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The transformation of a captured city : New Westminster, B.C. 1945-1991 Noah, Earl G. 1992

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THE TRANSFORMATION OF A CAPTURED CITY:NEW WESTMINSTER, B.C. 1945 - 1991BYEARL G. NOAH Jr.B.A. (Honours), Simon Fraser University, 1988A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OFTHE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OFMASTER OF ARTSinTHE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIESDEPARTMENT OF GEOGRAPHYWe accept this thesis as conformingto the required standardTHE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIAApril 1992© Earl G. Noah Jr. 1992In presenting this thesis in partial fulfillment of therequirements for an advanced degree at the Universityof British Columbia., I agree that the Library shallmake it freely available for reference and study. Ifurther agree that permission for extensive copying ofthis thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted bythe head of my department or by his or herrepresentatives. It is understood that copying orpublication of this thesis for financial gain shall notbe allowed without my written permission.Department of  GeographyThe University of British Columbia,Vancouver, CanadaDate IIABSTRACTThe envelopment of small, pre-existing cities into theurban field of larger metropoles is a neglected area ofgeographic inquiry. Smaller established cities oftenmaintain distinctive identity and possess an internalcohesion and vitality which in time is significantlydisrupted by an advancing metropolitan frontier. As thewave of metropolitan influence flows outwards, the secondarycities are metaphorically "captured" and in the processtheir unique identities are eroded. New Westminster, B.C.,has been chosen to examine the complex processes thatmaintain or transform captured cities.The viability and coherence of New Westminster isinterpreted within a theoretical framework utilizingconcepts arising from Jane Jacobs's urban commentary,social science research derived from systemics and non-equilibrium thermodynamics, and the urban field model. Thisframework is operationalized by the use of surrogatemeasures, such as retail sales, traffic flows and the MayDay festival, to indicate the interrelationships among thevarious economic, political, community, cultural anddemographic forces. The framework documents the stabilityof New Westminster between 1945 and 1956, its deteriorationfrom 1957 to 1983 and its tentative revitalization in theIII1980s and 1990s. This analysis permits the presentation ofa model that accounts for the transformation of a capturedcity.Table of ContentsPith-00.J l4.c:i3 ern en A'S1. The Transformation of Captured Cities 	  12. Characteristics of Stable Urban Entities 	 142.1 Cities as Dissipative Structures 	 142.2 Urban Centres and Work 	 222.3 Urban Structure 	 323. The Coherence of New Westminster 	 463.1 New Westminster: The Formative Period(1859-1868) 	 473.2 The Expansion of New Westminster 1868-1913	 503.3 The Trend Towards Stability 1913-1930s 	 604. Stability in New Westminster: 1940s and 1950s	 784.1 Economic and Demographic Expansion 	 784.2 Elements of Community Integration 	 954.3 Summation 	 1035. Stagnation and Decline: 1956 to 1967 	 1165.1 Introduction 	 1165.2 Economic Transformation 	 1185.21 Industry 	 1195.22 Port 	 1245.23 Retailing 	 1285.24 Regional Transformation 	 1395.3 Demographics 	 1485.4 Community and Perceptual Shifts 	 1545.41 Neighbourhood Stability 	 1555.42 Community Integration 	 1595.43 New Westminster's Profile 	 1665.5 Summation and Elaboration 	 1776. Deterioration and Instability: 1967 to 1985 	 2026.1 Introduction 	 2026.2 Economic Deterioration 	 2036.21 Industry 	 2046.22 Port 	 2126.23 Retailing 	 2136.24 Transportation 	 2266.3 Demographics 	 2286.4 Community, Social and Perceptual Shifts 	 2336.41 Neighbourhood Change 	 2336.42 Community Integration 	 2396.43 New Westminster's Media Profile 	 2466.5 Summation and Elaboration 	 2527. 	 Renewal: 1983 to 1991 	 2687.1 Introduction 	 2687.2 Economic Transformation 	 2697.21 Automotive Retailing 	 2707.22 Health 	 272V7.23 Business and Personal Services	2737.3 The Downtown Revitalization 	 2757.31 Origins 	 2767.32 The First Capital City DevelopmentCorporation 	 2797.33 The Revitalization Strategy	 2827.34 Assessment 	 2857.4 Community Integration 	 2887.5 Summation 	 2938	 New Westminster, Dissipation and Envelopment 	 312Bibliography 	 326ACKNOWLEDGEMENTSMany people provided the support, help and guidancenecessary for the completion of this thesis. I would like toextend my deepest thanks and gratitude to the followingpeople and institutions for the help they have provided me.Although each contributed significantly to this thesis, noneare responsible for the views expressed here, which are myown. Walter Hardwick and David Ley gave their time,patience, perceptive comments and guidance in thecompletion of this manuscript.I am indebted to Archie Miller and Valerie Francis ofthe Irving House Historical Centre, the staff of the NewWestminster Public Library and Mr. M.G. Thomson for theassistance and advice they provided. I am grateful toGraham Farstad, Denis Cocke and Jack Cullen for agreeing toto be interviewed.My thanks to the Fraser River Harbour Commission forpermission to reproduce Figure 1 and to the New WestminsterPublic Library for Figures 5 and 6.The completion of this thesis would not have beenpossible for the emotional and critical support of Katie,Richard, Yasmeen and Melanie, my family and my many otherfriends.ICHAPTER 1THE TRANSFORMATIONOF CAPTURED CITIESThe study of cities as distinct entities, although areoccurring theme of geographic research since the 1920s,was only formally recognized by the discipline in the'1950s. 1 Since then urban geography has undergone numerousparadigmatic shifts, but many of the models and conceptual-izations continue to treat urban entities as either amononuclear centre or a relatively ubiquitous metropolitanregion. 2 The desire for universality implicit in theseconceptualizations mask many subtle variations in the urbanfabric of metropolitan regions. Even the more recent conceptof an urban field has often neglected significant variationswithin a particular metropolitan region. 3One neglected area of urban research is an examinationof the envelopment of small, pre-existing cities into theurban field of larger metropoles. These established smallercities often maintain a distinctive identity and possessan internal cohesion and vitality which is profoundlydisrupted by the advancing metropolitan frontier. As thewave of metropolitan influence of the larger central cityflows outwards, the secondary cities are metaphorically"captured" and in the process the unique identity of the2smaller cities is eroded. The multiplicity of activities andfunctions which gave continuity to these cities before theirenvelopment are often severely curtailed in the new context.These transformations have and have had substantialimplications for the inhabitants of these cities.The explicit recognition of the existence of capturedurban centres challenges the traditional mononuclearconceptualization of the North American city. Many of themodels of the city accept the notion that there is but onecentre, called the Central Business District, or C.B.D.. 4While this may have been true of the compact "industrial"city of the 1880s, with its limited means of transport, 5this is not necessarily the case in post-1945 North Americanurban regions. 6 Suburbanization, the de-industrializationof the urban core, and the development of suburban shoppingcentres, followed in the 1970s by the emergence of suburban"town centres", radically changed the traditional urbanpattern. ? This change may be accelerating as the develop-ment of various information technologies further affectsurban patterns of organization and, in the future, thenature of work and leisute may be substantially transformed.Thus the traditional core focused orientation of much urbanresearch needs to be tempered by a greater recognition ofthe existence of new suburban nodes and older captured urbanentities.3The concept of an "urban field" offers a more appropri-ate conceptualization of the contemporary urban reality. 8The "urban field may be described as a vast multi-centredregion having relatively low density, whose form evolvesfrom a finely articulated network of social and economiclinkages." 9 In other words, the concept of an urban fieldis analogous to the electromagnetic fields generated byelectromagnets, with the precise influence of each "magnet"being dependent upon its relative size and location inrelation to other "magnets". 10 The formerly dominant corecities are no longer seen as the single focus of the entiremetropolitan region, but rather specialized centres within acomplex urban fabric. 11 The concept of an urban field istherefore able to present a more subtle and flexible frame-work for the examination of specific urban places than theolder models. However, even though the urban field is anadvance over the older descriptive models, it still suffersfrom an equilibrium view of reality which prevents a dynamicinterpretation.Cities are not static structures, but rather dynamicentities which undergo constant transformation. The theoriesutilized in interpreting urban entities must thereforeaddress their viability and persistence. 12 Some urbanentities maintain their viability and expand or stabilize,while others show manifestations of dissipation. The case ofa captured urban centre provides an opportunity to explore4the complex interrelationships among economic, political,community, cultural, and demographic forces that maintain ortransform urban entities, either positively or negatively.The theoretical concepts on urban viability arising fromJane Jacobs' urban commentary, 13 contemporary socialscience research derived from systemics 14 and non-equili-brium thermodynamics, 15 and the urban field model areincorporated to provide a framework through which to inter-pret the specific case of a captured urban centre, New West-minster, British Columbia.The framework posits an urban entity as an energy andinformation processing system whose organization andstructure changes over time given both internal and externalforces and fluxes. Urban entities are dynamic human struc-tures which exhibit their own distinct "personality" as aconsequence of their developing and transforming in specificspatial-temporal contexts. 16 This is not an argument foran exceptionalist position. Urban entities have a greatnumber of characteristics in common, especially if they arelocated in a similar socio-economic system and have asimilar development history. However, this uniqueness anddynamism of urban entities was not adequately integratedinto the traditional urban geographic research. Variousmodels advanced by the human ecology and spatial analysistraditions all suffer simplifying assumptions which althoughnecessary for their claim to universality, undermine their5empirical validity. 17 This immutable and immortal perspec-tive of the city was evident whether one examined Hoyt'sSector Model of the 1930s or Alonso's Land Use Theory of the1960s. 18 But a new approach sees cities in flux over time,sometimes insufficient to alter organization and structure,but at times wide enough swings occur to bring about signif-icant transformations.The complexity of the transformation of the capturedcity of New Westminster B.C. renders any simple interpretat-ion of its vitality and adaptability extremely difficult.Nonetheless, a variety of economic, demographic, social andcultural measures are indicative of the maintenance ordeterioration of the city. The economy of the city isdivided into four sectors, industry, the port, commercialactivity, and administrative functions to enable analysis.The viability of the industrial sector is measured by itschanging composition, the number of firms, the total acreageand floor space, and the degree of external or internalcontrol. The degeneration of the port is measured by chang-ing shipping volumes and the progressive deterioration andclosing of the facilities. The commercial and administrativesectors are measured by changes in the number and types ofestablishments in the downtown and uptown areas, trafficvolumes, property values, and the general physical fabric ofthe city. A wide range of sources were consulted includinggovernment publications, newspaper and journal articles,and interviews.6The demographic pattern of the city and the region isinterpreted through the analysis of a variety of indices,including the fluctuating city and regional populations, theage and youth dependency ratios, and the pace of neighbour-hood change. The demographic variables are derived in largemeasure from the various censuses and city directories. Thedescription of these variables is conducted for census yearsonly to maintain comparability between the differentindices. The community and social reality is examined usingthe widest range of primary and secondary sources. Theseinclude a content analysis of the Columbian newspaper,personal interviews with prominent citizens, and the examin-ation of the minutes of various business and communitygroups. The secondary sources draw upon newspaper articles,pamphlets, and television broadcasts. Although many of thecommunity and social groups examined do not persist through-out the entire period some do, like the May Day celebrat-ions, and their successive transformations provide the mostcomprehensive measure of the city's internal cohesion. Col-lectively, these indices permit a comprehensive analysis ofthe utility of this theoretical framework in understandingthe changes wrought by a metropolitan envelopment processupon a stable city.New Westminster is one of the oldest urban centres inBritish Columbia. Its study permits a detailed examination7of the nature and consequences of its subduction under thelarger Vancouver metropolitan region. New Westminster hasbeen the second most important industrial city in theprovince and the major administrative and commercial centrein the Lower Fraser Valley up to World War II. Then in thepostwar period the city became enveloped by the urban fieldof Vancouver. This reality enables an investigation of theprocesses by which a once stable entity is disrupted, dissi-pated, and subsequently adapts to a new internal andexternal environment.This thesis is organized around several temporalsequences which describe New Westminster's transformation.In choosing this format the fact that processes and forcescontinue in intervening years and, in combination, may leadto substantive changes is not ignored. Chapter Two discussesJacobs' urban commentary, Richard Adams' energetics,C. Dyke's application of non-equilibrium thermodynamics tocities, and Blumenfeld's concept of an urban field.These provide the basis of a theoretical framework for adynamic interpretation of the viability and stability ofcaptured small cities. Chapter Three describes the growthand development of New Westminster from the 1850s to 1940 inorder to explain the city's origins. Chapter Four is con-cerned with documenting the city's growth and coherence from1945 to 1956, and interpreting how the various economic,demographic, community, and perceptual elements contributed8to the city's stability.Chapters Five and Six discuss the increasing instabil-ity in New Westminster as its regional influence and intern-al coherence decayed between 1956 and 1983. Chapter Fiveshows how some sectors of the economy deteriorated while thedemographic and community measures remained stable in theperiod from 1956 to 1966. Chapter Six traces the subsequenteconomic deterioration, demographic decline, and communityinstability between 1967 and 1983. In this period New West-minster was completely enveloped by the Vancouver metropol-itan region. Chapter Seven describes the reversal of theprocesses of dissipation and the slow renewal of the citydue to a partial recovery of some of its economic sectorsand the implementation of the waterfront revitalizationprogram. It assesses both the role of its citizens and theinfluence of external interests, both private and govern-mental, in this revitalization. Finally, in the Conclusion,an interpretation of the adequacy of these theoretical per-spectives and the creation of a model of how a stable urbanentity is transformed as a consequence of its incorporationinto a larger metropolitan region are pursued.9NOTES1 	 Although urban geography only received widespreadinstitutional recognition in the postwar era, manygeographers had been actively studying cities since the1920s. For a review of their work see:Robert E. Dickinson, "The Scope and Status ofUrban Geography: An Assessment", eds., Harold M. Mayerand Clyde F. Kohn, Readings in Urban Geography,Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1959, pp. 10-26.2 	 For a good introduction to the various traditionalmodels of urban morphology and development see:David T. Herbert and Colin J. Thomas, Urban Geography: A First Approach, New York: John Wiley andSons, 1982.3 	 The single exception to this mononuclear concept-ion of the city was the multi-nuclei model proposed byHarris and Ullman in 1945. Its main distinctive qualitywas its abandonment of the central business district asthe sole focus of the city and instead replacing itwith a series of discrete nuclei around which land useswere organized. As with all the models of urban mor-phology, it still presented a static view of the cityover time.10Chauncey D. Harris and Edward L. Ullman, "TheNature of Cities", Mayer and Kohn (1959), pp. 277-286.4 	 This was especially evident in some of theearlier, more abstract, research on the concept. Forexample see:Hans Blumenfeld, "The Urban Pattern", translatedand edited by Paul D. Spreiregen, The Modern Metro-polis: Its Origins, Growth, Characteristics, and Planning, Montreal: Harvest House, 1967, pp. 50-60.5 	 The invention and utilization of electric street-cars in the late 1880s and 1890s greatly extended thephysical limits of the city and permitted the beginningof the large scale suburbanization of metropolitanpopulations in North America. See:James E. Vance Jr., The Continuing City: Urban Morphology in Western Civilization, Baltimore: JohnHopkins University Press, 1990, pp. 384-392.6 	 Blumenfeld (1967).7 	 The decentralization of housing, industry,specialized services, and office jobs has led somecommentators to posit the notion that an entirely newurban form has been created in the once exclusivelyresidential suburbs. For example see:11Robert Fishman, Bourgeois Utopias: The Rise and Fall of Suburbia, New York: Basic Books, 1987.8 	 The concept of an "urban field" may be tracedback to the early work of Jean Gottmann and his conceptof "circulation". For example see:Jean Gottmann,"Megalopolis, or the Urbanization ofthe Northeast Seaboard", Mayer and Kohn (1959), pp. 46-57.9 	 J.R. Friedmann, "The urban field as a human habitat",eds., L.S. Bourne and J.W. Simmons, Systems of Cities: Readings on Structure, Growth and Policy, New York:Oxford University Press, 1978, p.42.10 	 The lines of force radiating from an urban centreinclude the movement of goods and services, informationand capital flows, and population migration. The inten-sity of the contacts between urban centres and theirhinterlands and other urban centres is an indication oftheir relative influence and attractiveness.11 	 Leonard O. Gertler and Ron Crowley, Changing CanadianCities: The Next 25 Years, Toronto: McClelland andStewart, 1977.12 	 Viability may be described as the ability of an12urban entity to either maintain its stability or tosuccessfully adapt to changing internal and externalforces. This does not mean that the entity is alwaysexactly the same, but rather that it is able to read-just its internal structures in order to grow orstabilize.13 	 The two principal works consulted are: JaneJacobs, The Economy of Cities, New York: Random House,1969; and Jacobs, Cities and the Wealth of Nations,New York: Vintage Books, 1984.14 	 Systemics is a monistic philosophy which rejectsthe artificial dualisms of mind-body and natural-socialwhich permeate contemporary philosophies. Systemicsviews human social systems as being a concrete systemof interconnected individuals. See:Mario Bunge, Treatise on Basic Philosophy, Volume 6, Dordrecht, Netherlands: D. Reidel Publishing, 1983.15 	 C. Dyke, The Evolutionary Dynamics of Complex Systems,New York: Oxford University Press, 1988, p.113.16 	 A.G. Wissink, American Cities in Perspective, Assen,The Netherlands: Royal Van Gorcum, 1962, p.2.17 	 David Ley, A Social Geography of the City, New York:Harper and Row, 1983, pp. 24-27.1318 	 For a discussion of the many assumptions builtinto the various urban models see:M.G. Bradford and W.A. Kent, Human Geography: Theories and their applications, Oxford: Oxford Univer-sity Press, 1977.1 4CHAPTER 2THE CHARACTERISTICS OF STABLEURBAN ENTITIES2.1	 CITIES AS DISSIPATIVE STRUCTURESRather than being static entities cities comprisepersons and institutions within a physical context which arein constant flux. Cities are energy and information proces-sing systems whose organization and structure change overtime due to both internal and external forces and fluxes.In interpreting the transformation of a captured city atheoretical framework derived from a variety of separate,but compatible, theoretical perspectives is constructed. Thetheoretical framework posits a dynamic interpretation ofurban entities which fundamentally differs from the tradit-ional, static, equilibrium-seeking models of urban geographyand economics. 1 The theoretical framework is derived fromAdams' application of energetics to human structures, 2Dyke's work on non-equilibrium thermodynamics, 3 Jacobs'urban commentary, 4 and Blumenfeld's urban field model. 5The theoretical framework emphasizes stability, not equilib-rium, as being the dominant condition in human entities. 6Stability posits that an entity exists in a state of15constant flux far from equilibrium. Stability is thus not astatic state but rather a range of states which an entityexperiences while maintaining its internal coherence. Itwill only collapse when and/or where it cannot adapt to newcircumstances. 7 One author who attempts to apply theseconcepts emerging from the life sciences to social scienceis the anthropologist Richard Adams, especially his study ofBritain during the nineteenth century. 8 Adams argues that"human society can expand and become more complex only insome direct relationship to the amount of energy itconsumes...". 9 This theoretical perspective draws heavilyupon energetics. 10 All material things that have thecapacity of "doing work", including information, are des-cribed as energy. 11 Energy is presented as the basic unitwhich largely shapes the social forms and processes and bystudying the various kinds of energy flows and structures,the degree of stability in any social system or entity canbe assessed.Society, in Adams' view, is therefore "composed of theenergy it consumes". 12 Human society is an open system andas a consequence it is always in a state of constant fluc-tuation. This fluctuation is produced both by its internalstructure and irregularities contained within the widerexternal environment. Human society is always readjusting tonew sets of internal and external stimuli. The precisenature of any change which occurs within a given society is16directly the result of the coincidence of specific temporaland spatial factors. These processes may be quite unpredict-able, so in periods of change the only certain forecast isthat new order will emerge. Therefore, any explanation ortheories which are developed to interpret human society mustbe dynamic if they are to be relevant beyond the specificspatial and historic moment of their creation.Human societies can nonetheless achieve a steady statefor significant periods of time. However this steady stateor stability cannot be maintained indefinitely, Adams be-lieves that human societies, like other natural structures,will inevitably create an expanding entropy debt which willcause the entity to decline. Growth or adaptation are thecardinal principles of life in his view and as a conse-quence, equilibrium is a reflection of something inhibitingthis dynamic process and not the achievement of somepenultimate utopia. 13 Human societies thus survive onlyas long as they are able to adapt to the changing internaland external contexts and that expansion is necessary for asociety's continued viability. 14 In this theoreticalperspective, the concept of "no growth", if ever enacted,would result in the immediate decline and dissipation of anyhuman society.Adams' energetics provides a dynamic interpretation ofthe viability and development of human societies, organizat-17ions, and structures. However, while the basic tenets ofAdams' energetics are utilized, the concepts are exceedinglydifficult to operationalize. 15 Adams' concepts require theinterpretation of "energy" measures, such as per capitaenergy consumption and investment flows, 18 which are notreadily available for small geographic entities such as NewWestminster. As a result, other surrogate measures areemployed such as property values, retail sales, economicoutput and traffic flows to indicate the degree to whichenergy is being transformed by the city. The cumulativepatterns generated by these measures will enable an inter-pretation of the changing viability of New Westminster.The scale at which these concepts and techniques havebeen applied so far has generally been at the societal ornational level. The discussion of the processes and forcesoperating at an urban scale is conducted at a very abstractlevel. One proponent of the application of these and similarconcepts to a dynamic analysis of cities is C. Dyke. 17Dyke take as his principal point of departure the applicat-ion of non-equilibrium thermodynamics to economicsystems. 18 Dyke utilizes many of the same basic conceptsas Adams, but he modifies and elaborates upon them toimprove their applicability to cities. 19 The specificurban focus of Dyke's concepts renders them far more direct-ly applicable to an interpretation of New Westminster. Thecentral tenet of Dyke's work, and of this thesis, is that18cities are a special form of dissipative structures whichexhibit all the basic characteristics.Dissipative structures "are spontaneously arisingstable configurations within an energy flux". 20 Dissi-pative structures maintain their internal cohesion byutilizing the surrounding energy fluxes and dissipating thedegraded forms of matter and energy into the encapsulatingenvironment. 21 The dissipative structure is thus only ableto maintain its internal coherence as long as it is able toreceive a continual influx of usable energy and matter tosustain and reproduce itself. 22 Dissipative structures,especially human structures and organizations, may be ableto maintain themselves temporarily at any given equilibriumstate but, they will be incapable of maintaining theequilibrium indefinitely. The principal cause of thisinstability is the fact that by maintaining its internalorder, the dissipative structure has been accumulating an"entropy debt" which results in increasing disorder in theenvironment. 23 As all dissipative structures are opensystems, the increasing disorder in the environment willinevitably result in decreasing order within the internalcoherence of the dissipative structure. 24A dissipative structure will therefore ultimately reacha bifurcation point when it will undergo a significanttransformation. A bifurcation point is a general state lying19"far from equilibrium where we cannot tell which of two (ormore) entries (events) will appear." 25 The dissipativestructure will be forced either to adapt to the new externaland internal conditions or, if it is unable to adapt, thestructure will begin to decline or die. The exact responsewhich any given dissipative structure will develop to thenew conditions is largely dependent upon its internal order.The same conditions applied to different dissipativestructures will result in different responses. It istherefore impossible to predict the response of any givenstructure without possessing a complete comprehension of itsinternal order. The internal cohesion of a structure isnot static either, it undergoes various transformations asthe structure grows, stagnates or declines.As a consequence of these transformations, the variouspermutations of possible outcomes are very difficult topredict. The dynamic character of the various external andinternal conditions renders any a priori predictions highlysuspect. This is even more obviously the case when oneattempts to examine human structures and systems. Althoughall humans are constrained to some degree by an array ofpolitical, cultural, economic, biological, and socialinhibitions, humans still possess a certain amount of "freechoice" within a range of limited options. It is the veryunstable nature of our collective and individual possibilityspace which renders precise prediction or interpretation20almost impossible. The objective of research thus becomesthe presentation of a spectrum of possible outcomes and acontingent interpretation.Cities or urban centres are one type of dissipativestructure and as such they exhibit many of the basiccharacteristics. Urban centres are dynamic entities existingwithin an open system that generally possess a great deal ofinternal coherence. Urban centres are in part dependentupon external flows of capital, labour, natural resources,and information to maintain their internal integrity. How-ever, cities are also self-generative structures producingmany of the energy and matter flows required for theirstability. Cities are the principal sites for the generationof capital, technological change, cultural and socialinnovations, and economic activity. Thus, there is no simpleexchange between an urban centre and its surrounding envir-onment, but rather an intricate situation in which eachtransforms, and is transformed by, the other. Urban centresoften modify and increase the complexity of these variousflows before dissipating them. The form and depth of thisinterdependency is extremely volatile, although the urbancentre is never unaffected by its environment.Cities are thus dependent upon the nature of theexternal environment, the amount of energy that flows intothem, and their self generative ability to produce and21modify their own energy flows. 26 A city's self generativeability is a direct function of its internal organizationand coherence. The nature, diversity, and adaptability of acity's internal coherence will largely determine its viabil-ity, especially during period of instability in the externalenvironment. A city which is incapable of adequately per-forming this self generative function will become increas-ingly dependent upon external support and may ultimatelydissipate. 27Dyke also makes an important distinction between twotypes of energy flows: gradient-seeking flows and organizat-ion-promoting flows. 28 Gradient-seeking flows are tradepatterns which do not significantly augment a city'sinternal coherence and organization. Gradient-seeking flowslargely pass through a city on their way to another finaldestination or, if they do terminate in the city, simplypromote the maintenance of a state of equilibrium. The move-ment of goods and services through a port, such as at PrinceRupert, is an excellent example of this type of flow as noneof the goods or services being shipped remain in the city touse in its own development. 29 Organization-promoting flowshave all or at least part of their energy and matterutilized by the city to create new internal structures andadapt to the changing internal and external environments.Thus, the types of trade patterns and energy flows that acity receives will significantly influence the degree towhich it can remain viable.22In examining the transformations which occur in NewWestminster, Dyke's concepts are more readily operationaliz-ed from the available data. The division of the interpretat-ion into economic, demographic, and social and communitycomponents permits an examination of the complex, and occas-ionally contradictory, processes of growth and dissipation.The self generative ability of New Westminster is interpret-ed from a variety of measures including the amount and typeof industrial activity, the diversity and persistence ofcommercial and administrative functions, demographic vari-ables, such as the age and youth dependency ratios, and thepersistence, emergence, and success of various business,community, and cultural organizations in the city. Theinterpretation of the complex network of external and inter-nal processes and structures which shaped the city, and thetype of energy flows received and generated, are of para-mount importance in understanding the transformation of NewWestminster.2.2 	 URBAN CENTRES AND WORKAnother source of similar, although independentlyderived, theoretical concepts may be encountered in the workof Jane Jacobs. It is Jacobs' central thesis that cities,23and not the nation-state nor the countryside, are theprincipal generators of economic growth and development. 30The various nation-states are seen as political or militaryentities which contain a wide range of different economies.Cities are the dominant organizing structures in humansociety because "it is in cities that new goods and servicesare first created. Even innovations created specifically forfarming depend directly upon earlier developments of citywork." 31 The failure on the part of academics, planners,and politicians to recognize this reality is to Jacobs oneof the main causes of the dismal state of the world'seconomy and environment.Cities expand and develop through the simultaneousprocess of adding new work and import substitution. Thesetwo concepts are crucial to any interpretation of New West-minster. When cities create new work, it does not appearfrom nowhere, but instead arises from pre-existing olderwork. 32 The new work is added onto a fragment of the olderwork which in turn results in the development of moredivisions of labour. 33 The increasing complexification ofthe urban centre's division of labour constantly yields upnew possibilities for innovation and invention. The neteffect is very similar to Pred's cumulative causation modelin which the addition of a new or enlarged industry willexert a multiplier effect upon the local economy, resultingin an expanded market and offering the possibility of new24inventions or innovations. 34 In both of these conceptual-izations, it is the development of new goods, services, andideas which provides the basis for the urban centre'simproved adaptation to the surrounding environment and itsinternal tensions.The "new work" developed by an urban centre is, how-ever, far more than the simple specialization of existingolder work. "Division of labour, in itself, createsnothing." 35 The minute specialization of tasks, such asthe divisions which exist along an assembly line or within alarge, reified organization, may be "efficient" in a narrow,short term sense, but it offers little prospect of adapt-ation or innovation in conjunction with changing internaland external fluxes. Thus, it is generally true that theinnovations and inventions which propel an urban centre'sdevelopment and adaptation do not often occur in largeorganizations.Import substitution is also critically important forthe long term viability of urban centres. Import-replacingcities, to use Jacobs' term, grow and diversify byreplacing not only the finished goods they import but alsomany of the producer's goods and services. 36 The simplereplacement of the finished product alone will be moredifficult and will not generate a significant amount ofgrowth if the various ancillary goods and services which are25needed in the production process are not also available. Theintricate network of linkages and innovations produced bythe slow, erratic and apparently disorganized replacement ofselected imports provides the flexible internal cohesionnecessary for a city to survive. Import substitution is adynamic process which is never wholly complete and everycity must undergo periodic episodes of import-replacementand adaptation in order to avoid stagnation and decline. 37Yet not all cities are capable of performing this self-organizing function. Only import-replacing cities arecapable of constructive internal generation of capital,goods, services, and information. 38 Cities which areincapable of import substitution become dominantly dependentupon influxes from the external environment to maintaintheir internal coherence. These "passive economies" or puredissipative structures can only exist in a complex state ifa continual supply of external energy is provided. Govern-ment transfer payments, regional development grants, andspecifically relocated businesses or institutions are theprincipal means by which these dissipating entities are"propped-up". Most urban centres in the Maritimes and mostsingle resource towns fit into this category. The absence ofthis external support will result in the decline anddissipation of these cities. 39Import substitution is based upon the ability of the26city to generate sufficient exports to pay for all thedifferent imports. The type and volume of exports from acity will exert a profound influence on the quality andquantity of imports it is capable of acquiring. This concepthas long been recognized in urban studies and formed thebasis for several models of development. 40 However, thesimple export of goods and services will not guarantee theviability of an urban centre if import substitution does notoccur. All viable cities are constantly striving to replacetheir imports with indigenous production. As a result, thecomposition of a city's imports will change over time as newneeds emerge as a consequence of previous periods of importsubstitution. 41 A city which specializes in only a fewexport products and makes no attempt to replace its importswill therefore inevitably decline as the aggregate demandfor its goods or services falls. This scenario has occurredmany times in the past. 42Import substitution must also be an internallygenerated process. The internal structure or coherence of anurban centre is extremely important in determining itspotential adaptability. As has been mentioned above, largeorganizations with rigid divisions of labour are not usuallythe dominant source of new inventions and innovations.Cities possessing a large number of specialized, flexiblefirms will be more likely to respond and adapt to new cond-itions in the encapsulating environment. Flexible speciali-27zation and a condition of permanent innovation are critical-ly important for a city to maintain its viability. 43 Theapparent anarchy and inefficiency of such an urban centre isexactly what permits the possibility of a successfulresponse to changing conditions. 44 A city dominated by asingle large organization or a city lacking the diversity ofsmaller firms in related and ancillary sectors of theeconomy is highly non-adaptive and is extremely vulnerableto internal or external change.The importance of small organizations to the viabilityand growth of cities has been an emerging theme in manydevelopment debates. 45 Small businesses have emerged asthe "principal generators of economic growth and employmentin Canada". 46 The failure of national governments to dealeffectively with the high unemployment rates, economic dis-location, and local and regional inequalities of the 1980shas resulted in many municipalities in the developed worldtaking the initiative to promote indigenous organizat-ions. 47 The technological changes which have occurred inthe last three decades have made adaptability one of theprime prerequisites of firm or urban viability. 48 Thevision of the large, vertically or horizontally integratedmultinational corporation as the pinnacle of economicdevelopment has now become increasingly questionable.Small organizations are also important to the growth28and development of cities because, unlike large multi-national corporations, small businesses are more closelytied to their specific urban centre. The ability of largemultinational corporations to shift their productiveprocesses in response to changes in profitability and theessentially "placeless" nature of such large organizationshave rendered them dubious sources of long term urbanviability. 49 This does not mean, however, that largeorganizations are not important to urban centres. Smallbusinesses are prone to high failure rates, fierce competit-ion, capital shortages, and lower wages, particularly in theservice sector. 50 Large organizations, both corporate andgovernmental, are far more "efficient" than smaller firms,in aggregate account for a large portion of the totalnational employment, and through their purchases provide thenecessary markets or linkages for smaller firms. Thus, adynamic urban centre will require a diversified balancebetween large and small organizations over many sectors ofeconomic activity.The development associated with a dynamic import-replacing city is not totally confined to its legal orphysical limits. In Jacobs' scheme, the expansion whichresults from import-replacement is composed of five forcesor flows of growth: "abruptly enlarged city markets for newand different imports... ; abruptly increased numbers andkinds of jobs... ; increased transplants of city work into2 9non-urban locations as older enterprises are crowded out;new uses for technology... ; and the growth of citycapital." 51 The five forces all combine to create a dynam-ic city region. Of course, not all cities develop their owncity regions and some of those that do only exert a limitedinfluence on the surrounding area. Nevertheless, all five ofthese forces are supposed to be present in import-replacingcities. 52 The absence of any one of these forces willresult in the steady dissipation of the city.The steady, adaptive development of any urban centre isnever guaranteed. Every import-replacing city must undergosuccessive periods of innovation and adaptation in order tocontinue to prosper. The decline of established urbancentres is therefore a dynamic process. Cities, like otherdissipative structures, rarely just suddenly collapse butrather experience a process of steady deterioration. Citieswhich fail to adapt to their changing environment may findthat their exports are no longer able to pay for the importswhich they need, or that their industries cannot produce newproducts utilizing the latest technology. As this processworsens, the city may become even more dependent upon otherimport-replacing cities to maintain its internal structure.The visible manifestation of the deterioration of the city'sinternal coherence is the prevalence of urban blight andgrowing poverty. The process of decline is extremelydifficult to reverse, especially given its cumulative andalmost self-sustaining nature.30The application of the concepts of new work, importsubstitution, and the flexibility of small firms to NewWestminster permits an interpretation of the city's economicviability throughout the entire study period. By examiningthe changing composition, area, and value of the industrial,port, commercial, and administrative sectors in New Westmin-ster the degree of innovation and adaptation can readily beassessed. The presence or absence of new industries orestablishments can be utilized to interpret the degree ofnew work or import substitution which is, or is not, pre-sent. The flexibility and innovative potential of the citycan also be inferred by examining the degree of localcontrol in the industrial sector. Thus, Jacobs' conceptscomplement and elaborate upon the earlier theoretical con-structs and permit a more detailed interpretation of NewWestminster's various transformations. The utility ofJacobs' concepts is demonstrated by their application to thespecific cases of Manchester and Birmingham.The differing developmental histories of the cities ofManchester and Birmingham graphically illustrate theseprinciples. Manchester, during the nineteenth century, wasoften portrayed by a wide number of observers as being theculmination of industrial development. 53 Manchester hadachieved spectacular rates of growth during the nineteenthcentury based upon the cotton industry. Manchester's large,31efficient textile mills seemed to be the pinnacle ofeconomic organization. 54 Birmingham, on the other hand,lacked any well defined specialization and most of thecity's industrial activity was conducted in small workshops.Birmingham possessed a greater diversity of occupations, asmaller proletariat, and greater social mobility thanManchester. 55 These characteristics were largely ignoredby contemporary and later commentators.In the long term, however, Birmingham turned out to bethe more viable of the two urban centres. The collapse ofthe cotton industry in the twentieth century meant economicdecline for Manchester. 56 The large, efficient mills wereincapable of adapting to the changing world economy. Theover-specialization of Manchester and its inability toreplace most of the imports it received resulted in wide-spread unemployment and economic stagnation. Birmingham'seconomy, however, continued to adapt to the changingcircumstances. The small workshops proved to be far moreflexible and innovative than large firms. 57 WhileBirmingham has suffered as a result of Britain's decliningprosperity and world position, it has maintained itsinternal cohesion and possesses a greater possibility ofcontinued prosperity. Thus, by generating new work, and dueto the small scale nature of its enterprises, Birmingham wasable to adapt to the new external environment and prosper.322.3 	 URBAN STRUCTUREThis discussion generally neglects the spatialstructure of urban centres. The internal structure of urbancentres has been an area of prolonged interest and inquiryin urban geography. 58 Many of the early models andconcepts which were proposed and applied suffered from arelatively static vision of the city. 59 The focus upon thesearch for universal laws of urban structure and form inNorth American urban geography in the 1950s and 1960screated a series of narrow conceptualizations which have notbeen able to adapt adequately to contemporary circumstances.Since the 1960s, however, a series of new visions of theurban fabric have emerged which present a more completeinterpretation.One of the most distinguished advocates of a new visionwas Hans Blumenfeld. Blumenfeld rejected a static concept ofthe city and instead stressed the self generation of metro-politan regions within North America. A metropolitan regionis defined "as a commuting watershed or as a common labourmarket and a common housing market." 6° His concept of ametropolitan region explicitly recognizes that there hasbeen a fundamental change in the composition of urbancentres since the early twentieth century. Blumenfeld'smetropolis is a combination of the "central ruling and33organizing function of the town with the function of beingthe major seat of material production." 61 The metropolitanregion, unlike the "big city", is both a place "to make aliving" and a place to "live the good life". 62 The metro-polis is a complex urban fabric in which a series of sign-ificant nodes and areas are woven together to form aninterdependent whole.The application of Blumenfeld's concept to New Westmin-ster permits the most explicit interpretation of the chang-ing spatial context within the Greater Vancouver region. Byexamining traffic flow data, market surveys, the pattern ofshopping centre development, and employment and labour forcedata, the spatial influence of New Westminster and itsposition within the metropolitan region is assessed. Thisconcept also aids in the identification of the precisemoment when New Westminster was captured by the metropolitanregion. The emphasis upon flows between or in cities inBlumenfeld's concept makes it readily adaptable to thetheoretical components.Blumenfeld's concept of a metropolitan region has agreat deal in common with Jacobs' notion of an urban region.Both concepts envision an extended urban field linked to acentral city or metropolis and stress the transformativenature of the forces which flow to and from the surroundingareas. The principal differences between the two concepts34lies in Blumenfeld's more explicit delineation of the limitsof the metropolitan region and his slightly greater emphasisupon the generative characteristics of other nodes or urbancentres within the urban region. 63 While these distinct-ions are subtle and perhaps overdrawn, the greater emphasison the "outer city" in Blumenfeld's work renders it moreappropriate to this study.The evolution of the North American metropolis in thepostwar period is also important in interpreting the trans-formation of New Westminster. A metropolitan region, al-though still influenced by a central city, is no longercompletely dependent upon the core. In the United States thesuburbanization and decentralization of industry,residences, retailing, and wholesaling activities has re-duced the productive and distributive importance of the oldcore cities relative to those in the suburbs and beyond. Thesuburban shopping centre, formerly just a response to resi-dential growth on the periphery, has undergone a series oftransformations. 64 Shopping centres have evolved frompurely retail ventures to multi-use "downtowns at theperiphery" that form and organize the space around them. 65These suburban or peripheral nodes have been experiencing asignificant amount of growth in recent years, both in theUnited States and to a lesser extent in Canada. The CentralBusiness District of the old core city, although still veryimportant, has seen its dominance eroded. The cumulative35effect of these and other transformations in the UnitedStates has been a decline of many inner cities and increasedsocial and spatial polarization.In the Canadian context, the central city has continuedto exert a far greater degree of dominance over the metro-politan region. Canadian central cities have not experiencedthe "counter-urbanization" trend which has appeared in theUnited States. 66 As well, a greater proportion of themetropolitan region's economic activity continues to beconcentrated in the central city. 67 The particulareconomic, political, social, and cultural characteristicswhich distinguish Canada from the United States have givenrise to metropolitan regions and urban centres whichsignificantly differ from their American counterparts. Thus,the same global or regional forces may elicit quite differ-ent responses from Canadian and American cities. This evol-ution of the metropolitan region offers two possible out-comes for New Westminster. The city could either lose econ-omic activities due to its status as an older "core" city orit could gain both economic activities and population due todecentralization from Downtown Vancouver. The actual outcomeis discussed in the main text.The most significant oversight in the wider discussionof metropolitan regions has been the neglect of the import-ance of older, established urban centres which have been36subsumed over time into the metropolitan urban field. Thechanging viability, coherence, and importance of thesesmaller urban centres has not been adequately examined inthe North American context. The interpretation of the trans-formations which occur when a small industrial city issubsumed under a larger metropolitan region will broaden ourunderstanding of both the complex, interdependent, anddynamic nature of urban centres in the late twentiethcentury and offer further insight into the nature of cities.NOTES1 	 An equilibrium model posits a static state for anentity or structure. In urban geography, equilibriummodels envision a city in which many of the elementsand processes are either unchanging or perfectly"balanced". In reality, these steady states are rareand do not persist for any significant period of timedue to the substantial entropy debt they produce. See:Magnus Blomstrom and Bjorn Hettne, Development Theory in Transition, London: Zed Books, 1984, p.15.2 	 Richard N. Adams, The Paradoxical Harvest, Cambridge:Cambridge University Press, 1982.373 	 C. Dyke, The Evolutionary Dynamics of Complex Systems,New York: Oxford University Press, 1988.4 	 Jane Jacobs, Cities and the Wealth of Nations,New York: Vintage Books, 1984.5 	 Hans Blumenfeld, "The Old City and the Rise of the NewMetropolis", Metropolis ... and Beyond: Selected Essays by Hans Blumenfeld, translated and edited by Paul D.Spreiregen, New York: John Wiley and Sons, 1979,pp. 26-32; and Hans Blumenfeld, "The Urban Pattern",The Modern Metropolis: Its Origins, Growth, Characteristics and Planning, translated and edited byPaul D. Speiregen, Montreal: Harvest House, 1967,pp. 50-60.6 	 The basic belief in the existence of eitheruniversal laws or comprehensive "meta narratives" hasbecome increasingly questioned since the 1960s. In boththe physical and the social sciences, the generalabsence of a world at equilibrium and the culturallyand historically relative nature of all concepts andinstitutions has become apparent. See:John Briggs and F. Donald Peat, Turbulent Mirror: An Illustrated Guide to Chaos Theory and the Science of Wholeness, New York: Harper and Row, 1989; Ian Stewart,Does God Play Dice?: The Mathematics of Chaos, Oxford:38Basil Blackwell, 1989; and Quentin Skinner, ed., TheReturn of Grand Theory in the Human Sciences,Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985.7 	 Richard N. Adams, The Eighth Day, Austin: University ofTexas Press, 1988, p.25.8 	 Adams (1982).9 	 Ibid, p.ix.10 	 Energetics is the study of the manner in whichnatural or human structures or organizations transformand utilize energy flows.11 	 Adams (1982), pp. 12-13.12 	 Ibid, p.17.13 	 Adams (1988), p.38.14 	 Adams (1982), pp. 27-28.15 	 Some attempts have been made to "quantify" inform-ation and matter in energy terms. For example see:Howard T. Odum, "Self-Organization, Transformity,and Information", Science, 242 (November 1988),pp. 1132-1139.3916 	 Adams (1982).17 	 In fact, Dyke is the only researcher that I amaware of who is applying these concepts specifically tourban centres in his published works.18 	 Dyke (1988), p.113.19 	 In the simplest of terms, both Dyke and Adams havedeveloped a dynamic, energy based interpretation ofhuman structures and organizations, stress the import-ance of the internal and external environments to thedevelopment of a city, and accept the unpredictablenature of most outcomes.20 	 Dyke (1988), p.114.21 	 C. Dyke, "Cities as Dissipative Structures", BruceWeber, David Despew, and James Smith, eds., Entropy, Information and Evolution, Cambridge Mass.: M.I.T.Press, 1982, p.356.22 	 Stewart (1989), p.84.23 	 Dyke (1988), p.114.4024 	 This conceptualization has recently been question-ed by Brooks and Wiley who argue that entropy andorganization emerge in parallel. See: Daniel R. Brooksand E.O. Wiley, Evolution as Entropy, 2nd ed., Chicago:University of Chicago, 1980.25 	 Dyke (1988), p.115.26 	 In Dyke's terms these may be classified asendogenous and exogenous factors27 	 Abandoned mining towns and "ghost towns" are vividexamples of the final result of dissipation.28 	 Dyke (1982), pp. 360-362.29 	 The gradient seeking nature of the trade flowspassing through Prince Rupert in part explains why thecity has not achieved metropolitan status despitenumerous efforts to expand, modernize, and promote theport.30 	 Jacobs (1984), p.34.31 	 Jane Jacobs, The Economy of Cities, New York: RandomHouse, 1969, p.9.32 	 Ibid, p.52.4133 	 Ibid, p.55.34 	 Allan Pred, "Industrialization, Initial Advantage, andAmerican Metropolitan Growth", Geographical Review, 55(1965), pp. 158-185.35 	 Jacobs (1969), p.82.36 	 These import-replacing cities may also be describ-ed as strange attractors. A strange attractor is a"structure that emerges from an economic flux and thenbegins to organize that flux." Dyke (1982), p.360.37 	 These episodes or bifurcation points are impos-sible to predict but if they do not occur fairly reg-ularly or the city does not respond adequately, thenurban decline or blight will develop. See:Jacobs (1984), p.41.38 	 In other words, import-replacing cities are cap-able of creating more complex forms of matter andenergy from the external ambient fluxes. Ibid, p.35.39 	 Ibid, p.34.40 	 Charles N. Tiebout, The Community Economic Base Study42Paper No.16, New York: Committee for EconomicDevelopment, 1962.41 	 Jacobs (1969), p.146.42 	 Jacobs cites Montevideo, Uruguay as an example ofthis tendency, but one can easily find cities acrossCanada, such as St. John's, which are equally vulner-able to changes in world trading patterns. Jacobs(1984), pp. 59-64.43 	 M.J. Piore and Chas. Sabel, The Second Industrial Divide, New York: Basic Books, 1984, p.282.44 	 Jacobs (1969), p.90.45 	 See: G. Gappert, ed., The Future of Winter Cities,Beverly Hills: Sage Publications, 1987; Organizationfor Economic Cooperation and Development, New Roles forCities and Towns, Paris: 1987; and Piore and Sabel(1984).46 	 Dan Stankovic, "An Entrepreneurial Approach to LocalEconomic Development", Plan Canada, 27 (March 1987),p.7.47 	 0.E.C.D. (1987), pp. 10-15.4348 	 Arthur J. Cordell, The Uneasy Eighties: The Transition to an Information Society, Background Study 53, Ottawa:The Science Council of Canada, 1985, pp. 60-61.49 	 See: Richard Peet, ed., International Capitalism and Industrial Restructuring, Boston: Allen and Unwin,1987; and Stephen Hymes, " The multinational corporat-ion and the Law of Uneven Development", Hamza Alavi andTeodore Shanin, eds., Introduction to the Sociology of "Developing Societies", New York: Monthly Review Press,1982, pp. 128-152.50 	 Stankovic (1987), p.10.51 	 Jacobs (1984), p.42.52 	 Ibid, p.47.53 	 Both Disraeli and Engels saw Manchester as the"typical" English industrial city and formulated theirviews on industrial society and economic organizationin light of Manchester's conditions. Disraeli cited inJacobs (1969), p.87. and Frederick Engels, TheCondition of the working class in England, translatedand edited by W.D. Henderson and W.H. Chalmen,Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1968.54 	 Jacobs (1969), p.86.4455 	 Asa Briggs, Victorian Cities, Hamondsworth, Middlesex:Penguin Books, 1968, p.186.56 	 Michael Dumford and Diane Perrons, The Arena of Capital, London: Macmillian Press, 1983, pp. 312-313.57 	 For a more comprehensive discussion of these twocities see: Jacobs (1969), pp. 87-90.58 	 See: L.S. Bourne, ed., Internal Structure of the City: Readings on Space and Environment, New York: OxfordUniversity Press, 1971; David T. Herbert and Colin J.Thomas, Urban Geography: A First Approach, New York:John Wiley and Sons, 1982; and Maurice Yeates and BarryGarner, The North American City, 3rd. ed., New York:Harper and Row, 1980.59 	 Most of the various land use models which havebeen proposed are fundamentally ahistorical and containa variety of simplifying assumptions which limit theirreal world applicability. A short, but not exclusive,list of these models includes Burgess's Concentric ZoneModel, Hoyt's Sector Model and Alonso's Land RentModel.60 	 Hans Blumenfeld, "Not a Valid Concept", in Alexander B.45Leman and Ingrid A. Leman, eds., Great Lakes Mega-lopolis: From Civilization to ecumenization, Ottawa:Ministry of State for Urban Affairs, 1976, p.8.61 	 Blumenfeld, "The Old City and the New Metropolis',(1979), p.27.62 	 Blumenfeld, "The Urban Pattern", (1967), p.51.63 	 See: Jacobs (1984) and Blumenfeld (1979), pp. 65-70.64 	 John A. Dawson, Shopping Centre Development, New York:Longman, 1983.65 	 Brian J.L. Berry, "What Lies Ahead for Urban America?",John R. Hitchcock and Anne McMaster, eds., The Metro-polis: Proceedings of a Conference in Honour of Hans Blumenfeld, Toronto: University of Toronto, 1985, p.34.66 	 Len Gertler, "The Changing Metropolis and theBlumenfeld Blues", Hitchcock and McMaster (1985), p.52.67 	 Michael A. Goldberg and John Mercer, The Myth of theNorth American City, Vancouver: UBC Press, 1986,pp. 166-172.1t6CHAPTER 3THE COHERENCE OF NEW WESTMINSTERNew Westminster, B.C. in its formative years was anindependent city with discrete boundaries which, at itszenith, commanded the lower Fraser River. The adaptabilityand cohesion of New Westminster's internal structure,citizens, and organizations enabled its transformation froma monofunctional administrative centre into a significantindustrial and commercial city. These transformations, bothinternal and external, fundamentally altered the city'sviability, regional influence, and boundaries.Cities, as open systems, are exceedingly difficult toprecisely define. All dissipative structures "may find ... anew arrangement that permits them to take different forms,to redefine themselves." 1 Thus, the urban realm of NewWestminster will fluctuate over time with its various phasesof adaptation or decline. At one time or another, parts ofSouth Burnaby and Surrey were functionally integrated withthe city, however, the number of people and activities wasvery small and not very significant during this period. As aresult, this interpretation will generally accept the admin-istrative boundaries of the city, augmented by the inclusionof other areas such as Annacis Island and South Burnabydepending upon the city's vitality and influence.247The acceptance of the administrative boundaries of NewWestminster as the basic unit of interpretation is areflection of the fact that most of the community, social,cultural, and some of the economic data is assembled at themunicipal level. 3 The limitations of the data should notobscure the inherent dynamism of the city, either in termsof its morphological limits or its social or economic in-fluence. 4 The constant transformation and interaction ofthe various internal and external processes, structures, andfluxes occurred at a variety of spatial and temporal scales.Therefore, despite the boundary restrictions imposed by thedata, the broader origins and implications of these process-es will be discussed.3.1 	 NEW WESTMINSTERTHE FORMATIVE PERIOD (1859-1868)The origins of the city of New Westminster are found inthe gold rush which swept through the British Columbia main-land in the late 1850s and early 1860s. 5 The massiveinflux of prospectors, many of whom were American, into thesparsely settled territory led to fears of American annexat-ion. In order to secure the territory, the British govern-ment created the crown colony of British Columbia in 1858.To assert British colonial rule, a detachment of Royal48Engineers under the command of Colonel Richard Clement Moodywere sent in late 1858 and one of their first accomplish-ments was the surveying and laying out of the infrastructureof the new capital, New Westminster. The initial foundingdue to political and strategic reasons and its subsequentgrowth due to its relative location and trade advantageswere the dominant forces and processes which shaped thecity's subsequent development into an administrative andcommercial centre.The Royal Engineers influenced the city's internalcoherence in several significant respects. The very criteri-on which Colonel Moody utilized to select the site of thecapital, "defensibility", is unique in the history ofBritish Columbia's settlement. The fear of an American in-vasion was paramount in the minds of the British colonialauthorities and this site, located on the north side of theFraser River with a rough and hilly topography, could beeasily defended. The steep terrain, which made the site suchan obvious military choice, has been an inhibiting factor inthe city's development. The relative lack of level terrainnear the water has been a constraint on the city's indust-rial and commercial expansion. As well, the steep incline ofmany of the city's hills has always been an impediment tothe mobility of its elderly and disabled residents.New Westminster had been literally cut out of the49forest and its planned role as the commercial and administr-ative centre for the colony provided a series of government-al functions, such as the land titles office, law courts,and a mint, which initially propelled its prosperity andattracted settlers and businesses which made the city thechief commercial entrepot on the mainland. This expansionwas restricted by the emergence and steady intensificationof a commercial and political rivalry with the'city ofVictoria. 6 This rivalry led to a significant amount ofwasted energy in protracted disputes over taxation, infra-structure improvements, and administrative jurisdiction. 7New Westminster lost out to Victoria in 1868 when, followingthe merging of the colonies of Vancouver Island and BritishColumbia in 1866, Victoria was proclaimed the capital. 8Thus, the city lost many of its administrative and politicalfunctions within a decade of its founding, although someelements like the Royal Columbian Hospital remained. Theloss of these functions due to an external political decis-ion ended the city's first phase of expansion.The city's name also had a significant psychologicaland symbolic impact upon the city's inhabitants. ColonelMoody had originally proposed "Queensborough", in honour ofQueen Victoria, as the new capital's name, but Victoria al-ready bore the name of the sovereign. In order to settle theresulting dispute between the two urban centres, the finalchoice of a name was left to Queen Victoria. The name chosen50for the new capital, New Westminster, drew its inspirationfrom Westminster, the borough of London in which both theHouses of Parliament and Buckingham Palace are located.Thus, the name has been a source of civic pride and "senseof place" 9 with the residents often referring to theirhome as the "Royal City". A psychological and symbolic con-nection was forged between its early origins and its pre-sumed destiny as the major urban centre in British Columbia.3.2 	 THE EXPANSION OF NEW WESTMINSTER1868-1913In these years the resourceful citizens, after losingthe administrative functions, turned to the resource economyand trade to maintain the city's economic viability. Simul-taneously, the citizens actively promoted the processes ofcommunity and social integration to strengthen the city'sinternal coherence. While the city's population declinedfrom an estimated 1800 people in 1861 to less than 500 in1869, 10 the adaptation of its citizens to the newenvironment soon began to encourage its slow, but erratic,economic and demographic growth. The new economic activitieswhich became crucial to New Westminster's survival andeventual prosperity were salmon fishing, forestry and woodproducts manufacturing, and the provision of commercial and51administrative services to the Lower Fraser Valley agricul-tural communities.Salmon fishing had been conducted on the Fraser Riversince the earliest days of aboriginal habitation in thearea. The first canning of salmon by Europeans occurred in1863, but the industry only began to develop significantlyin the 1870s as a market for canned salmon was establishedin Britain. This change in the external environment resultedin the existence of thirteen canneries in and around NewWestminster by the late 1880s and early 1890s. 11 Thesecanneries were supported by a large Fraser River fishingfleet based in the city. The fishing fleet and the canneriespromoted the emergence of several forms of new work andimport substitution. Several local shipyards equipped andmaintained the fleet, 12 while many manufacturing firms inthe city derived a significant proportion of their businessfrom supplying engines and machinery to this sector. 13 Thesubstitution of externally built vessels and machinery forlocal products allowed the city to diversify its industrialbase and thereby strengthen its adaptability. 14 The factthat many of the fishermen and cannery workers lived in thecity bolstered its commercial viability by keeping the wagesearned in the local economy. The importance of the creationof new work and import substitution became increasinglyapparent from the late 1890s onward when the industry beganto decline in the city due to the gradual concentration of52the fish canning industry around Steveston, 22 kilometersto the west, overfishing, and increasing corporate concentr-ation.The 1870s also witnessed the establishment of thecity's most important long term economic activity, the saw-milling and shingle industry. In these years the LowerFraser Valley still had excellent stands of timber whichprovided an easily accessible log supply. By 1878 there werefour sawmills operating in the city, including Brunette Saw-mills and the Royal City Planing Mills. 15 Their numberscontinued to grow, although the cyclical nature of theforestry economy produced significant variation in the num-bers of firms in any given year. Simultaneously, a series ofancillary industries, such as Westminster Iron Works andlater New Westminster Foundries Ltd., developed to providethe heavy machinery inputs. The city's industrial base lead-ing to the turn of the century, while expanding, was severe-ly dependent upon the uncertainty of foreign demand forsalmon and lumber.The progressive clearing of Lulu Island and other deltalands, Surrey, and the rest of the Lower Fraser Valley en-abled widespread farming. Although farming settlement wasslow in the pre-1881 period, New Westminster, as the onlyservice centre in the region, held a complete monopoly ofthe agricultural trade. The importance of the traffic gener-53ated from the south side of the Fraser River eventuallynecessitated the establishment of a ferry service betweenNew Westminster and Surrey and then a permanent bridge in1904. The expansion of road and rail connections throughoutthe Fraser Valley continually benefited the focus of thesystem, New Westminster. Even after the completion of theCanadian Pacific Railway (C.P.R.) and the emergence ofVancouver as the western terminus, New Westminster continuedto be the dominant service centre for the entire LowerFraser Valley. 16The economic expansion of New Westminster was mainlyexternally driven during this period, but some internalinnovation, new work, and import substitution did occur. Theincreased external demand for salmon and lumber propelledthe development of the fishing and wood products sectors.The continued influx of immigrants was responsible for anincrease in the provincial and city populations. 17 How-ever, the development of local shipbuilding and machinerymanufacturing industries increased the amount of indigenoussecondary production in the city. The commercial sectorexpand in direct relation to the progressive clearing andsettlement of the region, a process aided by the centraliza-tion of most the transportation routes upon the city. As aresult, most of the energy, information, and material flowsgenerated in the city or the Lower Fraser Valley were focus-ed upon New Westminster. The interaction of external and54internal fluxes and processes produced a general, iferratic, physical and economic expansion of the city whichmore than exceeded the losses incurred in 1868.By 1900 New Westminster had become a relatively stablecity with a viable industrial base and an established tradearea. This process was fairly consitent throughout the latenineteenth and early twentieth centuries, despite a seriesof external and internal fluctuations, such as the wideswings in the world economy, the emergence of Vancouver, andthe 1898 Great Fire of New Westminster. From 1900 to 1913New Westminster witnessed a surge in economic activity dueto the process of rebuilding the downtown core, the Prairiewheat boom and its concurrent demand for British Columbia'slumber, the continued settlement of the provincial interior,and real estate speculation all fueled its rapid growth.The population of New Westminster doubled from 6,500 in 1901to 13,000 in 1911. 18 However, this failed to equal therapid population growth which was occurring in Vancouver,whose population grew from 13,000 in 1891 to 100,401 in1911. 19Although New Westminster fell relatively further behindVancouver in terms of population, economic viability, andregional influence, the city's inhabitants continued tomaintain a discrete and viable city. A resurgence of indust-rial activity centred on the growth in the processing of55natural resources and the manufacturing of transportationequipment, machinery and fabricated metal products propelledthe revitalization of the city's economy. 20 By 1910-11approximately ten percent of New Westminster's populationwas employed in manufacturing or "1,238 workers engaged intwenty-four different enterprises... ". 21 Among the firmswhich were founded in this period were Vulcan Iron Works in1907, Webb and Gifford in 1910, and Heaps Engineering in1911. New Westminster was at this time "one of the leadingindustrial centres in Western Canada, behind only Vancouver,Winnipeg and Calgary in value of manufacturing output." 22The city's internal coherence was strengthened by aseries of cultural, social, and community events and instit-utions which emerged. One of the most widely attended eventswhich underscored New Westminster's regional influence andbolstered its identity was the annual Provincial Exhibition.The first Exhibition was held in 1869 and it eventuallyemerged as one of the most popular fairs in the prov-ince. 23 This type of exhibition mirrored the Great Exhibi-tion of 1851 in London. 24 The stated purpose of theProvincial Exhibition was "to improve agricultural condit-ions in general", to highlight the industrial products ofthe city and the province, and to entertain visitors. 25Among the events at the Exhibition were livestock shows,agricultural and industrial exhibits, live bands, and in itslater stages, amusement rides and sundry other forms ofentertainment.56The Exhibition was one of the most important annualevents in the city. The entire downtown was often decoratedand improved to make it as attractive as possible for themany visitors. Special combination tickets were issued bythe British Columbian Electric Railway (B.C.E.R.) to "enableVancouver residents to make the trip and take in the exhib-ition for one price." 26 The emphasis the city placed uponthe success of the Exhibition reached its peak in 1905 whenNew Westminster hosted the Dominion Exhibition. Newexhibition buildings were erected in Queens Park for thisnational event and the midway was provided with superiorillumination than existed in the city itself. 27 On severaloccasions, the crowds were so large that the possibility ofexcluding some people due to safety concerns was discussed.Until the accidential burning of the Exhibition buildings in1929 the Provincial Exhibition was one of the main eventswhich supported the city's dominance in the Lower FraserValley, promoted its image throughout the Pacific Northwest,and strengthened its collective identity through communityinvolvement.The New Westminster Farmers' Market was another import-ant institution. The first city-sponsored market opened in1892. Its regional significance was illustrated by the pre-sence of reeves and farmers from Delta, Surrey, Langley,Maple Ridge, and Chilliwack at the opening ceremonies.2857The market progressively grew and eventually became thelargest genuine farmers' market in Western Canada. The pro-ducts said at the market included handcrafted goods,poultry, cattle/livestock, vegetables, fruits, flowers, andclothing. 29 The market was so crucial to the economic wel-fare of the Lower Fraser Valley that when it was destroyedin the Great Fire of 1898, the municipalities of Surrey andMatsqui both donated money to its immediate reconstruct-ion. 30The Farmers' Market was a social institution in addit-ion to its economic function. The market day was a socialoccasion bringing the relatively dispersed farmers and theirfamilies together with friends and relatives. The strengthof these social linkages reinforced the Farmers' Market'srole as the premier distribution centre for the region'sagricultural products. The market was so successful that inits early days that in 1896 a Vancouver alderman "complainedthat two-thirds of the produce sold at the New Westminstermarket was purchased by Vancouver residents." 31 Thesuccess of the Farmers' Market and the Exhibition in promot-ing a sense of place and strengthening the city's ties withthe Lower Fraser Valley were important elements in maintain-ing New. Westminster's internal coherence.The most enduring element contributing to the distinct-ive identity of New Westminster was the May Day celebrat-58ions. In 1870 the first May Queen was chosen and after thatdate the celebrations became increasingly more organized andelaborate. Two themes which were increasingly stressed inthe ceremonies were allegiance to the Queen and the promot-ion of civic pride. In tandem, these themes aided in thecreation of a sense of common identity within the city andreaffirmed its "royal" origins. The May Day celebrationsunderwent a variety of transformations in this period. As aconsequence, there is insufficient space to detail thesymbolic, class, and political ramifications of each succes-sive change, although the basic themes remained constantthroughout all the transformations.Collectively, these social and cultural events servedto promote a greater degree of internal cohesion in thecity. These events and organizations focused energy flowsinto the city by attracting people, capital, and informationfrom distant cities and regions. 32 These trigger mechan-isms 33 permitted the annual influx of external energy intothe city thereby promoting greater organization and expans-ion. The industrial and agricultural exhibits at theExhibition, for example, allowed the mass dissemination ofnew ideas and technologies throughout the city and theregion. The promotion of a common civic identity created asense of place which increased the possibility of coopera-tive responses to maintain the city's viability.59The stability of New Westminster's internal structurewas severely strained by a series of significant changes inits external environment. The completion of the CanadianPacific Railway and its decision to build its terminus atCoal Harbour (Vancouver) in 1886 ended the city's monopolyposition as the main trading centre on the mainland. NewWestminster only got a spur line of the C.P.R. built to thecity. As a result the city's potential trade area was great-ly reduced. The focusing of the flow of goods, services,people, and information on Vancouver propelled its rapidgrowth while New Westminster was left with a regional tradearea comprising the Lower Fraser Valley.New Westminster's potential growth to metropolitanstatus was dashed by the 1892 recession and the 1898 GreatFire. During the 1892 recession a significant number of thecity's industrial firms closed and several of the city'smost influential families, such as the Trapps, went bankruptin the generally depressed business climate. The Great Firein 1898 resulted in the destruction of almost all the build-ings along Front Street, Columbia Street and adjacent areas.The downtown core was rapidly rebuilt, which indicates thecontinued confidence of the city's inhabitants. The cumulat-ive effect of these two events was to further widen the gapbetween the metropolitan influence of New Westminster andVancouver.603.3 	 THE TREND TOWARDS STABILITY1913-1930sNew Westminster remained relatively stable throughoutthe early decades of the twentieth century, despite thesuccession of national and international upheavals and conf-licts. While, on the one hand, the onset of another recess-ion in 1912 disrupted the local economy, on the other WorldWar I provided a strong impetus for industrial developmentin the city. The Imperial Munitions Board awarded contractsto a local shipyard, B.C. Construction and Engineering, andto Heaps Engineering to produce vessels and shells for thewar effort. 34 The externally generated demand for increas-ed industrial production bolstered industry in the city, butdid not result in any significant change in the structure orcomposition of the industrial sector. The labour unrest andeconomic downturn which followed the cessation of hostilit-ies caused some difficulties, but the 1920s were generallya decade of stability for the city's industrial sector. Acombination of internal and external changes, such as thedevelopment of the Port, increased Prairie grain shipments,the opening of the Panama Canal, and a growing Americanmarket for B.C. lumber, fueled New Westminster's economicgrowth.61The steady expansion of the transportation and commun-ications system in the region continued to focus energy andinformation flows on New Westminster. Railway connectionsfrom the southern Fraser Valley and the United States werechannelled through New Westminster with the construction ofrailway bridges over the Fraser River. The opening of thefirst Fraser River bridge in 1904 focused the principaltransportation routes leading from the Lower Fraser Valleyon New Westminster. 35 All road traffic from the south wasforced to travel through New Westminster. Although the con-tinued expansion of the transportation system also madeVancouver far more accessible to the farmers of the LowerFraser Valley, as the B.C.E.R.'s "milk trains" running fromChilliwack to Vancouver aptly demonstrated, the majority ofthe region's trade was still under New Westminster's con-trol. The commercial pre-eminence was visibly evident alongColumbia Street, which was called the "Miracle Mile" due tothe fact that it had one of the highest volumes and value ofretail trade in the Lower Mainland. 36New Westminster's regional importance and economicviability was maintained by the steady expansion of its roleas an important administrative and governmental centre. Thecity had a significant health care sector with the existenceof two hospitals, the Royal Columbian Hospital and theSt. Mary's Hospital. These facilities were augmented by theestablishment of the Woodland's School for the disabled in62Sapperton. The presence of the Land Registry Office, theProvincial Court House, and completion of the BritishColumbia Penitentiary in 1878 all extended the administrat-ive influence of the city throughout the region. 37 Theextent and diversity of administrative functions was notsufficient by itself to propel the city's expansion, butthese functions provided a stable base of employment andincome which could support the city during periods of econ-omic instability.Stability was especially evident in the variouselements which helped to generate New Westminster's distinc-tive identity. The May Day celebrations continued to be animportant unifying event. The Farmers' Market continued itsdual function of serving as the distribution centre for farmproducts and as a social institution. The extension of theBritish Columbia Electric Railway to Chilliwack in 1910 per-mitted the operation of weekly "market specials" to NewWestminster every Friday. 38 The importance of the Marketcontinued even after a money bylaw to upgrade the buildingfailed to pass and a fire destroyed the building again in1925. 39The Provincial Exhibition continued during the 1920sbut there were some discussions of merging the Vancouver andNew Westminster exhibitions. 4° When fire destroyed theExhibition buildings in 1929, the Exhibition was permanently63lost and the subsequent creation of a single Exhibitionbased in Vancouver symbolically marked New Westminster'sdeclining influence in the region. The Provincial Exhibit-ion, unlike the May Day celebrations, had attracted a farlarger number of visitors and tourists and had broadened thevisibility of New Westminster in the Lower Fraser Valley.Although the city was able to appoint a representative tothe Board of Directors of the Pacific National Exhibition inVancouver, its ability to influence the composition of theevent was very limited and its location at Hastings Park sawall the benefits from the Pacific National Exhibition flowto Vancouver and not into New Westminster. 41In the 1920s the city emerged as an important WestCoast port. While New Westminster had been declared a portin 1859, the shallow depth of the Fraser River and the slowimprovement of its facilities had limited its use to riversteamers and shallow coastal vessels. 42 The formation ofthe New Westminster Harbour Commission (N.W.H.C.) in 1913marked a renewed effort to develop the city's port facilit-ies. Constant dredging had deepened the main channel toeighteen feet at low tide. A nine foot tidal range gave ahigh tide depth of twenty-seven feet which was just an ade-quate depth for the size of ocean-going vessels. 43The construction of docks along the waterfront providedwarehouse and transhipment facilities for a wide range of64cargoes. Ocean going vessels also berthed as far upstream asFraser Mills. The number of deep-sea vessels increased froma mere 13 in 1921 to 453 in 1934 (Table 1). This expansionwas the result of the simultaneous interaction of a varietyof significant external and internal forces. In the externalenvironment, the opening of the Panama Canal in 1913 and thereduction in railway freight rates to the West made it econ-omically viable for Prairie wheat to be shipped through WestCoast ports to Europe. While most of this trade was directedto Vancouver, the New Westminster Harbour Commission didbuild a grain elevator on the Surrey side of the FraserRiver in 1927 to capture part of this traffic. 44 Of evengreater importance was the rapid increase in the Americandemand for British Columbian lumber. The amount of New West-minster lumber shipped to the United States rose from5 million feet in 1919 to about 250 million feet in1923. 45 Although a significant proportion of the tradeflowing through the port was gradient-seeking trade, such asthe grain exports, an equally important proportion wasorganization-promoting trade which provided energy for thecreation of new enterprises in the city. 46The New Westminster Harbour Commission itself was anactive agent in the expansion of the port facilities. TheCommission was the perfect organization for the promotionof the city and the development of the port. The city ownedthe docks along the waterfront and it had a direct input65TABLE 1THE PORT OF NEW WESTMINSTERVOLUME OF DEEP-SEA SHIPPING1921-1934Year 	 Number of 	 TonnageShips	 (net reg.)1921192219231924192519261927192819291930193119321933193438,987100,321144,973333,138496,420579,167486,603625,271827,762994,6371,052,8651,087,8781,454,8421,639,342133548100150175153198248297301311409453Source: New Westminster Harbour Commission, Annual Reports, 1924-1934.66into the manner in which the port would be marketed anddeveloped. It appointed one of the three commissioners tothe Board, thereby strengthening the linkages between thetwo institutions. 47 Of even greater significance, therewas a large degree of overlapping membership between theN.W.H.C. and the New Westminster Board of Trade and jointaction was frequent as "everyone involved had local realestate or other business interests that would benefit frommore development and employment." 48Preference was given to New Westminster workers overVancouver longshoremen in the loading and off-loading ofcargo. The use of Vancouver longshoremen in 1924 provoked animmediate response by both the City Council and the Board ofTrade to assure that as many local stevedores as possiblewould be employed before help was sought from Vancouver. 49The close-knit nature of the New Westminster business com-munity allowed it to present a unified front against thevarious attempts to amalgamate the N.W.H.C. with the port ofVancouver and to conduct joint ventures to promote NewWestminster's viability. 50 The culmination of this processwas the construction of the high level, four lane Pattulloroad bridge across the Fraser River in 1937.The opening of the Pattullo Bridge was an importantevent for New Westminster. The 1904 bridge had proven in-capable of handling the road traffic volumes from the south,67especially truck traffic carrying the Lower Fraser Valley'sproduce. 51 The 1904 bridge was a low level, dual functionstructure which had rail lines on the lower level and anupper automobile deck. 52 The completion of the new bridgereaffirmed New Westminster as the focal point of theregion's transportation system. As a result, the city wasable to retain its role as the distribution centre for theLower Fraser Valley. The project also acted as the catalystfor the paving of Columbia Street, improvements to the ap-proaches at either end of the bridge, and the commencementof a new bus service to replace the older tram service inthe city which had been allowed to deteriorate. 53The most important aspect of the bridge's construction,however, was the fact that most of the work was conductedby firms in and around New Westminster. While the primarycontractor was the Dominion Bridge Company, many New West-minster firms provided the materials or installed and/orbuilt some of its elements. For example, Motts Electric wasresponsible for the bridge lighting, New Westminster IronWorks supplied some machinery, and Gilley Brothers Ltd.provided gravel, sand, and other construction materials. Thebenefits of this project thus largely stayed in New Westmin-ster and helped the city sustain itself in the GreatDepression of the 1930s.By the end of this period New Westminster was thedominant industrial and commercial centre in the Lower68Fraser Valley. The city had replaced imports and its econom-ic composition of small organizations enhanced its viabil-ity. The social and community cohesion of the city permitteda significant degree of adaptability and resilience inresponse to the changing internal and external contexts.New Westminster was set for further growth in the 1940s and1950s.NOTES1 	 Adams (1982), p.20.2 	 See: Edward Soja, The Political Organization of Space,Commission on College Geography Resource Paper No. 8,Washington D.C.: American Association of Geographers,1971.3 	 Continuous data on the surrounding areas whichwere generally integrated with New Westminster, such asSouth Burnaby and South Westminster, is difficult toacquire. The most notable exception is Annacis Islandwhich is part of the municipality of Delta but almostcompletely dependent upon New Westminster because itwas also under the jurisdiction of the New WestminsterHarbour Commission. Thus, with some exceptions, the69basic unit of interpretation is the city of New West-minster proper.4 	 For example even the census tract boundaries andcensus definitions change over the study period, there-by complicating the interpretation.5 	 The initial founding and land assignment of anycity provides the physical and institutional contextwhich influences all subsequent growth and change. Acity is a palimpsest on which different patterns orprocesses occur without erasing the earlier patterns.Thus, New Westminster's grid street pattern oriented tothe river has provided a physical constraint on allsubsequent transformations and persists to the present.Vance (1990), p.8.6 	 Margret A. Ormsby, British Columbia: A History,Toronto: Macmillan, 1958, p.179.7 	 For example, Governor Douglas had declaredVictoria a free port. This fact, combined with thecustoms duties which penalized the Fraser River trade,forced most goods to pass through Victoria first beforegoing onto the mainland. Ibid.8 	 Margret McDonald, New Westminster, 1851-1871, (unpub-70lished M.A. Thesis, University of British Columbia,1947), pp. 65-70.9 	 Yi-Fu Tuan, "Topophilia: Personal Encounters with theLandscape", eds., Paul W. English and Robert C.Mayfield, Man, Space and Environment, New York: OxfordUniversity Press, 1972, pp. 504-507.10 	 British Columbian, December 24, 1862; and BritishColumbian, May 2, 1869.11 	 T.R. Weir, "New Westminster, B.C.", Canadian Geographical Journal, 36 (Jan. 1948), p.25.12 	 "Base for 1200 Salmon Fishermen", British Columbian, Centennial Edition, May 5, 1960.13 	 Weir (1948), p.25.14 	 For example New Westminster Iron Works built steamand later diesel engines for both the fishing fleet andthe forest industry. See: "Base for 1200 Salmon Fisher-men" (1960).15 	 Weir (1948), p.26.16 	 G.I. Howell Jones, "The Urbanization of the Fraser71Valley", ed., Alfred H. Siemens, Lower Fraser Valley: Evolution of a Cultural Landscape, Vancouver: TantalusResearch Limited, 1968, p.144.17 	 The population of the city had increased to 7,000by 1890 while the provincial population had grown toapproximately 98.173.Norbert Macdonald, "Population Growth and Changein Seattle and Vancouver, 1880-1960", eds., J. Friesenand H.K. Ralston, Historical Essays on British Columbia, Toronto: McClelland and Stewart Ltd., 1976,p. 203 and Walter N. Sage, "British Columbia BecomesCanadian, 1871-1901 4, Ibid, p.67.18 	 Allen Seager, "Workers, Class, and Industrial Conflictin New Westminster, 1900-1930", eds., Rennie Warburtonand David Coburn, Workers, Capital and the State in British Columbia, Vancouver: UBC Press, 1988, p.119.19 	 Robert A.J. McDonald, "Working-Class Vancouver, 1886-1914: Urbanism and Class in British Columbia" BCStudies, 69-70 (Spring-Summer 1986), p.36.20 	 New Westminster Planning Department, A Report on Industrial Land in the City of New Westminster and Greater Vancouver Region, New Westminster: 1990, p.19.7221 	 Seager (1988), p.118.22 	 Linda D. Swaine, New Westminster: The Royal City Economic Profile, New Westminster: Royal City Develop-ment Association, 1985, p.6.23 	 Ed Cosgrove, "City Had Most Wonderful Fair of ThemAll", British Columbian, May 5, 1960, p.3.24 	 The 1851 Great Exhibition in London is signific-ant for a variety of reasons. The Great Exhibition wasan extravagent fair which exhibited all the accomplish-ments and products of British industry and commerce andemphasized Britain's industrial importance. The GreatExhibition also produced innovative architecture in theform of the glass domed Crystal Palace. The Exhibitionwas subsequently copied by other countries and citiesto demonstrate their industrial, commercial, and scien-tific progress.25 	 British Columbian, September 3, 1925, p.8.26 	 "Horse will be King at the Exhibition", BritishColumbian, August 28, 1925, p.l.27 	 Visitors to the 1905 Dominion Exhibition came fromall over Canada, the United States, and Britain.73Archie Miller, Curator of the New WestminsterMuseum, Public Lecture, October 17, 1990.28 	 Barry Mather, New Westminster: The Royal City,Vancouver: J.M. Dent and Sons, 1958, p.101.29 	 "Where Farmers Meet on Fridays", British Columbian,May 2, 1924, p.l.30 	 Patricia E. Roy, "The Changing Role of Railways in theLower Fraser Valley", Siemens (1968), p.54.31 	 Ibid, p.55.32 	 The flow of energy mainly came from the rest ofthe province, the Lower Fraser Valley, and to a lesserdegree from the rest of Canada. The Exhibition andassociated events also drew a significant amount ofinflow from the United States.33 	 A trigger mechanism is a human social structurewhich inhibits or modifies energy flows. See:Adams (1982), p.15.34 	 Author unknown, Heaps Engineering (1940) Limited: Outline of History, Physical Assets and Operations,(unpublished essay in the New Westminster Public74Library, date unknown), and "Shipyards Laying OffNearly All Men", British Columbian, June 5, 1919.35 	 Three railways served New Westminster the GreatNorthern, the Canadian National, and the British Col-umbia Electric Railway. In combination these railwaysaccounted for almost all of the rail traffic from theLower Fraser Valley to New Westminster and Vancouver.See: Roy (1968).36 	 Swaine (1985), p.6.37 	 For example all land titles in the Lower FraserValley need to be registered in the New WestminsterLand Titles Office.38 	 "The Old Rattlers Are Gone... But They Did Serve aWonderful Purpose", British Columbian, Centennial Edition, May 5, 1960.39 	 "Failure of Bylaw means no market", British Columbian,October 12, 1925.40 	 "Visit New Westminster Fair", Vancouver Star, September1, 1924; "Amalgamate the Exhibitions", Vancouver Star,October 27, 1924; and "Ready to Merge Two Big Fairs",Daily Province, April 25, 1925.7541 	 New Westminster Board of Trade, Annual Report 1951,p.16.42 	 G. Farthing, "The Port of New Westminster" (unpublishedterm paper for Professor Ormsby, reel 11 of the FraserRiver Harbour Commission microfilm, 1958-59), p.80.43 	 New Westminster Harbour Commission, Annual Report 1925,p. 1 .44 	 The Fraser River Grain Elevator was never a sign-ificant export terminal and it suffered form a shallowberth which often meant that vessels could not loadtheir cargo.See: C.B.A. Engineering, An Introductory Study forthe Development of the Tidal Sections of the Fraser River, (reel 14 Fraser River Harbour Commission micro-film, 1958), p.16.45 	 Jacqueline Gresko and Richard Howard, eds., Fraser Port: Freightway to the Pacific, Victoria: Sono NisPress, 1986, p.59.46 	 For example, the lumber and wood products exportsfrom local mills not only provided stevedore and long-shoreman jobs, but created a demand in the localmachinery firms for engines and equipment to handle thecargoes.7647 	 J. Alexander Walker and W.G. Swan, A Preliminary Report upon Transportation, Harbors and Railways; including industrial sites, New Westminster, B.C., New Westmin-ster Town Planning Commission, 1946, p.5.48 	 An example of this mutual interest was J.G.Robson, owner of Timberland Lumber and long-time headof the Board of Trade Navigation Committee who con-stantly pressed Ottawa for channel improvements toattract deep-sea vessels.Gresko and Howard (1986), p.66.49 	 "Get Men From Here", Daily Province, March 18, 1924;and "Workers Come From Outside", Daily Province, July9, 1924.50 	 "United Harbour Board Opposed", British Columbian, July8, 1924.51 	 "Valley Truck Operators Lost Huge Sum in Delays andLoads on Old Bridge", British Columbian: Souvenir Bridge Edition, November 15, 1937.52 	 The 1904 bridge was a swing bridge which was toolow to permit deep-sea vessels to pass without openingthe structure. As a consequence there were often long77delays in crossing the river for vehicular traffic andthis became a critical problem as the pace of settle-ment on the south side of the Fraser River increased.53 	 "Ideal Facilities Bring Scores of Industries to RoyalCity Harbour Area", British Columbian: Souvenir Bridge Edition, November 15, 1937.7$CHAPTER 4STABILITY IN NEW WESTMINSTER1940s and 1950s4.1 	 ECONOMIC AND DEMOGRAPHIC EXPANSIONStability in the city's organization and structure andabsolute change in its population and employment character-ized New Westminster in the 1940s and 1950s. The completionof the Pattullo Bridge in 1937 had confirmed the city's pre-eminence as the dominant trading centre for the Lower FraserValley. The onset of the Second World War finally stimulateda full economic recovery from the Great Depression. Never-theless, as the city's inhabitants enjoyed relative prosper-ity and optimism, processes were already in evidence thatwere undermining the city's vitality and internal coherence.This chapter examines the nature of these positive trans-formations in the city and identifies the deeper weaknessesthat are critically important in understanding thesubsequent changes in New Westminster.New Westminster's postwar prosperity was in part areflection of the wider national and international processesof growth. Average real income for Canadians steadily grewduring the late 1940s and early 1950s, and despite profound79inequalities in the distribution of income and resources,there was an overall increase in the standard of living. 1This trend towards greater societal prosperity occurred atthe precise moment when the pent-up demand for housing,automobiles, and consumer durables, which had accumulatedover the Great Depression and the Second World War, provokeda massive growth in industrial production. 2 The establish-ment of a relatively stable world economic and politicalorder under the hegemony of the United States further rein-forced a climate of prosperity and growth. 3New Westminster's industrial sector expanded in termsof the number of firms, the level of employment, and thetypes of products produced (Figure 1). In 1940, there werefifteen lumber mills, produce and fish canneries, a papermill, a distillery, a brewery, and plants for cold storage,meat packaging, chemical fertilizers and timber preserv-ing. 4 The increased wartime demand for industrial product-ion caused a rapid expansion of the local industrial basewith a further five lumber mills (twenty in total), a veneerand plywood mill, an aircraft manufacturing plant and a re-vitalized local shipyard added to the city. 5 The product-ion of machinery for use in the canning, milling and loggingindustries also substantially expanded. In totality, thenumber of manufacturing plants increased from 64 in 1931, to88 in 1941, and 112 in 1951. 6 In the process of expansion,almost all the usable industrial waterfront land was occup-ied by new or expanded firms.71 A80Industrial expansion continued into the 1950s, reachinga peak measured in terms of employment, the amount of floor-space, and the area zoned for industry around 1956. In thatyear, approximately forty-three percent of New Westminster'slabour force, or 10,000 employees, worked in the industrialsector, while the total level of manufacturing employmentalso increased from 1,621 in 1931 and 3,778 in 1941 to6,286 in 1956. 7 This broadening of the city's industrialbase to other sectors, such as aircraft manufacturing andengineering, created the new work necessary to continue thecity's expansion. The only weakness in this expansion wasthe lack of import substitution which limited the diversifi-cation of the city's economy and continued the domination ofthe forest products sector.The increased size and diversity of New Westminster'sindustrial composition was in part a consequence of thecontinued importance of local firms. The fact that most ofthe firms were owned by local or metropolitan entrepreneursproduced a greater degree of flexibility and adaptation intheir operations. For example, Heaps Engineering and theStar (Mercer) Shipyards jointly built merchant ships for theCanadian Merchant Marine during the war and when the warcontracts ceased, the two firms continued to cooperate inproducing fishing vessels and related equipment for custom-ers as far away as Newfoundland. 8 The tendency for these81firms to utilize other local or metropolitan firms to pro-vide the necessary forward and backward linkages generateda positive multiplier effect which propelled the city'sexpansion.Industrial expansion in New Westminster benefited fromthe direct efforts of the City Council, the New WestminsterBoard of Trade (N.W.B.T.) and the New Westminster HarbourCommission (N.W.H.C.). The formation of the Town PlanningCommission in 1938 and the enactment of the first compre-hensive zoning bylaw for New Westminster in 1940 facilitatedthe city's expansion. The designation of land for industrialuse reached its zenith in the mid 1950s when large areas ofQueensborough were zoned explicitly for this purpose (Fig-ure 2). This coincided with an active advertising and pro-motional campaign by both the N.W.B.T. and the N.W.H.C.throughout Canada, the United States, and Europe. 9 Infact, the New Westminster City Council tried to maintain thegrowth by creating more industrial land in Queensborough,but due to poor soil conditions and a general lack of basicinfrastructure, the area never fully developed."The prosperity in the industrial sector maintained NewWestminster's position as the second most important manu-facturing centre in the province. This was reinforced by theconstruction of the first industrial park in GreaterVancouver on Annacis Island in 1954. The Annacis Island2 I A82Estate, consisting of some 1,200 acres, is legally withinthe municipality of Delta, however, its only connection withthe rest of the Greater Vancouver Region was over the$250,000 Annacis Island Causeway built by the New Westmin-ster Harbour Commission. 11 The firms which located on theestate in the 1950s, such as the Western Copper Mills,Sherman-Williams Benjamin Moore Paint Company, and A.I.M.Steel, were completely dependent upon New Westminster fortheir labour force, supplies, and transportation facilities.Rapid industrial expansion in New Westminster must alsobe viewed in the context of the steady growth of the indust-rial base of the entire Lower Mainland region. While theLower Mainland as a whole was highly specialized in woodproducts manufacturing (including pulp and paper product-ion), the degree of concentration was more pronounced in NewWestminster. The "percentage of the total national output ofmanufactured goods produced by the Lower Mainland rose from2.6% in 1931 to 4.2% in 1956." 12 The relatively greaterspecialization in woods products in New Westminster is in-dicated by the fact that in 1951 approximately fifty percentof the city's manufacturing employment was in this sector ascompared to only about thirty-nine percent in the LowerMainland. 13Renewed expansion of the port facilities paralleled the14industrial expansion. 	 The war years severely reduced83shipping levels due to the shortage of vessels and the highcosts of transportation, but the end of hostilities allowedthe return of vessels to the Pacific and a lowering of thecosts of shipping goods through the Panama Canal. 15 Thevolume of deep sea traffic which entered the port from 1939to 1954 is indicated in Table 2. The growth in New Westmin-ster's deep sea trade was largely due to an increase inEuropean and American demand for the province's forest pro-ducts and expanding Japanese demand for its mineralresources. 16 Even the volume of grain shipments from theelevator on the south side of the Fraser River improved, al-though it remained small compared to Vancouver (Table 3).Difficulties with the depth of the channel at the berth re-sulted in frequent loading delays and cancellations. 17The physical infrastructure of the port was also up-graded. In 1954 the N.W.H.C. built a dock and a storage shedon a city-owned central waterfront site and helped to createa new company, Overseas Transport, to operate the facil-ity. 18 This development, coupled with the continued oper-ation of the Pacific Coast Terminals, provided sixteen deepwater berths for vessels. 19 The main reoccurring complaintof shippers was the continued difficulty with siltation inthe main channel which limited access for some vessels. Al-though a series of river improvements were undertaken todeepen the main channel to thirty feet, this proved inadequ-ate for the draught of the larger vessels which were beingbuilt. 2084TABLE 2THE PORT OF NEW WESTMINSTERVOLUME OF DEEP SEA SHIPPING1939-1954Year 	 Number of	 TonnageShips (net reg.)1939 503 1,774,3181940 333 1,057,1091941 156 432,3511942 109 416,8461943 86 363,0561944 114 451,8291945 176 718,7651946 287 1,112,7511947 358 1,517,9171948 280 1,179,1231949 338 1,382,1411950 342 1,393,7311951 394 1,615,5021952 387 1,534,5801953 396 1,643,8761954 439 1,829,575Source: New Westminster Harbour Commission, AnnualReports, 1952-1955.85TABLE 3VOLUME OF GRAIN EXPORTSFROM NEW WESTMINSTER AND VANCOUVER1950-1956Year 	 New Westminster 	 Vancouver(Bushels) 	 (Bushels)1950 3,266,862 48,690,0001951 5,385,733 73,793,0001952 9,633,733 105,573,0001953 8,571,058 91,766,0001954 5,523,467 86,898,0001955 3,568,734 69,911,0001956 5,017,558 106,076,000Source: Letter to Gordon W. 	 Stead, Assistant DeputyMinister, Ministry of Marine from John E.Clayton, Port Manager, March 3, 1960 (FraserRiver Harbour Commission microfilm, reel 11-7).86The city's overall stability was further maintained byits continuing role as a base for the Fraser River salmonfishing fleet. While the fleet was slowly declining in size,it still supported the city's shipyard and other firms whichserviced the vessels and their crews. 21 The fishermen alsoconstituted an important component of the city's retailclientele. The city received a boost to its internationalreputation in 1947 when it became the headquarters of theInternational Pacific Salmon Fishing Commission. The Commis-sion, established to preserve salmon fishing stocks on theFraser River, focused a greater degree of international att-ention upon the city and strengthened its image as an auto-nomous urban centre. 22The increasing shipping volumes, the presence of thesalmon fishing fleet, and the location of the Commission'sheadquarters in the city collectively increased the amountof externally generated energy entering New Westminster.While the port itself may have had a high degree of leakagedue the large proportion of semi- and unfinished productsexported, the continued investment and employment associatedwith the port facilities augmented the city's growth. Boththe fishing fleet and the Commission focused a significantamount of energy into the city and contributed to the slowadaptation of the ambient energy into higher forms oforganization. For example, the Commission supported local87legal and service activities and increased the volume ofinformation flowing into the city.New Westminster's economic growth was also in largemeasure the result of its continued commercial domination ofthe Lower Fraser Valley. This was demonstrated in 1948 when,as part of a reform effort to improve the efficiency of theBoard of Trade's activities, the Fraser Valley Committee wasestablished to bring New Westminster "more prominently intoFraser Valley affairs." 23 This committee was to serve thedual function of coordinating the economic and politicalactivities of the various boards of trade and chambers ofcommerce in the region and in maintaining personal tiesbetween the New Westminster business community and its LowerFraser Valley counterparts. The formation of this committeeindicates the leadership of the New Westminster businesscommunity in the Lower Fraser Valley.The focusing of the trade and energy fluxes from theLower Fraser Valley into New Westminster was further demon-strated by the N.W.B.T.'s decision to hold its June 1945General Meeting at the Collister farm in Langley. 24 Anactive policy of promoting joint endeavors between theN.W.B.T. and the Lower Fraser Valley communities became aconstant theme throughout the 1940s and early 1950s. 25 NewWestminster's commercial preeminence depended to a signifi-cant degree on this network of personal and business88contacts. The exclusion of members of the Vancouver Board ofTrade from these events indicates the degree of rivalrywhich still existed between the two cities for control ofthe region's commercial activity. In fact, as late as 1948,the suggestion that some joint advertising on certain issueswith the Vancouver Board of Trade should be undertaken metwith a significant degree of discussion. 26The city's control over the Lower Fraser Valley's tradearea and social life continued despite the loss of the Pro-vincial Exhibition in 1929. In 1949 the British ColumbianProducts Show was held in the Farmers' Market and itattracted some 10,000 visitors in two days. 27 The successof this event further demonstrated the importance of thecity's agricultural hinterland. The continued patronage ofthe Lower Fraser Valley's farmers was secured by otherspecial agricultural events and the promotion of greaterconsideration of the needs of farmers. 28 The most import-ant institution which the city's economic and social tieswith the Lower Fraser Valley was still the Farmers' Market.The continued importance of the Farmers' Market for thecity was bolstered in 1947 with the opening of a new 130stall market building at the foot of Eleventh Street. Atthis time the market was attracting approximately 3,000customers every Friday and Saturday. 29 The market wasdrawing people from as far away as Chilliwack. The market89was one of the city's principal attractors, drawing captialand people constantly into the city and, through the contin-uous social and economic activity, modified and adaptedthese flows to support the city's economic and socialcohesion.The retail viability of New Westminster appeared securein the 1940s and 1950s as Columbia Street maintained itsdominance as the principal commercial and administrativecentre for New Westminster and the Lower Fraser Valley. 30New Westminster's commercial sector generally expanded inthe immediate postwar era. Its trading area population wasestimated at 75,000 in 1945 and this increased to approx-imately 135,000 in 1953. 31 New Westminster continued tohave one of the highest per capita volumes of retail salesin the province and Columbia Street remained the centre ofmost commercial activity in the city. By 1954, $60,000,000worth of retail business was done in the city through some416 stores employing approximately 3,200 people. 32 Thecity's commercial influence continued to stretch throughoutmuch of the Lower Fraser Valley, although its immediatemarket area tended to be concentrated on the surroundingmunicipalities of Surrey, Burnaby, Coquitlam, Port Coquit-lam, Langley, and Delta. The growth of the city's commercialsector underwent a profound transformation in 1954 with theopening of the Woodward's department store in the uptownarea of the city.90The most expansive commercial subsector was automobileretailing. Automotive retailing had actually begun in thecity with the opening of Trapp Motors in the 1920s, but itsmost rapid growth occurred in this period. 33 A largenumber of automobile dealerships and repair shops began tocongregate along Columbia Street west of Eighth Street andthen steadily moved up Twelfth Street as far as SixthAvenue. By the mid 1950s Twelfth Street south of SixthAvenue was largely occupied by automobile oriented retailingand Twelfth Street had become a distinctive automobilerow. 34 The regional trade flows drawn into the city by .this specialized retail district provided a further influxof capital, employment, and information which augmented theexpansion in other sectors.The one significant equilibrium seeking sector was thecity's administrative and governmental functions. Whilevarious federal and provincial institutions, such as theBritish Columbia Penitentiary, the Woodland's mental healthfacility, the Land Registry Office, and the Royal Columbianand St. Mary's hospitals, provided a stable and slowlygrowing employment and tax base for the city, these institu-tions did not expand independent of the general populationand economic growth and produced little new work or importsubstitution to further the city's diversification. Many ofthese facilities had their origins in the 1880s and 1890sand the changes which occurred were generally one of scale91and not the result of significant organizational transform-ation. As a result, while the administrative and government-al functions promoted the coherence and stability of thecity, they were not a significant contributor to its econ-omic expansion.The changing regional context, especially rapid suburb-anization, exerted an impact upon New WeStminster'scoherence. The implications of suburban growth for New West-minster's viability are rather complex. Suburbanization wasgenerally beneficial to the city in its early stages. Theearly population growth tended to strengthen the commercialimportance of Downtown New Westminster. The construction ofthe new suburban single-family neighbourhoods created largepopulations which lacked adequate retail or service facili-ties. As a consequence, Columbia Street served as an import-ant commercial centre for the expanding municipalities andcontinued to capture much of the region's trade and inform-ation flows. However, the subsequent development of theuptown area and the construction of shopping malls, such asthe Brentwood Mall, after 1955 severely reduced ColumbiaStreet's trade area. 35New Westminster experienced a steady increase in itspopulation form 1941 to 1956, expanding by approximatelyforty-four percent (Table 4). This compared to only athirty-three percent increase for Vancouver. However, Van-92TABLE 4POPULATION CHANGERegion 1941 1951 1956 % ChangeVancouver CMA 377447 530728 665017 76.0Vancouver 275353 344833 365844 32.9New Westminster 21967 28639 31665 44.1Surrey 11404 33670 49366 332.9Burnaby 30528 58376 83745 174.3Coquitlam 7949 15697 20800 161.7Port Coquitlam 1539 3232 4632 200.9Source: Censuses of Canada, 1941 to 1956.93couver's larger population base resulted in a continued ex-pansion in its absolute numbers and a disparity in theirrespective sizes. In the surrounding municipalities of Sur-rey, Coquitlam, Burnaby, and Port Coquitlam, the populationincreased at a faster rate than for either of the two mainurban centres, with most of the municipalities doublingtheir population. This rapid suburbanization of the metro-politan region's population reflected the dominant urbantrend in North America in the postwar era.The vigorous expansion of New Westminster began tostall and reverse around 1956. New Westminster's influencein the Lower Fraser Valley began to wane. 36 The apparentcommercial vigour of the Farmers' Market was eroded as aseries of interrelated dynamic and pervasive processes beganto transform the internal and external environment. TheFarmers' Market's reliance upon agriculture remaining thepre-eminent, and indeed almost the only, economic activityof the Lower Fraser Valley was too specialized. As the"rural", urban-oriented farming communities of the regionwere transformed into sprawling suburbs, the growth potent-ial of the Farmers' Market vanished. 37 The over-special-ization of the Farmers' Market and its decline when theexternal environment was transformed underscores thenecessity of adaptability and diversity in human organizat-ions.94The intensity of these transformations was reflected inthe city's changing urban morphology. The erection of theWoodward's department store at the intersection of SixthStreet and Sixth Avenue in 1954 created the first intracitycommercial rival for Downtown New Westminster. The storeacted as a catalyst for the transformation of this predomin-ately single-family residential area into a higher densitycommercial and apartment node. 38 Within two years, theBritish Columbia Telephone Company had moved its telephoneexchange from the downtown core to Sixth Street and theRoyal Bank opened a new branch on the northern side of theintersection (Figure 3). These were followed by a series ofother commercial and institutional developments in theuptown area, including the building of a new Public Libraryin 1958. As a result, the Uptown became the focus of mostnew development in the city during the late 1950s.While the development of the uptown area in the aggre-gate benefited the city, it had significant ramificationsfor the downtown businesses. The Woodward's department storewas able to provide large amounts of free parking for auto-mobiles which gave it an advantage over Columbia Street withits limited number of metered parking spaces. As well, therewas the perception on the part of many Downtown businessesthat the City Council was biased in favour of the interestsof Woodward's and other Uptown merchants. 39 The cumulativeeffect was to disperse the retailing focus of the cityU)6th Ave. ' 	 • 7. 	 •. 	 ••/4 AFIGURE 3MAJOR BUILDINGS AND DATE OFCONSTRUCTION IN THE UPTOWNAREA 1958KEY1 	 Woodwards 19542 	 B.C. Telephone 19563 	 Royal Bank 19564 	 Public Library 19585 	 Hollywood HospitalInstitutionalCommercial95between two competing and occasionally hostile commercialnodes. An illustration of the divisive hostility whichdeveloped between the Uptown and Downtown entrepreneurs wasthe prolonged and acrimonious debate over night shoppinghours which weakened the unity of the city's businesscommunity during the mid 1950s. 4°A distinct spatial dichotomy thus emerged in the citybetween an adaptive, energy organizing Uptown and an older,less adaptive Downtown. The widespread use of the automobilewas the principal technological transformation whichnegatively affected the downtown core. Columbia Street hadbeen designed to accommodate horses, wagons, and theinterurban railway system. Therefore, there was a relativeabsence of parking spaces at a scale appropriate for theincreasing proportion of the population relying upon theautomobile as the principal mode of transportation. 41 Theability of the Downtown business community to adapt to thechanging internal and external environment would govern theviability of the core.4.2 	 ELEMENTS OF COMMUNITY INTEGRATIONThe city and the surrounding region maintained a highdegree of cohesion through the persistence and integrationof various established organizations. The relative absence96of any new integrative processes in the city is one of thesalient features of the postwar period. The efforts of theBoard of Trade and other organizations to reinforce thecity's links with the Lower Fraser Valley was one of themeans by which New Westminster's unique identity and extern-al influence was promoted. The Farmers' Market was still oneof the city's main tourist attractions and its successfuloperation was perceived as being necessary for the city'swelfare. 42 Collectively, these elements act as effectivesurrogate measures for the degree of self-organization andinternal stability which existed in the city.The annual May Day celebrations also continued in theirdual function of promoting internal cohesion and expressingthe external importance of the city. The festivitiesrequired the compulsory attendance of all elementary schoolchildren at the official celebrations, the Maypole andFolk dances, and various sporting events. The day long fetewas marked by the firing of the Hyack Anvil Battery, asymbol of the city's Victorian heritage. The boosterist andtourist orientation of these celebrations was not uncommonin Western Canadian cities, but the longevity of the eventand the emphasis placed upon maintaining it as a festivalprimarily for children was rather unique. 43 The pageantryand pomp of the celebrations reinforced the romantic imageryof New Westminster's early years and reasserted the city'sclaim to a "royal" lineage.97One of the few new organizations to emerge as a conse-quence of New Westminster's changing internal and externalenvironment was the Downtown Business and Property Owners'Association. The Downtown Business and Property Owners'Association (D.B.A.) was formed in 1954 as a voluntaryorganization of professionals, local entrepreneurs, andproperty owners who joined together to prevent the erosionof their trade area and to coerce the City Council intotaking corrective action. The D.B.A. originally had fiftymembers, and it increased to one hundred and sixty by1967. 44 The D.B.A. perceived its principal task as beingthe completion of an off-street parking ramp, something theunorganized businesses had been unable to acquire despiteseveral years of lobbying the City Council and theN.W.B.T.. 45The formation of the D.B.A. was an indigenous responseto the changing internal and external conditions. The D.B.A.emerged as an effective energy and information adaptingorganization. The D.B.A. instigated a series of studies anddiscussions on the parking problem and physical appearanceof the downtown area. In fact, the eventual construction ofthe Front Street parking ramp was solely due to the D.B.A.'sefforts. 46 The failure of the City Council to provide anyform of leadership or innovation in dealing with theproblems of the downtown left the D.B.A. as the only adapt-ive and information rich organization in the downtownarea. 4798The city's symbolic and perceptual cohesion receivedfurther support from a series of major institutional build-ing initiatives which were undertaken in the 1950s. Thefirst of these projects was the construction of a new CityHall in 1953. The architecturally modern building presenteda new and progressive image to the city and its location onthe lands originally reserved for the provincial legislaturebuildings by Colonel Moody was a symbolic reaffirmation ofthe city's ambitions. The next major project was the erect-ion of a new federal government building at the corner ofSixth Street and Columbia Street. The new building permittedan expansion of the Post Office and an upgrading of itsoperations. However, the modernist architectural design ofthe building created an abrupt break in the Victorianstreetscape, and further interfered with the flow ofpedestrians. 48 In totality, these buildings and the otheradditions to New Westminster's built fabric mark adefinitive architectural break with its nineteenth centurypast. 49The city's internal cohesion and external influence wasreinforced by the activities and orientation of its onlyradio station, CKNW. CKNW started broadcasting in 1944 underthe ownership of Bill Rea. The station operated a countryand western format, which was well in keeping with New West-minster's role as the service centre for the Lower Fraser99Valley agricultural community. 50 CKNW also actively part-icipated in the promotion of New Westminster throughout themetropolitan region, both by membership in several of thecity's organizations, including the Board of Trade, andthrough its promotion of local programming.CKNW's commitment to the promotion of New Westminstercan be traced to its first two years of operation when itoffered advertising space to New Westminster firms whichsponsored its 8 p.m. newscast. 51 This was followed by thepresentation of a series of fifteen minute broadcasts onCanadian heritage, with an explicit focus on New Westmin-ster. 52 CKNW, in tandem with the British Columbian news-paper, was the principal "voice" of the city in the region.The radio station received several commendations from theN.W.B.T. for its active role in promoting and supporting thecity's development. 53 This in turn resulted in an almostexclusive reliance upon the radio station and the newspaperas the only significant media outlets for the city. However,this symbiotic relationship was dependent upon both the con-tinued growth of the city and the media remaining underlocal ownership, conditions which disappeared in the 1960s.The decisions made by the various organizations intheir advertising is another reflection of the city's influ-ence and vitality. The superior advertising resources ofVancouver, with its larger population, two daily newspapers,100and its own radio stations, was a continual source of con-cern for New Westminster's business community. "Every day,six days a week, people in New Westminster are invited to dobusiness outside of their city... ." 54 The fear of beingsubsumed under Vancouver's media had prompted the N.W.B.T.to produce its own publications on New Westminster's indus-tries and to refuse to participate in the Vancouver Sun's1945 survey of industry due to its exclusive focus upon Van-couver. 55 The N.W.B.T. and the British Columbian alsoundertook a study to examine the feasibility of the cityproducing its own City Directory, but it was abandoned dueto the excessive cost and it was replaced by a more limitedManufacturer's Directory for the city. 56While economic motives predominated in the developmentof the advertising policies of most of these organizations,the intensity and areal extent of these strategies alsoplayed a prominent role in bolstering the city's integrity.The range of some of the advertising campaigns could bequite extensive. In 1945, the N.W.B.T. sent its informationbrochure to "all the major cities of the world" and in 1950the brochure was distributed to "the State libraries ofevery State in the United States, and also every Provinciallibrary." 54 Apart from these special publications, most ofthe city's advertising was concentrated in CKNW, the BritishColumbian, and the various local papers in the Lower FraserValley such as the Coquitlam Star, the Langley Advance, and101the Surrey Leader. The explicit exclusion of the Vancouver Sun and the Province from this list reflects the incipientrivalry between the two business communities. The importanceof the N.W.B.T. to the external promotion of New Westminsterwas assured in 1951 when its Promotions Bureau assumed fullresponsibility for all advertising for the city. 58In most of the advertising produced by the N.W.B.T. andthe N.W.H.C. a definite image of the city as an industrialand commercial centre was presented. 59 The advertisingstressed the business and development potential of New West-minster, but the "tourist" potential of the city was notice-ably absent. The principal integrative events which werehabitually promoted were the Farmers' Market and the May Daycelebrations. The historic potential of the city did beginto receive greater consideration by the mid 1950s, but theactive promotion of tourism was not undertaken in any con-sistent manner until the 1960s.The cumulative effect of these and other integrativeprocesses, such as the civic pride generated by the residentlacrosse team, was to create a city with a high degree ofcommon identity and purpose. The "community spirit" demon-strated by New Westminster's residents was often noted byoutside commentators and this engendered a sense of unitywhich permitted common action by different elements andgroups within the city. 6° The local orientation of the10?business community and the political leadership usuallyallowed a fairly rapid degree of coordination on any majorissues affecting the city. The perceived common identityalso meant that generating community involvement or mobil-ization behind major events and projects, such as theParkade, was relatively attainable in this period. However,this strong internal cohesion also gave rise to a deep senseof parochialism and an unwillingness to accept foreign ideasor participation in the city's affairs. 61 This in turnleft New Westminster vulnerable to stagnation and declinedue to its inability to perceive the nature of the internaland external environmental transformations. 62The integrative processes were counter-balanced byseveral disruptive forces. The business community becamedivided over a series of issues in this period, such as thenight shopping controversy. Even the D.B.A. was not a comp-letely unifying organization as its desire for the parkingramp, or Parkade, over Front Street was opposed by the FrontStreet merchants. In fact, Mayor Fred (Toby) Jackson openlyopposed the proposal because it "would hinder our waterfrontdevelopment by providing a bottleneck for the only piece ofwaterfront we have." 63 The unity of the city was signifi-cantly less secure after 1959.1034.3 	 SUMMATIONJacobs identified the creation of new work as oneof the two processes by which an urban centre expands andincreases its viability. 64 New Westminster was only partlysuccessful in creating new work because while the localshipyard and engineering firms expanded and diversified andthere was an aircraft manufacturing plant in Queensboroughfor a few years, the dominance of the wood products sectorand its primary industrial products meant that there wasrelatively little scope for diversification or innovation.As long as the external environment demanded the city's pro-ducts New Westminster's prosperity was assured, but once theexternal demand fell or the larger productive environmentchanged, as it did after 1956, the city's expansion wouldcease. The fact that many of the machinery firms in thecity, such as Westminster Boiler and Tank Company and theWestminster Iron Works, made many of their sales to the woodproducts industry meant that once a process of deteriorationcommenced in one sector, its effects would be far reaching.As well, there was relatively little import substitut-ion propelling the city's expansion. The city's exports con-tinued to be raw materials or semi-finished goods, with allfinished goods and consumer products being imported. Theinability to replace its imports reduced the city's overallviability and left it vulnerable to external fluctuations.104New Westminster is not unique in this respect as the inabil-ity to develop a more diversified and higher order manufac-turing base has been a characteristic feature of both theBritish Columbian and Vancouver economies." The cumu-lative effect of these weaknesses was to leave New Westmin-ster vulnerable to stagnation and decline after 1956.The internal cohesion and self-organizing ability ofNew Westminster, and by inference other urban entities, isaptly demonstrated by the variety of surrogate measuresemployed in this interpretation. Although data on the volumeof capital and information flows and per capita energyconsumption would have provided a more accurate interpret-ation of the city's organization and structural stability,the measures utilized do indicate the degree of stabilityand viability present." The expansion of the industrial,retailing, and port sectors and the continuity of thecommunity and social organizations resulted in the continuedinflux of capital, people, and information which was active-ly modified and adapted by the city's internal structure.New Westminster was not a closed system, however, as thechanging national and metropolitan contexts were todemonstrate in the following decades.New Westminster and Vancouver maintained a bi-nodalurban system with several lesser suburban nodes emerging inthe rapidly growing suburban municipalities. The earlier105radial- concentric pattern of the region was largelyunchanged and much of the development in the late 1940s wassimply infilling the established pattern. 67 While populat-ion suburbanized, the retail and employment activitiescontinued to be concentrated in the downtown cores of thetwo major cities. The dominance of the older cores began tobe eroded after 1954 when various competing commercialnodes, such as Uptown New Westminster, the Sears departmentstore on Kingsway, and the Brentwood Mall were constructed.The envelopment of New Westminster by Vancouver'smetropolitan region dates from this period. While New West-minster was still an important urban centre, commuting flowsbegan to pass through the city from the south and east intoVancouver. At the same time, Vancouver widened its economiclead over New Westminster by becoming the principallocation for the office headquarters of the various region-al, national, and international corporations. By the late1950s, the processes of growth and integration were beingoverwhelmed by various processes of deterioration anddissipation. It is these powerful forces which would governNew Westminster's external and internal environment for thenext thirty years.106NOTES1 	 Leo A. Johnson, Poverty in Wealth (Toronto: New HogtownPress, 1974), pp. 1-3.2 	 Piore and Sabel (1984).3 	 The supremacy of the United States was assured bythe Marshall Plan, the Bretton Woods Agreement and itspremier role as one of the two military "superpowers".See: David Ziegler, War, Peace, and International Politics, 4th ed. (Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 1987)4 	 British Columbia and Yukon Directory 1940, Vancouver:Sun Life.5 	 British Columbia and Yukon Directory 1942, Vancouver:Sun Life.6 	 City of New Westminster, A Report on Industrial Land inthe City of New Westminster and Greater Vancouver Region, New Westminster: 1990, p.29.7 	 Ibid, p.75 and p.79.Not all of the 10,000 employees lived within theadministrative boundaries of New Westminster.1078	 "Heaps Engineering" (date unknown), p.6; and "Manyfishing, towboats built right here", New Westminster Progress Magazine, 1 (1969), p.20.9 	 N.W.B.T., Executive Meeting, September 7, 1945 (NewWestminster Chamber of Commerce microfilm); andN.W.H.C., Annual Report 1951, p.l.10 	 New Westminster (1990), p.22.11 	 N.W.H.C., Annual Report 1954, p.7.12 	 Lower Mainland Regional Planning Board, Manufacturing Industry in the Lower Mainland of British Columbia, 1931 to 1976, New Westminster: 1960, p.i.13 	 IbidThe estimate for New Westminster's proportion wasderived from the amalgamation and interpretation of thefollowing sources: "Lumber Payroll Here $25,000,000",British Columbian, Centennial Edition, May 5, 1960,City of New Westminster, New Westminster: The Royal City (Promotional Brochure, 1960); and New Westminster(1990), p.160.14 	 Dyke, building upon Jacobs's work, makes a funda-mental distinction between two different sorts of108trade. In one sort, the material and energy flowssimply pass through the entity along established pat-terns without having an significant impact upon theentity. In the second type of trade, part the flux isdiverted by the entity to expand and elaborate its owninternal organization. In the case of Port of New West-minster, the employment and capital investment in theimmediate postwar period resulted in some of thefluxes passing through the Port being available forinternal adaptation. However, as the Port declined andbecame less "tied" to the city from the 1960s onwards,the pattern of trade regressed to the equilibriuminducing, flow-through variety.Dyke (1982), pp. 360-361.15 	 Denis E. Kerfoot, Port of British Columbia: Development and Trading Patterns, Vancouver: Tantalus Research,1966, pp. 98-99.16 	 New Westminster had been the leading mineral ex-porting port ever since 1930 when the ConsolidatedMining and Smelting Company, in conjunction with theCanadian Pacific Railway, bought Pacific CoastTerminals and established it as the corporation's mainshipping point.See: N.W.H.C., Annual Report 1935; and Kerfoot(1966), p.78.10917 	 Letter to Gordon W. Stead, Assistant Deputy, Ministryof Marine from John E. Clayton, Port Manager, March 3,1960 (Fraser River Harbour Commission microfilm, reel11-7).18 	 Norman Lidster, "An Historian sets the record straighton New Westminster waterfront", Columbian, October 15,1971.19 	 Pacific Coast Terminals was founded in 1926 by agroup of local capitalists on eighteen acres of indust-rial waterfront land. The facility originally consistedof a cold storage compartment, modern mechanical cranesand conventional terminals.See: N.W.H.C., Annual Report 1926, p.4; andGresko and Howard (1986), p.64.20 	 "New Plans for New Westminster", Canadian Shipping and Marine Engineering News, 31 (June 1960), pp. 52-53.21 	 "A Continuing Story...", New Westminster Progress Magazine, 1 (1969), p.12.22 	 Weir (1948), pp.34-5.23 	 N.W.B.T., Annual Report 1949, p.6.24 	 N.W.B.T., Quarterly General Meeting, June 26, 1945.11025 	 For example see: N.W.B.T., Annual Reports, 1945-51.26 	 N.W.B.T., Executive Meeting, April 23, 1948.27 	 N.W.B.T., Annual Report 1949, p.3.28 	 N.W.B.T., Executive Meeting, February 16, 1945.29 	 Weir (1948), p.34, and British Columbia Directory, Part 2, 1945, Vancouver: Sun Directories.30 	 The continuous influx of trade flows into an urbanentity is another source of capital, information and"energy" which can be utilized to maintain the entity'sinternal coherence and viability. The vitality of thecity's retail sector provides an indication of thestrength of these flows and the city's potential forfurther self-organization and expansion.Dyke (1988), pp. 118-121.31 	 British Columbia Directory 1945; and The Vancouver and New Westminster City Directory 1953, Vancouver: B.C.Directories Ltd.32 	 N.W.B.T., Annual Report 1954, p.7.11133 	 "Trapp firm history explores 85 years", Columbian,Trapp Motors Special, August 18, 1967, p.3.34 	 In Berry's classification of business patterns inChicago, an automobile row is a "dense concentration ofgarages and auto-dealers usually on the edge of thecentral area... ."B.J. Berry quoted in Ross L. Davies, Marketing Geography with special reference to retailing, London:Methuen, 1976, p.123.35 	 N.W.B.T., Executive Meeting, March 7, 1955.36 	 An indice of this decline is provided by theintensity of business contacts between the N.W.B.T. andother business organizations in the region. Forexample, although the Fraser Valley Committee continuedbe an important bureau within the Board of Trade, thepractice of holding some of the General Meetings in theValley ceased after 1951 and the Bureau's annualreports list only occasional visits to other Valleycommunities in the 1960s.See: N.W.B.T., Annual Report 1951; and New West-minster Chamber of Commerce, Annual Reports 1960-1964.37 	 N.W.B.T., Annual Report 1956.11238 	 The probable reasons for this decision to buildthe department store on this site were the availabilityof significant amounts of cheap, level land for devel-opment, the emergence of Sixth Street and Sixth Avenueas major traffic arteries and the advantage of beingthe only major retailer in this part of the city.39 	 Personal Interview with Mr. M.G. Thomson, formerTreasurer of the New Westminster Downtown Business andProperty Owners' Association, November 10, 1990.40 	 N.W.B.T., Executive Meeting, March 7, 1955.41 	 The provision of adequate free parking was one ofWoodward's greatest attractions in the Uptown area.42 	 New Westminster (1960); and N.W.B.T., Executive Meet-ing, April 20, 1945.43 	 The May Day fete not only instilled a sense ofplace in the children but, through the crowning of theMay Queen and other formalities, promoted the Victoriannotions of obedience and hierarchy in society.44 	 Downtown Business and Property Owners' Association,The Story of Downtown New Westminster 1952 to 1967,New Westminster: 1967, p.5.11345 	 Tito Castro Firmalino, Citizen Participation in Selected Planning Programs: A Case Study of NewWestminster (unpublished M.A. Thesis, University ofBritish Columbia, 1968), p.54 and p.60.46 	 Downtown Business and Property Owners' Association(1967), p.7.47 	 The ability of any entity to develop new organiz-ations or structures to modify and utilize the newenergy fluxes produced by a changing environment willin large measure determine the long term viability ofthat entity. In the case of New Westminster, thefailure of the City Council to deal practically andeffectively with the various transformations created asignificant organizational and policy vacuum thatreduced the city's ability to adapt to the new context.48 	 M.G. Thomson (1990).49 	 For an interpretation of the relationship betweenarchitectural style and cultural change see: AlanGowans, Images of American Living, New York: Harper andRow, 1976.50 	 Conversation with Dr. W.G. Hardwick, January 21, 1991.51 	 N.W.B.T., Executive Meeting, April 26, 1946.11452 	 N.W.B.T., Executive Meeting, February 25, 1949.53 	 N.W.B.T., Annual Report 1951.54 	 Mr. Kelly, Special Guest Speaker, N.W.B.T., ExecutiveMeeting, October 19, 1945.55 	 N.W.B.T., Executive Meeting, August 31, 1945; andN.W.B.T., Executive Meeting, September 7, 1945.56 	 N.W.B.T., Annual Report 1949; and N.W.B.T., Annual Report 1952.57 	 N.W.B.T., Executive Meeting, September 7, 1945; andN.W.B.T., Annual Report 1950, p.10.58 	 N.W.B.T., Annual Report 1951.59 	 Brown, Mitchell and Wright Ltd., Advertising Agency,"A Program for the Promotion of the Use of Present andFuture Facilities of the Harbour of New Westminster forthe Year 1960" (report for the N.W.H.C., Fraser RiverHarbour Commission microfilm reel 12).60 	 Hal Gordon, "New Westminster" (unpublished essay forthe N.W.H.C., Fraser River Harbour Commission micro-film reel 12, 1935); and Thomson (1990).11561 G.W. 	 Taylor, 	 Builders of British Columbia: An132-Industrial History, 	 Victoria: Morriss, 1982, 	 pp.133.62 Thomson (1990).63 Mayor Jackson quoted in Firmalino 	 (1968), 	 p.62.64 Jacobs 	 (1969), 	 p.52.65 Lower Mainland Regional Planning Board (1960); RonaldA. 	 Shearer, John H. Young and Gordon A.Liberalization and a Regional Economy:Munro,StudiesTradein theImpact of Free Trade on British Columbia, Toronto:University of Toronto Press, 1971; and David Baxter,Dimensions of the Greater Vancouver Economy 1986 to 1996, Vancouver: Greater Vancouver Regional District,1986.66 	 Adams (1982), p.17.67 	 Walter G. Hardwick, Vancouver, Don Mills, Ontario:Collier-Macmillan, 1974, p.5.1lbCHAPTER 5STAGNATION AND DECLINE1956 TO 19675.1 	 INTRODUCTIONThe late 1950s and 1960s were a transitional period inNew Westminster. The city experienced a high degree ofsocial and demographic stability. However, the city'seconomic structure deteriorated. The processes in thesediffering sectors created a highly unstable situation. Thecity's inhabitants attempted to reverse the economic declinewhile, at the same time, preserving the symbols, organizat-ions, and structures of previous epochs.A variety of indices measure the degree of economicdeterioration and dissipation in New Westminster. It isexemplified by decline in the industrial, retailing, andport sectors. The most significant measures of this declineare the total land area and level of employment of the portand industry. Simultaneously, regional, national, and inter-national firms began to dominate industry and their policiesaffected the city's viability. This decline was furtherexacerbated by an incipient rivalry between the two117principal commercial nodes in the city, Columbia Street andthe uptown area, and the bypassing of New Westminster by theregional transportation system.The city's population continued to increase in theseyears, albeit at a slower rate than before and in comparisonto other municipalities. Both the youth dependency ratio andthe aged dependency ratio exhibited consistent patterns. Theevidence for social stability demonstrated by the slow rateof neighbourhood change, the persistence of the May Daycelebrations, and the continued New Westminster focus of itsdaily newspaper, the British Columbian. Household mobilitywas low in New Westminster and many of its citizens weredetermined to preserve the character of May Day celebrationsintact against all forms of change. The only exception tothe process of social cohesion was the rapid transformationof the city's radio station, CKNW, from a community orientedmedia outlet to the "voice of the province" as a result ofits being purchased by a national broadcasting corporation.The ramifications of the conflicting processes of demo-graphic and social stability and economic deterioration andtheir impact upon the city's overall viability and regionalsignificance constitutes the central theme of this chapter.1185.2	 ECONOMIC TRANSFORMATIONThe economic deterioration of New Westminster tookplace at a time when North America continued to enjoy econ-omic expansion. But now this prosperity is known to havemasked shifts in the composition of the world and the Canad-ian political economies. The general decline in demand forconsumer durables in the 1960s provoked a crisis in the est-ablished command-control systems of industrial product-ion. 1 The command-control, mass production model ofindustrial organization, which was the dominant model inNew Westminster firms, proved to be slow in adapting to thechanging global and national context and therefore experien-ced a period of instability. 2The international political environment also transform-ed the stable world order which had formerly supportedNorth America's expansion. The re-emergence of Japan andWest Germany as economic and political powers eroded thehegemony of the United States in international affairs. 3As well, the newly industrializing countries (NICs) in Eastand Southeast Asia began to compete effectively with theolder industrial nations. The shift of labour intensiveindustrial production to the Third World provoked a steadydeterioration in the viability of the older industrialcentres of the First World. 4 The increased foreign indust-119rial competition in the traditional industries such asheavy engineering, shipbuilding, and steel limited thegrowth potential of older Canadian cities like New Westmin-ster.5.21 	 IndustryNew Westminster, with its industrial sector heavilyconcentrated in primary manufacturing, was not as adverselyaffected as other industrial cities. 5 While both the woodproducts and the paper and allied products sectors were re-latively stable in terms of the total value of output andthe number of firms, the other industrial sectors, such asengineering, aircraft manufacturing and food and beveragemanufacturing all experienced a reduction in total employ-ment and the number of firms. 6 The closure and auctioningoff of the Heaps Engineering Company and the aircraft manu-facturing plant in the late 1950s stalled the trend to arelatively more diversified industrial base which had com-menced in the 1940s. The city was again dependent upon theeconomic health of the forestry industry with its volatileexternal demand. This loss of the "new work" and the absenceof any significant degree of import substitution resulted ina negative multiplier effect which impaired its economicviability and contributed to the active process of deterior-ation. 7120While total employment in the industrial sector declin-ed from 6,286 in 1956 to 5,526 in 1966 and the number offirms fell from 111 to 103, other indices present a morecomplex image. 8 Both the total area zoned for industrialuse and the total industrial floor space remained relativelystatic. 9 The annual value of industrial production, on theother hand, increased from approximately $90,000,000 in 1953to $401,000,000 in 1967. 10 The increase in the value ofproduction, despite declining levels of employment, was adirect result of the application of labour-saving, capitalintensive methods of production by the city's firms.Increasing automation, as exemplified by the upgrading ofthe Scott Paper and McMillan Bathurst paper plants in the1960s, also resulted in an expanded demand for land becausethe new methods of production required larger sites. Formermulti-story structures were replaced by single-story build-ings. 11 The obsolescence of older multi-story structureswas an especially significant problem in Downtown New West-minster where most of the industrial buildings were of thistype. The fragmentary nature of the landholdings madeassembly into larger units difficult and expensive. 12A significant change which had long-term repercussionson the viability of the city was the completion of the pro-cess of corporate concentration and foreign multi-nationalcontrol, especially in the wood products and paper andallied products sectors. This process of corporate concent-121ration had been underway in Canada since the 1890s. 13 InBritish Columbia, it was the period from 1941 to 1952 whichwitnessed the greatest increase in the "consolidation ofmany provincial resource companies into larger units, andthe entrance... of large multinational resourcecompanies...H. 14 New Westminster's industrial sectorlargely lost its indigenous ownership in the late 1940s and1950s when several local mills and plants were acquired bynational and multinational firms, such as the 1948 acquisit-ion of Heaps Engineering by Waterous Ltd. of Ontario or the1954 merger of the Westminster Paper Company with ScottPaper Limited. This process continued throughout the 1960swith the majority of the new firms becoming subsidiaries ofprovincial, national or multinational corporations. 15The composition of the city's industrial sector is in-dicated in Table 5 and highlights the degree of externalcontrol. Although the number of firms identified in Table 5is rather small, due in part to the difficulty in determin-ing ownership, the basic characteristics of this sector areapparent. In the machinery manufacturing, shipbuilding andprinting and publishing sectors many local firms still re-mained, but these firms were either dependent upon the woodproducts sector for most of their business or they justserved the local market. 16 The principal implications ofthis external control were the relative lack of forward orbackward linkages in the local economy and the inhibition of122TABLE 5SELECTED FIRMS WITHIDENTIFIABLE OWNERSHIP 1966Sector 	 Number of FirmsNew WestminsterControlMachinery 	 6Wood Products 	 2Paper and Allied 	 -ProductsPrinting and 	 3PublishingShipbuilding 	 1Food and Beverage 	 1Total all sectors 	 13Sources: New Westminster 	 (1990),ExternalControl262--414p.22;Total88231527New WestminsterProgress Magazine (1969); N.W.H.C., Annual Reports, 1961-1965; and various articles fromthe New Westminster Public Library VerticalFiles on industry.123autonomous information flows. 17 In New Westminster, apartfrom linkages with local machinery manufacturing firms thevarious woods products and paper plants were mainly orientedto the overseas markets. The majority of the inputs forthese large firms, except for labour, were acquired fromelsewhere in the metropolitan region while the semi-finishedoutputs were almost exclusively exported abroad. 18 As aresult, the residual multiplier effect was not as substant-ial as might have been attained if the city's former indig-enous orientation had been maintained.As North America moved from a goods based form of soc-ial and economic organization to an "information society" acity's relative location within the flows of informationbecame crucially important in maintaining its viability. 19New Westminster throughout this period was increasingly ina peripheral location in relation to these international,national and regional information flows. While many of thecity's firms were controlled by national or provincial corp-orations, such as Macmillan Bloedel, their head office func-tions were all located outside of the city, either in Down-town Vancouver, Toronto or American metropolitan centres.The absence of head office functions in the city meant thatthere was virtually no local input into the operation ofthese firms and that the city was reduced to being one pointof production among the many points controlled by each corp-oration. 20124There was also a lack of any research and developmentin New Westminster. The city's industrial firms could onlyupgrade or adapt to the changing internal and externalenvironments with the consent of the head office. The typeand pace of technological change was thus dependent upon theimportation of new innovations. As a result, there waslittle encouragement of local innovations or entrepreneurialskill and the vulnerability of the city's industry to ex-ternal transformations was greatly increased. 21 The citywas therefore at risk of becoming a passive receptor of ex-ternal information flows and thus incapable of rapidlyadapting to the "postindustrial society" which emerged inthe late 1960s. 225.22 	 The Port Paralleling the stagnation in the city's industrialsector, New Westminster's port was adversely affected by acombination of technological change in the vessel sizes andloading techniques, the age and topography of the waterfrontand shifts in transportation modes. 23 During the 1960s,the size of vessels increased. This was partly a result ofan increase in the world's ocean going fleet and volume oftrade and partly due to the shipping companies' desire toachieve greater economies of scale and reduced turn-aroundtimes. 24 While most tramp and liner vessels had weighedbetween 5,000-8,000 d.w.t. before 1960, by the early 1970s125vessels as large as 30,000 d.w.t. were in active service andsome specialized bulk carriers, such as oil tankers and orecarriers, easily dwarfed even these new ships. 25 Thelarger vessels required deep ports for their safe operationand New Westminster, with a harbour depth of thirty tothirty-five feet and constant river siltation problems -, wasincapable of easily accommodating these changes. 26Simultaneously, there also occurred a radical transfor-mation in the means of transporting and loading/unloadingcargo. In the case of general cargo, the two techniqueswhich have had the greatest impact are the roll-on/roll-offmethod and containerization. Both of these techniques cameinto commercial use in the 1960s in response, in part, toincreasing labour costs at the docks due to increasingwages, low productivity and restrictive union practices. Byadopting these methods the ship owners were able to mechan-ize the waterfront, thereby increasing the productivity oflabour while reducing the total number of workers required.At the port, "a smaller labour force, reduced as much asninety percent" 27 can easily handle the same volume ofcommodities. As before, the turn-around time of the vesselimproved, thereby reducing the time it spends as an expen-sive floating warehouse. 28 By the late 1960s the wharvesand warehouses on the waterfront of New Westminster werebecoming old and decrepid. The city was thus faced with up-grading the docks, which it owned, and it simply did not126have the money available. 29 The lack of investment in theport resulted in its increasing obsolescence and a steadydeterioration in its relative attractiveness.All the new maritime techniques required large amountsof flat, accessible land for their effective operation. 3°This requirement was especially damaging to New Westminsterbecause the city is characterized by numerous steep hillswith only a limited amount of flat land available near theriver. In 1971 Pacific Coast Terminals had only nine acresin which to assemble and move cargo and this was spread outin a narrow strip between Front Street and the river, whilethe Vanterm facility alone in Vancouver had seventy-sixacres. 31 Finally, these techniques were also associatedwith a modal shift in land transportation away from railwaysto truck transport. Access to regional highway networks thusbecame of paramount importance, while the older rail-linkedfacilities, such as New Westminster, declined to a peripher-al status. New Westminster's congested port area was madeeven more inadequate by the city's traffic provisions whichlimited all heavy vehicle traffic to Front Street, thusreducing the port's accessibility.'The opening of the Fraser Surrey Docks in 1963 on thesouth side of the river underscored the city's decreasingrelevance. Fraser Surrey is a sixty-nine hectare facilitysited in the municipalities of Surrey and Delta. Fraser Sur-127rey is both a general cargo and a container terminal, comp-letely equipped to handle unit loads, containers and roll-on/roll-off traffic. 32 Steel, fruits, meat, containers andother types of general cargo arrives in the facility, almostall of which would have been unloaded in New Westminster inearlier years. The extensive open as well as enclosed stor-age areas and the large berthing area both combine to giveFraser Surrey an immense advantage over New Westminster. 33The existence of such a modern facility so close to the cityreduced the desire of many of the firms and organizationsassociated with the old port to undertake a massive modern-ization program.The deterioration of New Westminster's position as aport was symbolically indicated by the 1959 decision of theNew Westminster Harbour Commission to widen the scope of allsubsequent annual reports to include the entire Lower FraserRiver region and not just the immediate area around NewWestminster. 34 This decision was a reflection of the in-creasing industrial and port importance of the surroundingmunicipalities. The declining regional importance of NewWestminster was institutionally recognized in 1965 when theNew Westminster Harbour Commission was replaced by theFraser River Harbour Commission (F.R.H.C.). The Commissionbecame a regional body with membership extended to all ofthe municipalities contained within its 217 kilometer admin-istrative area. While the head office remained in New West-128minster, the city was forced to share influence with thesurrounding municipalities. 35 The demolition of the grainelevator in 1969 marks the final eclipse of the city's portambitions and the ending of grain shipments through theFraser River.5.23 	 RetailingThe retail viability of New Westminster experienced asignificant degree of instability in the 1960s due to thecontinued decline of the Downtown, renewed expansion in theUptown and the containment and reduction of the city's tradearea by the development of new regional and community shop-ping centres in the surrounding municipalities (Figure 4).In general terms, the city's trading area population expand-ed from 135,000 in 1953 to 180,000 in 1967 with a totalretail sales volume estimated at over $105,000,000. 36However, this expansion can largely be accounted for by thecontinuing population growth in the city and surroundingmunicipalities. Despite the absolute increase in the city'smarket size its relative position within the metropolitanregion continued to erode. 37 As a result, the volume oftrade flows into the city decreased and New Westminster'sself-organizing function was significantly impaired.Downtown New Westminster, although not declining in anabsolute sense, was no longer the major market centre forB•L•lageotFIGURE 4NEW WESTMINSTER AND ITS COMMERCIAL RIVALS1969KeyUDLMGSBPUptown New WestminsterDowntown New WestminsterLougheed MallMiddlegate MallGuildford Shopping CentreSears Department StoreBrentwood MallPark Royal Shopping CentreSource: New Westminster PublicLibrary129the entire Lower Fraser Valley. Although the completion ofthe parking ramp in 1959 had temporarily alleviated theshortage of parking spaces in the core, the Downtown stilldid not offer the large amount of free parking available inthe suburban shopping centres or in Uptown New Westmin-ster. 38 The parking ramp also adversely affected thestreetscape along Front Street and ultimately caused thecommercial collapse of the entire street (Figure 5). Colum-bia Street was itself suffering from a variety of problemsassociated with its increasing age. The main commercialbuildings were often owned by absentee landlords and as aresult Columbia Street's general appearance had deterior-ated. 39The Downtown Business and Property Owners's Association(D.B.A.) was the one organization which consistently attemp-ted to offer solutions to the mounting problems. In 1963 theD.B.A. succeeded in convincing the City Council to installornamental colored street lights along Columbia Street toimprove its attractiveness. 40 A year later, a major renov-ation of Columbia Street was undertaken by the City Counciland the D.B.A.. The street was reconstructed with improvedgreenery and wider sidewalks and an effort was made to en-courage property owners to upgrade their facades. 41 How-ever, these improvements did not address any of the under-lying processes which were causing the Downtown's dissipat-ion and thus the impression of Columbia Street as adeclining area continued.IVIAFIGURE 5FRONT STREET UNDER THE PARKADESource: New Westminster PublicLibrary130By 1962 the lack of adequate parking had once againbegun to emerge as an important issue. The D.B.A. proposedan extension to the parking ramp to alleviate some of thecongestion which was occurring on Columbia Street. Unlikethe original ramp proposal, the extension was actively sup-ported by Mayor Beth Wood and the rest of the Council andthe plans were quickly approved. 42 The extension was sup-ported by a majority of the Downtown property owners in avote on a special money bylaw in 1964 and the extension wascompleted in 1966 at a cost of $1,010,000. 43 The expandedramp consisted of three decks which extended over FrontStreet for about two-thirds of its length and could accommo-date a total of 911 cars. 44 The expanded ramp did increasethe amount of parking space in the Downtown, but it alsoexerted a negative influence on Front Street (Figure 6).Architecturally, the expanded parking ramp was an ex-tremely unattractive structure and it acted as a strong phy-sical barrier to the waterfront. The neglect of the ramp'sdesign and aesthetics had a negative impact upon the commer-cial viability of Front Street. The parking ramp, with its■reinforced concrete decks and pillars, created a tunneleffect which, in combination with the high volumes of rail-road and heavy vehicle traffic, rendered normal conversationimpossible. The high levels of noise and the lack ofadequate lighting discouraged the street's utilization by13o AUUO131pedestrians. The declining commercial viability of FrontStreet was indicated by the prevalence of pawnshops, second-hand stores and vacant buildings and this in turn provoked adisincentive to invest in renovations on the part of theproperty owners. 45 By 1967, Front Street was a fullyblighted commercial strip.Uptown New Westminster, however, consistently experi-enced processes of expansion and development in the 1960s.In 1963, at the southwest corner of the intersection ofSixth Avenue and Sixth Street, an office complex was builtwhich contained the Canadian Imperial Bank of Commerce onthe ground floor. This building was significant because itmarked the beginning of the general expansion of the officesector in the Uptown area. As Table 6 indicates, the pace ofconstruction continued unabated throughout the 1964-68 per-iod. The completion of the Westminster Medical Building gre-atly enhanced the availability of medical and professionalservices to area residents and the expansion of the Wood-ward's department store secured the position of the Uptownas a significant multi-functional commercial district.Simultaneously, the City Council rezoned a large pro-portion of the Uptown to high density residential use fromthe previous single family designation. 46 This rezoningpermitted the development of a large number of apartmentbuildings in the area. As Table 7 indicates, at the peak of132TABLE 6UPTOWN:NEW COMMERCIAL FLOOR SPACEYear 	 Approximate	 MajorNew'Floor Space 	 Developments Included1964 	 60,000 sq. ft. 	 Westminster Medical1965 	 -1966 	 3,500 sq. ft. 	 Mini-Mart1967 	 9,000 sq. ft. 	 B.C. Telephone and aService Station1968 	 30,000 sq. ft. 	 Woodward's StoresTotal 	 102,500 sq. ft.Source: The City Centre (1969), p.19.133TABLE 7NEW APARTMENT UNITS CONSTRUCTEDIN THE UPTOWNYear Number of Units1964 971965 5231966 4611967 7721968 1,002Total 2,855Source: The City Centre (1969), p.20.134development in 1968, approximately 1,000 units were con-structed. This rapid development resulted in a profound in-crease in the local population in the Uptown area and ashift in its composition from single family homeowners tomainly renters, a large proportion of which were senior cit-izens. 47 This population growth aided the commercial ex-pansion of Uptown New Westminster, but its effects on theDowntown core are more problematic. The generally lowermobility of senior citizens, coupled with the steep hillsleading into the Downtown, probably restricted the shoppingpatterns of many of the residents to the Uptown area. 48Furthermore, the relatively small range of most conveniencegoods and services also limited the benefits to the Uptownarea. 49 The transformation of Uptown New Westminster incertain respects paralleled the similar, albeit far larger,development of the West End of Vancouver into the highestdensity district in the metropolitan region.Downtown and Uptown New Westminster existed in an un-stable symbiotic relationship during this period. Both areasattracted consumers from the surrounding municipalities intothe city and it is reasonable to assume that a significantproportion of the shoppers travelled between the two nodes.The continued expansion of the Uptown strengthened the com-mercial viability and population base of the city. As well,Columbia Street, with its mix of department stores, servicesand government offices exerted a significant magnetic at-135traction on the region. However, within the city the twoareas tended to be in competition with each other, therebylimiting the degree of cooperation between them and weaken-ing the long term adaptability of the city. In an effort toeliminate the wasteful competition, the City officiallyrecognized the interdependency of the two areas with TheCity Centre report in 1969. This report stressed thenecessity of treating the two areas as one unified commerc-ial core and in developing plans to promote complementarygrowth for both. The failure to implement the plan fullyresulted in a continuation of the dispersal of developmentbetween the two areas and an exacerbation of their differingtrajectories.As with all dissipative structures, cities often stillpossess dynamic elements which promote the city's economicviability despite the general process of deterioration. 50The most significant shift in the economic composition ofthe city was the growing promotion of the tourist andconvention industry. Although the absence of an adequatefirst-class hotel had been seen as a significant disadvant-age since 1950, it was not until the late 1950s that theBoard of Trade began to seriously consider this issue. 51The designation of Irving House as the city's historiccentre in 1953 had improved the attractiveness of the cityto tourists, but it was not until the Royal Towers Hotelopened in 1962 that the City could accommodate tourists.52136The growing volume of tourist traffic entering the city isindicated by Figure 7. Both . the number of visitors and thevolume of traffic served by the Visitor's Information Boothoperated by the Chamber of Commerce (formerly the Board ofTrade) steadily increased from 1965 to 1971. In fact, therenaming of the Board of Trade to the New WestminsterChamber of Commerce was in part motivated by the perceivedshift in its operations away from an exclusive focus uponindustry or retailing. 53The complexity of the dynamic economic situation in NewWestminster was reflected in the fluctuations in the valueof building permits and assessed land values in the cityfrom 1955 to 1969. The dynamics of urban land rent has oftenbeen utilized as an indicator of the relative attractivenessand importance of an urban centre. 54 In more traditionalapproaches, such as Alonso's Land Rent Model, differences inland values are associated with variations in the relativeaccessibility of areas within the city or region. This con-cept has recently been elaborated upon by some Europeanresearchers, such as Roberto Camagni and Tomasco Pompili,who argue that urban land rent is not only an indicator ofthe "demand for accessibility to urban-centred information",but also "a mode of appropriation of the surplus generatedby urban-based innovation...". 55 Thus, rising land valueswill ultimately adversely affect the viability of urbancentres by propelling the eventual movement of urban-based\(A L.0> viL li 7a WI.12 	 in 	 cE 	 L. 	 C CDD▪ 6 0 	 < a)z v o o	o o 	 0 	 o 	 e-oo 	 0 	 o	 0	 o 	 q ,4Nct 	 cv 	 ct 	 cv 	 0 	 4..r. 	 ce) 	 C.)1 	 tr) 	 git 	 cl CT) 	 1■•••	GECiius-D,2r...0902Er1\ .• .., .• . .CD00Ta—) 1001   Inv4A66 	in 1:7L. CE 0 0 •_ inD "6 w 0z 	 5' X••■137information activities out of central locations in favour ofdecentralised and peripheral locations. This movement out ofthe central locations to the periphery has been described asthe "periphery's revenge after the tyranny of the metro-polis." 55 An urban centre's present attractiveness andfuture viability therefore may be inferred from the fluct-uations in its land rents. 57Table 8 indicates the fluctuations in the value ofbuilding permits, the total assessed value of land and theVancouver metropolitan Consumer Price Index. In terms of thevalue of building permits, using 1961 as the base year,there was a marked degree of variation over the 1955 to 1969period. The greatest increases in the value of buildingpermits issued occurred form 1965 to 1969 when the con-struction "boom" in Uptown New Westminster was at its peak.Despite the often vast swings in the value of building per-mits, the trend was generally moving in an upward directionafter 1961 and the values greatly exceeded both the increasein the total assessed value of property in the city and theConsumer Price Index. However, the total assessed propertyvalues increased only marginally faster than the ConsumerPrice Index (C.P.I.) during the 1950s and at about the samerate as the C.P.I. in the early 1960s, with the noticeableexception of the years 1960 to 1962. The total assessedproperty values began to increase rapidly after 1967 as theUptown development began to have a significant impact uponthe city.138TABLE 8THE RELATIVE ATTRACTIVENESSOF NEW WESTMINSTER(Base Year 1961)Year Building Permits Assessed PropertyValuesC.P.I.1955 115 77.6 91.11956 92 81.8 92.41957 115 84.4 94.71958 103 87.7 97.11959 113 90.3 98.81960 111 95.7 99.71961 100 100.0 100.01962 159 112.5 100.31963 124 112.6 101.91964 129 113.5 102.61965 179 117.9 104.51966 180 121.3 107.01967 249 126.3 111.01968 329 135.8 115.11969 221 145.7 119.0Source: City of New Westminster, Information Bulletins,Numbers 12 and 18; City of New Westminster,Financial Statements, 1961 to 1984; and Statis-tics Canada, Consumer Prices and Price Indexes,1961 to 1985.139These figures indicate that New Westminster was not acompletely depressed area, or "sink", in the late 1950s andearly 1960s. The fact that the total assessed propertyvalues increased during this period, albeit at low rate,demonstrates that at least some areas of the city were stillexperiencing continued expansion. However, the slow growthalso means that the city was not a strong urban attractor.The lack of rapid property value increase until the late1960s implies that the city had become economically stagnantand bypassed as a major urban information centre. Thefigures also indicate that the city was still able to gener-ate or modify its own internal and external "energy" fluxesin order to maintain its internal coherence. The growthin the city's land rents and economic viability in the late1960s was a direct consequence of the development ofUptown New Westminster.5.24 	 Regional Transformations The viability and regional importance of New Westmin-ster was negatively affected by changes in the regionaltransportation system. The progressive construction of newbridges over the Fraser River and Burrard Inlet in the post-war period aided the rapid population growth in the suburbsand exerted a profound influence on New Westminster's relat-ive accessibility. The Pattullo Bridge had been the only140significant crossing from New Westminster to the southernmunicipalities and the Lower Fraser Valley since 1937. How-ever, by 1955 the Pattullo Bridge was suffering from in-creasing traffic congestion and the Board of Trade began toagitate for a new crossing at Annacis Island. 58 At thesame time the constant disruption of road and rail trafficbetween Downtown New Westminster and Queensborough due tothe opening of the swing span of the Lulu Island Bridge toaccommodate river traffic, coupled with its inadequate widthand increasing age, provoked a series of meetings betweenthe Board of Trade, the New Westminster Harbour Commission,the North Fraser Harbour Commission and the B.C. TowboatOwners' Association to discuss its replacement. 59The importance of the Pattullo Bridge to New Westmin-ster and the metropolitan region is indicated by Table 9.Fifty-nine percent of the South Shore Pattullo Bridge traf-fic originated or terminated in Surrey while an additionalnineteen and a half percent originated or terminated inLangley or elsewhere in the Lower Fraser Valley. On theNorth Side of the Pattullo Bridge thirty-seven percent oforigins and destinations were in New Westminster, which wasonly slightly less than the forty-two percent figure forVancouver, the North Shore and the University EndowmentLands. Thus, New Westminster was able to capture a largeamount of the traffic flowing across the Fraser River andmaintain its commercial viability. However, by 1954 the peak141TABLE 9ORIGINS AND DESTINATIONSOF PATTULLO BRIDGE TRAFFIC1953To and From	 Percent of Total TrafficSurrey 	 59.1Langley and east 	 19.5White Rock and U.S.A. 	 16.6Delta 	 4.8Total	 100.0North Shore East of North Road 	 4.8New Westminster 	 37.2Burnaby 	 11.3Boundary Road to Fraser St.(including North Vancouver) 	 12.4West of Fraser St. (excludingdowntown) 	 15.9Downtown Vancouver and WestVancouver 	 15.0Lulu and Sea Island 	 3.4Total 	 100.0Source: Technical Committee on Metropolitan HighwayPlanning (1955), pp. 37-38.142Sunday traffic volume had reached 2,400 vehicles per hourfor two lane one-way traffic while the maximum designcapacity was only 3,000 vehicles per hour. 6° With theannual traffic volumes increasing at an average of fifteenpercent per year, additional crossings were necessary. 61The new system of crossings which emerged was not ben-eficial to New Westminster. The completion of the DeasIsland Tunnel in 1959 (later renamed the George Massey Tun-nel) and Highway 17 to Tsawwassen, 10 miles to the west downriver, provoked the rapid development of Delta and its in-tegration into Vancouver's urban field. 62 The subsequentconstruction of the Trans-Canada Highway and the Port MannBridge in 1964, 5 miles up river to the east, for the firsttime permitted traffic from the Lower Fraser Valley to by-pass New Westminster completely on its way into Vancouverand Burnaby (Figure 8). Although these crossings did al-leviate some of the congestion problems plaguing thePattullo Bridge, they also served to link the outer regionmore closely with Vancouver and Burnaby and undercut NewWestminster's former commuter shed and trade area. New West-minster was thereby transformed into just one among severaldestinations in a multinucleated metropolitan region.The relative loss of traffic due to the new bridges wascompounded in 1960 by changes to the north and south ap-proaches to the Pattullo Bridge. Prior to 1960, there hadFIGURE 8MAJOR ROADS AND CROSSINGS IN THEGREATER VANCOUVER REGIONKeyP Pattullo BridgePM Port Mann BridgeG George Massey TunnelL Lions Gate BridgeS Second Narrows Bridge143been direct access from Columbia Street onto the PattulloBridge. However, to increase the carrying capacity of theapproaches and reduce traffic congestion on Columbia Street,a clover-leaf interchange was built on the north side whichforced all north-bound traffic to turn onto Royal Avenue be-fore entering the Downtown while south-bound traffic wasonly able to use Columbia Street to enter the bridge duringnon-peak hours. As a result, traffic was almost forced tobypass the Downtown 'and the Columbia Street merchantsnoticed a perceptible drop in their business. 63 The Down-town was thus rendered less accessible to its traditionalcustomers on the south side of the Fraser River and itsrelative attractiveness declined.The construction of the Queensborough Bridge createdother problems for the city. The pre-existing Lulu IslandBridge had served as the only crossing point between Queens-borough and the rest of the city since 1909 and its singlespan carried two lanes of road traffic and a single railwaytrack. "The highway portion of this structure had for sometime had a 10-ton, 10 m.p.h. limit imposed upon it..." 64and it could only handle a maximum of 8,000 cars perday. 65 The bridge was unable to accommodate both trainsand vehicles simultaneously and this caused numerous trafficbottlenecks. The old swing bridge was also viewed as anavigation hazard by the B.C. Towboat Owners' Associationand both of the harbour commissions." In order to improve144upon all of these problems the city decided to construct anew bridge between Queensborough and the West End of thecity (then an independent area under provincial controlcalled District . Lot 172).The completion of the new Queensborough Bridge did re-solve some of the problems, but it also had negative ramif-ications for the city. The new bridge could accommodate ap-proximately 20,000 cars per day and it did not possess theinconvenience of a railway in the middle of the struc-ture. 67 The bridge was not a hazard to navigation as ithad been built with an eighty foot vertical clearance, thuspermitting river traffic to pass unobstructed. 68 However,the bridge was not an unquestionable success. The locationof the bridge on the north shore of Queensboroughand con-necting with Marine Drive and Twentieth Street meant thattraffic could once again flow around the city into Vancouverand Burnaby. Although there are. precise figures on theimpact of the bridge on the Downtown's commercial viability,the cumulative effect was probable to further erode thecore's relative accessibility.The fact that the Queensborough Bridge was a toll brid-ge and that it was built by the city with no appreciablefinancial support from the province imposed a heavy financ-.ial burden on the city and Queensborough residents. Thefinal $4,000,000 cost was paid through the sale of deben-145tures guaranteed by the provincial government and the con-stant need to make up the annual payments and cover theoperating deficit strained city finances. 69 This debt madeit very difficult for the city to undertake any other majorcapital projects. The necessity of charging tolls was anespecially hard burden for Queensborough residents and in-dustries. The cost of the tolls was seen as a significantadditional burden by the firms in Queensborough and onAnnacis Island and as a disincentive to invest in thearea. 70 The greatest protests came from the residents whocomplained about the high cost and inconvenience of reachingNew Westminster. 71 Until 1966, when the provincialgovernment agreed to assume responsibility for the bridgeand abolished the tolls, the Queensborough Bridge was adefinite strain on the city.The accessibility of the city was also impeded by thechanges which occurred in the regional transit system in the1950s and 1960s. Between 1950 and 1953, the interurban andtram systems, which were focused on Downtown New Westminster(Figure 9), were closed throughout the region and in theirplace a bus system was established. However, the servicewhich was provided in New Westminster and South Burnaby wasviewed as being completely inadequate. "The main complaintwas that it took double the time to travel to New Westmin-"ster than formerly... .72 and the instigation of anexpress bus into Vancouver made Downtown Vancouver easier to\‘,I a-5 4FIGURE 9THE INTER-URBAN RAILWAY SYSTEM1947146travel to than Downtown New Westminster. TheCity Council and the Board of Trade both made vigorous pro-tests to Pacific Stage Lines, but apart from some minorroute changes very little was accomplished. 73In the same year, Pacific Stage Lines moved their busterminal from Front Street to the corner of Sixth Street andRoyal Avenue. This move provoked a great deal of oppositionfrom the Downtown merchants because the new location now re-quired all passengers to negotiate the steep Sixth Streethill in order to shop on Columbia Street. In response to thereduction in the city's accessibility for bus passengers,the Board of Trade, and later the Chamber of Commerce,started a special Shopper's Bus from the bus terminal aroundthe Downtown core which was supported by a special levy onDowntown businesses. 74 In 1962 the bus was made theresponsibility of the D.B.A. and its continued operationinto the 1970s is a reflection of the poor state of busservice in the city.In fact, the complaints about the bus service continuedinto the 1960s. In 1961, a complaint was made by the Chamberof Commerce about the inadequate bus service to Coquitlamwhich was an important source of customers for the city'sbusinesses. 75 The lack of any overall improvement in theprovision of bus service to the city resulted in a reductionin New Westminster's urban field for transit users. By 1966147Mr. M.G. Thomson of the D.B.A. could remark that " a numberof means of public transit into Downtown New Westminster hadbeen lost in recent years and that the "experts" had actual-ly written-off our Downtown about ten years ago." 76The various changes in the relative accessibility andattractiveness of New Westminster are of even greater impor-tance when examined within the context of the continuingrapid suburban growth and development. The steady increasein the population of the surrounding municipalities was ofobvious benefit to the city as it increased the potentialsize of the city's market area. At the same time, the proli-feration of regional shopping centres around the city sign-ificantly restricted its effective market. For example, theopening of the Guildford Shopping Centre in 1969 acted asan intervening commercial centre for traffic originating inthe Lower Fraser Valley, thereby completing the truncationof the city's regional influence. Furthermore, the complet-ion of several community shopping centres in the surroundingmunicipalities, such as- the Dell Shopping Centre in . NorthSurrey or the Middlegate Mall on Kingsway in South Burnaby,increased the amount of economic competition for some goodsand services.771485.3 	 DEMOGRAPHICSThe economic instability and deterioration whichcharacterized the city was counter-balanced by continueddemographic stability and growth. The process of rapidmetropolitan population expansion continued unabated in the1956 to 1966 period. Table 10 highlights the scale of thistransformation. As in the previous 1941 to 1956 era, all themunicipalities in the metropolitan region experienced in-creases in their populations. New Westminster witnessed 'atwenty percent increase in its population as compared toonly a twelve percent increase for Vancouver. The fargreater absolute population of Vancouver rendered this rel-ative difference largely meaningless. The most significantincreases in population continued to occur in the suburbs,with the older municipality of Burnaby showing the smallestgrowth at thirty-three percent while Port Coquitlam exhibit-ed a massive one hundred and forty percent increase. Thisperiod is also significant because, with the exception ofPort Coquitlam, all the surrounding municipalities werelarger than New Westminster thus fully eclipsing the city'sdemographic importance in the region. However, the absoluteincrease in New Westminster's population indicates that thecity was still a viable and attractive location.The age structure of New Westminster provides an addit-149TABLE 10POPULATION CHANGERegion1956 TO 19661956 	 1961 1966 % changeVancouver CMA 665017	 790165 892286 34.2Vancouver 365844	 384522 410376 12.2New Westminster 31665 	 33654 38013 20.0Burnaby 83745 	 100157 112036 33.8Surrey 49366 	 70838 81826 65.8'Coquitlam 20800 	 29053 40916 96.7Port Coquitlam 	 4632 	 8111 11121 140.1Source: 	 Censuses of Canada,	 1956 to 	 1966.150ional indication of the viability of the city. The proport-ion of the population which is either too young or too oldto fully participate in the city's economic activities mustbe supported by other means and, in the Canadian context,this usually implies transfer payments, such as pensions orfamily allowance cheques, from other levels of government.Dependence upon such transfer payments has been identifiedas one of the "transactions of decline" which eventuallydrains the resources and flows of a city and creates a verynon-adaptive-form of development. 78 An urban centre whichreceives a significant proportion of its capital influx inthe form of transfer payments is vulnerable not only to theconstant swings in the business cycle, 79 but also tochanges in government ideologies and policies. 80 The in-creasing dependence of some Canadian urban centres upontransfer payments has significant implications for the long-term viability of t4pse cities. 81The degree to which New Westminster's age structurediffered from the rest of the metropolitan region can be as-sessed from Tables 11 and 12. Table 11 presents the ageddependency ratio for New Westminster and surrounding munic-ipalities from 1951 to 1971. The aged dependency ratio is anumerical indicator of the percentage of the population aged65 and above over the percentage of the population aged 15to 64. 82 Although the ratio is inherently flawed becausemany people still work long after age 65, it does provide a151TABLE 11AGED DEPENDENCY1951 TO 1971RATIORegion 1951 1961 1971New Westminster 15.4 17.6 19.1Vancouver CMA 18.2 18.4 15.6Vancouver 19.3 21.9 20.1Burnaby 17.1 14.6 11.9Coquitlam 17.8 14.6 10.9Surrey 16.1 13.2White Rock 75.8 56.9Source: Censuses of Canada, 1951 to 1971.152TABLE 12YOUTH DEPENDENCY RATIO1951 TO 1971Region 1951 1961 1971New Westminster 35.3 39.8 28.7Vancouver CMA 35.7 47.7 39.3Vancouver 31.6 37.1 29.4Burnaby 44.3 54.8 38.3Coquitlam 38.3 58.8 54.2Surrey 68.8 53.6White Rock 40.7 32.1Source: Censuses of Canada, 1951 to 1971.153gross indication of the aging of a given population overtime. As Table 11 shows, New Westminster was experiencing acontinual aging of its population throughout this period.By 1971, New Westminster's aged dependency index was onlymarginally lower than Vancouver's and was higher than thesurroundihg suburban municipalities and the Vancouver CensusMetropolitan Area (C.M.A.) as a whole. This increase in theindex implies a general aging of the city's population andthus a greater increase in the importance of transfer pay-ments for its inhabitants. However, the city was far lessbiased in its aged dependency ratio than White Rock whichafter its separation from Surrey in 19'58 became the quint-essential retirement community.Table 12 shows the youth dependency ratio for theseurban areas. The youth dependen6y ratio is similar to theaged dependency ratio except that it provides an indicationof the relationship between the percentage of the populationaged 0 to 14 to the percentage of the population aged 15 to64. 83 A comparison of the youth dependency ratios for thevarious urban areas indicates that New Westminster witnesseda rapid decline in the proportion of children in its pop-ulation. While both Vancouver and White Rock had low ratios,by 1971 New Westminster had the lowest ratio and this inturn meant that the city was increasingly characterized byan older population. The increasing age of the city's pop-ulation contributed to the social and perceptual stability154and cohesion exhibited during this period and providedmore immobile market population for the city's deterioratingeconomy.5.4 	 COMMUNITY AND PERCEPTUAL SHIFTSThe city and the surrounding region continued to main-tain a high order of cohesion through the persistence ofmany integrative processes. Despite, or perhaps because of,the economic deterioration and slow demographic expansion,the city's identity and sense of place were relatively un-affected. An examination of the degree of neighbourhoodstability and the persistence of the May Day festival clear-ly demonstrate this community integration. The only elementof dissipation apparent was the decreasing emphasis the cityreceived from its principal media outlets. This reduction inthe city's media profile was in part a consequence of itsdeteriorating economic viability and eroded the city's imageas an important urban centre. In totality, these social andcommunity indices, in conjunction with.the economic anddemographic elements, provide an indication of the city'sinternal coherence and adaptability.1555.41 	 Neighborhood StabilityAll of these active processes and fluxes were reflectedin the degree of neighborhood stability which existed indifferent areas of New Westminster. 84 Tables 13 to 16present the results of an examination of residences alongthree streets in New Westminster to infer the degree ofstability or change which occurred in the city from 1951 to1966. 85 The three streets chosen were Nanaimo Street inthe West End, Queens Avenue in the Queens Park area andRichmond Street in Sapperton, each of which remained a pre-dominantly single family area throughout the study period.The actual list of residences and their names was compiledfrom various City and Lower Fraser Valley directories."'The greatest degree of neighbourhood change occurred inthe 1951 to 1956 period (Table 13). In this five year inter-val thirty-six percent of the addresses had new residents ascompared to only about thirty percent from 1956 to 1961 andtwenty-nine percent from 1961 to 1966. The degree of instab-ility is probably even more pronounced in the earlier periodwhen one considers that five additional addresses appearedin the other two time intervals. The greater degree ofneighborhood instability in the 1951 to 1956 period is prob-ably a reflection of the economic expansion and postwar pro-sperity which was at its zenith in 1956. As the city beginsto experience economic stagnation and dissipation from 1956156TABLE 13NEIGHBORHOOD CHANGE1956 TO 1956Street 	 Number of 	 Number of New 	 % changeAddresses 	 AddressesNanaimo 31 13 41.93Queens 26 10 38.41Richmond 18 4 22.22Total 75 27 36.00TABLE 14NEIGHBORHOOD CHANGE1956 TO 1961Street 	 No. of 	 No. of New % change 	 No. of 	 %Addresses Addresses 	 Addressesover 10 	 -yearsresidenceNanaimo 33 11 33.33 14 42.42Queens 27 6 22.22 14 51.85Richmond 18 6 33.33 12 66.67Total 78 23 29.48 40 51.28157TABLE 15NEIGHBORHOOD CHANGE1961 TO 1966Street 	 No. of 	 No. of New % change No. of 	 %Addres- Addresses 	 Addressesses 	 with 10years ormore ofresidenceNanaimo 33 12 36.36 16 48.48Queens 27 6 22.22 17 62.96Richmond 20 5 25.00 10 50.00Total 80 23 28.75 43 53.75TABLE 16CUMULATIVE CHANGE1951 TO 1966No. of 	 No. of New 	 % changeAddresses 	 Addresses233 	 73 	 31.33158onwards, the number of new households declines as the citybecomes a weaker attractor. An excellent indication of thedegree of neighborhood stability is the fact that fifty-fourpercent of the residents in the 1961 to 1966 period hadlived at the same address for ten years or more (Table 15).The degree of neighborhood stability is further demon-strated by comparing the mobility figures with that of thenation as a whole. Approximately "42.4 per cent of the pop-ulation aged five years or over in 1961 changed residenceswithin Canada." 87 Although not directly comparable due toits inclusion of tenants in apartment areas, the proportionfor urban areas was even higher at forty-seven percent.Thesefigures indicate a high degree of geographical mobilitywithin the Canadian population, a degree of mobility whichwas not exhibited in New Westminster. The amount of geo-graphic mobility indicated by Table 14 was nearly thirteenpercent below the national average for this period and thisreinforces the earlier assertion that New Westminster wascharacterized by a significant degree of neighbourhoodstability. This'relative immobility is in part due to themore secure tenure of homeowners, but is also in largemeasure attributable to the increasing age of the city'spopulation as mobility rates fall steadily after about the30-34 age cohort due to a wide variety of lifestyle, occu-pational and educational changes. 88 The cumulative effectof the demographic transition and neighbourhood stability159was to reinforce the city's internal cohesiveness, althoughthese processes also supported the development of occasion-ally parochial attitudes on the part of its residents.5.42 	 Community IntegrationThe internal cohesion of New Westminster was bolsteredby the continuation of many of the integrative events andtraditions established in earlier eras. Although some of theelements, such as the Farmers' Market, did experience adecline in their importance, the central component of thecity's coherence, the May Day festival, continued toplay a significant role. Despite the city's cohesiveness,its identity was increasingly derived from an emphasis uponits past and not the emergence of new processes of integrat-ion. The image of the city as the pre-eminent urban centrein the Lower Fraser Valley was increasingly removed from thecity's declining economic importance and viability.The May Day festival continued in a relatively unchang-ed fashion for much of this period. The Festival was main-tained as a one day event held on a Friday to permit the at-tendance of the city's elementary school children. The Fest-ival and the annual parade attracted from 20,000 to 25,000participants and visitors into the city from 1952 to 1957and approximately 30,000 people in 1959 for the specialenlarged celebrations. 89 The attendance dropped sharply160in 1960 to about 15,000 due to poor weather, but it general-ly recovered to pre-1959 levels throughout the rest of theearly 1960s. 9° Despite the consistent attendance figuresthere were often complaints about the poor level of enthus-iasm demonstrated by Downtown businesses throughout the1950s and this fluctuation of business support was seen as along-term threat to the event's continuity. 91 The waningof support for the festival in the Downtown was in part areflection of the core's commercial stagnation and dissipat-ion and a weakening of the cohesive forces.The desire to keep the May Day festival unmodified bycontemporary tendencies was a constant theme throughout the1955 to 1964 period. Any suggestion to expand or substant-ially transform the celebrations was vigorously resisted bythe May Day Committee and other citizens. Thus the suggest-ion by the Junior Chamber of Commerce that the fete be heldon a Saturday in 1961 on' the grounds that more visitorscould be drawn into the city was rejected because it wasfelt that May Day should remain a day for the children. 92This resistance to change was given further support in aseries of editorials in the British Columbian. In 1954 theBritish Columbian stated that "it was a children's day, andthe committee hands... are to be congradulated (sic) for de-fending it against the encroachment of commercialism". 93Seven years later this theme was repeated when the paperwrote that "there are pitfalls, costs and commercialism in-161volved in a big show of the Empire Stadium category" andthe "fame of the Royal City May Day rests entirely on itstraditional format... ". 94 Although there was a recognit-ion of the necessity of business support, the emphasis wasupon a family oriented, civic children's festival.The emphasis upon traditionalism occasionally resultedin a significant amount of parochialism. The most graphicdemonstration of the narrow vision which could emerge occur-red in 1958 when the May Day Committee decided to excludechildren from District Lot 172 from participating in the MayDay events. The reasons given for this decision were thatMay Day was only open to children from within the boundariesof the City and since the 1960 May Day would coincide withthe city's Centennial it was felt to be inappropriate if astudent from outside the city won the 1960 May Queen compet-ition:95 This decision produced a great deal of opposit-ion, particularly from the parents of the children living inDistrict Lot 172 who had to attend school in New Westminsterbut were now being excluded from the city's functions. Sub-sequently, the May Day Committee agreed to change its policyto permit all children residing in the School District forthree years or more to participate in all events, but thefact that the Committee considered excluding these childrenindicates the degree to which this sense of localism andparochialism could become a negative force.96162The continuity and traditionalism inherent in the MayDay festival came under increasing pressure for change from1964 to 1967. During this period the demands for a more com-mercially marketable and tourist oriented fete began to gainprominence in the organization of the event. The shift inemphasis was in part a consequence of the celebrations ofthe 1960 New Westminster and the 1966 British Columbia cent-ennials which required far more elaborate events and organ-ization that had ever happened before. Of far greater im-portance, however, was the emergence of a new group of poli-ticians and business leaders, exemplified by Alderman MuniEvers, who felt that the old May Day had lost its appeal andthat it had to be modernized or abandoned. 97 The death ofMr J.J. Johnston, who had been chairman of the May Day Com-mittee for thirty-four years, in 1966 and the retirement ofother long-term members of the Committee removed the "oldguard" opposition and permitted the transformation of theCelebrations. 98The reorientation of the May Day festival commenced al-most immediately in 1966 with the expansion of the event toa three day celebration as part of the larger B.C. Centen-nial events. The 1966 May Day broke with past traditionswhen it placed a greater emphasis upon tourist activities,such as a two day carnival in Queens Park and various at-tractions in the Downtown core, than on a local children'scelebration. 99 The three day event attracted large numbers163of visitors into the city and this could only help the poorcommercial performance of the Downtown. Although there wassome lamenting of the transformation of the fete into a morecommercial venture, the new May Day Committee was convincedof the necessity of upgrading the event to make it competi-tive with other celebrations throughout the region and theprovince. 100 The May Day festival thus took on a more ex-plicitly tourist and commercial function than previously andwhile the community integration component was still veryimportant it was no longer as dominant in the imagery andsymbolism of the event.The promotion and reinforcement of a sense of placeamong the residents of New Westminster was not completelydisplaced in either the May Day festival or the specialCentennial celebrations. The pomp and pageantry of the MayDay fete continued to stress the past,regional dominance ofthe city and its ties to England and the Monarchy. Theannual crowning of the May Queen was a symbolic reaffirmat-ion of the city's loyalty and ties to the British Monarchyand its unique position in the province as the only cityexplicitly named by Queen Victoria. 101 The Maypole andfolk dances provided a symbolic link with Britain althoughthis connection was with a rural pre-industrial past that nolonger existed and was occurring in a city which had lostits agricultural hinterland in the late 1940s and 1950s.164The contribution made by the festival to the city'scommunity integration continued to be very significantthroughout this period. The unification of the city's dif-ferent socio-cultural, class, political and ethnic groupswas in larger measure accomplished through the reliance uponvolunteer assistance in the planning, organization and ex-ecution of the event. Although the city bureaucracy was tak-ing more responsibility for the festival after 1964, theparticipation of large numbers of volunteers was stillessential to the commencement of the event. The importanceof the celebration to the promotion of greater communitycohesion was underlined by an editorial written by Mr. RaeEddie, MLA for New Westminster, in 1955 in which he statedthat "Besides being for the children, the May Day celebrat-ion provides an avenue for the expression of the community102spirit for which our citizens are noted... ..As ameans of promoting the city's internal cohesion and externalimage the May Day celebration was of unparalleled importanceto its inhabitants.The promotion of greater internal cohesion and externalinfluence received further support from the series of spec-ial celebrations which were held in the city throughout the1960s. The 1960 New Westminster Centennial witnessed severalspecial projects such as the decoration of the city and theopening of Centennial Park, but it was plagued by badweather, especially in May when the May Day celebrations165were moved inside the Queens Park Arena for the first timein the city's history and other events were delayed or suf-fered from reduced levels of participation. 103 The 1966Centennial of the union of the two colonies and the 1967Canadian Centennial were far more extravagent affairs with amassive amount of expense and effort put into each spect-acle. The 1966 Centennial witnessed the afforementionedexpansion of the May Day celebration to three days which,coupled with a carnival and other events throughout the sum-mer, heralded a concerted effort to reestablish the city'sprominence in the region.The pinnacle of these elaborate celebrations wasreached in 1967 during the nation-wide Canadian Centennial.The May Day festival was expanded to a five day celebrationinvolving a giant pageant staged by the city's high schoolstudents on the first day, May 18th, followed by the tradit-ional May Day festival on May 19th, and other events such asa sporting show, a horticultural show, and a car rally. 104The five day event culminated in an extensive parade whichwas advertised as the largest in the province's history andprovoked Alderman Muni Evers to gloat that "We've got theP.N.E. parade well and truly licked." 105 An estimated100,000 people viewed the parade and despite its incurringthe largest ever deficit, the extravaganza bolstered thecity's external image and raised its tourist profile. 106Earlier in January the B.C. Legislature had opened its166Spring Session in New Westminster in honour of its formerrole as the provincial capital. While there were no longterm benefits for the city, the temporary presence of theLegislature further bolstered the city's regional and nat-ional profile.5.43 	 New Westminster's ProfileWhile these events bolstered the city's internal coher-ence and external influence, other elements of New Westmin-ster's community integration were either declining or trans-forming to serve the metropolitan region. The Farmers'Market continued to play a role as one of the city's fewtourist attractions, but it was frequented by fewer andfewer farmers as the pace of suburbanization increased andthe size of the agricultural population plummeted. Of evengreater significance was the steady decrease in the promin-ence of New Westminster in the local and regional media,especially in the city's two dominant media outlets, radiostation CKNW and the British Columbian newspaper (after 1963its name changed to the Columbian). The decreasing orientat-ion of these two media outlets to the city steadily under-mined New Westminster's regional influence as the city wasslowly reduced to the status of just another municipality.Simultaneously, the shift away from the city weakened itseconomic viability as its residents were increasingly expos-ed to advertising and information from external sources and167a reduced attachment to place was fostered. This change inthe orientation of its media ultimately contributed to theperipheralization of the city in terms of the externalinformation flows, one of the most important of the "energy"fluxes. 107The declining linkage between New Westminster and itsmedia outlets was most obviously demonstrated by the trans-formation of CKNW in the late 1950s and early 1960s. CKNWhad been a local station specializing in Country N' Westernmusic, live entertainment and local quiz shows throughoutthe late 1940s and early 1950s. The main studios were locat-ed on Columbia Street and with only 500 watts power it waslimited in its reach to the city and the adjacent municipal-ities. 108 In 1949 the power was increased to 1000 wattsand this permitted the station to reach the entire regionalmarket. The owner of the station, Bill Rea, was an activesupporter and booster of New Westminster and he activelypromoted all of the city's events, especially the May Daycelebration. This exclusive. focus upon the city began toslowly change in the 1950s as the need for more advertising' compelled an increase in the metropolitan component, but itwas not until 1956 that the city rapidly lost its positionin the medium of radio.In 1956 Bill Rea sold CKNW to Western InternationalCommunications, a Western Canadian media conglomerate which168owned in 1983 seven radio stations in four cities and hadthe major ownership in BCTV. 109 The change in ownershipended local control of the station and marks the start of anaccelerated effort to make CKNW the number one radio stationin the province. The station's power was upgraded in 1965to 50,000 watts which permitted it to reach a provincialaudience and this was followed a year later by the relocat-ion of its New Westminster studios from Columbia Street toits present location at the corner of Eighth Avenue andMcBride Boulevard. These changes were accompanied by a shiftin both its programming and advertising away from New West-minster to Vancouver and the rest of the metropolitan re-lion.110 New Westminster was thus largely restricted inits prominence on the station to some advertising, occasion-al newscasts and the last two letters of the station's callsign.The declining importance of New Westminster to CKNW'soperations is demonstrated by the changing location of theRoving Mike program and the addition of other studios out-side of the city. The Roving Mike program was originallystarted by Bill Rea to interview visitors to the New West-minster Farmers' Market as a public relations exercise forthe city and the station. 111 In 1949 the program moved tothe tram station on Columbia Street where Bill Hughes, whohad just joined the station, interviewed people getting on112and off the tram. 	 The termination of the Interurban169service in 1953 resulted in the program moving to the busdepot on Royal Avenue, but shortly after the station wassold in 1956 the program moved to interview tour bus passen-gers in Downtown Vancouver. 113 The loss of this programeliminated the daily reference to New Westminster which hadformerly helped to maintain the city's regional profile andshifted the tourist focus almost completely out of the city.The loss of most of CKNW's studios throughout the 1960sconfirmed the city's decline to a peripheral status. Theopening of Mr. Jack Cullen's studio in the Hotel Georgia in1959 marked the first movement of the station's facilitiesout of the city. Subsequently, many of the station's latenight programming and interviews would be conducted in astring of studios and offices which were successively openedin Vancouver. 114 The facility in New Westminster, whilestill important for the local news broadcasts, some inter-views and as the main office, was relatively less signific-ant. By 1967 CKNW had emerged as the most listened to stat-ion in the province, but New Westminster was far less pro-minent in both its advertising and programming and as a con-sequence its regional importance was significantly reduced.New Westminster's regional influence and internal co-herence is also illustrated by the proportion of local ad-vertising and changing character of the Columbian newspaper.The proportion of local advertising present in the Columbian170provides an indication of the degree of commercial viabilityand influence of the city. By conducting a simple contentanalysis of the Columbian between 1947'and 1967 for selecteddays during the months of January and August the relativeproportions of advertising in the paper conducted by NewWestminster firms and those in surrounding areas can be as-certained and the existence of any trends determined. 115The technique utilized in this study is a "classical"quantitative content analysis which measured the amount ofnon-classified advertising present in the newspaper. 116The analysis only examined the non-classified advertisingin order to isolate the major advertisers and to limit thescope of the inquiry to a manageable level. By measuringthe number of inches of advertising for each area and trans-lating these results into percentages the changing regionalinfluence of the city and the strength of its internaleconomic structure can be inferred.The results of this analysis are presented in Tables17 to 21. In both absolute and percentage terms the amountof New Westminster advertising in the newspaper slowlydeclined over the sample period. From a high of approximate-ly seventy-eight percent in January 1947 and eighty-threepercent in January 1952, the amount of local non-classifiedadvertising declined to sixty-nine percent in 1967. Theregions which most increased their advertising in the news-paper were Vancouver, Surrey and especially Burnaby. In171TABLE 17CONTENT ANALYSIS OF THECOLUMBIAN 1947RegionNew WestminsterJanuary(Inches)971.5Percent78.3Surrey 22.5 1.8North East Sector 3.5 0.3(Coquitlam, 	 PortMoody and PortCoquitlam)Burnaby 34.0 2.7Vancouver 35.5 2.9Rest of theLower FraserValley 4.5 0.4Rest of theProvinceNational or Unknown 169.5 13.6Total 1241.0 100.0Source: Columbian, January 2,9,16, and 23, 1947.172TABLE 18CONTENT ANALYSIS OF THECOLUMBIAN 1952Region January % August 	 % Total %(Inches) (Inches)New Westminster 883.0 83.1 212.5	 63.6 1095.5 78.4Surrey 7.0 	 2.1 7.0 0.5North East Sector	 ---(Coquitlam, PortMoody and PortCoquitlam)Burnaby 13.0 1.2 15.0 	 4.5 28.0 2.0Vancouver 41.5 3.9 41.5 3.0Rest of theLower FraserValley 66.0 6.2 66.0 4.7Rest of theProvince 10.0 0.9 62.0 	 18.6 72.0 5.2National orUnknown 49.0 4.7 37.5	 11.2 86.5 6.2Total 1062.5 100.0 334.0	 100.0 1396.5 100.0173TABLE 19CONTENT ANALYSIS OF THECOLUMBIAN 1957Region 	 January 	 August 	 Total(Inches) (Inches)New Westminster 824.0 74.8 239.5 54.4 1063.5 69.2Surrey 79.5 7.2 32.5 7.5 112.0 7.3N.E. 	 Sector 8.5 0.8 4.5 1.0 9.5 0.6(Coquitlam, PortMoody and PortCoquitlam)Burnaby 72.5 6.6 42.0 9.5 114.5 7.4Vancouver 19.5 1.8 67.5 15.3 87.0 5.7Rest of theLower FraserValley 40.5 9.2 40.5 2.6Rest of theProvince 6.0 0.5 3.0 0.7 9.0 0.6National orUnknown 91.5 8.3 10.5 2.4 101.5 6.6Total 1101.5 100.0 440.0 100.0 1537.5 100.0174TABLE 20CONTENT ANALYSIS OF THECOLUMBIAN 1962Region 	 January % 	 August 	 % 	 Total 	 %(Inches) (Inches)New Westminster 484.5 69.4 214.0 62.4 698.5 67.0Surrey 1.0 0.1 26.5 7.7 27.5 2.6N.E. 	 Sector 16.0 2.3 18.0 5.3 34.0 3.3(Coquitlam, PortMoody, PortCoquitlam)Burnaby 45.5 6.5 24.5 7.1 70.0 6.7Vancouver 19.0 2.7 35.0 10.2 54.0 5.2Rest of theLower FraserValley 9.0 2.6 9.0 0.9Rest of theProvince 9.0 2.6 9.0 0.9National orUnknown 132.5 19.0 7.0 2.1 139.5 13.4Total 698.5 100.0 343.0 100.0 1041.5 100.0175TABLE 21CONTENT ANALYSIS OF THECOLUMBIAN 1967Region 	 January % 	 August 	 % 	 Total 	 %(Inches) (Inches)New WestMinster 593.5 69.4 167.0 41.2 760.5 58.0Surrey 52.5 5.8 44.0 10.9 96.5 7.4N.E. 	 Sector 63.5 7.0 11.5 2.8 75.0 5.7(Coquitlam, PortMoody, PortCoquitlam)Burnaby 76.0 8.4 26.5 6.5 102.5 7.8Vancouver 41.5 4.6 82.5 20.3 124.0 9.5Rest of theLower FraserValley 2.0 0.2 16.0 4.0 18.0 1.4Rest of theProvince 26.0 2.9 48.0 • 	 11.8 74.0 5.6National orUnknown 51.5 5.7 10.0 2.5 61.5 4.6Total 906.5 100.0 405.5 100.0 1312.0 100.01761947, the commercial pre-eminence of New Westminster was un-questioned with any of the readers of the paper encounteringonly advertisements from the city, but twenty years laterthe emergence of competing shopping centres in the surround-ing municipalities had greatly enhanced the competition andreduced the influence of the city. Although the majority ofthe advertisements continued to be from New Westminster thedecline was constant and it implied a deteriorating mediapositiOn for the city.This reduction in the city's communicative abilitywas exacerbated from September 1963 to August1970 by afragmentation of the Columbian's distribution. In September1963, the newspaper began to publish separate editions forNew Westminster, Burnaby, Coquitlam and Surrey. This frag-mentation of the market allowed more local news to be re-ported while not affecting the advertising as the same ad-vertisements were carried in each edition. However, the verynature of this specialization meant that New Westminster wasnow being treated as an equal of the surrounding municipal-ities and tht only residents of the city consistentlyencountered its local news and information. The cumulativeeffect of these changes was to completely truncate the cir-cuit of information flowing from the city while simultane-ously permitting a greater penetration of New Westminster byexternal information flows.1775.5 	 SUMMATION AND ELABORATIONEconomically, New Westminster in the period 1956 to1967 was a stagnant and slowly dissipating urban centre. InJacobs's conceptualization of urban viability the city wasan extremely vulnerable entity with little new work and noimport-substitution propelling the industrial sector. Thecity had actually lost most of the new industrial sectors,such as the aircraft and engineering industries, which werecreated in.the earlier period of expansion. The almost com-plete domination of the city's economic structure by largeprovincial, national and multinational firms further erodedthe city's adaptability by increasing its dependence uponexternal decisions, information flows and innovations. Theindustrial sector and the largest commercial establishmentsmay have provided jobs for administrators and managers, butinnovators and local "entrepreneurs" were largely absent.As a result, the ability of the city to modify or adapt theexternal energy fluxes, as it had in the past, was signifi-cantly reduced.The deterioration of the city's economic viabilityeroded its regional importance as an employment and shoppingcentre. Although still a major employment centre, the lossof jobs in industry and the Port and the deterioration inthe Downtown reduced the city's relative importance in the178region. New Westminster was no longer the secondary centreof a bi-nodal urban system. By 1967 New Westminster wasfully -subsumed under Vancouver's metropolitan region withits firms largely dependent upon the information flows gen-erated in Downtown Vancouver or Toronto and most of its onceextensive trade area lot either to Vancouver or the spread-ing suburban shopping centres. The expansion of the regionaltransportation system, with its new bridges, roads, highwaysand fekries, had largely bypassed New Westminster and in themobile society of the 1960s this declining accessibilitymeant a deterioration in the city's overall economicattractiveness. In essence, New Westminster was effectivelya captured city with increasingly little internally gener-ated economic expansion. Instead, the city's economicviability was increasingly governed by the vitality of themetropolitan region.The economic deterioration did not completely dissipatethe city due to the strong processes of stability exhibitedin the city's demographic and community components. 117 Thestill growing, albeit aging, population maintained thecity's retail viability. The persistence of this older pop-ulation, as demonstrated by the low degree of neighborhoodmobility, along with the retention of a high degree of soc-ial cohesion, made for a sense of place that would be lessprevalent in a more transient population. The May Day Fest-ival and other special events reinforced the continued com-179munity integration and identity. Although the May Day Fest-ival underwent a series of profound changes in the late1960s, the fundamental function of the event remainedthe same. The only consistent indication of a deteriorationin the city's community cohesion and perceptual profile wasthe declining reference to the city in the local media out-lets.The transformation of the local orientation of NewWestminster's two prinicpal outlets exerted a significantimpact on the city's external influence and internal cohes-ion. The progressive reduction in the city's ability to dif-fuse its advertising and information throughout the regionseverely curtailed its influence over the residents of othermunicipalities. As well, the increasing penetration of NewWestminster by external advertising and information flowsprobably eroded consumer loyalty and the degree of attach-ment of its residents. The growing dominance of the modernmass media focused upon a metropolitan, provincial, ornational market has undermined our societal sense of placeand reduced the importance of lesser places, like New West-minster. 118 In certain respects this disintegrative pro-cess is the mirror opposite of the May Day fete and itsemphasis upon localism, community involvement and explicitplaceness.The immediate origins of the problems and crises which180were to trouble New Westminster for the following thirtyyears date from this period of economic deterioration anddemographic and social stability. The preservation of thecity's integrity had become heavily dependent upon theabsolute expansion of its population and the maintenance ofits traditional integrative elements. The viability of thecity was thus based upon the stability of these social anddemographic components and when these elements declined, asthe city's population did in the 1970s, or were transformed,the city's viability was adversely affected. The disruptionof these elements, in concert with the economic instabilityand deterioration of the 1970s and 1980s, would eventuallyresult in New Westminster becoming a dissipated "sink" bythe late 1970s.NOTES1 	 Piore and Sabel (1984).2	 Michael Storper and Allen J. Scott, "The geographicalfoundations and social regulations of flexible product-ion complexes", eds., Jennifer Woloch and Michael Dear,The Power of Geography: How Territory Shapes Social Life, Boston: Unwin Hyman, 1989, p.25.1813 	 Ziegler (1987); and Gabriel Kolko, "The Gulf and After-wards: The Future of American Foreign Policy", Studies in Political Economy 34 (Spring 1991), pp. 7-28.4 	 Richard Peet, " Industrial restructuring and the crisisof international capitalism", in Peet (1987), pp.• 20-24.The most adversely affected industrial centresthe heavy manufacturing cities of the Northeast UnitedStates, such as Pittsburgh and Buffalo, and steel townslike Sydney, Nova Scotia.See: Berry (1985), pp. 34-35; and Gappert (1987).6 	 Lower Mainland Regional Planning Board (1960), p.34.This economic specialization left the city toodependent upon a couple of external energy fluxes tomaintain its viability. Dyke (1982), p.356.8 	 New Westminster (1990), pp. 299 	 Ibid, pp. 26-28.10 	 The Vancouver and New Westminster City Directory 1953,Vancouver: B.C. Directories Ltd.; and Lower Fraser Valley (Vancouver Suburban) Directory 1967, Vancouver:B.C. Directories Ltd.18211 	 James E. Randall, Metropolitan Vancouver: Industrial Decentralization and Port Activity on the Lower FraserRiver, Working Paper No. 12, Toronto: University ofToronto/ York University, 1983, pp. 31.12 	 New Westminster (1990), p.61.13 	 The process of corporate concentration whichresulted in large firms being in cities but not ofcities can be traced back to the late nineteenth cent-ury. The erosion of the association of businesses witha specific place has reduced the viability of manyCanadian cities.See: John H. Taylor, "Urban Autonomy in Canada:Its Evolution and Decline", eds., Gilbert A. Stelterand Alan F.J. Artibise, Power and Place: Canadian Urban Development in the North American Context, Vancouver:UBC Press, 1986, pp. 269-291.14' Michael Howlett and Keith Brownsey, "The Old Realityand the New Reality: Party Politics and Public Policyin British Columbia 1941-1987", Studies in Political Economy, 29 (Spring 1 -988), p.149.15 	 "The Area's Progress", New Westminster Progress Magazine, 1 (1969), pp.2-5.183	16 	 Most of the firms which located on the AnnacisIsland Industrial Estate, such as I.B.M., AmericanMotors, A.I.M. Steel, Sherwin Williams and BenjaminMoore and Western Copper Mills Ltd., were also sub-sidiaries of national or international firms.See: N.W.H.C., Annual Report 1961.	17 	 See: Kari Levitt, Silent Surrender: The multinational corporation in Canada, Toronto: Macmillan, 1970; andGrant L. Reuber and Frank Roseman, The Take-Over of Canadian Firms, 1945-61, Special Study No. 10, Ottawa:Economic Council of Canada, 1969.	18 	 Randall (1983), p.91.	19 	 The growth of multilocational organizations, bothpublic and private, and the growth of white collaremployment have made an urban centre's relative locat-ion within the national and international informationflows extremely important.See: Allan R. Pred, Major Job-Providing Organizations and Systems of Cities, Commission onCollege Geography, Resource Paper No. 27, Washington,D.C.: Association of American Geographers, 1974.	20 	 See: Michael Ray and Roger Roberge, "The pattern ofpost-war urban growth: Multinationals as city and reg-,184ional planners", eds., James Lorimer and CarolynMacGregor, After the Developers, Toronto: Lorimer,1981, pp. 14-24.21 	 The lack of major skills development and researchon the part of Canadian industry has been identified asa serious national problem. The overall productivityand "competitiveness" of Canadian firms has sufferedbecause of this lack of investment in retraining pro-grams and indigenous research and development.See: Cordell (1985); and Leon Muszynski and DavidA. Wolfe, "New Technology and Training: Lessons fromAbroad", Canadian Public Policy, XV (September 1989),pp. 245-264.22 	 The concept of a "postindustrial society" hasreceived a great deal of academic attention since the1960s. A postindustrial society , may be defined as asocial formation characterized by a change from a goodsproducing to a service economy, the pre-eminence of theprofessional and technical class, and the developmentof the quarternary sector, based upon information tech-nology, as the leading economic sector. Although theVancouver metropolitan area has always been character-ized by a high proportion of service employment, thetransformation of Vancouver into a postindustrial city,with the concurrent emergence of the "new middleclass", largely occurred in the 1960s.185See: Daniel Bell, The Coming of Post-Industrial Society, New York: Basic Books, 1973, p.14; and DavidLey, "Liberal Ideology and the Postindustrial City",Annals, Association of American Geographers. 70 (1980)pp. 238-258.23 	 While materials and "energy" continued to flowthrough the port, these trade flows were largelygradient seeking flows which provided no net benefit tothe city. These passive flows promoted an equilibriumcondition in the port which inexorably declined duringthe 1960s. Thus, New Westminster, like Prince Rupert,was increasingly just a transshipment point for thetrade flows generated by other cities.Dyke (1988), p.188.24 	 During the boom between 1950 and 1973 the volumeof world sea trade increased over 600 percent, theannual rate of growth reaching 4 percent in the 1960s.H.C. Brookfield, "Boxes, Ports and Places WithoutPorts", eds., B.S. Hoyle and D. Hilling, Seaport Systems and Spatial Change, New York: John Wiley andSons, 1984, p.63.25 	 Ibid, p.62.26 	 The constant siltation problems eventually re-186suited in the implementation of the Fraser RiverTrifurcation project in 1960.See: "New Plans for New Westminster", (1960); andN.W.H.C., Annual Report 1961.27 	 Hoyle and Hilling (1984), p.10.28 	 An added benefit has been the erosion of unionpower as not only are there fewer workers, but theactual loading and unloading of the containers, withsome exception's like Vancouver, occurs at the originand destination of the goods.29 	 The history of the city's efforts to upgrade itsport facilities is an interesting one. In 1954, NewWestminster sold a central waterfront site to the NewWestminster Harbour Commission for one dollar. TheCommission then built a dock and storage facility inorder to encourage Overseas Transport to operate it. In1971 another proposal was made, but never followedthrough, to sell Pacific Coast Terminals the docks itleased from the city for one dollar in exchange forP.C.T. expanding the facilities.30 	 Compared with the typical postwar conventionalberth of .8 hectares, a modern container facilityrequires about 10 hectares.187Brian Slack, "Technology and Seaports in the1980s", Tijdschrift voor economische sociale geographie, 2 (1980), p. 109.31 	 Norman Hacking, "New terminal unloads its first ship",Vancouver Province, November 27, 1975, p.20.32 	 Norman Lidster, "An Historian sets the record straighton the New Westminster Waterfront", Columbian, October15, 1971, p. B4.33 	 Fraser River Harbour Commission, Fraser Port,Vancouver: 1986, p.3.34 	 N.W.H.C., Annual Report 1959.35 	 Gresko and Howard (1986), p.91.36 	 Vancouver and New Westminster City Directory 1953,Vancouver: B.C. Directories; and Lower Fraser Valley (Vancouver Suburban) Directory 1967, Vancouver: B.C.Directories.This was still one of the highest per capita salesvolumes in thd province. See: T.C. Kinnear, "Metro-politan Vancouver: a market profile", Canadian Business 42 (October 1964), pp. 40-46.18837 	 The deteriorating position of New Westminster forhigh order specialty retailing was especially evident.Roger Leigh's work on specialty retailing in Vancouverdescribes the case of a Danish modern furniture storewhich originally located in New Westminster in 1961based on the assumption of a relatively mobile populat-ion and good accessibility in the city. However, it wasforced to relocate into Vancouver in 1963 due to verypoor sales. This led Leigh to speculate that New West-minster was too eccentric a location to support suchhigh order retailing.Roger Leigh, Specialty-Retailing: A Geographic Analysis, Vancouver: Tantalus, 1965, p.45.38 	 Downtown Business and Property Owners' Association(1967), p.3.39 	 New Westminster Chamber of Commerce (hereafter referredto as the N.W.C.C.), Annual Report 1963, p.2.In 1960 the New Westminster Board of Trade changedits name to the New Westminster Chamber of Commerce dueto the-existence of government controlled bodies of thesame name in England and its decreasing focus uponindustry in favour of commercial enterprises.40 	 Ibid41 	 N.W.C.C., Annual Report 1964.18942 	 Firmalino (1968), p.67.43 	 Downtown Business and Property Owners' Association(1967), p.11.44 	 Ibid.	45 	 Downtown Business and Property Owners's Association(hereafter abbreviated as the D.B.A.), Board of Direct-ors Meeting, July 19, 1967 (Personal Collection'of Mr.M.G. Thomson, hereafter abbreviated as T.C.).	46 	 Wayne Harding, "New Zoning Bylaw Gets Public Study",Columbian, December 2, 1965, p.1 and 2; and "New BylawWill End Royal City Spot Zoning", Columbian, November5, 1965. p.l.	.47 	 In 1961 Census Tract 123, which encompassed mostof the Uptown, had 13.3 percent of its population overage 65, the second highest proportion in the city. Thehighest proportion was in Census Tract 122 (West End)which had 13.4 percent of its population over age 65.This situation reversed in the 1960s with the continuedapartment construction in the Uptown.City of New Westminster, Urban Renewal Study, Part One, 1965, p.68.19048 	 This is compounded by the fact that, on average,'the elderly are more limited in their mobility. Forexample, "compared to other age groups the proportionof elderly persons with driver's licenses and owningcars is considerably lower."Jonathan Gunn, Jacqueline Verkley, and Lynda .Newman, Older Canadian Homeowners: A Literature Review,Winnipeg: Institute of Urban Studies, 1983, p.49.49 	 A convenience good is a low-order good whichpeople are not willing to,travel very far to acquireand is purchased on a relatively frequent basis.Examples of a convenience good include cigarettes,bread, milk, and newspapers.Bradford and Kent (1977), p.21.50 	 Adams (1988), pp.24-25.51 	 N.W.B.T., Annual Report 1950; and N.W.B.T., Annual Reports, 1956-1959.52 	 "New Westminster Historic Centre", B.C. Historical Quarterly, 17 (January - April 1953), pp. 147-148; - andN.W.C.C., Annual Report 1962.53 	 N.W.C.C., Annual Report 1960; and N.W.C.C., ExecutiveCouncil Meeting, June 6, 1960.19154 	 The value of urban land has traditionally beenseen as a function of its relative accessibility to therest of the metropolitan region. Thus, the highestvalued land is located at the point of maximum access-ibility in the city, which in North American cities wasalways in the Central Business District.See: Bradford and Kent (1977), pp. 79-85.55 	 Roberto Camagni and Toscano Pompili, "Competence, powerand waves of urban development: an Italian example",ed., Peter Nijkamp, Sustainability of Urban Systems: ACross Evolutionary Analysis of Urban Innovation, DerHague: Van Nostrand, 1991, p.41.56 	 Ibid, p.43.57 	 Although data on capital and information flowswould have been more appropriate for this interpretat-ion, the land rent data which was available provides anexcellent surrogate measure of the city's ability tomodify and adapt to the external energy fluxes. Theability of an entity to organize and utilize theexternal energy flux is the prime indication of itsadaptability and viability. Entities which are unableto organize the external fluxes eventually deteriorateinto full dissipative structures.Adams (1982); and Dyke (1988).19258 	 N.W.B.T., A Brief Supporting the Recommendations of the New Westminster Board of Trade to Construct a Bridge Across the Fraser River at Annacis Island", (N.W.C.C.microfilm, May 30, 1955).59 	 N.W.B.T., Recommendations of the Special Committee onthe Queensborough Bridge Question, August 3, 1955;N.W.B.T., Executive Meeting, December 20, 1955; andN.W.B.T., Executive Meeting, August 6, 1956.60 	 Technical Committee on Metropolitan Highway Planning,Future Crossings of the Fraser River, March 1955, p.24.61 	 Ibid, p.21.62 	 Len Evenden, "Shaping the Vancouver Suburbs, ed., LenEvenden, Vancouver: A Western Metropolis, Vancouver:Tantalus, 1978, pp. 184-185.63 	 "Pattullo Bridge: New Traffic Pattern", Columbian,July 20, 1960. ,64 	 D. Knight, "The Queensborough Bridge", The B.C. Professional Engineer, 30 (February 1959), p.9.65 	 Ken Hart, "Traffic Capacity Boosted by the Queens-borough Span", Vancouver Sun, August 18, 1960.19366 	 N.W.B.T., Executive Meeting, December 20, 1955.67 	 Hart (1960).68 	 N.W.B.T., Executive Meeting, August 6, 1956.69 	 "Royal City agrees to parley on tolls", Columbian,February 25, 1964.70 	 Jack McLeod, "Bridge Toll Concessions Almost SatisfyResidents", Vancouver Sun, November 6, 1961.71 - "City Council making new try for Queensborough tollrelief", British Columbian, October 31, 1961, p.2.72 	 N.W.B.T., Annual Report 1953, p.11.73 	 N.W.B.T., Executive Meeting, June 29, 1953.74 	 N.W.B.T., Executive Meeting, August 31, 1953.75 	 N.W.C.C., Executive Meeting, November 6, 1961.76 	 D.B.A., Minutes of a Meeting of the Directors andMembers, May 3, 1966, (T.C.).77 	 For a discussion of the classification of shop-ping centres see: Dawson (1983).19478 	 Jacobs (1969), p.191.79 	 In Canada since 1867 these short cycles of onepeak to another have lasted on average about fouryears, but longer fluctuations in capital formationhave also been observed.See: Richard Pomfret, The Economic Development of Canada, Toronto: Methuen, 1981, pp. 179-181.80 	 The attempt by the federal government to de-indexpensions in the early 1980s and the recent restrictionson the increases in transfer payments to the provincesare examples of the changes in policy which oftenaccompany a change in government. The steady reductionin the transfer payments to the provinces over the nextten years will most severely impact upon dependenturban centres and the poor.81 	 The amount of , personal income which is derivedfrom non-employment sources has been steadily in-creasing for Canadian since the 1960s. This process hasbeen neither constant nor ubiquitous. As a result, someurban centres and regions derive a greater proportionof the total income of their inhabitants from non-employment sources than other urban entities.For a full discussion see: Charles N. Forward,195"Variations in Employment and Non-Employment Income inCanadian Cities as Indicators of Economic Base Differ-ences", Canadian Geographer, 34 (Summer 1990), pp. 120-132.82 	 The precise equation is:Aged Dependency = percent over age 64 Ratio 	 percent aged 15 to 64 X 100The term aged dependency ratio is incorrect aspersons over 65 are not uniformly "dependent" upon any-one. The ratio thus should not be seen as either apositive or negative factor in itself, but just an in-dication of the aging trend of the total population.See: Shirley Foster Hartley, Comparing Populations Belmont: Wadsworth, 1982, p.167.83 	 Youth dependency = percent under 15Ratio 	 percent 15 through 64 X 100As with the aged dependency ratio, "dependency"does not mean helplessness and many children under 15have some employment.Ibid, p.165.84 	 Community values and organization are extremely196necessary for the maintenance of social cohesion andthe possibility of humane city living. While strongcommunity cohesion may not be able to supersede theimpact of economic decline, the lack of a degree ofcommunity cohesion in a city will rapidly acceleratethe city's decline and dissipation during adverseeconomic conditions.Ted Munz, "Cities, Jobs and Community Values",Compass, 9 (September-October 1991), pp.5-8.85 	 The study took a two block sample of three streetsin the predominately single-family residential areas ofthe city. The addresses surveyed the 1400 to 1600blocks of Nanaimo Street, the 100 to 400 blocks ofRichmond Street, and the 100 to 300 blocks of QueensAvenue. By examining the various directories for eachfive year interval commencing in 1951 and comparing thenames of the residents, a composite view of the degreeof neighbourhood stability was derived.86 	 The relia.nce upon directories is not withoutcertain limitations. The accuracy of the informationcan be somewhat unreliable and the diligence of theinterviewer in collecting the data will influence thenumber of non-respondents. Fortunately for the 1951 to1966 period all the addresses provided a response tothe directory.19787 	 M.V. George, Internal Migration in Canada, Ottawa:Dominion Bureau of Statitics, 1970, p.112.88 	 Ibid; and Leory O. Stone, Migration in Canada: Some Regional Aspects, Ottawa: Dominion Bureau of Statis-tics, 1969.89 	 "25,000 Celebrate Finest May Day", British Columbian,May 10, 1950; "Judge to Give Pen to Queen", BritishColumbian, Supplement, May 7, 1953, p.7; Bruce Smillie,"New Westminster Attendance Record Set As City Cele-brates May Day", British Columbian, May 11, 1956; andJames Russell, "30,000 Join in May Day", British Columbian, May 14, 1959, p.l.and p.2.90 	 "2000 Kiddies Lose Parts in May Day", BritishColumbian, May 6, 1960, p.l.91 	 "May Day Parade Response Poor", British Columbian,April 23, 1952, p.16; "Urges Merchants to Aid May Day",British Columbian, May 8, 1957, p.l.; and "Royal Citymerchants urged to "decorate n' donate" for May Day",British Columbian, April 30, 1963, p.10.92 	 Bruce McLean, "May Ijiy is for the Children: SaturdayParade is Out!", British Columbian, February 17, 1961,p.7.19893 	 "This, Our May Day", British Columbian, May 14, 1954,p. 4.94 	 "Children's May Day fete must be kept to traditionallevel", British Columbian, February 20, 1961, p.7.95 	 Ed Cosgrove, "DL 172 Girls Said to be Ineligible",British Columbian, April 10, 1958, p.1 and p.3.96 -	This parochialism, although preserving the city'sidentity, could also close the community to any influxof new ideas or innovations, such as the modificationof the crowning of the May Queen to reduce its incip-ient sexism.97 	 "May Day Interest Lagging?", British Columbian, May 26,1965; and "New Ideas for May Day", British Columbian,February 15, 1966, p.4.98 	 Mr. J.J. Johnston was officially given the titleof "Mr. May Day" in 1963. He had been the guiding forcebehind its continuation for thirty years."J.J. and May Day", British Columbian, May 16,1966; and "Mr. May Day official now", British Columbian, February 2, 1963, p.l.99 	 "Three day festival in the works", Columbian, May 20,1967, p.l.199100 "New Ideas for May Day", op. cit..101 	 The crowning of the May Queen also reaffirmed theVictorian bourgeois notions of hierarchy and obediencewith the crowd of children expected.to  give theirsupport to the May Queen. This was further demonstratedby the constant descriptions in the British Columbianof the May Queen addressing "her subjects" during thecelebrations.For example see: "Brave May Queen Beverley Cheeredby Her Subjects", British Columbian, May 12, 1956, p.l.102 Rae Eddie, "All Honour to the May Queen", BritishColumbian, Supplement, May 12, 1955.103 N.W.C.C., Executive Council Meeting, June 6, 1960; and"2000 Kiddies Lose Parts in May Day", op. cit..104 "Students prepare pageant", Columbian, January 16,1967, p.1 and 2.105 Tony Simnett, "Royal City set for Festival", Columbian,May 17, 1967, p.l.106 "Three day festival in works", Columbian, January 19,1968, p.l.200 •107 Adams (1988) pp.41-43.108 Personal Interview with e Mr. Jack Cullen, Broadcaster,CKNW, June 12, 1991.109 Paul C. Marck, "AM Stereo brings new wave to broadcast-ing", Columbian, July 25, 1983.110 Jack Cullen (1991).11). 	 Ibid.112 Lori Pappajohn, "Hughes Roving Mike nears 12,000thbroadcast", Royal City Record, June 23, 1984, p.10.113 Lori Pappajohn, "CKNW celebrates its 40th year on theair", Royal City Record, June 23, 1984, p.11.114 Jack Cullen (1991).115 	 -The dates chosen for the survey were January 2, 9,16, and 23 for the period 1947 to 1962 and 1982,January 3, 10, 17, 24 for the period 1967 to 1977, andAugust 18 and 25 for the entire survey period.116 	 Classical Content Analysis may be defined as "aresearch technique for the objective; systematic and201quantitative description of the manifest content ofcommunication." The technique as employed in this re-search simply involves the measurement in inches of thenumber of lines utilized by each non-classified adver-tisement in the Columbian. The results were then total-ed for each municipality or region and expressed as apercentage of the total non-classified advertising foreach month.Thomas F. Carney, Content Analysis: A Technique for the Systematic Inference from Communications,Winnipeg: University of Manitoba, 1972, pp. 23-28.117 	 These demographic and community components are noteasily adapted to the concepts developed by Adams andDyke because "community" cohesion is not easily reducedto pure "energy" meaasures. However, the more generalconcepts of stability and adaptability can be appliedin a more inferential manner.118 Chin-Chuan Lee, Media Imperialism Reconsidered: The Homogenizing of Television Culture, Beverly Hills: SagePublications, 1984.aoaCHAPTER 6DETERIORATION AND INSTABILITY1967 TO 19856.1 	 INTRODUCTIONNew Westminster experienced an absolute and relativedecline in its local and regional viability from the late1960s to the mid 1980s as measured by economic and demo-graphic indices. Although a significant degree of socialcohesion persisted, the basic processes which had integratedthe community in prior decades were either undermined ortransformed. The cumulative effect of all these changes wasto transform the city into an unproductive and dependent"sink". 1 The slow emergence of counterbalancing forces inthe late 1970s prevented a state of complete dissipation.The economy declined partly in response to globalconditions, but mainly due to the specific elements of thelocal environment. Indices, such as industrial employmentand the number and types of firms, the volume of porttraffic, and Downtown retailing, show marked levels ofdecline. The structure of the city's internal and regionaltransportation system compounded the decline. The general203economic malaise also exacerbated long standing problems,such as the presence of two competing commercial nodes inthe city.Demographically, New Westminster's population declinedfrom 42,835 in 1971 to 38,939 in 1976. 2 The age structureof the population continued to exhibit an aging trend withconsistent increases in the aged dependency ratio anddecreases in the youth dependency ratio. Social cohesiondeclined as measured by the rate of neighbourhood changeand the changing composition of the city's local and region-al media profile. The transformation of the May Day celebra-tions into the Hyack Festival underscored this process. Thecity's viability and regional significance were appreciablyaffected by the cumulative impact of the demographicdecline, social instability, and economic deterioration.6.2 	 ECONOMIC DETERIORATIONThe economic deterioration and dissipation of New West-minster is understandable when placed in the context ofglobal and national economic and political transformations.The Vietnam War, the O.P.E.C. oil embargo of 1973, and theeclipsing of the United States economic pre-eminence allcontributed to the emergence of high levels of inflation,204unemployment, stagflation, and social unrest. 3 Whereasinflation had been increasing at about 2 percent annually inthe 1950s and 1960s, it increased to 4 percent a year duringthe Vietnam War from 1966 to 1971 and spiralled upwards from1972 onwards. 4 The instability of the world economicsystem was especially disruptive for older industrial citiesin Canada and the United States as their domestic and inter-national competitiveness declined and the command-controlmultinational corporations which dominated their industrialsectors relocated their operations to more profitablelocations.6.21 	 IndustryNew Westminster's industrial sector experienced ageneral decline in its economic viability and importancethroughout the 1970s and 1980s as the traditionally import-ant subsectors, such as wood products manufacturing, ship-building, chemical manufacturing, and food and beveragemanufacturing, all declined. The selling of the Mercer(Star) Shipyards to a group of Vancouver investors in 1971and its subsequent bankruptcy and closure in 1973 marked theend of the city's shipbuilding industry and the furthernarrowing of its industrial base. 5 The relatively strongdependence upon the forestry sector was to rapidly underminethe city when the external demand for B.C. forest productswaned. 6 The sole major exceptions to this pattern was the205warehousing and storage subsector which exhibited someincrease in terms of employment and floor space.The total employment in the industrial sector declinedfrom 5,526 in 1966 to 3,455 in 1985, a trend which had beenunderway since 1956. 7 The total area zoned for industrialuse was reduced from 814.62 acres in 1966 to 652.13 acres in1985, indicative of the declining spatial and economicimportance of industry in the city. 8 The decline of theindustrial sector resulted in no new work or import substit-ution being created. In fact, a negative multiplier effectwas generated which reduced the flow of capital, informat-ion, and resources into the city and eroded its employmentbase. The extent of the weakness of New Westminster'sindustrial base is exemplified by an examination of thewood products, paper and allied products, and warehousingsubcategories.The wood products sub-sector experienced the greatestdecline during this period. Table 22 indicates that both interms of the number of firms and the gross floor space thewood products sub-sector was significantly smaller in 1985than in 1972. The deterioration of this sub-sector wasespecially disruptive to the city because this was thelargest sub-sector in the city's economy. The lack of in-dustrial diversification thus left New Westminster exceed-ingly vulnerable to fluctuations in the external demand for206TABLE 22WOOD PRODUCTS MANUFACTURINGYear No. of Firms 	 Gross Floor Space1972 31 1,430,754 sq.	 ft.1979 22 1,445,081 	 sq. 	 ft.1980 19  1,438,037 	 sq. 	 ft.1981 19 1,438,886 	 sq. 	 ft.1982 18 1,357,848	 sq. 	 ft.•1983 17 1,316,084 	 sq. 	 ft.1984 16 1,145,955	 sq.	 ft.1985 16 818,083 	 sq. 	 ft.1986 16 977,926 	 sq. 	 ft.1987 18 969,736 sq. 	 ft.1988 20 1,092,724	 sq.	 ft.Source: New Westminster (1990), p.32.207forest products and the steady exhaustion of the coastalforests provided the additional incentive for firms to leavethe city and relocate into the Interior of the province. 9By 1985, several firms which had operated in the city fordecades, such as Mohawk Handle, Doman Industries, PacificVeneer and Capilano Timber, had closed or were in the pro-cess of downgrading their operations and had collectivelygenerated a negative multiplier effect that weakened thecity's economy. 10The food and beverage and paper and allied productssub-categories further illustrate the deterioration andvulnerability of the industrial sector. Table 23 shows thatthe food and beverage sub-sector had declined to one firm,Labatt's Brewery, and only approximately 270,000 square feetof floor space in 1985. The massive decline in 1979 was aresult of the closure of the B.C. Distillery operation dueto labour difficulties. 11 While the paper and allied pro-ducts actually experienced a doubling of its total floorspace from 1972 to 1985, the number of firms involved stead-ily decreased from six to three (Table 24). The growth infloor space was largely the result of the expansion of theScott Paper plant in the 1970s and another major expansionin 1982. 12 As a result of these expansions Scott Paper hadbecome the largest private sector employer in the city bythe mid 1980s and was the dominant industrial activity inthe West End of the city.13208TABLE 23FOOD AND BEVERAGE MANUFACTURINGYear No. of Firms Gross Floor Space1972 5 740,438 sq. ft.1979 3 270,785 	 sq. ft.1980 2 269,953 	 sq. ft.1981 2 287,249 sq. ft.1982 2 287,249 sq. ft.1983 1 286,865 	 sq. ft.1984 1 268,388 	 sq. ft.1985 1 273,354 sq. ft.1986 1 274,996 	 sq. ft.1987 1 274,996 sq. ft.1988 1 274,996 sq. ft.Source: New Westminster (1990), p.30.209TABLE 24PAPER AND ALLIED PRODUCTSYear 	 No. of Firms Gross Floor Space1972 4 449,213 sq. ft.1979 6 609,030 sq. ft.1980 6 592,096 sq. ft.1981 6 601,186 sq. ft.1982 6 601,186 sq. ft.1983 5 804,487 sq. ft.1984 5 806,145 sq. ft.1985 3 802,761 sq. ft.1986 3 810,170 sq. ft.1987 4 837,653 sq. ft.1988 3 881,919 sq. ft.Source: New Westminster (1990), p.34.210The only sub-sector which also experienced a signifi-cant expansion in terms of the number of firms and the totalfloor space was warehousing and storage (Table 25). Until1982 this had been a relatively unimportant component of thecity's industrial base, but with the opening of the Wood-ward's regional distribution centre in Sapperton near theTrans-Canada Highway in 1982 this sector surged in import-ance. Despite the variable nature of expansion and contract-ion in the different sub-sectors, the domination of NewWestminster's industrial base by large multinational orregional firms was unchanged. The food and beverage, paperand allied products and warehousing and storage categorieswere each dominated by a single firm which accounted formost, if not all, of the floor space and production. 14This extreme corporate concentration thus left the city evenmore economically vulnerable to decisions made by multi-locational firms. 15 The dominance of these large organiza-tions further impeded the development of new work andgreater levels of import substitution, thereby acceleratingthe process of decline.The decline of New Westminster's industrial sector wasnot isolated. It paralleled a similar decline throughout theentire Greater Vancouver metropolitan region. The proportionof New Westminster's labour forced in industry had declinedfrom 43 percent in 1951 to 28 percent in 1981 and 25.8 per-16cent in 1986. 	 Despite the decrease, the proportion of211TABLE 25WAREHOUSE AND STORAGEYear 	 No. of Firms 	 Gross Floor Space1972 33 139,517 sq. ft.1979 32 219,879 sq. ft.1980 36 247,880 sq. ft.1981 43 266,945 sq. ft.1982 39 903,587 sq. ft.1983 45 1,020,219 sq. ft.1984 39 990,593 sq. ft.1985 37 1,080,727 sq. ft.1986 38 1,080,068 sq. ft.1987 42 1,075,113 sq. ft.1988 36 1,017,239 sq. ft.Source: New Westminster (1990), p.26.212labour force employed in industry was still higher than forthe region as a whole, with the proportion of the GreaterVancouver labour force employed in the goods producingsector ( which includes the primary and construction sec-tors) declined from 27 percent in 1971 to 23 percent in1981. 17 Although the absolute level of industrial employ-ment increased, relatively the majority of the jobs beingcreated in the region were concentrated in the servicesector. 18 The fact that even in the 1980s New Westmin-ster's labour force was still relatively more concentratedin the industrial sector than the region as a whole impliesthat the city was not as successful in generating servicesector employment and as a consequence, had not fullyadapted to the changing external environment and ambientenergy fluxes.6.22 	 The Port The port of New Westminster closed in 1981, althoughthe volume of trade passing through it had been negligiblesince the early 1970s. 19 The port's inadequate size, pooraccess, and obsolete warehouses and machinery all made thecity progressively less attractive to shipping companies andterminal operators. The high cost of modernization made boththe City Council and the Harbour Commission reluctant toundertake any improvements. 20 Furthermore, there had beena slow separation between the functions of the port proper213and the city as a whole. 21 Apart from the few jobs thatremained and the taxes that were generated, the city receiv-ed few benefits from the port. In fact, the continual leak-age of energy from the port and the blighting effect it washaving on the core meant that, without modernization, theport was reducing the viability of the city. The closure ofthe port, while not creating any energy organizing struc-tures, reduced the level of energy loss associated with thissector. 22The operation of the modern Annacis Island and FraserSurrey port facilities did not alter this situation. In bothcases, little direct employment was generated and few fo theimports or exports originated in or were destined for NewWestminster. While the only transportation access to AnnacisIsland continued to be through New Westminster, no signif-icant economic activities developed in conjunciton with theterminal. In essence, the city was simply a conduit forexternally generated, gradient-seeking flows.6.23 	 RetailingThe virtual collapse of Downtown retailing, the slowexpansion of the Uptown, and the truncation of the city'smarket area created a high degree of instability in NewWestminster's retail sector. The total retail trade volumeincreased from $124,500,000 in 1971 to $380,950,000 in2141980, however, much of this increase was caused by inflat-ion. 23 By the late 1970s the general state of ColumbiaStreet, the volume of vehicular and pedestrian traffic inthe Downtown, and the pattern of shopping trips all indi-cated that the Downtown core was dissipating. The relativereduction in the volume of trade flowing into the Downtowninexorably resulted in a decrease in the amount of capital,information, and energy for the city to use in its self-organization and maintenance. Despite the overall decline,some organizations, such as the D.B.A., and certain events,such as the beginnings of the waterfront renewal program,were starting to reverse the deterioration.The deterioration of the commercial viability of thedowntown in the 1970s was attributable to the accessibilityand attractiveness of Columbia Street. The physicaldeterioration of both Columbia Street and Front Streetgenerated a negative impression of the Downtown as a declin-ing and derelict commercial area which limited its regionalinfluence and reduced the inflow of capital and people. Themost blighted area was along Front Street near the water-front, but the streetscape along Columbia Street experiencedfew improvements during the 1970s. The need for greaterstreet cleanliness, renovated building facades, and improvedtraffic signing into the Downtown were some of the mostimportant elements recognized as necessary to upgrade thearea's appearance. 24215By the late 1970s most of the department storesand motion picture theatres had closed on Columbia Streetleaving a large number of vacant buildings in theirwake. 25 The Downtown vacancy rate increased from 9.4 per-cent in 1973 to 22.8 percent in 1983, while the retailingsector declined from 38.0 percent of the floor space to only16.6 percent over the same period (Table 26). The largenumber of vacant stores was a physical reflection of theinability of the core to maintain the same energy influx andadapt to the changing commercial environment.An index of deterioration is the declining numberof automobiles parked on the parking ramp (Figure 10). Thenumber of cars parked on the Parkade provides a means ofinferring the total volume of retail trade occurring in thecore. 26 Although the number of cars parked increased from1965 to 1969, a steady decline in the number of cars parkedoccurred from 1969 to 1976. This drop in the number of carsparked indicates that throughout the early 1970s DowntownNew Westminster was increasingly unable to attract customersand capital, thereby reducing its ability.to remain viable.Another indicator is the amount of pedestrian trafficalong Columbia Street. Table 27 presents the results of aseries of pedestrian surveys taken in December from 1971 to1975. The results of the survey show that the amount ofpedestrian traffic declined over the early 1970s. While216TABLE 26COMMERCIAL FLOOR SPACEDOWNTOWN NEW WESTMINSTER(Square Feet)Type 1973 1983Retail Trade 772,513 385,230Business and Prof.Services 261,424 394,003Auto Sales andService 377,473 266,962Hotels and Motels 216,571 170,440Wholesale Trade 123,138 106,163Trade and Repair 53,031 33,431Commer. Recreation 22,888 73,033Funeral Parlours 12,394 12,394Vacant 190,786 472,765Total 2,030,218 2,064,511Source: City of New Westminster, Information Bulletin No. 7, Places of Work, 1973; and Linda Swaine,New Westminster: The Royal City Economic Profile 1985, New Westminster: Royal CityCommunity Development Association, p.65.InN.a)1-vZa)1—180°0 	 'al'0001Io∎0-F.217TABLE 27PEDESTRIAN TRAFFIC COUNTS1967 TO 1975Location alongColumbia St."To" ParkadeSat.Dec. 	 419713009Sat.Dec. 	 719741172Sat.Dec.619751137700 Block 1374 1447 1494600 Block 2696 2304 2470500 Block 1262 919 1003400 Block 166 210 306300 Block 85 134 177Total-South Side 8592 6186 6587700 Block 2513 1844 1772600 Block 1705 1477 1357500 Block 317 280 342400 Block 307 259 261300 Block 111 116 57Total-North Side 4953 3976 3789Grand Total 13545 10162 10376Source: D.B.A. (1975).218a variety of variables, such as the presence or absence of aspecial sale, may have influenced the data, weather was nota factor as the worst weather conditions occurred in 1971.Thus, the data on the amount of pedestrian traffic and thenumber of cars parked show that the downtown core was indecline during the 1970s and that external support wasnecessary to prevent its dissipation.The D.B.A., as the principal self-organizing structurein the downtown core, attempted to reverse the deteriorat-ion. The D.B.A's efforts largely fall into three generalcategories: the more efficient use of the core's collectiveresources, the physical upgrading of Columbia Street, andthe lobbying of various levels of government for assistance.The more efficient use of the cores's resources was in partaccomplished by the formation of the Downtown PromotionalFund in 1967. 27 This voluntary pooling of the advertisingresources of 85 businesses and property owners permitted agreater range of advertising activities than could be accom-plished independently. 28 While the fund could not compareto the resources possessed by the shopping malls, it didmanage to bolster the image of the Downtown and engendergreater cooperation on the part of its members. 29 Althoughthere was never unanimous support for the Fund by allmerchants, this pooling and efficient utilization of theavailable capital resources successfully created a higherform of energy organization which could adapt more easily to219the changing retail environment and preserve the integrityof the Downtown. 30The improvement of the physical and aesthetic appear-ance of Columbia Street prompted an ambitious proposalcalled the Columbia Street Canopy Project. The canopy pro-ject envisioned the construction of eleven feet wide perman-ent canopies over the sidewalks along Columbia Street fromFourth Street to Eighth Street to provide a continuoussystem of all-weather protection. 31 This would neutralizeone of the perceived advantages of the suburban shoppingmalls. 32 By improving the physical appearance of ColumbiaStreet the D.B.A. hoped to be able to recapture the tradeflows which were now focused upon the shopping malls. How-ever, the proposal twice failed to receive a sufficientamount voter support and it was abandoned due to the contin-uing economic decline. 33The D.B.A. then turned to a new strategy to improve theappearance of Columbia Street. Drawing upon the success ofVancouver's Gastown, the D.B.A. proposed the implementationof an "Old English" theme for Downtown which would be mani-fest in store front designs, street directional signs, bus-stops, and the streetscape in general. 34 The architecturaltheme would bolster the advertising profile of the Downtownand presumable attract more tourists and visitors into thecity. The total cost of this upgrading was estimated at220$20,000 with $5,000 provided by the D.B.A. and the remaining$15,000 coming from the city. 35 However, as with the earl-ier canopy proposal the lack of support from the propertyowners, the passive attitude of the City Council, and thecontinued deterioration of the city's economy led to only afew minor improvements.The D.B.A.'s attempts to lobby the various levels ofgovernment, especially the City Council, for financial andpolicy support met with limited success. The City Councillargely limited its involvement to responding to proposalsfrom the D.B.A. and other organizations. As a result, nocoherent institutional framework was developed to coordinateor promote the various revitalization proposals. The lack ofa significant amount of public sector support for the coreexacerbated the process of decline and resulted in thewasting of the limited amount of available energy.While the Downtown experienced deterioration in the1970s, the Uptown continued to undergo a process of almostcontinuous expansion. The physical expression of this expan-sion was the extensive construction of new buildings. Themagnet for this growing retail node was the Woodward'sdepartment store which remained the dominant commercialattractor until the construction of the Westminster Mall in1978. This community shopping centre contained 142,000square feet of office and retail space and forty or fifty221retail and service outlets. 36 In conjunction with theWoodward's department store, the Westminster Mall completedthe transformation of the Uptown into a significant regionalcommercial node.Other buildings were erected in the late 1970s whichfurther bolstered the Uptown's commercial and institutionalimportance. These buildings included "a high-rise and com-mercial complex" 37 at the corner of Sixth Street andSeventh Avenue in 1978, the expansion of the Public Library,the erection of the Royal Canadian Legion's senior citizen'shighrise in 1979, and the B.C. Telephone Microwave Tower in1980. The cumulative effect of all this construction on thetotal commercial floor space in the Uptown is shown inTable 28. From 1973 to 1983 the total commercial floor spaceincreased by 288,230 square feet or twenty-nine percent andby 1983, in large measure due to the presence of Woodward'sand the Westminster Mall, there was more occupied retailfloor space in the Uptown than in the Downtown for the firsttime in the city's history. The relatively lower vacancyrate in the Uptown (12.8 percent) compared to the Downtownin 1983 (22.8 percent) reinforces the fact that the Uptownwas far more commercially viable than the Downtown.The differing regional influence and viability of theUptown and Downtown areas of New Westminster can be inferredfrom several market surveys conducted during this period. In222TABLE 28COMMERCIAL FLOOR SPACEUPTOWN NEW WESTMINSTER(SQUARE FEET)Type 	 1973 	 1983Retail Trade 493,198 655,479Business and Prof.Services 277,362 312,351Auto Sales andService 104,916 55,381Hotels and MotelsWholesale Trade 52,930 25,298Trade and Repair 19,622 26,342Commer. Recreation 11,680 25,425Funeral Parlours 17,042 11,429Vacant 10,178 163,453Total 986,928 1,275,158Source: City of New Westminster, Information Bulletin No. 7, Places of Work, 1973; and Swaine (1985),p.65.2231966, an informal survey of car and bus passengers, 200 ofeach, in the Downtown provided an indication of the relative 'attractiveness of the core. 38 Of the 400 respondents, 26percent came from New Westminster, 32 percent from Surrey,25 percent from Coquitlam and only 14 percent from Burnaby.These results indicate that the regional influence of theDowntown was limited to the adjacent municipalities, witha large proportion of the customers coming from Surrey.Table 29 shows the results of another market area surveyconducted in Uptown New Westminster in 1978. The results ofthis survey conducted over a decade later indicates adifferent pattern of consumer attraction. Over seventy per-cent of shoppers and non-shoppers came from either New West-minster or South Burnaby, with only a smaller proportion ofthe clientele coming from the rest of the region. The re-sults of this survey clearly indicate that the market areaof Uptown, and perhaps the entire city, was severely con-strained by the late 1970s. Although the two market surveyshave significant comparability problems, they do provide apartial picture of New Westminster's commercial influence inthe 1970s. 39Further evidence of the differing market areas of thesetwo nodes is provided by Gayler's work on the variation inshopping patterns in Greater Vancouver. 40 Gaylerindicates that Uptown and Downtown New Westminster, whichare treated as separate nodes in his analysis, had variable224TABLE 29CONSUMER SHOPPING PATTERNSPlace of Residence ShoppersNumber 	 %Non-ShoppersNumber 	 %New Westminster 255 60.8 143 64.0South Burnaby 51 12.1 22 9.9Other Burnaby 27 6.4 9 4.1Coquitlam 29 6.8 6 2.7Surrey 13 3.1 16 7.2Other 48 11.3 27 12.1Total 423 100.0 222 100.0Mode of transport 	 PercentageAutomobile 	 47%Bus 	 18%Walk 	 35%100%Source: New New New Westminster Mall, Vancouver:Canadian Freehold Properties Ltd., 1978; andBrian Power, "Ceremony launches $13 millionRoyal City mall", Columbian, March 15, 1977.225trade areas depending upon the type of good being purchased.Nonetheless, the composite market area that emerges tends toreinforce the results of the two market surveys. Uptown NewWestminster derived a greater proportion of its customersfrom South Burnaby and Coquitlam than the Downtown, whilethe Downtown attracted more consumers from Surrey. 41 How-ever, there was still a significant degree of overlap intheir trade areas, especially in Burnaby and Coquitlam. Thisoverlap placed the two nodes in a degree of direct competit-ion which probably further reduced the trade flows into theDowntown due to its less attractive retail environment.Building permits and assessment values in the city from1970 to 1984 provide evidence of the dynamic nature of thissituation. Figure 11 indicates the fluctuations in theseindices plotted against the metropolitan consumer priceindex, all in constant (1961) terms. The value of buildingpermits, although fluctuating, tended to increase, despitethe city's economic deterioration. Even in the severerecession years of 1983 and 1984, the value of buildingpermits far exceeded its 1961 levels. The assessed value ofproperty also increased throughout this period, exceedingthe rate of increase of the C.P.I.. This increase in theassessed value of property implies that New Westminster wasstill an attractive place for people and businesses tolocate and is a useful corrective to the indices of economicdecline identified earlier. While the economy of the cityaa-514acco rn0COC)(0tirnN.a)0ti0)0226was deteriorating, other internal and external forces wereacting to bolster its attractiveness and viability.The continued attractiveness of the city was in part aconsequence of the continued expansion and development ofthe other areas of the city, such as Uptown and Sapperton.Overall, it appears that the expansive forces which main-tained the viability of these areas were able to counteractthe negative impact of the declining Downtown core. Therapid increase in assessed values also implies that NewWestminster was emerging as a more important regional infor-mation centre within the metropolitan region. 42 The othermain cause for the acceleration in building permits andassessed property values was the slow implementation of theDowntown waterfront revitalization program in the late1970s, but due to the complexity of this issue it will bedealt with separately in Chapter 7.6.24 	 TransportationThe viability and regional importance of New Westmin-ster continued to be adversely affected by the state of theregional transportation system. The city's relative access-ibility was reduced by the construction of new Fraser Rivercrossings, highways, and interchanges in the late 1950s and1960s. Access problems were compounded by a relatively227inadequate transit service provided between the city and thesurrounding municipalities. The dismantling of the Inter-urban railway and tram service throughout the 1940s and1950s had limited the region's transit system to motorbuses. Although the city was serviced by three buscompanies, B.C. Hydro, Pacific Stage Lines, and Sabina Tran-sit, the frequency of the service was insufficient to meetthe demands of passengers or Downtown businesses. 43 Thererouting of several bus routes to focus upon the LougheedMall in 1969 reduced the city's relative accessibility forCoquitlam residents and thereby exacerbated the city's econ-omic deterioration. 44In order to counter the Downtown's declining accessi-bility, a Shop N' Ride program was promoted. This programreduced the cost of using public transit for Downtowncustomers. 45 The reduced cost of using public transit madeit easier for customers and capital to flow into the core,but the program by itself could not overcome all of the timeand cost impediments. 46 Despite its benefit to the core,the program ceased in the late 1970s due to its increasingcost.2286.3 	 DEMOGRAPHICSThe city's population exhibited both an absolutedecline and, later at the end of the period, slow growth(Table 30). New Westminster, after experiencing a thirteenpercent increase in its population between 1966 and 1971,suffered a ten percent decrease between 1971 and 1976.Although Vancouver also had a four percent decrease in itstotal population during the same period, its drop was lessprecipitous and by 1986 it had regained all of its losses,while New Westminster was still approximately seven percentbelow its 1971 population. The continued rapid increase inthe populations of the surrounding municipalities furthereclipsed the city's regional influence. By 1986, New West-minster was smaller than all the adjacent municipalities,with the exception of Port Coquitlam, and the faster ratesof population increase in these municipalities meant thatNew Westminster's demographic importance in the metropolitanregion fell significantly during this period.There was a continued transformation of New Westmin-ster's age structure. Table 31 presents the aged dependencyratio for New Westminster and the surrounding municipalitiesfrom 1971 to 1986. The aging trend which had become apparentin the 1950s and 1960s continued and accelerated. New West-minster had one of the highest ratios of the region, exceed-229TABLE 30POPULATION CHANGE1966 TO 1986Region 1966 1971 1976 % change1971-76Vancouver CMA 892,286 1,082,352 1,166,348 7.8Vancouver 410,875 426,256 410,188 -3.9New Westminster 38,013 42,835 38,393 -10.4Burnaby 112,036 125,660 131,599 4.7Coquitlam 40,916 53,073 55,464 4.5Port Coquitlam 11,121 19,560 23,926 22.3Surrey 81,826 99,966 116,497 16.5Region 1981 1986 % change1966-86Vancouver CMA 1,268,183 1,380,729 54.7Vancouver 414,281 431,147 5.1New Westminster 38,550 39,972 5.1Burnaby 136,494 145,167 29.6Coquitlam 61,077 69,291 69.3Port Coquitlam 27,535 29,115 161.8Surrey 147,138 181,417 121.7Source: Statistics Canada, Censuses of Canada, 1966-86.230TABLE 31AGED DEPENDENCY RATIO1971 TO 1986Region 1971 1981 1986New Westminster 19.1 25.9 26.0Vancouver CMA 15.6 16.6 17.4Vancouver 20.1 21.7 21.1Burnaby 11.9 16.9 18.7Coquitlam 10.9 9.8 11.0Surrey 13.2 12.4 14.2White Rock 56.9 63.8 65.2Source: Statistics Canada, Censuses of Canada,1971-1986.231ing even Vancouver by 1981. Only White Rock, the quintes-sential retirement community, had a vastly larger proportionof its population aged 65 or above. The steady increase inthe aged dependency ratio implies a general aging of thecity's population and, as a consequence, a greaterdependency upon external transfer payments to maintain thecity's viability and coherence. 47Table 32 shows the youth dependency ratios for theseurban areas. A comparison of the youth dependency ratios forthe various urban areas indicates that New Westminster con-tinued to witness a steady decline in the proportion ofchildren in its total population until 1986 when a smalldegree of recovery was registered. Nonetheless, New Westmin-ster still had the lowest youth dependency ratio for theentire metropolitan region, exceeded by both Vancouver andWhite Rock. New Westminster's relatively low youth depend-ency ratio, coupled with its increasing aged dependencyratio and its declining and stagnant population, means thatthe city was incapable of replacing its population without aconstant influx of new inhabitants. The increasing age ofthe population also had an impact upon the city's economy asolder persons are both relatively less mobile and lessfinancially secure than the population aged 15 to 64. 48Thus, these demographic trends compounded the poor economicperformance of the city in the 1970s and early 1980s.232TABLE 32YOUTH DEPENDENCY RATIO1971 	 TO 1986Region 	 1971 1981 1986New Westminster 	 28.7 17.4 17.9Vancouver CMA 	 39.3 27.5 26.5Vancouver 	 29.4 20.5 19.5Burnaby	 38.3 23.2 21.9Coquitlam 	 54.2 29.6 28.5Surrey 	 53.6 36.9 36.6White Rock 	 32.1 20.0 19.2Source: 	 Statistics Canada, 	 Censuses of Canada,1971-1986.233	6.4	 COMMUNITY, SOCIAL AND PERCEPTUAL SHIFTSNew Westminster's community and social cohesion alsounderwent significant changes. Several indices, focusing onthe pace of neighbourhood change, the transformation of theMay Day celebrations, the deterioration of the Farmers'Market, and the decreased emphasis the city received fromits principal media outlets, demonstrate the pervasivenessof these changes. Collectively, these indices trace thedegree of social integration occurring. The decline in theseindices of the city's community cohesion implies that NewWestminster became increasingly dependent upon externalagents, institutions, and processes to promote its revital-ization.	6.41 	 Neighbourhood Change The degree of neighbourhood stability in differentareas of New Westminster is measured by an examination ofthe changing residences along the same three streetsdescribed in Chapter 5 to infer the degree of stability orchange which occurred in the city from 1966 to 1986. 49Although each selected street may not be completely typicalof the city, the general trends are ascertainable from theresults. From 1966 to 1971 there is an extremely high degree234of neighbourhood stability (Table 33). Only twenty-fivepercent of the inhabitants changed their addresses in thisfive year interval, the lowest percentage recorded over theentire postwar era. This is a continuation of the highlevels of neighbourhood stability exhibited during the 1950sand 1960s.However, by the 1970s and the 1980s the degree ofneighbourhood change had increased significantly. From 1971to 1976, the number of addresses having new residents in-creased to almost thirty-six percent (Table 34) and, afterslowing slightly to thirty-three percent from 1976 to 1981(Table 35), increased to a postwar high of thirty-nine per-cent in the 1981 to 1986 period (Table 36). One can inferthat this higher degree of neighbourhood change made themaintenance of community cohesion more difficult than in theearlier periods. The community cohesion was not completelyundermined due to the continued presence of a substantialproportion of long-term residents. For each of the timeintervals, approximately forty percent of the populationlived in the same address for fifteen years or longer. Thisnucleus of residents helped to stabilize the city's internalcohesion and promote the maintenance of its sense of place.The degree of movement was significantly below thenational average. "Nearly one-half (45%) of reportingCanadians... changed their places of residence at least235TABLE 33NEIGHBOURHOOD CHANGE1966 TO 1971Streets 	 No. of 	 No. of New 	 % change 	 No. ofAddresses 	 Addresses 	 ResidentsPresentfor 15years ormore.Nanaimo 34 4 11.76 14 41.2Queens 28 7 25.00 14 50.0Richmond 25 11 44.00 7 28.0Total 87 22 25.29 35 40.2Source: City Directories, 1966 and 1971.236TABLE 34NEIGHBOURHOOD CHANGE1971 TO 1976Streets No. of	No. of New % change No. ofAddresses Addresses 	 Residentsof 15yearsor moreNanaimo 34 17 50.00 11 32.35Queens 28 5 17.85 14 50.00Richmond 25 9 36.00 10 40.00Total 87 31 35.60 35 40.23Source: City Directories, 1971-1976.237TABLE 35NEIGHBOURHOOD CHANGE1976 TO 1981Street 	 No. of 	 No. of New % change No. ofAddresses Addresses 	 Residentsof 15years ormoreNanaimo 35 12 34.28 15 42.85Queens 28 10 35.71 13 46.43Richmond 25 7 28.00 8 32.00Total 88 29 32.95 36 40.90Source: City Directories, 1976-1981.238TABLE 36NEIGHBOURHOOD CHANGE1981 TO 1986Street 	 No. of 	 No. of New % change No. of 	 %Addresses Addresses 	 Residentsor No 	 of 15Return 	 years ormoreNanaimo 35 15 42.85 13 37.14Queens 28 7 25.00 12 42.85Richmond 25 12 48.00 10 40.00Total 88 34 38.64 35 39.78Source: City Directories, 1981-1986.TABLE 37CUMULATIVE CHANGE1966 TO 1986No. of 	 No. of New 	 % changeAddresses 	 Addresses350 	 116 	 33.14239once between 1966 and 1971," 50 while in New Westminsteronly twenty-five percent of the households moved in thesame period. Although not directly comparable due to itsinclusion of apartment residents, the mobility of thenational urban population was even higher at forty-eightpercent. These figures indicate a consistently high degreeof geographic mobility within the Canadian population, adegree of mobility which was not present in the New Westmin-ster neighbourhoods which were surveyed. The lower mobilityis in large measure attributable to the absence of apartmentdwellers in these neighbourhoods and the steady aging of thepopulation throughout the period. 51 Thus, the greaterdegree of mobility in the 1970s and 1980s implies a reduct-ion in the cohesiveness of the city.6.42 	 Community Integration By the 1970s the Farmers' Market was an obsolete rem-nant of the city's past when it was the centre of a largeagricultural trade area. In 1969, the proportion of farmersselling goods at the Market had substantially decreased andover fifty percent of the stalls were occupied by home andhobby workers. 52 The social role of the Market had all butdisappeared and it was operating at a loss financially.However, the Farmers' Market was still an important touristattraction for the city and this fact, coupled with its long240history, encouraged the City Council to continue supportingit with subsidies. 53 The financial insolvency of theMarket continued throughout the 1970s and in 1972 it wasproposed to relocate it onto Front Street as part of ascheme to promote the revitalization of the waterfront. 54The revitalization proposal was never implemented and as aresult the Farmers' Market remained in an increasingly agedbuilding and its importance as a tourist attraction waned inthe late 1970s.The transformation of the May Day celebration into theHyack Festival in 1972 had a significant impact upon themost consistent element of community cohesion and identityin the city. Since 1967, the May Day celebrations hadevolved into a week long event as a result of the many cent-ennials being held in the city. Old traditionalist memberswere replaced by new community leaders, such as Alderman andlater Mayor Muni Evers. This process was continued into the1970s. However, a combination of civic concerns about theloss of traditions and the mounting costs of the event pro-voked a crisis in 1970. In that year, due to the rejectionby City Council of a request for additional funding to stagea more "professional-type, money making event", the RoyalAgricultural and Industrial Society, which held the charterfor all fairs and celebrations in the city, declared that itwould no longer support the celebration. 55 In order tomaintain the tradition, the City purchased the charter back241from the Royal Agricultural and Industrial Society andsupported the creation of the Royal City Society to overseethe event in 1972.The creation of the Royal City Society was a direct re-sult of the philosophy of the same community leaders andpoliticians who had advocated the expansion of the celebrat-ions since the mid 1960s. Among the benefits stated by MayorMuni Evers by the placing of all the responsibility for thecelebrations in the one organization was the "taking it outof the hands of the bureaucrats". 56 The society was found-ed with responsibility for the promotion of all social, cul-tural and sports events in the city and had four basicobjectives including attracting "regional, national and in-ternational attention", to offer a venue for the expressionof local talent, abilities or wares and to stimulate theeconomy of the city. 57 The society was financially sup-ported by a one percent increase in the business tax but wasa fully autonomous organization. Thus, the City Council haddelegated some of its authority and decision-making abilityto an autonomous, unelected organization which would deter-mine the nature and structure of these events so importantto the cohesion of the city.The first modification the Royal City Society made tothe May Day celebration was to change its name to the HyackFestival. The reason for the change was to find a truly dis-242tinctive name for the expanded ten day event. 58 However,there was some opposition to the name change, most notablyfrom the D.B.A. who worried the new name may not have thewide recognition of the older May Day celebration. 59 Theopposition was not sufficient to reverse the change and theSociety assured the city's residents that "this will not endthe traditional May Day Celebration, but rather will incor-porate it as part of a larger festival which will includeparades, a carnival, attractions, and other events... , . 60The core of the Hyack Festival was to be the traditional MayDay celebrations with other events added to improve itsattractiveness.While a policy to keep the May Day celebrations unmodi-fied was dominant in the 1950s and 1960s, the dominantpolicy of the 1970s was "bigger is better" . 61 The 1972Hyack Festival had a carnival, high wire acts, and rovingWestern singers throughout the city. Despite the expandedevents, only about 25,000 people witnessed the parade whichwas approximately the same number who, on average, viewedthe parade in the 1960s. 62 The emphasis upon granderspectacles and more elaborate events, while not completelydisplacing the symbolic and community integrative elementsof the Festival, inevitably resulted in a greater degree ofcommercialism. The older traditions of the May Day celebrat-ions were increasingly maintained only if they could be in-corporated into the new format. For example, the decision to243hold the 1973 Hyack Festival in Mercer Stadium adjacent tothe New Westminster Secondary School was strongly criticizeddue to its explicit rejection of the traditional locationin Queens Park. 63The pinnacle of this increased emphasis upon largerevents and stronger boosterism was the 1973 Hyack Festival.The 1973 Festival was unique because it preceeded the CanadaSummer Games which were held in New Westminster in August ofthat year. The Festival was held over a ten day period andhad numerous sporting events, such as softball tournaments,lacrosse games, and Olympic training swim meets, in additionto the May Day celebrations and a carnival. 64 The SummerGames and the Hyack Festival greatly enhanced the city'sregional and national profile, at least for the short term,and the fact that both spectacles were run with largelyvolunteer organization indicates that a significant degreeof community mobilization and cohesion still existed. 65Apart from its tourist potential, the Canada Summer Gamesalso provided the city, with federal and provincial funding,with a new Olympic-sized swimming and recreation complex,called the Canada Games Pool, and a new Lacrosse Hall ofFame. 66 These facilities have been heavily utilized by thecommunity and bolstered the variety of recreational amenit-ies present in the city.Another significant change in the former May Day244celebrations was the re-routing of the parade in 1974. Theannual May Day parade, which had been separated from theofficial May Day event and incorporated into the Hyack Fest-ival in 1972, had always started in the Downtown core andmarched either up McBride Boulevard or First Street intoQueens Park. However, the parade was permanently re-routedto Uptown New Westminster and thence down Sixth Street andalong Queens Avenue into Queens Park. 67 The r6-routing ofthe parade had significant symbolic and economic ramificat-ions. In symbolic terms, the choice of the Uptown as thestarting point was further recognition of its importance asthe dominant commercial area in the city by the 1970s.The economic vitality of the Uptown was bolstered by thelarge numbers of visitors and tourists which usually watchedthe parade, customers who in earlier years would have stayedin the Downtown. Thus, this re-routing contributed to theshifting balance of economic vitality between the twonodes. 68The scale and character of the Hyack Festival followedthese broad outlines for the remainder of the 1970s and theearly 1980s. The only significant addition to the Festivalwas the promotion of a two person canoe marathon from Hopeto New Westminster in 1975 which became an annual component.The canoe marathon down the Fraser River grew in popularityand eventually involved a total of thirty-six canoes in the1982 Hyack Festival. 69 The maintenance of a greater degree245of community cohesion and a definite sense of place wasaccomplished not only by the traditional events of the MayDay celebration and the Hyack Anvil Battery, but also by theconscious promotion of the city's local history throughspecial lectures and exhibits at the Irving House historicalcentre. 70 By these means a greater appreciation of thecity's origins and transformations were instilled in itsresidents.Despite all the changes which did occur to the May Daycelebrations in this period, there were limits beyond whichthe citizens were not prepared to tolerate. The mostdramatic example of this was the controversy over thecrowning of the May Queen which occurred in 1983. In 1983 agroup of teachers complained about the explicit sexism as-sociated with the crowning of a May Queen and asked that theevent either be dropped or changed to allow all academicallyqualified students of either gender to participate. 71 Al-though school board initially supported some increased part-icipation by boys, a series of community groups, citizensand the City Council opposed any changes to the tradition ofthe May Queen. 72. As a consequence, the crowning of the MayQueen has continued without any modification to the present.The intensity of the opposition to the proposed changes alsodemonstrated the parochial and conservative attitudes whichexisted in the city.2466.43 	 NEW WESTMINSTER'S MEDIA PROFILEThe city's residents sense of community was builtthrough the exchange of information, including advertising,in local the local media. As well, the city's presence inthe region was expressed through its media outlets. By the1970s, CKNW had become the dominant radio station in theprovince and its ties to New Westminster, apart from thelocation of its main offices in the city, were extremelytenuous. Simultaneously, New Westminster's prominence in theColumbian newspaper was eroded as measured by the amount ofnon-classified advertising originating from city merchants.CKNW's policy became to serve the entire metropolitanregion and most of the province. New Westminster, and itslocal events and news, was only rarely mentioned in itsbroadcasts. The upgrading of the station to A.M. stereoformat in 1983 to directly compete with the F.M. radiostations was a reflection of the desire of the stationmanagement and the parent corporation, Western InternationalCommunications, to be the "voice of the province", an ambit-ion which made an affiliation with a small city like NewWestminster irrelevant. 73 This process of metropolitaniz-ation culminated in 1986 when, as part of the Expo 86celebrations in Vancouver, CKNW opened a new broadcaststudio on the Expo site and instituted the Western Informat-247ion Network to link all areas of the province with thestation. 74The proportion of local advertising present in theColumbian newpaper declined throughout this period. Aquantitative content analysis of the Columbian for selecteddays in the months of January and August from 1972 to 1982provides evidence for this trend. The results are furthersupported by data provided by a content analysis of theadvertising in the Columbian in the last two weeks of August1969 and August 1970 by the D.B.A. (Table38).The amount of New Westminster non-classified advertis-ing in the Columbian declined from approximately forty-ninepercent in the D.B.A. analysis in August 1969 and forty-three percent in January 1972, to thirty-nine percent inAugust 1982 and thirty-one percent in January 1982 (Tables38-41). Advertisers in surrounding municipalities consis-tently increased their coverage. Vancouver based firms alsoaccounted for a significant percentage of the advertising.By 1982, New Westminster's coverage had declined to thepoint where it was just one centre among the many commercialnodes in the region. The eclipsing of New Westminster'scoverage by Burnaby in 1970 indicates the degree to whichthe city had lost its commercial pre-eminence (Table 38).The declining advertising originating was both a re-248TABLE 38ADVERTISING COMPETITION IN THE COLUMBIAN FORTHE LAST TWO WEEKS OF AUGUST1969 - 1970Source 1969(Inches)% 1970(Inches)%Downtown New Westminster 1,485 40.7 1,500 16.5Woodward's (Uptown) 330 9.1 990 10.8Lougheed Mall 4,093 44.8Simpsons Sears (Burnaby) 288 7.9 758 8.3K-Mart (Surrey) 1,542 42.3 1,816 19.6Total 3,640 100.0 9,157 100.0Source: Preliminary Report on Downtown New...Westminster Back to School Sale and Promotion, September, 1970 (D.B.A,Personal Collection of Mr. M.G. Thomson)249RegionTABLE 39CONTENT ANALYSIS OF THECOLUMBIAN 1972January	 % 	 August 	 % Total %(Inches) (Inches)New Westminster 391.0 43.2 178.0 	 30.4 569.0 38.2Surrey 80.0 8.8 170.0 	 29.0 250.0 16.8N.E. 	 Sector 43.5 4.8 76.0 	 13.0 119.5 8.0(Coquitlam, PortMoody, PortCoquitlam)Burnaby 267.0 29.6 62.0 	 10.6 329.0 22.1Vancouver 53.0 5.9 40.0 	 6.8 93.0 6.2Rest of theLower FraserValley 12.5 1.4 27.0 	 4.7 39.5 2.7Rest of theProvince 37.5 4.1 10.0 	 1.7 47.5 3.2National orUnknown 20.0 2.2 22.5 	 3.8 42.5 2.8Total 904.5 100.0 585.5 	 100.0 1490.0 100.0250TABLE 40CONTENT ANALYSIS OF THECOLUMBIAN 1977Region 	 January % 	 August 	 % 	 Total 	 %(Inches) (Inches)New Westminster 452.5 45.5 160.0 24.8 612.5 37.3Surrey 86.5 8.7 106.5 16.5 193.0 11.8N.E. 	 Sector 77.5 7.8 74.5 11.6 152.0 9.3(Coquitlam, 	 PortMoody, PortCoquitlam)Burnaby 145.5 14.6 104.5 16.2 250.0 15.3Vancouver 103.0 10.5 41.0 6.4 144.0 8.8Rest of theLower FraserValley 11.5 1.1 113.5 17.6 125.0 7.6Rest of theProvince 43.0 4.3 37.5 5.8 80.5 4.9National orUnknown 75.0 7.5 7.0 1.1 82.0 5.0Total 994.5 100.0 644.5 100.0 1639.0 100.0251TABLE 41CONTENT ANALYSIS OF THECOLUMBIAN 1982Region 	 January %	August 	 % 	 Total 	 %(Inches) 	 (Inches)New Westminster 376.5 30.7 207.0 39.6 583.5 33.4Surrey 191.5 15.6 133.0 25.5 324.5 18.5N.E. 	 Sector 99.0 8.1 20.5 3.9 119.5 6.8(Coquitlam, PortMoody, PortCoquitlam)Burnaby 190.5 15.5 41.0 7.8 231.5 13.2Vancouver 150.0 12.2 54.5 10.4 204.5 11.7Rest of theLower FraserValley 94.0 7.7 52.0 10.0_ 146.0 8.3Rest of theProvince 102.0 8.3 102.0 5.8National orUnknown 24.5 1.9 14.5 2.8 39.0 2.3Total 1228.0 100.0 522.5 100.0 1750.5 100.0252flection of the city's economic decline and a contributingfactor. The loss of its regional media profile inexorablycontributed to the city's stagnation and decline. Theinability of the residents and businesses to maintain a con-structive two way flow of information isolated the city fromits traditional market area and prevented its full partici-pation in the regional information flows. This isolation wascomplete in 1983 when the Columbian newspaper declared bank-ruptcy and closed. The loss of the Columbian removed NewWestminster's last continuing media link with the metropoli-tan region. All local reporting of news and events wasrelegated to the single community newspaper, The Royal City Record, and the Burnaby community newspaper, the Burnaby Now. Thus, New Westminster was no longer a major media andinformation centre in the region.6.5	 SUMMATION AND ELABORATIONNew Westminster in the period 1967 to 1982 was agenerally deteriorating and dissipating urban centre withina growing metropolitan region. In Jacobs's terms it hadbecome a "sink", increasingly dependent upon external fluxesto maintain its population and economy. The decline was mostevident in the industrial sector, the port, and retailing in253the Downtown. This was only partially counter-balanced bythe expansion of the Uptown. Stability was seen in suchinstitutions as the Royal Columbian and St. Mary'shospitals, the Woodlands mental care facility, and the B.C.Penitentiary. These institutions, while not growing veryrapidly, provided stable employment and tax transfers whichhelped the city to survive.New Westminster's market area was reduced. The declineof its commercial influence in South Burnaby, Coquitlam, andNorth Surrey was a direct consequence of the earlierencirclement of the city by the various suburban regionaland community shopping centres, the physical degeneration ofthe built fabric in the Downtown, and new transportationsystems. The City Council and the D.B.A. failed to substant-ially halt or reverse the deterioration because of theircollective inability to implement many of the proposals forrevitalization, such as the "Old English" theme, and toreact to the various external forces. The city's dependenceupon a few economic sectors created the grounds for theeconomic dissipation of the 1970s and 1980s. 75The city's population decline and the increased degreeof instability in its social and community elementscontributed to its malaise. The absolute decrease in popula-tion from 1971 to 1976, coupled with the relatively slowincrease from 1976 onwards, contributed to an eroding of the254the city's commercial viability. The greater degree ofneighbourhood change in this period, although still far be-low the national average, further strained the city's inter-nal coherence. Only the persistence of a large number oflong-term and aging residents provided the continuitynecessary to maintain any of the city's cohesion. The trans-formation of the May Day celebrations into the larger HyackFestival preserved some of the older traditions while simul-taneously modifying others to pander to regional opportun-ities. Preservation of the city's identity and communityintegration continued to be important goals.The loss of the local orientation of the two principalmedia outlets in the city was a significant blow to thecity's external influence and internal coherence. Thereduction in the amount of firm and resident advertising andlocal news coverage eroded the city's regional profile andperipheralized it in relation to the metropolitan informat-ion flows. The closing of the Columbian newspaper in 1983was the culmination of this metropolitan peripheralizationas it concentrated all the daily print media on Vancouver.The economic dissipation, demographic decline andsocial and community instability of the 1970s and the early1980s severely eroded the regional importance and internalcohesion of New Westminster. Nevertheless, the City Council,various civic and business organizations and individual256Muriel Armstrong, The Canadian Economy and Its Problems, Scarborough, Ontario: Prentice-Hall, 1982,p.477.4 	 Cy Gonick, Inflation and Wage Controls, Winnipeg:Canadian Dimension Publications, 1976, p.3.5 	 Barrie Wall, "Provincial government assistance couldhave saved Star shipyards", Columbian, July 7, 1973.6 	 The degeneration of the industrial sector to a farsmaller range of industries is characteristic of thesimplification process entites undergo as they dis-sipate and lose their internal coherence.Adams (1982), p.18; and Jacobs (1984), p.34.7 	 New Westminster (1990), p.29.8 	 Ibid, p.52.9 	 Randall (1983), p.91.10 	 "Royal City plant in receivership", Columbian, December13, 1977; and New Westminster (1990), pp. 32-34.11 	 Brian Wilford, "Bargain-hunters roll out barrel",Columbian, February 23, 1978.25712 	 Paul C. Marck, "Scott Paper's big sales jump smoothingout", Columbian, July 21, 1983, p.A6; and AlbertSigurdson, "Scott Paper will undertake program to ex-pand mills", Toronto Globe and Mail, September 24,1981, p.B1.13 	 Linda D. Swaine, New Westminster: Royal City EconomicProfile 1985, New Westminster: Royal City DevelopmentGroup, 1985, p.44.14 	 The dominant firms were, respectively, theLabatt's Brewery, The Scott Paper Company, and theWoodward's Distribution Centre.15 	 Most of Scott Paper's research and development isconducted in the United States and the new machineryinstalled during the last major expansion was built inSweden by A B Karlstads Mekaniska A Werkstad. As aresult there is little information linkage to the localeconomy and no indigenous innovation is•promoted."Scott Paper unveils new plant", Royal City Record, April 28, 1984, p.19.16 	 Swaine (1986), p.l.17 	 Although the figures are not directly comparablethey do provide an indication of the regional trend interms of employment.258Baxter (1986), p.27.18 	 The growth and concentration of service sectorjobs in the Lower Mainland has recently provoked someresearchers to speculate that the provincial economy isbecoming polarized between a vibrant and independentGreater Vancouver region and the rest of the province.See: H.. Craig Davis and Thomas A. Hutton, "The TwoEconomies of British Columbia", BC Studies, 82 (Summer1989), pp. 3-15.19 	 Although the material and energy flows through theport had not appreciably augmented the city's viabilitysince the 1950s, the lack of activity on the waterfrontincreased the perception of the Downtown as a derelictand blighted area. The loss of the port illustrates thevulnerability of a city which depends upon equilibriumseeking trade flows.Dyke (1988), p.188.20 	 Norman Lidster, "An Historian sets the record straighton the New Westminster waterfront", Columbian, October15, 1971, p.B4.21 	 Robert J. McCalla, "Separation and Specialization ofLand Uses in Cityport Waterfronts: The Cases of SaintJohns and Halifax", Canadian Geographer, XXVII (1983),p.48.25922 	 Fraser River Harbour Commission, Annual Reports 1974-1976.23 	 George Mitchell, "Massive redevelopment program under-way in Royal City", Trade and Commerce, 76 (May 1981),p.56; Lower Fraser Valley (Vancouver Suburban) Directory 1970, Vancouver: B.C. Directories ; and LowerFraser Valley (Vancouver Suburban) Directory 1977,Vancouver: B.C. Directories.24 	 Downtown Business and Property Owners' Association(hereafter referred to as the D.B.A.), Minutes of aMeeting of the Board of Directors, July 29, 1976,(Personal collection of Mr. M.G. Thomson, hereafterabbreviated as T.C.).25 	 The list of department stores which left ColumbiaStreet for suburban shopping malls in the 1970s andearly 1980s includes Eaton's, Zellers, Fields, andRigby's. Both of the theatres in the core, the Columb-ian and the Paramount, and other stores such as Wosk'sfurniture store also closed.26 	 It was estimated that approximately 85 percent ofthe people visiting Downtown New Westminster arrived byprivate automobile.260D.B.A., Proposed Budget and Ramp Management Fee,1968 (T.C).27 	 Godfrey J. Mead Advertising Ltd., "The Marketing ofDowntown New Westminster", 1977 (Report prepared forthe D.B.A., T.C.).28 	 D.B.A., Request for Additional Funding by Members,1970 (T.C.).29 	 D.B.A., Annual General Meeting, January 26, 1970 (T.C.)30 	 For example see: Ibid; D.B.A., Annual General Meeting,January 31, 1972; and D.B.A., Board of Directors Meet-ing, September 25, 1972 (T.C.).31 	 D.B.A., The Columbia Street Canopy Proposal: Final Report on the Engineering Study and A Summary of the Details of the Canopies, Costs, the Financing and other Factors, March 1971, p.3. (T.C.).32 	 D.B.A., A Report on the Columbia Street Canopy Proposalto Provide Weather Protected Shopping, July 1972 (T.C.)33 	 Ibid.34 	 Mr. Bob Calis, "New Westminster "Old English" Theme",261Presentation to the D.B.A. Board of Directors Meeting,June 20, 1977 (T.C.).35 	 D.B.A., Board of Directors Meeting, May 16, 1977.36 	 Canadian Freehold Properties, New Westminster Mall,Vancouver: 1978, p.3.37 	 "New Westminster Second Century Development Key toFuture", B.C. Business, (March 1978), p.33.38 	 D.B.A., Board of Directors Meeting, January 24, 1966(T.C.).39 	 The large time interval between the surveys, thevariable nature of the weather, and the differing loc-ations of the surveys all could affect the results.40 	 H.J. Gayler, "Social Class and Consumer Spatial Behav-iour: Some Aspects in Variation in Shopping Patterns inMetropolitan Vancouver, Canada", Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers, New Series, 5 (1980),pp. 427-445.41 	 The single greatest exception to the general shop-ping patterns occurred in the case of groceries becausethe Uptown had two supermarkets, Woodward's and Super-Valu, while the Downtown had none.262Ibid, p.432.42 	 Camagni and Pompili (1991)43 	 D.B.A., Board of Directors Meeting, September 22, 1969;and D.B.A., Board of Directors Meeting, January 19,1970 (T.C.).44 	 D.B.A., Board of Directors Meeting, July 21, 1969(T.C.).45 	 D.B.A., Board of Directors Meeting, September 19, 1966(T.C.).46 	 D.B.A., Board of Directors Meeting, April 13, 1977(T.C.).47 	 Jacobs (1984), p.191.48 	 For example, in 1981 male and female householdsaged 65 or over earned $19,700 and $17,300 respectivelyas compared to $30,400 and $28,400 for male and femalehouseholds aged 15 to 64.Statistics Canada, The Elderly in Canada, Ottawa:Ministry of Supply and Services, 1984, p.20.49 	 For a discussion of the difficulties andl limitat-263ions of this research see Chapter Five. The only sub-stantial difference is the existence of seven non-responses scattered throughout the study period. A com-parison was made with the next 5 year interval in eachcase and where a move was indicated, the non-responsewas taken to be the moving date.50 	 Leroy O. Stone, The Frequency of Geographic Mobility in the Population of Canada, Ottawa: Statistics Canada,1978, p.23.51 	 Ibid, p.30.52 	 New Westminster City Market Study Committee, A Report on the Studies and Findings of a Committee Activated toInvestigate the Present Operation of the New Westmin-ster City Market and to Make Recommendations Regarding the Same, October 25, 1969, p.3. (T.C.).53 	 Ibid, p.2.54 	 D.B.A., Board of Directors Meeting, September 25, 1972(T.C.).55 	 "Professional approach needed to keep Royal City Mayfestival alive", Columbian, February 3, 1970.26456 	 "Hyack turns 20, volunteers needed", The News, April10, 1991, p.4.This philosophy of reducing the role of civic gov-ernment in certain areas of the city's economic andsocial environment was a consistent theme for much ofMayor Muni Evers's administration. This would becomeespecially obvious in the limiting of the city's in-volvement in the waterfront renewal project of the1980s.57 	 The four objectives were:a) To attract local, regional, national, andinternational attention to the Community.b) To provide citizens of the community with co-operative endeavors in which they can participate andtake pride.c) To offer individuals and organizations an op-portunity to display their talents, abilities or waresthrough festival, cultural and related events.d) To stimulate and sustain the economy of theCommunity by implementing these objectives.Hyack Festival Association (New Westminster PublicLibrary Pamphlet File, 1975).58 	 The name Hyack Festival was chosen because it wasrelated to the New Westminster Hyack Anvil Batterywhich traditionally gives a 21 anvil salute to theQueen on Victoria Day.265"New Hyack Festival", Vancouver Sun, February 17,1972.59 	 D.B.A., Board of Directors Meeting, February 21, 1972(T.C.).60 	 President Mal Hughes quoted in New Westminster HyackFestival Association: A Brief History (New WestminsterPublic Library Pamphlet File, 1982).61 	 These were the actual words used to promote the1978 Hyack Festival."Choice for Festival followers", Columbian, May18, 1978.62 	 "25,000 see big parade", Columbian, May 29, 1972.63 	 "Festival site rapped", Columbian, May 8, 1973.64 	 Ibid.65 The housing and support for the 3,000 athletes whoparticipated in the Summer Games was accomplished by avariety of volunteer and community groups in New West-minster and Burnaby. Apart from increasing the city'snational profile the Summer Games also provided an in-flux of tourists which helped the weakened city econ-omy.266"Summer Games to host over 3,000 athletes",Columbian, February 23, 1972.66 	 The largest new building constructed as a resultof the Canada Summer Games was the Canada Games Pool, a$1.2 million dollar Olympic sized facility. Two-thirdsof the funding for the Canada Games Pool was providedby the federal and provincial governments and the re-mainder was provided by New Westminster and Burnaby.Alan Jay, "Mayor tries the deep end on Games Poolinspection", Columbian, November 14, 1972, pp. 12-13;and New Westminster Parks and Recreation Department,Annual Report, 1973.67 	 "Parade's new route", Columbian, December 1, 1973.68 	 The re-routing was largely defended on the groundsthat it was easier to walk down Sixth Street and thatthere was less enthusiasm on the part of Downtown mer-chants for the parade. See:Ibid; and Maggie Leech, "Hyackers Plan Repeat onJunior Parade", Columbian, April 19, 1974.69 	 "Sun brings out the crowds to Hyack holiday weekendfun", Columbian, May 24, 1983, p.A11.70 	 "Irving House Display to Honour Pioneers", Columbian, Hyack Festival Supplement, May 15, 1980, p.18.26771 	 "Board Committee against changing May Day traditions",Columbian, February 9, 1983, p.A2.72 	 "May King would kill tradition", Columbian, February 9,1983, p.A4.; and George McLaughlin, "City Will Keep ItsTraditional May Queen", New Westminster Today, March2, 1983, p.l.73 	 Paul C. Marck, "AM Stereo brings new wave to broadcast-ing", Columbian, July 25, 1983.74 	 The Western Information Network and its open linetalk shows are carried throughout the province viasatellite linkages and affiliated stations. New West-minster is now just one point on a very large communi-cations network.75 	 As Jacobs and Dyke had theorized, the inability ofthe city to diversify its economic base, its inabilityto adapt to the changing external "energy" fluxes andthe stalling of its economic expansion led to thesteady dissipation of the city. Only the influx ofexternal capital and information flows in the 1980s dueto the actions of other levels of government and thedetermination of its residents prevented the completecollapse of the city.AbgCHAPTER 7RENEWAL1983 TO 19917.1 	 INTRODUCTIONAlthough New Westminster had experienced a degree ofeconomic deterioration and physical decline in the 1970s theprocess was not experienced equally by all economic sectorsand areas of the city. The Uptown and Sapperton remained -either stable or experienced some expansion in the early1980s. There was a marked degree of stability, and occasion-ally expansion, in the automotive, health, legal and bankingsectors. Administrative, service, and professional sectorsincreased their relative share of the city's total employ-ment. The cumulative impact of this tertiary and quaternarysector employment growth was to reorient the city moreclosely to the economic characteristics of the metropolitanregion.This was insufficient by itself to halt or reverse theeconomic deterioration of the Downtown. The Downtownrequired an active public-private partnership to stimulateits economic recovery and physical rehabilitation. The scale269of the redevelopment in the 1980s has permanently alteredthe city. It has given rise to a variety of new neighbour-hoods, and business and community associations which seek toeither promote a greater pace of change or preserve thecharacter and traditions of the city. Together, theseorganizations have begun to reinvigorate the city andstrengthen its internal cohesion and viability.7.2 	 ECONOMIC TRANSFORMATIONThe transformation and reinvigoration of New Westmin-ster's economy occurred in a period of continuing economicand political instability in the urban region, the province,and the world. British Columbia did not fully recover fromthe recession of the early 1980s until about 1986 and thecity had been more severely affected than other municipali-ties in the Vancouver metropolitan region. 1 The continuingautomation and computerization of industry and a shift inretailing from mass merchandising department stores tospecialty retailing and more unique shopping left the citydisadvantaged. 2 These disruptive external trends, althoughcontributing to the decline of the two traditional "enginesof growth", opened up new possibility spaces in which NewWestminster's residents and firms could readapt to thechanging metropolitan and world contexts.270These new possibility spaces were focused around theestablishment of a post-industrial society based uponinformation and service activities. The associated tertiaryand quaternary sector activities had bypassed cities, suchas New Westminster, which had derived a significant proport-ion of their stability from industrial production and tradeflows. 3 The transition to a metropolitan informationeconomy produced some elements that enabled the city tosuccessfully readapt to the new metropolitan context. 4This process was achieved in large measure due to the activeinitiatives of the various levels of government.7.21 	 Automotive RetailingAutomotive retailing had been the most stable retailsubsector throughout the 1950s and 1960s. Automotive retail-ing had continued to provide an influx of capital andemployment into the city which helped to counterbalance thegeneral retail decline in the core. By 1973 the automotivesales and service sector accounted for 667,232 square feetor 18.5 percent of the commercial floorspace in the city. 5This was the second largest component of the city's commer-cial sector. The extensive nature of this sector promptedthe President of the Fogg Motors dealership to claim thatthe city was "the automotive headquarters of not only theFraser Valley, but of Metro Vancouver as well." 6 By 1981271there were 103 outlets, consisting of 21 dealerships and 82automotive support firms, and these firms accounted for 36percent of all outlets and 70 percent of the floor space inthe city's retail sector. 7 The extensive nature of theautomotive sector made New Westminster an important destina-tion for automobile purchases.The persistence of the automobile retailing sectorstrengthened the city's economy during the early 1980s. 8The spatially extensive area occupied by this sector pro-vided the city with stable tax revenues and employment at atime when large areas of the city, especially in the Down-town were vacant. While some competing automobile strips hademerged in Surrey, Burnaby and Coquitlam in the 1960s and1970s, Twelfth Street was still the dominant automobile rowoutside of Vancouver until the early 1980s. Then the comple-tion of the Richmond Auto Mall with 9 dealerships on a 27acre site increased the competition for New Westminsterfirms a the Richmond complex permitted easier comparisonshopping and greater show space than could be achieved inNew Westminster. 9 Despite the increased competition, theTwelfth Street automobile row is still an important elementof the city's commercial structure, although in recentmonths several dealerships have closed.102727.22 	 HealthThe institutional elements of the city's economy, whichhad formerly just expanded with the population, were trans-formed into the most dynamic sectors of the economy in the1970s and 1980s. 11 New work, which had ceased to becreated in industry or retailing, was now emerging in thegrowing institutional and governmental activities. 12 Theresulting influx of capital, information, and employmenttriggered an improvement in the viability of the privatesector firms. Among the various institutional elements, thehealth care sector was the most obviously expansive through-out the period.The greatest expansion of health care employment andfacilities occurred in the 1970s and 1980s. In 1972 the NewDemocratic Party won the provincial election and New West-minster MLA Denis Cocke became the Minister of Health. Heauthorized $21.7 million of new construction for the RoyalColumbian Hospital, including the Health Care Centrecompleted in 1978. 13 The expansion and modernization ofthe Royal Columbian Hospital continued under the SocialCredit government with the completion of a new EmergencyBuilding in 1987 and the current construction of a newnursing tower. The aging of the population has created amarket for the services of various personal, intermediate,and extended care facilities throughout the city. 14 The273importance of the health care sector is indicated by thefact that in 1981 some thirteen percent of the city'sresident labour force was employed in this sector and thetwo largest employers in the city were the Royal ColumbianHospital (1,700 employees) and the Woodlands School (1,200employees). 15The expansion of the health care sector has had apositive multiplier effect on the city and encouraged thedevelopment of new work. For example, the commercial stabil-ity experienced by the East Columbia strip in Sapperton isin large measure a consequence of the presence of the RoyalColumbian Hospital which provides a significant proportionof the customers for the various florists, restaurants, andmedical supply stores which exist in the area. The import-ance of the health care sector to Sapperton has intensifiedin the 1980s with the construction of several medical officecomplexes near the hospital. Although little direct medicalresearch occurs in the city, the existence of such a complexnetwork of facilities has meant that many of the medicalprofessionals graduated from Douglas College in New Westmin-ster are retained in the local economy. 167.23 	 Business and Personal Services Banking and ancillary services is another "growthsector. 17 New Westminster has traditionally been the most274important banking centre for the Lower Fraser Valleycommunities. The banking sector in New Westminster includesnot only all the major Canadian chartered banks, but alsothe Canadian Development Bank and several credit unions,such as the Westminster Credit Union and the I.W.A. CreditUnion. This sector has remained vibrant despite the city'sdeclining regional influence.New Westminster has the second most comprehensive bank-ing system in the Vancouver metropolitan region. 18 Apartfrom the direct employment created, a large number ofaccounting and notary public firms are in the city, includ-ing branch offices of larger firms such as Peat MarwickThorne and Deloitte and Touche. The strength of the bankingsector was complemented by the expansion of legal and lawenforcement services after the new Provincial Court Housewas opened in Downtown New Westminster in 1981. The expans-ion of these two sectors has propelled the growth of acomplex network of ancillary services, such as office supplyfirms, printing and photocopying services, and cafes. Theslow economic recovery of the Downtown has largely been dueto the growth of these activities.The professional service sector has steadily increasedin its proportion of the total number of jobs. In 1971,professional services accounted for 24.6 percent of all jobsin the city as compared to 26.4 percent for manufacturing.275However, in 1981 31.7 percent of all jobs in professionalservices as compared to only 19.7 percent in manufactur-ing. 19 By 1986 34.7 percent was in professional servicesand only 18 percent in manufacturing. 20 This shift in thecity's employment composition is even more significant giventhat the total number of jobs available in the city actuallyfell over the same period. 21 Although the industrialsector continued to be an important element in the city'seconomy, by the 1980s New Westminster was no longer a mainlyindustrial centre. The transformation to a service or post-industrial economy had not been either easy or stabilizing,but it had been aided by the efforts of the Council,business, and residents to reinvigorate the city, especiallythe Downtown.7.3 	 THE DOWNTOWN REVITALIZATIONThe economic instability of the 1970s and 1980s, whichseverely eroded the city's viability, deterred any largescale private reinvestment in the core. Recovery wouldtherefore depend upon massive public investment to redevelopthe decrepit waterfront. The subsequent infusion of capitaland the creation of a new public sector organization, theFirst Capital City Development Corporation, significantlyimproved the city's viability. The city's Downtown renewal276program and its results and consequences provide a casestudy of the complexities of redevelopment.7.31 	 Origins The present Downtown revitalization program had itsorigins in a variety of past failed schemes and proposals .It is necessary to review these proposals in order tocomprehend the formation of the First Capital City Develop-ment Corporation. The first urban renewal survey conductedin 1965 discovered that while there were blighted buildingsthroughout the city, no one census tract had totally deter-iorated. 22 Among the problems identified were the old ageof the buildings in the core, the high percentage of thepopulation having little or no education, the steady agingof the population and the lack of adequate parking in allparts of the city. 23 After further examination, the UrbanRenewal Committee identified an area immediately adjacent tothe Downtown core called Area 4 (Figure la) be given thehighest priority for redevelopment. 24Despite the detailed planning, the urban redevelopmentproject for Area 4 was never implemented. A reduction infederal government financial support for such large scaleurban redevelopment and the high degree of community activ-ism exhibitted in Vancouver against similar projects in theL Pt g0L.<277Downtown Eastside and Strathcona neighbourhoods led the Cityto abandon the proposals. Of even greater importance was thefact that the attention of the City Council and the businesscommunity had shifted to the Downtown core itself which wasobviously deteriorating in the late 1960s and 1970s. 25 Thereorientation of the city's efforts to an exclusive focusupon the Downtown core spared Area 4 the widespread disrupt-ion that had been experienced by other communities which hadundergone urban redevelopment. However, the emphasis uponthe utilization of public funds to clear and improve an areafor private businesses remained a central feature of all ofthe city's subsequent proposals.In 1972 the City and the D.B.A. discussed a proposal toredevelop Front Street into a tourist or "wharfside" shop-ping complex. The Wharfside project envisioned a joint city-private sector venture which would redevelop Front Streetby relocating the Farmers' Market onto Front Street, build-a convention centre along the waterfront, and encouraginggreater residential development in the Downtown. 26 Theprivate sector investment which was seen as necessary forthe proposal to be enacted never transpired and the CityCouncil ultimately displayed little active support, but someof the elements which were seen as crucial for the Down-town's redevelopment, such as the need for a conventioncentre and the desire to emphasize greater residentialdevelopment, were accepted by the City Council and theD.B.A. as being vital for any redevelopment scheme.27278The election of the New Democratic Party government in1972 also held out the promise of provincial assistance forthe redevelopment of the Downtown. In 1973, partly at theurging of Mr. Dennis Cocke, MLA for New Westminster, it wasproposed that the Insurance Corporation of British Columbiarelocate its head office to New Westminster to act as acatalyst for the private sector. 28 The NDP proposal wouldhave brought approximately 1,500 jobs into the Downtown,encouraged the relocation of ancillary services such aslawyers, underwriters and publishers, and increased theoverall attractiveness of the city. 29 Despite the activesupport of the provincial government, the City Council tookno action to aid in the implementation of the proposa1. 3°The City Council was mainly preoccupied with rejuvenatingColumbia Street and as a consequence, the proposal receivedonly passive support from the city and no direct action toinsure its implementation.The re-election of the Social Credit government in 1974eventually resulted in the I.C.B.0 head office being builtin North Vancouver as part of that municipality's waterfrontrenewal project. The earlier passive attitude of the CityCouncil continued with no sustained effort to oppose therelocation. Despite the lost opportunity, the BritishColumbia Development Corporation had been steadily assembl-ing land in New Westminster for the office. As a result, a279large amount of vacant industrial waterfront land was heldby the provincial government. By the late 1970s, the Cityand the provincial government had become significant prop-erty owners in the Downtown and this control would greatlyease the redevelopment of the waterfront in the 1980s.The present waterfront revitalization scheme thus hadits origins in the past failed endeavors and two importantregional planning decisions. In 1975, after a prolonged per-iod of discussion and consultation, the Greater VancouverRegional District adopted the Livable Region Strategy. TheLivable Region Strategy had several principal goals, 31 themost important of which from New Westminster's perspectivewere to decentralize jobs from Downtown Vancouver so as to"help balance population and employment in the various partsof the region" 32 and create regional town centres. NewWestminster was declared the first Regional Town Centre in1977 and a joint effort between the City, the Greater Van-couver Regional District and the provincial government beganto take shape to revitalize the waterfront. 337.32 	 The First Capital City Development CorporationThe First Capital City Development Corporation wasformed in 1978 as a joint partnership between the City ofNew Westminster and the British Columbia Development Corpor-ation. 34 The instigator of this partnership was the280British Columbia Development Corporation. The concept ofcreating a crown corporation to promote the redevelopment ofthe Downtown was presented in 1977. 35 The First CapitalCity Development Corporation (F.C.C.D.C.) was envisioned asa crown corporation which would oversee the staged redevel-opment of the waterfront according to the guidelines establ-ished for a Regional Town Centre and the official communityplan for Downtown New Westminster. 36 The F.C.C.D.C. pro-gram would "capitalize upon the ability to redirect andpackage a combination of public projects currently beingplanned with a municipal financing program and to offerlands assembled from the public and private sectors throughsyndication to developers on attractive lease terms." 37Thus from the onset the F.C.C.D.C. was seen as a means topromote the development but not actually undertake therevitalization itself.The F.C.C.D.C. was to act as the major catalytic organ-ization in New Westminster's revitalization. The F.C.C.D.C.would "perform the function of holding the land, of imple-menting the Community Development Plan and of entering intoleases with prospective developers... ." 38 .The F.C.C.D.C.would also act as the central agency responsible for co-ordinating the various activities of the different levels ofgovernment and to arrange for the provision of services,financing and any. required public capital projects. Theoverall role of the F.C.C.D.C. was most clearly spelt out by281Premier William Bennett when he said at the announcement ofthe New Westminster Justice Centre that "we believe thatdevelopment should be carried out in the way it has alwaysbeen carried out in British Columbia - by the privatesector." 39In order to facilitate the revitalization, theF.C.C.D.C. was'given the ability to ignore many approvalsteps as long as they adhered to the official communityplan." City Council was limited in its direct influenceon the revitalization process to the position of the Mayoras a "shareholder" and the issuing of building permits. 41These special abilities were seen as beneficial to the cityby then Mayor Muni Evers who said the Enabling Act "givesFirst Capital City a positive basis to approach developerswithout bureaucratic interference" . 42 The F.C.C.D.C. wasthus allowed an "arms length" approach to promote the redev-elopment of the derelict waterfront land and was granted anindependence not enjoyed by many other public-private sectorcorporations. 43 As well, the passage of the Enabling Actin the B.C. Legislature granted special expropriation powersto expedite the land assembly and to reduce the land spec-ulation so it would be easier to attract developers. 44Thus, the City gave up its ability to effectively controlthe development of a significant part of its core. This lossof responsibility and authority was the ultimate consequenceof the City Council's passive redevelopment efforts.45282The formation of the F.C.C.D.C. in 1978 and the comple-tion of the official community plan for Downtown New West-minster thus established the framework for the waterfrontrevitalization. However, the redevelopment of the waterfrontdid not occur in a very rapid fashion. A variety of schemeswere proposed for the waterfront area, such as the Westmin-ster Steps which would have been a large ten acre apartmentleading to the waterfront. 46 The early proposals for thewaterfront by private developers were quickly shelved withthe onset of the world recession in 1981. 47 Although thevarious levels of government continued to focus theirdevelopmental efforts on Downtown New Westminster, theprivate sector hesitated until the economy began to streng-then in the late 1980s.7.33 	 The Revitalization StrategyThe waterfront revitalization strategy, as it haddeveloped by the 1980s, consisted in essence of four stages(Figure 13). Stages one and two involved the construction ofthe Provincial Law Courts and an urban plaza called BegbieSquare in 1981 and the permanent Douglas College campus in1982. These two structures, along with the relocation ofsome government offices like the Land Titles Office, wereexpected to attract a large number of related and ancillaryservices and professionals, such as lawyers, accountants andclerks, to New Westminster. The various levels of government■■•■■11,rr—,—r--1 I-11I-zW2a.0...1W>CI LLI1— 0LLIW crCCM Z0LL 0i—.Z 	 II0 	 I0 	 II1III1IILi g Hi II El1283also expressed their firm commitment to the construction ofa rapid transit link to Downtown Vancouver from Downtown NewWestminster. Although Skytrain was not actually completeduntil 1986, these efforts were seen as a means of reassuringdevelopers of the commitment of the different levels ofgovernment to the waterfront revitalization.Stage three involved the total redevelopment of thewaterfront area. Although private sector development wasminimal in the early years of the scheme, by 1986 a con-struction boom had started on the waterfront. Since thattime, the waterfront redevelopment has been further sub-divided into three components. The first component, QuaysideI is now largely completed. Quayside I consisted of 1,324residential units in thirteen projects, including sevenhighrise towers, the 126 room Inn at the Quay Hotel, a low-rise office complex, the Westminster Quay Public Market, anda small marina. 48 All these developments commenced or werefinished in 1986, the year that the Skytrain station openedand Expo 86 began in Vancouver.The second component is the Quayside II developmentbeing completed by Andre Molnar. This development lies tothe west of the original limits of the waterfront revital-ization area (Figure 13). The Quayside II, or Renaissance,development seeks to create an additional 1,411 units, in-cluding eight 20 storey towers. The entire development is284being built in the style of renaissance Venice with lagoons,courtyards and fountains. 49 This is a luxury condominiumproject oriented primarily to the "empty-nester" and"yuppie" markets." The majority of the buyers have comefrom the West End of Vancouver, Burnaby, and other parts ofNew Westminster, although some units have been sold in HongKong. 51 The first part of this project, The Lido is nownearly complete with unit prices ranging from $155,900 to$345,900 in 1989 and the adjacent Rialdo development is nowon sale with unit prices starting at $250,000. 52 The finalcomponent of the waterfront revitalization lies to the eastof the Public Market. This is the Westminster Pier projectwhich will consist of eight highrise towers providing anadditional 812 units of condominium accommodation. Althoughno construction has been started, the project will eventual-ly spread along the length of the waterfront to the easternend of Front Street near the Pattullo Bridge.The fourth and final stage in the revitalization planis the improvement and redevelopment of Columbia Street.This program, is still ongoing, involves the physical up-grading of the buildings and the streetscape in order topresent a more favourable appearance while at the same timetrying to preserve the historic character of the area.Columbia Street has been widened to four lanes by eliminat-ing the former angle parking and replacing it with parallelparking. Columbia Street has also had its sidewalks widened285and ornamental lighting and furniture have been added to"pedestrianize" the area. The restoration and renovation ofthe various buildings along Columbia Street is being encour-aged by the Heritage Area Revitalization Program (H.A.R.P.)which was implemented in 1990. 53 Ironically, ColumbiaStreet itself continues to be the slowest part of the Down-town to experience an economic recovery. Despite the addit-ion of the Columbia Street Skytrain station at the inter-section of Fourth Street and Columbia Street, there arestill many vacant stores and offices along the length of thecommercial strip.7.34 	 Assessment The New Westminster waterfront revitalization presentsa curious mixture of results and consequences which under-line several of the weaknesses of this type of urban redev-elopment program. In many respects this developmentparallels similar accomplishments around the world. Themixed use emphasis of the waterfront revitalization is, on afar smaller scale, a copy of schemes implemented in otherlarger urban centres like Baltimore and Toronto. 54 NewWestminster has a hotel, a "festival" Public Market, resi-dential housing, a marina, offices, and a historic site inthe form of the Samson V floating museum. 55 The universal-ly reiterated idea of "making the waterfront accessible tothe public" is achieved by the construction of the 1.3 mile286long esplanade along the length of the Quayside I project.In fact,' very little in this entire revitalization projectis entirely unique or new, as the basic elements can beobserved in almost any similar waterfront revitalization.Despite the lack of originality in the design, theF.C.C.D.0 did fulfill its mandate. The formerly derelictwaterfront landscape has been redeveloped by private sectordevelopers. The F.C.C.D.0 and the City of New Westminsterhave created a highly successful high density residentialdevelopment supported by various institutional anchors andpublic amenities. The construction in 1990 of a new 165,000square foot shopping mall with an attached 80 unit seniorcitizens residential tower at the corner of Tenth Street andColumbia Street marks a potential resurgence of the Down-town's commercial viability. The focusing of public invest-ment in the form of Skytrain, Douglas College, the Provin-cial Law Courts and the McInnes Street Overpass all provideda stable environment for the developers and given the slowresponse by the private sector before 1986, it is conceiv-able that the progress achieved to date would not have beenpossible if the public-private partnership had not beenestablished. 56Despite the unquestioned economic success, the presentrevitalization scheme has not successfully addressed severalkey issues. One of the most important of these issues is the287provision of social housing. Apart from two cooperativeswhich were built early in the redevelopment, the entireorientation of the residential development is focused uponluxury condominiums for "empty nesters" and "yuppies", part-icularly those who were being dispossessed from Vancouver orBurnaby by rising housing costs in the late 1980s. The lackof any provision for social housing stands in sharp contrastto the older False Creek South waterfront redevelopmentwhich was designed to house one-third low income, one-thirdmiddle income, and one-third high income residents. At atime when housing affordability was a serious regional pro-blem, the addition of more upper middle class accommodationsdid little to benefit the poorer segments of the city's pop-ulation. 57New Westminster's revitalization strategy also ignoredthe provision of "soft" infrastructure in addition to thelarge amount of physical improvements. The waterfront re-vitalization program has physically transformed most ofDowntown New Westminster but no effort has been made to dealwith any of the social problems which exist. Downtown NewWestminster still has a large number of single parent house-holds, a significant amount of drug-related street crime anda number of hotels which cater to an unemployed or retiredsingle male population. These marginal groups are especiallyvulnerable to rapidly rising property values and rents andthe tearing down of older apartment buildings and rooming288houses to permit more condominium construction. At the pre-sent, the social dimensions of waterfront revitalizationhave been almost completely ignored by the developers andthe various levels of government. 587.4 	 COMMUNITY INTEGRATIONThe redevelopment of the Downtown and the continuedexpansion of the Uptown provoked the formation of a varietyof neighbourhood, business and cultural organizations in thelate 1980s and early 1990s. The increased variety of organ-izations dealing with a large number of issues has signifi-cantly enriched the internal information environment in thecity. Although these organizations may have strongly differ-ing viewpoints, collectively they have increased the degreeof community participation and integration. 59 The complex-ities and differing effectiveness of these organizations isillustrated by an examination of some of the more prominentnew organizati.ons which have emerged in recent years.As with the Fairview Slopes area in Vancouver, 80 theimpact of the redevelopment extended beyond the boundariesof the plan area into a traditionally single family neigh-bourhood. From 1988 onwards, a series of development appli-cations for low and high rise structures were received and289approved for the area directly north of the waterfrontcalled the Brow of the Hill. The Brow of the Hill is gener-ally bounded by Sixth Avenue, Sixth Street, Royal Avenue andStewardson Way (Figure 12.). The Brow of the Hill has trad-itionally been a single family neighbourhood, but as aresult of the 1965 urban renewal study, significant parts ofthe area had been rezoned for higher density residential.However, due to the poor business climate in the Downtown,little high density development had occurred. These samehigh density areas became extremely attractive to developersin the late 1980s once the waterfront redevelopment wasproven to be economically successful.From 1988 onwards, the Brow of the Hill area witnesseda series of low and high rise development applications. 61The pace and scale of change was so significant that theresidents formed the Brow of the Hill Residents Associationto protect "family living" in the area. 62 The organizationwas at first unsuccessful in stopping any of the proposeddevelopments, largely because the proposals conformed tothe existing zoning regulations. 63 The steady growth inthe Association's membership to 120 by June 1989 gave itincreased power to deal with the City Council and by July1989 the organization had managed to stop a proposed 24storey twin tower development for Twelfth Street. 64 Al-though the Association was unable to stop the majority ofthe developments, with the result that the southern part of290the area was largely redeveloped, it did force the CityCouncil to draft a community plan which would preserve thesingle family character of the neighbourhood north ofQueens Avenue. 65The Queensborough Citizens Association has been anothervocal, if less successful, community organization whichformed in 1989 in response to MacMillan Bloedel's develop-ment plans for Queensborough. In 1989 MacMillan Bloedelapplied to City Council to seek approval to redevelop 70acres of industrial land at the eastern tip of Queensboroughinto a mixed density, residential development called PortRoyal. The Queensborough Citizens Association opposed themassive redevelopment and actively campaigned against theproposal. 66 The Association argued the development wouldraise assessments and property taxes, accelerate the de-industrialization of the city and erode the local communitycohesion. 67 However, the proposal was approved by the CityCouncil, in part due to the pro-development stance taken bythe Queensborough Ratepayers Association, the traditionalcommunity group in Queensborough. 68 Despite the defeat theQueensborough Citizens Association has continued to beactive in promoting greater environment and community aware-ness in the city."The adaptation and emerging stability of the city'sinternal structure was explicitly illustrated by the contin-291ued success of the Hyack Festival. The Hyack Festival wasrelatively unchanged during the 1980s and 1990s, with itsprincipal elements being the May Day fete, the Victoria Daycelebrations and the Saturday parade. The Festival continuedto be a community organized event which promoted the uniqueidentity and cohesiveness of the city. The only significantaddition to the ten day festival was the steady increase inthe number of events occurring in the Ddwntown from 1986onwards. In 1991, there were tugboat races, street enter-tainers and a sidewalk sale along the length of ColumbiaStreet. This increasing emphasis upon the Downtown and thewaterfront is a reflection of the growing vitality of theseareas after years of dissipation.The city's internal coherence has been bolstered by theemergence of several new cultural organizations. The mostsuccessful has been the Vincent Massey Theatre ImprovementSociety which was formed to upgrade the aging 1949 theatrein the New Westminster Secondary School. The Vincent MasseyTheatre is the third largest theatre space in the LowerMainland, but it had begun to suffer deterioration due toneglect by the 1980s. 70 The Vincent Massey Theatre wasoften used by community groups and professional touring com-panies and the upgrading of the theatre's facilities wasseen as a necessary first step to a resurgence in local cul-tural activities. 71 The Improvement Society at first hadto depend mostly upon B.C. lottery funds and private and292business donations as the City Council did not want to giveany significant amount of money to the theatre because itwas legally the School Board's responsibility. 72 However,in 1991 the jurisdictional dispute was resolved and the citygranted $50,000 to the Improvement Society. 73Despite the jurisdictional problems, the ImprovementSociety received a great deal of local support. By 1991 thetheatre had modernized both the lighting and sound systems,constructed an event sign to notify residents of coming per-formances, and the Society was actively upgrading the back-stage facilities. The new Vincent Massey Theatre hasattracted a variety of national and regional culturalgroups, such as the Vancouver Symphony Orchestra and theRoyal Canadian Air Farce, and served as the setting for manylocal theatre productions. 74 The theatre has enjoyed asignificant degree of local patronage in recent years andhas emerged as one of the city's principal cultural facili-ties.The success in upgrading the Vincent Massey Theatreprovided the impetus for the formation of the most recentcultural organization, the Royal City Musical Theatre Com-pany, a non-profit organization which " seeks to promote theperforming arts and bring large-scale musical productions tothe city." 75 The company was largely the initial inspirat-ion of Mrs Evelyn Benson, a local teacher and historian, who293wanted to bring back the large musicals which had beenperformed in the Massey Theatre until the early 1980s. 76The Company was formed in 1989 and had many establishedmembers of the community on its Board of Directors. Althoughthe Company has had constant financial problems, itsactivities have provided a means by which the city'sresidents can cooperate upon and enjoy the artistic talentsof the community. By supporting local productions and actorsthe Company has bolstered the city's cohesion and providedthe opportunity for local perspectives to emerge in contrastto the regional, national, and international views of themass media and theatre. 777.5 	 SUMMATIONNew Westminster in the 1980s is recovering itsviability as a consequence of a combination of economicgrowth in a few sectors, government intervention, andcommunity activism. The economic sectors which have eitherrecovered or stabilized are largely the same tertiary andquaternary sectors which have been the principal propellantsof economic growth in North American society since the1960s. 78 The continued loss of industrial lands coupledwith the erratic recovery of the retailing sector, has made294the city's economic revitalization a slow process. WhileNew Westminster continued to register an excess of jobsover the labour force in the 1980s, the slow growth in boththe size or the resident labour force and the number of jobshas resulted in a continuation of the city's decliningregional importance. 79 By 1991, New Westminster's commer-cial and demographic vitality had been surpassed by thecontinually expanding municipalities of Burnaby, Surrey, andCoquitlam.The revitalization of Downtown New Westminster has alsosubstantially aided the city's economic and demographicrecovery and indirectly promoted a greater degree of commun-ity activism and awareness. The F.C.C.D.C. has successfullyfulfilled its mandate by providing the necessary govern-mental support and infrastructure to catalyze the waterfrontredevelopment. The waterfront revitalization scheme has beena general success, although its failure to consider eitherthe provision of social housing or "soft" infrastructure isone of the reasons for the persistence of the constant crimeproblems near the New Westminster Skytrain Station at EighthStreet and Columbia Street. However, the waterfront revital-ization and the more recent renovations along ColumbiaStreet are a marked improvement over the deteriorated land-scape of the 1970s and early 1980s and offers the prospectfor further improvements in the future.295The emergence of a larger number of community, businessand cultural groups since the mid 1980s has contributed tothe city's renewal. The proliferation of these differinggroups has permitted a reintegration of the city's communitycoherence which was strained by the economic and demographicdecline. Although the various neighbourhood associations,with the exception of the Queens Park Residents Associat-ion, 80 have had limited success in halting or modifyingmany of the most controversial projects in the city, theirvery existence has created a more "information rich" civicenvironment. The emergence of several new cultural groupsalso indicates a growing re-emphasis upon the city's ident-ity and internal cohesion. The modernization of the VincentMassey Theatre by the community with only belated assistancefrom the local government demonstrates the continuation ofa indigenous sense of place and community activism. Theweakness of this community cultural activism was demonstr-ated by the Royal City Musical Theatre Company which finan-cially over-extended itself in 1991. Despite the setbacksand failures the city's internal coherence seems to be rel-atively stable and offers the prospect for further communitydevelopment in the future.296NOTES1 	 Unemployment in New Westminster peaked at approx-imately 18 percent in 1985, compared to only 13.3percent for the region as a whole. This was alsodemonstrated by the fact that the average income in1983 for New Westminster residents was $17,798. Thisfigure was lower than the provincial average of $18,480and the Greater Vancouver Regional District average of$19,890.Dean Rohrer, New Westminster: The Royal City Economic Profile Update, 1986, New Westminster: RoyalCity Community Development Association, 1986, pp.2-3.2 	 The increasing fragmentation of the retailingmarket and the concurrent increase in shops cateringonly to specific needs, lifestyles or socio-economicgroups has generally eroded the economic viability ofmany mass market department stores.K.G. Jones and J.W. Simmons, Location, Location, Location: Analyzing the Canadian Retail Environment,Toronto: Nelson Canada, 1987.3 	 The necessity of all cities constantly readaptingto their changing internal and external contexts is aconstant theme in all of the works of Jacobs and Dyke.297Cities which specialize in too small a range of funct-ions or activities and do not undergo periods ofinnovation and transformation will inexorably decline.Jacobs (19690, p.49; and Dyke (1982), p.360.4 	 A bifurcation is a "point far from equilibriumwhere we cannot tell which of two (or more) entries(events) will occur." In other words, a bifurcationpoint is a state of maximum chaos in the ultimate out-come is unpredictable.Dyke (1988), p.115.5 	 City of New Westminster, Places of Work, InformationBulletin No. 7, 1973, p.2.6 	 "Fogg's President predicts bright future for RoyalCity", Columbian, March 17, 1977.7 	 Swaine (1986), p.32.8 	 Although the automobile retailing sector was beingto decline to a gradient-seeking, equilibrium form oftrade flow, it still was making a significant contrib-ution to the city's stability.Dyke (1988), p.118.9 	 Swaine (1986), p.33.29810 	 Recently some of the automobile dealerships. likeWheaton Pontiac Buick G.M.C. Ltd., have relocated toother suburban locations. As well, many of the propert-ies along Twelfth Street are being redeveloped intohigher density residential use. Thus, this automobilerow may be completely replaced in the next few years.11	 Although not as prominent as the private sector,the public sector is also capable of creating new workto diversify a city's economic composition and of pro-moting new structures or organizations which are ableto more effectively modify and utilize the ambient"energy" fluxes.12 	 The development of the nursing program at DouglasCollege and the associated teaching and researchactivities is an example of new work.13 	 125th Anniversary Committee of the Royal ColumbianHospital, People Making History, Royal Columbian Hospital: 1862-1987, New Westminster: 1987, p.9.14 	 The largest of these facilities are the KiwanisIntermediate Care facility and the Queens Park ExtendedCare Hospital.15 	 Swaine (1986), p.16.29916 	 The development of the extensive nursing programat Douglas College is an example of integrated develop-ment. The nursing students not only provided a largeconsumer population for merchants, but many subsequent-ly get employment in one of the city's health carefacilities.17 	 Apart from the employment and ancillary servicesgenerated by the presence of a large and diversebanking system, the accessibility of capital for smalland newly emerging enterprises is an important con-straint on the city's potential viability. The presenceof only a few sources of capital for new enterpriseswill limit the scope for innovation and the developmentof new work in cities because the most efficient way toinvest capital is in a few large loans and not in thethe many small loans which are required by a dynamiccity economy. Thus, while the presence of an extensivebanking system will not by itself result in a vibranturban economy, its absence can restrict a city'sdevelopment.Jacobs (1969), pp.99-100.18 	 Councillor J. Francis, Public Meeting, January 8, 1991.19 	 Swaine (1986), p.16.30020 	 Statistics Canada, Census of Canada, 1986, Catalogue#94-720, p.335.21 	 Swaine (1986), p.l.22 	 City of New Westminster, Urban Renewal Study, Vol. 1,New Westminster: 1965, p.2.23 	 Ibid, p.39.24 	 Ibid, p.45.25 	 The failure to implement the urban renewal schemewas in part a result of the loss of federal governmentfunding for such projects after the Hellyer Report and,more importantly, the result of a high degree ofinactivity on the part of the City Council. In fact,some residents had actually received notices informingthem that there dwellings were slated for demolition,but the Council never followed through. The creation ofelaborate plans and the failure to actually implementthem has been a characteristic feature of the CityCouncil. The situation was described by Alderman (sic)Joe Francis when he said "For years we have felt thedowntown businesses should show more initiative andthey felt we should, which resulted in both of us sit-ting down and doing nothing."301"Royal City revitalization needs reviving",Columbian, March 3, 1976, p.2.26 	 D.B.A., Board of Directors Meeting, October 23, 1972(T.C.)27 	 Ibid; and D.B.A., Board of Directors Meeting, January25, 1971.28 	 Gerry Bellett, "New Westminster showing signs ofrevival", Columbian, December 30, 1976; and BrianPower, "City's sagging downtown shows signs ofrecovery", Columbian, January 15, 1977, p.l.29 	 The other major component of the NDP plan was thecompletion of a conventional Light Rapid Transit linefrom Downtown Vancouver to Downtown New Westminsterwhich would improve the city's accessibility andcomplete its integration into the metropolitan region.Personal Interview with Mr. Dennis Cocke, formerMLA for New Westminster, September 16, 1991.30 	 Cocke (1991).31 	 The goals for the Livable Region Plan were to:1) Achieve residential growth targets in eachpart of the region.3022) Promote a balance of jobs to population ineach part of the region.3) Create regional town centres.4) Provide a transit-oriented transportationsystem.Protect and develop regional open space.32 	 J. Douglas Spaeth, Regional Town Centres: A Policy Report, Vancouver: Greater Vancouver Regional District,1975, p.20.33 	 Joint Action Committee, A Regional Town Centre for NewWestminster, New Westminster: 1977.34 	 One of the factors which contributed to the activeparticipation of the provincial government in thecity's revitalization was the close personal andpolitical ties between Mayor Muni Evers and PremierWilliam Bennett. These personal ties were recentlystressed by ex-Mayor Evers as being important for thepartnership's formation.Interview with Muni Evers, People Link, CommunityChannel Four, July 3, 1991.35 	 Despite the afforementioned personal ties, thepartnership was instigated by the British ColumbiaDevelopment Corporation which made the first proposal303to the City Council in February 1978. Once the partner-ship was formally signed and the F.C.C.D.0 was formedthe City became only a minor player in the Downtownredevelopment with all the land sales and negotiationsbeing conducted by the F.C.C.D.C. and only revealed tothe city after they were complete.New Westminster City Council, Regular Meeting ofCity Council, May 8, 1978; New Westminster CityCouncil, Regular Meeting, June 12, 1978; "3 firms joinRoyal City renewal", Vancouver Sun, June 16, 1980; andCocke (1991).36 	 City of New Westminster, Community Plan for DowntownNew Westminster, 1987.37 	 British Columbia Development Corporation, The First Capital City, 1977, p.13.38 	 Ibid, p.v.39 	 This position was generally supported by the CityCouncil and was in definite agreement with the personalviews of Mayor Evers.Ibid, p.11.40 	 Norman Provencher, "FCC powers give Royal City pause",Columbian, February 24, 1981, p.A2.30441 	 For a critical interpretation of the powersgranted to the F.C.C.D.C. see: Terry Glavin, "NewWestminster: Giving the City Away", City Magazine,4 (April 1979), pp.17-19.42 	 Provencher (1981).43 	 Ffrst Capital City project director Ken Wrightstated that "I don't suppose there is any other placein North America where a quasi-private corporation hassuch a say in things".Quoted in Glavin (1979), p.17.44 	 Although the expropriation powers were sweeping intheir potential, they were apparently never used as theF.C.C.D.0 was able to buy all the private property thatremained within the redevelopment area.45 	 Within this framework, the City was largely apassive agent. As long as the proposals developed bythe F.C.C.D.C. and the developers conformed to thecommunity plan, the City was limited to approvingbuilding permits. When the City objected to certainaspects of the redevelopment, such as the decision byF.C.C.D.C. to expel the King Neptune Restaurant fromthe waterfront, it had no ability to force the corpor-ation to modify its plans. Thus, the present waterfront305is largely the creation of private developers and theF.C.C.D.C. with only minimal infrastructure supportfrom the City.46 	 "The Future: First Capital City", Royal City Magazine,1 (December 1981), p.16.47 	 The first proposal for a high density, steppeddevelopment from the corner of Eighth Street andColumbia Street to the water was abandoned in 1982 dueto the deteriorating economic conditions in theprovince. The site was subsequently purchased by BosaBrothers Construction Ltd. which built the first co-operative development.Evers (1991); Cocke (1991); and Brian Wilford,"Royal City well on its way to a full recovery",Columbian, April 7, 1978, p.2.48 	 Nick Rebalski, "New Westminster", Vancouver Sun,December 2, 1989, p.E3.49 	 Ibid.50 An "empty nester" is a single person or couple,usually aged 45 to 64, who own their own home, but withthere children gone no longer require a large amount ofaccommodation.306"Yuppie" is a slang term for young, urbanprofessionals.51 	 Arlene Redekop, "Andre Molnar: The King of the Condosrecreates the waterfront", New Westminster Now,July 18, 1989, p.7.52 	 Rebalski (1989), p.E3; and Rialto radio advertisement,October 5, 1991.53 	 HARP is a voluntary cost sharing program that willcover up to fifty percent of the cost of sympatheticfacade upgrading for 27 prioritized historic buildingsin the Downtown.Foundation Group Design Ltd., The Columbia Street HARP Guidelines, New Westminster: 1990, p.l.54 	 For a discussion of Baltimore's redevelopment see:Roberto Brambilla and Gianni Longo, What Makes Cities Livable?: Learning From Baltimore, New York:Institute for Environmental Action, 1979; andChristopher M. Law, "Urban revitalization, publicpolicy, and the redevelopment of redundant port zones:lessons from Baltimore and Manchester", Hoyle et al,(1988), pp. 146-166.55 	 The Samson V is a sternwheeler which once307conducted dredging operations along the Fraser River.It is presently being promoted as a floating museum.There are also plans underway to incorporate theSamson V in a series of waterfront kiosks which wouldexplain various aspects of the city's history as partof a larger project of creating an eco-museum on theriver.56 	 The federal government has had a more indirectrole through the Fraser River Harbour Commission, therelocation of the former federal dock at the foot ofEighth Street, the funding of the A.L.R.T. system andthe construction of a new Agriculture Canada officebuilding near Douglas College on Royal Avenue in 1990.57 	 In fact, the stock of affordable housing isconstantly decreasing in the Downtown as new condomini-um developments replace older, cheaper apartments androoming houses. The most recent example of this processwas the demolition of an older apartment building at10th Street and Royal Avenue by a higher densitycondominium tower which forced the former tenants outwithout any support, many of whom have had difficultyin locating a new residence.Cocke (1991).58 	 The increasing socio-economic status of the Down-308town has been seen as a positive trend by the CityCouncil. As a result, the provision of social housing 'or other welfare services has not been an importantcivic priority.Conversation with Mr. Graham Farstad, City Plannerof New Westminster, January 16, 1991.59 	 Community groups and organizations are just asimportant in maintaining the viability of cities aseconomic organizations. Community organizations providethe means by which the disparate residents of a citycan interact in a constructive fashion to promote theintegration of the city's various elements and aid inthe formation of a common identity which is crucial tothe survival of any human place.See: Munz (1991).60 	 Caroline A. Mills, "Interpreting gentrification:Postindustrial, postpatriarchal, postmodern?",Vancouver: University of British Columbia, PhD dissert-ation, 1989.61 	 Among the developments were a 19 storey highriseon Tenth Street, a 15 storey highrise in the 200 blockof Eleventh Street and a 10 storey condominium onMowat Street.30962 	 "Brow Announces its own Birth", New Westminster Now,February 7, 1989, p.5.63 	 "Brow gets another tower", Royal City Record, June 3,1989, p.5.64 	 Karen Tankard, "Patient Opposition: Brow of the Hillresidents keep coming back to say no again", Burnaby and New Westminster News, June 14, 1989, p.9.65 	 All candidates meeting, New Westminster SecondarySchool, November 15, 1990.The Association has recently been active ingetting City Council to examine transportation patternsin their neighbourhood.66 	 Bessie Brown and Lori Pappajohn, "Council Passes PortRoyal", Royal City Record / New Westminster Now,September 12, 1990, p.l.67 	 "New Citizen's group formed", New Westminster Now,November 15, 1989, p.l.68 	 Bessie Brown, "Queensborough project battle looms",Royal City Record / New Westminster Now, September 3,1990, p.3.31069 	 The Queensborough Citizen's Association, and inParticular its chief spokesperson, Hilda Bechler, madea presentation to the British Columbia Roundtable onthe Economy and the Environment on June 20, 1991, inwhich the Association advocated greater wetlandsconservation in the Fraser Delta in general and in theQueensborough area in particular.70 	 "Massey upgrading boosted by grant from lottery fund",New Westminster Now, March 15, 1988, p.3.71 	 Marjorie MacDonald, "Vincent Massey Theatre gets moneyfrom the City", Royal City Record, July 12, 1986, p.15.72 	 The city feared that they could eventually be heldresponsible for the continued operation of the theatre.Lori Pappajohn, " City hedges on request forVincent Massey Theatre grant", Royal City Record,May 9, 1987, p.l.73 	 Martha Wickett, "Massey Money Historic", Royal City Record / New Westminster Now, February 6, 1991, p.2.74 	 Michael Ajzenstadt, "Massey close to big time with VSOseries", New Westminster Now, November 1, 1989, p.25.75 	 Royal City Musical Theatre Company, Official Programfor the Wizard of Oz, April 1991, p.10.31176 	 "Benson heads company", Royal City Record / New West-minster Now, October 11, 1989, p.18.77 	 "Musical Lovers Launch Theatre", New Westminster Now,August 23, 1989, p.11.78 	 Ley (1980), p.241.79 	 G.D. Hamilton and Associates Consulting Ltd., LivingCloser to Work: A Policy Review, Burnaby: GreaterVancouver Regional District, 1990.80 	 The Queens Park Residents Association was recentlysuccessful in convincing City Council to downzone theeast side of Sixth Street in order to prevent highdensity commercial development adjacent to their neigh-bourhood.30-CHAPTER 8NEW WESTMINSTER, DISSIPATION,AND ENVELOPMENTNew Westminster, the once stable city overlooking theFraser River and commanding the trade of the Lower FraserValley, exhibited signs of instability in the 1945 to 1991period. The theoretical framework, which utilized conceptsfrom the works of Jacobs, Adams, Dyke, and Blumenfeld, hasprovided a useful metaphor for an interpretation of thisperiod. The theoretical framework utilitzed is effectiveinterpreting the economic viability, demographic stability,and community coherence of cities, but it is less capable ofhandling the complexities of political decisions. Nonethe-less, the theoretical framework does provide a betterunderstanding of New Westminster's decline and transformat-ion.The envelopment of New Westminster also demonstratesboth the di.sruptive and the potentially supportive effectthis process can have on the captured city. The consequencesof greater metropolitan integration are not ubiquitouslyfelt by all parts of the region. Places, like New Westmin-ster may initially be disrupted as a result of the externaltransformations. Thus, any simple view of the viability ofthe metropolitan region being dependent upon the health of313the dominant core is inadequate for the contemporary urbansystem.The usefulness of the theoretical framework is evidentin the close relationship which exists between Jane Jacobs'surban commentary on the viability and organization of citiesand the economic deterioration of New Westminster. Of thetwo processes identified by which cities maintain theirviability, neither the creation of new work nor importsubstitution were present in the period 1956 to 1983. Thecitizens, businesses, and politicians were unable to developany new work from its older, pre-existing industrial baseand, as a result, New Westminster was unable to adapt to thenew encapsulating environment. The rapid physical deterior-ation of Columbia Street once the traditional industries andbusinesses, such as the port and the major departmentstores, closed or relocated demonstrated the weakness ofspecialization. Conversely, the recent slow recovery of theDowntown has resulted in part from the creation of new workcentred on the legal, medical, and administrative sectors,and the emergence of a new dormitory function for theDowntown due to the city's complete integration into themetropolitan region.The city's economic deterioration was also due to itsinability to achieve any significant degree of import-substitution. New Westminster's industrial sector was, and314continues to be, dominated by the wood products and paperand allied products subsectors, with very few forward orbackward linkages with the local economy. The inability ofthe city's industrial base to diversify itself led to itsincreasing maladaptiveness and deterioration. As the princi-pal component of the city's economy, the declining indust-rial sector reduced New Westminster almost to the status ofa "passive economy" or "sink". 1 The loss of the Mercer-Star Shipyards, Heaps Engineering, Seagrams Distilleries,and numerous other firms was a direct result of the lack ofimport substitution and adaptability. The reasons for thiseconomic disruption were not only contained in the externalenvironment, such as the increasing competition from theThird World, technological change or the global economicdisruptions of the late 1960s and 1970s, but were in part aconsequence of the city's domination by externally-control-led firms in its major sectors.The prevalence of large, regional, national, or multi-national firms in the key sectors of a city's economy hasbeen identified by Jacobs and others as a significant imped-iment to diversification and adaptability. 2 Large multi-location firms have their own goals and strategies which arenot tied to any specific place, thus leaving urban centreswhich depend heavily upon one or more corporations extremelyvulnerable. 3 As well, very little indigenous innovation orinvention occurs in these cities, thereby leaving them with-315out the necessary "soft" infrastructure of experiencedentrepreneurs, academics or community innovators to developnew work. The recent expansions of the Scott Paper Companyin New Westminster explicitly demonstrate this tendency,with the new machinery built and imported from Sweden andall research and development on new product lines being con-ducted in the United States. 4 Apart from the local con-struction jobs generated by the expansion, virtually noadditional entrepreneurial or innovative expertise wascreated in the city. This lack of indigenous innovative andentrepreneurial skill was one of a complex series of factorswhich resulted in the bankruptcy of the employee-ownedLamford Cedar Products Ltd. in 1989. 5Jacobs's work is more ambiguous on the equally import-ant issue of the public sector. While Jacobs tends to viewmost forms of external governmental intervention in urbanand regional economies as being "transactions of decline"which weaken strong cities while not providing any permanentdevelopment in depressed centres, most of her commentsfocus upon the national government. 6 Thus, Jacobs'sviews on the role of the public sector are not directlyapplicable to the local level and tend to underestimate theimportance of the public sector in promoting new work andimport substitution. The success of the First Capital CityDevelopment Corporation in revitalizing the waterfront hasproven the ability of public-private partnerships to316accomplish objectives that neither the public nor theprivate sector could achieve alone. ?The use of concepts derived from non-equilibriumthermodynamics counterbalances Jacobs's weaknesses. Allcities are seen as dissipative structures, thus their stab-ility is dependent upon the influx of capital, resources,information, people, and other forms of "energy" into thecity to maintain its internal coherence and adaptability.Politics and the public sector may therefore be interpretedin terms of the degree to which their decisions aid orhinder the continual influx or transformation of "energy"flows. As Adams's work on Britain indicates, the publicsector may act as a regulatory structure which inhibits orreleases certain energy fluxes into the state or city. 8Both roles were demonstrated by the public sector in NewWestminster. In the period form 1956 to 1975, the CityCouncil provided little leadership and instead often opposedmany proposals to rejuvenate the city, thereby inhibitingthe influx of energy into the city. The intervention of theprovincial government and the formation of the F.C.C.D.C. inthe late 1.970s redirected into the city capital, employment,and information flows which would have largely by-passed thecity. The Downtown was thus redeveloped as a result of theintervention by a higher level of government which couldcreate an environment which later attracted privateinvestment.317Although the theoretical framework is effective ininterpreting the decline and recovery of New Westminster,a couple of shortcomings remain. The framework, by itsnature, cannot interpret the complex political debates anddecisions which led to the revitalization program. Theoperationalization of the concepts derived from non-equilibrium thermodynamics is also difficult due to theirquantitative nature and the absence of readily availabledata on information or capital flows between New Westminsterand the rest of the region. The examination of such datawould have permitted a more analytical examination of NewWestminster.The holistic nature of this theoretical frameworkpermits the utilization of a complex variety of surrogatemeasures which overcomes the data problems. The economicviability of New Westminster is readily identifiable byusing such measures as the number and types of industrialand retail firms, the total industrial and commercial floorspace, the amount of port traffic, the physical appearanceof the core, and property values. Although data for some ofthese measures was not available throughout the studyperiod, the breadth of variables used assured the effective-ness of the framework. The use of property values was anespecially significant measure of the city's overallattractiveness in this period.318The demographic and community surrogate measures werealso effective in indicating the fluctuating coherence ofNew Westminster. The city's changing demographic structurewas traced using census data and the aged and youth depend-ency ratios. The two dependency ratios provided a means toassess the city's changing demographic composition and inferthe economic and community repercussions. The measures ofcommunity stability, such as the rate of neighbourhoodchange, the May Day festival, and the content analysis ofthe Columbian newspaper, permitted an examination of thedegree of social cohesion and interaction. The continuationof the May Day celebrations and the marked degree of neigh-bourhood stability indicates that despite its economicdecline New Westminster was able to maintain its internalidentity. However, as the content analysis indicates, thecity's regional influence continued to decline due to theloss of it local media outlets. Thus, the surrogate measuresutilized are capable of indicating the changing economic,demographic, and community viability of a city.Captured Cities The principal strength of this theoretical framework isits emphasis upon a dynamic and stability oriented inter-pretation of urban centres which in turn permits a moreflexible model of the transformations of captured cities.The traditional view of the North American city as being319composed of a single dominant core has been questioned inthe past but not in a dynamic context. The Multiple-NucleiModel proposed by Harris and Ullman in 1945 explicitlyrecognized the fact that "in many cities the land-usepattern is built not around a single center but around sev-eral discrete nuclei". 9 The multi-nuclei nature of urbancentres was also apparent in the extreme political fragment-ation experienced by American, and to a lesser degree Canad-ian, cities. 1° Despite the recognized complexity of metro-politan regions, the predominant concern of most urbanresearch was upon either the central city or the suburbs.The transformation of captured cities in a metropolitanregion, although explicitly recognized as a component of thelarger metropolitan area, was generally ignored.The concept of the urban field and the recent researchon the transformation of the suburbs has reestablished agreater appreciation for the complexities and interrelation-ships between the various nodes, areas, and "communities"within the metropolitan region. The North American suburbhas been transformed in the last few decades from a "bed-room" community largely subordinate to the central city into"a self-sufficient urban entity, containing its own majoreconomic and cultural activities... ". 11 The decentralizat-ion of industrial, retailing, office, cultural, and leisureactivities to these suburban nodes has created a highly com-plex metropolitan region in which it is increasingly no320longer necessary for substantial proportions of the populat-ion ever to visit the central city.A dynamic model of the transformation of a city as aconsequence of its envelopment by a larger metropoliscannot be universally valid in all instances. A capturedcity must be conceptualized as one dissipative structurecontained within a much larger metropolitan entity. Both theinternal coherence and the external interconnectivity andinfluence of the captured city must be interpreted over timefor a broad range of economic, demographic, social,cultural, and political elements. The interpretation of thespecial case of a captured city is a necessary pre-requisiteto the development of a more comprehensive model of theNorth American urban system.The dynamic nature of such an interpretation and itsorigins in only a single case study limit the scope for thedevelopment of a definitive model. Nonetheless, the case ofNew Westminster can be utilized to suggest three broad phasespaces in the envelopment and transformation of capturedcities. The first phase space may be described as the Phaseof Relative Autonomy. This preliminary phase is the stagewhen the eventually captured city is still a generally auto-nomous urban entity although it has discernible interactionswith the emerging metropolis. The degree of autonomy willvary significantly depending upon the relative internal co-321herence, external influence, and rate of growth of eachcity. For example, the City of•London and the Borough ofWestminster were largely equal centres in the sixteenth cen-tury, while New Westminster was the second most importantindustrial and commercial centre in the region, afterVancouver, until the postwar period.The second phase space may be termed the EnvelopmentPhase. In this instance the regional influence, economicviability, demographic stability, and community coherenceof the captured city are increasingly disrupted and trans-formed as a consequence of its growing interrelationshipwith and dependency upon the metropolis. In the case of NewWestminster this phase witnessed the external control of itsindustrial sector, the declining importance of the Port,the loss of its commercial hinterland in the Lower FraserValley, and its by-passing by the regional transportationsystem. This process of envelopment is not necessarily com-pletely negative, however, as the continued community integ-ration and increasing property values and building permitsdemonstrate. In fact, in some instances the envelopmentmight actually result in an increase in external investment,thereby revitalizing a stagnant urban area. Although theprocess of envelopment generated mainly negative ramificat-ions for New Westminster, the opposite conditions may pre-vail in a different spatio-temporal context.322The third phase-space is the Metropolitan IntegrationPhase. This phase is characterized by the complete econo-mic, political, and demographic subduction of the capturedcity into the metropolitan region. The relative autonomy ofthe captured city has being largely lost and the city istransformed into one of several urban nodes scatteredthroughout the metropolitan region. In the case of New West-minster, this integration resulted in the rapid loss of itsindustrial base and the reduction of the commercial import-ance of the Downtown. 12 In fact, in certain respects thecity has begun to resemble a dormitory suburb for the sur-rounding municipalities. 13 The integration has not beencompletely negative, however, as the public-private part-nership that has revitalized the Downtown with the growthand public resources of other jurisdictions is also aconsequence of this process.The envelopment and transformation of captured citiesis a dynamic and continuous process. The theoretical frame-work and the model of a captured city provide a means ofinterpreting this process, although more research on othercaptured cities is necessary to elaborate upon theseresults. The case of New Westminster eludicates the appli-cability of these concepts. The experiences of the city'sresidents and businesses demonstrate the necessity of adapt-ability, new work, and import substitution. While therevitalization of a deteriorating urban centre will not323always require a public-private partnership like F.C.C.D.C.,the leadership and vision of one or more organizations orindividuals is necessary for any process of rejuvenation tooccur. The failure of the City Council, businesses, andresidents to effectively respond to the city's decline inthe 1950s and 1960s exacerbated the process. The presentrecovery may not continue unless continuous efforts aremade to encourage continued growth and diversification inthe tertiary and quaternary sectors and to promote thephysical rehabilitation of Columbia Street.NOTES1 	 Jacobs (1984), p.34.2 	 Jacobs (1969), p.71; and Ray and Roberge in Lorimer(1981), pp. 14-24.3 	 The recent news broadcasts are full of storiesof single industry towns throughout Ontario which arebeing severely impacted by the closing and relocationof their dominant industrial employer.4 	 "Scott Paper unveils new plant", Royal City Record,324April 28, 1984, p.19; and Albert Sigrudson, "ScottPaper will undertake programs to expand mills", Toronto Globe and Mail, September 24, 1981, p.B1.5 	 Bessie Brown, "IWA members file pay grievance", Royal City Record / New Westminster Now, April 22, 1990, p.7.6 	 Jacobs (1984), p.183.7 	 Jacobs's urban commentary is far too biasedtowards the private sector as the only source ofinnovation and development.Ibid, p.191.8 	 Adams (1982), p.78.9 	 Harris and Ullman (1945), in Mayer and Kohn (1959),p.283.10 	 See: Edward W. Soja, The Political Organization ofSpace, Commission on College Geography Resource PaperNo. 8, Washington D.C.: American Association of Geo-graphers, 1971.11 	 Muller (1981), p.4.12 	 The latest consultant's report on the Downtown325which has been accepted by the City Council states thatthe Columbia Street commercial area is only capable ofacting as a community shopping area and even in thisreduced role its economic viability is still far fromcertain.Barker McGarva Hart, Downtown New Westminster Urban Plan, New Westminster: City of New Westminster,1991.13 	 The redevelopment of industrial and institutionalland for residential use has helped to lower the city'semployment base and resulted in a twenty-five percentdecrease in the proportion of the labour force livingand working in the city.G.D. Hamilton and Associates Consulting Ltd.,Choosing Our Future: Living Closer to Work, Burnaby:Greater Vancouver Regional District, 1990, p.23.BIBLIOGRAPHYAdams, Richard. The Eighth Day. 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