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Loyalty and collaborationist theory : an alternative view to the collaboration theory’s conceptualization.. 1996

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LOYALTY AND COLLABORATIONIST THEORY: AN ALTERNATIVE VIEW TO THE COLLABORATION THEORY' CONCEPTUALIZATION OF LOYALTY by MICHAEL ROBERT MOIR B.A., The University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1989 A. THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (Department of P o l i t i c a l Science) We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA August 1996 ©Michael Robert Moir> 1996 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Department of P o l i t i c a l S c i e n c e The University of British Columbia Vancouver, Canada Date August 11. 1996 DE-6 (2/88) ABSTRACT T r a d i t i o n a l theories of imperialism have tended to be defined almost exclusively i n terms of European motives, as a simple projection of European state power. Collaboration theorists have challenged the Eurocentric perspective of the orthodox view of imperialism. According to Ronald Robinson, a more comprehensive theory would include an analysis of the most important mechanism of European management of the non-European world: the • use of l o y a l , l o c a l collaborator groups as mediators between Europe and • the indigenous p o l i t i c a l and economic system. This paper w i l l examine the c o l l a b o r a t i o n i s t ' s conceptualization of l o y a l t y . It w i l l be. suggested that Robinson's f o r m a l i s t i c approach, t y p i c a l of the nation-building school, cannot account for the continued l o y a l t y of Canadians to Great Britain'. . By following a functional approach, i t can be seen t h a t ' l o y a l t y i s a psychological phenomena unlimited i n i t s ' scope. From th i s perspective, i t can be seen how l o y a l t y to the Empire provided the necessary psychological unity for Canadians as they assumed greater p o l i t i c a l sovereignty. i i TABLE OF CONTENTS Abstract , , i i Table of Contents i i i Acknowledgments i v INTRODUCTION 1. Chapter One Collaboration Theory and the Question of Colonial Loyalty 10 Chapter Two From 'Colony to Nation' to 'Limited I d e n t i t i e s ' • 47 Chapter Three Loyalty as a Psychological Phenomena 54 Chapter Four Loyalty and the Nation • 75 CONCLUSION 8 9 Bibliography 99 i i i ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I would l i k e express my gratitude to A v i g a i l Eisenberg, for her t i r e l e s s patience, support and guidance throughout the duration of this project.' I would also l i k e to thank Al l a n Smith for his helpful comments and timely assistance, without which th i s paper could not have been completed. I am especially- indebted to Jill"Wherret' and Chantal Morton f o r a l l of t h e i r support and many hours of discussion - academic and otherwise. Finall y / I would l i k e to express my h e a r t f e l t gratitude, to Shelagh Gray-Moir. i v INTRODUCTION Loyalties of one sort or another have always .been powerful causal forces i n human history. It i s i n d i v i d u a l ' and c o l l e c t i v e l o y a l t i e s which today help to hold national and multi-national s o c i e t i e s of the modern world .together. As the essence of p o l i t i c s .in the modern state i s the c o n f l i c t between groups which try to capture or maintain p o l i t i c a l power, the manifestation of support for any. claim- to power within the national or multi-national community, (the struggle over p o l i t i c a l power), involves the process of: " l o y a l t y b u i l d i n g . " A l l power seekers t r y to .attract " l o y a l i s t s " to t h e i r cause, or • at least reduce 'the' loyalty, to other claimants. This paper w i l l seek to analyze the way In which the idea of l o y a l t y has been used by .collaboration theorists'. I •will argue that . collaboration, theorists- share the "nation-building" school's view of loyalty,. a view that i s based on the b e l i e f , that i n order to strengthen, -the 'nation-state', l o y a l t i e s to other large-scale communities must be weakened or destroyed. I- propose to. argue that the preservation or development of l o y a l t i e s to non-national e n t i t i e s i s a useful, i f not indeed a necessary factor i n creating and - preserving national l o y a l t y . Non-national 1 l o y a l t i e s need not be of the jealous nature, nor need they be narrow. Thus, they need i n no sense detract, from a l o y a l t y to the multi-nation state. Vigorous and sustained l o y a l t i e s of the non-national sort encourage a l l indiv i d u a l s , whether they be new immigrants or "old-stock" c i t i z e n s , to. f e e l that there i s something to attach themselves to, that by finding the roots of the community they might become genuinely .part of i t . This type of small-scale community l o y a l t y i s the f i r s t and natural step toward a national l o y a l t y of a meaningful sort. According to the collaboration thesis, the movement from formal to informal empire depended upon the successful c u l t i v a t i o n of a group of lo y a l c o l o n i a l collaborators. When co l o n i a l rulers had run out of indigenous ' collaborators, they either chose to leave or were compelled to go. Opponents of- the 'loyal', c o l l a b o r a t i o n i s t group sooner or later- succeeded i n detaching, the indigenous p o l i t i c a l elements from the c o l o n i a l regime u n t i l they eventually formed a united front of non-collaboration against i t . Hence the inversion of collaboration into non-collaboration l a r g e l y determined the timing of decolonization. In order to i d e n t i f y p o l i t i c a l leaders as being among the l o y a l , one has to develop a c r i t e r i o n for inte r p r e t i n g behavior as l o y a l or d i s l o y a l . This paper w i l l seek to show that there was no d i s t i n c t i o n among p o l i t i c a l parties - i n the 2 Province of Canada during the Union period concerning the commitment to preserve the- imperial connection. Being B r i t i s h defined to • them a global system within which they found t h e i r i d e n t i t y . 1 In the sense that they were committed to preserving the imperial t i e , even i f they disagreed about how best to do i t , v i r t u a l l y a l l of the B r i t i s h emigrants and t h e i r immediate descendants' were collaborators. Collaboration implies that .there ought to have been a c o n f l i c t i n t h e i r minds between t h e i r l o y a l t y to retaining the imperial t i e - the desire to 'be . B r i t i s h - and the defense of l o c a l interests - the desire to be Canadian. But such a dichotomy did. not exist, i n t h e i r minds .because they saw no contradiction i n being both- B r i t i s h and Canadian. The -alternative interpretation of l o y a l t y that w i l l be presented w i l l bring into, question the collaboration- thesis as an explanation of the process of decolonization i n terms of. the growing' a b i l i t y of .'disloyal' n a t i o n a l i s t movements in the colonies to disrupt the arrangements ' for collaboration. I w i l l attempt to show that the collaboration thesis treats l o y a l t y to the emerging Canadian national i d e n t i t y and to the imperial center as - absolutes. The collaboration thesis.exhibits the tendency to regard l o y a l t y not as a r e l a t i v e thing, but as a Unique form of devotion, 1 J.G.A. Pocock, "History and Sovereignty: The H i s t o r i o g r a p h i c a l Response to Europeanizatidn i n Two B r i t i s h Cultures," Journal of B r i t i s h Studies," 31 (1992): -382. • • 3 ' '. • • " p o t e n t i a l l y a n t i t h e t i c a l to•other forms of l o y a l t y such as regional, r e l i g i o u s , or imperial l o y a l t i e s . The i n s t i t u t i o n a l approach favoured by many proponents of the 'nation-building' school tends to' p u l l i n the d i r e c t i o n of treating n a t i o n a l i t y as an absolute value rather than r e l a t i v e one. It inspires ' the s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t to i s o l a t e national l o y a l t y from, and place i t . i n antithesis to, other forms of group loyalty, instead of keeping i n view the fact that the psychological ingredients of nationalism are the same as for other forms of human i d e n t i f i c a t i o n with large groups. Even the most . cursory examination of l i f e . i n the Province of Canada during the Union period would show that B r i t i s h North Americans belonged to a number of groups - churches,' l o c a l communities, as well as the p o l i t i c a l state - and that each of these- groups could .potentially be the focus of l o y a l t y . As Canadian society became more diverse and complex, the m u l t i p l i c i t y of l o y a l t i e s also increased. As a re s u l t of . t h i s natural d i v e r s i t y , no r u l i n g government or nonruling group i n a democratic society could then, or now, possibly enjoy absolute l o y a l t y . Each may s t i l l seek to engender and preserve l o y a l t y among potential supporters, employing a m u l t i p l i c i t y of means. This would suggest that a given l o y a l t y was scarcely an absolute value. 4 My analysis w i l l show • t h a t t h e . collaboration thesis regards national l o y a l t y as i f i t were exclusive," and inconsistent with other l o y a l t i e s . The prevalence of multiple l o y a l t i e s was .so fundamental i n Canada that i t became one of the chief r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s of Canadian statesman from a l l p o l i t i c a l factions to prevent the clash of l o y a l t i e s , as between church and state, or l o c a l and national communities. It w i l l be suggested that students of 'nation-building' should recognize that groups exist within concentric c i r c l e s , and the l o y a l t i e s adhering to groups are rarely, i f ever, absolute. The group e l i c i t s l o y a l t i e s which are adjusted to and r e l a t i v e , to other l o y a l t i e s . The i n t e n s i t y of . l o y a l t i e s may increase or diminish. The question must continually be treated i n terms of degree. The story of B r i t i s h North America i n the pre-Confederation period i s not the -story of an absolute s h i f t ' from complete B r i t i s h imperialism to complete Canadian nationalism, r e s u l t i n g i n an inevitable decolonisation.. It i s more a matter of ebb and flow, not of.; one t o t a l l y replacing another. This fact of multiple l o y a l t i e s should serve as .a basic element i n the analysis of individuals and the groups to which they belong.' " My' analysis of the way i n which l o y a l t y has been conceptualized i n terms of the collaboration thesis w i l l follow the l i n e of inquiry suggested by David Potter i n his 5 seminal a r t i c l e .on nationalism and -loyalty, "The Historians "Use of Nationalism and' Vice Versa." 2 ; In • t h i s . c r i t i q u e Potter' drew " a • distinction-./ between formalistic' ' and. - functional approaches to the study of nationalism and group l o y a l t i e s . He c r i t i c i z e d the f o r m a l i s t i c approach for i t s tendency to regard nationalism not as a r e l a t i v e thing,, but as a "unique form of devotion, p o t e n t i a l l y a n t i t h e t i c a l -to. other forms of loyalty."" The f o r m a l i s t i c approach, prompts scholars' to regard nationalism as "an absolute thing, e x i s t i n g in. f u l l or nothing at all"? • and a nations' c i t i z e n s are either " l o y a l " -or., " d i s l o y a l " , depending on standard- specifications';. The f o r m a l i s t i c , j u r i s t i c approach regards the nation as i f i t were the sole group to which individuals belong, 'and regards: nationalism 'as i f , i t were the sole l o y a l t y of the people. • • - ' . Potter suggests that a functional analysis w i l l remind us at once that individuals belong to a number of 'groups, and that each of these groups .can become the focus of l o y a l t y . The d i v e r s i t y , of- groups increases with, the: more complex s o c i a l organization of modern times, and as i t does, •the m u l t i p l i c i t y of l o y a l t y also increases. This means /that : a given l o y a l t y i s . seldom an.absolute value. 5 Since- Potter's' 2 David Potter', "The H i s t o r i a n s Use of N a t i o n a l i s m and: V i c e Versa," in- H i s t o r y and American Society: Essays of David M. P o t t e r , ed. Don E. Fehrenbacher (New York: Oxford U n i v e r s i t y Press; • 1973)-, -pp. 61-108,. i b i d . , p. 66, 73. -; - i b i d . p. 66. " •'••'' - 5 T h i s i d e a , i s a l s o suggested by Hans Kohn i n The Idea of . • Na t i o n a l i s m : A Study of i t s O r i g i n s and Background (New York:. .Macmillan, analysis w i l l serve as the model for my commentary of the collaboration thesis, the following passage from Potter's "The Historian's Use of Nationalism and Vice Versa" deserves, to be quoted at length; H i s t o r i a n s f r e q u e n t l y w r i t e about n a t i o n a l l o y a l t y as i f i t were e x c l u s i v e , and i n c o n s i s t e n t w i t h o t h e r l o y a l t i e s , which a r e d e s c r i b e d as "competing' or " d i v i d e d " and which are viewed as d e t r a c t i n g from the p r i m a r y l o y a l t y t o the n a t i o n . Yet i t i s s e l f - e v i d e n t t h a t n a t i o n a l l o y a l t y f l o u r i s h e s not by c h a l l e n g i n g and overpowering a l l o t h e r ' l o y a l t i e s , but by subsuming them a l l i n a m u t u a l l y s u p p o r t i v e r e l a t i o n t o one a n o t h e r . The s t r e n g t h of the whole i s not enhanced by d e s t r o y i n g the p a r t s , but i s made up of the sum of the p a r t s . The o n l y c i t i z e n s who a r e c a p a b l e o f s t r o n g n a t i o n a l l o y a l t y a r e t h o se who a r e c a p a b l e of s t r o n g group l o y a l t y , and such persons are l i k e l y t o e xpress t h i s c a p a c i t y i n t h e i r d e v o t i o n t o t h e i r r e l i g i o n , t h e i r community, and t h e i r f a m i l i e s , as w e l l as i n t h e i r l o v e of c o u n t r y . The n a t i o n a l i s m which w i l l . u t i l i z e t h i s c a p a c i t y most e f f e c t i v e l y , t h e r e f o r e , i s not the one which o v e r r i d e s and d e s t r o y s a l l o t h e r o b j e c t s of l o y a l t y , but the one which draws them a l l i n t o one t r a n s c e n d e n t f o c u s . 6 It should be the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of the students of nationalism to recognize that the group i s never isolated, and the l o y a l t i e s adhering to i t are never absolute. These then are the two premises that I w i l l adopt from Potter's essay; i n the f i r s t place, that national l o y a l t y should be regarded as a form of group loyalty, s imilar to other forms of group lo y a l t y ; secondly, students of nation building have tended to treat nationalism as a monolithic form of loyalty, i n a n t i t h e s i s to other forms of loyalty, instead of recognizing that i t i s associated with, and even derived from those other l o y a l t i e s . The group e l i c i t s l o y a l t i e s 194/4) pp. 10-20 6 P o t t e r , p. 75 7 which are adjusted to and r e l a t i v e to other l o y a l t i e s . The i n t e n s i t y of l o y a l t i e s which • i t evokes may increase . or diminish. The.question must continually be treated i n terms of degree. • • The story of B r i t i s h North America i n the pre-Confederation period i s not the story of an absolute s h i f t from complete B r i t i s h imperialism to complete Canadian nationalism, r e s u l t i n g i n an inevitable decolonisation. It i s more a matter of many l o y a l t i e s usually complementing each other, but r a r e l y c o n f l i c t i n g . This fact' of multiple l o y a l t i e s i s a basic element i n the analysis of individuals and the groups to which they belong. Collaboration theorists have displayed the unfortunate tendency to ignore the fact .that 'loyalty i s fundamentally a character t r a i t , a virtue that can be developed and. nurtured, and thereby extended to the multi-national state, but not by attempting to suppress other l o y a l t i e s . The basic objective of . this paper i s to show how l o y a l t y , which forms the basis for cohesion for normal l i f e , functions and tends to bind men's allegiance to the national state. I w i l l argue that the collaboration t h e o r i s t s ' conceptualization of l o y a l t y does not allow for multiple l o y a l t i e s . I w i l l further argue that by giving undue weight to an economic determinism, the collaboration theorists have f a i l e d to understand the nature of the c o l o n i s t s ' l o y a l t y to 8 the Empire. I w i l l also point out that Imperial l o y a l t y displayed many of the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of a 'national' l o y a l t y , so much so that one may argue that the predominant nationalism i n B r i t i s h North America among Canadians during the Union period was a ' B r i t i s h nationalism'. The l o y a l t i e s to the emerging Canadian nat i o n a l i t y , and to the sense of being B r i t i s h , were not antagonistic, but rather were mutually supportive. 9 Chapter One Collaboration Theory and the Question of Colonial Loyalty In this- section I w i l l examine how the concept of l o y a l t y has been used by c o l l a b o r a t i o n i s t theorists who have employed i t to help explain the existence of the "informal empire" during the second half of the nineteenth century. Whether or not there was indeed a period of "free trade imperialism" has been vigorously debated among- imperial h i s t o r i a n s , 7 but this question i s beyond -the scope of t h i s paper. ' I w i l l begin by giving a. b r i e f overview of the background of the collaboration thesis as a challenge to the orthodox ' h i s t o r i c a l view that, with the. acceptance of free trade p o l i c i e s , the B r i t i s h had l o s t a l l i n t e r e s t i n Empire. Next, I w i l l outline the main tenets of the collaboration thesis., namely that the success of empire depended upon the l o y a l collaboration of a l o c a l e l i t e , and that the timing of. decolonization depended upon the a b i l i t y of " d i s l o y a l " n a t i o n a l i s t s to dislodge the l o y a l collaborators from t h e i r place of power. 7 Among the many a r t i c l e s and-books which have challenged the' " f r e e trade i m p e r i a l i s m " t h e s i s , see E r i c Stokes,, "Late Nineteenth-Century C o l o n i a l Expansion and the Attack on the Theory of Economic Imperialism: A Case of Mistaken I d e n t i t y " ? H i s t o r i c a l J o u r n a l , XII (1969) : 285; Stokes, "Uneconomic Imperialism," H i s t o r i c a l ' J o u r n a l , XXVIII. (1.975): 4 09; O l i v e r Macdonagh, "The ' A n t i - I m p e r i a l i s m of Free Trade," The Economic History' Review, 2nd'ser., . XIV (1962): 101. 10 Background Tr a d i t i o n a l theories of imperialism have tended to be defined almost exclusively i n terms of European .motives, as a simple projection of European state power, s t r a t e g i c r i v a l r y and resource . exploitation overseas.'8 Ronald Robinson, one of the two authors of the .'collaboration theory'', was highly c r i t i c a l of the t r a d i t i o n a l , Eurocentric' theories of imperialism. He believed that imperialism had to be redefined i n theory against the background of how the imperial, economic, and strategic arms of European expansion were connected overseas. In his opinion, a more comprehensive theory would'; include an analysis of the most important mechanism of European management of the non-European world: the use. of l o y a l , l o c a l collaborator groups - whether ru l i n g e l i t e s or landlords or merchants - as mediators between Europe and the indigenous p o l i t i c a l and economic system. The notion of the collaborative mechanism was said to have two great advantages over the more orthodox theories of imperialism. It explained why Europe was' able to rule large areas of the world so cheaply and with so few troops. It also provided an explanation of the process of decolonisation i n .terms of the growing a b i l i t y of 8 For the f o l l o w i n g summary of the c o l l a b o r a t i o n theory, I have. r e l i e d upon Ronald Robinson's "Non-European Foundations of Imperialism: Sketch for. a Theory of C o l l a b o r a t i o n , " i n Studies i n the Theory -of Imperialism, eds., Roger Owen & .Bob. S u t c l i f f e (London: Longman, 1972)., pp. 117-141. 11 n a t i o n a l i s t movements in the colonies to disrupt the arrangements for collaboration or to use them for t h e i r own ends. • Collaboration theory recognizes that imperialism was as much' a function of white s e t t l e r s ' collaboration or non-collaboration - of t h e i r indigenous p o l i t i c s as i t - was of European expansion. Without the voluntary or enforced cooperation of the governing e l i t e s , economic resources could not be transferred, strategic interests protected, or n a t i o n a l i s t resistance, contained. The theory suggests that at every stage from external imperialism to decolonisation, the working of imperialism was determined by the indigenous collaborative systems connecting i t s B r i t i s h and B r i t i s h North American components. The terms of imperialism were as much and often more a function of. Canadian p o l i t i c s than of B r i t i s h p o l i t i c s and economics. To begin with, Robinson posited that imperialism depended on the absence-or presence of e f f e c t i v e indigenous collaborators. Secondly, the t r a n s i t i o n from one phase of imperialism to the next was governed by the need to reconstruct and uphold a collaborative system that was breaking down. The breakdown of indigenous collaboration i n many instances necessitated the deeper imperial intervention that would lead to imperial takeover, or formal withdrawal. Thirdly, the choice of indigenous collaborators, more than • 12 anything, else, determined the organization and character of c o l o n i a l rule; i n other words, • i t s 'administrative, c o n s t i t u t i o n a l , land and'economic p o l i c i e s were l a r g e l y the i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z a t i o n of the indigenous, p o l i t i c a l a l l i a n c e s which upheld it'. Fourthly, when- co l o n i a l rulers had run out of indigenous collaborators, they either chose to leave or were compelled to go.. Their national opponents i n the. modern e l i t e sooner or l a t e r succeeded i n detaching the indigenous p o l i t i c a l elements from the c o l o n i a l regime u n t i l . they eventually formed a united front-., of non-collaboration against i t . Hence the inversions of collaboration into non-collaboration largely determined the timing of decolonisation.' - -.-'•' Free Trade Imperialism. In 1953, John Gallagher's and Ronald Robinson's now celebrated a r t i c l e , "The Imperialism .of Free Trade," 9 was published. It c a l l e d .into question, and for - the most part revolutionized, the previously accepted framework.of B r i t i s h imperial history. Their ' manifesto challenged the conventional d e f i n i t i o n s of nineteenth-century imperialism. They turned- the t r a d i t i o n a l i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of ' the mid-Victorian years on i t s head by including within t h e i r 9 John Gallagher and Ronald Robinson, "The Imperialism , of- Free Trade", Economic H i s t o r y Review, 2nd ser. VI (1953): 1. 13 survey what they referred to as the 'informal empire'. 1 0 The orthodox analysis held that the old c o l o n i a l system was overthrown and the empire ceased to be of value i n an age of free trade. 1 1 This, new work, which came to be referred to as the "continuity theory of imperialism" turned out to be one of the more o r i g i n a l and controversial contributions to the historiography of modern imperialism. Gallagher and Robinson argued that the t r a d i t i o n a l interpretations of imperialism had exaggerated the power of imperialism, and suffered from a Eurocentric bias. According to the previously accepted hypothesis, the middle decades of the nineteenth century were' dominated by an aversion, or an indifference to empire. 1 2 It, was during t h i s period that the doctrine of free trade, the Manchester School and ideas of Richard Cobden held sway.13 These were the years when many leading B r i t i s h statesmen, c o l o n i a l o f f i c i a l s , and economists, voiced t h e i r growing d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n over the Empire. Pressure mounted for freer trade " and an economic system emancipated from government interference. 1 0 For a general background' to the l i t e r a t u r e on the 'i n f o r m a l ' Empire, please see Robin W. Winks, "On De c o l o n i z a t i o n and Informal Empire", American H i s t o r i c a l Review 81 (1976): 540-56. 1 1 "• Wm.. Roger Louis' The Robinson and Gallagher Controversy (New York: New Viewpoints, 1976) c h r o n i c l e s the i m p e r i a l i s m / f r e e trade debate. 12' Lewis Feuer,- Imperialism and the A n t i - I m p e r i a l i s t Mind ( B u f f a l o : Prometheus Books, 1986). ' 13 ' Wendy Hinde, Richard Cobden : . a V i c t o r i a n Outsider (New Haven: Yal'e U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1987) 14 The Manchester School, and Cobden i n p a r t i c u l a r , were at the centre of the free trade movement. Cobden stood against a l l imperialism, formal and informal. The free trade movement represented a force of Vi c t o r i a n society i n perpetual c o n f l i c t with the aristocracy and those p r i n c i p l e s associated with the aristocracy: unnecessary governmental expenditures, b e l l i c o s i t y , war as a solution to problems of co l o n i a l and international r e l a t i o n s . The free trade movement was more than a movement concerned with mere trade: i t espoused moral 'principles and the ideas of a society that would regulate i t s e l f free from government interference. Not least i t was a movement for peace, including support of international a r b i t r a t i o n and disarmament. .The free trade movement represented a force i n V i c t o r i a n society i n c o n f l i c t with those who pr o f i t e d from needless governmental spending and i m p e r i a l i s t i c wars as a solution to problems of c o l o n i a l and international, r e l a t i o n s . In l i g h t of Br i t a i n ' s manufacturing supremacy and the primacy of i t s navy and merchant shipping, e x c l u s i v i t y and monopolistic trade r e s t r a i n t s were less important than, and •.' often detrimental to, the need for ever expanding world markets. The transformation of. the old c o l o n i a l and m e r c a n t i l i s t commercial system' was thus . said to be completed by the end of the 1840's. Free trade had made empire obsolete. 1 4 1 4 Bernard Semmel, The Rise of Free Trade Imperialism: C l a s s i c a l P o l i t i c a l Economy, the Empire of Free Trade and Imperialism, 1750-1850 ' 15. In the B r i t i s h North American context during t h i s period, revolutionary changes were taking place-. In l i g h t of these changes, i t became apparent- that some of the old methods of imperialism were becoming quickly antiquated. 1 5 Over the next t h i r t y years, B r i t i s h North America passed through what was undoubtedly i t s most c r i t i c a l t r a n s i t i o n a l period. . Supporters . of the free-trade school of decolonization pointed out that p o l i t i c a l nationalism and i n d u s t r i a l capitalism were remaking the modern world, and the northern colonies were subject to ominous pressures from Great B r i t a i n and the United States. Great B r i t a i n , which was apparently far more interested i n the conquest of world markets' than i n the retention of i t s t e r r i t o r i a l empire, was anxious tp reduce i t s American p o l i t i c a l commitments and to withdraw i t s troops from the new continent. The United States, which was rapidly becoming a great m i l i t a r y .and i n d u s t r i a l power in i t s own right, was using the techniques of railway and the free homestead system for the ex p l o i t a t i o n of a continent. The colonies, flung suddenly out of what now appeared to have been the peaceful security of mercantilism and p o l i t i c a l dependence, had to discover an answer to the one central question into which a l l t h e i r (Cambridge: U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1970). Ged Mar t i n , The Durham report and B r i t i s h P o l i c y : A C r i t i c a l Essay (Cambridge: Cambridge U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1972). See a l s o Peter Burroughs, "The Determinants of Self-Government," Journal of I m p e r i a l and- Commonwealth H i s t o r y -6 (1978): 317-319; John M. Ward, C o l o n i a l Self-Government: 'The B r i t i s h Experience, 1759-1856 (London: Macmillan, 1976) pp. 248-250. ' 16 p e r p l e x i t i e s were compacted. What was the best substitute for a p o l i t i c a l and economic connection with Great B r i t a i n that was under pressure to change? .Some B r i t i s h North Americans believed that the answer was to be found i n the union of the provinces among themselves, fewer s t i l l argued for the closer association with the United States. It -had always been the conviction of Canadian Conservatives that the St. Lawrence must, remain B r i t i s h , c e r t a i n l y i n allegiance i f not wholly i n language and race, 1 6 and Reformers were no less eager to lose the t i e to the B r i t i s h centre. In summary, Gallagher and Robinson took a second look at t h i s 'orthodox' theory of imperialism i n the nineteenth century and asked.why so.many new colonies were acquired and new" spheres of influence established i n an alleged age of i n d i f f e r e n c e ? 1 7 The two Cambridge scholars rejected the existence of an age of anti-imperialism in. the mid-Victorian years. Their research showed that there was a continuity of p o l i c y which the conventional interpretations had missed.- The Collaboration Model According to t h e i r depiction of the c o l l a b o r a t i v e mechanism, during the nineteenth century " B r i t i s h 1 6 Chester Martirv, "The United States and Canadian N a t i o n a l i t y , " Canadian H i s t o r i c a l Review, XVIII, (March, .1937) : 1. 17 ;  Gallagher and Robinson, p. 3. 17 governments worked to establish and maintain B r i t i s h paramountcy•by whatever means best suited the circumstances of t h e i r diverse regions of i n t e r e s t . " 1 8 Gallagher and Robinson's theory pointed to the importance of l o c a l conditions to imperial expansion. The .loyalty of a 'collaborating class' was a p r i n c i p l e element of the p o l i t i c a l strategy of 'indirect' rule. It was the c o l l e c t i v e bargains with the indigenous r u l i n g structure that were c r u c i a l . By recognizing the importance of native collaboration, the Cambridge scholars were c l e a r l y at odds with the older, Anglo-centric theories. Gallagher and Robinson pointed out that .the orthodox hypothesis of imperialism r e l i e d upon an excessive concentration on formal .methods of control. Local circumstance i n c o l o n i a l s o c i e t i e s , whether, the success of collaboration or -the c r i s i s of resistance, was the neglected factor, which they c a l l e d into play, since i t governed much of the timing and character of imperial interventions and withdrawals. Their theory embraced . the . idea 'of • informal empire,-, i t s breakdown, the onset of c o l o n i a l rule and the manner i n which i t was sustained. It also explained the reason why, once collaboration turned into non-cooperation, i t ended i n decolonisation. '• They underlined the importance - to B r i t i s h Gallagher and Robinson, p.12 18 economic interests abroad of the p o l i t i c a l c ollaboration of the l o c a l e l i t e . ' ' • With these issues i n mind,' ' the collaborative model attempted to broaden the perspective of previous notions bringing t h i s previously neglected extra-European factor into play. It assumed, f i r s t , that the i m p e r i a l i s t s were not i n the business of exporting .surplus wealth and, power out of Great B r i t a i n . Imperialism was a question . of deploying quantities of • resources, comparatively i n s i g n i f i c a n t in. European terms, to places where they would resul t in. maximum .returns at the least r i s k and cost. By investing- a l i t t l e , , , they expected . t h e i r colonies to contribute much. F i r s t , by following t h i s -.principle, the metropolitan power to be deployed . would s u f f i c e to' manipulate, but not to abolish, the -indigenous p o l i t i c s of other countries.' Secondly, to be worthwhile, empire of any kind ,had to be 1 on, the cheap'.. The costs and benefits of imperial p o l i c y were calculated on- input-output r a t i o s . Thirdly, empires had to be founded, to a greater or lesser extent, on indigenous resources i n the countries imperialized. F i n a l l y , enough of th e i r leaders had to be attracted or conscripted into transferring the necessary resources and allegiances, , i f such feats were to . be accomplished p r o f i t a b l y . Unless a s i g n i f i c a n t element of the l o c a l e l i t e could be cajoled to cooperate, or at least 19 "'. acquiesce, trade could not be promoted, the empire could not be upheld or n a t i o n a l i s t 'sentiments could not be contained cheaply. Imperial cost-benefits depended on finding l o c a l intermediaries who would be p l i a b l e without being i n e f f e c t i v e , and this, depended, in turn, on the nature of t h e i r s o c i a l organization and i t s a b i l i t y to undergo change without foreign control. Loyal Collaborating E l i t e s In A f r i c a and the V i c t o r i a n s , 1 9 Robinson- and Gallagher defined imperial expansion as a set of bargains between of f i c i a l ' s i n the metropolis and t h e i r indigenous a l l i e s and opponents, who were primarily concerned to defend or improve .their p o s i t i o n inside t h e i r own s o c i e t i e s . The c o l o n i a l system of rule depended upon understandings between rulers and subjects. Imperial rule had drawn i t s force more from •the collaboration of i t s subjects than from exported power. Contrary to the t r a d i t i o n a l view made popular by successive generations of Whig historians, l o c a l and indigenous factors outside ;Europe had indeed largely determined the parameters of imperial intervention. The c o l o n i a l power sustained i t s e l f by s h i f t i n g the basis of i t s rule from time to time, dropping one set of collaborators and taking another. The choice of l o c a l 19 John Gallagher .and Ronald. Robinson, A f r i c a and the V i c t o r i a n s : The. O f f i c i a l Mind of Imperialism; (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1961) . ' 2 0 collaborators determined the organization, depth and character of' c o l o n i a l rule. . Collaborators, governed the- speed and d i r e c t i o n of economic growth i n ways that complemented the needs of the B r i t i s h f i n a n c i a l markets,, and influenced t h e i r domestic•politics i n . favour of p o l i t i c a l collaborators with London. • . . . Robinson and Gallagher highlighted the importance of. l o c a l collaborators as mediators between, the metropolitan centre and the. indigenous p o l i t i c a l and 'economic system., In the l a t e r a r t i c l e which outlined the collaborative thesis i n more d e t a i l , Robinson wrote that "imperialism was as much a function of i t s victims' .collaboration or non-collaboration of, t h e i r indigenous p o l i t i c s , ' as i t . was of European expansion." 2 0' The notion of the collaborative mechanism has been used to explain the obvious question of how the European powers were able • to rule successfully 'over t h e i r geographically dispersed empires ' without- incurring great expense and without the frequent use of m i l i t a r y force. It suggests that an i n t e g r a l part of imperial rule was the a b i l i t y of European powers to s t r i k e "various arrangements for mutual collaboration, . through which the external European and the i n t e r n a l non-European components cooperated at the point of imperial impart." 2 1 ' It challenged the b e l i e f that imperialism r e l i e d s olely upon "the exertion .of 2 0 " ' ' Ronald Robinson, "Non-European Foundations," p. 118. 2 1 i b i d . , p.118 21 power' and the transfer of economic resources." 2 2 It i s Robinson's contention that, No' s o c i e t y , however dominant, can man-handle .arcane, densely-peopled c i v i l i z a t i o n s or white colonies in other •' continents simply by p r o j e c t i n g i t s own main forc e upon, them. . Domination i s only p r a c t i c a b l e i n so f a r as a l i e n power i s t r a n s l a t e d i n t o terms of indigenous p o l i t i c a l ' economy.23 . . Therefore, the. " c o n t r o l l i n g mechanism" successfully employed by the European powers. was "made up of relationships between the agents of external expansion and the i r i n t e r n a l 'collaborators' in. non-European p o l i t i c a l economics." 2 4 . The cooperation of the governing e l i t e s was essential, to the success of imperial rule. The' l o y a l t y • of a collaborating e l i t e was the linchpin of the informal empire in B r i t i s h North America. I n t r i n s i c to. the concept, as a whole was the notion that each l o c a l society would create a collaboration class out of .its .own culture, thus the need to explain the r i s e of a mediating e l i t e within .a. s p e c i f i c c o l o n i a l s e t t i n g . Robinson noted that the term "collaboration" was i n no way employed i n a pejorative sense, even though i t was often used, i n such a way i n contemporary p o l i t i c s i n terms of c r i t i c i z i n g 'corrupted' p o l i t i c i a n s . From the standpoint of the collaborators, the imperial power imported a source of •wealth' and power which could' be exploited i n order to 2 2 i b i d . , p.119 • ' 2 3 i b i d . , p. 119 2 4 i b i d . , p. 120 22 preserve or improve the standing of the indigenous e l i t e s wifhin t h e i r own p o l i t i c a l order. But by d e f i n i t i o n the 'bargains' of collaboration could not be too one-sided, or they would cease to be e f f e c t i v e . Collaborators had to mediate with the metropolis on behalf of the i r l o c a l constituents, and concessions' which were perceived to be overly d r a s t i c would undermine the basis of the i r authority. Even i f the bargains were unequal they had to recognize mutual interests and interdependence i f the bargains were to be kept. When mediators were l e f t without s u f f i c i e n t p o l i t i c a l resources, t h e i r authority waned, c r i s i s followed, and the imperial power had to choose between scrapping i t s interests or intervening to promote them directly'. To sum up, Robinson.'identified "two inter-connecting sets of linkages" which made up the collaborative mechanism: "one consisting of arrangements between agents of i n d u s t r i a l society .and the indigenous e l i t e s drawn into cooperation with them; and the other connecting these e l i t e s to the ri g i d i t i e s ' - of l o c a l interests and i n s t i t u t i o n s . " 2 5 Collaborators had to perform one set of functions i n the external sector yet be able to have them accepted by the indigenous society. 2 6 The turnover of - a l l i e s i n a c r i s i s i b i d . , p.122 i b i d . , p.122 23 could o f t e n be s w i f t and p r o v o c a t i v e . 2 7 Robinson a l s o pointed to the f a c t that c o l l a b o r a t o r s " n a t u r a l l y attached more importance to t h e i r ' t r a d i t i o n a l , than to t h e i r mediatory r o l e . " 2 8 The B r i t i s h North American C o l o n i s t : The I d e a l P r e f a b r i c a t e d C o l l a b o r a t o r While a l l systems of i n f l u e n c e which, c a l l e d f o r h o l d i n g t e r r i t o r y depended upon p o l i t i c a l quiescence . among the c o l o n i a l populations and on c o n t r o l l i n g • p o l i t i c a l development i n • the colony, i n the B r i t i s h settlement c o l o n i e s ' t h i s was e s p e c i a l l y so. According to Robinson, the white c o l o n i s t i n B r i t i s h : North America.proved to be the " i d e a l , p r e f a b r i c a t e d c o l l a b o r a t o r . " 2 9 Although c u l t u r a l a f f i l i a t i o n may have played a- r o l e , Robinson argued that p o l i t i c a l c o l l a b o r a t i o n stemmed l a r g e l y from economic dependence. For the greater part of the century B r i t a i n was the main source of c a p i t a l , .export markets, and production. The dominant export-import sector consequently shaped c o l o n i a l p o l i t i c s i n favour of commercial and p o l i t i c a l c o l l a b o r a t i o n with London. Thus, c o l l a b o r a t i v e bargains proved easy to make and , keep. when these commercial 2 7 F r a n c i s Hinks, one of the boldest, provocateurs during the b a t t l e s over the c o n t r o l of p o l i t i c a l , patronage during the 1840's,.came to be a rewarded with postings i n f o r e i g n outposts of the Empire. 2 8 Robinson, "Non-European Foundations..." , p.122 2 9 i b i d . , p. 124. 24 p a r t n e r s h i p s were mutually p r o f i t a b l e and c o l o n i s t s were permitted to manage t h e i r own i n t e r n a l a f f a i r s . Robinson's argument i s ' i n l a r g e part based upon the b e l i e f that c o l o n i s t s would give t h e i r backing to c o l o n i a l p o l i t i c i a n s who supported the arrangements which kept export markets open, and c a p i t a l ' flowing- i n . .The, -specter - of r e j e c t i o n at the p o l l s which went along with breaking ' the c o l l a b o r a t i v e bargains thus made d i r e c t i m p e r i a l c o n t r o l over l o c a l a f f a i r s unnecessary. . The c o l l a b o r a t i o n 'model suggests that the continuing economic and p o l i t i c a l c o l l a b o r a t i o n among B r i t i s h . North '.Americans stemmed e s s e n t i a l l y from t h e i r growing, and.. mutually p r o f i t a b l e business connections, with the United Kingdom. Even i f i t was contemplated, d i r e c t i n t e r v e n t i o n i n the p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t i e s of B r i t i s h North America . was a p o s i t i v e disadvantage f o r i t r i s k e d provoking v i o l e n t n a t i o n a l i s t r e a c t i o n . -• The c o l l a b o r a t i v e mechanism of commercial p a r t n e r s h i p i n white c o l o n i e s converted e x t e r n a l economic power i n t o i n t e r n a l , p o l i t i c a l cooperation. I t worked c o n s t r u c t i v e l y so e v e n t u a l l y these c o l o n i e s would go. through peaceful and gradual d e c o l o n i s a t i o n . As soon as the economies of the B r i t i s h settlement communities d i v e r s i f i e d , the t i e s of p o l i t i c a l c o l l a b o r a t i o n with B r i t a i n would abate, and economic dependence would d i m i n i s h . As the export-import 25. s e c t o r shrank i n importance r e l a t i v e to t h e i r domestic economy, the c o l l a b o r a t i n g e l i t e s a s s o c i a t e d with them .would have, to a d j u s t t h e i r p o l i t i c a l foundations or r i s k l o s i n g i n f l u e n c e to p o p u l i s t n a t i o n a l movements. Robinson was concerned with the manner i n which l a r g e investments of c a p i t a l produced c e r t a i n p o l i t i c a l e f f e c t s , f o r i n s t a n c e , the emergence of new groups of p o t e n t i a l c o l l a b o r a t o r s . 'Loyal' and ' D i s l o y a l ' White S e t t l e r s As o u t l i n e d by Robinson, the c o l l a b o r a t i o n model suggests t h a t the c o n t i n u i n g economic and p o l i t i c a l c o l l a b o r a t i o n of the. B r i t i s h North American c o l o n i e s stemmed e s s e n t i a l l y from t h e i r growing and m u t u a l l y p r o f i t a b l e b u s i n e s s connections with the United Kingdom. A f t e r the i n i t i a l stage of c o l o n i z a t i o n under I m p e r i a l r u l e , the Canadian c o l o n i e s enjoyed self-government under democratic c o n s t i t u t i o n s . Robinson regarded these c o l o n i a l governments as "notably n a t i o n a l i s t i c , and a n t i - i m p e r i a l i s t p o l i t i c a l l y , yet, normally they cooperated l o y a l l y w i t h i n the empire." Robinson wrote that "At f i r s t , s i g h t , i t i s not easy to see why these v i r t u a l l y autonomous states,' with t h e i r d e m o c r a t i c a l l y e l e c t e d m i n i s t r i e s and' p a r l i a m e n t s , should have remained l o y a l to the empire." 3 1 He d i s c o u n t e d c u l t u r a l 3 0 Ronald Robinson, "Imperial Theory and the Question of Imperialism a f t e r Empire," Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth H i s t o r y X I I , 2 (1984):45-46 3 1 Ronald Robinson,."Conclusion: Railways and Informal Empire," i n Railway Imperialism ed., Ronald Robinson,(Westport: Greenwood Press, 26 t i e s between B r i t i s h North America and Great B r i t a i n , p r eferring to see only "proto-nationalist p o l i t i c i a n s " needing f i n a n c i a l guarantees• 'to .ensure ' t h e i r l o y a l t y . Robinson wrote that, Depending almost e n t i r e l y on the United .Kingdom f o r t h e i r export market and on London f o r t h e i r long-run c a p i t a l , they were bound up with empire i n t a c i t a l l i a n c e of f r e e trade and free i n s t i t u t i o n s . ' I t i s not s u r p r i s i n g that the wheat merchants of Toronto and Montreal.. ..took t h e i r l o y a l i s t p o l i t i c s from the i m p e r i a l export-import s e c t o r ; what i s s u r p r i s i n g i s that n a t i o n a l i s t i c c o l o n i a l p o l i t i c i a n s and t h e i r parochial-minded c o n s t i t u e n t s d i d much the same.32 Robinson made much of the threat to c o l o n i a l allegiance from a possible annexation to the United States. Robinson's description of the 1846-1849 period i s summed up as follows; A f t e r B r i t a i n repealed i t s Corn Laws i n 184 6 and thereby • ended i t s p r e f e r e n t i a l treatment of g r a i n and f l o u r shipped through Montreal v i a St. Lawrence water route; the Montreal m e r c a n t i l e c l a s s became bankrupt - and i t s l o y a l t y became almost u n i v e r s a l l y d i s a f f e c t e d . Something had to be done to r e e s t a b l i s h p r o s p e r i t y f o r t h i s group and f o r c o l o n i a l , merchants g e n e r a l l y , not only, because they had s t a r t e d to clamor f o r annexation to the United States, but a l s o because c o l o n i a l governments were dependent on t h e i r import-export se c t o r s f o r revenue. 3 3 The annexation movement was a short-lived phenomena, as was the Montreal Tory protest against t h e i r dual losses of power at' home with the granting of responsible government i n 184.8, and from th e i r loss of p r e f e r e n t i a l access to the B r i t i s h markets after the repeal of the Corn Laws in 184-9. This i s confirmed by a l l of the major scholarship on the movement which highlights the fact that i t was a f l e e t i n g 1991j 2 p. 175. i b i d . , p. 17 6. 3 3 Robinson, ".Rail-way," p. 133. 27 development, and involved, no major p o l i t i c a l leaders of the time. 3 4 In fact, after the events of 1849, expressions of. l o y a l t y for the Empire increased as Montreal Tories f e l t the need to dispel any appearance of d i s l o y a l t y . 3 5 Nevertheless, Robinson, argues that the B r i t i s h government used collaborative bargains to strengthen c o l o n i a l allegiance whenever 'annexation threatened', thus binding up "the fraying imperial connection." 3 6 Financial guarantees for the Grand Trunk railway were offered " c h i e f l y to confirm the l o y a l t y of the colonies against the i n t e r n a l challenge from the Annexationists." 3 7 Robinson concludes that i t i s not surprising, therefore, that c o l o n i a l p o l i t i c s were lar g e l y railway p o l i t i c s . According to Robinson, railway imperialism was an •example of .. how. B r i t i s h c a p i t a l attracted c o l o n i a l businessmen and p o l i t i c i a n s into commercial, f i n a n c i a l , and hence- p o l i t i c a l collaboration with the expansion of B r i t i s h i n t e r e s t s to uphold the imperial connection. This 3 4 See Cephas D. A l l i n and George M. Jones, Annexation, • P r e f e r e n t i a l Trade and R e c i p r o c i t y , (London: Mason Book, Co., 1912); J . I . L i t t l e , "The Short L i f e of a Local Protest Movement: The Annexation C r i s i s - of 1849-1850 i n the Eastern Townships," Journal of the Canadian H i s t o r i c a l A s s o c i a t i o n , 3 (1992): 45; Peter Way, "The Canadian Tory r e b e l l i o n of 1849 and the Demise of Street P o l i t i c s i n Toronto," B r i t i s h J o u r n a l of Canadian Studies 10 (1995) : 10; Gerald A. H a l l o w e l l , "The Reaction of the Upper Canadian Tories to the A d v e r s i t y of 184 9: Annexation and the B r i t i s h American League,"' Ontario H i s t o r i c a l A s s o c i a t i o n Papers ( 1970) : 41. 35 A.W. Rasporich, "Imperial Sentiment i n the Province of- Canada during the Crimean War, 1854-1856," i n The S h i e l d of A c h i l l e s : Aspects of Canada i n the V i c t o r i a n Age ed., W.L. -Morton, (Montreal: M c C l e l l a n d and Stewart L t d . , 1.968) p. 140. 3 6 Robinson, "Railways," p. 176. 3 7 i b i d . , p. 178 . . . . 28 r e l a t i o n s h i p "assumed that the stronger the economic connection between, the colonies and the mother country, the easier i t would be to contain a n t i - i m p e r i a l p o l i t i c a l movements and to persuade, the colonies to comply with imperial' wishes " 3 8 ( i t a l i c s added).; . Robinson's analysis of the railway p o l i t i c s of the period l e d him to conclude that the col o n i s t s ' f i n a n c i a l dependence on London for public works and patronage was c r u c i a l to the strength of the imperial connection. In return, London bankers i n s i s t e d on the "' l o y a l t y ' to the empire" as.a necessary security for past and,future loans. 3 9 Railway p o l i t i c s showed the extent to which the Colonial Office attempted, and succeeded or f a i l e d , to mobilize the power of the City of London to influence c o l o n i a l p o l i t i c s i n favour of the imperial connection. Because the negotiations involved most of the central problems i n the- imperial relationship i n B r i t i s h • North America i n the mid-nineteenth'century,'Robinson viewed them as a .standpoint for studying the development of additional ways of perpetuating the imperial t i e . Railway p o l i t i c s thus focuses on the granting of imperial f i n a n c i a l guarantees so as to consolidate the lo y a l t y of B r i t i s h North America to the empire. . • ' i b i d . ,' p. 22 . . i b i d . , p. 22. 29 Robinson's interpretation of Canadian p o l i t i c s "during the Union period p i t t e d Reform, "annexationists and r a d i c a l anti-imperialists", against moderate "empire- l o y a l i s t s , " men l i k e John A. Macdonald, - Georges Cartier and Alexander Gait. 4 0 These empire-loyalists were i n fact "proto-nationalists"' themselves, but i n l i g h t of Robinson's .views, l o y a l t y was something, that could be bought '.on the open - market, and Liberal-Conservatives were bought p o l i t i c i a n s . , • The po l i c y of imperial aid to railway expansion provided c o l o n i a l p o l i t i c i a n s with "a bonanza of patronage." 4 1' In this way, railway p o l i t i c s dominated the p o l i t i c a l agenda. 4 2 Robinson wrote that Every community wanted the b e n e f i t s of a r a i l w a y connection; and r a i l w a y patronage and' p o r k - b a r r e l l i n g became i n c r e a s i n g l y important i n c o l o n i a l p o l i t i c s . Each.side a l s o r e a l i z e d that r a i l w a y s would g r e a t l y change the economic-and p o l i t i c a l s trength of various i n t e r e s t groups w i t h i n the c o l o n i e s . T r a d i t i o n a l p o l i t i c a l bonds of language, c u l t u r e , and r e l i g i o n became l e s s important as new a l l i a n c e s were - ' • formed i n ' p u r s u i t of r a i l w a y wealth. 4 3 Domestic p o l i t i c s therefore demanded that c o l o n i a l p o l i t i c i a n s adopt imperial railway p o l i c i e s that promised prosperity. Robinson posited that . " l o y a l i s t ' c o l o n i a l p o l i t i c i a n s " firmly retained t h e i r hold on o f f i c e by 4 0 Alexander Gait had i n f a c t been one of the l e a d i n g members, of the B r i t i s h North America, league, the group which f o r a short time f l o a t e d the annexation idea. See A. A. Den Otter, "Alexander G a i t , the 1859 T a r i f f , and Canadian Economic Nationalism," Canadian H i s t o r i c a l Review L X I I I (1982): 160. 4 1 Robinson, "Railways," p. 177. 4 2 Robinson, "Imperial'Theory," p. 46. 4 3 Robinson, "Railways," p. 12. 30 c o n v e r t i n g the flow of c a p i t a l i n t o vote-winning r a i l w a y s and p o l i t i c a l patronage. 4 4 At e l e c t i o n time -railway p l a t f o r m s became the p o l i t i c a l stage, and more o f t e n than not, i t was the empire l o y a l i s t s who succeeded. 4 5 Railway c o n t r a c t s o f f e r e d patronage f o r p o l i t i c i a n s , markets f o r farmers, p r o f i t s f o r l a n d s p e c u l a t o r s , fees f o r lawyers and convenient t r a v e l f o r the general" p u b l i c . The a t t r a c t i o n of spoil.s proved to be so great that "whatever t h e i r a n t i - i m p e r i a l r h e t o r i c , p o p u l i s t p o l i t i c i a n s and t h e i r r a d i c a l f o l l o w i n g s were as s u s c e p t i b l e to the a l l u r e - o f the i m p e r i a l , connection as c a p i t a l i s t s . " 4 6 I t was' 'for t h i s reason p o l i t i c s to a g r e a t e r .extent became • ' r a i l w a y p o l i t i c s ' . ' The p o l i t i c i a n s ' who promised to b r i n g l i n e s through the most c o n s t i t u e n c i e s tended to win most popular support, though they c o u l d expect to lose, i t again/when the flow of r a i l w a y c a p i t a l d r i e d up. .. .- As c o l o n i a l p r o s p e r i t y was. .revived, Robinson argues the ' a n n e x a t i o n i s t s ' and ' r a d i c a l • a n t i - i m p e r i a l i s t s ' gave way i n m i n i s t e r s and assemblies to moderate c o n s e r v a t i v e s l i k e John A. Macdonald, -Georges Etienne C a r t i e r , .and Alexander G a i t . Th.ey c o u l d ".be.. r e l i e d upon to keep the 4 4 i b i d . , p.14 - '. '•;'• ' The L i b e r a l - C o n s e r v a t i v e c o a l i t i o n , which, i n h e r i t e d power from the pro-development H i n k s i t e Reformers, ' c o n t r o l l e d the p r o v i n c i a l l e g i s l a t u r e during the second -half of the Union p e r i o d f o r a l l but a short time' i n 1863. See Paul G. Cornell,' The Alignment of P o l i t i c a l Groups i n Canada, 1841-1867 (Toronto: U n i v e r s i t y of Toronto Press, 1962) . ' • . • 6 Robinson, "The E x c e n t r i c Idea..." p. 275. 31 i n f l o w of c a p i t a l coming. Their c o a l i t i o n s , combining r a i l w a y b e n e f i t s with appeals to r e l i g i o u s and e t h n i c communities, converged on l o y a l i s t Canadian p r i n c i p l e s . The r a i l w a y c o n t r a c t s were c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of the c o l l a b o r a t i v e bargains of informal'- i m p e r i a l i s m . I f the Grand Trunk was allowed to sink and i t s l i n e s shut down, the r e s p o n s i b l e l o y a l i s t p o l i t i c i a n s would c e r t a i n l y sink with them. The -export-import sectors and a growing r e l i a n c e on r a i l w a y t r a n s p o r t a t i o n tended to i n f l u e n c e domestic p o l i t i c s i n favour of' p o l i t i c a l c o l l a b o r a t i o n with London. Economic inputs ' were s u f f i c i e n t to e s t a b l i s h i m p e r i a l a f f i l i a t i o n s and so B r i t i s h economic .expansion was t r a n s l a t e d i n t o l o c a l cooperation, i n s p i t e of the withdrawal of formal i m p e r i a l r u l e i n exchange f o r - responsible government. The loans which 'came from the B r i t i s h p r i v a t e sectors went to c o l o n i a l governments and so suppli e d the patronage which o f t e n won e l e c t i o n s , s t a v i n g o f f the " p o p u l i s t n a t i o n a l movements"47 which would b r i n g about the demise of the c o l l a b o r a t i v e s t r u c t u r e . In time, when " n a t i o n a l i s t s succeeded i n detaching enough mediators from c o l o n i a l regimes i n t o a u n i t e d f r o n t of non-cooperation," the B r i t i s h c o l o n i a l o f f i c e would be compelled to withdraw, 4 8 unless i t could b r i n g about the replacement of the " d i s l o y a l " government o f f i c i a l s , and i n 4 7 Robinson, "Non-European Foundations..." p. 126. - 4 8 Robinson, "The E x c e h t r i c Idea..." p. 272. 32 - the case of B r i t i s h North America, elected o f f i c i a l s , by i t s more collaborative opponents. Robinson i d e n t i f i e s -the struggle between, the John Sandfield Macdonald Reformers and the L i b e r a l Conservatives as such a case when the Imperial Government "exerted imperial influence u n o f f i c i a l l y and, improperly i n Canada's domestic p o l i t i c s " so as to protect the Grand Trunk railway. Thus, the c l a s s i c a l theory .of-' imperialism 4 9 i s challenged . by; Robinson's .formula of a r i s i n g c o l o n i a l nationalism forcing imperial p o l i c y makers • into collaborative bargains i n order to maintain the Empire. Dislo y a l t y i s here seen as a rejecti o n of "orthodoxy" with regard to c o l o n i a l p o l i c i e s . Peter Baskerville elaborated on the collaboration thesis by examining the c o n f l i c t between the Imperial government's . agenda for the Province of Canada, • and the aspirations of the John Sandfield Macdonald Reform government of 1862 to 18 64 . 5 0 Baskerville' offers a much richer, sensitive, and more textured p o r t r a i t of Canadian 4 9 Robinson places h i s theory i n the h i s t o r i c a l context of i m p e r i a l h i s t o r i o g r a p h y i n R. Robinson, "Oxford i n Imperial H i s t o r i o g r a p h y , " i n Oxford and the Idea of Commonwealth, eds., F. Madden and D.K. Feildhouse (London: Croom Helm, 1982) pp. 30-48. 5 0 Peter B a s k e r v i l l e , "Imperial Agendas and ' D i s l o y a l ' C o l l a b o r a t o r s : D e c o l o n i z a t i o n and the John S a n d f i e l d Macdonald M i n i s t r i e s , 1862-1864," i n Old Ontario: Essays i n Honour of J-.M.S. Careless, eds. David Keane and C o l i n Read, (Toronto: Dundurn Press, 1990) pp. 234. See a l s o B a s k e r v i l l e , "The Pet Bank, the Local State and the Imperial Center, 1850-1864," Journal of Canadian Studies 20 (1985): 22-46, and Michael- P i v a , "Financing the Union:- The Upper Canadian Debt and F i n a n c i a l A d m i n i s t r a t i o n i n the Canadas, 1837-45," i b i d . , 25 (1990-91): 82-98. 33 p o l i t i c s during t h i s p e r i o d than does Robinson, c o n s i s t e n t w ith h i s e x c e p t i o n a l ' s c h o l a r s h i p i n other areas: 5 1 B a s k e r v i l l e adopts Robinson's i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the s t a t e of l o y a l t y i n the c o l o n i e s at the dawn of Great B r i t a i n ' s free trade era. With the repeal of the Corn Laws and the g r a n t i n g - of Responsible "Government, the I m p e r i a l government was forced to f i n d "new mechanisms f o r the c u l t i v a t i o n of l o y a l t y . " 5 2 Instead of d i r e c t a d m i n i s t r a t i v e a c t i o n , p r i v a t e investment from the C i t y would be used to "maintain i m p e r i a l l o y a l t y . " 5 3 By e n t i c i n g l o c a l p o l i t i c i a n s i n t o . c o l l a b o r a t i v e bargains, the l o y a l t y of the colony would be ensured, as long as B r i t i s h c a p i t a l was a v a i l a b l e f o r -development of the colony's t r a n s p o r t a t i o n i n f r a s t r u c t u r e , and f o r patronage which kept c o l o n i a l c o l l a b o r a t o r s l i k e John A. Macdonald and Georges Etienne C a r t i e r ' l o y a l ' . B a s k e r v i l l e c h r o n i c l e s the attempts of the S a n d f i e l d Macdonald m i n i s t r i e s to grasp greater powers f o r "independent" p o l i t i c a l a c t i o n . This p u r s u i t of l o c a l p o l i t i c a l c o n t r o l l e d them "somewhat n a t u r a l l y , to adopt a more independent' or even n a t i o n a l i s t stance vis a vis i m p e r i a l d i c t a t e s . " 5 4 According to B a s k e r v i l l e , S a n d f i e l d Macdonald and h i s finance m i n i s t e r Luther Holton were 5 1 Peter B a s k e r v i l l e , "Transportation, S o c i a l Change, and State Formation, Upper Canada, 1841-1864," i n C o l o n i a l Leviathan; State Formation i n the Mid-Nineteenth-Century eds., A l l a n Greer and Ian Radforth (To.ronto: U n i v e r s i t y of Toronto Press, 1992), pp. 230-256. 5 2 B a s k e r v i l l e , "Imperial Agendas...," p. 236. 5 3 i b i d . , p. 236. 5 4 i b i d . , p. 250. 34 determined to disentangle the c o l o n i a l government from the unequal economic and f i n a n c i a l r e l a t i o n s with B r i t i s h c a p i t a l i s t s . . B a s k e r v i l l e notes that " t h i s f i s c a l disengagement represented the sine qua nbn of d e c o l o n i s a t i o n . I t l o g i c a l l y preceded a l l other forms of independence." 5 5 B a s k e r v i l l e sees the p o l i c i e s of the reform m i n i s t r y as .an " e a r l y example of Canadian f i s c a l and economic n a t i o n a l i s m . " 5 6 The r e a c t i o n of the Imperial government was, according to B a s k e r v i l l e , to question the l o y a l t y - of the c o l o n i a l m i n i s t r y . B a s k e r v i l l e b e l i e v e s that the Imperial government would not countenance any d i s p l a y s of independent p o l i t i c a l v o l i t i o n by the Reformers. The i m p e r i a l - c o l o n i a l agenda could not' be tampered with. . Therefore, the Impe r i a l government expected the S a n d f i e l d Macdonald government to "complete e x i s t i n g plans concerning the Grand Trunk,' m i l i t i a and the t a r i f f . Anything e l s e would be d i s l o y a l . " 5 7 . The response of the Imperial government q u i t e n a t u r a l l y conformed to the' c o l l a b o r a t i o n model. Having found the e x i s t i n g mediators " d i s l o y a l " , the Imperial centre took a c t i o n to replace them with the " l o y a l " o p p o s i t i o n , the L i b e r a l Conservatives. According to B a s k e r v i l l e , the "John S a n d f i e l d ' Macdonald m i n i s t r i e s forced the i m p e r i a l 5 5 i b i d . , p. 248 . 5 6 i b i d . , p. 248 . 5 7 i b i d . , p. 241. . 35 government to intervene and up the ante i n order to- ensure that p o l i t i c a l control would devolve into the hands of l o y a l Canadian leaders." 5 8 Synopsis of Collaboration Theory i n B r i t i s h North America The working of railway imperialism i n B r i t i s h North America i s intended to show how B r i t i s h c a p i t a l attracted the l o y a l t y of c o l o n i a l businessmen and p o l i t i c i a n s into commercial, f i n a n c i a l and p o l i t i c a l collaboration with the expansion of B r i t i s h interests to uphold the imperial connection. Government intervention i n the London c a p i t a l market played a key role i n a t t r a c t i n g investment to 'the colonies. Financial assistance to the railways "served as powerful levers for influencing the d i r e c t i o n of c o l o n i a l p o l i t i c s ; They were used .systematically 'to , strengthen ' l o y a l ' parties, and through them, to reinforce the imperial connection..." 5 9 The support for the Intercolonial, railway was exploited just for this purpose "between,1849 and- 1852 and between 1862 and 1864 to help bring about the downfall of a ' d i s l o y a l ' and the accession of a l o y a l m i n i s try." 6 0 The imperial guarantee was but one of the many devices that the B r i t i s h Government exercised to influence c o l o n i a l 5 8 i b i d . , p. 251. 59 Robinson, "Railway Imperialism," p. 18. 6 0 i b i d . , p. 18 . • 36 p o l i t i c s and p o l i c i e s . . It was employed i n conjunction with the manipulation of imperial mail and shipping subsidies;, land grants, the o f f i c i a l and ..unofficial influence .of governors,'' c o l o n i a l dependence.- for B r i t a i n for defense, imperial control of i n t e r c o l o n i a l r e l a t i o n s , relations,with the United States, and the expansion into western lands.. The collaboration theory heretofore defined assumes that the stronger the economic .connection between .the colonies and the mother country, the easier it- would be to' contain anti-imperial ..political movements and to persuade the colonies to comply with the imperial w i l l . B r i t a i n ' s decisions• to supply support for the I n t e r c o l o n i a l railway was motivated by t h e i r desire to consolidate the l o y a l t y of B r i t i s h North America to the empire '.61 Therefore, i n a very s p e c i f i c sense, .. the colonies received investment c a p i t a l for material development i n order to delay•the n a t i o n a l i s t subversion of imperial rule Robinson theorized was inevitable.. It was the goal of the Imperial Office that Canada's i n e v i t a b l e d e p a r t u r e from empire would be i n a more orderly manner than the way i n which the American colonies had departed. Robinson wrote that "After. previous experience with American rebels, the Imperial Government took care to avoid the f o l l y of coercing [ B r i t i s h North Americans], at the expense of a defeated i b i d . , p. 10. 37 reconquest. 6 2 The B r i t i s h regarded i t necessary that l o y a l t y of the c o l o n i e s be e i t h e r coerced or bought i n order that the i n e v i t a b l e d e c o l o n i z a t i o n would take place according the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e s timetable. Robinson argued, h i s r e v i s e d theory of i m p e r i a l i s m incorporated a theory of the c o l o n i a l s t a t e with a theory of c o l o n i a l n a t i o n a l i s m , and so accounts f o r the coming of independence. The two main t h r u s t s of the c o l l a b o r a t i o n t h e s i s are that the motive force of the i m p e r i a l connection was economic, and that the e n t i r e cast of thought upon which i t r e s t e d was completely a n t i t h e t i c a l to Canadian n a t i o n a l i s m . In l o c a t i n g the mainspring of i m p e r i a l i s m i n economic c o n d i t i o n s , c o l l a b o r a t i o n t h e o r i s t s are applying a l i n e of argument o r i g i n a l l y e s t a b l i s h e d by • the E n g l i s h a n t i - i m p e r i a l i s t , John, Hobson who contended that the most important f a c t o r behind B r i t i s h i n t e r e s t i n empire was f i n a n c i a l c a p i t a l . 6 3 I t may be argued that immigrants who came to B r i t i s h North America were i n s p i r e d simply by the prospect of making a b e t t e r l i v i n g Canada. I t may have been as true then as i t i s today, that business people are not as a r u l e p a t r i o t s . The settlement and development of Canada was the meeting- and the s o l v i n g .of m a t e r i a l problems. The growing n a t i o n a l l o y a l t y may have been due i n l a r g e p a r t to 5 2 i b i d . , p . 175 . 6 3 John A l l e t t , New L i b e r a l i s m : the P o l i t i c a l Economy of J.A. Hobson (Toronto: U n i v e r s i t y of Toronto Press,'1981). , 38 the material advantage - of the country and the' pecuniary benefits of the inhabitants. The question of responsible government that so agitated the 1830's and 1840's, and which dominated h i s t o r i c a l writings • of . the early part of this century, was not just a question of p o l i t i c a l destiny. At the bottom of the movement for responsible government was a ruthless preoccupation'with jobs and s a l a r i e s , and to whom they should go. 6 4 No doubt there were high-minded Canadians, l i k e Robert Baldwin, whose income precluded any question of his own personal aggrandizement; but possessed too good a p o l i t i c a l sense not to be aware that . jobs were v i t a l to his party. The administration of' the country could not .simply, be ca r r i e d on other than through devoted partisans. No adequate appreciation of Canadian p o l i t i c s i s possible unless i t i s remembered that most people could not afford to be i n p o l i t i c s without regard to their pockets. This made p o l i t i c s a seamy business, which i t was, even before the railways came along to make i t even more generous. Nevertheless, by contracting' the. imperial relationship to a s i m p l i s t i c economic model, Robinson and Baskerville consciously neglect the non-economic factors which underpinned the c o l o n i a l commitment to the empire. 6 4 Gordon T. Stewart, The Or i g i n s of'Canadian' P o l i t i c s : A Comparative Approach (Vancouver: U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1986); Stewart, "John A. Macdonald's Greatest Triumph," .Canadian H i s t o r i c a l Review L X I I I , 1 (1982): 3. 39 C o l l a b o r a t i o n T h e s i s and H i s t o r i c a l Methodology The c o l l a b o r a t i o n t h e o r i s t s have c o n s i d e r e d the s u b j e c t of n a t i o n a l l o y a l t y from a f o r m a l i s t i c approach, l e a d i n g them to t r e a t the concept of n a t i o n a l l o y a l t y as an a b s o l u t e value, p l a c i n g i t i n a n t i t h e s i s to other forms or . group l o y a l t y . The f o r m a l i s t i c approach renders a s t a r k c o n t r a d i s t i n c t i o n between l o y a l t y and d i s l o y a l t y . T h i s .has r e s u l t e d i n Robinson ' underestimating the importance to B r i t i s h North Americans that l o y a l t y ; to B r i t a i n , and the i d e a of being B r i t i s h , was to the i d e n t i t i e s of B r i t i s h North'Americans. The f o r m a l i s t i c approach, u t i l i z e d by Robinson, dea l s with the q u e s t i o n of l o y a l t y i n bleak p o l a r i t i e s . The c a t e g o r i c a l nature of t h i s approach compels the s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t to d e a l with l o y a l t y as an a b s o l u t e e n t i t y . While a survey of the l i t e r a t u r e may show t h a t n a t i o n a l l o y a l t y was but one form of group l o y a l t y , the methodology motivates the s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t to c o n s i d e r i t an unique form of d evotion, p o t e n t i a l l y antonymous to other forms of l o y a l t y such as r e g i o n a l or other n a t i o n a l l o y a l t i e s . The f o r m a l i s t i c approach i n s p i r e s one to t r e a t n a t i o n a l l o y a l t y as a matter of standard, f i x e d s p e c i f i c a t i o n s ( i . e . , the c i t i z e n i s e i t h e r l o y a l or" d i s l o y a l ) . 40 The reliance upon a . f o r m a l i s t i c approach tends to reduce the whole analysis of l o y a l t y i n a B r i t i s h settlement community to a set of oversimplified antitheses or p o l a r i t i e s which obscure more than they illuminate. Robinson's collaboration thesis reduces the complex loyalt i e s , of the' pre-Confederation period to s i m p l i c i t y • i n order to- come up with contradistinction which neatly f i t s i n to the dualism of nationalism and imperialism. This a n t i t h e s i s i s i n a very real ' sense a caricature, perhaps accurately s i n g l i n g out some ' d i s t i n c t i v e feature, but grossly d i s t o r t i n g i n the emphasis which Robinson gives i t . The main d i f f i c u l t y presented by such antitheses arises not from i t s oversimplification or exaggeration of differences, but from i t s a t t r i b u t i o n of mutual exclusiveness to the phenomena of l o y a l t i e s which n a t u r a l l y coexisted and overlapped i n the Union period, and i n the way i n which national and. p r o v i n c i a l l o y a l t i e s exist today. It i s f a l s e to assume that nationalism i s a matter of homogeneity and therefore to' conclude that l o y a l t y to an emerging Canadian i d e n t i t y was i n t r i n s i c a l l y inconsistent with a l o y a l t y to a greater B r i t i s h community. Once. the mistaken assumption of.mutual exclusiveness i s accepted, the- fal s e . conclusion follows- that l o y a l t y to a Canadian nationalism may serve as an index of d i s l o y a l t y to- the B r i t i s h Empire. -' 41 . Part of Robinson's dilemma i n dealing with the issue of multiple l o y a l t i e s , i s again t i e d to- his approach to the topic. Robinson exhibits the s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t ' s tendency to search'for coherence i n thought which i s not r e a l l y there, a t r a i t i n d i c a t i v e of the fo r m a l i s t i c approach. According- to Quentin Skinner, the assumption i s too often made that the thought of a person, or a group of persons, i s something of a "closed system,. " 6 S. Robinson displays t h i s tendency, and succumbs to what Boyd Shafer has c a l l e d the "either or" f a l l a c y . 6 6 He seeks to ascertain an indiv i d u a l ' s l o y a l t y or d i s l o y a l t y without due regard for . conceptualization. His approach disregards the f u n c t i o n a l i s t ' s dictum that there are many gradations and too many values involved to make these kind of d i s t i n c t i o n s without c l e a r l y defining one's terms. The pattern of l o y a l t i e s i n B r i t i s h North America during the. Union period was more i n t r i c a t e than the stark antithesis of nationalism and imperialism would imply. The h i s t o r i c a l process i s ' f a r too complex to be handled i n terms of the simple dualisms of empire versus,nation, or" nation versus region. Nationalism and Patriotism 6 5 Quentin Skinner, "Meaning and Understanding i n the H i s t o r y of Ideas," H i s t o r y and Theory, v o l . V I I I , 1 (1969): 3. Boyd C. Shafer, " I f We Only Knew More About N a t i o n a l i s m , " Canadian Review of Studies i n Nationalism, 7, No. 2 (Autumn, 1980): 201. 42 Robinson and Bas k e r v i l l e ' may have avoided some conceptual confusion i f they had described the Reform government's p o l i c i e s as the result of.a traditional- B r i t i s h North American patriotism. The issue of conceptualization could have been greatly aided by a d i s t i n c t i o n between the conception of "nation", (and "nationalism" )• and "state" (and "patriotism") . 6 7 With these conceptual d i s t i n c t i o n s - i n mind, .what was Robinson actually 'describing i n his story of c o n f l i c t between colonists and the Colonial Office? Robinson's o f f e r e d . c r i t e r i a for evidence of an emerging nationalism could better be described . as patriotism. Patriotism i s a l o y a l t y , not to an aggregate of .people, but to - a p o l i t i c a l state. and the geographic t e r r i t o r y circumscribed by that state. It expresses i t s e l f i n aff e c t i o n for the state, i t s geography, and a l o y a l t y to' i t s i n s t i t u t i o n s . To the extent that i t divides a people at a l l , ' i t does so upon • p o l i t i c a l and' .geographical l i n e s , upon c r i t e r i a of ci t i z e n s h i p ; and domicile, not upon' ethnic q u a l i t i e s such as language, culture, and race. Karl D.eutsch describes the d i s t i n c t i o n as follows: ' ' S t r i c t l y speaking, p a t r i o t i s m i s an e f f o r t or readiness to promote the i n t e r e s t s of a l l those persons born' or l i v i n g • w i t h i n the same p a t r i a , i . e . country, whereas n a t i o n a l i s m , aims at promoting the i n t e r e s t s of a l l . those of the same n a t i o , i.e.,' l i t e r a l l y a group of - common' descent and upbringing, or rath e r , ...culture...' P a t r i o t i s m appeals to a l l r e s i d e n t s of a country, regardless of t h e i r e t h n i c 6 7 Walker Connor, "A Nation i s a Nation, i s a State, i s an. E t h n i c Group, i s a...." Ethnic and R a c i a l Studies, 1 (19.78): 379-88. 4 3 background. Nationalism appeals to a l l members of an e t h n i c group, regardless of t h e i r country of r e s i d e n c e . 6 8 Patriotism in this context would include the c o n s t i t u t i o n a l development towards increased autonomy, culminating in independence and the a c q u i s i t i o n of most of the symbols of sovereignty. 6 9 This movement for responsible or self-government should not be considered a c a l l for the creation of an psychologically d i f f e r e n t i a t e d nation. 7 0 Its aim was the erection of an autonomous,'self-governing state. B r i t i s h North American p o l i t i c i a n s , Reformers and L i b e r a l Conservatives a l i k e , were simply asking for self-government, using the inherited, .rhetoric of B r i t i s h Whig and l i b e r a l ideals and t h e i r status as B r i t i s h subjects. 7 1 Their successors in the expansion of the l i m i t s of self-government - those l a t e r Canadians who have been labeled as " n a t i o n a l i s t s " - were not t r y i n g to create a new nation.'• psychologically d i s t i n c t from the B r i t i s h nation. 7 2 6 8 K.W. Deutsch, Nationalism and S o c i a l Communication (Cambridge:' M.I.T. Press, 1966), pp. 40, 288; f o r s i m i l a r , though not always i d e n t i c a l usages of the conceptions, see a l s o C a r l t o n J.H. Hayes, Essays oh .' Na t i o n a l i s m (New York: New York, Macmillan, 1931) ch. 1; E l i e Kedourie, N a t i o n a l i s m (Cambridge: B l a c k w e l l , 1993), e s p e c i a l l y pp. 73-74. 69 George Heiman, "The 19th Century Legacy: N a t i o n a l i s m or P a t r i o t i s m ? , " i n Nationalism i n Canada, ed. , Peter R u s s e l l (Toronto: McGraw-Hill, 1966), pp. 323-40. Despite Heiman's persuasive argument that much of the conceptual confusion surrounding s t a t e l o y a l t y could be c l e a r e d up by adopting the concept of p a t r i o t i s m , the idea remains d i s t i n c t l y un-Canadian. • 7 0 J.M.S. Careless, The Union of the Canadas; the Growth of Canadian I n s t i t u t i o n s , 1841-1857 .(Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1967).' 7 1 P h i l i p Buckner, "The T r a n s i t i o n to Responsible Government; Some Revisions i n Need of R e v i s i n g . " i n C.C. E l d r i g e , ed., From R e b e l l i o n to P a t r i a t i o n ; Canada and B r i t a i n i n the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries (Wales, Studies i n Wales Group, 1989,) pp. 1-25. 7 2 C a r o l Wilton, " B r i t i s h to the Core; Responsible Government i n Canada West," i n C a r o l Wilton, ed., Change and C o n t i n u i t y ; a Reader on 44 T h e i r appeal f o r i n c r e a s e d •' autonomy was a s t a t e - c i r c u m s c r i b e d c a l l f o r self-government.. The d r i v e to Canadian statehood was e x c l u s i v e l y p o l i t i c a l and l e g a l , d i r e c t e d toward the c r e a t i o n of a complete Canadian state, p u r s u i n g i t s own s e l f - i n t e r e s t , and p o s s e s s i n g the symbols of s o v e r e i g n t y . T h i s was a Canadian p a t r i o t i s m . Summary To summarize, the c o l l a b o r a t i o n i s t ' s account of l o y a l t y , d e r i v e d from the p e r s p e c t i v e of an i n t e r e s t i n the dynamics of i m p e r i a l a d m i n i s t r a t i o n and ' n a t i o n - b u i l d i n g ' , does not account f o r the ^continued l o y a l t y of B r i t i s h North Americans as the. Province of Canada was a t t a i n i n g the f e a t u r e s of independent nationhood. By c o n t r a c t i n g the •i m p e r i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p to . a s i m p l i s t i c economic model, c o l l a b o r a t i o n t h e o r i s t s .have c o n s c i o u s l y n e g l e c t e d the non-economic f a c t o r s which s u s t a i n e d the c o l o n i a l commitment to the empire. An approach that r e l i e s . too g r e a t l y upon economic determinism cannot account f o r the "sense of b e l o n g i n g " that was . i n t e g r a l to the c o l o n i a l - i m p e r i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p . The f o r m a l i s t i c approach employed by Robinson d e p i c t s a s t a r k c o n t r a d i s t i n c t i o n between l o y a l t y and ' d i s l o y a l t y . The ' c a t e g o r i c a l nature of t h i s approach leads pre-Confederation Canada (Toronto: McGraw-Hill Ryers'on, 199'2) p. 290. 45 Robinson to deal with, l o y a l t y as an absolute e n t i t y . The methodology employed motivates him to consider l o y a l t y to an emerging Canadian nation as an unique form of devotion, p o t e n t i a l l y antonymous to other forms of l o y a l t y . Robinson thereby underestimates the importance to B r i t i s h North Americans that l o y a l t y to B r i t a i n , and the idea of being B r i t i s h , was to th e i r sense- of i d e n t i t y . 4 6 Chapter Two From 'Colony to Nation 1 to 'Limited Identities' From the beginning of the twentieth century onwards, the dominant version of Canadian history emphasized the p o l i t i c a l achievement of independent status from Great B r i t a i n . . Arthur Lower wrote- a book c a l l e d Colony to Nation, 7 3 and the t i t l e became an aphorism describing the Whig School of Canadian hi s t o r y . 7 4 According to the Whigs, the heroes of the country's past were men who strove for independence from Empire, while' the, v i l l a i n s were those, who remained sympathetic to- the B r i t i s h 1 tie.. The, f i r s t , group were the n a t i o n a l i s t s ; the others were not - they were i m p e r i a l i s t s . And there was, without' question, a difference. • Most monographs written on Canada's p o l i t i c a l development pr i o r to' 1967 focused on the p a r t i c u l a r preoccupation with'this progress 'towards national autonomy. The study of past p o l i t i c s was infused with the s p i r i t of a uniquely Canadian form of nation-building, an attitude consonant with Herbert But t e r f i e l d ' s description of the Whig interp r e t a t i o n of history. B u t t e r f i e l d defined Whiggery i n the context of B r i t i s h history as "...the tendency i n many historians to write on the side of Protestants and-Whigs, to 7 3 ' Arthur Lower, Colony to Nation (Toronto: Longmans, Green & Co. 1 94 6.) . " • Terry Copp, "The Whig I n t e r p r e t a t i o n of Canadian H i s t o r y , " Canadian Dimension, v o l . 6 (April-May, 1969): 23. 47 praise revolutions provided they- have been successful, to emphasize certain p r i n c i p l e s of.progress i n the past and to produce a story which i s the' r a t i f i c a t i o n i f - not the g l o r i f i c a t i o n of the present." 7 5 The history of .Canada's p o l i t i c a l structures and i d e n t i t y were viewed.' through the prism of history as the contemplation of freedom broadening down, from - precedent . to precedent towards an . agreeable present. 7 6 Canada, l i k e other nations which had emerged from colonialism, had,' as the main theme of i t s development, a great, basic, archetypal plot. Lower's general hi s t o r y of Canada, states t h i s plot with c l a s s i c s i m p l i c i t y . Canada, i n short, was the outcome of an encounter between the two forces of n a t i o n a l i t y and imperialism; and the Canadian history was the record of the noble struggle by which Canadians had ascended from the lowly status of dependent colonialism to the serene heights of autonomous nationhood. Great Britain, had always been the rea l opponent of Canadian nationalism. The only real serious struggle which Canada had to wage had been the struggle to win autonomy' inside • the B r i t i s h Empire. 7 5 Herbert B u t t e r f i e l d , The Whig I n t e r p r e t a t i o n of H i s t o r y (New York: W.W. Norton and Co., 1965) 7 6 Please see C a r l Berger, Approaches to Canadian H i s t o r y (Toronto: U n i v e r s i t y of Toronto Press, 1967). For a c r i t i q u e of Berger's approach, i n which, the author charges Berger with sharing many of the whiggish assumption he c r i t i c i z e s , please' see Graham Carr, "Imperialism and Nati o n a l i s m i n R e v i s i o n i s t Historiography: A C r i t i q u e of Some Recent Trends,".Journal of Canadian Studies 17, No. 2 (Summer, 1982): 91-99. 48 The development of Canada's " national autonomy was i d e n t i f i e d almost exclusively with the process of: emancipation from B r i t i s h control. The process of emancipation i t s e l f has been represented, a l l too often, as a continuous struggle between legitimate c o l o n i a l demand and obscurantist imperial resistance. Canada, according to t h i s Whig' version of the emergence of the Canadian nation, was the outcome of an encounter between the forces of n a t i o n a l i t y and B r i t i s h imperialism. The progress of national development could thus be i d e n t i f i e d simply and exclusively with.emancipation from B r i t i s h control. The Whig interpretation of 'nation-building' resulted i n a vast oversimplification of Canadian p o l i t i c a l and s o c i a l development. This - i n large part was due to the over-emphasis on the 'struggle' for responsible' government, almost to the exclusion of other v i t a l and ' i n t r i g u i n g areas. 7 7 It personified the s t r i c t d u a l i s t i c , nature of the f o r m a l i s t i c approach to h i s t o r i c a l inquiry.- When J.M.S. Careless popularised 'limited i d e n t i t i e s ' i n 1969, he released Canadian academics from the t h r a l l of grand interpretations of t h e i r past, sanctioning . and accentuating the growing study of such neglected themes such 7 7 In her p r e s i d e n t i a l address to the Canadian H i s t o r i c a l A s s o c i a t i o n - i n 1992, G a i l Cuthbert Brandt addressed the problem of i n t e g r a t i n g p r e v i o u s l y omitted subjects, such as race, e t h n i c i t y , and e s p e c i a l l y women's' h i s t o r y , i n t o p o l i t i c a l s t udies p r e v i o u s l y dominated by white males. Please see "National Unity and the P o l i t i c s of P o l i t i c a l H i s t o r y , " CHA H i s t o r i c a l Papers (1992): 3-11. " ••• • 49 as region, class, l o c a l i t y , and gender. The paradigmatic s h i f t symbolized- by Ramsay Cook and Careless's c a l l for attention to 'limited i d e n t i t i e s 1 grew out of an impatience with a self-congratulatory national history that seemed i l l - f i t t e d to the rapidly changing r e a l i t y of .the Canada of the Quiet Revolution, and the resurgence of working class and feminist militancy. 7 8 A history attuned to centennial celebrations and Expo '67 proved increasingly unacceptable to many Canadian scholars.' Cook in p a r t i c u l a r c a l l e d upon students of Canadian history, p o l i t i c s and economics to forsake the f u t i l e .search for an elusive Canadian i d e n t i t y and devote themselves to the study of other, more' p a r t i c u l a r i d e n t i t i e s . Cook questioned the assumption that colored the mammoth undertaking of trying to bring forth the type of work touched upon in W.L. Morton's 196.4 published lectures on "The Canadian Identity." 7 9 He suggested that perhaps the search for a national i d e n t i t y was doomed from the s t a r t , and instead of looking for a national' i d e n t i t y that might not exist, we should study "the regional, ethnic and class i d e n t i t i e s that we do have." 8 0 7 8 G.R. Cook, "Centennial C e l e b r a t i o n s , " I n t e r n a t i o n a l J o u r n a l , 22 (1967): 48 ; J.M.S. Careless, "Limited I d e n t i t i e s i n Canada," Canadian H i s t o r i c a l Review 50, 1 (March 1969): 1. In 1946 W.L. Morton a n t i c i p a t e d t h i s growing r e v o l t against a c e n t r a l i s t b i a s i n Canadian s c h o l a r s h i p , but h i s c a l l f o r a greater a t t e n t i o n to a wider scope of themes went r e l a t i v e l y unheeded. . Please see W.L. Morton, " C l i o i n Canada: The I n t e r p r e t a t i o n of Canadian H i s t o r y , " i n Approaches to Canadian H i s t o r y , ed. C a r l Berger (Toronto: U n i v e r s i t y of Toronto Press, 1967). 7 9 W.L. Morton, The Canadian I d e n t i t y . (Madison: U n i v e r s i t y of Wisconsin Press, 1968) . • 8 0 Cook, (1967) p. 663 50 The p l u r a l i s t i c endorsement of attention to class, e t h n i c i t y and region and the attack on the .'colony to nation' outlook of the past led to "a s h i f t i n ' scholarly p r i o r i t i e s . In the excitement of th i s gold rush towards new f i e l d s of research, the old p o l i t i c a l topics seemed tiresome and i r r e l e v a n t . Academics were quick to .cast aside what had become the dominant t e l e o l o g i c a l cast which was obsessed with the evolution of Canadian autonomy and the composition of a national i d e n t i t y . " • In 1970, a book appeared which su b s t a n t i a l l y challenged the t r a d i t i o n a l Whig doctrine of nation-building. Carl Berger's Sense of Power,81 was a major work of re v i s i o n , and was r i g h t l y hailed as "an event of ...the . f i r s t magnitude." 8 2 This b r i l l i a n t book examined i n d e t a i l a select number of men - Canadian imper i a l i s t s - and pursued a s p e c i f i c theme; the relationship between imperialism and nationalism i n the f i r s t half-century after Confederation. Concluding that t h i s imperialism was i n fact one variant of nationalism, 8 3 not i t s a n t i t h e s i s , Berger.severely undermined the " i m p e r i a l i s t C a r l Berger, The Sense o'f Power: Studies In The Ideas of Canadian Imperialism, 1867-1914, (Toronto: U n i v e r s i t y of Toronto Press, 1970). Robert Page, " C a r l Berger and the I n t e l l e c t u a l O r i g i n s of Canadian I m p e r i a l i s t Thought, 1867 - 1914," Journal of Canadian Studies,' V (August, 1970) pp. 39-43. 8 3 Berger, Sense of Power, p.259. Others who a l s o view Imperialism and Canadian n a t i o n a l i s m as ' v i r t u a l l y synonymous i n c l u d e Norman Penlington, Canada and Imperialism (Toronto: U n i v e r s i t y of Toronto Press, 1965), p.' 11, 66; Donald Creighton, Canada's . F i r s t Century (Toronto: Macmillan, 1970) pp. . 91-92; A l l a n Smith, "Metaphor and N a t i o n a l i t y i n North America," . Canadian H i s t o r i c a l Review, L I , (September, 1970): 255-256.. • . 51 versus n a t i o n a l i s t " dualism of a generation or more of Canadian scholarship'. Berger showed that the nineteenth century English-Canadian sense of s e l f was a. much more complex phenomena than previous generations had led one to expect. He challenged the Whig doctrine that there' had existed a c o n f l i c t between nationalism and imperialism. The pursuit of the meaning of the "sense of power" experienced by Canadian im p e r i a l i s t s revealed universal themes such as commitment to t r a d i t i o n and ideas of national character and- destiny. Taking as his theme the ideas which lay behind the imperial enthusiasm of certain Canadians i n the half century following Confederation, and concentrating upon George Monro Grant, George Parkin and George Taylor Denison, Berger uncovered many strands i n the f a b r i c of Canadian i m p e r i a l i s t thought. The imperial idea was interwoven with a provi d e n t i a l sense of• mission, • h i s t o r i c a l consciousness; the L o y a l i s t legend, racialism, and a maturing conception of a Canadian national consciousness. 8 4 Berger ably demonstrated that Canadian i m p e r i a l i s m had i n common with a l l n a t i o n a l i s t i d e o l o g i e s a d e f i n i t e conception of what the n a t i o n a l character encompassed, and what i t s d e s t i n y would be. According to t h i s . view, Canadians were B r i t i s h i n t h e i r h i s t o r i c a l a s s o c i a t i o n s , p o l i t i c a l i d e a l s , t h e i r preference• f o r law and order, and t h e i r c a p a c i t y for. self-government. 8^ i b i d . , p. 258 . i b i d . , p. 152 . 52 Berger demonstrated that many Canadians had a composite c i v i c i d e n t i t y . ,Their .Canadian i d e n t i t y shaded comfortably .into a B r i t i s h n e s s that had d e f i n i t e i m p e r i a l connotations. B r i t i s h Canadians were l i n k e d J by a common l o y a l t y to the Empire's' other "white dominions." According to Alexander Brady, democracy i n Canada was the product of " t r a n s p l a n t e d B r i t o n s " and r e f l e c t e d the "ascendency of B r i t i s h l i b e r a l i d e a s " i n a congenial environment. 8 6 English-speaking Canadians could look to t h e i r c u l t u r a l l y d i v e r s e s o c i e t y and see a unity, comparable to that of Great B r i t a i n i t s e l f . 8 7 Through a l l the various strands, one u n i f y i n g thread i s emphasized again and again by Berger: Canadian i m p e r i a l i s t s were n a t i o n a l i s t s , and i m p e r i a l i s m i n Canada was one v a r i e t y of Canadian n a t i o n a l i s m . B e r g e r ' s . t h e s i s demonstrated that, c o n t r a r y to the n a t i o n - b u i l d i n g school' of p o l i t i c a l development, B r i t i s h North Americans d i d not f e e l the need to abandon one l o y a l t y f o r another because they saw : no i n c o m p a t i b i l i t y between t h e i r , m u l t i p l e l o y a l t i e s . What i s thus r e q u i r e d i s an a l t e r n a t i v e conception of l o y a l t y to that o f f e r e d by the f o r m a l i s t i c approach. Alexander Brady, Democracy i n the Dominions: A Comparative Study of. I n s t i t u t i o n s , (Toronto: U n i v e r s i t y of Toronto Press, 1952) p. 7. 3 7 A l l a n Smith, "Metaphor and N a t i o n a l i t y i n North America," i n Canada - An American Nation? Essays on Continentalism, I d e n t i t y , and the Canadian Frame of Mind, (Montreal: McGill-Queen's U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1994) p. 142. . ' 53 Chapter Three Loyalty as a Psychological Phenomena In this section, I w i l l elaborate on the topic of " l o y a l t y " i n greater d e t a i l i n order to provide a conceptual framework' for a more circumscribed i n v e s t i g a t i o n of the topic i n the context of .multiple l o y a l t i e s and the collaboration thesis. In the f i r s t place I. w i l l o f f e r a b r i e f survey of how some theorists have conceptualized l o y a l t y . I w i l l - then present a concise account of l o y a l t y as i t w i l l be applied i n this paper, emphasizing "how l o y a l t y should be viewed as a psychological phenomena. This chapter w i l l endeavor to establish that multiple l o y a l t i e s do indeed exist, and to provide .a more suitable explanation for the r e s i l i e n c e of these l o y a l t i e s . I see thi s theme as' a i s i g n i f i c a n t feature i n the discussion of the collaboration thesis. . Next, I w i l l describe how l o y a l t y functions, thereby showing why i t i s a v i t a l component of p o l i t i c a l society. I w i l l describe how l o y a l t y provides a pattern through which individuals may organize t h e i r l i v e s , making t h e i r existence more i n t e l l i g i b l e and empowering- people to -make l i f e - c h o i c e s with some reference to a known framework. As part, of t h i s account, i t w i l l be emphasized that l o y a l t i e s e x i s t i n abundance, and the impact of multiple l o y a l t i e s w i l l be 54 . . ' addressed as- part of the section concerning l o y a l t y to the'- nation. Loyalty as a Concept. Each academic t r a d i t i o n over years of practise generates - a p e c u l i a r v o c a b u l a r y . "State," "sovereignty," "nationalism," " r i g h t s , " "patriotism," these are but some of the terms, of special- significance to p o l i t i c a l s c i e n t i s t s . This' vocabulary . demarcates the p o l i t i c a l . s c i e n t i s t s ' i n t e l l e c t u a l world and helps distinguish his-• discourse from that of other writers. Where does " l o y a l t y " belong among thi s idiom?.Loyalty has many faces, and here only some are. described. It i s odd that, despite the important role l o y a l t y has played i n the re l i g i o u s , moral and p o l i t i c a l l i f e of men over the centuries, so few'philosophers have given t h i s topic the attention' i t deserves. John Ladd explains - that the scant attention given , to' vthe -subject of l o y a l t y can be, explained by i t s " h i s t o r i c a l association with an obsolete metaphysics (idealism) and with such odious p o l i t i c a l movements as the extreme nationalism of Nazism. However,"-Ladd' continued," the supposed ' implications suggested by these disreputable associations are ill-founded. On the contrary, l o y a l t y is,an es s e n t i a l ingredient i n any c i v i l i z e d and humane system of morals." 8 8 Only philosopher Josiah Royce> i n The Philosophy John Ladd, " L o y a l t y , " 5 Encyclopedia of Philosophy (1967): ,97-98. •. •' 55 ." • ' • of . Loyalty, , has given the concept serious and sustained study. Royce saw i n lo y a l t y "The heart of a l l virtues, the central duty amongst a l l duties." He made " l o y a l t y to l o y a l t y " his categorical • imperative for society, "the central s p i r i t of the moral and reasonable l i f e of man."89 Royce defined l o y a l t y loosely as the " w i l l i n g and p r a c t i c a l and thorogoing devotion of a person to a cause." 9 0 He recognized that there may be lo y a l t y to an e v i l cause, and also that an individual's l o y a l t i e s may c o n f l i c t . The p r i n c i p l e of 'loyalty to loy a l t y ' provided a' solution, according to Royce: i n choosing a cause an i n d i v i d u a l should choose one that w i l l further, , rather than f r u s t r a t e , the l o y a l t i e s of other men, as well as his or her own multiple l o y a l t i e s . In The Concept of Our Changing Loyalties,' Herbert Bloch pointed out additional factors which cast Royce's conception into a f u l l e r and more precise form and brought to view other aspects of l o y a l t y : Man i n s o c i e t y f i n d s himself the f o c a l p o i n t . o f innumerable l o y a l t i e s . . . Each one of these represents- some s p e c i a l aspect of h i s nature which seeks o u t l e t i n a s s o c i a t i o n with others of s i m i l a r i n t e r e s t . A l o y a l t y , then, would appear to be the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of one's own i n t e r e s t with that of a group. I t i m p l i e s the as s o c i a t e d n e c e s s i t y of f u r t h e r i n g both the l a r g e r purpose which the group f o s t e r s and the i n t e g r a l u n i t y of the i n d i v i d u a l , himself with the group and the group purpose. 9 1 • . 8 9 ' JOsiah Royce, The Philosophy of Lo y a l t y , (New York: Macmillan, 1908) p. 108. 9 0 i b i d . , p.16-17. • ' 91 ' Herbert Aaron Bloch, The Concept of Our Changing L o y a l t i e s (New York: Columbia U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1934), p. 36. .. - 56 Bloch highlights the way i n which l o y a l t y serves the interests of both the ind i v i d u a l and the group. He envisaged the i n d i v i d u a l as the focal point of innumerable' l o y a l t i e s and points out that each l o y a l t y serves a p a r t i c u l a r aspect of one's- nature. In the midst of the "Red Scare" i n the United States -during the post .World War I I . era, much was written - on the topic , of l o y a l t y , and much more on " d i s l o y a l t y . " The ef f e c t of a l l of thi s was probably more negative than p o s i t i v e , as i t s t e r i l i z e d r a t i o n a l and philosophical discussion by stigmatizing i t with i t s connection to the controversy over " l o y a l t y oaths." Perhaps the most perceptive, observation from th i s period was the. contribution of Henry Steele Commager, who wrote that the new concept of l o y a l t y that he saw as "conformity" was a false one. Commager wrote that The e f f o r t to equate l o y a l t y with conformity i s mis.guided because i t assumes that there i s a f i x e d content to l o y a l t y and that t h i s can be determined and defined. But l o y a l t y i s a p r i n c i p l e , and eludes d e f i n i t i o n except on i t s own terms. I t i s a devotion to the best i n t e r e s t s ; o f the commonwealth, and may r e q u i r e h o s t i l i t y to the p a r t i c u l a r p o l i c i e s which the government pursues, the p a r t i c u l a r p o l i c i e s which the economy undertakes, the p a r t i c u l a r i n s t i t u t i o n s s o c i e t y maintains... True l o y a l t y may re q u i r e , i n f a c t , what appears to the naive to be d i s l o y a l t y . 9 2 Continuing t h i s general, theme of. imprecision, which perhaps given the environment i n which the discussion takes place i s inevitable, Milton Konvitz t r i e s to o f f e r an all-econmpassing d e f i n i t i o n by stating that l o y a l t y i s the 92 Henry Steele Commager, "Who Is Loyal To America," Harper's Magazine 195 (September, 1947): 96 . ' . ' 57 . v i r t u e , s t a t e or q u a l i t y of being f a i t h f u l to one's commitments, d u t i e s , r e l a t i o n s , a s s o c i a t i o n s , or values. I t i s f i d e l i t y to a p r i n c i p l e , a cause, an idea, ah i d e a l , a r e l i g i o n or an ideology,•a na t i o n or government, a p a r t y or leader, one's family, or f r i e n d s , a .region, one's race - anyone or anything to which one's heart can be attached or devoted.... In modern times the term has b e e n ' c h i e f l y used i n a s s o c i a t i o n with p a t r i o t i s m , i n the. sense of p o l i t i c a l a l l e g i a n c e and attachments, i n v o l v i n g the o b l i g a t i o n s , formal and in f o r m a l , of a c i t i z e n to h i s country, i t s government and i t s i n s t i t u t i o n s . " 9 3 The danger of basing an analysis of any s p e c i f i c i t y on such a d e f i n i t i o n as th i s i s that by describing a l l the relationships Konvitz mentions as involving l o y a l t y , one runs the danger of draining the term of meaning or stretching i t beyond p l a u s i b i l i t y . In terms of t h i s discussion, l o y a l t i e s that have the pot e n t i a l to be p o l i t i c i z e d are important. Loyalties to large-scale communities and p o l i t i c a l i n s t i t u t i o n s may c o n f l i c t , r e s u l t i n g i n disruptive s o c i a l d i v i s i o n s , while l o y a l t i e s to small associations and family relations do not have that same p o t e n t i a l . The collaboration theory's understanding of decolonisation i s based . upon the b e l i e f that l o y a l t i e s to large-scale communities naturally c o n f l i c t . In a c o l o n i a l setting, t h i s leads to an inevitable p o l i t i c a l separation. To help illuminate the discussion of "what i s l o y a l t y " further, I propose to discuss two d i s t i n c t approaches that may be used when describing an in d i v i d u a l as being l o y a l . The f i r s t approach i s based upon a description, of a ce r t a i n M i l t o n R. Konvitz, " L o y a l t y , " 3 D i c t i o n a r y of the H i s t o r y of Ideas 108. 58 character t r a i t . The alternative method is' derived from a more normative sense of the subject, and i s subscribed to by those who favour a more • f o r m a l i s t i c approach, including c o l l a b o r a t i o n i s t theo r i s t s . F i r s t , there .is the case where •, an i n d i v i d u a l i s described as having a certain d i s p o s i t i o n of character, much as we might say that he or she i s a l t r u i s t i c , charitable or d i l i g e n t . In other, words, we may be' describing a certain personality or character t r a i t . B r i e f l y stated, character t r a i t s may be described as" habits of behaviour, or propensities to act in- certain sorts of ways. If an indivi d u a l ' s behavior, over- a long period of- time, exhibits a .certain pattern, we may attribute, for instance, altruism or charity to that i n d i v i d u a l . How s h a l l we describe ,.the character t r a i t c a l l e d "loyalty"? F i r s t of a l l , .a l o y a l , person i s l o y a l to something. The proper object of l o y a l t y i s either another person, a group or persons, or an i n s t i t u t i o n . The - l o y a l i n d i v i d u a l w i l l c e r t a i n l y come to the aid of the object of his' l o y a l t y when he perceives his. interests. are threatened. 9 4 The loyal, i n d i v i d u a l take's pride i n his object and expresses s o l i d a r i t y with, i t • through r i t u a l acts which evoke and reinforce his emotional i d e n t i f i c a t i o n with i t . 94 * For a d i s c u s s i o n of l o y a l t y as v i c a r i o u s s a t i s f a c t i o n through i d e n t i f i c a t i o n , see Harold Guetzkow, M u l t i p l e L o y a l t i e s : T h e o r e t i c a l Approach to a Problem i n i n t e r n a t i o n a l O r g a n i z a t i o n (Pr i n c e t o n : P r i n c e t o n U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1955), pp. 19-22. - 59 Frequently he focuses his feelings through symbols such as an anthem, a f l a g or a monarchical figure. In' a second sense an i n d i v i d u a l may be judged as being l o y a l or d i s l o y a l as a. result of a l e g a l determination., or by the obedience or contravention of some p o l i t i c a l or philosophical p r i n c i p l e s . The' notion of l e g a l status i s "ascriptive"- i n nature. Loyalty i s a status to be. ascribed 'by the decision of a legal or quasi-legal'.body.- According to t h i s interpretation, to say that an i n d i v i d u a l i s ' l o y a l i s to say that he i s l e g a l l y a c i t i z e n i n good .standing, and f u l l y possessed of the rights of c i t i z e n s h i p as defined'by law. To c a l l someone d i s l o y a l i s to assert that' he had been judged d i s l o y a l by'an appropriate t r i b u n a l . Loyalty, i n t h i s sense' i s p r e c i s e l y what the law says i t i s . Loyalty may also mean "orthodoxy" with regard to some set of p o l i t i c a l or • philosophical p r i n c i p l e s . Labeling an i n d i v i d u a l d i s l o y a l can -be a way of saying that he has dissented from dogma or .perhaps merely that he has f a i l e d to profess i t with s u f f i c i e n t frequency and vigor. D i s l o y a l t y i s thus assimilated to heresy or treachery. Collaboration' historians have interpreted the f a i l u r e of the Reform min i s t r i e s to support Imperial railway p o l i c i e s as evidence of 'disloyalty'.' Collaboration theorists use evidence, of support for imperial p o l i c i e s as an index of l o y a l t y . The •reaction of the Imperial government to signs of opposition 60 to Imperial railway p o l i c i e s was, according to B a s k e r v i l l e , to question the l o y a l t y of the John Sandfield Macdonald ministry. Baskerville believes that the Imperial government would not countenance any displays of independent p o l i t i c a l i n c l i n a t i o n on the part of the Reformers. ' The imperial-colonial agenda.could not be adjusted to meet the requirements of the duly elected Canadian government. The Imperial government ; expected the Sandfield, Macdonald government to complete the existing plans concerning the Grand Trunk, m i l i t i a and the t a r i f f that had been negotiated with the.previous collaborating e l i t e . Anything else would be regarded as d i s l o y a l . Thus we have now distinguished two d i s t i n c t senses of the term " l o y a l " , one of which lends i t s e l f to a functional approach, the other resembles a more fo r m a l i s t i e one. The p l u r a l i s t i c method lends i t s e l f to the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of l o y a l t y as a character t r a i t . Loyalty thus interpreted i s e s s e n t i a l l y a personality c h a r a c t e r i s t i c fostered and, sustained by certain • s o c i a l relationships and i n s t i t u t i o n a l settings. Loyalty i s conceived as being habit patterns which organize and orient human relationships. As such, they are indispensable elements i n the formation and maintenance of personality. Loyalty i s an attitude of i d e n t i f i c a t i o n with some group of persons from whom one seeks g r a t i f i c a t i o n s , either 61 material or psychological. Loyalty to- the state i s b u i l t up out of the interlocking-' of l o y a l t i e s . to primary and' intermediate groups as individuals come to see- themselves " i n a set of intersecting c i r c l e s of l o y a l commitment."95 Individuals -become accustomed to pledging t h e i r l o y a l t y which s a t i s f i e s both th e i r economic and s p i r i t u a l requirements, the most important being a "sense of belonging. " 9 6 Function of Loyalties . It i s a contradiction i n terms to speak of an i n d i v i d u a l without l o y a l t i e s . The q u a l i t i e s that d i f f e r e n t i a t e .human beings from other species are the product of t h e i r social, l i f e . ' Any society rests upon l o y a l t i e s ; upon systems of'mutual rights and duties, common b e l i e f s , and reciprocal obligations. Loyalties are, a part of every individual's l i f e because they serve his basic needs and functions. They are a part •of his indispensable habit pattern. Loyalties'provide him with a portion of that-framework through which he organizes his existence. Charles Taylor has described the preconditions of what, he designates as 'emancipated humanism' in the following terms; 95' ' • ' ' George P. F l e t c h e r , - L o y a l t y : An ' Essay on the M o r a l i t y - of R e l a t i o n s h i p s (New York: Oxford U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1993) p. 155. Boyd C. Shafer, Nationalism and I n t e r n a t i o n a l i s m ; Belonging i n Human Experience, (New York: Harcourt, Brace, 1984) 62 For each man to discover i n himself what h i s humanity c o n s i s t s i n , he needs a horizon of meaning, which can only be by some a l l e g i a n c e , group membership, c u l t u r a l ' t r a d i t i o n . He needs i n the broadest sense a language'in which to ask and answer the question of ul t i m a t e s i g n i f i c a n c e . 9 7 In the absence of such a framework, an "individual could establish no easy, habitual responses.^ He or she would be faced with the endless and hopelessly'complicated task of making fresh decisions at each moment Of l i f e . The propensity of an ind i v i d u a l . to organize the structure- of his or her a c t i v i t i e s i s apparent i n every phase of his or her being. Perceptions and reactions to events are determined i n large measure by pre-disppsing frameworks. This "structuring" of l i f e ' s range of p o s s i b i l i t i e s begins from the very f i r s t years of l i f e , when the m a l l e a b i l i t y of individuals i s great, and the family i s the dominant' molding agency. Later, schools, churches, occupations and s o c i a l class, a l l take important, sometimes p a r a l l e l , sometimes c o n f l i c t i n g , roles i n shaping an indivi d u a l ' s career, attitudes, and personality. W i l l Kymlicka has stated.that, People are bound, i n an important way, to t h e i r own c u l t u r a l community. We j u s t can't t r a n s p l a n t people from one c u l t u r e to another, even, i f we provide the opportunity to l e a r n the other language and h i s t o r y . Our upbringing i s n ' t something that can j u s t be erased - i t i s , and always remains, a c o n s t i t u t i v e part of who we are. C u l t u r a l membership a f f e c t s our very sense of personal i d e n t i t y and c a p a c i t y . 9 8 Charles Taylor, "Why' Do Nations Have to Become S t a t e s ? " i n Guy La f o r e s t , ed., R e c o n c i l i n g the S o l i t u d e s : Essays on Canadian Federalism and N a t i o n a l i s m (Montreal: McGill-Queen's U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1994), p. 4 6.' • . ' 9 8 W i l l Kymlicka, " L i b e r a l i s m , I n d i v i d u a l i s m , and M i n o r i t y R i g h t s , " i n The Law and the Community. .(Toronto: C a r s w e l l , 1989) p. 193. . . 63 ' • These , groups that so c r u c i a l l y a f f e c t existence are the groups that demand and receive l o y a l t y . They become the kaleidoscope through which a person views his l i f e • a n d i t s r e l a t i o n to society. Loyalty to the B r i t i s h nation was a major part of the l i v e s of B r i t i s h North Americans because i t served a basic need of providing a sense of being i n a new land. Robinson's theory of imperial-colonial r e l a t i o n s does not give due consideration to the fact that B r i t i s h North Americans existed within a B r i t i s h c u l t u r a l community. This c u l t u r a l membership was essential to t h e i r sense of being. The emerging Canadian sense of c u l t u r a l i d e n t i t y was in large '.'part a derivative of this larger pan-British c u l t u r a l community.. ' ' • - . . •Loyalties are'.' thus the source of great personal g r a t i f i c a t i o n . . They protect the i n d i v i d u a l , reducing the area of his .uncertainty and anxiety. They allow the. in d i v i d u a l to move i n established patterns of interpersonal relations with confidence i n the action expected of him. and of response's that his actions w i l l evoke. By serving the group to which the ind i v i d u a l i s l o y a l , he serves himself; what threatens the group, threatens the s e l f . It i s t h i s notion which can account for l o y a l t y to a large-scale community such as the B r i t i s h nation, even as Canada was assuming the administrative .and p o l i t i c a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of nationhood. 6 4 Complete i d e n t i f i c a t i o n between individual' and group does not often e x i s t . T o t a l i t a r i a n governments attempt to accomplish this end .by destroying a l l intermediary l o y a l t i e s , or by fusing the a c t i v i t i e s of a l l other groups with those of the state. In democracies, such as one that was developing i n the Province of Canada during the Union period, the case i s d i f f e r e n t . Except i n periods of extreme c r i s i s , freedom to form and maintain group t i e s i s cherished and encouraged, and individuals preserve', strong l o y a l t i e s to numerous national and non-national groups. • These l o y a l t i e s are given to family, church, ethnic group, class, region, and to a host of other i n s t i t u t i o n s and.groups. They may bring the i n d i v i d u a l into personal contact with others who share'his views and s i t u a t i o n or not. The r e l a t i v e strength and weakness of these numerous l o y a l t i e s change with age, with s h i f t s i n l i f e situations, and when under the' stress of c r i s i s . They may change as old relationships no' longer serve the i n i t i a l need or as they no longer supply- s a t i s f a c t i o n and security to the i n d i v i d u a l i n the t o t a l network of his s o c i a l existence. From this view, a generalized national l o y a l t y i s a misnomer. Loyalties are. directed to s p e c i f i c groups, s p e c i f i c goals, and . s p e c i f i c programs of actions. Populations are l o y a l to the nation only because the nation i s believed to symbolize and sustain these values. To say 65 that l o y a l t y i s dependent upon the achievement of l i f e s a t i s f a c t i o n means that the individual's own d e f i n i t i o n of s a t i s f a c t i o n i s ' of .cru c i a l importance'. A subtle tool to, measure these s a t i s f a c t i o n s would be an index of the discrepancy, i f any, between l i f e expectancy and l i f e achievements, as defined by the i n d i v i d u a l . Where' the spread i s a large . one, deprivations are experienced and lo y a l t y to' the nation i s presumably less strong than where expectations are actually or approximately achieved. By now, hopefully the outlines of the process of l o y a l t y formation, expression, and change has been made more l e g i b l e . I have outlined two possible conceptions' of the phenomena,' and have suggested that a functional, approach would favour exploring the topic of the continued l o y a l t y of B r i t i s h North Americans to Great B r i t a i n from a s o c i o l o g i c a l perspective.rather the f o r m a l i s t i c approach favoured, by the co l l a b o r a t i o n i s t the orists. An important part of defining the concept i s that by describing how i t . actually functions, i t w i l l bring f o r t h the form's true meaning. The word i t s e l f has many shades of meaning, and the phenomena i t s i g n i f i e s are hot simple. Loyalty i s a norm connecting the properties ascribed to i t by'Royce and Bloch, arid resting upon the f a m i l i a r processes of attitude formation and change. The roots of loyalty, are to be found iri s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n . Expressed b r i e f l y , shared • 66 a c t i v i t i e s evoke shared sentiments of sympathy. As the group l i v e s together as a s o c i a l unit, members experience mutual debts of gratitude,, mutual l i k e s and d i s l i k e s , and shared interests- which may bind them together. This culminates i n the simply stated and profoundly f e l t emotion of owing much to each other, and to the group as a whole. An individual's l o y a l t i e s perform the supremely important tasks of providing s e l f - d e f i n i t i o n and inter p r e t i n g experience. Shared l o y a l t i e s f a c i l i t a t e communication among members of a s o c i a l group and provide the cement of unity. Once formed, l o y a l t i e s are,not e a s i l y changed, not only because they receive s o c i a l support but also because individuals b u i l d up vested i n t e r e s t s . i n them, and because established l o y a l t i e s predispose those who- hold them to perceive th e i r environment s e l e c t i v e l y . , ". P o l i t i c a l ' Loyalty • •' To see multiple l o y a l t i e s as • a general phenomenon of human existence i s a f i r s t step toward the f u l l e r view of p o l i t i c a l l o y a l t y which, i s the .object of this, essay.' P o l i t i c a l ' l o y a l t y i s a devoted attachment to the p o l i t i c a l ideals and i n s t i t u t i o n s established i n a community. In most of i t s manifestations p o l i t i c a l l o y a l t y i s a complex mixture of t r a d i t i o n and sentiment, choice and reason. Most of our l o y a l t i e s are acquired i n the course of s o c i a l conditioning. 67 They _ are integrated into ' our character" structure without conscious thought, though some l o y a l t i e s may be products of choice, preferences which may be based on r a t i o n a l calculations of interest"or on emotional considerations. Since p o l i t i c a l ' l o y a l t y i s a devoted attachment to the established - p o l i t i c a l i n s t i t u t i o n s of. a community, i t i s i t s e l f a foremost component of community. Andrew C e c i l has written that, L o y a l t y .to the n a t i o n , to the community : where we l i v e , to our family, and f r i e n d s i s an i n t e g r a l part of our democratic i n s t i t u t i o n s and the foundation of c i v i l s o c i e t y . I t provides the b a s i s f o r the confidence that should s u b s i s t between those who are connected by the bonds of n a t i o n a l i t y , of common community, of f a m i l y . and of f r i e n d s h i p - the dearest r e l a t i o n s h i p s of l i f e . A s t e a d f a s t l o y a l t y c u l t i v a t e d i n our s o c i a l order enlightens our world by p r e s e r v i n g the d i g n i t y of the i n d i v i d u a l , by g i v i n g him a sense of s e l f - w o r t h and a s e r e n i t y of s o u l , combined with a r e c o g n i t i o n t h a t h i s duties are a c o r o l l a r y to h i s r i g h t s . I t i s the solace ,of human existence. 9 9. Through p o l i t i c a l i n s t i t u t i o n s , p o l i c i e s and ends binding on • the whole s o c i a l order are prescribed. 1 0 0 Therefore, popular attachment to these i n s t i t u t i o n s , together with agreement upon the ideals they embody form one of the essential elements of group unity. It i s l o y a l t y that defines the community and preserves i t s i n t e g r i t y i n the face of changing conditions. The p o l i t i c a l community, or to be more s p e c i f i c , the nation-state, "exists only as a concept held i n common by many men.. It i s the emotional 99 Andrew R. C e c i l , E q u a l i t y , Tolerance and L o y a l t y : V i r t u e s Serving the Common Purpose of Democracy, (Dal l a s : U n i v e r s i t y of Texas Press, 1990), p. 217. 1 0 David Easton, The P o l i t i c a l System: An I n q u i r y i n t o the State of P o l i t i c a l Science (New York: Knopf, 1953), .p. 125. 68 l o y a l t y of men to thi s always changing concept, the nation, that constitutes nationalism. Without the concept, the lo y a l t y could not e x i s t . " 1 0 1 Shared l o y a l t y to the p o l i t i c a l ideas and i n s t i t u t i o n s gives to members of a group f a i t h and confidence i n the i r fellows which . lubricates, s o c i a l r e l ations and makes consensus i n other projects p o s s i b l e . 1 0 2 These ideas, • of ' course, are merely elaborations on •the-, standard argument that, "agreement- upon the fundamentals", i s a precondition of successful community.. Lord Balfour, i n his Introduction to Walter Bagehot's English Constitution, gave thi s proposition a more c l a s s i c a l , p o l i t i c a l rendering. Referring to the B r i t i s h system, Balfour wrote: Our a l t e r n a t i n g Cabinets,• though belonging to d i f f e r e n t P a r t i e s , have never d i f f e r e d about the fundamentals of . • s o c i e t y . And i t i s evident that our whole, p o l i t i c a l machinery presupposes a people so fundamentally at one that they can s a f e l y a f f o r d to bicker,- and so sure of t h e i r own moderation that they are not dangerously d i s t u r b e d by the never-ending d i n of p o l i t i c a l c o n f l i c t . 1 0 3 . . The nation . i s not the only focal point .for- mass l o y a l t i e s . ' Just .a's; lo y a l t y to the nation contends with l o y a l t y , to family, occupation and friends, so i t . must compete with l o y a l t y of r e l i g i o n , race and with c l a s s . The nation's advantage i s based not. only on the psychological processes described before: to some degree those energies 1 0 1 Max S a v e l l e , "Nationalism and Other L o y a l t i e s i n The American Re v o l u t i o n , " The American H i s t o r i c a l Review 67 (July, 1962): 902" 1 0 2 Alan Barth, The L o y a l t y of Free Men (New York: V i k i n g , ' 1951), p.. 6. - • . 103 - - ' * Walter Bagehot,- The E n g l i s h C o n s t i t u t i o n , i n t r o d u c t i o n by Lord- Balfour.(London:'Oxford U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1928) p.. x x i v . 6 9 are also, "available' to .other causes. The'- strength of national, rather than other, l o y a l t i e s i s al-sd' p a r t l y the res u l t of objective-, facts: common language, common h i s t o r i c a l traditions,,. a definable t e r r i t o r y . The world i s organized t e r r i t o r i a l l y , and to some extent f u n c t i o n a l l y , into national units. This very organization permits "a complex flow of simple emotions to be woven into the sentiment of national . loyalty.. Nations-states and the i n s t i t u t i o n s within them conspire to promote and to sustain th i s l o y a l t y . 1 0 4 . . . In democracies the major impact of state a c t i v i t i e s i s an i n d i r e c t one: i t strengthens national, l o y a l t i e s by strengthening the numerous sub-national groups through which so much of the l i f e and the p o l i t i c s of democratic people i s organized and directed. Sub-national, groups, i n turn, d i r e c t the emotions of group members toward the nation. In th i s c i r c u l a r fashion, v i r t u a l l y a l l • groups' contribute to national l o y a l t y . Their members minimize, or efface any antagonism between, the i r own group and the' nation. They i d e n t i f y group and national welfare. • Citizens possess multiple • l o y a l t i e s which may complement each other or may c o n f l i c t with each other. The reinforcement of l o y a l t i e s may. be accomplished i n a number of ways. . The object of one loyalty- may be dependent upon 1 0 4 Walker Connor, "The Nature of the E.tnnonational Bond, " E t h n i c and R a c i a l Studies 16 (July,' 1993) : 3.87. 70 the survival of the object of another l o y a l t y , so that l o y a l t y to the l a t t e r ' i n v o l v e s support to the former. This i s c l e a r l y the case i n B r i t i s h North America p r i o r to Confederation, where being B r i t i s h i n large part help preserve the new Canadian nation from becoming assimilated by the Americans to the South. Reinforcement of l o y a l t i e s by each other also i s found i n t h i s very fundamental process: individuals develop l o y a l t y habit patterns, so...that t r a i n i n g i n l o y a l t y to one object i s generalized and may be transferred i n t h e i r reaction to other objects of l o y a l t y . Contrary to the interpretation given by the collaboration th e o r i s t s , l o y a l t y i s not a single e n t i t y — once used up, then exhausted. Rather, i t i s an expandable quantity which can be generated i n increasing amounts toward a variety of obj ects. A- psychological conceptualization 'of l o y a l t y encapsulates both the emotional and material aspects of • i n t e r e s t s . It rejects the notion that human behavior, i s based on s e l f - i n t e r e s t , narrowly conceived. 1 0 5 Loyalty i s the state of being f a i t h f u l to one's commitments, duties, associations and values, as well as s e l f - i n t e r e s t s . Loyalty can be a f i d e l i t y to a- cause,' an idea,, a r e l i g i o n • or an- ideology, matters beyond the scope of s e l f - i n t e r e s t narrowly 1 0 5 Jane J . Mansbridge, Beyond S e l f - i n t e r e s t (Chicago: U n i v e r s i t y of Chicago Press, 1990) p . . i x . •71 " . ' defined. A functional, approach recognizes the complex view of both in d i v i d u a l behavior and s o c i a l organization, a view . that takes into account "duty, altruism and a concern for a shared "sense of belonging." This combination of l o y a l t i e s was recognized by the American Founding Fathers, who framed t h e i r ' Constitution around the twin p i l l a r s of vi r t u e and s e l f - i n t e r e s t . During the revolutionary war George Washington, said the following: I do not mean to exclude a l t o g e t h e r the Idea o f . P a t r i o t i s m . I know i t e x i s t s , and I know i t has done much i n the present Contest. But I w i l l venture to a s s e r t , that a great and l a s t i n g War can never be supported on t h i s p r i n c i p l e alone. I t must be aided by a prospect of I n t e r e s t or some reward. For a time, i t may, of i t s e l f push Men to A c t i o n ; to bear much, to encounter d i f f i c u l t i e s ; but i t ' w i l l not endure u n a s s i s t e d by I n t e r e s t . 1 0 7 James Madison's Tenth Federalist was based upon a r e a l i s t i c assumptions regarding human motivation. 1 0 8 Like his contemporaries, Madison recognized and t r i e d to set to work the power of both s e l f - i n t e r e s t e d and non-self-interested motivation. In designing the American Constitution, Madison t r i e d to work the power of 'both s e l f - i n t e r e s t e d and non-self-interested motivation. Loyalty i s a ,great good from the standpoint of community. It i s equally a good from the standpoint of the Konovitz, p. 108. 107 • C i t e d i n John P. Diggins, The Lost Soul of American P o l i t i c s : V i r t u e , S e l f - i n t e r e s t , and the Foundations of L i b e r a l i s m , (New York: Basic Books, 1984) p. 23 108 Gordon.Wood, " I n t e r e s t s and Disinterestedness i n - t h e Making of the C o n s t i t u t i o n , " i n Richard Beeman et a l . , eds., Beyond Confederation, (Chapel H i l l : ' U n i v e r s i t y of North C a r o l i n a Press, 1987) p. 92. 72 i n d i v i d u a l as i t gives him an ease of. communications of his fellows and a set of goals which help impart purpose to his l i f e . Through l o y a l t y one becomes related to something outside of and larger than himself. And, through t h i s connection, l i f e acquires meaning and d i r e c t i o n . Royce announces this theme early and returns to i t repeatedly i n his t r e a t i s e on lo y a l t y . L o y a l t y , again, tends to u n i f y l i f e , t o give i t center, f i x i t y , s t a b i l i t y . Now, a l o y a l man i s one who has found, and who sees some s o c i a l cause so r i c h , so w e l l k n i t , and to him, so f a s c i n a t i n g , and w i t h a l so k i n d l y i n i t s appeal to h i s n a t u r a l s e l f - w i l l , that he says to h i s cause: "Thy w i l l i s mine and mine i s t h i n e . In thee I do not lose but f i n d myself, l i v i n g i n t e n s e l y i n p r o p o s i t i o n as I l i v e f o r thee: ' "Wherever l o y a l t y i s , there i s selfhood, . p e r s o n a l i t y , i n d i v i d u a l purpose embodied i n .a l i f e . 1 0 9 In summary, .. l o y a l t y i s a good for the i n d i v i d u a l i n that through i t he learns to . orient his l i f e ' toward the achievement of ideal projects. And the impulse to. i d e n t i f y with, a person, a cause, an id e a l , possesses nearly everyone at one'or another time, with greater or lesser intensity;. It i s through shared l o y a l t i e s that men can break through the s h e l l i s o l a t i n g the indi v i d u a l from his or her compatriots, enabling the in d i v i d u a l to become a v i t a l part of the ongoing c o l l e c t i v e process. Through a common l o y a l t y to Britain,'English-speaking B r i t i s h North Americans were part of an organic s o c i a l entity. A common l o y a l t y to t h e i r ancestral homelands was an essential part of the cement that bound the colonists together. They shared a sense of a 1 0 9 Royce, op cit., pp.- 22, 43, 171. 73 common history, language, and culture. In many ways they sought to re p l i c a t e the world they had known i n the United Kingdom i n the Province of Canada, as can be seen i n the p o l i t i c a l ideas, labels and i n s t i t u t i o n s they chose to maintain and develop. Loyalty t o Great B r i t a i n was • the .direct r e s u l t of the colonists desire to relate to something outside of and larger than t h e . s e t t l e r community i n which they found themselves. They received both material g r a t i f i c a t i o n from th e i r imperial l o y a l t y , as the collaboration theorists have abundantly pointed out, but they also derived an emotional ' g r a t i f i c a t i o n . from the maintenance of the imperial t i e , which Robinson and Baskerville have underestimated to the point of d i s t o r t i n g the true essence of l o y a l t y . Loyalties adhering to groups, be they national or sub-national, are rarely absolute. Group, l o y a l t i e s are adjusted to and 'relative to other l o y a l t i e s . The i n t e n s i t y of l o y a l t i e s may increase or diminish. The story of B r i t i s h North America i n the pre-Confederation period i s not'the story o f an absolute s h i f t .from complete B r i t i s h imperialism to complete Canadian nationalism, r e s u l t i n g i n an inevitable decolonisation. It i s 'more a matter of ebb and flow, not of one t o t a l l y replacing another. . , 74 Chapter Four Loyalty and the Nation In t h i s section, I w i l l proceed from the general examination of lo y a l t y i n the preceding, chapter to discuss how l o y a l t y i s related to the concept of 'nation'. In order to come to grips with the issue of "national" l o y a l t y during the Union period, I w i l l employ the -functional approach as proposed by David Potter. 1 1 0 Potter views the formation of large scale p o l i t i c a l communities as' a process that must be explained i n terms of process rather than as component parts. He rejects the constituent ingredient theory of nationalism - the idea that when certain elements are brought into association, they automatically fuse to generate a s p i r i t of nationalism, and thus set i n motion the establishment of a nation. These elements or ingredients usually include common descent, common language, common tr a d i t i o n s and customs, common t e r r i t o r y , and they tend to manifest themselves i n a common p o l i t i c a l e n tity. In short, the constituent ingredient theory tends to conceal the fact that the formation of a nation or of a n a t i o n a l i t y i s a process of the creation of conditions of commonality, and that as a process i t cannot be explained by the. presence of David P o t t e r , "The H i s t o r i a n ' s . Use of Nationalism and Vice Versa," op c i t . .75 a fixed set of ingredients said to be used by nation-builders. • By approaching the subject from a • functional perspective, one may answer the question of what i s a nation by observing the degree to which a group has achieved cohesiveness or group unity. Here the question i s primarily descriptive or observational, and i t can, be answered i n q u a l i f i e d or r e l a t i v e terms, with fine d i s t i n c t i o n s " and gradations. 1 1 1 Such a question may concern the- psychological attitudes of the group, an approach which i s wholly conducive to the view of l o y a l t y focused upon i n the previous chapter. Thus, for example, Hans Kohn affirms that '"nationalism i s f i r s t and foremost a state of mind, an act of consciousness." 1 1 2 The psychological character of this' approach to nationalism deserves to be stressed- because i t possesses certain important assumptions.. In the f i r s t - place, since nationalism i s a form of group . lo y a l t y , i t i s not gen e r i c a l l y d i f f e r e n t ' from other forms of group l o y a l t y . From t h i s i t would follow that national l o y a l t y i s not an absolute condition as the collaboration theorists, p o s i t . Loyalty to large-scale communities' i's r e l a t i v e one, for l o y a l t y evolves gradually by imperceptible degrees, both iri P o t t e r , p. .63. . Hans Kohn, The Idea of Nationalism,. p. 10. 76 the i n d i v i d u a l and the group, and i t i s often altered by circumstances. ' . If nationalism i s a relative' manifestation, t h i s fact would also imply that national groups must vary i n the degree of completeness or i n t e n s i t y of t h e i r n a t i o n a l i t y , and further that various elements of the population within the n a t i o n a l i t y group must d i f f e r i n the extent to which they share the sense of group i d e n t i t y and the commitment to group purpose. This, i n turn, would mean that l o y a l t y to the nation must exist i n the i n d i v i d u a l not as an unique or exclusive allegiance, but: as an attachment concurrent with other forms of group l o y a l t y - to family, to church, and to an i n d i v i d u a l ' s ancestral homeland.' ' , The most v i t a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of a nation from the functional perspective is. . the "sense of belonging" that exists among, i t s members,113 a psychological awareness of f r a t e r n i t y that i s not r e s t r i c t e d to any s t r i c t ethnological l i m i t a t i o n s . Walker Connor has written that Any n a t i o n can, of course, be described i n terms of i t s p a r t i c u l a r amalgam of t a n g i b l e c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , f o r example, i n terms of the number of i t s members, t h e i r p h y s i c a l l o c a t i o n , t h e i r r e l i g i o u s and l i n g u i s t i c composition, and so f o r t h . But one can so describe any human' grouping, even such an unimportant c a t e g o r i z a t i o n as the New Englander. By i n t u i t i v e l y v a l u i n g that which they have i n common with other Americans more than that which makes them unique, the New Englanders have s e l f - r e l e g a t e d themselves to the s t a t u s of a sub-national element. By c o n t r a s t , the Ibos c l e a r l y place greater importance on being Ibo than being N i g e r i a n . I t i s t h e r e f o r e , the s e l f - v i e w of one's group, r a t h e r than 113 Boyd Shafer, Nationalism and I n t e r n a t i o n a l i s m ; Belonging i n Human Experience (New York: Harcourt, Brace, 1984) 77 the t a n g i b l e c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , that i s the essence i n determining the existence or non-existence of a n a t i o n . 1 1 4 The most popular d e f i n i t i o n Of what constitutes a nation probably belongs to the French c r i t i c , Ernest Renan, who wrote that A n a t i o n i s a grand s o l i d a r i t y c o n s t i t u t e d by the sentiment • of s a c r i f i c e s which one has made and those that one i s to make again. I t supposes a past, i t renews i t s e l f e s p e c i a l l y i n the present by a t a n g i b l e deed; approval, the d e s i r e , c l e a r l y expressed, to continue the communal' l i f e . . The " existence of a nation i s an everyday p l e b i s c i t e . 1 1 5 The prime cause of p o l i t i c a l disunity i s the absence of a single psychological focus shared by a l l segments of the population. The nature of that l o y a l t y and i t s source remains shadowy and elusive, and the consequent d i f f i c u l t y of defining a nation i s usually acknowledged by those who attempt the task. Thus a popular dictionary of International Relations defines a nation as follows: A s o c i a l group which shares a common ideology, common' i n s t i t u t i o n s and customs, and a. sense of homogeneity. 'Nation' i s d i f f i c u l t to define so p r e c i s e l y as to d i f f e r e n t i a t e the term from such other .groups as r e l i g i o u s s e c t s , which e x h i b i t some of the, same c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s . In the n a t i o n , however, there i s al s o present a strong group sense of belonging a s s o c i a t e d with a p a r t i c u l a r t e r r i t o r y considered to be p e c u l i a r l y i t s own.116 ( i t a l i c s added) Whereas the key word i n this p a r t i c u l a r d e f i n i t i o n i s sense, other authorities may substitute f e e l i n g or i n t u i t i o n , but proper, appreciation of the abstract essence of' the nation i s customary i n d e f i n i t i o n s . Walker Connor, " N a t i o n - B u i l d i n g or Nation-Destroying?" World P o l i t i c s (1971) 337. 1 1 5 Ernest Renan, "Qu'est-ce qu'une nation?," quoted from Hutchinson and Smith, op. cit. p. 16. 1 1 6 Jack C. Piano' and Roy Olton, The I n t e r n a t i o n a l R e l a t i o n s D i c t i o n a r y (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, Inc., 1969) p. .199 78 After • focusing attention upon that . es s e n t i a l psychological bond, t y p i c a l l y l i t t l e probing of i t s nature follows. Indeed, having defined the nation.as an e s s e n t i a l l y psychological phenomenon.authorities then have a tendency to treat i t as f u l l y synonymous , with the very d i f f e r e n t and t o t a l l y . t a n g i b l e concept of the state. With the concepts of the nation and the state thus hopelessly confused,, i t i s perhaps not too surprising that nationalism should come to mean i d e n t i f i c a t i o n with -the state rather than l o y a l t y to the -nation. • ' A functional approach to the topic of what i s a nation encourages the student of nationalism to abandon'• the older view of national i d e n t i t y as a., natural development which to be complete must ob l i t e r a t e a l l • other l o y a l t i e s . A l l national i d e n t i t i e s are, to a considerable extent, a r t i f i c i a l l y constructed, for, nationalism i s ,at a l l times based upon the. sense, of belonging to what Benedict Anderson has c a l l e d an imagined community.117'' Throughout history people have' belonged to a vari e t y of ^groups, such' as family, v i l l a g e , t r i b e , caste,'. church, as well as -nation and more .recently the, nation-state. People have chosen to 'express t h e i r l o y a l t y to these human groupings i n return for the-- f u l f i l l m e n t of t h e i r emotional and psychological- needs, for the i r . security, and for t h e i r 117 " " Benedict Anderson, .Imagined Communities: R e f l e c t i o n s on the O r i g i n and Spread of Nationalism (New York: Verso, 1991). 7 9 •>'••'' own economic, s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l existence. Loyalty to the nation indicates an i d e n t i f i c a t i o n with a human grouping that may or may not be coterminous with a- state. It i s based upon a self-conception, self-awareness, and s e l f - a s s e r t i o n of a delimited group of people. . Nationalism i s a relati o n s h i p between individuals, expressing i t s e l f i n c u l t u r a l and philosophic terms, c a l l i n g upon sociology and anthropology. , • With very few exceptions,, authorities have shied away from describing ' the nation as a kinship group and have usually e x p l i c i t l y denied that the nation of shared blood i s a f a c t o r . 1 1 8 Such denials are supported by data i l l u s t r a t i n g that most groups claiming nationhood do i n fact incorporate several ancestral s t r a i n s . 1 1 9 Most . nations exist as a composite group, the United Kingdom being a prime example. But such an approach ignores the 'notion that when, analyzing s o c i o p o l i t i c a l situations, what ultimately matters i s not what i s but what people believe i s . Since the nation i s a self-defined rather than other-defined grouping, the broadly held conviction concerning the group's singular o r i g i n need not and seldom w i l l accord with factual data. A subconscious b e l i e f i n the group's separate o r i g i n and evolution i s an important ingredient of national psychology. 1 1 8 Joseph L e v i t t , "Race and Nation i n Canadian Anglophone Hi s t o r i o g r a p h y , " Canadian Review of Studies i n Na t i o n a l i s m 8 (1981): 1. 1 1 9 Connor, " N a t i o n - B u i l d i n g or Nation-Destroying?" p. 320. 80 When one avers that' he i s B r i t i s h , he i s i d e n t i f y i n g himself not just with the B r i t i s h people and culture of today, but with B r i t i s h people and the i r a c t i v i t i e s throughout time. 1 2 0 It i s the recognition of this dimension of the nation that has caused numerous writers of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries to employ race as a synonym for nation, references to an English, or German race being quite 121 • ' common. B r i t i s h North Americans and Nationalism Just as i t i s not the case that most Canadians have seen a c o n f l i c t between a sense of national i d e n t i t y and the i r l o c a l , p r o v i n c i a l or regional l o y a l t i e s , a developing awareness of a Canadian national, i d e n t i t y , 1 2 2 or- Canadian nationalism,, did not extinguish other older l o y a l t i e s during the mid-nineteenth century. On the contrary, for a long period after Confederation a sense of being B r i t i s h defined to .them a global system within which they found t h e i r i d e n t i t y . 1 2 3 Loyalty to -the B r i t i s h nation provided the psychological focus that was shared by a l l segments of the For an example of the importance of t r a d i t i o n and h i s t o r y to a sense of na t i o n and nat i o n a l i s m , see I a i n Hampsher Monk, The P o l i t i c a l Philosophy of Edmund Burke (New York : Longman, 1987). For a d i s c u s s i o n on the importance of "race" f o r the sense of u n i t y among I m p e r i a l i s t s during the l a t e nineteenth century, see Douglas L. Cole, "Canada's ' N a t i o n a l i s t i c ' I m p e r i a l i s t s , " J o u r n a l of Canadian Studies V, 3 (August, 1970): 44. T22 A.W. Rasporich, "The Na t i o n a l Awakening: Canada at Mid-Century," i n J . M. Bumsted, ed., Documentary Problems i n Canadian H i s t o r y (Georgetown: Ir w i n Dorsey, 1969.) 229-251. 123 • • Pocock, " H i s t o r y and Sovereignty," 381-82. 81 English-speaking Canadian population. This, loyalty, had many of the t r a i t s commonly i d e n t i f i e d with nationalism, so much so that i t can be said that B r i t i s h North Americans exhibited both a B r i t i s h and a Canadian, nationalism.' The collaboration theory does not consider the fact that l o y a l t y to Great B r i t a i n consisted of a devoted attachment to the p o l i t i c a l - ideals 'and i n s t i t u t i o n s established over centuries, and to a h i s t o r i c c u l t u r a l community. This ioy a l t y . was a complex mixture of t r a d i t i o n and sentiment,, choice and reason. As I discussed i n the chapter on the theory of loyalty, these l o y a l t i e s were acquired i n the course of s o c i a l conditioning. This conditioning took place i n Great B r i t a i n before emigration,. and i n the colonies themselves. Habits, customs and b e l i e f s were integrated into the character structure of B r i t i s h North Americans without conscious thought. Loyalty .was not determined economic factors alone. " .. • Their l o y a l t y to Great B r i t a i n • provided- a pattern through which B r i t i s h colonists could organize t h e i r ' l i v e s i n a new setting, making the i r existence more i n t e l l i g i b l e and empowering people to make l i f e - c h o i c e s with some reference to a known framework. It was a sense of being an extension of the B r i t i s h nation that bound English-speaking B r i t i s h North Americans together i n the nineteenth century. It furnished them with a shared inventory of ideas, images 82 and myths from which to draw. . In his study of Central Canadian newspapers during the Union•period, J.M.Si Careless found that there was a constant reference to B r i t i s h ideas. He went on to state, that, These newspapers f e l t very s t r o n g l y the sense of belonging to a B r i t i s h i n t e l l e c t u a l community, no l e s s than of belonging to a p h y s i c a l B r i t i s h empire. They were i n a stream of ideas emanating from B r i t a i n at the height of her power and p r e s t i g e . 1 2 4 - Much of Careless's scholarship has concentrated on George Brown and the Globe, and S . F . Wise was undoubtedly right to issue his .corrective to what he saw as Careless's too "George Brown-centered" view. Not a l l B r i t i s h North Americans shared the Globe's p a r t i c u l a r form of l i b e r a l i s m . In B r i t a i n there were conservatives, l i b e r a l s and even ra d i c a l s , and representatives of a l l three came to the colonies and contributed to the p o l i t i c a l d i v e r s i t y of the s o c i e t i e s they created. Any attempt to view the whole body of immigrants during this period as. possessing a singular p o l i t i c a l outlook i s surely misguided. 1 2 5 But Careless was correct to i n s i s t that despite p o l i t i c a l d i v i s i o n s , B r i t i s h Canadians conducted th e i r p o l i t i c a l disputes within the same general framework of ideas, and that ."this framework of ideas"' was dominant throughout the. Anglo-American /world, on 1 2 4 J.M.S Careless, " M i d - V i c t o r i a n L i b e r a l i s m i n C e n t r a l Canadian- Newspapers," Canadian H i s t o r i c a l Review v.31(3) (June 1950): 221. Gad Horowitz, " L i b e r a l i s m , Conservatism and S o c i a l i s m i n Canada: An I n t e r p r e t a t i o n , " Canadian Journal of Economics and P o l i t i c a l Science 32 (1966): 18. , . 8 3 ''• both sides of the A t l a n t i c . 1 2 6 The. .Macdonald Conservatives and Brown Liberals, despite t h e i r p o l i t i c a l warfare, were i n fundamental ' agreement in t h e i r attitudes toward t h e i r B r i t i s h and Canadian identities," in. t h e i r b e l i e f i n the superior merits of the B r i t i s h c o n s t i t u t i o n . 1 2 7 • - Thus, Canadian society was profoundly influenced by the large scale movement of men and ideas from B r i t a i n to B r i t i s h North America. These immigrants, many of whom obtained positions of influence and importance i n the colony, 1 2 8 brought with them the i r i n t e l l e c t u a l property. 1 2 9 S.F. Wise expands .on t h i s theme by stating that B r i t i s h North America was never i s o l a t e d from Europe; i t was never free to develop f u l l y according to i t s own inner impulsions. I t was not simply the c o n t i n u i n g f a c t of the i m p e r i a l presence, an imposing force i n i t s e l f i n the r e l a t i v e l y small and weak c o l o n i a l s o c i e t i e s . Even more important was the c o n t i n u i n g t r a n s m i s s i o n to B r i t i s h North America of the p o l i t i c a l . and s o c i a l ideas of the Old World. 1 3 0 Wise points, out that the influence of what he .called the " o f f i c i a l culture" upon the p o l i t i c a l nation . was substantial. It delimited the' roles, set the standards and• established the norms of the p o l i t i c a l leadership which C a r e l e s s , " M i d - V i c t o r i a n L i b e r a l i s m i n C e n t r a l Canadian Newspapers," 223, 233. 1 W.L. Morton, " V i c t o r i a n Canada," i n The S h i e l d of A c h i l l e s ; Aspects of Canada i n the V i c t o r i a n Age ed. Morton, (Montreal: M c C l e l l a n d and Stewart, 1968) 317. 128 J.K. Johnson, Becoming Prominent : Regional Leadership i n Upper Canada, 1791-1841 (Montreal: McGill-Queen's U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1988). i / y Laurence F a l l i s , "The Idea•of Progress i n the-Province of Canada: A Study i n the H i s t o r y of Ideas, " i n The S h i e l d of A c h i l l e s ; Aspects of Canada i n the V i c t o r i a n Age ed., (Montreal: McClelland and Stewart, 1968) p. 169. • S.F. Wise, " L i b e r a l Consensus or I d e o l o g i c a l Battleground: Some R e f l e c t i o n s on the Hartz Thesis", C H A . H i s t o r i c a l Papers (1974): 6., 84 directed the c o l o n i a l administration, and helped shape the attitudes and behavior of those who aspired to a. place i n the structure. This o f f i c i a l culture also defined the l i m i t s for those figures who occupied places i n the p o l i t i c a l opposition. The o f f i c i a l outline was t i e d to London, the imperial metropolis, and received constantly from i t a flow of p o l i t i c a l , s o c i a l and economic ideas and values. So great was t h i s influence that George Sheppard, the pro-American editor of Brown's Globe during = the period to which • some historians point to show the L i b e r a l leaders pro-republican leanings, l e f t Canada i n disgust because "to his chagrin, he found the communities . of Upper Canada l i t t l e more than microcosms of English society." 1 3 1 B r i t i s h Americans not ' only shared a common pool of ideas with other members of the B r i t i s h nation, they also possessed a deep ethnic sense, a strong consciousness of n a t i o n a l i t y . Their ethnic i d e n t i t y was by no. stretch of the imagination Canadian, . rather i t was emphatically and intensely B r i t i s h . 1 3 2 This ethnic component was a matter of s e l f - d e f i n i t i o n . At t h i s point i n time and i n t h i s place B r i t i s h North Americans chose to i d e n t i f y themselves as being B r i t i s h . B r i t i s h North Americans demonstrated a l l the 131 ' ' • M.'H. Lewis, "A Reappraisal of George Sheppard's C o n t r i b u t i o n to the Press of North America," Ontario H i s t o r y , LXII (1969): 178. For an i l l u s t r a t i o n of an attempt to create a d i s t i n c t l y Canadian e t h n i c myth, see C a r l Berger, "The True North Strong and Free, " i n R u s s e l l , N a t i o n a l i s m i n Canada,.p.3-26. 85 usual n a t i o n a l i s t c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of consciousness of common descent,, c u l t u r a l commonality, and a sense of mission. They •possessed a . pan-national creed that reached beyond' geographical .boundaries. There was.: yet l i t t l e - consciousness' of Canadians as. a nation as defined by its" 'separateness by language, descent, .myths or. t r a d i t i o n s ̂' In a very "real, sense,, the. psychological unity B r i t i s h . North Americans'' 'felt with", the, B r i t i s h was not simply a sentimental attachment to the mother country, nor- can- the loyalty, to Empire be. reduced to a. crude c a l c u l a t i o n of economic s e l f - i n t e r e s t as-the collaboration' theorists would have, i t s readers believe. The .lo y a l t y B r i t i s h North Americans expressed possessed a l l the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s "of a national l o y a l t y . They.' were l o y a l . to the - B r i t i s h nation 'because i t - symbolized and sustained deeply-held values. When John A.. Macdonald declared for partisan ..purposes i n 18 91 "A B r i t i s h subject .1 was born . - a B r i t i s h subject I w i l l •die", 1 3 3 he was expressing a desire widely held, ; even, by a, substantial, majority of...those who would .vote against-.him i n the e l e c t i o n that would follow. 1 3 4 - While, a sense of being Canadian d i d grow during' the nineteenth .century,, for the majority t h e i r sense of. being . 1 3 3 C i t e d i n Donald Creighton,' John A. Macdonald: The Old C h i e f t a i n , " (Toronto': Macmillan Co. , 1955), .553. . ' : 1 3 4..For a survey-, of the importance: of .the B r i t i s h connection ' during the t u r n of the 'century, see C a r l Berger, ' The Sense of Power: Studies i n . the Ideas of Canadian .Imperialism,. 1867-1914' (Toronto: U n i v e r s i t y of Toronto Press, 197 0)'. •''.'.'• ' ' ' '••-'• : ' . r . ' ; ' " '• .8 6 ' - ':• .. ' -' . : : B r i t i s h did ,not- weaken.135 In- fact-, ' t h i s sense probably became .stronger during the middle.and l a t e r decades of the nineteenth century.' Even while.Canada . was exercising an increasing • control over' •• p o l i t i c a l , . . economic, ' \ and- administrative processes, the B r i t i s h l o y a l t y was becoming more,- rather than less intense. Loyalty for the monarchy, to the B r i t i s h p o l i t i c a l traditions,-.'and to'- the- Empire" was. escalating to greater heights. 1 3 6 There ' was ' l i t t l e .difference:' in. t h i s f e e l i n g among, moderate Reformers, Liberal. Conservatives : or "High: Tories. 1 3 7 As Careless stated, ideas' were' .'•••'-' , . . . • ' . v ' : ' ••: ' channeled front B r i t a i n by. steamship'" and teleg r a p h , or, ., c a r r i e d with the immigrants, who so. i n f l u e n c e d t h e i r . ' • community that 1't "kept looking' to the center of the B r i t i s h ". world f o r the source of- it's thought'. This, i s ' not--merely to •"be-- c a l l e d dependence. F e e l i n g a unity, with B r i t a i n , English-speaking Canadians accepted a bulk; of heir 'ideas as.: t h e i r -own. . ..Canada, perhaps,, never be'fore or since "[had]" •' ' .been so B r i t i s h . 1 3 8 - , ' - . ' - ' .' •• -,,.-'" The t r a d i t i o n a l l o y a l t i e s to B r i t a i n and things. B r i t i s h provided the necessary psychological... unifying force during 135 • '- F.H. U n d e r h i l l , "Canada's' Relations- with the -Empire, as - Seen by the Toronto Globe, 1857-67," Canadian H i s t o r i c a l Review, X (1929): 106; J.M.S-. Careles s , "The P o l i t i c a l Ideas of - George Brown," - Canadian Forum 36 (February, 1957): 247, 249; Donald Creight.on, " S i r . John MacDonald and Canadian H i s t o r i a n s , " Canadian H i s t o r i c a l Review v.29(1) '(March, 1948,): 1. ' "..-••-•' . ' • ' . . - ' . " " .'..•''',- 1 3 5 Robert Page, "Canada•and the Imperial Idea i n the Boer 'War Years," Journal of Canadian Studies V, 1 (February, 1970") 33;'-Carman• M i l l e r , P a i n t i n g the • Map Red; Canada and the South A f r i c a n War, .18 99^1902 (Montreal: McGill-Queen's U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1993). .- 137 - A.W. Rasporich, ."Imperial Sentiment i n the Province..' of Canada .during the Crimean War, 1854-1856, " i n W:L. Morton, ed. ,; .The S h i e l d , of, - A c h i l l e s ; Aspects of Canada i n the V i c t o r i a n Age (Montreal: M c C l e l l a n d and Stewart, 1968) p." 139.- See a l s o George "W.- Brown, '"The1 G r i t P a r t y and the Great Reform Convention of 1859, " Canadian H i s t o r i c a l Review' XVI (1935) : 245. - . '-...- 138 •" . .- • • •Careless, -" "Mid-Vietor-ian . L i b e r a l i s m , i n . C e n t r a l " Canadian" Newspapers," 235, 234. -' . -87 the early years of Union. For many B r i t i s h North Americans the heritage of the whole B r i t i s h Isles became t h e i r heritage. 1 3 9 In time this, l o y a l t y to . a B r i t i s h nation would erode, a casualty of Brit a i n ' s decline i n the twentieth century and the ' dismantling of. the Empire, of the increasingly, irrelevance of B r i t i s h t r a d i t i o n s to. a.growing number of native-born Canadians, of increased integration with the United States and of the changing pattern of immigration. This development was given a poignant resonance by W.L. Morton when he wrote • that the B r i t i s h world he had known, the world i n which I 'had been reared, the world by whose standards I had f i t f u l l y but not d i s l o y a l l y l i v e d , the world I had bothered with and had t r i e d to keep i n , order r e p a i r , that world no longer e x i s t e d . I t was no longer there - i t had vanished. I was l i k e a man alone i n the A r c t i c waste, i n t w i l i g h t and with no landmark. 1 4 0. 1 3 9 Donald Smiley, "Federalism, Nationalism and the Scope ' Of P u b l i c A c t i v i t y i n Canada," i n Peter R u s s e l l , ed., Nati o n a l i s m i n Canada. (Toronto: McGraw-Hill of Canada, 1966), p. 100. • •• 1 4 0 W.L. Morton, ."The Dualism of Culture and the Federalism,of Power," i n A New Concept Of Confederation? (Canadian Union of Students, 1964) p. 128. 88 CONCLUSION This paper has analyzed the way i n which the idea of l o y a l t y has been used i n r e l a t i o n to the 'collaboration thesis'. I have argued that collaboration theorists share the."nation-building" school's view of l o y a l t y , a view that i s based on the b e l i e f that i n order to strengthen the 'nation-state', l o y a l t i e s to other large-scale communities must be weakened or destroyed. I have also argued that an al t e r n a t i v e conception of • l o y a l t y i s necessary. This alternative conception would have to explain the v i t a l i t y of multiple l o y a l t i e s . The theoretical' research done on the subject of l o y a l t y posits that the preservation or development l o y a l t i e s to non-national e n t i t i e s i s a useful, i f not indeed a necessary factor i n creating and preserving national l o y a l t y . Loyalty provides a pattern through which individuals . may organize t h e i r l i v e s , making the i r existence more i n t e l l i g i b l e and empowering people to make l i f e - c h o i c e s with some reference to a known framework. Loyalties need not be of the jealous nature, nor need they be narrow. Thus, a l o y a l t y to an ancestral homeland : need i n no sense detract from 'a l o y a l t y to another national group. Vigorous and sustained l o y a l t i e s of a l l sorts encourage a l l individuals, whether they be new immigrants or 89 "old-stock" c i t i z e n s , td f e e l that there i s something to attach themselves to, that by finding the roots of the community they might become genuinely part of i t . The acceptance of multiple l o y a l t i e s i s a necessary f i r s t and natural step towards a national l o y a l t y of a meaningful sort. Robinson's collaboration thesis i s based upon a conceptualization of l o y a l t y that cannot be reconciled with the h i s t o r i c a l fact of multiple l o y a l t i e s i n the period before Confederation,, and for several decades afterwards.. By contracting the imperial relationship to a s i m p l i s t i c economic . model, collaboration theorists consciously neglected the non-economic factors which underpinned the c o l o n i a l commitment to the empire. The collaboration theory regards l o y a l t y as a f i n i t e phenomena, and .regards that transference of primary l o y a l t i e s to a nation-state as a natural occurrence. The collaboration theorists have considered the subject of national l o y a l t y from a f o r m a l i s t i c approach, leading them to treat the concept of national l o y a l t y as an absolute value, placing i t i n antithesis to other forms or group l o y a l t y . The f o r m a l i s t i c approach renders a stark contradistinction between l o y a l t y and d i s l o y a l t y . This- has , resulted . i n Robinson underestimating the importance to B r i t i s h North Americans 90 .that : l o y a l t y to Britain,, and the' idea' of being B r i t i s h , was to the i d e n t i f i e s ]of B r i t i s h North Americans.' The view of lo y a l t y presented by Robinson i s untenable i f examined using a" functional approach.. It i s .through shared l o y a l t i e s that enabled B r i t i s h North. Americans to fe e l part of an ongoing c o l l e c t i v e process.. Through , ,a common l o y a l t y to B r i t a i n , English-speaking. ' B r i t i s h North Americans . were part of an organic .social "entity.' A common lo y a l t y to th e i r ancestral 'homelands was an es s e n t i a l part of the cement that, bound the colonists together. They shared a sense of a; common history, language, and .culture. In many ways they sought to rep l i c a t e the world they had known i n the United Kingdom i n the.Province of Canada, as can be seen i n the p o l i t i c a l , ideas, labels . and, i n s t i t u t i o n s /they chose, to maintain and develop. Loyalty to Great, B r i t a i n was the' dir e c t r e s u l t of the colonists desire to relate to something outside .of and larger than.the s e t t l e r community i n which they found themselves.' B r i t i s h North Americans derived an emotional g r a t i f i c a t i o n from the maintenance of the imperial, t i e , which Robinson and Baskerville have 'underestimated.' ..•''• . The story of B r i t i s h North America i n the pre-Confederation period .is not the story of an absolute s h i f t from complete - B r i t i s h imperialism to complete Canadian nationalism, r e s u l t i n g in. -an . i n e v i t a b l e -decolonisation. : Multiple l o y a l t i e s ' are nof a matter of one .totally replacing another. ' 91. ' . ' ' ' j Loyalty i s 'not • a matter of •' ei t h e r - o r 1 ; rather, i t i s a question of ebb and flow. The example of B r i t i s h North America as a B r i t i s h settlement community demonstrates that national development i s not dependent on the destruction of older l o y a l t i e s . On the contrary, the experience of multiple l o y a l t i e s created ah atmosphere of heightened pluralism. The p o l i t i c a l n a t i o n a l i t y embraced French and English, Scots and I r i s h . 1 4 1 If l o y a l t y i s viewed . .from .• a psychological perspective, multiple l o y a l t i e s w i l l be seen to be the norm, a healthy part of a p l u r a l i s t i c , democratic, society. Multiple l o y a l t i e s to large scale communities are- an i n t e g r a l part of a federal society. "Canadian federalism," Pierre Trudeau wrote,"' i s a b r i l l i a n t prototype for the ' molding of tomorrow's c i v i l i z a t i o n . " 1 4 2 Canada was the kind of society' i n which d i f f e r e n t communities could l i v e within the same state, and such a combination was "as necessary a condition of c i v i l i z e d l i f e as the combination of men i n s o c i e t y . " 1 4 3 I n t r i n s i c to the whole question of a federal form of government i s the federal nature of the society i t s e l f . - An obvious fact about any society i s ' that i t consists of a 1 4 1 A l l a n Smith, "Metaphor and N a t i o n a l i t y i n North America," i n Canada - An American Nation? Essays on Continentalism, I d e n t i t y , and the Canadian Frame of Mind; (Montreal: McGill-Queen's U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1994) p. 134. 1 4 2 P i e r r e Trudeau, Federalism and the French Canadians .(Toronto: Macmillan, 1968), p. 179. 1 4 3 Lord Acton, Essays on Freedom and Power (New York: Meridian, 1955), p. 160. .92 p l u r a l i t y of groups, each enjoying the l o y a l t y of c i t i z e n s . Federalism i s the attempt to reconcile the multiple l o y a l t i e s and multiple identities,. As David Elkins and Richard Simeon have written, Canadians have strong t i e s to the i r l o c a l communities and equally strong t i e s to the national community. They want freedom of action for t h e i r p r o v i n c i a l communities as well as a centre that can speak for a l l of Canada. "The imaginative feat,"•Elkins and Simeon state, " i s to fin d a way to reconcile and harmonize what may on the surface appear to be i r r e c o n c i l a b l e images." 1 4 4 Behind Canadian federalism i s the idea of a Canadian p o l i t i c a l n a t i o n a l i t y predicated on the existence of multiple l o y a l t i e s . Georges "Etienne Ca r t i e r has been credited with a r t i c u l a t i n g the f i r s t conception of a d i s t i n c t Canadian n a t i o n a l i t y that was not t i e d to the idea of a s s i m i l a t i o n i s t nationalism. 1 4 5 I would argue that while the French-English duality had•a substantial impact on the manner with which federal p o l i t i c s has been conducted at the e l i t e l e v e l , the experience of Canada as a B r i t i s h settlement community had an equ a l l y . s i g n i f i c a n t influence on David E l k i n s and Richard Simeon, Small World (Toronto:.. Methuen, 1980J , p. 282. • ' . 1 5 See P-.B. ' Waite,- ed., The Confederation Debates, (Toronto: M c C l e l l a n d and Stewart, 1963) , pp. 50 -51 . See al s o Donald Smiley, " R e f l e c t i o n s on C u l t u r a l Nationhood and P o l i t i c a l Community i n Canada, " i n Ken Carty and Peter Ward eds., Entering the E i g h t i e s : Canada i n C r i s i s (Toronto: Oxford U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1980) , p. 27.. •' • 93 " • - the way E n g l i s h speaking Canadians have" c o n c e p t u a l i z e d the i d e a of l o y a l t y . 1 4 6 • ;' • • Canada was borne a country of many l o y a l t i e s - to French Canada, to I r e l a n d , to Great B r i t a i n , and so on. The q u e s t i o n of m u l t i p l e l o y a l t i e s i s f r e q u e n t l y • seen as a product of the F r e n c h - E n g l i s h r e l a t i o n s h i p . In Canada's formative years, l o y a l t i e s to Great B r i t a i n were e q u a l l y as s t r o n g as those to Upper and Lower Canada, and to the. new Canadian n a t i o n . W.L. Morton was perhaps the l a s t Canadian s c h o l a r who t r u l y a p p r e c i a t e d Canada's I m p e r i a l l e g a c y . Morton conceived of " p o l i t i c a l n a t i o n a l i t y ' ' as a matter .of a l l e g i a n c e r a t h e r than something based upon c u l t u r a l or l i n g u i s t i c d i s t i n c t i o n s . 1 4 7 In Morton's view, a l l e g i a n c e to the monarchy represented a r e j e c t i o n of. m a j o r i t a r i a h democracy which demanded conformity. Canadian p o l i t i c a l n a t i o n a l i t y r e q u i r e d only p o l i t i c a l a l l e g i a n c e . •' While more n a t i o n a l i s t minded Canadians may bemoan the f a c t , i t i s worth remembering that l o y a l t i e s to a n c e s t r a l homelands have had a long t r a d i t i o n i n Canada.- As C a r e l e s s p o i n t e d out many years ago, Canada i s a country o f . " l i m i t e d 1 4 6 Alan Cairns has argued that t h i s composite' n a t i o n a l - i m p e r i a l ' - i d e n t i t y "could not be shared by French Canadians," with, the r e s u l t t h a t " p s y c h o l o g i c a l l y the two European founding peoples l i v e d i n d i f f e r e n t c o n s t i t u t i o n a l worlds and had d i f f e r e n t c o n s t i t u t i o n a l i d e n t i t i e s . " See Alan Ca i r n s , "The C o n s t i t u t i o n a l World We Have Los t , " i n C.E.S. Franks et. a l . eds., Canada's Century: Governance i n a Maturing S o c i e t y (Montreal: McGill-Queen's U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1995) p. 57. 1 4 7 W.L. Morton, The Canadian I d e n t i t y (Toronto: U n i v e r s i t y of Toronto Press, 1972). For a recent commentary of Morton's importance to the contemporary debate, see Ramsay Cook, "Nation, I d e n t i t y , Rights:- r e f l e c t i o n s on W.L.- Morton's Canadian I d e n t i t y , " J o u r n a l of Canadian Studies, 29 (Summer, 1994): 5. 9 4 i d e n t i t i e s , " 1 4 8 a country based upon m u l t i p l e l o y a l t i e s . The r e c o g n i t i o n that l o y a l t i e s to one community do not n e c e s s a r i l y d e t r a c t from another i s the f o u n d a t i o n a l value t h a t u n i t e s E n g l i s h - s p e a k i n g Canadians. Desmond Morton has w r i t t e n that t h i s conception of Canada, a country of c i t i z e n s with "a v a r i e t y of a l l e g i a n c e s , " i s a. " r e c u r r e n t source of f r u s t r a t i o n to those of h i s p r o f e s s i o n a l c o l l e a g u e s i n search ' of devout and . single-minded n a t i o n - b u i l d e r s . " Canadian c i t i z e n s h i p o f t e n comes with "hyphens a t t a c h e d , " and "has had to c o e x i s t with l o y a l t i e s to o l d homelands, newer pr o v i n c e s or n a t i o n s w i t h i n and p r o t e c t e d by the f e d e r a l s t a t e , s p e c i f i c a l l y l a n a t i o n Canadian f r a n c a i s e . " 1 4 9 By acknowledging the fundamental importance of m u l t i p l e , l o y a l t i e s , Canadian p o l i t i c a l , nationalism, i s compatible with p l u r a l i s m . To borrow a phrase from W.L. Morton,' Canada has always been a community of a l l e g i a n c e s . - W i t h i n t h i s p o l i t i c a l sphere, the Canadian p o l i t i c a l t r a d i t i o n - has p r o v i d e d room f o r m u l t i p l e l o y a l t i e s and i d e n t i t i e s . From the Reform and L i b e r a l C o nservative p o l i t i c i a n s who brought about C o n f e d e r a t i o n , through .to the Canadian I m p e r i a l i s t s C a r l Berger so ably wrote about, Canadians who have 1 4 8 J.M.S. Careless, "'Limited I d e n t i t i e s , ' i n Canada," Canadian H i s t o r i c a l Review v o l . L, 1 (March, 1969) 1. 14 9 Desmond Morton, "Divided L o y a l t i e s ? Divided Country? i n W i l l i a m Kaplan, ed., Belonging : The Meaning and Future of Canadian C i t i z e n s h i p (Montreal: McGill-Queen's U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1993) p. 51. 95. emphasized the B r i t i s h connection have been at the same time Canadian n a t i o n a l i s t s . Within his or her own. structure of p o l i t i c a l commitment's- each Canadian.has had the opportunity tp fashion his dr. her own array of p r o v i n c i a l , national and international l o y a l t i e s . '. This Canadian p o l i t i c a l nationalism not only permits, but assumes', multiple l o y a l t i e s . . In practice, men and. women often have double, t r i p l e , 'or even, quadruple l o y a l t i e s , "mentally locating themselves,, according, to. the circumstances, i n a p a r t i c u l a r community, region, and even in' one 'or two • countries. " 1 5 0 It i s quite- possible for individuals' to see themselves as being, .at one and the same time, a c i t i z e n , of Montreal, a Quebecer:,' and an Irishman. : •;'•'•' .Lord Acton wrote that • -' • I f we take the establishment of. l i b e r t y -for the' r e a l i z a t i o n of .moral d u t i e s to be the' end of c i v i l society,, we must • conclude that,.'' those "states' are s u b s t a n t i a l l y the most p e r f e c t which,' like... the - B r i t i s h and A u s t r i a n empire, "include- v a r i ous d i s t i n c t n a t i o n a l i t i e s without oppressing them; 1 5 1 'Canada's unique experience as a community of multiple, l o y a l t i e s has come close-, to Acton's ideal'. ...The;, common experience of immigrants- created a common psychology, a psychology ,that, encouraged the preservation - o f l o y a l t i e s i n the face of the assimilative policies, of nation-builders. 1 5 2 150 1 ' - ' Linda C o l l e y , " B r i t i s h n e s s and Otherness: An Argument," J o u r n a l of B r i t i s h Studies' 31 (October, 1992) 315. " 1 5 1 C i t e d i n Da n i e l Matthew, Acton; the Formative Years' (London, Eyre & Spottiswood, 1946), p. 180. ' '. ' 5 2 W.L. Morton, "The H i s t o r i c a l Phenomenon, of . M i n o r i t i e s : " The Canadian Experience,".Canadian E t h n i c Studies, X I I I , 3 .(T981) :• 1.' 96 E n g l i s h - s p e a k i n g Canadians have r e l e n t l e s s l y , r e f u s e d to exchange t h e i r heterogeneous p l u r a l i s m f o r a s t e r i l e s et of ' n a t i o n a l ' values c r e a t e d i n ' order to break down deeply f e l t l o y a l t i e s . P o l i t i c a l n a t i o n a l i t y i s thus a matter of m u l t i p l e l o y a l t i e s ' . Each i n d i v i d u a l i s enmeshed i n a mat r i x of a s s o c i a t i o n s , each . performing s p e c i f i c and l i m i t e d f u n c t i o n s . Under the' best of a l l circumstances the person's i n s t i t u t i o n a l l o y a l t i e s are complementary r a t h e r "than c o m p e t i t i v e . The E n g l i s h Canadian t r a d i t i o n of p o l i t i c a l n a t i o n a l i t y r e j e c t s . t h e n o t i o n that i n any sense p o l i t i c a l l o y a l t i e s to c e r t a i n i n s t i t u t i o n s o v e r r i d e a l l other a f f i l i a t i o n s . I would contend that what makes the form of n a t i o n a l i s m favoured by E n g l i s h - s p e a k i n g Canadians d i s t i n c t i s t h a t i t i s a product of a B r i t i s h settlement l e g a c y i n which m u l t i p l e l o y a l t i e s were taken f o r . g r a n t e d . Robinson's c o l l a b o r a t i o n t h e s i s t r e a t s n a t i o n a l l o y a l t y as i f i t were e x c l u s i v e , and i n c o n s i s t e n t with other l o y a l t i e s . The s i t u a t i o n of Canada i n t h e . n i n e t e e n t h century would i n d i c a t e that n a t i o n a l l o y a l t y - f l o u r i s h e d not by c h a l l e n g i n g or overpowering a l l other l o y a l t i e s , but .by subsuming them a l l . i n a mutually s u p p o r t i v e r e l a t i o n to one another. The s t r e n g t h of the whole was not enhanced by d e s t r o y i n g the p a r t s , but was f o r t i f i e d by the sum. of the p a r t s . As David P o t t e r has s a i d , • 97 The' only c i t i z e n s who are capable of strong n a t i o n a l l o y a l t y are those who are capable of strong group l o y a l t y . I n d i v i d u a l s are most l i k e l y to express t h i s c a p a c i t y i n t h e i r devotion, to t h e i r r e l i g i o n , to the community, to t h e i r province, as w e l l as to t h e i r country. 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