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Unsettling British Columbia : interventions in a neocolonial politics Smith, Michael D. 1997

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UNSETTLING BRITISH COLUMBIA: INTERVENTIONS IN A NEOCOLONIAL POLITICS by MICHAEL D. SMITH B.Comm., The U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1992 LL.B., The U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1992 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS i n THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (Department of Geography) We accept t h i s t h e s i s as conforming to the re q u i r e d standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA October, 1997 © Michael D. Smith, 1997 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Department of The University of British Columbia Vancouver, Canada Date 3/ Of/r&l.' 711 (fr DE-6 (2/88) 11 ABSTRACT The contemporary s t r u g g l e s by A b o r i g i n a l Nations w i t h i n the boundaries of B r i t i s h Columbia f o r land and s e l f -determination must be understood i n r e l a t i o n to the h i s t o r i c a l geography, and p o l i t i c a l economy, of European c o l o n i a l i s m and i m p e r i a l i s m . The p r o t r a c t e d and uneven process of European c a p i t a l i s t expansion overseas e v e n t u a l l y l e d t o the establishment of a B r i t i s h s e t t l e r colony on the P a c i f i c Coast of North America and the wholesale displacement of the region's indigenous p o p u l a t i o n s . Once t h i s r e g i o n a l h i s t o r y of white s e t t l e r ascendancy i s p l a c e d i n i t s proper h i s t o r i c a l context, present day c o n f l i c t s between Natives and s e t t l e r s i n Canada's westernmost province can be seen as l o c a l m a nifestations of an ongoing s t r u g g l e by A b o r i g i n a l Nations around the world to challenge s e t t l e r s t a t e power and a g l o b a l system (the "New World Order") whose main features and dynamics remain l a r g e l y i m p e r i a l i s t . To i l l u s t r a t e t h i s p o i n t , t h i s t h e s i s considers both the recent upsurge of s e t t l e r o p p o s i t i o n t o A b o r i g i n a l land claims and t r e a t y n e g o t i a t i o n s i n B r i t i s h Columbia, and the m i l i t a r i z a t i o n of s t a t e responses to A b o r i g i n a l p r o t e s t e x e m p l i f i e d by the Gustafsen Lake Standoff of 1995. iii TABLE OF CONTENTS A b s t r a c t i i Table of Contents 1 i i i Acknowledgements i v CHAPTER ONE INTRODUCTION 1 CHAPTER TWO LINEAGES OF THE LATE SETTLER STATE 7 I n t r o d u c t i o n 7 Imperialism: A P o s t - C o l o n i a l Primer 10 The Great White North 31 The Ragged Green Edge of the World 59 CHAPTER THREE REDNECK LIBERATION? 8 0 The New Right Juggernaut 86 Two Hundred M i l l i o n Custers 90 The T w i l i g h t of E x t r a c t i o n i s m 93 Summer of Hate 10 0 A n t i - N a t i v e Nativism 103 The S o c i a l i s m of Rednecks 111 CHAPTER FOUR CANARIES IN A COALMINE 115 C o l o n i z i n g the Cariboo 123 Secwepemc I n t i f a d a 143 P o l i c i n g the C r i s i s 165 Divid e and Rule 181 S e t t l e r S o l i d a r i t y 192 Covering Ts'peten 199 Bi b l i o g r a p h y 206 iv ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Many people helped me to su r v i v e the graduate experience. F i r s t , I wish to thank my f a m i l y , who i n s t i l l e d i n me a t h i r s t f o r l e a r n i n g and without whose love and support a u n i v e r s i t y education, l e t alone a Master's degree, would have been next to impossible. Second, I wish to express my g r a t i t u d e to the v a r i o u s members of the Department of Geography at U.B.C., students, s t a f f and f a c u l t y a l i k e , who together make i t something of a haven i n a h e a r t l e s s campus. C e r t a i n people merit s p e c i a l mention. My su p e r v i s o r , Derek Gregory, was an e n t h u s i a s t i c supporter and t h o u g h t f u l c r i t i c throughout the p r o j e c t . Dan Hiebert r e a d i l y agreed to be second reader and o f f e r e d thorough and very u s e f u l comments i n the f i n a l stages. Cole H a r r i s opened my eyes to the h i s t o r y of t h i s ragged p l a c e . F i n a l l y , I wish to thank the f r i e n d s and comrades who have made up my p o l i t i c a l community f o r these l a s t few years, and schooled me about the u n i t y of thought and a c t i o n . The good f o l k s of RR-HFC o f f e r e d an i r r e p l a c e a b l e p o l i t i c a l home, while the women of AFAC presented a towering example of guts, savvy, and t r u t h - s e e k i n g that changed how I face the world. My housemates at the 184 Commune were and are my a l t e r n a t i v e f a m i l y . Above a l l , I owe a debt of love and g r a t i t u d e to AW, who stuck w i t h me through the highs and lows and i n s p i r e s me (and a l l around her) w i t h her passionate commitment to l i v i n g the good l i f e and f i g h t i n g the good f i g h t . 1 - 1 -INTRODUCTION I t ' s out of hope, not n o s t a l g i a , that we must recover a community-based mode of production and way of l i f e , founded not on greed but on s o l i d a r i t y , age-old , freedoms, and i d e n t i t y between human beings and nature. I b e l i e v e there i s no b e t t e r way to honor the Indians, the f i r s t Americans, who from the A r c t i c to T i e r r a d e l Fuego have kept t h e i r i d e n t i t y and message a l i v e through successive campaigns of extermination. Today they s t i l l hold out v i t a l keys to memory and prophecy f o r a l l of America, not j u s t our L a t i n America. Eduardo Galeano 1 Modern im p e r i a l i s m , the g l o b a l expansion of competing western European powers which began over f i v e hundred years ago, l a i d the foundations of the contemporary world system. This expansion was d i r e c t l y l i n k e d to the r i s e of c a p i t a l i s m i n Europe, a system p r e d i c a t e d on ceaseless s e l f - e x p a n s i o n through the production and sa l e of commodities. The modes of European expansion v a r i e d markedly across time and space, but revolved e s s e n t i a l l y around the establishment of overseas c o l o n i e s f o r the purposes of e x t r a c t i n g wealth. In e a r l y phases, t h i s meant c o n t r o l l i n g trade i n or otherwise a p p r o p r i a t i n g the products of e x i s t i n g non-European s o c i a l systems. L a t e r , w i t h the s h i f t to i n d u s t r i a l c a p i t a l i s m , European powers began to seek out sources of raw m a t e r i a l s Eduardo Galeano, "The Blue Tiger and the Promised Land", i n We Say No: Chronicles 1963-1991 (New York: W.W. Norton, 1992), 227. 2 as w e l l as markets f o r f i n i s h e d products. This r e q u i r e d a thorough r e o r g a n i z a t i o n of indigenous s o c i e t i e s , i n v o l v i n g the s e i z u r e of t e r r i t o r y , e x p l o i t a t i o n of indigenous labour, and i n t r o d u c t i o n of c a p i t a l i s t s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s . Sometimes i t l e d to the c r e a t i o n of s e t t l e r s t a t e s whose s e c u r i t y r e s t e d on the e r a d i c a t i o n or permanent subord i n a t i o n of p r e e x i s t i n g indigenous populations. In a l l cases, i m p e r i a l i s m and c o l o n i a l i s m i n e v i t a b l y i n v o l v e d the i m p o s i t i o n , o f t e n by force of arms, of a p o l i t i c a l and economic order s u i t e d to the needs of European r u l i n g e l i t e s . In t h i s t h e s i s , I analyze the p o l i t i c a l economy of i m p e r i a l i s m and c o l o n i a l i s m i n the context of B r i t i s h Columbia to r e v e a l the s t r u c t u r a l f o r c e s , motives and methods that l e d to the establishment of a B r i t i s h s e t t l e r colony on the northwest coast of North America i n the nineteenth century. My p r o j e c t has a double focus: I want f i r s t l y to sketch i n broad o u t l i n e that h i s t o r i c t r a n s f o r m a t i o n by which s o p h i s t i c a t e d and r i c h l y d i v e r s e Indigenous Nations, s e l f - g o v e r n i n g i n t e r r i t o r i e s encompassing the whole of what i s now B.C. f o r thousands of years, were a l l but expunged and replaced, i n a matter of decades, by a d e s t r u c t i v e p o l i t i c a l and economic system centered i n Europe, organized around the i n t e r e s t s and a u t h o r i t y of a European e l i t e , and i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d i n a wholly new apparatus of s t a t e power. Secondly, I consider 3 the p o l i t i c a l antagonisms which are the present day outcome of s e t t l e r c o l o n i z a t i o n , and focus i n p a r t i c u l a r on s e t t l e r responses to the contemporary s t r u g g l e s of B.C.'s A b o r i g i n a l Nations f o r land and s e l f - determination. A b a s i c premise of my argument i s that i m p e r i a l i s m and c o l o n i a l i s m are s t i l l w i t h us, though t h e i r c i r c u i t s have changed. To many, no doubt, these terms have a de c i d e d l y a n a c h r o n i s t i c and a l i e n connotation, suggesting a remote past and d i s t a n t places. Yet B r i t i s h Columbia i s very much a product of the i m p e r i a l d i v i s i o n of the world i n t o c o l o n i a l possessions and spheres of i n f l u e n c e . L i k e countless other ex-colonies, i t was e s t a b l i s h e d amid intense i n t e r - i m p e r i a l r i v a l r y i n order to safeguard B r i t i s h p o l i t i c a l and economic i n t e r e s t s w i t h i n a much broader g e o p o l i t i c a l s t r a t e g y . And here as elsewhere c o l o n i z a t i o n e n t a i l e d the subjugation of the l o c a l indigenous p o p u l a t i o n , the a p p r o p r i a t i o n of t e r r i t o r y , and the plundering of n a t u r a l wealth. U n l i k e elsewhere, however, i n B.C. the end of the Second World War d i d not mark the beginning of d e c o l o n i z a t i o n and independent statehood; i n s t e a d , B.C.'s A b o r i g i n a l Nations are trapped w i t h i n a s e t t l e r s o c i e t y whose b a s i c features remain c o l o n i a l . Moreover, i n g l o b a l terms, domination and unequal exchange s t i l l c h a r a c t e r i z e r e l a t i o n s between the core of advanced c a p i t a l i s t powers and a per i p h e r y of poor, underdeveloped c o u n t r i e s , though now these connections are mediated through the m u l t i n a t i o n a l 4 c o r p o r a t i o n s and the organs - the World Bank-IMF, the G7, the WTO - of an emergent t r a n s n a t i o n a l s t a t e . Hence i n my view " i m p e r i a l i s m " , understood as the ongoing process of c a p i t a l i s t g l o b a l i z a t i o n , remains a fundamental fe a t u r e of the world i n our epoch. For these reasons, I r e s i s t u sing " p o s t - c o l o n i a l i s m " - w i t h i t s emphasis on t e x t u a l i t y , c u l t u r a l h y b r i d i t y , and s u b j e c t i v i t y - as -my t h e o r e t i c a l framework because i t r i s k s exaggerating the d i s c o n t i n u i t i e s between the s o - c a l l e d Age of Empire and the present c o n f i g u r a t i o n and dynamics of g l o b a l power. Instead, I adopt a p o l i t i c a l economy approach which s t r e s s e s the need f o r deep, s t r u c t u r a l a n a l y s i s of the m a t e r i a l c o n d i t i o n s , h i s t o r i c a l t r a j e c t o r i e s , and s o c i a l cleavages i n both the world c a p i t a l i s t system and p a r t i c u l a r s o c i a l formations. This approach, I b e l i e v e , enables us t o see the p o l i t i c s of s e t t l e r c o l o n i a l i s m i n B r i t i s h Columbia w i t h i n i t s proper, w o r l d - h i s t o r i c a l context. The o r g a n i z a t i o n of my d i s c u s s i o n r e f l e c t s t h i s overarching concern to l i n k past and present, the l o c a l and the g l o b a l , i n a coherent s t r u c t u r a l a n a l y s i s . In Chapter Two, I present a hit-and-run genealogy which s i t u a t e s the c o l o n i z a t i o n of B.C. w i t h i n the longue duree of European i m p e r i a l expansion, emphasizing a hemispheric h i s t o r y of genocide and d i s p o s s e s s i o n , i n order to reframe the settlement of the province, and i t s current p o l i t i c a l 5 landscape, as i n e r a d i c a b l y c o l o n i a l . I o f f e r a schematic overview of Euroimperialism at three overlapping s c a l e s -g l o b a l , n a t i o n a l and r e g i o n a l - i n order to l i n k the i m p l a n t a t i o n of a s e t t l e r colony i n B r i t i s h Columbia w i t h a broader set of g l o b a l dynamics, i n p a r t i c u l a r the r i s e of a world c a p i t a l i s t system centered on the de j u r e primacy of the modern n a t i o n s t a t e and de f a c t o dominance of (white) p a t r i a r c h a l b o u rgeoisies. These remain the s t r u c t u r a l imperatives which shape the p o l i t i c a l t e r r a i n on which s e t t l e r s and Indigenous Nations engage today. In Chapter Three, I consider the current p o l i t i c a l conjuncture i n B.C., where an o s t e n s i b l y p r o g r e s s i v e treatymaking process has b e l a t e d l y begun only to encounter a w e l l - o r c h e s t r a t e d and pseudo-populist s e t t l e r backlash. This conjuncture, I maintain, can only be understood i n connection to broader s h i f t s i n the era of m u l t i n a t i o n a l c a p i t a l i s m whose primary symptoms - economic r e s t r u c t u r i n g , the d i s m a n t l i n g of the welfare s t a t e , and the r i s e of r i g h t 2 wing p o p u l i s t movements - are by no means unique to B.C.. 1 argue that Natives have become the new scapegoats f o r r e g i o n a l e l i t e s and the subordinate s t r a t a of the s e t t l e r caste i n the face of ongoing r e s t r u c t u r i n g i n B.C.'s 2 I use "conjuncture" here m the sense s p e c i f i e d by Stuart H a l l , as the "coming together of o f t e n d i s t i n c t though r e l a t e d c o n t r a d i c t i o n s , moving according to d i f f e r e n t tempos, but condensed i n the same h i s t o r i c a l moment...." See h i s "The Great Moving Right Show", i n The Hard Road to Renewal (London: Verso, 1988) p. 41. 6 resource-based economy. This d i v e r t s a t t e n t i o n from the r e a l causes of the c r i s i s , namely, the aggressive promotion of a corporate agenda bent on adapting the p r o v i n c i a l p o l i t i c a l economy to s u i t the needs and i n t e r e s t s of t r a n s n a t i o n a l c a p i t a l . One of the d e f i n i n g events of t h i s conjuncture, I propose i n Chapter Four, was the month-long Gustafsen Lake Standoff, which t r a n s f i x e d the province and the country i n the l a t e summer of 1995. What began as a l o c a l c o n f l i c t between a group of Native Sundancers and a Cariboo rancher q u i c k l y developed i n t o the most seriou s c o n f r o n t a t i o n between Natives and the s e t t l e r s t a t e apparatus since the Oka Standoff of 1990. Native r e s i s t a n c e provoked a l a r g e - s c a l e counter-insurgency operation i n v o l v i n g advanced m i l i t a r y technology and hundreds of p o l i c e and Canadian Forces personnel. The Standoff i l l u s t r a t e d that r e p r e s s i o n remains the f i n a l guarantor of s e t t l e r r u l e i n t h i s o s t e n s i b l y post-c o l o n i a l era, and that the s e t t l e r s t a t e w i l l s w i f t l y c r i m i n a l i z e any Natives who challenge the r e f o r m i s t agenda of an e l i t e - s p o n s o r e d t r e a t y process. However, the standoff a l s o demonstrated that emergent p o l i t i c a l d i v i s i o n s between moderates and s o v e r e i g n t i s t s w i t h i n Native communities w i l l make the task of defending a b o r i g i n a l land and nationhood ever more complicated. 7 - 2 -LINEAGES OF THE LATE SETTLER STATE Reminders are a l l around us, i f we care to look, that the f i f t e e n t h - and si x t e e n t h - c e n t u r y extermination of the indigenous people of H i s p a n i o l a , brought on by European m i l i t a r y a s s a u l t and the i m p o r t a t i o n of e x o t i c diseases, was i n part only an enormous prelude to human catastrophes that followed on other k i l l i n g grounds, and continue to occur today - from the f o r e s t s of B r a z i l and Paraguay and elsewhere i n South and C e n t r a l America, where d i r e c t government v i o l e n c e s t i l l s l a u ghters thousands of Indian people year i n and year out, to the r e s e r v a t i o n s and urban slums of North America, where more s o p h i s t i c a t e d i n d i r e c t government v i o l e n c e has p r e c i s e l y the same e f f e c t . . . . David Stannard, American Holocaust B r i t i s h Columbians should understand, as now they h a r d l y do, how non-Native power took root i n t h e i r province. Cole H a r r i s , The Resettlement of B r i t i s h Columbia I . INTRODUCTION The purpose of t h i s chapter i s to o u t l i n e the main h i s t o r i c a l f orces which have shaped r e l a t i o n s between Natives and s e t t l e r s i n B r i t i s h Columbia down to the present. As such, i t represents a synoptic h i s t o r y of i m p e r i a l i s m and c o l o n i a l i s m as these r e l a t e to Canadian s t a t e formation and the development of B r i t i s h Columbia. My purpose i s not to provide a r i c h h i s t o r i c a l n a r r a t i v e of the past, but to o u t l i n e , i n schematic form, the p o l i t i c a l and economic dynamics which produced our present circumstances, 8 i n order that we may understand and act w i t h i n them. In p a r t , my p r o j e c t takes i t s cue from Foucault's n o t i o n of a " h i s t o r y of the present", which s e l e c t i v e l y invokes the past to d i s r u p t the r e c e i v e d wisdom of the present; i t i s a " c u r a t i v e h i s t o r y " , s e l f - c o n s c i o u s l y s i t u a t e d i n a contemporary p o l i t i c a l f i e l d and responding to current p o l i t i c a l concerns. 1 But more d i r e c t i n s p i r a t i o n comes from the work of Perry Anderson, whose p e c u l i a r brand of h i s t o r i c a l s o c i o l o g y has generated a number of a m b i t i o u s l y s y n t h e t i c overviews of European, and e s p e c i a l l y , B r i t i s h s o c i e t y , i n c l u d i n g Lineages of the Absolutist State, from 2 which the t i t l e of t h i s chapter d e r i v e s . Anderson's work i s s i m i l a r to Foucault's i n s o f a r as he i s concerned to construct a p o l i t i c o - e c o n o m i c h i s t o r y of the past i n order to i l l u m i n a t e current p o l i t i c a l r e a l i t i e s and o p p o r t u n i t i e s . But i t diverges sharply from Foucault's work met h o d o l o g i c a l l y and p o l i t i c a l l y , f o r Anderson i s w r i t i n g w i t h i n a d e l i b e r a t e l y Marxian framework, i n p u r s u i t of an avowedly s o c i a l i s t p o l i t i c s . This leads him to develop t o t a l i z i n g h i s t o r i e s which seek to d i s c l o s e the main s t r u c t u r e s and dynamics determining the course of long-run See Michael S. Roth, "Foucault's H i s t o r y of the Present", History and Theory 20 (1981) pp. 32-46. 2 Perry Anderson, Lzneages of the Absolutist State (London: Verso, 1974). 9 development f o r p a r t i c u l a r s o c i a l formations. Likewise, then, my aim i n t h i s chapter i s to provide a t e l e s c o p i c account of the " d i s t i n c t i v e h i s t o r i c a l t r a j e c t o r y " of B r i t i s h Columbian s o c i e t y , s e t t i n g i t i n i t s wider h i s t o r i c o - g e o g r a p h i c a l context and d e l i n e a t i n g i t s main features and movements. My d i s c u s s i o n i s d i v i d e d i n t o three main p a r t s . In the f i r s t , I provide a thumbnail sketch of the longue duree of European overseas expansion, emphasizing the impetus provided by d i f f e r e n t phases of i n t e r n a l c a p i t a l i s t development and the impact of that expansion on the non-European peoples who encountered i t . I a l s o o f f e r a summary e x p o s i t i o n of the main features of one p a r t i c u l a r h i s t o r i c a l v a r i a n t of European im p e r i a l i s m , the white s e t t l e r colony. In these c o l o n i e s of settlement, the t r i a n g u l a r r e l a t i o n s h i p between s e t t l e r s , indigenous peoples, and the m e t r o p o l i t a n power give r i s e to a d i s t i n c t i v e set of power r e l a t i o n s h i p s and developmental t r a j e c t o r i e s . In the second p a r t , I narrow my focus to construct an h i s t o r i c a l diagram of the Canadian s o c i a l formation, emphasizing both i t s p e c u l i a r p o s i t i o n w i t h i n the world c a p i t a l i s t system and i t s p a r t i c u l a r model of c o l o n i z a t i o n . In the t h i r d and f i n a l 3 For a u s e f u l a n a l y s i s of Anderson's method see Mary Fulbrook and Theda Skocpol, "Destined Pathways: The H i s t o r i c a l Sociology of Perry /Anderson", i n Theda Skocpol, ed., Vision and Method in Historical Sociology (Cambridge: Cambridge U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1984) pp.170-210. 10 p a r t , I r e f i n e my focus once again, developing a s i m i l a r l y diagrammatic n a r r a t i v e of the i m p e r i a l i n t r u s i o n i n t o B r i t i s h Columbia, which h i g h l i g h t s the main features of i t s t r a n s i t i o n to "advanced resource c a p i t a l i s m " and i t s h i s t o r y of Native subjugation. I I . IMPERIALISM: A POSTCOLONIAL PRIMER The Export of Barbarism The d i s c o v e r y of gold and s i l v e r i n America, the e x t i r p a t i o n , enslavement and entombment i n mines of the a b o r i g i n a l populations, the beginning of the conquest and l o o t i n g of the East Indies, the t u r n i n g of A f r i c a i n t o a warren f o r the commercial hunting of black-s k i n s , s i g n a l i s e d the rosy dawn of the era of c a p i t a l i s t production. Marx, Kapital, Vol.1 European expansion i n the modern era was a spasmodic a f f a i r d r i v e n by the dynamics of uneven development i n Western Europe, a process shaped i n tu r n by the i n t e r p l a y of a number of contingent f a c t o r s : t e c h n o l o g i c a l i nnovations, the pace and nature of economic change, and p o l i t i c a l c o n f l i c t 4 w i t h i n and between the nascent c a p i t a l i s t n a t i o n - s t a t e s . The e a r l i e s t European overseas forays spanned the century or so f o l l o w i n g the Colombian voyages, the s t o r i e d "Age of The p e r i o d i z a t i o n s of c a p i t a l i s t development de s c r i b e d i n t h i s s e c t i o n are based mainly on the essays i n Harry Magdoff, Imperialism: From the Colonial Age to the Present (New York: Monthly Review, 1978). A b r i e f e x p o s i t i o n which i s broadly s i m i l a r may be found i n Hamza A l a v i , " C o l o n i a l and P o s t - C o l o n i a l S o c i e t i e s " , i n Tom Bottomore, ed., The 11 Discovery" ( i n r e a l i t y an "Age of Plunder"), as European r u l i n g c l a s s e s sought access to the s t o r i e d r i c h e s of the "Orient". In t h i s p e r i o d , c e n t r a l i z i n g feudal monarchies i n Western Europe were engaged i n a p r o t o t y p i c a l form of " i n t e r n a l c o l o n i a l i s m " , f i g h t i n g s e r i a l wars to c o n s o l i d a t e power over the patchwork of independent fiefdoms and d i v e r s e peoples that was then Europe, and f i n a n c i n g these c o s t l y campaigns w i t h the precious metals, spices and other e x o t i c goods obtained abroad by force of arms. 5 Spain and P o r t u g a l , the dominant powers i n t h i s p e r i o d , secured t h e i r preeminence through pioneering e f f o r t s i n empire b u i l d i n g : P o r t u g a l , f o l l o w i n g a southern route to the East, s e i z e d c o n t r o l of the spice trade from Asian and A f r i c a n merchants and began a b r i s k trade i n West A f r i c a n slaves to s a t i s f y the labour requirements of i t s B r a z i l i a n p l a n t a t i o n c o l o n i e s ; while Spain, blocked by the Ottomans to the east and Portugal to the South, e n l i s t e d Columbus to chart a western route to A s i a , t h e r e a f t e r embarking on a genocidal course of l o o t i n g , d e s t r u c t i o n and enslavement i n the Americas that would produce u n t o l d mountains of gold, s i l v e r and "Indian" corpses. The l e s s e r powers - England, Holland, Dictionary of Marxist Thought, 2d ed.(Oxford: B l a c k w e l l , 1991) pp.94-96. 5 In t h i s sense, the antecedents of European i m p e r i a l expansion overseas were campaigns of i n t e r n a l expansion -the c o n s o l i d a t i o n of economic and p o l i t i c a l power - w i t h i n Europe i t s e l f . For an e v a l u a t i o n of t h i s process i n r e l a t i o n to B r i t a i n , see Michael Hechter, Internal Colonialism: The Celtic Fringe B r i t i s h National Development 12 France - were forced to content themselves w i t h a hand-me-down brigandism aimed at l o c a l conquests ( l i k e Ireland) or predatory forays against Spanish and Portuguese ships and t r a d i n g posts. In the end, however, t h i s p r e - c a p i t a l i s t , or " b u l l i o n i s t " , phase of Euroimperialism could not be sustained, as accumulation depended upon f i n i t e reserves of goods ( e s p e c i a l l y precious metals), and t r a d i t i o n a l systems of production that were no match f o r European r a p a c i t y . 6 As Magdoff puts i t , "the wealth obtained by plunder of hoards 7 amassed over years can only be taken once." This o l d or pre-modern form of i m p e r i a l i s m was g r a d u a l l y replaced from the opening decades of the 17th century by a new system of c o l o n i a l e x p l o i t a t i o n r e v o l v i n g around the mer c a n t i l e i n t e r e s t s which dominated the Western European g t r a n s i t i o n from feudal to c a p i t a l i s t s o c i e t y . I b e r i a n hegemony, stagnating under the decadent r u l e of retrograde a r i s t o c r a c i e s , gave way to an intense r i v a l r y between B r i t i s h , French, and Dutch r u l i n g c l a s s e s that would 1536 - 1966 (Berkeley: U n i v e r s i t y of C a l i f o r n i a Press, 1975). 6 I borrow the term " b u l l i o n i s m " from R.T. Naylor, Canada in the European Age 1453-1919 (Vancouver: New St a r , 1987) p. 67 . 7 Harry Magdoff, "Imperialism: A H i s t o r i c a l Survey" i n Imperialism: From the Colonial Age to the Present (New York: Monthly Review, 1978), 102. g See Immanuel W a l l e r s t e i n , The Modern World System (New York: Academic Press, 1974). 13 u l t i m a t e l y be resolved, a f t e r p r o t r a c t e d wars i n Europe and North America, w i t h the defeat of Napoleon and the establishment of the "pax B r i t a n n i c a " . This was the p e r i o d of the s o - c a l l e d " f i r s t B r i t i s h empire" (comprising I r e l a n d , the American c o l o n i e s , and the Caribbean) whose l i f e b l o o d was the l u c r a t i v e " t r i a n g u l a r trade" i n s l a v e s , c o l o n i a l products (sugar, cotton, tobacco), and manufactured goods ( t e x t i l e s , rum) between B r i t a i n , West A f r i c a and the Caribbean. I t was a l s o the heyday of the great t r a d i n g monopolies - the Dutch and B r i t i s h East Indies Companies, the Hudson's Bay Company, and the Company of New France, among others were e s t a b l i s h e d during t h i s time - and of p r o t e c t i o n i s m , wherein commercial e x c l u s i v i t y ( t y p i f i e d by the Navigation Acts) became the b a s i s f o r economic growth i n 9 each i m p e r i a l domain. Lacking the c a p a c i t y to exert extensive c o n t r o l over d i s t a n t t e r r i t o r i e s , i m p e r i a l s t r a t e g i e s focused i n s t e a d on the establishment and p r o f i t a b l e management of p l a n t a t i o n c o l o n i e s and white s e t t l e r entrepots along the c o a s t a l f r i n g e s and major i n l a n d waterways of the c o l o n i a l periphery: f o r example, the French settlements along the St. Lawrence at Port Royal (1604), Quebec (1607) and Montreal (1640), the Dutch at the Cape (1652), B a t a v i a (1619) and New Amsterdam (1626), and the Magdoff, "Imperialism: A H i s t o r i c a l Survey". 14 E n g l i s h at Jamestown (1607), U l s t e r (1609), Plymouth (1620) and Barbados (1627). 1 0 Merchant primacy was not to l a s t , however, as changes w i t h i n Europe, f u e l e d above a l l by the exsanguination of c o l o n i z e d peoples and t e r r i t o r i e s , combined to spur on even f u r t h e r transformations. The s o - c a l l e d " i n d u s t r i a l r e v o l u t i o n " heralded not only a new phase of c a p i t a l i s t development i n Western Europe - f e a t u r i n g wholesale d i s p o s s e s s i o n of r u r a l peasants through enclosure of feudal lands, the p a r a l l e l emergence of an urbanized system of f a c t o r y production, and the c o n c e n t r a t i o n of p o l i t i c a l and m i l i t a r y power i n the modern n a t i o n - s t a t e - but a l s o a cataclysmic s h i f t i n the r e l a t i o n s between Europe and the r e s t of the w o r l d . 1 1 The previous forms of c o l o n i a l i n c u r s i o n were d i s r u p t i v e , to be sure, and i n areas of i n t e n s i v e European a c t i v i t y were f r e q u e n t l y d e vastating. Spanish conquistadors and encomenderos, f o r example, managed to reduce the indigenous p o p u l a t i o n of the Americas by approximately 90 m i l l i o n , or D.K. Fieldhouse, The Colonial Empires: A Comparative Survey from the Eighteenth Century (London: Weidenfeld & Nicholson, 1965) 1 1 For a concise and elegant t h e o r e t i c a l a n a l y s i s of t h i s t r a n s i t i o n , see Immanuel W a l l e r s t e i n , Historical Capitalism (London: Verso, 1983). 15 9 0 percent, i n the two c e n t u r i e s a f t e r Columbus. Nevertheless, p r i o r to i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n European i m p e r i a l powers lacked the economic and m i l i t a r y c a p a c i t y to thoroughly reorganize communally o r i e n t e d indigenous s o c i e t i e s , tending i n s t e a d to e x p l o i t them while l e a v i n g 13 t h e i r s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l s t r u c t u r e s more or l e s s i n t a c t . But i n d u s t r i a l c a p i t a l i s m set new imperatives i n motion, as the engine of European expansion became l e s s and l e s s the trade i n l u x u r y products, and more and more the competition between i m p e r i a l powers f o r overseas t e r r i t o r i e s t o serve as markets f o r European manufactures, sources of raw m a t e r i a l s f o r expanding i n d u s t r i e s and food f o r an u r b a n i z i n g p r o l e t a r i a t , and o u t l e t s f o r the p r o f i t a b l e investment of r a p i d l y accumulating c a p i t a l . As Magdoff suggests, c o l o n i z a t i o n became a program f o r a fundamental r e s t r u c t u r i n g of n o n - c a p i t a l i s t s o c i e t i e s along E u r o - c a p i t a l i s t l i n e s , and though the " l o c a l t a c t i c s " may have v a r i e d the b a s i c s t r a t e g y was u n i v e r s a l , i n v o l v i n g t o a grea t e r or l e s s e r extent the d i s r u p t i o n of t r a d i t i o n a l s e l f - s u f f i c i e n t and s e l f - p e r p e t u a t i n g communities; i n t r o d u c t i o n of p r i v a t e property i n land; extending the 12 Ward C h u r c h i l l , Since Predator Came: Notes from the Struggle for American Indian Liberation ( L i t t l e t o n , Colorado: A i g i s Press, 1995), p.41. 16 use of money and exchange; i m p o s i t i o n of fo r c e d labour and recruitment of a labour force dependent on wages; de s t r o y i n g competitive n a t i v e i n d u s t r y ; c r e a t i n g a new c l a s s s t r u c t u r e , i n c l u d i n g f o s t e r i n g of new e l i t e groups as p o l i t i c a l and economic j u n i o r partners of the metropo l i t a n centers; [and] i m p o s i t i o n of the c u l t u r e s 14 of the metropolitan centers.... European c o n t r o l over production and reproduction, t h e r e f o r e , became the e s s e n t i a l object of i m p e r i a l i s m i n t h i s phase, and r e q u i r e d the i n t r o d u c t i o n of bourgeois property r e l a t i o n s and a sexual d i v i s i o n of labour premised on male supremacy (or i t s reinforcement, where the l a t t e r a l r e ady e x i s t e d ) . 1 5 Though the b a s i c impetus of t h i s process was economic, c o l o n i z a t i o n a l s o f r e q u e n t l y e n t a i l e d aggressive a t t a c k s on indigenous c u l t u r e s and s o c i a l i n s t i t u t i o n s , i n c l u d i n g the suppression of l o c a l t r a d i t i o n s , e s p e c i a l l y language and r e l i g i o n , and the p r e s c r i p t i o n of European c l a s s and f a m i l i a l s t r u c t u r e s and s e x u a l - c u l t u r a l regimes. 1 6 Bishop Desmond Tutu has s u c c i n c t l y captured the This p r o p o s i t i o n d e r i v e s from Magdoff, "Imperialism: A H i s t o r i c a l Survey", pp.87-116. 1 4 I b i d . p. 106. 1 5 See M. Etienne and Eleanor Leacock, Women and Colonization (New York: Praeger, 198 0). 1 6 See David Scott " C o l o n i a l Governmentality" Social Text 43 (1995) pp.191-220; Timothy M i t c h e l l , Colonizing Egypt (Cambridge: Cambridge U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1988). 17 r o l e of C h r i s t i a n m i s s i o n a r i e s as c u l t u r a l f o o t s o l d i e r s i n campaigns of c o l o n i a l conquest: They came. They had the B i b l e and we had the land. And they s a i d : 'Close your eyes and pray'. And when we opened our eyes they had the land and we had the B i b l e . 1 7 From the 183 0s onwards, European e f f o r t s were d i r e c t e d i n c r e a s i n g l y to the c o n t i n e n t a l i n t e r i o r s of A f r i c a , A s i a and North America, the c o n s o l i d a t i o n of t h i s new c o l o n i a l order u s u a l l y r e q u i r i n g extended wars of conquest against n a t i v e populations, e i t h e r to subdue them f o r e x p l o i t a t i o n 18 or d i s p l a c e them f o r fut u r e white settlement. A necessary p r e c o n d i t i o n f o r the c o n s o l i d a t i o n of European hegemony i n c o l o n i a l t e r r i t o r i e s was the c o n t i n u i n g t e c h n o l o g i c a l r e v o l u t i o n wrought by c a p i t a l i s t i n d u s t r y : the increased k i l l i n g c a p a c i t y a s s o c i a t e d w i t h new armamements, the enhanced economic and s t r a t e g i c power af f o r d e d by new technologies of tra n s p o r t (railway and steamship) and communications (the t e l e g r a p h ) ; and, l a s t but not l e a s t , new Eduardo Galeano, "Othercide", i n We Say No (New York: Norton, 1992), p.307. 18 For an e x c e l l e n t overview of t h i s p e r i o d see V.G. Kiernan, European Empires From Conquest to Collapse 1815-1960 ( L e i c e s t e r : L e i c e s t e r U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1982) . 18 a d m i n i s t r a t i v e techniques enabling the management of l a r g e 19 flows of people, goods, information and c a p i t a l . This a c q u i s i t i o n of new t e r r i t o r i e s a c c e l e r a t e d r a p i d l y i n the l a t e 1870s, the era of s o - c a l l e d "high i m p e r i a l i s m " , as c a p i t a l i s m entered i t s monopoly phase - marked by the ascendancy of finance over i n d u s t r i a l c a p i t a l , the u n f o l d i n g of the "second" I n d u s t r i a l Revolution ( s t e e l , e l e c t r i c i t y , o i l , i n d u s t r i a l chemistry and the i n t e r n a l combustion engine) and the unprecedented concentration of c a p i t a l i n 20 emerging conglomerates. This s h i f t d r a m a t i c a l l y expanded the need f o r secure s u p p l i e s of raw m a t e r i a l s , p r e f e r a b l y under mon o p o l i s t i c c o n t r o l , and provoked f e b r i l e competition among the r i v a l centers of c a p i t a l accumulation now c h a l l e n g i n g B r i t i s h hegemony, among them Germany, Belgium, I t a l y , the U.S. and Japan. By 1914, when i m p e r i a l expansion reached i t s z e n i t h , Europe's i m p e r i a l masters had secured d i r e c t c o n t r o l over 85% of the earth's land surface, and f o r c i b l y i n i t i a t e d s o c i a l and economic transformations whose human and e c o l o g i c a l t o l l would perhaps be s c a r c e l y imaginable to contemporary Europeans were i t not f o r the homecoming of i n t e r - i m p e r i a l r i v a l r y i n the t w e n t i e t h 19 D a n i e l Headrick, The Tentacles of Progress: Technology-Transfer in the Age of Imperialism, 1850-1940 (New York: Oxford U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1988). 20 Magdoff, "Imperialism: A H i s t o r i c a l Survey", p. 108-9. See a l s o E.J. Hobsbawm, The Age of Empire 1875-1914 (London: Penguin, 1987) f o r a m a g i s t e r i a l account of t h i s p e r i o d . 19 century, i n the form of two World Wars and the r i s e of 21 fascism. The s t r a t e g i e s , methods and i d e o l o g i e s of c o l o n i a l conquest, h i t h e r t o reserved f o r c o l o n i z e d peoples beyond Europe, were now v i s i t e d upon the continent's c i v i l i a n p o pulations, w i t h p a r t i c u l a r groups - Jews, Gypsys - c l a s s i f i e d as " i n f e r i o r " and targeted f o r systematic a n n i h i l a t i o n . The a p o c a l y p t i c c o n f l i c t , which saw over e i g h t y m i l l i o n k i l l e d , dozens of c i t i e s destroyed, and a c o l o s s a l squandering of m a t e r i a l resources f o r p u r e l y d e s t r u c t i v e ends, demonstrated the b a s i c p e r v e r s i o n of human 22 e x i s t e n c e that the c a p i t a l i s t system represents. And yet f a r from marking the death k n e l l of c a p i t a l i s m p e r se, the war simply c l e a r e d the path f o r the g l o b a l preeminence of U.S. c a p i t a l , and a new form of " i m p e r i a l i s m without 23 c o l o n i e s " . The postwar p e r i o d witnessed the h i s t o r i c r e v e r s a l of almost f i v e c e n t u r i e s of European i m p e r i a l expansion, as a n t i -i m p e r i a l movements i n the c o l o n i a l periphery, adopting the modern ver n a c u l a r of n a t i o n a l l i b e r a t i o n , sought to throw o f f the yoke of European domination by e s t a b l i s h i n g 21 For a compelling Marxist i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of World War I I , i t s causes and consequences, see Ernest Mandel, The Meaning of the Second World War (London: Verso, 1986). 22 I b i d . , p. 169. 20 independent n a t i o n - s t a t e s and n a t i o n a l i s t programs of economic development. These movements marked the c u l m i n a t i o n of r e s i s t a n c e s t r u g g l e s which had been ga t h e r i n g momentum throughout the c o l o n i a l p e r i o d , a c c e l e r a t i n g p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the f i r s t 50 years of the t w e n t i e t h century. A number of long-term trends i n the i n t e r n a t i o n a l p o l i t i c a l economy converged i n the postwar realignment of g l o b a l power, c r e a t i n g c o n d i t i o n s favorable to these independence movements: the ascendancy of the U.S. as the dominant c a p i t a l i s t power, determined to c o n s o l i d a t e i t s own i m p e r i a l hegemony but forced to contend w i t h a w e l t e r of a n t i -systemic f o r c e s ; the concomitant d e c l i n e of the competing i m p e r i a l powers, whether through m i l i t a r y defeat (Germany, Japan and I t a l y being s t r i p p e d of colonies) or decrepitude ( B r i t a i n and France); and, perhaps most s i g n i f i c a n t l y , the h i s t o r i c emergence of a g l o b a l a n t i - c a p i t a l i s t b l o c , centered i n the USSR but a t t r a c t i n g mass support i n the advanced c a p i t a l i s t c o u n t r i e s , which f o r a time threatened the p e r s i s t e n c e of the world c a p i t a l i s t system. D e c o l o n i z a t i o n thus became one of the hallmarks of the 24 postwar p e r i o d . The i n i t i a l phase a c t u a l l y began duri n g See "Imperialism without Colonies" i n Magdoff, Imperialism: From the Colonial Age to the Present, pp.117-147 . 24 The f o l l o w i n g paragraphs are based on Kiernan, European Empires From Conquest to Collapse; and Madgoff, "Imperialism: A H i s t o r i c a l Survey". 21 the war, when Lebanon, S y r i a and TransJordan achieved independence i n 1941; the second phase covered the p e r i o d 1945 to 1950, and was concentrated p r i m a r i l y i n A s i a : the P h i l i p p i n e s , I n d i a , Burma, Indonesia, China. The t h i r d phase, 1950-56, d e l i v e r e d the coup de grace to a b i t t e r l y r e c a l c i t r a n t Franc-imperialism, as French defeats produced new nations i n Indochina (Laos, Cambodia, the "two" Vietnams) and North A f r i c a (Libya, T u n i s i a , Morocco). The f i n a l phase of d e c o l o n i z a t i o n was reserved f o r t r o p i c a l A f r i c a , where 33 new c o u n t r i e s emerged between 1958 and 1968. As Magdoff p o i n t s out, the nature of d e c o l o n i z a t i o n was mainly shaped by the i m p e r i a l assessment of post-c o l o n i a l prospects: on the one hand, where new governments were amenable to continued i m p e r i a l i n f l u e n c e , independence "came sooner, and wi t h l e s s bloodshed"; on the other, where they were n a t i o n a l i s t and r e v o l u t i o n a r y i n character, t h r e a t e n i n g e x p r o p r i a t i o n , c l o s u r e of markets, and alignment w i t h the s o c i a l i s t b l o c , bloody warfare g e n e r a l l y ensued (as i n Vietnam, Indonesia, Malaysia, and France's North A f r i c a n c o l o n i e s ) . S e t t l e r regimes were n a t u r a l l y the most b i t t e r defenders of the c o l o n i a l s t a t u s quo, i n some cases s e v e r i n g t i e s w i t h the "mother country" (as i n A l g e r i a , I s r a e l and Rhodesia) i n order to gain a fr e e hand i n the suppression of indigenous l i b e r a t i o n movements. Unfortunately, as Fanon and others soon recognized, " c o l o n i a l i s m and i m p e r i a l i s m have not p a i d t h e i r score when 22 they withdraw t h e i r f l a g s and t h e i r p o l i c e f o r c e s from our 25 t e r r i t o r i e s " . D e c o l o n i z a t i o n produced not autonomy but a modified form of i m p e r i a l domination based on nominal independence but de f a c t o subordination i n the economic, p o l i t i c a l , c u l t u r a l and m i l i t a r y spheres: i n a word, neo c o l o n i a l i s m . In r e a l i t y , the d e c o l o n i z a t i o n process i t s e l f c a r r i e d w i t h i t the seeds of t h i s renovated i m p e r i a l i s m : the dependent patterns of trade and investment could not be broken without a fundamental r e s t r u c t u r i n g of economic r e l a t i o n s h i p s between core and periphery, a step which the i m p e r i a l powers ( e s p e c i a l l y the U.S.) a c t i v e l y discouraged by applying economic pressure and, where necessary, i n t e r v e n i n g m i l i t a r i l y . Cold War r i v a l r y opened up some space f o r autonomous i n i t i a t i v e s (the Non-Aligned Movement, the Group of 77), but the long term p u t r e f a c t i o n of the Soviet system, s i g n a l e d f i r s t by the 1980 i n v a s i o n of Afghanistan, then by Gorbachevian reforms, and c u l m i n a t i n g i n the 1989 " c o l l a p s e of communism", e l i m i n a t e d whatever 26 s l a c k e x i s t e d i n the i m p e r i a l chain. The r e v o l u t i o n a r y dreams of T h i r d World s o l i d a r i t y and autonomy which c h a r a c t e r i z e d much of the 1950s and 60s d i s s o l v e d i n t o a nightmare of d e b t d e p e n d e n c y and i n t e r n a l r i v a l r y i n the 1970s and 80s, as the ex-colonies s t r u g g l e d to s u r v i v e i n a Franz Fanon, The Wretched of the Earth (New York: Grove Press, 1968) p.101. 26 For a n a l y s i s of the c o l l a p s e of the communist blo c and i t s i m p l i c a t i o n s f o r the T h i r d World, see the essays i n 23 world s t i l l dominated by the c a p i t a l i s t centers. By the e a r l y 1990s, w i t h T h i r d Worldism d i s i n t e g r a t e d and communism vanquished, the triumph of c a p i t a l was complete, and George Bush was soon b o l d l y p r o c l a i m i n g the b i r t h of a New World Order. I t s c h i e f f e a t u r e s : c l a s s p o l a r i z a t i o n on a world-s c a l e , as the g u l f between the g l o b a l r i c h and the g l o b a l poor grows ever wider; the paramountcy of m u l t i n a t i o n a l c a p i t a l , dangerously mobile and i n c r e a s i n g l y detached from any n a t i o n a l a l l e g i a n c e or a c c o u n t a b i l i t y , and pursuing accumulation through ever more g l o b a l i z e d systems of production; supranational economic o r g a n i z a t i o n s l i k e the IMF, the World Bank, and the GATT (now the WTO), the New Conquistadors overseeing the " s t r u c t u r a l adjustment" of T h i r d World economies on behalf of the m u l t i n a t i o n a l s ; and r e g i o n a l t r a d i n g blocs dominated by one or another n a t i o n a l c a p i t a l (Germany and the EC; Japan and ASEAN; the U.S. and NAFTA); a l l guaranteed by a resurgent U.S. m i l i t a r i s m now d i s p o r t i n g i t s e l f i n the blue helmet of United Nations i n t e r n a t i o n a l i s m . In sum, while the formal trappings of c o l o n i a l r u l e have disappeared, the main features of im p e r i a l i s m remain i n t a c t , though i t may no long be recognized as such. 24 Cinderellas of Empire The colony of a c i v i l i z e d n a t i o n which takes possession, e i t h e r of waste country, or of one so t h i n l y i n h a b i t e d , that the n a t i v e s e a s i l y give place to the new s e t t l e r s , advances more r a p i d l y to wealth and greatness than any other human s o c i e t y . 27 Adam Smith, The Wealth of Nations In thus t r a c i n g the t r a j e c t o r y of Euroimperialism i t i s u s e f u l perhaps to d i s t i n g u i s h between d i f f e r e n t modes of c o l o n i z a t i o n . I f the most common form of i m p e r i a l domination was the colony of e x p l o i t a t i o n - c h a r a c t e r i z e d by a " t h i n white l i n e " of European a d m i n i s t r a t o r s and m i l i t a r y personnel, f o r c i b l y i n s t a l l e d i n densley populated t r o p i c a l zones t o manage the e x p l o i t a t i o n of l o c a l resources and indigenous or imported (slave) labour on behalf of a metr o p o l i t a n bourgeoisie - then the temperate c o l o n i e s of settlement e s t a b l i s h e d i n the Americas and A u s t r a l a s i a i n the seventeenth and eighteenth c e n t u r i e s represent an 28 e x c e p t i o n a l form. The d i s t i n c t i o n between them i s not Quoted i n Lenore A. S t i f f a r m and P h i l Lane, J r . , "The Demography of Native North America: A Question of American Indian S u r v i v a l " , i n M. Annette Jaimes, ed., The State of Native America: Genocide, Colonization and Resistance (Boston: South End Press, 1992) pp. 23-53, p. 23. 28 There appears to be renewed academic i n t e r e s t i n the " s e t t l e r colony" i n recent years. Among the r e c e n t l y p u b l i s h e d works I have r e l i e d on are Donald Denoon, Settler Capitalism: The Dynamics of Dependent Development in the Southern Hemisphere (Oxford: Clarendon, 1983); Daiva S t a s u i l i s and N i r a Yuval-Davis, eds., Unsettling Settler Societies: A r t i c u l a t i o n s of Gender, Race, E t h n i c i t y and Class (London: Sage, 1995);'Ronald Weitzer, Transforming Settler States: Communal Conflict and Internal Security in Northern Ireland and Zanzibar (Berkeley: U n i v e r s i t y of 25 always c l e a r - c u t , of course, since v i r t u a l l y a l l European c o l o n i e s experienced some degree of settlement, i f o n l y to descr i b e that " t h i n white l i n e " of European domination. For s e t t l e r c o l o n i e s , however, the determinative f a c t o r was the r e l a t i v e i n t e n s i t y and permanence of settlement: s e t t l e r s came i n s u b s t a n t i a l numbers, and meant to stay. As Stock remarks, i n a sense, a s e t t l e r s t a t e represents an a c t i v e attempt to make c o l o n i a l r e l a t i o n s i r r e v e r s i b l e . For the s e t t l e r s have claimed the land not j u s t as the s p o i l s of i m p e r i a l i s t war, but as t h e i r 'homeland'. ( T h e i r s u r v i v a l as an er s a t z 'people' depends completely on a set of j u s t i f y i n g myths, r a t i o n a l i z a t i o n s , caste 29 systems and r e p r e s s i v e devices. Yet w i t h i n t h i s general category of the s e t t l e r colony a f u r t h e r d i s t i n c t i o n must be drawn between those i n the ( s e m i - ) t r o p i c a l and temperate zones. The former, which i n c l u d e d c o l o n i e s l i k e A l g e r i a , South A f r i c a , Rhodesia, and Kenya, occupied a mediate p o s i t i o n between the two types of colony: notwithstanding considerable white immigration, and determined e f f o r t s to er a d i c a t e the Natives, s e t t l e r s were C a l i f o r n i a Press, 1992); and the e x c e l l e n t i n t r o d u c t o r y chapter i n Pamela Clayton, Enemies and Passing Friends: Settler Ideologies in Northern Ireland (London: P l u t o , 1996) . I 26 faced w i t h the p e r s i s t e n c e of l a r g e , s e t t l e d indigenous popu l a t i o n s , and thus destined to e x e r c i s e a more tenuous form of "white m i n o r i t y r u l e " . At any r a t e , the temperate s e t t l e r c o l o n i e s were, as Fieldhouse puts i t , the " C i n d e r e l l a s " of the f i r s t three c e n t u r i e s of i m p e r i a l expansion, acquired as a f t e r t h o u g h t s or as adjuncts to the main business of t r o p i c a l plunder and 30 r e l e g a t e d to b i t p a r t s i n the nascent world economy. The ignominious beginnings of the A u s t r a l i a n c o l o n i e s need ha r d l y be recounted, but few i f any white s e t t l e r c o l o n i e s can c l a i m e x a l t e d o r i g i n s : South A f r i c a began as the Cape Colony, a mere way s t a t i o n on the f r i n g e s of the g l o b a l spice trade, New Zealand as a sub-colony of New South Wales, while most of the American settlements (French and B r i t i s h a l i k e ) were e s t a b l i s h e d by 17th century robber barons and r e l i g i o u s f a n a t i c s , and were regarded s k e p t i c a l l y by t h e i r i m p e r i a l masters. Yet t h i s .was to change during the 19th David Stock, "The S e t t l e r State and the U.S. L e f t " , Forward Motion 9 (1991) pp.53-61, p.54. 30 Fieldhouse, The Colonial Empires, p. 13. Spain's American empire represents a p a r t i a l exception to t h i s r u l e , s i n c e i t s gradual expansion i n C e n t r a l and South America i n the 15th and 16th c e n t u r i e s was, i n a sense, an e a r l y form of " s e t t l e r c o l o n i z a t i o n " . I t i s d i s t i n g u i s h a b l e from l a t e r forms, however, by the comparatively small s c a l e of settlement and i m p o s i t i o n of a feudal (rather than c a p i t a l i s t ) mode of production. The Spanish c o l o n i e s e v e n t u a l l y became subject to " r e c o l o n i z a t i o n " by B r i t i s h and American i n t e r e s t s i n subsequent phases of i m p e r i a l r e d i v i s i o n , though a few (Uruguay, Argentina and C h i l e ) would b r i e f l y f o l l o w the path of dependent development charted by s e t t l e r c o l o n i e s l i k e Canada and A u s t r a l i a . 27 century, the golden age of s e t t l e r s t a t e formation, when the emergence of i n d u s t r i a l c a p i t a l i s m i n Western Europe, and f u r t h e r rounds of competitive empire-building, made the s e t t l e r c o l o n i e s more and more a t t r a c t i v e as sources of i n d u s t r i a l raw m a t e r i a l s and r e p o s i t o r i e s f o r accumulated c a p i t a l and d i s p l a c e d workers and peasants. They a l s o proved c o s t - e f f e c t i v e f o r the occupation of newly acquired t e r r i t o r i e s , as s e t t l e r populations could be m o b i l i z e d to advance and defend i m p e r i a l aims vis-a-vis r i v a l European powers and indigenous populations. By mid-century, they could be seen as "the n a t u r a l , as w e l l as the most rewarding mode of i m p e r i a l expansion", the most " l o y a l and e n e r g e t i c p a r t n e r s ' w i t h the "supreme v i r t u e of being s e l f -31 p r o p e l l i n g " . By the end of the century, they had become the primary d e s t i n a t i o n s f o r European emigration and c a p i t a l investment, much of i t going i n t o the i n f r a s t r u c t u r e 32 necessary to e x p l o i t land and n a t u r a l resources. An estimated 55 m i l l i o n Europeans emigrated to "new c o u n t r i e s " i n the Americas and A u s t r a l a s i a i n the 100 years a f t e r 1820, w i t h E n g l i s h , I r i s h and German s e t t l e r s composing the bulk Kenneth Good, " S e t t l e r C o l o n i a l i s m : Economic Development and Class Formation", Journal of Modern African Studies 14 (1976) pp.597-620 32 See Denoon, pp. 50-51. See a l s o P.J. Cain and A.G. Hopkins, "'An Extension of the Old S o c i e t y ' : B r i t a i n and the Colonies of Settlement, 1850-1914", i n B r i t i s h Imperialism: Innovation and Expansion 1688-1914 (London: Longman, 1993) pp.229-275. 28 of mid-century immigration, and I t a l i a n s and Slavs 33 predominating i n l a t e r years. In a sense, as Denoon i n d i c a t e s , the white s e t t l e r c o l o n i e s were the Newly I n d u s t r i a l i z i n g Countries (NICs) or A s i a n T i g e r s of the 19th century, w i t h the U.S. s e r v i n g as the paragon of c a p i t a l i s t "take o f f " that Japan represents today to Hong Kong, Singapore, South Korea and Taiwan. S e t t l e r s t a t e s other than the U.S. were d i s t i n g u i s h e d , f i r s t l y , by the nature of t h e i r i n s e r t i o n i n t o the world economy as the " r i c h e s t underdeveloped c o u n t r i e s " , resource-based dependencies or "dominions" (as the l e a d i n g B r i t i s h s e t t l e r c o l o n i e s were c a l l e d ) dominated by me t r o p o l i t a n c a p i t a l but enjoying a degree of p o l i t i c a l autonomy, and a more or l e s s European standard of l i v i n g , which diverged s h a r p l y from the 34 o r d i n a r y colony of e x p l o i t a t i o n . Though over time the growth of a domestic economy would permit a s u b s t a n t i a l measure of l o c a l c a p i t a l accumulation and i n d u s t r i a l development, and despite the p e r i o d i c booms a s s o c i a t e d w i t h the d i s c o v e r y of precious minerals i n c o l o n i e s l i k e 33 Magdoff, "European Expansion since 1763", p.33. 34 For more d e t a i l e d d i s c u s s i o n of t h i s p o i n t see the divergent views expressed i n P h i l l i p Ehrensraft and Warwick Armstrong, "The Formation of Dominion C a p i t a l i s m : Economic Truncation and Class S t r u c t u r e " i n A. Moscovitch and G. Drover, eds., Inequality: Essays on the Political Economy of Social Welfare (Toronto: U n i v e r s i t y of Toronto Press, 1981) pp.99-155; A r g h i r i Emmanuel, "White-Settler C o l o n i a l i s m and the Myth of Investment Imperialism", New Left Review 73 (1972) pp. 35-57; and Good, " S e t t l e r C o l o n i a l i s m " . 29 A u s t r a l i a and South A f r i c a , long term p r o s p e r i t y was u l t i m a t e l y t i e d to the production f o r export of c e r t a i n key s t a p l e s - wool i n A u s t r a l i a and New Zealand, f i s h and lumber i n B r i t i s h North America, beef i n Argentina and Uruguay, n i t r a t e s i n C h i l e - and the w i l l i n g n e s s of one or another m e t r o p o l i t a n power to supply labour, c a p i t a l , technology, and m i l i t a r y p r o t e c t i o n . The other d i s t i n g u i s h i n g feature of the temperate s e t t l e r c o l o n i e s ( i n c l u d i n g the U.S.) was t h e i r s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l s t r u c t u r e , which was founded on the t o t a l suppression, even extermination, of the indigenous i n h a b i t a n t s of the newly e s t a b l i s h e d s e t t l e r homeland. As Weitzer puts i t , supremacy vis-a-vis Native populations was (and i s ) one of the 35 " p i l l a r s of s e t t l e r r u l e " . I n i t i a l conquest was u s u a l l y c a r r i e d out by the i m p e r i a l power i n order to e s t a b l i s h a f o o t h o l d i n the new t e r r i t o r y ; l a t e r , once immigration and i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n had t i l t e d the balance of power i n favour of s e t t l e r s , c o l o n i a l governments f r e q u e n t l y embarked on t h e i r own sub-imperial campaigns against indigenous peoples as p a r t of the d r i v e to secure resources and lebensraum f o r the f l e d g l i n g n a t i o n - s t a t e - s e t t l e r governments i n the U.S., New Zealand, A u s t r a l i a , C h i l e , and Argentina a l l fought expansionist "Indian Wars" i n the 19th century. Weitzer, Transforming Settler States, p.24. 30 In place of the ancient s o c i e t i e s thus d i s p l a c e d , new s o c i e t i e s were e s t a b l i s h e d which r e c r e ated the h i e r a r c h i c a l l y s t r u c t u r e d r e l a t i o n s of c l a s s , gender and e t h n i c i t y found i n the metropolitan centers. They were, among other t h i n g s , the o f f i c i a l b i r t h p l a c e s of i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d white supremacy, which came i n t o being not only to d i s t i n g u i s h s e t t l e r s from the indigenous populations they were subjugating, but a l s o to p r i v i l e g e northern European s e t t l e r s (regardless of c l a s s and gender) i n r e l a t i o n to the " l e s s e r breeds" of Europeans (the I r i s h , I t a l i a n s , Jews, Slavs) and non-Europeans (Asians, A f r i c a n s ) who were i n c r e a s i n g l y needed to f i l l out the bottom rungs of 36 expanding labour markets. Whiteness, as a s o c i a l i d e n t i t y and source of i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d power and p r i v i l e g e , r e c e i v e d i t s most potent expression i n the s e t t l e r c o l o n i e s , where i t functioned as a solvent of r a d i c a l consciousness and s o l i d a r i t y among the oppressed and e x p l o i t e d . As the A f r i c a n American w r i t e r James Baldwin put i t : No one was white before he/she came to America. I t took generations, and a vast amount of c o e r c i o n , before t h i s became a white country.... White men - from Norway, f o r example, where they were Norwegians -became white by s l a u g h t e r i n g the c a t t l e , p o i s o n i n g the See David Roediger, The Wages of Whiteness: Race and the Politics of the U.S. Working Class (London: Verso, 198 8) . 31 w e l l s , t o r c h i n g the houses, massacring Native 37 Americans, and raping Black women. I I I . THE GREAT WHITE NORTH Arrested Development The roots of the present Dominion of Canada can be found i n the year 1503 when the f i r s t shipment of g o l d plundered i n the Americas reached Spain. Canadian h i s t o r y since then r e v e a l s l i t t l e more than a s t r u g g l e between various i m p e r i a l powers to determine whose 38 dominion i t s h a l l be. The e a r l i e s t i m p e r i a l i n t r u s i o n s i n t o the northern p o r t i o n s of North America - the cod f i s h e r y , the v a r i o u s voyages i n search of a Northwest passage to the "Orient", and, most s i g n i f i c a n t l y , the Dutch, E n g l i s h and French settlements o r i e n t e d to the burgeoning f u r economy - were i n d i f f e r e n t ways competitive responses by the l e s s e r i m p e r i a l powers t o the immense bounty produced by Spain's meso-American genocide. A f t e r the bourgeois r e v o l u t i o n of 1648, B r i t a i n embarked on an aggressive program of c o l o n i a l e x p r o p r i a t i o n against i t s r i v a l s , g r a d u a l l y wresting c o n t r o l of the James Baldwin, "On Being White and Other L i e s " , Essence, A p r i l 1984, pp.90-91. Of course, many of the " l e s s e r breeds" of Europeans would e v e n t u a l l y become "white" a f t e r a pe r i o d of apprenticeship i n the new country. For an example of t h i s process, see Theodore A l l e n ' s magnificent account of how the I r i s h were transformed from black to white: The Invention of the White Race (London: Verso, 1989). 38 R.T. Naylor, "The r i s e and f a l l of the t h i r d commercial empire of the St. Lawrence", i n Gary Teeple, ed. Capitalism and the National Question in Canada (Toronto: U n i v e r s i t y of Toronto Press,1972) pp.1-41,p.2. 32 Caribbean i s l a n d s from a weakened Spain, i n c l u d i n g the l u c r a t i v e asiento (the r i g h t to t r a n s p o r t and s e l l s l a v e s ) , and e v i c t i n g the Dutch from t h e i r settlements on the Hudson 39 i n 1664. Imperial competition w i t h France was more p r o t r a c t e d , and despite the considerable concessions wrested from France i n 1713 a f t e r i t s defeat i n the War of the Spanish Succession (which r e s u l t e d i n the surrender of Acadia, Hudson's Bay and the French p o r t i o n s of Newfoundland), B r i t i s h supremacy i n North America was not f i n a l l y e s t a b l i s h e d u n t i l Wolfe's triumph on the P l a i n s of Abraham i n 1759. The Conquest i n s t a l l e d a regime of Anglo p o l i t i c a l and economic supremacy, and Quebecois n a t i o n a l oppression, whose legacy continues to haunt Canadian f e d e r a l i s m . See " E n g l i s h Revolution - Contest f o r Empire", Chapter 17 i n Stanley Ryerson, The Founding of Canada: Volume 1: Beginnings to 1815 (Toronto: Progress Books, 1975); and Naylor, Canada in the European Age. 40 The resurgence of Quebecois n a t i o n a l i s m beginning w i t h the Quiet Revolution of the e a r l y 1960s has put t h i s " n a t i o n a l question" at the center of Canadian p o l i t i c a l l i f e f o r the l a s t s e v e r a l decades. Much of t h i s s t r u g g l e has been waged at the l e v e l of c u l t u r a l p o l i c y and formal p o l i t i c a l arrangements, so that the complex h i s t o r i c a l and m a t e r i a l roots of the c o n f l i c t are r a r e l y i d e n t i f i e d , e s p e c i a l l y i n mainstream Anglophone accounts. L i k e a l l major p o l i t i c a l antagonisms, i t overlaps w i t h other p o l i t i c a l d i v i s i o n s such as c l a s s , race and gender. For Anglophone a n a l y s i s which attempts to i d e n t i f y some of these c o m p l e x i t i e s , see A b i g a i l Bakan, Quebec From Conquest to Constitution: A Socialist Analysis (Toronto: I n t e r n a t i o n a l S o c i a l i s t s , 1991). 33 B r i t a i n ' s dominance would not go unchallenged f o r long, however, as the r e v o l t w i t h i n two decades of i t s American c o l o n i e s - the r e b e l l i o n of a r i s i n g s e t t l e r b o u r g e o i s i e against r e s t r i c t i o n s on trade and expansionism imposed by-i t s i m p e r i a l masters - set i n motion a new round of r e g i o n a l c o n f l i c t . A f t e r conceding independence to the u p s t a r t United States, B r i t i s h i m p e r i a l i s m now competed w i t h i t i n the scramble to carve up the continent i n the face of 41 d e c l i n i n g Russian, French and Spanish power. The t e r r i t o r i a l c o n f i g u r a t i o n of the s t a t e that would e v e n t u a l l y become Canada was a d i r e c t product of the subsequent competition between these two antagonists, w i t h the L o u i s i a n a Purchase (1803), the War of 1812, the Oregon boundary settlement of 1846, and the Alaska purchase of 1867 (along w i t h U.S. annexations of Texas (1836) and the Southwest (1846-48) from Mexico) rep r e s e n t i n g stages i n the piecemeal p a r t i t i o n of North America i n t o i m p e r i a l spheres of influence-cum-nation-states. Canada's nominal independence would u l t i m a t e l y a f f e c t only the form, and not the substance, of i t s absorption i n t o the U.S. imperium i n 42 the t w e n t i e t h century. For an e x c e l l e n t overview of the h i s t o r i c a l t r a j e c t o r y of U.S. i m p e r i a l i s m from independence to the 1970s, see V.G. Kiernan, America: The New Imperialism (London: Zed, 1978) . 42 Commenting on the B r i t i s h l e g i s l a t i o n that granted Canada independence i n 1932, Naylor w r i t e s that "the S t a t u t e of Westminister marked the formal t r a n s f e r of Canada from B r i t a i n to the United States, g i v i n g the Canadian bourgeoisie the c o n s t i t u t i o n a l a u t h o r i t y to beg favours from 34 Of course, the b a s i s f o r the i m p e r i a l contrivance which became Canada was and i s economic, " i n the l a s t i n s t a n c e , " but perhaps a l s o i n the f i r s t : I n n i s maintained that the economic geography of Native-European i n t e r a c t i o n d u r i n g the f u r trade l a i d the foundations of the f u t u r e Canadian s t a t e , while Ryerson and others have seen Confederation as 43 e s s e n t i a l l y an instrument of p u b l i c finance. The c h a r a c t e r i s t i c tendencies towards resource dependency and truncated i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n were e s t a b l i s h e d d u r i n g the p e r i o d of B r i t i s h hegemony, and share common features w i t h other "dominion c a p i t a l i s t " c o u n t r i e s : an e x p o r t - o r i e n t e d s t a p l e s economy w i t h a l i m i t e d degree of secondary pr o c e s s i n g (forward l i n k a g e s ) , heavy r e l i a n c e on f o r e i g n technology inputs i n s t a p l e s production (backward linkages) and f i n i s h e d goods (final-demand l i n k a g e s ) , and a high p r o p o r t i o n of f o r e i g n c a p i t a l investment. The dominant f r a c t i o n of the Canadian bourgeoisie, d i r e c t descendants of the m e r c a n t i l e c l a s s of the f u r trade p e r i o d , remains Washington as they p r e v i o u s l y had from London." See R.T. Naylor, "The Rise and F a l l " , p.28. 43 The task of e x p l a i n i n g the p e c u l i a r character of Canadian development has spawned i t s own t h e o r e t i c a l t r a d i t i o n , the " s t a p l e s " theory pioneered by Harold I n n i s , and continues to produce rancorous debate even amongst l e f t -i n c l i n e d p o l i t i c a l economists. See Wallace Clement and Glen W i l l i a m s , eds., The New Canadian Political Economy (Kingston, Montreal: McGill-Queens U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1989) f o r an i n f o r m a t i v e survey of the v a r i o u s approaches. On the economic o r i g i n s of Confederation, see Stanley Ryerson, Unequal Union: Roots of Crisis in the Canadas 1815-1873 (Toronto: Progress Books, 1983). 35 e s s e n t i a l l y comprador and commercial, concentrated i n s e r v i c e s (finance, commerce, r e a l estate) and i n f r a s t r u c t u r e ( r a i l w a y s , u t i l i t i e s ) and opting t y p i c a l l y to serve as a j u n i o r p artner of metropolitan c a p i t a l ( B r i t i s h , American, or Asian) i n i t s p i l l a g e of the Great White North r a t h e r than c h a r t i n g an independent course of c a p i t a l i s t i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n . At the same time, the massive i n f l u x of immigrants and c a p i t a l and c r e a t i o n of a strong, e n t r e p r e n e u r i a l s t a t e s t r u c t u r e a s s o c i a t e d w i t h white s e t t l e r c o l o n i z a t i o n m i t i g a t e d the e f f e c t s of dependency, enabling the development of a quasi-metropolitan s o c i a l formation w i t h high wages and l i v i n g standards and an advanced c l a s s s t r u c t u r e . I n t e g r a t i o n i n t o the American empire, a process which began i n the nineteenth century and a c c e l e r a t e d r a p i d l y i n the i n t e r - and postwar years, permitted a l i m i t e d , dependent mode of i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n (the branch p l a n t economy) while f u r t h e r i n g s t a p l e s dependence and f o r e i g n c o n t r o l . The o v e r a l l r e s u l t i s an "advanced resource c a p i t a l i s m " occupying an intermediate p o s i t i o n i n the i n t e r n a t i o n a l p o l i t i c a l economy as a subordinate "region 44 w i t h i n the center". The references to "advanced resource c a p i t a l i s m " and "region w i t h i n the center" are deri v e d from Glen W i l l i a m s , "Canada i n the I n t e r n a t i o n a l P o l i t i c a l Economy", i n W i l l i a m s and Clement, eds., The New Canadian Political Economy, pp. 116-137. 36 Of course, t h i s Canadian "region" i s i t s e l f i n t e r n a l l y -fragmented on r e g i o n a l l i n e s , a product not so much of environmental f a c t o r s (as a vul g a r geographical determinism would have i t ) but of the dependent development already 45 described. The d i v e r s i t y of s t a p l e s e x t r a c t i o n produces t e n d e n t i a l l y a fragmented economic and p o l i t i c a l geography, a tendency enhanced by the vast t e r r i t o r i a l expanse of the Canadian s t a t e . Confederation was an attempt by the l e a d i n g c a p i t a l i s t s i n each of the B r i t i s h North American c o l o n i e s , under the hegemonic le a d e r s h i p of Montreal and Toronto e l i t e s , to engineer an a l l i a n c e capable of accommodating t h e i r r e s p e c t i v e i n t e r e s t s , w i t h r a i l w a y c o n s t r u c t i o n -p u b l i c l y s u b s i d i z e d p r i v a t e bonanzas - and a s s o c i a t e d land 46 development schemes p r o v i d i n g the t i e s that bound. Though the r e s u l t i n g f e d e r a l s t a t e s t r u c t u r e was designed to promote u n i f i c a t i o n by c e n t r a l i z i n g power i n Ottawa, the p r o v i n c i a l s t a t e s t r u c t u r e s soon became e f f e c t i v e v e h i c l e s f o r the a s s e r t i o n of r e g i o n a l o p p o s i t i o n to the unequal exchange imposed by the heart l a n d m e r c a n t i l i s t c l a s s : f i r s t , f o r the p r o t e s t s of independent commodity producers i n the See Janine Brodie, "The P o l i t i c a l Economy of Regionalism" i n Willi a m s and Clement, eds., The New Canadian Political Economy, pp. 138-159. 46 See "Make the Railways F i r s t " , i n Ryerson, Unequal Union. 37 West, and l a t e r , f o r r e g i o n a l f r a c t i o n s of the bourgeoisie pursuing t h e i r own, staples-based accumulation s t r a t e g i e s . 4 7 I r o n i c a l l y , then, the trend since Confederation has been mainly c e n t r i f u g a l , e s p e c i a l l y as p r o v i n c i a l s t a t e s have used r o y a l t i e s d e r i v e d from t h e i r c o n s t i t u t i o n a l j u r i s d i c t i o n over lands and resources to develop independent f i s c a l bases from which to contest the core-periphery 48 r e l a t i o n s h i p c u l t i v a t e d by c e n t r a l Canadian e l i t e s . The postwar p e r i o d has witnessed an i n t e n s i f i e d b a l k a n i z a t i o n of the Canadian n a t i o n - s t a t e , as absorption i n t o a U.S.-dominated c o n t i n e n t a l economy has exaggerated uneven development (popularly represented i n terms of have and have-not p r o v i n c e s ) , underwritten the dramatic expansion of the s i z e and f u n c t i o n of p r o v i n c i a l s t a t e s ( a l l now competing f o r U.S. c a p i t a l ) , and transformed the dominant a x i s of the Canadian p o l i t i c a l economy from east-west to north-south and, l a t t e r l y , "west-east" ( r e f l e c t i n g the i n c r e a s i n g prominence of Asian c a p i t a l ) . Indeed, the major p o l i t i c a l upheavals of the l a s t two decades - c o n s t i t u t i o n a l p a t r i a t i o n , the 1988 Free Trade e l e c t i o n , defeat of the 47 The i n t e r p l a y between c a p i t a l i s m and f e d e r a l i s m i n Canada i s analyzed i n Garth Stevenson, "Federalism and the P o l i t i c a l Economy of the Canadian State", i n Leo Panit c h , ed., The Canadian State: Political Economy and Political Power (Toronto: U n i v e r s i t y of Toronto Press, 1977) pp.71-100. For p a r t i c u l a r examples, see L a r r y P r a t t , "The State and Province B u i l d i n g : A l b e r t a ' s Development Strategy", i n Pan i t c h , The Canadian State, pp.133-164. 38 Meech Lake and Charlottetown Accords, and the Quebec Referendum - can a l l be seen as i n c r e a s i n g l y desperate attempts to cope w i t h the d i s i n t e g r a t i v e t h r u s t of t h i s new 49 p o l i t i c a l and economic r e a l i t y . The Mechanics of S e t t l e r Domination The Indians and the Metis of the Northwest w i l l be h e l d down w i t h a f i r m hand t i l l the West i s over-run and c o n t r o l l e d by white s e t t l e r s . S i r John A. Macdonald 5 0 I f i m p e r i a l i s m marked out a subordinate path f o r Canadian economic "development", i t s p e l l e d catastrophe f o r indigenous peoples, here as elsewhere. Naylor has observed that "Canadian h i s t o r y i n general i s part of the s t o r y of the conquest of America, and the f a t e of the Beothuk, Huron, B l a c k f o o t and Kwakiutl people i s not q u a l i t a t i v e l y d i f f e r e n t from that of the Aztec, the Maya or the Arawak". 5 1 I t i s important to appreciate the u n d e r l y i n g l o g i c of a process which i s too o f t e n portrayed as e i t h e r h e r o i c and i n e v i t a b l e or t r a g i c and i r r a t i o n a l . 48 Stephenson, "Federalism". 49 See the essays c o l l e c t e d i n Duncan Cameron and Mel Watkins, eds., Canada Under Free Trade (Toronto: James Lorimer, 1993). 5 0 Quoted i n Naylor, Canada in the European Age, p.347. 39 In the p e r i o d p r i o r to s e t t l e r c o l o n i z a t i o n , that i s , across the long arc of the f u r trade, the t r a d i n g monopolies ( f i r s t the Company of New France, l a t e r the Hudson's Bay and Northwest Companies) e x t r a c t e d f u r wealth by e x p l o i t i n g 52 Native la b o r , knowledge, technology and t r a d i n g networks. During t h i s time, A b o r i g i n a l Nations remained the m a t e r i a l base of a l u c r a t i v e commercial venture, as w e l l as the dominant m i l i t a r y presence, so European powers would not, and indeed could not, pursue the general e x t i r p a t i o n of Native s o c i e t i e s . Instead, they were compelled t o adopt a f l e x i b l e approach, f o r g i n g a l l i a n c e s or r e s o r t i n g to v i o l e n c e according to economic and s t r a t e g i c expediency. The trade i t s e l f was fundamentally e x p l o i t a t i v e and i m p e r i a l i s t i n character, and would, over the long term, undermine indigenous i n s t i t u t i o n s and autonomy: Euro-i m p e r i a l i s t s manipulated e x i s t i n g d i v i s i o n s between A b o r i g i n a l Nations i n p u r s u i t of f u r p r o f i t s and s t r a t e g i c advantage, drawing them i n t o i n c r e a s i n g l y l e t h a l wars; introduced, g e n e r a l l y i n a d v e r t e n t l y but sometimes d e l i b e r a t e l y , a by now f a m i l i a r spate of d e v a s t a t i n g diseases; and d i s t o r t e d t r a d i t i o n a l i n s t i t u t i o n s and subsistence economies. Indeed, market-driven r a p a c i t y I b i d . , p. xv. 52 Ryerson, The Founding of Canada; see a l s o Ron Bourgeault, "The Indian, the Metis and the Fur Trade: C l a s s , Sexism and Racism i n the T r a n s i t i o n from 'Communism' t o 40 ensured the r a p i d d e p l e t i o n of animal p o p u l a t i o n s , pushing the commercial f r o n t i e r ever westward and ensuring that the b e n e f i t s a c c r u i n g to Natives would be temporary. Nevertheless, while the f u r trade remained the dominant economic fo r c e i n a given region,^European i m p e r i a l i s t s were d i s i n c l i n e d to mount f r o n t a l a t t a c k s on indigenous populations as such. And A b o r i g i n a l Nations, pursuing t h e i r own i n t e r e s t s , proved more than capable of p l a y i n g o f f one 53 European power against the other. The r i s e of i n d u s t r i a l c a p i t a l i s m i n Europe, and contemporaneous d e c l i n e of the mercantile f u r trade i n eastern North America, marked the beginning of a new, c o l o n i z i n g phase of imp e r i a l i s m , as the r i c h p o t e n t i a l of indigenous land (and as s o c i a t e d resources) became the primary focus of the i m p e r i a l i s t powers. The p i v o t a l f a c t o r i n t h i s t r a n s i t i o n , the "wheels of the o l d and'detested c a r t of c o l o n i z a t i o n " (as Cabral put i t ) , was white settlement, which provided the labour force r e q u i r e d to e x p l o i t the new t e r r i t o r i e s , as w e l l as the m i l i t a r y presence necessary to 54 defend them. The settlement process had begun r e l a t i v e l y e a r l y i n B r i t a i n ' s o r i g i n a l "13 c o l o n i e s " , where the f u r C a p i t a l i s m " , Studies in Political Economy 12 (1983) pp.45-80 . 53 Bruce Tr i g g e r , Natives and Newcomers (Montreal-Kingston: McGill-Queen's U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1985). 41 trade was marginal to p l a n t a t i o n a g r i c u l t u r e , and the combination of comparatively r a p i d settlement and rampant land s p e c u l a t i o n had set white s e t t l e r s on a genocidal path against Natives more or l e s s from the o u t s e t . 5 5 By c o n t r a s t , i n the northern, French-dominated p o r t i o n of the continent, where climate and topography made p l a n t a t i o n a g r i c u l t u r e economically u n f e a s i b l e , the f u r trade r e t a i n e d i t s prominence, slowing the pace of settlement c o n s i d e r a b l y . A l l t h i s would change, however, wi t h the gradual B r i t i s h dismemberment of New France, f i r s t i n the Maritime r e g i o n and then, a f t e r the Conquest, i n Canada i t s e l f , when lands were granted to Anglo veterans and B r i t a i n ' s Native a l l i e s , moving the settlement f r o n t i e r across the Ottawa R i v e r and i n t o the f u t u r e Ontario. The U.S. Revolution gave dramatic impetus to immigration, sending thousands of L o y a l i s t s i n t o the remaining B r i t i s h c o l o n i e s a f t e r 1784. The U.S. would provide a steady stream of land-hungry s e t t l e r s ( s o - c a l l e d "Late L o y a l i s t s " ) w e l l i n t o the 19th century, s h i f t i n g the balance of power ever more i n favor of the s e t t l e r s (by 54 Amilcar Cabral, "Message to the Portuguese S e t t l e r s of Cape Verde", i n Unity and Struggle (New York: Monthly Review, 1979) 5 5 I t a l s o set American c o l o n i s t s i n c r e a s i n g l y against the i m p e r i a l crown, which r e t a i n e d i t s i n t e r e s t i n the f u r trade and sought to p r o t e c t i t by p r o s c r i b i n g f u r t h e r western expansion of the settlement f r o n t i e r , most notably w i t h the Royal Proclamation of 1763. This r e s t r i c t i o n , which threatened the s p e c u l a t i v e holdings of prominent s e t t l e r c a p i t a l i s t s l i k e George Washington and P a t r i c k Henry, became a major f a c t o r l e a d i n g to the U.S. Revolution. For f u r t h e r 42 1812, they outnumbered Natives i n Upper Canada 10 to 1). A f t e r 1810, the major source of immigration s h i f t e d to B r i t a i n i t s e l f , as the d i s l o c a t i o n caused by c a p i t a l i s t i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n prompted successive waves of dispossessed farmers and d i s p l a c e d workers to cross the A t l a n t i c . 5 6 ' With the s h i f t to s e t t l e r c o l o n i z a t i o n , the c o l o n i a l s t a t e apparatus ( h i t h e r t o c o n s i s t i n g , as i n Engels' famous d e s c r i p t i o n , of "bodies of armed men and prisons") assumed a new prominence, charged as i t was w i t h e s t a b l i s h i n g the i n s t i t u t i o n a l framework, under the a d m i n i s t r a t i v e c o n t r o l of a p l i a n t c o l o n i a l o l i g a r c h y , f o r expanded s t a p l e s e x t r a c t i o n on b e h a l f ' o f i m p e r i a l c a p i t a l . To t h i s end, one of the c h i e f tasks of the s t a t e apparatus erected on the b a s i s of the Quebec Act (1774) and C o n s t i t u t i o n Act (1791), aside from securing the economic and p o l i t i c a l hegemony of c o l o n i a l e l i t e s v i s - a - v i s the s e t t l e r hoi polloi, was the 57 c o n s o l i d a t i o n of c o n t r o l over A b o r i g i n a l Nations. State formation and f u n c t i o n i n Canada a f t e r the establishment of Anglo hegemony cannot be understood except i n r e l a t i o n to t h i s b a s i c o b j e c t i v e , which p e r s i s t e d ( a l b e i t to v a r y i n g degrees) w e l l i n t o the 20th century. As Abele and S t a s i u l i s d i s c u s s i o n , see Steve Talbot, Roots of Oppression (New York: I n t e r n a t i o n a l P u b l i s h e r s , 1981), p. 60-65. 5 6 J.R. M i l l e r , Skyscrapers Hide the Heavens: A History of Indian-White Relations in Canada (Toronto: U n i v e r s i t y of Toronto Press, 1989) p.83. . 43 put i t , "both pre- and post-Confederation s t a t e s t r u c t u r e s and p r a c t i c e s were, arguably, shaped by the need to c o n t r o l the t e r r i t o r y encompassed by f u r trade a c t i v i t y - i n c l u d i n g 58 the a b o r i g i n a l p o p u l a t i o n . " In t h i s regard, i t i s perhaps u n s u r p r i s i n g that the f i r s t a d m i n i s t r a t i v e organ e s t a b l i s h e d by the i m p e r i a l government i n North America was the B r i t i s h 59 Indian Department ( i n 1755). One of the main fu n c t i o n s of the emerging s e t t l e r s t a t e apparatus was the management of t e r r i t o r i a l enclosure, the conversion of communally held n a t i v e homelands i n t o s a l e a b l e blocks (land as commodity) wi t h ownership concentrated i n the hands of European e l i t e s (a c o l o n i a l v a r i a n t of the Ryerson, Unequal Union. 58 Abele and S t a s i u l i s , "Canada as a White S e t t l e r Colony", at p. 253. 59 James F r i d e r e s , Native Peoples in Canada: Contemporary-Conflicts, 4th ed. (Toronto: P r e n t i c e H a l l , 1993) p.221. The changing a d m i n i s t r a t i v e l o c a t i o n of "Indian A f f a i r s " w i t h i n the f e d e r a l s t a t e s t r u c t u r e speaks volumes about the p o s i t i o n of indigenous peoples w i t h i n the Canadian s o c i a l formation: since Confederation, i t has r e s i d e d w i t h i n the Department of Secretary of State f o r the Provinces (1867), the Department of the I n t e r i o r (1871), Department of Mines and Resources (1936), the Department of C i t i z e n s h i p and Immigration (1949), and the Department of Northern A f f a i r s and N a t i o n a l Resources (1965). The present Department of Indian A f f a i r s and Northern Development (DIAND) was created i n 1966. See Douglas Sanders, "Government Indian Agencies i n Canada", i n The Handbook of North American Indians: Volume 4, The History of Indian and White Relations (Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian, 1978) pp.276-283. 44 process Marx r e f e r r e d to as " p r i m i t i v e accumulation"). In Canada, the main instrument f o r the commodification and p r i v a t e monopolization of Native lands was treatymaking, which provided the otherwise ugly r e a l i t y of d i s p o s s e s s i o n w i t h a v e i l of " c i v i l i z e d " l e g a l i t y . 6 1 The p r a c t i c e of concluding land surrender t r e a t i e s o r i g i n a t e d w i t h the Dutch i n t h e i r c o l o n i e s on the Hudson (the s t o r i e d Manhattan swindle of 1626), at a time when s t r a t e g i c c o n s i d e r a t i o n s made such bargains w i t h m i l i t a r i l y powerful F i r s t Nations necessary; the E n g l i s h began to f o l l o w s u i t , a l b e i t w i t h " t r e a t i e s of peace and f r i e n d s h i p " which t y p i c a l l y focused on trade and m i l i t a r y a l l i a n c e s and ignored the question of See V i c Satzewich and Terry Wotherspoon, First Nations: Race, Class and Gender Relations (Scarborough: Nelson, 1993) . 6 1 The l e g i t i m a c y of t r e a t i e s r e s t s on a s e r i e s of dubious, s e l f - s e r v i n g h i s t o r i c a l premises: f i r s t , and most fundamentally, that c o l o n i a l s e t t l e r s t a t e s had "the r i g h t to impose t h e i r p a r t i c u l a r d e f i n i t i o n of j u s t and e q u i t a b l e r e l a t i o n s between peoples and c a l l i t law"; second, that i m p e r i a l i s t powers could assume sovereignty by d i n t of mere a s s e r t i o n , and t r e a t i e s were r e q u i r e d only to dispose of whatever r e s i d u a l , "usufructary" i n t e r e s t to use and occupation Natives r e t a i n e d ; t h i r d , that t r e a t i e s signed under t h r e a t of a n n i h i l a t i o n , or concluded without genuine agreement regarding the terms, remain v a l i d ; and l a s t l y , t hat subsequent breaches by i m p e r i a l and Canadian a u t h o r i t i e s do not abrogate the agreements. For d i s c u s s i o n s of the i m p e r i a l i s t cant of the law of t r e a t i e s as a p p l i e d to indigenous peoples i n North America, see Glenn T. M o r r i s , " I n t e r n a t i o n a l Law and P o l i t i c s : Towards a Right to S e l f -Determination f o r Indigenous People", i n M. Annette Jaimes, ed., The State of Native America: Genocide, Colonization and Resistance (Boston: South End Press, 1992) pp.55-86. 45 62 land. L a t e r , as advancing settlement began to provoke determined m i l i t a r y r e s i s t a n c e i n the lower Great Lakes reg i o n (culminating i n Pontiac's d e v a s t a t i n g campaign of 1763-65) and threatened to undermine the " p e l t r y trade", i m p e r i a l a u t h o r i t i e s f o r m a l i z e d a p r o t o c o l f o r land c e s s i o n i n the Royal Proclamation of 1763, based on two fundamental p r i n c i p l e s : the Crown alone could acquire Native t e r r i t o r i e s 63 and o n l y w i t h p r i o r Native consent. The Proclamation a l s o set a western boundary f o r s e t t l e r expansion, which was q u i c k l y disregarded. P r e d i c t a b l y , the Proclamation p r i n c i p l e s were honoured only i n the breach, producing a patchwork of t r e a t i e s across the country, most of them i n Ontario and the western provinces. Today, only h a l f of Canadian t e r r i t o r y i s covered by the 485 64 land surrender t r e a t i e s negotiated between 1763 and 1921. The century between the Royal Proclamation and Confederation witnessed a process of piecemeal conversion i n Southern Ontario, as the c o l o n i a l s t a t e met immediate settlement needs by securing land cessions i n exchange f o r nominal payments i n cash and goods. I n i t i a l l y the p a r c e l s i n v o l v e d were f a i r l y modest, but increased r a p i d l y i n s i z e as the 62 P. Cumming and N. Mickenberg, Native Rights in Canada 2d ed.(Toronto: Indian-Eskimo Assn., 1972) p.20. I b i d . 64 Donald P u n c h , Our Land: Native Rights in Canada (Toronto: James Lorimer, 1986) p.86. 46 balance of power t i p p e d i n favor of the c o l o n i z e r s : the seven t r e a t i e s negotiated i n the decade a f t e r the War of 1812 covered an area of 2.8 m i l l i o n h e c t a r e s . 6 5 P r i o r t o 1818, payments were made i n lump sum form, ranging from a few hundred to a few thousand B r i t i s h pounds; a f t e r t h i s date, even these t r i f l i n g amounts were seen as too expensive, and c o l o n i a l a u t h o r i t i e s switched to compensation v i a a n n u i t i e s , which the s t a t e p a i d out of the annual mortgage payments re c e i v e d from white s e t t l e r s (Natives thereby provided i n d i r e c t f i n a n c i n g to the agents of d i s p o s s e s s i o n ) . 6 6 The e x p r o p r i a t i o n process i n Ontario, and i n p a r t i c u l a r the s o - c a l l e d "Robinson T r e a t i e s " of 1850 (which secured massive t r a c t s i n the Lake Superior r e g i o n i n a n t i c i p a t i o n of mineral development), set the p a t t e r n f o r treatymaking i n the West i n the post-Confederation p e r i o d . A f t e r buying out the Hudson's Bay Company (whose " i n t e r e s t " i n the lands of the Northwest was handsomely compensated), the newly e s t a b l i s h e d Canadian s t a t e embarked on d i s p o s s e s s i o n on a grand s c a l e as part of i t s overarching programme f o r c a p i t a l i s t n a t i o n - b u i l d i n g (embodied i n the N a t i o n a l P o l i c y ) , n e g o t i a t i n g 11 t r e a t i e s between 1871 and Surtees, "Indian Land Cessions i n Upper Canada, 1815-1830", i n Ian A.L. Getty and Antoine S. L u s s i e r , eds., As Long As the Sun Shines and the Water Flows (Vancouver: UBC Press, 1983) 65-84, at 66. 6 6 J.R. M i l l e r , Skyscrapers Hide the Heavens, p. 87. 47 193 0 covering most of the land i n Northern Ontario and 67 western Canada, wi t h the exception of B.C. In Quebec and the Maritimes, p r i m i t i v e accumulation was 68 accomplished without the pretense of Native consent. In the c o l o n i e s of New France and Acadia, French a u t h o r i t i e s t r a n s p l a n t e d a feudal system of land tenure, g r a n t i n g l a r g e e s t a t e s (seignueries) to favoured a r i s t o c r a t s and the C a t h o l i c Church on the assumption that indigenous peoples had no t e r r i t o r i a l r i g h t s ; a f t e r the Conquest, the B r i t i s h considered p r i o r French occupation, without r e c o g n i t i o n of Native sovereignty or r i g h t s , as having n u l l i f i e d whatever Native i n t e r e s t might have e x i s t e d . They proceeded to i n s t a l l a regime of bourgeois property r e l a t i o n s without securing land cessions from the Native i n h a b i t a n t s , many of whom had already been k i l l e d i n the i n t e r n e c i n e warfare of the pre-Conquest p e r i o d , or pushed i n t o the h i n t e r l a n d by 69 previous settlement. In the Maritimes, the B r i t i s h e v i c t e d the bulk of the Acadian p o p u l a t i o n , and granted the 67 Robert J . Surtees, "Canadian Indian T r e a t i e s " , i n Washburn, ed., The Handbook of North American Indians: Vol. 4 History of Indian and White Relations (Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian, 1978) pp.202-210. 68 Darlene Johnson, The Taking of Indian Lands in Canada: Consent or Coercion (Saskatoon: U n i v e r s i t y of Saskatchewan Native Law Center, 1989) pp.9-21. 69 For f u r t h e r d i s c u s s i o n of t h i s process, see L.F.S.-Upton, Micmacs and Colonists: Indian-White Relations in the Maritimes, 1713-1867 (Vancouver: U.B.C. Press, 1979). lands thus acquired i n l a r g e blocks to absentee l a n d l o r d s and members of the newly e s t a b l i s h e d Anglo o l i g a r c h y . In Quebec, the s e i g n e u r i a l holdings were preserved - i n order to secure the vanquished Francophone feudal e l i t e s as a bulwark against the noxious republicanism emerging i n the 13 c o l o n i e s - while new grants were assigned to the p a r a s i t i c Anglo e l i t e s who a r r i v e d on the heels of the B r i t i s h occupation f o r c e s . Today, then, there are no land surrender t r e a t i e s i n Quebec and the Maritimes (with the exception of 70 those negotiated since the 1970s i n Northern Quebec). As land was expropriated, w i t h or without the facade of treatymaking, the c o l o n i a l s t a t e was i n c r e a s i n g l y confronted w i t h a problem of p o p u l a t i o n management: how to dispose of l a n d l e s s Natives? Merivale, t h e o r i s t of empire and B r i t a i n ' s c o l o n i a l undersecretary i n the c r u c i a l p e r i o d between 1847 and 1 8 6 0 , i d e n t i f i e d four options: 71 extermination, s l a v e r y , i n s u l a t i o n and amalgamation. The f i r s t two, which featured prominently i n e a r l i e r phases of B r i t i s h c o l o n i z a t i o n , were i m p r a c t i c a l : why expend B r i t i s h l i v e s and pounds to accomplish w i t h v i o l e n c e what settlement i t s e l f c o uld achieve through a t t r i t i o n ? I n s u l a t i o n was s l i g h t l y more promising, but posed a r i s k of perpetual 70 Cumming and Mickenberg, Native Rights in Canada. 71 David T. McNab, "Herman Merivale and C o l o n i a l O f f i c e Indian P o l i c y i n the Mid-Nineteenth Century", i n Getty and L u s s i e r , As Long as Sun Shines pp 85-103, at 87. 49 dependence on the p u b l i c purse. The answer, then, was amalgamation ( a s s i m i l a t i o n i n current p a r l a n c e ) : the decomposition of indigenous s o c i e t i e s as d i s t i n c t e n t i t i e s (what U.S. President Teddy Roosevelt once described as " p u l v e r i z i n g the t r i b a l mass") and the absorption of indigenous people - remade as C h r i s t i a n possessive i n d i v i d u a l i s t s - i n t o the new s o c i e t y . M erivale viewed a s s i m i l a t i o n as the "only p o s s i b l e Euthanasia of savage . . 72 communities." In p r a c t i c e , the s t r a t e g y adopted to accomplish amalgamation inc o r p o r a t e d an element of i n s u l a t i o n as w e l l , r e s t i n g as i t d i d on the c r e a t i o n of "Indian reserves", a product of the same s p a t i a l l o g i c which gave modern s o c i e t y the p r i s o n and the asylum ( and l a t e r , the concentration camp and the Bantustan). To c o l o n i a l a u t h o r i t i e s , reserves were temporary h o l d i n g pens designed to f a c i l i t a t e the conversion of indigenous peoples i n t o normalized subjects by c o n t a i n i n g them i n a space separate from that of the general p o p u l a t i o n and making them s u s c e p t i b l e to Foucauldian regimes of s o c i a l engineering ("Indian A d m i n i s t r a t i o n " ) . The term "reserve" i t s e l f , suggesting an area held back by the s t a t e f o r some purpose other than p r i v a t e a c q u i s i t i o n , underscores the extent to which " r e s e r v i z a t i o n " was a byproduct of n a t i o n a l expansion and c a p i t a l i s t accumulation. 72 I b i d . 50 The geography of Canadian segregationism r e f l e c t s the p e c u l i a r p a t t e r n of the European i n v a s i o n . The f i r s t reserves i n Canada, modeled on the Franciscan reducciones of Mexico and Paraguay, were e s t a b l i s h e d by J e s u i t s i n Quebec i n the 17th century f o r the "tutelage" of t h e i r Huron and Iroqouis converts (some, l i k e those at Kahnewake, St.Regis, 73 and Huron V i l l a g e , s u r v i v e today). However, a c o n s i s t e n t p o l i c y of reserve a l l o c a t i o n d i d not emerge u n t i l the e a r l y 19th century, when i t became an i n t e g r a l component of the treatymaking process i n Upper Canada. There i s no u n i f o r m i t y i n the amount of land set aside f o r these southern Ontario reserves (except that they represent a t i n y f r a c t i o n of the t e r r i t o r y ceded); the northern reserves created by the l a t e r Ontario t r e a t i e s (the Robinson t r e a t i e s , and T r e a t i e s 3 and 9) tend to be much l a r g e r , r e p r e s e n t i n g 80 percent of Ontario reserve lands, and averaging 35 acres i n per c a p i t a terms (compared to 5 acres i n the pre-1850 reserves i n the south). On the P r a i r i e s , the p a t t e r n i s more c o n s i s t e n t , since the numbered t r e a t i e s b u i l t on the Ontario treatymaking experience by adopting a s p e c i f i c formula f o r reserve s i z e : t r e a t i e s One, Two and Five a l l o t t e d 160 acres per f a m i l y of f i v e , and the remaining T r e a t i e s increased t h i s to 1 square m i l e , making the P r a i r i e reserves the l a r g e s t i n the country ( t h e i r per 51 c a p i t a area ranges between 12 and 50 acres, and averages 22). In Quebec and the Maritimes, the p a t t e r n i s d i f f e r e n t again, since the p r e v a i l i n g d i s r e g a r d f o r indigenous land r i g h t s meant that Natives were forced to p e t i t i o n f o r Crown grants. A p r a c t i c e of c r e a t i n g reserves emerged b e l a t e d l y , mainly i n i m i t a t i o n of the Ontario model, but they were a l l o c a t e d and on the b a s i s of executive f i a t , and thus more s u s c e p t i b l e to l a t e r "adjustment". As a r e s u l t , the reserves i n these regions are f a r smaller, and fewer i n number, than elsewhere i n Canada (averaging from 1 to 5 acres per c a p i t a ) . Though reserves represented only a t i n y f r a c t i o n of ceded t e r r i t o r y , they have nonetheless been subject t o f u r t h e r e r o s i o n , whether or not they were protected by t r e a t y . In some instances t h i s i s due to f e d e r a l f a i l u r e to discharge t r e a t y o b l i g a t i o n s regarding reserve allotment,, as i n Saskatchewan and Manitoba, where Natives today c l a i m hundreds of thousands of acres i n u n f u l f i l l e d Treaty Land E n t i t l e m e n t s . A more general scourge has been r e l e n t l e s s white encroachment on the Native land base; as settlement George F.G. Stanley, "The F i r s t Indian Reserves i n Canada" (1950) Revue d'histoire de l'Amerique Francaise 168. 74 The s t a t i s t i c s i n t h i s paragraph are d e r i v e d from Richard H. B a r t l e t t , Indian Reserves and Aboriginal Lands in Canada: A Homeland (Saskatoon: Native Law Centre, U n i v e r s i t y of Saskatchewan, 1990). The per c a p i t a f i g u r e s are based on p o p u l a t i o n s t a t i s t i c s from 1980, and w i l l continue to d e c l i n e as reserve populations grow. 52 increased, s e t t l e r i n d u s t r i a l i s t s , land developers and squatters i n c r e a s i n g l y viewed Native enclaves as impediments to economic development, and f e d e r a l and p r o v i n c i a l governments were a l l too w i l l i n g to l i c e n s e t h e i r i n c u r s i o n s 75 i n t o the remnants of indigenous homelands. In New Brunswick, the 100 thousand acres held by Natives under l i c e n s e s of occupation i n 1810 had been reduced to 61 thousand j u s t 18 years l a t e r (and today stands at 40 76 thousand). In Quebec, remedial a c t i o n by the l e g i s l a t u r e between 1851 and 1854 had designated 23 0 thousand acres as reserve lands; of these, 4 5 thousand were surrendered between Confederation and 1904 as white settlement moved i n l a n d from the St. Lawrence. By f a r the g r e a t e s t a s s a u l t on the Native land base was mounted i n the P r a i r i e s to make way f o r the f l a s h f l o o d of European s e t t l e r s which a r r i v e d i n the f i r s t two decades of the t w e n t i e t h century: roughly 785 thousand acres were surrendered, almost h a l f i n Saskatchewan. O v e r a l l , t h i s ongoing process of d i s p o s s e s s i o n has transformed t r a d i t i o n a l Native t e r r i t o r i e s which encompassed v i r t u a l l y the whole of Canada i n t o a patchwork of 2440 reserves w i t h a t o t a l area of approximately 3m hectares (roughly 6 m a c r e s ) , a p a l t r y .3 % 75 The v a r i o u s l e g i s l a t i v e measures by which f e d e r a l and p r o v i n c i a l governments have sought to undermine the indigenous land base are too numerous to mention, but they are canvassed i n B a r t l e t t , Indian Reserves and Johnson, The Taking of Indian Lands. 76 Johnson, The Taking of Indian Lands. of Canada's land base. That t h i s represents l e s s than o n e - f i f t h of the area of Canada's n a t i o n a l parks, and i s exceeded by the land a l l o c a t e d f o r m i l i t a r y bases, gives some sense of the p r i o r i t y accorded to Native homelands 78 w i t h i n the Canadian s e t t l e r s t a t e . Segregation i t s e l f represented only part of the o v e r a l l program f o r indigenous a s s i m i l a t o n , since geographical i s o l a t i o n was a necessary but not s u f f i c i e n t c o n d i t i o n t o c o n s o l i d a t e s e t t l e r hegemony and atomize Native s o c i e t i e s . The gradual extension of the emerging s e t t l e r s t a t e apparatus i n t o e x p r opriated lands, along w i t h white m i g r a t i o n and economic p e n e t r a t i o n , ensured that the t e r r i t o r i a l scope of indigenous self-governance was d r a s t i c a l l y c u r t a i l e d . E q u a l l y urgent, however, was the expansion of that r e g u l a t o r y apparatus i n t o Native enclaves themselves i n order to secure t h e i r i n c o r p o r a t i o n i n t o the new s t a t e s t r u c t u r e ( a l b e i t on a d i f f e r e n t i a l b a s i s ) . To accomplish t h i s , the i m p e r i a l government had to repudiate the previous r e c o g n i t i o n of Native sovereignty i m p l i e d i n the e a r l y t r e a t i e s and recorded i n the Royal Proclamation. (As l a t e as 1823, the government of Upper Canada was s t i l l O l i v e P. Dickason, Canada's First Nations: A History of Founding People's From Earliest Times (Norman: U n i v e r s i t y of Oklahoma Press, 1995) p. 325. 78 .Report of the Special Parliamentary Committee on Indian Self-Government (Ottawa: Queen's P r i n t e r , 1983), at 112. 54 unclear whether i t could l e g a l l y "make i n d i v i d u a l s of the 79 Indian t r i b e s amenable to our laws".) Instead, a new p o l i t i c a l model of " t r u s t e e s h i p " was promoted i n which the s e t t l e r s t a t e became the guardian of presumptively "dependent" and " c h i l d l i k e " N a tives. This a u t h o r i z e d the gradual extension of i m p e r i a l a u t h o r i t y over r e s i d u a l Native homelands, s i g n a l e d f i r s t by the t r a n s f e r of j u r i s d i c t i o n over Indian a f f a i r s from m i l i t a r y t o c i v i l i a n a u t h o r i t y i n 1830, and then, more i n t r u s i v e l y , by the enactment of l e g i s l a t i o n i n each of the B r i t i s h c o l o n i e s l i c e n s i n g , f o r the f i r s t time, c o l o n i a l government 80 i n t e r f e r e n c e w i t h Native self-governance. In 1860, the c o l o n i e s took the d e c i s i v e step i n s e t t l e r s t a t e formation when, i n d i r e c t contravention of e a r l i e r t r e a t i e s and the 1763 Proclamation, the i m p e r i a l government r e l i n q u i s h e d c o n t r o l over Native a f f a i r s . Under the terms of Confederation i n 1867, the r e s p e c t i v e c o l o n i e s t r a n s f e r r e d a u t h o r i t y over Indian matters to the new f e d e r a l government which, by v i r t u e of s. 91 (24) of the BNA Act (now the C o n s t i t u t i o n A c t ) , presumed to accept j u r i s d i c t i o n over 79 Sharon Venne, "Treaty and C o n s t i t u t i o n i n Canada: The View From Treaty 6", i n Ward C h u r c h i l l , ed. Critical Issues in Native North America Vol.2 (Copenhagen: I n t e r n a t i o n a l Working Group on Indigenous A f f a i r s , 1989) pp 97-115, at 98. 80 ' See B a r t l e t t , Indian Reserves, pp. 25-40. See a l s o John S. M i l l o y , "The E a r l y Indian Acts: Developmental Str a t e g y 55 "Indians and lands reserved to Indians". Both the manner and outcome of t h i s i m p e r i a l r e s t r u c t u r i n g marked the f u r t h e r debasement of indigenous sovereignty, e s t a b l i s h i n g the c o n s t i t u t i o n a l framework f o r f u t u r e e f f o r t s to subjugate Native through comprehensive forms of "Indian 82 A d m i n i s t r a t i o n " . Economically, indigenous people were to be weaned away from t r a d i t i o n a l subsistence a c t i v i t i e s and i n c o r p o r a t e d i n t o the e x p l o i t a t i v e r e l a t i o n s and d i s c i p l i n a r y order of an emerging 83 c a p i t a l i s t economy. This process had begun during the f u r trade, but became an e x p l i c i t component of s t a t e p o l i c y as indigenous homelands were expropriated. The s p e c i f i c r o l e contemplated by c o l o n i a l a d m i n i s t r a t o r s v a r i e d according to the nature of l o c a l economic development, but i t t y p i c a l l y r e v o l v e d around some form of p e t t y commodity production on the model of the independent farmer; or, where economic c o n d i t i o n s permitted, indigenous people were in c o r p o r a t e d and C o n s t i t u t i o n a l Change", i n Getty and L u s s i e r , As Long as the Sun Shines and the Water Flows, pp.56-64. 81 That r e g i o n a l bourgeoisies were w i l l i n g to concede a u t h o r i t y over Natives to the new n a t i o n a l government i s an i n d i c a t i o n both of t h e i r d e s i r e to o f f l o a d the costs of treatymaking and Native a d m i n i s t r a t i o n and of i t s c r u c i a l s i g n i f i c a n c e to the expansionist programme. 82 For an overview of post-Confederation p o l i c y , see John L. Tobias, " P r o t e c t i o n , C i v i l i z a t i o n , A s s i m i l a t i o n : An O u t l i n e H i s t o r y of Canada's Indian P o l i c y " , i n Getty and L u s s i e r , eds., As Long as the Sun Shines and the Water Flows, pp.39-55. 56 i n t o the wage-economy i n the burgeoning e x t r a c t i v e i n d u s t r i e s , e s p e c i a l l y during the e a r l y phases of s e t t l e r 84 c o l o n i z a t i o n when labor shortages were chro n i c . The p r o l e t a r i a n i z a t i o n of indigenous people was only p a r t i a l l y s u c c e s s f u l : f i r s t , because i n many cases the chosen model c a r r i e d w i t h i t the sexual d i v i s i o n of labor c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of bourgeois p a t r i a r c h a l t r a d i t i o n s ; second, because indigenous people seldom broke completely w i t h t r a d i t i o n a l p a t t e r n s , o f t e n combining wage labor and subsistence a c t i v i t i e s i n a seasonal p a t t e r n that approximated t r a d i t i o n a l c y c l e s . But i t was a l s o l i m i t e d because Indian p o l i c y f r e q u e n t l y succumbed to the pre r o g a t i v e s of white settlement: on the P r a i r i e s , f o r example, when Native farmers overcame the b a r r i e r s created by small a l l o c a t i o n s of poor land, they encountered r e s i s t a n c e from white s e t t l e r s who a s s a i l e d government a s s i s t a n c e as " u n f a i r competition". Economic dependency was coupled w i t h the enforcement of Native p o l i t i c a l subordination, which f e d e r a l Indian l e g i s l a t i o n accomplished through a v a r i e t y of means. F i r s t , i t e s t a b l i s h e d a r e p r e s e n t a t i v e system of t r i b a l government, 83 Satzewich and Wotherspoon, First Nations, pp.17-19. 84 An important h i s t o r y of Native p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the wage economy i n e a r l y B.C., f o r example, i s Ro l f Knight, Indians at Work (Vancouver: New Star Books, 1975). 57 "the band c o u n c i l system", which was designed to replac e t r a d i t i o n a l p o l i t i c a l s t r u c t u r e s (and thus undermine 86 p o l i t i c a l autonomy). The band focus emphasized " t r i b a l " and " s u b - t r i b a l " d i v i s i o n s and thus m i l i t a t e d against u n i t y ; the e l e c t o r a l system d i s p l a c e d government based on cla n s and h e r e d i t a r y c h i e f s ; and the emphasis on male r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s eroded the power which women t r a d i t i o n a l l y h e l d i n many indigenous nations. At the same time the band c o u n c i l was made completely subordinate to the l o c a l government r e p r e s e n t a t i v e , the Indian Agent, i n whom was vested a l l r e a l a d m i n i s t r a t i v e a u t h o r i t y , i n c l u d i n g the power to depose 87 e l e c t e d leaders who were i n s u f f i c i e n t l y submissive. Band government was designed from the f i r s t to a i d i n the c o n s t r u c t i o n of a homogenous Canadian p o l i t i c a l geography, transforming the dispersed sovereignty and l o c a l autonomy c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of indigenous governance i n t o a m u n i c i p a l i t y w i t h i n the o v e r a l l s t r u c t u r e of Canadian f e d e r a l i s m . To complete t h i s system of d i f f e r e n t i a l p o l i t i c a l i n c o r p o r a t i o n i n t o the Canadian s t a t e , p r o v i n c i a l and f e d e r a l e l e c t o r a l s t a t u t e s e f f e c t i v e l y denied Native peoples the r i g h t t o vote f e d e r a l l y , and i n a l l provinces but New Brunswick and 85 Satzewich and Wotherspoon, " A b o r i g i n a l Peoples and Economic R e l a t i o n s " , i n First Nations. 86 Tobias, " P r o t e c t i o n , C i v i l i z a t i o n , A s s i m i l a t i o n " . 87 For a d e t a i l e d h i s t o r y of the a c t i v i t i e s of Indian Agents at the Kamloops Agency i n B.C., see T r e f o r Smith, "John Freemont Smith and Indian A d m i n i s t r a t i o n i n the 58 Newfoundland, from the l a t e 19th century through the Second World War ( f i n a l removal of these r e s t r i c t i o n s would wait u n t i l 1960 at the f e d e r a l l e v e l ; Quebec, the l a s t province 88 to remove such l i m i t s , d i d so i n 1969). F i n a l l y , the economic and p o l i t i c a l components of t h i s c o l o n i z a t i o n program were a r t i c u l a t e d w i t h a s o c i o - c u l t u r a l onslaught aimed at the complete e r a d i c a t i o n of the s o c i a l and c u l t u r a l b a s i s of indigenous l i f e . The Indian agent played a p i v o t a l r o l e here too, but e q u a l l y important were the l e g i o n of m i s s i o n a r i e s and church-based i n s t i t u t i o n s e n l i s t e d to transform n a t i v e l i f e . Various dimensions of s o c i a l l i f e became t a r g e t s f o r r e p r e s s i o n : language, 89 r e l i g i o n , f a m i l y r e l a t i o n s , s e x u a l i t y . O v e r a l l , the goal was the c r e a t i o n of C h r i s t i a n , h e t e r o - p a t r i a r c h a l f a m i l i e s s t r u c t u r e d around the dominance of a male breadwinner. Because of the a s s i m i l a t i o n i s t t h r u s t of t h i s program, c h i l d r e n were s i n g l e d out f o r s p e c i a l a t t e n t i o n , becoming the focus f o r a s p e c i f i c form of d i s c i p l i n a r y i n s t i t u t i o n i n 90 the l a t e 19th century, the r e s i d e n t i a l school. These Kamloops Agency, 1912-1923" Native Studies Review 10 (1995) pp.1-3 5. 88 Wendy Moss, Aboriginal People: History of Discriminatory Laws (Ottawa: L i b r a r y of Parliament, 1987). 89 Tobias, " P r o t e c t i o n , C i v i l i z a t i o n , A s s i m i l a t i o n " , p. 45. 90 For an overview of these i n s t i t u t i o n s , see Jean Barman, et. a l . Indian Education in Canada: Volume 1, The Legacy (Vancouver: U.B.C. Press, 1986). 59 a u t h o r i t a r i a n boarding schools, run by var i o u s C h r i s t i a n denominations across the country up u n t i l the 1960s, were the l i n c h p i n of the a s s i m i l a t i o n i s t e f f o r t , and are today c r e d i t e d by some A b o r i g i n a l people as the c o l o n i a l i n s t i t u t i o n which above a l l others destroyed the i n t e g r i t y of indigenous s o c i e t i e s . I I I . THE RAGGED GREEN EDGE OF THE WORLD i The P o l i t i c a l Economy of Lotusland Thanks to C a l i f o r n i a gold and the t i r e l e s s energy of the Yankees, both coasts of the P a c i f i c Ocean w i l l soon be populous, as open to trade and as i n d u s t r i a l i z e d as the coast from Boston to New Orleans now. And then the P a c i f i c Ocean w i l l have the same r o l e as the A t l a n t i c has now and the Mediterranean had i n a n t i q u i t y and i n the Middle Ages -that of the great water highway of world commerce.... 92 Marx and Engels, 1850 Imperialism came l a t e to B r i t i s h Columbia. When i t d i d , i n the l a t e 18th century, i t s a r r i v a l was l a r g e l y i n c i d e n t a l to the more general European i n c u r s i o n i n t o the P a c i f i c b a s i n as the p r i n c i p a l locus of i m p e r i a l aggression s h i f t e d away from the Western hemisphere i n the aftermath of the American r e v o l u t i o n . Over the next hundred years or so, competition among the Dutch, B r i t i s h and French r u l i n g c l a s s e s , along See C e l i a Haig-Brown, Resistance and Renewal: Surviving the Indian Residential School (Vancouver: T i l l a c u m , 1988) . 92 Quoted i n Mike Davis, Prisoners of the American Dream (London: Verso, 1985) p.251. 60 w i t h f l e d g l i n g i m p e r i a l i s t powers l i k e Russia, Germany and the U.S., would focus on c o n s o l i d a t i n g economic and s t r a t e g i c power i n China, Japan, Southeast A s i a , and the 93 P a c i f i c I s l a n d s . Except f o r the speed of the onslaught, the p a t t e r n of e x p l o i t a t i o n was not d i s s i m i l a r from that of the A t l a n t i c zone, w i t h maritime-based mercantile trade (whale and s e a l f i s h e r i e s , furs) q u i c k l y succeeded by more i n t e n s i v e , land-based forms of c o l o n i a l a p p r o p r i a t i o n : p l a n t a t i o n c o l o n i e s i n Southeast A s i a and the South P a c i f i c , o f t e n created by the wholesale extermination of indigenous i n h a b i t a n t s , whose labor needs spawned a P a c i f i c s l a v e trade i n South Sea i s l a n d e r s ("blackbirds") and Chinese peasants ( " c o o l i e s " ) ; entrepots l i k e Singapore, Hong Kong, and Yokohama (as w e l l as o l d e r c o l o n i e s l i k e Macao and B a t a v i a ) , through which European e l i t e s could dominate r e g i o n a l t r a d e ; and white settlement c o l o n i e s i n A u s t r a l i a , New Zealand and western North America based on c a p i t a l i s t a g r i c u l t u r e and resource e x t r a c t i o n . Thus were l a i d the foundations of what i s l a t e l y c e l e b r a t e d , i n the amnesiac boosterism of the 1990s, as the " P a c i f i c Rim". Naylor, "The Rise of the P a c i f i c Economy", i n Canada in the European Age; Ryers on, "The North P a c i f i c " , i n The Founding of Canada; A.R. Bagchi, The Political Economy of Underdevelopment (Cambridge: Cambridge U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1982) pp.69-111; and V.G. Kiernan, European Empires from Conquest to Collapse, pp.104-111. 61 The b a s i c contours of B.C. p o l i t i c a l economy - importer of f o r e i g n manufactured goods and c a p i t a l , exporter of raw and semi-processed s t a p l e s - were e s t a b l i s h e d e a r l y , and conform to the truncated p a t t e r n c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of " s e t t l e r c a p i t a l i s m " elsewhere. The f u r trade a t t r a c t e d r i v a l i m p e r i a l powers, p r i m a r i l y Spain, Russia, B r i t a i n and the U.S., and e v e n t u a l l y produced the p o l i t i c o - t e r r i t o r i a l 94 boundaries r e f l e c t i n g the d i v i s i o n of s p o i l s between them. The e a r l y prominence of a maritime f u r trade on the province's north coast, a byproduct of the renewed Euro-i m p e r i a l i s t i n t e r e s t i n China at the c l o s e of the 18th century, was g r a d u a l l y overtaken by a land-based trade r e p r e s e n t i n g the f i n a l extension across the continent of the 95 "Empire of the St. Lawrence". By 1821, the Hudson's Bay Company (HBC) had d i s p l a c e d i t s e r s t w h i l e American and Canadian r i v a l s to become the dominant European presence i n the P a c i f i c Northwest, a monopoly p o s i t i o n i t would occupy 96 f o r roughly f o r t y years. R e l y i n g on e x i s t i n g Native settlements and t r a v e l routes, the HBC r e a d i l y organized a 94 W. E. I r e l a n d , " E v o l u t i o n of the Boundaries of B r i t i s h Columbia" B r i t i s h Columbia Historical Quarterly 13 (1939) pp 263-282. 95 Naylor, "Fur Trade and P a c i f i c Empire", i n Canada in the European Age; Ryerson, "Self-Government on the P a c i f i c Coast", i n Unequal Union. 96 See Jean Barman, The West Beyond the West: A History of B r i t i s h Columbia (Toronto: U n i v e r s i t y of Toronto Press, 1991) pp.32-51; and Robin F i s h e r , Contact and Conflict: 62 network of f o r t s and t r a d i n g posts on the coast and throughout the B.C. i n t e r i o r (then c a l l e d New Caledonia) through which i t drained the f u r wealth of the t e r r i t o r y f o r the b e n e f i t of d i s t a n t shareholders. When Vancouver I s l a n d was o f f i c i a l l y d eclared a colony i n 1849 the HBC agreed t o oversee the "systematic c o l o n i z a t i o n " of the t e r r i t o r y , a scheme which was doomed to f a i l given the competing 97 o b j e c t i v e s of f u r trade and settlement. Gold would e v e n t u a l l y be the Company's undoing: e a r l y g o l d d i s c o v e r i e s i n the Queen C h a r l o t t e s and southern I n t e r i o r were kept q u i e t , i n the hopes that the HBC might maintain i t s e x c l u s i v e a u t h o r i t y and monopoly i n the event of a bonanza. In e a r l y 1858, however, the Company u n w i t t i n g l y sealed i t s own f a t e by sending 800 ounces of gold to be minted i n San Fran c i s c o , where the 184 9 Gold Rush had l a r g e l y petered out; when word of the HBC shipment leaked out, i t t r i g g e r e d a f l o o d of "free c a p i t a l " and Euroamerican and Asian goldseekers (most but not a l l of them men) i n t o the t e r r i t o r y , f o r c i n g B r i t i s h i m p e r i a l a u t h o r i t i e s to revoke the Company's c h a r t e r and assume d i r e c t c o n t r o l of the colony to f o r e c l o s e the r e a l p o s s i b i l i t y of U.S. Indian-European Relations in B r i t i s h Columbia 1774-1890 (Vancouver: U.B.C. Press, 1977) pp.24-48. 97 F i s h e r , Contact and Conflict, pp.49-72; and Naylor, "Company Colony to Company Province", i n Canada in the European Age. 63 98 annexation. The mainland colony of B r i t i s h Columbia, dec l a r e d i n 1858, became yet another i n the long l i s t of c o l o n i a l possessions added to the empire i n the t h i r d 99 quarter of the century. The i n f l u x of workers and c a p i t a l , and the "spread e f f e c t s " a s s o c i a t e d w i t h p r o v i s i o n i n g a gold rush economy, marked the beginning of f u l l - s c a l e c o l o n i z a t i o n i n B.C.. During the peak years between 1858 and 1865, g o l d valued at over $18 m i l l i o n was shipped out of the province; V i c t o r i a became a boomtown overnight, watching i t s p o p u l a t i o n increase t e n f o l d to 5,000, and i t s property values skyrocket by 3 and 4 thousand percent, i n a matter of months. 1 0 0 Yet these boom co n d i t i o n s were by nature s h o r t - l i v e d . By the l a t e 1860s, a l l u v i a l s u p p l i e s were l a r g e l y exhausted, and the g o l d f r o n t i e r had move f u r t h e r north, l e a v i n g i n i t s wake a d i m i n u t i v e s e t t l e r colony whose economic prospects were r a t h e r bleak: g o l d p r o f i t s l e f t l i t t l e r e s i d u a l b e n e f i t , c o n t r i b u t i n g i n s t e a d to p r i v a t e fortunes i n San F r a n c i s c o (whence much of the c a p i t a l , machinery and s u p p l i e s had 98 Barry M. Gough, "'Turbulent F r o n t i e r s ' and B r i t i s h Expansion: Governor Douglas, the Royal Navy, and the B r i t i s h Columbia Gold Rushes" Pacific Historical Review 41 (1972) pp.15-32, p. 22. 99 I b i d . Paul A. P h i l l i p s , "Confederation and the Economy of B r i t i s h Columbia", i n W. George Shelton, ed., B r i t i s h 64 come) or B r i t a i n , while r o a d - b u i l d i n g expenditures had l e f t the colony's i n f a n t government deeply i n d e b t e d . 1 0 1 Consequently, i m p e r i a l a u t h o r i t i e s promoted the merger of the two c o l o n i e s (achieved i n 1864), and then Confederation, as a means of improving the colony's London c r e d i t r a t i n g , and of securing a permanent i m p e r i a l presence on the P a c i f i c 102 coast. The promise of a t r a n s c o n t i n e n t a l r a i l r o a d , and continued p r e f e r e n t i a l trade w i t h B r i t a i n , bought the a l l e g i a n c e of the dominant f r a c t i o n of B.C.'s emerging bou r g e o i s i e . That r a i l l i n k , when i t a r r i v e d b e l a t e d l y i n the mid-1880s, provided a much-needed i f temporary boost t o the now s e l f - g o v e r n i n g province, which otherwise spent much of the f i r s t two decades a f t e r Confederation s t r u g g l i n g to develop domestic manufacturing i n d u s t r i e s through import s u b s t i t u t i o n and export markets f o r s t a p l e s other than gold, amidst the l o c a l f a l l o u t of economic c r i s e s i n the i m p e r i a l 103 centers. In the 1890s, the region resumed growth on the s c a l e of the gold rush years, as a surging recovery i n the m e t r o p o l i t a n Columbia and Confederation ( V i c t o r i a : U n i v e r s i t y of V i c t o r i a Press, 1967) pp.43-60, p.44. 1 0 1 I b i d . P h i l l i p s r e p o r t s that the p u b l i c debt of the two c o l o n i e s increased from approximately $30,000 i n 1859 to $1.5 m i l l i o n i n 1865. 102 Naylor, "Company Colony to Company Province". 103 R.M. G a l o i s , "The Indian Rights A s s o c i a t i o n , Native P r o t e s t A c t i v i t y and the 'Land Question' i n B r i t i s h 65 economies (fueled by new rounds of plunder i n the "Age of High Imperialism"), and the r a p i d settlement of the Canadian p r a i r i e s , spurred an a p p e t i t e f o r B.C.'s n a t u r a l resources, e s p e c i a l l y lumber, f i s h and non-precious m i n e r a l s . 1 0 4 The province's s e t t l e r p o p u l a t i o n exploded, i n c r e a s i n g from about 24,000 i n 1881 to h a l f a m i l l i o n i n 1921. 1 0 5 The p r o v i n c i a l s t a t e , as the preserve of resource barons, r e a l e s t a t e s p e c u l a t o r s and other c a p i t a l i s t entrepreneurs, remained r a t h e r l i m i t e d i n i t s f u n c t i o n s , f o c u s i n g on the establishment of a minimal r e g u l a t o r y framework r e q u i r e d to promote resource e x t r a c t i o n , and the r e p r e s s i o n of outbursts of working c l a s s m i l i t a n c y that the extreme e x p l o i t a t i o n c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of resource c a p i t a l i s m tended to produce. 1 0 6 C r u c i a l t r a n s p o r t a t i o n i n f r a s t r u c t u r e was added i n these years, "opening up" more and more of the province to 107 c a p i t a l i s t a c t i v i t y . By the t u r n of the century, Vancouver had replaced V i c t o r i a as the m e t r o p o l i t a n center Columbia, 1903-1916", Native Studies Review 8 (1992) pp. 1-34, p. 2. 104 G a l o i s notes that "the value of mineral production, f o r example, increased from 3.5 m i l l i o n i n 1891 to $30.5 m i l l i o n i n 1913; f i s h e r y production expanded from $3 m i l l i o n to $13.9 m i l l i o n i n the same p e r i o d . " I b i d . p. 2. 1 0 5 G a l o i s , "Indian Rights A s s o c i a t i o n " , p.2. 1 0 6 See P h i l l i p Resnick, "The P o l i t i c a l Economy of B.C. - A Marxist P e r s p e c t i v e " i n P. Knox and P. Resnick, eds. The Political Economy of B r i t i s h Columbia (Vancouver: New S t a r , 1973) pp. 3-12. 107 See Cole H a r r i s , "Moving Amid the Mountains, 1870-1930", B.C. Studies (1983) pp.3-39. 66 f o r the p r o v i n c i a l resource h i n t e r l a n d , l a r g e l y as a r e s u l t of i t s r o l e as the transshipment p o i n t f o r the 108 t r a n s c o n t i n e n t a l r a i l w a y and overseas shipping. A f t e r the boom and bust of the interwar p e r i o d , which, d e s p i t e the acute d i s t r e s s of the Depression years, saw the " f i l l i n g out" of B.C.'s secondary and t e r t i a r y s e c t o r s , and continued growth i n the s e t t l e r p o p u l a t i o n , the province s e t t l e d i n t o a long p e r i o d of p r o s p e r i t y by r i d i n g on the 109 c o a t t a i l s of the American-led postwar boom. C a p i t a l i s m i n i t s monopoly phase was encouraged by p r o v i n c i a l government p o l i c y , e s p e c i a l l y under W.A.C. Bennett's Socred dynasty, which c o n s o l i d a t e d B.C.'s r o l e as a producer of bulk commodities - above a l l wood products - f o r export to the U.S..110 Socred p o l i c i e s encouraged the c o n c e n t r a t i o n of See Graeme Wynn, "The Rise of Vancouver", i n Graeme Wynn and Timothy Oke, eds., Vancouver and Its Region (Vancouver: U.B.C. Press, 1992) pp.69-148; and L.D. McCann, "Urban Growth i n a Staple Economy: The Emergence of Vancouver as a Regional M e t r o p l i s , 1886-1914", i n L.J. Evenden, ed., Vancouver, Western Metropolis ( V i c t o r i a : U n i v e r s i t y of V i c t o r i a , 1978) pp. 17-41. 109 For a review of developments i n the interwar p e r i o d , see R.E. Caves and R.H. Holton, "An O u t l i n e of the Economic H i s t o r y of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1881-1951" i n J . F r i e s e n and H.K. Ralston, eds., Historical Essays on B r i t i s h Columbia (Toronto: Gage, 1980). A d e t a i l e d a n a l y s i s of the s t r u c t u r e of the B.C. economy during the postwar boom may be found i n Ronald A. Shearer, "The Economy of B r i t i s h Columbia", i n Harry J . Shearer, ed., Trade L i b e r a l i z a t i o n and a Regional Economy: Studies of the Impact of Free Trade on B.C. (Toronto: U n i v e r s i t y of Toronto Press, 1971) pp. 3-41. 1 1 0 Resnick, "The P o l i t i c a l Economy of B.C.", p.7-11. 67 ownership i n l a r g e - s c a l e resource companies financed by-c e n t r a l Canadian or U.S. corporations and i n t e g r a t e d i n t o the c o n t i n e n t a l economy as s u p p l i e r s of raw m a t e r i a l s . 1 1 ' C a p i t a l was coddled w i t h scandalously low resource r o y a l t i e s ( i n f o r e s t r y these f a i l e d to cover even the cost of r e p l e n i s h i n g the resource) and the l a v i s h p r o v i s i o n of i n f r a s t r u c t u r e - h y d r o e l e c t r i c dams, r a i l w a y s , highways, 112 company towns - at p u b l i c expense. To secure i n d u s t r i a l peace, and f o r e s t a l l the thr e a t of s o c i a l democracy ( i f not s o c i a l i s m ) , workers were o f f e r e d high wages, an expanding " s o c i a l s a f e t y net" to reduce the impact of o f t e n e r r a t i c economic pa t t e r n s i n the resource sect o r , and the 113 enticements of American-style mass consumerism. For a thorough a n a l y s i s of t h i s trend i n the l e a d i n g s e c t o r of the B.C. economy see P a t r i c i a Marchak, Green Gold: The Forest Industry in B r i t i s h Columbia (Vancouver: U.B.C. Press, 1983). A u s e f u l supplement to Marchak's a n a l y s i s , which s i t u a t e s the r i s e of t h i s s e c t o r w i t h i n succesive phases of c a p i t a l i s t g l o b a l i z a t i o n , see R. Hayter and R.Galois, "The Wheel of Fortune: B r i t i s h Columbia Lumber and the Global Economy", i n Paul M. K o r a s c i l , ed., B r i t i s h Columbia: Geographical Essays (Vancouver: SFU Dept. of Geography, 1991) pp.169-201. 112 See T. Gunton, Resources, Regional Development and Provincial Policy: A Case Study of B.C. (Ottawa: Canadian Center f o r P o l i c y A l t e r n a t i v e s , 1982). 113 See Trevor Barnes, e t . a l . , "Vancouver, the Province, and the P a c i f i c Rim", i n Wynn and Oke,eds., Vancouver and Its Region, pp. 171-199. Of course, the expansion of the welfare s t a t e i n t h i s p e r i o d was not a phenomenon l i m i t e d to B.C., or even Canada. See, f o r example, A l v i n F i n k e l , " O r i g i n s of the Welfare State i n Canada", i n Pan i t c h , ed., The Canadian State, pp.344-372. 68 Vancouver, as the supply, s e r v i c e and t r a n s p o r t center f o r t h i s h i n t e r l a n d zone, continued i t s r a p i d growth. 1 1 4 The end of the postwar boom i n the e a r l y 1970s, however, marked the beginning of a tur b u l e n t p e r i o d of c r i s i s and r e o r g a n i z a t i o n i n the B.C. economy from which i t has yet to emerge. 1 1 5 The resource s e c t o r has been squeezed at both ends: unstable export markets and competition from new production zones w i t h lower wage s t r u c t u r e s and r e l a x e d r e g u l a t o r y regimes has threatened permanently to undermine demand, e s p e c i a l l y i n f o r e s t products, while a dwindling stock of f o r e s t and mineral reserves, coupled w i t h i n d u s t r y s h i f t s to c a p i t a l - i n t e n s i v e production methods, have provoked l a r g e - s c a l e "downsizing" and consequent job l o s s e s . 1 1 6 Temporary r e c o v e r i e s i n the l a t e 70s and l a t e 8 0s, accompanied by an i n f u s i o n of Japanese and c e n t r a l Canadian c a p i t a l (which was f i l l i n g the v o i d created by U.S. disi n v e s t m e n t ) , m i t i g a t e d but could not postpone f o r e v e r the organic c r i s i s i m p l i e d by market r e s t r u c t u r i n g and the Barnes, e t . a l . , "Vancouver, the Province and the P a c i f i c Rim". I b i d . 1 1 6 See P a t r i c i a Marchak, " P u b l i c P o l i c y , C a p i t a l and Labour i n the Forest Industry", i n R. Warburton, ed., Workers, Capital and the State in B r i t i s h Columbia (Vancouver: U.B.C. Press, 1988) pp.177-200; and "The Rise and F a l l of the P e r i p h e r a l S t ate: The Case of B r i t i s h Columbia", i n R.J. Breym, ed., Regionalism in Canada (Toronto: I r w i n , 1986) pp.123-159. 69 i n c i p i e n t d e p l e t i o n of a once seemingly i n e x h a u s t i b l e endowment of n a t u r a l wealth: the province now s t r u g g l e s to contend w i t h the aftermath of what has been described as the 117 " p r o f l i g a t e century". Echoing the apostles of p o s t - i n d u s t r i a l i s m i n other p a r t s of the c a p i t a l i s t world, l o c a l boosters have pointed to the the province's t e r t i a r y s e c t o r , notably " s u n r i s e " i n d u s t r i e s l i k e f i n a n c i a l s e r v i c e s , tourism and f i l m , as the way forward. Though Expo '86, the world e x h i b i t i o n designed t o showcase Vancouver as an a s p i r i n g world c i t y , provoked a mini-boom which afforded p a r t i a l r e l i e f from the r e c e s s i o n a r y 90s, i t i s easy to exaggerate the trend to 118 post - i n d u s t r i a l i s m . The dominance of service-based employment i s nothing new i n B.C. and provides a dubious b a s i s f o r general p r o s p e r i t y : the s e r v i c e s e c t o r i s segmented i n t o high and low-wage s e c t o r s , and most new employment a r i s e s i n the l a t t e r ; moreover, as recent s t u d i e s P a t r i c i a Marchak, "The P r o f l i g a t e Century and I t s Aftermath i n B r i t i s h Columbia", i n Logging the Globe (Montreal-Kingston: McGill-Queen's U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1995) pp. 85-116. 118 The expansion of the s e r v i c e economy i s a m e t r o p o l i t a n phenomenon, and i s documented i n H. C r a i g Davis and Thomas A. Hutton, "The Two Economies of B r i t i s h Columbia" B.C. Studies 82 (1989) pp.3-15; David Ley and T. Hutton, "Vancouver's Corporate Complex and Producer S e r v i c e s Sector: Linkages and Divergence w i t h i n a P r o v i n c i a l Staple Economy", Regional Studies 21 (1987) pp. 413-24; and H. C r a i g Davis, "Is the M e t r o p o l i t a n Vancouver Economy Uncoupling from the Rest of the Province?" B.C. Studies 98 (1993) pp.3-19. 70 have made c l e a r , once und e r l y i n g l i n k a g e s are taken i n t o account, the resource s e c t o r remains very much the engine of 119 the p r o v i n c i a l economy. A l l of which bodes i l l f o r the f u t u r e of those whose l i v e l i h o o d i s t i e d , d i r e c t l y or i n d i r e c t l y , to the m a t e r i a l wealth of B.C.'s f o r e s t s and waters; and much worse, f o r the province's o r i g i n a l i n h a b i t a n t s , the A b o r i g i n a l Nations, whose very e x i s t e n c e hangs i n the balance. Ethnic Cleansing on the P a c i f i c Slope Probably savagism was never so d e f t l y and d e l i c a t e l y s t r i p p e d of i t s belongings, and l a i d away to r o t , as i n B r i t i s h Columbia. 120 H.H. Bancroft, 1887 In i t s b a s i c motives, methods and h i s t o r i c a l t r a j e c t o r i e s , the c o l o n i z a t i o n of B r i t i s h Columbia f i t s comfortably w i t h i n the general framework already described. Undoubtedly there are " l o c a l " f a c t o r s which modified the p a r t i c u l a r i n s e r t i o n of European power i n t o t h i s corner of the world - the d i f f i c u l t y of the t e r r a i n , the s i z e and composition of the indigenous p o p u l a t i o n , the t i m i n g and r a p i d i t y of the See Barnes, et. a l . , "Vancouver, the Province, and the P a c i f i c Rim" and B r i t i s h Columbia Round Table on the Environment and the Economy, "The S t r u c t u r e of the B r i t i s h Columbia Economy: A Land-Use Per s p e c t i v e " ( V i c t o r i a : 1 9 9 3 ) . A r i p o s t e of s o r t s to those who f o r e c a s t the demise of resource dependency i s o f f e r e d by Ronald A. Shearer, "The Economy", B.C. Studies 100 (1993-94) pp.121-139. 120 H.H. Bancroft, History of B r i t i s h Columbia 1792-1887 (San F r a n c i s c o : H i s t o r y Company, 1887) p. 44. 71 s e t t l e r i n v a s i o n , the achievement of i m p e r i a l i s t o b j e c t i v e s without p r o t r a c t e d m i l i t a r y campaigns, the extreme d i s r e g a r d f o r indigenous r i g h t s under i n t e r n a t i o n a l and B r i t i s h i m p e r i a l law - but u l t i m a t e l y these cannot d i s t i n g u i s h the s e i z u r e of B r i t i s h Columbia q u a l i t a t i v e l y from the process which unfolded elsewhere. During the roughly e i g h t y years of mercantile hegemony, European f u r t r a d e r s and Natives met on terms that were r e l a t i v e l y r e c i p r o c a l , compared to what would f o l l o w . Demonstrating a c a p a c i t y to adapt to new c o n d i t i o n s , A b o r i g i n a l Nations on the coast and, l a t e r , i n the I n t e r i o r u t i l i z e d European dependency on Native trade networks, t r a p p i n g s k i l l s and production of the means of subsistence to acquire European trade goods which enhanced t r a d i t i o n a l communal p r a c t i c e s , even though i n c a p i t a l i s t terms the unequal exchange enabled Europeans to r e a l i z e extravagant 121 p r o f i t s . At the same time, a v a r i e t y of f o r c e s were unleashed which s i g n a l e d the beginning of a s e c u l a r d e c l i n e i n Native economy and s o c i e t y that would r e s u l t i n a reduced c a p a c i t y to r e s i s t when i m p e r i a l i s m adopted a more 121 Ryerson, i n The Founding of Canada, p o r t r a y s the f u r trade i n B.C as a v a s t l y unequal a f f a i r , and i s upbraided by F i s h e r f o r f a i l i n g to recognize the degree to which Native t r a d e r s h e l d t h e i r own against the i n t e r l o p e r s , m a i n taining, as he puts i t , " c o n t r o l over t h e i r c u l t u r e during t h i s p e r i o d " . See F i s h e r , Contact and Conflict, p. 1. Therein, perhaps, l i e s the d i f f e r e n c e between them: Ryerson i s d i r e c t l y engaged w i t h questions of economic e x p l o i t a t i o n and 72 i n t e r v e n t i o n i s t posture. Foremost among these was disease, which ravaged the indigenous p o p u l a t i o n w i t h successive epidemics throughout the f u r trade era: the Native p o p u l a t i o n i n 1835, towards the end of t h i s p e r i o d , has been estimated at 70,000, a re d u c t i o n of at l e a s t 75% from pre-122 contact- times. The commercial l o g i c of the trade encouraged overtrapping, ensuring not only the eventual e x t i r p a t i o n of animal populations, but increased competition among t r i b a l groups, l e a d i n g perhaps to gre a t e r i n t e r - t r i b a l c o n f l i c t (whose l e t h a l i t y was no doubt increased by the i n t r o d u c t i o n of European weaponry). Given the absence of any c e n t r a l i z e d indigenous a u t h o r i t y , t r a d e r s e c u r i t y c ould o f t e n be maintained by s k i l l f u l manipulation of t r a d i t i o n a l r i v a l r i e s between t r i b a l groups; but i t was u l t i m a t e l y guaranteed by v i o l e n c e , or the th r e a t of i t , and Native unequal exchange which f o r F i s h e r are secondary t o notions of c u l t u r e . 122 The f i g u r e of 70,000 i s deriv e d from Wilson Duff, The Indian History of B r i t i s h Columbia: Volume 1, The Impact of the White Man ( V i c t o r i a : P r o v i n c i a l Museum, 1965) p.39. The pre-contact estimate f o r B.C. as a whole i s now somewhere i n the three to f i v e hundred thousand range, though Dobyns suggests that the province's salmon-rich r i v e r systems might have supported a pop u l a t i o n approaching 1 m i l l i o n . See "Indian Smallpox T o l l Worse, Scholar Says" Vancouver Sun 21 November, 1987 and Henry F. Dobyns, Their Numbers Become Thinned ( K n o x v i l l e : U n i v e r s i t y of Tennessee Press, 1983), p.38. At i t s n a d i r , the population would reach 22,000, suggesting an o v e r a l l d e c l i n e from pre-contact times of over 90%. This f i g u r e i s c o n s i s t e n t w i t h current estimates f o r ra t e s of po p u l a t i o n d e c l i n e i n North America as a whole. See Cole H a r r i s , "Voices of D i s a s t e r : Smallpox around the S t r a i t of Georgia i n 1782" Ethnohistory 41 (1994) pp.591-626. Of course, demographic estimates are thoroughly 73 t r a n s g r e s s i o n s against HBC employees t y p i c a l l y r e s u l t e d i n b r u t a l s p e c t a c l e s - f l o g g i n g s , shootings or hangings -designed to serve as object lessons. By the 1840s, steam power and su p e r i o r armaments, the f r u i t s of c a p i t a l i s t i n d u s t r y , had given t r a d e r s a decided m i l i t a r y advantage, at l e a s t on the coast. The " c o l o n i a l p e r i o d " (1849-1871) marked the t r a n s i t i o n to permanent s e t t l e r c o l o n i z a t i o n , and the beginning of a p e r i o d of f r o n t i e r c o n f l i c t , f e a t u r i n g e a r l y attempts by a s t i l l s k e l e t a l c o l o n i a l s t a t e apparatus to p a c i f y , and dispossess, A b o r i g i n a l Nations, mostly on the south coast 124 and m the southern i n t e r i o r . The task of subjugation was no doubt made e a s i e r by mid-century epidemics of measles and smallpox, which may have k i l l e d as many as 40% of the 125 remaining indigenous po p u l a t i o n . The depredations of embroiled i n the p o l i t i c s of a s e t t l e r s o c i e t y : see S t i f f a r m and Lane, "The Demography of Native North America". 123 For a groundbreaking r e f l e c t i o n on f u r t r a d e r t a c t i c s , see Cole H a r r i s , "Towards a Geography of White Power i n the C o r d i l l e r a n Fur Trade" Canadian Geographer 39 (1995) pp.131-140 . 124 I put the term c o l o n i a l i n scare quotes because e n t r y i n t o Confederation marked the end of the c o l o n i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p , i n c o n s t i t u t i o n a l terms, between s e t t l e r s and the i m p e r i a l government. The A b o r i g i n a l Nations have yet to be granted even the formal trappings of home r u l e . 125 See Duff, The Indian History of B r i t i s h Columbia, pp. 40-45; and Robert T. Boyd, "Demographic H i s t o r y , 1774-1874", i n W i l l i a m Sturtevant, ed., Handbook of North American Indians: Vol.7, The Northwest Coast (Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian, 1990) pp.135-148. 74 white men against Native land, resources, and women were a constant source of antagonism, and s e t t l e r a u t h o r i t i e s r e l i e d on a combination of persuasion and coe r c i o n to avo i d the outbreak of a U.S.-style "Indian War" which the colony 126 could i l l a f f o r d . S i r James Douglas, c h i e f s t r a t e g i s t of the s e t t l e r i n v a s i o n i n i t s e a r l y years, was a master of t h i s c a r r o t - a n d - s t i c k approach who sought g e n e r a l l y to pl a c a t e Natives by re c o g n i z i n g t h e i r r i g h t to continued use and occupation of t r a d i t i o n a l lands, and by promising them a so r t of formal e q u a l i t y w i t h s e t t l e r s w i t h i n the new 127 system. Hence h i s s o r t i e t o the Lower Fraser, i n the e a r l y months of the Gold Rush, where he attempted to defuse an e x p l o s i v e s i t u a t i o n by appointing l o c a l c h i e f s as magistrates to keep order among t h e i r people, and by warning miners that the law would p r o t e c t "Indians as w e l l as whites"; hence a l s o the co l o n i e s e a r l i e s t "Indian" l e g i s l a t i o n , p r o h i b i t i n g the s a l e of l i q u o r to Natives and See Robin F i s h e r , "Indian Warfare and Two F r o n t i e r s : A Comparison of B r i t i s h Columbia and Washington T e r r i t o r y d u r i n g the E a r l y Years of Settlement", Pacific H i s t o r i c a l Review 50 (1980) pp.31-51. 127 Douglas' p o l i c y was manifested i n the t r e a t i e s concluded w i t h A b o r i g i n a l Nations on Vancouver I s l a n d i n the e a r l y 1850s, and i n the reserves a l l o c a t e d on the south Coast and southern I n t e r i o r during h i s tenure as governor of the two P a c i f i c c o l o n i e s . For d i f f e r e n t views on Douglas' r o l e i n the shaping of Native-non-Native r e l a t i o n s i n B.C., see Paul Tennant, Aboriginal People and Politics: The Indian Land Question in B r i t i s h Columbia, 1849-1989 (Vancouver: U.B.C. Press, 1990) pp.26-38; Robin F i s h e r , "Preface to the Second E d i t i o n " , i n Contact and Conflict 2d ed. (Vancouver: U.B.C. Press, 1992). 75 128 the d e s e c r a t i o n of Native cemeteries. Douglas a l s o signed fourteen land surrender t r e a t i e s w i t h A b o r i g i n a l Nations covering a small p o r t i o n of Vancouver I s l a n d . Although he had plans to continue t h i s p r a c t i c e on the mainland, the c o l o n i a l government was short of funds and the i m p e r i a l government was r e l u c t a n t to provide f u r t h e r s u b s i d i e s , so treatymaking was abandoned. With the exception of the northeast corner of the province, where some C a r r i e r bands signed on to Treaty 11, the s o - c a l l e d "Fort V i c t o r i a t r e a t i e s " were the only t r e a t i e s concluded i n B r i t i s h 129 Columbia. Where the s t r a t e g y of co-optation f a i l e d to produce submission, Douglas and h i s immediate successors were more than ready to r e s o r t to "gunboat diplomacy" to defend the new order they were imposing, and the p e r i o d up to Confederation witnessed a s e r i e s of p u n i t i v e e x p e d i t i o n s i n v o l v i n g the s h e l l i n g of Native v i l l a g e s , s k irmishes, and summary executions, the "unrecorded b a t t l e f i e l d s " of s e t t l e r 130 c o l o n i z a t i o n . Where p o s s i b l e , force was dressed up i n the 128 See Barry Gough's Gunboat Frontier: B r i t i s h Maritime Authority and Northwest Coast Indians, 1846-1890 (Vancouver: UBC Press, 1984) pp.85 et passim. 129 See Tennant, Aboriginal People and Politics, pp. 19-20. 130 The n o t i o n of "unrecorded b a t t l e f i e l d s " d e r i v e s from Henry Reynolds, whose work has helped to explode myths about the p e a c e f u l c o l o n i z a t i o n of A u s t r a l i a by, among other t h i n g s , r e c o v e r i n g the repressed h i s t o r y of s e t t l e r v i o l e n c e and A b o r i g i n a l r e s i s t a n c e . See h i s The Other Side of the 76 pomp and ceremony of B r i t i s h j u s t i c e , a n t i c i p a t i n g the moment when a b a t t e r y of c i v i l i a n i n s t i t u t i o n s , e s p e c i a l l y the l e g a l machinery represented by magistrates and a constabulary, could replace the naked r e p r e s s i o n c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of e a r l y settlement. (This j u d i c i a l i z a t i o n of c o l o n i a l power was no l e s s l e t h a l to the indigenous p o p u l a t i o n : of the 26 men hanged between 1864 and 1871, 23 were Native. The post-Confederation p e r i o d , e s p e c i a l l y from the e a r l y 1880s, witnessed the steady c o n s o l i d a t i o n of s e t t l e r power, as the demographic balance s h i f t e d i r r e v o c a b l y i n favour of the i n t e r l o p e r s , and the i n s t a l l a t i o n of an a p a r t h e i d system proceeded apace. C o n s t i t u t i o n a l a u t h o r i t y "over" B.C. Natives was peremptorily assigned to the Federal government when B.C. j o i n e d Confederation, though i t would be ten years before the Department of Indian A f f a i r s would e s t a b l i s h a system of d i r e c t a d m i n i s t r a t i o n i n v o l v i n g d e t a i l e d Frontier (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1981) and Frontier (Sydney: A l l e n and Unwin, 1987). A comparable r e v i s i o n i s t e f f o r t has yet to be undertaken i n B.C., though B.A. Mckelvie's (admittedly i m p e r i a l i s t and s e n s a t i o n a l i s t ) Tales of Conflict: Indian-White Murders and Massacres in Pioneer B r i t i s h Columbia (Vancouver: The Province, 1949) and Gough's Gunboat Frontier represent u s e f u l s t a r t i n g p o i n t s . 131 Hamar Foster, "'The Queen's Law i s B e t t e r than Yours': I n t e r n a t i o n a l Homicide i n E a r l y B r i t i s h Columbia" i n Jim P h i l l i p s , e t . a l . eds., Essays in the History of Canadian Law: Volume V, Crime and Criminal Justice (Toronto: U n i v e r s i t y of Toronto, 1994) pp.41-111, p.84. 77 r e g u l a t i o n by Indian agents under the Indian Act. A f t e r Douglas, government a u t h o r i t i e s i n B.C. tended to assume that Natives had no l e g i t i m a t e claims to ownership of t h e i r t e r r i t o r i e s , so the enclosure of Native t e r r i t o r i e s was e f f e c t e d by a d m i n i s t r a t i v e f i a t under the aegis of a s p e c i a l l y appointed Indian Reserve Commission. This process was more or l e s s complete by the t u r n of the century, though f e d e r a l - p r o v i n c i a l wrangling over the extent and s t a t u s of 133 "Indian lands" would continue i n t o the 193 0s. At the same time, pressure from s e t t l e r c a p i t a l i s t s induced c o n t i n u a l "adjustments", r e l o c a t i o n s , and e x p r o p r i a t i o n s of Indian reserves so that indigenous homelands would e v e n t u a l l y be 134 reduced to j u s t .35 % of the province's land base. The advance of e x t r a c t i v e i n d u s t r y , and e l a b o r a t i o n of r e l a t e d f e d e r a l and p r o v i n c i a l r e g u l a t o r y regimes, ensured d e c l i n i n g See Tennant, Aboriginal People and Politics, pp. 39-52, 68-83; F i s h e r , Contact and Conflict, pp.175-211; George Shankel, "The Development of Indian P o l i c y i n B.C.", unpublished Ph.D d i s s e r t a t i o n , U n i v e r s i t y of Washington, 1945 . 133 See Hamar Foster, " L e t t i n g Go the Bone: The Idea of Indian T i t l e i n B r i t i s h Columbia, 1849-1927", i n H. F o s t e r and J . McLaren, eds., Essays in the History of Canadian Law: Vol.6, B r i t i s h Columbia and the Yukon (Toronto: U n i v e r s i t y of Toronto, 1995) pp.28-86; and E. B r i a n T i t l e y , "Land Claims i n B r i t i s h Columbia", i n A Narrow Vision: Duncan Campbell Scott and the Administration of Indian A f f a i r s in Canada (Vancouver: U.B.C. Press, 1986) pp.135-161. 134 See B a r t l e t t , Canada's Indian Reserves, p.94. See a l s o Reuben Ware, The Lands We Lost: A History of Cut-Off Lands and Land Losses from Indian Reserves in B r i t i s h Columbia (Vancouver: Union of B.C. Indian C h i e f s , 1974). 78 access to t r a d i t i o n a l subsistence a c t i v i t i e s , w hile Native labour, an indispensable element to European c a p i t a l i s t s i n the m e r c a n t i l e and e a r l y settlement era, was rendered more 135 and more marginal as the s e t t l e r p o p u l a t i o n increased. C a t h o l i c and Protestant m i s s i o n a r i e s functioned as i n v a l u a b l e supports to the system of c o l o n i a l r u l e , e s p e c i a l l y through t h e i r management of the r e s i d e n t i a l 136 schools which began to appear i n the l a t e 19th century. O v e r a l l , then, the settlement p e r i o d witnessed a r e l e n t l e s s c o n s t r i c t i o n of the realm i n which Native communal t r a d i t i o n s could s u r v i v e . /Aboriginal Nations, f a r from accepting t h i s onslaught, organized themselves p o l i t i c a l l y w i t h i n the new circumstances, p a r t i c u l a r l y around the s o - c a l l e d "land question": t h e i r e f f o r t s to invoke Anglo-Canadian law and l e g a l i n s t i t u t i o n s against s e t t l e r i n c u r s i o n s began i n the 18 60 and 70s and continued r i g h t up to the 1927 amendment to the Indian Act p r o h i b i t i n g land claims a c t i v i t i e s f o r c e d them underground. A f u l l - s c a l e r e v i v a l of Native p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y would not emerge u n t i l the 1960s, when A b o r i g i n a l 135 See Knight, Indians at Work. Seasonal p a r t i c i p a t i o n m the wage economy would remain a s u b s t a n t i a l f a c t o r i n the Native economy throughout t h i s p e r i o d , and the extent of p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the wage economy v a r i e d c o n s i d e r a b l y from reg i o n to regi o n . James Burrows, "A Much-Needed Class of Labour: " B.C. Studies 71 (1986) pp.27-46. 136 F i s h e r , Contact and Conflict, pp.119-145; Haig-Brown, Resistance and Renewal. 79 Nations j o i n e d other a n t i - s y s t e m i c movements seeking to 137 challenge and transform the p r e v a i l i n g s o c i a l order. Since then, B.C. Natives have s u c c e s s f u l l y used a combination court a c t i o n , p r o t e s t and n e g o t i a t i o n to f o r c e the s e t t l e r power s t r u c t u r e to address Native demands f o r land and s e l f - d e t e r m i n a t i o n . Indeed, i t i s f a i r to say tha t s i n c e the e a r l y 1970s, B r i t i s h Columbia has been i n the midst of a p r o t r a c t e d d e c o l o n i z a t i o n s t r u g g l e . G a l o i s , "Indian R i g h t s " ; Tennant, Aboriginal People and Politics. 80 - 3 -REDNECK LIBERATION? S o c i a l i s m i s a dead p o l i t i c a l and economic philosophy i n about 99 percent of the world, but i t i s a l i v e and w e l l i n one place i n Canada - and that i s on Indian reserves. Preston Manning, 1995 Not an in c h . On the weekend I founded the Not An Inch Club. Sole member, myself. The Not An Inch Club opposes n e g o t i a t i n g away even a square i n c h (or centimetre i f you i n s i s t ) of B r i t i s h Columbia s o i l to Native Indians.... I say: the biggest can of worms i n Canadian h i s t o r y i s being s t e a l t h i l y opened. I say: not an inc h . 2 Trevor Lautens, 1995 On February 12th, 1996, ne g o t i a t o r s r e p r e s e n t i n g the Nisga'a T r i b a l C o u n c i l and the governments of B.C. and Canada announced that they had reached an agreement i n p r i n c i p l e (AIP) regarding the Nisga'a c l a i m f o r land and s e l f -government i n t h e i r t r a d i t i o n a l t e r r i t o r i e s i n the Nass V a l l e y , on the province's northwest coast. The deal was a long time coming f o r the Nisga'a, who had been a g i t a t i n g f o r a j u s t settlement ever since white s e t t l e r s had f i r s t encroached upon t h i s remote corner of the province i n the l a t e nineteenth century. The Nisga'a have been at the f o r e f r o n t of the movement f o r t r e a t y settlements i n B.C. ever s i n c e , t h e i r q u a l i f i e d v i c t o r y i n the Supreme Court of Canada i n 1973 i n p a r t i c u l a r marking a watershed i n s o f a r as i t r e s u s c i t a t e d the long dormant common law r e c o g n i t i o n of Vancouver Sun, 7 October, 1995. Vancouver Sun, 4 A p r i l , 1995. 81 a b o r i g i n a l r i g h t s and persuaded the f e d e r a l government to abandon i t s o v e r t l y a s s i m i l a t i o n i s t p o l i c i e s and begin t o 3 negotiate t r e a t i e s . The Nisga'a began t a l k s w i t h Ottawa i n 1975, and would wait another 15 years before an i n t r a n s i g e n t B.C. government would a l t e r i t s r e j e c t i o n i s t posture and j o i n the n e g o t i a t i o n s that e v e n t u a l l y produced the February d e a l . I t i s p r e c i s e l y t h e i r dogged determination to secure a t r e a t y through s t a t e - s a n c t i o n e d processes that has earned the Nisga'a r e g u l a r accolades from sympathetic s e t t l e r s , l i k e Premier Mike Harcourt, who see them as exemplars of the "moderate" approach that might e v e n t u a l l y permit a r e c o n c i l i a t i o n of Native claims without d i s t u r b i n g the b a s i c p r e r o g a t i v e s of Canadian sovereignty and a resource-based s e t t l e r c a p i t a l i s m . Of course, on i t s face the February agreement seems more l i k e a F a u s t i a n bargain f o r the 5500 or so Nisga'a than a generous accommodation of t h e i r r i g h t s ; i t i s the s o r t of v a s t l y one-sided deal one would expect between a beleaguered indigenous m i n o r i t y and an uncompromising c o l o n i a l power s t r u c t u r e (whose o v e r r i d i n g i n t e r e s t s l a r g e l y d i c t a t e d the terms). The o r i g i n a l Nisga'a c l a i m to j u r i s d i c t i o n over 3 The d e c i s i o n i n Ca.ld.er v. Attorney General of B.C. i s reported at [1973] S.C.R. 313 (S.C.C). For a summary account of events preceding and f o l l o w i n g the d e c i s i o n , see Tennant, Aboriginal People and Politics pp.213-226. A more complete account of the Nisga'a land c l a i m can be found i n Daniel Raunet, Without Surrender, Without Consent: A History 82 roughly 24,000 square kilometres of t e r r i t o r y and $2b compensation was pared down to a comparatively meager 193 0 square k i l o m e t e r s and $190m, i n per c a p i t a terms (85 acres and $34,545) the "equivalent of a small farm-sized l o t and enough to b u i l d a t h i r d of a modest house." Each square k i l o m e t r e of land (and a s s o c i a t e d t r e e s , minerals, f i s h and furs) was traded f o r the value of about 25 o l d growth l o g s , 4 or $33 per acre. Contrast these amounts w i t h the estimated $2 to $4 b i l l i o n i n resource revenues which non-Nisga'a have siphoned o f f Nisga'a t e r r i t o r i e s s ince c o l o n i z a t i o n began, the $1.2 t r i l l i o n generated from B.C. lands and resources i n the twenty years since Nisga'a n e g o t i a t i o n s began, or the $8 0 m i l l i o n which a s i n g l e resource company, Repap, i s c l a i m i n g as compensation f o r the p o r t i o n of i t s f o r e s t r y l i c e n s e f a l l i n g w i t h i n Nisga'a t r e a t y lands, and the c o l o n i a l c a l c u l u s u n d e r l y i n g modern treatymaking i s p l a i n l y r e v e a l e d . 5 P o l i t i c a l l y , the Nisga'a were compelled to renounce claims to sovereignty i n any meaningful sense and accept i n s t e a d a "super-municipal" s t a t u s that ensures the of the Nisga'a Land Claims (Vancouver: Douglas and Mclntyre, 1984) . 4 "Precedents i n d i c a t e everyone got a good d e a l " , Vancouver Sun, 1 March, 1996, A19. 5 The estimate f o r Nisga'a lands i s d e r i v e d from a P r i c e -Waterhouse study commissioned by the Nisga'a. See B.C. Report 20 March 1995, p.9. The $1.2 t r i l l i o n estimate i s from Sun columnist Stephen Hume, "Backroom d u p l i c i t y thwarts e f f o r t s to s i g n simple t r e a t y " , Vancouver Sun, 25 August 1995. For the Repap claim, see the Vancouver Sun, 27 January, 1996. 83 law-making and a d m i n i s t r a t i v e powers of the new Nisga'a government on Nisga'a lands are almost completely-subordinate to f e d e r a l and, a s t o n i s h i n g l y , p r o v i n c i a l l e g i s l a t u r e s . P r e d i c t a b l y , the forces of s e t t l e r r e a c t i o n , l i k e some West coast v e r s i o n of U l s t e r u n i o n i s t s or A l g e r i a n pied noirs, m o b i l i z e d q u i c k l y to defend the not-so-ancien regime against t h i s p e r i l o u s breach of s e c u r i t y . The f i r s t a t t a c k s were i n i t i a t e d by r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s of the var i o u s "stakeholder" groups - a euphemism i n t h i s case f o r major resource companies and t h e i r p r o x i e s - which had already devoted much e f f o r t to undermining support f o r t r e a t y n e g o t i a t i o n s by now underway w i t h other indigenous nations i n the province. Spokesmen f o r the r a b i d l y a n t i - N a t i v e B.C. F i s h e r i e s S u r v i v a l C o a l i t i o n , f o r example, targeted the p r o v i s i o n s r e s e r v i n g a p r o p o r t i o n of the Nass salmon catch to the Nisga'a, denouncing the c r e a t i o n of what they c a l l e d a "race-based f i s h e r y " . 6 The two main o p p o s i t i o n p a r t i e s , each hoping to c o r r a l the r i g h t wing vote i n the run up t o a p r o v i n c i a l e l e c t i o n , s e i z e d on yet another opportunity t o inflame s e t t l e r b i g o t r y and d i s p l a y t h e i r t r u c u l e n t d i s d a i n f o r a b o r i g i n a l claims. BC Reform leader Jack Weisgerber, r e l y i n g on the e r s a t z populism that i s the trademark of both f e d e r a l and p r o v i n c i a l "Reformers", demanded that the deal 6 Vancouver Sun, February 16, 1996. 84 be put to a l o c a l referendum (tantamount to a veto f o r non-Nisga'a i n the Nass r e g i o n ) , while Gordon Campbell, L i b e r a l leader and l a t e s t "Great Right Hope" of the B.C. bour g e o i s i e , i n s i s t e d he would t e a r up the deal i f i t v i o l a t e d the hallowed p r i n c i p l e of "one law f o r a l l B r i t i s h Columbians" (an e l e c t i o n year slogan whose mantra-like r e p e t i t i o n earned Campbell the t i t l e "Gordon Custer" among 7 some indigenous l e a d e r s ) . Media commentators helped c i r c l e the wagons w i t h screeds about the c r e a t i o n of " p o l i t i c a l l y c o r r e c t bantutstans (PCBs)" or " a f f i r m a t i v e a p a r t h e i d " and g the t r a n s f o r m a t i o n of B.C. i n t o the "new South A f r i c a " . Then, on Mar. 28th, the c a v a l r y a r r i v e d as lobby groups re p r e s e n t i n g the major resource i n d u s t r i e s of the province placed f u l l - p a g e ads i n the major d a i l y newspapers c l a i m i n g that the deal had been cut i n secret and should be delayed u n t i l proper p u b l i c c o n s u l t a t i o n could take p l a c e . And so unfolded yet another f r a c t i o u s chapter i n the h i s t o r y of N a t i v e - s e t t l e r r e l a t i o n s i n B.C., the Nisga'a deal marking a watershed whose u l t i m a t e s i g n i f i c a n c e - prelude to indigenous autonomy or renovation of s e t t l e r supremacy - has yet to be determined. In B.C. i n the 1990s, the s e t t l e r response to Native demands f o r s e l f - d e t e r m i n a t i o n has become a c u r i o u s l y J e k y l l ' a n d Hyde a f f a i r . I f the o f f i c i a l program 7 Among many a r t i c l e s , see the Vancouver Sun, 20 November, 1995; 25 November, 1995; and February 24, 1996. 85 f o r the refurbishment of s e t t l e r supremacy i n B.C. revolves around the f a s h i o n i n g of a c o r p o r a t i s t e q u i l i b r i u m through the B.C. Treaty Process - s e t t l e r i s m w i t h a human face - i t has spawned simultaneously i t s own e v i l o f f s p r i n g i n the form of an obstreperous, a n t i - N a t i v e c o a l i t i o n which has succeeded i n s u b s t a n t i a l l y r e r o u t i n g , i f not yet a l t o g e t h e r d e r a i l i n g , the t r e a t y process and a s s o c i a t e d self-government i n i t i a t i v e s . Spearheading t h i s backlash i s the Reform Pa r t y of Canada which, along w i t h the v a r i o u s r i g h t wing p a r t i e s competing f o r power at the p r o v i n c i a l l e v e l , has s k i l l f u l l y played on the deeply h i s t o r i c a l and m a t e r i a l roots of a n t i -Native sentiment to b u i l d a motley c o a l i t i o n of resource i n d u s t r y workers, middle c l a s s homeowners and corporate i n t e r e s t s . Though the immediate aims of t h i s New Custerism are the r e v e r s a l of the r e f o r m i s t tendencies of recent years and the i m p o s i t i o n of a f i n a l s o l u t i o n that w i l l dispense once and f o r a l l w i t h the "Indian problem" i n B.C. (and Canada), i t s more b a s i c o b j e c t i v e i s to hegemonize the a n t a g o n i s t i c elements of a s e t t l e r s o c i a l formation around a fundamentally conservative programme which seeks to subordinate Canadian p o l i t i c a l economy to an emerging t r a n s n a t i o n a l order. To t h i s end, i t has adopted a discourse which s k i l l f u l l y weaves together some of the t r a d i t i o n a l tropes of a n t i - N a t i v e racism w i t h p r o g r e s s i v e themes a s s o c i a t e d w i t h the "anti-systemic" movements of the postwar p e r i o d ( a n t i - c o l o n i a l , women's, c i v i l r i g h t s , a n t i -Western Report, 15 A p r i l 1996, 18. 86 Vietnam war, Green). To f u l l y appreciate the p o l i t i c a l s i g n i f i c a n c e of the new wave of colon chauvinism i n B.C., we must f i r s t look southward, to the Land of the Free and the Home of the Brave, where r i g h t wing populism and modern a n t i - I n d i a n o r g a n i z a t i o n were forged i n the maelstrom of p o s t - S i x t i e s conservative a g i t a t i o n . THE NEW RIGHT JUGGERNAUT I t i s the s o c i a l issues that got us t h i s f a r , and t h a t ' s what w i l l take us i n t o the f u t u r e . We never r e a l l y won u n t i l we began s t r e s s i n g issues l i k e busing, a b o r t i o n , school prayer and gun c o n t r o l . We t a l k e d about the s a n c t i t y of f r e e e n t e r p r i s e , about the Communist onslaught u n t i l we were blue i n the face. But we didn't s t a r t winning m a j o r i t i e s i n e l e c t i o n s u n t i l we got. down to the gut l e v e l i s s u e s . U.S. New Right a c t i v i s t Richard V i g u e r i e , 1981 9 The genesis of r e a c t i o n a r y populism can be t r a c e d back to the 1960s, when U.S. conservatives, already contending w i t h popular r e v u l s i o n at the genocidal crimes of Nazism and im p e r i a l i s m , confronted the h i s t o r i c resurgence of s o c i a l movements ( c i v i l r i g h t s , women's, anti-war) promoting p r o g r e s s i v e , even r a d i c a l , v i s i o n s of e q u a l i t y , community and the i n t e r v e n t i o n i s t s t a t e . The e l e c t o r a l f a i l u r e s of Goldwater i n 1964 and Wallace i n 1968 taught the Right that the hypothesized " s i l e n t m a j o r i t y " of conservative Americans was not simply "waiting i n the wings" f o r the appropriate v e h i c l e , but i n s t e a d had to be a c t i v e l y constructed on a 87 p o l i t i c a l t e r r a i n where the discourse of l i b e r a l humanism i n c r e a s i n g l y h eld sway. The lessons were twofold: f i r s t , a c u l t u r a l p o l i t i c s of r e a c t i o n - focusing, f o r example, on white r a c i a l resentment against f e d e r a l desegregation i n i t i a t i v e s - could be f a r more e f f e c t i v e i n winning popular support than f r e e market evangelism; and second, such c u l t u r a l warfare could be most s u c c e s s f u l l y prosecuted by a p p r o p r i a t i n g the progressive discourse of the Right's L e f t - l i b e r a l opponents. I f e q u a l i t y was now a l e g i t i m a t e s o c i a l o b j e c t i v e , the defense of i n e q u a l i t y would have to assume a d i f f e r e n t guise, adopting a v a r i e t y of codewords and symbols which Edgar describes as a " p o l i t i c s of euphemism". 1 0 Wallace's defence of Southern segregationism i n terms of " s t a t e ' s r i g h t s " was p r o t o t y p i c a l i n t h i s regard, while the Boston busing controversy of 1974, where defenders of separate s c h o o l i n g masqueraded as promoters"of "community c o n t r o l " and "parental involvement", marked a key moment i n the dissemination of t h i s s t r a t e g y . 1 1 By the e a r l y 1970s, conservative s t r a t e g i s t s had formulated these lessons i n t o a new p o l i t i c a l mythology, and e l e c t o r a l 9 Quoted i n Mike Davis, Prisoners of the American Dream (London: Verso, 1985) 171. 1 0 David Edgar, "Reagan's Hidden Agenda: Racism and the New American Right", Race and Class 22 (1981) pp. 221- 242 at 235 . 88 gameplan, which "sought to combine i n one acceptable construct the r a d i c a l i n s t i n c t s of the vast middle l a y e r s of s o c i e t y (those i n s t i n c t s of hatred and resentment d i r e c t e d to the r i c h above them) wi t h a r a t i o n a l e f o r r e t a i n i n g t h e i r 12 s u p e r i o r i t y over the masses of poor below them." I t proposed a v e r i t a b l e conspiracy between a r e v o l v i n g a r r a y of deviants who v i o l a t e d i n some way the norms of the f r e e market and white, h e t e r o p a t r i a r c h a l f a m i l y l i f e (Black welfare mothers and youth gangs, i l l e g a l immigrants) and a "New C l a s s " or " l i b e r a l e l i t e " of l e f t - l e a n i n g p r o f e s s i o n a l s ( u n i v e r s i t y p r o f e s s o r s , government bureaucrats, media personnel) who purported to represent these deviant s e c t o r s but o n l y to f u r t h e r t h e i r own hidden agenda, the s e l f i s h p u r s u i t of s t a t e power. According to t h i s now f a m i l i a r l i t u r g y , the new c l a s s was the main a r c h i t e c t of the dramatic, post-Depression expansion of government a c t i v i t y embodied i n New Deal and Great S o c i e t y programs (the nanny s t a t e ) , which represented not only a massive a s s a u l t on the i n d i v i d u a l freedom and e q u a l i t y of the "productive" s e c t o r s of s o c i e t y (white workers, c a p i t a l i s t s and suburban f a m i l i e s ) , but a c o l o s s a l b e t r a y a l of the " t r u l y disadvantaged" whose consequent welfare dependency ensured moral degradation and perpetual poverty. Meanwhile the "new c l a s s " and l e g i o n s of welfare cheats s e l f i s h l y reaped the 1 1 Michael Omi and Howard Winant, Race Formation in the United States: From the 1960s to the 1980s (London: Routledge, 1986) pp. 109-136. 89 b e n e f i t s of tax, borrow and spend p o l i c i e s . With t h i s d i a gnosis of s o c i a l d e c l i n e i n place, the New Right cast i t s e l f as the agent of " r e v o l u t i o n a r y " change and the tr u e defender of u n i v e r s a l values, which would o b l i t e r a t e the b l o a t e d Nanny s t a t e and the p a r a s i t i c elements i t supposedly Lewis Lapham, among others, has e f f e c t i v e l y d e s c r i b e d the lud i c r o u s n e s s of t h i s p o s t u r i n g by "the h e i r s and servants of American o l i g a r c h y " : "here were the people who owned most of what was worth owning i n the country (the banks and business corporations as w e l l as the t e l e v i s i o n networks and most of the members of Congress) pretending that they were the v i c t i m s of a conspiracy r a i s e d against them by the 14 i n s t i t u t i o n s that they themselves c o n t r o l l e d " . Nevertheless, the New Right's c a l c u l a t e d e x p l o i t a t i o n of the c o n t r a d i c t o r y tendencies toward a n t i - e l i t i s m and blaming the v i c t i m embedded i n popular consciousness has helped t o transform the American p o l i t i c a l landscape i n the l a s t two decades, a seismic s h i f t manifested not only i n the Reagan-Bush p r e s i d e n t i a l v i c t o r i e s of the 1980s and the G i n g r i c h -12 Edgar, "Reagan's Hidden Agenda". 13 For an e x c e l l e n t s o c i o l o g i c a l d i s s e c t i o n of t h i s r h e t o r i c which demonstrates that i t s advocates are themselves members of the New Class see Barbara Ehrenreich, Fear of Falling: The Inner Life of the Middle Class (New York: Harper C o l l i n s , 1989). 90 l e d c o n g ressional " r e v o l u t i o n " of 1994, but a l s o i n the stunning rightward t r a j e c t o r y f o llowed by the Democratic p a r t y i n the passage from Carter to C l i n t o n . TWO HUNDRED MILLION CUSTERS The Great Fear, w i t h i n any s e t t l e r s t a t e , i s that i f indigenous land r i g h t s are ever openly acknowledged, and n a t i v e people t h e r e f o r e begin to recover some s i g n i f i c a n t p o r t i o n of t h e i r land, the immigrants w i l l c orrespondingly be dis-possessed of what they've come to consider " t h e i r s " . . . . T e l l i n g l y , every major Indian land recovery i n i t i a t i v e i n the U.S. during the second h a l f of the 20th century - those i n Maine, the Black H i l l s , the Oneida claims i n New York s t a t e , and Western Shoshone are prime examples - has been met by a propaganda barrage from r i g h t - w i n g o r g a n i z a t i o n s ranging from the Ku Klux Klan to the John B i r c h s o c i e t y to the Republican p a r t y warning i n d i v i d u a l non-Indian property holders of e x a c t l y t h i s ' p e r i l ' . Ward C h u r c h i l l 1 5 Overlapping w i t h the emergence of " a u t h o r i t a r i a n populism" i n the U.S. was the b i r t h , i n the mid-1970s, of a vigorous, w e l l - o r g a n i z e d " a n t i - I n d i a n " movement, o s t e n s i b l y rooted i n the l o c a l r e s i s t a n c e of white property owners and resource users to i n i t i a t i v e s designed to redress a wide range of indigenous grievances, but bent on advancing the e r o s i o n of Lewis Lapham, "Reactionary Chic", Harper's Magazine, May 1995, pp.31-42. 1 5 Ward C h u r c h i l l , "I Am I n d i g e n i s t " , i n Struggle for the Land: Indigenous Resistance to Genocide, Ecocide and Expropriation in Contemporary North America (Toronto: Between the Lines, 1992) pp. 403-451, at 413. Two Hundred M i l l i o n Custers i s the t i t l e of a 1978 book by former Washington s t a t e commercial f i s h e r B i l l Lowman which remains the b i b l e of the U.S. a n t i - I n d i a n lobby. 91 the Indian land base and p o l i t i c a l autonomy. The a n t i -Indian movement was a key c o n s t i t u e n t of the s o - c a l l e d "white backlash" against various a n t i - d i s c r i m i n a t i o n measures adopted by U.S. governments i n response to mass p o l i t i c a l movements of people of c o l o r i n the 1960s, i n c l u d i n g o p p o s i t i o n to school busing, e l e c t o r a l r e d i s t r i c t i n g , and a f f i r m a t i v e a c t i o n i n employment and education. These, along w i t h the other s i n g l e - i s s u e , r i g h t wing movements of the 1970s - the a n t i - f e m i n i s t campaigns against the ERA and reproductive freedom, A n i t a Bryant's anti-gay r i g h t s crusade - were the engine of the New Right's e l e c t o r a l machine. Though the movement sought from the outset to m o b i l i z e on a n a t i o n a l b a s i s , i t s o r g a n i z a t i o n a l core remains r e s t r i c t e d to three s t a t e s - Washington, Wisconsin and Montana - where groups w i t h names l i k e the I n t e r s t a t e Congress f o r Equal Rights and R e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s , Montanans Opposed to See Rudolf R e i s e r ' s comprehensive study, The Anti-Indian Movement on the Tribal Frontier (Olympia: Center f o r World Indigenous Studies, 1995); Scott Kerr, "The New Indian Wars", The Progressive A p r i l 1990, pp.20-21; and E i l e e n M. S t i l l w a g o n , " A n t i - I n d i a n A g i t a t i o n and Economic I n t e r e s t s " Monthly Review November 1981, pp. 28-41. I borrow the n o t i o n of " a u t h o r i t a r i a n populism" from Stuart H a l l , whose i n c i s i v e a n a l y s i s of Thatcherism i n B r i t a i n broadly p a r a l l e l s the d i s c u s s i o n of Reaganism o u t l i n e d above. See h i s The Hard Road to Renewal: Thatcherism and the Crisis of the Left (London: Verso, 1988). 17 See Mike Davis, "The New Right's Road to Power", i n Prisoners of the American Dream, pp.157-180. 92 D i s c r i m i n a t i o n , Wisconsin A l l i a n c e f o r Rights and Resources, Equal Rights f o r Everyone, and Stop Treaty Abuse continue to 18 f l o u r i s h . The movement has focused i t s a t t a c k s i n two areas: challenges to t r i b a l government j u r i s d i c t i o n t o reg u l a t e on-reserve a c t i v i t i e s of non-members ( t y p i c a l l y but not always white property owners) and to treaty-based f i s h i n g r i g h t s recognized by landmark f e d e r a l court d e c i s i o n s i n Washington and Wisconsin (the "Boldt" and 19 "Voigt" d e c i s i o n s of 1974 and 1983 r e s p e c t i v e l y ) . Movement r h e t o r i c has tended to revolve around the defense of "white c i v i l r i g h t s " i n the face of attempts by f e d e r a l and t r i b a l governments to create Indian " s u p e r c i t i z e n s " , but has a l s o appropriated the language of the Green movement: the umbrella o r g a n i z a t i o n f o r a n t i - I n d i a n a c t i v i t y i n Washington f o r much of the 1980s, f o r example, was Salmon-20 Steelhead P r e s e r v a t i o n A c t i o n Now (S/SPAWN). While the f a i l u r e of f e d e r a l and s t a t e governments to discharge t h e i r h i s t o r i c ' o b l i g a t i o n s to indigenous nations has undoubtedly 18 R e i s e r , The Anti-Indian Movement. 19 Steven S i l v e r n , "Nature, T e r r i t o r y and I d e n t i t y m the Wisconsin Treaty Rights Controversy" Ecumene 2 (1995) 267-292. For an overview of f i s h i n g r i g h t s i n the U.S., i n c l u d i n g Washington s t a t e , see The I n s t i t u t e f o r N a t u r a l Progress, "In Usual and Accustomed Places: Contemporary American Indian F i s h i n g Rights Struggles", i n M. Annette Jaimes, ed., The State of Native America: Genocide, Colonization and Resistance (Boston: South End Press, 1992) pp.217-239. 93 l e f t some whites w i t h l e g i t i m a t e concerns about land and resource p o l i c y , there i s l i t t l e doubt that the movement -l e d by p r o f e s s i o n a l l o b b y i s t s , funded by la r g e c o r p o r a t i o n s , and f r e q u e n t l y connected w i t h s t a t e Republican p a r t i e s - has as i t s main o b j e c t i v e not r e c o n c i l i a t i o n but the complete e r a d i c a t i o n of indigenous nations as separate e n t i t i e s and the a b s o r p t i o n of indigenous people i n t o the general p o p u l a t i o n so as to remove b a r r i e r s to corporate 21 e x p l o i t a t i o n of Native lands and resources. Indeed, the U.S. a n t i - I n d i a n movement i n the 1990s i s part and p a r c e l of a dense network of r i g h t wing o r g a n i z a t i o n s that i n c l u d e s a p o t p o u r r i of a n t i - e n v i r o n m e n t a l i s t s , C h r i s t i a n fundamentalists, white supremacists and anti-government 22 m i l i t i a s . THE TWILIGHT OF EXTRACTIONISM A c r i s i s occurs, sometimes l a s t i n g f o r decades. This e x c e p t i o n a l d u r a t i o n means that i n c u r a b l e s t r u c t u r a l c o n t r a d i c t i o n s have revealed themselves (reached m a t u r i t y ) , and t h a t , despite t h i s , the p o l i t i c a l f o rces which are s t r u g g l i n g to conserve and defend the e x i s t i n g s t r u c t u r e s i t s e l f are making every e f f o r t to cure them, w i t h i n c e r t a i n l i m i t s , and to overcome them. These increased and p e r s i s t e n t e f f o r t s (since no s o c i a l formation w i l l ever admit that i t has been superseded) form the t e r r a i n of the 'con j u n c t u r a l ' , and i t i s upon t h i s t e r r a i n that the fo r c e s of o p p o s i t i o n organize. R e i s e r , The Anti-Indian Movement, pp.22-27. 21 S t i l l w a g o n , " A n t i - I n d i a n A g i t a t i o n " . 22 R e i s e r provides an e x c e l l e n t review of the i n t e r -connections, both i d e o l o g i c a l l y and o r g a n i z a t i o n a l l y , between these v a r i o u s r i g h t wing groups. 94 Antonio Gramsci I t would not be long before Canada could add these two o v e r l a p p i n g and r e a c t i o n a r y p o l i t i c a l trends to i t s l i s t of U.S. imports; i n B.C., they would e f f e c t i v e l y merge, as developments i n the 1980s and e a r l y 1990s paved the way f o r the r i s e to prominence of an a n t i - N a t i v e movement. In one sense, there i s nothing new about s e t t l e r m o b i l i z a t i o n s against Native i n t e r e s t s and i n i t i a t i v e s - i t has been, r a t h e r , a r e c u r r i n g feature of p o l i t i c a l l i f e i n the province s i n c e settlement began. But the n o v e l t y of the most recent round of a n t i - N a t i v e a g i t a t i o n l i e s i n i t s c e n t r a l i t y to a p a r t i c u l a r p o l i t i c a l programme - r i g h t wing populism - and i n i t s f u n c t i o n as an i d e o l o g i c a l response to u n d e r l y i n g s h i f t s i n the s t r u c t u r e of s e t t l e r c a p i t a l i s m ( i n p a r t i c u l a r , the p r o t r a c t e d c r i s i s i n the e x t r a c t i v e i n d u s t r i e s ) . The r e s u l t i s that the p o l i t i c a l b a t t l e over Native r i g h t s has moved to center stage i n B.C. p o l i t i c s f o r the f i r s t time, perhaps, i n the t w e n t i e t h century. Three overlapping p o l i t i c a l dynamics have condensed i n t h i s moment to produce the present conjuncture. The f i r s t was the f l a r e - u p i n the l a t e 1980s of c o n f l i c t s over resource p o l i c y which had been smoldering f o r decades. In a s e r i e s of high p r o f i l e , v a l l e y - b y - v a l l e y c o n f r o n t a t i o n s , F i r s t Quoted i n David Forgacs, ed. An Antonio Gramsci Reader (New York: Schocken, 1988) p. 201. 95 Nations and en v i r o n m e n t a l i s t s ( f r e q u e n t l y working i n a l l i a n c e ) began to contest openly the s u z e r a i n t y of m u l t i n a t i o n a l resource corporations whose o v e r c u t t i n g had consumed much of B.C.'s o l d growth f o r e s t s and threatened 24 the long term v i a b i l i t y of a key economic s e c t o r . Then, i n 1990, the Supreme Court of Canada handed down i t s d e c i s i o n i n Regina v. Sparrow, w i t h f a r - r e a c h i n g 25 i m p l i c a t i o n s f o r the west coast f i s h i n g i n d u s t r y . The f e d e r a l Department of F i s h e r i e s and Oceans, which had disregarded Native f i s h i n g r i g h t s i n B.C. f o r decades, su b o r d i n a t i n g them to the p r e r o g a t i v e s of the commercial and sport f i s h i n g i n d u s t r i e s , was r e q u i r e d to overhaul i t s r e g u l a t o r y scheme to accord Native ceremonial and food f i s h e r i e s a p r i o r i t y second only to conservation 26 requirements. Corporate i n t e r e s t s responded to t h i s Meares I s l a n d , L y a l l I s l a n d , the Carmanah V a l l e y , the S t e i n V a l l e y - these are j u s t some of the f l a s h p o i n t s f o r s t r u g g l e between resource companies and t h e i r opponents i n the 1980s. G l a v i n notes that at the end of the decade, durin g the Oka summer of 1990, there were Native blockades at A l e r t Bay, Agassiz, Fountain, Gitwangak, Kitwancool, Meziadin J u n c t i o n , North Vancouver, O l i v e r , P a v i l i o n , Pemberton, P e n t i c t o n , Toosey and Vernon. See Terry G l a v i n , "Roadblocks to R e c o n c i l i a t i o n " , Georgia Straight, J u l y 7-14, 1995 . 25 Regina v. Sparrow [1990] 1 S.C.R. 1075. 26 The r e s u l t i n g changes, e v e n t u a l l y formulated i n t o a comprehensive A b o r i g i n a l F i s h e r i e s Strategy, were p a l t r y compared to the r e d i s t r i b u t i o n wrought by the Boldt d e c i s i o n i n Washington (where a f u l l 50% of the s t a t e ' s commercial catch was a l l o c a t e d to N a t i v e s ) , but managed nonetheless to provoke i n c r e a s i n g l y v i t r i o l i c a t t a c k s from white f i s h i n g i n t e r e s t s p e r c e i v i n g a threat to t h e i r p r i v i l e g e d access to 96 s e r i e s of setbacks by c r e a t i n g and b a n k r o l l i n g the f r o n t groups - Share B.C., the Forest A l l i a n c e , the B.C. F i s h e r i e s S u r v i v a l C o a l i t i o n - that would form the backbone of a n t i -Native o r g a n i z i n g e f f o r t s . To f u r t h e r t h i s agenda, they forged l i n k s a n t i - N a t i v e and anti-environmental groups i n the U.S., which had by then developed a wealth of experience i n countering l e g i s l a t i v e e f f o r t s to c u r t a i l p r i v a t e 27 i n t e r e s t s . A second f a c t o r was the e l e c t o r a l insurgency of the Reform Party of Canada, dedicated to the p u r s u i t of p o l i t i c a l power using the r i g h t wing p o p u l i s t formula. L i k e Reaganism i n the U.S., the Canadian v e r s i o n of p o p u l i s t r e a c t i o n emerged i n the west and was b a n k r o l l e d a new and r e l a t i v e l y autonomous f r a c t i o n of the bourgeoisie ( i n Reform's case, 28 A l b e r t a o i l barons). Founded i n Vancouver i n 1987 under dwindling f i s h stocks. For an overview of the century-long c o n f l i c t between Native and non-Native f i s h e r s i n B.C., i n c l u d i n g the aftermath of the A b o r i g i n a l F i s h e r i e s Strategy, see Diane Newell, Tangled Webs of History: Indians and the Law in Canada's Pacific Coast Fisheries (Toronto: U n i v e r s i t y of Toronto Press, 1993). On the s i t u a t i o n i n neighboring Washington, see Fay G. Cohen, Treaties on Trial: The Continuing Controversy Over Northwest Indian Fishing Rights ( S e a t t l e : U n i v e r s i t y of Washington, 1986). 27 See G l a v i n , "Roadblocks to R e c o n c i l i a t i o n " . Background on the SHARE B.C., which rose to prominence during i n some of the environmental b a t t l e s of the l a t e 1980s, may be found i n Greenpeace, The Greenpeace Guide to Anti-Environmental Organizations (Berkeley: Odonian Press, 1996) pp. 93-95. 28 See Murray Dobbin, Preston Manning and the Reform Party (Toronto: James Lorimer, 1991) f o r an e v a l u a t i o n of the o r i g i n s and development of the Reform phenomenon. As Mike 97 the l e a d e r s h i p of Preston Manning, the p a r t y developed a p l a t f o r m which combined the standard "hot button" i s s u e s 29 w i t h a facade of d i r e c t , grassroots democracy. Though i t sought i n i t i a l support by promoting i t s e l f as a v o i c e f o r "western a l i e n a t i o n " , i t has managed to transmute r e g i o n a l resentment i n t o b e l l i g e r e n t o p p o s i t i o n to c o n s t i t u t i o n a l r e c o g n i t i o n of Quebecois r i g h t s , couching an aggressive Anglo chauvinism i n terms of " p r o v i n c i a l e q u a l i t y " and o p p o s i t i o n to " s p e c i a l s t a t u s " . I t s prominent r o l e i n the referendum defeat of the 1992 Charlottetown Accord (a package of c o n s t i t u t i o n a l reforms which contained modest concessions to Quebecois and A b o r i g i n a l nationalism) t r a n s l a t e d d i r e c t l y i n t o e l e c t o r a l success i n the 1993 f e d e r a l e l e c t i o n , where i t captured over 50 seats ( i n c l u d i n g 24 of B.C.'s 32 f e d e r a l seats) and narrowly missed forming the o f f i c i a l o p p o s i t i o n . Since then, the main challenge f o r Reform has been to transmogrify i t s e l f from a r e g i o n a l p r o t e s t p a r t y i n t o a n a t i o n a l p o l i t i c a l contender, a p r o j e c t rendered d i f f i c u l t by i t s l a c k l u s t e r performance i n Quebec and Ontario and the c o n t i n u i n g s u s p i c i o n that i t s democratic populism (however i l l u s o r y ) evokes among the dominant f r a c t i o n s of the Canadian bourgeoisie - as one a n a l y s t put i t , the "business community i s a l i t t l e worried about whether Reformers are r e a l l y conservatives or are they Davis has pointed out, Reagan's p o l i t i c a l machine was funded by a number of prominent Sunbelt c a p i t a l i s t s . See Prisoners of the American Dream, pp.171-176. 98 r e a l l y p o p u l i s t s . . . p o p u l i s t s tend to be very e x p l o i t a t i v e of 30 the business community". Nonetheless, since f i r s t e l e c t i n g MPs i n the l a t e 1980s, Reform's main achievement has been to s h i f t the p o l i t i c a l center of g r a v i t y i n Canada s u b s t a n t i a l l y to the r i g h t w i t h a p o l i t i c a l programme that a r t f u l l y h i t c h e s the f a m i l i a r wagon of western p r o t e s t to 31 the " a u t h o r i t a r i a n populism" of Reagan and Thatcher. In c a s t i n g about f o r issues which have the p o t e n t i a l to m o b i l i z e mass support on a n a t i o n a l b a s i s , Reform has i n c r e a s i n g l y focused i t s a t t a c k s upon the "Native agenda". In B.C., Reform's p r o f i l e has been enhanced by the l a r g e number of f e d e r a l seats i t holds, but a l s o because i t s pseudo-populist s t r a t e g i e s have been emulated by the p r o v i n c i a l o p p o s i t i o n p a r t i e s competing to f i l l the vacuum created by the Socred's e l e c t o r a l implosion i n 1991. F i n a l l y , changes i n government, and a s s o c i a t e d changes i n government p o l i c y , marked the beginning of a f u l l - b l o w n backlash. The e l e c t i o n of the NDP i n 1991 and the f e d e r a l 29 I b i d . 30 "Corporate Donors Cold-Shoulder Reform", Vancouver Sun February 10, 1996. The d i s t r i b u t i o n of corporate donations among f e d e r a l p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s r e v e a l s that the L i b e r a l s and T o r i e s remain the p a r t i e s of choice f o r Canada's major cor p o r a t i o n s , f o r c i n g Reform to r e l y on support from other sources. 31 For an i n t e r e s t i n g t h e o r e t i c a l a n a l y s i s of the Reform Party's p o p u l i s t discourse, see Steve Patten, "Preston Manning's Populism: Constr u c t i n g the Common Sense of the 99 L i b e r a l s i n 1993, both committed on paper to the r e s o l u t i o n of Native land claims, served up the p e r f e c t combination of " p a r l o r s o c i a l i s t s " and "bleeding heart" L i b e r a l s on which to p i n the crimes of a New Class. I t a l s o guaranteed the inau g u r a t i o n of the B.C. Treaty process, ensuring a n t i -Native forces a steady flow of o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r demagoguery. In 1994, w i t h the process b a r e l y o f f the ground, the B.C. r i g h t began to manufacture one f a l s e controversy a f t e r another: f i r s t accusing the NDP of s e c r e t l y c u t t i n g "backroom deals" w i t h Natives that threatened the i n t e r e s t s of o r d i n a r y B r i t i s h Columbians; then a s s a i l i n g the e x c l u s i o n of " t h i r d p a r t i e s " from n e g o t i a t i o n s ; and f i n a l l y , when i t became apparent that the NDP was e n t e r i n g i n t o Interim Measures Agreements (IMAs) w i t h F i r s t Nations to l i m i t resource a c t i v i t i e s and ensure Native p o l i c y input i n lands subject to t r e a t y n e g o t i a t i o n s , h o l d i n g these up as proof that the p r o v i n c i a l government was 32 preparing f o r a wholesale s e l l o u t to Natives. In each inst a n c e , a n t i - N a t i v e forces denounced a n e g o t i a t i o n process which was f a r more open and democratic, and f a r l e s s determinative of job s e c u r i t y and economic w e l l - b e i n g , than the resource management d e c i s i o n s that i n d u s t r y and the Common People" Studies in Political Economy 50 (1996) pp.95-132 . 32 See, e.g., B.C. Report, June 6, 1994; Vancouver Sun, September 19, 1994; B.C. Report, A p r i l 10, 1995; Native Issues Monthly, September, 1994. 100 v a r i o u s l e v e l s of government r o u t i n e l y make behind c l o s e d 33 doors. SUMMER OF HATE We are so cl o s e to v i o l e n c e i n r u r a l B.C. that i t ' s not even funny 34 Reform MP Mike Scott The steady clamour generated by a n t i - N a t i v e f o r c e s i n 1993 and 1994 reached a crescendo i n the s p r i n g and summer of 1995, when B.C. F i r s t Nations launched the most intense round of p r o t e s t s since the Oka-inspired r e s i s t a n c e of 1990. The main t a r g e t s of s e t t l e r f u r y were a s e r i e s of roadblocks e s t a b l i s h e d by d i f f e r e n t F i r s t Nations to p r o t e s t ongoing s e t t l e r infringements on t r a d i t i o n a l t e r r i t o r i e s and a c t i v i t i e s and to secure input i n t o d e c i s i o n s regarding environmental and resource p o l i c i e s . In May and June, the Upper N i c o l a F i r s t Nation blocked access to the Douglas Lake Ranch near M e r r i t t to p r o t e s t attempts to prevent f i s h i n g i n a n c e s t r a l lakes l o c a t e d on ranch property; f o r most of the s p r i n g and summer, the Adams Lake, L i t t l e Shuswap, and As Sun columnist Stephen Hume pointed out, Gordon Campbell, leader of the L i b e r a l o p p o s i t i o n and outspoken c r i t i c of the supposed "secrecy" surrounding t r e a t y n e g o t i a t i o n s , had himself signed a p r o t o c o l ( i n h i s former c a p a c i t y as c h a i r of the Union of B.C. M u n i c i p a l i t i e s ) which gave m u n i c i p a l i t i e s the power to exclude the p u b l i c from c o n s u l t a t i o n s w i t h the p r o v i n c i a l government on t r e a t y implementation. Vancouver Sun, December 20, 1995. 34 Quoted i n G l a v i n , "Roadblocks to R e c o n c i l i a t i o n " . 101 N e s k o n l i t h F i r s t Nations maintained a roadblock along the access road to Adams Lake to prevent c o n s t r u c t i o n of an RV park on t r a d i t i o n a l b u r i a l grounds; from l a t e J u l y t o mid-September, the province (and the country) was t r a n s f i x e d by the tense standoff at Gustafsen Lake; and i n the f a l l , the Pe n t i c t o n F i r s t Nation began b u i l d i n g bunkers above the access road to Apex as part of t h e i r ongoing o p p o s i t i o n t o the expansion of a s k i r e s o r t . 3 5 Media accounts, c o n t i n u i n g the l o c a l t r a d i t i o n of aggressive white supremacy and r a c i s t fearmongering begun by Amor de Cosmos i n the 1860s, dwelled on the harassment, i n t i m i d a t i o n and hardship to which l o c a l whites were subjected by t h i s rash of "Indian u p r i s i n g s " . Residents spoke of being "close to c i v i l war" and "sl e e p i n g w i t h guns at the si d e of t h e i r 36 beds". Pundits and o p p o s i t i o n p o l i t i c i a n s r a i l e d against Native " t e r r o r i s t s " and "thugs" h o l d i n g the province hostage to t h e i r o u t l a n d i s h demands, c a l l i n g f o r the use of f o r c e to demonstrate that B r i t i s h Columbians had "zero t o l e r a n c e " f o r 37 Native blockades. They c a s t i g a t e d the NDP f o r being "weak kneed" and "too s o f t on the Indians" (a p e r c e p t i o n the government t r i e d e v e n t u a l l y to d i s p e l l w i t h t h e i r A f r i k a n e r -s t y l e handling of the Gustafsen Lake s t a n d o f f ) . August 35 See Jacquie A l l e n , "A Year of Continuing C o n f i c t s " , Native Issues Monthly, December 1995, p.18. 36 Vancouver Sun, 19 J u l y and 2 9 August, 1995. 102 witnessed the formation of yet another a n t i - N a t i v e group, the Federation f o r I n d i v i d u a l Rights and E q u a l i t y (FIRE), composed mainly of outraged r e s i d e n t s from areas t a r g e t e d by Native p r o t e s t s . Organized by a former aide to a P e n t i c t o n -area Reform MP, the group claimed that "the s o - c a l l e d land-claims settlements which these government's propose exceed a l l l e g a l entitlement and w i l l destroy the l i v e l i h o o d s of many' c i t i z e n s and communities", and by summer's end was 38 c l a i m i n g to have signed up thousands of angry whites. With a p r o v i n c i a l e l e c t i o n looming, the r i g h t wing p a r t i e s rushed to cash i n on a r i s i n g t i d e of p u b l i c exasperation that they had l a r g e l y helped to foment. In the summer and f a l l of 1995, each issued p o l i c y statements d i s p l a y i n g t h e i r w i l l i n g n e s s , a l a John Wayne, to defend white r i g h t s against u p p i t y Indians. Gordon Campbell, f o r example, borrowing d i r e c t l y from U.S. a n t i - N a t i v e groups, began e l e c t i o n e e r i n g w i t h a c a l l f o r "one law f o r a l l B r i t i s h Columbians", and l a t e r threatened to "tear up any Nisga'a d e a l " which f a i l e d 39 to respect that p r i n c i p l e . In September, the f e d e r a l Reform p a r t y announced i t s own a b o r i g i n a l p o l i c y , the 37 See, e.g., Vancouver Sun, 31 May, 2 June, 1995. 38 "Group aims to change p o l i c y on Indian a f f a i r s " , Vancouver Sun, 20 September, 1995; "FIRE the Ne g o t i a t o r s " , B.C. Report, 28 August, 1995. 39 See B.C. L i b e r a l s , "Discussion Paper: A b o r i g i n a l Treaty Negotions", June 21, 1995; and John Malcomson, "One Law f o r 103 c u l m i n a t i o n of a much a d v e r t i s e d s e r i e s of "town h a l l meetings" conducted f o r the pa r t y f a i t h f u l i n B.C. and Ontario. U l t i m a t e l y , the p o l i c i e s of a l l the p a r t i e s emphasize the same p r i n c i p l e s : a pseudo-democratic emphasis on p u b l i c p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n n e g o t i a t i o n s , and r a t i f i c a t i o n of r e s u l t i n g t r e a t i e s , t y p i c a l l y through some form of referendum; a s t i p u l a t i o n that self-government be l i m i t e d to the municipal form a v a i l a b l e to other B r i t i s h Columbians, and s t r i c t l y subordinate to p r o v i n c i a l and f e d e r a l l e g i s l a t u r e s ; an i n s i s t e n c e that settlements should c o n s i s t p r i m a r i l y of cash, not land, and be "a f f o r d a b l e " to Canadian taxpayers; and a demand that t r e a t i e s should e s t a b l i s h " c e r t a i n t y " by e x p l i c i t l y e x t i n g u i s h i n g a b o r i g i n a l r i g h t s i n 40 areas excluded from the settlements. The hypo c r i s y of these requirements was n e a t l y captured i n one l e t t e r t o the Vancouver Sun, which p o i n t e d l y asked "those who want a t r e a t y that e l i m i n a t e s u n c e r t a i n t y , or guarantees that no one w i l l f e e l a b e t t e r deal could have been reached" what s o r t of model they envisioned: "the BNA Act, perhaps? NAFTA? 41 The Sun's c o l l e c t i v e agreement w i t h i t s unions?". ANTI-NATIVE NATIVISM A l l : B.C. L i b e r a l s U n v e i l Treaty P o l i c y " , Native Issues Monthly J u l y 19 95; Vancouver Sun, 2 0 November, 1995. 40 A comparison of the B.C. L i b e r a l and Reform B.C. p o s i t i o n s may be found i n the Vancouver Sun, June 28, 1995. 41 Vancouver Sun, 21 March 19 96. 104 Native t r e a t i e s w i l l change B.C. f o r e v e r . W i l l i t be E q u a l i t y or Apartheid?... Should B.C. be d i v i d e d i n t o a patchwork of j u r i s d i c t i o n s w i t h d i f f erent laws f o r d i f f e r e n t types of Canadians? Do you want your c h i l d r e n to grow up and r a i s e f a m i l i e s i n a r a c i a l l y segregated B r i t i s h Columbia? B.C. F i s h e r i e s S u r v i v a l C o a l i t i o n pamphlet, 1996 The p o s i t i o n s staked out by these p a r t i e s , along w i t h a l l i e d lobby groups, resource c o r p o r a t i o n s , and media pundits, represent a complex a r t i c u l a t i o n of race, n a t i o n and 42 c l a s s . F i r s t l y , as Schwarz suggests i n h i s a n a l y s i s of s e t t l e r i s m ' s denouement i n Southern Rhodesia, d e c o l o n i z a t i o n s t r u g g l e s become the occasion f o r a dramatic r e -e t h n i c i z a t i o n of the s e t t l e r populace, which suddenly r e d i s c o v e r s and r e a s s e r t s i t s (white) caste i d e n t i t y i n the 43 face of Native resurgence. Popular chauvinism i s p r o d u c t i v e l y fused w i t h broader economic a n x i e t i e s , and a new demonology emerges, f e a t u r i n g the multi-dimensional f i g u r e of the threatening Native: armed Natives, s p o r t i n g U n l i k e other contexts, so f a r gender has not been e x p l i c i t l y c a l l e d i n t o p l a y i n the p o l i t i c a l j o c k e y i n g surrounding t r e a t y n e g o t i a t i o n s , perhaps because p u b l i c discourse i s f i r m l y c o n t r o l l e d by the predominantly male l e a d e r s h i p on both s i d e s . This c o n t r a s t s w i t h the r o l e played, f o r example, by the Native Women's A s s o c i a t i o n of Canada i n the c o n t r o v e r s i e s surrounding the Charlottetown Accord. See J o e l C. Bakan and Michael Smith, "Rights, N a t i o n a l i s m and S o c i a l Movements i n Canadian C o n s t i t u t i o n a l P o l i t i c s " , Social and Legal Studies 4 (1995) pp.367-390. 43 B i l l Schwarz, "The only white man i n there: the r e -r a c i a l i s a t i o n of England, 1956-1968" Race and Class 38 (1996) pp.65-78. The slippage between s e t t l e r and white i s a s i g n i f i c a n t f a c t o r , the a n a l y s i s of which i s beyond the scope of the present d i s c u s s i o n . C l e a r l y , however, not a l l s e t t l e r s are "white", though many w i l l have i n t e r n a l i z e d the values of a system based on white and settler supremacy. 105 masks and camouflage gear, erect roadblocks to destroy p u b l i c order and s a f e t y ; t r i b a l i s t Natives c l a i m i n g sovereignty and self-government, seek to dismember the Canadian body p o l i t i c ; greedy Natives, m i l k i n g the s t a t e f o r welfare handouts and t r e a t y settlements, d r a i n the p u b l i c purse; e c o l o g i c a l Natives, opposing resource development, threaten jobs and economic growth. At work here i s a process of r e v e r s a l , not simply of r e a l i t y - the i d e o l o g i c a l i n v e r s i o n of the a c t u a l r e l a t i o n s of force i n a s e t t l e r formation - but of the t r a d i t i o n a l m o d a l i t i e s of r a c i s t r e p r e s e n t a t i o n . Gone are the confident a s s e r t i o n s of white supremacy and n a t i v e subhumanity c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of an e a r l i e r p e r i o d ; now i t i s white s e t t l e r s who are the weak, the oppressed, the c o l o n i z e d . I t i s s e t t l e r s who today face d i s p o s s e s s i o n (Natives c l a i m 110% of Province, trumpets the Vancouver Sun); who r i s k disenfranchisement at the hands of Native governments ("if denying a vote to people because they were Indian was wrong before, how can i t be any l e s s wrong to deny v o t i n g r i g h t s because they are white?" asks 44 the C o u n c i l of Forest I n d u s t r i e s ) ' and who must confront the p o t e n t i a l l o s s of l i v e l i h o o d s and t r a d i t i o n a l ways of l i f e ( " i f the NDP succeeds i n g i v i n g away t h i s great province, what w i l l you t e l l your c h i l d r e n and t h e i r "Negotiations and the T h i r d Party Experience: The Precedent of Nisga'a?"; speech d e l i v e r e d by M a r l i e Beets, V i c e - P r e s i d e n t , A b o r i g i n a l A f f a i r s , C o uncil of Forest I n d u s t r i e s , to the Share B.C. Conference, Pr i n c e George, B.C., March 3 1996. 106 c h i l d r e n a f t e r them?" implores the Nanaimo-based A l l 45 Canadian's Equal). This emerging "white v i c t i m o l o g y " p a r a l l e l s the attempts i n other "backlash" contexts, such as the debates over a f f i r m a t i v e a c t i o n , p o l i t i c a l c o r r e c t n e s s , and " f a l s e memory syndrome", to p o r t r a y the powerful and 46 p r i v i l e g e d as v i c t i m s , and the powerless as v i c t i m i z e r s . But the focus of t h i s backlash i s not as s t r a i g h t - f o r w a r d as i t f i r s t seems. In t h i s discourse, Native people themselves are t y p i c a l l y t a r g eted i n d i r e c t l y , through what St u a r t H a l l c a l l s " i n f e r e n t i a l racism" i n which the chosen codewords invoke by connotation a whole r e p o s i t o r y of r a c i s t imagery sedimented over long h i s t o r i c a l periods i n the c o l l e c t i v e 47 memory of white settlerdom. At the same time, the p o s i t i o n of Natives v i s - a - v i s the s t a t e i s d i r e c t l y The i n f l a t e d c l a i m appeared i n a banner headline i n the Vancouver Sun, A p r i l 1, 1995; the f e a r of white disenfranchisement i s expressed i n Beets, "Negotiations and the T h i r d Party Experience"; and the lament from A l l Canadians Equal i s quoted i n G l a v i n , "Roadblocks to R e c o n c i l i a t i o n " . 46 For an overview of t h i s new v i c t i m o l o g y , w i t h a p a r t i c u l a r focus on the p o l i t i c s of male v i o l e n c e against women and c h i l d r e n , see Annabel Webb, Misty Water Colored Mysogyny: The Politics of False Memory Syndrome, unpublished M.A. t h e s i s , Department of C o u n s e l l i n g Psychology, U.B.C, 1996 . 47 See Stuart H a l l , "The Whites of Their Eyes: R a c i s t Ideologies and the Media", i n Manuel Alvarado and John O. Thompson, eds., The Media Reader (London: B r i t i s h F i l m I n s t i t u t e , 1990) pp.7-23. Thus, f o r example, references to "welfare dependency" r e a d i l y conjure up images of the " l a z y " or "drunken Indian". I 107 attacked. Indeed, these standard images seem to bear out B a l i b a r ' s c l a i m that "modern racism i s never simply a r e l a t i o n to the o t h e r . . . i t i s a r e l a t i o n s h i p to the other mediated by the i n t e r v e n t i o n of the state,-...a c o n f l i c t u a l r e l a t i o n s h i p to the s t a t e which i s ' l i v e d ' d i s t o r t e d l y and 48 'projected' as a r e l a t i o n s h i p to the Other". In contemporary B.C., the true marker of Native d i f f e r e n c e , and focus of white s e t t l e r antipathy, i s a " s p e c i a l s t a t u s " conferred by the s t a t e : s e t t l e r a n tipathy d e r i v e s from the p e r c e p t i o n that Natives are exempt from c e r t a i n taxes; r e c e i v e massive amounts of government money; have t h e i r own governments which e x e r c i s e s p e c i a l powers; and are not punished when they break the law. I t i s perhaps accurate to say, then, that we are d e a l i n g w i t h a new modality of white supremacy, f e a t u r i n g n e i t h e r the b i o l o g i c a l racism of the pre-World War I I p e r i o d , nor the c u l t u r a l racism that r e p l a c e d i t , but a " p o l i t i c a l racism" that focuses on d i f f e r e n t i a l i n c o r p o r a t i o n i n t o the s t a t e as c i t i z e n s . I t i s no accident that the r i g h t fastens on government a d m i n i s t r a t i o n as the key locus f o r the production of r a c i a l d i v i s i o n s , f o r i t enables simultaneously the d e f l e c t i o n of charges of racism and promotion of an a n t i - s t a t i s t agenda. A n t i - N a t i v e forces can d i s c l a i m racism, because they do not Etienne B a l i b a r , "Is there a Neo-Racism" i n B a l i b a r and Immanuel W a l l e r s t e i n , Race, Nation, (London: Verso, 1991). Etienne Class 108 blame Natives f o r t h i s s o r r y s t a t e of a f f a i r s . ("I've got a l o t of s e n s i t i v i t y on the Native i s s u e " declares Reform MP John Duncan; "Not the Enemy" declares the e d i t o r i a l i n the 49 l o c a l business magazine.) Instead, i t i s governments, managed by cadres of the New Class, which must be he l d r e s p o n s i b l e f o r t h e i r b e t r a y a l of "ordinary Canadians", Native and non-Native a l i k e . The Reform Party's A b o r i g i n a l Task Force sums up t h i s stance: "Many 'rank and f i l e ' a b o r i g i n a l people view the m u l t i -b i l l i o n d o l l a r DIAND and the e n t i r e 'Indian Industry' (made up p r i m a r i l y of lawyers, c o n s u l t a n t s , a d v i s o r s , n e g o t i a t o r s , and some of the Indian leadership) as s e l f - s e r v i n g i n t e r e s t s . Past and present governments as w e l l as the 'Indian i n d u s t r y ' have f o s t e r e d d i v i s i o n s along r a c i a l l i n e s , are undemocratic and th e r e f o r e unaccountable to the people they s e r v e . . . . " 5 0 I t i s government that i s the true promoter of racism, drawing d i s t i n c t i o n s on the b a s i s of race. The a n t i - N a t i v e f o r c e s are the true " a n t i - r a c i s t s " , because they oppose the 49 Duncan, as A b o r i g i n a l A f f a i r s c r i t i c , i s p o i n t man f o r Reform's media campaign to i n c i t e h y s t e r i a among non-Nativ e s . He was quoted i n the Vancouver Sun, September, 19, 1994; the e d i t o r i a l appeared i n Equity, September 1995. 5 0 Reform Party of Canada, A b o r i g i n a l A f f a i r s Task Force Report, October 6, 1995. See a l s o the background paper prepared by John Duncan a f t e r the s i g n i n g of the Nisga'a 109 f o s t e r i n g of r a c i a l d i v i s i o n s , the extension (through t r e a t i e s ) of Canadian apartheid. The remedies proposed f o r t h i s s i t u a t i o n are i n t r i g u i n g . The o v e r a l l o b j e c t i v e i s the a b o l i t i o n , or at l e a s t the d r a s t i c m inimization, of d i f f e r e n t i a l s t a t u s . Natives are to be a s s i m i l a t e d i n t o the mainstream economically and p o l i t i c a l l y , the residue of d i f f e r e n c e s a f e l y consigned t o a realm of c u l t u r e abstracted from any m a t e r i a l b a s i s . (Here we see how a n t i - N a t i v e racism diverges from the neo-racism described by B a l i b a r , which c h a s t i s e s government, p r i m a r i l y i n the area of immigration, f o r d i s m a n t l i n g r a c i a l boundaries and thereby f a i l i n g to respect immutable c u l t u r a l d i f f e r e n c e . ) The s e t t l e r program f o r a s s i m i l a t i o n of n a t i v e s i s at one and the same time a program f o r s i m u l a t i o n , f o r e n f o r c i n g sameness. To accomplish t h i s w i l l r e q u i r e the displacement of government, i n two re s p e c t s : p u b l i c p a r t i c i p a t i o n w i l l be increased v i a a v a r i e t y of p o p u l i s t mechanisms (free l e g i s l a t i v e votes, referenda, c o n s u l t a t i o n s ) , thereby reducing the d i s c r e t i o n of government e l i t e s ; second, the bur e a u c r a t i c d i s t i n c t i o n s between n a t i v e and non-Native w i l l be e l i m i n a t e d by di s m a n t l i n g the DIAND. Lur k i n g throughout t h i s l o o k i n g - g l a s s world i s the specter of the market. The st r u g g l e between s e t t l e r and Native Agreement i n P r i n c i p l e , "What the Nisga'a Deal Means to 110 always today occurs on a t e r r a i n p r e s t r u c t u r e d by a c a p i t a l i s t economy. Though i t i s i n t e g r a l to much of the discourse on Native r i g h t s - i n the c a l l s f o r s e l f -s u f f i c i e n c y , the fears that self-government w i l l mean more bu r e a u c r a t i c r e g u l a t i o n , the constant clamour about costs -i t i s most evident i n r e l a t i o n to the p e r e n n i a l question of land where, as Kuper observes, " d i a l e c t i c a l o p p o s i t i o n between n a t i v e s and s e t t l e r s i s p a r t i c u l a r l y marked." 5 1 The b a s i c o b j e c t i v e of the a n t i - n a t i v e forces i s to minimize the extent of n a t i v e commmunal ownership and maximize the amount of p r i v a t e property, p r e f e r a b l y under s e t t l e r c o n t r o l . Thus, i n a s i n i s t e r r e p l i c a t i o n of the " l o c a t i o n t i c k e t s " system imposed on Indian reserves i n the 19th century, Reform proposes that i n d i v i d u a l band members be permitted t o convert t h e i r share of t r e a t y settlement land i n t o fee simple p a r c e l s ; while the L i b e r a l s s t r e t c h the d e f i n i t i o n of p r i v a t e property to include the v a r i o u s forms of resource tenure (range leases, t r e e farm l i c e n s e s , e t c . ) , thereby i n s u l a t i n g the bulk of valuable p r o v i n c i a l land from c l a i m s ; and Reform B.C. urges the e x c l u s i o n of land from t r e a t y settlements a l t o g e t h e r . A l l three p a r t i e s demand assurances You", March, 1996. 5 1 L. Kuper, " P o l i t i c a l Change i n White S e t t l e r S o c i e t i e s : The P o s s i b i l i t y of Peaceful Democratization" i n L. Kuper and M.G. Smith, eds, Pluralism in A f r i c a (Berkeley: U n i v e r s i t y of C a l i f o r n i a , 1969) pp.169-193. I l l that p r i v a t e property r i g h t s w i l l not be a f f e c t e d . This l o g i c i s extended to the p o i n t of a b s u r d i t y by the Fraser I n s t i t u t e , which suggests that i n l i e u of land claims settlements the province p r i v a t i z e a l l Crown land, p e r m i t t i n g sympathetic s e t t l e r s to convey t h e i r e n t i t l e m e n t s . •«•• . • 53 to N a t i v e s . THE SOCIALISM OF REDNECKS As long as you t h i n k you're white, there's no hope f o r you. 54 James Baldwin, The Price of the Ticket The popular grievances that Reform and the p r o v i n c i a l r i g h t -wing p a r t i e s draws upon are not i l l u s o r y , but flow d i r e c t l y from the c o n t r a d i c t i o n s embedded i n the very s t r u c t u r e of s e t t l e r c a p i t a l i s m . In a c l a s s i c b a it-and-switch o p e r a t i o n , they seek to channel the profound a l i e n a t i o n and a n t i p a t h y generated by a s o c i a l formation based on power and domination i n t o h o s t i l i t y toward those without power. They can do so because h i s t o r i c a l l y the s u b a l t e r n s t r a t a of the s e t t l e r caste have been accorded a modicum of power and p r i v i l e g e i n r e l a t i o n to Natives, i n exchange f o r t h e i r a l l e g i a n c e to a system which e x p l o i t s them. I t i s t h i s 52 See Reform Party of Canada, " A b o r i g i n a l A f f a i r s Task Force Report"; Malcomson, "One Law For A l l " ; and 53 Owen L i p p e r t , Out of Our Past: A New Perspective on Aboriginal Land Claims (Vancouver: Fraser I n s t i t u t e , 1995) . 112 h i s t o r i c compromise which Baldwin c a l l s the " p r i c e of the t i c k e t " , and which forms the necessary p r e c o n d i t i o n p o p u l i s t a n t i - N a t i v i s m . Thus, the r i g h t wing p a r t i e s demand an end to s p e c i a l s t a t u s f o r Natives, not the white male r u l i n g c l a s s . They object to claims by the indigenous m i n o r i t y f o r land and separate government, but encourage the massive c o n c e n t r a t i o n of wealth and power under p r i v a t e c o n t r o l . They i n s i s t on democratization of the t r e a t y process, but not of government and c i v i l s o c i e t y i n general. They decry Native tax exemptions and welfare dependency, but smiles on corporate tax evasion and s u b s i d i e s . 5 5 And they f e a r that self-government w i l l fragment the Canadian s t a t e i n t o hundreds of t r i b a l enclaves, but promote a corporate agenda whose f i s c a l , trade and r e g u l a t o r y p o l i c i e s a l r eady t h r e a t e n d i s i n t e g r a t i o n . Meanwhile, w i t h p u b l i c a t t e n t i o n thus d i v e r t e d , the r e s t r u c t u r i n g of the B.C. resource economy continues apace. Thousands of f o r e s t r y jobs have been l o s t i n the 1980s and 90s, not due to environmental " o v e r - r e g u l a t i o n " or Native Quoted i n David Roediger, Towards the A b o l i t i o n of Whiteness: Essays on Race, Politics and Working Class History (London: Verso, 1994). 5 5 For a p a r t i a l l i s t of the d i r e c t and i n d i r e c t government s u b s i d i e s to Canadian c o r p o r t a t i o n s , see N e i l Brooks, "Tax Breaks f o r the Rich", Canadian Dimension January-February, 1994, pp.6-10. 113 claims, but to mechanization and downsizing. In the f i s h i n g i n d u s t r y , where the F i s h e r i e s S u r v i v a l C o a l i t i o n repeatedly stages s i t - i n s at DFO o f f i c e s and blockades Native f i s h i n g v e s s e l s to p r o t e s t a " r a c i a l l y segregated f i s h e r y " , the West coast seems headed f o r a Newfoundland scenario, as corporate concentration, promoted by the f e d e r a l L i b e r a l s through i t s s o - c a l l e d " M i f f l i n p l a n " , puts a s t r a n g l e h o l d on the independent operators, c o a s t a l communities, and healthy f i s h stocks that are the foundations of a s u s t a i n a b l e f i s h e r y (Terry G l a v i n has p o i n t e d out that i n a good year, two companies o b t a i n more 57 f i s h than a l l the Native people i n B.C. combined). B.C. mining companies are i n c r e a s i n g l y l o o k i n g outside the province f o r p r o f i t a b l e ventures. Yet few i f any observers speak of the corporate threat to economic s e c u r i t y or n a t i o n a l u n i t y , or government appeasement of major resource companies p r e s s i n g f o r reduced r e g u l a t i o n or g r e a t e r s u b s i d i e s . Nor i s anyone c a l l i n g f o r "openness" or popular referenda when i n d u s t r y and p o l i t i c i a n s emerge from p r i v a t e 5 6 See Ben P a r f i t t , " W i l l We Beat Our Forests t o a Pulp?", Georgia Straight, March 7-14, 1996. P a r f i t t notes that i n 1980, there were 1.5 f u l l time jobs generated f o r every 1000 m3 logged, while i n 1990 the f i g u r e had been reduced to 1. Throughout the 198 0s, an average of 2 000 jobs per year were l o s t due to i n c r e a s i n g l y automated and " e f f i c i e n t " l o g g i n g and m i l l i n g . 57 Terry G l a v i n , "Shooting F i s h i n a B a r r e l " , Georgia Straight June 13-20, 1996. As G l a v i n argues, the M i f f l i n p l a n , though couched i n the r h e t o r i c of s u s t a i n a b i l i t y and conservation, i s i n f a c t a b l u e p r i n t f o r the c r e a t i o n of a 114 meetings to announce new d i s p o s i t i o n s of p u b l i c resources. A l l of t h i s i s t r i b u t e to the massive c o n j u r i n g t r i c k performed by the major corporations and t h e i r spoilsmen who are t r y i n g to p i t the subordinate s t r a t a among the s e t t l e r caste against Native people i n a zero-sum game, while e f f e c t i v e l y s t i f l i n g a genuine p u b l i c debate on the f u t u r e of a s t a p l e s economy wi t h a dwindling endowment of n a t u r a l resources. In general, t h e r e f o r e , i t i s p o s s i b l e to see the programme of the B.C. Right as an attempt to d i s p l a c e popular a n t i -e l i t i s m onto Natives, d i s s o l v i n g a c t u a l and p o t e n t i a l s o l i d a r i t i e s and b l u n t i n g more r a d i c a l forms of consciousness. In t h i s sense, Natives i n contemporary B.C. have begun to serve a p o l i t i c a l f u n c t i o n s i m i l a r to that of the Jews i n pre-war Europe, where f a s c i s t p a r t i e s invoked h i s t o r i c a l l y rooted myths of a wealthy, powerful and c o n s p i r a t o r i a l "enemy w i t h i n " to a i d i n the defeat of 58 p r o g r e s s i v e f o r c e s . I f a n t i - s e m i t i s m i n Europe was and i s the " s o c i a l i s m of f o o l s " , then perhaps i n today's B.C. a n t i -indigenism i s best described as "the s o c i a l i s m of rednecks". " h i g h l y c a p i t a l i z e d , high-tech, urban-based f l e e t " , a v e r i t a b l e g i f t horse to B.C.'s l a r g e s t f i s h i n g companies. 58 For an a n a l y s i s of the p o l i t i c a l uses of anti-Semitism, see B a l i b a r , "Is There a Neo-Racism?". 115 - 4 -CANARIES IN A COALMINE: THE GUSTAFSEN LAKE STANDOFF AND THE REMILITARIZATION OF SETTLER SECURITY F i r s t we must study how c o l o n i z a t i o n works to d e c i v i l i z e the c o l o n i z e r , to b r u t a l i z e him i n the true sense of the word, to degrade him, to awaken him to bu r i e d i n s t i n c t s , to covetousness, v i o l e n c e , race hatred, and moral r e l a t i v i s m ; . . . and at the end of a l l these t r e a t i e s that have been v i o l a t e d , a l l these l i e s that have been propagated, a l l these p u n i t i v e expeditions that have been t o l e r a t e d , a l l these p r i s o n e r s who have been t i e d up and 'i n t e r r o g a t e d ' , a l l these p a t r i o t s who have been t o r t u r e d , at the end of a l l the r a c i a l p r i d e vthat has been encouraged, a l l the boas t f u l n e s s that has been d i s p l a y e d , a poison has been i n s t i l l e d i n t o the veins of Europe and, sl o w l y but s u r e l y , the continent proceeds toward savagery. Aime Cesaire Discourse on Colonialism^ Massacre i s one of the l a s t r e s o r t s of the government i n s t a b l e i n d u s t r i a l s o c i e t i e s , since (unless d i r e c t e d at ou t s i d e r s of one kind" or another) i t destroys the impression of popular consent on which they r e s t . 2 E r i c Hobsbawm As we saw i n the preceding chapter, both d i r e c t p o l i t i c a l a c t i o n by A b o r i g i n a l Nations and the commencement of the B.C. Treaty process have provoked f e v e r i s h e f f o r t s to mo b i l i z e the s e t t l e r populace i n defence of the s t a t u s quo. The current round of treatymaking o r i g i n a t e d during the t w i l i g h t of the Socred dynasty, as B i l l Van der Zalm and the other epigones of W.A.C. Bennet b e l a t e d l y recognized the prudence of r e t o o l i n g the machinery of s e t t l e r r u l e . When Aime Cesaire, Discourse on Colonialism (New York: Monthly Review, 1978), p.15 . 116 Mike Harcourt's New Democrats succeeded the Socreds i n 1991, they vowed to c a r r y forward, and even extend, t h e i r own longstanding commitment to r e s o l v i n g Native claims, p r e s e n t i n g i t as the only v i a b l e a l t e r n a t i v e to the seemingly endless s e r i e s of Native court challenges, blockades, and p r o t e s t s which had c h a r a c t e r i z e d the Socred denouement. In 1991, the NDP accepted the f i n a l r eport of the B.C. Land Claims Task Force, a s e l e c t committee e s t a b l i s h e d by the Socreds to design a "made-in-B.C." format f o r modern day t r e a t y n e g o t i a t i o n s i n v o l v i n g the p r o v i n c i a l government, the f e d e r a l government, and B.C.'s A b o r i g i n a l Nations. The r e p o r t ' s f i r s t recommendation was that "the F i r s t Nations, Canada, and B r i t i s h Columbia e s t a b l i s h a new r e l a t i o n s h i p based on mutual t r u s t , respect, and 3 understanding - through p o l i t i c a l n e g o t i a t i o n s . " F i v e years l a t e r , the gangrenous s t a t e of r e l a t i o n s between s e t t l e r s and Natives i n B.C. suggests that the fundamental c o n t r a d i c t i o n between A b o r i g i n a l Nationalism and a resource-based s e t t l e r c a p i t a l i s m i s not so r e a d i l y d i s s o l v e d . The NDP has spent recent years backpedaling from i t s e a r l i e r pledges, p a r t l y due to f i s c a l c o n s t r a i n t s and p a r t l y because of the pressure a p p l i e d by the province's a n t i - N a t i v e "May 1968" i n Revolutionaries (London: Quartet, 1977) pp.234-244, p.237. 3 B r i t i s h Columbia, The Report of the B r i t i s h Columbia Land Claims Task Force, June 28, 1991, p. 19. 117 fronde, f o r whom r e c o n c i l i a t i o n , however nominal and d e f e r e n t i a l to t h e i r i n t e r e s t s , represents the death k n e l l of the White Nation. On the other hand, there are growing signs of d i s q u i e t among the supposed b e n e f i c i a r i e s of treatymaking, the A b o r i g i n a l Nations, a s u b s t a n t i a l m i n o r i t y of which regard the treatymaking process as an i n s i d i o u s form of " d e c o l o n i z a t i o n from above", a c a l c u l a t e d e f f o r t to subvert A b o r i g i n a l sovereignty and e x t i n g u i s h A b o r i g i n a l 4 r i g h t s . Indeed, i f nothing e l s e , the blockades mounted by the P e n t i c t o n , Upper N i c o l a and Adams Lake bands i n 1995 ought to have served as an emphatic reminder to the a r c h i t e c t s of indigenous Home Rule that the days of m i l i t a n t r e s i s t a n c e were f a r from over. 5 In t h i s chapter, I want to explore the most s i g n a l i nstance of m i l i t a n t A b o r i g i n a l r e s i s t a n c e yet to d i s r u p t the o f f i c i a l agenda f o r a " p o s t - c o l o n i a l " B r i t i s h Columbia, namely, the armed standoff at Gustafsen Lake which t r a n s f i x e d the province f o r 31 days during the long, hot "Indian Summer" of 1995 and once again a t t r a c t e d n a t i o n a l and i n t e r n a t i o n a l a t t e n t i o n to Canada's " s e t t l e r problem". See "Native Indians s p l i t on t r e a t y - t a l k s process", Vancouver Sun, September 25, 1995. See a l s o the views expressed by members of the Okanagan Nation i n Lee Maracle, et a l . , We Get Our Living Like Milk From the Land (Penticton: Theytus Books, 1993/94). 5 Jacquie A l l e n , "Acts of Resistance: An Assessment", Native Issues Monthly, May 1995. 118 From mid-August, t h i s picturesque Cariboo lake, l o c a t e d 3 5 km west of the I n t e r i o r m i l l t o w n of 100 M i l e House i n the heart of the t r a d i t i o n a l t e r r i t o r y of the Secwepemc (Shuswap) Nation, was the scene of a p a r a m i l i t a r y o p e r a t i o n - touted by the Vancouver Sun as "the l a r g e s t since the Mounties marched west to b r i n g s t a b i l i t y to the P r a i r i e s " -which would u l t i m a t e l y cost 5.5 m i l l i o n d o l l a r s and i n v o l v e more than 4 00 RCMP and Canadian Forces personnel. 6 The tar g e t of t h i s massive m o b i l i z a t i o n was a group of eighteen Secwepemc s o v e r e i g n t i s t s and t h e i r supporters, who refused to abandon the sacred Sundance s i t e at Ts'peten (the 7 Secwepemc name f o r Gustafsen Lake). As s o v e r e i g n t i s t s , the Sundancers (who would e v e n t u a l l y p roclaim themselves to be the Ts'peten Defenders) pointed to the absence of t r e a t i e s i n B.C. as a b a s i s f o r r e j e c t i n g both the v a l i d i t y of s e t t l e r land ownership and the j u r i s d i c t i o n of s e t t l e r governments on "unceded Secwepemc t e r r i t o r y " . They i n s i s t e d t hat the dispute be adjudicated by an independent, t h i r d p a r t y t r i b u n a l . Of course, to the s e t t l e r regime such claims were simply i n a d m i s s i b l e , and l o c a l white power brokers, i n c l u d i n g the p u t a t i v e owner of the lak e , c a t t l e See " A l l the news th a t ' s f i t to...be manipulated", Vancouver Sun, September 22, 1995; and "RCMP overtime b i l l h i t $3.3 m i l l i o n at standoff", Vancouver Sun, January 6, 1996. I n c i d e n t a l l y , I have used "Secwepemc" (pronounced Sh-wep-m), r a t h e r than the more commonly recognized Shuswap, throughout t h i s chapter. 7 Ts'peten i s pronounced "Ch-pat-n". 119 rancher L y l e James, began threatening to take the law i n t o t h e i r own hands. Before long, the c o n f r o n t a t i o n had e s c a l a t e d , i n the hands of a pugnacious RCMP, desperate p r o v i n c i a l government, and s e r v i l e f i f t h e s t a t e , i n t o a f u l l - b l o w n " i n t e r n a l s e c u r i t y c r i s i s " and media s p e c t a c l e . Yet the ensuing standoff was by no means a n e a t l y demarcated c o n f l i c t between "Cowboys and Indians". As we w i l l see, the Native community was i t s e l f deeply d i v i d e d over the Defender's d e f i a n t stand, w i t h many moderates, i n c l u d i n g most of the o f f i c i a l l e a d e r s h i p of the Secwepemc bands, denouncing the Defenders as "renegades", "malcontents" and "outside a g i t a t o r s " , and a c t i v e l y cooperating the RCMP i n t h e i r e f f o r t s to e j e c t them. For the mainstream Native l e a d e r s h i p , the Defender's a c t i o n s o f f e r e d a d d i t o n a l ammunition to the s e t t l e r r i g h t , and t h e r e f o r e threatened to upset the already precarious progress of the B.C. t r e a t y process. To the Defenders, on the other hand, the mainstream leaders were simply " s e l l o u t s " or "Uncle Tomahawks", a comprador c l a s s of educated, a s s i m i l a t e d Natives prepared to s a c r i f i c e p r i n c i p l e and the long-term welfare of the indigenous masses f o r short term, or personal, g a i n . In t h i s view, the moderate leaders had no l e g i t i m a t e c l a i m to a u t h o r i t y since t h e i r power de r i v e d , not from t r a d i t i o n a l systems of governance, but from the machinery of Native a d m i n i s t r a t i o n ( i n p a r t i c u l a r , the system of e l e c t e d Band Councils) imposed by the Department 120 of Indian A f f a i r s . The Gustafsen Lake standoff, then, r a i s e d not only the fundamental question of "who owns B.C.?", but a l s o , "who speaks f o r Natives?" This i s s u e of p o l i t i c a l a u t h o r i t y and r e p r e s e n t a t i o n - of who speaks and who i s autho r i z e d to speak - a l s o r a i s e s the question of r e p r e s e n t a t i o n i n i t s other, d e p i c t i v e sense. This question, as Edward Said, B e l l Hooks, G a y a t r i Spivak and many others have p o w e r f u l l y demonstrated, i s always already p o l i t i c a l . From the very moment that they entered the i n f o r m a t i o n a l c i r c u i t s of the settler-dominated p u b l i c sphere, events at Gustafsen Lake were portrayed so as to d i s c r e d i t and demonize A b o r i g i n a l r e s i s t a n c e : the Defender's demands were outrageous; t h e i r worldview i r r a t i o n a l ; t h e i r methods dangerously c r i m i n a l ; and t h e i r stand unsupported by t h e i r own people. Much of the d i s t o r t i o n stemmed from the RCMP's l a r g e l y s u c c e s s f u l e f f o r t s to c o n t r o l the flow of in f o r m a t i o n from the area, an e x e r c i s e i n "impression management" i n which the mass media a c t i v e l y c o l l u d e d . But the Standoff a l s o revealed how the mass media i t s e l f f u n c t i o n s as a c r u c i a l support f o r s e t t l e r hegemony by s e l e c t i v e l y d isseminating images and in f o r m a t i o n which ensure that popular c u l t u r e and consciousness remain f i r m l y 121 ensconced w i t h i n the c o l o n i a l framework that F r a n c i s 0 Jennings once described as "the cant of conquest". In t h i s sense, the Gustafsen Lake Standoff was as much a war of words and images as of weapons. The Defenders were fo r c e d to contend not only w i t h s t a t e s e c u r i t y f o r c e s but w i t h a media apparatus that defined them as an i n t e r n a l enemy without l e g i t i m a t e aims. To circumvent t h i s i n f o r m a t i o n embargo, the Defender's and t h e i r supporters used a combination of faxed press r e l e a s e s and I n t e r n e t communications to p u b l i c i z e t h e i r own v e r s i o n of events and g a l v a n i z e support f o r t h e i r stand. This v a s t l y uneven s t r u g g l e to represent the Standoff, to f i x i t s meaning f o r the broader p u b l i c , underscores how thoroughly the p o l i t i c s of d e c o l o n i z a t i o n i s entangled w i t h what Michel Foucault 9 c a l l e d "the p o l i t i c s of t r u t h " . I t a l s o has i m p l i c a t i o n s f o r my own account i n s o f a r as i t renders the task of documenting "what r e a l l y happened" deeply problematic. The onl y honest s o l u t i o n , I t h i n k , i s to dispense w i t h any pretense of d i s i n t e r e s t e d knowledge and recognize that research and w r i t i n g i n such p o l i t i c a l l y charged circumstances i n e v i t a b l y e n t a i l s a set of p o l i t i c a l c hoices. g F r a n c i s Jennings, The Invasion of America: Indians, Colonialism, and the Cant of Conquest (New York: W.W. Norton, 1976). 9 For a l u c i d e x p o s i t i o n of t h i s term, see M i c h e l l e B a r r e t t , The Politics of Truth: From Marx to Foucault (Stanford: Stanford U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1991). ( 122 In my case, I have chosen to r e l y h e a v i l y on a l t e r n a t i v e sources whose repor t s tended to favour the Defenders: independent community newspapers and r a d i o , " L e f t " j o u r n a l s , faxed press rele a s e s and, i n p a r t i c u l a r , the v i r t u a l a r c h i v e of the I n t e r n e t . Together t h i s "counter-media" provided the raw m a t e r i a l f o r a c o r r e c t i v e account of the Standoff which serves as both a c r i t i c a l reading of the dominant n a r r a t i v e and a r e c o n s t r u c t i o n of the "other side of the s t o r y " . I f nothing e l s e , I hope t h i s v e r s i o n has the v i r t u e of openly acknowleging i t s p o l i t i c a l commitments and biases from the outset. In the end, my t h e s i s i s simple: the Ts'peten Standoff r e v e a l s that the coercive t a c t i c s of an a l l e g e d l y remote c o l o n i a l past are part and p a r c e l of B r i t i s h Columbia's p u t a t i v e l y p o s t c o l o n i a l present. Morevoer, i t i s an ominous s i g n of t h i n g s to come f o r those - e s p e c i a l l y A b o r i g i n a l peoples - who dare question the conventional wisdom that t r e a t y n e g o t i a t i o n s represent the c o n c l u s i v e s e t t l i n g of accounts between s e t t l e r s and Natives, or a panacea f o r indigenous subordination and d e p r i v a t i o n . I f the hopes of a s t a b i l i z e d regime of s e t t l e r p r o s p e r i t y are now pinned to the m u n i c i p a l i z a t i o n of A b o r i g i n a l Nations, under the aegis of a New Class of Native p r o f e s s i o n a l s and entrepreneurs, i t appears that those who contest t h i s " a d m i n i s t r a t i v e d e c o l o n i z a t i o n " i n defense of indigenous t r a d i t i o n s of communal welfare, e g a l i t a r i a n i s m , and reverence f o r the 123 n a t u r a l world, w i l l i n c r e a s i n g l y be cast as v i l l a i n s and t r a i t o r s , and subject to various forms of s t a t e r e p r e s s i o n . In a l e s s p a r o c h i a l sense, the f a t e of the Defenders i s l i n k e d i n d i s s o l u b l y to a l l those, indigenous and non-indigenous a l i k e , who m i l i t a n t l y oppose the i n j u s t i c e and impoverishment a s s o c i a t e d w i t h the reconfigured, but no l e s s dangerous, imperialisms of the l a t e t w e n t i e t h century. As indigenous peoples, however, they, l i k e the Ogoni of N i g e r i a , or the Z a p a t i s t a s of Chiapas, occupy a uniquely p r e c a r i o u s p o s i t i o n : when i t comes to p o l i c i n g the New World Order, i t seems, the l a s t s h a l l indeed be f i r s t . COLONIZING THE CARIBOO The t r a d i t i o n of the oppressed teaches us that the 1 s t a t e of emergency' i n which we l i v e i s not the exception but the r u l e . We must a t t a i n to a conception of h i s t o r y which i s i n keeping w i t h t h i s i n s i g h t . Walter Benjamin, "Theses on the Philosophy of H i s t o r y " 1 0 The t r a d i t i o n a l t e r r i t o r y of the Secwepemc Nation encompasses much of the southeastern quarter of B r i t i s h Columbia, from the Fraser R i v e r i n the west to the Rockies i n the east, w i t h the Cariboo and Shuswap regions of the I n t e r i o r Plateau as i t s core. Though i t i s d i f f i c u l t t o estimate w i t h any p r e c i s i o n , the pre-contact Secwepemc po p u l a t i o n probably ranged between twenty to f o r t y thousand Walter Benjamin, Illuminations (New York: Schocken, 1968) p. 257. 124 people, most of them concentrated i n the v a l l e y s of the Fraser, and North and South Thompson r i v e r s . 1 1 L i k e other indigenous nations which form part of the s o - c a l l e d "Plateau" c u l t u r e area, the Secwepemc were a semi-nomadic people whose s o c i a l existence was organized around the seasonal c y c l e s of resource procurement i n which the salmon s t a p l e , harvested each summer along the major r i v e r systems, was supplemented by game-hunting and the g a t h e r i n g of p l a n t foods (mostly r o o t s , b e r r i e s and medicinal herbs). The b a s i c u n i t of s o c i a l l i f e was the extended f a m i l y , but each f a m i l y group was part of a l a r g e r community of r e l a t e d f a m i l i e s which tended to congregate at designated v i l l a g e s i t e s every winter; r e l a t e d v i l l a g e groups i n t u r n formed the b a s i c p o l i t i c a l u n i t of the Secwepemc, the "band". In the pre-contact era, the Secwepemc Nation was composed of approximately t h i r t y autonomous bands, each w i t h i t s own defin e d t e r r i t o r y and system of h e r e d i t a r y a u t h o r i t y through which access to d i f f e r e n t resources was s t r i c t l y r e g u l a t e d . I take the 20,000 f i g u r e from R i t a Jack, e t . a l . The Shuswap Community Handbook (Kamloops: Secwepemc C u l t u r a l Education S o c i e t y , 1993). I t should be noted that the demographic h i s t o r y of B r i t i s h Columbia Natives remains a source of some dispute. Estimates f o r a p a r t i c u l a r group l i k e the Secwepemc were e x t r a p o l a t e d from post-contact l e v e l s without p r o p e r l y t a k i n g i n t o account the cumulative impact of e a r l y epidemics; they were a l s o set i n r e l a t i o n t o the c o n t i n e n t a l and hemispheric estimates proposed by an e a r l i e r generation of a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s whose biases have been c o n v i n c i n g l y demonstrated. Consequently, Wilson Duff's long accepted B.C. estimate of "80,000 p l u s " needs to be reevaluated. See my d i s c u s s i o n at note 121 of Chapter 2, and sources c i t e d t h e r e i n . 125 Ts'peten f a l l s w i t h i n the t r a d i t i o n a l t e r r i t o r y of what i s 12 today known as the Canoe Creek band. At l e a s t four thousand years of s t a b l e Secwepemc l i f e i n t h i s e c o l o g i c a l l y d i v e r s e , intermontane landscape of l i n k e d plateaus and north-south v a l l e y s would be c a t a c l y s m i c a l l y d i s r u p t e d i n the nineteenth century as the t e n t a c l e s of E u r o c a p i t a l i s t progress b e l a t e d l y reached i n t o the B.C. 13 I n t e r i o r . The vanguard of the white i n v a s i o n was, as elswhere i n the province, the f u r trade: both Alexander Mackenzie and Simon Fraser passed through Secwepemc t e r r i t o r y i n t h e i r f a b l e d voyages of 1793 and 1808 r e s p e c t i v e l y , and f u r t r a d i n g posts were e s t a b l i s h e d i n the v i c i n i t y of present day Kamloops and Soda Creek soon t h e r e a f t e r as the land-based trade was extended throughout The b r i e f account of pre-contact Secwepemc s o c i e t y i s based on s e v e r a l sources: Douglas Hudson and E l i z a b e t h F u r n i s s , "The Plateau: A Regional Overview", i n R.B. Morrison and C. Wilson, eds., Native Peoples: The Canadian Experience, 2d ed., (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1995) pp. 471-483; Alan D. McMillan, Native Peoples and Cultures of Canada (Vancouver: Douglas & Mclntyre, 1988) pp. 14 8-169; Jack, The Shuswap Community Handbook; and Secwepemc C u l t u r a l Education S o c i e t y , Introduction to the Shuswap (Kamloops: SCEC, 1988). 13 A r c h a e l o g i c a l i n v e s t i g a t i o n i n the i n t e r i o r of B.C. lags behind that of the c o a s t a l region. A Shuswap presence can be t r a c e d back at l e a s t four thousand years, but there i s evidence of human h a b i t a t i o n going back as f a r as 8900 years. See Jim Cooperman, " H i s t o r y of Adams Lake", Shuswap Chronicles 2 (1989) pp. 4-15. The phrase " t e n t a c l e s of progress" I borrow from Daniel Headricks, The Tentacles of Progress: ( ). 126 the I n t e r i o r . The f i r s t decade or so of f u r trade a c t i v i t y i n Secwepemc t e r r i t o r y seems to have been mutually b e n e f i c i a l , and business at the t r a d i n g posts was b r i s k : d uring the peak years a f t e r 1811, Natives s o l d an annual average of 2000 beaver p e l t s at Fort Kamloops alone, i n exchange f o r the usual v a r i e t y of European f o o d s t u f f s , weapons, t o o l s and c l o t h i n g . Undoubtedly the me r c a n t i l e i n t e r v e n t i o n exposed the Secwepemc to a l i e n disease and p e r i o d i c outbursts of white v i o l e n c e , but the most immediate pressures were environmental, as European technology and commercial l o g i c began to upset the l o c a l c u l t u r a l ecology: beaver populations were r a p i d l y exterminated, f o r c i n g the Secwepemc to spend more time t r a p p i n g fewer animals, w h i l e the subsistence and other requirements of white t r a d e r s began to deplete t r a d i t i o n a l s u p p l i e s of f i s h and game; as a r e s u l t , the Secwepemc became more dependent on the t r a d i n g posts f o r t h e i r own subsistence j u s t as t h e i r c a p a c i t y to generate the commodities d e s i r e d by Europeans d e c l i n e d . From the e a r l y 182 0s onwards European-Native r e l a t i o n s g r a d u a l l y d e t e r i o r a t e d , as the l a t t e r were h i t by repeated food shortages which on some occasions pushed p a r t i c u l a r 14 bands to the b r i n k of s t a r v a t i o n . A h i s t o r y of s t a r v a t i o n as an adjunct to c o l o n i a l i n v a s i o n i n B.C. remains to be w r i t t e n . Coffey e t . a l . i d e n t i f y bouts of s t a r v a t i o n f o r d i f f e r e n t groups of Secwepemc i n 1822, 1827, 1829, 1841-43, 1850-52, 1855, and 1859. See John Coffey, e t . a l . , Shuswap History: The F i r s t 100 Years of Contact (Kamloops: Secwepemc C u l t u r a l Education Society,1990). 127 The Gold Rush of 1858 was a watershed event i n e a r l y post-contact h i s t o r y , b r i n g i n g as many as t h i r t y thousand miners f l o o d i n g up the Fraser between A p r i l and December. Whereas r e l a t i o n s between t r a d e r s and Natives had o r i g i n a l l y r e q u i r e d at l e a s t a modicum of cooperation, and thus d e t e r i o r a t e d g r a d u a l l y over s e v e r a l decades, open c o n f l i c t between miners and Natives erupted almost immediately due to the s c a l e and nature of the goldseeker's i n t r u s i o n . Miners appropriated t r a d i t i o n a l f i s h i n g and v i l l a g e s i t e s f o r t h e i r a c t i v i t i e s , p i l l a g e d l o c a l food s u p p l i e s , took g o l d which the Secwepemc r i g h t f u l l y regarded as t h e i r own, and f r e q u e n t l y a s s a u l t e d the Natives they encountered. L i k e other A b o r i g i n a l Nations f a c i n g such trespasses, the Secwepemc responded at times w i t h v i o l e n c e , but a l s o by r e x a c t i n g t r i b u t e from the miners, c o n t r o l l i n g t h e i r movements, and a s s e r t i n g c o n t r o l over new trade o p p o r t u n i t i e s . S t i l l , Native t e r r i t o r i e s were being overrun, and at the annual summer gathering at Lac La Hache i n 1858, c h i e f s of the Shuswap, C h i l c o t i n and C a r r i e r nations debated how to address the f o r e i g n i n v a s i o n . Some leaders c a l l e d f o r f o r c i b l e e xpulsion, while others, perhaps i n f l u e n c e d by news of the bloody campaigns being waged against Natives i n the Washington and Oregon t e r r i t o r i e s , and of white p a r a m i l i t a r y a c t i o n s i n the Okanagan and along the lower Fraser, argued that "our r e s i s t a n c e would only 128 l e a d to needless bloodshed and p o s s i b l e a n n i h i l a t i o n . " The more accomodating view appears to have p r e v a i l e d , at l e a s t t e m p o r a r i l y , though the Secwepemc continued to threaten white t r e s p a s s e r s , and the C h i l c o t i n would e v e n t u a l l y r e s o r t to armed r e b e l l i o n . Meanwhile, f e a r i n g both U.S. annexation of the g o l d country and the outbreak of an Indian war. Governor James Douglas intervened along the lower Fraser to impose B r i t i s h law and order, having e a r l i e r proclaimed " a l l mines of go l d and a l l gold w i t h i n the Fraser and Thompson R i v e r d i s t r i c t s to be the property of the Crown." 1 6 London moved q u i c k l y to f o r t i f y i t s i m p e r i a l claims, and by August the new mainland colony of B r i t i s h Columbia had been o f f i c i a l l y declared, without Native knowledge or consent. By 1865, the Cariboo g o l d rush was l a r g e l y over, but the balance of power i n the region had been fundamentally a l t e r e d . The 1864 war i n neighboring C h i l c o t i n t e r r i t o r y , which ended wi t h the execution of f i v e c h i e f s , underscored the ascendancy, i f not the l e g i t i m a c y , of white power. The cumulative impact of recurrent food shortages and European diseases, e s p e c i a l l y the c a t a s t r o p h i c 1862 smallpox James Douglas, then governor of the Vancouver I s l a n d colony, not only lacked c o n s t i t u t i o n a l a u t h o r i t y to thus extend i m p e r i a l j u r i s d i c t i o n , he d i d so i n t o t a l d i s r e g a r d of Native sovereignty. I b i d . See a l s o , Barry Gough, "Turbulent F r o n t i e r s and B r i t i s h Expansion: Governor Douglas, the Royal Navy, and the B r i t i s h Columbia Gold Rushes" Pacific Historical Review 41 (1972) 15-32. 129 epidemic, p r e c i p i t a t e d a demographic c o l l a p s e : the Secwepemc po p u l a t i o n dropped from an estimated 7200 i n 1850, a f i g u r e which i t s e l f represents l e s s than h a l f the pre-contact l e v e l , to j u s t 2185 by 1903. Only 17 of the o r i g i n a l 30 or so Secwepemc bands would su r v i v e beyond the t u r n of the 17 century. In the wake of t r a n s i e n t miners, the beleaguered Secwepemc now faced the threat of white a g r i c u l t u r a l settlement, f i r s t from r e t i r e d f u r t r a d e r s , and then, on a l a r g e r s c a l e , from American cattlemen seeking to e x p l o i t the ranching p o t e n t i a l of the I n t e r i o r ' s r o l l i n g grasslands. Settlement was promoted wi t h the completion of the Cariboo wagon road i n l a t e 1863, and the subsequent promulgation of a land ordinance enabling whites - but not Natives - to preempt 160 acres, and buy another 480 ( i n the a r i d I n t e r i o r 18 the preemption l i m i t was increased to 320 acres i n 1870). The t r a n s i t i o n to f u l l - b l o w n c o l o n i z a t i o n was hastened by the a r r i v a l i n 1867 of C a t h o l i c m i s s i o n a r i e s who, having sojourned p e r i o d i c a l l y i n Secwepemc t e r r i t o r y d u r i n g the l a t e r f u r trade years, now e s t a b l i s h e d t h e i r f i r s t permanent mission, St. Josephs, on prime a g r i c u l t u r a l land south of Coffey, e t . a l . , Shuswap History, p.37. 18 The 1865 land ordinance was s i l e n t on the p o s s i b i l i t y of Native preemption, but an 1866 o r d e r - i n - c o u n c i l s t i p u l a t e d that such grants would henceforth be denied to B.C. Natives An 1870 amendment extended that p r o h i b i t i o n to a l l North American Natives. See Paul Tennant, Aboriginal People and Politics (Vancouver: U.B.C. Press, 1990) pp.40-41. 130 W i l l i a m ' s Lake. Within a few years, they had succeeded i n 19 c o n v e r t i n g the m a j o r i t y of Natives i n the region. With the onset of s e t t l e r c o l o n i z a t i o n , land q u i c k l y became the p r i n c i p a l focus of s e t t l e r - N a t i v e c o n f l i c t . Secwepemc t r a d i t i o n a l t e r r i t o r y encompassed some 180 thousand km2, but w i t h i n a few decades they would be deprived of a l l but a t i n y f r a c t i o n of t h i s homeland, as white ranchers and farmers enclosed thousands of acres f o r c u l t i v a t i o n and 20 rangelands. The f i r s t e f f o r t s at "Indian removal" were mounted at the height of the Cariboo Gold Rush, when Governor Douglas i n s t r u c t e d W i l l i a m Cox, gold commissioner f o r the Cariboo region, to begin demarcating reserves f o r the Secwepemc. In the e a r l y 1860s, Cox l a i d out comparatively l a r g e reserves near Bonaparte Lake and Kamloops, and along the North Fraser (at Soda Creek, A l k a l i Lake, and Canoe Creek) but these were never p r o p e r l y surveyed or recorded, and were among the f i r s t to be ta r g e t e d f o r "adjustment" by Joseph Trutch when he took charge of c o l o n i a l land a d m i n i s t r a t i o n i n 1864. One Cox reserve was reduced from a 40 mile s t r e t c h along the North and South Thompson r i v e r s to 3 p a r c e l s of 4 square m i l e s , E l i z a b e t h F u r n i s s , Victims of Benevolence: The Dark Legacy of the Williams Lake Residential School (Vancouver: Ar s e n a l Pulp Press, 1995). 20 See Secwepemc C u l t u r a l Education So c i e t y , Introduction to the Shuswap, p.12. 131 while the Bonaparte reserve was reduced by t w o - t h i r d s , and 21 others were e l i m i n a t e d a l t o g e t h e r . In a 1910 p e t i t i o n , Secwepemc, Okanagan and Nlakapamux c h i e f s recounted the d i s p o s s e s s i o n of the I n t e r i o r A b o r i g i n a l Nations i n terms which are worth reproducing at length : Gradually, as the whites of t h i s country became more and more powerful, and we l e s s and l e s s powerful, they l i t t l e by l i t t l e changed t h e i r p o l i c y towards us, and commenced to put r e s t r i c t i o n s on us. Their governments or c h i e f s have taken every advantage of our f r i e n d l i n e s s , weakness and ignorance, to impose on us i n every way. They t r e a t us as subjects without any agreement to that e f f e c t , and force t h e i r laws on us without our consent, and i r r e s p e c t i v e of whether they are good f o r us or not. They say they have a u t h o r i t y over us. They have broken down our o l d laws and customs (no matter how good) by which we r e g u l a t e d ourselves. They laugh at our c h i e f s and brush them aside. For minor a f f a i r s amongst ourselves, which do not a f f e c t them i n the l e a s t , and which we can e a s i l y 21 This paragraph i s based on M. B a l f , The Dispossessed: Interior Indians in the 1800s (Kamloops: Kamloops Museum, 1978); and Robin F i s h e r , Contact and Conflict: Indian-European Relations in B r i t i s h Columbia (Vancouver: U.B.C. Press, 1977) pp.162-63. 132 s e t t l e b e t t e r than they can, they drag us i n t o t h e i r c o u r t s . They enforce t h e i r own laws one way f o r the r i c h white man, one way f o r the poor white man, and yet another f o r the Indian... they have taken possession of a l l the Indian country, and c l a i m i t as t h e i r own. Just the same as t a k i n g the 'house' or 'ranch', and, th e r e f o r e , the l i f e of every Indian t r i b e i n t o t h e i r possession. They have never consulted us i n any of these matters, nor made any agreement, nor signed any papers w i t h us. They have s t o l e n our lands and everyt h i n g on them and continue to use same f o r t h e i r 22 own purposes. A f t e r s t r i p p i n g the Secwepemc of t h e i r c a p a c i t y t o le a d a t r a d i t i o n a l l i f e , s e t t l e r a u t h o r i t i e s made i t impossible t o t h r i v e even w i t h i n the new system. In a now famous 1874 l e t t e r to a V i c t o r i a newspaper, Father C.J. Gr a n d i d i e r , a sympathetic missionary from Okanagan M i s s i o n , r e l a y e d Native resentment about p a l t r y reserve allotments which l e f t them unable to pursue the a g r i c u l t u r a l vocations now p r e s c r i b e d by white a u t h o r i t i e s . They do not t h i n k t h a t , when a white man can preempt 320 acres and buy as much more, besides the f a c i l i t y of "Memorial from the Chiefs of the Shuswap, Okanagan, and Couteau (Thompson) Tribes of B.C.", 25 August, 1910; quoted i n Maracle, et a l . , p. 112-13. 133 l e a s i n g more, that they are unreasonable i n asking 80 acres of t h e i r own land per f a m i l y . I f a white man can s c a r c e l y eke out a l i v i n g w i t h h i s 320 acres, how can an Indian do i t w i t h 20? Which white f a m i l y would t r y By the l a t e 1870s, the c o n t i n u i n g depredations and encroachments of white s e t t l e r s had pushed indigenous nations i n the southern I n t e r i o r to the p o i n t of armed r e s i s t a n c e . B r i t i s h Columbia had j o i n e d Confederation i n 1871, but Ottawa's assumption of r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r "Indians and lands reserved f o r Indians" had done l i t t l e to improve l o c a l c o n d i t i o n s , despite f e d e r a l i r r i t a t i o n over B.C.'s Native p o l i c i e s - which l e d Ottawa to take the e x t r a o r d i n a r y measure of d i s a l l o w i n g B.C.'s f i r s t c o n s o l i d a t e d land l e g i s l a t i o n - and the c r e a t i o n of a j o i n t Indian Reserve Commission i n 1876 charged w i t h s e t t l i n g the land 24 question. In the summer of 1877, almost two decades a f t e r the Lac La Hache gathering, the embattled Secwepemc once Quoted i n B a l f , The Dispossessed, p.25. This much-cited l e t t e r was r e p r i n t e d i n B r i t i s h Columbia, Papers Connected with the Indian Land Question 1850-1875 ( V i c t o r i a : R. Wolfenden, 1875) pp. 146-48. I t i s i n t e r e s t i n g t o note that G r a n d i d i e r ' s l e t t e r s i n g l e d out the northern Secwepemc as p a r t i c u l a r l y maligned. 24 There are s e v e r a l accounts of the inter-governmental wrangling i n t h i s p e r i o d : see F i s h e r , Contact and Conflict, pp. 175-211; Tennant, Aboriginal People and Politics, pp. 39-52; and Forest E. L a V i o l e t t e , The Struggle for Survival: 134 again met w i t h other I n t e r i o r nations ( t h i s time the Okanagan and northern Nlaka'pamux) to d i s c u s s the formation of a m i l i t a r y a l l i a n c e to compel a j u s t settlement of t h e i r c l a i ms. Some of the Secwepemc had r e c e n t l y been i n contact w i t h Chief Joseph's insurgent Nez Perce, and advocated a cross-border a l l i a n c e against s e t t l e r expansionism. S e t t l e r o p i n i o n was mixed about the l i k e l i h o o d of an "Indian war", but the Reserve Commissioners who v i s i t e d Kamloops i n J u l y to assess the c r i s i s were s u f f i c i e n t l y alarmed to send an anxious message to Ottawa: "Indian s i t u a t i o n very desperate from Kamloops to American border - general d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n -outbreak p o s s i b l e " . In the end, s e t t l e r a u t h o r i t i e s , w i t h the a s s i s t a n c e of l o c a l m i s s i o n a r i e s l i k e the above-named Father G r a n d i d i e r , were able to defuse the t h r e a t of a general u p r i s i n g by p l a y i n g o f f d i f f e r e n t bands and f a c t i o n s among the Secwepemc so as to thwart e f f o r t s to confederate. 2 5 From the 1880s onward, a s e g r e g a t i o n i s t system g r a d u a l l y emerged that would remain r e l a t i v e l y s t a b l e up to the end of the Second World War. The balance of Secwepemc reserves were demarcated by the Indian Reserve Commission i n the e a r l y 1880s, c o n f i n i n g them to m i n i s c u l e p a r c e l s of land Indian Cultures and the Protestant Ethic in B r i t i s h Columbia (Toronto: U n i v e r s i t y of Toronto, 1961) pp. 98-144. 25 I d e r i v e my account of t h i s episode from Robin F i s h e r ' s d e s c r i p t i o n of these events. See F i s h e r , Contact and Conflict, pp 191-93. 135 even as the dynamics of a developing I n t e r i o r land market enabled white c a t t l e barons and syndicates to monopolize huge t r a c t s of rangeland (the massive spreads of the Douglas Lake C a t t l e Company and James C a t t l e Company, both of which exceed 180,000 hectares, exemplify the present day outcome 26 of t h i s p r ocess). When Indian Agencies were e s t a b l i s h e d i n B.C. i n 1881, the Secwepemc people and t e r r i t o r y were " a d m i n i s t r a t i v e l y quartered" between four d i f f e r e n t agencies, and brought w i t h i n the compass of the Indian Act's 27 regime of b u r e a u c r a t i c oppression. C a t h o l i c m i s s i o n i z a t i o n complemented the a s s i m i l a t i o n i s t programme of the c o l o n i a l s t a t e , as m i s s i o n a r i e s persuaded many c h i e f s to adopt an e c c l e s i a s t i c a l ( s o - c a l l e d "Durieu") method of l o c a l government, a system based on a s t r i c t l y enforced C h r i s t i a n 28 moralism repugnant to Native t r a d i t i o n s . They a l s o e s t a b l i s h e d r e s i d e n t i a l schools at W i l l i a m ' s Lake and By 1893, i n the A l k a l i Lake-Big Bar-Dog Creek d i s t r i c t , 51, 495 acres of rangeland, and 3809 acres of c u l t i v a t e d land, were concentrated i n the hands of j u s t 41 s e t t l e r s , a r a t e of enclosure exceeded only i n the N i c o l a V a l l e y , the center of the province's ranching i n d u s t r y . I t i s a l s o i n t e r e s t i n g to note that Peter O ' R e i l l y , the man r e s p o n s i b l e f o r demarcating most of I n t e r i o r reserves, was a l s o one of the p r i n c i p a l s of the Douglas Lake C a t t l e Company. See Greg Thomas, The B.C. Ranching Frontier 1858-1896, (unpublished M.A. t h e s i s , Department of H i s t o r y , UBC: 1976) p. 174. 27 See T r e f o r Smith, "John Fremont Smith and Indian A d m i n i s t r a t i o n i n the Kamloops Agency, 1912-1923" Native Studies Review 10 (1995) 1-34. 28 For an account of the Secwepemc encounter w i t h the Durieu system, see E l i z a b e t h F u r n i s s , "Resistance, Coercion, R e v i t a l i z a t i o n " Ethnohistory 42 (1995) pp. 231-263. 136 Kamloops whose b i t t e r legacy of c u l t u r a l r e p r e s s i o n and p h y s i c a l and sexual abuse has only r e c e n t l y , and grudgingly, 29 been acknowledged by s e t t l e r s o c i e t y . Despite t h i s comprehensive a s s a u l t on t r a d i t i o n a l l i f e w a y s , the Secwepemc proved remarkably adept at a d j u s t i n g t o , and i n some measure subverting, the c o n s o l i d a t i o n of c o l o n i a l r u l e (though always w i t h i n the coercive l i m i t s imposed upon 30 them) . Sequestered on s m a l l , and l a r g e l y unproductive, reserves, and f a c i n g d r a s t i c a l l y reduced access to t r a d i t i o n a l f i s h i n g , hunting and gathering s i t e s , they nonetheless managed to eke out a l i v i n g by combining wage labour as guides, packers and farm or domestic labourers w i t h s m a l l - s c a l e production f o r market and those seasonal 31 subsistence a c t i v i t i e s s t i l l open to them. One landmark study confirmed that as l a t e as 1960, t h i s "semi-F u r n i s s , Victims of Benevolence; and C e l i a Haig-Brown, Resistance and Renewal: Surviving the Indian Residential School (Vancouver: T i l l a c u m , 1988). 30 I am mindful here of E l i z a b e t h F u r n i s s 1 s warning against emphasizing Native r e s i s t a n c e i n a manner which i m p l i c i t l y or e x l i c i t l y downplays the extent of c o l o n i a l c o e r c i o n . See F u r n i s s , Victims of Benevolence, p. 32. 31 L i k e t h e i r counterparts i n the southern I n t e r i o r , Cariboo Natives were a c t i v e p a r t i c i p a n t s i n the wage economy w e l l i n t o the t w e n t i e t h century. See James K. Burrows, "A Much Needed Class of Labour": The Economy and Income of Southern I n t e r i o r Plateau Indians, 1897-1910", B.C. Studies 71 (1986) pp. 27-46. and H.B. Hawthorn et a l , The Indians of B r i t i s h Columbia: A Study of Contemporary Social Adjustment (Toronto: U n i v e r s i t y of Toronto Press, 1960), p. 95ff. 137 p r o l e t a r i a n i z e d " p a t t e r n p e r s i s t e d f o r most Natives o u t s i d e the Lower Mainland, enabling them to preserve a c e r t a i n degree of autonomy: "to the extent that Indians can maintain themselves on f i s h and game and other foods which they acquire f o r themselves, they can remain independent of white 32 s o c i e t y " . Meanwhile, the Secwepemc t r i e d to m i t i g a t e the impact of c u l t u r a l i m p e r i a l i s m , adapting the Durieu system to t h e i r own purposes, and p r o t e s t i n g against the s e v e r i t i e s 33 imposed on t h e i r c h i l d r e n at the r e s i d e n t i a l schools. And, u n t i l such a c t i v i t i e s were banned i n 1927, they organized themselves p o l i t i c a l l y along w i t h other B.C. A b o r i g i n a l Nations f o r a j u s t r e s o l u t i o n of the land question - sending r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s to p e t i t i o n governments i n Ottawa and London, p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n province-wide p o l i t i c a l o r g a n i z a t i o n s l i k e the A l l i e d T r i b e s , and lobbying Prime M i n i s t e r W i l f r i d L a u r i e r during h i s 1910 v i s i t t o Kamloops. 3 4 Hawthorn, et . a l . , The Indians of B r i t i s h Columbia, p.95. 33 E l i z a b e t h F u r n i s s has documented the o s c i l l a t i o n between accomodation and r e s i s t a n c e i n these two contexts. See F u r n i s s , Victims of Benevolence; and "Resistance, Coercion, Accomodation ". 34 V Coffey, e t . a l , "Struggle f o r the Land", i n Shuswap History, pp.40-44; Robert G a l o i s , "The Indian Rights A s s o c i a t i o n , Native P r o t e s t A c t i v i t y and the 'Land Question' i n B r i t i s h Columbia, 1903-1916", Native Studies Review, 8 (1992) pp. 1-34.. 138 The post-World War I I p e r i o d , which witnessed the r i s e of m u l t i n a t i o n a l c a p i t a l i s m and the a c c e l e r a t e d i n t e g r a t i o n of Canada d i r e c t l y i n t o a U.S.-dominated c o n t i n e n t a l economy, presented the next d i r e challenge to Secwepemc s u r v i v a l . The consequent expansion of resource e x p l o i t a t i o n i n B.C., e s p e c i a l l y the establishment of an I n t e r i o r f o r e s t i n d u s t r y , f u r t h e r reduced Secwepemc c a p a c i t y to pursue t r a d i t i o n a l subsistence p r a c t i c e s , while job segregation ensured t h a t f o r e s t revenues and employment would accrue l a r g e l y to 35 whites. In t h e i r 1960 re p o r t , Hawthorn and h i s colleagues u n w i t t i n g l y captured the essence of t h i s new round of c o l o n i a l e x p l o i t a t i o n - the Green Gold Rush - n o t i n g that the W i l l i a m s Lake Agency "underwent probably the most r a p i d expansion of lumber output of any area immediately a f t e r the war and...is l i k e l y to enjoy continued expansion f o r the foreseeable f u t u r e " , but doubting whether Natives there 36 "would d e r i v e much b e n e f i t from the expansion". The For a general overview of the development of B.C.'s f o r e s t s e c t o r , i n c l u d i n g the I n t e r i o r , see P a t r i c i a Marchak, Green Gold: The Forest Industry in B r i t i s h Columbia (Vancouver: U.B.C. Press, 1983);R. Hayter and R. G a l o i s , "The Wheel of Fortune: B r i t i s h Columbia Lumber and the Global Economy", i n Paul M. K o r a s c i l , ed., B r i t i s h Columbia: Geographical Essays (Vancouver: SFU Dept. of Geography 1991) pp.169-201. Some d e t a i l s of the e a r l y phases of development i n the C a r i b o o - C h i l c o t i n can be gleaned from B r i t i s h Columbia, M i n i s t r y of Industry, The Cariboo-Chilcotin: A Regional Profile ( V i c t o r i a : Queen's P r i n t e r , 1969). 36 Hawthorn, e t . a l . , Indians of B r i t i s h Columbia, p.134. By "new round of c o l o n i a l e x p l o i t a t i o n " I mean new to t h i s r e g i o n ; the plunder of f o r e s t resources was by t h i s time w e l l advanced i n other p a r t s of the province, though i t too 139 r e s u l t i n g economic d i s l o c a t i o n , and cumulative impact of s e t t l e r c o l o n i z a t i o n on indigenous c u l t u r a l and s o c i a l i n s t i t u t i o n s , provoked a renewed p e r i o d of c r i s i s i n Secwepemc s o c i e t y , comparable i n many ways to that of the mid-nineteenth century. This time the scourges were, among other t h i n g s , immiseration, alcoholism, male v i o l e n c e and sexual abuse, and s u i c i d e , a l l of which provided the p r e t e x t f o r g r e a t e r i n t e r v e n t i o n by the agents of "welfare c o l o n i a l i s m " , the s o c i a l workers, c h i l d p r o t e c t i o n o f f i c e r s , and law enforcement personnel who together c o n s t i t u t e d the 37 i n s t i t u t i o n a l bulwark of Cariboo apartheid. Today, some t h i r t y f i v e years l a t e r , the p o l i t i c a l economy of c o l o n i a l i s m i n the 100 M i l e House area remains e s s e n t i a l l y unchanged, as various Secwepemc bands confront the c o n t i n u i n g plunder of t h e i r t e r r i t o r i e s by what i s now the region's number one i n d u s t r y . 8 0 percent of the l o c a l timber supply i s c o n t r o l l e d by three outside companies -Ainsworth, Weldwood and Lignum - l e a v i n g l o c a l F i r s t Nations to scramble f o r some r e s i d u a l p o r t i o n of the "allowable cut" p r e s c r i b e d by p r o v i n c i a l a u t h o r i t i e s . Job d i s c r i m i n a t i o n i s b l a t a n t : f o r e s t r y d i r e c t l y employs 3 0 percent of the general p o p u l a t i o n , but only 10 percent of Natives, most of whome would undergo dramatic transformations i n the postwar p e r i o d . 37 Terry G l a v i n , "The Judge of A l e x i s Creek", The Georgia Straight, 24-31 October, 1996, pp. 15-22; see a l s o Geoffrey 140 are r e l e g a t e d to p e r i p h e r a l sectors of the f o r e s t economy, 38 such as t r e e - p l a n t i n g and f i r e f i g h t i n g . Reserve unemployment t y p i c a l l y ranges between 20 and 50 percent, and c o n s i s t e n t l y exceeds the r a t e among non-Natives i n the reg i o n by at l e a s t 2 0 percent; i n most cases, band governments remain the l a r g e s t s i n g l e p r o v i d e r of jobs, employing as much as 70 percent of the workforce among the southern, Secwepemc. And, i n a textbook i l l u s t r a t i o n of the mechanics of i n t e r n a l c o l o n i a l i s m , the wealth that t r i c k l e s i n t o Secwepemc reserves i s q u i c k l y siphoned o f f by adjacent white communities - reserve r e s i d e n t s spend c l o s e to 85 39 percent of t h e i r meagre incomes o f f - r e s e r v e . W r i t i n g about the C h i l c o t i n communities west of W i l l i a m s Lake, Terry G l a v i n sums up the impact of such c o l o n i a l economics i n terms which apply e q u a l l y to t h e i r Secwepemc neighbours: The younger people n o t i c e how people died. Up at Kluskus, Chief Roger Jimmy s a i d that when he looked t o the southwest, he could t a l l y the number of Indians who would die a v i o l e n t death that year by adding up the miles of new logging roads i n t o the country. The o l d C h i l c o t i n economy, a mix of c a t t l e - r a n c h i n g and guide-York, The Dispossessed: Life and Death in Native Canada (London: Virago, 1990) pp. 201-227. 38 See B r i t i s h Columbia, M i n i s t r y of Forests, Economics and Trade Branch, 100 Mile House TSA Socioeconomic Analysis ( V i c t o r i a : March, 1995). 141 o u t f i t t i n g , f i s h i n g and hunting, was f a l l i n g t o p i e c e s . More than 200 f u l l y loaded logging t r u c k s were rumbling out of the C h i l c o t i n country i n t o W i l l i a m s Lake every day, r o a r i n g past Indian reserves where eig h t out of ten a d u l t s were on welfare...the Indians were dying along w i t h the c o u n t r y s i d e . 4 0 The r e s u l t s of postwar r e s t r u c t u r i n g were not t o t a l l y bleak, however, since the renewed a s s a u l t on Secwepemc s o c i e t y produced i n t u r n a c u l t u r a l and p o l i t i c a l resurgence, p a r t of a much wider movement among the indigenous peoples of Canada (and indeed of a l l the Americas) to r e a s s e r t t h e i r n a t i o n a l and human r i g h t s . The 1970s saw Secwepemc people t a k i n g to the s t r e e t s of Kamloops to p r o t e s t Department of Indian A f f a i r s ' c o n t r o l , e v e n t u a l l y f o r c i n g the DIA to c l o s e i t s r e g i o n a l o f f i c e and t r a n s f e r l o c a l a d m i n i s t r a t i o n to band c o u n c i l s - an e a r l y v i c t o r y i n the s t r u g g l e f o r g r e a t e r autonomy. This p e r i o d a l s o witnessed moves towards g r e a t e r n a t i o n a l i n t e g r a t i o n through the formation of two t r i b a l o r g a n i z a t i o n s , the Cariboo T r i b a l Council and the Shuswap Nation T r i b a l C o u n c i l , and the promotion of c u l t u r a l n a t i o n a l i s m , culminating i n the 1982 Shuswap D e c l a r a t i o n , a j o i n t statement from a l l 17 Secwepemc bands expressing t h e i r common commitment to p r e s e r v i n g and promoting Secwepemc 39 I b i d . See a l s o , Jack, e t . a l . , Shuswap Community-Handbook. The survey r e s u l t s were f o r the Kamloops reserve. 40 G l a v i n , "The Judge of A l e x i s Creek", p. 20. 142 h i s t o r y , language and c u l t u r e . More r e c e n t l y , v a r i o u s bands have begun to develop t h e i r own i n i t i a t i v e s i n f o r e s t r y , f i s h e r i e s , and r e a l e s t ate to b u i l d an economic base f o r t h e i r communities. Perhaps the most compelling developments, however, were grassroots e f f o r t s to expunge c o l o n i a l residues from key areas of Secwepemc l i f e , i n c l u d i n g the now famous s o b r i e t y movement developed by the A l k a l i Lake Band, successive campaigns to combat systemic racism i n the j u s t i c e system (of which more below), and the organized e f f o r t to redress r e s i d e n t i a l school abuse (which r e c e n t l y culminated i n the c o n v i c t i o n of Bishop Hubert 42 O'Connor). A s i g n i f i c a n t , i f l e s s w e l l known, aspect of t h i s process of " i n t e r n a l d e c o l o n i z a t i o n " was the r e a s s e r t i o n of indigenous i d e n t i t y through the adoption of t r a d i t i o n a l c u l t u r a l forms, i n p a r t i c u l a r , the Sundance. I t B r i e f accounts of these developments can be found i n R i t a Jack, e t . a l , Shuswap Community Handbook; and Coffey e t . a l . , Shuswap History, . An account of the formation and e a r l y development of the Cariboo T r i b a l C o u n c i l , which o r i g i n a t e d as a DIA-sponsored organ and i n i t i a l l y i n c o r p o r a t e d bands from the C h i l c o t i n and C a r r i e r Nations, can be found i n David Z i r n h e l t , The Caribou Tribal Council (unpublished M.A. t h e s i s , Department of P o l i t i c a l Science, UBC: 1976). C o i n c i d e n t a l l y , Z i r n h e l t i s the current NDP M i n i s t e r of Forests. 42 A concise account of the A l k a l i Lake s t o r y can be found i n Geoffrey York, The Dispossessed: Life and Death in Native Canada (London: Vintage, 1990) pp. 175-200. The h i s t o r y of r e s i d e n t i a l school abuse i n Secwepemc t e r r i t o r y has been c o m p e l l i n g l y recorded i n C e l i a Haig-Brown, Resistance and Renewal: Surviving the Indian Residential School (Vancouver: T i l l a c u m , 1988) and E l i z a b e t h F u r n i s s , Victims of Benevolence. 143 was t h i s development that would set the stage f o r the dramatic events of the summer of 1995. SECWEPEMC INTIFADA . . . s h a l l we all o w a few red vagrants to prevent f o r e v e r i n d u s t r i o u s s e t t l e r s from s e t t l i n g on the unoccupied lands? Not at a l l . We would t r e a t the red vagrants as we would white ones. Locate r e s e r v a t i o n s f o r them on which t o earn t h e i r own l i v i n g s , and i f they trespassed on white s e t t l e r s punish them severely. A few lessons would soon enable them to form a c o r r e c t estimate of t h e i r own i n f e r i o r i t y , and s e t t l e the Indian t i t l e too. Amor de Cosmos, E d i t o r of V i c t o r i a D a i l y C o l o n i s t and f u t u r e Premier, 1861 4 3 The immediate o r i g i n s of the Ts'peten Standoff can be t r a c e d .to the r e v i v a l of the Sundance, i n the l a t e 1980s, by a group of Secwepemc t r a d i t i o n a l i s t s , among whom Percy Rosette, an e l d e r w i t h f a m i l y t i e s to the A l k a l i Lake band, was a key f i g u r e . According to Rosette, whose t r a d i t i o n a l i s t views l e d him to refuse government money and on-reserve l i v i n g , We wanted to r e v i v e the Sundance, the way our e l d e r s , the way the o l d ones t o l d us we had the Sundance i n our area.... We were t r y i n g to hold onto something f o r our c h i l d r e n , something s p i r i t u a l w e were t r y i n g to r e v i v e a c u l t u r e because that i s the heart of s p i r i t u a l The B r i t i s h Colonist, 8 March, 1861. 144 government. I t ' s always been a s p i r i t u a l government, because i t serves a l l . This core group of Secwepemc Sundancers j o i n e d a f a r - f l u n g network of t r a d i t i o n a l i s t s throughout western North America - as Rosette r e c a l l s , "we were dancing i n A l b e r t a , Oregon, every which way - even down to the Sioux country". During a 1988 v i s i o n q u e s t , three members of the group ( i n c l u d i n g Rosette) had a v i s i o n of Ts'peten as a "power p o i n t " , a s i t e i n v e s t e d w i t h s p e c i a l s p i r i t u a l s i g n i f i c a n c e . Ts'peten had f o r some years been a popular f i s h i n g and r e c r e a t i o n a l d e s t i n a t i o n , a c c e s s i b l e to the general p u b l i c though o f f i c i a l l y i t f e l l w i t h i n the boundaries of the James C a t t l e Company, which occupied most of the land between the Fraser R i v e r and Highway 97 through a combination of f r e e h o l d tenure and range leases. L y l e James had purchased h i s 180,000 hectare spread i n 1970 f o r about $1.5 m i l l i o n and l i v e d i n a ranchhouse immediately adjacent to the o r i g i n a l 45 owners of Ts'peten, the Canoe Creek/ Dog Creek Band. As a member of the Cariboo T r i b a l C o u n c i l , the band was now engaged i n land claims n e g o t i a t i o n s through the B.C. Treaty 44 Percy Rosette, t r a n s c r i p t of i n t e r v i e w recorded on 2 0 August, 1995, a v a i l a b l e through the homepage of S e t t l e r s i n Support of Indigenous Sovereignty: http://kafka.uvic.ca/~vipirg/SISIS/SISmain.html.. 45 Ts'peten l i e s at the headwaters of Dog Creek, and o r i g i n a l l y f e l l w i t h i n the t e r r i t o r y of the Dog Creek Band, but i t amalgamated w i t h Canoe Creek i n the 1920s. See Coffey, e t . a l . , Shuswap History, p.21. , 145 Commission, but regarded Ts'peten as p r i v a t e land, and hence outside the purview of t r e a t y n e g o t i a t i o n s . The Sundancers, on the other hand, now viewed Ts'peten as a sacred s i t e , and would e v e n t u a l l y compile evidence that the area had t r a d i t i o n a l l y served as a b u r i a l ground and f i s h i n g 46 l o c a t i o n . Moreover, l i k e other Native s o v e r e i g n t i s t s i n B.C., they asserted that the land there had never been p r o p e r l y ceded to the Crown, and thus remained Secwepemc t e r r i t o r y . Percy Rosette underscored t h i s c l a i m by recounting an o l d s t o r y about f a i l e d e f f o r t s to secure the surrender of Ts'peten: ...the [ c o l o n i a l land] commissioners, when they f i r s t came on t h i s land, they met w i t h the Indians and the commissioners had a box of money. The Indians couldn't understand what these commissioners, these surveyors were t a l k i n g about, so they had to have a t r a n s l a t o r t a l k to the commissioners. So the Indians b u i l t a sacred f i r e then at Ts'peten and spoke through the i n t e r p r e t e r to these c o l o n i a l s . They had q u i t e a debate over the land. These c o l o n i a l s were t r y i n g t o buy t h i s land w i t h that money i n the box. They set the box next to the sacred f i r e . So i n the end, the Indians s a i d , 'Whatever these c o l o n i a l s want, we w i l l 146 do i t proper.' So they t o l d them, we're going to see i f i t comes from the Creator. So w i t h the money s i t t i n g there there's many days of debate about whether they want to s e l l the land. So these Indians had a ceremony and t o l d the c o l o n i a l s to step back a l i t t l e , t h at they were going to see i f t h i s money comes from the Creator; they were going to p u r i f y i t i n the sacred f i r e . So they took the money and they put i t i n the f i r e . And the money burned a l l to nothing. So they s a i d "there's no sa l e f o r t h i s land". That's the legend of Ts'peten. That land's s t i l l not f o r s a l e . We've always l i v e d t h a t , and that r e s i d e s i n our ceremonies at a l l times. S i g n i f i c a n t l y , though these contending views of Ts'peten l i e at the root of the subsequent standoff, and encapsulate the whole, r a m i f i e d h i s t o r y of the land question i n B.C., t h i s c r u c i a l dimension of the dispute would never be s e r i o u s l y addressed during the r e s u l t i n g c r i s i s . In 1989, Rosette approached L y a l l James to inform him about plans to use a p o r t i o n of the Ts'peten l a k e f r o n t as a Ts'peten Defenders, Press Release, August 1995. A v a i l a b l e at SISIS homepage. 47 Percy Rosette i n t e r v i e w . 147 Sundance s i t e . James gave h i s approval somewhat r e l u c t a n t l y , and s t i p u l a t e d that the Sundancers must not erect any permanent s t r u c t u r e s or i n t e r f e r e w i t h ranch operations or r e c r e a t i o n a l users. To Rosette, who d i d not recognize James's ownership, and hence the need to o b t a i n 49 hxs permission, g i v i n g n o t i c e was simply a courtesy. Sundances were held f o r ten days each summer from 1990 through . 1994, and were l a r g e l y uneventful, though by 1993 l o c a l non-Natives were becoming i r r i t a t e d by the Native's growing a s s e r t i v e n e s s , as the Sundancers approached v i s i t o r s to advise them about the sacredness of the area, and i n some instances encourage them to leave. James, who b e l i e v e d that the s i t e would be used on the standard four-year c y c l e , became i n c r e a s i n g l y concerned when he learned that the Sundancers planned to r e t u r n i n 1995. A f t e r the 1994 Sundance, Rosette and h i s wife Toby Pena (and, i n t e r m i t t e n t l y , other f a m i l y members) stayed on through the f a l l and w i n ter to watch over the Sundance grounds. When James discovered t h i s , he made plans to e v i c t them, c o n s u l t i n g w i t h lawyers and the l o c a l RCMP detachment at 100 M i l e House, who advised him that he would be b e t t e r o f f i n v o k i n g a c i v i l r a t h e r than c r i m i n a l procedure, as p o l i c e involvement would l i k e l y increase tensions. Throughout the A b o r i g i n a l Sovereignty Support Committee, "Chronology of the Gustafsen Lake Standoff", August 1996 (hereafter ASSC Chronology), a v a i l a b l e through SISIS homepage. 49 Percy Rosette speech, Vancouver, B.C., October 1995. I 148 s p r i n g and e a r l y summer of 1995, people came and went from the camp preparing f o r the Sundance i n e a r l y J u l y . Meanwhile, James, h i s lawyer, p r o v i n c i a l government o f f i c i a l s , the RCMP and re p r e s e n t a t i v e s from the Cariboo T r i b a l C ouncil and some of i t s c o n s t i t u e n t bands were c o n s u l t i n g each other about c a n c e l l i n g or r e l o c a t i n g the 1995 Sundance, and removing the Sundancers. L o c a l non-Nativ e s , already predisposed to paranoia by incessant, r i g h t wing fear-mongering about Native land claims, became i n c r e a s i n g l y a g i t a t e d , e s p e c i a l l y area ranchers who regarded the government's r e f u s a l to s w i f t l y e j e c t the Sundancers as co n f i r m a t i o n that lessees of Crown rangelands were to be s a c r i f i c e d on the a l t a r of Native appeasement. 5 0 In t h i s atmosphere, i t was probably p r e d i c t a b l e , i f not i n e v i t a b l e , that matters would e s c a l a t e . In e a r l y June, some Sundancers erected a fence around the Sundance s i t e to keep c a t t l e from dese c r a t i n g ceremonial grounds, f u r t h e r arousing James'ire. F o l l o w i n g the venerable Cariboo t r a d i t i o n of s e t t l e r v i g i l a n t i s m , James and a dozen or so of h i s ranchhands descended on the Ts'peten campsite to remind the Sundancers about the p e n a l t i e s c u s t o m a r i l y imposed on troublesome Indians. F i n d i n g Rosette t e m p o r a r i l y absent, they removed a woodstove from the camp cookhouse, wrongly Terry G l a v i n , "How the Cir c u s Came to Gustafsen Lake", The Georgia Straight 22-29 September, 1995. See a l s o ASSC chronology. 149 c l a i m i n g i t had been s t o l e n ; some sauntered about the campground photographing Sundance r e g a l i a , while others brandished r i f l e s and threatened to k i l l the Sundancers; one b e l l i g e r e n t repeatedly cracked a bu l l w h i p , suggesting that the time had come "to s t r i n g up some red niggers". When Rosette returned a few hours l a t e r , he refused to accept an e v i c t i o n n o t i c e James produced, so one of the ranchhands impaled i t on a sacred s t a f f as the group l e f t the campsite. 5 1 Now thoroughly anxious, the Sundancers f i r e d warning shots i n t o the a i r the next day when a M i n i s t r y of Forests v e h i c l e approached the camp; they a l s o sent out an anxious appeal f o r help through t h e i r network of 52 supporters. A f t e r d i s c u s s i o n s w i t h L y l e James on June 15th, s e l f - a p p o i n t e d mediators from the l o c a l bands r e l a y e d f u r t h e r t h r e a t s of " p h y s i c a l removal" to the Sundancers. The next day, a drunken ranchhand stumbled i n t o the camp, warning that "the ranchers intended to burn the c o u n c i l lodge and the RCMP were planning an i n v a s i o n of the camp".53 One of the occupants of the Forest M i n i s t r y v e h i c l e , an adherent of the "one law f o r a l l " worldview, c i r c u l a t e d h i s v e r s i o n of the i n c i d e n t f a r and wide, so that w i t h i n a few days the l o c a l Reform MLA was demanding RCMP a c t i o n from the f l o o r of the l e g i s l a t u r e . See G l a v i n , "How the Ci r c u s Came " . 53 Ts'peten Defender's, Press Release, 18 June 1995. 150 On June 25th, an u n i d e n t i f i e d truck p u l l e d up outside the encampment and the occupants f i r e d shots i n t o the camp.54 Despite these h o s t i l e a c t i o n s , a negotiated s o l u t i o n remained the Sundancer's p r e f e r r e d option, though they were not prepared to a l l o w s e t t l e r a u t h o r i t i e s and property owners to d i c t a t e the terms. I d e n t i f y i n g themselves as the Defenders of the Shuswap Nation, they issued s e v e r a l press r e l e a s e s i n mid-June which o u t l i n e d recent events at Ts'peten and c a l l e d f o r i n v e s t i g a t i o n s i n t o the i l l e g a l s a l e or lease of Native lands by government agencies and l o c a l band c o u n c i l s ( i n c l u d i n g presumably the Ts'peten lands) and an audience w i t h the Queen and the P r i v y C o u n c i l to renew the t r e a t y o b l i g a t i o n s recognized by the Royal Proclamation of 1763. They a l s o pleaded w i t h supporters to demand that the RCMP commit i t s e l f to a peaceful r e s o l u t i o n of the d i s p u t e . 5 5 On June 17 they met w i t h r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s of the Cariboo T r i b a l C o u n c i l , the RCMP, and the James C a t t l e Company to e x p l a i n t h e i r p o s i t i o n , but nothing c o n c l u s i v e was achieved. On June 22, s e v e r a l RCMP o f f i c e r s v i s i t e d the Sundance camp f o r f u r t h e r d i s c u s s i o n s , and t h e r e a f t e r three Native constables were assigned to make d a i l y v i s i t s to the camp to monitor a c t i v i t i e s and gather i n f o r m a t i o n . These o f f i c e r s e s t a b l i s h e d c o r d i a l r e l a t i o n s w i t h the Defenders, 54 ASSC Chronology. 151 and one produced a research report d e t a i l i n g the background to t h e i r c l a i m to the Tspeten a r e a . 5 6 The 19 95 Sundance was conducted without event i n e a r l y J u l y ( i t was dedicated to ending male v i o l e n c e against women and c h i l d r e n i n Native communities), but when the Defenders s t i l l r efused to leave a f t e r the ceremonies were completed, the RCMP began gearing up f o r a more coe r c i v e approach (they had begun canvassing support f o r such measures among l o c a l 57 band leaders i n June). Negotiations proceeded f i t f u l l y throughout J u l y and e a r l y August, despite f u r t h e r shooting i n c i d e n t s : on J u l y 20th, shots were f i r e d i n t o the camp a f t e r another threatening v i s i t from a James C a t t l e Co. employee; on J u l y 26th, two Native f i s h e r i e s o f f i c e r s encountered s i x men c l a i m i n g to be from the camp, one of 58 whom f i r e d a shot i n the a i r as the o f f i c e r s l e f t ) . By t h i s time, James, backed by the B.C. Cattlemen's A s s o c i a t i o n , was pushing f o r a c t i o n , as were the C e n t r a l I n t e r i o r Loggers A s s o c i a t i o n , the l o c a l Tourism Board, and the l o c a l band c o u n c i l s . On J u l y 27th, Reform MP P h i l l i p I b i d . See a l s o Trond H a l l e , T r i a l Notes, July-August 1996 a v a i l a b l e at SISIS homepage. 57 Trond H a l l e , T r i a l Notes. 58 G l a v i n , "How the Circ u s Came"; ASSC Chronology. 152 M a y f i e l d c a l l e d the RCMP to emphasize that the Defender's 59 encampment was i l l e g a l and "they should be taken out". On August 11, the RCMP found the p r e t e x t they r e q u i r e d to j u s t i f y more f o r c e f u l measures. On that day, two men a s s o c i a t e d w i t h the camp, David Pena and E r n i e A r c h i e , were a r r e s t e d by f i s h e r i e s o f f i c e r s on the Fraser R i v e r f o r f i s h i n g during a c l o s u r e (they were f i s h i n g f o r t h e i r f a m i l i e s ' winter food s u p p l i e s ) . A f t e r roughing them up, the o f f i c e r s searched t h e i r car and found a small cache of weapons, some of them i l l e g a l . 6 0 Now the RCMP had "proof" of the Defender's v i o l e n t p r o p e n s i t i e s , and began drawing up an o p e r a t i o n a l p l a n f o r t h e i r removal. A few days l a t e r , on August 17th, the Native constables, who had maintained a f a i r l y good rapport w i t h the people i n the camp, were r e -assigned to other d u t i e s (prompting one to query, i n a subsequent i n t e r n a l memo, " i f a white r e l i g i o u s group were to take over the rodeo grounds at W i l l i a m s Lake would the d e c i s i o n be made to send the white p o l i c e home and have the Native poice storm the camp?"). 6 1 L a t e r that day, an Emergency Response Team (ERT) from r e g i o n a l headquarters i n 59 G l a v i n , "How the C i r c u s Came". 6 0 The weapons inc l u d e d a hunting r i f l e , an AK-47, a Glock semiautomatic p i s t o l , knives, a g a r o t t e , and nunchakus. See ASSC Chronology; Trond H a l l e , T r i a l Notes, 14 August, 1996 re testimony of RCMP S t a f f Sgt. M a r t i n S a r i c h . 6 1 Trond H a l l e , T r i a l Notes, August 15, 1996 re RCMP Constable George F i n d l a y . 153 Kamloops was sent i n on a covert, overnight "probe" of the camp to gather t a c t i c a l i nformation. The Defenders, understandably r a t t l e d by repeated t h r e a t s and gunshots, feared an atta c k by redneck v i g i l a n t e s when they detected armed f i g u r e s i n camouflage gear and face p a i n t i n the woods surrounding t h e i r campsite. The RCMP re c e i v e d a f r a n t i c c a l l from Percy Rosette i n the e a r l y hours of August 18, but ignored the opportunity to reassure him that there was no imminent danger. As dawn broke, an u n i d e n t i f i e d Sundancer r e p o r t e d l y f i r e d a shot: the Defenders l a t e r claimed i t was f i r e d i n the a i r as a warning, but the ERT team i n s i s t e d i t 62 was aimed at one of t h e i r members, narrowly missing him. With t h i s "shooting i n c i d e n t " , the the RCMP began to implement the f i r s t steps of a " m u l t i f a c e t e d o p e r a t i o n a l p l a n " . C o n t r o l was t r a n s f e r r e d from the l o c a l detachment to the r e g i o n a l command centre i n Kamloops, while s e n i o r RCMP o f f i c i a l s made i n i t i a l overtures to the Canadian Forces (CF) f o r a s s i s t a n c e ; w i t h i n days, the m i l i t a r y began f o r m u l a t i n g i t s own p l a n - code-named Operation Wallaby - f o r supp l y i n g armoured t r a n s p o r t to the RCMP, gathering i n t e l l i g e n c e f o r d a i l y b r i e f i n g s to Ottawa, and arranging f o r the secret 63 t r a n s p o r t of Bison APC's and crews from A l b e r t a . L o c a l l y , Trond H a l l e , T r i a l Notes, August 14; G l a v i n , "How the Ci r c u s Came"; ASSC chronology. 63 See Trond H a l l e , T r i a l Notes, August 14. The CF wanted to maintain a low p r o f i l e so that " i f anything goes wrong, 154 the p o l i c e set up checkpoints along a l l access roads to Ts'peten, as w e l l as an " e l e c t r o n i c eye" to monitor movements around the encampment; these would l a t e r be augmented by more s o p h i s t i c a t e d a e r i a l systems i n v o l v i n g video and i n f r a r e d technology that would together enable comprehensive s u r v e i l l a n c e of the Defender's movements. At the same time, the RCMP began the buildup of personnel that would e v e n t u a l l y b r i n g over 400 o f f i c e r s and s t a f f t o the standoff s i t e from a l l over western Canada, i n c l u d i n g "psy-ops" ( p s c h o l o g i c a l operations) s p e c i a l i s t s and at l e a s t 15 ERT teams. The ERT teams, k i t t e d out i n Desert Storm-style i n f r a r e d goggles and weaponry, would be used to run covert p a t r o l s from the secret RCMP base camp - a p p r o p r i a t e l y named Zulu - while the r e g u l a r o f f i c e r s would perform the v a r i o u s f u n c t i o n s r e q u i r e d i n a siege of t h i s nature, i n c l u d i n g undercover i n t e l l i g e n c e - g a t h e r i n g i n the pubs of W i l l i a m s 64 Lake and 100 M i l e House. On the afternoon of August 18th, the RCMP contacted major media o u t l e t s to a l e r t them to "a major s t o r y breaking i n the Cariboo", and the next day flew s e l e c t e d r e p o r t e r s i n t o W i l l i a m s Lake f o r a press conference w i t h p o l i c e , L y a l l we w i l l not be seen as f a i l i n g " . They i n s i s t e d that the Bisons be marked w i t h RCMP decals, and h i d the v e h i c l e s away i n a Kamloops armoury u n t i l they were deployed i n e a r l y September. See "RCMP considered asking m i l i t a r y to take over at Gustafsen", Vancouver Sun, 12 A p r i l , 1996. 64 See Vancouver Sun, 13 September, 1995; Trond H a l l e , T r i a l Notes, J u l y 11 and August 14, 1996. 155 James, and o f f i c i a l s from the Cariboo T r i b a l C o u n c i l . The RCMP recounted the shooting i n c i d e n t s of that day and of June 14, and d i s p l a y e d the weapons s e i z e d on August 11th at the Fraser r i v e r . RCMP spokesperson Len O l f e r t used the term " t e r r o r i s m " f o r the f i r s t time. Thereafter, media people from outside the region a r r i v e d i n droves, and were soon p u b l i s h i n g inflammatory s t o r i e s about v i o l e n t f a n a t i c s bent on being " c a r r i e d out i n body bags". 6 5 The feeding f r e n z y i n t e n s i f i e d on August 26, when Ovide Mercredi, n a t i o n a l c h i e f of the Assembly of F i r s t Nations, a r r i v e d from Ottawa to t r y to broker a peaceful end to the standof f . By t h i s time the RCMP had blockaded the camp and cut o f f the Defender's communications l i n k s , and was c a l l i n g f o r a " s w i f t , d e c i s i v e and u n c o n d i t i o n a l surrender"; they gave Mercredi j u s t 48 hours to come up w i t h a s o l u t i o n . A f t e r s e v e r a l f r u i t l e s s v i s i t s to the camp, a f r u s t r a t e d Mercredi d i s c l o s e d the p o l i t i c a l r a t i o n a l e behind RCMP plans f o r a s w i f t i n v a s i o n : "they t o l d me they have to go ahead f o r two reasons - one, they don't want to set a precedent. And two, they are saying white p u b l i c o p i n i o n demands i t . " 6 6 Around t h i s time, the Defenders began to d i r e c t a t t e n t i o n t o t h e i r Ottawa-based lawyer Bruce Clark, a c o n t r o v e r s i a l f i g u r e whose exhaustive l e g a l research and uncompromising advocacy i n support of Native sovereignty during previous disputes i n Vancouver Sun, 25 August, 1995. Vancouver Sun, 2 8 August, 1995, A3. 156 Ontario and B.C. had a t t r a c t e d both ardent support (from m i l i t a n t s o v e r e i g n t i s t s across the country) and b i t t e r enmity (from the l e g a l establishment and mainstream n a t i v e l e a d e r s ) . A f t e r the RCMP clampdown on August 26th, the standoff entered i t s c r i t i c a l phase, which would l a s t u n t i l the Defender's surrendered on September 17th, some three weeks l a t e r . This tense p e r i o d would be punctuated by three "hot" i n c i d e n t s which the RCMP, now f i r m l y i n c o n t r o l of i n f o r m a t i o n flows, used to j u s t i f y i t s combative approach and shape p u b l i c perception (a f o u r t h i n c i d e n t , not reported at the time, has been d i s c l o s e d i n subsequent court 68 proceedings). The f i r s t occurred on August 27th, when The flamboyant and e r u d i t e Clark would pay a heavy p r i c e f o r h i s b r i e f but s e n s a t i o n a l r o l e i n the standoff, which ended w i t h a short p e r i o d of i n c a r c e r a t i o n and eventual f l i g h t from the country (he faced trumped-up charges of contempt and a s s a u l t i n g a p o l i c e o f f i c e r a f t e r a s c u f f l e i n the W i l l i a m s Lake courthouse). He was portrayed as a megalomaniac and a buffoon i n the media, and h i s arguments f o r Native sovereignty were never s e r i o u s l y addressed, though he i s the author of two widely c i t e d books on the l e g a l h i s t o r y of a b o r i g i n a l r i g h t s i n Canada. See h i s Indian Title in Canada (Toronto: C a r s w e l l , 1987) and Native Liberty, Crown Sovereignty (Montreal-Kingston: McGill-Queens U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1990). For a t h o u g h t f u l account of h i s a c t i v i t i e s before the Ts'peten standoff, see P h i l l i p Raphals, "Nations i n Waiting", Canadian Forum, May 1991, pp. 10-14 . 68 There are widely divergent v e r s i o n s of each, and RCMP d i s c l o s u r e s during subsequent c r i m i n a l proceedings r e v e a l that the s t o r i e s c i r c u l a t e d to the press during the course of the standoff were h i g h l y misleading. Interview w i t h John "Doc" H i l l , CFRO Radio, October 20 1996; and ASSC, "Chronology". 157 ) RCMP p a t r o l s discovered trees had been cut across the main access road to the camp. According to the p o l i c e v e r s i o n , ERT members accompanied a f o r e s t s e r v i c e crew to the spot to remove the t r e e s , and were "ambushed" as they prepared to leave. Two o f f i c e r s were "shot i n the back", but were saved from s e r i o u s i n j u r y by t h e i r f l a k j a c k e t s . The RCMP waited nine days to produce evidence of t h e i r v e r s i o n of the s k i r m i s h (damaged f l a k j a c k e t s and a b u l l e t - r i d d e n Suburban), but by then the image of hapless ERT cowboys and treacherous Indians was already f i r m l y implanted i n the p u b l i c mind, confirming the n e c e s s i t y of the RCMP's h a r d l i n e 69 stance. There were some s k e p t i c s , notably Ovide Mercredi, who claimed the i n c i d e n t was the p r e d i c t a b l e r e s u l t of RCMP aggression, and syndicated columnist W i l l i a m Johnston, who doubted the p l a u s i b i l i t y of the RCMP account and i m p l i e d that p o l i c e had manufactured a shootout to deceive the 70 p u b l i c . On August 29th, Bruce Clark emerged from a meeting w i t h h i s c l i e n t s at the camp c a r r y i n g RCMP s h e l l casings and a sworn a f f a d a v i t i n d i c a t i n g that the RCMP had 71 f i r e d on the Defenders f i r s t . (In the aftermath of the standoff, the Defenders have c o n s i s t e n t l y denied f i r i n g at 69 "RCMP d i s p l a y b u l l e t - r i d d e n v e h i c l e " , Vancouver Sun, 5 September, 1995. 70 See "Mounties a c t i o n s anger Mercredi", Vancouver Sun, 28 August, 1995; W i l l i a m Johnston, Montreal Gazette, 29 August, 1995. 71 "Lawyer says p o l i c e shot at Indians f i r s t " , Vancouver Sun, 1 September 1995. 158 the RCMP, and c l a i m that the whole i n c i d e n t was a p u b l i c 72 r e l a t i o n s contrivance. ) The next i n c i d e n t ocurred on September 4th, when the RCMP claimed that two Suburbans c a r r y i n g ERT personnel had come under f i r e near the end of a p a t r o l i n the v i c i n i t y of the camp. One of the v e h i c l e s was d i s a b l e d i n the f i r e f i g h t , and the ERT team was forced to r e t r e a t on foot and take up defensive p o s i t i o n s i n the f o r e s t . They claimed that although the Defenders " s t a l k e d " them a l l n i g h t , they passed up numerous o p p o r t u n i t i e s (afforded by t h e i r night v i s i o n equipment) to f i r e upon t h e i r pursuers. As one RCMP spokesperson put i t , "only great r e s t r a i n t on the part of the o f f i c e r s prevented what could have been a very s e r i o u s 73 i n c i d e n t . " Recent court d i s c l o s u r e s , however, p a i n t q u i t e a d i f f e r e n t p i c t u r e of what t r a n s p i r e d . According to the RCMP's own f o r e n s i c experts, the v e h i c l e i n question was d i s a b l e d when i t ran over a tre e branch, and was never h i t by any b u l l e t s . I t now appears that the ERT members, pa n i c k i n g i n response to a perceived attack, i n i t i a t e d an imaginary f i r e f i g h t , f i r i n g w i l d l y i n a l l d i r e c t i o n s as they RCMP o f f i c e r s have repeated t h e i r s t o r y i n court, but i n a curious t w i s t , the otherwise comprehensive video footage provided by the Wescam a e r i a l s u r v e i l l a n c e system f a i l e d to record the c r u c i a l 15 minutes. Interview w i t h John "Doc" H i l l , CFRO Radio, October 20 1996. 73 "RCMP ignored chances to r e t u r n f i r e " , Vancouver Sun, 6 September, 1995. 159 /4 abandoned t h e i r v e h i c l e . Nevertheless, t h i s second "gunfight" became the pretext f o r securing d i r e c t involvement of the Canadian Forces: w i t h i n days, 4 Bison armoured personnel c a r r i e r s (APCs), s t a f f e d by CF crews and armed w i t h heavy-calibre machine guns, were rumbling along the d i r t road toward Ts'peten to provide ERT teams w i t h an "armoured escort s e r v i c e " . P o l i c e a l s o used the i n c i d e n t to j u s t i f y the c r e a t i o n of 200 km2 "no-go zone" around Ts'peten, o s t e n s i b l y to pr o t e c t h i k e r s and hunters from 75 chance encounters w i t h the Defenders. The t h i r d major i n c i d e n t , undoubtedly the most s e r i o u s of the standoff, occurred one week l a t e r , on September 11. I t was the day a f t e r RCMP f i e l d commander Roger Kemble i s s u e d two c r u c i a l orders as part of the s t i l l u n f o l d i n g " o p e r a t i o n a l p l a n " : the f i r s t t ightened the p o l i c e perimeter around the camp, reducing the scope of the "free-roam zone" p r e v i o u s l y e s t a b l i s h e d around the camp by agreement w i t h the Defenders, and e f f e c t i v e l y c u t t i n g o f f access to water and firewood; the second was a secret "shoot to k i l l " order g i v i n g RCMP personnel the "green l i g h t " to shoot any armed ASSC Chronology. 75 "RCMP d i s p l a y b u l l e t - r i d d e n v e h i c l e " , Vancouver Sun, 5 September, 1995. 160 Natives they encountered. The Defenders were worried about m a i n t a i n i n g s u p p l i e s of wood and water, so members of a Native l i a i s o n group arranged to v i s i t the camp around 2:00 P.M. on the 11th to discuss t h i s and other i s s u e s . Just before 2:00, two Defenders, accompanied by a dog, l e f t the campsite i n a red pickup truck to o b t a i n d r i n k i n g water f o r the meeting. About a kilo m e t r e from the campsite, the truc k h i t a landmine (a "perimeter marker" i n RCMP jargon) and was d i s a b l e d by the r e s u l t i n g e x p l o s i o n , which sent a plume of smoke s p i r a l l i n g 60 to 100 feet i n a i r (the e x p l o s i o n caused Percy Rosette's brother, one of the Native e l d e r s w a i t i n g nearby to meet the Defenders, to have a heart a t t a c k ) . In the RCMP's i n i t i a l report of the i n c i d e n t , Bisons pursued the two Defenders as they f l e d i n t o the woods on f o o t , but broke o f f the chase when they began to f i r e on the RCMP; one of the Bisons was r e p o r t e d l y d i s a b l e d i n the ensuing f i r e f i g h t , i n which "thousands of rounds" were 77 exchanged. The RCMP used t h i s s k i r m i s h to j u s t i f y the deployment of more ERT squads, and four more CF Bisons, i n the woods around the camp. D e t a i l s of t h i s second order have only emerged as p a r t of recent court testimony. See "Snipers at Gustafsen able to 'shoot to k i l l ' " , Vancouver Sun, 12 October, 1996. 77 In subsequent court testimony, p o l i c e have admitted that the shots a t t r i b u t e d to the f l e e i n g Defenders could have been " f r i e n d l y f i r e " , since there were more p o l i c e f i r i n g from the other side of the lake during the chase. "Snipers at Gustafsen able to 'shoot to k i l l ' " , Vancouver Sun, 12 October, 1996. 161 The Defender's account d i f f e r s markedly (and i s l a r g e l y confirmed by court testimony of the o f f i c e r s i n v o l v e d and 78 the RCMP1s own Wescam footage). In t h e i r v e r s i o n , a f t e r the e x p l o s i o n , the two unarmed Defenders ran from the v e h i c l e to the lake and began swimming back to the camp, w i t h the RCMP f i r i n g on them continuously (one of the s i x t y RCMP o f f i c e r s i n the f i e l d that day estimated he f i r e d 50 or 79 6 0 rounds at t h i s stage). Meanwhile, two Bison APCs rammed the tru c k repeatedly (the smoke was by now so t h i c k they could not have known i f others remained i n s i d e ) ; the dog jumped out of the back of the pickup, and was promptly gunned down. As the RCMP pursued the f l e e i n g Defenders back to the campsite, they began to exchange g u n f i r e w i t h the other Defenders, who were t r y i n g to s h i f t a t t e n t i o n away from t h e i r comrades. In the ensuing f i r e f i g h t , the RCMP poured up to 20,000 rounds i n t o the campsite, enough, according to one supporter, to denude much of the 4 00m s t r i p of f o r e s t separating the camp from the lake. M i r a c u l o u s l y , no Defenders were k i l l e d during t h i s onslaught, and only one The video footage was presented i n court and has sin c e been a i r e d by the Defender's supporters on Rogers community t e l e v i s i o n ' s Nitewatch program i n January, 1997. 79 Ts'peten Defenders, "Gustafsen Lake: A Chronology". 162 was wounded, a non-Native woman who was h i t i n the arm by s n i p e r / f i r e from across the l a k e . 8 0 Native leaders i n v o l v e d i n n e g o t i a t i o n s w i t h the Defenders were outraged by the RCMP1s conduct. Commenting on an RCMP press conference held that evening, P e n t i c t o n band c o u n c i l l o r Stewart Dick s a i d media r e l a t i o n s o f f i c e r Sgt. Peter Montague was "unglued": He seemed r e a l l y nervous. He didn't seem sure of what he was saying. I k i n d of got the impression they had messed up b i g time and the whole t h i n g was going t o blow up i n h i s face. I n e x p l i c a b l y , a f t e r the standoff ended the RCMP destroyed much of the evidence that would have helped e s t a b l i s h what a c t u a l l y happened on September 11th: spent RCMP b u l l e t s were removed from the scene without being examined, or even counted; the camp cookhouse, which the Defenders c l a i m was r i d d l e d w i t h b u l l e t s , was burnt to the ground; and the Talk given by B i l l Lightbown, Kootenai e l d e r and soveriegnty a c t i v i s t , at UBC, January 1996. 81 "Native leaders f e a r r i s e i n v i o l e n c e " , Vancouver Sun, 12 September, 1995. 163 f o r e s t surrounding the campsite was c l e a r c u t by L y l e James, 82 a c t i n g on RCMP i n s t r u c t i o n s . The f i n a l i n c i d e n t took place on September 12th, the day a f t e r the massive f i r e f i g h t , and gives some i n d i c a t i o n of the technology being deployed by the RCMP. On that morning, an unarmed Defender was walking along the road about 6 00 metres south of the camp, w i t h i n the designated "free-roam" ( i . e . no shoot) zone. He was observed by three ERTs, a h e l i c o p t e r , and two "Eye-in-the-Sky" a i r p l a n e s equipped w i t h 83 Wescam cameras. The s p o t t e r i n the h e l i c o p t e r contacted ERT sni p e r s set up i n a cabin about 1000 metres across the lake from the man, and asked "Can you get a u t h o r i t y from Zulu to make h i s day unpleasant?". Watching the man on a video monitor v i a an u p l i n k to the "Eye-in-the-Sky" cameras, the s e n i o r RCMP o f f i c e r on the scene gave the green l i g h t to the marksmen, who used a l a s e r - s i g h t i n g system to f i r e three shots from a .308 r i f l e . The f i r s t landed between h i s f e e t , and he dove f o r cover, narrowly a v o i d i n g the next two shots. This i n c i d e n t was not reported i n the media u n t i l i t came out i n court testimony over a year a f t e r the standoff ended, presumably because i t was an RCMP, not a Native, ambush. Trond H a l l e , T r i a l Notes, 11 J u l y , 1996 re testimony of RCMP Const. Fleming. 83 Video footage of t h i s i n c i d e n t was a l s o given to the defence i n the subsequent t r i a l , and has a i r e d on community t e l e v i s i o n . 164 Throughout the standoff, B.C. Native groups pressured p o l i c e to abandon t h e i r i n c r e a s i n g l y m i l i t a r i z e d posture i n favour of e f f o r t s to reach a negotiated s o l u t i o n . They persuaded p o l i c e to permit n e g o t i a t i n g teams c o n s i s t i n g of l o c a l Native e l d e r s , s p i r i t u a l leaders and Native p o l i c e to make r e g u l a r v i s i t s to the camp to discuss p o s s i b i l i t i e s f o r a peacefu l end to the standoff. While the RCMP s t e a d i l y increased the pressure on the camp w i t h constant ground probes and l o w - f l y i n g a e r i a l p a t r o l s (the Defenders maintain that shots were r e g u l a r l y f i r e d i n t o the compound throughout t h i s p e r i o d ) , Native n e g o t i a t o r s worked t i r e l e s s l y to b r i n g about a non-violent s o l u t i o n to the i n c r e a s i n g l y v o l a t i l e c o n f r o n t a t i o n . E v e n t u a l l y , i t was the Defender's A l b e r t a -based medicine man, John Stevens, who persuaded them to 84 leave the camp p e a c e f u l l y on September 18. The eighteen Defenders were a r r e s t e d and charged w i t h v a r i o u s weapons and p r o p e r t y - r e l a t e d offences, i n c l u d i n g mischief and mis c h i e f endangering l i f e ; two Secwepemc men, Jones "Wolverine" Ignace and h i s son Joseph, were charged w i t h attempted murder (Joseph f o r the August 18th i n c i d e n t ; Jones f o r a l l e g e d l y shooting at the t i r e s of a Bison that t r i e d to run 85 him down during the September 11 f i r e f i g h t ) . Vancouver Sun, September 18, 1995. 85 The 18 Defenders c o n s i s t e d of 3 Native women, 11 Nativ e men (almost a l l Secwepemc), 2 non-Native women, and 2 non-Native men. 165 The standoff i s over, but the per s e c u t i o n continues. Though a l l the Defenders were i n i t i a l l y r e l e a s e d on b a i l , the two Ignaces had t h e i r b a i l revoked on appeal, a f t e r d i r e c t i n t e r v e n t i o n by the Attorney-General; Jones Ignace has now been i n j a i l f o r over a year, and considers himself a 86 p o l i t i c a l p r i s o n e r . Joseph Ignace became s u i c i d a l a f t e r p r i s o n guards beat him on s e v e r a l occasions; he was f i n a l l y 87 r e l e a s e d on b a i l i n the s p r i n g of t h i s year. The Defender's t r i a l began i n e a r l y J u l y , 1996 and i s expected to run w e l l i n t o 1997. Despite repeated pleas that i t be h e l d i n Kamloops, which would reduce the hardship f o r the Defenders, most of whom are poor, and some of whom are accustomed to l i v i n g o f f the land, the Crown s u c c e s s f u l l y argued, based on " s e c u r i t y concerns", that i t be h e l d i n the Surrey Courthouse, which has the most advanced s e c u r i t y 88 systems i n the province. POLICING THE CRISIS As f a r as we're concerned, they are nothing more than a renegade bunch of thugs doing c r i m i n a l acts w i t h weapons, they are t r e s p a s s i n g and making a mockery of the very foundations of Canadian s o c i e t y . Vancouver Sun, September 25, 1995; Stephen Hume, "Gustafsen Lake g u i l t or innocence a matter f o r judges not p o l i t i c i a n s " , Vancouver Sun, September 29, 1995. 87 F l o r a Sampson, speech i n Vancouver, March 11, 1996 (Sampson i s the wife of Jones Ignace and mother of Joseph). 88 Vancouver Sun, 9 March, 1996; 12 March 1996. 166 RCMP spokesperson Both during and a f t e r the month-long standoff, the RCMP was t r e a t e d to l a v i s h p r a i s e by government o f f i c i a l s and media commentators f o r t h e i r j u d i c i o u s handling of the a f f a i r . Conveniently e f f a c i n g the la b o r i o u s e f f o r t s of the Native e l d e r s and s p i r i t u a l a d v i s o r s who u l t i m a t e l y persuaded the Defenders to leave the camp, conventional wisdom assigned c r e d i t f o r "peaceful r e s o l u t i o n " of the dispute to RCMP r e s t r a i n t i n the face of "armed thugs". The m i l i t a r y s p e c t a c l e of Ts'peten was henceforth transformed, l i k e some domestic counterpart to UN "peacekeeping operations", i n t o an a f f i r m a t i o n of the ba s i c decency and c i v i l i t y of the Canadian p o l i t y . Of course, t h i s outpouring of s e l f -c o n g r a t u l a t i o n was pr e d i c a t e d on ignorance or w i l f u l l m i s r e c o g n i t i o n of what a c t u a l l y t r a n s p i r e d at the lak e , and served to obscure the more t r o u b l i n g moral and p o l i t i c a l questions r a i s e d by yet another deployment of the s t a t e s e c u r i t y apparatus and m i l i t a r y hardware against Canada's Native peoples. Despite the massive e f f o r t to present Gustafsen Lake as a marker of n a t i o n a l d i f f e r e n c e and s u p e r i o r i t y , i t s primary s i g n i f i c a n c e was r a t h e r to underscore the c o n t i n u i n g c e n t r a l i t y of s t a t e s e c u r i t y systems f o r the maintenance of 89 "Mercredi given two days to end Indian standoff", 167 s e t t l e r supremacy. Ryser, i n h i s d i s c u s s i o n of " f o u r t h world wars" - forms of " i n t e r n a l " c o n f l i c t between the "descendants of ancient nations" and the "massive, modern s t a t e s that surround and e x p l o i t them" - d i s t i n g u i s h e s between "hot" and " c o l d " indigenous wars, the former i n v o l v i n g d i r e c t m i l i t a r y aggression (of Indonesia against the Timorese and Papuans, f o r example, or I s r a e l against the P a l e s t i n i a n s ) , the l a t t e r "fought w i t h p o l i t i c a l and economic weapons, although sporadic p h y s i c a l v i o l e n c e w i l l 90 erupt i n i s o l a t i o n " . The d i f f e r e n c e between them i s , i n one sense, l a r g e l y h i s t o r i c a l since those n a t i o n - s t a t e s now locked i n c o l d wars wi t h indigenous peoples - among them, the U.S., New Zealand, Japan and Canada - have g e n e r a l l y fought "hot" wars, o f t e n over p r o t r a c t e d p e r i o d s , to e s t a b l i s h t e r r i t o r i a l hegemony. This h i s t o r i c a l passage marks a t r a n s i t i o n , f a m i l i a r i n most c o l o n i a l contexts, from a p u r e l y m i l i t a r i s t i c mode of subo r d i n a t i o n based on conquest and p a c i f i c a t i o n , towards a more " p r o f e s s i o n a l " model, i n v o l v i n g a mixture of m i l i t a r y and c i v i l i a n techniques geared to securing both the economic i n f r a s t r u c t u r e and general s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s f o r s u s t a i n e d economic e x p l o i t a t i o n of the occupied t e r r i t o r y (the Middle Vancouver Sun, August 25, 1995. 90 Rudolph Ryser, "Fourth World Wars: Indigenous N a t i o n a l i s m and the Emerging New I n t e r n a t i o n a l P o l i t i c a l Order", i n Menno Boldt, J.A. Long, and Leroy L i t t l e Bear, eds., The Quest for Justice: Aboriginal People and Aboriginal Rights (Toronto: U n i v e r s i t y of Toronto Press, 1985) pp. 304-315, at 308. 168 East "peace process" i s the most v i s i b l e contemporary 91 i n s t a n t i a t i o n of t h i s p r i n c i p l e ) . Without t h i s s h i f t from m i l i t a r y to b u r e a u c r a t i c r e p r e s s i o n most regimes w i l l l a c k the i d e o l o g i c a l l e g i t i m a c y to s u r v i v e i n the long run. (As Napoleon r e p o r t e d l y quipped, you can do anything w i t h bayonets but s i t on them). Hence from e a r l y on there i s an impulse to convert r u l e by f o r c e i n t o the r u l e of law, w i t h Native s o c i e t i e s subjected to a comprehensive c r i m i n a l i z a t i o n , and the c r i m i n a l law adapted to f u n c t i o n as the " c e n t r a l support of c o l o n i a l 92 domination." In B.C., e f f e c t i n g t h i s t r a n s i t i o n was a preoccupation of s e t t l e r government from i t s i n c e p t i o n , though, as Barry Gough has shown i n h i s study of gunboat diplomacy on the P a c i f i c Coast, i t was the 1880s before f u l l See P h i l i p T. A h i r e , Imperial Policing: The Emergence and Role of the Police in Colonial Nigeria, 1860-1960 ( M i l t o n Keynes: Open U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1991). A h i r e i s working w i t h i n a Marxist t r a d i t i o n , but h i s t r a c k i n g of t h i s t r a n s i t i o n a l s o p a r a l l e l s Foucault's well-known a n a l y s i s of the emergence of d i s c i p l i n a r y power. For an e v a l u a t i o n of the s i t u a t i o n i n P a l e s t i n e see Norman F i n k e l s t e i n , "Whither the 'Peace Process'", New Left Review 218 (1996). 92 Peter F i t z p a t r i c k , "Crime as Resistance: The C o l o n i a l S i t u a t i o n " , The Howard Journal 28 (1989) pp. 272-281, at 272. I t i s t h i s b a s i c f u n c t i o n of the c r i m i n a l law as c o l o n i a l instrument that even today generates the a p p a l l i n g r a t e s of Native i n c a r c e r a t i o n which i n c i t e so much hand-wringing among the s e t t l e r establishment. 169 r e l i a n c e could be placed on c i v i l i a n p o l i c i n g . I t i s c r u c i a l to recognize, however, that t h i s l e g a l i z a t i o n of c o l o n i a l power, not only the c r i m i n a l law but the i n t r i c a t e machinery of "Native a d m i n i s t r a t i o n " i n i t s e n t i r e t y , i s i n h e r e n t l y unstable, being s u s c e p t i b l e i n p a r t i c u l a r t o the p e r e n n i a l r e s i s t a n c e of the c o l o n i z e d , and thus r e l i e s (however d i s c r e e t l y ) on the machinery of s t a t e v i o l e n c e as i t s u l t i m a t e guarantor. Of course, the form and frequency of c o e r c i v e a c t i o n w i l l vary across time and " n a t i o n a l s i t u a t i o n s " , but the very nature of s e t t l e r r u l e , l a c k i n g as i t does the consent of the indigenous pop u l a t i o n , w i l l r e q u i r e the p e r i o d i c r e s o r t to v i o l e n c e , even i n advanced s e t t l e r s t a t e s l i k e Canada which have developed more s u b t l e 94 mechanisms of s o c i a l c o n t r o l . I t should be noted too t h a t , i n Canada at l e a s t , the d e m i l i t a r i z a t i o n of c o l o n i a l domination has not n e c e s s a r i l y i m p l i e d a concomitant re d u c t i o n i n the b r u t a l i t y of Gough, Gunboat Frontier:British Maritime Authority and Northwest Coast Indians, 1846-1890 (Vancouver: U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia Press, 1984). 94 Weitzer notes that "the system of c o n t r o l may be so s u c c e s s f u l i n d i s o r g a n i z i n g p o l i t i c a l m o b i l i z a t i o n , r e s t r i c t i n g p h y s i c a l m o b i l i t y , and ensuring economic dependency of the subordinate group that overt p h y s i c a l r e p r e s s i o n i s r a r e l y necessary to maintain s t a b i l i t y " . See Transforming Settler States: Communal Conflict and Internal Security in Northern Ireland and Zanzibar (Berkeley: U n i v e r s i t y of C a l i f o r n i a Press', 1992) . The Canadian system, i n c o n t r a s t , would seem to r e l y on the channeling of 170 treatment meted out to indigenous people. In recent years, Native p r o t e s t s against p o l i c e abuse and the o p e r a t i o n of the " i n j u s t i c e system" have undermined the u n i v e r s a l i s t mythology of l i b e r a l l e g a l i t y , f o r c i n g s t a t e i n t e r v e n t i o n to shore up the i d e o l o g i c a l l e g i t i m a c y of the l e g a l system. The wrongful c o n v i c t i o n of Donald M a r s h a l l , J r . , a Mic Mac from Nova S c o t i a who spent 11 years i n p r i s o n f o r a murder he d i d not commit, and the p o l i c e a s s a s s i n a t i o n of J . J . Harper, a prominent Native a c t i v i s t i n Winnipeg, prompted o f f i c i a l i n q u i r i e s i n t o the operations of the j u s t i c e system i n Nova S c o t i a and Manitoba which revealed widespread d i s c r i m i n a t i o n and abuse. 9 5 Such grievances are hardly unknown i n B.C.'s c e n t r a l I n t e r i o r : i n the 1970s, the area was the focus of a high p r o f i l e controversy over the k i l l i n g of Fred Q u i l t , a C h i l c o t i n man from the A l e x i s Creek Band who d i e d a f t e r a p o l i t i c a l p r o t e s t , and promotion of u r b a n i z a t i o n and economic dependency, to achieve the same r e s u l t . 95 The Province of Nova Sc o t i a ' s Royal Commission on the Donald M a r s h a l l , J r . Prosecution issued i t s report i n 1989, while the Manitoba A b o r i g i n a l J u s t i c e I n q u i r y presented i t s f i n d i n g s i n 1991. S i m i l a r i n q u i r i e s were conducted by the Saskatchewan Indian J u s t i c e and Metis J u s t i c e Review Committe (1992) and the Task Force on the C r i m i n a l J u s t i c e System and i t s Impact on the Indian and Metis People of A l b e r t a (1991). The reports are u s e f u l l y summarized i n V i j a y Mehta, Policing Services for Aboriginal Peoples (Ottawa: A b o r i g i n a l P o l i c i n g D i r e c t o r a t e , S o l i c i t o r General of Canada: 1993). 171 roadside beating by an RCMP o f f i c e r . The p r o t e s t from the l o c a l Native community drew n a t i o n a l a t t e n t i o n to the system of "Herrenvolk j u s t i c e " which then p r e v a i l e d i n the Cariboo-C h i l c o t i n r egion. As Terry G l a v i n describes i t , ...the business of judging was done by people l i k e the l o c a l h o t e l manager or sawmill owner. I t was that way a l l over the I n t e r i o r . A man would be sworn i n as judge when necessary, to do mainly what the RCMP suggested he do....The p r e v a i l i n g o p i n i o n throughout the C h i l c o t i n and Cariboo was that the RCMP's job was to keep the Indians i n check and to stay away, f o r the most p a r t , from the a f f a i r s of the white community. In some c i r c l e s , even the idea of c r i m i n a l t r i a l s f o r Indians was considered r a t h e r novel. C r i m i n a l and c i v i l matters i n v o l v i n g Indians were regarded as best dispatched e x p e d i t i o u s l y , without b e n e f i t of much decorum or due process, and drawing a t t e n t i o n to these 97 cases was bad p o l i c y . Recent events suggest that perhaps not much has changed. In 1993, the NDP government ordered an o f f i c i a l i n q u i r y i n t o the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n of j u s t i c e i n the C a r i b o o - C h i l c o t i n For an account of the Q u i l t case see Robert Davis and Mark Zannis, The Genocide Machine in Canada: P a c i f i c a t i o n in the North (Montreal: Black Rose, 1973) p. 140-41. 172 r e g i o n i n response to longstanding Native complaints about RCMP conduct. In the course of h i s seven month i n v e s t i g a t i o n , Judge Anthony S a r i c h r e c e i v e d over 179 complaints from Native people, and h i s f i n d i n g s c r i t i c i z e d the f o r c e f o r f a i l i n g to address adequately a p a t t e r n of contemptful behaviour and excessive force and i n t i m i d a t i o n . ( S i g n i f i c a n t l y , S a rich's report c a r e f u l l y avoided mention of the RCMP's unsuccessful attempt to o b t a i n a court order h a l t i n g the i n q u i r y a f t e r he began to i n v e s t i g a t e complaints 98 of a s s a u l t s against Native men i n p o l i c e j a i l c e l l s ) . I f nothing e l s e , these p u b l i c i n q u i r i e s , which are u l t i m a t e l y l i t t l e more than e x e r c i s e s i n p u b l i c r e l a t i o n s , have helped to a c c e l e r a t e devolutionary tendencies i n Native a d m i n i s t r a t i o n i n c i p i e n t since the 1960s. Then, the advancing immiseration of Native people, owing both to l a r g e - s c a l e c a p i t a l i s t encroachments on t r a d i t i o n a l lands and subsistence p r a c t i c e s and the consequent implementation of f u l l - b l o w n "welfare c o l o n i a l i s m " , produced a growing awareness of the need to r e t o o l a whole range of a d m i n i s t r a t i v e p r a c t i c e s , i n c l u d i n g p o l i c i n g , i f only to c o n t a i n the " l e g i t i m a t i o n c r i s i s " which an unreconstructed system of c o l o n i a l domination threatened to provoke. The Terry G l a v i n , "The Judge of A l e x i s Creek", The Georgia Straight, 24-31 October, 1996, pp. 15-22, at 17. 173 p o l i t i c a l response was, i n e f f e c t , twofold. On the one hand, w i t h i n the sphere of c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e a d m i n i s t r a t i o n , the Canadian s t a t e began to promote a cooptive or consensual approach designed to f o s t e r the appearance of enlightened progress toward self-government f o r F i r s t Nations. Problems were defined according to an e t h n i c model i n which questions of power and h i s t o r y were eff a c e d by notions of c u l t u r e and community: p o l i c e were no longer the whip hand of s e t t l e r domination, but p r o v i d e r s of a " c u l t u r a l l y a ppropriate" community s e r v i c e . The p r e f e r r e d p o l i c y response was and remains a s u p e r f i c i a l " N a t i v i z a t i o n " of p o l i c i n g through a v a r i e t y of programmes: f o r example, the establishment of community p o l i c i n g and l i a i s o n o f f i c e s , recruitment and promotion of F i r s t Nations constables, c u l t u r a l s e n s i t i v i t y t r a i n i n g f o r non-Native p o l i c e , and, i n some cases, the 99 c r e a t i o n of reserve-based Native p o l i c e f o r c e s . See B r i t i s h Columbia, Final Report of the Cariboo-Chilcotin Justice Inquiry; and "B.C. J u s t i c e Report Released", Native Issues Monthly, November 1993, pp.41-42. 99 For a p o s i t i v e p o l i c e view of some of these developments see Donald J . Loree, Policing Native Communities (Ottawa: Canadian P o l i c e College, 1985). For more c r i t i c a l p e r s p e c t i v e s , see Paul Havemann, "The I n d i g e n i z a t i o n of S o c i a l C o n t r o l i n Canada", i n Robert A. Silverman and M. N i e l s e n , eds., Aboriginal Peoples and Canadian Criminal J u s t i c e (Toronto: Butterworths, 1992) pp.111-119; Jim Harding, " P o l i c i n g and A b o r i g i n a l J u s t i c e " , i n Kevin R.E. McCormick and Lucy A. Visano, eds., Understanding Policing (Toronto: Canadian Scholars Press, 1992) pp. 625-645; and Curt Taylor G r i f f i t h s , " P o l i c i n g A b o r i g i n a l Peoples: The Challenge of Change", i n R.C. Mcleod and David Schneiderman, eds., Police Powers in Canada: The Evolution and Practice of 174 On the other hand, c o i n c i d i n g w i t h (and belying) t h i s apparently kinder, g e n t l e r approach to law enforcement, the Canadian s t a t e began to g i r d i t s e l f f o r the f o r c e f u l suppression of a newly emerging threat to i n t e r n a l s e c u r i t y : Native m i l i t a n c y . D e t e r i o r a t i n g c o n d i t i o n s on the reserves, and i n the "Native ghettos" developing i n Canadian i n n e r c i t i e s , were producing profound discontent, and i n c r e a s i n g l y r a d i c a l p r o t e s t , w i t h i n various sectors of Native s o c i e t y , but e s p e c i a l l y among youth. The infamous 1969 White Paper h i n t e d at t h i s emerging s e t t l e r demonology, w i t h i t s ominous warning that Canadians, Indians and non-Indians a l i k e stand at the crossroads. For Canadian s o c i e t y the iss u e i s whether a growing element of i t s po p u l a t i o n w i l l become f u l l p a r t i c i p a n t s c o n t r i b u t i n g i n a p o s i t i v e way to the general w e l l - b e i n g or whether, conversely, the present s o c i a l and economic gap w i l l l e a d to t h e i r i n c r e a s i n g f r u s t r a t i o n and i s o l a t i o n , a t h r e a t to the general i i u • -F . . 100 w e l l - b e i n g of s o c i e t y . S i m i l a r views are r e f l e c t e d i n more recent government pronouncements and a c t i v i t i e s . A 1993 Federal p o l i c y paper Authority (Toronto: U n i v e r s i t y of Toronto Press, 1991) pp. 121-137. 175 on A b o r i g i n a l p o l i c i n g , adopting the newspeak of " s e r v i c e p r o v i s i o n , " emphasized the impact of economic r e s t r u c t u r i n g , and the attendant f i s c a l c r i s i s of the s t a t e , on a Native p o p u l a t i o n that was i n c r e a s i n g l y a l i e n a t e d from, and i n c o n f l i c t w i t h , the law. "The p o l a r i z a t i o n between v a r i o u s groups could have serio u s p u b l i c s a f e t y i m p l i c a t i o n s f o r the d e l i v e r y of p o l i c e s e r v i c e s , " the report concluded, n o t i n g that "law enforcement agencies face a considerable challenge i n responding to A b o r i g i n a l needs while being subjected to a c l i m a t e of continued f i s c a l c o n s t r a i n t . " 1 0 1 More d i s t u r b i n g , however, were the 1989 r e v e l a t i o n s that the Canadian S e c u r i t y I n t e l l i g e n c e Service (CSIS) had commissioned a report on "Native Extremism" out of concern over the p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t i e s of c e r t a i n Native nations (the Innu of Labrador, the Mohawks of Kahnawake, and the Lubicon Cree) which claimed to provide "a d e t a i l e d assessment of a 102 p o t e n t i a l t h r e a t " . Canada, Statement of the Government of Canada on Indian Policy, 1969 (Ottawa: Queen's P r i n t e r , 1969). 1 0 1 Mehta, Policing Services for Aboriginal Peoples, p. 18-19 . 102 The report was completed i n March, 1989 and news of i t s e x i s t e n c e was leaked to the media i n l a t e A p r i l . The r e s u l t i n g uproar l e d to an i n v e s t i g a t i o n by the S e c u r i t y I n t e l l i g e n c e Review Committee, the l a r g e l y t o o t h l e s s CSIS watchdog, whose own exculpatory report "The Innu Interview and Native Extremism Report" was r e l e a s e d i n February, 1990 ( a f t e r being censored by CSIS f o r reasons of n a t i o n a l s e c u r i t y ) . 176 This manufacture of a new i n t e r n a l enemy c a r r i e d w i t h i t the l a t e n t p o t e n t i a l i t y , rendered more and more manifest from the 1980s onward, f o r i n c r e a s i n g l y r e p r e s s i v e responses t o Native p o l i t i c a l d i s s e n t . There are numerous examples from across "the country over the l a s t twenty years, most not a b l y the 1981 "Salmon War" i n v o l v i n g a massive RCMP op e r a t i o n against the Micmacs on the Restigouche reserve; a s i m i l a r i n v a s i o n of the Kahnawake reserve i n June, 1988; the Oka siege of summer 1990; and the 1991 p o l i c e a t t a c k s on the 103 Lxl'wat Nation's Duffy Lake Road blockades. Of course, Oka remains the most v i v i d and notorious example of t h i s combative approach, and the r e l a t i v e success of Mohawk r e s i s t a n c e (combined w i t h outrage over the death of a p o l i c e o f f i c e r d uring the i n i t i a l a s s a u l t on Mohawk barricades) have no doubt convinced p o l i c e and t h e i r supporters of the need f o r "tougher measures". Indeed, i n the midst of the Oka c r i s i s , the Canadian P o l i c e A s s o c i a t i o n i s s u e d a statement expressing unreserved support f o r the SQ and a blanket condemnation of the Mohawks: "As Canadian p o l i c e o f f i c e r s and c i t i z e n s , we must oppose t e r r o r i s m as a means of r e s o l v i n g d i s p u t e s . We s h a l l continue to uphold and See Alan Anderson, " P o l i c i n g Native People: Native M i l i t a n c y and Canadian M i l i t a r i s m " , i n V i c Satzewich, ed. Deconstructing a Nation: Immigration, M u l t i c u l t u r a l ism and Racism in 90's Canada ( H a l i f a x : Fernwood P u b l i s h i n g , 1992) pp. 468-483. 177 enforce the laws of Canada and pr o t e c t our c i t i z e n s . " In the wake of that c r i s i s , r i g h t wing o p i n i o n begin to c a l l f o r a more m i l i t a r i s t i c approach to "cou n t e r - t e r r o r i s m " . Reform MP Bob Ringma, a r e t i r e d RCMP commander opposed cutbacks to the Canadian m i l i t a r y budget on the grounds that the armed forces would i n c r e a s i n g l y be c a l l e d upon to deal w i t h Native p r o t e s t s . 1 0 5 In a s i m i l a r v e i n , the Mackenzie I n s t i t u t e , an Ontario-based t h i n k tank w i t h l i n k s t o r i g h t wing o r g a n i z a t i o n s l i k e the Northern Foundation and the World Anti-Communist League, c i r c u l a t e d The Legacy of Oka, a p o s i t i o n paper arguing that the Canadian s t a t e should h i r e , equip and t r a i n s p e c i a l counter-insurgency u n i t s to be used " q u i e t l y " and without r e s o r t to "prolonged n e g o t i a t i o n " i n fut u r e c o n f r o n t a t i o n s w i t h F i r s t N a t i o n s . 1 0 6 Such brazen proposals might be r e a d i l y dismissed as the • w i s h f u l t h i n k i n g of r e a c t i o n a r y crackpots and c o l o n i a l r e c i d i v i s t s , but the long, hot summer of 1995 seemed to i n d i c a t e j u s t such an " U l s t e r i z a t i o n " i n defence of s e t t l e r Canadian P o l i c e A s s o c i a t i o n , "We Oppose Terrorism", statement i s s u e d 12 September 1990; quoted i n Donna Goodleaf, Entering the War Zone: Mohawk Perspectives on Resisting Invasion (Penticton, B.C.: Theytus Books, 1995) p.69-70. 1 0 5 Ringma 1s statement, which went l a r g e l y unremarked i n the media, i s r e f e r r e d to i n Terry G l a v i n , "Roadblocks to R e c o n c i l i a t i o n " , Georgia Straight, J u l y 7-14, 1995. 178 p r e r o g a t i v e s . RCMP operations at Gustafsen Lake - r e p l e t e w i t h Gulf War m i l i t a r y hardware, shoot- t o - k i l l orders, a 200 square kil o m e t r e No-Go zone, and comprehensive media embargo - c e r t a i n l y seemed to r e f l e c t a Mackenzie I n s t i t u t e model of c o n f l i c t r e s o l u t i o n . And even as s e t t l e r e l i t e s i n B.C. worked to put >a g e n i a l face on t h i s New Model RCMP -Sam Steele as Navy Seal - the Ontario P r o v i n c i a l P o l i c e were b r u t a l l y suppressing the peaceful e f f o r t s of the Stoney Point F i r s t Nation to r e c l a i m expropriated reserve lands, f a t a l l y shooting one Native man (Dudley George), wounding another, and savagely beating many more. 1 0 8 A n t i - C o l o n i a l A c t i o n A l l i a n c e , "The Mackenzie I n s t i t u t e " , 11 September 1996, unpublished manuscript on f i l e w i t h author. 107 I borrow the term " U l s t e r i z a t i o n " from Mike Davis, "Who K i l l e d Los Angeles? Part Two: The V e r d i c t i s Given", New Left Review 199 (1993) pp. 29-54, at 32. 108 The Stoney Point reserve was expropriated by the Department of N a t i o n a l Defence i n 1942 and never returned. Some r e s i d e n t s were r e l o c a t e d to swampland on the nearby K e t t l e Point reserve, while many others s c a t t e r e d throughout Ontario. Instead of r e t u r n i n g the land to the band, the Ontario government has attempted to tu r n i t i n t o Ipperwash P r o v i n c i a l Park. On Sept. 6, Ontario P r o v i n c i a l P o l i c e stormed the area p r o t e s t e r s were occupying at Ipperwash, w i t h deadly r e s u l t s . As a r e s u l t of a subsequent i n v e s t i g a t i o n i n t o the i n c i d e n t , the o f f i c e r i n charge of t a c t i c a l operations has been charged w i t h c r i m i n a l negligence causing death. See Tony H a l l , "Who K i l l e d Dudley George?", Canadian Dimension, December 1995-January 1996, pp. 8-12; and "The Standoff at Aazhoodena - Stoney P o i n t " , A/cwesasrze Notes 2:1 (1996) pp. 39-41. In a curious p a r a l l e l to the Gustafsen Lake standoff, where the B.C.-based FIRE claimed to a t t r a c t hordes of new angry white members, a group c a l l e d ON-FIRE (Ontario Federation f o r I n d i v i d u a l Rights and Eq u a l i t y ) has m o b i l i z e d i n support of the OPP o f f i c e r . 179 Just what p r e c i s e l y averted a Waco or Ipperwash s o l u t i o n at Gustafsen Lake i s d i f f i c u l t to know, and, given the v e i l of secrecy which shrouds matters of " i n t e r n a l s e c u r i t y " , perhaps unknowable; what can be s a i d w i t h some degree of confidence, however, i s that the main exp l a n a t i o n s i n c e on o f f e r - j u d i c i o u s r e s t r a i n t by the RCMP - i s b a s i c a l l y untenable. The RCMP, perhaps under p o l i t i c a l pressure to avoid "coddling" Native claimants to p r i v a t e land, e s c a l a t e d the c o n f l i c t from mid-August onward i n s t e a d of p e r s i s t i n g w i t h n e g o t i a t i o n s . They implemented an o p e r a t i o n a l p l a n which fed the Defender's fears of an armed i n v a s i o n , w h i l e f o s t e r i n g a cli m a t e of p u b l i c paranoia and h o s t i l i t y that q u i c k l y inflamed s e t t l e r b l o o d l u s t f o r a r e t u r n to " f r o n t i e r j u s t i c e " (during the Standoff there were at l e a s t two demonstrations on the s t r e e t s of 100 M i l e House where signs bearing slogans l i k e "Honk f o r the End of Gustafsen" and "1 Land, 1 People, 1 Law" abounded). Evidence coming to l i g h t at t r i a l has begun to challenge the RCMP c l a i m that the Defenders i n s t i g a t e d each of the shooting i n c i d e n t s : indeed, by i t s e l f the September 11th " f i r e f i g h t " , where p o l i c e f i r e d thousands of rounds at the f l e e i n g occupants of the red pickup and i n t o the' camp, should be s u f f i c i e n t t o cast doubt on any myths of r e s t r a i n t . Even more t e l l i n g , perhaps, was the i n c r e a s i n g l y angry c r i t i c i s m p o l i c e a c t i o n s were evoking from Native leaders outside the camp as the standoff progressed, who voi c e d mounting concern that a " n a t i o n a l 180 a n t i - t e r r o r i s t presence" was now c o n t r o l l i n g the op e r a t i o n and was " a l l set out to k i l l people" to discourage f u t u r e 109 m i l i t a n c y and p l a c a t e "white p u b l i c o p i n i o n " . In the end, a massacre was probably averted based, not on humanitarian p r i n c i p l e s , but on a c a l c u l a t i o n of the p o l i t i c a l costs a s s o c i a t e d w i t h a l a r g e - s c a l e b l o o d l e t t i n g . K i l l i n g Natives might have earned the NDP some p r e s t i g e among the Indian-hating segment of the po p u l a t i o n , but i t a l s o would have created a p u b l i c r e l a t i o n s nightmare i n l e s s f a s c i s t i c c i r c l e s , provoked s u b s t a n t i a l i n t e r n a t i o n a l censure, and - most s e r i o u s l y of a l l - shaken the confidence of f o r e i g n i n v e s t o r s already nervous about the s t a t e of Native a f f a i r s i n the province. Indeed, the spectre haunting the RCMP's Zulu base camp, as w e l l as the c o r r i d o r s of power i n V i c t o r i a and Ottawa, was probably not the massacre of a ragged band of Native r a d i c a l s at Ts'peten, but the prospect of fut u r e Ts'petens across B.C. and across the country. This was p r e c i s e l y the message conveyed t o s e t t l e r a u t h o r i t i e s by the "mainstream" Native l e a d e r s h i p , who warned against making martyrs of the Defenders, s i n c e See a r t i c l e s i n Vancouver Sun, 28 August, 12 and 13 September, 1995 quoting Ken Dennis from the Shuswap L i a i s o n C o u n c i l , Giktsan c h i e f Don Ryan, P e n t i c t o n Chief Stewart P h i l l i p , and Ovide Mercredi. 181 t h i s could only a c c e l e r a t e the spread of " r a d i c a l i s m " and "extremism" among an already angry Native populace. 1 1 0 DIVIDE AND RULE There are extremists i n t h i s province who have been disowned by the a b o r i g i n a l people i n the Cariboo area, who have taken thing s i n t o t h e i r own hands, and are prepared to come from outside of the province, and to b r i n g i n i l l e g a l weapons, and to f i r e them at p o l i c e o f f i c e r s . ex-Premier Mike H a r c o u r t 1 1 1 I m p l i c i t i n t h i s two-pronged approach to s e t t l e r s e c u r i t y -the mailed f i s t -of " r a p i d containment" and the v e l v e t glove of an e t h n i c i z e d " a b o r i g i n a l p o l i c i n g " - i s the s t r a t e g i c e x p l o i t a t i o n of d i v i s i o n s w i t h i n the F i r s t Nations community. Before, during and a f t e r the standoff, o f f i c i a l pronouncements and media accounts h i g h l i g h t e d the d i s t i n c t i o n between the moderate Natives, l i k e the o f f i c i a l s of the Cariboo T r i b a l C o uncil (the "good I n d i a n s " ) , and the v i o l e n t , f a n a t i c a l , extremist elements d e f i a n t l y r e f u s i n g to abandon the sacred Sundance s i t e (the "bad I n d i a n s " ) . Press r e p o r t s repeatedly quoted l o c a l c h i e f s denouncing the Defenders as paranoid malingerers l a c k i n g c u l t u r a l or p o l i t i c a l l e g i t i m a c y , or a s s e r t i n g (wrongly as i t turns out) See, e.g. "Radicals to reap support i n shootout, leaders warn", Vancouver Sun, 2 9 August, 1995. 1 1 1 "Premier vows to continue t r e a t y n e g o t i a t i o n s " , Vancouver Sun, 6 September 1995. 182 that few i f any of the Natives i n the camp were even Shuswap, thereby summoning up the age-old phantasm of "outside a g i t a t i o n " . Meanwhile, the Defenders themselves inveighed against " c o l l a b o r a t o r s " a s s o c i a t e d w i t h the "DIA band c o u n c i l system". While these r e c r i m i n a t i o n s were broadcast w i d e l y by the RCMP i n order to confuse and hence d i s o r g a n i z e p o t e n t i a l supporters of the Defenders, they a l s o r e f l e c t genuine p o l i t i c a l f a u l t l i n e s . C o l o n i z a t i o n has undoubtedly deepened and m u l t i p l i e d the d i v i s i o n s w i t h i n Native communities. Some, l i k e those stemming from t r e a t i e s and the Indian Act, are t r a c e a b l e d i r e c t l y to the machinations of s e t t l e r governments. Others are e t h n o - c u l t u r a l , the legacy of t r a d i t i o n a l " t r i b a l " d i v i s i o n s incorporated i n t o , and a c t i v a t e d by, the c o l o n i a l s t a t e . At another l e v e l , they are i n t e r - g e n e r a t i o n a l , as contemporary A b o r i g i n a l youth become i n c r e a s i n g l y f r u s t r a t e d by the manifest f a i l u r e of a more moderate approach to improve the l i v e d r e a l i t y of the indigenous masses. At s t i l l another l e v e l , they r e f l e c t growing c l a s s s t r a t i f i c a t i o n among Natives, as the process of embourgeoisement ( " w h i t i f i c a t i o n " ) i n c r e a s i n g l y d i v i d e s the e l i t e corps of well-educated, w e l l - o f f Native leaders and entrepreneurs from the impoverished masses they p u t a t i v e l y represent. As we saw i n the preceding chapter, 183 t h i s i s a d i v i s i o n which the Reform Party has a d r o i t l y 112 s e i z e d upon i n i t s campaign against s e t t l e r reforms. The Defenders represent a r a d i c a l and i n c r e a s i n g l y v o c a l element w i t h i n the indigenous p o p u l a t i o n i n Canada, the so-c a l l e d s o v e r e i g n t i s t movement, which has begun to challenge the hegemony of the mainstream l e a d e r s h i p of the Native movement embodied i n band c o u n c i l s , and r e p r e s e n t a t i v e 113 bodies l i k e the F i r s t Nations Summit and AFN. Perhaps s u r p r i s i n g l y , the two p o l i t i c a l tendencies do not d i f f e r markedly i n t h e i r conceptions of pre-contact indigenous s o c i e t i e s and the h i s t o r y of c o l o n i z a t i o n : both acknowledge that F i r s t Nations were s e l f - g o v e r n i n g i n t h e i r r e s p e c t i v e t e r r i t o r i e s from time immemorial, that indigenous sovereignty was recognized i n European law and diplomacy i n the e a r l y post-contact p e r i o d , that s e t t l e r c o l o n i z a t i o n was a genocidal process i n v o l v i n g a thoroughgoing a t t a c k on the e x i s t e n t i a l foundations of indigenous s o c i e t i e s , and, f i n a l l y , that the Canadian s t a t e i s burdened by a host of See Vine D e l o r i a , J r . and C l i f f o r d L y t l e , The Nations Within: The Past and Future of American Indian Sovereignty (New York: Pantheon, 1984); and "Ready to Explode", Vancouver Sun, 12 August, 1995. Regarding embourgeoisement, see V i c Satzewitch and T. Wotherspoon, Canada's First Nations: Gender, Race and Class Perspectives (). 113 A l e x R o s l i n , "A Conversation w i t h Tony H a l l " , The Pheonix, Spring 1996, pp.9-13. 184 moral, l e g a l and p o l i t i c a l o b l i g a t i o n s that remain 114 u n f u l f i l l e d . Where s o v e r e i g n t i s t s and mainstream leaders d i f f e r , however, i s i n t h e i r v i s i o n s of the future and, consequently, i n t h e i r views on the p e r e n n i a l question of "what i s to be done". At the r i s k of g r o s s l y dichotomizing and o v e r s i m p l i f y i n g a very complex p o l i t i c a l r e a l i t y , i t might be s a i d that mainstream leaders, cognizant of the urgent need to a r r e s t the ongoing degradation of t h e i r people and t e r r i t o r i e s , seek an expedited accomodation w i t h i n the framework of i n d u s t r i a l c a p i t a l i s m and the Canadian n a t i o n -s t a t e . They view s e t t l e r c o l o n i z a t i o n as a f a i t accompli, and the s e t t l e r power s t r u c t u r e as i n t r a n s i g e n t , and hope to negotiate a t r a n s f e r of s u f f i c i e n t money, land, resources and p o l i t i c o - a d m i n i s t r a t i v e power from s e t t l e r governments to secure the v i a b i l i t y of F i r s t Nations as d i s t i n c t s o c i e t i e s . In p r a c t i c a l terms, t h i s has meant the p u r s u i t of l o c a l "self-government" through t r e a t i e s (as i n B.C.), c o n s t i t u t i o n a l amendments (the now l a r g e l y abandoned AFN s t r a t e g y during the Mulroney e r a ) , or d e v o l u t i o n of a d m i n i s t r a t i v e powers, and the promotion of economic development through (quasi) c a p i t a l i s t e n t e r p r i s e . As Ed John, head of the F i r s t Nations Summit i n B.C. puts i t , "we want an accomodation of our i n t e r e s t s and Canadian i n t e r e s t s 114 D e l o r i a and L y t l e , The Nations Within. 185 at l a r g e , and a working r e l a t i o n s h i p between the two." 1 1 5 To these mainstream leaders, the s o v e r e i g n t i s t agenda indulges i n a dangerous romanticism and utopianism, e l e v a t i n g a b s t r a c t p r i n c i p l e over the desperate need f o r immediate, concrete change. For s o v e r e i g n t i s t s , on the other hand, t h i s mainstream s t r a t e g y i s tantamount to n a t i o n a l s u i c i d e , an abject c a p i t u l a t i o n to the p r e r o g a t i v e s of s e t t l e r c a p i t a l i s t domination that' can only lead to moral, c u l t u r a l , s p i r i t u a l and e c o l o g i c a l a n n i h i l a t i o n . 1 1 6 They seek, not accomodation w i t h i n the s t a t u s quo, but i t s transcendence, a fundamental r e s t r u c t u r i n g of the s o c i a l order based on a recovery or r e -i n v e n t i o n of t r a d i t i o n a l indigenous exist e n c e , what Galeano has described as "a community-based mode of production and way of l i f e , based not on greed but on s o l i d a r i t y , age-old "Indians opt f o r Coexistence", Vancouver Sun, October 21, 1996. 1 1 6 For a range of views broadly r e f l e c t i v e of the s o v e r e i g n t i s t p o s i t i o n , see the essays i n M. Annette Jaimes, The State of Native America: Genocide, Colonization and Resistance (Boston: South End Press, 1992); Ward C h u r c h i l l , Struggle For the Land: Indigenous Resistance ot Genocide, Ecocide and Expropriation in Contemporary North America (Toronto: Between the Lines, 1992); " N a t i o n - B u i l d i n g : What i s S elf-Determination" i n Roger Moody, ed. The Indigenous Voice: Visions and Realities, V o l . 2 (London: Zed, 1989); Lee Maracle, e t . a l . , We Get Our Living Like Milk From The Land; and the Union of B.C. Indian C h i e f s , " A b o r i g i n a l T i t l e and Rights P o s i t i o n Paper", i n Native Investment & Trade A s s o c i a t i o n , The Economic Bridge to Self-Reliance Through Aboriginal Land Claims (Vancouver, 1990). 186 freedoms, and i d e n t i t y between human beings and nature." This programme i s f r e q u e n t l y i n f u s e d by forms of m i l l e n a r i a n s p i r i t u a l i s m , and a d e s i r e to r e s u r r e c t , a l b e i t i n a modern form, a " n a t u r a l economy" centred on i n t i m a t e , subsistence 118 use of the land. In p r a c t i c e , t h i s means a s s e r t i n g a conception of sovereignty which comes much c l o s e r to independent statehood, and i m p l i e s a d r a s t i c c u r t a i l m e n t of s e t t l e r p r o p r i e t a r y i n t e r e s t s and e x t r a c t i v e a c t i v i t i e s . This a r t i c u l a t i o n of indigenous n a t i o n a l i s m has l e d i n e x o r a b l y to an e f f l o r e s c e n c e of p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y at the i n t e r n a t i o n a l l e v e l i n order to achieve broad r e c o g n i t i o n of the n a t i o n a l s t a t u s of indigenous peoples, and b r i n g e x t e r n a l pressure to bear on e x i s t i n g n a t i o n - s t a t e s f o r t h e i r oppression of " n a t i o n a l m i n o r i t i e s " or "entrapped 119 n a t i o n s " w i t h i n t h e i r borders. From the 1970s onward, a c t i v i t y focused on the formation of o r g a n i z a t i o n s l i k e the I n t e r n a t i o n a l Indian Treaty Council (created i n 1975 as the i n t e r n a t i o n a l arm of the American Indian Movement) and the World Co u n c i l of Indigenous Peoples ( e s t a b l i s h e d i n 1975 under the l e a d e r s h i p of George Manuel, a member of the 117 Eduardo Galeano, "The Blue Ti g e r and the Promised Land", i n We Say No! (New York: W.W. Norton, 1992). 118 D e l o r i a and L y t l e , The Nations Within. 119 The term "entrapped nations" comes from Richard Falk, "The Struggle of Indigenous Peoples and the Promise of Na t u r a l P o l i t i c a l Communities", i n R. Thompson, ed., The Rights of Indigenous Peoples in International Law: Selected 187 Secwepemc N a t i o n ) ; convening of forums, l i k e the R u s s e l l t r i b u n a l s and the I n t e r n a t i o n a l Working Group on Indigenous A f f a i r s (a sub-committe of the UN Human Rights committee) to compile records of human r i g h t s abuses i n d i f f e r e n t c o u n t r i e s ; and the promotion of i n t e r n a t i o n a l l e g a l instruments, e i t h e r e x i s t i n g ( l i k e the UN D e c l a r a t i o n on Decolonization) or new ( l i k e the Draft d e c l a r a t i o n on Indigenous Peoples), capable of defending indigenous 120 sovereignty. Indeed, given settlerdom's implacable h o s t i l i t y to a l l but the most modest reforms, s o v e r e i g n t i s t s have had l i t t l e choice but to engage i n the d e f i a n t , rearguard a c t i o n s which have become such a f a m i l i a r f e a t u r e 121 of the Canadian p o l i t i c a l landscape i n recent years. In t h i s context, then, the Ts'peten Defender's p o l i t i c a l demands were the l o c a l expression of an emerging indigenous i n t e r n a t i o n a l i s m . They invoked a s u b s t a n t i a l body of i n t e r n a t i o n a l and B r i t i s h i m p e r i a l law and d i p l o m a t i c p r a c t i c e t o , i n e f f e c t , c a l l the b l u f f of s e t t l e r c o n s t i t u t i o n a l i s m , the myth that s e t t l e r r u l e was Essays on Self Determination (Saskatoon: Native Law Centre, U n i v e r s i t y of Saskatchewan, 1987) pp. 59-68. 120 For an e x c e l l e n t overview of these developments see Roxanne Dunbar O r t i z , Indians of the Americas: Human Rights and Self-Determination (London: Zed, 1985). 121 As Ward C h u r c h i l l p o i n t s out, the demand f o r statehood i s i n l a r g e part a r e a c t i o n to the s e t t l e r d e n i a l of any form of indigenous autonomy. See Struggle for the Land, p.445. 188 e s t a b l i s h e d through scrupulous adherence to i n t e r n a t i o n a l 122 and domestic laws. They argued t h a t , i n the absence of l e g i t i m a t e t r e a t i e s between the B r i t i s h crown and the Secwepemc Nation, Ts'peten c o n s t i t u t e d unceded Secwepemc t e r r i t o r y over which s e t t l e r governments could e x e r c i s e no l a w f u l j u r i s d i c t i o n ; consequently, the government's previous a l i e n a t i o n of Shuswap land to p r i v a t e owners, and present attempts to e v i c t and prosecute the Defenders, were i l l e g a l . Moreover, by appealing to t h i r d - p a r t y t r i b u n a l s - the world court, the Queen - f o r an independent review of t h e i r c l a ims, they e x p l i c i t l y challenged the competence of Canadian s t a t e i n s t i t u t i o n s to adjudicate questions going t o 123 t h e i r own l e g i t i m a c y . Of course, to a s e t t l e r p u b l i c c o n g e n i t a l l y ignorant of i t s own ignoble h i s t o r y and thoroughly invested, f i s c a l l y , p o l i t i c a l l y and emotionally, i n n a t i o n a l i s t c r e a t i o n myths, the Defender's r e p u d i a t i o n of the t e r r i t o r i a l j u r i s d i c t i o n of the Canadian s t a t e and appeals to a r c h a i c i m p e r i a l 122 Bruce C l a r k ' s l e g a l s c h o l a r s h i p has d i r e c t l y t a r g e t e d t h i s p r e v a i l i n g myth. See Native Liberty, Crown Sovereignty. See a l s o Glenn T. M o r r i s , " I n t e r n a t i o n a l Law and P o l i t i c s : Toward a Right to Self-Determination f o r Indigenous Peoples", i n Jaimes, ed., The State of Native America, pp. 55-86; Roxanne Dunbar O r t i z , "Land and Nationhood: The American Indian Struggle f o r S e l f -Determination and S u r v i v a l " , Socialist Review 63-64 (1982) pp.105-120. 189 connections were not only a n a c h r o n i s t i c but, q u i t e simply, incomprehensible. Though the Defenders were dismissed as l u n a t i c s , they were i n f a c t i nvoking a long and honorable p o l i t i c o - l e g a l t r a d i t i o n , running from the eastern F i r s t Nations who signed innumerable t r e a t i e s w i t h European powers p r i o r to the 19th century; to the var i o u s delegations of B.C. Native leaders who t r a v e l l e d to B r i t a i n i n the l a t e nineteenth and e a r l y t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r i e s seeking r e s o l u t i o n of the land question; to the Cayuga sachem Deskaheh, who p e t i t i o n e d the League of Nations i n the 1920s to recognize the "independent statehood" of the S i x Nations; to the Native leaders of the e a r l y 1980s who lo b b i e d Westminister to r e q u i r e r e c o g n i t i o n of a b o r i g i n a l r i g h t s as a c o n d i t i o n 124 of c o n s t i t u t i o n a l p a t r i a t x o n . Few i f any attempts were made to thus c o n t e x t u a l i z e the Defender's demands because, as UBCIC president Saul Terry pointed out i n an eloquent but l a r g e l y ignored press r e l e a s e , i t would complicate the o f f i c i a l s t o r y : the RCMP, the Attorney-General and the media have gone to great lengths to d i s c r e d i t the Shuswap Sundancers and t h e i r supporters at Gustafsen Lake as dangerous The Gustafsen Lake archive at the SISIS homepage contains a v a r i e t y of documents expressing the Defender's demands. 124 See Rhadda Jappan, "Global Community?: Supranational S t r a t e g i e s of Canada's A b o r i g i n a l Peoples" Journal of Indigenous Studies 3 (1995) 59-97. f a n a t i c s i n order to j u s t i f y the use of armed f o r c e to remove them from the Sundance grounds.... In t r y i n g to d i s c r e d i t and i s o l a t e the Sundancers, the RCMP and Attorney General are l a y i n g the groundwork f o r bloodshed - needless bloodshed. The p o s i t i o n s expressed by the Sundancer's on t h e i r nation's sovereignty and a b o r i g i n a l t i t l e are not 'extremist'. They are shared by many Indian peoples across t h i s province. B r i t i s h Columbia i s unceded Indian l a n d . . . . Our peoples demand JUSTICE and RECOGNITION but whenever they stand up f o r t h e i r r i g h t s they are subjected to 125 the RULE OF LAW and POLICE STATE TACTICS. Nor was t h i s r e a c t i o n confined to Canadian indigenous leaders. Tupac Enrique, a r e p r e s e n t a t i v e from the Pheonix-based C o n t i n e n t a l Coordinating Council of Indigenous Nations and Organizations (CONIC), came to Ts'peten at the request of t r a d i t i o n a l i s t s from the Secwepemc and Okanagan Nations to serve as an i n t e r n a t i o n a l observer. He commented: I witnessed f i r s t h a n d the evidence of thousands of rounds of which had been f i r e d i n t o the camp by the Canadian p a r a m i l i t a r y f o r c e s . I counted by the hundreds the number of these troops used to m i l i t a r i z e 125 Union of B.C. Indian C h i e f s , Press Release, 2 8 August 1995; l a t e r p u b lished i n UBCIC News, September 1995, along 191 the e n t i r e zone around Ts'peten..., along w i t h Armored Personnel C a r r i e r s , scores of troop t r a n s p o r t v e h i c l e s , h e l i c o p t e r s and commando squads i n camouflage gear. These were the p h y s i c a l evidence of the a s s a u l t at Ts'peten that n e a r l y r e s u l t e d i n a t r a g i c l o s s of human l i f e . . . . From the beginning, the Canadian government and p r o v i n c i a l a u t h o r i t i e s of B r i t i s h Columbia attempted to c r i m i n a l i z e the Sundance Camp defenders without addressing the unde r l y i n g issues of A b o r i g i n a l 126 sovereign r i g h t s on unceded Indigenous t e r r i t o r i e s . Thus, i t took the near massacre of a dozen or so Native s o v e r e i g n t i s t s and t h e i r supporters at Gustafsen Lake f o r the s e t t l e r p o p u l a t i o n t o dis c o v e r a homegrown s o v e r e i g n t i s t movement i n i t s midst. C e r t a i n l y i t s existence ought to have been c l e a r enough, given that roughly o n e - t h i r d of B.C. bands, most of them l o c a t e d i n the c e n t r a l and southern i n t e r i o r and c l o s e l y a s s o c i a t e d w i t h the more r a d i c a l Union of B.C. Indian C h i e f s , have e l e c t e d not to p a r t i c i p a t e i n 127 the treatymaking process. But p u b l i c a t t e n t i o n has been l a r g e l y focused on the "moderate" bands opera t i n g more or l e s s w i t h i n the framework of the t r e a t y process, which have w i t h p r o t e s t l e t t e r s from the Innu Nation, the S i x Nations Confederacy, and the Pe n t i c t o n Indian Band. 126 Donna Goodleaf and Dorothy C h r i s t i a n , "Events at Ts'peten, Gustafsen Lake, B r i t i s h Columbia", Akwesasne Notes 2:1 (1996) pp.35-38. 192 been granted a monopoly on l e g i t i m a c y at l e a s t as f a r as s e t t l e r s o c i e t y i s concerned. The problem i s , t h i s does not n e c e s s a r i l y accord w i t h the wishes of Native communities the 128 Band c o u n c i l s c l a i m to represent. I t a l s o has the tendency to deny s o v e r e i g n t i s t s access to conventional p o l i t i c a l channels, f o r c i n g them to adopt unconventional means to r e g i s t e r t h e i r concerns. SETTLER SOLIDARITY I f the standoff thus h i g h l i g h t e d , and exagerrated, the p o l i t i c a l f a u l t l i n e s w i t h i n the Native p o p u l a t i o n , i t i l l u s t r a t e d simultaneously the l a t e n t c a p a c i t y f o r caste s o l i d a r i t y which i s f o r Weitzer one of the " p i l l a r s of 129 s e t t l e r supremacy". Faced w i t h the th r e a t of an "Indian u p r i s i n g " , the warring f a c t i o n s of " L e f t " and "Right", h i t h e r t o locked i n mortal combat over the question of Native claims, q u i c k l y c l o s e d ranks to present a u n i t e d f r o n t against a perceived challenge to s e t t l e r dominion. Demagogic p o l i t i c i a n s and pundits had already begun to p l a y upon a n t i - N a t i v e animus during the blockades e a r l i e r i n the summer i n e f f o r t to organize r e f l e x i v e h o s t i l i t y to Native 127 "Native Indians S p l i t on t r e a t y - t a l k s process", Vancouver Sun, September 25, 1995. 128 See R o s l i n , "A Conversation w i t h Tony H a l l " . 129 Weitzer suggests that d i v i s i o n s i n a s e t t l e r formation can compromise the s t a t e ' s c a p a c i t y to d e l i v e r r e p r e s s i o n , and o f f e r Natives an opportunity to m o b i l i z e . See Weitzer, Transforming Settler States, p. 27. 193 p r o t e s t i n t o a groundswell of p u b l i c o p p o s i t i o n to Native land claims. By l a t e June, Sun columnist Barbara Y a f f e , c e r t a i n l y no slouch i n t h i s regard, could o f f e r t h i s (no doubt s e l f - s e r v i n g ) d e s c r i p t i o n of the province's degraded p o l i t i c a l c l i m a t e , w e l l before the Ts'peten r e s i s t a n c e had a t t r a c t e d widespread a t t e n t i o n : P u b l i c o p i n i o n creeps to the r i g h t w i t h every new ba r r i c a d e . People want to know why j u s t i c e f o r Natives comes s p e c i a l l y wrapped. Barricade b a r g a i n i n g has a l s o l e f t n on-aboriginals wondering about n a t i v e people's w i l l i n g n e s s to be reasonable about land claims. And so, B.C.'s o p p o s i t i o n L i b e r a l and Reform p a r t i e s are c a l l i n g on Mike Harcourt's government to get tough on 130 the natxve blockades, whatever the r i s k s . Thus, once news of the standoff was out, r i g h t wing responses were p r e d i c t a b l y pugnacious: the Sun e d i t o r i a l i z e d about "the thugs of Gustafsen and our moment of t r u t h " , w hile the newly formed Foundation f o r I n d i v i d u a l Rights and E q u a l i t y (FIRE) promised v i g i l a n t e a c t i o n unless the government took "some f i r m a c t i o n to l e t Natives know we u • ,.131 mean business." "Why ode to Oka might be heard a l o t t h i s summer i n B.C." Vancouver Sun, June 29, 1995. 131 Vancouver Sun, August 25, 1995. 194 More scandalous, however, was the r e a c t i o n from the l e f t -l i b e r a l a r c h i t e c t s and advocates of the t r e a t y process, the supposed standard-bearers of s e t t l e r humanism and enlightenment, whose h a r d l i n e stance s t i r r e d even the most 132 retrograde defenders of white p l u t o c r a c y to p r a i s e them. The NDP government, i t s p r i n c i p l e d support f o r a j u s t r e s o l u t i o n to Native land claims already foundering on the rocks of e l e c t o r a l r e a l i t y i n a resource-dependent economy, p r a c t i c a l l y leapt at the opportunity to d e f l e c t the charges of "appeasement" and " c a p i t u l a t i o n " that o p p o s i t i o n p a r t i e s had been churning out f o r months. Rather than seek a p o l i t i c a l s o l u t i o n to the standoff, the p r o v i n c i a l government unleashed s t a t e s e c u r i t y f orces against the Defenders and devoted the bulk of i t s e f f o r t s to v i l i f i c a t i o n . Premier Mike Harcourt's major c o n t r i b u t i o n to p u b l i c understanding, f o r example, was to condemn the Defenders as " f a n a t i c a l conspiracy t h e o r i s t s " . The government's c h i e f hatchet man was newly appointed Attorney-General U j j a l Dosanjh, whose great-grandfather was j a i l e d by the B r i t i s h f o r r e v o l u t i o n a r y a c t i v i t i e s i n I n d i a , and who cut h i s p o l i t i c a l t e e t h i n B.C. o r g a n i z i n g Indo-Canadian farm workers i n the Fraser V a l l e y . A b j u r i n g these a n t i -c o l o n i a l r o o t s , Dosanjh refused to negotiate w i t h See Vaughn Palmer, "New A-G's c o n v i c t i o n rooted i n h i s own past", Sun, 29 August 1995; Trevor Lautens, Vancouver Sun, November 18, 1995.. 195 " t e r r o r i s t s " , r e l i n q u i s h i n g f u l l o p e r a t i o n a l c o n t r o l to the RCMP, and spent the standoff vehemently i n s i s t i n g that t h i s was a " c r i m i n a l matter that has nothing to do w i t h a b o r i g i n a l land claims". E a r l y on he i n d i c a t e d that " i f f o r c e has to be used to maintain law and order, I w i l l have no h e s i t a t i o n i n s a n c t i o n i n g i t " , and l a t e r denounced the 133 Defenders f o r "having no regard f o r human l i f e or law". He continued to " s p i n " even a f t e r the Defenders surrendered, t a k i n g media people on a guided tour of the Defender's encampment (from outside "you don't get the s e r i o u s , h o r r i b l e , and o f f e n s i v e dimension of the s t r u c t u r e s that have been b u i l t here"), and d e c l a r i n g that " I ' l l l e t the people of B r i t i s h Columbia be the judge of whether those who i l l e g a l l y occupy p r i v a t e land and then shoot at p o l i c e o f f i c e r s at s i g h t and hunt them and a c t u a l l y a g g r e s s i v e l y 134 pursue them to k i l l - whether they're heroes or zeroes ". O v e r a l l , i n l i g h t of the performance of Dosanjh and h i s cabinet colleagues, the subsequent c l a i m by one Defender -"Dosanjh's Past Paved w i t h P o l i t i c a l A c t i o n s " , Sun, 2 September; "A-G Fears peaceful end dimming",Sun, 12 September, 1995. 134 Vancouver Sun, 25 September 1995. The a p o s t l e s of white s e t t l e r supremacy no doubt gloated over the s p e c t a c l e of B.C.'s f i r s t non-white Attorney-General d i s c i p l i n i n g r e c a l c i t r a n t Natives. As paleo-conservative Trevor Lautens put i t i n h i s November 18, 1995 Sun column, Dosanjh " a c q u i t t e d himself as w e l l as anyone could i n a s o c i e t y that trembles to t h i n k of a t t a c k i n g t e r r o r i s t s i f they c a l l themselves Indians. No burden of white g u i l t . Native Indian n a t i o n a l i s t s could h a r d l y murmur that he has the wrong s k i n c o l o r . " 196 that "the NDP wanted to k i l l Natives to get votes" -135 possessed a d i s t u r b i n g r i n g of t r u t h . Supplementing the grim spectacle of s o c i a l democracy i n a c t i o n , the l i b e r a l i n t e l l i g e n t s i a wasted l i t t l e time before t r a i n i n g t h e i r own r h e t o r i c a l guns on the Defenders, p o r t r a y i n g them as a grave threat to the t r e a t y process and i t s moderate Native p a r t i c i p a n t s . UBC p r o f e s s o r Paul Tennant, p u t a t i v e a u t h o r i t y on B.C. " a b o r i g i n a l p o l i t i c s " and academic booster f o r the Treaty Commission, warned about the growing Native constituency f o r " r a d i c a l i s m " and dismissed the Defenders as " m i s f i t s and malcontents" l e d by 136 "charatans". SFU c r i m i n o l o g i s t John Ekstedt compared the Sundance camp to "a 70s encounter group that went wrong". Terry G l a v i n , u s u a l l y a perceptive a n a l y s t of B.C. Native a f f a i r s and a one-time employee of the B.C. Treaty Commission, b l i t h e l y equated white backlash and Native m i l i t a n c y as " p a r a l l e l forms of extremism", b e l i t t l i n g the Defenders as "a ragged band of outcasts" and "sad l i t t l e midway f r e a k s " beset w i t h "apocalyptic v i s i o n s " . Sun 135 Jones Ignace, statement i n B.C. Supreme Court, J u l y 1996. 136 Tennant i s qouted i n "Showdown", Maclean's 11 September 1995. E a r l i e r i n the summer, i n the aftermath of blockades at Douglas Lake and Adams Lake, Tennant warned that " i f blockades are seen as a way to get your way f a s t , we could see the l e g i t i m a t e t r e a t y process f a l l i n g apart"; according to h i s i n t e r v i e w e r , Tennant f e l t that the " k i d gloves approach" adopted by the p r o v i n c i a l government l e f t N a tives Columnist E l i z a b e t h A i r d , an e r r a t i c but o f t e n trenchant c r i t i c of the B.C. o v e r c l a s s , wrote p a t r o n i z i n g l y that "rebels without a reason to l i v e are [t h e i r ] own people's worst enemies". Even Stephen Hume, another Sun columnist who remains the mainstream's most i n d e f a t i g a b l e and trenchant c r i t i c of the white o v e r c l a s s , and who d i s t i n g u i s h e d himself during the standoff w i t h columns encouraging the s e t t l e r p u b l i c to confront i t s l a r g e r h i s t o r i c a l and p o l i t i c a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s , succumbed to t h i s l i n e of t h i n k i n g . Though unsparingly d e r i s i v e of s e t t l e r h y s t e r i a and government hypocrisy, h i s u l t i m a t e concern was to b o l s t e r f a l t e r i n g r e f o r m i s t e f f o r t s ( i . e . the t r e a t y process) so as to co n t a i n the threat of "a burgeoning a n t i -establishment underground" and the f u r t h e r spread of " m i l i t a n t new evangelisms". "You don't have to be B u f f a l o B i l l , " he wrote, "to f i g u r e out that everytime we make another reasonable c h i e f look f o o l i s h , we make the r a d i c a l s at Gustafsen Lake look reasonable to a l l those hotheads who f i g u r e they have nothing l e f t to l o s e " . In essence, h i s columns represent a s t e r n warning to settlerdom about the consequences of squandering present o p p o r t u n i t i e s t o s e t t l e 137 Native claims, so to speak, on the cheap. at the t r e a t y t a b l e s " l o o k i n g l i k e Uncle Toms". Vancouver Sun, June 29, 1995. 137 Ekstedt i s quoted i n "Renegade leader not alone i n h i s conspiracy t h e o r i e s " , Sun, 31 August 1995; G l a v i n ' s statements appear i n h i s "How the Cir c u s Came t o Gustafsen Lake"; A i r d ' s column appeared i n the Sun, August 25, 1995; 198 Perhaps the only notable d i s s e n t from the general p a t t e r n of s e t t l e r w a g o n - c i r c l i n g came from a r e l a t i v e l y small number of g r a s s r o o t s , s o l i d a r i t y a c t i v i s t s , many of them long-time p a r t i c i p a n t s i n the environmental movement, who worked t i r e l e s s l y throughout the standoff to generate p u b l i c support f o r the Defenders and pressure the RCMP i n t o abandoning i t s i n v a s i o n plans. Some of these people were i n s i d e the camp i t s e l f , bearing witness to the Defender's stand, while others worked i n nearby communities l i k e 10 0 M i l e House and Willi a m s Lake, d i s r u p t i n g RCMP press conferences and o r g a n i z i n g s u p p l i e s . S t i l l others,- l i k e the V i c t o r i a - b a s e d S e t t l e r s i n Support of Indigenous Sovereignty (SISIS) and Vancouver's A b o r i g i n a l Sovereignty Support Committee (ASSC), c r e a t i v e l y u t i l i z e d the resources of the Internet to circumvent the RCMP's propaganda machine, g a l v a n i z i n g overseas supporters to demonstrate outside Canadian d i p l o m a t i c o f f i c e s and fax l e t t e r s of p r o t e s t t o Canadian p o l i t i c i a n s . These groups, along w i t h community-based r a d i o s t a t i o n s i n both c i t i e s , were v i r t u a l l y the only independent source of information both during and a f t e r the Standoff. Unfortunately, the bulk of the province's non-Natives remained at the mercy of a corporate and state-owned media complex which was d u t i f u l l y d isseminating a steady stream of RCMP-crafted deceptions. and Hume's columns appeared i n the Sun on August 3 0 and September 11, 1995. 199 COVERING T S ' P E T E N As the I s r a e l i s have shown so s u c c e s s f u l l y w i t h t e r r o r i s t s , you never ever make a deal that allows a t e r r o r i s t t a c t i c to 'win'. I f there i s no cooperation... i t i s time f o r a steady e s c a l a t i o n of pressure. The f i r s t stage i s to make l i f e uncomfortable and unproductive, e s p e c i a l l y by a t o t a l s e v e r i n g of communications, i n c l u d i n g the c u t o f f of c e l l phones and access to the media. This l a t t e r i s the e s s e n t i a l oxygen of many disturbances, so i t needs to be denied. Sun columnist Gordon Gibson o f f e r i n g t a c t i c a l advice to the 1 no RCMP, August 1995 Gustafsen Lake i l l u s t r a t e d that the Mounties have absorbed the primary t a c t i c a l i nnovation a s s o c i a t e d w i t h counter-insurgency operations i n the post-Vietnam era, a stratagem put e f f e c t i v e l y i n t o p r a c t i c e by U.S. i m p e r i a l i s m i n the " b r i l l i a n t l i t t l e f e a t s of arms" - Grenada, Nicaragua, Panama, and above a l l , the Gulf War - which punctuated the Reagan-Bush era. Ignoring f o r the moment i t s p r a c t i c a l e l a b o r a t i o n s and l o c a l adaptations, the lesson can be s t a t e d s u c c i n c t l y : n e u t r a l i z e the media. For the r e c o n f i g u r e d imperialisms of the p o s t - c o l o n i a l (and now post-Communist) era, a form of "mediatized m i l i t a r i s m " has become e s s e n t i a l , not o n l y to avoid i m p o l i t i c images of G.I.s "ronsoning hootches", "freedom f i g h t e r s " p e r p e t r a t i n g c i v i l i a n massacres, and S t e a l t h bombers o b l i t e r a t i n g h o s p i t a l s and schools, but a l s o to s i l e n c e the sundry c r i m i n a l s , f a n a t i c s and t e r r o r i s t s who contest the i m p o s i t i o n of a not-quite-so 200 New World Order. As Mike D a v i s p u t s i t , " i t i s . . . a t a c t i c a l a b s o l u t e o f ' a n t i - t e r r o r i s m ' - whether p r a c t i c e d i n B e l f a s t , J e r u s a l e m , o r Los An g e l e s - t o deny t e r r o r i s m a p u b l i c v o i c e . A l t h o u g h t e r r o r i s m i s always p o r t r a y e d p r e c i s e l y as i n a r t i c u l a t e m a l e v o l e n c e , a u t h o r i t i e s expend 139 enormous energy t o p r o t e c t us from i t s ' r a v i n g s ' . . . . " I n Canada, where i m p e r i a l d e s i g n s a re o r i e n t e d towards i n t e r n a l p a c i f i c a t i o n r a t h e r t h a n g l o b a l d o m i n a t i o n , t h i s l e s s o n was not y e t f u l l y mastered by the time o f Oka, w i t h irksome consequences f o r the Canadian m i l i t a r y and p r o v i n c i a l p o l i c e , whose "freedom o f a c t i o n " was hampered by t h e trou b l e s o m e p r e s e n c e o f independent j o u r n a l i s t s w i t h i n t h e Oka encampment and t h e r e s u l t i n g e f f u s i o n o f p u b l i c s u p p o r t f o r Mohawk r e s i s t a n c e . (As Donna Goodleaf has shown, t h i s 140 f a i l u r e was not f o r l a c k of t r y i n g ) . A t any r a t e , by the time e v e n t s a t Ts'peten were underway, the RCMP were d e m o n s t r a t i n g a remar k a b l e f l a i r f o r o r c h e s t r a t i n g a media s p e c t a c l e : a l e r t i n g a few key news o u t l e t s t o a "major s t o r y b r e a k i n g i n the C a r i b o o " on August 18 t h , and f l y i n g s e l e c t e d r e p o r t e r s i n t o W i l l i a m s Lake t h e next day (on an RCMP j e t ) f o r a p r e s s c o n f e r e n c e w i t h p o l i c e , t h e a g g r i e v e d r a n c h e r James, and r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s 138 " I n c r e a s e P r e s s u r e B i t by B i t " , Vancouver Sun, 25 August, 1995. 139 Mike D a v i s , C i t y of Quartz (New York: V i n t a g e , 1992), p. 300 . 201 from the l o c a l t r i b a l c o u n c i l ; and e r e c t i n g an communications cordon sanitaire around the Defender's encampment on August 26th, l e a v i n g j o u r n a l i s t s to l o i t e r s u l l e n l y at the 17 km checkpoint as they waited f o r the next RCMP b r i e f i n g s e s s i o n or staged photo opportunity. As a r e s u l t , f o r the du r a t i o n of the most se r i o u s c r i s i s i n N a t i v e - s e t t l e r r e l a t i o n s to face the Canadian s t a t e s i n c e Oka, and the l a r g e s t p o l i c e operation i n Canadian h i s t o r y , Canada's o s t e n s i b l y f r e e and independent media was e f f e c t i v e l y reduced to the basest of propaganda machines. This p r o s t r a t i o n was r e f l e c t e d d i r e c t l y i n the content of reportage, which f a i t h f u l l y served up the main elements of the RCMP-NDP "smear campaign" f o r p u b l i c consumption; namely, that the Ts'peten standoff had nothing t o do w i t h land claims or Native r i g h t s and was i n s t e a d a c r i m i n a l matter i n v o l v i n g trespass on p r i v a t e property, and v i o l e n t 141 a t t a c k s on p o l i c e , by deluded thugs. With the b a s i c parameters thus e s t a b l i s h e d , press coverage f e l l i n t o a simple, dichotomous p a t t e r n d i s c e r n i b l e across the whole range of media r e p r e s e n t a t i o n s . On the one hand, r e p o r t s Goodleaf, Entering the Warzone 141 "Smear campaign" may appear h y p e r b o l i c , but i t i s i n f a c t the term used by two sen i o r RCMP o f f i c i a l s d uring the standoff . One of them was recorded on videotape at a meeting i n the Zulu command centre on September 1, 1995 saying "smear campaigns are our s p e c i a l t y " . The tape became p u b l i c i n January, 1997. See "RCMP say t a l k of smear campaign ' i n j e s t ' " , Vancouver Sun, January 23, 1997. 202 which confirmed the "law and order" framework were wid e l y c i r c u l a t e d , however misleading: t a l e s of outside a g i t a t o r s , "Indian ambushes", heavy armaments, phony s p i r i t u a l i t y , U.S. m i l i t i a connections and lengthy c r i m i n a l records dominated p u b l i c d i scourse. Above a l l , the Defenders were v i l i f i e d f o r r e s o r t i n g to repugnant d i s p l a y s of macho v i o l e n c e , s i n c e v i o l e n c e i s the c a r d i n a l p o l i t i c a l s i n w i t h i n the p r e v a i l i n g l i b e r a l worldview. (This v i l i f i c a t i o n r e q u i r e d a d e n i a l both of the vast preponderance of v i o l e n t machismo on the RCMP s i d e , and of the s i g n i f i c a n t r o l e played by women Defenders). On the other hand, the c o l o n i a l dimensions of the Standoff were repressed or discounted: there were few i f any attempts to c o n t e x t u a l i z e the Defender's a c t i o n s w i t h i n the broader sweep of Cariboo c o l o n i z a t i o n , or the tangled l e g a l r e l a t i o n s between A b o r i g i n a l Nations and the Canadian s t a t e . In f a c t , there was l i t t l e e f f o r t even to convey the Defenders p o s i t i o n , l e t alone e x p l a i n or examine i t . They were indeed reduced to " i n a r t i c u l a t e malevolence". I t would be a mistake, however, to a t t r i b u t e t h i s almost u n e x c e p t i o n a l l y one-sided and j i n g o i s t i c coverage s o l e l y t o RCMP manipulation. This not only c r e d i t s the Mounties w i t h an omniscience they d o u b t f u l l y possess, i t denies the a c t i v e r o l e media i n s t i t u t i o n s and personnel played i n thus c o n s t r u c t i n g the Standoff. For even i f access to the Defenders was denied, there were undoubtedly a l t e r n a t i v e sources outside the camp which could have s u p p l i e d the other 203 side of the s t o r y to a s u i t a b l y i n q u i s i t i v e F i f t h E s t a t e . At l e a s t i n p a r t , then, the explanation f o r t h i s p r o s t r a t i o n must be found i n the systemic features of p r i v a t e l y owned mass media o r g a n i z a t i o n s themselves - features perhaps most famously and c o n t r o v e r s i a l l y analyzed by Noam Chomsky and others - as w e l l as i n the g e n e r a l i z e d antagonism demonstrated towards indigenous peoples at a l l l e v e l s (economic, p o l i t i c a l , i d e o l o g i c a l ) of a s e t t l e r formation, p a r t i c u l a r l y when Natives mount challenges to s e t t l e r power 142 and p r i v i l e g e . Indeed, F i t z p a t r i c k ' s d i s s e c t i o n of s e t t l e r ideology i n the c o l o n i a l era might j u s t as w e l l have been w r i t t e n w i t h the Ts'peten Standoff i n mind: i n the c o l o n i a l scheme of t h i n g s , r e s i s t a n c e on the p a r t of the oppressed could only be marginal or non-e x i s t e n t . C o l o n i s t s , caught by t h e i r image of the c o l o n i s e d as fragmented and t r a d i t i o n - b o u n d , could not conceive of extensive and innovative r e s i s t a n c e on the p a r t of t h e i r charges. This i s why r e s i s t a n c e , when i t became manifest, was u s u a l l y such a s u r p r i s e to the c o l o n i s t s . Resistance could only be against the sure flow of human development and r a t i o n a l progress and hence manifest r e s i s t a n c e had to be designated i n terms Chomsky's a n a l y s i s i s by now well-known. The b a s i c framework i s o u t l i n e d i n Noam Chomsky and Edward Herman, Manufacturing Consent: The Political Economy of the Mass Media (New York: Pantheon, 1988). 204 of the p r i m o r d i a l , the i n s t i n c t u a l , the i r r a t i o n a l , the 143 e f f e c t of outside a g i t a t i o n . As w i t h Desert Storm, i t was only i n the aftermath of the standoff, w i t h the c r i s i s s a f e l y ( i f temporarily) averted, that the media demonstrated any i n t e r e s t i n r e f l e c t i n g on i t s own, abject performance. Most notably, the Vancouver Sun, having played an instrumental r o l e i n demonizing the Ts'peten Defenders, and spearheaded the backlash against Native claims f o r much of the previous two years, a i r e d i t s concerns i n a pious e d i t o r i a l a d v e r t i n g t o the p e r i l s of media manipulation. Decrying the r o l e played by a "compliant media... a d r o i t l y ensnared i n a web of s e l f -censorship", the Sun b e l a t e d l y posed the elementary questions i t had h i t h e r t o taken great care to avoid. "Who were the people i n the camp? What were t h e i r motives? We had only the word of the a u t h o r i t i e s , who c l e a r l y had a vested i n t e r e s t i n pr e s e n t i n g a p a r t i c u l a r p e r s p e c t i v e . " Of course, the Sun's e d i t o r s had no i n t e n t i o n of t r y i n g to answer these question, since from a media standpoint the Standoff was now "over". Despite r e c y c l i n g a few r a d i c a l -sounding p l a t i t u d e s ("Tyranny always i n s i s t s that o n l y the 143 F i t z p a t r i c k , "Crime as Resistance", p.273. 205 o f f i c i a l v e r s i o n i s v a l i d " ) , the e d i t o r i a l concluded by-confirming i t s own continued a l l e g i a n c e to the o f f i c i a l mythology of Ts'peten, p r o c l a i m i n g i t a " j u s t l y - c e l e b r a t e d triumph f o r the RCMP" and "demonstration that the forc e i s worthy of i t s r e p u t a t i o n f o r r e s t r a i n t , decency and common sense." Thus has the mainstream media adapted to i t s new mission, i n the age of Conrad Black and Rupert Murdoch, of 14 comforting the comfortable, and a f f l i c t i n g the a f f l i c t e d . 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