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Municipal regulation of home-based work Dmitrasinovic, Alexandra Katarina 1991

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M U N I C I P A L R E G U L A T I O N O F H O M E - B A S E D W O R K b y A L E X A N D R A K A T A R I N A D M I T R A S I N O V I C B . A . ( F i n e A r t s ) , U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , 1987 A T H E S I S S U B M I T T E D I N P A R T I A L F U L F I L L M E N T O F T H E R E Q U I R E M E N T S F O R T H E D E G R E E O F M A S T E R O F A R T S i n T H E F A C U L T Y O F G R A D U A T E S T U D I E S S C H O O L O F C O M M U N I T Y A N D R E G I O N A L P L A N N I N G W e accept this thesis as conforming to the required s tandard T H E U N I V E R S I T Y O F B R I T I S H C O L U M B I A October 1991 ® A l e x a n d r a K a t a r i n a D m i t r a s i n o v i c , 1991 In present ing this thesis i n pa r t i a l fulf i l lment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , I agree that the L i b r a r y sha l l make it freely ava i lab le for reference and s tudy . I further agree that permiss ion for extensive c o p y i n g of this thesis for scholar ly purposes m a y be granted by the H e a d of m y Department , or by his or her representatives. It is unders tood that copy ing or pub l i ca t i on of this thesis for f inanc ia l gain sha l l not be a l lowed wi thou t m y wr i t t en permiss ion. School of C o m m u n i t y and Reg iona l P l a n n i n g U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a V a n c o u v e r , B C C a n a d a 7th October 1991 i i A B S T R A C T T h e home has become a c o m m o n work place. Y e t m u n i c i p a l p l ann ing , w h i c h is based o n the pr inc ip le of separat ing homes from commerc ia l a n d indus t r i a l ac t iv i ty , does not recognize the prevalence of home-based work . Z o n i n g by l aw provis ions w h i c h govern home occupat ions are clearly ou tda ted , and revis ing t h e m involves a reappraisa l of current convent ions regarding ne ighbourhood l and use p l ann ing . Reasons for the g rowing interest i n the concept of w o r k i n g at home inc lude the po ten t ia l freedom of self-regulated work and the f lex ib i l i ty to accommoda te non-work responsibi l i t ies and act iv i t ies , perhaps combined w i t h the independence of self-employment . O the r factors inc lude changes i n employmen t and business condi t ions w h i c h have led to the g r o w t h i n par t - t ime work , mu l t i p l e jobs , and the sub-cont rac t ing of corporate services previous ly done in-house. W i t h the s t ructure of the economy shift ing i n emphasis f rom indus t r i a l to service sectors, a n d f rom goods to knowledge-based services, advances i n electronic equipment and te lecommunica t ions technology have faci l i ta ted the decent ra l iza t ion of work . Inexpensive microcomputers , facsimile machines , etc., afford homeworkers equivalent facilit ies in-home as i n conven t iona l offices. Es t imates of the size of the home-based work force va ry w i d e l y due to def in i t ional and methodo log ica l problems i n ident i fy ing and categorizing the var ious types of homeworkers . However , the consensus i n the l i terature is tha t the number of homeworkers i n N o r t h A m e r i c a is subs tan t ia l and increasing. T w o approaches were taken to investigate l and use p l a n n i n g a n d regulat ion i n re la t ion to home-based work . T h e l i terature review synthesizes A m e r i c a n and B r i t i s h sources a lmost exclus ively since C a n a d i a n p l ann ing l i terature on the subject is l i m i t e d . It shows that some jur i sd ic t ions have moved beyond recogni t ion of i i i home-based work to encourage i t , often as par t of an effort to reduce au tomobi le use. In a d d i t i o n , home businesses expand employmen t oppor tuni t ies and are considered a par t of economic development, strategies. In zoning terms, this has been manifested i n m o v i n g f rom enumera t ing pe rmi t t ed and p roh ib i t ed types of home-based work to ou t l i n ing performance s tandards imposed on a l l home occupat ions . Focuss ing on several munic ipa l i t i e s i n the Greater V a n c o u v e r area, the other i m p o r t a n t source of da t a comes f rom interviews w i t h p l a n n i n g officials and reviews of current policies and home occupa t ion provis ions i n loca l zon ing by laws . A m o n g the selected munic ipa l i t i e s , few interviewees have recognized the social and economic benefits of home-based work , a n d m a n y refuse to quest ion the long-held p l a n n i n g pr inc ip le of spat ia l ly-separated l and uses. M a n y l and use planners seem unaware of changes i n society w h i c h are affecting the re la t ionship between the home and work place. Gene ra l conclusions deal w i t h the discrepancies among current economic, social , and technologica l realities, p lanners ' rhetor ic about p l ann ing pract ice , and l a n d use regulat ions w h i c h affect home-based work. Specific po l icy recommendat ions ou t l ine how zon ing by laws regula t ing the homework sector need to be revised. IV T A B L E O F C O N T E N T S A B S T R A C T i i L I S T O F T A B L E S v i A C K N O W L E D G E M E N T v i i C H A P T E R O N E : I N T R O D U C T I O N 1 Societal changes 2 Regu la t ion and enforcement 3 C H A P T E R T W O : L I T E R A T U R E R E V I E W O N H O M E - B A S E D W O R K 5 In t roduc t ion 5 Segment size 6 Inf luent ia l factors 10 Corpora te res t ruc tur ing 10 E m e r g i n g service sector 12 Techno log i ca l advancements 13 Rise of the smal l business sector 15 G o v e r n m e n t a l support 16 W o m e n i n the work force 18 E m p l o y m e n t f lex ib i l i ty 21 Q u a l i t y of life 22 S u m m a r y 23 C H A P T E R T H R E E : R E V I E W O F P L A N N I N G L I T E R A T U R E 25 In t roduc t ion 25 Regu la to ry l i terature 25 Advan tages of in tegra t ing home and work place 26 P l a n n i n g issues 28 Conf l i c t over ne ighbourhood values 28 S t r a in o n m u n i c i p a l services 29 T a x loss and unfair compe t i t i on 30 M u n i c i p a l regulat ions 30 Off ic ia l p l a n 30 Z o n i n g b y l a w 30 Per formance s tandards 31 E x t e r n a l effects 32 Intensi ty of use 32 Traff ic and p a r k i n g 33 Nuisance aspects and use of equipment 33 L i c e n s i n g 34 Homeworker s ' perspective 34 Enforcement 37 Rev i ew unde rway 38 S u m m a r y 41 V C H A P T E R F O U R : A L O C A L P E R S P E C T I V E 43 In t roduc t ion 43 E x t e n t , na ture , and significance of home occupat ions 44 • N u m b e r of home occupat ions 45 C h a n g i n g nature of home occupat ions 45 Signif icance of home employmen t 46 P l a n n i n g issues 48 M e t h o d s of regula t ion 48 O c c u p a t i o n a l l imi ta t ions 50 U s e of performance s tandards 52 Regu la to ry approaches 56 C o n t r o l 56 A c c o m m o d a t e 58 To le ra te 59 Enforcement 61 A d e q u a c y of regulations 63 S u m m a r y 64 C H A P T E R F I V E : C O N C L U S I O N S A N D R E C O M M E N D A T I O N S 66 In t roduc t ion 66 Re -examina t ion of zoning 66 Benefits of home-based work 68 Regu la to ry amendments 69 Recommenda t ions on regulat ions 72 C o n c l u d i n g remarks 76 B I B L I O G R A P H Y 78 A P P E N D I X A L i s t of Informants 88 A P P E N D I X B Quest ions used to guide discuss ion w i t h informants 89 VI L I S T O F T A B L E S T a b l e 1: Overv iew of informants ' comments regarding the age and design of home occupa t ion provis ions 49 T a b l e 2: P e r m i t t e d and p roh ib i t ed home occupat ions l is ted i n zon ing by laws 51 T a b l e 3: Per formance s tandards - ex terna l effects 52 T a b l e 4: Per formance standards - in tens i ty of use 54 T a b l e 5: Per formance s tandards - traffic, and p a r k i n g 55 T a b l e 6: Per formance s tandards - nuisance aspects and use of equipment 56 v i i A C K N O W L E D G E M E N T O n comple t ion of m y thesis, I gratefully acknowledge: the emot iona l support of m y close friends and wonderful fami ly , pa r t i cu la r ly m y M u m who kept me suppl ied w i t h home bak ing ; the compan ionsh ip of m y cat who recl ined on m y desk everyday th roughout this somewhat sol i tary journey; and the inva luab le assistance of m y long-suffering spouse, M i k e Gage l , whose reading of drafts and computer w iza rd ry great ly assisted in p roduc ing this document . I w o u l d l ike to thank D r . P e n n y G u r s t e i n for her comments on the f inal draft of the thesis, and extend a special apprec ia t ion to D r . H e n r y C . H igh tower for his con t inued support and encouragement th roughout the P l a n n i n g p rogram; his w i s d o m and dedica t ion to p l a n n i n g made h i m an excellent academic and thesis advisor . 1 C H A P T E R O N E : I N T R O D U C T I O N In recent years, m a n y books, articles, and conference papers have been wr i t t en about the future of work i n pos t - indus t r i a l society. Several authors have addressed the profound economic changes, social forces, demographic trends, and technologica l advances w h i c h have affected the design, s t ructure, nature , and d i s t r i bu t ion of jobs . O u t of necessity a n d interest, "new pat terns of w o r k " ( H a n d y , 1984, p. i x ) are occur r ing . M a n y are "embryon ic trends w h i c h are l ike ly to become accepted and commonp lace opt ions i n b o t h w o r k i n g careers and work o rgan iza t ion" ( C l u t t e r b u c k , 1985a, p . x i ) . T h i s thesis examines an "emerging work op t ion , "home-based w o r k " , f rom an u rban p l a n n i n g and m u n i c i p a l regulatory perspective. Cons ide rab le interest i n home-based w o r k or "home occupa t ions" , the "accessory use of the dwe l l ing un i t for gainful employmen t i n v o l v i n g the manufacture , p rov i s ion or sale of goods a n d / o r services" (Toner , 1976, p . 7), has g iven rise to numerous pub l ica t ions . A n e c d o t a l articles i n popu la r magazines and "how- to" books popula r ize the v iew of home-based work as offering u n l i m i t e d o p p o r t u n i t y w i t h work au tonomy, f l ex ib i l i ty and m i n i m a l financial inves tment -en t ic ing i n d i v i d u a l s to work f rom home i n their o w n home-based businesses. In terms of scholar ly research and s tudy, scattered cont r ibu t ions by wri ters , academics and consul tants comprise the academic, p u b l i c po l i cy and business l i terature on home-based work . T h e extent of this l i terature can be l ikened to that of telework, w h i c h H u w s et a l . cal led: a mot l ey col lec t ion, i n w h i c h the s l ight and sensat ional rubs shoulders w i t h the serious a n d scholar ly , where i n d i v i d u a l anecdote c la ims equal status w i t h b r o a d survey (1990, p . x v ) . 2 Societal changes Renewed interest i n home-based work has been s t imula ted by s ignificant changes i n contemporary society. C h a p t e r 2 of this thesis reviews the l i terature w h i c h addresses the extent, nature and po ten t ia l significance of home-based work and identifies the factors inf luencing its adop t ion as a work op t ion . S t ruc tu ra l changes i n the economy (i.e., g rowth of the service sector assisted b y technological advances) , corporate reorganizat ion, and changes i n employment, condi t ions , work force demographics and at t i tudes t o w a r d work and leisure have prec ip i ta ted the rise i n impor tance of the smal l business sector and have led to the b o o m i n the home business sector w h i c h exists on the "respectable" fringe between the fo rmal and in formal economies ( H a n d y , 1984). Increasingly, m a n y people are choosing or are h a v i n g to create their o w n jobs w h i c h often take the fo rm of free-lance work or s m a l l businesses w h i c h or iginate i n the home. A s s i s t i n g m a n y of those who create products or render services are electronic office devices and advances i n te lecommunica t ions technology w h i c h are also enabl ing a re la t ive ly s m a l l bu t fast-growing segment of the home-based work force (" te lecommuters") to shift a l l or part of their jobs f rom the office to the home. W h i l e "homeworkers" are label led b y the loca t ion of thei r work place, they are not a homogeneous group; i nvo lved i n a w ide range of occupat ions , homeworkers va ry i n employmen t status and work s i tua t ion . S u c h self- or corpora te-employed workers are i n v o l v e d either par t - t ime or fu l l - t ime i n the home-based economic ac t iv i ty f rom w h i c h they derive their p r i m a r y or supplementa l income. Observers speculate about the significance of home-based work as a long-t e r m employmen t t rend since the ac tua l profile of the phenomenon is b lu r red due to inadequate s ta t i s t ica l sources and l i m i t e d research on the subject. However , w i t h 3 the changing na ture of work , i.e., increased d e m a n d for personal and knowledge-based services, the "cottage i ndus t ry " is m a k i n g a comeback and becoming a more vis ib le feature of the economy. Cons iderab le g rowth is an t ic ipa ted in the movement th roughout the 1990s and beyond , pa r t i cu la r ly in the format ion of home-based businesses. In 1989, i t was es t imated that 15% of the B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a work force operated out of the home, w i t h the p r o v i n c i a l government expect ing that percentage to double b y the year 2000 (Home-based businesses, 1989). Regula t ion and enforcement Despi te consensus that home occupat ions are " l i ke ly to become a more c o m m o n feature of the u rban fabr ic" (On ta r io , 1987, p . 26), re la t ively l i t t le research has been conduc ted on the p u b l i c po l icy impl i ca t ions of home-based work. C h a p t e r 3 discusses the p l a n n i n g l i terature w h i c h generally focuses on the m u n i c i p a l regula t ion of home occupat ions . A s home occupat ions have become more prevalent , some munic ipa l i t i e s have amended their zon ing bylaws w h i c h govern l and use to accommoda te people engaged i n home business ventures. However , other munic ipa l i t i e s have neglected to review their ou tda ted , confusing, and biased restr ict ions on the use of space i n the home, employees, sales, storage, adver t i s ing , a n d traffic, etc., w h i c h often i n h i b i t the g rowth of legi t imate home-based businesses, resul t ing i n m a n y home-based workers opera t ing their businesses i l legal ly . Hence, some munic ipa l i t i e s are presently exper iencing diff icul ty i n m o n i t o r i n g exis t ing home occupat ions and i n enforcing relevant regulat ions. Genera l ly , m u n i c i p a l regulat ions designed to guide the es tabl ishment and opera t ion of home occupat ions do not suppor t the new interest i n home-based work . Indeed, loca l m u n i c i p a l l a n d use regulat ions reflect a lack of recogni t ion of con temporary realities about home-based work . C h a p t e r 4 is a c o m p i l a t i o n of da ta ob ta ined f rom meetings held w i t h seven senior adminis t ra tors and planners whose 4 work involves the regula t ion of home occupat ions i n selected munic ipa l i t i e s i n the Greater V a n c o u v e r area. T h e var ie ty of regulatory approaches used and levels of unders tand ing about the work-a t -home phenomenon are discussed i n conjunct ion w i t h an analysis of local zon ing bylaws whose adequacy i n regula t ing home occupat ions is c r i t iqued . H o m e occupat ions are generally v iewed negat ively by planners; however, they offer significant social and economic benefits to the homeworker and c o m m u n i t y . C h a p t e r 5 concludes this thesis by d iscussing the planner 's role i n developing l a n d use policies and designing regulatory mechanisms w h i c h support the g rowing prevalence of home-based work. Recommenda t ions for the effective management of home occupat ions ( inc lud ing the design of zon ing by laws) are offered. 5 C H A P T E R T W O : L I T E R A T U R E R E V I E W O N H O M E - B A S E D W O R K Introduct ion T h i s chapter takes the fo rm of an extended l i terature review and addresses the extent, na ture , and significance of the home-based business phenomenon i n the context of in te rac t ing economic, socia l , demographic , and technologica l forces w h i c h are inf luencing the adopt ion of home-based work i n general. D a t a f rom a var ie ty of sources ind ica te tha t w o r k i n g at home emerged as a significant t rend among bo th self-employed and salaried workers du r ing the 1980s i n N o r t h A m e r i c a (Bacon , 1989; P r a t t , 1987a; S m i t h , 1987). A n a l y s t s expect con t inued steady g rowth i n the home-based w o r k force w h i c h is composed of: self-employed entrepreneurs; independent contractors (or "free-lancers") i n h igh status occupat ions i n the service sector; piece-rate manufacturers (or "outworkers") ; and salaried c o m p a n y employees who work at home on or off c o m p a n y t ime ("teleworkers") ( B a c o n , 1989; S t a n w o r t h and S t a n w o r t h , 1989). However , m u c h of the research on home-based work is h igh ly speculat ive, and re la t ively l i t t le serious research has been conducted on home-based businesses, the fastest-growing sub-category of home-based work ( C u -U y - G a m , 1989). Sources used are a lmost exclus ively A m e r i c a n and B r i t i s h due to the l im i t ed amoun t of C a n a d i a n l i terature on the subject. W h i l e impor t an t , var ious other aspects of home-based work are tangent ia l to this thesis and are not discussed, such as: the h is tory of i ndus t r i a l home-based work (Bor i s , 1988; Bor i s and Dan ie l s , 1989); employmen t s tandards (Bor i s and Dan ie l s , 1989; N a t i o n a l Research C o u n c i l , 1985); characterist ics of homeworkers or their work mot iva t ions ( A m b r y , 1988; B a c o n , 1989; D y k e m a n , 1989; H a k i m , 1987); or the psycho-socia l benefits and disadvantages of the home-based lifestyle or its socio-spat ia l consequences o n either the self-employed or t e l ecommut ing employee 6 and their families (Ahren tzen , 1989; Beach , 1989; Chr i s tensen , 1985; K i n s m a n , 1987; R a m s o w e r , 1985; Sa lomon and Sa lomon , 1984; S h a m i r and S a l o m o n , 1985). Segment size T h e v a r i a b i l i t y i n home-based employmen t estimates results f rom the in ter locked problems of t e rmino logy (i.e., the use of diverse definit ions of homework ing) a n d f rom methodolog ica l problems i n ident i fy ing and character iz ing home-based workers ( H a k i m , 1984a; H o r v a t h , 1986; K r a u t , 1988; P r a t t , 1987b). B o t h conservat ive and over ly -op t imis t i c speculators have a t tempted to est imate the current n u m b e r of businesses opera t ing f rom homes and to forecast the future development of the work-a t -home t rend. However , homework is notor ious ly difficult to define, and even sma l l adjustments to the def ini t ion adopted can d ramat i ca l ly affect any estimates p roduced ( H a k i m , 1987). A compi l ed def ini t ion w h i c h captures the ent i re ty of "home-based w o r k " or "homework" (terms used in terchangeably i n the l i terature) is: any par t - t ime or ful l - t ime p a i d work done either exc lus ive ly i n the home or based out of the home, regardless of the employmen t status of the worker (Chr i s tensen , 1988b) who produces goods or services ( K r a u t , 1988) and is referred to as a "homeworker" , "home-based worker" , "home-based entrepreneur", etc. D e p e n d i n g u p o n the inclusiveness of the def ini t ion used for "work-a t -home" ( H a k i m , 1984b; K r a u t , 1988), estimates of the number of homeworkers v a r y wide ly , and range f rom 8 to 23% of the U n i t e d States work force (P ra t t , 1987b). L o n g i t u d i n a l da ta on the prevalence of home-based work are not conclusive, and self-employment trends are diff icult to ident ify. Researchers general ly disclose the results of surveys and offer some in terpre ta t ion of the da ta tha t is avai lable (Chr is tensen , 1988b; H o r v a t h , 1986; K r a u t and G r a m b s c h , 1987). Often frustrated w i t h the " m u d d l e of incompa t ib l e d a t a " (P ra t t , 1987b, p . 50) that surveys produce, 7 researchers experience diff iculty i n es t imat ing the numbers compr i s ing par t i cu la r sub-sets of the home-based work force (e.g., home-based businesses) f rom aggregate data . T h e size and impac t of the work-a t -home movement have been largely overlooked, often because home-based businesses have been " l u m p e d " together w i t h other types of homework or a l l sma l l businesses (Orser, 1991; W o l f g r a m , 1984). M o s t quan t i t a t ive research on homework is based on "benchmark da ta" suppl ied b y large surveys conducted i n the early 1980s i n the U . S . ( H o r v a t h , 1986; K r a u t and G r a m b s c h , 1987). Ph ra sed to m a t c h " t r a d i t i o n a l " ways of w o r k i n g and l i v i n g , survey questions do not take in to account evo lv ing definit ions of " w o r k " ar is ing f rom changing work pat terns and labour force arrangements ( K r a u t and G r a m b s c h , 1987; P r a t t , 1987b). K r a u t and G r a m b s c h (1987) ana lyzed the da t a on place of work f rom the 1980 U . S . Census and found 2.2 m i l l i o n people worked exclus ively f rom home, 1.2 m i l l i o n of w h o m were self-employed. (Homeworkers were ident i f ied i f they ind ica ted o n a "means of t ranspor ta t ion to work" quest ion tha t they worked at home as their p r i n c i p a l place of work . ) Exper t s agree that the figures were too low; m a n y people were u n w i l l i n g to report tha t they worked at home or were confused about wha t const i tu ted work at home (Herbers, 1986). T h e home-based subsector of the work force is difficult to survey due to its informal s t ructure a n d obscure nature -a g rowing , heterogeneous, shif t ing p o p u l a t i o n of employees, moonl ighters , and business operators [who] at different t imes i n their l ives, work at home, part-t ime or ful l - t ime, over t ime, in t e rmi t t en t ly and seasonally (P ra t t , 1987b, p . 53). Measurement challenges i n gather ing in format ion arise f rom def in i t ional problems, measurement of a changing popu l a t i on , undercounts of segments of the work force, a n d possible h igh non-response rates (P ra t t , 1987b). A s a result , comparisons 8 between surveys carr ied out at different t imes and for different purposes produce conf l ic t ing reports of trends i n home-based work , wh ich shou ld not be surpr is ing when the sources and var ie ty of cr i ter ia beh ind the col lect ion of the da ta are compared (P ra t t , 1987b). Def in i t i ona l differences between surveys means that equivalent segments of the diverse home-based popu la t i on are not identif ied (P ra t t , 1987b). E a c h survey counts different subsets of the work-a t -home popu l a t i on (P ra t t , 1987b), and characterizes t h e m according to employmen t status (e.g., wage and salary, self-employed, and u n p a i d fami ly workers) or classifies their work-related act ivi t ies according to occupa t iona l categories or indus t ry , w h i c h hinders compar i son and produces inconsistencies i n the figures w h i c h researchers derive. Es t imates avai lable f rom secondary sources and pr iva te studies produce va luable data , bu t due to their sma l l sample sizes (e.g., s ampl ing of selected corporat ions [ B a i l y n , 1988] or magaz ine subscribers [Chris tensen, 1988c]), the genera l izabi l i ty of their f indings is quest ionable. P r a t t (1987b) notes that too m a n y of the work-a t -home estimates quoted i n the med ia are educated guesses, or are f rom sources tha t are unava i lab le to verify methodology. Some estimates are based on propr ie ta ry sources that are not general ly avai lable , such as the 1982 A m e r i c a n Te lephone and Te legraph marke t ing s tudy w h i c h es t imated that a staggering 23 m i l l i o n people ( inc lud ing moonl ighters [who operate 'side' businesses f rom their homes] and volunteer workers) , performed job-related, income-produc ing work at home, representing 23% of the U . S . l abour force, of w h i c h 7 m i l l i o n are i n the "business-at-home" sector (P ra t t , 1987b). A somewhat smaller est imate of the home-based work force is based on a M a y 1985 C u r r e n t P o p u l a t i o n Survey by the U . S . B u r e a u of L a b o r Stat is t ics . Resul ts showed that there were near ly 18 m i l l i o n home-based workers; of these, 8.4 m i l l i o n people worked at home for 8 hours or more per week as par t or extension of 9 their p r i m a r y , non- fa rm job . O f this figure, 3.6 m i l l i o n were self-employed (unincorpora ted) , employees of their o w n corporat ions ( incorporated) , or u n p a i d fami ly workers (P ra t t , 1987b). E x p e c t i n g con t inued g rowth , L I N K , a market-research f i rm w h i c h tracks home-based work trends, es t imated that the work-a t -home segment of the U . S . labour force has been expand ing by 7 to 9% year ly since 1987. T h e segment, es t imated at 26.6 m i l l i o n Amer i cans engaged i n job-related work at home at least part, of the t ime i n 1989, is expected to encompass 31 m i l l i o n people by 1992 ( B a c o n , 1989). A l t h o u g h m a n y are fu l l - t ime employees (5.5 mi l l i on ) who had formal arrangements w i t h their corporate employers to work at home, the real g rowth i n home-based work has come f rom entrepreneurs set t ing up sma l l businesses, of w h i c h there were 13.1 m i l l i o n i n 1989 (de Sant is , 1989). Research results have shown that a significant p ropor t ion (50 to 70%) of homeworkers operate their o w n home-based businesses or "cottage indus t r ies" ( B a c o n , 1989; H o r v a t h , 1986), and such entrepreneurs represent between 9 and 13% of the to t a l emp loyed popu la t i on ( D y k e m a n , 1989; Orser, 1991). F e w C a n a d i a n statistics on this segment are avai lable (Orser, 1991) since neither Stat is t ics C a n a d a nor the Conference B o a r d of C a n a d a keep records on the n u m b e r of Canad ians who work at home (de Sant is , 1989); however, an es t imated 20% of the labour force work out of thei r houses, w i t h forecasts that by the year 2000, up to' 40% of the labour force, mos t l y self-employed people, w i l l be w o r k i n g at home ( K u c h a r s k y , 1990). A conservat ive est imate by the B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a government of 130,000 home-based businesses is easily overshadowed by pr iva te guesses w h i c h peg the number as h i g h as 280,000 (Home-based businesses, 1989). A p p r o x i m a t e l y 12,000 to 15,000 home businesses start up each year i n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a ( D y k e m a n , 1989). 10 Despi te significant research on homework ing b y B r i t i s h researchers such as H a k i m , l i t t l e research has been conducted in the U n i t e d K i n g d o m on the p ropor t ion of homeworkers who are proprietors , or on the p ropor t ion of s m a l l businesses w h i c h are home-based (Huws et a l . , 1990). Q u a n t i t a t i v e estimates of the g rowth of s m a l l businesses are also rare, due to problems of def in i t ion and because of the existence of a t h r i v i n g underg round economy (Huws et a l . , 1990). C a n a d i a n researcher Orser also notes that significant "da ta gaps" exist i n the home-based business and self-employmen t fields of research due to def in i t ional and methodologica l problems of research, ...[the] lack of recogni t ion and suppor t of these sma l l businesses by researchers and government po l i cy makers , an obscured work force...often reluctant to reveal in format ion to researchers, and.. . the relat ive infancy of the independent , profi table home-based business (1990, p. 1). W h a t e v e r the differences i n exact estimates of the extent of home-based employmen t or s m a l l businesses based i n the home i n any par t i cu la r count ry , there is a clear consensus i n the l i terature that bo th are f lour ish ing , w i t h further g rowth ind ica ted (Huws et a l . , 1990; P r a t t , 1987a). Influential factors T h e increased v i s i b i l i t y and commerc ia l c red ib i l i ty of home-based businesses reflect the in te rac t ion of macroenv i ronmenta l forces a n d numerous s i tua t iona l factors w h i c h influence the adop t ion of this work o p t i o n ( D o n n i s o n , 1985; Orser , 1991). Corpora te res t ruc tur ing Home-based enterprise can be seen as a by-produc t of changing economic t imes (Orser, 1991). T h e combina t ion of corporate res t ruc tur ing and h igh 11 unemploymen t have created a " p u s h " to self-employment, w i t h d e m a n d for contract services " p u l l i n g " innovators in to the smal l business sector ( H u w s et a l . , 1990). A lot of people have been dr iven out of their fu l l - t ime jobs and are t r y i n g to start something up , perhaps i n a new k i n d of business, and they do tend to start it up at home ( M o w b r a y , 1986, p . 54). Many organizat ions , exper iencing difficult}^ i n adap t ing to r ap id economic, and technologica l change, have been obl iged to embark on organiza t iona l res t ruc tur ing programmes (or " d o w n s i z i n g " ) to cope w i t h business uncertaint ies . T o improve their in te rna l f l ex ib i l i ty and cost-effectiveness, companies have changed the way in w h i c h they employ , organize, and develop h u m a n resources (Cross , 1985; H a n d y , 1984; L o z a n o , 1989; P r a t t , 1987a). A s a result , there has been an increase i n the sub-cont rac t ing of a wide range of services w h i c h had prev ious ly been carried out in-house ( B a i l y n , 1988; C l a r k , 1982; H u w s et a l . , 1990; W a l s h , 1990). Fewer salar ied manager ia l employees are being h i red and organizat ions are securing ou tpu t t h rough contrac ted work relat ionships w i t h i n d i v i d u a l free-lancers and independent s m a l l businesses, p roduc ing a more f lexible, variable-cost , non- t r ad i t iona l work force of core and per iphera l workers w h i c h can expand and contract w i t h f luc tua t ing work loads (Chr i s tensen , 1988b; H u w s et a l . , 1990; P r a t t , 1987a). M u c h whi te-col lar w o r k (professional, manager ia l , c ler ica l , t echnica l , and sales [ B a i l y n , 1988]) i n the knowledge-based economy (where in fo rma t ion is generated or collected, ana lyzed , and exchanged) can be easily accommoda ted at remote work sites b y the g rowing number of "cont ingent workers" . These au tonomous and mob i l e "knowledge workers" (Orser, 1991), free-lancers, or consul tants , i n contrast to the core r ing of ful l - t ime wage a n d salaried employees, f o r m the per iphera l r ing of par t - t ime or 12 temporary employees or workers h i red as independent contractors (Chr is tensen , 1988a; C l a r k , 1982). A new employmen t pract ice w i t h i n organiza t ions , i.e., the increased use of cont ingent workers , is one aspect of the significant change i n the way work is organized - how, where, when , and w h y we work - and the place i t occupies i n our lives ( H a n d y , 1984). " ' W o r k ' [has] started to mean other th ings besides the conven t iona l fu l l - t ime j ob" ( H a n d y , 1984, p . i x ) . E m e r g i n g service sector Inf luencing the g rowth of home-based w o r k is the shift to an in format ion a n d service-oriented economy ( B u t l e r and Getzels , 1985) w h i c h has brought a new wave of ent repreneur ism ( A m b r y , 1988; C l u t t e r b u c k , 1985b; P r a t t , 1987a), a n d home businesses are "undergoing a quiet r evo lu t ion f rom cottage indus t ry to ownership b y whi te -col la r professionals" ( R o n a l d , 1989, p . C 4 ) . F o r those h i red on a contract basis and other self-employed i n d i v i d u a l s , the home becomes an impor t an t w o r k site (Chr is tensen, 1988b). Some 60% of the home-based work force were whi te -col la r workers i n 1989 ( B a c o n , 1989). K r a u t a n d G r a m b s c h (1987) state tha t discussions of home-based work revolve a round t w o confl ic t ing images: an op t im i s t i c one based on case studies of homeworkers ( m a n y us ing compute r technology) where the flexibility i n employmen t tha t home-based work provides is emphas ized ( G o r d o n , 1988; Ni l les et a l . , 1976; O l s o n , 1983; P r a t t , 1984; Toffler, 1980); and a pess imist ic one, rooted i n labour h i s to ry , w h i c h emphasizes the exp lo i t a t ion that i n d u s t r i a l homeworkers or "outworkers" ( t yp i ca l l y women) have t r ad i t i ona l ly endured ( A l l e n and W o l k o w i t z , 1987; B o r i s , 1988; Bor i s and Dan ie l s , 1989; D o n n i s o n , 1985; P e n n i n g t o n a n d Wes tover , 1989). 13 Despi te the persistent and popular image of the homeworker engaged i n " t r ad i t i ona l " manufac tu r ing work at home, H a k i m draws the "inescapable conc lus ion" ( H a k i m , 1984b, p . 10), consistent w i t h A m e r i c a n research f indings (Ehrenha l t , 1986; H o r v a t h , 1986; K r a u t and G r a m b s c h , 1987), tha t manufac tu r ing homework is re la t ively rare (approx imate ly 8% of home-based work i n the U . K . ) ; whi te-col lar and service home-based work (both t r ad i t i ona l and new) now predominate . T h e changing nature of the occupat ions of the home-based work force reflects the long- te rm reversal of the relat ive impor tance of manufac tu r ing i n re la t ion to service sector industr ies (such as professional, f inancia l and business, a n d personal services) ( H a k i m , 1984b), and the impac t of new technology is ex tending the variety of jobs done b y homeworkers i n c l u d i n g those who run their o w n businesses or take work "put ou t " by employers (Franc is and Schneider , 1989; H a k i m , 1984b; H a k i m , 1987). Techno log ica l advancements " T e l e w o r k " , p romoted since the energy crisis of the early 1970s as a new f o r m of homework w h i c h is computer -media ted , is defined as "organiza t iona l work that is performed outside of the n o r m a l o rgan iza t iona l confines of space and t ime" (O l son , 1983, p . 182). Some pr iva te sector corporat ions and p u b l i c sector agencies have recognized that telework assists i n the recru i tment and re tent ion of people w i t h scarce ski l l s , and have ins t i tu ted so-called "f lexiplace" (flexible work place) programs ( C r a w f o r d , 1989; Sou thern Ca l i fo rn i a Assoc i a t i on of Governmen t s , 1985; Southern C a l i f o r n i a Assoc ia t ion of Governmen t s , 1986; Su t t on , 1989; W a l s h , 1990). Corpora te employees or contract workers (e.g., c ler ical and computer workers) , i n l ieu of c o m m u t i n g to a work site, perform c o m p a n y tasks ("remote w o r k " ) f rom their homes or at a ne ighbourhood or satellite w o r k centre (Franc is and Schneider , 1989; H u w s et a l . , 1990). 14 W i t h thei r employers ' sanct ion, m a n y home-based workers are " t e l ecommut ing" (Nil les et a l . , 1976) due to the ease of electronic da t a t ransmiss ion brought about by innovat ions i n te lecommunica t ions technology ( C r a w f o r d , 1989). T h e cost a n d burdens of c o m m u t i n g to an office are reduced w i t h employees t y p i c a l l y d i v i d i n g their work week between the central office and their home ( B a c o n , 1989; W a l s h , 1990). In conjunct ion w i t h other electronic office devices (such as pr inters and facsimile machines) , affordable, easi ly-operated personal computers w i t h appropr ia te sophis t ica ted software, l i nked by m o d e m to the corporate da t a base, give employees w o r k i n g outside of the corporate office access and the ab i l i t y to man ipu la t e in format ion as qu i ck ly and professionally as i f they were i n the office ( B a c o n , 1989). However , telework "has not met the projections of some of its more op t imi s t i c boosters" ( W a l s h , 1990, p . A 7 ) due to cons t ra in ing forces ( inc lud ing o rgan iza t iona l resistance) ( G o r d o n , 1988; K i n g , 1989; O l s o n , 1988; O l s o n , 1989). Recent specula t ion about the expans ion i n size of the whi te-col lar home-based work force engaged i n telework and its po ten t ia l to const i tu te a long- te rm t rend has led authors to express cautious en thus ia sm for "electronic co t tag ing" pa r t i cu la r ly for corporate employees ( B l a n d y , 1984; Cross and R a i z m a n , 1986; H u w s , 1984a; H u w s , 1984b; H u w s et a l , 1990; N o b l e , 1986; O l s o n , 1989; O l s o n and P r i m p s , 1984; P r a t t , 1984; P robe r t and W a j c m a n , 1988; S t a n w o r t h and S t anwor th , 1989). W h i l e te lework accounts for on ly a t i n y fract ion of a l l employmen t ( H u w s et a l . , 1990), the impor tance of computers is obvious i n the home business segment of the work force w h i c h spends $5.7 b i l l i o n ( U S ) per year on office equipment and supplies ( A m b r y , 1988). U s i n g technology as a tool to facil i tate the opera t ion of their ventures ( H u w s et a l . , 1990; R o n a l d , 1989), a g rowing number of whi te-col lar professional, manager ia l , and t echn ica l workers are re ly ing on their t r a in ing and 15 contacts to l a u n c h their o w n home-based businesses - "seeking a place...[to] create a healthier balance between their career and personal ambi t ions , where leisurely fami ly life can f lour ish - ...[and] so can profi ts" (Cormie r , 1990, p . 36). R ise of the sma l l business sector T h e b o o m i n sma l l business pa r t i a l ly stems f rom "a rea l iza t ion that w o r k i n g for a large f i r m is i n most cases no longer the l i fet ime op t ion it used to be, and that there m a y be greater s tab i l i ty of employment i n t ak ing one's dest iny in to one's o w n hands" ( C l u t t e r b u c k , 1985b, p . 7). New sma l l businesses, m a n y of w h i c h are ideal ly sui ted to be operated f rom home (P ra t t , 1987a), are almost a l l i n the service industr ies where ind iv idua l s sell acquired skil ls (C lu t t e rbuck , 1985b) - often cater ing to professionals w o r k i n g i n the home (Pra t t , 1987a). Compan ie s have recognized the g rowing d i spa r i ty between skills ava i l ab i l i t y and demand ( B u r e a u of N a t i o n a l Affairs , 1990; O l s o n , 1989), and are prepared to pay ex t ra for cer tain qua l i ty skil ls i n the service indus t ry ; "the real ly good employee i n any occupa t ion can general ly make more on the open market [as an independent contractor] t h a n as a t r ad i t i ona l employee" ( C l u t t e r b u c k , 1985b, p . 7). Numerous researchers report the g r o w t h of sma l l businesses as an increasingly i m p o r t a n t sector of the economy ( D y k e m a n , 1989; P ra t t , 1987a). In recent years, the s m a l l business sector has been the backbone of economic g rowth i n C a n a d a and the U . S . ( D y k e m a n , 1989). T h e greatest number of jobs are being p rov ided by s m a l l business, w h i c h s t imula te regional and c o m m u n i t y economic development ( D y k e m a n , 1989; On ta r io , 1987). These mos t ly one-person businesses represent a m u l t i - m i l l i o n dol lar segment of the economy ( K u c h a r s k y , 1990). Stat is t ics show tha t more t h a n 50% of a l l C a n a d i a n businesses are started out of the home ( D y k e m a n , 1989; K u c h a r s k y , 1990), as i t often acts as an i ncuba to ry envi ronment ( A m b r y , 1988; D y k e m a n , 1989; P r a t t , 1987a). M a n y entrepreneurs 16 use the home as an incuba tor before re locat ing i n bona-fide commerc ia l or i ndus t r i a l premises once the business becomes f inancia l ly secure and space requirements increase. ( H i g h l y successful corporat ions l aunched f rom the home inc lude A p p l e C o m p u t e r s , A m w a y , B a s k i n - R o b b i n s , H a l l m a r k C a r d s , and P u r d y ' s Chocolates [Home-based businesses, 1989; K u c h a r s k y , 1990].) A significant p ropor t ion of home-based businesses, however, refuse to grow larger and remain i n the home ( H a n d y , 1984; H i l b o r n , 1988; Home-based businesses, 1989; O n t a r i o , 1987; P r a t t , 1987a). Benefi ts , such as m i n i m a l i n i t i a l r isk and low overhead costs, such as office rent, enable the test ing of a business idea wi thou t seeking outs ide cap i t a l (Pra t t , 1987b). M o d i f i e d tax legis la t ion enabl ing generous write-offs and cost savings ( A l b e r t a , 1986; E l d e r , 1988; Home-based businesses, 1989; Jacks , 1990), w h i c h can be reflected i n the product price or service fee, often make the home business more compet i t ive ( M o w b r a y , 1986). M a n y " t r ad i t i ona l " types of cottage industr ies exist, bu t they represent a s m a l l percentage of the types of work now being done at home ( W o l f g r a m , 1984). T o d a y , cottage industr ies inc lude a v i r t u a l l y l imit less l ist of diverse occupat ions f rom a range of categories w h i c h inc lude : arts and crafts, farm-based act ivi t ies , resource-based act iv i t ies , manufac tu r ing , cons t ruc t ion , communica t i ons , wholesale t rade, re ta i l t rade, services to home, spor ts / recreat ion, management /bus iness services; personal services, t ou r i sm , educa t iona l , chi ldren 's products a n d services, and computer services. G o v e r n m e n t a l suppor t M a n y c o m m u n i t y development pol icy advisors regard s m a l l business as a w a y of b roaden ing employment choices ( C l a r k , 1982). T h e y have " la tched on to" sma l l business as the "wave of the future" as a means to assist economic recovery and s t imula te the loca l , p rov inc i a l , and na t iona l economies ( D y k e m a n , 1989, p . 4) . 17 P u b l i c po l i cy a t ten t ion has led to the fo rmula t ion of new policies , business assistance programs, and in i t ia t ives by federal agencies and several p r o v i n c i a l governments across C a n a d a ( D y k e m a n , 1989; Orser , 1991). A s w e l l , U . S . government agencies recognize the economic po ten t ia l of the cottage indus t ry w h i c h is considered to be the most p romis ing area of economic development i n states such as Oregon ( W o l f g r a m , 1984). In l ight of its dec l in ing fish and t imber industr ies , and u p o n the recommenda t ion of an economic commiss ion , Oregon is encouraging the g rowth of home businesses t h rough a var ie ty of in i t ia t ives ( W o l f g r a m , 1984). T h e B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a government appears to be the most act ive and aggressive i n C a n a d a i n terms of p r o v i d i n g po l icy support for home-based businesses ( D y k e m a n , 1989). It has recognized the con t r ibu t ion of home-based businesses to the B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a economy, and is focussing on t h e m as an "oppo r tun i t y development area" ( D y k e m a n , 1989, p . 12). C o m m i t t i n g itself to he lp ing leg i t imize the home as a business incuba to r and enhancing the success rate of home-based businesses, the M i n i s t r y of Deve lopment , T r a d e and T o u r i s m ins t i tu ted its H o m e - B a s e d Business P r o g r a m i n A p r i l 1988 ( K l y n e , 1991). T h e g rowth of home-based businesses is be ing encouraged th rough a var ie ty of in i t ia t ives w h i c h assist the i n d i v i d u a l in successfully s tar t ing and manag ing such an enterprise ( K l y n e , 1991). In a d d i t i o n to sponsor ing a p r o v i n c i a l conference to increase awareness about the subject, the P r o g r a m sponsored the first t w o issues of the B . C . H o m e Business Repor t , a magaz ine designed especially for the home entrepreneur i n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a (now a t h r i v i n g independent pub l i ca t i on ) . T h e P rogram ' s comprehensive services inc lude the p u b l i c a t i o n of several self-study manuals and the ins t a l l a t ion of a telephone "hot l i ne" to provide basic in fo rmat ion and counsel l ing to homeworkers . Regu la r home business seminars o n proven business practices are offered th roughout the p rov ince (s imilar to those courses and 18 workshops avai lab le i n C o n t i n u i n g E d u c a t i o n depar tments at post-secondary ins t i tu t ions) , and the format ion of c o m m u n i t y ne twork ing groups of home-based business owners to provide m u t u a l support th rough in formal meetings is unde rway ( K l y n e , 1991). W i t h Southex E x h i b i t i o n s , a t rade show producer i n N o r t h A m e r i c a , the M i n i s t r y sponsors the twice-year ly B . C . Crea t ive A r t s Show w h i c h helps home-based businesses market their products at the wholesale level i n the larger province-wide , na t iona l , and in te rna t iona l arena. T h e M i n i s t r y is cur rent ly char t ing the future d i rec t ion of the P r o g r a m , bel ieving that the home-based business movement has not yet reached its fu l l po ten t ia l ( K l y n e , 1991). Recogn iz ing that home occupat ions cont inue to grow i n numbers and var ie ty , the P r o g r a m is upda t i ng its database of 8,000 home-based businesses by c o m p i l i n g a p r o v i n c i a l director}' of a l l types of such businesses f rom every region i n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a . T h r o u g h in format ion obta ined f rom the province 's 180 munic ipa l i t i e s w h i c h responded to their December 1990 quest ionnaire regarding m u n i c i p a l home-based business issues, the P r o g r a m intends on developing in i t ia t ives to increase awareness of the benefits of home-based businesses i n munic ipa l i t i e s w h i c h m a y require assistance i n regula t ing home occupat ions ( K l y n e , 1991). In add i t i on , the first n a t i o n a l conference on home-based business is p l anned for A p r i l 1992 i n N e w Wes tmins t e r , B C . W o m e n i n the work force A l o n g w i t h the g rowing percentage of women i n the work force over the last two decades, there has been a change i n their business roles (Cross and R a i z m a n , 1986). W o m e n , seeking alternatives to t r ad i t i ona l employment (Chr is tensen , 1985; C lu t t e rbuck , 1985b; L a n g w a y et a l , 1984; Orser, 1991; P r a t t , 1987a; T a y l o r , 1986), are s tar t ing new enterprises at three times the rate of men (Jones, 1991). T h e phenomena l movement is fuelled by women whose desire for career advancement 19 has been frustrated i n the corporate arena ( A m b r y , 1988; Jones, 1991; L a w s o n , 1985). Often stifled by organ iza t iona l r ig id i ty , some of the best educated and most h igh ly mo t iva t ed women are d r o p p i n g out of the corporate manager ia l work force and are dec id ing to work for themselves ( L a w s o n , 1985; P r a t t , 1987a), "seeking entrepreneurial adventure as a so lu t ion for work place woes" ( T a y l o r , 1986, p. 19). T h e number of self-employed w o m e n increased f rom 2.1 m i l l i o n i n 1980 to 2.6 m i l l i o n i n 1985 ( T a y l o r , 1986), w i t h one w o m a n i n four a sole propr ie tor (Cross and R a i z m a n , 1986). T h e home provides an impor t an t work place for m a n y w o m e n i n business for themselves; of a l l sole propr ie torships i n C a n a d a and the U . S . operated f rom pr iva te residences, more t h a n 70% of these businesses are managed b y women ( B a c o n , 1989; D y k e m a n , 1989; K u c h a r s k y , 1990; P r a t t , 1987b). P r a t t states "the ' t y p i c a l ' home-based entrepreneur of the 1980s is a mar r i ed , wh i t e w o m a n of m i d d l e age", wel l -educated and professional , w i t h previous work experience (1987a, p . 12). M a n y researchers note the significant n u m b e r of female home-based workers (Bor i s , 1988; Bor i s and Dan ie l s , 1989; Chr i s tensen , 1985; Chr i s tensen , 1988c; Gerson and K r a u t , 1988; H a k i m , 1987; H i l b o r n , 1988; L a n g w a y et a l , 1984; P r a t t , 1987a) for w h o m the work o p t i o n is often p romoted as being pa r t i cu la r ly v iab le (Chr is tensen , 1985; Chr is tensen , 1988c; L a n g w a y et a l , 1984; P r a t t , 1987a). Some observers po in t out that home-based occupat ions m a y have some negative consequences for women 's long- te rm career goals by fostering a "new underclass of h i d d e n female workers" (Bu t l e r a n d Getzels , 1985, p . 4). However , the work-at-home phenomenon is not exc lus ive ly a women 's movement ( W o l f g r a m , 1984) as equal numbers of men and w o m e n are found among homeworkers (de Sant is , 1989; Orser, 1991). T h e most s ignif icant difference between genders is that men predomina te among those who w o r k f rom home as a base, wh i l e w o m e n form the 20 great major i ty of those work ing at home ful l - t ime ( H a k i m , 1987; H o r v a t h , 1986; P r a t t , 1987a). W h i l e t r a d i t i o n a l boundaries between women 's work and men's work have changed (Chr i s tensen , 1988b), m a n y w o m e n experience con t inu ing conflict between career goals a n d fami ly goals ( A m b r y , 1988; Chr i s tensen , 1985; Jones, 1991; P r a t t , 1987a; T a y l o r , 1986) and seek f lexible work arrangements for personal , economic or career reasons. A p p a r e n t l y , the demands of ra is ing a f ami ly are d r i v i n g women out of the corpora t ion ( T a y l o r , 1986). D u e to inadequate p l a n n i n g for demographic trends and societa l changes, i n c l u d i n g the g rowing number of female workers ( inc lud ing w o r k i n g mothers) and changes i n the "size and shape" of N o r t h A m e r i c a n families (Bureau of N a t i o n a l Affa i rs , 1990; Cross and R a i z m a n , 1986; T a y l o r , 1986), few companies have ins t i tu ted policies on "work and fami ly programs" , such as c h i l d care, " f l ex t ime" , work-a t -home, t e l ecommut ing , shortened work weeks, or job shar ing (Chr is tensen , 1988b). H a k i m (1984b) has found tha t a h igh percentage of home-based workers are mar r i ed w o m e n , and notes the significance of marr iage and associated fami ly responsibi l i t ies w h i c h appear to be greater for w o m e n homeworkers t han men . K r a u t and G r a m b s c h (1987) concur , f ind ing mar r i ed w o m e n w i t h y o u n g chi ldren were overrepresented among homeworkers , as were unmar r i ed men wi thou t ch i ldren ; they conclude that w o m e n , not men , use homework as a mechan i sm to combine fami ly obl igat ions w i t h p a i d employment . F o r m a n y women , the t r ad i t i ona l caretakers of the fami ly , self-employment al lows for greater f lex ib i l i ty i n w o r k i n g and c h i l d care arrangements t h a n does the current l abour marke t , enabl ing t h e m to juggle work and fami ly obl iga t ions (Bu t l e r a n d Getzels , 1985; Chr i s tensen , 1988c; C u - U y - G a m , 1989; H a k i m , 1980; L a n g w a y et a l , 1984; O l s o n , 1989). 21 E m p l o y m e n t flexibility Signif icant changes in w o r k i n g patterns inc lude the g rowth of par t - t ime work and the long- t e rm decline of fu l l - t ime employmen t , w i t h self-employment an al ternat ive to fu l l - t ime work for an employer ( C l a r k , 1982). H u w s et a l . wri te: for m a n y workers, a permanent ful l - t ime job w i l l cease to be an avai lable op t ion ; the choice w i l l increas ingly be between an ever-widening range of different casua l , t emporary or par t - t ime employmen t opt ions w h i c h m a y be carr ied out on a self-employed, agency or employee basis. . . the oppor tuni t ies for entrepreneur ship w i l l expand , m a n y of t h e m created b y the gaps ...[resulting] f rom the res t ruc tur ing of large organizat ions or state services (1990, p. 222). P a r t - t i m e employment emerged as one of the most v is ib le forms of work t ime changes i n the economy i n the 1980s (Orser, 1991; P r a t t , 1987a) w i t h more t h a n 40% of the economic g rowth i n C a n a d a between 1979 and 1986 i n par t - t ime jobs (Orser, 1991). T h e oppor tun i ty to work par t - t ime w i t h flexible hours is ci ted as the p r i m a r y mo t ive for m a n y home-based entrepreneurs, as ind ica ted b y the major i ty of independent home business owners who work less t h a n 40 hours per week i n the service sector ( K r a u t , 1988). Home-based employment can increase employmen t f l ex ib i l i ty and is an a t t rac t ive w o r k op t ion for: those w i t h l i m i t e d work opt ions due to f ami ly responsibi l i t ies , such as households w i t h y o u n g ch i ld ren ( A l b e r t a , 1986; Chr i s tensen , 1985; Chr i s tensen , 1988c; K r a u t and G r a m b s c h , 1987; W a l k e r , 1989), or p h y s i c a l constraints , such as the disabled (Po l l ack , 1981; P r a t t , 1987a; P roc to r , 1986); those i n u rban a n d r u r a l areas who are unable to f ind conven t iona l fu l l - t ime employmen t i n the formal economy, pa r t i cu la r ly i n recessionary t imes ( B a c o n , 1989; B u t l e r a n d Getzels , 1985; B y e , 1984; H a n d y , 1984); or those w h o do not w i s h to be employed 22 fu l l - t ime i n t r ad i t i ona l p a i d work outs ide of the home, such as older people ( B a c o n , 1989; P r a t t , 1987a). W o r k i n g at home is becoming a pa r t i cu la r ly a t t rac t ive op t ion for older people (Gardner , 1990; K r a u t , 1988; P r a t t , 1987a), w i t h a mid-1980s survey f inding tha t near ly one-fifth of a l l fu l l - t ime home-based workers were over 55 years of age, a group that accounts for on ly one-eighth of a l l employed workers ( H o r v a t h , 1986). M a n y early retirees and seniors start their o w n home-based businesses, and a p p l y i n g their experience, w o r k contacts , and knowledge (and often early ret irement a l lowances) , marke t their ski l ls or t u r n a serious h o b b y in to a voca t ion (Gardner , 1990; R o n a l d , 1989). F o r ru ra l residents i n sparsely set t led areas, hobbies also often t u r n in to prof i table businesses w h i c h supplement fami ly incomes, reflecting l i m i t e d employmen t oppor tuni t ies or inadequate income f rom t r ad i t i o n a l work (e.g., f a rming) (Ga lan te , 1986; Orser , 1991). M o r e home-based businesses are found i n r u r a l areas t h a n u r b a n areas ( D y k e m a n , 1989; K r a u t a n d G r a m b s c h , 1987). Differ ing i n the services and products offered ( K r a u t and G r a m b s c h , 1987), owners of r u r a l cottage industr ies t end to rely on t r ad i t i ona l resource-based or farm-related skil ls rather t h a n o n advanced technology, often h i r i ng other home-based workers as thei r businesses grow ( D y k e m a n , 1989; Ga lan t e , 1986). Q u a l i t y of life People of a l l ages, f rom y o u n g adul ts to retirees, are l a u n c h i n g home-based businesses, and the "pr ize" they are chas ing is qua l i ty of life ( A m b r y , 1988). N o r t h A m e r i c a n s are reappra is ing the c o m m o n l y held "assumpt ions , meanings, and practices of the work place and work force" and are r e th ink ing the t r ad i t iona l d iv i s i on between the home and work place ( M i l l e r , 1988, p . i x ) . After a century of separat ing business f rom the home, p rofound a t t i t ud ina l changes regarding work 23 and qual i ty of life have led to an increas ing interest and commi tmen t to entrepreneurship and self-employment b y people desir ing greater au tonomy over their o w n t ime , w o r k i n g style and condi t ions ( A m b r y , 1988; B a c o n , 1989; D y k e m a n , 1989; Orser, 1991; Sachs, 1986). L i b e r a t i o n f rom the da i ly g r ind of c o m m u t i n g to a 9 to 5 job and office pressures, and the e l im ina t i on or reduc t ion i n c h i l d care expenses can be s t rong incentives to exper iment w i t h home-based work ( H o r v a t h , 1986); it is seen as an a t t rac t ive o p p o r t u n i t y to integrate one's work and fami ly lives and pursue new educa t iona l , leisure, a n d c o m m u n i t y interests ( B a c o n , 1989; H u w s et a l . , 1990; P r a t t , 1987a). B a s i n g w o r k at home, "the one envi ronment that most of us can s t i l l con t ro l " ( F a r m a n f a r m a i a n , 1989, p . 38), is part of the lifestyle t rend of "cocoon ing" ( K u c h a r s k y , 1990) i n w h i c h a new emphasis is p laced on the home as the centre of society resul t ing i n greater c o m m u n i t y s t ab i l i ty and better env i ronmen ta l qua l i t y (Toffler, 1980). A l t h o u g h not everyone cou ld or w o u l d w i s h to earn a l i v i n g b y w o r k i n g at home, for some i t is the " idea l work ar rangement" (But le r and Getzels , 1985, p . 1), w i t h " technologica l condi t ions , economic incentives, and p o l i t i c a l suppor t converging to create a favourable c l imate" (Herbers , 1986, A 1 8 ) . W h a t e v e r the reasons, the o p p o r t u n i t y , need, and desire to work i n the home has increased ( A l b e r t a , 1986), and "home occupat ions are here to s tay" ( K l y n e , 1991; L o n g h i n i , 1984, p. 28). Summary Despi te def in i t ional and methodolog ica l problems w h i c h have resulted i n studies p r o d u c i n g v a r y i n g estimates of the numbers compr i s ing the home-based segment of the work force, the general consensus i n the l i tera ture is that the n u m b e r of people engaged i n home-based w o r k is subs tan t ia l a n d increasing. Several s ignif icant factors are fuel l ing the renewed interest i n the work-a t -home 2 4 concept. Forces affecting the nature of home-based work and inf luencing its adopt ion inc lude technological advancements w h i c h have assisted i n res t ructur ing the economy resul t ing i n the expans ion of the service sector and rise i n impor tance of the smal l business sector. Demograph i c trends, such as the significant number of women i n the work force, economic condi t ions , i n c l u d i n g corporate downs iz ing and unemploymen t , and a t t i t ud ina l changes are p rope l l ing N o r t h Amer i cans to choose home-based work as a v iable , a l ternat ive work op t ion . Home-based work offers significant benefits i n c l u d i n g expanded employmen t oppor tuni t ies , freedom of self-regulated work , flexibility to accommodate non-work responsibil i t ies and act ivi t ies , and reduced t ranspor ta t ion costs, whi le p r o v i d i n g an incuba to r envi ronment for new enterprises and creat ing new jobs. W h i l e certain forces are fostering the es tabl ishment of home-based businesses, other factors are said to affect their operat ion and impede their g rowth ; the issues su r round ing m u n i c i p a l zon ing regulat ions are examined i n C h a p t e r 3. 25 C H A P T E R T H R E E : R E V I E W O F P L A N N I N G L I T E R A T U R E Introduct ion T h i s chapter reviews the p u b l i c po l icy l i terature on home-based work w h i c h , l ike any employmen t , is governed by a var ie ty of laws and regulat ions. T h e most immed ia t e cont ro l over home-based enterprises, usual ly referred to as "home occupa t ions" i n u r b a n areas, are m u n i c i p a l zon ing by laws ( A l b e r t a , 1986; On ta r io , 1987; Staples, 1988). Such p l a n n i n g regulat ions are used b y almost a l l loca l governments ( B u t l e r and Getze ls , 1985; P r a t t , 1987a) and va ry cons iderably f rom one loca l i ty to another, bo th i n their content and i n the degree to w h i c h they are enforced ( H u w s et a l . , 1990). T h e l i terature focuses on the design of zon ing by laws , w h i c h reflect the concerns and at t i tudes of loca l government officials and planners who mus t balance compet ing interests i n their communi t i es (Staples, 1988). D u e to l i m i t e d space a n d excellent coverage elsewhere, this thesis w i l l not discuss i n de ta i l other significant p lanning-re la ted issues: the spa t ia l impac t of new technology a n d informat ion-based industr ies on hous ing and ne ighbourhood design (Ahren t zen , 1989); sett lement pat terns and u rban i za t i on processes (Bro tch ie , 1984; B r o t c h i e et a l . , 1985; Caste l ls , 1989; F ranc i s and Schneider , 1989; Ni l les et a l . , 1976); or the t r anspor ta t ion- te lecommunica t ion tradeoff hypothesis (Franc is and Schneider , 1989; G o r d o n and V a n A r s d a l e , 1986; H u w s et a l . , 1990; Janel le , 1986; Ni l les et a l , 1976). Regu la to ry l i terature Regu la to ry perspectives o n home-based enterprise are p rov ided by several authors . T w o A m e r i c a n P l a n n i n g Assoc i a t i on publ ica t ions have been produced about the subject: one b y T o n e r (1976) w h i c h focuses on the design of home occupa t ion ordinances; and the other by B u t l e r a n d Getzels (1985) w h i c h gives an overview of the state of loca l government regulat ions, discusses admin i s t r a t ive and 26 enforcement procedures, and concludes w i t h recommendat ions regarding the design of zon ing by laws . P r a t t (1987a) examines the legal barriers to home-based work , whi le B u t l e r (1988) focuses on the loca l zon ing ordinances w h i c h govern i t . C a n a d i a n research on m u n i c i p a l policies on home businesses and their impac t on res ident ia l communi t ies is l ack ing . However , studies have been conducted by Albe r t a ' s In te r -Agency P l a n n i n g B r a n c h of the Depa r tmen t of M u n i c i p a l Affairs ( A l b e r t a , 1986) and Onta r io ' s M i n i s t r y of M u n i c i p a l Affairs (On ta r io , 1987). B o t h recognized the growing p u b l i c interest, m u n i c i p a l concern i n manag ing home occupat ions , and the lack of c la r i ty su r round ing the issue, and under took studies to provide an overview of the s i tua t ion their respective munic ipa l i t i e s were experiencing. In add i t i on , Staples (1988) specifical ly examines the regula tory approach toward home-based businesses used i n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a . A d v a n t a g e s of integrat ing home a n d work place L a n d use is control led p r i m a r i l y th rough official plans and the passage of zon ing by laws b y m u n i c i p a l counci ls , w h i c h designate res ident ia l dis tr icts as areas d i s t inc t f rom commerc ia l and i ndus t r i a l dis tr icts i n their communi t i e s . S u c h devices reinforce the widely-accepted p l a n n i n g pr inc ip le of spat ia l ly separated l and uses (On ta r io , 1987) w h i c h enhances res ident ia l ameni ty and facili tates the economic wel l -be ing of communi t i es ( T h o m a s , 1986). However , m a n y m u n i c i p a l governments recognize tha t res ident ia l and commerc ia l uses are not necessarily incompat ib le . T h e y realize the need and desire of people to work at home, m a n y of w h o m are engaged i n small-scale business ventures w h i c h cou ld not be susta ined if commerc ia l quarters were leased or w h i c h , depending o n the nature of the home occupa t ion , cou ld not be expanded in to full-scale enterprises (Por ter , 1986). T h r o u g h development cont ro l , a l lowing home-based work i n res ident ia l areas can be a 27 posi t ive , even necessary, po l icy for a c o m m u n i t y ( A l b e r t a , 1986; B u t l e r , 1988; O n t a r i o , 1987; P r a t t , 1987a). Besides offering expanded employmen t oppor tuni t ies and i n c u b a t i n g smal l businesses w h i c h create jobs, home occupat ions can cont r ibu te to the efficient use of major u rban resources, such as l a n d , hous ing , and the t ranspor ta t ion sys tem (Onta r io , 1987). W i t h the journey to work reduced or e l imina ted for homeworkers , reduced energy consumpt ion and i m p r o v e d air qua l i ty m a y be real ized, and fewer pressures m a y be placed on the road system, dampen ing demands for auto-related facilities (e.g., pa rk ing) . A more efficient, intensif ied use of l and m a y result f rom the i m p r o v e d u t i l i z a t i on of ex t ra domest ic floor space to accommodate two diverse uses - the f ami ly and business ( D y k e m a n , 1989). In add i t i on , home-based economic ac t iv i ty is l i ke ly to strengthen the sense of c o m m u n i t y and enhance ne ighbourhood qua l i t y due to the easy accessibi l i ty to ne ighbourhood services and facilit ies w i t h i n close p r o x i m i t y i n a higher-densi ty , mixed-use, pedestr ian envi ronment (Onta r io , 1987; T h o m a s , 1986; Toner , 1976). In add i t i on , the presence of home-based workers keeping flexible day t ime hours contr ibutes to the general v i t a l i t y and safety of ne ighbourhoods (Bu t l e r a n d Getzels , 1985); w i t h greater ne ighbourhood survei l lance, po ten t ia l c r ime m a y be deterred ( A h r e n t z e n , 1989; C r a m , 1990; P r a t t , 1987a; Staples, 1988). T h e ne ighbourhood impl ica t ions of "this new d o m e s t i c / l a b o u r arrangement" are speculat ive but suggest " t ighter -woven commun i t i e s " t h a n presently found i n most res ident ia l developments (Ahren tzen , 1989, p . 273). Some communi t i es have altered their zon ing restrictions a n d adopted innova t ive b u i l d i n g codes to accommodate people w h o want to work at home and have made home occupat ions a ne ighbourhood feature. W h i l e the convers ion of exis t ing premises to accommodate home-based work is usua l , there are a number of 28 smal l - and medium-sca le purpose-bui l t res ident ia l developments designed to combine res ident ia l l i v i n g w i t h home-based work . E x a m p l e s inc lude : a sma l l shopping cen t re /hous ing project i n O a k Creek, W I consis t ing of 20 homes connected to studios and shops whose entrances face a c o m m o n pa thway ( W o l f g r a m , 1984); an a rch i tec tura l ly-cont ro l led subd iv i s ion development in L y n w o o d , I L where one-acre lots are " d u a l zoned" to accommodate b o t h a single fami ly residence a n d a separate business b u i l d i n g i n the rear of the lot (Bu t l e r and Getzels , 1985); a n d a mul t i -phase , "smart hous ing" development (wh ich was never bu i l t ) i n F o r e s t h i l l , C A i n w h i c h the 360 homes were designed specifically for t e l ecommut ing , and were to be equipped w i t h computers and related electronic equipment to be used by resident wri ters , engineers, computer programmers , and other creative professionals (Cross and R a i z m a n , 1986; Pe r ry , 1985). Planning issues Despi te the benefits created by home-based work , there m a y also be negative aspects w h i c h impac t communi t i es and cause concern for m u n i c i p a l counci ls , p l ann ing staffs, development officers, and merchants ( A l b e r t a , 1986; D y k e m a n , 1989; O n t a r i o , 1987; T h o m a s , 1986). H o m e occupat ions are regulated so as to guard against undesirable changes i n ne ighbourhood character and nuisance to neighbours . O the r communi ty -based problems w h i c h are related to m u n i c i p a l management inc lude possible s t ra in on m u n i c i p a l services, a n d f inancia l considerat ions, such as the loss of proper ty tax revenue and impac t s on other businesses ( A l b e r t a , 1986; O n t a r i o , 1987; Tone r , 1976). Conf l ic t over ne ighbourhood values T h e d i l e m m a faced by m u n i c i p a l counci ls and staff is how to cont ro l home occupat ions so tha t the c o m m u n i t y can ava i l i tself of the advantages offered by home occupat ions wi thou t des t roying the in tegr i ty of the res ident ia l ne ighbourhood . 29 W i t h o u t adequate loca l zon ing controls i n place, conflict arises between people w h o use part of thei r homes for business purposes and neighbours who prefer to l ive i n exclus ively res ident ia l communi t ies (P ra t t , 1987a; Tone r , 1976). T h e most frequently ment ioned issue regarding home occupat ions is the nuisance factor ( A l b e r t a , 1986; B u t l e r and Getzels , 1985). Immedia te neighbours can become annoyed by nuisances created by home-based businesses, pa r t i cu la r ly those w h i c h generate recognizable externa l effects, such as noise, odours, and other nuisances i n c l u d i n g add i t iona l traffic and pa rk ing problems ( A l b e r t a , 1986; B u t l e r , 1988; Toner , 1976). O p e n storage areas and uns igh t ly signage m a y also be unwelcome by-produc ts . T h e prol i ferat ion of unregula ted home occupat ions m a y precipi ta te a change i n the character of the ne ighbourhood th rough a deter iorat ion of its aesthetic qua l i ty (Onta r io , 1987), a decline i n proper ty values ( T h o m a s , 1986), and interference w i t h residents ' percept ion and enjoyment of their home and resident ia l env i ronment (Onta r io , 1987; Toner , 1976). In extreme cases, cer ta in home occupat ions m a y promote a change of l and use to a commerc ia l nature due to the expans ion a n d intensif icat ion of non-res ident ia l uses (But le r , 1988; O n t a r i o , 1987; T h o m a s , 1986). S t r a in on m u n i c i p a l services H o m e occupat ions can place add i t i ona l strains on m u n i c i p a l services and facili t ies, such as roads, water supp ly , sewers, garbage col lect ion, etc. P l a n n e d , constructed, and p rov ided to accommodate n o r m a l res ident ia l usage, such " h a r d " services m a y not be able to w i t h s t a n d increased usage associated w i t h commerc ia l operations a n d m a y lead to demands for the expans ion or improvement of these services w h i c h has f inancia l impl i ca t ions for the m u n i c i p a l i t y and the t axpayer (Onta r io , 1987). 30 T a x loss a n d unfair compet i t ion A n o t h e r f inancia l considera t ion m a y be the loss of m u n i c i p a l revenue due to differing proper ty tax rates for commerc ia l and resident ia l proper ty . Because of the diff icul ty i n m o n i t o r i n g home businesses, officials suspect tha t m a n y homeworkers operate cover t ly and pay res ident ia l versus business taxes (Onta r io , 1987; W o l f g r a m , 1984). In add i t i on , those businesses s i tuated i n designated commerc ia l and i ndus t r i a l areas w h i c h pay business taxes argue that a l lowing home-based businesses to operate consti tutes unfair compe t i t ion (Bu t l e r a n d Getzels , 1985; B y e , 1984; Home-based businesses, 1989; On ta r io , 1987). However , "Staples (1988) suggests tha t home-based enterprises are complementa ry to commerc ia l area businesses w i t h the former very l ike ly meet ing the needs of an ent irely different marke t f rom that served b y the lat ter . Municipal regulations A n es t imated 90% of U . S . communi t i es regulate home-based employment ( B u t l e r and Getzels , 1985; P r a t t , 1987a) th rough the combined use of regulatory methods , i n c l u d i n g the official p l a n , zon ing by - l aw , and l icensing. Off ic ia l p l a n A n official p l an states general objectives and policies to guide the m u n i c i p a l i t y i n its development . It m a y prov ide an enab l ing statement w h i c h outl ines the m u n i c i p a l policies on home occupat ions , and describe the mechanisms used to imp lemen t the policies. B y l a w s mus t then conform to the goal and po l i cy statements con ta ined i n the official p l a n . Z o n i n g b y l a w T h e zon ing b y l a w is the most c o m m o n l y used too l for regula t ing home occupat ions (On ta r io , 1987). M u n i c i p a l counci ls have the legislat ive au thor i ty to pass by laws to regulate the use of l a n d and bu i ld ings , and therefore, are able to 31 restrict or p roh ib i t specific uses ( i nc lud ing home occupat ions) i n res ident ia l bu i ld ings located w i t h i n specifically designated zones. T h e t y p i c a l zon ing b y l a w contains a section w h i c h defines "home occupa t ion" , and m a y p rov ide lists of pe rmi t t ed and p r o h i b i t e d uses or types of home occupat ions , i n conjunct ion w i t h statements w h i c h ou t l ine performance s tandards . M a n y communi t i es incorporate lists i n their zon ing by laws to specify the types of occupat ions , trades, professions, or businesses tha t are acceptable or p roh ib i t ed as home occupat ions i n some or a l l of their res ident ia l areas. A l is t of pe rmi t t ed uses gives t y p i c a l examples of those w h i c h can be conduc ted w i t h i n the l imi t s of restr ict ions imposed b y performance s tandards (Toner , 1976). P r o h i b i t e d uses are generally those w h i c h , b y the na ture of the inves tment or opera t ion , have a p ronounced tendency to r ap id ly increase beyond the l imi t s pe rmi t t ed for home occupat ions (such as beauty par lours , auto repair , med ica l or den ta l offices) and thereby i m p a i r the use and value of a res ident ia l ly zoned area for dwe l l ing purposes (Toner , 1976). Per formance s tandards A n o t h e r c o m m o n element i nc luded i n zon ing by laws is a series of condi t ions or cr i ter ia w h i c h are app l ied to the opera t ion of home occupat ions a n d are w i d e l y referred to as performance s tandards . (S t r i c t ly defined, performance s tandards are ac tua l ly the quan t i t a t ive measures of the effects or characterist ics of a pa r t i cu la r use that m a y not be exceeded [Butler a n d Getze ls , 1985]). These s tandards a l low home occupat ions to exist subject to specific condi t ions that , when met , ensure that the home occupa t ion starts and remains secondary or inc iden ta l to the res ident ia l use of the dwe l l ing and does not change the res ident ia l character of the su r round ing ne ighbourhood (On ta r io , 1987; Tone r , 1976). " T h e precise manner i n w h i c h these condi t ions are met m a y be left up to the homeworker , and thus a degree of 32 flexibility is a l l owed" (Bu t l e r and Getzels , 1985, p . 15). W h i l e some restrict ions are obv ious ly necessary and desired, m a n y "needlessly interfere w i t h va luab le economic ac t iv i ty and have no apparent v a l i d social purpose" (P ra t t , 1987a, p . i i i ) . E x a m p l e s of performance s tandards inc lude l imi t s on the fo l lowing: E x t e r n a l effects B y l a w s usua l ly require that the exterior appearance of the res ident ia l p roper ty be ma in t a ined wi thou t any evidence of a secondary use, and s t ruc tura l al terations or addi t ions to the exterior of a dwe l l ing of a commerc ia l nature are d isa l lowed (Staples, 1988). T h e home occupa t ion is usua l ly l im i t ed to operate w h o l l y w i t h i n the residence, w i t h the use of a garage or accessory b u i l d i n g often p roh ib i t ed (P ra t t , 1987a). P r o h i b i t i o n of the outside storage of business equipment , mater ia ls , or merchandise is usua l , w i t h restr ict ions on the inside storage of inven to ry and materials possible (P ra t t , 1987a). M o s t by l aws p roh ib i t ou tdoor signs or the externa l d i sp lay of merchandise , and m a y l i m i t the size and message of an indoor sign to a smal l , u n i l l u m i n a t e d type (Staples, 1988), often i n accordance w i t h sign by - l aw provis ions . Intensi ty of use T o regulate the in tens i ty of use, the b y l a w m a y a l low on ly one home occupa t ion w h i c h mus t r emain clearly accessory to the pr iva te res ident ia l use of the proper ty . Res t r ic t ions are imposed o n the amoun t of floor area tha t can be used for business purposes, e.g., one r o o m or a cer tain percentage of the in ter ior floor space (P ra t t , 1987a). Often the number of par t ic ipan ts i n the home occupa t ion is restr icted to ac tua l residents of the dwe l l ing or " f a m i l y " members (Staples, 1988), a l though al lowances m a y be made for the employmen t of one or two outside staff. U s u a l l y , the dwe l l ing cannot be used to assemble employees for ins t ruc t ion , d i spa tch to other locat ions , or other purposes (Por ter , 1986). Opera t ing hours for 33 b o t h indoor and outdoor act ivi t ies m a y be restr icted (P ra t t , 1987a). Often the n u m b e r of clients or customers a l lowed on the premises at one t ime or on any given day m a y be l i m i t e d , or p roh ib i t ed altogether (Staples, 1988). On-s i te re ta i l sales of goods p roduced are usua l ly p roh ib i t ed (P ra t t , 1987a). Adver t i sements that supp ly the address of the home-based business are also usua l ly p roh ib i t ed (Bu t l e r and Getzels , 1985). Traff ic and pa rk ing Traff ic is often regulated b y requi r ing that the home occupa t ion not create any a d d i t i o n a l pedestr ian or vehicu lar traffic in to or out of the premises i n excess of that n o r m a l l y found i n the ne ighbourhood . L i m i t s are sometimes p laced on t ruck or courier deliveries (P ra t t , 1987a), and the pa rk ing and storage of t rucks or vehicles used i n conjunct ion w i t h the home occupa t ion are often restricted or p roh ib i t ed . Res t r ic t ions on the extent of on-street pa rk ing a n d the p rov i s ion of off-street pa rk ing are designed to restrict the flow of traffic to home-based businesses (Staples, 1988). Nu i sance aspects and use of equipment M o s t m u n i c i p a l zon ing by laws a t tempt to cont ro l the nuisance aspects of home occupat ions , and often restrict emissions of smoke, dust a n d other par t icula te mat te r (Staples, 1988). Offensive a n d obnoxious odours, dangerous emissions, and noise and v ibra t ions are p roh ib i t ed . E l e c t r i c a l interference, heat, and glare are restr icted. Often the ins ta l l a t ion , use or repair of mechan ica l or electr ical equipment other t han that cus tomar i ly employed i n a dwe l l ing un i t for domest ic or household purposes is p roh ib i t ed (P ra t t , 1987a) (this m a y inc lude personal computers a n d facsimile machines [Herbers, 1986]). 34 L icens ing L icens ing systems for home occupat ions provide a qu ick means of au thor i z ing home occupat ions i n res ident ia l dis tr icts (Bu t l e r and Getzels , 1985), g i v i n g the c o m m u n i t y more cont ro l over home occupat ions (Toner , 1976). T h e business license requirement is v iewed as one way to keep records on home occupat ions (On ta r io , 1987), serving as the "mon i to r i ng backbone" of home occupa t ion regulat ions (Toner , 1976, p. 5). In B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , any enterprise under taken for the purpose of gain or profit w h i c h involves the exchange of money for goods or services qualifies as a business and is usual ly required to be licensed by the loca l m u n i c i p a l i t y w h i c h m a y impose differential business license fees (Orser, 1991; Staples, 1988). U p o n app l i ca t ion for a business license w h i c h is temporary a n d subject to per iodic review, the appl ican t is made aware of the zon ing requirements relevant to home occupat ions ( B u t l e r and Getzels , 1985). Case-by-case, adminis t ra tors determine compl iance of the home-based business w i t h the zon ing , b u i l d i n g , hea l th , san i ta t ion , and business by laws (Staples, 1988). Inspection of the premises b y staff of one or more c i ty depar tments m a y be necessary ( B u t l e r and Getzels , 1985). V i o l a t i o n of condi t ions i n the zoning b y l a w is grounds for revocat ion of a business license; however , such drast ic ac t ion , e.g., fines, impr i sonmen t , etc., is usua l ly unnecessary and infractions are usua l ly resolved readi ly (Bu t l e r , 1988). H o m e w o r k e r s ' perspective Increasingly being debated i n courts and th rough po l i t i c a l channels are the p l a n n i n g regulat ions ( typ ica l ly zon ing by l aws ) and the l icensing requirements to w h i c h the home work site and worker are subject (P ra t t , 1987a). W h i l e entrepreneurship a n d self-employment are p r o m o t e d po l i t i ca l ly b y federal and m a n y p rov inc i a l governments ( D y k e m a n , 1989; Orser , 1991), current m u n i c i p a l 35 regulations do not support the new interest i n home-based work (Pra t t , 1987a). W h i l e some munic ipa l i t i e s have regulations w h i c h encourage home business ownership , others discourage i t , and a number of munic ipa l i t i e s v i r t u a l l y p roh ib i t a l l home-based businesses because "[they are] just too ha rd to pol ice" ( C r a m , 1990, p . 6). Home-based business owners c o m p l a i n tha t they are unable to develop satisfactory business g rowth due to overly restr ict ive, "archaic" zon ing regulat ions (e.g., on signage, c l i en t / cus tomer vis i ts , the sale of products , inven to ry storage, allowances for employees, etc.) w h i c h "p lay havoc w i t h their business p lans" ( C r a m , 1990, p. 6) a n d u n d u l y l i m i t the operat ion of their income-produc ing act ivi t ies (P ra t t , 1987b). C u r r e n t l y , the homeworker is " l i t t l e more t h a n a sol i tary mole, scu t t l ing out of his home" ( M o w b r a y , 1986, p . 54). Such restrict ions can thwar t the es tabl ishment of legi t imate home-based businesses and "threaten to stifle an impor t an t and g rowing sector of the economy.. .[placing] obstacles i n the w ay of the economic and social goals" of an increasing number of people (P ra t t , 1987a, p . i i i ) . Concerns have been expressed that regulat ions are confusing and biased. " M a n y of these regulat ions are poor ly wr i t t en , adminis tered a rb i t ra r i ly , obscure to the pub l i c , and seem more t roublesome than the excesses they are in tended to prevent" (Toner , 1976, p . 4). Def in i t ions , a c r i t i ca l element i n home occupa t ion regulat ions, can cause in terpre ta t ion problems due to their vagueness (often un in t en t iona l ly i n c l u d i n g housework and hobbies) (Toner , 1976), or can be d i sc r imina to ry b y i n c l u d i n g ambiguous terms such as " t r a d i t i o n a l " or "professional" (Onta r io , 1987). W h i l e they m a y prov ide examples, lists of pe rmi t ted and p roh ib i t ed uses tend to be difficult to admin is te r due to the t ime required to interpret t h e m (On ta r io , 1987). T h e y do not p rov ide guidance to zon ing officials i n eva lua t ing proposals for new, unprecedented home occupat ions (Bu t l e r , 1988), and often act as a deterrent to the legal es tabl ishment of new home occupat ions due to 36 the complex i ty and t ime i nvo lved i n requesting an amendment to a b y l a w (Onta r io , 1987). If the zon ing b y l a w has not. been chal lenged, the tendency is not to "ove rhau l " these lists (Bu t l e r and Getzels , 1985), w h i c h are cumbersome and a w k w a r d tools to incorporate i n the b y l a w (On ta r io , 1987). C u r r e n t zon ing by laws often do not reflect the r ap id employmen t changes w h i c h have t aken place w i t h i n the last, several years (Bu t l e r and Getzels , 1985), and m a n y people t r y i n g to establ ish home occupat ions are h indered or prevented f rom pur su ing pa r t i cu la r occupat ions . M o s t zon ing regulat ions were drafted and enacted i n different economic t imes (most predate the i n t r o d u c t i o n of t e l ecommunica t ion technology in t roduced i n the late 1970s and ear ly 1980s [But ler , 1988]), and have not been revised to reflect changes i n the nature of home-based work , pa r t i cu la r ly the g rowing number of people i nvo lved i n whi te -col la r occupat ions at home. M o s t by laws do not con ta in provis ions for "h igh- tech" occupat ions w h i c h were not envis ioned w h e n the by laws were wr i t t en (P ra t t , 1987a). F o r example , some by laws list h i s to r ica l ly accepted professionals, such as doctors and lawyers , whi le p r o h i b i t i n g new types of professionals or consul tants w h o w o u l d l ike their office s i tua ted i n the home, such as compute r programmers or planners (Herbers, 1986). L is t s m a y be too restr ic t ive and a rb i t ra ry , legal iz ing some businesses and exc lud ing others, and m a y l i m i t pe rmi t ted occupat ions to those "cus tomar i ly" conducted i n the home i n tha t locale (Bu t l e r , 1988). Often un in tended consequences occur , such as the p r o h i b i t i o n of po ten t ia l ly desirable services due to their omiss ion f rom the list of pe rmi t t ed act ivi t ies (Bu t l e r , 1988). A l s o , a n y t h i n g not l is ted as a p roh ib i t ed use is perceived to be pe rmi t t ed , w h i c h is not l ike ly to be the intent of the b y l a w (On ta r io , 1987). Home-based workers are often unaware of or unclear about zoning and business by laws w h i c h regulate their work (Bu t l e r and Getzels , 1985) or are reticent 37 to conforming to complex restrict ions or p a y i n g steep license or development fees (Cooney , 1989; D y k e m a n , 1989). A s a result , m a n y home-based workers operate their businesses i l legal ly , "pu t t i ng those who stay w i t h i n the law at an unfair d i sadvantage" (Herbers, 1986, p. A 1 8 ) . Enforcement A p p a r e n t l y , m a n y home businesses operate i n v io l a t i on of regulat ions but w i thou t interference f rom authori t ies . T h e home occupa t ion p rov i s ion is perhaps the most consis tent ly v io la ted section of the entire zon ing ordinance . M a s s c i v i l disobedience and l ax enforcement attest to its weakness (Toner , 1976, p . 2). A great m a n y of the restrictions on home-based work are difficult, to enforce; i l l -drafted home occupa t ion ordinances h inder officials i n enforcing their o w n regulat ions ( B u t l e r , 1988; B y e , 1984; O n t a r i o , 1987). M o r e often t h a n not , zon ing by laws and l icens ing requirements are not enforced on a pro-act ive basis due to a lack of staff ( B u t l e r and Getzels , 1985). M u n i c i p a l officials admi t tha t i t is imposs ib le to mon i to r a l l ex is t ing home occupat ions; most do not bother w i t h business licenses ( M o w b r a y , 1986), are unobt rus ive , do not generate m u c h traffic and often go undetected. P rob l ems are hand led p r i m a r i l y on a compla in t -by-ne ighbour basis (On ta r io , 1987). Genera l ly , the " u n w r i t t e n rule i n the enforcement of home occupat ions i n most communi t i e s is tha t i f no one compla ins , there is no p r o b l e m " (Bu t l e r and Getzels , 1985, p . 21). Ne ighbours general ly tolerate home-based businesses and on ly c o m p l a i n i f they impinge on the ameni ty of the area, for example , due to some v i s ib le or aud ib le aspect of the opera t ion of the business (Orser, 1991; P r a t t , 1987a; T h o m a s , 1986). "Neighbours . . . can police the ne ighbourhood better t h a n the enforcing depar tment could ever hope to" (Bu t l e r and Getzels , 1985, p . 21). Review underway M a n y munic ipa l i t i e s have resisted accommoda t ing home-based work, fearing that "the who le resident ia l character of [their communi t ies] w i l l be threatened" ( C r a m , 1990, p . 6). However , a survey of 1,100 local p l a n n i n g agencies b y the A m e r i c a n P l a n n i n g Assoc ia t ion found that m a n y loca l governments were dissatisfied w i t h their home occupa t ion ordinances, consider ing t h e m to be inadequate to regulate the current m u l t i t u d e of home occupat ions (But le r , 1988). A s the number of people who work at home rises, m a n y loca l governments are de termined to preserve the resident ia l quali t ies of neighborhoods wi thou t i m p e d i n g the r ev iva l of cottage indus t ry (Herbers, 1986). The re has been a g radua l rea l iza t ion tha t re la t ively few home occupat ions have the po ten t ia l to really annoy neighbours , change the character of the ne ighbourhood , s t ra in p u b l i c services, or compete against businesses i n commerc ia l areas (Toner , 1976). Some munic ipa l i t i e s have recognized the impor tance of home-based businesses to the loca l economy and are engaged i n p r o m o t i n g better business envi ronments for them. T h e effects of zon ing by laws on home businesses and their economic impac t s on communi t ies have become a na t iona l issue w i t h the es tabl ishment of a mu l t i pa r t i t e commit tee under the federal Indus t r i a l Ad jus tmen t Service P r o g r a m . It was ins t igated by the Federa t ion of C a n a d i a n M u n i c i p a l i t i e s w h i c h cal led for research to assist po l icy makers i n pro tec t ing " t r ad i t i ona l quali t ies i n the c o m m u n i t y whi le fostering the economic wel l -being of such commerc ia l es tabl ishments" ( M o w a t , 1991). " B e g i n n i n g to see that there is a lot more economic ac t i v i t y done at the home-based business level t han first imag ined" ( M o w a t , 1991), the entrepreneurship office of the federal M i n i s t r y of Indust ry , 39 Science and Te c hno logy agreed to become i nvo l ved i n the " N a t i o n a l H o m e - B a s e d Business Pro jec t" w h i c h was l aunched i n J a n u a r y 1991. Its manda te is to research the nature a n d extent of home-based business i n C a n a d a , examine its po ten t ia l for g rowth and impac t on society, and prepare guidelines for loca l leaders to assist t h e m i n "crea t ing a posi t ive c o m m u n i t y env i ronment for this home-based economic a c t i v i t y " (Pr iesn i tz , 1990, p . 6). A report comp i l i ng the results f rom this t ime ly research is to inc lude pro-act ive p l a n n i n g guidelines (e.g., sample by laws) ( M o w a t , 1991). Copies w i l l be d i s t r ibu ted to m u n i c i p a l counci ls and p l a n n i n g staffs to guide t h e m i n amend ing their current regulat ions to foster home-based business ac t iv i ty i n their communi t i e s ( M o w a t , 1991). F o r most communi t i es , the regula t ion of home occupat ions has been a " k n o t t y " p r o b l e m (Toner , 1976). Officials have acknowledged that is it difficult to devise workab le zon ing bylaws w h i c h require a m i n i m a l amoun t of in terpre ta t ion yet differentiate between desirable and undesirable home occupat ions to the satisfaction of a l l (Bu t le r , 1988). R e s p o n d i n g to the increasing t rend t oward home-based work , zon ing adminis t ra tors , " w h o have g rown more tolerant of home occupa t ions" (Bu t l e r and Getze ls , 1985, p . 5), are rev iewing and revis ing their current , over ly - r ig id or vague home occupa t ion regulat ions, often at the request of m u n i c i p a l counci ls who receive compla in t s f rom proponents of home occupat ions ( B u t l e r and Getze ls , 1985). F r u s t r a t e d w i t h zon ing restr ic t ions, some home business owners have found it advantageous to b a n d together and form home-based business ne twork ing associations w h i c h promote , suppor t , and nur ture the g r o w t h of home business. Ope ra t i ng w i t h the ph i losophy that the self-employed have greater clout when they act col lect ively ( B a c o n , 1989), m a n y associations have adopted act ive po l i cy m a k i n g roles loca l ly and na t iona l ly (P ra t t , 1987a). M a n y "vehement ly favour" the l i f t ing of 40 restrict ions on the use of home as work place ( H u w s et a l . , 1990, p . 54). In B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , some groups have successfully lobb ied their munic ipa l i t i e s to amend their by laws to reflect the changing needs of loca l , home-based residents, m a n y of w h o m are unab le to establish c red ib i l i ty as legi t imate businesses due to zon ing and business b y l a w restrict ions ( C r a m , 1990). H a v i n g real ized that the pract ice of l i s t ing specifically pe rmi t t ed and p roh ib i t ed home occupat ions is ou tda ted (Toner , 1976), m a n y munic ipa l i t i e s are deal ing w i t h the d ivers i ty and vo lume of home-based businesses by s impl i fy ing their zon ing by laws . Some munic ipa l i t i es have found that favoured status g iven to "professionals" and "cus tomary uses" is unreasonable , d i sc r imina to ry and challengeable, and "cannot be just i f ied on the basis that these uses produce less ha rmfu l consequences to a ne ighbourhood than other home occupat ions" (But le r , 1988, p . 193). Such terms are an " inappropr ia te surrogate" for the regula t ion of home occupat ions , as are provis ions w h i c h l i m i t home occupa t ion employees to " fami ly members" (But le r , 1988, p . 193). W i t h o u t impos ing arb i t ra ry restraints, some munic ipa l i t i e s have changed their home occupa t ion restrictions t ied to occupa t iona l categories and are a l l owing v i r t u a l l y any home occupat ions as long as they conform to s t ipu la ted performance s tandards w h i c h are enforced on ly when neighbours c o m p l a i n ( B u t l e r and Getzels , 1985). T h e use of clear and concise performance s tandards w h i c h describe "the measurable, a l lowable effects of var ious occupa t iona l ac t iv i t ies" (Cross and R a i z m a n , 1986, p . 26) is recognized to be the most appropr ia te and effective me thod i n con t ro l l ing the impac t of home occupat ions on the ne ighbourhood ( L o n g h i n i , 1984). Nuisances , such as noise, odour , etc., are ha rd to measure, and enforcing such performance s tandards takes considerable staff t ime. However , quant i t a t ive measures of traffic f low, pa rk ing spaces, the n u m b e r of employees and customers, 41 and floor area usage can ensure home occupat ions r emain inc iden ta l and accessory uses w i t h i n the dwe l l ing (Bu t l e r and Getzels , 1985). A zon ing ord inance that takes in to considera t ion the effect of a home occupa t ion on traffic pat terns , p a r k i n g ava i l ab i l i t y , aesthetics and nuisances i n general is a reasonable ord inance for m a i n t a i n i n g res ident ia l character (Toner , 1976, p . 13). A v o i d i n g easily mis in terpre ted words or ambiguous language, "the ordinance . . . should be l i m i t i n g a n d expl ic i t , so tha t quick , effective a t ten t ion can be p a i d to those few nuisance home occupat ions tha t come to the p l ann ing agency's a t ten t ion" and decisions can be made w i t h o u t extensive inves t iga t ion or background reports (Toner , 1976, p . 1). C e r t a i n "undes i rable" home occupat ions w h i c h are l i ke ly to generate a lot of vehicu lar traffic or noise are au tomat i ca l ly d isa l lowed because the performance s tandards of the ord inance cou ld never be met ( L o n g h i n i , 1984). Summary W i t h o u t regula t ion , v i r t u a l l y any economic ac t i v i t y could be carr ied out f rom an i n d i v i d u a l ' s home. Therefore, i t is essential to l i m i t home occupat ions to those w h i c h are compa t ib le w i t h the res ident ia l na ture of ne ighbourhoods . T o ensure m i n i m a l negat ive impac ts on the ne ighbourhood or its residents, m a n y munic ipa l i t i e s use a regulatory sys tem that incorporates bo th l icensing procedures and approva l of the home occupa t ion based on condi t ions specified i n the zoning b y l a w w h i c h restrict the use of the home as work place. However , the l i terature suggests tha t the design and effectiveness of home occupa t ion regulat ions v a r y considerably between munic ipa l i t i e s . M a n y experience diff icul ty i n mon i to r i ng home occupat ions and i n enforcing relevant regulat ions. V a g u e , ou tda ted , and i l l -drafted zon ing by laws can h inder the es tabl ishment a n d opera t ion of legi t imate 42 home businesses and result i n thei r i l legal opera t ion. Some munic ipa l i t i e s have recognized the benefits of home-based work to the i n d i v i d u a l and c o m m u n i t y and have upda ted their regulat ions to reflect the changing na ture of homework and increasing numbers of homeworkers . Reasonable , well-designed performance s tandards that are imposed on a l l home occupat ions seem to be a workab le too l i n con t ro l l ing a b r o a d range of home occupat ions . F o r compara t ive purposes, a loca l perspective on the significance of the work-a t -home t rend and the methods used to regulate home occupat ions is discussed i n C h a p t e r 4. 43 C H A P T E R F O U R : A L O C A L P E R S P E C T I V E I n t r o d u c t i o n Since most of the l i terature on home-based work is speculat ive and based o n A m e r i c a n examples , i t was necessary to ob t a in ins ight in to the loca l home-based business s i tua t ion . Letters ou t l i n ing this research endeavour were sent to p l a n n i n g directors of eight selected munic ipa l i t i e s i n the Greater V a n c o u v e r area chosen for i l lus t ra t ive rather t han representative purposes. Meet ings were arranged b y telephone and in-person discussions were he ld w i t h seven planners and senior adminis t ra tors whose work involves p l a n n i n g for and regula t ing home occupat ions . A p p e n d i x A lists the informants who were: a director of p l a n n i n g ( C o q u i t l a m ) , depar tmenta l planners (New Wes tmins t e r , C i t y of N o r t h V a n c o u v e r , W e s t V a n c o u v e r and P o r t C o q u i t l a m ) , a chief license inspector ( B u r n a b y ) , and a zon ing admin i s t r a to r (Vancouve r ) . T h e member of m u n i c i p a l staff i n R i c h m o n d , to w h o m the research letter was forwarded, was unresponsive to several telephone calls p laced to arrange a meet ing. A set of questions ( A p p e n d i x B ) guided the semi-s t ructured, explora tory consul ta t ions to ensure that each informant addressed the same aspects of the home-based w o r k issue; a conversa t ional rather t h a n in terv iew format was used to gather in fo rmat ion . Quest ions were asked about the ac tua l and perceived extent of home occupat ions , their nature, and numer i ca l and economic significance to the m u n i c i p a l i t y . Informants were asked to: describe the loca l a t t i tudes t o w a r d home occupat ions o n the par t of m u n i c i p a l counc i l , c i t izens, and the business c o m m u n i t y ; specify the p l a n n i n g approach adopted i n con t ro l l ing the opera t ion of home-based businesses; e laborate on the methods used b y p l a n n i n g staff to regulate them; and discuss the adequacy of these regulat ions i n m i n i m i z i n g negative c o m n m n i t y impacts . Informants suppl ied in format ion about enforcement issues i n c l u d i n g 44 business license procedures, the frequency and nature of compla in t s , enforcement policies , and prosecut ion incidents . Quest ions were asked about the nature of and reasons for past, current , and proposed amendments to the zon ing b y l a w , and about the loca l p l a n n i n g impl i ca t ions of a l ternat ive w o r k opt ions such as home-based work, i.e., possible changes i n the w a y p l a n n i n g (pa r t i cu la r ly ne ighbourhood p lann ing) is conduc ted i n the m u n i c i p a l i t y . C o m m e n t s made by planners about the issue i n their munic ipa l i t i e s are discussed i n conjunc t ion w i t h an analysis of home occupa t ion provis ions i n zon ing by l aws supp l ied b y the informants . F o r reference purposes, t abula ted da ta are p rov ided , a n d the legend on page 49 is to be used i n in te rpre t ing a l l tables found th roughout the text. E x t e n t , nature , and significance of home occupat ions It is difficult for munic ipa l i t i e s to o b t a i n an accurate p ic ture of the number and nature of home occupat ions i n their communi t i es , even though a l l use business licenses as a "con t ro l feature". Often, past year l icensing records on home occupat ions are not avai lable or cannot be accessed w i t hou t extensive work (New Wes tmins t e r ) , m a k i n g it difficult to m o n i t o r and es tabl ish trends o n home-based businesses. D u e to inadequate da t a col lec t ion, its storage, a n d mon i to r ing , a l l estimates of the n u m b e r and types of home occupat ions were based on current year business license in fo rmat ion and personal perceptions. A c t u a l da t a o n home occupat ions opera t ing i n communi t i es is l im i t ed ; m u n i c i p a l l icens ing departments general ly m a i n t a i n very basic da t a bases for a l l business licenses issued. D e p e n d i n g u p o n the classif icat ion sys tem u t i l i zed , statist ics specific to home occupat ions m a y not be avai lable ( B u r n a b y , V a n c o u v e r ) as they are i n other areas ( C o q u i t l a m , N e w Wes tmins t e r , N o r t h V a n c o u v e r , W e s t V a n c o u v e r ) . In add i t i on , m a n y home-based business owners do not bother 45 w i t h business licenses. O n l y two informants ventured to guess the n u m b e r of home-based owners opera t ing i l legal ly i n their communi t ies ; the planners f rom N o r t h V a n c o u v e r and W e s t V a n c o u v e r es t imated that 50% of the home occupat ions opera t ing were do ing so wi thou t appropr ia te licenses. N u m b e r of home occupat ions T h e general consensus among those in terviewed was that the number of home occupat ions was increasing in their communi t i es , w h i c h verifies claims made i n the l i terature . However , one planner felt that the number of home businesses h a d s tabi l ized and he was not an t i c ipa t ing the establ ishment of m a n y more ( N o r t h V a n c o u v e r ) . A var ie ty of reasons were supp l ied as factors con t r ibu t ing to the increase i n the number of home occupat ions . Some informants identif ied economic condi t ions , such as a d o w n t u r n i n the economy or unemploymen t ( B u r n a b y , C o q u i t l a m , W e s t V a n c o u v e r ) or corporate downs iz ing (Wes t V a n c o u v e r ) , wh i l e one p lanner felt tha t business ac t i v i t y was generated d u r i n g "good t imes" (New Wes tmins t e r ) . A n o t h e r felt tha t the number of home businesses was increasing due to personal in i t i a t ive i rrespective of economic c l imate ( N o r t h V a n c o u v e r ) . Some ment ioned that technologica l advances i n business and c o m m u n i c a t i o n equipment , such as computers a n d cel lular phones, were m a k i n g i t easier for people to engage i n service industr ies f rom the home (New Wes tmins t e r , N o r t h V a n c o u v e r , W e s t V a n c o u v e r ) . C h a n g i n g na ture of home occupat ions T h e l i terature suggests that the type of home occupat ions is changing . However , none of the informants thought tha t changes were occur r ing i n the nature of the home occupat ions t yp i ca l l y found i n their munic ipa l i t i e s . W h i l e men t ion was made of "some w o m e n at home w i t h thei r ch i ld ren" and others w h o have "overgrown hobbies" w h i c h have developed in to successful businesses 46 ( N o r t h V a n c o u v e r ) , the planners i n N o r t h V a n c o u v e r and W e s t V a n c o u v e r report the prevalence of professionals, consul tants , a n d related service occupat ions . However , other m u n i c i p a l staff were unable to indica te the extent of the different types of home occupat ions i n their communi t i e s . F requen t ly perceived as prevalent were craftspeople and contractors ( B u r n a b y , C o q u i t l a m , N e w Wes tmins t e r , V a n c o u v e r ) , w h i c h is i n accordance w i t h the two-t ier home business license categories u t i l i z ed i n these munic ipa l i t i e s to charge differential rates for homecraft occupat ions and for those ind iv idua l s who work i n or out of their homes. Signif icance of home employment W h i l e home occupat ions appear to be a permanent , on-going phenomenon i n the res ident ia l set t ing and not a passing fad, most informants were generally unconv inced about the significance of home-based businesses i n their communi t i es . M a n y perceived that the economic and social benefits of home occupat ions accrue on ly to the i nd iv idua l s i nvo lved i n their opera t ion ( C o q u i t l a m , N e w Wes tmins t e r ) . F o r example , homecraft occupat ions are v iewed as p r i m a r i l y par t - t ime enterprises w h i c h prov ide a secondary source of income (New Wes tmins t e r , V a n c o u v e r ) . Despi te 1981 Stat is t ics C a n a d a da ta on W e s t V a n c o u v e r employmen t (suppl ied by the informant) w h i c h ind ica ted that 7.8% of the labour force (or 1,480 people) worked at home (wh ich compares w i t h the 1,470 employees at the largest single employer on the N o r t h Shore - L ions G a t e Hosp i t a l ) , and the current estimates that 50 to 75% of sma l l businesses i n W e s t V a n c o u v e r are home-based, the c i ty p lanner reported, nevertheless, that home occupat ions have no impac t on the c o m m u n i t y (Wes t V a n c o u v e r ) . However , beneficial aspects of home occupat ions to the c o m m u n i t y are acknowledged b y some of the planners who welcome the establ ishment of home-based businesses w h i c h cont r ibute to the loca l economy b y generat ing spin-off 47 d e m a n d for goods and services ( B u r n a b y , N o r t h V a n c o u v e r ) . T h e p l ann ing depar tment i n P o r t C o q u i t l a m , cur ren t ly amend ing its zon ing b y l a w w h i c h p roh ib i t s a lmost a l l home-based work , ant ic ipates that home-based businesses w i l l p rov ide an "ever increasing source of e m p l o y m e n t " . However , there exist conf l ic t ing op in ions about the i n c u b a t i o n of smal l business i n the home. Some informants recognize the need of some fledgling enterprises to incuba te before re locat ing to commerc ia l dis t r ic ts ( B u r n a b y , N o r t h V a n c o u v e r , V a n c o u v e r ) . M u n i c i p a l councils i n b o t h B u r n a b y and N o r t h V a n c o u v e r are apparen t ly suppor t ive of home occupat ions , whose operators "are not t ac i t ly , bu t ful ly accepted members of the business c o m m u n i t y " ( N o r t h V a n c o u v e r ) . However , other informants do not consider the home to be a v iab le place to start and "g row" a s m a l l business ( N e w Wes tmins t e r , W e s t V a n c o u v e r ) . It was stated that business license appl icants " test ing the marke t " shou ld do so i n a commerc ia l d is t r ic t ( N e w Wes tmins t e r ) . C o n t r a r y to allegations i n the l i terature, informants report tha t the business c o m m u n i t y is general ly unthrea tened by home-based businesses, "p robab ly because they are not aware of their extent" (Vancouve r ) . V i r t u a l l y no compla in t s f rom business compet i tors about unfair compe t i t i on have been received b y munic ipa l i t i e s w h i c h have seemingly a t tempted to pacify business owners opera t ing i n commerc ia l d is t r ic ts . In order to m a i n t a i n the commerc ia l core i n their communi t i e s , some munic ipa l i t i e s have been "adaman t " (New Wes tmins t e r ) and "ha rd l i ne" ( C o q u i t l a m ) i n refusing to amend their zon ing by laws to a l low professionals to work at home. V i e w i n g p l a n n i n g as the separat ion of i ncompa t ib l e l a n d uses by zones, one planner s tated that it was unacceptable "to go i n th rough the back door" to create commerc ia l zones (e.g., b y a l lowing professional home offices) w i thou t rezoning (New Wes tmins t e r ) . It was feared that the b u i l d i n g and leasing of office 48 space w o u l d be affected, w h i c h could perhaps weaken the commerc ia l core and cause concern for the business c o m m u n i t y (New Wes tmins t e r ) . T o reduce the poss ib i l i ty of compla in t s f rom the business c o m m u n i t y i n B u r n a b y , professional home offices are charged the same license fee as those businesses located i n bonafide commerc ia l areas ($382 in i t i a l l y , $123 renewal) . T h e planner i n N o r t h V a n c o u v e r believes tha t smaller-scale home businesses generally cannot compete volume-wise w i t h businesses i n commerc ia l areas due to m u n i c i p a l p l ann ing regulat ions w h i c h often l i m i t the types of home occupat ions w h i c h can be pursued a n d affect their operat ion th rough restrictions on retai l sales, use of outside employees, etc. Impor t an t ly , the planners f rom N o r t h V a n c o u v e r and W e s t V a n c o u v e r report that the major i ty of home-based businesses i n their communi t i es do not use the home as an incuba to r bu t as a long- te rm site for their businesses; it is perceived that most owners do not in tend on expand ing their businesses beyond the home due to lifestyle considerat ions ( N o r t h V a n c o u v e r , W e s t V a n c o u v e r ) . P l a n n i n g i s s u e s M e t h o d s of regula t ion A l l munic ipa l i t i e s contacted employ more t h a n one me thod of regulat ing home occupat ions and use a c o m b i n a t i o n of zon ing and business by l aws . A m o n g munic ipa l i t i e s , however, the zon ing b y l a w provis ions relevant to home occupat ions va ry considerably i n age, content , and c la r i ty , w i t h some m u n i c i p a l regulat ions not iceably more refined ( B u r n a b y , N o r t h V a n c o u v e r ) t han other communi t i e s . T h e fo l lowing tables are p rov ided for compara t ive purposes to demonstra te the v a r i a b i l i t y i n the design of home occupa t ion provis ions among munic ipa l i t i e s contacted. T a b l e 1 provides an overview of informants ' general comments about the age and d e s i g n ' of home occupa t ion provis ions i n their m u n i c i p a l zon ing by laws . 49 A l t h o u g h home-based economic ac t iv i ty is pe rmi t t ed i n a l l munic ipa l i t i e s contacted (except P o r t C o q u i t l a m ) , the on ly m u n i c i p a l i t y whose official c o m m u n i t y p l an contains a reference to home-based work is W e s t V a n c o u v e r (one informant was uncer ta in about such a reference i n his m u n i c i p a l i t y [Burnaby]) . L i m i t i n g home occupat ions to those compat ib le w i t h the p r i m a r y resident ia l funct ion of ne ighbourhoods , munic ipa l i t i e s permi t wha t they consider to be desirable home-based businesses i n a l l res ident ia l zones p rov ided they are small-scale, unobt rus ive and do not cause a nuisance. L E G E N D H B W = home-based work HO = home occupations O C P = official community plan ZBL = zoning bylaw V - yes X = no ? = interviewee did not know Empty box = not addressed in Z B L a = permitted § = restricted • = prohibited A = excluded in certain areas * = cited as examples in ZBL <0> = has separate provisions in ZBL \ — proposed amendments (3 = regulated using business bylaw T a b l e 1: Overv iew of in formants ' comments regarding the age and design of home occupa t ion provis ions D e s c r i p t o r s Bby Coq NewW NVan PoCoU Van WVan H B W reference i n O C P ? X X X X X v 7 H O permi t t ed i n a l l zones v 7 v 7 - v 7 v 7 X v 7 v 7 Y e a r Z B L enacted ? 1971 pre '60s 1967 1979 ? 1968 Z B L last revised re: H O 1987 1991 1986 1988 1987 early '80s 1984 Z B L defines H O / s i m i l a r t e rm V X X v 7 v 7 v 7 v 7 Lis t s performance s tandards V7 v 7 v 7 v 7 v 7 v 7 v 7 Z B L lists pe rmi t t ed H O uses X v 7 X X X • X Z B L lists p roh ib i t ed H O uses v 7 v 7 v 7 v 7 X X 50 Def ined i n a l l munic ipa l i t i e s except N e w W e s t m i n s t e r and C o q u i t l a m , the var ious ly- te rmed "homecraft , occupa t ion or business" (Wes t V a n c o u v e r ) , "accessory home occupa t ion use" ( C o q u i t l a m , N o r t h V a n c o u v e r ) , "homecraft or occupa t i on" (Vancouve r ) , or "home o c c u p a t i o n " ( B u r n a b y , N e w Wes tmins t e r ) mus t be subordinate to the p r i n c i p a l res ident ia l use of the dwe l l i ng , and is subject to compl iance w i t h zon ing regulat ions to l i m i t its scale a n d impac t . M o s t zon ing by laws were enacted some years ago ( two informants were uncer ta in of the o r ig ina l draf t ing date [Burnaby , Vancouver ] ) , and almost a l l have been revised to some extent w i t h i n the past ten years. V a r i o u s l y - w o r d e d performance s tandards are used b y a l l mun ic ipa l i t i e s , sometimes i n conjunct ion w i t h lists of pe rmi t t ed or p roh ib i t ed home occupat ions . O c c u p a t i o n a l l imi ta t ions T a b l e 2 i l lustrates that m a n y munic ipa l i t i e s a p p l y occupa t iona l l imi ta t ions to home-based businesses i n thei r zon ing by laws . Included to prevent in terpre ta t ion problems, some zon ing by laws con ta in lists of specifically pe rmi t t ed and p roh ib i t ed types of occupat ions i n the c o m m u n i t y ( N e w Wes tmins t e r ) or list on ly p roh ib i t ed occupat ions i n a l l areas ( C o q u i t l a m ) or par t icu la r areas ( N o r t h V a n c o u v e r ) . N o r t h V a n c o u v e r p roh ib i t s a few mul t i - c l i en t home occupat ions i n its m e d i u m and h i g h densi ty apar tment dis t r ic ts , w i t h cater ing establ ishments and escort or da t i ng services p roh ib i t ed f rom operat ing i n a l l res ident ia l zones i n the m u n i c i p a l i t y . In contrast , V a n c o u v e r and W e s t V a n c o u v e r do not specifical ly l ist any pe rmi t t ed or p roh ib i t ed home occupat ions bu t , l ike most other areas, ou t l ine separate provis ions i n the zon ing b y l a w w h i c h regulate c o m m o n home occupat ions , such as bed a n d breakfast and f a m i l y day-care operat ions . T h e B u r n a b y zon ing b y l a w lists examples of pe rmi t t ed home occupat ions , a n d on ly proh ib i t s manufac tu r ing , we ld ing , and l ight i ndus t r i a l uses. 51 T a b l e 2: P e r m i t t e d and p roh ib i t ed home occupat ions listec Descriptors Bby Coq N e w W NVan PoCot Van WVan ta i lor / seamstress a* a domest ic crafts a* a hobbies a* a. m u s i c / a r t s tud io a* a smal l app l iance repairs a stenographer a wri ter a* bed & breakfast / lodgers a* 0 a 0 0 fami ly day-care a* 0 0 OA 0 0 0 offices - p r o f 1/non-prof ' l a* • • m e d i c a l / d e n t a l office • • A beauty pa r lou r /ba rbe r shop • • A m u s i c / d a n c e schoo l / s tud io • A orches t r a /band practice • • restaurant / ca ter ing • • • a n i m a l kenne l • • meeting h a l l • • t a x i / d r i v i n g school • • l andscap ing business • • auto repair • escor t /da t ing service • • pr ivate schools A m a n u f a c t u r i n g / i n d u s t r i a l • • i n zon ing by laws 52 Use of performance s tandards Tab les 3 to 6 inc lus ive summar ize the prevalence of four categories of performance s tandards c o m m o n l y found i n m u n i c i p a l zon ing bylaws to deal w i t h issues related to home-based w o r k - i n par t icu lar : the external effects of home occupat ions , in tens i ty of use considerat ions, traffic and p a r k i n g effects, and nuisance aspects and use of equipment . T a b l e 3: Per formance standards - external effects Descriptors Bby Coq NewW NVan PoCot Van WVan exterior changes to dwelling • • • structural alterations • • • operation within dwelling a a a a use of garage/accessory bldg. a • • outside storage of equipment • • • • • • • ext'l display of merchandise • • • inside storage of inventory • § signage § § § • •P § T o deal w i t h the external effects of home occupat ions , some munic ipa l i t i e s p roh ib i t external changes to the appearance of the dwe l l i ng ( B u r n a b y , C o q u i t l a m , V a n c o u v e r ) or p roh ib i t s t ruc tura l al terat ions to the dwe l l i ng of a commerc ia l na ture ( B u r n a b y , N e w W e s t m i n s t e r ) . O n l y ha l f of the munic ipa l i t i e s use performance s tandards to si tuate the home occupat ions w i t h some specifical ly pe rmi t t i ng their opera t ion w i t h i n the res ident ia l dwe l l i ng un i t ( C o q u i t l a m , N o r t h Vancouve r , W e s t V a n c o u v e r ) . Some areas a l low the use of accessory bu i ld ings ( C o q u i t l a m , V a n c o u v e r ) w h i c h is p roh ib i t ed i n N o r t h V a n c o u v e r . W h i l e some munic ipa l i t i e s p roh ib i t the outs ide storage of business equipment and mater ia ls , and B u r n a b y and 53 N e w Wes tmins t e r p roh ib i t the external d i sp lay of merchandise , some munic ipa l i t i e s restrict the inside storage of materials or merchandise ( B u r n a b y , W e s t V a n c o u v e r ) w h i c h most l ike ly frustrates home business owners. W e s t Vancouve r ' s somewhat a rb i t ra ry provis ions state that $1,000.00 wholesale value of s tock-in-trade, mater ia ls , supplies or goods m a y be "stored or kept on or w i t h i n the m a i n or accessory b u i l d i n g " whi le B u r n a b y al lows "no stock i n t rade [to] be kept or handled . . .upon the premises". W i t h respect to signage restr ict ions, C o q u i t l a m al lows "one u n i l l u m i n a t e d namepla te of less t h a n 0 . 2 m 2 i n area" a n d B u r n a b y permits " a sign bear ing o n l y the name and occupa t ion of the owners w h i c h m a y be i l l u m i n a t e d bu t not f lashing and sha l l not exceed 1900 sq. cm. (2.05 sq. ft.) i n area". In contrast , W e s t V a n c o u v e r requires that any sign related to the home occupa t ion mus t comply w i t h the m u n i c i p a l s ign b y l a w w h i c h al lows one four square foot fascia s ign con ta in ing the person's name a n d hours of business. T o ensure that the home occupa t ion remains as an accessory use of the res ident ia l dwe l l i ng , munic ipa l i t i es use a var ie ty of restr ict ions as performance s tandards to regulate in tens i ty of use. N o r t h V a n c o u v e r is the on ly m u n i c i p a l i t y to l i m i t the n u m b e r of home occupat ions opera t ing i n a dwe l l ing to one. T w o munic ipa l i t i e s , w h i c h specifically permi t home occupa t ion opera t ion i n the dwe l l ing un i t , restrict the amoun t of inter ior floor area (20%) w h i c h m a y be used for business purposes ( C o q u i t l a m , N o r t h V a n c o u v e r ) . W i t h the except ion of N e w Wes tmins t e r , a l l munic ipa l i t i e s restrict the number and type of par t i c ipan ts a l lowed to be engaged i n the home occupa t ion . W h i l e B u r n a b y al lows any number of residents of the dwe l l ing to be ac t ive ly employed i n the home-based economic ac t i v i t y , V a n c o u v e r restricts employment to o n l y one resident, and W e s t V a n c o u v e r l imi t s the pract ice of a home occupa t ion to no more t h a n two persons of an " immed ia t e 54 f a m i l y " . In contrast , bo th C o q u i t l a m and N o r t h V a n c o u v e r l i m i t pa r t i c ipa t ion i n the home business to at least one resident of the dwel l ing and not more t han a m a x i m u m of t w o persons. D e s c r i p t o r s B b y Coq NewW NVan PoCof Van WVan number of H O per dwel l ing § § amoun t of floor area used § § § par t ic ipants § § § § § § employees • § § • • • on-site re ta i l sales • • § • • • ^ / f r e q u e n c y of client visi ts § advert isements §P Interest ingly, N e w Wes tmins t e r is the on ly m u n i c i p a l i t y to a l low the sale of the " p r i n c i p a l p roduc t of the homecraft or home service be ing under taken" on the premises. On-s i te re ta i l sales of such goods are p roh ib i t ed i n a l l other munic ipa l i t i e s contacted ( B u r n a b y , C o q u i t l a m , N o r t h V a n c o u v e r , V a n c o u v e r , W e s t V a n c o u v e r ) w i t h most munic ipa l i t i e s i nc lud ing a s imple statement to p roh ib i t such sales. However , p lanners ' concern for the impl i ca t ions of traffic congest ion (e.g., p a r k i n g , congest ion, and noise) b y home occupat ions is underscored b y the performance s tandard found i n the W e s t V a n c o u v e r home occupa t ion provis ions w h i c h states tha t "no goods, wares, merchandise , or other commodi t ies are sold d i rec t ly i n , or u p o n , or f rom the premises". W i t h respect to client and customer vis i ts , inconsistencies are evident w i t h N e w Wes tmins t e r a l l owing on-site sales wh i l e p r o h i b i t i n g the opera t ion of home offices as work places; i n other munic ipa l i t i e s ( B u r n a b y , N o r t h V a n c o u v e r , W e s t V a n c o u v e r ) , "reverse d i s c r i m i n a t i o n " is found 55 where zon ing by laws exh ib i t favourable bias t o w a r d professionals, etc., b y a l l o w i n g t h e m to offer services, yet p roh ib i t re ta i l sales to customers - who need not generate more traffic t h a n clients whose vis i ts are pe rmi t t ed . T a b l e 5: Per formance s tandards - traffic, and pa rk ing D e s c r i p t o r s Bby Coq NewW NVan PoCof Van WVan a d d ' l vehicu lar traffic. • • § a d d ' l pedest r ian traffic § t r uck / cou r i e r deliveries § u s e / p a r k i n g of H O vehicles § § § § on-/off-street p a r k i n g § T y p i c a l l y h a r d to quant i fy and "pol ice" are cer tain aspects of home occupa t ion opera t ion such as traffic and the number and frequency of client v is i t s . Subsequent ly , most munic ipa l i t i e s do not address such issues i n their zon ing by laws . However , the home occupa t ion provis ions i n W e s t V a n c o u v e r l i m i t the use of vehicles i n connect ion w i t h the home occupa t ion , and inc lude the confusing statement: " that the homecraft , occupa t ion or business shal l not involve , or be reasonably expected to invo lve any vehicle m a k i n g deliveries to or f rom the premises or people m a k i n g vis i ts associated w i t h the business other t h a n an occasional or infrequent del ivery or v i s i t " . N o r t h V a n c o u v e r regulates the use and p a r k i n g of commerc ia l vehicles used for home-based w o r k purposes, as does B u r n a b y whose zon ing b y l a w regulates nuisance effects and traffic together b y requi r ing that the home occupa t ion carr ied on therein sha l l not p roduce noise, v i b r a t i o n , [etc.]...other t han that n o r m a l l y associated w i t h a dwe l l i ng nor sha l l it create or cause any.. . traffic congestion on the street. 56 N e w W e s t m i n s t e r also prohib i t s " any increase i n au tomobi le p a r k i n g a t t r ibu tab le to the use of the premises for home occupa t i on" . A l l munic ipa l i t i e s p roh ib i t " t r a d i t i o n a l " nuisances such as noise, odour , e lectr ical interference, etc., created th rough the opera t ion of the home occupa t ion but none app ly specific condi t ions for their measurement . Rega rd ing the generat ion of noise, etc., b o t h B u r n a b y and N e w Wes tmins t e r inc lude a performance s tandard w h i c h restricts the use of equipment b y the home business owner . However , the B u r n a b y zon ing b y l a w is somewhat biased i n a l l owing "professional" persons to work at home whi l e l i m i t i n g the use of equipment to tha t "o rd ina r i l y employed i n pure ly domest ic and household use or for recreat ional hobbies , except for such equipment as m a y be used for a resident phys ic ian or dent is t" . T a b l e 6: Per formance standards - nuisance aspects and use of equipment D e s c r i p t o r s Bby Coq NewW NVan PoColl Van WVan odour , emissions, etc. • • • • • • • noise, v ib ra t ions , etc. • • • • • • • use of equipment § § Regu la to ry approaches Genera l ly , the design of home occupat ion provis ions reflects m u n i c i p a l a t t i tudes t o w a r d home-based work , w i t h regulatory approaches adopted va ry ing among munic ipa l i t i e s . C o n t r o l Some munic ipa l i t i e s have adop ted a "con t ro l " approach t oward home occupat ions a n d have resisted m a k i n g changes to their policies to accommodate a b road range of home occupat ions, fearing d i s rup t ion i n single fami ly res ident ia l and 57 commerc ia l areas ( C o q u i t l a m , N e w Wes tmins t e r ) . Consequent ly , the zoning by l aws i n these areas have been subject to few mino r revisions since their i n i t i a l enactment . T h e p lanner i n New W e s t m i n s t e r believes that the c i ty ' s b y l a w "al lows for f l ex ib i l i t y" b y pe rmi t t i ng "other uses s imi la r i n character to the foregoing ones". F o r example , the 1986 amendment to the N e w W e s t m i n s t e r zon ing b y l a w i n v o l v e d add ing "bed and breakfasts" as an a l lowable use to wha t the planner cal led its "pre-1960s" regulat ions. H o m e occupat ions l is ted as pe rmi t t ed and deemed to be "cus tomary" i n the N e w Wes tmins t e r zon ing b y l a w inc lude: "d ressmaking" , " m i l l i n e r y " , "manufacture of. . .handicraft objects as an extension of a h o b b y " , "s tamp and co in co l lec t ing" , mus i c or art i n s t ruc t ion , " s m a l l casual repairs to household equ ipment" , and " p u b l i c stenographer". Despi te its cont ro l approach to home occupat ions , N e w Wes tmins t e r has i ron ica l ly neglected to address cer tain c r i t i ca l aspects of home occupa t ion opera t ion used by other munic ipa l i t i e s , e.g., signage and use of the dwel l ing un i t a n d accessory bu i ld ings . In add i t ion , in tens i ty of use guidelines are l ack ing w h i c h are generally addressed i n other munic ipa l i t i e s . A t var ious t imes, C o q u i t l a m has amended its 1971 zon ing b y l a w to adopt var ious specific performance s tandards w h i c h reinforce the accessory nature of home occupat ions , a n d has added p roh ib i t ed home occupa t ion uses, i n c l u d i n g "the salvage or repair , or bo th , of motor vehicles" and "da t ing service or social escort service". It has also clarified home occupat ions w h i c h are p resumably p rob lema t i c i n the m u n i c i p a l i t y ; i t has expanded its p r o h i b i t i o n of "dance school" to "dance school and dance reci ta l b y more t h a n one class of six ch i ld ren , E X C E P T danc ing lessons for ch i ld ren under 16 years o ld i n classes of s ix or fewer" and , earlier this year, on the advice of the m u n i c i p a l sol ici tor , amended the clause p r o h i b i t i n g "the sole or p r i n c i p a l office of an architect , l awyer , doctor , dentist , optometr i s t , 58 chiropractor , den ta l mechanic , or other s imi lar professional person" to read: "offices or facilities for med ica l examina t ions or t reatment , b u i l d i n g or s t ruc tura l design, personal counsel l ing and advice , f inanc ia l and account ing services, legal services, and consul t ing services" so as to "zone for use, not the person" ( C o q u i t l a m ) . A c c o m m o d a t e Some munic ipa l i t i e s have been progressive i n a c c o m m o d a t i n g changes i n the way people work; one p lanner believes tha t home-based work is an idea l arrangement for some people w h o should be accommoda ted i n the c o m m u n i t y ( N o r t h V a n c o u v e r ) . Recogn iz ing tha t lists of uses tend to require constant revis ion, some munic ipa l i t i e s s t r ic t ly rely o n performance s tandards w h i c h are imposed on a l l home occupat ions to cont ro l thei r in t rus ive or abusive aspects ( B u r n a b y , N o r t h V a n c o u v e r , W e s t V a n c o u v e r ) . W i t h i n the last three years, N o r t h V a n c o u v e r has been successful i n subs tan t ia l ly revis ing its 1967 home occupa t ion provis ions to be more permiss ive and has p roduced a " m o d e l " home occupa t ion ordinance. V i r t u a l l y a l l h o m e occupat ions w h i c h comply w i t h the performance standards are a l lowed, and such occupat ions t y p i c a l l y inc lude : offices for professionals and non-professionals; s tudios of art ists , craftspeople, mus ic ians , etc.; fami ly day-care centres; and bed and breakfast operat ions. Othe r uses, w h i c h generally cannot comply w i t h the performance s tandards w h i c h con ta in specific guidelines to direct the operat ion of home occupat ions , are d i sa l lowed, and are t y p i c a l l y commerc ia l or i ndus t r i a l i n nature . S i m i l a r l y , the performance s tandards used i n B u r n a b y are also readi ly enforceable a n d require a m i n i m a l amoun t of in terpre ta t ion to determine the in tent of the restr ict ions on the use of the dwe l l ing for business purposes. However , informants recognize that the effectiveness of performance standards is often hindered due to design ( B u r n a b y , W e s t V a n c o u v e r ) ; performance standards w h i c h 59 conta in ambiguous terms and are vague, ou tda ted , redundant or biased are endemic and tend to inv i te in terpre ta t ion problems. T h e vagueness of regulat ions w i t h i n the W e s t V a n c o u v e r zon ing b y l a w has been brought to the a t tent ion of the p l a n n i n g depar tment w h i c h , over two years ago, was ins t ruc ted b y the m u n i c i p a l counc i l to examine the m u n i c i p a l i t y ' s home occupa t ion policies due to compla in ts f rom one resident w h o perceived that a specific home business being operated by his neighbour was v io l a t ing the zon ing bylaw. ' Recogn iz ing m a n y regulations to be almost unenforceable, the p lanner suggested a few improvements to remove redundancies a n d improve on the by law ' s objec t iv i ty and effectiveness. P roposed amendments inc lude : s impl i fy ing its "needlessly complex" defini t ion of home-based work; specifying the m a x i m u m permi t t ed floor area for the home occupa t ion use w i t h i n the p r i m a r y dwe l l ing and the use of accessory bu i ld ings ; delet ing its reference to " f a m i l y " par t ic ipan ts a n d pe rmi t t i ng one employee; r emoving the indoor storage of s tock-in-trade prov is ion ; and incorpora t ing specific rates of deliveries a n d visi ts . However , the p lanner notes that amendments to by laws are t ime-consuming and cost ly , and due to other counc i l pr ior i t ies , the necessary changes have yet to be acted on . Tolera te Some munic ipa l i t i e s have come to tolerate home-based businesses, recognizing that strict regulat ions do not deter their opera t ion (Por t C o q u i t l a m , V a n c o u v e r ) . W h i l e its official c o m m u n i t y p l a n includes wha t the p lanner calls the " t y p i c a l s tatement that commerc ia l act ivi t ies are to be located d o w n t o w n " (Por t C o q u i t l a m ) , the m u n i c i p a l counc i l i n P o r t C o q u i t l a m is suppor t ive of home-based businesses and recently requested tha t its first home occupa t ion regulat ions be drafted. It was felt that counci l ' s current pos i t ion regarding home-based businesses reflected "poor ly on the c i t y " (Po r t C o q u i t l a m ) , pa r t i cu l a r ly w i t h the 60 increasing numbers of enquiries f rom people w a n t i n g to operate home-based businesses and the cognizance by officials that businesses were being operated i l legal ly , w i t h zon ing enforcement on ly t ak ing place i n response to occasional compla in ts about unsight l iness , noise, cl ient v is i t s , and pa rk ing problems (Por t C o q u i t l a m ) . R e l y i n g on clearly wr i t t en performance s tandards, the proposed zon ing b y l a w provis ions accommodate "accessory home businesses" i n a l l single fami ly and dup lex zones and on ly p roh ib i t manufac tu r ing , we ld ing , or other i ndus t r i a l uses. T h e admin i s t r a t i on of cumbersome regulat ions p r o m p t e d V a n c o u v e r to subs tan t ia l ly alter its regulatory approach i n the early 1980s by d ropp ing its development pe rmi t requirement and reducing the number of performance s tandards govern ing home occupat ions i n its zon ing b y l a w . R e q u i r i n g greater compl iance w i t h their business b y l a w , the procedures used b y the m u n i c i p a l i t y are the most u n u s u a l of a l l munic ipa l i t i e s contacted. W h i l e appl icants for a homecraft business license mus t sign a s tatement i n recogni t ion of five performance s tandards, they must, also c o m p l y w i t h business b y l a w provis ions w h i c h l i m i t the i n d i v i d u a l ' s invo lvement i n the occupa t ion to 20 hours per week. ( F u l l - t i m e employment i n a homecraft occupa t ion consti tutes manufac tu r ing w h i c h is p roh ib i t ed i n res ident ia l zones.) T h e b y l a w also dictates tha t the home occupa t ion cannot be a major source of income, tha t no adver t i s ing is pe rmi t t ed , and that products can on ly be sold at craft fairs and flea markets . It is quest ionable as to wha t extent such d i sc r imina to ry policies can be or are enforced. In contrast , i nd iv idua l s who wan t a home office i n V a n c o u v e r mus t app ly for a home business license a n d sign a statement to recognize the somewhat vague business license provis ions w h i c h are open to in terpre ta t ion . E n g a g i n g i n ac tua l work i n the residence is seemingly p r o h i b i t e d . W h i l e they are a l lowed to advertise 61 i n the newspaper (only i nc lud ing a telephone number ) , business owners are a l lowed to have an office i n the residence to be used "on ly as a m a i l i n g address, a place to receive business telephone calls a n d for keeping books and records i n connect ion w i t h the business". T h e storage of "products or ma te r i a l " , signage, and conduc t ing business t ransact ions on the premises are d i sa l lowed. T h r o u g h its business b y l a w , V a n c o u v e r is the on ly m u n i c i p a l i t y contacted w h i c h prohib i t s client vis i ts out r ight . Resul ts f rom the C l o u d s of C h a n g e T a s k Force report issued i n June 1990 led the V a n c o u v e r m u n i c i p a l counc i l to direct its p l a n n i n g depar tment to s tudy and suggest amendments to its ex is t ing by laws and regulat ions so as to increase the poss ib i l i ty of people under t ak ing home occupat ions . F i n d i n g that V a n c o u v e r cur ren t ly "discourages m a n y people f rom w o r k i n g f rom home" , the report recommends tha t the work o p t i o n be encouraged to reduce the need for t ranspor ta t ion w h i c h w i l l cont r ibute to a new focus on envi ronmenta l ly-sens i t ive " p r o x i m i t y p l a n n i n g " (C louds of Change , 1990, p . 49). D e p e n d i n g u p o n counci l ' s a t t i tude , w h i c h u n t i l now has been one of "benign indifference", the zon ing admin i s t r a to r feels that the issue " c o u l d become s ignif icant" , a n d reduct ions i n restr ict ions on home occupat ions m a y occur (Vancouve r ) . However , he adds that it becomes a quest ion of how permiss ive counc i l wants the regulat ions to be; if the issue is "opened up too m u c h " , i t is an t ic ipa ted that enforcement m a y become cost ly and bureaucra t ic (Vancouve r ) . Enforcement C u r r e n t l y , very few compla in t s are received b y munic ipa l i t i e s about the opera t ion of home occupat ions; u s ing the numbers of compla in t s as an ind ica tor , planners perceive the zon ing provis ions to be "well-respected" b y home-based business owners (Wes t V a n c o u v e r ) . W h i l e some munic ipa l i t i e s use in formal enforcement procedures to identify unl icensed home occupat ions , such as perusing 62 newspaper advert isements , etc. ( B u r n a b y , N o r t h V a n c o u v e r , W e s t V a n c o u v e r ) , they recognize tha t they cannot mon i to r home businesses as closely as businesses i n establ ished commerc ia l areas since most are obscure and generate l i t t l e traffic (New Wes tmins t e r , P o r t C o q u i t l a m , V a n c o u v e r ) . Genera l ly , munic ipa l i t i e s t u r n a b l i n d eye to home occupat ions due to l i m i t e d staff t ime and b y l a w l imi ta t ions . K n o w l e d g e of v io la t ions of zon ing by laws is gained largely on a compla in t basis where neighbours are aggravated b y externali t ies of adjacent l icensed or unl icensed home occupat ions . P lanners cite tha t the most c o m m o n compla in ts are to do w i t h the use of vehicles and pa rk ing problems ( B u r n a b y , V a n c o u v e r , W e s t V a n c o u v e r ) and the outside storage of equipment or materials ( N o r t h V a n c o u v e r ) . Some informants ment ioned specific, compla in t s about the operat ion of auto repair and landscap ing businesses f rom the home ( B u r n a b y , N e w Wes tmins t e r , N o r t h V a n c o u v e r ) . M o s t munic ipa l i t i e s experience few enforcement problems and informants have found that compla in ts are easily resolved on a "good ne ighbour basis" (New Wes tmins t e r , W e s t V a n c o u v e r ) . M o s t home-based business owners do not realize they m a y be affecting someone else u n t i l the mat ter is b rought to their a t tent ion ( B u r n a b y ) . Informants note that , u p o n not i f ica t ion of a v io l a t i on b y a c i ty inspector , home-based business owners usua l ly comply w i t h the zon ing b y l a w w i t h i n a reasonable t ime per iod before any further ac t ion is required ( B u r n a b y , N o r t h V a n c o u v e r ) . M u n i c i p a l officials v iew prosecut ion as a last resort when at tempts to resolve home occupa t ion problems us ing conven t iona l enforcement practices, such as monetary fines, do not achieve compl iance ( B u r n a b y , W e s t V a n c o u v e r ) . P rosecu t ion is bel ieved to be an onerous task due to the diff icul ty i n documen t ing evidence of a v io l a t i on and ob ta in ing witnesses to testify (Wes t V a n c o u v e r ) . V e r y few incidents of prosecut ion were c i ted b y planners , and 63 those instances where the m u n i c i p a l i t y has been successful i n prosecut ion usual ly result f rom a b la tan t v io l a t ion where the use is obv ious ly of a commerc ia l or i ndus t r i a l nature , such as auto repair ( B u r n a b y , N o r t h V a n c o u v e r ) . A d e q u a c y of regulat ions A l l informants felt that thei r zon ing b y l a w provis ions were adequately con t ro l l ing the negat ive impacts of home-based businesses on neighbourhoods i n their communi t i e s . N o vis ib le changes i n their res ident ia l character due to the operat ion of home occupat ions were apparent . A l l munic ipa l i t i e s were intent on con t inu ing to use their current regula tory approach i n p r o h i b i t i n g those uses w h i c h they perceived to create problems wh i l e pe rmi t t i ng those w h i c h have m i n i m a l or no impac t on the ne ighbourhood . Despi te the g rowing number of home occupat ions , most m u n i c i p a l officials contacted do not an t ic ipa te m a k i n g subs tan t ia l revisions to their current restrict ions i n their zon ing by laws or l icensing requirements w h i c h cont ro l home occupat ions . T h e informant i n B u r n a b y ant ic ipates the eventua l need to improve the m u n i c i p a l i t y ' s home occupa t ion provis ions but present ly the p l a n n i n g depar tment is "very busy" w i t h other priori t ies ( B u r n a b y ) . Some informants expect that future changes m a y be necessary to their ex is t ing home occupa t ion regulat ions due to l o b b y i n g of m u n i c i p a l counci ls by home business owners ( B u r n a b y , N o r t h V a n c o u v e r , V a n c o u v e r ) . A n t i c i p a t e d are challenges to restrict ions on client vis i ts ( V a n c o u v e r ) , re ta i l sales of products made on-site ( N o r t h V a n c o u v e r , V a n c o u v e r ) , and restrict ions to do w i t h persons engaged i n home occupat ions ( B u r n a b y , V a n c o u v e r ) . W h e n pressed, the p lanner i n N e w Wes tmins t e r suggested that i f there were "considerable pressure", changes cou ld be made to a l low "cer ta in home occupa t ions" , e.g., beauty par lours w i t h t w o chairs, i n specific resident ial areas. 64 U n t i l an "issue is made" ( C o q u i t l a m ) , neither N e w Wes tmins t e r nor C o q u i t l a m in t end on m a k i n g al lowances to accommodate "new" home occupat ions , such as professional and consu l t ing services; "where do y o u d raw the l ine" ( C o q u i t l a m ) w i t h these occupat ions w h i c h "generate too m u c h traffic" due to client visi ts (New Wes tmins t e r ) and "belong i n commerc ia l d is t r ic ts" ( C o q u i t l a m ) . F o r example , one p lanner states that i f doctors were a l lowed i n res ident ia l areas, they w o u l d not be "necessarily close to [other] services pat ients need" (New Wes tmins t e r ) . It is feared that i f these types of home occupat ions were legalized and l icensed, greater regula t ion and po l i c ing for enforcement w o u l d be necessary ( C o q u i t l a m ) . ( N o r t h V a n c o u v e r found this to be an unfounded rat ionale i n p r o h i b i t i n g such home occupat ions i n res ident ia l areas; the p lanner states that the m u n i c i p a l i t y has experienced ha rd ly any difficulties w i t h t h e m since legal izat ion.) W h i l e the planners i n bo th C o q u i t l a m and N e w Wes tmins t e r reported that they have received a handfu l of compla in ts f rom poten t ia l home office workers about occupa t iona l restr ict ions i n their zon ing by laws , neither w o u l d acknowledge that m a n y of these i nd iv idua l s m a y proceed a n y w a y and operate their businesses i l l ega l ly . T h e p lanner i n C o q u i t l a m d i d concede that there are "grey areas of in te rpre ta t ion" i n its zon ing b y l a w , inferr ing that depending u p o n how the home occupa t ion is described on the business license app l i ca t ion , a license m a y s t i l l be ob ta ined . Summary Interviews were he ld w i t h several planners and senior adminis t ra tors to o b t a i n a loca l perspective of the home-based business issue. O f par t i cu la r interest were the m u n i c i p a l at t i tudes t o w a r d the significance and impac t of home occupat ions i n communi t i e s , and the design and adequacy of zon ing regulat ions used to con t ro l thei r operat ion. A l l munic ipa l i t i e s are protect ive of their res ident ia l 65 areas, p r o h i b i t i n g act ivi t ies tha t create noise, odours, and other nuisances for neighbours . B e y o n d that , regulatory approaches va ry between munic ipa l i t i e s . Some over ly con t ro l home occupat ions wh i l e others accommodate t h e m as a reasonable response to economic and other societal factors w h i c h are recognized to be affecting the nature of home-based work . U n d e r l y i n g this research was the concern that home occupa t ion regulat ions m a y be i l l -draf ted, confusing, ou tda ted , and biased. T o some extent, this concern was confi rmed b y p lanners ' comments and th rough the review of home occupa t ion regulat ions. E x c e p t for N o r t h V a n c o u v e r , the zoning provis ions for a l l munic ipa l i t i e s are l ack ing i n some respects and examples are p rov ided to i l lus t ra te b y l a w deficiencies. P a r t i c u l a r l y no tewor thy are zon ing bylaws w h i c h use biased language; con ta in cumbersome and ou tda ted lists of pe rmi t ted and p roh ib i t ed home occupa t ion uses; inc lude vague, unreasonable or unnecessary performance standards; or neglect to address cer tain aspects of home occupa t ion opera t ion. Expe r i enc ing few problems w i t h b y l a w enforcement, most munic ipa l i t i es have l i t t l e in ten t ion to amend or s impl i fy their zon ing by laws to suppor t or encourage the emerging interest i n home-based work i n their communi t i e s . C h a p t e r 5 offers specific po l i cy recommendat ions to guide planners i n revis ing zon ing by laws appropr ia te ly i n contemporary society. 66 C H A P T E R F I V E : C O N C L U S I O N S A N D R E C O M M E N D A T I O N S Introduction T h i s chapter discusses the discrepancies among current economic, social , and technological realit ies, p lanners ' rhetor ic about p l a n n i n g pract ice , and l and use regula t ion of home-based work . Specific po l i cy recommendat ions for i m p r o v i n g the design and effectiveness of zon ing by laws are ou t l ined . P lanners , i n consu l ta t ion w i t h po l icy makers and conf l ic t ing interest groups i n society, draft l a n d use policies and zon ing by laws . Pe r iod i ca l l y , m u n i c i p a l policies and zon ing by laws must be changed to reflect changing values and at t i tudes w i t h i n the c o m m u n i t y , and be adjusted i n response to social forces and economic changes. Home-based work , whose na ture and extent i n society is changing , can be v iewed pos i t ive ly as a w a y to achieve t r ad i t i ona l p l a n n i n g objectives and be used as par t of an economic development strategy. However , m a n y of the zon ing by laws examined have not been changed to recognize the economic and social benefits of home-based work w h i c h accrue to b o t h the i n d i v i d u a l and c o m m u n i t y . In general , planners consul ted are not prepared to exercise leadership i n this regard; they do not seem to be concerned about discrepancies between current zoning regulat ions and t r ad i t i ona l po l i cy objectives. Some seem unaware of the significance of home-based work; there was a b road range i n the degrees of awareness about the changes i n the nature of work and expressed at t i tudes t o w a r d home-based workers on the part of those consul ted . Re-examination of zoning T h e increased use of the home as work place raises questions about the role of hous ing a n d ne ighbourhood design a n d presents po l i cy impl ica t ions for l a n d use planners . It impl ies a "d i s t i nc t ly different approach to b o t h architecture a n d p l a n n i n g " , p r o d u c i n g "exc i t ing new oppor tuni t ies for those architects and planners 67 w h o can grasp t h e m " (Rober t son , 1985, p . 174). Y e t m a n y planners consul ted refused to quest ion the long-held p l a n n i n g p r inc ip le of spat ia l ly-separated l and uses. It is suggested that the r ig id separat ion between places of residence and the w o r k place, once impera t ive for heal th and safety reasons ( K a p l a n , 1985), and "one of the foundat ions of our concept of c i ty fo rm reflected i n u rban p l a n n i n g and zon ing" ( C a m e r o n , 1990, p . 5), needs to be re-examined i n l ight of "new patterns of w o r k " . W h i l e some informants a l luded to the impor tance of s t ruc tu ra l changes i n the economy ( N o r t h V a n c o u v e r ) , demographic trends (New Wes tmins t e r ) , a n d technological advancements ( N o r t h V a n c o u v e r ) , few informants seemed to t r u l y appreciate the significant forces i n contemporary N o r t h A m e r i c a n society w h i c h have affected the re la t ionship between the work place and home. H a v i n g business ac t iv i ty w i t h i n the home is not a new or novel concept ( D y k e m a n , 1989). T h r o u g h o u t h is tory , cer ta in occupa t iona l groups such as scholars, wri ters , craftspeople, and artists have worked at home. P r i o r to the Indus t r i a l R e v o l u t i o n , most economic ac t i v i t y was home-based. A g r i c u l t u r e a n d cottage industr ies domina ted the economy w i t h l i m i t e d oppor tuni t ies for work outs ide the home (P ra t t , 1987a). W i t h the advent of the i ndus t r i a l era, t r ad i t i ona l pat terns of work were altered as i ndus t ry mechanized work , and people were required to work as employees i n centra l ized work places (Chr is tensen , 1988b). " T h e emergence of large factories, capi ta l - in tensive economies, a n d expensive indus t r i a l technologies" (Ahren tzen , 1989, p . 272) led to the separat ion of p a i d labour f rom the res ident ia l site, and the impor tance of the home as a work place was e l imina ted . B y the end of W o r l d W a r II, home-based industr ies were v i r t u a l l y non-existent ( K u c h a r s k y , 1990), w i t h the work place and home phys i ca l ly a n d t empora l ly ex is t ing as "separate and autonomous behav ioura l spheres" (Chr is tensen , 1988b, p . 2). In con temporary society, the g rowing interest i n 68 homework is chal lenging this ideology of separate spheres w h i c h has been reinforced by over a hund red years of N o r t h A m e r i c a n p l a n n i n g pract ice. Benefits of home-based work Rhe to r i c about reducing t ranspor ta t ion costs (Wes t V a n c o u v e r ) , the need for the efficient use of l and (New Wes tmins t e r ) , and the desire to b r ing the home and work locat ions closer together ( C o q u i t l a m ) does not correlate w i t h m u n i c i p a l a t t i tudes t o w a r d home-based businesses, whose persistent g rowth has yet to garner significant a t ten t ion b y planners. Unfor tuna te ly , the work-a t -home t rend has neither raised p lanners ' consciousness about the social benefits of home-based work on the c o m m u n i t y nor impac ted p l a n n i n g pract ice . A w a r e of the t rend t oward independent employmen t by increasing numbers of residents i n W e s t V a n c o u v e r w h o are perhaps insp i red by difficulties enta i led i n c o m m u t i n g over the bridges, the p lanner i n W e s t V a n c o u v e r muses tha t they m a y be "pioneer ing a creative w ay to get away f rom cent ra l place theory" . In general , informants d i d not view the p r o m o t i o n of home-based work as a w a y to achieve p l a n n i n g goals for ne ighbourhoods and the region. M o s t v iewed p l a n n i n g for home occupat ions f rom a regulatory perspective, w i t h m a n y munic ipa l i t i e s us ing mechanisms designed to cont ro l home enterprise; some zon ing by laws con ta in vague, biased, and ou tda ted restrict ions w h i c h can hinder the es tabl ishment of legi t imate home-based businesses. O the r munic ipa l i t i e s have real ized that over ly restr ic t ive by laws cannot be enforced and , ins tead of endur ing an underg round economy, have made amendments to their zon ing bylaws to accommodate home-based work. Informants ind ica ted that i t is m u n i c i p a l counci ls w h i c h t y p i c a l l y react to compla in ts f rom residents or l o b b y i n g b y home-based business owners and request planners to in i t i a te the review of their current home occupa t ion regulat ions a n d make proposals for zon ing b y l a w amendments . 69 Few informants were apprecia t ive of the v i a b i l i t y and benefits of the work-at-home i n n o v a t i o n whose social and economic benefits are clear. T h e establ ishment of home-based businesses shou ld be faci l i ta ted as par t of m u n i c i p a l p l a n n i n g act ivi t ies to reinforce oft-stated goal statements to do w i t h ne ighbourhood values, reduced c o m m u t i n g , efficient l a n d use th rough compact , mixed-use developments , etc. Ra the r t han be considered m a r g i n a l employment , home-based work shou ld be a v i t a l component of loca l and regional economic development strategies. Impor t an t ly , home occupat ions are a re la t ively s imple me thod of p r o v i d i n g employment , pa r t i cu la r ly i n economica l ly uns table t imes. Y e t home-based work w i l l on ly achieve its po ten t ia l benefits to i nd iv idua l s , ne ighbourhoods , and the economy when i t is recognized and accommodated . T h e acceptab i l i ty of home-based work is h inged on the absence of i n s t i t u t i ona l barriers. " W h e t h e r loca l p l a n n i n g authori t ies w i s h to encourage home-based economic ac t iv i ty or not , they are faced w i t h the fact tha t it does take place" ( T h o m a s , 1986, p . 88) and is encouraged b y the p rov inc i a l government as an impor t an t segment of B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a ' s smal l business sector. It is the respons ib i l i ty of the loca l p l a n n i n g authori t ies to pu t together p l a n n i n g policies to "cope w i t h the s i tua t ion" and enable i n d i v i d u a l s and the c o m m u n i t y to reap the benefits of home-based work ( T h o m a s , 1986, p . 88). H o m e occupat ions shou ld be v iewed i n a posi t ive and oppor tun i s t i c l igh t , as one way to suppor t b o t h social and economic development goals. R e g u l a t o r y a m e n d m e n t s P lanners seem reluctant , however , to recognize tha t their home occupa t ion regulat ions require improvement , perhaps due to thei r inadequate unders tand ing of the issue and the u n a v a i l a b i l i t y of current , meaningfu l da t a to support po l icy recommendat ions . F e w m u n i c i p a l staff are wel l - informed about the extent of 70 homework ing and the nature of home-based businesses in their communi t i e s . T h e y rely o n estimates and perceptions since official da t a sources, such as business license records, are l i m i t e d or l ack ing , m a k i n g munic ipal -speci f ic research on the issue diff icult . W h i l e most munic ipa l i t i e s experience diff icul ty i n m o n i t o r i n g home occupat ions , they are complacent i n t igh ten ing enforcement policies since the few problems w h i c h arise are easily resolved. L a c k of staff a n d b y l a w l imi ta t ions preclude r ig id zon ing by l aw enforcement w i t h home-based economic ac t iv i ty opera t ing on a " b l i n d eye" basis ( T h o m a s , 1986). T h e i ndus t r i a l age zoned everybody . . .you were zoned where y o u l ived , y o u were zoned where you worked , y o u were zoned where y o u p layed . . . .Bu t i n the in format ion age, it overlaps. A n d that 's w h y these zon ing regulations about w o r k i n g at home can ' t be enforced ( M o w b r a y , 1986, p . 54). F o r this reason, the alleged deterrent effects of zon ing regulat ions on home-based work are difficult to quantify. W h i l e the existence of i l l -draf ted regulat ions was va l ida ted th rough the examina t ion of several loca l zon ing by laws (wh ich m a y impede some ind iv idua l s f rom pursu ing home-based work or encourage others to go underground) , they cannot be considered a major constraint on its development . Indeed, a l l informants conceded that an unde te rmined number of home businesses operate i l legal ly i n their communi t i es . Nevertheless, as home-based businesses become more widespread , changes i n current regulat ions w i l l be required ( H u w s et a l . , 1990) a n d m a n y p l a n n i n g convent ions regarding the legal regula t ion of b u i l d i n g uses w i l l have to be reappraised ( D o n n i s o n , 1985). T h e b lend ing of domest ic and occupa t iona l act ivi t ies 71 i n the home is "forcing revisions to regulat ions w h i c h affect the func t ion of the dwel l ing u n i t " ( C a m e r o n , 1990, p . 5). A l t h o u g h m a n y munic ipa l i t i e s current ly experience few problems w i t h home occupat ions , i t is t ime ly for planners to adopt a pro-act ive approach i n propos ing zon ing b y l a w amendments w h i c h facil i tate home-based work before the issue becomes unnecessar i ly controvers ia l or p rob lemat ic . Es t ab l i sh ing s tandards for home occupat ions conducted i n res ident ia l zones protects residents of these areas f rom the adverse impacts of act ivi t ies associated w i t h their opera t ion . W i t h o u t proper b y l a w controls , home occupat ions m a y prec ip i ta te changes i n the resident ia l character of the ne ighbourhood th rough a deter iorat ion of its aesthetic qua l i ty w h i c h m a y result i n a decline i n proper ty values. W i t h o u t revis ion , inadequate and subjective regulat ions w i l l on ly heighten f rus t ra t ion, ne ighbourhood conflict , and enforcement problems as more i nd iv idua l s choose or are forced to be self-employed and pursue home occupat ions . S igni f icant ly , the Federa t ion of C a n a d i a n M u n i c i p a l i t i e s requested the es tabl ishment of a na t iona l , m u l t i p a r t i t e research commit tee to examine how munic ipa l i t i e s can improve their zon ing by laws to balance the interests of b o t h residents a n d home-based workers i n their communi t i es . L o c a l l y , awareness of the changes i n the nature and extent of home-based work has led to the amendment of zon ing bylaws i n some areas ( N o r t h V a n c o u v e r , P o r t C o q u i t l a m , W e s t V a n c o u v e r ) . Pe rhaps some munic ipa l i t i e s have recognized tha t a sys tem w h i c h functions o n the basis of benign neglect of b y l a w enforcement is inherent ly open to abuse and a rb i t r a ry d i sc r imina t ion and is poor p u b l i c po l icy . Home-based businesses i m p a c t communi t i e s and ne ighbourhoods b o t h pos i t ive ly and negat ively; as w e l l , loca l government policies a n d regulat ions can have posi t ive and negat ive impac t s for the success of home-based businesses 72 ( D y k e m a n , 1989). T o encourage the pursui t of a b road range of home occupat ions whi le re ta in ing the advantages of the res ident ia l env i ronment , home occupat ions need to be adequate ly regulated th rough the use of carefully designed zon ing by laws that successfully balance the r ights of home-based workers w i t h the concerns of ne ighbourhood residents, and p rov ide guidance to zon ing regulators and home-based business people (But le r , 1988). C o m b i n e d w i t h other regulatory mechanisms, e.g., business licenses, zon ing by laws are an impor t an t too l i n conserving neighbourhoods , "not to keep t h e m i n resident ia l straightjackets, bu t to cont ro l the rate of change" (Toner , 1976, p . 3). A d m i t t e d l y , i t is difficult to draft workab le regulat ions w h i c h require a m i n i m a l amoun t of in te rpre ta t ion and are appl icab le to the b road range of home occupat ions . S u c h occupat ions are not l i m i t e d to t yp i ca l l y unob t rus ive act ivi t ies such as m a k i n g qui l t s , w o r d processing, or rendering archi tec tura l drawings but inc lude noisy occupat ions such as furni ture ref inishing and w o o d w o r k i n g (But le r , 1988). R e c o m m e n d a t i o n s on regulations H o m e occupat ions , however , can be managed successfully. T o deal w i t h the m u l t i t u d e of home occupat ions , a number of specific recommendat ions are suggested as guidelines for a p l a n n i n g po l i cy o n home-based economic ac t iv i ty : (1) T h e pract ice of i ssuing m u n i c i p a l business licenses to home occupat ions shou ld be used to cont ro l home occupat ions rather t han generate revenue. A change i n license fee s tructure m a y be required as steep business license fees act as a deterrent to the es tabl ishment of legi t imate home-based businesses. M u n i c i p a l i t i e s shou ld take the o p p o r t u n i t y to make the home-based business c o m m u n i t y fami l ia r w i t h the need to c o m p l y w i t h zon ing provis ions per t inent to business opera t ion, and the impor t ance a n d benefits of ob t a in ing a business license. W e l l - i n f o r m e d , helpful 73 m u n i c i p a l staff are necessary to assist the business license appl ican t . In add i t i on , an in fo rmat ion sheet w h i c h describes admin i s t r a t ive and enforcement procedures to do w i t h home occupat ions w o u l d increase pub l i c awareness and po ten t i a l ly reduce the number of enforcement requests. F o r example , guidelines supp l ied by the B u r n a b y l icensing depar tment ou t l ine zon ing provis ions per t inent to the operat ion of home occupat ions . (2) Occas iona l ly , certain home-based businesses m a y need to ob t a in p l a n n i n g permiss ion due to questionable compl iance w i t h the zon ing b y l a w . If zon ing provis ions are clearly drafted, the l icensing depar tment ' shou ld not need to refer m a n y appl icants to the p l ann ing depar tment or have to exercise m u c h discre t ion i n j u d g i n g the su i t ab i l i t y of a home occupa t ion . It is inappropr ia te and unreasonable for the p l a n n i n g depar tment to expect the l icensing depar tment to interpret and enforce ou tda ted , i l l -drafted home occupa t ion provis ions . (3) T h e current enforcement po l i cy of munic ipa l i t i e s shou ld be ma in t a ined where ac t ion is no rma l ly taken o n the basis of ne ighbour compla in ts about zon ing b y l a w v io la t ions . (4) T h e modi f ica t ion of ex is t ing zon ing bylaws shou ld invo lve the inc lus ion of expl ic i t condi t ions as appropr ia te to safeguard res ident ia l ameni ty . Regula t ions shou ld be enforceable and defensible i f chal lenged i n court . Since munic ipa l i t i e s t y p i c a l l y have l i m i t e d finances a n d staff resources, it is recommended tha t zon ing bylaws be amended to focus o n the cont ro l of externali t ies of home occupat ions rather t han res t r ic t ing home occupat ions to those l is ted as pe rmi t t ed or p roh ib i t ed uses. Because it is imposs ible to mon i to r a l l home occupat ions , communi t i es .should s t r ic t ly rely on well-designed performance standards w h i c h are imposed on home occupat ions i n a l l permi t ted res ident ia l zones. 74 D e p e n d i n g u p o n the age, content , and c la r i ty of exis t ing regulat ions, m u n i c i p a l staff m a y have to in t roduce reasonable condi t ions to deal w i t h previously-neglected aspects of home occupa t ion , a n d / o r clarify exis t ing regulat ions to remove inconsistencies (e.g., a l low clients and customers) , lessen def in i t ional and in te rpre ta t iona l problems (e.g., b y r emoving ambiguous and d i sc r imina to ry terms) , and make regulat ions po ten t ia l ly more enforceable. T h e design of the zon ing b y l a w is the key to its effectiveness. Gu ide l ines i n redesigning home occupa t ion provis ions include: (a) ensur ing inc lus ion of a def ini t ion of home occupa t ion or s imi la r t e r m w h i c h can be in terpre ted independent ly f rom the rest of the home occupa t ion provis ions , and is f lexible enough to encompass a wide var ie ty of occupat ions w i thou t n a m i n g t h e m specifically; and (b) o u t l i n i n g performance s tandards w h i c h impose reasonable controls on the na ture of work act ivi t ies a l lowed i n the home a n d the in tens i ty of i ts use for business purposes. T o ensure that the home business remains secondary to the p r i m a r y res ident ia l use and that the res ident ia l character of the dwe l l ing and ne ighbourhood be re ta ined, each performance s t andard w i t h i n the set shou ld clearly specify quant i f iable a n d tangible means w h i c h p rov ide for the measurement of the intent of the performance s tandard . T h i s w o u l d reduce subject iv i ty and problems w i t h the "percep t ion" of nuisance and w o u l d not necessarily require more " p o l i c i n g " t han that w h i c h cur ren t ly takes place. After conduc t i ng extensive research, consu l t ing m a n y ind iv idua l s , and examin ing numerous examples of loca l and A m e r i c a n zon ing by laws , the au thor recommends tha t the fo l lowing aspects of the opera t ion of home occupat ions be specifically addressed i n the m u n i c i p a l zon ing b y l a w th rough the use of performance standards: 75 (i) exterior changes to the res ident ia l appearance of the dwel l ing or accessory s tructure, i n c l u d i n g s t ruc tura l al terat ions of a commerc ia l nature w h i c h indica te the o u t w a r d appearance of a home occupa t ion ; (ii) the operat ion of the home occupa t ion , e.g., w h o l l y w i t h i n the dwel l ing and l im i t ed use of permi t ted accessory structures; (i i i) the exterior storage of equipment or materials used i n conjunc t ion w i t h the home occupa t ion ; (iv) the d isp lay of products v is ib le f rom the outs ide of the dwel l ing , the externa l d i sp lay of merchandise , and the use of outdoor signage; (v) i ndoor signage of specified type and size w i t h guidelines on the pe rmi t t ed content of message; (vi) the percentage of in ter ior floor area of the dwel l ing w h i c h m a y be used for business purposes ( inc lud ing storage of inventory , etc.); (vi i ) the number of par t ic ipan ts and employees a l lowed to be engaged i n the ac t iv i ty , i n c l u d i n g residents of the dwel l ing ; (v i i i ) specific per d i e m n u m b e r of client or customer vis i ts ; (ix) the on-site purchase of goods produced or services rendered on the premises; (x) the content of med ia advert isements; (xi) the generat ion of nuisances such as noise, odour , etc. whose detectable m a x i m u m s m a y be s t ipula ted i f deemed necessary for measurement purposes; (xi i ) specific per d i e m rates of t ruck or courier deliveries; (x i i i ) the pa rk ing and storage of commerc ia l vehicles b l a t an t l y used i n connect ion w i t h the home occupat ion ; and (x iv) required off-street p a r k i n g spaces for clients or customers. 76 Unnecessary and unjustif ied performance s tandards w h i c h can be omi t t ed inc lude: restr ict ions on the inside storage of mater ia ls and inven tory if ( i i i ) and (vi) are addressed; l imi ta t ions on the use of equipment other t han that used for domest ic or h o b b y purposes as long as (xi) is p rov ided ; and restrict ions on the number of home occupat ions a l lowed to operate w i t h i n the dwel l ing p rov ided that a l l regulat ions w h i c h restrict the scale and nature of home occupat ions noted above are l i s ted . A l t h o u g h i t w o u l d be handy , the development of one set of specific s tandard ized home occupa t ion provis ions • for use b y a l l munic ipa l i t i e s w o u l d be inappropr ia te and potent ia l ly ineffective; the specific circumstances of each m u n i c i p a l i t y dic ta te the inc lus ion of certain special al lowances or necessary restr ict ions i n the provis ions . F o r example , i t m a y be necessary to inc lude a list of home occupa t ion uses w h i c h are excluded i n pa r t i cu la r res ident ia l areas in the c o m m u n i t y (e.g., apar tment zones due to densi ty considerat ions [Nor th Vancouver ] ) . C o n c l u d i n g remarks H a v i n g extended m u c h t ime and effort to establ ish a home-based business, v i r t u a l l y a l l owners respect home occupa t ion provis ions; being residents themselves w i s h i n g to m a i n t a i n the resident ial in tegr i ty of their ne ighbourhood, they generally act accord ing to a "code of good neighbourl iness" ( T h o m a s , 1986, p . 89). T h e threat of business closure and ne ighbour an imos i ty are powerful forces i n ensur ing compl iance w i t h zon ing by laws . Nevertheless, munic ipa l i t i e s w o u l d be wise to establ ish clear s tandards to manage home occupat ions i n order to e l imina te or mi t iga te any adverse effects of home-based businesses i n res ident ia l areas and to permi t residents of the c o m m u n i t y to legal ly choose this a l ternat ive work op t ion w h i c h is desired and necessary i n society. 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H e r b a l vinegars, oils add z ing to cottage indus t ry prospects. Ha l i fax C h r o n i c l e He ra ld , p . 22. Ramsower , Reagan M . (1985). T e l e c o m m u t i n g : T h e o rgan iza t iona l and behav iora l effects of w o r k i n g at home. A n n A r b o r : U M I Research Press. Rober t son , James . (1985). F u t u r e work: Jobs , self-employment and leisure after the i n d u s t r i a l age. U . K . : G o w e r P u b l i s h i n g . R o n a l d , M a r i l y n . (1989, M a r c h 6). H o m e businesses are on the rise. C a l g a r y H e r a l d , p . C 4 . Sachs, S tephen. (1986). W o r k i n g at home: E x p l o i t a t i o n or self-management. W o r k p l a c e Democracy , 54: 13. Sa lomon , I l an and M e i r a Sa lomon . (1984). T e l e c o m m u t i n g : T h e employee's perspective. Techno log ica l Forecas t ing and Socia l Change , 25: 15-28. Shami r , Boas a n d I lan Sa lomon . (1985). W o r k - a t - h o m e and the qua l i ty of w o r k i n g life. A c a d e m y of Managemen t Rev iew , 10(3): 455-464. S m i t h , Peter . (1987). W o r k at home grows a m i d debate on its benefits. W o r k i n A m e r i c a , 12(5): 4-5. Southern C a l i f o r n i a Assoc ia t ion of Governments . (1986). E v a l u a t i o n report: T e l e c o m m u t i n g p i lo t project. Los Angeles , C A . Southern C a l i f o r n i a Assoc ia t ion of Government s . (1985). T h e t e l ecommut ing phenomenon: Overv iew and eva lua t ion . Los Angeles , C A . S t anwor th , J o h n and C e l i a S t a n w o r t h . (1989, N o v e m b e r ) . H o m e t ruths about te leworking . Personnel M a n a g e m e n t , pp . 48-52. Staples, L o r e n a P . (1988). Home-based enterprises: T h e regulatory perspective. P a p e r presented at the " C o n t r o l Y o u r O w n Des t iny : H o m e - B a s e d Business i n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a " Conference, P r i n c e George, B C , M a y 12. U n p u b l i s h e d . B . C . M i n i s t r y of Reg iona l Deve lopment . 87 Su t ton , S . D . (1989). Te lework i n the N a t i o n a l C a p i t a l R e g i o n . O t t a w a : N a t i o n a l C a p i t a l C o m m i s s i o n . T a y l o r , A l e x . (1986, A u g u s t 18). W h y w o m e n managers are ba i l i ng out . Fo r tune , pp . 16-23. T h o m a s , K e i t h . (1986). T o w n p l a n n i n g aspects of home-based economic ac t iv i ty . In P . W a l s h , K . T h o m a s a n d J . Por te r , Home-based economic ac t iv i ty - the  legal and t o w n p l ann ing imp l i ca t ions . Oxfo rd : Oxfo rd P o l y t e c h n i c , Depa r tmen t of T o w n P l a n n i n g , W o r k i n g P a p e r N o . 94, pp . 62-105. Toffler, A l v i n . (1980). T h e t h i r d wave. N e w Y o r k : W i l l i a m M o r r o w and C o m p a n y . Toner , W i l l i a m . (1976). P l a n n i n g for home occupat ions . A m e r i c a n Society of P l a n n i n g Officials , P l a n n i n g A d v i s o r y Service Repor t N o . 316. W a l k e r , J . (1989). P r o d u c t i o n of exchange values i n the home. E n v i r o n m e n t and P l a n n i n g A , 21: 685-688. W a l s h , K a t h e r i n e . (1990, A p r i l 16). U n c l e S a m is l a u n c h i n g pi lo t p r o g r a m for employees w a n t i n g to work at home. W a l l Street J o u r n a l , p. A 7 . W o l f g r a m , T a m m a r a . (1984). W o r k i n g at home: T h e g rowth of cottage indus t ry . F u t u r i s t , 18(3): 31-34. 88 A P P E N D I X A L i s t of Informants B u r n a b y - M r . T e r r y Johns ton , C h i e f License Inspector, M a y 13, 1991 C o q u i t l a m - M r . D o n B u c h a n a n , D i rec to r of P l a n n i n g , M a y 8, 1991 N e w Wes tmins t e r - M r . Pe rcy P e r r y , D e p u t y C i t y P l anne r , M a y 9, 1991 N o r t h V a n c o u v e r , C i t y of - M r . F ranc i s Caouet te , A d m i n i s t r a t i v e C o o r d i n a t o r -Deve lopment Services Depa r tmen t , M a y 9, 1991 P o r t C o q u i t l a m - M s . Janet Lee, J u n i o r P l anne r , M a y 21, 1991 V a n c o u v e r - M r . R i c k Scobie, Ass i s t an t D i rec to r - Z o n i n g D i v i s i o n , M a y 22, 1991 W e s t V a n c o u v e r - M r . G r a h a m S ta l l a rd , P l a n n e r - P o l i c y and Deve lopment , M a y 10, 1991 89 A P P E N D I X B Quest ions used to guide discussion w i t h informants E x t e n t , nature, and significance of home-based work • Is the home-based business issue significant i n your c o m m u n i t y ? • Is the number of home-based businesses inc reas ing /decreas ing / s tab le /don ' t know? W h y do y o u t h i n k this m a y be so? • Is there an increasing number of business license appl ica t ions? • H o w m a n y home-based businesses are licensed? C o u l d y o u est imate the number of businesses opera t ing wi thou t a business license? • W h a t are the most prevalent home-based businesses i n your c o m m u n i t y ? H o w prevalent are craft industr ies? • Is the type of home occupat ions changing? D o you perceive an increasing number of home-based professional offices? • H o w impor t an t are home-based businesses economica l ly to your c o m m u n i t y ? • D o y o u consider home-based businesses to be a t rend or fad? W h y ? • W h a t are the benefits of home-based work? A t t i t u d e s t o w a r d home-based work • W h a t is m u n i c i p a l counci l ' s a t t i tude t oward home-based work? • W h a t is the general consensus among citizens about the issue? • W h a t is the a t t i tude of the business c o m m u n i t y t oward home businesses? A r e such businesses considered unfair compet i t ion? • A r e y o u aware of any home-based business ne twork ing associations i n your c o m m u n i t y ? M e t h o d s of regula t ion • Is there a reference to home-based work or home occupat ions i n your official c o m m u n i t y p lan? 90 • A r e there home occupa t ion provis ions i n you r zon ing b y l a w to do w i t h the opera t ion of home-based businesses? • W h e n were such provisions first established? W h e n were they last revised? W h a t changes were made? • In w h i c h zones are home occupat ions al lowed? • A r e your current home occupa t ion provis ions adequate i n manag ing home occupat ions? • Is a current review of your home occupa t ion provis ions unde rway? W h a t is the na ture of the proposed changes? W h a t led to this review process t a k i n g place? • If no changes are required now, do y o u ant ic ipa te any future changes to the home occupa t ion provis ions i n the zon ing b y l a w ? • A r e business licenses required of home occupat ions? • W h a t is the procedure in ob t a in ing a business license? W h a t are the categories of licenses and their corresponding cost? Is the p l a n n i n g depar tment not i f ied of the app l ica t ion? A r e special forms used for home business license appl ica t ions? • D o y o u use other regulatory methods , e.g., s ign by laws , to direct the operat ion of home-based businesses? • H o w w o u l d y o u describe the regulatory approach t oward home-based work in you r c o m m u n i t y ? Is it to promote , accommodate , con t ro l , or...? M o n i t o r i n g and enforcement issues • D o y o u have a sys tem to t rack or m o n i t o r home-based businesses? • H a v e there been m a n y compla in t s about home businesses? W h a t type of compla in ts have been received f rom ci t izens, neighbours of home business owners, and business compet i tors? • Is enforcement largely done th rough the inves t iga t ion of compla in t s about alleged viola t ions of the zon ing by law? 91 • A r e in fo rmal methods used to locate unl icensed home businesses, e.g., perusing newspaper advert isements i n the newspaper? © H a v e there been any difficulties i n ensur ing compl iance w i t h the home occupa t ion provis ions i n the zon ing b y l a w ? A n y prosecut ion incidents? o H a v e any home businesses adversely impac t ed the character of any resident ia l ne ighbourhoods? • H o w informed is the p u b l i c about the app rova l process to start a home business? D o y o u prov ide an in format ion brochure? o A r e y o u aware of the H o m e - B a s e d Business P r o g r a m operated by the B . C . M i n i s t r y of Deve lopment , T r a d e and T o u r i s m ? P l a n n i n g issues o A r e a l ternat ive work opt ions , such as home-based work and t e lecommut ing , chang ing the way ne ighbourhood p l a n n i n g is done i n your c o m m u n i t y ? • A r e m i x e d use developments be ing bu i l t ? In w h a t areas? • W h a t p l a n n i n g impl i ca t ions of home-based work do y o u see? W h a t about: changes i n infrastructure needs, greater considerat ion for ne ighbourhood p l ann ing , e.g., ensur ing p rov i s ion of services and amenities i n a pedestr ian env i ronment? 

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