letzten Menschen und bl inzeln. 52 Sie haben die Gegenden verlassen, wo es hart war zu leben: denn mann braucht Warme. Man liebt noch den Nachbar und reibt sich an ihm: denn man braucht Warme. Krankwerden und Misstrauen-haben gilt ihnen siindhaft: man geht achtsam einher. E in Thor, der noch iiber Steine oder Menschen stolpert! E i n wenig Gift ab und zu: das macht angenehme Traume. U n d viel Gift zuletzt, zu einem angenehmen Sterben. [••• ] Kein Hir t und Eine Heerde! Jeder wi l l das Gleiche, Jeder ist gleich: wer anders fuhlt, geht freiwillig in's Irrenhaus. (1:13-14) "What is love? What is creation? What is longing? What is a star? thus asks the last man, and he blinks. "The earth has become small, and on it hops the last man, who makes everything small. His race is as ineradicable as the flea-beetle; the last man lives longest. '"We have invented happiness,' say the last men, and they bl ink. They have left the regions where it was hard to live, for one needs warmth. One still loves one's neighbor and rubs against him, for one needs warmth. "Becoming sick and harboring suspicion are sinful to them: one proceeds carefully. A fool, whoever still stumbles over stones or human beings! A little poison now and then: that makes for agreeable dreams. And much poison in the end, for an agreeable death. [ • • • • • • ] "No shepherd and one herd! Everybody wants the same, everybody is the same: whoever feels different goes voluntarily into a madhouse." (1:129-130.) Zarathustra's "speeches" express a relationship between the growth in the prowess of science and epistemology, and the manifestation of a "god-complex" in humanity. Humani ty is depicted as having reached what it perceives to be a transcendent state in which people believe 53 that they are able to "invent" their own happiness, in the form of scientific achievements, philosophical systems, and material creations, as opposed to seeking happiness in a spiritual realm. Zarathustra describes a type of human who perceives normal states of being, such as "sickness" and "death," and natural emotions such as "love," as being beneath their dignity or not worthy of appreciation as highly evolved beings. The "systems" and "isms" referred to by Fuseki represent the many ideas "imported" from the West that are responsible for introducing the sense of over-confidence and hubris described in Zarathustra, to Japan. Communism and anarchism are definitely among these "isms," as indicated by the last line of the above-quoted passage, in which Zarathustra alludes to a system of thought i n which "everybody is the same: whoever feels different goes voluntarily into a madhouse." Clearly, this indicates what Mor i Ogai terms the "morals of the common herd" i n "Delusions," a type of philosophical discourse which both Ogai and Nietzsche depict as particularly distasteful and undignified manifestations of modernity. In addition, the phrase which refers to the "madhouse," indicates that those who uphold "aristocratic" systems of thought wi l l find themselves out of place i n a world in which the philosophies of the "common herd" prevail. Thus, in both Youth and Zarathustra, the word "small" is a parody of the excessive amount of overconfidence and "cockiness" which both Nietzsche and Ogai's fictional character, Fuseki, perceive as inherent components of "modernity." O n one level, Fuseki's speech reflects many of the deeply held convictions of the narrator of "Delusions'-specifically his perception that Western ideas are being imported to Japan like "tricks" and "wares" pulled at random from a trunk. Both Fuseki and the narrator of "Delusions" express the opinion that importing foreign ideas and merely imitating the way in which they are employed in the West, is clearly a problematic solution to Japan's "crisis df ideas," as well as a demonstration of just how "naive" Japanese intellectuals can be. However, this is where the similarity between Fuseki's ideas and Mori Ogai's stops. Despite Fuseki's ambivalent stance towards the rampant adoption of "isms" in Japan, he concludes this section of his speech by implying that all of this "toying" with "isms" is simply a passing phase-perhaps growing pains-as indicated in his comment "So you don't have to be terrified i f this thing or ism is at first quite 54 dreadful." Fuseki continues with his speech by quickly changing the subject to Ibsen's individualism as expressed in his social drama, Brand. Fuseki offers an interpretation of Brand's actions which Mor i Ogai would probably not have agreed with. In addition he offers an actual endorsement of Brand as a model of a "man of the new age": A u t o n o m i e ^ & S o Ztl&'j!i3,<DLXMt-&Z> C bit, 4 y'tyK^tiiMteAsXhb Do f̂ĉ >ry-feyW:*«)«A *̂>»)*-t-. JgftAT?**)*-*-. Dfbv^A^fe«9*-f-0 (25) A l l or nothing-this was the ideal which Brand, the protagonist, was seeking, but what Ibsen was searching for was l imited to the idea that this ideal world would come from one's self, would come from one's own free wi l l . [...] In order to believe in religion, one has to establish one's own religion. In a word, one has to seek autonomy. Even for Ibsen, the formulation of autonomy was probably an impossibility. At any rate, it is Ibsen himself doing the seeking. He was a modern. He was a man of the new age. (408) A n endorsement of a philosophy, especially one as fiery and defiant as expressed by Ibsen's Brand, is not l ikely to emerge from any of Mori Ogai's texts, except in the form of what is clearly designed to be an object of criticism and skepticism such as Fuseki's speeches. 3 8 As pointed out by Thomas Rimer, the connection between Fuseki and the real Natsume Soseki can only be taken so far, as it is not l ikely that Soseki would have lectured so extensively about German philosophy or used it as the core of his arguments-it simply was not his style or primary area of interest ("Metamorphosis" 253). However, such a blanket endorsement of individualism is clearly indicated as a valid course of action at the end of Soseki's famous lecture of 1914 entitled "My Individualism" ("Watakushi no kojinshugi" &<£>{@A±i|):39 55 Ztc b 5 h.m.hfrhX'lb9 * 1 \ (157) I want to thank you for inviting me here. I have tried my best to explain to you how necessary individualism wi l l be for young men such as yourselves who wi l l have the opportunity to live lives of individual fulfillment, and I have done so in the hope that it might be of some use to you once you have gone out into the world. (315) One can only begin to imagine the response such words might elicit from Mori Ogai. Even if he were to agree with these words, it would be almost impossible to imagine Mor i Ogai issuing what amounts virtually to a "call to arms" to young intellectuals. Even though Soseki insists throughout "My Individualism" that individualism "advocates respecting the existence of others" (ffe<0#£E£r#l£"t"<5) Ogai's juxtaposition of Zarathustra and Brand is probably not coincidental. Ibsen's protagonist is very similar to Zarathustra. Both characters are depicted at the beginning of each work as rugged hermits, who after a long period of isolation, wander into a town and get attention by making speeches about their philosophies. One of the biggest differences between Brand and Zarathustra is that Brand's philosophy is openly Christian, despite his modern, individualistic personality. Alternatively, Zarathustra is infamous for his famous statement "God is dead." The secular orientation of Zarathustra is one of a number of factors which may have contributed to its popularity in Japan. I am not implying that Soseki was attempting to endorse any specific form of individualism as depicted by a given philosopher or writer, but individualism in general. As pointed out by Parkes, neither Ogai nor Soseki, "even though they were consummately familiar with European ideas" were "naively enthusiastic about Nietzsche as Chogyu [...]" (190-191). 56 and "replaces cliquism with values based on personal judgment of right and wrong" O TMifcfcfo&i.ikfe'DX't'" pg. 152), this attitude would likely leave an extraordinarily bad taste i n the mouth of Mori Ogai (309). Soseki's indiscriminate dispersal of these values to anyone listening, leaving the power to decide the "right" from the "wrong" in the hands of impulsive and zealous young intellectuals, probably did not sit well with Mori Ogai, who virtually lived by a code of "aristocratic radicalism," that dictated the liberal use of restraint in expressing ideas that might kindle the flames of passion in the "common herd." As previously discussed, Ogai found it impossible to accept what he perceived as the "passive altruistic morals" of ideologies which cater to the masses. These philosophies "reject all privilege" and are nothing other than the "morality of a stupid, foolish crowd." If Fuseki is a parody of Natsume Soseki, then it is a very cutting one indeed, as Fuseki is clearly depicted as a buffoon because of his sloppy misinterpretation of Zarathustra. In Zarathustra, the "last men" are depicted as being fools for not realizing the absurdity of their nihilist ic "God- complex," when they could strive towards and become "Supermen" instead-a state which is depicted as a process of continuous growth and development. Fuseki, however, is interpreting the "last race of human beings" as being indicative of humanity's growing pains, or a natural stage in its organic development, which wi l l eventually lead to something that people-particularly the Japanese-"don't have to be terrified of." Mor i Ogai is adding an additional dimension to Nietzsche's twist on the word "small," by composing Fuseki's speech in a manner that represents Japanese intellectuals-particularly Fuseki himself-as being particularly foolhardy for implementing "systems" and "isms" which are "flawed" to begin wi th-s imply because they represent an enviable, "modern," hegemonic, Western discourse. The same relationship is applicable to Ogai's and Nietzsche's respective use of the verb "to blink." Nietzsche employs this word to parody the spellbinding effect which the achievements of "modernity" have had on Western people. However, Ogai is clearly satirizing the copycat effect that the imitation of these ideas have had in Japan. Although Fuseki's speeches contain a great deal of fascinating and compelling ideas, they are framed in a context which leave little room for worry that Ogai's readers wi l l feel the sudden 57 inspiration to adopt a freewheeling philosophy of individualism. The somewhat fragmented and casual tone of Soseki's real speeches is exaggerated in Fuseki's condensed speech in Youth. Fuseki's speech is characterized by abrupt changes of topic, lack of a clear argument, defined terms, or scholarly analysis, elements which only serve to agitate the protagonist, despite the provocative and compelling ideas Fuseki presents to the audience of young men: " A l l at once Jun ' ichi felt Fuseki's remarks were beginning to sound like static, meaningless and distant" (408). M—<Dniat^<Dm^M^MV^^(D-^o^, Mft<Dtevm^li£te<>XmZ-XfoZ> (25). Although the narrator adds that the audience appears agitated as well , the overall condition of the audience at the end of the speech was "spellbound" (If f)*iitcffil'ft£.v^<DXhZ>). However, the fact that Mor i Ogai is clearly manipulating Soseki's rhetoric and exaggerating its weaker points is a very important consideration. Despite Ogai's reservations about the potentially harmful effects of Soseki's writings and speeches on impressionable minds, Ogai was very indebted to Soseki, whose innovative and popular literature often prefigured his own. Ultimately, the fictional depiction of Soseki and his ideas in Ogai's writings should not be interpreted as a condemnation, but as a harsh, yet critical and constructive response from a peer. As pointed out by Rimer, the "multiple displacement" represented by Fuseki's speech, is "a trenchant example of Ogai's ability to create a literary strategy he deems suitable for his literary and philosophical purposes" ("Metamorphosis" 6). Indeed, Soseki serves as a convenient tool for Mor i Ogai. As an incredibly esteemed lecturer who did tend to leave his audiences "spellbound," Soseki provides the raw material necessary to study the type o f man, who as Rimer puts it, has the "pride of place in the pantheon of those who might spur on the younger generation" ("Metamorphosis" 6). However, as is quite evident, this is not necessarily a complimentary gesture. Although Fuseki presents a number of ideas that are very close to those expressed by Mor i Ogai or his mature protagonists, he is ultimately depicted as being a buffoon for his failure to provide satisfying and complete arguments to justify his zealous and enthusiastic endorsement of provocative ideas. Although the audience of Fuseki's speech is depicted as "spellbound," Jun' ichi and Omura are not quite spellbound. Nor, however, are they turned away. Rather, they feel compelled to explore 58 these issues in greater detail, and engage in critical and analytical discussions about them. Although Rimer does not clarify what Ogai's "literary and philosophical purposes are," I feel that it is clear that this clever technique of introducing ideas through the fictional representation of such a popular speaker as Natsume Soseki is intended to provoke the reader to actively engage ideas from a detached and skeptical perspective. The protagonist, as wel l as the reader, are in a position to maintain a critical distance from not only "dangerous" ideas, but positive and optimistic ones, which have the potential of inflicting damage as great as the "dangerous" ones if a detached and skeptical perspective on them is not maintained. It is certainly possible that Ogai's intention to parody figures such as Soseki is to induce a healthy dose of skepticism in the reader. After listening to Fuseki's lecture, Jun'ichi leaves the young men's club and heads back to his lodgings where he encounters Omura, who for the rest of the novel functions as Jun'ichi 's "best friend." Although Jun' ichi is certainly not "spellbound" like the general audience at the young men's club, he is certain that there is "something special" about Fuseki (&&fif!$)faJ)*MiZ-t£Z>, pg. 26), even i f it is only something which can be discerned "faintly" ( f r i t b L-Tt@}#> btlfcffl.'). Subsequently, Jun' ichi asks his new friend what sort of person Fuseki was referring to when he said that Ibsen's Brand exemplifies the "man of the new age": L - * ^ t f , ^.WStt&o ^&$LTlt, -X«»tftf>-e-g:5 X [...]. J (27) I wonder i f ' m a n of the new age' means someone who is not enslaved by ethical and religious ideals. Or does it mean someone possessed by something else?" 59 Again Omura flashed that same smile. "The real point is which one is genuinely 'a man of the new age,' the passive hew man or the active new man?" "Well, maybe that's the point. But does a truly active new man exist?" said Junichi . Again Omura came out with his brief smile. "Well, I don't know i f he does or doesn't, though I agree that there ought to be that kind of person around somewhere. If he's destructive, he's also a builder. Just as the man who demolishes stone ends by heaping them into a foundation. (410) In the above-quoted passage, Jun'ichi and Omura discuss how the meaning of the word "new man" applies to their world-views as young Japanese intellectuals. Omura ultimately suggests that the phrase "man of the new age" should be employed specifically to refer to a sophisticated individual who lives a life unfettered by the shackles of convention. However, neither of the young men feels that it would be an appropriate course of action to accept Fuseki's seductive endorsement of a philosophy of individualism that advocates the outright dismissal of established conventions and values in favour of a system that has its roots in a purely personal subjectivity. In addition, the young men are not satisfied with such generalities as "free w i l l " and "autonomy," which Fuseki uses to characterize the "new man." Omura and Jun' ichi are curious about what lies at the core of this "individualism" which Fuseki is so eager to see his listeners adopt. They question whether or not the "new man" implies a process of casting off traditional ideals, or whether a constructive process is involved as well . They bring up the question of "passivity" versus "activity," and wonder whether or not a truly "active" new man exists, implying that examples of such a person are not readily available-especially in Japan. Omura ends the conversation with a rather cryptic statement, in which he alludes to a process of creation that is a direct result of a destructive process. Although not specifically identified, this is clearly an allusion to Nietzsche's philosophy of Eternal Recurrence, that represents an endless process of development and change, and has the act of "dismantling" at its very core. 60 This allusion to Nietzsche's philosophy of Eternal Recurrence is very wel l placed. Ogai has presented the idea of the "new man" as a subject worthy of skepticism and caution. This circumspect attitude is not simply a reaction to the concept of the "new man" itself, but the clumsy and sloppy manner in which it is presented. Fuseki's speech, like the passages I quoted from Soseki's lecture, "My Individualism," is designed with the specific intention of kindl ing a passionate and feverish spirit of individualism in the ears of the young men listening to these speeches and to encourage them to freely explore "free wi l l " and "autonomy." Although this may appear to represent an optimistic and forward-looking philosophy, it is clear that it is Mor i Ogai's intention to depict Fuseki's outright endorsement of individualism and free-will as callous behaviour. This callousness is due to the lack of a firm and solid foundation on which Fuseki's system of ideas is built upon. Although it is clear that Fuseki sees individualism, free wi l l , autonomy, and a whole host of other inspiring concepts as the means to achieve a more advanced and satisfying human condition, his system relies entirely upon the discretion of the individual to decide upon how these concepts wi l l be implemented. His system provides no systematic or organic method for transformation. It is chaotic and leaves the door open for irresponsible, impulsive, and i l l - informed people to act at their own discretion. It is inorganic in that it encourages "imitating" individual ism- ' t rying it out for size"-rather than incorporating it into an "active" and "constructive" model for personal growth and social transformation. A n d Ogai clearly presents it this way. Nietzsche's philosophy of Eternal Recurrence, however, provides an extraordinarily constructive model from which to consider the process of rethinking an existing set of values and conventions. As indicated by the manner in which Nietzsche's ideas are represented in Omura's example of the "man who demolishes stone ends," it is implied that everything which comprised the original structure wi l l still be present in the new structure. Although they may be held together by a different type of bond, be rearranged into different patterns, or even have an entirely altered form or colour, they wi l l still be there. Nothing wi l l be "cast off," and nothing wi l l actually be destroyed. In one way or another, the shape of every existing piece of the original structure must 61 be considered i n order to maintain the integrity of the new structure. If this process is not • monitored, the new structure might very well be flawed, and perhaps even cave i n on itself. The question as to whether or not the "new man" is a man "bound to convention," is one which Omura and Jun' ichi toy with throughout the novel. The question of passivity versus activity, however, leans strongly in favour of the active, as the passive is seen as being the harbinger of stagnation and pessimism, two things that Ogai unquestionably held in disdain: i£btiL^<r>x-t&, nmh<D®.i£i£^otmiLtt\£^bixxLti&<DXi-o u ? > l Z M mtc£5Xi-fr, T f i n ^ v o i m ^ t , m^Wcbo k&&<DXl-o i$oLX%Z>b, * # a ^ T & « - ^ 5 ^ ^ ^ ( D ^ y ' t y o m ^ m ^ x - i - . b'v^B^om X b v ^ X l t i Z , # W < £ > S o f c ^ 5 t £ , /h£v^©T?ttfc»j*-t-*v\&». (28) "When I read works of the new men in Japan who write only about passive subjects, I do admire the way they undo the ropes that bind them, but I can't find anything in them which really attracts me, really overwhelms me. As for Verhaeren's poems, they too contain a unique view of life. A n d even though his view doesn't agree with mine, I'm drawn to a pious quality I find unique. I heard Rodin was Verhaeren's friend, and I found this same religious quality in Rodin's sculptures. When I look at these men in this way, it seems to me that what Europeans call the 'new men' are quite different from Japan's 'new men' in that those in Europe have something in them full of life, really active and humane. The same is true of the Ibsen that Mr. Fuseki talked about. As Fuseki said about the Japanese new men, they seem to be men of small caliber. (411) 62 Again, Mor i Ogai, through the voice of Omura, intimates that there is something deficient i n Japan's "new men." Throughout this essay I have attempted to draw a connection between what Mor i Ogai and many of his protagonists seem to perceive as something missing in both the Japanese language and epistemology-something that deprives the Japanese people of many of the progress-oriented and forward-propelling qualities which Ogai associates with Western thought. However, there is also a layer of parody involved here as well . Whereas "Westerners" seem to be clearly implicated i n Mor i Ogai's texts of indiscriminately using "blind wi l l " and selfish individualism, which are depicted as being responsible for creating a climate of pessimism and nihi l ism in Western philosophical discourse, it is the Japanese who are particularly "small" because they are imitating this flawed "Western" mentality verbatim. Without exercising sufficient detachment to properly distinguish the positive from the negative aspects of Western thought, the Japanese wi l l s imply replicate the Western path towards pessimism and nihi l i sm on their own soil. Thus, the enviable quality in Western philosophy is not only depicted by Mor i Ogai and his protagonists as being something deficient in the history of Japanese ideas, but the cause of Western philosophy's embracement of nihil ism, pessimism, and self-destructive tendencies. Despite its desirability, it is clearly something which must be handled with caution. Although this is a complicated process, through his philosophical ruminations in "Delusions," and the serious, yet playful conversations of his youthful protagonists, Mor i Ogai clearly outlines the cause of Western philosophy's path towards negativity, and exactly why, despite his drawbacks, Nietzsche stands out as one of Western.philosophy's last, best hopes. 63 Mori Ogai's "Existential" Crisis The following excerpt is a condensed version of an extended passage of "Delusions" in which Ogai identifies a definitive (yet muddled) progression from the pessimism of Hartmann to what seems to be the more sophisticated existentialism of Samuel Beckett or Jean Paul Sartre, which was still decades away. It is based upon his memories of the impressions he had of Western philosophy while l iv ing in Berlin, nearly twenty years prior to the composition of "Delusions"-he had not yet discovered Nietzsche: xia^t-e, ^ § i ? i s ^ . ĵtt, mm, £ t t , mm, zmk^&^sKtk^x, —* * © » a * » o T « b 5 . [...]AMt&ttm&m&foLx, m*iz.ntR<r>&<t>kMi&vxfoz>. %r.mxizm%wm£*&Zo zhiamAkLx<D^m*mmzv<xi*fj;bfo\ bz ZHfiWRt&lfAsteicmikLXii, *jSfflJEtt«&*.*v\ [ . . . ] / w h 7 y © I i i i ± f f l J ; , lit &m±toJkz>x&<7&e>tix&z. mc^^m^u^m^t^it, VV$»©-e&3. (128-129) It was his [Hartmann's] "three stages of illusion" that brought home to me the comforts of philosophy. Hartmann propounds these three stages of il lusion in order to prove that happiness is an impossible goal for humanity. He lists youth, health, friendship, 64 love, and honor, and then destroys each illusion one by one.[...] By sacrificing this happiness, humanity can contribute a little toward the world's evolution. In the second stage, happiness is sought after death. Here one must first accept as a premise the immortality of the individual. But the individual consciousness is destroyed at death [..]. In the third stage, happiness is sought in a future world process.[...] But however the world may evolve, old age, death, pain, and misfortune wi l l never cease.[...] According to Hartmann's metaphysics, the world is constructed as well as it could be. But i f one then went on to ask whether it should or should not exist, the answer would be it should not..[...] Schopenhauer was Hartmann minus the theory of evolution. Not only would it be better i f the world did not exist, it was in fact the worst of all possible worlds. The fact that is existed at all was a blunder.f...] This indestructible element he called the Wi l l , in the broadest sense of the word, and this Wi l l was in opposition to Representation, which was mortal. Precisely because this Wi l l existed, nothingness was not an absolute but only a relative negation. His Wi l l was the same thing as Kant's "fhing-in-itself." Suicide might wel l be the best way for the individual to return to nothingness, but nevertheless the specifies, the thing-in-itself, would always remain. So all one could really do was live on unt i l death came naturally. ("Delusions" 173) In the preceding passage, the narrator of "Delusions" depicts the decadence of Western philosophical discourse as a series of disappointments which are the result of simply having too many high self-expectations; a process which ultimately leads to the inevitable conclusion that "nothingness" is the only real "truth." Even though Western philosophy may have experienced a surge of optimism and self-confidence in the Renaissance, Western thinkers used their increasingly powerful abilities to think critically and reason to reduce even the most basic human emotions into concepts which can be negated as easily as a mathematical formula. However, Hartmann at least retained a belief that philosophy is a continuous process of development and evolution, although unlike his more optimistic predecessors in the Enlightenment and the Renaissance, the 65 presumption that a utopic future is an inherent component of this process has been dismissed. Schopenhauer is depicted as even more dismal however, as Ogai perceives his philosophy as lacking even the rudimentary vestiges of optimism which were inherent in Hartmann's philosophy; as the only indestructible element in the world is "Wil l ," which is merely the relative negation to "nothingness," then "suicide" is the best answer to life's problems. Without eternal truths, a priori concepts of beauty, which Western philosophy and epistemology have relied on as their core concepts for millennia, then there is no reason to do anything but wait for death, conjuring images of Beckett's Waiting for Godot: j l t ^ f i H a r t m a n n ( D J I ^ ^ c O H 4 « ^ L T ^ 5 o b ZZXhfe^3££3I£?r*>$roTg m£iM.^mfX?iftblZ^l$tite^tcb^:Ji><DX&Z>, A { £ S # J K J S < J E & S I * ! , ifX, KbBbB&&&frfo (132) [Phillip] Mainlaender accepted Hartmann's three stages of illusions, but then he said it was unreasonable to first of all destroy people's illusions and then tell them to affirm life. A l l was indeed illusion, but death made a nonsense of the whole matter in any case, so you could hardly tell people to pursue such illusions. First of all man catches sight of death in the distance and turns his back on it in fear. [...] This circle gradually gets smaller and smaller, until eventually he flings his tired arms around the neck of death and looks it straight i n the eye. (177) The evolution of nihilistic thinking in Western thought is presented as a mathematical formula by Ogai, as expressed by his emphasis of the "relative negation of nothingness" and the diminishing "circle" which leads people to embrace death and "look it straight in the eye." Ogai seems to believe that despite the versatility, power, and progress-oriented characteristics inherent 66 to Western thought, there is a rigid constant wedged into this system which ruins all of its potential for success: the absolute finality of "death" and "nothingness." Ogai describes Western philosophy as a system that simply surrenders itself to that which it is unable to control; it gives up as it is unable to accept its own limitations. As I w i l l discuss in the next section, Ogai-very much like Nietzsche-perceives this defect in Western thought as a childish and unnecessary obstacle which can be "overcome." Westerners are depicted as being too myopic to realize that it is their own rigid thinking which has ruined their chances for happiness.. Conclusion: Mori Ogai's Search for a "Bluebird" During the final conversation between Jun'ichi and Omura, the young men discuss their interpretation o f Maurice Maeterlinck's symbolist drama L'oiseau bleu (The Bluebird).m Jun'ichi summarizes the plot ot L'oiseau bleu as a story about a woodcutter and his family who "exist on bread and water, and even at Christmas [...] can't afford to buy candles to light up the fir tree even though the bluebird o f happiness lives in a cage in the woodcutter's hut" (479). t^t X'£.i* X fox, 9Vx-rxi)S%Xi>, ^ » ^ © S t 5 5 J B * » b T i t 5 c t t H i * * v ^ 5 f t * « l ^ © i ^" .^ f J l ' b , ^^©Wv\if{2H<7)rt{;i£>-5 (84). He further explains that in order to solve this crisis, f- fo 'f- fo 5 <f- fo the woodcutter's children, Tyl ty l and Mytyl ( T y 1 t y 1, M y t y 1 ), "wander in search of the bluebird" (^<D^^1%%fifcp!f,lZ>$.ibX) to various fantasy lands. In one of these lands, "Future Land" (JUMOffl) they witness "children of the future" (Z\tlfrb9c% lZ±tlX&Z>^-$i) building amazing machines which give human beings the ability to cure diseases and fly through the air. Some of these people are even attempting to "create a machine by which to overcome death" (^EfcfTlbiSo £ r l ^ L-"CiJ£><5). Jun' ichi offers the following interpretation of L'oiseau bleu's utopic vision: Bowring states that this play was quite popular in Japan at the time (145). 67 ftofc££ <DKti&t>*k\rMgls\^*1b t» (84) The nineteenth century was the era of natural science, and it brought about our materialistic civilization. But we couldn't be satisfied with that k ind of world, so we turned our eyes from the outer world to the inner.[...] Don't you feel all these machines and devices are no more than substitutes to make up for our losses once our present happiness vanishes? (479) After Jun ' ichi finishes his interpretation, Omura responds by offering a similar interpretation, but one that is clearly shaped by his more sophisticated knowledge of Western and Eastern philosophy: mmxm^x^tWmomm^p \ 7 t o n&tcvfrbmmmcte^x, X f f « # * # i 5 tc&o (85) If we look at the Western world, Greek ethics were transcendentalized after Plato, and Christianity developed his thought to a considerable degree. This philosophy, based on a transcendental world, became supremely awe-inspiring, and this world itself became meaningless, empty. As a result, the bluebird, caged in the woodcutter's hut, went unheeded and had to be searched for elsewhere. (481) The tendency of humanity to turn their backs on "this world" and place too much emphasis on the importance of the "other world" is a very important theme in Zarathustra. Although there are no passages in Zarathustra which correspond to Omura's and Jun'ichi's conversation as closely as Fuseki's speech does, there are a number of passages which express nearly the same ideas 68 contained in Omura's dialogue. Perhaps the most appropriate example from Zarathustra is in another one of Zarathustra's speeches in the first book entitled "On the Afterworldly" (Von den Hinterweltern). What is particularly interesting is how Walter Kaufmann translates the German phrase jene Welt as "that world" in nearly the same context as Ogai employs higan. The German phrase jene Welt is closely related to the word which Nietzsche frequently uses to represent the concept of the "afterworldly,";'enseits, which is a word employed either as a preposition in the genitive case or an adverb, both of which mean "on the other side of." When capitalized, Jenseits becomes a noun which literally means the "hereafter." The word-pair which expresses the opposite of jenseits and Jenseits is diesseits and Diesseits, which can be respectively translated as "on this side o f and "in this life." 4 1 The parallels that exist between the etymologies of these respective word- pairs, as wel l as Ogai's tendency to consistently refer to Nietzsche's philosophy as the "philosophy of this world," (shigan) indicate the strong possibility that Ogai's interpretations of Western philosophy, and those expressed by his fictional characters, were influenced by Nietzsche's texts.4 2 The following passage from "The Afterwordly" represents Nietzsche's perception of the respective roles of "this world" and "that world." It is one of a number of passages which may have served as a 4 1 In Ikuta Choko's 1911 translation of Zarathustra, jenseits and jene Welt are frequently translated as higan as well as takai (-fife^-—literally the "other world"). As Mor i Ogai's exact contribution to Choko's translation is not known, it is not possible to prove that he influenced Choko's choice of words. However, the appearance of this translation during the same year i n which Youth was published would indicate at least a possible connection. 4 2 In "The Tower of Silence" (1910) towards the end of the fictional newspaper article which comprises the majority of the story, the fictional journalist briefly summarizes the path of Western philosophy towards nihil ism in much the same way as Omura or the narrator of "Delusions." In this passage, he specifically uses the phrase "Nietzsche's this-world philosophy" (— A "fx- <D$t&¥$^), making a clear connection between the philosophies of Nietzsche and "this world" (shigan). He does this for no other author (282). 69 model for Mor i Ogai when composing the dialogue of Omura's and Jun'ichi's conversations. Rather than referring to any of humanity's specific achievements, Nietzsche represents humanity's disdain of "this world" by its tendency to scorn the limitations of its own corporeal existence: Glaubt es mir, meine Briider! Der Leib war's, der an der Erde verzweifelte,—der tastete mit den Fingern des bethorten Geistes an die letzten Wande. Glaubt es mir, meine Briider! Der Leib war's, der an der Erde verzweifelte,—der hbrte den Bauch des Seins zu sich reden. U n d da wollte er mit dem Kopf durch die letzten Wande, und nicht nur mit dem Kopfe,—hiniiber zu Jene Welt". Aber Jene Welt" st gut verbogen vor dem Menschen, jene entmenschte unmenschliche Welt, die ein himmlisches Nichts ist; und der Bauch des Seins redet gar nicht zum Menschen, es sei denn als Mensch. (32) Believe me, m y brothers: it was the body that despaired of the body and touched the ultimate walls with the fingers of a deluded spirit. Believe me, my brothers: it was the body that despaired of the earth and heard the belly of being [Seins] speak to it. It wanted to crash through these ultimate walls with its head, and not only with its head-over there to "that world." But "that world" is well concealed from humans-that dehumanized inhuman world which is a heavenly nothing; and the belly of being does not speak to humans at all, except as a human. (143-144) In the following passage, Omura continues to build upon his analysis of the development of Western culture. It is one of the most pivotal passages in all of Mor i Ogai's "literature of ideas" as it delineates a clear connection between the paradoxical relationship in Western thought in which progress and nihi l ism are inextricably linked, and what Mor i Ogai perceives as a deficiency in Japanese thought-a deficiency which is responsible for the inability of the Japanese language and 70 Japanese ideas to embody the inspiring and forward-propelling concepts which Ogai considers enviable qualities of Western discourse: fo * V f > * R e n a i s s a n c e fcV^&j&Sjfc#fi:fifc§Vvfe. & * l # £ © r t © # V ^ J f t & f c . ! , £ * " C < ittco *Hfc*BS#ASS*iT, * t r©if t |^©«iHASti l3fE« 0 ^ f c f c ^ & f c f l - j ^ S . f4#rtSH? fc£&fSB&i-3I*#S>5i :V\$»©;/£. W h at©IKIlI£:h o w fcLtc<Dtcte<, t'otcfrL T i f t £ £ W < ^ f c f S B & L . f t < T f ± f c E > J f e V \ , (85-86) A n d I feel that the future development of man's ideas can only occur in the West. You see, there's never been a Renaissance in the Orient. The Renaissance made it possible for men to find the bluebird in their own homes. Bold voyagers appeared and created the real maps of the world. Astronomy came to be understood. The sciences developed. The arts bloomed. Machines became more and more significant, and everything in the world turned into what the Buddhists call the material world. Production and capital absorbed all our energies so that the other world became neglected, meaningless. A n d then that eccentric Schopenhauer suddenly awoke and attempted to peer into that other world. Wishing for that other world, he reflected on this world we were in . He envisioned all creation as fundamentally a product of bl ind wi l l . This is his pessimism, a pessimism which can't accept life affirmatively. A n d then Nietzsche appeared and handed down a totally opposite 71 thesis. He said that one cannot escape suffering i n this life, but that it's cowardly to avoid it by running away. He proclaimed there was a way of comprehending life's significance while fully being immersed in its suffering. That is, he turned the problem of What into How. You have to find, at any cost, the significance of life as it is. (481) Echoing the grim prognosis for the future of scientific research in Japan, expressed by the narrator of "Delusions," Omura states that "man's" ideas can only be "developed" i n the West. In this passage, Omura specifically focuses his argument on the European Renaissance, a turning point i n the development of Western civilization, which he identifies as both its zenith and the defining moment in which the seeds of pessimism were sown. Omura sounds as though he were summarizing the previously quoted passage from Second World and Green World. Like the "green" in Berger's passage, which is supposed to represent a "better" world created by "man" based on raw material provided by "God," the "blue" in "bluebird" is employed as a metaphor for this process. Omura alludes to the rapidity of technological, social, and cultural development, but also how these developments are qualitatively different from those of previous eras: they were able to represent the actual state of things-"the thing in itself." Europeans made "real" maps and "truly" came to understand astronomy. Despite Omura's belief that "Buddhism's renunciation of the world" and Christianity's renunciation are the "same" and his remarkable ability to use words of Buddhist origin such as higan and shigan to describe the similarity between two religions, the nihi l i sm found in "this world" is a distinctly "Western" phenomenon, the roots of which go back thousands of years. In addition, it appears that Omura perceives that this nihil ism and the inspiring, progress-oriented characteristics of Western epistemology are inextricably intertwined. Omura postulates a direct correlation between the extreme nature of Western epistemology's technological and empirical orientation and the loss of what he also perceives to be its most awesome and exhilarating qualities-a theme that has appeared in almost all of Ogai's texts discussed i n this essay. Whereas Omura seems to approach this situation with a relative degree of levity, the more mature narrator of "Delusions" 72 finds the situation absolutely aggravating and disappointing, as indicated by his disappointed and detached perspective which becomes more intense and paralyzing with each passing year. Mor i Ogai and his protagonists perceive this paradoxical relationship between optimism and nih i l i sm as an inherent quality of Western epistemology. It is particularly disturbing as it reveals the true complexity of Japan's epistemological di lemma-a dilemma for which there is no clear solution. As clearly depicted in the works discussed in this essay, Western epistemology and philosophical ideas are perceived as a hegemonic discourse in nearly every level of society, ranging from pure, theoretical academic discourse, to urban planning, hygiene, and foreign policy. The discourse of the hegemonic West is ubiquitous i n Mor i Ogai's literature, down to the finest details of the actual style in which the narratives are composed. However, despite the presence of what is clearly the desire on the part of both the author and many of his characters to release the tension caused by the dissonance between Western and Japanese systems of thought, Ogai offers no resolution to this cr is is- in spite of the fact that the nature and roots of this dissonance seem to be lucidly presented in the texts. If it were not for the fact that nihi l ism is depicted in Ogai's texts as the inevitable outcome of the extreme individualism in Western discourse, then the answer to Japan's epistemological dilemma would be clear: find some way to recreate the exuberance and glory of the European Renaissance in Japanese discourse. This would solve a number of problems that are posited in Ogai's "literature of ideas," particularly the gap in Japanese epistemology that Mor i Ogai believes is depriving it of such progress-oriented and inspiring concepts as Forschung, or as depicted i n characters from Western literature such as Ibsen's Brand or Goethe's Faust. Yet there are a number of problems inherent i n such a solution. As clearly given expression in Mor i Ogai's depiction of Fuseki, advocating individualism as a blanket solution to Japan's epistemological crisis is not an acceptable solution. This lack of acceptability is twofold. In the first place, replicating a process which led to the philosophical discourse of nihi l i sm and decadence in Europe is clearly not a viable option. Even i f it were, the outright adoption of Western philosophical and technological ideas into Japanese epistemology are simply "imitations," 73 "cheap" and hollow constructs that lack the authenticity and full-development of their original, European counterparts. Previously in this essay I discussed the profound effects the speech of a German geologist named Alfred Naumann had on Mor i Ogai when he was l iving and working in Germany. This speech left Ogai with feelings of anger, despondency, and frustration with the German geologist's convictions that Japan wi l l never be an environment conducive to truly useful scientific research. In this essay, I have attempted to illustrate Ogai's response to this experience in such stories as "Delusions" and "Under Reconstruction," in which Ogai indicates that such a judgement of his country is premature, as it is still in the midst of "reconstruction," and that it is s imply not ready to be on equal terms with the West-"not yet." As Donald Keene points out, Ogai had a similar experience over a decade after his return to Japan, in which he attended the lecture of another German scientist named Erwin Balz, who made a number of similar criticisms of Japan, but indicated a specific reason why he believed that Japan's condition is terminal. Keene states that Balz was of the opinion that the atmosphere for scientific research, which had "developed organically i n the West since the days of the Greeks, could never be transplanted to a country without the same historical background" (Keene 362). The emphasis on the significance of organic development, which seems to have its greatest expression in Youth, was the kernel of Soseki's speech entitled "The Civi l izat ion of Modern-Day Japan" ("Gendai nihon no kaika" $&ftB&<DMik) given in the summer o f August 1911. Although Soseki does not specifically mention the Renaissance, he expresses his contention that one of the problems which lies at the core of Japanese e piste mology's encounter with the "West" is that the inherently hegemonic nature of Western discourse has made Japan feel compelled to adopt ideas overnight, whereas in Europe, these ideas (presumably) were able to enjoy the fruits of an organic development: 74 Mt£<OX-fo (44-45) So, then, the question facing us is this: How does the civilization of modern-day Japan differ from civilization in general as I have been discussing it? Simply stated, Western civil ization (that is, civilization in general) is internally motivated, whereas Japan's civil ization is externally motivated. Something that is "internally motivated" develops naturally from within, as a flower opens, the bursting of the bud followed by the turning outward of the petals. Something is "externally motivated" when it is forced to assume a certain form as the result of pressure applied from the outside. (272) "The Civil izat ion of Modern-Day Japan" does not end in the "call to arms," as I have characterized the conclusions to both Fuseki's fictional speech in Youth and the previously quoted passage from Soseki's "My Individualism." The conclusion suggests simply that "we probably should go on changing through internal motivation while trying our best to avoid a nervous breakdown" (283). R^mM\Z.mb^W§.K^X, faftfolCfMk LXfi < mifr h b t 5 ftfllfe<7}£F^>, -I h £ 1 1 5 <fc X) ^M^ttTjT^&V^ (53). Although Mor i Ogai might tacitly agree with Soseki's assessment, it is not l ikely that Ogai would resort to the dramatic tone with which Soseki finished his sentence, in which he conjures of image of Japan having a "nervous breakdown"-an image he gradually develops throughout the latter half of his essay. Soseki posits Japanese and Western discourses in a dyadic relationship in which the former is "externally" motivated by the latter. The West is depicted as being a self-confident and organic entity. This relationship is not unlike the epistemological "gap" depicted in Ogai's literature of ideas discussed in this essay. Both Soseki and Ogai agree on the problems Japan is facing, but they disagree on the solutions. Each author advocates progress, modernization with a distinct "Japanese" flair, and adopting new ideas. 75 However, Soseki's head-first attitude towards Japanese intellectuals adopting ideas' such as "individualism," deviates sharply from Ogai's cautious, elitist, and conservative rhetoric. Although Ogai does not deny the importance and relevance of individualism in modern Japan, he clearly perceives its presence as having potentially dangerous consequences. As impl ied i n Jun'ichi's and Omura's interpretation of L'oiseau bleu, the decadence of the West is clearly due to the foolhardiness of the Westerners themselves. Westerners actually had the "bluebird of happiness" in the palm of their hands, but lost it due to the excessive God-complex which developed i n the Renaissance. In addition, throughout all of the texts I have discussed, Ogai clearly depicts his irritation at how the West has tainted its philosophical discourse with pessimism and n ih i l i sm-a philosophical discourse which is otherwise depicted by Ogai as awe-inspiring and enviable for its progress-oriented qualities. However, he is even more irritated by his own countrymen for imitating the West and potentially bungling their own chances for ever finding a "bluebird" in their own country. Even though Japan's modernization may appear to be a success story, the Japan depicted in Mor i Ogai's fiction is clearly a land populated by Nietzsche's "last men," who are i n danger of missing out on the opportunity to become something truly great, simply because they are unable to recognize the faults in their own system of judgement. Modern Japan is depicted as a grotesque creation in which almost everything, despite its attractive veneer, is actually malformed and not fully functional. Whether it is the "painted wooden structures" observed by Jun'ichi, the buffoonish Fuseki, or the misguided young scholar Hidemaro, Ogai's fictional depiction of late-Meiji Japan is filled with both human and inanimate examples of what happens when a society relies on the process of outright imitation as the means to achieve cultural and social development. The West is portrayed as having had the luxury to develop its ideas organically over a long period of time. It was also lucky enough to have had the opportunity to reap the rewards of this organic development by giving full expression of its achievements i n an inspiring Renaissance, in which at least for a time, Westerners were able to enjoy their "bluebird" in their own "hut." 76 The motif of the bluebird has its genesis in Ogai's voyage home from Europe. As described in "Delusions" Ogai claims that in Ceylon, he was "sold a beautiful bird with blue wings by a man with a red-checkered cloth wound round his head and loins" ("Delusions" 175). feftlifHaWiX', te^©**, MhmbteMZMtftcmfc, H L V \ nvmoUhZMfcitbtltc (130). When Ogai returned to the ship, he reports that one of the sailors said that the bird would not l ive. Indeed the bird died before it reached Yokohama. Several pages later i n "Delusions," the narrator states that he has been "fated to be misplaced" ( § # © < & £ & ^ I T © J 9 T { C S-^ 5 fclTrfcS) as he is an "eternal malcontent" (^cj^^F^P^). The only explanation he offers of this statement is in the following cryptic passage: j|-C&3©T?S>3. W*%XfeX, Wv>*&#©+fc#;feT**©T?S>5. #Mf££IHI5fc kz\ZX, *;rifc£^<5£fcH:aj*fcv\ c*ittRJ£il*fc<5**T?*>3. (132) Somehow I cannot bring myself to see a gray bird as i f it were a blue bird. I am lost. I wander i n a dream; in a dream and searching for a blue bird within that dream. I ask why, but can give no answer. It is a simple fact, a fact of my consciousness. (177) On one level, Ogai is implying that the perhaps a "blue bird" simply can't survive i n Japan, as Japan represents a culture in which no one is ready to "find their bluebird." However, these passages also imply that no matter how great the temptation, Mor i Ogai wi l l not ever be satisfied with a "blue bird" which is only blue on the surface but grey within-despite whatever seductive beauty or charm it may possess.4 3 In addition, it is clear throughout Ogai's "literature of ideas," which is directed in large part to young Japanese intellectuals, that he hopes that they w i l l never allow themselves to be "enticed" by the "zeal that surrounds a cause" or the "sight of a burning fuse," as put by Nietzsche in the aphorism about "youth" at the head of this essay. K u k i Shuzo, i n his 1930 treatise on Japanese aesthetics entitled "The Structure of 'Chic '" ("/fa" no kozo T v ^ j <£>$| 77 3 a ) , states that "ashen grey" (haiiro K f e ) - t h e same shade of grey depicted by M o r i Ogai in the above passage-is "no more than the color of 'theory' which has turned his back on 'life,' as Mephisto says" (39). / V -< 7. h C9H 5 5 K r ^ J fc^JS r f raS j < O f e { £ $ ^ f t V \ 6 i ' b f t t f U k (108). If we are to accept Kuki Shuzo's interpretation of the colour "ashen grey," in which he draws a parallel to Goethe's Faust, then it is clear that the "greyness" of modernity as depicted in "Delusions" is indeed the colour of the superficial and empty qualities which Ogai has identified in the flawed and pessimistic discourse of the West. It is the colour of the "last man" who has "turned its back on 'life'" and places faith only in his own "modern" prowess. Thus, among the countless layers of subtexts and ideas of Ogai's fiction written between 1909-1912, one of the many messages which emerges is that the "last race of human beings" must not be allowed to dance "nimbly" in Japan, but encouraged to take the initiative to grow into something truly new, original, and distinctly Japanese. There are two aspects to Nietzsche's concept of the "last man"; one emphasizes his potential for stagnation, and nihilistic and self-destructive thinking while the other emphasizes his potential to solve these dilemmas by engaging in the process of "overcoming." Although Ogai would hardly endorse the dramatic and extreme nature of Nietzsche's ideas exactly as they are presented i n Zarathustra, the aspect of Nietzsche's ideas which emphasizes continuous intellectual development, detached-engagement, and the recognition and transcendence of one's limitations is clearly a crucial aspect of Ogai's "literature of ideas." The colour "ashen grey" (haiiro JPcfe) serves as an important theme throughout Ogai's "literature of ideas." It appears in a wide variety of instances in which some negative aspect of modernity is manifested. The most common usage of this word I have been able to find is in Ogai's unfinished novella, quite appropriately titled "Ashes of Destruction." However it is also appears a number of times in similar contexts i n Youth and "The Tower of Silence" as well . It should also be mentioned that Nietzsche liberally employs the use of the colour "ashen grey" in the third part of Zarathustra in which Zarathustra travels into places which are clearly depicted as representations of the modern world. 78 BIBLIOGRAPHY Anderson, Perry. "The Prussia of the East." Boundary. 18.3 (1991) 11-19. Becker, Hans-Joachim. Die Frithe Nietzsche-Rezeption in Japan (1893-1903): Ein Beitrag zur Individualismusproblematik im Modernisierungsprozess [Early Nietzsche Reception in Japan: A Contribution to the Problematics of Individualism in the Modernization Process]. Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz, 1983. Beckett, Samuel. Waiting for Godot: A Tragicomedy in Two Acts. Trans. Samuel Beckett. New York: Grove, 1954. Berger, Harry. Second World and Green World. Berkeley: California UP, 1988. Bowring, Richard. Mori Ogai and the Modernization of Japanese Culture. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1979. Dilworth, David, and J . Thomas Rimer. Introduction. The Incident at Sakai and Other Stories. Honolulu: Hawaii UP, 1977. 1-14. Goethe, Johann W. A l l material quoted from Sdmtliche Werke nach Epochen seines Schaffens Munchen Ausgabe. (Ed. Andreas Hamburger and Edith Zehm. Munich: Car l Hanser, 1985. 21 vol.) w i l l be referred to as SW. —. Faust. Trans. Walter Arndt. Norton Critical Edition. New York: Norton, 1976. —. Faust I. SW, vol. 6, part 1. —. Fausuto 7 T "7 7*"V • Trans. Mor i Ogai. Tokyo: Fusanbo,1920. —. Wilhelm Meisters Lehrjahre. SW, vol. 5. ' Hollingdale, R. J . Nietzsche: The Man and His Philosophy. Baton Rouge: Louisiana UP, 1965. Hopper, Helen. "Mori Ogai's Response to Suppression of Intellectual Freedom, 1909-12." Monumenta Nipponica. 24 (1974): 381-412. Ibsen, Henr ik . Brand. Trans. MacDonald, Robert David. London: Oberon, 1991. Kaufmann, Walter. Introduction. The Portable Nietzsche. Trans. Walter Kaufman. New York: Viking-Penguin, 1982. 79 Keene, Donald. Dawn to the West: Japanese Literature of the Modem Era. New York: Holt, Rinehart, . and Winston, 1984. Kuk i Shuzo ftJlJIIJa. "Iki" no kozo r v ^ j <£>Hia. Tokyo: Iwanami, 1968. —. The Structure of "Chic." Trans. John Clark. London: J . Clark, 1978. Lukacs, Georg. The Theory of the Novel: A Historico-Philosophical Essay on the Forms of Great Epic Literature. Trans. Anna Bostock. Cambridge: MIT UP, 1971. Maeterlinck, Maurice. Maurice Maeterlinck's "Blue Bird." Trans. Brian Wildsmith. New York: Frankl in Watts, 1976. Mori Ogai. ^ H l ^ r - . A l l material quoted from Mori Ogai zenshu MBAft-^.M (ed. Yoshida Seiichi. Tokyo: Chimkuma shobo, 1959. 8 vols.) wil l be referred to as MZ. —. "As If." Trans. Gregg Sinclair and Kazo Suita. Rimer, Youth. —. "Asobi" h^tf. MZ, vol. 1. —. "Chinmoku no to" i±=$<DM. vol. 1. —. "Chinmoku no to (yakuhon tsaratousutora no jo n i kahu)" tfcS£cDig (fH^yr 7 b *J.7* h 7 <Dr¥fo-R&) ["The Tower of Silence (In Lieu of an Introduction to 'Zarathustra')"]. Tsaratosutora. Tokyo: Shinchosha, 1911. —. "Daydreams." Trans. Richard Bowring. Rimer, Youth. —. " F u s h i n c h u ^ ' h c p . MZ, vol. 1. —. "Futari no tomo" HA<D$£, MZ, vol . 2. —. "Hannichi" 0. MZ, vol. 1. —. "Ka no yo ni" 7><£> £ 5 fo. MZ, vol. 2. —. "Maihime" MZ, vol. 1. —. "Moso" MZ, vol. 2. —. Seinen "m^.MZ, vol. 2. —. "Two Friends." Trans. James. Vardaman. Rimer, Youth. —. "Under Reconstruction." Trans. Ivan Morris. Rimer, Youth. 80 —. "Utakata no k i " 5 tcfrtc<D$iL. MZ, vol . 1. —. Youth. Trans. Shoichi Ono and Sanford Goldstein. Rimer, Youth. Natsume Soseki. JCBSW. A l l material quoted from Soseki zenshu ^k^S^M (Tokyo: Iwanami shoten, 1956. 35 vols.) w i l l be referred to as SZ. —. "The Civi l izat ion of Modern-Day Japan." Kokoro: A Novel and Selected Essays. Trans. Edwin McCle l l an . Library of Japan. Lanham (Maryland): Madison, 1992. —. "Gendai n ihon no kaika" i l f t B f t . SZ, vol. 21. —.Kokoro Trans. Edwin McClel lan. Chicago: Gateway, 1957. —. "My Individualism." Soseki, "The Civilization of Modern-Day Japan." —. "Watakushi no kojinshugi" %<D\MX^.M. SZ, vol . 21. Nietzsche, Friedrich. A l l material quoted from Nietzsche Werke: Kritische Gesamtausgabe (Ed. Giorgio Col l i and Mazzino Mont inar i . Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 1973. 8 vols.) wi l l be referred to as NW- —. Also Sprach Zarathustra: Ein Buch fur Alle und Keinen [Thus Spoke Zarathustra: A Book for A l l and None]. N W , vol 6, part 1. —. Die Frbhliche Wissenschaft [The Gay Science]. NW, vol. 5, part 2. —. Die Geburt der Tragodie [The Birth of Tragedy]. NW, vol . 3, part 1. —. The Music of Friedrich Nietzsche/La musique de Friedrich Nietzsche. A T M A , 1998. —. Tsaratousutora 7 7 7 buT^Vy [Zarathustra]. Trans. Ikuta Choko ^EEUStT.. Tokyo: Shinchosha, 1911. --. Thus Spake Zarathustra. The Philosophy of Nietzsche. Trans. Thomas Common. New York: Modern Library-Random House, 1954. —. Thus Spoke Zarathustra. The Portable Nietzsche. Trans. Walter Kaufman. New York: Viking- Penguin, 1982. —. Zur Genealogie der Moral [The Genealogy of Morals]. NW, vol. 6, part 2. —. The Will to Power. Trans. Walter Kaufmann. New York: Random House, 1969. 81 Oishi, Kiichiro. "Nietzsche als Philologe in Japan: Versuch einer Rekonstruktion der Rezeptionsgeschichte" [Nietzsche as a Philologist in Japan: Attempting a Reconstruction of a Reception-History] Nietzsche Studien 17 (1988): 315-335. Parkes, Graham. "The Early Reception of Nietzsche's Philosophy in Japan." Nietzsche and Asian Thought. Chicago, 1991. Petralia, Randolph Spencer. Nietzsche in Meiji Japan. Diss. Washington U . , 1998. A n n Arbor: U M I , 1999. Abstract. DAI. A A T 8201755. Rimer, Thomas. "The Metamorphosis of Disguise: Ibsen, Soseki, Ogai." Currents in Japanese Literature: Translations and Transformations, ed. Heinrich, A m y Vladeck. New York: Columbia UP, 1997. —. Ed. Youth and Other Stories. Honolulu: Hawai i UP, 1994. Rubin, Jay. "Soseki as Lecturer: Autonomy and Coercion." Kokoro: A Novel and Selected Essays. Library of Japan. Lanham (Maryland): Madison, 1992. Sano, Haruo MiFffif̂ c "Ikuta Choko to 'Tsaratousutora' tekisuto" ^EHJSOlt r y r 7 h " 7 ^ h 7 J - r ^ X h ["Ikuta Choko and the Text of Zarathustra"]. Hikaku bungdku 28 (1985): 75-90. Shinohara, Yoshihiko WMMl^. "Mori Ogai to hakkin mondai" M$k$\-b%WMM. [Mori Ogai and the Problem of the Ban on Publication]. Ogai no chiteki kukan ^ ^ © & ^ 3 ? F N L I . Ed. Hirakawa, Hiraoka, Takemori . Tokyo: Shinyosha, 1997. V o l . 3 of Koza Mori Ogai. 3 vols. Takayama, Chogyu itjlLpfiF^F-. "Biteki seikatsu o ronzu" H ^ ^ S ^ r f r a T ["Debating the 'Aesthetic Lifestyle"']. Meiji bungaku zenshu WaJZ^^M. V o l . 40. Tokyo: Chikuma shobo, 1965. 100 vols. Twine, Nanette. Language and the Modern State: The Reform of Written Japanese. New York: Routledge,' 1991. Vaihinger, Hans. Philosophie des als ob: System der theoretischen, praktischen und religiosen Fiktionen der Menschheit auf Grund eine idealistischen Positivismus [The Philosophy of "As I f : A System of the Theoretical, Practical and Religious Fictions of Mankind on the Basis of an Ideal Positivism]. Leipzig: F. Meiner, 1924. Washburn, Daniel . "Manly Virtue and the Quest for Self: The Bildungsroman of M o r i Ogai." Journal of Japanese Studies 21 (1995) 1-33. 82 Yoshida, Seiichi ilj E H # R — . Ed. Mori Ogai, Mori 6gai zenshu. Zola, Emile . "The Experimental Novel." The Experimental Novel and Other Essays. Trans. Belle M . Sherman. New York: Haskell, 1964. 83


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