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Spatial behaviour in Victory Square : the social geography of an inner-city park Hall, Wayne Robert 1974

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SPATIAL BEHAVIOUR IN VICTORY SQUARE: THE SOCIAL GEOGRAPHY OF AN INNER-CITY PARK by WAYNE ROBERT HALL B.A., U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1972 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS i n the Department of GEOGRAPHY We accept t h i s t h e s i s as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA A p r i l , 1974 In p r e s e n t i n g t h i s t h e s i s i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t of the requirements f o r an advanced degree a t the U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree t h a t the L i b r a r y s h a l l make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e f o r r e f e r e n c e and study. I f u r t h e r agree t h a t p e r m i s s i o n f o r e x t e n s i v e c o p y i n g o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r s c h o l a r l y purposes may be g r a n t e d by the Head of my Department or by h i s r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . I t i s understood t h a t c o p y i n g or p u b l i c a t i o n of t h i s t h e s i s f o r f i n a n c i a l g a i n s h a l l not be a l l o w e d w i t h o u t my w r i t t e n p e r m i s s i o n . Department of The U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Columbia Vancouver 8, Canada ABSTRACT This report i s the r e s u l t of an empirical i n v e s t i g a t i o n of everyday l i f e i n V i c t o r y Square, Vancouver, B r i t i s h Columbia. Three months of i n t e n s i v e , scheduled observation and p a r t i c i p a n t observation were planned i n order to i n v e s t i g a t e the hypothesis that there was a regular and meaninqful o r g a n i z a t i o n , both s p a t i a l l y and s o c i a l l y , to the use and control of park space. The exploration was quided theor-e t i c a l l y and methodologically by the research of human s p a t i a l behaviour at other s p a t i a l s c a l e s , from the indoor b u i l t environment to the scale of urban communities. Both sy s t e m a t i c a l l y r e t r i e v e d demographic s t a t i s t i c s and s p a t i a l habits of park users, and more subjective anecdotal accounts of people's perceptions and s p e c i f i c behavioural episodes were gathered. This provided a well rounded s t a t i s t i c a l and phenomenological data bank from which to generalize. An instrument f o r o b i e c t i v e assessment and c l a s s i f i c a t i o n of park users as to l i f e s t y l e a f f i l i a t i o n , a systematic schedule of information r e t r i e v a l , and a 'behavioural map' on which to record unobtrusively derived data were central to a research strategy that did not imDinge upon the n a t u r a l , real l i f e s e t t i n g . The park was found to host a number of s o c i a l l y marginal l i f e s t y l e groups who, as nowerless outcasts of wider a f f l u e n t s o c i e t y , coexisted, as a separate s o c i a l world, i n s o c i a l and s p a t i a l harmony. Throuqh the behavioural processes of tolerance, non-involvement, and passive readjustment, a p a r o d i i a l moral order existed which was demonstrated in r i t u a l s of i n t e r a c t i o n and c o l l e c t i v e patterns of s o a t i a l dominance. i i i This s o c i o - s p a t i a l order accorded incompatible l i f e s t y l e qroups a means of peaceful coexistence i n a place of l i m i t e d space and resources. S p a t i a l behaviour i n micro-scale outdoor publ i c space has not previously been i n t e n s i v e l y i n v e s t i g a t e d . This e x p l o r a t i o n , as a case study of one such environment, supports the hypothesis t h a t , at a l l l e v e l s of s o c i a l encounter, and at a l l s p a t i a l s c a l e s , a v a i l a b l e space i s orqanized, used and c o n t r o l l e d i n a regular, ordered, and meaningful way to accommodate and integrate the s o c i a l gatherings i t hosts. TABLE OF CONTENTS CHAPTER Pa_ge I . INTRODUCTION 1 Urban Social Geography: The Use and Control of Space at the Community Level 4 Human Ecology: The Use and Control of Space as Macro-social Process 9 Environmental Psychology: Behaviour i n the Indoor B u i l t Environment 13 A Methodological Synthesis 15 I I . THE RESEARCH STRATEGY 16 Unobtrusive Observation i n Science and Exploratory Studies 16 The Behavioural Map 19 The Schedule of Observation 19 P a r t i c i p a n t Observation 21 Id e n t i f y i n g the Actors: A Typology of L i f e S t y l e Types 24 I I I . THE PEOPLE WHO USE THE PARK 29 E l d e r l y Well Dressed Men 30 El d e r l y Casually Dressed Men 32 E l d e r l y and Middle Aged Tramps 34 Middle Aged Casually Dressed Men 37 Young Hippies 39 Young Casually Dressed 41 Young Mod 41 Native Indians 44 Orientals 45 Aff l u e n t s 45 Male Space 46 IV. SPATIAL AND TEMPORAL PATTERNS OF PARK USE 47 V. THE FUNCTIONS OF VICTORY SQUARE: THE SPATIAL VARIATION OF ACTIVITIES 78 The Daily Routine of People Who Wait 78 VI. BEHAVIOURAL PROCESS: HOW THE PATTERNS DEVELOP... 95 Finding a Place 95 The Mechanism of Individual Distancing 98 Maintaining Your Place: Personal Control of Space 102 Table of Contents (Cont'd) CHAPTER Paje Group S p a t i a l Dominance 107 Macro Control of Space: The Park as Exclusive T e r r i t o r y 108 The Role of Design and Topography 108 Movement Patterns and Interpersonal C o n f l i c t . I l l Planned Confrontation: Predation and the Int e r a c t i o n R i t u a l as Ecological Symbiosis 114 Intra-group Predation 114 Inter-group Predation 116 Park Resources and Human Behaviour 119 VI I . PERCEPTIONS OF THE PARK AND THE BEHAVIOURAL RESPONSE 121 Older People's Image of Vi c t o r y Square 122 Behavioural Cues to Perception of Place 130 V I I I . CONCLUSION: THE ESSENCE OF VICTORY SQUARE 134 BIBLIOGRAPHY 138 APPENDIX A: The Behavioural Map 145 LIST OF TABLES Demographic Data of Park Use by L i f e S t y l e Group UBC Scanned by UBC Library LIST OF FIGURES Figure Page 2.1 Vic t o r y Square 23 3.1 E l d e r l y Well Dressed Men 31 3.2 E l d e r l y Casually Dressed Men 33 3.3 The E l d e r l y Tramp 35 3.4 Middle Aged Tramps 36 3.5 Middle Aged Casually Dressed Men 38 3.6 Young Hippies 40 3.7 The Young Casually Dressed 42 3.8 Young Mods 43 4.1 Typical Area! Concentrations of Three L i f e S t y l e Groups: 7 a.m. to 11 a .m 48 4.2 Typical Areal Concentrations of Three L i f e S t y l e Groups: 11 a.m. to 3 p.m 49 4.3 Typical Areal Concentrations of Three L i f e S t y l e Groups: 3 p.m. to 7 p.m 50 4.4 Typical Areal Concentrations of Three L i f e S t y l e Groups: A f t e r 7 p.m 51 4.5 The E l d e r l y Well Dressed 53 4.6 The E l d e r l y Casually Dressed 54 4.7 The E l d e r l y Tramps 55 4.8 The Middle Aged Casually Dressed 56 4.9 The Middle Aged Tramps 57 4.10 The Young Mods 58 4.11 The Young Casually Dressed 59 4.12 The Younq Hippies 60 4.13 The E l d e r l y Native Indians 61 L i s t of Figures (Cont'd) Figure Page_ 4.14 The Middle Aged Native Indians 62 4.15 The Young Native Indians 63 4.16 The Orientals 64 4.17 The A f f l u e n t 65 4.18 Cumulative Population Concentration by L i f e S t y l e Group 68 4.19 Inter-Group S p a t i a l Segregation 69 4.20 Socio-metric Linkages of Least Segregated L i f e S t y l e Groups 71 4.21 Socio-metric Linkages of Most Segregated L i f e S t y l e Grouos 72 4.22 Diurnal Populations by L i f e S t y l e Group.. 74 4.23 Diurnal Populations f o r Two P a r t i c u l a r Observation Periods 75 5.1 Discarded Empty Liquor Bottles 82 5.2 Areas of Low Public S u r v e i l l a n c e 86 5.3 I l l e g a l A c t i v i t i e s : The Typical Daytime Pattern 88 6.1 Typical Movement Patterns of Two L i f e S t y l e Groups 112 7.1 Frequency of Permanent Carvings and G r a f f i t i on Park Benches and Fences 132 ACKNOWLEDGEMENT I wish to express my gratitude to Dr. David Ley, my thesis advisor, f o r his guidance and u n f a i l i n g enthusiasm, and to Dr. Walter Hardwick, f o r his many i n s i g h t s and suggestions. I also wish to thank Mr. D. Lam and Miss N. Gnaidinger f o r t h e i r aid and provision of an 'in the f i e l d ' observation post. Mrs. V. Lockner graciously created the character sketches (Figures 3.1 to 3.8). CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION "This i s a den of f i l t h , a d i r t y , decrepid olace where welfare bums drink a l l t h e i r money away and up there on the grass, hippies use t h e i r drugs and every year I see the same old men come to the nark every day and s i t , j u s t w a i t i n 1 to d i e . . . . j u s t w a i t i n ' f o r the hand of God to come breakin' through those very clouds.... and God s a y i n 1 okay C h a r l i e , you're next." (A park attendant) A sloping one acre downtown park, heavily landscaped i n — the s t y l e of nineteenth century European f o r m a l i t y ( L y l e , 1970) stands today as a passive message of the imagery of a past generation of c i t y planners. But the park i s a medium as well as a message; i t has assumed a new r o l e and a t t r a c t e d a new c l i e n t e l e amidst the changing f l u x of the c i t y . V i c t o r y Square i s o f f i c i a l l y a commemorative centre and a f o r m a l -garden to the memory of Vancouver c i t i z e n s who served i n the F i r s t -World War. Maintenance and a d v e r t i s i n g s t i l l f o l l o w the o f f i c i a l — image. Parks crews conscientiously manicure the s i t e , and brochures s p e l l out the sacred nature of the park and i t s cenotaph. Vic t o r y Square i s not, however, a formal garden. An annual-one hour ceremony on Remembrance Day confronts a s o c i a l m i l i e u whose d a i l y nature and perennial residency i s not formally recognized, and whose use of the park provides an i n t r i c a t e and parochial pattern, both-s o c i a l l y and s p a t i a l l y , w i t h i n t h i s formal s e t t i n g . V i c t o r y Square i s not p r i m a r i l y an emblem to the past, but rather an a c t i v e core o f -a l o c a l , yet p l u r a l s o c i a l world. I t i s an arena, not a tomb. "This i s the re a l c i t y , always was.... c i t i z e n s here don't stand f o r that kind of thing ( r e f e r r i n g to crime and p r o s t i t u t i o n in the south G r a n v i l l e area) and we don't l e t the f p o l i t i c i a n s push us around. You know, Campbell took the benches out of Piqeon Park and j u s t look what happened. The c i t i z e n s elected P h i l l i p s 'cause he promised to put them back in...-.but P h i l l i p s won't stay i n long 'cause he hasn't given the c i t i z e n s back our benches." (A park user) Everyday l i f e i n a small urban park, V i c t o r y Square, i n down-town Vancouver, B r i t i s h Columbia, i s the subject of t h i s report, -t It-,^ f-©44©jw5=*n i n v e s t i g a t i o n of the nature of human s o a t i a l behaviour in a designed^ environment. Micro-scale outdoor spaces of the inner c i t y , such as parks, malls, and other p u b l i c concourses, have remained almost free of inte n s i v e research. Yet, the human use and control of t e r r i t o r y , the s p a t i a l manifestations of s o c i a l h a b i t s , mores, and i n t e r a c t i o n s , and the areal d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n of human qroups and a c t i v i t i e s can be examined i n t h i s type of real l i f e laboratory to i l l u m i n a t e f u r t h e r our understanding of the s p a t i a l order of the c i t y . S p a t i a l behaviour and the s o c i a l organization of space i s not i n c i d e n t a l , but regular, ordered, and meaningful. I t i s a c r u c i a l element of s o c i a l order. The values, a c t i o n s , and i n t e r a c t i o n s that comprise a l l l e v e l s of urban s o c i a l l i f e are incompletely analysed without reqard f o r the geoqraphic spaces that accommodate them and the meanings that these set t i n q s hold f o r urban residents i n everyday l i f e . This has been demonstrated through the l i t e r a t u r e of human use and control of space at the urbar s c a l e , the community s c a l e , and at the scale of the indoor b u i l t environment. These three areas of s c h o l a r l y i n q u i r y have contributed to the study of s p a t i a l behaviour p«4-ea-ch has been -used i n developing a research strategyj£or_jkhis study. Although the research reported upon here f a l l s w i t h i n the scope of s o c i a l and behavioural geography, i t s t i e s with human ecology and e n v i r -onmental psychology are strong. The ultimate aim of behavioural geography, as of t h i s study, i s to understand the s o c i a l and behavioural processes responsible f o r the s p a t i a l order that i s described. (Olsson, 1969) In t h i s study, the methods of data c o l l e c t i o n were those unobtrusive and non-reactive techniques which best guaranteed an uncontaminated s o c i a l m i l i e u . This strategy did not prevent the c o l l e c t i o n of s t a t i s t i c a l as well as subjective and anecdotal information. Research instruments were designed and u t i l i z e d which s y s t e m a t i c a l l y i d e n t i f i e d and c l a s s i f i e d a park user's l i f e s t y l e a f f i l i a t i o n , and permitted a record to be kept of his s p a t i a l behaviour through time. N o n - s t a t i s t i c a l , s u bjective information from p a r t i c i p a n t observation, and the r e f l e c t i o n s of park users complemented s t a t i s t i c a l data to give a more h o l i s t i c understanding of the behavioural environment of V i c t o r y Square and of the diverse s o c i a l gatherings and a c t i v i t i e s i t entertained. Other research, from a number of d i s c i p l i n e s , o f f e r s i n s i g h t s which helped structure t h i s e x p l o r a t i o n . These studies were divided i n t o three categories: (1) Urban s o c i a l geography; the use and control of space at the community l e v e l , (2) Human ecology, the use and control of space as macro-social process, and (3) Environmental psychology, behaviour i n the indoor b u i l t environment. Urban S o c i a l Geography! The Use and Control of Space at the  Community Level Working at the neighbourhood s c a l e , s o c i a l geographers, urban s o c i o l o g i s t s , and other scholars have i n v e s t i g a t e d the use and control of space by s o c i a l groups as an expression of t h e i r s o c i a l world, c u l t u r a l heritage, and c o g n i t i v e image of the c i t y . For example, S u t t l e s , (1968) i n a study of the inner c i t y Addams area of Chicago, claims that a community moral order, which he c a l l s 'ordered segmentation' works to control c o n f l i c t between l o c i l a r a c i a l and ethnic groups. The system i s as much a s e r i e s of s p a t i a l mechanisms as i t i s a system of s o c i a l rules of communication. The p o s s i b i l i t y of outbreaks of serious c o n f l i c t or confrontation between two f a c t i o n s , as a r e s u l t of i r r a t i o n a l c o l l e c t i v e response to sporadic i n c i d e n t s , i s almost eliminated. Segregation by distance and t e r r i t o r y , together with community r u l e s of s o c i a l process and information d i f f u s i o n are complementary as c r i t i c a l elements of the moral order of the community. Social and s p a t i a l s t a b i l i t y i s not always achieved through universal adherence to a p r o v i n c i a l code. In another s e t t i n g , Boal (1969) in v e s t i g a t e d the extent of everyday s o c i a l and s p a t i a l segregation between two adjacent B e l f a s t r e l i g i o u s groups. He discovered almost complete segregation. A t t i t u d i n a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , such as r e l i g i o n , preferred newspaper, f a v o u r i t e f o o t b a l l team, and perceived name of neighbourhood demonstrated a s o c i a l segregation which was f a i t h f u l l y r e p l i -cated i n behavioural c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , such as bus stop used, grocery store frequented, neighbourhood v i s i t s , and pre-marriage address. Another example i s provided by Marine (1966) who notes the contrast between two adjacent c i t y blocks, the one p r i m a r i l y r a c i a l l y black, the other p r i m a r i l y white. Each provided the s t o r e f r o n t services and s o c i o - c u l t u r a l atmosphere that the inhabitants preferred. As both groups chose to associate with those they perceived to be s i m i l a r to themselves and in a f a m i l i a r s e t t i n g , the two blocks were completely i s o l a t e d from each other, s p a t i a l l y and s o c i a l l y , (see Lofland, 1973) The s p a t i a l segregation of l i f e s t y l e groups has been shown i n a comparison of e l i t e neighbourhoods i n Vancouver. Cooper (1971) demonstrates that B r i t i s h Properties and Shaughnessy, often regarded as s o c i a l l y s i m i l a r , i n f a c t a t t r a c t d i s t i n c t i v e resident types, thus creating two separate communities with quite d i f f e r e n t sets of l e i s u r e a c t i v i t i e s , family t i e s , and length of stay. Both 'social space' and ' t e r r i t o r i a l i t y ' have been useful concepts in charting the r e l a t i o n s h i p between society and geographic space. Buttimer^-i369; W-7-2") follows the evolution of the concept of s o c i a l space from i t s s o c i o l o g i c a l o r i g i n s with Sorokin and Durkheim, to i t s r i c h t r a d i t i o n i n the service of French s o c i a l geographers l i k e Sorre and Chombart de Lauwe. She defines s o c i a l space as a concept that comprises both the object i v e patterns of everyday s p a t i a l a c t i v i t i e s plus the subjective world of one's mind, for example the image of one's neighbourhood. Together, these provide a s p a t i a l expression of the 'soci a l reference system' of which the i n d i v i d u a l i s a member. His so c i a l l i f e and p o s i t i o n are r e f l e c t e d i n his act i o n space (Horizon and Reynolds, 1969) and his s p a t i a l awareness and preferences. (Lynch, 1960) 'Cosmopolites' enjoy an extended act i o n space, v i s i t i n g friends and preferred places f a r from home, and claiming extended personal t i e s and personal spaces i n such discontiguous locations as the o f f i c e , cottage, and country club. \be ' l o c a l i t e ' t y p i c a l l y l i v e s , plays, and often works w i t h i n a confined geographic space, attaching more meaning to h i s home and immediate neighbourhood as a r e s u l t ) (Fried and Glei c h e r , 1961; Gans, 1961) Diverse ac t i o n spaces r e f l e c t diverse images, or mental maps of geographic space, both i n extent of knowledge, and in subjective d i s t o r t i o n of geographic r e a l i t y . T ^ r r i t o r i a l i t y y i s a more powerful concept, t h e o r e t i c a l l y , i n an ap p l i c a t i o n to human use and control of the environment. But too often, i n empirical work, i t has been applied i n c o n s i s t e n t l y and sp e c u l a t i v e l y to describe human behaviour, e s p e c i a l l y the human control of space. ( S u t t l e s , 1972) Numerous i n v e s t i g a t o r s have followed the etho l o g i c a l model of t e r r i t o r i a l i t y ( i n c l u d i n g Ardrey, 1966; Jtewjrrd, 1948; Gaibeun, 1962;<4rrd Hedi'gerT-3r95et and there i s no shortage of studies and reviews i n a number of d i s c i p l i n e s that employ the term. ( S u t t l e s - ^ 9 6 8 ; LymafT and Scott, 1967; Bka^clon, 1967; C^penter, 1958; T e r r i t o r i a l i t y has been employed to describe the human use and control of space as a s o c i a l l y defined or sanctioned behaviour suggestinq an ac t i v e and i n t e n t i o n a l e f f o r t to make a space exclusive to an in d i v i d u a l or group. There are s o c i a l l y accepted i n d i c a t o r s of s p a t i a l ownership or exclusiveness, i n c l u d i n g more obvious cues, such as signs, fences, and walls (Porteofos^/1971) and less obvious cues with a more l i m i t e d audience, such as wall g r a f f i t i t - f t e | i ^ T 9 ^ 2 ) and other informal codes and symbols. Most spaces l i m i t e d to a p a r t i c u l a r s o c i a l p o s i t i o n , sex, or i n d i v i d u a l owner are learned as part of our s o c i a l education. However, we do not always c o r r e c t l y read the environment of those of other s o c i a l worlds and other places. (Reusch and Kees, 1964; Strauss, 1961) In t h i s instance, the environment of one s o c i a l world has been entered by an ou t s i d e r , who does not know the l o c a l s o c i a l or c u l t u r a l r u l e s . Soja defines s o c i a l t e r r i t o r i a l i t y as..."a means of r e g u l a t i n g s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n and as a focus f o r group membership and i d e n t i t y . " (1971, 20)*^TeyTj972) demonstrated t h i s r o l e of t e r r i t o r i a l i t y d r a m a t i c a l l y i n his study of a P h i l a d e l p h i a black community. So c i a l group t i e s , s p e c i f i c a l l y those of youths i n neighbourhood gangs, demanded strong t e r r i t o r i a l attachment and these groups marked and, on occasion, p a t r o l l e d and defended neighbourhood space against r i v a l gangs. Human t e r r i t o r i a l i t y , as i t has been popularly a p p l i e d , does not always demand s o c i e t a l e x c l u s i o n . Often we are only required by s o c i a l mores to behave in c e r t a i n s o c i a l l y acceptable ways when in someone else's t e r r i t o r y . (Lyman and Scott, 1967; Newman, 1972) For example, at a house party i t i s not proper to explore the back rooms of the house without permission; rather, propriety requires that guests remain i n the f r o n t rooms, which have been prepared f o r the occasion. People are expected to play out t h e i r proper r o l e s , i n the proper places, i n order to maintain the occasion. (Goffman, 1963) In t h i s manner, t e r r i t o r i a l i t y i s a c a t a l y s t , bringing the actors and environment together i n an orderly and s o c i a l l y defined fashion. Some forms of t e r r i t o r i a l i t y , such as ownership of the family home and property are more widely accepted and acknowledged than other forms, such as the exclusive control of space by teenage gangs. T e r r i t o r i a l i t y and s o c i a l space, as conceptual tools i n the in v e s t i g a t i o n of human use and control of space regard geographic space as not only moulding, but also r e f l e c t i n g s o c i o - c u l t u r a l l i f e and values. The r e l a t i o n s h i p i s well expressed by Hall (1966) who argues that groups of d i f f e r e n t c u l t u r a l backgrounds i n h a b i t d i f f e r e n t sensory worlds and that a man's use of space i s an elaboration of his c u l t u r a l perceptions. Indeed, the r o l e of perception of the environment and the meaning ascribed to geographic space has been a major empirical thrust of those who argue that, u l t i m a t e l y , to understand s p a t i a l behaviour, at whatever scale or l e v e l of '.ociety, one must understand the meanings and values of the geographic s e t t i n g to people of d i f f e r e n t , and sometimes c o n f l i c t i n g , s o c i o - c u l t u r a l l i f e s t y l e s . (Lowenthal, 1961; Ley, 1972a; Samuels, 1972; Saarinen, 1966) Michelson believes that researchers must tac k l e the 'ex p e r i e n t i a l congruence', accepting the concept of space as ..."an indeterminate medium to which people give meaning." (1970,30) He prefers to deal with those c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s which are e a s i l y measurable, assuming a causal l i n k between the environment that man has fashioned f o r himself and his s o c i o - c u l t u r a l heritage. However, Downs and other behavioural geographers i n s p i r e d by the p o s s i b i l i t i e s of a marriage of Gestalt psychology and geography ( K i r k , 1963; Koffka, 1935; and Lewin, 1951) have shown l i t t l e h e s i t a t i o n in recognizing and t r y i n g to understand the human mind and the way i t organizes and uses perceptions and experiences as a necessary and important mediator between so c i e t y and i t s members' behaviour in the b u i l t environment. (Downs and Stea, 1973) Whether one prefers to use the concept of s o c i a l space or t e r r i t o r i a l i t y i n describing human use and cont r o l of space, acknowledgement of the r o l e of the image (Boulding, 1956) and the a s c r i p t i o n of meaning to geographic space can only make research of everyday s p a t i a l behaviour more r e a l i s t i c . The l i t e r a t u r e c i t e d above strengthens the linkage of space and s o c i a l behaviour as interdependent and complementary. A convincing argument f o r the importance of group perception emerges, and the environment no longer comprises the bleached p l a i n s of r a t i o n a l man, but r a t h e r , v i t a l landscapes of passion and f e a r , n o s t a l g i a and hope, stress and boredom. The environment becomes a topography of meaning. (Wolpert, 1965) Human Ecology: The Use and Control of Space as Macro-Social Process. Human ec o l o g i c a l theory provides a conceptual framework wit h i n which to describe the s p a t i a l organization of urban s o c i e t y at the aggregate l e v e l . As Ha l l a p t l y s t a t e s ; " v i r t u a l l y everything that man i s and does i s associated with the experience of snace." (1966,181) Human ecology, by i t s nature and o r i g i n s , incorporates the notion of spacing as an e x p l i c i t element of the order i t ascribes to a community. Darwin, borrowing the s o c i o l o g i c a l terra of 'competitive cooperation', applied i t i n the b i o l o g i c a l world to the interdependence of b i o l o g i c a l species i n t h e i r adaptation to a shared h a b i t a t . As J . Arthur Thompson notes; "He projected on organic l i f e a s o c i o l o g i c a l idea and thus vindicated the relevancy and u t i l i t y of a s o c i o l o g i c a l idea within the b i o l o q i c a l realm." ( i n Park, 1952,145) Both Thompson and E. Warming (Park, 1952,165) studied b i o l o g i c a l l i f e i n terms of the changing, but interdependent nature of species. These studies of the s p a t i a l i n t e r a c t i o n s of species in a given environ-ment emphasized species competition f o r l i m i t e d space and resources, but also t h e i r symbiotic r e l a t i o n s h i p s . Through sub-social processes, such as invasion, succession and dominance, new s p a t i a l arrangements of species emerged as one gained s p a t i a l dominance over another i n one place. Ecology was t r a d i t i o n a l l y a study of process, not simply of s t a t i c l o c a t i o n , and was p a r t i c u l a r l y concerned with the underlying force of competitive cooperation amonq species which made the system a dynamic one. I t led e c o l o g i s t s to see the system of b i o l o g i c a l l i f e as a 'web of l i f e ' . Robert Park suggests that the ea r l y b i o - e c o l o g i c a l s t u d i e s . . . "seem to be the basis f o r a conception of a s o c i a l order transcending the i n d i v i d u a l species, and of a s o c i e t y based on a b i o t i c rather than a c u l t u r a l basis." (1952,147) He goes on to complete the human analogy to b i o t i c communities: "Human ecology, as the s o c i o l o g i s t s would l i k e to use the term, i s , however, not i d e n t i c a l with geography, nor even human qeography. I t i s not the man, but the community: not man's r e l a t i o n to the earth which he i n h a b i t s , but his r e l a t i o n s to other men, that concern us most." (1952,165) Early e c o l o g i c a l analysis of a human community res u l t e d in very real s p a t i a l patterns of land use by aggregates of people, but the basic concern of c l a s s i c a l human e c o l o g i s t s was to see t h i s development as a r e s u l t of ec o l o g i c a l process, not as i n d i v i d u a l human response to the environment. The s o c i a l order that had been t h e o r e t i c a l l y applied to plant communities based on b i o t i c and sub-social forces was of s u f f i c i e n t legitimacy and explanatory power to warrant i t s t r a n s f e r and ap p l i c a t i o n to human communities. P r i o r to that time, empirical i n v e s t i g a t i o n of the s o c i a l and s p a t i a l nature of the mushrooming c i t i e s of North America had been sparse. Consequently, human ecoloq i s t s emphasized that explanation of human behaviour w i t h i n the eco l o g i c a l framework must be in terms of the t r a d i t i o n a l sub-social processes that presumably worked at the ' b i o t i c ' l e v e l of human l i f e . They preferred to disregard the s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e of community, f o r t h i s ' c u l t u r a l ' l e v e l of l i f e was regarded as outside the concerns of the d i s c i p l i n e . (Park, 1925) Later human ec o l o g i s t s have c r i t i c i z e d t h i s stand. (Quinn, 1961; Hawley, 1961; S u t t l e s , 1972) Human ecology, as a means of i n v e s t i g a t i n g the human use and control of space in micro-scale publ i c environments can only be a vehicl e to ordered d e s c r i p t i o n of changes i n use of space by d i f f e r e n t groups of people through time. Deterministic eco l o g i c a l processes are convenient labels of s p a t i a l change rather than explanations which lead to our understanding of s p a t i a l pattern. This i s well i l l u s t r a t e d by O'Brien (1942) who describes e c o l o g i c a l succession on Beale S t r e e t , Memphis, at two d i f f e r e n t l e v e l s of r e s o l u t i o n . He portrays the slow generation to generation r a c i a l succession i n the t r a d i t i o n of c l a s s i c a l human ecology. Secondly, he studied Beale Street in terms of d a i l y and weekly rhythms of change. His demonstration of these temporal rhythms of use of space by d i f f e r e n t r a c i a l and l i f e s t y l e groups strengthens his argument that temporal and s p a t i a l rhythms are important phenomena of urban l i f e that had been neglected in most ecolog i c a l research, e s p e c i a l l y i n the n e o - c l a s s i c a l period. (Theodorson, 1961) Desoite the many i n t e r d i s c i p l i n a r y changes, (Barrows, 1923) c r i t i c i s m s , ( F i r e y , 1945; Michelson, 1970) and t h e o r e t i c a l a l t e r a t i o n s (Duncan, 1961; Schnore, 1961) that human ecology has undergone in the past f i f t y years, i t remains an a t t r a c t i v e structure within which to describe aggregate patterns of the human use of space and t h e i r temporal rhythms. Robert Park and his colleagues at Chicago provide i n s i g h t i n t o human s p a t i a l r e l a t i o n s over and above that subsumed under the structure of human ecology. Although the professed task of human ecology was the study of macro-social process, Park recognized the i n t e r r e l a t i o n s h i p of s o c i a l morphology, as proposed by Durkheim, and the physical morphology of c i t i e s . As i n d i v i d u a l p o s i t i o n s i n society are separated by s o c i a l distance, these v a r i a t i o n s can often be measured i n physical distance. (Watson, 1955; and Jones, 1960 have shown t h i s ) Durkhiem's 'so c i a l space' becomes not only the s o c i a l distances between d i f f e r e n t status l e v e l s . I t also indicates geographical distance among members of s o c i e t y . Proximity and communication are seen by Park as the mechanisms of i n t e r a c t i o n which bind a l l contacts, and provide a key to understanding the i n t e g r a t i o n and segregation of urban s o c i e t y . "By means of communication, i n d i v i d u a l s share i n a common experience and maintain a common l i f e . I t i s because communication i s fundamental to the existence of society that geography...may be sai d to enter i n t o i t s s t r u c t u r e and organization at a l l . " (Park, 1925, 174) Geographic separation i s not the only obstacle to universal communication. The manifestations of self-consciousness, our desire to maintain a l e v e l of personal privacy, d i g n i t y , and i n d i v i d u a l i s m act to set up s o c i a l distance b a r r i e r s to communication. In t h i s manner, physical distance and s o c i a l distance i n t e r a c t to create 'worlds of communication', d i s t i n c t i v e sub-cultural and l i f e s t y l e groups within^the c i t y . (Short, 1971) "Ultimately, the so c i e t y i n which we l i v e i n v a r i a b l y turns out to be a moral order in which the i n d i v i d u a l ' s p o s i t i o n as well as his conception of himself--which i s the core of his p e r s o n a l i t y - - i s determined by the a t t i t u d e s of others and by the standards which the group uphold." (Park, 1952, 177) Members compete f o r status w i t h i n t h e i r world of communication, f o r i t i s only wi t h i n the s o c i a l world whose standards are known and accepted that a person can struggle to achieve presfjige and s e l f - r e s p e c t . Geographic space then becomes the habitat and the d i v i d e r of s o c i a l worlds, and an i n t e g r a l element of the moral order of the c i t y . Environmental Psychology: Behaviour i n the Indoor B u i l t Environment Working i n large scale indoor environments with i n d i v i d u a l s and small groups, environmental psychologists have added a t h i r d body of knowledge applicable to human micro-scale s p a t i a l behaviour. Their work b a s i c a l l y has adopted the model of ethology, the human use and control of space described i n terms of t e r r i t o r i a l i t y , s p a t i a l dominance, personal space, and privacy. Esser, f o r example, discovered the tendency of some mental patients to protect, and make ex c l u s i v e , areas of i n s t i t u t i o n a l wards. (1965) Scarce and contested space provoked l e a s t interpersonal c o n f l i c t when there was a well understood s o c i a l hierarchy, f o r s o c i a l dominance ( e i t h e r by physical i n t i m i d a t i o n or by achieved status) c a r r i e d with i t s p a t i a l reward. In f a c t , the r e l a t i o n s h i p s between s o c i a l p o s i t i o n and s p a t i a l p o s i t i o n were so interdependent that e f f e c t i v e s p a t i a l control was a status achiev-ing behaviour. (Esser, 1965; 1970) This behaviour i s not, of course, exclusive to the deviant and d i s t r e s s e d members of s o c i e t y . Their 'homes' simoly provide a closed and e a s i l y c o n t r o l l e d environment f o r research i n the mode of t r a d i t i o n a l psychology. In other s e t t i n g s , Robert Sommer has explored the r e l a t i o n s h i p between s o c i a l s t ructure and s p a t i a l arrangement. He writes of how people mark and defend personal space t e r r i t o r i e s i n pub l i c s e t t i n g s such l i b r a r y rooms, and how the design of an environment, i t s arrangement of seats and distances between seats, a f f e c t s behaviour and s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n . (1966; 1969) Much of t h i s work developed from the experience of Osmond ( i n H a l l , 1966) who noted the problem of s e l f -i s o l a t i o n among g e r i a t r i c patients i n a new and well equipped h o s p i t a l . Osmond categorized b u i l t environments as being e i t h e r 'socio-fugal' or 'socio-petal'. Socio-petal space induced s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n by design. Hall adds that some designed environments o f f e r semi-fixed feature spaces whose furnishings can be re-arranged to adapt the place to human needs. From these ideas have come studies of indoor environmental design which encourages s p e c i f i c behaviour patterns. (Manninq, 1965: Richards and Dobyns, 1957: Stea, 1965) Much of the research i n environmental psychology u t i l i z e s the method of c o n t r o l l e d experiments rather than studying behaviour in uncontrived everyday l i f e . Horowitz e t . a l . (1964) measured personal space zones i n the laboratory, Altman and Haythorn (1967) studied the t e r r i t o r i a l behaviour of i s o l a t e d pairs of men of various p e r s o n a l i t i e s and temperament who had been placed i n simulated r e s t r i c t i v e environments. Real world v a l i d i t y i s e a s i l y jeopardized by c o n t r o l l e d s e t t i n g s and by complicated obtrusive measurement t o o l s , such as the Galvanic Skin Response, used by McBride (1965) to measure i n d i v i d u a l resoonse to personal space encroachment. However, the work of environmental psychologists has provided a method of systematic observation and data c o l l e c t i o n of human behaviour i n large scale indoor s e t t i n g s , p t t e l s o n , R i v l i n , and Proshansky^,1970) a convincinq a p p l i c a t i o n of the concepts and theory and concepts of ethology, and fu r t h e r evidence that s p a t i a l behaviour and s o c i a l behaviour are r e l a t e d and complementary. A Methodological Synthesis Space i s an organizing medium which shapes and maintains the society i t envelops, at a l l l e v e l s of s o c i a l encounter, from couples to communities. In turn, i t i s organized, protected, and infused with meaning by the society which peoples i t . These ideas have stood decades of i n t e r -d i s c i p l i n a r y study and review and were no less l e g i t i m a t e i n guiding t h i s study. In many ways i t represented a convergence of the three l i t e r a t u r e areas reviewed, f o r each provided t h e o r e t i c a l i n s i g h t s and methodoloqical s t r a t e g i e s f o r exploring l i f e i n V i c t o r y Square. Spatial and temooral rhythms of land use, t e r r i t o r i a l i d e n t i f i c a t i o n and behaviour, and the s o c i a l r i t u a l s of personal space maintenance and status hierarchies a l l stood as c r u c i a l elements of the s o c i a l m i l i e u . V i c t o r y Square, smaller than a neighbourhood, yet beyond the closed, indoor environments of the l i b r a r y and mental ward, i s a n a t u r a l i s t i c , micro-scale public space which required a non-reactive n a t u r a l i s t i c method of study. The research was i n d u c t i v e , an exploration rather than an experiment. Supporting l i t e r a t u r e concerning l i f e s t y l e i n t e r a c t i o n s , the s o c i a l organization of space, and the moral order of communities provided i n s i g h t s from which a research strateqy was formulated, based on i n t u i t i v e expectations rather than a c o n s t r i c t i v e , formalized hypothesis. CHAPTER II THE RESEARCH STRATEGY This chapter discusses the r o l e of observation as a methodological t o o l , and d e t a i l s the instruments of data c o l l e c t i o n employed. Unobtrusive observation and p a r t i c i p a n t observation best s u i t e d t h i s study of behaviour in a small public s e t t i n g . Therefore, research instruments, the behavioural map, the schedule of observation, and the user-type c l a s s i f i c a t i o n instrument were designed to e l i c i t s t a t i s t i c a l data non-reactively, and to complement the r i c h e r , anecdotal information from p a r t i c i p a t i o n in the area of study. Unobtrusive Observation i n Science and Exploratory Studies Science, as one means of e s t a b l i s h i n g r e g u l a r i t y i n the d i v e r s i t y of nature and human experience, seeks to make that which i s unknown, apparent and understandable, and to make events which are seemingly chaotic, ordered and r e l a t e d . There i s no real chasm between the goals of those who are p h y s i c i s t s and those who are s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t s i f one accepts that science, and i t s p r a c t i c e , e n t a i l s an eagerness to understand, a desire to imagine c o n s t r u c t i v e l y , and a personal f a s c i n a t i o n f o r the subtle and unsolved. "The discoveries of science, the works of a r t are explorations—more, are explosions of a hidden likeness...There are no appearances to be photographed, no experiences to be copied in which we do not take part. Science, l i k e a r t , i s not a copy of nature, but a re-creation of her. We remake nature by the act of discovery, in the poem or i n the theorem." (Bronowski, 1956, 29 and 30) Explora t i o n , both i n the f i e l d and in the mind, i s an i n t e g r a l part of the method of science. Indeed, the old passion f o r geography as human exploration i s being rek i n d l e d . (Bunge, 1971; Leyi 1972) Bronowski documents the necessity of personal involvement, p a r t i c i p a t i o n , and c r e a t i v i t y i n s c i e n t i f i c research which does not oppose, but guides and gives purpose to the more stereotyped tasks of science-¬measuring, counting, and c l a s s i f y i n g . No one better i l l u s t r a t e s t h i s c o m p a t i b i l i t y than Yi Fu Tuan, who c a l l s f o r relaxed, unpressured v i s u a l contemplation of a landscape to complement the more atomistic findings of intensive research. (1972) Topophilia, a h o l i s t i c i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the environment, i s an important, constructive part of s c i e n t i f i c discovery. Newton, f o r example, pondered much f u r t h e r i n t o the metaphysics of space than the height of the apple tree. Bronowski's success i n narrowing the perceived methodological g u l f between such d i s c i p l i n e s as physics and socioloqy i s achieved not by r e j e c t i n g the oooular, structured methodology of physics, but by enhancing and l e g i t i m i z i n g the r o l e of personal observation, personal p a r t i c i p a t i o n , and personal c r e a t i v i t y i n both d i s c i p l i n e s as part of s c i e n t i f i c research, (see also Koestler, 1964) The s i g n i f i c a n c e of personal observation as an e s s e n t i a l tool of s c i e n t i f i c research i s widely upheld by s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t s , e s p e c i a l l y f o r studies which attempt to break new ground. ( S e l l t i z , e t . a l . , 1959; Madge, 1953; Webb e t . a l . , 1966; McCall and Simmons, 1969) Jahoda sets out the c r i t e r i a f o r observation which can best be incorporated into e x i s t i n g theory, or form the basis of new theory: "Observation becomes a s c i e n t i f i c technique to the extent that i t (1) serves a formulated research purpose, (2) i s planned s y s t e m a t i c a l l y , (3) i s recorded s y s t e m a t i c a l l y and r e l a t e d to more general propositions rather than being presented as a set of i n t e r e s t i n g c u r i o s a , and (4) i s subjected to checks and controls on v a l i d i t y and r e l i a b i l i t y . " ( S e l l t i z et. a l . , 1959, 200) The u t i l i t y of the methods of personal observation and p a r t i c i p a t i o n have been e f f e c t i v e l y demonstrated (Goffman, 1961; Ley, 1972; G i l l , 1972; Whyte, 1955) and extensively advocated. The methodological d i f f i c u l t i e s of t h i s method—limited and s e l e c t i v e information r e t r i e v a l , biased information inference, and possible subject contamination are r e a l , but not as e x c l u s i v e to s o c i a l research as many physical s c i e n t i s t s would be l i e v e . (Born, i n Madge, 1953,29; Webb e t . a l . , 1966, 4) Given the r i g o u r and conscientiousness that a l l s c i e n t i f i c research demands, unobtrusive observation and p a r t i c i p a n t observation can provide v a l i d , r e l i a b l e and s u b s t a n t i a l data. (Becker, 1958) Empirical explorations i n t o everyday s o c i a l s e t t i n g s are not void of p o s s i b i l i t i e s of synthesis or g e n e r a l i z a t i o n ( S e l l t i z et. a l . , 1959) and need not encourage the s i t u a t i o n of the researcher who, "with too r i g i d a frame of reference, sees only things that confirm his pre-conceptions." (Madge, 1953, 124) Studyinq V i c t o r y Square, the optimal strateqy was to admit the richness of f i r s t hand experience i n the social s e t t i n q by DarticiDant observation, r e i n f o r c i n g and supplementing t h i s data with more formal numerical measurement derived from structured observational instruments. A greater understanding of the s o c i a l m i l i e u r e s u l t e d from usinq these d i s t i n c t , but complementary research procedures. Development of instruments which could a s s i m i l a t e f i e l d observations i n t o a pre-planned and ordered data bank was a necessary f i r s t step to a successful empirical i n v e s t i g a t i o n , and i s described below. The complementary r o l e of p a r t i c i p a n t observation i s also o u t l i n e d . The Behavioural Map One object of the study was to develop a method of data c o l l e c t i o n which would permit the precise chartinq of behavioural episodes, temporally and s p a t i a l l y , in a natural s e t t i n q without contaminatinq or manioulatinq the spontaneous character of s o c i a l and s p a t i a l i n t e r a c t i o n . The obvious s o l u t i o n was to make a p e r i o d i c tabulation of t h i s i n f o r -mation on a base map of the park. This permitted a runninq record to be kept of the l o c a t i o n , movement, i n t e r a c t i o n , and other behaviour of i n d i v i d u a l s and groups i n the oark. The procedure of recordinq micro-spatial behaviour was i n s p i r e d by I t t e l s o n et. a l . (1970) who monitored the l o c a t i o n a l habits of mental patients i n an i n s t i t u t i o n a l s e t t i n g . Their 'behavioural maps' were segmented f l o o r plans of the ward, with areas coded to f a c i l i t a t e data a n a l y s i s . For t h i s study, an o u t l i n e map of V i c t o r y Square was constructed, at a scale of 1"=30'. (See Appendix A ) / I t included the s a l i e n t features of the park's physical design, includinq paths, w a l l s , and benches. The locations of park users were noted by a colour codinq scheme of user tynes (discussed below) and space was a v a i l a b l e at the map marqins f o r spontaneous note takinq of observed events. Couoled with the a b i l i t y to l a t e r s t a t i s t i c a l l y aqgregate and analyse s p a t i a l habits of park users, the behavioural map proved to be a useful tool of data col l e c t i o n . The Schedule of Observation The eighth f l o o r of an o f f i c e b u i l d i n g overlookinq Victory Square provided a vantage point f o r i n t e n s i v e , systematic observation, which was planned to provide behavioural maps of park use f o r fourteen day-l i g h t hours of each day of the week. Vi q i l a n c e periods were seven hours, and conducted over a three week period i n l a t e May and e a r l y June, 1973. The f i r s t observation period was a Sunday, from 2 p.m. to 9 p.m., the second a Monday, from 7 a.m. to 2 p.m. Observation periods were planned i n t h i s staggered fashion so that two weeks of i n t e n s i v e data c o l l e c t i o n would y i e l d the desired data bank, thus minimizing seasonal and other i r r e g u l a r i t i e s that could not be c o n t r o l l e d . In t o t a l , 98 hours of park behaviour were s y s t e m a t i c a l l y observed, and information recorded on to 196 behavioural maps. A p i l o t study of V i c t o r y Square, conducted i n A p r i l , 1973 revealed that park use before 7 a.m. and a f t e r 9 p.m. was i n c i d e n t a l and scattered. Given the small number of users, and the d i f f i c u l t y of observing the park i n other than dayliqht conditions, behavioural maps were not kept f o r these times. V i c t o r y Square, the stage upon which d a i l y inner c i t y l i f e evolved, was created s h o r t l y a f t e r World War One and has experienced a change in r e l a t i v e l o c a t i o n . Surrounded by Hastings S t r e e t , Cambie Str e e t , Pender S t r e e t , and the cobblestones of Hamilton Street, i t was once the s i t e of the o r i g i n a l P r o v i n c i a l Government Court House and a s i g n i f i c a n t f o c a l point i n downtown Vancouver. As the f i n a n c i a l , r e t a i l , and government services slowly moved west, Victory Square became marginal to the fashionable downtown core, and host to a new s o c i a l and business c l i e n t e l e . The small memorial Dlaque at the south end of the park, commemorating the long years of a s s o c i a t i o n that the c i t y newspaper, the Vancouver Province had with the park, stands as a symbol of the abandonment of the area by important c i t y business. P a c i f i c Press, l i k e many other former employers i n the area has joined the westward movement of downtown, leaving a physical and s o c i a l void to be f i l l e d . The park and i t s features are shown in Figure 2.1. To some, the park might appear l i k e a garden i n a slum, an i d y l l i c green haven i n a q u i l t of aging gray blocks. The f u l l time park attendant and c i t y parks crews maintain the area with regular cleaning and landscaping. The manicured and a e s t h e t i c a l l y pleasing environment at f i r s t appears an incongruent s e t t i n g f o r the s o c i a l world i t accommodates. Later ideas i n t h i s thesis w i l l suggest that the s t a f f who manage and maintain the park are people caretakers as well as landscape caretakers. They maintain a p h y s i c a l l y congenial environment i n which a poor, neglected, and immobile s o c i a l world slowly acts out t h e i r l i f e drama. Bringing t h e i r everyday a c t i o n s , r e l a t i o n s h i p s , and careers i n t o the park, these people create a s o c i a l environment f o r which the park was not planned. Ultimately t h i s incongruence between formal plan and s o c i a l r e a l i t y revealed i t s e l f through behaviour i n the park by various l i f e s t y l e types, and by the physical a l t e r a t i o n s that the park incurred as a r e s u l t of i t , both of which were recorded through unobtrusive observation. P a r t i c i p a n t Observation In order to completely understand the patterns and processes of human s p a t i a l behaviour i n the park, i t was necessary to go beyond the methodology of pure observation and notation of the behavioural map. This procedure outlined the s p a t i a l structure of the s o c i a l world of Vi c t o r y Square. However, i t said nothing about the process, about the meaning of the space and the rules of the s o c i a l world, variables which give character and body to d i s t r i b u t i o n maps. Social s c i e n t i s t s best uncover the i n t r i c a s i e s of behavioural process by immersing themselves i n the everyday r e a l i t i e s of the environment they are i n v e s t i g a t i n g . (Whyte, 1955; Liebow, 1967; Ley, 1972) With due precautions, there was no reason that p a r t i c i p a n t observation i n the park would contaminate the natural s e t t i n g , the perceptions and behaviour of park users, and the unfolding of d a i l y r o u t i n e . P a r t i c i p a n t observation i s structured to the extent that voluntary evidence i s organized and analysed f o r themes and t h e o r e t i c a l p o s s i b i l i t i e s which f u r t h e r observation might support or r e f u t e . (Becker, 1958) Information i s sought unobtrusively, and the researcher remains, as much as p o s s i b l e , an inconspicuous member of the occasion. (Gold, 1958) As the period of p a r t i c i p a n t observation (June and J u l y , 1973) came to a c l o s e , less a t t e n t i o n to anonymity was p r a c t i c e d with two informants, the park attendant and the washroom attendant. Anonymity was continued, however, with a number of other informants. The ' s c i e n t i s t ' , a middle aged c a s u a l l y dressed man provided invaluable information on many people and topics without knowing the author's designs. Anonymity can, of course, create e t h i c a l problems. These have received some discussion and t h i s research followed the common guidelines of s e l e c t i v e d i s c l o s u r e of the research purpose. (Whyte, 1955, 279-358) """"" While r e a c t i v e research techniques, using questionnaires and structured interviews are very popular, e s p e c i a l l y when data i s r e t r i e v e d that can be s t a t i s t i c a l l y manipulated, i t should be stressed that, f o r c e r t a i n purposes, these techniques contain overwhelming problems of v a l i d i t y and r e l i a b i l i t y . In contrast, men in V i c t o r y Square were quite spontaneous in casual conversation, and a f t e r rapport was e s t a b l i s h e d , s p e c i f i c questions could be couched in general statements to which the respondent might react without f e e l i n g i ntimidated. I d e n t i f y i n g the Actors: A Typology of L i f e S t y l e Types There i s good evidence that i t i s possible to c l a s s i f y i n d i v i d u a l s by l i f e s t y l e from systematic unobtrusive observation. Goffman points out that maintenance of the i n t e g r i t y and order of s o c i e t y and s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n rests l a r g e l y on our a b i l i t y to read the nature of s o c i a l gatherings. Those p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n a s o c i a l occasion convey, by the nature of t h e i r behaviour, mannerisms, and dress, the rules of the s i t u a t i o n to others. A person's dress> make-up, and deportment are also manifestations of his s e l f image. (Goffman, 1959) This 'impression management1 i s a conscious attempt to project the image he wishes others to hold of him. Often the costumes of impression management associate a person with p a r t i c u l a r s o c i a l groups, based on such c r i t e r i a as occupation, l i f e s t y l e , and a f f i l i a t i o n with s o c i a l organizations. The way a person manages his p u b l i c image to convey membership i n a s o c i a l group has been dealt with elsewhere. (See G i l l , 1972, f o r a c o l o u r f u l account of pop sociology) Dress and body decoration are very important elements of impression management, and a personal d e c l a r a t i o n of l i f e s t y l e . In everyday l i f e , we c o n t i n u a l l y judge and sort people i n t o occupat-i o n a l , l i f e s t y l e , and p e r s o n a l i t y categories s o l e l y on such observable a t t r i b u t e s as dress, cosmetics, and deportment. Such i d e n t i f i c a t i o n and c l a s s i f i c a t i o n of people by t h i s method i s non-reactive. Individuals can be assessed as they carry out t h e i r normal d a i l y a c t i v i t i e s . In order to monitor e f f e c t i v e l y the s p a t i a l behaviour of large numbers of people by unobtrusive observation, an instrument f o r quick i d e n t i f i c a t i o n and c l a s s i f i c a t i o n of l i f e s t y l e was required. A p i l o t study of park users revealed a number of diagnostic c r i t e r i a by which people could be judged. Although we i n t u i t i v e l y categorize people every day, an instrument f o r systematic i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of l i f e s t y l e had to incorporate formally recognized a t t r i b u t e s of impression management. The f o l l o w i n g i s a l i s t of the s a l i e n t a t t r i b u t e s by which people who used Vi c t o r y Square during the time of the p i l o t study could be c l a s s i f i e d . General Age: Young; under 25 years. Middle aged; 25 to 60 years. E l d e r l y ; over 60 years . Clothing S t y l e : T r a d i t i o n a l well dressed; the a t t i r e of respectably well dressed men i n the 1940's and 1950's, including re la t i ve ly baqgv trousers, t ie clasDS, and an impeccably formed hat or fedora. Casual-occupational; casual clothing of no pretentious s t y l e , such as wash and wear trousers and windbreakers. This category a l s o includes dress heavily influenced by western s t y l e c l o t h i n g , such as boots and yoked j a c k e t s , and dress that suggests occupation, such as lumberjack jackets or heavy work boots. Mod: the very bright and f l a s h v garb fashionable f o r younq people in the 1960's, inc l u d i n g w i l d printed s h i r t s , patent shoes, and a v i a t o r sun qlasses . Modern Casual; current fashionable c l o t h i n g which i s casual but often formally coordinated and very neat, such as f l a r e d k n i t slacks with a coordinating checkered s h i r t and sleeveless sweater, accompanied by modern two toned shoes. This category also includes the now popular denim ensembles, inc l u d i n g the jeans and j a c k e t , i f they are accompanied by s h i r t s and shoes which r e f l e c t modern fashion. Modern well dressed; current fashionable business and dress s u i t s , with complementing modern s h i r t s , t i e s , and shoes. Mismatched and Incongruent; c l o t h i n g which presents no dominant s t y l e , f o r example, a s u i t worn with sneakers. Cosmetic Management: T r a d i t i o n a l clean; barbered h a i r , clean shaven, but o c c a s i o n a l l y sporting a well trimmed mustache. Modern clean; longer, s t y l e d h a i r , mustaches, and beards are worn, but neatly and well attended. Unkempt; unruly h a i r , beard, or mustache, and sometimes barefoot. Race; Native Indians Orientals White As a f i n a l project of the p i l o t study, i n d i v i d u a l Dark users were s c r u t i n i z e d and the p a r t i c u l a r a t t r i b u t e s they displayed were noted-The purpose of t h i s exercise was to t e s t the u n i v e r s a l i t y of the r a t i n g a t t r i b u t e s within the park s e t t i n g , and to assess the p o s s i b i l i t y of i d e n t i f y i n g s p e c i f i c user types. A s c r i p t i o n of a t t r i b u t e s to park users proved to be f a s t and uncomplicated. The assessment of i n d i v i d u a l s y i e l d e d recurrent 'sets' of a t t r i b u t e s . Consequently, those people who displayed a s i m i l a r p r o f i l e of a t t r i b u t e s were c l a s s i f i e d under a p a r t i c u l a r l i f e s t y l e group. The process of i d e n t i f y i n g a t t r i b u t e s and c l a s s i f y i n g people was, of course, one of personal judgcaaBt; rather than a c l a s s i f i c a t i o n based upon s t a t i s t i c a l technique. ( G i l l , 1972) However, in t h i s study, systematic c r i t e r i a f o r c l a s s i f i c a t i o n provided a way of i d e n t i f y i n g people i n a r e l a t i v e l y unbiased and methodical manner. As a r e s u l t of the p i l o t study, the f o l l o w i n g l i f e s t y l e groups emerged, each representing a p a r t i c u l a r p r o f i l e of a t t r i b u t e s . Each group i s described f u l l y i n Chapter Three. E l d e r l y well dressed E l d e r l y c a s u a l l y dressed E l d e r l y tramp E l d e r l y a f f l u e n t Middle aged casually dressed Middle aged tramp Middle aged a f f l u e n t Younq casual dressed Young hippy Young mod In order to sys t e m a t i c a l l y code l i f e s t y l e qrouo a f f i l i a t i o n and s p a t i a l behaviour onto behavioural maps durinq the period of systematic unobtrusive observation, a colour schema was desiqned so that i n d i v i d u a l park users could be d i s t i n c t i v e l y recorded using coloured p e n c i l s . The coding of r a c i a l a f f i l i a t i o n of non-white people was achieved by an a d d i t i o n a l colour notation to the small l i f e s t y l e symbol. In t h i s way, native Indians and Orientals could l a t e r be studied as members of a l i f e s t y l e group or as excl u s i v e groups i n t h e i r own r i g h t , comprising the fo l l o w i n g d i v i s i o n s : E l d e r l y Indians Middle aged Indians Young Indians E l d e r l y Oriental Middle aged Oriental Together, the behavioural map, the schedule of observation, and the user type c l a s s i f i c a t i o n instrument, provided the means f o r compiling a data bank of i n d i v i d u a l and aggregate s p a t i a l behaviour by various i d e n t i f i a b l e user types f o r a pre-planned time period covering each day of the week. Chapter Three discusses the observable a t t r i b u t e s of each user type category. Chapter Four presents a summary of the demographic and ec o l o g i c a l patterns of park a c t i v i t y compiled from the data on behavioural maps. CHAPTER I I I THE PEOPLE WHO USE THE PARK The l i f e s t y l e groups of V i c t o r y Square displayed a c o l o u r f u l and d i s t i n c t i v e range of behaviour and modes of publ i c presentation. This chapter deals with the observable a t t r i b u t e s of each type of person and the character of t h e i r grouping behaviour in the park. Analysis of qroupinq behaviour c a r r i e d both s o c i a l and SDatial i m p l i c a t i o n s . An i n t e r e s t i n g r e l a t i o n s h i p held between the grouping habits of l i f e s t y l e cohorts and the degree to which norms of imDression management and behaviour i n p u b l i c were more c l e a r l y defined and prescribed. For example, e l d e r l y well dressed men shared s o c i a l mores of p u b l i c conduct and habits of dress, whereas the middle aged and e l d e r l y tramps did not have such group conforming t i e s as the status achieving hat that many of the e l d e r l y well dressed men wore. This lack of conformity and f a c i l i t y f o r achieving intra-group acceptance and status was r e f l e c t e d s p a t i a l l y ; the tramps r a r e l y maintained large i n t e r a c t i n g groups i n the park. Spacing patterns and grouping behaviour r e f l e c t e d people's w i l l i n g n e s s to accept the presence of others. When park users were strangers, t h e i r impression management and deportment were the only c r i t e r i a by which others could judge t h e i r a b i l i t y to a s s i m i l a t e , s o c i a l l y and s p a t i a l l y , i n t o t h e i r s o c i a l world. For example, i f a person looked Itke a t r a n s i e n t hippy, wearing s o i l e d and worn jeans, and carrying such gear as sleeping bags or pack sacks, he would l i k e l y choose to be near others who offered the same impression management, and would more l i k e l y be accepted theire. Those who presented them-selves i n a manner most e a s i l y recognized as 'belonging' to a p a r t i c u l a r l i f e s t y l e more e a s i l y formed i n t e r a c t i n g groups i n the Dark. The f o l l o w i n g p r o f i l e s are verbal character sketches of_saefi Ivfe s t y l e a f f i l i a t e . As summarized i n Chapter Two, an i n d i v i d u a l ' s group a f f i l i a t i o n was judged on his age, dress, and cosmetic management. The p i l o t study confirmed that the people who used the park displayed a t t r i b u t e s of age, dress, and cosmetic management which n i c e l y f e l l i n t o 'sets', each 'set' representing a l i f e s t y l e group. The f o l l o w i n g are verbal sketches of ' t y p i c a l ' l i f e s t y l e a f f i l i a t e s . Native Indians and Orientals are treated here as excl u s i v e grouDS. E l d e r l y Well Dressed Men The t y p i c a l e l d e r l y well dressed man wore a s u i t or sports coat, a s h i r t , often accompanied by a t i e , oxfords, and a well kept gray, brown, or cream fedora. Closer observation often revealed wear and tear on c l o t h i n g , or s u b s t i t u t i o n of items. For example, hush puppies or army boots sometimes replaced oxfords. A k n i t s h i r t o c c a s i o n a l l y replaced the t y p i c a l white or candy s t r i p e d s h i r t with short point c o l l a r . However, regardless of occasional s u b s t i t u t i o n s , and the r e g u l a r i t y of frayed cuffs and fading colours, there was an obvious attempt to maintain control of the s e l f image i n a consciously selected s t y l e , and i n the image of what constituted a proper pub l i c appearance. Heavily worn oxfords or army boots s t i l l showed a polished toe. A t i e clasp clung desperately to a narrow t i e , holding i t to the moderately ironed s h i r t . The hat was immaculate and well shaped; i t s p o s i t i o n at the summit of the wardrobe a p t l y portrayed i t s importance to the members of t h i s group. (Figure 3.1) Some of the e l d e r l y well dressed men sooke only Ukrainian, with Figure 3.1. E l d e r l y Well Dressed Men. a few occasional English words, such as "okay". But e t h n i c i t y , other than Oriental and the native Indians, could not be r e a d i l y determined by unobtrusive observation from the o f f i c e b u i l d i n g . Later p a r t i c i p a n t observation, however, indica t e d a p e r s i s t e n t east European character fo r t h i s l i f e s t y l e of dated r e s p e c t a b i l i t y . E l d e r l y well dressed men often paired up or formed small groups on park benches in the park. In f a c t , as shown l a t e r , they were habitual occupants, the t e r r i t o r i a l dominants, of some areas. The s o c i a l gatherings normally formed a f t e r members had i n d i v i d u a l l y entered the park, suggesting that perhaps these men depended heavily on the park as a place to enjoy company. Clusters of older men s i t t i n g i n the park did not always experience or engage in intra-group i n t e r a c t i o n , but constituted a s p a t i a l rather than an i n t e r a c t i v e group. Individuals achieved the appearance of belonging to a s o c i a l gathering. For them, the park served as a place to r e f l e c t as well as to i n t e r a c t . Weather and personal health permitting, e l d e r l y well dressed men were d a i l y v i s i t o r s to the park. Observations and informant information concurred; these men were permanent and regular park users. V i c t o r y Square was a v i t a l node in t h e i r l i f e space, h a b i t u a l l y used as a s e t t i n g f o r s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n and a t o l e r a b l e r e t r e a t from hotel rooms. E l d e r l y Casually Dressed Men E l d e r l y c a s u a l l y dressed men wore wool slacks or wash and wear trousers, an open necked sport s h i r t , and a windbreaker. Sometimes, dress r e f l e c t e d occupation, f o r example, the checkered f l a n n e l s h i r t or work boots of the lumberman, but t h i s was rare among the e l d e r l y . Such c l o t h i n g i s chosen not, perhaps, to display consciously a l i f e Figure. 3.2. E l d e r l y Casually Dressed Men. s t y l e , but on account of i t s a v a i l a b i l i t y i n the discount c l o t h i n g stores and neighbourhood men's wear shops. Cosmetic management by these men was t r a d i t i o n a l l y clean. Hair was short and beards were very rare. In t h i s respect, the e l d e r l y c a s u a l l y dressed and e l d e r l y well dressed men did not d i f f e r . Likewise, grouping behaviour of these men followed c l o s e l y that of the e l d e r l y well dressed men, so that the two groups presented s i m i l a r patterns of park use. (Figure 3. E l d e r l y and Middle Aged Tramps E l d e r l y and middle aged tramps were c l e a r l y d i s t i n g u i s h a b l e by t h e i r dress and cosmetic management as they gave l i t t l e impression of c o n t r o l l e d maintenance of outward appearance. In some instances t h i s image might have been d e l i b e r a t e l y f a b r i c a t e d i n order to achieve a measure of i s o l a t i o n and a demonstratable r e f u t a t i o n of the mores of dress and deportment of wider s o c i e t y . T y p i c a l l y , h a i r was upfkefojpt, and t h e i r faces unshaven. Clothes were o l d , threadbare, and coordinated, by appearance, by opportunity rather than by desire. The colours were dark and lacked any appreciable s t y l e . Socks were often f a l l e n or missing and shoes were worn. Dress habits of these men tended to be more i n d i v i d u a l i s t i c than other groups. Black and white sneakers and black rubber boots cut o f f at the ankles were not unusual. (Figure 3.3 and 3.4) E l d e r l y and middle aged tramps were loners, whose attempts at interpersonal i n t e r a c t i o n , among t h e i r own kind or other groups, was rare. Grouping behaviour among tramps did occur very e a r l y i n the morning and a f t e r dusk, when they would gather in two's and three' Figure 3.3. The E l d e r l y Tramp. Figure 3.4. Middle Aged Tramps. around a b o t t l e of l i q u o r and mumble incoherently to each other. Bendiner provides a comment of the behaviour of these men which goes beyond the observable habits reported here: "You can see the Bowery drunk sp i k i n g his cheap wine with raw alcohol and passing the b o t t l e among his f r i e n d s , or even among strangers. He drinks to fend o f f l o n e l i n e s s , or sometimes the l e s s e r c h i l l that the wind sends slashing through his rags." (1962, 401) "He does not want friends--with t h e i r incessant demands upon him—but he craves the i l l u s i o n of f r i e n d s h i p . For him alcohol makes possible a world with rounded, smooth edges, a world of brothers, but not of brother-hood and a l l the dreary r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s which that concept e n t a i l s . " (1962, 402) These sentiments do not c o n f l i c t with observations of grouping habits of the e l d e r l y and middle aged tramps of V i c t o r y Square. Not a l l tramps in V i c t o r y Square,however, were habitual a l c o h o l i c s . Middle Aged Casually Dressed Men Middle aged casually dressed men i n V i c t o r y Square appeared, in dress, i n the s t y l e of a decade ago. The t y p i c a l cohort of t h i s group wore wash and wear trousers or jeans, an unobtrusively p l a i n sports s h i r t , and a cardigan sweater. Occasionally white or purple socks were worn with undistinguished black or brown shoes, givi n g one the impression of l i t t l e concern f o r fashion. Western s t y l e d c l o t h i n g and the t y p i c a l garb of u n s k i l l e d labour and lumber camp workers was common among these men as w e l l . Cosmetic management was t r a d i t i o n a l l y clean. Sometimes the wet, combed back pompadour s t y l e was seen, but h a i r never covered the ears or c o l l a r . (Figure 3.5) Figure 3.5. Middle Aged Casually Dressed Men. Middle aged ca s u a l l y dressed men sat rather unobtrusively i n the park, r a r e l y creating a t t e n t i o n by t h e i r numbers or behaviour. Groups were r a r e , though o c c a s i o n a l l y two or three would s i t together at one bench. More often, these men were unassuming background members of the s o c i a l f a b r i c of the park. Young Hippies By t h e i r outward aopearance, young hippies showed l i t t l e regard f o r maintaining an image acceptable to wider s o c i e t y , and were, in some ways, younger counterparts of the tramps of V i c t o r y Square. Faded, d i r t y , patched blue jeans were often complemented by s h i r t s and jackets of the same c l o t h and condi t i o n . In warm weather, they often wore no s h i r t s . Cosmetic management was unl^mpt; h a i r s t y l e s were t y p i c a l l y long and greasy looking. A young hippy might have worn l a r g e , unpolished ' c i v i l war' boots or no shoes at a l l . Costume je w e l l e r y was very popular with t h i s group. Hippies sported medallions, crosses, and neck chains, and wore decorative Datches on c l o t h i n g . (Figure 3.6) Grouping behaviour was an outward s p a t i a l expression of the p r e v a i l i n g hippy ideology of togetherness, community, and a l l f o r one, one f o r a l l . Groups, ranging i n s i z e from two to fourteen people, lounged on the south and west lawns of the park. I n t e r a c t i o n was high within groups and between groups as i n d i v i d u a l s moved from one gathering to another. Figure 3.6. Young Hippies. Young Casually Dressed Young casually dressed people displayed, i n t h e i r dress h a b i t s , more obvious regard f o r t h e i r p u b l i c appearance. Faded blue jeans and jackets did not completely disguise the conspicuous control of s e l f image management, r e f l e c t e d i n up-to-date s t y l i s h shoes, fashionable, well t a i l o r e d s h i r t s , and sweaters. Hair, often long, was clean, neat, and s t y l e d . (Figure 3.7) Lunch bags and books often l a b e l l e d these people as students, many of whom attended Vancouver Vocational I n s t i t u t e on Pender Street. Some of these l i f e s t y l e cohorts were g i r l s , who used the park only when accompanied by a male student or other g i r l s . They t y p i c a l l y entered the park through the south-west gate, forming small groups on the south lawn or a bench on the south s i d e . There was very l i t t l e i n t e r a c t i o n with other user types i n the park, and usually only with the young hippy park users. Young Mod Following the fashion dictums of the early 1960's, young mod people appeared i n V i c t o r y Sguare in costumes that tested one's a b i l i t y to accept new colour combinations. Purple b e l l bottoms in velvet-look and cotton corduroy, shiny gold acetate b l o u s e - s h i r t s , white b e l t s , red patent shoes, and large gold bracelets were the t y p i c a l items of dress of t h i s group, a l l of which were a v a i l a b l e in the men's wear shoos of the area. Although these i n d i v i d u a l s usually appeared neatly shaven and clean, the wet-down ducktailed h a i r s t y l e o c c a s i o n a l l y appeared to complement the c l o t h i n g . (Figure 3. Young mods, a s m a l l , but noticeable element of the s o c i a l m i l i e u of the park, usually relaxed alone on the south or west lawn of the Figure 3.7 The Young Casually Dressed. Dark, A couple of Indian youths were i d e n t i f i e d as among t h i s user type. They usually had younq Indian g i r l s as companions, e s p e c i a l l y i n the evening, and would c i r c u l a t e the park at dusk f o r prospective customers f o r the g i r l . Native Indians Native Indians were the only group to use the park r e g u l a r l y i n family group s i t u a t i o n s as well as s i n g l y and i n small groups. Some-times, on warm, sunny afternoons, family-type mixed age groups used the south lawn of the park. A t y p i c a l group consisted of one or two middle aged men, one or two middle aged women, an e l d e r l y man, and a c h i l d . Young Indian youths and g i r l s over the age of about fourteen tended to disassociate themselves from these other grours, forming, t h e i r own small c l u s t e r s . E l d e r l y and middle aged Indian men dressed rather unobtrusively in casual garb, not unlike the dress of the casually dressed middle aged men, but the image was not quite as respectable on occasion. S h i r t s were worn open, and trousers and shoes were generally not in as good r e p a i r . Young Indians, on the other hand, most often r e f l e c t e d the dress habits of the young hippies, although a couple were of the young mod l i f e s t y l e . Indian women, both young and middle aged, dressed casually in k n i t s l a c k s , blouses, and sports outerwear, such as ski j a c k e t s . The make-up and hair s t y l e s of some of the Indian g i r l s was very noticeable, but generally, cosmetic management was not practiced to a high degree. Young Indian g i r l s often sat together i n two's or three's on the south lawn and s n i f f e d glue, while Indian youths formed t h e i r own exclusive s o c i a l t i e s amongst themselves. Only the middle aged Indians commonly sat i n the park i n couples, or i n mixed sex small groups. Orientals Most Oriental people using V i c t o r y Square were e l d e r l y people whose t y p i c a l dress was not too d i f f e r e n t than that of the e l d e r l y well dressed group. Of note was the popular tweed cap these people wore. Oriental men were passive p a r t i c i p a n t s of the s o c i a l m i l i e u , p r e f e r r i n g the benches i n the cenotaph area and at the south east gate where they could s i t i n small groups or mix with the e l d e r l y well dressed and e l d e r l y c a s u a l l y dressed men. According to an informant, these men were marginal members of the Chinatown community, who, because of t h e i r behaviour or reputation, l i v e s o c i a l l y and geographically between the white and Chinese community. There was l i t t l e s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n or s o c i a l c o n f l i c t observed between the Orientals and other park users, and they maintained small, unobtrusive c l u s t e r s i n inconspicuous places. A f f l u e n t s A f f l u e n t groups or i n d i v i d u a l s , on shopping t r i p s , or v i s i t i n g as t o u r i s t s , o c c a s i o n a l l y entered V i c t o r y Square. Because of the r a r i t y of t h e i r appearance, these people were exceptionally noticeable in the park. They usually stayed only a few minutes, watching the other people, perhaps taking a picture of t h e i r group by the cenotaph, before reintroducing themselves to the mainstream of public t r a f f i c on Hastings Street. Male Space Vi c t o r y Square was male t e r r i t o r y . With the exception of younq and middle aqed Indian women, and occasional younq casually dressed female students, only men used the park. As a r u l e , only young Indian q i r l s entered the Dark without male escort, but often came i n p a i r s . The park was not a country club, a place where men choose to come toqether to enqaqe i n the types of sports and conversation that only country club exclusiveness could provide, but both the country club and Vic t o r y Square shared the property of male dominance. Whether b i o l o g i c a l l y necessary or c u l t u r a l l y derived (Tiger, 1970) they e x i s t as places of male assembly and i n t e r a c t i o n . CHAPTER IV SPATIAL AND TEMPORAL PATTERNS OF PARK USE Soc i o - s p a t i a l patterns of park use were compiled by careful examination and ordering of the data from 196 behavioural maps. Were there d i s t i n g u i s h a b l e areal or temporal v a r i a t i o n s i n park use by each l i f e s t y l e group? I f so, could such features as the s p a t i a l concentration of qroups or the extent of s p a t i a l segregation between groups be measured and compared? This chapter seeks to answer questions such as these. Space-time grid maps, as concentrated inventories of information, were used to construct maps of t y p i c a l use of space by a number of l i f e s t y l e groups throughout the day. (Figures 4.1 to 4.4) Three user type groups are represented; those groups who most displayed a tendency to congregate, and be numerically dominant, i n s p e c i f i c places i n the park at c e r t a i n times of the day. Groups not represented were more apt to be s p a t i a l l y dispersed. These maps point out that, indeed, areal v a r i a t i o n s of park use by l i f e s t y l e groups were strong. This chapter presents, i n various ways, those s p a t i a l and temporal patterns. In order to lose as l i t t l e of the s p a t i a l and temporal information as possible while aggregating data from behavioural maps, a space-time g r i d was constructed which conformed to the useable areas of the park. (See Figure 4.5) The exact l o c a t i o n of each p e r s o n - v i s i t to the park (which was the recording of one person on a behavioural map) was returned at the level of r e s o l u t i o n of one g r i d square. The g r i d squares conformed r e a d i l y to recognized features of the park, for example, a pa i r Typical Areal Concentrations of Three L i f e S t y l e Groups: Typical Areal Concentrations of Three L i f e S t y l e Groups: Typical Areal Concentrations of Three L i f e S t y l e Groups: Typical Area! Concentrations of Three L i f e S t y l e Groups: A f t e r 7 p.m. of benches, or an area of grass. Therefore, a l l p e r s o n - v i s i t s coded to a p a r t i c u l a r g r i d square were of people using the same f a c i l i t y . Recorded perso n - v i s i t s were arranged w i t h i n each g r i d square by t h e i r time of occurrence i n order to r e t a i n time information. The r e s u l t was a graphic account, on each space-time g r i d , of aggregate use of the park by each l i f e s t y l e group through space and time. (Figures 4.5 to 4.17) The frequency with which l i f e s t y l e cohorts used the park, as indicated by t o t a l p e r s o n - v i s i t s , was an important consideration i n comparing areal patterns of park use. Table IV.I summarizes the proportions of l i f e s t y l e groups using the park i n terms of person-v i s i t s . Of 5793 t o t a l p e r s o n - v i s i t s , 2961, or 51% were by e l d e r l y people. Two major groups opposing each other in terms of dress and deportment were the e l d e r l y well dressed men (34.2% of t o t a l person-v i s i t s ) and the young hippies (20% of t o t a l p e r s o n - v i s i t s ) . Nine per-cent of pe r s o n - v i s i t s were r e a d i l y i d e n t i f i a b l e as native Indian or Oriental people. These people were treated as separate groups rather than being incorporated, by t h e i r dress, age, and cosmetic a t t r i b u t e s , i n t o one of the other l i f e s t y l e groups. Although the r e l a t i v e degree of intra-group s p a t i a l concentration was suggested by the space-time g r i d maps, these impressions were confirmed by modified Lorenz curves which elsewhere have been used to compare trends i n various elements of regional i n d u s t r i a l a c t i v i t y . (Yeates, 1968, 90-94) However, whereas Lorenz curve analysis has usually plotted the cumulative percentage of chosen variables on each 1 I* :: • • • • 1 •* •V • • • :V. • • • - \ \ % V • •• — - • - -• • 1 •• •. 1 | • 1 • • 1 ! 1 • • • 1 1 • t 1 • V •• •• 1 ••• *• • • \ :•: •• , 1 • •• V V • ••A • •: «"• I • • • • i i i 20 ! «• • • y »> ft .V • «>• •> V • r?. • V IS •• • * ft • • 5. « • time ••:•) • li i; 3-. 7-8 • • • : V \ • 1 -1 i -ft • • 0 11 1-3 6-7 • V •5- V • •. • • • • • • V • • • • \ • • • • • • • V • % • • • • • • •j V • ••• • \ • •• • • • • • i V i ••• • V •• •• • • • ••• • — •. | • 20 feel • • • • • • •. :• ••• • "."•* -4 • ,4« v • V 4W* time • •• 1 8 ii->? 3-4 7-8 9-9 i j - t 4 - 5 B-9 9-10 1-2 5-6 10-11 ?-3 6 - 7 J . v S •. • • •• •• •. • •• • • .•• • • :• •• v." • • .y. •• • • •• •• • » • 1 • • • • • : • v • • •• •• •\ V • • • :• • . • • • •• • •. • •.s>" • •• • •• . 1 • • • \ •A i | • V • • • H • • • .V. i • 20 feci •'. • • .' • •• & • •• • •• . . -.. • time • • • ' a n-,j 3-4 , 8 •• • 8-9 i?-1 J S 8-9 • 9 io 1 - 2 5 -6 • 10-1 2-3 •• • — 1 •. :• • • • • -• • '*• •• • • • • ••{/ • • • • — • — • • • •• • V • *. • • * • • • • • •• • V 1 • \ •• • i • •• • • — • • • • • • • • • • • • ! • • • • • i i • • •• •:• «*.v • • • • •. • •• • •• • • •• •*• • • • •• •. • — — '•• • :• time •• .• •• • • B n 11 • a i i • 5 8 5 9-10 i - 2 i . — -I 3 • • 1 I 1 i 1 •. 1 -i I t I l • I i — • •• •• \ • X 70 l-e i — t i m e i> 2 i ... 12 I « » -- 3 Fiqure 4.10. The Younq Mods. • — -* :•. ••• • -• • - • •• • i '• ' • •'•.v \. • % • • ••: V • I % •• • 1 *• • • V •• % ••• V •• •c-•':•*. • :• • • • • ••• • • • .• 1 1 • • • • •• • *•* • •.: :• • • :• time • •' B " 7 S 9 n i , s e -1 9-10 i - J i -6 • 7- J • • • •• Fiqure 4.11. The Young Casually Dressed. • * 4?: • ••• •• •V. • •:: it • V :• r. V • • • •> > •••• .% .v. • •• • •J* • •> •• *• •• IH ••• • S> •$* •» •. * ••• * i ••• ••• "*•*• **• • • \ •. • :> If # • w •• :•*. Kj-> •••• KV \ /•* •••• ••• • -• «. •t: •• •:• ••A •*• • - • 1 • .v.; .• «* •* •. 20 rest • • v. *• • • -• • •• time •• 7 S 11-12 7-B 1 8-9 12-1 4 5 B 9 1 9-10 -2 5 -6 10-1 2 3 6-7 Figure 4.12. The Young Hippies. • • '•• •• 1 I ! 1 \ 1 1 20 (eel • • • • • V t i me • • J 8 11 12 3-4 7-% 8-9 12-1 -1 i • 9-10 i -a i - 6 10 11 ?-1 6-7 • . • • •• s - - — •• • V • •• • • •• • • •. • • • • V •• .. •. •• -\ H | ** ••• 20 l«e • • • •• • •• • • • V • • • time 11 12 3 4 7-S 8-9 12 1 * 5 ] 2 5 6 0- l 1 3 . - 7 • • •• • •V- ; : N . •• • v.* V - - • \ • *% • :• • . V •:• •• •. -• i I •• • • • •• •• 1 :• • •• V • ! •• X • j 20 !<!. •• •• • • •• • • • time 7 3 3 4 7-8 — • B-9 12 i . s 8-9 2-10 i J S -6 0 i 2-1 1 . Figure 4.15. The Young Native Indians. • • V 1 V • L J • ! i • 1 1 • I • \. •• • •• » ' 10 Let • i • V • * M>ddle o g a d V ••• • v • • v;. time • • • ••• 11-12 3-* ; - 8 e-9 12-1 4 S 1 - ? i 6 ,0-, 1 - 3 6-7 Figure 4.16. The O r i e n t a l s . 1 1 i 1 1 i I i 1 1 ( - - " 1 ^ 1  1 : 1 t i • i I • 1 i i i -! i ' ! 1 1 i ! — J * t - • j 1 — ! j 1 1 i 1 1 | i 1 1 1 1 — — • 1 1 1 \ 1 . - - - •• — 1 i j 1 1 i ! « 1 i 1 I • V i • *, ! ' 1 • -V • . 1 " • *. - . •• time '-M > r a — • , i 4 i -• • 1 Person-v i s i ts Percentage Age Group sub-totals E l d e r l y Well Dressed 1983 34.2% E l d e r l y Casually Dressed 595 10.3°/ E l d e r l y Tramps 246 4.2% E l d e r l y Orientals 104 1.8% E l d e r l y Native Indians 27 .5% E l d e r l y A f f l u e n t 6 .1% Middle Aged Casually Dressed 437 7.5% Middle Aged Tramp 313 5.4% Middle Aged Native Indian 225 3.9% Middle Aged A f f l u e n t 61 1.1% Middle Aged Oriental 8 .2% Young Hippies 1156 20.0% Young Casually Dressed 451 7.8% Young Native Indians 157 2.6% Person-v i s i t s Percentage 2961 51.1% 1044 18.0% 1788 30.9% Total P e r s o n - v i s i t s : 5793 100.0% Table IV.I. Demographic Data of Park Use by L i f e S t y l e Group. a x i s , Fiqure 4.18 compares cumulative percentage of useable park area ( l a b e l l e d on the qraph as cumulative g r i d squares) aqainst cumulative absolute p e r s o n - v i s i t s by each l i f e s t v l e arouo in order to exemplify the variance i n numbers and density per area. The well dressed e l d e r l y men exhibited the greatest absolute concentration of occupants in a given area. To what deqree did the members of each l i f e s t y l e qroup e x h i b i t c o l l e c t i v e s p a t i a l segregation? Taeuber (1966), i n his study of Black r e s i d e n t i a l segreqation i n American c i t i e s , derived s t a t i s t i c a l indices of inter-group segregation. Given the r e l a t i v e proportion of population of two groups i n the areal universe of a study, each sub-area within would e x h i b i t the same proportions of population i f there were no inter-group segregation. Deviations from expected populations within sub-areas would form the comparative measure of s p a t i a l segregation. For a l l possible pairs of l i f e s t y l e qrouos i n Victory Square, the actual proportions of t o t a l population, in terms of o e r s o n - v i s i t s , were determined. Then, f o r each p a i r of groups, the deviations from expected population f o r each of the 44 q r i d squares of the space-time g r i d map were computed. No deviations (an index of 0) would mean no s p a t i a l seqregation between groups. Absolute s p a t i a l segregation (an index of 100) would occur when deviations from expected equalled the population of the group being compared. A chart of inter-group s p a t i a l segregation shows values ranginq from 22.4 between e l d e r l y well dressed men and e l d e r l y casually dressed men, to 95.6 between young mods and O r i e n t a l s . (Figure 4.19) I t was recognized that these indices were no more than a g u i d e l i n e , f o r the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of i n d i v i d u a l behavioural episodes, or the prediction of inter-personal Cumulative nos. of g r i d squares used Figure 4.18. Cumulative Population Concentration by L i f e S t y l e Groun. m m .2 3. -< -< -< O —' — i —>• o o o 0J "S -h C l a. Q - C L sz c: cr r+ —1- -h to ro Q - C L cs Z3 —i. ro — i -5 -S — i 1 O Q oo < Q < 3 C —> — i fD c-r fD << << O in QJ rs > CD o — i—i — i c+ o — l I Q I Q 00 C L -a 13 • -s fD 0) c -a CL • oo a> O- C L CD — i . —J. 3 —1 0> CD CD O —1 —1 CO 3 —1 • cu -s << • • • —1 oo ai • •< : ua 3 Dr • • * * o —1 • ai * " i —1 • CO • • -ro • << 00 • • « • ro • on a • C L • • • n> • -5 • • • • • a. • essed • • • 1 • E l d e r l y Well Dressed.. 22.4 49. ,1 42 .3 27. ,6 72. ,1 94 ,6 85. ,5 76, ,4 49 .5 51. .7 E l d e r l y Casually Dressed... 34, .7 31, ,0 31. ,9 66, .5 94. .5 80, ,3 52. .5 31 .7 36. ,1 , 27, ,9 33, ,7 64. .0 85. .4 68. .8 52. ,5 49 .6 49 .8 Middle Aged Casually Dressed.., 29, ,3 55. .7 79. ,8 69. ,1 49. .1 45 .6 49. ,9 47. ,7 78. ,5 54. .0 45. .9 47 .4 50. .1 59, ,8 40. ,7 37. .8 71 .3 68, ,8 Young Mod 91. ,4 56. .8 95 .6 80. ,3 Young Hippies 54. ,2 87 .8 81. ,5 Native Indians 72 .6 60. .7 44, ,5 On a scale of 0 to 100, higher scores i n d i c a t e a greater degree of c o l l e c t i v e s p a t i a l segregation between groups. Figure 4.19. Inter-Group Spatial Segregation. encounter could not be made from the manipulation of aqqreaate data. For example, i t may well have been the case that a l l younq mods and Orientals never occupied the same q r i d square area i n the same hour of the day. However, the qeneral tendencies offered by the seqreqation indices suggested a degree of s p a t i a l i n t e q r a t i o n . Also, some high values of inter-group segregation were between groups of very small sample s i z e . Comparing the segregation of e l d e r l y well dressed men and young hippies (85.5) with the segregation index of younq mods and Orientals (95.6), the s p a t i a l segregation of the former p a i r i s more s t r i k i n g when one considers the t o t a l populations involved and refers to the space-time g r i d maps of these groups. Disregarding groups of less than one hundred t o t a l oerson-v i s i t s , each l i f e s t y l e group was s o c i o m e t r i c a l l y coupled with those two other qrouns l e a s t s p a t i a l l y segregated from i t , (Fiqure 4.20) and with those two groups most s p a t i a l l y segreqated from i t . (Fiqure 4,21) The younq hiopy and younq casually dressed qrouos exhibited the qreatest deqree of i s o l a t i o n , having the weakest t i e s with other qroups. Middle aqed casually dressed men, middle aged tramps, and e l d e r l y tramps exhibited the qreatest deqree of in t e q r a t i o n with other groups, forming the strongest linkaqes. These inter-qroup tendencies of s p a t i a l segregation and int e g r a t i o n are discussed further in Chapter S i x , where the i n t r i c a c i e s of the behavioural process are argued to l i n k i n d i v i d u a l behaviour patterns to the aqqreqate s p a t i a l patterns of use described here. Temporal, as well as s p a t i a l information could be derived from the soace-time q r i d maps. Figure 4.22 i n d i c a t e s , by hour of the YOUNG HIPPIES NATIVE INDIANS YOUNG 'CASUALLY DRESSED ELDERLY TRAMPS I MIDDLE AGED CASUALLY DRESSED ORIENTALS MIDDLE AGED TRAMPS I ELDERLY WELL DRESSED I ELDERLY CASUALLY DRESSED SEGREGATION INDEX BETWEEN GROUPS Less than 30: Between 30 and 40: Over 40: Stronger and more numerous linkages r e f l e c t lower degree of c o l l e c t i v e s p a t i a l segregation. Figure 4.20. Socio-metric Linkages of Least Segregated L i f e Style Groups. DRESSED SEGREGATION INDEX BETWEEN GROUPS Over 75: Between 65 and 75: Under 65: Stronger and more numerous linkages r e f l e c t higher degree of c o l l e c t i v e s p a t i a l segregation and i s o l a t i o n . Figure 4.21. Socio-metric Linkages of Most seqreaated L i f e Style Groups. day, the r e l a t i v e populations of l i f e s t y l e groups. In order to assess the degree to which t o t a l aggregated data suggested a regular ecolo g i c a l pattern of use, park populations through time, f o r two randomly picked observation periods, were p l o t t e d . (Figure 4.23) These diurnal charts show the increase of the young hippy and middle aged tramp populations at dusk as other groups vacate the park. L i f e s t y l e groups displayed i n t e r e s t i n g patterns of change, through space and time. From 7 a.m. to 11 a.m., e l d e r l y well dressed men used almost e x c l u s i v e l y the benches of the cenotaph area. Then, as t h e i r numbers grew, t h e i r areal occupancy spread to the east side benches. In the l a t e afternoon, as the sun shone b r i g h t l y on the east s i d e , hourly p e r s o n - v i s i t s exceeded those i n the cenotaph area. A f t e r 7 p.m., as dusk approached, the numbers of e l d e r l y well dressed men dropped to low de n s i t i e s i n both the cenotaph area and the east side. South and west side benches contained few of them, and only from the hours of 11 a.m. to 5 p.m. These men made almost no use of the lawn areas, but a large number l o i t e r e d along the walls and fences i n the cenotaph area, e s p e c i a l l y during the warm afternoons. As Figure 4.22 shows, t h e i r use of the park rose and f e l l sharply i n a d a i l y cycle whose peak came between 1 p.m. and 2 p.m. Rapidly increasing numbers, between 11 a.m. and 1 p.m., led to d a i l y e c o l o g i c a l s h i f t s , as the men sought comfortable places to s i t or stand. E l d e r l y casually dressed men displayed s i m i l a r patterns of park use, but, although they constituted less than one t h i r d the t o t a l of pers o n - v i s i t s of the e l d e r l y well dressed men, use of the south side benches was almost as great. Otherwise, aggregate use of space was l i t t l e d i f f e r e n t than the other group. Hours of the day (7 a.m. to 9 p.m.) - (upper) Elderly VVcl I dresied •(lower) Elderly Tramp • Elderly Casual "(upper) Young Hippy -Middle aged Trompi • Young Coiual -(middle)M ddleaged Casual -(lower)Younq Mod Figure 4.22. Diurnal Populations by L i f e S t y l e Groun (aggregate p e r s o n - v i s i t data) Population Fiqure 4.23. Diurnal Populations f o r Two P a r t i c u l a r Observation Periods. In s t r i k i n q contrast to the s p a t i a l patterns of use of the above two e l d e r l y qrouDS were the space-time q r i d maos fo r the young hippy and younq casually dressed l i f e s t y l e cohorts. According to the indices of inter-aroup s p a t i a l seareqation, the young hippies were more segregated from the e l d e r l y well dressed group than were the young casually dressed people. A qlance at t h e i r space-time q r i d maps also shows that the younq casually dressed group was less concentrated i n space than the younq hippies, i n t e g r a t i n q themselves more with the other Dark users. The high values of segregation achieved by the young hippies came from t h e i r extreme concentration on the west bank. Use of benches was l i m i t e d , and only occurred on the south and west sides to any extent at a l l . The d a i l y e c o l o g i c a l rhythm of park use by young hippies offered two peaks, one at mid-morning, and one between 4 p.m. and 5 p.m. They also made more use of the park a f t e r dusk and oc c a s i o n a l l y s l e p t overnight on the grass. On the other hand, younq casually dressed people began to vacate the Dark a f t e r 5 p.m. following a sustained moderate occupation of the south bank which began at noon. The s p a t i a l patterns of the e l d e r l y and middle aqed tramps were quite dispersed, and the indices of inter-qroup s p a t i a l seqreqation point out that these two qroups apoear to have Dractised a hiqh degree of s p a t i a l i n t e g r a t i o n with other qroups. They used a l l benches, and the lawn areas, often sleepinq with hangovers durinq the day, or using a bench as a bed at night. E l d e r l y tramps followed no appreciable peaks or troughs in t h e i r diurnal rhythm, but middle aqed tramps showed a sudden r i s e in t o t a l population at mid-morning and a smaller one in mid-afternoon. Middle aged casually dressed men also made extensive use of the park, but f o r the west side benches. Only the young hippies demon-stra t e d a moderately high index of s p a t i a l seareqation with them. These men used the south bank more than any other lawn area, so were generally separated from the young hippies (who resided on the west bank) by younq casually dressed people, and Indians. Unlike the benches of the cenotaph area and the east s i d e , where e l d e r l y well dressed men often held j u r i s d i c t i o n a l s p a t i a l dominance, the benches of the south and west side experienced a high turnover of v i s i t s by Indians, tramps, young hippies, and middle aqed casually dressed men, as well as the other groups. Young Indian men were e s p e c i a l l y concentrated on the south s i d e , and used the benches and the south bank. The space-time q r i d maps painted a pi c t u r e of agqreqate use of space by d i f f e r e n t l i f e s t y l e groups and c l e a r l y showed areal and temporal v a r i a t i o n s . As such, these demonstrated patterns of use leave one to search f o r a way of understanding how the patterns developed. I t i s the task of Chapters Five and Six to portray the a c t i v i t i e s and processes of every day l i f e i n V i c t o r y Square in order to explain the s p a t i a l and temporal patterns described here. CHAPTER V THE FUNCTIONS OF VICTORY SQUARE: THE SPATIAL VARIATION OF ACTIVITIES Vic t o r y Square served a p l u r a l i t y of l i f e s t y l e s and a c t i v i t i e s . The areal d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n of park use by l i f e s t y l e could, i n part, be understood by revealinq the kinds of pastimes each group undertook and t h e i r l o c a t i o n a l preferences f o r these a c t i v i t i e s . Throughout the day, as more people d r i f t e d i n t o Victory Square from the surrounding neighbourhood, the a v a i l a b i l i t y of s u i t a b l e space to accommodate these preferences diminished. The tendency f o r some l i f e s t y l e groups to be s p a t i a l l y segregated, and others integrated, r e f l e c t e d the degree to which they shared s p a t i a l preferences and needed, or t o l e r a t e d , each other as i n d i v i d u a l s . The space-time qrid maps (Figures 4.5 to 4.17), showing aggregate, time sampled s o a t i a l j u r i s d i c t i o n by groups, sugqest a s o c i a l and s p a t i a l ordering of a v a i l a b l e t e r r i t o r y which changes throughout the day. This chapter discusses the a c t i v i t i e s of park users as they unknowinqly weaved these ecological rhythms i n t o the s o c i a l f a b r i c of the park. The next chapter deals with the behavioural processes which lead to an understanding of the patterns of use. The Daily Routine of People Who Wait For many park users, the e l d e r l y well dressed and casually dressed men, the tramps, the middle aaed casually dressed men, and the Indians, Victory Square provided a place to wait: f o r f r i e n d s , f o r supper, fo r welfare and pension cheques, f o r anything. Indeed, f o r one reason or another, a l l park users were passinq the time. Younq casually dressed students lounged between classes and during t h e i r lunch break; young hippies spent a few weeks before moving on to another c i t y ; unemployed middle aged men waited f o r the weeks and months to pass, jeopardizing more and more t h e i r chances f o r f u l l time work; e l d e r l y tramps and well dressed pensioners waited f o r another year to pass, maybe t h e i r l a s t . In t h i s s o c i a l m i l i e u of passive waiti n g , and sometimes pathetic r e t r e a t , the geographical environment was the s e t t i n g of a curious blend of l e i s u r e l y , and also demoralizing and i l l e g a l behaviour. Drugs and alcohol were widely used and the park provided an a f f a b l e and secluded environment where sanctions, both from law enforcement and informal s o c i a l a c t i o n , were rare. The s e l l e r s of narcotics and s o f t drugs found a ready market among the young people i n the park; glue s n i f f i n g was a common pra c t i c e among Indian g i r l s ; bay rum, sterno, and shoe po l i s h complemented the l i s t of wines, l i q u o r s , and other chemical crutches by which much of the park population tolerated a l i f e of w a i t i n g . Alcohol was consumed heavily by most of the middle aged and e l d e r l y tramps, middle aged and e l d e r l y Indians, and occasionally by young Indians. The seasoned drinkers r a r e l y practised even the s l i g h t e s t pretense of hiding a b o t t l e while i n the park. Occasionally the brown paper bag remained over the b o t t l e , but what did i t r e a l l y hide? No one needed to fear the r i d i c u l e of drinking an i n f e r i o r brand for a l l gave the same e f f e c t . Because the s i g h t of l i q u o r was l i k e a magnet to other dr i n k e r s , consumption often--became a small group occasion. However, t h i s agent of s o c i a l i z a t i o n sometimes f a i l e d to break ba r r i e r s to inter-group i n t e r a c t i o n , f o r a white tramp r a r e l y approached a group of Indians, and vice versa. No part of Vi c t o r y Square was completely 'clean' of drinking although s p a t i a l concentrations did occur. Most drinking took place along the south and west sides of the park where men sat on the benches to support themselves and to avoid the damp grass of morning and evening. Indian men and women tended to use the grass of the south bank to s i t and drink, e s p e c i a l l y on warm, sunny days. During ea r l y morning and l a t e i n the evening, heavily drinking i n d i v i d u a l s moved to otherwise clean areas, f o r example, the benches of the cenotaph area and the benches on the east side. The darkness provided an extra cover of protection that the dim park lamps f a i l e d to penetrate. The absence of large numbers of non-drinkers, such as the e l d e r l y well dressed and cas u a l l y dressed men who normally dominated these bench areas, effected an ecolog i c a l s h i f t of a c t i v i t y . There was no longer the s p a t i a l j u r i s d i c t i o n that normally protected the park from such disrespectable behaviour. On a br i g h t , warm afternoon, an e l d e r l y well dressed man, surrounded by other e l d e r l y well dressed and casually dressed men, cautiously sipped a b o t t l e of beer as he sat on the stone ledge of the cenotaph area steps. He h a s t i l y lowered the b o t t l e to an inconspicuous l e v e l a f t e r each s i p , as i f expecting r e p r i s a l . Meanwhile, on the south bank, a small group of Indians, in c l u d i n g two middle aged casual men, a middle aged woman, and an e l d e r l y c a s u a l l y dressed man openly passed around a large b o t t l e of 'Calona Red'. They were s i t t i n g amongst dozens of people, young casually dressed students, young hip p i e s , and tramps, a l l involved i n t h e i r own games of i d l e contemplation, smoking, t a l k i n g , or sleeping. Behind the Indians, on a south side bench, two middle aged tramps and a middle aged casually dressed man passed a b o t t l e of whiskey back and f o r t h . In the short distance from the cenotaph area to the south s i d e , there was a change of scene, a geographical v a r i a t i o n of d i s p o s i t i o n . A f t e r dark, however, at that same cenotaph area, three very drunk tramps openly drank a b o t t l e of whiskey. The d i s p o s i t i o n s changed over time as well as over space. Monitoring the behavioural accretion of d a i l y drinking from discarded l i q u o r b o t t l e s revealed some areal v a r i a t i o n s . (Figure 5.1) Most discarded b o t t l e s were l e f t i n the inner park and r a r e l y at places where i l l e g a l d r i n k i n g was e a s i l y surveyed. The density of empty bot t l e s increased toward the south and west sides of the park, the regions of mixed user type occupation and extensive use by Indians and tramps. This i n d i c a t o r , c o l l e c t e d over a period of s i x consecutive mornings, suggested behavioural tendencies substantiated by d a i l y p a r t i c i p a n t observation i n the park. I f one were to assume that much drinking occurred at park benches, then the areal v a r i a t i o n of discarded bottles i s even more s t r i k i n g . The west s i d e , f o r example, has only four benches but y i e l d e d eighteen empty b o t t l e s . V i c t o r y Square was also the s e t t i n g of extensive sales and d i s t r i -bution of drugs; the large numbers of young students and hippies providing a v i a b l e market. Most dealing took place within the groups of young people s i t t i n g on the south and west banks. With good weather, population densities rose u n t i l the lawns were covered with people, act i n g as a cover of anonymity f o r those who wished to pass goods unobtrusivey among the crowd. Discarded Empty Liquor B o t t l e s . Many younq hippies brought drugs i n t o the park, sometimes to s e l l to others. Both young and middle aged peddlers sold goods on the south and west banks of the park. Young people usually smoked marijuana i n small qroups of four to s i x people; sometimes i n the hot afternoon amidst dozens of other lawn dwellers of various l i f e s t y l e s ; sometimes a f t e r dusk when a l l but a few tramos or Indians had vacated the park. Althouqh druq connections were, f o r the most part, not b l a t a n t l y announced, the park s e t t i n g appeared to provide an atmosphere of l i t t l e fear f o r pushers, f o r scenes l i k e the f o l l o w i n g were not infreguent: A younq hippv s i t t i n g on the south bank beckons to another who i s j u s t entering the park v i a the east side entrance. A f t e r a short exchange of words, he stomps o f f , turning a f t e r a dozen steps to exclaim f o r a l l to hear, "No more s t u f f f o r you! You learn how to pay f i r s t ! " Sucli interpersonal i n t e r a c t i o n s occurred frequently across distances that suqqested the p a r t i c i p a n t s gave no marked recognition to park people who were marginal to t h e i r d a i l y business and l e i s u r e . For example, young hiopies often waved to each other, one standing on the south bank and another standing at the east side entrance or as f a r away as the north-east corner of Hastings and Cambie Street. Their regular c a l l i n q , qesturinq, and behaviour sugqested, to a l l but the most unconcerned, d a i l y connections and i n t e r a c t i o n s which were both s o c i a l l y and i l l e q a l l y p r o f i t a b l e . P a r t i c i p a n t s had no fear of r e p r i s a l from other park users who kept about t h e i r own business, and who would do no more than recognize, but feign ignorance of, another group's a c t i v i t i e s . As a r e s u l t , young hipoies had no need of monitoring reaction to t h e i r behaviour. Indeed, thev r a r e l y even glanced s u s p i c i o u s l y over t h e i r shoulders as the marijuana was passed around. Park users who were not part of the group's d a i l y contacts became a 'part of the woodwork' in that t h e i r presence was given l i t t l e notice and invoked l i t t l e caution. On two occasions, the behavioural e f f e c t of the appearance of drug dealers was markedly e x p l i c i t . A middle aqed fashionably well dress man and woman entered the park from the <outh west entrance and, standinq at the iunction of the south and west paths, casually glanced around. A t a l l Negro and another husky middle aged man positioned themselves on the south and west paths and were f u r t i v e l y glancing from side to side. The couple was then met by a t h i r d man and suddenly, as i f by the sound of a gun, the lawns v i r t u a l l y emptied of young people who rushed toward the i t i n e r a n t d i s t r i b u t o r s . Small packages and larqe b i l l s , chanqed hands. The faces of the e l d e r l y and middle aged men seated a t various benches showed less concern f o r the event than they would a f l o c k of piqeons converging on a new source of bread crumbs. Such lack of concern may have been a mechanism f o r maintenance of a semblance of order i n a olace so v i t a l , i n other ways, to the middle aged and e l d e r l y park users. Every one knew exactly what the others were doinq^, but to admit to such knowledge by open condemnation or over-attention to s p e c i f i c events would tear down the e s s e n t i a l maintenance of order in the park, the mechanisms which made possible the accommodation of a p l u r a l i t y 1. A l l informants and casual respondents acknowledged the drug trade a c t i v i t y i n the park. of people and events whose l i f e s t y l e s would normally be mutually c o n f l i c t i n g w i t h i n such a confined space. S o c i a l anonymity within the park was not the only protection covering i l l e q a l acts and acto r s . The nature of the physical environment provided e f f e c t i v e b a r r i e r s to s u r v e i l l a n c e from outside. (Newman, 1972) Vi c t o r y Square i s , i n many ways, as p h y s i c a l l y i s o l a t e d from i t s surroundinqs as i t s users are s o c i a l l y i s o l a t e d from the mainstream of Eastside shoppers and workers who do not use the park. Only from a l i m i t e d number of vantaqe points could a passer-by a c t u a l l y see in t o the park. Fiqure 5.2 i l l u s t r a t e s the areas of Vic t o r y Square protected from v i s u a l s u r v e i l l a n c e . The o r i e n t a t i o n of the south and west banks, with a rather steep slope towards the cenotaph area and Hastinqs S t r e e t , and the park perimeters of fence and f o l i a g e provided a secluded niche f o r occupants. Consequently, observation of the park by p o l i c e was impossible at s t r e e t l e v e l , f o r t o t a l entry i n t o the park was necessary. P o l i c e sometimes sat i n t h e i r cars on Hamilton Street or on Pender Street at Cambie, but with the t y p i c a l marked cars and po l i c e uniforms, they did not enjoy the anonymity that park people had. Rush hour pedestrian t r a f f i c avoided, to a larqe extent, the s u i t a b i l i t y of the main c o r r i d o r of the Dark as a short cut to Pender Street from Hastinqs Street, and vice versa. I t mav well have been, that the uncertainty of what one miqht confront a f t e r beqinning to traverse the park influenced avoidance of the short cut, causing lonqer t r a v e l routes, for too much of the park was Areas of Low P u b l i c S u r v e i l l a n c e . hidden, or too d i s t a n t to determine a c t i v i t i e s . Those in s i d e knew the rules of the game; those l e f t outside r a r e l y knew the games exi s t e d . In the ea r l y evening, on the south bank, young Indian g i r l s , alone and i n couples, often s n i f f e d qlue. They would reach f o r large tubes of glue, and balloons, from pockets on the i n s i d e of t h e i r j a c k e t s , and, pouring glue i n t o the balloon, would inhale u n t i l they were r o l l i n g around senseless on the grass. Men seated at benches on the south and east side calmly gazed into the a i r and i d l y followed the movement of the piqeons. As the sun s e t , the g i r l s were escorted out of the park by Indian youths. Meanwhile, middle aged Indian men and women, s o c i a l l y and s p a t i a l l y segregated from the younger ones, sat on south side benches and drank wine. In f a c t , by t h i s time they shared the south h a l f of the park with only two middle aged tramps seated at a d i s t a n t bench, and a small group of young hippies seated on the west bank. The feeble yellow l i g h t from the park lamps barely closed the distances between them. By nine i n the evening the park was very qu i e t . In the cenotaph area, a handful of e l d e r l y well dressed men sat together at one bench, while three Ukrainian men of the same l i f e s t y l e group i n t e r a c t at the stone wall j u s t east of the cenotaph area benches. By n i n e - t h i r t y the park would be dark and emoty but f o r two tramps, drinking u n t i l t h e i r day ended on the park bench. The l o c a t i o n a l pattern of dr i n k i n q , drug use, and qlue s n i f f i n q formed a mosaic of i l l e q a l a c t i v i t y on the park landscape. (Fiaure 5.3) The patterns shown are the t y p i c a l locations of each pastime and r e f l e c t the areal preferences of the people engaged i n each. V i c t o r y Square p e r i o d i c a l l y entertained a number of r e c r e a t i o n a l a c t i v i t i e s which added v a r i e t y to the normal d a i l y round. For example, younq hippies o c c a s i o n a l l y played f r i s b e e on the west bank, causing a s t i r of reserved annovance as casual sunbathers and drunken tramps r o l l e d aside from i t s path. Most enioyed watchinq, e s p e c i a l l y the e l d e r l y well dressed and c a s u a l l y dressed men seated at benches nearby. However, when a s a i l i n g f r i s b e e caused p o t e n t i a l i n t r u s i o n by heading s t r a i g h t f o r t h e i r bench, they became uneasy. These men enioyed watching but did not want to be disturbed or become a centre of a t t e n t i o n . One other afternoon, on the south bank, where Indians rather than young hippies tended to dominate, four middle aged casually dressed Indian men plaved catch f o o t b a l l , causinq the dozen peoole who had been s i t t i n q at the f r i n o e s of the nlav area to s h i f t . With these four men were two c h i l d r e n , one i n a baby ca r r i a q e , and two women, an i d y l l i c family occasion in a s e t t i n q where few such scenes occurred. Many of the 'country p i c n i c ' items were present, such as the qround blanket, lunch, and a b o t t l e of wine. Such i r r e q u l a r events as f r i s b e e games and family p i c n i c s took place i n the areas of the nark where the l i f e s t y l e qroup involved enjoyed c o l l e c t i v e s p a t i a l concentration, or j u r i s d i c t i o n . There appears to have been s p a t i a l preferences f o r the i n i t i a t i o n of such a c t i v i t i e s , continqent upon the soaces i n which l i f e s t y l e cohorts f e l t the most comfortable. Whether or not l i f e s t y l e qrouos did consciously claim t e r r i t o r y , the concentrated use of an area f a c i l i t a t e d e a s i e r introduction of nroun a c t i v i t i e s , both common and i r r e g u l a r . (Roos , 1964) Pigeon feeding was a fa v o u r i t e pastime of many people in the park, e s p e c i a l l y the e l d e r l y well dressed and e l d e r l y c a s u a l l y dressed men. They aDDeared to gain s e l f - s a t i s f a c t i o n and respect for t h e i r a b i l i t y to win the favours of a few hungry b i r d s . For men who were s o c i a l l y outcast and s p a t i a l l y segreqated from the s o c i a l worlds of familism and suburbia, a successful r e l a t i o n s h i p with the birds was a matter of oride. B i r d feedinq was a d a i l y r i t u a l f o r many e l d e r l v men. Althouqh bread crumb tossinq was occasion a l l y p r a c t i s e d from most benches in the park, b i r d feedinq commonly occurred in the cenotaph area and alonq the east side benches. Up to one hundred and f i f t y birds miqht swarm i n one area. Some old men preferred to s c a t t e r bread crumbs around the cenotaph area while others entreated birds to come to t h e i r p a r t i c u l a r bench. The cenotaph area became a perfect staqe f o r a number of inter-personal competitions for the at t e n t i o n of the pigeons. One episode i s described here; An e l d e r l y Chinese woman came in t o the park and scattered about two pounds of bread crumbs on the concrete walkway e n c i r c l i n q the cenotaph. This a t t r a c t e d the attentions of a huqe f l o c k of oiqeons and many sparrows. As the q a l l e r y of mostly e l d e r l y well dressed men watched from the cenotaph area benches, an e l d e r l y tramn, a few yards away, l a b o r i o u s l y c o l l e c t e d breadcrumbs from the qround. Usinq a brown oaoer baq re t r i e v e d from the qarbaqe bin at the cenotaph area steps, he manaoed to almost f i l l the baq with fraqments. While a l l e lse was focused on the oiqeons and the Chinese woman, he walked halfway UP the cenotaph area steps, turned, and waved his arms, shouting, "Over here, over here!" He then clumped the whole baa of crumbs at the base of the steps and the piqeons a l l flocked to his feet. With a smile on his face: he triumphantly crumpled the brown paper bag, tossed i t back i n t o the narbage b i n , and marched from the park. The Chinese woman appeared rather dismayed but continued to s c a t t e r mechanically more bread to the few remaining birds around her. Some e l d e r l y men recoqnized the competition f o r food between the piqeons and sparrows, and stood f o r lonq periods of time at such places as the park fence on Hamilton Street and Pender S t r e e t , tossina bread crumbs under the trees and i d l y oonderinq the a c t i v i t y there. One unique behavioural episode put in t o focus a number of i n t e r e s t i n g r e a l i t i e s about the d a i l y l i v e s of the people of Vic t o r y Square. Four energetic students passed out small, but c o l o u r f u l and qlossv brochures which advertised a se r i e s of musical events at the Queen Elizabeth Theatre, only three blocks away. V i r t u a l l y everyone i n the park was qiven a cony and f o r about f i v e minutes a larqe majority of the population meticulously pondered over them. The degree of atte n t i o n was remarkable considerinq that very few of the large park population that day could probably a f f o r d , or would have the i n c l i n a t i o n , to see such an event. The episode strengthened the g e n e r a l i z a t i o n that the park held a population that was b a s i c a l l y non-motivated and under-active, with an inner need f o r stimulus, a c t i o n , and self-accomolishment. L i f e was very much a waiting game! In a d d i t i o n , the whole nark population was with i n easy access of a c u l t u r a l f a c i l i t y which did not serve people of t h e i r s o c i a l world. The theatre and i t s a d v e r t i s i n g cues were geographically c l o s e r to these peoole than most suburban devotes of the theatre. But i f physical access was guaranteed, s o c i a l access was unattainable, and the brochures were merely a novelty f o r understimulated outcasts rather than a t i c k e t s e l l i n q device. Once the novelty of the b r i q h t l y coloured folders had passed, thev were dropped to the around and in t o qarbaqe bins. V i c t o r y Square also provided an a f f a b l e environment i n which to l o i t e r , sleep, and sunbathe. Most places i n our society are o f f l i m i t s to l o i t e r i n a , i d l e qazinq, and other sedentary preoccupations. The "no stoopina or oarkina" t r a f f i c r u l e anpears to oermeate our s o c i e t i e s norms of the use of space. Goffman (1961) recoqnizes the s o c i a l norm of involvement, the requirement of people to maintain the impression th a t , when in public view, they are doinq somethinq appropriate to the s o c i a l occasion and s o a t i a l s e t t i n o . When a person does not f o l l o w the accepted rules of involvement, anxiety i s created in other people who cannot understand or 'order' the s o c i a l occasion. I f a drunk enters a bus and disreqards personal privacy, and swears, the s o c i a l s e t t i n q i s a l t e r e d from i t s proper and s o c i a l l y accepted form, causing tension. In another instance, i f someone suddenly stood motionless on a crowded s t r e e t , not moving or soeakinq, he would cause tension and uncertainty. To a l l e v i a t e these problems, s o c i e t y , accordinq to Goffman, provides norms f o r c o n t r o l l i n q behaviour s e t t i n q s , so that members can experience a r e l a t i v e l y unstressful environment. Those who do not follow the rules , I are l a b e l l e d as deviant, or mentally i l l . V ictory Souare i s one \ of the few nlaces where people of low socio-economic status are able \ to conduct a l i f e of l i t t l e thinos, without r e p r i s a l from the more powerful members of s o c i e t y , the policemen, businessmen, and a f f l u e n t shoppers who patrol the st r e e t s of t h e i r neighbourhood. With no other spaces but a dinay room which does not c o n s t i t u t e real personal property, the people who use V i c t o r y Square add t h e i r own impress to i t , and make i t a place f o r the dispossessed to r e l a x i n t h e i r own s t y l e . On warm, sunny afternoons, while younq hippies Dlayed cards and smoked marijuana on the qrass, a few e l d e r l y c a s u a l l y dressed men sat backwards on east side benches, soakinq uo sunshine on t h e i r bare backs. Others stood at various places i n the nark, s i l e n t l y ponderinq whatever passed i n f r o n t of them. Some e l d e r l y men t o l d me about the small sparrows and t h e i r h a b i t s , others were preoccupied with the a c t i v i t i e s of the f i e l d mice l i v i n q in the brush. These were events that became important as well as novel to people s i t t i n g and w a i t i n q , and represented an intense d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n of a c o n s t r i c t e d l i f e soace. While some e l d e r l y well dressed and casually dressed men l i k e d the sunshine, others preferred the shade and sat on the west side during the afternoon. These benches were never dominated bv e l d e r l v well dressed or c a s u a l l y dressed men, but were used by many l i f e s t y l e cohorts. Other places, however, were often dominated by these men, who soent hours of the day l o i t e r i n q and casually i n t e r a c t i n q . For example, the stone walls on e i t h e r side of the benches around the cenotaph provided l e q i t i m a t e places to s i t or lean. These men also l i n e d the stone wall that overlooks the cenotaph at the men's underqround washroom. At the east side of the cenotaph area, l o i t e r i n q often s o i l led out of the concrete concourse around the cenotaph onto the s t r e e t side-walk, causinq pedestrians to be slowed at the i n t e r s e c t i o n of Hastinqs and Pender Street. Within the park, e l d e r l y well dressed men stood at the top of the cenotaph area steps to ponder the scene. Other places, such as the fountain, the main c o r r i d o r , and the west oath were too busy, or occupied by incompatible l i f e s t y l e qroups, making these places uncomfortable places to stand and enjoy the qreenerv of the park. Panhandlino, the most d i r e c t form of claiming resources from the park's oooulation, was r a r e l y obvious. More s u b t l e , but also of more consequence to the s o c i o - s p a t i a l order of the Dark was the regular i n t r a - and inter-group exchange of qoods bv systematic prey-predator r e l a t i o n s h i p s , the process of which, as described in Chapter S i x , operated w i t h i n the parochial s o c i a l m i l i e u of the park without d i s r u p t i n g the population's sedentary l i f e . The park environment ulti m a t e l y provided, both s o c i a l l y and s p a t i a l l y , a place where people of d i f f e r e n t and c o n f l i c t i n a l i f e s t y l e s co-existed throuqh non-involvement to combat the i s o l a t i o n of the hotel room, the bus s t a t i o n , and the crowded s t r e e t s . CHAPTER VI BEHAVIOURAL PROCESS: HOW THE PATTERNS DEVELOP "...about the SDace between us a l l , and the people, who hide themselves behind a w a l l . " (George Harrison, 1967) The behavioural processes that lead to the s o c i o - s p a t i a l order i n V i c t o r y Square are discussed i n th i s chapter. Finding a Place At 7 a.m. on a sunny morning at the end of May, 1973, an e l d e r l y well dressed man crosses Cambie Street on Hastings to pass by the cenotaph. He slows and searches the park f o r people; i t i s empty. Continuing on, he turns up the sidewalk that borders the cobblestoned Hamilton Street and disappears at the entrance to the men's underground washroom. Another e l d e r l y well dressed man passes the cenotaph, climbs the steps that s i t between the cenotaph area benches, and patrols the perimeter walks of the park before s i t t i n g at one end of a bench i n the cenotaph area. He c o n t i n u a l l y surveys his f i e l d of v i s i o n ; Hastings Street and the Cambie Street i n t e r s e c t i o n , the pigeons, and the approaching warmth of the morning sun. Five minutes l a t e r , the other emerges from the washroom and returns to again pass the cenotaph. He stops, and a f t e r determining the l o c a t i o n of the seated man, walks to the bench next to him, and s i t s . The other man s h i f t s a b i t and r e s e t t l e s his arms and legs into a comfortable p o s i t i o n . They exchange glances while continuing to view the s t r e e t . The d a i l y routine of park use has begun. As 9 a.m. approaches, the s t r e e t s and sidewalks are f u l l of commuters. The cenotaph west area benches o f f e r a popular s i t e i n the morning sun, but almost no one s i t s on the shaded east side. Occasionally, from the mainstream of sidewalk t r a f f i c , an i n d i v i d u a l approaches the gathering to become a member. How he becomes a member and how he r e l a t e s s o c i a l l y and s p a t i a l l y to others i s central to a f u l l understanding of the areal patterns that slowly develop. The distance between the sidewalk t r a f f i c and the gathering at the cenotaph area benches i s a broad one; they are worlds apart. The one world knows l i t t l e of the a c t i v i t i e s and thoughts of the other. While the o f f i c e and store workers rush by to t h e i r jobs, the people i n the park go about t h e i r d a i l y business of passing the time, glad to be out of t h e i r dingy rooms f o r a few hours. Vi c t o r y Square o f f e r s various f a c i l i t i e s , such as sunshine, r e l a t i v e q u i e t , dry places to s i t , and company, a l l of which vary geographically. Such a large proportion of park users are regular v i s i t o r s that s u r v e i l l a n c e and search behaviour i s already set, or programmed toward s p e c i f i c , preferred parts of the park.'For example, e l d e r l y c a s u a l l y dressed and well dressed men prefer the cenotaph area and east side benches which o f f e r sunshine. Young hippies and c a s u a l l y dressed young people prefer the south and west lawns on warm, sunny days. When surveying an area f o r a place to occupy, encouragement or discouragement i s often offered by other occupants. As a newcomer approaches, he i s evaluated by the others. In the cenotaph area, t h i s behaviour i s conspicuous, f o r an entrant confronts a s e m i - c i r c l e of seated people, a l l casually watching whatever people and a c t i v i t i e s are presented to them. In other places, such as the south and west side benches, i n d i v i d u a l s are confronted with fewer seated people, and so, p o t e n t i a l l y fewer personal evaluations. As a person approaches and i s evaluated by other occupants, s h i f t i n g behaviour occurs on the bench which the entrant has picked as having p o t e n t i a l seating space f o r him. The occupants judge by the newcomer's glances and the d i r e c t i o n of his walk where he i s planning to s i t . S h i f t i n g behaviour i s an i n v i t a t i o n to s i t . I f an undesirable approaches, the strongest cue i s not to budge, to remain 'standing one's ground', feign i n g ignorance of the entrant. The gathering makes no non-verbal gestures of acceptance or welcome. Personal acquaintances are, of course, r e a d i l y accepted i n t o an e x i s t i n g gathering. Extended personal acquaintances are more common among e l d e r l y well dressed and casual men, middle aged c a s u a l l y dressed men, young hippies, and young casually dressed people, f a c i l i t a t i n g an easier formation of s o c i a l gatherings among these l i f e s t y l e cohorts. One middle aged casually dressed man, p a r t l y paralysed by a work accident, and using a cane fastened with a supportive t r i p o d on the end, receives his i n v i t a t i o n to s i t whenever he enters the cenotaph area. He i s a regular park user, well mannered and well groomed, and i s acknowledged l i k e other 'resident' park users. Whenever a newcomer i s accepted into the s o c i a l gathering, or 'bench pattern' in one place, he can remain s i l e n t , watching the view, or he can attach himself to current conversation. Regardless of his preferences, he causes no tension or d i s r u p t i o n of the micro-s o c i a l order a f t e r he has been accepted i f he follows the behaviour of the occupants. I f a person has taken a place without i n v i t a t i o n or consent, surrounding occupants show a degree of tension and adjustment, e s p e c i a l l y i f the observable impressions of that person, his c l o t h e s , deportment, and verbal behaviour do not conform to the gathering he has j o i n e d . S h i f t i n g behaviour occurs a f t e r he has seated himself. Adjacent i n d i v i d u a l s may cross the leg c l o s e s t to the intruder over the other so as to r e d i r e c t t h e i r v i s u a l focus away from him. Conversation breaks o f f momentarily as the event i s witnessed, evaluated, and adjusted t o . The process of f i n d i n g a place involves both the searcher and the occupants. The occupants provide non-verbal communications of i n v i t a t i o n or r e j e c t i o n as the searcher surveys an area f o r a l i k e l y vacancy. While doing so, he i s unconsciously communicating information about himself, through his dress and deportment, to others. The Mechanism of Individual Distancing As the numbers of people i n an area of the park increase, the process of f i n d i n g a place, and the behavioural response to encroachment upon an e x i s t i n g s o c i a l gathering becomes more intense and definable. This i s e s p e c i a l l y true in areas where one l i f e s t y l e group tends to dominate. C r i t i c a l inter-personal distances, f o r example, become more apparent as they determine the carrying capacity of the area and the degree to which a number of people can e a s i l y c o -exist w i t h i n the e x i s t i n g space. People c o n s i s t e n t l y maintain a personal space zone around themselves which e f f e c t i v e l y maintains regular inter-personal distances. ( H a l l , 1963; Horowitz et. a l . , 1964) A person's i n c l i n a t i o n toward others, whom he may regard as being p o t e n t i a l l y f r i e n d l y or dangerous, i n v i t i n g or r e p e l l i n g , and the s o c i a l occasion around which the encounter occurs a f f e c t the personal distance which he observes and demands. The regular and predictable s p a t i a l behaviour of i n d i v i d u a l s i n V i c t o r y Sguare, which w i l l be described here, confirms basic research that has been previously conducted, p r i m a r i l y in indoor environments. (Sommer, 1969) Individual distances that were maintained i n Vi c t o r y Square were a function of, f i r s t l y , l i f e s t y l e c o m p a t i b i l i t y of persons, and secondly, the type and s c a r c i t y of desired accommodation. People of s i m i l a r l i f e s t y l e exhibited a tendency to t o l e r a t e a shorter personal space radius than persons of d i s s i m i l a r l i f e s t y l e a f f i l i a t i o n . For example, well dressed e l d e r l y men sat f i v e or s i x on a bench i n the cenotaph area, leaving l i t t l e more than a few inches of intervening space. However, other benches in the park r a r e l y accommodated more than three people, f o r these areas had a high turnover of use, and mixed use. Here, i n d i v i d u a l s demanded no less than two f e e t of space to separate them from others. Only i f a bench became used by one l i f e s t y l e group and demand was high, would more than three people use i t . The e l d e r l y well dressed men and the young hippies were the most gregarious bench partners when use was e x c l u s i v e . P a r a d o x i c a l l y , they were also the groups l e a s t l i k e l y to be found together i n one place. Spacing behaviour was regular and predictable. In instances where people did not openly greet one another as acquaintances, free bench space was divided equally. A free bench was the i n i t i a l choice, unless a p a r t i c u l a r bench provided an exclusive f a c i l i t y , such as sunshine, shade, or a man with a b o t t l e . I f a l l benches were occupied then a newcomer sat as f a r as possible from the occupant of the bench. Benches slowly f i l l e d u n t i l newcomers decided to search another area of the park rather than intrude upon the e x i s t i n g gathering. The point at which a se r i e s of benches, such as the cenotaph east area benches, or west side benches, would no longer accommodate i n -creased use varied geographically and with the l i f e s t y l e group involved. The behavioural processes involved, of i n v i t a t i o n and r e j e c t i o n , which tended to lead to the a t t r a c t i o n of people to t h e i r own kind, reinforced the tendency f o r some areas to be dominated by one l i f e s t y l e group. This increased the potential carrying capacity of the area. The cenotaph area and the southern section of benches on the east side became quite heavily populated by the e l d e r l y well dressed men. The south side and the west side benches, however, did not usu a l l y accommodate as many people per bench f o r these areas of the park were more heterogeneous i n t h e i r v i s i t o r types, with fewer pot e n t i a l compatible bench mates. The west side benches were very close to the large number of young hippies who congregated on the west bank, hence fewer e l d e r l y men preferred the area, except i n the afternoon when the sun was very hot and these benches provided shade. This l o c a t i o n , therefore, offered more free bench space, a t t r a c t i n g various l i f e s t y l e types, which i n turn, lessened i t s p o t e n t i a l carrying capacity. S i t t i n g at the south and west side benches more in t i m a t e l y involved an occupant in the inner l i f e of the park and the d a i l y a c t i v i t i e s of young hippies, Indians, tramps, and young casually dressed people who used the lawns. The view from the cenotaph area impinged to a les s e r extent on the more noxious elements of the park environment and was, therefore, a preferred area f o r certain l i f e s t y l e groups, e s p e c i a l l y the e l d e r l y well dressed men. L i f e s t y l e homogeneity led to a contraction of i n d i v i d u a l spacing i n the cenotaph area. The same process occurred among the young hippy group, whose s p a t i a l preference led to dense congregations on the west bank. For each l i f e s t y l e group, i n d i v i d u a l distancing expanded and contracted in response to s o c i a l v a r i a t i o n s i n the park. On hot, sunny afternoons, the grassy banks of the park were densely occupied but the mechanisms of distancing worked to provide an organization of space as regular as on the benches, from the scale of i n d i v i d u a l distancing to aggregate s p a t i a l dominance by l i f e s t y l e cohorts. Lawn dwellers normally t o l e r a t e d no less than f i v e to s i x f e e t of space on e i t h e r s i d e , e s p e c i a l l y while l y i n g down. Six f e e t was t y p i c a l l y l e f t c l e a r i n f r o n t of and behind each lawn dweller. These distances were the recurrent intra-group spaces held, but there were departures from t h i s average, f o r example the twelve to f i f t e e n feet which two female students conceded to a drunk tramp so that his occasional obscene mutterings need not be heard or acknowledged. Increasing geographic distance provided occupants with the option of choosing to disregard conversations and gestures directed toward them, f o r they could feign unawareness. The f o l l o w i n g behavioural episode shows how i n d i v i d u a l distancing led to the beginnings of c o l l e c t i v e control of space by d i f f e r e n t l i f e s t y l e groups: On a b r i g h t , sunny afternoon, a student couple and a young hippy s i t ten feet apart on the south bank. Soon, an e l d e r l y tramp, quite i n t o x i c a t e d , stumbles to within s i x f e e t of the young couple and l i e s down, mumbling to himself. Within a mtfjiute the couple cross the main c o r r i d o r to the west bank to s i t down between two small groups of young hi p p i e s , creating s i x foot distances between the three groups. Another tramp approaches the south bank and l i e s down ten f e e t from the already prostrate tramp. He i s about eight f e e t from the f i r s t mentioned young hippy, who i s now alone with two into x i c a t e d tramps about him. A few minutes l a t e r , he has moved about twenty feet west, where, s i t t i n g about s i x f e e t from two other young hippies, he i s once again s p a t i a l l y 'associated' with his own kind. The area around the two tramps i s now excl u s i v e to them, where beforehand, three l i f e s t y l e cohorts had occupied the space. This behavioural episode r e f l e c t s the manner in which people keep inter-personal distances, but also suggests that the mechanism of i n d i v i d u a l distancing i s not an i s o l a t e d phenomenon. I t must be understood i n asso c i a t i o n with other processes, i n c l u d i n g the e f f e c t i v e i n d i v i d u a l control of personal space. Maintaining Your Place: Personal Control of Space The a b i l i t y of a person to e f f e c t i v e l y maintain his personal t e r r i t o r y was an important element of the s o c i o - s p a t i a l organization i n V i c t o r y Square. The extent of i n d i v i d u a l spacing, r e s u l t i n g from non-verbal i n t e r a c t i o n s , r e f l e c t e d a respect f o r personal space which, whether r e s u l t i n g from status, f e a r , or repulsion, led to var i a b l e carrying c a p a c i t i e s throughout the park and was basic to the process by which s p e c i f i c l i f e s t y l e groups came to hold apparent t e r r i t o r i a l control over extended areas. ' S i l v e r ' , a middle aged tramp, who i s marginally retarded, and a loner, marches d i r e c t l y to a bench at the cenotaph west area where one man i s already seated. A f t e r seating himself rather humbly and predictably at the opposite end of the bench, he s h i f t s to a prostrate p o s i t i o n , r e s t i n g his elbow on the bench and givin g no v i s i b l e recognition of the other occupant. His fee t are tucked s l i g h t l y behind his knees so that they come within inches of the other man. The e l d e r l y dressed up man begins to s h i f t nervously, a s l i g h t look of annoyance on his face. He r i s e s and leaves, walking up the ceno-taph area steps and l e f t toward the fountain. Having e f f e c t i v e l y claimed the whole bench (while the other three benches of the cenotaph west area each hold four occupants), S i l v e r then gets up and goes to the fountain f o r a d r i n k . He returns to f i n d a man s i t t i n g at each end of the bench he has j u s t l e f t . He s i t s at the centre, and l i e s down again. Within a minute, f o l l o w i n g i r r i t a t i o n and f i d g e t i n g , the two men get up and leave. The v i s i b l e annoyance of t h e i r faces i s not reciprocated or even acknowledged by S i l v e r . 'Pudgy 1, a l a r g e , e l d e r l y tramp who spends part of every year in a r e h a b i l i t a t i o n ward to recover from excessive alcoholism, ambles i n t o the cenotaph area with a shopping bag of groceries and l i q u o r . Seating himself on a bench at the cenotaph east area, he proceeds to discard paper, wrappings, and bot t l e s a l l around him so that the bench becomes v i r t u a l l y taken up with his garbage. Surrounded by t e r r i t o r i a l markers, he remains there f o r over three hours, chewing on raw hamburger meat, drinking whiskey, and throwing b i s c u i t crumbs ( and ulti m a t e l y most of the raw meat) onto the pavement i n fro n t of him for the pigeons. He e f f e c t i v e l y exercises t e r r i t o r i a l control over his immediate area, even as the approaching noon hour brings many prospective occupants into the cenotaph area. His mannerism, however, suggests an inherent difference between the maintenance of personal space i n the park and i n wider s o c i e t y . For the most part, claims to personal t e r r i t o r y i n V i c t o r y Square were of t r a n s i e n t j u r i s d i c t i o n and were successful when the personally occupied space was not i n p a r t i c u l a r demand or was made u n i n v i t i n g to others. Retreat was the most common rea c t i o n to noxious e x t e r n a l i t i e s imposed by people, t h e i r looks or behaviour. The drunk l y i n g down near a student couple, or two hippies seating themselves near an e l d e r l y well dressed man generally led to withdrawal by the o r i g i n a l occupant. The dangers or annoyances which characterized r e t r e a t were usually more imagined than r e a l , f o r actual physical abuse was almost non-existent, e s p e c i a l l y during the day. The noxious stimulus that influenced avoidance or abandonment of s e t t i n g s was the passive, s e l f - c e n t r e d loner, l i k e Pudgy, who took up temporary residence. Planned invasions, such as those by S i l v e r , were rare. Mannerisms as well as appearance influenced the extent of claimed space. For example, two men t a l k i n g to each other from opposite ends of a bench e f f e c t i v e l y claimed a l l of the space between them. When a man, seated at one end of a bench, positioned his body inwards, he commanded more space than i f he had sat at the end of the bench and faced outwards. Newspapers were often employed by older men, e i t h e r consciously or unconsciously, to keep a preferred distance between themselves and others. (Sommer, 1969) This behaviour varied geographically. E l d e r l y men r a r e l y used objects as s p a t i a l buffers i n the cenotaph area, but employed them on the west side and south side benches where the l i k e l i h o o d was greater that i n d i v i d u a l s of other l i f e s t y l e s , such as young hippies and tramps might choose to accompany them on the bench. Continued attachment to one part of the park, as opposed to tra n s i e n t j u r i s d i c t i o n , was indicated occasionally when someone unconsciously invaded the personal t e r r i t o r y of another. An e l d e r l y Chinese man almost d a i l y stood or sat in the stage area on the stone wall to feed small birds who waited under the trees f o r bread crumbs. He had a habit of placing folded newspapers under a thi c k bush nearby, r e t r i e v i n g them when he v i s i t e d to use as a cushion on the low stone w a l l . Once, when under competition with a middle aged ca s u a l l y dressed man fo r the attentions of the b i r d s , he moved almost b r i s k l y with a look of dismay. On another occasion, an e l d e r l y c a s u a l l y dressed man had att r a c t e d pigeons to the Chinaman's feeding ground. The l a t t e r t r i e d to drive o f f the big birds from the bread he had l e f t f o r the sparrows. When a small group of young hippies sat on the stone wall one a f t e r -noon, he nervously paced back and f o r t h u n t i l they l e f t , so he could once again take his chosen place under the trees. Because maintenance of personal t e r r i t o r y rested p r i m a r i l y in one's a b i l i t y to make a place u n i n v i t i n g to others, and because s p a t i a l invasion was met with passive resignation and r e t r e a t , the s o c i o - s p a t i a l pattern of park use was one of passive readjustment rather than in t e n s i v e confrontation. However, in t h i s kind of environment, those people who were regarded as obnoxious or unconcerned about s o c i a l equity had d i s t i n c t advantage. Intoxicated and rowdy users, and also those who were s o c i a l l y and mentally abnormal, suffered l i t t l e personal a f f r o n t but did gain s p a t i a l j u r i s d i c t i o n . Passive readjustment worked f o r regular and occasional park users, but the f r a g i l i t y of t h i s order was demonstrated by the i n t r u s i o n of people with l e g i t i m a t e power who were not regular park members. Early one morning a p o l i c e van pulled onto the cenotaph area concourse and two policemen abruptly aroused two men who were asleep behind the stage area t r e e s . One was so drunk he was l i t e r a l l y tossed i n t o the back of the truck. Two young hippies asleep i n sleeping bags high on the south bank, were awakened and informed that they could not l o i t e r . The people who held a measure of control over the park as members of a sub-cultural order had none in the face of l e g i t i m a t e , members of law enforcement. ) Even temporary mainstream status had i t s e f f e c t . The park attendant's summer helper, a student of eighteen, was one day sweeping the south path. A middle aged tramp, head lowered, walked slowly eastward along the walk u n t i l he came to the young boy. As the broom casually dabbled i n the debr i s , the man waited, unsure of his moves to bypass the boy. The boy looked up and quic k l y muttered, "go on", whereupon the man qu i c k l y and d u t i f u l l y proceeded. The man appeared as a p i t i f u l f i x t u r e i i n a p i t i f u l s o c i a l world over which the boy reigned as a legitimate member of wider s o c i e t y , f a r removed from park users. Personal space i n Vic t o r y Square was tr a n s i e n t , and i t s tenure rested with the sanction of external a u t h o r i t i e s . Yet, pa r a d o x i c a l l y , the a b i l i t y of i n d i v i d u a l park users to maintain personal space j u r i s d i c t i o n also worked at a wide l e v e l to ensure that people with l e g i t i m a t e authority and power r a r e l y used i t i n the park. Group Sp a t i a l Dominance The processes of f i n d i n g a place, maintaining personal space, and the mechanism of i n d i v i d u a l d i s t a n c i n g l e d , u l t i m a t e l y , to c o l l e c t i v e l i f e s t y l e concentrations i n p a r t i c u l a r bench and lawn areas. S p a t i a l dominance of an area by one l i f e s t y l e group was not a c o l l e c t i v e l y contrived e f f o r t to claim a t e r r i t o r y , but the r e s u l t of i n d i v i d u a l d e c i s i o n s : place preference, search, r e t r e a t , and r e l o c a t i o n behaviour. The s p a t i a l r e s u l t s of t h i s atomistic process aggregated i n t o molecules of an apparent c o l l e c t i v e control of t e r r i t o r y . However, these concentrations came to be perceived as an e f f e c t i v e group control and were enhanced as subsequent actions by other l i f e s t y l e cohorts r e f l e c t e d these perceptions. For example, e l d e r l y men apprehensively passed the dozens of hippies seated on the south and west banks and t h e i r l i m i t e d use of west side benches was due to the presence of t h i s l a t t e r group, who occasionally used the benches themselves. The s p i l l - o v e r e f f e c t was v i s i b l e evidence of over-demand f o r a p a r t i c u l a r l o c a t i o n . On warm afternoons, the cenotaph area benches were f i l l e d to Capacity. E l d e r l y well dressed and cas u a l l y dressed men sat on the low i r o n fence surrounding the cenotaph, on the cenotaph area steps, and stood along the Hamilton Street stone wall surveying the area. The cenotaph area was f u l l of these e l d e r l y men, with others p a t r o l l i n g from group to group or alone, and s t i l l others on a l l sides, motionless but fo l l o w i n g the a c t i o n , and awaiting a vacancy. As spaces on the benches became a v a i l a b l e , they would qui c k l y be claimed. Only a handful of the population i n t h i s s e t t i n g were not e l d e r l y well dressed or casually dressed men. The s o c i a l world of these e l d e r l y men i n the cenotaph area, and the s o c i a l world of the young hippies on the west bank were quite e x c l u s i v e . At peak population periods, i n d i v i d u a l s made few inroads i n t o the t e r r i t o r y or i n t e r a c t i o n s of the other group and they appeared to be t e r r i t o r -i a l l y u n i f i e d and cohesive groups perhaps due only to the process of passive readjustment that protected them. Macro Control of Space: The Park as Exclusive T e r r i t o r y Control of V i c t o r y Square, by the people who used i t , was ephemeral and as f r a g i l e as the web of d a i l y s o c i a l and s p a t i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s . No one from wider, more a f f l u e n t s o c i a l worlds, such as business people and shoppers, expressed apparent i n t e r e s t i n the place, hence the parochial s o c i a l m i l i e u was allowed to e x i s t f o r the s o c i a l remnants who f i l l e d the vacuum of vacated areas. The park was an i s l a n d of outcasts surrounded by non-users. Just as i n d i v i d u a l s p a t i a l behaviour created apparent c o l l e c t i v e s p a t i a l c o n t r o l , the p r e v a i l i n g middle class image of Vi c t o r y Square protected l o c a l inhabitants from careful s c r u t i n y . Members of t h i s s o c i a l m i l i e u , very much uninvolved with the matters and a c t i v i t i e s of wider s o c i e t y , were l e f t with a place of t h e i r own to use at t h e i r d i s c r e t i o n . The Role of Design and Topography The topography of Victory Square and the nature of the b u i l t environment—the benches, w a l l s , s t a i r s , fences, and t h e i r s p a t i a l forms, influenced both the image and the behaviour of park users. The park attendant and the washroom attendant, in t h e i r image of the park, dichotomized i t into two areas; the cenotaph area, where, they reported, old r e t i r e d farmers and pensioners sat a l l day, and the r e s t of the park, occupied by Indians, tramps, and hippies. Many e l d e r l y well dressed and c a s u a l l y dressed men, and the ' s c i e n t i s t ' , an informant, also shared t h i s image of the park. The cenotaph area was almost cut o f f from the r e s t of the park by f o l i a g e , w a l l s , and a s i x foot drop i n e l e v a t i o n . People's behaviour conformed to the dichotomized image, so that the tendency was reinforced for e l d e r l y well dressed and ca s u a l l y dressed men on one hand, and the Indians, tramps, and hippies on the other, to remain generally i s o l a t e d from each other. The park environment provided, i n i t s topography, a s p a t i a l s o l u t i o n to a problem of potential s o c i a l c o n f l i c t . Benches that were p a r t l y angled toward each other were settings f o r greater i n t e r a c t i o n than those benches whose p o s i t i o n l e f t occupants facing away from each other, victims of socio-fugal space design. ( H a l l , 1966) The cenotaph area of the park was more socio-petal than bench areas on the east or west si d e , f o r i t s benches more r e a d i l y encouraged i n t e r a c t i o n . In the cenotaph west area, e l d e r l y well dressed men often formed conversation c l u s t e r s of f i v e to seven people, the arrangement of benches f a c i l i t a t i n g v i s u a l contact with a comrade at the next bench. S i t t i n g on a bench here, or on the low fence around the cenotaph, one f e l t a part of a s o c i a l gathering, whereas s i t t i n g on the east s i d e , the user overlooked the south lawn and was more aware of d i s t a n t a c t i v i t i e s than those of his immediate neighbours. As the sun's rays favoured d i f f e r e n t areas of the park throughout the day, s p a t i a l preferences among user types changed. When the afternoon sun reached the east side benches, e l d e r l y well dressed and ca s u a l l y dressed men began to f i l l them. In the morning, the cenotaph east area was sparsely populated while the sun-brightened west side of the cenotaph area benches was well patronized. As areas of sun and shade s h i f t e d on the south and west banks of the park, young hi p p i e s , young casually dressed people, and others slowly adjusted t h e i r areas of occupation u n t i l e a r l y evening, when lawn users edged toward the main c o r r i d o r and the only remaining shaft of s u n l i g h t . The slope of the lawns influenced user o r i e n t a t i o n and made f o r greater accommodation. The north side of the park facing onto Hastings Street provided the f r o n t view and the south end of the park, the u p h i l l , rear perspective. People seated at a south side bench were twenty feet higher than people i n the cenotaph area, and could look across the way to the second and t h i r d f l o o r s of Hastings Street b u i l d i n g s . Lawn dwellers always faced northward and t h i s o r i e n t a t i o n bias made other spaces less appealing. For example, the bench near the fountain, facing toward the south lawn, had rapid turnover of use, and mixed use, because users came face to face, v i s u a l l y , with the lawn population and people walking north-east on the main c o r r i d o r . The most comfortable places to s i t were areas where one could see without being an object of a t t e n t i o n . Fences i n the park were symbolic deterrents to use of the lawns; the gingerly step i t took to cross them was more of a s o c i a l than a physical task. The way i n which young hippies and e l d e r l y well dressed men d i f f e r e d i n t h e i r lawn traversing behaviour indicated t h e i r f e e l i n g s toward the space. Young hippies simply walked over the fences to get to t h e i r d e s t i n a t i o n , or avoided the fence by c u t t i n g through the trees at the stage area. Older men r a r e l y walked on the grass, and then h e s i t a n t l y stepped over the low chain fence. Crossing a fence appeared to mean v i o l a t i n g a space and a s o c i a l more, trespassing in a t e r r i t o r y by ignoring a s o c i a l cue, f o r the e l d e r l y well dressed men looked apprehensive i n t h i s behaviour. V i c t o r y Square's design, the formal model of European parks, and the old world norms of conduct suggested by such elements of the design as fences, were not communicated equally to a l l l i f e s t y l e groups, f o r the lawns of the park were crowded with people on warm afternoons. Movement Patterns and Interpersonal C o n f l i c t Entering, l e a v i n g , or crossing the park involved an o r i g i n -d e s t i n a t i o n strategy. Study of trave l routes of l i f e s t y l e groups in V i c t o r y Square revealed patterns of movement that prevented a l l but occasional person to person confrontation by i n d i v i d u a l s of d i f f e r e n t incompatible groups, f o r example, the e l d e r l y well dressed men and the young hippies. (Fiqure 6.1) J) The e l d e r l y men made most extensive use of entrances to the park, the paved oerimeter walks w i t h i n , and the concrete concourse of the cenotaph area. Because of t h e i r numbers, they appeared to dominate most of the pathways of the park, and used them as places to s t r o l l l e i s u r e l y rather than as places used only f u n c t i o n a l l y as trave l paths. As the day progresse dand the areas of sun and shade s h i f t e d , these men wandered the paths f o r exercise and to fi n d better seats. The perimeter paths were a congenial haven i n contrast to the crowded pavement of Hastings Street. Young Hippies did not patrol the park l i k e the e l d e r l y men. Typical Movement Patterns of Two L i f e S t y l e Groups. Late i n the evening and ea r l y i n the morning a small group may have used a bench adjacent to the sloping lawns, but through the longer part of the day they concentrated on the lawns. Most entered the park from the d i r e c t i o n of Gastown, crossi-ng at Hastings and Cambie Street, walking d i r e c t l y up the cenotaph area steps, and mounted the low stone wall to bring themselves d i r e c t l y onto the west lawn. While e l d e r l y men wandered along the leg i t i m a t e paths of the park, the young hippies jumped the low chain fence and traversed the grass; i n d i v i d u a l s of the two groups r a r e l y met. Even with t h i s accommodating system, conscious e f f o r t to avoid inter-group confrontations p r e v a i l e d , for the movement patterns were not t o t a l l y e x c l u s i v e . On one occasion, an e l d e r l y man, walkinq north on the west path was on a l i n e of potential c o l l i s i o n with a young hippy walking across the grass toward him. Actual physical c o l l i s i o n was averted because the e l d e r l y man hesitated. The youna hippy, acting as i f to deny, outwardly, the presence of the other, was playinq the 'non-person' game, whereby non-compatible i n d i v i d u a l s ignore each other. (Goffman, 1961) This strategy works only as long as one of the pa i r takes the subordinate r o l e , e s p e c i a l l y i n such instances as the above. Often e l d e r l y well dressed men s t a r t i n g to walk south on the west path stopped, only to retrace t h e i r steps, or continue with caution along the oath. Ahead of them, the presence of young hippies, Indians, or tramps near the path or at the benches presented a perceived danger. The s o c i a l distance between the various l i f e s t y l e groups was r e f l e c t e d in t h e i r s p a t i a l segregation. One small group of hippies might cause e l d e r l y men to cancel an intended excursion. When t h i s occurred, a dominant-subordinate r e l a t i o n s h i p developed, manifesting i t s e l f i n averted tra v e l plans and t e r r i t o r i a l r e t r e a t . Planned Confrontation: Predation and the Interaction R i t u a l as Ecological Symbiosis Vic t o r y Square was a resource area f o r i t s users. In a semi-symbiotic r e l a t i o n , the a t t r i b u t e s and possessions of some l i f e s t y l e groups were desired by others and a tempered predator-prey r e l a t i o n s h i p worked to d i s t r i b u t e these goods around. While the e l d e r l y dressed up and casually dressed men passed the day s e l e c t i v e l y searching and avoiding Deople and places, so as to minimize threat and confrontation, other groups practised forced interpersonal and inter-group i n t e r a c t i o n . Interaction r i t u a l s w i t h i n , and between, various l i f e s t y l e groups explained much of the inter-group s p a t i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s , at the i n d i v i d u a l and aggregate l e v e l s . Intra-group Predation To varying degrees, the members of each l i f e s t y l e group preyed on t h e i r own cohorts. Young hippies best practised the ideology of the 'love generation', sharing small resources such as c i g a r e t t e s , drugs, card games, food, and conversation. With a f r i e n d l y approach to a c l u s t e r of young hippies, a newcomer could e a s i l y engaqe himself through simple small t a l k . Once established in the group, he was not l e f t out of anything that may be passed around. I f one member of a c l u s t e r was a resource holder, a simple request would usually lead to sharinq. This easy flow of goods and information was r e f l e c t e d i n the s p a t i a l habits of the young hi p p i e s . Small groups lounginq on the south and west banks were not r i g i d , but open aggregates of people, co n t i n u a l l y sending o f f and accepting i n d i v i d u a l s who moved around the c i r c u i t . Some of the young hippies were r e l a t i v e l y long term res i d e n t s , having used the park f o r a number of weeks; they formed the skeleton of a s p a t i a l pattern of use of the park, e n t i c i n g newcomers and transients to f o l l o w t h e i r habits. Middle aged and e l d e r l y Indians and tramps also preyed on each other. Unlike the young hippies, tramps approached each other when a magnet of a t t r a c t i o n , such as a b o t t l e of l i q u o r , or c i g a r e t t e s , was i n d i s c r e t e l y shown. The method of approach was more important than the words used. Often, the tramp was already i n t o x i c a t e d and his words were not understandable. On one occasion a drunk e l d e r l y tramp sat beside the author, t a l k i n g and o c c a s i o n a l l y brushing my shoulder with his hand, as i f to repeatedly a t t r a c t my a t t e n t i o n . I had no idea what he was saying and p o l i t e l y s a i d my leave. S i t t i n g down two benches away, I witnessed another e l d e r l y tramp, not i n t o x i c a t e d , s i t down beside the man and begin to nod appreciably to a l l the inco-herent things he was saying. He l i t a c i g a r e t t e and offered the pack to the other. This s o c i a l occasion had none of the rewards of a middle class occasion. No information was passed; nothing substantial was s a i d , An exchange had taken place which was important to the two involved, a s o c i a l with a chance to i n t e r a c t , and an o f f e r of goods. This encounter i l l u s t r a t e d the d i s t r i b u t i o n of goods, without forced predation, between l i f e s t y l e cohorts. Not a l l i n t e r a c t i o n s were t h i s congenial, however, and another behavioural episode demonstrated the transience by which most predator-prey r e l a t i o n s h i p s operated: The predator was a middle aged tramp. Acting with emphasized bonhomie toward another middle aged tramp at a cenotaph west area bench at 7 a.m. i n the morning, he suddenly broke from him (and a pote n t i a l drink of wine) to approach another middle aged casually dressed man who sat three benches away. Unfortunately, t h i s man was not receptive to his attentions and the tramp ended up s i t t i n g between the two, looking back and f o r t h at each of them. Indians who had a b o t t l e of wine often attracted other Indians, both men and women. Young Indian men and women generally kept away from the middle aged and e l d e r l y , forming t h e i r own r e l a t i o n s h i p s , s o c i a l and economic. Young Indian g i r l s often came in t o the park alone to s n i f f glue and l a t e r joined up with young Indian males. The young r a r e l y drank wine as heavily as the middle aged Indians, who formed small groups of both men and women on the south side. Inter-group Predation To what extent did park users extend t h e i r predation outside t h e i r own l i f e s t y l e group? Middle aged and e l d e r l y tramps and Indians a c t i v e l y practised inter-group predation. To be able to i n v i t e oneself to the attentions of others and ultimately gain from i t m a t e r i a l l y required successful enactment of the a s s i m i l a t i o n qame--playing the t y p i f i e d r ole of another l i f e s t y l e in order to gain access to that group's m i l i e u with the ultimate aim of acquiring goods. Tramps approached almost anyone who might be successful prey, but were more apt to operate i n the south h a l f of the park, r a r e l y taking space, or people's time, i n the cenotaph area. Drunk tramps were r a r e l y successful except in preying on other tramps who were also drunk. Sober, however, they learned to perfect the technique of predation, as the fo l l o w i n g i l l u s t r a t e s : Casually s t r o l l i n g across the west bank lawn, a middle aged tramp sat close to a small group of hippies who were smoking cigarettes and playing cards. Soon, at an opportune moment, he remarked on t h e i r game, e f f e c t i v e l y , but not brashly, thus introducing himself to the group. A f t e r casually conversing f o r a while, he asked f o r a c i g a r e t t e and was promptly rewarded, not gi v i n g the occasion enough att e n t i o n to f o s t e r resentment, continuing to make i d l e conversation. He had attained his goal without arousing resentment. Tolerance was a common v i r t u e of park people, making the predator's task more commonly s u c c e s s f u l . The s o c i a l environment of the park seemed to d i c t a t e a kind of behaviour to i t s occupants. In a d i f f e r e n t place, two female students approached by two young Indian men could have e a s i l y discouraged them, or c a l l e d f o r help to be r i d of them. However, i n t h i s s e t t i n g , the rules of the game appeared set. An Indian sat down on the grass beside the two g i r l s and began to chat; the g i r l s appeared a b i t uncomfortable. Shortly, he was offered a couple of c h e r r i e s , and he waved his companion over. They both began eating cherries and t a l k i n g to the g i r l s . Obviously, anyone in the park was f a i r game, subject to the rules of th i s s o c i a l world, and i n t h i s environment, prey seemed to comply r e a d i l y . One afternoon, an Indian couple, both of them drunk and unsightly, approached the author and a middle aged tramp as we sat on a west side bench. The tramp had proudly shown me his b o t t l e of whiskey, i n d i s -c r e t e l y allowing others to see. When the Indian couple scrambled over the low chain fence, the woman completely ignored me, and sat down between the tramp and myself, sprawling across my lap. Quickly s h i f t i n g away, the Indian man sat beside me and began mumbling about C h i l l i w a c k . As i t was the only word which was comprehensible, I repeated i t , whereupon he became excited and continued incoherently. Formulating a quick, but cheerful goodbye, I moved o f f down the path to another bench. Soon, the tramp had also l e f t , leaving the Indians alone, and dejected, on the bench. He had graciously and t o l e r a n t l y accepted the a r r i v a l of the babbling man and the unsightly woman as an element of the l i f e he leads. Although he did not, on t h i s occasion, give up some of his whiskey, he played the game to the point of not offending the people. The r e l a t i o n s h i p between the t y p i c a l i n t e r a c t i o n r i t u a l and predation practices of l i f e s t y l e groups and t h e i r patterns of areal use of the park showed an i n t e r e s t i n g r e g u l a r i t y . The more act i v e predation groups had a more extensive action space, and a l e s s e r index of s p a t i a l segregation with other groups. (Figure 4.19) The introverted groups, such as the e l d e r l y well dressed and young hippies, depended l i t t l e on people outside of t h e i r own l i f e s t y l e . Indian people r e l i e d more on inter-group predation, e s p e c i a l l y the middle aged. Tramps enjoyed neither the company of extensive intra-group i n t e r a c t i o n , nor much personal independence, needing e i t h e r to prey on peoDle, or to scavenge the park for resources l e f t by others. The s o c i a l l i v e s of each l i f e s t y l e group, though t i e d together in one place, exhibited unique c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of i n t e r a c t i o n and dependency, and the c o l l e c t i v e s p a t i a l patterns of park use r e f l e c t e d them. Park Resources and Human Behaviour V i c t o r y Square provided a number of human and non-human resources, which a t t r a c t e d users i n t o the park. Garbage bins located at the cenotaph area steps, and at the south-east and south-west gates, a t t r a c t e d people who salvaged b o t t l e s , paper bags, and other items. The s e l f -professed 'mayor' of the park, an e l d e r l y tramp and confessed a l c o h o l i c , t o l d me of his idea to maximize b o t t l e return revenue by salvaging empties, but indicated the transportation problems, the costs of which negated such a plan. The mayor, in his own simple way, was acutely aware of the constraints of major cost elements on economic e n t e r p r i s e . So salvaging i n V i c t o r y Square remained an i n e f f i c i e n t , i n d i v i d u a l process of chance. Such u n l i k e l y items as jackets and s h i r t s were occ a s i o n a l l y l e f t in the park to be picked up as opportune treasures. A number of park users were ever watchful f o r the discards of others. One middle aged tramp made a habit of looking f o r matchbooks and was very pleased when the author found two f u l l books f o r him. Another middle aged tramp played out a d a i l y r i t u a l i n order to smoke. ' S i l v e r ' wandered back and f o r t h i n f r o n t of the cenotaph area benches looking f o r discarded c i g a r e t t e butts. He neatly cleared unburned tobacco b i t s from a handful of paper and burnt tobacco. Using new c i g a r e t t e papers, he r o l l e d himself a new c i g a r e t t e . A f t e r performing t h i s r i t u a l , he comfortably s e t t l e d back on a bench to enioy his treasure. S i l v e r ' s a c t i v i t i e s i n the park, and his status as a permanent member of the mi l i e u was shared by the majority of tramps and e l d e r l y well dressed and casually dressed men in the park. V i c t o r y Square was a d a i l y home f o r a large resident population, most of whom l i v e d only blocks away.l The nature of S i l v e r ' s behaviour served to i d e n t i f y him as a p e r s o n a l i t y among the population, but only his personal adaptation to the environment, the way he extracted a resource from t h i s place, made him any d i f f e r e n t from other tramps. The majority of park users each incorporated V i c t o r y Square i n t o t h e i r d a i l y l i v e s , i n t o t h e i r action spaces, and, j u s t as important, i n t o a central place in t h e i r image of the world. The subterranean public washrooms at the west wall of the cenotaph area were a central point of i n t e r a c t i o n and a magnet f o r s t r e e t people. Drug t r a f f i c i n g , homosexuality, and mugging in t h i s s e t t i n g led to the h i r i n g of an attendant. Upon encountering criminal behaviour, such as the sale of drugs, he threatened to c a l l the p o l i c e , but, unknown to those involved, on a phone which was unconnected. The washroom, according to the attendant, s t i l l a t t r a c t e d drug dealing, muggings, and homosexual encounters. Even over as small an area as V i c t o r y Square, the v a r i a t i o n s of s i t e and design features, the extent of possible s u r v e i l l a n c e , and the p o t e n t i a l human and non-human resources presented a varied meaning to the space within the park, a t t r a c t e d d i f f e r e n t l i f e s t y l e groups, and e l i c i t e d a wide range of behaviours i n the i n d i v i d u a l d a i l y struggle to get along. 1. Of f i f t e e n e l d e r l y men, whose approximate place of residence was casually requested, a l l but one l i v e d within s i x blocks of the park. CHAPTER VII PERCEPTIONS OF THE PARK  AND THE BEHAVIOURAL RESPONSE "Poor boy walked down a c i t y s t r e e t , hope was i n his eyes, as he searched the faces of the people he'd meet, for one he could recoqnize. There are those who'll swear i t ' s true, we're brothers arm i n arm, but i t seems there are so few, who w i l l answer a brother's c a l l . " (Oscar Brown) The s o c i a l geoqraphy of Vi c t o r y Square, determined by systematic, unobtrusive counting, mapping, and synthesis of behavioural episodes, and presented here, i s a portrayal of the d a i l y s o c i a l and s p a t i a l habits of the Dark users, a geographer's o o r t r a i t of a place. However, the real nature of t h i s place may r e s t more i n the minds of the people who use i t rather than those who seek to determine i t s nature. (Koffka, 1935; Wright, 1947) The essence of V i c t o r y Square i s very much a function of the cognitions of i t s i n h a b i t a n t s , t h e i r image (Boulding, 1956), in c l u d i n g a s p i r a t i o n s , time horizons, and t h e i r s o c i a l power and esteem. In a d d i t i o n , the r a t i o n a l e behind i n d i v i d u a l s p a t i a l behaviour stems from those d i s p o s i t i o n s (Downs, 1970; Lewin, 1951), f o r s p a t i a l action i s the r e s u l t of a decision based upon personal i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the environment. (Ley, 1972) Park users revealed a t t i t u d e s toward the park which were tempered by experience and exposure, and were manifested i n i n d i v i d u a l behaviour as well as r e f l e c t i o n s offered to the author. Those sentiments and behaviour are presented here, a report whose worthiness rests on the degree to which they reveal the phenomenal essence of V i c t o r y Square. The data comes from extended personal p a r t i c i p a t i o n in the study environment, and i s a combination of user's perceptions and observed h a b i t s . The e l d e r l y , who constituted over f i f t y percent of the park population i n terms of recorded p e r s o n - v i s i t s , are of primary concern here. Older People's Image of Vi c t o r y Square "Who wants to s i t i n a d u l l hotel room? But don't come i n here a f t e r dark. I was robbed r i g h t over there behind those t r e e s , (points to t a l l trees at stage area) About eight years ago I j u s t come out of the cafe....the White Lunch....and I guess those two guys at the r e g i s t e r saw my w a l l e t . This place i s okay i n the daytime, but I stay home a f t e r dark. Oh, I j u s t l i v e a couple of blocks up the s t r e e t , (points up Pender) But I don't t e l l anybody else where. You can t e l l people too much. You're okay i f you keep to y o u r s e l f . " (An e l d e r l y well dressed man) These sentiments were expressed by an e l d e r l y man who, at a glance, would not be d i s t i n g u i s h a b l e from others of his l i f e s t y l e group. For him, the park was a very d i f f e r e n t place i n the evening than i n the daylight hours. I t provided a i r , sun, grass, and a change from his dingy room, but his guard was never relaxed. He was aware of many po t e n t i a l dangers i n his environment, of a need f o r care, and even mistrust and apprehension. At night the park invoked fear in him; personal emotions translated to the landscape, from what he had heard and experienced, and which guided his behaviour. Almost a l l of the e l d e r l y dressed up and c a s u a l l y dressed men observed s i m i l a r rules of conduct. As dusk approached, the park emptied completely, but f o r a handful of them i n the dimly l i t cenotaph area. The author did not witness criminal behaviour i n the park a f t e r dusk, except f o r i l l e g a l drug use by small groups of young hippies and dri n k i n g by tramps and Indians. The dark, unsurveyed park landscape was quiet and sparsely populated. Hippies and tramps had l i t t l e to do with each other. The i n t e r i o r of the park was so dark, a f t e r dusk, that i t was almost impossible to see across i t . Pole lamps feebly l i t a f i f t e e n foot radius at four points. This environment was, apparently, not as dangerous as the older man believed i t to be, but his behaviour, and the behaviour of other e l d e r l y men, followed t h e i r b e l i e f s . Their timetable f o r s u r v i v a l i n t h i s perceived environment of perpetual h o s t i l i t y required them to be i n t h e i r rooms by dusk. Determined s e l f - i s o l a t i o n was another common adaptation to the s o c i a l environment of the park. For example, an e l d e r l y well dressed French Canadian l i k e d the park and watching people but wanted no personal r e l a t i o n s h i p s with anyone: "Dis park i s j u s t a place f u l l of people smoking dope and d r i n k i n g . I t has a nice cool water f o u n t a i n , but udderwise i t ' s a d i r t y place. People s... and p... a l l over the grass, so watch where you s i t . I never s i t on de grass." According to t h i s man, young people were the cause of a general downgrading of the q u a l i t y of l i f e and honesty i n t h i s part of the c i t y : "People, mostly young guys, come i n here and i t i s n ' t de same as i t used to be. You know, dey r e a l l y bring d i s place down dere was a day, you could put a twenty on de beer parlour table and i t would be dere when you got back. Now a days, de young guys, waiters, everybody i s out to s t e a l . " In response to changes to a s o c i a l and physical environment he was once proud to be a part of, t h i s man has retreated and began to see mistrust, greed, f i l t h , and dishonesty to be slowly overwhelming i t . His mental p i c t u r e of the s o c i a l environment of the park was simple but f u n c t i o n a l . His view of the young people as predators, t r y i n g to s t e a l from the older men, put him on his guard and he i s o l a t e d himself p h y s i c a l l y and s o c i a l l y from others. About 10 p.m. one night, as three middle aged tramps shared a bo t t l e of wine at a cenotaph west area bench, another entered the area and r e l i e v e d himself between two benches. I t was t h i s kind of environment that led to s o c i a l l i f e becoming atomistic and s e l f -centred. Only a small number of close friends knew a man's address. This p r a c t i c e increased the c e n t r a l i t y and importance of the park as a place to meet acquaintances and experience s o c i a l gatherings. Many older men were r e t i r e d farmers from the p r a i r i e s and were respectably well o f f . Through t h e i r c l o t h e s , however, they a c t i v e l y exercised an impression management that did not suggest t h e i r f i n a n c i a l assets. Only a small c i r c l e of confidantes, often once neighbouring farmers, knew each other's apartments, the f u r n i t u r e , and the colour t e l e v i s i o n that would have 'given him away'. I s o l a t i o n f o r other e l d e r l y well dressed and casually dressed men, and p a r t i c u l a r l y the tramps, was even more intense. Without wide ranging past experiences, r e l a t i v e wealth, geographic m o b i l i t y or knowledge, they had not the expanded world image common to the young and educated. Their whole world, i n e f f e c t t h e i r whole l i f e space, was no larger than a few square blocks. Consider the thoughts of one man about the power of his community and i t s place i n the larqer world-"This i s the cleanest part of town, not l i k e down South G r a n v i l l e , where i t ' s f u l l of Indians, thieves, p r o s t i t u t e s , and drunks. I t ' s safe here. This i s the real c i t y , always was. . . . c i t i z e n s here don't stand f o r that kind of thing and we don't l e t the f p o l i t i c i a n s push us around. You know, Campbell took the benches out of Pigeon Park and j u s t look what happened. The c i t i z e n s elected P h i l l i p s 'cause he promised to put them back in....but P h i l l i p s won't stay i n long 'cause he hasn't given the c i t i z e n s back our benches yet." This kind of world view, very small i n geographic and i n t e l l e c t u a l r e a l i t y , i s extremely ' l o c a l i t e 1 . (Buttimer, 1972) The problems he perceived and gave central importance were the issues he projected to wider s o c i e t y . I t becomes c l e a r that i t i s indeed d i f f i c u l t to plan and a l t e r elements of t h i s environment when the planners and p o l i t i c i a n s i n power have a much d i f f e r e n t perception of l i f e and what i s important to people. Places and experiences take on function and u t i l i t y stemming from a world view that r e f l e c t s experience, power, education, and preferences. For many of the e l d e r l y men who frequented the park, the real world was much too l a r g e , and t h e i r world was contracted and l i m i t e d . Theirs was a l i f e of l i t t l e things, of memories and small pleasures. An encounter at dawn portrays t h i s w e l l : Two men, one quite d i s h e v e l l e d , meet at the corner of Hastings and Cambie Street at s i x t h i r t y i n the morning. The dampness, not yet reached by the hidden sun, c l i n g s to posts, r a i l i n g s , and the s t i f f l y moving postures of the two men. Glancing at each other, the better dressed speaks: "Mornin', how are you?" "Mornin'...." says the other, f o r c i n g some enthusiasm into his face and words . "Had breakfast yet?" the more a f f l u e n t man casually gestures eastward down Hastings Street. "Uh, no." He promptly repeats the other's step o f f the curb as the l i g h t turns green. "I was j u s t t h i n k i n ' I'd head down to the White Lunch, you know, and have porridge t h i s morning maybe a coffee too. I was t h i n k i n ' I'd have some porridge and coffee." The man seems a b i t e x c i t e d . "Sometimes I have toa s t , too....with the porridge." Events which we often take f o r granted, such as eating and having a place to sleep, held more concern i n t h i s s o c i a l and physical environment. Keeping i n tune with t h e i r environment, these people dwelled upon the l i m i t e d s t i m u l i o f f e r e d , o f f e r i n g more time and e f f o r t to l i t t l e events that most of us pass o f f d a i l y as i n c i d e n t a l . E l d e r l y men stood i n one place by park fences f o r long periods of time watching and feeding b i r d s . One talked to the author about the habits of the mice that populated the earth under the trees and shrubs. Another behavioural episode i l l u s t r a t e s t h e i r preoccupation with the i n c i d e n t a l happenings of t h e i r environment: A pigeon s i t s on the grass by the cenotaph, very weak, and occasion a l l y f l u t t e r i n g one wing, unable to f l y or move about. The small gatherings of e l d e r l y men at the benches notice and one man points to the b i r d . Not o v e r t l y expressing a l o t of concern f o r the b i r d , they nevertheless are i n t e n t l y watching other people's reactions to i t . Passerbyers o c c a s i o n a l l y stop and look at the b i r d , glance at the men on the benches, then pass on, not wishing to become involved, and not being offered any cues from the e l d e r l y men as to the proper behaviour i n such an event. One day, an e l d e r l y tramp, i n t o x i c a t e d and stumbling along the south path, summed up, i n a s t r i n g of garbled phrases, most of the central concerns of his cohorts and t h e i r l i f e . The author was s i t t i n g at a bench on which an e l d e r l y c a s u a l l y dressed man occupied one end. The tramp approached and, appearing to recognize the bench occupant, s a i d t h i s : "Oh, hi...Joe... .jus' i s n ' noway go' damned unions....no damned good...n'...welfare a l l 'roun' s i t t i n ' roun'....bas'ards....no work ....(and he passes on) I f the l i v e s of people i n V i c t o r y Square were s p a t i a l l y contracted and unique to those of people of other and more a f f l u e n t s o c i a l worlds, they were also temporally p a r o c h i a l . Individuals in our society go about conducting t h e i r l i v e s f o l l o w i n g accepted rules of temporal pace and sequence. (Lyman and Scott, 1970) Park users were, in one way or another, i n limbo, some only temporarily, such as young hippies, others c o n t i n u a l l y , such as the e l d e r l y resident population who used the park p e r e n i a l l y . Beckett's Waiting For Godot (1959), an a l l e g o r y of two tramps experiencing that e s s e n t i a l aspect of the human condition which i s to be always w a i t i n g , i s an enactment of the l i v e s of many park users. People searched the past f o r experience and meaning, and put t h e i r l i v e s on short term schedules. Discussion of time usually f e l l w ithin the range of weeks. L i v i n g one week at a time was common for those c o l l e c t i n g welfare. Rent was by the week in most hotels and rooming places. Weekdays were r a r e l y d i s t i n g u i s h e d but f o r Thursday, when the cheques came out. The past most often provided the experiences and memories that give meaning to the present. The 'mayor' of the park, and a middle aged tramp who had j u s t a r r i v e d i n V i c t o r y Square from Kamloops both t o l d s t o r i e s which i l l u s t r a t e d how geographic space can become endowed with meaning and how meaning a f f e c t s behaviour. The 'mayor' of the park, an e l d e r l y tramp, r a r e l y talked of any-thing but God, his past, and V i c t o r y Square. He was t i e d to the past and his two brothers k i l l e d i n the Second World War. He was an a l c o h o l i c and frequented the park f o r i t was, f o r him, a haven of the past. "I can't see how people have so l i t t l e respect f o r the f a l l e n of the war...I t r y to keep the park clean, but people j u s t drop garbage a l l over. You know, there's garbage bins down by the steps and over here (points to the south-west gate) and I know when the trucks come to pick i t up, so a f t e r dark, I s t a r t to clean i t up but nobody cares much about the place." Indeed, the mayor often scouted the park a f t e r dark, picking up newspapers and discarded wrappers and c i g a r e t t e packs. Occasionally he m i l d l y chastised those s t i l l lounging on the south or west banks. The park also had other meaning f o r him: "That's my o f f i c e up there....no,no, not there, r i g h t i n the park....the middle bench. I get paid a d o l l a r f o r every man I f i n d to work f o r Mr. ." The mayor had s l e p t in a garage on the cement f l o o r u n t i l he had recently found a room i n a hotel on Main Street, but V i c t o r y Square was the central part of his l i f e space; his home, o f f i c e , and past memories. He panhandled o c c a s i o n a l l y for money and drank often with other tramps in the park. "I j u s t t r y to l i v e the way God wants me to, but sometimes you s l i p . Would you deny an old man a few drinks?" A middle aged man, another tramp, came from Kami oops to be f i t t e d with a new a r t i f i c i a l lower l e g . He soon made V i c t o r y Square his home, and others i n the park his acquaintances, learning t h e i r movements and the l i k e l y candidates f o r an occasional c i g a r e t t e or drink. He appeared very poor. V i c t o r y Square was the only place where his claims to misfortune (which were many) a f t e r the war were accepted by others, e s p e c i a l l y by the mayor. Anywhere else he would have been a tramp with a bad l e g , but i n the park with the mayor, he became a le g i t i m a t e member of a s o c i a l world where people l i s t e n e d and accepted his s t o r y . With the broken voice of a man at the breaking point of despair he recounted the experience of one of his f i r s t nights i n the park: "I was j u s t l y i n g over there behind those trees with newspapers over me. Early i n the morning, a policeman came up to me and kicked me i n the back. He t o l d me I had no business being there. I said to him, " O f f i c e r , I spent three years i n the war i n the service of t h i s country and l o s t my leg f o r i t . I f anybody has a r i g h t to be here, I believe I do." For t h i s man and others, most of the personal tragedies and loss of s o c i a l esteem as a part of being poor and dependent have been displaced to the war. Being a veteran was the only l e g i t i m a t e claim to s o c i a l esteem and the cenotaph of the park was society's recognition of i t . For a few men, V i c t o r y Square remained a sacred space, and i t was t h i s image which drew them to the park. Clinging to past memories, tarnished s o c i a l esteem, and the d a i l y round of subsistence a c t i v i t i e s i n a h o s t i l e environment, the e l d e r l y men who frequented V i c t o r y Square, l i v i n g w i t h i n walking distance of i t , had l i t t l e observable power or apparent desire to shape or change t h e i r l i v i n g space. They were s u c c e s s f u l , along with other s o c i a l l y marginal l i f e s t y l e groups, i n keeping the park exclusive as a sanctuary f o r a s o c i a l world divorced from and independent of wider s o c i e t y . While well dressed men sat i n the sun feeding pigeons and waiting for another day to pass, another e l d e r l y c a s u a l l y dressed man watched from the brick wall of the entrance to the men's underground washroom. He was the caretaker of the restroom, and had been ever since his immigration to Canada from Ireland to j o i n his c h i l d r e n . Leaning on the chest-high stone wall and gazing into the cenotaph area he commented on his view of l i f e i n the park i n a thick I r i s h accent: "This i s a den of f i l t h , a d i r t y , decrepid place where welfare bums drink a l l t h e i r money away....and up there on the g r a s s l , hippies use t h e i r drugs....and every year I see the same old men come to the park every day and s i t , j u s t w a i t i n ' to d i e j u s t w a i t i n ' f o r the hand of God to come breakin 1 through those very clouds (reaches his hand to the sky)...and God s a y i n ' , okay C h a r l i e , you're next." Behavioural Cues to Perception of Place Although the thoughts that preoccupied the mind of the mayor and other park users could not be o b j e c t i v e l y and sy s t e m a t i c a l l y monitored, t h e i r actions could suggest t h e i r f e e l i n g s , and serve as a means of t e s t i n g the r e l i a b i l i t y of what they s a i d . The mayor frequently picked up newspapers and other debris from the south and west lawns of the park and t h i s served as a surrogate 1. The south and west lawn area was a f f e c t i o n a t e l y known as 'needle h i l l . ' measure of his a t t i t u d e toward the place. One afternoon, a tramp ambled past the fountain with a near empty mickey i n his hand. He stopped on the main c o r r i d o r and f i n i s h e d the b o t t l e with his head t i l t e d f a r back. Tossing the empty b o t t l e on the grass, he continued on. Another man, using newspapers as a blanket on the south lawn, sat up a f t e r a short nap and decided to t i d y up his personal space. He did t h i s by tossing the papers i n t o the a i r so that a breeze took them a few feet from him, covering small bushes and lawn space but s a t i s f a c t o r i l y c l e a r i n g his personal domain. What was the observable r e s u l t of one day's a c t i v i t i e s i n V i c t o r y Square? A f t e r a long, sunny afternoon, the south and west lawns were covered with lunch bags, match books, c i g a r e t t e packs, odd papers, crumbs, newspapers, and the occasional beer b o t t l e . This short term accretion was c l e a r e d d a i l y by the park attendant and included bottles and debris which had c o l l e c t e d i n the cenotaph area and i n the f o l i a g e d areas of the park as well as on the lawns. The locations of discarded empty l i q u o r b o t t l e s (Figure 5.1) suggests the tendency f o r unsocial behaviour to occur i n places where public s u r v e i l l a n c e of space i s low, a f f o r d i n g v i s u a l p r o t e c t i o n , and l i t t l e obstruction of the people and behaviour which comes to occupy the space. Long term a c c r e t i o n , such as permanent carvings and g r a f f i t i on park fences and benches, was also s p a t i a l l y varied. (Figure 7.1) Comparing the d i s t r i b u t i o n of long term accretion with the space-time gridrmaps of l i f e s t y l e groups, most of t h i s defacement occurred i n places where there was no c l e a r s p a t i a l dominance by one group. I t was heavily concentrated on the south side and west side benches, areas where use of benches was heavily mixed. These areas were also Frequency of Permanent Carvings and G r a f f i t i on Park Benches and Fences. used, more than i n any other part of the park, by young people. I t i s i n t e r e s t i n g to note the r e l a t i v e l y heavy accretion at the fountain bench, another place of high user turnover and; mixed use. Both the d i s t r i b u t i o n of discarded l i q u o r b o t t l e s and the permanent accretion of carvings and g r a f f i t i increased to the south and west sides of the Dark. The d i f f e r e n t degrees to which parts of the park were r e a d i l y open to public s u r v e i l l a n c e , and were s p a t i a l l y dominated by a p a r t i c u l a r l i f e s t y l e group, seemed to c o r r e l a t e with the amount of d e s t r u c t i v e and a n t i - s o c i a l behaviour. The e l d e r l y well dressed and casually dressed men appeared most e f f e c t i v e i n keeping the i n d i c a t o r s and a c c r e t i o n of a n t i - s o c i a l behaviour from t h e i r areas of s p a t i a l dominance. L o i t e r i n g behaviour of e l d e r l y men was another i n d i c a t o r of t h e i r areal preferences. As noted e a r l i e r , e l d e r l y men h a b i t u a l l y p a t r o l l e d the perimeter paths of the park, places they could walk without the kinds of crowds t y p i c a l of the s t r e e t . There were, however, places where they woul dstand, e i t h e r to concentrate on w i l d l i f e , or to watch people and events, and other places where they preferred not to l i n g e r . The cenotaph area, the walk above the cenotaph steps, the stage area, and the east side path were preferred places to l o i t e r , and occasional pairs and t r i a d s of these men would gather i n small knots to t a l k . Other places, such as the main c o r r i d o r and the west side path prompted quick passage; often the presence of other people, l i k e hippies on the west side path, caused wandering old men to turn around and retrace t h e i r path to more comfortable areas. CHAPTER V I I I CONCLUSION: THE ESSENCE OF VICTORY SQUARE "These young kids are a l l r i g h t . Some guys don't l i k e them coming i n here, but a c t u a l l y , we're a l l together here. We get along f i n e . Everybody l i k e s everybody." These sentiments, expressed by an e l d e r l y , but industrious and self - c o n t e n t tramp, are very i d e a l i s t i c and perhaps quite i r o n i c . In one sense i t was true that the various l i f e s t y l e groups of the park were a l l together, but the evidence from t h i s study suggests that the s o c i a l m i l i e u of V i c t o r y Square was not one of philanthropy, but one of necessary and fu n c t i o n a l segregation and non-involvement, both at the aggregate l e v e l , and i n t e r p e r s o n a l l y . In f a c t , t h i s man's behaviour supported the theme. He was an e n t e r p r i s i n g scavenger of the discards of others; t h e i r b o t t l e s , boxes, and matches. Using the park more as a resource f i e l d than a place f o r pot e n t i a l s o c i a l contact, he never aligned himself with others. He was a model of s e l f - i s o l a t i o n and personal non-involvement. As the l i f e s t y l e groups demonstrated aggregate ecolo g i c a l patterns on the park landscape, t h i s man, linke d i n a symbiotic r e l a t i o n -ship to the park's people and resources, i l l u s t r a t e d the presence of ecologi c a l dependencies at the i n d i v i d u a l l e v e l . When Indian g i r l s lay on the south lawn, apparently unconscious from glue s n i f f i n g , or when young Indian men, or tramps, crawled onto the south bank, drunk or drugged, the p l a c i d population seated at the benches surrounding these dramas continued i t s l e i s u r e l y withdrawal without a mark of concern. When a man was arrested and handcuffed at the south-west gate by three policemen, no large concentration of people gathered, as might happen in other parts of the c i t y . When an ambulance screamed to the bank at Hamilton and Hastings S t r e e t , almost no occupants of the cenotaph area benches turned or stood to i n v e s t i g a t e the event. One day, a middle aged tramp, seated at a bench on the south s i d e , f e l l o f f the bench apparently s u f f e r i n g an attack, possibly a heart attack. He lay very s t i l l and the author was about to phone f o r an ambulance. Just then, another man approached him at a casual g a i t , bent over him f o r a few moments, looked both ways, then q u i c k l y walked on. Content that he was gone to e n l i s t a i d , the author continued to watch. The man, however, was simply racing away to protect himself from involvement, f o r he disappeared on Pender Street. Two other people passed the prostrate man and continued on. Then, s u r p r i s i n g l y , the s t r i c k e n tramp l i f t e d his head, looked around, sat up, brushed himself o f f , and again sat down on the bench. These 'attacks' occurred twice again during the course of the study, presumably giving spectators more anguish than himself. Although the events turned out to be unexplained, there could not have been a better staged experiment to demonstrate the lack of interpersonal involvement and r e s p o n s i b i l i t y i n t h i s s o c i a l world. While philanthropy and involvement were low, tolerance was very high i n t h i s environment. Fear of i r r i t a t i o n by perceived s p a t i a l invasion was followed, as a r u l e , by r e t r e a t rather than confrontation. Tolerance and unconcern f a c i l i t a t e d the easy incorporation of a number of otherwise incongruent a c t i v i t i e s i n one small place. Tolerant or subordinate behaviour, as a s o c i a l mechanism, and the s p a t i a l consequences of i t , made f o r t h i s s o c i o - s p a t i a l accommodation. Where else i n our urban community could family gatherings, hippies smoking pot, Indian g i r l s s n i f f i n g glue, unemployed loggers, middle aged a l c o h o l i c tramps, and respectable, r e t i r e d o ld men c o e x i s t i n r e l a t i v e harmony? Passive readjustment, tolerance, and non-involvement worked to provide a s o c i o - s p a t i a l order, a moral order, f o r t h i s unique s o c i a l world. This moral order, however, did not give c o l l e c t i v e protection to i n d i v i d u a l l i f e s t y l e cohorts, so each had to adapt to the environment and protect himself. As a r e s u l t of t h i s necessary atomism of s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s , non-involvement and anonymity could only increase. The c i r c u l a r and cumulative nature of t h i s r e l a t i o n s h i p guaranteed maintenance of the s o c i a l order i n t h i s place which welcomed anyone but protected no one. I t d i d not, however, ensure e f f e c t i v e control of the park against those l e g i t i m a t e agents of power i n wider society who could, at any moment, decide to intervene. What becomes of a place whose p a r t i c i p a n t s are t o l e r a n t and passive to every unpredictable whim of environment and outside l e g i t i m a t e authority? The ground on which the Dark rests would s u f f e r no loss from a tower of o f f i c e s and a new bid-rent. F a t a l i s t i c park users would sink back into the dinay hotel rooms or f i n d another place which, l i k e themselves, was an outcast of wider socio-economic purpose. The day to day dramas unfolding i n V i c t o r y Square were of l i t t l e people i n s o c i a l , s p a t i a l , and temporal limbo, doing unimportant l i t t l e t hings. Their waiting was f a t a l i s t i c , t h e i r escapes were i l l e g a l and demoralizing. Their t e r r i t o r i a l designs were meager and u n l a s t i n g ; t h e i r time horizons r a r e l y escaped the past or ventured i n t o the unknown f u t u r e . Decades of time have changed the park's r e l a t i v e l o c a t i o n ; i t i s now wit h i n a s o c i a l and physical environment of t r a n s i t i o n and anomie. The people who use the park r e g u l a r l y share i t s displacement and downward m o b i l i t y , and are resigned to be in the lower orders of s o c i e t y . U l t i m a t e l y , the transience and atomism of t h i s society overshadows any semblance of community. As the poor feed the pigeons i n V i c t o r y Square, so the park i s a crumb to the poor from wider s o c i e t y . The park i s now less a memorial to the v i c t o r i o u s than a sanctuary for the vanquished. They are the crumbs of one park's l i f e . BIBLIOGRAPHY Altman, I. and W. Haythorn. "The Ecology of Isolated Groups," Behavioural Science, 1967, 12, 169-182. 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