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A metrical analysis of Blackfoot nominal accent in optimality theory Kaneko, Ikuyo 2000

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A M E T R I C A L A N A L Y S I S OF B L A C K F O O T N O M I N A L A C C E N T IN O P T I M A L I T Y T H E O R Y by Ikuyo Kaneko B.A., Keio University, 1994  A THESIS SUBMITTED IN P A R T I A L F U L F I L L M E N T OF THE R E Q U I R E M E N T FOR T H E D E G R E E OF M A S T E R OF ARTS in THE F A C U L T Y OF G R A D U A T E STUDIES Department of Linguistics  We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard  THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH C O L U M B I A December 1999 © Ikuyo Kaneko, 1999  In  presenting  degree  this  thesis  in  at the University of  partial  fulfilment  British Columbia,  of  the  requirements  for  of  department  this thesis or  by  for scholarly  his  publication of this thesis  or  her  It  is  granted  by  understood  for extensive  the head of that  copying  my or  for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written  L^v^AtCiS^ °^  The University of British Columbia Vancouver, Canada  DE-6 (2/88)  may be  representatives.  permission.  Department of  purposes  advanced  I agree that the Library shall make it  freely available for reference and study. 1 further agree that permission copying  an  Abstract  Blackfoot (Siksika), an Algonquian language spoken in Southern Alberta and in Northwestern Montana, is claimed to have a pitch-accent system (Frantz 1991). However, no complete analysis of the Blackfoot word accent system is available in the literature. This thesis examines Blackfoot nominal accent by means of metrical analysis (Halle and Vergnaud 1987) in Optimality Theory (OT) (Prince and Smolensky 1993). All of the data in this thesis are elicited from native speakers of Blackfoot. Regardless of noun type, every word contains one and only one pitch peak. Bare nouns (mono-morphemic nouns) and relational nouns (dependent nouns) show that Blackfoot has a mixed predictable and lexical accent system. Accent is quantity-sensitive, i.e. a heavy syllable attracts accent, while in nouns which contain no heavy syllable or more than one heavy syllable, it is lexically specified. An interesting contrast is found in long vowels - they contrast a high-level pitch, a falling pitch, and a rising pitch. Derived nouns (compounds) demonstrate four kinds of accent patterns, depending on the status (free vs. bound) and the accentual property (accented vs. unaccented) of morphemes.  The leftmost accent of the compound  members is retained, but the accent shifts to the juncture of them if it is word-final.  If  compound members are unaccented, the accent is assigned to word-final position by default. Speaker variation also occurs. One speaker systematically changes vowel length depending on the type of accented syllable, while the other speaker shows a wide variety of accent patterns. This thesis concludes that all the accent patterns can be accounted for by a single ranking of constraints in an OT analysis, in spite of the fact that the accent system is both lexical and predictable. Addition of constraints is needed specifically for compounds! Speaker variation is accounted for by reranking the same set of constraints.  Priority is given to  constraints that refer to the predictable accent in the grammar of one speaker.  The lexical  information is more respected in the other speaker's grammar. In addition to the analysis of general pitch-accent patterns, four types of irregular patterns are examined. The conclusions reached in this thesis demonstrate that the accent system interacts with other phonological properties of Blackfoot. ii  Table of Contents Abstract Table of Contents Acknowledgements  ii iii ,vi  Chapter 1. Introduction 1.1. Objectives 1.2. Structure of Thesis 1.3. Theoretical Assumptions 1.3.1. Metrical Grid Theory: Halle and Vergnaud (1987) 1.3.2. Optimality Theory 1.4. Target Language: Blackfoot 1.4.1. General Information and Previous Research 1.4.2. Blackfoot Orthography 1.4.3. Vowel Devoicing 1.4.4. 'Old Blackfoot' versus 'New Blackfoot' 1.5. Data, Fieldwork Methodology and Consultant Information  1 3 4 4 6 8 8 9 10 10 11  Chapter 2. Blackfoot Sound Inventory and Syllable Structure 2.0. Introduction 2.1. Phonemic Inventory 2.1.1. Vowels 2.1.1.1. Short Vowels 2.1.1.2. Long Vowels 2.1.1.3. Diphthongs 2.1.2. Consonants 2.1.2.1. Phonemes 2.1.2.2. Velar Spirantization 2.2. Syllable Structure 2.2.1. Syllable Template and Syllable Types 2.2.2. Margins: Consonant Clusters and Their Syllabification 2.2.3. Syllable Template and Strident Stops 2.2.4. Nucleus: Triple Vowel Sequences 2.2.5. Minimal Word Requirement 2.3. Summary  12 13 13 14 15 15 17 17 19 21 21 23 27 32 34 36  Chapter 3. Data and Generalizations 3.0. Introduction 3.1. Bare Nouns 3.1.1. Regular Patterns 3.1.2. Summary of Regular Patterns 3.1.3. Irregular Patterns 3.2. Relational Nouns  37 38 38 44 45 47 iii  3.2.1. Regular Patterns 3.2.2. Irregular Patterns 3.3. Derivational Nouns 3.3.1. Compounds of Free Morphemes: Noun-Noun Compounds (i) 3.3.2. Compounds of Free Morpheme and Bound Morpheme 3.3.2.1. Free-Bound: Noun-Noun Compounds (ii) 3.3.2.2. Bound-Free: Adjunct-Noun Compounds (i) 3.3.3. Compounds of Bound Morphemes: Adjunct-Noun Compounds (ii) . 3.3.4. Summary 3.4. Speaker Variation 3.5. Parameters for Blackfoot Nominal Accent 3.6. Summary Chapter 4. Accent: Theoretical Assumptions 4.0. Introduction 4.1. Overview of Previous Research about Accent 4.2. Theories of Accent 4.2.1. Diacritic Accent 4.2.2. Pre-linked H-tone 4.2.3. Metrical Accent 4.2.4. Approach for Blackfoot Nominal Accent 4.3. Constraints for Blackfoot Nominal Accent  47 50 52 52 53 53 54 55 56 57 59 63  64 64 66 66 67 70 70 72  Chapter 5. A Metrical Analysis of Blackfoot Nominal Accent in Optimality Theory 5.0. Introduction 81 5.1. Analysis of Blackfoot Bare Nouns 81 5.1.1. C U L M I N A T I V I T Y 82 5.1.2. Weight-to-Stress Principle 83 5.1.3. Accentual Patterns of Long Vowels 85 5.1.4. WSP and A L I G N - L ( a \ PrWd) 86 5.1.5. A L I G N - L ( a \ PrWd)  87  5.1.6. PROTH-FAITH-IO and A L I G N - L ( G \ PrWd)  88  5.1.7. Summary 5.2. Analysis of Blackfoot Relational Nouns 5.3. Analysis of Blackfoot Derivational Nouns 5.3.1. Compounds of Free Morphemes: Noun-Noun Compounds (i) 5.3.2. Compounds of Free Morpheme and Bound Morpheme 5.3.2.1. Free-Bound: Noun-Noun Compounds (ii) 5.3.2.2. Bound-Free: Adjunct-Noun Compounds (i) 5.3.3. Compounds of Bound Morphemes: Adjunct-Noun Compounds (ii) 5.3.4. Summary 5.4. Speaker Variation 5.5. Conclusion of the Chapter  iv  91 93 92 94 96 96 97 102 104 105 108  Chapter 6. Implications of the Irregular Pitch-Accent Patterns 6.0. Introduction 6.1. Accent in Word-Final Position 6.2. Variable Length Vowels 6.3. Pitch Peaks 6.3.1. No Pitch Peak 6.3.2. Multiple Pitch Peaks (M-H/H-M) 6.3.3. Multiple Pitch Peaks (H-H) 6.3.4. Multiple Accents 6.4. Summary  Ill Ill 115 118 118 118 120 121 123  Chapter 7. Conclusions and Implications 7.0. Introduction 7.1. Summary 7.1.1. Phonemic Inventory and Syllable Structure 7.1.2. Accentual Patterns and Accentual Systems 7.1.3. OT Analysis 7.1.4. Irregular Patterns 7.2. Issues for Future Research 7.2.1. Representation of Strident Stops 7.2.2. Accentual Patterns of Long Syllables 7.2.3. Nasal-Initial Stems 7.3. Final Remarks  124 124 124 126 128 129 129 129 130 132 132  References Appendix  134 141  v  Acknowledgements This thesis could not have been completed without the help, support, patience and encouragement of many people. It is impossible to name them all. The following is just a small part of the list. First, I would like to express my heartfelt thanks to my Blackfoot language consultants, Broderick PrairieChicken and Beatrice Bullshields for their patience and great help. Broderick, my primary consultant, gave me a key to opening the door to the world of Blackfoot phonology. My second consultant Beatrice made me more interested in Blackfoot. I was really impressed by their incredibly sharp insights into their language. I guarantee that they are 'natural linguists'. nitsikotahsiitakilW My thanks also go to Evelyn Locker who helped me contact Beatrice. Hopefully, I will work with her in the future. I would also like to express my sincerest gratitude to my supervisor, Douglas Pulleyblank. It is my great pleasure and fortune to have met him and had him as my supervisor. However wild and crazy my ideas were, he never rejected them and led me to improve them, saying that 'It's really interesting!' His comments and questions are so pertinent that his 'Why?' and 'What do you think?' were the scariest thing in the world. But, his thoughtful suggestions and guidance made my thesis much, much better. I am deeply grateful to my supervisory committee members, Rose-Marie Dechaine and John Alderete for their encouragement and support. Rose-Marie, who is outstanding in both syntax and phonology, introduced Blackfoot to me and taught me how to carry out fieldwork. Thanks to her grant (UBC HSS grant #12R70069, Dechaine, principal investigator), I could do such interesting research. Her energetic attitude to research always inspired me. Because she was stubborn (just like I am), and the most difficult person to convince, our discussions were always extended to a few hours. Thanks to those discussions, my thesis could become 'readerfriendly'. John, who is an expert of 'accent', taught me everything about pitch-accent from the beginning. I really appreciate his patience and kindness; he explained the same thing again and again since I was too slow to understand it quickly. My analysis would have been still rough and premature if it had not been for his constructive discussions (and his 'prosodic faithfulness constraints'). His encouragement always unwound my tension and gave me confidence. Many thanks go to other linguists as well. I thank Suzanne Urbanczyk for fruitful discussions which helped me through difficult times. I also thank Laura Downing, my first phonology teacher, for spending so much of her time with me discussing the Blackfoot velar spirantization. I am grateful to Patricia Shaw, whose crystal-clear lectures convinced me to write my thesis in phonology, for her encouragement, and her smile. Special thanks to EungDo Cook and Haruo Kubozono for accepting my sudden questions by e-mail and for replying. I am thankful to Norimitsu Tosu and Michiko Sudo, who guided me into the field of Linguistics, for their constant encouragement and support. Thanks also go to classmates of the Field Methods, 1998: Monica Hirayama, Kayono Shiobara, Diane Cook, Jennifer Glougie, Tyler Peterson, Nathalie Grant, Shino Takahashi, Don Mclntyre, and Laura Marshall. All of you made the course so much more fun! To the guys in the grad school, especially my first year classmates, Tanya Bob, Marion Caldecott, Suzanne Gessner, Eun-Sook Kim, Sunyoung Oh, Yumiko Nakamura, Matt Ritchie, Uri Strauss, and Mimi Winlo: you guys are totally awesome! I could not have survived my first year without you!! Marion and Matt, you deserve my additional heartfelt thanks for proofreading this thesis. Special thanks to Tomio Hirose for his comments from the crosslinguistic point of view, his advice as a 'man of experience', and his encouragement. And, how can I forget him. I am indebted to my special friend, Mitsunori Takakuwa, who got me into UBC in the first place. His friendship, encouragement and counseling are more appreciated than anything else. I have no idea what I would be if I had not met him, and if he had not sent me an application form for UBC four years ago. Finally, but definitely not least (maybe most), I thank my parents and my sister for their love, support, patience, and belief in my talent.  vi  Chapter 1. Introduction  1.1. Objectives The major goal of this thesis is to account for the accentual system of Blackfoot' nouns by means of a metrical analysis in Optimality Theory (OT) (Prince and Smolensky 1993).  A number of Algonquian languages are claimed to have pitch-accent systems  (Cowan 1983), and Blackfoot is one of them. Frantz (1991) presents the following nearminimal pairs as examples of pitch-accent. (1) Accentual Minimal Pairs in Blackfoot (Frantz 1991:3) a. apssiwa apssiwa b. aohkiiwa aohkiwa c. akaoxkiimiwa akaoxkiimiwa  'it's an arrow' 'it's a fig' 'it's water' 'he's barking' 'he's married' 'he has many wives'  The Blackfoot accentual system has not been widely investigated and is poorly understood. To my knowledge, no complete analysis of the Blackfoot word accent system is available in the literature. This thesis contributes to the study of Blackfoot, which is a little-studied and endangered indigenous language. For the analysis of Blackfoot nominal accent, I adopt a mixed metrical-tonal approach, originally proposed by Halle and Vergnaud (1987). The contribution of this thesis to the cross-linguistic study of accent will be to show and confirm how the metricaltonal approach accounts for accent in Blackfoot. In addition to these theoretical goals, this thesis has two descriptive goals. One is to describe the Blackfoot accentual system.  A l l the data in this thesis are elicited from  Blackfoot is an Algonquian language spoken by about 5,000 people in Southern Alberta and in Northwestern Montana. 1  1  native speakers of Blackfoot. Although some data are available in the literature, they are limited and do not always contain accentual information.  The data in this thesis will  therefore support future research of the language. The other descriptive goal is to clarify the relationship between accent and other components of Blackfoot phonology, in particular the phonemic inventory and syllable structure.  A n understanding of these aspects of Blackfoot phonology is essential as  background for the analysis of accent. Blackfoot nouns divide into three morphological types:  bare nouns (mono-  morphemic nouns), relational nouns (dependent nouns), and derived nouns (compounds). Regardless of the noun type, every word contains one and only one pitch peak. With bare nouns and relational nouns, the same kinds of accentual patterns are observed: (i) if a noun has a heavy syllable (CVV and CVC), it bears a pitch peak; (ii) if a noun contains more than one heavy syllable, a pitch peak appears on any heavy syllable; (iii) if a noun contains no heavy syllable, a pitch peak appears word-initially or wordfinally.  In addition, there is a three-way contrast with long vowels: a high-level pitch  ( V ' V ) , a falling pitch (V'V), and a rising pitch ( V V ) . From these pitch'-accent patterns, I propose that some aspects of the Blackfoot accentual system are predictable, while other aspects are lexically specified. In particular, Blackfoot pitch-accent is quantity-sensitive: a heavy syllable attracts accent. However, in a noun where syllables are equally weighted, accent is lexically specified and so may surface on any syllable. In compounds, there are four types of morphological combinations which can be reduced to four accentual patterns.  I claim that the choice among these patterns is  determined by two criteria: the status of a morpheme (free vs. bound) and the accentual property of a morpheme (accented vs. unaccented). If the first compounding member is accented, its accent is retained. If the first member bears no accent and the second member bears an accent that is not word-final, its accent remains on the same position. If the first member bears no accent and the second member bears a word-final accent, the accent shifts  2  to the juncture. If both members of compounding are unaccented, the accent is assigned to the word-final position by default. Speaker variation also occurs. One speaker systematically changes vowel length depending on the type of accented syllable, while the other speaker shows a wide variety of accentual patterns. I demonstrate that the accentual patterns described above can be accounted for in Optimality Theory. The accentual system of bare nouns and relational nouns, although it is both lexical and predictable, is explained by a single ranking of constraints. The analysis of compounds requires the addition of constraints other than those for bare nouns and relational nouns, but their accent is obtained by the same constraint ranking as that for other nouns. Speaker variation is accounted for by reranking the same set of constraints. In the grammar of one speaker, priority is put on the constraints that refer tb predictable accent. In the other speaker's grammar, lexical specification of accent is more respected. After the analysis of general pitch-accent patterns, I examine four types of irregular patterns.  These irregular patterns establish that the accent system interacts with other  phonological properties of Blackfoot.  1.2. Structure of Thesis This thesis is structured as follows.  The rest of this chapter presents theoretical  assumptions I adopt in the analysis (§1.3), the information about the Blackfoot language (§1.4), and the information about the fieldwork and my Blackfoot language consultants (§1-5). Chapter 2 introduces the general overview of Blackfoot  phonology. A phonemic  inventory of the language is given in §2.1. The canonical syllable template, the rules of syllabification, the status of extralong vowels and the minimal word requirement are discussed in §2.2. The patterns of Blackfoot nominal accent and related generalizations are given in Chapter 3. Bare nouns (mono-morphemic nouns), relational nouns (dependent nouns), and  3  derived nouns are shown in §3.1, §3.2, and §3.3, respectively. The significant differences between the two speakers are presented in §3.4. The parameters for the Blackfoot nominal accent are proposed in §3.5. Chapter 4 discusses the notion 'accent'. The general characterization of accent and how it is treated in previous research is given in §4.1. Presenting three major theories of accent in §4.2, I argue that the mixed metrical-tonal approach is a plausible method for the Blackfoot nominal accent. The final section of this chapter introduces the Qptimality Theoretic constraints that are relevant for the analysis. In chapter 5, I demonstrate how Blackfoot nominal accent can be analyzed within the OT framework. After presenting an analysis of bare nouns (§5.1), of relational nouns (§5.2) and of derived nouns (§5.3), I consider how the accentual differences between the two speakers can be accounted for (§5.4). Chapter 6 discusses four groups of irregular pitch-accent patterns.  Word-final  vowel accent is discussed in §6.1. Variable length vowels are treated in §6.2.  Nouns with  irregular pitch peaks are dealt with in §6.3. Conclusions and implications of the thesis are reported in chapter 7.  1.3 Theoretical Assumptions In the thesis, I adopt two types of theories for analyzing Blackfoot accentual system: metrical theory and Optimality Theory.  1.3.1. Metrical Grid Theory: Halle and Vergnaud (1987) Several metrical theories have been proposed for analyzing word stress over the past twenty years, but they can be divided into two groups in terms of the representation of stress: the metrical tree and metrical grids. Both representations are introduced to capture the hierarchical nature of stress - stress is hierarchical (Liberman and Prince 1977, Hayes 1995, and others), in that stress has multiple levels (primary, secondary, etc.), which constitutes a rhythmic hierarchy in a language.  4  The early literature often adopts the  metrical tree (Liberman 1975, Hayes 1984, and others).  In this formalism, stress is  represented as a hierarchy of binary branching structures, and each node is labeled 'strong' or 'weak'. It displays a relational property of stress in that every node has a sister which is labeled with the opposite strength. For example, if a node is strong, its sister is labeled weak. Later works (e.g. Prince 1983, Selkirk 1984b) introduce metrical grids, showing that the grids represent rhythmic notions such as alternations between strong and weak syllables and the clash which occurs when adjacent syllables are stressed. For metrical grids, stress is represented as the height of the grid columns.  A l l stress bearing elements  (usually  syllables) are marked by a grid mark (x) at the lowest layer (2a); stressed elements are assigned an additional grid mark at the next layer up (2b). In many languages, the metrical grid defines three levels of prominence of a word, and therefore, the distinction between main and secondary stresses is possible on the highest layer (2c). (2) a. 2 1 O x x x a o a  b. 2 1 x O x x x a a a  c. 2 1  x x O x x x a o a x  The theory proposed by Halle and Vergnaud (1987), which I adopt for the analysis of Blackfoot accent, is based on a grid notation. In their theory, the levels of prominence are labeled as line 0, 1, and 2.  Line 0 represents the place markers of stress-bearing  elements. Thus, all stress-bearing elements are assigned a line 0 grid mark. The string of stress-bearing elements is analyzed into a sequence of constituents, whose boundaries are indicated by parentheses and whose heads are designated by a grid mark on line 1. Like other metrical theories, Halle and Vergnaud also adopt a parametric approach in their theory. The parameters and rules underlying their theory are as follows: (3) Parameters and Rules a. [± HT] (Head Terminal): whether or not the head of the constituent is adjacent to one of the constituent boundaries.  5  b. [± BND] (Boundedness): whether or not the head of the constituent is separated from its constituent boundaries by no more than one intervening element. c. Headedness: Head Terminal ([+ HT]) constituents are left/right-headed. d. Constituent Boundary Construction: construct constituent boundaries left to right / right to left on Line n. e. Head Location: Locate the heads of the line n metrical constituents on line n+1. f. Quantity Sensitivity: Assign a line 1 grid mark to a vowel in all heavy syllables.  Parameter (3 a) distinguishes languages whose head is terminal from those whose head is non-terminal. If the parameter is set as [-HT], one non-head element is allowed between a foot bracket and the head. As a result, ternary stress patterns are permitted. Parameter (3b) determines the shape of metrical feet. If it is set as [+BND], feet contain no more than two stress-bearing elements, while no restrictions are imposed on the size of feet if the parameter is set as [-BND]. Parameter (3c) is subject to the case in which parameter (3a) is set as [+HT], because it selects left-headedness or right-headedness. Rule (3d) contains the directionality of the construction as its option. If the constituent is bounded (i.e. [+BND]), the direction is relevant. It is omitted if the constituent is unbounded (i.e. [-BND]). Halle and Vergnaud adopt the word 'alternator' for the set of rules (3d) and (3e), because many languages include this set of rules and it is convenient to have a special term to refer to it. Parameter (3f) provides heavy syllables with a grid mark on linel.  The fact that some  elements are invariably stressed means they are always heads of constituents. The heads of the line n constituents receive a grid mark on line n+1, as the rule of head location (3e) indicates.  1.3.2. Optimality Theory The theoretical framework adopted in this thesis is that of Optimality Theory (OT). It has been proposed as a theory which replaces derivational theories. Instead of applying rules to a single underlying representation in order to transform it derivationally into the  6  surface form, OT evaluates a set of candidate outputs by a set of well-formedness constraints and selects the actual output by comparing it with other candidates.  A  property of OT is that constraints are violable and ranked in a hierarchy of relevance. A candidate which satisfies higher-ranked constraints and violates the fewest constraints wins the competition, and this 'optimal' output is by definition the output that the grammar associates with the input. On this view, a winning candidate can violate a lower-ranking constraint in order to satisfy a higher-ranked constraint. Four basic tenets of OT are given in (4). (4) Basic Tenets of Optimality Theory (after McCarthy and Prince 1995) a. Violability: Constraints are violable; but violation is minimal. b. Ranking: Constraints are ranked on a language-particular basis; the notion of minimal violation (or best-satisfaction) is defined in terms of this ranking. c. Inclusiveness: The candidate analyses, which are evaluated by the constraint hierarchy, are admitted by very general considerations of structural well-formedness; there are no specific rules or repair strategies with specific structural descriptions or structural changes or with connections to specific constraints. d. Parallelism: Best-satisfaction of the constraint hierarchy is computed over the whole hierarchy and the whole candidate set.  Constraints are postulated to be universal. Differences between languages or dialects are reduced to language-particular differences in the ranking of the constraints.  The set of  possible inputs to the grammar of all languages is also universal. There are no languageparticular restrictions on the input. In this sense, OT allows multiple possible input forms to one output representation. This concept is known as 'Richness of the Base' (Prince and Smolensky 1993, Smolensky 1996), which makes OT an output-oriented theory. The basic conventions used in OT are: - Left-to Right column order mirrors the domination order of the constraints. - Violation of a constraint is marked by *.  7  - Non-violation is indicated by / . - The sign ! draws attention to a fatal violation, the one that is responsible for a - candidate's non-optimality. - The symbol ^ draws attention to the optimal candidate.  1.4 Target Language: Blackfoot This section introduces general information about Blackfoot.  Most information  comes from Kaye (1979), Frantz (1991), Cook (1994), and McLennan and Bortolin (1995).  1.4.1 General Information and Previous Research Blackfoot is an Algonquian language spoken by about 5,000 people in Southern Alberta and in Northwestern Montana. There are four bands in total. Three reserves are located in Alberta: Blackfoot (Siksika), centered about one hundred kilometers EastSoutheast of Calgary; Blood (Kainaa), covering a large area between Cardston and Lethbridge; and Peigan (Aapatohsipi(i)kani), west of Fort MacLeod.  The Blackfeet  (Aamskaapipi(i)kani) reservation is located in Montana. Its closest sister language is Cree . 2  One of the earliest work on Blackfoot was done by the Dutch scholar C. C. Uhlenbeck. He published a dictionary (Uhlenbeck and van Gulick 1930, 1934) and a grammar (Uhlenbeck 1938).  Voegelin (1940) and Timms (1889) are also among the earlier Blackfoot  documentations. Two well-known Blackfoot linguists are Allan R. Taylor and Donald G. Frantz. Each treats the language in his Ph.D. dissertation (Taylor 1969, Frantz 1970) . 3  Frantz  (1970) is a generative treatment of Blackfoot grammar. Much attention is paid to the area of syntax. He published Blackfoot Grammar in 1991 and Blackfoot Dictionary of Stems, Roots, and Affixes (henceforth, the Dictionary) with N . J. Russell, a native speaker with expert knowledge about the language and culture, in 1989. As for the phonological research,  2 3  This is in a geographic sense, not in a historical sense. Unfortunately, Taylor (1969) was not available for me at the time of writing this thesis.  8  Thomson (1978) examines the geminate stops and nasals from a historical perspective. Lawery (1979) offers a discussion of Blackfoot syllable structure and an interesting treatment making use of a concept, the microsegment, as a domain. Proulx (1989) explores historical changes of Blackfoot stems comparing with Proto-Algonquian (PA). Baldwin (1994) discusses how new words are created in the language. A recent phonetic study of Blackfoot is carried out by Bortolin and McLennan (1995). Claiming that the language is in the transition from what they call 'Old Blackfoot' to 'New Blackfoot', they compare the two dialects.  As far as I know, no analysis of the Blackfoot pitch accent has been  undertaken.  1.4.2. Blackfoot Orthography Blackfoot is primarily an oral language. No standard writing system of the language existed until D. G. Frantz designed the orthography for transcribing the language. In 1975 , 4  the orthographic system was approved as the official writing system for Blackfoot by the Education Committees from the three Blackfoot-speaking reserves in Southern Alberta, and it has been recently adopted by the Department of Education, Government of Alberta. The Blackfoot alphabet is phonemic in that each letter represents a distinctive sound of the language. It consists of the following thirteen letters (plus an accent mark); a, h, i, k, m, n, o, p, s, t, w, y, '. Most letters transparently correspond to an IP A symbol. There are two exceptions to this: orthographic h is used for both [x] (velar fricative) and [h] (glottal fricative), and orthographic ' represents [?] (glottal stop), i before a is pronounced as [j], and the sequence oa is realized as [owa] .  Long vowels are indicated by writing the  5  segments double. Thus, [oo] represents approximately the same sound as does [o] in Blackfoot; the difference is in the amount of time they are sustained.  4 5  Cook (1994) mentions that the orthographic system was approved in 1974. Regarding the latter case, the opposite is not true; [owa] is described as owa in some words.  9  1.4.3. Vowel Devoicing It has been claimed that Blackfoot vowels are devoiced in word-final position and before [x] (Frantz 1991). However, as Bortolin and McLennan (1995) observe (see §1.4.4), word-final vowels are normally voiced by most current speakers.  One of my language  consultants never devoices them, while the other has the devoicing rule. Before [x], a short unaccented vowel is devoiced. Frantz (1991) mentions that the vowel and the following [x] are pronounced simultaneously; the short vowel is dropped before [x], leaving the [x] with its features, because [x] always assimilates to the place and rounding features of the preceding vowel (p. 18).  1.4.4. " O l d Blackfoot" versus "New Blackfoot" According to Bortolin and McLennan (1995), Blackfoot is currently in a period of rapid change between what its speakers classify as 'Old Blackfoot' which is a variety spoken by older generations and 'New Blackfoot' which is a variety spoken by younger generations. The differences between them are summarized in (5). (5) Old Blackfoot vs. New Blackfoot (Bortolin and McLennan 1995) a. Loss of the glottal stop; it is being replaced by creaky voice and/or long segments. b. Loss of word initial [w] and [h]. c. Vowel Devoicing; word-final vowels preceded by glides are deleted and all others are voiced normally. Vowels preceding [x] are voiceless, although sometimes only partially so. d. Diphthongization; due to the deletion of word-final vowels preceded by glides in (c), the vowels that precede the affected glides are undergoing a process of diphthongization . 6  Bortolin and McLennan argue for a process of diphthongization based on the assumption that Old Blackfoot has no underlying diphthongs. However, diphthongs are recognized in Old Blackfoot (Frantz 1978, Frantz and Russell 1989, Frantz 1991). Although Cook (1994) states that it is debatable whether some of them are indeed diphthongs either phonologically or phonetically, he agrees [oi] is a diphthong.  6  10  1.5. Data, Fieldwork Methodology and Consultant Information A l l the data in this thesis are obtained from native speakers of Blackfoot. I started Blackfoot fieldwork in September 1998. M y first language consultant is Broderick Prairie Chicken, a 32 year-old male, from the Blood reserve in Southern Alberta.  M y second  language consultant is Beatrice Bullshields, a 54 year-old female who also comes from the Blood reserve. I worked with Broderick from September 1998 to June 1999, and with Beatrice from July 1999 to August 1999. The elicitation sessions with Broderick were usually two hours each, and took place once a week on the U B C campus. I also had twohour sessions with Beatrice in her residence which is located in Vancouver, British Columbia, with a frequency of twice a week. Data are elicited from the Blackfoot language consultants both actively and passively.  By 'actively', I mean that the consultant volunteered words from their  vocabulary when asked; by 'passively', I mean that I presented words from the Dictionary and they indicated whether they recognized them or not.  The items are recorded in the  Blackfoot orthography and in IPA. Transcriptions were made at the time of elicitation sessions and subsequently checked with audio recordings of the sessions. Through this thesis, I call my first consultant (i.e. Broderick PrairieChicken) 'Speaker A ' and my second consultant (i.e. Beatrice Bullshields) 'Speaker B ' . In order to identify the source of data, the designation A or B is given (A = Speaker A , B = Speaker B) with data. If an item is not identified as A or B, then it was provided by both speakers.  11  Chapter 2. Blackfoot Sound Inventory and Syllable Structure  2.0. Introduction In this chapter, I provide a brief outline of the Blackfoot phonology that is germane to its accentual system. First, I present the inventory of Blackfoot phonemes. Second, I discuss syllable structure. The phonemic inventory that I propose is given in (1). (1) Blackfoot Phonemic Inventory Vowels Short  Long  i  o  ii  oo  aa  Diphthongs ai  ao  oi  Consonants Velar  Glottal  t  k  ?  t*  k  Labial  Alveolar  Plain Stops  P  Strident Stops  P  s  Palatal  h  s  Fricatives Nasals  m  Glides  w  s  n J  Three distinctive vowels / i / , /o/, and /a/ may occur as short or long, or in three types of diphthongs. The consonant inventory contains neither voiced obstruents nor liquids. There are two types of stops: plain stops and strident stops. Plain stops are unaspirated. There  12  are two fricatives /s/ and /h/. There are two nasals /m/ and /n/. There are two glides /w/ and  &• The Blackfoot syllable template that I propose is given in (2). (2) Blackfoot Maximal Syllable Template  a  (X) (X)  X  (X) (X) (X)  In Blackfoot, syllables do not always have an onset and a coda. However, if they do, both onset and coda may be composed of up to two segments. I also claim that coda consonants are moraic in Blackfoot; Therefore, both long syllables (CVV) and closed syllables (CVC) are counted as heavy. 2.1. Phonemic Inventory The phonemic Inventory of Blackfoot consists of vowels and consonants.  I begin  by presenting the vowels and then turn to the consonants. 2.1.1. Vowels The following table outlines the phonemic inventory of Blackfoot vowels. consists of three segments, each of which can occur as long or short, or in diphthongs. (3) Blackfoot Vowel Phonemic Inventory Short  Long  i  o  ii  a  oo  aa  13  It  Diphthongs ai  ao  oi  Vowels may be voiceless in certain environments (§1.4.3). Most phonemic vowels have variants. I describe them in the following sub-sections, looking first at short vowels, then at long vowels, and diphthongs. 2.1.1.1. Short Vowels The three phonemic vowels / i / , /o/, and /a/ have phonetic variants, /if has two variants and may be realized as [i], or [i] (4). /o/ has four variants and may be realized as [o], [o], [u], or [u] (5). /a/ has two variants and may be realized as [A] or [a] (6) . 1  (4)/i/ a. [i]  [ittowan]  ittoan.  'knife' (A)  b. [i]  [naapi]  naapi  'trickster'  a. [o]  [oma]  oma  'that person/thing'  b. [o]  [sok^st'iku]  soksistsiko  'cloud'  c [u]  [supat'is]  sopatsis  'chair' (B)  d. [u]  [niistu]  niisto  T (B)  [kitAkkaan]  kitakkaan  'your friend' (A)  [napi]  napi  'friend'  (5) lol  (6) /a/ a.  [A]  b. [a]  The lax vowels [i] and [o], and the low vowel [a], occur more frequently than those of the tense counterparts [i] and [o], and the mid-low vowel [A], [U], and [u] are also variants of  ' The data are presented in IPA and in the Blackfoot orthography (§1.4.2). The designation A or B is given when the speakers gave me different forms for the same words (A = Speaker A, B = Speaker B). Unmarked forms are those provided by both speakers.  14  /o/. The environments in which the variants occur is not clear, but this issue is outside the scope of my thesis. However, I have the impression that they are free variants . 2  2.2.1.2. Long Vowels A l l the vowel phonemes can occur with contrastive length.  They are all tense  vowels . Only /oo/ has an allophone [uu]. 3  (7) / i i / a. [ii]  [kutokii]  kutokii  'prairie chicken'  [oxtooki]  ohtooki (A)  [muxtookis]  mohtookis (B)  'ear'  [puus]  pods  'cat'  [aatrtsta]  aattsista  'rabbit'  (8) /oo/ a. [oo]  b. [uu] (9) /aa/ a. [aa]  This length contrast is neutralized in word-final position (for details, see §6.2): (10) Word-Final Vowel Length Neutralizaiton a. [ii]  [matojii]  matoyii  'alfalfa' (A)  b. [i]  [matoji]  matoyi  'alfalfa' (A)  2.1.1.3. Diphthongs Three kinds of diphthongs /ai/, /ao/, and /oi/ are also found in the language. They have several allophones, as shown in (11), (12) and (13). (11) /ai/ a. [ai]  [ponokai]  ponokai  'elk' (A)  Frantz (1978, 1991) describes the vowels differently. According to him, [i], [A], and [u] are positional variants of /i/, /a/, and /o/, respectively, occurring before long consonants, [u] is found to be a free variant of lol elsewhere, [o] occurs before long consonants as a positional variant of a diphthong /ao/. Bortolin and McLennan (1995) shows the case of a lax long vowel. However, they assume that it is an exception claiming that only tense vowels have length. 2  3  15  [naamai]  naamai  'gun'(B)  [espiiwei]  aispiiwai  'he is dancing' (A)  [pisafseski]  pisatssaiski  'flower' (B)  c. [ae]  [a£k mi]  aiksini  'pig'  d. [ei]  [eitaku]  aitako  'last night' (A)  [meipp'in]  maippsin  'belt' (B)  e(i). [a;as]  [noomaea^]  noomai  'gun'(A)  e(ii). [ee]  [aepustaxkeepukuu]  aipostahkaipokoo 'pepper' (B)  a. [ao]  [awaoxkaani]  a waohkaani  'game' (B)  b. [au]  [sauxkaapi]  saohkaapi  'boring' (A)  [auTkln]  ao'ksin  'bed'(B)  [nii.soi]  niisoi  'four' (A)  b. [e]  s  (12) /ao/  (13) /oi/ a. [oi]  /ai/ has six free variants: [ai], [e], [as], [ei], [ee], and [asae] . However, [ee] and [asae] are 4  assumed to be a variation between the language consultants. Each consultant has one or the other; Speaker A has [aeae] while speaker B has [ee]. As for /ao/, it has two alternates: [ao] and [au] . And, /oi/ always surfaces as [oi]. 5  Hereafter, I adopt broad phonetic transcription. The allophonic differences do not seem to be relevant to the analysis of Blackfoot nominal accent.  Frantz (1978, 1991) claims that the variants of the diphthong /ai/ are [e], [e:], [ae:], and [ei] (or [ai] on the northern Blackfoot Reserve), [e] occurs before long consonants while [e:] and [ae:] occur everywhere. Before a glottal stop or another vowel [i], /ai/ becomes [ei], which may be [ai] on the northern Blackfoot Reserve. Frantz (1991:3) mentions that the diphthong may sound [au] before a glottal stop. Frantz (1978:312) states that it also alternates with [o:].  4  5  16  2.1.2. Consonants 2.1.2.1. Phonemes The proposed phonemic inventory of Blackfoot consonants is presented in (14). (14) Blackfoot Consonant Phonemic Inventory Velar  Glottal  t  k  ?  t  k  Labial  Alveolar  P P  Plain Stops Strident Stops  Palatal  s  s  s  h  s  Fricatives Nasals  m  Glides  w  n J  There are neither voiced obstruents nor liquids in Blackfoot. 6  There are two types of  stops: plain stops and strident stops. Plain stops are unaspirated . Velar plain stop /k/ 7  becomes the fricative counterpart /x/ in coda position except for the word-final coda. It is also affected by the preceding vowel much like in German. It becomes palatal fricative [9] after a vowel / i / , while it is realized as [x] after /o/ and /a/. The distribution of glottal fricative /h/ is very restricted; it occurs only at the start of a few interjections. A l l consonants except fh/ and /?/ can be geminates. Examples of each sound are given in (15). (15) Blackfoot Consonants a. Plain Stops p  [rjakkiip]  pakkiip  'choke cherry'  t  [piita]  piita  'eagle'  k  [kiflm]  kitsim  'door'  ?  [sik i?kimi]  sikstkimi  'tea'  s  There is a possibility that Blackfoot has voiced obstruents phonetically. However, the plain stops which a Blackfoot language consultant (speaker B) produces never sound voiced to me, although she told me their sounds are more like [b, d, g]. What she suggested to me implies that they are unaspirated, therefore they sound voiced to her but voiceless to me. They are also released except those marked (Bortolin and McLennan 1995).  6  7  17  b. Strident Stops [owa?r/pii]  owa'gspii (A)  [mowapjpis]  mowapspis (B)  f  [miistsis]  miistsis  'stick'  k"  [asklini]  aiksini  'pig'  s  [sopo]  sopo  'wind'  h  [ha? aija]  ha' aya  'oh, oh' (A)  [hannjaa]  hannyaa  'is that right?' (B)  m  [mami]  mami  'fish'  n  [nlna]  nina  'man'  [ukuwan]  okoan (A)  [mukuwan]  mokoan (B)  'stomach'  [napajln]  napayin  'bread'  [ippofipistaanl  ippptsipistaan (A)  [ippotlpistaan]  ippotsipistaan (B) 'braid'  tt  [siipistto]  siipistto  'owl'  kk  fpakkiip]  pakkiip  'choke cherry'  55  [riissoxkuus]  riissohkoos (A)  [riissokuus]  nissokoos (B)  [ishjxpummopl  istohpommop (A)  [ihtoxpommoopiil  ihtohpommoopii (B)'money'  [kinni]  kinni  p  s  'eye'  c. Fricatives  d. Nasals  e. Glides w  j  f. Geminates PP  mm  nn  18  'my grandchild'  'necklace'  To my knowledge, no analysis of the phonemic inventory of Blackfoot consonants is available in the literature. Frantz (cf. 1978, 1991) proposes an orthography for Blackfoot based on the identification of contrastive units. Assuming that these units correspond to 'phonemes', we can interpret Frantz as proposing the following phonemic inventory of twelve consonants: (16) Blackfoot Consonant Phonemic Inventory (Frantz 1978, 1991) Labial  Alveolar  P  t  Plain Stops Affricates  t  Fricatives  s  Palatal  Velar  Glottal  k  ?  X  h  s  Nasals  m  Glides  w  n J  Since Frantz represents [x] and [k] as different segments in the orthography, each segment is assumed to be a different phoneme. It is also supposed in (16) that the language has only one multiply-articulated segment A7, which must be classified as an affricate.  Thus,  sequences of [k] and [s] have been analyzed as involving the 'phoneme' /k/ followed by the independent phoneme /s/. However, as I will show, these assumptions are problematic. I argue that [x] and [k] are variants of a single phoneme, /k/, while [ks] is a single multiplyarticulated segment /k7.  In the next subsection, I show that [x] and [k] are in near-  complementary distribution and propose that [x] is the result of velar spirantization of/k/. 2.1.2.2. Velar Spirantization The distribution of [x] and [k] is interesting,  [x] occurs only in post-vocalic  position (Frantz 1991) and is always followed by another obstruent (17a). On the other hand, [k] occurs pre-vocalically (17b). Post-vocalically, [k] occurs either before [s] (17c) or word-finally (17d). Word-final position is the only position in which a single [k] can occur as a coda, while no word-final [x] is attested. Another difference is that [k] can be a geminate while [x] cannot (17e).  19  (17) Distribution of [k] and [xf a.  b.  c.  d.  e.  [in.nox.so.jis]  inndhsoyis  'spoon'  [oJLpo.ta]  ohpota  'it's raining'  [ki.rim]  kitsim  'door'  [si?.kaan]  si'kaan  'blanket'  [so.pu.ksi]  sopoksi  'dollar'  [pi.ksii.ksii.na]  piksiiksiina  'snake'  [is.sox.t'ik]  issohtsik  'future'  [is.skox.fik]  isskdhtsik  'past' (B)  fni.tak.kaa]  nitakkaa  'my friend' (B)  [pakjciip]  pakkiip  'choke cherry'  These distributional facts suggest that [x] and [k] are in complementary distribution i f we assume that [k] and [ks] have a different character. Here, I propose that [k] and [x] are allophones, and [ks] is a single multiply-articulated segment, /k /. [k] spirantizes in coda s  position, except word-finally. It becomes [x] after /a/ and hi while it alternates to [9] after / i / . The examples are shown in (18). (18) Velar Spirantization a. x  b. g  [nii.tax.taan]  niitahtaan  'river' (B)  [mox.pii.kin]  mohpiikm  'tooth'  [meic..stuu]  maihstoo  'crow' (B)  Example (18b) establishes that /k/ can spirantize before Isi. This implies that [ks] sequence such as those illustrated in (17c) have a different organization. I propose that [ks] is a single multiply-articulated segments /k /. Hence, Blackfoot has three multiply-articulated s  segments, /p7, A7, and /k7. The claim that Blackfoot has a series of complex segments -  A dot between segments represents a syllable break.  20  what I call 'strident stops', i.e. /p7, A7, and /k / - will be supported by evidence from s  syllable structure. 2.2. Syllable Structure As Cook (1994) mentions in a review of Frantz and Russell's Blackfoot, syllable structure is not clear in Blackfoot; syllable boundaries are not marked in the Dictionary, nor is any discussion of syllable structure offered in the literature. I devote this section to the discussion of Blackfoot syllable structure. As we will see, syllable structure is relevant to the identification of the consonant inventory as well as to the analysis of pitch-accent. 2.2.1. Syllable Template and Syllable Types From among the available models of syllable structure, I adopt the syllable structure proposed by Blevins (1995), which contains an obligatory nucleus preceded and followed by optional consonantal elements. (19) Structure of the Syllable (after Blevins 1995)  a  X  X  X  X  In Blevins' model, onset and coda are not represented as constituents since positive evidence for these constituents is lacking. Onset elements are those dominated immediately by o, and coda elements are those dominated immediately by R. Following the syllable structure in (19), I propose the maximal syllable template for Blackfoot in (20).  21  (20) Blackfoot Maximal Syllable Template  a  (X) (X)  X  (X) (X) (X)  The proposed template in (20) is based on the types of attested syllables. In Blackfoot, syllables do not necessarily have an onset, as shown in (21a).  If they do, it may be  composed of up to two consonantal segments, as (21b) shows.  Within a nucleus, both  short and long vowels are allowed, as shown in (21c). Long vowels do not have to be geminates; they can be diphthongs, as in (2Id). Blackfoot is able to have closed syllables, in which the maximum coda is limited to two consonants word-internally, but it may be three word-finally, as seen in (21e). (21) Blackfoot Syllable Types a. Syllable without Onset V  [u.kii.wan]  okoan  'house'  W  [ii.nii]  iirm  'buffalo'  napi  'friend'  b. Syllable with Onset CV  [na.pi]  CCV  [ski.nis.taan]  skinistaan  'pocket'  c. Single Nucleus and Complex Nuclei VC  [it.to.wan]  ittoan  'knife' (A)  CW  [naa.pi]  naapi  'old man/trickster'  d. Diphthongs W  [ei.ta.ku]  aitako  [kai.skaax.pa]  kaiskaahpa 'porcupine' (B)  22  'last night' (A)  e. Closed Syllables CVC  [po.kon]  pokon  'ball'  CVCC  [ku?s]  ko's  'dish' (A)  VCCC (only _ #)  [o.wa?p p]  oa psp  'eye' (A)  s  The patterns in (21e) indicate that the word-final syllable is allowed to have one more consonant exceptionally in Blackfoot. Such exceptional segments are observed in a variety of languages only at the edge of the syllabification domain and are supposed to be 'extrasyllabic' in that they are invisible to the rules of syllabification. In the following sub-sections, I discuss the syllabification of Blackfoot, focusing on its components: margins and the nucleus.  The syllabification of both consonants and  vowels has been a mystery partly they occur in complex clusters. However, as I will argue, once such principles as the Obligatory Onset Principle and Onset Maximization are proposed, this is no longer a mystery. 2.2.2. Margins: Consonant Clusters and Their Syllabification A wide variety of consonant clusters is one of the notable features of Blackfoot phonology. Although the syllable template allows complex margins, not all combinations of consonants can be heterosyllabic. Syllabification is predictable from other aspects.  If a  cluster consists of two consonants, i.e. [...VQC2V...], it is split into two different syllables; C\ is syllabified as a coda and C is syllabified as an onset. This reflects a general 2  tendency to avoid onsetless syllables, formalized as the Obligatory Onset Principle. Also, complex onsets are more marked than closed syllables cross-linguistically (Kenstowicz 1994). The two consonants will belong to separate syllables, so that less-marked syllable structures are obtained. However, there is one exceptional consonant cluster, [st ], which s  always belongs to the same syllable. This is supported by syllabification judgements from my language consultants; they never separate [st ] in word-internal positions; i.e. *[...s.t ...]'. s  The examples are presented in (22). 23  s  (22) Consonant Cluster sf a.  [mii.s0s]  miistsis  'stick'  b.  [so.ksi.sfi.ko]  soksistsiko  'cloud'  c.  [k ii.sfi.ku]  ksiistsiko (A)  [ksi.sf_i.ko]  ksistsiko (B)  [ksi.sj_i.maan]  ksistsimaan (A)  [ksii.sj_i.maan]  ksiistsimaan (B)  s  d.  'day'  'bead'  Clusters containing three consonants are divided into two types.  The first type of  consonant cluster is that in which two adjacent segments share certain features.  Some  examples are shown in (23). (23) Consonant Clusters; Type 1 a. sst  [ni.kls.sta]  niksissta  'my mother' (B)  isstsomokan  'hat' (B)  c. sFk* [na.to.kisk .k i.ni.ta.k inl  natokisksksinitaksin  'two minutes' (B)  d. stf  rist.t1.k i.po.ko1 s  isttsiksipoko (A)  rist.fi.kl.po.kol  isttsiksipoko (B)  'salt'  e. kk'p rik.k pii1  ikkspii  'it is high' (B)  f. fsk  oopakiitsskiipii  'chocolate' (B)  b. ssf ris.sfo.mo.kanl s  s  s  s  [6o.pa.kiif.skii.pii1  g. Fsk [nii.riklsk^is.tu.mi]  niitsikssksistomi  h. k^s [Ikklso.ko]  lkkssoko  1  'I have a healthy body' (B) 'it is heavy' (B)  In the data in (23a-c), two segments of the clusters are geminates. It is widely assumed that geminates belong to separate syllables. Thus, the syllable break is placed between the geminates. The examples in (23d-g) do not contain geminates. Instead, there is a strident stop with the segment preceding (23d, e) or following (23f, g) sharing a feature: in (23d), the first half of a strident stop [t ] and the preceding plain stop [t] share the same features, in s  (23 f), a strident stop [t ] is followed by [s] which has the same feature as the latter half of s  24  the segment, and so on. I assume that this sequence is parallel to geminates phonetically, and therefore the consonant cluster is separated between segments which share the same fearures, i.e. between two [t]s in (23d), two [s]s in (23f), and so on. In the example in (23h), a velar strident stop [k ] is preceded by [k] and followed by s  [s], thus the consonant cluster looks as if it contains two geminates. I assume that the sequence of two [s]s is split by a syllable break, i.e. [ikk'.so.ko].  According to the  Dictionary, issokowa means 'it is heavy' (p. 226) and iik is an adverbial prefix meaning 'very' (p.27). Note that iik alternates with ikk in the Blackfoot spoken by Speaker B . 9  From the viewpoint of Hock (1986) and Hayes (1989), who make use of compensatory lengthening to argue for moraic representations, a mora of the deleted vowel should be compensated. Consonant gemination can result from deletion of a vowel. This case is not a true gemination, but it is plausible to assume that the deletion of a vowel [i] yields the first [k] of the consonant cluster [kk ] so that the stranded mora is compensated. As I have s  mentioned above, geminates generally belong to separate syllables. However in this case, the separation of geminate-like consonants [kk s] results in the independent syllable [k ] s  s  which has no vowel. In order to avoid this unusual syllable, it is necessary to choose tautosyllabic [kk ] or [k s]. I claim that the tautosyllabic [kk ] is plausible, since the first s  s  s  [k] is originally one half of the preceding long vowel and it is possible to assume that it still belongs to the same syllable. The syllabification judgement by the speaker confirms the plausibility of this. The second type is that which consists of three different segments. The possible combinations of three different consonants are presented in (24). (24) Consonant Clusters; Type 2 a. msk  rtTi.fim.skiisI  tsiitsimskiis  b. mst  rk is.t i.kum.staanl  ksistsikomstaan  s  s  'I have a bleeding nose'(A) 'window' (B)  Speaker B told me that the data in (23h) means 'it is heavy', but it is assumed to exactly mean 'it is very heavy', judging from the descriptions of the Dictionary. Speaker B also gave me ikstonatssoko as 'it is very heavy', but it is assumed to mean 'it is really heavy', according to the Dictionary which tells us that sstonnat means 'extremely' (p.229). 9  25  c. xst  rmeic.stuul  d. mst  raa.pa.tam.st'in.ni.meeaek ]  e. ?st  [i?.staanl  5  'crow' (B)  maihstoo 5  'Asian people' (B)  aapatamstsinnimaiks  'excrement' (B)  i'staan  The selection of the option to incorporate additional consonantal material into the onset or coda is generally guided by the Sonority Sequencing Generalization (henceforth, SSG) 10  which prefers syllables in which there is a segment constituting a sonority peak that is preceded and/or followed by a sequence of segments with progressively decreasing sonority values (Selkirk 1984a). Syllables which adhere to sonority sequencing are widely assumed to be well-formed. Moreover, sonority sequencing predicts that certain types of complex onsets and codas will be ill-formed. However, the syllable break of the above cases is not clearly defined, even following the SSG. It is important to note that the middle consonant of the clusters is always [s]. [s] is an exceptional segment to the SSG in many languages. In English, for example, syllable-initial [sp], [st], and [sk] occur, and postvocalic tautosyllabic [sp], [st], and [sk] are also found, and English is far from unique in this regard (Blevins 1995:211). Syllabification judgements from my language consultants show that the intermediate [s] is always syllabified as the onset of the following syllable, i.e. VC.sCV.  This  syllabification is found in many Indo-European languages including English (Kenstowicz 1994), e.g. con.spire. A V C i C V sequence will syllabify V.C1C2V if the two consonants are 2  validated in terms of phonotactics.  This principle is called Onset Maximization (Kaye,  Lowenstamm and Vergnaud 1985, Harris 1994), as given in (25). (25) Onset Maximization (after Harris 1994: 54) Syllable-initial segments are maximized to the extent consistent with the syllable structure conditions of the language in question.  10  Kenstowicz (1994:254) calls it the Sonority Sequencing Principle.  26  The maximum number of onset consonants is two in Blackfoot.  Onset Maximization  predicts that V C i C C V sequences will be syllabified as V Q . C 2 C 3 V . 2  3  This is consistent  with the data in (22). If C C are geminates or share certain features, the syllable break is 2  3  placed between them, as we have seen in the data in (23). 2.2.3. Syllable Template and Strident Stops I claim that the Blackfoot segmental inventory contains a series of strident stops /p7, AY, and /kY. Note that these segments are always involved in words which appear to contain more than two consonantal segments in the margins, as shown in (26). (26). a.  p  [o.wa?p .pii]  oa'pspii  'eye'(A)  b.  f  [i.nak t .si]  inakstssi  'young' (A)  c.  k  [nii.frk .sk is.tu.mi]  niitsikssksistomi  s  s  s  s  s  s  s  'I have a healthy body' (B)  The claim that stops followed by s are single multiply-articulated segments is consistent with the independently motivated analysis of maximum onset and coda which are restricted to two consonants word-internally. In the case of a word-final coda, oa'psp [o.wa?p p] s  'eye' (21e), a strident stop p is also included. Cross-linguistic generalizations show that if s  a language allows clusters of n consonants word-finally, then clusters of n-1 consonants are also possible word-internally (Blevins 1995). This generalization implies that only one consonant can be extrasyllabic. Unless p is construed as one segment, Blackfoot would be s  an exceptional language in that it could bear more than one extrasyllabic consonant. Additional support for treating stops followed by s as complex segments comes from the syllabification judgements of my language consultants: they never separate these complex segments in word-internal positions. Multiply-articulated segments, such as p and s  are controversial in the standard  feature geometry model (e.g. the Halle-Sagey model and the Clements-Hume model, see Kenstowicz 1994:452 and Clements and Hume 1995:292). Multiply-articulated segments  27  are generally classified into contour segments and complex segments (Sagey 1986).  A  contour segment is a segment containing sequences (or contours) of articulations. It may branch for terminal features only. No branching class nodes are allowed (Sagey 1986:50). Affricates  and prenasalized stops are often regarded as contour segments.  The  representation of an affricate [t ] is given in (27). s  (27) Representation of Affricate [f] [t ] s  [-cont] [+cont] V Place [Coronal]  A complex segment, on the other hand, is a segment characterized by at least two different oral articulator features, representing a segment with two or more simultaneous oral tract constrictions.  These articulators are phonologically unordered even where  phonetically they may be (or seem to be) ordered. The labiovelar stop [kp], found in many West African languages, is an example of a complex segment, and behaves phonologically as both labial and velar with respect to processes both on the left and on the right.  The  representation of a complex segment [kp] is given in (28). (28) Representation of Labiovelar stop [kp] [kp]  Place [-cont] [Labial]  [Dorsal]  Given that strident stops are a sequence of a stop plus a fricative, they look like affricates. However, it is impossible to represent them by means of a feature geometry in (27) because [p ] and [k ] are not homorganic. A representation in (28) is incomplete for them. They are s  s  characterized by two different oral articulators, [LAB] and [COR] for [p ], and [DOR] and s  28  [COR] for [k ], but the articulators do not share the same continuancy. s  The feature  [continuant] is directly dominated by the root node, so, it is natural that the articulations share the same continuancy. It is necessary to indicate to which articulator the continuancy applies. A solution to this comes from Sagey (1986) who proposes a device called 'pointer' in order to represent the relation between the closure feature and the 'major' articulator, pointing out that there exist countless complex segments in which the degrees of closure of the two articulators are not identical (p. 154). She observes that in most types of multiplyarticulated segments, one articulator is associated with distinctive degree of closure and the other is associated with the degree of closure which is fully predictable from another aspect of the segment (universal phonetic principles, another feature of the segment, etc.). The articulator with unpredictable degree of closure, is termed the 'major' articulator while the articulator with a predictable degree of closure, is called the 'minor' articulator. The major articulator is designated by a pointer from the root node. Accordingly, [p ] and [k ] can be s  s  represented as in (29). (29) Representations of strident stops in the Sagey Model (a)  c  [p ]  (b)  s  Root  r \  place [-cont]  [LAB]  [COR]  [k ] s  ^  /  (  Root rePlace [-cont]  [DOR]  [COR]  The pointer indicates that the [-cont] manner feature is executed by [LAB] in the representation in (29a), and by [DOR] in the representation in (29b). The continuancy of the [COR] is assumed to be redundantly [+cont]. Sagey's 'pointer' succeeds in representing the distinction between major and minor articulations, but it cannot be denied that this device is ad hoc and so an unwelcome addition to the theory of feature geometry. Various researchers have attempted to eliminate the pointer.  In the other major model, the so-called Clements-Hume model, minor  29  articulations are supplemented by appropriate vowel height features linked under the Cplace node, because the common secondary articulation types - labialization, palatalization, velarization, and pharyngealization - involve the same features as the articulatorily similar vowels. These proposal cannot be extended to Blackfoot, however, since the strident stops in this language do not involve any secondary articulation types. Padgett (1991) makes an alternative proposal. He claims that [cont] is located under the articulators.  Exainining the unusual segments of Kabardian, known as 'harmonic  clusters', he argues that they are in fact complex segments which require independent underlying [cont] values for the articulators. (30) Representations of strident stops in the Padgett Model (a)  [p ]  (b)  s  Root I Place  [k ] . s  Root I ^Place^  [LAB]  [COR]  [DOR]  [-cont]  [+cont]  [-cont]  [COR] [+cont]  Padgett's model succeeds in representing the strident stops in Blackfoot, without using the 'pointer' device proposed by Sagey. However, it is not restrictive enough to exclude a complex segment like [k ] which is assumed not to exist in natural languages. Since any f  articulator can bear the feature [cont] individually, his feature geometry incorrectly predicts that representations like (31) should be possible; (31)  * [k ] f  Root I ^Place^^ [LAB] I [+cont]  [DOR] I [-cont]  30  On the other hand, Shaw (1991) and LaCharite (1993) claim that the feature [strident] is located under the coronal articulator. The feature [strident] has been used to define fricatives and affricates. Thus, it is plausible to propose that this feature is linked under the [coronal] node, so that it is restricted to coronal. (32) Representations of strident stops in the Shaw/LaCharite Model [Vi  [t ]  [k ]  Root  Root  Root  s  i\  i\  Place [-cont] [LAB]  s  r\  Place [-cont]  [COR] I [+strident]  ^J%ceJ-cont]  [COR] I [+strident]  [DOR]  [COR] I [+strident]  The model with the [strident] feature is more restrictive than the model proposed by Padgett in that it correctly excludes a complex segment such as [k ]. f  (33) * [k ] f  Root ^PkceT-cont] [LAB] I [+strident]  [DOR]  In sum, the claim that Blackfoot has strident stops [p ], [t ], and [k ] is consistent with the s  s  s  language-internal distribution of these segments(§2.1.2.2), and with the independently motivated syllable structure template. Although the featural representation is controversial, it can be accounted for by adopting Shaw (1991) and LaCharite (1993), who claim that [strident] is located under [coronal].  31  2.2.4. Nucleus: Triple Vowel Sequences As previous sections demonstrate, Blackfoot vowels occur as short or long, or in diphthongs. In addition, triple vowel sequences are found in Blackfoot.  Some words  containing three vowels in a row are displayed in (34). Only Speaker A shows vowels in triplet: Speaker B has a short/long distinction but no overlong vowels.  (34) Overlong Vowels Dictionary  Gloss  Speaker A  Speaker B  a.  [naaaxs]  [naaxs]  naaahs  b.  [saaam]  [saami]  saaam  'medicine'  c.  [moooi]  [mooji]  maoo  'mouth'  d.  [aatt'ista]  [aatt'ista]  aaattsistaa  'rabbit'  11  'my grandparent'  e.  —  [aapan]  aaapan  'blood'  f.  —  [saami]  saaam  'headdress'  &  [taapi?kimii]  tapikaiimii  ...  'cricket'  These triple vowel sequences raise the question of whether there are three distinctive lengths in Blackfoot. Cross-linguistically, it is not impossible for a syllable to contain three vowels. For example, Estonian distinguishes three degrees of length in both vowels and consonants (Lehiste 1966, Prince 1980, etc.): short (a), long (aa), and overlong (aaa). However, for Blackfoot, I claim that there are only two distinctive lengths. In Blackfoot, there are no minimal pairs in terms of vowel length, i.e. no minimal pairs between long and overlong vowels. Also, consonants occur in only two distinctive lengths, as the syllable template I have proposed above shows. Moreover, according to Frantz (1991), Blackfoot has a rule which shortens sequences of three vowels:  " The Dictionary shows its stem (aaah) only, but naaahs can be assumed from the rule of possessor affixation (Frantz 1991: 74).  32  (35) Vowel Shortening Rule (Frantz 1991) V i : -» V i / _ + V e.g.  ayo'kaa + o'pa -> ayo'kao'pa 'sleep'  'we sleep'  lpl  irnitaa + iksi -> imitaiksi -> imitaiksi 'dog'  pi.  'dogs'  (accent spread ) 12  If Blackfoot did permit overlong vowels, then it would not need to have the shortening rule in (35). The Blackfoot nuclear patterns which Peterson (1999) discusses also support the claim that there is no overlong vowel in Blackfoot.  The patterns of the triple vowel  sequences are either V V V , or V V V / VjV]Vi, not *VjViV . Peterson concludes that these 0  0  0  k  k  m  0  triplets have internal structure, and result from the combination of a long vowel and the identical single vowel or a diphthong preceded or followed by a single vowel which is identical with a half of the diphthong . The template given in (36) is the structure of the 13  Blackfoot nucleus he proposes. (36) Blackfoot Nucleus (after Peterson 1999) R  X X ^ \ I V (V ) ({V , ?}) A  k  k  X X I I (CO (Cj)  Peterson claims that only the combination of a diphthong and a short vowel (which is identical with the adjacent half of the diphthong) belongs to the same syllable.  The  combination of a long vowel and the identical short vowel belongs to separate syllables, because of the OCP (Obligatory Contour Principle) violation. Since two vowels would glide V -» [+ accent] / V [+ accent] + _ (Frantz 1991). Frantz (1991: 4) mentions that there are sequences of a long vowel or a diphthong followed by an accented vowel, showing such words as maaahsi 'her elder relation' and maooyi 'mouth'. 12  13  33  together in diphthongs, they occupy one timing slot ( ' X ' in (36)). Assuming that the two A  vowels of diphthongs share a single skeletal slot, their quantity is different from the quantity of long vowels. The length of diphthongs and that of long vowels are different phonetically in some languages; for example, in English, the proportion of diphthongs to long vowels varies from dialect to dialect (Harris 1994). However, the difference in length between diphthongs and long vowels is insignificant from a phonological point of view. Their quantities and structures are generally assumed to be identical; they occupy two timing slots. There is the possibility that the diphthongs and the long vowels are different phonetically and phonologically only in Blackfoot. In such an exceptional case, however, justification is required from another aspect of Blackfoot phonology. In summary, I claim that the triple vowel sequences in Blackfoot are either the combination of a diphthong and a short vowel or of a long vowel and the identical short vowel. Both of them are split into two different syllables. This claim leads us to ask the next question: how are the triple vowel sequences syllabified, [a.aa] or [aa.a]? The syllabification judgements from Speaker A are as follows; (37) Syllabification JudgementsfromSpeaker A a.  [naa.axs]  naaahs  'my grandparent' (= 34a)  b.  [saa.am]  saaam  'medicine' (= 34b)  c.  [moo.oi]  moooi  'mouth' (= 34c)  In all the three words, the accent is assigned on the third vowel and that speaker A places a syllable break before the accented vowel. It is conceivable that the syllabification interacts with the locus of the accent, but this issue requires further research. 2.2.5. Minimal Word Requirement Across languages, there is a general tendency to avoid monomoraic or monosyllabic words. This is because a minimal word requirement is imposed. In Blackfoot, every lexical word is minimally bimoraic. There is no monomoraic word (CV) in the Dictionary but there  34  are several bimoraic words (CVV or CVC). However, according to my language consultants, some monomoraic C V words are attested as a short form. They are presented in (38). (38) Truncated CV Words UR  Truncated Form  Gloss  a.  [ako] ako  [ko]  ko  'go' (A)  b.  [amo] amo  [mo]  mo  'this person' (B)  c.  [anna] anna  [na]  na  'that person' (B)  It is important that these monomoraic words are all short forms of bimoraic words and that they are informal. This kind of truncation is widely found in the Algonquian family (RoseMarie Dechaine, personal communication).  If all monomoraic words are derived from  truncated forms of bimoraic words, it can be assumed that the miriimal word must be bimoraic in Blackfoot. Defining the minimal word as bimoraic implies that coda consonants are moraic. In quantity-sensitive languages, which distinguish syllable weight, the minimal word is bimoraic (McCarthy and Prince 1995:321). As we shall see, the assignment of pitch-accent to nouns in Blackfoot is quantity-sensitive.  The moraic status of coda consonants is  consistent with the fact that my Blackfoot language consultants provided words consisting of a single closed syllable, as shown in (39). (39) CVC(C) Words a.  [pun]  pon  'bracelet' (B)  b.  [ku?s]  ko's  'dish'(A)  In (39), both sonorants and obstruents can be codas. I therefore conclude that Blackfoot coda consonants are moraic and that Blackfoot is a quantity-sensitive language.  35  2.3. Summary This chapter has discussed the phonemic inventory and the syllable structure of Blackfoot. Three distinctive vowels [i], [o], and [a] may occur as short or long, or in three types of diphthongs. The consonant inventory contains 13 segments. Velar stop [k] has allophones [x] and [?] as the result of velar spirantization. This alternation makes [k] and [k ] different phonemes: a plain stop and a strident stop. s  The representation of strident  stops is subject to controversy in the major model of feature geometry, but it is possible and reasonable in the model proposed by Shaw (1991) and LaCharite (1993). This analysis is consistent with the independently motivated syllable template. There are various sequences of consonants, but not all clusters can be tautosyllabic. Only [st ] always belongs to the same syllable and becomes a complex onset or coda. The s  syllabification of other clusters is guided by other principles and generalizations, such as the Obligatory Onset Principle, the markedness of complex onsets, Onset Maximization, the general character of geminates, and so on. Both vowels and consonants occur in two distinctive lengths.  Although surface  sequences of three vowels are attested, they are analyzed as sequences of a long vowel or a diphthong followed or preceded by another vowel. Evidence from syllable structure leads to the conclusion that the minimal word is bimoraic. Surface monomoraic words are attested, but all of them are truncated forms of underlying bimoraic stems.  The minimal word requirement predicts that Blackfoot is  quantity-sensitive. As we shall see, this is borne out by evidence from the assignment of pitch-accent.  36  Chapter 3. Data and Generalizations 3.0. Introduction This chapter presents the data on Blackfoot nouns that I collected from two speakers of the language along with the generalizations governing the data. Blackfoot nouns can be divided into the following three kinds: bare nouns, relational nouns (dependent nouns), and derived nouns.  Bare nouns are monomorphemic nouns.  They occur by  themselves. On the other hand, relational nouns are nouns which consist of inalienably possessed stems and possessive affixes. These stems never occur without affixes. They are inherently relational in that they express a relationship between two parties: one is the primary referent of the noun stem itself, and the other, which Frantz (1991:71) calls the 'relatee', is the party or parties to which the primary referent bears the expressed relation. In Blackfoot, most relational nouns are kinship or body part terms. As for derived nouns, they consist primarily of compounds and nominalizations. I focus on compounds only, since an analysis of nominalizations requires an understanding of the pitch-patterns of verbs which is beyond the scope of my thesis. Although both consultants provided a great number of nouns, only some of them are displayed as examples in this chapter. A l l the data are presented in Appendix. The size of the data set is summarized in (1). Each noun type - bare noun, relational noun, and derived noun - subdevides into two classes: (i) those which show a regular pitch-accent pattern; (ii) those which show a pitch-accent pattern that is irregular in some way. (1) Size of Data Section Types of Nouns  Reg/Irreg Regular Irregular Subtotal  Speaker A 51 (87.9%) 7(12.1%) 58 (100%)  Speaker B 78 (81.25%) 18(18.75%) 96(100%)  3.1  Bare Nouns  3.2  Relational Nouns  Regular Irregular Subtotal  25 (78.1%) 7(21.9%) 32(100%)  30 (78.9%) 8(21.1%) 38 (100%)  Derived Nouns  Regular Irregular Subtotal  23 (88.5%) 3 (M.5%) 26(100%)  25 (86.2%) 4(13.8%) 29 (100%)  3.3  37  Regardless of the noun type, all nouns exhibit one and only one pitch peak in Blackfoot. Bare nouns and relational nouns show that Blackfoot accent is both predictable and phonemic.  Blackfoot is a quantity-sensitive language, therefore a heavy syllable  attracts an accent.  However, it is lexically specified in nouns which contain no heavy  syllable or more than one heavy syllable. Compounds demonstrate four kinds of accentual patterns, depending on whether the members of compounds are free morphemes or bound morphemes. These accentual patterns seem to imply that the accent appears randomly. However, as we will see, if we assume that a bound morpheme is either accented or unaccented, all four patterns can be explained. For purposes of comparison, the orthographic descriptions and the page numbers from the Dictionary are shown at the right side of a row. When the word has another meaning in the Dictionary, it is given as well.  3.1. Bare Nouns Speaker A provided 56 bare nouns while speaker B provided 97 bare nouns.  I  present both regular pitch-accent patterns and irregular ones. Most of the data exhibit regular accentual patterns, but there are some exceptional patterns as well (49 of 56 are regular in speaker A ' s Blackfoot, while 78 of 97 in Blackfoot spoken by speaker B).  3.1.1. Regular Patterns When a word contains a closed syllable, it bears a pitch peak.  Examples of  disyllabic words are shown in (2); trisyllabic words are given in (3). (2) Words Containing a Heavy Syllable: Disyllabic Words CV.CVC a.  [ki.tlm]  kitsim  'door'  kitsimm (p. 116)  b.  [po.kon]  pokon  'ball'  pokon(p.l91)  38  cvc.cv c.  [kin.ni]  kinni  'necklace'  ohkinni (p. 140) 'wear a necklace (v)'  (3) Words Containing a Heavy Syllable: Trisyllabic Words CVC.CV.CV a.  [is.ski.mi]  isskimi  'pail' (B)  issk (p.85)  iminni  'wing' (B)  maminn (p. 123)  napayin  'bread'  napayin (p. 133)  CV.CVC.CV b.  [i.mln.ni]  CV.CV.CVC c.  [na.pa.jin]  Like C V C syllables, C W syllables (long vowels and diphthongs) also attract an accent. Long vowels exhibit three different pitch-accent patterns. A long vowel can bear a highlevel pitch in some words (4), a falling pitch in some words (5), and a rising pitch in others (6). (4) Words Containing a Long Vowel with a High-Level Pitch  cw.cv a.  [mii.ni]  muni  'berry'  b.  [naa.pi]  naapi  'trickster'  naapi (p. 131)  poyii  'oil' (B)  poyii (p. 192)  apiisi  'wolf (B)  aapi'si(p.4) 'coyote'  imitaa  'dog'  imitaa (p.56)  1  miin (p. 125)  cv.cw c.  [pu.jii]  CV.CW.CV d.  [a.pii.si]  CV.CV.CW e.  [i.mi.taa]  Speaker A was unsure about the meaning this word, but he was certain that it is a type of berry.  39  (5) Words Containing a Long Vowel with a Falling Pitch  cw.cv a.  [puu.ka]  pooka  'kid' (A)  pookaa (p. 192)  namoo  'bee' (B)  naamoo (p. 131)  spaatsiko  'sand' (A)  spatsiko (p.220)  natoosi  'sun' (B)  naato'si (p. 133)  sinopaa  'fox' (B)  sitnopaa (p.211)  cv.cw b.  [na.moo]  CW.CV.CV c.  [spaa.t i.ku] s  CV.CW.CV d.  [na.too.si]  CV.CV.CW e.  [si.no.paa]  (6) Words Containing a Long Vowel with a Rising Pitch CW.CV a.  [puu:s(a)]  poos(a)  b.  [pii.ta]  piita  2  'cat'  poos (p. 192)  'eagle'  piitaa (p. 189)  Diphthongs which carry a pitch peak show a falling pitch-accent pattern, as illustrated (7). (7) Words Containing a Diphthong CW.CV a.  [kai.na]  kaina  'Blood tribe'(B)  kainaa(p.l 13)  ponokai  'elk' (A)  ponoka (p. 192)  aitako  'last night'(A)  aatako(p.5)  CV.CV.CW b.  [po.no.kai]  CW.CV.CV c.  2  [ei.ta.ku]  Speaker A said that both poos and poosa are attested.  40  When a word contains more than one closed syllable, in some words, the leftmost syllable carries a high pitch, as in (8). In other words, a non-leftmost carries a high pitch, as in (9). (8) Words Containing More Than One Closed Syllable (i) CVC.CVC a.  [ksax.kom]  ksahkom  'dirt/earth'  ksaahko (p. 118)  'stone'  oohkotok (p. 167)  'milk'  onnikis (p. 166)  CVC.CV.CVC b.  [ox.ku.tok(i) ]  ohkotok(i)  c.  [6n.no.kis]  onnokis (A)  [6n.ni.kis]  onnikis (B)  3  (9) Words Containing More Than One Closed Syllable (ii) CVC.CVC a.  [au?.k in]  ao'ksin  'bed' (B)  akssin (p. 10)  b.  [aep .sis]  aipssis  'arrow' (B)  apssi (p. 14)  'knife'  isttoan  s  s  CVC.CV.CVC c.  [it.to.wan]  ittoan (A)  [ist.to.wan]  isttoan (B)  When a word contains more than one long vowel, the pitch peak appears on the leftmost long vowel in some words, as in (10). For other words, high pitch may appear on a nonleftmost long vowel, as in (11). (10) Words Containing More Than One Long Vowel (i) CW.CW a.  3  [naa.maa]  naamaa (A)  [noo.maeae]  noomai (A)  Speaker B uses both ohkotok and ohkotoki.  41  [naa.mai]  naamai(B) 'gun'  naamaa (p.131)  kutokii  kiitokii (p.l 15)  CW.CV.CW b.  [kii.to.kii]  'prairie chicken'  CV.CW.CVV.CV c.  [pi.kTi.k ii.na] s  piksiiksiina 'snake'  piksiiksiinaa (p. 189)  (11) Words Containing More Than One Long Vowel (ii) CVV.CW a.  [aakii]  aakii  'woman'  aakii  b.  [ii.nri]  iinu  'buffalo'  iinri  c.  [kuu.kuu]  kookoo  'night'(B)  ko'ko(p.ll8) 'be night'  When a word contains a long vowel and a closed syllable, the leftmost syllable bears a high pitch in some words, as in (12) show; in other words, it is the second leftmost syllable which bears a high pitch as in (13). (12) Words Containing Both a Long Vowel and a Closed Syllable (i) CW.CVC a.  [kuu.pis]  koopis  'soup' (B)  koopis (p. 117)  (13) Words Containing Both a Long Vowel and a Closed Syllable (ii) CW.CVC 'stick'  miistsis (p.xxx)  a.  [mii.sfis]  miistsis  b.  [saa.am]  saaam  'medicine' (A)  saaam(p.xxx)  c.  [aa.pis]  aapis  'rope' (B)  a'pis (p. 18)  CVC.CW d.  [is.kli.na]  isksiina  'insect' (B)  isskssiinaa (p.86)  e.  [meic.stuu]  maihstoo  'crow' (B)  mairstoo (p. 122)  42  f.  [im.mi.st !!] 8  immistsn  'lard' (B)  immistsii (p.57)  If there is no heavy syllable in a word, a pitch peak can appear word-initially (14a, b), and word-internally (14c, d). (14) Words Which Consists of CVSyllables CV.CV a.  [ni.na]  nma  man  ninaa (p. 13 5)  aiksini  'pig'  aiksini (p. 6)  V.CV.CV b.  [_e.k i.ni] s  CV.CV.CV c.  [so.pu.k i]  sopoksi  'dollar'  sopokssi (p.218)  d.  [na.ta.jo]  natayo  'lynx' (B)  natayo (p. 133)  s  A pitch peak can also appear word-finally, as in (15). However, such forms are analyzed to involve vowel length neutralization. This issue will be discussed in Chapter 6. (15) Words Which Have a Pitch Peak in Word-Final Position CV.CV marnii (p. 123)  a.  [ma.mi]  mami  'fish'  b.  [so.po]  sopo  'wind'  c.  [na.pi]  napi  'friend'  napi (p. 133)  makoyi (p. 122)  4  sopo (p.218)  CV.CV.CV d.  [ma.ko.ji]  makoyi  'wolf (A)  e.  [ma.to.ji]  matoyi  'alfalfa' (A)  matoyihko (p. 124) 'area of grass'  Speaker B exhibits an accentual minimal pair in words containing a long vowel.  4  Speaker B said that it is a short form of sopoosin.  43  (16) Accentual Minimal Pairs in Words Containing a Long Vowel CW.CV a.  [saa.mi]  siami  'headdress'(B)  saaam (p. 194)  saami  'medicine'(B)  saaam (p. 194)  CW.CV b.  [saa.mi]  3.1.2. Summary of Regular Patterns The generalizations about the pitch-accent patterns we have observed in Blackfoot bare nouns are summarized as follows: (17) Generalizations a.  A l l nouns exhibit one and only one pitch peak.  b.  Heavy syllables (CVV and CVC) attract accent .  c.  If a heavy syllable is W (long vowel or diphthong), the pitch is realized on  5  the first, second, or both moras. d.  If there is more than one heavy syllable, a pitch peak appears on any heavy syllable.  e.  If there is no heavy syllable in a word, a pitch peak appears either wordinitially or word-internally. (It also appears word-finally, but this involves vowel length neutralization.)  f.  There is an accentual minimal pair in words containing a long vowel (at least in the Blackfoot of speaker B).  5  This is consistent with the claim that long syllables and closed syllables are both bimoraic (§2.2.5).  44  3.1.3. Irregular Patterns 7 of the 56 bare nouns for speaker A and 19 of the 97 bare nouns for speaker B do not follow the generalizations I have mentioned above. Data in (18) show that where a light syllable has a pitch peak in spite of the presence of a closed syllable. (18) Irregular Items(i) V.CVC.CV a.  [a.t i?.t i] s  s  atsi'tsi  'glove/mitten' (A)  atsi'tsi  miistaki  'mountain' (B)  miistak (p. 126)  mohsoko  'road'(B)  mohsoko (p. 128)  CVVC.CV.CV b.  [miis.ta.ki]  CVC.CV.CV c.  [mox.so.ku]  The data in (19) show that a light syllable has a pitch peak in spite of the presence of a long vowel. (19) Irregular Items(ii) CV.CW a.  [ka.jii]  kayii  'dried meat'(B)  kayiis (p. 114)  ohki  'water'(A)  aohkii(p.ll)  piikani  'Peigan tribe'(A)  piikani (p. 189)  ksiistsiko  'day'(A)  ksiistsiko (p.l 18)  CW.CV b.  [ox.ki]  CW.CV.CV c.  [pii.ka.ni]  CVV.CCV.CV d.  [k ii.st i.ku] s  s  In (20), a light syllable bears a pitch peak although a word contains more than one syllable. (20) Irregular Items(v) CV.CVV.CVC a.  [a.t ii.t is] s  s  atsiitsiis  45  'glove/mitten' (B)  atsi'tsi (p. 15)  cvv.cv.cw b.  [aa.pa.nii]  aapanii  'butterfly' (B)  apanii (p. 13)  issapo  'Crow tribe'(A)  issapo (p.85)  CVC.CVV.CV c.  [is.sa?.pu]  The exceptional data presented in (18) through (20) can be divided into sub-groups. discuss the implications of these exceptions in Chapter 6. A breakdown of the data is summarized in (21). (21) Types of a  Locus of Accent  closed a  regular irregular  Speaker A 8  9  1  high-level falling  long a  Speaker B 12  5 17  6  26  Data  9  (2), (3)  3  (18)  8  (4)  9  (5)  rising  2  3  (6)  irregular  4  6  (19)  1  (7)  14  (8), (10), (12)  20  (9), (11), (13)  high-level diphthong  falling  2  2  1  irregular 11  leftmost heavy o 18  41  more than  non-leftmost heavy  one heavy a  irregular  1  7  (20)  word-initial  3  4  (14a, b)  4  (14c, d)  6  (15)  light a  word-internal  6  11  1 7  word-final Others Total  14  1  l 58  6  2  2  7  96  A mono-syllabic word, [ku?s] ko's. A mono-syllabic word, [pun] pon and a word where the pitch peak is made of more than one syllable, [puukaa] pookaa. The latter case is argued in Chapter 6.  6 7  46  I  3.2 Relational Nouns 31 relational nouns were elicited from speaker A and 36 relational nouns were elicited from speaker B. 6 items show exceptional accentual patterns in speaker A ' s Blackfoot, while 5 items do in speaker B's. Relational nouns always have the following morphological structure: the noun stem is preceded by an agreement marker. In the examples given below the agreement marker is usually the first person n-, the second person k-, or the indefinite possessor m- . 8  3.2.1 Regular Patterns Although relational nouns are morphologically different from bare nouns, they exhibit the same pitch-accent patterns as bare nouns. The data in (22) are relational nouns containing a pitch peak which appears on a heavy syllable. (22) Accent on the Heavy Syllable  cvc.cv a.  b.  [nin.na]  n-inn-a (A)  [riin.na]  n-inn-a (B)  'my father'  inn (p. 13 5)  n-iss-a  'my older brother' (A)  i's (p. 107)  [nis.sa]  9  (C)V.CVC(C) c.  [ni.tan]  n-itan  'my daughter' (B)  itan (p.97)  d.  [ni.klst]  n-iksist  'my mother' (A)  iksissit (p.51)  'skin' (B)  motokis (p. 129)  'my mother'  iksissit (p.51)  CV.CV.CVC e.  [(m)o.to.kis]  (m)-otokis  10  CV.CVC.(C)CV f.  [ni.kls.ta]  n-iksist-a (A)  [ni.kls.sta]  n-iksisst-a (B)  For Speaker A, the citation form of some relational nouns is the bare stem; e.g. [o.wa?p p] owa'psp 'eye', [6n.no.kii] dnnokii 'breast', [u.ku.wan] okoan 'stomach'. Speaker A also provided [ni?s] ni's for 'my older brother'. Speaker B uses both motokis and otokis.  8  s  9  10  47  Long vowels exhibit three different pitch-accent patterns: a high-level pitch (23), a falling pitch (24), and a rising pitch (25). (23) Words Containing a Long Vowel with a High-Level Pitch CVC.CW.CVC a.  [mox.pii.kin] m-ohpiikin  'tooth'  mohpiikin (p. 128)  (24) Words Containing a Long Vowel with a Falling Pitch  cvvc a.  [nuum]  n-dom  'my husband' (A)  oom (p. 168)  n-6om-a  'my husband' (B)  oom (p. 168)  CW.CV b.  [nuu.ma]  (25) Words Containing a Long Vowel with a Rising Pitch CWCC a.  [naaxs]  n-aahs  'my grandmother'(B)  aaahs (p.l)  The following data are relational nouns containing more than one heavy syllable. A pitch peak appears on the leftmost heavy syllable in some words, while it appears on a non-leftmost heavy syllable in others.  The examples are given in (26) and (27),  respectively. (26) Accent on the Leftmost Heavy Syllable (C)VC.CV.CVC a.  [mon.ni.kis]  m-dnnikis  'breast' (B)  monnikis (p. 129)  'eye' (B)  moapssp (p. 128)  CV.CVC.CVC b.  [mo.wap'.pis]  m-owapspis  48  (27) Accent on a Non-Leftmost Heavy Syllable CVC.CV.(C)CVC a.  [mus.to.kls]  m-ostoksis  'face'  mosstoksis (p. 129)  'ear' (B)  mohtookis (p. 128)  CVC.CW.CVC b.  [mux.too.kis] m-ohtookis  The data in (28) are words which consist of only light syllables. A pitch peak appears word-initially (28a), word-internally (28b, c), or word-finally (28d). 11  (28) Word-Initial, Word-Internal, Word-Final Accent CV.CV.CVC a.  [mu.ku.wan] m-6koan  'stomach'(B)  mookoan (p.129)  CV.CV.CV b.  [ni.ta.na]  n-itan-a  'my daughter' (A)  itan (p.97)  c.  [nu.ku.wa]  n-okoa  'my home' (B)  ookoowa (p. 168)  m-atsini  'tongue' (B)  matsini (p. 124)  CV.CV.CV d.  [ma.fr.ni]  Speaker A exhibits an accentual minimal pair as in (29). (29) CV.CV.CVC a.  [u.ku.wan]  okoan  'stomach' (A)  mookoan (p. 129)  okoan  'his house' (A)  ookoowa (p. 168)  CV.CV.CVC b.  [u.ku.wan]  " There are no relational nouns which consist of only light syllables and in which a pitch peak appears wordinitially in the database.  49  3.2.2 Irregular Patterns As well as the general pitch-accent patterns, relational nouns also show the same exceptional patterns as bare nouns.  In spite of the presence of a heavy syllable, a light  syllable carries an accent: (30) Irregular Relational Nouns (i) CVC.CV a.  [nux.ku]  n-ohko  'my son' (A)  ohko (p. 141) 'son'  n-6koos  'my child'(B)  oko's (p.155) 'offspring'  m-ohkatsi  'foot'  mohkat (p. 128)  m-ookitsis  'finger/toe'(B)  mookitsis (p. 129)  CV.CVC b.  [nu.kuus]  CVC.CV.CV c.  [mox.ka.t'i]  CVC.CV.CVC d.  [moo.ki.t'is]  The data in (31) shows that a light syllable has a pitch peak in spite of the presence of a long vowel. (31) Irregular Relational Nouns (ii) CV.CVV.CV.CV a.  [ni.k'uu.ku.wa] n-iksookowa  'my relative' (B)  ikso'kowa (p.55)  In (32), a light syllable bears a pitch peak although a word contains more than one syllable. (32) Irregular Relational Nouns (iii) CVC.CV.CVC  a.  [muu.ki.fis]  m-ookitsis  'finger/toe'(B)  In some words, a pitch peak occurs on more than one syllable: 50  mookitsis (p. 129)  (33) Irregular Relational Nouns (iv) CV.CVC.CV'VC a.  [ki.tak.kaan] k-itakkaa-n  'your friend' (A)  itakkaa (p.97)  CV.CV.CV'VC b.  'head' ( B )  [mo.to.kaan] m-otokaan  mo'tokaan (p. 130)  The cases in (33) will be discussed in Chapter 6. The breakdown of the data in each category is summarized in (34). (34) Types of a  Locus of Accent  closed a  regular irregular  Speaker A  Speaker B  5 9  4  11  7  (22)  4  (30) (23)  high-level long a  Data  2  5  2  (24)  rising  2  (25)  irregular  1  (3D  6  (26)  11  (27)  1  (32)  falling  2  high-level diphthong  falling  (1)  (I)  12  irregular 3  leftmost heavy a more than  non-leftmost heavy  one heavy a  irregular  16  13  18  (28a)  word-initial light a  word-internal  2  2  2  word-final Others  3  3  13  2  2  32  Total  1  (28b, c)  1  (28d)  14  (33)  38  A word [moo.oi] moooi, which consists of two heavy syllables and one of them is a diphthong. Two mono-syllabic words, [ni?ss] ni'ss 'my older brother' and [nint t] nintst 'my older sister', and a word where the pitch peak is made of more than one syllable, [ki.ta.kaan] kitakaan 'your friend' (33a). A word where the pitch peak occurs on more than one syllable, [moo.to.kaan] modtokaan 'head' (33b), and a word which bears multiple accent [mos.ki.t i.pa.pii] moskitsipapii 'heart'. 12  13  s  14  s  51  3 . 3 . Derived Nouns Blackfoot compounds are divided into three types: (i) a combination of two free morphemes; (ii) a combination of a free and a bound morpheme; (iii) a combination of two bound morphemes. The first case corresponds to noun-noun compounds, the second case to noun-noun compounds and adjunct-noun compounds and the third case to adjunct15  noun compounds . The combinations of morphemes and the location of the resultant 16  accent is summarized in (35). (X and Y indicate free morphemes while those with hyphen indicate bound morphemes.) (35) Section Discussed  Morpheme Combinations  3.3.1  [X Y ]  3.3.2.1  [X -Y]  3.3.2.2  [X- Y ]  3.3.3  [X--Y]  Locus of Accent on Compound X  Y  Juncture  Word-Final a  / /  *  *  *  *  *  * *  *  *  X , Y = Free Morpheme X - , - Y = Bound Morpheme Examples of each compound type are presented in the following subsections.  3.3.1. Compounds of Free Morphemes: Noun-Noun Compounds(i) In a combination of two independent nouns, the accent of the first member remains. (36) Compounds of Two Independent Nouns 1 member  2 member  Compound  Dictionary form  muni  ohki(A) ohkii (B)  [mii.ni.ox.ki] miiniohki  miiniaohki (p. 125)  'berry'  'water'  st  a.  nd  'wine'  Frantz (1991:84) uses the term 'adjunct' for referring to bound morphemes which do not determine the syntactic category of the stems of which they are a part and .most bound morphemes are categorized as adjuncts. I adopt Frantz ' terminology. The adjunct-verb compounds are also included in the third type of combination. I will not deal with it here, as the analysis requires an understanding of the verbal accent. Instead, I will show a brief analysis of it in chapter 7. 15  16  52  b. ponokai (A) ponokai (B)  [po.no.ko.mi.ta] ponokomita  imiitaa  'elk'  'dog'  'horse'  naapi  ohkii  [na.pi.jox.ki] napiyohki  'water'  'liquor/beer' (B)  c. 'trickster'  ponokaomitaa (P-192)  naapiaohkii 'whisky' (p. 132)  Data in (36) show that in compounds of free morphemes, the morphosyntactic head is always the second compound member.  For example, the morphosyntactic head of  miiniohki 'wine' (36a) is ohki (A)/ohkii (B) 'water', because 'wine' is a kind of 'water', not a kind of 'berry' ('a kind o f test).  3.3.2. Compounds of a Free Morpheme and a Bound Morpheme 3.3.2.1. Free-Bound: Noun-Noun Compounds(ii) In compounds which consist of a free morpheme and a bound morpheme, the accent of the first member remains.  This is illustrated in (37), where an independent noun  combines with a final ikoan 'male person/young being'. (Morphemes with a hyphen are bound elements. Nouns with a hyphen, e.g. -ikimi, are medials and finals .) 17  (37) Compounds of an Independent Noun with a Bound Noun 1 member st  2 member nd  a. aakii 'woman'  -ikoan 'young being'  'trickster'  Dictionary form  [aa.kii.ko.wan] aakiikoan  aakiikoan (P-2)  'girl'  b. naapi  Compound  [naa.pii.ko.wan] naapiikoan  -ikoan 'male person'  naakiikoan (p. 132)  'white person'  Medials are noun roots which must be incorporated into a verb or noun as a suffix, while finals are suffixes which must attach to other roots or stems, and which determine the category of the resultant stems (after the Dictionary). 17  53  Like in the free-free compounds, in this type of compounds, the morphosyntactic head is also the second compound member.  3.3.2.2. Bound-Free: Adjunct-Noun Compounds(i) Three pitch-accent patterns are observed in the compounds which consist of an adjunct and an independent noun. In some words, the accent appears on the adjunct, as in (38) show. (38) Accent on Adjunct  18  1 member  2 member  pisat-  naapiinyoan  st  a. 'fancy, unusual'  Compound  nd  [pi.sa.t'aa.pii.nju.wan] pisatsaapiinyoan  'sugar'  Dictionary form pisatsaapiiniowan (p. 190)  'candy' (B)  b. noohkiit-  matapii  [noxkiifitapi] nohkiitsitapi  'strange'  'person'  'foreigner' (A)  noohkiitsitapi (p. 137)  Conversely, in some words, the accent of the noun remains, as in (39). (39) Accent on Noun 1 member  2 member  Compound  ksiw-  awakaasii  [k'o.wa.wa.kaa.si] ksowawakaasi  st  nd  a. 'low/ at ground level'  'deer'  Dictionary form ksiwawakaasi (p. 120)  'spider'  Or it is assigned at the juncture between the two morphemes, as in (40).  In both examples, the word-initial nasal of the second member (napinyoan and matapii) is deleted. In Blackfoot, morphemes which begin with a nasal lose their nasal when they appear in a complex word (Frantz, 1991). Although it is not clear whether the m- is an indefinite possessor or a part of the stem (cf. Frantz and Creighton 1982), I treat matapii as a bare noun. For n-initial stems, there doesn't seem to be evidence for any internal morphological boundary (Rose-Marie D^chaine, personal communication).  54  (40) Accent on the Juncture 1 member  Compound  Dictionary form  atsikin  [nii.t i.t i.kin] niitsitsikin  niitsitsikin (p.135)  'original'  'shoe'  'moccasin' (B)  kipita-  aakii  [ki.pi.taa.kii] kipitaakii  'elderly'  'woman'  'old woman'  st  2 member  a.  s  niit-  b.  s  kipitaaakii (P-194)  The morphosyntactic head of the bound-free compounds is the second compound member. The first member, which is an adjunct, plays a role as an adjective.  3.3.3. Compounds of Bound Morphemes: Adjunct-Noun Compounds(ii) Compounds in which both an adjunct and a noun are bound elements exhibit two types of accentual patterns. First, the accent may appear on the adjunct: (41) Accent on Adjunct 1 member st  2 member  Compound  Dictionary form  -ikimi  [u.mox.ki.mi] omohkimi  omahkslkimi 'lake' (p. 160)  'liquid'  'sea/ocean' (B)  a. omahk'big/old'  Second, the accent may appear on the word-final syllable.  55  (42) Accent on Nouns 1 member  2 member  st  nd  a.  Compound  Dictionary form  [si.k i?.ki.mi] siksi'kimi  siksikimii (P-209)  s  sik-  -ikhni  'black'  'liquid'  'tea'  sik-  -ika  [si.k'i.kaa] siksikaa  'black'  'foot'  'Blackfoot'  b.  As well as in other types  siksika (p.209)  of compounds, in the bound-bound compounds, the  morphosyntactic head is the second compound member.  3.3.4. Summary Four types of morphological combinations, i.e. free-free, free-bound, bound-free, and bound-bound, exhibit four accentual patterns. They are summarized in (43).  First  Second  Locus of Accent on  Type of  Member  Member  Compound  Compound  X  Y  X  -Y  X-  Y  -Y  Data  (36)  6  1  3  0  (37)  Accent on X-  2  0  3  2  (38)  Accent on Y  1  0  2  0  (39)  7  1  5  2  (40)  Accent on X-  0  0  1  0  (41)  Accent on word-final o  2  0  2  0  (42)  Accent on juncture X-  Noun-Noun  Accent on X  Size of Data Speaker B Speaker A reg. irreg. reg. irreg. 0 1 9 5  Adjunct-Noun  In any type of morphological combinations, the morphosyntactic head of a compound is the second compound member.  In both examples, the final consonant of the first compound member k becomes k after it is attached to the second compound member whose initial vowel is i. Frantz (1991:31) terms this alternation 'breaking'. Not all /' affects the preceding k; some cause k to become k , but others do not. Hence, Frantz (1978, 1991) calls them 'breaking i' and 'non-breaking i', claiming that Blackfoot contains two kinds of underlying i, even though they are identical phonetically. 19  s  s  56  3.4. Speaker Variation So far, I have presented the data which is the same for both consultants. In addition, there are data which show the regular pitch-accent pattern but display significant differences between one speaker and the other. The differences between the two speakers are reducible to the following.  First,  Speaker A tends to make an accented vowel long and a unaccented vowel short. (44) Speaker Variation (i) Speaker A  Speaker B  a.  [puu.ka] pooka  [puu.kaa] pookaa  'kid'  pookaa (p. 192)  b.  [ma.taa.ki] mataaki  [maa.taa.ki] maataaki  'potato'  maataak (p. 122)  [spaa.fi.ku] spaafiko  [spa.t i.ku] spafiko  'sand' (A) 'sandhill'(B)  spatsiko (p.220) 'sand'  [uu.ku.ni.ki] ookoniki  [o.ko.nu.ki] okonoki  'holy berry'(A) okonok (p. 155) 'saskatoon berry'(B) 'saskatoon berry'  d.  s  Dictionary Form  Second, Speaker A assigns an accent to heavy syllables. (45) Speaker Variation (ii)  a.  Dictionary Form  Speaker A  Speaker B  rma.ta.pill [ma.ta.pil] matapii  lma.ta.pil [ma.ta.pi] matapi  'person'  matapi (p. 124)  [uuwaa] oowaa  [uwaa] owaa  egg  owaa (p. 180)  Third, in the data of Speaker B , the adjunct omahk- 'big/old' is almost always accented. However, this generalization is not observed in the data of Speaker A .  57  (46) Speaker Variation (iii) Speaker A a.  [u.max.k paa.t i.ku] omahkspaa tsiko s  Dictionary Form  Speaker B [u.max.k paa.t i.ku] omahkspaatsiko  s  s  s  'desert'  (p. 160)  omahk- + spaatsiko (A)lspatsiko (B) 'big/old'  'sand/sandhill'  b. [u.max.kuu.ki.t'is] omahkookitsis  [u.max.kuu.ki.t'is] omahkookitsis  'thumb/big toe' omahkookitsis (p. 159)  omahk- + mookitsis (A)/mookitsis (B) 'big/old'  'finger' [u.max.ka.ta.jo] omahkatayo  'cougar'  'lynx' [u.mox.ki.mi] omohkimi  'sea/ocean'  omahksikimi 'lake' (p. 160)  omahk- + -ikimi 'big/old'  omahkatayo (p.158)  omahk- + natayo 'big/old'  omahksspatsiko  'liquid' [o.max.ka.kei.ta.pis.ko] omahkakaitapisko  'city'  79  omahk- + akaitapissko 'big/old'  'town'  20  cf. f.  [u.max.ki.na] omahkina  [u.max.ki.na] omahkina  omahkinaa (p. 159)  omahk- + nina 'big/old'  'old man'  'man'  [a.kei.ta.pis.sku] akaitapissko 'town' is also a derived noun which literally means 'place of many people' (aka 'many' + matapi 'person' + ssko 'place of many').  58  3 . 5 . Parameters for the Blackfoot Nominal Accent Let us review the generalizations about the Blackfoot nominal accent.  First,  generalizations for bare nouns and relational nouns are given in (47). (47) Generalizations for Bare-Nouns and Relational Nouns a.  A l l nouns exhibit one and only one pitch peak.  b.  Heavy syllables ( C V V and CVC) attract accent.  c.  If a heavy syllable is V V (long vowel or diphthong), the pitch can be realized on the first, second, or the both moras.  d.  If there is more than one heavy syllable, a pitch peak can appear on any heavy syllable.  e.  If there is no heavy syllable in a word, a pitch peak can appear either wordinitially or word-internally. (It also appears word-finally, but this case involves another phonological property of Blackfoot.)  f.  There are accentual minimal pairs.  Generalization (47a) implies that the Blackfoot accent is culminative. Only one syllable receives the accent in a word. Generalizations (47b-d) tell us that the Blackfoot accent is quantity-sensitive; a heavy syllable attracts accent. However, generalization (47d) suggests that the locus of the accent is not predictable if a word contains more than one heavy syllable. We can predict that a heavy syllable receives an accent, but we cannot predict which heavy syllable does; a pitch peak appears on any heavy syllable. Generalizations (47e, f) indicate the Blackfoot accent is lexically specified in words which contains no heavy syllable. The location of the accent is unpredictable. However, it is predictable that the accent appears either word-initially or word-internally. This suggests that the Blackfoot accentual system prefers to assign an accent closer to the left edge of a noun. I claim that the accent of Blackfoot nouns is both rule-governed and lexically specified. The location of an accent is predictable when a noun contains a heavy syllable; the heavy syllable carries a pitch peak. On the contrary, it is unpredictable in words which  59  contain no heavy syllable or more than one heavy syllable. The accent of these words are analyzed to be lexically specified.  However, even the lexically specified cases are not  entirely unpredictable: an accent appears either word-initially or word-internally, not wordfinally. Thus, I also claim that the Blackfoot nominal accent is left-headed. Next, generalizations for Blackfoot derived nouns (compounds) are reviewed in (48). (48) Generalizations for Derived Nouns (Compounds) a.  If both compounding members are free morphemes, the accent of the first member becomes the compound's accent.  b.  If the first compound member is a free morpheme and the second compound member is a bound morpheme, the accent of the first member becomes the compound's accent.  c.  If the first compound member is a bound morpheme and the second compound member is a free morpheme, the accent of a resultant compound has three options: (i) the accent appears on the first member of the compound, (ii) the accent appears on the second member of compound, or (iii) the accent appears on the juncture position.  d.  If the both compounding members are bound morphemes, the accent of a resultant compound has two options: (i) the accent appears on the first member of the compound, or (ii) the accent appears on the word-final syllable.  Generalizations (48a, b) show that the left-headedness is maintained in compounds. In the combinations of  free morphemes (generalization (48a)), both members of the  compound are accented because they are independent nouns. The fact that the accent of the first member is retained on the compound means that it is preferable to choose the leftmost accent of the compound members. When a free morpheme precedes a bound one, the accent of the free morpheme remains (generalization (48b)). This is also explained by the leftheadedness.  60  The other morpheme combinations are somewhat complicated; the location of the resultant accent seems to be arbitrary, as generalizations (48c) and (48d) describe. However, those accentual patterns become predictable by dividing bound morphemes into two categories; accented and unaccented.  Generalization (48c) shows that bound-free  compounds have three options for the locus of the resultant accent. Judging from the fact that the second member is always accented but the resultant patterns are different, it is assumed that some property of the first member is a determining factor. In principle, the accentual patterns of compounds should be accounted for by the same parameters as those for other nouns. It is not plausible to assume that different parameters are active within one language. Based on this claim, the first case, i.e. the accent appears on the first member of the compound (generalization (48c(i))), is analyzed as the combination of an accented adjunct and an accented noun, and the adjunct's accent becomes the compound's accent by means of the parameter 'left-headedness'. The second case of the bound-free compounds is that the accent appears on the second member of compound (generalization (48c(ii))). It is assumed that the adjunct is unaccented.  Therefore, the accent of the second member  remains on the compound. In the third case, the accent appears on the juncture position (generalization (48c(iii))). It is also analyzed that the adjunct is unaccented, because the compound's accent does not appear on the first compound member. However, the accent of the second member does not remain on the surface, either. Here, it is important to notice that the second member bears an accent on a word-final syllable. I claim that the word-final accent shifts to the juncture position so that it is closer to the left edge. I also suppose that accent is not able to shift beyond morpheme boundaries from the fact that the word-final accent shifts up to the juncture. Generalization (48d) tells us that bound-bound compounds have two options for the locus of the resultant accent. However, these compounds should exhibit four accentual patterns, if both morphemes can be either accented or unaccented. Here, I claim that bound  61  nouns, i.e. medials and finals , do not have an accent in their underlying representations. As we have seen above, Blackfoot adjuncts are either accented or unaccented. The claim that bound nouns are unaccented restricts the combinations to two types; an accented adjunct and an unaccented noun, and an unaccented adjunct and an unaccented noun. In the first type, the accent is expected to appear on the adjunct, which happens exactly. The other type of combination requires accent to be assigned, since both members of the compound are unaccented. From the fact that the resultant compound bears an accent word-finally, I assume that word-final position is the default position for the Blackfoot nominal accent. One might point out that the word-final accent shifts closer to the left edge in a free-bound combination (generalization (48c(iii))). However, in these two cases, the kind of accent is different; one is the accent which the original morpheme bears, and the other is assigned by default. It is not uncommon that opposite edges become a target for the same phenomena in one language.  Zoll (1997) terms this pattern  'Conflicting  Directionality' and examines three phenomena in different languages. One of them is Selkup (Halle and Clements 1983, Idsardi 1992), in which the rightmost heavy (CVV) syllable receives the stress, but if the word contains no heavy syllables, it is the leftmost syllable which is stressed. Finally, generalizations regarding speaker variation are shown in (49). (49) Generalizations regarding Speaker Variation a.  Speaker A tends to make an accented vowel long and a unaccented vowel short.  b.  The adjunct omahk- 'big/old' is almost always accented in Speaker B's data while this is not observed in the data of Speaker A .  Generalization (49a) implies that Speaker A makes unpredictable accent predictable by changing the vowel length. Words which contains no heavy syllable or more than one heavy The definition of 'final' by the Dictionary and the discussion by Frantz (1991) seem to restrict finals to attach only verb roots and stems. However, some finals can associate with adjuncts and become derived nouns. 21  62  syllable are assumed to be those with a lexical accent. However, the locus of the accent is predictable if an accented short vowel becomes long in words which consists of only light syllables, and if the leftmost unaccented long syllable becomes short in words containing multiple heavy syllables. In this respect, the accent assignment is more rule-governed in Speaker A ' s grammar than in Speaker B's. Generalization (49b) indicates that the accentual information of the adjunct omahk- is different from Speaker A to Speaker B . Recall that in bound-free compounds, if the first compounding member is accented, its accent is retained as the compound's accent. Judging from the data from Speaker B , the adjunct is lexically accented for her.  However, for Speaker A , the adjunct does not bear an accent in  compounds. Thus, the adjunct is analyzed to be unaccented for him.  3.6. Summary In this chapter, I have presented Blackfoot nouns and their pitch-accent patterns. Generalizations of the three types of nouns motivate the claim that Blackfoot has a mixed phonemic and predictable accentual system.  Accent is lexically specified; therefore, the  location of an accent is not predictable in some words. However, it is predictable if a word has a heavy syllable, then the accent will occur on that syllable. Blackfoot nominal accent is quantity-sensitive in that both long syllables and closed syllables attract accent.  In  addition, this predictable part of the accentual system contains the left-headedness; the data of the compounds imply that the resolution of accent in multiply accented words, which is termed 'Accent Resolution' (AR) by Poser (1984), favors retention of the leftmost lexical accent in Blackfoot. This is consistent with the behavior of complex words in other wellknown pitch-accent languages, including many Indo-European languages and Japanese.  63  Chapter 4. Accent: Theoretical Assumptions  4.0. Introduction Up to now, I have been assuming that Blackfoot has a pitch-accent system, as Frantz (1991) states. And, as seen in the previous chapters, the language demonstrates some properties of accentual systems: contrastiveness, culminativity, and edge effects. In establishing the appropriate theoretical framework, it is necessary to consider how to deal with those properties. The definition of pitch-accent and its relation with other suprasegmental features such as tone and stress has been unclear and subject to debate for a long time. This chapter explores three major approaches to accent and develops a metrical analysis (strictly speaking, a mixed metrical-tonal approach) of Blackfoot nominal accent. It begins by presenting how pitch-accent has been treated in previous research.  4.1. Overview of Previous Research about Accent In earlier typological studies, natural languages were assumed to be divided into stress languages, tone languages, and pitch-accent languages, with respect to how prominence is realized on words. In stress languages like English, prominence is realized by some combination of pitch, vowel duration (length), and greater intensity (loudness). One factor alone is not sufficient to indicate stress.  Also, in these languages, the location of  stress is usually predictable. In tone languages, each syllable of the word is associated with a specific tone (or pitch). The occurrence of tone is lexically specified and therefore the meaning of words can differ by tone although their segmental sequences are exactly the same.  Pitch-accent languages are similar to tone languages in this sense.  One of the  differences between them is that in pitch-accent languages, the pitch or tonal pattern of the entire word is predictable given the location of the accent, e.g. a high pitch just before the pitch falls, which is lexically indicated.  64  However, the three types of suprasegmental systems are not completely different. They have some properties in common. Stress and pitch-accent fall into the same category called 'accentual system', and have such properties in common as culminative function (only one syllable per word receives accent), contrastiveness (lexical accent brings about contrast in otherwise identical words), edge effects (initial and final accents are commonly attested in the world's languages), and so on (Hyman 1977, Liberman and Prince 1977, Hayes 1995, Alderete 1999, and others). As Odden (1995) notes, the notion that 'tone languages' are distinct from 'accent languages' is a rather old one. Languages are not entirely tonal or entirely accentual: there is no clear distinction between tone languages and accent languages. Languages employing ndn-intonational pitch distinctions make up a continuum that from a theoretical point of view should be approached in terms of a set of parameters that seem to define systems as being more typically 'Tone Languages' or more typically 'Pitch Accent Languages' (van der Hulst and Smith 1988). There is no clear distinction between tone languages and stress languages, either. There is, of course, a difference between them; whether pitch distinctions within the word are lexically specified or not. However, it is not possible to categorize all languages into only three types.  For example, in Malayalam, a Dravidian language spoken in Southern  India, lexical distinctions are realized as L-tone (Mohanan 1986), or in Chamorro, the language of Guam (Chung 1983, Prince 1990) the accented vowels are lengthened. Also, a language can possess both a tone system and a stress-accent system (van der Hulst and Smith 1988).  Western European so-called 'pitch accent' systems are regarded as the  combination of tone and stress, as the stress is realized as a H-tone. Hence, as given in (1), tone languages and stress languages comprise a continuum at each edge of which is a pure tone system and pure stress system. So-called 'pitch-accent' languages are in between.  (1)  • Pure Stress  : ...  •  Pitch-Accent ...  65  Pure Tone  4.2. Theories of Pitch-Accent Because of its intermediate character, pitch-accent has been treated in various ways in various approaches.  Overall, it is possible to identify three kinds of theories for the  analysis of pitch-accent systems: diacritic accent, pre-linked H-tone, and metrical accent.  4.2.1. Diacritic Accent A n analysis of diacritic accent is first proposed by Goldsmith (1976) within the framework of autosegmental phonology. In this framework, 'accent languages' are differentiated from 'tone languages' in the respect that tonal information is not part of the lexical representation of words and morphemes. Instead, accent is represented as a lexical diacritic (*). A predictable tone melody consisting of a fixed sequence of two or three tones ('Basic Tone Melody') is inserted by the general Accent Association Rule. One of the tones in the Basic Tone Melody is designated as accented, and is associated with the accented vowel. The melody spreads over the rest of the word in accordance with the 'Well-formedness Condition', stated in (2). (2) Well-formedness Condition (WFC)  1  (i) A l l vowels are associated with at least one tone. (ii) A l l tones are associated with at least one vowel. (iii) Association lines do not cross  The derivational model of accent systems is summarized as in (3).  ' This condition is developed and termed 'Association Conventions' by Haraguchi (1977) and later work.  66  (3) Derivational Model of Accent Systems (Goldsmith 1984) Morphology ->  Underlying Representation . i  1. Accent Rules 2. Basic Tone Melody Association  I Underlying Tone Level i  Tone Rules I  Surface Phonetic Representation  4.2.2. Pre-linked H-tone The analysis of diacritic accent is questioned by Pulleyblank (1984, 1986).  He  argues that diacritic accent is not necessary in the phonological theory, and identifies a number of conceptual problems with the notion of 'accent'.  First, although diacritics are  used in metrical theory for marking certain syllables lexically prominent in order to trigger the same rules, it cannot be the motivation for the introduction of diacritics into autosegmental systems. There is no obvious similarity and no relation between the two diacritics.  Diacritics in metrical theory have a function of head-marking but accentual  diacritics do not trigger formation of any types of metrical structure. They serve to align tones and tone-bearing units (henceforth, TBU). Second, 'accent' can be represented by a pre-linked tone. The use of diacritics is analogous to the pre-linking of tones. It is not necessary to have two types of exception features for autosegmental theory. Pre-linking is an inherently less powerful device than the 'accents'.  In the pre-linking approach, pre-assignment of a tone is possible only  morpheme-internally, but in the diacritic approach, this exceptional linking is accepted both morpheme-internally and morpheme-externally (i.e. cross-morpheme pre-linking).  67  Third, one of the general properties of accent systems is that accents are limited to one occurrence per word. A diacritic accent analysis must stipulate this. Such a stipulation could not be considered an argument against a tonal analysis, as such morpheme-structure constraints are not uncommon in tone-languages.  The discovery of limitations on the  number of accents or tones that can be assigned to some prosodic unit is consistent with treating accent as a pre-linked tone. Fourth, the same tonal distribution could be accounted for both accentually and tonally. It is widely accepted that in tone languages, for a language with k tones, the number of contrasting tonal patterns in words with n syllables approaches k", while in pitch-accent languages, the number of pitch contrasts in words with n syllables approaches n, or n+1 if words can be underlyingly accentless (McCawley 1968, Odden 1995). However, languages are rarely so straightforward. Some so-called 'tone' languages restrict the occurrence of certain tones on certain syllables; therefore the number of prosodic patterns is less than k". On the other hand, it has been proposed that accents may be assigned more than one tonal melody, thereby multiplying the number of possible prosodic patterns in such an accent system. Fifth, tonal asymmetry is not restricted to 'accent' systems.  It has been claimed  that in tone languages, tones behave in a relatively symmetric fashion, whereas in accent languages, one tone (generally the H-tone) has some special status. However, the same kind of asymmetry can be observed in tone languages such as Yoruba, Tiv, and Margi. tonal asymmetry  can be accounted for by a theory  Also,  of tonal underspecification.  Asymmetries arise when some TBUs are specified for tone and others are not.  So, if we  assume that the underlying accent can only be an underlying H-tone, this asymmetry can be accounted for. Finally, tonal melodies assigned to diacritic accents are disallowed in the construction of grammar. Chomsky & Halle (1968) propose that a phonological rule such as A -> B C / P _ Q should be banned. The rules assigning tonal melodies to diacritic accents are rules of this sort, because basic tone melodies assigned to diacritic accents are  68  sequences of tones, i.e. * -> H L / P _ Q. Such rules should only be allowed if it can be demonstrated that the tonal sequence constitutes some type of single unit. To allow this assignment opens up the possibility of all manner of rules that would violate the condition prohibiting rules of the type. Since tonal melodies can be derived by pre-linking a tone and by a rule of tonal epenthesis, there is no reason to include diacritic accents  in the  autosegmental framework. In addition to Pulleyblank, Clark (1987, 1988), Blevins (1993), and others adopt the pre-linking approach. What distinguishes pure tone systems from pitch-accent ones is the underlying distribution of tones and the types of phonological rules which manipulate them. As I have mentioned above, the accentual contrasts from which each lexical item chooses its tone melody are assumed to be more restricted in accent systems than those in tone systems.  In this sense, accent systems can be considered as 'restricted tone systems'.  Phonological rules may apply over long distances in accent systems, while they apply only locally in tone systems. The pre-linked tone could potentially be either H or L , but Pulleyblank (1986: 164) claims that only H-tone must be pre-linked. Lexical redundancy should be minimal. Thus, it is necessary that the value of a pre-assigned segment be different from the default value. In Tonga, a language which had been argued to require accentual diacritics (Goldsmith 1976, 1982, Halle and Vergnaud 1982, etc.) and which Pulleyblank re-examines by means of prelinked H-tone, there is clear evidence that a L-tone is the default one (Halle and Vergnaud 1982). In certain version of the theory of underspecification (Kiparsky 1982, Pulleyblank 1986), only marked values for features are allowed in lexical entries. Therefore, a H-tone must be pre-linked in underlying representations, in spite of earlier proposals for Tonga by Goldsmith (1976, 1982), and Halle and Vergnaud (1982) that an accented syllable is associated with the L-tone of a H L melody.  69  4.2.3. Metrical Accent We have so far considered two possible analysis of pitch-accent: the diacritic accent analysis and the pre-linked tone analysis. There is a third kind of analysis that has been proposed in the literature; the metrical analysis of accent (Liberman and Prince 1977, Halle & Vergnaud 1987, Kenstowicz 1987, Hayes 1995, and others). As van der Hulst and Smith (1988) observe, there are languages in which the assignment of a H-tone is dependent on the location of stressed syllables, or the stress is given to certain syllables according to the tonal information. This approach seeks formal similarities between metrical systems and tone, such as non-local operation, binary groupings, and quantity-sensitivity.  Accent is  construed as a lexical prominence and is realized differently from one language to another as a designated tone in so-called pitch-accent languages and as a stress, i.e. the combination of pitch, length, and loudness, in stress-accent languages. Because it is necessary that either H-tone or L-tone be associated to the prominence of a word assigned to metrical structures, this approach probably should be called the mixed metrical-tonal approach. The advantage of the metrical accent is that stress and pitch-accent can be reduced to a single prosodic system as 'accent'.  The mixed metrical-tonal approach assumes that  stress and pitch-accent have the same kind of prominence in underlying representations. The primary difference between them is their realizations. In addition, as the purpose of the approach implies, it accounts for why a H-tone is attracted to certain positions and vice versa.  For example, the tonal processes operating over long-distances are naturally  explained in metrical theory, because one adjacent lexical accent is deleted due to the headedness of a stress foot . 2  4.2.4. Approach for Blackfoot Nominal Accent I claim that, among the three major proposals for the representation of accent, the mixed metrical-tonal approach provides the best account of Blackfoot nominal accent. It is conceivable that the long-distance tonal processes can be accounted for by means of the Obligatory Contour Principle (OCP) in the pre-linked H-tone approach. Hence, we cannot say that the metrical approach is superior to the other approaches with this respect.  2  70  Although the pitch-accent assignment of Blackfoot nouns requires lexical specification in some cases, it is not completely unpredictable. As we have observed in Chapter 3, heavy syllables (i.e. long syllables and closed syllables) attract an accent. This implies that accent assignment is quantity-sensitive.  This parameter,  quantity-sensitivity, is directly  represented in only the metrical theory. The metrical approach which I adopt for the analysis of Blackfoot accent is the Halle and Vergnaud theory (§1.3.1). They analyze the pitch-accent system of Standard Lithuanian nouns by the mixed metrical-tonal theory (Halle and Vergnaud 1987:190-203). In their derivational analysis, inherent accent is represented by a line 1 grid mark (*), and a tone/stress-bearing element (for accent-bearing moras within the syllable) is represented by a line 0 asterisk on the metrical grid columns. After metrical rules apply, a H-tone is associated to the stressed mora within the word. Following their idea, I formalize the lexical prominence as a line 1 grid mark.  It  surfaces on the Blackfoot nouns containing only light syllables. The generalizations of the Blackfoot nominal accent show that the accent is phonemic in these words: the pitch peak appears word-initially, word-internally, and word-finally. We cannot predict the location of the accent in these nouns. It is thus plausible to assume that accent is lexically specified in these words and the lexical accent appears on their surfaces.  In other cases, however,  accent assignment is predictable: the left-most heavy syllable attracts an accent. I assume that the parameters are set as [+HT, -BND, left] (i.e. unbounded left-headed), in addition to quantity sensitivity. In an OT framework, these parameters can be formalized as constraints. The next section briefly introduces the constraints which will be required for the metrical analysis of Blackfoot nominal accent. The accent assignment in Blackfoot nouns can be accounted for in the OT framework by the interaction and proper ranking of the constraints in (5) through (11).  71  4.3. Constraints for Blackfoot Nominal Accent As we have seen in the previous chapter, the following generalizations govern Blackfoot nominal accent; (4) Generalizations for Blackfoot Nominal Accent Bare Nouns and Relational Nouns a.  A l l nouns exhibit one and only one pitch peak.  b.  Heavy syllables ( C V V and CVC) attract accent.  c.  If a heavy syllable is W (long vowel or diphthong), the pitch is realized on the first, second, or both moras.  d.  If there is more than one heavy syllable, a pitch peak appears on any heavy syllable.  e.  If there is no heavy syllable in a word, a pitch peak appears either wordinitially or word-internally. (It also appears word-finally, but this case involves another phonological property of Blackfoot.)  f.  There are accentual minimal pairs.  Derived Nouns (Compounds) g.  If the first compound member bears an accent, it is retained and becomes the accent of the compound.  h.  If the first compound member does not bear an accent and the second compound member bears an accent except word-finally, the accent becomes the accent of the compound.  i.  If the first compound member does not bear an accent and the second compound member bears an accent on word-final position, the accent shifts to the juncture position.  j.  If neither the first compound member nor the second compound member bears an accent, the accent is assigned to the word-final syllable by default.  72  Speaker Variation k.  Speaker A tends to make an accented vowel long and a unaccented vowel short.  1.  The adjunct omahk- 'big/old' is almost always accented in speaker B's data while this is not observed in the data of Speaker A .  As the generalization in (a) shows, all Blackfoot nouns have one and only one accent. This generalization reflects 'culminativity', which is the notion that each word or phrase has only one syllable receiving the main accent, and which is regarded as a distinctive characteristic of accent (Hyman 1977, Liberman and Prince 1977, Hayes 1995, Alderete 1999, and others). A lexical form with more than one accent will never realize all of them. Moreover, in words without a lexical accent, an accent is often supplied to the surface representation. This property justifies a constraint called CULMINATIVITY, as spelled out in (5). (5) CULMINATIVITY Every word has one and only one accent.  Here, 'accent' is a 'lexical prominence', which is formalized as a line 1 grid mark. Hence, this constraint requires all Blackfoot nouns to bear only one line 1 grid mark. Although O T constraints are considered to be violable (see §1.3.2), I assume that this constraint is rarely violated in the Blackfoot grammar, judging from the observation that every Blackfoot bare noun has a single most-prominent accent per word. The generalization (b) implies that Blackfoot pitch-accent is sensitive to syllable weight.  This fact is reducible to the constraint called, 'Weight-to-Stress Principle , 3  proposed by Prince (1990).  This is stated as a principle, but it is reformalized and works as a constraint.  73  (6) Weight-to-Stress Principle (abbreviated as WSP) (Prince 1990) If there is a heavy syllable in a word, then it must be stressed.  This constraint takes effect only when candidates contain a heavy syllable; i f there is no heavy syllable in a word, it is vacuously satisfied. The generalization (c) deals with the accentual variations of long vowels or diphthongs.  I assume that the accentual differences are lexically encoded.  Thus, no  constraint is required for this observation. While the locus of a pitch peak in some nouns is predictable in Blackfoot, it is unpredictable in other cases, as the generalization (d), (e), and (f) indicate. Their accent is a realization of a lexical prominence in those nouns and therefore it is phonemic. In O T terms, the presence of a phonemic accent implies that the Faithfulness constraints are active in the language, because these constraints impose identity on the relation between input and output. General faithfulness constraints are given in (7); they consist of M A X and DEP. (7) Faithfulness Constraints* a. MAX-IO[X]: Every element of type X in the input has an identical correspondent of type X in the output (i.e. no deletion). b. DEP-IO[X]:  Every element of type  X in the output  has an identical  correspondent of type X in the input (i.e. no insertion).  In order to account for the Blackfoot nominal accent, we need a set of constraints which govern the relationship between lexical (= Input) and surface (= Output) accent, which is termed 'Prosodic Faithfulness' by Alderete (1999). The faithfulness constraints in (7) are not limited to apply to a segment or feature. They can apply to a prominence structure as well.  1 do not adopt IDENT (demanding the featural identity between correspondence) proposed in McCarthy and Prince (1995), in favor of Myers (1995) and Pulleyblank (1997) who propose that the role of IDENT is replaced by assuming that MAX and DEP directly govern features. 4  74  (8) Prosodic Faithfulness (PROS-FAITH-IO) Constraints (Alderete 1999) a. M A X - I O [ P R O M ] : Every prominence in the input must have a correspondent in the output (i.e. no deletion). b. DEP-IO[PROM]: Every prominence in the output must have a correspondent in the input (no insertion). c. NO-FLOP-IO[PROM]: Corresponding prominences must have corresponding sponsors and links (i.e. no reassignment).  M A X - I O [ P R O M ] (8a) and DEP-IO[PROM] (8b) control the presence and absence of lexical accents in words. M A X - I O [ P R O M ] enforces lexical accent to emerge in the output while DEP-IO[PROM] prevents inserted accent. NO-FLOP-IO[PROM] (8c) governs the position of lexical accents. It compels lexical accent to stay on the same prominence-bearing (accent-bearing, in this case) element (- sponsor) as in the input, holding the same autosegmental link between the prominence and its sponsor. One more constraint required for generalizations (d), (e) and (f) is an Alignment constraint.  In the OT framework, the Richness of the Base requires examining every  possible input (§1.3). Even in the case where accent is lexically specified, every lexical form cannot be guaranteed to have an accent underlyingly. Thus, it is necessary to make sure that the grammar will produce a grammatical output for a word that has no lexical accent. Judging from generalization (e), i.e. lexical accent appears either word-initially or wordinternally, an accent is realized closer to the left edge of a noun.  This edge effect is  formalized by means of an Alignment constraint which favors left-aligned pitch peaks. (9) ALIGN-L (a', PrWd) The left edge of a stressed syllable coincides with the left edge of a prosodic word.  Generalizations (g-j) describe compounds. The location of the accent is determined by the accentual property of the compounding members. Generalizations (g, h) suggest that the compound's accent must be faithful to the accent which the compounding members  75  bear. The accent of some morphemes are derived by constraints which are ranked properly. Therefore, the constraints on compounds need to refer to accents which are not in their underlying representation but on their surface representation. The set of PROS-FAITH-IO constraints in (8) governs the relationship between inputs (i.e. underlying representations) and outputs (i.e. surface representations). For the analysis of the Blackfoot compounds, a set of PROS-FAITH-OO, which refers to the relationship between outputs and outputs, is required. (10) Prosodic Faithfulness (PROS-FAITH-OO) Constraints a. M A X - 0 0 [ P R O M ] : Every prominence in the base must have a correspondent in the output (i.e. no deletion). b. DEP-00[PROM]: Every prominence in the output must have a correspondent in the base (i.e. no insertion). c. N O - F L O P - 0 0 [ P R O M ] : Corresponding prominences must have corresponding sponsors and links (i.e. no reassignment).  PROS-FAITH-OO constraints have the same effect as PROS-FAITH-IO constraints do. The difference between them is the target to which they refer. While PROS-FAITH-IO refers to underlying representations which may or may not have a lexical accent, PROS-FAITH-OO refers to the compounding members (= bases) that bear both a lexical and an inserted accent. Generalization (g) implies that the leftmost accent is retained as the resultant accent. Thus, it is analyzable that ALIGN-L (a', PrWd) is active. Generalization (h) indicates that the accent, which the second member originally bears, is retained. This is accounted for by the PROS-FAITH-OO. Judging from the generalizations (i) and (j), it is assumed that word-final accent must be prevented except for the default case. Thus, it is necessary to formalize two constraints, one of which prevents an inherent accent from remaining word-finally, and the other of which inserts accent on word-final position by default.  The former constraint can be  construed as a NONFINALITY constraint (Prince and Smolensky 1993) which restricts the  76  presence of accent on the word-final position. However, it also prevents a default accent from appearing word-finally. Although it is necessary to distinguish a lexical accent from a default accent, this is impossible, as they are not structurally different.  Here, I adopt a  locally conjoined constraint (Smolensky 1993, 1995, Ito and Mester 1996, and others), which consists of NONFINALITY and an Anti-Faithfulness constraint (Alderete 1999), as shown in (11). (11) -nDEP-PROM-00 u NONFINALITY (abbreviated as  -IDEP-NONFIN)  Lexical accent must not fall on the word-final position.  Anti-Faithfulness constraints are the negation of the corresponding Faithfulness constraints, encouraging dissimilarity where Faithfulness constraints require similarity (Alderete 1999: 132).  While D E P - P R O M - 0 0 is defined as 'Every prominence in the output must have a  correspondent in the base output, - i D E P - P R O M - 0 0 is defined as 'insert (at least) one prominence in the output not present in the base output' (cf. Alderete 1999: 133). In (11), the two constraints are conjoined in the sense of logical disjunction. Therefore, the locally conjoined constraint in (11) is violated only if both constraints -iDEP-PROM and NONFINALITY are violated, as illustrated in (12) ('xi' indicates a lexical accent while ' x ' 2  indicates an inserted accent). (12) ^DEP-PROM-00  —iDEP-NONFIN  NONFINALITY  /a a a / a. a a a b. a a a  *  /  *  *!  *  /  *  x c. a a a  2  Xl  d.  aa a Xl  e.ooo.  *  /  *  /  77  Although all candidates other than (b) violate either ->DEP-PROM-00 or NONFINALITY, they do not violate  —IDEP-NONFIN.  -1DEP-NONFIN  is interpreted  as a logical  disjunction, therefore the violation of either constraint is not enough to violate the locally conjoined constraint. It is also important to note that only the candidate (b) is excluded by - i D E P - N O N F I N even though both candidate (b) and (c) bear an accent on word-final position. The difference between them is that the candidate (b) carries a lexical accent while the candidate (c) has an inserted accent. —iDEP-NONFIN prevents a lexical accent from appearing on word-final position, but it does not restrict the insertion of accent on wordfinal position. In order to account for generalization (i), one more constraint is heeded; the constraint which shifts the accent to the juncture, but not farther. (13) spells out an another alignment constraint, which aligns the lexical accent with the left begirining of the morpheme. (13) ALIGN-L (a', Stem) The left edge of an accented syllable coincides with the left edge of a stem where the accent originally belongs.  For the accent inserted on word-final position by default (i.e. generalization (i)), one more locally conjoined constraint is required. It is given in (14). (14) -,DEP-PROM-00 n ALIGN-R ( a \ Compound) (abbreviated as -nDEP-R) The syllable into which a default accent is inserted coincides with the right edge of a compound.  In contrast with the locally conjoined constraint —iDEP-NONFIN given in (8), - i D E P -R is interpreted as logical conjunction, i.e. a candidate passes a conjunction A n B iff it passes constraint A and it passes constraint B (Hewitt and Crowhurst 1996, Downing 1998, and others). Hence, - i D E P - P R O M - 0 0 n ALIGN-R (a', Compound) is satisfied only if both -,DEP-PROM-00 and ALIGN-R (a', Compound) are satisfied, as illustrated in (15).  78  (15) -,DEP -R  ALIGN-R ( c \ Compound)  /a a a /  ^DEP-PROM-00  a. a a a  /  y  b.aoa  /  *!  *  x c. a a a  /  *!  **  2  A l l candidates satisfy - i D E P - P R O M , since they bear an inserted accent.  However,  candidate (a) only satisfies the locally conjoined constraint, —iDEP-R. The other candidates do not align the inserted accent with word-final position. Since the alignment constraint functions as a gradient constraint, candidate (b) incurs a one-syllable violation while the candidate (c) incurs a two-syllable violation. Generalizations (k) and (1) describe the differences in Blackfoot between the two language consultants. Generalization (k) implies that Speaker A makes unpredictable accent predictable by changing the length of an accented short vowel and a unaccented long vowel. Words in which a non-leftmost heavy syllable bears an accent are assumed to be those with a lexical accent. However, a predictable part of the Blackfoot accentual system could account for these words if the leftmost unaccented heavy syllable becomes a light syllable. This means that in Speaker A ' s grammar, the segmental identity between the input and the output is less respected than the accent assignment.  The faithfulness constraint which  governs the segmental identity is formalized as MAX-IO [SEG], as given in (16). (16) MAX-IO [SEG]: Every segment of the input has an identical correspondent in the output (i.e. no deletion).  MAX-IO [SEG] is ranked lower than the constraints governing the accentual system in the grammar of Speaker A . Conversely, however, the constraint is analyzed to be highly ranked in the Speaker B's grammar. This speaker provides more words where the locus of accent  79  is unpredictable, because she gives a priority to M A X - I O [SEG] over the constraints governing the accentual system. Generalization (1), concerning the accentuation of the adjunct omahk-, is analyzed as the difference in the accentual information they internalize in their lexicon. It is listed as an unaccented adjunct in Speaker A ' s lexicon while it is stored as an accented one in Speaker B's lexicon. This difference affects the location of the accent in compounds. For Speaker A , the accent is expected to appear on the noun i f the noun is accented, on juncture if the noun has its accent word-finally, and on word-final position i f the noun is unaccented. For Speaker B, on the other hand, it is plausible to predict that the accent of the adjunct omahkis always retained regardless of the accentuation of the following noun, since the adjunct is registered as accented. The next chapter will demonstrate how these constraints work and how they are ranked in Blackfoot. As we will see, all accentual patterns seen in the Blackfoot nouns are accounted for by the same ranking of the same set of constraints.  80  Chapter 5. A Metrical Analysis of Blackfoot Nominal Accent in Optimality Theory  5.0. Introduction This chapter develops a metrical analysis of Blackfoot nominal accent within an Optimality Theory framework (Prince and Smolensky 1993).  I apply the constraints  introduced in the previous chapter to Blackfoot nominal accent, and show how those constraints optimize the actual outputs. 5.1. Analysis of Blackfoot Bare Nouns First of all, let me recall the constraints for the Blackfoot bare nouns' accent in (1). (1) Constraints for the Blackfoot Bare Nouns' Accent a. CULMNATIVITY: Every word has one and only one accent. b. Weight-to-Stress Principle (WSP) (Prince 1990): If there is a heavy syllable in a word, then it must be stressed. c. ALIGN-L (a', PrWd): The left edge of an accented syllable coincides with the left edge of a prosodic word. d. Prosodic Faithfulness (PROS-FAITH-IO) Constraints (Alderete 1999) M A X - I O [PROM]:  Every  prominence  in the  input  must  have  a  output  must  have  a  correspondent in the output (i.e. no deletion). DEP-IO[PROM]:  Every  prominence in the  correspondent in the input (i.e. no insertion). NO-FLOP-IO[PROM]:  Corresponding  prominences  must  have  corresponding sponsors and links (i.e. no reassignment).  Accent is construed as a lexical prominence (§4.2.3) and formalized as a line 1 grid mark (§4.2.4). The prominence to which PROS-FAITH-IO applies is accent as well. I claim that the Blackfoot grammar requires the ranking of constraints given in (2).  81  (2) Constraint Ranking for the Bare Nouns' Accent CULMINATIVITY WSP PROS-FAITH-IO A L I G N - L (a', PrWd)  In the following subsection, I will demonstrate the ranking relation of each constraint. Through the analysis, the lexical accent is specified in the input by a grid mark i.e. x. The indices of grid marks indicate corresponding accent. 5.1.1. CULMINATIVITY CULMINATIVITY states that every word has one and only one accent. It is highly ranked and never violated in the grammar of Blackfoot, since all nouns have one and only one accent in the language; (3) CULMINATIVITY »  Other Constraints  [napi]  CULMINATIVITY  'friend'  a.  na.pi  b.  na.pi  c.  na.pi  *!  X X  *!  X  Candidates which contain no pitch peak or more than one pitch peak are eliminated by the violation of the constraint CULMINATIVITY.  82  5.1.2. Weight-to-Stress Principle Weight-to-Stress Principle (WSP) governs the locus of the accent in words having heavy syllables. The following tableau shows a case where a word contains a heavy syllable. It is crucial that WSP dominates PROS-FAITH-IO; (4) WSP »  PROS-FAITH-IO  [ki.fim] kitsim 'door' PROS-FAITH-IO DEP-IOrPROMl  WSP / ki.fim / X a. ki.fim  MAX-IOfPROMl  NO-FLOP-IOfPROMl  *  *!  *  X *r b. ki.fim  Both candidates violate DEP-IO[PROM], because there is no accent in the input and the accent is inserted in the outputs.  The optimal candidate (b), which has an accent on the  heavy syllable, satisfies WSP. One might claim that it is not crucial that WSP be ranked above PROS-FAITH-IO in (4). The importance of this ranking is clearly shown in the next tableau, where I consider what would happen if the input happened to have a lexical accent; (5) Lexical Accent Realization [ki.fim] kitsim 'door' PROS-FAITH-IO DEP-IO[PROMl  WSP / ki.fim / X a. ki.fim  MAX-IOfPROMl  NO-FLOP-IOrPROMl  *! *  X e*- b. ki.fim  Candidate (a), which bears an accent on a light syllable violates WSP, although it bears a lexical accent on the same syllable as the input.  The optimal candidate (b) violates the  PROS-FAITH-IO constraints, which is lower ranked than WSP, because the lexical accent moves from the original position to the heavy syllable.  83  Since the lexical accent X] is assumed to shift to the long vowel in the tableau (5), candidate .(b) violates NO-FLOP-IO[PROM] among the PROS-FAITH-IO constraints. However, if we assume that the lexical accent is deleted and an new accent x is introduced, 2  both candidates violate MAX-IO[PROM] and DEP-IO[PROM] instead of NO-FLOPIO[PROM]. (6) Lexical Accent Deletion [ki.flm] kitsim 'door' MAX-IOfPROMl  PROS-FAITH-IO DEP-IO[PROMl  *  *  *  *  WSP / ki.fim / x a. ki.t im 2  *!  NO-FLOP-IOrPROMl  s  x or b. ki.fim 2  In the tableau (5) and (6), the lexical accent is assumed to be on a light syllable. However, there is no evidence that the word has an accent on a short vowel.  It is necessary to  examine every possible input because of the Richness of the Base (see §1.3). In tableau (7), it is assumed that the heavy vowel carries the lexical accent in the input. Candidate (b) still wins by virtue of the WSP which dominates PROS-FAITH-IO. (7) Lexical Accent on a Heavy Syllable [ki.fim] kitsim 'door' x, / ki.rMm /  PROS-FAITH-IO DEP-IOrPROMl  WSP MAX-IOrPROMl  *  *!  Xi  NO-FLOP-IOrPROMl  a. ki.fim Xi  b. ki.fim  Even if both syllables carry accents, the heavy accented syllable is derived by this ranking of constraints; the loser violates both WSP and M A X - I O [PROM] while the winner violates M A X - I O [PROM].  84  (8) Lexical Accent on Both Syllables [ki.fim] kitsim 'door' Xi x WSP / ki.fim / MAX-IOfPROMl  PROS-FAITH-IO DEP-IO[PROMl  2  Xi  a. ki.fim x Bf b. ki.fim  NO-FLOP-IO[PROMl  *  *!  *  2  5.1.3. Accentual Patterns of Long Vowels The tableaux (9-11) illustrate cases where a word contains a long accented vowel. The long accented vowel is derived by ranking WSP above PROS-FAITH-IO. However, this ranking of constraints does not account for three different pitch-accent patterns which long vowels exhibit, i.e. high-level, falling, and rising. (9) Long Vowel (i): High Level Pitch [naa.pi] naapi 'trickster' PROS-FAITH-IO DEP-IO[PROM]  WSP  /naa.pi/  MAX-IO[PROM]  X  f  NO-FLOP-IO[PROM]  *  a. naa.pi X  *  *!  b. naa.pi (10) Long Vowel (ii): Falling Pitch [puu.ka] pooka 'kid' (A) PROS-FAITH-IO DEP-IO[PROM]  WSP  /puu.ka/  MAX-IO[PROM]  NO-FLOP-IO[PROM]  *  X  a. puu.ka X  b. puu.ka  *  *!  (11) Long Vowel (iii): Rising Pitch [pii.ta] piita 'eagle' PROS-FAITH-IO DEP-IO[PROM]  WSP  /pii.ta/  MAX-IO[PROM]  *  X  *r a. pii.ta X  b. pii.ta  *  *!  85  NO-FLOP-IO[PROM]  There is no difference among the representations of the winning candidates (9a), (10a), and (11a) in the pitch-accent patterns.  I claim that the differences in pitch-accent patterns are  encoded lexically: a H-tone is pre-linked on the first mora of a long vowel for falling pitch, on the second mora of a long vowel for rising pitch, and on both moras of a long vowel for high-level pitch. Thus, the different pitch patterns are encoded in the actual outputs, although the line one grid mark appears at exactly the same location in the long vowels. The underlying representations of these vowels are given in (12). (12) Underlying Representations of the Long Vowels a. High Level Pitch  b. Falling Pitch  c. Rising Pitch  H  H  . H  /\  I  I  5.1.4. WSP and A L I G N - L (G\ PrWd) The following tableau demonstrates a tri-syllabic word which contains a closed syllable word-finally. It is crucial that WSP dominates ALIGN-L (a', PrWd). (13) WSP »  ALIGN-L (a', PrWd)  [na.pa.jin] napayin 'bread'  ^ ^ ^ ^  CULMINATIVITY  WSP  *!  *  PROS-FAITH-IO NO-FLOP MAX DEP  / na.pa.jin / a. na.pa.jin Xl  ALIGN-L (a', PrWd)  *!  *  *!  *  *  *  **  **  **  b. na.pa.jin c. na.pa.jin Xi  d. na.pa.jin Xi  x  2  *!  e. na.pa.jin  It is important to pay attention to the comparison of the candidates (b) and (d). Candidate (b) which has the leftmost accented light syllable cannot be a winner although it satisfies all the constraints other than WSP. It is beaten by candidate (d) which has the accented heavy  86  syllable word-finally; candidate (d) violates A L I G N - L (a', PrWd), but satisfies WSP which is ranked above A L I G N - L (a', PrWd).  5.1.5. ALIGN-L (a', PrWd) The following tableaux display the cases in which a word contains more than one heavy syllable. A word containing two long vowels is analyzed in (14), which shows that it is crucial that ALIGN-L (a', PrWd) function as a gradient constraint; (14) [pi.kTi.k ii.na] 'snake' s  CULM1NATIVITY / pi.k ii.k ii.na s  MAX *!  a.  PROS-FAITH-IO DEP NO-FLOP  b.  **  s  **i  *  *  *  *  *  pi.k ii.k ii.na s  s  x c.  s  s  pi.k ii.k ii.na s  s  X  *  ***  **  ***  pi.k ii.k ii.na s  X f.  *  pi.k ii.k ii.na  x e.  ALIGN-L (a', PrWd)  pi.k ii.k ii.na s  x  d.  WSP  /  s  s  *!  X  pi.k ii.k ii.na s  s  ALIGN-L (a', PrWd) determines the degree of the violation by the number of syllables from the left edge of a word in (14). The winning candidate (c) and the second-best candidate (d) are in a tie for the constraints which dominate ALIGN-L (a', PrWd). They are also in a tie for ALIGN-L (a', PrWd) in the sense that both violate it. However, candidate (c) incurs a one-syllable violation while candidate (d) incurs a two-syllable violation.  The gradient  evaluation selects the correct output as the optimal one. Other cases of multiple heavy syllables - a word containing two closed syllables and a word containing a long vowel and a closed syllable - are presented in (15) and (16), respectively.  87  (15) [6x.ku.tok] 'stone' CULMINATIV1TY  WSP  *!  **  PROS-FAITH-IO DEP NO-FLOP MAX  / ox.ku.tok /  ALIGN-L (o\ PrWd)  a. ox.ku.tok *  Xi  *  b. ox.ku.tok *  Xi  c. ox.ku.tok  *  Xi  d. ox.ku.tok Xi x e. ox.ku.tok  * **  *!  2  *  **  (16) [kuu.pis] 'soup' CULMINATIVITY  WSP  *!  **  /kuu.pis/  PROS-FAITH-IO NO-FLOP MAX DEP  a. kuu.pis X  b. kuu.pis X  c. kuu.pis x x d. kuu.pis  ALIGN-L (o\ PrWd)  *  *  *  *  *!  **  *  *!  5.1.6. PROS-FAITH-IO and A L I G N - L (a', PrWd) In the above tableaux, the ranking of ALIGN-L (a', PrWd) and PROS-FAITH-IO does not matter, since the input has no lexical stress. However, the other accentual pattern of the noun containing more than one heavy syllable, i.e. a non-leftmost heavy syllable has a lexical prominence, shows that PROS-FAITH-IO is ranked higher than ALIGN-L (a', PrWd). (17) PROS-FAITH-IO » ALIGN-L (a', PrWd) [mii.stls] 'stick' CULMINATIVITY  Xl  WSP  / mii.st is J  MAX *  s  *! a. mii.sfis  **  PROS-FAITH-IO DEP NO-FLOP  *  Xi  b. mii.stMs  *!  *  Xi  ALIGN-L (a', PrWd)  *  c. mii.st is s  X  2  X,  *  *!  d. mii.st'is  88  *  The locus of the accent is unpredictable in mii.sfis 'stick'. This is classified as a case in which the accent is lexically specified and it emerges in the output. The ranking of ALIGNL (a', PrWd) above PROS-FAITH-IO would never select such an unpredictable pattern. If the Blackfoot nominal accent were completely predictable, the grammar would need such a ranking. Otherwise, when we assume that these words bear a lexical stress on a nonleftmost syllable, the actual candidate could not be optimal because of violating NO-FLOPIO[PROM]. However, the Blackfoot accentual system is analyzed as predictable mixed with lexical, therefore, PROS-FAITH-IO dominates ALIGN-L (a', PrWd), so that both phonemic and predictable accent are accounted for. The case in which an accent appears in word-medial position is also analyzable as having a lexical accent: the location of an accent is unpredictable because it is lexically specified. In order for the word-medial accent to be an optimal output, PROS-FAITH-IO must be ranked higher than ALIGN-L (a', PrWd). Otherwise, accent would appear on the leftmost syllable in any Blackfoot noun. The following tableau displays a case where a lexical accent is realized on the surface. (18) [so.pu.k'i] 'dollar' CULMINATIVITY  Xi  WSP  / so.pu.k'i J  MAX  PROS-FAITH-IO DEP NO-FLOP  ALIGN-L (o\ PrWd) *  Xi  a. so.pu.k i s  *!  Xi  b. so.pu.k i x c. so.pu.k i s  *!  2  *!  s  *!  Xi  d. so.pu.k i  **  s  *!  x e. so.pu.k i  2  *!  **  s  The winning candidate (a) satisfies PROS-FAITH-IO at the expense of ALIGN-L (a', PrWd) violation. The other candidates cannot be a winner, since they violate PROS-FAITH-IO which is ranked higher than ALIGN-L (a', PrWd). To be concrete, candidates (b, d) violate NO-FLOP-IO[PROM], because the lexical accent shifts from the position in the input.  89  Candidates (c, e), on the other hand, violate MAX-IO[PROM] and DEP-IO[PROM], as they delete the lexical accent xi and insert another accent x . It is crucial to rank PROS2  FAITH-IO higher than ALIGN-L (a', PrWd). 5.1.7. Summary The OT analysis for pitch-accent of Blackfoot bare nouns requires the following ranking of constraints; (19) Constraint Ranking for the Bare Nouns' Accent CULMINATIVITY WSP PROS-FAITH-IO ALIGN-L (a', PrWd)  A l l Blackfoot bare nouns show that their accents are culminative, i.e. they have one and only one pitch peak. This indicates that the constraint CULMINATIVITY is highly ranked in the Blackfoot grammar so that the output does not violate it. The locus of an accent is predictable if there is a heavy syllable; the heavy syllable attracts an accent. It is derived from the ranking of WSP above other constraints, such as PROS-FAITH-IO and ALIGN-L (a', PrWd). Tableaux (4-8) show that WSP dominates PROS-FAITH-IO, (13) demonstrates that WSP is ranked above ALIGN-L ( G \ PrWd). The ranking relation between ALIGN-L (a', PrWd) and PROS-FAITH-IO looks insignificant in tableaux (13-16), but an irregular pattern demonstrates that PROS-FAITH dominates ALIGN-L ( G \ PrWd) in (17). As well as the ranking of the constraints, the gradient evaluating function of ALIGN-L (a', PrWd) is significant for selecting the optimal outputs, as shown in (14). Tableau (18) demonstrates the case of the word-internal accent. It is construed as the emergence of a lexical accent. The PROS-FAITH-IO constraints are responsible for its presence. They restrict the lexical accent to appear in the output without any change.  90  5.2. Analysis of Blackfoot Relational Nouns In relational nouns, the actual outputs are achieved by the same rankings of the same constraints as for bare nouns. The tableaux in (20) and (21) illustrate the predictable accent cases while those in (22) and (23) show the lexical accent cases. (20) [ni.kls.sta] 'my mother' (B) CULMINATIVITY  WSP  *!  *  /ni.k'is.sta/  MAX  PROS-FAITH-IO NO-FLOP DEP  ALIGN-L (a', PrWd)  a. ni.k'is.sta *!  X  b. ni.k is.sta s  X  w c. ni.k is.sta  *  *  *  **  s  *!  X  d. ni.k'is.sta  Tableau (20) demonstrates a relational nouns which contains a heavy syllable. Candidate (c) is optimal because it is the only candidate which satisfies WSP. Although it has a onesyllable violation of ALIGN-L (a', PrWd), it is not vital, as ALIGN-L (a', PrWd) is ranked lower than WSP. Tableaux (21) and (22) exhibit multiple heavy syllables. Recall that if relational nouns have more than one heavy syllable, either one of them can bear an accent. The ranking of constraints given in (19) selects both leftmost and non-leftmost accented heavy syllables as optimal on the assumption that the accent is lexically specified in the latter case: (21) [nis.sox.kuus] 'my grandchild' (A) CULMINATIVITY  WSP  / nis.sox.kuus /  MAX *!  a. nis.sox.kuus X  b. nis.sox.koos X  c. nis.sox.koos X  PROS-FAITH-IO NO-FLOP DEP  ALIGN-L (a', PrWd)  *** **  *  **  *  **  *  *!  d. nis.sox.koos X  X  X  ***  *!  e. nis.sox.koos  91  ***  In (21), the input has no lexical accent. Although candidate (a) is identical to the input, it cannot be optimal.  The high-ranked CULMINATIVITY  eliminates it.  This  constraint also excludes candidate (e), in which all syllables bear accent. Since all syllables are equally weighted as heavy, WSP does not select optimal candidate.  The surviving  candidates (b-d) all have a two-syllable WSP violation. PROS-FAITH-IO (strictly speaking, DEP-IO[PROS]) is also equally violated by these candidates.  The winner is selected by  ALIGN-L (a', PrWd) which is lowest ranked. Candidate (b) in which the leftmost heavy syllable carries an accent beats others. (22) [nis.sis] 'my little brother/sister' CULMINATIVITY  WSP  *!  ***  / nis.sis /  MAX  a. nis.sis  *  Xl  b. nis.sis x, ^ c. nis.sis X  2  Xi  PROS-FAITH-IO DEP NO-FLOP  ALIGN-L (a', PrWd)  *!  *  * *  *!  *  d. nis.sis  In (22), candidate (c) which is identical to the input, is optimal. Any candidate which satisfies C U L M I N A T I V I T Y must violate WSP, because the word consists of two heavy syllables. PROTH-FAITH-IO plays a crucial role here. It governs the realization of a lexical accent. The winner satisfies it at the expense of one-syllable violation of A L I G N - L (a', PrWd). The non-leftmost heavy syllable carries an accent in many relational nouns containing more than one heavy syllable. This indicates that the lexical accent emerges in their surface representations. The OT analysis in (22) demonstrates this. Tableau (23) illustrates a relational noun where the word-internal light syllable is accented. Candidate (c) is optimal. Its violation of A L I G N - L (a', PrWd) does not matter, as it is ranked lower than other constraints which eliminate other candidates.  92  (23) [nu.ku.wa] 'my home' (B) CULMINATIVITY  PROS-FAITH-IO DEP NO-FLOP MAX *  WSP  / nu.ku.wa / *!  ALIGN-L ( G \ PrWd)  a. nu.ku.wa *!  Xi  b. nu.ku.wa *  Xi  c. nu.ku.wa **  *!  Xi  d. nu.ku.wa x  *!  2  *!  *  *  **  e. nu.ku.wa Xi  x  2  *!  f. nu.ku.wa  5.3. Analysis of Blackfoot Derived Nouns For the analysis of Blackfoot derived nouns, the following constraints are required in addition to the constraints for the accent of Blackfoot bare/relational nouns. (24) Constraints for the Accent of Blackfoot Derived Nouns a. Prosodic Faithfulness (PROS-FAITH-OO) Constraints MAX-00[PROM]:  Every  prominence  in the  base  must  have  a  output  must  have a  correspondent in the output (i.e. no deletion). DEP-00[PROM]:  Every  prominence  in the  correspondent in the base (i.e. no insertion). NO-FLOP-00[PROM]:  Corresponding  prominences  must  have  corresponding sponsors and links (i.e. no reassignment). b. -iDEP-PROM-00 u NONFINALITY (—iDEP-NONFIN): Lexical accent must not fall on the word-final position. c. ALIGN-L (a', Stem): The left edge of an accented syllable coincides with the left edge of a stem where the accent originally belongs. d. ^ D E P - P R O M - 0 0 n ALIGN-R ( o \ Compound) (-iDEP-R): The syllable into which a default accent is inserted coincides with the right edge of a compound.  93  It is important to note that instead of PROS-FAITH-IO, PROS-FAITH-OO (24a) refers to inputs of compounds (= bases). PROS-FAITH-IO is not crucial for the compounds since all the inputs of compounds are the surface representations which bear both lexical and assigned accent. -iDEP-NONFIN (24b), and ALIGN-L (a', Stem) (24c) are required for the free-bound compounds while - i D E P - R (24d) is necessary in the case of bound-bound compounds.  5.3.1. Compounds of Free Morphemes: Noun-Noun Compounds(i) In compounds of free morphemes, it is observed that only the accent of the first member is retained. This indicates that (i) CULMINATIVITY is highly ranked, and (ii) PROS-FAITH-OO and ALIGN-L ( o \ PrWd) are at work, as shown in (25). (25) [mii.ni.ox.ki] 'wine' CULMINATIVITY X, x /mii.ni/ + /ox.ki(i)/ 2  a. mii.ni.ox.ki Xi x b. mii.ni.ox.ki 2  *!  MAX **  PROS-FAITH-OO DEP I NO-FLOP  ALIGN-L ( a \ PrWd)  ***  *! *  Xl  c. mii.ni.ox.ki X  *  ***!  2  d. mii.ni.ox.ki Each input morpheme being considered by output-output correspondence contains one accent represented by a grid mark, but the compound needs the leftmost one only (X] in tableau (25)). A l l the other accents (x in (25)) are eliminated due to CULMINATIVITY. 2  Both candidates (c) and (d) retain an accent which a member of the compound has on the same position. However, ALIGN-L (o~', PrWd) selects candidate (c) as optimal because it retains the leftmost accent of the base. The above case does not determine the ranking relation between PROS-FAITH-OO and ALIGN-L (a', PrWd). A tableau given in (26) demonstrates that PROS-FAITH-OO must dominate ALIGN -L ( c \ PrWd).  94  (26) PROS-FAITH-00 » ALIGN - L ( G \ PrWd) [po.no.ko.mi.ta]' lorse' X,  x  2  CULMINATIVITY MAX **  /po.no.ka(i)/ + /i.mi.taa/ *! a. po.no.ko.mi.ta X, x b. po.no.ko.mi.ta 2  PROS-FAITH-00 DEP NO-FLOP  ALIGN-L ( a \ PrWd)  $ a|E $ $ $ $  *!  X,  *  *!  *  *!  c. po.no.ko.mi.ta Xi  *  d. po.no.ko.mi.ta Xl  *  **  *  ***!  e. po.no.ko.mi.ta x  2  f. po.no.ko.mi.ta  In order for the' candidate (e) to be an optimal, it has to beat candidates (c, d), which bear one accent closer to the left edge than the candidate (e) does. In the noun-noun compounds, it is more important that the accent of the first member appears on exactly the same syllable than it shifts near the left edge. It is construed as the high priority of satisfying PROSFAITH-OO . 1  As well as ALIGN -L (a', PrWd), WSP must be dominated by PROS-FAITH-00 as shown in (27).  ' It must be meaningful to mention that the juxtaposed vowels, [ai] and [i] for Speaker A, [a] and [i] for Speaker B, are replaced by a third vowel [o] at the juncture position. It is not clear if this alternation is coalescence, or a vowel [o] is inserted as an epenthetic vowel after the two vowels are deleted. This issue requires further research.  95  (27) PROS-FAITH-OO » WSP [na.pi.jox.ki] 'liquor/beer' X, x /naa.pi/ + /OX.ki(i)/ 2  CULMINATIVITY *!  a. na.pi.jox.ki Xi x b. na.pi.jox.ki 2  MAX **  PROS-FAITH-OO DEP NO-FLOP  WSP  ALIGN-L (a\ PrWd)  *  *!  *  ***  *  *  *  Xl  c. na.pi.jox.ki *  *!  x e. na.pi.jox.ki  *  *!  x f. na.pi.jox.ki  *  Xi  d. na.pi.jox.ki 2  ** *  *!**  2  Although the input has a long vowel word-initially, it becomes short one in the output. The higher ranking of WSP above the PROS-FAITH-OO constraints chooses candidate (e) as optimal, which is not an actual output. Candidate (c), which is the actual output, violates WSP, although it retains the accent on the word-initial vowel.  The emergence of the first  member's original accent is more important than assigning it to heavy syllables in the compounds. Therefore, WSP must be dominated by PROS-FAITH-OO.  5.3.2. Compounds of a Free Morpheme and a Bound Morpheme 5.3.2.1. Free-Bound: Noun-Noun Compounds(ii) The following tableau demonstrates the second type of noun-noun compound, which is a combination of an independent noun and a medial or a final. Since the accented noun precedes the unaccented noun, the accent of the first member of the compound becomes the resultant accent. This is depicted in (28).  96  (28) [aa.kii.ko.wan] 'girl' CULMINATIVITY /aa.kii/ + /-i.ko.wan/  PROS-FAITH-OO MAX DEP NO-FLOP  *  *!  WSP  ALIGN-L (o\ PrWd)  ***  a. aa.kii.ko.wan  *!  Xi  **  b. aa.kii.ko.wan Xi  **  *  c. aa.kii.ko.wan x d. aa.kii.ko.wan  *!  *!  ***  **  x e. aa.kii.ko.wan  *!  *!  **  **  2  2  The first member of the compound is an independent noun, in which the accent is lexically specified on the second heavy syllable. The constraint ranking for the Blackfoot nominal accent forces the lexical accent to remain on the compound, regardless of the accentual property of the second member . 2  5.3.2.2 Bound-Free: Adjunct-Noun Compounds(i) Since all free morphemes are supposed to be accented on the surface, the locus of the resultant accent of bound-free compounds is determined by the accentual property of the bound morpheme, i.e. adjuncts. If the adjunct is accented, the accent is retained. If the adjunct is unaccented, the accent of the following noun is retained. However, the latter case is more complicated. If the adjunct is unaccented and the noun has an accent on word-final position, the resultant accent appears at the juncture. These observations are summarized in (29). (29) Combinations of an Adjunct with a Noun and the Location of the Accent Type  Accent of Adjunct  Accent of Noun  Accent of Compound  A  Yes  Anywhere  Accent on Adjunct  B  No  Anywhere, except word-final  Accent on Noun  C  No  Word-final  Accent on juncture  The example in (28) does not clearly show that the final -ikoan is unaccented. The compound in which the medial is followed by an independent noun would prove the accentual property of the Blackfoot dependent nouns. However, such compounds are not found in the collected data. 2  97  Let us see these combinations in order. The tableau in (31) shows a type A combination, i.e. an accented adjunct and an accented noun. (30) [pi.sa.faa.pii.nju.wan] 'candy' (B) X,  x  2  CULMINATIVITY  /pisat-/+/na.pi.njo.wan/ *!  PROS-FAITH-OO MAX DEP NO-FLOP **  WSP  ALIGN-L (a', PrWd)  ***  a. pi.sa.t'aa.pii.njo.wan x  Xl  2  **  *!  ***  b. pi.sa.t aa.pii.njo.wan s  *  Xl  w  *  c. pi.sa.faa.pii.njo.wan x  *  **  **  2  © d. pi.sa.faa.pii.njo.wan  w : Intended winner © : Wrong winner I assume that the adjunct pisat- is accented for the following reasons: First, it bears an accent on the same position in other words or sentences which my language consultant provided, e.g. pisataapii 'it's awesome/ something awesome', pisatssaiski 'flower'. This is consistent with its accentual representation in the Dictionary (p. 190). Frantz and Russell mention in the introduction that their use of the accent in an entry header indicates that they assume the accented vowel (or vowels) of the stem, root, or affix carries inherent stress. The noun napinyoan is accented, since it is an independent noun, not a bound noun. However, the actual output (c) cannot be optimal in (30). Here, the leftmost accent of the bases (i.e. compounding members) is retained even if the accented heavy syllable sat in pisat- becomes short in the compound. Candidate (c) is excluded by three-syllable violations of WSP, while candidate (d) wins in spite of two-syllable violations of WSP. In order to resolve this problem, I propose to appeal to a more articulated grid structure. To be concrete, I formalize the accent of compounds as a line 2 grid mark and the lexical accent as a line 1 grid mark (cf. §4.2.4). I also make ALIGN-L (a', PrWd) more restricted; I formalize two kinds of the alignment constraints, one of which is defined at line 1 while the other of which is at line 2. The following tableau demonstrates how this works.  98  (31) [pi.sa.faa.pii.nju.wan] 'candy' (B) 1 0  X  X  X X  X  X  X  X  CULMINATIVITY (defined at line 2)  /pisat-/+/na.pi.nju.wan/ 2 1 0  X  X  X  PI10S-FAITH- OO (Line 1) DEP MAX NO-FLOP  *!  X  X  ALIGN-L (a\ PrWd) (Line 2)  X  X  WSP (Line 2)  ALIGN-L (a\ PrWd) (Line 1)  ***  ***  ***  ***  ***  ******  **  ***  X  a. pi.sa.faa.pii.nju.wan 2 x 1 X X 0 X X X X X X b. pi.sa.faa.pii.nju.wan 2 x 1 X X X 0 X X X X X X c. pi.sa.faa.pii.nju.wan 2 x 1 X X 0 X X X X X X d. pi.sa.faa.pii.nju.wan 2 x 1 X X 0 X X X X X X e. pi.sa.faa.pii.nju.wan  *!  *!  *!  **  *****  Since the accent of compounds is indicated by a line 2 grid mark, CULMINATIVITY is defined at line 2. Candidate (a) is excluded by the violation of this constraint, because it has no accent on line 2. This modification of the evaluation procedure does not affect the results already seen for other types of nouns. CULMINATIVITY is defined as 'every word has one and only one accent'. It does not matter which level it is defined at. It is satisfied by any word which has a single highest grid column. ALIGN-L (a', PrWd) which refers to line 2 grid marks (hereafter, ALIGN-L2 (o', PrWd)) must be ranked between CULMINATIVITY and PROTH-FAITH-OO.  This  alignment constraint plays a significant role in (31). It eliminates candidate (d) which is the wrong winner in the previous tableau (30). Although they have a line 2 grid mark on the same position, candidate (e) is better than (d) with respect to the violation of ALIGN-L2 (a', PrWd). It is important to note that the left edge to which ALIGN-L2 (a', PrWd) refers is not the same in candidates (d) and (e). The edge on line n is defined as the left edge of the constituents on line n-1. Hence, the word-initial syllable (i.e pi) in (d) and the first and second syllables (i.e. pi.sa) in (e) are not counted as constituents on line 1 because they do  99  not bear line 1 grid marks. The line 2 grid mark is not aligned with the leftmost constituent on the line 1 in candidate (d). It incurs a one-syllable violation of ALIGN-L2 (a', PrWd). Candidate (e), on the other hand, satisfies it, since the line 2 grid mark coincides with the leftmost line 1 grid mark. PROTH-FAITH-00 refers to the accent which the base of a compound bears. This means that the constraints apply to line 1 grid marks. Candidates (c) and (e) violate it fatally, (c) violates M A X - 0 0 [ P R O M ] , since a line 1 accent is added on the fourth syllable (i.e. pii). (e) violates M A X - 0 0 [ P R O M ] and D E P - 0 0 [ P R O M ] ; a line 1 accent is deleted from the second'syllable (i.e. 5a) and added on the fourth syllable (i.e. pii). WSP, which is supposed to refer to surface representations  of compounds, is  defined on line 2. The winner candidate (b) incurs three violations; they are not fatal: Other candidates are already eliminated by the constraints ranked higher than WSP. The next case is the combination of an unaccented adjunct with an accented noun. There are two kinds of results for the accent of this combination: one is that the accent of the noun is retained, and the other is that the accent surfaces at the juncture. The tableau in (32) demonstrates the first case, i.e. the accent of a noun remains in the compound. (32) [k'o.wa.wa.kaa.si] 'spider' 1 X Ox X X X x /k iw-/+/a.wa.kaa.sii/  CULMINATIVITY (defined at line 2)  s  2 1 0  X  ALIGN-L (a', PrWd) (Line 2)  PROS-FAITH-OO (Line 1) NO-FLOP MAX DEP  *!  X x X X X a. k o.wa.wa.kaa.si 2 x 1 X 0 X X X X X & b. k o.wa.wa.kaa.si 2 x 1 X X 0 X X X X X c. k o.wa.wa.kaa.si  WSP (L2)  ALIGN-L (a', PrWd) (Line 1)  *  *  *  *  s  s  *!  *  s  Assuming that ksiw- 'low, at ground level' is unaccented, accent (i.e. line 1 grid mark) is not specified in the input. On the contrary, awakaasii 'deer' bears a line 1 grid mark wordinitially. Candidate (a) is excluded by CULMINATIVITY, although the grid mark is retained  100  on line 1. CULMINATIVITY is defined at line 2, therefore, it eliminates (a) which has no line 2 grid mark. Candidate (c), which bears an accent word-initially, violates PROS-FAITHOO. Candidate (b) in which a line 1 grid mark is projected on line 2, becomes optimal. For the second case of the bound-free combination, i.e. the case in which the accent assignment results in the juncture, two other constraints, —iDEP-NONFIN and ALIGN-L (o', Stem) are required. The following tableau illustrates how these constraints work and where they are ranked.  1 x, Ox xxx /niit-/ + /a.t'i.kin/ 2 1 0  Xi  x, x x x x a. nii.t i.t i.kin 2 x, 1 X, 0 x x x x b. nii.t i.t i.kin 2 x, 1 x, 0 x x x x »" c. nii.t i.t i.kin s  ALIGN-L (Linel) (a', Stem)  WSP (Line2)  ALIGN-L (Linel) (a', PrWd)  *i  **  *  ***  (*,•)  *!  *  -,DEPNONFIN (Line2)  ALIGN-L (Line2) (o\ PrWd)  PROS-FAITH-OO (Line 1) MAX DEP NO-FLOP  s  s  s  s  *  *  *  s  A locally conjoined constraint - i D E P - N O N F I N eliminates the candidate (a) which has a lexical accent on word-final position. Conversely, the candidate (b) can pass this constraint because the accent it carries is not inherent X i but inserted x . 2  - i D E P - N O N F I N is  interpreted as a logical disjunction, i.e. it is violated only if both constraints - i D E P - P R O M and NONFINALITY are violated. Thus, candidates (b) and (c) satisfy it in spite of the - , D E P - P R O M violation. Candidates (a) and (b) violate the new alignment constraint ALIGN-L (a', Stem), and the violation is vital for candidate (b). Candidates (b), which have the accent word-initially, cannot beat the winner (c). Although it satisfies ALIGN-L 1 (rj', PrWd), it shifts the accent farther. The accent can shift only morpheme-internally in Blackfoot. Because of ALIGN-L 1 (a', Stem), another alignment constraint ALIGN-L 1 (a', PrWd) does not play any role in this case. Neither does WSP.  101  5.3.3. Compounds of bound morphemes: Adjunct-Noun Compounds(ii) This type of adjunct-noun compounds is the combination of an accented/unaccented adjunct and an unaccented noun. Their combinations are given in (34); (34) Combinations of an Adjunct with a Noun and the Location of the Accent Type  Accent of Adjunct  Accent of Noun  Accent of Compound  D  Yes  No (i.e. medal or final)  Accent on Adjunct  E  No  No (i.e. medal or final)  Accent on Noun (word-final)  The following tableau illustrates the type D combination, which consists of an accented adjunct and a final. The resultant accent is the accent of an adjunct.  Assuming  that an adjunct omahk- bears an accent in its input, omahkimi 'sea/ocean' is optimally selected as the winner, as shown in (35). (35) [u.max.ki.mi]"' sea/ocean' (B) 1X 0 X X X X X /umaxk-/+/-ikimi/ 2 1 0  CULMINATIVITY (defined at line 2)  ALIGN-L (a', PrWd) (Line 2)  PROS-FAITH-00 (Line 1) MAX DEP NO-FLOP  ALIGN-L (a', PrWd) (Line 1)  *  *!  X  WSP (L2)  x x x x a. u.max.ki.mi 2 x 1 X 0 x x x x b. u.max.ki.mi 2 x 1 X 0 x x x x c. u.max.ki.mi 2 x 1 X 0 x x x x d. u.max.ki.mi 2 x 1 X 0 x x x x c. u.max.ki.mi  *  *!  *  *  *!  *  **  *!  *  ***  Type E is the combination of morphemes without an accent in their input. Although it has no accent, the resultant compound bears an accent word-finally.  102  It is  assumed that the word-final position is a default position for the Blackfoot nominal accent, and that the accent is assigned there by default in order to observe CULMINATIVITY. A s formalized in the previous chapter, a locally conjoined constraint —iDEP-R will give an account for this case. Tableau (36) illustrates that the default accent is assigned wordfinally in the type D combination. (36) [si.k i.kaa] 'Blackfoot' s  1 Ox xx /sik-/ + /-ika-/ 2 1 0  CULMI NATIVITY (Line2)  3  -iDEP-  NONFIN (Line2)  Pi IOS-FAITH- OO (Line 1) DEP MAX NO-FLOP  (Line2)  ALIGN-L (Linel) (a', Stem)  ALIGN-L (Linel) (o", PrWd)  *(*,•)  *!  x x x a. si.k i.kaa 2 x, 1 x, 0 x x x b. si.k i.kaa 2 xi 1 x, 0 x x x c. si.kM.kaa  -iDEP-R  s  *[(•/, **) (•,•)  s  2 x, 1 x, 0 x x x &~ d. si.k'i.kaa  (A/)  *  (A*)  *  *!(•,*)  *  *  **  Candidate (a), which is identical with the input in terms of accent, is defeated by the violation of CULMINATIVITY;  the compound must receive an accent by default.  Candidate (b) would be selected as an output by ALIGN-L 1 (a', PrWd) if it were not for - i D E P - R above. This locally conjoined constraint renders the candidate (d) optimal because it has the effect of aligning the default accent with the word-final position and it is ranked higher than ALIGN-L (a', PrWd).  - i D E P - R is interpreted as a logical conjunction; a  candidate passes a conjunction A n B iff it passes constraint A and it passes constraint B . A l l candidates other than the winner (d) do not pass - i D E P - R , because candidate (a) does not satisfy - , D E P - P R O M  and candidates (b, c) do not satisfy ALIGN-R ( a \ PrWd).  Although the winning candidate (d) has an accent word-finally, it does not violate - i D E P -  ALIGN-L2 (o', PrWd) and WSP are not shown in this tableau because all the candidates are in tie for both constraints.  3  103  NONFIN.  Because this constraint is interpreted as a logical disjunction, it excludes a  candidate iff the candidate violates both -iDEP and NONFIN. Candidate (d) violates NONFIN, but satisfies -iDEP. Hence, it does not violates the locally conjoined constraint.  5.3.4. Summary Blackfoot compounds exhibit four types of accentual patterns; (i) the accent of the first compound member is retained (type A and D), (ii) the accent of the second compound member is retained (type B), (iii) the accent of the second compound member shifts to the juncture (type C), and (iv) the accent is assigned to the word-final syllable by default (type E). A l l the patterns are accounted for by the ranking of constraints given in (37). (37) Constraints and Their Ranking for the Blackfoot Compounds' Accent CULMINATIVITY ^ D E P - P R O M - 0 0 U NONFINALITY (for Type C) ALIGN-L2 (a\ PrWd) PROS-FAITH -OO ^ D E P - P R O M - 0 0 n ALIGN -R ( a \ Compound) (for Type E) ALIGN-L ( a ' , Stem) (for Type C) WSP  I ALIGN-L 1 ( a ' , PrWd)  A l l the inputs of compounds are the surface representations which bear both lexical and assigned accent.  Therefore, PROS-FAITH-00  is active, not PROS-FAITH-IO.  By  formalizing the accent of compounds as a line 2 grid mark, CULMINATIVITY and WSP are defined at line 2. Since the compound's accent projects the leftmost accent of the base, it is necessary to be dominated ALIGN-L ( a ' , PrWd) by WSP.  However, the alignment  constraint is required to be lowest-ranked among the constraints for the bare/relational 104  nouns. In order that the grammar has a single ranking of constraints, ALIGN-L (a', PrWd) is sub-divided into two constraints depending on which line it refers to; i.e. ALIGN-L 1 (a', PrWd) and ALIGN-L2 (a', PrWd). Types A , B and D are achieved by the same set of constraints; CULMINATIVITY, ALIGN-L2 (a', PrWd), PROS-FAITH -OO, WSP, and ALIGN-L 1 (a', PrWd).  The other  two patterns need a few more constraints. In order to have type C, two constraints are invoked. One prohibits a base accent from staying word-finally, and the other aligns it to the juncture position.  The former constraint is formalized as a local conjunction of  NONFINALITY (Prince and Smolensky 1993) and - . D E P - P R O M - O O , one of the AntiFaithfulness constraints (Alderete 1999) which is construed as an alignment constraint whose directionality is entirely opposite of the general alignment constraint Blackfoot has. The fourth accentual pattern (i.e.type E) requires another locally conjoined constraint, namely, - i D E P - P R O M - 0 0 n ALIGN -R (a', Compound). It restricts the accent insertion to word-final position by default.  Thus, it does not conflict with the third accentual  pattern, where a lexical accent is not allowed to appear on word-final position.  5.4. Speaker Variation The differences between the two speakers and the Blackfoot Dictionary indicate that the locus of accent is less lexically conditioned in Speaker A ' s Blackfoot than in Speaker B's. Recall the differences I have mentioned in previous chapters; one is that Speaker A tends to make an accented vowel long and an unaccented vowel short, and the other is that the adjunct omahk- 'big/old' is almost always accented in speaker B's data while this is not observed in the data of Speaker A . As presented in Chapter 4, M A X - I O [SEG] needs to be added to a set of constraints. (38) MAX-IO[SEG]: Every segment of the input has an identical correspondent in the output (i.e. No deletion).  105  M A X - I O [SEG] is deduced to be dominated by the other constraints in the grammar of Speaker A : Otherwise, he would not alternate the length of a vowel depending on its accentual property. The tableau in (39) illustrates how Speaker A ' s strategy works: (39) rma.taa.kil 'potato' (Speaker A) CULMINATIVITY  Xi  WSP  /maa.taa.ki/ Xi  MAX  PROS-FAITH-IO DEP NO-FLOP  *!  ALIGN-L ( a \ PrWd) *  MAX-IO [SEG]  *  *  a. maa.taa.ki Xi  b. ma.taa.ki  *  *!  Xi  c. maa.ta.ki Xi  x  *  *  2  d. maa.taa.ki  By alternating the word-initial unaccented long syllable maa into a short syllable ma, the accented long syllable taa becomes the only heavy syllable in the word. The high-ranking constraints CULMINATIVITY and WSP exclude candidates (d) and (a) respectively. Candidate (c), although it bears an accent on the leftmost heavy syllable, is eliminated by the violation of NO-FLOP-IO[PROM].  Constraints concerning pitch-accent must be  ranked higher than MAX-IO[SEG]. The optimal output (b) violates MAX-IO[SEG] in that it deletes a vowel of the word-initial syllable. But, it beats the other candidates because of its low ranking. In the case of Speaker B , however, this ranking of constraints does not work, because it is candidate (a) which should be optimal for her. It is necessary to rerank the constraints, as shown in (40).  The Dictionary form maataak is a stem and maataaki is the input, since Blackfoot grammar contains 'nonparticular suffix', - J ; if a noun is not particular in reference, a suffix -/ is added. Although it seems to me that both speakers do not always apply this rule, I assume with respect to this noun, this rule is obligatory. 1  106  (40) [maa.taa.ki(s)] 'potato' (Speaker B) 2  CULMINATIVITY  Xi  /maa.taa.ki/  MAX-IO  MAX  [SEG]  ALIGN-L  PROS-FAITH-IO  WSP  DEP  NO-FLOP  ( a \ PrWd)  *  Xi  *  a. maa.taa.ki  *  *!  Xi  b. ma.taa.ki  *  Xl  *!  c. maa.taa.ki  *  Xl  d. maa.taa.ki  *  *!  Xi x2 e. maa.taa.ki  Candidate (b) which carries a predictable accent, is eliminated by the violation of M A X [SEG]. Instead, candidate (a), bearing an accent on the non-leftmost heavy syllable, wins in spite of the violation of WSP and ALIGN-L (a', PrWd). This is because the ranking of M A X [SEG] is higher than that of WSP. Other candidates in (40) are excluded by CULMINATIVITY, WSP, and PROS-FAITH, which are ranked higher than ALIGN-L (a', PrWd). Tableaux (39) and (40) indicate that different rankings bring about different outputs for the same words. The following tableaux show the difference in the accentual pattern of the adjunct omahk-. Speaker A ' s data is given in (41), which demonstrates the combination of the unaccented omaxk- and an accented noun.  The tableaux in (42) and (43) examine the  adjunct-noun compounds of Speaker B . (41) [u.max.k paa,t i.ku] 'sandhills/desert' (Speaker A) s  s  CULMINATIVITY  Xi  MAX  /omaxk-/ + /spaatMku/  *!  PROS-FAITH-OO DEP NO-FLOP  *  X  s  *!  2  b. o.max.k'paa. fi.ku  *!  ** *  Xi  «»• c. o.max.kspaa.tsi.ku  2  ALIGN-L (a', PrWd)  **  a. o.max.k paa.t i.ku s  WSP  Speaker B said that both maataaki and maataakis are attested.  107  **  The actual output retains a pitch peak on the same position as the input does. Assuming that the adjunct omahk- is unaccented, candidate (c) becomes optimal, thanks to PROSF A I T H - 0 0 above A L I G N - L ( G \ PrWd). On the other hand, it is consistent that the adjunct omaxk- is accented in Speaker B's compounds. How the actual outputs become optimal is illustrated in (42) and (43). (42) [u.max.ka.ta.jo] 'cougar' (Speaker B) Xi x /omaxk-/ + /natajo/ 2  CULMINATIVITY MAX *!  a. u.max.ka.ta.jo x b. u.max.ka.ta.jo 2  Xi  PROS-FAITH-00 DEP NO-FLOP  WSP  ALIGN-L (rj\ PrWd)  **  *  *  *  *  *  ***|  WSP  ALIGN-L (a\ PrWd)  c. u.max.ka.ta.jo  (43) [u.max.ki.mi] 'sea/ocean' (Speaker B) CULMINATIVITY  Xi  MAX  /umaxk-/ + /-ikimi/ *!  PROS-FAITH-00 DEP NO-FLOP  *  *  a. u.max.ki.mi  *  Xi  b. u.max.ki.mi  *  *!  X,  c. u.max.ki.mi x d. u.max.ki.mi x e. u.max.ki.mi 2  2  *  *!  *!  *  **  *!  *!  *  ***  In both (42) and (43), the accent which the adjunct omahk- bears is construed as the leftmost accent.  Thus, the outputs are accounted for by the constraint ranking for  compounds which we have seen in previous section. 5 . 5 . Conclusion of the Chapter In this chapter, I have illustrated how the Blackfoot nominal accent is analyzed in OT. The analysis has proposed that the accentual patterns found in any type of nouns are accounted for with the same constraint ranking in (44).  108  (44) Constraints and Their Ranking for the Blackfoot Compounds' Accent CULMINATIVITY - i D E P - P R O M U NONFINALITY  ^  ALIGN-L2 (a', PrWd) Constraints for Compounds  PROS-FAITH -OO ^DEP-PROM n ALIGN-R (a', Compound)  I ALIGN-L 1 (a', Stem) <r MAX-IO[SEG] (Speaker B)  I  WSP PROS-FAITH-IO ALIGN-L 1 (a', PrWd) <r M A X -IO[SEG] (Speaker A) In Blackfoot bare nouns and relational nouns, a heavy syllable attracts an accent. However, when a word has no heavy syllables or multiple heavy syllables, the lexical accent surfaces. These patterns are explained by the ranking of the following constraints; CULMINATIVITY »  WSP »  PROS-FAITH-IO »  ALIGN-L 1 (a', PrWd).  In Blackfoot compounds, the location of the accent depends on the accentual properties of the compounding members. The generalization is summarized in (45). 1 member st  2  nd  member  Compound  accented  accented  Accent on 1 member  accented  unaccented  Accent on 1 member  b  unaccented  accented (except word-final)  c  unaccented  accented (word-final)  Accent on juncture  d  unaccented  unaccented  Accent on word-final  a  st  st  Accent on 2  nd  member  If the first member of a compound is accented, the accent is retained (45a). If not, the location of the resultant accent is determined by the accentual property of  109  the second  compounding member. If the second member is accented and the accent appears on non word-final position, that accent is retained on the same position (45b).  If the second  member is accented and the accent appears on word-final position, it shifts to the juncture (45c). If the second member is unaccented, accent is assigned on word-final position by default (45d).  The accentual pattern (45a) and (45b) are achieved by the ranking of  CULMINATIVITY »  ALIGN-L2 ( o \ PrWd) »  PROS-FAITH-00 »  WSP »  ALIGN-  L l ( a ' , PrWd). (45c) requires -,DEP-PROM u NONFINALITY and ALIGN-L ( o \ Stem) while (45d) does -,DEP-PROM n ALIGN-R ( a ' , PrWd), in addition to the constraints shown above. I have also examined a type of variation between my Blackfoot language consultants. One speaker (Speaker A ) often changes the length of vowels, so that the accent of these words becomes predictable by the parameters.  Although the language possesses a mixed  phonemic and predictable accentual system, it is assumed that Speaker A takes advantage of the parameters even for words with phonemic accent. In this sense, Speaker A is more strategic than Speaker B. On the other hand, the lexical accents are more respected in the grammar of Speaker B. The locus of accent is consistent with the description in the Dictionary. Assuming that the pitch-accent patterns shown in the Dictionary are general ones, it is plausible to assume that the lexical accent is more retained in Speaker B's Blackfoot compared with that of Speaker A . These instances of speaker variation can be accounted for by reranking a common set of constraints in OT. In the grammar of Speaker A , the constraints concerning accent assignment are ranked higher than such a segmental faithfulness constraint as M A X - I O [SEG] while the ranking is the opposite in Speaker B's grammar.  110  Chapter 6. Implications of the Irregular Pitch-Accent Patterns  6.0. Introduction So far, I have discussed general pitch-accent patterns that can be accounted for by the interaction of constraints which are responsible for deriving regular accent in an O T analysis. However, quite a few items are not accounted for by the analysis developed in Chapter 5. In this chapter, I present the data which do not follow the generalizations, and discuss what they imply. Those irregular data can be divided into three sub-groups and each can be given a reasonable account by the interaction of the accent system with other aspects of Blackfoot phonology. This chapter first examines a set of nouns where the pitch peak appears wordfinally, which is independently motivated as a reasonable class of exceptions (§6.1). Second, it discusses a vowel length alternation, what Frantz (1991) calls, 'variable length vowels' (§6.2). This chapter concludes with the cases concerning multiple or non-existent pitch peaks, which require future research from other aspects of Blackfoot linguistics (§6.3). 6.1. Accent in Word-Final Position The first subset of exceptions consists of nouns whose pitch peaks appear wordfinally. In addition to the data given in (15) of Chapter 3, each speaker provided some words bearing a word-final accent, as shown in (1). (1) Accent on Word-Final Position CV.CV a. [ma.mi]  mami  'fish' (=(15a)in Chapter 3)  mamii (p.123)  b. [so.po]  sopo  'wind' (= (15b) in Chapter 3)  sopo  (p.218)  c. [na.pi]  napi  'friend' (= (15c) in Chapter 3)  napi  (p.133)  d. [pu.ji]  poyi  'gas, oil' (A)  poyii  (p. 192)  e. [ki.ni]  kini  'rosehip/tomato' (B)  kiriii  (p. 116)  111  vc.cv f. [ox.ki]  ohki  'water'(A)  aohkii (p. 11)  ohkii  'bone' (B)  ohkin (p. 139)  h. [ma.ko.ji] makoyi  ' w o l f (A) (= (15d) in Chapter 3)  makoyi (p. 122)  i. [ma.to.ji]  'alfalfa' (A) (= (15e) in Chapter 3) matoyihko (p. 124) 'area of grass'  vc.cw g. [ux.kii] CV.CV.CV  matoyi  j . [tTka.fi] tsikatsi  'grasshopper' (A)  tsikatsli (p. 235)  k. [po.no.ka] ponoka  'elk' (B)  ponoka (p. 192)  1. [ma.fi.ni] matsini  'tongue' (B)  matsini (p. 124)  'day' (B)  ksiistsiko (p. 118)  n. [k ii.st ik.ku]ksiistsikkd 'day' (A)  ksiistsiko (p. 118)  CV.CCV.CV m. [k i.st i.ku] ksistsiko s  s  CW.CCV.CV s  s  There are three possible accounts for this subset: (i) the accent is idiosyncratic, i.e. it is lexically specified; (ii) the accent is assigned by default; or (iii) it is a result of vowel length neutralization. The first possibility is excluded. Idiosyncrasy is a last resort, and the grammar should not include it as long as there are other possibilities. The second account is termed 'conflicting directionality' by Zoll (1997), as I have mentioned in Chapter 3. It claims that the unmarked case and the marked one will be determined by opposite directional constraints.  However, there is no environmental difference between the  unmarked pitch-accent pattern and the marked one in the Blackfoot case. The Selkup stress pattern, one of the examples in Zoll, shows that the presence of a heavy syllable makes a distinction between the regular pattern and the default pattern. In this language, the rightmost heavy syllable receives the stress, but if the word contains no heavy syllables, the leftmost syllable is stressed.  In Blackfoot, both edge effects are seen in the same  112  circumstances; the accent appears both word-initially and word-finally in words which consist of only light syllables. Hence, conflicting directionality does not account for the Blackfoot data. The third proposal, namely vowel length neutralization, is more plausible than the others. In Blackfoot, the word-final position is analyzed as a place where vowel length is neutralized. It does not matter if one pronounces a vowel as short or long in this position. Strong evidence for this claim is that Speaker A pronounces the word for 'alfalfa' as matoyi in which the word-final vowel is short, or as matoyii in which the word-final vowel is long. Also, in the same items, Speaker B makes the word-final vowel long with fair consistency. The data are given in (2). (2)  Speaker A  Speaker B  Gloss  a.  [pu.ji]  poyi (=(ld))  [pu.jii]  poyii  'gas, oil'  b.  [ox.ki]  ohki (= (If))  [ox.kii]  ohkii  'water'  c.  [ma.to.ji]  matoyi (=(li))  d.  [fi.ka.tl]  tsikatsi (= (lj)) [fi.ka.fri]  [ma.to.jii] matoyii 'grass (hay)' tsikatsii 'grasshopper'  Frantz (1991) mentions vowel length neutralization as well. According to him, word-final vowels in Blackfoot are generally voiceless, so there can be no contrast between short and long vowels at the end of the word . Word-final vowels are voiced in most of the words by 1  the consultants to whom I had access , this is characteristic of so-called 'New Blackfoot' 2  (§ 1.4.4) where devoicing is being lost. However, I assume that New Blackfoot still has the word-final vowel length neutralization. Frantz also implies that the underlying length of word-final vowels can be discerned the forms with a plural suffix: "we still write vowels as short or long in this position based on their length when a suffix is added" (p.5). The descriptions in the Dictionary imply that  ' I do not quite agree with his discussion about the cause of the neutralization, but I accept his claim that vowel length is neutralized at word-final position. Speaker B still has word-final devoicing in some words; e.g. [u.waa] owaa 'egg', [ii.k i.sa.ku] iiksisako 'meat', etc. 2  s  113  the length of the word-final vowel is short in some words, but the comparison of the singular forms with the plural forms produced by the consultants tells us that the plural forms of most nouns in (1) have a long vowel in the word-final position; (3) Plural Forms ofNouns with Word-Final Accent Singular  Gloss  Plural  CV.CV a.  [mami]  [ma.mii.ja]  mamiiya (A)  [ma.miik ]  mamiiks (B)  5  'fish/fishes'  b.  [so.po]  (No form was volunteered.)  'wind'  c.  [na.pi]  [na.piik ]  'friend/friends'  d.  [pu.ji]  (No form was volunteered.)  e.  [ki.rii]  [ki.niik ]  kiniiks  [ox.ki]  [ox.kii.ja]  ohkiiya (A)  [ox.kii.st ]  ohkiists (B)  napiiks  5  s  'gas, oil' (A) 'rosehip/ rosehips' (B)  VC.CV f.  5  'water/waters'  vc.cw g.  [ux.kii]  (No form was volunteered.)  'bone/bones' (B)  CV.CV.CV h.  [ma.ko.ji]  [makoyiiya] makoyiiya  'wolf/wolves' (A)  i.  [ma.to.ji]  [matoyiiya] matoyiiya  'alfalfa/alfalfas' (A)  j.  [t'i.ka.fi]  [fi.ka.tTik ] tsikatsiiks  'grasshopper/ grasshoppers' (A)  k.  [po.no.ka]  [po.no.ka.jii] ponokayii  1.  [ma.fi.ni]  [ma.t i.niist ]  5  s  s  matsiniists  'elk/elks' (B) 'tongue/tongues' (B)  CV.CCV.CV m.  [k i.st i.ko] s  s  [k i.st i.kuus] ksistsikoos  'day/days' (B)  [k i.st i.kuii.ja] ksiistsikooya  'day/days' (A)  s  s  CVV.CCV.CV n.  [k ii.st ik.ku] s  s  s  s  114  The data in (3) suggest that word-final vowels are originally long but realized as short due to neutralization. Based on this, I claim that accented word-final vowels are all derived from long vowels. It is not clear whether the word-final vowel is long or short in such words as sopo 'wind' (3b) and poyi 'gas, oil' (3d), and they might be short originally. However, it can be analyzed that the word-final vowel of these word is stored as long in the lexicon. In summary, i f word-final accented vowels are underlyingly long, these words follow the generalizations. Although all the final vowels have not been shown to be long on the basis of suffix-induced alternations, a significant number have been demonstrated to alternate under the condition of such affixation. 6.2. Variable Length Vowels The second subset of irregular data is analyzed as having something to do with vowel length alternation. The relevant examples are presented in (4). (4) Data containing a variable length vowel CV.CW a.  [ka.jii]  kayii  'dried meat' (B)  kayiis (p. 114)  atsi tsi  '(one) glove' (A)  atsi' tsi (p. 15)  sapoopis  'feather' (B)  saapo p 'plume' (p. 196)  atsutsus  '(one) glove' (B)  atsi'tsi (p.l 5)  awakaasi  'deer' (B)  awakaasii (p. 16)  V.CVC.CV b.  [a.t i?.t i] s  s  CV.CV.CVC c.  [sa.po.pis]  (C)V.CVV.CVC d.  [a.t ii.t is] s  s  V.CV.CW.CV e.  [a.wa.kaa.si]  CV.CVV.CV.CV.CV f.  [ma.fii.ka.pi.sa]  matsiikapisa 'frog' (B)  115  matsiyikkapisaa (p. 124)  v.cvc.cv.cv.cvc g.  [a.pas.ta.mi.nam]  apastaminam 'apple' (B)  apasstaamiinaamm (P-7)  Data in (4) show that the word-initial light syllable has a pitch peak in spite of the presence of a heavy syllable. According to Frantz (1991), vowel length alternation may occur in the first syllable of some morphemes in Blackfoot (p.80).  Whether vowels are short or long depends on  their morphological environment . Here are examples of such vowels (from Frantz 1991: 3  81). (5) Variable Length Vowels a. aanii-wa say-3s  4  'he said'  b.  a-waanii-wa dur-say-3s  'he says'  c.  nit-a'ki-aa-wa ls-hit-theme-3s  'I hit him'  d.  nit-aanii ~ nit-anii ls-say  'I said'  e.  n-imaat-anii-hpa ls-neg-say-TI  'I didn't say'  f.  nits-ikakomimm-a-wa ls-love-theme-3s  'I love her'  g.  aanii-t ~ ariii-t say-2s(imp)  'say (something)!'  Variable length vowels are long if they are (i) in the first syllable of a word (data in (5 a)), (ii) preceded by a semivowel, in the same morpheme, that is not deleted by the rule of Semivowel Loss (data in (5b)), and (iii) preceded by the vowel / (data in (5c)). If the only 5  Taylor (1969)firstdescribes this alternation (Frantz 1991:80). Is = first person singular, 2s = second person singular, 3s = third person singular, dur = durative prefix, theme = direct theme suffix, neg = negation, TI = transitive inanimate theme suffix, imp = imperative suffix. G ->0 / C _ , where C (glottal stop) 3  4  5  116  syllable preceding a variable length vowel is a person prefix (nit-, kit-, and ot-), the vowel may be either long or short, as in (5d). They are realized as short elsewhere as shown in (5e) and (5f). Also, even in the environment (i), such a vowel occasionally may be heard as short, but only if unaccented, as (5g) illustrates. Examples given in (5) show that the variable length vowels occur in verbs (5a, b, d, e, g) and in suffixes (5c, f). It is not clear whether these vowels occur in nouns as well. Even if these vowels also occur in nouns, and the short accented vowels in (4) are such vowels, they should not be short, but long. They are in the first syllable of a word (i.e. environment (i)). Although they may be short sometimes in this position, it is not possible in this case because they are accented. However, I propose that they are variable length vowels. This proposal is based on the following! First, data in (4a) and (4g) have another token in which the accented vowel is realized as long, as shown in (6). (6) Token 1  Token 2  a.  [ka.jii] (=4a)  [kaa.jii]  'dried meat'(B)  b.  [a.pas.ta.mi.nam] (= 4g)  [aa.pas.ta.mi.nam]  'apple' (B)  Second, regarding [sa.po.pis] (4c), the initial vowel is described as long in the Dictionary, i.e. saapo'p (p. 196). This also suggests that the initial vowel of the noun is variable in length. Assuming that the two phonological phenomena, accent assignment and variable vowel length alternation, interact each other, the subset in (4) becomes non-exceptional. The accented vowel of the nouns in (4) is long when accent is assigned. The application of condition (i) should result in a long vowel in (4), but the vowel becomes short for some reason. It is not clear why these vowels are realized as short; this will be the subject of future research.  117  6.3. Pitch Peaks 6.3.1. No Pitch Peak One of the properties of pitch-accent that all Blackfoot nouns share is the appearance of one and only one pitch peak per word. However, I have recorded words whose melodies are flat. The examples are given in (7). (7) No Pitch Peak a.  [ittuwan]  ittoan  'knife'(A)  b.  [k iist iku]  ksiistsiko  'day'(A)  s  s  It is hard to decide if all syllables bear high-level pitch or low-level pitch. Instead of a pitch peak, another kind of prominence which is probably stress appears at the first vowel i and the final a in ittoan, and at the word-final vowel o in ksiistsiko. However, other tokens of the same data show that they have a pitch peak ; 6  (8) Token 1  Token 2  a.  [ittuwan] (= 7a)  [ittuwan]  'knife' (A)  b.  [k iist iku] (= 7b)  [ksiistsiku]  'day'(A)  s  s  Judging from the second tokens, I assume that they have a pitch peak as well.  It is  conceivable that putative cases of no pitch peak are some sort of performance phenomenon. 6.3.2. Multiple Pitch Peaks (M-H/H-M) Contrary to nouns that have no pitch peak, there are several tokens which have two pitch peaks. However, one is lower than the other (it is marked / "/ in the phonetic transcription);  6  1 collected those words with a pitch peak when I asked the words to Speaker A for the second time.  118  (6) Two Pitch Peaks (Mid-High) W.CVC a.  [aa.pis]  aapis  'rope' (B)  a'pis (p. 18)  piiksii  'bird' (B)  pi'kssii (p. 191)  CW.CVV b.  [pii.kli]  (C)V.CV.CV c.  [l.mi.taa]  imitaa  'dog'  imitaa (p.56)  d.  [fl.ka.tl]  tsikatsi  'grasshopper'(A)  tsikatsii (p. 235)  e.  [si.no.paa]  sinopaa  'fox' (B)  sitnopaa (p.211)  tsikatsii  ' grasshopper'(B)  tsikatsii (p. 235)  CV.CV.CW f.  [tl.ka.tli]  (7) Two Pitch Peaks (High-Mid) W.CVV g.  [uu.waa]  oowaa  'egg'(A)  owaa(p.l80)  There are three types of phonological processes which might be relevant to the appearance of so-called Mid-tone (henceforth, M-tone); boundary L-tone, downstep (or downdrift), and declination. Boundary L-tone is positioned at the edge of a phrasal constituent. It is inserted both at the beginning and at the end of a tonal domain (that Pierrehumbert and Beckman (1988) call 'accentual phrase') as a delimitative tonal mark. A H-tone which follows a boundary L-tone is lowered. Both a word-initial M-tone in (6) and a word-final M-tone in (7) would be resolved by this. Downstep is a process often reported in African tone languages. A low tone causes lowering of a following H-tone. A word-final M-tone in (7) could be accounted for by it. Declination refers to the pitch falling as one proceeds from the beginning of an utterance to the end. The farther a H-tone is from the beginning of the utterance, the lower it is realized. It is controlled not by any suprasegmentals, (i.e. tones or accents), but by time only. This would give an account to a word-final M-tone in (7).  119  However, all the three processes require the presence of more than one H-tone in a word. This means that the nouns in (6) and (7) violate the generalization that one and only one pitch peak is retained per word. In order to solve this problem, some acoustic analysis is definitely required. 6.3.2. Multiple Pitch Peaks (H-H) Blackfoot nouns have demonstrated that only one syllable receives a pitch peak so far, but the following items indicate that a pitch peak occurs on more than one syllable; (8) Pitch Peak Occurred on More Than One Syllable a.  [kitakkaan]  kitakkaan  'your friend' (A)  b.  [pookaa]  pookaa  'child' (B)  c.  [motokaan]  motokaan  'head' (B)  The pitch-patterns given in (8) are similar to those found in Tokyo Japanese.  In that  language, all moras preceding the accented mora (the one with the sharp fall in pitch) receive a high pitch (termed 'phrasal H ' by Pierrehumbert and Beckman 1988) and those which follow the accented mora are realized with low pitch.  Since the boundary L-tone  (represented as L%) is inserted at the beginning of each phrase (Pierrehumbert and Beckman 1988), there is a high-low contrast in the first two moras of a word . However, as many 7  linguists point out (Haraguchi 1977, Poser 1984, and others), the word-initial unaccented mora of a heavy syllable is not often realized with a low pitch by most speakers in regular speech. By adopting these phonetic properties of a well-known 'pitch-accent' language, the location of an accent in Blackfoot data (8) can be determined. The last syllable with a high pitch is construed as an accented syllable and others with the pitch are those bearing a phrasal H .  Haraguchi (1977) proposes by a rule called Initial Lowering Rule which makes the pitch of the first mora of a word low unless the accent is placed on that mora, but Pierrehumbert and Beckman (1988) show this to be incorrect.  7  120  (9) a.  ki tak kaan L%  H  HL  b. L%  poo kaa L % H HL  'your friend' (A)  c. L%  'child' (B)  mo to kaan  L%  H HL L % 'head' (B)  In (9), The HL-tone clusters represent the sharp fall in pitch at the accented mora. The lone H tone is a 'phrasal H ' that is inserted at the accentual phrase level and represents the target for the end of the phrase's delimitative rise.  The L % at the end of each phrase is a  boundary tone, which also is inserted at the level of the accentual phrase and which would provide the target for the beginning of the next phrase's delimitative rise i f these phrases were utterance-medial. The L % at the beginning, on the other hand, is a boundary tone inserted initially at the level of the utterance as a whole (the way of description in (9) is adopted from Pierrehumbert and Beckman 1988). However, regarding the data in (8a, b), the data from the other speaker carry the accent on the initial syllable with a high pitch; i.e. [kitakkaa] kitakkaa (Speaker B) and [puuka] pooka 'child' (Speaker A ) . For the time being, I conclude that the pitch-accent 8  patterns presented in (8) are not problematic in that they are found in another 'pitchaccent' language. However, the location of an accent is still unclear and requires further research.  6.3.4. Multiple Accents The last sub-group consists of words which look like derived nouns. They show multiple accents; (10) a.  [i.nak .st ii.pu.ka] s  s  inaksstsisi 'it's small' 8  inaksstsiipoka  'baby' (A)  + pooka 'kid'  They are described as (k)itakkaa (p.97), pookaa (p.192), and mo'tokaan (p.130) in the Dictionary.  121  b.  [am.skaa.pi.pi.ka.ni]  amskaapipikani  'South Peigan' (B) aamsskaapipikani  waamsskaap + pikani 'south' c.  'Peigan tribe'  [aa.k'is.stu.ma.tu.max.ka] iksissto  +  iimat  'without 'start' apparent cause'  (P-2) aaksisstomatomahka 'car' (A)  + omaahkaa  aiksisstoomatomaahkaa  'move along on foot'  (P-2)  = 'it starts running without apparent cause' (cf. the Dictionary:52)  Although culminativity and accent resolution are general properties of accent systems (Hyman 1977, Liberman and Prince 1977, Hayes 1995, Alderete 1999, and others), multiple accents are not impossible within a word in some languages. In her analysis of Zhemayt, a dialect of Lithuanian, Blevins (1993) argues that the multiple H-tones posited in underlying and intermediate representations in Standard Lithuanian actually surface in this dialect (p.261). However, the size of the data which show multiple accent is not large enough to claim that multiple accents are possible in some type of Blackfoot nouns. Another possibility is that such words as given in (10) are in fact not nouns but noun phrases. It is important to note that all examples in (10) contain verb-like stems; inaksstsisi 'it's small' in (10a), waamsskaap 'south' in (10b) , and iimat 'start' and 9  omaahkaa 'move along on foot' in (10c). Shiobara (1999) investigates the Blackfoot noun phrase structure, working with Speaker A . She claims that it is possible to reverse the linear order of a demonstrative stem (= D) and an intransitive verb (= VI), but the VI-D sequence functions as a sentence only. The examples are shown in (1.1). (11) Linear Order of Noun Phrases (after Shiobara 1999) a. D - VI  ann-im  sik-sinam  b. V I - D  sik-sinam  ann-im  'that black one/ that is black' '* that black one/ that is black'  It is not clear whether waamsskaap 'south' (10c) is a verb or not. However, most Blackfoot verb stems begin with wa-, I assume that it is a verb stem which means 'it is south'. (It is classified as an adjunct in the Dictionary.) 9  122  The structure Shiobara examines is not exactly the same as those we are looking at; the data with multiple accent in (10) do not contain demonstrative stems. However, assuming that demonstrative stems and independent nouns can be treated equally, it should be possible to reverse the constituents of the words in (10), i f they are noun phrases. Since I do not focus on derived nouns (or noun phrases) which contain verbs, I conclude at present that words with multiple accent are likely to be noun phrases.  6.4. Summary In this chapter, I have demonstrated the irregular patterns of Blackfoot nominal accent and discussed their implications. They are irregular in the sense that they do not follow the generalizations, but, they are not irregular in the sense that their locus of accent is idiosyncratic.  They constitute three subsets which suggest interaction with other  components of Blackfoot grammar: vowel length neutralization, variable length vowels, and the phonology and the syntax of noun phrases. This thesis does not account for all irregular data and some are still problematic, but I believe that the irregular data do not invalidate the assumption that pitch-accent is predictable in Blackfoot.  123  Chapter 7. Conclusions and Implications 7.0. Introduction This chapter summarizes what has been achieved through the research presented in this thesis, and what requires further research. While some findings were obtained, many issues still remain in Blackfoot nominal accent. However, the research made important contributions in that it was the first attempt to account for the accentual system, and in that it has laid the groundwork for future research.  7.1. Summary I have investigated Blackfoot nominal accent by adopting a metrical approach in Optimality Theory. I have also proposed a phonemic inventory and syllable structure of the language, since the analysis of Blackfoot nominal accent requires to understand them as backbones. Some irregular patterns have been examined and they indicated that they occur by the interaction of the accentual system with other phonological components of the language.  7.1.1. Phonemic Inventory and Syllable Structure The proposed phonemic inventory and syllable structure are given in (1) and (2). (1) Blackfoot Phonemic Inventory Vowels Long  Short  aa  a  Diphthongs  ai  ao  oo  n  o  01  124  Consonants Velar  Glottal  t  k  ?  t  k  Labial  Alveolar  Plain Stops  P  Strident Stops  P  Palatal  s  s  s  h  s  Fricatives Nasals  m  Glides  w  n J  (2) Blackfoot Maximal Syllable Template  a  (X) (X)  X  (X) (X) (X)  Three distinctive vowels [i], [o], and [a] may occur as short or long, or in three types of diphthongs. They are also realized as ten short vowels, six long vowels and six diphthongs, as free variants. As for the Blackfoot consonants, I proposed two types of stops: plain stops and strident stops.  The consonant inventory has been generally supposed to have both the  velar stop /kf and the fricative counterpart /x/. Instances of surface [...ks...] has been analyzed as involving the 'phoneme' fkf followed by the independent phoneme /s/. However, I demonstrated that both assumptions are problematic, and concluded that /k/ and /x/ are variants of a single phoneme, while [ks] is one of strident stops, fk /. In addition to s  that, I claimed that /p7 and /tV are included in the inventory as 'strident stops'. The Blackfoot syllables do not always have an onset and a coda. However, if they do, both onset and coda may be composed of up to two segments. I also claimed that coda  125  consonants are moraic in Blackfoot, so both long syllables and closed syllables are counted as heavy. I also discussed the components of Blackfoot syllables: margins (i.e. consonants) and nucleus (i.e. vowels). The syllabification of consonant clusters is predictable by some principles. The clusters of two consonants are always split into two different syllables; i.e. . . . V C . C V . . . . This indicates that complex onsets are more marked than closed syllables in Blackfoot.  One exception is the consonant cluster [st ]; it always belong to the same s  syllable. The principle Onset Maximization, which maximizes syllable-initial segments to the extent of the canonical syllable structure of a language, plays an important role, especially for the syllabification of three-consonant sequences.  It requires  VCiC C V 2  3  sequences to be syllabified as VQ.C2C3V, if C may form a legitimate onset with C , and 2  3  unless C C are geminates or share certain features. In the latter cases, the syllable break is 2  3  placed between C and C . 2  3  Blackfoot vowels demonstrate a three-length contrast: short (a), long (aa), and extralong (aaa). It is not impossible that languages have three distinctive lengths (e.g. Estonian), but my claim was that Blackfoot is not such a language.  What looks like an  extralong vowel is in fact a sequence of a long vowel or diphthong followed by an accented vowel. I also investigated the minimal word in Blackfoot. Judging from the fact that all lexical words are minimally mono-long/closed syllables or di-open syllables, the minimal word was proposed to be bimoraic and the language to be quantity-sensitive in that coda consonants are moraic.  7.1.2. Accentual Patterns and Accentual Systems The generalizations of the Blackfoot nominal accent are summarized in (3). (3) Generalizations for the Blackfoot nominal accent Bare Nouns and Relational Nouns a.  A l l nouns exhibit one and only one pitch peak.  126  b.  Heavy syllables (CVV and CVC) attract accent.  c.  If a heavy syllable is W (long vowel or diphthong), the pitch is realized on the first, second, or the both moras.  d.  If there is more than one heavy syllable, a pitch peak appears on any heavy syllable.  e.  If there is no heavy syllable in a word, a pitch peak appears either wordinitially or word-internally. (It also appears word-finally, but this case involves another phonological property of Blackfoot.)  f.  There are accentual minimal pairs.  Derived Nouns (Compounds) g.  If the first compound member bears an accent, it is retained and becomes the accent of the compound.  h.  If the first compound member does not bear an accent and the second compound member bears an accent except word-finally, the accent becomes the accent of the compound.  i.  If the first compound member does not bear an accent and the second compound member bears an accent on word-final position, the accent shifts to the juncture position.  j.  If neither the first compound member nor the second compound member bears an accent, the accent is assigned on the word-final syllable by default.  Speaker Variation k.  Speaker A tends to make an accented vowel long and a unaccented vowel short.  1.  The adjunct omahk- 'big/old' is almost always accented in Speaker B's data while this is not observed in the data of Speaker A .  From these generalizations, I proposed that the Blackfoot has mixed predictable and lexical accentual system. A heavy syllable attracts an accent, but in a noun with multiple heavy  127  syllables and no heavy syllables, the lexically specified accent surfaces. In compounds, the leftmost accent of the base become accent. However, if it is word-final, it shifts to the juncture of the bases. If the bases are unaccented, the default accent is inserted on wordfinal position. The speaker variation is reducible that (i) the accent assignment is more rulegoverned in Speaker A ' s grammar than in Speaker B's and (ii) the accentual information of the adjunct is different in their lexicon. 7.1.3. O T Analysis  The Blackfoot nominal accent is accounted for by the following ranking of constraints; (4) Constraints and Their Ranking for the Blackfoot Compounds' Accent CULMINATIVITY i D E P - P R O M U NONFINALITY ALIGN-L2 (a', PrWd) Constraints for Compounds  PROS-FAITH -OO nDEP-PROM n ALIGN-R (a', Compound) ALIGN-L 1 (o\ Stem)  <r MAX-IO[SEG] (Speaker B)  I WSP PROS-FAITH-IO ALIGN-L 1 (a', PrWd)  <- M A X -IO[SEG] (Speaker A)  By formalizing two sets of the prosodic faithfulness constraints according to the representation to which the constraints refer, and by appeal to a more articulated grid structure, the accentual system of Blackfoot nouns is reduced to the single constraint ranking.  128  Speaker variation is achieved by a different ranking of M A X - I O [SEG], which is ranked the lowest in Speaker A ' s grammar, but which dominates the constraints governing bare/relational nouns' accent in Speaker B's grammar. 7.1.4. Irregular Patterns I discussed three sets of irregular data and proposed possible accounts for them. The first subset consists of words in which the pitch peak appears word-finally. I argued that the word-final accented vowel of such words is underlyingly long but realized as short due to the length neutralization. The second subgroup, which shows that the word-initial light syllable carries an accent, obtains an account by the interaction of'valuable length vowels' (Frantz 1991) with &  »  accent assignment. The third group is relevant to pitch peaks. Accent is not culminative in this group; some words are realized as those without pitch peaks, some as those with two pitch peaks, some have a pitch peak made of more than one syllable, and others show multiple accents. This group of the exceptional cases requires further research from other linguistic aspects, but it indicates the possibility that it becomes regular cases. 7.2. Issues for Future Research In this section, I present issues which are raised in this thesis. In addition to the irregular accentual patterns (§7.1.5), there are at least three issues we have to think about. 7.2.1. Representation of Strident Stops It is still controversial how to represent strident stops I have proposed in §2.2.3. The model proposed by Shaw (1991) and LaCharite (1993) gives a plausible representation to these multiply-articulated segments, by means of the feature [strident], as shown in (5).  129  (5) Representations of strident stops in the Shaw/LaCharite Model [p ]  [t ]  s  Root l \ Place [-cont] [LAB]  [k ]  s  [COR] I [+strident]  s  Root l \ Place [-cont]  Root l \ ^hcej^-cont]  [COR] I [+strident]  [DOR]  [COR] I [+strident]  However, this model raises a question of how labiodental fricative [f] and bilabial fricative [$] can be distinguished. In Ewe, for example, these two sounds form ininimal contrasts (Clements and Hume 1995). Given that the feature [strident] is restricted to be linked under the [coronal] node, another feature is required under the [labial] node for the distinction of these labials. Assuming that feature, say a, exists, the next problem is whether a produces undesirable results, for example, by permitting the derivation of [k ]. f  7.2.2. Accentual Patterns of Long Syllables The Blackfoot long vowels exhibit three different accentual patterns - a high-level pitch, a falling pitch, and a rising pitch - and I claimed that the difference is lexically encoded by means of a pre-linked H-tone. The underlying representations are given in (6). (6) Underlying Representations of the Long Vowels a. High Level Pitch  b. Falling Pitch  H  H  /S  I  [ \i p]„  [ H  c. Rising Pitch H  I  \i]  a  [H  H i  This claim means that two kinds of prominences, tone and lexical stress are necessary to be specified in underlying representations. However, by adopting tonal specifications, the role of lexical stress becomes redundant; we can obtain other accentual patterns by means of a pre-linked H-tone.  130  One might claim that the accentual differences among long vowels are accounted for by invoking extraprosodicity: either the first or second mora of a long vowel is marked as extraprosodic, which is invisible to rules which refer to it, and therefore, not capable of carrying a H-tone.  In her tonal analysis of Lithuanian nominal accent, Blevins (1993)  adopts this exceptional device to distinguish morphemes with acute (falling) accent from those with circumflex (rising) accent. In Lithuanian, the tonal contrasts are found only in bimoraic syllables.  Linking an underlying H-tone to a syllable-initial mora of acute  morphemes and to the second mora of the syllable of circumflex morphemes, she makes a lexical distinction for the accentual patterns of bimoraic syllables. However, this exceptional device is not adequate to account for the all pitch-accent patterns found in the long vowels. The big difference between Lithuanian and Blackfoot is that the Lithuanian bimoraic syllables have two accentual patterns, rising and falling, but Blackfoot long vowels have three patterns, rising, falling, and high-level pitch. Long vowels with a rising pitch receive a reasonable representation, but there is no way to distinguish those with a high-level pitch from those with a falling pitch. Extraprosodicity is a subcase of a more general notion of peripherally (Pulleyblank 1986:198); extraprosodic elements must be at the edge of the prosodic domain. Therefore, it is impossible to mark the second mora of the long vowels as extraprosodic. If Blackfoot imposes a rule to spread the H-tone linked to the first mora of long vowels to the left, those with a high-level pitch can be obtained. However, those with a rising pitch are not accounted for. Another issue concerning the Blackfoot long vowels is that long vowels demonstrate three accentual types i.e. rising, falling, and high level) while diphthongs exhibit two types i.e. falling and high level. It is not clear what this gap comes from. There are two possible accounts. One is reduced to the structural difference between long vowels and diphthongs. While long vowels are represented as two V slots (or moras) doubly linked to a single melodic unit, diphthongs would be represented as two separate melodic units linked to separate V slots (or moras). The other is construed as the gap in the database. The number  131  of nouns containing a diphthong is extremely small; two for Speaker A and one for Speaker B. Rising pitch would be expected if more data are collected.  7.2.3. Nasal-Initial Stems As mentioned in Chapter 3 (fn.16), most nasal-initial stems lose their nasal when they appear in a complex word (Frantz 1991). For the stem initial m-, there is a debate about whether it is an indefinite possessor or a part of the stem. (cf. Frantz & Creighton 1982). For n-initial stems, there doesn't seem to be evidence for any internal morphological boundary (Rose-Marie Dechaine, personal communication). In the analysis, I treat a word [matapi] matapi 'person' as an independent noun, not a relational noun, from a semantic perspective. However, this word has a homonym which means 'eye pupil'.  It is possible to assume that the form for 'person' is a metaphorical  extension of'pupil', which is a relational noun. Also, if the nasal-initial stems, both m- and n-, have no internal morphological boundary, a question arises as to why the nasal is lost in derived contexts. Two possible accounts can be developed for this issue. First, the nasal-initial stems are listed with two alternative forms: those with the initial nasal and those without the nasal. The former is restricted to occur only at word-initial position while the latter occurs elsewhere. Second, Blackfoot has a constraint which prohibits not only nasals but also other sonorants, i.e. glides, from occurring at word-internal morpheme boundaries. It is important to note that in Blackfoot, glides are deleted when they are preceded by another consonant (except glottal stop) . If the deletion of the stem-initial nasals and the glide deletion occur in the same 1  contexts, it could be considered that they are identical alternations. 7.3. Final Remarks It has been assumed that Blackfoot has a pitch-accent system, as Frantz (1991) states,  although he does not show any discussion or analysis which constitutes grounds  ' Frantz formulates this as a rule called 'semivowel loss' (Frantz 1991:154).  132  for the claim. This thesis confirmed that his claim is correct, and furthermore, it established the details of the system. To account for Blackfoot nominal accent has been a big challenge for several reasons: it required  fieldwork, no one has published on pitch accent of  Blackfoot, the sound inventory and syllable structure were not clearly established, and so on. To the extent that the research presented in the thesis overcame all the difficulties, it makes a significant contribution to the study of Blackfoot in general, its phonology in particular.  Partially because of the data shortage, the analysis is not complete and  Blackfoot nominal accent still requires further analysis. However, the analysis is still meaningful as the first endeavor to tackle the issue and to elaborate the analysis will be the target of future research.  133  References Alderete, John. 1999. Morphologically Governed Accent in Optimality Theory. Doctoral dissertation, University of Massachusetts, Amherst. Baldwin, Stuart.  1994. Blackfoot Neologisms. International Journal  of  American  Linguistics. 60: 69-72. 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Phonology 14: 263-286.  140  Appendix: Blackfoot Word List CV = light syllable CVV = long syllable (syllable containing a long vowel or a diphthong) CVC = closed syllable  Bare Nouns (1) Words Containing a Closed Syllable Blackfoot Orthography  Gloss  Dictionary Form (page number)  [ki.fim]  kitsim  'door'  kitsimm (p.l 16)  [po.kon]  pokon  'ball'  pokon (p. 191)  [ae.kln]  aiksin  'bed' (A)  akssin (p. 10)  [so.maan]  somaan  'rug' (B)  somaan (p.215)  kinni  'necklace'  ohkinni (p. 140)  Phonetic Transcription CV.CVC  CVC.CV [kln.ni]  'wear a necklace' tsah.ko  'dirt/soil' (A)  ksaahko (p. 118)  isskimi  'pail' (B)  issk (p.85)  [i.min.ni]  iminni  'wing' (B)  maminn (p. 123)  [na.to?.si]  nato'si  'sun' (A)  naato'si (p.133)  [ma.ton.ni]  matonni  'yesterday' (B)  matonni (p. 124) 'be yesterday'  [na.pa.jin]  napayin  'bread'  napayin (p. 133)  [a.t'i.ki.n]  atsikin  'shoe' (A)  atsikin (p. 15)  [a.ta.piim]  atapiim  'doll' (B)  atapiim (p. 15)  [t ax.ku] s  CVC.CCV.CV [is.ski.mi] CV.CVC.CV  CV.CV.CVC  (2) Words Containing a Long Vowel(High-Level Pitch) CW.CV  1  [mii.ni]  miini  'berry'  miin (p. 125)  [naa.pi]  naapi  'trickster'  naapi (p. 131)  [kjaa.jo]  kiaayo  'bear' (A)  kiaayo (p.l 15)  [uu.pi]  oopi  'brain' (B)  o'p(p.l83)  1  Speaker A was unsure about the meaning this word, but he was'certain that it is a type of berry.  141  cv.cvv poyu  'oil' (B)  poyii (p. 192)  apiisi  'wolf (B)  aapi'si (p.4) 'coyote'  [i.mi.taa]  imitaa  'dog'  imitaa (p.56)  [ma.ta.pii]  matapii  'person' (A)  matapi (p. 124)  [ma.to.jii]  matoyii  'grass (hey)' (B)  matoyihko (p. 124)  [pu.jii] CV.CVV.CV [a.pii.si] CV.CV.CVV  'area of grass' CVV.CV.CV.CV [ii.ksi.sa.ko]  iiksisako  'meat' (B)  i'ksisako (p. 105)  (3) Words Containing a Long Vowel(Falling Pitch)  cw [stoo]  stoo  'ghost' (B)  sta'ao (p.232)  [kiius]  koos  'cup/bowl' (B)  ko's(p.H8)  [puu.ka]  pooka  'kid' (A)  pookaa (p. 192)  [saa.mi]  saami  'headdress' (B)  saaam  [na.moo]  namoo  'bee' (B)  naamoo (p. 131)  [o.waa]  owaa  'egg' (B)  owaa (p. 180)  spaatsiko  'sand' (A)  spatsiko (p.220)  [na.too.si]  natdosi  'sun' (B)  naato'si (p. 133)  [ma.taa.ki]  mataaki  'potato' (A)  maataak (p. 122)  [si.no.paa]  sinopaa  'fox' (B)  sitnopaa (p.211)  [ma.to.jii]  matoyii  'alfalfa/marifana' (A)  matoyihko (p. 124)  cvvc CVV.CV  (p. 194)  CV.CVV  CVV.CV.CV [spaa.fi.ku] CV.CVV.CV  CV.CV.CVV  'area of grass' [t i.ka.tni]  tsikatsii  'grasshopper' (B)  tsikatsii (p.235)  [a.si.naa]  asinaa  'Cree tribe' (A)  asinaa (p. 14)  ookoniki  'holy berry' (A)  okonok (p. 155)  s  CVV.CV.CV.CV [iiu.ku.ni.ki]  'saskatoon berry' CV.CV.CVV.CV [a.si.naa.wa]  asinaawa  'Cree tribe' (B)  142  asinaa (p. 14)  (4) Words Containing a Long Vowel(Rising Pitch) CW.CV [puu.s(a)]  poos(a)  'cat'  poos (p. 192)  [pii.ta]  piita  'eagle'  plitaa (p. 189)  [saa.mi]  saami  'medicine' (B)  saaam (p. 194)  kaina  'Blood tribe' (B)  kainaa (p.l 13)  aitako  'last night' (A)  aatako (p.5)  ponokai  'elk' (A)  ponoka (p. 192)  2  (5) Words Containing a Diphthong CW.CV [kai.na] CW.CV.CV [ei.ta.ku] CV.CV.CW [po.no.kai]  (6) Words Containing More Than One Long VowelfLeftmost is Accented) CVV.CVV [naa.maa]  naamaa (A)  [nod.mas ae]  noomai (A)  [naa.mai]  naamai (B)  'gun'  naamaa (p. 131)  [uuwaa]  oowaa  ' gg' (A)  owaa (p. 180)  kihokii  'prairie chicken'  kiitokii (p. 115)  piksiiksiina  'snake'  piksiiksiinaa (p. 189)  e  CVV.CV.CVV [kli.to.kii] CV.CVV.CVV.CV [pi.k1i.k ii.na] s  (7) Words Containing More Than One Long Vowel(Non-Leftmost is Accented) CVV.CW [aakii]  aakii  'woman'  aakii (p.2)  [ii.nii]  Unix  'buffalo'  iinii (p.28)  [kuu.kuii]  kookoo  'night' (B)  ko'ko (p. 118) 'be night'  [pii.kii]  piiksii  'bird' (B) pi'kssii (p. 191)  CVV.CVV.CV(C) [maa.taa.ki(s)]  maataaki(s)  'potato' (B) maataak (p. 122)  143  (8) Words Containing More Than One Closed Syllable (Leftmost is Accented) CVC.CVC [k ax.kom]  ksahkom  'dirt/earth'  ksaahko (p. 118)  [pas.taan]  pastaan  'bridge' (B)  apasstaan (p. 13)  [kuup'.kan]  koopskan  'soup' (A)  koopis (p.l 17)  [meip.p'in]  maippsin  'belt' (B)  (a)maippsin (p. 10)  aattsista  'rabbit'  aaattsistaa (p.l)  [ox.ku.tok(i) ]  ohkotok(i)  'stone'  oohkotok (p. 167)  [6n.no.kis]  dnnokis (A)  [6n.ni.kis]  dnnikis (B)  'milk'  onnikis (p. 166)  awaistaam  'flag' (B)  awaisstaam (p. 16)  i 'ksisa 'ko  'meat' (A)  i'ksisako (p. 105)  s  CVC.CVC.CV [aat.t is.ta] s  CVC.CV.CVC 3  CV.CVC.CVC [a.wass.taam] CVC.CV.CVC.CV [i?.k i.sa?.ko] s  (9) Words Containing More Than One Closed Syllable (Non-Leftmost is Accented) CVC.CVC [a^.kln]  ao'ksin  'bed'(B)  akssin (p. 10)  [aep'.sis]  aipssis  'arrow' (B)  apssl (p. 14)  soiskosissi  'fly' (B)  soy'sksissi (p.219)  'knife'  isttoan  CVC.CVC.CV [sois.kis.si] CVC.CV.CVC [it. to.wan]  ittoan (A)  [ist.to.wanl  isttoan (B)  (10) Words Containing More Than One Heavy Syllable(Leftmost is Accented) CW.CVC [kuu.pis]  koopis  'soup' (B)  koopis (p.l 17)  [aa.pan]  aapa/i  'blood'(B)  aaapan(p.l)  kaiskaahpa  'porcupine'(B)  kai'skaahp (p.l 13)  niitahtaan  'river'(B)  niltahtaa (p. 134)  CVC.CVC.CV [kais.kaax.pa] CVV.CVC.CVC [nii.tax.taan]  Speaker A said that both poos and poosa are attested.  144  (11) Words Containing More Than One Heavy Syllable(h'on-Leftmost is Accented) CVC.CV'V ohkii  'water' (B)  aohk'il (p.l 1)  maihstoo  'crow' (B)  mai'stoo (p. 122)  [mii.sfis]  miistsis  'stick'  miistsis (p. 126)  [saa.am]  saaam  'medicine' (A)  saaam(p.l94)  [aa.pis]  aapis  'rope' (B)  a'pis (p. 18)  [aa.saan]  aasaan  'paint for  a'saan (p.20)  [ox.kii] CVC.CV'V [meic.stdd] CVV.CVC  CVC.CVV.CV [is.kii.na]  isksiina  CVC.CV.CVV  face and body' (B)  isskssiinaa (p.86)  'insect' (B)  [im.mi.stiij  immistsii  'lard' (B)  immistsii (p.57)  [is.sa.puu]  issapoo  'Crow tribe' (B)  issapo  iisiman  'head dress' (B)  i'simaan (p.107) 'roach headpiece'  miisinskii  'badger' (B)  miisinsskii (p. 126)  ksiskstakii  'beaver' (B)  ksisskstakii (p. 119)  taapi'kimii  'cricket' (A)  tapikaiimii (p.234)  (p.85)  CVV.CV.CVC [ii.si.man] C V V . C V C .CVV [mii.sin.skii] CVC.CCV.CVV [kls.k'ta.kii] C V V . C V C .CV.CVV [taa.pi?.ki.mii]  (12) Words Containing No Heavy Syllable CV.CV [ni.na]  mna  'man'  ninaa (p. 135)  [sto.?o]  std'o  'ghost' (A)  sta'ao (p.232)  [kja.jo]  kiayo  'bear' (B)  kiaayo (p. 115)  [ma.mi]  mami  'fish'  mamii (p. 123)  [so.po]  sopo  'wind'  [na.pi]  napl  'friend'  [pu.ji]  poy'i  'gas, oil' (A)  poyii (p. 192)  [ki.nl]  kini  'rosehip/tomato' (B)  kinii (p. 116)  CV.CV  Speaker B uses both ohkotok and ohkotoki. Speaker B said that it is a short form of sopoosin.  145  4  sopo (p.218) napi (p. 133)  cv.cv.cv aiksini  'pig'  aiksini (p.6)  [so.pu.k'i]  sopoksi  'dollar'  sopokssi (p.218)  [na.ta.jo]  natayo  'lynx' (B)  natayo (p. 133)  [ma.ta.pi]  matapi  'person' (B)  matapi (p. 124)  [ma.ko.ji]  makoyi  'wolf (A)  makoyi (p. 122)  [ma.to.ji]  matoyi  'alfalfa' (A)  matoyihko (p. 124) 'area of grass'  [fi.ka.fi]  tsikats'i  'grasshopper' (A)  tsikatsll (p.235)  [po.no.ka]  ponoka  'elk' (B)  ponoka (p. 192)  [klsfi.ko]  ksistsiko  'day' (B)  ksiistsiko (p.l 18)  okonoki  'Saskatoon berry' (B)  okonok (p. 155)  atsikini  'shoe' (B)  atsikin (p. 15)  [ae.k'i.ni] CV.CV.CV  CV.CV.CV  CV.CV.CV.CV [o.ko.nu.ki] V.CV.CV.CV [a.t i.ki.ni] s  (13) Irregular Items(i): A light syllable has a pitch peak in spite of the presence of a closed syllabi CV.CVC.CV [a.t i?.t i] s  s  atsi 'tsi  'glove/mitten' (A)  atsi'tsi (p. 15)  sapopis  'feather' (B)  saapo'p (p. 196) 'pi  miistaki  'mountain' (B)  miistak (p. 126)  mohsoko  'road' (B)  mohsoko (p. 128)  CV.CV.CVC [sa.po.pis] CVVC.CV.CV [miis.ta.ki] CVC.CV.CV [mox.so.kii]  (14) Irregular Items(ii): A light syllable haspitch a peak in spite of the presence of long vowel. CV.CVV kayii  'dried meat' (B)  kayiis (p. 114)  ohki  'water' (A)  aohkii (p.l 1)  [pii.ka.ni]  piikani  'Peigan tribe' (A)  piikani (p. 189)  [o?.ta.ki]  o 'taki  'aura/shadow' (B)  mottak (p. 129)  ksiistsiko  'day' (A)  ksiistsiko (p.l 18)  pakoyiitsi  'fire' (A)  pakoyittsi (p. 188)  [ka.jii] CW.CV [ox.ki] CW.CV.CV  CVV.CCV.CV [k ii.sfi.ku] s  CV.CV.CVV.CV [pa.ko.jii.t'i]  146  [a.wa.kaa.si]  awakaasi  'deer' (B)  awakaasii (p. 16)  apiikayi  'skunk' (B)  aapiikayi (p.3)  pakoyiitsi  'fire' (B)  pakoyittsi (p. 188)  matsiikapisa  'frog' (B)  matsiyikkapisaa (p. 124)  CV.CVV.CV.CV [a.pii.ka.ji] CV.CV.CVV.CV [pa.ko.jii.t'i] CV.CVV.CV.CV.CV [ma.t ii.ka.pi.sa] s  (15) Irregular Items(iii): A light syllable bears a high pitch in spite of the presence of more than one heavy syllable. CV.CVV.CVC atsutsus  'glove/mitten' (B)  atsi'tsi (p. 15)  kottakaa  'shadow' (B)  mottak (p. 129)  [aa.pa.nii]  aapanii  'butterfly' (B)  apanii  [pii.ka.nii]  piikanii  'Peigan tribe' (B)  piikani (p. 189)  issapo  'Crow tribe' (A)  issapo (p.85)  kanaiskiinaa  'mouse' (B)  kaanaisskiinaa (p.l 12)  aisokookiina  'ant' (B)  aissko'kiinaa (p.8)  apastaminam  'apple' (B)  apasstaamiinaamm (p.7)  [pun]  pon  'bracelet' (B)  ponn (p. 192)  [ku?s]  ko's  'dish' (A)  ko's (p.l 18)  pookaa  'child' (B)  pookaa (p. 192)  la.fii.fis] CVC.CV.CVV [kot.ta.kaa] CVV.CV.CVV  (p. 13)  CVC.CVV.CV [is.sa?.pu| CV.CVVC.CVV.CVV [ka.nais.kii.naa] CV.CV.CVV.CVV.CV [e.so.koo.kii.na] CV.CVC.CV.CV.CVC [a.pas.ta.mi.nam]  (16) Others CVC  cw.cw [puii.kaa]  147  Relational Nouns (17) Words Containing aClosed Syllable Phonetic Transcription  Blackfoot Orthography  Gloss  Dictionary Form (page number)  CVC.CV [nin.na]  n-inn-a (A)  [nin.na]  n-inn-a (B)  'my father'  inn (p. 135)  Lnis.saJ  n-iss-a  'my older brother' (A)  i's (p. 107)  [nins.sta]  n-insst-a  'my big sister' (B)  insst (p.64)  [naax.sa]  n-aahs-a  'my grandfather (B)  aaahs (p.l) 'elder relation'  [ni.klst]  n-iksist  'my mother' (A)  ikslssit (p.51)  [o.wa?pp]  owa'psp  'eye' (A)  moapssp (p. 128)  [ni.tan]  n-itan  'my daughter' (B)  itan (p.97)  [mo.jis]  m-oyis  'house/home' (B)  moyis  CV.CVC  s  (p. 130)  CV.CVC.CV [ni.k'is.ta]  n-iksist-a (A)  [ni.kis.sta]  n-iksisst-a (B) 'my mother'  ikslssit (p.51)  (m)-otokis  motokis (p. 129)  CV.CV.CVC [(m)o.to.kls]  6  'skin' (B)  (18) Words Containing a Long Vowel(Falling Pitch)  cvvc [nuum]  n-dom  'my husband' (A)  oom (p. 168)  [niis]  n-iis  'my older brother (B)  i's (p.107)  n-doma  'my husband' (B)  oom (p. 168)  n-otokaan  'my head' (A)  mo'tokaan (p.130) 'head'  CVV.CV [nuu.ma] CV.CV.CVVC [nu.tu.kaan]  (19) Words Containing a Long Vowel(Rising Pitch) CVVCC [naaxs]  n-aahs  'my grandmother'(B)  aaahs (p.l)  CVV.CV [moo.ji]  mooyi  'mouth/lip' (B)  maoo  'mouth' (p. 124)  mootoonis 'lip' (p.129)  Speaker A also provided [ni?s] ni's for 'my older brother'. Speaker B uses both motokis and otokis.  148  (20) Words Containing More Than One Heavy SyllablefLeftmost is Accented) CW.CVC [pii.kin]  piikin  'tooth' (A)  mohpiikin (p. 128)  CVC.CV.CVC [6n.no.kii]  onnokii (A)  [mon.ni.kis]  m-onnikis (B)  'breast'  monnikis (p. 129)  [nis.so.kuus]  n-issokoos  'my grandchild' (B)  issokoo's (p.86)  m-owapspis  'eye' (B)  moapssp (p. 128)  n-itakkaa  'my friend' (B)  itakkaa (p.97)  m-66paihpi  'waist' (B)  oopaohp (p. 169)  6-ssohkoos  '(his/her) grandchild' (A) issokoo's (p.86)  CV.CVC.CVC [mo.wap .pis] s  CV.CVC.CVV [ni.tak.kaa] CVV.CVC.CV [muu.pae9.pi] CVC.CVC.CVVC [6s.sox.kuus] CV.CV.CVV.CVC [o.pi.kTi.kin]  opikslikin  'chest' (B)  opa'kiikinit (p.171) 'open the chest cavity abdomen of (v)'  (21) Words Containing More Than One Heavy Syllable(Non-Leftmost is Accented) cvv.cw m-oodi  'mouth' (A)  maoo (p. 124)  [nux.kiiu]  n-ohkoo  'my son' (B)  ohko (p. 141) 'son'  [ux.kii]  ohkii  'bone' (B)  ohkin (p. 139)  [muu.tls]  m-ootsls  'hand/arm'  mo'otsis (p. 130)  [naa.axs] CVC.CVC  n-aaahs  'my grandparent' (A)  aaahs (p.l) 'elder relation'  [nis.sis]  n-issis  'my little sister (B)  [nis.sis]  n-issis  'my little brother'  [mox.kls]  m-ohksis  'nose' (B)  ississ (p.85) 'younger sibling of female' ississ (p.85) 'younger sibling of female' mohksisis (p. 128)  [mox.kin]  m-ohkin  'bone' (A)  ohkin (p. 139)  [nis.kan]  n-iskan  'my younger brother' (A)  isskan (p.85) 'younger sibling of male'  oh tooki  'ear' (A)  mohtookis (p. 128)  m-ookitsis  'finger/toe' (A)  mookitsis (p. 129)  [moo.oi] CVC.CW  CW.CVC  CVC.CVV.CV [0x.t66.ki] CVV.CV.CVC [moo.ki.fis]  149  CVC.CV.CVC [mus.to.kls]  m-ostoksis  'face'  mosstoksis (p. 129)  [mox.ko.stls]  m-ohkostsis  'nose' (A)  mohksisis (p. 128)  [mox.ko.kin]  m-ohkokin  'neck' (B)  mohkokin (p. 128)  [mox.pii.kin]  m-ohpiikin  'tooth'  mohpiikin (p. 128)  [ox.pii.kin]  ohpiikin  'tooth' (A)  mohpiikin (p. 128)  [mux.too.kis]  m-ohtookis  'ear' (B)  mohtookis (p. 128)  [ni.t9x.kll.man]  n-itohkiiman  'my wife' (B)  ohkiimaan (p. 139)  [ni.tux.kii.maan]  n-itohknmaan  'my wife' (A)  ohkiimaan (p. 139)  okoan  'his house' (A)  ookoowa (p. 168)  [ni.ta.na]  n-itan-a  'my daughter' (A)  itan (p.97)  [nu.ku.wa]  n-okda  'my home' (B)  ookoowa (p. 168)  m-atsini  'tongue' (B)  matsini (p. 124)  CVC.CVV.CVC  CV.CVC.CVV.CVC  (22) Words Containing No Heavy Syllable CV.CV.CVC [u.ku.wan] CV.CV.CV  CV.CV.CV [ma.tl.ni]  (23) Irregular Items(i): A light syllable has a pitch peak in spite of the presence of a closed syllable. CVC.CV [nux.ku]  n-ohko  'my son' (A)  ohko (p.141) 'son'  n-6koos  'my child' (B)  oko's (p. 155) 'offspring'  CV.CVC [nu.kuus] CV.CV.CVC [u.ku.wan]  okoan (A)  [mu.ku.wan]  m-6koan (B)  'stomach'  mookoan (p. 129)  CVC.CV.CV 'foot'  mohkat (p. 128)  [mox.ka.tl]  m-ohkatsi  [nis.ka.ni]  n-iskani  my younger relative' (A)  isskan (p.85) 'younger sibling of male'  [kus.to.mi]  k-ostomi  'your body' (B)  moistom (p. 128) 'body'  (24) Irregular Items(ii): A light syllable has a pitch peak in spite of the presence of long vowel. CV.CVV.CV.CV [ni.kliu.ku.wa]  n-iksookowa  'my relative'(B)  150  ikso'kowa (p.55)  (25) Irregular Items(iii): A light syllable bears a high pitch in spite of the presence of more than one heavy syllable. CVC.CV.CVC [muu.ki.fis]  m-ookitsis  'finger/toe'(B)  mookitsis (p. 129)  [ninft]  n-mtst  'sister' (A)  insst (p.64) 'older sister'  [ni?ss]  n-i'ss  'my older brother' (A)  iihsiss (p.24) 'younger sibling of female'  k-itakkaa-n  'your friend' (A)  itakkaa (p.97)  m-dtdkaan  'head' (B)  mo'tokaan (p. 130) 'head'  m-dskitsipapii  'heart' (B)  mosskitsipahp (p. 129)  (26) Others CVC  CV.CVC.CVC [ki.tak.kaan] CV.CV.CVC [mo.to.kaan] CVC.CV.CV.CV.CVV [rnos.ki.t'i.pa.pii]  151  Derived Nouns: Compounds (27) Compounds of Free Morphemes: Noun-Noun Compounds (i) 1 member st  2" member  Compound  Dictionary form  mum 'berry'  ohki 'water'  [mii.ni.ox.ki] miiniohki 'wine' (A)  miiniaohki (p. 125)  muni 'berry'  ohkii 'water'  [mii.ni.ox.ki] miiniohki 'wine' (B)  miiniaohki (p. 125)  ponokai 'elk'  imiitaa 'dog'  [po.no.ko.mi.ta] ponokdmita 'horse' (A)  ponokaomitaa (p. 192)  ponoka 'elk'  imiitaa 'dog'  [po.no.ko.mi.ta] ponokdmita 'horse' (B)  ponokaomitaa (p. 192)  apotsikinna 'cow'  sahkdmaapi 'boy'  [a.po.fi.ki.nei.sax.ko.maa.pi] apotsikinaisahkomaapi 'cowboy' (A)  aapotsikinaisahkomaapi (P-5)  sahkdmaapi 'boy'  [a.po.t j.ki.nei.sax.ko.maa.pi] apotsikinaisahkomaapi 'cowboy' (B)  aapotsikinaisahkomaapi (P-5)  [nii.fi.ta.paa.pi] niitsitapaapi 'culture' (A)  niitsitapia'pii (p. 125) Native (Indian) Culture  s  apotsikina 'cow'  nutsitapi 'Native (culture?)' aakii 'woman'  naamoo 'bee' naapi 'trickster'  naapi 'trickster' niitsitapi 'Native American'  mami 'fish' naapi 'trickster'  pia pu 'miscellaneous item'  aspiya 'dance?'  [aa.kii.es.pi.ja] aakiiaispiya 'women's dance' (A) [naa.mo.jis.taan] naamdyistaan 'honey' (B)  naamoi'staan (p.131)  ohkii 'water'  [na.pi.jox.ki] napiyohki 'liquor/beer' (B)  naapiaohkii (p. 132) 'whisky'  aakii 'woman'  [naa.pjaa.kii] naapyaakii 'white woman' (B)  naapiaakii (p. 132)  atsikin 'shoe'  [nii.ti.ta.pii.fi.kin] niitsitapiitsikin 'Indian shoe' (B)  mohpiikin 'tooth'  [ma.mjux.pii.kin] mamydhpiikin 'sea shell' (B)  i'staan 'excrement'  moyis 'dwelling/lodge'  [na.pjuis] napyois 'house'  152  naapioyis (p. 132)  (28) Compounds of a Free Morpheme and a Bound Morpheme: Noun-Noun Compounds (ii) 2" member  Compound  Dictionary form  -ikoan 'young being'  [aa.kii.ko.wan] aakiikoan 'girl'  aakiikoan  aakii 'woman'  . naapi 'trickster'  -ikoan 'male person'  [naa.pii.ko.wan] naapiikoan 'white person'  naakiikoan (p. 132)  naato'holy, sacred'  naapiikoan 'Caucasian'  [naa.to.jaa.pi.ko.wan] natdyapiikoan 'priest'(A)  naatoyaapiikoan (p. 132)  naato'holy, sacred'  naapiikoan 'Caucasian'  [na.to.ja.pii.ko.wan] natdyapiikoan 'priest'(B)  naatoyaapiikoan (p.132)  siksikaa 'Blackfoot'  -ikoan 'male person'  [si.k i.kjai.ko.wan] siksikyaikoan 'Blackfoot person'(A)  kainaa 'Blood'  -ikoan 'male person'  [kei.nei.ko.wan] kainaikoan 'Blood people' (A)  1 member st  (P-2)  s  -ikoan "male person'  nntsitapi 'native (culture?)'  -ikoan "male person'  tsapmaa-  7  [nii.fi.ta.pii.ko.wan] niitsitapiikoan 'native American person' (A) [fa.pi.naa.ko.wan] tsapinaakoan 'Asian person' (A)  kainaikoaiksi Blood Indian persons niitsitapiikoan  tsapiniikoan (p.235) 'a person of Japanese  ancestry' (29) Compounds of a Bound Morpheme and a Free Morpheme: Adjunct-Noun Compounds (i) Accent on the adjectives 1 member st  pisat' fancy, unusual'  2 member  Compound  Dictionary form  napmyoan 'sugar'  [pi.sa.t'aa.pii.nju.wan] pisatsa apiinyoan 'candy' (B)  pisatsaapiiniowan (p.190) lit. fancy sugar  matapii 'person'  [nox.kii.t i.ta.pi] nohkiitsitapi 'foreigner' (A)  noohkiitsitapi (p. 137) lit. strange person  sinaaksin 'book'  [nat.to.ji.si.naa.k in] nattdyisinaaksin 'Bible' (A)  nattoysspikssinaakssin (p.133) 'holy thick writing'  sinaaksin 'book'  [nat.to.ji.si.naa.k in] nattoyisinaaksin 'Bible' (B)  nattoysspikssinaakssin (p.133) 'holy thick writing'  nd  s  noohkiit' strange'  s  naato'holy'  s  naato'holy'  7  Speaker A also provided [sik.si.kas.ko.wan] siksikaikoan for this word.  153  ko'komiki'somm (p.l 18)  ko'ko 'be night'  ki 'somm 'sun/moon'  [kuu.ku.rni.k aam] kookomiksaam 'moon' (A)  ko'ko 'be night'  ki 'somm 'sun/moon'  [ko.ko.mo.kii.so.ji] kokomokiisoyi 'moon' (B)  ko'komiki'somm (p.l 18)  ma s 'root'  [nis.t i.ka.paa.t i] nistsikapaatsi 'carrot' (B)  niistsikapa's (p. 134) lit. double root  natayo 'lynx'  [u.max.ka.ta.jo] omahkatayo 'cougar' (B)  omahkatayo (p. 158) lit. big lynx  omahk'big/old'  spatsiko 'sand'  [ti.max.k paa.t i.ku] omahkspaatsiko 'big sandhill' (B)  omahksspatsiko (p. 160) lit. big sand'  omahk'big/old'  akaitapissko 'town'  [o.max.ka.kei.ta.pis.ko] omahkakaitapisko 'city' (B)  lit. big town  omahk'big/old'  mookitsis 'finger'  [ii.max.kuu.ki.t is] omahkookitsis 'thumb/big toe' (B)  omahkookitsi (p. 159) lit. big finger'  2 member  Compound  Dictionary form  awakaasii 'deer'  [k o.wa.wa.kaa.si] ksowawakaasi 'spider'  pookaa 'child'  [ma.ni.pii.ka] manipoka 'brand new baby' (B)  maanipokaa (p. 122)  spaa tsiko 'sand'  [u.max.k paa.t i.ku] omahkspaatsiko 'sandhills/desert' (A)  omahksspatsiko (p. 160) lit. big sand'  s  s  niistsikap'double' omahk'big/old'  s  s  8  s  s  Accent on noun 1 member st  nd  s  ksiw'low, at ground level' maan'recently, new'  s  omahk'big/old' isstohkana'most, superlative'  nina 'man'  [is.tox.nei.na] istohkanaina 'chief (B)  itohts- isstohkana'most, superlative'?  nina  [i.tox.fi.na] itohtsina  'man'  'chief (A)  nina 'man'  [u.max.ki.na] omahkina 'old man'  omahk'big/old'  s  ksiwawakaasi (p. 120) lit. ground or low deer  omahkookitsis (p. 159)  akaitapissko [a.kei.ta.pis.sku] 'town' is also a derived noun which literally means 'place of many people' (aka 'many' + matapi 'person' + ssko 'place of many').  8  154  mookitsis 'finger'  [u.max.kuu.ki.t is] omahkookitsis 'thumb/big toe' (A)  omahkookitsis (p. 159) lit. big finger'  2 member  Compound  Dictionary form  s  omahk'big/old' Accent on the juncture 1 member st  nd  niit'originaP  atsikin 'shoe'  [nii.fi.fi.kin] niitsitsikin 'moccasin' (B)  niitsitsikin (p.135)  kipita'elderly'  aakii 'woman'  [ki.pi.taa.kii] kipitaakii 'old woman'  kipitaaakii (p. 194)  sik'black'  ohkii 'water'  [si.kox.kii] sikohkii 'vanilla extract'  sikaohkii (p.ll)  [sax.ko.maa.pi] saahkomaapi  sahkdmaapi (p. 194)  saahkyoung  matapii (A) matapi (B) 'person'  'boy' niitsitapi (p.135)  nnt'original'  matapu 'person'  [nii.fi.ta.pi] niitsitapi '(native) culture' (A)  nut' original'  matapi 'person'  [nii.tl.ta.pi] niitsitapi (p.135) niitsitapi 'real people (all native people)' (B)  mno'long' niit'original'  mohsoyis 'tail'  moyis 'dwelling/lodge'  [in.nox.so.jis] innohsoyis 'spoon' [nii.td.jis] niitdyis 'tipi' (B)  aakii 'woman'  akamatapii 'old/belonging 'person' to a former time'  kipita'elderly'  naato'holy, sacred'  niitdyis (p.135)  [mat.t aa.kii] mattsaakii 'prostitute' (A)  mattsaakii (p.125)  [a.kei.ta.pii] akaitapii 'ancestor' (A)  akaitapii (P-9)  s  mattsi' crazy'  inndohsoyis (p.63)  pooka 'woman'  [ki.pi.taa.pu.ka] kipitaipoka kipitaapoka (p.l 16) 'child raised by a grandmother' (A)  yutapi = matapu 'person'?  [naa.to.jii.ta.pi] naatoyiitapi 'creator' (A)  155  (30) Compounds of Bound Morphemes: Adjunct-Noun Compounds (ii) Accent on the adjectives 1 member st  omahk'big/old'  2 member nd  -ikimi 'liquid'  Compound  Dictionary form  [u.mox.ki.mi] dmohkimi 'sea/ocean' (B)  omahksikimi (p. 160) 'lake'  Compound  Dictionary form  [si.k i?.ki.mi]  siksikimii  Accent on noun l member sl  2 member nd  s  sik'black'  -ikimi 'liquid'  siksi 'kim'i 'tea'  sik'black'  -ika 'foot'  [si.kl.kaa] siksikaa 'Blackfoot'  (p.209) siksika (p.209)  (31) Noun- Verb/Verb-Noun Compounds Accent on the first compound member Compound  Dictionary form  onniki 'milk'  [is.tun.nu.ki] istdnnoki 'ice cream' (A)  lit. cold milk  onniki 'milk'  [is.tun.ni.ki] istonniki 'ice cream' (B)  lit. cold milk  1 member  2 member  sstoyi 'be cold(v)' sstoyi 'be cold(v)'  st  koon 'ice'  nd  [kun.su.ku] konsoko 'snow' (B)  koonssko (p.l 17)  2" member  Compound  Dictionary form  ok a a 'rope/snare (v)'  [u.max.ko.ka.ta] omahkokata 'gopher' (B)  omahkokata (p. 159) lit. big snared one pakkii'p  yupo 'be summer(v)'  [pak.kiip(i)] pakkiip(i) 'choke cherry' [pi.saf.ses.ki] pisatssaiski 'flower' (B)  pisatssaisski (p.190)  ssoko 'be heavy'?  (32) Adjunct-Verb/Verb-Adjunct Compounds Accent on the first compound member 1 member st  omahk.'big/old'  9  ipakk' burst'  pisat'unusual, fancy'  maan'recently, new'  9  saisski 'grow'  isstoyii 'it's cold/winter'  [manf.sto.jii] mantsstoyii 'New Year' (B)  Both pakkiip and pakkiipi are attested for BPC.  156  (p. 188)  maansstoyii (p.122) 'be New Year'  sipi' night' ittsik'smooth, slippery'  saisttoo 'announce(v)'  [sii.pist.to] siipistto 'owl' (B)  ipoko 'taste (vii)'  [it.tl.fi.po.ko] ittsitsipoko 'salt' (A)  isttsiksipoko (p.95)  ipoko 'taste (vii)'  [is?.t i.k i.pu.ku] is'tsiksipoko 'salt' (B)  isttsiksipoko (p.95)  Compound  Dictionary form  s  ittsik'smooth, slippery'  sipisttoo (p.211) lit. night announcer  s  Accent on Juncture 1 member  2 member  o'tak' around'  inaka 'si 'roll(v)'  [oo?.to.kei.nak.ka.si] oo' tokainakkasi 'tire, wheel' (A)  o'takainaka'si (p. 183)  o'tak' around'  inaka 'si 'roll(v)'  [oo.to.kae.na.kaa.si] ootokainakaasii 'tire, wheel' (B)  o'takainaka'si (p. 183)  niistsimii  st  nd  niistsikap' double'  'treat?'  [niis.tl.mii] niistsimii 'twin' (B)  kaka = ko 'ko 'be night'  naaro si 'sun' ?  [ka?.ka.too.sii] ka 'katoosii 'star' (B)  kakato'si (p.l 13)  [si.kix.t i.soo] sikihtsisoo ihtsisoo 'moose' (A) 'go to town or to a populated centre'?  sikihtsisoo (p.208)  ssimi  (p. 134)  s  sik'black'  ksiwainaka's (p. 120)  [k i.wei.na.kaa.si] ksiwainakaasi 'bicycle' (A) s  ksiw'low, at ground level'  inaka 'si 'roll(v)'  (33) Triple Compounds 1 member st  n/7fa 'p 'really'  2 member nd  a 'durative prefix'  Compound  Dictionary form  siksi 'kimi 'tea'  [ni.taap.si.ksi?.ki.mi] nitaapsiksi 'kimi 'coffee'(A)  niita'paisiksikimi (p.135)  siksi'kimi 'tea'  [ni.ta.pa.si.k i?.ki.mi] nitapasiksi 'kimi 'coffee'(B)  niita'paisiksikimi (p.135)  3 member rd  s  niita 'p 'really' aka'many' sik'black'  a 'durative prefix'  matapi 'person'  -ssko 'place of many'  [a.kei.ta.pis.sku] akaitapissko 'town' (B)  naapi 'trickster'  -ikoan 'male person'  [si.k'aa.pii.ko.wan] siksaapiikoan 'black man' (B)  157  akaitapissko (P-9) lit. place of many people siksaapiikoan (p.209) lit. black whiteman  [oa?.p pii.now.snk ] s  aawapsspiinaoo'sa'tsis oa'pspii inao'si -iks 'eye' 'dress for the occasion' pl.suf.  oa 'pspiinoosiiks 'eye-glasses' (A)  s  (P- 5)  (34) Plural Forms Dictionary form  [si.nae.ko.wan.ja] sinaikoanya 'Cree people' (A)  (a)sinaikoaiksi (p.24) 'Cree persons'  [pii.ka.nii.ko.wan.ja] piikaniikoanya 'Peigan people' (A)  piikaniikoaiksi (p. 189) 'Peigan persons'  2 member  asinaa 'Cree'  -ikoan 'male person'  -ya pl.suf.  piikani 'Peigan'  -ikoan 'male person'  -ya pl.suf.  naapi 'trickster'  -ikoan 'male person'  -iks pl.suf.  [naa.pii.ko.week ] naapiikoaiks 'white people (B)  -iks pl.suf.  [sik.si.kaa.ko.waik ] siksikaakoa iks 'Blackfoot people' (B)  st  nd  3 member  Compound  1 member  rd  naapiikoaiksi (p. 132)  s  s  sik'black'  -ika 'foot'  (35) Compounds? 2" member  Compound  Dictionary form  -ohtsik  [is.sox.fik] issohtsik 'future' (A)  issoohtsik (p.86)  -ohtsik  [is.sox.fik] issohtsik 'future' (B)  issoohtsik (p.86)  issk'past'  -ohtsik  [Is.skox.fik] isskohtsik 'past' (B)  isskoohtsik (p.86)  aapi' white'  -nikimm  [a.pi.ni.kim] apinikim 'white berry' (B)  aapiinikimm (P-4)  isksiinaa 'insect'  -nikimm  [is.kTi.nee.ni.kim] isksiinainikim 'rice' (B)  issksiinainikimm (p.86)  mi 'ksinaa 'be red'  skimm  mi'ksskimm [milkskim] (p. 128) miikskim 'metal' (B) 'anything ; having the properties of a metal'  unit 'buffalo'  skimm  1 member st  1SS-  'in front'  1SS-  'in front'  '9'  [ii.nis.kim] iiniskim 'buffalo stone (A)  158  iinisskim (p.28)  I member s  sipatsis  ka 'kitsi  skinii '?'  istto t  Compound  imo 'have the odor of  [sii.pat.fi.moo] siipattsimoo 'sweert grass' (B)'°  imo 'have the odor of  [kaa.ki.tl.mo] kaakitsimo 'mint' (B)  ka'kitsimo (p.l 14)  pikani 'Peigan tribe'  [ski.nii.pi.ka.ni] skiniipikani 'Nortern Peigan tribe' (B)  skiniipikani (p.214)  [is.sfo.mo.kan] isstsdmokan 'hat' (B)  isttsomo'kaan (p.96)  mo 'tokaan  'together'  'head'  kiitokii 'prairie chicken'  -hpii  [o.taa.to.ji] otaatoyi 'fox' (A)  ot3/4 poss.  iksistsikomi 'have a celebration day, usually a birthday'  1 member  2 member  otaatoyi (p. 174)  [u.t ik .t i.k6.mae:] iksistsikomssin otsikstsikomai (P-53) 'birthday' (B) (= that person's day) s  nd  issoohtsik sipatsimo (p.211)  [kii.to.kiix.pii] kiitokiihpii 'prairie chicken dancer' (B)  otaa toyi 'weisel that has '?' a brown summer coat'  st  Dictionary form  2" member  3 member r  s  s  Compound  Dictionary form  [sais.k i.mo.ko] saisksimoko 'grass' (B)  saissksiimoko (p.199)  s  saisski 'grow'  imo 'have the odor of  ko  [is.si.k i.ka.nee.k i.st i.ko] issiksikanaiksistsiko 'afternoon' (B) s  iss 'in front'  -iksikanai  ksistsiko 'day'  sinitsi '9'  mun 'berry'  mi'ksinittsiim (p.128)  mun 'berry'  [mii.k i.ni?.t iim] miiksini'tsiim 'bull berry' (B)  mi'ksinittsiim (p.128)  s  s  mi'k 'red'  sinitsi '9'  s  [mi.k i.ni?.t i] miksini 'tsi 'bull berry' (A) s  mi'k 'red'  s  s  [si.k aa.pja.kii] siksaapyakii 'black woman' (B) s  sik'black'  naapi 'trickster'  -ikoan 'male person'  Speaker B also provided [su.pa.t'i.mo] sopatsimo for this word.  159  lit. black white woman  aapi'white'  -ihkin 'head/hair'  -wa sg.suf.?  [a.pot'.kin.na] apotskinna 'cow' (A)  aapotskinna (P- 4)  aapi'white'  -ihkin 'head/hair'  -wa sg.suf.?  [a.pof.ki.na] apotskina 'cow' (B)  aapotskinna (P- 4)  imahk = omahk ? 'big'  -ihkin  -wa  [i.max.ki.ki.na] imahkikina  iimahkihkinaa (p.27)  'head/hair'  sg.suf.  'sheep' (B)  1 member 2" member 3 member 4 member st  r  l  Dictionary form  Compound  aisaakotsii (P-7)  [std.mi.k3ea3.saa.ko.t i] stomikaisaakotsi ai saakotsii 'beer' (A) 'durative 'bubble up, foam' prefix' s  stam 'just'  ikos ?  [sto.mi.ko.saa.saa.ko?.t i] ai saakotsii stomikosaasaako'tsi 'durative 'bubble up, foam' 'beer' (A) prefix' s  stam 'just'  ikos? '?'  aisaakotsii (p.7)  Derived Nouns: Nominalizations (36)  -hsin  (nominalized suffix) Dictionary form  2" member  Derived  apo 'taki 'work'  -hsin 'nominalized suffix'  [aa.puu?.ta.k in] aapoo 'taksin 'job, work' (A)  apo 'taki 'work'  -hsin 'nominalized suffix'  aa.puu.ta.k'ln] aapdotaksin job, work' (B)  -hsin 'nominalized suffix'  si.naa.k in] sinaaksin book' (A)  sinaakia'tsis (P-210)  -hsin 'nominalized suffix'  si.naa.k in] sinaaksin book' (B)  sinaakia'tsis (P-210)  a'poo -hsin 'travel/move about' 'nominalized suffix'  aa.puux.sin] aapoohsin trip' (A)  a'pdohsin (p. 19)  a'poo -hsin 'travel/move about' 'nominalized suffix'  aa.pux.sin] aapohsin trip' (B)  a'pdohsin (p. 19)  1 member st  5  s  sinaaki 'make image'  s  sinaaki 'make image"  waana 'ki illuminate'  -hsin 'nominalized suffix'  a.naa.k'in] anaaksin light' (A)  160  [i.k is.tu.kums.sin] iksistokomssin 'birthday' (A) s  iksistsikomi -ssin = -hsin ? 'have a celebration day, 'nom. suf.' ? usually a birthday'  iksistsikomssin (p.53)  ookataki 'do beadwork'  -hsin 'nominalized suffix'  [oo.ka.ta.k in| ookataksin 'beadwork' (B)  inihki 'sing'  -hsin 'nominalized suffix'  [ninc.kln] ninhksin 'song' (B) s  ataksaak  -hsin 'nominalized suffix'  |a.ta.k aa.k in] ataksaaksin 'box* (B)  ataksaakssin (p. 15)  oowat 'eat'  -hsin 'nominalized suffix'  [a.wox.sin] awohsin 'food' (B)  aoowahsin (p. 12)  i poyi 'talk, speak'  -hsin 'nominalized suffix'  [nil.pu.wa.sin] niipowasin '(my?) language' (B)  i'powahsin (p. 107)  mooto  -hsin 'nominalized suffix'  [moo.tox.sin] mootohsin '(one) sock' (B)  ato'ahsim (p. 15)  -hsin 'nominalized suffix'  [a.sii.kaa.sin] asokaasin 'clothing' (B)  asoka'sim (p. 14)  ksikk' white'  -saksin = -hsin ? 'nominalized suffix'?  [k'in.sa.k'in] ksinsaksin 'ash' (B)  maksskitsi (p. 123)  sik(oh)'black'  -saksin = -hsin ? 'nominalized suffix'?  [si.kox.sa.k'in] sikohsaksin 'Indian popcorn' (B)  aapan 'blood'?  -hsin 'nominalized suffix'  [oo?x.sin] oo 'hsin 'berry soup' (B)"  aaapaoo ssin (P.l) 'blood soup'  [a.pi.na.kus] apinakos 'tomorrow' (A)  aapinakos (P-4)  s  s  '9'  asokaa '9'  waapinako -s = -hsin ? 'be morning, dawn' 'nominalized suffix?' waamsskaap 'south'  -hsi = -hsin ? 'nominalized suffix'?  [am.skaa.pox.si] amskaapohsi 'USA' (B)  -s = -hsin ? 'nominalized suffix?'  [a.wak.k is] awakksis 'chewing gum' (B) s  waawakksi 'chew gum'  ninihkssin (p. 136)  " Speaker B also provided [aoossin] aoossin for this word.  161  aawakksis (p.5)  [a.tu.noo.kl] atonooksi 'needle' (B)  -ksis = -hsin ? 'nominalized suffix'?  otonatoo 'do quillwork'  2 member  I member  nd  s  niitsitapi 'Native Indian'  3 member  pia pn 'miscellaneous item' lpaitapnyi 'live'  -hsin 'nom. s u f  Dictionary form  Derived  r  -hsin  atonaoksis (p. 15)  [nii.tsi.ta.pjaa.pln] niitsitapyaapsin 'culture' (B)  'nom. suf.'  niitsitapia'pii (p.135) Native(Indian) Culture  [ni.pai.ta.pii.sin] nipaitapiisin 'life' (B)  niipaitapiiyssin (p. 134)  [a.pi.na.ku.si] apinakosi 'tomorrow' (B)  aapinakos (P-4)  1 member 2 member 3 member 4 member  Derived  Dictionary form  issk'past'  [isk'.kl.ni.ta.kln] isksksinitaksin 'minute' (B)  isksksinitakssin (p.83)  niit'original'  waapinako -s 'be morning, dawn' nom. suf? non-particular suf.  st  nd  rd  th  ksis niitaak -hsin 'pointed' 'independent' 'nom. suf.'  1 member st  2" member  ipsstaahkaa -n 'get tobacco (v)' 'nom. s u f  Derived  Dictionary form  [pis.tax.kaan] pistahkaan 'tobacco'  pisstaahkaan (p. 190)  [puut .taan] pootstaan 'sandwich'  po'tstakssin (p. 193)  [ip.po.tl.pis.taan]  ippotsipistaan (p.80)  s  ipo 'tstaaki 'assemble (v)'  -n 'nom. s u f  ippotsipistaa 'wear braids (v)'  -n 'nom. s u f  passkaa 'dance' passkaa 'dance'  sootaa 'rain (v)' ikahtsi 'play a non-athletic game, gamble'  ippotsipistaan 'braid'  -n 'nom. s u f  [pas.kan] paskan 'dance' (A)  passkaan (p. 188) passkaan (p. 188)  'nom. s u f  [pas.kaan] paskaan 'dance'(B)  'nom. s u f  [siiii.taan] sootaan 'rain' (A)  -n 'nom. s u f  [kaax.tln] kaahtsin 'game' (A)  162  kaahtssin (p.l 12)  ikahtsi 'play a non-athletic game, gamble' inihki 'sing (v)'  kaahtssin (p.l 12)  [a.waox:kaan] awaohkaan 'game' (B)  -n 'nom. suf.'  12  [inf.kin] in tskin 'music/song' (A)  -n 'nom. suf.' -n 'nom. suf.'  [ka.po.k i.ni.maan] kapoksinimaan 'floor' (B)  kaapoksiinimaan (p.l 12)  'nom. suf.'  [is?.to.ki.maan] is'tokimaan 'drum' (B)  isttokimaan (p.92) 'drumming'  [ist\ka] istska 'dust' (B)  isstsskaan (p.88)  [a.naa.ki.maan] anaakimaan 'light' (B)  anaakimaa'tsis (P-2)  -n 'nom. suf.'  [kis.kaan] kiskaan 'pillow (slang)' (B)  klsskaa'tsis (p.l 16)  -n 'nom. suf.'  [paa.pouk.kaan] paapookkaan 'dream' (B)  paapoo'kaan (p. 188)  awa 'crossed'  taan = -n ? 'nom. suf.'?  [a.wiiu.tan] a wootan 'shield' (B)  awo'taan (p. 16)  aan = -n ? 'nom. suf.'?  [sil.kaan] siikaan 'blancket' (B)  si'kaan  si'k 'cover (v)  s  ikaapoksiinimaa 'make a floor' isttdkimaa 'drum'  sstsskaki 'nom. suf.' 'raise dust with the feet or vehicle' waana 'kimaa 'illuminate with a lighted object'  ohkisskaa 'use a pillow'  ipapao'ka 'dream (v)'  1 member st  'nom. suf.'  2 member nd  Derived  Dictionary form ksistsikommsstaan (p.118)  'nom. suf.'  [k i.st i.kum.staan] ksistsikomstaan 'window' (B)  -n 'nom. suf.'  [im.mii.stix.kii.taan] immiistsihkiitaan 'fried bread' (B)  3 member rd  s  ksistsikom 'thunder' immiistsii 'grease, lard'  12  staa  ihkiitaa 'bake, cook'  (P-213)  s  Speaker B also provided [awaoxkaasin] awaohkaasin for this word.  163  immiistslihkiitaan (p.57) lit. grease-baked goods  (38) -a'tsis Derived  Dictionary form  [i.sis.kjox.saa.t'is] isiskydhsaa tsis 'soap' (A)  ississkioohsa'tsis  ssisskioohsi a 'tsis 'wipe one's own face' nom.  [sis.kjox.saa.t is] siskidhsaatsis 'soap' (B)  ississkioohsa'tsis  ssisskioohsi a 'tsis 'wipe one's own face' nom.  saapia tsis  a tsis nom.  [sa.pi.jaa.t'is] sapiyaatsis 'mirror' (A)  saapia tsis  a tsis nom.  [is.so.pjai.t is] issopiaitsis 'mirror' (B)  aana'kimaa'tsis  a'tsis nom.  [a.naa.ki.maa?.t is] anaakimaa 'tsis 'light' (A)  isttdkimaa 'drum'  a tsis nom.  [i?.to.ki.maa.t is] i'tdkimaatsis 'drum' (A)  isttokimaa'tsis (p.92)  a tsis nom.  [pun.naa.tls] pdnnaatsis 'bracelet' (B)  ponn  ponn 'bracelet' sapiikitsohsa  a tsis nom.  [sa.pii.ki.tsox.saa.fi] sapiikitsohsa a tsi 'ring' (B)  isapiikitsoohsa' tsis (p.82)  ohkisskaa 'use a pillow'  a 'tsis nom.  [kis.kaa.fisj kiskaatsis 'pillow' (B)  kisskaa'tsis (p.l 16)  '9'  a tsis nom.  [pei.no.kwe.nat.t i| pa inok waina ttsi 'paper' (B)  I 'member  2 member  1 member st  2 member nd  s  sapiya  (p.85)  (p.195)  s  sapiya  (p. 195)  s  waana'kimaa 'illuminate with a lighted object'  s  s  iso 'on a horizontal surface'  iso 'on a horizontal surface'  nd  opu 'sit, stay'  opu 'sit, stay'  (P-2)  13  s  painokwain  (p.85)  (p. 192)  panokainattsi (p. 188)  Derived  Dictionary form  a tsis nom.  [sod.paa.fis] sddpaatsis 'chair' (A)  soopa'tsis (P-217)  a tsis nom.  [su.pa.f'is] sdpatsis 'chair' (B)  soopa'tsis (P-217)  3 member rd  Speaker A also provided [it.to.ki.maaf ] ittokimaats for this word.  164  [a.wa?.p pii.now.saa.t is] aawapsspiinaoo'sa'tsis awa'pspiinoosaatsis (p.5) 'eye-glasses' (B) s  oa'pspii 'eye'  inao'si 'dress for the occasion' a 'tsis nom.  mami 'fish'  a'tsis nom.  s  [mam.mjaa.tl.ki.mi] mammyaatsikimi 'mugpie' (B)  -ikimi liquid'?  rnamia'tsikimi (p.123)  (39)- 'p/o'p /yoo'p (conjunctive nominals) 1 member st  2 member  Derived  Dictionary form  -P 'nom. suf.'  [ox.too.ki.pis] ohtdokipis 'earing' (A)  ohtookipis (p.151) ohtookipis (p.151)  'nom. suf.'  [too.ki.pii] tddkipii 'earing' (B)  [o.wa.tuup] dwatoop 'food' (A)  aoowahsin (p. 12)  nd  mohtookis  mohtookis 'ear'  oo war 'eat'  -o p 'nom. suf.'  ikkatoo 'inflate'  [aei?.ka.tuup] ai'kkatoo'p ai'katoop (p.6) 'balloon' (A) (= thing of blowing/filling with air)  -o p 'nom. suf.'  it ai 'there' 'dur'  yookoo -o 'p 'sleep' nom. suf  [i.tai.juu.kowp] itaiyookoop 'bed' (A)  it ai 'there' 'dur'  soi sinaaki -yoo'p '?' 'make nom. images'  [i.te.sui.si.naa.kjoop] itaisoisinaakyoop 'notebook' (A) (= the thing you write on)  14  (40) itoht (instr) +'p/ o'p /yoo'p 1 member 2 member 3 member 4 member st  nd  rd  th  itohtinstr  a i'poyi durative pref. 'speak'  -o'p nom.  itohtinstr  a i'poyi durative pref. 'speak'  -o'p nom.  Derived  iihtai'poyo'p [i.tox.tei.pu.joo?p] itohtaipoyoo'p (p. 151) 'telephone' (A) (= what one talks afar with) [ic.tei.pjo.juu.pi] iihtai'poyo'p ihtaipioyoopi (p. 151) 'telephone' (B) (= what one talks afar with)  Speaker A also provided [i.tai.juu.koxp] itaiyookohp for this word.  165  Dictionary form  itohtinstr  ai sinaaki durative pref. 'make images'  -yoo p nom.  [i.tox.taeas.si.naa.ki.jou?p] iihtaisinaakio'p itohtaisinaakiyoo 'p (p.151) 'pen' (A) (= what one writes with)  itohtinstr  ai sinaaki durative pref. 'make images'  -yoo p nom.  iihtaisinaakio'p [i9.te.si.na.kjuu.pii] (p.151) ihtaisinakyoopii 'pen' (B) (= what one writes with)  itohtinstr  aa iksistsiko durative pref. 'be day'  -moo p nom. -moo p  [ic.tei.k i.st i.kum.joo?p] iihtaiksistsikomio'p ihtaiksistsikomyoo 'p (P-24) s  tinaa iksistsiko = itoht instr durative pref. 'be day'  iihtaiksistsikomio'p (p.24)  [itotaaksistsikomoup] itotaaksistsikomoop 'clock' (A) s  'clock' (B)  nom.  [i.tox.taSae.kwei.pi.k is.ta.ki.jou?p] iihtaikawai'piksistakio'p itohtaikwaipiksistakiyoo'p (P-24) 'key' (A) (= what one opens with) s  itoht- a instr dur  ikawai'piksi-staki -yoo'p 'open smg.' nom.  [i?.te.kwei.pi.k i.sta.ki.juu.pi] iihtaikawai'piksistakio'p ihtaikwaipiksistakyoopi (P-24) s  ihta ikawai'piksi-staki -yoo'p = itohtinstr dur 'open smg.' nom.  'key' (B) (= what one opens with)  ist = itoht ohpommaa - 'p 'means' 'buy' nom. suf.'.  [i.stux.pum.mop] istdhpommop 'money' (A)  iihtaohpommao' p (p.26)  iht- = itoht ohpommaa -'p 'means' 'buy' nom. suf.  [if.tox.pom.moo.pii] ihtohpommoopii 'money' (B)  iihtaohpommao'p (p.26)  [i9.tes.si.na.kjuu.pii] ihtaissinakydopii 'eraser' (B) (= what one erase with)  iihtaisinaakio'p (p.151)  iht- = itoht- ai ssiini -yoo'p instr dur 'erase, wipe off nom.  iht- = itoht- a instr dur  sokinaki -yoo 'p 'doctor (v)' nom.  [i9.te.ski.na.kjoop] ihtaiskinakyoop 'medicine' (B)  it- = itoht- a soi siksikimi ssimo -o 'p instr dur '?' 'tea' '?' nom.  [i.ta.soi.si.k i.kims.si.moo?.pa] itasoisiksikimssimoo'pa 'kettle' (B)  iht- = itoht- a "isttsikaahkiaaki -o p instr dur 'iron (v)' :nom.  [i9.tes.t i.kax.kja.kju?.pa] ihtaistsikahkyakyo 'pa 'iron' (B)  s  s  ihtoh- = itohtinstr  kipisto  -op nom.  [i9.tdx.ki.pis.t00p] ihtdhkipistoop 'harness' (B)  166  iitawaakohsimao'p  iihtaisttsikaahkiakio'p (p.25)  isttohksaan  [ig.too.k o.woo?.pa] ihtooksowoo 'pa 'shawl' (B) s  -o 'p nom.  oksowo '?'  ihto- = itohtinstr  (p.92)  (41) a (durative.prefix) 1 member  2 member  Derived  Dictionary form  a 'durative,prefix'  sokinaki 'doctor (v)'  [aa.su.kin.na.ki] aasokinnaki 'doctor' (A)  aisokinaki (p.8)  a 'durative.preftx'  sokinaki 'doctor (v)'  [a.so.ki.na.ki] asokinaki 'doctor' (B)  aisokinaki (p.8)  [aa.sas.k ist.tu] aasaiksistto ' T V (B)  aisaiksistto (P-7)  st  nd  s  ai 'durative,prefix'  saiksisttoo 'walk into view / be filmed'  ikamd'si 'steal'  [a.ko.moo.si] akomoosi 'thief (A)  kamo'si  a 'durative.preftx' a 'durative,prefix'  ikamo 'si 'steal'  [e.ka.moo.sii] aikamoosii 'thief (B)  kamo'si (p. 113) lit. person who takes things  a 'durative,prefix'  immoyissi 'be furry/hairy'  [em.mo.nii.sii] aimmoniisii 'otter' (452)  aimmoniisi or ammoniisi (P-7)  a 'durative,prefix'  inaka 'si 'roll'  [as.na.kaa.si] ainakaasi 'wagon' (497)  ainaka'si (P-7) lit. it rolls  saakotsii 'bubble up, foam'  [aa.saa.ko?.t i] aasaako'tsi 'pop' (179)  aisaakotsii (p.7) 'bubbly beverage (pop or beer)'  s  ai 'durative,prefix'  [ae.pus.tax.kee.pu.kuu] aipostahkaipokoo 'pepper' (B)  pisstaahkaipokoo  [oo.ta.kli] ootakii 'circle' (B)  ao'takiiwa (p. 184)  [aa.su.kin.na.kjaa.ki] aasokinnakiaaki 'nurse'(A)  aisokinakiaakii (p.8)  2 member  Derived  Dictionary form  -iks plural, suf.  [a.tTik ] atsiiks 'pants'  a 'dur. pref.'  ipsstaahkaa 'get tobacco'  a 'dur. pref.'  o 'takii 'be round'  a 'dur. pref.'  sokinaki 'doctor (v)'  (42) Others 1 member st  ipoko 'taste' wa suf. aakii 'woman'  nd  5  atsis 'leggings'  (p.l 13) lit. person who takes things  167  (p. 190) lit. tobacco-like taste  asokaa nom. suf.?  ohkinni 'wear a necklace'  asookaat 'jacket' (A) [ox.kin.ni] ohkinni 'necklace' (A)  '?' '?'  simi 'drink (v)'  nom. suf?  [si.mlt] simit 'drink' (B)  ko'ko 'be night'  -yi 'nom. suf.?'  [kuu.kii.yii] kookoyii 'last night' (B)  a'pistotaki 'build/make'  [aa.pis.to.to.kii] aapistotokii 'God' (B)  ?  a'pistotooki (p. 18) lit. the one who made us ssiinaattsi (p.221)  [is.si.nat..t i] issinattsi 'fog' (B) s  ssnnaattsi 'be foggy' sootaa 'nom. s u f  'rain (v)' sok-  yiistsi  ko  'above'  'float along  '?'  [siiu.ta] soota 'rain' (B) [so.klsfi.ko] soksistsiko 'cloud'  ao'takiiwa (p. 184)  [kls.tap.pl] ksistappsi 'ghost (it's not for real)' (B)  isstahpikssi (p.87)  (43) Noun Phrases? Derived  Dictionary form  aapis 'rope'  [nda.pi.wau.tuu.pis] naapi waotoopis 'rainbow' (B)  naapiwaotokaa' tsis (p. 132) lit. naapi's rope  piikani 'Peigan'  [am.skaa.pi.pi.ka.ni] amskaapipikani 'South Peigan' (B)  1 member  2" member  naapi 'trickster'  st  waamsskaap 'South'  waamsskaap piikani -ikoan 'South' 'Peigan' 'male person'  aapat 'behind, back' a 'dur. pref  yaamsstsinni 'braids (v)'  sokinaki 'doctor (v)'  aakii 'woman'  aamsskaapipikani (P-2)  [aam.skaa.pi.pii.ka.nii.ko.wan] aamskaapipiikaniikoan 'Blackfeet people' (A) [aa.pa.tam.sfi.ni.maa] aapatamstsinimaa 'Asian person' (B)  aapataamsstsinnimaa (P-3) lit. braids in back  [a.so.ki.na.kjaa.ki asokinakyaaki 'nurse' (B)  alsokinakiaakii (p.8)  [noxkiltsitapjaaki]  noohkiitsitapi  168  noohkiit 'strange, unfamiliar'  matapu 'person'  ai 'dur.pref.'  aakii 'woman'  saiksisttoo 'walk into view / be filmed'  (p. 137)  nohkiitsitapiaaki 'foreign woman' (A) [asas.sae.klst.tuu] aasaiksisttdd ' T V (A)  alsaiksisttoo (P-7)  (44) Numbers [tok\ka] [nii.tok'.ka]  tdkska niitdkska  'one' (A) 'one' (B)  ni'tokskaa (p. 136) vai ni'tokskaa (p. 136) vai  [naa.tuu.ka] [na.too.kaa]  naatooka natookaa  'two' (A) 'two' (B)  naato'k (p. 133) adt naato'k (p. 133) adt  [njuk'.ka] [nju.wiik.kus.ka]  nidkska niowokkoska  'three' (A) 'three' (B)  niookska (p. 136) adt niookska (p. 136) adt  [nii.soi] [ni.so.jii]  nisoi nisdyii  'four' (A) 'four' (B)  niiso (p. 134) adt niiso (p. 134) adt  [ni.si.toi] [nis.si.to.jii]  nisitoi nissitoyi  'five(A) 'five (B)  niisito (p. 134) nin niisito (p. 134) nin  [nooi] [no.jii]  nooi noyii  'six' (A) 'six' (B)  naa (p. 131) adt naa (p. 131) adt  [ix.ki.tlka]  ihkitsika  'seven' (B)  ihkitsik (p.22) adt  [na.ni.so.jij]  nanisoyii  'eight' (B)  naanisoyi (p.131) nin  [pix.ku.so.jii]  pihkosdyii  'nine' (B)  piihksso (p. 189) adt  [ki.po]  kipd  'ten' (B)  kiipo (p. 115) adt  [kii.pip.po]  kiipippo  'one hundred' (B)  kiipippo (p.l 15) adt  [o.max.kl.kii.pip.po]  dmahksikiipippo 'one thousand' (B)  in Words [no.jis]  nois  'Louis' (A)  [faan]  tsaan  'John' (A)  [fa.fi]  tsatsi  'George' (A)  [film]  tsiim  'Jim' (A)  [too.ma]  todma  'Tom' (A)  169  omahksikiipippo (p. 159) nin  

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