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The effect of forest fertilization on the ectomycorrhizae of western hemlock (tsuga heterophylla) Kernaghan, Gavin 1993

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LORD CROMER AS ORIENTALIST AND SOCIAL ENGINEER IN EGYPT,1882-1907byJENNIFER KERNAGHANB.A.(Honors), Simon Fraser University, 1989A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OFTHE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OFMASTER OF ARTSinTHE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIESDepartment of HistoryWe accept this thesis as conformingto the required standardTHE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIAApril, 1993©Jennifer Kernaghan, 1993In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanceddegree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make itfreely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensivecopying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of mydepartment or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying orpublication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my writtenpermission.(Signature)Department of The University of British ColumbiaVancouver, CanadaDateDE-6 (2/88)11ABSTRACTThis thesis examines Lord Cromer's aspirations for developing the 'native mind'in occupied Egypt, 1882 - 1907. From March 1877 to May 1879, and again fromSeptember 1879 until April 1880, Evelyn Baring 1 served as a financial adviser to theKhedival regime. After spending the spring of 1883 in India on the Viceroy's council asFinance Minister, Lord Cromer returned to Egypt in September 1883. He wasappointed Consul General and remained until May, 1907, as the virtual ruler of Egypt.As an Orientalist, Cromer manipulates the Egyptian's 'mind' by representing it in hisworks. As Consul General, he attempts to manipulate that 'mind' through reforms.Lord Cromer perceives the 'Egyptian mind' as deficient, which he considers to be aformidable obstacle to the 'imperial mission'. It will be seen throughout this thesis thatthe 'flawed Egyptian mind' is a contributing factor to the extended British Occupation:Britain needs to stay until it is reformed. Cromer writes about the need to reform the`native mind' in accordance with the British-European 'type'. The 'native mind' has tobe 'developed', 'trained' and 'civilized', and the entire 'subject population' has tolearn how to 'think'. Cromer sought to construct a new and better 'collective mind' for`the Egyptian'. While this paper is not about developing Egypt, it will be proven thatCromer considered developing 'the Egyptian' tantamount to developing Egypt.1 William Welch Jr., No Country for a Gentleman: British Rule in Egypt, 1883 - 190ZNew York: Greenwood Press, 1988, p. 19. Baring was created Baron Cromer in 1891and the Earl of Cromer in 1907.TABLE OF CONTENTSAbstractTable of ContentsINTRODUCTIONChapter One Lord Cromer's EpistemologyPerspective`The Imperial Mission'Methodologyiiiii1101423Chapter 2 Analyzing The Oriental'DescriptionComparison3451Chapter3Chapter 4Social Engineering`Moral and Material Reform'^63The Domino Effect of Structural Reform^67Reforming the Social System 71Cromer's Evaluation of Moral and IntellectualReform^ 90Conclusion: The Contradictions of OrientalistEpistemology^ 98Works Consulted^ 1041INTRODUCTIONThe historiography of Lord Cromer's Administration in Egypt has beenpredominantly political, economic and diplomatic. Cromer's successes in fiscal andadministrative reforms are generally acknowledged to his credit. This thesis addressestwo aspects of Cromer's regime that have not been systematically studied by imperialhistorians: his Orientalist perceptions of the 'Egyptian mind', and his prescriptions forits reform. Cromer's descriptions of 'Orientals' stand out in his writings as an importantand pervasive theme, especially in his three-volume work, Modern Egypt (1907). Whyhas this theme been relegated to secondary importance in the historiography? Imperialhistorians have treated Cromer's often negative opinions of 'the Oriental' as thestandard line of a nineteenth century Pro-Consul; equally 'commonplace' are hiscomments on the need to reform the 'backward mind' Both of these conventionalattitudes place Cromer within the vast literature on imperial mission and 'noblesseoblige' that examines the imperial aspirations for 'civilizing the backward peoples' ofthe Earth. Within the 'mission school' Cromer has been relegated to a place besideother great Consuls such as Curzon and Milner. Cromer has taken a back seat to hismore renowned contemporaries due in part to the destruction of his private papers. Hispublished works have not been analyzed for their important insight into his imperialaspirations. If one were to read histories of Cromer's administration without consultinghis own works, the importance of his preoccupation with the 'Oriental mind' as anobstacle to effective administration would be lost. This thesis suggests that LordCromer's perceptions of the 'Egyptian mind' and his prescriptions for its reform areimportant historical problems for understanding the nature of his administration thathave received scant attention.2Theories of domination over subject populations have helped to clarify theimplications between Cromer's lines for this thesis, which is essentially about`domination'. Cromer attempts to dominate 'the Egyptian mind' by analyzing it andthen trying to change it. He appears to follow a pattern of intellectual subjugation of`the Oriental' in his own mind, which he then transfers to his imperial relationships.Intellectual domination is achieved by justifying why 'the Oriental' should besubjugated. In Cromer's case, 'the Oriental' is perceived as deficient, which legitimateshis domination and reform. 'The Oriental's deficiency' is based on the 'fact' that his`mind' is different from that of the European. 1 To understand and explain Cromer'sanalyses and conclusions, Victorian attitudes to 'character' and 'race' have also beenconsulted for this thesis. The guidelines to proper behavior in Samuel Smiles' classics,entitled Character (1907 rpt.) and Self-Help (1958 rpt.), have been used to analyzeCromer's comments on 'the Egyptian character'. Four sources on imperial dominationhave also been of special importance: No Country for a Gentleman (1988) by WilliamWelch Jr., Philip Mason's Patterns of Dominance (1970), Orientalism (1979) by EdwardSaid, and Timothy Mitchell's Colonizing Egypt (1988). Although Welch's work is not atheory of domination his scope of analysis, being Anglo-Egyptian 'perceptions' ofEgyptians and their society, is within the same theme because Egyptians are`dominated' by their rulers according to how they are perceived. They are perceived as`deficient', and require subjugation. Mason, Mitchell and Said examine the issue of`difference' between East and West as a justification for imperial control. Mason'sgeneral conclusions of how imperialists dominate their subjects are used throughoutthis thesis to interpret Cromer's works. Said and Mitchell's studies concentrate onOrientalist methods of domination. Cromer's works are examined in Chapters One andTwo of this thesis to determine his proximity to the typical 'Orientalist' portrayed bySaid and Mitchell.3According to the abovementioned historians, imperial 'realities' are constructedby the imperialists as an effective method for domination. These 'realities' consist of theimperialist's perceptions of his subjects and of their society. Cromer considers hisversion of 'the Oriental' to be real, to exist in fact, which means that he intends upondescribing 'reality'. An 'imperial reality' is a version of truth that is communicated bythe imperialist. Mitchell argues that imperialists established 'modes of reality' thatwere mere "re-presentations", instead of the true 'Western reality' where Europeanscould determine for themselves what is 'real'. 2 Welch identifies the roots of imperial`realities' to be in the "preconceptions" that are cultivated in the home society. Heargues that preconceptions of the foreign society are "the starting point for imperialrelations...."3 They are the first step to creating an 'Oriental reality' becausepreconceptions are located within the mind of future imperialists, as are the perceptionsof 'men on the spot'. Said also believes in the importance of Orientalist preconceptionsfor justifying expansion. 4 To summarize this argument, imperial realities consist of theimperial agent's preconceptions and perceptions of his subjects.`Reality' is also interpreted by Said and Mitchell as the foundation of allknowledge within and about the subject societies. 5They argue that the colonizer andorientalist marginalize 'the Oriental', forcing him to exist outside of the discourse ofknowledge in his own society. 'Knowledge' is employed as a broad term for power,morality, ethics, etc., and especially important for this thesis, the un-touchable 'Englishcharacter' would be included. Establishing knowledge as outside of the grasp of`Orientals' is the foundation of imperial domination. This system for domination andorder, Said concludes, perpetuated the existence of 'the Oriental' by perpetuating thedifferences between East and West. 'The Oriental' only exists because he is differentand without knowledge.4This thesis focuses on the domination of one component of 'the Oriental': his`mind'. Historians have traditionally concentrated on imperial manipulation of thenative's body in the form of manual labour, etc., as opposed to his 'mind' TimothyMitchell's Colonizing Egypt is an exception. Mitchell depicts an imperial program offirst "capturing the bodies" of 'Orientals', and then "capturing their minds". He arguesthat the body was perceived as "mechanical", and therefore separate from the "mind ormentality", both of which served different functions for the colonizing power. 6 The bodycould work, but the 'mind' told the body what to do, and therefore should be cultivatedproperly. This deceptively simple concept has not received adequate attention in thehistoriography of the Egyptian Occupation. Domination of the colonial 'mind' has beencommunicated as another assumption of imperialist behavior by historians: controllingthe society and its inhabitants implies the attempted subjugation of their 'mind'Timothy Mitchell analyzes this implication and his work is truly unique in drawing thedistinction between the 'mind' and body in imperial control.This thesis identifies and analyzes Cromer's theoretical division of the Egyptianinto his mind and his body as a method for control. He seeks to control the 'native mind'in order to reform it. There are several components of 'the Egyptian mind' that Cromeridentifies as deficient and in need of reform. A main priority is the 'national character'of Egypt. Cromer notes that 'character' is a combination of intellect and morals. ? TheEgyptian's intellectual ability and his morality are formulated in and by his 'mind', as ishis 'character'. There are other aspects of the 'native mind' that Cromer identifies asflawed. For example, 'native habits of thought' are problematic. On the moral side,the 'native' value system or 'moral code' is another area for reform. The Egyptian`spirit' also requires Western inspiration. 'The mind' includes 'character', intellect,morals, spirit, thought, and habits of thought. Cromer discusses all of these in terms of5reform, occasionally linking some together and at other times analyzing themindividually.Cromer's thoughts on reforming the 'native mind' has also not been treatedadequately in the historiography. This is made clear by the fact that there are nosystematic studies of Cromer's aspirations to develop 'the Egyptian intellect andcharacter'. The only acknowledgement of this concept is within the context of otherhistorical problems concerning Egypt. Cromer's "official" biographer, the Marquesse ofZetland, includes the following quote on his Title Page:The Egyptian whom ye have seen to-day, ye shall see them again nomore for ever, °The author implies that 'the Egyptians' will be changed by Cromer's administration, butdoes not pursue the topic. Edward Said notes Cromer's preference for creating`character' instead of training the 'mind', but is more concerned with the "sexualinnuendoes" of Cromer's descriptions of France and Britain. 9 Said conducts a literarycriticism of Cromer's texts at the expense of historical analysis.Histories of imperialism in Egypt generally acknowledge Cromer's desire toreform 'the Egyptian character' within the context of structural reforms. PeterMansfield notes the perceived necessity of reforming 'the Egyptian mind' and arguesthat for Cromer 'native' moral development was to be achieved through economicrenewal. 1° Afaf Lutfi al-Sayyid points out that according to Cromer, the necessities of`good character' are "integrity and efficiency", which could emerge only after many yearsof good government. 11 Robinson and Gallagher make a similar argument for structuralreform as a prerequisite to moral reform in their classic interpretation of imperialexpansion, Africa and the Victorians (1961):Baring could find no hope of a stable government in Egypt, short, Rifreforming on western lines the whole structure and spirit of the society."6However, Robinson and Gallagher are more concerned with the 'structure' than the`spirit' of Cromerian Egypt. In the next paragraph Cromer is called a "matter-of factman" who characteristically does not know how to effect these two reforms "except byhonest administration over many generations." 13 Cromer claims to know how to effectreform and is more explicit in his prescriptions than they admit. They do specify that`honest administration' means 'administrative and material' improvements. There is noreal discussion of the relationship between these 'structural' reforms and the Egyptian`spirit' except to say that "political order was obviously the first requirement for theimprovement of character." 14 They also conclude from Cromer's writings that a goodfiscal policy is a prerequisite to 'the Oriental's' "moral and material progress". 15Robinson and Gallagher do not consolidate these comments on developing the native's`spirit', 'character', and 'morality' to show the crucial role of the 'native mind' inCromer's administration. This omission is consistent in the historiography.The more recent publications of Welch and Mitchell examine the importance ofthe 'native mind' in imperial domination in a way that is unique to their predecessors.Welch and Mitchell indicate a paradigm shift, or a trend, towards cultural andintellectual interests within British imperialism in Egypt. However, their analyses aretoo broad to be completely compatible with this thesis. Timothy Mitchell argues thatPower now sought to work not only upon the exterior of,the body, butalso 'from the inside out' - by shaping the individual mind.'While Mitchell discusses many attempts at shaping the 'Egyptian mind', these are lostwithin other discussions of imperial domination. 17 Mitchell's analysis is also oftenobscured by abstract logic similar to that of Edward Said. For example he discussesgender identification of inanimate objects within 'Eastern societies', which wereallegedly intentional and widespread. He contends that building a house symbolized theunion between the sexes since male and female parts of the house were ultimately7joined together. 18 Mitchell discusses symbolism and opposite concepts such as "thebitterness of gall and the bitterness of wormwood...[and] the seed that swells in theground and that which swells in the woman's womb." 19 There are other references to`fertility and the womb' in this work, but one suffices to illustrate that Mitchell oftenwanders into areas that are quite outside the scope of colonization. Mitchell examinesthe complexities of imperial domination mainly in theory. He surprisingly does notconcentrate on Cromer, the highest 'European Official' in control of the imperialapparatus in Egypt.William Welch also fails to focus on Cromer, and specifically on Cromer'sperceptions of 'the Egyptian mind'. Welch explores what Anglo-Egyptians in generalthought about many different aspects of Egypt. He does state several times that Anglo-Egyptians needed to cultivate the 'Egyptian mind' as part of their program forreforming the country. For example, Welch concludes: "To reconstruct Egypt meantrehabilitating the Egyptian."2° He also notes thatthere was much talk, especially in public, about creAting a modernEgyptian, one equipped to cope in the twentieth century.'There was much comment on this very subject in Cromer's writings that Welch couldhave used to support these conclusions, but this is conspicuously absent. Welch evenacknowledges the alleged urgency of intellectual and moral reform:A priori evidence suggested that serious defects exis,"ted that, if notcorrected, would prove ruinous to Egyptian civilization.While this study has been useful for the present thesis, its scope of analysis is still toobroad and Cromer's thoughts are hidden behind other arguments. Cromer's perceptionsare also relegated to a place beside those of his Anglo-Egyptian colleagues, and thusappear to be commonplace Anglo-Egyptian complaints. Even specialized studies ofEgypt, such as those of Welch and Mitchell fail to establish the importance of his8thoughts on 'the Oriental mind' This omission has left Cromer's thoughts wide openfor others to explore.This thesis analyzes Cromer as a political agent and an Orientalist. ChaptersOne and Two discuss Cromer as an Orientalist due to his methodology for analyzing hissubject people. Chapter Three examines Cromer's prescriptions for reforming 'theEgyptian mind' based on his Orientalist epistemology. Although initially restricted toacademic circles, Orientalism was transformed into "an imperial institution" during thenineteenth century.23 This enabled Agents such as Cromer to assume the dual roles of`Orientalist' and 'imperialist'. The most neutral definition of an 'Orientalist' is someonewith an enduring interest in the East that is effectively communicated. Cromer fillsboth of these qualifications and hopes to add to the existing knowledge of 'Orientals'and of the Anglo-Egyptian administration. In his works, Cromer presents 'the Orientalmind' for Westerners and especially potential imperial agents in the East by analyzingits alleged deficiencies. His analyses of the 'Egyptian mind' and prescriptions for itsreform are communicated in books, letters, articles, speeches and officialcorrespondence, much of which has been researched for this thesis. In portraying 'theOriental mind' as deficient through his writings, Cromer's Orientalism is "intellectualpower" for domination.24 He establishes himself and his regime as superior, and also asan authority on the subject. The accuracy or even legitimacy of Cromer's comments on`the Oriental mind' are not important in this thesis; his words are not evaluatedaccording to some standard of 'historical truth'. What matters is Cromer's perception of`truth' or 'reality'.91 Unless otherwise stated, the term 'European' will be used in this paper to includeEnglishmen and continental Europeans. Cromer uses European and also 'Western';the latter is used when applicable.2 Timothy Mitchell, Colonising Egypt (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988),p. 12, 162.3 Welch, p. 64.4 Edward W. Said, Orientalism (New York: Vintage Books, 1979), p. 39.5 Said and Mitchell base their studies on Michel Foucault's ideas on the use of powerfor creating 'realities' and understanding.6 Mitchell, p. 100.7 The Earl of Cromer, Modern Egypt, 1908, rpt., new edition 1 vol. (London: Macmillanand Co., Limited, 1911), p. 692. All subsequent references to this source will appearas ME.8 The Marquess of Zetland, Lord Cromer. Being the Authorized Life of Evelyn Baring,First Earl of Cromer G.C.B., 0.M., G.C.M.G., KC.S.I. (London: Hodder andStoughton, 1932).9 Said, p. 211-12.10 Peter Mansfield, The British in Egypt, (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1971), p.96.11 Afaf Lutfi al-Sayyid. Egypt and Cromer. A Study in Anglo-Egyptian Relations(London: John Murray, 1968), p. 63.12 Ronald Robinson and John Gallagher with Alice Denny. Africa and the Victorians:The Official Mind of Imperialism, 1968 rpt., second edition (London: MacmillanEducation Ltd, 1989), p. 274. Italics are mine13 Robinson and Gallagher, p. 275.14 Robinson and Gallagher, p. 275.15 Robinson and Gallagher, p. 275.16 Mitchell, p. 94.17 These include the European manipulation of space by 'enframing' other societiesand looking at them as 'Exhibitions% 'disciplinary mechanisms'; exploitation;comparisons of 'restructuring' Algerian and Egyptian villages; pre-Occupationalintroduction of European schooling; the role of Egyptian modernizers.18 Mitchell, p. 52.19 Mitchell, p. 60.20 Welch, p. 65.21 Welch, p. 23.22 Welch, p. 65.23 Said, p. 95.24 Said, p. 41.10CHAPTER 1: LORD CROMER'S EPISTEMOLOGYPERSPECTIVEThis chapter examines Lord Cromer's epistemology for understanding the`Egyptian mind' Cromer states that he has portrayed Egyptians "as they appear in theeyes of an educated European." 1 He perceives them from a biased perspective, ratherthan trying to understand them on their own level. He is incapable of looking atEgyptians through their own 'eyes', because the 'educated European' vision isconsidered to be the only source of accuracy or 'knowledge'. In section two of thischapter, Victorian theories of 'character' and 'race' are analyzed in relation to Cromer'swritings.To understand Cromer's "educated European" perceptions, it is necessary toexamine those sectors of the Victorian intellectual climate that dealt with 'other'peoples. Cromer's concept of the 'British mission' in its religious and secular-paternalist forms is also discussed to show his justification for the Occupation. In thefinal section Cromer's methodology for analyzing 'the Oriental' is discussed in detail.Cromer perceives 'the Oriental mind' as different from the European. This is thefoundation from which all of his judgements on how to deal with, or dominate, hissubjects are made. The first step in dominating 'the Oriental' is to isolate him assomething separate from the ruling group. This Orientalist technique institutionalizes agulf between the 'Eastern' and 'European' that serves as the base from which Cromercan theorize.2 'Oriental society' is portrayed as divided between East and West, wherethe European and 'Oriental' are at odds. Other divisions such as 'England' and 'E tare made according to context. Inter-European differences are irrelevant whencompared with the peculiarities of 'the East'. Cromer states11are made according to context. Inter-European differences are irrelevant whencompared with the peculiarities of 'the East'. Cromer statesBut the Englishman is a Western, albeit an Anglo-Saxon Western, and,from the point of view of all processes of reasoning, the gulf whichseparates any one member of the European family from another isinfinitely j wide than that which divides all Westerns from allOrientals.By acknowledging the basic difference between East and West, 'Eastern inferiority' and`Western superiority' are also established. The West is 'progressive', 'good', 'positive',and since the East is 'different', it must be 'backward', 'bad' and 'negative'. Masonlabels the 'explanation' of British superiority a "myth" that imperialists supported withintheir own "compulsive oblivion" in order to help them oppress their subjects. 4 The`oblivion' connotes the divided society, where ideas about 'Orientals' are admittedthrough a filter, and also where ideas from home are protected and reinforced. Oneimagines Cromer observing 'the Oriental' from his insular world, or 'oblivion'.The Oriental' is marginalised both physically and intellectually: by establishingexclusive clubs, working conditions, and residential districts, imperialists transplantedtheir home societies to Egypt, which perpetually reinforced their cultural differencesfrom 'Orientals'. Cromer was further confined to the European position outside of the`Oriental reality' by not learning Arabic; he relied on his interpreter and PrivateSecretary, Harry Boyle, for communication with his subjects. 'Oriental' isolationallows imperialists such as Cromer to claim 'detachment' from their subjects.Detachment is important because it allows for observation, which leads tounderstanding, which is synonymous with domination and effective rule. Detachmentand other "disciplinary mechanisms" contribute to what Mitchell terms the "panopticprinciple", where administrators could view their subjects from every direction. 5Cromer and other imperialists 'observed and controlled' the physical imperial world,while their subjects, or Egyptians, were within that world as objects for control. 612Cromer considers all `Easterns' to be basically the same, regardless of ethnic,cultural or even religious background. Although there are many 'racial' divisions within`the Orient', Cromer argues that they are all driven by the same 'Oriental mind' `TheOriental's elusive nature' is further complicated by his changing appellations inCromer's works: Egyptian, 'Eastern', 'Mohammedan', 'Eastern Christian'. There are somany ethnic and racial divisions in Egyptian society that Cromer describes thepopulation as 'The Dwellers' in his most provocative chapter of Modern Egypt, Eachlabel or category is considered a different variation of the 'Oriental mind'. To Cromer,they are all simply 'Orientals'. The terms 'Oriental', 'native', Egyptian, 'subject' and`Eastern' are used interchangeably in this paper and are synonymous. Unless otherwisestated, these terms refer to an artificial 'Oriental mind' that Cromer analyzes and thenattempts to reform.7Cromer emphasizes the fact that the dwellers are outside of the bounds ofWestern 'knowledge' by establishing them all as 'Orientals'. Progression out of the`Oriental' state requires the dwellers to extinguish their inter-racial prejudices and seethemselves as 'the same'. Cromer already views them as 'the same' by categorizing themas 'Oriental', but argues that they should be identified as 'Egyptian'. In this sense,`Egyptian' is better than 'Oriental'. Cromer argues that at present, there are no true`Egyptians'.`The Egyptians are not a nation they are a forwitous agglomeration of anumber of miscellaneous and hybrid elements'.°In an attempt to create a new 'Egyptian mind', Cromer proposes a completely newmeaning for the term 'Egyptian'. He argues that 'Egyptian' should include all of the`dwellers' to form an "Egyptian nationality" and spirit. These should converge to forman 'Egyptian national spirit'. 9 Allegiances to racial ancestry would be surpassed and thevarious 'Oriental minds' would be replaced by a new 'Egyptian mind' The absence of`Egyptians' justifies 'the mission': Cromer must replace the 'backward Oriental mind'13with a new 'Egyptian mind'. The former is potentially hostile to British interests, whilethe latter should be friendly. Hostility and deficiency in a group indicates its greatdistance from the 'Western mind'; a new, friendly 'Egyptian' would be getting closer.Creating an 'Egyptian nationality' would be difficult. In his last Report on Egypt,Cromer argues that this amalgamation can only occur by abolishing the Capitulationsand creating an International Legislative Council that would ignore the formerEgyptian-foreigner, and also inter-European disputes. He speculates that`mit will be a first step towards the formation of an Egyptian nationalspirit in the only sense in which that spiri itn can be invoked withoutdetriment to the true interests of the country?'Cromer also discusses the necessity for a new 'Egyptian national spirit' devoid of racialdifferences. Most importantly, Cromer re-defines 'Egyptian' to mean anyone whoresides in Egypt:The real future of Egypt, therefore, lies not in the direction of a narrownationalism, which will only embrace native Egyptians, nor in that of anyendeavor to convert Egypt into a British possession on the model of Indiaor Ceylon, but rather in that of an enlarged cosmopolitanism, which,whilst discarding all the obstructive fetters of the cumbersome oldinternational system, will tend to amalgamate all the inhabitants of theNile Valley and enable the all alike to share in the government of theirnative or adopted country.The old 'Egyptian mind' must change his self- perception; likewise, all 'Orientaldwellers' must also look at themselves in a new light. They must see themselves as`Egyptian', instead of Syrian, Ottoman, etc. This is necessary so that all can fit into thenew international system. 12 Cromer suggests a government where Egyptians andEuropeans work together in a unicameral chamber. He stipulates that the viability ofthis chamber depends mainly "on the conduct of the Egyptians themselves." 13 Forexample, the present "native Egyptians" must drop their prejudices against differentclasses, ethnic groups and religions. They must also demonstrate that they can be reliedupon to cooperate with the new organization. Cromer advocates the conscious14redefinition of 'Egyptian nationality'. He speculates that the new 'Egyptian' could morereadily accept moral and intellectual reform because his old 'habits of thought' wouldslowly vanish. It will be seen in the last section of this chapter that Cromer's ideal of anew 'Egyptian' was not quite as progressive and intellectually independent as heportrays here.Are some 'Dwellers' more important than others for Cromer's plan to create anew 'Egyptian'? In Modem Egypt Cromer identifies two different types of 'Oriental' ashis main targets for reform: the governing elite and the 'average Egyptian'. The contextof his proposal is a discussion of the Nubar-Wilson Ministry of April 1878 to November1878. A Commission of Inquiry was established to determine the extent of Egypt'sproblems and also to suggest appropriate reforms. Cromer commends the propositionsand also the Commissioners on their difficult task. Success would depend, however, ontime and the placement of "capable administrators" in government. Egypt needsabove all, a gradual change in the habits of thought, both of the Egyptianofficials and of the people themselves, which would enable them in somedegree to assimilate a system of administration, based on principleswhich, shice the days of the Pharaohs, had been unfamiliar to the peopleof Egypt."Structural reform is not enough. The official and also the 'public mind', specifically the`habits of thought', must also be 'gradually changed'. The new structure and the new`mind' must complement each other, and be able to work together for an efficientadministration. The pre-Occupation administration was marred by the deficient 'minds'of local administrators and other Egyptians, and their combination was destructive. Thefact that they could never work together made matters worse as the former onlyoppressed the latter. Cromer also points out that reforming these 'minds' will beespecially difficult because the existing 'habits of thought' are centuries old.15THE 'IMPERIAL MISSION'Lord Cromer is inspired by the 'facts' of 'British superiority' and 'Egyptianinferiority'. He argues that the British Occupation is necessary for Egyptian progress.Egypt requires Western 'knowledge' in order to join the community of 'civilized'nations. Cromer portrays the 'imperial mission' in humanitarian terms: Egypt will berescued from her self-inflicted ruin. 'The mission' is also highly personalized, as the`British imperialist' appears to be more important than the concept of 'Britishimperialism' The imperial agent is the embodiment of imperial theory; he translatestheory into action by infusing 'uncivilized' societies with 'new life'. Cromer believes that`the Englishman' "came not as a conqueror, but in the familiar garb of a saviour ofsociety." 15 This is an extremely ambitious programme Cromer demands confidence inthe imperial role, its legitimacy and also its viability as prerequisites for imperialservice, all of which he believes are generally fulfilled. 16 It will be seen in this sectionthat Cromer's confidence is further "enhanced by the Christian faith, itself a source ofinspiration, so necessary in confirming the nation's direction." 17 Cromer is driven by thespirit of 'noblesse oblige' to improve 'backward peoples'. Europeans, and especially`the Englishman' in Cromer's writings are on a 'civilizing mission' to lead and reformthe 'uncivilized Egyptian'.An official justification for expansion was paternalism: subject races weresupposed to benefit from having rulers of 'superior quality' for protection andguidance. 18 'Orientals' in Egypt proved that they were incapable of looking afterthemselves; they needed to be shown how to 'think properly', which would enable themto 'live properly'. The modern observer is not alone in questioning paternal integrity, asCromer mentions its rather "suspicious" past record. As for himself, Cromer proudlywrites:one of the first qualifications necessary in order to play the part of asaviour of society is that the saviour should believe in himself and in his16mission. This the Englishman did. He was convinced that his missimwas to save Egyptian society, and, moreover, that he was able to save it.'Cromer portrays himself as the archetypal 'Englishman'. Victorians had perceivedthemselves to have reached the peak of evolutionary development, and therefore aturning point in history when they were obliged to venture out and spread theirknowledge.20 Images of a 'chosen' people are vivid in Cromer's works, where 'theEnglishman' is raised to an almost super-human level, thus widening the gap betweenthe different races. On three occasions in Modern Egypt, Cromer refers to the MiddleEastern tale, Eothen, as prophetic, and considers its author, Alexander WilliamKinglake (1808-81), as "a man of literary genius". Kinglake writes that "TheEnglishman planted a firm foot on the banks of the Nile, and sat in the seats of thefaithful."' In one sense it was Cromer's firm foot in 1883; but he also shares the creditwith Major Watson, R.E. and his men who captured the Alexandria Citadel onSeptember 14 1882 during the bombardment. 21 The invasion was a fine example of`English superiority' applied to the military.Cromer also discusses his mission in religious terms. Christianity is a powerfulforce in Cromer's division of Egyptian society. Communicating the 'differences'between East and West as Moslem and Christian gave the appearance of 'divineordination', which justified 'the mission'. 22 As Christians, they were allegedly inspiredby God to spread their 'knowledge% as 'Englishmen', they were only sanctioned by thestate. According to Cromer, England is of course the best example of religious purityfrom the West. 'The Englishman' hopes to "attain a high degree of eminently Christiancivilization" in Egypt andis, indeed, guided in this direction by the lights, which have been handeddown to him by his 49refathers, and by the Puritan blood which stillcirculates in his veins."Cromer also stirs up religious antagonisms to Catholicism, particularly in hisdesignation of the Turkish Sultan as the 'Mohammedan Pope'. 24 Both temporal rulers17were traditionally considered pretenders to spiritual power, and symbols of religioustyranny. Cromer's mission resembles a continuation of two historical conflicts overreligion: England crusaded against the infidels in the Middle Ages and also rebelledagainst Rome in the Reformation. Now in Egypt, she was again confronting theMoslems and Catholics.25 Welch argues that the religious impulse was alsoinstrumental in gaining support for the mission. 'The Oriental' was also seen as a`Moslem', with its attendant themes of 'holy wars' and alleged opposition toChristianity.26 These preconceptions of Islam were fuelled by such images as theCrusades and re-confirmed with the contemporary Mandist rebellion in the Sudanagainst Egyptian domination. During this current 'holy war', a British expedition underHicks was massacred, Khartoum was captured and General Gordon was martyred inthe cause of "religious fanaticism and blind devotion". 27 The Sudanese debacleconfirmed Cromer's argument that the Egyptian required intellectual and moralregeneration.28 Unable to handle the situation according to British standards, theEgyptian had to rely on 'superior', British assistance.The religious aspect of Cromer's mission is the foundation of his prescriptionsfor intellectual and moral reform. He asks himself and his readers what kind of new`moral code' can be introduced to the Moslems, and concludes that it must be British,European, and Christian. According to Zetland, "the touchstone to which heinstinctively submitted all his actions was that of the Christian moral code." 29 Cromeralso saw "Britain's primary duty in Egypt" to be establishment of the Code withingovernment.30 Indeed, Cromerattached the utmost importance to a governing race basing its relationswith subject peqples on a rigid observance of the moral precepts of theChristian Code."In Cromer's own words, 'the Englishman' in Egypt "will endeavor to inculcate adistinctly Christian code of morality as the basis for the relations between man and18man "32 The Code apparently offers the egalitarian concepts of respect for others andself-worth for all Egyptians. Unfortunately, Cromer fails to define the 'Christian code'beyond noting that is based on Christianity.33 The main point is that it is Christian, andnot Moslem.Cromer also advocates implementing the Christian Code throughout the Empirefor imperial union. Writing in January 1908 after his return from Egypt, Cromer arguesthat...the code of Christian morality is the only sure foundation on witch thewhole of our vast Imperial fabric can be built if it is to be durable."Christian morality, if observed, offers a bond for the diverse peoples of the Britishempire, as it would for the poly-ethnic 'dwellers' of Egypt. Cromer makes a "sweepinggeneralization" on how to avoid a similar total decline as that of the Roman Empire:it may be said that the whole, or nearly the whole, of the essential pointsof a sound Imperial policy admit of being embodied in this one statement,that, whilst steadily avoiding any movement in this direction of officialproselytism, our relations with the various races who are subjects of theKing of Engjgnd should be founded on the granite rock of the Christianmoral code."A successful bond of 'Christian morality' would in turn stabilize British authoritybecause everyone would be guided by the same Code. Cromer concludes that imperial`durability' would be strengthened by the implementation of this moral code. He isconcerned with avoiding the fate of the Roman Empire and suggests that the Christianmoral code would contribute to British imperial longevity. These comments can also beapplied to his own imperial domain• bonding the Egyptian 'dwellers' together wouldstabilize the local population, the administration would be reinforced and Britishinfluence preserved even after evacuation. Christianity not only ensured Englishsuperiority, but also domination over imperial subjects.19Another distinguishing feature of 'the Englishman' was his allegedly unique`character'. Cromer's preoccupation with 'character' was apparently common amongVictorians, who were notorious for defining their peers and 'other' groups by their`character type'. Many English publications explained the finer points of 'goodcharacter', which indicate a general interest in the subject. Some of these sources havebeen consulted for this thesis in order to place Cromer's 'character' judgements of 'theEgyptian' into their nineteenth century context. According to Samuel Smiles, therewere ten fundamental prerequisites to effecting 'good character': stable home life,companionship with friends, hard work, courage, self-control, duty and honesty, goodtemper, manners, reading, and companionship in marriage. While there is no evidencethat Cromer read Smiles, he obviously subscribed to some general rules of 'goodcharacter' because he evaluates many individuals and groups by the quality of their`character'. Cromer definitely has a model of 'good character' in his own mind, eventhough it is not succinctly defined. Instead, Cromer randomly states his qualificationsfor 'good character', which are quite compatible with those of Smiles. As an allegedauthority on 'English character', inferences can be made between Smiles' work andCromer's conclusions. 36Cromer and Smiles certainly agree that the 'English character' is 'the best' in theworld. Some historians argue that the insistence on English superiority indicates alatent insecurity and even an identity crisis. 37 This apparently subconscious motivationdoes not seem plausible within Cromer's reasoning• he appears to be genuinelyconfident in the superior 'English character' and consistently tries to convince hisreaders of this 'fact'. Cromer discusses the "sterling national qualities of the Anglo-Saxon race" either directly through descriptions of fellow Agents and the mission, orindirectly by criticizing 'others' for flaws that are presumably un-English. 38 An exampleof Cromer's confidence in the 'English character' emphasizes the interrelationship of20`character' and 'superiority'. The 'English character' embodied by the acting Consul, SirAuckland Colvin, saved the Khedival administration during the Arabi Mutiny onSeptember 9, 1881. Cromer concludes that:The spirit of the Englishman rose high in the presence of danger.... Hemust endeavor at the risk of his own life to impart to the hedive someportion of the spirit which animated his own imperial race.Cromer asserts that Tewfik chose the "wisest" course in summoning Colvin, whodescribes a dramatic encounter with Arabi and a crowd of discontented soldiers. Arabiapproached on horseback, dismounted when ordered, advanced with a group bearing`fixed bayonets', and finally saluted. Colvin continues: "'I said to the Viceroy, Now isyour moment.' He replied, 'We are between four fires.' I said, 'Have courage.'"413 Thesituation was resolved diplomatically. This is a splendid example of the 'Englishcharacter' as part of that intangible 'knowledge' because the unfortunate 'Oriental'Khedive was incapable of really knowing how to handle the situation. In contrast, Colvinknew what to do, and Cromer knew that it was right even though he was absent.Good morals are synonymous with 'good character' in Cromer's writings.Introducing his concluding chapter in Modern Egypt, Cromer cites W.E.H. Lecky'sHistory of European Morals (1869): "The essential qualities of national greatness aremoral, not material.'"41 In other discussions, Cromer also attributes English 'greatness'to 'character'. The upright 'Englishman' is portrayed as a positive influence andmotivating force for Egyptians to improve themselves. Cromer stresses the importanceof proper behavior for his subordinates, who should be examples to 'the natives' ofmoral goodness. He notes:it always appeared to me that the first and most important duty of theBritish representative in Egypt was, by example and precept, to set up ahigh standard of morality, both in his public and ivate life, and thusendeavor to raise the standard of those around him21Success in "public matters" is attributed to Anglo-Egyptian officials who allegedly wereexamples of good morality and also scrupulous in dealing honestly with everyone. 43Cromer also briefly thanks his first wife for her guidance in Egyptian "social life". 44Many of his Anglo-Egyptian contemporaries argue that Cromer himself was the bestexponent of English morality in Egypt. 45 According to Cromer, all Englishmen helpedinadvertently to upset the moral quagmire in Egypt by their alleged moral superioritythat dictated their actions.Cromer reveals an eclectic theoretical taste by discussing his subjects in termsother than of their 'character'. He also examines the 'Oriental race' and 'Orientalculture'. These more controversial categories were the ethnographic successors to`character' with the application of science. 46 Many nineteenth century human sciencesoffered biological evidence to 'explain' racial differences and 'confirm' Englishsuperiority.47 Although the quality of race studies ranged from serious to ridiculous,their general influence among theorists of empire was "immense", especially because`paternalism' was considered to be an inadequate justification for expansion. 48 SocialDarwinism revived traditional prejudices with its theory of the 'survival of the fittest'through the natural evolution of mankind.° Arguments based on social darwinismwere also commonly employed by most major political figures of imperial nations fromthe 1890's.50 Anthropology proposed "racial types", and eugenics claimed that theintellect was an inherited quality peculiar to each race.51 It was apparently common forVictorians to speak in terms of 'race', and Cromer was no exception.52 For example, herefers to "the dark-skinned Eastern as compared with the fair-skinned Western". 53Victorians generally used metaphors for equating color with human characteristics, suchas light with goodness and darkness with corruption. 54 While Cromer draws noscientific connections between color and superiority, the symbolic implication is there.22Although Cromer refers to various 'races' of the East, the extent of his racistideas is difficult to determine Cromer's 'explanation' of Egyptians as inferior isdefinitely based on racialist justification: because they are Egyptians - and especiallybecause they are not English - they are inferior. The missionary impulse was certainlylinked in some form to 'social darwinism' because in both cases the 'weaker race' is tobe replaced by the 'stronger, superior, British race'.55 Cromer's theories are notdirectly linked to any 'scientific' sources. His ideas on race are mainly derived from acollection of Orientalist works, which are cited throughout Modern Egypt. Theseinclude: Edward Lane's Manners and Customs of the Modem Egyptians, and Sir AlfredLyall's Asiatic Studies.56 Cromer's notions of 'English superiority' and 'noblesseoblige', both of which are racist, were likely substantiated in other sources that heconsulted. These included stories of Eastern exploration, British memoirs, politicalscience treatises, Greek mythology and histories of Britain, the Italian renaissance andthe Roman Empire. From his wide range of interests, it can be concluded that Cromerwas inspired by many different trends of thought, one of which was the role of 'race' inanalyzing a foreign people.Although Cromer judged his subjects by their racial characteristics, he isbetter described as a 'paternalist' rather than a 'racist'. This conclusion is based on thePhilip Mason's explanation of paternalist and racist ideologies as mutually exclusive.According to Mason, racists believe that a "subject people are inherently different andmust be ruled for ever". 57 Cromer believes in the basic difference of 'Orientals', butdoes not think that this difference is entirely permanent, because he argues for reform.He believes that 'the Oriental' should not be ruled for ever, by repeatedly pointing outthat British forces must evacuate Egypt as soon as the mission is complete. Cromer wasin favour of immediate evacuation at the beginning of his Consul Generalship butchanged his mind only when he realized that Egypt and 'the Egyptian' required23extensive reform: they were not ready for self-government. More in accordance withCromer's writings is the paternalist view of subject peoples, who "are for the presentwards under guardianship, but they will grow up, they will be educated."58 Thepaternalist establishes a lather-son relationship' with his subjects, who are nurturedand prepared for independence when the father determines that they are ready. 59 As apaternalist, Cromer ultimately seeks to reform 'the Oriental' so that he may grow intoan independent and "admiring younger brother."6° According to Mason, 'the Oriental'is elevated from the subordinate position of son to a more equal, yet less experiencedbecause he is 'younger', brother of 'the Englishman'. As will be seen in Chapter Two,Cromer's discussion of his 'wards', and especially his Khedives, is very paternalistic.CROMER'S METHODOLOGYThis section traces the progression of Cromer's intellectual subjugation of 'theOriental'. Cromer's methodology is explained within the framework of how theOrientalist attempts to understand, or dominate, subject peoples. The desire tounderstand 'the native' was common for Orientalists. 61 Throughout the nineteenth•century, non-Europeans were "made the careful object of European curiosity." 62 Once`the Oriental mind' is understood, it can be conquered by forcing it to appreciate thedesirability of reform. Imperial success also depends on the constant replenishment of`knowledge' about Egyptian society because knowing 'the Oriental' means dominating`the Oriental'. 63 According to Said, as the level of knowledge increases, so must thesophistication of the power structure. Imperial power increases as 'the Oriental mind'is progressively understood; to keep this process going, 'the native mind' must beconstantly studied.6424A fundamental aim for Cromer is to understand his subject people, nicelyfulfilling the "first duty of an imperial race". 65 'Understanding' is necessary before anyserious attempt at reform is possible. According to Cromer, sympathy with thesubject's plight will help to clarify 'Oriental views'. 66It is also necessary to know thepre-Occupation political system, the legal status of non-Egyptians, and the "nationalcharacteristics" of Egypt.67 Cromer advises that...British officials in Eastern countries should be encouraged by allpossible rnws to learn the views and the requirements of the nativepopulation.'Accurate understanding of the 'Egyptian mind', or 'views', supposedly would help theimperialist to manipulate his subjects by accommodating his behavior to 'native'needs without compromising his position. Cromer constantly describes situations wherehe carefully weighed his possible alternatives for action, and is often proud of hischoices because they appeared to satisfy all parties. This "special aptitude" is thepreserve of Englishmen, whom he predictably credits as the best qualified for civilizing`Orientals'.69 Cromer judged imperial administrators on their potential for`understanding' according to their adaptability in 'the East'. For example, Sir RiversWilson, the pre-Occupation Finance Minister, is criticized for his purely Britishexperience that Cromer considers useless in the completely different 'Oriental politicaldimate'.70 Ideally, Cromer required his Agents' sensitivity to the differences betweenthemselves and 'the Orientals' within the context of all working relationships, frombuilding irrigation systems to planning budgets.Cromer advises Anglo-Egyptians and other imperial agents to study their`subjects' in order to achieve understanding. In Modern Egypt Anglo-Egyptians arerecommended to read histories and general studies on 'Eastern society'. Above all,these should be responsible, objective sources, "based on accurate information and on acareful study of Egyptian facts and of the Egyptian character...."71 In particular,25Cromer suggests reading Sir Alfred Lyall's "brilliant" Asiatic Studies. Lyall is renownedfor his knowledge of 'Eastern morality', 'habits of thought', and on dealing with theproblems of the Eastern and Western 'minds' working together.72 Aside fromindividual study, observation, and reliance on that 'knowledge' that every 'Englishman'was blessed with by birth, there was little recourse to the English educational system forsupplying information about 'the East'. Cromer argues that a school of Oriental Studiesshould be established in England to enhance understanding of 'the East' for Englishresidents and also future imperial agents. Cromer stated in the House of Lords onSeptember 27, 1909: "I should be very glad to see lectures given by qualified people onOriental character and mental processes: 1 '73 He eventually chaired a planningcommittee for a School of Oriental Languages in London.74`The Oriental' is further subjugated through the process of study by his ultimatedehumanization. He becomes something that is studied, rather than someone to bemerely 'understood'. Dehumanization appears to justify Cromer's prescriptions forintellectual and moral reform: as an object, instead of a person, the Egyptian can bemanipulated into something else. There are many examples of 'native' objectification inCromer's writings. In his introduction, Cromer speaks of his "subject" that he had tostudy, as opposed to his subjects. 75 While exposing the cruelty of local officials, herefers to the Moudirs, or provincial governors, as specimens of "administrativematerial".76 Equating the natives with 'material' is repeated often. In "The Dwellers",Cromer examines 'the Egyptian' in detail and finds many complex deficiencies. Heconcludes by asking: "In a word, what was the chaotic material out of which theEnglishman had to evolve something like order?" 77 On another occasion, Cromerargues that Egyptians were not ready for a British withdrawal. He bases his conclusionon "the existing facts and the material available". 78 Referring to the problem of armyreform, Cromer asks himself what type of men would compose the army: "Out of what26material was a new army to be formed?" 79 The fellah was a possible solution.Muhammad Ali apparently saw the fellaheen as "raw material" that could be turnedinto soldiers, and they were employed with relative success.8° The Anglo-Egyptianregime also eventually transformed the 'raw' fellaheen into relatively skilled soldiers.Cromer comments on the undisputed British success:Even hostile critics admitted that the manner in which the British officershad created aefficient army out of very unpromising material wasbeyond praise.As 'unpromising material', the fellah is portrayed as little more than a problem to besolved. Cromer's remedy is to 'create' a better human product.The Egyptian is not only identified as 'material', he is also 'raw material'. In"The Dwellers", Cromer analyzes the polymorphous society. He asks: "Of what was theraw material composed with which the Englishman had to deal?" 82 The adjective 'raw'emphasizes the need for reform. Cromer's reduction of 'the native' into an object suchas 'material' is strictly an intellectual process: the material appears stagnant and lifeless.By describing this material as 'raw', Cromer shows that the material is natural,untouched, and can be developed out of its 'raw' condition. Cromer concludes:In fact, the Englishman will soon find that the Egyptian, whom he wishesto mould into something really useful with a view to hi%ecomingeventually autonomous, is merely the rawest of raw material....'"He notes that the process will involve many "tools" provided by other nations, both`Eastern' and 'Western'. Thanks to these, "the excellence of the finished article" will notbe compromised by inadequate local means.84 Successful reforms, or 'tools', willenable the raw material to be transformed into a new 'finished article'. In a footnote,Cromer points out that he is referring to the abundance of 'raw material' in 1882, andconcedes that the 'moral and intellectual' quality of Egyptian civil servants has sincegreatly improved. Again reflecting on his administration Cromer comments on "theunpromising nature of the raw material on which the English had to work". 85 While27the Egyptians were less 'raw' and endowed with more useful 'habits of thought' whenCromer left Egypt, they were nevertheless still 'material'.Dehumanizing the Egyptians enables Cromer to suggest their conversion intoautomatons. Since the Egyptian has been reduced to the status of an 'object', he can betransformed into a person with object-like qualities. Cromer seeks to change thedeficient Egyptian 'material' into efficient Egyptian 'automatons'. The Egyptian's`mind' ideally becomes a receptacle of British knowledge that is expressed throughimitating 'Englishness' Imitation is the highest achievement of an 'Oriental' because itis considered impossible for foreigners to become truly 'English', which was thepreserve of 'the Englishman'.86 Originality of the 'finished product' is unimportant:His civilization may be a veneer, yet he will readily adopt the letter, thecatchwoycl,s and jargon, if not the spirit of European administrativesystems.° 'Proximity to the British mold is crucial for success. By encouraging him to imitate 'theEnglishman', the Egyptian can be effectively reformed. According to Cromer, this planis viable because the 'Egyptian character' is naturally inclined towards imitation.Cromer notes one of the Egyptian's few natural 'skills' as being the ability to copy the`British character'Once explain to an Egyptian what he is to do, and he will assimilate theidea rapidly. He is a good imitator, and will make a faith evensometimes a too servile copy of the work of his European teacher.Cromer admits that he is advocating the construction of 'native robots'. Afteracknowledging the Egyptian to be a good imitator who can never be truly 'English',Cromer points out thatHis movements will, it is true, be not unfrequently those of automaton,but aAkilfully constructed automaton may do a great deal of usefulwork.°`Skilful construction' is the process of intellectual and moral reform. An example of`useful work' is the fellah who adapts himself to drill exercises because, "true to his28national characteristics, is an admirable automaton." 9° Cromer argues for the fine-tuning of this national characteristic. He is not creating something new, but exploitingthe limited potential of existing 'material'. Regardless of the composition of thefinished product, the reformed Egyptian is to be a British construction.Cromer's desire to create automatons can be explained as a re-affirmation of`British superiority'. Since the Egyptian automaton can not become wholly English, themyth of his latent inferiority would never be entirely extinguished. Said's argument ofthe necessary preservation of 'the Oriental' is recalled in this situation. As automatons,some form of 'the Oriental character' must be retained. Both the myth of 'the Oriental',and Cromer's 'automaton' are constructed and permanently maintained by the holdersof power. The former is through literature and a false 'reality', and the latter is withinthe imperial society. Like the 'Oriental myth', the automaton will always be an inferior`other' because it is neither English nor European in essence. 'Western superiority'would therefore ease the conscience of imperialists establishing systems of permanentinequality because subject peoples could never attain the sophistication of their`advisers'.91 Mitchell discusses this "paradoxical" scenario in terms of general imperialpolicy, arguing that the British, although finding 'the Orientals' to be deficient in manyways, needed to maintain this deficiency in order to remind themselves of their ownsuperiority.92 'Englishmen' could then define themselves as 'saviours of society', to useCromer's words, because if there was no one to save, there would have been neithermission, nor honor. Likewise, there would be nothing to create.While creating automatons is considered to be desirable, it is not to be apermanent condition for the governing Pashas, who must learn to think for themselvesas pseudo-Englishmen. Cromer argues that Egypt has always been burdened with anoppressive, and relatively ignorant ruling class. The Pashas must be reformed so that29they could adapt to and eventually manage the new system. Structural reforms areconsidered worthless without modernization of the administrators. Cromer insists thatthe Anglo-Egyptian administration was more concerned with reforming these 'native'partners in government, rather than the 'native' system.The agency believed if such a body of Egyptian officials were not created,Egypt would be left with a 'race of automatons bound hand and foot by arigid set of bureaucratic formulae.' Clearly the Agency believed thqtgoverning Egypt was a question much more of persons than of systems."The key word in the above observation is 'created'. The Agency believed in the need tocreate a new type of local administrator, just as it would create a new administration.Cromer argues that Egyptian administrators must be taught to take initiative, to governwithout the strict supervision that is currently necessary with their intellectual andmoral degeneracy. Until more freedom is achieved, the local ruling group will act as`automatons'. It is important to keep in mind that Cromer's ultimate goal is theevacuation of Egypt. Egyptian reform is supposed to facilitate this object. If the Pashasare robotic imitations of 'the Englishman' that require constant maintenance, theBritish forces would never be able to leave. Cromer must create a cooperative, English-imitation administrator class that would ensure post-occupational British paramountcy.The significance of Cromer's dehumanization of 'the Oriental' is that he isportrayed not only as an object, but also as a problem. As a problem, 'the Oriental'requires a solution, which Cromer suggests can be achieved by reforming his 'mind'This identification of 'the Oriental' as problematic is common in Orientalist works, asSaid argues:Orientals were rarely seen or looked at; they were seen through, analyzednot as citizens, or even people, but as problems to be solved or conf• edor - as the colonial powers openly coveted their territory - taken over.The inhuman 'native' is often portrayed in Cromer's works as an obstacle that must besurmounted. Indeed, Cromer comments that the 'Oriental spirit',3 The Earl of Cromer, "The Government of Subject Races," in Political and LiteraryEssays 1908 - 1913 (London: Macmillan and Co , Limited, 1913), p. 404 Philip Mason, Patterns of Dominance, Published for the Institute of Race Relations(London: Oxford University Press, 1970), p. 3-5.1 ME, p. 635-6.2 Said, p. 2-3.30though it may not always find expression in word or deed, is an stacleto the reformer of which it is difficult to overrate the importance.Deputy Consul Rennell Rodd observes that Cromer saw 'the native mind' as nothingmore than "an obstacle to be overcome". 96 The human aspect of that 'mind' isconsidered irrelevant because it is deficient: why preserve something that is perceived as`inferior'?The Oriental' has emerged as a problem throughout this Chapter. The nativemind' is portrayed as something to be dominated, understood and finally overcome toensure Egyptian progress. As Cromer subjugates his 'wards', their problematic qualitiesare enhanced and used to justify the Occupation. By isolating 'the Oriental' on the`wrong' half of the divided imperial society, Cromer ensures that this 'other' would haveto be dealt with, as one would tackle a problem. Being the objects of a 'mission',`Orientals' are problems to the 'civilized world' that require development. And as theantithesis of the Christian, Moslem 'Orientals' threaten not only the mission butChristendom. The Oriental' is also portrayed as problematic because his 'character'and 'racial qualities' are un-English. These qualities must be understood and studiedprecisely because they are problematic: why would they require attention if there isnothing wrong with them? The only thing that is not identified as problematic in thisChapter is 'the Englishman', because he is the standard against which all 'others' aremeasured.315 Mitchell acknowledges his debt to Michel Foucault for his research and theories on`discipline, order and truth'.,6, Objectification will be discussed in the last section of this chapter.' Single quotations are used to emphasize the artificiality of the apparrent groups thatCromer is analyzing and trying to reform. Single quotations also indicate the non-existence of the dominant group's concepts of 'Englishman' and 'Western'. Likewise,the equally artificial collective 'mind' and 'character' is indicated by single quotations,as is European 'knowledge'.8 Roger Owen, "The Influence of Lord Cromer's Indian Experience on British Policy inEgypt 1883-1907." St Antony's Papers, Number 17, Middle Eastern Affairs, NumberFour, ed. Albert Hourani (London: Oxford University Press), p. 134. Paper onEgypt for Lord Kitchener, 25 July 1912.9 Zetland, p.297.10 Zetland, p. 298.11 The Earl of Cromer,Political and Literary Essays 1908 - 1913 (London: Macmillanand Co., Limited, 1913), p. 171.12 Cromer, Political and Literary Essays, p. 162.13 Cromer, Political and Literary Essays, p. 162.14 ME, p . 43.15 ME, p. 555.16 ME, p . 555 .17 Welch, p. 63. The importance of Christianity will be discussed in Chapter 3.18 Welch, p. 37.19 ME, p. 556.20 Christine Bolt, Victorian Attitudes to Race (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul,1971), p. 17. This argument of historical destiny was "common" by the 1890's.21 ME, p.r,^250.22 Mason, p. 3.23 ME, p. 562.24 Cromer is well read on Christianity and religion. In Modern Egypt, he cites manygeneral sources: Badger, Dictionary of Christian Biography; Carpenter, Boyd, ThePermanent Elements of Religion; Holy Bible; Liddon, University Sermons; Michie, Mr.Alexander, China and Christianity; Milman, Dean, History of Latin Christianity andHistory of the Jews; Pickthall, Mr., Folk-Lore of the Holy Land; Renan, Histoire dupeuple d'Israel and Vie de Jesus.25 Cromer's occasional digs at Catholics indicate old Anglo-French rivalries.26 Welch, p. 64.27 Welch, p. 64.28 "The Sudan" in Modem Egypt.29 Zetland, p. 349.30 Lutfi al-Sayyid, p. 63. Quoting Cromer's "The Government of Subject Races", p. 28.31 Zetland, p. 166.32 ME, p. 562.33 ME, p. 883.34 "The Government of Subject Races", p. 9.35 "The Government of Subject Races", p. 53.3236 References to Smiles are in Chapter Two.37 Said, p. 5. Mitchell, p. 163-4. Baumgart, p. 89-90.38 ME, p. 589. Criticisms will be analyzed in Chapter Two.39 ME, p. 143-4.40 ME, p. 145. Cromer uses Colvin's report to describe what happened, and alsoprovides his own commentary.41 ME, p. p. 901. Lecky, History of England, vol. i, p. 490.42 ME, p. 711.43 Zetland, Lord Cromer, p. 301. This is also noted in ME, p. 711.44 ME, p. 711.45 For Example, Sir Valentine Chirol, The Egyptian Problem (London: Macmillan andCo., Limited, 1920), p. 79-80.46 Bolt, Victorian Attitudes to Race, p. 9. Mitchell also argues this point.47 Welch, p. 62.48 Mason, p. 30-32.49 Welch, p. 62.50 W Baumgart, Imperialism: The Idea and the Reality of British and French ColonialExpansion, 1880-1914, 1975 rev. ed., translated by the author with the assistance ofBen V. Mast, preface by Henry Brunschwig (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1982)p. 90.51 Welch, p. 62-3.52 Christine Bolt, "Race and the Victorians", British Imperialism in the NineteenthCentury, ed. C.C. Eldridge (London: Macmillan Publishers Lte, 1984), p. 126.53 ME, p. 571.54 Mason, p. 30-32.55 Baumgart, p. 89.56 Cromer does not cite publication dates.57 Mason, p. 24. C.C. Eldridge also defines a 'racist' as one who believes racial qualitiesare inherent, or can not be changed. "Introduction" to British Imperialism in theNineteenth Century. Christine Bolt accepts this definition for her article in the samepublication, "Race and the Victorians".58 Mason, p. 24.59 Mason, p. 83.60 Mason, p. 24.61 Said, p. 12.62 Mitchell, p. 2.63 Said, p. 36.64 Said, p. 36.65 Welch, p. 65.66 ME, p. 908.67 ME, p. 557.68 "The Government of Subject Races", p. 27.69 ME, p. 254.70 ME, p. 74.71 ME, p. 908.3372 ME, p. 639.73 Zetland, p. 314.74 Zetland, p. 315. He resigned from the committee in 1914 due to ill health.75 ME, p. 5.76 ME, p. 772.77 ME, p. 557.78 The Earl of Cromer, Abbas II, Feb. 1915, rpt. (London: Macmillan and Co.,Limited, Feb. 1915), p. )di79 ME, p. 827.80 p. 827.81 Abbas II, p. 53.82 ME, p . 558 .83 ME, p. 561.84 ME, p. 561.85 ME, p. 873.86 Mason, p. 24.87 ME, p. 579.88 ME, p . 579 .89 ME, p. 579.90 ME, p. 834.91 Mason, p. 31-2.92 Mitchell, p. 163-4.93 Welch, p. 84. Quoting Parliamentry Papers 1904, Egypt No. 1, cxi, p. 35: Cromer toLansdowne, 26 February 1904.94 Said, p. 207.95 ME, p. 569.96 Mansfield, Britain in Egypt, p. 63.34CHAPTER 2: ANALYZING 'THE ORIENTAL'DESCRIPTIONThis chapter analyzes Cromer's 'imperial reality' that portrays 'the Oriental' as aproblem. Through descriptions and comparisons with 'the Westerner', Cromer 'createsthe Oriental' for his readers. 1 Cromer lacks a comprehensive definition of 'the Orientalmind', and instead settles for a collection of negative judgements, fitting Mitchell'sdescription of the Orientalist weighed down by "empirical particulars" at the expense ofa general impression of "mentality".2 However, by identifying general characteristicsamong his subjects, Cromer views all 'dwellers' as the same. According to Said,classification and comparison of 'others' were the precursors to the Orientalistsubjugation of 'the individual to the stereotype, of the Eastern to the Oriental'. Sectionone examines Cromer's detailed descriptions of the 'Egyptian mind' In section twoCromer compares the Western 'mind' with that of the Egyptian. Through hisdescriptions and comparisons, the difference between the native and western 'mind' isconfirmed.Cromer analyzes the Egyptian by describing his peculiar characteristics. It wasapparently common for nineteenth century Englishmen to indulge in this type of racialidentification without being labeled 'racist' if their works were "unsystematic". 3Although he devotes his chapter on "The Dwellers" to "measurement and classification",many of Cromer's descriptions are also communicated randomly. Said and Mitchelldiscuss the process of description in terms of 'representation', where the 'detached'Westerner represents 'the Oriental' to the West by speaking for him; 'the Orient' isgiven 'Oriental qualities' through representation by Western observers. According toMitchell, writers strove to be 'detached and accurate' in order to describe exactly what35they had seen.4 Representations are the 'imperial reality' for geographically, culturally,intellectually etc. remote Western readers. Knowledge of 'the Orient' is based on aWestern construct of images and ideas of what 'the Orient' should be in relation to thesuperior Western observers. Cromer is intentionally detached in order to obtain`objectivity' and produce "accurate" descriptions so that his readers can be aware of the`facts'.5 Since the Egyptian could not communicate his own characteristics in Cromer'sworks, the author 'represents', `Orientalizes' and dominates him by communicating his"typically Oriental" qualities.6 Cromer describes 'the Oriental' as inferior byemphasizing those qualities that would be perceived by Western readers as negative.Cromer analyzes the 'faulty' Khedival 'character' to explain partially thecollapse of Egypt and the sustained Occupation. From the first chapter of ModernEgypt Cromer repeatedly finds things 'wrong' with the 'Oriental rulers' of Egypt.Khedival morals, intellect and 'character' are portrayed as deficient beyond repair. Thepossibility of reforming 'the Khedival mind' is not even discussed. Cromer begins withthe first Khedive who broke from Ottoman control, Muhammad Ali. 7 Despite hiscrudeness, Muhammad Ali is credited with intelligence especially for securing relativeindependence. 8 In general, he is found to be better than his successors - but stillrestricted by 'the Eastern mind' 9 Muhammad All was a 'truly Oriental' administratorendowed with peculiarities that confuse Cromer. For example, he tells of how a loyalAdmiral is forced to drink poison after a final prayer. 1° It was such "methods" thatdistinguish Muhammad All as an 'Oriental despot'. Cromer truly mis-understands the`native mind' by failing to comprehend the complexities of this situation. The Khediveand his subordinate appear cruel, arbitrary and even irrational. For them, theirbehavior is within the confines of custom and tradition. Cromer often complains of theEgyptian's excessive deference to authority. The Admiral's unyielding acceptance of hisfate is another example of this servility.36Despotism is a constant theme in Cromer's descriptions of the remainingEgyptian Khedives. His writing adheres to the unwritten code of Orientalist techniquebecause "despotism" and "cruelty" are often exposed through Orientalism. 11 MuhammadAli's successor, Ibrahim, is first acknowledged as a courageous and very famoussoldier. 12 This complement is minimized by the next sentence: "It must be added thathe was a half-lunatic savage." 13 Cromer substantiates this claim with two stories ofIbrahim's alleged cruelty against religious groups and also the entourage of PrimeMinister Nubar Pasha. Ibrahim's successor, Abbas, is described as "an Oriental despotof the worst type" who was excessively crue1. 14 Cromer does not elaborate on thecapabilities of 'the worst type'. Instead, he concludes:There does not appear, as in the case of his predecessors, to he beenany redeeming feature in his character. It was altogether odious.i°At this point, Cromer indicates his interest in discussing the Khedives mainly in termsof `character'. He begins his description of Said by concentrating on his "main defects",which include conceit, incapacity to rule, cruelty, irrationality and other despotictendencies. 16 Said rewarded a bumbling steersman two hundred 'sovereigns' when heexpected two hundred 'lashes' with the courbash. With this incident, Cromer widens hisscope of description to include 'ordinary Orientals' by commenting on the generalreaction. He finds their 'mind' to be strange for being more shocked by the "generosityof the gift than with the cruelty and injustice of the flogging." 17 Again, Cromer mis-understands the 'native mind' by applying 'Western standards' to an 'Eastern situation'.For an Egyptian, what Cromer identifies as 'cruelty and injustice' through beating isperhaps more commonplace than a large financial reward, hence the greater reaction tothe two-hundred sovereigns. Cromer implies that Englishmen are less acquainted with`flogging', which would create more excitement in England than would a gift of`sovereigns'.37The only pre-Occupation Khedive with whom Cromer was personally acquaintedwas Ismail. 18 Cromer's observations are allegedly unbiased and based on strictlypolitical criteria. 19 He claims that he did not "dislike" Ismail as an individual, butsympathized with him as an inept ruler who could have retained his power if only it hadnot been abused.2° A few good qualities are acknowledged, such as Ismail's "acute andsubtle intellect".21 These are predictably overshadowed by flaws. Cromer wasconcerned with Ismail's 'inaccurate' political predictions, and also his inability toconceptualize a "broad question of principle". 22 Ismail apparently was more adept athandling details - at the expense of generalities. According to Cromer, this sacrifice ofthe larger picture is a basic handicap of 'the Oriental mind'. Cromer and his superior inLondon, Lord Salisbury, agreed that Ismail's deficient character constituted a threat toprogress. Salisbury argued that Egypt could not be reformed with Ismail as Khedive:The sole obstacle to reform appears to lie in the character of its Ruler.His financial embarrassments lead almost inevitably to oppression, andhis bad faith frustrates all friendly efforts to apply a remedy. There seemsto be no ubt that a change of policy can only be obtained by a changeof Ruler.Salisbury was justifying British pressure on Ismail to abdicate. On June 26, 1879, theSultan deposed Ismail upon Anglo-French pressure. 24 Cromer and his superiors inLondon found it easier to remove a bad character rather than alter it. This would notbe necessary for Ismail's son and successor, Tewfik.Cromer's descriptive style changes with the introduction of Tewfik.25 Positivequalities are more readily acknowledged, probably because he was more malleable. Acooperative Khedive would naturally exude favorable qualities to 'the Englishman'.Among other things, Tewfik is honored for being opposed to cruelty, faithful to his wife,pious, tolerant, sensible, compassionate, humble and brave.26 Aside from the usualbravery and devotion to Islam, Cromer finds these to be unique qualities for an38`Oriental ruler'. Tewfik is also considered particularly `un-Oriental' in his capacity forgratitude. Tewfik was allegedly very average, which was at least not negative:He was morally and intellectually respectable....His character andconduct were not of a nature to excite enthusiasm on his behalf. Q* theother hand, they rarely formed the subject of severe condemnation.4 IHowever, his uninspiring personality proved to be a negative quality in the eyes offellow Egyptians. The attempted coup led by Arabi had also diminished publicconfidence in Tewfik's ability to rule. By February 15, 1886, Cromer wrote toRosebery:The Khedive's unpopularity is mainly due to his character, or perhaps, Ishould say, want of character. I ha,vop rarely come across anyone so whollydevoid of personal characteristics.`°Cromer also found Tewfik to be an unsatisfactory administrator. Welch notes: "Whilediscussing the requirements of constitutional rule, Cromer discovered the Khedive`understood about as much as my little boy."29 Comparing the intellect of the Khediveto that of a child, even if it is 'European', Cromer indicates that Tewfik was ill-equippedto govern. Cromer does manage to find some benefit in Tewfik's flaws. He argues thathad Tewfik been endowed with a stronger character, intellect and sense ofdetermination, he and his subordinates would have been much more involved in theadministration.30 Instead, Cromer observes that Tewfik was truly 'Oriental' in lackinginitiative and deferring to his British 'advisers'. Since his character was weak, Egyptcould be reformed without his interference; Tewfik also helped to block nativeopposition and smooth Anglo-Egyptian negotiations.In January 1893 Abbas II succeeded Tewfik and Cromer was impressed with 'his'new Ithedive.31 By contrast, teachers from the Austrian college where Abbas had beeneducated disapproved of his character and suggested that he was a potential trouble-maker.32 Cromer was initially not quite as perceptive, perhaps out of political39necessity. On April 15 1892, he wrote to Salisbury of Abbas' character in familiarterms:As it is, he resembles a very gentlemanlike and healthily-minded boyfresh from Eton or Harrow - not at all devoid of intelligence, but a gooddeal bored with el-Azhar„Sheikhs, Ramazan feasts, etc. I really wish hewas not quite so civilized.'Within one year Cromer still acknowledged that Abbas was spirited and 'intelligent'despite a latent despotism and recklessness that is excused by his youth. 34 Thesepositive evaluations were short lived. On April 2 1897 Cromer wrote to Barrington that"The Khedive plays with lunatics and is scarcely sane himself according to hisdoctor.'"35 Recounting his frustration and many clashes with the young Khedive inAbbas II, Cromer had concluded that Abbas would not be manipulated as easily as washis father.36 He would be receptive to anti-British ideas and would also employflatterers, which was a 'typically Oriental' strategy of government. 37 Furthermore,Cromer notes that "his character was overbearing and arbitrary" and he cared moreabout his personal reputation and especially his wealth than about the Egyptianpopulation.38 On the positive side, Cromer still maintains that Abbas "was not onlyintelligent, but possessed a genuine sense of humor...." 39 Cromer claims to becompletely objective in his analysis of Abbas and has avoided publishing his biographyuntil the Khedive was removed from power.In Chapter XXXV, of Modern Egypt entitled "The Moslems", Cromer divides theEgyptian population into Christians and Moslems. His evaluation of the Moslems isimportant because they are the main target for intellectual and moral reform. Moslemsare broken down into three ethnic groups: Turks and Turko-Egyptians, Egyptians andBedouins. The first group are the 'elite' descendants of Egypt's conquering race. Turko-Egyptians are known as the 'Pashas' at the top of the Egyptian social hierarchy. Cromernotes that there "are now but few pure Turks left."4° The same 'habits of thought' in40contemporary Constantinople are not to be expected in Egypt. Cromer cites two mainreasons for the Egyptianization of Turkish thought. Firstly, separation from Ottomaninfluence over the years has forced thought patterns to adapt to local circumstances.The second catalyst for change is inter-marriage. As Turks and Egyptians married, the`Turco-Egyptian' had replaced the pure Turk by 1882.41 Cromer argues that theextinction of the 'pure Turk' was an important social change for British imperial rule inEgypt. He notes:as each year of the British occupation passed by, the Turco-Egyptianelement in Egyptian society besgme more Egyptian and less Turkish incharacter and habits of thought."For example, although the Sultan is still recognized as their religious leader, he isviewed increasingly less as their political sovereign. This means that Turco-Egyptiansupport for anti-British sentiment in Constantinople is steadily dwindling. In fact,Cromer concludes that Turco-Egyptians view the Turks as obstacles to their ownprogress, as are the Englishmen, both of whom threaten their oppression of theEgyptian.43 This hostile attitude is allegedly part of the typical 'Turco-Egyptiancharacter'. Turco-Egyptians are described as the most capable and honestadministrators in Egypt; they are also less corrupt and more "manly" than the averageEgyptian.44 Masculinity is apparently a Turkish by-product, as is the imperial attitudefrom their Ottoman roots. 45 Cromer sees the Turco-Egyptians as having more Englishmoral and intellectual qualities than any other Egyptian dwellers. As administrators,they are the best 'Oriental' alternative. Three of the four Prime Ministers who workedwith Cromer were Turco-Egyptian. Each Minister's ability to rule is directly linked tohis character.The first Occupational Prime Minister was Cherif Pasha. 46 Before theOccupation from September through December, 1881, Cherif had attempted to41strengthen the government amid mounting turmoil. In this context Cromer notes thatCherifwas inspired by some statesmanlike principles ... but he was wanting inthe energy and strength of characIe,r necessary to control the turbulentelements which had been let loose.He was also "the least Egyptian of any of the Moslem Prime Ministers of recenttimes ,,48 Cherif was a "pure Turk" from Constantinople "in the first stage ofEgyptianization".49 Observing his good nature, or "bonhomie", Cromer notes that"whatever was not Turkish in his character was French." 5° He concludes with Cherif'smain qualities:He was proud, courageous, honest after his way, and, in his public life,always negligent of detail and sometimes of principle. Occasionally, hewould emit flashes of true statesmanship, but he was too careless, tooapathetic, krld too wanting in persistence to carry out his own principlesin practice.'Positives are again cancelled by negatives. There is no doubt that Cherif was brave.Next, he was honest, but this brand of honesty was undoubtedly below British standards.In the same sentence, Cherif was careless of both 'details and even principles'. Thesethree qualities seem to be unconnected. Their relationship is that they are all part ofthe man's character. In the next sentence, Cromer again begins with a half-complimentby conceding partial 'statesmanship' to Cherif; in the same sentence the reasons why hisstatesmanship is not consistent are identified. These negatives leave a more lastingimpression than does the suggestion that he actually had any statesmanship qualities.Cromer's description of Riaz Pasha is more positive. 52 Discussing Riaz isapparently difficult because he is still alive at the time of writing, and also because he isan admired "personal friend". 53 Riaz's ministry during the Dual Control wascomparatively stable considering the instability produced by the increased foreignpresence, the deposition of Ismail and the restless military. Cromer mixes complimentswith criticism, even when referring to a 'friend':42Riaz Pasha was thoroughly honest and well-intentioned, but he wasincapable of dealing unaided with the perplexing,financial questionswhich at that time presented themselves for solution."'Similar to Cherif, Riaz suffered from an inability to handle the pre-Occupation turmoil.Just before the Arabi rebellion, Riaz was faced with increasing problems that he couldnot handle, "which possibly required higher qualities, and a greater degree of politicalinsight, than any that he possessed."55 In general, however, Cromer concludes that Riazhas an average intellect and above average morals compared to other Pashas. 56 Typicalto his class, Riaz is 'physically and morally brave' which was evident in his outspokendisgust at Ismail's alleged destruction of Egypt. Cromer argues that Egypt would benefitif there were more patriots endowed with the sterling qualities whipqi areconspicuous in Riaz Pasha's rugged, yet very sympathetic character.Riaz allegedly preferred his own form of 'justice' to official laws. Although Cromeravoided publishing his disapproval of Riaz's character, it is communicated in privatecorrespondence. Besides being truthful, authoritative and able to command respect,Riaz is also "'stupid, obstinate and violent...His manners are barbarous..." 58 Riazthought that if he was right, then he should prevail regardless of laws. 59 He did notappreciate the legal and administrative changes that had been effected with British rule,and his stubbornness was considered to be an obstacle.Cromer has little to say about Mustapha Pasha Fehmi, his most agreeable andapparently pro-British Minister. 60 Interestingly, Fehmi also held the longest term inoffice, undoubtedly due to his British support. With little to complain about, Cromerappears uninterested. He devotes only one small paragraph to Fehmi because hissimple "character renders it unnecessary to allude to him at any length." 61 Fehmi wascloser than any of his colleagues to being an 'English gentleman'. He was "thoroughlyhonest, truthful, and courteous" and above all he was loyal to his British 'advisers'. Hiscolleagues are described as opposed to British rule in various ways. Under the Ministry43of Fehmi, Cromer concludes, "Egypt has made greater progress, both moral andmaterial, than at any previous period." 62 Cromer's discussion of this "greater progress"centers entirely around Fehmi's character, which implies that the Minister's character inthis case was largely responsible for that 'progress'. Yielding to British interests andcontrol is apparently the sign of 'good character'. Fehmi's 'simplicity of character' alsoapparently precluded hostility to British agents; simplicity is therefore good.The next category of Moslems are the 'Egyptians'. The term 'Egyptian' nowappears problematic, mainly because one would expect anyone living in Egypt to becalled 'Egyptian'. Instead, Cromer asks "Who, in fact, is a true Egyptian?" and concludesfrom the 1897 census that "a precise definition was impossible." 63 The 1897 censusdivides Egyptians by racial ancestry into four categories: natives, Ottomans, semi-sedentary Bedouins and Bedouins. 64 Cromer prefers class distinctions: the Hierarchy,Squirearchy and Fellaheen. This eliminates the Bedouins, who are inappropriate forintellectual and moral reform because they have no influence over English policy; theyshould be tolerated and left alone. 65The hierarchy is discussed in terms of its religious significance; it includes theUlema, or learned men at El-Azhar University, and also lesser religious leaders. 66Although the hierarchy is involved in government, Cromer does not analyze their`collective character' in much detail compared to other 'Egyptians' presumably becausetheir intellect and morality is difficult to challenge. Safe in its religious niche of society,the hierarchy is out of Cromer's reach: they control their own sacred legal system thatdealt with personal disputes and could not be over-ridden by English intervention. 67Cromer has no intention of reforming Islam, and would leave its 'authority' alone asmuch as possible.44Cromer also does not really describe the 'character' of the squirearchy, or villagemayors, Omdehs, and Sheikhs. Instead, this group is often included within the generalterm 'Egyptian'; the squirearchical ability to rule and its "point of knowledge" areidentified as close to those of the fellah.68 As local centers of authority and wealth,these landowners appreciate British rule for its "material benefits" but fear for their ownpower.69 Cromer notes that before the Occupation, they were excessively deferential tothe Pashas, and at the same time oppressive of the fellaheen. He notes that thishierarchical relationship has significantly diminished with the structural reforms thatBritain has encouraged in Egypt.Cromer occasionally discusses 'the Egyptian' without specifying which type of`Egyptian' he really means. For example, he mentions the "the generally docile raceswho inhabit the valley of the Nile."70 Ismail held complete control over "a docilepeople."71 Egyptians have been historically characterized by "habits of obedience" tosuch despots, which were incidentally disrupted with the deposition of Ismail. 72 Whoare the docile races? Docile people? And 'obedient' Egyptians? They are likely thefellaheen, because these are the bulk of the population who are necessarily obedient totheir rulers in the squirearchy and hierarchy. The only group that Cromer consistentlydiscusses in terms of being governed is the fellaheen. While other groups had toobserve the rules of hierarchical authority, their obedience is usually portrayed asdeference to superiors, as in the squirearchy to the Pashas. Being at the bottom of thesocial scale, the fellaheen are the most likely to be docile and obedient because theycould not rule over anybody else. These are the qualities of a group with noopportunity to rule.Cromer does not describe the fellah's 'character' length because this has alreadybeen accomplished in many other books. 73 His occasional comments are consistently45negative enough to indicate that the fellah requires reform. On June 16 1891, Cromerwrote to Milner thatthe Egyptian Oriental is quite one of the most,$upid ... in the world....stupidity, not cunning is his chief characteristic.He concludes that Riaz fell from power because Egyptians were too ignorant to realizehis excellent governing potential. Similarly, the fellah does not understand the benefitsof British rule because he is blinded by a "thick mist of ignorance andmisrepresentation" that clouds his judgement.75 Cromer notes that at the beginning ofthe Occupation the fellaheen were "sunk in the deepest ignorance". 76 This isapparently their natural condition. Cromer observes "the general muddle-headedness ofthe ordinary uneducated Egyptian", in this case referring to the behavior of`labourers'.77 Cromer notes that the following are just a few of many examplesillustrating 'ordinary Egyptian' ignorance. Railroad employees occasionally upset trainsby turning the track points when the moving train is still switching lines. Drivers havealso confused the brakes with other handles on the instrument panel. Many otherworkers have slept on the rail so that they can be awakened by the vibrations of anoncoming train, but have been killed because they woke up too late. In another context,`Egyptians' instruct their donkeys to use the sidewalk while they walk in the middle ofthe streets. This last example is important for showing Cromer's perception of theEgyptian version of how to use public roadways as 'ignorant'.The fellah is also a prime candidate for reform because of his direct effect onEnglish policy: 'the Englishman' justifies the Occupation as necessary for liberating thefellah from ignorance and oppression. Cromer argues that the fellah is aware of British`good will':Ignorant though he be, he is wise enough to knowiShat he is now farbetter off than he was prior to the British occupation.1°46Unfortunately for Cromer, the fellah may understand British intentions, but he does notappreciate what has been done for him. This is not out of malice, but of habit. Cromernotes thatgratitude is not generally speaking, a national virtue. Moreover, many ofthose who have mixed in native society in Egypt consider thaWngratitudeis one of the predominant features of the Egyptian character."Cromer cites the well known Orientalist, Edward Lane, to substantiate his claims on`fellah characteristics'. On the positive side, "the ordinary fellah is kindly and jovial." 80As for his general ignorance, Cromer reports no progress of reform. The fellah is stillillogical, naive, excitable and prone to violent outbursts that are likely regrettedafterwards.81 He also has little interest and even less ability to articulate hisgrievances.82 Of course the fellah would have many complaints about his position insociety, but he is used to a tradition of silence; such is the nature of a 'subject race'.Cromer points out that this is unfortunate considering the fact that it is this mostoppressed class with whom he claims to sympathize. Those with the most to say aboutthe problems of Egypt do not know how to say it, nor do they feel that they shouldbecause they have never been given the opportunity. The fellah is apolitical by nature.An example of 'Egyptian deficiency' is seen in Cromer's description of the Arabirebels. He notes two problems with the insurrection: weak leadership and a futileprogram. The leaders "do not appear to have displayed a single quality worthy ofrespect or admiration...."83 'Character deficiencies' are emphasized: they were neitherrespectable nor admirable. Cromer implies that a strong 'character' commandingrespect and admiration is a prerequisite for aspiring leaders. He also attacks the rebels'collective intellect when he states that they were "men of such poor ability" that theycould not effectively lead the Egyptian masses.84 Had they gained control of thegovernment, disorganization and mayhem would have allegedly prevailed. While theirgoal of overthrowing foreign rule was agreeable to Cromer, their defective means47precluded success. He argues that Arabi's policy of "Egypt for the Egyptians" wasfundamentally flawed because 'Egyptians' are incapable of governing themselves. TheArabi group had little administrative potential while the mass of Egyptians were evenless equipped. Arabi's program is criticized as little more than a slogan because itidealized 'Egyptian' abilities. Cromer identifies two obstacles to native self-government: entrenched 'backwardness' and 'subservience' to foreign rule. He doubtswhether there has ever been the assumption of power by "a class so ignorant as the pureEgyptians, such as they were in the year 1882." 85 In 1907 Egyptians are still consideredunfit to rule:Neither, for the present, do they appear to possess the qualities whichwould render it desirable, either in their own interests, or in those of thecivilised world in general, to raise them at a bound to otfie category ofautonomous rulers with full rights of internal sovereignty.'"The 'qualities' of leadership are absent from the 'Egyptian character'. This is partiallyexplained by the fact that Egyptians are accustomed to playing the role of a 'subjectpeople' by historical precedent. Egypt has not been governed by Egyptians since theancient dynasties, and Cromer even questions the Pharaohs' racial extraction.87The Christian dwellers in Egypt are discussed mainly in terms of their clericalwork in government offices. Cromer divides the Christians into groups and discusses the`characteristics' of three main contributors to Egyptian society: Copts, Syrians andArmenians. Copts are the most eligible Christians to deserve the title of 'Egyptian': byreligion, they are Coptic Christian, while their homeland has traditionally been Egypt.Cromer compares the moral and intellectual qualities of Copts with Egyptian Moslems.Morally speaking, the Copts and Moslems are judged to be quite similar. Moslems areeven one step above the Copts with their abstention from alcohol.88 Cromer concludesthat Christianity could not elevate the morals of these 'Eastern Christians', who aremore 'Eastern' than they are `Christian'.89 Surrounded by Egyptian Moslems, Copts48have adopted many of their habits, customs and 'morals', such as a disrespectful attitudetowards women." While the Coptic intellect is not necessarily "superior" to that of theMoslem, Copts are supposedly better equipped by having "developed certain mediocreaptitudes."91 Cromer is referring to their secretarial skills, which have enabled them todominate the Egyptian bureaucracy. In particular, Copts are fairly accuratebookkeepers and 'arithmeticians', and are certainly better with numbers than are theMoslems.92 Copts are eligible for moral and intellectual reform because of theirpredominance in the bureaucracy and hence their interaction with British officials.Syrians and Armenians are considered to be morally and intellectually superiorto the Copts.93 These racially distinct Christians are described as 'civilized', logical andcognizant of European actions and motives. Their importance for Cromer is in theircapacity as "the intellectual cream of the near East." 94 Syrians and Armenians can notbe ignored because, like the other 'dwellers' described above, they affect British policyand must be re-formed into 'Egyptians'. Despite their alleged superiority compared toother 'dwellers', Syrians and Armenians have their own 'Oriental' peculiarities thatmust be reformed. Cromer notes in a Memorandum that Syrians display the "'power ofinductive reasoning' and a certain 'strength and virility of character'." 95 An example ofa capable, yet flawed, Armenian Christian is Prime Minister Nubar Pasha. 96 Nubar isdescribed as a "brilliant conversationalist" with a "subtle intellect" that was able tounderstand European concepts. 97 Although he received a European education, herejected many of the negative aspects of 'Western society' that most 'Orientals'characteristically embrace. 98 Nubar's weakness was in his general 'character':If he had only recognized the fact that in the government of the worldmere intellectual gifts are not all-powerful, and that high character andreputation also exercise A potent influence over mankind, he would havebeen a really great man."49Cromer reminds his readers that an administrator is not guaranteed success by anadvanced intellect; 'good character' is equally important. Nubar was a "badadministrator" who was more suited to 'statesmanship' than local administration. 1°°Despite his advanced intellect compared to other 'dwellers', Nubar was still inadequateaccording to British standards.Nubar's flaws reveal that the 'Oriental mind' is not considered solely responsiblefor inefficiency in the East. Negative French influence is another culprit. Egyptianswho have received a French education either at home or abroad display problematic`character traits'. Cromer argues that Nubar's French education ingrained two poorqualities into his character: dogmatism and also an inability to motivate others towork. 101 As an administrator, these two traits are considered to be unacceptable.Another example of French corruption is found in the mind of Nubar's son-in-law,Tigrane Pasha, who served as Under-Secretary for Foreign Affairs and also ForeignMinister. While comparable to any European in his morality, his intellect was "Franco-Byzantine, that is to say, the foundation was Byzantine whilst the superstructure wasFrench." 102 In other words, Tigrane had an 'Oriental mind' that could not escape fromsuch traditional flaws as emphasizing details at the expense of the main point of anargument. In addition he was driven by a 'French character' that "is hypercritical, andwhich is, moreover, unwilling to adopt a severe process of inductive reasoning." 103Cromer's denigration of French influence on the 'Egyptian mind' indicates that hisdiscussion of 'Western' and 'European' superiority over the 'Oriental mind' isconditional. In general descriptions, that relationship is unquestioned, but when itcomes to prescriptions on how to remedy the deficient 'Eastern', in this case througheducation, English methods are naturally superior.50French influence has also retarded the development of 'EuropeanizedEgyptians', according to Cromer. This group is the initial product of intellectual andmoral influence derived from the West. However, their enduring 'Orientalcharacteristics' and also undesirable 'French qualities' are portrayed as flaws. Since thereign of Muhammad Ali, most Europeanized Egyptians have been educated in France,where they adopted European 'intellectual and moral habits'. Cromer notes thatEuropeanized Egyptians are really `Gallicized Egyptians'. To his disappointment, theyhave traditionally absorbed "French habits of thought" as opposed to English. 104Cromer argues that French administrative methods are unsuitable for the Egyptians.Furthermore, the French system contributes little to proper intellectual and moralregeneration:...the French bureaucratic and legal systems...are little adapted to theformatiog g either competent officials or useful citizens in a country suchas Egypt.'Cromer describes the Europeanized Egyptian's natural attraction to Frenchadministration. He finds many things in common between French methodology, andthe Egyptian personality. Firstly, the Napoleonic code is very detailed, and the Egyptianallegedly pays much attention to detail. Both the system and the Egyptian in thiscontext sacrifice generalities. Egyptians also like the French system for its detailedinstructions: following rules leaves little chance for initiative. 1°6 Cromer argues that`the native' does not like to think for himself, scrupulously avoids responsibility, and"spurns common sense". 107 The Egyptian allegedly prefers theory over practice, even ifa deviation is obviously necessary, as in the case of an emergency. Cromer citesdifferent ridiculous situations to show how 'the native' follows rules without thinkingabout them or the situations. He concludes that by adopting French 'habits of thought'and systems of administration the Europeanized Egyptian has been "half-educated". 108This has left him in "his political and intellectual youth" also without religiousfoundation as a "de-Moslemised Moslem". 109 As a new entity among the 'dwellers', he51has much promise for the future. Entrenched in adolescence for nearly one century, theEuropeanized Egyptian's 'mind' is portrayed as ripe for intellectual maturation.COMPARISONCromer often emphasizes his point in descriptions by comparing the Easternwith the Western 'mind' where 'Eastern flaws' are emphasized against 'Westernattributes'. The obvious conclusion to be drawn from these comparisons is that the two`minds' are different from each other. Promoting the fact of difference between Eastand West is central to Orientalism, whichwas ultimately a political vision of reality whose structure promoted thedifference between the famili,a,r„(Europe, the West,`us') and the strange(the Orient, the East, `thein').""In Modern Egypt Cromer's 'catalogue' of comparisons has been compiled in order toreveal the consistent difference between East and West. This is logical considering thefact that West and East are theoretically 'familiar and strange'. Cromer states:I have, however, thought it desirable to make a catalogue - and, I mayadd, a very incomplete catalogue - of the main points as tot whichEgyptian and European habits of thought and customs diverge...." 1He compares in order to reveal that the differences between East and West are actuallyobstacles to the Anglo-Egyptian administration and eventual native self-government.How are Anglo-Egyptians to advise their 'subjects' on the art of 'civilization'?Intellectual and moral reform of 'the Eastern mind' would help to overcome thesedifficulties of difference. By recommending that the East be reformed, Cromeracknowledges the West as superior. In different contexts of comparison 'the Westernmind' is portrayed as superior to the 'Eastern', which is another Orientalisttechnique. 112 There is little possibility that 'the Eastern mind' will ever be judged`better' than the 'Western'. Through the process of comparison, Cromer confirms the`facts' of 'difference' and also 'inferiority' of the 'Eastern mind'. The remedy of52intellectual and moral reform pits West against East, or superior versus inferior, toextinguish the disruptive differences. Cromer portrays a polarized world consisting ofright and wrong, good and bad, 'familiar and strange', West and East. The differencesare necessary in order to justify reform of the wrong, bad, strange East.Cromer concludes that the 'Oriental' and 'the Englishman', or 'Western', areopposites. Through comparisons, the former is portrayed as the opposite of the latter.Mitchell argues that this process of comparison is another attempt to confirm the 'selfidentity of the imperial power, by identifying its opposite, or 'other'. The imperialstate's identity was allegedly achieved through defining its opposite, which embodiesthose undesirable qualities that the state excludes. Hence the imperial state stands foreverything that the 'Oriental state' does not. In this argument, maintaining self-identityrequires the maintenance of the opposite. 113 As mentioned in the previous chapter,this idea of Cromer suffering from an identity crisis regarding the 'English character'appears to be unconvincing. However, his insistence on the oppositeness of 'Orientals'can be explained as an attempt to define or explain the English identity. Whether hewas trying to secure it or not is difficult to prove. The significance of Cromer'scomparisons in this thesis is not whether Cromer is subconsciously trying to resuscitatea lagging English identity for his readers. They are important for showing how he usescomparison as another method for dominating 'the Oriental' by emphasizing him as aproblem for the imperial administration.In Cromer's comparisons the standard for a good 'mind' is the 'Western', while`the Oriental mind' displays the opposite, and therefore deficient traits of 'otherness'.He notes in "The Dwellers" that if one compares the many points of culture "It will befound that on every point they are the poles asunder. " 114 On the next page he presseshis point by stating that in comparing the "mental and moral attributes" of East and53West, "It will be found that the antitheses are striking." 115 Later on in his narrative,Cromer again stresses the fact that "...somehow or other the Oriental generally acts,speaks, and thinks in a manner exactly opposite to the European." 116 Having oppositethought processes between East and West is considered an obstacle to good workingrelations. Particularly problematic for the imperial administration isthe further fact that the European and the Oriental, reasoning from thp,same premises, will often arrive at diametrically opposite conclusions." 'The European has constantly to guard against faulty Egyptian 'conclusions'. Cromerargues that 'the Eastern' appears almost 'impulsively' to follow the 'exactly opposite'course of 'the Western', in any situation. Cromer finds the oppositeness to be"interesting" and notes that it is useful to expand on this theme, which he does throughhis comparisons. Cromer footnotes an absurd example of how differently an 'Eastern'and a 'Western' conceptualizes:An Englishman, who was a keen observer of Egyptian manners andcustoms, told me that, as a test of intelligence, he once asked a fellah topoint to his left ear. A European would certainly have taken hold of thelobe of his left ear with his left hand The Egyptian passed his right handover thetop of his head and with that hand grasped the upper part of hisleft ear. 116What Cromer perceives as an unusual manner in which the Egyptian grabbed his leftear, emphasizes his difficult task of reforming the Egyptian. 'The Western' can onlypredict that 'the Eastern mind' will take an opposite direction, but does not actuallyknow what he will do.Cromer makes a series of general comparisons of the Western and Eastern`minds'. In each situation, the 'Eastern' is portrayed as the negative of the 'Western'. Inhis "Introductory" to Modern Egypt Cromer blames the foreigner's difficulty inunderstanding 'the native mind' on "the want of mental symmetry and precision, whichis the chief distinguishing feature between the illogical and picturesque East and the54logical West". 119 This early comparison is expanded upon in the "The Dwellers". Herehe continues the theme of imprecision:Want of accuracy, which easily degenerates iritct untruthfulness, is, in fact,the main characteristic of the Oriental mind.'Cromer implies that his 'native' subordinates can not be trusted because they arenaturally dishonest. This is further complicated by their pervasive use of "intrigue"; bycontrast, Europeans despise 'intrigue' and are "blunt" in their honesty. 121 'Orientals'are categorized as illogical, contradictory, gullible, careless and unable to withstandscrutiny; they have a tendency to complicate simple ideas, a "natural inconsistency andwant of rational discrimination") 22 The 'Oriental mind' appears to be confused and indesperate need of direction. 'The Western mind' is portrayed as accurate, organized,reasonable, easy to understand, logical and symmetrical. Europeans acquireintelligence through study and training and never believe anything without supportingevidence. 123 In power relationships Europeans despise and discourage flattery, while`Orientals' flatter their "superiors" and expect the same from their "inferiors". 124Cromer finds the near institution of flattery in the East as especially despicable becauseit hides the 'truth'. Egyptians flatter the governing classes instead of expressing theirpolitical grievances and within the bureaucracy fresh ideas and progress are stifled bythe unwritten laws of sycophancy.Many other 'native flaws' are compared with 'Western attributes' to emphasizetheir debilitating effect on the imperial administration. 'The native' appears to begenerally uninterested in foreign things, intellectually lazy and prone to procrastination,all of which qualify him for the moment as a 'subject race'. Cromer compares the "graveand silent Eastern, devoid of energy and initiative, stagnant in mind", with the energeticEuropeans who are "talkative...bursting with superfluous energy, active in mind,inquisitive" and anxious to overcome obstacles. 125 The 'Western' is also intolerant of55society's misery, while the 'Eastern' is patient, which is usually considered a virtue inWestern society but in this case is not: 'natives' suffer under injustices quietly becausethey do not know how to conquer them. Europeans are thrifty, especially the French,while 'Orientals' are spendthrift.Perhaps there is no point as to which the difference between Eastern andWestern habits of thought comes out into stronger relief than in viewswhich are respectively entertained by the 0#Qual and the European asregards provision for the future in this world.Cromer emphasizes the importance of this point by noting that it is 'perhaps' the bestexample of divergence between East and West. The average Egyptian is allegedlyunable to understand arithmetic and the various uses of numbers because these, alongwith science, are considered unimportant. 127 Egyptians are allegedly unable toestimate quantity and invariably go to extremes, whether it be a person's age, thestrength of an army or the measurement of a cooking ingredient. 128 By contrast,`Westerns' have a natural aptitude for using numbers.Cromer's understanding from a religious perspective is portrayed throughextensive comparisons of Christians and Moslems, reaffirming the East-Westdivision. 129 Islam is blamed for certain negative aspects of 'the Oriental' which areoffset against Christian positives. 130 The Christian allegedly tolerates differentreligious practices and beliefs. Cromer prescribes reform based on 'the Englishman's'devotion to the Christian Code:Rather let us, in Christian charity, make every possible allowance for themoral and intellectual shortqqmings of the Egyptians, and do whatevercan be done to rectify them."'`The Englishman' will help others because he behaves according to Christian values of`charity' and tolerance. By contrast, the Moslem is intolerant to the core. 132 Moslemsrely on the state for moral and religious guidance, which the West gave up long ago.Islamic "punishments" are often tortuous by 'Western' standards, which is carried overinto everyday society where cruelty is a way of life. 133 Religious customs also56contribute to the 'Oriental mentality'. Christians go to Church, Moslems attend theMosque; Christians hope to meet with loved ones in heaven, Moslems meet the otherworldly Houris; Christians pray daily in private, Moslems pray in public; Christians fastwith moderation in the daytime and sleep at night - if they fast at all - and Moslems"indulge without restraint at night". This disdainful lack of "restraint" is reminiscent ofSamuel Smiles' point that 'good character' requires 'self control', which Cromer impliesis the mark of a good Christian. Arguing that Moslems are essentially driven by theirreligion, Cromer does not credit them with positive traits because they are recognizedas positive, or accomplishing anything for a conscious purpose. For example, Moslemsare convinced of God's influence in every situation far more than Christians; also,Christians are clean because it is "healthy" and "comfortable", while Moslem hygiene isdictated by Koranic "tradition". 134 The comparatively secular Englishmen wererequired to accept these religious differences because they touched every aspect of`Oriental' life. Cromer points out that the various ceremonies and rituals, such as thefast of Ramazan and the feast of Bairam, were necessarily respected, but in 'reality'probably barely tolerated, depending on the individual Englishman's Christianity.Moslem attitudes to women are abhorrent to Cromer. The position of Moslemwomen is sympathetically compared with "that of their European sisters." 135 Moslemwomen have veiled faces and are secluded in harems, while European women exposethemselves and the extent of societal integration is dictated by their own conscience. AtChristian marriages, vows are taken for life and are usually observed. Moslems leavetheir wives when they become bored of them. 136 The result of this disrespect formarriage in the 'Western' sense is that Christians enjoy monogamy and Moslems mustendure polygamy. 137 Polygamy creates many disruptions within 'native society' becauseit lowers the position of women. Cromer argues that57whereas in the West the elevation of women has tended towards therefinement both of literature and of conversation, in the East., eirdegradation has encouraged literary and conversational coarseness.'European society cherishes the idea of 'family' and also respects the "ideal ofwomanhood" above her human station. 139 Cromer argues thatThe Moslem, on the other hand, despises women; both his Igligion andthe example of his Prophet ... tend to lower them in his eyes.""Cromer is less concerned with the misery of Moslem women than with the effects ofthat misery on society as a whole. For example, he considers polygamy to bedetrimental because it disrupts the family. The hypotheses of Smiles are recalled:`companionship in marriage' and 'good home life', where the mother's influence and thepower of 'good' women are the most important contribution to civilization - even overthe scientific, literary and artistic productions of "great men"! 141 Cromer expresses theviews of a 'typical Englishman' who, in the Empire and at home, saw women's roles as"guardians of family values" and teachers who "trained their children for citizenship." 142Family stability was considered a prerequisite to societal stability, neither of which wasassured with the degradation of women.Cromer's descriptions of female oppression reveal that both Moslem women andtheir male oppressors have corrupted Egyptian society. The significance of Cromer'sgeneral descriptions and comparisons is that all Egyptians are confirmed to beproblematic. The experiences of religion, history and culture have allegedly combinedto form the deficient 'national character' of all 'dwellers'. Cromer discusses theEgyptian's religious practices, historical experiences, culture and "his moral andintellectual attributes". 143 Cromer explains that he has described 'the Egyptian' indetail in order to show his unfitness for survival in a modernized Egypt.I have attempted to show how little suited the Egyptian is to lie on thebed Ivllich, as an incident of modern progress, has been prepared for58He notes that at times, he has described Egyptians "harshly". 145 This is for accuracy,not condemnation. By consistently deprecating 'the Egyptian mind', Cromer justifieshis goal of intellectual and moral regeneration. Emphasizing 'native deficiency'emphasizes the need for improvement. Cromer concludes that it would be easier toEuropeanize the Egyptian, rather than Egyptianize the European because theEuropean is too rigid. Furthermore, why Egyptianize the European if the former isflawed and the latter is superior? Cromer argues:Broadly speaking, in spite of every effort, the bed could not be maclq 12 fitthe Egyptian; the Egyptian had to adapt himself to lying on the bed.""The bed is a reformed society prepared by British 'advisers'. Egypt is being developed,and its inhabitants must follow. Cromer's comment can also be seen as a justificationfor the Occupation, because emphasizing Egyptian deficiency legitimates the need forBritish guidance. 147 The following chapter examines the viability of reforming the very`deficient Egyptian mind'1 This is the terminology of Edward Said, Orientalism.2 Mitchell, p. 140.3 Bolt, "Race and the Victorians", p. 131.4 Mitchell, p. 13.5 ME, "Introduction".6 Said, p. 6.7 Muhammad Ali b.1769-d.1849 secured the hereditary succession of his dynasty asrulers of Egypt; he ruled from 1895 until 1849. His successors were called 'Pasha'until 1863 when Ismail obtained official rights from the Sultan to the title of`Khedive'.8 ME, p. 13. Cromer also notes that he was a "brave and capable" soldier.9 ME, p. 13-14.10 ME, p. 14.11 Said, p. 4.12 Ibrahim (b.1789-d.1848) ruled for only a few months while Muhammad Ali was ill.13 ME, p. 14.14 ME, p. 15. Abbas b.1813-d.1854; Khedive 1849-1854.5915 ME, p. 15-1616 ME, p. 16. Said b. 1823-d.1863; Khedive 1854-1863.17 ME, p. 16.18 Ismail, b.1830-d. 1895; Khedive 1863-1879.19 ME, p. 111.20 ME, p. 64. Ismail would also have had a better chance if he had cooperated with hisEuropean Ministers.21 ME, p. 62.22 ME, p . 65.23 ME, p. 107.24 ME, Chapter VIII, "The Fall of Ismail Pasha".25 Tewfik b.1853-d.1892; Khedive 1879-1892.26 ME, p . 715.27 ME, p. 716.28 Afaf Lutfi-al-Sayyid, p. 68. The author argues that this is not totally accurate. Lutfial-Sayyid's interpretation as 'historical truth' is less important for this paper thanCromer's perception of Tewfik.29 Welch, p. 11.30 ME, p. 716-1731 Cromer often spoke in the possessive tense, referring to 'my little Khedive' whendiscussing Abbas, perhaps because he had barely reached majority age by hisaccession. Abbas II, b.1874-d.1944; Khedive 1892-1914.43 ME, p. 593.44 ME, p . 593.45 As imperial administrators in the Sudan, even Turko-Egyptians were incapable.After several military defeats by Mandist rebels, Anglo-Egyptian troops evacuatedthe Sudan by December 1886.46 Cherif held office from Jul 1879-Aug 1879; Sep 1881-Feb 1882; Oct 1882-Dec 83.47 ME, p. 166.32 Abbas II, p. 9.33 Robert L. Tignor, Modernization and British Colonial Rule in Egypt, 1882-1914(Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1966), p. 157.34 George Earle Buckle, ed., Letters of Queen Victoria, A Selection From Her Majesty'sCorrespondence and Journal Between The Years 1886 and 1901, 3rd Series, vol II1891-1895 (London: John Murray, 1932), p. 219. 'Lord Cromer to Sir HenryPonsonby 'Private'; Cairo, 3rd Feb. 1893.35 Lutfi al-Sayyid, p. 128.36 Cromer, Abbas II, p. 9.37 Cromer, Abbas II, p. 9.38 Cromer, Abbas II, p. 11. Abbas' main 'priority' of filling his coffers is repeated on p.68.39 Cromer, Abbas II, p. 69.40 ME, p . 591.41 ME, p. 592.42 ME, p . 591 .6048 ME, p. 720.49 ME, p. 720.50 ME, p. 720.51 ME, p. 72052 Riaz was Prime Minister from Sep 1879-Sep 1881; Jun 1888-May 1891; Jan 1893-Apr1894.53 ME, p. 726.54 ME, p. 130.55 ME, p. 728.56 ME, p. 729.57 ME, p. 729.58 Lutfi al-Sayyid, Baring to Salisbury April 18, 1889. Lutfi al-Sayyid calls this a "fairassessment", p. 75.59 ME, p. 728.60 Mustapha Pasha Fehmi held office from May 1891-Jan1893; Nov 1895-Mar 1909.ME, p . 729 .62 ME , p . 729 .63 ME, p. 559.64 ME, p. 559-560.65 ME, p. 614.66 ME , p. 595-6.67 ME, p. 595.68 ME, p. 252.69 ME, p. 604-8.70 ME, p. 62.71 ME, p. 112.72 ME, p. 118.73 ME, p. 608-9.74 Lutfi al-Sayyid, p. 77.75 ME, p. 118.76 ME, p. 252.77 ME, p. 577.78 ME, p. 610.79 ME, p. 611.80 ME, p. 611.81 p. 610-11.82 ME, p. 610.83 ME, p. 250-51.84 ME , p . 25385 ME, p. 254.86 ME, p. 254.87 ME, p. 254.88 ME, p. 619.6189 ME, p. 620.90 ME, p. 620.91 ME, p. 621.92 ME, p. 621.93 ME, p. 629.94 ME, p. 630.95 Lutfi al-Sayyid, p. 143.96 Nubar was Prime Minister Jan 1884-Jun 1888; Apr 1894-Nov 1895.97 ME, p. 722. The last two points are also mentioned on pp. 54-5.98 ME, p. 721.99 ME, p. 726.100 ME, p. 721, 726.101 ME , p. 54-5.102 ME, p . 633.103 ME, p. 634.1°405 ME, p. 642.ME, p. 648.106 ME, p. 646.107 ME, p. 646.1°809 ME, 643-44.ME, p. 645.110 Said, p. 43.111 ME, p . 587 .112 Said, p . 7 .113 Mitchell, p. 163-4.114 ME , p . 571.115 ME , p . 572 .116 ME, p. 586.117 ME , p . 6 .118 ME, p. 571, fn. 4.119 ME , p . 6 .120 ME , p . 573 .121 ME , p . 576 .122 ME , p . 574 .123 ME , p . 573 .124 ME, p . 574125 ME , p . 574 .126 ME , p. 574-5.127 ME , p . 577 .128 ME, p. 577-8129 ME , p. 569-73.130 Cromer is very well informed on the Islamic faith. In Modern Egypt, he cites thefollowing western interpretations of Islam: Burckhardt, Arabic Proverbs; Hughes,62Dictionary of Islam; Lane-Poole, Stanley, Studies in a Mosque, Cairo and Islam;Koran; Le Chatelier, Islam au xixeme siecle; Muir, Life of Mahomet and TheCaliphate; Smith, Bosworth, Mohammed and Mohammedanism; Stanley, Dean,Lectures on the Eastern Church; Syed Ameer Ali, Personal Law of the Mohammedans.131 ME, p. 636.132 ME, p . 569 .133 mE, p . 585.134 ME, p . 572 .135 ME, p . 579 .136 ME, p . 583 .137 ME, p. 579-83.138 ME, p . 583 .139 ME, p. 579.140 ME, p . 583 .141 Samuel Smiles, Character, 1871, rpt. (London: John Murray, 1907) p. 46. Smilesnotes that this book is an extension of his classic, Self Help, (1859).142 Welch, p. 75.143 ME, p . 635 .144 ME, p . 635 .145 ME, p . 635 .146 ME, p . 635 .147 Welch, p. 80 and 87.63CHAPTER 3: SOCIAL ENGINEERING'MORAL AND MATERIAL' REFORMThe preceding chapter discussed Cromer's creation of 'the Oriental' throughliterature. He portrays a deficient and even threatening 'subject'. This chapterexamines Cromer's attempts to re-create 'the Oriental' through material, and especiallysocial reforms. This chapter goes beyond the Orientalist analyses of Said, Mitchell andMason by showing how an Orientalist applies his apparent 'knowledge'. Dominationtheorists discuss epistemology; this thesis shows how the imperialist uses his Orientalistconclusions to reform 'the Oriental'. Cromer seeks to change, form, or re-form the`Egyptian mind' into something more useful through the medium of structural reforms.He advocates a process of social engineering where the social system is reformed withthe desired effect of reforming Egyptian morality. This domino effect of 'structural' or`material' reforms is the general theme of this chapter. In section One, the equalimportance of 'moral and material' reforms is established. Section Two examines theproblems of the existing social system, and those social reforms that Cromer considersto be the most effective for the Egyptian's moral and intellectual development.While Cromer agrees with Lecky that a country's moral condition is moreimportant than its material, he rates moral and material reforms of equal importance.This is particularly evident in Cromer's references to moral and material reforms in thesame phrase. Zetland repeats the turn of phrase by noting that Egypt was a "moral andmaterial desert" before British rule. 1 This would be corrected by Cromer's dedication to`moral and material' improvement:Above all other objects of Lord Cromer's conception of Imperialismstood the conferment of 'moral and material blessings' upon others. 2Thatwas the constant aim and ultimate achievement of his work in Egypt.64The significance of Cromer's dual objectives is that he bisects his 'subject', 'theEgyptian', according to his needs: the body requires material comfort, while the 'mind'needs moral guidance. Since Cromer seeks to reform the whole 'Egyptian', moral andmaterial reforms are logically of equal importance. William Welch notes the parity ofmoral and material reform:Careful reflection led Englishmen to conclude that Egypt's condition wasdue as much to the weakness of the Egyptian character as to the fragilityof indigenous institution,s....The Agency, therefore, committed itself toresolving both problems.'The 'Egyptian character' was subject to moral reform, while the 'indigenous institutions'fell within the 'material' sphere. Cromer himself contends that reformers shouldencourage the "moral and material development of the people."4 He discusses 'moraland material' reform within the context of augmenting the debt for irrigationinvestment. In his Annual Report of 1891, Cromer argues that extending credit enabledEgyptian production to increase, which led to eventual solvency and even relativeaffluence. He states that until financial stability was achieved, "no very serious effortwas possible in the direction of moral and material progress."5 Here moral and materialprogress are equal goals, while fiscal reform is a necessary prerequisite. In hisconclusion, Cromer also notes that among other reasons, the occupation has beenextended for the "moral and material interests" of Egyptians. 6 By the 1911 edition ofModern Egypt, Cromer observes that the Sudan is also advancing toward "moral andmaterial progress."7 Cromer advises that moral and material reform should continuelong after his departure from Egypt.Another indication of the equal importance of moral and material reform is therelationship between the Christian Code and structural reforms. Cromer argues thatfinancial and legal rectitude would be undermined without sound Christian principlesfor guidance. At the beginning of his Consul-Generalship Cromer cites three65necessities for the Egyptian people: prosperity, 'justice", and advancement "'towardsthe true civilization of the West based on the principles of the Christian moral code.'" 8The Code is really an adjunct to 'justice', because it provides a set of rules forresponsible government through fair human relations. Referring to the interaction of`imperial and subject races', Cromer is important that, in our well-intentioned endeavours to impregnatethe Oriental mind with our insular habits of thought, we should proceedwith the utmost caution, and that we should remember that our primaryduty is, not to introduce a system which, under the specious cloak of freeinstitutions, will enable a small minority of natives to misgovern theircountrymen, but to establish one which will enable the mass of Ahepopulation to be governed according to the code of Christian morality.'Intellectual and moral regeneration is identified as "impregnating the Oriental mind".The English benefactor gives 'insularity' and a 'system' based on the Christian code thatwill in turn protect the masses from oppressive elites. The Code-inspired system willestablish a social climate where moral reform can flourish. Western-style 'justice' willimprove the morality of individual Egyptians. Although avoiding this claim, Cromersounds as though he is attempting to create a 'just society', with his pretensions ofsuperior Christian values that are tenuously linked to 'justice'. The connection ofjustice with the code is also identified in Zetland's biography. With the Englishabandonment of Khartoum in 1885, Cromer wasfree to devote himself wholeheartedly to the task which he kept steadilybefore himself throughout his career in Egypt - that of leading theEgyptian people from bankruptcy to affluence, from Khedivialmonstrosities to British justice, and from barbarism towards the truecivilispAion of the West based on the principles of the Christian moralcode.Zetland also stresses Cromer's commitment to financial, legal and moral reform, andhardly deviates from the Consul's own words. He implies that Cromer ranks theChristian moral code, 'British justice' and wealth as interdependent. Relieving financial,legal and moral oppression would open the possibility for a new 'Egyptian' to emerge.66Cromer argues that the fellah has experienced 'moral and material progress'.The fellaheen are the main object of English philanthropy, as they are identified asneeding the most 'moral and material' help.It is for the civilized Englishman to extend to them the hand of fellowshipand encouragement, and to raise tlm, morally and materially, from theabject state in which he finds them."On the topic of fiscal and hydraulic improvements, Cromer argues that Egyptiancultivators, many of whom are fellaheen, will profit. A financial "surplus" ensures thatcultivators will enjoy some "moral and material improvement." 12 Zetland notes thatamong the British achievements in Egypt, the fellah has been given the opportunity toenjoy a "life richer in material well-being and spiritual content than any that hadhitherto come within their ken." 13 Spiritual contentment, while not specifically 'moral',is certainly within the fellah's 'mind' as opposed to his body, which enjoys 'materialwell-being'. For the fellah, "moral progress and elevation of thought" have been amongthe many gifts of British rule. 14 Cromer hopes that the English benefactors will gaintheir rightful recognition; unfortunately, the fellah has not appreciated Englishassistance. As part of his imperial duty, Cromer champions the fellah despite thealleged ingratitude.In any case, whether the Egyptian fellah be capable or incapable ofgratitude, there can be no doubt that it was the hand of England whichfirst raised him from the abkct moral and material condition in which hehad for centuries wallowed."The root of ingratitude is in the fellah's alleged Moslem hostility. After describing thebenefits that 'the Moslem' has received, Cromer sums them up: " a word, hismaterial comfort may be increased, his intellect may be developed, and his moral beingelevated under British material, intellectual and moral regeneration. Despite the alleged improvements,racial and religious differences inevitably preclude successful mental reform. Cromerpoints out that 'the Moslem' will never forget the differences between himself and his46 The 'Moslem body and mind' has been subjected67foreign benefactors. For Muslims, moral and material changes are not necessarily`progress'.In discussing the morality of Egyptian administrators, Cromer's terminologyslightly changes where 'structural' replaces 'material' reform. Material and structuralreforms are synonymous: both combined financial and administrative assistance torevive the political and fiscal system; 17 both are also located within 'native society', andinvolve the `native's body', not his 'mind'. Cromer identifies the Department of theInterior as especially impaired by immoral administrators. The reformer faces"perverted morals, and habits of thought with which he was unfamiliar." 18 Admittedly,`perverted morals' and different thought patterns are not unique to Egyptians. What isunique is that Cromer identifies these as problems that can and should be rectified.Egyptian habits of thought and morals are treated here as workable objects, ascomponents of the local structure, instead of the 'local mind'. Cromer argues that theDepartment of the Interior could benefit if its 'administrative mind' were improved. Hestates the reformer's mission: "In order to succeed, he would have to be a moral, evenmore than an administrative reformer." 19 The object of the moral reformer is theEgyptian administrator, while the object of the administrative reformer would be theadministration. Cromer argues that the administrators required more attention thanthe administration. In this case, moral reform is more important than structural reform:it is not to be the result of administrative reform, but its precursor. The morality ofDepartment officials has to be improved before the Department would benefit. In turn,moral elevation at the top of society would likely trickle down to the masses.THE DOMINO EFFECT OF STRUCTURAL REFORMThe equal importance of moral and material reforms has been established; theremaining discussion elaborates on this relationship by exploring their sequence.68Reforms were implemented with a domino effect: various administrative changes wereto effect improvements in the 'native mind'. As the body becomes stronger, 'the mind'is able to expand. Cromer argues that government and finance should be regulated first,which would allow Egyptians to assimilate the Victorian moral code through a naturalprogression. Good government, stable finance and economic security should inspiremoral and intellectual well-being. At the beginning of this cycle, Governmental reformwas crucial. Britain would supervise the development of the administration, and of theadministrators' `character'. Victorians in general believed that 'prosperity andcontentment' should lead to political order, which leads to 'character' improvement.That moral improvement and intellectual enlightenment attended thegrowth of prosperity, that all three depended upon political ai economicfreedom, remained their characteristic and passionate beliefs.However stated, material reform was thought by Victorians, and especially Cromer, toencourage intellectual and moral development. William Welch is quite aware of thiscycle in Egypt. Instead of using the terms 'material' or 'structural', Welch discussesreforms to the local 'environment'. He notes thatThere was a growing belief that some characteristics, though deeplyembedded in the popular psyche, could be modified. Together, with thepassage of time, a,lilealthier environment might significantly alter theEgyptian character."`Material', 'structural', and 'environmental' reforms are synonymous. Their commondenominator is that they deal with changes to the inanimate world around the Egyptian,as opposed to changes to the Egyptian himself. Cromer outlines the main reforms thatshould elicit 'good character', which will be discussed for the remainder of this chapter.Welch identifies five government initiatives that were supposed to contribute tothe improvement of 'the Egyptian character'. The Agency sought to reform the judicialsystem, teach responsible money management, and establish controls on gambling,narcotics and alcohol.22 With these legal and social advancements, Egyptian society69would be closer to 'civilization' and 'modernity'. Judicial reform had two goals: toimprove the system, and to curb the rising crime rate. Cromer believed that mostcomplaints against the system had some merit. 23 Egyptian magistrates and police wereaccused of inefficiency, provincial authorities and general sentencing were consideredlax, and the Napoleonic Code "was ponderous and inelastic." 24 Cromer's remedy was aform of "personal government" through a "single judge system" of summary tribunals,and for smaller cases trial by the local omdehs, or village chiefs. Reforms were thoughtto inspire faith in the system and respect for the law, both of which would contribute toa decreased crime rate. Welch notes that more cases were brought to trial, whichimplies that crimes of vengeance were replaced with legal recourse. 'Respect' and`faith' in law were obviously more difficult to measure, as Welch fails to comment onthe expected results.The British Agency sought to protect the fellah from the debilitating effects ofillegal drugs and alcohol. Cromer attempted to stop the importation of hashish, whichwas smuggled through the Suez Canal, the Eastern and Western coast of Alexandria,and the Gulf of Suez.25 A camel Corp was stationed at Mersa Matrouk, which wassituated in a vulnerable Bedouin controlled area between Tripoli and Alexandria. TheCorp was relatively unsuccessful against the skilled Bedouin smugglers; furthermore,decreased quantity forced hashish prices up, which in turn contributed to the alreadyincreasing crime problem.26 Welch argues that the failure to control the influx ofhashish can not be blamed on Cromer, as "the consul could hardly be aware that thiswas merely the incipient stage of a drug problem that worsened over the next quarter ofa century."27 Cocaine and also heroin would later supplant the hashish problem.Besides crime, poverty and mental deterioration, other moral corruptions caused bydrugs included family instability, and even insanity. 28 Alcohol was also a negativeinfluence in Egyptian society. Aside from the negative effects that are similar to those70from drug use, alcohol consumption was against Islamic law. Despite religiousprohibition, Greek proprietors had traditionally distributed liquor throughout Egyptand incurred Moslem hostility.29 As Westerners, the British did not want to beidentified with the alcohol trade. Welch notes that from November 1891 liquor storelicences were limited and more closely regulated; European districts of large cities wereexempt. The Agency attempted to curb the Egyptian's accessibility to alcohol by directintervention.Financial reforms were impeded by international restrictions within the Egyptiangovernment. Under the Capitulations, foreign nationals who were accused of crimes inEgypt had to be arrested and tried by their own compatriots. Besides alcohol, theGreek community largely controlled gambling and moneylending in Egypt, whichforced Cromer to confront the Greek consulate in his efforts for suppression. Cromerargues that gambling is a negative influence for Egyptians seeking fast returns, and alsoa threatening temptation for reckless spending. 3° Gambling raids were oftenundermined by the Greek diplomatic representative who refused to participate. Owingto their obstructive tactics, Cromer "held the Greeks directly responsible" for theendurance of gambling houses.31 Cromer acknowledges the European contribution toincreasing crime, because some 'Oriental' criminals were 'corrupted' by poor Europeaninfluences. He argues that this was the fault of the 'Oriental mind', which is naturallyattracted to the worst aspects of the 'European character'. The Greek Consulembodied those very negative aspects of the 'European character' that Cromer wastrying to hide from 'the Oriental'. Unfortunately, Cromer not only had to educate`Orientals' on the destructive effects of gambling, he also had to tackle the source oftheir corruption: Greek opportunists.71Equally debilitating to the 'Egyptian character' was Greek moneylending. Welchargues that high interest rates and mounting loans to cover old debts contributed to thepeasant "fatalism" that Cromer repeatedly observes. Official responses to peasantindebtedness were government loans and the creation of the National Bank in 1898,and the Post Office Savings Bank for fellaheen deposits. Unfortunately, the SavingsBank did not attract as many fellaheen as was projected. The fellaheen wereapprehensive about surrendering their wealth to a foreign institution. An Islamicrestriction on collecting interest also undermined the effect of the banks. 32 One lasteffort at financial relief was the revision of land taxes. Cultivated land would be taxedat one-half of the annual rate for the first two years to encourage productivity; land thathad to be irrigated by wells instead of Nile flooding was exempt to aid the mostoppressed fellaheen. In both situations, incentives and optimism for improvedconditions were important objectives.REFORMING THE SOCIAL SYSTEMThis section examines Cromer's prescriptions for social reform. In ModernEgypt, Cromer states that there are two types of reforms to be instituted in 'backward'countries: structural and `social'.33 Both involve changes to the Egyptian 'environment'for the purpose of changing 'the Egyptian'. Although Cromer separates them intostructural and social, they are really all within the Egyptian structure; they are tangiblecomponents of Egyptian society that affect the Egyptian's body directly, and his 'mind'indirectly. Although social reform is composed of changes to the structure, Cromerdiscusses the changes that would benefit 'the Egyptian'. Cromer states that socialreconstruction attackslong-standing abuses or faulty habits of thought, which are ingrained tosuch an extent into the minds of the population as to require a socialalmost as gwch as an administrative revolution in order to ensure theireducation.'72Social revolution would require changes in the corrupt system and also changes in how`the native' views society. The system must first be reformed before it can be vieweddifferently, and hopefully positively. Cromer argues that a formidable obstacle isEgyptian 'habits of thought', because they have been accustomed to corruption forcenturies. This is not easily changed. They need to be shown how to change, and thebenefits incurred.In order to understand why Cromer prescribes moral reform, the fundamentalsof Egyptian morality that he finds so objectionable should be analyzed. The source ofEgyptian morality is to be found in Islam, which permeates every aspect of societythrough its 'social system'. In Egypt 'character' was shaped by religion to a muchgreater extent than in England. Cromer agrees with a renowned Orientalist, Mr. StanleyLane-Poole, whom he considers a "close observer of the strong and weak parts ofIslamism", that the system was a "complete failure". 35 Cromer repeatedly indicts Islamfor anachronism, with seventh century rules for the 'primitive' Arabian peninsulaapplied to every facet of 'modern' Egyptian society. He even questions the validity ofKoranic laws, which he sees as 'traditions', 'customs', and in some cases 'perversions',rather than as interpretations of the Prophet Muhammad. Although his reasons for thesocial 'failure' of Islam are considered to be "manifold", Cromer develops only fourtheses: the interdependence of secular law and religion, toleration of slavery, religiousintolerance, and the mis-treatment of women. Besides their ties to Islam, the foursocial corruptions that Lane-Poole identifies are part of an unwritten 'Oriental moralcode'. They involve what Cromer and Lane-Poole perceive as the abuse of threehuman groups: women, slaves, and religious minorities. In the case of legal-religiousomnipotence, the entire Egyptian population is affected. Cromer finds the four Islamictenets identified by Lane-Poole to be morally repugnant and in need of reform.Cromer's concerns with slavery, antiquated laws and intolerance as mentioned above73will now be discussed. The analysis of the plight of Egyptian women that wasintroduced in Chapter Two will be resumed at the end of this chapter.The institution of slavery in the Islamic social system is considered to be a "fatalblot".36 Interestingly, Cromer fails to elaborate on this condemnation in his usualfashion, perhaps because the difference between 'Eastern' and 'Western' appears to bequite narrow. He admits that Christians have hunted and owned slaves in the past, butto maintain a semblance of difference to the 'barbarous' Muslims, he stipulates thatChristianity has never "sanctioned" slavery. 37 Cromer concedes that "as a general rule,slaves are well treated" and compares them to 'Western servants', who were actuallyless well off because they could be fired without compensation, while an 'Oriental' slaveowner was supposed to support dismissed slaves.38 This reversal of the differencesbetween East and West (ie. that East is now better than West) is short lived because`Orientals' still indulged in the Slave Trade, which Cromer hopes would eventually becrushed. His successful program was to cut off the slave supply from other countries,and to discourage slave-owning in Egypt. Two conditions blocked Cromer's efforts:most of the slaves in Egypt were women in harems, and also the potential for Moslemleaders' disapproval. Women leaving the harem, Cromer explains, were penniless andoften "starved or fell into a life of vice", which meant that emancipation was notnecessarily good. A Home for Freed Female Slaves was provided in Cairo to curb thishopeless situation. Secondly, slavery was protected under the Sacred Law of Islam(Sheriat), which made its abolition no simple process of Christian, or even KhedivalDecree. This would be considered by religious leaders as meddling with the Sheriatwhich, Cromer argues, 'the Englishman' will "scrupulously" avoid, no matter howimmoral, or inhumane he finds the sanctified abuses.3974The Sheriat had strict jurisdiction over issues "relating to personal status" such aswills, successions or divorce among Muslims. Cromer includes many examples of whathis 'Western mind' considers to be `injustice' 40 'Civilized Englishmen' wereparticularly offended by Moslem punishments, such as crucifixion and other forms ofmutilation that Cromer claims must be allowed to continue. The problems of differentperspectives here are very complicated: opposing conceptions of justice could never bereconciled because Moslem values were entrenched in their social system, their laws,and their sense of ultimate truth (religion). Such a combination of divergentinstitutions, Cromer concludes, has produced an 'inelastic' society. The inherentcontradiction of Cromer's purpose is in his determination to tolerate Islamic injusticeswhile establishing a Christian code of morality; to stay out of the Kadi's courts butreform the secular; to reform Egyptian society when the social system is based on Islam!Reform was impossible without infiltrating Islam. The contradictions are less glaringwith his conviction that the system is crumbling:let no practical politician think that they have a plan capable ofresuscitating a body, which is not, indeed, dead, and which may yet lingeron for centuries, but which is nevertheless politically and sociallymoribund, and whose gradual decay cannot be Arrested by any modernpalliatives however skilfully they may be applied.'Cromer appears to identify 'the Englishman' as a participant in the historical process ofsweeping away corruption. His own part within this larger scheme was as the 'man onthe spot' who had skillfully to control the battle between modernity and antiquity inEgypt so that it appeared as progress.Cromer also includes personal and public examples of Moslem intolerance inModern Egypt. The 'European family of Christians' is generally portrayed as tolerantand progressive, and ultimately as peaceful. Cromer is no exception, relating Ramazanvisits to the 'Alim' (notable) Sheikh el-Bekri even under strained conditions:75I always felt that, when I left his house, he cursed me, my race, and myrel . 'on, and I never entertained the least ill-will against him for doingso.Without explaining the reason for his tolerance of the Alines behavior, Cromer'sreaction is certainly Christian: turn the other cheek when someone strikes you so thatthey can strike the other side. Cromer returns to the old sheikh's house even though heis secretly 'struck' every time he leaves, presumably because he understands that the oldsheikh did not know any better. To recall Said's terminology, tolerance was anothervirtue within the imperial 'knowledge' that excluded Moslems. Cromer identifies theMoslems as negatives for responding to adverse situations within the Old Testamenttradition of an 'eye for an eye', which was the precursor to 'turn the other cheek'. Atypical example of 'native intolerance' is shown in Cromer's comparison of Christiansand Moslems:Islam, therefore, unlike Christianity, tends to engender the idea thatrevenge and hatred, rather than love and charity should form the basis ofrelations between man and man; and it inculcates a smcial degree ofhatred against those who do not accept the Moslem faith.'Cromer lists various situations where intolerance is reinforced in the 'system': at themosque religious leaders (Mollahs) recite verse to "invoke divine wrath on the heads ofunbelievers", who could legally be enslaved if captured in war, or killed and sent to theirrightful place in he11. 44 Cromer cites reports during the Arabi revolt of increasingtensions between Christians and Moslems. He concludes that Moslems were inspired by"race hatred and fanaticism":A Sheikh had been crying aloud in the public thoroughfares, '0 Moslems,come and help me to kill the Christians!' On June 9, a Greek was warnedby an Egyptian to 'take care, as the Arabs were going to kill theChristians either that day or the following day.' On the 10th, some low-class Moslems went about thc,'"streets calling out that 'the last day for theChristians was drawing nigh'.Even if these reports were exaggerated, their importance is in the fact that Cromerbelieves them. The differences are again redrawn as superior Christians had to try andunderstand 'inferior Moslem fanatics'.76Islam presents a considerable obstacle to Cromer's prescriptions for moralprogress, acting as a fortress around 'Oriental society' to exclude Western influence.The 'Egyptian mind' is enveloped in Islamic ideals from childhood. Hence "the slow-thinking Moslem, weighted by his leaden creed" is basically isolated from otheralternatives for moral inspiration.46 Cromer is well aware of the difficulty and evendanger of penetrating the Islamic shield. He is admittedly confused over how to reformthe Egyptian while respecting the authority and position of Islam. Reaching theEgyptian is difficult enough without having to deal with the protective mechanisms ofreligion. Officially, Cromer scrupulously discourages proselytism. GovernmentOfficials, Missionaries and philanthropists are cautioned against interfering with theIslamic system.47 Excessive prodding could cause great problems for the imperialadministration because of Islam's pervasive influence. Anti-British passions could beinflamed among Egyptians quite easily, especially with the Islamic history of allegedintolerance. Although the moral development appears to be unattainable, Cromerspeculates that Islam may change over time, and with it a "higher moral and intellectualideal" may evolve.48 The first hint of such change is identified in the 'EuropeanizedEgyptian', who has dropped much of his Moslem heritage. 49 In the meantime, however,Cromer warns against disrupting the Islamic 'pillars of society'.Cromer is unable to achieve immediate reforms over those aspects of the systemthat are directed by Islam. This troublesome area is not his only target for socialreform. In Modem Egypt Cromer devotes three chapters to his attack on the worst`long-standing abuses' under secular jurisdiction. He identifies them as the "three C's":courbash, corvee, and corruption. The first is an hippopotamus whip, the second isforced labour and the third is bribery. Ruling groups used these tortuous methods fordiscipline, tax recovery, intimidation, and also forcing confessions from both witnesses77and accused in court cases.5° Cromer discusses the positive and negative aspects ofabolishing the "three C's" on intellectual and moral regeneration.The courbash was an integral part of Egyptian life. Its "universal" application invarious situations pre-empted more sophisticated means for punishment andcoercion.51 At the urging of Lord Dufferin, a Circular was issued in Cairo on January16, 1883, forbidding use of the courbash. 52 It was signed by the Minister of Interior,Ismail Pasha Eyoub. Cromer notes that the Circular recognized that past restrictions ofthe courbash had been regrettably violated, but ensured that this one would beenforced. Dufferin "had initiated a social and administrative revolution." 53 'AverageEgyptians' recognized the English as instigators of this new law, and were newlyconfident in resisting their oppressors. 54 The negative side of courbash abolition wasthat it left a legal and judicial vacuum. 55 There was nothing to replace the courbash forgaining evidence against people accused of crimes. Cromer argues that witnesses wouldnever think to volunteer their information. Throughout Egyptian history, evidence hadbeen forcibly extracted via the courbash. Since Egyptians were not used to this newfreedom, disorder was possible. Potential criminals knew that traditional 'habits ofthought' regarding the judicial process prevented witnesses and accusers from comingforward. Cromer notes that crime did increase in the beginning of the Occupation.Nubar Pasha instituted the Commissions of Brigandage in response; these employedtorture, and the Circular was widely ignored. The Commissions remained until Sir JohnScott assumed the Judicial Advisership in February 1891, when Dufferin's vision oflifting the burden of torture from the Egyptian was finally achieved. 56The second of the 'three C's', the corvee, had also been an Egyptian traditionsince Pharonic times.57 The courbash and corvee worked in tandem, as the formerenforced the latter when necessary. Forced labour was used mainly for clearing mud78from the canal beds during the low Nile, which was required for free-flowing irrigation.If the mud was not cleared, the Nile canals would clog and the fields would dehydrate.The corvee also supplied manpower for watching the high Nile against flooding. OnApril 2 1888 a Decree partially abolished the corvee, and from January 1892 the corveewas restricted to canal digging during the low Nile. Cromer notes that corveemanpower is still necessary for watching the high Nile, and although not totallyabolished, it has been greatly diminished and is steadily decreasing. 58 It was difficult toabolish the corvee because of international restraints, French objections, and alsoinsufficient funds to support the free labour.59 Another problem was Egyptian refusalto dig the canals voluntarily.° Cromer argues that Egyptians were unwittingly causingtheir own starvation. This dilemma lasted through 1883 and 1884. By January 1885,scientific advancements replaced the corvee: mud deposits were naturally transferredfrom the canal bed to the fields through flotation.61Abolishing the corvee and courbash caused Egyptian habits of thought tochange, as Cromer had expected. 'Natives' were forced to view 'authority' from adifferent perspective, other than fear. The police and judicature had to be perceived asfair to both accusers and accused. The old system of torture was supposed to beforgotten. In the case of forced labour, Egyptians had to view labour organizers not asoppressors, but as liberators from starvation and poverty. They had to learn thatclearing the Nile bed was to their advantage instead of only for the benefit of theirtaskmasters. A formidable obstacle to courbash and corvee abolition was the enduringhabits of thought that instinctively rejected the supposedly positive benefits of reform.Corruption was considered to be the final threat to social, and thereforeintellectual and moral progress. Cromer defines corruption as 'bribery', or `backshish' invarious situations, but mainly in government circles. Most Egyptians allegedly traded in79backshish, from the Khedives down through the rungs of authority to the fellaheen. 62Power relationships depended on the weak paying the strong for favours, protection,privilege, etc. Cromer argues that when he arrived in Egypt bribery was so common thatnothing could be accomplished without it. Since 'Oriental society' accepted corruption,it would take time to remedy this 'habit of thought'.63 No matter what Decrees werepassed at British instigation, it was again difficult to change public opinion. Cromer listsseven social-structural reforms that were expected to curtail backshish. 64 Firstly,government expenses were to be recorded through a system of organized accountingand audit. The proclivity to extort would hopefully diminish with salary increases forgovernment agents and also the lowest classes. Government stores and public workswere to be supplied through tenders at fixed prices. The standards required ofprospective court Judges would be raised. Corvee reforms meant that village sheikhscould no longer demand military exemption bribes from their fellaheen. Recruiting wassystematized. And finally, British officials allegedly deterred corruption by theirvigilance and also by their presence as examples of upright behavior. 65 Cromer isuncertain about the success of these seven assaults on corruption, and blames thecorrupt Egyptian nature for his inability to measure the results. He argues that sinceEgyptians do not like to complain, there is no way of finding out if they are still beingforced to pay backshish. As for the officials, Cromer alleges that they are experts ofdeception and hence are difficult to trace. He concludes that bribery has been greatlyreduced, but remains in various pockets of society and government.What is the relationship between formal education and reforming the 'Egyptianmind'? Cromer clearly sees a role for education by asking the following question at thebeginning of Chapter LIX of Modern Egypt, entitled "Education": "What, however, hasbeen done in the direction of moral and intellectual progress?" 66 This is the first timehe treats the topic of 'moral and intellectual progress' as distinct from 'material,80structural, social or administrative progress'. Cromer regards 'the school' to be a naturalcenter for moral and intellectual development. According to a fellow Anglo-Egyptian,J.E. Marshall:It was hoped that by education the people would acquire British mindsand a British outlookk„ and that a race comparable to Victorian Liberalswould be produced." 'Marshall does not identify who was 'hoping' for this transference of British 'minds andoutlook' through education, but since Cromer was the Consul-General, it may beassumed that he is at least included, if not the instigator of this view. This hypothesis isconfirmed in Cromer's writings where he suggests that by stretching the definition of`education', formal schooling can contribute to 'character' reform:if we speak of education in the broadest sense of the term - that is to say,if we inclle the formation not only of the intellect, but also of thecharacter.'By specifying the formation of 'character', Cromer argues that not only intellect but alsomorality may be developed in the schools. However, formal education alone can notreform the 'Egyptian national character'. Instead of explaining how 'character' can bereformed outside of the educational system, Cromer restates the need for itsdevelopment:National character is a plant of slow growth. Such instruction as can beafforded in schools and colleges only constitutes one of the elementswhich contribute to its modification and development. All that can besaid is that no effort should be spared to foster the growth of all thosemoral and inAllectual qualities which, collectively, tend to the formationof character.Responding to suggestions in England that increased education should prepareEgyptians for independence, Cromer repeats his point in Abbas II:Personally, I do not believe that such education as can be imparted in theschools and colleges will ever render the Egyptians capable of completeself-government without some transforniion of the national character,which must necessarily be a slow process. 'The extra-educational influences on 'character reform' are unidentified. Of coursethese have been discussed above in the context of other structural reforms. Their81mysterious quality within the discussion of educational reform unfortunately gives theimpression that Cromer does not know how 'the Egyptian character' will be reformedoutside of the schools. Cromer does note that schools have had some success ineffecting 'Egyptian character development' and speculates "with a fair amount ofconfidence that something has been done towards forming and elevating the`characters' of Egyptians."71 He concludes that 'character reform' in the schools is stillin its earliest stages with intangible results:Whilst, however, it may reasonably be held that something has been donein the direction of imparting rectitude, virility, and moral equipoise to theEgyptian character, it must be admitted that there is still abundant roomfor improvement in all these directions. If the moral influences to whichthe Egyptians are now expose, were withdrawn, or even weakened, arelapse would inevitably ensue.British forces should not be withdrawn before the 'Egyptian character' has beenreformed, in this context through the minimal influence of the school system. The`Egyptian mind' is again portrayed as an impediment to English evacuation because theprocess of intellectual and moral regeneration is incomplete.Cromer did not see significant evidence of moral and intellectual developmentwithin the schools mainly because educational reform was a low priority. 73 Also,education was more technical, than 'character' oriented. Cromer believed that thegovernment was not responsible for financing educational development. In this case hewas a typical 'Victorian liberal' with a laissez-faire ideology: Egyptians should financeand develop their own system of Inowledge'. 74 However, that system should conformto British standards, which were practical, as opposed to literary. Cromer supportedprimary and technical education because of their immediate benefits to Egypt. Thesystem endeavored to produce farmers and government workers. Those suited formanual labour had to acquire skills in agriculture and irrigation because these areasheld the most potential for employment and long term economic growth for Egypt.7582Primary and secondary education were also geared to producing competent civilservants. To avoid the potential unemployment of these 'educated' Egyptians, Cromerincreased tuition fees when necessary and also instituted entrance and graduationexams in the schools. This would curtail over-enrollment, and hopefully educate onlythe number of Egyptians necessary for government work.76 By concentrating onprimary, secondary and technical instruction, Cromer has also been criticized for notencouraging 'higher education'. 77 In his farewell speech, Cromer refutes the allegationthat he neglected moral and intellectual development in Egypt by listing the manystructural reforms that have also been discussed above; his argument supports the claimfor moral development, but none of the reforms mentioned directly inspired intellectualregeneration as would be afforded in universities. 78 Educational policy was thereforeclosely linked to politics and finance. 'Knowledge' was to be communicated if it wouldcontribute to future economic growth, or political stability.Civil Service education was the most popular discipline among Egyptians. Thosewho responded to education for government work allegedly saw Western 'knowledge' asimportant for their own personal advancement. In this discussion, Cromer specifies theMuslim Egyptian, as opposed to Copts, Jews and other 'dwellers' who may beconsidered 'Egyptian' but due to their ethnicity have been exposed to better educationalopportunities. In class terms, Cromer refers to "the upper and middle classes of society"who are employed within the government. 79 Cromer 'knows' that they are seriousabout wanting education because they are willing to pay for it after the initial period offree instruction. He argues that Egyptian realization of the need for improvededucation was part of their emergence out of 'backwardness'. Admitting that they wereinferior to 'the Western' was the first step toward civilization:The Egyptians have, in fact, made one great step forward in the race for anational etiktence. They have learnt that they are ignorant. They wish tobe taught.'83By 'admitting' that they needed help through Western instruction, they now wanted tobecome like 'Westerns'. Cromer argues that since the reign of Muhammad AliEgyptians devalued education, but with the Occupation an "intellectual awakening"occurred in Egypt.81 'Natives' knew that they would have to educate their children sothat they would qualify for jobs within the new society. Egyptians allegedly learned thisby watching the steady advancement of educated Syrians, Europeans and Levantines.Concurrently, Egyptians were by-passed, and threatened with stagnation because oftheir inability to compete with educated 'foreigners'. To advance, achieve parity andeven intellectual superiority, Egyptians would have to educate themselves. Copts alsofelt that they had to improve themselves both to retain their clerical positions and alsoto advance like everyone else. 82 Cromer notes that Copts were traditionally in a betterposition for employment because they were Christian and often educated in Americanmissionary schools, as opposed to the Muslim directed Kuttabs. They also showed goodpotential for improvement asMany of the younger generation speak English, and show a tendency todevelop mor and intellectual qualities generally superior to those ortheir fathers.wTheir main rival was not the newly educated Egyptians, but Christian Syrianimmigrants who were allegedly smarter and gaining many government positions atCoptic expense.Cromer admits that educational reform has been slow and identifies twostructural reasons: poor financing and obstructive 'native administrators'. 84 Availablefunds simply could not be stretched to cover education requirements. Tax reform andsolvency were ranked more urgent. As for the Ministers of Education, Cromer arguesthat they appreciated the power of European 'knowledge', and the necessity for itsdissemination. Acquiring such 'knowledge', and hence the secrets of `self-government'were soon realized to be a sure way to oust the British 'advisers'. Despite their84enlightenment, Cromer argues that poor administration of the Department of PublicInstruction undermined their attempts at reform.85 Bureaucratic inertia threatenedprogress in the Department. Inconsistent policies and annual changes in leadershipdisrupted the previous year's innovations and also set in motion new policies that wouldonly be retracted the following year. Cromer notes that many new schools deceptivelyappeared to enjoy 'progress'. This was strictly superficial because the quality of thefacilities and also the qualifications of the instructors were inadequate. According toCromer, opening new schools that were sub-standard not only stunted educationalgrowth, but the system actually regressed.Tampering with the education system also proposed many problems for theimperial administration. Besides his laissez-faire attitude and the desire to avoidunemployment, Cromer had other reasons that he felt legitimated a hold oneducational development. Firstly, higher education was considered a threat because itcreates a gulf between the upper and lower classes. 86 Primary education was increasedso that the fellah intellect would be sharpened enough to detect emerging nationalistsand other apparent opportunists, whom Cromer calls the "'wily politician'." 87Nationalist ideas were considered threatening to the regime and the fellah, becausethey abused Western 'knowledge'. Egyptians were supposed to learn basic, technicalskills and also the finer points of 'good character', not absorb Western concepts such as`liberty', 'equality' or `self-government' before they were ready. Hence developing 'theEgyptian' was potentially destructive. Welch points out that a sound Egyptianunderstanding of their masters could destabilise the imperial relationship.Anglo-Egyptians never believed that Western education couldsignifiontly alter the Egyptian character. If anything, it might causeharm.°°Marshall supports this conclusion by observing that through education, the Egyptianshave become "defiant". 89 For Cromer, another obvious reason for limiting enrollment85through exams and fees was to curtail the development of an 'over-educated',unemployed elite." Unemployment was a financial and social drain on theadministration and unemployed 'intellectuals' were also an outright threat. Idle timewas an opportunity for contemplating their situation, the country's plight, and finally itscauses, which would lead to criticism of the occupation. According to Mansfield,nationalist sentiments took root most easily in the Law School, where Anglo-Egyptianssuspected that French teachers were inspiring anti-English thought. With Egyptian Lawbased on the Napoleonic Code, instructors were predominantly French. In 1899, anEnglish department was introduced after much French objection. Despite increasinganglicization, the Law School was marred by Anglo-French tensions until 1907 when theFrench director was replaced by a Canadian. 91 Amid the European dispute overcontrol, an Egyptian 'nationalist' movement continued to grow within the Law School.Another impediment to educational reform was Islam. 'Native' schools weretraditionally based on Islamic 'knowledge'. 'Character reform' was hardly possible inthe village Kuttabs or, as Cromer calls them, "Mosque Schools", because of their strictreligious instruction.92 The only government interference in these village schools was inthe form of supervision and reorganizing the curricula; by 1897 the '3 R's' wereincorporated into the official curriculum and henceforth an increasing number ofKuttabs came under government direction each year. 93 'Supervision' was to be limited,as spreading Western 'knowledge' was dangerously close to proselytism. For this reason,Cromer avoided the El-Azhar University as a vehicle for educational improvement. Asmentioned above, it was important not to upset Islam, even for the improvement of`character'. The safest recourse was to identify the problems of Islamic centerededucation and discuss the need for change, as Cromer has done in his writings. Cromercriticizes the Kuttabs and Al-Azhar for their teaching by forced memorization asindoctrinating 'the mind' instead of stimulating the thought processes. This criticism,86although valid, is wholly theoretical when considering the instructional methods in statesupervised schools. English teachers were not required to learn Arabic and simplydictated their lessons, which meant that students also had to learn throughmemorization because there were no translations. 94 In unsupervised Kuttabs, studentsmemorized the Koran, in Cromerian schools, they memorized blocs of dictatedinformation. The only difference in the two systems is the type of 'knowledge' that wasbeing communicated; and of course the state school pupils had the extra burden ofassimilating 'knowledge' through a different language. In both situations,`understanding' is less important than regurgitation of information.The key to successful educational reform in Cromerian Egypt is not in itscontent or structure, but in its pupils. Cromer argues that women and girls have to beeducated. Failure adequately to reform the 'national character' through schools is dueto the fact that they are mainly attended by Egyptian males. Improving an educationalsystem that only caters to males is useless.If it be once admitted that no good moral results will accrue from femaleeducation in Egypt, then, indeed, the reformer may well despair ofcause of Egyptian education generally in the highest sense of the word.Cromer's argument is based on the debilitating effect that female ignorance has overthe Egyptian men, who rule the country.The position of women in Egypt, and in Mohammedan countriesgenerally, is, therefore, a fatal obstacle to the attainment of that elevationof thought and character which should accompany the introduction ofEuropean civilizApon, if that civilization is to produce its full measure ofbeneficial effect."The "obvious remedy" is female education. 97 No matter what the European does toelevate the Egyptian, he will not be successful unless he 'educates and elevates' `native'women. The educated Egyptian man will never be complete without his educatedfemale counterpart, who is responsible for his early development. 98 Furthermore, theentire society will continue to suffer under the burden of female ignorance:87I wish to state my strong conviction, based on some thirty years ofsympathetic intercourse with Orientals, that the East can never reallyadvance unless some thorough - but, of course, gradual - change be madein the position of women. Education is, I need hArdly say, only a part -albeit an important part - of the general question."Cromer writes this in his Annual Report for 1901. The cause of female education wasidentified as crucial to mental and moral regeneration in his Annual Reports onedecade earlier. 100 The sincerity of his concern over the position of women in Egyptappears to be genuine.Cromer denounces the Islamic restrictions on female education. He argues thatMoslem law suppresses women's intellectual and moral freedom and ultimately "crampsthe intellect and withers the mental development of one-half of the population inMoslem countries." 101 Women are denied access to formal education and keptignorant within the confines of Islamic customs. For Cromer, the worst consequence offemale oppression is not suffering, but the indirectly negative effect upon Egyptian men.Ignorant mothers are considered to be unproductive influences on their male children.Cromer cites seclusion as particularly damaging to male development via femalestagnation. He stresses the destructive effect of female stagnation on the relationshipsbetween mothers and sons, and also husbands and wives:Moreover, inasmuch as women, in their capacities as wives and mothers,exercise a great influence over the characters of their husbands and sons,it is obvious that the seclusion of women must produce a deterioratingeffect on the male population, in whose presuinterests the customwas originally established, and is still maintained.Women should improve their 'mind' in order to be a positive influence over the men intheir homes. Matriarchs must be examples of fine morality and 'knowledge' to all malemembers of the household. Cromer concludes that Moslem women should also beeducated to promote a better understanding between East and West by inculcatingEuropean values on men in the home. At present women have very little access toEuropean 'knowledge' due to their seclusion. They are informed only by what reaches88the harem, which is often distorted rumors and "trumpery gossip" that inflames passions.Seclusion prevents daughters, mothers, aunts, grandmothers, from making balancedjudgements on the truthfulness of their information and hence their actions and wordsare irresponsible. 103 The Egyptian home is portrayed as a den of confusionperpetuated by ignorant women.The status of female education in Cromerian Egypt has been criticized byhistorians. Negative results usually refer to the numbers of girls attending schoolsnationwide, as opposed to those directly supervised by the state. In 1895 six percent ofstudents in state sponsored Kuttabs were female, which had risen to twenty-four percentby 1903 and thirty-seven percent by 1913. 104 Female enrollment increased as the stateabsorbed more Kuttabs. By comparison, Kuttabs that were only helped by 'grants inaid' had seven percent female students in 1903 and ten percent in 1913. 105 In thehigher primary schools there were less opportunities for girls, but enrollment didincrease slowly. Secondary and technical education was basically prohibited until longpast Cromer's departure from Egypt. 106 These restrictions reflect the fact that the goalof female education was not to produce professionals, but to create good wives andmothers, which was "'their natural avocation'" 107 Women were to learn reading,writing and 'housewife' skills. As the first teacher of her children and the keeper of thehousehold, the Egyptian woman deserved the chance to improve her domesticcondition. This was her traditional role and there was nothing shameful in being a wifeor a mother. The only profession that needed women was teaching, in the Kuttabs andhigher primary schools. In 1900 the Saniyyah School began the first term of femaleteacher training with four students; at this point, and for some time, Europeans stillheld the best teaching jobs. 108 According to Cromer, female teachers were required sothat female education in general could be increased. Although 'professionals', femaleteachers contributed to Cromer's system of female education for creating good wives89and mothers; this is a noble objective, considering the degenerate homelife that Cromerdescribes.According to Cromer, there were many initial objections to educating Egyptianwomen. Although these were likely based on religious reasons, Cromer does notdescribe them in Islamic terms. He simply notes that the general population wasunenthusiastic, while the 'upper classes' were staunchly opposed. 109 In order toencourage attendance, many received free education until 1905 when sufficientnumbers warranted the collection of tuition fees. By the time Cromer publishedModern Egypt, parental reluctance to send young girls to school had dissipated. Femaleattendance had increased, terms were extended, and standards were improving.Cromer notes that as more men are educated, they prefer better educated wives; also,as men pursue education, marriages occur later in life which allows women to remain inschool longer than heretofore. With this progress, Cromer is hopeful of its futurepositive effects on Egyptian society. However, as most educated women are stillsecluded, Cromer is unsure of how successfully men have been improved throughfemale education. 11° He does expect that female education will conquer the Moslemimpediment because women are allegedly less devoted to the patriarchal system ofIslam, which Cromer notes was designed by and for men. 111 He concludes thatMoslem men have generally become agnostic with European education and influenceand the effect should be the same on Moslem women, who are assumed to be lessreligious. Cromer qualifies himself by noting that these are only suggestions, andrefuses to make any definite conclusions on the limited available evidence. However,he is determined that female education is crucial for 'civilizing' Egypt. Cromer advisesto pursue female education, despite the fact that success can be neither predicted, norguaranteed.90The resistance to female education was part of a general reluctance to acceptthe legitimacy of most British-inspired reforms in Egypt. 'Native' mis-understanding oftheir intended 'positive' effects is Cromer's most enduring obstacle to completedomination and effective rule. The 'administrative mind' is entrenched in the idea thatthe corvee, courbash and corruption are correct methods for administration. The fellahis too 'ignorant' and apathetic to resist oppression. The 'Egyptian mind' resists reformsbecause of its alleged deficiencies. It is duped by exploitative Europeans (ie. Greeks)and easily corrupted into criminal behavior. Using Cromer's logic, the Egyptian doesnot realize what is good for him; he must be enlightened by the benevolent`Englishman'.CROMER'S EVALUATION OF MORAL AND INTELLECTUAL REFORMContemporary critics of Cromer's administration have accused him of neglectingthe 'Oriental mind'. These include Egyptians, Englishmen and Anglo-Egyptiansubordinates. 112 They base their arguments on the alleged higher priority given tostructural reforms. One Egyptian Agent states that the neglect of moral reform was dueto Cromer's natural inclination to ignore such a personal issue:`But it is the exclusively material character of our achievementthroughout, to the exclusion of moral development, which might offerground for criticism. Cromer's positive mind, thro it had a humanisticside, was disposed to pass by the things of the soul.'Considering Cromer's insistence on the importance of structural reforms for reformingthe 'native mind', this observation is inaccurate. 114 Cromer's opponents also argue thatthe educational system did little to effect moral and intellectual development. He isaccused of deliberately suppressing the 'native mind' for more effective colonial control.One outspoken opponent was Duse Mohamed, a 'Europeanized Egyptian' whose fathersupported Arabi Pasha and died in the rebellion. Among many complaints againstEngland, Mohamed exclaims:91We censure her for having kept the natives in ignorance for twenty-eightyears, spending only about 1 per cent on education of the EL258,000,000,revenue obt#jized during the first twenty-five years of theOccupation...."Mohamed's criticism is emotionally charged and appears unobjective. Cromer retorts toall of his critics that the English Administration should not be blamed for enduring`native ignorance', which will take many more years to overcome. 116Cromer 'confidently' argues that there has been some progress toward 'characterreform' in Egypt. 117 In his last speech before leaving Egypt he "hotly repudiated"charges that moral reform was "neglected". 118 His argument is based on the supposeddomino effect of structural reforms encouraging moral progress, and includes manyexamples. Equal distribution of water for all Egyptians is supposed to encouragegeneral cooperation. Thrift is encouraged so that the profits of labour could be enjoyed.`Honest administration' and responsible spending of tax-payer funds should inspireEgyptians with trust. Free speech and equality before the law should encouragepoliticization and standing up for one's rights. Medical and prison improvements shouldeffect a better attitude. Cromer concludes`If all these, and many other points to which I could allude, do notconstitute some moral advwgement, then, of a truth, I do not know whatthe word morality implies.'In Modern Egypt Cromer lists eight major improvements to Egyptian society that havecontributed to 'character reform'. Firstly, learning European languages, literature andsciences has likely corrected certain inaccuracies of Egyptian 'habits of thought'.Egyptians have also surely improved their own behavior by observing their uprightEuropean 'advisers'. The near abolition of oppressive institutions such as torture,slavery and inequality is thought to have softened the rough edges of the 'nativecharacter'. In addition, property rights were established, 'nepotism' was curtailed, andother entrenched 'vices' were criticized. Finally, Cromer argues that European politicaland social ideologies "should act as antidotes against moral degradation". 12° Despite92these 'progressive' measures, Cromer argues that the 'Egyptian mind' requires far morepositive stimulants in society for its renewal. British forces must remain, because theimprovements are not yet secure as 'the Egyptian mind' is only just emerging from an`intellectual vacuum'. A premature evacuation would undoubtedly cause the Egyptianto regress back into his degenerate state.Evacuation was considered impossible until a stable, competent group ofadministrators is created, which will take 'some time'. In Abbas II Cromer does notethat since 1882 the "governing capacity" of Egyptian Ministers and other governmentemployees has steadily improved. 121 This progress should continue, but there is still along way to go before Cromer will be satisfied. Throughout his term in Egypt, Cromerfelt that the governing classes were incapable of 'self-government'. On April 25 1890,he wrote to Salisbury with the following evaluation of the Occupation:`Until a race of Egyptians has arisen far more competent than any whichnow exist'...'the evacuation of countrycountry by the British Army would beattended with very grave risks.'"Writing to Salisbury on 29 February, 1896, Cromer was still wont to find adequate`natives' in Government: "'Egypt hasn't produced a man yet' who was truly a capableadministrator." 123 The 'character' and intellect of even a few Egyptians would not beadequately "trained" until long after the publication of Modern Egypt. 124 By 1907 hewas still convinced that a "race of Egyptians capable of governing the country withoutforeign aid has not as yet been formed...." 125 Cromer argues that this is understandablebecause it takes more than twenty years to change a nation that is thousands of yearsold. He also notes that structural reforms are achieved faster, and with more visibleresults:Moral and intellectual progress must of necessity always be a plant ofslow growth. It takes more time to form the mind of a statesman, or evento train a compet, administrator, than it does to dig a canal or toconstruct a railway. "93He then lists the main reasons why it should take time. Firstly, Egyptians had alwayslived under "a system eminently calculated to paralyze their intellectual and warp theirmoral faculties...." 127 As mentioned above, their historically oppressed 'mind' wouldnot be easily changed. Also, English officials work under "difficult" and "complicated"circumstances with international, English, Ottoman and other 'Oriental' interferences.In an article written after his departure from Egypt, Cromer is still pessimistic:Before Orientals can attain anything approaching to the British ideal ofself-government the I have to undergo very numerous transmigrationsof political thought."In particular, Egyptians will have to realize that slavery is wrong. Cromer notes thatfrom Muhammad's days in the seventh century, slavery has been tolerated. 129 If Islamdoes not proscribe slavery, how could British-inspired 'thought' do otherwise? This wasone of many persistent attitudes that Anglo-Egyptians still had to deal with afterCromer's departure in 1907.Cromer is reluctant to speculate on the future of moral and intellectualregeneration in Egypt. He notes that under the Ministry of Fehmi, "Egypt has madegreater progress, both moral and material, than at any previous period." 130 Fehmi'sstable Ministry is conducive to moral improvement because Western influence isrelatively unobstructed. Cromer is sure that changes in Egyptian morality are effectedin some way by structural improvements. Hopefully these changes would be positive:The material benefits derived from Europeanisation are unquestionablygreat, but as regards the ultimgq effect on public and private morality thefuture is altogether uncertain.' -'Egyptian morality is too intangible accurately to measure even in its present state; bycontrast, material improvements are obvious. Cromer suggests that intellectual andmoral reform will be more noticeable now that financial stability and relative prosperity94from the most fundamental material improvements have been achieved. Securematerial gains, such as solvency and bureaucratic organization ensure thatintellectual, and perhaps moral progress will proceed more rapidly duringthe next qiwter of a century than during that which has nowterminated.'"More manpower and resources can be allocated to moral and intellectual reform nowthat the structural urgencies have been resolved. Progress will be faster because the oldgeneration of ignorant and corrupt officials has been largely removed. Also, traditional`habits of thought' have been shaken and new ideas have had a chance to take root tosome extent. However, Cromer concludes that progress depends mainly on theEgyptian:We cannot as yet predict with any degree of assurance the moral,intellectual, and political results likely to be obtained by thetransformgtjcn which is at present taking place in the Egyptian nationalcharacter.'"There is no doubt that Cromer thinks that the 'national character' is changing, but thecomposition of its new morality and intellect are difficult for him to determine1 Zetland, p. 145.2 Zetland, p. 16.3 Welch, p. 65.4 ME, p. 886.5 ME, p. 824.6 ME, p. 904.7 ME, p. 895.8 Zetland, p. 89. Cites "Biographical Notes".9 "The Government of Subject Races", p. 28.10 Zetland, p. 132-3.11 ME, p. 560.12 ME, p. 817.13 Zetland, p. 8-9.14 ME, p. 613.15 ME, 613.9516 ME, p . 570.17 ME, p. 771.18 ME, p. 838.19 ME, p. 838.20 Robinson and Gallagher, p. 2.21 Welch, p. 68. Welch also notes that Cromer subscribed to the "Victorian liberalview" that moral reform accompanied fiscal improvements, p. 96.22 Welch, "The National Character", p. 65-80.23 Welch, p. 69.24 Welch, p. 69. Cromer to Lansdowne, 26 Feb 1903.25 Welch, p. 70-71.26 Welch, p. 71.27 Welch, p. 71.28 Welch, p. 70-71.29 Wellch, p. 71.30 Welch, p. 72. Cromer to Lansdowne, 4 April 1904.31 Welch, p. 72.32 Welch, p. 73-4.33 ME, p. 771.34 ME, p. 771.35 ME, p. 564.36 ME, p. 564.37 ME, p. 565, 566.38 ME, p. 849-56.39 ME, p. 569.40 ME, "The Judicial System", p. 706-9.41 ME, p. 602.42 ME , p . 597, "The Moslems".43 ME, p. 597.44 ME, p. 566-8.45 ME, p. 223-24.46 ME, p. 624.47 ME, p. 641.48 ME, p. 641.49 ME, p. 641.50 ME, p. 771.51 ME, p. 772.52 ME, p. 773.53 ME, p. 776.54 ME, p. 774-5.55 ME, p. 776.56 ME, p. 777.57 ME, p. 778.9658 ME, p. 788.59 ME, p. 781-8.60 ME, p . 779 .61 ME, p. 781.62 ME, p . 789 .63 ME, p. 790.64 ME, p. 791-2.65 Cromer is unclear on who was being recruited for what. Since it follows the point oncorvee regulation, it could relate to labour for digging the canals. However, it mayrefer to military recruiting.66 ME, p. 872.67 J.E. Marshall, The Egyptian Enigma 1890 - 1928 (London: John Murray, 1928), p.190.68 ME, p. 881.69 ME, p. 692.70 Abbas II, p. xxiii.71 ME, p. 882.72 ME, p. 882.73 There is little disagreement among historians and his contemporaries on this point.74 Welch, p. 78-9. Mansfield, The British in Egypt, p. 148.75 Welch, p. 78-9.76 Mansfield, The British in Egypt, p. 139.77 Judith E. Tucker, Women in nineteenth-century Egypt, (Cambridge: CambridgeUniversity Press, 1985), p. 124. Universities were reserved for rich males.78 Mansfield, The British in Egypt, p. 139.79 ME, p. 877.80 ME, p. 878.81 ME, p . 877.82 ME, p. 624.83 ME, p. 623-4.84 ME, p. 874-6.85 ME, p. 875-6.86 Owen, p. 127.87 Owen, p. 127.88 Welch, p. 79.89 Marshall, p. 190.90 Mansfield, The British in Egypt, p. 141.91 Mansfield, The British in Egypt, p. 144.92 ME, p. 878.93 ME, p. 879.94 Mansfield, The British in Egypt, p. 145.95 ME, p. 885.96 ME, p. 883.97 ME, p. 883.9798 ME, p. 886.99 Tucker, p. 125.100 Tucker, p. 125.101 ME, p. 580.102 ME, p. 580.103 ME, p. 580.104 Tucker, p. 126.105 Tucker, p. 126.106 Tucker, p. 127. Restrictions remained until 1914 on Secondary schools, while in1909 the technical school opened its doors with a "school of practical housewifery", p.128.107 Tucker, p. 127. Cromer's Report, 1904.108 Tucker, p. 128.109 ME, p. 883.110 ME, p. 884.111 ME, p. 885.112 Chirol, p. 78.113 Mansfield, The British in Egypt, p. 96.114 However, Cromer does 'pass by the soul' of the Egyptian in seeking to createautomatons.115 Duse Mohamed, p. 226. This figure is cited in other secondary sources, ie.Mansfield, The British in Egypt, p. 139.116 ME, p. 872-3.117 ME, p. 882.118 Chirol, p. 79.119 Chirol, p. 79.120 ME, p. 882.121 Cromer, Abbas II, p. xiii.122 Robinson and Gallagher, p. 279. Quoting F.O. 78/4309.123 Welch, p. 89.124 ME, p. 874.125 ME, p . 873 .126 ME , p . 873 .127 ME , p . 873 .128 Cromer, "The Government of Subject Races", p. 28.129 ME , p . 565 .130 ME , p . 729 .131 ME , p . 639 .132 ME, p. 908.133 ME , p . 903.98CONCLUSION: THE CONTRADICTIONS OF ORIENTALIST EPISTEMOLOGYCromer was unable to reform 'the Egyptian' before he left Egypt because henever truly understood the 'native mind'. Moreover, he never understood that the`native mind' is a social-imperial construction. This paper has revealed that Cromer'sOrientalist methods of understanding his subjects through isolation, dehumanization,description and comparison were ultimately flawed because they created a distortedimage of 'the Oriental' which Cromer himself believed. 'The Oriental' is portrayed asdeficient, which justifies the Occupation, but that very deficiency is not taken seriouslyenough to convince Cromer that reforming 'the native mind' is impossible. Cromer doesnot see his own methodology for understanding as self-defeating. Instead, hepredictably blames 'the Oriental' for being so difficult to understand. Cromer admitsthat Anglo-Egyptians found the Egyptian to be "wellnigh incomprehensible":They were brought face to face with a population which, in the eyes of theEuropean, was, morally and politically speaking, walking on its head.'However, the European was in Egypt because the Egyptian was 'walking on his head'.Cromer created a fundamental contradiction within his mission: the very 'differences'that the paternalist stressed for legitimacy, actually stood in the way of reform andprogress. Between his divided society of 'Orientals' and 'Englishmen' stood a "thickmist" of mis-understanding that inevitably perpetuated division. Among the manynegative influences that could be caused by this strict division was the inability ofEnglishmen to truly understand Egyptians because they never integrated with thenatives enough to learn about their 'collective psyche'.The main problem with Cromer's epistemology is in his racial categorization, orstereotyping, of the dwellers as 'Orientals'. Stereotyping is perpetuated by ignorance of`other' peoples, and the fact that an entire group can not truthfully be described in terms99of a collective 'mind' The Consul was intentionally ignorant by clinging to a narrowperspective: he views the dwellers from a detached, "educated European", biased,"oblivion" that creates a false "reality" of 'Oriental society'. Edward Said terms this typeof classification the `Orientalization of the Oriental'. It is more accurate in Cromer'scase to identify this process as the `Orientalization of the dwellers', because the dwellersexist, while the 'Oriental' does not. By Orientalising the dwellers, Cromer defines themby what he perceives them to be, not by what they actually are. This is the problem withCromer's 'reality': it is not real. Understanding is inevitably compromised bycompletely disregarding racial or ethnic differences in the indiscriminate designation ofall Eastern peoples as 'Orientals'. Cromer's logic is supposed to preclude 'inter-Oriental' differences because all 'Orientals' were supposed to have the same 'mind'.Cromer could not have fully understood each group in Egyptian society on its ownterms, because he does not always recognize their existence; this is evident in hisoscillation between Orientalist generalizations and the painful reality of his subjectmosaic.In order for 'the Oriental' to be real, he would have to 'occur in fact, or in truth'.Cromer's descriptions of 'the Oriental' are opinions, but not facts. It may be a fact thatthe British fleet bombarded the forts at Alexandria on July 11, 1882, bit it is not a factthat all fellaheen are ignorant, nor that all Easterners have the same general traits thatcan be summed up under the heading of 'Oriental'. Cromer sought to change the`national character and habits of thought' in Egypt. What 'nation' was he referring to?The 'Oriental nation'? Certainly not, because there was no such thing as an 'Orientalnation'. The 'Oriental' is an artificial construction within Cromer's imperial 'reality'. Ifhe did mean the 'Oriental nation', then his confusion on this matter would explain hisfailure because Cromer would be trying to reform something that does not really exist.If Cromer meant the 'Egyptian nation' then why was he so interested in changing the100were the traditional ruling class and thus had to be modernized. The poor Egyptianscould never be 'molded into something really useful' fast enough to allow Britain toignore the elites. The common denominator between the Pashas and 'Egyptians' is thatthey are 'Orientals'. By classifying all of the dwellers as 'Orientals', Cromer carelesslyconfuses stereotyping with 'understanding': he adds to the existing information aboutthe 'Oriental' stereotype, but not about the real inhabitants of Egypt. Cromer's mostrealistic description of his subjects is as 'the dwellers in Egypt'. This term is hardlyused, because it obviously was not accurate enough for his purposes: it included manygroups that did not directly affect British policy and were therefore ineligible forreform. The mythical 'Oriental' is the real object of understanding and reform, not 'thedwellers.' Cromer analyzed and tried to reform something that was not real. Perhapsthis mistake in the basic premis of what he was studying is why he could never fully`understand' his subjects.What about the 'Oriental' capabilities of `understanding'? Were they willing`automatons'? Could they really understand anything about the benefits of technicalapplication of European-style reform? Would not the "thick mist" between the Easternand Western 'minds' render the English instruction inherently deficient? ConsideringCromer's conclusion that the 'Oriental' and European are opposites, even if the`Oriental' is told how to think, would there not always be the possibility of that 'natural'tendency to think the 'other' way? Apparently not, because as 'automatons' they wereonly supposed to assimilate information, not think about it or understand it in any realdepth. The contradiction still remains in the fact that the 'Oriental flaws' consistentlypointed out by Cromer would still have logically impeded the construction even of`automatons'. The ultimate contradiction of his plans is the impossibility of creating anentire country full of 'automatons', because surely there will be some whose 'habits ofthought' will resist annihilation and want a 'national character' with substance.101Through description and comparison, Cromer confirms two prerequisiteconditions for his 'mission': 'the Oriental' as a problem, and the legitimacy of theOccupation. 'The Oriental' is also revealed to be the antithesis of the European. Itappears to have been beyond Cromer's comprehension that 'the dwellers' were notnecessarily the negatives of Englishmen, but simply different. To a 'superiorEnglishman', difference and oppositeness are presumably varying stages of the inherentdeficiency of all 'others'. These conditions of 'otherness' are considered to be self-destructive and also potentially threatening to the mission. Cromer acknowledges theseriousness of this situation:Indeed, this difference of mental attributes constitutes perhaps thegreatest of all barriers. It Arevents the Englishman and the Egyptian fromunderstanding each other.'Since 'the Oriental' is so problematic, the inevitable question emerges: how couldCromer have thought it possible to work successfully with a population that he wasconvinced at the time were so 'unworkable', so 'alien'? Especially when he repeatedlyrefers to their 'want of accuracy', and 'love of intrigue'? When Cromer describes andcompares the 'deficiencies of Orientals', he does not acknowledge their inhibiting effecton reform in Egypt. Instead, these are implied as mere obstacles to be beaten.Religious differences are especially troublesome for Cromer, and he evenacknowledges that Egyptian Moslems would always hold up the barriers to Englishmen,and therefore to reform. 3 Instituting the Christian Code contradicts the official ban onproselytism and threatens the predominance of Islam. Cromer is well aware of thispotential problem. He asks if it is possible to teach a Christian code of morality withoutteaching Christianity? Cromer does not know the answer and suggests that future`Egyptians' will attest to its success or failure. 4 He is confused over how to teachChristian values without disturbing Islam, and acknowledges that this would be a102difficult, but necessary task. Egyptians must learn the Christian code, in order toreform themselves.Cromer displays his characteristic mis-understanding of 'the native' in hisdescriptions of Egyptian women. The intolerable oppression of Moslem women makestheir 'European sisters' appear to be almost equal to European men. This is a falseconclusion because the situations of the two different groups of women were relative,based on each society's levels of 'advancement'. Understanding the Moslem womanwould be impossible for Cromer, because she is voiceless. Cromer admits his inaccessto female opinion by criticizing their ignorance due to seclusion. Women with politicalgrievances are considered 'mischievous' because they are invariably motivated by`superstition' and `mis-information' both of which are allegedly cultivated in theharem. Since women can not be heard, much less understood, they are negativelyportrayed despite their wretched condition.The differences in "mental attributes" between Cromer and his 'subjects', nomatter what their position in society, made complete 'understanding' impossible. 5 Inhis Introductory chapter of Modem Egypt, Cromer concedes, "I have lived too long inthe East not to be aware that it is difficult for any European to arrive at a true estimateof 'Oriental' wishes, aspirations and opinions." 6 Despite his admonitions forprospective imperial agents to know 'the East', Cromer admits that complete knowledgeis impossible. This was a lifelong dilemma for the Consul-General. He continued tostudy, and always encountered the differences between the 'Eastern and Western mindsand methods'. Cromer repeatedly shows frustration over the elusive 'native mind' Inhis introduction to Modem Egypt he frankly admits that there are inherent problems inworking with the 'Eastern mind' Specific concern is expressed at the difficulty of103estimating 'native' opinion and also of determining 'Oriental' needs and desires. 7Cromer quotes Professor Sayce to enforce his point:Those who have been in the East and have tried to mingle with the nativepopulation know well how utterly impossible it is for the European tolook at the world with the same eyes as the Oriental. For a while, indeed,the European may fancy that he and the Oriental understand oneanother, but sooner or later a time comes when he is suddenly awakenedfrom his dream, and finds himself in the presence of a mind which is asstrange to him as would be the mind of an inhabitant of Saturn.°The point is well made when considering the absurdity of understanding anything fromSaturn in 1907, when Modern Egypt was first published. 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