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Metahistory of the everyday : historical consciousness in lived existence : (set in late eighteenth century… Greenberg, Devorah 1991

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METAHISTORY OF THE EVERYDAY: HISTORICAL CONSCIOUSNESS IN LIVED EXISTENCE (SET IN LATE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY BRITAIN) by DEVORAH GREENBERG B.A. (hons) University of British Columbia, 1989 THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENT FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS (Department of History) THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA AUGUST, 1991 0 Devorah Greenberg, 1991 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Department The University of British Columbia Vancouver, Canada Date DE-6 (2/88) TABLE OF CONTENTS Flbsr^cr U PREFACE i Y I. CONCEIVING HISTORICAL CONSCIOUSNESS 1 -How Understood 2 -Metahistory of the Everyday defined 7 -Elements of historical consciousness 8 -Elements in interaction/conceptual system 11 - In relation to previous works . 14 -The Project 17 -The Diarists 19 II. THE OBSERVER: HESTER THRALE 23 III. THE OBSERVANT PLAYER: JAMES BOSWELL 47 IV. UNICORN REALITIES: PERCEIVING THE UNSEEABLE AND CONCEIVING THE UNKNOWABLE IN EIGHTEENTH CENTURY BRITAIN 65 V. OBSERVATIONS ON THE PHENOMENOLOGY OF HISTORICAL CONSCIOUSNESS 86 BIBLIOGRAPHY 97 ABSTRACT This paper argues that historical consciousness is a conceptual system comprising interactive elements which allow evaluation of the temporal/historical universe and self placement in time/history. It further contends that historical consciousness operates in lived existence and may be analyzed through personal life records- diaries. The elements of historical consciousness, identified by assessing previous works on the phenomenon, comprise a model which is applied to seven British diaries written in the late eighteenth century. Application allows description of a specific manifestation of historical consciousness. In the tradition of mentalite we will see both how the diarists make sense of temporal/historical experience and what kind of sense they make. it PREFACE Play is based on the manipulation of certain images or a certain 'imagination' of reality (i.e its conversion into certain images)...The great archetypal activities of human society are all permeated with play from the start Take language for instance...In the making of speech and language the mind is continually 'sparking' between matter and mind, as it were, playing with this wonderful nominative faculty. Behind every abstract expression there lies the boldest of metaphors and every metaphor is a play upon words...According to [Frobenius] we are dealing with necessary mental processes of transformation. - Johan Huizinga, Homo Ludens. I am playing with images of reality, playing with- among the bolder of metaphors- historical consciousness. The term is a transformation of the perceived image into language and has no absolute being apart from the image in which we conceive and define i t In play all meanings are possible. I am playing with language, 'this wonderful nominative faculty,' and so play with the image being named. I enter into a 'mental process of transformation.' I use a term that you may know, 'historical consciousness,' and find for it an explicit definition by conceiving it a certain kind of image. In play there are many realities. None is better or worse than another. No one supplants another. But when one reality seems the norm it is hard to see the others. This is when we need to play- to toss the concept in the air, to juggle and watch as the patterns change. Historical consciousness has many meanings. This paper combines various meanings to offer an explicit definition and articulated model of historical consciousness. It then shows how the model may be applied to individual and collective lives as expressed in diaries. Through application, we can approach an understanding of both the means and the end of historical consciousness. In the tradition of mentalite, we will see both how the diarists make sense of their temporal/historical experience and what kind of sense they make. Chapter one introduces numerous understandings of the term by briefly reviewing major and minor works in the field. Showing that we have no iterated model and only rarely explicit definitions, this review also indicates the sources initiating my conception. The definition and model proposed in the next section are based on those stated or implied in previous works. The chapter concludes by introducing the primary material- diaries written in the late eighteenth century by four British women and three British men. Chapter two focuses on how historical consciousness functions, and what form it takes, in the thought of Hester Thrale. Chapter three offers a similar analysis of James Boswell. Features of the individual consciousness of these two and the other five diarists are generalized to offer, in chapter four, a description of their general consciousness- a consciousness likely common to late eighteenth century Britain's privileged literate. The last chapter offers some observations on the phenomenology of historical consciousness. The work functions at two levels. Behind or beneath the description (depending on whether you're Lévi-Strauss or Freud) lies the model which allows articulation. The levels interact Through the description we see the model in motion and through having the model are allowed the description. We can move between description and model to understand how the diarists configure the temporal/historical- both the form their consciousness takes and the means by which it is formed. In understanding the means we can better understand the model. There is more in this paper of the description than of the model. I do not discuss in detail how the model- representing historical consciousness- operates. I can only touch on questions regarding its function and development The description, however, allows conjecture on these issues; it also demonstrates the efficacy and validity of the model. I restricted interpretation in this paper to that between the diary and the model. Diary excerpts are interpreted within the structure of the model to describe the writers' consciousness. The description is not then placed, except peripherally, in the context of other studies on the manifestation of historical consciousness. Comparing it with descriptions offered in the works of major scholars, while an intriguing proposition, is not possible in this paper. The work is not complete. The descriptions in this paper are sufficient to provide new material for those interested in the eighteenth century. They are incomplete, however, because the model is still being conceived. I propose that historical consciousness is a conceptual system comprising interactive elements (processes/faculties/operations) which allow evaluation of the temporal/historical universe and self placement in time/history. My first paper on this subject (amazingly) left out the factor of Time. Realizing late that I had not included this element, I consigned it to future work. Having since learned something about how we think we conceive of time, and of how we discuss it, I begin to incorporate it in analysis. As Time was omitted in the previous paper, and for the same reasons, this work leaves out the factor of Memory. Memory, and perhaps other elements not yet identified, will be included in future work. I am indebted to many people for making this and future work possible. 'Thank you' to the history department, U.B.C.- acknowledging a deep debt to the honours programme and its professors. 'Thank you' to the people who labouriously edited the diaries which I could enjoy in published form, and to the writers who provided material and incentive for construction of the model and definition. I also express thanks (an insufficient word) to Silva Tenenbein for many hours spent together clarifying the concept and crystallizing the words; to Aaron Greenberg for believing in me; to Allan Smith for continued patience while wading through "jumbled" passages, for his generous expertise with the English language, and for articulating the phrase "metahistory of the everyday"; to Alan Sinel for continued support; to Edward Hundert for forcing clarification of the concept; and to Megan Greenberg who lived with me through it all. AN ADDITIONAL NOTE TO THE READER: Modern quotations used in this paper have been deliberately arranged to be gender neutral. This can not distort the authors' intent if 'man' indeed means 'humankind-' if not, I'm sorry. vu CONCEIVING HISTORICAL CONSCIOUSNESS -For all we know it isn't even true. -For all anyone knows, nothing is. Everything has to be taken on trust; truth is only that which is taken to be true. It's the currency of living. There may be nothing behind it, but it doesn't make any difference so long as it is honoured. One acts on assumptions. What do you assume? Stoppard, Rosencrantz and Guildenstern Are Dead. 1 Historical consciousness has many meanings. Hegel's conception of it is speculative and metaphysical. He sees it as a natural outgrowth of the process of history, the means by which the world may realize itself in self consciousness as spirit, for him, a determinate necessity by which humankind is actualized. Nietzsche equates it with a sense of generational and moral obligation. Seeing obligation leading only to guilt consciousness, he advises that we discard it. Heidegger incorporates the historic into general consciousness and defines it as the capacity to see history as "recurrence of the possible." He sees the historically conscious as being preoccupied with ways of approaching the past and with deriving theories for understanding and expressing i t1 In the modern usage, the term generally means a special kind of knowledge, or a distinctly historical way of thinking and becoming aware. Consciousness is also emphasized- meaning (generally) consciousness of the act of thinking historically. 2 Attempting to understand the nature of historically conscious thinking, most of the major writers in this field study "classical" works and their writers to describe specific manifestations of consciousness and modes of thinking. Commonly, they evaluate historical assessment and explanation, construction of histories and development of historical philosophies. lrThese very brief synopses were primarily derived from secondary works and are offered only to indicate three trends of thinking which influence contemporary understanding. The review of contemporary writers which follows is also not intended to be a complete account of all current works. This section is intended only to indicate diversity of understanding while grounding my own conception. 2This understanding of the term arouses my sympathy for those who argue that it is not a form of thinking distinct from any other. Not recogizing historical thinking as a special kind of thinking, axiomatically, dissenters are not historically conscious. 2 Focused less on the type of thinking and more on how historical consciousness is experienced and functions, one major work and many articles explore the phenomenology of historical consciousness. As empirical grounding is rare in this approach, most of these works are speculative. Despite frequent occurrence of the term, few studies explicitly define the researcher's understanding of its meaning. Commonly focused on describing the forms taken by historical consciousness, they do not articulate the model lying behind the description. George Iggers' The German Conception of History: The National Tradition of Historical Thought for example, discusses the "theoretical presuppositions and political values" of German historians. Through his investigation of these, Iggers evaluates changing forms of consciousness from Herder to the present. He discusses historical consciousness only in terms of its manifestation- the form that it assumes in certain modern German scholars- and without defining the term. By not specifying his understanding of it, Iggers allows the reader to approach his work with the common conception of historical consciousness: that is- a special sort of thinking. 3 As Louis Mink remarks, however, "positing historiocity...does not give the differentiae of specifically historical understanding."4 What precisely does it mean to think historically or to have historical understanding? To what exactly are we referring when we speak of historical knowing? What specifically does the term 'historical consciousness,' a term frequentiy considered synonomous with any or all of the above, mean? 5 There are various answers. 3 George Iggers, The German Conception of History (Middletown, Conn.) 1984. Iggers is an example of a particular approach to understanding historical consciousness. Carl Lbwith, From Hegel to Nietzsche: the Revolution in Nineteenth Century Thought (New York: 1964) and Leonard Krieger, Time's Reasons: Philosophies of History Old and New (Chicago: 1989) could also have served as examples. 4Louis Mink, Historical Understanding. (Ithaca, N.Y.: 1987), 112. 5The term is considered so much synonymous with "historical thinking" that Lukacs originally called his work Historical Thinking and changed it only because Tholfsen's work by that title was published prior (a work not directly applicable to this study). The term is also, as in Metahistory. considered synonymous with "historical imagination," implying that entire complex of thinking and feeling by which historians place themselves in the past- cf. Collingwood The Idea of History (London and New York: 1956). 3 Arguing for the historicity of all knowledge and for the harmonizing power of historical thinking as an antidote to modern alienation and dissociation, John Lukacs' Historical Consciousness: or the Remembered Past claims that historical thinking is a form of thought whereby we understand "a person, a nation...any human endeavour...through their history." In the modern period we find mature consciousness, awareness of thinking historically- a phenomenon particular to the modern Western mind. A deepening maturity of consciousness, for Lukacs, is signalled by "an appetite for a certain mental connection with reality."6 Determined to turn modern irony upon itself, Hayden White's Metahistorv: The Historical Imagination in Nineteenth Century Europe exposes the connections between systems of ideas and narrative forms in the works of "classic" historians, tracing changes in consciousness from Hegel to Croce. White is specifically interested in the connection between historical consciousness and professional historical analysis and writing. Asking, "what does it mean to think historically and what are the unique characteristics of a specifically historical method of inquiry," White, through his descriptions, offers answers. This "history of historical consciousness," however, doesn't directly define the term. White closely follows Heidegger in his usage- concerned with ways of approaching, and theories of expressing, the past He comes closest to a specific definition when calling Hegel's philosophy a product of "post historical consciousness- of philosophical reflection on the works actually produced by 'Reflective' historians." He also finds that these historically conscious writers characteristically displayed a "talent for historical narrative or a consistency of vision that made of [their] work an effectively closed system of thought" 7 6John Lukacs, Historical Consciousness: Or The Remembered Past (New York: 1968), 5 and 94. 7 Hayden White, Metahistorv: Historical Imagination in Nineteenth Century Europe (Baltimore and London: 1973), 1; 85 and 432. Iggers, Lukacs, White, and others use the term to mean the distinctly Western and modern, awareness of the act of thinking historically; an awareness which occurs, and is most easily traced, in professional historians and philosophers. This may suggest why it has also been defined, according to White, as "a specifically Western prejudice by which the presumed supremacy of modern, industrial society [is] retroactively substantiated."8 There are other understandings of the term. A sociological research team, investigating the historical consciousness of the Polish people, suggests that it may "comprise phenomena connected with including the past into the current societal consciousness." Or it may be "the sum total of conceptions of the past; a way of thinking about these, or consciousness of time as a linear concept" Barbra Szacka remarks that one must also consider "both the attitude to what happened in the past and the attitude to the past as a dimension of time." 9 Historical consciousness appears involved with conceptions of the historical process" (ways that we give meaning to the passage of time) and with "theories by which historical thinking is justified." (metahistorical discourse). It is "the ability to perceive that the past is separate not only in time and space, but also in condition." (Auerbach)10 It is "the damned up forces of our mysterious ancestors within us...the piled up layers of accumulated collective memory." (Yon Hofmannsthal) It is the "ability to recognize the epochal quality of an event happening now." (Gelen)11 Louis Mink, in Historical Understanding, claims that "the existential acknowledgement that one's own conceptual scheme may change over time, even in its most central concepts, is the primary 8 White, Metahistory. 2. 'Barbra Szacka, "Historical Consciousness: Conclusions Drawn From Empirical Studies," Polish Sociological Bulletin. (3) 1976. 20. 10 Erich Auerbach, Auerbach Mimesis: The Representation of Reality in Western Literature (Princeton: 1968), 320-21. 11 von Hofmannsthal and Gelen, cited in T. Scheider, "Historical Consciousness and Political Action," History and Theory. XVII (4) 2. 5 meaning of historical consciousness." Mink argues that historical consciousness "like language, is one of the fundamental features of shared social life." "A shared outline of history," he claims, "forms the common memory of a society- " a conception furthered by Amos Funkenstein, who concludes that historical consciousness is a developed and organized form of collective memory.12 John Marcus specifically defines historical consciousness in his definitive work on its phenomenology, Sub Specie Historiae: Essays in the Manifestation of Historical Consciousness: HISTORICAL CONSCIOUSNESS, HISTORICITY: the sense of history; a concern for the past as relevant to our understanding and apprehending of the human condition. Its key attribute is the awareness of our being-in-time. It implies that the temporal ordering of events does not refer to an illusion, fading before our recognition of an ultimately eternal, atemporal "reality," but rather that it provides a clue to the true nature of our existence.13 Concerned, in this modern Age of Absurdity, to "reestablish a sense of moral purpose in history," Marcus contends that "historical consciousness [is] a means of self-identity and self transcendence" which serves the purpose of preserving moral consciousness. Through a comprehensive review of consciousness throughout the world and across the span of modern history, he brilliantly argues that the "true purpose of historical to attest to the on-going temporal presence of moral sensibility."14 Jörn Riisen, in "The Development of Narrative Competence in Historical Learning," advances Marcus' conceptions, arguing that that "historical consciousness functions as a specific orientational practical life a temporal frame and matrix, a conception of the course of time." Historical consciousness, he claims, should then be "conceptualized as an operation of human intellection rendering present actuality intelligible while fashioning its future perspectives."15 12Mink, Historical Understanding. 124 and 91; Amos Funkenstein, "Collective Memory and Historical Consciousness." History and Memory. I (1) Spring-Summer 1988. 13John Marcus, Sub Specie Historiae: Essays in the Manifestation of Historical and Moral Consciousness (London and Toronto: 1980), 19. 14Ibid. 9-10 and 13. 15Jörn Rtisen, "Development of Narrative Competence in Historical Learning- An Ontogenetic Hypothesis Concerning Concerning Moral Consciousness," History and Memory. I (2) 6 Historical consciousness amalgamates 'is' and 'ought' into a meaningful narrative which informs about past events to help render the present intelligible, and to bestow upon present activity a future perspective. In so doing, historical consciousness makes an essential contribution to moral-ethical consciousness. 16 "The linquistic form within which historical consciousness realizes its function of orientation is that of the narrative." Riisen claims that, within historical consciousness, narrative "has the general function of serving to orient practical life within time." Narrative accomplishes this through three "sub-competencies," the abilities: "to have temporal bridge time differences...and to utilize the temporal whole...for the purposes of life orientation."17 Rilsen's is the most specific definition and explication of how historical consciousness operates in individual existence. I would like to clarify it further. How can we understand the "operation of human intellection" which allows the individual to make sense of temporal/historical experience? The answer lies, I think, in Hayden White's finding that classical writers had a "closed system of thought" which gave their thinking "consistency, coherence and illuminative power." That is, they had a conceptual system which allowed evaluation of temporal/historical passage. They creatively and consciously developed this system.18 I propose that a similar conceptual system operates in lived existence. Unlike the classical writers, here the individual unconsciously organizes experience, finding thereby, meaning for the temporal and historical process, placement and transcendence for the self. I define historical consciousness, then, as a conceptual system comprising interactive elements which allow comprehension of temporal/historical experience and individual placement in time/history. 15(cont'd) Fall-Winter 1989. 38-9. 16Ibid. 17Ibid. 41-3. 18 White, Metahistorv. 432. 7 This historical consciousness is that of lived existence, and study of it is metahistory of the everyday.19 Incorporating rather than invalidating previous definitions, it allows exploration of a conceptual system which, like other conceptual systems, helps us to order experience and knowledge. Historical consciousness allows us to assess past and present occurrences, to attach meaning to the passage of time and to situate ourselves in that passage. While it may be more sophisticated in professional historians and the significantly influential, others besides these are historically conscious. In order to explore how this conceptual system operates in an individual life it is necessary to identify the elements which comprise i t We may approach this problem by examining previous works on the subject. How do we assess "historical consciousness?" Through what factors, elements, operations and processes do we construct a description of its manifestation in particular periods? What questions do we ask of a written history to ascertain the consciousness operative? Hayden White offers one of the more formalized systems, but any description of historical consciousness is also a description of its constituent parts and their interrelationships. Although not articulated, a model nonetheless determines what is constituted as evidence. In describing a manifestation of historical consciousness, White, for example, indicates also what he will accept as evidence of its character. In Metahistory White investigates Kant's view of process in history, variously considering it as a "spectacle of degeneration," as a "process...a uniquely human project," or as "nothing but one damned thing after another." He inquires into Kant's perception of continuity/discontinuity and into his conception of the purpose of both humankind and history. White evaluates Kant's understanding of the phenomena of history and of their relationship to nature, paying particular attention to whether or not 'events' are seen as subject to universal and invarient causal law. He also examines Kant's empirical stance, his "rational criticism of the evidence and narrativist representation of the 'meaning' of the 19I am indebted to Professor Allan Smith for coining this phrase. evidence."20 Following Leibnitz, White again evaluates the sense of process and includes a discussion of how Leibnitz conceives of individual events- "as microcosm of the macrocosm." He explains Leibnitz' underlying interpretation by outlining his conception of the cosmos- a conception which, White contends, affects his understanding of the particular event and influences also his preferred historical model. 21 White refers to the underlying interpretation of the Enlightenment- a presumption of rationality-to explain the tendency of this period to "approach the historical field as a ground of cause-effect relationships." He counters this with Herder's understanding of the "individuality of the event in its particularity, uniqueness and concreteness" and notes Herder's belief in a governing agency which ensured that "nothing was fortuitous, nothing was arbitrary."22 In considering Hegel, White highlights his understanding of "change as a fundamental category of historical analysis." He stresses Hegel's concept of the "dynamics of the system," contending that this directed Hegel's "notions of the origin and evolution of world history" while simultaneously influencing his periodization.23 White ranges widely. He analyzes his subjects' sense of process in history, their underlying interpretation(s) their understanding of the nature of event and the relationships between these. He evaluates their understanding of the purpose of history (both actual and written) and of the historian's duty. He reviews varieties of causation, explanation, and forces of order and disorder. He discusses Tocqueville's typology of historical events, Burckhardt's mysterious transfers of power, and Marx and 20White, Metahistorv. 57-9. 2'Ibid. 61. "Ibid. 65, 69 and 76. 23 Ibid. 73, 82 and 125. 9 Nietzsche's understanding that "the way one thought about the past had serious implications [for] the way one thought about the present and future."24 Always however, the identified factors and operations are necessary for the characterization of historical consciousness according to his model. Other models include other factors. Erich Auerbach, in Mimesis, is not specifically concerned with historical questions. His concept of "reality," however, dictates inclusion of the historic and he contends that "the way we view human life and the same whether we are concerned with things of the past or things of the present"25 Auerbach's factors include: extent and method of narrative coherency, spatial and temporal relations of phenomena, distinctions made between legendary and historic, ideas of causation, and degree of commitment to the transcendent or fortuitous. Louis Mink explores the role played in the shaping of our sense of the past by our conceptions of "historical inevitability, [of the] limits and responsiblities of individual action, [of the] unity of knowledge and the ontology of time, even... [of] our sense of common humanity with the living and the dead."26 Peter Reill's, The German Enlightenment, examines how historicists "understand process, conceive of time, define human nature, explain and perceive causation, and order knowledge."27 Stephen Bann, in The Clothing of Clio considers methods of ordering historical items and evaluates the degree of concern for anachronism and authenticity.28 24Ibid. 278. "Auerbach, Mimesis. 443. 26Mink, Historical Understanding. 120. 27Peter Reill, The German Enlightenment and the Rise of Historicism (Berkeley and London: 1975), 3. 28Stephen Bann, The Clothing of Clio: A Study of the Representation of History in Nineteenth Century Britain and France (London: 1984). 10 The various factors, identified by these writers as necessary to the character and characterization of historical consciousness, are all elements of the model through which I propose to explore individual conceptualization of the temporal/historical. As general categories for investigation, the elements are provisionally ordered: knowledge, explanation and 'use' of the historical past; degree of critical analysis; sense of 'time'; sense of process in history and perception of the present; life narratives; committment to preservation of the past; and underlying interpretation(s). This last is that part of the life metaphysic which affects the other elements. One individual in my study, for example, believes that she is living in 'the end of days.' This interpretation affects her general sense of things. Each of the categorized elements has a place in the development and operation of historical consciousness. Only rarely will all of them be present and represented in a fully developed form. More commonly, only some of the categories- developed to varying degrees- will be present 29 The elements of historical consciousness are, as in all conceptual systems, dynamically interactive. Any one may influence any or all of the others and be reciprocally influenced. An element may flow into this one, shape that one and dictate the parameters of another. Separation for the purpose of discussion is artificial and should not mislead. In interaction they form a culturally determined conceptual system which acts as a cognitive filter. For this reason, the individual may prefer one historical period over another and find, in others, little significance. What is known of the past will vary from one culture to another as will the significance accorded particular events or dates. The elements in interaction allow temporal/historical assessment and self placement in time/history. Self placement is its primary function. Interest in history is generally dictated less by the "The supposition that there are levels of historical consciousness is not a radical notion. Hegel delineated three stages of consciousness: Original, Reflective and Philosophical. Riisen, too, argues that his typology represents levels of consciousness- from traditional to exemplary, critical to genetic. 11 desire to understand the past than to understand the present and, specifically, one's self in passage. Assessment, also, can be accomplished only from a particular place, a point of view established by placement in time. Placement may be accomplished through narrative. Marcus notes that "when historicity becomes molds individual perception. This process takes the form of an autobiographical approach to our identity."30 Contending that "we are continually striving, with more or less success, to occupy the storyteller's position with respect to our own lives," David Carr also argues that narrative provides the organizing tool for present awareness.31 Ricouer, Ankersmit, Mink, and others also explore the means by which we comprehend our experience of time. Supposing that we do make sense of 'scrambled messages,' they argue for a lived coherency, a coherency which may be understood as narrative. "The linguistic form within which historical consciousness realizes its function of orientation is that of the narrative." Jörn Rüsen, of course, is convinced of the narrativist aspect and offers an analysis of its function in "The Development of Narrative Competence."32 The intricacies of these assessments are not at issue here. What is significant is the conception that there are narrative coherencies in lived existence. This study will support their contentions, but that is not the primary intent. Historical consciousness, as a means for self placement, includes a lived narrativity but this is only one aspect of the entire system. It is the interaction of all of the elements that provides coherency. Placement is also achieved through future orientation. While not generally implicated in studies of manifestation, this element is significant to those on phenomenology. Marcus emphasizes this 3 "Marcus, Historical Consciousness. 196. 31David Carr, Time. Narrative and History (Indiana: 1986), 125. 32Rlisen, "Development of Narrative Competence." 41. For those wishing more on this, I recommend his article. 12 element when noting the impact of "an idea of immortalization," through which the individual may transcend personal transiency. Transcendency is, however, only one function of future orientation. It also serves to define and prescribe the present.33 Historical consciousness transcends the exclusive preoccupation with what happened in the past and has become history, and uses this element in shaping the thoughts and actions that will determine the future. (Scheider)34 Time, as Auerbach says, is not made only of 'present moments' but also of a past situated at the back of consciousness; and "this past has become inaccessible, since the mind is so made that thrusts us toward the future."35 The past is incomprehensible because we are thrust toward the future, constantly in motion. To assess anything we need a place on which to stand, a point of view, a stopping. It is for this reason that a diarist becomes (perhaps) more historically oriented than one who does not keep memoirs. Auerbach notes that "from the moment Montesquieu begins to keep account of his thoughts, his thoughts began to have a kind of history" which they had not earlier possessed because not inserted into a causal chain.36 As we need the present to make the past comprehensible so we need the future to understand the present Historiography and narrative theory argue the necessity of knowing the end before the beginnings can be understood. 37 If there can be no comprehension without knowing the end, then it must be that a future (however imagined) is employed to comprehend the present. This is significant for historical consciousness because any future reckoning affects interpretation of the past and explanation of the present. And we do of course create futures which combine with our pasts to define "Marcus, Historical Consciousness . 180. 34Scheider, "Historical Consciousness," 2. 3 5 Auerbach, Mimesis. 59. 36Ibid. 40. 37A committment to beginning-middle-end explanations and narrative structures; no doubt with a rising to climax at two thirds point 13 our present. Among the more compelling illusions regarding the place of the future in the present and the present in the past is Husserl's description of the 'sounding note'. A steady tone, or something that changes, like a succession of tones: "As I heard the present note sound, I could remember notes from different points of my past experience." To be conscious of the occurrence of the tone is to be conscious also of the 'comet tail' that trails behind i t It is not sufficient to 'hear' just the present We need the past to make an harmonic. While one tone waxes and the other wanes, for a short time they sound together. To fully grasp the sound we need also anticipate the coming tone, the tone sounding in the future. In anticipating it we make sense of the present sounding and, in anticipation, place ourselves on a self created historical continuum. There are two approaches to the study of historical consciousness. Marcus describes them as phenomenological- "characterization of a state of mind as it is experienced," or as manifestational-described by an outside observer. 38 My work uses both approaches- addressing the characterization of an experienced state of mind by exploring the elements in interaction, while concurrently describing a specific manifestation. The first approach, exemplified in the works of Marcus, Mink, Szacka and others, refers to a general consciousness. The second, which we see in the works of Iggers, Lucaks, and White et al refers- because of its sources- to that of the historical philosopher. To resolve the disjunction between general and professional consciousness, I would like to use the term "critical historical consciousness" to mean that of the historical philosopher.39 Because of its heirarchical implications, I am not entirely 3 8 Marcus, Historical Consciousness. 19. 3 'The first use of this term occurs in Amos Funkenstein's "Collective Memory and Historical Consciousness." Reviewing ideas suggested by Yosef Yerushalami in Zakhor: Jewish History and Jewish Memory (Seattle and London: 1982), Funkenstein says that "when historical consciousness and historical research became the backbone of scientific study of Judaism... [a] split was made between critical historical consciousness and collective memory." -11. 14 satisfied with this designation. It serves, however, to create a distinction between the consciousness that White, for example, studies and that of this work. Exploration of classical works, then, allows description of a critical historical consciousness. My work, through examining diaries, will focus on a less philosophical and less reflective version. Diarists offer neither formalized philosophies nor finished histories, but they do provide a glimpse into the configuration of the elements of historical consciousness. Where White examines the "precritical préconfigurations" of written histories, this work will examine the precritical configurations of lived historical existence: a metahistory of the everyday. Diarists become, by the very act of keeping a record, retrospective. At this most simple level they use and preserve the past In their diaries we can see how they order their days, assess both current and past events and place themselves on a self created historical continuum. Through their references to historical events/places/eras, histories, classic works and folklore we can understand how they apply historical knowledge, argue, criticize, interpret and explain. Their reflections on history, humanity, God and the 'order of things' allow us to articulate their underlying interpretation(s). In their narratives of lives, families and nations we find untutored, spontaneous representation of the past All "human existence is historical-Imitation of reality is imitation of the sensory experience of life...among the most essential characteristic of which would seem to be its possessing a history, its changing and developing." (Auerbach)40 "[We] historically," says White. "[We are]...aware of...continual becoming, or...unbecoming, of the dissolution of all-presents into a fixed past"41 Diarists are especially aware of the historically of their existence, in its past and in its becoming. Harriet Blodgett (Centuries of Female Days) notes that "journal keeping is a process in the course of which a Self may be constructed; not a record of 'what has occurred' but a record of what is becoming in the "Auerbach, Mimesis. 10 and 191. 41 White, Metahistory. 347. 15 course of the writing."42 "Blodgett, Centuries of Female Days: Englishwomen's Private Diaries (New Jersy: 1988), 39. 16 THE PROJECT: This work will apply the model and methodology suggested above to seven personal life records. The diaries were written at the turn of the eighteenth century by privileged literate Britons who had minimal impact on the succeeding generation. My sources are the diaries of James Boswell (lawyer/biographer),43 Fanny Burney D'Axblay (author), Joseph Farington (artist), Abigail Gawthern (minor manufacturer), Caroline Lybbe Powys (minor court figure), Hester Thrale Piozzi (minor author) and James Woodforde (country rector). Some of these figures- Boswell, Burney, Farington and Thrale- were quite well known in their own time. The others were obscure. I selected diarists from both groups to allow comparison of the historical consciousness developed by those who moved in influential circles with those who did not. It is deliberate that both men and women are represented. The question of influence was somewhat problematic. Joseph Farington was influential in the Royal Academy of the Arts. Fanny Burney, Hester Thrale and James Boswell were all writers and honoured in the literary "Blue Stocking Society." Boswell is said to have been the best known English writer of the period. None of them, however, had any significant impact on the succeeding generation and their fame afforded them only limited personal effectiveness in their own time. Believing that those who think they can create 'history' develop a different historical consciousness from those who do not, I avoided diarists who had a strong sense of their own influence. Farington's editor, James Grieg, offers this revealing story of Napoleon's sense of time: "Inclusion of Boswell may seem contentious. He is currently quite significant His diary and his Life of Johnson are indispensible to many historical studies. In his own time, as well, he was influential in acquiring support for the Corsican cause. This cause, however, was forgotten by the next generation and any impact the Life may have had in the formation of ideas came through Johnson's thoughts not Boswell's. His diary was not published until the twentieth century and, regardless, contains little that might have influenced intellectual development Boswell acted in no major historical events and none of his many reviewers have felt it necessary to show his influence in intellectual tradition. He also indicates no expectation that he creates "history" in any significant way. I stand by his inclusion. 17 Buonaparte long a picture could with care be preserved. 'Six hundred years.' 'Bas,' -low, trifling, as comprehending so short a space only. Immortality occupied Buonaparte's mind.44 The late eighteenth century was an age of revolution, a crisis of awakening from which we trace the modern period. I suspect that people write more reflectively in periods of crises and so was attracted to this period. Choice was also dictated by the long term intention to trace changes in the manifestation of historical consciousness through the modern period. This paper is the first in a continuing project Having established a description of late eighteenth century consciousness, I intend to apply the same methodology to a comparable section of diarists in the mid-nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Comparing the three descriptions should allow us to trace changes and to speculate on how and why they occur. It is possible that the work may be extended further into the modern period than originally intended. As Marcus notes, modern pessimism marks "a collapse of our sense of historical meaning...loss of historical direction and paralyzing anxiety." I am curious to see what emerges when a methodology designed to expose perceived temporal/historical patterns and structures is applied to an age in which the "very possibility of any meaning-giving system" is futile.45 44James Greig, Farington Diary, v. 8, ix. 45Marcus, Historical Consciousness. 287. 18 THE DIARISTS: James Boswell: Born 1740 in Scotland. Son of one of the judges of the Scottish supreme court Classical education at Edinburgh and Glasgow universities (studying law). Author of Account of Corsica: Journal of a Tour (1768) and Life of Johnson (1791). Married with four children. Practiced law and lived most of his life in Scotland after a grand tour. Active as possible in London literary society. Died 1795. Journal (1764-85) offered in nine volumes by Frederick Pottle (chief editor). Fanny Burney (D'Arblay): Born 1752 in Norfolk. Daughter to the author of The History of Music (1776-89), Charles Burney. Author of Evelina (1778), Cecilia (1782) and Camilla (1795) whose authorship she preferred kept hidden. Lady-in-waiting to Queen Charlotte (1786-91). Married in 1793 to D'Arblay and resided with him in France (1802-1812) and in Belgium (1814-15) before returning to London. One son survived her. Self educated. Spoke English and French and undertook study of Latin under Samuel Johnson but abandoned it as not suitable for a woman. Involved in court and literary societies. Died 1840 at Bath. Journal (1767-1839) offered in six volumes by Charlotte Barret Joseph Farington: Born 1747 the "scion of an old Lancashire family." Lived in London during the years of his journal writing. Artist and influential figure in the Royal Academy of the Arts. Familiar with eminent contemporary figures in politics, art and literature. Educational background unclear, but formal instruction indicated. Well read in English literature and history. Married without issue. Died 1821. Journal (1793-1821) offered in nine volumes by James Greig. Abigail Gawthern: Born 1757 in Nottinghamshire. Father a grocer. Related to Thomas Seeker (Archbishop of Canterbury- 1758). Gawthern became a minor manufacturer and landowner of some status in Nottinghamshire. Unmarried. Education limited. Journal excerpts (1808-13) offered by Abigail Henstock. Caroline Girle (Lybbe Powys): Born 1738 to a minor landholder and surgeon. Home educated, no foreign languages. Married 1762 to Philip Lybbe Powys, son of an established legal family. Four 19 children. Died 1808. Journal excerpts (1756-1808) offered by E. Clemson. Hester Lynch Salisbury (Thrale/Piozzi): Born 1741 in Carnarvonshire. Home educated. Spoke French, Italian and Spanish, student of Greek and Hebrew. Married 1763 to Thrale and established Streatham society of literary greats. Widowed 1781, remarried in 1784 to Piozzi (despite social opprobrium). Author of Anecdotes of Samuel Johnson (1786) and miscellaneous minor works. Died 1821. Journal (1761-1809) offered in two large volumes by {Catherine Balderston. James Woodforde: Born 1740 in Somerset to a clerical family (four generations of rectors). Classical education at Oxford and ordained 1763. Unmarried. Rector of Norfolk 1774 until death in 1803. Journal (1758-1803) offered in five volumes by William Hargreaves-Mawdsley. 20 THE OBSERVER: HESTER THRALE Keep an eye open, an ear cocked. Tread warily, follow instructions-Till events have played themselves out Stoppard, Rosencrantz and Guildenstern Are Dead. 22 A PASSAGE FROM HESTER THRALE'S DIARY- 7 March 1778: With what Raptures indeed did the whole Nation welcome the Accession and Marriage of the present King! how fortunately did every thing concur to make him adored by his People. An undisputed Tide, a majestick Person, a British Education, a successful War; all contrived to make him loved and feared, the Object of respectful Terror to all Europe- & of respectful Affection to all England. See him now however! See and pine our loss! Despised at home; ridiculed abroad; insulted by the French, uncertain of Protection or Assistance from the English; his Colonies revolted & declared Independent by foreign Powers; his own subjects on the point of Rebellion even in his Capital, his Navy out of Repair, his Army in Disgrace, Public Credit a Jest, and a National Bankruptcy talked on as necessary and expected as irresistible. I am no Politician myself, nor either think much or care much about publick Concerns, which I well know seldom affect private Felicity; The consternation or Transport that we read of in History, seldom means more than I have just mentioned to have seen, in the Contrast between the Year 1761 and the year 1778. And yet- tho' I cannot recollect the difference without Indignation when my Pen is on the Subject, nobody can suppose that I or any one else is less happy upon the whole-we neither eat less nor sleep less- nor think of Politicks but to divert each other with raising Pictures in our Minds to entertain an idle Hour. Indeed all political and Historical Reading is to me extreamly uncomfortable on account of its so very distant Removal from Truth: when we hear of Rome's Terror at the Tyranny of Domitian, and reflect how impossible it was the Emperour's Power could even have been known, much less felt; by above a thousandth part of his numerous Subjects; when the very Papers of the present Times mention the Calamities of the Nation in one Column & advertise a Masquerade in the next; when even America itself, the Seat of War, the Cause of Contest, the Ground disputed by rival Armies is just as quiet in reality as ever- what shall we say? But the last Fact will be questioned. -Ans[wer] it was but last Week I read a new York Advertisement of Perfumery for the Ladies, Anodyne Necklaces for Teething Children, & some new fashioned Sweet meats, fit says the Confectioner for a very elegant Table. Now does not all this prove to a Demonstration that Publick Occurences affect not private Felicity? The Ladies would not be perfuming their Persons, nor the Confectioner puffing his Wares, if there was any real Consternation or Distress. -History is at best a magnifying Glass; but if we wear Spectacles of such Property every day, we shall forget the face of Nature as it is; and expect to find every Flea as large as a Lobster. 1 Balderston (ed.) Thralania: The Diary of Mrs, Hester Lynch Thrale (1776-1809) 2 vol. (Oxford: 1942), 241-2. Adjusted for paragraph division. 23 Hester Thrale (1741-1821), minor writer and member of eighteenth century London's literary society, wrote this passage in her diary, Thralania, in 1778. Her diary provides the primary material for the description of historical consciousness that is offered in this chapter. The first section deals with Thrale's narrative self placement- discussing the stories in which she finds herself and, briefly, how these influence her perception and conception of the past A short history of her life follows, allowing better acquaintance with the writer and the journal. Close analysis of the excerpt opens the concluding section, a description of other elements in her historical consciousness. Marcus notes that development of historical consciousness requires awareness of being-in-time, "intuition of futurity and the time process," which begins with recognition of individual mortality. The individual, then, "seek[s] the overcoming of its indirect form [this] involves the attempt to achieve transcendence." Transcendence may be accomplished, he suggests, through "power and dominance," creativity, works, progeny, ancestors, rulers and nations- through the "symbolic alter-ego[s]...that bespeak consciousness of living in time and intimation of an endless future."2 "Alter-egos" provide not only a means for self transcendence but also for self placement and understanding. Identification with their more enduring presence extends self through time. Identification with the stories through which they exist allows self placement and a means to understanding. We can see, in the example of Hester Thrale, how these processes operate in an individual life. Hester Thrale experiences herself in her own life. She feels the passage of time and analyzes it as a means to place herself and to understand. Her diary provides a both memorandum of her life and a focus for her analysis. Thrale recognizes her birth as a beginning, tracks her life's process and understands her death as an ending. Although anticipating something (unspecified) after death, she also refers to that as the "time of no time." This idea raises questions regarding how she conceives of time, to which I will 2J. Marcus Sub Specie Historiae. 167-71. 24 return, but I am interested, first, in exploring the narrative means by which she finds placement and meaning for her short existence. Thrale's life is finite. It had a beginning and progresses toward an end. She writes the diary because she recognizes the finite nature of her own life. She writes so that marks of her passage will remain when she is gone. Her sense of finality impells Thrale to write and also, likely unconsciously, to seek placement within larger and more enduring beings. The first of these, for her, is God. Even if mortals cannot entirely comprehend it, God's plan gives life meaning, and the individual life is made eternal in God's timelessness. The first story, then, is God's. On a time-filled plane Thrale finds her more enduring self in family. Her first diary was the "Children's Book," (1766-78) a record of her childrens' progress and anecdotes of their days. Her children are a projection of herself into the future and they carry with them the mark of her life. They are also a continuation of the family name that she adopted through marriage in 1762. Hester was devastated by the death of her only surviving son, the heir in whom she had invested so much effort and hope, only to have that effort annulled by his sudden death at age ten. The expiration of the family name is noted on her first husband's tombstone: Thus a happy and opulent family, Raised by the grandfather, and augmented by the father, became extinguished with the grandson. Go reader, and reflecting on the vicissitudes of all human affairs, Meditate on Eternity.3 3H.L.T. Piozzi, Anecdotes of Samuel Johnson. (S.C. Roberts, ed.) (Cambridge: 1925), 88-9. 25 Family moves toward an unspecified future but comes from a knowable past. Thrale recognizes herself through her parents, and through those who came before them. By means of the family story she extends her existence backward in time, identifies her place and, as custodian, writes the history in Thralania. She begins by noting: "I will now in the year 1778 write out a life of my self; at least a little Epitome of whence I came, who I am etc. before I go hence and am no more seen." Thrale writes a carefully structured narrative of her family, beginning with their arrival in England as "adventurers" in the Norman Conquest She reviews its honourable members through to her own parents, on whose lives she expends much effort and thought- clearly to better understand herself through them. She then reminisces over her own life and concludes with her childrens' births. She does not note all of her ancestors remarking that "I skip the intermediate men, and Marriages; as I do not mean this for a Pedigree, but such an Epitome of the old Family Tree, as may just serve to keep the Lineage in View."4 The family story, as her own, must be preserved. Thrale extends and understands her individual life, not only through her family but also through her nation. Her narrative of the family history is notable in regard to its beginning, that is, with the arrival of her ancestors to England. Thrale is an Englishwoman and the history of England is her own. She is indignant over England's decline because she identifies her self with her nation and with her King, its representative. "With what Raptures indeed did the whole Nation welcome the Accession and Marriage of the present KingL.See him now however," she exclaims. "See and pine our loss." The king's decline is "our loss"- the nation's, hers.5 Just as 'being an Englishwoman' dictates her choice of beginning for the family history, so Thrale's training in religious and cultural history dictates her preferred historical periods. Seeking only the stories in which she can find herself, some parts of the past have no meaning for her, others have 4 Thralania. 274 -319. 5Rlisen also notes the role of familial and national stories in historical consciousness, claiming that the role of family member "presupposes a historical family identity...A more familiar example of such 'temporal national identity." "Narrative Competence," 41. 26 more. Her preferences, then, reflect not only the Englishwoman, but also the Protestant who was classically educated. Thrale has great interest in the classical periods of Greece and Rome. Classical allusions sprinkle her diary and stories of the ancients illuminate her present "I was bringing in the Ancients as pedantically myself," she remarks, "when relating a Proof of every Man's Self Importance and Idea of his own Consequence...How much foolisher were this poor Fellow and his looby son than the enlightened Greeks of Delphos?"6 The 'middle ages' rarely occur in Thrale's journal. These are indeed 'dark ages' for her, but we should note as well that she does not use either of these terms.7 Continental history assumes significance again, for her, with the Reformation. On the continent in the latter 1500's, she sees the beginnings of Protestantism, but her primary interest is in England where she picks up English history with the Norman Conquest then, more particularly, with the Tudors. Thrale writes herself into the Protestant story, latter English history, with good King Edward, wicked Queen Mary and the saviour Elizabeth. The revolution of the seventeenth century was "madness" and the Restoration "Glorious"- Protestant England on the right path again.8 The stories through which Thrale places herself- individual, familial, national, religious and culturally historical- extend her individual presence, provide her a means for self placement and 6Ibid. 826. 'Reference to the Medieval period occurs more frequently in her published works. Thrale was something of an amateur historian and in addition to minor historical poems, left a history intended only "to tell people what they knew before." These works have been reviewed but not incorporated in this study. Only four of the seven diarists left any material other than their personal journals. In the interests of consistency, then, I considered only these works. The intent is not, at any rate, to offer a complete description of any one consciousness. Rather I am interested in the appearance of historical consciousness in lived existence, best found in personal life records. 'This seems a particularly Whiggish reading. The relation of Thrale's, and the other diarists', consciousness to historical 'schools' will be offered in chapter four. 27 understanding, and affect her comprehension of the historical past. Her choice of stories is dictated by her individual history. Thrale's personal life, then, is significant. She was christened Hester Lynch Salisbury. Carrying both her mother's and father's names, Hester throughout her life preferred the former. Her mother and connections, through her mother, to the maternal Welsh estates were of abiding concern to Thrale. Born into relative comfort and trained to increase it, she was privileged, intelligent and home educated by her mother who taught her the "pretty tricks" which so charmed the uncle who supported the mother and daughter after Salisbury's bankruptcy in 1747. These "pretty tricks" were more intellectually demanding than simple curtsies and charming smiles. Thrale applied wit, intelligence and considerable knowledge to her parlour performances. She competently handled French, Italian and classical Latin, and studied Hebrew and Greek. She read histories at an early age, in numerous languages, and intelligently conversed with some of the eminent minds of her time. Hester was married at twenty-one, to a man of her mother's choosing. She had not spent "more than five minutes alone" with Henry Thrale prior to her wedding night and rarely did so after, if her journal is any indication. "Mr. Thrale" was an affluent brewer and member of Parliament. 9 Together they conceived twelve children in rapid succession, eight girls, four of whom lived to adulthood; and four boys, one of whom survived infancy only to die at age ten. Thrale's first diary, as noted, was the "Childrens' Book." Through this, she began to have an historic persona- leaving an enduring sign of her passage, something apart from her children, a record of how she touched their lives. 9 Henry Thrale's seat was fought for in the ridings but was, in fact, bought in the back rooms. Hester's entry into political campaigns, even when eight months pregnant, arises more from political naivity and sense of duty to her husband than from any particular interest in politics. 28 It was many years before Hester could begin to express herself through her own life. She began keeping Thralania in 1776 at thirty-seven. Six blank volumes, given her by her husband (who also gave it the "pompous tide" Thralania) were filled for two years with little more than (self styled) "bits of nonsense." In these days of peace and plenty she wrote light humour- anecdotes to tease the mind, wordplay and character sketches- rarely her own. The writer hardly occurs in the writing. Even these early "bits of nonsense", however, were not disconnected from a tradition. Thrale consciously imitated the French anas, a style of journal keeping previously unknown in the English language.10 Recording anecdotes was also of practical use to her. A noted raconteur, she used the volumes to fix in her mind the lively social patter she heard or constructed. Her entries are frequently of the sort which, recited at a parlour party, would surely be well received. "Mrs. Thrale" was still the pretty child who had been taught some pretty tricks, and she ensured, as well, that her chidren learned them too. The early journal was also a repository for anecdotes of Samuel Johnson. Encouraged by her friends to record the Doctor's words, Thrale was finally convinced by Johnson himself to do so. The second volume of the six is devoted almost entirely to this eminent figure, a volume which proved useful after Johnson's death, for compiling her Anecdotes of the Late Samuel Johnson (published in 1786). Hester seems herself to have been entertained by her role. She was not unhappy at being expected to create a pleasant environment for the elite of London's literary society. This was especially true for Samuel Johnson, whose frequent and lengthy stays at Streatham ensured a trail of lesser talents. She entertained delightfully and effortlessly met each guest's demands. In a society trained to social niceties, and given sufficient capital, it was not unreasonably difficult for an intelligent woman to produce the desired results- and she would have been bored without something to do. 10 Ibid, xi 29 It was a life for which she had been suitably trained and therefore met with equanimity. When life turned in directions not predicted, Hester turned as well and met the changing tides; failing business and her husband's death. In these crises her entries shift their focus. From the light and entertaining, she moves toward more personal statements. "I" becomes a stronger character as the narrator more closely approaches the narration. Through these years Thrale came to identify herself with the text. The journal, begun at the behest of Johnson who "advised me to get a little book and write in it all the little Anecdotes...all the Observations I might make or hear; all the Verses never likely to be published," the volumes given her by her husband which "I must endeavour to fill with Nonsense new and old," became "my confident and solitary Comfort"11 In 1791 she looked back through her journal and wrote, "I am frightened to see how my Hand writing is degenerated," and in sober review remarked: Thralania is itself an odd thing...not filled yet: very strange! considering what Trash I put in it too. But when the last comes as near to ending as this now does- my fingers will shake lest I should be near ending as well as my Book.12 Hester remarried at forty-three, despite social opprobrium, the dismay of her friends, her daughters' outrage and Samuel Johnson's prompt decline in health. She lived quietly with her second husband and first love, Gabriel Piozzi, and, being forgiven her embarassing behaviour by her daughters, travelled to Bath in season. More extensive jaunts and entertainments were curtailed by Piozzi's declining health. Hester lost Piozzi, over agonizing months, to a death by gangerene poisoning in 1809. On the evening of his death, Hester Piozzi likely sat at her desk in an upstairs room of her home at Dymerchion, Wales. The village would have been quiet The children, to whom the Piozzis fed sweetmeats, asleep. One sees her frail, thin, a tiny woman supported by only corset and lace, as she writes in elegant script: Everything most dreaded has ensued, -all is over; & my second Husband's Death is the last Thing recorded in my first husband's Present! Cruel Death! "Ibid. 1 and 799. 12 Ibid. 799. 30 Piozzi's death marked a closed circle for Thralania and for Thrale's life as well. The stories in which she placed herself were by then established, and the meaning that they gave her life confirmed. Her understanding of the passage of time and the historical, however, required more than narrative competency. Other elements interacted with narrative in her temporal and historical assessment. The opening excerpt offers practical demonstration of Thrale's level of historical knowledge, her curiosity and her capacity for analysis. While seventeen years may seem a short span of time, there are important histories comprising shorter periods and addressing no deeper historical questions than those posed by Hester Thrale concerning the changes she observes. Thrale's speculations on the relative merits of historical analysis and writing are also significant, as is the fact that she speculates at all. The passage offers important insights into her historical consciousness. I begin by noting that she does not appear to question the "historicality" of contemporary assessment With what raptures indeed did the Whole Nation welcome the Accession and Marriage of the present king! This is a remarkable first sentence for a journal entry. It suggests that Thrale had some clear idea of what she intended to write and had likely arrived at some conclusions prior to taking up the pen. What she had concluded is, at this point impossible to determine. The question, however, will condition further analysis. The sentence is diachronic, referring to two time separated events. She notes the "present king," clearly acknowledging the king that went before and the one likely to follow. She notes the now past present raptures of the populace. We see also the degree to which Thrale is acculturated. She recognizes the accession and marriage of the king as significant She uses such events to measure her nation's relative progress and as a point from which to date matters generally. 31 Thrale identifies herself with her nation. This identification becomes more explicit as the excerpt develops but is nonetheless apparent even in the opening lines. She and the "whole nation" are not separate entities. Its history and hers are intertwined. How fortunately did everything concur to make him adored by his people. I draw attention to Thrale's use of the term "fortunate," an expression of value. Combined with the phrase "did everything concur," we have an intimation of speculative/philosophical history, a suggestion that she perceives some force directing affairs to particular ends. I wonder, too, how she sees the king in this. Is he the hapless victim of some system? What is Thrale's conception of causality, of the role of the individual and of "systems?" I question as well how much she includes herself in "the people" She seems to make some effort to create distance, to allow herself observer status. If she is "of the nation" is she also, to an equal degree, "of the people?" These terms do not appear synonymous. An undisputed Title, a majestick Person, a British Education, a success fid War; all contributed to make him loved & feared, the Object of respectfid Terror to all Europe- & of respectfid Affection to all England. I mark the level and type of political/historical analysis offered. In the eighteenth century, history and politics were frequently perceived as deeply intertwined. I also note Thrale's use of previous conditions to explain present occurrence, and her level of acculturation. She has very clear ideas regarding the proper role of a king (that is, to terrify other peoples and delight his own) and the role of Britain which is to be, like its king, feared and respected. See him now, however! See and pine our loss! Evocative voice, the voice of classic tradition, not yet lost in the eighteenth century, a voice certainly not lost in Hester Thrale, who draws attention to her lament and its historic tradition with the use of exclamatory punctuation. We see her identification not only with the classical past but also with the present nation, and may note as well how she compares two periods. 32 Despised at home, ridiculed abroad; insulted by the French, uncertain of Protection or Assistance by the English: his own subjects on the point of Rebellion even in his capital, his navy out of repair, his army in disgrace, Public Credit a Jest and a National Bankruptcy talked of as necessary and expected as irresistible. Apart from the delightful manipulation of the English language (a facility we rapidly lose) Thrale offers here direct explication of what she considers significant in assessing the changes she observes. A sense of the significant is learned through experience, but what Thrale identifies as meaningful could not have been learned first hand. In this passage, certainly, much depends on second hand and historical knowledge. She recognizes the significance of navies and armies, the importance of alliances and long time French antipathy through her understanding of French-English history and historical process. 13 She also depends on a common historical understanding to make her conclusions intelligible. I am no politician, nor either think much or care much about public concerns, which I well know seldom affect private Felicity...and yet though I cannot recollect the difference without Indignation when my pen is on the subject nobody can suppose that I or anyone else is less happy on the whole. Thrale measures the present against the past, and the past against the present She does not, however, consider the ways in which these create each other. She sees change only in difference, recognizes significance only in there being difference and assesses it only against the the daily round. She examines "historical" questions and attempts to gauge them as a passage through time, but is limited in her capacity to apprehend their significance. The consternation or Transport we read of in history seldom means more than what I have just mentioned to have seen, in the contrast between 1761 and 1778...All political and Historical Reading is to me extreamly uncomfortable on Acct of its so very distant Removal from Truth. The question of how much Thrale had predetermined the course of this passage becomes significant here. On reviewing the whole, it is clear that she is, in fact, writing a well crafted essay which philosophically reviews historical questions. She opens with a demonstration of historical change, n I t may be contended that recognizing the importance of navies is only common sense. It is a common sense, however, informed by experience, one reinforced by our past and by our histories. 33 evaluates how much it affects daily life, and concludes with an historical example which supports her contentions and justifies, as well, her scepticism regarding historical writing. When we hear of Rome's Terror at the Tyranny of Domitian, and reflect how impossible it was that the Emperour's Power could even have been known, much less felt; by above a thousandth part of his numerous Subjects: when the very Papers of the present Times mention the Calamities of the Nation in one Column, & advertise a Masquerade in the next...History is at best a magnifying Glass; but if we wear Spectacles of such Property every day, we shall forget the face of Nature as it is; and expect to find every Flea as large as a Lobster. The excerpt offers insights into Thrale's understanding of historical process and temporal passage. The journal provides further examples and allows exploration of the diverse means by which she approaches understanding. Her sense of the historical and temporal is affected, for example, by her life metaphysic. Thrale's underlying interpretation is theological, teleological and, for many years of her life, millenial. She sees natural, human and cosmic histories as connected and interactive, dependent upon Divine Will and subject to the purposeful end for which Man is made- glorification of the Name in the final days of Redemption. She is as likely to explain the doings of men by cosmic design as she is to explain the natural history of animals. Thrale's millenial expectations are connected with her teleological interpretation. Everything is moving toward a particular end. Despite the apparent linearity of a teleological interpretation, however, she also expects that history runs full circle. The concept of the wheel turning recurs in Thrale's analyses. Why it goes like a wheel down Hill- they were right to sing Ca ira: the Phrenzy runs like Wild Fire: Ca va, Ca ira, Ca est alié. The first French King was Louis- ie Clovis, Llovis in old Ghaelic, and so was the last French King Louis- things always run so.14 14Ibid. 988. 34 Teleology and the wheel are not necessarily contradictory. God's plan may progress in a linear direction but be experienced in one's life as cyclical. The interplay between lineal and cyclical motion will be taken up later in the discussion on her sense of time. Thrale's millenial interpretation assumes particular force, as we might have expected, in the years 1789-1806, spanning the French revolution and Napoleonic wars. During these years she becomes convinced that the end of the world is at hand. Because she believes that everything is connected, she expects that the natural world will offer signs of these changes. "There are indeed Signs in the Sun, & in the Moon and in the Stars: not emblematic alone, or figurative; but litteral and true." Even "the Elements and Seasons, & Vegetable Produce seem all tainted with Love of Equality; and appear so diverted of the usual Spirit of Order and Gradation, that one would think they had undergone a Revolution as well as the French."15 To understand the signs, Thrale turns to God's history- the Bible. She spends some time working out the meaning of current events through personal knowledge of Revelations and is not alone in her efforts to do so. She frequently refers to minor preachers who expound upon this theme, and remarks, as well, on the public's fascination with signs and portents- a fascination which she finds quite disturbing and even, despite her own belief, irrational. While affirming the import of signs, Thrale still believes that they must be intelligently examined. Revelations' paradoxes also disturb her and she endeavours to understand them. Luke and Matthew's warning to not be caught at work at the second coming, is, for her, superfluous. "Building, Planting and marrying would scarce be going on were such sights in View as the Moon's being literally turned to blood...nay the Planting could not go forward certainly, for nothing would grow. I laugh at such senseless expectation."16 She also works to account to herself how it should be, if there were all these signs, that any person should not have turned to the Lord and thereby been redeemed before the "Ibid. 860 and 926. 16Ibid. 886. 35 Apocalypse. Despite Thrale's questioning, she still believes that current events presage the end of days. She is deeply moved by this and writes, "It will be a curious thing thus to outlive the Monarchy of France, the Papacy of Rome, and the republics of Genoa and Venice- very curious indeed," she continues, "and now very likely for Me to do it."17 Thrale's millenial interpretation links with her sense of the unity of things to help her explain the present "The mutiny at Sheerness was a horrid thing: every Nation seems struck in the vital part: France loses her Loyalty, Italy its Ecclesiastical Splendor, Holland her Bank of Amsterdam- & we our boasted Navy...The End is at hand."18 The united whole and connectedness that Thrale perceives in things also influences her understanding of History, Bible, Myth and Legend. It directs her to certain methods of historical explanation and leads her to seek the common roots of ideas, language and action. She takes seriously Rousseau's injunction, "suivez la chaine de toute cela," a phrase that recurs in her journal. Thrale employs the Bible ("sacred history," despite her recognition of its paradoxes), Literature, Mythology and traditional Histories, all interchangeably as means for understanding. They seem to blend in Thrale's mind: The method by which Abimelech took the tower of the same which is adopted by young Malcolm in Shakespeare...and the method the Benjamites used to obtain wives-corresponds exactly with Romulus' Project of catching up the Sabine girls.19 Following the "chain," Thrale seeks the historical basis for common ideas and the commonality of humankind. Some of her interest in this arises from her fascination with language and etymology, "Ibid. 980. It may be that every generation believes itself the last, or next to last I am reminded of the Port Huron Statement of a Generation (1962) in which they wrote, "We are the last generation in the experiment with living." This commonality is intriguing. 18Ibid. 972. 19Ibid. 767. 36 some has a more distinctly historical grounding. She notes the close alignment of tales contained in More's Antidote against Atheism and contemporary stories told of the common people. She also remarks on the similarity of heathen mythology and sacred scriptures and is fascinated by the common heritage of language of which, she believes, there is only one if they could but "dig it out" In the derivation of words Thrale discovers continuity. "Wednesday comes from Woden's Day, Thursday from Thor's Day, Fryday from Frey's Day Saxon all- but Saturday is Saturn's Day Roman, & so all the rest Roman- odd enough."20 This interest in discerning the roots of terms does not diminish as Thrale ages. In 1801 she notes that "We have a measure here...called a Hobbet...reflecting how in Wales the keeping of Obits or burial days long outlasted such Customs in England: I thought..that the word has been retained, and in its corrupted State serves as a measure."21 Thrale's sense of continuity is inconsistent and her perception of development in ritual and custom, uneven. Exposed to the Italian observation of the Annunciation in which they "dressed a wench in Jewels, Brocade etc." and then paraded her around the village (an act to be followed, Thrale infers, "by Debauchery") she can only conclude that this is "brutal superstition, repugnant to Reason, Religion and Common Sense of Decency." Yet she observes that the contemporary practice of the blessing of fields "is apparently taken from the old Custom in pagan Rome."22 Thrale's perception of continuity is affected, not only by her sense of wholeness and connection, but also by her attitude toward, and use of, the past In the first half of Thralania the past is simply one of many curiosities and Thrale uses it generally only as a context for bon mots or as the subject for "historical" poems. In the latter half, a more personal accounting of her activities and reflections, knowledge of the past helps her to evaluate and explain the present It provides her a means to assess relative progress, to understand difference and to predict the future. It also offers moral support in 20 Ibid. 144. 21Ibid. 1025. "Ibid. 665 and 638. 37 difficult times. Anticipating bankruptcy, Thrale reads to her daughter, from the history of Père Rollin, "Instances of Solid Glory and real greatness, preaching at intervals how She ought not to be affected if She was forced to relinquish the Trappings of Life."23 "Tis good looking back on past Times if 'twere only as a Register of the Weather." Thrale applies retrospection to something more significant than the weather when she assesses the relative progress of humankind. In one instance, she attempts this by evaluating variation in vices over time. She concludes through such examinations that it is impossible to know whether knowledge actually advances. "Who can say that we know more, even of the commonest Things than our Ancestors knew?"24 To the extent, however, that one can have knowledge, especially of the past, it is useful to Thrale in a variety of ways. She thus applies her sense of the different paths taken by the reformation in Germany and England to understand some of the present distinctions between these two countries. She uses knowledge of the Reformation, as well, to assess Joseph II's efforts to reform Catholic Italy, remarking that in England "we put out the Candles at Noonday" when the people were already educated- while in 1786 the Italians are still in the dark.25 Thrale also finds historical knowledge useful in the prediction of future events. On the basis of her knowledge of affairs in seventeenth century England, for example, she confidently predicts that the French monarchy will be restored. "-'Twas so in England at least, when as Lord Clarendon says upon the Restoration...'One would have wondered where those People could all be gone who wished the Abolition of Kingly Power'."26 23 Ibid. 805. 24Ibid. 1091. 25Ibid. 664-5. 26Ibid. 846. The question of the interaction between written histories and what Thrale and the others think they know of the past will be briefly discussed in Chapter four. 38 Historical knowledge also gives meaning to physical remnants of the past. Thrale writes that Lady Mosten made a caudle cup from the hilt of Henry the seventh's sword "that it might be use fid," she notes in appalled italics. Yet she concludes that the caudle cup "attendent on the Birth of one honest Man, may be more respectable...than the sword which cut off a Tyrant's head. Who knows?" she asks.27 Remnants of the past combine with historical knowledge to allow her to assess change and continuity. Thrale remarks on the prominant position given Confucious' mother on old Chinese porcelain, a position fully removed from modern cups and basins. She concludes from this that "superstition was wearing out, even amoung the Pagans." In the continuous presence of the fleur de lis she finds continuity in symbols and, thus, in humankind. "I have observed that in Solomon's temple the great Columns were crowned with that Emblematic Flower...whoever looks on it (with this Hypothesis in his Head) will see that every Sceptre is formed in immediate imitation of the Lily Stick." It is significant that she does not follow the sense of what she sees and feels compelled to add, "but a well ordered Mind should keep Hypotheses out with Diligence."28 Thrale doubts the efficacy of theoretical explanation. Her assessment of historical writing demonstrates that she is also sceptical of historical 'knowledge.' She questions sources, declaring Suetonius' histories to be "incredible." With endearing practicality, she concludes that "much evil was done to be sure- but one would hope it could not have been quite so bad." Despite her doubt, or perhaps because of it, she values historical accuracy. Disturbed to find that she had called Henry Plantagenet "Harry Tudor" in a ballad written for the Welsh, she determines to write a correct copy-and hopes that her error won't be found out29 27Ibid. 979. 2 8 Ibid. 1033. 2 9 Ibid. 874 and 1040-41. 39 Thrale's assessment of Suetonius' history derives from her perception that "public concerns seldom affect private felicity," and from her tendency to see the past as if it were of the same condition as the present. This historical nalvite also prompts her efforts to examine the present as history unfolding. Much of the time, Thrale only remarks on current events without offering analysis. She notes the Irish question, the Test Act, Whig/Tory power struggles, royal scandals, affairs abroad, and the "spread of democratic fever." She remarks on famous people of her time who, generally, have continued famous to our own time. This may indicate an awareness, on her part, of their historical significance but, more likely, results only from their prominence in her world. Occasionally, however, the pattern is quite different. She acknowledges the loss of the American colonies in quite dramatic terms: "We brought the roof down on ourselves," and having done so, await the full effects. As she put it in September, 1780, all "is not felt yet...a stone falling in a Lake is not perceived at the Shores till some time after." And she concludes from the Gordon Riots that "the English Constitution is at last fairly finished and my Lady Britannia has cut her own Throat"30 Thrale wonders, too, about the significance of the material that she notes, asking- "Will these events ever become indifferent Things passed over as Matters of no Importance when read of at a distant period?" She is referring here to the recurrent madness of King George III and concludes that it is not simply a shadow in her mind. The threat of Popery, should the Prince Regent seize power and marry Mrs. Fitzherbert, is very real to Thrale. While her political analysis may be questioned, her attempt to assess these events in their historical context is significant, and her fears regarding "Popery" are certainly influenced by her understanding of English history. Thrale concludes that her present will not be thought unimportant in the future. While acknowledging Delia Crusca's contention that "all past Actions are Nihilities [sic]," she still expects that 30Ibid. 456 and 440. 40 knowledge of her present will survive, whatever its historical significance.31 Thrale recognizes that being involved in the unfolding process of history limits her ability to assess i t She might be led, by her knowledge of the past, to predict the future course of events, but also realizes her own unsurity. The phrase "nous verrons" recurs throughout her journal. "Nous verrons," she writes repeatedly, apparently patient, willing to wait and see- yet in 1803 she adds, "but I am impatient"32 Thrale's perception of past present and future as process is connected with her understanding of time as process. The metaphor of the river is an apt analogy. The whole of a river may be observed concurrently by a distant enough viewer. So Thrale conceives that God, in omnipresence, may observe the whole of time. Marcus notes that: In the Christian view, God is ever present..The City of God exists outside time. Yet, in another sense, Christianity sees history as crucial to God's way of revealing HimselL.The Incarnation and the Resurrection are understood as acts in time...In Christianity, the temporal order thereby acquires an ontological dimension that accompanies and complements the timeless quality...of God.33 We may approach the complex question of how Thrale conceives of time, in light of Marcus' perception, by evaluating the means by which she divides and, thereby, signifies time. Classical and Christian traditions influence Thrale's broad time divisions. She refers to the "Five Ages of Man," understanding these as progressive stages in the eschatological process. The year is "anno domini". Historical time, then, is divided into two epochs- before and after Christ- and has a definite stucture and necessary purpose. The eschatological implies both linearity and predeterminacy 31 Ibid. 724. "Thralania, 1043. "Marcus, Sub Specie Historiae. 199. 41 and Thrale, indeed, exclaims "It is all foretold."34 The Bible is History for Thrale and its events serve as a means to designate time. She identifies a column, for example, as having been built "in the 3d or 4th Century after the universal Deluge." "The Holy Scriptures," she believes, "are the true Sun Dial and the Church is a Clock set the best we can."35 Christian time divisions are complemented by the times of Empires and Kings, but even apparentiy secular dates are understood in a religious context "'tis certain that 2348 years before Xt came...the Deluge was sent...l40 years after the Kingdom of Egypt was founded."36 The Reformation is significant for Thrale, only as a religious turn, and the "Restoration" has nothing of politics in it- only England again on the right path to God. Perhaps more surprisingly, Thrale also dates according to an astrological tradition, designating the summer of 1779, for example, "from Aries to Libra." This time division may arise from her abiding interest in astronomy but may also be influenced by eighteenth century celebrations which depended on astrological tradition. Thrale divides time, as well, by the cycles of the earth and she frequently measures one season against another. She does not commonly divide her day (at least in the journal) by hours, rather she refers to morning, noon and evening. She also dates from her birthday (whose precise date she commonly forgets), weddings, royal anniversaries and from the births of her children. Thrale rarely refers to Christmas, but even occasional references indicate that she likely does keep it. More significant to her, however, is the turning of the year which encourages review, not only of the year past but also of longer periods. 3 "Thralania. 914. 3 5 Ibid. 1022. 36Ibid. 647. 42 The last was a dismal year many Calamitous Events, so many violent Deaths, so many Innocents slaughter'd...such a Number of Lives lost by Plague in America and the West Indes...After tonight then/ We no more Must date our Letters Ninety four/ For Time at length has shut his Door...Never in all the half Century I have spent looking on this mortal Life, never were there so many Adultery cases...37 The cyclical- recurrence of seasons, morning, noon and night, religious and secular festivals- is a recognized part of Thrale's everyday life and influences her historical comprehension. She understands the French revolution as some sort of repetition of Roman excesses. This should not be understood, however, as meaning that Thrale comprehends history only as repetition. It indicates rather that she finds recurrent patterns and has a perception of the wheel turning- some of which clearly derives from her own experience of time. The individual, Marcus remarks, "recollecting...personal experiences-becomes aware of temporal cycles-also of a linear process- of growing older, of approaching death. From 'self recollection'...[one forms] both a cyclical and a linear view of time, which are readily translated into the familiar cyclical and linear models of history."38 The teleological and the cyclical, then, are not mutually exclusive. They interplay. It is for this reason that Thrale, drawing on her own experience of time, can think in both eschatological and cyclical terms. Thralania also offers the occasional reflection on time itself. Time must be going on, when that's over, all's over: there are neither people nor Things, nor Angels nor Demons nor nothing- They all dwell in Time, as they do in Space; -when Time and Space go- all goes, -& among the rest must go God's enjoyment of Eternity-for Eternity is only time prolonged.39 There is, this suggests, something quite Platonist in Thrale's conception of time. Braumbach notes that in the Platonic tradition "time is a projected image of eternity." 40 Time, like space, is a 3 7 Ibid. 906. 3 8 Marcus, Historical Consciousness. 193. 3 9Ibid. 861. "Robert Braumbach, Unreality and Time (New York: 1984), 12. 43 continuous field. It has continuity- past, present and future- and creates a timescape against which paths of motion are conceived. Thrale, however, recognizes that she lives in the present- a present given, she believes, as a gift to be used productively. On the occasion of erecting a sundial, she writes: Mark how the Weeping Willow stands Near the recording stone; It seems to blame our Idle Hands And Mourn the Moments flown... Loiter no more then near the tree, Nor on the Dial gaze; If but an Hour is given to thee Act right while yet it stays.41 Hester Thrale organized her temporal and historical universe by the methods outlined above. The configuration of numerous elements allowed her to find meaning in time and history. She understood these as process and, through her understanding, identified her own place in the movement I have long remained a mere Spectator- no Actor in human life; and I shall yet perhaps Live- tho' ill enough too- to see this farce out, and possibly to speak the Epilogue.42 41 Ibid. 1042. 42Ibid. 860. 44 THE OBSERVANT PLAYER: JAMES BOSWELL You don't understand the humiliation of it- to be tricked out of the single assumption which makes our existence viable- that somebody is watching. Stoppard, Rosencrantz and Guildenstern Are Dead. 46 This chapter focuses on how James Boswell orders his temporal and historical experience. It also demonstrates how the model of historical consciousness may be used to supplement understanding of a known historical figure. While supporting the thesis, then, this chapter also contributes new information on the man. We seem to know Boswell quite well. The subject of numerous studies, he was first considered primarily as a means to approaching Samuel Johnson. Later works focused more directly on the man himself: as biographer, diarist, literary artist and eighteenth century figure. Macaulay concluded, in 1880, that Boswell was an "insufferable ass not conscious of his own ar t" Despite Carlyle's recognition of Boswell's intelligence and "insight beyond the reaches of logic" (1888), Macaulay's assessment continues to form the background for twentieth century investigations. It also provoked immediate efforts to demonstrate Boswell's conscious artistry and admirable humanity. In the early nineteenth century, Leask's James Boswell (1896) attempted to correct Macaulay's negative depiction and Fitzgerald in, Boswell's Autobiography (1891), offered Boswell's self revelations in The Tour to the Hebrides as a new subject for Boswellians to explore.1 The early twentieth century expanded recognition of Boswell as biographer and historical figure. Mallory's analysis of Boswell the Biographer (1912) was echoed in Maurois' Aspects of Biography (1929), and Tinker's Young Boswell (1932) advanced Boswell as a suitable candidate for historical analysis. Works assessing Boswell as biographer and historical figure were augmented through the mid-century. Among the more notable efforts are Longaker's English Biography in the Eighteenth xFor bibliographic material on these works please see Bibliography- this work. For some of the information in this section I am indebted to A.R. Brooks' James Boswell (New York: 1971) which offers an extensive annotated bibliography. 47 Century (1931), Chapmans' Two Centuries of Johnsonian Scholarship (1945), Lewis' biography The Hooded Hawk (1947) and Collin's James Boswell: Writers and their Works (1957). Discovery and collection of the Malahide papers (a remarkable tale comprehensively told by David Buchanan in 1974) provided new fuel for analysis. Recovery of Boswell's original materials instigated an explosion of articles in the sixties and seventies which critically evaluated Boswell as literary artist "James Boswell on Rhetoric and Belle Lettres" (James Golden), "Boswell and the Romantics: a Chapter in the History of Biographical Theory" (Francis Hart), "Two Biographers: Lockhart and Boswell" (Ian Jack), and "Boswell Revalued" (Frederick Pottle), effectively disproved Macaulay. Few works have focused specifically on Boswell as diarist Frederick Pottle, chief editor of Boswell's papers, explains the relationship between Boswell's journal and his Life of Johnson in "James Boswell, Journalist" 2 John Morris, in Versions of the Self. (1966) explores Boswell's diary as an autobiographical construction of self by a member of the first generation of romanticists to emerge after the Enlightenment3 William Wymsatt's "James Boswell: the Man and the Journal," approaches the diary as narrative. He notes Boswell's centrality as hero of his own story, a point to which we will return.4 Of greater importance to this study is Allan Ingram's Boswell's Creative Gloom (1982). Ingram, through close textual analysis, identifies recurring imagery in Boswell's thought Through the imagery, he shows "what it meant to be Boswell." Ingram examines Boswell in terms similar to my own and parallels some of my conclusions. His analysis of Boswell's relationship with his journal is especially useful to this study of historical consciousness.5 2F. Pottle, "Boswell Revalued," Literary Views: Critical and Historical Essays (Chicago: 1964). 3J. Morris, Versions of the Self (New York and London: 1966). 4Wymsatt "James Boswell: the Man and the Journal," Yale Review. XLIX (Autumn, 1959) 80-92. 5A. Ingram, Boswell's Creative Gloom: A Study of Imagery and Melancholy in the Writings 48 The model of historical consciousness allows us to concentrate aspects of individual conceptualization not previously connected. Various biographical and analytical studies have noted Boswell's self fashioning, his close association with his journal and his "double consciousness." All of these are aspects of his historical consciousness, the means by which he makes his passage through time coherent Wymsatt and Ingram explore the narrative aspect of that coherence. Both of these, Ingram more fully than Wymsatt describe the interplay between the narrator, the narration and 'reality'. Boswell is a superlative example of narrative coherency in lived existence. "Scribo Ergo Sum", the title of Ingram's sixth chapter, focuses this sharply. Ingram notes that Boswell "creates something new out of the bare events of his life, by registering the relevance they acquire for him...the whole mixture of record and comment becomes, in effect, a constant recreation and interpretation of the past" "a second memory and a second reality."6 The diary provides Boswell, who is "impelled to save as much of [his life] as possible from oblivion," with a continuous picture of himself.7 Boswell is hero in his own tale; a flawed hero valiantly struggling. Often led astray by whores, frequently drinking until he can not stand, once throwing a chair at his wife; Boswell reviews all these incidents in his journal. They are part of the story. He can no more refuse to write the unpleasant than he can silence the hidden observer who discloses himself when Boswell writes. "You was retenu," Boswell notes of his own behaviour; second person subject and first person predicate- the observer apparent (The observer was often apparent Numerous contemporaries complained of his 'note taking' and Fanny Burney referred to him as the "anecdotical memorandummer.") The observer and the actor create the "double consciousness" that Bronson refers to; a double consciousness signaling the extent to which Boswell is his narrative. Without the narrative 5(cont'd) of James Boswell (London: 1986). 6A. Ingram, Creative Gloom. 136. 7Bertrand Bronson, Johnson Agonistes and Other Essays (Cambridge: 1946), 78. 49 he has no being. Even he suspects that this is so. "I had lately a thought—that by burning all my journals and all my former writing, [the] traces of my formal life, I should be like a new being."3 The journal, "essential to the ordering, and therefore to the interpretation, of the past, is also written with an eye on the future." So Ingram introduces Boswell's "continual temporal restlessness" which Passler noted in 1971.' Boswell is continually moving between times. His diary, which makes his present comprehensible, requires constant transition between past, present and future. Boswell's temporal restlessness (a phenonemon likely common to us all) is one aspect of his historical consciousness. It combines with other factors to make temporal passage and historical process meaningful. Among the more significant factors is Boswell's belief in a benevolent and sentient God. His underlying interpretation, then, is theological. God established the "system of things" which Boswell endeavours to understand. The universe, he concludes, "is one great picture perpetually changing...everything serving the purpose of either light or shade." In the continual battle, however, between the forces of light and darkness, Boswell is assured that God "is good and will take care of me." God established, too, the "hierarchical order" and the "Great People who manage the fates of kingdoms," and of individuals. 10 God's purpose, Boswell determines, means that "there is no such thing as contingency...every act of man [is] absolutely fixed and comprehended in a series of causes and effects from all eternity." "So 'Extremes. 84. Following Ingram's example, I use short titles. Frederick Pottle (ed.) Boswell in Extremes (1776-78) (London: 1970). Boswell makes lived existence coherent by writing it in his diary. The 'truth' of that coherency is not at issue. It matters only that it works. In this regard alone, diaries are not history. The systems by which diarists create coherency, however, replicate those of historians. Marcus notes that "the exterior model of historical ordering corresponds with, and appears to arise from, the mind's various senses of time in contemplating its own being and becoming." Sub Specie Historiae. 193-4. 'Ibid. 126. "Extremes. 102; London. 80; Ominous. 9-10. 50 and so things." he writes, "are established and I must submit."11 The doctrine of Necessity, however, distresses Boswell and he struggles, throughout his life, to resolve the paradox of Necessity and Free Will. He is "disturbed by the machinery of Necessity which [he] is not sure is the true condition of Man." "Arguments for Necessity were heavy upon me...[the] dreary nature of things, an unconscious, uncontrollable power by which all things are driven on."12 Boswell "indulged a metaphysical speculation on cause and effect, Liberty and Necessity, being sure that [he] was the secret cause of all that was now doing." God, the "universal eye", sees, he states, but "minutiae are not to be considered part of his care." That "would make his patients thus dependent on their physician's spiritual workings."13 He concludes that such a system would be "dreary and dispiriting." Man is not "fatally carried on." He should not merely acquiesce but must act Boswell resolves, however, to "hold fast [his] faith in the Gospel, trusting that the charter itself would appear most precious when the seals should be opened in a future world."14 The future world occupies Boswell continually. This man who could not resist attending a hanging- who was "frightened a little by the echo of [his] feet" when he visited a convict prior to execution- concludes that "spiritual subjects, like material, serve their time and are transmutted and compounded in perpetual succession."15 Now if there is but one soul, which has animated a variety of bodies, there must in every generation be numbers a-wanting the last day; for not only does the same soul serve different bodies, but has different accidents and fills different spheres of life...A soul darts its view backward through all the stages of its existence; the earthly frames are totally forgot and the spirits recollect each other by mutual ideas...Suppose the ideas of Alexander the Great and Luther to be repeated by the same spirit those spirits who retain the ideas of Alexander's courtiers and those who retain the ideas of the first reformers will find "Extremes. 102; London. 77. "Applause. 189; Laird. 283. "Laird. 192; Tour. 49. 14Laird. 202; Applause. 189; Extremes. 102. "Ominous. 217. 51 corresponding communication.16 So Boswell finds continuity, not only in this world, but in the world transcending this world, wherein he expects that all will be made clear. "I have a wonderful superstitious love of mystery...Would it not be foolish to regret that we shall have less mystery in a future state? That we now see as 'in a glass darkly' but shall 'then see face to face'?"17 On a more material plane, Boswell derives continuity from the "feudal and only enduring principle"- family. James is "Boswell of Auchinleck" and introduces himself to Rousseau as "a Scots gentleman of ancient family."18 Boswell's association of himself with his family and with that family's history have been well documented in previous works, the most recent being Finlayson's excellent biography The Moth and the Candle (1984). There remains, however, more to be said. "I would be at Auchinleck which comprehends so many romantic, pious and worthy ideas in my imagination- at the seat of my family- home." Boswell's sense of family, and indeed of himself, is bound by physical space. "A town property," being a recent acquistition, has no obligation formed by generational habition and cannot be "the subject of family attachment" Boswell's conjunction of family with land extends to that of his wife. After unsuccessful attempting to purchase his wife's entailed inheritence, he writes that "I felt as if I were stunned by some dismal wonderful was my sincere resolution to make her as easy and happy as that her family was quite extinquished." Even sleeping in the diningroom instead of the bedroom gives him "a new temporary existence" and he feels himself "thrown into a wavering state merely by the prospect of a change of place."19 16Search. 63. "Extremes. 225. "Letter to Rousseau cited in I. Finlayson, The Moth and the Candle: A Life of James Boswell (London: 1984), 78. 19Laird. 241; Extremes. 76; Laird. 120-21; Extremes. 54 and 216. 52 These findings contradict the common understanding that Boswell was not much interested in the physical world. This conception of the man arises from the strong emphasis on human interaction in his journal. He, indeed, rarely comments on the material world and while in Rome takes only a "six day crash course" on the ruins.20 There is no doubt that human interactions attract him more than do physical remains, but it is inaccurate to claim that he ignores these. They assume, in fact, an enormous importance in his historical perception and his life. It is the physical surroundings which allow him to find his younger self as he sits on the hills where he read as a youth. As an adult he projects returning, twenty-five years hence, to see the changes wrought on the places he had been. Boswell in Magdeburg, "famous for its dreadful sack by the Austrian general Tilly," is inspired by the place itself which excites historical awareness. He is also concerned with permanency, noting that at Dessau, "The seiges and battles [of the Prince] are marked upon the windows. Not on the glass...No, on the good hard boards...I was much pleased with this idea."21 Boswell at twenty-nine proclaimed an oath to the land. "With a piece of the old castle in my hand I knelt on the ruins and swore that if any man had the estate in exclusion of the rightful heir this stone would swim in his heart's blood. (I keep the stone.)" Two years before this oath, he took his brother David to the castle and had him "declare according to the usage of the promise to stand by these old walls with heart and purse and be always faithful to the ancient family of Auchinleck," and there invested him with a ring in token.22 Geoffrey Scott notes the "romantically staged scene on the crumbling walls," remarking on this as "an excellent example of Boswell's failure to grow up."23 I am attracted more to what Boswell wrote 20Finlayson, Moth and Candle. 97. 21Tour. 49 and 113. "Ominous. 54; Search. 103. 23 Scott, cited by Pottle in Laird. 228. 53 when reviewing the ritual. "David assumed the name Thomas in honour of the first Laird of our family...[It is] proper to observe that the custom of the family...must not be understood as an old custom but as commencing from my going forth...and to be continued in time to come."24 Boswell establishes continuity by self consciously bringing the past into the present through tradition (some still to be created), by preserving familial succession and by fulfilling the duty he feels owed the past He maintains continuity in the naming of his sons. He finds constancy and continuity in objects, words, emblems and orders- remarking on the Knights Templar, for example, in which the men may change but the order remains.25 He also notes that to understand an emblem one must have some instruction in its meaning. It is not entirely clear whether he recognizes from this, as well, that understanding and recognition of meaning may change over time and vary between cultures. Continuity is found most fully within the family, and Boswell accordingly "catechizes" his young son Sandy: "What is your first duty? My duty to God. What is your second duty? My duty to the family Auchinleck." He has Sandy recite the family history from its first founder, through Thomas Boswell, killed at Flodden Field, up to the present and into the future. "I shall habituate him to think with sacred reverence and attachment of his ancestors and to hope to aggrandize the family." 26 Boswell also derives a sense of continuity, as does Thrale, from personal connection with the national history. He, however, acquires a double allegiance. The young man Boswell who introduced himself in the German court as a "Scots Baron," the man who delighted to dress in highland costume, feels himself, at thirty-eight, to have been "born for England." "I am so much happier in London, nay anywhere in England than in Edinburgh." This sentiment induces him to emphasize the English roots of his clan. "The Boswells came from England," he writes, thus justifying his desire to move them to 2 4 Laird. 229. "Boswell was not a member of the Knights Templar. This is noted because membership in an order dedicated to the process of time must affect historical consciousness. 2 6 Laird. 160-61. 54 that fairer land.27 The Scot does prevail however. "Scottishisms" increase as Boswell becomes Laird of Auchinleck after his father's death in 1782. He notes that: Most individuals, when they find themselves with people of a different country, cannot get free of their own particular national distinction. The individual, as I have remarked myself, instead of being melted down, remains as hard as a piece of iron in a crucible filled with lead or silver. I should not wish to be melted down...but when the heat is over, I gather myself up as firm as ever, with perhaps only a small plate or thin leaf of the other metal sufficient to make me glitter, and even that I can rub off if I choose it.28 The term "glitter" is a particularly apt one for Boswell. It conveys much of what he found attractive about London. But even though the brightness and 'modernity' of that great city attract him, "the Old Castle, the romantic rocks and woods of Auchinleck must never be forsaken."29 William Dowling, in The Boswellian Hero, notes the tension that Boswell feels between Scotland and England, underscoring this as a tension between country and city, between past and modernity. The tension is compounded by Boswell's valoration of physical space.30 Tension between past and present, represented by Scotland and England/country and city, may be understood through Boswell's sense of time. "In the country," Boswell writes, "time must pass without vivid consciousness of any kind, and at best in uniform serenity." He can 'see' time passing only when different orders of existence move at varying speeds in sufficient proximity to each other that the difference in the rate at which they alter becomes readily apparent "Uniform serenity" allows nothing to be grasped. Somebody remarked...that conversation is the best of which we recollect nothing but a general impression of happiness. I think otherwise...Perhaps the first mentioned kind of conversation may be most agreeable at the time to an indolent hearer. He is like a man who reclines at ease, sailing on a smooth lake in a fine level country. But there is more "Extremes. 347. 2 8 Defence. 100. "Ominous. 86. 3 "William Dowling, The Boswellian Hero (Athens, Georgia: 1979). enjoyment, surely, in navigating briskly through an agitated sea, and beholding a variety of objects which strike the imagination and of which one can take views in perspective drawing. [This] supplies a store of intellectual enjoyment31 Serenity and smooth sailing, in conversations or in time, are agreeable only to the indolent Boswell prefers to "navigate briskly through an agitated sea." The struggle and the contrasts give meaning to time and offer him a task. The tension of present becoming future- someone else's past where he hopes to be remembered- makes time real for Boswell, who seeks in present experience future reflections and the chance of immortality. Boswell's struggle with time and self placement allows him to recognize inconstancy and impermanency. "I looked some years before me and saw that I would not feel then as I figure in prospect no more than I feel now what I have figured in years past" "I complained of a wretched changefulness- that I could not preserve for any long continuance the same views of anything...Time may perhaps strengthen my mind." But time itself makes all inconstant32 How short and how soon forgotten are connexions on which people fix their attention-There is something like an eternalizing speculum as well as a magnifying glass in the mind which gives a stable appearance to objects. We view families, nay individuals, as permanent Who thinks even now that the family Bute may in no long period be like the house of 'time honoured Lancaster'?"33 Boswell's understanding of impermanency, of the changeablity of time, provides him a sophisticated sense of anachronism. The first [of manuscripts written before the Reformation] is ancient art which is now totally lost Some of the designs are ludicrous. When Adam and Eve perceive they are naked, God...comes with a pair of breeches...and a petticoat..The imagination which now furnishes licentious sallies was then fertile in sacred symbols. 34 "Extremes. 224. 32Search. 73; Extremes. 181. 3 3 Extremes. 74-5. 34Tour. 140-41. 56 Recognizing the changeablity of times Boswell, then, feels himself out of place in time. "I should have been born," he writes, "in old times; or rather the expression should be, in earlier times." "I am indeed sensible that the modern society will hardly admit [the keeping of ancient feudal residences] unless surrounded by men of old feudal ideas." But he comforts himself by reference to the "multitudes in successive ages." "We must contemplate collectively to have a just estimation of objects...It is by contemplating the large mass of human existence that a man...does not think of his own death as annihilating all."35 Boswell's efforts to "contemplate collectively" are aided by a complex historical sense. The companion of some of the more eminent figures of his time, Boswell conversed with historians as well as philosophers. These conversations undoubtedly influenced his historical attitude. When taking words from the mouths of others, however, he makes them his own. Boswell once asked Hume for a history of the present age, to which Hume responded that he "did not know enough of the springs of action in his own times to write the history." Despite this, Boswell still felt that it should be possible to write a history of the present, even while acknowledging that "the present state of man so impresses us that it is not easy to recognize his general character."36 Aware of the imperfect nature of present observation, Boswell doubts even more all past recollection. Doubt makes him nearly fanatical about accuracy. Regarding records of travels in the South Seas, he notes that due to the travellers' imperfect knowledge of the language he "could not be certain of any information...anything they learned might be quite erroneous." He also searches out a record that he knows to be authentic, in an effort to "see the particulars," and exposes "old coins" as forgeries by confirming that in earlier periods "they coined in a different manner from what they do now."37 Boswell's attention to accuracy extends to correcting someone who claimed to have seen three 35Defence. 110; Extremes. 170 and 164. 3 6Extremes. 272 and 143. 3 7Ominous. 341; Tour. 139. 57 volumes in folio of Johnson's sayings- "It had to be octavos and quartos." Lest this appear nitpicking, he adds, "This is inattention which one should guard against. Carelessness as to the exactness of circumstances is very dangerous, for one may recede from the fact till all is fiction."38 Even accuracy, however, is no guarantee of truth. Man is," he notes, "in many respects subject to influences quite unknown to him." Boswell the Scot, then, remarks on bias in histories of Scotland written by the English: "where the Scots never gained one batüe but Bannockburn...[where we] did so ill in feudal times, we could not have made any defence," and he remarks on the implication that the Scot's great improvements "are much owing to the Union." Yet he values truth and beat his son for lying (just as his father did to him), and he advises that we must "go the fountainhead."39 The fountainhead for the present is the past Like Thrale, Boswell explains the present through the past and justifies his current understanding by reference to past occurrence. "The family Stuart," he contends, "did nothing worthy of being driven from the throne. Their encroachments were but trifles in comparison of Oliver Cromwell." "King William too," he continues, "became a most domineering monarch...and the German war, a consequence of having a German monarch...destroyed public spirit and national principle," the lack of which explains contemporary disorder.40 Unlike Thrale, Boswell rarely predicts. He does, however, explore the possibility of prophesy and prediction. "Where one simple fact happens when foretold, it may be imputed to chance. But when there is a group of circumstances, there must be something more." Reviewing the Russian advances on the Mediterranean (September 1769) he concludes that "general events of a moral nature may be prognosticated. But particular events depend so much on circumstances for the time of their 3 8 Laird. 307. Boswell's sincere concern for accuracy, however, should be balanced by his inaccuracy concerning his own genealogy. The errors in his family history may indicate simple ignorance but, more likely, reflect an effort to aggrandize his own name. 39 Applause. 54; Ominous. 30. 4 "London. 146-7. 58 happening cannot be calculated with any precision.41 If we cannot, with any accuracy, predict future events we can, however, explain past and present occurrences. Providence and the "system of things" serve Boswell as primary explanation for events. He complements these, however, with explanation framed in terms of chance, custom, circumstance, national character and human nature. Human nature, he believes, is unchanging, a necessary factor in the system of things and progression of the Plan. But while the perceived invariablity of human nature allows him to compare one age with another, Boswell never entirely satisfies himself regarding relative progress. He sways from one side to the other, unable finally to determine if the horrors of his time outweigh its good. Providential explanation, however, dictates that there is progress. Boswell, like Thrale, is suspicious of explanation by theory. King George III remarked on "people being too fond of theories and adapting facts to them...Better first to get a collection of facts and then form a theory-" a statement which Boswell carefully records. He is more comfortable with explaining human action, both past and present, through the force of "ideas," which he sees embodied with particular clarity in his own idea of family. An idea will produce the highest enthusiasm. Witness the adour which individuals at the time have for the glory of their regiment..There is not a trace of identity unless that there is always a [remnant] of a that l'esprit du corps, like the fire of Vesta, is kept incessently alive.42 As a lawyer Boswell is also concerned with questions of evidence and precedence, compiling for himself a "large mass of sessional show the force of custom." Lord Kames, he notes, assesses internal evidence in deciding the antiquity of an item. Determined to demonstrate the existence of ghosts, for which he can find no practical evidence, Boswell finds proof in "sacred history." He also attends to the parish registers "as in some cases such evidence might be important and [is] always a matter of rational curiousity." He notes, as well, the difficulty of sorting evidence "Applause. 41; Search. 322. "Applause. 298; Ominous. 208. 59 "sensible...of a confusion of mincL.either from having too many ideas, or not vigour enough to arrange them and keep back all but those immediately necessary."43 Boswell's criticisms of contemporary histories are also revealing. He praises Lyttleton for "giving us what is said on both sides. [He] balances and draws a conclusion the justice of which he submits to his readers." "No historian," he concludes, "who relates transactions or draws characters which existed in times which he never saw, has a right to give us a flowing confident narration, without telling us why he has such ideas of men and things."44 In histories Boswell values impartiality, elegance of style, careful organization, "sound sense and reason," accuracy and consistency. Despite Johnson's view that "great parts are not requisite for an historian [who] has facts ready to his hand," Boswell nonetheless respects histories and historians. Asked, "why study so much the facts of history? Perhaps they are not true," he reponds, "Let us suppose...that they are fables; still they are fables which everybody talks about and of which you ought not be ignorant..Thus I spare myself the considerable trouble of explaining to them the force of faith in history." Study of history, he remarks, "enlarged my views, filled me with great ideas and rendered me happy."45 Boswell uses histories and the past to inform and to entertain. He also uses them as support for arguments- in the parlour and, to more personal ends- to confirm his commitment to male succession and as justification for philandering. For these he refers not only to human past practice but also to "sacred history." "Abraham begat Isaac, Isaac begat must be for males," he exclaims in his journal. Regarding his philandering, Boswell refers to himself as "Quite Asiatic," and he takes comfort from biblical polygamy.46 43Search. 273; Ominous. 68; Laird. 239; Ominous. 181. 44Defence. 125. 45London. 293; Tour. 185; London. 197. 46Search. 272; Repeated, but example- Extremes. 28. 60 History allows Boswell to trace (incorrectly) his own genealogy and to assess whether or not a people may be permanently changed by legislation. The reign of Tsar Peter I appearing to support this, Boswell nonetheless considers Paoli's contention that "only a few branches [changed]. The mass of the people are not changed." As noted, he also attempts to assess the relative progress of humankind through history. It is "not true," he concludes, "that the world has grown old and no good men are to found as in former times, for new men of worth are always appearing...the pot is continually boiling."47 Boswell, like Thrale, shows himself something of an archivist He is fascinated by collections of eclectic items, which he finds "amusing to curiousity and somewhat instructive, besides, in assisting historical memory." He collects his own letters, "in effect a part of my journal" and thus his own past, showing "how my mind was occupied." He also values a "just emblem of the outrageous temper of Luther," while fondling Luther's "ink horn [having] a deep dimple in it and very much crushed." It is interesting that it seems not to occur to him that the damage may have been sustained simply through transit in time. "Objects," Boswell concludes, "however unimportant in themselves, please us by reviving the impression of what was agreeable while they were present"48 Boswell wonders, too, about the relative value of past leavings. Reviewing his own musings on Bute, he writes: Never has one seen more irregular compositions...if after 2000 years they are found by some antiquary, he will not gain much. I defy him to understand them. They are really in cipher, partly because of the astonishing variety...However I do not doubt that they will be highly esteemed by antiquaries. The manuscripts found in the ruins of Herculaneum of which [they] make so much ado have almost the same obscurity."49 Obscurity of being and obscurity of understanding plagued Boswell. He continually fought against the first He was determined to make his mark in the world, to be remembered, to be an historic figure. He wished his grandchildren to say of him: "a most amiable man...improved and 47 Extremes. 306 and 51. 48Ominous. 191; Applause. 177; Tour. 61; Ominous. 255. "Holland. 87-8. 61 beautified his paternal estate.-.distinquished figure in Parliament...command[ed] a regiment and was one of the brightest wits in the court of George III." He died, however, "with the reputation of a foolish failure."50 Boswell was more successful in overcoming the second, creating in his life a remarkable coherency and giving genuine meaning to the passage of time and historical process. He measured, reviewed, assessed and ordered his life and the lives of his family, nation and world through the methods outlined above. His historical consciousness served him, and serves us, well. 5"London. 181; Finlayson, Moth and the Candle. 262. 62 UNICORN REALITIES: PERCEIVING THE UNSEEABLE AND CONCEIVING UNKNOWABLE IN EIGHTEENTH CENTURY BRITAIN A man breaking his journey between one place and another at a third place of no name, character, population or significance, sees a unicorn cross his path and disappear. That in itself is startling, but there are precedents for mystical encounters of various kinds, or to be less extreme, a choice of persuasions to put it down to fancy; until- "My God," says a second man, "I must be dreaming, I thought I saw a unicorn." At which point, a dimension is added that makes the experience as alarming as it will ever be. A third witness, you understand, adds no further dimension but only speads it thinner, and fourth thinner still, and the more witnesses there are the thinner it gets and the more reasonable it becomes until it is as thin as reality, the name we give to the common experience..."Look, look!" recites the crowd. "A horse with an arrow in its forehead! It must have been mistaken for a deer." Stoppard, Rosencrantz and Guildenstern Are Dead. 64 This chapter, by generalizing from the points at which features of individual consciousness converge, offers a description of the diarists' collective historical consciousness. Boswell, Burney, Farington, Gawthem, Powys, Thrale and Woodforde, participated in a common culture. "Each culture," Marcus notes, "shapes the way its members see the world and conceive of their own identity-Through the mirror of the person's social image and role, the culture provides the means [for] self-identification."1 Their culture, then, influenced their conception of the past, means of placement in time, interpretation, and methods of historical explanation. Because it influenced so much of their thinking, they shared a common consciousness- with each other and with others like themselves. The diarists were all adults by the beginning of the American revolution. Ranging in age from twenty-four to thirty-nine in 1776, most were in their forties at the start of the French revolution and past sixty when Wellington fought at Waterloo. They came to consciousness in a period of turmoil and 'modernization.' How they understood, and coped with, these changes is a important part of their historical consciousness. Diverse educational backgrounds affected the diarists' consciousness. Only one of the women, Thrale, read Latin. (Burney attempted to study it under Dr. Johnson but stopped because she thought that learned women cause "an evil excitement of envy and satire.")2 Being able to read classical works in their original language gave Thrale and the men a closer personal association with "the ancients." Classical allusions and strong affiliation with this period, then, occur more commonly in their journals and thinking. Gawthern, Powys and Burney received little formal instruction, but expanded their knowledge with reading and travel. Boswell, Woodforde and Farington obtained formal instruction, and Thrale's home education approximated the classical syllabus. The journals also vary. Boswell, Burney, Powys, Thrale and Woodforde began keeping diaries as young adults, prior to 1776, and four of them continued writing into into the early 1800's. Boswell's Marcus, Sub Specie Historiae. 198. 2Charlotte Barret, ed. Diary and Letters of Madame D'Arblav (1767-1839) (London: 1904), 4:223. 65 writing ended when he died at forty-five. (1785) Farington and Gawthern did not begin recording until, respectively, 1793 and 1808. They are both anomalous for their late start at writing- she at forty-one and he at forty-eight. His journal began as a series of terse entries on the course of the Napoleonic wars. It is not clear why she started hers, or why she recorded her life for only seven years. The journals allow description of an historical consciousness operating in lived existence. Marcus' Sub Specie Historiae offers a valuable context for understanding i t Describing, in clear theoretical terms, the phenomenology of historical consciousness, Marcus offers theory for what this work examines in practice. Other writers, too, provide insights and frameworks useful to this study. Because the diarists' historical consciousness operated unseen by them, it is a less easy matter to place it in the context of works on manifestation. These works analyze historians and philosophers who self consciously constructed their "closed systems of thought" Understanding it in relation to these accounts is further complicated by a lack of consensus on the nature of late eighteenth century consciousness. Should we refer to the Enlightenment the romantic backlash, or Whiggism? "Ideas in the air," however, must have influenced them. Accounts of these traditions, then, may enhance understanding of the diarists' consciousness. Christians all, the diarists display none of the deep skepticism associated with the Enlightenment The Bible is "sacred history" to them, and they find written histories morally instructive and entertaining. While not uncritical in their attitude toward the past they still accept it as a significant part of themselves and understand written histories as the best means to approach i t They are sceptical regarding past superstitions, especially those associated with the Roman Catholic church. Their conjoining of English and Protestant histories encouraged this rejection, but Enlightenment writers undoubtedly influenced and vindicated their judgment 66 Of the Enlightenment writers, Rousseau was favoured over the acerbic Voltaire. Fearing his influence on a young girl in her charge, Thrale removed Voltaire's texts from the library. Remarking on this in her journal, Thrale wrote: "She confessed that they poysoned her Peace & put her on a Train of Offence to God...How does one's Abhorrence encrese of these Traitors to Human Kind."3 While Voltaire's name occurs rarely, Rousseau's more often appears, commonly associated with Emile and Heloise. Given the diarists' deep fear of revolution, it is perhaps surprising that the enfant terrible of the Enlightenment, an author now associated with revolution, should attract them. There is, however, no indication that they expected Rousseau's theories to be actualized. Frequentiy, reference to contemporary authors indicates only the texts which any educated adult was expected to have read, with no implications regarding application. The romantic movement seems to have had little impact on their thinking. They celebrate the fusion of man and nature in their romantic gardens, but the medieval period is only a passage to what they see as more important times. And while suspicious of Enlightenment rationality, they show no inclination toward the spiritual or sensuous. Their mistrust of Enlightenment principles arises more from a profound conservativism and a strong sense of duty to the past and to God, than from a draw toward sensation. Conservativism and commitment to the past influence Burney's objections to: The French experiment—expunging all past experience, for the purpose of treating the world as if it were created yesterday, and every man, woman and child were let loose to act from their immediate suggestion, without reference to what is past, or sympathy in anything that is present, or precaution for whatever is to come.4 The diarists' sense of duty to the past, their conservativism and their historical analyses most closely resembles that of the Whig tradition. Butterfield notes, in this tradition, a naive tendency to "presentism [which] leads to oversimplification of the relation between events and a complete misapprehension of the relation between past and present." While the diarists have a strong sense for 3Thralania. 615. "D'Arblav. 5:119. 67 anachronism, they interpret the past only in relation to the present- a present justified and explained through their sense of continuity. They expect histories, then, to "analyfze] all the mediations by which the past was turned into the present," and they see historical writing as a creative craft dignified by moral purpose.5 We also find in them the ethnocentricity that Peter Burke refers to- they understand events only in relation to the English people.6 The diarists' conservativism, exemplified in their approval of Edmund Burke (whose work Thrale wants translated into simple language for the edification of the masses), affects their historical analysis. While not always conservative in daily politics (Boswell applauds the American revolution) they generally believe that great events, in the end, result only in continuation of the status quo. Their faces were all monotony though the news was all variety. I could attribute this only to [being] habituated to change both of masters and measures and to their finding that, upon an average, they neither lost nor gained by such successive revolutions.7 Joseph Farington seems to expect more significant impact from change and attempts to gauge i t In 1795 he remarks that "the change in manners of the French since the revolution [is] very striking. The compliance which was so general and no longer seen, except in elderly people." This attracts his attention because he believes that a change of manners indicates a change of ideas. Returning to England, he finds "every man respectable because his distinct & proper Character [is] consistently maintained." "Such a state for man," he concludes, "must naturally have an influence upon the manners of a people." He also notes, in 1796, that "the Germanick Constitution will undergo a total alteration in which the sovereign power of the house of Austria will be sunk." 8 Even great events and changes, however, do not alter humankind which is hardly touched, even by the cataclysmic. "The events which are succeeding each other in France, which posterity will 5Herbert Butterfield, Whig Interpretation of History (London: 1931), 14 and 47. 'Peter Burke, "European Views of World History," History of European Ideas. VI (3) 1985. 246. 7D'Arblay. 6:223. 8James Greig (ed.) Farington Diary (1793-1821) 8 vol. (London: 1923), 6:45; 1:119; 1:162. 68 consider with honor and almost doubt from their atrocity," Farington writes, "are received here as news of the day, so habituated are we by repetition." "These great and extraordinary events are received with indifference, such is the effect of a long continued course of great changes, any one of which at a different period would have astonished and confounded the whole world."9 "Great events seldom affect private felicity," wrote Thrale. Farington, most aware of the course of change, concurs. "It was remarkable," he notes, "that on the 30th of March [1814] when the Allied armies were under the walls of Paris, there were in the newspapers...the usual Theatrical Advertisements, Critiques and Fashions, just as if Paris was in a state of profound tranquility."10 "Terror even horror," wrote Burney, "are short of deep affliction; while they last they are absorbers; but once pasL..they are over, and from them...the animal spirits can rise uninjured." Animal spirits and human nature- dictated by God, by the Plan, by the Order of Things- remain. Humankind endures because God endures. 11 Even Farington, least religious of the diarists, believes in "a superintending Providence and a reliance on Religion." God governs all, they believe, and effects his purpose through an unchanging human nature. Bumey sees, in Napoleon, "a lust for power." That very human motive is the force behind what she calls an "Act of God"- the Napoleonic wars. "Vainglory," she says, "must not be despised or discouraged when it operate[s] but as a human engine for great or good deeds."12 Individual motives and ambitions are material for God's Plan, and Napoleon is considered "an instrument in the hand of Heaven to effect certain purposes." (Farington) 13 The individual may act, but does so only within the teleological Plan. 9Ibid. 1:16; 5:82. 10Ibid. 7:236. 11D'Arblay. 6:61. 12Farington. 2:131; D'Arblav. 3:162; 5:25. 13Farington. 5:192. 69 It is not entirely clear whether the diarists really believe that all is foretold. They are not sophisticated philosophers and their life metaphysic is not explicit Burney's sentiment that "My Destiny is fixed, and my mind is at ease," however, is echoed by the others. They live their lives in the expectation that a Divine Hand guides all, and they interpret in light of that conception. Their theological interpretation is lived and reinforced in traditions, manners and daily submission to the Will of God. Lovejoy's The Great Chain of Being elucidates some operative conceptions. "Every link in the Chain of Being exists...for the sake of the completeness of the series of forms," he notes, adding that this leads to an "ethic of prudent mediocrity." The ethics of Prudence, submission to Duty and acceptance of Place circumscribe the diarists' behaviour and attitudes. They exemplify Lovejoy's "principles of plenitude, continuity and gradation." and they are comforted by conformity to convention.14 A teleological interpretation assumes a sense of progress. The diarists are, generally, perplexed by this. As we saw with Boswell, they believe that humankind progresses but are confounded if asked for proof. Internal conviction, and acceptance of the incomprehensibility of God's purpose, eases their confusion. New ideas and the process of industrialization, frequently taken as signs of a kind of progress are, for the diarists, suspect They fear the "contagion of revolutionary spirit" and are deeply suspicious of "new systems" which "are dangerous, if not wicked."(Burney)15 While intrigued by the new industrial order, they also perceive that it is destructive of the old and they mistrust its lack of history. On a country tour, Burney finds the old houses and castles much harmed by "modernist" renovations. She remarks of one house that, "the old part alone was worth a traveller's couriosity, since 14A. Lovejoy, The Great Chain of Being: A Study in the History of an Idea (Harvard: 1936), 186; 200 and 183. 15D'Arblav. 5:161. 70 the rest might be anticipated by a visit to any celebrated cabinet maker."16 Farington, too, as an artist values most what has withstood the test of time. The diarists value enduring physical remains for simply having survived, but also for the sense of continuity and access to the past that they provide. No tour of an ancient house is complete without its history. They view, understand and explain architecture, coins, paintings and ruins through their histories. Farington comprehends ancient art through his understanding of the social context in which it was created.17 The diarists regularly employ fairly extensive historical knowledge to understand, as well, other aspects of the present, While aware, generally, of the imperfect nature of any knowledge, they are not unduly disturbed by i t They simply apply what they believe known. They 'know' more of some historical periods than of others. The classical period attracts them all, those having Latin more than those who do not, but classical affiliation is common. (As with Thrale, history is most meaningful when connected to a self definition and they believe themselves 'modern' versions of the 'ancients'.) Continental history, post 1550's, traces for them the evolution of Protestantism. Saxon history excites some interest, but these descendents of the "Conquerer" prefer English history after the Conquest History is also enlivened, for them, by physical remains. Roman and Saxon ruins, the towers of the Norman conquest and the great houses of the Tudor and Stuart periods provide a focus for their knowledge, excite historical memory and offer assurance of continuity. The diarists are not uncritical in their veneration of the historic, despite the "perverse antiquarianism" which Stepen Bann claims marked the age. He contends, with others, that people in the eighteenth century had not learned to discriminate between the authentic and the false, nor to organize historical items in any meaningful pattern.18 The diarists contradict these notions. 16D'Arblav. 5:18. 17By Lukacs' definition of historical consciousness as "thinking historically"- that is, "understanding "a person, a nation...any human endeavour...through their history," the diarists are clearly historically conscious. Historical Consciousness. 5. 18 Bann, The Clothing of Cho. 71 Powys' journal, while sometimes describing precisely those capricious collections which Bann notes, also offers counterindications. In Blenheim castle she finds historic art arranged, in apartments, by period. "The hangings in the first apartment are the achievements of the fourth apartment the hangings conclude Alexander's battles...the tapastry of the sixth, seventh, ninth and tenth are the battles of the great Duke of Marlborough," and the paintings of La Guerre are "in compartments, each of which contains people of a different nation in their proper habits." Her descriptions of a room at Osterley Park "call'd the Etruscan apartment, all the designs from Herculaneum," and of another "call'd the English bedchamber, as all the furniture is English..." are not entirely conclusive. The Etruscan room is clearly organized by era, but the English furniture may be a mix of periods. Powys, a frequent visitor to numerous collections, also remarks on one collection which "gives one an idea of a statuary's shop." She regrets such a lack of organization.19 The diarists also contradict the notion that eighteenth century observers did not distinquish between the historically authentic and the false. Their recogition of anachronism, alone, indicates not only acknowledgement of change in manner and dress over time, but also affirms concern for historical authenticity. The eighteenth century actor, Garrick, "pioneer[ed] the adaptation of costume to the particular historical period."20 Given the difficulties involved, the introduction of period costume must indicate concern for authenticity. The phrase "said to be," accompanies most descriptions of historical items and the diarists frequently question historical claims. Powys viewed "many things which would give entertainment could one be certain they really were what they now have, I fancy, only the name of; as, for instance...the skull of Oliver Cromwell, when at the same time history informs us his body was never i found." Told that "the Romans are supposed to have been [in Exeter]," she notes, "among other 19E. Clemson, ed. Passages From the Diaries of Mrs. Philip Lvbbe Powys (London: 1899), 43-4; 231; 166. 20Bann, Clothing of Q i a 58. 72 probable proofs [that] many of their coins [are] dug up there."21 Eighteenth century antiquarians were also open to correction. Farington, for example, remarks on the discovery of a "villa built by Agricola in the time of Vespasian which was at an earlier period than was first supposed."22 The diarists' concern for historical accuracy and fidelity also emerges in their criticisms of written histories. They admire impartiality, internal coherency and attention to detail- which they see as providing the proof. Farington calls Mitford's History of Greece "a work of integrity," because "he has not taken his information at second hand, but resorted to the Original Authors." Fox's history, on the other hand, he rejects as "a thorough party history." Farington is also amused by the nomination of Walter Scott as professor of ancient literature or history, or as Antiquary for the Royal Academy, saying that "people would laugh" at such an appointment23 Thrale's mixing of Legend, Bible and History does not necessarily indicate confusion between true and false. Thrale clearly states that "fiction is false."24 Legends of the people, as well, are authentic legends. The Bible is God's truth. Histories are constructed truths, based, as Boswell notes, on 'facts.' The diarists may have some difficulty distinguishing between authentic and false historical 'facts'. 'Facts' simply are. If the diarists are simplistic in this assumption, their use and explanation of the facts are more complex. Explanation is accomplished, first, through their theological understanding. While all of the diarists embrace this principle, however, it is unlikely that they profess it as historical cause in parlour discussions. Farington recognizes Napoleon as an instrument in God's hand, but also acknowledges 21 Powys. 38 and 67. 22Farington. 7:179. 23Farington. 1:202; 5:78 and 8:208. 24H.L.T. Piozzi, Observations and Reflections. (H. Barrows, ed.) (Michigan: 1967), 119. 73 material causation. In 1810 he wrote: The French revolution was caused by the French nobility who were generally in a state of great profligacy. Religion was ridiculed...[and] morality of little effect The word liberty was taken up and used without any discretion...The part the French took respecting America also greatly contributed...The writings of Voltaire, Rousseau etc also made a large preparation for change.25 The diarists augment teleological explanation by reference to custom, tradition, contingency, the force of 'ideas,' climate, human nature, and national characteristics. Each nation's people, they believe, have specific attributes which dictate the course of history and allow future prediction. Farington, for example, thought that union with Ireland could never be accomplished, and that the Irish would remain a constant threat to England, because they were closer in character to the French than to the English. The diarists also explain events by seeing them as parts of a kind of recurring cycle which has discernible patterns. It seems that they find nothing ever really new. Despite occassional statements claiming 'never before in the history of Man...' (which generally arise from shocked horror at the excesses of humankind) they typically find parallels in the past for contemporary events. As noted in the discussions of Thrale and Boswell, past examples and historical precedents illuminate contemporary events and assure a return to order after chaos. "I do fancy," Thrale writes, "that strongly bent out of its Course by Accident- as we always call the Permission of God- French Disposition will by the mere Elastick Force of the Soul, feel its Resiliency and revert back to Submission under Royal Authority after all. -'Twas so in England, at any rate." 26 Farington remarks that the 1804 conspiracy against Napoleon "has upon the face of it the appearance of one of those accusations so common in the days of Robespierre," and he compares the government of France with "the Pretorian bands in ancient Rome." He also notes that Napoleon "had done no more than William 25Farington. 6:141. "Thralania. 846. Thrale's millenarianism, which might be seen as something new, and which certainly anticipates no return from chaos, appears only in Thrale's diary and disappears, without comment, about 1806 when she resumes a less extreme interpretation. Millenarianism, too, as Thrale would have known, also has historical precendent- yet the world continues. 74 the Conqueror did."27 And Burney sees the taking of Paris in 1814 as "a vision of Henry V revived."23 Knowledge of the past is the foundation for all historical explanation and, as with explanation, is constructed. The diarists do not recognize this. "Facts," for them, simply "are." While acknowledging the creative aspect of historical works, they believe that the data is true and only the literary style and historical argument constructed. They do not understand, however, that even historical argument can, over time, become common sense, known, true. The diarists, then, do not question their conjunction of English and Protestant history. They understand England's history as having a large part in the evolution of Protestantism, and see in that evolution a sign of the salvation of the world through God. This story, which frames their perception of temporal and historical process, is a story derived from previous generations' historical analyses and works. The diarists, however, recognize neither this fact nor the story. Just as they do not generally perceive the other means by which they conceive historical and temporal passage, so they recognize neither the pre-told story, nor how it frames and circumscribes their perceptions and conceptions.29 The diarists unconsciously internalized, and employed to aid historical comprehension, what von Hofmannsthal and Funkenstein refer to as "collective memory." This is more than simply a collective story. It provides, as well, an ideological framework. Committed to the idea of immanence in history, the diarists' methods of ordering the historical universe exemplify what Marcus calls "mystique:" A particular form of of mythical belief that involves: 1 - the incarnation of an ideal, or value system, in specific historical myth-events; and 2- the belief that the ideal is concretely manifested in the course of history...Mystique postulates a "meaning" in history that the event-myth symbolizes...One of the primary functions of a mystique is to provide an archetype in relation to which the particular manifestations of history are to be seen "Farington. 2:198; 7:195. 23D'Arblav. 6:286. "Farington remarks that Hume's object, in The History of England, was to "undervalue Elizabeth." This seems to indicate recognition of the work's revisionist nature and, corrolary, recognition of the conception it attempts to revise. More likely, it only means that Farington had so much internalized the "good Queen Bess" story that he was personally affronted by Hume's work. Farington. 1:153. 75 and measured. 30 Since much of their 'mystique' depends on previous generations' historical works and analyses, these clearly influence the diarists' thinking. The impact of histories written in their own time is more difficult to determine. Their attitude toward these works, however, exposes their perception- and limitations on perception- of histories, of the past and of historical process. The diarists prefer those histories which support their own ideas of the past and course of humankind- as, likely, do most of us. Conceptions, then, are rarely altered by any arguments or evidence offered by the present Views of the past like all else, must stand the test of time. Those that survive become part of common consciousness. Burke's reading of the past, then, appeals to them on two counts: one- they agree with what he has to say, and two- they think his work likely to survive. They believe their expectation vindicated when Burke's predictions come true. "Burke," Farington writes, "truly and prophetically foresaw all the consequences which would arise from...French principles."31 Prediction, for the diarists, is not inappropriate to historical work and may, indeed, be laudable. They believe prediction possible because they conceive of history as a continuing process from past, to present, to future. They would find the idea that 'only the past is history' incomprehensible. The present is history unfolding. The diarists use the term 'history' when referring to contemporary events, as in Burney's "the piercing history of the king's illness." 'History,' however, is not merely a substitute for 'story.' The term appears most commonly applied to those contemporary stories that they expect to be some future's history. While acknowledging that assessment of present experience is limited, and that "at a distance, things appear differently than in the middle," they do not see the present as exempt from historical 30Marcus, Historical Consciousness. 37-8. 31 Farington. 1:271. 76 process.32 To better understand that process, the diarists turn to written histories. They use them both to expand their knowledge of historical 'facts' and anecdotes, and as entertainment. They also believe that moral instruction dignifies histories and they seek guidance in historical examples. (This may account for the preferred status of biographical histories and the prevalence of character sketches in broader works.) There seems little effort made, however, to create a clear and comprehensive picture of any historical period. They appear antiquarian in this, collecting any interesting bits and pieces, regardless of historical placement Any attempt on the diarists' part, to create a comprehensive picture of the past is limited by their inability to distinguish it clearly from the present, an incapacity exacerbated by the presentism inherent in their contemporary histories. They feel themselves closer to the classical period than they do to contemporary Turks, for example, whom they perceive as simply foreign. This arises partly from their desire to find connections in history. In the classical period they discern early Christianity and the roots of their own conceptions. But they find nothing familiar in past or present Turkey and therefore see no connection to themselves.33 More significantly, they feel themselves closer to the classical period because they do not understand, as Auerbach puts it, that "the past is separate not only in time and space, but also in condition."34 The diarists' constant reference to parallel and pattern in history, their insistence on continuity, and their efforts to find themselves in the past are intimately connected to their conception of time and history as process. Past present and future are a continuum on which they appear. Time unfolds. It is God's Time, for whom everything coexists in an endless present Eternal time is, of course, 32D'Arblav. 4:135; 3:347. 3 3 This antipathy also arises from their conception of Christian and English history- in which the Turks wear black hats. 3 4Auerbach, Mimesis. 320-21. 77 incomprehensible, but it is the final measure. "Time alone brings Justice."35 More understandable time is the time of the earth, of humankind, of the nation and of the self. This time may be grasped, divided, and assigned meaning. The diarists understand the enduring time of the earth through the Bible. Thrale, for example, even though acquainted with newly emerging geological theory, neither comprehends nor accepts it. The presence of fish fossils in the Italian hills she credits to "the Deluge." Finding any theoretical explanation suspect, none of the diarists are prepared to redivide time by geological theory- especially when it contends that the earth may be older than "sacred history" would indicate. They also measure earth time in cycles. "The first swallow," "before the dew is off the grass," the repetition of days and seasons, and the annual measurement of trees, provide more common time placements than do the hours of the mechanical clock or the secular calendar. Only Farington regularly refers to clock time. The others find sufficient division in "morning, noon, dusk and night" Calendar months appear in the journals, but seem more a matter of convention than a significant means of dividing time. When Parliament altered the beginning of the year from March to January to accord with the continental system in 1752, only one diarist remarked on the change, and then only to note that it altered her birthday from the 12th of the month to the 23rd. She saw nothing alarming in the shift. Nor do the others find anything disturbing in the new calendar introduced in France. The diarists tend to use "last spring" more commonly than, for example, "last March," and religious festivals are called by name. Woodforde receives a payment on "Lady's Day," not on March 17 (the calendar date of Lady's Day). "Christmas Day" names December 25. Preference for the cyclical and religious over the secular and mechanical, expresses and reinforces their understanding of time and history as being Divinely guided. 35D'Arblav. 3:264. 78 "Births and deaths! -how they do make up the calculations of time!"36 The time of the individual, finite and ephemeral, is scaled against the more enduring times of the family, the organization, and the nation. The diarists seek to diminish their sense of transitory existence by making what mark they can in more extended histories. Farington, for example, recognizes his work within the Royal Academy as an entry in that organization's history. Recognizing the variable nature of time, the diarists seek placement in more enduring entities. They know that thirty years is a long time in a human life while short in that of a nation. Their periodization acknowledges the disparity, affirms their affiliations, and expresses and reinforces their self identity. Their means of locating themselves in time reflect their connection to God, the earth, the nation and the family. The most comprehensive time period with which they deal bridges pre- and post-Christianity. They also refer to the Five Ages of Man and the time of "the ancients," (a remarkably imprecise term). They divide time by the ages of empires and, on a smaller scale, of great families and kings. "The time of the Egyptians, of the Stuarts, of King William," complement Biblical time divisions- "The Deluge" and "the time of Daniel." Times are also signified by their perceived historical import, often- in the process- offering historical interpretation. The reign of Mary, for example, is "the Age of Superstition." "The Restoration" names the arrival of King William to England, and the execution of Charles I is observed by fasting. "The fast for King Charles I," while still proclaimed in Parliament, was being abandoned by individuals in this period. The limit on their willingness to celebrate or mourn is informative. Samuel Johnson said that "the observation might be allowed to lapse after a decent period of time." A hundred and fifty years appears, to them, a quite sufficient interval.37 36Burnev. 4:312. 3 7Applause. 56. 79 Shorter time intervals are marked by anniversaries of births, marriages, and deaths, by royal commemorations, by saint's days (noted if not observed) and by the more significant religious holidays. Good Friday and Easter are especially noted, at least in England. Boswell in Scotland, mistaking the date and failing to observe Good Friday, "regretted living in a Presbyterian country."38 Christmas occurs but does not appear to be consistently observed, while the New Year frequently encourages reflection and is often commemorated in family gatherings. Conceptions of the future reinforce the presentism apparent in conceptions of the past Future expectations dictate present behaviour. The diarists act, then, to effect particular outcomes, not only in this world, but also in the next Believing in a next world in which "all will be made clear," they attempt to assure their future place by present godliness. Conceptions of time, history, and individual place are restricted by perception which, in turn, is limited by what is believed. The diarists' conceptions and perceptions, then, are mutually interdependent They cannot perceive fish fossils in the mountains as contradicting what they believe to be the history of the earth. Perceiving the past only from the present they cannot conceive of it as different in condition. The historical consciousness of these men and women, then, has distinctive features and limitations which intertwine to create particular conceptions of the temporal and historical. The most dominant feature is the privileged position the diarists give to God. They ground their perceptions in the belief that a Divine Hand guides all to a purposeful end. Leading to a teleological interpretation, this conception induces a linear, progressive reading of historical process. Believing in the existence of a "plan," they seek also to know their role in i t Because they believe that God and the plan are revealed in history, the diarists seek understanding through knowledge of the past Having a specific purpose for such knowledge, they are 3 8 Laird. 193. 80 interested in acquiring it and are, therefore, generally quite well informed. Conceiving a continuous planned progession, however, they are not capable of seeing discontinuities. Caught, unknowing, in a compelling framework, they also cannot see how they distort the past in searching for themselves and God. Belief in planned progression also allows them to predict the future. Marcus notes that: If history is [thought] to reveal some veiled truth about the nature of things...what more plausible expectation than to see it pointing for that disclosure to the outcome of the temporal process? [To] the idea that history... enables us to foresee the future state of things, and to find therein our redeeming goal.39 The intimate relation that they perceive between God and history also means that the diarists can never be really sceptical regarding historical process. This does not mean, however, that they have none of the distance created by, and implied in, this mode of thinking. Nor are they denied an ironic stance. Farington, in conversations with philosophers, historians, politicians and artists, focused his perception of the course of change. He took a markedly contemplative view of contemporary events and observed historical process from some distance. His supposition that America was likely to be the new power centre because "governing power had long been travelling westward," implies a broad historical comprehension- an overview. 40 Thrale's analysis of history as "a magnifying glass," demonstrates her scepticism regarding the relative value and truth of historical writing. Regarding the unfolding historical process, as well, she is "a spectator" who "will see this farce out, and possibly speak the Epilogue."41 She clearly sees herself as having some distance and her reference to "the farce" is certainly ironic. 3 9 Marcus, Sub Specie Historiae. 200. ""Farington. 7: 291. "Thralania. 241 and 860. 81 The place of God in their consciousness further affects the diarists' analysis of the past. They generally conceive of past events as connected only through divine providence. Historical events are linked, not by them, but by God. Auerbach remarks that this conception dissolves temporal and causal linkages and makes one "string independent pictures together like beads, to divide the course of events into a mosaic of parcelled pictures." Historical figures, then, "have no reality, only signification."42 Jbrn Rlisen's "four essential forms of historical consciousness" also highlights some features of the diarists' historical consciousness. Rlisen identifies four types of consciousness: traditional, exemplary, critical and genetic. The traditional "reminds us of origins and repetition of obligations, doing so in the form of concrete factual past occurrences which demonstrate the validity and binding quality of values." The exemplary offers "historical memory structured in terms of exempla," "timeless rules" which allow a broader time perspective than that of the traditional. A critical consciousness denies obligation to the past. "History," then, "functions as the tool by which continuity is ruptured, 'deconstructed,' decoded- so that it loses its power as a source for present-day orientation." In the last of the four, genetic, "it is change itself which gives history its meaning," and "the future surpasses...the past in its claim on the present- a present conceptualized as...a dynamic transition."43 The diarists seem to combine aspects of each of the first two of these forms: traditional and exemplary. Both tradition and rules- derived from a sense of continuity and through past examples generalized as rules- prescribe their behaviour, attitudes and means of comprehending the past Marcus notes that: A phenomenological study of history consists of understanding how imaginative, yet objectively documented, insights into the past have served [us] ordering the variegated elements of the world-There are of course vast differences between the ways different people experience their history...There is a world of difference between the forms of "Auerbach, Mimesis. 74; 116-17. Farington's analysis of the French Revolution seems to contradict Auerbach's claim regarding the dissolution of temporal and causal linkages. Farington, however, may only be the counterindication which proves the rule. 43Rusen, "Development of Narrative Competence," 44-49. 82 historical sensibility of an intellectual elite and those of a simple village population.44 We have seen how the diarists make sense of the "variegated elements of the[ir] world." Study of the phenomenology of historical consciousness, however, requires more than this. Marcus remarks on distinct levels of consciousness. How can this be understood? How does historical consciousness, as a conceptual system, work? What factors affect its development and operation? Chapter five will offer some observations on these questions. 44 Marcus, Sub Specie Historiae. 159. 83 OBSERVATIONS ON THE PHENOMENOLOGY OF HISTORICAL CONSCIOUSNESS We are not restricted. No boundries have been defined, no inhibitions imposed. We have, for the while, secured or blundered into, our release...for the while... Other wheels are turning but they are not our concern... We can do what we like and say what we like to whomever we like, without restriction. -Within limits of course. -Of course within limits. Stoppard, Rosencrantz and Guildenstern Are Dead. 85 Historical consciousness develops. Just as general consciousness spans a continuum from infant to philosopher, so historical consciousness evolves from the First recognition of being-in-time to the conceptions of a Ranke. The reader may have remarked on the limited reference to Woodforde or Gawthern in the previous chapter. This is so because they have only a restricted sense of their own temporal and historical experience. Only the most basic elements of the model occur in their diaries, often in an undeveloped state. Gawthern and Woodforde have dating systems which signify the passage of time. They place themselves, in a rudimentary way, in individual, familial, national and religious histories. They perceive tradition as a connection to the past but lacking historical knowledge, cannot understand either the past or its connection to the present Nor do they very often make the attempt If compelled to offer explanation for events (which they commonly see, when seen at all, as isolated instances) they would likely refer to God. Gawthern attempts to record the passage of time- thus preserving the past- by noting births, marriages and deaths. Finding a two hundred year old spoon, Woodforde delightedly compares it with one in a museum collection. They are not entirely unappreciative of the temporal/historical process, but they are limited in conceiving it. Farington, Thrale and Boswell have quite sophisticated consciousness. Powys' and Burney's are less so. What creates this disparity? How does historical consciousness develop? What factors affect the form that it assumes? John Marcus, in Sub Specie Historiae offers some answers to these questions. His perception of the phenomenology of historical consciousness is framed within his conception of its function. Determined to make history meaningful- indeed essential- to the Age of Absurdity, Marcus conjoins the functions of historical and moral consciousness. The historical ideal of preserving [the] ...faculty of ethical judgment as an active state of mind provides the individual with a universal and transcendent moral objective at the same time as it involves concrete moral responsiblities perceived in a particular historical context1 Marcus, Sub Specie Historiae. 284. 86 The "specific task of historical consciousness," then, "becomes that of establishing the criteria of temporal prevalence-enabling us to judge [morally]." Marcus further argues that "the transcendent function of historical consciousness arises from [a]...capacity for moral concern," and that "preservation of [the] ...capacity for moral sensibility is the transcendental focal point of historical thought."2 On a less profound scale, Marcus also offers some thoughts on development and form. He begins with death consciousness- a sense of mortality and the future. Where the accompanying desire for self transcendence "takes the form of the personal objectification of...self in the world," there begins historical consciousness. 3 The approach [then] a transcendent ideality is characterized by the quest for coherence in human experience...To attain this goal, the objective of mind becomes the realization of the idea of unity...or at least of that unifying framework which makes possible the apprehending of any succession of events as part of an intelligible structure...Thus the sense of coherence in human experience, such as may be attained through a conception of meaning in history, constitutes a providing the focus of a purpose beyond life." The individual, Marcus contends, in addition to finding meaning in history, extends existence through "symbolic alter-egos." (Noted on page 24 of this paper.) Identity with more enduring entities and the attempt "to escape the limited present through the reconstructed past and anticipated future," "engenders a care for the temporal [and historical] process." In more practical terms, historical consciousness expresses itself in "the striving for power and dominance," preservation of one's family, tribe or community, and in the leaving of a personal legacy.5 2Ibid. 219 -21. 3 Marcus, Sub Specie Historiae . 176. Marcus finds the roots of historical consciousness in the western phenomenology of self. Among Confucians and Hindus the true self is not found, as in the West, in the acting historical agent. Where the latter identifies subjective individuality with the experiencing acting ego, the former seeks to transcend that ego. For this reason, eastern cultures did not develop the "basic cultural condition for historical-mindedness... [a] belief that the temporal process reveals something fundamental about the nature of being...mean[ing] that the cumulative historical process must be assumed to point to some essential aspect of reality. 199. 4 Ibid. 172. 5Ibid. 156, 159 and 171. 87 Jörn Rüsen also offers some thoughts on development. He claims that the "four essential forms of historical consciousness" follow "a logical sequence of types, each the precondition for the next" "The traditional type is primary" and the others- exemplary, critical and genetic- follow. Development is measured in terms of "increasing complexity and ability to digest complexity." To assess development, Rüsen indentifies five areas of analysis wherein he expects to find, as historical consciousness develops, increasing complexity. These areas include: extent of experience and knowledge of the past; recognition of patterns in history; abstraction, and complexity of logical operations; characterization of social life; and historical identity. He sees, then, least complexity in the traditional form of historical consciousness, greatest complexity in the genetic form. To these illuminating perceptions I wish to add some brief thoughts on the process of development, what factors affect it, and how the process influences the form. The chapter will conclude with some thoughts offered by John Lukacs. Leisure, or the lack of it, affects development of historical consciousness. Having to scramble for food and shelter preoccupies the mind, and philosophies give way to present necessity.6 Leisure time is also essential for the recording of one's life, both sign and impulse for consciousness. The record of an individual past is a gauge for the passage of time. It also prompts retrospection. Reflection begins with the self, but only the physical, temporal and historical environments give it meaning. For the diarist seeking self, placement must be found in these and every search for placement needs the past In seeking a position, then, the writer likely learns, assesses and applies historical knowledge. While no guarantee, the keeping of a diary encourages potential consciousness. Education, especially in history, clearly modifies consciousness. Past 'facts' are material to historical comprehension. Reading historical works may also encourage complex perceptions of 6It seems common sense that those occupied by the demanding present give short shrift to philosophies. Yet there are philosophers and historians among the poor. The privileged, too, may be compelled by a demanding present where "necessity" changes form. To 'leisure,' then, we should add- and the inclination to use it for reflection. This comment is a footnote because I am not prepared to discuss how one becomes so inclined. 88 causality, expand analytical capacity and develop critical aptitude. Dealing with contradictory interpretations may promote healthy scepticism regarding 'facts' and 'truth'. Contact with influential people likely also affects development Intimate involvement with those who believe that they create "history," conversations with historians, philosophers, artists or other reflective individuals may expand knowledge, deepen analysis and encourage reflection. As self placement is the first function of historical consciousness, exposure to "important" figures undoubtedly also enlarges perception of possible ways of being and functioning in the world. Self placement conditions the form of historical consciousness. Perception of personal impact, for example, influences interpretation. Identifying his life as a fulcrum for change, Napoleon's consciousness differed from those cast as observers of change. In a similar way, self placement within a perceived eternal entity- religious or secular- commits one to a transcendent interpretation. A presumption that temporal/historical processes are ordered to a purposeful end offers immediate and primary explanation. Corollary, if there is no such presumption, different factors must be combined to generate a coherent picture. In most cases, I suspect that (as with the diarists) these interact Placement within familial, national and other organizational histories affects formation. It seems that the first story would be that of the self, but the family's is, I think, prior. Long before a child has a history of the self, s/he has a history of the family. Placement within the family story begins with the simple and commonly asked question, "Who is your father/mother?" Stories of the family are pre-constructed, and span a time continuum initially incomprehensible to the child. They therefore encourage expansion of comprehension. The history of the nation also, to some degree, precedes that of the self. A child of ten, for example, having no real perception yet of self in time, has been instructed in the national history. A limited placement in that story has occurred when the child can claim "I am Canadian/Chinese/English." As with the family, the story of the nation is preconstructed and given. 89 The child's understanding of national and familial histories is restricted- likely to isolated 'facts' and stories. Their service increases, however, with learning and even in a rudimentary form they assist the developing story of self. An individual history requires recognition of the self as separate. Since true separation does not commonly occur before age eight, self identification must begin in these half-assimilated stories. They, then, must also affect the form that individual consciousness assumes. Serious involvement in religious, work, or other organizations, expands individual placement and enlarges historical comprehension. Organizational histories and interpretations may not agree with one another, or with the individual's previous understanding. A person raised in a conservative, wealthy family who joins a trade union or the Communists, for example, likely encounters historical readings which contradict those of the family or nation. Both self placement in diverse stories and comprehension of them may rupture.7 In a similar way, children of immigrant families must accomodate a break in familial and national histories. The stories of the family occur among a people different from those of the child's birth. Most of us are familiar with the expression "the old country." This phrase acknowledges the dual affiliation that occurs so commonly in, for example, Canada. At a more sophisticated level, if the individual maintains connection with the "home" country s/he may encounter differing accounts of the historical connections between nations. This is especially challenging when the relationship is perceived through widely divergent interpretations of the past Culture, values, affiliations, individual politics and social status affect the form of historical consciousness. The consciousness described in chapter four is that of the privileged literate. Contrary readings of the historical process might emerge in the diary of a literate person having more limited social access. A conservative will interpret events differently than will a liberal. A person recognizing exclusion from positions of power may have distinctive perceptions of the historical role of power. 7The change in thinking undertaken by the child becoming adult- which too frequently results in a break from the parent- may be directly attributable to an expanded historical consciousness. 90 We have begun, in the historical discipline, to incorporate histories and interpretations that are not those of privileged European/American men. In a similar way, individual consciousness may include contradictory stories and readings. Learning to accomodate the disjunction of conflicting stories likely encourages a more sophisticated historical consciousness. We all work with ideas and standards that are, to some extent, peculiar to ourselves, historical 'relativity' we mean not only the historicity of every form of human cognition but also of every form of human expression, it should be obvious that this idea of relativity is neither a feeble nor a senseless one; for this 'relativity' of 'truths' means not the absence but the potential richness, not the nullity but the multiplicity of truth? John Lukacs, in Historical Consciousness, encourages multiple truths/conflicting stories. Following Huizinga's conception of Homo Ludens. Lukacs perceives multiple truths and play as essential aspects of historical thinking and therefore necessary to development of historical consciousness. 9 (The quotation on page i of this work offers essential aspects of Huizinga's conception of play.) Central to play, Lukacs contends, is imagination. Reviewing his own early interest in history, he finds that "imagination was the vitalizing element in those...early crystallizations of a specific curiousity, the desire to know more about particular matters in the past" Historical interest, then, is "a kind of interest which is inseparable from our imagination."10 Imagination, however, does not fly free. Lukacs contends that "there must be some kind of proportionate relationship between our imagination and reality." Following Huizinga's contention that creation requires "sparking between matter and mind," Lukacs suggests "between reality and imagination." "Our historical consciousness inevitably binds us to some kind of reality: historical 'Lukacs, Historical Consciousness. 236. 9Johan Huizinga, Homo Ludens: A Study of the Play Element in Culture (New York: 1950). 10Lukacs, Historical Consciousness. 237 and 241. 91 representation cannot be abstract: our past-knowledge is at the same time imaginary and real."11 Taking up Huizinga's conception and "rounding out [his] phrase," Lukacs concludes that "we play really when we know that we play while we play." Applying this conception to historical consciousness, he concludes that, "recognition of the connection between image and reality furnishes the acuity of our consciousness." Perceiving the sparking, distinguishing between the created and the real and observing the play between them, increases the grasp on reality and furthers historical consciousness. 12 Classic historians and philosophers, then, must be masters of the game. Because they are aware of the play between image and reality and care so deeply about the distortions implicit in any representation of the past, we call them historically conscious. Thrale and Boswell; Farington and Burney; Powys, Woodforde and Gawthern are not so aware. They are not even close. Yet, the same elements used to characterize the historical consciousness of classical writers, occur in an undeveloped form in their diaries and in their thinking. When we refer to the 'conscious' part of historical consciousness, how great a criterion is 'awareness'? Awareness of what? Marcus says 'awareness of being-in-time,' recognizing a continuum of development Lukacs says, 'of the play.' But this refers to an idealized state and every ideal rests on a less evolved base. For the less evolved, Lukacs says, 'awareness of thinking historically-' that is, being conscious of the role played by historical knowledge and ordering systems in configuring experience of the temporal/historical. White's 'awareness' refers to that of classic historians and philosophers. His only stated definition, however, "reflective thought on the works actually produced by reflective historians," while seeming to create a quite exclusive club, does not exclude the diarists. Woodforde, Gawthern and (maybe) Powys excepted, the others reflect on reflective historians. 11 Ibid. 240 and 243. 12Ibid. 242 and 244. 92 Are the diarists historically conscious? They are aware of being-in-time and of the transient nature of each human life. They seek transcendence. They pursue self placement and meaning for existence. They adopt alter-egos. They seek to understand temporal/historical passage, applying untutored historical skills to do so. They question the possiblity of knowledge of the past and doubt those who claim to know it. They nonetheless use historical knowledge to understand- themselves, events, the process, the historic. But they are not aware of all of these. They are not aware of the conceptual system that historical consciousness is, nor of how it operates in their lives. They are not likely aware, generally, of even the role played in their thinking by historical knowledge and ordering systems. Still, are they historically conscious? It depends on how you conceive it. 93 Solomon the king saith expressly, "The glory of God is to conceal a thing, but the glory of the king is to find it out;" as if, according to the innocent play of children, the Divine Majesty took delight to hide his works, to the end to have them found out; and as if kings could not obtain a greater honour than to be God's play-fellows in that game. - Francis Bacon, The Advancement of Learning . 94 BIBLIOGRAPHY 96 PRIMARY BY SUBJECT Pottle, F. and Wimsatt K. ed. Boswell for the Defence. (1769-74) New York and London: McGraw-Hill, 1959. Pottle, F. and Weis, C. ed. Boswell in Extremes. (1776-78) London: Heinemann, 1970. Pottle, F. ed. Boswell in Holland. (1763-64) New York and London: McGraw-Hill, 1952. Pottle, F. ed. Boswell In Search of a Wife. (1765-68) New York and London: McGraw-Hill, 1956. Pottle, F. and Reed J. ed. Boswell Laird of Auchinleck. (1778-82) New York and London: McGraw-Hill, 1970. Pottle, F. ed. Boswell's London Journal. (1762-63) London: Heinemann, 1950. Pottle, F. ed. Boswell on the Grand Tour. (1764) London: Heinemann, 1953. Pottle, F. and Lustig, I. ed. Boswell: The Applause of the Jury. (1782-85) New York and London: McGraw-Hill, 1981. Pottle, F. and Ryskamp, C. ed. Boswell The Ominous Years. (1774-76) London: Heinemann, 1963. BURNEY/D'ARBLAY: Barret, Charlotte ed. Diary and Letters of Madame D'Arblav. (1767-1839) 6 vol. London: MacMillan & Co., 1904. FARINGTON: Greig, James ed. Farington Diary. (1793-1821) 8 vol. London: Hutchinson & Co., 1923. 97 GAWTHERN: Henstock, Abigail ed. The Diary of Abigail Gawthern of Nottingham. (1808-13) Thoroton Society Record Series, v. 33. Nottingham: Thoroton Society, 1980. POWYS: Clemson, E. ed. Passages From the Diaries of Mrs. Philip Lybbe Powys. (1756-1808) London: Longman's Green, 1899. THRALE/PIOZZI: Balderston, {Catherine ed. Thralania: The Diary of Mrs. Hester Lynch Thrale. (1761-1809) 2 vol. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1942. Hayward, A. ed. Autobiography and Letters and Literary Remains. London: 1861. Knapp, Oswald, ed. The Intimate Letters of Hester Thrale and Penelope Pennington. London: John Larr Co., 1914. Merritt, Percival, ed. Piozzi Marginalia. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1925. Piozzi, H.L.T. Anecdotes of the Late Samuel Johnson. (S.C. Roberts, ed.) Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1925. Piozzi, H.L.T. Glimpses of Italian Society in the Eighteenth Century. London: 1892. Piozzi, H.L.T. Observations and Reflections-through France and Germany. (H. Barrows, ed.) Michigan: Michigan University Press, 1967. Piozzi, H.L.T. Retrospection: or a Review of...Events...Presented to the View of Mankind. London: 1801. WOODFORDE: Beresford, John ed. Diary of a Country Parson .(1758-1803) 5 vol. London: Oxford University Press, 1924. 98 Hargreaves-Mawdsley, William ed. Woodforde at Oxford. (1758-1803) London: Oxford University Press, 1969. NOT REFERRED TO IN THIS PAPER: Anson, E. and F. ed. Mary Hamilton: At Court and At Home. (1756-1816) London: John Lane Co., 1925. Cozens-Hardy, Basii ed. The Diary of Svlas Neville. (1767-88) Oxford, New York and Toronto: Oxford University Press, 1950. Cozens-Hardy, Basil ed. Mary Hardy's Diary. (1773-1808) Norfolk Record Society, v. 37. Norfolk: 1968. SECONDARY BY SUBJECT: BOSWELL: Brady, Frank Boswell's Political Career. New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1965. Brooks, Russel James Boswell. New York: Twayne Publications, Inc., 1971. Bronson, Bertrand Johnson Agonistes and Other Essays. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1946. Buchanan, David The Treasure of Auchinlech: The Story of the Boswell Papers. New York: McGraw-Hill, 1974. Chapman, R. W. Two Centuries of Johnsonian Scholarship. Glasgow: Clarendon Press, 1945. Collins, P. A. W. James Boswell: Writers and their Works. London: 1956. Dowling, William The Boswellian Hero. Athens, Georgia: Georgia University Press, 1979. Finlayson, Iain The Moth and the Candle: A Life of James Boswell. London: Constable Press, 1984. Fitzgerald, Percy Boswell's Autobiography. London: Chatto & Windus, 1912. Hyde, Mary The Impossible Friendship: Boswell and Mrs. Thrale. Harvard: Harvard University Press, 1972. 99 Ingram, Allan Boswell's Creative Gloom: A Study of Imagery and Melancholy in the Writings of James Boswell. London: MacMillan Press, 1982. Leask, W. Keith James Boswell. London: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1896. Lewis, Wyndham James Boswell: Short Life. London: Eyre & Spottiswoode, 1952. Longaker, John English Biography in the Eighteenth Century. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1931. Mallory, George Boswell the Biographer. London: Smith Elder & Co., 1912. Maurois, Andre Aspects of Biography. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1929. Passler, David Time. Form and Style in Boswell's Life of Johnson. , New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1971. Pottle, Frederick "Boswell Revalued," Literary Views: Critical and Historical Essays. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1964. Siebenschuh, W. Form and Purpose in Boswell's Biographical Works. Berkeley and London: University of California Press, 1972. Tinker, Chauncey B. Young Boswell. Boston: Atlantic Monthly Press, 1922. Valliamy, C. E. James Boswell. London: Geoffrey Bles Press, 1932. Wilmarth, L. Age of Johnson: Essays Presented to Chauncey Tinker. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1949. Wimsatt, William "James Boswell: the Man and the Journal," Yale Review. XLIX (Autumn, 1959) 80-92. DIARY KEEPING: Blodgett, Harriet Centuries of Female Days: Englishwomen's Private Diaries. New Jersy: Rutgers University Press, 1988. Brett, Simon ed. The Faber Book of Diaries. London: Faber, 1987. Fothergill, R. Private Chronicles: A Study of English Diaries. London: Oxford University Press, 1974. 100 Mallon, Thomas A Book of One's Own: People and their Diaries. New York: Picknor & Fields, 1984. Ponsonby, A. English Diaries: A Review of Diaries 16th-20th Centuries. London: Methuen & Company, 1923. Stauffer, Donald The Art of Biography in Eighteenth Century England. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1941. HISTORICAL CONSCIOUSNESS: Antoni, Carlo From History to Sociology: The Transition in German Historical Thinking. Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1959. Avis, Paul Foundations of Modern Historical Thought: From Machiavelli to Vico. London: Croom Helm, 1986. Barnes, H. A History of Historical Writing. New York: Dover Publications, 1937. Becker, Carl G. Everyman His Own Historian. New York: F.S. Crofts, 1935. Berlin, Isaiah Historical Inevitability. London: Oxford University Press, 1954. Braudy, L. Narrative Form in History and Fiction. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1970. Breisach, E. Historiography: Ancient. Medieval and Modern. Chicago and London: Chicago University Press, 1983. Burke, Peter "European Views of World History: From Giovio to Voltaire," History of European Ideas. VI (3) 1985. 237-51. Burke, Peter Renaissance Sense of the Past New York: St Martin's Press, 1970. Butterfield, Herbert Whig Interpretation of History. London: Bell Press, 1931. Cassirer, Ernst Philosophy of the Enlightenment. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1951. Cochrane, Eric Historians and Historiography in the Italian Renaissance . Chicago and London: Chicago University Press, 1981. Collingwood, R.G. The Idea of History. London and New York: Oxford University Press, 1956. 101 Collins, Stephen L. From Divine Cosmos to Sovereign State: an Intellectual History of Consciousness and the Idea of Order in Renaissance England. London and New York: Oxford University Press, 1989. Dray, William "J. H. Hexter, Neo-Whiggism and Early Stuart Historiography," History and Theory. XXVI (2) 1987. 133-49. Dray, William Philosophical Analysis and History. Toronto: Harper and Row, 1966. Fain, Haskell Between Philosophy and History. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1970. Foucault, Michel Language. Counter Memory and Practice: Selected Essays and Interviews. (D. Bouchard, ed/trans.) Cornell: Cornell University Press, 1972. Fox, Christopher Locke and the Scribblerians: Identity and Consciousness in Early Eighteenth Century Britain. Berkeley and London: Cornell University Press, 1988. Funkenstein, Amos "Collective Memory and Historical Consciousness," History and Memory. I (1) Spring-Summer 1989. 1-19. Gandhi, Kishore Literature and the Evolution of Consciousness. Bombay: Allied Publishers Private Ltd., 1984. Gay, Peter The Enlightenment: An Interpretation; The Rise of Modern Paganism. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1966. Gay, Peter Style in History. New York: Basic Books, 1974. Gearhart, S. "Rationality and the Text: A Study of Voltaire's Historiography," Studies on Voltaire and the Eighteenth Century. CLX, 1975. 21-43. Gilmore, M. "Freedom and Determinism in Renaissance Historians," Studies in the Renaissance. Ill, 1956. 49-60. Goldstein, Leon Historical Knowing. Austin and London: University of Texas Press, 1976. Hamburger, Joseph Macaulay and the Whig Tradition. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1976. Hazard, Paul The European Mind. (1680-1715) (J.L. May, trans.) London: World Publications, 1953. Hazard, Paul European Thought in the Eighteen Century: From Montesquieu to Lessing. London: Hollis and Carter, 1954. 102 Hunter, Virginia Past and Process in Herodotus and Thucvdides. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1982. Huizinga, Johan Homo Ludens: A Study of the Play Element in Culture. New York: Routledge & Krgan Paul, 1950. Iggers, George G. The German Conception of History: The National Tradition of Historical Thought from Herder to the Present Middletown, Conn.: Wesleyan Press, 1984. Kelley, Donald R. Foundations of Modern Historical Scholarship: Language. Law and History in the French Renaissance . New York and London: Columbia University Press, 1970. Kellner, H. "Time Out: The Discontinuity of Historical Consciousness," History and Theory. XIV (1) 1984. 275-87. Krieger, Leonard Time's Reasons: Philosophies of Histories Old and New. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1989. Larrain, Jorge Concept of Ideology. London: Hutchisons of London, 1979. Lee, D. and Beck, R. "The Meaning of Historicism," American Historical Review. LIX, Apr-July 1954. 568-581. Lovejoy, Arthur The Great Chain of Being: A Study in the History of an Idea . Harvard: Harvard University Press, 1936. Lowenthal, David The Past is a Foreign Country. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985. Löwith, Carl From Hegel to Nietzsche: the Revolution in Nineteenth Century Thought (D. Green, translator) New York: Holt Rinehart & Winston, 1964. Lukacs, John Historical Consciousness: or the Remembered Past New York: Schocken Books, 1968. Marcus, John Subspecie Histories: Essays in the Manifestation of Historical Consciousness. London: Farrleigh Dickson University Press, 1980. Megill, A. Prophets of Extremity: Neitszche. Heidegger. Foucault Derrida. Berkeley: 1985. Merkley, Paul The Greek and Hebrew Origins of Our History. Toronto: 1989. Mink, Louis Historical Understanding. Fay, Golob and Vann, ed. Ithaca, N.Y.: 1987. Morris, John N. Versions of the Self. New York and London: Basic Books, 1966. 103 Passmore, J. "Explanation in Everyday Life, In Science, In History," History and Theory. XXIII (I) 1984. 105-123. Pocock, J. G. A. Virtue. Commerce and History: Essays on Political Thought and History. Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 1985. Reill, Peter The German Enlightenment and the Rise of Historicism. Berkeley and London: University of California Press, 1975. Richter, Melville "Lovejoy and the Great Chain of Being," History and Theory. XLVIII (2) 1987. 37-51. Rüsen, Jörn "The Development of Narrative Competence in Historical Learning-An Ontogenetic Hypothesis Concerning Moral Consciousness," History and Memory. I (2) Fall-Winter, 1989. Scheider, T. "Historical Consciousness and Political Action," History and Theory. Beiheft 17, 1-27. Seaver, Paul Wallington's World: A Puritan Artisan In Seventeenth Century London. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1985. Shotwell, James History of History. New York: Columbia University Press, 1939. Smalley, Beryl Historians in the Middle Ages. London: Thames & Hudson, 1974. Struever, Nancy The Language of History in the Renaissance. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1970. 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Truth in Masquerade: A Study of Fashions in Fact London: Williams & Norgate, 1951. Yerushalami, Yosef Zakhor: Jewish History and Jewish Memory. Seattle and London: University of Washington Press, 1982. NARRATIVE COHERENCY: Anchor, Robert "Narrativity and the Transformation of Historical Consciousness," Clio. XVI (2) Winter, 1987. 121-38. Ankersmit, F. R. Narrative Logic: A Semantic Analysis of the Historian's Language. The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, 1983. Auerbach, Erich Mimesis: The Representation of Reality in Western Literature. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1953. Bann, Stephen The Clothing of Clio: A Study of the Representation of History in Nineteenth Century Britain and France. Cambridge and London: Cambridge University Press, 1984. Braudy, Leo Narrative Form in History and Fiction. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1970. Canary, R. and Kozicki, H. ed. The Writing of History: Literary Form and Historical Understanding. Wisconsin: University Press, 1978. Carr, David "Narrative and the Real World: An Argument for Continuity," History and Theory. XXV (2) 1986. 117-31. Carr, David Time. Narrative and History. Indiana: University Press, 1986. Danto, Arthur Narrration and Knowledge. Columbia: University Press, 1924. Depew, David "Narrativism, Cosmopolitanism and Historical Epistomology," Clio. XIV (4) Summer, 1985. 357-78. Fairclough, Norman Language and Power. London and New York: Longman, 1989. Harlan, D. "Intellectual History and the Return of Literature," American Historical Review. XCIV (3) 1989. 581-93. Hunt, Lynn ed. The New Cultural History. Berkeley and London: University of California Press, 1989. 105 Kellner, H. "Narrativity in History: Poststructuralism and Since," History and Theory. Beiheft XXVI, 1987. LaCapra, Dominique History and Criticism. Cornell: Cornell University Press, 1987. Porter, Dale Emergence of the Past: A Theory of Historical Explanation. Chicago: University Press, 1981. Ricouer, Paul Time and Narrative. McLaughlin/Pellauer, trans. Chicago: Chicago University Press, 1983. Roth, Peter "Narrative Explanations: the Case of History," History and Theory. XXVII (1) 1988. 1-13. Rüsen, Jörn "Historical Narrative: Foundation, Types, Reason," History and Theory. Bieheft XXVI, 1987. 87-106. Shaffer, E. ed. Comparative Criticism: A Yearbook, v. 3. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981. Stoppard, Tom Rosencrantz and Guildenstern Are Dead. New York: Grove Press, 1967. White, H.V. The Content of the Form: Narrative Discourse and Historical Representation. Baltimore and London: John Hopkins University, 1987. White, H.V. Tropics of Discourse: Essays in Cultural Criticism. Baltimore and London: John Hopkins University, 1978. THRALE: Hyde, Mary The Thrales of Streatham Park . Harvard: University Press, 1977. McCarthy, William Hester Thrale Piozzi: Portrait of a Literary Woman. Chapel Hill and London: University of North Carolina Press, 1968. TIME: Boorstin, Daniel The Discoverers: a History of Man's Search to Know his World and Himself. New York: Vintage Books, 1983. Braumbach, Robert Unreality and Time New York: State University Press, 1984. 106 Fraser, J.T. Voices of Time- a cooperative survey of man's views of time as expressed by the sciences and humanities. New York: George Braziller, 1966. Gunn, Alexander The Problem of Time: An Historical and Critical Study London: George Allen and Unwin, 1929. Kosselek, Reinhart Futures Past: On the Semantics of Historical Time. (K. Tribe, trans.) Cambridge, Mass.: M.I.T. Press, 1985. Poulet, George Studies in Human Time. (E. Coleman, trans.) Baltimore and London: John Hopkins University, 1956. Rigby, Peter. "Time and Historical Consciousness," Comparative Studies in Sociology and History. XXV (3) 1970. 428-56. UNESCO. Culture and Time. V. 1 of At the Crossroads of Culture Series: Paris and London: UNESCO, 1977. UNESCO. Time and the Philosophies. V. 2 of At the Crossroads of Culture Series. Paris and London: UNESCO, 1977. Whitrow, G.J. Time in History: the Evolution of Our General Awareness of Time and Temporal Perspective. Oxford: University Press, 1988. 107 


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