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Two aspects of Sliammon phonology: Glide/Obstruent alternation and vowel length Blake, Susan J. 1992

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TWO ASPECTS OF SLIAMMON 7amincian) PHONOLOGY:Glide/Obstruent Alternationand Vowel LengthBySUSAN JANE BLAKEB.A. Linguistics The University of British Columbia, 1987A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OFTHE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OFMASTER OF ARTSinTHE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIESDepartment of LinguisticsWe accept this thesis as conforming to the required standardTHE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIASeptember 1992© Susan Jane Blake, 1992In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanceddegree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make itfreely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensivecopying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of mydepartment or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying orpublication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my writtenpermission./../A/40/77C.Department of ^The University of British ColumbiaVancouver, CanadaDate Oa- i4- , 1q92DE-6 (2/88)ABSTRACTThis thesis examines two specific aspects of Sliammon phonology: the nature of theglide/obstruent alternation and the issue of phonemic vowel length.In this thesis an analysis of these issues is presented within a non-linearframework, adopting as a point of departure the model of feature geometry proposed byMcCarthy (1988). Other theoretical components of the analysis include Mora Theory asproposed by Hayes (1989), and Underspecification Theory.In Chapter 2 it is argued that Glide/Obstruent Alternation is a phonological processwhich is sensitive not only to syllable structure but also to the moraic affiliation of thesegment in question. Specifically, deletion of the feature [-continuant] targets any[sonorant][high] segment in moraic position. By adopting underlying representations (UR)which are underspecified and hierarchically organized, it is possible to avoid problemsassociated with previous analyses of these facts. This thesis also motivates an amendmentto the feature geometry such that the feature [sonorant] is dependent on the root node ratherthan being an integral part of that node.In Chapter 3 it is argued that vowel length in Sliammon is not distinctive but ratherthat vowel length is derived. It is derived by a process essentially equivalent toCompensatory Lengthening (CL). Further the Sliammon facts support Hayes's (1989)hypothesis that "it is the moraic structure of the language and not its vowel inventory thatdetermines whether CL may occur". It is proposed that further study of languages whichpermit bimoraic syllables will confirm this hypothesis.iiTABLE OF CONTENTSAbs+rack^ iiAcknowledgements  ^vChapter 1 Introduction1.0 Introduction  ^11.1 Inventory  ^21.1.1 Surface Consonantal Inventory of Sliammon  ^21.1.2 Underlying Consonantal Inventory  ^51.1.3 Feature Geometry  ^81.1.4 Distinctive Features and Underspecification  ^111.1.5 Vowel Inventory  ^161.1.6 Exemplification of the surface realizations of Sliammon vowels^211.2 Schwa  ^401.2.1 Proper licensing of schwa  ^431.3 Syllabification  ^451.3.1 Morafication  ^461.3.2 Syllable Projection  ^471.3.3 Onsets and Onset Adjunction  ^491.3.4 Weight by Position  ^521.3.5 Codas and Coda Adjunction  ^541.3.6 Extrametricality  ^57Notes to Chapter 1 ^60Chapter 2 Glide/Obstruent Alternation2.0 Introduction  ^682.1 Previous Analyses  ^702.1.1 Glide Formation  ^712.1.2 Obstruent Formation  ^732.2 Proposed Analysis  ^762.3 The Glide/Obstruent Alternation and Syllabification  ^81iiiiv2.4 Related Data  ^862.4.1 Glide/Vowel Alternation  ^862.4.2 Obstruent/Vowel Alternation  ^882.4.3 Noncontrol Transitive and Causative Suffixes  ^892.4.4 Glottalization  ^932.4.5 Lateral/Glide Alternation  ^952.4.6 Status of the Feature Sonorant  ^972.5 Conclusions  ^99Notes to Chapter 2  ^100Chapter 3 Vowel Length3.0 Introduction  ^1083.1 Progressive CV- Reduplication  ^1103.1.1 CV- Reduplication of Strong Roots  ^1113.1.2 CV- Reduplication of Weak Roots  ^1133.1.3 Apparent Counter-examples to Progressive CV- Reduplication  ^1163.2 Plural C3 C- Reduplication  ^1213.2.1 Regular Co C- Plural Reduplication  ^1213.2.2 Apparent Exceptions to CG C- Plural Reduplication  ^1283.3 CVC- Plural Reduplication  ^1313.3.1 Apparent Exceptions to CVC- Plural Reduplication  ^1333.4 Long Vowels Alternate with Vowel/Glottal Stop Sequences ^ 1353.5 Distribution of Glottalization for Glottalized Resonants  ^1393.6 Compensatory Lengthening  ^1433.6.1 CL of Vowels  ^1433.6.2 CL of Consonants  ^1433.7 Rhetorical/Emphatic Lengthening in Sliammon  ^1443.8 Conclusions  ^145Notes to Chapter 3  ^146Symbols Used  ^151Abbreviations  ^152Appendix  ^154References  ^219AKNOWLEDGEMENTSFirst, I would like to thank my Sliammon language consultant, Mrs. Mary(e6 9°wayecian) George for sharing her knowledge of the Sliammon (+6 7amingen)language with me. I have assured her that one of the purposes of this work is to provideher children and grandchildren with equal access to the knowledge which she has sharedwith me here. Without her support and patience this project would not have been possible.I would like to thank each of the members of my thesis committee, Dr. EwaCzaykowska-Higgins, Dr. M. Dale Kinkade, and my supervisor Dr. Patricia A. Shaw fortheir individual contributions to this work. I wish to thank Dr. Ewa Czaykowska-Higginsfor detailed comments and questions on early versions of this work, many of which havehad a profound effect on the finished product. I wish to thank Dr. Kinkade for introducingme to Salishan linguistics and for his time generously spent correcting my owntranscriptions and recordings which appear in the Appendix to this thesis. He has providedme with many valuable suggestions, for which I am grateful. I would especially like tothank Dr. Patricia Shaw whose guidance, and encouragement have made this processespecially rewarding. She has openly contributed many suggestions and ideas whichappear in this thesis. She has convinced me of the importance of committing my pen topaper and has shown me the value of "having a room of my own".Thanks also to all of the faculty, staff and students of the department of linguistics.In particular, I wish to thank Honore Watanabe of Hokkaido University, for discussionson Sliammon. To Monica Sanchez, I owe many thanks for showing continued enthusiasmin my work.I would also like to express my gratitude to my parents, Charles and Marion Blakewho first took me to Savary Island ( 7 ayhos) as a child and introduced me to theindigenous lands of the Sliammon people, and to my sister, Margaret with whom I sharedthese unique experiences. Finally, to my confidant and close friend, Shawn D. Clare towhom I am particularly grateful.VCHAPTER 11.0 IntroductionSliammonl, a Salish language spoken just north of Powell River, B.C. on theMalaspina Peninsula2, has numerous phonological alternations which are of interest. Thisthesis examines two aspects of the phonology in detail: first, the process of glide/obstruentalternation: j Ny N i N and g-w-u-xw3 and secondly, the issue of phonemic vowel lengthin Sliammon. Both of these aspects of Sliammon phonology have been discussed in previousworks, but warrant further discussion since they have significant descriptive and theoreticalramifications.The organization of this thesis is as follows. Chapter 1 provides an introduction to theconsonantal and vocalic inventory of Sliammon. Assumptions regarding feature geometry andunderspecification theory are outlined. Emphasis is placed on the interaction betweenconsonants and vowels in Sliammon. The special status of schwa is discussed in terms ofconditions on the Prosodic Licensing of this vowel. It is proposed that schwa is licensed in oneof two configurations: (1) by the presence of a following tautosyllabic consonant or (2) in astressed syllable. The last section outlines the assumptions which are made with respect tosyllabification and morafication in Sliammon. It is claimed that consonants which follow a fullvowel are assigned a mora by a language specific rule of Weight by Position (cf. Hayes 1989).It is argued that there are bimoraic (CVC) syllables in Sliammon. Chapter 1 provides anintroduction to Sliammon phonology which will be built on in the subsequent chapters.Chapter 2 addresses the process of the glide/obstruent alternation. It is argued that thesegments which alternate as j N y N i N and g-w-u-xw are properly classified as resonants,/Y, W/ respectively, since they pattern phonologically with the class of [sonorant] segments.It is argued that the rule governing the glide/obstruent alternation is subject to the prosodicorganization of the syllable. Specifically, the feature [-cont] is delinked from a target [son][hi]segment in moraic position. The description of Sliammon provides evidence from severalindividual rules (/ Y /^/ W /^/ L / -->+) that the feature [son] is delinked in word-1final position. In light of this evidence, it is argued that the feature [son] is not an integral partof the root node as McCarthy (1988) suggests, but that it is dependent on the root node since itis clearly subject to deletion.In Chapter 3 it is argued that vowel length in Sliammon is not phonemic. Instead, it isproposed that vowel length is derived from schwa/glide sequences, as well as from the deletionof a moraic coda consonant with the subsequent lengthening of the preceding vowel in aprocess essentially equivalent to Compensatory Lengthening (cf.Hayes 1989). The argumentsfor this claim are based on an analysis of CV-, Ce C- and CVC- reduplication. The analysis isthen extended to vowel/glottal stop sequences which provide the environment forCompensatory Lengthening. The moraic approach which is adopted not only accounts for theexistence of Compensatory Lengthening in Sliammon but also explains the distribution ofglottalization for glottalized resonants.1.1 Consonantal Vowel InventoryThe purpose of this section is to present the inventory of consonants and vowels inSliammon and make my assumptions regarding underspecification and feature theory clear.Basic issues of surface vowel quality are addressed, as well as "retraction4", stress placement,morafication and syllabification, in order to provide a background for the central issues whichare discussed in Chapters 2 and Surface Consonantal InventoryThe inventory which appears in (1) illustrates the consonantal segments which are usedin a broad phonetic transcription of Sliammon. The reader is referred to the Appendix forexemplification and to the symbols used in this thesis for an articulatory description of anynonstandard characters.2(1) Sliammon Phonetic Consonantal InventoryCrFO'^Fp.0^f-4---. 0 7Stops and^p (g) t C (A) ( kY) kw q qw 7Affricates:^P g' i t IC (ZY) kw el q'wFricatives:^A s s 4 (x") xw x xw hResonants: m^n y (1)^w^4-til^ri g (i)^*^4-Voiced stops: j^(gY) gThe segments which are bracketed in (1) have marginal status and limited frequency 5.The segment [kY], for example, occurs in the form [0'6 7 t 6 .- 9 qw 0 7 i 6/1 ] for 'pinky, smallfinger.' The ejective counterpart [V] is recorded in the following two examples: the form['t X41'<yeqwh ] 'nostril' and the form [tikY] 'slim.'There are also certain limitations on the freedom of occurrence of some other segments.For example, glottalized resonants do not occur in word-initial position; in syllable-initialposition they are restructured, as is discussed in more detail in Chapter 3 section 3.5.The alveo-palatal fricative [s] does not occur word-initially; however, it does occursyllable-initially6 as in the lexical suffix [-. in] / - en/ 'foot, leg'. Davis (1970:17) statesthat "the phoneme /h/ is common in Mainland Comox" and that "it also occurs in coda position,which has not been reported for other Coast Salish languages." This statement is contrary to3CD^0 --•-1 ICD^r.CD c70 cx = .0 0^CD <^IC7 (D r'''_..^0 <0 = --,CD --. 0-1 <^CDr-l- 0^CD0^-co=^Z. c7^D (13__,. 0 cr e-0.. CD^coGI1C^(3.< .-1-C^.-4-Fl;^0COmy own findings in which the glottal fricative / h / is restricted to syllable-initial position. Thesegments [j ] and [g] only occur in syllable-initial position. It is claimed in this thesis that thesesegments are best treated as [sonorant][-continuant] segments which are represented as / Y /and / W/ respectively in underlying representation.It should also be noted that the following variants, which are not shown in (1), alsooccur. The interdental fricative [0] is realized as [S] as in [sci. ?an] /ea?an/ 'cohoe'. Thedental fricative [ s ] also surfaces as [s] as in the word ft hY."-i•ASi /alas/ 'three'. It isproposed that {s,1 and [s] are "retracted" variants of / ev and / s/ respectively. They occur inthe environment of a uvular consonant or in the environment of the vowel / a / 7 . Thebehaviour of [i] is parallel to the behaviour of [S] and [s]. This is illustrated by a form like`barbecued deer meat' [7 6'1:icay] / 7 elay/. The segment Prl surfaces as a "retracted" ordark variant of / 1 / in the environment of uvulars or the vowel / a / 8. Clear laterals arerestricted to loan words and recent borrowings, although, it is likely that the dark '1' [1'] is alsoof foreign origin9 since PS *1 became [..1-] word-finally, [w] next to a round vowel and [y]elsewherelo in Sliammon. Compare the word [ 7 ci. th nopl] 'automobile, car', for example,which is a recent borrowing from English with [7e]layl 'barbecued deer meat'. The lateralin the word borrowed from English is not retracted, whereas there is a retracted lateral in theword for 'barbecued deer meat'. Although both sonorant laterals are borrowed, I will treat theclear laterals as nonnative, whereas dark '1', within a synchronic analysis of Sliammon, will betreated as a phoneme, since it appears to be an earlier borrowing.There are also a very few cases in which / m / and / n / surface as [ b ] and [ d ]respectively. This occurs infrequently in word-final position.Stops and affricates are aspirated in syllable-final position in Sliammon. This is mostnoticeable in word-final position; however, it is recorded in word-internal environments. Theuvular fricatives [q, and (!1] are phonetically affricated in syllable-initial position. They surfaceas fe and >.(] respectively.41.1.2 Underlying Consonantal InventoryThe corresponding underlying consonantal inventory is presented in (2) and will berestated in terms of underspecification theory in section 1.1.4.(2)Underlying Consonantal Inventorya^-0Z^E°_. ,—^a=^ cr amQ,-4- CD 0)^""--,.CD CI 0 ,_,. Er. c o Oco-I (1) ^4.4.^co^0^<^I^,-I-CD 0. 0 C C^.-6-0- a) 0-1- 17)^a)^....—.^I <^CO-...^a) CD 7 ^<^CO c0 ^ED. CD Clo^(D^7^Q)•-i-CO^r-o-^CT ^C-;^0CO 77 7Stops and^p (p) t C(x)(k) kw q ow,^9Affricates:^p' i C^kA (k) w al q,^,‘„,p Fricatives:^8 s sg 4 ( x ) xw x•• XV hResonants: m^n y 1^wr:h^ri 0 i^iyY L^WY' L'^W'The underlying lateral /L / is used to represent the alternation H--w-y]. In a similarfashion / Y / represents the alternation [j^Jy — i — ] and / W/ represents the alternation[g N w N u N xw ]. These capital symbols /L, Y, W/ are used as cover terms for thesealternations which will be the focus of the discussion in Chapter 2.Historically, Proto-Salish (PS) *y and *w became [ j i and [g] respectively, in syllableinitial position in Sliammon. Only syllable final instances of [y] and [w] remain from originalPS *y and *w. Subsequently, PS *1 became [1-] in word final position, [ w in the environmentof a round vowel, and [y] elsewhere in Sliammon. Therefore, from a diachronic perspective,5there are only two possible sources for occurrences of [y] and [w]. In light of this discussion,it may seem desirable to reduce the inventory given in (2), so that all surface instances of [y]and [W] are derived from either / Y, W / or /L/. This implies that we dispense with underlying/ y / and / w / , within the synchronic grammar. I will argue, however, that there isjustification for this tripartite phonemic distinction: / Y,W/ versus / L / versus / y ,w/. Adiscussion of the forms in (3) and (4) argue for the presence of underlying /y/ and / w / in asynchronic description of Sliammon. The segments in question appear in boldface.(3)a. [heyurill^/heyom-7/^`seagulr(MG 35)b. Ofrnj ism 9ayo.i-1^/Yern-Yam-(?)ay-o°1-/^'bird's wings'(MG 570)CaC p1 - root - LS `wing' - dimb'.[jim 9ay]^/Yam - (9)ay/^'bird's wing'(MG 569)root - LS 'wing'c. [MX xwayt11-]^/Xe - Xoxw - ay - o°1-/^'small chum salmon'Ce - root - ? - dim^(MG533)c'. Uswóxwayl^/X ox'" - ay/^'chum salmon'(MG 6)root - ?6d. [xwcixwayum 7]^ 'fly (insect)' (MG 163)(4)a. krcieagWa W a die]^ `woodpeckee(MG 75)b. [moxW Wa 7a ju]^/moxw- waY'o/^'belly button, navel'^root - LS 'navel' (MG 309)c. [Oh xwiS.7awithl^/toy xwa\k - et/^'big fire(MG 176)root 'big' root - stvd. [c'Xc'aw a s i n] 'hair (MG 159)In (3a, b, c, d) the segment [y] occurs syllable initially, and before a round vowel. If /Y/were posited as the correct underlying representation, then 0] should surface in syllable initialposition, in accordance with the rule of Glide/Obstruent Alternation discussed in Chapter 2.This is simply not the case. On the other hand, if / L / were posited as the underlyingrepresentation, then [W should surface in the environment of a round vowel. Further,(3b', c') show that the underlying representation cannot be / L /, since [4-] should surfaceword finally. In (4) [W occurs in syllable initial position, and in the environment of nonroundvowels. If it were posited that these instances of [w were to come from / W / , then [g]should surface in syllable initial position. Since this is not substantiated by the data, theseforms would have to be marked as exceptions to the rule of Glide/Obstruent Alternation. If/ L / were underlying, then [y] should surface in these nonround environments, rather thanw Based on this evidence, I adopt a position in which / Y, W/, /L/, and / y w/ are allpresent in underlying representation.7Feature GeometryllRN 4 (Root Node)[cons][son][nas][cont][lat]LN(Laryngeal Node)[cg] [sg] [voice]PN (Place Node)1.1.3 Feature GeometryThe underspecification system in (7-11) utilizes the set of features which can be shownto be operative in Sliammon. These features are hierarchically organized as in (5) (see Clements(1985), Sagey (1986), Archangeli and Pulleyblank (1986), Piggott (1987), McCarthy (1988),Halle (1989), Shaw (1989) and Kaisse (1992)). It is assumed that the feature [-consonantal] isdependent on the root node following arguments made by Kaisse (1992). It is argued inChapter 2 that the feature [sonorant] is also dependent on the root node, as are the features[-cons], [nasal], [-cont], and [lateral]. The Feature Geometry in (5) includes these proposals.(5)Labial — Coronal[rd]^[str][dist] [ant]Dorsal^Pharyngeal[hi][N Ik] [lo] [atr]The Feature Geometry in (6) is a subset of those features which appear in the FeatureGeometry in (5). Features such as the laryngeal feature [voice], and the pharyngeal feature[atr] have been omitted for the sake of simplicity, since they are not oppositions which arefunctional in Sliammon. It is assumed that features as well as the articulator nodes(Lab, Cor, Dor, Phar) are privative—they are either present or absent from representations 12.8[-cons][son][nas]LN\ (Laryngeal Node)[cg][-cont](6)Feature GeometryRN (Root Node)9[lat]PN (Place Node)LabialI^ClonalVrDorsal^Pharyngeal[rd] [dist]^[hi] [-bk] [lo]It seems necessary to justify some of the features that are claimed to be operative inSliammon. For example, it is argued that the feature [sonorant] correctly separates the class ofobstruents from the class of resonants. Resonants are subject to several different processes ofglottalization, whereas obstruents are not eligible targets for these rules. In addition, there arestrict constraints on the distribution of glottalized resonants which do not hold of glottalizedobstruents. As discussed in Chapter 2, since the feature [sonorant] is subject to deletion, it isproposed that it is not an integral part of the root node as suggested in McCarthy (1988, 1989).This claim is made given the following assumptions: first, that voicing of obstruents can beshown to be inoperative in Sliammon, and secondly, that the feature [sonorant] is present inUR.Evidence for such a claim comes from several sources. Stops, which are[-continuant], are pronounced variably in Sliammon. The labial stop [p] is sometimespronounced as [B] 13 and the dental stop [t] can be pronounced as [D]. These are phoneticmanifestations—the variability of which would suggest, at least for the class of obstruents, thatvoicing is not a phonologically functional opposition in Sliammon. In other words, there is nophonemic distinction between /p/ and /b/ in Sliammon. By extension, observing the lack ofvoicing contrast at all other places of articulation represented by the obstruent series, it can beconcluded that any segment which is [-continuant] is not specified for [voice]. Since voicing isa phonemic opposition which is normally considered to be restricted to the class of obstruents,and since there is the absence of a voicing contrast in the resonant series, it is also concludedthat [voice] is not an available opposition with respect to the class of resonants. The factsrelating to the Glide/Obstruent alternation discussed in Chapter 2 suggest that the segmentswhich alternate between [j-y] < / Y / and [g-w] < / W / clearly function with the class ofresonants since these segments are subject to resonant glottalization as well as the prosodicconstraints on freedom of occurrence of their glottalized counterparts, / Y W'/. It is alsoproposed that the correct underlying representation for the segments / Y, W/ is one in whichboth [sonorant] and [-continuant] are present in UR since the deletion of [-continuant] insyllable-final position is arguably preferable to the introduction of the same feature fromoutside of the autosegmental domain. This also implies that [-continuant] is the specified valuein Sliammon and that [+continuant] is not the appropriate value of this feature. I assume theanalysis of affricates proposed by Shaw (1989, 1991) in which affricates are "exclusively[-cont] in UR" (Shaw 1989:16). This claim will require further discussion. Furthermore, thefact that / Y / and / W/ are targets for resonant glottalization implies that they are also overtlyspecified as [sonorant].One additional piece of evidence which shows that [ j is not interpreted as a voicedobstruent in Sliammon comes from recent loans, such as [6/a/..m from English 'jam' (Davis1971:26). Notice that although the source segment [j is clearly voiced in English, it isintroduced as the voiceless counterpart in Sliammon. This suggests that the Sliammon speakerrecognizes this segment as a [-continuant] obstruent and that it is borrowed as such. Since /j/ ishere postulated not to be an underlying segment in Sliammon, the closest [-continuant]obstruent is / / . It is claimed that [j, g] are appropriately represented as [sonorant]10[-continuant] segments. These arguments are presented in order to show that the feature[sonorant] is not part of the root node since it is subject to deletion, as will be discussed inChapter Distinctive features and UnderspecificationThe following charts show the proposed underlying representations for consonants.Distinctive Features(7) Labials. Interdentals. and Dentals P^15^m^rn^c'^e^t^t^s^n^hRoot Node ^. .^.^.^.^.^.^.^•^•[son] +^+ + +[nas]^ +^+^ + +[cont]L Node ^.^.^.^ .^ .[cg] +^+^+ + +Place Node^•^. .^.^.^.^.^.Lab^Lab Lab Lab LabCor Cor Cor[dist]^ +^+11-1- L L' 1. .+ + ++ + + +Root Node[son][cont][lat]L Node[cg]Place NodeDorA.+•(8) Laterals12[hi]Phar^ Phar Phar(9) Alveopalatals and Palatals e^e^§^Y^Y'^yRoot Node^.^.^.^.^.^•[son]^ +^+^+[cont]L Node^•^.^•[cg]^+ +Place Node .^.^.^.^.^.Dor^Dor Dor Dor Dor^Dor Dor Dor[hi]^+^+^+^+^+^+^+[bk]^- - -(10) Labiovelarskw k^xw w w^w w 'Root Node .-• • .+ +••+•+•[son][cont]L Node[cg] + + +Place Node . . . • • •Lab Lab Lab Lab Lab Lab Lab Lab[rd] + + + + + + +Dor Dor Dor Dor Dor Dor Dor Dors[hi] + + + + + + +I am adopting the use of the Pharyngeal node (Phar) as proposed by J. McCarthy (1989) and I.Doak (1989) for the representation of uvular consonants 14. Vowels, coronal consonants, andlaterals, which are "retracted" in the environment of uvulars, as well as in the environment ofthe vowel / a/ , are "uvularized". It is proposed that uvular consonants and the low vowel / a/share similar Pharyngeal node representations and therefore behave in a similar fashion. Theprocess of "uvularization" or "retraction" in Sliammon is the autosegmental spreading of thePharyngeal node.1314(11) Uvulars and Glottals qW^xw 2^hRoot Node[cont]L node [cg]Place Node• •• •• •^•^•^•• •^•^•• •Lab^ Lab Lab Lab[rd]Phar^Phar^Phar Phar Phar Phar PharThe correct representation of glottal stop remains problematic. There seems to be aspecial affinity between glottal stop and the low vowel [a]. Schwa becomes [a] in a totalglottal context as discussed in 1.1.6. It should be noted that glottalized consonants do not seemto trigger the same lowering effect. The lateral /L/ also surfaces as [ 7]/ a_a , in a few lexicalitems15. The relationship between glottal stop and [a] should be reflected in terms of featuresharing—the sharing of the Pharyngeal node or the feature [low], for example. Uvularconsonants, marked by the presence of the Pharyngeal node, lower the vowels / e , o/ to[s / e", 0 / 01. Since glottal stop does not exert a lowering effect on the vowels /e, o/, itmust be concluded that this "special relationship" is restricted to the low vowel [a]. See Bessell(1992) for a discussion of the typological status of glottals.Since glottalization is phonologically distinctive in Sliammon, there is evidence that thelaryngeal feature of [constricted glottis] is operative. The feature [constricted glottis] can alsobe shown to be a "floating" morpheme in the morphological marking of the diminutive, furtherjustifying the presence of this laryngeal feature.I am assuming that the underlying representation of affricates is simply[-continuant] with the presence of a release feature such as [distributed], [lateral], or [hi],following the work of Shaw (1989; 1991) (also see Lombardi (1989) for additional argumentsagainst affricates being represented as contour segments of the type [-cont][+cont]).The consonants in (7-11) are not specified for the feature [-cons]; in particular, theglides /y, w/ are simply marked as [sonorant]. This allows the morafication algorithm,discussed in 1.3.1, to ignore these segments since they are not specified for the feature[-cons].Underspecification systems are generally accompanied by a set of language specific anduniversal redundancy rules which supply the unspecified values for a set of binary features.Following Sagey (1986), McCarthy (1988), and others, it is assumed in this thesis, that thearticulator nodes (Lab, Cor, Dor and Phar) are privative; they are either present or absent inphonological representations. It is assumed that terminal features are also monovalent. Fromthe evidence provided by the Hammon data discussed in Chapters 2 and 3, there is no positiveevidence that redundancy rules need ever apply within the phonological component of thegrammar. In addition, Beckman (1988) and Keating (1988) provide independent evidence fromphonetic studies which indicates that the input to the level of phonetic representation isnecessarily underspecified. Therefore, in the absence of any positive evidence for the operationof RR at this level of the grammar, I make the strong hypothesis that redundancy rules are notoperative here, if at all.15161.1.5 Vowel InventoryHaving introduced the representation for consonants, now consider the followingphonetic vowel inventory, along with the proposed underlying system. The rules which relatethe phonemic and phonetic representations follow. The vowel system and their surface reflexesare presented here in order to clarify the assumptions made in this thesis with respect to thevowel inventory, as well as to familiarize the reader with the complex interaction betweenconsonants and vowels in Sliammon. Consider the following phonetic vowel inventory. Thesegment [ael which appears in parentheses is limited in occurrence: it occurs in a limitednumber of lexical entries.(12) Sliammon Phonetic Vowel Inventoryi^jr^uI^t^Ue o8^a^G^0(,)^Aa^aIt is claimed that the phonetic vowels in (12) are allophones of the four vowel system in(13). The fact that a large number of phonetic variants occur with respect to a small number ofphonemic vowels seems to be characteristic of Salish languages in general, judging from otheraccounts of neighbouring languages such as Kuipers' (1967) description of Squamish, andBeaumont's (1985) description of Sechelt . Consider the following proposed phonemic vowelinventory.(13) Sliammon Phonemic InventoryaI have chosen to represent the underlying vowel system as /a, e, o, a/ rather thanrepresenting it as the more familiar / a, u, a/ for the following reasons. In Sliammon, itwould seem that the neutral setting for nonlow vowels is nonhigh. / e , o/ are realized as[e, o] elsewhere. If the vowels were marked as [high], then there would be no clearmotivation to explain why lowering would occur in a neutral context. It is claimed that theappropriate opposition for vowels in Sliammon is "low" and "nonlow". The phonetic height ofthe nonlow vowels / e, 0 / is determined by the height of the adjacent or neighbouringconsonants. By the same token, the low vowel /a/ ranges from [a] to [6]. It is suggested that/ a / is completely unmarked for the feature [back] and that the allophonic variation of thevowel / a / is determined by adjacent consonants. The autosegmental spreading of the feature[-bk], and the presence or absence of the Phar node within the phonological derivation willdetermine the resulting degree of "backness". The vowel / a / is also raised in certainenvironments, suggesting the loss of the feature [lo]. / a/ can be realized as [ n ], here analyzedas the retention of the Phar node with the loss of the feature [lo], or /a/ can be realized asschwa [a], this entailing the loss of all associated place features.17The chart in (14) shows the division of the vowel space and the general area occupiedby each phoneme. Notice that underlying schwa never becomes the nonlow vowels [e, o](14) Division of Phonetic vowel spaceThe matrix in (15) is the vocalic underspecification system which is assumed in this thesis. It isbased on the behaviour of the segments discussed here and in the following chapters.18(15)Vowels^/e^o^a^a/RN^•^•jCons]PN^•^•^•Lab Lab[rd]^ [rd]Dor Dor^Dor[bk]^[-bk][lo] [lo]Phar^ PharThe matrix in (16) gives the surface representations of the most frequent allophones:(16)Phonetic Vowels[iie8^a^a^4^a^n^o o^u^u]RN^•^•^.^•^•^•^•^•^•^•[cons]^ - ^ -^ -^-^-PN^•^•^•^•^•^•^•^•^•^•^•^•Lab Lab Lab Lab Lab[rd]^ [rd] [rd] [rd] [rd]Dor^Dor Dor Dor Dor Dor Dor Dor Dor Dor Dor Dor Dor Dor[hi]^[hi]^[hi] [hi]^ [hi] [hi][-bk]^[-bk] [-bk] [-bk] [-bk][lo] ([lo])^ [lo]^([lo])Phar^Phar^Phar Phar Phar Phar^Phar19•^•The segments [e, 3] are specified as Pharyngeal, and may or may not be specified for thefeature [lo]. For example, the cases of [ e] which come from / e/ , and phonetically vary as[el, are simply specified for Pharyngeal. Instances of [ e], however, which come from / a /,may also be specified as [lo], in addition to Pharyngea1 16.The following summary of rules in (17) relates the proposed underlying representationsto surface forms. These rules are exemplified in section 1.1.6.(17) Summary of Rules(18)/ e / is raised to [1] in the environment of a tautosyllabic [hi] C/ e / is lowered to [e] in the environment of a tautosyllabic uvular C (local rule)/ e / is lowered to [e ] after /a C^/17/ e/ reduced to schwa [a] in unstressed position (with some variability)/ e / is realized as [e] elsewhere(19)/ 0/ is raised to [U] in the environment of a tautosyllabic [hi] C/0/ is lowered to [3] after /a C^// 0/ is reduced to schwa [a] in unstressed syllables/0/ is realized as [0] elsewhere(20)/ a/ is realized as [a] in the environment of a non-sonorant lateral/a/ is realized as [8] after a [hi][-bk] C 18/a/ is realized as [a] in the environment of a tautosyllabic uvular C (local rule)/ a/ is realized as [a] after /a C^// a/ is raised to [A ] in the environment of coronals/ a / is reduced to schwa [a ] in unstressed post-tonic position/ a/ is realized as [a] elsewhere20(21)/3/ becomes [u] in the environment of x ^x"'/a/ becomes [t.i ] in the environment of a tautosyllabic [hi]Cw/3/ becomes [I] in the environment of a tautosyllabic [hi] [-bk] C/a/ is raised to [fl in the environment of [hi]C (many examples)/a/ becomes [t] in the environment of [hi] C (only one variant example)/3/ becomes [Al in the environment of a uvular 20/3/ becomes [al in the environment of glottal stoproot a --30 / (open syllable) post-tonic position. (see CV- reduplication)/a/ becomes [a] in the environment before a nonhigh labialized consonant C w1.1.6 Exemplification of the Surface Realizations of Sliammon VowelsThe following sets of data illustrate each of the rules summarized in (17). The segmentsin question are highlighted21 .(18) Surface realizations of /e/ 18.1 / e/ — i /following a [hi] Consonant18.1.0 Lexical suffix for 'clothing' /- ec'a/a. [1-67 .9 gic'a h l^/1-aW-ec'a/^`without clothes'(MG 603)root - LS 'clothing'a'. [1-4+g i c'a h ]^/ 1-a -1-a W - e Ca /^'everybody's without clothes'CV - root - LS 'clothing'^(MG 604)b. [154c'ay1c'eh ]^/15ec'-ay-ec'a/^'wash clothes'(MG 438)root - ex - LS 'clothing'18.1.1 Stative Aspecta. [Xwcijit]^/>(waY-et/^`kill several'(JD 1970:85)root - stv212218.1.2 Diminutive a. [qci.qagYi'9 0ot°1-] /qa - qaW - e - e - Vt - o+/^`small potato' (MG 422)CV - root - dim -st ex - CTr - dimThis alternation, in which /e/ becomes [i], is construed as the autosegmental spreading of thefeature [hi].18.2 /e/ -->[E]/(a)C_18.2.0 Lexical Suffix for 'clothing'/ - ec'a/a. [X6Ilamec'eh ]^/Xaa) am - ec'a/^`grass clothing' (MG 518)" ['c X OpmeC'eh ]^root 'grass' - LS 'clothing'18.2.1 Stative markera. [ 20A0]^/ 7ax3e/^ `to lie down'(JD 1971:20)a'. [9c6<se]^/ ?ax - e - e / `to be lying down'(JD 1971:20)root - stv - rt18.2.2 Lexical Suffix (LS) for 'elongated objects' /- er/a. [ei >-( X156 3 eiwO 9j8]^/(!1,91-5 - eer - oY'a/^`finger nail'(MG 300)root - LS - LS 'hand'b. [0/6 7f8-9 qwo 7jeh ] /kai - ee - oY'a/^`small finger'(MG 221)root - LS - LS 'hand'c. VA/605w ac'e a eO 7jel /xwac' - xwac' - eq'w - oY 'a/ 22 'joints (pl)'(MG 303)CeC pl - root - LS - LS 'hand'd. fc'cigaiqwojitanl /c'agai - eqw - oYa - ten/^`ring'(MG 306)root - LS - LS 'hand' - instrAlthough a number of cases show the presence of the preceding vowel / a / followed by anintervening non-uvular consonant, each of these examples also includes the presence of afollowing uvular consonant. This rule is construed as the spread of the Phar node, which ispresent not only on uvular consonants, but also on the vowel /a/./ a^C^e/RN^RNI IPN^PN/\------ - - IDor Phar^DorI[lo]^[-bk]18.2.3 / e/ -->fel in the environment of a (following) tautosyllabic uvular consonant.a [C'e a l5e a qw ]^/c'ei5 - eqw/^`pointed nose' (MG 668)root - LS 'nose'18.3. whereas / e / becomes [8] in the environment of a tautosyllabic uvulara. [mci.se7qw]^/mas - eqw/^`purple sea urchin'(MG 41)root - LS 'elongatedobject'b. [XXxOwoje]^nce>t- eqw - oYa/^`thumb'(MG 295)root - LS - LS 'hand'2318.3.1a. [ 't iYe gw]^/'tai - eq'"/^`nasal mucus'(JD 1970:38)root - LS 'nose'b. [mcicien]^/macien/^`hair'(MG 266)18.4 / e/-->a/in unstressed position (notice preceding uvular)18.4.0 Lexical Suffix for 'mouth/language' /- qen/a. [sXy eclan]^/say - gen/^`mouth'(MG 280)—[s6y9cian]^root - LS `mouth/language'b. H-O.9amincianl Ra9a-men-qen/^'Sham-ion language(MG 66)root - instr - LS 'mouth'18.4.1 Lexical suffix for 'elbow' I- 3 xen/:a. [sci.9a Ij/exan]^/say-ay-axen/^`elbow'(MG 290)root - VC - LS 'elbow'a'. [sisaC/ayaxan] /say-say-ay-axen/^`elbows'(MG 291)COC pl - root - VC - LS 'elbow'b. [mKqh macianl^/magi-mac:len/^'lots of hair' (MG 267)C3C pl - root2418.5 / e/ --->[e]/elsewhere18.5.0a. [qew]^/qeW(80)/truncated root`Deer; mythical name'(JD 70G:13)25a'. [qegae]^/qeWee / 23^`deer' (JD 1970: viii)rootNotice that in the above example (18.5.0.a') the vowel /e/ is followed by a non-tautosyllabic [hi] consonant [g] < /W/ ; however, the presence of the preceding tautosyllabicuvular takes precedence in determining the height of the resultant vowel. The [hi] segment/ W / is in the following syllable and therefore is outside of the domain which exerts aninfluence on the colouration of the preceding vowel.b. [c'ftel''e]^/c'enie/c. Dc6crenas]^ncaqw-eves/root - LS 'heart'18.5.1 Stative Aspecta [tOxweth ]^ /toxw-et/root - stv18.5.2 CV-Reduplicationa [1541-5ec'ayig'ah ] /15e-15eg'-ay-ec'a/CV - root - ex - LS 'clothes'18.5.3 Root Structurea [154 c'ayto --1-0] /15ec'-ay-t-o1--/root - ex - CTr - past - lsg Sb`kingfisher' (MG 132)`human heart' (MG 211)`it's true' (MG 467)`washing clothes'(MG 439)`I washed it already' (MG 441)18.5.4The following examples illustrate that it is the preceding consonant (in the samesyllable) that conditions vowel colouration and not a following non-tautosyllabic consonant. Inexamples (15.2.4 a, a', b, b', e) the following consonant is adjoined as the onset to the nextsyllable.a. [hegus]^/heW - os/^'chief' (MG 352)^ , [hegUS]^root - LS 'face'a'. [hehawhegus] /he - haW - heW - os/^'small chiefs' (dim pl)(MG 355)—6^CV - cac- root - LS 'face'b. [heyur'n]^/hey - om - 7/^'seagull' (MG 35)root - ? - glb'.[hiy e heyo - m?] /hay - hey - om - 7/^'seagulls' (p1)(MG 36)COC - root - ? - glc. [jVqe]^/Ya - Yaq - e - 8/^`crawling;`anyone on hands 'CV - root - sty - intr and knees' (MG 454)d. [kwUmews]^/kwom - ews/^'Red snappee(MG 10)root 'red' - LS 'body'^lit: 'red body'e. [nOnpeg8.7nam] /no - nop - eWan - lam/^'thinking' (MG361)CV - root - LS 'spirit; - intrsentiments'18.5.5Notice, however, the realization of / e / in this example.a. [qwciyegan]^/qway - eWan/^'I'll think about it'(MG 363)root - LS 'sentiments'26Although /y/ is [hi], it seems that the vowel /a/ in the preceding syllable nucleus affects theheight of / e/, causing / e/ to be realized as [e] rather than as [(19) Surface realizations of / 0 / 19.0 / 0/ ---> [u]/ after a [hi] Consonant19.0.1 Lexical suffix for 'appearance/look'  /- ome s /a. [7o/,9jumM^/7,9 - 7eY - omen/^`pretty'(MG 427)Cv - root - LS 'look'a'. [ 70:jUml]^/7,3 - 9,9Y - ome/^'good looking' (JD 1970:ix)Cv - root - LS 'look'a".[ 9 o/. 7 jumiset)th ]/ 7,9 - 7 eY - ome - hot/^'becomes pretty'(MG 429)Cv - root - LS 'look' - reflex19.0.2 howevera. [t.h ixwOrni]^/tay - e - omen/^`fae(MG 331)big- st ex - LS 'appearance/look'The one example in (19.0.2a) suggests that the rule in which /o/ becomes [u] appliesonly in the context of [hi] [-bk] segments since / e/ does not have the same raising affect.The data in (19.0.3, 19.0.4) however, show that this is not the case.19.0.3 Lexical suffix 'hand' /- oYa, - oY'a/a. [c'ir<wuje]^/c'er<w-oYa /^`left handed'(JD 1970:83)root - LS 'hand'2728a'. tc'6eo7js7 a l /c'eer-oY'a-7/^'left handed'(MG 503) 24--, [g'eOw0 7 j e7 3 ]^root-LS 'hand' - gl19.0.4 Roots a. [kwiimews]^/kwom -eWs/^'Red snapper'(MG 10)root 'red' - LS 'body'^lit: 'red body'19.1 /o/—>[a]/aC_19.1.1 The irregular plural Ca-a. [c'oic'Og'oei^/Ca - c'o - c t oar /Ca pl - CV - roota'. [c' w6g, woe]^/ co- c'oe/CV - root19.1.2 Diminutive suffix /-04/a. [1-d°1-ga15.1-]^/i-a-i-aWat-o°1-/CV - root - dimb. [9amam67]^/7amamo7/25rootbl.i 7 //\ M 7amam57 3 )/9am-7amamo7/CaC - root`feathers' (MG 169)`feathee(MG 168)`small herring'(MG 340)`chiton'(MG 47)`chitons'(MG 632)The following diagram shows autosegmental spreading of the Phar node associated with / a/onto the adjacent vowel /0/, giving H.29a^C^oRN^RNIIPN^PNI- --1Dor Phar. --- LabIBo]^[rd]19.1.3 however: the form in (19.1.3a) is realized as [0] rather than as [o].a [76 7'9 m0 217.1-]^/ 7a-7am07-01-/^'small chiton'(MG 633)CV - root - dim19.1.4 Lexical Suffix 'face' I- 0s/a [e6"(r°pos]^/q'wo-q'wop-os/^`wrinkle'(MG 329)CV - root - LS 'face'Notice that the preceding uvular has the same effect as the vowel / a /. This is accounted for bypositing that the vowel / a / and the set of uvular consonants share a Pharyngeal noderepresentation.19.2. /0/ is reduced to [a] in unstressed syllables, and subsequently coloured:a. [t.ina7je9jisi /taY-taY'-aY'-os/^'cheeks (pl)'(MG 257)CGC pl - root - VC - LS 'face'19.3 /0/ -->[0]/elsewhere19.3.1 Lexical suffix 'appearance/look' I- OmeS/a. [My7tomiS]^/boy-t-omeS/^`young man'(MG 141)young - ? - LS 'appearance/1 o ok '19.3.2 Lexical Suffix 'hand' oY'a/a. [gxX158 3.W 0 7 js]^/qap - eqW - oY'a/^`fingemail'(MG 300)root - LS - LS 'hand'b. [0'6 7 .tC7cro7jah ]^/kai - ee- oY'a/^'small finger'(MG 221)root - LS - LS 'hand'c. [xw6c'xwec'e a cro 7 j8] /xWac' - xwag' - ee - oY'a/^'joints (pl)' (MG 303)CaC plural - root - LS - LS 'hand'19.3.3 Roots a. iM6si^/m0s/^ `four' (MG 114)b. [ 'ax()]^/c'oxo/ 'ling cod (fish)'(MG 7)c. Pr6+m^Roi-m art) /^'little neck clam'(MG 52)— [+6°1- mt)rii]19.3.4 Reduplicationa. [e0W0X0w 0] /e0X - e0X - 0w 0/^`lots of salt water'CVC - root - LS 'water' (MG 140)(20) Surface realizations of / a / 20.0 / a / --->[a]/in the environment of the nonsonorant laterals:1-, X , iC.20.0.1 Lexical suffix for 'neck' / - ahala. [xX7ga°1-a Ma] /xaW' - al--ana/^'bone up the back (MG 283)bone - cl - LS 'neck' of one's neck'3031b. ExX7gai-agi ll l /)5aW'-a°1--aWa/^'whole backbone' (MG 284)root 'bone' - cl - LS `back/spine'20.0.2a. [c'/65-i-aw U rn]b. DS 6X@pXwic. [qwXsXan/c'ax--1-awam/root - LS 'food'/ X a - Is a p xw/CV - root/galas - XaNroot - LS 'abdomen/belly'`fish; gather food in (MG 138)salt water`pocket knife'(MG 145)`human liver'(MG 127)Notice that / a/ becomes [a] in the environment of the nonsonorant laterals / -, X , IS I. It isproposed that the vowel [a] is simply specified as [lo]. This is analized as the deletion of thePharyngeal node. The Pharyngeal node spreads to a lateral which is [sonorant] as illustrated bythe data in section (23). Since Phar is not permitted in a feature sharing relationship with anonsonorant lateral, then it is subject to delinking as illustrated below.C^aRN^RN[lateral] *,^IPN\AK\Phar Dor[lo]20.1 / a/ -->[6]/ after a [hi][-bk] Consonant20.1.1 Lexical suffix for 'neck' /- ana/a [s/Cys 7 na]^/say - aria/^ `neck'(MG 282)root - LS 'neck'20.1.2 Rootsa [g")/i.i /aya/ 'arm, hand'(MG 288)b [6/81'ASH /alas-s/root - LS 'day'`Wednesday'(MG 78)c [Ogfjel /WeYa/ 'soil, ground'(MG 341)d [j6nxw l /Yanxw/ 'fish, salmon' (MG 4)e [kYlkYe kvl /keka k `crow'(MG 71)f. [X6cro.yel /Xaqw - qa/ `summee(MG 83)root - LS ?This rule in which / a / becomes [8] is construed as the autosegmental spreading of the feature[-bk] onto the following vowel / a/. This is represented as follows.C^aRN^RNI IPN^PNDor^Dor Phar- -[hi] [-bk]^Do]3220.1.3 CV-Reduplicationa. [tcact7jis]^/ta-taY'-os/^ `cheek' (MG 256)CV dim - root - LS 'face'a'. [tInc 7 je 7 jIS] /taY-taY'-aY'-os/^`cheeks'(MG 257)CaC pl - root - VC - LS 'face'20.2 /a/ -->[a]/after a uvular Ca. [ 9 6 9 63ay]^/7e-9elelay/^`barbecuing (deer)'(MG 478)CV- rootb. [x6.15]^/xa15/^ 'papoose basket'(MG 95)c. [>56. 7 nynie]^/xa 7 - ay - nab /^'old stump'(MG 202)root -LS 'tree' - LS 'base/root'd. [qWdtern]^/eatem/^`rivef(MG 223)e. [qX15qa15aw a s] /qa15-qa15-awas/^'bats' (MG 137)CeC pl - root - LS 'eyes'20.3 /a/ [ A ]/in environment of coronalsa. [t4tkw tAs]^/t6. - tar<w - t - as/^'he's pulling it' (MG 411)^, [t6tei tas]^CV-root-CTr- 3 SbMC33b. [XXmstar]^/Xam - s - tan/^`house'(MG 233)root -?- LS 'container/enclosure'34b'. [AXmAArnstAn] /Aam-scam-s-tan/^'houses (pl)'(MG 235),--)[ XmAARIStAn] CaC pl- root - ? - LS 'enclosure'c. [76pAnl^/9opan/^ `ten' (MG 120)—NpardThis rule has the following autosegmental representation:/a/ [A]RN^RN RN----"---[-cons] [-cons] [-cons]PN PN PNANDA)) ar^Dor^Phar IPhar[lo]^[lo]20.4 / a/-->fal / in unstressed position (variable)a. [7 6m 0. ^ ]^/?ern-a/^`to walk' (MG 212)root - intra'. [9(3/(m7emaMb. [5reXWO.]b'. Eir(Ixwea xwalc. [edt]eS]/lam-9em-8/CaC- root - intr/4"axwa//eaxw-(re>5\ma/CaC - root/$valas/`walking' (MG 214)`boxes' (MG 238)`raccoon'(MG 26)`food storage box'(MG 237)c'. i w a4.as3-1-1 /ee-ealas-o°1-/^'small raccoon'(MG 28)Ce - root - dimIn Sliammon, it seems that vowels in syllables towards the end of longer words are more likelyto be reduced to schwa than are vowels towards the beginning of a word. Stress in Sliammon,is fixed on the word-initial syllable.20.5 /a/ is realized as [a] elsewhere(21) Surface realizations of Schwa21.0 /a/-->[u] if stressed/ Cwioa. [tlikw t h ]^/takw-t/^`to pull' (MG 410)root - CTra'. [ t 4 t kw t A s ]^/ta - takw - t - as/^`he's pulling it' (MG 411)CV - root - CTr - 3 Sb MC21.1 /a/[1.1 ] /in the environment after a tautosyllabic [hi] rounded consonant - Cwa. [kwdsAys]^/kwae - ays/^`island'(MG 68)— [kwdeays]^root - LS 'rock'21.2 /a/ -- [I] /in the environment of a tautosyllabic [hi][-bk] consonant.a. [c-l'SyiX]^hiaYa.X/^`scar'(MG 304)21.3 /a/ -->[i]/[hi]C (many examples)a. [ea 7e ylm]^/bay-am/root - middleb. [>(6xa 7 jey#s]^/xe - xaY' - ay(a)s/Ce dim -root -LS 'rock'`to sink' (MG 365)`small rock'(MG 383)3521.4 /a/--> [t]/ [hi] C (one example only - lax variant of [4])a. Etinan-najtph l/tg-taa'-an-aYap/^'hips, legs' (MG 312)COC pl - root - ? - LS 'thigh'21.5 /a/—> [A ]/in the environment of a uvulara. [n6n0m]^/na-nag--am/CV - root - middleb. [qX0qui5aw es] /qa15-qa15-awas/CaC pl - root - LS 'eyes'c. [ciwXsXa]^/qwas-)ca/root - LS 'abdomen/belly'`killer whale; diving'(MG 17)`bats' (MG 137)`human liver'(MG 127)21.6 a --->a/ glottal stopa. [26,:jUMM]^/ 7a - 7,911-omes/^'good looking' (JD 1970:ix)CV - root - LS 'look'21.7 root a 0 / in unstressed post-tonic position.a. [nanil' Am]^/na--na-am/^`killer whale; diving' (MG 17)CV- root - middleb. [j /i e qe']^/Ya-Yaq-e-a/^`crawling'(MG 454)CV- root - stv - Tr `anyone on hands and knees'c. [9ci:jurni]^/7a-9aY-ome/^'good looking' (JD 1970:ix)CV - root - LS 'look'363721.8 /e/ --> [e] /^C" (tautosyllabic)a. [ 46eri^/1-eliw/^ `arrow; bow and arrow' (MG 134)a'. [ -1-6(ri- kr]^/f-ae —i- ae/^`arrows'(MG 135)CeC pl - rootb. Uswixwayi^Aaxw-ay/^`chum/dog salmon'(MG 184)bge/exwXwaxway] Aaxw - Xaxw - ay/^'lots of chum'(MG 185)CeC pl - base - ?c. [X6ciwX aqwenas]/Xaqw - Xaqw - enas/^`hearts'(MG 211)CeC pl - root - LS 'heart/chest'As seen from the examples in (21), schwa obtains its resultant place features from the adjacentconsonants and vowels. Since it is totally underspecified except for its specification as [-cons],schwa is an eligible target for spreading from many sources.(22) Surface Realizations of Schwa/Glide sequences22.0 /ay/22.0.1 /ay/--[i]a. [yVicAas]^/ya - ya(!ia - as/^'using it' (MG 377)CV - root - 3 Sb MCbut compare:a'. [ya(!ia]^/ya(!i8/^ 'use ie(MG 376)b. [sfsisaj]^/saY - saY - saY'/^'they're afraid' (MG 415)CeC - CaC - rootbut:38biAs4sci. 7j -inw ] /s3Y - saY' - e - NW/CaC - root - stv - 2 sg Sb`are you afraid?' (MG 413)`lots of soil, ground' (MG 342)`soil, ground' (MG 341)c. [ ( 0 ) gi:gijs]^/WeY-WeYa/CVC pl - rootc'. [Ogijel^/WeYa/22.1 /ey/ -->[e]/after a uvulara. [>(exa7jis.]^/xeY-xaY'es/COC pl - rootb. Ix exay e el^/›(ey - xay(11/CaC p1 - rootc. [egeaykwh I /lay- ,;!laykw/CaC pl - root`lots of rocks' (MG 382)`crabs'(MG 46)`eagles'(MG 32)22.2 /ew/22.2.1 /aw/ -“u]a. {tdtuum0a]^/taw-towmaj/a/^`West wind'(MG 387)CaC pl - rootb. [-thi-a g 1 t h ]^RaW -1-aWei/^'lots of herring'(MG 338)26CaC pl - root22.2.2 te w/- [0]/ after a uvular39a. kreieowa7anah l /(raw - Irow - a6a/CeC pl - root - LS 'ear'b. [xw6xwa9wawi-n- n] /xwaw - xwa\k - aw - e - en/CeC pl - root - VC - LV - LS 'foot'c. [xw6xwawacroje] /xwaw - xwaw - Ve - oYa/CeC pl - root - LS 'elongated' - LS 'hand'`ears' (MG 271)`toes'(MG 317)`fingers'(MG 294)(23) "Pharyngeal" Rootsa. esiv■s:l^/alas - s/^Vednesday'(MG 78)root - LS 'day' lit: 'day three'b. [969sNay]^/?e--9e10y/^'barbecuing (deer)' (MG 478)CV - rootc. [eci-teS]^/ealas/^`raccoon'(MG 26)c'. [(r6(.1'w e4'aS3-1-] /ore - ealas - 0.1-/^'small raccoon'(MG 28)Ce - root - dimd. [mXs]^/mas/^ 'mink' (MG 22)roote. [po/J 9 ]^/pal/^ `heron' (MG 30)root40f. [swan]^/0a7en/rootf'. [sci7sa 7 an]^/0a7 - 0a?an/CVC pl - rootg. [kwtisnys]^/kwo0 - ays/— [kwtiO:Ays]^root-LS 'rock'`cohoe' (MG 186)`lots of cohoe'(MG 187)`island' (MG 68)The examples in (23) show the spread of the Phar node throughout the word domain oncoronals, laterals and vowels, these being the eligible targets for "retraction". As mentionedabove, this is analyzed as the autosegmental spreading of the Pharyngeal node across thedomain.This illustration of the interaction between consonants and vowels in Sliammon is farfrom being exhaustive; however, it does provides the reader with sufficient backgroundinformation in order to discuss the specific issues raised in Chapters 2 and 3. The assumptionsmade with respect to suprasegmental phenomena are the subject of the following sections.1.2 SchwaKroeber (1989:108) claims that the allophones of schwa are generally "lax and a bitshorter than the allophones of non-a vowels, at least in stressed open (i.e., initial) syllables".Similar findings are illustrated in (21). The fact that schwa is noticeably shorter than the non-schwa vowels /a, e, o/ is here encoded structurally. It is reflected by morafication andsyllabification of this segment, this being discussed in 1.3.Additional evidence for this prosodic difference comes from the phonological behaviourof CaC roots as opposed to CVC and CAE roots. As Kroeber (1989:109-110) points outthere are at least three cases in which CaC roots behave differently. First, in the formation ofCV- progressive reduplication, both CVC and CaRC roots retain their root vowel, whereasCaC roots lose their root vowel. Secondly, both CVC and CaRC roots take a linking vowelwith the addition of the transitive suffix -t, whereas Ca C roots do not take this transitionalvowel. Finally, although all roots seem to lose their root vowel in CV- diminutivereduplication, CVC roots copy the root vowel as the vowel of the affix, whereas CeC rootstake Ce- as the reduplicative prefix rather than a Ca- prefix.27 The fact that CVC and C8RCroots pattern together suggests that they share a common structure. The fact that CaC rootsbehave differently should also be reflected in their structural representation. In this thesis, it isproposed that CVC and CaRC roots are assigned bimoraic status via the rules of moraficationwhereas CaC roots are monomoraic, thus reflecting the "special" status of schwa. Theseobservations and claims also raise the issue of vowel reduction: another example of thedifference in behaviour of schwa and non-schwa vowels. Often a "full" vowel / a, e, o/ isreduced to schwa in unstressed position whereas schwa, in the same position, is deleted. Fullvowel reduction is viewed as the simplification of a bimoraic syllable to the status of amonomoraic syllable. The loss of schwa, on the other hand, is viewed as delinking of the rootnode and the melodic content, which is dependent on the root node, followed by "parasiticdelinking" (Hayes 1989:268) of the associated syllable structure. Both processes of vowelreduction entail the loss of a single mora. This discussion emphasizes the difference inbehaviour of schwa as opposed to the behaviour of the non-schwa vowels.It should also be noted that schwa is underspecified for place features, at the melodiclevel in underlying representations. It is represented simply as [-cons]. The additional featuralcontent of schwa is determined by adjacent (and non-adjacent) consonants and vowels. Asmight be expected in a language with few vowel phonemes, it may seem desirable to try andeliminate schwa from the underlying inventory of vowels, thus obtaining a three vowel system/a, e, o/ akin to /a, i, u/. If the locus of schwa could be determined from syllablestructure constraints, restrictions on relative sonority, and so on, then it would be possible toclaim that schwa is simply an epenthetic nucleus position provided by the governing prosodicstructures of morafication and syllabification. There are however, some arguments inSliammon which suggest that it is not possible to derive all instances of schwa as a function of41syllabification. It is here claimed that there are both underlying and epenthetic schwas inSliammon.If the placement of schwa were entirely predictable, then Ca C- plural reduplicationwould be interpreted as the affixation of a CC- sequence. It is argued on general theoreticalgrounds that this is undesirable since the prefixation of a CC- sequence does not constitute aprosodic constituent in accordance with the principles of Prosodic Morphology (see McCarthy& Prince 1986). Having considered and rejected the possibility of schwa epenthesis in thiscase, it is claimed that schwa is a phoneme and is present in UR as such. This does not ruleout cases in which schwa is truly epenthetic 28, but rather it does not allow all instances ofschwa to be predicted by rule.Specifically, a consonantal segment which is not syllabified is subject to deletion ratherthan triggering epenthesis. As noted in the section on morafication, the number of consonantswhich are permitted in word-final clusters exceeds the number of consonants which arepermitted in medial consonant cluster. It is argued that extrametricality allows for two extraconsonants at the right-hand edge of the word domain. A consonant, which is situated betweena single coda consonant of a licensed syllable and the final consonants which are licensed byvirtue of extrametricality, is subject to deletion as shown in section 1.3.5. If schwa epenthesiswere pervasively available as a function of syllabification, then one would not expectconsonants to delete in this position. This again suggests that schwa is present in UR ratherthan being inserted via syllabification.These facts may also offer a possible explanation for why the common Salishannominalizer prefix s- does not occur in Sliammon, since the presence of this prefix wouldviolate the constraints on possible onsets. Nor do we find cases in which schwa epenthesis hasapplied, in order to license the nominalizer prefix. The absence of this prefix is illustrated bythe data in section Proper licensing of SchwaIt is assumed that all vowels /e, o, a, a/ receive a single mora by the rule ofmorafication. In addition, there are special conditions on the prosodic licensing of schwa. Themotivation for such a claim comes from the observed behaviour of schwa. In the analysispresented here, schwa is properly licensed in the configurations given in (24) and (25).Consider the first structure in which schwa is licensed, which is governed by syllablestructure. As can be seen from the diagram in (24), schwa is properly licensed when it occursin a monomoraic maximal syllable.(24) a. Monomoraic maximal syllable0A,cecA single consonant to the immediate right of schwa does not receive a mora viamorafication.29 Instead, as part of coda formation, this consonant is adjoined to the morawhich immediately dominates schwa. It would seem that schwa, which is a root node specifiedonly for the feature [-cons], is not heavy enough to license a syllable nucleus. Schwa and themora to which it is affiliated require the adjunction of a single consonant in order to be properlylicensed.The second type of condition which serves to license schwa is prosodic in nature.Specifically, schwa is also properly licensed in stressed open syllables, as illustrated in (25):43(25)Stress in Sliammon is word-initia1.30 The vowel in a word-initial syllable receivesprimary stress. In the example in (25) schwa receives primary stress. Foot constructionfollows morafication and syllabification, thus organizing these prosodic categories. InSliammon, feet are assumed to be binary, and left-dominant. The first syllable in a word isdesignated S(trong) and receives primary stress. Schwa is therefore prosodically licensed if itis dominated by a syllable which is labelled Strong. Example (26) illustrates the second type ofconfiguration in which schwa is properly licensed. Notice that schwa occurs in the syllablewhich receives primary stress. That syllable in turn is dominated by the strong branch of ametrical foot.(26)[g'6>5woC/am]^/C'e Xw- OY'A - @m/^'go wash your hands' (MG 442)root - LS 'hand' - intra.^ b.44FSSICINC' a wl+ // IIt--->^ G,^/ ^IC' a^x"' ^Y' aThis partial derivation focuses on the first two syllables, which constitute a leftdominant foot in Sliammon. As can be observed, schwa is licensed in a stressed open syllable.It should be noted that there are no vowel-initial words in Sliammon; this is a consequence ofthe Obligatory Onset Principle for syllabification holding in this language.Needless to say, schwa is also licensed when it occurs in any configuration which is acomposite of (24) and (25) above. In other words, schwa is also properly licensed in amonomoraic maximal syllable which receives primary stress, as illustrated in (27).(27) 6/ 11 iNc a CSchwa is also licensed in a bimoraic syllable of the form Ca CC. The conditions on theprosodic licensing of schwa seem to restrict the occurrence of schwa in open syllables.The conditions on the prosodic licensing of schwa described above predict that schwawill never occur in an unstressed open syllable. This is an empirical claim which is subject toverification. 31 Now that the special conditions32 on the distribution of schwa have beenpresented, morafication and syllabification become the focal point of discussion which follows.The next six sections are devoted to a description of these algorithms.1.3 SyllabificationThe following canonical syllable types are found in Sliammon: CV, Ca, CVC, CaC,and Ca CC. It is hypothesized that syllables are maximally bimoraic. The canonical shape ofroots in Sliammon is generally CaC, CVC, or CaCC although a number of roots of the formCVCV are also attested. Notice that all of these root types are maximally bimoraic. CVC and45CeCC root types are monosyllabic bimoraic syllables, whereas CVCV roots are bimoraicbisyllabic units. It is hypothesized that the minimal word is a CVC, CG CC, or CVCVsequence. This can also be restated in terms of the moraic content of the minimal word. It isclaimed here that the minimal word is bimoraic. In Sliammon, longer roots are also attested;however, they most likely reflect morphologically complex forms which may or may not besubject to compositional analysis. It should be noted that the base for morphological operationsmust be defined by Prosodic Circumscription as the first CVC sequence 33 of the root, at leastfor the cases in which the root and base are not coextensive.Morafication and syllabification apply to underlying representations as the first rules ofthe phonological component. These rules are reapplied in a cyclic fashion throughout thephonological derivation whenever new roots and/or affixes are added. The derivation of 'lotsof hemlock' in Chapter 3 section 3.3.1 provides positive evidence for the cyclic application ofmorafication and syllabification in Sliammon. In this thesis, where the output of a cyclic versusa noncyclic derivation would be the same, a noncyclic derivation is adopted for purposes ofsimplicity. The present discussion is prompted by the need to clarify certain underlyingassumptions which are made with respect to these algorithms and which are included in thediscussion of Glide/Obstruent Alternation in Chapter 2. These aspects of prosodic structure(namely morafication and syllabification) are treated here as part of a six step process.1.3.1 MoraficationThe first step in this process is the morafication of each [-cons] segment within themorphological domain. Shaw (1992) hypothesizes that this process is universal. Moraficationapplies directionally from left to right. This algorithm assigns a mora to every root node that isspecified as [-cons]. In other words, the algorithm assigns a mora to every vowel:/a, e, o, a/. Notice that in Sliammon glides are marked as [sonorant], but are unmarked forthe feature [-cons]. Examples (28) illustrate this process.46(28)a.[?O,Sxw]^/ 7asxw /^'seal' (MG 18)MoraficationA7 al s xwb. [XwOcay]^/xwaX - aY/^'mountain goat' (MG497)Moraficationg^gw I^,^Ix a is a YThe projection of the syllable node follows exhaustive morafication and is discussed insection Syllable ProjectionSyllable projection is illustrated schematically by the diagram in (29). The moraic[-cons] segment is the optimal head of the syllable.(29)G^ G^GI I^I/^11^11^/ -->^/^11^11I^/-->/^11^11I I I I ICVC VC^C VC VC^C VC VCI^I I^1 I[-cons] [-cons]^[-cons] [-cons]^[-cons] [-cons]Sliammon seems to allow any of the sonorant segments (resonants (R) and vowels(V)) the potential of occupying the nucleus of a syllable; however if available, a [-consonantal]47segment always functions as the head of the syllable. The sonority scale proposed in (30)defines the relative sonority of sonorant segments. 34 For example, the [-cons] segments,which have a sonority rating of one, are more sonorant than [sonorant] lateral segments with asonority rating of four.(30) Relative Sonority of Sonorant Segments:Most sonorant > Less Sonorant > Less Sonorant > Least sonorant1 > 2 > 3 >4[-cons] > [son, hi] > [son, nasal] > [son, lat]e, o, a, G > Y, W, y, w > n, m > L,1In the absence of a [-cons] segment, a language specific morafication parameter may allow asegment which is overtly specified as [son] to function as the syllabic head. A [son] consonantonly occupies head position in the absence of a [-cons] segment. In other words, it is alwaysthe most sonorant segment which functions as the head of the syllable. The partial derivationsin (31) illustrate how morafication and syllable projection proceed.(31)a. {kw ciei^/kwa se/^'dogfish' (MG 1)roota'. Morafication^ a". Syllable ProjectionIkw aI^ I[-cons]J-1[lo] al^e^w^,kw^_>^k a48In (31a) the vowel / a / is identified as the only [-cons] sonorant segment in thestring. This moraic segment becomes the head of the syllable as depicted in (31 a") by theprocess of syllable (G) assignment. Sliammon has a very few cases of surface adjacentnonidentical vowels; these are discussed in footnote 38. When nonidentical nuclei cometogether across a morphological boundary, the rightmost vowel is deleted. It is proposed thatthe deletion of the rightmost vowel follows from the Directionality Parameter. Once syllableprojection has applied exhaustively, then the next step is to incorporate the syllable onset.1.3.3 Onsets and Onset AdjunctionEvery word in Sliammon has one and only one consonant in word-initial position. Infact, one of the striking properties of Sliammon is the absence of the nominalizer prefix s-which is found in all of the other Salish languages (see Davis 1970:15). Compare theSliammon (Sl) and Sechelt (Se) forms in (32) which show the absence of this widespreadprefix in Sliammon.(32)a. [nLixw ri-]^ 'canoe' (S1) (MG 62)a'. [sn6xwi+1 A<snexwilh>^'canoe' (Se) (RB 1985:24) 35b. icreC 9 >d^ 'wood' (Sl) (MG 198)b'. [seXyix]^<skw'eyex>^'firewood' (Se) (RB 1985:143)c. [xw Xs.]^ 'animal fat or lard' (Sl) (MG 332)c'. [sxwXs]^<sxwes>^'grease' (Se) (RB 1985:276)d. [t(i.rnI]36^'man' (Sl) (JD 1970:79)d'. [stOrnI]^<StUrnish>^'man' (Se) (RB 1985:24)49There are no complex onsets in the Sliammon forms. If the nominal prefix were present inSliammon, it would clearly be a violation of the constraint on possible onset sequences.37Based on the assumption that syllable onsets behave the same as word-initial onsets inSliammon and the fact that it is an overwhelming generalization that there are no vowelsequences in the language, it is assumed that all syllables must have an onset and that eachonset contains a maximum of one consonant. 38 Consequently, the Obligatory Onset Principlefor Syllabification is operative in this language. Onset incorporation adjoins a single nonmoraicsegment to the immediate left of a moraic segment as an onset directly under the syllable node.This step is illustrated in (33) below. Onsets are by definition nonmoraic, in keeping withcurrent assumptions of Mora theory (Hayes 1989, McCarthy & Prince 1990, Shaw 1992).Consider the following examples of Onset incorporation:(33)a. [kw dei^/kwae/^`dogfish' (MG 1)roota'. Output of Morafication & Syllable Assignment a". Onset AdjunctionG^ GI /Ili i 11ikW a k" al^e5051b. [f6n]^/ten/^'barbecued fish' (MG 432)b'. Output of Morafication & Syllable projection b". Onset adjunction0^ 0I'I11^/ Jit^ I ,/^IL e n^ t^e nBoth (33a", 33b") illustrate the adjunction of the consonant to the immediate left of amoraic segment as the onset of the syllable. It is assumed that the segment's root node isadjoined directly to the syllable node (a). The derivation in (34) is a further example.(34)a. [maangh]^/magic - nab/^`Mitlenatch Island' (MG 69)root 'calm' - LS 'end, also: 'calm back end'bottom or tail'a'. Morafication^ a". Syllable Assignmenta^aI Iu11^ li^AI I Im a k - n a mak-na1^ I[-cons] [-cons]a"'. Onset adjunction/1./,^/m a X n aThe example in (34a') shows morafication of each [-cons] segment according to theprinciples of morafication discussed above. In (34a"') the nasals are adjoined as the obligatoryonsets to their respective syllables. The partial derivation in (34) concludes the section ononset adjunction. The following section which establishes the rule of "Weight by Position"(cf. Hayes 1989:258).1.3.4 Weight by PositionThe rule of Weight by Position is a language specific rule which assigns a mora to each(nonmoraic) segment to the right of a moraic segment except for a single (nonmoraic) segmentto the immediate right of the vowel schwa. This rule applies exhaustively but does not affectsegments which have been syllabified. Schwa is identified by its lack of melodic content: it is aroot node specified only for the feature [-cons]. The remaining moraic[-cons] segments are the "full" vowels /a, e, o/. In contrast to schwa, /a, e, o/ containadditional featural content which distinguishes them from schwa.The motivation for thisapproach comes from the fact that coda consonants which follow a full vowel can be shown tobe moraic, as seen from the discussion of vowel length in Chapter 3.Hayes (1989:256) states that language-particular moraic structure seems wellmotivated. The schematic formalization of the rule of Weight by Position is reproduced here asit appears in Hayes (1989:258).(35) Weight by PositionIN11^J-1I^ia 13Hayes allows restrictions to be placed on 13 in any language particular version of therule of Weight by Position. For example, 13 may be restricted to a specific natural class ofsegments which are themselves a subset of the available inventory of consonants in a particular52language. Sliammon seems to show that there can also be restrictions or conditions placed ona , which in turn affects the application of the rule of Weight by Position to 13 In other words,in Sliammon if a = a, then 13 is nonmoraic; however, if a = a full vowel (V), then 13 ismoraic. The derivations in (36) and (37) exemplify the application of the rule of Weight byPosition.(36)a = a; therefore 13 is nonmoraic[pXqh pAqh 1^/paq- paq/^'all white' (MG 129)C8C pl - roota. Output of Onset adjunction^b. Weight by Positiona^a^a^a/11^111 11^11IIp al q pa q^a q p al qAs can be seen from this derivation, the uvular consonant does not receive a mora via the ruleof Weight by Position because the quality of the preceding vowel is identified as schwa. In(37) the preceding vowel is a full vowel.(37)a = V; therefore 13 is moraic[Vjcqwol^/(roX - qwo/^'salt water'(MG 139)root - LS 'water'5354a. Output of Onset Adjunction^b. Weight by Position^I ^I^qW o^qW oThe application of the rule of Weight by Position assigns a mora to the lateral affricate/ X / after the full vowel /0/.1.3.5 Codas and Coda AdjunctionThe final step in this process is to syllabify as much of the remaining melodic materialas possible after exhaustive morafication, syllable projection, onset incorporation andmorafication by Weight by Position have taken place. The hypothesis that syllables aremaximally bimoraic is adopted. A single nonmoraic segment to the immediate right of schwa isadjoined to the mora dominating schwa as a sister of schwa. The mora dominating a single(moraic) consonant which remains unassociated is adjoined to the preceding syllable node (a).There are the following limitations on adjunction. Word-internal syllables with full vowelshave a maximum of one coda consonant. This follows from the hypothesis that syllables aremaximally bimoraic. For example, a word like `Mitlenatch' discussed in (34) is re-examined in(38) with respect to the incorporation of the coda consonants.(38)a. [maanaL'h]^imaX - na6/^`Mitlenatch Island' (MG 69)root 'calm' - LS 'end, also: 'calm back end'bottom or tail'a'.Output of Onset Adjunction^a". Weight by Position,m a isI^In^ m a n aa"'. Coda Adjunction/CIAL 1 I /II%,i^I^Im a^n aThe derivation in (38a') shows the output of morafication, syllable projection and onsetincorporation. The derivation in (38a") shows the application of the rule of Weight byPosition. The nonmoraic consonant / X / to the right of the full vowel A is assigned a mora bythe language specific rule of Weight by Position, as is the consonant / N . The first syllable inexample (38a.'") shows adjunction of the post-nuclear mora directly to the syllable node (G).Word-internal clusters following full vowels, such as / n / in example (38), contain amaximum of two consonants: one consonant which functions as the obligatory onset to thefollowing syllable, and the other consonant which functions as the coda to the precedingsyllable.Syllables in which the underlying vowel is schwa may have as many as two post-vocalic segments—one which is adjoined as a sister to schwa, and the second which is moraic.This is illustrated in (39).(39)11IN IC aCCThis configuration allows for triconsonantal medial clusters, as long as the precedingvowel is schwa. There is a limited number of forms which in surface realization have word-internal clusters of three consonants. It will be argued that phonologically these can be shown55to conform to the limitation placed on word-internal clusters, and therefore do not posecounterexamples to the current analysis.(40)a. [X 6Xpxwei^/ica - Xapxw - at - /^'I'm breaking it ' (MG 153) 39CV prog - root - CTr -lsg Sbb. [90/5tanO+]^/7a - 7 a0tan - ol-/^'small sea urchin' (MG 586)CV dim - root - dimc. [t6tkw tAs]^/te - takw - t - as/^'he's pulling it' (MG 411)CV prog - root - Crr - 3 Sbd. [hOrn?hom]^/horithom/^'blue grouse' (MG 121)e. ft'Uyiltomil^/boy - t - omen/^'young man' (MG 141)young - male - LS 'appearance'f. [eftowsnal /(Wet - oWs - nab/^'bottom, backside' (MG 326)root - LS 'body' - LS 'base, bottom'Examples (40a-c) are morphologically complex forms in which CV-reduplication takesplace. The root vowel is eventually lost, resulting in surface phonetic clusters which exceed themaximum of three. The underlying representations show, however, that these examples doconform to the restrictions on syllable size within the phonological component. The surfaceclusters are, therefore, apparent counterexamples only at a later phonetic level. Notice that(40a, 40c) are bimoraic syllables of the form Ca CC which are in keeping with the possiblesyllable types discussed above. Examples (40d, 40e) are cases of the surface linear ordering ofunderlying glottalized resonants MI , j/ / respectively. Phonologically, these segmentsfunction as units, and are therefore not problematic. This observation motivates the proposalthat glottalized resonants are present in underlying representations in Sliammon. In the finalexample (400, the cluster of three consonants - W Sn - has a morphological boundary which56separates these segments (- W S+ fl - ). In addition, it is still unclear what the appropriate UR isfor the lexical suffix for `body'. 4°There are no examples which have more than three consonants in a word-internalcluster. It is concluded, that phonologically, word-internal clusters with a maximum of twoconsonants occur when they are preceded by a CVC syllable. It is also concluded that word-internal clusters with a maximum of three consonants occur when they are preceded by aCO CC syllable.1.3.6 ExtrametricalityIt would seem, however, that word-final position in Sliammon does permit more than asingle final consonant in the case of a full vowel and more than two consonants in the case of apreceding schwa. This is seen by the stacking up of consonants at the right-hand margin of theword domain. Based on the data presented in the Appendix, word-final position seems topermit as many as three post-vocalic segments,41 as in:(41)a. [buy 9 sa4tXw ] /nY' - sad- txw/young - woman - LS 'house'b. [y6eeRxw ]^/yee-a-nw/root - Tr - 2 sg Sbc. [cicirnqw+]^/c'amqw+/root ?d. [kw dkw+t h ]^/ kwa - kwai---t/CV - root - CTr`young woman' (MG 143)42`you (sg) fill it up'(MG 370)`cloud' (MG 392)`untying rope' (MG 462)Since it is argued that syllables are maximally CVC or Ca CC, these additionalconsonants43 in word-final position in Sliammon will be treated as extrametrical. It is assumedthat they are not adjoined to the syllable node (o) and are independently licensed by the57principle of extraprosodicity. Extrametricality is assigned directionally from right to leftstarting at the right-hand edge of the word domain. Syllable structure is assigned maximally.Thus once the word-final syllable is a maximal CVC or COCC sequence, up to two remainingconsonants may be marked as extraprosodic44.(42)a'. extraprosodicityJ-1^1-t^/1-1.^1-iII^I^11 iii^I^I^CVC L. C C CVC^(C)(C) ]In the representation in (42a'), the final syllable is a maximal CVC syllable. The tworightmost consonants (C)(C) are marked as extrametrical in keeping with the assumptionsregarding extraprosodicity outlined above. The remaining consonant fr  would eventually bedeleted via Stray Erasure since it is neither syllabified nor independently licensed by theprinciples of extrametricality. In example (43) there are two post-nuclear consonants.(43) [kwUrii th^/kworn - t/^`kelp' (MG 16)root - ?a. Output of Onset Adjunction^a'. Weight by Position & Coda AdjunctionkW 0. ^rn^ta". Extrametricality/11-1 11 1 4:w l^ISk^o (t)/1-1 11 J-1^i ^Ikw o^I^t58a.In (43a') the mora dominating the nasal consonant is adjoined to the syllable node (G)to form a maximal CVC syllable. The syllable must be maximized before extrametricalityapplies. The final consonant ( t ) is then marked as extrametrical. In (44) there are three post-vocalic consonants.(44)c. [c'cim qw-i-i^/ c'a m qw°1-/^'cloud' (MG 392)c'. Output of Onset Incorporation^c". Weight by Position & Coda Incorporation590/IN11^1-1^11I^1^iLI w Ig'^a m q- 1-GI/11I^wG' a m q .c"'. Extrametricality0/1I 1^11^11^1_1^ 4:II^II^]g'^a^m^(qw)(°1-) 1 4tThe mora dominating the nasal consonant is adjoined to the syllable node (0) to form amaximal CVC syllable. Then the two right-most consonants are marked as extrametrical as in(44e"). The two word-final consonants which are extrametrical were each assigned a mora viathe rule of morafication. These segments are licensed by virtue of extrametricality.In conclusion, it has been shown that it is insufficient to look at word-final position asan indication of the maximal size of word-internal codas. Therefore the assumptions made foronsets and codas are different with respect to the uniformity of word and syllable domains.This is by no means an exhaustive discussion of Sliammon syllabification, but provides anadequate background to discuss the rule of Glide/Obstruent Alternation which will be the focusof the discussion in Chapter 2.Notes to Chapter 11 Sliammon is an anglicization of^9(2 mini (MG:64), a term used by the southernmostMainland Comox in reference to their own people. The linguistic community refers to the language as eitherMainland Comox or Sliammon, whereas these people refer to their own language as [ 7ay 7 ajalam](Davis 1978:237) which has the proposed literal meaning 'to exchange language/words' and demonstrates thealternation which is the focus of Chapter 2.2 See Sliammon Life. Sliammon Lands by Dorothy Kennedy and Randy Bouchard (1983) for a detailedethnographic study of the Sliammon, Klahoose and Homalco peoples who together comprise the MainlandComox dialect of Comox (Coast Salish). Field notes which appear in the Appendix to this thesis are from aspeaker of Sliammon, Mrs. Mary George. I am not aware of any linguistic fieldwork which has taken placeeither at Squirrel Cove (Cortes Island) or at Church House (located on the mainland near the opening to ButeInlet). It is still unclear whether or not the Klahoose and Homalco people's speech is the same as that of theSliammon. Mrs. George has intimated that there are some differences. This remains as an area for futureresearch.3 See Sapir (1915:7-8) and Harris (1981: 220-31) for a discussion of this alternation in Island Comoxand Davis (1970:34-5; 1978:218-20), Hagege (1981:37), Kroeber (1988:fn 22 and 23; 1989:111) for previousdiscussions of this alternation in Mainland Comox. See Chapter 2, section 2.1 for further discussion. Althoughmuch of the data for this study are from my own field notes, which provide the basis for the Appendix to thisthesis, additional data and descriptions are drawn from the authors mentioned above. Needless to say, anyoversights or errors are my own.4 This is perhaps better classified as "uvularization", since lowering and backing is caused by thepresence of either the uvular consonants or the vowel /a/.5 The status of so-called "marginal segments or phonemes" merits further discussion; however, it isbeyond the scope of the present paper.606 The failure of this segment to appear in word-initial position may be accidental since it does occursyllable-initially within words. This distributional gap is mentioned nonetheless.7 Some examples which contain these "retracted" coronals are not as clear as the examples containingthe retracted '1'. It may be necessary to posit some inherently "retracted" roots along the lines of Remnant(1990). This area of Sliammon phonology requires further study.8 Hagege (1981: 23) attributes the darkening of this lateral to "velarization" whereas it is suggestedhere that it is more appropriately attributed to "uvularization" since it parallels the behaviour of the dental andinterdental fricatives as well as the behaviour of the vowels, which are discussed below.9 M. D. Kinkade (pc) has suggested that these words containing a dark '1' may be borrowed fromKwak'wala. The lateral / L / which is realized as H-, w , y] may be "velarized" as suggested by Hagege. Ifthis were the case, it would explain the allophone { y l in the environment of both / a/ and / e/. The loss ofthe feature [lateral] leaves the the Dorsal node which dominates the feature [hi].10 Intervocalically, PS* 1 may also have become a glottal stop between two low vowels—/a a/. Thisseems to be restricted to several lexical items and warrants further study.11 The following abbreviations for features are used: ant = anterior, atr = advanced tongue root, bk =back, cg = constricted glottis, cons = consonantal, cont = continuant, dist = distributed, hi = high, lat = lateral,lo = low, nas = nasal, rd = round, sg = spread glottis, son = sonorant, str = strident. The articulator nodes willalso be abbreviated as follows: Lab = Labial, Cor = Coronal, Dor = Dorsal, and Phar = Pharyngeal.12 This claim raises the issue of the use of the features [-bk], [-cons], and [-cont]. These are the onlyfeatures which are stated in terms of a negative value for that feature. If features are monovalent and are to beexpressed by either their presence or absence from underlying representations, then these three features may bebetter referred to as [front], [vocalic], and [stop] respectively. I adopt the features [-cons], [-bk] and[-cont] since they are frequently used in the literature.13 See the Symbols used in this thesis.6114 McCarthy (1988) represents uvulars as coarticulated dorsal/pharyngeal segments. There does notseem to be any positive evidence that the uvulars in Sliammon are coarticulated. Shaw (1991a) argues thatuvulars in Nishga are simply specified for pharyngeal, and not for dorsal, since there is no evidence that theypattern with velars.15 This may be evidence that glottal stop is specified as Phar in Sliammon. By the same token, it mayalso be construed as evidence that glottal stop is specified as [lo] in Sliammon, since the vowel [al is bothPhar and [lo].16 I am also assuming that the lax variants of schwa are specified Phar, since in many of the examplesexplored in this thesis, there is an adjacent Phar consonant or vowel in the environment of schwa. An alternativeexplanation appeals to the structural configurations in which schwa occurs. Since schwa occurs in amonomoraic syllable, and shares its mora with the following consonant, this may be an alternative explainationfor the resulting lax variants of this underlying vowel.17 The vowel /a/ in this context, as well as in the parallel cases which follow, is in the precedingsyllable nucleus. It is still unclear whether or not there are limitations on the nature of the interveningconsonant. All consonants, except uvulars and perhaps glottal stop, should be transparent. This is a topic forfuture study.18 There are also a few examples which suggest that the low vowel is realized as such before atautosyllabic [hi][-bk] consonant.19 This environment is documented by Kroeber (1988). [u] from an underlying schwa occurs rarely inmy own data.20 This is analysed as the autosegmental spreading of the Pharyngeal node.21 See the appendix of Abbreviations used in this thesis.22 In the phonetic form the root vowel /a/ is reduced to schwa in post-tonic position.23 Honore Watanabe (pc) suggests that the second vowel is an underlying /a/.6224 Kroeber (1988) suggests that final glottalization of the LS for 'hand' may indicate the stative versusthe nonstative form of this suffix.25 This form is inherently reduplicated.26 If this is CaC- plural reduplication, then it is unclear why the vowel of the reduplicative prefix islong. See Chapter 3 on Vowel Length in Sliammon for further discussion.27 These differences between CVC/CeRC and COC roots have been used as criteria for determiningthe UR of some roots. These are generalizations regarding the behaviour of these root types and are not withoutexception.28 M.D. Kinkade (pc) has suggested that any schwa which occurs before a resonant is most likelyepenthetic, except where the surface schwa can be shown to be an underlying full vowel which has undergonereduction.29 There is positive evidence, from the compensatory lengthening facts discussed in Chapter 3, that asubset of segments in Sliammon does receive weight by position. These include glottal stop and the glottalizedresonants 9 and *, which are moraic in post-vocalic position. The glottalized resonants could be viewed asglottalized vowels and their moraic status could be assigned by the rule of morafication rather than by a languagespecific rule of Weight by Position. The glottal element in some respects seems to determine the presence orabsence of weight by position. Since this is unusual and presumably marked, I claim that all consonants whichfollow full vowels are assigned weight by position, and that it is rather the absence of any other relevantconsonant deletion rules which accounts for these facts. I, therefore, hypothesize that all consonants in codaposition, which follow full vowels, are moraic. As pointed out to me by Patricia A. Shaw, this statementimplies that morafication is syntagmatically sensitive. This will be discussed in It is hypothesized that stress in Sliammon is last cyclic. This analysis is adopted since there doesnot seem to be any phonological evidence of a stress shift which requires that stress rules apply in a cyclicfashion. A complete analysis of stress in Sliammon is beyond the scope of this thesis. The generalizationswhich are made with respect to stress placement are adequate for presentation of the processes in question.6331 There are many examples of excrescent vowels in Sliammon. It is proposed that these vowels are ofa phonetic nature. They are inserted post-lexically and are not phonologically relevant. Therefore, the presence ofexcrescent vowels does not constitute a set of counter-examples to the claim that schwa does not occur in opensyllables within the phonology. These vowels are very brief in duration and are transcribed here as a raisedvowel. They occur as svarabhakti vowels between morphemes: the schwa in the example cited below is a case inpoint. The fact that these schwas are absent from URs is indicated by the morphological composition of manywords. In addition to svarabhakti vowels, echo vowels occur after glottal stop as an exact copy of the precedingvowel, as in [ m d 70. 0mA h ] /mAk-mAX/ 'always calm' (MG 675). See Kuipers's discussion ofecho and svarabhakti vowels in Squamish (1967:31).32 It would seem that the conditions on the licensing of schwa are generally met; however, this iscertainly not without exception. There is interaction between the proper licensing of schwa and syllabification.Syllabification takes precedence over the prosodic licensing of schwa, as discussed in footnote 20 in Chapter 3,for example. The deletion of schwa is prevented if it were to create an unsyllabifiable string of consonants.33 Stating the definition of "base" in terms of a single bimoraic syllable creates problems in the caseof CVCV roots, since CVCV roots are bimoraic and bisyllabic. The portion which clearly functions as the basefor morphological operations is the first CVC sequence of any root, regardless of the structure of the root - be itCVC, CGCC, or CVCV. It should also be noted that the prosodically circumscribed base for (weak) C8C rootsis a monomoraic maximal syllable - a COC sequence.34 In Sliammon it is still unclear whether or not sonorants which are glottalized (i.e. [constrictedglottis]) occupy the same position on the sonority scale as do their nonglottalized counterparts. This remains atopic for further study.35 I have adapted these transcriptions from Beaumont's (1985:3-13) pedagogical grammar which arewritten in the standard orthography adopted by the Sechelt people. The Sechelt orthographic versions appear herein angle brackets.6436 In the related forms given in the appendix, the vowel quality which was recorded was closer to an[o].37 The nominalizer s- should not be confused with the proclitic s- which marks a subordinate clause.For an interesting discussion of these clitics, see Davis (1978:239). I will adopt Davis' claim that the s- whichmarks a subordinate clause is, in fact, a clitic, and therefore does not present a problem for the present analysisof permissible syllable onsets within the domain of the lexical phonology. Cases of true counterexamples aredocumented for some place names. The following forms show that the s- nominalizer was used in Sliammon,at some time in the past. I have included all the examples cited by Davis. I assume that examples (a, c) are casesof a frozen s- nominalizer, and that (b) exemplifies the subordinate clause marker, since [p A q] most likelyfunctions as the predicate.a. Espasta'anoil^`the United States side of the border' (JD 1970:91).b.[pAci se)iin]^'weasel' (JD 1970:16)c. [seinl^`bothersome, noisy' (JD 1971)38 Although there are no vowel-initial words recorded, there do seem to be two examples of word-internal vowel-initial syllables:[el.aLis]^'five' (MG 115)Et(Lumajial `Westerly (wind)' (MG 386)The second example is clearly heard as a single vowel followed by a rearticulation of the same vowel.This suggests the possible existence of word-internal vowel-initial syllables. These forms are rare and willtherefore be treated at the present time as exceptions rather than the rule. The morphological composition ofthese forms remains uncertain.6539 The loss of the transitive — t before the first person subject marker does not trigger compensatorylengthening since the consonant is nonmoraic in the environment after schwa. Thus, this provides positiveevidence that structurally, schwa and the following consonant constitute a monomoraic syllable.40 While the examples in (34) have been explained, the following forms still require clarification:a. [Mc 7 MU qw+kw bh^/ ?/^ 'an accident' (MG 347)b. [kwii/kwpith ]^/ ?/^ 'hills (p1)' (MG 230)b'. [kwUpIth ] 'hill' (MG 229)c. risXmstanl^/Xam - s - tan/^`house(MG 233)root - ? - LS 'enclosure'd. [ n(w 6in]^/?3y-^- xW an/^'I like it'(MG 379)root 'good' - Tr - ? lsg Sb indepThe morphological structure of (a) and (b) is still unclear. The form for 'hills' seems to be irregular,judging from the singular in (b'). The form in (d) seems to use the independent first person affix (see Davis1978:227), which may be adjoined in the syntactic component, and would therefore not present a problem forissues regarding the phonological syllable structure. The examples in (34) and the ones listed in (36) provide anexhaustive set of those phonetic forms in the Appendix which have word-internal surface clusters containingthree consonants.41 Notice that the restriction on word-internal codas is in fact a subset of the restriction on word-finalcodas. Since extrametricality is a word domain phenomenon, we would never expect the number of permissibleword-internal coda consonants to outnumber the number of word-final coda consonants.42 There is a sonority reversal in the final clusters in examples (37a, 37b) — t Xw , — C Xw6643 It should be noted that traditionally extrametrical consonants have been limited to one. Inkelas(1989) however, allows for the existence of more than one extrametrical consonant, though she does notdocument any cases of this.44 See Chapter 2 section 2.4.3 which provides some indication that this hypothesis needs refinement.The examples cited in Chapter 2 suggest that a maximum of one consonant at the right-hand edge of the worddomain is extrametrical.67CHAPTER 22.0 IntroductionIn this chapter, I discuss the process of Glide/Obstruent Alternation as exemplified bythe data in (1). This is treated as a single process in which the "obstruents" [j , g] alternate withtheir corresponding glides [y, w] respectively. It is argued that the obstruents occur in syllable"onset" position and their glide counterparts occur in syllable "rhyme" position. In moraictheory, this must be restated since the internal structure of the syllable within the theory doesnot include either an "onset" or a "rhyme" constituent. It is assumed that "onset" consonantsare adjoined directly to the syllable node and are by principles of prosodization "nonmoraic."Further, in the absence of syllables with enriched internal structure, the notion of "rhyme-internal" segment can be reformulated as "segment dominated by .t" (following the assumptionmade by Hayes (1989:299), which he attributes to Donca Steriade (pc)). The rule ofGlide/Obstruent Alternation can be reformulated as well. The consonants [j, g] are nonmoraic.Their glide counterparts [y, w] are moraic. It is argued that the loss of the feature [-continuant]occurs when any [sonorant] [high] segment is dominated by a mora. Consider the followingdata in which a capital Y is used to indicate yruj and a capital W is used to indicate W ^Jg inunderlying representations. The surface segments in question are highlighted.(1)a.^Neuthia'.^[jUyOotes]/Yoe - at/root - CTr/Yo-Yoe -at-as/CV - root - CTr - 3Sb`to push' (MG 406) 1`pushing it' (MG 408)b.^[0g6+]2^ `shiny' (MG 250)rootb'.^ig5W+i^/Wa-Wai-/^`shiny (pl)'(MG 251)CV - root66c. [xwcijim] /xwaY -am/root - intr`war club' (MG 245)c'. [xweyxwajim] /xW aY-xwaY-am/ `war clubs' (MG 246)CeC - root - intrd. [qew] /qeW/ `Deer; mythical name'(truncated) root (JD 1970:13)3d'. [qesgae] /qeWae/root`deer' (JD 1970:viii)e. [xwaXay] /xwaX-aY/root - ?`mountain goat'(MG 497)e'. [Xw6Xajukwh th ] /):(N@i( -- aY - Okw-t/root - ? - LS skin4 - ?`mountain goat blanket'(MG 252)The data in (1) show the obstruents [n and [g] occurring in word-initial position in(la, la') and (lb, lb'), and intervocalically in (1c, lc', le', and ld'). On the other hand, thecorresponding glides [y] and [w] which alternate with these segments occur either word-finally as in (le) and (id) or before another consonant as in (la', lc', and lb'). Theconsonants [big] occur in syllable-initial position and their respective glides [y, w] occur insyllable-final position. In (lb'), the glide [w] is not in final position. This means that the rulestatement requires some refinement, such that the feature [-continuant] is lost in moraicposition, regardless of whether the target is in nuclear, post-nuclear, or in syllable-finalposition.In this chapter, the first objective is to characterize this alternation process within theframework of underspecification theory. 5 The alternation in question is viewed as "featuralincompatibility". The simultaneous presence of the features [sonorant] and [-continuant] inmoraic position requires resolution. Although in most cases, it is the feature [-continuant]69which is lost, it is also argued that the feature [sonorant] may be subject to deletion inSliammon. This suggests that the feature [sonorant] is not an integral part of the root node, asMcCarthy (1988) suggests, but rather that [sonorant] is dependent upon the root node, since itis accessible for delinkingThe second objective is to emphasize the central role of the prosodic category of "mora"as the appropriate domain governing this alternation in Sliammon.The remainder of the chapter is organized in the following way. Section 2.1 deals withprevious analyses of this alternation. Two alternative approaches are considered: (1) GlideFormation and (2) Obstruent Formation. The difficulties of both segmental solutions arepresented. Section 2.2 formalizes the rule of Glide/Obstruent Alternation within the context ofunderspecification theory. Emphasis is placed on determining the appropriate autosegmentalrepresentations for the segments in question. Section 2.3 deals with morafication andsyllabification of the examples in (1). It is shown that Glide/Obstruent Alternation is a rulewhich is sensitive to the prosodic organization and moraic content of the syllable. Section 2.4extends the proposed analysis to include a number of related rules, as well as othermanifestations of the same rule.2.1.0 Previous AnalysesPrevious analyses of the alternation in (1) have relied on a unidirectional segmentalsolution of these facts. Either underlying /) , g/ become [y, w 11 in syllable-final position orunderlying / y , w / become [j, g l in syllable-initial position. Unfortunately, there areproblems with both analyses. These inherent problems have led ultimately to the conclusionthat there are difficulties with the segmental approach in general. It is desirable to discuss theseprevious analyses before considering the solution which is proposed in Sections 2.2 and 2.3 inorder to place the present proposal in context.702.1.1 Glide FormationThe first segmental solution, which will be referred to as the Glide Formation Analysis,assumes that the underlying obstruents become their glide counterparts in syllable-finalposition. This particular approach is the one adopted by Davis (1970) and outlined below. Theobstruent/glide alternation is treated by Davis (1970:34-35) as a process of phonemicneutralization. He postulates both underlying glides / y / and / W / as well as underlyingvoiced obstruents / j / and / g/ in Sliammon. He claims that "whenever an underlying / j / or/ g / falls at the end of a word or before another nonsyllabic, it becomes the correspondingglide" (1970:35). Davis gives an SPE type rule which states that " before or after a stop orword finally the voiced stops / j , g/ become homorganic glides" (1970:60). Davis does notstate this rule in terms of the prosodic categories governing the alternation, namely, mora andsyllable.There are several problems with a Glide Formation approach. First, positing underlyingvoiced obstruents in Sliammon creates an asymmetrical phonemic inventory in which / j, g/are the only voiced obstruents in the language. Secondly, the segments / j , g/ behavephonologically as though they were resonants. For example, / j , g/ and the resonants/y, w, m / 6 are subject to the same process of diminutive glottalization as illustrated in thedata in (2) where the diminutive form is given first, followed by the corresponding singularand plural forms. To characterize /y, w, m, j , g/ as a natural class of targets for thisprocess would be unmotivated under the assumption that / j, g/ are "voiced" obstruents. Thediminutives contain a glottalized resonant ([9, M, w ]), whereas each of the correspondingsingular and plural forms contain the plain non-glottalized counterpart ([y, m, w]). 7 Thesegments in question appear in boldface. The glottalization of [j, g] is discussed in [M-Xxwajd^/ice-X@xw-ay-7/^`small chum salmon'Ce dim - root - ? - dim gl^(MG 533)a'. [ .Xwêxw ay]^nsa>(w-ay/^`chum salmon'-0c6xway]^root - ? (MG 6, 184)a". [X6>(wXaxway]^/Xe>(w-Xa-ay/CaC pl - root - ?b. [XXXxi\j/]^/Xa-Xax-ay--7/CV dim - root - LS - dim gl`person'b'. Usci.xXaxnyl^/Xax-Xax-ay/CVC pl - root - LS 'person'c. {ecie.9 terili^/(ra-irat-em- 9/CV dim - root - ?- dim glc'. [eci>tam]^/(-1'wa-am/root - ?d. [>(6xclitin]^/xe-xaW--7-en/Ce - root - gl - LS 'foot, leg'd'. [>ociw%n]^/xaW--en/root - LS 'foot, leg'`lots of chum salmon'(MG 185, 532)`old person' (MG 231) 8`old people' (MG 232)`small river, creek'(MG 225)`river' (MG 223)`small bone'(MG 599)9`bone'(MG 218)The Glide Formation analysis must be extended further as shown by the related datapresented in section 2.4.4. Since the glottalized obstruents Ej', gl also alternate with theircorresponding glottalized glides [, \Ai ], it would be necessary in a Glide Formation approachto posit underlying /j', g'/ in order to maintain a consistent and unified analysis of these factswithin a segmental framework. Once the glottalized counterparts are posited in underlyingrepresentation, they are the only glottalized obstruents which behave as though they wereglottalized resonants. This is not only misleading but misses a significant generalization.2.1.2 Obstruent FormationIn the second segmental solution, which will be referred to as Obstruent FormationAnalysis, the glides /y, w/ become their corresponding obstruents [ j, g I in syllable-initialposition. This Obstruent Formation approach is best exemplified by Harris's (1981) analysis ofIsland Comox, but can be easily extended to an analysis for Sliammon. Harris's(1981:152-229) analysis for the related dialect of Island Comox parallels the historicaldevelopments proposed by Swadesh (1952). Harris claims that j and g contrast only on thesurface with y and w respectively.He maintains that "restructuring has taken place in Comox" 10 (1981:154) and that allinstances of surface [j and [g] are now underlying / y / and / w / . Harris (1981:223)therefore opts for an analysis in which the glides / y/ and / w / become their correspondingobstruents in prevocalic (syllable-initial) position. The problem with this type of analysis is thatit cannot account for a large number of instances of syllable-initial [y Ps and [ w l's which donot undergo the Glide/Obstruent Alternation. Harris's proposal is that these instances ofsurface [y] and [ w l are /1/ in underlying representations. This scenario can be extended toSliammon. The Sliammon forms in (3) include several examples of syllable-initial [y] and [wwhich do not undergo Glide/Obstruent Alternation. These instances of [y] and [w] inSliammon (S1) come from Proto-Salish *1 as can be seen by the retention of [1] in the cognateSechelt (Se) forms. The underlying representations for Sliammon in (3) are those which wouldbe proposed by an advocate of the Obstruent Formation Analysis. This approach implies anabstract analysis whereby these instances of [y] and [ w which do not alternate with theircorresponding obstruents are in fact underlying /1/ in the synchronic grammar. These lateralsare abbreviated here as /L/.73(3)a.^[e(S.7omla'.^[06weaqvum]a".^[qX1orn] 13b.^[qwdyegan]b'.^[qw(llewan]c.^b<c/i7ji slc'.^[x6xo.7jeyslc".^[xnyals]d.^[y6e6"6><w]d'.^[1.6ea"1/qaL'om/11/qew-qaL'om/ 12/q6lom/<kelurn>/qwaL-eWan/root - LS 'sentiments'/qwal-ewan/root - LS (inside) 'body'<kwaliwan>/xaY'-aLs/root - LS 'rock'/xe -xaY'-aL(a)s/CV- root - LS 'rock'/›(ay-als/<xeyals>/Lee-axw/root - Tr - 2sg Sb/lae- a /< lech 'ash>`eye' Si (MG 258)`eyes' Si (MG 259)`eye' Se (RB 1985:273)`I'll think about it' Si (MG 363)`heart, feelings' Se (RB 1985:33)`rock' S1 (MG 381)`small rock' S1 (MG 383)`rock, stone' Se (RB 1985:74)`you fill it up' S1 (MG 370)`fill (Tr) Se (RB 1985:274)74Unfortunately, an Obstruent Formation analysis along these lines implies a necessarycounter-feeding ordering relation. The rule which changes the glides / y, w/ into obstruents[ j , g] must precede the rule which changes the lateral / L / into its allophones [y] and [wThis prevents the glides which are derived from an underlying lateral from undergoing the rulewhich changes glides into their corresponding obstruents. Harris (1981) does discussproblems with this abstract analysis. He states that if we accept Kiparsky's AlternationCondition, then we are forced to leave the non-alternating cases of [y] and [ w ] as exceptionsto the rule which creates obstruents, since there are no observed cases of [1] alternating with[w ] or [y] in the synchronic grammar of Island Comox.Harris also points out that a [ w ] which come from Proto Salish (PS)*1 does notfunction like a high consonant, whereas a [W ] which alternates with [g] does. He cites thefollowing Island Comox and Pentlatch examples in order to exemplify the first claim:(4)[wowom gYA]^'sing'^ICx (Harris 1981:161) 14[16:10m]^'sing' Pt (Harris 1981:161) 15Harris states that one would expect a high rounded vowel [u] in the first syllable between thetwo [W ]' s in an Island Comox form like [wow om ] . However this [w] in Island Comoxcorresponds to an [11 in Pentlatch [16:10M] and is therefore to be attributed to Proto-Salish* 1.In Harris' abstract analysis the [w 1' s in [wowom gYn] would come from /1/ ' s in thesynchronic grammar. As Harris concludes, it would seem that there are two kinds of [ w ] in thesynchronic grammar with two different types of influence. 16 Harris argues against a Glideformation analysis like that of Davis (1970) on the basis that his own proposal is able toregularize the reduplicated plural as well as preserve the symmetry of the underlyingconsonantal inventory. Such an approach would also explain the resonant-like behaviour of thesegments [j, g], since within the context of such an analysis, the underlying segments are theresonants /y/ and /W /. Harris also claims that this solution accounts for the absence ofheight assimilation of the adjacent vowels.752.2.0 Proposed AnalysisThe analysis proposed in Sections 2.2 and 2.3 is able to avoid the problems associatedwith the previous segmental analyses while capturing certain desirable aspects of bothproposals. The failure of earlier segmental approaches to provide an adequate solution to thenoted alternation is ultimately symptomatic of the theoretical framework which was adopted.The underlying representations proposed in this thesis differ significantly from those positedby Davis (1970) and Harris (1981). Within the framework presented in this thesis phonologicalrepresentations are not fully specified in UR. It is assumed that representations areunderspecified and hierarchically organized instead, as suggested by Archangeli andPulleyblank (1986, 1987), Archangeli (1988), McCarthy (1988). These representations are inturn dominated by suprasegmental categories of mora and syllable which are assigned by thealgorithms discussed in Chapter 1 (also see Hayes (1989), and McCarthy & Prince (1990)).Within a 'principles and parameters' model of phonology, analyses ideally follow as aprincipled and direct consequence of the correct underlying representations (McCarthy 1988).The intention in this section is to show that by adopting the proposed underlyingrepresentations which are underspecified, it is possible to avoid many of the problemsassociated with the previous segmental solutions while insightfully characterizing the processin question.Hayes (1989) claims that the notion of syllable rhyme is correctly interpreted as anysegment which is dominated by a mora. Hayes (1989) also claims that the notion of syllableonset is interpreted as any nonmoraic segment. This is basically the position which is adoptedin this thesis. Since the syllable internal constituents onset and rhyme are unavailable, the ruleof Glide/Obstruent Alternation in Sliammon is stated in terms of the moraic or nonmoraicaffiliation of the segment in question. It is proposed that the correct underlying representationfor the segment which alternates between y-j is the representation given in (5) below. Thesegment is symbolized as /Y /in UR.76(5) /Y/PNDor[hi] [-bk]/Y / becomes [j] in nonmoraic (syllable onset) position, without any alteration of theabove representation. It is clear that /Y / is necessarily marked [sonorant] since it functionswith the class of resonants as discussed in 2.1.1. Delinking of the feature[-continuant] in moraic (syllable rhyme) position causes /Y/ to become [y]. In the nucleus of asyllable / Y / becomes [i ]. This alternation implies the delinking of the feature[-continuant] as well as assuming that syllabification identifies this segment as the head of thesyllable. Finally, in certain contexts (discussed in section 2.4.6) /Y/ also becomes [awhich is construed as the loss of the feature [sonorant] instead of the loss of the feature[-continuant]. Thus, the rule of Glide/Obstruent Alternation deletes the feature [-continuant]from any [sonorant] [high] segment which is dominated by a mora ([).The proposed representation for the underlying segment which manifests itself as thew (ug alternation is illustrated in (6). This underlying segment is abbreviated as / W/(6)RNPNLab Dor[rd]^[hi]77/ W/ becomes [g] in nonmoraic position with the loss of the Labial node. When theLabial node is deleted, all melodic materiall 7 which is immediately dominated by that node isalso erased. The underlying segment / W/ becomes [W in moraic position with the delinkingof the feature [-continuant]. In the nucleus of a syllable / W / becomes [u]. This alternationimplies the delinking of the feature [-continuant] as well as identification of this segment as thehead of the syllable. Again, this alternation is parallel to the case discussed in relation to (5) inwhich [-continuant] is delinked from any [sonorant] [high] segment which occurs in a positiondominated by t.As discussed in section 2.4.3, / W/ becomes [xw ] word-finally. This is construed asthe loss of the feature [-continuant] in moraic position. In addition, it is also construed as theloss of the feature [sonorant] in word-final position. The feature [sonorant] must be present inunderlying representation since / W / and / Y / function with the class of resonants in theprocess of resonant glottalization. The single feature which identifies these segments as anatural class is [sonorant]. The target for the rule of Glide/Obstruent Alternation is alwaysmarked [sonorant] [high]. The Glide/Obstruent Alternation is viewed as a conflict 18 broughtabout by the presence of both the features [sonorant] and [-continuant] in moraic position. Therule which deletes [-continuant] in moraic position resolves this conflict. 19The glides [y, w] which appear in syllable onset position and do not alternate withcorresponding obstruents, have the following underlying representations. They are /y/ and/ w / respectively in underlying representation.78(7) /y/RN.../"..[son]PNDi[-bk] [hi](8) /w/RN./-[son]PN./Lab^DorI I[rd]^[hi]These segments are not specified for [-continuant]. The instances of [y, w] which arederived from / Y, W/ above and alternate with [j, g] end up having the same representation asthose glides which do not alternate. There is some indication that the segments in (7) and (8) donot always behave as though they were [high] with respect to the colouration of adjacentvowels. This suggests that the correct representations for these segments may lack the feature[high]. If so, these segments continue to remain distinct from / e, o/ since the vowels are[-consonantal] and the glides have no overt consonantal specification. These alternativerepresentations are those in (9) and (10) respectively.79(9) /y/[son](10) / w /RN[son]PNLab[rld]This means that the same surface segment may have several representations, onerepresentation more or less specified than the other. The rule of Glide/Obstruent Formation isformalized in (11); this is interpreted as a unified process.Delink: [-cont]Target: [son] [hi]Trigger: when the target is dominated by IA (a mora).In addition, this rule is subject to constraints on geminate inalterability as shown in section2.4.6. In the event that the feature [-cont] is shared by the target and an adjacent consonant,creating a partial geminate, then the feature [sonorant] is delinked instead, bringing about an80PNDor[-bk]alternative resolution to the simultaneous presence of both [sonorant] and [-continuant] inmoraic position. This alternative resolution is formalized in (12):(12)Delink: [son]Target: [-cont][hi]Trigger: when the target is dominated byiff: [-cont] is in a feature sharing relationship with an adjacent CThe following section addresses the prosodic organization of the syllable with respect to thealternation in question.2.3.0 Glide/Obstruent Alternation and SyllabificationThe phonological rule governing the distribution of glides and obstruents can be shownto be subject to higher prosodic organization. In fact, the purpose of this section is to show thatGlide/Obstruent Alternation is specifically sensitive to moraic structure within the syllable.Drawing on the introduction to syllabification and morafication in Sliammon developed inChapter 1, syllabification of the forms in (13) substantiates the claim that this process issyllable sensitive. The examples in (13) are the same as those in (1).(13)a.^NeUthi^/Yoe - at/^`to push' (MG 406)root - CTrMorafication^Syllabification^Output0^0 01-1^± A,^Al 41^4^II1^i I^1\Y o e^a t^Y o e a t^J u Ou th81In this example the underlying segment /Y/ is realized as [j l in nonmoraic position. The onsetsegment { j l is adjoined directly to the syllable node (a) and is by definition nonmoraic.(13)a'.^[j6yOotesl^/Yo - Yoe - at - es/^'pushing it' (MG 408)20CV - root - CTr - 3SbMorafication^Syllabification^Vowel delinking21Gaaa^a^aaa+^+11^fit^/1„ Ili At^„ ^ , 1\Yo Yoe at as Yo Yo Oa tas^Yo Y o e a LesParasitic delinking^Resyllabification^Outputa a a a^6^a a a/111 71t111 111 /^/1^All 11 11I^I^T\^I I ^I\ I^I^I\Y o Y^ea ta s^YoY ea ta s^juy^otasIn this example the underlying segment / Y / is realized as [ j l in the nonmoraic (syllable onset)position, whereas the same underlying segment is realized as [y] in moraic position.(13)b.^[001-1^ 'shiny' (MG 250)rootMorafication^Syllabification^Output22We1-1^ 11^ 11 + W d\+ g a +82Here the underlying segment / W/ is realized as fig] in nonmoraic position.(13)b'.^[g6w+]^/Wa-Wa+/^'shiny (pl)'(MG 251)CV - rootMorafication^Syllabification^Vowel loss0^ GG G GI1-1 +^Ai^A /I^A A^, ,^N I^4W a^W a + W e W a 1- W e W \e -1-Parasitic delinking^Resyllabification^Output23GA A^11 11r\ /4 4./\^N,W a W +^We W a W +^g a w +Here the segment / W/ becomes [g] in nonmoraic position and [w] in moraic position.(13)c.^[xwO.jimi^/›(waY-am/^`war club' (MG 245)root - intrMorafication^Syllabification^Output0 0^0 0A + 11 Al AiI^I^/ III AIw / jxw a Y a m xw a Yam ^>( a  INHere the segment / Y / becomes [j] in nonmoraic (syllable-initial) position.83(13)c'. [xw eyajim]^/xwaY-xwaY-am/CVC24 - root - intrMorafication^Syllabification`war clubs' (MG 246)Output840^ 0^0 0^0^0 01-1 /I + u+ 11^g ji A „L^AN" A 1,1w ,^w,^, w , , w t^N w;1 w i , INxaY xaY am^x aYxa Yam^xeyxajimIn (13c') the segment /Y/ becomes [j] in nonmoraic position and [y] in moraic position. Thesegment [y] only becomes [i ] when it occurs in syllable head position as discussed in section2.4.2. The head of the syllable is defined as the leftmost moraic segment within the syllable.(13)d.^[clew]^/qeW/^'Deer; mythical name' (JD 1970:13)(truncated) rootMorafication^Syllabification^Outputa11 111^/I 1-1^/INII^II / I^Iq e W q e W^q e wHere the underlying segment / W/ becomes [w] in moraic position.(13)d'. [qegae]^/qeW,9e/^`deer' (JD 1970:viii)rootMorafication^Syllabification^Outputli^1-1I Iq e We 0In (13d') the underlying segment / W/ becomes [g] in nonmoraic position.(13)e.^[x'6Xay]^/xwaX - aY/^'mountain goat'(MG 497)root - ?Morafication^Syllabification^Output11^+ 1-13,^I^Ixw a A a Yi‘,„^,^Ix- a a YHere the segment /Y/ becomes [y] in moraic position.e'.^[xwAajukwh th ]^/ xwaX - aY - okw - t/^'mountain goat blanket'root - ? - LS skin, - ?^(MG 252)blanket, coveringMorafication^Syllabification^Output85G+^11^11 A A 11 )I^I ^I^I^, I^I^lw^I^xw aX a Y okw t^xwa Y o k- (t)j/N1 (u)I,^I^I^11_,xwa ju kw t"This last example shows / Y / becoming ] in nonmoraic position.As can be seen from these syllabified examples in (13), the rule which determines thedistribution of [j, g] and their corresponding glide counterparts [y, w] is consistentlygoverned by the moraic/nonmoraic status of the segments in question.2.4.0 Related dataIn addition to the alternations exemplified by the data in (1) 25 , further data whichclearly relate to Glide/Obstruent Alternation are now incorporated into the discussion. Thesealternations need to be discussed in order to characterize Glide/Obstruent Alternation: y-j andw g. The goal of this section is to provide a unified analysis of the related forms.2.4.1 Glide/Vowel AlternationAs can be seen in (14) the glides y and W also alternate with i and u. The height ofthese resulting vowels is in turn affected by the adjacent consonants. As noted in Chapter 1,high consonants cause the nonlow vowels / e, o/ to be realized as [1, u], whereas uvularscause the nonlow vowels to be realized as [6-/e',^In the default case the nonlowvowels are most often realized as [e, o]. The following data illustrate this alternation betweenglides and vowels.(14) y-i/e and w-u/oa. [64yA.] /nya/ 'hand, arm' (MG 288)a'. [6Qeyi] /day-ny.A/ 'hands, arms'(MG 289)CeC - rootb. krejtexl /dwej/ax/ wood'(MG198)b'. [d'wedwej/ex] /dwaj/-dwe9ax/ 'wood pi' (MG199)CeC - rootc. [OgOawth ] `oae(MG 334)c'. [007owih ] 'oar' (MG 243)8687d.^Eqciwe 1^/qaWe /^`potato'(MG 420)d'.^Eq6qawe ]^/qaW-qaWe /^`potatoes'(MG 421)CaC - rootThe glide in the examples in (14 a, b, c, d) alternates with the corresponding vowel in each ofthe examples in (14 a', b', c', d'). The vowel in the x' examples is the result of autosegmentalspreading of the glide in a schwa/glide sequence. The resulting vowel is subsequently colouredby the adjacent consonants. The derivation in (15) exemplifies this process.(15) [nnyil^/say-nya/^`hands, arms'(MG 289)a. Output of Morafication & SyllabificationAl^/111^11ay Ny ay ab. Autosegmental spread of features from y to schwa.1^1RN^RN^s a v aZ s '. \[-cons]^' .^[son].PNDior[-bk] [hi]c. Output[nnyil2.4.2 Obstruent/Vowel AlternationNot only do [y] and [W] alternate with [1] and [U] as in (14), but [j] from /Y/ and[g] from / W/ also alternate with [ i , e] and [u,o] respectively as illustrated in (16).(16) ) 'i/e and g—u/oa.^[00)0]^/WeYa/roota'.^[ ( 0 ) g3:gijch ]^/WeY-WeYa/CVC - rootb.^[gOeth]^/Wa$v-t/root - CTrb'.^[g6:(reth ]^/We-W3e-t/CV - root - CTr`soil/ground' (MG 341)`lots of soil' (MG 342)`drag it a little'(MG 465)`dragging it' (MG 464)The examples in (16a', b') show the loss of the feature [-continuant] in moraic position withsubsequent feature sharing on the part of the vowel and following glide. Example (16b') isderived in a fashion similar to the progressive examples that will be discussed in 3.1.3. Thederivation of (16a') illustrates this process:(16c)[ ( 0 )g3:gijeh l^/WeY - WeYa/^'lots of soil' (MG 342)CVC - roota. morafication/syllabification of root^b. CVC- pl reduplication^GG^ 0^0^/ I II^, ^ A 11^A^Jii^Ia I e ^1^IW e Y W ^Y W e Y a88011 111W^e^YRN RN[son] I^[-cons]ALab DorI[rd][son]PNDorc. Feature sharing in reduplicative prefix89CT^0A /11^1We Y aNot only do the vowel and glide share a number of features, but also the adjacent consonantsare [high]. The prevocalic consonant / W/ and the postvocalic consonant /Y/ share the feature[high]. The value for [high] is also shared with the intervening vowel.2.4.3 Noncontrol Transitive and Causative SuffixesThe Noncontrol Transitive (NTr) and Causative (caus) suffixes both illustrate thealternation [ u ^, e g — exw]26 and therefore provide additional evidence for determining thenature of Glide/Obstruent Alternation. In the proposed underlying representations below, thesegment in question is represented by / W/ . This is an extension of the alternation given in (1).(17) [u—ag—ax']a.^kw 4num^/kwan-naW-m/27^`someone sees 3rd person'root - NTr - PMC^(JD 1978:215)a'.^kw 6nagit^Awan-naw-et/^`(that) someone sees 3Obj'root - NTr - PSC 28^ (JD1978:215)90a".^kw6naxw^ean-neW/root - NTrb.^71-1-tenstum^/ 9ei-ten - staW - m/root -caus- 1 sg Objb'.^1+tanstum^/ 7e1-tan - staw - m/root - caus - PMCb " .^11-t anst ag it^/7ei-ten - stoW - et/root - caus - PSCb"'. 7 .1.1-tensXw^/ el-t an - sta W / 29root - caus`to see 3Obj' (JD1978:215)`to feed me' (JD1978:223)`someone feeds 3Obj'(JD1978:216)`Of) someone feeds 3Obj'(JD1978:216)`to feed 3Obj' (JD 1978:216)In these examples [u] occurs before another consonant (in this case - m); [eig] occursbefore a vowel-initial suffix (such as - et ) and [xW] occurs word-finally.In (17a') the Obligatory Contour Principle (OCP) rules out two identical instances of/ n / which come together as a result of morphological concatenation. The second nasal isdeleted and / W/ becomes the onset of the following syllable. In nonmoraic (onset) position/ W/ is realized as [g].In (17b") the schwa of the causative suffix is assigned a mora since it is the onlyeligible [-cons] segment. With the addition of the passive marker, / W / is spread over tofunction as the obligatory onset to the following syllable 30. This set of alternations is related tothe process of Glide/Obstruent Alternation in question since the alternation between g — u,implies the relationships g — w and W^The high vowels, which alternate directly with theobstruents, are discussed in relation to (15) and (16).This set of alternations also addresses the locus of the feature [sonorant] within thefeature geometry model. McCarthy (1988:97) states that "the two major class features[sonorant] and [consonantal] differ from all other features in one important respect: theyarguably never spread, delink, or exhibit OCP effects independently of all other features." Heclaims that these features are therefore not represented on separate tiers as dependents of theroot node but that they actually constitute the root node. As McCarthy suggests, the root node"becomes a feature bundle itself." Kaisse (1992) presents evidence that [-cons] is not part ofthe root node. It is claimed here, based on the alternation presented in (17), that [sonorant] isalso subject to delinking. This provides an argument based on the criteria of delinking that[sonorant] is not an integral part of the root node. Rather it is proposed that [sonorant] isdependent on the root node, as are the features [cont], [nasal], [lateral], and [-cons]. In thealternation in (17), / W/ becomes [XW ] with the loss of [-continuant] and [sonorant].However, the features [hi] and LAB [rd] remain. The rules which delink [-cont] and [son] areseparate and unordered with respect to one another. The following two-step derivation showsthe alternation between / W/ and [xwi.91(18) /W/ ---> [xWIa. Loss of [-cont] inmoraic position11,1RN1)I1Lab DorI^I[rd]^[hi]b. Loss of [son] in^c. Outputword-final position-->PN^PN/X /\Lab Dor Lab DorId]^[h I I^Ii]^[rd] [h[rd [hi]XRN ]#[son]RN 1#[cons][son][nos][cont]LN (Laryngeal Node)[cg] sg] [voice]As can be seen from the representations in (18) the underlying segment loses both thefeatures [-cont] and [son] in word-final position. The loss of [-cont] is simply the applicationof the rule of Glide/Obstruent Alternation. The feature [-cont] is delinked in moraic position.The loss of the feature [sonorant], on the other hand, is specific to word-final position. Theexistence of this rule provides evidence that [son] is an accessible feature which is dependenton the root node and is crucially not an integral part of that node. This necessitates amodification in the structure of the feature geometric model outlined in McCarthy (1988:105),which argues for a hierarchical model with the internal structure in (19) 31 .(19)Feature GeometryRN V (Root Node)92[lat]PN (Place Node)Labial Coronal Dorsal PharyngealI //\\ /N i[rd] [str][dist] [ant] [hi] [bk] [lo] [atr]The claim that [sonorant] is dependent on the root node predicts that we should find cases inwhich [sonorant] spreads and is subject to the OCP. The Sliammon facts provide evidence that[sonorant] is subject to deletion and functions 32 independently of other autosegmental features.2.4.4 GlottalizationAn analysis of the Glide/Obstruent Alternation also needs to incorporate thealternations: j/ --, 7j and \iv es, 7 g, which are clearly related to the general process in question.93Consider the examples given in (20).(20) jP-. 7 ) and \k — ga.^[siCysajd^/saY'-saY'/33CaC - roota'.^[s6ysa.9jinw]^/saY'-saY'-a-fixes/CaC - root - a - 2sgSbb.^[+dw 21^/1-aW'/- H-ci2u]b'.^[1-0/.2git]^/-1-aW'-et/root - Stvc.^[m6mmaw9]^/me-maW'/Ce - rootc'.^—[m6mma:go°1-] 34^/me - maW' - o+/Ce - root - dim`you're afraid' (MG 414)`are you afraid?' (MG 413)`to leave' (JD1970b:6)`he got away'(JD 1970b:6)`kitten'(JD 1970:43)`kitten' (JD 1970:43)Although Davis (1970:24-27) discusses some problems associated with describingglottal constriction in Sliammon, he does not seem to consider glottalization in relation to therules he proposes of Glide Formation ( / j / —> [y] and /g/-->[w]), although he clearlyrecognizes the correspondence \iV " 2 g , as can be seen from the following set of examples(JD 1978:219).94(21) taw^`ice/to freeze't.62git^`frozen'Davis does not discuss how he would handle the examples given in (21), nor does hemake it clear whether or not ? g is treated as a single unit / g '/ or a sequence of phonemes/ 2+g/. Significantly, he does not include any glottalized resonants in the underlyingphonemic inventory of Sliammon. This is contrary to the proposal made in this thesis, whichclaims that glottalized resonants are distinctive in Sliammon. An analysis of the facts in (20,21) crucially affects an overall analysis of Glide/Obstruent Alternation. The incorporation ofthese facts is emphasized in this discussion. In each of the examples (20a', b', c') theunderlying glottalized [son] [-cont] is restructured so that rj, gl occupy syllable onsetpositions whereas the glottal stricture remains associated with the preceding syllable, sincesyllable-initial glottalized resonants are not licensed. The issue of restructuring of glottalizedresonants is discussed in 3.5.In addition, the sequence glottal stop plus obstruent also alternates with the nonlowvowels as exemplified in (22). The resulting height of the nonlow vowels is determined by thenature of the adjacent consonants.(22)2) —i/e and 2g —u/oa.^[xo'.2jis]^/xaY'es/^'rock' (MG 381)a'.^[)54)5a2jisl^/>(aY'-xaY'es/^'rocks' (MG 382)b.^[+62gai h ]^/+aW'-ei/^'herring' (MG 2)b'.^[1-6:+agICI ] 35^'lots of herring'(MG 338)The alternation seems to be the same as the one discussed in 2.4.2. It is noted in 3.3.1, that theexample for 'lots of hemlock' provides evidence that glottalization on resonants is copied aspart of the reduplicative affix; however, that realization of glottalization is quite restricted.2.4.5 Lateral/glide AlternationThe alternations exemplified in (23) and (24) 36 suggest that the alternation of + with yand W should also be incorporated into the description and analysis of Glide/ObstruentAlternation.(23) -1--ya.^tixwea4^/tex"OaL/^`tongue'(JD 1978:220)roota'.^tixwOays^/texweaL - s/^'his tongue' (JD 1978:220)root - 3Pob.^X /Xam--1-aL/^'wet throat'(JD 1978:220)root - LS 'mouth'b'.^Xaml-ayam^/ Is am - i-aL - m/^'to wet one's throat'root - LS 'mouth' - PMC^(JD 1978:220)(24) wa. m 4c'ui-^/mac'oL/^`pus' (JD 1978:220)roota'.^mkuwam^/ma C'0 Ham/^`pus forming'(JD 1978:220)root - intrb. ni9ui-^ /ne7 - oL/^`he was there'(JD1978:220)root - past95b'.^s ni?uws^/ s ne 7 - oL - s/^`(that) he was there'(JD1978:220)sub root - past - 3PoThe segment / L / becomes a voiceless lateral fricative in word-final position. This issimply the loss of the feature [sonorant] 37. This is another instance of the loss of the feature[sonorant] in word-final position, analogous to the case discussed in 2.4.3 in which / W /becomes [e] in word-final position.The segment / L / becomes [ W i in the environment of a round vowel, implying thespreading of the Lab node, which dominates the feature [rd]. This also seems to trigger thedelinking of the feature [lat], as it would be incompatible with Lab [rd]; labial laterals are notattested.Finally, / L / is realized as [y] elsewhere. The notion of elsewhere suggests thatautosegmental spreading does not occur.38 The default [sonorant] is the dorsal [y]. The feature[lateral] is lost in the case of [y]; this may be viewed generally as the loss of [lateral] in theenvironment of [sonorant]. The loss of the feature [sonorant] in word-final position allows thefeature [lateral] to persist there. These examples are mentioned in as much as they relate to anObstruent Formation analysis along the lines of Harris (1981).The analysis suggested by Harris (1981) requires that the rule of Obstruent Formationand the rule which changes the underlying liquids into glides are ordered with respect to oneanother. They occur in a counter-feeding ordering relation. Crucially, Obstruent Formation hasto take place before the liquid-to-glide rule can apply. Otherwise the glides, which were derivedfrom the liquid / L /, would feed the rule of Obstruent Formation.This is where the analysis I propose differs. Sliammon has surface instances of [y] and[ w i from two different sources. The rule of Glide/Obstruent Alternation targets a segmentwhich is [sonorant][high] and also [-continuant]. The surface segments [y] and [w ] from/Y, W/ are derived by the deletion of [-continuant] in moraic position. The lateral / L / , on theother hand, is unmarked for the feature [-continuant] and therefore simply does not meet thestructural description of this rule. The loss of the feature [lateral] in the case of / L/ gives riseto the glides ty] and [ w 1. The two rules are independent and unrelated from this perspective.96Thus extrinsic ordering of rules (specifically the highly marked counter-feeding order requiredby Harris's analysis) is unnecessary given the present assumptions regarding a model ofunderspecification.2.4.6 Status of the feature SonorantIncluded in a discussion of Glide/Obstruent Alternation are also examples such as thosein (25) which suggest that alternates with j.(25) N ja.^Nyffl^/ny,A/^'arm, hand'(MG 288)roota'.^ftfnyil^/day-ny,A/^'arms, hands (pl)'(MG 289)CaC - roota".^[p cipaqa°1-) eyi l /paq-paci-a+-nya/^'palms (of the hand)'(MG 323)—ipkpaqa+j i y l^CVC - root -CL -hand^lit: white & handb.^[tcita 9 jis]^/ta-taY'-os/^`cheek'(MG 256)CV - root - LS 'face'b'.^[tf ta 9 je 7j is l^/taY-taY'-aY'-os/^'cheeks (pl)'(MG 257)CGC - root - VC - LS 'face'In the forms in (25a), the morpheme for 'hand' illustrates the alternation between[6 and [j]. There does not seem to be any phonetic motivation however, for the alternation inthis position. Why would / become [j l in syllable-initial position, word-medially but notword-initially? The preceding lateral is also non-sonorant, so the preceding environment cannotbe proposed as the cause of a change in sonority. The examples in (25a) remain unexplained.97(25b') suggests the opposite direction of change but, significantly, in a phonologicallyplausible context. It would appear that /Y/ becomes [ 1 in the environment before t. Thisanalysis also assumes that the second consonant of the reduplicative affix is copied as /Y/, butthat the rule which governs the distribution of /Y/ requires some amendments. Normally, inmoraic position one would expect / Y / to become [y]. This essentially means that the rulewhich delinks the feature [-continuant] does not apply in this context; this may be explained bythe presence of the following [-continuant] segment [ t]. If the two segments / Y / and / t /were to share the feature [-continuant], then they would be partial geminates and would besubject to geminate inalterability. When the feature [-continuant] is not an available candidatefor deletion, then the feature [sonorant] is deleted instead, creating the segment [ C ]. This is thealternative resolution to the simultaneous presence of the features [son] [-cont] in moraicposition and is discussed in section 2.2.0 with respect to the formalization of the rulegoverning Glide/Obstruent Alternation. The following partial derivation illustrates thisproposal.^(26) [t Ina 9 j e7jis ]^/taY - taY' - aY' - os/^'cheeks (pl)' (MG 257)CGC - root - VC - LS 'face'a.cy^6^o/1-1 + 11 11 11 u1^/N^N1\^1^It aY^taY'^aYI'98b.PN^PNDor[-bla [hi]The conflict is the presence of both the features [sonorant] and [-continuant] in moraicposition. In this case, it is resolved by the deletion of the feature [sonorant] since [-continuant]is unavailable. 39 This analysis provides strong evidence for Shaw's (1989, 1991) claim thataffricates are specified as [-cont]. This analysis of Glide/Obstruent Alternation has beenextended to account for as many related alternations as possible 4°.2.5.0 ConclusionsIt is concluded that the underlying segments /Y, W/ in the Glide/Obstruent Alterationfunction with the class of resonants due to their overt [sonorant] specification. As resonants,they are subject to resonant glottalization and decomposition. The rule of Glide/ObstruentAlternation deletes the feature [-continuant] from a target [hi][sonorant] segment in moraicposition. The rule effectively resolves this featural incompatability and is clearly sensitive to theprosodic organization of the syllable. In addition, the deletion of the feature [sonorant] inword-final position motivates an amendment to the feature geometry such that [sonorant] isdependent on the root node as an independent autosegmental feature. It is concluded that theanalysis presented here in terms of underspecification and feature geometry, in which theunderlying representations are the focus of the analysis, is preferable to previous segmentalanalyses of the same phenomena.99Notes to Chapter 21 These forms are cited as (MG) for Mrs.Mary George, followed by their original elicitation number.2 The issue of prenasalization is discussed in section The source of these examples is John Davis' (JD) 1970 M.A. Thesis on Sliammon. The abbreviation(JD1970:13) includes the author's initials, the year of the publication, followed by the page reference. All othersource abbreviations utilize the same format.4 This lexical suffix for (animal) 'skin' is also used to mean 'blanket or covering.'5 It will be argued that rule of Glide/Obstruent Alternation requires that feature matrixes contain only asingle value for each feature which can be shown to be operative. Phonological representations are thereforenecessarily underspecified. Further, Sliammon does not provide any positive evidence of the application ofredundancy rules within the phonological component. It is claimed that these representations remainunderspecified throughout the phonological component of the grammar and persist as such into the phoneticcomponent. In other words, I will adopt the position that redundancy rules do not apply within the phonology.This is contrary to alternative conceptions of the grammar in which the redundancy rules interact withphonological rules (cf. Archangeli and Pulleyblank 1986) and is therefore an area of current interest and debate.This is a theoretical issue which deserves further consideration, but is beyond the scope of the present paper.6 The complete class of resonants is not listed here. These include all segments which are specified as[sonorant].7 It is argued that diminutive glottalization is the presence of a floating glottal morpheme which can beassociated to the rightmost resonant within the specified domain. The class of resonants includes all segmentswhich are marked [sonorant]. See the representations established in Chapter 1.1008 This example is included here since it is clearly diminutive in form even though the gloss does notreflect this directly.9 Kroeber (1989:110) claims that C2 C roots take Ce- rather than CO - as their diminutivereduplication. It would seem that the root for 'bone' clearly has a full vowel /a/; however, it also takes Ce-diminutive reduplication. Thus this form constitutes a counterexample to Kroeber's generalization.10 In Harris's (1981) work, the term Comox is used specifically in reference to the Island dialect of thelanguage. It is used generally in the literature in reference to the language itself. In this thesis in order to avoidconfusion, the individual dialects are referred to as Island Comox and Mainland Comox (Sliammon, Klahoose,and Homalco); the language, on the other hand, is referred to here as Comox.11 This could also be /qaUos-m/ judging from the shape of the lexical suffix in Sechelt -alus, as wellas considering related Sliammon forms for 'eyelash'. This underlying representation would imply the existenceof an s-deletion rule, perhaps before a nasal.12 This UR implies a cyclic derivation in which the underlying liquid in the root first becomes a labialglide in the environment of the round vowel. On the next cycle, CO C plural reduplication takes place. Themelody which is copied is qa w . The labial glide, with the feature [rd], colours the schwa in the reduplicativeprefix. Notice as well that the glottalization in this example is not transferred onto the reduplicative prefix.13 I have constructed this phonetic representation using the rules Beaumont presents for pronunciationin section A in the Guide to Pronunciation and Spelling (1985:3-13). The standard orthographic representationsappear in angle brackets directly below the URs which are suggested by Beaumont's work. I have written theunderlying representations so that they conform to those used in this thesis.14 The Sliammon form for 'singing' NA/ (.17 0wwivam] is recorded with a high vowel [u] and doesnot support this claim.15 This is a Pentlatch form Harris cites from Boas but does not give the specific reference cited.10116 Unfortunately, Harris does not consider whether or not the treatment of [w] can be extended to [y]i17 The feature [rd] is necessarily specified on /W/, since it alternates with r Xw J. /W/ also causesrounding on adjacent vowels. This is in contrast to the labials in the system, which are specified as Labial andunspecified for [rd], since they do not exert a rounding influence on the adjacent vowels.18 The nature of this conflict is clarified once we place the features [-continuant] and [sonorant] on asonority scale. These two features occupy extreme positions: [sonorant] located at one end of the scale, and[-continuant] at the other. Once morafication has applied, the simultaneous presence of the features [sonorant]and [-continuant] must be resolved. Since [sonorant] segments occupy moraic positions more readily than[-continuant] segments do, the feature [-continuant] is delinked. Therefore, by appealing to the sonorityhierarchy, we have an explanation for the deletion of the feature [-continuant], and the persistence of the feature[sonorant] in moraic position.19 If this is the case, then why do nasals occur freely in moraic position? This raises the question ofthe appropriate representation of nasals, since nasals occur in moraic (syllable rhyme) position and in somefeature matrixes are both [sonorant] and [-continuant]. Notice, however, that nasals are also specified as [nasal].The presence of the feature [nasal] may be enough to stabilize the relationship between [sonorant] and[-continuant] in Sliammon. In the case where / W / becomes [g], the resulting representation is very similar tothat of a velar nasal in which both the features [sonorant] and [-continuant] are present. The existence of theprenasalized segment Nigl which occurs phonetically in syllable-initial position may be an extension of thisnotion of stabilization. Prenasalization is exemplified by the following forms.[Ogijel^/WeYa/^'ground, soil, earth' (MG 341)rig67owtl^/Wawf./^`oaf(MG 243)[00+1^/Weil^‘shiny'(MG 250)102All of the examples of the prenasalized segment [0g] are cases of root-initial [ g ] in word-initialposition. It is proposed that the addition of the feature [nasal] helps to stabilize the relationship between twocompeting features: [sonorant] and [-continuant]. However, if this notion of stabilization is given as theexplanation for the occurrence of [ IJ gl, then one would also expect prenasalized [il j ]. Since there are noinstances of a prenasalized [j ] in Sliammon, prenasalization of [gl cannot be attributed to the notion ofstabilization. I would like to thank Patricia Shaw for bringing this asymmetry to my attention and forsuggesting that prenasalization must therefore be dependent upon place of articulation. Notice also that the targetfor the rule of Glide/Obstruent Alternation is specified [hi]. Since nasals are not [hi], they are never targetted bythe rule. Therefore, nasals may occur freely in moraic position because they are not specified for the feature [hi].20 Kroeber (1989:109) claims that CVC roots (i.e. roots with a non-schwa vowel) retain their rootvowel when they undergo CV- progressive reduplication. This does not seem to be the case in example (13a')`pushing it,' where the root vowel /0/ seems to delete. It is proposed here that the vowel simply delinks andthat the featural content of this vowel is transferred onto the following schwa. Schwa in this position wouldnormally be deleted; however, the association of the place features of / 0/ in effect prevents deletion. Notice thatthis transfer creates the same appearance as a classical case of metathesis.21 This is referred to as vowel delinking rather than deletion since the melodic content ceases to beassociated with the root vowel; however, it does not seem to be subject to Stray Erasure. It would seem that thefeatural content of this vowel is reassociated to the adjacent vowel schwa which is unspecified for place features.The schwa surfaces as [o] due to the acquired place features and is not subject to deletion. See also note 18.22 The issue regarding the phonetic prenasalization of [g ] ( [0g ]) is discussed in note 19.23 The fact that the output is [e \A/] rather than [U] suggests that the place node of the followingglide has not been spread onto the root node of the preceding schwa.10324 The colouration of the resultant vowel in the reduplicative affix certainly suggests that the vowelwhich is copied and associated is schwa; however, the length of the affix would suggest that a bimoraic syllablehas been affixed rather than a monomoraic syllable. If it is the case that a bimoraic syllable is copied, then thevowel /a/ of the reduplicative affix mw a Y/ has been affected by the following tautosyllabic glide.25 My intent in (1) was to illustrate the process in question, not to provide an exhaustive set of data.26 Note that Thompson (1979:719) notes a similar alternation in Tillamook where x W ^) gW ^, gmay all be from Proto-Salish*W .27 Although the forms in (16) are cited from Davis (1978), the proposed phonemic representations aremy own.28 Davis glosses the suffix -et as the passive of a subordinate clause (PSC). This affix has the samephonological shape as the Stative.29 The deletion of — t 0 — remains unexplained.30 The astute reader will notice that the derivations in (17a') and (17b") leave schwa in a configurationin which it is not properly licensed. This poses a problem with respect to the licensing conditions outlined in1.2.1 since it is claimed that schwa does not occur in an unstressed open syllable. It may be necessary to weakenthis position. It may be preferable that schwa occur in the configurations outlined in Chapter 1, but notnecessary.31 This model also appears in Chapter 1 (5). Ewa Czaykowska-Higgins (pc) has suggested that thereseem to be "strong similarities in the properties of the Sliammon "voiced" obstruents and the properties ofsegments that Piggott (1992) characterizes with the Spontaneous Voicing node." Further, she has pointed outthat "if the Sliammon facts are amenable to an analysis that makes use of a Spontaneous Voicing node, then theargument that [sonorant] is a dependent of the Root Node, because it can be delinked, disappears." I am gratefulto Ewa for this alternative proposal, which requires further consideration. This will be left for future research. Iadopt the position argued for in this thesis, since it makes use of the existing theoretical framework, andsignificantly, it does not require the addition of the Spontaneous Voicing node to the Feature Geometry.10432 The fact that the feature [sonorant] is available for delinking provides an argument for itsautosegmental status. The feature [sonorant] also functions as the target for rules of resonant glottalization inSliammon. This is another example of the role of the feature [sonorant], though not of its being on anindependent tier. I have not been able to find any evidence that [son] actively spreads in Sliammon; however,there is evidence from the data in 2.4.3 that [sonorant] is accessible for delinking.33 There is evidence from forms like { qw6:eo: ?ay] / qw o NA/ - qw o ■A/ - a y / 'lots of hemlock'that glottalization on resonants may be copied as part of the melodic material but that glottalization onresonants cannot be realized within the domain of the reduplicative affix. In the example in (20a') for 'are youafraid?', glottalization is not realized on [ S ] because glottalized [ s '1 is not a licit segment in Sliammon.34 Long [a:] often corresponds to a sequence of [a] plus glottal stop [ ?]. This issue is discussed inChapter 3.35 Full vowel lengthening is difficult to explain in this example since the template for Ca C- 'plreduplication' is a maximal monomoraic syllable. The added length may be linked to the presence ofglottalization. See section 3.4.36 The forms cited in Davis (1978) are phonemic; however, they often appear without a morpheme-by-morpheme gloss. Therefore the underlying representations in the left hand column of (23), and (24) are myown proposed URs and do not appear explicitly in Davis's article. I also propose to re-elicit these examples inorder to obtain [phonetic] forms.37 In Sliammon, the [sonorant] lateral [41 is uvularized. This segment is specified by the presence ofthe pharyngeal node. The remaining laterals in the system are the nonsonorant segments [+, X , X 11. Thefeature [sonorant] is delinked, since Sliammon has no [sonorant] dorsal laterals in surface representations.10538 This approach is suggested because [y] surfaces in the context of both / a/ and / e/. There doesnot seem to be any way simply to spread the Dorsal node without also spreading the features which aredominated by Dorsal—namely, [-bk] in the case of / e/ and [lo] in the case of / a/. This may also suggestthat this lateral is in fact velarizal, as suggested by Hagege. If it were Dor [hi] then this would explain theexistence of the allophone [y] with the loss of the feature lateral. This proposal also makes the followingprediction: the lateral fricative ien, which is derived from /1.4 should function with the class of [hi] segmentswith respect to vowel assimilation.39 There is also some comparative evidence which suggests that [ ] in Saanich (Sa) is cognate with[ ] ] in Sliammon (S1) . Consider the following related forms for 'fish'.a.^[jenxwl^/Yanxw/a'.^OfnjEnxwh ]^/ Yen-Manx"'/C9C- rootb.^[seenaxw]b'.^Enyeneel`fish' (S1) (MG 4)lots of fish' (SI) (MG 524)`fish, salmon' (Sa) (Montler 1986:109)`lots of fish' (Sa) (Montler 1986:109)Saanich shows the reflex in where Sliammon has initial [j]. It is still unclear how these facts can beincorporated into the Glide/Obstruent Analysis since there is still far too little data to draw a convincing set ofconclusions.10640There are, however, some questions which remain with respect to Glide/Obstruent Alternation inSliammon. For example, the following pair seems to be problematic.(i)a.^[at'SyiX]^/ TaYaX/^'scar' (MG 304)a'.^[(ici.eiajlX]^/.1a---ilaYa'is/^'scars' (MG 305)The form in (i.a) seems to be a counterexample to the generalization stated in (1) above. The glide [y] from/ Y / appears in syllable-initial position even though it clearly alternates with the obstruent, as shown by theexample in (i.a'). It should be noted that the two examples show different stress placement (as was pointed outto me by Patricia Shaw). The syllable-initial segment in question appears as the glide [y] in unstressed post-tonic position in (i.a), but / Y / appears as the [sonorant][-continuant] segment [j ] in a position which receivessecondary stress, as in (i.a'). This difference in stress placement may prove to be a promising account of theapparent differences. Forms like those in (ii), however, show that this is not systematic.(ii)a.^[>NjIM]^/xwaYam/^'war club' (MG 245)In light of the evidence from forms like (ii), the form in (i.a) constitutes the sole counterexample to whatotherwise is offered here as an integrated analysis of this process. The issue of secondary stress is mentioned herewith reference to the above example; however, an analysis of Sliammon stress is beyond the scope of this paper.107CHAPTER 33.0 IntroductionThe purpose of this chapter is twofold. First, it is argued that Vowel length inSliammon is not phonemic and that all surface vowel length is predictable.' This is contrary toHagege's (1981) description of Sliammon in which long vowels are claimed to be distinctive.Davis (1971) argues that there is a surface length contrast for the nonlow vowels in Sliammon.According to Davis, this length is derived from schwa-glide sequences which come together asa result of morphological concatenation. Kroeber (1989:107-108) discusses briefly thedifficulty of determining the status of vowel length in Mainland Comox. Kroeber adopts theposition taken by Davis (1971) but does not argue for his position as such. The position whichis adopted here is generally in keeping with the descriptive generalizations of Davis (1971) andKroeber (1989) but diverges significantly from them with respect to the theoretical frameworkwhich is adopted.Secondly, it is claimed that Sliammon is like the seemingly rare cases of Ilokano andAndalusian Spanish which are discussed by Hayes (1989:290). Hayes claims that languages,such as Ilokano and Andalusian Spanish, which lack a vowel length contrast, but do have asyllable weight contrast, are able to "create surface long vowels through a process essentiallyequivalent to Compensatory Lengthening"2 (Hayes 1989:290). It is argued here that Sliammonis another case in point. It will be shown that long vowels in Sliammon are created by thedeletion of a moraic coda consonant with the subsequent lengthening of the preceding vowel,constituting a case of "classical" Compensatory Lengthening 3 in a language which does nothave distinctively long vowels in underlying representation.Further, Sliammon vowel lengthening shows that the earlier approach taken by deChene and Anderson (1979) is untenable. De Chene and Anderson (1979) claim thatcompensatory lengthening appears to be possible only in languages that have an underlyingvowel length contrast. Although this seems to be true of many languages in whichcompensatory lengthening occurs, their approach is unable to account for languages likelogIlokano, Andalusian Spanish, and in this case Sliammon in which vowel length is entirelypredictable.Thus it is claimed that the correct approach seems to be the one argued for by Hayes inwhich compensatory lengthening "is a logical possibility in all languages that have bimoraicsyllables" (Hayes 1989:289). This moraic approach is able to account for the range oflanguages in which compensatory lengthening typically occurs (since long vowels are bydefinition bimoraic) as well as accounting for languages (which allow CVC bimoraic syllables)such as Ilokano, Andalusian Spanish, and Sliammon.These findings further support Hayes's view that "it is the moraic structure of thelanguage, and not its vowel inventory, that determines whether CL may occur" (Hayes1989:290). Further investigation of languages which allow bimoraic syllables may reveal thatthe subset of languages like Ilokano, Andalusian Spanish, and Sliammon may not be asrestricted as is presently assumed. The existence of languages which exhibit compensatorylengthening of this type should not be viewed as rare, marginal or exceptional in any sense;rather their existence is in fact predicted by a moraic account of compensatory lengthening.The remainder of this chapter is organized as follows: Sections 3.1, 3.2 and 3.3 aredevoted to developing the central argument showing that vowel length in Sliammon is notphonemic. Once it is established that vowel length is not phonemic, but is in fact derived, thisanalysis is then extended to other cases of vowel lengthening within the grammar. In section3.1, CV- Progressive Reduplication is explored with respect to this claim. In sections 3.2 and3.3, C€C- and CVC- Plural Reduplication are discussed as further evidence that vowel lengthin Sliammon is derived. There are half-long and long vowels on the surface in Sliammon. It isargued that half-long vowels [V•] are derived from schwa-glide sequences in a monomoraicconfiguration—branching under the level of the mora is interpreted as half-long. Long vowels[V:], on the other hand, are derived from vowel-glide sequences which have bimoraic status.In section 3.4, long vowels are also derived from vowel-glottal stop sequences. The glottal109stop is assigned a mora as a result of the general rules of morafication. The subsequent deletionof this coda consonant creates the environment for Compensatory Lengthening.Not only is an argument against positing underlying vowel length required, but anargument in favour of the prosodic approach adopted here must also be put forth. Thedistribution of glottalization for glottalized resonants discussed in section 3.5 provides acompelling argument in favour of the proposed moraic analysis while also providing anexplanation of the distribution of glottalization for the class of resonants. Section 3.5 alsoaddresses the issue of glottalization as it relates to vowel length. In section 3.6, additionalcases of vocalic and consonantal compensatory lengthening are explored. The examples in 3.7show long vowels used as a rhetorical device in Sliammon. This is a common process in otherSalish languages. The presence of rhetorical/emphatic lengthening in Mainland Comox doesnot provide an independent argument in favour of positing a phonemic length contrast withinthe language; instead, in light of the strong evidence against positing underlying long vowels inSliammon, it seems that rhetorical vowel lengthening should be handled within anothercomponent of the grammar4 and does not bear on the issue of a distinctive length contrast.3.1 Progressive CV - ReduplicationFor CVC roots with a full vowel /e, o, a/, the progressive aspect is formed byreduplicating the initial consonant and the vowel of the base with no reduction of the originalroot vowel. (1.1) to (1.3) contrast progressive forms, given as the (a', b', c') examples, withperfect forms, given as the (a,b,c) examples.1103.1.1 CV- Reduplication of Strong Roots(1.1) /C 1eC2/ Rootsa. [ijeoiyig,3h] /15K-ay-ec'a/root - ex5 - LS 'clothes'`wash clothes'(MG 438)a'. [15415ec'ayic'ah] /lae-15ec'-ay-ec'e/ `washing clothes'(MG 439)CV- root - ex - LS 'clothes'b. [96.Nay] /7elay/ `barbecue deer meat'(MG 478)W. [ 7 6 7 83ay] /7e-9e1(!lay/ `barbecuing deer meat'(MG 478)CV - root ?6c. [76rn.a - ] /7em8/root`(to) walk' (MG 212)c'. [767srns -gi] /?e-9em-aW8/ `people walking' (MG 213)CV - root - ?111(1.2) /CioC2/ Rootsa.^[j6euth]a'.^[jUjueotas]b.^[s6i5am]b'.^[s6s015ern]/Yoe-at/root - CTr/Yo-Yoe-at-as/CV - root - CTr - 3 Sb/sop-am/root - intr7/so-sop-am/CV- root - intr`(to) push'(MG 406)`He/she/they is/are pushing it'(MG 409)`(to) chop (wood)'(MG 552)`chopping'(MG 553)c.^[gw(ixwurn]c'.^[gw6gw uxwUrn](1.3) /CiaC2/ Rootsa.^re6gennehla'.^[eeeeg e naeh ]b.^[h6.yi-Ari-I]b'.^[ho'.hayi-nril]c.^[9ci.ju'a rii paw-1-]c ' .^[96. 7ajuariipawi-]/Woxw-em/root - intr/Wo-Woxw -em/CV - root - intr/eaW-naq/root - ?aa-eaW-naq/CV - root - ?/hay-1--am-7/root - st ex- intr - gl/ha-hay—I—am-7/CV - root - st ex - intr - gl/9aYA-9,9m-t-awl-/root - ? - CTr - recip`bark (of a dog)'(JD1970:88)`barking'(JD 1970:88)`(to) help' (MG 356)`helping'(MG 358)`(to) flirt'(MG 623)`flirting'(MG 624)`exchange gifts' (MG471)112/7a-9aYo-?am-t-aw°1-/ 'exchanging gifts'CV - root - ? - CTr - recip (MG472)As can be observed from the progressive examples in (a',b',c'), the second consonantof the root is never copied. Formally, initial CV-Progressive reduplication can be viewed as theprefixation of a minimal monomoraic syllable8 to the base. The entire root is copied but onlythe first consonant and vowel are associated to the template since a minimal monomoraicsyllable is maximally CV. The use of the minimal parameter ensures that only the firstconsonant and vowel of the base are associated to the template in order to achieve templatesatisfaction. This is adopted primarily to account for the behaviour of CaC roots discussed in3.3.2, which only allow association of an initial Ca- sequence even though Ca C constitutes alicit monomoraic syllable. A Ca C sequence, on the other hand, is a maximal monomoraicsyllable. Melodic material which is copied and remains unassociated is then subject to StrayErasure (Ito 1986). Directionality of mapping for prefixes is left to right. In the unmarked case,derivations are subject to the Principle of Maximality (McCarthy and Prince 1986, 1990)whereas for CV- Progressive Reduplication association is minimal.The following partial derivation of (1.1.a') 'washing clothes' given in (2) is an exampleof how CV- reduplication takes place.(2) a.^b.^c.^d.a^min GI ^61\iA l^J.L Iii iliI^1 1 ,^I^\p e c'^15 e c'^li + p e g' Ap e(2a) shows morafication of the CVC root /15e CV ; note that the consonant [C'i ismoraic.9 (2b) shows syllabification of the same root. The reduplicative template, which is amonomoraic syllable, is affixed to the base in (2c). In (2d) the entire base flu ^is copied;however, only the first consonant and the vowel are associated to the template since the syllableof the reduplicative affix is maximally monomoraic. This constitutes a typical case of CV-reduplication in Sliammon.3.1.2 CV- Reduplication of Weak rootsThis analysis of progressive reduplication is now extended to weak roots in Sliammon;these seem to behave differently from the strong roots discussed above. Nonetheless, theprocess can be unified. Weak roots of the form C8C also undergo initial CV- reduplicationbut with the subsequent deletion of the original root vowel. The following sets of examplescompare the perfect forms given as (a, b, c, d) and the progressive forms given as(a', b', c', d').113(3.0) /C 1 3C2/ Rootsa.^[C'4)5w09eini^/ C' a Xw- oY'a - am/^'go wash your hands'(MG 442)root - LS `hand' 10 - intra'.^[g' ,6c'xw ojiam]^/ c'a - c'e>cw - oY ' a - a m / 'washing your hands'(MG 443)CV - root -LS 'hand' - intrb.^[1(6pxw]^/ Is ap xw/^`to break'(MG 147)rootb'.^DC61Cpxwgi^/ IC a - lc apxw - at -^'I'm breaking it'(MG 152a)CV - root - CTr - lsg Sbc.^[xwO.(9)Xeganill^/xwaX-eWan/^`half full'(MG 373)root - LS 'size'c'.^[xwo/.xwXegan]^/XwG - xwaX - eWan/^'half filling things' (MG 374)CV - root - LS 'size'In the analysis proposed here, the schwa of the original root undergoes deletion viaStray Erasure because once stress falls on the reduplicative prefix, rather than on the rootvowel, it fails to be prosodically licensed. The conditions on the proper licensing of schwawere established in 1.2.1. The partial derivation of 'washing your hands' in (4) (from 3.a')illustrates how CV - Progressive Reduplication proceeds in COC roots.(4) a.^b.^c.^d.^e.G^0I I1^ 11^1-1^1-1N w^Ng'a xw^C' a>5 ' a xwG G/Ig / 4 g 11I^i'a xw o Y'a114f.1g.GAw N>(^Y' a115In (4a) the root vowel receives a mora by the process of morafication. In (4b) schwa isrecognized as the head of the syllable and projects the syllable node G. Onset creation and codaadjunction also take place. (4c) shows progressive reduplication as the prefixation of amonomoraic syllable to the base. In (4d) the melodic content of the root is copied andassociated to the template. Since the reduplicative affix is a minimal monomoraic syllable andthere are no complex onsets in Sliamtnon, the unaffiliated consonant x v./ is subject to StrayErasure. Without the use of the minimal/maximal parameter, it is not clear how the finalconsonant of the copied melody would be prevented from adjoining to the reduplicative affix,since a Ca C syllable of the form ig' a xw is a licit monomoraic syllable, as discussed inChapter 1.In (4e), with the addition of the vowel initial suffix for 'hand' - oY'a, the finalconsonant of the root >?"/ spreads over to become the onset of the following syllable in order tosatisfy the Obligatory Onset Condition. Stress assignment places primary stress on thereduplicative prefix. This process in turn leaves the root schwa in an unstressed post-tonicposition, a position in which schwa is deleted. This step is illustrated in (4f). With the deletionof the original root vowel schwa, the syllable is subject to the process of Parasitic Delinking(Hayes 1989:268) which frees the vocalic mora as well as the onset consonant. The consonantg' spreads over becoming a sister to schwa, thus strengthening the prosodic licensing ofschwa. The root mora is subject to Stray Erasure 12 since it is in a position which cannot befilled due to constraints on possible syllable types. This final restructuring is pictured in (4g).We may now reconsider the derivation in (4) with respect to the prosodic licensing of schwa.As discussed in Chapter 1, when a consonant plus schwa is prefixed in order to mark theprogressive aspect, for example, this prefixed syllable will ultimately receive primary stress. Inthe case of an example like [c' 6 05w09Grilml, after CV- reduplication the original root vowelschwa is left in an (unstressed) open syllable in post-tonic position. In Sliammon, this is aposition in which schwa is not properly licensed. As previously noted, the deletion of theoriginal root vowel schwa also causes the initial root consonant g' to resyllabify into thepreceding syllable in order to avoid violating the language specific constraint which barscomplex onsets. In doing so, this consonant Q' functions to strengthen the prosodic licensingof the preceding stressed schwa. Stressed schwa is now licensed by both licensing conditions(24) and (25) discussed in Chapter 1. 13 The structure which incorporates both licensingconditions is repeated in (5):(5)6k1N-It- c e CNotice that the deletion of root schwa and the subsequent restructuring illustrated in (4)creates a single maximal syllable out of two adjacent open syllables Progressive CV - Reduplication - some apparent counter -examplesThe following progressive forms at first look like exceptions to the established patternof CV- reduplication discussed above. Rather than being marked by reduplication, progressiveaspect in the first example in each pair appears to be marked by a long vowel.116(6)a. (g6:+a6 am]^/We-Wet-a 6-am/CV - root - intrb. [0:6rath ]^/We-Wee-at/—[gU:eath ] CV - root - CTrb'.^[g6Irth ]^/Wee"'-t/root - CTrc.^[jlicl^/Ya-YaX/CV - rootc'.^riDsl^/YaX/rootd.^[ji:cie M 15^/Ya-Yaq-e-8/CV - root - stv - intrd'.^[jXcielM^/Yaq-e-8/— [j6qeM root - stv - intre.^[yi:ma ?am]^/ya-yam-am-?/CV - root - intr - gl117`it's opening'(MG 476)`dragging it' (MG 464)`drag it (a little way)'(MG 465)`running'(JD 1970:89)`run'(JD 1970:89)`crawling'(JD 1970:89)'crawl'(JD 1970:89)`kicking '(JD 1970:89)e'.^fyimaml^/yam-am/^`lcick'(JD 1970:89)^—[yimAm] root - intrThe purpose of this section is to show that the vowel length is in fact derived viaregular CV- reduplication. Vowel lengthening occurs when a weak root of the form C 1 eC2,where C 1 = / w , y, W or Y/ , undergoes CV-reduplication with the subsequent loss of theroot vowel schwa. Schwa-deletion, which creates the environment for CompensatoryLengthening, is governed by Proper Licensing of schwa.The structure of the argument proceeds as follows: progressive 16 aspect is regularlymarked by initial CV- reduplication with the loss of the root vowel in weak roots. Formally,this is the prefixation of a monomoraic minimal syllable to the base. This is shown in the formsin (1.1, 1.2, 1.3) and (3.0). On the surface, the progressive forms in (6) look like counter-examples to this well-established pattern. If we adopt the position that long vowels aredistinctive, then the examples in (6) in which long vowels appear (in order to mark thisaspectual category) need to be marked as exceptions to the regular pattern of CV- reduplication.In addition, the approach which opts for exceptional marking of the forms in (6) fails toaccount for the fact that this exceptionality only occurs in roots of the form C 1 @C2 where C 1 isa glide, and that the resulting long vowel of each exceptional form happens to be the vowelwhich corresponds to the glide of the initial root consonant. In other words, not only does thisapproach require that the cases in (6) be treated as exceptional, but it also fails to capture certainsignificant generalizations regarding the environment in which this exceptionality occurs. Theplural reduplication discussed in section 3.2 provides further support for this argument.The approach taken here is that long vowels in the progressive and plural are derivedfrom schwa-glide sequences. This explains the limitation of this class of apparentcounterexamples and also explains the quality and length of the resulting surface vowels. Thisis a strong argument in favour of deriving vowel length in Sliammon.The progressive forms in the examples in (6) are marked by full vowel lengthening.This would suggest that the featural content of the stem vowel is deleted, but that the mora towhich the stem vowel is attached remains. On the surface, examples in (6) appear to besimilar to cases of Compensatory Lengthening(CL) described by Hayes (1989:280) as "VowelLoss." This process is illustrated in (7) and is based on Hayes's (1989:268) analysis ofMiddle English:118^a^--> a^A /I^/AII1^1 1CV C V^C V-> ->G^G^-->^G^01 I^I11-I- 11^III^1^1^/1Ca Ga Ca Ga119(7) a.^b.^c.In the cases described by Hayes there is a sequence of vowel, consonant, vowel (VCV)in which the final vowel is lost with Compensatory Lengthening of the preceding nucleus.Melodically, the Sliammon case in (8) differs from the Middle English example, in that theinitial glide of the second syllable vocalizes, and determines the quality of the schwa of theprefix. Prosodically, however, these two examples are parallel. In Sliammon, root schwa islost with Compensatory Lengthening of the preceding nonlow vowel. This is representedschematically below:(8) a. b. c.^d.e.The following derivation of 'crawling' (from 6.d) is representative of the examples inwhich full vowel lengthening occurs. 17120^(9) a. Syllabification^b. Reduplication0^ G//I 7 i11^--->^1-1 +^AN 1^NY aq Yaq Yaq[j]^[j]c. Suffixation0^0^0/I+//111I^/Ya Y e ed. Vowel deletion^e. Restructuring0 0^0^/1-t A ---I r--^Y eYe qe^Y RN RN[-cons]^rtiOn]PNDior/\[hi] [-bk]f. Feature sharing^g. Compensatory Lengthening01-1AY RN RN[-cons] \ r[son]^[-cons][son]Dor/\[hi] [-bk]Morafication and syllabification of the root occur in (9a). In (9b) reduplication takesplace. A monomoraic minimal syllable is prefixed to the base. The entire base is copied andassociated maximally. The final consonant of the copied melody is deleted via Stray Erasure.Stress assignment places primary stress on the leftmost syllable; in this case primary stress fallson the reduplicative prefix. Stress placement in conjunction with resyllabification of the root-final consonant q causes post-tonic schwa deletion. 18 The deletion of the post-tonic vowel/J-L i1,'Y RNPNDor[hi] [-bk]causes parasitic delinking of the associated syllable node. Parasitic delinking of the syllablefrees both the mora which immediately dominated the root-vowel schwa, as well as the root-initial consonant Y as shown in (9d). The segment Y spreads over to become a sister to schwathus strengthening the prosodic licensing of the stressed vowel. The segment /Y/ is realizedas a glide [yl in moraic position as in (9e). The high front glide [y] shares its place featureswith schwa, which is completely underspecified for place features, by leftward spreading ofthe place node (PN) onto the adjacent root node (RN) as depicted in (9f). The resulting vowelspreads to fill the empty mora as in (9g). This constitutes a case of Compensatory Lengtheningsince it is the deletion of the root vowel which creates the environment for CL. The final outputresults from the syncope of the stem vowel as well as from resyllabification and the subsequentapplication of phonological rules driven by the principles of Prosodic Licensing.3.2 Plural COC ReduplicationThe purpose of this section is to show that vowel length must also be derived in theformation of the CaC plural. The regular pattern of Ca C plural reduplication is established insection 3.2.1. Cases which look like exceptions to this general CeC pattern are then examinedin section Regular C3C ReduplicationPlural reduplication, exemplified in (10-13), is a copy of the first consonant of thebase, followed by schwa and a copy of the second consonant of the base. The vowel of thereduplicative prefix is always schwa regardless of the quality of the root vowel. This is bestillustrated by the plurals of strong roots given in (10a - 12g). In a number of cases schwa 19 issubject to colouration by adjacent consonants; this obscures the quality of the vowel in thereduplicative affix, although the clearest examples have been selected here for purposes ofexposition.121Formally, CaC reduplication is viewed as the prefixation of a maximal monomoraicsyllable to the base. This is in contrast to the minimal monomoraic syllable which is affixed forCV- progressive reduplication. In the following examples the first member of each pair (x) isthe singular form and the second member of each pair (x') is the plural form:122(10) /C 1eC2/ Rootsa.^[?s6qw° 7anah ]^/iseqw-ana/root - LS 'ear'a'. [1c6qw 'iceqw 7anah ] /aciw4eqw-analCaC pl - root - LS 'ear'b^Ern6x/il^/mexaL/rootb'. [m6xmExe°1-]^/max-mexaL/CaC pl - rootc.^['te7naqwh]^/ten-eqW/root - ?c'.^[f6nte7 Eneqw]^/tan-'ten-eq"'/CaC pl - root - ?`earlobe'(MG 272)`earlobes'(MG 273)`black bear'(MG 107)`black bears'(MG 108)`salmonberry'(MG 100)`salmonberries'(HW 46.1)(11) /C1oC2/ Rootsa.^[c'Oxo]a'.^[c*c'exo]/c'oxo/root/c'ex-c'oxo/CaC pl - root`cod fish'(MG 7)`lots of cod' (MG 490)b.^[s(515enernin]^/sop - nab - men/^'stump (of a tree)'(MG 200)root `chop'- LS 'base' - instrb'.^[s6psopangmin] /sap-sop-na b-men/ 'stumps' (MG 201)CaC pl - root - LS 'base' - instr123c.^[8oein]^/800en/^`lip, lips'(MG 276)rootc'.^[sissoein]^/0,90-0oElen/^`lips (pl)'(MG 277)CaC pl - root(12) /C iaC2/ Rootsa.^[647 sai-txw]^/Coy #sa°1--txw/^'young woman'(MG 143)young # root - LS 'house'a'.^[66y7 s4-1-sa+txw] /Coy #sal--sa+-txw/^'young women'young # CaC pl - root -LS 'house' (MG 144)b.^[mcise 9cr]^/mas-ee/^`purple sea urchin'root - LS 'elongated objects'^(MG 41)b'.^[miCsmaseqwh ]^/mas-mas-ee/^'purple sea urchins'C3C pl - root - LS 'elongated objects' (MG 583)c.^[mciein]^/maean/^ `louse'(MG 156)rootc'.^[M6emaein]^/mae-maean/^`lice'(MG 157)CaC pl - rootd.^[eo/.4, @&^/ oralas/^ `raccoon'(MG 26)rootd'.^[orXWo)ras]^/eal - ealas/^`raccoons'(MG 27)CaC pl - roote.^[tcanajiph]^/tae-an-aYap/^'whole leg, hip'(MG 311)root - ? - LS 'thigh'e'.^[t.fetaeinajIph ]^/tae-tae-en-aYap/^'legs, hips'(MG 312)CaC pl - root - ? - LS 'thigh'f. [?cif5tanl /7a15-tan/root - instr'green sea urchin'(MG 40)f'. [9X15 90tenl /7315 - 2a15 - tan/ 'green sea urchins'CaC p1- root - instr (MG 585)g. [7cise] / ?asxW /root`sear (MG 18)g'. [96s 7 asxw ] / ?as - 7asxw / `seals'(MG 19)CaC p1- root(13) /C1 aC2/ Rootsa.^[qwci7anuqw°1-a]^/qWan - 7agW.fa/^gcnee'(MG 313)root - LS 'knee'a'.^[qw6nqwa 9a nuqw°1-al/qwen - qwan - 7eqw.1-a/^`knees'(MG 314)CaC p1 - root - LS 'knee'b.^[g',6kwal^/c'ekwa/^'edible rootstaks'root (MG 12)b'.^[c'61<wh c'ekwa]20^/C'akw - c'akwa/^'lots of rootstalks'CaC pl - root (MG 487)c.^[rniCqsi.n]^/maqsen/^`nose'(MG 204)rootc'.^[mXq e mAqsin]^/meq - meqsen/^`noses'(MG 205)CaC pl - root124125d.^[sX>(Am]^/sax - am/^`racing canoe'(MG 63)root - intr ?d'.^[sXxsexAm] 21^/sax - sax - am/^`racing canoes'(MG 658)CeC pl - root - intr ?Analyses of reduplicative patterns of this sort, in which the vowel of the affix remainsconstant, have appealed to the notion of "melodic overwriting" in order to achieve this effect.Melodic overwriting, as described by McCarthy and Prince (1990:245), is the application of amelody in a feature changing manner, essentially "overwriting the original melodic material ofthe base" (McCarthy and Prince 1990:245). In Sliammon, if the full vowels / e, o, a/ were toundergo melodic overwriting, they would be supplanted by the vowel schwa, which is totallyunderspecified for place features. The application of a melody in a feature changing manner, inthis case, would have to be construed as the delinking of all associated place features, not asthe replacing or overwriting of them with any others. This account does not therefore seemmotivated. Therefore it would be preferable if the fact that the vowel of the affix is alwaysschwa could be derived from something else.It is suggested here that CCC- reduplication utilizes the notion of "edge-in association"in order to obtain the desired results. Since CCC- reduplication is a prefix, and directionalityfor prefixes in universally left to right, when the copied full vowel melody (CVC) is associatedto the monomoraic syllable template there is no well-motivated reason why the secondconsonant would ever be allowed to associate, since monomoraic CVC syllables are notpermissible. Yet as can be seen from the surface forms which result, the second consonant(C2) must be associated. Therefore it is proposed that C2 is associated first, in accordance withthe principles of "edge linking" (following Shaw 1991a)22 . The Edge Linking mappingprocedure in (14) is taken directly from Shaw (1991a:5):(14) a. Edge Linking (Shaw 1991; (cf."Edge-In Association" e.g. Yip 1988; Hewitt &Prince 1989; Lombardi & McCarthy 1991)):Consider the "unmarked" edge of a domain to be the edge from which associationwill proceed following universal principles of directionality of association.Consider the "marked" edge to be the opposite edge of that domain.Link a single peripheral melodic element at the marked edge of an association domainone-to-one with the marked edge of the prosodic template. Then proceed withregular association from the unmarked edge.b. Directionality: L -->R (unmarked: prefix domain)c. Maximal (up to licit maximum of moraic or adjoined content, but extrasyllabiccontent would not be licensed)In the case of CeC- plural reduplication for strong roots in Sliammon, this means that C 2 isfirst associated via edge linking, then the first consonant is associated. The full vowel is barredfrom association, since in Sliammon monomoraic closed syllables containing a full vowel areruled out. The syllable nonetheless requires a vowel in order to be properly licensed. A rootnode, specified only for [-cons] is adjoined in order to license the mora. 23 Schwa is the onlyvowel which can occupy this structural configuration. By adopting edge-in association the factthat the vowel of the reduplicative prefix is always schwa follows from general principles. Thederivation of (12f) 'green sea urchins' given in (15) provides this plausible alternative tomelodic overwriting.f.^[9615tan]^/7a15 - tan/^`green sea urchin'(MG 40)root - instrf'.^[ 9 X157a15tan]^/7e5 - 7a15 - ten/^`green sea urchins'(MG 585)CGC pl - root - instr126127RN..-[-cons]P NiNDors Phary[1O]b. Prefixation^c. Edge linkinga^ a^aI 111^11 11 /11\1^1 I^I i^I^I\11 1-17 a 15 7 a 15 ?al:5^7a15^tan(15)a. Syllabificationad. Edge Linking (step-by-step)a7 a 15/11,a p4,aIn (15a) morafication and syllabification of the root take place. The diagram in (15b)illustrates the prefixation of a monomoraic syllable to the base. In (15c) the base is copied andassociated maximally to the template in accordance with edge linking. The diagram in (15d)provides a step-by-step derivation of edge linking. The reduplicative affix is necessarily amaximal monomoraic syllable. The only vowel which is permitted in this structuralconfiguration is schwa. This is the configuration given in (16).(16)RN RN/121\1e^15Therefore the fact that the vowel quality of the reduplicative affix is always schwafollows from the permissable configurations in which schwa may occur. The full vowels/a, e, o/ may not occur in this configuration. An explanation based on the limited structuralconfigurations in which schwa may occur is a better explanation of the observed phenomenathan appealing to the notion of melodic overwriting since overwriting seems to be simplyinappropriate in the case of schwa.This concludes this section which establishes the formation of Ca C pluralreduplication. Now consider the following cases which look like exceptions to this establishedpattern.3.2.2 Some apparent exceptions to Ca C Plural ReduplicationThe plural forms in (17) are cases of apparent counter-examples to the establishedpattern of reduplication. In fact, it will be shown that these cases of vowel length are derived ina regular fashion. More specifically, vowel lengthening occurs when a root of the form C 1VC2undergoes C 1 9C2 plural reduplication, and where C 2 = / w , y, W, or Y/. The schwa of thereduplicative affix along with the following glide form a branching structure as in(17a', 17b', 17c'). This branching structure contains two root nodes dominated by a singlemora and is realized as a half-long vowel. Consider the following singular and plural pairs.128(17)a. [c'cigetWojitan]^/c'aW - at - etr - ora - tan/^'ring' (MG 306)root - ? - LS 'long obj' - LS 'hand' - instragg'Ci.c'agateeojitanl /c'e\N-c'aW-at-ee-oY'a-tan/ ^'rings' (MG 307)CGC pl - root - ? - LS 'long obj' - LS 'hand' - instrb. [sXyagen]^/say - qen/^ `mouth'(MG 280)root - LS `mouth/language'b'. [si.seyean]^/say-say-gen/^ `mouths'CeC p1- root - LS 'mouth'^(MG 281)c.^[7ciyhos]^/7ay-h-os/^ `sea serpent'root - ? - LS `head'24^(MG 495)c'. [7f 7 ayhos]^/9ay - ?ay - h - os/^'sea serpents'CaC pl - root - ?- LS 'head'^(MG 496)Formally, half-long vowels are the result of the spreading of the place features of theglide to the root node (RN) of the vowel schwa. This is illustrated in the diagram in (18):(18)G^ aI I11 11RN RN^—›RN RN^/^I t '..,I[-cons]^P^[-cons]^TNLab Dor^ Lab DorI^I I^I[rd]^[hi] [rd]^[hi]129r[son]P,NDors[hi] [-bk]d.RN ^--RN[-cons]Ft'NDors'Phary[lo]e.07 A/NRN RN[-cons] ^^, I [son]PND/\[hi] [-bk]The derivation of (170 'sea serpents' given in (19) further illustrates this pattern.130b. c.0 0A^bi\J.17 ay^7ay hosa0 0/11^1111^11 1 1^\ 7ay^I?ay^o sIn (19a) morafication and syllabification have taken place. In (19b) a monomoraicmaximal syllable is prefixed in order to mark CaC plural reduplication. The diagram in (19d)shows edge linking followed by cropping of the place features of the vowel / a / . Thefollowing glide then spreads leftward to share its features with schwa. The vowel schwa iscoloured by the adjacent glide resulting in the sharing of autosegmental features. This createsthe branching structure in (19e). The schwa/glide sequence is realized as the half-long vowel[3.3 CVC - Plural ReduplicationIn addition to CaC plural formation (which is extremely productive), it is clear thatother plural patterns also exist. There also seems to be a large number of roots which take CVCreduplication. Many of these are animal names and may belong to the same class of rootsdesignated by Montler (1986) as roots which undergo "characteristic" reduplication. In thefollowing plural forms the reduplicative affix is an exact CVC copy of the base.(20)a.^[hOm Mom]^/horti horn/ 25^`blue grouse' (MG 121)root131a'. [hOrnhom 9hom]b.^[>(wcaegen]b'. [xwca xwa Xegen]/horimhorbhom/CVC pl - root/xWaX-eWan/root - LS 'size'/xwaX-xwaX-eWan/CVC pl - root - LS 'size'`lots of grouse' (MG 122)`half full' (MG 373)`half filled things'(MG 374)c.^[kwUrbth]c'.^[kW6mkwuri-ith]d.^[XXXxAC/]d'.^[X6.>(jco.):(Ay]/Xa-Xax-ay-7/ 26^'old person' (MG 231)CV - root - LS 'person'- glncax - hax - ay/^'old people(pl)'(MG 232)CVC pl - root - LS 'people'/kworilt/^`kelp' (MG 16)root/kwom - kworiit/^`lots of kelp' (MG 543)CVC pl - root132e.^Eed>taml^/eat-am/^'river' (MG 223)root - ?e'.^[ gwciteatam]^/eat-eat-am/^`rivers'(MG 224)CVC pl - root - ?f.^[kwi 1<w i]^/kwen<we/^`Steller's jay '(MG 123)rootf'.^[kwikwi kw i^/kwe-kwen<we/^`S teller's jays'(p1)(MG 124)CVC pl - rootIn these examples there is no change in the quality of the vowel in the affix. It issuggested that CVC plural formation is the prefixation of a bimoraic syllable to the base. Thederivation of (20&) 'rivers' is given in (21).(21)a.^b.^ c.64\ AiA peat ead.^ e.The derivation in (21a) shows morafication and syllabification of the root. (21b) shows theprefixation of a bimoraic syllable to the root. The root is copied and associated maximally as in(21c).3.3.1 Apparent exceptions to CVC- ReduplicationThe examples in (22a') and (22b'), on the other hand, appear to be exceptions toregular CVC- reduplication discussed above. These forms contain a surface long vowel andseem to lack the second consonant of the root. This long vowel is derived by feature sharing 27and is similar to the progressive examples discussed in 3.1.3.(22)a.^[+69gathl^/-1-aWat./^`hening'(MG 2)roota'.^[1-6A-agith l^/.1-aW--1-aWat/ 28^'lots of herring' (MG 338)CVC pl - rootb.^Eqw6:7ey]^/qwo\;\/-ay/^`hemlock' (MG 57;190)^-, [qw6:2Ayi root-LS 'tree'b'.^[qw6:eo:9ayl^/qwo*-qwo\iv-ay/^'lots of hemlock' (MG 191)CVC pl - root - LS 'tree'The derivation of 'lots of hemlock' in (23) is an illustration of Vowel Lengthening.(23)133a. morafication & syllabification b. reduplicative prefix^c. copy &association134d. suffixation^ e. restructuring0^G^0^0^0^0^/rN. INN IN stl11 1-1 At 11^+ 11 J-1^/J—L A^/11 1-1^i 1-1 1-1^a^y^qwo^wI^1^I^I^I^1 i^1 I^I,^1^1qw o wqw o \A/^ ciwo w la y1^I^1111RN RN / RN RN : RN\ )1( /^\ )/(%\\^L N \\^L N1  \ [cgl]^\^[cgl]P N^PNILab LabI [rId][rd][qw6:(ro: ?ay]The derivation in (23) shows CVC reduplication, which is the prefixation of a bimoraicsyllable. In (23c) the base is copied and associated maximally to the reduplicative template.Notice that the form in (23e) provides evidence that the laryngeal features associated with theglottalized resonant are copied as part of the reduplicative affix. It seems, however, that theglottalization of a glottalized resonant cannot be licensed within the reduplicative domain.Nonetheless the laryngeal feature is able to dock onto the following obstruent, creating the licitsegment - The presence of this segment provides evidence for such a claim. The resultinglong vowel in this example is the result of the sharing of features. It would seem that theglottalized / w / does not behave as though it were [high] in this position. The presence of thepreceding uvular in this instance may simply take precedence. Notice also that in all of thepreviously considered examples of restructuring of glottalized resonants, the glottal portionremains affiliated with the first syllable and the root node of the consonant is adjoined as theobligatory onset to the following syllable. In this example exactly the opposite seems to takeplace. It is suggested that the fact that the vowel and the following glide share the place featuresLab [rd] means that they are partial geminates and are therefore inalterable. The laryngealfeatures associated with / * / are spread onto qw, since glottalized resonants are not toleratedwithin the domain of the reduplicative prefix.Not only are long vowels derived in reduplicative forms, but long vowels can beshown to arise from vowel-glottal stop sequences. The next section extends the analysis ofCompensatory Lengthening in Sliammon.3.4 Long vowels alternate with vowel-glottal stop sequencesThe examples in (24) show alternating pairs in which the first member of each pair (x)contains a vowel-glottal stop sequence. This sequence alternates with a long vowel in thesecond member of each pair (x'). Consider the following examples.(24)a.^[0g(1.9ga7c'eph]^/Wa9-Wa9-c'ep/^`he's gone driving'CVC- root - ? (MG 345)135a'. [OgO.:c'eph ]b.^[9(17jum]b'. [2(1:jumiM/Wa7-c'ep/root - ?/?a-?aY-ome/CV- root - LS 'appearance'/7a-7aY-ome/CV- root - LS 'appearance'`good'`drive, steer' (MG 344)`pretty, beautiful'(MG 427)`nice, pretty' (JD 1970:ix)c.^[m6mmaw7]^/me-maW'/^`Icitten'(JD 1970:43)Ce - rootc'.^[m6mma:goi-]^/me-maW'-ol-/^`Icitten'(JD 1970:43)Ce - root - dim136d.^ftici.7t3m]^/(!la ?tem/^'deer liver'(MG 125)d'.^[gci:tem]^/ela7tam/ `liver'(JD 1970:79)e.^[t67(r]^/to7e/^ 'Squirrel Cove'root ? 29^(K&B:155)e'.^[t6:qw]^ito?qw/^'Squirrel Cove'(JD 1970:90)f.^[feThecrh]^/ten-eqw/^`salmonberry'(MG 100)root - ?f'.^[f6:neqw]^/ten-eqw/^' salmonberries'root - ? (JD 1970:54)g.^[767p]^/7o-lop/^'Church House'CV - root 30^(K&B:149)g'.^[96:p]^/'o-'?op/^'Church House'CV - root (the new place name)(JD 1970:90)h.^[mci7qwg'l^/ma7ciwg' /^`onions'(JD 1970:30)h'.^^-, [ mo'.:eg'] root ?In each of these examples glottal stop is either assigned a mora by the rules ofmorafication or it is restructured in such a way that it occupies a moraic position. The glottalstop is then lost31 with Compensatory Lengthening of the preceding vowel. Vowel lengthwithin this approach is derived and need not be encoded in underlying representations. If wewere to adopt the opposite point of view and claim that vowel length is in fact phonemic andthat the vowel-glottal stop sequences in (24) are derived instead, then we would requirephonemic vowel length just for these examples, and crucially not for the reduplicative affixesdiscussed above. This would effectively build unneeded redundancy into the grammar. Anymodel which values simplicity and economy would disallow redundancies of this type.In summary, the strongest arguments against positing phonemic long vowels are thosewhich relate directly to the different established patterns of reduplication discussed in sections3.1, 3.2 and 3.3 above. Once we have established that vowel length must be derived for thereduplicative affixes, then there is no motivation to claim that vowel length is distinctive onlyfor the cases in (24), since deriving vowel length provides us with descriptive adequacy aswell as a considerable degree of explanatory power.The hypothesis in this case is that bimoraic syllables of the type CVC are the source oflong vowels. The melody of the final consonant is lost with subsequent compensatorylengthening of the preceding vowel. The derivation of the following form for 'liver' in (25)(from 24d) is representative of this process.(25)a. morafication^b. syllabification^c. loss of glottal stop13711Iiia? tamd. Compensatory Lengthening/11q a'^t arnW. tom ]In (25a) glottal stop is assigned a mora via the language specific rule of Weight by Position.(25b) illustrates syllabification. In (25c) glottal stop is deleted. The mora to which thisAt 11IN /11- 11/ING^a,^1 / 1^1, wt e^r), e q nconsonant was attached remains in accordance with the principle of moraic conservation (seeHayes 1989). The representation in (25d) shows the vowel / a / spreading rightward in orderto fill the empty mora. This constitutes a classic case of CL (cf. Hayes 1989:279).In the derivation of (24) given in (26) restructuring occurs.(26)a. moraficalion b. syllabification^c. suffixation0-J-1J^ 11 Jit^ 1/1-1 11 11^-t7^I^I I i^I^I^it e 't e t e e qwd. re-syllabification/restructuring e. loss of [cgl]^f. Compensatory Lengthening138RN/GIN^/011^11^11,^I 1t^e^7^neIi.,1 1A1 wq1A^11,^1 ,"t^e"‘[nasal]^[41]LN[41]The derivation in (26) involves an additional step. The glottalized resonant / n / is restructuredin (26d). With the addition of the vowel-initial suffix / - eqw/ , the nasal is resyllabified as theonset to the following syllable. The glottal portion of this segment /IV remains affiliated to theoriginal mora of the root since glottalized resonants are not permitted in syllable onset position.(26e) then shows the loss of glottal stop followed by Compensatory Lengthening of thepreceding vowel in (26f).The structural representations attributed to schwa rule out the possibility ofcompensatory lengthening of this vowel. There are no instances of long schwa in Sliammon.The sequence schwa-glottal stop32 is monomoraic and would not be a context in which CLb.0^0 0A I^111 J1^11 + A --->I^I I^IV 9^V 9Va.would occur. In addition, as seen from the contexts in which schwa is properly licensed, itneeds either the support of a following consonant or the presence of stress in order to maintainits simple monomoraic status.3.5 Distribution of Glottalization of Glottalized ResonantsIn Sliammon there is a constraint which does not allow glottalized resonantsasonorantlicg1]) to occur in syllable-initial position. Word internally, the appropriate repairstrategy seems to be that glottalization is allowed to spread onto the preceding vowel, thusavoiding the illicit configuration. The target vowel will be marked for the laryngeal feature[constricted glottis]. Glottalized resonants can occur freely in syllable-final position eitherword-finally or word-internally. If a syllable-final glottalized resonant is required to resyllabifyinto the onset of a following syllable, then the glottal portion of the resonant continues tooccupy its original moraic position in the preceding bimoraic syllable, since resyllabification ofthe entire glottalized resonant into onset position would be a violation of the observedconstraint. In word-initial position, however, there is no previous mora onto which theglottalization can attach. Not only would word-initial glottalized resonants be nonmoraic, butthey would also be located on the left edge of the word domain, and therefore would not haveaccess to a preceding mora within the lexical phonology. This moraic approach offers aprincipled and explanatory account of the condition barring word-initial glottalized resonants inSliammon. These different configurations are represented in (27):(27)a. syllable-final^b. syllable-initial,^c. syllable-final^d.syllable-initialword final word internal word internal word initial139c. d.0 a 0 0 0^0 *at[^cy11111N1111 +1I I-1. --> N At1 AN I II I 1^i^I 1V? yV V9 V V? yV C/(28) a. Syllabification^b. Restructuring of LNa/1r/ ji1Y'^aRN[son][-cont]c. Outputa^a1^i 1-->^111^! 1o. J^6In (27b) the resulting structure would be a vowel with associated laryngeal features.The branching structure below the mora is may be realized phonetically as a half-long vowel.In the configuration in (27c) on the other hand, the glottalized resonant is moraic in its originalposition. The plain resonant becomes the onset of the following syllable leaving a glottal stopassociated with the final mora of the preceding syllable. The deletion of the syllable-final glottalstop in (27c) results in full compensatory lengthening. The configuration in (27d) is barredsince there is no access to a preceding mora within the lexical phonology. Since glottalizedresonants are not licensed in syllable-initial position and there is no available target site for theassociated laryngeal feature, the configuration is unlicensed.The lexical suffix for 'hand' is / oY'a/. This vowel-initial, bimoraic, bisyllabic suffixis a case in which the glottalized resonant /Y'/ is in the onset position of the second syllable inunderlying representation. This glottalized resonant is therefore, by virtue of its position,nonmoraic. The representation of this affix is given in (28).140PNDor7\[hi] [-bk]/^1^17 a^7 .9^Y'i^omesRN RN[-conit s' , [son]LN^-cont][41] PNDior[hth-bk]The sequence of the round vowel /0/ plus the laryngeal feature [constricted glottis] maybe realized as a half-long vowel, as illustrated in (28c). This variant realization appears in theforms in (29a) and (29a'), both with this lexical suffix. This is an example in which partiallengthening occurs.(29)a.^[ xwcic' 6 l'w() 9 j s]^/xwac' - ee - oY' a/^`joine(MG 302)root - LS long objects - LS handa'.^[Xw6c'cr 0.je]^/ xwac' - e4r- oY' a/^`wrise(MG 298)root - LS long objects - LS handIn the derivation given in (31) of the forms in (30a) and (30a') full lengthening occurs.(30)a.^[?ci9juMM^/ 7 ,9Y ' - om e /^'pretty, beautiful' (MG 427)root - LS 'appearance'a'.^[ 9d:jumW^/ 7a .- 7 aY' - ome/^'nice, pretty'(JD 1970:ix)root `good'- LS 'appearance'(31)a. root^b. CV- reduplication^c. Suffixation141t0 0^0/I^I +—^ /,11^-> /11N I^r-N7 a Y' 7 a 7 a Y'0^ 0^0I I+ / A^11 uI / 1 / \142d. Vowel loss/Parasitic delinking0- 0^0A ^11t .1\ 7 o m Ia 7,9)^ee. restructuring f. Loss 7^g. CLa^0^0—i. h■^/liNj;L-->^/I J-L^---> /11 11^->1^1 1 I7a 7^7a 7^7 a'''The derivation in (31a) shows morafication and syllabification of the root. CV-reduplication is illustrated in (31b). In (31c) with the addition of a vowel-initial suffix such as/ o me/, the glide portion (of / Y' /) / Y / spreads rightward to fill the unoccupied syllable-onset position (becoming [ j ]) in order to satisfy an independent language constraint whichrequires that all syllables in Sliammon have onsets. The laryngeal feature of [constrictedglottis], on the other hand, remains affiliated with the mora of the root syllable, sinceglottalized resonants are not tolerated in syllable-initial position in Sliammon. In (31d) the rootvowel schwa is lost with parasitic delinking of the associated syllable structure. The initialglottal stop of the root spreads over and is adjoined as a sister to schwa in the reduplicativeprefix. This seems to be an environment in which schwa becomes the low vowel [a]. Theglottal closure remains associated with the mora of the root and is realized as a full glottal stop.This mora is adjoined to the first syllable creating a maximal bimoraic syllable. The featuresassociated with glottal stop may then be deleted as in (310 with subsequent CompensatoryLengthening of the preceding vowel [a] as in (31g). The vowel-glottal stop sequence may bein free variation with the long vowel or may in fact be a dialect variant. 33The moraic perspective adopted in this section has allowed us to account not only forthe difference in half-long vowels as compared to long vowels but also allows us to account forthe overall distribution of the glottal portion of glottalized resonants in Sliammon. This is asignificant generalization.3.6 Compensatory LengtheningIn this section, other examples of CL are provided in order to show that this process isnot restricted to the examples discussed above. Additional cases of the compensatorylengthening of vowels are considered followed by examples of lengthening of consonants.3.6.1 CL of Vowels(32)a.^[ei.eetij/Gx]^/eat-eete9Gx/^' sandpipers ' (MG 578)CGC pl - root ?a'.^[elet 1 C/):(1^/ee-eeteCtax/^`sandpipee(MG 34)CV dim - root3.6.2 CL of Consonants(33)a.^[76thnoBM^/7atnopel/^`car'(MG 348)a'.^[2/(th 7atnoBll^/9at-9atnopel/^`cars'(MG 349)a". --, [ 9Xt:atnoBMb.^[egetard^ `mouse'(MG 161)b'.^[efe:et2fGn] `mice'(MG 162)1433.7 Rhetorical/Emphatic LengtheningAs mentioned in the introduction to this chapter, the occurrence of rhetoricallengthening in Sliammon does not provide evidence in favour of positing a phonemic lengthcontrast in the language. Instead, in light of all of the evidence that vowel length is in factderived, it is suggested that rhetorical lengthening is a device, outside of the domain of theinvestigation of lexical phonological phenomena.(34)a.^[qci:qa]^/qa-a-qa/^'tide's way out'(JD 1970:53)root + lengtha'.^[q6.qa]^/qaqa/^'tide's out'(JD 1970:53)rootb.^[0e6::]^/eaw-aw-aw/^'he went and went'(JD 1970:53)root + lengthb'.^[136] - [06w]^/eaw/^'go; he goes'(JD 1970:53)c.^[Milt]^/xeet-et/^'raise it more!'(JD 1970:61)root + length - CTrc'.^[eitTt]^/xet-et/^'to raise something'(JD 1970:61)root - CTrRhetorical lengthening occurs on the stressed vowel in each of the above examples. It isconcluded that rhetorical lengthening does not provide evidence for a distinctive length contrastin Sliammon since it is simply not lexically relevant.1443.8 ConclusionsIt is concluded that vowel length in Sliammon is predictable. It is derived from vowel-consonant sequences in bimoraic syllables by the process of Compensatory Lengthening.Further, these findings support Hayes's claim that "it is the moraic structure of a language andnot the vowel inventory that determines whether Compensatory Lengthening may occur"(1989:290). The analysis of the regular and apparently irregular reduplicative patterns providesthe strongest arguments for this claim. Even these apparent exceptions conform to the regularreduplicative patterns, given an analysis in which vowel length is not underlying.It was also argued that CV- Progressive Reduplication in Sliammon is prefixation of amonomoraic minimal syllable to the base. CeC- plurals are formed by the affixation of amonomoraic maximal syllable to the base and associated in accordance with the principles ofedge linking. It is concluded that such an approach provides a plausible alternative to theprocess of melodic overwriting, which in the case of schwa is ineffective.CVC- Plural Reduplication is analyzed as prefixation of a bimoraic syllable to the base.It is also concluded that a moraic analysis of the Sliammon facts provides an explanation for thedistribution of glottalization of glottalized resonants. It was argued that in syllable-initialposition, glottalized resonants are restructured; however, in word-initial position, glottalizedresonants are not licensed, since restructuring requires access to the previous mora within thelexical phonology.145Notes to Chapter 31 This discussion will focus primarily on phonological lengthening; however, it is clear from thefollowing body of data that phonetic vowel-lengthening also occurrs. Consider the following variant forms asrepresentative of partial phonetic lengthening in stressed open syllables.Vowels are variably half-long in stressed open syllables:a.^[pd. 7a]^/pa 7a/^'one'(.11) 1970:80)a'.^[pd7a] /pa7a/ `one'(MG 111)b.^[scf..7a]^/sa7a/^`two'(JD 1970:81)b'.^[scl9a] /sa?a/ `two'(MG 112)c.^[t.6.rniM^/torn,A/^'man'(JD 1970:79)c'.^Ny 9 tomM1^/N/-t-ome."/^'young man'(MG 141)young - male - LS `appearance'2 Compensatory lengthening is "the lengthening of a segment triggered by the deletion or shorteningof a nearby segment" (Hayes 1989:260).3 See Hayes's typology of compensatory lengthening (1989:279).4 It is suggested here that rhetorical lengthening may be handled by the semantic/phonetic interface;however, this is beyond the scope of the present discussion.5 The element /-ay/ is one of a set of extensions that precede many of the lexical suffixes. I thankM.D. Kinkade for bringing this point to my attention.6 The question mark (?) is used to indicate morphemes which remain unidentified.7 Kroeber (1989) calls this suffix the "active intransitive" and gives its form as - ( 7 ) @ M . If this isthe case, the root for 'to chop' may be / S 0 p / with glottal absorption of the suffix-initial glottal stop. The146variation between the related forms for 'stump' [s6f5an2amin] and 'stumps' [s6psopenot'ml-n]does not provide conclusive evidence in favour of one position or the other.8 McCarthy and Prince (1986:8) emphasize the role of open, light (CV) syllables in many languages.9 The fact that glottal stop deletion (discussed later in the chapter) causes compensatory lengthening ispositive evidence that at least this coda consonant receives weight by position. It is assumed therefore, in theabsence of evidence to the contrary, that all consonants which follow a full vowel are moraic in this position.They are assigned a mora by the language specific rule of Weight by Position.10 The surface shape of this suffix requires explanation since it regularly surfaces as [ 0 ? j 8 ] or[0 :18 ]. It may be a fossilized or borrowed form, since its meaning clearly seems to be that of 'hand' and thephonological form is clearly related.11 This pair of examples clearly shows that this is a weak root since the original root vowel deletes inthe progressive form. Schwa is regularly lowered following a uvular.12 A derivation in which this original root mora is not deleted would be a violation of StructurePreservation since bimoraic C a C syllables are not permitted. Notice however that in the case of CaG(where G = glide) sequences, CL does occur. Perhaps the mora of the root is still present, but is simply notrealized for independent reasons. Since geminate consonants occur across syllable boundaries and Sliammon doesnot permit complex onsets there is no possible version of CL for this example which would be licensed.*c'k'c'xwoj/am, *C6c'xwxwoCiam.13 As pointed out to me by Dr. Patricia A. Shaw, the deletion of the unstressed post-tonic vowel ineffect feeds this two-sided tautosyllabic operation. I have also noted this effect with respect to the colouration ofschwa. The vowel height/value which is realized is often dependent on whether schwa receives features from asingle consonant or from consonants on both sides of the vowel in question.14 It may be possible simply to appeal to the notion of maximization of syllable size in order to derivethe proper licensing of schwa from this more general principle.14715 I have the following form recorded: [jf e q8] 'crawling' /Ye — Yaq — e - 8/ (MG 454). Theunderlying representations which appear in (9) and elsewhere are my own, unless otherwise stated.16 This aspectual class is also refered to as the 'imperfective' or 'continuative' in the literature onSalish. I have adopted Kroeber's (1989) terminology.17 It would seem that when two vowels come together across a morphological boundary, one of thevowels is deleted since adjacent non-identical nuclei are generally not tolerated. In this particular example it isdifficult to tell which vowel is deleted since phonetically /e/ is lowered to [ S ] after a uvular and /a/ is frontedand raised slightly to E e ] before a tautosyllabic alveopalatal. Thus it is unclear whether either the preceding orthe following consonant exerts a stronger influence.18 Notice that root schwa is deleted in the form (6c) for 'running' even though the second consonant( X ) of the root is not subject to resyllabification. This suggests that post-tonic schwa deletion may occurregardless of whether or not the syllable is open or closed; or it may be the case that the final consonant isextrasyllabic. This issue requires further investigation.19 See 1.1.5 and 1.1.6, which discusses the surface realizations of schwa.20 Schwa appears in this form in an unstressed open syllable. This would seem to be a violation of theproposed principles of Prosodic Licensing for schwa. I suggest that this root vowel must be retained in order tosyllabify the string of consonants E kw Q' kw ]. Schwa-deletion is in effect prevented. This is a case in whichsyllabification must take precedence over the prosodic licensing of schwa. Example (13d') appears to be anothercase in point.21 The presence of stem schwa in this form in an unstressed open syllable needs to be explained. Itmay well be retained in order to syllabify the sequence of consonants X S X ; this would make this explanationanalogous to the one given for example (13b).22 I would like to thank Patricia Shaw for bringing this solution to my attention.14823 It is conceivable that this vocalic root node is simply a cropped version of the full vowel which isleft unassociated, since it is argued in Chapter 1 that schwa epenthesis is not a mechanism generally availableas a repair strategy in Sliammon. Cropping, therefore, is the deletion of all associated place features, leavingsimply the [-consonantal] specification behind.24 Apparently Mrs. George recognized the LS 'head' in this form. Thanks to Honore Watanabe (pc) forbringing this to my attention.25 The root for 'blue grouse' is clearly already reduplicated in the singular form. It is an onomatopoeticword which Mrs. Mary George says imitates "the drum-like noise the grouse makes when it beats its wings".Example (200 for 'Steller's jay' seems to behave similarly.26 This glottalization looks like continuative/diminutive glottalization of the resonant. Glottalizationdoes not appear in the related plural form which follows. The lexical suffix for 'person' may be the same as thelexical suffix for `tree'—perhaps better glossed as 'long or standing upright object'.27Hayes (1989:279) states that "total assimilation of consonants is not always viewed as CL, thoughin a prosodic theory it is formally equivalent to it." Feature sharing achieves the same surface results as do theexamples of true compensatory lengthening, in which there is the loss of a nearby segment with compensatorylengthening of an adjacent vowel.28 This example is somewhat problematic, since the length of the surface form clearly indicates thatthe reduplicative template should be a bimoraic syllable. However, it is unclear why / a w / should surface asNA, since long vowels usually come from schwa-glide sequences. I have ruled out cases of plural reduplicationwhich prefix a bimoraic C aC- syllable, since the creation of this syllable type is not Structure Preserving.Therefore, I assume an analysis in which / a/ is first raised to schwa, perhaps in the environment of / i_w / ,and is then coloured by the adjacent glide.29 The meaning of the place name 'Squirrel Cove' is currently unknown according to Kennedy andBouchard (1983:155).14930 As Kennedy and Bouchard (1983:149) indicate, the meaning of this word for 'Church House' is alsounknown. The proposed underlying representation is based on the behaviour of roots as well as full voweldeletion in CV- reduplication, although at the present point in time there is no additional evidence tosubstantiate this claim.31 It is interesting to note, that in Ilokano, surface long vowels are also derived from CV ?- syllables(Hayes 1989:290). Glottal stop is not tolerated in syllable final position in Ilokano, and therefore deletes withcompensatory lengthening of the preceding vowel.32 This sequence is rare. There is some indication that Ca- plurals may in fact be Ce 7 - reduplicationwhich surface as Ca- . This again raises the issue of the relationship between the low vowel [a ] and glottalstop.33The forms which I have collected are exclusively from a single speaker of Mainland Comox fromSliammon. These examples are identified as (MG), and all have a glottal stop present. There seems to be asystematic difference between Davis's data and my own in that he records vowel length where I have recorded asequence of vowel plus glottal stop. Davis elicited materials not only from speakers from Sliammon but alsofrom speakers of Mainland Comox from Church House and Squirrel Cove. Unfortunately, the forms he cites inhis thesis and elsewhere are not encoded such that they distinguish one speaker from another. Therefore, it isdifficult at the present time to determine whether or not this discrepancy can in fact be attributed to consistentdialectal variation.150Symbols used B = intermediate and variable in voicing between p and blG' = glottalized (ejective) interdental affricate [10}D = intermediate and variable in voicing between t and dS = retracted sS = interdental s, retracted ex = glottalized (ejective) lateral affricate [f°1-]-1- = voiceless lateral fricativel' = dark resonant '1'L = sonorant lateral which alternates between I-- y — w ( Aj 7 )a = rounded schwa pronounced slightly further back in the mouth than regular a1511 Dr Patricia A. Shaw has suggested to me that these may be 'voiceless unaspirated' stops whichto English speakers simply sound partially voiced.Abbreviationslsg Ob - 1st person singular Object - 'me'lsg Po - 1st person singular possessive -`my'lsg Sb - 1st person singular subject - T2nd sg Sb - 2nd person singular subject - 'you'3 Po - 3rd person possessive -`his, hers, theirs'3 Sb - 3rd person subjectart - articleC - Consonantcaus - causativecl - compound ligature,CL - Compensatory LengtheningCTr - Control TransitiveCV- reduplicative prefix for the diminutive and for the progressiveCaC- reduplicative prefix for the Co C pluralCVC- reduplicative prefix for the CVC pluraldim - diminutiveex - extensionfut - futureG - glidegl - glottalizationimper - imperativeinstr - instrumentalintr - intransitiveLS - Lexical Suffixlv - linking vowelMC - main clause152NTr - Noncontrol TransitiveObj - objectOCP - Obligatory Contour Principlepart - particlepast - past tense markerpl - pluralPMC - Passive predicate in a main clauseprog - progressivePSC - Passive predicate in a subordinate clauserecip - reciprocalreflex - reflexiveSC - Subordinate Clausesg - singularst ex - stem extenderstv - stativeUR - Underlying RepresentationV - vowel-VC - reduplicative affix for the inchoativevd - voicedvls - voiceless153Appendixl***A***accident`an accident' (MG 347) [rno/. 7 muei-kwiP]154afraid - to be scared`are you scared ?'(MG 413)`you're afraid' (MG 414)(he/they're afraid?)`they're scared'(MG 415)`alder (tree)' (MG 192)`alder (pi)' (MG 193)`anIde'(MG 315)Es6ysa 7 Wxwi[sXysa9][sisisa9]456/exayl[15115iy>(ay][xw6Q'trayaqin]/saY'-saY'-et-xw/2CaC pl - root - sty - 2sg Sb/saY' - saY'/CaC - root/saY'-saY'-saY7CaC-CaC- root/15eyx-ay//1-50ax-ay/root - LS 'tree'/pay - r5eyx - ay/CaCpl - root - LS 'tree'1 This is an appendix of the Sliammon data which I recorded over a period of several visits toSliammon; the exact dates are listed as follows: July 19, 1988, July 26, 1988, October 23,1988, January 27, 1989, January 28, 1989, January 29, 1989, July 5, 1991, July 6, 1991,July 7, 1991, July 8, 1991, July 9, 1991. The data was recorded from a single speaker ofSliammon, Mrs Mary George. The first column is the English gloss, followed by the phoneticforms in brackets, and the proposed phonemic representations between slant lines.Morphemes which are marked with a question mark are not yet identified. Entries which do notinclude a phonemic representation are included for the sake of completeness even though I haveno present proposal for the UR of these forms. The motivation for including this data base istwofold. First, I would like to make this data available to anyone who is interested inconsulting it and secondly, it is my hope that others will be encouraged to build on thematerials presented here, as well as challenge the proposed analyses.2 The proposed UR assumes a rule which deletes / t/ in the environment before / t"/ .155'arbutus tree'(MG 55)^fetimqwum7a^yl3^/qwVm-qwVm-(7)ay/CVC p1- root - LS 'tree''arm, hand'(MG 288)^[ceyft]^ /nM/root`arms, hands (p1)'^felnyAl^ /ny - ny,A/(MG 289) CeC pl - root`small arm, hand'^[cent'](MG 502)`small arms, small hands'^[fieyi](MG 504)`arrow' (MG 134)^[-1-4w]`arrows (pl)'(MG 135)^[1-wl-ecr]`ask for it!' (MG 416)^[ghit 0]`asking all the time'^[gage -1-tan](MG 417)`I asked him/her/them'^[gcigayett.i°1- h](MG 617)`they used to keep^[gSgayeeds3-1-]/n - ny - ? - a/CV dim - root - gl - root/n - ny - nya/CV - CaC - root/Regal /rootRae- -fee/CeC - root/Wal - et We/root - Stv - imper/Wa - WaL - tan/CV - root - ?/Wa - WaL - at - o-1--/CV - root - CTr - past - lsg Sb/Wa - WaL - ae - as - o1-1asking me'(MG 618) CV - root - lsg Ob - 3sg Sb - past3 The height of the vowel [u ] is particularily difficult to explain in the environment of theuvular consonant [ow]. It may be possible that the consonant is / k w / , however, withoutadditional related forms this is difficult to determine. It may be derived from the root / k wom/for 'red'.156`awl'(MG 96)4^D:( 6xWi5] N [xw62xwf5]^/xwo-xwo15/CV - root`back of the hand'(MG 292)***B***kraeitinajoje]-Witinejo.)67 3 ]-Witanejo.je7e]/iwa--erat-en-aY-oY'a/CV - root - ? - ex - LS 'hand'Rrat-en-aY-oY'a-7/ 5root - ?- ex -LS 'hand' - stv`backs of the hands'^Rr6teatinojc]^/ , iwat-eat-en-oY'a/(MG 297)^ CaC - root - ? - LS 'hand'`back (of torso)'(MG 327)backbone`whole backbone (human)'(MG 284)`lots of backbones (p1)'(MG 285)[76yyiln]6[>(X9gal-agi h ][xcixe 7 g9-1-7gi'h ]/xeW'- a°1--aWat7`bone' - cl - LS 'back, spine'/x3W->(aW'-a1--aW'a/C3C pl - root - cl - LS 'spine'`bald (partially)'(MG 268)^[gXe6qwan]^/Wae-eqwan/7root - LS 'top of head'4 This small sharp implement is used in basket making for poking holes. See the plural formfor 'hummingbirds' which may be related, although the other related forms for 'hummingbird'contain a nonglottalized /p/ .5 Kroeber (1985:12) states that some lexical suffixes (LS) which end in either a vowel or aresonant have stative forms which involve the addition of glottal stop. The alternate form inquestion seems to show similar patterning. Therefore the LS for 'hand' has the stative form[O.) 6 7e ] versus the nonstative form [0. j6 Beaumont (1985:266) records < 7 11 - i chen> 'back of body' for Sechelt. Othermorphologically related forms are required to determine the correct UR in Sliammon.7 Hagege (1981:61) records =eqwan - 'tete'.157`completely bald'(MG 269) [gOwee - cron]^/WG - Wee - eqwen/CV - root - LS 'top of head'barbecue'to barbecue'(MG 434)^['ten ?am]^ /t en - (7)am/root - intr`barbecued fish' (MG 432)^[f6n]^ /fen/root`barbecuing'(MG 433)^[t6ten lam]`barbecue (deer meat)'^[761*.y](MG 478)`barbecuing'(MG 478)^[ 76 Oaiciy]`barnacle' (MG 48)^[g'6.ma 7ju]`barnacles (pl)' (MG 49)^[Q'Xmc'o.ma7juwh]`small barnacle'^[c'cic'ernaju(MG 634) -[c'Oc'Grnaju?1)1]ite - ten - ( 7 )am/CV - root - intr/ 7e1-il' ay/root - rt/ ?e-7el-alay/CV - root - rt/c'om - aY'o/root - LS ?/c'arn-c'om-aY'o/CaC pl - root - LS ?/ ç'o -g'om -a Y' o-o+/CV - root - LS ? - dim`small barnacles'^[c'6mc'amaju7U-1-]^/Cam -Com - aY ' o-o°1-/(MG 635) CaC pl - root - LS - dimbasket`basket (berry picking)'^[pfnh]^ /pen/(MG 91)^ root158`basket (carrying)'^Us6patri-]^/Xepate-1-/(MG 239)8^root`baskets (pl)'(MG 240)^[X6Ocepatii-]^ncap-Xepate-i-/CeC pl - root`clam baskee(MG 93)9^[yXxAy]^/yaxay/`papoose basket' 10^[xcii5]^ /›(a15/(MG 95)`bat' - animal 11^[qeqat5awus]^/qe - qa15 - aws/(MG 136)^ Ce - root - LS 'eye'`bats (pl)'(MG 137)^[qX15qa15awas]^/qa15 - qa15 - aws/CGC pl - root - LS 'eye'bear`black bear'(MG 107)^Em6)5A+1^ /mexeL/root`black bears (p1)'^[m6xmexa1-]^/max - mexaL/(MG 108) CGC pl - root`black bear cub'^Ern&nxa.°1-o-i-1^/me - mexaL - 7 - o+/(MG 109) CV - root - gl - dim8 This type of carrying basket was made from cedar bark strips two fingers in width and waswaterproof. It was used for carrying clothes or food.'a This is an open weave basket made from split cedar branches used to wash clams off at thewater's edge.10 This is the basket used for carrying a child on one's back or it was used as a cradle.Smallerreplicas were made for children to play with. Each basket was equiped with a handmade ragdoll.11 Mrs. George said that the Sliammon people believe that if a bat gets you and puts its wingsover your eyes you won't be able to see; you'll be blinded. This is the reason why you're notsupposed to make fun of bats.`black bear cubs'(MG 110)`belly button, navel'(MG 309)`belly buttons (p1)'(MG 310)belongings`personal belongings' 12(MG 651)`biscuie(MG 587)`biscuits (pl)'(MG 588)`small biscuit (dim)'(MG589)`blackberry' (MG 61)`blackberries (p1)'(MG 505)`blackberry bush/cane'(MG 506)[m62emxa+61-][m6xwwa? a ju]-[m6xwwa7.9 ju]Ern6xwamoxwwa?ajui[e49ee.9.9xwh][Oskith][p6spaskith][p6pskYi•tO°1-]Entuxwenl N [ntuxwed][cithntuxwen]/me-ri-')exeL-o°1-/CV - root + gl - dim/moxw-waY'o/root - LS 'navel'/moxw-moxw-waY'o/CVC pl - root - LS 'navel'/ee?-e.9-axw/CVC pl - root - ?/pasket/root/pas-pasket/CeC pl - root/pe-pasket-o+/ 13Ce - root - dim/n, toxwan/root/at--etoxwan/CeC pl - root159^[cftuxwanXy]^/L'etoxwan-('?)ay/^-[ntuxwanyl root - LS `bush/tree'12 This is also the word currently used to mean `woman's genitals.'13 The occurrence and phonological shape of the -e- infix which occurs in diminutives issimilar to that of the stative. Kroeber (1989:114) mentions this " -e- infix [which] occurs indiminutives" but attributes them to another process. It is suggested here that diminutives takethe stative suffix -e-.1 60`bad blackberry'^H-Xx ntuxwen]^/-1-ax etoxwen/(MG 507) `bad' `blackberry'blanket`red blanket' (MG 498)`red blanket '(MG 499)`bone'(MG 218)`bones (pl)'(MG 219)[kwUrnu kwh th ][tici 7c'emukwh th ][xciw u sin][xciw xnw "In]/kwom - okw - t/root - LS 'blanket' - ?itac'em - okw - t/root - LS 'blanket' - ?/xaW - sen/root - LS 'foot, leg'/xaW - xaW - en/CVC pl - root - LS 'foot, leg'`small bone (dim)'^[Cita? >«iwin](MG 220)`small bone (dim)'^[x6xawnn](MG 220)`lots of small bones'^{>(6xawnn).1-](MG 600)`bone up the back of^Ex X g ei-a Ma]one's neck' (MG 283)`bottom, backside'^[gWitowsna](MG 326)`box (for food storage)' 14^[ (re xw a ](MG 237)`boxes (pl)'(MG 238)^[eUxwe@xwe]/xe - xaW - en/Ce - root - LS 'foot, leg'/ - xaW - enCe - root - LS 'foot' - dim/›(e \AP - a°1--ana/`bone' - cl - LS 'neck'- eWs - na/root - LS 'body' - LS 'bottom'(to) break`break'(MG 147)^[ic6pxw]^ /1(Gpxw/root14 These food storage boxes were made from cedar sticks and bark.161`breaking'(MG 148)^[X6Xapxwl[X6pexw][X6pxw ith ][x6xepe][x6)capue][X6Xapaxw ][X6pxwatu.1-][n6■A/1-][n6\kno71-][n6n a 9gil-][c'[xwdxwene7][xwanxwani]`I'm breaking it' (MG 153) [X6Xpxwan`it's already broken'(MG 149)`become broken'(MG 150)`become broken (p1)'(MG 151)`I broke it' (MG 152)`brother (older)' 15(MG 590)`brothers (pl)'(MG 591)`small brother '(MG 592)`my brother (now deceased)'(MG 593)bullhead`tidepool sculpin, bullhead'(MG 11)`lots of bullheads (pl)'(MG 539)/ X apxw-et/root - stv/ISa - ICape/CV - root/X ope-at-o.1--t"/root - CTr - past - lsg Sb/X a - X apxw - at - s /CV - root - CTr - 1 sg Sb/naW'+/root/naW'-nGW'°-/CeC pl - root/na - naW' - e - +1Ca - root - dim - root/g'^neW'°1--o°1-/1st Po root - past/xW a - xwa6e/CV - root/xw an - xwane/CaC pl - root15 This term is used for any 'older sibling' - 'older brother' as well as for 'older sister'.162`small bullhead (dim)'^[xwci.xwane7O-1-]^/xwa-xwane-(7)oi-/(MG 540)^^-,[xwcixwene 7 ).1-] CV - root - dimbuy`I'm buying it'(MG 610)^Ey6(inmth hl^/yail-am-t-t7root - st ex? - CTr - lsg Sb`they're all going buying'^[y6(!iy 6 Il aril exwh ]^/ya,i-ya,)-ar'nexw/(MG 611)^ CVC pl - root - ?`calf, thigh' (MG 324)^EX6cintn]^ /Xeqw--en/root - LS 'foot, leg'`calf, thighs (p1)'^EXw6ciwXnqnin]^/Xaqw-Xaqw-en/(MG 325)^(s-, EXwkwXacininl CaC p1- root - LS 'foot'`calm (of water)'(MG 673)`very calm'(MG 674)`always calm'(MG 675)[mOsh ]Erna emOth l[mo/ 7a is emAh ]/magic/root/magic-mot/root - 'very'/magic-magic/CVC pl - rootcanoe`dugout canoe, boat' (MG 62) EnUxwil-1^ /noxwallroot1 63`canoes, boats' (MG 655)^[ n e enaxw 16-[n6 7 anxvvi1-1 17`small canoe' (MG 656)^[nfnxWI-1-]`small canoes (dim pl)'^[nêxwnaxwe°1-6-1-](MG 657)`racing canoe' (MG 63)^[sXxAm]/nexw- noxwa1-/Ca C pl - root/ne-noxwa+/Ce - root/naxw-naxw-e-1--01-/CaC pl - root - dim - root - dim/sax-am/root - ?`racing canoes(pl)'(MG 658)`small racing canoes'(MG 660)`car, automobile'(MG 348)`small car (dim)'(MG 350)[SXXSAXAM]ESX>CSAXamO1-]-Esi\xSA[2cith noBl]-[7ci.t°nopl][26.7th ano13 - 1]-[96.9th anoB - 1]/sax-sax-am/CGC pl - root - ?/se-sax-e-am/Ce - root - dim - ?/sax-sax-am-oilCaC pl - root - ? - dim/ 9atnopel/root/?at - 7 atnopel/CGC pl - root/ 7 a-?atnope 1/CV - root`small racing canoe (dim)'^[sIs x 8m(MG 659)`cars, automobiles (p1)'^Nth ?a t'noBll(MG 349)^-Nt.:at°noBM16 Mrs. George maintains that this is the "new way" to form the plural.17 This is the older plural formation according to Mrs. George.cedar`red cedar tree' 1s(MG 89,188)`lots of red cedar trees'(MG 189)`cedar bark'(MG 90)`cedar plank/board' 19(MG 242)`cedar roots' (MG 90a)20`cedar sticks'(MG 97)[that-bay]-[tXxam7ay]ftaxtaxarnayl[skl.erarn][>(w67>ne][kwa7arnni'h][lOA-lam]-[t.6-flam]/tax - am - ay/root - ? - LS 'tree'/tax-tax-am-ay/CaC pl - root - ? - LS 'tree'/-na/LS 'root, base, bottom'164`cheek'(MG 256)^[tcita7jis]`cheeks (pl)'(MG 257)^[ tina7je7jIs]cherry`wild cherry bark' (MG 92) [ tey7am]/ta-taY'-os/CV - root - LS 'face'/taY-taY'-aY'-os/C@C pl - root - VC - LS 'face'/t.ej/-am/root - ?`wild cherry bush/tree'^[t1S/emay]^ /ej/-am-ay/(MG 194)^ root - ? - LS 'tree, bush'18 The red cedar was used extensively by the Sliammon. Mrs. George said the red cedar isused especially in basket making and that the yellow cedar is used instead for totems andpaddles.19 This is the term used to refer to the split cedar boards used to build traditional plank houses.20 These are the cleaned roots which are ready for weaving.1 65`wild cherry trees(pl)'^[hi iCi9 rna''y]^/taHey-am -ay/(MG 195)^ CeC pl - root - ? - LS 'tree'`chest, torso' (MG 308)^[ ?eyy inas:]`chief' (MG 352)^[he'"gus]^ /heW-os/-[he"gus] root - LS 'face'`chiefs (pl)' (MG 353)^[hXwegus]^ /haW-heW-os/CaC pl - root - LS 'face'`small chier(MG 354)^[h6hagus]21^ /he-heW-os/-[h6hagus] CV - root - LS 'face'`lots of small chiefs'^[h6hawhegus]^/he-haW-heW-os/(MG 355)^-[hehawhegus] CV - CeC pl -root - LS`chiton; barnacle, that^[ 96rnarn)?]^ / 7 am-am-o 2/to the rocks'(MG 47) root - VC - root`chitons (pl)'(MG 632)^[9Xm 9amarn 9 p ]^/ ?am- 7am-am-o 7 /CeC pl - root - VC - root`small chiton (dim)'^[76 7 9 mo ?TA^/ ?a- 7amo 2-o°1-/(MG 633)^ CV - root - dim`chop; to chop (wood)'^[s615am]^ /sop-am/(MG 552)^ root - intr`chopping'(MG 553)^[sOsol5arn]^ /so-sop-am/CV - root - intr21 See the related form for 'supervising' (MG 375).1 66`get chopped'(MG 554)^[s6.15ith]^ /sop-et/—Es6.15eth] root - stvclam`clam' (VIG 53)22^[x6.7a]^ /xa'?a/`lots and lots of clams'^[qXxemoth x8.7a]^/qax-mot xa7a/(MG 643)^ many - very clam`small clam (dim)'^[tItowr )5(17a](MG 644)`small clams (dim pl)'^[qXxamuth titilO7(f) >(S.9a](MG 645)`horse clam, geoduck'^[rno/.7feY]^ /mat - ay/(MG 50)^ root - ?`geoducks (pl)'(MG 636)^[m Xt amatay]^/mat - mat - ay/CGC pl - root - ?`small geoduck'^trn6rnatC191^ /me - mat - ay - 7/(MG 637) Ce - root - ? - dim gl`littleneck clam'(MG 52)^[1-6i-m`littleneck clams (pl)'^EqXx^orb(MG 641)`lots of small clams'^[qXx(MG 642)/1-oi-m^//qax 1-oi-mor'n//qaxmany root ? - dim22 This is the large 'butterclam' which is usually harvested when the shell measures about 3"across. Mrs. George on several occations refused to form the reduplicative plural of this form— the plural is the old word for 'woman's genitals.'1 67`cloud'(MG 392)^[C'cim qw1]`clouds (pl)'(MG 393)^[c'4mc'amqw°1-]`very cloudy, thick clouds' [n62aettn](MG 391)`club; war club' (MG 245)^[xwcijim]`clubs; war clubs'^[xweyxwajim](MG 246)/c'amqw+/root/c'em-c'amqw+/COC pl - root/xWaY - am / 23root - ?/xWay-xwaY-am/CeC pl - root - ?`cockle ' (MG 54)^ /say-am/root - ?`cockles (pl)' (MG 646)^Psqi?am]^/Xej/-Xa9-am/-Dcf;c1C/am] Ca C pl - root - ?`small cockle'(MG 647)^[X6X171-ii]^nca-Xa9-e-m-7/Ca - root - dim - ? - dim glalso alternate:^-EX6Xi?emO+1^/Xa-Xa9-e-m-o°1-1Ca - root - dim - ? - dim`lots of small cockles '^[V0(176m6+]^nsa9-Xa9-e-m-o+1(dim pl)(MG 648)^I 78m17+] CeC pl - root - dim - ? - dim2 3 Davis (1978:15) states that "the suffix / - a m / occurs often in Sliammon and in otherSalish languages. It has been glossed `mediopassive', though it has a wide range ofmeanings." Kroeber (1989) distinguishes between two different suffixes. He cites the 'activeintransitive' as -( )em and the 'main clause passive' as - (0 )m. In the case of 'war club' it isunclear which suffix is used.cod`ling cod (fish)'(MG 7)`lots of cod (pl)(MG 490)'`small cod (dim)'(MG 491)`lots of small cod'(MG 492)[c'ci>(o]Ec'ag'axol[c'fc'xwo 9 0 ][c'fc'exc'exwo7 0 ]--, [c'fc'AN'aXw07°}/c'oxaw/root/c'ax-c'oxaw/CaC pl - root/c'e-c'oxaw-7/Ce - root - dim gl/c'e-c'ex-c'oxaw-2/Ce - CaC pl- root - dim gl/earb-oY'a/root - LS 'hand'/ca-cam-oY'a/Ca - root - LS 'hand'/maWa/root/maW-maWa/CaC pl - root/ma-maW-aW-o°1-/CV - root - VC - dim/maW-maW-aW-o+/CaC pl - root - VC - dim168`cold hands'(MG 572)24^[ee?erno7;eh]`getting cold hands'^[beam° 7 jeh ](MG 573)`cougar' (MG 103)^[mXga]`cougars (pl)' (MG 104)^[mciwmXg•a]`small cougar '(MG 105)^[m XMA g 6 w a-1-]-EmX'mAgOwai-1`lots of small cougar ' [mu/.mAgowa-1-](dim pl)(MG 106)`cough'(MG 450)^[i6:enth]^/tow-q"'-at/root - st ex - CTr`he coughs' (a cough?)^rt c/yeethl^/tow - e - et/(MG 451)^—1t6seethl root - st ex - stv24 This is said of hands immersed in water.1 69`he's got a cold'(MG 452) [-f6doeim]^/to-tow-e-am/CV - root - st ex - PMC`to count'(MG 403)`counting (now)'(MG 404)`we're already counting'(MG 405)[Ovf9am][kwLikne ?am] `crab'(MG 45)`crabs'(MG 46)`small crab (dim)'(MG 631)`crawling; anyone on theirhands & knees'(MG 454)/Ye - Yaq - e - a/ 25CV - root - stv - intr`crow'(MG 71)`crows' (pl)(MG 72)`cut; to cut (in kitchen)'(MG 556)`cut one's hand'(MG 557)`cutting'(MG 555)`cutting it' (MG 555)Vi O's[k'ff<Ye.1<Yer<Y][eftem][efio7ish][eaoi.orn]re6eEetathi/ke-kak/Ce - root/r<e-kar<-ak/Ce - root - VC/eat - em/root - intr/eat - oY'a/root - LS 'hand'/ea - eat - Gm/CV - root - intr/ca - eat - et/CV - root - CTr25 Kroeber (1989:112) states that there are a number of verbal suffixes of the shapeSome of these are apparently intransitive (for example / ?em - a / ), while others aretransitive.***D***`deef(MG 87)26^Ccie.gns^ /qeWa0/`deer skin, mountain goat^i+7 a nukwh i ii-an-okw /skin'(MG 517)^^[+6 7 a nukwh ]^root - LS 'covering, pelt'`lots of deer skin'^Rinia7 a nukwh i^Ran--1-an - okw/(MG 519) C@C pl - root - LS 'covering'`to dig clams' (MG 343a)^[ 7 e°1-qw 0^ / 0+- qw 0/root - LS 'water'`dishes, all the plates'^[0",\A/0.+th]^/^eiwa+-(MG 445)^ CGC pl - root - ?`dogfish'(MG 1) /kwabroot`dogfish (pl)'(MG 511)^[kwielkwaV]^/kwee-kwae/CeC pl - root`small dogfish'^[kweekwaeh]^/kwa-kwab(MG 512) CV - root`lots of small dogfish '^[kwikwaeo°1-6.1-](dim pl)(MG 513)^^-,[efl'<wiehr<waeh]`drag it (a little way)'^Ig66iwth^ /W8e-t/(MG 465)^ root - CTr26 This term is used to refer specifically to the 'female deer or doe' as well as being used as thegeneric term for 'deer.' The Chinook jargon word [ma w ^is used to refer to the 'maledeer or buck.'170171`dragging it'(MG 464)^[go/qrath]^ /Wa - Wae - at/-[g(5.eath ] CV - root - CTr`dragging it , a little^[giga7 ,rath]^/We - Wee - at/at a time, over & over Ce - root - CTr(MG 466)`duck'(MG 130)^[qwXqwGwax]-[qWXqWwax]***E***`eagle, bald'(MG 31)`eagles (pl)'(MG 32)`small eagle (dim)'(MG 576)`lots of small eagles '(dim pl)(MG 577)[gxhkwh][04Y0aykwh[qX>< (!i >.( 6ykwh[elo/,laykw6.1-][gxeYeay kvv6+]/alaykw/root/ , lay - ciaykw/CaC pl - root/qax elaykw/many rootCV dim - root - dim/0y - Oykw - ol-/CaC pl - root - dim`ear'(MG 270)^HiwOw.9 9anah l`ears (pl)'(MG 271)^[Varowe9anah]/e0 w - ana/root - LS 'ear'/Orew - eow - ana/C@C pl - root - LS 'ear' 27 This form literally means "many eagles" and is often used by younger speakers as a meansof forming the plural rather than using the reduplicative prefix. It illustrates the increase in useof analytical constructions of this type which are gradually replacing the use of reduplicationamongst younger speakers of Sliammon.`earrings (pl)'(MG 275) [1-Xqwi-Aqw 9anaDin]/1-eqw-ana-ten/root - LS 'ear' - instr/i-aqw —l-aqw - ana - tan/CaC pl - root - LS 'ear' - instr/Xeqw-aha/root - LS 'ear'172`earring'(MG 274)^[1-4qw7anaDin]`earlobe' (MG 272)^EX6cro?anah1`earlobes (pl)'(MG 273)^ris6qwXsqw 7anahl^nsaqw -Xeqw -ana/CaC pl - root - LS 'ear'egg`bird's egg'(MG 562)28^[xwci•xw 7eth]`lots of eggs(pl)'^Nw6xwaxw 9ethl(MG 563)`small egg (dim)'^[xwcie7e. D 1-](MG 564)^[ XW xw e t`lots of small eggs'(MG 565)`eight (cardinal number)'(MG 118)`eighty'(MG 494)`elbow'(MG 290)[xwOxw7 axW 7e.tti°1-]Etci7aisa.1-Ye7el[scijtaiC/a>(an]ita7eas/ 29/ta 9 aas-a1--a7/root 'eight' - cl - 'tens'/say - *--exan/root - VC ? - LS 'elbow'2 8 This refers to sea gull's eggs and wild duck's eggs. Nowadays it also refers tocommercially purchased eggs.29 The related form for 'eighty' suggests that / S/ becomes [] in word-final position.1 73`elbows (pl)' (MG 291)^[sfsaC/ayaxan]^/sa/-sa/-ay-axan/CGC pl - root - ex -LS 'elbow'`empty, it's empty' 30(MG 372)`exchange (it)'(MG 472)`exchange gifts'(MG 471)`exchanging gifts'(MG 471a)`eye'(MG 258)`eyes (pl)'(MG 259)`eyebrow'(MG 260)`eyebrows (pl)' (MG 261)`eyelash'(MG 262)`eyelashes' (MG 263)[ti.nah][7cijusthl—[96.. justh][7cijuarinDawi-]-[9cijuarilDbin17d2ajuariipciw-1-1-[?6,9ajgariipciw+1[q>q.7om][eOwea\kum][06manl[e6meom an][qwcipawus]-[qw6pawas][qw 6ph eopdwus]/tay-na/root 'big' - LS 'root, bottom'/7aYo'S-t/mroot - CTr/9aYA-9am-t-aw-i-/root - ? - CTr - recip/7a-9aYA-7am-t-aw°1-/CV - root - ? - CTr - recip/qa*-am/root - ?/qaw-qa\k-am/CaC pl - root - ?/Corn-an/root - ?/Cam-Com-an/CGC pl - root - ?/qwop-awas/root - LS 'eye'/qwop-qwop-awas/CVC pl - root - LS 'eye'30 This expression would be used to refer to a pail or container to be filled with berries, clamsor water.31 This example suggests that / becomes [s] in the environment before / t/.***F***`Fall , Autumn' (MG 84) 32^[xe e i s h ]^/xee-ee/root - VC`fast handed; fast picker'33 [e6 9 0 9 0 ; eh ]^/Xo 7 - oY'a/(MG 574)^ root - LS 'hand'`lots of fast pickers (pl)'^[ X a 70 7j eh ]^/ -Xa 9-Xo9-oY'a/(MG 575)^ CaC pl - root - LS 'hand'`fae(MG 331)34^EthixwomAl^/tay-xw-omesS/— [ thixwornIM root - st ex - LS 'appearance'`fat, animal fat or lard' 35^[ Xw X S   ]^ /xwas/(MG 332)^ root174`the fat' (MG 486)36^[xwcistan]`feathef(MG 168)^[g' wOg' wo,r]`feathers (pl)' (MG 169)^[c'cic'oc'oe]`feather mattress' (MG 594) [c' wOc'o ea 7 (1 -1-]/xwas-tan/root - instr/c'o - c'oe/CV - root/ç'a-ç'og'- w /Ca - root - ?/c'oc'- w -a 7a+/root - ? - LS 'mattress'32 Mrs. George said that this indicated the "time when the leaves fall from the trees".33 This is used to refer to someone picking berries or fruit.34 Literally this means "large, big appearance" and is used to describe people.35 This usually refers to 'seal fat' but can also be used for the fat from dogfish and other seamammals.36 This form can be used to refer to 'deer fat' as well.175`lots of mattresses'^ /Cag'-g'oc'-oil'w-a^a.1-/(MG 595)^—[c'6c"9 c'oea7ai-A1-] CaC pl - root - ? - LS 'mattress' - VC`fern'(MG 102)37^[e6tAy]^/eat-ay/-[ee3tAy] root - LS 'tree, bush'`fight ; to fight' 38(MG 619)`fighting'(MG 620)[twOje e twi-]—[xwcije 0 tOw°1-]—[xwci.je a tO°1-][xwcixwe jetO-1-][xwaxwe jete+]/xWaY-at-aw.1-/root - CTr - recip/xwa-xwaY-at-awllCV - root - CTr - recip`they're all really fighting'^[ X w e/ X w aj Et a W`i- ](MG 621)^—[xwe-xwajet.-1-]fill`full'(MG 370)^[Ore] N [ 00e]`you fill it up (to the top)'^[y 2 C e n'xw](MG 371)/x w aY-x w aY-at-aw°1-/CaC pl - root - CTr - recip/yee/root/yee - 8 - exw/root - Tr - 2nd sg Sbfine`I'm fine' (MG 482)^[7i:nno-th]^ /9ey-ean+7-mot/?39^- N:nnuthl `good' - 1 sg Sb + gl - very37 Mrs George did not remember the English name for this type of fern. It was apparently usedfor medicinal purposes. The centre stem was boiled and the resulting tonic used for rheumatismand bathing.38 See the form for 'war club.'39 The proposed UR suggests that there is a nasal deletion rule whereby / m / deletes when itfollows another nasal.`finger' (MG 293)`fingers (pl)' (MG 294)`fingernail' (MG 300)[xwC?awacrojs]fxwOxwawacroje][040 ,in7jEl/eaw-aer-oYa/root - LS 'elongated - LS 'hand'objects'/xwaw - xwaw - ae - oYa/COC pl - root - LS - LS 'hand'/(1.315 - e w - oY'a/root - LS 'elongated - LS 'hand'objects'/cia15 - (!ia15 - ee - oY'a/CGC pl - root - LS - LS/kat - e(r - oY'a/root - LS - LS 'hand'/kat - kat - eqw - oYa/COC pl - root - LS - LS/xwaw - et/root - stv/xway-xwaw-et/40Cay - root - stv/tay xwaw-et/`big' root 'fire' - stv176`fingernails (p1)'^[(!1615 , 1a156 341wO7je](MG 301) —[00a150(rO2jel`small finger, pinky'^[0/6 7 fe-7gwo 7 jeh ](MG 221)`small fingers (p1)'^[kYlikYsteqwoj6h1(MG 222)`fire'(MG 174)^[xwrawith]`fires (p1)'(MG 175)^{e4exwwith]`big fire'(MG 176)^[tih xwci 7awith]40 This plural form does not conform to the normal pattern of Ca C- pl reduplication discussedin Chapter 3. It may be formed by analogy with other plural forms that have a resonant in C2position.1 77`fish (generic)'(MG 4)^Ej6nxw]^ /Yane/root`lots of fish (p1)'(MG 524)`small fish (dim)'(MG 525)`lots of small fish'(MG 526)`my fish'(MG 527)`his fish'(MG 528)`small salt water fish'(MG 639)`fish egg'(MG 534)`fish eggs (p1)'(MG 535)`fishing or gatheringfood in salt water'(MG 138)`they're all gone fishing;gathering all kinds of foodin salt water' (MG 484)Ejfnjenxwh]Ej6janexwt1-1-]-Ej6jenexw6-1-1Ej1njenxwU+1[t6te i6n xwhiEta j6nxws1Et et Yos141[cieyax][cieYqeyx][g'/■x+awurn][c'X>CC'AX1- VV "U r11]('-'[C'.6)5C'AXi- W U r11]/Yan - Yanxw /CaC pl - root/Ya - Yan - e - xw - o+/CV - root- dim - root - dim/Yan - Yanxw - o+/CaC pl - root - dim/t.@ - t6^Yanxw/art - lsg Po root/to Yan - s/art root - 3 Po/te-te-o/?/qey-x/root - st ex/qay-qey-x/CaC pl - root - st exic'ex--i-aw am/ 42root - LS 'food'/c'ax - g'ax --i-awarn/CaC pl - root - LS 'food'41 There is a large tidepool in front of Sliammon which contains this small fish and accordingto Mrs. George is the source of the old name for Sliammon: 6.(2,',9rn] (MG 65).42 Hagege (1981:62) records =1-aw am- `nourriture'.`five (cardinal number)'(MG 115)`fifth day of the week;Friday' (MG 80)/eaya-es/root - ?/eaya-as-s/root ? - ? - LS 'day'178`flirt ; to flirt' (MG 623)`flirting'(MG 624)`everybody's flirting'(MG 625)`fly (insect)'(MG 163)`flies (pl)'(MG 164)`foot' (MG 206)`feet (pl)'(MG 207)`four (cardinal number)'(MG 114)`fourth day of the week;Thursday'(MG 79)[hdy°1-i■ril][hci.hay°1-iti][hciyher++][xcixwayu m7][xwO.xwayayum7][j-fjrnl[jfsflinl[mOs][mOss]/haY - 1--am - 7/root - st ex - intr - gl/ha - haY -1-- am - 7/CV - root - st ex - intr - gl/haY - haY - e---1-/CVC pl - root - sty - st ex/Ya - en/root - rt/Ye--Ye - en/CeC pl - root - rt/mos/root/mos - s/root - LS 'day'***G***genitals`woman's genitals'^[xO.7xa]43(MG 650)179`grass clothing'(MG 518)^[XX(!ia2m4'eh]^/Xail'-ammec'a/root - ? - LS 'clothing'lots of grass clothing (pl)'^[^/\■1 a 9m6yoh]^ a /(MG 520)^—[XX(Vcm!ia9mec'ehl CGC pl - root - ? - LS`ground, soil, earth, dirt'^[Ogijel^ /WeYa/(MG 341)^ root`lots of ground, soil,^[ ( 0)gi:gij8h]^ /WeY - WeYa/earth, dirt (pl)' (MG 342) CVC pl - root`a little bit of ground or soil'(MG 343)grouse`grouse, blue' (MG 121)[gXgA 7 aj6h]—EgiCga^ 9 •9 jehl[hOrn?hom]44/Wa - WaY'a/?CV - root/horbhom/root43 Structurally this appears to be the reduplicative plural of 'clam' and is clearly the reasonwhy 'clam' is not reduplicated. Mrs. George said that this old word for `woman's genitals'was used widely when she was growing up but that today it is considered profane. It has beenreplaced in usage by the word meaning 'personal belongings.'44 Mrs. George says that this word represents "the drum-like noise that the grouse makeswhen it flaps its wings". The Sliammon people listened for this beating sound in order to sneakup on this bird. It is reduplicated in the singular form as well as in the plural.`lots of blue grouse'(MG 122)`woolly grouse'(MG 181)`lots of woolly grouse (pl)'(MG 182)[hOmhom 7 hom]—[h6<mhorn Thom][qW6se - m]-[qW6stm][qw6sqwesem]/horn - hoMhom/CVC pl - root/gales - am/root - ?/gales-gales-am/CeC pl - root - ?180***H***`hail'(MG 159)`lots of hail (pl)'(MG 160)`hair (of head)'(MG 266)`lots of hair (pl)'(MG 267)`half full'(MG 373)`hard'(MG 680)`hard to get going; stubborn(MG 681)Ec'Xcawannl[g'6g'c'ec'awenn][rnSqsn]ErnXqhmacianl[xwcaegan]-[xwOisegn]EXaqwh l-k/Cqwh ]' [X6qwegan]-DcXqwegen]/maq - en/root - rt/maq - maq - en/CeC pl - root - rt/xwaX - evvan/root - LS 'size'/xwaX - xwaX - eWan/CVC pl - root - LS 'size'ncaqw/rootnseqw-evvan/root - LS 'spirit, sentiment'`lots of half filled things'^[xwcixwXegan](MG 374)^^-,[xwca xwaXegan]`Harwood Island'(MG 67) [76.9geqsan]181`head'(MG 254)45^Ern 6 7os]^ /rno 9 - 0s/root - LS 'face'`heads (pl)'(MG 255)^[mdmO7 os]^ /m.97--mo? - os/CaC pl - root - LS 'face'`heart (human)'^[X6qwenas]^ /Xaqw-enas/(MG 210) -[X6qwenns] root - LS`hearts (pl)'(MG 211)^[X6qwXaqwenas]^/Xaqw-Xaqw-enas/CaC pl - root - LS`to help'(MG 356)^[e6genneh]`helping'(MG 358)^[eeeegenae]`help somebody'^[e6g a th ](MG 357)`he got help'(MG 359)^26gGrAmui-i`he'll get help'(MG 360)^[e6gatamsamt]`hemlock (tree)(MG 190)^[qw6:7ay]`lots of hemlock' (MG 191) [qw6: ,ro:?ay]`Hernando Island' (MG 70) [ kwLi.pXa]45 This term can be used to refer to 'fish heads' as well.46 See the form for 'hill' and the LS for 'abdomen, belly'./eaW-naq/root - ?/ea-eaW-naq/CV - root - ?/eaW - at/root - ?/eaW-at-am-o.1-/root - ? - PMC - past/eaW-at-am-sam-1/root - ? - PMC - fut - ?/qwo\;v-ay/root - LS 'tree'/qwo\k - qwo\iv -ay/CVC pl - root - LS 'tree'/ kw op- Xae / 46182`heron' (MG 30)^[po/J2]^ /pal' /root`lots of heron (p1)'(MG 559)`small heron (dim)'(MG 560)`lots of small heron'(MG 561)also alternative:`herring'(MG 2)/pal'-pal'/CaC pl - root/pe - pal'/Ce - root/pe - pal - ol-/Ce - root - dim/pal - pal -ol-/CaC pl - root - dimRaWat//1-aW-1-aWat/CVC pl - root/1-a^Wa t/CV - root[pApai' 7][pepo.4•2][pepoJOi-][pPrpa8°1-][.r6 7g@th]`lots of herring'(MG 338)^[iti:ia gith]`small herring'(MG 339)^Pi-di-e g a f.h`small herring'(MG 340)^[i.d°1•g a^+] /1-a^- o°1-/CV - root - dim`hill'(MG 229)^[kw6pith]^ /kwop - et/root - stv`hills (pl)'(MG 230)^[kwi\;Ykwpith]`hole; a hole' (MG 607)47^[tA.ikYhroot - sty - rt47 This refers to a hole in a wall or a piece of wood. See the related verbal form cited byKroeber (1989:114) / talk-a-t/ 'make a hole in it'.`lots of holes (p1)'^[tci't .T ikyh ](MG 608)`small hole (dim)'^[t.6tl'ikYh](MG 609)`holy day' (MG 649)^[xo/.7xa c'Okwh]`house'(MG 233)48^[XXmstanl`houses (pl)' (MG 235)^[XXIIIXAmstAn]—EXXmxAmstAn1/h-tal-e-k/Ca - root - stv - rtCe - root - stv - rt/xa? - xa Cokw /root `holy' `day'/Xam - s - tan/root - ? - LS 'enclosure'/Xem-scam-s-tan/C3C pl - root - ? - LS183`house (new word)'^[96.ya7]^ / 7 aya 9 /(MG 234)`houses (pl)'(MG 236)^[9f7aye9]^ /?ay-9aya7/CaC pl - root`how are you?'(MG 481)^[ ?O. 7e j^xwi.1th^, [ 7 X 7e je-exwthh ]`huckleberry '(MG 60)49^[156(!ii5o e.r^/1501r - 150e/CVC pl - root`huckleberry (red)'^[tiixwu9arn]^ oxw- 7am/(MG 58)^ root - ?48 According to Mrs George this is the old word for "house." Beaumont records [Xemstan]for Sechelt . The suffix -tan (p.17) means 'container or enclosure.' Thus ric amstan] is 'anenclosure for dwelling' (a house).49 This was originally glossed 'small wild grey blueberry.' It is described by Mrs. George as atype of berry typically found in the mountains and at the head of a river. The gloss remainsuncertain.184`lots of huckleberries (p1)'^[t u xw t u xwu 7u m]^/toxw-toxw-7ami(MG 652)^ CVC pl - root - ?`small huckleberry (dim)'^[ 'ta t xW e 7 am]/ta - tox w - e - ?am - 7 /(MG 653)^ Ca - root - e - ? - dim glalso alternate:^Et a/ t h xw e 7 em O°1- 1^/ta-- -toxw - e - lam - o°1- /Ca - root - e - ? - dim`small huckleberries'^[tUxwt.uxw°9amt11-]^itoxw-toxw-9.9m-ol-/(MG 654)^ CVC pl - root - ? - dim`red huckleberry bush'^['tueu7a.7mA y ]^/toxw - lam - (?)ay/(MG 59)^ root - ? - LS 'tree, bush'`hummingbird'(MG 73)^[xw6p h Xw oph /e0p-xwop/CVC - root`lots of hummingbirds (p1)' [ xw 6 P xwo p xwo p ] 5°^/>(w015--XwO15-0[5/(MG 183)^ CVC - CVC - root`small hummingbird (dim)' [xw OpxwO.poal-]^ixwop-xwop-oi-/(MG 74)^-[xwOpxwO.pui] CVC pl - root - dim`island'(MG 68)^[kwIfsnys]^ /kwae- ays/-[kwIfeays] root - LS 'rock'`lots of islands'(MG 661)^Ekwtfekwu Oa y^/kwae-kwae-ays/CaC pl - root - LS 'rock'`small island (dim)'^[kw6kwheayIS]^/kwe-kw@e-ay(e)s/(MG 662)^ CV - root - LS 'rock'50 The glottalization on this plural form remains unexplained.`Steller's jays (p1)'(MG 124)jigger`cod jigger'(MG 8)`jigging (for codfish)'(MG 9)`joint (anatomy)'(MG 302)`joints (pp '(MG 303)[ kwi kw i kw i ][edc'amten][060c'Arn][xwo'.c'eeOjel[xwkixwec'see67)6]-Exwtfc'eac'eaeO7jel185`small islands (dim pl)'^[kwu/skwusayee3+] /kw ee - kw ae - ayes - o°1- /(MG 663)^ CGC pl - root - LS - dim`to invite for dinner'^EnOxwurnl^ /noxw-am/(MG 418)^ root - intr`everybody's invited'^[nOnxwotO71-]^/no-noxw-et-o7+1(MG 419)^ CV - root - CTr - past ?jay`Steller's jay'51 (MG 123)^[kwi s kw i s ]^ /kw i - kw i s /CVC pl - root/kw i s--kw i s --kw i s /CVC pl - CVC - root/OK-am-tan/root - intr - instr/e@ --- eac' - ern/CV - root - intr/xw ag' - ee - oY'a/root - LS - LS 'hand'/xwec' -xwac' -ee- oY'a/ce C pl-root-LS 'elongated-LS 'hand'objects'5 1 Cyanocitta stelleri186`jump'(MG 215)^krec'eml^ /eeg'-em/root - intr`jumping' (MG 216)^[efec'ern]^/ee - crec' - .9m/ 52CV - root - intr`I am jumping'^[eicrc'eriih]^/(re - Irec - erf1 -7- /(MG 217) CV - root - intr - gi - lsg Sb***K***`kelp'(MG 16)^[kwUrbth]53^/kwornt/root`lots of kelp (p1)'(MG 543)`small kelp (dim)'(MG 544)`lots of small kelp'(MG 545)[ k w m k w u r t h[kwU kwumal°1-]-[kw ilkwu mtU+][kwUmkwurnm)-1-1-[kwuinikwurnti°1-]kw o m - kw t/CVC pl - root/kw o - kwant - o°1-/CV - root - dim/kwom - kwornt - o+/CVC pl - root - dim/yam-am/ 54root - intr/j/e-yam-am/CV - root - intr`kick' (MG 455)^[yfriiern]`kicking (all the timer^[09irnem](MG 456)52 The resulting vowel quality [1] in the reduplicative affix of these progressive forms suggeststhat the first consonant of the root is perhaps /0"/ and not /e/.53 This word is used to refer to the wide "leaves" at the top of the kelp bulb. These wide stripsof seaweed were used for covering fish as well as functioning as a "lid" for steaming clamsover a rock-pit fire.54 These examples show that the restructuring of word internal syllable-initial glottalizedresonants is perhaps preferable but not compulsory. Notice that the word-initial glottalizedresonant is not realized.187`kingfisher' (MG 132)^[c'fte)(905^/c'et"-aie/`kingfishers (pl)'^[c'ftc'iWr'e]^/c'et"--c'es6-ale/(MG 133) CaC pl - root - ?`Klahoose band;^[X6xos]^/Xexos/kind of fish' (MG 485)56 ,,,[ X X xos]`knee'(MG 313)^[qwranuqw-l-a]^/qwan-7eqw.1-a/57root - LS 'knee'`knees (pp '(MG 314)^[qw6nqwa 7 anu qw-i-a]^/qwen - qwan - 7aqw°1-a/CGC pl - root - LS 'knee'`knife; pocket knife'^[A6)capxw]58^/Ica - Xap - xw/(MG 145)^^4)(6Xa7pxwi CV - root - st ex`knives; pocket knives'^DOOsapaxwl^Rep - Xap - xw/(MG 146)^ CaC pl - root - st ex`knife'(MG 248)^[eftqamin]^/eat - qa - men/root - ? - instr55 The dark 1 [fl is pronounced with the tip of the tongue down behind the front bottom teethand the body of the tongue raised toward the velum. Mrs. George was insistant that my ownpronunciation could be improved by getting the location of the tongue tip correct.56 This was described by Mrs. George as "the fish that gets caught in your net while fishingfor Spring salmon."57 Hagege (1981:61) claims that the LS for 'knee' is = 7 e qw+a - `genou'. The form which iscited above suggests, however, that the suffix is reduced to / 7eqw°1-a/ since the schwa iscoloured by the following labialized consonant.58 See the root "to break".1 88`knives (pl)'(MG 249)^[eftLiciaminl-[eft ( ' )Liciamin]***L***`leaf' (MG 56)^[sci7yja]`lots of leaves (p1)'^[sfsaC/jeh](MG 665)`small leaf (dim)' (MG 666) [s6si.j.9eh ]`lots of small leaves'^[siseja761-](MG 667)/ee't-eat.-qa-men/CeC pl - root - ? - instr/say-Ya/root - ?/say-say-Ya/CGC pl - root - ?/sa-say-Ya/CV - root - ?/say-say-Ya-o.1-/CGC pl - root - ? - dim`left handed' (MG 503)^[c'eeo.js2e]^/ c'ee-oY 'a /-[cWo je 7 8 ] root - LS 'hand'`leg, hip'(MG 311)^[taanajiph]^/ta---en-aYap/root - ? - LS 'upper leg, thigh'`legs, hips (pl)'(MG 312)^[tinan-najtph ]^/tai-taL'-an-aYap/CeC pl - root - ? - LS 'thigh'like`I like it a lot'59 (MG 379)^[tXtern h ]^/ta-tam-8-7-{tXtemnsel CV - root - Tr - lsgSb`(I) feel like it'(MG 380)^[t6mae]^ /tam-a-L7root - Tr - lsgSb59 This can be said of food or of people: 'I like it/him/her/them a lot.'`I like it'(MG 379)`lips'(MG 276)`lots of lips (p1)'(MG 277)`liver (deer)'(MG 125)`liver (fish)' (MG 126)[7fx\ivi-n][6oein][q±§soOin]Rie?tem]H-6xwal/7en<w ',91-)/lsg Sb/eoeen//6a8-eoeen/CaC pl - root/-1-8 xw a /189/qwes-Xa/root - LS 'abdomen, belly'/qwes-?ay/root - LS 'human'/gales-gal es-Xa/CaC pl - root - LS 'belly'/qwes - qwes - ?ay/COC pl - root - LS 'human'`liver (human)'(MG 127)^[qw X s Xa](MG 479)-[cr6ray]`livers (p1)' (MG 128)^[qwXsqwnsXa](MG 480)^-[qw6sqwes7ay]`louse'(MG 156)^[main]^ /maean/root`lice (p1)'(MG 157)^Ern 6emo, ein] /mae - maean/CaC pl - root***M***man`young man'(MG 141)^[niy?tomI]^/coy t-orn.A/young ? - LS 'appearance'`young men (pl)' (MG 142) [nly7tamtomi]^/boy tern-tome/young CaC pl - rootmat`rush mat'6° (MG 170)^[q6.9qa]^ /qa7qa/?root ?`rush mats (p1)'^[q6>( qa 7 qal^/qax qa9qa/(MG 171) many rootmeet`I met/saw someone^[xv./.6 70 '9 gdynixwan]unexpectedly' (MG 615)`mink'(MG 22)^[m/Cs ]^ /mas/—[mXs.] root`lots of mink (0)'^[mXsemnsOi-]^/mas-mas-o+/61(MG 23)^ CeC - root - dim?`little mink (dim)'^[m62emsu-i-]^/me - Mas - o+/(MG 24) Ce - root - dim`lots of small mink'^[m/CsmAsOi-]^/mas - mas - o-1-/(MG 558) CeC pl - root - dim`Mink (mythical flamer^[ciciyx]^ /qay - x/(MG 612)^ root - st ex`lots of Mink (pp'^[qeqayax]^ /qay - qay - x/(MG 613) CeC pl - root - st ex`small Mink (dim)'^[cicqe>5wU1-1^/qa - qay - x - off/(MG 614) CV - root - st ex - dim60 The rush mat was made out of lake grass. It could be folded and taken along for campingtrips providing a "waterproof bed."61 This form appears to contain the diminutive suffix even though it is not glossed as such.190191`Mitlenatch Island' (MG 69) [mXXoneel]^/maX -na/ 62`calm' - LS 'end, root'`Monday'(MG 76)^Ey67eynw163^/yaj/aw/`mountain goat' (MG 497)^[xw 6Xay] /xwaX-aY/root - ?`lots of mountain goats'^[xw6X>(wa-y]64^/xW aX->(W8X-aY/(MG 501)^, [xwAxwaXXyl CeC pl - root - ?`mountain goat blanket'^[xw6Xajukwhth](MG 252)`mountain goat blankets'^[xweaxweXajukwhth](MG 253)`mouse'(MG 161)^[6e.,9r)]`mice (p1)' (MG 162)^[efe:St2t@n]`mouth'(MG 280)^[s6yagen]—[si\yecien]/xWaX-aY-okw -t/root - ? - LS 'blanket' - ?/>(w ay - eX - aY - okw -t/Ca), pl - root - ? - LS - ?/ea- 'C'at-en/CV - root - ?/eat-"at-at-an/CGC pl - root - VC - ?/ say-gen/ 65root - LS 'mouth'62 Literally this name means "calm back end." Mitlenatch is described by Kennedy andBouchard as an "anglicization of Met inech, which refers to the fact that the sheltered areas ateither end of the island provide safe moorage, no matter which way the wind is blowing"(1983:161).63 See Sechelt [yelciw] or [ye] ?Sw ] which means "something is past"; in the context of`Monday' it means "Sunday is past." See Beaumont (1985:84).64 Mrs. George said that this is also the name used for Goat Lake located north of PowellRiver.65 This lexical suffix also means 'tongue, language' (Hagege 1981:61).1 92`mouths (pl)'(MG 281)^[siseyg>.(an]`moving up the beach'^[elirOcnn]66(MG 580)`mussel, blue'(MG 51)^[s67ma]/say-say-gen/CaC pl - root - LS/sar'na/root`mussels (p1)'(MG 51a)^[s6rnsa 9ma]^/sarin -sar'n -a/CeC pl - root - rt`small blue mussel'^[sisriia 96+1 67^/s-sar'n-a-(7)o+/(MG 640)^ CV - root - rt - dim***N***name`Mrs. George's name' 68^[06? ° way9 gen](MG 547)`neck'(MG 282)^[sXys7ne]^ /say-ana/root - LS 'neck'nest`bird's nest' (MG 566)`lots of nests (p1)'(MG 567)`small nest (dim)'(MG 568)[jim.an]Ejimjtmenl[jf-j4men3+1/Yemen/ 69root/Yam-Yemen/CeC pl - root/Ye-Yemen-0+1CV - root - dim 66 See the related form for 'starfish.'67 This nasal is phonetically creaky or laryngealized rather than having a full glottal release.See Davis (1970: 24-27) for a discussion of problems of describing glottalization in Sliammon.68 This traditional Sliammon name was given to Mrs. George by her grandfather.6 9 The suffix -an seems to occur frequently; however, its meaning still remains uncertain.`nighe(MG 82)`nine'(MG 119)`nit '(MG 154)`nits (pl)' (MG 155)`nose'(MG 204)`noses (pl)'(MG 205)[-nAth][tigYuxw]ExcixnylExcixaxAy]qsin][mKqamAqsin]/nat//teWaxw //mac:pen/root/maq-maqsen/CeC pl - root193`nostril'(MG 264)`nostrils (p1)' (MG 265)/'talk-eqw / 70root - LS 'nose'/tal-talk-eqw /CaC pl - root - LS 'nose'`oaf(MG 243)(MG334)`oars (pl)'(MG 244)(MG 335)`small oar (dim)'(MG 336)`lots of small oars (dim pl)'(MG 337)[0070vv il—[0gX7awih][gLI.gow n—[g6gawth][Ogcigithl —Egd:githl[gign't] N [giga:gi .th]/WaWq/70 Hagege (1981:61) claims that the LS for 'nose' is = e (r. The meaning is also extended to`promontory, elongated objects'. I have recorded - eqw for 'nose' and - ecr for 'elongatedobjects'.194`old person'(MG 231)^[XXXxAjd`old people (p1)'^[iccix .isaxny](MG 232)`old stump'(MG 202)^[07Aynie]`old stumps (pl)'^[xci?xa ?Genie](MG 203)`one (number)' (MG 111)^[pc-S.7a]open`its opening' (MG 476)^[01ail' am]nca-Xax-ay- 7/CV - root - LS 'person' - dim gljcax-Xax-ay/CVC pl - root - LS person/xa 7--ay-na/root - LS tree - LS 'root, bottom'/xa7->5a7-ay-na/CVC pl - root - LS 'tree' - LS 'root'/pa7a/ 71/ Wa-Wa°1-aiti- am /CV - root - intr`opening (new word)'^[g(kiayel ham](MG477)^-[giicayeinern]`owl '(MG 13)^[xe>(anW`owls (pl)'(MG 14, 541)^[>(6):(ewn(-1. ern]`small owl (dim)'^[Oxa 9anart.1-1-](MG 542)^-[x6x0Aneeti°1-]/xe - xan - e/?CV - root - LS ?/xex-an-eiVroot - ? - LS/xe-x n-e(!i-em/?/›(ex-ew-n-eal-em//xe-xan+Ce - root + dim gl - LS ? - dim/xex-an+71 The cognate form in Sechelt is <pala> 'one' (Beaumont 1985:14). This suggests that PS*1became glottal stop in the environment of /a/.***p***`paddling(with one paddle)' [hehaw6sYmah]72^/he-heW-L'esma/(MG 351)^ CV - root - ?195`palm (of the hand)'(MG 322)`palms (pl)'(MG 323)`perspire, sweat'(MG 367)`he's always sweating'(MG 369)`plank, long board'(MG 241)`planks, long boards (pl)'(MG 247)`pointed'(MG 671)`very pointed'(MG 672)`pointed head'(MG 669)EpXqai-j[p6qpaqa-i-jeyf]—[paqpaqa°1-jiy]Ej6.qwan11 N [jj6qweb][jljnejeiram]Ho'DI[i'api. ap)ra[c'e a l5Eth ]Ec'ea l5eth rnthh[c'er5e 0 qwen]/paq-a-i--nM/`white' - cl - root 'hand'/paq-paq-a°1--nyas/CaC pl - root - cl - 'hand'/Yae-am/root - intr/Ye-Yacr-Yaq'w-am/Ce - CeC pl - root - intr/ 1 ap18/root/ 1 ap-1 ap18/CeC pl - root/c'el5-et/root - Stv/c'el5-et-mot/root - stv - very/ c'e[5, -e qwen / 73root - LS 'head'72 Notice the resemblence to the word for 'chief.'  73 Hagege (1981:61) records =eqwan - 'tete' (arriere du crane).`pointed nose'(MG 668)`pointed tail'(MG 670)`potato'(MG 420)`lots of potatoes (pl)'(MG 421)`small potato (dim)'(MG 422)`small potatoes (dim pl)'(MG 423)[c'eei5eaqwh][c'e .9 i5 a naa'h ]--, [c'e'9 15e nah][cidw0]Eq6(w)qawel[qdqagYi eeoti-]EciOclawOo°1-1—[cOwqaweol-]/ç'el5-eqw/root - LS 'nose'/c'el5 - na/root - LS 'root, tail'/qaWe/root/qaW - qaWEVCaC pl - root/qa - qaW - e - e - at - o‘i-/CV - root - e - root - ? - dim/qa\N - qavie - 0,1-/caC pl - root - dim196`pretty, beautiful'(MG 427) [ 7O. 7 jurns]`very pretty'(MG 428)^[7f 9ajum" ) ]`become pretty'(MG 429)^[ ?O. ?)UMiSeljth ]`pretty, beautiful (old word)' [ 2621Y](MG 430)`very beautiful'(MG 431)^[ 7 69ajum]`pry ; to pry '74(MG 627)^[ (0)gc/itarn]/ 7 a - 7 aY - orna/CV - root - LS 'appearance'/ 7 eY - 7 aY - orna/CaC pl - root - LS 'appearance'/ 7 a - 7 aY - oma - eot/CV - root - LS - reflex/?e-?aY// 7 e- 7aY-ome"/Ce - root - LS 'look'/Wai-em/74 This is used in the sense to 'pry a log or rock.'197`lock/block your door'^[gO.--t.'ewarii]^/Wat-saw-am/(MG 626)`he's pulling ie(MG 411)^[t4tkw tAs] ", [t6tkw tas]`pull'(MG 410)`they're all pulling it'(MG 412)`pupil, dark part of the eye'(MG 328)`to push (it)'(MG 406)`they are all pushing it'(MG 409)`trying to push it ;keep on pushing it'(MG 408)'pushing'(MG 407)[tUkw th][tdkw tukw tasl-[tXkWtue'tas]-[takwtukwtas][rmi-palowas][jUOuth][9ilkw jUjuOotas][jily0otas]Ej6jueotasl/takw- t/ 75root - CTr/ta-takw -t-as/CV - root - CTr - 3p Sb/takw -takw -t-as//takes- takw -t - as//Y06- at/root - CTr/9okw Yo-Yo0-at-as/CV - root -CTr - 3p Sb/Yo-Yo0-at-as/CV - root - CTr - 3p Sb/Yo -Yoe - at - as/CV - root - CTr - 3p Sb75 The fact that the transitive suffix / - t / is affixed without a linking vowel suggests that thevowel of the base is schwa. In citation form, schwa becomes coloured by the adjacentlabialized consonant yielding [u]. The related progressive forms also support this hypothesis.The presence of the vowel [u] in the plural forms however, is more difficult to explain.Perhaps there are two different roots - one with the full vowel / 0/ - / t ()kw / and the otherwith the "reduced" vowel schwa - / t ak w /. Further data is required to clarify this issue.***R***`raccoon'(MG 26)^[e(preS]^ /iwalas/root`raccoons (pl)'(MG 27)^[rAeai'as]^/ .91- alas/CeC pl - root198`little raccoon (dim)'^[ir4(ral'asO1-](MG 28)`small raccoons (dim pl)'^[qXx(MG 29)Ce - root - dimewaio 0+1^/qax /many`raven' (MG 676)`lots of ravens (pp'(MG 677)also: (MG 677a)`small raven (dim)'(MG 678)`lots of small ravens'(MG 679)/r5ax-o 7/root - rt ?/15ax-15a>(-o/CaC - root - rt/15e-pax-o7-off/Ce - root - rt - dim/15ex-pax-o+/CGC pl - root - dim`reddish colour ; red snapper' [kwilkwaril egYis](MG 537)`red snapper (cod)'(MG 10) [kw6mewsl^ /kwom-eWs/root - LS 'body'`lots of red snapper (pl)'^[kwilmkwamews]^/kwom-kwom-eWs/(MG 536)^-[kwtimkwernews] CVC pl - root - LS 'body'`small red snapper (dim)'^Ekwikwama 7sa 7 gi(MG 546)`lots of small snapper'^[kwtikwarbewst)i](MG 538)/kwe-kwom- -o+/Ce - root - ? - dim/ kwo - kw a rn - e Ws - o.1-/CV - kw a r'n - LS 'body' - dim1 99[c'o'.ga wojitan]^ oYa - tan/g 't iro ji ttni root - ? - LS 'elongated - LS 'hand' - instrobject 'Ec'L/pc'agate wojitan] /c'a W - c'aW - a -t - ee - oYa - tan/— Ec'U.ciagefeirojitin] CaC pl - root - ? - LS - LS hand - instr[arv>tem][ecaeatern][gwcieGtern][eci?aetern][xo/.7j is][xexa7j1s.][>(6xa 7 jeyis][>56):(exa 7 jeyis.]`ring (on finger)'(MG 306)`rings (p1)'(MG 307)`river '(MG 223)`rivers (pl)' (MG 224)`small river; creek (dim)'(MG 225)`small rivers; creeks'(MG 226)`rock'(MG 381)`rocks (pl)' (MG 382)`small rock (dim)'(MG 383)`small rocks (dim pl)'(MG 384)/eat-am/root - ?CVC pl - root - ?/ea - eat - e - m - 7/CV - root - dim - ? - dim gl/ea - 7 a - crat - e - m - 7/CV- ? - root - dim - ? - dim gl/xaY' - ays/root - LS 'rock'/xaY' - xaY' - ays/CeC pl - root - LS 'rock'/›(e - xaY' - ays/Ce - root - LS 'rock'/›(e - xaY' - >(aY' - ays/CV - CeC pl - root - LS 'rock'200root`yellow edible root' 76^[c',6kwa]^ /c'akwa/(MG 12)^ root`yellow roots' (pl)(MG 487)`small root' (dim)(MG 488)`lots of small roots'(dim pl) (MG 489)`rotten fish'(MG 457)`lots of rotten fish'(MG 458)`runner ; jogger' 77(MG 453)[c' ,6kwh c'ekwa][c'fc'eaxn-i-]—[c'fc'enx\woi-][qXx C'fc'eaxwk-[qX>( c'ic'eaxwk[m6fhe ma/ç'a kw ç'e kw a/CaC pl - root/ç'a-g'akw a-)5w-o°1-/CV-root - ? - dim/qax c'e-c'akwa->5w -o°1-/many CV - root - ? - dim/mat/root/mat-mat/CeC pl - root`salal (berry)' (MG 99)^ /facia/root`salal (bush)' (MG 98)^[iciqh.9 71]^ /faqa-(?)ay/root - LS 'tree, bush'76 This edible root grows in clumps and is prepared in a traditional rock pit fire. It is steamed,peeled, and eaten. Mrs. George calls them "Indian bananas" due to their characteristic yellowcolour, clustering bunches and the fact that they are easily peeled (once cooked). This root,along with sea urchin, is considered a delicacy. The plant itself is a fine stemed fern. Theseroots may well be the rhizomes of the spiny woodfern.77 See 'crawling; anybody on hands and knees'20 1salmon`chum/ dog salmon'(MG 6) [Xwaxway]^Aoxw-ay/78(MG 184)^—[X6xway] root - ?`chum /dog salmon (p1)'^Vaxwcwaxway]^/Xaxw 4oxw-ay/(MG 185,532)^—[isaxwXaxway] CGC pl - root - ?`small dog salmon (dim)'^xwa 0-1-](MG 533)also alternate:^EX0o5waC/1`cohoe, salmon'(MG 186)^[06.9an][sO.9an]`cohoe (pl)'(MG 187)^[06.90a9an][sci9sa9an]/ice-Xoxw -ay-o°1-/Ce - root - ? - dim/ice-Xoxvv-ay-9/Ce - root - ? - dim gl/ea9an/root/059-ea9an/CVC pl - root`Pink salmon'79(MG 529)/eat-e'en/root - LS 'back'`lots of Pink salmon (pD'^[Vth qw n t i(MG 530)`small Pink salmon (dim)'^[(r6 eh teY4n](MG 531)`Spring/Chinook salmon'^[e5g' e 1-11(MG 521)1eat-wat-ean/CaC pl - root - LS 'back'/ee-eat-ean/Ce - root - LS 'back'/OK-am/root - ?78 The suffix -ay appears frequently attached to animal names; however, it is unclear whetheror not it is an extension of either the LS for 'human' (i.e. `animate') or perhaps the LS 'tree,long objects'.79 This is also refered to as the humpback or "eating" salmon (i.e. salmon for eating).202`lots of Spring salmon(pl)'^[06c'eac'arn](MG 522)`small Spring salmon (dim)' [06eac'e.mU+1(MG 523)^--,[060ac'e.mU+]`salrnonberry' (MG 100)^[fe7naqwh]/OK-OK-Gm/CGC pl - root - ?/0a - eac' - e - m - 9 - 0+/CV - root - dim - ? -dim gl - dim/ten-eqw/root - ?`salmonberry bush'(MG 101)`salt water' (MG 139)`lots of salt water (p1)'(MG 140)`sand dollar'80 (MG 42)`sandpiper' (MG 34)`sandpipers (0)'(MG 578)`small sandpiper' (MG 579)`Saturday' (MG 81)[f.6.71-4qW4]--,[te7niqwX'y]W6XqvvolRraeoxcroi[qweyqway p4skIth][bet y>(][ei.eetl y a x ][eietiYaxO-f][t6il'Wtarn]81—[t6'irtarn]/ten-eqw-ay/root - ? - LS 'tree, bush'/(ro -X - qw 0/root - LS 'water'/e0X - e0X - qw0/CVC pl - root - LS 'water'/ ee- eeteC/ax //eat- eetej/ex/`scar' (MG 304)^[6layiX]^ iii'aYaX/root80 According to Mrs. George this means literally "sand biscuit or wafer." I assume that thesecond part is a recent borrowing from English "biscuit."81 See the Sechelt root - t eqr - 'break.' Saturday is the day when the work-week "breaksor ends" Beaumont (1985:84).203`scars (p1)' (MG 305)^Ei5S.a'ajlX1^ /el'a-ilaYaX/Ca - root`sea cucumber' (MG 44)^[ 7 6.7.17\s]^ /7aias/-{7O.7.1As] root[heyurti][hly eheyo^m7][h6hiyi_imai-][héyiyurnui-1`sea cucumbers (p1)'(MG 628)`small sea cucumber'(MG 629)`small sea cucumbers'(MG 630)`seagull' (MG 35)`seagulls (p1)' (MG 36)`little seagull (dim)'(MG 37)`little seagulls (dim pl)'(MG 38)/7a1-7alas/CaC pl - root/7a-7aTas-o°1-/CV - root - dim/7a1-7afas-o+/C@C pl - root - dim/kwom-acien/root - LS 'head' ?/kwom - kwom - acien/CVC pl - root - LS 'head'/hey - om-- 9 /root - ? - gl/hay-hey-am-7/CGC pl - root - ? - gl/he-hey-om-o+/CV- root - ? - dim/hey - hey - om - o°1-/CVC - root - ? - dim[7X-17a.l'As][7(.17 ,1asO°1-]-E7O.7.1asOil[7P7o1''AsO1]`sea lion' (MG 177)^[kwilmaqin]- [kwiimacan1 82`sea lions (pl)' (MG 178)^[kWkirri kwumaqin]82 When I asked Mrs. George what this word meant, she said "it sounds like the sea lion has alump or something on his head."204`seal' (MG 18)^[76.sxw]^ / 7asxw/root`seals (p1)' (MG 19)^[76s7asxw] / 7os-2asxw/CeC pl - rootlittle seal (dim)'^[?Q 7se a xn+i^/ ?a - 7as - e - xw - o°1-/(MG 20) CV - root - dim - root - dim`little seals (dim pl)'^[?6s9asxw6+]^/ 9os - 9asxw- o-f/(MG 21)^ CoC pl - root - dimsea urchin`green sea urchin'^[96.15tan](MG 40)`green sea urchins (p1)'^[74 9a15tan](MG 585)`small sea urchin (dim)'^[9O.715atanOi-]83(MG 586)`purple sea urchin'^[ 1116S89cr]84(MG 41,583) (ArncisEqw]`lots of purple sea urchins' [mXsmaseqwh ](MG 583a)`small purple sea urchin'^[m6mse@qw6-1-]/?a15 - tan/root - LS 'enclosure, container'/?a15 - 7a15 - tan /COC pl - root - LS 'enclosure'/ ?a - 7a15 - a - tan - ol-/CV-root - lv -LS enclosure -dim/mas-e(r//mas-eqw/root - LS/mas - mas - eqw/CaC pl -root - LS/me - mas - e - eqw - o°1-/(MG 584)^ Ce - root - dim - LS - dim83 The second glottal stop is fully released in this form.84 The glottalization is not consistant in this form. A glottal stop is present in the first instanceon the tape recording but is not there in the subsequent repetitions. See 'bald' with =e qw en`head' for a plausible alternative to the meaning of this lexical suffix.`sea serpent '(MG 495)`sea serpents (p1)'(MG 496)`seven' (MG 117)`seventy' (MG 493)`shark'86 (MG 514)`lots of sharks (0)'(MG 515)`small shark (dim)'(MG 516)`shiny' (MG 250)`shiny (pl)' (MG 251)`shoes' (MG 94)[7O.yehos185[ 7 17ayahos]7 ay 3hos][c'6261s19ns][q'Onsa-lee ?eh]-VOnsai-N ?eh I[kwr.^q-[kw15.eae*-qa+][kwi eh kwa.ee'qn°1-]-[kwleh kwa•e - qmi-][kwikwa seqn°1-6-1-1[0g6-1-][g4w°1-][qw °1-e/c'o-es/root - hand (truncated)?ic'aes-a+- a 7.9/'seven' - cl - 'tens'/ kw a e - a q a4/root - ?Awae - kwa se - acie+/CGC pl - root - ?Awe - kwae - aqa°1-- 0°1/Ce - root - ? - dim/WGi-/root/We-WailCV - root2057ay-h-os/root - ? - LS 'head'/?ay-lay-h-os/CGC pl - root - ? - LS 'head'85 This is also the name given to Savary Island.86 See the related form 'dogfish.'`shoulder (human)'^[151°qan](MG 286)`shoulders (pl)'^[15115i °ear)}(MG 287)`singing' (MG 622)^RA9ewuwaml-[Wwuwaml88`sink; to sink (in water)'^feeayinil(MG 365)`sinking' (MG 366)^[eXeiyini]`six' (MG 116)^EtXxaml N [tcixem]`Sliammon (old place name)' e (A am ) 89(MG 65)`Sliammon (people)'^H-d7arninl(MG 64)/pay-qan/87root - LS ?/15,9y-15,9y-qan/CaC pl - root - LS/*o-*ow-em/CV - root - intrAaxem//ie-(A-em/?-en /root - ?206`lots of Sliammon people'(MG 638)[1-/Cm.1-a7ciminl-[-Xm+a?amin]/1-arim+aril - an /CGC pl - root - ?root - ? - LS 'language'`Sliammon language'^[1-6.7amincien](MG 66)87 Kroeber (1985) cites /-a9yaxan/ as the LS for 'upper arm'; the related stative form is/-a?yaxan7/. Hagege (1981:61) gives =ay - ex - an 'shoulder blade'.88 It is unclear whether or not the word-final m is glottalized—[61 or [rn 1. Notice also thatthis example provides a single counterexample to the hypothesis that glottalized resonants donot occur in syllable-initial position. In this example kiv I is syllable-initial as well as word-initial. This example does provide some evidence, however, for the placement of glottalizedresonants on the Sonority Hierarchy in Chapter 1.89 This [M is peculiar. It is almost a retroflex [s] and may be attributed to a distinctionbetween a slit and a groove articulation.`slim; slender' (MG 333)sole`sole, bottom of foot'(MG 320)`soles, bottoms of feet'(MG 321)/tek//paq-a°1---en/`white' - cl - LS 'foot, leg'/paq-paq-a+-en/CeC pl - root - cl - LS 'foot, leg'207`spill; tip over' (MG 459) Eir6-1-1`spilling' (MG 460)`Spring (time of year)'(MG 86)`Spring (pl)' (MG 227)starfish'91 (MG 39)`lots of starfish (pl)'(MG 581)`small starfish (dim)'(MG 582)`steer, drive' (MG 344)[(!lay7am7]^nsa(11-yam/root - ?[XX0A , 169.9m] yam/CGC pl - root - ?[qWf .isin192[(rtiXireXin1[gWigWe ^ci nod][OgS:c'ap h ]^/Wa7-c'ap/90 This literally means the "time when all the buds are coming out."9 1 Mrs. George did not seem to have a separate name for the ' sunfish'—the variety of starfishwith many more than five legs.92 This singular form seems to lack glottalization on the initial consonant. Judging from therelated plural and diminutive forms this may simply be an error in transcription or may be asystematic difference which still requires explanation.208`steer (car, boat, sailboat)' 93 [0 g6. 9ga7c'eph ]^/Wa7-Wa7-c'ep/(MG 345)^ CVC pl - root - ?`he's gone steering'(MG 346)`stomach' (MG 330)`stump (of a tree)'(MG 200)`stumps (pp' (MG 201)`summer' (MG 83)`Sunday (lit: holy night)'(MG 82)`supervising; 95watching over' (MG 375)`swim' (MG 165)[h6/kwu qd:c'.)ph ]Riwic7 vvah i[s615anamln][s6psopanae"mr][X6qwo.yel[<6.>5a9a+nnth ][hehegUseuth ][nlYarn]/Wa?-c'ep//xa - xa 7 - a+- nat/CV - root - CL - 'night'/sop- 7 -nab-a-men/root - gl - LS 'bottom' - lv - instr/sap - sop - a - na - men/CaCpl - root - lv - LS - instr/Xaqw - qa/ 94root - LS ?/he - heW - os - Oot/CV - root 'chief' - LS face - reflex/na - Vm/root - intr3 Mrs. George remembers a time when they used to travel by "sailboat"—a dugout canoerigged with a blanket-sized sail and mast . It was steered by means of a paddle whichfunctioned as the rudder.94 Notice the similarity between the root for 'summer' and the forms Kroeber (1988:149)records as the root for 'tough' X a qw and the form for `get tough' X a qw - aqw95 See the related forms for 'chief.'tail`it's tail' (MG 551)(of an animal/fish)`take it ' (MG 435)`take it' (MG 436)`I'm taking it' (MG 437)`talk' (MG 596)[s6parines]96[mi:17th]hO.7.9m][mo/.7mates][e(1yi]***T***209/sop-nab-s/root - LS 'root, tail'- 3 Po/ma7--t/root - CTr/ma7-em/`talking' (MG 597)`talk too much'(MG 43, 598)`ten (cardinal number)'(MG 120)`thank you' (MG 483)`thin; not fat' (MG 332)fecieay'll[areyeqwey],[e693(ray][76pan] N [76pAn]N:mothl[eciyernith]-[edy2.mith ]/ma-riia7--t-es/?/eaye//ea-eay+7+e//7opan//7ey-mot/root - very`thinking' (MG 361)^[n6npeO7nam]^/no-nop-eWan-7-am/-[nOnpegaThem]^CV - root - LS 'sentiments' - gl - intr`I thought about it'^EnOnpegan e miel^/no-nop-eWan-ern-et-/(MG 362) CV - root - LS `sentiments'-stv-1 sg Sb96 See the word for 'stump(s)' above.`I'll think about it' 97(MG 363)`three' (MG 113)`third day of the week;Wednesday' (MG 78)`thumb' (MG 295)`thumbs (p1)'(MG 296)[qwciyegan][0Y22 -47\s][N,Ins:]kX>(sq'wojelrX6xXaxaroje]--, EX6xcaxseojEl/qway-eWan/root - LS/nlas/root ?/alas-s/root - LS 'day of week'/Xax-ecr-oYa/root - LS - LS 'hand'/sax-Xax-e w-oYa/CaC p1- root - LS - LS 'hand'210tide`tide's coming in'^[x6x(roe](MG 398)`tide's very high'^[X6eomuth ](MG 402)`tide's going out'^[xXxis.1(MG 399)`the tide's way out'^Exw6.xw iy0i/1(MG401)low tide' (MG 397)^[qci.qa]^ /qaqa/`very low tide;^[qciqa.muth ] /qaqa-mot/tide's way out' (MG 400)^ root - 'very'97 Mrs George describes this as "a different kind of thinking: it is to think in your own heartbut never tell anyone." The form 'I'll think about it' expresses real doubt about the possibleoutcome, completion, or participation of the person who is considering it.211`tip over (old word)'^[qXmar]^ /ciarmr/(MG 364)^ root`tobacco' (MG 196)(MG 197)`toe' (MG 316)[?ewakwh198[76vv7avvakwh]-[7u9awakwh][xwo/.9wawiin],[e(17awawinnl`lots of tobacco (pl)'/xwa*-aw-a-sSen/root - VC -lv- LS 'foot'`toes (pl)' (MG 317)^ExWi6xWa2wawi-Nnl^/xwa\;v-xw a\k-aw-a-en/CaC pl - root - VC - lv- LS 'foot'`tongue'99 (MG 278)`tongues (pp'(MG 279)`tooth' (MG 208)`teeth (p1)' (MG 209)Etfxw sa+1[tUxw tixw sa-i]Ejf-ns.]Ofn”nis.1/t exw- +a-1-/root - LS 'throat, tongue'/texw- texw- i-allCaC pl - root - LS/y anas pooroot/Yan-Yanas/CaC pl - root`top of the foot' (MG 318)^[effijinin]`tops (of feet (p1))'(MG 319)98 This word is pronounced with continual lip protrusion and rounding; a point upon whichMrs. George insisted.99 This word is used to refer to 'deer's tongue' as well.100 Hagege (1981) records - na s as the lexical suffix for 'tooth, tip, cutting edge.'212`tree (generic)' (MG 172)^[j e 7 @ j e]^[j 70 j]^/YaYa/—[)6T9 )61`trees (p1)' (MG 173, 425)^[jeji:9eml N [jfj i 7emi7 em]`small tree (dim)' (MG 424) Ejf-jj871`lots and lots of trees;^[jljeji 7 emiforest; treed area'(MG 426)`true; it's true' (MG 467)^[t Oxweth]^/tO>Cw - et/root - stv`really true; the truth'^[tOxwayt@muthi^/toxw-et-mot/(MG 468)^ root - stv - very`turn over, to flip(as of bread, fish, eggs)'^[15i eeth]^/15eye - et/(MG 469)^ root - CTr`I'm turning it over'^[156173,i8eath]^/15a - 15aye - at/(MG 470)^ CV - root - CTr`You turn it around; you spinit (circular motion)' 101^[si■Mxwil^ /sal - x\"/(MG 473)^ root - 2 sg Sb`turning, keep on turning'^[s6sal'AM]^/sa - sal - am/(MG 474)^ CV - root - intr`turning all the time'^[sPsi.em l /sal - sal - am/(MG 475)^ CaC p1 - root - intr101 The motion is a circular motion, as you would turn a glass or the continual rotation of aFerriswheel.213`two ' (MG 112)^Esci7a1^ /sa?a/`second day of the week;^[so/. ?as ] /sa7a - s/Tuesday' (MG 77) root 'two' - LS day of week***U***`untie; untangle (it)'^[kw.6-R th)]^ /kwa-1--t/(MG 461)^ root - CTr`untying, untangling'^[kwifkw+th]^/ kw e - kw a°1-- t /(MG 462)^ CV - root - CTr`untying, untangling roots'^[e.6e y G 11 h ](MG 463)`use it(a shovel, wheelbarrow)'^[y6 e:1 G ]^ /ye(!i - a/(MG 376)^ root - Tr`using it' (MG 377)^[yfc":)aas] /ye - ya(!i - a - as/CV - root - Tr - 3p Sb`somebody used it'^[Mamu-1- es]^/ya(1 - am - o°1- ea/(MG 378)^ root - ? - past^?***w***`walk; to walk' (MG 212)^[ 7 6m.a -M`people walking'^[ 9 6 7amCgiM(MG 213)`walking' (MG 214)^[ 26,m 9srri a]/7ema/root/ 7 e-- 9em - aWe/CV - root/ 7 am - 7 ema/CaC - root`wash' (MG 438)^[156c'eth ]^ /peg' - at/—[156.'ç'ath ] root - CTr`I washed it already'^[15ec'ayto-4s6h]^/16ec' - ay - t - o+ - 7(MG 441)^—[i5ec'aytwe] root - ? - CTr - past - 1 sg Sbwash (of hands, dishes)`go wash your hands'(MG 442)`washing your hands'(MG 443)`washing dishes' (MG 444)`washroom, toilet' (MG 446)`water' (MG 447)`lots of water (p1)'(MG 448)/g',9xw-oY 'a-am /root - LS 'hand' - intr/c'a-c'axw-oY 'a-am/CV - root - LS 'hand' - intr/Ca-c'exw-orimm//wa d -W - txw //qa9a/root/qa9-gaga/CaC pl - root[c'6)5wo9 am]fc'60(wo9aml[g' ,6c'xw ornm]{w6•)n7thxwh][ec , 2 eyeh ]Eq > eq > a96h ]^-, [q )561 )5a9ah]214`wash clothes' (MG 438a)^[15ec'ay i c'ah ]^/15ec'-ay-ec'a/root - ex - LS 'clothing'`washing clothes'^[15615ec'ay i c'ah ]^/15e-15K-ay-ec'a /(MG 439) CV - root - ex - LS 'clothing'`a little bit of water (dim)'(MG 449)`wave (of water)'(MG 394)`waves (pl)' (MG 395)`small waves (dim pl)'[e6q )549eh l[j6w(a)kwh][J6wiuwkwh][iiiie\kokw)+]/qe-qa9a/Ce - root/Yowakw//Yow-Yowakw/CVC pl - root/Yo - Yew- 7 -akw-ol-/(MG 396)^ CV - CeC root - gl - root - dim215weather`bad weather' (MG 390)^[°1-0/, x eyirn]^ /-fax-a/ey-am/`Westerly (wind)' (MG 386) [t. iium a y e ]`west wind' (MG 387)^EtUtuuma9alwhale`humpback whale'(MG 179) [qw Xnis:]`humpback whales (p1)'^[qwXnqwAnis:](MG 180)`killer whale, black fish' 102 [n6n()Am](MG 17)`lots of killer whales (p1)'^[qXx e n6nqAm](MG 549)`small killer whale (dim)'^[n6nqAmt.i°1-](MG 550)/tow-maj/a//to-tow-maC/e//na-na-am/CV - root - intr/qax ne-nag-am/many CV - root - intr/ne-naq-em-o°1-/CV - root - intr - dim`what's your name?'^Ekw6E) eciymexwOol- n6003(MG 548)white`all white ' 1°4 (MG 129)^[pXqh pAqh]^ /paq-paq/CeC pl - root102 Mrs. George said this also means 'diving.'103 This phrase has rising intonation, typical of questions. It also appears to contain the pastmarker, which indicates that the phrase may be more appropriately translated: 'What was yourIndian name?'104 Mrs. George explained the context in which this word might be used: if you were askedwhat colour your dog or your house.was, you could respond with ['DK qh p A qh 'it's all white.'216`white blanket'(MG 500)^[pi\ qokwh th ]^ /paq-okw-t/`white' - LS 'blanket' - ?wind`wind from the north'(MG 388)`wind from the south'(MG 389)`south-east wind'(MG 385)wing`bird's wing'(MG 569)`lots of wings (pl)'(MG 570)`small wing (dim)'(MG 571)`small wings '(MG 571)`winter' (MG 85)[q 6yt e 7aqh ][4.0/,yi i 7aqh][t6tqa7a'qh ][jim ?ay][sOwtie]-[scitie]/-7aq/-LS 'wind'/i-aye- 7aq/root ? - LS 'wind'/Yam-(7)ay/root - LS 'tree; wing'/saw-tee/root - ?/saw-saw-teVCaC pl - root - ?RaW-ec'a/root - LS 'clothing'[“mjim?ayo°1-]^/Yam -Y am -( 7)ay- o°1-/CaC pl - root - LS wing - dim-[jImjim 74]^/Yam-Yam-(7)ay- 7/CeC pl - root - LS wing - gl[Marnay2O-1-]^/Ya-Yam-ay-(7)o°1-/CV - root - LS - dim[jfm“m7aj/5-1-]^/Yam-Yam -( 'nay- 7-o°1-/CaC pl - root - LS 'wing' - dim gl - dim`winter; start of winter (p1)' [shot re ]^' [S6S0 t 1 e ](MG 228)`without clothes' (MG 603) E+6 9 a0 c,ahi217`everybody's without clothes' [+6-1-gic'ah]^/1-a-i-avv-ec'a /(MG 604)^ CV - root - LS 'clothing'`without a hat' (MG 605)^[.1-6gus] - [Rhos]^/-1-aW-os/root - LS 'face, head'`everybody's without a hat' H-6-tegus]^ /+a-i-aW-os/(MG 606)^ CV - root - LS 'face'`without shoes; barefoot'(MG 601)`wolf' 105 (MG 508)`wolves (pl)'(MG 509)`small wolf (dim)'(MG 510)[i-UvAin]-[+LIwnn][X67-1-7om7][XfOsa+9o7b0]EXiXai-76mOtt)+1/I-aW-en/root - LS 'foot, leg'ii-a-i-aW-en-9/?/Xa+7or'n/root/isa-1--Xa°1-9orn/CaC pl - root/X.9-Xa-1-7om-of-ol-/`everybody's without shoes' [i-ii-egiin](MG 602)`young women (p1)'(MG 144)`wood' (MG 198)`wood (p1)' (MG 199)[ LI y 7 s a + t xw l[buy? s6-1-swite][elw eji xl[greeeC/ex]-[(r ecrex]/boy-sal--txw/`young'- 'woman'-LS 'house'/nIC/ saI- saI- tx'/`young' CaC pl - root - LS 'house'/(rejo5/root/eGC/ - cre9x/CaC pl - rootwoman`young woman' (MG 143)1 05 The gloss originally given this word was 'coyote.'`woodpecker' (MG 75)`wrinkle' (MG 329)`wrist' (MG 298)`wrists (p1)' (MG 299)WagWaeawadixw][(r6nr°pos]bNg'cro.je][xwSc'6 .9e6 je]—[xwcic'e acrO.) el/■iwo--(rop-os/CV - root - LS 'face, head'/›(wec' - (e)qW- 0Y'a/root - LS elongated - LS 'hand'object/ xwa c' - ee - oY 'a /root - LS - LS 'hand'218REFERENCES Archangeli, Diana. 1988. Aspects of Underspecification Theory. Phonology 6.183-207.Archangeli, Diana, and Douglas Pulleyblank. 1986. The Content and Structure ofPhonological Representations. University of Arizona and University ofSouthern California, MS.^. 1987. Maximal and Minimal Rules: Effects of Tier Scansion. NELS 17.16-35Beaumont, Ronald C. 1985. she shashishalhem: The Sechelt Language. Penticton,BC: Theytus Books.Beckman, Mary E. 1988. Phonetic Theory. Linguistics: The Cambridge Survey, ILinguistic Theory: Foundations.216-38. Cambridge: Cambridge UniversityPress.Bell, Alan. 1978. Syllabic Consonants. Universals of Human Language, Vol. 2Phonology, 153-201. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press.Bessell, Nicola J. 1992. The typological status of / 7, h/. University ofPennsylvania and University of British Columbia, MS.Chomsky, Noam and Morris Halle. 1968. The Sound Pattern of English. Chp.9, 400-35. New York: Harper and Row.Clements, G.N. 1985. The Geometry of Phonological Features. PhonologyYearbook 2, ed. by Colin J.Ewen and John M.Anderson, 225-52.Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.^. 1991. Place of Articulation in Consonants and Vowels: a Unified Theory(version 1.1). To appear in L'architecture et la Geometrie desRepresentations Phonologiques, ed. by B. Laks and A. Rialland. Paris:C. N. R.S .Crothers, John. 1978. Typology and Universals of Vowel Systems. Universals ofHuman Language, Vol. 2 Phonology. Stanford, CA: Stanford UniversityPress.Czaykowska-Higgins, Ewa. 1987. Characterizing Tongue Root Behaviour.Cambridge, MA: MIT, MS.^. 1990. Retraction in Moses-Columbia Salish. Papers from the 25th ICSL.Vancouver, B.C.de Chene, E.B. and S.R. Anderson. 1979. Compensatory Lengthening. Language55. 505-35.Davis, John H. 1970. Some Phonological Rules in Mainland Comox. Victoria,BC: University of Victoria M.A. Thesis.^. 1970a. An 7 Ayjueem - English Glossary. Victoria, BC: University ofVictoria, MS.^. 1971. Notes on Mainland Comox Phonology. Sacramento AnthropologicalSociety Papers, Vol.11.12-31.^. 1978. Pronominal paradigms in Sliammon. Papers from the 13th ICSL.Victoria, B.C.Doak, Ivy G. 1989. A Nonlinear Solution to Proto-Salish Retraction. Papersfrom the 24th ICSL. Steilacoom Tribal Centre, Washington.Haeberlin, Herman K. 1918. Types of Reduplication in the Salish Dialects. IJAL1.154-74.^. 1974. Distribution of the Salish Substantive (Lexical) Suffixes, ed. by M.Terry Thompson. Anthropological Linguistics 16.219-350.219Hagege, Claude. 1976. Lexical Suffixes and Incorporation in Mainland Comox.Papers from the 11th ICSL. Seattle, Washington.^. 1981. Le Comox lhaamen de Colombie Britannique. Amerindia NumeroSpecial 2. Paris, France.Halle, Morris. 1989. The Intrinsic Structure of Speech Sounds. Paper presented atthe Conference on Feature and Underspecification Theories, Cambridge,MA.Harris, Herbert Raymond II. 1981. A Grammatical Sketch of Comox. Universityof Kansas dissertation.Hayes, Bruce. 1989. Compensatory Lengthening in Moraic Phonology. LI 20,No.2. 253 - 306.Hoard, James E. 1978. Syllabification in Northwest Indian Languages, withremarks on the nature of Syllabic Stops and Affricates. Syllables andSegments, ed. by A. Bell and J.B. Hooper, 59-72. North HollandPublishing Company.Inkelas, Sharon. 1989. Prosodic Constituency and the Lexicon. Stanford, CA:Stanford University dissertation.Ito, Junko. 1986. Syllable Theory in Prosodic Phonology. Amherst, MA:University of Massachusetts dissertation.Kaisse, Ellen M. 1980. "Formalizing the Assignment of Vowel Height inLushootseed. Papers from the 15th ICSL. Vancouver, B.C.^. 1992. Can [Consonantal] Spread? Language Vol. 68, No. 2. 313-32.Keating, Patricia A. 1988. The phonology - phonetics interface. Linguistics: TheCambridge Survey, I Linguistic Theory: Foundations: 281-302. Cambridge:Cambridge University Press.Kennedy, Dorothy and R. Bouchard. 1983. Sliammon Life, Sliammon Lands.Vancouver, BC: TalonbooksKroeber, Paul D. 1985. Inchoatives in Mainland Comox. Papers from the 20thICSL. Vancouver, B.C.^. 1988. Inceptive Reduplication in Comox and Interior Salish. IJAL54.141-67.1989. Review of Le Comox lhaamen de Colombie Britannique:Presentation dune Langue Amerindienne, by Claude Hagege. IJAL55.106-16.Kuipers, Aert H. 1967. The Squamish Language. The Hague: Mouton^. 1970. Towards a Salish Etymological Dictionary. Lingua 26.46-72.^. 1981. On Reconstructing the Proto-Salish Sound System. IJAL 47.323-35.Lombardi, Linda. 1989. The Nonlinear Organization of the Affricate. Amherst,MA: University of Massachusetts, MS.McCarthy, John J. 1988. Feature Geometry and Dependency: A Review. Phonetica43/45.84-108.^. 1989. Guttural Phonology. Amherst, MA: University of Massachusetts,MS.McCarthy, John J. and Alan Prince. 1986. Prosodic Morphology. University ofMassachusetts, Amherst, and Brandeis University, MS.^. 1990. Foot and Word in Prosodic Morphology: the Arabic Broken Plural.NLLT 8. 209-83.Montler, Timothy. 1986. An Outline of the Morphology and Phonology ofSaanich, North Straits Salish. University of Montana Occasional Papers inLinguistics No. 4.220Piggott, G.L. 1987. On the Autonomy of the Feature Nasal. Papers from the CLSParasession on Autosegmental and Metrical Phonology. Chicago LinguisticSociety, 223-38. . 1992. Variability in Feature Dependency: The Case of Nasality. NLLT10.32-77.Remnant, Daphne E. 1990. Tongue Root Articulations: a Case Study of Lillooet.Vancouver, BC: University of British Columbia M.A. Thesis.Sagey, Elizabeth C. 1986. The Representation of Features and Relations inNonlinear Phonology. Cambridge, MA: MIT dissertation.Sapir, Edward. 1915. Noun Reduplication in Comox, a Salish Language ofVancouver Island. Canada Department of Mines, Geological SurveyMemoir 63, Anthropological Series, No. 5. Ottawa: Government PrintingBureau.Shaw, Patricia A. 1989. On the Phonological Representation of Laterals andAffricates. Vancouver, BC: University of British Columbia, MS. . 1991. Consonant Harmony Systems: The Special Status of CoronalHarmony. Phonetics and Phonology. The Special Status of Coronals:Internal and External Evidence, ed. by C.Paradis and J-F.Prunet, 125-55.San Diego, CA: Academic Press. . 1991a. LSA Institute handout. . 1992. Fanqie Languages: at the Interface of Prosodic Phonology andTemplatic Morphology. Paper given at the Canadian Linguistics AssociationConference.Stevens, Kenneth N., S.J. Kuper and H. Kawasaki. 1986. Toward a Phoneticand Phonological Theory of Redundant Features. Invariance and Variabilityin Speech Processes, ed. by Perkell, J. & D. Klatt. Hillside, 426-449. NJ:Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, Publishers.Swadesh, Morris. 1952. Salish Phonologic Geography. Language 28.232-48.Thompson, Laurence C. 1979. Salishan and the Northwest. The Languages ofNative America: Historical and Comparative Assessment, ed. by L.Campbell and M. Mithun, 692-765. Austin, Texas: University of TexasPress.22 1


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