UBC Theses and Dissertations

UBC Theses Logo

UBC Theses and Dissertations

Community based workstyle Courtney, Lyle George 1993

Your browser doesn't seem to have a PDF viewer, please download the PDF to view this item.

Item Metadata

Download

Media
831-ubc_1993_fall_courtney_lyle.pdf [ 12.47MB ]
Metadata
JSON: 831-1.0098800.json
JSON-LD: 831-1.0098800-ld.json
RDF/XML (Pretty): 831-1.0098800-rdf.xml
RDF/JSON: 831-1.0098800-rdf.json
Turtle: 831-1.0098800-turtle.txt
N-Triples: 831-1.0098800-rdf-ntriples.txt
Original Record: 831-1.0098800-source.json
Full Text
831-1.0098800-fulltext.txt
Citation
831-1.0098800.ris

Full Text

COMMUNITY BASED WORKSTYLE by LYLE GEORGE COURTNEY B.A., Open University of British Columbia, 1989 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (Department of Geography) We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard  THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA September 1993  ©  Lyle George Courtney, 1993  In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission.  (Signature)  Department of ^6r-66RAPHY The University of British Columbia Vancouver, Canada Date ^1.2^O c re) BER, /993  DE-6 (2/88)  ABSTRACT In Greater Vancouver, like other cities subject to rapid growth, plans have been implemented to relieve many stresses related to land use and transportation. In the 1970s, these included building regional town centres, improving transit system capacity, and expanding suburban work places, all to reduce negative effects of separating work from residence. A major 1990 household survey indicates these physical infrastructure changes slowed the rate of increase of associated stressors. However, critical review of GVRD regional town centre policy sees initial outcomes as 'Edge City' clones, rather than the intended integrated communities. This study examines community based workstyle, denoting preferences for ways of working, within a multi-centred urban region, using systemic concepts and empirical data. The main conclusion is that physical infrastructure intervention alone is insufficient to deal with urban work culture stress. What also must be addressed are changes in work organization and community planning, with due recognition of individual values, motivations and behaviours. This implies a consensual approach, with decision making on a more iterative and participatory basis. Present approaches are traced to Taylorist management and master planning, both traditions derived from closed systems thinking and structure based on detailed central control. Since systems are open, such approaches are incapable of dealing with evident needs for adaptability and flexibility. This study develops an alternative model referred to as community based workstyle, composed of factors affecting individual preferences, organizational needs, and interactions with the community and landscape. Flexible workstyle and community based planning are viable constructs forming a basis for more ecocentric planning options. Evidence of changing community values is based on the Vancouver Urban Futures Projects of 1973 and 1990, complemented by field research targeted on mid-level information workers, and case studies in flexible workstyle. Values are shifting from rigidity to flexibility, from top-down to bottom-up organization, and from segregated to variegated and visible communities. This has implications for organizing work and designing urban regions. The systemic approach is found to be conceptually and methodologically appropriate to broadly based, qualitative research in geography.  TABLE OF CONTENTS ABSTRACT^  ii  TABLE OF CONTENTS^  iii  LIST OF TABLES^  vii  LIST OF FIGURES^  ix  ACKNOWLEDGEMENT FOREWORD^ CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION^  xi 1  1.1 Research Purpose^  2  1.2 Research Setting^  4  1.3 The Systemic Approach ^  5  1.3.1 Living Systems as an Alternative to Spatial Science^  6  1.3.2 Organized Complexity and Ideology ^  13  1.3.3 Systemics and Values^  15  1.3.4 Criticism of Systemics ^  18  1.3.5 Systemics and Genre de Vie ^  19  1.4 Schematic Summary^  20  1.5 Notes^  22  CHAPTER 2: WORK CULTURE AND WORKSTYLE^  24  2.1 Overview: The North American Context ^  25  2.2 Work Culture^  30  2.2.1 Scientific Management: Taylor's Legacy ^30 2.2.2 Order, Flexibility and Productivity ^40 2.2.3 Flexible Forms of Work Culture ^  42  2.2.4 Ecological Stresses arising from Work Culture ^47 2.3 Workstyle^  48  2.4 Enabling Flexible Workstyle^  53  2.4.1 Changes in Technology and Education ^53 2.4.2 Substituting Telemobility for Automobility ^59 2.4.3 Applying Human Ecology in the Workplace ^63 2.5 Synthesis: Flexible Workstyle^  68  ^ ^  - iv 2.6 CHAPTER 3:  CHAPTER 4:  Notes  CITIES AS LIVING SYSTEMS  73  3.1  Urban Land Use and Transportation Models  73  3.2  Flexibility and Communications in the Urban Field  81  3.3  Urban Ecosystems and Automobility  88  3.4  Ecological Stresses arising from Urban Land Use and Transportation  91  3.5  Notes  92  GREATER VANCOUVER  93  4.1^Historical Development and General Character  93  4.2^Work Culture, Organizations and the Multi-Centred City  CHAPTER 5:  71  101  4.2.1^Sectoral Shifts in Organizations  101  4.2.2^Flexible Work in the GVRD  104  4.2.3^Land Use and Transportation: The Multi-Centred City  106  4.3^Regional Town Centres and Community-Based Workstyle  109  4.4^Notes  113  DATA BASES AND RESEARCH DESIGN  114  5.1^Overall Design:^A Multi-factorial Approach  115  5.2^Measured Outcomes  120  5.2.1^Mobility Pattern  120  5.2.2^Urban Issue Perceptions  121  5.2.3^Job Satisfaction  123  5.3^Component Measures  124  5.3.1^Workstyle Measures  124  5.3.2^Work Culture Measures  128  5.3.3^Measures of Spatial-Temporal Separation  130  5.4^Data Bases  130  5.4.1^Vancouver Urban Futures Surveys (VUFS)  131  5.4.2^Case Studies  134  5.4.3^Employee Field Interviews  136  ^ ^  - v 5.5  CHAPTER 6:  137  5.5.1^Evaluation of Data Bases  137  5.5.2^Inferential Tests Used  139  5.5.3^Likert Scales and Appropriate Precision  140  RESEARCH FINDINGS  143  6.1  Outline of Findings  143  6.1.1^Work Culture Stress:^Physical and Infrastructural Factors  143  6.1.2^Work Culture Stress:^Psychological, Social and Institutional Factors  144  6.1.3^Planning, Neighbourhoods and Changing Community Values  146  6.1.4^Flexible Workstyle and Work Culture Stress  148  Measured Outcomes and Component Measures  149  6.2.1^Mobility Pattern  149  6.2.2^Urban Issue Perceptions  155  6.2.3^Job Satisfaction  165  Effects of Flexible Workstyle  169  6.3.1^Comparative Case Studies in Flexible Workstyle  170  6.3.2^Field Researched Case Studies  176  Reliability:^Interactions Within Component Measures  183  6.4.1^Personality Type  183  6.4.2^Spatial-Temporal Separation  185  6.4.3^Workstyle  187  6.4.4^Work Culture  189  6.2  6.3  6.4  CHAPTER 7:  Data Analysis and Inferential Techniques  CONCLUSIONS:^COMMUNITY-BASED AND FLEXIBLE WORKSTYLE  191  7.1  Ecological Stresses and Values  191  7.2  The Models in Retrospect  195  7.3  Perspectives on the Systemic Approach  198  7.4^Prospect:^Future Research REFERENCES  201 203  -  APPENDICES  vi  -  ^  217 ^ I Field Survey: Sample Letters and Questionnaire 217 1.  Sample letter ^ to prospective organizational participants  2.  Sample letter requesting employee's ^ participation  3. 4.  218  219 ^ Interview and Questionnaire consent form 220 ^ Questionnaire 221  II Crosstabulations of field survey questions by component measures^  229  A.  Age group^  230  B.  Blishen rating^  231  C.  Decision band^  233  D.  Education level^  234  E.  Family type^  236  F.  Gender^  238  G.  Personality type^  240  H.  Workplace mobility^  242  I. Work trip duration^  243  ^  LIST OF TABLES Table^ 2.1^Overview: sociosystem and technosystem analogues of ecosystem succession in North America, ca. 1800-2000^  Page  26  2.2^Outcomes of order and flexibility in work culture^41 2.3^Forms and applications of flexible work^  43  2.4^Level of authority in information work^  51  2.5^Personality types^  52  2.6^Bell's post-industrial model extended to work location and rhythm^  54  2.7^Typology of service and information occupations^56 2.8^Occupational shifts 1960-1991: U. S. and Canada ^57 2.9^Developments in telecommunications technologies^60 2.10^Mintzburg's typology of organizations^  64  2.11^Personality type and preferred work culture^  66  2.12^Summary of benefits and costs of flexible workstyle^70 4.1^Stability and bifurcation in the GVRD - 1875 to 1965^94 4.2^Sectoral distribution of employment: Canada, B.C., GVRD^  98  4.3^GVRD organizations by economic sector, 1981 and 1992^102 4.4^GVRD organizations: sector and mean size changes, 1981-1991^  103  4.5^GVRD: location of organizations over 100 employees: 1981-1991^  108  5.1^Mapping of component measures in data bases^ 119 6.1^Work trip duration by home location, 1973 and 1990^150 6.2^Transportation mode choice comparison, 1973 - 1993^151 6.3^Mode choice for work trips by home location, 1973 and 1990^  151  6.4^Field sample: preferred mode and reasons for non-use^152 6.5^Origin and destination of work trips, 1990 ^  153  6.6^Origin and destination of work trips, 1990: detailed by selected component measure interactions ^154 6.7^Summary: component measure interactions with urban issue scales^  155  6.8^Leadership scale: questions and median responses^157  Table  Page  6.9  Management scale:^questions and median responses  159  6.10  Neighbourhood orientation scale:^questions and median responses  161  6.11  Dependence on automobility scale:^questions  162  6.12  Dependence on automobility scale:^median responses  163  6.13  Job satisfaction: ^family type and workplace mobility; VUFS90  166  6.14  Job satisfaction:^education and job type; VUFS90  167  6.15  Job satisfaction: ^personality and job type; VUFS90  168  6.16  Job satisfaction:^personality type, organizational culture and job type; field sample  169  6.17  Summary:^comparative case studies in flexible workstyle  170  6.18  Participant organizations: ^general characteristics  177  6.19  Job performance factors: ^satisfaction ratings in field sample  178  6.20  Field sample:^reasons given for taking job by motivational orientation  179  6.21  Field sample:^workplace setting priorities  180  6.22  Field sample:^willingness to participate in flexible work cultures  181  6.23  Field sample:^anecdotal comments on costs and benefits of flexible work culture  182  6.24  Personality type in data bases:^scale component questions and observed frequencies  184  6.25  Personality type by education  185  7.1  Summary of main findings  192  7.2  Workstyle types  196  LIST OF FIGURES Figure  Page  1.1  Greater Vancouver Regional District; political boundaries  4  1.2  Bunge's genera of systems  8  1.3  Bunge's axiological schema  16  2.1  Lifestyle cohort  49  2.2  Workstyle  50  2.3  Personality types and organizational cultures  67  2.4  Flexible workstyle  69  4.1  Bartholomew's plan for Greater Vancouver: core-focused spatial configuration  96  4.2  Bridge crossings in the GVRD  100  4.3  GVRD spatial sectors and Regional Town Centres  107  5.1  Overview of component measures and their interactions  117  6.1  Spatial-temporal separation:^correlations among component measures  186  6.2  Workstyle:^correlations among component measures  188  6.3  Work Culture:^correlations among component measures  189  -xACKNOWLEDGEMENT A research study is a social activity. While the arguments are advanced by the researcher, who is alone responsible for their content, many others enable the completion of both project and thesis. In particular, some advance funds, others in the field provide advice and criticism, and still others that most precious resource for any writer, encouragement and a sympathetic ear. This study was funded by the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada, under their programme of Masters' Scholarships in Science Policy. The efforts of this Government of Canada group have materially assisted the writer, and are helping to maintain the high quality of research in Canada. It is not customary to specifically acknowledge the contribution of one's academic supervisor. However, since the writer is fortunate to be among the first graduates of the Open University of British Columbia admitted into postgraduate study, special recognition of two of the founders of that consortium seems appropriate. The extraordinary vision of my supervisor, Dr. Walter Hardwick and also Dr. Patrick McGeer of this university, has enabled the writer and a host of other working adults in British Columbia to make knowledge and education a continuing, generative project. Such opportunities bring post-secondary study more fully into the community as a whole, to the benefit of both. Dr. Hardwick also provided me free access to the data base files of the Vancouver Urban Futures Projects, along with instruction on systemics and self-organizing systems in graduate seminars. He introduced the systemic approach to geography at the Association of American Geographers' annual meeting in Toronto in 1990. Research also draws on the expertise of practitioners in the field. Dr. Warren Gill of Simon Fraser University provided assistance on aspects of the data bases beyond his written work. J. Dale Michaels of Telecommuting Consultants International, Inc. provided valuable technical assistance and advice on aspects of the field research of this study. Dr. Martin Shoemaker helped me extricate myself from a thicket of mid-life brambles and onto the path of academic study as a new garden in which to plant seeds and help them grow. Colleagues and friends listen, ask questions, and empathize. Drs. Michael Bovis, David Edgington, Maureen Reed and Olav Slaymaker were particularly generous in sharing their time and providing fresh perspectives. In alphabetical and no other order, Siri Bertelsen, Robyn Dowling, Mark Duffett, Sergej Ivanov, Averill Groeneveld-Meijer, George Lin, Michael Mortensen, Bill Purdy, Dong Ho Shin and Yanni Xiao helped me over bumps on the road. Djun Kim of the Department of Mathematics provided helpful assistance from his field. The final acknowledgement is to Judith Eby, my aunt and long-time confidant, who patiently listened to my harangues when the blankness of the unsullied page brought progress to a temporary halt. To one and all, including those whom I may have innocently forgotten to acknowledge, thank you.  FOREWORD The mass of men lead lives of quiet desperation. What is called resignation is confirmed desperation. From the desperate city you go into the desperate country and have to console yourself with the bravery of minks and muskrats. A stereotyped but unconscious despair is concealed even under what are called the games and amusements of mankind. There is no play in them, for this comes after work. But it is a characteristic of wisdom not to do desperate things. Henry David Thoreau, "Economy", in Walden, 1854 Much of Europe and North America was in the throes of transition from agrarian to industrial society at the time Thoreau wrote this essay. This change was as profound in its effects as that from hunter-gatherer to agrarian, its ancient predecessor, and that from industrial to post-industrial, its present-day successor. During such periods, wisdom is often challenged. Values are changing, sometimes by choice and sometimes by necessity. Being matters of faith, values do not change easily. This is because without faith, there is only desperation. It is to that mass of men and women who continue to try, at times in the face of great difficulty, to lead lives of wisdom and to nurture values enhancing life that this project is addressed. Desperation may be, but need not be, the primary characteristic of the human condition. This thesis is offered to my spouse, Rosanne Tinckler, whose contribution was that of friend, editor, proofreader, colleague in social science, sergeant at arms, organizer; most of all, she who saw me through my days of desperation. May her tribe increase.  CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION The rapid Progress true Science now makes, occasions my regretting sometimes that I was born so soon. It is impossible to imagine the Height to which it may be carried, in a thousand years, the Power of Man over Matter.... 0 that moral Science were in as fair a way of Improvement, that men would cease to be Wolves to one another... Benjamin Franklin letter to Joseph Priestley - February 8, 1780 This chapter performs two functions; thematic and schematic. It begins with a statement of research purpose and a sketch of the research setting. These mark the conceptual and empirical boundaries of the study. The next section, which outlines the systemic approach, connects the philosophical underpinnings of the study to central concepts and contemporary issues in geography. Finally, a schematic of the following chapters is set out. Much social research studies behaviour and attitudes, and is geared to seeking strongly correlative relationships within narrowly focused conceptual frameworks, using operational definitions that facilitate the use of quantifiable variables. While firmly grounded in literature, this study seeks broad understanding, and employs mainly qualitative methods. This is no criticism of narrowly focused research or quantitative methods, but a reminder, in the spirit of geography qua critical science (Gregory 1978, 11) that we must test our premises as much as our conclusions, particularly in times of change. This study adopts an explicitly ecological approach. As a central modus operandum, it applies principles of both physical and human ecology. The latter is defined by Freese (1992, ix) in transdisciplinary terms: includ[ing] structural and functional changes in human and social organization and sociocultural systems as these changes may be affected by, interdependent with, or identical to changes in ecosystemic, evolutionary, or ethological processes, factors, or mechanisms. The approach is a departure from much of the current research covering similar topics in geography. In particular, it is based on systemics, which views work - 1 -  fundamentally as a social activity, rather than a means of economic survival and nothing more, and which provides a philosophical and conceptual framework unifying specific components of community based workstyle developed in this study. Other approaches, such as those based on the Marxist view of "theatres of accumulation" (Armstrong and McGee 1985) and the view of "flexible specialization" (Piore and Sabel 1984) primarily address larger-scale considerations of international economy and enterprise dynamics. Behavioural geography (Olsson 1980, Cox and Gollege 1981) has some similarities with the systemic approach, in that it focuses on process, i.e. "decision rules employed by the actors" (Ley 1983, 8). However, it is a 'rational actor' approach [see p. 12-13], whose view of "subjectivity and experience [is] overly structured, suppressing too severely the dynamism and ambiguity of everyday life" (Ibid.; cf. Dyke 1988). As discussed below, systemics incorporates self-organizing behaviour, that arising spontaneously out of an internal individual locus of control [pp. 9-10]; and as a corollary, valuing processes [sec. 1.3.3]. Behaviour in this view can be triggered within and/or without the person [more generally, the system]. Systemics enables this study to relate simultaneously behavioural and attitudinal data from broadly designed surveys and case studies. Such a project is both complex and ambitious; however, it is argued [sec 1.3] that organized complexity is an important characteristic of contemporary urban landscapes that needs to be examined as a whole rather than simply reduced to component facets. 1.1 RESEARCH PURPOSE This study examines and argues for community based or flexible 'workstyle' in a multi-centred city, as evidence of and one means of rectifying the tessellate' array of stress on physical and social ecosystems. Stress is defined as that condition or state resulting when the environmental demands placed on a system exceed its capacity to respond within an appropriate time-space scale.  2  Stress placed on urban ecosystems is associated with aspects of land use, transportation and work culture. Work culture is defined as a set of conventions which act as constraints on workstyle and influence attitudes and behaviours of individuals at work. For example, conventional working hours, generally 35-40  3 hours weekly Monday to Friday, affect perceptions of 'normal' times to be at work. Workstvle, a contraction of work and lifestyle, is defined as that subset of genre de vie concerned with individuals' preferences for ways and means of carrying out their duties within organizations. For example, my workstyle may include starting work at dawn 7 days weekly for 5 hours daily. Work culture that is flexible with respect to workstyle is referred to as flexible workstyle. This study sees spatial-temporal separation of workplace from home community, dependence on automobiles for mobility, and dissatisfaction with both the skill content and the quality of social interaction in work, as important factors that maintain ecosystem stress. Organizations which manage their operations via Taylorist principles of detailed central control experience acute stress because they are less flexible, thus less adaptable to changing environmental demands. It is argued that opportunities for ameliorating work culture stress are enabled by sectoral shifts in economic activity, by developments in communication and information processing technology, and by applications of human ecology to workplaces. These mechanisms in contemporary forms of work culture lead ultimately to issues in work organization and the form and design of urban regions. The context for this study derives from concurrent challenges: the sheer expense of expanding overburdened transportation networks; emergence of public attitudes favouring more ecocentric urban design; desires for an improved sense of community, particularly in neighbourhoods; and needs for a redefinition of productivity. All are aspects of an increasing public desire for community based i.e. participatory planning as a means to sustainable urban development.  3  Community based workstyle, incorporating flexible workstyle and community based planning, is viewed as a coherent, pragmatic response to these stressors. It is a viable strategy that does not require massive capital investment. Where and when applied it reduces ecosystem stress, and facilitates the achievement of redefined individual, organizational and community goals. Flexible workstyle is not the only way to approach these goals, nor can it be viewed in isolation. Strategies such as technological initiatives to improve energy renewability, efforts to enhance individual participation in community affairs, and programmes to provide equitable access to education, training and play are also important.  - 4 -  1.2 RESEARCH SETTING The research setting is the Greater Vancouver Regional District [GVRD], a collection of 18 associated municipalities which form the metropolitan region incorporating most of the urban area of the lower Fraser River Valley in south western British Columbia, also known as the 'Lower Mainland'. Figure 1.1 outlines its present political boundaries The study area ranks third in population in Canada, after Toronto and Montreal, with 1.6 million (Statistics Canada 1993c). There are about 30 cities  Figure 1.1 Greater Vancouver Regional District: political boundaries  (base map courtesy of Geographic Information Centre, The University of  British Columbia)  - 5 of similar size in North America. In terms of general attributes, the GVRD is similar to other cities with like developmental paths such as Seattle, Portland, Salt Lake City and Denver. All grew into cities driven by primary resource extraction and transportation entrepot activities in the late 19th century. All have amenity landscapes and/or mild climates that attract both residents and tourists. Features common among these cities are: freedom from serious environmental dissipation; positive population growth; large "information econom[ies])" (Hepworth 1989). To paraphrase Jacobs (1984), these are regions of new work. 1.3 THE SYSTEMIC APPROACH This research is carried out within the framework of systemic geography. Some effort is devoted here to reviewing the philosophical underpinnings of this study, for two reasons. First, the ontological and axiological a prioris of the writer are exposed to critical review. Second, systemics in its entirety has not been used coherently in geography, although component concepts have been examined (Allen 1982; Holling 1986; Haggett 1990; Straussfogel 1990). Place, landscape and genre de vie denote complex, self-organizing spaces with physical and (for sentient organisms) experiential facets. The systemic approach provides the holistic perspective needed to synthesize topical studies into a coherent context, while avoiding the ideological traps of assuming prime causes and/or ideal end states. Urban study using a 'living systems' approach involves the application of ecological succession concepts, with individuals viewed as proactive entities in open systems. The writer's choice of this view is based on a good fit with both personal experience and academic background. In this perspective, economy is neither the determinant of social activity, nor even primary, particularly in more developed regions. Systemics rejects political economy and social theory views that see individuals primarily as reactive social 'classes', whose activities are the direct outcome of social 'forces' exogenous to a personal or internal locus of control. In these traditions, social interaction is filtered through a 'have vs. have-not' dichotomy in closed systems of social control. In the writer's view, individuals have choices, constrained but not defined by exogenous factors. Doing nothing is also a choice. This  6 implies self-organization and open systems within a humanist world view. Systemics is clearly articulated by Mario Bunge, of the Foundations and Philosophy of Science unit at McGill University, and is contained in his eightvolume Treatise on Basic Philosophy. He calls systemics "scientific materialism", a term rooted in two notions: that research should be conducted "systematically, exactly, and scientifically [interpreted here as according to certain ethics of inquiry] and that "the real world is composed exclusively of material things" (Bunge 1981, ix-xii). Bunge sees scientific materialism as a successor to both Victorian positivism and the dialectical materialism of Engels. To Bunge, the basic flaw of positivism is that it was "philosophically naive", and of dialectical materialism that it "claimed to be scientific ... while being committed to an ideology" (Ibid., xii-xiii). Scientific materialism is dynamicist and emergentist, i.e. incorporates evolution, but is wary of ideology. In systemics, science is fundamentally the study of living systems. 1.3.1 LIVING SYSTEMS AS AN ALTERNATIVE TO SPATIAL SCIENCE A major topic in the geographical literature of the last generation has been the critical discussion of geography as spatial science. Although spatial science is a rather loosely defined term, and by no means the culmination of geography since its beginnnings as a discipline [Haggett (1983) identifies ecological and complex regional analysis as two other fundamental approaches], a brief review of this discourse is a useful starting point to placing the systemic approach in a contemporary geographical context. Reed and Slaymaker (1993, 2) set out the three main lines of argument: Because of geographers' attachment to spatial science in the 1960s, relatively few contributed to debates on qualitative environmental issues. Since then, spatial science ... has been criticized in three main ways (Cloke, Philo and Sadler 1991). Firstly, the positivist orientation in research and overall perspectives was criticized for creating a false sense of objectivity (Hay 1985). Secondly, the humanist critique indicated a failure to acknowledge perception, intentions, and the actions of persons as conscious agents (Ley and Samuels, 1978). Finally, the Marxist critique focused on a failure to acknowledge deeper economic, social and political structures (Peet, 1978; Harvey, 1982). The key phrases are positivism, false sense of objectivity, persons as conscious agents, and deeper economic, social and political structures. Accepting these criticisms as written, it is argued that systemics addresses each of them  - 7 satisfactorily and, unlike some critiques of spatial science, offers a constructive alternative consistent with accepted geographical principles (cf. Ley 1978). The systemic or living systems approach is defined as "the set of theories that focus on the structural characteristics of systems and can therefore cross the largely artificial barriers between disciplines" (Bunge 1979, 1). Its basic ontological principles are (Ibid., emphasis added): 1.  All systems are open, except the universe; some may be partially closed for some property or other.  2.  Systems are made up of components, environment, and structure, all of which have concrete existence as matter or energy, or conceptual subsistence in the mind of someone, but not both.  3.  Changes in systems are lawful and individual properties emerge from precursors in some other system via an evolutionary process.  4.  Systems are dynamic; the more behaviourally complex the system, the more numerous the stages in its assembly and the more numerous its possible breakdown modes.  5.  All natural systems are self-organizing. ^They selectively receive inputs, have non-zero outputs, and operate within definable thresholds of activity. In every system, some activity is spontaneous, i.e. arising out of process.  6.  Systems can be arranged into levels based on historical emergence, quality of binding energy and degree of self-organization. But the existence of levels does not imply hierarchy: levels neither command nor obey. In the systemic view, 'things' as physical objects are rigorously separated  from 'concepts' as conceptual objects. Things have properties; existence, state, energy, location; and can form concrete systems. Concepts have other properties; subsistence (stipulated existence in some mind), meaning (via predicates and propositions), sense (truth-value at some scale), creativity (minds create concepts by fiat); and can form conceptual systems. Differentiating the two is critical to understanding this view. As Olsson remarks in a similar context, "existents which you can touch I can touch as well, but the subsistents in my head and your head may not be the same" (1980, 44b). All systems are open; that is, exchange matter and/or energy with their immediate environment (cf. Bolling 1978). Systems are made up of components that may be systems themselves, which interact and have properties that may be interdependent [properties do not interact]. Interaction is 'lawful', governed by some set of variable relations called structure (cf. Maturana 1987). Systems may be stable or unstable at various times, have an optimum size that is not neces-  - 8 sarily unique, are emergent from precursors, and continue to evolve from emergence to dissipation. The more complex the system, the weaker its binding energy. The binding energy of concrete systems is not isomorphic with the coherence of meaning which subsists in conceptual systems. Ideas or conventions are not 'forces', except in the metaphorical and/or pedagogical sense. All natural [i.e. emerging in nature] systems self-organize at some timespace scale. Periods of stability [quasi-equilibrium, where the rate of change of fluctuation in a system is greater than the rate of change of the mean system state] are interspersed with bifurcations, critical points where small changes in inputs or spontaneous activity can lead to profound changes in state, whose form and/or direction is unpredictable (Nicolis and Prigogine 1989). Bunge's schema of systems is set out in Fig. 1.2 below. Two points need emphasis. First, biochemical and psychological systems are the locus of two key evolutionary bifurcations; the emergence of life and the emergence of sentience.  Fig. 1.2 Bunge's genera of systems  economy culture polity -  social  technical  - technologies - institutions - infrastructures  psychological  biological  biochemical  physico-chemical  direction of emergence Adapted from: Bunge 1979, 46  -  ecosystems populations species organisms organs cells  - 9 Only organisms are alive, i.e have the ability to self-repair and reproduce (autopoesis) and life spans marked by birth, maturation and death (ontogenesis). Physico-chemical systems are non-living, although they continue to evolve via some dynamic structure (cf. Maturana and Varela 1980). Species and ecosystems are conceptual, not concrete, and as such subsist rather than exist. While all organisms possess sensory sub-systems and are aware to some degree, only some have intelligence [know that they know] and are sentient. All sentient animals engage in social behaviours and as such have cognitive and affective abilities (cf. von Bertalanffy, 1981). Together with sensory and motor functions, these are known as the psyche. Humans are composed of biological bodies and psychological minds, which cannot be separated (cf. Lazarus 1976; Kolb and Wishaw, 1985). The foregoing key phase persons as conscious agents revolves around the mind-body problem, which in the systemic view, is not an ontological dilemma: In science we do not speak of the motion-body problem ...or of the mobility-society problem. We speak instead of the motion of bodies ... and the mobility of a society. We do not reify properties, states, or events except when it comes to the properties, states and events of the nervous system...feeling, remembering, imagining, willing, and thinking are usually said to be mental states or processes. Since in science and in our ontology there are no states or processes in themselves, but only states of some entity or processes in some thing, we must ask what minds (Gunge, 1979; 124). Systemics has a fundamental view of individuals as proactive organisms in open systems, whose minds operate within an ontological frame of reference that is concurrently physical and conceptual. Persons are at once subjective and objective, observer and actor. Existential alienation is rejected in this view (cf. Samuels 1978). Perceptions and intentions are concepts which subsist but do not exist. "The mind and its activity are experienced, not observed" (Dobzhansky and Boesiger 1983). We can observe actions in social science, but are limited to accepting accounts of perceptions, intentions and motivations of others at face value. Individuals are seen to make decisions and form attitudes based on an internal locus of control, i.e. behaviour is not a mere outcome of or determined by exogenous conditions. To speak of (for example) social groups as having intentions is to reify conceptual systems by giving them psychological properties. Second, there is a rigorous separation of social and technical systems. The former has conceptual components and biopsychological members; the latter artificial, i.e. physico-chemical but not natural, components (literally artifacts)  - 10 -  and/or instrumental conceptual subsystems vicariously directed by human agents. Polity is defined as the social system whose members control or are controlled by the social behaviour of other members (Bunge 1979). It self-organizes at minimum on a periodic basis, e.g. during elections. Government, in contrast, is a political institution, a technical system given artificial existence [subsistence] for the purpose of administering the policies of political leadership. The former, being natural, is self-organizing; the latter, being artificial, cannot be self-organizing and is therefore instrumental (cf Maturana and Varela 1980). It follows structures determined by the polity, with provision for selforganizing behaviour (discretion) vested in its officials. At another scale, private and public enterprises are also political institutions. Officials, on the other hand, are natural and thus self-organizing systems. The central dilemma in polity, in the writer's view, is the conflict of interest between self-organizing people and the instrumental organizations serving them. Economy is defined as that subsystem whose members engage in the active and organized transformation of the environment (Bunge 1979). It self-organizes via markets, where transactions reflecting individual values placed on goods and services are consummated. An enterprise is an economic institution, an artificial system following a structure as an instrument of its leadership. An issue in economic ethics of interest to geographers is the value placed on ecosystems as resources and their ownership (Schumacher 1973, Daly and Cobb 1989). Finally, culture is defined as that subsystem whose members engage in mental activities affecting the psyches of other members. Culture is not artifacts, but a set of concepts subsisting in the minds of those who care about it (Bunge 1979). It self-organizes through media of information and knowledge exchange, the most common being conversation. A university is a cultural institution, an instrumental system following a structural constitution administered by its governors. A cultural issue of interest to geographers is the persistence of gender specific values in education and family life (Massey 1984, Merchant 1989). Social systems in general are contained in kinship 'envelopes', which are instrumental not existential, and organized in various institutions that overlap each subsystem in some ways. Work, i.e. "goal-directed activity thought to be  useful" is the basic property of social systems (Bunge 1979; cf. O'Grady and Brooks 1988, who separate the end-resulting behaviour of non-living systems, the end-directed behaviour of living systems, and the goal-directed behaviour of sentient systems). Kinship bonds generally precede bonds to institutions. The common factors among social systems are: each is self-organizing; each is associated with some institutions, instrumental systems that have a vicarious ability to self-organize via policy making authority, held by some members in trust for the others; and each is involved in questions of values or ethics. Each social institution has an economy, culture, and polity (Bell 1976; Adams 1988), whose common property is work. Each social system maintains coherence and continuity through conventions, the 'rules of the game' that act as constraints for members and institutional trustees alike (Dyke 1988). When we speak of deeper economic, social, and political structures, we refer to social conventions maintained by, but not embodied in institutions, which are instrumental in themselves, and subsist rather than exist. A fundamental criticism of Marxist views is that they fail to separate social systems, which revolve around kinship and values, from social institutions, which are centred on the instrumentality of maintaining conventions. In such views, "the mode of production [a technical system]... determines and encompasses all other dimensions of a society" (Bell 1976, x). Since in the systemic view, psychological properties such as determination Grua intentionality subsist only in organisms, this premise is ontologically unsound. The other technical systems are technologies and infrastructures. Technologies are defined as bodies of knowledge that facilitate the creation or implementation of concepts and/or the creation of artificial things. Knowledge of the effects of drugs on humans (pharmacy) facilitates the application of palliative treatment (a concept) in health care. Infrastructures are defined as artificial physico-chemical systems that facilitate the operation of social systems. A residence is an infrastructure providing shelter to satisfy personal biological needs and a place for kinship relations to be exercised.  4  In the technical system sense, a city is a collection of infrastructures operating within a framework of institutions, i.e. a set of technical systems,  - 12 which are instrumental to the community, a biosocial system, that employs them. Technical systems, being non-living, cannot have perceptions or intentions or hold values. All these are confined to organisms. That is not to say that technical systems of cities have no effect on the organisms, or vice versa. For the purposes of this study, work culture is an institution, a conventional expression of culture for a particular community as it applies to goaldirected activity thought to be useful. Workstyle, on the other hand, in the same technical sense, is a technology at an individual level, i.e. self-knowledge, made up of behavioural preferences exercised within the framework of a work culture and a household. It is a subset of lifestyle (cf. Gill 1981). The institutional position of forest ranger, for example, lends itself to particular work cultures and appeals most to persons with particular workstyles. All institutions engage in planning, a value-based process whereby technology (as defined] is used to forecast the impact of changes in infrastructures or conventions on system activity, or vice versa. Where the system of interest is non-living, planning relies heavily on engineering. In the writer's view, the false sense of objectivity in positivism refers to the risks of applying engineering principles to living systems. Bennett and Chorley (1978) differentiate hard systems, "those ... susceptible to rigorous specification, quantification and mathematical prediction in terms of their responses [i.e. engineering] " (Ibid., 223), and soft systems, those which occur "at the interface between these hard, conceptual systems and man as perceiver, appraiser and decision maker" (Ibid., 220). Human cognition is a typical soft system. The goal of engineering hard systems is to control the environment. Soft systems (social) engineering is seldom effective beyond the short term. Sociosystems self-organize more rapidly, and are composed of subjects, not objects. Inappropriate objectivity is a key factor in the rational planning models criticized in the literature (e.g. Ley 1983). Planners themselves recognize this difficulty. Meyer and Miller (1984, 95) list five different decision making systems, of which the traditional 20th century type is the rational actor approach. Its assumptions include: all relevant alternatives are considered; decision makers can attain extensive knowledge of the impacts of each before making deci-  - 13 sions; evaluation differentiates accurately among the options, and alternatives can be ranked. They view this approach as useful in a restricted set of circumstances, and caution against its general use, recognizing that planning human activity is both incremental and political in nature. Holling (1978) warns against this approach in resource management, particularly reducing options to a single econometric scale of costs and benefits. Daly and Cobb (1989) cite Whitehead's "misplaced concreteness", i.e. assuming that all costs have been counted, as the primary flaw in neoclassical economics (cf. Schumacher 1973). Systemics recognizes the qualitative differences among organisms, social and technical systems, and as such overcomes the main drawbacks of positivism. Humans, not social systems, have perceptions, intentions, values and kinship relations. This bundle of relations is formalized by conventions administered by institutions as guardians (in the Platonic sense) of community values within the conceptual systems called economy, polity and culture. The basic kinship unit or sociosystem is the household (Bunge 1979). Finally, systemics differentiates among human, biological, and physicochemical systems by using the principle of nested evolution (Dobzhansky 1967). Each level is emergent from and is more complex than its predecessors, and at each succeeding level evolution proceeds more rapidly, but with more constraints i.e. greater complexity. Emergence acknowledges the importance of history, and by acknowledging the "lumpy" qualities of evolution (Dyke 1988) and the importance of both synergy and competition (Bunge 1979; cf. Corning 1983) overcomes many of the difficulties of neo-Darwinism (Wicken 1988) in studying ecosystems. Its ontological schema is well-supported by literature in the physical, life and social sciences; and, in the writer's view, forms a constructive conceptual framework that answers the main criticisms of traditional spatial science. 1.3.2 ORGANIZED COMPLEXITY AND IDEOLOGY Bunge's main criticism of dialectical materialism is that it is committed to an ideology, a topic of interest in geography over the past generation (Gregory 1978; Ley and Samuels 1978; Stoddart 1981). In its ordinary usage, ideology is a somewhat overused and polemic term. One sociological definition is a:  - 14 -  system of interdependent ideas (beliefs, traditions, principles and myths) held by a social group or society, which reflects, rationalizes and defends its particular social, moral, religious, political, and economic institutional interests and committments. Ideologies serve as logical and philosophical justifications for a group's patterns of behaviour, as well as its attitudes, goals, and general life situation. The ideology of any population involves an interpretation (and usually a repudiation) of alternative ideological frames of reference (Theodorson and Theodorson 1979, 195). In the light of the Socratic tradition that the unexamined life is not worth living, ideology carries an invidious connotation of adherence to dogma. Some suggest that any belief system is to some degree an ideology (e.g. Settle 1982; Mattessich 1990). In systemic epistemology, ideology has a more precise meaning. Ideology is defined as a type of factual account that is systematic [involving some conceptual system], but not scientific, because it is "based on a religious or sociopolitical system that tends to be unifactorial but all embracing" (Bunge 1983, 19). Scientific accounts, in contrast, are by definition multifactorial, must involve transactional exchange, and must be testable. A strongly testable hypothesis is one both confirmable and refutable. A weakly testable hypothesis, e.g. 'all persons seek to maximize utility' is not refutable, since all actions can be construed to have utility. An untestable hypothesis is neither, e.g. 'all good persons go to heaven'. The key qualities separating science from ideology is that the former is constantly being tested and updated (Hardwick, 1993) and tends to be less dogmatic. Three important points flow from this definition. First, a unifactorial, all-embracing account is one that ascribes behaviour to a prime cause. Second, a religious or sociopolitical system whose view is only weakly testable suggests the promulgation of an ideal end state, be it Heaven or the classless society (Dobzhansky, 1967). Third, systemics does not dismiss values. Scientific knowledge is held to be superior to belief in supernatural or abstract forces. This follows from the premise that abstract concepts subsist, not exist, and thus cannot directly affect the real world of things, which do exist. It does not exclude them, but sets limits on their application, as discussed in sec 1.3.3. Bunge describes historical/dialectical materialism as ideological on two grounds: first, it holds that entire societies, not organisms, are the knowing subjects; and second, that it has "tried to show that the material circumstances  - 15 and activities of man", work and its derived social relations, "determine everything else" (1981, 13). This reduces culture, polity and values to epiphenomena (cf. Ley 1978). The first argument is ontological, not epistemological. Subject to that qualification, it appears plausible. To be fair to Marx, he said the mode of production conditions social relations, a more ambiguous verb. Bunge associates dialectical ontology with social Darwinism and economy, i.e. competition for resources, as prime cause (cf. Ley 1978, Corning 1983, Clark 1985). Dyke comments on the extension of evolutionary theory into social theory: Weaver (1948) said the science of the Enlightenment taught us how to deal with organized simplicity. Nineteenth century science taught us how to deal with disorganized complexity. The challenge for twentieth century science is to learn how to deal with organized complexity (without ... pretending that it is simply conjunctive simplicity) (1988, 5). He applies this directly to urban study in both developing [critiquing Kelley and Williamson 1984] and developed regions [following Jacobs 1984]. The systemic alternative is simply to accept complexity rather than attempt to reduce it to simplicity. Science cannot provide final answers, if for no other reason than the explanatory phenomena themselves are subject to evolution (Ibid., Dyke 1988). Nicolis and Prigogine (1989) provide an elegant definition of complexity as a scale-dependent characteristic of the behaviour of a system, and not its number of components. A behavioural definition implies a self-organizing quality in all systems to some degree, in general increasing with increasing complexity. 1.3.3. SYSTEMICS AND VALUES The context of this study arises in part from changes in the attitudes, desires and needs of individuals. All these terms refer to the valuing process, which is intrinsic to human nature. The ontological leitmotif of systemic ethics is that 'good' and 'evil' are adjectives, not entities. Individuals evaluate, societies do not. Social values arise from activities, i.e. "values and morals do not hover over everyday life" (Bunge 1989, 5) and "there are no values in themselves but there are valuable items wherever there are organisms" (Ibid., 13). The fundamental ethic of systemics is to enjoy life as a right, and to help others live as a duty. It follows that axiological soundness proceeds from value systems conducive to human survival and development. Positing a taxonomy  - 16 of values does not imply all values are independent. In this view, utilitarians attempt to do the impossible, to reduce all values to a single scale or ranking of 'good' (Ibid.; cf. Holling 1978; Daly and Cobb 1989). While survival and well-being are individual phenomena, they can be pursued only within the frame of reference of a society. The difficulty is that "value systems prevailing in most contemporary societies are not geared to giving all their members the chance of meeting their basic needs, much less their legitimate wants" (Ibid., Bunge, 53). Why? Bunge identifies the pursuit of living only for pleasure, profit, or power. Western societies cling to the Spencerian ideal that survival of the fittest is a basis for moral codes. This derives from a view of conflict and domination as the 'forces' behind social relations. The systemic alternative as basic praxis is "every value conflict can be resolved through some compromise whereby neither one of the values in question is either fully realized or sacrificed". Values cannot be more than partial: "we must not equate 'ideal' with 'perfection', because in the real world there are  Figure 1.3 Bunge's axiological schema  Taxonomy of Values  environmental or physical Biological  visceral mental or psychological  VALUES  economic Social  political cultural  Examples of things Valued: ^ ^ Physical or Visceral Mental  Social  clean air and water^being loved^peace loving^ company adequate food^ shelter and clothing^feeling needed^mutual help physical activity^learning^work health care^ recreation^mobility Adapted from: Bunge 1989, 16  - 17 no perfect systems, in particular no perfect people" (Ibid., 57). In this way, systemics acknowledges that scientific investigation is intimately involved with ethics as a social activity itself, and that values are incorporated into the fabric of the systems that form the subject of its study. The important point is that it is values that are incorporated, and not a single value system. Previous sections deal with major parts of the criticism of positivism and spatial science in geographical discourse, but do not address explicitly the role of values in science as a process, i.e. a social activity. Concern has been expressed in the literature over both the 'totalizing' tendency of science referred to above and its apparent need to insulate itself from social ethics and meaning (Dyke, 1988; Chalmers, 1990; Buttimer, 1990). Maier-Leibnitz (1982), while holding that scientists operate at the boundaries of knowledge, and accordingly their "duties ... can never be completely defined from the above or from the outside", views scientists as a group responsible for the foreseeable effects of application of their work outside research. He identifies the technological sphere as an optimum locus of accountability, since this is where economic, cultural and political systems exercise control over and responsibility for effects by either proceeding with the development of innovations or not. Bunge (1989, 89-90) echoes this view: the scientific investigator holds certain psychological values such as curiosity, ingenuity and honesty; semantic values such as clear meaning and maximal truth; methodological values such as testability and precision ... The facts that contemporary technology is largely geared to mass murder and creating wants rather than satisfying basic needs is unfortunate but not to the point. The point is that technology has become the most powerful conceptual tool for the realization of values both positive and negative. Science is not detachable from society. The reverse is also true. The systemic alternative is centred on an open declaration of values by researchers, and at the technological interface, responsibility shared by all members of the social system. Those who accept the benefits must share responsibility for the costs. There is a parallel between the minds of bodies and the institutions of societies. We cannot separate technology [science is defined as a technology] from its cultural, political and economic frame of reference. Since sociosystems are closely involved with values, so are technical systems (both via the agency of living individuals). This study addresses both sociosystems and technical  - 18 systems. It holds that: (a) values, expressed as valued items (things or concepts), are intrinsic to human activity and thus the landscape; and (b) while values themselves are not knowledge, we can have knowledge of the relative value placed by individuals on technical and social alternatives for ways of living. 1.3.4 CRITICISM OF SYSTEMICS A brief review of criticism places systemics in the broader scholarly perspective. Mattessich (1990) praises it for its clarity and for "offering rigorous philosophical tools to scientists of all quarters as well as a scientific Weltanshauunq". His criticism centres on Bunge's use of 'real'. If the real world is the total of things, not facts, how can properties be real? Wittgenstein's "the world is a totality of facts, not things" is an equally plausible starting point in his view. Second, Mattesich questions the minds of bodies, insisting "the brain must be regarded as a dual or hybrid system [cf. Popper 1982] because of its ability to generate and handle simultaneously concrete as well as conceptual objects" (Ibid., Mattessich 1990). Settle (1982) is concerned with the rigorous separation of things from constructs in systemics. He contrasts Bunge's criticism of fuzzy thinking with his 'fuzzy' explanation of mind-body unity. Others focus on the epistemological criterion of 'exactness'. Kirschenmann (1982) comments that "exactness is primarily a formal ideal" and groups it with weakly testable terms such as freedom and rationality. Margenau (1982) points out there are levels of explanation, just as there are levels of systems; accordingly, proposing a unitary epistemology is contradictory. The writer is most troubled by the use of 'exactly', and Bunge's further qualification that exact means 'mathematical'. Mathematics assumes variables are strictly quantifiable, i.e. vectors, and implies combinatorial principles of inclusion-exclusion. So does the formal logic relied on by Bunge, although he liberally and prudently uses the qualifier "some". However, and this is particularly true of values and intentions, many variables cannot be arranged on interval scales, only on ordinal or nominal scales, where inference is fuzzier. We can be more exact in less complex systems. It seems likely that the mathematics of open systems is not yet developed. The answer(s) may be less insist-  - 19 ence on inclusion-exclusion, as in Q-analysis (Gould 1982) and fuzzy sets (Gale 1976). These embrace imprecision rather than ignoring it or substituting randomness, which seems a fair exchange in the qualitative world of social systems. Bunge does not deny the reality of concepts. Many systems are explicitly conceptual. Mattessich avoids the fact that we think conceptually, whether or not we are thinking about concepts (cf. Olsson 1980). Systemics cannot provide final answers. However, this approach offers a highly general view of science as a way of thinking rather than a method, and admits the degree of flexibility that Gould (1981) remarks is at once geography's greatest weakness and strength. 1.3.5 SYSTEMICS AND GENRE DE VIE Genre de vie, literally 'ways of living', is closely linked to lifestyle, and accordingly to workstyle, the central operating model of this study. Both systemic ontology and the notions of place and landscape include the co-existence of both physical and experiential (conceptual) subsystems, natural and artificial subsystems, and the intertwining of values and experience. Systems are both emergent and dynamic. Values and experience interact in human living by means of self-organizing behaviour in polity, economy and culture. Genre de vie is not far removed from lifestyle, an amalgam of cognitive, demographic, behavioural and locational components (Gill 1981). Buttimer (1981), following Vidal de la Blache, identifies three steps in exploring landscape via this concept: examining the ecology of urban populations; examining external activity patterns (genres); and studying the values, attitudes and cognitions of various individuals and groups. She cites Kant and Sorre on the social world of citizen groups as a precursor to her view of the 'urban field' as a multi-level complex composed of biosphere, sociosphere and noosphere. The geographic question centres on unifying systematic or topical inquiry in each of these fields by focusing on interactions among levels. Buttimer's schema relies on the principles of emergence and dynamic systems. The ecological principle of nested evolution [p. 13) is applied in this study to institutions, which are viewed primarily as human communities rather than legal entities given artificial existence for certain purposes and nothing  - 20 more. Institutions of interest include families or households, non-government organizations, public and private enterprises, and governments. Individuals act primarily within institutional frameworks, where self-organizing behaviour, the social dynamic, is constrained but not determined by conventions. Each institution has a temporally and spatially variable degree of order and flexibility. Individual values are held to be consistent, although not congruent, among these institutions of interest. Each institution has biosphere (location and infrastructure), sociosphere (polity, economy and culture) and noosphere (knowledge and technology) elements. All are dynamically valued by their members. A satisfying genre de vie arises from correspondence between individual values and community conventions. Since values change at different rates and times between the two, it is held that flexibility is as essential to maintaining social coherence as is order. These are fundamental principles of the living systems approach and humanist view of this study. It examines the ecology of human systems associated with work, considers empirical activity patterns, and incorporates the values of individuals in the landscape. 1.4 SCHEMATIC SUMMARY This thesis sets out to show how the process of adapting work and community are effective ways of meeting several social and environmental stresses that are endemic to rapidly growing urban regions. The key words are work, a fundamental human social activity; city, the primary ecosystem in which human communities coexist; systemics, an approach to the study of complex, self-organizing systems such as humans and their communities; and flexible, a descriptor of such systems that connects to underlying values of humanism and ecological sustainability. These are the warp, woof, loom and artistry of its research fabric, with the household advanced as the basic unit of measurement. In this chapter, philosophical, conceptual, empirical and disciplinary constraints on the study are outlined. Systemics maps assumptions and underlying values at the most general scale, and places them within current issues in geography. The research is broadly positioned within its context, urban ecosystems, while at the same time sufficiently focused on empirical data to present a set  - 21 of concrete findings which can inform future research. Chapter 2 is concerned with work culture and workstyle. Work culture speaks of process or management, and institutional values, which also constrain those individuals through whose agency organizations operate. Workstyle involves descriptions of individual and household characteristics, in particular preferences for optimizing skills and knowledge capacity to cope with demands of daily life. Chapter 3 introduces community based planning into the model of community based workstyle. The urban setting, a further set of constraints on both work culture and workstyle, includes models of land use, transportation and communication infrastructures. A list of ecological stresses is constructed. Some consideration is made of spatial syntax, the non-verbal communication conveyed by the spatial arrangement and forms of urban regions. Chapter 4 places these specific concepts in the perspective of the study area, the GVRD. It describes its general characteristics as an urban ecosystem, its technological history with particular emphasis on stability and bifurcation, and existing public policy intiatives towards the goal of improving livability and sustainability. This provides an account of the ecological stresses on one metropolitan area and suggest some underlying factors. In Chapter 5, the research design and data bases are set out. Links are drawn between the literature reviewed and the research assertions. Component measures are defined operationally from the concepts developed above, and inferential tests justified within the context of social science methodology. Survey indicators are compared to census data to check claims of representativeness. Chapter 6 sets out the study's findings in five parts. First, systemic factors salient to work culture stress are examined in mobility patterns, and indicators of job satisfaction. Second, changes in political, environmental and cultural values are explored, along with their implications for planning and work organization. Third, effects of flexible workstyle on work culture stress and perceived costs and benefits are detailed. Fourth, component measures of spatialtemporal separation, workstyle and work culture are reviewed as models in their own right. Finally, reliability tests are applied. In the final chapter, the findings are considered retrospectively in terms  - 22 of the research assertions, and the models advanced. Implications for communitybased planning and implementing flexible workstyle are set out. A typology of workstyles is developed. Finally, considerations of the fit between systemics and broadly based geographical research, along with some methodological issues, are made, followed by prospective topics for future research. 1.5 NOTES 1 Hardwick (1993; 16) cites Hugh Thomas [1989] as describing "aspects of the contemporary world as 'tessellated'. This word refers to a mosaic of tiles without cement, (or in a figurative way phenomena with nothing to hold them together)". In mathematics, an array is a more or less haphazard collection of entities or phenomena, with some orderly mapping, which a linear operator renders into a matrix capable of acting on a defined field or vector space (Stanton and Fryer 1972). This usage emphasizes two important qualities of ecosystems; complexity and loose coupling. 'Tessellate array' implies an ecosystem interacts with its immediate environment. Everything is not related to every thing else (Holling 1978). Tessellate suggests overall patterns are discernible, but rejects Grand Unified Theories (Hawking 1988). Array means ecosystems cannot be viewed as matrices subject to manipulative control by rational actors. At best, they are complex and not-always-linear matrices with discontinuities. Unintended consequences are a characteristic of living systems, [cf. Holling's (1986) principle of surprise]: accordingly mathematically linear approaches are viewed with extreme caution. 2 This definition of stress is adapted from psychology, where stress is the outcome of a tessellate array of individual stressors, i.e. stress factors (Lazarus 1976, 72). Since the psyche is the human frame of reference [see sec. 1.3], using this term in the context of complex systems, such as cities, facilitates understanding by drawing comparisons to conditions relevant to human experience. At the same time, it avoids some of the philosophical difficulties associated with various forms of social physics or reductionism (cf. Gregory 1978, part 1), where human behaviour and generally that of living systems is described in the parlance of non-living systems. For example, pressure (a term in fluid mechanics) is defined as "the magnitude of the normal force per unit surface area" (Halliday and Resnick 1981, 270-271), but is commonly used to denote stress in humans. Pressure is quantitatively measurable; stress is not, although some stressors may be. In the present context, hydrocarbon emissions (an environmental stressor) under certain conditions result in photochemical smog, which places stress on the urban ecosystem in the sense of atmospheric toxicity. Stress is used as a general descriptor, not quantifiable on a single scale. 3 World Commission on Environment and Development (1987, 43) defines sustainable development, at global scale in the resource sense, as "development that meets the needs of the present without compromising the ability of future generations to meet their own needs". This has been criticized as a tautology, i.e. what is development? Rees (1991, 2) comments "any concept that implies we can eat our developmental cake and have the environment too naturally inspires enthusiasm". Daly and Cobb (1989, 71-72), at national scale, distinguish growth, expansion in the scale of an economy, from development, a qualitative change of a nongrowing economic system in dynamic equilibrium with the environment. They conclude "the earth is not growing, but it is developing". Reed (1990; 51), at local scale, separates 'sustainable' from 'development' and comments that the relationship among these and community is insufficently developed, i.e. sustainable for whom? In parallel with the above discussion of pressure and stress [n. 2], development has quantitative indices, but sustainability, a qualitative term, does  - 23 not. It is used here to mean a scale-dependent goal we are struggling to define. To the writer, sustainability in an urban ecosystem perspective implies a community that holds a set of physical and conceptual resources in trust for future generations, and acts to the best of its existing knowledge and ability to enhance those resources and avoid their dissipation. 4 Bunge does not provide rigorous definitions of technical systems, beyond classifying them as "the set of artificial things (i.e. artifacts, the output of the work of societies)" (1979, 45). His main emphasis is to separate institutions from both knowledge and values, the latter being contained in humans, and not their conceptual systems. It is recognized that the definition of technologies advanced excludes the artifacts of technology, e.g. books, instruments, maps etc. These are arbitrarily designated as infrastructures, to assist further in separating knowledge from its instruments. A book is an artificial physico-chemical system that has no further significance until a literate person encounters it. Books are not knowledge. Concepts subsisting in people's brains are.  CHAPTER 2 WORK CULTURE AND WORKSTYLE  In the past, man has been first. In the future, the system must be first....the first object of any good system must be that of developing first-class men; and under systematic management, the best man rises to the top more certainly and more rapidly than ever before. F. W. Taylor, The Principles of Scientific Management, 1911 Work culture has varied over the past century between urban and rural places. At different times, the trend has been towards order or flexibility. For purposes of this thesis, Taylor's (1911) principle of "scientific management", a product of and contributor to urban industrial society, is taken as a baseline. It imposes a high degree of order on work culture to achieve an ideal end state of economic prosperity. Critical analysis of Taylorism and review of an emerging flexible work culture follows. Aspects of productivity from individual and institutional perspectives are discussed. The roles of order and flexibility are seen as critical to understanding the array of stresses arising from urban-based work culture which are examined in this chapter. This chapter commences by examining broad scale changes in North American social and technical systems over the last 200 years or so. This material suggests that values are shifting towards greater acceptance of more flexible institutions and arrangements in social life. Within this context, the focus then shifts to workstyle. Work culture stresses on individuals suggest influences summarized in a model of workstyle. Mechanisms are identified enabling implementation of flexible work culture strategies, and allowing fuller expression of workstyle; changes in technology and education, substituting telemobility for automobility' in cities, and applications of human ecology in workplaces.  A  model of flexible workstyle is advanced, based on optimizing personal and group needs. Benefits and costs are advanced based on literature reviewed.  - 25 2.1 OVERVIEW: THE NORTH AMERICAN CONTEXT Sociosystem changes from 1800 to date in North America (defined as Canada and the United States herein) are set out in terms of broad "comparative saliences" (Trist 1970) in Table 2.1 overleaf. Phases overlap over long periods, and are not cycles. We can replicate but not return to the past. Sociosystems spiral towards greater complexity via information and technology (Campbell 1982) in ways parallel to biosystems (Johnson 1988). Holling comments (1986, 313) Such analogues...suggest that a formal comparative study of different cases could help provide an empirical basis to classify the timing of key phases of societal response to the unexpected:... Such a classification introduces a better balance between prediction, anticipation, and adaptation to the known, the uncertain, and the unknown features of our changing world. Following Holling, ecosystems progress from renewal, using "r" strategies of flexibility and innovation; to exploitation, where "r" evolves into "K" strategies of power with accelerating energy consumption; to climax, where dominant species emerge, but usable energy is tied up in biomass. Eventually, lack of resources leads to stagnation, followed by surprise (e.g. forest fire) and a release of useable energy. In creative destruction, a transition from "K' to "r" occurs to resolve this crisis, and energy recombines in another renewal. During the phases of renewal and climax in human systems, stability and the value placed on order increases. During exploitation and creative destruction, bifurcations occur, and the value placed on flexibility increases. Change is rapid; disorder either pervasive or imminent. Ethics and process come under scrutiny. Policies based on stability are ineffectual. Policymakers try to maintain conventional order via closed systems, with diminishing effectiveness. Adams (1988, 129) compares the 'r' strategy of renewal in ecosystems to "small, fast, market-oriented low energy forms" of flexibility in society; and contrasts this with the climax 'K' strategy, the "large, slow, hierarchical energy-intensive forms" of power. Both are necessary to development, but neither is sufficient. He characterizes 20th century North American society as using primarily the 'K' alternative, and views the benefits of maintaining this coping strategy as shrinking rapidly relative to the costs of system maintenance. Lessinger's term "socioeconomy" is defined as a self-contained sociosystem based on a "mind-set ... defining its identity and directing its destiny" (1991,  - 26 79). Each socioeconomy solves the central problem of the previous one. Its eventual excesses in doing so define an emergent problem. By his own account, Lessinger draws on Kondratiev's notion of long waves in economics. However, his  Table 2.1 Overview: sociosystem and technosystem analogues of ecosystem succession in North America ca. 1800-2050  ECOSYSTEM PHASE renewal (r)  exploitation ^ creative ^ ^ ^ (r/K) climax (K) destruction (K/r) SOCIOSYSTEM AND TECHNOSYSTEM ANALOGUES  ca. 1800-1900  ^  ca. 1850-1950  ^  ca. 1900-2000  ^  ca. 1950-2050  Socioeconomv primary resource extraction innovation improvisation Bantam Capitalist  primary/secondary manufacturing wealth creation consolidation the Colossus  tertiary distribution debt financing consumption Little King  quaternary/public enterprise self-sufficiency recombination Caring Conserver  Institutional Polity town meeting informal community rights rugged individual  central control hierarchy property rights mechanistic  technocracy interest group civil rights organic  mediate conflict co-optation accept plurality interdependence  Cultural Ethos pioneer immigration survival  social rigidity status striving security  egalitarian alienation belonging  socially flexible communitarian self-actualizing  Technical Focus new products and infrastructure science based applications  monoculture and stalemate systems analysis master planning  participatory paralysis search for self emancipation  iterative co-operation complexity and interaction  Typical Work Culture and Urban Form family farm or proprietorship clan culture village  closely held corporation bureaucracy core-focused  integrated multinational divisional megalopolis  flexible and variegated adhocracy multi-centred  Adapted from: Trist (1970), Maslow (1970), Mintzburg (1981), Holling (1986), Adams (1988), Giddens (1991), Lessinger (1991)  - 27 model differs from that of Rostow in that there is no putative end state. Taylor's paper on scientific management appeared in 1911, at the peak of the Colossus (ca. 1850-1950; cf. Adams 1982, and the decline of empires), whose mindset was derived from social Darwinism. Its goal was the creation of wealth and productive capacity, the challenges of the previous (Bantam Capitalist) era. The goals were achieved, but at the price of massive inequities in distribution of wealth and power. As the Colossus reeled during the collapse in consumption of the 1930s, a new socioeconomy emerged, that of the Little [consumer as] King. Spending was the order of the day, enabled by the New Deal social welfare net. The succeeding problem was overconsumption, and its legacy a crisis in confidence beginning at the peak of this era in 1960 and culminating with stagflation and massive debt (Jacobs 1984) in the 1970s. Within its egalitarian mindset were the seeds of bifurcation, whose cultural ethos was alienation (Harvey 1973; Samuels, 1978) and whose focus of protest the military and the multinational. The emerging socioeconomy of the Caring Conserver aims to recombine what we save and invest to support the new priorities; to all that nature gives freely: energy, pure air and water, an unmaimed environment; to culture: historic buildings, parks, folk-songs and dances, to all forms of art; and to people: the Caring Conserver encourages all people to realize their potential (Ibid. Lessinger, 150). This is creative destruction, where K-type institutions struggle to maintain stability in the face of rising cost of system maintenance and declining ability to provide quality service. Dissatisfaction is focused on waste of resources, abuse of power, and boredom with the bread and circuses of high mass consumption (Harvey 1989a, Davis 1990). The Caring Conserver seeks a revival of personal committment, conservative values, local autonomy, flexibility, diversity. Lessinger sees the current persistent recessions as a signal of interstitial space between declining and rising socioeconomies, as were the post-civil war and 1930s depressions. In the writer's view, this position is plausible. While the Caring Conserver is a romantic ideal, vision is a precursor of ideas. The point is that change begins with values, which are affective as much as rational, and thus cannot be fully explained using the rational actor approach. Socioeconomy and cultural ethos are expressed in polity, although institutions usually lag behind the cutting edge of knowledge. Beginning with 'trust busting' by Theodore Roosevelt, and flowering in the New Deal, public authority  - 28 began to be seen as the protector of the emergent Little Kings. However, while strong central governments addressed economic inequity, concentration of political power merely shifted from one set of institutions to another. The problem of power remained unsolved. Technocracy emerged as a new colossus in the 1970s. This is a focus of current political discourse. Schumacher, an early Caring Conserver, proposes the Principle of Subsidiary Function (1973, 261): the burden of proof lies always on those who want to deprive a lower level of its function, and thereby of its freedom and responsibility in that respect; they have to prove that the lower level is incapable of fulfilling this function satsfactorily and that the higher level can actually do much better... the centre will gain in authority and effectiveness if the freedom and responsibility of the lower formations are carefully preserved. Corning (1983, 5) holds that polity is a "natural and necessary process of social life", requiring both competition and synergy. If institutions become non-adaptive, new polity emerges. Giddens expresses the Caring Conserver ethos in terms of the transition from the "emancipatory politics" of the 1970s to the "life politics" of today. He lists the key features of contemporary polity as: political decisions flowing from freedom of choice and generative power ... The creation of morally justifiable forms of life that will promote selfactualization [cf. Maslow 1970] in the context of global interdependence ... ethics concerning the issue "how should we live?" in a post traditional order and against the backdrop of existential questions (1991, 215). Lessinger suggests the parallel ethos of the traditional order (Colossus) was social Darwinism, whose motto was Spencer's survival of the fittest. This justified hierarchies at all scales: colonization of nations "'lower' on the evolutionary scale", swallowing of small companies by big companies, and domination of wives by husbands (1990, 115). However, hierarchy has a longer history. A common factor between the military, the political model of the Colossus and organized churches, the modal cultural form, is hierarchy. Dyke (1988, 57) comments "we would do well to remember that hierarchy is in the same bag with oligarchy [and] monarchy" and points to the Catholic Church as an exemplar.  2  Emulation of the military and adherence to organized churches fostered toleration of authoritarianism in other institutions. Social Darwinists justified hierarchical rigidity as 'scientifically' analogous to the order of nature. Lessinger describes the ensuing egalitarian struggles of the Little King as "a perfectly logical strategy for a socioeconomy bent on conquering overproduction" (1990, 131). In the writer's view, this perspective is too narrow. The  - 29 1960s protests focused not only on the excesses of the military-industrial complex but also the hypocrisy of mass polity and cultural dogma. Inglehart writes: classical industrial [polity] w[as] based on mass parties and associated movements, such as trade unions and church-related organizations that were generally bureaucratic and oligarchical in structure. Emerging cultural values emphasize spontaneity and individual self-expression...expansion of education means that increasing numbers of people are available with political skills that enable them to play roles previously limited to a small political elite ... the old parties are being challenged ...(1977, 15-16). Lessinger (1990, 138) agrees that the "flip side of equality--conformity" was a key cultural problem in households and organizations of the Little King era. Other literature addresses the evolution of existential alienation into a resurgent humanism, focused on the preservation of communities of sustainable size and quality. Buttimer (1990, 3) expresses Caring Conserver values as the need to find "ways of co-operating with fellow humans in healing a badly wounded planet" and models a global "oecumene, potential home for mankind, a species which urgently needs to rediscover the art of dwelling". 3 Warren and Cheney (1991, 179) advance the moral value of "bring[ing] about a world not based on socio-economic and conceptual structures of domination" (cf. Merchant 1989). Daly and Cobb (1989, 183) also reflect a humanist view: Although people are products of community, they also transcend the way community shapes them. People make decisions that are not made for them by others.... If people are persons-in-community then genetic determinism cannot be complete. [If so] we would be like the social insects ... a single social organism genetically determined to act as a unit. Fuller discussion of the last sociosystem analogues, technical focus and work culture form is deferred to sections that follow. In contrast to comparative saliences in sociosystem phases, stage theories propose that a region's level of development can be explained by its own history or that of other regions in a more advanced state of development (deSousa and Foust 1979). These writers compare the theories of Rostow and Marx. Both describe a procession to some end state where stability is maintained indefinitely; respectively, high mass consumption and the proletarian commune. Real sociosystems are more complex, and subsist at times in dynamics far from equilibrium (Dyke 1988). No Colossus has ever been proof from creative destruction.  4  Many suggest a single global sociosystem, based on a prime cause of competition for scarce resources (Pred 1977, Friedmann and Wolff 1982, Kelley and Williamson 1984). Such world economy models are persuasive in the sense that  - 30 communications and economic globalization have accelerated the pace of social evolution (Harvey 1989a, Brunn and Leinbach 1991). However, geographical study also implies attention to regional variability. Hardwick (1993) argues: the centrality of place within the discipline provides a distinctive focus for geography among disciplines.... the conjunction of both physical and human attributes which encompass the main domain of geographic enquiry. When a place is named, its boundaries delimited, its genesis explored, and its attributes considered ... there is an understanding of its geography. The context for examining work culture is places where there are coherent conventions affecting its exercise. Economy, polity and culture have discernible trends in North American cities, a set of places. There are competing views on what these trends are, and their implications. At times flexibility has been emphasized; at times power. Comparative saliences of the current sociosystem phase are oriented towards humanist and communitarian values. It is argued that these are at odds with values implicit in contemporary institutional culture. The writer sees the current period as ripe for a move away from a hierarchically structured society (and by corollary, modernist spatial structures - see Chap. 3) towards more flexible and spontaneously ordered forms where individuals have more scope in which to exercise self-organizing behaviour from an internal locus of control. This sets the scene for discussion of shifts in work culture. 2.2 WORK CULTURE Work culture is defined as a set of conventions which constrain workstyle (e.g. hours of work, location, contractual relations). A dominant 20th century convention is Taylor's scientific management. It enabled economies of scale, but also led to undue rigidity in management and angst among workers. Ecological stresses arising out of skill content and quality of social interaction in work are examined herein. Flexible alternatives in contemporary work culture have changed much of that, and improved both productivity and job satisfaction by enriching the role of individual variability in organizations. 2.2.1 SCIENTIFIC MANAGEMENT: TAYLOR'S LEGACY The socioeconomic problem addressed by the Colossus was a lack of productive capacity in the face of rapidly increasing population. Large numbers of people needing goods and national transportation networks were necessary conditions for  - 31 the emergence of national markets, and the flowering of mass production.  5  At  that time, capital had to be found to create plants which would produce goods and infrastructure. The blooming of corporations in North America enabled the assembly of large amounts of cash in a short time (Berton, 1971). Corporations offered limited liability for shareholders, but also meant separating ownership from operating control. Local enterprises were taken over by large institutions whose goals were defined as solely economic in scope. Socioeconomy based on kinship set in small, visible communities (cf. Jacobs 1961) became socioeconomy centred on narrow commercial values set in large, anonymous cities. The typical North American of the mid-19th century was poor and unskilled but upwardly striving, willing to endure hardships; accustomed to authoritarian, social institutions; tolerant of ruthless competition as concomitant to success. Significantly, in terms of its implications for work culture, immigration from Europe was at its peak. Most immigrants left in the hope of establishing a freehold homestead, and many did (Berton 1984). Others began in poverty and remained in the anonymous cities. However, they did not invariably remain disadvantaged (Neill 1979). The freedom sought by immigrants was not 'free'. It required faith that conditions would improve. Trist (1970) lists self-control, independence, and endurance of distress as comparative saliences in the values of the era. Taylor's paper was the culmination of 30 years of industrial application by its author, much of it during depressions in the 1870s and 1890s (Lessinger 1991). Taylor pointed to the "great loss which the whole country is suffering through inefficiency in almost all of our daily acts", and proposed "the remedy for this inefficiency lies in systematic management" (1911, 7). The inevitable result would be greater output and the end state of Prosperity. Traditional work culture were based on the notion of mentorinq, derived from the feudal guilds, where goods were individually manufactured under the supervision of a master craftsman who was at the same time the entrepreneur.  6  Apprentices were part of the master's family, living in the combined residence and workplace. This practice continued until the industrial revolution, when workplaces were segregated from homes into factories (Jackson 1981). In late 19th century North America, skilled craftsmen were in short supply. Most immigrants lacked industrial plant expertise (Abella and Millar 1978).  - 32 Workers were organized into 'gangs' of labourers, under foremen whose main skill was machine setting. Taylor's assumptions about workers were based on observations of skill levels in industrial plants, and (to be fair) the limited knowledge of training process of that time. In his view, skill and brawn did not mix: the science which underlies each act of each workman is so great...that the workman who is best suited to actually doing the work is incapable of fully understanding this science, without the guidance and help of those...working with him or over him, either through lack of education or through insufficient mental capacity [he failed to consider the effects of fluency]. In order that the work be done in accordance with scientific laws, it is necessary that there shall be a far more equal division of the responsibility between management and the workmen than [presently] exists (1911, 25). Although he cautioned that scientific management was not a panacea, and acknowledged that there are lazy workers as well as "first-class men" at all levels, he insisted on the credo of social Darwinism as a scientific law: The ingenuity of each generation has developed quicker and better methods of doing every element of the work in every trade. Thus the methods which are now in use may in a broad sense be said to be an evolution representing the survival of the fittest and best of the ideas which have been developed since the starting of each trade (Ibid., 31). Taylor 'proved' his theory by selecting individual workers who were physically robust, training them by repetition to increase output for increased wages, and then, by degrees, insisting that pace be established as standard for a whole plant. His notion of worker-management co-operation is as follows: It is only through enforced standardization of methods, enforced adoption of the best implements and working conditions, and enforced co-operation that this faster work can be assured. And the duty of enforcing the adoption of standards and of enforcing this co-operation rests with the management alone (Ibid., 85 - author's emphasis). Taylor initiated method study, a process where physical actions are finely analyzed into component movements, to arrive at the arrangement of workplaces and order of operations that minimize time required to perform each sub-task (Hammond 1971). The prevailing high value placed on achieving prosperity coincided with an emergent technology enabling increased output efficiency, at the expense of both work as a social and creative activity, and product quality (Harris 1981). Some criticism of scientific management is polemic. Braverman (1974) refers to Taylor as an "obsessive-compulsive" personality, a "neurotic crank" whose intent was "scientific management of others' work" and agenda was controlling alienated labour, and whose method of breaking resistance was "de-skilling". This would reduce workers to beasts of burden, and make expertise the "property" of capitalists. He comments "that which is neurotic in the individual is, in  - 33 capitalism, normal and socially desirable for the functioning of society". Setting aside his pejoratives, Braverman hits on a cogent point. Neurosis is defined as a coping response to stress that relieves tension, but is inappropriate to the actual demands of the situation (Lazarus 1976, 319). The stress on American society arose from a real need to create wealth. The inappropriate response was downgrading the belonging and competence needs of workers in favour of rigorous economy at any cost. However, the 'deskilling' hypothesis misses the point that workers had to have skills before losing them. Skills, being psychological phenomena, can neither be removed nor owned by institutions. Given a large proportion of unskilled immigrants, scientific management addressed the real problematic between short-term needs for economic expansion and long-term needs for skills upgrading. It opted for the short run alternative, prosperity, at an unforeseen price. Taylorism reduced satisfaction in the skill content of work and quality of social interaction in workplaces. Its ultimate effect was to rigidify work culture, thereby dampening individual ingeniity and adaptability, the axiological core of North American enterprise. Scientific management became industrial engineering, whose goals are the "design, improvement, and installation of integrated systems of men, materials and equipment.... to specify, predict and evaluate the results to be obtained from such systems" (Hammond 1971 1-5). This is a hard systems model where productivity is evaluated strictly on the basis of output, with humans and machines viewed as interchangeable resources. Taylor's method study has been associated with abuses in Fordist assembly lines (Abella and Millar 1978), the subsequent transition from mass production into mass consumption (Harvey 1989a), and critiques of industrial capitalism on scales from urban (Harvey 1989b) to national (Storper and Walker 1989) to international (Armstrong and McGee 1985). Other writers offer less orthodox views. Massey (1984) identifies professionals and researchers as worker categories that do not fit a "conception of the world which envisages a simple opposition between capital and labour" (44). Burawoy (1985), who personally worked in factories in the U.S. in the 1980s and Hungary in the 1970s, reports opposition to Taylorist management is still thriving in both places, and that management does not always have the upper hand: The anarchy [i.e. self-organization] of the capitalist market finds its  - 34 analogue in the anarchy of the [state] socialist plan.... The need to respond frequently and rapidly to changing requirements gives a great deal of power to skilled and experienced workers, who over time develop a monopoly of knowledge essential to the running of the enterprise (163). Piore (1990, 159) regards the distinction between those who see technological progress as evolutionary or as an outcome of class struggle as irrelevant, "so long as there is only one technological trajectory" (cf. Bell 1976). He identifies four key drivers of work culture, which he calls "institutional structure", as within-firm economies of scale, increasing returns for the economy, specialization of productive resources, and "the divorce between conception and execution in production". Increasing the division of labour, which he sees as advantageous in terms of developing intensive knowledge centred on narrower ranges of skills is associated in his view with hierarchical forms of organization. The difficulty the writer has with this approach relates to the arguments of Daly and Cobb (1989) that economic models do not count all the costs. Intensive knowledge and economies of scale are achieved at a price: dull, boring, repetitive work (Mintzburg 1981). This has real costs to individuals, firms and communities alike in terms of worker health and morale, and ultimately product quality (Harris 1981). Jacobs (1984; 39) has a similar view, "Economic life develops by the grace of innovating; it expands by the grace of import-replacing entail[ing] adaptations in design, materials or methods of production, and these require innovating and improvising". Innovation and improvisation require broad knowledge of both product and process, and adequate motivation to act. The Taylorist model and its industrial engineering successors have persisted to the present in North America. In the writer's view, this is partly subsumed by events. The period 1910-1975 was marked by two world wars, a prolonged depression, and Vietnam. During such periods, rapid changes in infrastructural needs and social dislocation render the stability of detailed central control an inviting prospect, but also a costly one. In the next two parts, criticism is directed towards more specific issues found in the literature of systems, organizational and behavioural science. 2.2.1.1 Effects on Organizations At the organizational scale, the main argument against Taylorist management is that it leads to undue rigidity in the decision-making (i.e. political) process.  - 35 This follows from a mechanistic, closed systems approach based on strict control of both internal and external environments. The outcomes are lack of communication and cohesion within, and lack of adaptability to change from without. Selznick (1948) identifies two key features of bureaucratic organizations: delegation and depersonalization of relationships. This models organization as economy. Human 'parts' can be made interchangeable by training and manipulated towards greater efficiency by management, using detailed task definition and strict control of access to policymakers, i.e. detailed central control. Relationships are constrained by the money value of time. In his view, this model does not work in practice. Organizations are not closed systems. An informal self-organizing social environment persists that transcends formal role-playing. Mintzburg (1981) associates the rise of bureaucracy with the industrial revolution and "its emphasis on the standardization of work for coordination and its resulting low skilled, highly specialized jobs" (108). Bureaucracy seeks to stabilize the environment by detailed central control. This culture "is often assumed by organizations that are tightly controlled from the outside" (e.g. government). Problems include "alienated employees, obsession with control, massive size and inadaptibility" (Ibid., 109). Overemphasis on control has negative implications both inside and outside the organization. Ashby (1956) proposes a Law of Requisite Variety, "The capacity of a system regulator cannot exceed its capacity as a channel of communication". Control exercised in organizations is limited by the flow of information to the controller. In hierarchical organizations, information flow is one-way downwards. The environment is information poor, reducing the ability to know what is actually occurring because lines of communication are too formalized. If management does the planning and thinking, it takes on the risks of infallibility [see n. 2). Emery and Trist (1965) develop an ontogeny of environmental textures in which organizations operate. "Placid, randomized", i.e. Christaller's isotropic plain, becomes "placid, clustered", where imperfect competition prevails and firms expand, tending toward detailed central control. This is followed by "disturbed, reactive", roughly oligarchic competition. Enterprises are large enough to maintain agreements restraining trade. Lastly, in "turbulent fields", the present situation, both organization and economy are too complex for detailed  - 36 central control to preserve order. Flexibility must be introduced. Taylorist management is less able to respond to enviromental transformation in this view. Brooks applies Holling's principle of surprise to develop a typology of institutional surprises, including unexpected discrete events, discontinuities in long-term trends, and the sudden emergence of new information. He comments "problem solving in communities frequently requires a transition to higher degrees of co-operation among groups that previously looked upon themselves as in conflict with each other over access to the same resources" (1986, 340). A critical weakness of scientific management is its misunderstanding of the nature of authority. Reliance on 'enforced co-operation', i.e. an authoritarian structure, has similar effects in organizations as it has in households and nations alike; excessive conflict, loss of trust, and a fortress mentality. Paterson (1981) identifies four types of authority: structural [line], arising from rank; sapiental [staff], arising from knowledge; moral, arising from value systems as applied to operations; and personal, arising from individual charisma. These derive from political, technical, economic and cultural, and psychological sub-systems in organizations. Taylorism vests all four in management (cf. Mogensen 1971). This is fundamentally flawed. Every worker accumulates sapiental, moral and personal authority from experience, and can exercise judgement in completing tasks, along with leadership and management at some scale. Herbst (1976) notes that in hierarchies, attention revolves around status striving, since tasks develop coherence only at higher levels. Taylorist management leads to not enough decision making at low levels, too much at high levels, and predatory behaviour towards coworkers, who are seen as competitors. In nonhierarchical organizations, the focus is on the proiect itself. No one member of a working group is the 'creator' of any particular part of the results.  ?  Kotter (1990) separates management, centred on planning, budgeting, organizing, controlling and problem solving (consistency and order) from leadership, centred on establishing direction, aligning, motivating and inspiring (adaptive change). Since leadership requires trust, it is difficult to introduce in organizations based on authoritarian control. Bowers and Franklin (1977) refer to "peer leadership", where focal groups engage in "helping each other to remove roadblocks to doing a good job" (24) as a self-organizing alternative. Before  - 37 there can be such co-operation, some authority must be vested in the peer group. Martin (1983, 17) speaks of the "aggrandizement of management" as a myth. Managers in bureaucratic organizations describe reality as including (1) spending more time on system maintenance than conceptualizing and planning: they also agree that (2) the Taylorist managing/doing dichotomy serves more to perpetuate the status of managers than to contribute to productivity; (3) after initial orientation, "most individuals can perform their work without supervision" (Ibid., 62). Managers surveyed agreed that "co-operation, co-ordination and obedience to the law of the situation can serve as alternatives to supervision and control" (Ibid., 79). Structural authority is now seen as one among many methods of maintaining cohesion; one which actually tends to weaken organizations when exercised to excess. Sapiental and moral authority are becoming more important. The above suggests managers themselves no longer view their structural role as a panacea. Increasingly, they are endeavouring to transform themselves into leaders and facilitators rather than remaining drivers and overseers (cf. Blanchard, 1985). 2.2.1.2 Effects on Individuals Organizations using detailed central control may satisfy economic survival and security needs. However, reliance on authoritarian management and enforced cooperation truncates development in organizations and individuals alike. When the locus of control is perceived as external, people act in a reactive rather than proactive way. Leadership is difficult to exercise, since basic trust that the leaders wish to satisfy the legitimate needs and wants of individuals, as opposed to their own status striving, is often lacking. It is argued that enabling proactivity, and ultimately productivity, relies on encouraging higher levels of motivation and allowing for variability in the needs of persons-in-community. Scientific management focuses on organization as economy, and thus detaches people from a cultural frame of reference. Employees are not considered as individuals with motivations and needs varying with age and experience, but as homogeneous, interchangeable parts in an economic mechanism dedicated to survival. Maslow (1970) argues that physiological needs are only part of the basic human necessities. Desires for things or status are "usually means to an end  - 38 rather than ends in themselves". The ends are motivations transcending social Darwinist concepts of drives (animal forces). In this view, humanist values are the axiological core of work culture (cf. Bunge 1989). Maslow posits levels of motivation emerging as follows: survival, the physical needs; security, needs for order and protection from harm; belonging, the need to love and be loved; recognition of achievement among one's peers; and self-actualization, an amalgam of self-acceptance, spontaneity, autonomy and empathy for the human condition. These levels are emergent. One must pass a threshold value of survival to feel secure, security to feel connected, and so on. Threat to a level already achieved leads to stress, even neurosis. Coles classes alcoholism, explosive anger, and workaholism under the rubric "poor adaptive ability" accompanied by strong needs for "structuring situations and controlling" (1982, 149). Such outcomes are common in work cultures where, especially for males, one's value as a person is defined by occupational status (Killinger, 1991). Higher quality motivation is difficult to legitimize in institutions geared solely to output as the indicator of effort, and line authority as the mark of success. Hultsch and Deutsch (1981) distinguish between those who derive satisfaction from salary and authority (and pursue other motivations outside work); and those who find self-expression in the work itself. They conclude that "occupational satisfaction ... often depends on the fit between a person's reasons for working and the characteristics of the work situation" (202). Human motivational shifts relate to factors in personality, and variations in roles over the life span. Taylorism was based in part on a presumed cognitive dichotomy between managers, who had adequate "mental capacity" and workers, who did not. Behavioural literature suggests mental processes are qualitatively much more complex. Allport (1960) defines these capacities as an open system called personality, "dynamic organization within the individual of those psychophysical systems that determine his [sic] characteristic behaviour and thought" (302). Jung (1923) advanced a model of personality using three dichotomies, with eight basic types. People preferentially perceive either by sensation, actual here-and-now sensory data, or intuition, possibilities for future action. People process perceptions either in relation to meaning, thinking, or in relation to values, feeling. People react to ecosystem demands by expanding energy outward,  - 39 extraversion, or conserving energy within, introversion. This last dichotomy corresponds to "K" and "r" strategies of power and flexibility (Lowen 1982). 8 A plethora of models derived from Jung have been applied to contemporary developmental theory (Ibid.), human resource assessment (Meyers and Briggs 1980), behaviour in workplaces (Merrill and Reid 1981), temperament (Kiersey and Bates 1984), and workplace arrangement as it relates to work culture (Williams et al. 1981). Stress arises if personality and environment are incompatible. The consensus among these writers is that work as a skill learning and social activity must be structured to address the multidimensional and variable nature of people if it is to be satisfying, i.e. to promote higher levels of motivation. Finally, scientific management fails to allow for the changing needs of people over the life span. Erikson (1974) posits a series of eight psychosocial crises (cf. Sheehy 1977 and the notion of "passages"). Three pertain to adulthood. Intimacy vs. isolation, the search for a mate with whom one can share oneself without fear of loss of identity is the crisis of early adulthood. In work, its analogue is a need to find mentors, to gain knowledge based on sapiental authority. Generativity vs. stagnation, which motivates people to "contribute to the maintenance and perpetuation of society" (Hultsch and Deutsch 1981, 163), is commonly referred to as the mid-life crisis. In work, this is manifested as a need in mentors to pass on their acquired mastery of skills to others. Ego integrity vs.despair, which centres on accepting one's life as useful and complete, arises in late adulthood. This translates to the need of those near retirement to relinquish their day-to-day duties and assume a more intermittent role as 'senior' in the advisory sense. Erikson's model provides a plausible rationale for traditional systems of mentoring. Young workers need authoritative guidance from those more experienced to provide security and enable growth in belonging and recognition. Mid-life workers need to feel their past accomplishments contribute to technology as a whole, and are revitalized by the enthusiasm of youth. Their benefit is recognition and self-actualization. Work culture based on synergy, i.e. "egoistic cooperation" (Corning 1983) is one where relations are defined by mutual benefits and trust. Taylorism is based on 'enforced co-operation', i.e. threats. The effects of scientific management in work culture on individuals are  - 40 encapsulated under the rubric worker angst, and arise from inadequate encouragement of higher levels of human motivation, inadequate provision for personality differences, and inadequate allowance for personal development throughout the life span. All these arise from a model based on competition over synergy, and power over flexibility. Without adequate acceptance of variability and complexity, both internally and in relation to the landscape, individuals and organizations become rigid and incapable of adaptive change. Another way of saying this is that Taylorist management results in work culture stress. 2.2.2 ORDER, FLEXIBILITY AND PRODUCTIVITY This section reviews aspects of productivity to lay the historical and subsumptive foundations for emerging flexible alternatives in work culture. The above analysis shows that scientific management imposed rigid order in workplaces in the interest of reaching end state efficiency. This has become unsatisfactory from both organizational and individual points of view. A fundamental argument of this study is that applying flexibility relieves many work culture stresses, and leads to more sustainable goals. This in turn hinges on understanding the roles of order and flexibility in achieving satisfaction in the skill content and social interaction of work, consistent with current social values. Work is defined as goal-directed activity thought to be useful. Following the systemic ethic of 'enjoy life and help others live', work is useful or productive, i.e. conducive to human growth and development, when it satisfies this ethic in terms of output and process. Emphasis on order enables growth in output; emphasis on flexibility the development of productivity as process. Table 2.2 below summarizes these roles as individual and organizational outcomes. Stresses in work culture, most acute where scientific management is used, arise from too much emphasis on the left-hand column, and not enough on the right-hand column. This does not imply that either column constitutes an ideal end state. Both order and flexibility are necessary to productivity, but neither is sufficient. What is argued is that emphasis on the left-hand column alone leads to outcomes incompatible with emergent social values and human nature.The sustainability principle, expressed in the Caring Conserver ethos, suggests that .  emphasis on economic growth be tempered with maintaining biosphere integrity, and  - 41 -  Table 2.2 Outcomes of order and flexibility in work culture  Emphasis on Order^Emphasis on Flexibility FOR INDIVIDUALS: work as economic activity  <=>  work as social activity  survival, security  <===>  belonging, recognition, selfactualization  focus on status striving  <===>  focus on the work itself  external locus of control  <===>  internal locus of control  <===>  organization as community  detailed central control  <===>  self-direction by task groups  information-poor  <===>  information-rich  organizational power  <===>  organizational adaptability  FOR ORGANIZATIONS: organization as economy  enhancing work as a social activity, i.e. satisfaction with skill content and workplace interaction. The communitarian ethic expressed in the principles of subsidiary function and persons-in-community, among other views, suggests that authority be redistributed as far as possible to individuals. Not all salient factors are listed in the above table. Individual needs vary with existing skill and knowledge levels, values, and stage in the life cycle. Organization needs vary with the nature of their activities, (e.g. an information-poor environment is necessary in security operations), size, and available technology. These other factors are explored in sec. 2.3 on workstyle, and sec. 2.4 on enabling flexible workstyle. The impetus driving value changes in work arises not only from dissatisfaction with the legacy of scientific management, but also with social changes emerging after Taylor's time. In scientific management, productivity is measured by economic efficiency alone. The resulting emphasis on order and economies of scale led to increased output at the expense of process. When flexibility is reintroduced into work  - 42 culture, productivity is defined in terms of quantity and quality of both output and process. There is more emphasis on the skill content of work and job satisfaction for individuals, and on adaptability and innovation for organizations. Individual values and preferences are allowed fuller expression, leading to more group creativity and equitable sharing of both authority and responsibility. In a world of turbulent fields and institutional surprise, organizations are seeing the advantages of adapting structure to situations, rather than manipulating situations within a fixed structure. Individuals are focusing more on deriving satisfaction from the work itself. Increasingly, work is being viewed as a protect-centred activity, where people and equipment can co-operate rather than compete, to the end of enhanced productivity in all senses of the word. 2.2.3 FLEXIBLE FORMS OF WORK CULTURE In tandem with changes in the concept of organization-as-community, the form of work culture has been evolving against a background of changing values placed on resources essential to work as a productive activity, and changing work roles in households. Understanding these changes helps to account for the present interest in flexible work culture. In this section, its specific forms are listed, along with applications to particular types of work. Then, historical developments leading to the emergence of flexible work culture as a means of satisfying changing perceptions and roles are outlined to close the examination of work culture and to lead in to the workstyle model introduced in sec 2.3. Table 2.3 below lists the flexible forms of work culture, along with its applications to specific fields of work. These are organized along the lines of departures from the work organization of industrial production and scientific management, which is based on fixed hours of work in a central location, with labour divided along hierarchical lines based on structural authority concentrated in management, and a single employment career within an enterprise. At each successive type of change, the spatial and temporal scope expands. Flexible hours and location primarily address work culture stress arising from the separation of workplace from home, which are examined in more detail in Chapter 3. Flexible conditions and career paths respond to stresses arising from the skill content of work and quality of social interaction in workplaces. Non-  - 43 -  Table 2.3 Forms and applications of flexible work ^ CHANGE IN ^ FLEXIBLE WORK ^ EMPLOYMENT SUB-TYPE APPLICATIONS AND COMMENTS hours^flex-time  wide application in clerical and other 'back office' functions  compressed work weeks  used chiefly in shift work, e.g. police, hospitals and industrial plants  non-daily periodic time quotas  used more in information work, with wide applications in education and consulting  location^homeworking telecommuting  associated with piecework schemes in textiles, arts and crafts, electronics most commonly part-time at home, parttime at central or satellite office used in sales, journalism, engineering:  conditions work groups  originated in industrial work, now applied to information work; emphasizes and useful in project-based applications  job sharing  linked with permanent part-time or contracted status, e.g. school teaching  contracting out  personal and producer services; janitorial, maintenance - often 'involuntary'  career path^sabbaticals extended leave  common in universities, to accommodate the research imperative; in professional and managerial work for retraining or leadership of discrete projects  career breaks^not commonly used without severing the employment relationship Adapted from: Nilles and Carlson 1976, Clutterbuck and Hill 1981, Curson 1986, Christensen 1988, Ramsower 1988  daily periodic time quotas, homeworking and career breaks are often associated with contracting out, i.e. changing the relationship between worker and enterprise from one of exclusive long-term employment to one of shorter-term relationships where neither is strongly bound to the other. There has been considerable controversy over flexible work culture in the literature, particularly the types requiring major changes in, or an abandonment of, employment. Its putative advantages and disadvantages are illustrated by this discussion. Two general views of the implications of flexible work culture are discern-  - 44 ible. First, there are those who view flexibility primarily in terms of the potential advantages. Curson (1986) sees these changes as ways for enterprises to reduce fixed costs and increase competitiveness, particularly from enhanced ability to respond to changes in market demand. At the same time, individuals are allowed to more fully exercise their entrepreneurial talents, and to work in a variety of jobs. Nilles and Carson (1976) emphasize benefits to enterprises and communities, in terms of potential reduction in real estate and transportation infrastructure costs (cf. Finlay 1991) and also savings in social welfare costs from easier entry of those with restricted mobility into the work force. Second are those who view flexibility primarily as disturbing the established order, in particular as potentially threatening worker entitlements in wages and working conditions. Clutterbuck and Hill see a trend towards an elite core of permanent workers and a disadvantaged periphery of part-time, contracted or home workers. Holcomb (1991), while positive about enhanced access for women and handicapped people to employment, warns of potential exploitation by corporate predators. Christensen (1988, 23) contrasts the attraction of flexibility for skilled workers with a tendency to use contracting to "obtain workers without paying benefits", particularly among semi-skilled and clerical homeworkers. Abuses often arise from change, particularly where implemented across a spectrum of people with varying skill levels and capacity for self-sufficiency. However, innovation should not be rejected out of hand when there are evident benefits for some people, organizations, and some communities as a whole. If nothing is ventured, nothing can be lost: equally true, nothing can be gained. Flexibility is not a particularly radical or novel idea. For example, in police forces and hospitals (both services essential to the community and operating continuously) temporally variable stress levels make long shifts and short weeks effective in optimizing client needs for continuity and worker needs for recharging. Periodic time quotas, such as the 'school year' of teaching, have been established since the beginning in community-funded public education.  9  Fuller discussion of the costs and benefits of flexible work culture, both economic and otherwise, is deferred to the final section of this chapter. For purposes of this part, the emergence of flexible work culture alternatives is viewed primarily as indicative of a changing political and cultural ethos away  - 45 from prosperity through order and towards sustainability through flexibility. Taylor made three fundamental assumptions about work: it was to be done chiefly by means of human energy, i.e. manual effort; there was to be a strictly economic interpretation of rewards, i.e. equity was payable in cash; and manual work was suited to people without adequate 'mental capacity', i.e. education. By the 1970s, none of these assumptions held for the majority of North Americans or their sociosystem. Changes in the value placed on conserving enerov, improving equity and applying the potential for self-direction derived from increased levels of education led to greater value placed on flexibility in work. Adams (1988) is critical of the labour theory of value on the basis that the trend in human work since Taylor's time has been employment of increasing amounts of non-human energy. Increases in 'human' productivity risk creating bifurcations in the biosphere, a view supported by researchers in the geography of energy supply (Schumacher 1973; Brooks and Robinson 1986) and the etiology and effects of atomospheric pollution (Holdren 1981; McElroy 1986). The 1970s oil price shocks, where the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries [OPEC] reduced production in the way of 'disturbed, reactive' markets cited above, had immediate impact on the value placed on energy. Reducing fossil fuel consumption became a priority in all oil-importing countries, including the U.S., by then an importer (Goodman et al. 1981; Brooks and Robinson 1986). Since commuting was thought to comprise 40% of all automobile use (Nilles and Carlson 1976), two alternative work cultures advanced were; reducing the number of working days while keeping hours worked the same, compressed work weeks, and telecommutinq, working at home while linked to the workplace by communications. Equity concerns arose out of a broad 1960s movement for securing individual civil rights by civil disobedience (Fromm 1981), first centred on ethnic and then gender issues. Swelling debt, and suburban anomie prompted many primary caregivers to enter the work force, and traditional household roles came under strenuous cross-examination. Writers such as Friedan and Greer pilloried the "faithful wife awaiting organization-man husband" (Lessinger 1991, 134). Many women voiced concerns that the 'male-dominated' establishment was denying them equal opportunities in education and employment, in the latter particularly for positions requiring structural authority. Harris (1981) agrees  - 46 with this argument. He views the discrimination as based on the faulty reasoning that women were more likely to interrupt their careers, and thus less likely than men to insist on workplace equity. Although the U.S. birth rate declined from its postwar peak of 2.6 per thousand in 1947 to 1.7 per thousand in 1972 (Haggett 1983, 165), many women were still caught between their traditional family roles and a desire to experience the satisfaction of work (England 1993). This is a form of restricted mobility, which parallels other types such as experienced by people in wheelchairs and seniors with health problems. Four alternatives in work culture arose from these concerns: flex-time, adjustment of working hours to compensate for parenting duties; permanent part-time work; iob sharing, where two people agree to perform one job; and that most widely applied, parental leave. Telecommuting also accommodates restricted mobility. Increasing educational levels had a significant impact on work culture. Two opposing trends can be discerned. The application of industrial engineering principles had as its objective making work simpler. The pursuit of higher and higher educational levels meant people were being trained more and more to cope with both complexity and ambiguity. Inglehart sees the outcome as follows: belonging needs would begin to take higher priority than the imperatives of economic growth, and demands for social equality would become more salient than demands for sheer economic equality. Somewhat more gradually, there would come an increasing concern for individual self-expression, even at the expense of economic gains. One can already see some evidence of such a shift in emphasis in such things as workers' demands for reorganization of the assembly line into smaller, more autonomous groups (1977, 69). Detailed central control did not rest comfortably with the youth of the time, who placed high value on discovery, colloquially 'doing your own thing'. Not only was workplace democracy an issue, but also the traditional unitary career. Trist noted unskilled jobs were declining, and those requiring "perceptual and conceptual skills on the one hand and interpersonal skills on the other" were increasing (1970, 8). This implied a greater "maintenance effort" to gain and retain attractive prospects for employment, and furthermore A linked change is that from the single to the serial career - based on a growing realization that an initial occupation is unlikely to last out a working life. In my view this change is already salient in the generations still on the younger side of their mid-careers (Ibid., 9). Two outcomes of the changes in educational levels were increasing needs for work groups, a variant on traditional mentoring; and for career breaks, where contin-  - 47 uing education and a serial career would facilitate both recognition and selfactualization via discovery of new fields of endeavour. Emerging work cultures are both flexible and variegated. Increasing value placed on energy has led to strategies designed to approach self-sufficiency by minimizing dependence on fossil fuels and maximizing use of renewable energy forms. Increasing value placed on equity, particularly for those whose mobility is restricted, has encouraged acceptance of plurality of needs, and work culture based on interdependence and co-operation. Increasing value placed on education encourages social flexibility and acceptance of complexity in motivation. 2.2.4 ECOLOGICAL STRESSES ARISING FROM WORK CULTURE: In the systemic perspective, stress was argued to arise where individual values are frustrated by institutional structure. In axiological terms, items valued in work culture include those that are economic (competition and co-operation, economy of scale and product quality), political (stability and innovation, structural and sapiental authority), cultural (power and flexibility, order and adaptability) and technical (productivity, use of energy, and education). All are necessary for maintaining the quality of life, but none is sufficient. Hierarchical and bureaucratic work cultures place excessive emphasis on some of these (economies of scale, stability, structural authority, power). The outcomes are status striving, overconsumption and dissatisfaction with the skill content and culture work in individuals. Much of what is termed worker angst derives from too much emphasis on having things, and not enough on being things (Friedman and Friedman 1984). There are limits to the benefits of prosperity. In institutions, effects include rigidity, inadaptability, and excessive system maintenance costs. Outcomes are reduced innovation, morale and product quality. Flexible work cultures derive from increased needs for energy efficiency, equity, and application of increased education at individual level. At institutional level, flexibility in work culture derives from greater needs to cope with ambiguity and complexity, for a broader definition of productivity, and for realignment from organization-as-economy to organization-in-community. This transition begins with acknowledging the importance of accommodating workstyle.  - 48 2.3 WORKSTYLE Workstyle is defined as that subset of genre de vie concerned with individuals' preferences for ways and means of carrying out their duties within organizations [households are defined as organizations]. For example, some individuals prefer to work at home much of the time. Some sets of preferences derive from variations in personality. Factors arising from genre de vie or lifestyle are synthesized with personality into the workstyle model used in this study. It is argued that lifestyle is related to personality, as manifested in diverse social relations. McCarthy (1987) suggests educational systems should gear themselves to differences in learning style, a part of personality. Merrill and Reid (1981) classify potential customers by degrees of assertiveness and responsiveness. Kiersey and Bates (1984) speak of an temperaments synonymous with Jungian personality types in household partnerships and rearing children. Gill defines lifestyle as a measure of social differentiation composed of: cognitive (values and attitudes), demographic (age, occupation, education, family structure, ethnicity), behavioural (leisure activities and patterns, organizational membership), locational (place of residence), and symbolic (communication of identity to others) aspects" (1981, 4; author's emphasis) Hultsch and Deutsch (1981, 172) refer to lifestyle as a composite of home and visiting, work and leisure, parenting and friendship. Ley (1983, 86) refers to socioeconomic indicators as "mask[ing] subtle lifestyle variations" in different areas of cities, which he identifies mainly as landscape elements, including housing form. Giddens (1991, 81) advances the following definition: A lifestyle can be defined as a more or less integrated set of practices which an individual embraces, not only because such practices fulfil utilitarian needs, but because they give material form to a particular narrative of self-identity. In the writer's view, lifestyle, like sustainability and stress, is a qualitative descriptor of an tessellated array of personal and household preferences. Hardwick et al. (1973) developed the lifestyle cohort concept, outlined in Figure 2.1 below, and defined as "A grouping of urban residents who display relative homogeneity with respect to stage in the lifecycle, socioeconomic status and selected lifestyle characteristics" (Taylor and Gill 1973, 2). The third criterion derives from the idea "that the manner in which a person makes use of discretionary time is one guide to his lifestyle, since non-discretionary act-  - 49 -  Figure 2.1 Lifestyle cohort age of respondent Stage in Lifespan^ family size and structure education LIFESTYLE COHORT  Socioeconomic Status  income occupation leisure activities  Lifestyle  social/territorial mobility attitudes to change  Source: Hardwick et al. (1973)  ivities do not necessarily reflect personal preference" (Ibid.). Some aspects of workstyle are contained in lifestyle. Age group is a timevariable factor that affects one's perceived role in society, following Erikson [learner, mentor, or advisor). Family structure is an important lifestyle component where perceived roles parallel the succession proposed for work culture, and where parenting duties strongly influence both the quality of discretionary time and mobility. The economic needs of family are also of time-variable significance. Similarly, socioeconomic indicators of education and income constrain workstyle by defining 'windows of possibility' for individuals. Workstyle is summarized in Figure 2.2 below. One aspect of family structure added is gender. The entry of primary caregivers (mainly female) is an important change in work culture since the 1960s, and is included to address potentially differing needs for flexibility arising from family roles. The literature on working females (Hanson and Pratt 1988; Challis 1991) is oriented primarily to discriminatory practices. While these issues are important, much of this genre assumes static household and work cultures based on dominance and deference. The focus is all too often on simple oppositions between men and women, rather than  - 50 -  Figure 2.2 Workstyle  age group Stage in Family Life Cycle  gender family size and structure education  WORKSTYLE  Occupational Status  income level of authority learning style  Personality Type  operating style social style  problematics: caregiving in a society dedicated to growth in income and consumption; and implementing equity without simply redistributing inequity.  10  Other components are adjusted in conceptualizing workstyle. 'Occupation' has two different meanings; a set of duties that constrains workplace mobility, (where workers can effectively perform their work) and a level of authority that defines functional scope. The latter is grouped with occupational status; the former is a separate work culture measure. To flesh out this distinction, a graduate student has low occupational status but high workplace mobility. A dentist has high occupational status, but low workplace mobility (s/he must work where there is dental equipment, which is not portable in the short run, since commercial premises are generally leased for long periods). Level of authority is defined using Paterson's (1981) Decision Band schema. He argues that the level of authority and remuneration must be consistent with the level of decision making required by the duties of a position, and not the characteristics of the worker (e.g. education, experience, gender) if equity is to be served. In this study, decision band is used primarily as an indicator of potential for working independently and needs for uninterrupted time. The latter derives from the nature of key data and temporal focus of the position.  - 51 -  Table 2.4 Level of authority in information work  LEVEL  ORGANIZATIONAL OBJECTIVES  Policy making (F)  setting goals in relation to the external environment  Programming (E)  strategic planning, allocation of resources  Interpretive (D) ^ Process (C) ^ Operation (B) ^ Elemental (A)  tactical planning, scheduling of operational sequences selection of techniques to achieve desired sequences decisions on 'how' operations are to be performed performance of repetitive tasks, little decision making  Band  Example  Uncertainty  Key Data  Focus  Key Skill  F E D C B A  director executive middle line professional supervisor clerk  highest high moderate moderate low lowest  innovations trends output skills resources materials  long-term intermediate day-to-day process operation task  vision mediation measurement methods motivation coordination  Adapted from: Paterson 1981  Personality type parallels social/territorial mobility and attitudes to change along three related dimensions; preferred ways of learning, of organizing and carrying out tasks, and of exercising personal interaction, based on Jung's schema and its derivatives. While Lowen's (1982) model is conceptually most persuasive and thorough, Meyers-Briggs derivatives have considerable empirical support from workplace studies. These are summarized in Table 2.5 below, using the terminology of Williams et. al (1981) for the four major workstyle types. Learning style indicates the primary strategy relied on in mastering a skill or body of knowledge (Kolb 1984). Operating style includes preferences for impersonal means (reporting, contracting) or personal means (consensus, networking) of carrying out tasks (Kiersey and Bates 1984). Social style derives from the degree of assertiveness and responsiveness (Merrill and Reid 1981). Patterns in work resemble, although are not necessarily congruent with, patterns in family and community life. It is emphasized that this schema is based on preferences,  ^  - 52 -  Table 2.5 Personality types  LOWEN'S SCHEMA^MEYERS-BRIGGS DERIVATIVES Primary^ Learning^Operating^Social^PERSONALITY Pole^Acronym*^Style^Style^Style^TYPE Sensing^CITS^reflection^consensus^amiable^Co-Operator CEST^,.^.,^"^(SP)* CIFS^ ^CESF^ II^  II^  II^  VI  II^  II^  II^  II  Feeling^DISF^deduction^reporting^analytical^Stabilizer DEFS^ (SJ) DINF^experience^networking^expressive^Catalyst DEFN^.,^”^n^(NF) II^  IV^  II^  Intuiting^CIFN^ ^CENF^,.^ ^CITN^experiment^contracting^driving^Visionary CENT^ (NT) VI^  II^  II^  If^  II  II^  II^  II  II^  II^  Thinking^DINT^"^"^ ^DETN^ ^DIST^deduction^reporting^analytical^Stabilizer (SJ) DETS^,,^ II^  It^  If  II^  II^  II  II^  /I^  D = detailed = judging = J; C = contextual = perceiving = P; I = introverted; E = extraverted; S = sensing; F = feeling; N = intuiting; T = thinking Adapted from: Lowen 1982; Kolb 1984; Kiersey and Bates 1984; Merrill and Reid 1981; Williams et al. 1981  and does not restrict types to using their primary style only. Actual behaviour is variable, depending on the context of a situation. Kiersey and Bates (1984) hold that for sensing and feeling people, types are distinguished by position along the detailed (sequential processing) vs. contextual (non-sequential processing) dichotomy (cf. Gregorc 1985). Intuiting people are grouped along the thinking (search for meaning) vs. feeling (search for personal value) dichotomy. The 'SP' or co-operator type tends to be most socially active, making decisions after consensus, and learning primarily by reflection (watching). The 'SJ' or stabilizer type is more impersonal, preferring reporting, analysis and structured learning. The 'NF' or catalyst type is more charismatic and volatile, preferring an 'off the wall' approach based on networking, holistic expression, and learning by doing. Finally, the 'NT' or visionary type is task-oriented, preferring clear objectives, working purposefully without  - 53 much outside direction, tending towards learning by experiment. Workstyle contains demographic (age group, gender, income), cognitive (education, personality), behavioural (family size and structure, personality) and symbolic (income, level of authority) factors. The locational factor is separated but remains in the overall model as an associated measure. Workstyle is a subset of, but distinct from (i.e. not contained within) lifestyle. In the next section, mechanisms enabling the amalgamation of flexible work culture and individual workstyle into flexible workstyle are outlined. 2.4 ENABLING FLEXIBLE WORKSTYLE There are opportunities to ameliorate work culture stress in growth cities by implementing flexible workstyle. Three enabling mechanisms are salient. Changes in technology and education have led to the rise of information-based work, with a concomitant decline in goods-producing employment. When tertiary and quaternary activity become the focus, there is more need for structural and locational flexibility, and possibilities for the fuller exercise of individual workstyle. Second, problems arising from transportation and energy use suggest substituting telemobility for automobility as one ecocentric alternative to the present fossil fuel monoculture. Innovations in telecommunications are argued to enable greater workplace mobility and from this a greater measure of equity. Third, applying human ecology to the workplace leads to acceptance of motivations beyond survival and security as states enabling a more satisfying definition of productivity. Work culture focused on co-operative task completion, and greater balance between management and leadership, improves workplace equity and satisfies needs related to increasing levels of education. Typologies that have impact on key matchings between personality and organizational culture are detailed in a model of flexible workstyle evaluated empirically in this study. 2.4.1 CHANGES IN TECHNOLOGY AND EDUCATION Two interrelated developments that have profoundly affected the nature of work emerged in the 1920s; the spread of automation technology, and the rise in mean levels of education. Together they have driven a transition from industrial society focused on goods production to post-industrial society focused on infor-  - 54 mation and services, where flexible workstyle is an advantage and where work is becoming less centralized, i.e more community based. An overview of this transition is followed by an historical outline, supporting empirical evidence, and a discussion of relevant spatial and social implications. Table 2.6 extends Bell's post-industrial model to show changes in resource emphasis and implications for work organization arising from the major transitions in work since the 19th century. This suggests (1) that hierarchical work  Table 2.6 Bell's post-industrial model extended to work location and rhythm  PHASE  ^  RESOURCE EMPHASIS  ^  WORK LOCATION AND RHYTHM  pre-industrial^land, extraction of raw ^ with home; rhythm ^combined materials, domestication seasonally intense, diurnally of plants and animals ^sporadic, geared to harvest, ^ ^ industrial machinery, science-based ^central workplace separated technology, mechanical ^ from home; fixed hours and days, output based on finely power, transportation of ^ divided repetitive operations goods and people post-industrial^information, knowledge ^office as gathering place, and interpretive skills, ^with flexible modes feasible; ^work rhythm project-driven, processing information, communications^geared to teamwork, deadlines Adapted from: Bell (1976), Jacobs (1984)  culture, where control through proximity (Taylor's "minute teaching") is critical, becomes less important as production of goods is more and more relegated to "intelligent machines" (Hepworth 1987); and (b) that temporal and locational uniformity in work is becoming less necessary to productivity. Jacobs (1984) argues that humans have irregular work rhythms, a notion supported in adult development research (Hultsch and Deutsch 1981). The above suggests the 8-hour day and 5-day work week at a central location is the exception in the history of work. Changes in hours and location are the basis of many flexible workstyles. The transition to industrial production had two significant outcomes: increased economies of scale and greater focus on investment in plant than on development of traditional craft skills. Both are associated with changes in  - 55 technology towards automation. The first stage was the Fordist assembly line, which followed scientific management. Together, these innovations created wealth by increasing real wages and reducing production costs. Part of that wealth was invested in improved educational facilities (Lessinger 1991). Prosperity itself engendered a desire for more education, as a means for progress beyond survival and security. Inglehart (1977) traces the burgeoning of education in the U.S.: Among the Americans who turned seventeen years old in 1920, only 17 percent graduated from high school. Among the comparable group in 1930, the figure was 29 percent; in 1960 it was 65 percent, and in 1970, nearly 80 percent ... the expansion of higher education has been even more impressive. From 1920 to 1970 the American population almost doubled, but more than sixteen times as many college degrees were awarded in 1970 as in 1920 (293). After the Depression and World War II hiatus, automation and mass consumption flourished. Detailed information was critical to justify committment to new product lines and support for debt financing, in view of the national scale of markets and reliance on economic forecasts based on statistical methods. Harris (1981) attributes the increasing entry of women into work, which he calls the 'pink collar' phenomenon of the 1960s, to simultaneous desire for more income and greater needs for information supporting these forecasts. At this time the second stage in automation, computer technology, was emerging. Written analysis gave way to computer batch processing, by the late 1960s to "continuous data entry and direct monitorization at the point of operation", by the 1970s to "on line distributed data processing systems involving improved data communication, massive data storage, high-speed processing capability, and the development of user-friendly software" (Ginzberg et al. 1986, 2). Early mainframes with bulky data storage gave way by the late 1970s to work stations with disk storage, file management, data base, and graphics capacities. A greater range and depth of skills was needed by both the processor and the  interpreter of the information, which reinforced demand for higher education. One outcome since 1960 has been the emergence of information-based work as a separate sector of activity. Hepworth (1989, 7) defines this as follows: a new phase of economic development, wherein the production of information goods and services dominates wealth and job creation (the production and consumption phases] with computers and telecommunications providing the technological potential for product and process innovation. Whereas information was once a support resource (cf. Daly and Cobb 1989), it is now a node of tertiary and quaternary activity. Examples include the marketing  - 56 of consumer profiles, skills and motivational training, and project management consulting, including design and selection of information systems. The emergence of the service economy had the outcome that many technical support functions formerly part of large centralized organizations have developed into organizations in their own right. Gershuny and Miles (1983) develop a typology summarized in Table 2.7. In all these activities, knowledge of local  Table 2.7 Typology of service and information occupations  Sub-Category  Examples  Producer Marketed  traditional professions - medical, legal, engineering, accounting, consulting - also support services such as cleaning and security  Distributive Market  transportation, retailing, e.g. truck rentals, fast food, communications leasing  Personal Services  television repair, animal and human grooming, arts and crafts instruction, tourist services  Non-marketed  health care, social services, counselling, education  Adapted from: Gershuny and Miles, 1983  conditions and/or markets is important, and full-time, career based employment (p. 46] is often replaced with part-time or contractual arrangements. Hardwick (1992) views the distinction between 'marketed' and 'non-marketed' as essentially irrelevant in the context of geographic analysis. The writer agrees, particularly given the ecological approach of this study. Census employment data reflect these sectoral changes, as outlined in Table 2.8 below. Hepworth (1989) argues that from 1920 to 1980, agricultural and industrial work forces declined from 33% and 32% respectively to 2% and 23% of U.S. employment. Concurrently, service and information occupations increased from 18% each in 1920 to 29% and 47% respectively of the 1980 work force. Significant growth is evident in professional, technical, clerical, sales and service occupations: significant declines in machine operative and unskilled labour classifications. The rise of the information economy has spatial and social implications. Putative costs and benefits of flexible workstyle are derived in part from the  - 57 -  Table 2.8^Occupational shifts 1960-1991: U.S. and Canada (% of Employed Workers) OCCUPATIONAL SECTOR  1961  1971  1981  1991  Professional and technical  11.4 US 10.0 C  14.2 US 12.8 C  17.0 US 13.9 C  19.6 US 16.0 C  Management and administrative  10.7 US 8.5 C  10.5 US 10.2 C  11.5 US 11.5 C  12.4 US 14.3 C  6.4 US 6.5 C  6.2 US 8.8 C  6.6 US 7.9 C  9.9 US 9.2 C  Clerical  14.8 US 13.2 C  17.4 US 17.4 C  18.5 US 17.8 C  15.1 US 18.1 C  Service  12.2 US 18.9 C  12.4 US 15.7 C  13.8 US 16.0 C  13.7 US 18.1 C  Crafts and Trades  13.0 US 11.1 C  12.9 US 11.6 C  12.3 US 11.6 C  11.3 US 8.9 C  Machine Operatives  18.2 US 11.8 C  17.7 US 14.9 C  12.9 US 15.6 C  10.5 US 10.8 C  Non-farm labourers  5.4 US 5.0 C  4.7 US 4.7 C  4.5 US 4.6 C  3.0 US 4.4 C  Sales  *^-^U.S. figures are for the years 1960, 1970, 1982, 1991 Adapted from:^Ginzberg et al. 1986 [1960, 1970, 1982 US figures]; U.S. Bureau of Labour Statistics 1992 [1991 U.S. figures]; Dominion Bureau of Statistics, 1963; Statistics Canada 1974a, 1983a, 1993a  discussion following. Gottman (1983, 411) recognizes that information as "transactional" activity "considerably alter[s] the significance of distance in the organization of space". The rise of information capital as "systems for sharing information technology" is held by Hepworth (1989, 162) to imply open systems of information 'transportation'. Hardwick (1990) notes increasing occurrences of functional separation within organizations, particularly in "back office functions" where "functionally interdependent units or enterprises can now operate efficiently with either spatial dispersion or geographic concentration" (7). The trends towards decentralization of work are viewed by some as threats to established worker entitlements and a continuation of 'deskilling'. Stanback and Noyelle (1990) acknowledge such "pessimistic interpretations" where "losses  - 58 of well-paying jobs in the declining goods-producing sector [are noted as] being replaced by low-paying [and less secure] jobs in the growing but less productive service sectors" (cf. Hanson and Pratt 1988, Harvey 1989b), based on the traditional definition of output as the measure of productivity. Surveying OECD data and methods, they point to two weaknesses salient to this study. Productivity measures, as conceived, largely fail to reveal the extent of improvement in the Quality of output and thus do not measure the true contribution to economic welfare.... there is considerable evidence that the problem is more serious for the services. Moreover, there are inherent weaknesses in measuring inputs under conditions of changing occupational composition resulting from the evolving division of labour. Noyelle (1990) argues that the bidding-down phenomenon in service is transitory, arising from a surplus of industrial workers lacking requisite skills to compete in the information market. This is supported by the high incomes of those with these skills (cf. Blishen et al. 1987 on the 1981 Canadian work force). In Noyelle's view, the real problematic is retraining for appropriate skills. The deskilling-as-exploitation hypothesis fails to persuade. Harvey's arguments that mass production leads to mass consumption, and that unskilled workers have little bargaining power, are plausible. However, he glosses over the role of labour unions, which in many cases have made up for lack of bargaining power. Mean educational and skill levels are increasing, not decreasing (Inglehart 1977). Beyond simple labour vs. management oppositions, a real problematic is that marketable skills change with technology, which was also the case before Fordist automation (Jackson 1981). The essential difference over the last few generations is that the pace of that change is accelerating (Trist 1970). Both real wages and real profits have declined in recent years. To some researchers, this signals the decline of the middle class (e.g. Castells 1991). To the writer, it suggests that income is only one factor in individual wellbeing, albeit an important one. Income implies neither environmental nor psychological health, for example (Sheehy 1977, Daly and Cobb 1989, Young 1989). The foregoing traces developments from automation and increased levels of education to the current emphasis on information-based and service-oriented  work.  Assembly line efficiencies enabled investment in education and technology that in turn enabled different work cultures. Emphasis on physical infrastructure in the industrial period has shifted to information infrastructure. When goals  - 59 shift from creating wealth to improving skills, needs shift towards flexibility and qualitative productivity. Hierarchical work culture becomes a hindrance. Using a production model narrows traditional forms of work culture, by imposing uniformity and rigidity on a previously broad range of options. 2.4.2 SUBSTITUTING TELEMOBILITY FOR AUTOMOBILITY Fossil fuel monoculture in transportation is identified as a stressor on urban ecosystems. Telecommunications employs a less polluting and renewable energy form. Given the emphasis in work is shifting from goods production to information processing, and since communications infrastructure is already in place, it follows that substituting telemobility for automobility is a viable shift in energy use which does not require massive additional capital investment. Though this does not guarantee less dependence on automobility, since cars are used for many purposes, the assumption of reduced overall use seems plausible. In this part, telemobility is examined by evaluating its implications on households, institutions, and the community as a whole from a sociosystem rather than a technosystem perspective. Its social benefits revolve around flexibility in work; creating information-rich environments; and adjusting work culture to accommodate work as a creative activity. The costs centre on degree of organizational cohesion, maintenance of safe working conditions, and possible adverse effects of dispersion on spatial and social linkages in the community. As a starting point, Table 2.9 below summarizes the various forms of communications technology. Person-to-machine and machine-to-machine forms transmit data, as distinct from information (which requires interpretation; Campbell 1982). Since transmission is instantaneous, one implication is that work need not necessarily be done at a single central workplace. Developments at personto-person and group-to-group scale enter the realm of two-way communication, i.e. information exchange. The key technological items are the modem and simultaneous multi-point capability. Both render remote interaction feasible. The following discussion is used in summarizing costs and benefits of flexible workstyle. It provides literature support for the evaluation criteria of effectiveness of flexible workstyles used by participant organizations in case studies examined in the field research of this study.  - 60 -  Table 2.9 Developments in telecommunications technologies  CONNECTION TYPE  ^  FORM OF SIGNAL  ^  SERVICE INNOVATIONS  person to machine  alphanumeric (text)  text editing, file storage and retrieval, graphics, databases, spreadsheets  machine to machine  ASCII text (digital) to audio analogue to ASCII  development of remote workstations in internal and external applications  person to person  text via modem  electronic mail, keyboard teleconferencing systems  still visual image  facsimile, slow-scan video  moving visual image  videotelephone  audio or audiovisual teleconferencing including graphics  computer-based integrated information systems with multipoint capability  group to group  Adapted from: Kraemer and King (1982)  Gottmann (1983) describes telemobility innovations as extensions of the physical senses over space and time, and ranks them alongside writing, printing, and television as bifurcations in human development. There are numerous applications at various scales, including political discussions, distance education, commercial and government databases, and the remerging of workplaces and homes. He also advances several social concerns. Organizational privacy and the security of information, especially where client confidentiality is involved (e.g. bank records) have been issues in communications for some time. Normally, the response is avoidance: sensitive information is transmitted by hard-copy means or face-to-face meetings. A more subtle aspect is the possibility of monitoring worker activity (Holcomb 1991), although legal restraints against such unfair labour practices are well-established (Nilles and Carlson 1976). Another concern is that face-to-face meetings have an advantage over telephone transmission of including body language in conversation. Although video transmission cannot replicate personal contact, it does go part way. Goddard's research "suggest[s] that the use of different communications media (audio or video) does not affect the outcome of meetings as much as might be expected"  - 61 (1980, 99). Social isolation is also an issue, and a more complex one: communication between people structures space--it has always been so and it will be so in the future. What has been recently changing may be called the tools used to communicate and therefore to structure space and settlement. Human nature is very important to consider in this process: we want to communicate as well as possible... (Gottmann 1983, 416). At individual level, the issue is whether or not telemobility detracts from work as a social activity. Early literature (e.g. Toffler 1970) contemplated the 'electronic cottage', i.e. full-time use of telemobility. Nilles and Carlson (1976), identify 'back office' workers as the best candidates. Clerical workers have the most well-defined jobs, and form a large enough proportion of the work force to enable economies of scale in telecommuting projects. On the other hand, they warned that "for many people the organization is their sole people-meeting place and provides their major friendship network" (110). Ramsower (1985, 25) reports that "telecommuting professionals" experience stress in home work from "a greater need for self-discipline and the necessity to structure the working environment". Gold comments "While many homeworkers are genuinely content with the resulting working patterns and conditions, others find it harder to function on this independent basis" (1991, 336). These views suggest differently perceived benefits based on personality. Nilles (1988, 305) responds that in U.S. pilot projects, many workers adjusted by doing "solitary work" at home and "social work" at the office. Another set of issues arises from consideration of the potential telework has for disruption of households, particularly where there are young children, who cannot separate parent-as-caregiver from parent-as-employee. Huws et al. (1990, 59) note that while many "teleworkers have adopted this form of work because of their caring responsibilities" many respondents felt guilty about having to isolate children at times. They conclude the advantage of telework to parents of young children is not so much that it allows work and childcare to be combined (which is only possible in a minority of cases), but that it creates a greater flexibility in the distribution of working time. It allows work to be fitted in around child-care committments...(Ibid.,60). Holcomb (1991) addresses the issue of how telemobility impacts on the traditional role of women as caregivers. In her view, while many women equate work with independence from home (cf. Challis 1991), where commuting time is a proportionally major factor, e.g. in part-time work, home-based work can be an advantage. Hanson and Pratt (1991) hold women have distinct labour market needs, since they  - 62 have different job search networks and value proximity to home more than men. Albert (1992) focuses somewhat more broadly on the underlying problematic that "the career culture governs almost every aspect of the American worker's life", leading to both "a debilitating lack of leisure" and "parenting deficit". She associates these outcomes with "addiction to consumer products" (71), which combined with committment to careers forms a feedback cycle spiralling upwards towards even more 'convenience' consumption. She describes women as foreign to a male-created culture where the focus is on output rather than social process. In the writer's view, the household concerns outlined revolve around both temporal activity segregation and perceived gender roles, for which adjustments are necessary. However, Table 2.6 suggests that it is career culture and not the integrated household that deviates from tradition. The feminist genre offers many well-considered perspectives, but appears blinded to the reality that many males also feel trapped by the gender expectations of career culture. Reintegrating households offers more scope for fathering, a form of caregiving whose importance is recognized in developmental studies (Lugo and Hershey 1978). This form of sharing in intersubjective daily home life (to adopt feminist parlance as illustrative of unfortunate attitudes), has similarly been 'denied' to men by the 'female-dominated' household culture. Many men feel 'foreign' at home. An associated problematic is that segregation of gender roles often leads to stereotyping (cf. Ley 1983). Sharing in caregiving may well enhance two-way communication and facilitate mutual understanding of both caregiving and career. The final set of effects to be reviewed is those applying to organizational cohesion. Gordon (1988) focuses on perceived implications for management: The fear of loss of control is perhaps the biggest reason why telecommuting is showing slower progress ... The philosophy of management in many organizations goes back to a legacy of factory supervision in which close observation of direct labor was common.... The challenge is to make the distinction between observing activity and measuring results.(74). This illustrates the theme that overcontrol stems from fear (Coles 1982). Christensen (1988) separates voluntary contractors "who prefer self-employment [from] involuntary contractors [who] often come from marginal economic groups that have limited leverage ... in the marketplace", a group that includes "men in their late 40s and 50s who are terminated" (a refreshing gender-inclusive approach). She holds there must be benefits to both individuals and organizations for via-  - 63 bility. Voluntary programmes legitimate an internal locus of control and encourage the self-discipline needed to adjust to self-directed work. Organizational advantages not already reviewed include reduced operating costs (Nilles 1988), the "attraction or retention of highly skilled workers who have no interest in being employees" (Christensen 1988), and the ability to respond to market surprise by changing the size and composition of the labour force on shorter notice (Curson 1986). Curson fails to acknowledge the importance of ethics in employment. This closed systems view of enterprises as not accountable to the community creates legitimate disparities of trust. To the writer, the licence to create wealth is a licence, not a right. However, this does not imply that enterprises by definition are exploitative. This review suggests that substituting telemobility is a complex issue, whose factor array includes personality, household dynamics, gender, whether or not programmes are voluntary, the nature of the work, and other issues. The writer views telemobility as encouraging household and social cohesion without damaging organizational cohesion, for some people some of the time. Full time telemobility is seen as unworkable. It is evident that telemobility reduces the relevance of worker proximity to workplaces in some types of work, and as such increases workplace mobility and enables the fuller exercise of workstyle. 2.4.3 APPLYING HUMAN ECOLOGY IN THE WORKPLACE Human ecology is defined as the study of structural and functional changes in human organization as these are affected by ecosystemic processes (p. 1). Its role in enabling flexible workstyle is one of providing systematic models within which organizational change, particularly matching work culture and workstyle factors to enhance job satisfaction, can be implemented. The goals of this section are: (1) to develop the model of flexible workstyle that will be used in the empirical research of this study; (2) to realign developments in human ecology in ways that helps clarify its costs and benefits. Given flexible workstyle is feasible chiefly in information work; and telemobility enables reduction of dependence on automobility and enhancement of household cohesion without damaging workplace cohesion for some people, the key questions are: Who can engage in flexible workstyle? What are the constraints?  - 64 Organizational environments are described as between disturbed reactive and turbulent fields, with the former receding and the latter emergent. These have impacts on development in city regions through opening of flexible economic systems (Daniels 1991, Edgington 1991, Rimmer 1991). Like cities, organizations operate in micro-scale urban environments as sub-communities with no necessary differentiation among levels (household, advocacy group, enterprise, and government) except complexity, a descriptor of behaviours, not size or goals. Mintzburg (1981) proposes five levels of complexity in organizations, which are useful in assessing constraints to adopting flexible workstyle: The key key indicator of rigidity is standardization. Bureaucracy, which standardizes the skill content of work, has the least potential for flexibility. The divi-  Table 2.10 Mintzburg's typology of organizations  Co-ordination depends on  Type of Organization  direct supervision  simple - minimum of staff and middle line  standardization of work  machine bureaucracy  standardization of skills  professional bureaucracy  standardization of outputs  divisional - middle line has some autonomy  mutual adjustment in project teams  adhocracy - where line and staff distinctions tend to break down [become less distinct]  Adapted from: Mintzburg (1981)  sional form, developed in parallel to franchising and propelled by product diversification, centres on performance control. Success relies on understanding local markets; thus, this form occurs most often where oligarchy is common, e.g. fast food and banking. While it is more adaptable, its regular short-term justification of performance to standards limits opportunities for flexibility. Simple structure describes organizations in their early stages. There is considerable potential for flexible workstyle and innovation. "With the right chief executive, the [simple] organization can turn on a dime and run circles around the slower moving bureaucracies.... But where complex forms of innovation  - 65 are required, (it] falters because of its centralization" (Ibid„ 107). Knowledge-based consulting "require 'project structures' that fuse experts drawn from different specialities into smoothly functioning creative teams" (Ibid., 111). Adhocracy is a fluid form which best fits flexible workstyle. Structure is based on mutual adiustment, "[power] flows not according to ... status but to wherever the experts needed for a particular decision happen to be found". Adhocracy "achieves its effectiveness through inefficiency...(it] can do no ordinary thing well. But it is extraordinary at innovation" (Ibid., 112-113). Bureaucratic and divisional organizations commonly employ flexible hours or location, and sometimes job sharing. Simple organizations can use a wider range of flexible work forms, including contracting out; but because of their simplicity, usually cannot employ periodic time quotas, work groups, sabbaticals and career breaks. Adhocratic organizations can use all flexible work forms. In addition, adhocracy is used in the other organizational cultures on a project or departmental basis. Joint venture partnerships are a form of adhocracy used by organizations in many economic sectors with increasing frequency. Kimberly and Quinn (1984, 85) suggest organizations have 'quasi personality', i.e. a primary strategy for achieving cohesion at work group or departmental level. They advance four types of work culture: The group culture is permeated with assumptions about human affiliation. It is believed that compliance flows from trust, tradition, and long-term committment to membership.... It is assumed that the effective organization [emphasizes] human resources and the ideal form is the clan... The hierarchical culture is permeated with assumptions of stability. Here it is believed that people will behave appropriately or comply with organizational needs when roles are formally stated and reinforced by rules.... In this legalistic view, it is assumed the ... primary need is for security The rational culture is permeated with assumptions about achievement. It is believed that people will comply with organizational needs if individual objectives are clarified and rewards are predicated on accomplishment. Compliance thus flows from formal contracting [e.g. management by objectives]. The developmental culture is permeated with assumptions of change. It is assumed that people will comply with organizational needs because of the importance ... of the task that is being undertaken. In this dynamic view, ... the individual's primary need is for growth, stimulation, and variety. These are useful in matching personality types to work group and/or departmental cultures to the functional type of work in the group. For example, sales groups and research teams are functionally consistent with developmental and rational culture; clerical and accounting departments with hierarchical culture; and cus-  - 66 tomer services with group culture. Individual personality assessments are commonly used by human resource specialists to match people to jobs and work groups (Meyers and Briggs 1980, Kiersey and Bates 1984). Williams et al. (1981) extend the social needs of personality types into prototypical work space arrangements. The foregoing typologies are also useful in assessing the feasibility of flexible forms of work culture. For example, flex-time is often used in clerical work, where hierarchical culture with well-defined jobs is common, and information flow peaks during core hours (Nilles 1988). Job sharing is frequently employed in education, where interactive instructional work for short, intensive periods matches well with team teaching in a group culture (McCarthy 1987). At individual level, variability concerns centre on needs for supervision and needs for interaction. Interaction needs arise from Lowen's dichotomy of focus: those focused on people need interaction more than those focused on  Table 2.11^Personality type and preferred work culture  Personality Type Stabilizer Co-Operator Catalyst Visionary  Focus things, people, people, things,  present past future process  Interaction Needs  Supervision Needs  Preferred Work Culture  low high high low  high high low low  Hierarchical Clan Developmental Rational  Adapted from: Williams et al. 1981, Lowen 1982  things. Supervision needs arise from Lowen's dichotomy of approach: people who approach tasks in terms of the way things are now or were before (i.e. maintaining traditions) need assistance in identifying goals by those informed of the organization's future vision: thus, the need for supervision. In contrast, future- and process-oriented people, Who approach tasks in terms of seeking new directions, look to supervision in the lesser role of an organizing resource. Figure 2.4 matches personality types and preferred organizational culture. Dashed lines indicate connections among the individual Jungian types and their derivatives used in this study: solid lines are the analogue for organizational types. For individuals, this diagram suggests that matching personality and  - 67 -  Figure 2.4 Overview: personality types and organizational cultures  ADHOCRACY <flexible, loosely coupled> Feeling ._^ , Intuiting ,^ . 7 .^ ■ .^Developmental^7' ■ ■^[catalyst] ,/ ■ .^r^ SIMPLE OR^ PROFESSIONAL . DIVISIONAL^ BUREAUCRACY ■ /7 ^ Clan^[co-operator] ::( [visionary] Rational <rigid,^ <flexible, ■ .^.^ \ ■^ loosely^ tightly . ^ coupled>^ coupled> .^ . .■ [stabilizer] • .,.^  ,  Hierarchical Sensing  ^  • Thinking  <rigid, tightly-coupled> MACHINE BUREAUCRACY Legend: Jung's types; [Williams et al. typology of individuals]; MINTZBURG'S ORGANIZATIONAL TYPES; <descriptors of this type of organization›; Williams et al. typology of organizations Adapted from: Lowen, 1982; Mintzburg 1981; Williams et al. 1981  organizational culture is a key to promoting motivation based on the content and process of the work rather than on status striving. Matchings and types are not unitary phenomena. The writer, for example (a catalyst), is most comfortable in a developmental work culture and adhocracy. Such people tolerate clan and rational cultures, but are visibly uncomfortable in bureaucracy. However, work groups function most effectively by juxtaposition of personalities with complementary abilities (Meyers and Briggs 1980). Individual and project needs modify each other. Implementing flexibility is often challenging, and facilitated by open discussion of these factors in advance. Human ecology in work is evidently a complex set of phenomena and relation-  - 68 ships. The literature reviewed underlines the importance of recognizing variability in motivations and individual character. Applying human ecology to enable flexible workstyle is at times difficult, since conflicting individual and group considerations must be addressed, but by no means impossible. The matching of diverse needs is a critical preconditon of successful implementation. 2.5 SYNTHESIS: FLEXIBLE WORKSTYLE In this thesis, the outcome of organizations incorporating flexible work culture to accommodate workstyle is referred to as flexible workstyle. The foregoing discussions suggest salient trends in urban work culture. The transition from agrarian to industrial societies was accompanied by clustering of individuals in cities, where there are discernible ecosystem stresses associated with the social and spatial organization of work [see Chap. 3 for discussion of urban spatial stress]. In the beginning, work culture was founded on values emphasizing order and output as benchmarks of productivity, which [applied to excess], lead to insufficient adaptability in organizations and analogous psychological and social stress among workers, centred on angst arising from authoritarian controls. Flexible work culture overcomes many of these stresses, although it is not without risks of its own. There are opposing views of its implications. Some see increased flexibility as an opportunity for the exercise of a fuller range of workstyle options, and consequently the legitimation of evidently increasing values placed on energy, equity and education. Others are wary of the potential for worker exploitation in the hands of some organizations, and possible negative effects on household and workplace relations alike. Emergent flexible work types have been applied to a wide range of activities [see Table 2.3]. Workstyle summarizes individual and household factors that influence the preferences or affinities of certain people for certain work cultures. However, since work in North America takes place mainly within the scope of employment in organizations, this research would be one-sided without a consideration of constraints influencing work culture. Evidently, organizational goals are no longer subsumed under a simple rubric of economic growth via ever-increasing automation. Trends in management are towards accommodating individual motivations beyond economic survival and security as a means of enhancing productivity of output and  - 69 process, i.e. towards flexible workstyle. This study examines these influences, which are are summarized in a model of flexible workstyle, parallel to that advanced for workstyle [sec. 2.3) and set out in Figure 2.4.  Figure 2.4 Flexible workstyle  Organizational Culture  Economic Sector (census divisions) FLEXIBLE WORKSTYLE  degree of complexity (Mintzburg) quasi-personality (Kimberly and Quinn) functional job types workplace mobility stage in family life cycle  Workstyle (see fig. 2.2)  occupational status personality type hours  Implementation Alternatives (see Table 2.3)  location conditions career paths  The key dynamic is matching organizational culture, workstyle factors and implementation alternatives to optimize operating effectiveness, job satisfaction, and ultimately productivity. This model is evaluated empirically based on retrospective case studies drawn from literature, and prospective studies derived from the field research within the study area, Greater Vancouver [Chap. 4]. Following the systemic division of sociosystems, benefits and costs are classified as economic, political, or cultural. Based on literature reviewed, the benefits of flexible workstyle seem to exceed the costs, in the writer's view. Single-scale measurement is impossible since political and cultural indicators cannot be quantified. Table 2.12 below summarizes the putative benefits/ opportunities and costs/challenges. These will be empirically ranked from the field research interviews and the comparative case studies.  - 70 -  Table 2.12 Summary of benefits and costs of flexible workstyle  BENEFITS/OPPORTUNITIES  ^  COSTS/CHALLENGES  Economic increased productivity  some forms (e.g. contracting out) may involve loss of wage benefits such as medical and pensions  reductions in infrastructural and operating costs  when participation involuntary, there is potential for abuse of less-skilled workers  little capital investment required for implementation  Political greater worker autonomy ^ supervisors and managers may find adjustment difficult managers focus more on communication (two-way) and leadership increased planning time required to accommodate worker input reduces adversarial aspects of work culture less accessibility and visibility Cultural allows people with restricted mobility easier entry to work force attracts highly-motivated employees promotes mutual trust in workplaces less fragmentation of work process and more variability  inequity in the sense that not all people are suitable personality-wise and work-wise to participate weakens in-office cohesion, in particular informal 'knowledge' networks and social contact safety/household disruption issues  The focus of this chapter has been on developing specific concepts of work culture and workstyle, using a broad range of social science literature. Its length underlines the complexity of urban ecosystems, and the tessellated, loosely-coupled quality of their subsystems. A wide array of specific stresses arising from technologies predicated on closed systems and narrowly defined economic goals has been set forth. While the approach of scientific management produced short-run benefits appropriate at one time, it is argued that such approaches rely on a long-term stability that does not exist in human systems. The literature reviewed supports the notion that the application of ecosystem succession concepts is transferable to sociosystems, although the greater  - 71 complexity of the latter requires conceptual adjustment. When societies as a whole are regarded as the knowing subjects, and individuals treated as analogous to parts in a transcendent social machine, unnecessary stresses result, which are more acute the greater the degree of control attempted. It is argued that selforganizing behaviour is characteristic of living systems. From this, it follows that complexity and proactivity must be incorporated into social systems if longterm sustainability is to be achieved, and emergent values to be served. 2.6 NOTES 1 'Telemobility' is a contraction of 'telecommunications' and 'mobility'. Similarly, automobility combines 'automobile' and 'mobility'. Both terms are believed to have been coined by the writer in an unpublished paper dated March 1992. Automobility refers to aggregate mobility achieved through moving people and goods via roads to their destinations. Telemobility refers to the virtual mobility of moving information, ideas, and orders for goods and services via telecommunications. 2 "The authority of those higher in the hierarchy supersedes the authority of those below them with respect to a set of well-defined issues ...The hierarchy is 'cleanly traceable' only with respect to these issues, and with the unambiguous specification of the one-dimensional order of the positions" (Ibid., 58). The Catholic Church holds as an article of faith that the Pope in officio is infallible with respect to faith and morals. The use of hierarchy in the sense of 'strong ordering' is commonplace in the literature (e.g. Herbst 1976, Corning 1983, Adams 1988). In this study, hierarchy is used in the semantically narrow sense, following Bunge (1979). 3 She further describes how the ethic of care is to be communicated to people in the cultural sense, using a schema of "classical archetypes of academic practice": paidea, education eliciting responsibility for self-education; ergon, education in what constitutes appropriate conduct; logos, systematic knowledge seeking generalization and explanation; and poesis, education inviting discovery and visionary thought (Ibid., 27). 4 Bertrand Russell (1949, 37) writes of the necessary balance between maintaining stability and encouraging change agents in societies: If a community is to make progress, it needs exceptional individuals whose activities, though useful, are not of a sort that ought to be general. There is always a tendency in highly organised society for the activities of such individuals to be unduly hampered.... too little liberty brings stagnation, and too much brings chaos. The preamble to the United States Constitution speaks of the inalienable rights of the people to "life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness". Use of the word 'pursuit' suggests a high value placed on pioneering. Social Darwinism, a century later, assigned a vastly different meaning to pursuit from its original liberal intent, and in doing so enabled the same oppression that the framers of the Constitution were determined to prevent. 5 It is important to remember that the industrial revolution was not a unitary event. In Britain, it blossomed during the Napoleonic wars, assisted by clearances of tenants from rural estates. By contrast, in southern Ireland, it began eighty years later. In the United States, the 1860s civil war, rising immigration from Europe, and frontier railway building were the main factors. Industrial society did not begin in earnest in Canada until  - 72 after the building of the C.P.R. in the 1880s (cf. Hodge 1986, 54). Areal temporal differences in development meant many immigrants faced an entirely different world on arriving in North America (Berton 1971, 1984). 6 In skilled trades, this system has survived to the present day. It was at the time part of the parallel tutoring system in higher education, parts of which have also survived. It is no coincidence that this study is the writer's 'master piece', recognition of which is the granting of a Master's degree. Labour legislation in North America is known as the "law of Master and Servant" (Black 1979, 879), "The relation of master and servant exists where one person, for pay or other valuable consideration, enters into the service of another and devotes to him [defined as gender inclusive] his personal labour for an agreed period". 7 A tangential issue explored by Peter (1985) is that encouragement of status striving in bureaucratic work cultures means that in many cases, people are promoted beyond their level of competence. The 'Peter Principle' is appealing although only weakly testable, since promotion occurs for a variety of reasons and there are evidently some competent executives. In such cultures structural authority is used as a reward to those who salute the corporate flag. The outcome is that the ceremonials of loyalty often take precedence over the demonstration of real loyalty, i.e. dedication to the work itself. 8 Lowen also advances the notion that sensing, feeling, intuiting and thinking in that order describe the general path of human cognitive and affective development. He adds an additional dimension, that of 'style'. Sensing and intuiting people are described as contextual; feeling and thinking people as detailed. Meyers and Briggs (1980) uses the terminology perceiving (contextual) or judging (detailed), with slightly different meaning. Bolling (1986) refers to sensation, thinking, intuiting and feeling in that order as the archetypal psychology of sociosystem succession: corresponding to exploitation, conservation, creative destruction and renewal. 9 Traditionally so that school children could help in the critical times of the harvest cycle. In Britain, the break points were Whitsunday, the time of planting; midsummer, the time of cultivation; and Martinmas, the time of harvesting. In Canada, where the growing cycle is generally shorter, there was an eight-week summer 'vacation', with provision on an ad hoc basis in farm communities to allow children to assist in planting and harvest. In the former Soviet Union, almost entirely a region of continental climate, the school year is of similar length and pattern. Non-farm work in farm communities has been entirely suspended during harvest on occasion. 10 The notion that aggression or dominance are 'male' properties (and not cultural descriptors of particular places, times and value systems) is an alluring prime cause not supported by current literature in human development. Lerner and Spannier (1981, 381-385), for example, note that in most adolescent studies of agency (competitiveness, aggressiveness, dominance) and communion (dependency, compliance, empathy) behaviours, males do not differ significantly from females. They view both as tending to apply sexrole stereotypes to self-assessment of behaviours. Jungian derivative literature observes minimal gender differences in personality dichotomies.  CHAPTER 3 CITIES AS LIVING SYSTEMS  Speech, tools and fire are the tripod of culture and have been so, we think, from the beginning. About the hearth, the home and workshop are centred.... About the fireplace, social life took form, and the exchange of ideas was fostered. Carl O. Sauer, 1956 Cities are defined as complex biophysical and infrastructural systems operating within the framework of institutions instrumental to particular communities; the landscape within which sociosystem activities are carried out. As living, selforganizing systems, cities further shape and constrain these activities. The interaction among work culture, land use and transportation produces stress specifically in terms of of spatial-temporal separation of workplace from home community and dependence on automobility. Salient effects of the former are time consumed in travel, commuting stress, and loss of community cohesion: of the latter air pollution, high infrastructure costs, and both personal injury and property damage from increased frequency of automobile accidents. Master planning, the landscape analogue of Taylorist management, has similarly enabled economies of scale at the expense of ecosystem quality. The segregated city has impacts on social cohesion and aspects of communications. Its automobile monoculture has adverse effects on biophysical and infrastructural subsystems. It is argued that the value placed on single-use zoning and travel time fails to allow enough flexibility in the landscape, and leads to social and biophysical stress. Stresses arising out of the landscape are summarized, then followed by an examination of emergent flexible urban forms, and changing values towards the biosphere within the communitarian and sustainability ethics. 3.1 URBAN LAND USE AND TRANSPORTATION MODELS Like scientific management, master planning began within the Colossus era. While it has been beneficial in public health issues, in establishing coherence in spatial order, and achieving economies of scale in infrastructures, its emphasis on - 73 -  - 74 econometric criteria and reliance on single-use zoning has led to unintended reductions in environmental quality and loss of social cohesion. Cities were founded on propinquity, juxtaposing households to reduce communication costs (Webber 1963). Since early travel modes were slow, proximity to central places was highly valued. This persisted long after propinquity became less important. In master planning, the subsuming economic principle is bid-rent, a "trade-off between land prices and transport costs" (Haggett 1983, 387; following Alonso). Master planning is rooted in the Industrial Revolution. Table 2.1 refers to new products and infrastructure as a technical focus of that time. Rapid urbanization meant that many cities swelled into agglomerations lacking adequate provision for goods movement, air and water quality, and waste disposal (Hodge 1986). One early alternative was model towns. Centred on large firm factories, these provided standardized housing, roads and sewer systems for their workers.' Another was Geddes' concept of "conservative surgery". Preparing an inventory of existing city systems was followed by redesign and reconstruction. His primary consideration in this phase was "to remove as few buildings as possible and to repair and modify existing structures. Human disruption would thus be minimized" (Ibid., 85). The Victorian social reform movement, of which Geddes was part, also advanced innovative ecological concepts of societies and cities: Geddes brought a new approach.... appreciated that human life and its individual and collective environments, both natural and manufactured, are all intertwined, and that improving cities means understanding them and planning for that reality rather than substituting another urban form (Ibid.). His views are a precursor to the systemic approach as it applies to community planning. Geddes recognized the importance of local history and geography in cities, which he viewed essentially as systems interacting within a social and technical framework. This was a departure from conventional urban design, where some idealised form was superimposed on the landscape towards end states of appearance, function and social values. Relph (1987, 49) comments From some perspectives ... town planning looks as though it is an attempt to make cities function as efficiently as factories. The more conventional view is that it began ... as a reaction against the industrialization which had created such great inequalities in living conditions. He identifies model towns and the Garden City and City Beautiful movements as "precursors to modern planning", both in terms of developing infrastructure, and the idea that "clean [and orderly] cities will make good people" (Ibid., 52).  - 75 The social descriptors of this time (wealth creation in economy, property rights in polity, status striving in culture) are encapsulated in these reform movements, which focused not only on urban function, but also on aesthetics. The late 19th century was marked by rapid population growth, and overnight emergence of new cities on empty land. Chicago is widely viewed as the first modern city in North America. Lessinger (1991, 123) notes its population grew from 300,000 in 1870 to 1.7 million by 1900. Since the city was new, an urban form "geared to large-scale industry and dense living accommodations--ideally suited to the emerging Colossus" was possible and indeed a reality. Relph identifies Burnham's plan for Chicago as the first American master plan, for it attended not only civic facilities and their appearance, but also to issues of commerce, industry and transportation, parks and the lakefront, population growth and the future course of the regional development of the city.... Trying to mastermind changes in urban form in this way subsequently became a widespread practice, and almost every city now has to have a master plan, though since about 1950 these have been treated more as guidelines than as end results.... In practice, of course, master plans set goals that were soon by-passed by social and technological changes (Ibid., 53). Expansion created opportunities for wealth creation via land speculation. Early experience, like the 1880s 'boom and bust' of Winnipeg, was chaotic (Berton 1971; Hodge 1986). In time developers recognized that stability of use and restricted supply added value to land. The enabling mechanism was single-use zoning, which not only dealt with public health and nuisance, but also erected a framework within which real property values could be established and maintained. Emergent cities were core-focused and radially organized, "zoned for concentric rings of segregated land uses encircling a strong downtown" (Hardwick 1992, 4). The social research of the Chicago school is the basis for the land use mosaics of conventional urban geography. Berry is an example: The basic features of Chicago's land value skeleton were already in existence in 1935, and they persist to this day. These features include a major cone with the CBD at its apex, ridges radiating from the CBD and extending along the gridiron of streets, and minor peaks of land values rising at regular intervals along the ridges (1963, 365). The core-focused model centred on economies of scale in terms of a hierarchy of goods and services, with detailed central control of land use by the zoning authority and reliance on high aggregate mobility to support this core. Dense markets are a necessary condition for mass production and mass consumption. Urban mobility is constrained by available transportation technology. Prior  - 76 to the 1880s, movement of people and goods was confined to horse-drawn vehicles. This mode was expensive and slow. After the emergence of intercity railways as a self-propelled 'many-horsepower' mode, two innovations transformed urban landscapes; street railways (ca. 1880) and automobiles (ca. 1920). The former spawn[ed) 'streetcar suburbs', with dramatically lower residential densities along streetcar lines radiating from the central city.... Whereas many industries had decentralized along railway lines leading from the central city, and workers initially had to live near these factories, introduction of streetcars now permitted more distant living (Meyer and Miller 1984, 14). While streetcars enabled a quantum leap in city size, form in these suburbs was incorporating the City Beautiful aesthetic based on lower density. Prosperous new suburbanites of mass production were determined to get their 'piece of the pie' in terms of landscape quality and mobility. Quality was enforced by zoning bylaws restricting building heights, setbacks, lot dimensions, even styles. The result was a tessellated land use pattern, where "boundaries between zones on the maps appear no less clearly as boundaries in urban landscapes" (Relph 1987, 69). Mobility was symbolized by mass-produced household transportation: The automobile continued and accelerated the evolution of urban structure shared by the electric streetcar. Its availability permitted further expansion of urban areas and, more important, provided access to land between the radial streetcar and railroad lines leading into the central city. The technology of the internal-combustion engine, however, also led to the decline of of other transportation modes used in urban areas by providing a less expensive and more flexible replacement (Meyer and Miller 1984, 14). By 1920, U.S. city dwellers travelled more miles by car than by public transportation (Ibid.). In urban design, the City Beautiful movement gave way to emergent egalitarian values of the Little King, as evidenced in 1920s modernist form. Le Corbusier's Radiant City dealt with the centre. Its stated aims were to increase density and reduce both congestion and costs by building higher, widening streets, and using mass-produced buildings. Amenities were planned for public space to break down class distinctions. This core would be "surrounded by a green belt, then a number of smaller 'garden cities' ... for the families". In these suburbs, Wright's Broadacre, a low-density and low-rise form, had as leitmotif "a wide, democratic landscape, really no city at all, which would come to replace all the existing settlement forms of America" (Relph 1987, 70-73). Although neither of these schemes achieved implementation, since the Great Depression and World War II intervened, they have been recognized as archetypes of values which have persisted to the present. Design remains core-focused and  - 77 radially organized. Changes in the mode of transportation made the creation of complementary infrastructures a priority. Beginning with New Deal public works projects and exploding in the 1950s was a period of enormous growth in intercity roads, culminating with the core-focused, radially organized freeway systems: Automotive technology has thus been a major determinant of urban structure in North America, first by encouraging...low-density suburbs that are almost totally dependent on the private automobile for mobility, and then by making necessary ... urban freeways through ... inner city areas in order to give suburban dwellers easy access to central areas (Meyer and Miller 1984, 15). Suburban form also had been evolving beyond Radiant City and Broadacre. Streetcar suburbs were organized on radial lines from the city centre. Infilling of the interstitial spaces began with the blooming of automobility, at first on a grid, with no clear boundaries marking neighbourhoods. In the 1920s, Perry proposed more coherent neighbourhoods based on the cradle of civilization, the school with its playgrounds [as] central focus ... The area roughly within a quarter mile radius of an elementary school constituted a neighbourhood unit... He [later] argued that the rise in automobile traffic was effectively cutting up cities into cellular blocks and the neighbourhood units were excellent ways of coping with this problem (Relph 1987, 62-63). These ideas were elaborated in the Radburn principle, which extended neighbourhood units into 'superblocks', "a form of house and street layouts that broke away from conventional grid patterns" and which was the precursor of the postwar automobile-oriented suburbs, Pete Seeger's famous 'boxes made of ticky-tacky'.  2  The foregoing suggests that by the 1930s, master planning was embedded in North America as the 'central organ' of urban land use and transportation. In Vancouver, the first master plan was completed in 1928 by Harlan Bartholomew, a civil engineer and "graduate of the 'city efficient' school of planners", who had already fashioned plans for some 26 midwest and eastern U.S. cities (Bottomley 1977). Master planning enabled dealing with public health issues as they were affected by urban form and design, through single-use zoning; and achieved coherence in urban spatial order, economy of scale in infrastructure, including transportation, and some aesthetic improvement over the urban form of the 1880s. However, as freeway construction peaked in the late 1960s, cracks began to appear in the foundations of the modernist egalitarian city. The pervasive work culture of detailed central control in government, by then a technocracy, could not respond in a co-ordinated way. Themes parallel the value changes in society leading to crises in work culture; energy, equity and education.  - 78 Core-focused, radially organized and low density city form is predicated on cheap energy, both for heating and mobility. Like the illusion of increased human productivity from automation (Adams 1988), increases in city efficiency based on high aggregate automobility were largely illusory. Dependence on petroleum was an inevitable consequence. Automobiles appeared as an innovation for 'touring': but, by the 1920s, "assembly line production dramatically lowered costs and brought car ownership within reach for millions" (Renner 1988, 5). Between 1950 and 1970, the world car fleet quadrupled to 180 million vehicles, with over 70% in developed regions in North America and Europe. There were 1.8 cars per household in the U.S. and 1.4 in Canada in that year (Ibid.). Automobility was firmly entrenched as a mark of personal status (Garreau 1991). Cars were integrated into "the functioning urban environment, particularly in relation to the spatial organization of different activities" (Beaumont and Keys 1982, 127). One of these is the separation of workplace from home. Oil price shocks of the early 1970s had a significant effect on aggregate mobility. Not only were future supplies in doubt, but also econometric models supporting the rationale of mass household mobility were more difficult to justify on the basis of marginal social cost (Frankena 1979). The upshot was that many cities were encumbered by massive investments in freeway infrastructure founded on unstable oil supplies and uncertain oil prices.  3  The core-focused form also produced an urban landscape where social differentiation was maintained (not minimized, as LeCorbusier intended) by encouraging people to live in enclaves based on stage in the family life cycle and occupational status. Single use zoning enables infrastructural efficiency by spatially separating homogeneous groups. Mass-produced homes take advantage of economies of scale in construction. High aggregate mobility ensures that market concentration will justify high-order services. Viewed in a narrow economic sense, all these features reflected contemporary social values. Viewed in a broader social purview, they become a recipie for isolation, mistrust, and inequity. Jacobs (1961, 119) regards master planning as an ideology, committed to an ideal end state "essentially paternalistic, if not authoritarian" (19). She points to functional isolation as inherent in separating homes from workplaces. Neighbourhoods are meant to have people in them all day, so the community can  - 79 "protect strangers as well as themselves; to grow networks of small-scale everyday public life and thus of trust and social control" (Ibid.). City sprawl meant that living neighbourhoods evolved into low-density bedroom communities, where workplace, marketplace, home and family were isolated from one another. Another effect of living in enclaves is that people become isolated from others who are different. Kinship co-operation based on 'gifts differing' is replaced by intolerance and a fortress mentality. Ley (1983, 62) comments: the residential segregation identified in the nineteenth-century industrial city has persisted and may well have intensified... as urban size increases, so the threshold is transcended for the separate survival of increasingly idiosyncratic social groups. Urban mass and density permit a new tribalism ... a pattern based primarily on socioeconomic status. Not all people were able to take advantage of suburban homes and high mobility. The discriminatory practices in work culture also applied to housing and education (Harvey 1973). Ley (1983, 267) continues his theme of new tribalism: The greater a minority's distance from the ... mainstream, the slower has been its assimilation into the majority ... increasing social distance decreases the probability of interaction between individuals and thereby retards the transmission of information. In the writer's view, the problematic which manifested itself in increasingly violent forms of social protest in the 1960s and 1970s can be generalized from spatial mobility into social mobility. Those with undue restrictions on mobility, whether physical, psychological, kinship (e.g. single parents) or social (the poor, uneducated and non-fluent) are unable to fully enjoy equity. In tessellated cities dependent on automobility, inequity leads to mistrust as a general trait, in the extreme leading to episodic violence (cf. Davis 1990). Law (1988, 29-30) comments on the 1980s city, "the core areas [where those with restricted mobility gather] appear caught in a vicious spiral of decline ... the environment becomes uncared for ... increasing social disintegration". Calthorpe (1989, 19) includes the issue of empowerment: "Mobility and privacy have increasingly displaced the traditional commons ... The automobile destroys the urban street [cf. Relph 1987, 155] ... and the depersonalization of public space grows with the scale of government". Street violence is connectable to perceptions of an external locus of control, and its pathology is isomorphic to that discussed in relation to work culture (Coles 1982 - see p. 38). Although neither master planning nor automobiles are to blame for all social ills, there are  - 80 evident links among mobility-dominated society, urban fragmentation, lack of community cohesion and an information-poor urban environment whose motto all too often seems to be 'in guns we trust'. Ley's phrase 'retards the transmission of information' relates to the last factor, education. Like scientific management, master planning is a rational actor approach based on econometric performance (Meyer and Miller 1984). Knowledge is embodied in experts, who make informed decisions for the community: Although community planning developed with strong democratic principles, its early years did not feature a high degree of citizen involvement. The traditions it followed were those of representative local government, using advisory groups where elected and appointed officials felt the need for their support. It was more planning for people than with them or, as it was once referred to "participation by invitation" (Hodge 1986, 350). Hodge correctly points out that planning authorities do not encourage citizen participation beyond inviting a yes-or-no response to discrete proposals. In liberal democracies, citizens can make their dissatisfaction known at elections. Difficulties arise where values change more rapidly than the ability of political institutions to adapt quickly enough to emergent needs in their constituencies (Hardwick and Hardwick 1974). Mechanisms enabling flexibility are critical. The institutions of planning was created at a time when people were less educated than they were by the 1970s. At higher levels of education, people become more cognisant of limitations in knowledge, and more skilled in critical analysis (Inglehart 1977). Another way of saying this is that education leads to people who value information-rich environments. In contrast, governments are mainly machine bureaucracies, operating in information-poor environments, where possessing information is a mark of status. Where status drives an organization, releasing information to a critical audience is often seen as a threat. Holling (1978) warns against using a single-scale ranking of benefits in ecosystem management. This applies to the master planning technique of costing variables in economic terms to arrive at the 'highest and best' land use. During the Little King period, this method was commonly employed for urban renewal projects, changes in use and development of freeway systems. The effects included dispersal of cohesive neighbourhoods (Ley 1983). Since kinship bonds are strong in such communities, urban renewal was resisted. Hodge (1986, 350) speaks of dissatisfaction over the outcome of much planning in the 1945-1965 period. In coping with vast urban growth, the planning solutions were often large-  - 81 scale and disruptive: expressways sliced through residential and park areas; old neighbourhoods were levelled for new office and apartment complexes or public housing projects; new shopping centres either displaced old commercial areas or dispersed the new populations, or both. The combination of greater needs for information-rich environments, large scale rational actor planning for land use, and low ranking of kinship in inner city communities led to a crisis of confidence. By the late 1960s, cities began to experience citizen unrest over the disruption caused by the construction and operation of the large-scale facilities that resulted from these comprehensive plans. This dissatisfaction...raised serious questions about the underlying attitudes of [planners] and generated debate over the implicit assumptions used in the analysis approach... (Meyer and Miller 1984, 2). The foregoing has argued that, in parallel to the effects of scientific management on work culture, master planning resulted in a structure of urban land use and transportation that overemphasized the benefits of infrastructural order. Literature reviewed suggests core-focused radially organized models,'while satisfying social needs precedent to the emergence of master planning, ultimately led to structures too rigid to respond to changing needs in the city. Single use zoning led to the appearance of an elegant, egalitarian city form, a technocentric megalopolis, where social reality was fragmentation, inequity, and participatory paralysis. These key phrases all revolve around communication in urban systems, which is the focus of the next section. If cities are viewed as mere urban mosaics superimposed by institutions on a landscape, then that landscape is an object rather than a living system whose needs constrain infrastructures. If entire communities are viewed as the living subjects, rather than individuals, households and neighbourhoods, then kinship groups become objects for manipulation, and not living systems whose needs transcend the social structures designed to serve them. In a living systems approach, it is human needs that institutions and infrastructures serve. Machines do not require much flexibility; but human organisms do. 3.2 FLEXIBILITY AND COMMUNICATIONS IN THE URBAN FIELD Master planning led to diminished environmental quality, centred around excessive rigidity and reduced flexibility. The effect of rigidity is loss of adaptability, manifested in cities as reduced social cohesion, in the extreme the dispersion of communities in urban renewal, but more commonly in segregation of social  - 82 activities and groups. Separation of workplaces and home is an example of activity segregation. In this section, spatial networks as a form of communication are examined more closely, along with emergent flexible urban forms. Communications networks are defined as arrangements of media in space which enable the flow of information. This definition does not restrict information to its linguistic forms. In many cases, to use McLuhan and Fiore's (1967) aphorism, the medium is the message. Urban design and built form convey information about social values. The segmented city of master planning restricts opportunities for communication, leading to information-poor environments. Emergent built forms and communications networks reflect increasing value placed on flexibility in communities, encouraging variegated, accessible and interactive public space. This is an expression of needs to revitalize the 'commons' (Hardin 1968). Hillier and Hanson (1984, 28-29) identify the outcome of the modernist city landscape, "internally sub-divided and hierarchically arranged, and linked together by a specialised and separate system of spaces for movement" as: not environmental improvement but an environmental pathology of a totally new and unexpected kind. For the first time, we have the problem of a 'designed' environment that does not 'work' socially, or even one that generates social problems that in other circumstances might not exist: problems of isolation, physical danger, community decay and ghettoisation. They argue that space impacts on society. Spatial organization is not only an outcome of idea(l)s, but also affects individual mind-set and community values. Drawing on Durkeim's work on social cohesion, they identify spatial networks as those promoting organic solidarity based on an integrated and dense space; and transspatial networks as those promoting mechanical solidarity based on segregated and dispersed space. Master planning emphasizes the latter. Jacobs (1961) advanced an alternate model of spatial networks based on various forms of kinship; family, economic, cultural, political in small-scale clusters reminiscent of what Hillier and Hanson refer to as the "beady ring" structure of space in traditional villages (Ibid. 1984). This is a flexible, informal and self-organizing environment that we would do well to remember has characterized human spaces for most of human history. The heavily transspatial forms of Le Corbusier disembodied the shallow structures of informality and proximity so necessary to "the intersubjective world of everday life" (Ley 1978). Scientific management is a corporate model applied to economy and work.  - 83 Master planning is a corporate model applied to culture and urban form. Relph (1987, 97) writes "the impersonal channels of corporate management were creating for themselves a special colourless landscape of skyscraper offices". This particular form is (somewhat ironically) called monolithic construction, and is replicated in other monocultures of form. The archetypal urban monoculture is automobile suburbs based on neighbourhood units and the Radburn principle. Its form follows the premise that street space, populated by automobiles, is unsafe for people. "Radburn was designed to cope with the facts of rising automobile ownership and the horrific number of pedestrian/automobile accidents that were occuring in the 1920s; it was planned for the motor age" (Ibid., 65). One symptom of the automobile orientation of such suburbs in design was the disappearance of lanes and the moving of garages to the front of houses. Similarly, pedestrian-accessible retail ribbons became malls surrounded by parking lots. The emergent form of malls by the 1970s was a monolithic 'blank box', where all pedestrian activity is carried on within controlled environments that stimulate mass consumption (Goss 1993; Bertelsen 1993, chap. 2). Since suburbs were lowdensity, malls became bigger and fewer. Automobile access became prerequisite. With declines in city-centre shopping, the functions of the CBD itself narrowed to those of offices, hotels and entertainment, all requiring provision for access by and temporary storage for a mushrooming number of automobiles. With rapidly increasing numbers of vehicles and the ensuing congestion [in the CBD] the need for the control of traffic flow at intersections by means of signals became urgent (Relph 1987, 81). However, it is uncertain whether the rigorous automobile monoculture was meant to contain vehicles or pedestrians. As public space became more the domain of machines, private space ebbed further into enclaves. Even in CBDs, pedestrian overhead walkways and tunnels are now commonplace (Relph 1987, Robertson 1988). Much of the literature in geography points to capitalist accumulation and stratification as the prime causes of these phenomena (e.g. Harvey 1989b, Soja 1989, Smith 1984). However, single-minded dedication to consumption and highly structured cities were prominent in societies before capitalism (Mumford 1960) and remain so in non-capitalist societies, where the consumer is the organismic state (Bell 1976). A more parsimonious explanation focuses on the problem of consumption itself. Given individuals as the knowing subjects, Jung's connection  - 84 of power and extraversion (in the acquisitive sense; cf. Lowen 1982) is most significant. Where human power over nature is highly valued, striving for material status via consumption is a plausible outcome (Dobzhansky 1967, Bunge 1989), expressed in the values communicated through many media, including urban form. Pradnick (1993, per vide) draws on Hillier and Hanson in separating spatial domains with shallow, non-categorical structures based on location from transspatial domains with deep, categorical structure based on segregation. Evolution of spatial form in the 20th century has been characterized by increasing use of deep spaces in urban design. In this view, shallow space strengthens the group at the expense of the individual, i.e. increases opportunities for interaction: deep space the opposite. Streetcar suburbs are an example of shallow structures, as are the informal 'grapevines' of workplaces. Automobile suburbs and the "memo culture" of bureaucracies are examples of deep spaces. To apply another term, shallow is information-rich; deep is information-poor. The chief distinction between deep and shallow spaces is the number and character of mobility barriers. In Jacobs' (1961) ideal neighbourhood, shallow space is primary. Diversity, visibility, and exploration are the qualities of the vibrant life of the streetcar suburb sidewalk. There are few barriers to mobility, spatial or social; street life is an open system. Activity is selforganizing, even though it may appear a kaliedoscope. The automobile suburb, of which Radnor was a precursor, is founded on deep space. Uniformity, privacy, security from intruders are its main qualities (Louv 1983). There are many barriers to mobility; daily life is a composite of closed systems connected by automobility. Activity is externally organized, and appears orderly, rational, efficient. This is appearance, as is evident in the reality of actual commuting. Master planning led to high densities of daytime occupancy in the CBD, accompanied by traffic congestion at peak periods. As noted before, 40% of total travel consists of work trips, which occur over a total of 4-5 hours (Meyer and Miller 1984). Densities of vehicles are 2-3 times their 24-hour mean. Since transportation planning focuses on the value of trip duration, the response was increasing road capacity, which in itself enabled automobility to increase: The ... basis for assigning a monetary value to travel time relates to the fact that time not spent in travel can be used for productive purposes in other activities. In the case of work, this assertion seems reasonable as long as a traveler is indifferent to travelling or working (Ibid., 36).  - 85 In the writer's view, the traveller is anything but indifferent to rush hour. Encasing onself twice daily in a metal missile requiring intense concentration to manoeuver without mishap, closely accompanied by large numbers of other metal missiles, all continuously belching toxins, is a stressful experience having nothing in common with relaxed exploration of the landscape or rationality. Given that modernist forms and their fortress derivates emphasize closed systems, deep spaces, segregated city configurations, it follows that ensuing stresses revolve around isolation, anxiety, and a compartmentalized existence. The previous section emphasized stresses arising between segregated groups. However, there are different stresses arising from segregation within spaces. One characteristic of North American cities is that different functional regions are occupied at some times, and nearly vacant at others. Workplaces are typically occupied during the day, and empty at night. Bedroom suburbs have the reverse pattern. Shopping centres, parking lots, and freeways exhibit similar temporal variability. In deep spaces, all occupants have privacy, whether their prescence is legitimate or not. Once penetrated, these spaces are vulnerable to crime. The barrier of visibility is removed. During the 1970s, daylight burglary, parking lot robbery, and freeway shootings emerged as innovations in urban violence. Louv (1983) chronicles increasing incidence of American suburbs turning into fortresses. Davis (1990, 223) paints Los Angeles as a city "where the defence of luxury lifestyles is translated into a proliferation of new repressions in space and movement, undergirded by the ubiquitous 'armed response'". Automobile suburbs were designed on the assumption that a primary caregiver would be home during the day. A problems in two-worker households is care for preschool children during working hours, since the school day ends before the work day. Two outcomes are 'day care kids', whose lives are institutionalized and compartmentalized from an early age, and 'latch key kids', who are exposed to many dangers, e.g. household accidents and sexual predators. These problems are most acute for children with single parents (Hultsch and Deutsch 1981). In automobile suburbs, there is no room for those who have difficulty driving, or those who require high density, low-rise housing. Many seniors have gravitated to inner city neighbourhoods (Ley 1983) and 'retirement villages' (Louv 1983), where there is not only less opportunity for grandparenting, but  - 86 also greater exposure to violent and particularly fraudulent crime. In sum, the segregated city is vulnerable to a variety of social stresses arising from dispersion and prevalent deep spaces: commuting stress, weakened bonds of kinship, increased exposure to violent crime, particularly among children and seniors, those most vulnerable. Another way of saying this is that segregation in the city weakens social cohesion, and enables social violence. Emergent city forms, including the physical infrastructure of workplaces, emphasize openness, shallow spaces, plurality. However, since buildings last, the evolution of city form has lagged behind the evolution of culture. Accordingly, the new forms are neither as frequently seen nor as obvious, and consist mainly of either conceptual plans, e.g. Calthorpe's (1989) 'pedestrian pocket', or improvisations on existing form. During the 1970s, partly in response to pressing demands for affordable housing for young families, European row housing was imported to North America. This mid-density form typically has capacity for 150 persons per hectare, compared to 50 for single-family dwellings and 400 for high-rise apartments (Hodge 1986). Its introduction, and possibly a key reason for its popularity, occurred at a time when household size was falling. Eventually, subdivisions arose with both mid- and high-density forms, particularly in inner city areas where low-income housing to re-house the displaced is prerequisite in comprehensive development plans. In some areas, low- and middensity combinations are appearing in close proximity to high-density areas. The emergent form is that of mixed housing, where families, singles, the young and seniors are able to live in proximity once again (Ibid.). At the same time, commercial and industrial premises are being blended together. During the 1960s, city centre industrial plants began relocating to the suburbs for several reasons: expansion of CBD office areas, replacement of rail by truck as the modal form of goods movement, and cheaper land costs. The 1970s oil shocks made shorter work trips a priority (Bleviss 1990), which accelerated this process. Site planning on an 'exception' basis evolved into planned industrial parks, where manufacturing and warehousing were accommodated in one area  (Hodge 1986). In time, industrial research and producer services (Hardwick 1990) located there to be close to customers and employees' homes. Another rising phenomenon by the 1980s was that of "edge cities" (Garreau  - 87 1991), where offices rejoin suburban retail space at points of access most convenient to residents, i.e. the most frequented junctions of freeways: Edge Cities represent the third wave of our lives pushing into new frontiers ... First, we moved our homes out past the traditional idea of what constituted a city. This was the suburbanization of America ... Then we wearied of returning downtown for the necessities of life, so we move our marketplaces out to where we lived. This was the mailing of America... Today, we have moved our means of creating wealth, the essence of urbanism-our jobsout to where most of us have lived and shopped for two generations. Garreau's inventory of Edge Cities is persuasive that this is an emergent form. However, it does not address the problems of automobility, although it enables suburban propinquity. The writer is not convinced that Edge Cities are sustainable, in view of the biophysical problems reviewed below. Current models to re-establish human powered transportation as a viable mode on city streets emulate planning experience in Europe, where automobility is less entrenched. Strategies such as 'traffic calming', combining physical barriers with radical changes in rights of way, have had notable success (Schweig 1990). One prerequisite is that pedestrianisation and space sharing are accepted as goals; another is that alternate routes for displaced traffic are found, since goods still must be delivered (Hopkinson et al. 1989). A technical problem in North America is that non-automobile work trips are not counted as 'work trips' (Black 1990), which illustrates bureaucracy perpetuating its own preconceptions. An emergent concept is that of town centres, where the core-focused radially organized model evolves into a multi-focused complex of networks where public space and human powered transportation are reasserted as goals. Since this incorporates natural ecosystem considerations, discussion is deferred to the following chapter. The main argument of the foregoing is that shallow public space is a necessary condition for intersubjective communication in cities, and that single-use applications in cities (such as parks, school playgrounds and automobile transportation networks) are deep spaces that promote efficient use at the expense of intersubjective use. The outcome is in fact perpetuation of isolation rather than its amelioration (cf. Jacobs 1961, Relph 1987). The foregoing has explored some implications flowing from master planning and the segregated city, in terms of the effects of space on society, specifically on intersubjective life. An overemphasis on monolithic form, transspatial networks and social monocultures largely subsumes the participatory paralysis and  - 88 social fragmentation archetypes of the Little King era. Emerging postmodern forms signal increasing value on variability, shallow space, and personal communication. To this writer, this is more than a mere 'sea-change' (Harvey 1989a). It is part of a transition away from machine-centred or technocratic urban form, and towards a complex 'beady ring' or multi-centred city-as-living-system, where the focus is closer to Lynch's (1960, 157) vision of the city as "the habitat of many groups". Energy is being directed to his challenge that "only with a differentiated understanding of group and individual images and their interrelations can an environment be constructed that will be satisfying to all". 3.3 URBAN ECOSYSTEMS AND AUTOMOBILITY This chapter has focused on cities as complex living systems, with emphasis on the needs of humans as individuals as opposed to the needs of their institutions and infrastructures. This section outlines distinctions between sociosystems and the life support system that envelops them. Comment is made on the emergent ethic of care. It is argued that two shortcomings of North American society have been failure to conserve non-renewable energy, and failure to monitor the long-term effects of fossil fuel monoculture. The biosphere stress of interest in this study is the effect of automobility on air quality. Implications of air pollution at various scales are briefly discussed. Two important distinctions arise in comparing the biosphere to human activity in a systemic perspective. First, biosystems have no psychological, social or technical subsystems. Perceptions, intentions and goal-directed activity are absent. Assigning a female persona to nature and connecting this to past abuses (Merchant 1989) may be useful in encouraging gender equity and an ethic of care (King 1991), but is metaphysical. The biosphere is neither feminine nor passive nor capable of care. In common with all systems, it self-organizes by matter and energy exchange, with alternating periods of stability and bifurcation. Second, there is only one biosphere. Most adverse effects of human activity, and potential irreversible adaptations beyond the capacity of biosystems to preserve life, are global over long periods (Clark 1985). At that scale, our relationship to the biosphere is one of dependency (Reed and Slaymaker 1993). Humans have an excellent reason to exercise their capacity for care regardless  - 89 of nature's incapacity to reciprocate: survival. This is not to say other motivations, e.g. empathy for other life forms, are unimportant. Indeed, the failure of Western societies to exercise care towards the biosphere is rooted in a pervasive ethic that survival is the only 'natural' value. From this, and the Judeo-Christian tradition that humans have an immortal soul and are therefore supra-natural (Dobzhansky 1967, cf. Laszlo 1987), arose the notion that economy, the transformation of nature, is the primary measure of human development. Two 20th century manifestations of this value system are scientific management and master planning. Reed and Slaymaker (1993) posit a human-biosystem relationship of stewardship at local scale, noting the Judeo-Christian traditions of human accountability to the will of God for the state of nature, essentially a relationship of trust and not ownership (cf. Morehouse 1989). At local scale "a person as an individual can have an increasingly important impact on the environment" (10). As persons-in-community (Daly and Cobb 1989), we exercise choices. The biosystem ethos centres on maintaining common property (Bromley 1992). The implications of changes in energy supply on the fossil fuel monoculture of North America have been advanced as a significant change agent in both work culture and urban form. In the foregoing sections, this has been characterized as primarily a supply problem. One difficulty in dependence on fossil fuels for energy is that increased consumption creates expectations that petroleum-driven urban systems are somehow the natural order (human ingenuity discovers resource hidden by bountiful Nature). This is non-sustainable on grounds of supply alone. Global oil stock is finite in the long run and unevenly distributed (Sierra Club 1981). Schumacher (1973) raises the point that developing countries are only beginning to become oil-dependent. Bringing their levels of consumption up to those of developed regions would in his estimate result in a four-fold increase in demand, with corresponding magnification of the uncertainty of supply. The second difficulty with reliance on fossil fuels is that the energy production process pollutes the biosphere. Energy is derived from hydrocarbons by breaking carbon bonds through combustion. All products except water are toxic; carbon monoxide and dioxide, volatile organic compounds (VOC), nitrogen oxides (NO.), sulphur dioxide, and particulates. At micro scale, VOC and NOx  - 90 react in sunlight to produce ground-level ozone. The resulting admixture, under the right conditions, becomes photochemical smog. While smog is rarely fatal, it irritates tissue and reduces respiratory efficiency. Long-term exposure retards growth, shortens life-span, and acts as a constant stressor on city dwellers, including plants and animals resident in cities (Dickinson 1986). At intermediate scale, sulphur dioxide and particulates combine with water vapour to form an acid solution. Given sufficient concentrations, precipitation pH can be reduced to the 'acid rain' threshold. Long exposure causes morbidity and mortality in vegetation, and indirectly via consumption, in animal communities. Food is contaminated or destroyed and habitats disturbed (Holdren 1981). At global scale, burning and destruction of vegetation (which absorbs CO 2 in photosynthesis) increase the atomospheric level of carbon dioxide. While the effects of these increases are not known yet, there is substantial evidence supporting the hypothesis that "the rise since the industrial revolution can be attributed to release of CO 2 associated with the combustion of fossil fuels" (McElroy 1986, 209). Climatic models suggest eventual global warming leading to irreversible change, possibly beyond the capacity of ecosystems to adapt. Holdren (1981, 101) describes this hazard as one of "unpredictable distribution and timing but possibly catastrophic total impact. Highly resistant to technological fixes". This implies a 'critical mass' which is currently unknown. Although fuel efficiencies have been improved, i.e. waste products reduced in volume, there is no practical technology to isolate atmospheric oxygen for combustion or remove the impurities from motive fuels. Even if this could be done, ideal combustion still would emit CO 2 at environmentally hazardous levels. Air pollution is essentially a common property problem, in a sense one of public space. Where economies of scale in production and efficiencies of infrastructure in city form are both predicated on continuing cheap energy use, the outcome of dependence on fossil fuels is yet another 'deep space', with characteristic emphasis on uniformity in use, privacy in consumption, and security of supply. Individuals are aware of the problem, but diffusion of responsibility to a global scale (cf. Rees 1991) and the perception of an extra-local locus of control makes finding solutions someone else's problem. Where hydroelectricity is plentiful, as in North America, there has been  - 91 widespread use of electric heating in new construction since the 1970s. The problem in transportation is one of developing vehicles powered by electricity. While efforts are in process to bring such automobiles into production, technological development from concept to production is a lengthly process. Given the 'critical CO 2 mass' is unknown, a conservative attitude is indicated. Action now with available resources seems the best course, in the writer's view. 3.4 ECOLOGICAL STRESSES ARISING FROM URBAN LAND USE AND TRANSPORTATION Stress is argued to arise where individual values do not match the structure of institutions and infrastructures. In urban land use and transportation, concepts valued include those economic (stability and growth, variability and development), political (maximization and trust, optimization and consensus), cultural (functionality and aesthetic value, privacy and communality) and technical (parsimony and elegance of form, efficiency and ease of goods and people movement, deep and shallow space, ecosystem viability). As in work culture, all are necessary to the achievement of human goals, in particular an emergent ethic of care towards the city and its inhabitants as a living system. Hierarchical planning process and monocultural urban form have become an established feature of the North American landscape. Such systems of urban land use and transportation place excessive emphasis on some of these values (e.g. stability and growth, maximization and trust in expert authority, functionality, privacy, economy of form, efficiency of infrastructure). The outcome has been a segregated city, with a pervasive tendency towards transspatial networks and deep spaces. The effects are reduced ecosystem quality and loss of cohesion. Specific stresses include rush hour commuting, air pollution, increased risk of automobile accidents, manipulative and controlled marketplaces, inter-group conflicts, isolation of family members, restricted opportunities for social interaction, increased crime and social deviance, and participatory paralysis. Emergent forms emphasize variability and development, optimization and consensus, communality, ease of movement, shallow space, and ecosystem sustainability. However, infrastructures are long-term investments of materials and energy. Accordingly, the operative principles of implementing the Caring Conserver values are centred on improvisation, retrofitting, and flexibility.  - 92 3.5 NOTES 1 One of the difficulties with the new town approach is that one institution, an enterprise, of necessity becomes the political as well as economic authority, with no counterbalancing polity to regulate its excesses. The abuses of workers in 'company towns' in North America are well chronicled in Abella and Millar (1978). 2 Relph adds that the planner of Radburn, Clarence Stein, was also the planner of "the company town of Kitimat in British Columbia in the 1950s", where "the contractors so little understood [the Radburn principle] that they simply ignored the blueprints and turned many of the houses to face the road and back on the [central] park in the conventional way" (Ibid.). Richardson (1986, 38) in an empirical study, agrees with this assessment and further remarks "While the internal 'greenway' or park belt is well-used, the connecting footpaths running between the rows of houses have mainly degenerated into mud tracks littered with garbage cans and junk". 3 In parallel, the North American automobile industry was encumbered by huge investments in plant designed to produce 'gas guzzlers'. Flexibility in automobile production suddenly became a priority, as did finding alternative sources of energy supply. The auto industry, a major employer, by the 1980s was reeling from combined obsolescent plant and foreign competition, mainly from Germany, Sweden and Japan (countries importing all their oil) who were producing more efficient vehicles of equal and then better quality (Renner 1988). In terms of both fuel supply and lost employment, the costs of maintaining aggregate mobility in cities began to skyrocket.  CHAPTER 4 GREATER VANCOUVER  The study area is the Greater Vancouver Regional District (GVRD), Canada, an urban regional government comprising 18 municipalities, centred on Vancouver and occupying a most of the lower Fraser Valley. In the 1970s, the GVRD embarked on a major planning process to deal with population and economic growth called the "Livable Region" (GVRD 1976). Policies were initiated dealing with the locational distribution of work and residence that have implications on this study. The general characteristics of the study area are outlined in this chapter from historical and physical ecosystem points of view. One element of the Livable Region plan, the Regional Town Centre strategy, was the basis for a multi-centred city model. This is reviewed critically, along with others related to transit improvements, mode choice change, and air quality. Comment is made on the scope and process of planning salient to community based workstyle. Using livability concepts is a viable basis for relieving many urban ecosystem stresses within redefined community goals, given due regard for workstyle and residence values. 4.1 HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENT AND GENERAL CHARACTER Prior to 1965, the study area was a port-oriented, core-focused and radially organized city that had been provided with bylaw structure in 1931 based on the master planning of the 1920s (Hardwick 1974, Bottomley 1977). Exogenous factors influencing its development include its changing relative location in the Pacific Rim. Its character as an urban ecosystem changed after 1965 as it became more dispersed, more segregated, and more dependent on automobility. The region owes its status to the selection of Vancouver as western terminus of the Canadian Pacific Railway in 1885. Major developmental events of the region prior to 1965 show periods of stability and bifurcation, consistent with the systemic view of cities as living systems. The overall pattern of change echoes that of other western North American cities of like developmental history. - 93 -  - 94 -  Table 4.1 Stability and bifurcation in the GVRD: 1875 to 1965  Period  Status  Population  Events Triggering Change *  1875-1884  stability  ca.^3,000  isolated lumbering-milling villages  1884-1890  bifurcation  ca.^20,000  (e) location of CPR terminus  1890-1905  stability  ca. 30,000  (e) series of recessions (t) interurban railway and streetcars started; several reorganizations  1905-1913  bifurcation  100,000  (e) western immigration at its peak - demand for building products (i) building the city itself: industry concentrated in False Creek (t) interurban and streetcars linked  1913-1920  stability  120,000  (e) end of western immigration and start of World War I  1920-1925  bifurcation  220,000  (e) civilian economy resumed - Panama Canal opening led to increased interest in Vancouver as a port  1925-1929  stability  300,000  (i) steady growth and infilling: first city plan by Bartholomew, 1928  1929-1932  bifurcation  340,000  (e) start of the Great Depression  1932-1945  stability  480,000  (e) World War II - production in formerly abandoned factories  1945-1950  bifurcation  560,000  (e) end of war - start of baby boom (t) beginning of automobile age: urban expansion mopped up by infilling  1950-1965  stability  790,000  (e) rapid expansion of economy after (i) GVRD established 1965 (t) baby boomers' demand for housing led to suburban breakout  (e) = external event;  (i)^= internal event; (t) = mode change  Adapted From: Robinson and Hardwick (1973), Hardwick (1974)  Population figures including those of suburban areas are placed alongside significant events in the evolution of the region, with the greatest growth and most dramatic infrastructural changes occuring during periods of bifurcation. External events generally follow the pattern outlined in sec. 2.1 (the North American context) with variations for Canadian experience [see chap. 2,. n. 6). The Colossus era is signalled by the building of the CPR, the wave of western  - 95 immigration that led to greater demand for forest products and expansion of both primary and secondary industry in the study area. Its end was marked by the Great Depression. The Little King era blossomed during the postwar baby boom and the expansion of the economy after a late 1950s recession. Changes in transportation are associated with the introduction of streetcars and and automobiles, with accompanying networks of arterial roads, bridges, and freeways. These enabled changes in overall size [potential city area is proportional to the square of the radius of a work trip by the fastest mode available]. A path parallel to other North American cities is discernible, except automobility peaked later in Canada than the U.S., and in Vancouver later than Toronto or Montreal. This was a significant and fortunate circumstance. Three internal events are most significant. Expansion in forest products activity was coupled with the construction of the city itself. The periods of most rapid growth (1905-1929, 1950-1974) concluded with changes in the scope and nature of governance. Amalgamation of the separate city governments of Vancouver, Point Grey and South Vancouver was accompanied by Harlan Bartholomew's city plan in 1928. The GVRD emerged in 1965 as successor to the Lower Mainland Regional Planning Board, with added statutory authority at the regional level. Bartholomew's master plan centred on a thirty-year forecast to 1960. It forecast a population of one million by that date, including Burnaby and New Westminster, and advanced a core-focused radially organized model, as exhibited in Figure 4.1 below, based on transportation by streetcar and automobile. North Vancouver, Richmond, Coquitlam and Surrey were forecast to remain outlying communities. Industry was to be centred on Burrard Inlet and False Creek, with subsidiary centres on the north arm of the Fraser at New Westminster and Marpole. From this plan, the original Zoning Bylaw was prepared in 1931. Bartholomew's plan correctly forecast the area within which the city was contained by 1960, i.e. it was used as the basis for policies implemented, although the actual population at that time was about 700,000. It also correctly predicted that 70% of residences would be single-family dwellings. However, by the time the GVRD's population actually reached 1,000,000, around 1972, development of the supposed outlying communities was in full flower, and the GVRD was required to render the scope of governance consistent with the region's size.  GREATER  VANCOUVER BRITISH COLUMBIA VANCOUVER TOWN PLANNING COMMISSION I^9^L^a SCALE Ix Aar  PRESENT TIME-ZONES  N:7TE• ZONES SNOW COMBINED--WALKING 6-CAR_TIME REQUIRED FOR TRIPS FROM THE GENERAL POST °PEI< AT GR.ANVILLE^HASTINGS. TO ALL PARTS OF-GREATER_ VANCOUVER-. WALKING DISTANCE COMPUTED AT THREE MILES PER HOUR-  LE-GE-ND STREET CAR. LINES ELLS LINES  WALKING • SCALE-  HARLAND BARTHOLOMEW G - ASSOCIATES TOWN PLANNING CONSULTANTS  _J Plate 20  Page 98  Figure 4.1 Bartholomew's plan for Greater Vancouver: core-focused spatial configuration Source: Vancouver Town Planning Commission (1928), p. 98  - 97 The Bartholomew plan failed to foresee many post-war urban developments. It assumed 2 1/2- storey dwellings on 3600-4800 sq. ft. lots. Houses in the 1950s were typically one-storey on 6000 sq. ft. lots, and by 1970, on 8,000 sq. ft. lots. Six stories was seen as maximum height for apartments and commercial buildings. By the 1960s, 20-storey high-rises were common, with commensurate demands for parking and services. Streetcars were forecast to continue as modal form of transportation. The explosion of automobility in the 1960s was not predicted, nor the concomitant decline in use of public transit. The exodus of industry from the city centre to the suburban periphery, following expansion to the automobile suburbs, was another master planning 'surprise'. Following the establishment of the GVRD in 1965, the downtown remained an important business centre. This was a significant factor in the mid-1980s boom, related to the of devolving some quaternary functions from central Canada to Vancouver. An Asia-Pacific Initiative was signed in 1986 to "enhance ... Vancouver as Canada's Pacific Centre for trade, commerce and travel" (Edgington and Goldberg 1992, 7-2). Another set of linkages based on cultural exchange influenced the character of the region. Immigration from China and other Asian countries and also increasing tourist travel are identified as factors, along with the Pacific 2000 strategy, which includes language teacher training; Asia-Pacific research; international education; trade and investment promotion; and greater support for tourism ... significant gains should result for enhanced trade and investment between Canada and Asia (Edgington and Goldberg 1992, 7-16 - 7-17). The attraction of cultural diversity is important to city development. Gottmann and Harper (1990) trace the descriptor 'cosmopolitan' from its traditional sense of a city exerting influence on other regions to its emergent sense of a city as a system open to a wide range of knowledge, lifestyles, and linkages with other regions. Hutton and Davis (1991, 54) see diversity as enhancing "social or human capital", defined as "embodied skills, education, culture and entrepreneurship", an indicator of sustainability in the sense of increasing capacity for renewal. The GVRD is a culturally diverse region. Statistics Canada (1993c) indicates 26% of its residents report languages other than English as their mother tongue, with Chinese (8%) and Punjabi (3%) as the largest sub-groups. Ley et al. (1992) note "less than 6 per cent were described by the 1961 census as non-  - 98 Europeans". Edgington and Goldberg (1992) identify this diversity as significant in making connections with Pacific Rim nations, notably Hong Kong and Japan, in trade, education and community relations. Maintaining cultural diversity has challenges, e.g. expanded educational resources (Hutton and Davis 1991), and persistent discrimination (Ley et al. 1992). While it does not guarantee smoothly functioning cities (cf. Davis 1990 on Los Angeles), a cosmopolitan city is more developed in Jacobs' (1984) sense of forging diverse regional linkages. Two groups of endogenous change agents are salient. First is a focus on information and service-based work. Although this trend has been general in North America, the activity matrix of some cities is more conducive to growth in this sector than others. Second is a spatial and physical configuration that  Table 4.2^Sectoral distribution of employment:^Canada, B.C., GVRD (percentage of labour force)  EMPLOYMENT SECTOR  CANADA 1971  GVRD  BRITISH COLUMBIA  1^1991  1971  I^1991  1971  I^1991*  Tertiary-Quaternary Professional and technical  12.8  16.0  12.0  15.1  11.8  18.2  Managerial and administrative  10.2  14.3  8.9  11.4  10.1  13.4  Sales  8.8  9.2  9.8  10.2  10.0  11.3  Clerical  17.4  18.1  17.0  18.0  18.7  20.6  Service  15.7  18.1  17.9  18.5  14.6  17.6  Primary-Secondary Crafts and trades  11.6  8.9  11.8  9.1  10.5  10.2  Machine operatives  14.9  10.8  15.5  10.6  13.3  7.6  Unskilled  4.7  4.4  5.5  5.0  3.8  2.5  Note:^* - 1991 figures not yet published; projections based on 1986 figures adjusted at 1991/1986 ratio for B.C. Adapted from:^Statistics Canada 1974a, 1974b, 1988, 1993a  - 99 encourages reduction of dependence on automobility. A focus on information-based work is illustrated by census data on sectoral distribution of occupations for Canada, British Columbia, and the GVRD. Table 4.2 above indicates the GVRD is well above the national and provincial percentages for tertiary and quaternary activity. Hutton and Davis (1991) rank the Vancouver CMA fifth in terms of this type of activity: ahead of Toronto and Montreal; behind Ottawa-Hull, Quebec, and Halifax, smaller cities whose primary function is government, and Calgary, the centre of the petrochemical industry in Canada. Three conditions in the GVRD physical ecosystem are argued to contribute to or enable reducing dependence on automobility. One feature is the constrained land base of the Lower Mainland region, which is bordered on the north by mountains, on the west by the Georgia Strait, and on the south by the U.S. border [Figure 1.1]. Land available for human occupation forms a funnel-shaped region about 70 km. on its axis, with its apex at Abbotsford. Much of the unoccupied area is Class I and II agricultural land, upon which the province has restricted development since the early 1970s. These constraints intensify population growth pressure into a limited area suitable for development, and reduce the attractiveness of automobility. Urban sprawl, which is predicated on high aggregate mobility, is less feasible if there is little room for expansion. A key issue related to planning is the acceptability of a tradeoff between higher density housing and less automobility. Attitudes towards this question are tested in this study. The second physical ecosystem condition that encourages alternatives to automobility is related to the region's topography and climate. Steyn et al. (1992, 268) identify the GVRD as subject to episodic local air pollution: Vancouver and the surrounding Lower Fraser Valley are afflicted by the ozone pollution found in many large, mid-latitude coastal cities, most notably Los Angeles, Athens, and Tokyo. Vancouver is considerably less industrial-ized and has a significantly smaller population than those cities, but the particular combination of meteorology, topography and emissions in the Lower Fraser Valley considerably exacerbates the air pollution problem. They cite 1980s data from the Air Quality authority of the GVRD as indicating "the maximum tolerable hourly average concentration (150 ppb) was exceeded an average of four times per year ... the maximum acceptable hourly average concentration (80 ppb) was exceeded an average of 160 times... These figures ... indicate that the air we breathe is significantly polluted" (Ibid., 269-270).  - 100 The salient phenomenon is photochemical smog [p. 90], which is chiefly caused by automobile emissions (City of Vancouver 1990). The community is made aware of this issue by daily air quality reports. Alternatives advanced include greater use of public transit enforced by priority traffic lanes (Vancouver Sun, 1993a), expansion of rapid transit (Ibid., 1993c) and telecommuting (Ibid., 1993b). The absence of freeways adjacent to the city centre is almost a singularity in North American cities of equivalent or greater size. When coupled with the location of the GVRD largely on the Fraser River delta (Hardwick 1974), this means an urban configuration where there are many impediments to automobility, and suggests a different pattern of land use and mobility. Figure 4.2 maps the 16 bridge connections in the region, which tend to slow traffic.  Figure 4.2 Bridge Crossings in the GVRD  IMN bridge or tunnel  (base map courtesy of Geographic Information Centre, The University of British Columbia)  - 101 The foregoing provides non-systematic evidence that the precursors to wider implementation of flexible workstyle are in place. The economy is both diversified and focused on information-based work. Cultural diversity means a city with many linkages to other regions. Physical constraints provide inducements to reduce dependence on automobility. 4.2 WORK CULTURE, ORGANIZATIONS, AND THE MULTI-CENTRED CITY In this section, the focus shifts to the work of organizations in the study area. The capacity for flexible workstyle is constrained by their locational needs and those of the community. Since 1991 census data are not yet available for metropolitan areas, the primary source is Contacts Influential, a local business directory, which is a large sample of organizations (although not statistically tested as representative), in the writer's experience widely used by GVRD firms. Evidence is then presented indicating a generally favourable attitude towards flexibility in work culture, particularly towards community-based work. A brief review is made of the evolution of the GVRD from a core-focused city to a multi-centred urban region. This provides a foundation for the spatial model underlying measurement of workplace-home separation in this study, and also a framework for examining evidence of changing organizational location. 4.2.1 SECTORAL SHIFTS IN ORGANIZATIONS The following analysis of GVRD firms provides evidence of relative growth in economic sectors, and brings out comparisons between the sectoral distribution of organizations and occupations. Table 4.4 overleaf indicates that as a whole, both the proportion of firms and of workers in the goods-producing sector has declined, and that of the service and information sectors has increased. The proportion of organizations engaged in information-based work has increased from 26.9% to 29.1%, and employment in those organizations from 26.3% to 35.6% of the work force, during the period 1981 - 1991. Steepest declines in goods- producing employment were in manufacturing, constuction and transportation. Table 4.5 on p. 103 develops growth/decline indices over the same ten year period. Where the difference between growth or decline in number of firms and in percentage of work force is less than 15%, the sector is (arbitrarily) taken to  - 102 -  Table 4.4^GVRD organizations by economic sector, 1981 and 1992 TOTAL NUMBER OF FIRMS  SECTOR AS A % OF TOTAL FIRMS  PERCENTAGE OF WORK FORCE *  1981  1991  1981  1991  1981  I^1991  800  1,400  2.0  2.3  1.6  1.6  Manufacturing  4,600  5,500  10.9  9.4  17.4  13.0  Construction  2,700  3,100  6.3  5.4  5.1  3.5  Transportation and Utilities  1,900  2,700  4.4  4.6  9.8  7.8  Wholesale and Retail Trade  13,500  17,600  32.1  30.2  27.0  25.2  GOODS PRODUCING AND DISTRIBUTING  23,500  30,300  55.7  51.9  60.9  51.1  7,400  11,000  17.4  19.0  12.8  13.3  100  100  0.2  0.1  0.1  0.1  Education  1,000  1,200  2.3  2.0  5.5  6.1  Finance, insurance and real estate  3,400  4,400  8.1  7.6  7.7  8.2  Health care  2,700  4,200  6.3  7.2  5.4  6.4  700  900  1.7  1.5  1.2  1.3  Other professions  1,700  2,900  4.0  5.0  1.6  3.8  Advocacy groups (NG0s)  1,100  2,000  2.6  5.4  0.8  2.3  700  1,300  1.7  2.3  4.0  7.4  18,800  28,000^144.3  48.1  39.1  48.9  42,300  58,300  ECONOMIC SECTOR Agriculture, Forestry Fishing and Mining  Hospitality, personal and business services INFORMATION-BASED WORK: Creative Arts  Legal  Public Administration SERVICE AND INFORMATION TOTAL  * -^using weighted average of ranges of numbers of employees per firm' Source: Contacts Target Marketing 1982, 1992  - 103 -  Table 4.5^GVRD organizations: sector and mean size changes (1991 as a percentage of 1981) ECONOMIC SECTOR  FIRM SIZE TREND  NUMBER OF FIRMS  WORK FORCE  115  100  declining  Manufacturing  90  75  declining  Construction  86  69  declining  105  80  declining  Wholesale and Retail Trade  94  93  stable  GOODS PRODUCING AND DISTRIBUTING  93  84  stable  109  104  stable  Creative Arts  50  100  stable *  Education  87  111  rising  Finance, insurance and real estate  94  111  rising  114  119  rising  88  108  rising  Other professions  125  238  rising  Advocacy groups (NG0s)  131  288  rising  Public Administration  135  185  rising  SERVICE AND INFORMATION  109  125  rising  Agriculture, Forestry Fishing and Mining  Transportation and Utilities  Hospitality, personal and business services INFORMATION-BASED WORK  Health care Legal  * - taken as stable since absolute numbers less than 1% of total Source:^Contacts Target Marketing 1982, 1992  be stable in terms of imputed trend in mean firm size by employees. Both exhibits suggest not only that the service and information sector is growing, but also that the mean size of firm has become larger over the ten-year period. The fastest growing sectors are non-government organizations, other  - 104 professions (consulting) and public administration. In terms of Mintzburg's ontogeny, this suggests that quaternary firms are maturing, i.e. proceeding beyond simple forms of organization [p. 64). In terms of Jacobs' rationale, these are the focus of new and import-replacing work. Some new work in this context relates to reconciling values and institutional policy, as argued previously. Although the sample cannot be claimed as representative, it provides strong descriptive support for arguments concerning sectoral change. Work is becoming more information and service-based. It follows from this that there are more opportunities for application of flexible workstyle alternatives, particularly those involving changes in hours and location. 4.2.2 FLEXIBLE WORK IN THE GVRD In the above section, it was argued that there is a substantial proportion of organizations and individuals that can move from centralized to flexible and decentralized work in the GVRD, given a suitable social environment. In this part, further anecdotal indications of the attitude of employers and community organizations towards flexible and community-based work are examined. The GVRD, with Wilbur Smith and Associates as consultants, prepared a policy study for the GVRD as an "initial step towards preparing the 'Livable Region Plan'", focusing on "broad evaluation of 'maximizing living close to work' in the Vancouver Region" (Smith and Associates 1973, 1). They identify advantages of this policy as reduced expenditure on transportation networks, reduced out-of-pocket travel costs, and reduced environmental impacts "air and water pollution, energy consumption, noise and barrier effects" (Ibid.). Given existing patterns of work and residence, "it is doubtful that the choice of living close to work can be provided to current regional residents" (Ibid., 2), but with extensive "redirection" of work location, there was potential for this policy. Recommendations included decentralizing public sector institutions, and tertiary sector incentives such as "public land assembly and site preparation ... providing businesses information regarding feasibility ... [and) downzoning of commercial areas in downtown Vancouver and Broadway" (Ibid., 3). Finlay (1991), using an econometric model, draws similar inferences for the study area, in particular infrastructure costs, based on telecommuting.  - 105 Feasibility does not imply viability. Finlay, for example, does not consider where the telecommuters will come from. Another aspect is attitude toward flexible workstyle. In a survey of innovative work arrangements, The Employers' Council of British Columbia (1980) examined a variety of forms of flexible work, including autonomous work groups, flex-time, and compressed work weeks, as mechanisms enabling increased productivity and job satisfaction. Based on a survey of existing programmes in a variety of firms and organizations, they concluded: Flextime has been found to be almost certain to increase morale among employees. Commuting problems are eased and the mesh between work life and family is supposedly improved. Flextime also appears to reduce stress and can add an element of variety to the working day ... an employer may have an easier time recruiting and turnover is probably somewhat lower. (Ibid., 34) Most employees were definitely happy with a compressed work week according to the ECBC survey. Some employees do not desire to work longer hours and can present a problem if they cannot be put on a regular work week schedule. A majority of employees in an office or plant should agree to a compressed work schedule before such a scheme is implemented (Ibid., 42). Opposition was identified as centred in middle managers, since "job redesign often deletes the need for front-line supervisors and may even reduce the need for middle management" (Ibid., 81); and unions, whose leaders "may [be concerned] ... over the possibility of increased management/employee co-operation undercutting the union's influence" (Ibid., 82). The second comment is speculative, since it implies intent. However, the survey as a whole supports the argument that flexible workstyle is favourably viewed by respondents (employers and employees). Given benefits to both individuals and organizations, what are the benefits to the community as a whole? The attitude of the community which has the most to lose economically from flexible workstyle in quaternary work is instructive. In a symposium on downtown Vancouver (City of Vancouver 1988, 1), whose participants were "heads ... of major downtown interest groups" the future of the CBD was discussed in workshop format. Participants called for changes to public space to reflect that the CBD has a multiplicity of public environments: correlated with the often-stated desire for a peopled and active downtown was the term "mixed use". This concept included the desire for a feeling of safety downtown at all hours. Mixed use was also seen as creating good residential neighbourhoods, with convenient access to the goods and services needed for everyday life (Ibid., 10). The development of human resource and technology policy is generally the responsibility of the provincial government. In the Report of the Steering Committee of the British Columbia Human Resource Development Project (1992), the  - 106 following comments illustrate the importance of 'skills-in-community' training: Balancing the need for world citizenship is the need and desire for local communities to take more control of their own futures. The devolution of responsibility to local communities by more senior levels ... is on the increase... educational implications of such patterns are significant (10). "Citizenship education" is advanced as a priority. In the writer's view, these skills have application at many scales, including organization-as-community. Moving work closer to home is seen as desirable. Many employers agree flexible workstyles reduce work culture stress in a range of activities, including quaternary work. Workplace mobility acts as a bridge between continuity in work and community life. CBD residents wish to expand its uses beyond offices, hotels and entertainment. The process seen as most conducive to development is based on including non-government organizations. A task force suggests resources be devoted to education in mediative participation. 4.2.3 LAND USE AND TRANSPORTATION: THE MULTI-CENTRED CITY In this part, evolution of a multi-centred city in the study area is outlined, partly as an outcome of public policy. The Livable Region plan (GVRD 1976) proposed four regional town centres: 'Metrotown' in Burnaby, downtown New Westminster, Whalley Centre in Surrey, and an undecided location in Coquitlam. Preconditions stated were mixed commercial use, with offices as major activity, and light rail rapid transit. The actual town centres were weighted in favour of retail space, and the ALRT was not completed until 1985. Two unplanned centres were also emerging: Richmond Centre and Lonsdale in North Vancouver. Criticisms of Regional Town Centres in recent research (e.g, Hutton and Davis 1991) focus on imputed reluctance of developers to follow the mixed use concept. The emergent spatial model of the GVRD advanced by the writer is exhibited in Figure 4.5 below. It is based on the 1990 Livable Region Strategy, with town centres and other areas mapped into five sectors: Vancouver as 'City Centre'; North and West Vancouver as 'North Shore' [segregated since it is separated from the CBD by bridges]; Burnaby, Richmond and New Westminster as the inner ring 'Suburbs 1'; Coquitlam, Port Coquitlam, Port Moody, Surrey and Delta as outer ring 'Suburbs 2'; and Maple Ridge, Cloverdale and Langley as peripheral 'Fraser Valley'. These sectors derive from Regional Town Centres as multiple cores.  - 107 -  Figure 4.3 GVRD spatial sectors and Regional Town Centres  VALLEY  N  A  * Regional Town Centre Post-Secondary 1,C Educational Institution  11111 Discovery Park 3. Major Industrial Park kflameirm  CANADA U.S.A.  Adapted from: GVRD 1990, 1993  Movement of workplaces from the CBD is demonstrated in Table 4.6 below, which compares 1981 and 1991 locations of all organizations with more than 100 employees  listed in Contacts Influential. Suburbs 2 and Fraser Valley figures  are combined, since the less than 4% of the firms are located in the latter region. An overall shift in organizational location towards the inner and outer suburban rings is evident. Sectors remaining centralized in the CBD are primary industry head offices; finance, insurance and real estate; the legal profession; education; and other professions (cf. Hutton and Ley 1987). The initiative to decentralize government offices is evidently in effect, although this trend may also parallel manufacturing following people to the suburbs. One outcome should be changes in work trip patterns, which is tested as part of this research.  - 108 -  Table 4.6^GVRD:^Location of organizations over 100 employees, 1981-1991  I ECONOMIC SECTOR  Organizations in this sector located in City Centre 1981  Suburbs 1  North Shore  1991 1981  Suburbs 2 / Fraser Valley  1991 1981 1991  1981  Total all Sectors  1991 1981 1991  Primary Industries  5  11*  -  -  -  -  -  2  5  13  Construction  5  1  1  1  7  4  4  4  17  10  Manufacturing  56  32  14  6  35  51  31  40  136  129  Transportation and Utilities  29  24  4  6  24  32  5  8  62  70  Wholesale and retail trade  36  37  4  9  23  51  8  25  71  122  Hospitality and Services  44  46  8  7  10  27  2  13  64  93  Finance, insurance and real estate  26  38  -  3  1  1  1  2  28  44  Health care  18  20  3  3  8  12  5  10  34  45  Legal  4  14  -  -  -  -  -  -  4  14  Education  5  16  1  1  7  12  3  6  16  35  15  22  1  3  -  4  -  1  16  30  6  7  -  -  1  3  1  -  8  10  17  30  5  9  6  19  11  19  39  77  266  298  41  48  122  216  71  130  500  692  53.2  43.1  8.2  6.9 24.4 31.2  14.2  18.8  Other Professions Non-government organizations Public Administration TOTAL COLUMN PERCENTAGE OF ALL SECTOR TOTAL  * - City Centre locations are head offices Adapted from:^Contacts Target Marketing 1982, 1992  - 109 4.3 REGIONAL TOWN CENTRES AND COMMUNITY BASED WORKSTYLE The policy initiatives and political process in the GVRD, in particular the Livable Region strategy, reflect progressive views and encourage sustainability. Difficulties have arisen in implementation, largely traceable to process. It is argued that changing physical infrastructure alone, without due regard for values in workstyle and residence, is insufficient to achieve this vision. The GVRD was created in 1965 as a system to co-ordinate government services in the region. It is loosely coupled when compared to other Metropolitan governments (e.g. Toronto). Funding is derived from member municipalities and contract services to other governments. Representation in the board is proportional to member population, and representatives are elected municipal officials. Hardwick (1974, 174) lists the GVRD functions as "capital financing, regional planning, community planning, contractual services, building regulation, public housing, hospital construction, water supply, sewage disposal, regional parks and air pollution". Some GVRD initiatives have been undertaken on an ad hoc basis, e.g. airport planning (GVRD 1976), collective bargaining with municipal employees (GVRD 1984; now a permanent function), and transportation policy (GVRD 1990). Its vision is the Livable Region plan. Hardwick (1974, 180) describes this as "a genuine attempt to involve the population-at-large in identifying issues and alternate futures for the region". Hodge (1986, 290) views it as promoting city form of the "central city with satellites" type, akin to Howard's Garden City. Richardson (1992, 163) calls it "one of the earliest attempts... at shaping an urban form more respectful of the environment" from a sustainability perspective. Edgington and Goldberg (1992, 7-18) note its focus on "decentralizing downtown work and cultural opportunities to regional centres", though they argue its multi-centred approach has been successful at only one centre, Metrotown. The writer's informal observations of Richmond and New Westminster over the last two years suggest these centres are catching up to Metrotown on those criteria. The Livable Region's stated policies are: "maintaining a healthy environment; conserving land resources; serving a changing population; maintaining the region's economic health; and managing our region" (GVRD 1990, 9). In all three  - 110 versions (1976, 1990, 1993), the problem statement is one of population growth vs. limited land base vs. environmental quality. This section focuses on three aspects: developing regional town centres [RTC], transportation to work, and air quality. Reviewing changes in priorities is instructive. Developing regional town centres is at the core of community-based workstyle. The impact on transportation is to reduce work trip length and enable greater use of human-powered modes. Qualities of RTCs proposed by the 1976 report include: mixed use retail, offices, and services; priority to pedestrian activity (shallow space); and initiatives to slow employment growth downtown. Firms targeted were "head offices of related industries", especially in finance, insurance and real estate. Preconditions included transit links to the centre by LRT and bus, but also "ease of automobile access", and nearby higher density housing. The 1976 report forecast only 2 or 3 RTCs would develop by 1986. The 1990 report considered the RTC initiative a "moderate success", but did not mention specifically progress in decentralizing office use. It noted "[RTCs] could benefit from increased provision of public amenities, educational institutions, and cultural facilities". The 1993 report called for: a renewed concept of regional town centres and regional cities, linked by high capacity transit service. Identify the regional roles of the centres and evaluate the concept of a region with two high-density cores, review design guidelines and development strategies for the regional centres ... further heighten emphasis on residential development and reduce commercial development [downtown] and through marketing appropriate employment locations such as regional town centres (14, Principles 19 and 20). The 1976 concept of attracting head offices did not take into account the interlocking nature of downtown functions (Hutton and Ley 1987). Developers in the RTCs built mega-malls (e.g. Metrotown, Whalley, Coquitlam Centre) or mega-residential projects (New Westminster), and did not provide adequate office space. These developments were effectively Edge City clones, in the writer's view. The ALRT was not extended to Surrey until 1989. Subsequently, efforts were made to realign developments to the original intent of the RTC strategy. The most successful RTC, Metrotown [which underlies the 1993 'two-centre' concept], also had hi-rise developments and three office towers by 1990. Nearby is the B.C. Institute of Technology, and one of three private research centres (Discovery Parks) in the region. The lesson to be learned is the attracting employers requires adequate support facilities and two-way communication, as  - 111 mentioned in the 1993 report, supplemented by a careful inventory of resources. The focus in transportation has been on changes of mode. Transit and road improvements were stressed in the 1976 report, which recommended the Seabus link to Lonsdale, suburban surface rail [ALRT was much more expensive] and articulated buses. It forecast automobiles would still account for 2/3 of all future work trips. The 1990 report centred more on priority lanes for carpools, and promoting walking and bicycling [these were also mentioned in 1976, but not given first priority]. Specific objectives were to double the number of bicycle commuters by 1995, and to fund these initiatives by increased motive fuel taxes [implemented in July 1993]. The 1993 report prioritizes modes, "Give priority to walking, cycling, transit and then the private auto", based on Transportation Demand Management [TDM], a "carrots and sticks" approach that includes requiring large employers to prepare plans to reduce employees' use of automobility and increasing parking charges throughout the region [implemented for downtown]. The writer sees three basic difficulties. Walking, cycling and transit all rely on higher density housing and a grid or near-grid layout: the first two since trip range is limited; the latter to be viable in terms of service levels. Walking also requires sidewalks, which are often absent in automobile-oriented suburban centres. Walking and cycling are more attractive and safer in summer, given roadways are shared with vehicles. Automobiles are also used to carry children and goods. Prioritized modes are less safe for the first use, and have limited capacity for the second. The concept of using human power is desirable, but successful implementation implies 'mixed use' transportation on a flexible basis, i.e no ideal end state, and appropriate infrastructure. The 1976 report recommended a network of 20 air quality monitoring stations in the region, which was implemented. The 1993 report mentions publishing daily air quality indices [this has been in effect since 1990]. Partly in response to the Vancouver Urban Futures Survey, and partly in response to the Vancouver Task Force on Air Quality report, Clouds of Change (1990), air quality was a key focus in the 1990 report. The target was reducing all emissions 50% by 2000 be means of cleaner fuels, emphasis on transit, and TDM. Dr. Douw Steyn (1993, per vide) advises that measurement of abatement is possible only using statistical models based on periodic inventories. Long lead  - 112 time is required to prepare estimates. While the goal is laudable, there is in effect noway to connect the outcome with the strategies proposed by measurement. The report also does not address goods transportation, which uses the most polluting fuel (diesel) and accounts for a large part of automobile use. The foregoing criticisms suggest changes in programming implementation are necessary. The first two plans focused on a 10-year forecasting window. The 1993 version presents a 32-year plan which in the writer's view is master planning in trendy clothing. What is needed is planning based on appropriate temporal and spatial scale. Individuals, community groups, research institutions and governments have roles (respectively) in designing neighbourhoods and activity centres; measuring valued items and outcomes of change; enabling and regulating activity. A networking approach led to innovative mixed-use communities in Vancouver in the 1970s (Hardwick 1992). What has been accomplished before can be achieved again. Planning based on adjustments to physical infrastructure without due regard for changes in values and behaviours related to work and residence is insufficient, in the writer's view. The foregoing suggests that study of mode choice and locational change should address questions of accounting for existing use patterns (e.g. downtown clustering) and examining impacts of change (e.g. multi-modal road networks, seasonal variations in use). Merely setting a goal (e.g. emissions reduction) without providing implementation and monitoring pathways defeats the purpose, which is to pragmatically serve community values. Carrots and sticks are not enough for planning beyond the short term. In this chapter, the study area has been examined briefly from the viewpoints of historical development, salient ecosystem characteristics, and recent planning initiatives. Descriptive and anecdotal evidence of its economic and cultural character suggests trends in work, land use and transportation that are comparable to the wider North American perspectives. In particular, its activity matrix is conducive to growth in tertiary and quaternary work, and its spatial and physical configuration encourages reducing dependence on automobility. Cultural diversity and linkages to other regions is another important developmental feature. Taken together, it is argued that the precursors to wider implementation of flexible workstyle are in place, including a generally favourable attitude towards decentralizing workplaces, i.e. moving work closer to home, as a  - 113 means of reducing work culture stress. Changes in organizational location, provide evidence of a trend away from the traditional core-focused radially organized urban configuration and towards a multi-centred city concept based on more heterogenous land use. Although no attempt is made to empirically link these changes with the Livable Region plan or Regional Town Centre strategy, it is plausible to postulate some interaction between the two. It is argued that while the latter is a genuine attempt by means of public policy to encourage sustainability in Greater Vancouver, some difficulties in implementation are evident, largely traceable to processes with lingering resemblances to the detailed central control of master planning. This chapter provides a context for the empirical portion of this study, which is centred on individual and household, as opposed to organizational, behaviours and attitudes. Little evidence is presented here at individual level, e.g. of the length of work trips or mode choices, because this is explored more extensively in the data bases. Chapters 4 and 6 are intended to be substantively complementary. In the next chapter, the research design, data bases and methods are set out. Links are made between the literature review, the three research assertions, and the broadly based, ecological approach forming the foundation for the analytical and inferential methods chosen. 4.4 NOTES 1^Ranges listed were 1-5, 6-10, 11-25, 26-50, 51-100, 101-250, 251-500 and over 500 employees. The percentages of firms having (a) less than 10 employees, (b) 11-100 employees, and (c) over 101 employees were, respectively, 83%, 16%, and 1% for all sectors in total for both years. The projected work forces were arrived at by multiplying the number of firms of each size range by the mean value in that range. Total projected work forces were 527,000 (1981) and 724,000 (1991), which are about 80% of the census figures for labour force (1981 = 691,000; 1991 = 1986 [757,000] plus 16% population increase = 878,000).  CHAPTER 5 RESEARCH DESIGN AND DATA BASES This chapter is divided into three parts. The overall design, data bases and methods are described and discussed in terms of research assertions, assessment criteria and applications. Then specific outcomes, measures and interactions are detailed. Finally, inferential methods employed are examined and the salient issue of appropriate precision in behavioural research explored. The overall research design is consistent with the systemic approach. A variety of mutually interactive factors arising from biophysical, psychological, social and technical systems is considered. Prime causes and ideal end states are rejected. Variables are posited as interdependent, i.e. neither independent nor dependent. This study seeks "not to obtain empirical generalizations; rather ...to develop an in-depth understanding" (England 1993, 227) of the potential for flexible workstyle to ameliorate work culture stress on urban ecosystems. As outlined in Chapter 1 and detailed below, the aims of this study are to identify the stresses, describe their interactions with demographic, attitudinal and behavioural characteristics of individuals, and examine respondent reports of changes in stress levels arising from the application of flexible workstyle. Identification is done primarily via literature. Interactions are described by crosstabulation, and grouped into two factorial models; workstyle and flexible workstyle, intended to provide an agenda for more detailed future research. For example, a problematic identified is the need for parents to provide child care while working. This is operationalized as subject perceptions of home and neighbourhood safety, and of the need to prioritize publicly-supported access to day care. The relative ranking of these issues among different family types [e.g. those with and without children) provides an ordinal attitudinal measure of the degree of work culture stress arising from this issue. At the same time, salient behavioural data [e.g. home location relative to work location) is crosstabulated by family type, and the patterns, if any, compared. It is expected that - 114 -  - 115 attitudes and behaviours are coherent. In this case, single parents are expected to assign high priorities to day care access, and minimize work trip duration. Since the stress factors are qualitatively different, no unitary scale of measurement is sought. As argued previously, attempts to arrive at such scales in social research are viewed as problematic. What results is a complex factorial mapping derived from data bases and designed to explore salient aspects of everyday life. This ecological approach does not seek to test some conventional narrowly-framed hypotheses. Rather, it seeks to ordinalize or rank factors [some, e.g. personality type, not employed in similar research] to aid future researchers in considering their normative assumptions and framing appropriate questions. The findings are also used to comment on existing programmes in the study area; however these comments are do not propose some social engineering recipie. Such an approach is also seen as problematic. Unlike many critical studies, however, this research advances constructive alternatives for further consideration. 5.1 OVERALL DESIGN: A MULTIFACTORIAL APPROACH There are three research assertions, each derived from literature reviewed and supported by survey indicators, case studies and field interviews. First, work culture stress varies with physical and technical [i.e infrastructural] factors; time-space separation of workplace from residence, land use and transportation configuration, and dependence on automobility. These are assessed by a mobility pattern, defined as a multifactorial origin-destination mapping which crosstabulates workstyle and work culture factors by trip duration, mode choice, and the number of sectoral boundaries crossed; and attitudes expressed towards urban issues focused on dependence on automobility. The latter is drawn from survey indicators and personal interviews. Biophysical and infrastructural ecosystem stressors (e.g. air pollution, traffic congestion, accidents) arising from the above factors are left on background. Evidence of their effects is drawn from literature alone. Second, work culture stress varies with psychological factors; age group, education, personality type: social factors; gender, family and occupational type: and technical (i.e. institutional) factors; level of authority, organizational culture, economic sector, workplace mobility, and functional job type.  - 116 The former are assessed by survey indicators of attitudes expressed towards salient political, economic and cultural urban issues. These together with some of the latter form the model of workstyle. Attitudes have implications for community based planning and job satisfaction. Job satisfaction, defined in this study as productivity of process [sec 2.2.2], is posited as arising from matching needs between: stage in family life cycle and workplace mobility; occupational status and functional job type; and personality type and organizational culture. The first two are evaluated based on survey indicators and personal interviews; the third on interviews only. The interviews explore these needs in some depth, including self-assessment of job demands, the work situation, and workplace setting. Third, some organizations and people are reducing work culture stress and improving job satisfaction by introducing flexible workstyle. This is chronicled by six case studies selected from literature, and four researched by the writer. Indicators used are perceptions of costs and benefits of the flexible workstyle employed by the organizations and willingness to continue engaging in existing and/or more extensive flexible work alternatives. The findings, which generally support these assertions, address some of the challenges from which the study context arises. Mobility pattern forms a framework for recommendations advanced concerning transportation and town centre planning in the GVRD and comments on the multi-centred city as an ecocentric urban design concept. Urban issue perceptions suggest increasing value placed on community based planning, an improved sense of community in neighbourhoods, and a concomitant decreasing value on automobility. Values at community level are argued to be isomorphic with those at organizational level. Assessments of political costs and benefits of flexible workstyle and urban issue perceptions are taken together as supporting more participative polity. Community-based planning is advanced as a set of programme objectives which can be applied to urban regions and are transformable for application to organizations-as-communities. Job satisfaction matchings lend support to this notion, and together with cultural cost and benefit perceptions, suggest guiding principles for implementing flexible workstyle. Finally, a typology of individual workstyles is developed from attitudinal  - 117 and job satisfaction indicators. This is of potential benefit to organizations in implementing flexible workstyle, to communities in assessing potential issues arising from flexible workstyle and participative process, and to individuals as an aid for accepting diversity in self and others. Figure 5.1 outlines interactions among the array of factors in a two-dimensional representation of multi-dimensional space. The criteria for evaluation  Figure 5.1 Overview of component measures and their interactions:  SPATIAL-TEMPORAL SEPARATION  WORK CULTURE  WORK STYLE  Job Satisfaction Matchings  O  I  = component measure;^FACTOR GROUP;  I  I  = Measured Outcome  = component measure interaction;^= factor group interaction  of the assertions are referred to as measured outcomes (see sec. 5.2). Systemic factors are called component measures (see sec. 5.3, and also Table 5.1). These  - 118 are clustered in factor groups derived from models of workstyle and flexible workstyle advanced previously, with locational factors added. Not all work culture stresses are included. Those not considered include stress arising from technological change, interpersonal conflicts at work, working conditions, and what is colloquially called 'burnout', i.e. stress arising from one's job duties and/or from ethical conflicts in performing them. Survey indicators are extracted from the data files of the Vancouver Urban Futures Surveys [VUFS] of 1973 (Hardwick and Collins) and 1990 (Hardwick, Torchinsky and Fallick), reported as statistically representative of the study area. Case studies from literature are drawn from a range of economic sectors, and presented to illustrate putative costs and benefits outlined in Table 2.8. Field case studies were selected for economic sector (following census divisions) and organizational type (after Mintzburg; Kimberly and Quinn). They are the source of the 41 interviews with employees, who were targeted for job type (following census divisions) and level of authority (following Paterson). Since flexible workstyle is in the initial stages of adoption, the case studies are not representative, nor is random selection employed. This prospective approach is typical of future-oriented research (Feeny 1992). It is commonplace for systemic change to occur first in areas where the benefits are most evident. This affects the external validity of conclusions drawn, but given their limitations are clearly enunciated, does not invalidate them. The use of data bases complementary in nature is argued to be a useful method to overcome validity problems, provided there is sufficient commonality of content and design. The tie that binds the data bases together is referred to as triangulation (England 1993), herein defined as linking specific component measures to measured outcomes by ordinalizing the number of statistically significant correlations arising from each of the three 'points of view', i.e. data bases. Field interviews are substantively connected to the VUFS by using many identical questions and Likert-type scales. Table 5.1 maps the extent to which component measures are examined in each of the three data bases, and the type of data derived. Case studies are not included in this outline, since they are examples which address the issue of whether individual and organizational perceptions of costs and benefits agree,  - 119 -  --Table 5.1^Mapping of component measures in data bases (excluding case studies) FACTOR GROUP and Component Measure  EXAMINED IN? VUFS73  VUFS90  1^Field Sample  Work Trip Duration  yes  yes  yes  Mode Choice  yes  yes  yes  Home Location  yes  yes  yes  Work Location  no *  yes  no **  Age Group (a)  yes  yes  yes  Gender (a)  yes  yes  yes  no ***  yes  yes  Education (b)  yes +  yes  yes  Blishen Rating (b)  yes +  yes  no **  Decision Band (b)  no ***  yes  no **  Personality Type  yes  yes  yes  Workplace Mobility  no ***  yes  yes  Functional Job Type  no ***  yes  yes  Organizational Culture  no *  no *  yes  NUMBER OF RESPONDENTS  1,671  1,065  41  SPATIAL-TEMPORAL SEPARATION  WORKSTYLE  Family Type (a)  WORK CULTURE  grouped in Figure 5.1 as 'stage in family life cycle' grouped in Figure 5.1 as 'occupational status'  (a) (b) * ** *** +  -  data not available sample size too small or sample too narrow to show variations data not comparable between surveys data categories not identical, although similar  - 120 and are evaluated by matching salient issues in a non-statistical approach. Unlike many previous studies using Likert scales (e.g. Gill 1981), factor analysis is employed in questionnaire design only. Factor analysis uses mathematical transformations to place disparate correlative relationships on like conceptual axes. A well-established inferential method in geography, it emphasizes synthesis in variance analysis (Davies 1984). Fundamental assumptions are that subject variables are normally distributed in the population, and that ordinal data properly handled in a large enough sample approximate interval data. Inferences herein are based on non-parametric statistics. The conservative view, adopted by the writer, favours strict application of the inferential limitations on ordinal data. Siegel (1956) holds non-parametric tests have advantages over factor analysis; not assuming a normally distributed population, and greater validity in small-sample studies without significant loss of statistical power. Gravetter and Walnau (1985, 664) point out "the probability of committing a type I error [mistakenly claiming significance] may be distorted when assumptions of statistical tests are not satisfied". While this study is not centred on methodology, nor is it meant to attack parametric methods, the question of appropriate precision in ecological research warrants examination, particularly in studies combining qualitatively different data from dissimilar sources. Inappropriate precision often goes hand in hand with overemphasis on quantitative measurement and the comforting but false sense of objectivity discussed in Chapter 1 as a key problem in geographical research. 5.2 MEASURED OUTCOMES The three measured outcomes in this study are mobility pattern, perceptions of urban issues, and job satisfaction matchings. The goal of this section is to outline the rationale underlying selection of supporting data, operationally define concepts, and make connections to supporting literature. 5.2.1 MOBILITY PATTERN Mobility pattern is based on origin-destination mapping derived from VUFS90 data, using study area locational sectors set out in Figure 4.4. Spatial-temporal separation is expressed as subject-reported work trip duration grouped in 15-  - 121 minute intervals, and also in terms of the number of sectoral boundaries crossed between residence and workplace. As a first approximation, it is argued that work trip duration becomes stressful when it exceeds 30 minutes. Meyer and Miller (1984, 22) point out that a majority of metropolitan area work trips take less than 30 minutes; presumably, this is not a coincidence. The mapping also provides evidence of the existing proximity of jobs and residence, optimization of which is a Livable Region priority. Factors selected for crosstabulation are age group, gender, family type (stage in family life cycle), and workplace mobility. Life cycle factors reflect the Chapter 3 discussion of the effects of restricted mobility on maintaining community safety and connectedness. Workplace mobility is an indicator of the effects of existing locational flexibility in functional job types on the pattern of work trips. Unfortunately, VUFS73 data do not include work trip destination; so timeseries comparison is available only for trip duration and mode choice. Mode choice by trip purpose brings out the degree of dependence on automobility in the study area, based on issues raised in the Chapter 4 analysis of GVRD transportation priorities, and suggests changing values that need to be addressed. Finally, the examination of mobility pattern in an urban region whose planning priorities include the creation of Regional Town Centres provides support for this strategy as an ecocentric concept in urban design. 5.2.2 URBAN ISSUE PERCEPTIONS The research assertions suggest that various ecosystem stresses associated with work culture, workstyle, land use and transportation influence individual attitudes to urban issues. These attitudes are argued to be of similar pattern to those concerning organizational issues. This relies on the concept of nested institutions [p. 13]. Its basic premise is that households, organizations, and government form an institutional framework within which members of communities interact, and by corollary, that there are similarities in values among individual political, economic and cultural attitudes towards each level of institution. Self-organizing structures (democratic elections, marketplaces, and arts and information media) are the loci where attitudes toward valued items are  - 122 expressed. Attitude patterns are part of the workstyle typology developed. It is expected, for example, that authoritarian types will exert strong controls over their children, and support analogous policies in work, political parties, cultural affairs and government. Attitudes are time-plastic and situation-plastic, so coherence rather than congruence is anticipated. Values chosen for examination via attitudes in this study illustrate salient social and infrastructural dispositions: leadership, management, neighbourhood orientation, and dependence on automobility. The VUFS measured attitudes towards a variety of urban and environmental issues, including survey scales relevant to this study. Nine of Gill's (1981) 20 scales were selected as significant, then consolidated into four. Likert (1932) holds that 10 to 15 questions per attitudinal scale are needed to produce reliable results. In this study, 33 questions are selected based initially on factor analysis of VUFS90. Given three bands (political, environmental, and cultural), this number of questions is reasonable. Wherever possible, the 57 VUFS questions identically worded in both surveys were used in the interview questionnaire, to facilitate time-series comparisons. The first two scales are political in nature. Leadership is composed of 'political leadership' and 'decision-making' scales. The former "evaluates the degree to which citizens are controlled by agencies of political power, and attitudes towards this control" (Gill 1981, Chap. 5). The latter indicates the degree of citizen participation seen as necessary in political process. Management amalgamates the 'authoritarianism' and 'individualism' scales, which "reveal individual differences in attitudes towards law and order, majority rule, dissident groups and the work ethic" (Ibid.). Tolerance of central control and uniformity vs. diversity are values measured by this scale. One question is included from the 'social management' scale, which addresses preferences for private vs. public institutional ownership. Two cultural scales are included, which relate to environmental stress arising from time-space separation, and are relevant to flexible workstyles as a viable strategy in the public mind. The first is dependence on automobility, combining items from Gill's 'automobile transportation' and 'public transit' scales, which measure the degree to which subjects view automobiles or public  - 123 transit as mode of choice. The second is neighbourhood orientation, which includes items from his 'quality of life' and 'decentralization' scales. The former measures perceived quality of life at neighbourhood scale in terms of safety and accessibility to facilities. The latter examines "a bipolar concern on the question of decentralization from the central city of commercial activities, cultural opportunities, and housing" (Ibid.). Each question was answered on a 5-point Likert scale, and then responses crosstabulated. Correlations were developed using non-parametric statistics; assuming ordinal data for occupational status, work trip duration, and workplace mobility, and nominal data for all other measures. Actual questions chosen are reviewed in the next chapter, and listed in Appendix I. 5.2.3 JOB SATISFACTION Job satisfaction is an outcome of matches between environmental demands and individual capacities. Environmental demands are work culture measures: individual capacities are workstyle measures. Workstyle to work culture matchings include age group and family type to workplace mobility, education to job type, and personality type to organizational culture and job type. The foregoing are tested using VUFS90 and the interviews, with the exception of organizational culture, which is not examined in the VUFS. Analysis is expanded in the field interviews, using five additional scales: Job conditions:  freedom to organize meetings, clarity of objectives, freedom to schedule work, frequency of using in-office references and tasks needing long periods without interruption;  Personal needs:  for frequent feedback, comfort with requesting feedback, motivation from the work vs. the position, interaction and flexibility needs, and level of supervision required  Work situation:  how needs match demands of the job, i.e. what features of the work situation enhance or detract from performance of duties?  Work setting:  accessibility to home and to other facilities such as transit, shopping, daycare, parking, etc.  Flexible Work:  willingness to engage in flex-time, compressed work weeks, part-time and full time telecommuting at home or in a satellite office  Subjects were asked to describe specific reasons why they accepted their position in the first place, and whether or not those reasons remain important.  - 124 During the unstructured portion of the interview, subjects were asked to focus on benefits and costs of the flexible workstyle programme, and any other issues arising from the questionnaire or the interview. On three of the scales (personal needs, work situation and work setting), provision was made for subjects to describe 'other' factors significant to them. Although these measures are subjective, it is argued that job satisfaction is itself subjective, and speaks more of matching expectations to reality than some unitary scale. One can be highly satisfied as a sales representative and miserable as president. Motivational orientation and job satisfaction are not mere outcomes. Organizational setting can either constrain or enable growth, depending on how well it aids individuals to optimize motivation and satisfy work ethics. Job satisfaction measures are consistent with an ecological approach. 5.3 COMPONENT MEASURES The goals of this section parallel those of the previous one, with measures aligned to correspond to models advanced in Chapter 2. As mapped in figure 5.1, ten component measures are used; three each for workstyle and work culture, and four for spatial-temporal separation. Workstyle types are developed along three dimensions; personality, occupational status and stage in life cycle [fig. 2.2). Work culture variables are workplace mobility, job type, and organizational culture [fig. 2.4). Some elements of flexible workstyle (economic sector, degree of organizational complexity, and implementation alternatives) are selected in advance in the case studies. Rationale for choices is discussed in sec. 5.4.2. 5.3.1 WORKSTYLE MEASURES Workstyle as a model presents a composite consolidating personality, life span, and demographic factors. It has political, cultural and economic elements, and as such is consistent with systemics. The workstyle typology focuses on individual needs and capacities for flexibility. It can be applied in planning and setting goals consistent with those capacities. For example, if a work group consists largely of single persons, then the issue of available work space at home assumes greater priority in implementing change in location as a flexible workstyle than, say, a work group made up of parents of adolescents. If a work group  - 125 is largely stabilizers, then agendas for periodic meetings at the workplace assume a greater priority than for, say, groups made up mainly of catalysts. 5.3.1.1 Stage in Family Life Cycle: As discussed in sec. 2.2.2, stage in family life cycle is composed of interrelated elements; age group, gender and family size or structure, referred to as 'family type' for convenience. Age group is a time-variable factor that affects one's perceived role in society (learner, mentor, advisor), which includes work. Gender reflects a major change in the nature of work, i.e. women entering the work force, and the associated caregiving problematic. Family type brings forward differences in caregiving requirements. Roles also parallel those at work. The following divisions were made: Age Group: under 35 - young adult 35 -50 - middle adult over 50 - senior Gender:^male and female Family^singles - persons living alone (including separated and Type:^widowed) empty nesters - couples with no children living at home growing family - couples with most children under 12 adolescent family - couples with most children over 12 single parents - singles with children living at home Age group divisions reflect lifestyle 'break points' relating to career and family structure. Following Erikson, stress points occur at age 35-40, when (commonly) children reach adolescence and career paths harden; and at age 50-55, when grandparenting begins and career roles change. Both marital disintegration and radical career change are commonplace at these points (Hultsch and Deutsch 1981). Naturally, there is considerable variation in this sequence, which is intended to be formative and not summative. Gender is meant in the usual sense, with no intrinsic differences assumed between couples of the same or opposite sexes. Women clearly are primary caregivers to children in the first few months of life. However, no inequitable sharing of family duties is assumed. Caregiving is work-as-social-activity in households, but different from employment, since it involves kinship committments. Parents are equally responsible for their children's welfare. Family type is divided along two lines; singles-couples; and no dependentssome dependents. Those with dependents are further divided into under-over 12  - 126 years of age, when children are (developmentally and legally) competent to be alone in the home for short periods (Lerner and Spanier 1981). The distinction between 'growing' and 'adolescent' families is primarily one of change in parental role from caregiver to resource. The need for flexibility in work hours declines in adolescent families. Availability of day care is another constraint impacting on workplace mobility needs. The classification 'single parent' applies to any age group, and includes situations where a single parent is living in the grandparents' home. The role of grandparents in families, which is not explored herein, may be equivalent to that of parents. This is often so in groups living in extended families. Differential stresses on these people are not measurable with data available, and not a suitable dimension to explore in a short interview. Empty nesters is a term colloquially applied to seniors whose children have departed. For purposes of workstyle and work organization, the age of the couple is irrelevant. This group, next to singles, has the fewest constraints on workplace mobility, since there are no children. Family type was encoded by the writer for VUFS90 only, based on these criteria. 5.3.1.2 Occupational Status Occupational status is composed of two elements. The first is Blishen scale rating, which was used in VUFS 73 (from Blishen 1958), and in updated form in the other data bases (from Blishen, Carrol and Moore 1987). The authors developed the scale ['Blishen 81'] from the 1981 Canada Census, and expressly view it as a composite of education and income, not an indicator of prestige. The education component is defined as "the proportion [in each job classification] with a university degree or post-secondary diploma minus the proportion without a high school certificate or diploma", and income as "income medians reported in the 1981 Census...and pool[ed] ... into a single interpolated value, taking into account the proportions of men and women in the occupation" (Ibid.; 469). For example, dentists are given a scale rating of 101.74 [the highest], community planners 65.11 [moderately high], technical salespersons 57.89 [near the median], trade-certified printers 48.79, clerical supervisors 47.88 [both moderately low], and fur trappers 19.02 [the lowest]. These classifications are grouped for crosstabulation purposes into quintiles.  - 127 Blishen 81 contains about 500 job types, which were coded into VUFS90 by the writer. Since the surveys also contain educational level data, education was used as a separate component sub-measure. Blishen 81 combines the closely related variables of education, income and occupation in the lifestyle cohort schema. However, it gives no indication of another important factor, the degree of structural authority within an organization. Paterson's Decision Band Method [table 2.5] is employed as an indicator of levels of potential for working independently and needs for uninterrrupted time, both constraints on workstyle. The literature identifies two groups whose duties fit with flexible location. First are those with well-defined jobs whose output is electronically transmittable (A and B levels). The implicit assumption is that interaction needs arising from the job itself are low (Nilles and Carson 1976). Second are those whose jobs are least defined, have the longest temporal focus, and centre on trends exogenous to the organization (E and F levels). Key inferences are that output is sought largely beyond the organization and the job is self-defined, i.e. needs for supervision are low (cf. Ramsower 1988). Middle range (C and D) workers focus on day-to-day process within organizations, and as such have lower potential for flexibility, with exceptions such as salespersons and client- or technology-oriented workers. As discussed below, field case studies focus on middle-line workers, particularly these exceptions, a group not fully addressed in literature. Opportunity for flexibility arises from the spatial nature of their 'workplace', which in one subject's words, is not the office, but "my territory". In this study, territory is extended to include spaces of knowledge. Decision band is augmented to include those who work outside of employment: retired people, homemakers and students. It is argued that their work is qualitatively different from employment, and that such differences have impacts salient to mobility pattern, urban attitudes and job satisfaction. Stress arises at transition points, where the key skills required, the focus, and the degree of uncertainty change (this includes transitions in and out of the work force). Decision Band was encoded into VUFS90 as an additional variable. In the interviews, assignment of ratings is based on subjects' descriptions of their job function and level of authority.  - 128 5.3.1.3 Personality Type This measure is modelled in Table 2.5. Dimensions detailed reflect the focus of this study on concerns with job satisfaction as productivity of process, expressed as correspondence between individual needs and organizational structure in the skill content of work (learning style) and quality of interaction (operating and social style). In parallel to level of authority, key dimensions are needs for supervision and needs for interaction [Table 2.11]. Section 2.4.3 argues that personality type is critical to applying human ecology in workplaces, an enabling mechanism for flexible workstyle. Personality is measured in data bases by the responses to four questions in VUFS90, five in the interviews, and six in VUFS73. One or two measure the detailed vs. contextual dichotomy, two the feeling vs. thinking dichotomy, and either one or two the sensing vs. intuiting dichotomy. If paired responses conflict in the surveys, the subject is treated as missing for personality crosstabulations (there was no evidence that this varies systematically, although it occurred nearly half the time). Conflicts in the interviews were resolved by reference to questions about personal characteristics and field note observations. 5.3.2. WORK CULTURE MEASURES Component measures grouped under work culture reflect constraints on the exercise of flexible workstyle arising from needs and capacities of organizations for flexibility. Outside of environmental considerations in the proximity of work and residence (e.g. hazardous process, nuisance, public health), there are locational, political and cultural factors which are detailed in this part. 5.3.2.1 Workplace Mobility: The main constraint on the adoption of flexible workstyles, beyond the need of all individuals for social contact and information exchange, is the relevance of worker location relative to the workplace [sec. 2.4.1]. In some cases, opportunities for 'distance working' are near zero, and the appropriate flexible work form involves changes in hours or conditions. Information workers, who are able to work using a transmission terminal much of the time, have more potential for locational flexibility.  - 129 As discussed previously [sec. 2.3], workplace mobility is rated on a 3point ordinal scale, with one addition: that of on-site workers, e.g. construction trades and sales people, for whom automobile use is integral to the job. One weakness in GVRD planning was identified as lack of provision for the needs of this group, who are engaged in delivery of services in an extended workplace. Constraints on workplace mobility include needs for information and equipment not accessible from a remote location; need for face-to-face contact with the public at the workplace; need for face-to-face consulting with others at the workplace. All these are measurable in terms of frequency (ordinally) or frequency and duration (temporal interval scales). For the VUFS, ordinal estimates on a 3-point (low, medium, high) scale were made by the writer, derived from Blishen Code descriptions on the original survey documents. For field interviews, the subjective reports of weekly proportions of time spent on activities are used. 5.3.2.2 Functional Job Type There is a distinction between occupational status and employment classification. The variable job type is based on the Census Canada Description of Occupations (CCDO) listed in Blishen 81. CCDO is addressed in terms of economic sectors, which are the same as those used in Table 4.1. Job type is an expression of the function individuals perform in organizations. It is related to decision band and workplace mobility, but not on the same axes. For example, management is a function applicable to all organizations. One may be both engineer and manager: holding a degree (education), working in a given field with known median pay scale (Blishen rating), operating at a programming level (Decision Band) in public practice (job type). This was encoded in VUFS90 by the writer from original survey documents, in the same way as family type. In field interviews, job type was taken from subjects' descriptions of title and functions. Where two classifications applied, the one consuming the most time in a typical working week was selected. 5.3.2.3 Organizational Culture This component measure follows a typology parallel to personality type outlined in sec. 2.4.3., and plays an analogous role in flexible workstyle. No data on organizational culture was compiled in the VUFS. In the field case studies, each  - 130 was classified by the writer based on anecdotal indicators in interviews. Following Mintzburg, the organizations selected are more complex, and following Kimberley and Quinn, are accurately described as cultural mosaics. Group leaders have personality types which often shape the sub-culture to suit their own preferences, within organizational constraints. In this sense, organizational culture is the most difficult to define of all the component measures. The writer's original plan was to select potential interviewees based on a representative sample of the whole organization. This proved unworkable, since implementation alternatives (excepting only changes in working hours) are generally applied at a working group level. The amended method was to select interviewees from groups with different workstyle options available, and to classify their culture on the Kimberly and Quinn typology. 5.3.3 MEASURES OF SPATIAL-TEMPORAL SEPARATION Spatial-temporal separation is intended to measure both commuting time and mode choice. The latter indicates the degree of dependence on automobility in the study area. Three primary measures are used: work and home location, following the study area spatial sectors [Figure 4.5]; work trip duration in minutes, and primary mode choice for both work trips and shopping trips. For the VUFS, the sample includes those who do not make a 'work trip'; retirees, students and homemakers. The field survey sample is not used in the origin-destination survey, since sample size is small. It does, however, provide anecdotal evidence of some underlying micro-scale considerations not found in literature. For example, two participating organizations recently relocated. Main contributing factors crosstabulated were stage in family life cycle and workplace mobility, following considerations noted above. 5.4 DATA BASES The three sources of empirical data employed in this study are described in more detail in this section, then placed within a methodological context to facilitate evaluation. The Vancouver Urban Futures Surveys are used as support for the argument that household surveys on urban issues and priorities reveal individual knowledge of the effects of current conditions in urban ecosystems. While such  - 131 knowledge is not expert in the sense of being informed by research, it has the advantage of being experienced first-hand. Second, ten case studies of organizations actually in the course of adopting or having adopted a variety of flexible workstyles, are reviewed. Six are selected from literature to illustrate the wider context of application in a variety of economic sectors, organizational cultures and places. One case is located in the study area. The remaining four were selected on criteria arising during the process of literature review and detailed below. No claim is advanced that they form a representative sample. Sample coherence, if any, is serendipitous. Third, individual employee interviews were collated into a data base analogous to the surveys to facilitate comparisons among the three samples of individuals, using SPSSx (TM) extended version release 5.0 under UNIXg (TM), adapted for use in the UBC mainframe computer. Participation of both firms and individuals in the survey was voluntary, and consistent with generally accepted ethical standards of informed consent in social science research, in particular those of the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada and the University of British Columbia. These include written consent to interviews and questionnaires, lack of deception in stating the purposes of the research, and guarantees of confidentiality for organizational and individual responses [see Appendix I]. 5.4.1 VANCOUVER URBAN FUTURES SURVEYS (VUFS) 5.4.1.1 Vancouver Urban Futures Proiect, 1973 This survey [VUFS73] was a major effort in "making available a comprehensive assessment of what residents see as issues in their city region, present and future" (Hardwick and Collins 1973; 1). Funded by the federal Ministry of State for Urban Affairs (MSUA) and including a section initiated by them, this University of British Columbia (UBC) research was originally proposed in 1971 as "a prototype for gathering valuative information within and about a metropolitan area, for uses by all cooperating levels of government", eventually on a national scale. While it was seen primarily as an instrument to inform the planning and political process, investigators also wished to develop a "lifestyle cohort typology" for their own research into aspects of urban life (Ibid.). Several  - 132 used the survey as data bases (e.g. Horsman 1974; Taylor 1974; Gill 1981). The project was carried out in four phases. The first produced a comprehensive inventory of city-based problems and estimates of where the public saw responsibility for solutions as resting (usually with municipal government). Methods included content analysis of 20 of 35 newspapers published in 1971 (Taylor and Gill 1973), 272 non-directed man-in-the-street interviews allowing people to initiate rather than just respond to questions (Ibid.) and interviews of political leaders and policymakers, carried out by MSUA. In the second phase, urban issues were selected from this inventory using a series of focus panels where an "interactive guided discussion" was carried out (independently of the MSUA and UBC teams) to elicit their meaning (Hardwick and Collins 1973, 3). Urban issue, the basic unit of analysis, was defined for purposes of compiling the inventory as "any matter of public or private concern which was relevant to a whole or part of the GVRD and which constituted a problem requiring a solution" (Taylor and Gill 1973, 2). Categories were selected by content analysis (Holsti 1969: Dr. Holsti served on the UBC advisory team). From the 2,800 items identified in the inventory, a standardized questionnaire consisting of 148 items was constructed as the third phase in two parts: the Urban Opinion Survey, 54 issues developed by MSUA and UBC; and the Environmental Response Inventory, 94 attitudinal questions developed by the UBC team to aid their own research (Gill 1981). The largest part of the survey consisted of 369 demographic and behavioural variables. The questionnaire was administered to 1,671 respondents resident in the GVRD, 0.5 % of the 1971 census figure for total households, based on Enumeration Areas, and stratified using a socioeconomic index resembling lifestyle cohort, with owner occupancy and ethnicity replacing lifestyle characteristics. Selection was made from the telephone and city directories Response rates ranged from 5% to 35% (Bottomley 1973) on an Enumeration Area basis. The process of data collection included steps to counteract the tendency of respondents to adjust their responses to agree with what they perceive to be the objects of the survey or attitudes of the interviewer (experimenter effects). "In most cases, the interviewers requested the respondent to complete the Urban Opinion Survey first, then assisted him [sic) in filling out the 8 sections of  - 133 the structured interview" (Ibid., 14), i.e. the demographic and behavioural variables. The Environmental Response Inventory was left, to be returned by mail (about 90% were returned). All interviews were conducted face-to-face, and took approximately 3 hours. 5.4.1.2 Greater Vancouver Urban Futures Opinion Survey, 1990: This repeat survey [VUFS90], prepared by a team of UBC researchers for the GVRD 'Choosing Our Future' programme, had the stated goal to "generate a comparable data base [to VUFS 73]"; however, "constraints upon time and finances precluded an exact replication of the original survey" (Hardwick et al. 1991, 69). The following review highlights the differences between VUFS90 and VUFS73. Overall setup procedures were less elaborate in 1990, consistent with its more limited objectives. Non-directed interviews and 'expert' interviews were not undertaken, although content analysis for 1989 was done for "the daily Vancouver Sun and a representative sample of community newspapers" (Ibid.) [the GVRD then included the outlying Fraser Valley communities of Cloverdale and Langley]. This analysis identified a similar range of issues whose priorities had changed. Equivalent to the selection process carried out in VUFS 73 was "a series of discussions with members of the original survey team, in conjunction with a review of the 1973 findings" (Ibid.). Urban issue remained the basic unit of analysis. A revised questionnaire was developed, made up of questions about urban and environmental issues presented in the form of statements to which respondents were asked to agree or disagree; along with similar issues to be ranked on Likert scales from 'critically important' to 'not important'. Demographic and behavioural variables were similar to those of VUFS73. Of the 1990 urban and environmental questions, 57 were identical to those in VUFS73. There was no mail-in Environmental Response Inventory. Sample size was reduced to 0.2% of 1986 census households, resulting in 1,065 face-to-face interviews, whose length was decreased to one hour. Since fewer interviews reduced the confidence interval of the survey from + 2.4% to + 3.1% at 95% significance level, the face-to-face interviews were augmented by 238 telephone surveys of 20 minutes. Since "the response rate for the telephone interview was only about 25% of that for the face-to-face interview" (Hardwick  - 134 et al. 1990, 2), "telephone survey data [was] used only to determine interregional variability" (Hardwick et al. 1991, 71). Sampling procedures were similar to those used in VUFS73, with the sampling unit remaining the household. In VUFS90, the sampling frame was 20,000 randomly selected residential listings obtained from Dominion Directories. Stratification was of the same order, and followed similar procedures. Response rates ranged from 3% to 33% on an Enumeration area basis (Hardwick et al. 1990). In both studies, inferences were drawn based on parametric statistics. Rankings were developed for issues of political and planning significance, and crosstabulations made for locational (GVRD member) and social (e.g. gender) factors. Significance was estimated based on mean and t-score. Dr. Torchinsky (1992, per vide) advised this was a "judgement call" based on maximizing statistical power, and agreed that a non-parametric approach was also feasible, though in his view more esoteric. In the writer's view, sampling methods and statistics used in the VUFS were of appropriate quality and precision for their purposes. 5.4.2 CASE STUDIES The above household surveys are complemented by ten case studies. A disadvantage of the former is that respondents are often questioned in a hypothetical, 'assuming the best of worlds' context (Simon and Burstein 1985). Attitudinal questions are intended to elicit desired behaviour and avoid matters of fact [sec. 5.5.3]. Questions ranking priorities illustrate values. This is different from the valuing process involved in implementation, which is always constrained by economy and available technology. Case studies provide another perspective: real people acting in real-life situations. Surveys lead in internal validity, case studies in external validity. Both are used in this study. 5.4.2.1 Comparative Case Studies: Six case studies were selected from literature to present a fairly wide range of applications, from industrial plants to software consulting; of techniques, from work groups to full-time telecommuting; and of economic sectors, from the automobile industry to government and public sector utilities. In three cases, labour unions were involved in the process. These retrospective studies place flexible  - 135 workstyle within a context, narrowed in the field case studies, following the principle of triangulation. Strictly speaking, these are not a data base, but a series of examples drawn from literature review. They are grouped with field studies because they address empirical, as opposed to conceptual, considerations. 5.4.2.2 Field Researched Case Studies  These studies are prospective. Feeny (1992, 274) notes that "a major drawback of historical studies is that the scholar is left with little choice about the kinds of information that may be used", and points to "prospective" data collection, where "the scholar deliberately collects the information that the analytical framework suggests is important" as one solution. Selection of firms was based on four criteria. Preliminary research into the forms of flexible workstyle suggested limited options in the goods-producing and service sectors. Review of literature in organizational behaviour suggested highly-skilled people are more trained in coping with ambiguity and change (Ramsower 1988); and projects based on clerical work must overcome training and turnover problems (Nilles 1988). As discussed in sec. 5.3.1.2, client and/or technology-focused workers are a group not fully addressed in the literature. These considerations pointed to mid-level, information-oriented workers as a suitable focus. Large organizations were chosen because they have sufficient numbers of employees for work groups of meaningful size to exist. Potential firm names were gathered by informal networking. Each organization was first approached informally by telephone to participate in the survey. This initial conversation was followed up by letter formally outlining the purposes of the survey, accompanied by a pro-forma request for employee participation, a copy of the consent to interview form, and a brief outline of subjects to be addressed in the contact interview [see Appendix I]. The outline was included to allow contact persons time to gather information about the organization's flexible workstyle programme. On receiving the formal consent of the firm to participation, a meeting was arranged with the contact person to obtain a staff list for selecting a pool of prospective employee respondents. Each contact person completed an employee interview in addition to an unstructured interview covering points listed in the  - 136 outline of subjects to be addressed. Interview duration was approximately 40 minutes, for a total time of 60 minutes. Notes were taken by the writer. Each participant firm was offered a copy of the results. It was made clear that 'by firm' results would not be available, nor would the organizations be named, to ensure guarantees of confidentiality made to individual employees. Eight organizations were initially approached. Those who declined to participate all did so at the stage of the formal letter, after acceptance in principle. Reasons stated were ongoing collective agreement bargaining, and reluctance on the part of senior management to commit the time required. 5.4.3. EMPLOYEE FIELD INTERVIEWS Of 47 individuals approached, 41 agreed to interviews, a response rate of 87%, with no discernible pattern of non-respondents. Typical sample sizes in postgraduate research are equivalent to the "pre-test" range for national surveys, i.e. 25-100 subjects (Simon and Burstein, 1985). Selection incorporated the following steps. A pool of employees was selected, anticipating a 75% participation rate. These employees were sent a letter requesting participation, along with two copies of a consent to interview form [see Appendix I]. All were contacted a few days later by telephone to ascertain their decision. Consent forms were picked up at the interviews. The interviews were of approximately 20 minutes duration, and consisted of two parts. First, subjects were asked to complete a three-part questionnaire [see Appendix I]. The first part consisted of selected VUFS attitudinal and behavioural questions; the second asked details of mode choice for work and other trips; the third a variety of questions about the needs of the job for face-toface contact, accesss to resources, etc., and a self-assessment of characteristics as an employee (e.g. needs for supervision, motivation). Second, subjects were asked to (a) provide demographic and family information, their home location and (b) invited to make comments or ask questions on the interview itself, or raise any other issues of importance. All subjects were advised that a copy of the survey findings would be made available to them on request.  - 137 5.5 DATA ANALYSIS AND INFERENTIAL TECHNIQUES Enhancing understanding of physical, social, technical and environmental stresses in urban life, with an emphasis on work culture involves engagement with values. Many of these stresses are ultimately value-driven and norm-constrained (Bunge, 1989), since they arise from human and not natural systems. Values are in themselves are conceptual and thus not measurable: however, valued items, i.e. mobility, attitudes and job satisfaction, are. Patterns are emphasized over measurement in the data analysis. However, comparisons of relative importance require some assessment of comparative significance based on statistics. Siegel identifies the fundamental tasks of statistical inference as "estimation of population parameters and tests of hypotheses" (1956, 1). In this study, which is non-experimental (there is no before-after testing, no treatment, and no control group), there are no hypotheses except in the sense of literature based assertions made as a starting point for investigation. In such research, optimum internal validity is achieved by combining cross-sectional and time series approaches (Harrison 1979). This study engages both methods, and connects its data bases by triangulation. Comments of a subsumptive nature do not propose that one variable is a "mere consequence of the others" (Gill 1981; 184). In this part, the databases are evaluated, inferential tests identified and justified, and the issue of appropriate precision in social research discussed. 5.5.1 EVALUATION OF DATA BASES All data bases use face-to-face interviews as the data collection method. This is the most reliable, although most expensive, survey technique. Its main advantages over telephone interviews are that the researcher receives non-verbal cues indicating whether or not the subject understands the question, and can develop rapport with the subject. Interviews were conducted in subjects' homes (VUFS) or workplaces, which places subjects in familiar surroundings and reduces 'laboratory effects' (Simon and Burstein 1985). Naturally, the researcher must take care not to suggest answers or reveal his/her own views during the interview. In practice, the writer found an effective way to accomplish this was simply to advise subjects that this was the case,  - 138 and why. Eliciting the subject's assistance places both parties on more level ground, and humanizes the interview process. Overall, the data bases employed sampling methods, and are of a size consistent with general standards of 'cutting edge' research. The VUFS data base is extensive and representative; the case studies intensive and non-representative. Survey sample size was more than adequate for regional scale research based on households with "many subgroup analyses" (Ibid.). Census data for 1971 and 1991 were compared to VUFS73 and VUFS90 for job type, age group, family type, and education to uncover biases in important variables used in this study. Given ± 2.4% and + 3.1% error factors, respectively, the following deviations were noted (Statistics Canada 1974b, 1988, 1993a): (1) The professional and technical sector was over-represented in the surveys; 27.4% of VUFS73 respondents vs. 11.8% in the Census 1971 labour force, and 25.3% of VUFS90 respondents vs. 18.2% in the Census 1991 labour force [projected as per Table 4.1]. (2) Respondents in the 35-50 age group were slightly over-represented, and in the over 50 age group slightly under-represented in both surveys. (3) Empty nesters were over-represented in both surveys; 38.3% of VUFS73 respondents vs. 29.3% in Census 1971 families, and 36.2% of VUFS90 respondents vs. 31.7% in Census 1991 families; and respondents with children under-represented a similar proportion [census data do not differentiate families on the basis of the ages of children]. (4) Those with high school and apprenticeship qualifications were underrepresented, and those with university degrees over-represented in both surveys by approximately 20% [census data and survey data do not correspond exactly in educational classifications] In the case of job type, Census figures are based on the work force, which does not include homemakers, students, and retired people. In the writer's judgement, all these biases reflect characteristics of people who enjoy participating in household surveys, and as such are both typical and unavoidable. Accordingly, the VUFS data bases are argued to be reasonably representative of the population in the study area, consistent with the usual limitations of household surveys. The VUFS data base is extended herein to include additional composite vari-  - 139 ables where the writer's judgement has been applied. This judgement is based on extensive experience as a manager in information-based work. The point is that while these data are 'filtered' (all research is subjective to some degree), such prior field experience is an asset in research of this type. Comparative case studies are retrospective, and field researched case studies prospective, i.e. what Feeny calls "field experiments". He comments that while this method is "capable of capturing the complex interactions and feedbacks that we believe are characteristic of naturally occurring situations" (1992, 277), there are drawbacks to data based on pilot projects. These include selection "on the basis of their relatively favourable initial conditions", a tendency of researchers to report 'success' to the organizations involved (assuaging those who approved participation), and finally "lack of randomization in the selection of the study site" (Ibid., 278). In the writer's view, there is noway to enjoy the advantages of this method without accepting the consequences. The ethical imperative that participation in human research be voluntary is primary. Randomization is a feature of statistics, not social life, and must be separated from imprecision, which is characteristic of human behaviour (Bunge 1979). While the sample is non-representative, steps are taken to ensure it is typical of information work. What results as a data base is a small but focused cluster of mid-level workers. 5.5.2 INFERENTIAL TESTS USED While there is general agreement that Likert-type scales approach interval data, caution is indicated where questions concern personality and attitudinal issues. Such scales assume that questions are interpreted in the same semantical sense by subjects, that they measure the characteristic intended to be measured, and that the intensity of response is about the same for all questions in a scale (Babbie 1983, 380-381). When questions are further crosstabulated by groups whose interpretations and intensities may well vary systematically, as is the case herein, a conservative approach is indicated. Tests of significance are different for nominal and ordinal data. In crosstabulating, where one variable is nominal, the test must assume no more than nominal data. All component measures except work trip duration, workplace mobil-  - 140 ity, and age group are nominal. The statistic indicated is the chi-square test for 'k' independent samples. However, since chi-square assumes no more than 20% of distributional cells have expected frequencies under 5, and this is not so in the field work, less powerful but more appropriate tests are used for all data. For nominal data, Coefficient of Concordance was used; for ordinal data, the Kruskal-Wallis One-Way Analysis of Variance by Ranks, both applicable to 'k' independent samples. Correlation is also used to test reliability of the scales themselves. At this level, the data are ordinal based on 'k' related samples. The indicated non-parametric test is Kendall's "W" coefficient of concordance (Siegel 1956, Harrison 1979). In all three, the null hypothesis is "the observed measure of association in the sample could have arisen by chance in a random sample from a population in which the two variables are not correlated" (Ibid., 1956; 197). While this is the least precise null hypothesis possible, it also contains the fewest a prioris. In the case studies, the small sample number made case-by-case comparison feasible, and this method was employed for job satisfaction matchings. Aggregating scores in matching is meaningless, since deficit between needs and capacity in one substantive area is not necessarily overcome by surfeit in another. Inferential techniques are employed to establish patterns rather than estimate parameters. A conservative view of the data is taken, in the sense of limits on possible inferences, and non-parametric statistics applied to an array of interactions among the component measures along with a tabulated matching of needs and capacities with respect to job satisfaction measures.  5.5.3 LIKERT SCALES AND APPROPRIATE PRECISION Attitudes and values are a  key  focus in this study. Accordingly, some space is  devoted to discussing attitudinal research with respect to the main scaling method used. Likert addressed the problem of specificity vs. generality in personality study. Some researchers viewed overt action as caused by specific traits working in combination for each situational response. Others held that  - 141 personality was a 'black box' where overt actions were predictable in almost all situations. In Likert's view, attitude "is in either case not an inflexible and rigid element in a personality (if, in fact, such elements exist), but rather a certain range within which responses move" (1932, 8). His seminal study of attitudes towards stereotyped groups focused on observing values by presenting statements satisfying the following criteria: -  three-point or five-point responses varying from 'strongly approve' to 'strongly disapprove', with each statement of such a nature as to evoke a dichotomous response (i.e. 'motherhood' issues were to be avoided);  -  each statement was to be one of desired behaviour and not fact;  -  an equal number of statements should elicit agreement and disagreement given a consistent point of view in the subject;  -  double negatives and double-barrelled or otherwise potentially confusing questions were to be avoided;  The first and third criteria follow from the assumption of Gaussian normality in population attitude distribution, an assumption Likert stresses is an initial approximation. 'Item analysis', now called factor analysis, is an important crosscheck on this assumption. Low correlation coefficients meant the statement offered is "undifferentiating", i.e "does not measure what the battery measures and hence to include it contributes nothing to the scale" (Ibid.; 48). In his view, the advantages of this method are that it yields a distribution resembling a normal distribution, which facilitates statistical analysis; and removes the need for expert judges to scale questions (i.e. the existing Thurstone method). Likert also points out that assigning value ranges '1,2,3,4,5' or '1,3,5' or '1,3,4,5,7' does not produce appreciably different results. This counters the general criticism of arithmetic manipulation of ordinal data: that different rank intervals are to be expected in different subjects. The larger the sample, the more its reliability (which follows from the normality assumption). Harrison (1979) agrees with Likert that the assumption of normality may not hold, but views its effects as not significant, provided actual intervals are not grossly different. Sellitz (1976) takes the more conservative view that "the Likert-type scale does not claim to be more than an ordinal scale" (420), and points out that responses to Likert-type questions do not indicate underlying causes or factors.  - 142 Simon and Burstein (1985) echo Likert's views about ensuring reliability by cross-checking (they also suggest factor analysis), including "enough items to distinguish among all the important gradations of a dimension". On the basis of the above considerations, it is not justified to assume more than ordinality in the data of this study, particularly field surveys. The sample is small, the issues examined are more specific than global, and many statements deal with facts rather than desired behaviours. Gill holds the scales he developed from VUFS73 were "generally satisfactory for the purposes of the present research"; but he points out that for basic, non-preliminary research "reliabilities of .80 are generally satisfactory ... For preliminary investigations only, modest reliabilities, .50 to .60, are sufficient" (1981; 247). Criticism of factor analysis does not imply that assuming quasi-normality in Likert-scale data is never justified. In the writer's view, attitudes towards urban issues are at the 'ordinal' end of the ordinal-interval continuum (if such a continuum exists), since they cannot be examined (ethically) under experimental conditions, and are difficult to measure with a high degree of clarity.  CHAPTER 6 RESEARCH FINDINGS The findings are outlined to evaluate the research assertions, then detailed by the measured outcomes; (1) mobility pattern, (2) perceptions of urban issues, and (3) job satisfaction. Supporting evidence for the costs and benefits of flexible workstyle is presented from comparative and field researched case studies. Institutional and individual perceptions of costs and benefits are compared. Anecdotal participant observations on the experience of telecommuting are summarized to develop guidelines for implementing flexible workstyle. Component measures are tested for reliability by correlating interactions within factor groups, to assess the degree to which they are differentiated from each other and thus measure what they are intended to measure. Reliability for workstyle and spatial-temporal separation components is higher than for work culture measures, although both are within acceptable limits. 6.1 OUTLINE OF FINDINGS The findings are set out in the following order: main effects of physical and infrastructural factors and then psychological, social and institutional factors in work culture stress; followed by evidence of changing community values. Implications for community planning and the organization of work are then suggested. Effects of flexible workstyle on work culture stress, including indicators of job satisfaction and social costs and benefits, are also set out. Salient secondary interactions with attitudinal and behavioural component measures are included in all parts. Page references to supporting tabular data are shown in brackets. 6.1.1 WORK CULTURE STRESS: PHYSICAL AND INFRASTRUCTURAL FACTORS Work culture stress varies with time-space separation of home and workplace, land use and transportation configurations, and dependence on automobility. The degree of commuting stress in the study area is declining in intensity but increasing - 143 -  - 144 in frequency compared to a generation ago. Survey indicators [p. 150] show shorter work trips in 1990 than 1973, despite increased use of slower modes, in all GVRD sectors. Median duration ranged between 20 and 30 minutes, compared to 25 to 40 minutes in 1973. Using 30 minutes as 'break point', commuting stress from trip length is estimated to occur in 30% (1973) and 23% (1990) of respondents making work trips. At the same time, proportionally more VUFS90 than VUFS73 respondents reported work trips for themselves and their spouses, which follows from increased entry of caregivers into the work force. There were approximately 1.7 work trips per household in 1990 vs. 1.4 for 1973 [p. 151]. Attitudinal indicators are consistent with this behavioural evidence, with some contradictions [p. 163]. While there is general agreement that getting to work is not a problem in VUFS90, those whose work trip is less than 30 minutes report their work trips are longer than a year ago, and also that they frequently encounter severe traffic congestion. Field interviewees rank commuting time highest among 13 factors as detracting from their job performance [p. 177]. Shorter work trips suggests an increasing value placed on community based work location. Secondary interactions with gender, family type, and workplace mobility are evident [p. 154]. Females, singles, and single parents (who are mainly female) are more likely to work in the region where they live. Those with low and high workplace mobility tend to work closer to home than those with moderate levels and with 'on-site' jobs. Long duration work trips are seen more frequently among males, in families with adolescents, and where workplace mobility is intermediate. Evidently, where workplace mobility is either necessary from parenting demands, or possible from job duties, people live as close to work as they can. Individuals self-organize to optimize trip duration and mode choice. Since no dramatic changes in road networks have occurred during the intervening time, shorter work trips suggest spatial adjustments have been made by commuters and/or organizations [see Chap. 4]. This is supported by changing work trip patterns and mode choices. Some 209 respondents (16% of VUFS90 total) report work trips proceeding away from the centre, i.e. against traffic flow [p. 153]. The majority of 1990 work trips began and ended in the same GVRD locational sector. A multi-centred regional configuration is evidenced by more work trip destinations than origins in both the City Centre and Suburbs 1 sectors.  - 145 Automobile use is slowly declining, and being replaced with public transit and human-powered transportation. Mode choice varies with trip purpose. VUFS data show automobile use for work trips is declining faster than for shopping trips [p. 151]. Personal convenience is not the only criterion for mode choice. Over one-third of field interview respondents said they were not using their preferred mode, and of these 80% indicated a preference for transit or humanpowered modes [p. 152). If all respondents used their preferred mode, automobiles and public transit would be used with nearly equal frequency for work trips. Urban issue perceptions reflect the above behavioural findings, again with some contradictions [p. 163]. Most disagree that automobiles are the most convenient mode, and (excluding those making no work trip) indicate they are prepared to change mode. However, those whose work trip is less than 30 minutes more often report using automobiles for other purposes during the work trip. The main reasons given by field interviewees for not using the preferred mode relate to lack of transit service at acceptable levels. VUFS data also show greater use of transit and human-powered modes in the city centre than in suburban areas [p. 151]. Since trips originating in the city centre, where transit service is more frequent, are of shorter duration, a plausible inference is that more frequent transit service and programmes enabling the optimization of work and home location are preconditions for significant mode change. Attitudes towards economic inducements are conflicting. Rewarding commuters who carpool is favoured; economic penalties are not, with the proposal that downtown automobile users should pay higher operating costs least opposed [p. 163]. This suggests implementation solutions be consistent with planning priorities, i.e. that an indiscriminate 'carrot and stick' approach is ineffective. 6.1.2 WORK CULTURE STRESS: PSYCHOLOGICAL, SOCIAL AND INSTITUTIONAL FACTORS Work culture stress also varies with psychological factors (age group, education, personality type), social factors (family type, occupational status) and institutional factors (level of authority, organizational culture, workplace mobility, job type). Job satisfaction, i.e. the relative degree of work culture stress, is the measure used for supporting evidence in this section, based on matching family type to workplace mobility; occupational status (education, level of auth-  - 146 ority) to job type; and personality type to organizational culture at work group level. Age group variations are more evident in urban issues, and are grouped for convenience in sec 6.2. Survey data indicate self-organizing behaviour in all three matchings. The incidence of those with high workplace mobility increases in the same order as increasing family type needs, based on VUFS90 data [p. 165]. Neither one is an an outcome of high workplace mobility, or the reverse. However, what is striking is that only in the high mobility category do the data show a pattern. Mismatches between educational level and job type are the most evident, even given that some professional/technical and trade jobs have educational prerequisites. VUFS data show managers and administrators have lower median levels of education than their level of structural authority would suggest is necessary [p. 166]. This is not an argument that experience plays no role in management, nor that university education guarantees competence. Experience is a form of education. However, data reviewed below suggests a significant proportion of managers also tend to have authoritarian or 'rugged individualist' attitudes towards public political issues, and by inference, organizational politics. Second, relatively large proportions of service and clerical workers have higher median levels of education than their level of structural authority. Literature reviewed sees routine jobs and authoritarian supervision as significant morale problems for office and service workers. A plausible inference is that the two disparities are often connected, and a major source of work culture stress, particularly acute in bureaucracies. Field interview data indicate that personal capacities match job demands reasonably well in the target group, who are highly skilled workers [p. 177]. Perceived roadblocks centre on the degree of direct supervision, ability to work uninterrupted, and ability to participate in working meetings. Taken together, the two indicators suggest more emphasis on self-management in organizations. Evidently, personality types seek out compatible organizational environments. Field interview data clearly indicate that stabilizers occur more frequently in bureaucratic cultures, and that both catalysts and visionaries prefer the divisional or adhocratic forms. This may be confounded with occupational duties; however, the same pattern emerges with respect to job type, with stabil-  - 147 izers attracted to management and catalysts to sales in the same sample [p. 168]. VUFS90 data [p. 167] are more extensive but only marginally significant [p < .08]. The relative frequency of stabilizers in the goods-producing sector, in management and clerical jobs matches the hierarchical work culture in these sectors. Co-operators appear most frequently in service jobs, where affinity with customers and clan culture are keys; catalysts in sales jobs, where entrepreneurial skills and developmental culture are an advantage; and finally, visionaries in professional and technical jobs where abilities to see future trends and a rational culture are benchmarks in functional job demands. 6.1.3 PLANNING, NEIGHBOURHOODS AND CHANGING COMMUNITY VALUES Work culture stress and stress arising from issues salient to planning process are jointly examined in this section, as evidenced by attitudes expressed toward leadership, management, and neighbourhood belonging. It is assumed that these are both interdependent and isomorphic, given the parallel effects of scientific management and master planning, given that attitudes are neither compartmentalized nor unitary, and given that each person has one personality. VUFS data relate to issues at community level. The two political scales,  leadership [p. 157] and management [p. 159], ask related but separate questions about the character and locus of authority. Stress is evident where people find themselves in an environment too authoritarian for their capacities. Technocratic and bureaucratic leadership are moderately opposed. Emerging communitarian values are evidenced by strong support for stronger local influence and a weaker centre, even though public agencies are seen as more concerned with people's needs than private enterprises, and traditional high values on majority rule and conformity after decisions has weakened only slightly between 1973 and 1990. The sharpest change is in the belief that the public is aware of community issues and expressed needs for increased participation. Lack of faith in leadership and a cynical attitude towards public politics have increased over the past generation. While not surprising (since politicians have the unenviable job of trying to please everybody), increased disapproval signals public policy lagging behind changes in community values, particularly in participation. To be fair, this is a poorly-defined term at present, as discussed previously. The point is  - 148 that these patterns suggest planning process should be more locally oriented. The management scale focuses on a bipolar issue in management style. Topdown orientation relies on societal structures and authoritarian management; bottom-up focuses on an internal locus of control in the individual and authoritative or co-management. This scale shows the most consistent responses, which suggests the questions touch on values that change slowly. Although a majority are oriented towards top-down management, the size of that majority is waning. The rugged individual ethos is being replaced by a more communitarian ethic. Secondary interactions are instructive. There is a direct relationship between increasing education and orientation towards bottom-up management. Age groups show different patterns, with over 50's (who are also less educated) and under 35s (who are less experienced) showing the most frequent top-down orientation. Family type interactions suggest that stronger structure in families becomes an important consideration when children arrive. Emerging trends in education and less rigid household roles support a trend towards more bottom-up management, which has implications on organizations and planning alike. The neighbourhood orientation scale [p. 161] is focused on two salient questions: Are there stresses on the community fabric at neighbourhood level? Are people willing to trade higher density living for reduced dependence on automobility? Stresses are addressed in terms of expressed feelings of security in the home and danger in the neighbourhood; affinity for traditional family values (i.e. one parent remaining at home while children are young) and the complementary question of whether access to day care is a community responsibility. The overall pattern is complex. Home and neighbourhood safety are seen as concerns by different groups. There is moderate to strong agreement across all groups that traditional family values should be maintained and day care access should be enabled by local government. As set out in sec. 6.1.1, respondents disagree that automobiles are the most convenient transportation mode; but the response to trading higher density for less dependence on automobility is less than enthusiastic. This is a key question. Reducing automobility implies higher housing density, whether transit or human power is seen as the solution. One component measure conspicuous by its absence in terms of interaction is gender. Women are more in favour of easy access to day care, and less auto-  - 149 mobile oriented, as noted in sec. 6.1.1. Otherwise, there is little difference between the attitudes of men and women in any urban issue scale. 6.1.4 FLEXIBLE WORKSTYLE AND WORK CULTURE STRESS Some people and organizations are reducing work culture stress and improving job satisfaction by introducing flexible workstyle. Costs and benefits recognized follow those in Table 3.6, with similar individual and corporate perceptions [sec. 6.3.2). Stresses reduced include those arising from direct supervision, lack of uninterrupted time, and temporal-spatial separation of work from home, i.e. those suggested above to be most salient [p. 177]. Telecommuting workers report enhanced job performance on four factors; commuting time, degree of supervision, ability to work uninterrupted, and more variety in activities. Both enhancement and detraction is indicated on one factor: area of working space, which is dependent on area available at home. This is an important consideration where many employees live in apartments, and may become more significant given an increase in high density housing. Telecommuting makes virtually no difference to: the amount of time spent with family; degree of self-discipline, development of working skills, perceived status, ability to participate in formal meetings, and ability to combine work and child care (some literature suggests all these are potential problems;, e.g. Kinsman 1987, Ramsower 1988). Performance is adversely affected on two factors; ability to participate in organizational social events, and ability to maintain contact with co-workers. The results [p. 180) indicate that (a) flex-time and compressed work weeks have gained almost universal acceptance; (b) engaging in telecommuting increases one's approval of all flexible workstyles one has not experienced; and (c) that the approval ratio of part-time telecommuting from home is about 70%, even though a significant number of subjects in the field sample are doing so involuntarily. Organizations identify stress reduction, greater personal freedom, savings in work-related expenses, and in commuting time as benefits to employees. Disadvantages imputed included 'demotivation' (a euphemism for goofing off), possible disruptions in personal life, isolation from other staff and in-house resources, and loss of visibility and/or status. One repondent recognized that  - 150 -  employees with 'onsite jobs' need different treatment (in this case, mobile offices was suggested as a solution). In general, employer and employee views coincide, and anecdotal comments are consistent with those factors identified in the field interview questionnaire [p. 181]. Some differences are instructive. Employees, including those who are managers, more often see supervision as a hindrance. While the ability to work uninterrupted is seen as a major benefit, difficulty in impromptu contact with others is identified as the most serious 'cost'. One comment was that everything cannot be planned; issues arise unexpectedly. Employees evidently rely on one another more than on (formal) management to keep on track. Enabling fuller exercise of individual work pace and diurnal rhythm were also noted as advantages. Neither of the latter two is acknowledged by management as significant benefits.  6.2 MEASURED OUTCOMES AND COMPONENT MEASURES Evidence supporting the findings is detailed in this section, aligned to enable consideration of factor groups [Figure 5.1] as models in their own right. Indicators of the array of work culture stressors are modelled as mobility pattern, urban issues perception scales, and matchings between individual needs for job satisfaction and actual experience of work in the institutional framework. Mobility pattern is behavioural. Long work trips and dependence on automobility are identified as stressors. Perceptions of urban issues is attitudinal. Mistrust of leadership, discomfort with the decision-making process at community level, and mismatches between quality-of-life values and existing land use patterns indicate stress on the community fabric. Job satisfaction is both attitudinal and behavioural, centred on direction of motivation, leadership and decision making, and matching skills and personal attributes to job duties. 6.2.1 MOBILITY PATTERN The 'baseline' selected is that shown in VUFS73. Literature reviewed suggests the peak of automobility dependence occurred around this time in North America. Table 6.1 below indicates that work trip duration has dropped considerably in all sectors [see p. 107 for sector map], with mean reductions ranging from 4 to 10 minutes. Mean durations for 1990 are 84% of 1973 durations in the City Centre,  - 151 80% in Suburbs 1 (including North Shore) and 75% in Suburbs 2, despite greater use of slower modes.  Table 6.1^Work trip duration by home location, 1973 and 1990 (percentage of work trips) HOME LOCATION WORK TRIP DURATION (minutes)  I  CITY CENTRE  SUBURBS 1  SUBURBS 2  1973^1990  1973^1990  1973^1990  FRASER VALLEY 1990^1973  under 15  41.0^47.2  32.8^36.7  24.2^35.8  34.8^n/a  15 to 30  38.0^40.6  33.9^41.1  27.3^30.7  21.7^n/a  31 to 45  10.0^9.2  15.7^16.8  13.7^16.6  16.5^n/a  over 45  11.0^3.0  17.5^5.4  34.8^16.9  27.0^n/a  I^754^460  548^413  262^324  115  24.6^20.7  30.1^24.0  37.8^28.2  34.9  [N=^...] mean trip duration Note:  I  includes trips by spouses [durations reported by respondents]  Table 6.2 compares mode choice for work and shopping trips, and Table 6.3 mode choice by home location. Significantly, 26% of VUFS90 respondents reported they and/or their spouses made no work trip, vs. 44% in 1973. There were, respectively, 1.7 and 1.4 work trips per household in those years. Automobile use is declining at a faster rate for work trips than shopping trips. Although improving transit service to the outer ring of suburbs was a priority in the 1970s, and this was evidently addressed, as shown in Table 6.3 on p. 148, the proportion of suburban transit users was and is still well below that in Toronto and Montreal (Frankena 1979, Renner 1988). The sharp drop in carpool use in Suburbs 2 may be due to substitution in favour of public transit. In the field interviews, mode preferences were explored in more detail, as shown in Table 6.4 on p. 152. Respondents were asked if they were using their preferred mode, and if not, to give the reason why not. Two salient points are noted: 37% of respondents indicate they are not using their preferred mode (in all cases but one mode used is car or carpool); and of these, 80% express prefer-  - 152 -  Table 6.2^Transportation mode choice comparison 1973-1993 (percentage of respondents indicating a main mode choice) VUFS73  VUFS90  FIELD SAMPLE  Work^Shopping  Work^Shopping  Work^Shopping  Car  75.4^81.4  69.8^79.0  63.3^70.7  Bus or skytrain *  13.1^10.8  17.1^8.1  18.3^2.4  Walking  6.8^5.1  6.3^10.2  1.7^17.1  Carpool  2.5^5.4  2.7^0.2  Bicycle  0.9^0.4  1.3^0.9  3.3^2.4  Other **  1.3^1.9  2.8^1.6  3.3^-  MODE CHOICE  N^=^[...]  953^1,573 +  mean number of cars per household  10.0^-  1,356^1,742  1.50  60^41  1.57  1.59  Notes:^* - seabus link completed 1982; skytrain construction from downtown to New Westminster completed December 1985; extension to Surrey December 1989 ** - includes motorcycle, taxi + - VUFS73 does not include mode choice of spousal work trips,  Table 6.3^Mode choice for work trips by home location, 1973-1990 (% of work trips) MODE CHOICE  CITY CENTRE  SUBURBS 1  SUBURBS 2  FRASER VALLEY  1973  1990  1973  1990  1973  1990  Car  66.4  58.6  82.0  71.5  87.6  77.2  87.3  Bus or skytrain  18.8  25.2  8.7  14.5  1.7  11.9  -  Walking  9.9  9.8  4.8  3.7  2.2  5.9  3.4  Bicycling  1.7  2.3  -  1.0  0.6  0.6  -  Carpool  1.3  1.7  2.3  4.2  6.2  0.9  5.9  1990  Notes:^-^survey data for 1973 not available for Fraser Valley -^skytrain service extended to Surrey in 1989  - 153 ences for transit or human-powered transportation. The most common reason given for not using preferred mode is it takes too much time. Anecdotally, respondents giving this reason reported the most frustrating part of that time was waiting for the bus to arrive, which suggests service levels and not trip time is the critical factor. The responses are even more significant in light of the proportion [17%] of respondents with on-site jobs, all of whom preferred automobiles.  Table 6.4^Field sample:^preferred mode and reasons for non-use (number of respondents) MODE USED  PREFERRED MODE? Yes  Car  No  IF NOT, THIS MODE PREFERRED  REASONS GIVEN FOR NOT USING PREFERRED MODE  15  10  3  (2) too expensive (1) has no car  Bus or Skytrain  6  1  9  (7) takes too long (2) not on route  Carpool  1  4  -  Walking  1  -  1  employer relocated  Bicycling  1  -  1  lives too close to work to get workout  Other  2*  1  no mode satisfactory  TOTAL^I  26  15  * - travels to work infrequently because presently telecommuting  Table 6.5 below shows actual origin and destination of 1990 work trips, detailed by degree of sectoral separation. The modal work trip begins and ends in the same sector. In Table 6.6 on p. 153, the pattern is detailed by age group, gender, family type and workplace mobility. In all cases, the patterns were instructive. A summary of these secondary interactions is set out at p. 143 above.  - 154 -  Table 6.5^Origin and destination of work trips, 1990 (number of trips) WORK TRIP ORIGIN  WORK TRIP DESTINATION CITY CENTRE  NORTH SHORE  SUBURBS 1  SUBURBS FRASER 2 VALLEY  TOTAL  ROW %  City Centre  361  10  61  11  1  444  35.0  North Shore  63  63  13  2  -  141  11.1  Suburbs 1  119  7  117  11  3  257  20.3  Suburbs 2  73  9  72  142  20  316  24.9  Fraser Valley  25  1  14  32  39  111  8.7  641  90  277  190  63  1269  50.4  7.1  21.8  COLUMN TOTAL Column %  15.0  4.7  (percentage of trips with origin and destination in) WORK TRIP ORIGIN  SAME REGION  City Centre  77.8  15.3  2.6  4.3  North Shore  42.0  50.7  1.3  6.0  Suburbs 1  42.9  50.2  1.0  5.9  Suburbs 2  42.3  27.4  24.4  5.9  Fraser Valley  31.7  26.0  32.5  9.8  I^53.6  I^30.3  I^TOTAL  ADJACENT REGION  REMOTE REGION  OTHER  I^10.4^I^5.7^I  Notes: - 'other' means outside of GVRD - not included above - 'remote region' means one separated from the region of origin by more than one sectoral division  - 155 -  Table 6.6^Origin and destination of work trips, 1990: ^detailed by selected component measure interactions (percentage of trips with origin and destination in) SAME REGION  ADJACENT REGION  REMOTE REGION  % OF ALL TRIPS  BY AGE GROUP] less than 35  56.0  31.5  7.2  43.9  35 to 50  55.0  27.6  11.6  33.2  over 50  46.6  32.6  13.8  22.9  [BY GENDER] [city centre] females  83.3  10.8  2.5  15.4  males  74.4  19.0  2.8  18.7  [all suburbs] females  50.2  35.8  4.3  28.0  males  34.1  39.9  8.5  38.0  [total] females  62.0  26.9  4.0  43.4  males  47.1  33.0  7.0  56.6  [BY FAMILY TYPE] singles  56.9  34.0  4.6  19.0  empty nesters  52.7  30.9  10.6  39.0  single parents  77.0  13.1  4.9  5.9  growing family  52.0  29.7  11.7  26.4  adolescent family  51.0  27.0  18.0  9.7  [BY DEGREE OF WORKPLACE MOBILITY]^ low  54.9  32.0  9.2  52.6  moderate  34.1  34.1  14.8  19.0  high  58.3  30.1  7.3  17.5  onsite job  43.8  28.1  11.7  10.9  1  - 156 6.2.2 URBAN ISSUE PERCEPTIONS Work culture stress varies with psychological, social and institutional factors, which is reflected in urban issue scales. Table 6.7 summarizes the component measures judged to be modal descriptors for each urban issue scale. Components of all three workstyle groups interact significantly and fairly consistently with these scales. Mobility pattern is associated with the outcome of opinions on urban issues. Work culture factors, although more difficult to differentiate with the data bases available, clearly interact with dependence on automobility.  Table 6.7^Summary:^component measure interactions with urban issue scales SCALE  MODAL DESCRIPTORS  Leadership  age group, education, personality type  Management  age group, education, family type, personality type  Neighbourhood orientation  family type, education, decision band  Dependence on automobility  work trip duration, age group, gender, workplace mobility  COMMENTS at least one component of all three workstyle factors significant  occupational status but not income important complex interactions closely associated with mobility patterns  Actual questions making up the scales are listed, then responses crosstabulated by selected component measures, and summarized herein. Appendix II contains complete response tabulations. This part describes inferred patterns for component measure interactions most statistically significant, based on the number of significant correlations observed, modified by within-group correlational analysis [see sec. 6.3]. The basis of selecting questions for the scales is factor analysis of VUFS90, using varimax rotation: 17 iterations were carried out to reduce its 94 attitudinal questions to the 32 selected as most relevant for the purposes of this study. In factor analysis, the magnitude rather than the direction of the correlation (i.e. factor score) is important. Negative  - 157 scores indicate questions phrased so that the expected answer is disagreement. Median scores are based on the 5-point Likert scale where '1' is strong disagreement and '5' strong agreement. Using median interpolation, responses range from minimum 0.5 to maximum 5.5. Question numbers refer to the VUFS90 numbering scheme. 'Agreement indicates' closely follows the rationale outlined by Gill (1981), modified and paraphrased by the writer. 6.2.2.1 Leadership Table 6.8 exhibits the six questions chosen for this scale. Secondary interactions most significant are age group, education, and and personality type. Age group interaction supports the ecological phases schema [Chap. 2]. In general, over 50s express the least faith in public awareness and are most oriented to strong bureaucratic controls. Under 35s show the opposite pattern, although (curiously) not in the field sample. Education interactions show a clear pattern: belief in public awareness and opposition to strong central control vary directly with educational levels. One interesting exception is that university graduates in 1973 agreed that most people do not care about civic issues more often than any other group. This group was also the most locally activist and most cynical about politicians. Horsman's (1974) "critical pessimist" type seems to fit this group. Personality type interactions are also clear. Sensing types have less faith in public awareness than intuitives. Reliance on bureaucratic control is seen most in stabilizers, and least supported by intuitives. Local activism is supported most strongly by co-operators and catalysts, those oriented towards affinity. Intuitives of both types are least trusting of politicians and cooperators most trusting. All are consistent with model characteristics.  - 158 -  Table 6.8^Leadership scale:^questions and median responses  NO.  FACTOR SCORE  14  QUESTION TEXT  AGREEMENT INDICATES  .526  Most people do not care about civic issues.  lack of faith in public awareness  19  .600  Decisions in Greater Vancouver could be made better if left to professional city managers.  in favour of strong bureaucratic controls  21  .562  Many urban problems are apparent only to experts.^Ordinary people are largely unaware of their surroundings.  combination of the two plus orientation towards technocratic leadership  31  .647  Proposed development should proceed only with the approval of local residents.  in favour of stronger local influence and weaker 'centre'  63  .606  Only when public opinion is loud enough will the government act.  lack of faith in leadership, activist oriented  72  -.513  Politicians too often act as the pawn of special interest groups.  cynical attitude towards leadership  MEDIAN RESPONSE NO.  VUFS73  VUFS90  FIELD SAMPLE  14  3.22  2.53  2.16  age group, education, work trip duration  19  2.46  2.38  2.70  age group, education, job type, personality type  21  2.37  2.11  2.09  all measures except gender, ^1 family type, workplace mobility  31  3.88  4.10  3.89  gender, decision band  63  3.82  3.97  3.93  age group, workplace mobility, personality type  72  3.91  n/a *  4.02  personality type, job type  CORRELATES SIGNIFICANTLY WITH  * - question was not asked in VUFS90  - 159 6.2.2.2 Management This scale is highly interactive. Education significantly correlates with all seven questions, and four other component measures with five. Responses are shown in Table 6.9 overleaf, and support the bipolar nature posited for this scale. Questions 1, and 7 generally relate to bottom-up orientation. Median response is weak to moderate support. Questions 18, 22, and 107 describe aspects of top-down orientation, and the response is weak to moderate agreement. Since two questions (22 and 107) are also used to measure personality type, interaction with personality type must be ruled out along the dimension measured (judging vs. perceiving, which distinguishes stabilizers from co-operators). Education, age group, and family type are modal descriptors. Another pattern is one of moderate to strong support for public agencies (question 28) as being more concerned with public needs than private enterprise. Responses are consistent even in the field sample, which is biased in favour of managers, professionals and sales people. Support for public agencies is greatest among over 50s, who are more frequently receiving pensions and other welfare benefits, and least among under 35s, who (after Erikson) are generally striving to become independent of parental welfare. Education patterns are most clear. The degree of 'top/downedness' varies inversely with increasing education, and differences are considerable. University graduation appears to be the 'break point'. Evidently, training in dealing with ambiguity changes one's perception of management. As outlined in sec. 2.3, uncertainty increases with structural authority. Those used to coping with ambiguity (formal education is one forum for gaining exposure; entrepreneurship and persistent poverty are others) are more oriented to self-management. The converse is the foundation of the Peter principle (see n. 2, p. 83). Age group interactions are also clear. Over 50s have the highest degree of authoritarianism and individualism (significantly in VUFS73 only). There is an evident shift towards bottom-up management in other age groups. Family type interactions follow the expected pattern: singles and single parents are most bottom-up oriented; empty nesters and couples with families most top-down. Family type interaction reflects differences in relation to the welfare  - 160 -  Table 6.9^Management scale:^questions and median responses  NO.  FACTOR SCORE  1  QUESTION TEXT  AGREEMENT INDICATES  .751  The city grows best through private decisions made by individuals who know their own needs.  bottom-up orientation, disapproval of detailed central control  7  .581  Private developers and businessmen often know better than any public body where development should or should not occur.  entrepreneurial or individualistic orientation  18  .479  Welfare should be restricted to those who are incapable of working.  high value on traditional work ethic  22  .637  We shouldn't worry about a few dissenting individuals.^It is the majority we should^for. _plan  high value on majority rule, conformity after decisions  28  .590  Public agencies are more concerned with people's needs than are private enterprises.  public agency support  107  -.336  Some people feel, some think, and others do:^doers are the most important.  top-down orientation; emphasis on efficiency, output over process  MEDIAN RESPONSE NO.  VUFS73  VUFS90  FIELD SAMPLE  1  2.17  2.35  2.37  7  2.04  2.02  2.03  education, age group, trip duration, workplace mobility  18  3.86  3.58  3.69  education, family type, personality type  22  3.64  3.44  3.72  gender, education, family type, personality type  28  3.41  3.55  3.17  107  3.24  n/a*  2.93  CORRELATES SIGNIFICANTLY WITH all factors except personality type, gender, family type, decision band, trip duration  age group, personality type job type, personality type  * - question was not asked in VUFS90  - 161 safety net. Single parents are least in favour of restricting welfare, but also least supportive of public agencies, suggesting some stress arising from this issue in that group. Single parents and growing families are most in favour of easy access to day care, and those in adolescent families least in favour. Personality type interaction is also significant. Sensing types (stabilizer and co-operator) were more in favour of restricting welfare in VUFS73. In VUFS90, stabilizers and catalysts were most in agreement. Catalysts, modelled as having entrepreneurial orientation, supported private agencies in both surveys. Not surprisingly, stabilizers, who are posited as most comfortable with bureaucratic control, are consistent supporters of public agencies. 6.3.2.3 Neighbourhood Orientation This scale sets out respondents' values on neighbourhood communality, in several dimensions; safety in homes and neighbourhoods, child care, and housing density. Table 6.10 sets out the questions and median responses. All questions were asked in VUFS90 only. Modal descriptors are education, decision band, and family type. Those with less education are generally more concerned about neighbourhood safety, and more in favour of maintaining traditional family values. Those with apprenticeship training, who are most often in the 'onsite job' category, are more dependent on automobility [sec. 6.3.2.5]; but at the same time, are most strongly in favour of increasing housing density to reduce work trip duration. Decision band patterns show the most variation between those working outside and inside the community. Retired persons feel more secure in their homes, and less secure in their neighbourhoods; the latter view is shared by homemakers and those at lower levels of structural authority at work. Traditional family values are espoused most by retired persons and homemakers. The former are least in favour of easy access to day care. Middle managers, homemakers and students are most automobile-oriented and least in favour of increasing housing density. Retired persons and upper managers show the opposite response pattern. In family type interactions, the sharpest contrast is between singles and and couples with small children. Single parents are automobile-oriented [sec. 6.2.2.5] but at the same time in favour of increasing housing density; feel most secure in their homes and least secure in their neighbourhoods; and agree with  - 162 -  Table 6.10^Neighbourhood orientation scale: questions and median responses  NO.  FACTOR SCORE  261  QUESTION TEXT  AGREEMENT INDICATES  -.647  I am prepared to live at higher densities to shorten my journey to work.  acceptance of higher density housing as a trade off for urban sprawl  268  -.734  I feel more secure in my home than I did a year ago.  stress arising from neighbourhood safety  269  .270  The municipality should enable easy access to day care.  removing barriers to mobility a community task  278  -.404  When children are young, a parent should normally remain at home.  emphasis on traditional family values  279  .744  My neighbourhood has become more dangerous than it was 10 years ago.  stress arising from neighbourhood safety  287  .708  Every neighbourhood should plan ways of accommodating 20% more residents in the 1990s.  acceptance of higher density housing as a trade off for urban sprawl  MEDIAN RESPONSE NO.  VUFS73  261  n/a*  268  n/a*  269  VUFS90 2.51  FIELD SAMPLE  CORRELATES SIGNIFICANTLY WITH  2.75  all factors except gender, Blishen rating  2.78  2.21  education, job type  n/a*  3.77  3.63  age group, gender, family type  278  n/a*  3.79  3.87  all factors except gender, personality type  279  n/a*  3.36  3.56  education, family type, decision band  287  n/a*  3.35^_  2.44^_ education, decision band  * - question was not asked in VUFS73  easy access to day care and parents of young children staying at home. Singles are least concerned with traditional family values and neighbourhood safety. Those in growing families feel least secure in their homes, are most in favour of easy access to day care, and least in favour of increasing housing density.  - 163 6.2.2.5 Dependence on Automobility The final attitudinal scale is central to the focus of this study, and contains the largest number of questions, eleven. Table 6.11 outlines the questions, and 6.12 the median responses. Both the perception of the degree of the problem of automobility and the viability of 'carrot and stick' solutions are explored. This scale is highly interactive with all measures except Blishen rating. Modal descriptor selection required considerable analysis.  Table 6.11^Dependence on automobility scale: ^questions  NO.  FACTOR SCORE  6  QUESTION TEXT  AGREEMENT INDICATES  .700  The cost of operating private automobiles downtown should be increased.  economic penalty solution  10  .717  No system of public transportation substitutes for the convenience of the private automobile.  dependence on automobility  23  .659  Rush hour commuters should pay more for using urban facilities at peak times.  economic penalty solution  25  .581  I am not prepared to change my mode of transporation to work.  dependence on automobility  32  -.726  Getting to work is no particular problem for me.  work trip not viewed as a serious problem  58  .280  Where I work does not influence where I live.  home vs. work location not a serious problem  59  .728  Pollution from automobiles should be reduced by increasing fees, tolls, or taxes.  economic penalty solution  60  .363  Cars with multiple occupants should be rewarded during peak commuting times.  economic reward solution  64  .746  It now takes me longer to travel to work than it did a year ago.  work trip duration a serious problem  262  .519  I use my auto because I have a number of activities to do en route.  dependence on automobility  267  .683  I frequently experience severe traffic congestion.  work trip duration a serious problem  - 164 Not surprisingly, workplace mobility and work trip duration interact significantly with all eleven questions. Age group and family type strongly correlate. However, in this case, they differ pairwise on five questions. Age group, which has more significant correlations, is selected. Education and decision band, which are moderately associated, vary pairwise on all but three questions, and for those education but not decision band correlates significantly. Accordingly, these are viewed as confounding. The next most active component measure is gender, which is not strongly correlated to any other measure. Thus, work trip duration, age group and gender are selected as the modal descriptors. Work trip interactions are outlined in sec 6.1.1. Age group interactions are also instructive. Over 50s, who most frequently make long work trips, disagree most strongly that work trips are a serious problem. Middle aged people,  Table 6.12^Dependence on automobility: ^median responses  VUFS90  FIELD SAMPLE  n/a *  2.95  3.17  education, workplace mobility, job type  10  2.27  2.39  3.00  gender, education  23  n/a *  2.21  2.35  education, workplace mobility  25  n/a *  2.53  2.30  all factors except personality type, Blishen rating  32  3.84  3.86  3.89  all factors except family type, Blishen rating, personality type  58  n/a *  2.41  2.20  all factors except gender  59  n/a *  2.37  2.44  all factors except family type, Blishen rating, trip duration  60  n/a *  4.00  4.14  age group, trip duration  64  n/a *  3.08  3.50  all factors except age group, Blishen rating, personality type  262  n/a *  3.37  3.68  all factors except age group, Blishen rating, personality type  267  n/a *  3.52  2.39  all factors except age group, family type, personality type  NO. 6  VUFS73  CORRELATES SIGNIFICANTLY WITH  * - question was not asked in VUFS73  - 165 ranking second in long work trips frequency, take the opposite view. Similarly, over 50s agree most that automobiles are the most convenient mode, and are the least prepared to change; however, they also report using automobiles to access other facilities least frequently. Middle-aged people oppose increasing the cost of operating automobiles downtown most, but are most in favour of incentives for carpooling. Under 35s oppose increasing taxes and fees most, but are least opposed to increasing downtown operating costs. Family responsibilities are an influence. Singles and single parents are most automobile-oriented and view the work trip as a serious problem most often. Gender interactions are consistent with gender differences in mobility pattern. Women make shorter work trips and use automobiles less frequently. They are more often in favour of increasing automobile operating costs and rewarding carpoolers. Men more often agree work trips are taking longer, claim to experience severe traffic congestion, and are more prepared to change mode. Workplace mobility patterns are suggestive. Those with 'onsite jobs', who are compelled to use automobiles, exhibit the highest dependence on automobility, experience traffic congestion most often, and are most opposed to economic penalties for use. Those with medium to high workplace mobility agree most often that work and home location are related, and oppose economic penalties for use the least. The overall pattern of social interactions suggests the econometric 'time value of travel' is by no means the central criterion of mode choice. 6.2.3 JOB SATISFACTION Job satisfaction and consequently productivity are related to matches between workstyle and work culture. Of the four key matches outlined from Table 5.1, the compatibility of home and work location has been addressed in sec. 6.1., leaving family type and workplace mobility, occupational status and job type, and personality type and organizational culture for this part. Table 6.13 shows the crosstabulation of family type and workplace mobility for VUFS90 (these variables were not encoded in VUFS73, and the field sample targets subjects with high workplace mobility). Family type was chosen over either gender or age group, since this directly measures the stages at which needs for mobility arising from family responsibilities arise. As discussed in  - 166 -  Table 6.13^Job satisfaction:^family type and workplace mobility, VUFS90 (percentage of respondents by family type) FAMILY TYPE  WORKPLACE MOBILITY low  moderate  high  onsite job  singles  53.2  17.7  16.5  12.7  empty nesters  45.8  20.7  18.7  14.8  adolescent family  65.4  9.6  19.2  5.3  growing family  44.6  19.4  22.3  13.7  single parents  44.4  22.2  26.7  6.7  N^=^[...]  293  112  117  75  sec. 6.1, single parents and those with high workplace mobility are likely to make work trips within the same GI/RD sector. Family types in this table are arranged in ascending order of needs for workplace mobility arising from family responsibilities, for respondents who making a work trip. The relative proportion of those in jobs with high workplace mobility increases in sequence. The next key match is between occupational status and functional job type. Education is the component measure best indicating work culture stress, which is is rooted in mismatches between structural and sapiental authority. Table 6.14 below crosstabulates education and job type for VUFS90 (again, VUFS73 data is lacking, and the field sample too narrow). Those with less education have been demonstrated to tend towards authoritarian control and top-down management.  - 167 -  Table 6.14  Job Satisfaction:^education and job type, VUFS90 (percentage of respondents by job type)  FUNCTIONAL JOB TYPE  EDUCATIONAL LEVEL ACHIEVED HIGH SCHOOL  TRADE CERT.  SOME COLLEGE  BACHELOR'S DEGREE  GRADUATE DEGREE  Professional and technical  11.1  1.1  26.6  30.3  30.9  Management and administrative  35.2  2.1  32.2  22.0  8.5  Sales  39.1  4.7  43.8  10.9  1.6  Clerical  48.4  4.0  33.1  11.9  2.6  Service workers  35.4  4.2  32.1  16.7  2.1  Crafts and trades  55.1  31.5  21.3  2.2  1.1  Machine operatives  48.2  31.5  13.0  7.4  -  Unskilled workers  37.5  12.5  37.5  _  12.5  -  314  I^56^0  273  11  157  0^86  I  I N^=^[...]^11  Note:^Unskilled workers form less than 1 % of sample  The third key match is between personality type and organizational culture [see sec. 2.3 for definitions of types]. VUFS90 distributions for personality type and job type (organizational culture data is not available) are shown at Table 6.15 below, which demonstrates that different types prefer different job types (results are marginally significant;p < .08). Only the field sample provides data on organizational culture, and sample size is not large enough to produce statistically significant results.  - 168 -  Table 6.15^Job Satisfaction:  personality and job type; VUFS90  (percentage of respondents by job type)  FUNCTIONAL JOB TYPE  PERSONALITY TYPE STABILIZER (SJ)  CO-OPERATOR (SP)  CATALYST (NF)  VISIONARY (NT)  Professional and technical  32.3  26.0  17.7  24.0  Management and administrative  48.8  20.5  18.1  12.6  Sales  37.1  25.7  34.3  2.9  Clerical  48.7  26.9  17.9  6.4  Service workers  39.1  30.4  17.4  13.0  I  I Crafts and trades  58.7  21.7  15.2  Machine operatives  54.8  25.8  19.4  -  Unskilled workers  75.0  12.5  -  12.5  4.3  I  I N^=^[...)  212  114  87  54  Column Percentage  45.4  24.4  18.6  11.6  Note:^Unskilled workers form less than 1 % of sample  However, based on judgement of the organizational culture type for the four groups interviewed, a clear pattern emerges, shown in Table 6.16 . No causal relationship is advanced, although self-organizing behaviour is indicated. The culture type is based on the type of organization (the guarantee of confidentiality prevents identifying this type), and the anecdotal descriptions of workplace structure by the subjects. Since each firm has distinctive occupational functions, this may be confounded with personality preferences for particular job types. Accordingly, the job type distribution is also shown, with consistent results. In the next part, effects of flexible workstyle on job satisfaction are explored in more detail.  - 169 -  Table 6.16^Job satisfaction: personality type, organizational culture and job type; field sample (percentage of respondents by personality type)  ORGANIZATIONAL CULTURE  PERSONALITY TYPE STABILIZER (SJ)  CO-OPERATOR (SP)  CATALYST (NF)  VISIONARY (NT)  Professional Bureaucracy  57.9  15.8  15.8  10.5  Divisional  42.9  14.3  28.6  14.3  Mixed/adhocracy  33.3  26.7  26.7  13.3  Professional and technical  45.0  25.0  20.0  10.0  Management and administrative  66.7  -  22.1  11.1  Sales  20.0  20.0  40.0  20.0  Service workers  42.9  28.6  14.3  14.3  FUNCTIONAL JOB TYPE  N^=^[...]  19  8  9  5  6.3 EFFECTS OF FLEXIBLE WORKSTYLE A major argument of this thesis is that introducing flexible workstyle helps to overcome or reduce work culture stress. This section moves beyond the analysis so far, and consists of supporting evidence drawn from both literature and field research. Comparative case studies illustrate the broad range of applications of flexible workstyle, and bring out costs and benefits that are important to developing implementation guidelines for a variety of economic sectors. These were selected from about 20 examined during the process of literature review, based on the writer's judgement of their quality in illustrating different flexible implementation alternatives in different types of work. Field researched case studies are complementary in the sense of being both intensive and narrowlyfocused. The technique of triangulation is applied to assess the effects of  - 170 flexible workstyle, and from this its implications for future implementation. 6.3.1 COMPARATIVE CASE STUDIES IN FLEXIBLE WORKSTYLE Six case studies were selected to present a fairly wide range of applications, in time series order. Salient points are summarized in the following table: Common benefits perceived by employers, which generally coincided with those of employees, include: (to employer) increased productivity, more adaptive manage-  Table 6.17^Summary:^comparative case studies  FIRM  ACTIVITY TYPE  Volvo Lundby *  automobile production  F International  FLEXIBLE ALTERNATIVE  COMMENTS  work groups  accompanied by assembly line modifications  consulting  part-time telecommuters  contracted out home workers - stock options  American Express  clerical  full-time telecommuters  for physically disabled contracted out hourly (time self-reported)  Control Data Corporation  technical sales  part time telecommuters  oriented primarily to onsite jobs initially  SCAG *  government  part time telecommuters  reduction in commuting by state regulation to reduce auto emissions  B. C. Telephone Company *  public utility  satellite office telecommuters  oriented to technical and service workers intends to market satellite offices  Note:^* - indicates collective bargaining in effect for work group  ment and self-disciplined workers, and reductions in infrastructural and operating costs; (to employee) a more humane environment, increased job satisfaction, improved morale, time savings, and reductions in automobile costs. Common concerns expressed included consequent adjustments in scheduling and techniques by management, less opportunity for informal (on the spot) networking among employees, increased reliance on written reports, and eventual employee perceptions of flexible workstyle as an entitlement. All cases involved pilot projects, and conclusions are somewhat tentative, as would be expected.  - 171 -  6.3.1.1 Volvo Lundby  Blackler and Brown (1978) surveyed management control and job redesign in a study comparing Volvo and British Leyland plants. Volvo is a Swedish firm, whose "programme of decentralization was instigated in 1968" (55), and widely cited as a breakthrough in industrial organization in the literature of that genre, including industrial engineering (e.g. Maynard 1971). In this case, the impetus for change was derived from rapid internal expansion which was more than its formerly highly centralized organizational structure could cope with: The ... major development was the creation of 'team leader' groups.... of three to nine men, who select their own leader and then decide how the work shall be done. In 1973, there were fifty-five such groups, most of them subassembly areas since the work cycle there were often only a few minutes ... other job design changes had taken place.... on another assembly line an experiment had been tried in which a group of workers moved down the line with a chassis and completed every operation on that chassis (Ibid., 53-54). Production increased from 7,000 units in 1967 to 16,000 in 1973, based on 1,200 manual workers and 250 staff. The plant was "situated in an area of Sweden that is particularly competitive for labour"; its 1973 complement included over 20% guest workers, chiefly from Finland and Yugoslavia. The salient points in this study are expanding demand, combined with competition for workers, leading to a breaking down of assembly lines, more flexible management, and improved productivity. The writers quote the company president on management philosophy: Creating educated automatons is unacceptable if you view people as who can develop in a number of directions.... Given this view, which strongly it is cruel to individuals and wasteful to society to expect to spend more than half their working hours each day without stimulus sort, simply acting as efficient machine tenders (Ibid., 71).  adults I hold people of any  Difficulties cited were adjustment problems experienced by line foremen and engineering quality controllers, who were accustomed to assembly line setups; and increased lead time to accommodate worker participation. 6.3.1.2 F International  This firm was started in England in 1964 by Stephanie Shirley, a computer programmer who wanted to work at home to care for her mentally disabled son. It began as what is described as "the original electronic cottage" (Kinsman 1987, 56), and grew to 1,000 staff by 1985, with operations in 9 European countries and the U.S. Olson (1985) notes it is almost entirely home workers, with a majority women who combine work and caregiving. Comments in her review include (51-52):  - 172 FI employment policy is to utilize (not necessarily employ) whenever and wherever practicable the services of people (not necessarily women) who are unable or unwilling to work in a conventional way.... Three quarters of the staff work freelance on a project-by-project basis generally related to client needs.... The[se freelancers are] considered part of the corporation and work in a flexitime mode from [their] homes.... Members of the PI work force are predominantly women looking after young children or elderly family members, disabled people, and men and women who choose to work at home because they like it. [cf. Ramsower 1988, i.e. 'voluntary'] Managers are also home based. Workers average 20 hours weekly on a 7-day week. Most are shareholders via an employee stock option plan. Shirley is cited as identifying strong adaptive management, project emphasis, overheads almost completely variable, and a self-disciplined and skilled work force as the benefits to the corporation. Her philosophy is summarized in one sentence "High caliber people give exceptional performance and value when they are trusted and managed well". Olson notes two weaknesses. First, the workers are immobile and do not provide a source of future management. Second, communications are "necessarily formalized and extremely expensive" (Ibid., 56). 6.3.1.3 American Express: Proiect Homebound Raney (1985) was at the time of his study senior vice-president of Global Operations and Systems for the captioned organization. The pilot commenced in 1982, and was aimed at including physically disabled people on the payroll. After 10 months, 10 people in New York City were employed by the project as word processing clerks. Their status was that of independent contractors paid on an hourly basis determined by self-reporting time logs. The author views organizational motivations as including reduction of office space and transportation costs, and determining the long term effects of flexible location on staff. One specific advantage of homebound workers noted is "they are already accustomed to a relatively isolated environment" (Ibid., 10). Amex supplied terminals, dictation systems, and telecopiers (FAX). Productivity was about equal to fully mobile workers in conventional offices. Problems mentioned included the cost of installing additional telephone lines in workers' homes, which involved landlord permission, and modifications to mainframe hardware and software. Judging the programme an overall success, Raley comments: Standard management practices and techniques are, for the most part, inapplicable. Remote staff management is an uncharted course, and 'telemanaging' has as yet no proven set of guidelines. The need for special training in effective and efficient teleworking techniques became apparent during the  - 173 Project Homebound pilot.... Office acculturation, the subconscious absorption of working knowledge as opposed to [that directly taught] is an informal but very important part of developing knowledge (Ibid., 15). 6.3.1.4 Control Data Corporation: Alternate Work Site The source in this study is Manning (1985), who was at the time General Manager, Corporate Forecasting and Analysis of the captioned firm. Control Data began as a service bureau operating large mainframes. By 1970, it had changed emphasis to marketing peripherals, training client operators, and offering custom financial software. The Alternate Work Site (AWS) programme started in 1979 as an outgrowth of procedures for trainers who were on client sites for a substantial part of the week. With management approval, any job in Control Data is eligible, provided "it produces output ... that can be transmitted from one site to another" (Ibid., 38). Part of AWS is dedicated to the physically disabled. AWS is widely perceived as a 'perk'. Average starting experience level was 5.5 years. Most employees worked from home 3 days weekly. "In general, managers chose individuals they believed were well-organized self-starters with good problem-solving and communications skills" (Ibid., 43). Based on a survey of 47 participants in 1982, Manning identifies the benefits to employees as including: reductions in commuting time and costs, parking and accessibility problems, and stress associated with metropolitan areas. In the traditional work setting, they said, work schedules often revolved around commuting schedules rather than the flow of work ... Working at home, on the other hand, allowed them to work when they felt the most productive, often early in the morning or at night.... Many tasks, such as writing, reviewing, and editing, took considerably less time to complete at home (Ibid., 44). Most frequently mentioned disadvantages included reduction in personal interaction with coworkers, and difficulty in separating 'home' from 'work'. Reported productivity increases averaged 35%. After an adjustment period, most workers "reserved duties that required high concentration and blocks of uninterrupted time" to home work, and "duties that require face-to-face interaction...for the central office" (Ibid., 45). Managers cited the need for advance planning in scheduling meetings and more reliance on written reports as impacts of AWS. Feelings about career advancement were often considered a drawback, i.e. reduced visibility in the office could affect one's "career development". This was resolved by assigning additional leadership and client contact responsibilities.  - 174 6.3.1.5 Southern California Association of Governments (SCAG)  In 1986, the SCAG insituted a five-year staff telecommuting project. The impetus for this extensive pilot began with 1975 federal and state regulations requiring large employers to implement plans to reduce employee commuting (McConnell-Fay 1981). California is the most highly populated and affluent state in the U.S. The world's highest automobile densities occur in its largest cities, San Francisco and Los Angeles (Renner 1988). These cities also experience episodes of photochemical smog due to topography and climate (Haggett 1983, 184-186). The pilot was undertaken for the following reasons: Since SCAG has officially advocated telecommuting as a long-term strategy for improving regional mobility and air quality, it needed first-hand experience with telecommuting, to determine whether its expectations for the impact of telecommuting on travel are justified.... The greatest proportion of SCAG's employees are information workers ^ a number of SCAG staff were already telecommuting informally before the pilot began, and many continued to do so independent of the pilot (SCAG 1988, ES-3). At the time of initiation, SCAG had 128 employees in Los Angeles. It began by asking all employees to complete a questionnaire about their perceptions of the role of telecommuting. Forty-eight (21 were managers) returned it, with favourable responses about 70%. Benefits identified included: increased productivity, employee autonomy, and greater motivation "particularly flexibility" (Ibid., ES9). Typical problems surfacing in the 18-person pilot include the following: supervisors felt less positive about their management effectiveness and communication with their staff in a telecommuting environment; managers considered lack of availability of telecommuters for meetings to be a problem [and) needed additional training to deal with telecommuting; employees were concerned about their visibility to management if the telecommuted often ... found it more difficult than they expected to separate work from home and to put themselves into a working frame of mind (Ibid.). Areas expected to be problems that did not surface were managers' comfort level in communicating assignments to remote staff; interaction of telecommuters with coworkers, and "environmental factors" at home such as distractions, work space problems, and "support service availability" (Ibid.). The preliminary report concluded "The overall assessment of the telecommuters and their managers shows that telecommuting is considered an effective, although not totally problemfree, work option" (Ibid., 8). The final SCAG report estimates that 3-days-aweek telecommuters would drive from 3,000 to 5,000 fewer miles per year, based on a 30-mile round trip commute (Nilles 1990, 52), which represents a 25-30%  - 175 reduction in fuel consumption. It recommended adopting telecommuting as a work option "available to appropriate SCAG employees" at all levels, subject to: telecommuting is not appropriate for every job and every personality.... care must be taken that telecommuting does not come to be viewed as an automatic employee right.... Managers should still retain the ability to disapprove telecommuting for their staff when reasonable, and should be able to withdraw the privilege with good cause (SCAG, ES-17). 6.3.1.6 British Columbia Telephone Company The British Columbia Telephone Company [BC Tel] is a public corporation with a monopoly on operating telephone transmission in the province. In 1977, it became one of the first major non-industrial employers to move from downtown to outside Vancouver (Ley 1985), in a high-rise building near the city's eastern boundary. In conjunction with Bentall Developments, a major local developer, the BC Tel Satellite Office Trial began in October 1991 (Rouse and Finlay 1992). Fifteen employees were selected for the satellite office in Langley, from those "living within the contractual boundaries of the Satellite Office for Bargaining Unit employees" (Ibid., Appendix 1), with general criteria that the job function of the employee must be suitable for remote work....should not require a high degree of face to face contact or be in a process stream [requiring] physical presence....The employee and the supervisor must agree that the job can be satisfactorily performed from a remote location (Ibid.) Supervisors were required to fund moving costs from budgets, including training participant and supervisor. Employee and employer both had withdrawal rights. Employees selected were engaged in technical design, software development, instructional materials and customer service. The main anticipated benefit for individuals was time-savings, and for BC Tel improved productivity and "happier, more satisfied employees". The main challenges foreseen were possible cancellation of the project and "keeping the lines of communication open", i.e. synergy on a day-to-day basis (Ibid.). Two evaluation criteria employees and management most rated as positive outcomes were quality of work and customer feedback. BC Tel approved telecommuting as a work option, and the continuation of the Langley satellite office. While operating costs per employee were similar to centralized space, productivity growth was significant. Benefits cited include (for employees), "more personal time, less stress, lower commuting costs, and higher job satisfaction ... improvements in morale and interdepartmental communications"; (for BC Tel) "business opportunities... and demonstration of BC  - 176 Tel's sense of social responsibility to customers, the public at large, and government" (Ibid., 2). Specific indicators of job satisfaction cited include reduced absenteeism, increased productivity (after allowing for the 'Hawthorne effect', i.e. increased productivity from any change), and time savings: In the long run, this should aid in employee retention. The high level of job satisfaction is shown by the fact that 75% of the employees in the satellite office would prefer working there to receiving a promotion (7). In some ways, the B.C. Tel project demonstrates that initial case studies are expected to be 'successes'. B.C. Tel aided the project's success by making it voluntary and by ensuring benefits both to employees and organization. Two general difficulties, both recognized in the B. C. Tel report, are that innovations will be eventually perceived as entitlements, and that management will attempt to maintain central control rather than letting individuals self-manage. The foregoing illustrates the range of applications and variety of strategies used in implementing flexible workstyle. Changes involved mainly location and working conditions. Though applications have been made in a wide variety of organizational activities, there is no single 'best option', and accordingly the array of flexible work cultures cannot be rated on a single set of criteria, particularly one of dollars and cents alone. 6.4.2 FIELD RESEARCHED CASE STUDIES In this final section, the focus is on the case studies, targeted on GVRD organizations in the tertiary and quaternary sectors where flexible workstyle, in particular telecommuting, is either being practiced or in initial stages of implementation. Confidentiality procedures limit the amount of data that can be published. A brief classification of the organizations is followed by an examination of elements of job satisfaction reported by participants as matchings between what they perceive are job demands and their own capacities to meet the demands. These measures are set out on a comparative basis: telecommuters against non-telecommuters. Finally, organizational perceptions of costs and benefits, as evidenced by internal documents and the remarks of contact people, are compared and contrasted to the anecdotal comments of the interviewees.  - 177 6.3.2.1 The Organizations As noted in Chapter 5, all participant organizations employ in excess of 250 people. Three are headquartered in the study area, and their activities are focused in the tertiary and quaternary sectors, i.e. information-based work.  Table 6.18^Participant organizations: ^general characteristics Organization  Form  Primary Activity  Location  A  public sector  education  Suburbs 1  B  private sector  energy distribution  City Centre  C  private sector  distribution consulting  City Centre  D  public sector  engineering planning  Suburbs 1  Two of the groups interviewed consisted primarily of engineers; one of technical and sales people; and one of communications and information media practitioners in the educational field. Managers interviewed were involved as group leaders, i.e. were not 'professional managers' in the sense of those whose training is primarily in management alone, although several participants had degrees or diplomas in business administration. All participant organizations had been in existence at least fifteen years. Two have collective bargaining agreements. All organizations had already implemented flex-time and/or a modified, i.e. compressed, workweek or fortnight. In some cases, the participants worked a regular week on compressed hours, and were recompensed in cash and/or extended holidays. Telecommuting was on a three- or four-days weekly basis in one case; and effectively full-time in the other. It was optional on a group basis in one case, optional on supervisor approval in two, and involuntary in another. Two participants interviewed shared a job on a permanent part-time basis. 6.3.2.2 Job Satisfaction: Telecommuters and Non-Telecommuters Field interviews assessed job satisfaction along four lines. A series of 13 items, entitled 'Your present working situation', were rated on whether they detracted from, enhanced, or made no difference to job performance. Second, reasons for accepting the job initially were asked anecdotally, then matched to  - 178 the subjects' reported degree of motivation derived from the work itself compared to that derived from promotion prospects. Third, a series of seven workplace setting factors were rated on a 5-point Likert scale from 'not important' to 'critically important'. Finally, participants were asked whether or not, given no change in salary or benefits, they would be willing, unwilling, or 'not sure' to participate in five types of flexible work culture.  6.19^Job performance factors: satisfaction ratings in field sample (percentage of subjects)  ENHANCES  MAKES NO DIFFERENCE  DETRACTS FROM  DISAGREE OR N/A *  commuting time  3.7 [50.0]  61.0 [50.0]  29.6 (^-^)  (^-^l  degree of direct supervision  14.8 [35.7]  63.0 [42.9]  22.2 [^7.1]  [^7.1]+  ability to work uninterrupted  59.3 [71.4]  25.9 [21.4]  14.8 [^7.1]  [^-^)  ability to combine work and childcare  18.5 [14.3]  22.2 [50.0]  7.4 [^7.1]  48.1 + [28.6]  ability to combine work and other activities  40.7 [50.0]  40.7 [50.0]  11.1 (^-^]  7.4 (^-^)  amount of time spent with family  33.3 [50.0]  37.0 [35.7]  11.1 [^7.1]  18.5 [^7.1]  area of work space  25.9 [71.4]  66.7 [14.3]  7.4 [14.3]  [^-^l  degree of selfdiscipline required  74.1 [71.4]  22.2 [28.6]  3.7 [^-^]  I^-^)  development of working skills generally  66.7 [57.1]  25.9 [35.7]  7.4 (^-^)  [^-^]^+  status subject perceives in the eyes of others  37.0 [35.7]  59.3 [57.1]  3.7 [^7.1]  [^-^]  ability to participate in firm social events  29.6 [28.6]  59.3 [35.7]  3.7 [28.6]  7.4 (^-^)^+  ability to participate in working meetings  55.6 [57.1]  29.6 [14.3]  14.8 [21.4]  (^-^)^+  ability to maintain contact with others  70.4 [42.9]  22.2 [35.7]  7.4 [21.4]  [^-^]  PERFORMANCE FACTOR IN EXISTING CONDITIONS  *^-^means disagrees that this is an important factor +^-^single missing response on this item [^]^-^subjects telecommuting  - 179 Table 6.19 above details job performance indicators. In the majority of cases, job demands and personal capacities match reasonably well, as indicated by the levels of 'detracts from' response. Telecommuting workers report greater job satisfaction in terms of most of these matchings. Factors where stress was most indicated were commuting time and degree of direct supervision. On an anecdotal basis, subject comments in the unstructured portion of the interview indicate loss of cohesion is the most important obstacle to job performance in telecommuting, particularly for less experienced workers. Others commented that telecommuting might make training more difficult. This lends support to the idea that, with the exception of a minority, full-time telecommuting is not workable. Those telecommuting full time were chiefly sales people who were away from the office much of the time in traditional arrangements. Comparison of reasons given for accepting the job in the first place and stated motivational level from (a) the work itself or (b) prospects of promotion were highly consistent, as shown below.  Table 6.20 Field sample: reasons given for taking job by motivational orientation  (frequency of subjects giving each reason by level of motivation) Level of Motivation FROM THE WORK ITSELF ^FROM PROMOTION Reason given^High^Medium^Low  High^Medium^Low  nature of the work^16^4  4^3^13  stability of the firm ^11^5^1  -^1^5  fit with education^5^2^2  2^2^6  salary & benefits^4^4  1^4^3  N = [...]^  6^10^24  29^9^2  Most subjects reported high levels of motivation from the work itself, and low levels from prospects for promotion. The nature of the work itself and the stability of the firm were reasons given most frequently for taking the job, and  - 180 not salary and benefits, regardless of stated motivational orientation. Evidently, job satisfaction is not payable in cash for highly-skilled workers. Table 6.21 below summarizes workplace setting factors, with median responses on a scale ranging from 0.5 (not important) to 5.5 (critically important). The higher the ranking, the greater the degree of potential stress from this  Table 6.21^Field sample:^workplace setting priorities (relative importance of) WORK SETTING FACTOR  MEDIAN RESPONSE Workers not Telecommuting  Workers Telecommuting  p < .xx  Parking  3.67  3.13  .10  Home  3.14  3.08  .41  Open Space  2.88  3.13  .44  Facilities for exercise or sports  2.79  3.13  .12  Public transit  2.70  1.18  .05  Shopping  2.00  2.57  .69  (proximity to)  Note:^Responses on a scale of 0.50 (min.) to 5.50 (max.)  factor. Results show differences in work setting priorities between those telecommuting, and those not telecommuting, with two significant (parking and public transit). The last comparison is of willingness to engage in various flexible workstyle options, shown in Table 6.22 below. The degree of willingness varies with the depth of the alternative, and which alternative has been experienced. The final question to be considered is whether individuals and organizations perceive similar benefits and costs flowing from the implementation of flexible workstyle. Comparisons were made on the basis of anecdotal reports, supplemented by written material supplied by the participant organizations. Corporate perceptions of benefits to organizations include greater productivity, reductions in infrastructural and operating costs, more opportunities for short-term contracting out, improved employee morale and job satisfaction.  - 181 -  Table 6.22^Field sample:  willingness to participate in flexible work cultures  (percentage of respondents) WILLING TO WORK UNDER  YES  NO  I NOT SURE I  Flex-time  96.2 [100.0]  [^-^]  3.2 [^-^]  .47  Compressed work week  70.4 [100.0]  22.2 [^-^]  7.4 [^-^]  .08  Part-time telecommuting from home  88.9 [71.4]  3.7 [28.6]  7.4 [^-^]  .05  Part-time telecommuting from satellite office  37.0 [78.6]  40.7 [14.3]  22.2 [^7.1]  .04  Full-time telecommuting  7.4 [50.0]  59.3 [42.9]  33.3 [^7.2]  .01  .xx  Note:^figures in brackets for workers telecommuting  Perceived costs were centred on short-term adjustments: training and counselling to managers, difficulties in coordinating work schedules, and loss of staff cohesion. Employee consent to implementation was recognized as important by all participant organizations, even those whose plan is involuntary. Concern that employees would view flexible workstyle as an entitlement was expressed. All organizations stressed some variation of improved employee morale and job satisfaction as benefits. This was expressed as enhanced opportunities for self-management, more effective planning and organization, fewer interruptions. In one case, telecommuting was seen as a significant alternative to 'career breaks'. Improved corporate image was mentioned, along with community benefits; environmental improvement and reduced road network cost. In one case, greater opportunity for access to work by the physically handicapped was cited. Employers generally thought the benefits to employees were greater than the benefits to employers (although some estimates of increased productivity ranged from 50 - 100%). Employees expressed views on both sides of the argument. Since this was not mentioned often, it is taken that in most cases the perception is that programmes are basically fair to all parties. Those who viewed  ^  - 182 their participation as involuntary were less convinced in this respect. Employee views of benefits and costs are outlined in Table 6.23 below, and together with corporate views of benefits and costs, are summarized on pp. 145146. This concludes the examination of findings. Implications for models of workstyle and flexible workstyle are set out in the concluding chapter.  Table 6.23 Field sample: anecdotal comments on costs and benefits Perceived Benefits  ^  Frequency  Increased productivity, easier to concentrate on task^10 Commuting time saved  ^  8  Individual Comments better 'feeling' for the nature of the job as a whole - at times, short term tasks sacrificed in total, 38 days annually  Easier to pace oneself, take breaks, household duties ^7 Able to work on one's own diurnal rhythm^  6^can work earlier/later  More quality time with family ^5^can see children during the day Able to develop increased skill in self-organization^ 4 Increased variety in daily routine ^4 Out of pocket costs (transportation, clothing, lunches) reduced ^3 Able to dress more informally ^2 Perceived Costs Accessibility to ^ informal contact with coworkers  14^both 'schmoozing' and advice ^ Accessibility to in-house resources 10 important where historical file data relied on - also communication equipment at home of poorer quality - increased 'administrivia' duties Lack of structure, visibility  4^effect on promotion prospects  Restrictions on children using office area  3  Difficulty separating 'work' and 'home'  3^need to arrange work space daily  Tax problems recovering home overheads  2  - 183 6.4 RELIABILITY: INTERACTIONS WITHIN COMPONENT MEASURES Testing for reliability is critical in research where there are complex interactions among variables. Inferences drawn rely on component measure correlations with outcomes being reasonably independent, in the sense that they do not vary in a paired fashion unexpectedly. Otherwise, they may not be measuring what they are intended to measure. Component measures are tested for reliability within factor groups, as outlined in Chapter 5. One measure, personality type is itself an 'outcome', being derived from a scale of Likert-type responses. The same schema of correlation strength evaluation is used in all three component measure clusters. Where there are significant correlations (p < .05 for the VUFS surveys, and p < .10 for the field sample, which is considerably smaller) on all three data bases, the interactions are taken to be strongest. Where at least one VUFS survey shows a strong correlation, but not the field sample, interactions are moderate to strong. Where no data base shows significant correlations between measures, interactions are taken to be weak. The data bases do not provide information on all the measures equally. In VUFS73, family type, decision band, workplace mobility and job type were not coded. This was a judgement call by the writer, based on the time involved for encoding, and in some cases the lack of comparability between data in the VUFS [see Table 5.1]. 6.4.1 PERSONALITY TYPE This variable is generally measured using a variant of the Jungian typology. The Meyers-Briggs Type Indicator gho , a commonly used instrument, is based on responses to 96 questions about personal social responses, and takes 30 to 60 minutes to complete (Meyers and Briggs 1980). Personality type was developed on much less extensive criteria in the data bases, i.e. responses to four to six questions, detailed in Table 6.24 below. Observed frequencies for the three samples show marked differences among types, although VUFS rank order is similar. All scales were highly reliable (p < .001), using the Kendall test. Personality type is advanced in the literature [see Chap. 2] as being associated with educational level. People with higher levels of education are  - 184 -  Table 6.24^Personality type in data bases: ^scale component questions and observed frequencies  QUESTION  AGREEMENT INDICATES  It is more important for our community that people are realistic and sensible rather than speculative and imaginative.  sensing  VUFS90, field  We shouldn't worry about a few dissenting individuals. ^It is the majority we should plan for.  judging  all data bases  feeling  all data bases  feeling  all data bases  I trust my feelings more than my thoughts. What a person feels about something is a truer guide to his character than what he thinks about it. If I saw a chance to improve, I would risk all I have now on that.  USED IN  intuiting  VUFS73, field  judging  VUFS73, field  Some people feel, some think, and others do:^doers are the most important.  (percentage of respondents) PERSONALITY TYPE  VUFS73  VUFS90  FIELD SAMPLE  Stabilizer (SJ)  49.0  45.7  46.3  Co-operator (SP)  30.4  24.8  19.5  Catalyst (NF)  9.3  18.7  22.0  Visionary (NT)  11.3  10.9  12.2  514  550  N^=^(...]  41  posited as more likely to be thinking or intuiting types (Ibid.). Table 6.25 sets out the division of respondents in the data bases along this line. The results (see sec. 6.4.3 for coefficients) suggest education and personality are significantly correlated in the VUFS, although not the field sample, with two consistent patterns: stabilizers form a smaller percentage of the sample with increasing levels of education, and visionaries form a larger percentage with increasing educational levels. Since sensing types are not divided along thinking vs. feeling lines, no full conclusion can be drawn.  - 185 -  Table 6.25^Personality type by education (percentage of respondents) PERSONALITY TYPE  EDUCATIONAL LEVEL  % OF TOTAL  SJ  SP  NF  NT  some high school  (57.0) 53.2  (25.2) 30.9  (8.9) 13.8  (8.9) 2.1  (26.9) 17.5  high school graduate  (54.5) 55.0  (26.1) 22.5  (10.2) 15.0  (9.1) 7.5  (35.1) 22.3  apprenticeship  (n/a) 48.6  (n/a) 31.4  (n/a) 17.1  (n/a) 2.9  (n/a) 6.5  some college or university  (41.3) 40.0  (36.7) 22.2  (10.1) 25.7  (11.9) 12.0  (21.7) 32.5  university graduate  (32.7) 39.7  (44.9) 19.1  (8.2) 20.6  (14.3) 20.6  (9.8) 12.6  postgraduate  (36.4) 32.6  (33.3) 26.1  (6.1) 15.2  (24.2) 26.1  (6.6) 8.6  (246) 245  (153) 131  (47) 103  (56) 59  (502) 538  N^=^[...]  Note:^VUFS73 figures in parentheses [apprenticeship not classified]  Clear personality types were seen in about half the respondents in the VUFS which indicates that in the absence of more detailed data collection, caution must be used in drawing inferences. Only the first 1,050 respondents' personal ity types were coded in VUFS73, in order to render sample sizes nearly the same. 6.4.2 SPATIAL-TEMPORAL SEPARATION Figure 5.1 lists stage in family life cycle, home location, work trip duration, work location and workplace mobility as significant factors in the degree of spatial-temporal separation of workplace from home. Figure 6.1 overleaf maps observed correlations among these measures and their components for data bases. Strong correlations are seen between mode choice, work trip duration, and home location. Of these three, only work trip duration is used to develop secondary interactions with VUFS questions. Accordingly, the conclusion is there are no confounding relationships among the variables in the spatial-temporal separation factor group.  - 186 -  Figure 6.1 Spatial-temporal separation: correlations among component measures  (.00), .00, [.13]  (n/a), .00, [.22]  (.00), .00, [.10] 1 ‘ (.07) .82^(n/a) [.52]^.00 [.50]  (n/a), .00 [.15]  -  (n/a), .00, [20]  (n/a) .01 [.41]  (n/a), .00, [.90]  (.00) .00 [.26]  (n/a), .00, [.90]  workplace  (n/a), .68, [.08]  Age Group  Gender  Mode choice - VUFS73 - VUFS90 - field sample  .32 .00 .13  .00 .00 .90  n/a .00 .15  Trip duration - VUFS73 - VUFS90 - field sample  .00 .00 .26  .00 .00 .86  n/a .01 .12  Component Measure Interacting  = strong correlation; I = moderate correlation;  Family Type  I= weak correlation 1  correlations as follows: (VUFS73), VUFS90, [field sample], all at p < .xx  - 187 6.4.3 WORKSTYLE Workstyle factors set out in Figure 5.1 are stage in family life cycle, occupational status, and personality type. Their interactions are plotted in Figure 6.2. This table sets out several instructive relationships. First, personality type is not strongly linked to any other variables. Even though there are distinctive patterns among personality type, age group, and education, the connections are not statistically significant in all three data bases. The same is the case with gender. Accordingly, these variables most closely approach 'independence'. Second, there are strong links between stage in family life cycle and occupational status. The most closely associated pairings are age group and decision band (reflecting the effects of seniority); gender and Blishen rating (subject to comments on the occupational status of retirees and homemakers above); and family type and Blishen rating (singles and empty nesters are encountered more frequently at higher occupational levels, reflecting relative committment to 'career culture', as argued in Chapter 2). Age group and family type correlate strongly (to be expected, given the general path of family development): however, significant correlations in responses to survey questions vary pairwise only for questions 25 and 58, and these are not considered to confound one another. Education and Blishen rating also correlate strongly (to be expected, given the latter is partly a measure of education). However, since Blishen rating is never considered a modal descriptor, this has no effect.  - 188 -  Figure 6.2: Workstyle: correlations among component measures  1/..-age  group  (n/a), .00, (.10]  ..■••  ••■••  I^(.68) 1^.13, [.12]  v."  ^ family ..\type  ••••".  T  (n/a) .11, [.14]  0, "  (.07), .48, [.30]  (.02), .00, [.24]  (n/a), .53, [.87]