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Imaginative space and the construction of community : the drama of Augustine’s two cities in the English… Minton, Gretchen E. 1999

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I M A G I N A T I V E S P A C E A N D T H E C O N S T R U C T I O N O F C O M M U N I T Y : T H E D R A M A O F A U G U S T I N E ' S T W O C I T I E S I N T H E E N G L I S H R E N A I S S A N C E by G R E T C H E N E . M I N T O N B . A , The Un ive r s i t y o f Washington , 1992 M . A . , The Un ive r s i t y o f B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , 1995 A T H E S I S S U B M I T T E D I N P A R T I A L F U L F I L M E N T O F T H E R E Q U I R E M E N T S F O R T H E D E G R E E O F D O C T O R O F P H I L O S O P H Y in T H E F A C U L T Y O F G R A D U A T E S T U D I E S (Department o f Eng l i sh ) W e accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard T H E U N I V E R S I T Y O F B R I T I S H C O L U M B I A Augus t 1999 © Gretchen E . M i n t o n , 1999 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Department of &V)li'sh~ The University of British Columbia Vancouver, Canada DE-6 (2/88) 11 Abstract T h i s thesis traces the development o f Augus t ine ' s paradigm o f the t w o cities (the C i t y o f G o d and the earthly c i ty) in the cultural poetics o f the E n g l i s h Renaissance. A l t h o u g h scholars have studied the impact o f Augus t ine ' s model on theology, his torical consciousness, and po l i t i ca l theories in the M i d d l e A g e s and Renaissance, little attention has been paid to the genealogy o f the more specif ical ly " l i terary" aspects o f the idea o f the t w o cities. M y l ine o f inqui ry is the relationship between Augus t ine ' s model o f the t w o cities and the idea o f drama. M o r e specifically, this project explores the ways in w h i c h the idea o f the t w o cities spoke to various c o m m u n i t i e s — o f readers, o f worshippers , and ul t imately, o f playgoers. Augus t ine ' s v i e w o f drama is d iv ided ; on the one hand, he speaks at length about the ev i l inf luence o f R o m a n spectacles, but on the other hand, he acknowledges that the w o r l d i t se l f is a theatre for G o d ' s cosmic drama. H o w e v e r , this employment o f drama is l imi ted i n Augus t ine ' s wr i t ing , because his greater commitment is to the idea o f Scripture. Th i s interplay between drama and Scripture, I suggest, is an integral part o f the two-ci t ies mode l that is related to his theology o f history. The tension between the idea o f drama and the idea o f the book is evident i n E n g l i s h Refo rmat ion appropriations o f Augus t ine ' s model , such as those o f John B a l e and John F o x e , w h o changed the terminology to "the two churches." The second section o f m y thesis shows h o w these Reformers contained their o w n "dramatic" adaptations o f the t w o cities w i t h i n an even narrower theatre than A u g u s t i n e ' s — a theatre constituted and contained by the W o r d . Shif t ing the focus to secular drama, the final section concerns Shakespeare 's use o f some facets o f the two-ci t ies mode l in his Jacobean plays, and examines the effects o f r emov ing this construct f rom its rel igious context. The result, I argue, is a theatre that celebrates its o w n aesthetic power and flaunts its sheer physical i ty , resist ing the presumed stabil i ty o f the wri t ten word . Il l Table of Contents Abstract ii Table of Contents iii Table of Figures vii Acknowledgements viii Dedication ix I n t r o d u c t i o n 1 The Word: Scripture and the Book 3 Community: Imaginative Space and the Pilgrims of the mean time 6 Drama: The Theatre of this World 9 The Drama of Augustine's Two Cities in the English Renaissance 12 PART ONE Augustine's Two Cities 16 C h a p t e r 1 A Theat re o f the W o r l d 17 I. Setting the Stage: The Model and its Tropes 23 The Impetus for the City of God 24 Dualistic Cities 27 Rome and the Earthly City 29 The City of God: Pilgrimage and Citizenship 34 The City of God as a Textual Community 39 II. The Interpretive Arena 44 Exegesis: Theory and Practice 45 Exegetical Principles in the City of God 47 The Fall of Language and the Redemption of the Word 52 Reading the World 56 Exegesis as the Paideia of the Christian Community 61 III. History and Narratology: The Plot of God's Cosmic Drama 65 Sacred versus Secular History 66 Exemplary Stories 73 God as Author 78 I V IV. The Eschatological Spectacle 82 Judgement 84 Punishment 89 Reward 92 The Apocalyptic Ambiguity 101 PART TWO The English Reformers 106 The City of God in the Middle Ages: Apocalypse, Community, and Drama 109 The Continental Reformation: In Search of Authority 111 The English Context 113 C h a p t e r 2 A T h e a t r e o f t h e W o r d (1): B a l e ' s A p o c a l y p s e a n d t h e I n t e r p r e t i v e C o m m u n i t y 116 I. John Bale: Writer and Reformer 119 Life and Works 119 Bale and His Critics 122 Literary History 124 Bale and Augustine 127 II. Reformation Drama: Staging Protestant History in Three Laws 129 History and Drama 131 Exegesis: Baleus Prolocutor and His Book 135 Drama: The Free Play of Infidelity 140 The Congregation of Christian Faith 150 III. Civitas to Congregation: Augustine's Two Cities and John Bale's Image of Both Churches 156 Bale Reading Augustine: The Textual Evidence 157 A Spiritual Community: Civitas to Congregation 163 The Two Churches as a Model for Historiography 169 The Two Churches as a Model for Exegesis 174 IV. The Word as Spectacle 181 The Drama of Martyrdom 181 The Image and the Book 184 V C h a p t e r 3 A T h e a t r e o f t h e W o r d (2): F o x e ' s M a r t y r s a n d t h e N a r r a t i v e C o m m u n i t y 189 I. Ecclesiastical History 195 Christus Triumphans: The Drama of Ecclesiastical History 196 Tradition, Authority, and the Reformation Debates 201 Patristic Models for Historiography 203 Luther's Place in Foxe's Ecclesiastical History 208 The Emergence of the Protestant Hero 211 II. Martyrs 214 Allegory and the Individual: Marking the Martyrs 215 Naming the Martyrs 218 Martyrs in Court and on Stage 221 The Body and the Word 228 III. Apocalyptic Exegesis 232 Apocalypse as Drama in Christus Triumphans 234 Apocalyptic and Exegesis 237 Naming the Antichrist 239 The Body of Believers 245 IV. England 249 Universal or Particular History? 250 The Role of England and Its Monarch 254 Other-worldly Kingdoms 258 V. Acts and Monuments 261 Change and Rest 261 The Invisible Church and the Protestant Aesthetic 266 Generic Hybridization and the Space of the Text 270 PART THREE Shakespeare 275 C h a p t e r 4 A T h e a t r e o f t h e B o d y 276 I. Shakespeare and the Two Cities/Churches 279 Shakespeare's Augustinian Dimension 280 Protestant Drama to Secular Drama 282 Shakespeare and Foxe 284 v i II. King Lear. An Image of National Apocalypse 290 The Pilgrimage of the Community 290 Inwardness and Absence 295 Secularizing the Apocalypse 300 The Post-apocalyptic Community 303 III. Antony and Cleopatra: Acts in the Monument 309 New Heaven, New Earth 311 Rome and the Classical Landscape 313 Interpretaton and Role-playing 317 Earning a Place in History 323 IV. Cymbeline: British History as Romance 328 Romance and Tragi-comedy 328 Reading Words and Bodies 331 British History and the Apocalypse 338 Providence and Authority 341 The Aesthetic Space and Its Community 346 E p i l o g u e 350 F i g u r e s 1-8 355 B i b l i o g r a p h y 363 T a b l e o f F i g u r e s F igure 1: John B a l e presenting his book to E d w a r d V I ; Frontispiece f rom B a l e ' s Scriptorum Illustrium maioris Britanniae... Summarium (1548) F igure 2: A L i t e r a l Picture o f the W o m a n i n the Wilderness and the W h o r e o f B a b y l o n ; T i t l e Page from the Second Part o f B a l e ' s Image of Both Churches (c. 1551) F igure 3: The Front ispiece o f John F o x e ' s Acts and Monuments (1563) F igure 4: The burning o f John Hooper , B i s h o p o f Gloucester ; F o x e ' s Acts and Monuments. Figure 5: The burning o f A n n e A s k e w w i t h John A d a m s , John Lace l s , and N i c h o l a s Be len i an ; F o x e ' s Acts and Monuments. Figure 6: The Ini t ia l Letter " C " o f F o x e ' s Acts and Monuments, p ic tur ing E l i zabe th I F igure 7: Thomas Cranmer thrusts his hand into the fire; F o x e ' s Acts and Monuments. Figure 8: The burning o f Rose A l l i n ' s hand; F o x e ' s Acts and Monuments. V l l l A c k n o w l e d g e m e n t s W h e n I was fourteen years o ld , I decided that I wanted to pursue a P h . D . i n E n g l i s h literature. M y abi l i ty to stay on this course was made possible by an extremely supportive network o f teachers, friends, and fami ly . The greatest debt for this dissertation I owe to m y supervisor, M a r k Vessey . Throughout m y t ime at U B C , he has been consistently generous and supportive; he has taught me almost everything I k n o w about Chr i s t i an late antiquity, and I have been enormously inf luenced by his w o r k and guidance. T o n y D a w s o n was m y M A supervisor, m y candidacy exam supervisor, and has w o r k e d c losely w i t h me on this project. Thus I thank M a r k and T o n y for j o i n t l y he lp ing me to develop as a scholar over the past s ix years, and for being m y good friends as w e l l . I ' d also l ike to acknowledge the guidance o f Dennis Dan ie l son , as w e l l as P a u l Burns and Pat r ic ia B a d i r — a l l o f w h o m served on m y candidacy exam committee, and w h o helped me w i t h earlier stages o f this project. M y special gratitude goes to P a u l B . Ha rvey , Jr., an honorary committee member, a good friend, and a we l l sp r ing o f advice and informat ion. Because education is such an ongoing process, I ' d l ike to ment ion the inspira t ional teachers o f m y past: Judi th B u n c h , D o n n a Letzter, M o r r i s Bruns , G e r a l d Barnett , M a l c o l m Gr i f f i t h , Dolores Pa lomo , and W i l l i s K o n i c k . I owe thanks to a number o f m y colleagues and friends: especial ly to G u d r u n Dreher , for reading a complete draft and offering helpful feedback, and to Bren t Whi t t ed , for reading not just the f inal draft but many, many previous incarnations o f it. I also appreciate the useful advice o f Adr ienne Lindemere , U l r i c h Teucher, Sean Lawrence , and Y a e l K a t z . A m o n g m y friends w h o have supported me throughout this endeavour, A n n e M c C a n d l e s s deserves m y special gratitude for the l imi t less patience, humour , and food that she has offered as m y roommate over the past three years. Ta ra P i c k e n is a lways an inspira t ion to me, and I a m grateful to Tsu tomu O h s h i m a for bu i ld ing an organizat ion (Shotokan Kara te o f A m e r i c a ) that has g iven me the strength to achieve the goals I set for m y s e l f long ago. N o one has exhibi ted more patience and compass ion for me over the past four years than Brent Whi t ted . H e has supported me emot ional ly as w e l l as in te l lec tua l ly—for this (and for his unfa i l ing abi l i ty to make me laugh) I a m eternally grateful. Wi thou t the love and encouragement o f m y fami ly , I w o u l d never have learned to set goals for myself , m u c h less to achieve them. Thus it is w i t h m y deepest appreciat ion that I acknowledge the priceless role that m y mother, C a r o l y n N u n n , and m y father, F rank M i n t o n , have p layed i n m y education, and i n m y l ife . To my father, who taught me to climb mountains 1 INTRODUCTION In 1522, the Spanish humanist Juan L o u i s V i v e s dedicated his L a t i n edi t ion o f Augus t ine ' s City of God, complete w i th extensive commentary, to K i n g H e n r y V I I I o f Eng land . V i v e s ' dedicat ion makes it clear that, i n terms o f the continuous struggle between R o m e and B a b y l o n that Augus t ine had depicted, the emerging Refo rma t ion is a product o f B a b y l o n ; therefore, V i v e s cal ls on H e n r y to use Augus t ine ' s "treasury o f ancient learning" to help h i m defeat Luther . One hundred years later, Protestantism had w o n the battle o f r e l ig ion i n Eng land , and the country was faced w i t h the threat o f a d i v i s i o n not between R o m a n C a t h o l i c i s m and Protestantism, but between t w o types o f Protestantism. Despi te the change i n circumstances, the City of God st i l l spoke to rel igious controversialists. In the preface to the 1620 reprint o f the first E n g l i s h translation o f the City of God1 the Pur i tan d iv ine W i l l i a m Crashawe wrote: A s a M a n amongst creatures, and the C h u r c h amongst men, and the Fathers i n the Church , and S. Augustine amongst the Fathers, so amongst the many precious volumes , and i n the r i ch store-house o f his workes , his bookes on the C i t y o f G o d haue a special l preheminence. In the century between V i v e s ' edi t ion dur ing the reign o f H e n r y V I I I and this E n g l i s h edi t ion dur ing the reign o f James I, the City of God became a part o f E n g l i s h re l ig ious and national consciousness. 1 The original translation was by John Healey in 1610, and was printed by George Eld, who also printed Shakespeare's sonnets. 2 Saint Augustine of the Citie of God: with the learned comments oflo. Lodovicus Vives. Englished first by J.H. And now in this second edition compared, etc. 1620. A Short-Title Catalogue [hereafter STC] of Books Printed in England, Scotland, and Ireland and of English Books Printed Abroad 1475-1640, ed. A.W. Pollard, G . R Redgrave and K.F. Pantzer, 2 n d ed. 0-ondon, 1976-91) no. 917. 2 This dissertation traces the development o f Augus t ine ' s model o f the two cities (the C i t y o f G o d and the earthly ci ty) in the cultural poetics o f the E n g l i s h Renaissance . 3 A l t h o u g h scholars have studied the impact o f Augus t ine ' s model on theology, his tor ical consciousness, and po l i t i ca l theories in the M i d d l e A g e s and Renaissance, little attention has been paid to the genealogy o f the more specif ical ly " l i terary" aspects o f the idea o f the t w o cities. Th is project explores the ways in w h i c h Augus t ine ' s language and his theology o f history in the City of God are related to drama, and argues that this component o f Augus t ine ' s wr i t i ng was an integral aspect o f the literary influence the City of God i n the E n g l i s h Renaissance. Augus t ine ' s complex relationship to drama—his vehement anti-theatricality on the one hand, and his wi l l ingness to employ dramatic elements throughout his narrative o n the other—is, I shall argue, an important part o f the mode l o f the t w o cities. The "drama" o f the City of God does not involve actual stage performance, o f course, nor does it even invo lve the employment o f extensive theatrical metaphors. Instead, what I a m speaking o f can be more accurately cal led, i n Kenne th B u r k e ' s terms, "d ramat i sm"— a w o r d he uses to refer to ideas, themes, and metaphors that are integral to drama as a concept and as a genre, but w h i c h often occur separately i n (non-dramatic) wri t ten w o r k s . 4 B u r k e suggests that his method is properly ca l led "dramat i sm" because it is " a perspective that, be ing developed from the analysis o f drama, treats language and thought p r imar i ly as modes o f ac t ion . " 5 S imi la r ly , I w o u l d l ike to suggest that Augus t ine ' s 3 Stephen Greenblatt defines "cultural poetics" as an exploration of "The 'life' that literary works seem to possess long after both the death of the author and the death of the culture for which the author wrote," or of "how collective beliefs and experiences were shaped, moved from one medium to another, concentrated in manageable aesthetic form, offered for consumption." Stephen Greenblatt, Shakespearean Negotiations: The Circulation of Social Energy in Renaissance England (Berkeley: U of California P, 1988) 6, 5. 4 Kenneth Burke, A Grammar of Motives (New York: Prentice Hall, 1945), Introduction: "The Five Key Terms of Dramatism." 5 Burke xxii. 3 emphasis upon confl ict , upon history as directed by Providence , and upon spectacle and performance w i t h i n this history, are a l l "dramatist ic" elements o f his thought, because they are d rawn from concepts that are related to drama as a genre. W h i l e Augus t ine ' s project insists upon the pr imacy o f the W o r d — b o t h the words o f Scripture and the words o f his o w n book—his need to speak to the communi ty o f p i lg r ims i n this l i fe necessitated a language that w o u l d draw them into not just an understanding of, but a sense o f part icipation in , history as directed by Providence . This active language, I w i l l argue, is the root o f Augus t ine ' s dramat ism i n the City of God, and this interplay between the b o o k and drama is also an important feature o f E n g l i s h Renaissance appropriations (both rel igious and secular) o f Augus t ine ' s model . Throughout this thesis, m y focus for the examinat ion o f Augus t ine ' s mode l o f the t w o cities and its influence i n the E n g l i s h Renaissance w i l l be the complex relationship between word , communi ty , and drama. Before p rov id ing a more detailed summary o f the four chapters o f this w o r k , I w i l l discuss h o w these three elements are at work , and integral ly related to one another, in the City of God. T h e W o r d : Scripture and the B o o k Augus t ine introduces his b o o k w i t h the fo l lowing words : Here , m y dear M a r c e l l i n u s , is the fulfilment o f m y promise, a b o o k i n w h i c h I have taken upon m y s e l f the task o f defending the glor ious C i t y o f G o d against those w h o prefer their o w n gods to the Founder o f that C i t y . I treat o f it both as it exists i n this w o r l d o f t ime, a stranger among the ungodly , l i v i n g by faith, and as it stands i n the secuarity o f its everlasting seat. ( l .P re f ; 5 ) 6 6 Unless otherwise noted, quotations from the City of God follow the translation of Henry Bettenson (London: Penguin, 1972). References include the book and chapter number, followed by the page number from Bettenson's translation. 4 F r o m the beginning, it is evident that the " C i t y o f G o d " is a communi ty that is d iv ided into two groups: those who are p i lg r ims on earth, and those who are cit izens at rest in heaven. B u t the C i t y o f G o d is not only a communi ty ; it is also a b o o k — a w o r k o f enormous scope that explains a l l o f history from the F a l l to the apocalypse as a struggle between t w o societies. B u t exactly what kind o f a book is it? C a n it be classif ied as apologetics, exegesis, theology, history, pol i t ica l theory, or epic, and i f a combina t ion o f some or al l o f these, upon what foundation is it able to combine these elements? Some cri t ics have tried to emphasize its apologetic nature, but, as G . J . P . O ' D a l y notes, The extent and detail o f its presentation o f Chr is t ian v iews cannot be expla ined i n apologetic terms alone: the importance o f [the City of God] resides i n the fact that its scope covers questions o f cosmology, history, and eschatology, presupposing and u t i l i z ing the ful l range o f [August inian] doctrines. I f the City of God contains a l l o f these elements, it is because o f the ambit ious scope o f Augus t ine ' s project and the complex i ty o f his historical situation. The fal l o f R o m e i n 410 was the central event that Augus t ine was responding to i n the City of God, but the range o f issues he was addressing went far beyond this immediate occas ion . 8 B y 413 , w h e n Augus t ine began this w o r k , he was a prominent member o f the Ca tho l i c church i n A f r i c a and was increasingly k n o w n throughout the Lat in- reading ha l f o f the R o m a n w o r l d by his wri t ings . H e had wri t ten the story o f his o w n life, several w o r k s o f exegesis, and many letters, sermons, and anti-heretical tracts. In the City of God, he attempted to draw a l l modes o f discourse, genres, adversaries, and all ies together i n a li terary space o f 7 O'Daly, G.J.P. "Ciuitate dei (De-)," Augustinus-Lexikon 1 (1994): 978. 8 The place of Rome, especially of its aristocracy and religion, was an important topic for Christians who needed to define themselves as a separate group, but found themselves part of the Roman people, values, and governmental systems. In addition to concerning himself with the relationship between Christianity and the outside world, Augustine needed to consider the relationship between various groups that existed within Christianity itself. The threat of heresy from the Donatists and the Manichees, as well as the sociological implications of the radical asceticism of some Christians, were issues that Augustine had to address. 5 unprecedented ambit ion. The City of God can thus be seen as an example o f what A v e r i l C a m e r o n calls a " to ta l iz ing discourse," defined as a " to ta l iz ing interpretation in w h i c h secular discourse could be subsumed and brought w i th in the universal Chr i s t i an interpretative field."9 A s a " to ta l iz ing discourse," the City of God was one o f the cornerstones o f Chr i s t i an self-definit ion in the West . It accounted for each i n d i v i d u a l ' s place i n G o d ' s great plan, and gave humans a part to play in a provident ia l scheme, thereby infusing history (both ind iv idua l and communal ) w i t h meaning. A t the conc lus ion o f the City of God, Augus t ine announces that he has comple ted "this huge w o r k " (22.30; 1091), clearly cognizant o f its metaphorical (and literal) s ize and weight . Th is book w h i c h is ca l led the City of God gains authority partly, w e may conjecture, because o f the importance o f the idea o f the book i n early Chris t iani ty . F o r Augus t ine , the ul t imate b o o k 1 0 is the Sc r ip tu re—God ' s W o r d . In the Confessions, he wri tes that G o d "established the authority o f [his] b o o k between those above, w h o w o u l d be obedient to [him], and those beneath, w h o w o u l d be made subject to them" (13.34; 345). G o d ' s book, i n a sense, stands between the t w o portions o f the C i t y o f G o d , reveal ing the w a y for the p i lg r ims o n earth to become cit izens o f heaven. The importance o f the b o o k as a symbol o f eternity is perhaps most evident i n John 's A p o c a l y p s e — a b o o k that insists u p o n its o w n totality and threatens those w h o w o u l d dare alter it i n any w a y (Rev . 22:18-19). "Revela t ion , w h i c h epi tomizes the B i b l e , " argues F ran k K e r m o d e , "puts our fate into a book, and calls it the book o f life, w h i c h is the ho ly c i t y . " 1 1 In this sense, the b o o k and the c i ty are synonymous—both symbol ize the ul t imate g lo ry o f 9 Averil Cameron, Christianity and the Rhetoric of Empire: The Development of Christian Discourse (Berkeley: U of California P, 1991) 57-58. The City of God is not just an example, but the perfect example of a totalizing discourse, for it subsumes a range of secular discourses and brings them within a newly fashioned Christian interpretive field. 1 0 Or, in practice, collection of books (bibliotheca). 1 1 Frank Kermode, The Sense of an Ending: Studies in the Theory of Fiction (Oxford: Oxford UP, 1967) 58. 6 eternity. Augus t ine ' s o w n book, w h i c h takes its name from this city, must necessarily fa l l short o f the g lory o f Scripture and the book o f l i fe , but it nonetheless asserts an authority that is connected to G o d ' s books. M a r k Vessey observes that for Augus t ine "the ideal plenitude and unity o f the book, even o f Scripture itself, was strictly transcendent, capable o f being imaged but never o f being contemplated by those d w e l l i n g among litterae: sequential units o f articulate sound, texts, literatures. In this sense, Augus t i ne ' s B o o k is the model o f his C i t y . " 1 2 In other words , l ike the C i t y o f G o d , the idea o f the book contains two components. G o d ' s book, l ike the por t ion o f the C i t y w h i c h is at rest, is complete, changeless, eternal. Augus t ine ' s book, l ike the C i t y o f G o d o n earth, is flawed, t ime-bound, and only an imperfect image o f the other part o f the book/c i ty . Y e t even as an image, this book has a v i ta l role to fill as it helps to create a sense o f communi ty among the p i lg r ims on earth. C o m m u n i t y : Imaginative Space and the P i l g r ims o f the mean time T h e w o r d Augus t ine uses for " c i t y " is civitas, w h i c h is not equivalent to our sense o f a c i ty as a geographical l o c a t i o n . 1 3 Instead, a civitas is a co l lec t ion o f people sharing the same beliefs and values. The def ining features o f Augus t ine ' s civitas dei o n earth are its b e l i e f i n G o d and its habitation o f the temporal w o r l d . W h e n Chr is t ian i ty formed as a re l ig ion , its adherents d id not expect the w o r l d to last much longer; Jesus' promise to the d isc ip les i n M a t t h e w 24:34 that their generation w o u l d not pass away unt i l the end o f the w o r l d had taken place gave the apostolic message a pronounced apocalypt ic urgency. Because o f the prevalent be l i e f i n the apocalpyse—an imminent end to history as 1 2 Mark Vessey, Introduction to Augustinian Studies 30.2 (1999). 1 3 The Latin word for this would be urbs. 7 predicted by prophetic books such as Reve la t ion—ear ly Chr is t ian wri t ings put an emphasis upon the present as a "t ime-between": F o r Pau l : between resurrection o f Chr is t and H i s expected Parousia at the end o f the wor ld . F o r John: between the g lor i f ica t ion o f Jesus through his c ruc i f i x ion ( w h i c h is at the same t ime his exaltation) and the end o f the earthly life o f the ind iv idua l believer. B u t for both o f them this "between" has not only chronologica l , but also essential, meaning. It is the dialect ical "between" w h i c h characterises the Chr is t ian existence as between "no longer" and "not ye t . " 1 4 The longer the present w o r l d continued, the more significance this " in-between" t ime gained i n Chr is t iani ty . A l t h o u g h he l i ved several centuries after the death o f Chr is t , Augus t ine also bel ieved that the t ime between the Incarnation and the Parousia had no essential s ignif icance because history accompl ished its decis ive turning point at the Incarnation, and sacred history was essentially already complete. However , Augus t ine the b ishop understood that one o f the pr imary functions o f the church was to teach Chr is t ians h o w to be Chris t ians in the interstitial space o f here and now; hence, there is a major component o f his wr i t i ng devoted to the concerns o f the ind iv idua l Chr i s t i an l i fe , and especia l ly to the communi ty o f Chr i s t i an believers. Augus t ine ' s City of God, though ostensibly directed "against the pagans," has more to say to his fe l low Chris t ians , p rov id ing them w i t h an explanat ion o f the course o f h i s to ry—a phi losophy o f history that has an essential bearing on their l ives . Thus, although Augus t ine ' s thought remains decidedly eschatological (dependent upon a be l i e f i n the end o f the w o r l d and o f humani ty as the cu lmina t ion o f history), he often emphasizes the importance o f life i n the present. A s "the C h u r c h [was] changed from a communi ty o f the saved into an insti tution 1 4 D. Rudolf Bultmann, History and Eschatology (Edinburgh: U of Edinburgh P, 1975)49. See also Kermode 25. 8 o f s a lva t i on , " 1 5 Chr i s t ian literature such as the City of God spoke to the spiri tual needs o f people l i v i n g in the " in-between" time. Ref lec t ing upon the relationship between teleology and literature, Frank K e r m o d e remarks that " M e n , l ike poets, rush ' in to the middest, ' in medias res, when they are born; they also die in mediis rebus, and to make sense o f their span they need Ac t ive concords w i t h or igins and ends, such as give meaning to l ives and to poems . " 1 6 The gap between the Incarnation and the Parousia in early Chr i s t i an theology comprises a significant part o f the age that Augus t ine calls the saeculum, the time/space w h i c h a l l people inhabit dur ing life o n ear th . 1 7 Th is particular span o f t ime is largely e l ided in the "sacred his tory" o f the B i b l e , for the only clues that Scripture provides about the period are hidden i n the mysterious prophecies o f the E n d T imes . Augus t ine must therefore attempt to f i l l this hermeneutical gap w i t h wr i t ing that can make sense o f the saeculum to those presently d w e l l i n g i n it. The City of God s imultaneously creates this gap through its theology, and f i l l s it w i t h what we may refer to as a narrative o f the "secular imagina t ion"—secular not i n the modern sense o f pertaining to the w o r l d outside the re l ig ious sphere, but i n the sense that it belongs, by defini t ion, to this t ime " in-between" w h i c h w e inhabit, an age that takes its reference point from an eschatological v i e w o f h i s t o ry . 1 8 T h r o u g h his exegesis o f Scripture, and o f the w o r l d i n terms o f Scripture, Augus t ine creates a text that bridges the gap between p i l g r i m and c i t izen; he provides his 1 5 Bultmann 53. 1 6 Kermode 7. 1 7 In using the term saeculum, I am following the work of Robert A. Markus, Saeculum: History and Society in the Theology of St Augustine (Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1970). One of Markus' main lines of inquiry in this book is: "What, in the end, did [Augustine] consider to be man's right posture in the saeculum: the world of men and of time?" (viii). 1 8 This interstitial space is what T.S. Eliot describes in "Ash Wednesday" as a condition of "Wavering between the profit and the loss / In this brief transit where the dreams cross / The dreamcrossed twilight between birth and dying." 9 readers w i t h an imaginat ive space that a l lows them to feel part o f a communi ty cal led the C i t y o f G o d . F o r August ine , participation in G o d is both the pr imary act ivi ty in heaven and the on ly true enjoyment on earth. In l ieu o f the direct part icipat ion in G o d that is possible i n heaven, the resident aliens on earth can participate i n the communi ty o f believers that is dedicated to him. August ine offers his o w n text as a med ium for this type o f c o m m u n a l understanding, as he interprets the B i b l e and creates a communi ty around this system o f exegesis. A group o f people w h o share interpretive assumptions is often ca l led an "interpretive communi ty , " but when this group is united around the interpretation o f a central text, it is cal led, in B r i a n S tock ' s terms, a "textual c o m m u n i t y . " 1 9 In these communit ies , the B i b l e may be the central text, but it is the exegetical w o r k s such as the City of God that create the shared interpretive experience necessary for the cohesion o f this communi ty . D r a m a : The Theatre o f this W o r l d T h e format ion o f a textual communi ty involves a complex interplay between script and performance. S tock shows that s imple theories about a commun i ty ' s evo lu t ion from an " o r a l " to a "li terate" culture do not hold true i n the case o f textual communit ies , where performance f lows into and out o f an interaction w i t h a tex t . 2 0 The performative quali ty 1 9 Brian Stock first formulated the idea of the textual community in The Implications of Literacy: Written Language and Models of Interpretation in the Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries (Princeton: Princeton UP, 1983), and modified it in Listening for the Text: On the Uses of the Past (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins UP, 1990). Robert Markus also adopts this terminology in Signs and Meanings: World and Text in Ancient Christianity (Liverpool: Liverpool UP, 1996), as does Martin Irvine, The Making of Textual Culture: "Grammatica" and Literary Theory, 350-1100 (Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1994). 2 0 Because of Stock's concern for the written versus the oral mode of text, he constantly uses dramatic metaphors in order to describe processes at work in the community. He suggests that in a textual community a "reorientation of belief [is] played out as a drama in which the oral confront[s] the written" (Listening 157); furthermore, he "typif[ies] these groups as combinations of narratives, in which the actor's role is much like the dramatic performance of a script" (Listening 152). At another point, he defines a textual community as "a group in which there is both a script and a spoken enactment and in which social cohesion and meaning result from the interaction of the two" (Listening 100). 10 o f Chr is t ian i ty is manifested in the way that, the script o f the B i b l e has a v i ta l effect on people 's l i v e s — i t changes the way they act. M a x Har r i s argues that i f "the Chr i s t i an concept o f G o d ' s mode o f self-revelation is theatrical, then the sensitive reader o f script and Scripture a l ike w i l l need to engage in a form o f theatrical hermeneutics that both animates and interprets text ." 2 1 Because performance is encoded i n the text o f the B i b l e , there is an integral relationship between the actions o f believers and the performance o f a dramatic script. The B i b l e i tself contains a sort o f dramatic plot, for it tells the story o f a group o f people chosen by G o d to play the central role i n his drama o f h i s to ry . 2 2 The dramatistic elements o f the B i b l e were apparent to Augus t ine ; one o f the metaphors that he found in the Scripture was the idea o f the w o r l d as a theatre. In his d iscuss ion o f the apostle P a u l i n B o o k 14 o f the City of God, Augus t ine echoes P a u l ' s assertion i n 1 Cor in th ians 4:9 that the apostles are a spectacle before G o d and man by saying that Pau l l i v e d " i n theatro huius mund i " ( in the theatre o f this wor ld ) . Th is phrase is not merely a convenient way to reflect upon Pau l ' s first letter to the Cor inthians : the idea that G o d ' s chosen people are part o f a grand plan directed by P rov idence surfaces again and again i n August ine . I w i l l argue that, despite his opposi t ion to R o m a n theatre and spectacle, Augus t ine retains a keen sense o f the aesthetic and imaginat ive value o f drama i n his account o f the cosmic scope o f history. T h i s idea o f history as a drama d id not originate w i t h Chr is t iani ty ; Erns t Rober t Cur t ius explains that as early as P la to w e see "the w o r l d as a stage upon w h i c h men play 2 1 Max Harris, Theatre and Incarnation (London: Macmillan, 1990) 11. 2 2 As Northrop Frye points out, "the myth of Christianity is also a divine comedy which contains a tragedy, and thinks of that tragedy as an episode within a larger comic structure." Northrop Frye, The Secular Scripture: A Study of the Structure of Romance (Cambridge, M A : Harvard UP, 1976)92. The tragic course of history from the Fall until the end of the world is contained within a comic superstructure, with the apocalypse bringing about the "happy ending" for Christians. 11 their parts, their motions directed by G o d . " Because he was trained in class ical rhetoric, it is no surprise that August ine was wel l -versed in the dramatic metaphors o f late R o m a n soc i e ty . 2 4 A t times, August ine relates drama to the emptiness and futi l i ty o f life, as he does i n his commentary on the Psalms: "Here on earth it is as i f ch i ld ren should say to their parents: C o m e ! think o f departing hence; we too w o u l d play our comedy! F o r nought but a comedy o f the race o f man is al l this life, w h i c h leads from temptation to tempta t ion ." 2 5 Indeed, he associates the pagan drama wi th "false p lay" and emptiness— part o f a pageantry control led by demons. B y contrast, the City of God is the story o f t w o oppos ing communi t ies that struggle against one another throughout a history that is control led by G o d . The depraved pagan theatre is completely overshadowed by this inherently dramatistic picture o f provident ial history. The most important strength o f these dramatistic ideas i n Chr is t iani ty , as i n Augus t ine ' s book, is their abi l i ty to transform readers from audience members into actors. Shadi Bar t sch explains that " A s a descriptive model , ' theatr ical i ty ' makes actors out o f human beings placed i n situations in w h i c h they feel themselves watched, i n w h i c h their performance is subject to the evaluation o f a superior w h o must be watched i n turn to gauge his reac t ions ." 2 6 Th is is the sort o f arena that the City of God creates—it bui lds a stage and uses it to tel l the story o f the two cities, imitat ing the structure o f what 2 3 Ernst Robert Curtius, European Literature and the Latin Middle Ages, trans. Willard R. Trask (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1953) 138. 2 4 This use of dramatism is evident in non-Christian writers as well; see Andrew Feldherr, Spectacle and Society in Livy's History (Berkeley: U of California P, 1998), especially Chapter 5, "The Alternative of Drama." 2 5 Quoted by Curtius, 140. (Quotation from Enarrationes in Psalmos 127). 2 6 Shadi Bartsch, Actors in the Audience: Theatricality and Doublespeak from Nero to Hadrian (Cambridge, M A : Harvard UP, 1994) 10-11. For the relationship between apocalyptic and theatre see also Harry O. Maier, "Staging the Gaze: Apocalyptic Narrative Self-Representation in Early Christianity," Harvard Theological Review 90.2 (1997): 131-54. Interestingly, in order to discuss this phenomenon Maier adopts the phrase "staging the gaze" from a book about English Renaissance theatre; see Barbara Freedman, Staging the Gaze: Postmodernism, Psychoanalysis, and Shakespearean Comedy (Ithaca: Cornell UP, 1991). 12 Augus t ine takes to be G o d ' s plan itself. A s Augus t ine reads his hermeneutical theories into and out o f the w o r l d at large, he creates his o w n "theatre o f the w o r l d . " B u t even though he speaks o f the theatre o f the wor ld and uses dramatistic ideas throughout the City of God, his o w n sense o f theatricality is a lways subsumed by the superstructure o f his book, contained by the (presumed) stability o f the wri t ten word . W i t h i n the stable f ramework that August ine attempts to create i n a b o o k cal led the City of God, he acknowledges a history o f change, instabil i ty, and unrest—all o f w h i c h are consequences o f the F a l l . Th i s is also the province o f drama, w h i c h is characterized by d i scord and conflict . The combinat ion between symbols o f stasis (book) and act ion (drama) is reflected i n Augus t ine ' s theory that the members o f the C i t y o f G o d are d iv ided between those w h o are at rest in heaven, and those w h o are p i lg r ims o n earth. Th i s specific relationship between the wri t ten w o r d and the idea o f drama is c ruc ia l to Augus t ine ' s l i terary imagina t ion as a whole and becomes even more pronounced w h e n other writers appropriate Augus t ine ' s scheme for their o w n purposes. The D r a m a o f Augus t ine ' s T w o Ci t ies in the E n g l i s h Renaissance The purpose o f this dissertation is to show h o w three E n g l i s h Renaissance wr i t e r s—John B a l e , John Foxe , and W i l l i a m Shakespeare—were influenced not just by Augus t i ne ' s mode l o f the two cities, but by the complex relationship between w o r d , drama, and communi ty that is an integral part o f it. Augus t ine ' s "theatre o f the w o r l d " is the subject o f the first section o f this study. Chapter 1 elucidates the dramatistic aspects o f the City of God in order to set up the subsequent d iscuss ion o f the imaginat ive uses o f this mode l i n the E n g l i s h Renaissance. In particular, I concentrate o n the ways in w h i c h Augus t ine ' s construct ion o f history, exegesis, narrative, and eschatology are a l l part o f this dramatistic expression o f the two-13 cit ies model . Howeve r , my analysis also shows that Augus t ine ' s dramatism in the City of God is a lways sctrict ly contained wi th in the insistent scriptural ism o f his text, for the commun i ty o f the C i t y o f G o d is a textual one. Just as the w o r d was the symbol o f absolute authority in early Chris t iani ty , so the Protestant Reformers also cul t ivated an acute interest i n the authority o f the wri t ten w o r d — b o t h the Scripture and the works o f the C h u r c h fathers. Whether Protestant wri ters characterized the communi ty o f believers as a small ecclesia, as an international church, or as a nation, the idea o f a communi ty cal led the C i t y o f G o d could be a useful mode l . Chapters 2 and 3 deal w i t h two o f the most prominent o f the early E n g l i s h Re fo rmers—John B a l e and John Foxe . The title o f this section, "The E n g l i s h Reformers : A Theatre o f the W o r d , " sets the stage for a discussion o f the Reformers ' appropriat ion o f Augus t i ne ' s model . Because B a l e and F o x e were more his tor ical ly specific about the apocalypse than Augus t ine , they needed to find other ways to control the theatrical presentation o f the two-ci t ies model . Thei r solution was to focus a l l o f their dramatistic elements u p o n the w o r d itself, putt ing the book at the centre o f the mode l o f the t w o churches. E v e n more so than Augus t ine , B a l e and F o x e w o r k to contain a l l dramatic events and people w i t h i n an al l -encompassing and pre-existent W o r d . B a l e is par t icular ly important for this discussion because he wrote Protestant plays dur ing H e n r y VTJTs re ign and subsequently developed a two-church mode l i n The Image of Both Churches, the first E n g l i s h commentary on the book o f Reve la t ion . Thus B a l e engaged i n the clearest transposit ion o f the City of God for E n g l i s h Refo rmat ion purposes—a transposit ion that has a deep connection to his o w n understanding o f the power o f drama. Na tu ra l ly B a l e ' s model o f the t w o churches differs i n part from Augus t i ne ' s mode l o f the t w o cities, but by examin ing the w a y that B a l e adopts the 14 general mode l o f the two cities, yet bui lds into it a decidedly apocalypt ic v i e w o f history, Chapter 2 establishes the nature o f the interpretive communi ty that he creates for his readers i n first a literal, and then an exegetical, theatre o f the word . John F o x e fo l lowed the lead o f his friend and mentor John Ba l e , but reached a m u c h greater degree o f fame when he publ ished the hugely influential Acts and Monuments. A l s o a close reader o f August ine , F o x e fo l lowed the two-church mode l in the structure o f the Acts and Monuments, w h i c h bui lds upon B a l e ' s v i e w s o f church history, mar tyrdom, apocalypt ic ism, and the place o f E n g l a n d wi th in this scheme. M y discuss ion o f F o x e shows h o w he creates a communi ty o f readers through a narrative o f mar tyrdom, and in the process gives the E n g l i s h nation a more prominent place i n G o d ' s provident ia l drama. Chapters 2 and 3 take us from the beginnings o f the Refo rma t ion under H e n r y V I I I , through its further developments under E d w a r d V I , the persecution under M a r y , and the seeming t r iumph o f the El izabe than settlement. T h r o u g h this eventful per iod o f E n g l i s h history, B a l e and F o x e found i n Augus t ine a mode l that cou ld help speak to the re l ig ion, nation, and language o f E n g l a n d and its people. Chapter 4 continues the chronic le o f E n g l i s h monarchs by focusing o n the re ign o f James I, but it leaves the genealogy o f Protestant writers to concentrate instead upon Shakespeare 's secular drama. M y point is not that Shakespeare necessarily read the City of God, but that the idea o f the two cities had become so prevalent i n E n g l i s h thought i n the w a k e o f the Reformat ion that it was one o f the many rel igious ideas w h i c h found their w a y onto Shakespeare's stage. The metaphors, al lusions, and construct ion o f his tory and commun i ty offered by the City of God, combined w i t h the emphasis upon apoca lypt ic i sm, martyrdom, and nat ional ism added by B a l e and Foxe , p rov ided a r i ch storehouse o f dramatic material for Shakespeare. 15 Just as B a l e and F o x e freely altered Augus t ine ' s model to suit their o w n rel igious purposes, so Shakespeare altered (and questioned) many o f the aspects o f this model in order to suit the needs o f the commerc ia l theatre. Nor th rop Frye points out that " w h e n beliefs are presented wi th in literature, the impact on the reader is purely imaginat ive, and it is unnecessary for h i m to share or even sympathize w i t h these beliefs to respond appropriately. Imaginative response transcends be l i e f o f a l l k i n d s . " 2 7 Th is study o f Shakespeare is intended to explore exactly this phenomenon—what happens when re l ig ious beliefs are "emptied out" o f literary f o r m s ? 2 8 What remains? In Shakespeare 's theatre, what remains is the aesthetic quali ty that unites a communi ty o f readers/audience members. Instead o f creating a "theatre o f the w o r d , " Shakespeare creates a "theatre o f the b o d y " that insists upon the physical theatre i t se l f as the ultimate arena o f representation. In the p laygoing pub l ic o f Shakespeare's L o n d o n , we see one o f the faintest, and most interesting, reflections o f the communi ty o f p i lg r ims that Augus t ine once imagined. 2 7 Frye, Secular 171. 2 8 Here I am borrowing Stephen Greenblatt's idea that by evacuating everything it represents "the theater makes for itself the hollow round space within which it survives," the result of which is "to make us love the theater, to seek out its satisfactions, to serve its interests, to confer on it a place of its own, to grant it life by permitting it to reproduce itself over generations." Greenblatt emphasizes that "This complex, limited institutional independence, this marginal and impure autonomy, arises not out of an inherent, formal self-reflexiveness but out of the ideological matrix in which Shakespeare's theater is created and re-created" (127). PART ONE Augustine's Two Cities 17 CHAPTER 1 A Theatre of the World In 1633, an E n g l i s h anti-theatrical polemicis t wrote the fo l l owing words : Saint Augus t ine brands a l l stage playes w i t h this st igmatical l Impresse. That they are the spectacles o f filthiness, The overturners o f goodnesse and honesty, The chasers away o f a l l modesty and chasti ty. . . . The invi ta t ion to lewdnesse, by w h i c h the D e v i l l useth to gaine innumerable companies o f e v i l l men unto himselfe. Hence hee stiles Theatres: The cages o f uncleanesse, the publ ic professions o f wickednesse . . .and Stage-playes the most petulant, the most impure , impudent, w i c k e d , uncleane, the most shamefull and detestable attonements o f f i l thy Dev i l -gods , w h i c h to true R e l i g i o n are most execrable. 1 Throughout this passage, w h i c h is from the gigantic tract entitled Histrio-Mastix, W i l l i a m Prynne identifies where these opinions o f Augus t ine can be located and quotes them at length. In Histrio-Mastix, he repeatedly refers the reader to places i n B o o k s 1, 2, 4, 6, and 8 o f the City of God where August ine makes his attitude toward the theatre clear: according to August ine , the R o m a n theatre is a plague o f the soul and an arena for idolatry cont ro l led by demons. D u r i n g the anti-theatrical debates i n E n g l a n d i n the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, August ine became a major source for the anti-theatricalists, w h o could cite h i m as an authority w i t h w h o m no one w o u l d argue. The City of God i t se l f seemed to become a l ex icon o f anti-theatrical language. A t first glance, Augus t ine does seem to be unmis takably anti-theatrical. The lure o f the pagan theatres and gladiatorial shows that he relates i n the story o f A l y p i u s i n the 1 William Prynne, Histrio-Mastix, the players scourge (1633). STC 20464. For more on the use of Augustine in anti-theatrical debates, see Jonas Barish, The Antitheatrical Prejudice (Berkeley: U of California P, 1981), especially 52-65. 18 Confessions, or even in the experiences o f his o w n y o u t h 2 continue to be a subject o f his vehemence in the City of God. Typ ica l o f his angry rhetoric is this passage from B o o k 1: L i s t e n to me, i f your minds a l l ow you to think sensibly, after they have been drunk so long on the l iquor o f nonsense! The gods ordered theatrical shows to be put on in their honour to allay a plague w h i c h attacked the body, wh i l e the pont i f f stopped the erection o f a theatre to prevent a plague w h i c h w o u l d infect the s o u l . . . . F o r this disease attacks not the body but the character. It has b l inded the minds o f the sufferers w i t h such darkness, and has so deformed and degraded them, that quite recently, when R o m e was sacked, those who were infected w i t h this plague, and w h o managed to reach Carthage as refugees, attend the theatres every day as raving supporters o f the r iva l actors! I wonder i f posterity w i l l be able to be l ieve this, w h e n they hear o f it! (1.32; 43-44) Espec i a l l y dur ing the first ha l f o f the City of God, Augus t ine repeatedly attacks the theatre because it is part o f the R o m a n ceremonies dedicated to the gods w h o m Augus t ine labels as demons. B u t al though Augus t ine declares his opposi t ion to classical theatre, condemning the l icentiousness o f players and playgoers al ike, the idea o f drama is not consistently negative in the City of God. In fact, the City of God is, in some respects, much closer to the spirit o f drama than his po lemica l attacks in the first ha l f o f the w o r k suggest. It is commonplace for Augus t ine ' s cr i t ics to speak o f the "cosmic drama" o f the City of God, or to ca l l the dual is t ic struggle between the C i t y o f G o d and the earthly c i ty a "d rama . " 3 2 Augustine describes his interest in the theatre as a young man: "For I liked to score a fine win at sport or to have my ears tickled by the make-believe of the stage, which only made them itch more. As time went on my eyes shone more and more with the same eager curiosity, because I wanted to see the shows and sports which grown-ups enjoyed" (Confessions 1.10; 31). Quotations from the Confessions are taken from Saint Augustine: Confessions, trans. R.S. Pine-Coffin (London: Penguin, 1961). References include the book and chapter number, followed by the page number from Pine-Coffin's translation. 3 See Bultmann 54; Markus, Saeculum 5; Peter Brown, Augustine of Hippo (Berkeley: U of California P, 1967) 306; and Peter Brown, The World of Late Antiquity AD 150-750 (London: Thames and Hudson, 1971) 54. Harry O. Maier argues that "Most of the City of God is the record of Augustine's patient unveiling of the deeper significance of the course of historical events and their actors and the cosmic powers warring through them." "The End of the City and the City Without End: The City of God as Revelation," Augustinian Studies 30.2 (1999): 154. 19 One o f the pr imary reasons for this language is probably the association o f drama w i t h an "interesting or intense conf l ic t o f forces." 4 The radical opposi t ion between the two cities, the d i v i d i n g o f a l l people into two camps, w i th t ime and history i tself as the contested space, sets the stage in the City of God for a conflict that cannot be anything other than dramatic i n nature. M a r k u s notes that "August ine saw the who le course o f history, past, present, and future, as a dramatic confl ict o f the two cities, that is to say, in terms o f a tension o f forces w h i c h w i l l on ly appear in their naked reality beyond temporal h i s tory ." 5 W h a t is part icularly "dramatic" about August ine ' s arrangement is that, throughout the City of God, everything depends on this opposit ion. H e contrasts every facet o f the cities, f rom their beliefs to their histories to their ult imate ends, p l ay ing w i t h this radical opposi t ion and t ry ing to underline the contrast between the cities precisely because they are intermingled and cannot be properly dist inguished i n " temporal his tory." B u t the dramatistic tendencies o f the City of God go beyond the overr iding 'emphasis on dualis t ic confl ict . Augus t ine ' s insistence upon a providential history as a spectacle that is pre-scripted by G o d gives the City of God a dramatistic d imens ion—people become players w i t h i n a larger plot that is directed by G o d . Furthermore, Augus t ine ' s narrative invo lves an interplay not on ly between wri ter (God) and actors (people), but also turns to audience members (readers) and asks them to become part o f the dramatic course o f history, as vi ta l players i n G o d ' s plan. H o w can w e account for the presence o f these dramatistic elements i n a w o r k that is also decidedly anti-theatrical? W h e n we discern the nature o f the drama that Augus t ine employs as compared to the nature o f the drama that he condemns, the paradox seems less puzz l ing . H e condemns the theatrical shows w h i c h excite lust, disorder, and the 4 Webster's definition for "drama" n3: "a state, situation, or series of events involving interesting or intense conflict of forces." 5 Markus, Saeculum 62-63. 20 worsh ip o f demons—a theatre that exists for its o w n sake: B y contrast, the drama that he does a l l o w is either intended to describe G o d ' s grand design o f history o r else serves an educational purpose. In B o o k 2 o f the City of God, Augus t ine acknowledges that There are more acceptable dramatic composi t ions, namely the comedies and tragedies—poetical f ictions designed for product ion i n publ ic shows. The i r subject matter is often immora l , as far as act ion goes; but, un l ike many other composi t ions , they are at least free from verbal obscenities, and the older generation compel the young to read and learn them as part o f what is ca l led " a l ibera l education for gentlemen." (2.8; 56) H o w e v e r , Augus t ine remains suspicious o f this type o f " l ibera l educat ion," and he is never interested i n this k i n d o f drama. Nonetheless, his wi l l ingness to admit that drama can be useful fo l lows the crucia l differentiation he makes between "use" and "enjoyment" i n On Christian Teaching6 Because o f its inherent sense o f confl ict , opposit ion, and instabil i ty, drama is necessari ly a product o f the fal len w o r l d ; it can be used for a good purpose but can never be g o o d i n and o f itself. Thus, drama is useful i n part because it is an essential component o f the d iv i s i on between the two cities throughout h i s to ry—a d i v i s i o n that the ci t izens o f the C i t y o f G o d must understand. D r a m a creates a w o r l d o f contrast that makes things clearer by setting them i n opposi t ion w i t h one another; this method helps to draw people together as a communi ty that associates i tself w i t h the C i t y o f G o d . Insofar as drama can help people to unite and to fix their eyes upon the heavenly ci ty, Augus t ine is w i l l i n g to exploi t the provocat ive power o f this form. 6 "To enjoy something is to hold fast to it in love for its own sake. To use something is to apply whatever it may be to the purpose of obtaining what you love—if indeed it is something that ought to be loved" (1.4; 9). A l l quotations from this work taken from R.P.H. Green, trans., -St. Augustine: On Christian Teaching (Oxford: Oxford UP, 1997). 21 H e becomes anti-theatrical when drama begins to distract people from this ult imate goal . H i s fear is that people w i l l not use drama, but enjoy it for its o w n sake (just as Augus t ine and A l y p i u s once did). August ine fights this type o f theatre by replacing it w i th a cosmic drama w h i c h has a plot that was "wri t ten" by G o d and that can be read, at least in part, i n the Scriptures. G o d ' s spectacle o f history, especial ly the promise o f its apocalypt ic ending, overshadows the best o f the R o m a n shows, and includes Chris t ians i n a shared sense o f t r iumph as both actors and audience members i n G o d ' s cosmic playhouse. The purpose o f this chapter is twofold : first, to give an ove rv iew o f the elements o f the City of God w h i c h became important in E n g l i s h Renaissance appropriations o f this text; second, to elucidate the nature of, and discern the l imi ts of, the dramatistic tendencies o f the City of God. Thus I w i l l examine the dramatistic elements o f Augus t ine ' s mode l o f the two cities, but also the parallel tendency for his rhetoric to emphasize the wri t ten w o r d over the drama he asserts. I begin w i t h an explora t ion o f the mode l i t se l f and the tropes that August ine uses to express it, concentrating u p o n the l i terary elements o f the mode l and showing h o w Augus t ine "sets the stage" for the dramatic confl ic t that is the subject o f this work . Sect ion two o f the chapter then looks more c lose ly at Augus t ine ' s exegesis, as he teaches his readers to interpret not just the Scriptures, but the phenomenal w o r l d . B y expanding his arena beyond the w o r d s o f the B i b l e , I shall argue, Augus t ine creates a theatre o f the w o r l d that is nonetheless c i rcumscr ibed by the words o f the Scriptures. H a v i n g examined the nature o f Augus t ine ' s mode l and the hermeneutical theories behind it, m y discuss ion o f the City of God goes o n to focus upon its his tor iography and 22 nar ra to logy—Augus t ine ' s method o f expla in ing the "p lo t" o f G o d ' s provident ial drama. H i s use o f exemplary stories w i th in the plot structure teaches his readers h o w to read the Scripture and the w o r l d , thus showing them h o w to act based on this reading, as they move f rom being observers o f to actors in G o d ' s drama. The final section o f the chapter shows h o w all tropes, plots, and narratives are d rawn together as Augus t ine interprets and imagines the apocalypse. Wha t emerges f rom this analysis o f the City of God is Augus t ine ' s p r imary interest i n his audience; he creates a picture o f the dramatic f inal conf l ic t between the C i t y o f G o d and the earthly c i ty at the end o f t ime i n order to educate his readers and to offer them a sense o f hope as they w a l k as aliens in this w o r l d w h i l e they l o o k forward to a t ime when they may rest in the next. D u r i n g the final books, when Augus t ine discusses the expected bliss o f the heavenly ci ty, his most "dramat ic" moments are descriptions o f earthly events, not heavenly ones. A g a i n , drama seems the province o f the w o r l d in t ime and in history; his insistence upon the changelessness o f the condi t ion o f eternal bl iss once again moves his language away f rom drama, toward the more stable realm o f the book. W h i l e emphas iz ing the dramatistic elements o f Augus t ine ' s mode l o f the t w o cit ies, this chapter acknowledges Augus t ine ' s anti-theatricality, and his consequent tendency to give supremacy to the role o f the Scr ipture/book over the dramatic. E v e n as he a l l ows for the presence o f his o w n theatrical flourishes, Augus t ine consistently attempts to re-inscribe his dramatistic narrative w i t h i n the confines o f the text. A n examina t ion o f this interplay between drama and the wri t ten w o r d can help us to understand the nature o f Augus t ine ' s seemingly paradoxical attitude toward drama, and also to see more clearly h o w Augus t ine ' s mode l o f the two cities was able to inspire both anti-theatricalists and dramatists i n the E n g l i s h Renaissance. 23 I. Setting the Stage: T h e M o d e l and Its Tropes In choos ing to predicate his magnum opus on the idea o f t w o cities, Augus t ine was establishing an imaginative structure that w o u l d determine the entire thrust o f his book. The idea o f the C i t y o f G o d comes, as Augus t ine h i m s e l f states, from the Scriptures (pr imar i ly Psa lms 87, 46, and 48). H e writes in B o o k 11: in this Scripture we find these words , " G l o r i o u s things have been said o f you , C i t y o f G o d " . . . . F r o m such testimonies as these—and it w o u l d take too long to quote them a l l — w e have learnt that there is a C i t y o f G o d : and w e have longed to become ci t izens o f that C i ty , w i th a love inspired by its founder. (11.1; 429) Augus t ine ' s c l a i m that b ib l i ca l precedent is the or ig in o f the title and premise o f his w o r k gives h i m authority and identifies his project as an extended w o r k o f b ib l i ca l exegesis. H o w e v e r , some crit ics have noted that the mere ment ion o f the C i t y o f G o d i n these Psa lms cannot be the or ig in o f the "doctrine o f the two cit ies." After a long and detai led survey o f the possible influences on Augus t ine ' s model , Johannes van Oor t concludes that Augus t ine , rather than obtaining his concept o f the t w o antithetical c i t ies through an independent exegesis o f the B i b l e , actually read into the Scriptures his already exis t ing concept by means o f "eisegesis". It is possible that T y c o n i u s ' commentary on the Apoca lypse exerted some influence; O r i g e n and A m b r o s e may have too. A t any rate it is certain that Augus t ine was acquainted w i t h the metaphor o f the t w o antithetical cities, Jerusalem and B a b y l o n , and that he saw it repeatedly i n the Scriptures. 7 Johannes van Oort, Jerusalem and Babylon: A Study into Augustine's City o f God and the Sources of His Doctrine of the Two Cities (New York : E.J. Br i l l , 1991) 356. 24 V a n O o r t ' s equivocat ion on the subject o f Augus t ine ' s sources is perhaps inevitable, o g iven the complex i ty o f the issue. It does seem clear, in any case, that August ine was d rawing o n a w i d e variety o f authors for his idea, weav ing them together in order to create his o w n model . Instead o f tracing the ways i n w h i c h Augus t ine used his material , however , the present discussion w i l l focus on how the model works . The f o l l o w i n g section explains the his torical occas ion for Augus t ine ' s compos i t i on o f the City of God and illustrates h o w his model works to envis ion the ci t izens o f the C i t y o f G o d as a textual communi ty , united around a shared understanding o f the Scripture. B y us ing the antithesis between the t w o cities and employ ing powerful symbols such as R o m e or the Church , Augus t ine creates a sense o f shared experience among ind iv idua l s that l inks them to a wider communi ty . H i s presentation o f this mode l is dramatist ic both i n its concentration upon the confl ict between the two cities, and i n its tendency to encourage the readers to become part o f the predestined plot o f history, as members o f the C i t y o f G o d . The stage that August ine sets for this k i n d o f drama, however , is entirely based upon the script o f the B i b l e . The Impetus for the City of God In order to understand more precisely the nature o f Augus t ine ' s metaphorical usage o f the " t w o ci t ies ," it is necessary first to comprehend the reasons he decided to wri te the City of God and w h y he chose the term civitas itself. W h e n he began to w o r k o n the City of God i n 412 o r 4 1 3 , 9 Augus t ine was answering, at least i n part, those crit ics o f Chr is t ian i ty w h o suggested that this r e l ig ion was the cause o f R o m e ' s fal l i n 410. H e needed to expla in 8 It is not my concern here to build upon or to argue against scholars such as van Oort who have studied the sources and influence of Augustine's model of the two cities. However, I would like to point out that I would give the Scriptural sources of the idea of the City of God more prominence than van Oort is prepared to. 9 For the composition date of the City of God, see O'Daly 972. 25 h o w R o m e , w h i c h had been the powerful centre o f the k n o w n w o r l d for so long, cou ld have fallen. M u c h o f the blame for this was a imed at Chris t iani ty, for not much t ime had passed since the R o m a n empire had first become of f ic ia l ly a " C h r i s t i a n " state. Y e t Augus t ine ' s tactic o f choos ing the imaginat ive structure o f the two cities d id not arise exc lus ive ly from the fal l o f R o m e . Robert M a r k u s suggests that August ine had begun to formulate this idea some years before 410, because "his reflect ion on history had already led h i m to wi thho ld from the E m p i r e — a n d from any secular insti tution since Chr is t , any ult imate, sacred s ign i f i cance . " 1 0 The de-valuation o f earthly empires seemed especial ly appropriate after the fal l o f R o m e , and was a natural part o f Augus t ine ' s response to certain cr i t ics o f Chr is t ian i ty w h o had fled to A f r i c a dur ing the invas ion o f Italy. James O ' D o n n e l l argues that these refugees were, i n fact, Augus t ine ' s inspirat ion, not only as pagan opponents to w h o m he was responding i n the City of God, but also as i ronic metaphors, because "the situation o f these cultured refugees was precisely analogous, in legal terms, to the k i n d o f behavior w h i c h he wanted to preach as most suitable for Chr is t ians l i v i n g i n the earthly c i t y . " 1 1 This ideal o f detachment became Augus t ine ' s w a y o f descr ib ing the ci t izens o f the C i t y o f G o d w h o are for a t ime sojourners o n earth. Just as Augus t ine uses the predicament o f his pagan opponents to develop a theory about h o w Chris t ians should l ive i n this w o r l d , so he often appropriates from pagan culture whatever metaphors or rhetorical devices he finds useful. It is Augus t ine ' s habit to ho ld imagined conversations w i t h pagans such as V a r r o and Porphyry , often us ing them as source material, and sometimes arguing w i t h them as representatives o f erroneous pagan v iews . O ' D o n n e l l points out that by m a k i n g his w o r k contrapaganos, Augus t ine opened it up to a wider audience than w o u l d have been possible i n an anti-1 0 Markus, Saeculum 158. 1 1 James J. O'Donnell, "The inspiration for Augustine's de Civitate Dei," Augustinian Studies 10 (1979): 78. 26 heretical w o r k . In this way, he was able to use polemics against the pagans who were b l a m i n g Chris t ians for the fal l o f Rome , and to benefit a large variety o f potential audiences, i nc lud ing "pagans w i t h an open mind, Chris t ians themselves at least somewhat disturbed by pagan cr i t ic isms o f Chr is t iani ty . . .and Chris t ians o f an heretically nar row v i e w o f the separation o f g o o d men from evi l ones in this l i f e . " 1 2 In many ways the City of God is a conversat ion w i t h a variety o f opponents and all ies, a l l pos ing diff icul t questions, so Augus t ine had to stretch his mode l and rhetoric in order to address them a l l . H e absorbed as w e l l as defeated his pagan opponents in this " to ta l iz ing discourse ." The uni t ing w o r d and concept o f this tota l iz ing text is civitas, w h i c h is different from an urbs, and more c lose ly equivalent to a city-state than a c i ty; it is not a purely po l i t i ca l organizat ion, but an abstract idea o f a c o m m u n i t y . 1 3 O ' D a l y notes that "ciuitas has a range o f meanings extending beyond those o f a specific phys ica l c i ty or geographical territory to c i t izen body and c i t i zensh ip . " 1 4 Augus t ine exploi ts this range o f meanings for the f i i l l spectrum o f his requirements i n w r i t i n g the City of God. W h i l e van Oor t and others have emphasized the s imilar i ty between the idea o f the polis and that o f the civitas,15 it is more precise to understand Augus t ine ' s civitas as a commun i ty bound b y human norms and laws, f o l l o w i n g C i c e r o ' s use o f the t e r m . 1 6 Augus t ine transfers the not ion o f a commun i ty bound by human law into that o f a communi ty bound by d iv ine 1 2 O'Donnell, "Inspiration" 78. 1 3 See Bryan Ward-Perkins, "What is a Civitas and What is a City?" The Cambridge Ancient History, rev. edn. (Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1970-) Vol. 13. 1 4 O'Daly 970. 1 5 Van Oort argues that a civitas "is not just a group of people living together, but a community with its own religion, legal standards, culture and moral values. Therefore, when Augustine uses the word civitas, we should above all think of the ancient concept polis, the city-state. Here the elements of community, politics and religion are inseparable" (104). 1 6 Cicero, Republic 6.13: "gatherings of human beings bound together by law, [these are] what are called civitates." See also The Laws 1.7.23 and Stoic Paradoxes 4.27-28. 27 law. James Dougher ty adds the dist inction that when Augus t ine "deals direct ly w i t h the Chr is t ian ' s temporal l ife, his civitas conveys not a physical entity c lose ly l i nked to urbs, but rather a spiritual communi ty , not grouped around a wa l l ed shrine but oriented toward a faraway c i ty v i s ib le on ly in the imaginat ion o f f a i t h . " 1 8 B u t from the beg inn ing o f the City of God (despite the title and the precedent from the Psalms) , Augus t ine makes it clear that i n order to talk about one city, he must talk also about its opposite. The t ropologica l s ignif icance o f the civitas depends upon an antithetical relat ionship between the t w o cities. It is this dualis t ic ci ty structure that involves a complex in ter -weaving o f var ious sources and gives Augus t ine ' s metaphor its rhetorical power. Dua l i s t i c C i t i e s The antithesis between the two cities gives the City of God its pronounced sense o f dramatic confl ict . The dua l i sm between these cities is ul t imately an eschatological dual ism, for Augus t ine makes it clear that the two cities are in termingled i n this w o r l d , and separated on ly at the end o f time. However , it is important to note that Augus t ine is not advocat ing a M a n i c h e a n dua l i sm i n the City of God. The struggle between the t w o cities is not a struggle between t w o substantive forces (good and ev i l , o r G o d and the D e v i l ) , but between those w h o fo l low the w i l l o f G o d and those w h o do not. Y e t the mode l is certainly "dua l i s t i c" i n the sense that it outlines the t w o — a n d the on ly t w o — ends for humanity. In the preface, Augus t ine makes a sort o f apology for even d iscuss ing the earthly ci ty: " I cannot refrain from speaking about the city o f this w o r l d , a c i ty w h i c h aims at 1 7 A polis is the classical Greek "city-state," but it refers to a physical entity localized in time and space. By contrast, a civitas is a more abstract notion (coming from the collective noun for citizens, cives), and is not limited by temporal or geographical boundaries. A.N. Sherwin-White makes an important distinction between the polis and the civitas in The Roman Citizenship, 2 n d ed. (Oxford: Clarendon, 1973) 5. 1 8 James Dougherty, "The Sacred City and the City of God," Augustinian Studies 10 (1979): 88. 28 domin ion , w h i c h holds nations in enslavement, but is i tself dominated by that very lust o f dominat ion . I must consider this ci ty as far as the scheme o f this w o r k demands and as occas ion serves" (1.Preface; 5-6). In this passage, as in many other places, Augus t ine seems to be opposing the earthly c i ty direct ly w i t h the C i t y o f G o d , setting up a basic "us/ them" dichotomy. This radical opposi t ion is useful to August ine when he wants to stress the absolute difference between the two cities, and the differences between those w h o are members o f each city. M a n y recurring ideas travel a long w i t h this oppos i t ion; for instance, there is a difference i n standards o f l i v i n g , p roduc ing "one c i ty o f men w h o choose to l ive by the standard o f the flesh, another o f those w h o choose to l ive by the standard o f the spir i t" (14.1; 547). M o s t importantly, the t w o cit ies have different objects o f love: "the earthly c i ty was created by self-love reaching the point o f contempt for G o d , the Heaven ly C i t y by the love o f G o d carried as far as contempt o f self. In fact, the earthly c i ty glories i n itself, the Heaven ly C i t y glories i n the L o r d " (14.28; 593). T h i s dua l i sm becomes an integral part o f Augus t ine ' s structure. A s he says i n the Retractations, he defends the Chr is t ian faith against "false [pagan] bel iefs" in the first h a l f o f the City of God, but "lest anyone charge that w e have on ly argued against the beliefs o f others, and have not stated our own , it is just this that the second part o f this w o r k , w h i c h consists o f twe lve books , accomplishes" (69.2; 2 1 0 ) . 1 9 Thus , i n the first ha l f o f the City of God, he uses the opposi t ion between the Chr is t ian faith and pagan re l ig ion/phi losophy, creating an apologetic w h i c h defends Chr is t ian i ty against its enemies. In the second half, though i n a different way, Augus t ine also maintains a strict dua l i sm by systematically ou t l in ing the parallel development and eventual separation o f the t w o c i t ies—no longer an apologetic, but a narrative dual ism. E v e n as he moves from 1 9 Quotations from the Retractations are taken from Saint Augustine: The Retractations, trans. Mary Inez Bogan (Washington, D.C: Catholic U of America P, 1968). 29 the apologetic to the narrative portions o f the City of God, he is st i l l dependent upon the earthly ci ty as a reference point against w h i c h to define the heavenly ci ty. Howeve r , the fact that he admits that the two cities are " i n t e r m i n g l e d " 2 0 here on earth and cannot be easily dist inguished from one another puts his supposed dua l i sm into perspective. The two cities are indeed radical ly opposed, but, as van Oor t explains, " I f Augus t ine ' s theology is to be characterized as dualist ic, on no account should it be seen as on to logica l ly d u a l i s t i c . " 2 1 The dual ism that van Oort sees in Augus t ine ' s w o r k is "a re l igious dua l i sm" c o m m o n to the theology o f John and Pau l , w h o use tropes o f rhetorical dua l i sm such as l ight and darkness, truth and falsehood, above and be low, flesh and spirit, outer and inner man, and man under the power o f sin and i n the state o f grace. E v e n i f Augus t ine ' s o w n phraseology may have been i n part inf luenced b y M a n i c h e a n dua l i sm or Neopla ton i sm, he situates it i n a Chr is t ian context i n the mode o f John and P a u l . Th is technique a l lows h i m rhetorical power against his opponents, but the in te rmingl ing o f the t w o cities i n this age (saeculum) gives the mode l an ambigui ty that makes an exact insti tutional ident i f icat ion o f either c i ty impossible . R o m e and the Ear th ly C i t y A s many cri t ics have noted, the "earthly c i ty" is a diff icul t concept to understand. One o f the clearest indications o f this p roblem is the fact that it has no single name equivalent to the C i t y o f G o d ; at various t imes it is ca l led the "earthly c i ty , " the "c i ty o f man ," and the "c i t y o f the d e v i l . " In its most unproblematic usage, the earthly c i ty is the direct opposite o f the C i t y o f G o d . A t other times, however, the earthly c i ty seems to have a m u c h more neutral connotation, and even one bordering on the posit ive. Whatever characteristics the 2 0 "the two cities, the earthly and the heavenly, the cities which we find, as I have said, interwoven, as it were, in this present transitory world, and mingled with one another" (11.1; 430). 2 1 van Oort 226. 30 earthly ci ty may have, however, August ine persistently identifies it w i th R o m e . " In the years f o l l o w i n g 4 1 1 , " notes M a r k u s , "above al l i n the early books o f the City of God, R o m e becomes the concrete historical representative o f B a b y l o n , the embodiment o f the earthly ci ty. The new emphasis is reveal ing: R o m e i tself has n o w moved to the centre o f the s tage." 2 2 It is fa i r ly clear that for Augus t ine the earthly c i ty=Babylon=Rome, but this equation does not solve the ambigui ty surrounding the nature o f this city. O n one hand, the tradit ional Judeo-Chris t ian v i e w o f B a b y l o n is extremely negative. V a n Oor t sees some o f this usage o f B a b y l o n i n the City of God: It is s ignificant in i tself that i n B o o k X V I I I August ine calls B a b y l o n the first R o m e and R o m e the first B a b y l o n . Here he uses an o ld apocalypt ic designat ion for R o m e . F o r Augus t ine the pagan R o m a n E m p i r e , al though smaller than the society o f the w i c k e d o f a l l the ages, is i n the end the earthly city. R o m e is described as the oppressor o f the smal l and the weak, the imperious and haughty one. H e cont inual ly makes the sharp contrast between w e - they: we, the ci t izens o f the c i ty o f G o d , they, the enemies (inimici); our Scripture, their writers; our Chr is t , their fate; our martyrs, their heroes. 2 3 T h i s is the v i e w o f R o m e so often expressed i n the first ten books o f the City of God, where Augus t ine is intent o n contrasting the R o m a n gods w i t h the Chr i s t i an G o d , by ou t l in ing the atrocities o f the gods w h o m the Romans insist upon worsh ipp ing . Y e t , for the most part, Augus t ine ' s v i e w o f R o m e is more posit ive than this s imple apocalypt ic designation w o u l d suggest. The preva i l ing Chr i s t i an attitude toward R o m e during Augus t ine ' s l i fet ime, i n fact, was largely posi t ive. Since the first art iculation o f Chr is t ian "his tory" by Eusebius o f Caesarea (writ ten during the re ign o f Constantine), the identif ication between R o m e Markus, Saeculum 46. van Oort 158-9. 31 and Chr is t ian i ty had become commonplace . In order to emphasize the un ion between the R o m a n empire and the Chr is t ian re l ig ion , Eusebius exploi ted the historical l ink between Chr i s t ' s bir th and the re ign o f A u g u s t u s . 2 4 Augus t ine ' s phrase for this union, especial ly dur ing the reign o f Theodosius, was the tempora Christiana, for August ine had held a posi t ive valuat ion o f R o m e for some time toward the end o f the fourth century . 2 5 H o w e v e r , by the beginning o f the fifth century, and especial ly after the fall o f R o m e , Augus t ine needed to change his v i e w o f R o m e so that Chris t ians w o u l d not place undue emphasis o n the g lo ry o f the earthly empire, w h i c h cou ld cause them to be forgetful o f the heavenly k ingdom. Augus t ine makes it clear throughout the City of God that he is not support ing a not ion o f the tempora Christiana. O ' D a l y even suggests that i n the City of God "the Euseb ian v i e w o f the significance o f the Chr i s t ian iza t ion o f the E m p i r e is repudiated by [August ine] , though without express reference to E u s e b i u s . " 2 6 Thus Augus t ine ' s v i e w o f R o m e , the earthly city, must f ind a compromise between these two extreme v iews—the negative (apocalyptic) and the t r iumpha l i s t . 2 7 Augus t ine does not s imply reject both o f these v i e w s and l ook for a more moderate " m i d d l e road" between them. Instead, he chooses to retain elements o f bo th v iews , and as a result, suggests W i l l i a m M a l l a r d , "The empire was B a b y l o n i n t w o ways , reflecting 2 4 Eusebius, The History of the Church from Christ to Constantine, trans. G.A. Williamson (London: Penguin, 1965, rev. edn. 1989). See especially Book 10, Chapters 1-3, where Eusebius discusses the peace and recovery of the Church through the victory of Constantine. Eusebius also makes this implicit connection between Rome and Christianity in his Life of Constantine. 2 5 See Markus, Saeculum 32-35. 2 6 O'Daly 1002. 2 7 Van Oort observes that "in his attitude toward Rome and the imperium, Augustine is not an apocalyptic. He does not share the optimism of Eusebius and others, but he does not take a completely opposite position either" (159). Markus also explains that "The ambivalence of Augustine's attitude to Rome is a logical consequence of his repudiation of both the current Christian interpretations of Roman history. He could accept neither the hostility and opposition to Rome inculcated by the apocalyptic view, nor the near-identification of Christianity and the Roman Empire involved in the Eusebian view. This is the source of the ambivalence which has often misled Augustine's readers and caused scholars to give one-sided evaluations of his position" (Saeculum 56). 32 the two-s ided posi t ion o f the state: The empire was the whore o f B a b y l o n , the C i t y o f Ear th , the vast projection o f tangled, sinful loves. The true, spiritual progress o f the C i t y o f G o d on earth could never be enhanced by the state's coerc ion ." O n the other hand, "the empire was the saeculum, the secular w o r l d o f necessary human business, 28 constraining, keeping order, cooperating w i t h the church." W h e n emphas iz ing the latter v iew, Augus t ine says that R o m e can be a vehic le for the Chr i s t i an p i lg r ims , as long as everyone understands that the place o f R o m e in history was part o f G o d ' s plan: the c i ty o f R o m e was founded to be a k ind o f second B a b y l o n , the daughter, as it were, o f the former B a b y l o n . It was G o d ' s design to conquer the w o r l d through her, to unite the w o r l d into the single communi ty o f the R o m a n commonwea l th and the R o m a n laws, and so to impose peace throughout its length and breadth. (18.22; 787) The key terms i n this less dualist ic dis t inct ion between the two cit ies—terms w h i c h Augus t ine had elucidated i n B o o k 1 o f On Christian Teaching, are "use" and "enjoyment" (1.4). H e employs a dialect ic between these t w o concepts i n the City of God, admit t ing that it is perfectly acceptable for the cit izens o f the C i t y o f G o d to "use" the earthly ci ty, as l ong as they do not "enjoy" it; as Augus t ine says, "so long as the t w o cit ies are in termingled w e also make use o f the peace o f B a b y l o n — a l t h o u g h the People o f G o d is by faith set free from B a b y l o n , so that i n the meantime they are on ly p i lg r ims i n the midst o f her" (19.26; 892, m y emphasis). Augus t ine ' s dis t inct ion between use and enjoyment helps us to understand w h y the earthly ci ty, w h i l e i n one sense d iametr ica l ly opposed to the C i t y o f G o d , is in another sense a more "neutral" territory that can be used by G o d ' s people. A c c o r d i n g to M a r k u s , R o m e is "suspended, so to speak, between the 2 8 William Mallard, Language and Love: Introducing Augustine's Religious Thought Through the Confessions Story (University Park, PA: Pennsylvania State UP, 1994) 208. 33 t w o ' c i t i es ' , that o f the righteous and that o f the unjust," and as a result there is a " radica l indeterminateness o f human achievement, and especial ly o f human achievement in 29 society." V a n Oor t argues that " M a r k u s goes too far when he asserts that ul t imately R o m e is seen as neutral by A u g u s t i n e , " 3 0 apparently objecting to this statement in l ight o f Augus t ine ' s occasional use o f the apocalyptic designation for Rome . F o l l o w i n g M a r k u s , I w o u l d contend that, wh i l e it is true that Augus t ine ' s v i e w toward R o m e is variable, the situation o f the earthly c i ty i n the "in-between" t ime i n w h i c h Chris t ians must l ive is indeed neutral, and these "possibi l i t ies o f Rome[ ' s ] be ing assimilated to either the one [city] or the o ther" 3 1 are also left open for the indiv iduals w h o must be p i lg r ims in the earthly ci ty. The pr imary reason that R o m e does not have a consistent designation i n the City of God is that Augus t ine employs it as a symbol , and as a symbol it can shift between var ious referents. B y e m p l o y i n g the powerful symbo l o f R o m e , Augus t ine is tapping into a significant t radi t ion o f historians and poets (most notably V i r g i l ) w h o employed the idea o f R o m e as a l i terary expression o f the ult imate earthly power . Occas iona l ly Augus t ine grants R o m e this earthly power, wh i l e s imultaneously subverting the g lo ry o f such a compar i son by suggesting that all earthly powers are ul t imately i l lusory . The best that R o m e can be, therefore, is a shadow or a d i m reflect ion o f the g lo ry o f the k i n g d o m o f G o d to come. Dougher ty explains that this rhetorical m o v e is effective because Augus t ine "reduces the deeds o f R o m e to the provis ional reali ty o f figures wr i t ten by G o d in secular history, the ' shadows ' o f a true, heavenly r e a l i t y . " 3 2 The problem, o f course, was that R o m e had fallen, and any power that the ci ty retained had to be o n the 2 9 Markus, Saeculum 58. 3 0 van Oort 152. 3 1 Markus, Saeculum 58. 3 2 Dougherty 85. 34 symbo l i c level (and indeed it was the symbol o f the invas ion o f R o m e more than the material circumstances that seems to have been the most upsetting for Jerome and others) . 3 3 M a l l a r d argues that in the City of God Augus t ine realized that The hope for staggered R o m e lay in transforming her o ld v i s i o n o f universal i ty into the new Chr i s t i an universali ty. H e r breadth o f dominance, u l t imately doomed in itself, cou ld pass over into instrumenting the breadth o f the new reign o f Chris t . Thus R o m e ' s conquests w o u l d turn out to be a provident ial shadow o f the true R o m e o f Chr i s t ' s reign. R o m e in her errors and failures w o u l d i ron ica l ly find fulf i l lment in G o d ' s d iv ine soc ie ty . 3 4 T h e idea o f a shadow, both as a negative example and as a foreshadowing o f what w i l l come, is the best w a y to understand Augus t ine ' s v i e w o f R o m e throughout the City of God. R o m e is merely a symbol—at its worst it is the embodiment o f ev i l , and at its best it is a d i m ref lect ion o f the Heaven ly C i ty . Thus Augus t ine manages to take away any v i ta l s ignif icance from the earthly city, emphasiz ing that R o m e is a shadow, l ack ing i n any real substance the same w a y that evi l i s . 3 5 The C i t y o f G o d : P i lg r image and Ci t izenship A l t h o u g h Augus t ine ' s explanat ion o f the C i t y o f G o d is i n some ways less complex than his explanat ion o f the earthly city, the civitas dei also has ambiguous usages w h i c h shift " Jerome's Letter 107, to Pacatula (413 CE) includes his lament for the fall of Rome: "Unspeakable! The civilized world has fallen into ruins, but sinful acts do not depart from us. The renowned city and pinnacle of the Roman empire has been consumed in one conflagration. There is no region which does not hold the city's refugees. Churches once sacred have fallen into ashes and embers, but yet we dedicate ourselves to greed...these are the times into which you, Pacatula, have been born" (107.5). Also of note is Jerome's Commentary on Ezekiel (411-414 CE): "after the most brilliant light of the entire world was extinguished or, rather, the pinnacle of the Roman empire decapitated and, in truth, the entire world perished with one city" (Preface to Book 1). See also the Preface to Book 3. Translations by Paul B. Harvey, Jr. 3 4 Mallard 197. 3 5 For an examination of the political context that in part explains the weakness of Augustine's own attachments to Rome's earthly glory, see Neil McLynn, "Augustine's Roman Empire," Augustinian Studies 30.2 (1999): 29-44. 35 according to his focus. One o f the most important characteristics o f the C i t y o f G o d is that its membership is split—some members are already d w e l l i n g in the heavenly city, w h i l e others are p i lg r ims on earth. August ine exp l ic i t ly states that the C i t y o f G o d consists o f both these populations, w o r k i n g together: "Part o f this C i t y , the part w h i c h consists o f us, is on p i lgr image; part o f it, the part wh ich consists o f the angels, helps us o n our w a y " (10.7; 381). The dual nature o f the C i t y o f G o d , w i th its members split between the Ci t i zens o f H e a v e n and the "resident al iens" on earth, is one o f the most consistent and important tropes i n the City of God. The concept o f p i lgr image (peregrinatio) is not incidental , but fundamental to the City of God. A s M . A . Claussen explains, The peregrinatio imagery . . . is quite complex i n the City of God. It is te leologica l , transcendent, eschatological . It was informed by Augus t ine ' s concern for the contemporary po l i t i ca l situation, his eccles iology, and his ideas about reform. It is bo th ind iv idua l and corporate, relevant to ethical d iv i s ions and part o f a larger hope for that peace w h i c h Augus t ine believes is the ul t imate human good. It is the un i fy ing metaphor o f the entire w o r k . 3 6 Rober t J . O ' C o n n e l l has examined the peregrinatio metaphor i n the Confessions, where Augus t ine adopts the idea o f foreign travel as the most apt w a y to describe his o w n wander ing soul and his gradual journey back toward G o d . The example o f Aeneas provides Augus t ine w i t h a l i terary m o t i f o f a hero whose existence is characterized by his wanderings. Y e t , as O ' C o n n e l l notes, August ine modif ies the V i r g i l i a n and Neop la ton ic elements o f this metaphor i n favour o f one based more clear ly on Scripture, for "Augus t i ne also finds our peregrinatio most unmistakably s y m b o l i z e d by the stories o f the Israelites as ex i l ed captives i n an a l ien city, B a b y l o n , or, more frequently, as M.A. Claussen, "'Peregrinatio' and 'Peregrini' in Augustine's 'City of God,'" Traditio 46 (1991): 47. 36 departing from Egyp t to wander in the desert for those forty years." It is the b ib l i c a l peregrini w h o capture Augus t ine ' s attention in the City of God, exempl i f ied in characters such as A b e l , Abraham, Moses , and the Prod iga l Son. The nature o f Augus t ine ' s use o f indiv iduals—whether b ib l i c a l persons or his o w n contemporaries—as examples throughout the City of God becomes clear in l ight o f his statement that "the ind iv idua l man is, l ike a single letter in a statement, an element, as it were, out o f w h i c h a communi ty or a realm is buil t up, however vast its terri torial possessions" (4.3; 138). Th i s focus on the ind iv idua l soul and the psycho log ica l qual i ty o f Augus t ine ' s theology has led several cri t ics to suggest that the mode l o f the t w o cities is part ial ly a metaphor for the ind iv idua l s o u l . 3 8 W h i l e this is, in part, true, Augus t ine ' s ul t imate concern i n the City of God is w i t h the Chr is t ian communi ty ; the story o f one man ' s journey i n the Confessions becomes the story o f an entire c o m m u n i t y ' s journey i n the City of God. Rather than emphasiz ing the condi t ion o f the ind iv idua l soul , Augus t ine concentrates o n the membership o f the citizens, w h o may a l l be "resident al iens," but nonetheless be long together. A s Claussen points out, "for Augus t ine , peregrinatio is a socia l , not an ind iv idua l , event." Furthermore, "The c i ty ul t imately attains its goa l on ly because its members act i n a communa l fashion. . . i t is the c i ty as a w h o l e that peregrinates, not the indiv iduals o f the c i t y . " 3 9 The communi ty o f angels above provides the heavenly template for the p i lgr ims, who strive to help one another journey toward the heavenly goal . Th i s image o f a group o f p i lgr ims is an integral part o f the idea o f the 3 7 Robert J. O'Connell, Soundings in St. Augustine'sImagination (New York: Fordham UP, 1994) 74. 3 8 For an example of this view, see Patricia L. MacKinnon, "Augustine's City of God: The Divided Self/The Divided Civitas" The City of God: A Collection of Critical Essays, ed. Dorothy F. Donnelly (New York: Peter Lang, 1995): 319-52. MacKinnon writes: "In an analogical perspective the Adamic inheritance of the individual and the history of the civitas terrena are formally homologous. Both are characterized by division, conflict, and war" (330). See also Bultmann 61; Dougherty 86; and John O'Meara, Charter of Christendom: The Significance of "The City of God (New York: Macmillan, 1961) 113. 3 9 Claussen 43. 37 C i t y o f G o d . T o define themselves as citizens o f this ci ty, believers must also define themselves as p i lgr ims , wanderers l ike August ine , but united in a c o m m o n purpose on their journey. It is the idea o f participation i n G o d and his p lan that helps to unite Chris t ians w h o are p i lgr ims , in the w o r l d , but not of it. The dialect ic that is connected to the combined states o f p i lgr image and ci t izenship in the C i t y o f G o d is that o f change and rest. August ine says that Part o f this communi ty [the C i t y o f G o d ] , w h i c h is an assembly formed o f morta l [people] destined to be united w i t h the immorta l angels, is n o w on p i lgr image on earth, under the condi t ion o f change, or else is at rest, in the persons o f those w h o have passed from this life, in the secret resting-places o f the souls o f the departed. (12.9; 483) The p i lg r ims are journey ing on earth, in a constant w o r l d o f change. Y e t they set their eyes on an unchanging and unchangeable G o d , directing their sight toward the por t ion o f the c i ty that is at rest. The ult imate goal—to be at rest—becomes meaningful precisely because o f the absence o f rest in this l i f e . 4 0 Th is combinat ion o f change and rest gives the communi ty i n this saeculum a dynamic w a y to measure its progress i n relat ion to the soul ' s ascension toward G o d . 4 0 George Herbert's "The Pulley" is a poetic expression of this idea. The poet imagines why God decided to deprive his people of "rest" during their lifetimes on earth: For i f I should (said he) Bestow this jewel also on my creature, He would adore my gifts instead of me, And rest in Nature, not the God of Nature: So both should losers be. Yet let him keep the rest, But keep them with repining resUessness: Let him be rich and weary, that at least, If goodness lead him not, yet weariness May toss him to my breast. 38 True fel ici ty comes from participating in G o d , for, as August ine insists, "par t ic ipat ion in h im brings happiness to all w h o are happy in truth and not i n i l l u s i o n " (5 .11; 196). Th is participatory emphasis becomes a recurring m o t i f in the City of God, because, as Dougher ty explains, Augus t ine ' s C i t y o f G o d did not symbol ize just a life o f personal virtue and o f purely interior rel igious devotion. It was as axiomat ic to h i m as it had been to Saint Pau l that persons are not saved ind iv idua l ly but as part o f the body o f Chr is t ian believers. The ci ty metaphor, l ike the temple buil t up o f many stones, is an image o f corporate rel igious identity. Chris t iani ty is a faith s tabi l ized by a communi ty and a tradit ion o f doctrine, and so dist inguished not only from paganism but from heretical Chr i s t i an be l i e f as w e l l . 4 1 H o w closely is this mode l connected to the Ca tho l i c Church? In some places, Augus t ine speaks o f the ci ty and the church as synonymous: "the C i t y o f G o d , that is to say, G o d ' s C h u r c h " (13.16; 524), and many cri t ics have emphasized this point, insis t ing that Augus t i ne ' s m o d e l i s ecclesial . The much stronger statement throughout the City of God, however , is that the church o n earth is a mixed inst i tut ion—a v i e w expressed most c lear ly i n B o o k 18, Chapter 49. V a n Oor t argues that "Augus t ine ' s designation o f the empi r i ca l congregat ion by the names ecclesia or the c i ty o f G o d impl ies an appeal, an eschatological summons. The historical congregation (or Church) is the c i ty o f G o d o n earth, at present i n exi le , i n the end at home in the heavenly Je rusa lem." 4 2 Th i s is not to say, however , that the physica l , v i s ib le church on earth is the same as the C i t y o f G o d . 4 3 Augus t ine makes it abundantly clear that not al l w h o are members o f the church n o w w i l l u l t imate ly be saved. It is, i n fact, upon what is ultimate that August ine focuses his 4 1 Dougherty 86-87. 4 2 van Oort 127. 4 3 O'Donnell explains that in this common "misreading of Augustine's work, it became possible to identify official, ecclesiastical Christianity—the church in this world and even a Christian state—with the heavenly City itself and to indulge in a kind of Christian imperialism which thought that an earthly society could become that which was in Augustine's view really only possible in heaven" ("Inspiration" 79). 39 attention. Dougher ty explains that in the City of God "the Church is an a l legor ica l shadow prefiguring an eschatological reality, the immorta l Jerusalem w h i c h is to c o m e . " 4 4 Thus , when August ine differentiates between the t w o cities, he says that "one exist[s] in actuality, in this wor ld , the other exist[s] in hope, w h i c h rests on G o d " (15.21; 635). In the same way, the C h u r c h o f this w o r l d cannot be the same as the C h u r c h or C i t y o f G o d that exists only in imagined eschatology. B y a l l o w i n g his idea o f the ci ty to overlap at least partially w i th the C h u r c h , however , Augus t ine makes room for another o f his ma in objectives: a pastoral one. "The C h u r c h as ciuitas dei has an undeniable eschatological d imens ion , " contends O ' D a l y , " B u t it is also a sacramental institution, the corpus Chr i s t i defined by its l i turgical l i fe , even i f that def ini t ion is not elaborated by [ A u g u s t i n e ] . " 4 5 The eschatological summons and the ca l l for part icipation is a plea for Christ ians everywhere to examine their o w n l ives and to be o n their guard. Just as Pau l does i n his epistles, Augus t ine directs his rhetoric i n the City of God toward a hortatory objective. H e attempts to reach actual members o f Chr i s t i an congregations w i t h this a l l -encompassing mode l that asks them to be part o f a universal communi ty o f Chr i s t i an believers. The C i t y o f G o d as a Textual C o m m u n i t y Augus t i ne asserts that the C i t y o f G o d is a predestined communi ty o f believers, control led , l i ke everything, by G o d : he g ives i n accordance w i t h the order o f events i n history, an order complete ly h idden from us, but perfectly k n o w n to G o d himself. Y e t G o d is not bound in subjection to this order o f events; he is h i m s e l f in control , as the master o f events, and arranges the order o f things as a governor. (4.33; 176) 4 4 Dougherty 88. 4 5 O'Daly 970. 40 Th i s method o f control is contrasted wi th the demons and deceptive rulers w h o "taught men as true, under the name o f re l igion, things they k n e w to be false" in order to b ind people "tighter, as it were, to the ci t izen communi ty , so that they might br ing them under control and keep them there by the same technique" (4.32; 176). A g a i n , Augus t ine presents the t w o cities dual is t ical ly, but this t ime i n terms o f their differ ing use o f signs. H e explains that G o d ' s signs have been his way o f communica t ing to H i s people, for " T h e mystery o f eternal l ife has been made k n o w n by the minis t ry o f angels from the very beg inn ing o f the human race. It was revealed to those w h o were fit to receive the knowledge by means o f signs and symbols appropriate to the t imes" (7.32; 293). Augus t ine notes that G o d ' s w i l l has been revealed through various symbols , i nc lud ing "the ceremonies, the priesthoods, the tabernacle or the temple, the altars, the sacrifices, the sacred rites, the festal days, and everything w h i c h is concerned w i t h the homage due to G o d " (7.32; 293). G o d has placed his people i n a theatre o f the wor ld , and this w o r l d can be read, l i ke the Scriptures, for evidence o f his existence and his w i l l . 4 6 The prophetic words o f Scripture give rise to this sense o f communi ty , w h i c h began among a smal l number o f men, where they cou ld f ind a hearing, among men w h o enjoyed the favour o f G o d , and in particular among the H e b r e w people, whose po l i t i ca l communi ty was i n a manner consecrated for the purposes o f prophesying and announcing the C i t y o f G o d w h i c h was to be assembled out o f a l l nations. (11.4; 432) Augus t ine mentions several t i m e s 4 7 that the Jews were spread all over the w o r l d i n order to disseminate these words , for " In the course o f t ime, this people was scattered among 4 6 See below, section II.D. 4 7 Augustine's discussions of the Jews usually occur at the end of individual books in the City of God. For example, the end of Book 4 reads, "If today [the Jews] are dispersed over almost all the world, amongst almost all the nations, this is part of the providence of the one tine God" (4.34; 178). 41 the nations to bear witness to the Scriptures, w h i c h foretold the .coming salvation in Chr i s t " (7.32; 293). August ine takes Chr i s t ' s fulf i l lment o f O l d Testament prophecies as the greatest test imony to the truth o f Chr is t ian belief. B y fa i l ing to understand Chr is t as the fulf i l lment o f their o w n prophecies, the Jews lost their posi t ion as G o d ' s chosen people, but Augus t ine takes this as a natural step in the progression o f Chr is t iani ty as a r e l ig ion w h i c h must ul t imately be not for one nation but for al l peop le . 4 8 Th is message transcends national and historical boundaries, for T h i s w a y has never been wi thhe ld from mankind , either when those events were foretold as destined in the future, or when the news was brought o f their accomplishment . A n d apart from this w ay no one has been set free, no one is be ing set free, no one w i l l be set free. (10.32; 424) T h i s structure o f Augus t ine ' s o w n language to explain past, present, and future revelat ion is ident ical to what he used i n B o o k 7 when discussing the same subject: " w e bel ieve that [the prophecies o f Scripture] have been fulf i l led; w e observe that they are be ing fu l f i l l ed ; w e are conv inced that they w i l l go on being fu l f i l l ed" (7.32; 293). T h i s insistence on the absolute authority o f Scripture in a l l temporal realms prepares h i m to enter the second ha l f o f the City of God, w h i c h is a detailed l ook at the or ig in , development , and destined ends o f the t w o cities based on scriptural au thor i ty . 4 9 Augus t ine returns his attention to the writ ten w o r d and its role i n fo rming a communi ty i n B o o k 18, when he contrasts the incompatible beliefs o f the pagan philosophers w i t h the harmony o f the Scripture, for the authors o f Scripture "do not disagree w i t h one another i n any w a y . " H e insists that " T h i s agreement justifies the be l i e f that when they wrote 4 8 That is, for "all people" in the sense that the saved come from all nations. Augustine is certainly not, however, preaching universal salvation. 4 9 Augustine believes (at least rhetorically) that he has proven the authority of Scripture, and that "all those who do not believe in [Scripture], and therefore fail to understand it, may attack it; they cannot overthrow it" (10.32, 425). 42 these books G o d was speaking to them, or perhaps w e should say through them" (18.41; 816). Augus t ine contrasts the variety o f pagan beliefs w i t h a s ingle-minded communi ty o f believers: "that nation, that people, that city, that commonweal th , those Israelites, to w h o m the utterances o f G o d were entrusted" (18.41; 818). The use o f a variety o f terms to describe G o d ' s people only reinforces the not ion that the communi ty i t se l f is formed by a shared understanding o f G o d ' s textual dispensation. Th i s dispensation and harmony, Augus t ine points out, d id not end w i t h the wr i t ing o f Scripture, for first there was the format ion o f the c a n o n , 5 0 then the continuity o f translations. The d iv ine harmony o f Scripture i t se l f is repeated i n the harmony o f the Septuagint because 70 men separately produced a copy o f the Scripture in w h i c h "There was such a uni ty i n their translation that it was as i f there had been one translator" (18.42, 820). A l t h o u g h the gospel continues to be spread a l l over the wor ld , Augus t ine finds the hand o f G o d in the miraculous harmony o f this message, w h i c h can unite these diverse peoples under a c o m m o n be l i e f system. Augus t i ne ' s sense o f communi ty bears much s imi la r i ty to what Benedic t A n d e r s o n cal ls an imagined community, w h i c h is based u p o n a sense o f shared experience a m o n g ind iv idua ls that l inks them to a w ide r communi ty . T h i s imagined communi ty is essentially wri t ten into existence by Augus t ine i n the course o f the City of God. A n d e r s o n says that "Communi t i e s are to be dis t inguished. . .by the style i n w h i c h they are i m a g i n e d . " 5 1 T h e imaginat ive concepts that Augus t ine develops, such as the peregrinatio metaphor and the dramatic contrast between the t w o cities, a l lows his readers to unite around a c o m m o n understanding o f these symbols . B a s i n g his ideas on Scripture and transmitt ing them through wri t ing , Augus t ine conceives the C i t y o f G o d as 5 0 See, for example, Book 18, chapter 41. 5 1 Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism (London: Verso, 1983) 15. 43 a textual communi ty . Signif icant ly , for Stock it is not the text i t se l f (i.e. the Scripture) that forms the basis o f a commun i ty ' s beliefs, but the system o f interpretation that is developed around i t . 5 2 I w i s h to argue that the City of God i t se lf provides a mode l and an interpretive methodology that attempts to enable people to imagine themselves as part o f this communi ty . In Augus t ine ' s textual communi ty , it is both the W o r d o f G o d and Augus t i ne ' s o w n words on the City of God w h i c h enable Chr is t ians to understand the relat ionship between the t w o cities, and to define themselves as members o f a b o d y o f bel ievers ca l led the C i t y o f G o d . The in termingl ing and the doubt that are characteristic o f this l i fe can be re l ieved only by uncover ing the prophecies o f Scripture. Thus Augus t ine struggles throughout the City of God w i t h interpretive strategies that w i l l help to clarify and i l lumina te the mysteries inherent i n the Scripture. See Implications 522 and Listening 150. 44 II. The Interpretive Arena Throughout the City of God, August ine asserts that al l answers l ie in the Scriptures—not just the answers to explain the past, but also the present and the future: A l l this was foretold and promised i n the Scriptures. W e see the fulf i lment o f so many o f these promises that we look for the fulfilment o f the rest w i t h the confidence o f a devot ion r ight ly directed. This is the right road w h i c h leads to the v i s i o n o f G o d and to eternal un ion w i t h h im; it is proc la imed and asserted in the truth o f the ho ly Scriptures. (10.32; 425) H o w e v e r , as he explores the language o f the Scripture i n order to discern the "r ight road," Augus t ine is faced w i t h a range o f problems relating to obscure passages, t e rmino log ica l ambiguit ies, his torical uncertainties, differences o f translation, and indeterminate meanings. H e had been t ry ing to develop a hermeneutical system ever since he was made a priest i n 391 and immedia te ly asked for a "leave o f absence" to study the Scr ip tures . 5 3 One o f the eventual fruits o f this labour, On Christian Teaching, was designed to provide Chr i s t i an teachers w i t h rules o n h o w to interpret the B i b l e . 5 4 In the City of God, Augus t ine put these theories into practice, construct ing an interpretive structure for his readers that goes beyond what might be expected on the basis o f On Christian Teaching. A l t h o u g h he saw interpretive uncertainty as a negative consequence o f the F a l l , Augus t ine bel ieved that G o d had st i l l p rov ided his people w i t h enough "c lues" to reach proper understanding. Thus Augus t ine systematizes his exegesis and presents the readers o f the City of God w i th a sort o f hermeneutical arena that establishes the f ramework w i t h i n w h i c h interpretive acts may take place. Because his 5 3 F. Van der Meer, Augustine the Bishop: Religion and Society at the Dawn of the Middle Ages, trans. Brian Battershaw and G.R. Lamb (New York: Harper and Row, 1961) 7-8. 54 On Christian Teaching dates from 396/7, though it was not finished until 427. 4 5 exegetical theory in the City of God is buil t upon an al legorical and typolog ica l understanding o f the B i b l e , Augus t ine pays special attention to the relationship between the flesh and the spirit. Th i s a l lows his hermeneutics to extend beyond the words o f Scripture to the phenomenal realm o f the body, the natural w o r l d , and images. Th i s section shows how, by creating a hermeneutical arena that is buil t upon the foundation o f the idea o f the two cities, Augus t ine turns his readers into a communi ty that witnesses the w o r d and w o r l d o f G o d ' s drama. Exeges is : Theory and Pract ice Augus t ine has been credited wi th inaugurating "the semiologica l consciousness o f the Chr i s t i an W e s t . " 5 5 Undoubted ly his concern w i t h sign systems was enormous ly inf luent ial , but h o w systematically d id these ideas fit into an exegetical theory? E r i c Jager notes that "Augus t ine saw reflected i n Scripture what has been ca l led a ' s ing le symbo l i c system' o f meaning and interpretation, al though Augus t in i an exegesis actual ly compr ised several distinct (and separately originating) modes o f reading that were not real ly codi f ied as a ' sys tem' unt i l the scholastic e r a . " 5 6 Y e t w e may see, both i n Augus t ine ' s theories o f exegesis i n On Christian Teaching and i n his exegetical practice i n the Confessions, general patterns that became fundamental to the interpretive strategies o f the City of God. Augus t ine first outl ined a systematic method o f B i b l i c a l exegesis i n On Christian Teaching. In do ing so, he went further than previous exegetes and became, i n the words o f B r i a n Stock, "the first to have proposed a relationship between the sender, the receiver, 5 5 Eugene Vance, Mervelous Signals: Poetics and Sign Theory in the Middle Ages (Lincoln: U of Nebraska P, 1986) 34. 5 6 Eric Jager, The Tempter's Voice: Language and the Fall in Medieval Literature (Ithaca: Cornell UP, 1993) 13. 46 and the s ign (normal ly a word) , w h i c h subsequently becomes a standard feature o f medieva l and modern theories o f language ." 5 7 Augus t ine ' s basic rule for B i b l i c a l exegesis is that the passage being read should be studied w i t h careful consideration unt i l its interpretation can be connected wi th the realm o f love. I f this point is made l i teral ly, then no k ind o f figurative expression need be considered. I f the expression is a prescriptive one, and either forbids wickedness or wrongdoing , or enjoins self-interest or kindness, it is not figurative. B u t i f it appears to enjoin wickedness or wrongdo ing or to forbid self-interest or kindness, it is figurative. (On Christian Teaching 3.14; 80) Augus t ine ' s emphasis on chari ty controls the potential dangers o f "exegetical free-w h e e l i n g . " 5 8 A s M a r k u s explains, "The exegete's freedom—whatever may be its l i m i t s — m u s t not be arbitrary, but subject to ru l e s , " 5 9 and therefore he insists that, for Augus t ine , "any ind iv idua l text presupposes some k i n d o f grasp o f the overal l meaning o f the b i b l i c a l revelat ion. C h a r i t y — o u r love o f G o d and neighbour—is what it is, i n the end, a l l about: the meaning o f any part cannot contradict the meaning o f the w h o l e . " 6 0 T o address the diff icul t ies inherent i n interpreting Scriptures, Augus t ine presents an ethical system (derived from the B i b l e ) from w h i c h a l l exegetical acts must begin. Augus t ine stopped wr i t ing On Christian Teaching i n the midst o f B o o k 3, and began the Confessions, w h i c h is not on ly an autobiography, but also, in B o o k s 11-13, an exegesis o f the first few verses o f Genesis that employs the theories w i t h w h i c h he had been w o r k i n g i n On Christian Teaching. M a n y cri t ics have noticed the central place that Augus t ine gives to theories o f language in the Confessions, especial ly i n v o l v i n g signs, 5 7 Brian Stock, Augustine the Reader: Meditation, Self-Knowledge, and the Ethics of Interpretation (Cambridge, MA: Belknap, 1983) 7. 5 8 Markus, Signs 21. 5 9 Markus, Signs 16. 6 0 Markus, Signs 18. 47 texts, and interpretation. 6 1 F o r instance, Jager sees Augus t ine ' s convers ion story as an account o f a progression through hermeneutics: "the F a l l in the Garden o f E d e n represents for August ine the beginning o f hermeneutics, and his convers ion in the garden in M i l a n a middle phase based on an earthly hermeneutical ideal made possible by Chr i s t ' s redemptive agony in another garden ." 6 2 Seen from this perspective, the hermeneutics o f the Confessions becomes more important than the self-narration that w e habitual ly associate w i th this book. This is exactly the op in ion o f V a n c e , w h o argues that " T h e Confessions may be seen as a sequence not on ly o f events, but o f discurs ive acts w h i c h carry us beyond the narrative to the phi losophical , and beyond the ph i losoph ica l to the exege t i ca l . " 6 3 V a n c e ' s conc lus ion is that the Confessions passes " f rom the narrative to the exegetical, f rom narratio to enarratio."64 P r i v i l e g i n g the last four books over the first nine is a useful w a y to understand the centrality o f exegesis i n the Confessions, but whether w e can see the entire w o r k (or any o f Augus t ine ' s works ) as a calculated movement away from narrative towards exegesis is a question to w h i c h w e must return la ter . 6 5 Exege t i ca l P r inc ip les i n the City of God The question o f h o w language signifies truths that a Chr i s t i an must k n o w continued to be at the centre o f Augus t ine ' s attention in the City of God, w h i c h is i n many ways (and certainly i n B o o k s 11-22) a w o r k o f b ib l i ca l exegesis. Signif icant ly , Augus t ine d id not 61 See especially Stock, Augustine and Marcia Colish, The Mirror of Language: A Study in the Medieval Theory of Knowledge (Lincoln: U of Nebraska P, 1968. Rev. edn. 1983). 6 2 Jager 96. 6 3 Vance 28. 6 4 Vance 6. 6 5 See below, section E: "Exegesis as the Paideia of the Christian Community." 48 complete the unfinished por t ion o f On Christian Teaching until 427, when he was also putt ing the f in i sh ing touches o n the City of God. T y p o l o g y is the governing exegetical pr inc ip le in the City of God. The very idea o f the t w o cities, explains O ' D a l y , is a typo log ica l one: "The employment o f Jerusalem and B a b y l o n as symbols o f the two opposing cities reflects typologica l elements i n the . N e w Testament, where Jerusalem is the [polis]"66 Just as he directed his exegesis in On Christian Teaching toward the pr inc ip le o f car Has, here Augus t ine directs his exegesis t oward his ma in subject by suggesting that al l o f Scripture in one w a y or another refers to the t w o cities: These hidden meanings o f inspired Scripture w e track d o w n as best w e can, w i t h v a r y i n g degrees o f success; and yet w e all ho ld confidently to the f i rm be l i e f that these his tor ical events and the narrative o f them have always some foreshadowing o f things to come, and are a lways to be interpreted w i t h reference to Chr i s t and his C h u r c h , w h i c h is the C i t y o f G o d . (16.2; 652) Augus t ine maintains that the O l d Testament Scriptures are "more concerned—or at least not less concerned—with foretell ing the future than w i t h recording the past" and that they "refer i n so many cases to Chr is t and the k i n g d o m o f heaven, w h i c h is the C i t y o f G o d , that merely to broach the subject w o u l d entail a more elaborate disquis i t ion than the scope o f this w o r k demands" (17.1; 712). Th is pr inc ip le that al l passages i n the B i b l e refer i n one w a y or another to the C i t y o f G o d required a more exacting theory o f exegesis; indeed, Augus t ine had to justify the exegesis that had led h i m to this point. One o f the most prominent o f Augus t ine ' s exegetical pr inciples is the cross-referencing o f a l l b i b l i c a l passages w i t h other b ib l i c a l passages, thus i l lus t ra t ing that a l l o f Scripture is a harmonious w h o l e that can be read properly on ly w h e n it is read entirely, O'Daly 969. 49 and each w o r d understood wi th reference to all o f the other words. W h e n his ( imagined) cr i t ics offer interpretations that do not take into account other b ib l i ca l passages, Augus t ine refers to them as "these people, w h o are ready to hold forth about Scripture wi thout observing the l inguist ic usages o f Scr ipture" and advises them "to l isten to, or to read, this [other] passage in Scripture" (13.24; 545). W h e n deal ing w i t h obscure passages that cannot always be explained w i t h certainty, Augus t ine w i l l a l l o w a degree o f latitude i n interpretation, but only w i th in reason, " F o r even i f it is imposs ib le to make sure o f the meaning o f the author o f the book, w e have at least not departed from the R u l e o f Fa i th , w h i c h is w e l l enough k n o w n to the faithful by reason o f other passages w h i c h convey the same authority o f Scripture" (11.33; 469). Elsewhere Augus t ine refers to this " R u l e o f F a i t h " as the "standard o f the harmonious uni ty o f the Ca tho l i c fai th" (15.26; 645). Thus, as long as interpretation remains w i t h i n the bounds o f certain clear norms that are expressed i n Scripture (and w h i c h he identifies w i t h the accepted or thodoxy o f the Church) , Augus t ine is content to let some things remain conjectural. H e even sees a purpose behind obscurities, for "There is something to be gained from the obscuri ty o f the inspi red discourses o f Scripture." Furthermore, "Somet imes the variety o f suggestions leads to the discovery o f the meaning o f the wri ter ; sometimes this meaning remains obscure, but the discussion o f the difficult ies is the occas ion for the statement o f some other truths" (11.19; 450). H e even goes so far as to use different translations together i n order to determine the most accurate meaning o f a passage. 6 7 In his interpretation o f the O l d Testament i n the City of God, Augus t ine is most concerned w i t h developing a theory about the relationship between the his tor ical and the spir i tual s ignif icance o f the Scripture. H i s treatment o f the relationship between history 6 7 As he does, for example, in Book 20: "Thus it is not by following one translation only but by joining together both translations, by reading 'pierced' as well as 'gloated', that we recognize here in greater detail the reality of the Lord's passion" (20.30; 961). 50 and a l legory, l ike the mode l o f the two cities, is a complex and versatile system that can be used i n a variety o f ways. August ine was more w i l l i n g than (for example) Or igen to support his tor ical meanings o f Scripture. In fact, M a r k u s calls the development o f A u g u s t i n e ' s hermeneutics " a steady retreat from a l legory" because he emphasized the l i teral s ignif icance o f Scripture more and more as the years passed . 6 8 This is. the issue that concerns h i m w h e n he interprets Genesis in the City of God and procla ims that his "present duty. . . i s to defend the historical truth o f the scriptural account" (15.8; 6 0 7 ) . 6 9 B u t an event is almost never merely historical for Augus t ine , because he sees most o f Scr ipture as a combinat ion o f history and allegory: " H i s t o r i c a l events, these, but events w i t h prophet ic meaning! Even t s o n earth, but directed f rom heaven! T h e actions o f men, but the operation o f G o d ! " (16.37; 701). Somewhat more systematically, Augus t ine says that " w e must bel ieve that the wr i t ing o f this his torical record had a wise purpose, that the events are his tor ical , that they have a symbol i c meaning, and that this meaning gives a prophetic picture o f the C h u r c h " (15.27; 648). In these passages, Augus t ine directs the exegetical ascent from the historical to the symbol ic meaning toward a specific g o a l — i l l u m i n a t i o n about the C h u r c h (or C i t y o f God) . Because o f his interest i n typology and i n the relat ionship between his tor ical and a l legor ica l s ignif icance, Augus t ine shows particular attention to the relationship between f lesh and spirit. H i s theologica l v i e w is that flesh and spirit were not o r ig ina l ly opposed, but became so as a result o f the F a l l . It is true that Augus t ine pr ivi leges spirit over flesh, but he does see them, both before the F a l l and after the last judgement, as w o r k i n g 6 8 Markus, Signs 48. Karla Pollmann summarizes: "As a tendency, A[ugustine] became in his later life increasingly interested in the literal meaning of the bible, but never abandoned the spiritual one." "Augustine's Hermeneutical Presuppositions," Augustine through the Ages: An Encyclopedia, ed. Allan D. Fitzgerald (Grand Rapids, MI: Wm. B. Eerdmans, 1999). 6 9 This is a much different attitude than Augustine had when interpreting the opening verses of Genesis in Books 11-13 of the Confessions, where his exegesis of the creation story is very allegorical. 51 together in perfect concord, wi th the flesh naturally deferring to the desires o f the wi l l / sp i r i t . H e describes this perfection in heaven: " F o r just as the spirit is quite appropriately cal led carnal when it is the servant o f the flesh, the flesh w i l l w i t h equal propriety be cal led spiri tual , when it serves the spiri t" (13.20; 533). S imi l a r ly , he bases his pr inciples o f b ib l i c a l exegesis on the idea that any passage may have both historical / l i teral meaning and al legorical/f igurative meaning. A l t h o u g h both meanings exist, the spiri tual meaning is pr imary in the same way that the N e w Testament is more important than the O l d Testament (even though the O l d was necessary to herald the N e w ) . Thus Augus t ine is able to endow the flesh (and the O l d Testament) w i t h spiri tual s ignif icance that points to unseen and eternal truths. H e ties this hierarchy o f meanings, where one exists to serve the other, together w i t h his idea that the earthly c i ty may be used by the members o f the C i t y o f G o d here on earth. Because Augus t ine sees prophetic insights nearly everywhere he looks i n the O l d Testament, at t imes he becomes confident enough to remove the vei ls and to provide an interpretive ladder that leads easily from the bodies o f O l d Testament characters to the larger entities they represent. 7 0 B y m o v i n g the flesh and spirit into a less antithetical relat ionship w i t h one another, Augus t ine avoids the more basic Paul ine d icho tomy between the two , and cleanses the flesh i t se l f o f its often negative connotations by differentiating between the corrupted body o f the post-lapsarian condi t ion and the uncorrupted body o f the E d e n i c condi t ion. A r g u i n g against the Manichees , Augus t ine posits that the flesh cannot be e v i l i n i t se l f because it is created by G o d and is therefore by def in i t ion good: " A n d so w e are we ighed d o w n by the corruptible body; and yet w e k n o w that the cause o f our being weighed d o w n is not the true nature and substance o f our body but its corruption; and See, for example, the story of Noah and his sons, 16.2. 52 therefore w e do not w i s h to be stripped o f it, but to be clothed wi th the immorta l i ty o f the body ." In the perfection o f the afterlife there w i l l be incorruptible bodies, because "i t was not the corruptible flesh that made the soul sinful; it was the sinful soul that made the flesh corrupt ible" (14.3; 550-1). W h e n August ine wants to emphasize the resulting d i scord between the flesh and spirit, he w i l l characterize the two cities according to h o w they l ive : " t w o cities, different and mutual ly opposed, owe their existence to the fact that some men l ive by the standard o f the flesh, others by the standard o f the spiri t" (14.4; 553). Y e t when he wants to emphasize the original goodness o f the body, he points to the poss ib i l i ty o f l i v i n g purely in one 's body, l ike A b r a h a m , 7 1 or to the puri ty o f Chris t . ' Augus t ine uses the Incarnation as p roo f that the flesh is not in t r ins ica l ly ev i l , because G o d h i m s e l f put o n mortal flesh. B u t i f Chr is t was both G o d and man, he was also the W o r d , and Augus t ine saw that the Incarnation offered not just the poss ib i l i ty o f redempt ion for G o d ' s people, but for their language as w e l l . The F a l l o f Language and the Redempt ion o f the W o r d The d i f f icul ty inherent i n interpretive acts was v iewed , by Augus t ine and many o f his contemporaries and predecessors, as a consequence o f the F a l l . " In m a k i n g Genesis 3 central to Chr i s t i an theology," explains Jager, "patristic authorities such as Augus t ine turned the F a l l in to . . .a k i n d o f p r imal scene for language, a garden o f signs hav ing far-reaching s ignif icance for discourse i n the church and soc i e ty . " 7 2 Augus t ine ' s exegesis o f Genesis explains the need for the very interpretation in w h i c h he is engaging because the F a l l was " a paradigm for the art o f interpretation" and also "the genesis o f scriptural 7 1 Augustine insists that Abraham was able to have relations with his women without experiencing lust, and remarks: "What a true man he was, treating women like a true man; treating his wife temperately, her maid obediendy, treating no woman intemperately" (16.25; 684). 7 2 Jager 1. See also Colish, Ch. 1, "Augustine: The Expression of the Word" on the relationship between language and the Fall. 53 hermeneutics itself, hav ing made necessary a wri t ten supplement to G o d ' s o r ig ina l • * 73 spoken word , as w e l l as the v e i l i n g o f G o d ' s truth in scriptural a l legory ." Augus t ine bel ieved that before the F a l l humans had access to unmediated speech w i t h the Creator, and one o f the punishments for or ig inal sin is the hermeneutic labour i n v o l v e d in attempting to understand the words o f Scripture. In the post-Edenic w o r l d , signs inevi tably fal l short, leaving stable meaning an unattainable goal : signs could never be adequate to the knowledge, either sensory or intel lectual , that they purported to signify. Furthermore, signs were merely traces or vestiges o f absent subjects, human or divine, and as such they c o u l d represent at best on ly a d imin i shed—and at wors t merely an i l luso ry—presence . 7 4 In addi t ion to creating exegetical diff icul ty, this fallen state o f signs causes a sense o f doubt about the wor th o f language and wr i t ing itself. Jacques D e r r i d a has argued that this interpretation o f Genesis was the beginning o f a suspic ion o f all language (especial ly written) i n w h i c h " T h e s ign is a lways a sign o f the F a l l . " 7 5 Th i s leads many to assume that Augus t ine ' s v i e w o f language is essentially negative and endlessly defferent ia l . 7 6 H o w e v e r , central to Augus t ine ' s theology is the conv ic t ion that there is indeed one s ign that is able to redeem the w o r d as w e l l as the wor ld—the Incarnate Chris t . In the City of God, as elsewhere, Augus t ine insists upon the Incarnation as the focal point o f Chr i s t i an theology. The path to salvation is avai lable to people i n a fa l len 7 3 Jager 3. 7 4 Jager 57. Furthermore, Pollmann notes that "Abigustine] describes the bible as a text, i.e. an accumulation of human words, which are to be defined as signs, whose whole and only purpose is to point to a reality beyond themselves. However, they can never represent the things signified in their completeness and there is a gap between the sense of a sign/proposition and the reality of that to which the sign/proposition refers." 7 5 Jacques Derrida, Of Grammatology, trans. Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak (1974; Baltimore: Johns Hopkins UP, 1976) 283. 7 6 See, for example, Susan Mennel, "Augustine's T : The 'Knowing Subject' and the Self," Journal of Early Christian Studies 2.3 (1994): 291-324. 54 w o r l d on ly through the mediat ion o f Chris t : "there is one road, and one on ly . . . and this road is p rov ided by one w h o is h i m s e l f both G o d and man. A s G o d , he is the goal ; as man, he is the w a y " (11.2; 431). Just as Augus t ine sees the F a l l as a fal l into a w o r l d o f signs and hidden meaning, he sees the Incarnation as the recovery o f that meaning. C o l i s h explains that " R i g h t l y ordered speech, according to August ine , is a consequence o f the Incarnation. The key to the l inguis t ic epis temology w h i c h he posits is Chr is t , w h o m he sees as the verbal and actual reconci l ia t ion o f G o d and m a n . " 7 7 B y v i e w i n g Chr i s t as the fulf i l lment o f H e b r e w prophecies, Augus t ine found a key that enabled h i m to understand obscure O l d Testament passages i n a way that could not have been possible before the c o m i n g o f Chr is t . A s a result, most o f Augus t ine ' s exegesis is typo log ica l . M a r k u s explains that, by focusing on both the li teral s ignif icance o f the s ign and the "something else" to w h i c h it refers, August ine made a clearer dis t inct ion between " ' t y p o l o g i c a l ' and other kinds o f ' f i g u r a t i v e ' or a l legorical senses" 7 8 than other exegetes had done. I f the Incarnation makes typology the redemptive mode o f Chr i s t i an hermeneutics, it also a l lows a place for the redemptive possibi l i t ies o f Chr i s t i an discourse itself. A s C o l i s h explains, Once j o i n e d to G o d i n Chr is t , human nature is restored in m i n d and body, and man ' s faculty o f speech is empowered to carry on the w o r k o f Incarnation i n expressing the W o r d to the w o r l d . . . . Chr is t ian eloquence becomes, both l i teral ly and f igurat ively, a vessel o f the Spirit , bearing the W o r d to mankind , incorporat ing men into the new covenant o f Chr is t and preparing them through its media t ion for the face-to-face knowledge o f G o d in the beatific v i s i o n . 7 9 Colish 25. Markus, Signs 11. Colish 26. 55 Despi te the distrust that August ine came to feel for the "s inful eloquence" o f his days as a rhetorician, as a preacher and a Chr is t ian wri ter he st i l l had to use signs i n order to help others un lock the mysteries o f the word . N o t unt i l the final resurrection w i l l semiot ic difference v a n i s h , 8 0 so in the mean time, Chris t ians have to be acutely aware o f the importance o f signs. This heightened awareness about the importance o f signs in this life d i d not result in a sense o f comfort surrounding Chr i s t i an hermeneutics. O n the contrary, the very idea that Chris t was a unique and perfect s ign—one where signif ier and signif ied, S o n and Father, were consubstantial and without difference, and w h o l l y adequate one to the other—only intensified medieval anxiety about the infiniteness, the arbitrariness, and the mutabi l i ty o f the convent ional verbal signs o f fallen, speaking m a n . 8 1 In summary, Augus t ine ' s exegetical theories are based on t w o compet ing condi t ions: a doubt about the effectiveness o f signs i n a fallen w o r l d and a faith that the Incarnation o f the logos i n Chr i s t provides a redemptive w i n d o w , not just for individuals , but for language itself. Grasp ing the poss ibi l i ty o f a redeemed language, Augus t ine uses his o w n discourse as a too l to help his readers to come closer to a "right understanding" o f G o d ' s w o r d . 8 0 Jager explains that "Augustine held that Christ's redemptive work on the Cross had partially restored the vision of God lost by Adam in the shadow of the Tree, and that humans would ultimately abandon signs altogether at the Resurrection, when the elect would regain Paradise and also t