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The development of religious toleration in England during the late seventeenth and early eighteenth Paul, George Harold Goff 1931

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THE DEVELOPMENT OF RELIGIOUS TOLERATION IN ENGLAND DURING THE LATE SEVENTEENTH AND EARLY EIGHTEENTH CENTURIES. by George Harold Goff Paul A Thesis submitted for the Degree of MASTER OF ARTS in the Department of HISTORY THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA OCTOBER, 1 9 5 1 . C O N 1* K I T S . Page. INTRODUCTION i CHAPTER I. THE BACKGROUND OF THE RELIGIOUS QUESTION 1 CHAPTER II. THE FAILURE OF PERSECUTION TO UNITE THE ENGLISH PEOPLE 18 CHAPTER III. THE COMING OF TOLERATION 44 CHAPTER IV. THE ESTABLISHMENT OF TOLERATION 69 CHAPTER V. SOME EFFECTS OF TOLERATION 1 0 0 BIBLIOGRAPHY I I N T R O D U C T I O N . It has long since become customary to credit the rationalistic movement with the development of religious toleration. From this point of view Christianity i s placed on par with a l l other religions. It is thereby insinuated that a l l religions are more or less foolish when brought into the clear light of human reason. Since the writer does not hold this view, in this essay he w i l l endeavor to show that there is another explanation of the development of toleration, and, what he considers to be, a better one. F i r s t of a l l , he believes that the s p i r i t of intolerance i s foreign to that of Chris-ti a n i t y , and that i t crept into the church almost unnoticed i n the early Christian era. The early Christian fathers opposed i t but could not check i t . It soon became omnipresent and by the time of the Reformation intolerance of religious differences was admired as a sign of sincere conviction. So strong did this s p i r i t become that i t eventually replaced the s p i r i t of Christianity. Now any idea that i s inherently wrong is bound to bring about unfortunate results. Intolerance, that s p i r i t which sought to compel a l l people, by secular means, to conform to one Church, was inherently wrong, whether manifested by Protestant, Catholic, Anglican or Puritan. i i . Not only was i t unjust but i t could not be put successfully into prac-t i c e , except i n a State where one religious group was i n absolute con-t r o l . In England during the period 1660 - 1689 such was not the case. Men therefore were compelled to see that there were issues far more im-portant than that of religious uniformity. Consequently they were taught the lesson of toleration in the hard school of experience and toleration was f i n a l l y o f f i c i a l l y introduced. Church and State affairs were largely-separated and permitted to develop naturally. Thus the question of religious tolerance had been f i n a l l y settled in accord with the teachings of common sense. Men saw that such a per-secution as they had been carrying out was utterly useless, and now rendered i t impossible. Rationalists at this point did great service by seeing the f o l l y of their religious friends who naturally could not see i t themselves. Intolerance had nothing to do with the fundamental truth of Christianity but i t s presence i n the Church caused many men to lose their entire f a i t h . Thus i t was the force of circumstance and the teaching of common sense rather than the rationalistic attack on Christianity, that was responsible for the development of religious toleration. The Revival of Christianity that came after the establishment of toleration would seem to' prove that nothing essential had been taken out of i t s teachings and that the rationalistic movement had not been v i t a l . It rather seemed to show that once this outstanding imperfection had been removed Christianity could come back to i t s own and soon could exert a greater influence than ever before. C H A P T E R I. THE BACKGROUND OF THE RELIGIOUS QUESTION. One great d i f f e r e n c e between C h r i s t i a n i t y and most other r e l i g i o n s i s to be found i n i t s e a r l y r e l a t i o n s with the secular powers. At the time of i t s c o r i g i n no sig n was ever given that i t was to depend for i t a r success upon a union between Church and State, rather the Founder and h i s immediate followers enjoined obedience to the "powers that be". They placed the emphasis on the improvement of the l i f e and character of the i n d i v i d u a l , so that i f there was to be any improve-ment i t would come as a r e s u l t of the example and teaching of those who had accepted the new r e l i g i o n . There was to be no compulsion of secular reform exerted by the mailed f i s t of a spiritual l o r d , but rather he was expected t o show unto a l l a more excellent way by example as well as by precept. The two spheres of l i f e were to be kept separate, and change i n the p o l i t i c a l l i f e of the times was only to come as the ideals of the l i v e s o f the people of the nation were a l t e r e d . Thus a l l parties concerned would be able to watch both realms and i n making any changes would be enabled to follow the d i c t a t e s of t h e i r own convictions. But such a condition of a f f a i r s did not l a s t long i n the e a r l y C h r i s t i a n era. Pagan t r a d i t i o n had been a l l to the contrary. "The ancient r e l i g i o n s were a l l state r e l i g i o n s . The worship of a na t i o n was aacred within i t s t e r r i t o r y and among i t s own people. But to introduce f o r e i g n r i t e s , or make proselytes o f Roman c i t i z e n s , was contrary to Roman law, and was severely punished." {I) ( l ) F i s h e r , S. P. - The reformation - Charles Scribner'a Sons - 1926. New and Revised E d i t i o n - 1906 - P. 194. Therefore when C h r i s t i a n i t y was recognized by Constantine, i t was done most cautiously and done l a r g e l y because of p o l i t i c a l reasons. He did not openly announce h i s conversion but rather t r i e d to reconcile heathen and C h r i s t i a n by vague monotheistic terms. What he wanted was a r e l i g i o n to unite the.;Empire. I t was p r i m a r i l y the p o l i t -i c a l p o s s i b i l i t i e s of C h r i s t i a n i t y that a t t r a c t e d h i s attention. To him i t seemed to possess a power and a vigour lacking i n other r e l i g i o n s , and consequently seemed to be so much the more suitable f o r h i s purposes. "Here then was something that could r e a l i s e the r e l i g i o u s side of the Empire i n a nobler form than Augustus or Hadrian had ever dreamed of - a u n i v e r s a l Church that could stand.beside the u n i v e r s a l Empire and worthily support i t 1 s labors f o r the peace and welfare of the world.'1 (2) £2) Constantine and His C i t y - H. M. Qwatkin - Cambridge Medieval H i s t o r y . Cambridge 1911 - I , 1. He also expected that t h i s Church, i f a l l i e d with the State vould do as he d i r e c t e d . Thus the s p i r i t u a l ends of the Church were made secondary to p o l i t i c a l purposes, and consequently were bound to s u f f e r . Since C h r i s t i a n i t y as recognised by the Emperor, was intended to serve h i s own purposes, by u n i t i n g a l l r e l i g i o u s groups i n one body, the weight of public opinion was thrown against the person of steady convictions and i n favour of the r e l i g i o u s opportunist. Thus was a great section o f the nation united against v i t a l r e l i g i o n . ' * 5 -As a r e s u l t of these conditions many ; ; , 0 b e l i e f s and customs were retained and i n j e c t e d into the so-called C h r i s t i a n Church, chief among which, f o r the purpose of t h i s t h e s i s , was that i n t o l e r a n t bigotry which would compel a subject or a captive to choose between o f f e r i n g s a c r i f i c e , on the nationa l a l t a r or dying. Under these circumstances C h r i s t i a n i t y , as i t had o r i g i n a l l y been taught and p r a c t i c e d , r a p i d l y declined u n t i l l i t t l e was l e f t besides an outer covering of r i t u a l and su p e r s t i t i o u s practices along with a c o l l e c t i o n of moral precepts f a r superior to any other, i t i s true, but yet unknown to the vast majority of the inhabitants of the Empire i t s e l f . The creed thus degenerated became part and parcel of the b e l l i -cose marauders of that day; and the execution of the judgments of God was constantly carried out contrary to a l l His teachings. The popular b e l i e f came to be that i f a person held a d i f f e r e n t opinion from one 1s own, he was ipso facto an enemy of God, a c h i l d of the d e v i l and as such should be hurried out of t h i s world. Nowhere was t h i s s p i r i t more c l e a r l y manifested than i n the cap-i t u l a r y a r t i c l e s which Charlemagne issued to the vanquished Saxons* As Davis says, ''The following a r t i c l e s need no comment: "1. I f any man despise the Lenten f a s t f o r contempt of C h r i s t i a n i t y , l e t him die the death. 2. I f any man among the Saxons, being not yet baptised, s h a l l hide himself and refuse to come to . ; baptism, l e t him die the death." " ( 5 ) Davis, H. W. 0. - Charlemagne - Heroes o f the Nations - G. P. Rutnam's Sons - New Jfork - 1899 - P. 177. Thus by the eighth century intolerance had become so dominant that i t had reduced a ceremony of the greatest s p i r i t u a l s i g n i f i c a n c e to one of a value purely p o l i t i c a l . For so many years was t h i s erroneous b e l i e f put i n t o p r a c t i c e that by the time of the pre-Reformation era, the Shepherds had taken the place of the B i b l i c a l wolves and were ready to devour any sheep that could not be driven into t h e i r f o l d . Luther c a l l e d on h i s p r i n c e l y supporters to put down the Anabaptists with f i r e and sword, while the Dutch D i s c i p l e s of C a l v i n slew and drove i n t o e x i l e the followers of the peace-loving Arminius, a f t e r C a l v i n had himself burned Servetus at (A) the stake. By t h i s time intolerance had advanced one step f u r t h e r , i t had now become a sign of Godlike z e a l . So f a r was Ca l v i n from perceiving that such an attitude was contrary to the very fundamentals of C h r i s t i a n doctrine, that he wrote on one occasion the following choice b i t of advice, Seeing that the defenders of the Papacy are so b i t t e r and bold i n behalf of t h e i r s u p e r s t i t i o n s ; that i n t h e i r atrocious f u r y they shed the blood of the innocent, i t should shame C h r i s t i a n magistrates t h a t i n the pro-t e c t i o n of c e r t a i n t r u t h they are u t t e r l y void of s p i r i t . (5) (4) c. f . Fisher, pp. 195 - 200 (5) i b i d p. 195. How thankful he should have been that there were some magistrates free from that " s p i r i t " , instead of reprimanding what he considered to be Professor t h e i r slackness. But just as i/v, Clark says, such was not the case e i t h e r with C a l v i n or anyone else at that time. Rather, The p r e v a i l i n g note of the t h e o l o g i c a l writings of the century i s f e r o c i t y . Within the Churches, as i n t h e i r r e l a t i o n s with one another, intolerance and exclusiveness pre-v a i l e d whenever a aerioua d i v i s i o n of opinion arose. ( 6 ) Paradoxical as i t may sound, — there was much i n common between the h i s t o r i e s of the d i f f e r e n t churches and sects. Although there was so l i t t l e communication or mutual understanding between them, there are s t r i k i n g resemblances. — The tendency to define and persecute was, common to almost a l l of them. — - Molieres T a r t u f f e , a s a t i r e on the lay confessors who worked among the French Quietests, as w e l l as on a l l hypocrites, served almost equally well, with a few minor a l t e r a t i o n s by the t r a n s l a t o r , as a s a t i r e on the English Puritans. (6A) ( 6 ) Clark, G. N., The Seventeenth Century, Oxford, 1 9 2 9 - p« 512 (6A) i b i d - p. 516. Thus throughout the whole of Christendom was present that strange prodigy, a b e l l i g e r e n t evangelism, coupled with a hypocrisy which obscured the r e a l s p i r i t and teachings of C h r i s t i a n i t y , attached a stigma to them where they were seen and added bitterness to the t e r r i b l e i n t e r -nicene s t r i f e of the time. To t h i s general rule England formed no exception. C h r i s t i a n i t y had f i r s t come to England from the continent and from there too had come that system which so highly featured intolerance. Like the con-a t i n e n t a l s , England had also had/Reformation and just as i n Europe so i n England the mutual s p i r i t of bigoted intolerance had remained*, almost equally i n both r e l i g i o u s p a r t i e s . But i n England, u n l i k e most other countries at that time, p o l i t i c a l conditions had been such that some measure o f t o l e r a t i o n had been forced on the country, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the r e i g n of E l i z a b e t h . This t o l e r a t i o n i n the most l i t e r a l l i m i t e d sense was to be seen i n the creed of the Church and also i n the » 6 •* j u d i c i a l winking at Recusancy and Nonconformity. But such a state of affairs satisfied no one and both sides were continually waring with one another, trying to gain ground from the majority or to take i t back from the minority. Just as elsewhere, so in England, questions of Church and State were seemingly inextricably-mixed. The advice of the moderates was f i n a l l y l e f t unheeded and the nation divided by war. In the midst of a l l this turmoil there came forth on the side of the Puritans, a leader, Oliver Cromwell, who, as Mr. Clark says, "Had that rare kind of greatness which combines intense conviction with a generous respect for some of the sincere beliefs of ( 7 ) others". But even after he came into power he was forced to allow his own regiments to Decide a l l controversy by. Inf a l l i b l e a r t i l l e r y ; And prove their doctrine orthodox, By Apostolic blows and knocks." (Hudibras i , 1 1 9 7 ) (8) (7) Clark, p. J l l . (8) Butler, Samuel - The Poetical Works of, Bell and Daldy, The Aldine Edition of British Poets, London, n. d. I., 1, Hudibras 1. 1 197* Such an unfortunate state of affairs as this was in i t s e l f sufficient to insult the intelligence and provoke the indignation of the people, particularly when they were suffering at the hands of a minority. But other factors also added their weight so that the Government of the Protectorate was not only disliked but roundly hated. - 7 -I t i s quite time that the Government at t h i s time was more t o l -erant of b e l i e f s than any there had yet been i n England. But t h i s good feature was more than outbalanced i n the minds o f the many persons who were t i r e d of being dragooned i n t o morality by the i n t o l e r a n t moral zeal of the same Government. The r e s u l t was that, Even i f the bulk of the r e l i g i o u s people of England were P u r i t a n , the bulk of the non-r e l i g i o u s were now as h e a r t i l y against the Puritans as they had formerly been against Laud. The rule o f the Major-Generals, the c l o s i n g of the theatres, the frequent i n t e r -ference with sports, the occasional punishment of v i c e , the a r b i t r a r y a r r e s t s , imprisonments and banishments, the effacements of the o l d leaders of society, the abiquity o f s o l i d e r and s a i n t , and the Englishman's la t e n t sense of humour, were a l l seoretly preparing an i n -cr e d i b l e r e s u r r e c t i o n of things k i l l e d and buried. ( 9 ) ( 9 ) Trevelyan, G. M. - England under the Stuarts. Methuen & Oo. London 1 9 2 8 . p. 516. To make matters worse the actions of some of the supporters of the Government, added contempt f o r r e l i g i o u s p r i n c i p l e s to hatred o f t h e i r secular a c t i v i t y . As Gardiner says when speaking of the Puritans of t h i s time, On t h e i r side were a l l the worst and most contemptible hypocrites o f the day, who found i t easy to imitate t h e i r forms o f speech, and to chatter o f saving grace and the i n t e r e s t of the soul to cover the v i l e s t i n i q u i t y . (10) (10) Gardiner, S. R. and Mullinger, J . Bass - Introduction, to The Study of E n g l i s h H i s t o r y - 0. Kegan, .Paul & Oo. , ; London - 1881 p. 155. • 3 -While on the other hand to annoy the Nation, T h e i r s p i r i t u a l fervour regarded with d i s d a i n the ordinary mass of humanity, and, as always happens, the ordinary mass of humanity was i r r i t a t e d at being so regarded. (11) Consequently i t mattered l i t t l e how righteous the ends may have been the means used to achieve them were wrong and as always happens the harm done apparently more than counteracted the good. "Never yet was any e f f o r t successful to ra i s e a people by com-pulsion above i t s average standard"» (12) yet t h i s was what Cromwell and the Puritans had inadvertantly been t r y i n g to do. (11) Gardiner and Mullinger - p. 155* (12) i b i d - p. 155-Thus on p r a c t i c a l l y every side some cause was given to the major-i t y to hate and despise the r u l i n g minority! t h e i r v i r t u e s were hidden from the eyes of the public by the passion t h e i r f a u l t s had aroused against them; the n a t i o n was t i r e d of the continual turmoil which such an unnatural union of high moral p r i n c i p l e and omnipotent c i v i l a uthority had constantly aroused. They hated the system because of the hypocrites they had seen; and proceeded to pass sentence upon the whole r e l i g i o u s movement i n accordance with the abuses which formed no part of the doctrines o f C h r i s t i a n i t y i t s e l f . However while the great majority i n England may be held culpable of passing an undisoerning judgment, a judgment as varied i n i t s o r i g i n as i t was i n i t s e f f e c t , a r i s i n g on the one hand as a r e s u l t o f pure common sense but on the other from such low passions as envy, p r i d e , hatred and revenge, those upon whom the judg-ment was passed were undoubtedly responsible. So far had they wandered - 9 -from the s p i r i t of the One whom they professed to follow and who had taught that they should love t h e i r neighbor as themselves, that i t was no longer a matter of p u r i f y i n g r i t u a l and reforming customs of t h e i r own because they believed, yea, were convinced that such changes were absolutely necessary, but rather was i t a case of persecuting t h e i r brother because they thought he was wrong and they were r i g h t . Once again the ins i d i o u s presence of intolerance was n u l l i f y i n g the e f f o r t s o f some o f the most conscientious and upright men i n History. The i n e v i t a b l e came to- pass while the enemies made were waiting f o r t h e i r opportunity to take revenge. The opportunity, that they were awaiting came when on Cromwell's death no one was found capable o f continuing h i s work, the nation exhausted by a long period of compulsory thought were anxious t o return to the old ways, while those who had suffered under the new Government were more than anxious. General Monk occuppied London and declared f o r a free Parliament. As Ranke points out; Nations are not guided by comprehensive views, they are rather impelled by powerful f e e l i n g s . Charles I. had rendered himself unpopular by h i s encroachments upon the fundamental rights of the people, by under-mining the c o n s t i t u t i o n of Parliament, and by an apparent leaning towards Catholicism. But during the struggle with him the army and the bigoted sectaries had together established a r u l e f a r more d i s t a s t e f u l s t i l l to the convictions and fe e l i n g s of the nation. I t was the d i s l i k e f e l t to a mode of Government which disguised violence andoppression under the cloak of freedom that led to the r e s t o r a t i o n of the old con-s t i t u t i o n . ( 1 5 ) ( 1 5 ) Ranke, L. Von - A History of England - Oxford /1875, I I I , 5 1 1 . 10 -I t was t o be to General Monk's e v e r l a s t i n g c r e d i t that he recognized that "The cry for a free Parliament, which was f i r s t r a i s e d against the commonwealth, was i m p l i c i t l y a demand for the monarchy. a (14) (14) Ranke, III, 5 1 1 . A l l that was needed to br i n g about a Restoration of the Stuart regime, was a Declaration that would assure the various interested p a r t i e s o f at least a f a i r P arllament treatment as to what should be done with t h e i r property, which i n many cases they had bought from t h e Government during the days of the C i v i l War and Protectorate, and that the question of t h e i r p o l i t i c a l r e l a t i o n s h i p , as to whether or not they had been g u i l t y of treason should be s e t t l e d by some act of o b l i v i o n * I f they were s a t i s f i e d on these scores and i f they received some assur-ance as to the not too d r a s t i c a l t e r a t i o n o f r e l i g i o n , the whole nation would welcome back the King with open arms. But t o l e r a t i o n was not to be won so e a s i l y . Oyer i n Prance Charles had quite n a t u r a l l y been eagerly watching the p o l i t i c a l horizon of his de jure kingdom. He, u n l i k e h i s father, had grown up i n conditions that would force him to learn some thing of d i p -lomacy and equally u n l i k e h i s father he did l e a r n a great deal. Fore-most amongst h i s desires was the wish to be restored to h i s father's throne and i n the process of obtaining h i s hearts desire he was w i l l i n g to go a long way towards c o n c i l i a t i n g the various f a c t i o n s amongst h i s erstwhile subjects. He was co n t i n u a l l y r e c e i v i n g a good deal of advice, both i n d i r e c t l y , through royal partisans, and d i r e c t l y through the - 11 -messengers of the various p a r t i e s sent over to sound him out a f t e r the Restoration appeared t o be i n e v i t a b l e . Thus when the time was r i p e f o r him to publish some statement of h i s point of view, i t i s not s u r p r i s i n g that h i s D e c l a r a t i o n was word-ed i n such a way and written i n such a s p i r i t as to appeal to the d i s s a t -i s f i e d people and give them some plausible ground on which they could come together. However, he f u l l y r e a l i z e d that he would have to tread s o f t l y , since the layer of forming ice would just bear h i s weight and i f he un-duly emphasized h i s presence, he would immediately be p r e c i p i t a t e d i n t o the icy-depths of C i v i l War and/£olitical despair. This element of cautiousness was c l e a r l y demonstrated i n the very opening of h i s , now famous, "Declaration of Breda". (15) (15) Gardiner, S. R. - Documents of the P u r i t a n Revolution - Oxford 1906. The Declaration of Breda - P. 465. I t was addressed "To a l l our l o v i n g subjects, of what degree or q u a l i t y soever", and proceeds to offe r h i s services t o a s s i s t i n guiding the storm tossed ship o f state past the crags at the entrance to the harbour of p o l i t i c a l , s o c i a l and economic confidence, or to give h i s own words, I f the general d i s t r a c t i o n and confusion which i s spread over the whole kingdom doth not awaken a l l men to a desire and longing that those wounds which have so many years together been kept bleed-ing, may be bound up, a l l we can say w i l l be to no purpose, however, a f t e r t h i s long s i l e n c e , we have thought i t our duty to declare how much we desire to contribute thereunto; and that as we can never give over the hope, i n good time, to obtain the possession of that r i g h t which God and nature hath made our due, so we do make i t our d a i l y s u i t to the Divine Providence; that He w i l l , i n com-passion to us and our subjects, a f t e r so long misery and s u f f e r i n g , remit andput us into a quiet and peaceable possession of that our r i g h t , with as l i t t l e blood and damage to our people as i s possible; nor do we de s i r e more t o enjoy what i s ours, than that a l l our subjects may enjoy what by law i s t h e i r s , by a f u l l and e n t i r e administration of justice- throughout the land, and by extending our mercy where i t i s wanted and deserved. (14) (14) Gardiner op. c i t . p. 465. When circusmtances demanded i t of him, Charles could act with t o l e r a t i o n . His years of harsh education had not a l l gone for naught. True one can trace the old Stuart twang i n the references to "ours" and "what God has given us", etc., but there i s none of the v i l l a g e - s c h o o l -master c o l l e c t i o n o f p o l i t i c a l maxims, that so delighted h i s grandfather. Neither i s there any sign of that open d u p l i c i t y and weak stubborness of a narrow-minded sovereign l i k e h i s father; rather one f e e l s that Charles sees i n the E n g l i s h nation a people whom he must woo cautiously and d i l i g e n t l y i f he i s ever to g a i n control of them. He has heard and seen too much of those despised Turkey gowned round-headed Puritans to r i s k dismissing them as people of l i t t l e i n t e l l i g e n c e and l e s s importance. He has found out that Englishmen cannot be driven into supporting any set p o l i t i c a l theory, any more than they can be compelled to l i n e up to B i b l i -c a l standards of m o r a l i t y . F e e l i n g h i s way Charles went on to deal with each of the.three major questions that were t r o u b l i n g the people. F i r s t regarding the past actions of those whom the R o y a l i s t s termed the Rebels, - 1 5 To the end that the fear of punishment may not engage any , conscious to themselves of what i s past, t o a perseverance i n g u i l t f o r the future, by opposing the quiet and happiness of t h e i r country, i n the r e s t o r a t i o n of King, Peers and people t o t h e i r j u s t , ancient and fundamental r i g h t s , we declare, that we grant a free and general pardon, which we are ready, to pass under our Great Seal of England, t o a l l our subjects, of what degree or qu a l i t y soever, who, with i n f o r t y days a f t e r the publishing here-of s h a l l l a y hold upon t h i s our grace and favour, and s h a l l , by any pu b l i c act, declare t h e i r doing so, and that they r e t u r n to the l o y a l t y and obed-ience o f good subjects; excepting only such persons as s h a l l hereafter be excepted by Parliament, those only to be excepted. (15) Then to make t h i s point even c l e a r e r , the Dec l a r a t i o n goes on to say, L e t a l l our subjects, how f a u l t y soever, r e l y upon the word o f a King, — - that no crime whatso-ever committed against us or our royal father be-fore p u b l i c a t i o n of t h i s s h a l l ever r i s e i n judg-ment or be brought i n question against any of them, to the l e a s t endamagement of them, eit h e r i n t h e i r l i v e s , l i b e r t i e s or estates, or (as f a r f o r t h as l i e s i n our power) ..so much: as'to, the prejudice of t h e i r reputations, by any reproach or term of d i s t i n c t i o n from the re s t of our best subjects; we d e s i r i n g and ordaining that hence-f o r t h a l l notes of discord, separation and difference of p a r t i e s be u t t e r l y abolished among a l l our subjects, whom we i n v i t e and conjure to a perfect union among themselves, under our protection, f o r the r e - s e t t l e -ment o f our just r i g h t s and t h e i r s i n a free Parliament, by which upon the word of a King, we w i l l be advised. (15) (15) Gardiner, p. k65. Thus Charles p l a i n l y declares that, i n so f a r at l e a s t as l i e s i n his power/he w i l l do h i s best to br i n g about a r e c o n c i l i a t i o n that the various m i l i t a n t differences i n the nation may be smoothed out. - 14 Of the various questions that would have to be s e t t l e d before peace would reign at a l l , much l e s s supreme, there stood out two that augured i l l f o r any r e s t o r a t i o n unless they were s e t t l e d , or at l e a s t some promise was given that would t i d e the worst fears over the e a r l y period of the new r e i g n . These questions were r e l i g i o u s and agrarian and i n both cases reasonable assurance of an amicable settlement was given. Regarding the r e l i g i o u s question Charles wrote the following; Because the passion and uncharitableness of the times have produced several opinions i n r e l i g i o n , by which men are engaged i n p a r t i e s and animosities against each other (which, when they s h a l l , hereafter unite i n a freedom of conversation w i l l be composed , or better understood), we do declare a l i b e r t y to tender consciences, and that no man s h a l l be d i s -quieted or c a l l e d i n question f o r differences of opinion i n matter of r e l i g i o n , which do not dist u r b the peace of the kingdom; and that we s h a l l be ready to consent to such an Act of P arliament, as, upon mature d e l i b e r a t i o n , s h a l l be offered to us, f o r the f u l l granting that indulgence." The agrarian d i f f i c u l t i e s were also to be s e t t l e d by Act of Parliament. Because, i n the continued d i s t r a c t i o n s of so many years, and so.many and great Revolutions, many grants and purchases of estates have been made to and by many o f f i c e r s , s o l d i e r s and others, who are now possessed of the same, and who may be l i a b l e to actions at law upon several t i t l e s , we are likewise w i l l i n g that a l l such d i f f e r e n c e s , and a l l things r e l a t i n g to such grants, sales and purchases, s h a l l be determined i n Parliament, which can best provide for the just s a t i s f a c t i o n of a l l men who are concerned. Then to complete t h i s sincere c o n c i l i a t o r y o f f e r , Charles declared, that we w i l l be ready to consent to any Act or Acts o f Parliament to the purposes aforesaid, and for the f u l l s a t i s f a c t i o n of a l l arrears due to the o f f i c e r s and s o l d i e r s of the army under the command - 15 -of General Monk* (16) (16) Gardiner, 3. R. - C o n s t i t u t i o n a l Documents of the Puritan Revolution - 1625 - 1660 - Oxford - 192 7 . " Declaration of Breda" quoted p. 465 f f . Thus Charles had done p r a o t i c a l l y everything i n h i s power to pave the way for h i s return to power. The problems he had to face were as intertwined as were h i s o f f e r s of peace. The r e l i g i o n s were mixed with the p o l i t i c a l and the economic with both. I t was going to prove next to impossible to handle any series of problems without s e r i o u s l y a f f e c t i n g , because of the close r e l a t i o n between them, through the rela t e d problems, a much greater .portion of the nation. Thus i f Charles wished to a l t e r some part of .the law f o r p o l i t i c a l purposes the r e l i g i o n of his a l l i e s or of those most i n t e r e s t -ed i n the change would be c a r e f u l l y scrutenized. At the same time how-ever, h i s pecuniary n e c e s s i t i e s would force him either to humour Par-liament as much as possible and compromise with i t , thereby f a l l i n g short of r e a l i z i n g h i s own ambitions, or else to seek elsewhere for the means of s a t i s f y i n g h i s ever •increasingcnumber of oreditors. Times had so changed during the past years, th a t under ordinary circumstances no King could impose h i s w i l l on the whole nation contrary to t h e i r united wishes. In the realm of p o l i t i c s the long experience of the C i v i l War had made an Independent out of almost every R o y a l i s t , i n so far as he was no longer just f o r the King on p r i n c i p l e but because i t was to h i s own i n t e r e s t s to be for the King; and as Charles soon found out no one was more ready to oppose him than h i s most hearty supporters as soon as he thwarted them obtaining some measure to which they were c o n s t i t u t i o n a l l y e n t i t l e d and which they had f o r some reason or other of t h e i r own, determined to have. Just as the Republican philosopher Harrington was supposed to have said; L e t the King come i n and c a l l a Parliament of the greatest C a v a l i e r s i n England, so they be men of estates, and l e t them s i t but seven years, and they w i l l a l l t u r n Commonwealths' men. ( 1 7 ) (17) Hallam, Henry - The C o n s t i t u t i o n a l H i s t o r y of England - eleventh e d i t i o n - London - John'Murray - 1866 - I I , $55 note The i m p l i c a t i o n of a l l t h i s i s that whilest the Pu r i t a n Revolu-t i o n i s t s had won a war^ only to surrender t h e i r l a u r e l s a f t e r holding them^ the p o l i t i c a l p r i n c i p l e for which they had fought had with equal s t e a l t h -iness overthrown the old blind devotion to the sovereign, asd- by r a i s i n g themselves had lowered the nobles u n t i l they were one i n so f a r as they were a l l endeavoring to get co n t r o l of the Government i n order that they might run i t as suited themselves, and not as i n pre-Revolutionary days as suited the King. Thus the Revolution had been an unconscious success for the rebels. S i m i l a r l y i n r e l i g i o u s questions there was to be an unconscious v i c t o r y , but only through force of circumstances. ''The E n g l i s h could not be argued into t o l e r a t i o n by t h e i r reason, but they could be forced i n t o (18) i t by t h e i r fueds." In the pre-Revolutionary days i t was that party i n the r e l i g i o u s world which had no chance of f o r c i n g i t s b e l i e f s on the rest of the nation, that f i r s t saw that a persecution o f those d i f f e r i n g from themselves was not a necessary q u a l i f i c a t i o n of i n h e r i t o r s of e t e r -n a l l i f e . When t h i s party, under Cromwell's leadership, came through - 17 -force of circumstances, into c o n t r o l of the country, the uselessness and i m p o s s i b i l i t y of persecuting a l l other creeds save t h e i r own was f o r c e f u l l y brought home to themselves and here and there such men as Cromwell came to appreciate the i d e a l of t o l e r a t i o n . But the f a c t that Cromwell's Government had learned the necessity of r e l i g i o u s t o l e r a t i o n was no guarantee that the Restoration Government would p r o f i t from the r e s u l t of h i s experience, however i t does show that just as the Cromwellians found i t necessary to be t o l e r -ant so when they and t h e i r supporters were again i n the opposition, would the Restored Parliament be eventually driven i n t o , a grudging acceptance of t h i s p r i n c i p l e . I f such was eventually to be the case, much would depend on whether or not the monarch, or monarchs, who ascended the throne would do so, with such aims and ambitions as to eventually drive into a l l i a n c e and consequently i n t o mutual, at le a s t temporary, t o l e r a t i o n two or more o r d i n a r i l y h o s t i l e f a c t i o n s . But for the f i r s t few years was employed the same old p o l i c y of t r y i n g t o unite a natio n p o l i t i c a l l y and s p i r i t u a l l y by force, with the r e s u l t t h a t the nation was l e f t more d i s s a t i s f i e d and divided than every before. C H A P T E R I I . SHE FAILURE OF PERSECUTION TO UNITE THE ENGLISH PEOPLE. That Charles, the ablest of the Stuarts, l i v e d as he did wast-ing h i s time, r u i n i n g h i s health and befuddling h i s b r a i n by d i s s i p a t i o n i s both a tragedy and a blessing. A tragedy because such a l i f e great-l y a s s i s t e d i n preventing h i s becoming one of the outstanding f i g u r e s of H i s t o r y , and on the other hand, a b l e s s i n g because i t likewise assi s t e d i n preventing h i s overthrowing the cause of E n g l i s h l i b e r t y and s e l f Government. Although Charles had learned much through h i s many experiences and from observation of the r e s u l t s of h i s father's l i f e , he had not been drawn one whit nearer Democracy, i n h i s i d e a l s , than had Charles I. In f a c t he was, i f anything, more fond of power and, because he was of a much greater mental capacity and had possessed himself o f a diplomats technique, he was r e a l l y much more dangerous. The older Charles had been brought up amongst much p r a t t i n g about the Divine Right of Kings, but h i s son had seen h i s father executed, h i s family and himself d r i v e n into e x i l e . A s e r i e s of events n a t u r a l l y r e s u l t i n g i n a very deep resentment and hatred of such doctrines and theories as had led to such a catastrophe becoming a part of h i s very nature, as d i d moreover a determination to never again resume his t r a v e l s just because of h i s own w i l f u l n e s s . Furthermore as a r e s u l t of h i s own e x i l e , i n contract t o h i s f a t h e r , he grew up i n a land where Divine Right was practiced to such an extent that no one needed to preach i t . There There Charles saw and studied the system which he most admired, one i n which the k i n g was a l l i n a l l i n a state united both i n r e l i g i o n and p o l i t i c s . There too, he became more and more thoroughly acquainted with the r e l i g i o n to which h i s Mother belonged and as an adherent of which he would doubtless have been o f f i c i a l l y brought up had h i s Father and advisors not prevented t h i s change f o r p o l i t i c a l purposes. In Charles' mind despotism and Catholicism were c l o s e l y l i n k e d . He f e l t that the former would never be safe without the l a t t e r and although, Charles and James returned to England at the Restoration convinced C a t h o l i c s , — (17) — Charles loved h i s throne more than h i s conscience and when i t came to a question of p o l i t i c s or p r i n c i p l e he followed the course dictated by p o l i c y . (18) ( 1 7 ) Head, F. W., The F a l l e n Stuarts; Cambridge 1901 - p. 50. (18) i b i d , p. 41. Any leaning towards t o l e r a t i o n which Charles may have had was based e i t h e r upon grounds of p o l i t i c a l expediency or r e l i g i o u s i n d i f f -erence. Of any scheme either i n Church or State that threatened t o check the development of h i s plans he was a b s o l u t e l y - i n t o l e r a n t . I A l l h i s f r i e n d s the Presbyterians, to whome he owed so much, needed to do i n order to alienate him, was to haggle over the terms of the Religious settlement when the Cavalier party were ready to give him a l l the support he desired. But above a l l else he kept to h i s p r i n c i p l e of obtaining as much power as possible f o r himself and only abanded t h i s p u r s u i t when some unforeseen stumbling block was found, due to the complexity of the various problems to which reference has been made above, a block which threatened on occasion to upset the very throne upon which Charles had so r e c e n t l y been seated. Such then was the background, l i k e s and d i s l i k e s of the Prince who was to rule England for twenty-five years. The D e c l a r a t i o n of Breda, which has been discussed i n the l a s t chapter, had an immediate e f f e c t . The Presbyterians, and the Army under Monk's c o n t r o l , were reconciled to Charles return, yea, they were even r e l i e v e d that i t was about to be accomplished. Charles continued h i s c a r e f u l c o n c i l i a t o r y p o l i c y , with even more watchfulness a f t e r he had received the welcome of a body of troops that had long fought against the very i d e a l s which he hoped eventually to set up anew. One very good example of the mutual nervousness i n which the Restoration was e f f e c t e d , maybe seen i n the manner i n which both Charles and Monk acted when the l a t t e r presented the former with a l i s t of suggested condidates, c h i e f l y Presbyterians whom he was w i l l -ing to back as members of the prospective c o u n c i l . Charles nervously accepted the l i s t and wondered i f t h i s g r u f f old general was about t o play the"mayor of the palace" with him. On the other hand Monk f e l t keenly the fa c t that he had worried Charles by his well-meant, but rather unpolished, manners, and hastened to assure him that the l i s t , was only a l i s t of suggestions, and that he d i d not wish Charles to f e e l compelled to choose any, much l e s s a l l , of the c o u n c i l l o r s from i t . - 21 -The v i s i o n of that h i g h - s p i r i t e d , w ell d i s c i p l i n e d army compell-ing him to go on h i s t r a v e l s again , f l i t t e d as quickly out of Charles' mind as i t had entered and very soon a l l uneasiness had departed and mutual confidence and co-operation had f i n a l l y taken i t s place between these two chief negotiators. Charles never forgot the man to whom, per-haps more than to any other si n g l e person, he owed his restored throne. " T i l l the veteran passed away Charles never ceased to f e a r h i s power (19) and love the hand that used him so gently. * % (19) Corbett, J u l i a n , Monk, Macmillan-&"0o», London - "1889* P» Hyde, soon to be made E a r l of Clarendon, had long been the new King's c h i e f adviser, and under h i s guidance,Charles proceeded to con-tinue Monk's p o l i c y of bringing about a r e s t o r a t i o n of a l l things, at l e a s t as f a r as would be p o s s i b l e . In doing so he was c a r e f u l to do nothing e i t h e r i l l e g a l or u n c o n s t i t u t i o n a l . But even such a l i m i t a t i o n as t h i s allowed him plenty of scope. In the old pre-Revolutionary days, the King and h i s party had been i n t o l e r a n t l y supreme. Thus the question that should have been t r o u b l i n g the Nonconformists at t h i s time, was to what extent the Restoration would go. They knew that those whom they had been persecuting were just waiting for an opportunity to get revenge. They should have seen that t h i s party's triumph at the p o l l s was as i n -e v i t a b l e as would be the King's y i e l d i n g to t h e i r demands, e x p e c i a l l y since he was at l e a s t to some degree i n favour of the demands they were sure to make regarding t h e i r aommon former enemies. Inseparable as were the questions of Church and State, the question of r e l i g i o n was sure to come up and be decided i n an i n t o l e r a n t fashion contrary to the i n t e r e s t s - 22 -of the Puritans. However i n sp i t e of what may seem obvious to us the Presbyter-ian 1 s placed t h e i r t r u s t i n what they deluded themselves into b e l i e v -ing was the King's promise to look after t h e i r i n t e r e s t s , when i n r e a l t y he only said he would do as Parliament decided. Having thus given the l i e to common sense they declared themselves s a t i s f i e d and h e a r t i l y supported the movement for the r e c a l l of the King. "They did not f o r e -see that a Restoration i n r e l i g i o n would follow from the r e s t o r a t i o n i n ( 2 0 ) s o c i e t y and p o l i t i c s " . As Neal says, " I t i s hard to account f o r t h i s conduct of the Presbyterians, without impeaching t h e i r understand-( 2 1 ) ings." ( 2 0 ) Trevelyan, p. 5 5 5 . ( 2 1 ) Neal, Daniel, History of 4-he Puritans, William Baynes and &onf, London; 1822'.;. IV. 2 2 7 . However i t was not long u n t i l they were sadly d i s i l l u s i o n e d . But f i r s t e f f o r t s were made that seemed to suggest the presence of a more to l e r a n t s p i r i t . S h o r t l y a f t e r the return of Charles, e f f o r t s were made to discover some way whereby such a l t e r a t i o n s might be made i n the Church as wOuld ... be necessary to permit the i n c l u s i o n of the Presbyterians, with t h i s the end i n view i t was agreed that a Conference at/Savoy should be held the' next year, whither should assemble the leading clergymen of both p a r t i e s i n order to discuss the various points which prevented the union of the two groups. Herbert Andrews w r i t i n g i n the Contemporary Review says, The Nonconformists are of t e n accused of formulating d i v i s i o n , but as a matter of f a c t - 2 5 -they were moat of them bu s i l y engaged i n s t r i v i n g to f i n d the formula f o r unity. (22) (22) Andrews, H. T. - The Re-Union Movement i n the rSeventeenth Century. The Contemporary Review; - ¥ol. li6,'(1920) p. 416. And so i t turned out on t h i s occasion. The King 1 s i n i t i a l c o n c i l i a t o r y gestures had been accepted, and Reynolds, one of the most outstanding Presbyterian Divines had already accepted a Bishopric. In the conference i t s e l f t h e i r arguments and objections were, r e l a t i v e l y Bpeaking, cautiously worded and supported with r e s t r a i n t . However they found, amongst the majority of t h e i r opponents, l i t t l e or no co-operation. The Church P a r t y by t h i s time saw and f e l t no need for c o n c i l i a t i n g these past persecutors. "They knew that they had only to ( 2 5 ) : bide t h e i r time." The new Parliament to be known through H i s t o r y as ( 2 5 ) S e l b i e , W. B. - Eng l i s h Sects - Henry Holt and Company - New York,n.d. p. 118. the C a v a l i e r Parliament, was just assembling. The people were mad with l o y a l enthusiasm. The c a p i t a l was excited by preparations f o r the most splendid coronation that had ever been known. The r e s u l t was t h a t a body of representatives was returned, such as England had never yet seen. A large proportion of the successful condidates were men who had fought f o r the Grown and the Church, and whose minds, had been exasperated by many i n j u r i e s and i n s u l t s suffered at the hands of the Roundheads.(24) (24) Macaulay, G. B. - History of Englandi - 3i M. -Dent'ahd Sons L t d i i London - 1915 - I, 1J9« L i t t l e wonder then that the Bishops f e l t secure and as a H i s t o r i a n of t h e i r own Church says, " - 24 -The i r writings were written i n an un-courteous, and captious s p i r i t , not i n d i c -a t i n g the s l i g h t e s t d i s p o s i t i o n to c o n c i l i a t e , but f o r e c l o s i n g the p o s s i b i l i t y of removing objections: for they said, the a l t e r a t i o n asked would be a v i r t u a l confession t h a t the L i t u r g y was an i n t o l e r a b l e burden to tender consciences, a d i r e c t cause of schism and a su p e r s t i t i o u s usage, that i t would j u s t i f y past Nonconformity, and con-demn the conduct o f all.Conformists. The document presents an angry defence of Church formulas} and whilst there i s much i n the reasoning which commends i t s e l f to admirers of the L i t u r g y , the temper be-trayed i s of a kind which many of them w i l l condemn. (25) (25) Stoughton, John - History of R e l i g i o n i n England. New and Revised e d i t i o n . Hodder ana?Sioughtdn*:-London1 - 1881ai-III, 1 7 7 . When the time came to rev i s e the prayer-book the task was ca r r i e d out much as one would expect judging from the present temper of the Church. According to F i r t h , "Some 600 a l t e r a t i o n s were made, tending for the most part to make the L i t u r g y l e s s palatable t o Puritans rather (26) than to meet any of t h e i r objections." (26) F i r t h , C. H. - The Stewart Restoration - Cambridge Modern H i s t o r y -T \ " - Cambridge - 1908. V. 98."". Thus even the appearance of t o l e r a t i o n was t h r u s t aside and ' the o l d intolerance blossoming out afresh. Boon the Parliament commenced doing everything i n t h e i r power to restore the Church to i t s previous p o s i t i o n . The Convention Parliament had already restored the beneficed clergy who for causes of every sort had been deprived during the regime of the Commonwealth1s men. Then the Bishops were restored to t h e i r t r a d i t i o n a l p o s i t i o n i n the House of Lords. With the passing of every - 25 -measure that brought the nation closer to the p o s i t i o n that they believed they once had enjoyed, or with the repeal of every law that prevented them accomplishing such a task, at every step forward, t h e i r vengeful Zeal increased. Even i f the King had been desirous to f u l f i l the promises which he had made to the Presbyterians, i t would have been out of his power to do so. I t was i n -deed only by the strong exertion of his influence that he could prevent the v i c t o r i o u s Cavaliers from rescind-ing the act of indemnity, and r e t a l i a t i n g without mercy a l l that they had suffered. (2?) (27) Macaulay , I , 140. I f i n t h i s case h i s e f f o r t s were of some e f f e c t , when i t came to the task of p r o t e c t i n g the Dissenters they were useless. The s p i r i t which even the followers of Cromwell had possessed to a considerable degree, namely that of intolerance, had absolute possession of many of the new members, and i f , as they found they must, they were to forget the greater part of those things that were past, as by revenge, far as obtaining any d i r e c t compensation/ they were nevertheless deter-mined to get back a l l that they had l o s t and to punish those who had temp-o r a r i l y deprived them of those things. This party at best had been more i n t o l e r a n t than the Puritans. For years now they had suffered many of them without cause for t h e i r conscientious opinions. Consequently when they came back to power they would be determined never to loose control again, and to run the country i n such a manner, that those persons, whom many of them si n c e r e l y believed to be deluded, should never again be able t o do so much harm to the Government, the State and the Church. - 26 -Nor i s i t to be wondered that a c t i n g as the Puritans had, the Churchmen and the Cavaliers u t t e r l y f a i l e d to appreciate the r e a l values of t h e i r opponents. For t h i s state of a f f a i r s the Puritans were l a r g e l y responsible themselves having hidden a l l t h e i r merits both r e l i g i o u s and p o l i t i c a l under that despicable cloak of intolerance, which never has f a i l e d and never w i l l f a i l t o s t i r up hatred. Under these conditions the attitude taken by the Cavaliers i s i n no way s u r p r i s i n g , however unfor-tunate i t may be that they d i d not see that by granting some form of t o l e r a t i o n they would gain more i n the long run than they could ever get from t h e i r t r a d i t i o n a l p o l i c y . In t h i s s p i r i t they passed the f i r s t of a s e r i e s of Acts, now known as the Clarendon Codej a s e r i e s which i r r e t r i e v a b l y divided the Church i n England i n t o 8onformists and Nonconformists, and heightened the s p i r i t of intolerance and mutual s e c t a r i a n antipathy to such a degree, that had the Acts been permitted to be enforced continuously for several generations, a great part of s p i r i t u a l l i f e , true r e l i g i o n , and even freedom of thought, would have been crushed out with the q u e l l i n g of the Nonconformists s p i r i t . This f i r s t Act was known as the Corporations Act, passed to assure the exclusion of a l l Nonconformers from the various o f f i c e s i n the town-governments, throughout England. Th i s task accomplish-ed, they then passed the Act of Uniformity which was to be the heart of the "Code". I t was e n t i t l e d , An Act for the uniformity of public prayers and administration of Sacraments, and other r i t e s and ceremonies. And for e s t a b l i s h -ing the form of making, ordaining and consecrat-ing bishops, p r i e s t s , and deacons i n the Church of England. (28) - 27 -This act opened with a grandiose laudation of the church as i t had been established and regulated i n the days of E l i z a b e t h , Upon the which the mercy , favour, and b l e s s i n g of almighty God i s i n no wise so r e a d i l y and p l e n t i f u l l y found as by common prayers, due using of the sacraments, and often preaching of the gospel, with devotion of the hearers. (29) This statement i s followed by a d e s c r i p t i o n of the Nonconformists which i s quite t y p i c a l of the s p i r i t of the times, And yet t h i s notwithstanding a great number of people i n divers parts of t h i s realm, following t h e i r own sensuality, and l i v i n g without knowledge and due fear o f God, do w i l f u l l y and schismatically abstain and refuse to come to t h e i r P a r i s h Churches, ( 2 9 ) and other public' places where Common Prayer, administration o f the Sacraments, and Preach-ing o f the Word of God i s used upon the Sundays and other days ordained and appointed to be kept and observed as Holy days. (29) Such was the product of the l o f t y judgment of the h i g h l y respected House of Parliament. Statements more i n t o l e r a n t , bigoted and more grossly u n f a i r , than which i t would be d i f f i c u l t to conceive. The Act was drawn with the utmost vigour. u0n or before the Feast of St. Bartholomew," i t declared, "that every c l e r i c of whatever rank soever, must make the following d e c l a r a t i o n before h i s congregation!" I do here declare my unfeigned Assent and Consent to a l l and everything contained and prescribed i n and by the book, e n t i t l e d , The Book of Common Prayer. Then the Act went on to prescribe the following oath for "every dean, canon, and prebendary of every cathedral or colleagate church", masters, fellows, chaplains and every school master. I, A. B., do declare, that i t i s not l a w f u l , upon any pretence whatsoever, to take arms against the king; and that I do - 28 -abhor that t r a i t o r o u s p o s i t i o n of taking arms by h i s authority against h i s person, or against those that are commissionated by him; and that I w i l l conform to the l i t u r g y of the Church of England, as i t i s now by law established: tad I do declare that I do hold, there l i e s no o b l i g a t i o n upon me or on any other person, from the oath commonly c a l l e d , The Solemn League and Covenant, to endeavour any change or a l t e r a t i o n of government e i t h e r i n Church or State, and that the same was i n i t s e l f an unlawful oath, and imposed upon the subjects of t h i s realm against the known laws and l i b e r t i e s of t h i s kingdom. ( 2 9 ) ( 2 9 ) Robertson, C. Grant - Select Statutes, Cases and Documents -Methuen & Co. - L'ondon -1928 - l a s t quotations taken from the Act of Uniformity quoted at length. P. 57 Today such an attitude i f taken by any r e l i g i o u s organization, would leave them open to the highest censure. But not so i n those times. The s p i r i t of intolerance was i n the very a i r , i t was not the f a u l t of one Church or of two Churches or o f one group or another, i t was the f a u l t of the whole nation. Intolerance was part and p a r c e l of every Act of t h e i r l i v e s . Consequently u n t i l something happened to expose i t and make i t no longer p o s s i b l e , such enactments must be expected. The remaining sections of t h i s Code were well calculated to f i l l the Dissenters' cup of bitterness to overflowing. The 0onventicle Act (1664) forbade attendance at the various i r r e g u l a r meetings, resorted to by these persecuted persons, when a l l other means of l e g a l assembly had f a i l e d on pain of f i n e , or on r e p i t i t i o n of the offence, transport-a t i o n on pain of death i f the convicted person ever returned. To make matters worse the Five M i l e Act made these services even more impossible by forbidding a l l Nonconforming Clergy to come with i n - 2 9 -"Five M i l e s " of the former scene of t h e i r labours. This not only r e -duced the possible number of conventicles but also prevented e i t h e r , on the one hand, those of such a persuasion having t h e i r c h i l d r e n i n s t r u c t -ed i n t h e i r b e l i e f s by an ex-preacher or on the other, those impoverished clergymen's earning a l i v i n g a t such an employment. Whereas the l i c e n s -ing act prevented a l l freedom of discussion regarding these questions. But a re a c t i o n was sure to set i n . Such acts as these were bound to offend people who were beginning to t i r e of the continued d i s t r a c t i o n s brought about by such measures of r e l i g i o u s intolerance, and i f the party was not annih i l a t e d by such harsh treatment, chances were that a reaction would come i n t h e i r favour, be-cause conditions had changed with the times. "The Ohurch", had, "passed out of the hands of Parliament. The court of High Commission was not revived. The Bishops who had formerly been allowed to persecute by favour of the "House of Commons i n despite of the King." ( 5 0 ) ( 5 0 ) Trevelyan, G. M. - p.. 559.- .'• This r e a c t i o n was rendered even more probable because of the very s t r i n g -ency of the Acts and the intolerance of t h e i r supporters. When the Act of Uniformity f i n a l l y came into e f f e c t some 2 , 0 0 0 M i n i s t e r s , amongst them some of the best educated and most respected Clergymen i n England were deprived of t h e i r positions and penniless were thrown out upon the hard mercies of the country-side. Along with,and included i n , t h i s group was p r a c t i c a l l y the e n t i r e Presbyterian party to whom Charles owed so much and for whom he had done so l i t t l e . Already, i t i s true, to only a small degree, t o l e r a t i o n was being forced upon i n t o l e r a n t people. Many of the Presbyterians had hated the other Nonconformists equally as much as the party that was now persecut-ing them. But since these erstwhile enemies were now compelled to under-go s i m i l a r t r i a l s , and t h e i r means of persecution was removed, they were forced to view t h e i r fellow s u f f e r e r s i n a new l i g h t i n which common sense had a chance to work, so that before long they were h e a r t i l y co-operating one with the other. On the other hand many of t h e i r mormer friends and supporters who conformed, without doubt regretted the e l e c t o r a l d e c i s i o n they had made i n the heat of t h e i r joy at the Restoration, and well did Charles foresee t h e i r change of mind when, on meeting h i s f i r s t Pari iament and being informed that "The new members were of l o y a l f a m i l i e s , but young men f o r the most pa r t , he r e p l i e d that was no great f a u l t , for he would ( 5 1 ) keep them t i l l they got beards." Por i t was c e r t a i n that never would England give Charles such a Parliament as they had given him when born along on the peak of the t i d a l wave of r e v i v i n g l o y a l t y . Then too, a decline i n r e l i g i o n immediately set i n , insp i r e d without doubt by the example of the Court the most no t o r i o u s l y immoral i n B r i t i s h History, as to quote the d e s c r i p t i o n of the times as seen by that grand Old German of the e a r l y years of the War, Prince Rupert, "There never was a period i n honest England i n which a l l the v i r t u e s , ( 5 2 ) and even the decencies of l i f e were so disregarded." I t became popular ( 5 1 ) Trevelyan - op. c i t . p. 556. ( 5 2 ) Warburton, E l i o t - Memoirs, of Prince Rupert - Richard -Bentley -London-1849 v - - I I I , 463. to be s c e p t i c a l , both as a r e s u l t of thought and also as a r e s u l t of the - 5 1 -l i v e s of the nobles, who could not stand to be judged by the standards of any C h r i s t i a n Code. Buckingham and EocheBter, Halifax and Temple, Sidney, Essex and Peterborough l i g h t l y bore imputations of a kind which i n an e a r l i e r age, would have been enough to destroy the p o l i t i c a l career of Pym, Hampden or Falkland. And i t i s well t o l d that Shaftesbury, who i n old days had sat a keen-eyed p o l i t i c i a n among the Barebone S a i n t s , r e p l i e d to a f a i r i n q u i r e r , "Madam, wise men are of but one r e l i g i o n " — Which one was that? — "Madam, wise men never t e l l . " (55) (55) Trevelyan - op. 547. Obviously a Court f i l l e d with such men as these could not long remain a c i t a d e l of r e l i g i o u s intolerance, purely because of difference i n r e l i g i o u s opinions. Consequently while the more sincere and devout persons were learning t o l e r a t i o n through common s u f f e r i n g , the members of the governing body were le a r n i n g i t through i n d i f f e r e n c e , the only two. ways f o r the t r u t h to be discovered after i t has been obscured by f a n a t i c -ism. . But there were other reasons why Charles' Court could not long be expected to remain the back-bone of persecution. Charles himself was opposed to such a p r a c t i c e . He was at heart a Catholic and a French Catholic of that period of French History p r i o r to the revocation of the E d i c t of Nantes. He wished to r e - e s t a b l i s h Catholicism along with the s p i r i t of t o l e r a t i o n , at any rate u n t i l such a time as he would be able f i n a l l y ! t p put down Protestantism (because of i t s weakened conditions) But both these ends were only to be means to another and f o r him f a r . a f t e r the s t y l e of what was to be greater, end, the establishment o f a despotism t/t the stock European type. Consequently when his own Parliament adopted such an antagonistic - 52 -point of view to h i s own i t was natural to expect him t o , s e c r e t l y at f i r s t , and openly l a t e r , oppose such a p o l i c y . This he proceeded to do. During the period 1 6 6 2 - 5 he c a r r i e d out h i s p o l i c y i n two ways. F i r s t , because he r e a l i z e d he must move slowly i f he was ever to r e - i n t r o -duce s u c c e s s f u l l y Catholicism i n t o the State, he endeavored to persuade Parliament to allow him to use his dispensing power and exempt c e r t a i n of the Dissenters from the e f f e c t s of the persecuting laws. And when he found they were obstinate on t h i s point, as Pepys r e l a t e s , "the King was very highly incensed at the Parliament's l a t e opposing the (54) Indulgence". In h i s other e f f o r t to make some headway towards the TW) " : " Pepys, Samuel - Diary - edited by Herary B. Wheatley - George B e l l a n d Sons - London -i 1904 - I I I , 55. carrying out of his plan, he equally f a i l e d to make any headway. He wrote to Rome and endeavored to persuade the Pope to sanction h i s e s t a b l i s h i n g a Church somewhat s i m i l a r to that with which he (vide the Pope) was hav-ing so much trouble i n France. "The King wished merely to be assured that the man whom he might nominate would receive e c c l e s i a s t i c a l i n -(55) s t i t u t i o n from Rome." But the granting of such a request raised so many other objectionable points that the Pope refused and Charles was forced to look elsewhere for the help he required to br i n g to pass the desired a l t e r a t i o n within h i s kingdom. Charles was evide n t l y G a l i l e a n while the Pope was Ultramontane. (55) Ranke, I I I , 598. - 5 5 -The only other power to which he could turn was to Despotic Cat h o l i c France. England's t r a d i t i o n a l foe. But as yet h i s hands were not free to make the change. Clarendon s t i l l held the r e i n s of State. Now, however mutually h o s t i l e the various sections of the Eng l i s h Protestant realm might be, there was one point on which they were a l l so thoroughly agreed, that i f i t were ra i s e d with s u f f i c i e n t force they would forget a l l e l s e , even t h e i r own feuds, i n the process of u n i t i n g to meet and s e t t l e t h i s old question which was Popery. The idea of no Popery, no wooden shoes was i n t h e i r very blood. To an E n g l i s h -man of that day and age the words French and Catholicism were insepar-ably l i k e d . The s t o l i d country squire was accustomed to r e f l e c t with the mixed emotions of fear and res u l t a n t hatred on such events and doctrines as were with him i n e x t r i c a b l y with a l l Catholicism. He thought of that h o r r i b l e event which he doubtless r e c a l l e d had been received with thanks-giving i n Rome, that blot i n the page of the h i s t o r y of western c i v i l -i z a t i o n , namely the massacre of Saint Bartholomew; or he might ponder over the b e l i e f held so commonly according to report, by the J e s u i t s , the dominant f a c t i o n amongst the hated French, that i t was not necessary to keep f a i t h with h e r e t i c s , that the end always j u s t i f i e d the means, no matter how execrable the l a t t e r might be i n i t s e l f , or how contrary to a l l tenants of C h r i s t i a n theology or common sense. A f t e r such a consideration no matter who had o r i g i n a l l y suggested the question i n the f i r s t place, even i f i t were one of the hated dissent-ing c l e r g y , he vigorously denounced the French and the Ca t h o l i c s , hoped that those i n England would be deal t with according to the law and i n Btrongest terms declared his antipathy and hatred for any measure that would make possible such a reign of terror as there once had been in England under their last Catholic Sovereign, Queen Mary. Now while the Royalist and high church reactionaries were busy persecuting the sectaries, and Charles was eagerly looking for some opportunity to take his own paths and direct his kingdom along ways more suited to himself, and also while the disastrous and unpopular war with Holland was being waged, several events happened which the people i n -stinctively connected up with a pernicious Catholic influence and caused them to be particularly alert against any sign of a reviving Catholicism. Chief among these events were the plague and f i r e . The rationalism setting i n among the educated had not yet conquered the middle and lower classes — they regarded the plague, the f i r e , and the Dutch in the Medway as a t r i p l e manifestation of God's anger against their governors to the popular mind the f i r e was the vengeance of God, but none the less the work of the French. Louis XIV. was in a state of passive alliance with Holland against England, and though the French did nothing effectual by sea or land, they were regarded by our people as the more dangerous enemy of the two. For they were "Papists". ( 5 6 ) ( 5 6 ) Trevelyan - p. 560 That last was the damning phrase and woe betide the Monarch party, person, or government, to whom the popular mind attached i t . Such was the setting on a l l sides when in 1667 Charles dismissed Clarendon, much to the delight of a l l concerned. To the nation he had been on the one hand the arch-persecutor of them a l l , on the other, the restraining hand, the object of jealousy, the man whom the king had de-lighted to honour. While to the king he was the obstinate stickler fpr constitutionalism, the inveterate foe - 5 5 -of Popery and uncontrolled despotism. As Gardiner has said his f a u l t lay i n the f a c t that he f a i l e d to r e a l i z e t h a t , Two persons cannot rid e at the head of the same horse at the -same time. (37) He could r e b u i l d the c o n s t i t u t i o n on the old l i n e s but he was not the man to reconcile c o n f l i c t i n g p a r t i e s , and h i s settlement contained the seeds of future s t r i f e . (58) (57) Gardiner and Mullinger - Introduction to the Study of E n g l i s h H i s t o r y - op. c i t . p.156 (58) F i r t h , C. H. - op. 92. Whatever h i s f a u l t s were, Clarendon had worked hard for h i s master, and had done much for the House of Commons, i n f a c t every c l a s s owed to him a great deal, even h i s d i s l i k e of the C a t h o l i c s was not e n t i r e l y d o c t r i n a l , he could wish them well to a degree at l e a s t . As he wrote to James l a t e i n his l i f e , Your Royal Highness well knows how f a r I have always been from wishing that the Roman Catholics should be prosecuted with severity; but I l e s s wish i t should be i n t h e i r power to be able to prosecute those who d i f f e r from them, since we a l l know how l i t t l e moderation they would or could use. (59) A true statement worthily put. (59) Clarendon to James - the Harleian Miscellany - Robert Button London, 1810 - V I I , p.85 However Clarendon found himself i n a p o s i t i o n which had not only been outgrown by Parliament and Sovereign a l i k e , but outgrown to such an extent as to be not only unnecessary but also annoying. Consequently he had to go and the King found himself free to do as he l i k e d , so long as he did not antagonize Parliament. But he was to f i n d that Clarendons d i s l i k e of unconstitutional measure was to be carried on no longer i n the form of advice but by Parliament i n the form o f decided refusals and vigorous opposition to plans of the King. I t was at such a time as t h i s , when the nation was already suspicious of some popish design i n the king's p o l i c y , when they were nervously suspicious of the events of chance as coming from some, popish or French source-, and when furthermore Parliament i t s e l f was determined to have i t s c o n s t i t u t i o n a l r i g h t s , at such a time i t was that Charles determined to take h i s chance and s t a r t the campaign he hoped would r e s u l t i n the recogni t i o n of Catholicism, so hated by the people and the establishment of absolutism, so h e a r t i l y opposed by both Houses of P a r l i a -ment. Had Charles t r i e d purposely, he could not have worked out a p o l i c y more calculated t o u n i t e the nation against him. Even the English Ca t h o l i c s would be against him, f o r many of them were true Englishmen, hating France and despotism, conscious of t h e i r neumerical weakness, mindful of t h e i r past s u f f e r i n g and c e r t a i n of what would be i n store for them i f the king f a i l e d as any knowing person would f e e l quite s a t i s f i e d that he would. But Charles had to learn from experience and l i t t l e d id he foresee what would be the r e s u l t of his s k i l f u l l y planned, and cautious-l y guarded, attempt at overthrowing the present system, when his bungle-some brother should undertake to enforce the scheme Charles saw to be impossible of successful completion. The advance of France was about to be checked by the opposing t r i p l e a l l i a n c e of England, Holland and Sweden, when Oharles determined to play h i s hand. He allowed the a l l i a n c e to be completed, but only i n - 57 -order to force Louis' hand and make sure o f h i s co-operation i n the scheme Charles was planning. T h i s he secured. In return for Charles assistance Louis promised him gold and troops, to aid i n introducing Catholicism and an absolute monarchy. A l l these negotiations were car r i e d out unknown to the P rotestant members of the "Cabal" and with the help of the C a t h o l i c . But the war was very unpopular. The people d i s -l i k e d and suspected the Catholic a l l i a n c e . But even before war was declared the king had annoyed another section of the nation by p u b l i s h i n g h i s Declaration of Indulgence. This document, while d e c l a r i n g h i s purpose to protect the Ghureh of England, also suspended the a c t i o n of a l l penal laws and promised to permit c e r t a i n approved teachers t o conduct i r r e g u l a r s e r v i c e s , the Recusants being how-ever expressly exclusive. (40) This d e c l a r a t i o n coming when i t d i d could not have formed other than a part of h i s C a t h o l i c p o l i c y . Of a l l the many unpopular, steps taken by the Government the most unpopular was the publishing of t h i s declaration. The most opposite sentiments had been shocked by an Act so l i b e r a l , done i n a manner so despotic. A l l the enemies of r e l i g i o u s freedom, and a l l the f r i e n d s of c i v i l freedom, found themselves on the same side; and these two classes made up nineteen-twentieths of the nation. The zealous churchman exclaimed against the favour which had been shown both to the papists and to the Puritan. The Puritan, though he might r e j o i c e i n the suspension of the persecution by which he had been harassed, f e l t l i t t l e gratitude for t o l e r a t i o n which he was t o share with a n t i c h r i s t . And a l l E n g l i s h -mdn who valued l i b e r t y and law saw with uneasiness the deep inroad which the prerogative had made i n the P rovince of L e g i s l a t i o n . (4l) (40) T h i s Document can be found i n Stone, T. G. - England under the Restoration - 1660 - 1688. Longmans, Green & Co., London, 1925« p. 118. (41) Maoaulay - p. 175*  The House on assembling immediately attacked t h i s d e c l a r a t i o n as being i l l e g a l . I t was a c r i t i c a l moment, Shaftesbury saw i t and joined the. Commons, thus f o r c i n g the king to y i e l d . I t was the Catholic question that had made the change, as t h e i r next a c t i o n c l e a r l y showed. Throughout the whole nation, throughout every c l a s s , had been thoroughly aroused, that old hatred and fear of Catholicism one of the strongest prejudices of Englishmen. And only too well j u s t i f i e d was t h i s fear, as was shown by fa c t s revealed l a t e r . Charles had been a c t u a l l y encouraged to drop h i s Religious p o l i c y , f o r the present i n order that the war might go on, i n return f o r the premised help of more gold and (42) a d d i t i o n a l numbers of troops. What an uproar t h e i r would have been had t h i s f a c t ever come to l i g h t . (42) On t h i s point see Ranke o . i . i l . I l l , 555. But by t h i s time Shaftesbury, was " s n i f f i n g Popery" beneath the royal schemes. Before t h i s "Charles (had) laughed to himself as he fooled Ashley, and i n the s p i r i t of the j e s t r a i s e d him to be E a r l of Shaftesbury (1672) and Lord Chancellor; but the man who made a f o o l of Shaftesbury (45) was running r i s k s f o r the future. He had not been subtle enough f o r Charles, but his hatred wasterrible. Shaftesbury now decided that there (45) Trevelyan, or. c i t . p. 575» was something i n the nations f e e l i n g that some intrigue was on, and therefore lent his influence to encourage them to pass a law, r e i n f o r c i n g the execution of the penal statutes against the C a t h o l i c s . - 59 -But by t h i s time the whole nation was supporting the movement. Charles had found "there were two things which even gold could not buy i n that House - f r i e n d s h i p towards the Catholic r e l i g i o n and towards the French Crown. " The nation did not know much i f anything, But the v i s i b l e i n d i c a t i o n s of danger loomed a l l the more b i g and black, because what lurked behind them was unseen. The unnatural a l l i a n c e with France to destroy the P rotestant State of Holland, the presence of a standing army under o f f i c e r s whose r e l i g i o n was suspect, the i l l -concealed Romanism of the Duke of York, who con-t r o l l e d our f l e e t s , and of C l i f f o r d , who con-t r o l l e d our, counsels, the abeyance of the penal laws throughout the country and the " f l a n h t i n g " of papists" at court, a l l combined to create aJ panic which for a few weeks overcame the de s i r e o f pensioners to earn t h e i r reward of dissenters to enjoy the Declaration of Indulgence, and of Anglicans to persecute dissent. (45) (44) Trevelyan - p. 576 (45) i b i d - p. 577 Intolerance and necessity wire again preaching to the E n g l i s h the necessity of t o l e r a t i n g at l e a s t the P rotestant Dissetbners. Indeed t h i s idea was openly spoken of i n the House where the fear of the Popish p e r i l reached i t s height when on the t h i r d reading of the Catholic persecuting Act, and otherwise l i t t l e distinguished member rosed and moved an amendment to the e f f e c t , That i n future no one should be admitted to any o f f i c e or p u b l i c p o s i t i o n unless he abjured the doctrine of t r a n -substantiation. (46) and furthermore t h i s p o s i t i o n was j u s t i f i e d by Ooventary who declared that, -40-For taking oaths l i k e that o f supremacy the Pope could grant dispensation, because they were forbidden by papal b u l l s , but the doctrine of tra n s u b s t a n t i a t i o n was one of the a r t i c l e s of f a i t h ; from these the Pope could not absolve. (46) (46) Ranke - I I I , 559. The B i l l was passed and went down i n h i s t o r y as the famous Test Act. The disco l s u r e i t immediately made was s t a r t l i n g . The Duke of York's r e l i g i o n was disclosed as was that of C l i f f o r d , with the r e s u l t that the former had to resign h i s p o s i t i o n as head of the navy, while the l a t t e r resigned from the Government and consequently broke up the Cabal. Thus the king's p o l i c y of u n i t i n g Catholics and persecuted Dissenters was forever blasted, even his a c t i v e a l l i a n c e with Louis was sh o r t l y terminated, henceforth to be maintained at best, only as a benevolent n e u t r a l i t y . At t h i s time i t was unfortunate f o r the future peace of the king-dom that some sort of o f f i c i a l recognition of the r i s i n g i d e a l of t o l e r -a t i o n was not given, and that such an act was shelved f o r several years to come by the r e v i v a l of Anglican intolerance brought about under Danby 1s administration, by the King's separation of h i s mixed p o l i c y of Church and State, which had been opposed to n a t i o n a l sentiment i n both realms, and c l i n g i n g only to h i s pet theory of absolutism how rendered t h i s h a l f popular, by obtaining a French-hating, Anglican minister who i n himself united two of the dominating passions of the nations and excluded from his c o l l e c t i o n any one that s e r i o u s l y offended any great section of those i n authority. - 41 -The King had c a r e f u l l y retained so f a r , h i s C a v a l i e r Parliament i n order that, much as he wished to grant t o l e r a t i o n to the persecuted, the P u r i t a n s i f they received i t should receive i t from, and not i n spite of himself. But there were other points on which Charles could not agree and was forced to y i e l d to Parliament's wishes, meanwhile checking t h e i r z e a l for war as his only possible service for h i s French paymaster and secret a l l y , Louis XIV. the Despotic supreme. Even Danby d e f i n i t e l y l a i d down the law on t h i s point, "The King cannot hope to rule by f o r c e , but no Parliament, new or o l d , w i l l help him f i n a n c i a l l y , unless he (47) d e f i n i t e l y abandons France." (47) Fo i l i n g Keith - A History of the Tory Party - 1640 - 1714 - Oxford ' 1924 - p. 165 - 4. The other phase of Danby's foreign p o l i c y which made popular i n England was the f a c t that he not only forsook the French a l l i a n c e , as Mr. F o i l i n g says, "He himself refused to have anything d i r e c t l y to do with (48) handling the French money." but he a l s o c a r r i e d through an a l l i a n c e with Holland, by marrying Mary, daughter of the Duke of York to William of Orange, recently a r i s e n to power i n the Netherlands. (48) F o i l i n g - .... . p. 164. But as f a r as the approach of any general r e l i e f f o r the Pope-hating, l o y a l l y E n g l i s h Protestants, there was l i t t l e sign. Every year the laws were dampening the ardor of the opposing forces by preventing t h e i r freedom of worship and even the i n s t r u c t i o n of t h e i r c h i l d r e n . - 42 -Those anxious to put an end to such proceedings were i n a minority i n the Houses, and Charles well knew that they would not only work f o r an i n t r o d u c t i o n of l e g a l t o l e r a t i o n but also for a reduction of h i s power, consequently he retained h i s Parliament as long as p o s s i b l e , however much i t annoyed him at times. There now seemed to be only one point that could ever suspend the i n t o l e r a n t zeal of the present members long enough to permit any remedial l e g i s l a t i o n , and that was a r e v i v a l of the fear of Popery. There was at t h i s time ample ma t e r i a l to b l a s t a thousand persecutions, such as was being maintained at present, i f i t were only a v a i l a b l e . But i t was not. However the chances became greater as time went on, and eventually when the hopes of the t o l e r a n t party, now led by Shaftesbury, were seemingly blighted beyond recovery, by h i s imprisonment because of an i n j u d i c i o u s motion, these hopes suddenly were sent soaring f a r above t h e i r former highest point, by the remarkably successful e f f o r t s of that infamous Prince of L i a r s , T i t u s Oates. What was needed was the Discovery of a Popish P l o t . He wanted recognition and fame and happened to want i t and plan to get i t at the very time i t was most needed. The long sought opportunity had come, Shaftesbury waB to have his chance and the Nonconformists were to be safe once more from condemnation to v i r t u a l o b l i v i o n . But again they were to f a i l , and demonstrate the f a c t that r a r e l y indeed can an Englishman foresee any great p r i n c i p l e u n t i l force of circumstances compells him to adopt i t . Fear of Roman Catholicism was a legacy of the dreadful days of Queen Mary and of her s i s t e r ' s Protestant triumph. That legacy was a possession not of one sect or of one party alone. C a v a l i e r s and Roundheads, Puritans and high Churchmen shared i t a l i k e . (49) • ( (49) P o l l o c k , John - The Popish P l o t - tackworth & Oo^y'London* 190? - p. 19 - 43 -Consequently when t h i s fear was linked with the fear of another . -Revolution, a l l else would be forgotten. Persecution had u t t e r l y f a i l e d to unite the nation, and had only increased the mutual hatred and intolerance. However much the various leaders might speak of obtaining t o l e r a t i o n f or Dissenters, i t was not made a party cry. Once more the sad r e s u l t of the mixture of issues was seen i n the manner i n which t o l e r a t i o n was l o s t sight of as men were car r i e d away by the heat of t h e i r passions. I t was only to be found possible to unite the nation dampen i t s persecuting ardor and introduce t o l e r a t i o n , when a l l hope of future peace had f a i l e d because of the mutual d i s t r u s t of King and people, and a man of v i s i o n and power having outlined a s a t i s f a c t o r y p o l i c y was i n v i t e d to take over the r e i n s of Government. With h i s coming the darkness of perpetual persecution was permanently riv e n by the r i s i n g sun of t o l e r a t i o n . To trace the course of events culminating i n t h i s dawn w i l l comprise the subject matter of the next chapter• C H A P T E R I I I . THE COMING OF TOLERATION. In the l a s t chapter the great changeability of the passions of the E n g l i s h people was described. At one time they were hunting every Dissenter they could get trace of, whilst at another they were u n i t i n g with him i n attacking the force that threatened the destruction of both, namely Catholicism. I t has also been seen that the persecuting zea l was not possessed i n e n t i r e t y by any one party, rather was i t so-, omnipresent that the intolerance of one group was tending to force mutual t o l e r a t i o n on both. At the same time more and more of the p o l i t i c i a n s were becoming i n d i f f e r e n t to r e l i g i o n and consequently opposed to a purely r e l i g i o u s intolerance. But as has been seen no single group was a c t i v e l y i n t e r e s t -ed i n t o l e r a t i o n , at least s u f f i c i e n t l y interested i n i t to l e g i s l a t e on the matter i f an opportunity came. Thi s secular mindedness and r e l i g i o u s i n d i f f e r e n c e thus had i t s disadvantages as well as i t s advan-tages. I f on the one hand i t reduced the zeal for persecution and sub-s t i t u t e d a l i k i n g f o r t o l e r a t i o n , on the other hand, i t caused these same persons to be so interested i n other things, as not to be concern-ed about r e l i g i o u s questions unless they impeded t h e i r p o l i t i c a l pro-gress, which of course was seldom the case when they were i n power. Then too t h i s movement was not only neglected by the Whig leaders, - 45 -but often d i r e c t l y hindered by t h e i r arousing a nation-wide resentment against c e r t a i n of t h e i r p o l i c i e s i n e x t r i c a b l y linked up with the r e s t of t h e i r d o c t rines. Consequently when t h e i r opponents regained power and control they condemned the vwhole c o l l e c t i o n of opposing doctrines and r e -vived t h e i r persecuting ardour with a vengeance. Such a t r a i n of events a c t u a l l y occurred during the l a t e years of the reign of Charles I. As has been noted previously, the High Tory party was i n absolute control of the Government and r a p i d l y exterminating a l l opposition when suddenly a p l o t , l a r g e l y f i c t i t i o u s , was made known to the Government. In s t a n t l y a l l persecution of Protestant Dissenters ceased. I t s author and discoverer, T i t u s Oates, was one of the most infamous men of h i s day. From h i s youth he had been, Notorious for the most shameless untruth-fuln e s s . He had a passion f o r s t a r t l i n g people and giving himself importance by boastful and l y i n g exaggerations, which he spiced with i n -v e c t i v e on every side, and confirmed with wild oaths. (50) m : -Ranke - IV. 60. . That any p l o t such as he could hatch would be believed by any nation seems almost i n c r e d i b l e . However he had managed to get hold of some r e a l information and then s k i l f u l l y weaving i n what ever else he needed, gathering h i s materials f r a n what he had heard as being suspect-ed or else a c t u a l l y under disscussion, he managed to produce a story that upset the whole Parliament, checked the King's p o l i c y , helped bring about the downfall of Danby and f i n a l l y gained a D i s s o l u t i o n . Almost every prejudice, conscious and unconscious was aroused by 0 - 4 6 -the p l o t . The popular imagination was caught and held by the remarkable mixture of f a c t , and f i c t i o n , so c l o s e l y r e l a t e d , a t any rate, to what the great majority of the people thought p o s s i b l e . The " H e l l i s h P l o t " which he declared he learned of while amongst the J e s u i t s , was to the e f f e c t t h that there was a plan i n existence among these J e s u i t s , "to f i r e the c i t y , r a i s e the Catholics i n Ireland, conquer England by French and I r i s h arms, (510 massacre every Protestant who refused to recant, and murder the King." (51) Trevelyan - p. <384V . ... The e f f e c t of t h i s exposure was instantaneous. The King, declared i t to be a l i e , but nevertheless he yielded to Parliament's wishes and i n -creased h i s immediate body-guard, a l l the time t r y i n g to fathom what was at the bottom of i t a l l , s c arcely able to believe that Louis had reacted against him so suddenly or that h i s agents, namely the J e s u i t s , had got out of hand but yet convinced t h a t there was something i n existence that must be treated with the utmost caution. o Amongst those accused by Oates, was Coleman, James' Secretary. This man had been i n correspondence with the Papal Nuncio and Louis XIV Confessor Pere La Chaise. But he had c a r e f u l l y committed to the flames a l l the l e t t e r s , doubtless which he considered to be of prime importance and of such a nature as to incriminate him. However when he was arrested and h i s house searched, a box was found which contained some of these l e t t e r s which had e i t h e r escaped h i s notice or else had been considered of comparatively so l i t t l e importance as to not be worth bothering with. However these documents, were construed to confirm Oates statements 47 -P a r t i c u l a r l y that statement of Coleman's which was as follows, We have a mighty work upon our hands no le s s than the convertion of three kingdoms, arid by the subduing of a p e s t i l e n t heresy, which has domineered over a great part of t h i s northern world along time; there was never such hopes of success since the death of Queen Mary as now i n our days, when God has given us a prince who i s become (may I say a miracle) zealous of being the author and instrument of so glorious a work That which we r e l y upon most, next to God Almighty's providence and the favour of my master the lJuke, i s the mighty mind of h i s most c h r i s t i a n Majesty (Louis) whose generous soul i n c l i n e s him to great undertakings, which being managed by your Reverence's exemplary piety and prudence, w i l l c e r t a i n -l y make him look upon t h i s as most suitable to himself and becoming h i s power and thoughts. So I hope you w i l l pardon me i f I be very troublesome to you on t h i s occasion, from which I expect the greatest help we can hope. (52) (52) Trevelyan - p. 588. However t h i s and other such writings might, as Macaulay says, Express l i t t l e more than the hopes which the pasture of a f f a i r s , the p r e d i l e c t i o n s of Charles, the stronger p r e d i l e c t i o n s of James, and the r e -l a t i o n s e x i s t i n g between the French and E n g l i s h court, might n a t u r a l l y excite i n the mind of a Roman Catholic strongly attached to the i n t e r e s t s of h i s church. But, as he goes on to say, the country was not then i n c l i n e d to construe the l e t t e r s of P a p i sts candidly; and i t was urged, with some show of reason, that i f papers which had been passed over as unimportant were f i l l e d with matter so suspicious, some great mystery of i n i n q u i t y must have been contained i n those documents which had been c a r e f u l l y committed to the flames. (5J) ( 5 5 ) Macaulay - I , 187 » 48 -Assuredly such a conclusion was i n accord with the facts available, and probably the facts of the case. At any rate things soon began to happen. Within a few days of the discovery of this plot, Sir Edmundsbury Godfrey,a highly respected Magistrate was found slain; "The jury," i n connection with the inquest, "sat a l l day, and as the evidence was unfinished adjourned in the evening. On Saturday, October 19th, the inquest waBscontinued and late at night the verdict was given, (54) To the effect that Godfrey had undoubtedly been murdered by parties un-known. In arriving at this decision they were largely guided by the medical evidence available. Whether or not the verdict was correct does not concern this subject. The result of Godfrey's death would have been the same in any case. (54) Pollock, John - p. 96. See also Trevelyan - appendix C, p. 525« The nation immediately attributed his death to the Jesuits, and feared that a general massacre was to follow. Everywhere there was present an incredible amount of anxiety and fear. Night after night each householder lay down i half expecting to be awakened by the alarm of f i r e or massacre. The cheerful tramp of the train bands echoing down the frosty streets as he lay awake, seemed to him the only reason why that mad Christmas passed i n safety. (55) (55) Trevelyan - p. 586. The feelings, of the nation were naturally reflected in Parliament. There while men were thronging to see the corpse of "Good J u s t i c e Godfrey", and while no one dared, so much as to suggest that the p l o t might be f a u l t s , a d e c l a r a t i o n was passed i n both Houses without one di s s e n t i n g voice to the e f f e c t t h a t , There has been and s t i l l i s , a damnable and h e l l i s h p l o t contrived and car r i e d on by Popish recusants, f o r the assassinating and murdering the king and for subverting the government and routing out and destroying the P r o t e s t -ant r e l i g i o n . (56) (56) Trevelyan - p. 589 The hold of the Ca v a l i e r s p i r i t even on Parliament was thus almost broken and a l l th a t was needed to force the granting of a d i s s o l u t i o n was f o r Montague t o publish the l e t t e r regarding the granting of a pension, to which Charles had forced Danby to agree. T h i s done the Parliament was immediately dissolved. The r e l i g i o u s fear had been backed up by an out-raged nationalism. Even before t h i s , however i n that Parliament where so long there had been the butt of r i d i c u l e , where they had worked so long, so desperately, but yet so v a i n l y , Shaftesbury and his l i t t l e group were now i n complete c o n t r o l . I t only remained to see what use they would make of t h e i r new found power, and one does not have to wait long to seek that. They immediately set about making preparations to keep themselves i n power as long as possible. With t h i s end i n view they organized and began to encourage and augment the t e r r o r , for well they knew that so long as t h i s anti-popery cry was predominant, they would remain i n control. But never once did they stop to consider whether what they were doing f o r the co - 50 -the good of the country, but rather they did i t because i t seemed to be a means to a j u s t i f i a b l e end. But l i k e most u n j u s t i f i a b l e means, i t i n the long run reacted against the best i n t e r e s t s of i t s imitators. Even before the Cavalier Parliament was dissolved the f a t a l reef upon which the Whig ship of state was t o be broken, was i n s i g h t . (57) In the midst of the debates Sacheverell rose and asked whether or not (57) No r e l a t i o n to Dr. Sacheverell the famous clergyman of Queen Anne!s reign.' See Encyclopedia Britannica - eleventh e d i t i o n - XXIII, 971* i t was possible f o r Parliament and the King to dispose of the succession. The question f e l l l i k e a thunderbolt upon the House and no dared continue the debate immediately. However i t was not long u n t i l they had not only ruled that they could do so, but had already drawn up a course of a c t i o n . James was n a t u r a l l y rendered suspect when h i s own secretary was, even i n the eyes o f h i s fellow C a t h o l i c s , found g u i l t y of treason and e s p e c i a l l y when t h i s same secretary declared before an examining committee of the House of Commons that h i s master (James) approved of a l l he had said and done. I f such were the case, the Duke was better apart from than present with the King and one of the members so declared. From t h i s point i t was only a matter of time u n t i l they would f i n d the absolute exclusion of the Heir Apparent, to be commensurate with t h e i r own plans. Accordingly the exclusion of James from the Succession became part and parcel of t h e i r plans. Thus James was a l i e n a t e d , a man of whom a t a c t f u l and d i s i n t e r e s t e d person might hatie made something more u s e f u l than a permanent deadly enemy. The Whigs next proceeded to alienate the King himself, by attack-ing him even more d i r e c t l y . A successor f o r the King had n a t u r a l l y to be - 51 -found. T h i s person the Whigs determined to obtain by persuading Charles to d ivorce his present wife and re-knarry, t o which t h i n g they did not expect he would give much opposition. However they d i d not understand Charles. However much he had insu l t e d and neglected h i s wife he was not prepared to e c l i p s e a l l with t h i s f i n a l i n s u l t , e s p e c i a l l y when i t was urged upon him by a party he so much detested. But what was of even greater importance to him i f he repudiated h i s wife, a member of the Portuguese family Braganza, a pawn i n Louis' game, he would also loose h i s most useful a l l y France, and consequently a l l p o s s i b i l i t y of putting into execution h i s f a v o r i t e p o l i c y , Despotism. He therefore refused and _ forced the Whigs to look elsewhere for a candidate. Now 'the Whig was a combination of part of the ar i s t o c r a c y with the middle class to wrest p o l i t i c a l power from the Crown, and to force (58) the squirearchy and the bishops to grant t o l e r a t i o n to dissent." In t h e i r (58) Trevelyan - p. 589. Green Ribbon Club they comprised the f i r s t p o l i t i c a l party, organized along modern l i n e s , to e x i s t E n g l i s h h i s t o r y , and what i s more important i t possessed what most of the p a r t i e s today have, namely an all-consuming s e l f i s h n e s s . This c h a r a c t e r i s t i c i s amply demonstrated by t h e i r further d i s -cussion of the Succession. I f James was removed the next d i r e c t i n l i n e of Succession was Mary, Princess of Orange. But she was married to one of the most astute p o l i t i c i a n s of h i s time and cer t a i n not to be the docile pawn that the Whigs, at t h i s time wished t h e i r candidate to be. - 52 -Consequently they passed by Mary and took up the case of Monmouth and started the yarns by which they endeavored to prove that after a l l , this son of Charles I I , was legitimate and had been born i n wed-lock. Thus not only Charles but also William was temporarily alienated by that party whose ideals were most compatible with his own . And along with these was gradually going that conservative element in the nation whose backing was most essential for Shaftesbury's success. No matter how low the standards of public morality had declined, i t was nothing short of an insult to attempt to place on the throne a person such as Monmouth, who, according to the most recent evidence was not a son of Charles. Thus Shaftesbury was courting disaster the minute he declared for Monmouth. Another factor contributing towards this alienation, was the farcical administration of justice meted out to many of the accused Catholics. But this was only one part of their practice of intolerance. Never did a majority more ruthlessly use i t s power; twice at least a member was expelled the House for aspers-ing the complete cred i b i l i t y of Titus Oates, and the ex-cellent Pepys went to the Tower under a charge of Popery. During the agitation of 'Petitioners' and 'Abhorrers' this tyranny rose to i t s climax. Abhorrence was styled 'to be-try the liberty of the subject, and contributes to the de-sign of subverting the ancient legal constitution of this Kingdom' . The Commons expelled a member for this 'crime against known law,' as the speaker had the audacity to c a l l i t . They sent their sergeant, the famous 'Take him, Topham* , careering a l l over England to arrest delinquents even those not members of their House. They impeached judges on general charges such as 'favoring Papists' 1, imprisoned grand juries for loyal addresses, and prepared like their less cautious successors of 1709, to prosecute clergymen for foolish ser-mons. (59) (59) Foiling - p. 177. In the country the Whigs were as much i n control as they were hated by the extreme Tories. T h e i r p e r f e c t i o n of organization and a g i t a t i o n placing them f a r ahead of t h e i r opponents. Consequently as they alienated the more conservative elements, the part of the nation came more and more to t r u s t the king, u n t i l they became u t t e r l y s e r v i l e i n t h e i r adoration of him and h i s p o s i t i o n . This would never have happened had the Whigs used some moderation, but t h i s t r a i t seemed almost for e i g n to them and the more annoyingly the King acted towards them so much the more v i o l e n t did t h e i r measures become. When i n August 1679, Charles was s e r i o u s l y i l l the country was threatened with c i v i l war, i t was the Whigs that-would have been the aggressors, t h e i r p o l i t i c a l organization serving them i n good stead. Again i n the same year, the Whigs so worked up those t a k i n g part i n the procession on the night of the Pope-burning parade that many feared a war might come anew, and not as previously, forced on the nation by some great all-iraportant p r i n c i p l e , but rather because of the s e l f i s h n e s s of the Whigs. The r e v i v i n g Cavalier sentiment only needed a few such causes as t h i s to e n t i r e l y regain t h e i r past hatred of the Whigs and a l l they stood for . These occasions were soon found i n the continued recklessness of the supporters of Shaftesbury. Monmouth returned and was almost openly supported. James was presented to the Grand Jury as a Popish Recusant, while Louise de (Juerouaille, the chief agent of Louis XIV, and, i n c i d e n t -a l l y one of the King 1 s many mistresses, was indicted as a common nuisance. F i n a l l y i n the Oxford Parliament, Shaftesbury refused to support even a regency of William and Mary i n the name of James. The Whigs ex-pected that the King would be forced to y i e l d because of lack of money. - 54 -But they had reckoned without Louis, who f e a r f u l l e s t they should attack him agreed to pay Charles a sum s u f f i c i e n t to permit him to rule without Parliament, and thus obtain h i s revenge. When the Whigs had rejected t t h e i r f i n a l o f f e r , one i n c i d e n t l y Charles must have been most u n w i l l i n g to make, Parliament was dissolved and t h e i r party blasted u n t i l William reconciled by Monmouth's death, c a l l e d them together again after the Revolution. Once more the cause of freedom had suffered because of the sel f i s h n e s s of her foremost opponents. The reaction that followed was the i n e v i t a b l e r e s u l t of t h e i r own tyranny. The nation, driven into recognising t h e i r danger, and the f u t i l i t y of persecuting t h e i r Dissenting brethren grew t i r e d of fo l l o w i n g such leaders and did not put up much resistance or create much d i s t u r b -ance when they were one by one removed from power. The object support with which the T o r i e s now backed the King was p a r t i c u l a r l y noticeable. James now, i n t h e i r eyes, became a lon g - s u f f e r -ing hero, and they, while savagely persecuting the Dissenters, considered i t a bree'oh of etiquette to speak against the Prince's r e l i g i o n . Shaftesbury's papers were seized and amongst them a very u s e f u l l i s t of Magistrates which he f e l t sure he could r e l y on. These were c a l l e d "worthy men". On the other hand he also had a l i s t of those whom he knew were h o s t i l e to h i s i n t e r e s t s - these he c a l l e d men worthy to be hanged. "To turn 'worthy men' o f f the bench, and to put 'men worthy' i n (60) t h e i r place was a task of which Charles could appreciate the f u l l humour." (60) Trevelyan - p».419.. Once more the d i r e vengeance of the Clarendon Code was v i s i t e d - 55 -upon the s p i r i t u a l enemies of the Church, t h i s time envenomed and f r e -quently directed because of past p o l i t i c a l actions. As Dr. Stoughton writes, Throughout the l a s t three or four years of the r e i g n of Charles II the persecutions c a r r i e d on against the nonconfirmists increased i n violence; and the cause i s to be found, not only i n the r e l i g i o u s character of the victims, but i n the polit-i c a l course which they f e l t i t t h e i r duty to pursue. Indeed l a t t e r i n some cases mainly excited the party i n power. Nonconformists generally had supported members of the Opposition at the l a s t three e l e c t i o n s . They were known to be advocates of c o n s t i t u t i o n a l l i b e r t y against the despotic designs of men i n high places. "Which alone", observed John Howe, and his testimony i s most trustworthy, "and not"our' merevdissent from the Church of England i n matters of r e l i g i o n , where-i n Charles I I was s u f f i c i e n t l y known to be a Prince of great i n d i f f e r e n c y , drew upon us, soon a f t e r the l a s t of those Parliaments, that dreadful storm of persecution that destroyed not a small mumber of l i v e s i n goals, and ruined multitudes of f a m i l i e s . " " (61) (61) Stoughton - IV,,-68, and note. However Charles was c a r e f u l to carry h i s friends with him, and not . to needlessly antagonise them. As Green says, In 1683 the C o n s t i t u t i o n a l opposition which had held Charles so long i n check l a y crushed at his f e e t . A weaker man might e a s i l y have been led to play the mere tyrant by the mad outburst of l o y a l t y which greeted h i s triumph. But Charles saw that immense obstacles s t i l l l a y i n the road of a mere tyranny. He was c a r e f u l therefore during the few years which remained to him t o avoid the appearance of any open v i o l a t i o n of public law. But while cautious to avoid rousing popular resistance, the moved c o o l l y and r e s o l u t e l y f o r -ward on the path of despotism. (62) (62) Green, J . R. - "England" - Peter Fenelon C o l l i e r & Son - New York -1900 - IV, 1. - 56 -With the courts i n t h e i r hands, the Tories gradually began to make t h e i r presence f e l t . Some o f thejnembers of the Green Ribbon Club ! were sought out t r i e d and executed. But they were not s a t i s f i e d with the smaller trophies but proceeded to attack Shaftesbury "But Shaftesbury could not l e g a l l y be t r i e d outside London; and there no jury would con-v i c t him. The r e j o i c i n g s by which the C i t y celebrated h i s a c q u i t t a l (65) occasioned the l a s t Whig demonstration of t h i s period". (65) Trevelyan - 419.- > '•" But even Shaftesbury's a c q u i t t a l seemed only to encourage the Tories to greater e f f o r t s . London had long been a republican thorn i n the f l e s h of the Despotic T o r i e s . The c a p i t a l r e j o i c e d i n an accumulation.of . p r i v i l e g e s which had gradually grown up and yet were c l o s e l y connected with one another and which gave i t , with regard to i n t e r n a l administration and j u r i s d i c t i o n , a high degree o f independence I t seemed to foreigners that the c i t y was, as i t were, a re p u b l i c by the King's side. I t ought to have been remembered that the independent s p i r i t of the c i t y and i t s r e l i g i o u s a n d p o l i t i c a l temper, as opposed to an Anabaptist and republican government, had given one of the most important impulses to the Restoration. Now i t was only f e l t that the a g i t a t i o n i n the Ca p i t a l became very inconvenient to the King's Government a l s o , and i t was thought necessary to take measures against i t . (64) (64) Ranke, Wt, 159- - 160. V The r e s u l t of these measures was two Tory s h e r i f f s were elected by a mixed p o l i c y o f fraud and violence. These men appointed the j u r i e s , consequently the Whigs no longer f e l t that there was any hope of even - 57 -J u s t i c e f or themselves. The true p o l i c y of the Whigs was to submit with patience to adversity which wasthe natural consequence and the just punishment of t h e i r e r r o r s , to wait p a t i e n t l y for that turn of public f e e l i n g which must i n e v i t a b l y come, to observe the law, and to a v a i l them-selves of the protection, imperfect indeed, but by no means nugatory, which the law afforded to innocence. (65) (65) Macaulay, p.-.208. , But such a temporising p o l i c y was beyond the p o s s i b i l i t i e s of the Whigs. They could only wait when they could do nothing else. Now they deter-mined to appeal to arms. But as wasinevitable t h e i r p l o t f a i l e d . "Coward-l y t r a i t o r s hastened to save themselves, by divulging a l l , and more than (66) a l l , that had passed i n the d e l i b e r a t i o n s of the party." (66) Macauley, J j , 209* The e f f e c t o f t h i s p l o t was, as had doubtless been foreseen by many, only to strengthen the reactionary Tory Movement and further d i s -c r e d i t the other party. Evelyn describes the r e s u l t as follows, The public was now i n great consternation on the l a t e p l o t and conspiracy; h i s Majesty very melancholly, and not s t i r r i n g without double guards; a l l the avenues and private doors about Whitehall and the Park shut up, few admitted to walk i n i t . The P a p i s t s , i n the meantime, very jocund; and indeed with reason, seeing t h e i r own p l o t brought to nothing, and turned to r i d i c u l e and now a conspiracy of Protestants, as they c a l l them. (67) (.67) Evelyn 1 s Diary, Wheatley,t,lH. B. - Beckers & S6n,-Lbndon - '19<36'3 II, 412. . - 58 -Everything was now i n the King rs hands and he could do j u s t about as he wished. Several of the leading Whigs and members of the P l o t were put to death, Charles meanwhile following up h i s advantage and making his Government s t i l l more despotic. Local self-Government was now a l l but abolished, the Charters thus taken from the towns and renewed i n such a way as t o place the authority i n the hands of the King. Then, although there was no censorship yet such a r i g i d s c r u t i n y of a l l opinions both public and p r i v a t e , was kept, that "there was no more freedom of the press than i n the days of Laud. Whig pamphlets only appeared by s t e a l t h , and words uttered i n p r i v a t e and i n public were more guarded than i n the days (68) of the Star Chamber." This was the second Stuart tyranny. (68) Trevelyan, p.-425. • .. • Thus had Charles obtained part of h i s hearts d e s i r e a Despotism. But he had obtained t h i s only as a r e s u l t of an a l l i a n c e with a persecut-ing Anglicanism, an a l l i a n c e however nauseating to himself, neverthless, absolutely e s s e n t i a l for the even p a r t i a l attainment of h i s ambitions. Charles saw t h i s and wisely kept from d i s t u r b i n g his f r i e n d s , for he had twice seen the a f f e c t s of t r y i n g to introduce Catholicism, and the l a s t reaction had been even worse than the f i r s t . Thus he had p r a c t i c a l l y been forced to give up hope of ever r e - e s t a b l i s h i n g Catholicism. I f Charles'successor would continue the persecution of both Dissenters and C a t h o l i c s , the Despotism might l a s t , so cowed was the nation. But just as sure as an attempt was made once more to f o i s t Catholicism on the people i n a despotic manner, so surely would both despotism and i n t o l e r -ance be ended. The English, through i n e r t i a , might s l i p i n t o despotism, - 59 -but they never could be driven i n t o i t , e s p e c i a l l y i f i t was openly linked with Catholicism. As Trevelyan says, " I f an attempt were made to (69) convert i t into a C a t h o l i c Despotism there would be hope for England yet." (69) Trevelyan - p. 425. Everything then depended on James' character and the s p i r i t i n which the nation received him. Charles had been content to l e t . sleeping dogs l i e i n hopes that they would the sooner die, but James was j u s t calculated to awaken them and make them angrier than ever before. Such were the con-d i t i o n s when Charles died and James became king, swept on to h i s throne by the wave of l o y a l f e a l t y and love s i n c e r e l y f e l t f o r the time being, for the good-natured Charles. A l l that the nation knew of James was not to h i s d i s c r e d i t . He had been a successful soldier under Turenne and had f i l l e d the p o s i t i o n as admiral of the B r i t i s h f l e e t , quite s a t i s f a c t o r i l y . He had been made the butt of a great deal of persecution and had likewise been made the object of a great deal of devotion, on the part of the High Tories since the downfall of Shaftesbury and the Whigs. I t i s true that the nation knew him to be a C a t h o l i c , however, As Duke of York he had worshipped God i n p r i v a t e , and had said l i t t l e i n public about his r e l i g i o n ; i t was not yet known that the J e s u i t s had held t h e i r con-gregation under his roof. Churchmen therefore believed that he would always t r e a t h i s creed as a private matter. I t was on t h i s supposition t h a t they had placed a Popish Prince on the throne, and armed him with greater powers than had been enjoyed by his Protestant predecessors. (70) (70) Trevelyan - p..427.• - 60 -His e a r l i e s t act as Sovereign was well.calculated to increase t h i s favour-able impression. "I have", he declared to the Council within a quarter of an hour of h i s brothers death, "been re -ported to be a man f o r a r b i t r a r y power, but that i s not the only story that has been made of me; I s h a l l make i t my endeavour to preserve t h i s government both i n Church and State as i t i s now by law established. I know the p r i n c i p l e s of the Church of England are f o r Monarchy, and the members of i t have showed themselves good and l o y a l subjects; therefore I s h a l l always take care to defend and support i t " . (71) A l l the suspicions of a Catholic Sovereign seemed to have disappeared. "We have the word of a King", ran the general cry, "and of a King who was never, worse than his word". (72) (71) F o i l i n g - p.. 20%. (72) Green - op, 1 2 -However his opposing c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s were even more important. Of a l l the Stuart r u l e r s James i s the only one whose i n t e l l e c t was below mediocrity. His mind was d u l l and narrow though orderly and methodical; his temper dogged and a r b i t r a r y but sincere. His r e l i g i o u s and p o l i t i c a l tendencies had always been the same. He had always cherished an e n t i r e b e l i e f i n the royal authority and a hatred of Parliaments. His main desire was f o r the establishment of Catholicism as the only means of in s u r i n g the obedience of his people; and h i s old love of France was quickened by the firm reliance which he_ placed on the aid of Lewis i n bringing about that establishment. But the secrecy i n which his p o l i t i c a l action had as yet been shrouded and h i s long absence from England had hindered any general knowledge of h i s designs. (75) (75) Green - p.. 12' 61 -One more quotation completes the picture. James possessed that proud stubborn stupidity so characteristic of the earlier Stuarts and so utter-l y l a c k i n g i n his brother. He was not at a l l disposed to employ himself, on ascending the throne, in considering and thorough-ly studying his position as king i n its various bearingsj he belonged to the number of those rulers who take up a distinct position .as princes of the blood, and maintain i t unaltered after their accession to power. (74) (74) Ranke - I f . ,212.- ~ .\ But utterly contradictory as there two estimates of James II's character may appear, there is no greater discrepancy between them than there was between the opinions held by James and the Church. The Church and the Cavalier party in general believed that James would be well sat-isfied with a High Dissent persecuting Tory policy. This fact was early evinced by, A unanimous report from the Committee of Religion 'which suggested a petition to the Crown for the enforcement of the laws against a l l Dissenters whatsoever, and only extreme pressure on bishops, members, and placeman managed to quash i t . ' (75) (75) F o i l i n g , p.. 206'.. i : . Already he was beginning to differ with his Parliament on the question of religion; From the f i r s t indeed there were indications that James understood his declaration in a different sense from the nation. He was resolved to make no disguise of his own religion; the chapel i n which he had hitherto worshipped with closed doors was now - 62 -thrown open and the King seen at mass. He regard-ed attacks on h i s f a i t h as attacks on himself, and at once c a l l e d on the Archbishop of Canterbury and the Bishop of London to hinder a l l preaching against Catholicism as a part of t h e i r "duty" to t h e i r king. He made no secret of h i s resolve to procure freedom of worship for h i s c o - r e l i g i o n i s t s while s t i l l r e -f u s i n g i t to the r e s t of the Nonconformists, whom he hated as republicans and E x c l u s i o n i s t s . (76) (76) Green, ps.IJV-Thus already a cloud was gathering on the horizon that threaten-ed to bring a storm of trouble. But for the meantime the f a n a t i c a l love for the King was too strong. The question of r e l i g i o n was passed over even i n t h i s new Tory Parliament, which at the King" s wish i n order, contrary to custom, granted the King a revenue for l i k e . Then occurred the event that which alone was necessary to rouse the l o y a l t y of the country to fanaticism, the invasion by Monmouth. This was quickly r e -pelled and the leaders, i n c l u d i n g Monmouth, executed. But the manner i n which those poor persons who had aided the Rebellion, were hunted out by Kirke and h i s Lambs, and gloated over by that inhuman wretch Judge J e f f r e y s , i s too r e v o l t i n g to narrate. But f i e r c e as t h i s persecution was i t did not arouse any great resentment. Everyone f e l t that they were rebels and as such should be punished. But James did not understand why i t was that they were meekly putting up with such treatment. In h i s stupid way, he came to think that he could do j u s t what he l i k e d with the people, even i n disapproval spite of t h e i r c / .... and do so just as r e a d i l y and e f f e c t i v e l y as he had done with the r e b e l s . Thus he f e l t free to do as he l i k e d and, i n spite of the example of h i s brother, began to make preparations to f o i s t - 65 -Catholicism upon the nation. The Tory members of h i s Council were grad-u a l l y weeded out. H a l i f a x was dismissed i n the f a l l of 1685, because he dared oppose the open breach of the Test Act. Later on Rochester was d r i v e n out because he refused to turn C a t h o l i c . Within a short time James was l e f t with only a few Councillors and those of the very worst type f o r his own best i n t e r e s t s . Sunderland, though he did not announce h i s conversion t i l l the summer of 1688, e a r l y showed that he had an open mind on the great controversy; he, therefore, with J e f f r e y s , the J e s u i t Petre and some Catholic Lords, remained as the Counsellors who cheered James on to h i s r u i n . (77) (77) Trevelyan - p,'.4j5i.. P> ->,• But James di d not need much encouragement the second time he met h i s Parliament, they were very much annoyed by the s i z e of the Army which he had gathered about himself and wished him to reduce i t ; he on the other hand wanted them to repeal the Test Act and thus make l e g a l h i s appointment of C a t h o l i c s as o f f i c e r s i n the Army. This the Parliament refused to do and were accordingly dissolved, to meet no more under the authority of James. Meanwhile James was being greatly annoyed from another quarter. The E n g l i s h Church, so long a b j e c t l y l o y a l to the Government was once more attacking Catholicism with r i g h t vigonous blows, since i t had begun once more to make inroads i n t h e i r Church. James had forbidden them to discuss such questions and when they refused, he formed, contrary to law the Court of High Commission and suspended the offenders, a l l the while leaving vacant various appointments or else appointing those most i n c l i n e d - 64, . towards Catholicism. This same p o l i c y he c a r r i e d out i n the j u d i c i a l realm, where short l y the greater proportion of the o f f i c e s were i n h i s hands. Con-sequently from a t e c h n i c a l l y l e g a l standpoint he could do almost any-thing he wished to do. But he had gone as f a r as he was t o go without running i n t o f i e r c e opposition. Loyal as the English were they soon l e t the King know that Catholicism was not going to be established i n t h e i r kingdom with t h e i r consent. They had seen and heard too much about the actions of those r e l i g i o n i s t s to have consideration at a l l for such a l i n e of action as the King had apparently l a i d down f o r himself. J u s t recently they had had another a l l too v i v i d example of the h o r r i b l e i n -tolerance of the P a p i s t . The E d i c t of Nantes had been revoked and a l l Protestants commanded to recant. In 1681 Louis began h i s atrocious system o f dragonnating, which consisted on b i l l e t i n g ten or twelve m i l i t a r y brigands i n a Protestant family, with authority to do anything short of murder, for the CD nversion of i t s members to Popery. Cures shouted to there new apostles , "Courage, gentle-men, i t i s the w i l l of the King". (78) There persecutions had become a staple of con-ve r s a t i o n i n many an English homej and many an E n g l i s h heart p a l p i t a t e d with deep sympathy, as s t o r i e s of violence and s u f f e r i n g f e l l upon the ear. Each f r e s h gust o f intolerance, as i t broke on France, s t i r r e d the f e e l i n g s o f E n g l i s h Puritans, s c a r c e l y less than the f e e l i n g s o f French Protestants l i v i n g on t h i s side Dover B t r a i t s . (79) (78) Stoughton - ps>.J2i.i. (79) ibid - p. 75. No wonder then, with t h i s as a possL ble advance e d i t i o n of what might happen i n England, when the King was breaking every law he wished - 65 -and declared he could do so l e g a l l y , i t i s small wonder indeed that the Church and the T o r i e s turned against him. But James, the Royal Mole, as Dickens c a l l e d him, had not yet , had enough. He seems to have l o s t a l l common sense and l i k e the prover-b i a l ship, l e t himself drive. And i f ever any ship headed str a i g h t f o r the crags, h i s bark of state c e r t a i n l y d id. Even h i s fellow-Catholics could not advise him, he was absolutely given over to a fanatic of a group of f a n a t i c s , Father Petre. Consequently when he saw he had prac-t i c a l l y no supporters he determined to f i n d them amongst these whom he had l a t e l y been persecuting, the hated Dissenters. But h i s volte-face was too sudden, they well knew i t to be but a hug that they might be squeezed l a t e r . Consequently they were very slow about accepting the King 1s overtures o f friendship towards f r i e n d -ship. Moreover he was not the only one promising them t o l e r a t i o n . Meanwhile he began an attack on the freehold property of the Church which further alienated him from the people. In order to make ©xford U n i v e r s i t y a Catholic seminary, the fellows from Magdalen College were ejected by him. I t was at t h i s time that James issued h i s f i r s t d e c l a r a t i o n of Indulgence to a l l Dissenters, to be followed by another boasting of the appointment of Ca t h o l i c s to various o f f i c e s which they were not e n t i t l e d by law to hold. In t h i s tense atmosphere the s p i r i t of t o l e r a t i o n a c t u a l l y begins to work. Those who had long believed i n i t or l i k e the Presbyterians had been forced to p r a c t i c e i t , found i t spreading because of the mutual fear of a r e v i v i n g persecuting P a p i s t r y . The Puritans had always been very firm f o r l e g a l i t y and were not very anxious to accept anything even i f \ - 66 -i t were a boon i f i t came i n a way that was l i a b l e to prove detrimental to the Nation. When there was a general meeting of the ministers to consider of t h e i r behavior i n t h i s c r i s i s , and two messengers from Court waited to carry back the r e s u l t of the debate, Mr. Howe delivered h i s opinion against the dispensing power, and against every thing that might contribute assistance to the Papists to enable them to subvert the P rotestant r e l i g i o n . Anbther minister stood up and declared that he apprehended t h e i r l a t e s u f f e r i n g s had been occasioned more by t h e i r firm adherence to t h e c o n s t i t u t i o n , than th e i r d i f f e r i n g from the establishment; and therefore i f the King expected they should give up the c o n s t i t u t i o n and declare for the dispensing power, he had rather, for h i s part, lose h i s l i b e r t y , and return to h i s former bondage. (80) (80) Neal - S>. 35. . But there was no danger of t h i s , the Bishops, themselves having r a l l i e d t o the cause of freedom and refused to obey the King and become party to h i s i l l e g a l i t y , these men would be anything but anxious to send men back to th e i r former state who were ready to stand by them now. Speak-ing of the church leaders, Neal narrates, In t h i s d i s t r e s s they turned t h e i r eyes a l l around them f o r r e l i e f , they applied to the dis s e n t e r s , g i v i n g them the strongest assurances of a comprehension and t o l e r a t i o n i n better times, i f they would but a s s i s t i n d e l i v e r i n g them out r of t h e i r present troubles. (81) (81$ Neal - 36 .& 57. ' At long l a s t these men were beginning to approach that place where-i n t hey could see each other's humanity and not merely the differe n c e of - 67 -creed. Thus i t would be possible for them to carry out a common purpose. Of course i t was necessary that the f r u i t of t h i s tree should be picked immediately or e l s e , as had of t e n happened before, i t might w i l t , but t h i s time never to bear again. There was no one i n England capable of su c c e s s f u l l y r e c o n c i l i n g the various di f f e r e n c e s and i n desparation a l l eyes turned to William of Orange, as a l a s t resort. In him they f e l t they had found one who would be able to solve t h e i r problems and e s t a b l i s h peace and r e s t once more. With Monmouth's death, the way had been opened for the r e c o n c i l i a t i o n between the Whigs and William. William had long been accustomed to managing a Protestant-C a t h o l i c a l l i a n c e and not having h i s eyes closed to a l l but r e l i g i o u s questions he had become more t o l l e r a n t than most men of his day and age. Before he gave a dec i s i o n as to what at t i t u d e he would take to the E n g l i s h problem he c a r e f u l l y weighed a l l the evidence obtainable and then declared against h i s .father-in-law'e d e c i s i o n . He p u b l i c l y r e p l i e d that he hoped to see the Penal laws reduced, and freedom of con-science secured for C a t h o l i c s , as well as freedom of public worship for P rotestant Dissenters; but that he would not support the abrogation of those t e s t s which excluded members of the Church of Rome from o f f i c e . (82) (82) Trevelyan - p. 441. This manifesto was broadcast over a l l Europe and while, more f i r m l y than ever, i t cemented h i s a l l i a n c e , i t also made possible the a l l i a n c e of the various factions i n England which resulted i n the sending of an i n v i t a t -- €8 -ion to William the f l i g h t of James. The Pope and the a n t i - J e s u i t section of the Church a l l over Europe, and the peaceable E n g l i s h C a t h o l i c s , were s a t i s f i e d with an o f f e r which would save them from r e p r i s a l s for the J e s u i t p o l i c y . The Dissenters l e a r n t that they would secure t o l e r a t i o n . The Church was assured that the dykes which pend out the Roman flood would again be repaired. (85) (85) Trevelyan - p. 441 Thus as a r e s u l t of the fanaticism o f the Whigs, the persecuting zeal of the Tories and the stupid"bunglesomeness" of James had been forced upon the people the recognition of the necessity of some form of t o l e r a t i o n ; whilst i n William they expected to find the man who could lay a foundation that would o u t l a s t the natural r e a c t i o n a r i e s . C H A P T E R IY. THE ESTABLISHMENT OF TOLERATION. No nation can be continually tormented without eventually attacking the source of i t s annoyance. James evidently thought a nation could. The English since the Restoration of the Stuarts had endured much and without doubt they would have endured much more had James not goaded them into action. However unfortunate such a course of procedure was for JameB, i t certainly was fortunate for his subjects. Very seldom, indeed, has anyone done so much for any cause to which they were so opposed as James has done for that of religious liberty. Both Charles and James had been interested i n some measure of toleration. "But the toleration which the Stuarts wanted was toler-; (84) ation of Roman Catholics". (84) Turberville, A. S. - The House of Lords in the Reign of William III. Oxford Historical and Literary Studies - Vol. III., Oxford, 1913 - p. 11. - 70 -Furthermore they wanted t h e i r c o - r e l i g i o n i s t s tolerated i n order that they might i n time supplant and persecute the very persons who t o l -erated them. Th i s f a c t had, of course, come to l i g h t and, as has been seen, had s t i r r e d up so much s t r i f e that the Protestants were w i l l i n g to allow one another to worship God i n peace, that they might, f o r the time being separate the p o l i t i c a l from the s p i r i t u a l , unite and maintain t h e i r p o l i t i c a l r i g h t s , and i n t h i s case also t h e i r r e l i g i o u s . Now i f i t had not been for James' foolishness h i s r e a l i n t e n t i o n would never have been known, his own plan of i n t o l e r a n t t o l e r a t i o n rejected nor re a l t o l e r a t i o n introduced i n i t s stead, a t o l e r a t i o n based on a d i s t i n c t i o n between matters secular and s p i r i t u a l . But he did blunder on and thus s t i r r e d up the animosity which f i n a l l y put an end to h i s reign. Those who s t i l l remained l o y a l to him, advised him to a l t e r h i s course, but he refused to l i s t e n to them. Religious and personal motives co-operated to influence him, now as always. The Religious motive was that he would have had to concede to a Parliament summoned under these circumstances the continuance of the te s t oaths, which i t was h i s precise object to abolish, he held t h i s to be incompatible with h i s r e l i g i o u s duty. And personally, i t was just by the Tories that James I I . , f e l t himself most b i t t e r l y wronged; he was u n w i l l i n g to procure f o r them the advantage which would have l a i n i n the summoning of a Parliament i n l e g a l fashion and on t h e i r urgent request. Moreover he had premised h i s wife to follow her as soon as possible. Without even hear-ing the deputies of the lords he c a r r i e d out h i s f l i g h t from Rochester to France to which no one any longer offered opposition. (85) - 71 -O * • " . . . (85) Ranke, IV, 485. He did not even pause to make preparations for the maintenance of order during his absence. Not even a l l of the writs for an election were sent out. The days that followed the flight of James saw even greater confusion i n England than the months which preceded the Restoration, or those which ushered i n the C i v i l War. Then there had been too many claimants to legal authority now there was no legal authority at a l l . Travellers were searched upon the roads by no warrant save that of public safety, villages were held by mounted men, the town gates by m i l i t i a , i n no name save that of the Protestant religion. The gentry andmiddle classes were up in arms, expectant of the unknown, while mobs were seeking Catholic Chapels and mansions, as the f i r s t r i t e i n a sat-urnalia of thieves Englishmen were drawn out as for war, armed, excited, in the grip of panic, ready to plunge the sword into one another at a word. (86) (86) Trevelyan, p. 446. But they did not do i t , partly because they had profited from their ex-periences or those of their fathers, during the C i v i l War, and partly because of the presence of William and his army. Order and set purpose were found only upon those western roads converging on the capital, where warriors drawn from a l l the chief Protestant races of Europe, side by ide with a few regiments of red-coats and an enormous staff of Lords and gentlemen, moved under the flag of William of Orange. (87) (87) Trevelyan, p. 446. From this Prince every party i n the Nation could expect a f a i r treatment, And this statement even includes the outlawed Catholics, as wasrecognized by one of their friends later on in that century. The Spanish minister re-ported to his government, and, through his government, to the Pope, that no Catholic need feel any scruple of conscience on account of the late revolution i n England, that for the danger to which the members of the true Church were exposed James alone wasresponsible, and that William alone had saved them from a sanguinary persecution. (88) (88) Macaulay, II , 161. Nor was i t long before William possessed the confidence of a l l concerned. The Peers met, and an informal Assembly of members of Charles' Parliament were called and hastily placed both C i v i l and Military power in the hands of the Prince. Then a regular election was held and a Parliament in a l l but law assembled. It was this body that had to deal with the most d i f f i c u l t problem of reaffirming a refugee king or appointing a new one, and i n the course of the debates one may clearly see that a l l parties were not by any means united i n adopting any one settlement. So fierce was party s t r i f e , that nothing short of the need to preserve society would have compelled the Tories to abandon hereditary right and religious persecution, and the Whigs to l e t their dead sleep without the atonement of blood. They both learnt their lesson, but could not forgive their Dutch schoolmaster. (89) (89) Trevelyan, p. 447. And i t was the character of this Dutch schoolmaster and that of his - 75 -E n g l i s h wife that f i n a l l y determined the Succession. As would be expected the Tories were anxious to keep as c l o s e l y as possible too t h e i r appointments to the d i c t a t e s of t h e i r doctrine of hereditary r i g h t . Some wished to see r u l i n g i n James' name, as Regent, while others wished Mary to be appointed Sovereign. The idea of a Regency was early turned down, but not so t h a t of bestowing the crown upon Mary. She had been born and raised i n England and had possessed u n t i l recently, the r i g h t to the throne, next best to t h a t of James him-s e l f . But just here we find rather a re f r e s h i n g example ofmartial a f f e c t a t i o n , r e f r e s h i n g by way of contrast to that of previous Sovereigns. Mary refused to accept the o f f e r and "had communicated to Uanby her high displeasure at the conduct of those who were s e t t i n g up her claims i n (90) opposition to those of her husband". This unexpected turn of events nat-u r a l l y checked the progress of t h i s plan and strengthened the Whig attempts to have William appointed sole sovereign. But i t was William's a c t i o n that r e a l l y decided the question. In the f i n a l analysis he could almost d i c t a t e h i s sole appointment i f he wished, f o r divided as England was, without him she must love a l l she had been struggling f o r . He acted at length when he saw the time was r i p e . I f the Convention, he s a i d , chose toadopt the plan of a Regency, he had nothing to say against i t , only they must look out for some other person to f i l l the o f f i c e , for he himself would not consent to do so. As to the a l t e r n a t i v e proposal of putting Mary on the throne and allowing him to r e i g n by her courtesy, "no man", he said, "can esteem a woman more than I do the Princess; but I am so made that I cannot think of hold-ing anything by apron-stringsj nor can I think i t reason-able to have any share.in the government unless i t be put i n my own person, and that for the term of my l i f e . I f you think f i t to s e t t l e i t otherwise I w i l l not oppose you, but w i l l go back to Holland and meddle no more i n - 7 4 -your a f f a i r s . " (90) (90) Words, of William quoted,by T r a i l l , H. D. - William the Third -Macmillsj^Sncf GoV - Iidriddn r-'1888. = p. 52 - 5J. Needless to say hiB terms were accepted. William and Mary were appointed joint-Sovereigns, but the power was placed i n William 1s control as long as he should l i v e . T h i s change was accomplished by the Act of Settlement. Now when t h i s and other s i m i l a r p o l i t i c a l problems had been s e t t l e d , and the Convention had declared i t s e l f to be a l e g a l Parliament, the question of a r e l i g i o u s Settlement was taken up. Here i t was to prove impossible to f i n d such a l o g i c a l s o l u t i o n , as had been found for the P o l i t i c a l d i f f i c u l t i e s , but f o r a l l that, there was found one more t y p i c a l of the E n g l i s h C o n s t i t u t i o n , a new Act, meaning l i t t l e i n i t s e l f (91) but implying a great deal. (91) I t should be remembered that William belonged to the Dutch Reformed Church - the National Church of Holland. For the present at l e a s t , the Church seemed to have learned i t s lesson and to have recognized the foolishness of continuing i t s persecu-t i o n of fellow Protestants, to whom i t now owed so much. A l l Protestants a l i k e , churchmen and Dissenters, had united i n opposing James i l l e g a l i t i e s , and i n welcoming William. They had, for the time being, forgotten about t h e i r d i f f e r e n c e s , and had treated each other l i k e men, not l i k e persons who should, or could, be harried into t h e i r own p a r t i c u l a r b e l i e f s . Thus common endeavors and sufferings, tended to unite them. In the summer of 1688 the breaches which had - 75 -long divided the great body of E n g l i s h Protestants had seemed to be almost closed. Disputes about Bishops and Synods, written prayers and extempor-aneous prayers, white gowns and black gowns, s p r i n k l -ing and dipping, kneeling and s i t t i n g , had been f o r a short space intermitted. The serried array which was then drawn up against Popery measured the whole of the vast i n t e r v a l which separated Bancroft from Bunyan. Prelates recently conspicuous as persecutors now declared themselves friends of r e l i g i o u s l i b e r t y , and exhorted t h e i r clergy to l i v e i n a constant i n t e r -change of h o s p i t a l i t y and of kind o f f i c e s with the Separatists. Separatists on the other hand, who had r e c e n t l y considered mitres and lawn sleeves as the l i v e r y of A n t i c h r i s t , were p u t t i n g candles i n windows and throwing faggots on bonfires i n honour of the p r e l a t e s . (92) (92) Macaulay, I I , 268. Something more than mere t o l e r a t i o n would now seem to be possible. But j u s t to what extent i t would go would absolutely depend upon the degree of unity that a c t u a l l y existed, apart from the force of circum-stances. Because, t h i s brotherly love which was so admirable but yet so suddenly grown up, was not, i n a l l p r o b a b i l i t y , strong enough to withstand the necessary discussion of any settlement i n Parliament. There when the members of the various groups were required to give some d e f i n i t e expression of t h e i r b e l i e f s , one would s t i l l f i n d a great v a r i e t y of plans and opinions. However, there was one point on which they seemed to be agreed. The s i t u a t i o n of the Dissenters had been much ' discussed nine or t e n years before, when the kingdom was d i s t r a c t e d by the fear of a Popish p l o t , and when there was among Protestants a general d i s p o s i t i o n to unite against the oommon enemy. A draught of a law authorising the public worship of Nonconformists, and a draught of a law making some a l t e r a t i o n s i n the public worship of the Established Church, had been pre-pared, and would probably have been passed by both Houses without d i f f i c u l t y , had not Shaftesbury and h i s coadjutors refused to l i s t e n to any terms, and, by grasping at what was beyond t h e i r reach, missed advantages which might e a s i l y have been secured. (95) (93) Macaulay, I I , 276. But now one of these same men came forwardwith b i l l s s i m i l a r to the two previously debated, of which the B i l l of T o l e r a t i o n has had by fa r the greater influence. People today would consider such a b i l l a mere i n s u l t , instead of a compliment, but conditions were d i f f e r e n t i n those days. I t was a revolutionary change that made i t possible f o r Presbyterians, B a p t i s t s , Oongregationalists and even Quakers, to worship God as they saw f i t . This r e s u l t was brought about by suspending the persecuting laws from applying "to any person who should t e s t i f y h i s l o y a l t y by taking the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy and his P r o t e s t -(94) antiam by subscribing the Declaration against Transubstantiation". (94) Macaulay, I I , 276. The ministers of these various denominations were likewise given some lea-way; f o r example they were only required to s i g n 34 of the 59 a r t i c l e s . But they had to sign those or a l l the rigours of the law con-, tinued to re s t upon them and would p r a c t i c a l l y prevent t h e i r being able to carry on t h e i r work. One exception however was outstanding. The Quakers who objected to taking the various oaths, were allowed to hold t h e i r meetings, i f they signed three documents, a d e c l a r a t i o n against transubs - 77 -transubstantiation, gave t h e i r promise to be f a i t h f u l , to the Government and made a confession of C h r i s t i a n b e l i e f . No le g a l r e l i e f was given to any of the other chases, the Catholics continued to bear the weight of the Penal Laws, which however were only enforced occasionally. Neither was any r e s p i t e granted to r such h e r e t i c a l groups as the Uni t a r i a n s , because of t h e i r d i s b e l i e f i n the T r i n i t y , who were considered to be absolutely beyond the pale. As Professor Bury has characterised the B i l l , " I t was a c h a r a c t e r i s t i c l y E n g l i s h measure l o g i c a l l y inconsistent and absure, a mixture of tolerance and intolerance but suitable to the circumstances and the state of public (95) opinion at the time." And one may add as such, almost c e r t a i n to be highly successful. And indeed, i t has proved t o be so. That b i l l small (95) Bury, J . B. - A History of Freedom of Thought - Home U n i v e r s i t y Library - H i l l iam a h a - Nor gate, "Ltdvj "London* 1926, 1• p. 101. and seemingly unimportant as i t was, drove i n the wedge that f i n a l l y separated c i v i l and r e l i g i o u s questions and made possible a natural development, and a consequent progress i n both. But t h i s was only part of the question. For years many of the leading members of both sides had done t h e i r best to bring about a change i n c e r t a i n parts of the Established Church, in order that i t might be possible to include the vast majority of Prot-estants within i t s borders. Such a state of a f f a i r s would, undoubtedly, have been id e a l i n many ways. One strong united Church would undoubted-l y have been stronger than h a l f a dozen weaker ones (provided the s i x retained t h e i r strength when they united). But t h i s i s debatable. - 7* -F i r s t of a l l what were the questions at issue? Here they fund-amental? I f they were union could never have been r e a l l y b e n e f i c i a l be-cause p r i n c i p a l would have to have been s a c r i f i c e d * However i f they were only matters of d e t a i l then a union would undoubtedly have strengthened each i n d i v i d u a l church by removing the unnecessary b e l i e f s and d i s b e l i e f s , and consequently readjusting things so that the emphasis could be l a i d i n the proper place. To be able to achieve such a re-adjustment would require that a l l p a r t i e s concerned be ready to follow the theories of t h e i r former opponents i f they seemed sound. A l l prejudice, because of the habits of years and the t r a d i t i o n of centuries would have to be l a i d aside and the question dealt with honestly and openly by a l l concerned. But never has there been a group of men assembled of the s i z e r e -quired on t h i s occasion that have been capable of bringing about such a change. Consequently i t was sure to prove almost impossible to a r r i v e at such a solution. Then on the other hand i t was not altogether desirable. Undoubt-edly no person could or would d i s t i n g u i s h i n every case between d e t a i l and p r i n c i p l e and even supposing they did, competition has always proven p r o f i t a b l e for any human i n s t i t u t i o n . Any church that has undisputed control tends to lose i t s v i s i o n and become more or l e s s a secular i n -s t i t u t i o n . Very few great reformers have been developed by the whole-hearted support of any great number of people, rather they have come up i n the face of tremendous opposition. Merely to refer tcCCardLst himself and such of his followers as Luther, C a l v i n or Wesley, i s s u f f i c i e n t proof of such a statements. Thus however appealing comprehension might appear on the surface, - 7-9 -i n the f i n a l a n a l y s i s i t was not r e a l l y desirable even on purely r e l i g i o u s grounds. But the p o l i t i c a l i n t e r e s t s have s t i l l to be considered. I f , i n thepresent union of Church and state, the Church should be strengthen-ed, one p a r t i c u l a r party, the Tory, would be strengthened, and the other weakened. The power of the Dissenters as a body would be broken, by i n -cluding a large number with the ranks of the Churchmen, d r i v i n g the more conscientious with a weaker and more desparate p o s i t i o n . The majority would then quite n a t u r a l l y , grow more and i n t o l e r a n t , and i n the end, the cause o f l i b e r t y both C i v i l and r e l i g i o u s would s u f f e r . I t was, then, with great differences of opinion that Parliament debated the question of comprehension. Even the economic element enter-ed into the question to some degree. The ministers not so anxious to change on p r i n c i p l e , were often also assured that a decrease i n income would follow. While many of the churchmen were undoubtedly well cared f o r , the great majority, and that due frequently to the covetous opulence (96) of the few, were r e a l l y i n penurious circumstances. Th i s state of a f f a i i B (96) Note the change for the better a f t e r the distribution of Queen Anne's Bounty. However the amount d i s t r i b u t e d was not large enough to produce an e n t i r e transformation. 6 was of course well known to the ministers of the Nonconforming Churches, and the wealthy dissentery ministers were probably more the exception than the r u l e . However such there were, and Macaulay makes his point although one cannot but f e e l t h a t he overemphasizes i t . As he says, The voluntary contributions of his wealthy hearers, Alderman and Deputies, west India merchants and Turkey merchants, Wardens of the Company of F i s h -- 80 -mongers and Wardens of the Company of Gold-smiths, enabled him to become a landowner or a mortgagee The best broadcloth from Blackwell H a l l , and the best poultry from Leadenhall Market, were frequently l e f t at h i s door. On a l l p o l i t i c a l and l i t e r a r y questions the minister was the oracle of h i s own c i r c l e . I t was popularly remarked, dur-ing many years, that an eminent dissenting m i n i s t e r had only to make his son an attorney or a physician, that the attorney was sure to have c l i e n t s , and the physician to have patients. One of the great Presbyterian Rabbles therefore, might well doubt whether, i n a worldly view, he should be benefited by a comprehension. (97) (97) Macaulay, II, 288. Thus the party that would n a t u r a l l y be expected to be most i n favour of comprehension was anything but unanimous i n d e s i r i n g i t . The Church i t s e l f , p a r t i c u l a r l y one f a c t i o n within i t , were anything but desirous of a l t e r a t i o n . A very great majority of the clergy, known as the High Church party, who completely dominated the Lower House of Convocation, were only h a l f l o y a l to the reigning Sovereigns, and were wild with hatred o f Dissent. (98) (98) Trevelyan, p. 451. Whilst a great number of others who did not quarrel with the Dissenters on r e l i g i o u s grounds p a r t i c u l a r l y but rather were anxious to maintain t h e i r monopoly of o f f i c e , also opposed any movement toward comprehension. These several factors then combined and the B i l l was defeated, much to the disappointment of the King of whom Tubervelle writes, "There - 81 -i s much reason to believe that William had the measure very much at (99) heart". (99) T u r b e r v i l l e , p. 156. Thus f a i l e d the measure that might have benefited the nation but chances are that i t would not but rather would have opened the way f o r a great deal of harm to have been done. But one unfortunate r e s u l t of the f a i l u r e of one B i l l to pass while i t s fellow d i d , was that the r e c e i v i n g of the Sacrament, the Holiest and most sacred ceremony of the C h r i s t i a n Church, was made the key to o f f i c e , by men who were not as anxious that those that d i f f e r e d from t h e i r r e l i g i o u s b e l i e f s , be oo nverted to t h e i r ways of thinking, as that they should remain as they were and permit t h e i r r e l i g i o u s opponents to r e t a i n c o n t r o l of the Government. This question of Test Oaths had long bothered the l e g i s l a t o r s , and i t was one of the unfortunate r e s u l t s coincident with the r e j e c t i o n of the Com-prehension scheme, that such t e s t s continued and were even made of great-er importance. Many persons had foreseen t h i s consequence. They argued very properly that a hearty union among Protestants was a greater s e c u r i t y to the Church than any test which could possibly be invented; that the o b l i g a t i o n to receive the Sacrament was a t e s t on Protestants rather than on Papists; that so long as i t continued there could not p o s s i b l y be that thorough union among Protestants which had always been desired, and which was at that time i n -desputably necessary; f i n a l l y , that a greater caution ought not to be required from such as were admitted into o f f i c e s , than from members of the two Houses of Parliament, who were not obliged to receive the Sacrament i n order to enable them to s i t . (100) (100) T u r b e r v i l l e , P. 151 - 152. -c82 -But these argumentsfailed to convince, or to change the background of the question and this question of Oaths to! be taken in order to f i l l an office was to become so potent that i t f i r s t of a l l greatly weakened the English Church i t s e l f and then because of an effort made by a certain faction to u t i l i z e the Church interests for his own ends, i t threatened the very principle involved in the Act of Toleration, that of permitting a person to worship God as he chose, so long as he did not disturb the peace. But this Act had been plassed as a result of a long struggle, and i t had passed almost unnoticed. However the real reason for this change lay in thefact that people were beginning to distinguish between C i v i l and religious liberty. They had decided to re-pot the twin plants that had long been too large for their single container, and which,w hen re-planted would be enabled to resume their long interrupted growt h. Henceforth religion w i l l be seen to be introduced into p o l i t i c s , mostly for p o l i t i c a l purposes. And to trace the gradual diminution of i t s i n -troduction there, i n relation to the Protestant Dissenting bodies, is to trace the final establishment of the principle of toleration to just that extent. Now had i t been possible to leave conditions just as they were there might have beem fewsr d i f f i c u l t i e s in the end. But such a policy was almost impossible. A great number of the Church clergy had for the past years constantly preached a most servile passive obedience* They declared in no uncertain terms that i t was absolutely contrary to the law of God for a subject to resist his sovereign, no matter, some of them went on to say, i f he were as vicious as Nero himself. But they had not foreseen that the day would come when the position of their own church would be threatened, and the very king whom they had so passionately de-- 65. -fended would undertake to make changes that would probably spell the ruin of the English. Church in its reformed state. Thus they were forcibly shown that there was at least one exception to their rule, and many of the Church leaders led i n the revolt. But these actions did not change their theories i f they had been sincere in the past, and whilst they would i n a l l probability not openly oppose the present sovereign, their past actions rendered their loyalty suspect. And so without reason Bishop Burnet, the most tolerant of men and clerics did his best to prevent the Government's demanding a declaration of their allegiance to the new Sovereigns by the clergy, because he f e l t that in many cases, many most conscientious and useful ministers, bishops and even Archbishops, would be driven into opposition i f asked for a definite declaration of their position which, he well knew, they f e l t they could only take by breaking their former oath to James, and the Doctrines they had been preaching for a lifetime. And i n maintaining this contention Burnet was backed by a majority i n the upper House of Parliament. However this matter was def-in i t e l y p o l i t i c a l i n a l l i t s various aspects. The Church in linking so closely matters of Church and State, had long received the support of the State, but now they had to pay the price, for i t . It was absolutely necessary for peace to be thoroughly established throughout the country, that a l l those s t i l l ready to support James should be dismissed from positions of influence and authority and placed i n a position where they would definitely show their colors. Since the Jacobites were quite numerous and the Church had been the very citadel of Royal support, i t naturally contained a large number of the exiled Kings most loyal supporters. And these persons did not always maintain a discreet silence, so that even Burnet "confesses, that his feelings changed somewhat by reason of c e r t a i n discoveries concerning the conduct (101) of some of the non-juring clergy," as those who refused to swear allegiance to William and Mary, soon came t o be c a l l e d . (101) T u r b e r v i l l e , p. 153. These men held high posi t i o n s throughout the land, some of them even s i t t i n g i n Parliament. As Ranke says, the trouble from the Clergy's point of view lay i n the f a c t "that t h e i r oath taken to King James from which he had not released them, must prevent them from t a k i n g an oath to (102) another Prince". But i t was j u s t such reasoning as t h i s that annoyed Parliament the most. Who, they asked, had made the former oaths but themselves? Who had appointed the new Sovereign, but themselves, who comprised the f i n a l authority i n England i f i t was not Parliament. Con-sequently instead of softening t h e i r tone, they hardened i t and proceeded to deal with these persons asthey saw f i t . They had quarreled with James o r i g i n a l l y because of his usurpation of t h e i r authority and as a r e s u l t they asked on t h i s occasion with a more self-righteous tone, What was stronger than P arliament? who could venture to r e s i s t i t s resolutions? And f u r t h e r , 'how could Bishops be tolerated i n the House of Lords who were of opinion that there obedience was due to King James?' For one that had adhered to such a view the Parliament was no Parliamentj King William I I I . was for him a usurper. (102) (102) Ranke - IV, 567. Moreover there very same Bishops and clergy had shown themselves none too anxious to reach a s a t i s f a c t o r y accommodation with the Dissenters - 85 -and William had blamed them l a r g e l y f o r the r e j e c t i o n of the Comprehension B i l l . On the other hand many of the Whigs, t h e i r p o l i t i c a l opponents well remembered what they themselves had suffered i n the past and con-sequently were not anxious to l e g i s l a t e f o r the benefit of t h e i r past persecutors. Accordingly, the law was passed requiring a l l clergymen to take the oath of allegiance, w i t h i n a c e r t a i n period, or else to f o r f e i t t h e i r p o s i t i o n s , with the power being given the king of granting these non-jurors one-third t h e i r former income as compensation. By t h i s means some of the very best men because of t h e i r con-v i c t i o n , were separated from the Church. The Archbishop along with the majority of the famous seven Bishops resigned t h e i r p o s i t i o n s rather than break t h e i r oaths. These and many men of obscure but s a i n t l y l i f e were losses which the Church of England could i l l bear. The l a t i t u d i n a r i a n and E r a s t i a n tone which spread over the Church from the Revolution t i l l the Wesleyan movement was due l a r g e l y to the withdrawal of so many men of v i t a l p i e t y and self-devotion. (105) (105) Hutton, W. H. - The E n g l i s h Church From the Accession of Charles I. to the Death of Anne (1625 - 1714) - VI, Hunt and Stephens History of the Church of England f.Mac- ~ fa l l l a n and Ob^y-Istd; y ^ o n d b h , ! ^ - p. 241. fhe L a t i t u d i n a r i a n element that Mr. Hutton r e f e r s to was i n -troduced i n various ways, by the interference of Parliament i n the Church, i n the manner just described, and also i n a more pos i t i v e manner by William's appointing men of acknowledged L a t i t u d i n a r i a n leanings. He had been rather disappointed i n the way the Church had acted and he did not wish the reactionary element to gain c o n t r o l , consequently he f i l l e d the Bishoperics with such men as Burnet, T i l l o t s o n , e t c . , men frequently - 86 -of outstanding a b i l i t y , but holding b e l i e f s that were not shared by the vast majority of t h e i r i n f e r i o r s , p a r t i c u l a r l y the lower orders of the clergy, those s i t t i n g i n the lower House of Convocation. This change wasmade much to the chagrin of the Tories. But i t was only thus that the r e l i g i o u s peace could be kept i n England against the outcries of the country parsons and the intrig u e s of the High Church Party which was i n that age distinguished, not by r i t -u a l i s t i c p r a c t i c e s , but by the desire to go back on the Act of To l e r a t i o n . (1C4) (104) Trevelyan, p. 451. But t h i s a l t e r a t i o n was not altogether for the worse. &eal i s a very necessary thin g i n any organization, but there i s nothing more harmful than misguided zeal. For years the most active s p i r i t s had been propagating a b e l i e f that was contrary to reason i t s e l f ; namely the doctrine of non-resistence, w h i l s t on the other hand a great deal of the enthusiasm had been b u i l t on a hatred of Dissenters and kept up by a f i e r c e l y i n t o l e r a n t s p i r i t . Such condition of a f f a i r s i s anything but des i r a b l e , consequently when the cause of these errors was removed and t h e i r continuance, o f f i c i a l l y at least made impossible, i f the Church di d decline i n influence i t was not r e a l l y a tragedy but rather a b l e s s i n g that things were being placed i n t h e i r proper p o s i t i o n . For, when such an a l t e r a t i o n was accomplished the way would be cleared f o r t h e i r returning to the old paths, seeing t h e i r mistakes and correcting them by examining themselves by t h e i r o r i g i n a l commission. Thus Latitudinarianism was a good t h i n g for the Church i n s o f a r as i t aided i t i n ge t t i n g back to e s s e n t i a l s . - 87 -This mixed state of a f f a i r s was not only to be found i n the Qhurch i t s e l f but also among the Dissenting bodies. Many of them had l o s t the s p i r i t of true C h r i s t i a n i t y and were being true to the f a i t h of t h e i r fathers rather than serving the One whom t h e i r fathers had followed. Thus the very decline of r e l i g i o n was u s e f u l i n i t s e l f , be-cause i t might, i f i t went f a r enough, permit or aid a Revival of true R e l i g i o n . But there were other r e s u l t s of Williairfs interference i n the Church that were not so favorable. By so doing he aroused the undying resentment of the Tory party. As Dr. Trevelyan says, "The appointment of L a t i t u d i n a r i a n Bishops was the chief grievance of the Tories against (105) William". and t h i s f a c t added fuel to the already growing contagion of Tory resentment. I t w i l l be r e c a l l e d how hard the Tor i e s had s t r i v e n to have James retained as King, i n name, at l e a s t , and then to appoint Mary as Sovereign, only to be overruled i n both suggestions by William and the Whigs. But they were p a r t i a l l y placated by Mary's being appointed as jjioint Sovereign and they regarded her more or l e s s as t h e i r Queen and thus were kept more or l e s s acquiesant to the various p o l i c i e s of the Government. However William's r e l i g i o u s p o l i c y , as has been seen, greatly annoyed them. Then Mary died and William, the foreigner, was l e f t as sole Monarch. Their resentment began to increase. The Whigs, the favo r i t e war party, were more and more i n power and were seemingly becoming more d i s t a s t e f u l to the T o r i e s on every occasion. They were a mercantile group i n c o n t r o l of the Bank anxious t o carry on the war, and l o y a l supporters of the Kings. They a l s o were the t r a d i t i o n a l exponents of t o l e r a t i o n and r e l i g i o u s l i b e r t y . (105) Trevelyan, p. 451 - 88 -To each and every one of these p o l i c i e s the T o r i e s either had been or s t i l l were opposed. On r e l i g i o u s questions they had r e c e n t l y became much more t o l e r a n t , more however by necessity than v o l i t i o n . But (106) now they regarded William as a foreigner who was i n t e r f e r i n g i n the man-(106) William was a O a l v i n i s t who had allowed episcopacy ta> be abolished i n Scotland. agement of t h e i r Church i n such a way as to benefit t h e i r p o l i t i c a l r i v a l s . Consequently they reacted against t o l e r a t i o n f a r more enthus-i a s t i c a l l y than they had ever supported i t . But i t was not so much the r e l i g i o u s element that they objected to.as to the p r a c t i c e that had grown up of taking the Sacrament once a year i n order t o q u a l i f y f o r some p o l i t i c a l or c i v i l p o s i t i o n . Such a p r a c t i c e , apart from i t s cheapening e f f e c t upon r e l i g i o n , tended to break down the monopoly of o f f i c e possessed, t h e o r e t i c a l l y at least by the T o r i e s , to a greater degree, tha But for the f i r s t few years things went on q u i e t l y enough. The nation recognized the e f f o r t s of William to obtain the best for h i s new kingdom and quickly responded t o h i s d i s s o l u t i o n s by e l e c t i n g the oppos-i t e party when one had commenced t o go to extremes. By t h i s meanB, he was able t o guide the ship of state through many a dangerous shoal. For a number of years he had been at outs with h i s Sister-in-law whose bosom fri e n d Sarah C h u r c h i l l and her husband had a c t u a l l y been engaged i n some treasonous intercourse with the court of the exiled James. However with Mary's death and Anne's assured succession t h i s i n f l u e n t i a l clique became one of William's staunchest supports and i t was to C h u r c h i l l l a t e r known - df -as Marlborough, that William l e f t the command of t h i s continental army. C h u r c h i l l thus was pointed out as the man to carry on Williams work where he l e f t o f f . Accordingly when William died, mourned by few, but respected by most, Anne succeeded him and C h u r c h i l l rose to prominence as her f i r s t m i n i s t e r . Now Anne had long been a staunch churchwoman and a Tory. She l i k e her s i s t e r had been born and r a i s e d i n England, and likewise was very popular. As many persons thought, the lat e King had been ' e n t i r e l y Dutch'j the pretender i f restored must be 1 e n t i r e l y French'; the E l e c t r e s s of Hanover i f she succeeded might be ' e n t i r e l y German'j d e l i g h t -f u l then to bask i n the sunshine of an ' e n t i r e l y English' Queenl (107) (107) Stanhope, E a r l - History of England - comprising the reigh of Queen Anne,.until the peace of Utrecht (1701 -171?) John Murray, LortdOnV l 8 7"° " P» 2 0 ? But i n those times what was often considered to be a good Church member was not n e c e s s a r i l y a r e a l c h r i s t i a n so much as a nominal one. According to Ashton, Religious l i f e i n Anne's time was not active. At l e a s t i n the Church of England. Even the d i g n i t a r i e s of the Church, with very few exceptions, were men of no mark, nor were there any among the i n f e r i o r clergy who could be call e d to the higher estate, and so help to leaven and wake up the Episcopate. For the Church was. asleep, and with the exception of the Sacheverell episode -when the name of the Church was dragged i n to serve party purposes - nothing was heard of i t . There were p r i e s t s i n the l i v i n g s then as now and they duly baptized, married, preached t o , and buried t h e i r f l o c k , but there was l i t t l e v i t a l i t y i n t h e i r m i n i s t r a t i o n s , l i t t l e or no zeal or earnestness as to the s p i r i t u a l state of those committed to t h e i r charge, and very l i t t l e of p - a c t i c a l teaching, i n the way of s e t t i n g before them a higher s o c i a l standard for them to imitate. The Church services had no l i f e in them, with the exception of the cathedrals the services were read and the soul-depressing parson and clerk duet had i t s usual effect of deadening the religious sensibilities of the so-called worshippers. (108) (108) Ashton, John - Social L i f e in the Reign of Queen Anne. Taken from Original Sources. Ohatto and'Wihdus, London 1919- p. 557. To .be called a good church-woman - in such a Chu rch, is not then such a high complimentxand indeed such._a questionable compliment is well suited to Anne as her own declaration, when speaking of the Countess of Marlborough clearly shows. I am sure there is nobody in the world has better tokens of religion than she has. I am sure she is not as s t r i c t as some are, nor does she keep such a bustle with religion; which I confess I think ne'er the worse, for one sees so many Saints Devils that i f you.be a good Christian the less s t i r one makes is better in my opinion. As for her moral principles, i t i s impossible to have better and without that a l l the l i f t i n g eyes, (and) going to Church w i l l prove but very lame devotion.(109) (109) Morgan, W.J. - English P o l i t i c a l Parties and Leaders in the reign 0 of Queen Anne,1702 - 1710. Yale Historical Pub-lications, Yale"Oniv©rs'ity-Press, Mew Haven, vox&Ui 1920, p. 56. A very commonplace statement, quite i n keeping with Anne's character. However, what was to her, the more pertinent subject, of the Church, she could speak with more enthusiasm, an enthusiasm which certainly must have gladened the hearts of her Tory friends. At the end of her f i r s t Par-liamentary session she clearly outlined her position. - 91• -I hope that such of my subjects as have tthe misfortune to dissent from the Church of - i England:will rest secure and satisfied i n the Act of Toleration, which I am firmly resolved to maintain , and that a l l those who have the happiness and advantage to be of our Church w i l l consider that I have had my education in i t , and that I have been willing to run great hazards for i t s preservation, and therefore they may be very sure I shall always make i t my particular care to encourage and maintain the Church as by law establish-ed, and every the least member of i t in a l l their just rights and privileges; and upon a l l occasions of promotion to any ecclesiastical dignity I shall have a very just regard for such as are eminent and remarkable for their piety, learning, and constant zeal for the church. (110) (110) Hutton - p. 256. This she declared herself in f u l l accord with the religious policy of the Tories, they were, for the time being, quite willing to maintain the Act of Toleration, but they were and would continue to be anxious to pass such Acts, as would guarantee their retaining their monopoly of office. Thus they would be certain to attack the practice of occasional conformity. As has been previously intimated, they strenuously objected to William's c appointment of Latitudenarians to a l l the important positions in the Church, accordingly they would receive with thankfulness Anne's declaration that she would"have regard for such as are eminent and remarkable for (111) their piety, learning and constant zeal for the church.'* whatever may be found fault with i n Anne's religion or character, she certainly zealously supported the church in a l l i t s aspects. "The queen may not have been a strong-minded woman, nor a high type of Christian, but a l l her public (111) influence was thrown into the scale of religious earnestness". Such a (lll)Overton, J. H. - The Evangelical Revival in the Eighteenth Century, Epochs of Church History - Longmans, Green and Co. London - 1907, P»4. Queen then-would be very apt to follow the lead of the High Church Tories, end no one could t e l l just where this alliance would stop, i f once i t got control. One has no notion of the hatred against the Presbyterians with which the Anglican fanatics greeted the event of a Princess of the House of Stuart, ascending the throne. For fourteen long years, they said, the church had suffered from associations and exactions of oaths, without any respect to consciences which were bound by an earlier oath of allegiance; but now i t was necessary to f l i n g out the snake from their bosm, which had been so long fostered there. No Monmouth or Shaftesbury was l i v i n g now: the reign of the Dutch saints was over: the moment must be seized for plucking out the enemy root and branch, without caring about being repreached with cruelty; each true son ofthe Church must steel his heart against the oppressors of the church. ( 1 1 2 ) (112) Extracts from the writings of the day i n Bonnet,quoted by Ranke, V, 512. But this faction in the nation was to be held i n check, throughout the greater part of Anne's reign, by the alliance built up while William was s t i l l alive, between Anne, the Marlboroughs, the moderate Tories and the Whigs, an alliance based principally upon the continuance of the War. In the early years of his reign, William had detected Marlborough i n some treasonous correspondence, carried on primarily to assist Anne, but, he had over looked i t and when the death of Mary opened the way to a recon-c i l i a t i o n between William and Anne, William soon recognized his merits, and on his own death designated Marlborough, or as he was then known, Churchill, as General for the next French War. For almost half of Anne's reign this alliance held good. It did - 93 -not matter whether the Tories or the Whigs were i n power, the mainten-ance of the War was the main t h i n g . The High Tory Party a l l through those years did t h e i r best to pass the B i l l against occasional Conform-i t y , but although they were supported by the Queen's sympathy, they did not always receive her active assistance. She at t h i s time was almost e n t i r e l y under the control of Lady Marlborough, who i n t u r n was con-s t a n t l y working i n the i n t e r e s t of her husband. Now the monied i n t e r e s t s , on which, Marlborough was so dependent, were h e a r t i l y opposed to the Occasional Conformity B i l l , and consequently might be alienated from Marlborough i f he allowed the B i l l to pass. Therefore as time went on and the Tories became more and more i n s i s t a n t that the B i l l should pass, Marlborough, was driven more and more towards the Whigs and a determin-a t i o n t h a t the B i l l should not pass, for p o l i t i c a l reasons. Even the Queen opposed the Tory factiousness on occasion. "I am not discouraged," she s a i d , "from p e r s i s t i n g i n the same earnest desire that you would go down in t o your several counties so disposed to moderation and u n i t y , as becomes a l l those which are joined together i n the same r e l i g i o n and i n t e r e s t " . (115) (115) Morgan, 90. Another part of William's p o l i c y a l s o , served to keep i n check the persecuting element, throughout a great part of Anne's reign, and that was h i s r e l i g i o u s p o l i c y . William, because of h i s love of t o l e r -ation had c o n s i s t e n t l y appointed Bishops of a si m i l a r point of view. Accordingly there was a strong majority i n the House of Lords that could - ?4 -be banked on to defeat any persecuting measure, so long as the p o l i t i c a l conditions remained the same and so they d i d for almost eight years. But about 1710, the war on the continent had reached such a stage that i t could be closed advantageously. But the Whigs, who were i n con-t r o l did not wish to do so. In recent e l e c t i o n s they had been retained i n power, only because of the War, and Marlborough who was becoming more and more unpopular with the Queen and whose wife had already been d i s -missed from her presence, well knew that i f the war ended, his career would end also. Accordingly he began to s t r a i n every, nerve i n order to prevent the consummation of the peace negotiations. But he was much hindered by the f o o l i s h vindictiveness of the Whigs. The various Governments of England had long been t a n t a l i z e d by a v e r i t a b l e host of pamphleteers; but as time went on the more important writers had constantly escaped detection, and as a r u l e the a u t h o r i t i e s paid l i t t l e a t t e n t i o n to those who?could, only v i l l i f y the Parliament. However the House of Commons made one unfortunate exception. The High Church clergy had long been preaching doctrines that were the very a n t i -t h e s i s of the b e l i e f s of those then i n power. But one of these persons apparently outstripped the others. This c l e r i c was the now famous Dr. Sacheverell. He, Had preached a powerful but truculent sermon before the Lord Mayor, containing scandalous accusations and r e f l e c t i o n s on the Government. From the t e s t "In p e r i l s among f a l s e brethren" he charged the Whigs with a s i n f u l betrayal of the church by secret treachery; , they were the f a l s e brethren "who l e t her adversaries into her bowels under the holy umbrage of sons, who neither believe her f a i t h , own her mission, submit to her d i s c i p l i n e , nor comply with her l i t u r g y " . (114) (114) Carter, C. S. - The E n g l i s h Church i n The Eighteenth Century, The Anglican Church Handbooks - Longmans Green and Co. - London, 1910,p.18 This sermon and another even more objectionable, was printed and widely d i s t r i b u t e d . The author of these s p i r i t u a l and s p i r i t e d denunciations of secular a f f a i r s was such a person as one would expect t o be unworthy of a Parliament attach. The doctor himself was a most unattractive f i g u r e - a b l u s t e r i n g , violent i l l i b e r a l man, whose strength of language was the source of h i s popularity. 'He was', says Burnet' ,'a bold, insolent man, with a very small measure of r e l i g i o n , v i r t u e , learning, or good sense'. This was the man who by crying up the doctrine of non-resistance and passive obedience was responsible fo r the downfall of the Whigs. (115) (115) T u r b e r v i l l e , A. S. - E n g l i s h Men and Manners i n The Eighteenth Century - Oxford - 1926 - p. 295 - 4. Now while t h i s d e s c r i p t i o n doubtlessly i s prejudiced nevertheless the es s e n t i a l s agree with those given by others. A l l the pent up f e e l i n g against the Government suddenly burst f o r t h i n the form of a most s e r v i l e adulation of a most undeserving man. But yet so potent was t h i s wave of popular emotion, th a t the Whigs were l i t e r a l l y swept o f f t h e i r f e e t . True they won t h e i r case but at what cost'. F e e l i n g ran so high that they were forced to l e t him o f f with only a s l i g h t sentence, a v i c t o r y f o r his supporters which was celebrated throughout the Kingdom. The Government was divided and condemned to d i s t i n c t i o n . The Queen, long alienated from lady Marlborough chose t h i s moment to send her from the court. Soon every Whig was tremulously awaiting h i s fate. "Everything", (Swift) wrote to S t e l l a , " i s turning upside down. Every - 96 -Whig i n great o f f i c e w i l l , to a man, be i n f a l l i b l y put out, and we s h a l l have such a winter as hath not been seen i n England". (116) (116) L e t t e r s to S t e l l a , 2nd and 9th Sept., 1710 - quoted Trevelyan, p. 502. The rout of the Whigs a f t e r August 1710 was complete. In every department of State T o r i e s succeeded to o f f i c e , both p r i n c i p a l and subordinate. I t i s curious to f i n d Marlborough spoken of as the only member of h i s whole party who remained i n o f f i c e He was regarded with suspicion on account of h i s correspondence, r e a l or alleged, with the Pretender. He thus concentrated i n himself the hatred which the E n g l i s h people cherished f o r the Whigs i n so f a r as they were Presbyterians, and thehatred which they cherished for the Tories i n so f a r as they were Jacobites. (117) (117) Lord, W. F. - The Development of P o l i t i c a l P a r t i e s During the Reign of Queen Anne - Transactions of the Royal H i s t o r i c a l Society - New Series, V o l . XIV, Longmans, Green, and Co. London, 1900 - p. 112. Thus Marlborough was placed i n an exceedingly d i f f i c u l t , and almost impca s i b l e p o s i t i o n . He saw his p o s i t i o n c l e a r l y and now became ready to s a c r i f i c e everything i n order that the war might go on. The High Church r e a c t i o n had already set i n and the occasional Conformity B i l l was once more being vigorously pressed. "In the churchmanship of seme high Tories there was not a great deal more than a f a n a t i c a l detest-(118) at i o n of Dissenters;" Marlborough doubtlessly r e a l i z e d t h i s state of a f f a i r s and determined to bury t h e i r support, to defeat the Peace, by (118) T u r b e r v i l l e , op. c i t . p. 293-- 97 -withdrawing his opposition to t h e i r B i l l . The Dissenters were t o l d that i f the m i n i s t r y f e l l the persecuting Act could soon be repealed; 'Jack' as the Tory s a t i r i s t s put i t , had been induced to hang himself on the (119) promise that he would soon be cut down". But before t h i s could be accom-(119) Trevelyan, p. 507. p l i s h e d , the r i v a l party f i l c h e d away the k n i f e and l e f t "Jack" hanging. The Occasional Conformity B i l l was c a r r i e d , while the Queen created enough peers to guarantee the acceptance of the Peace, and removed Marlborough from h i s p o s i t i o n at the Head of the B r i t i s h Army. In the following e l e c t i o n the T o r i e s regained power by a huge majority. But even now the cause of r e l i g i o u s freedom was not threatened. The Occasional Conformity B i l l struck at the p o l i t i c a l r i g h t s of a group but i t did not take from them the r i g h t to worship God as they chose. However the question of r e l i g i o n had been once more brought into the p o l i t i c a l arena to serve p o l i t i c a l purposes, and no one could t e l l j u s t where the matter would end, i f r e l i g i o u s conditions came to be decided by the question only of p o l i t i c a l expediency and the expediency of a r e -actionary Tory party.. When the small group of r e a c t i o n a r i e s * led by St. John , f i n a l l y got c o n t r o l , things began to look very serious indeed. He was not s a t i s -f i e d with the p o s i t i o n the Occasional Conformity B i l l gave hi s ' p a r t y , but he wished to forever stamp out t h e i r opponents. Accordingly i n 1713 he introduced and passed the Schism Act. As T u r b e r v i l l e says, The hand of Bolingbroke was c l e a r l y i n evidence i n the Schism B i l l , which was aimed against the t h r i v -- 98 -ing Dissenters schools, which i t was intended to destroy by r e q u i r i n g that teachers should have a bishop's l i c e n c e . (120) (120) T u r b e r v i l l e , A. S. - The House of Lords i n the XVIIIth Century Oxford - 1927. p. 133. Thus he hoped to u n i t e a l l the Tories under h i s leadership, and to doom forever the Dissenters and consequently a great part of the Whigs, t o p o l i t i c a l o b l i v i o n . But i n accomplishing t h i s end he had unconsciously over-stepped the mark. Anne was l e f t without an h e i r , and l i k e E l i z a b e t h , she never could t o l e r a t e any d i s c u s s i o n of the question as to who:' should succeed her, and s t i l l r e t a i n her good w i l l f o r that person. The T o r i e s accordingly dropped the question, w i t h the r e s u l t that there was great danger of the "Pretender" regaining the throne, i f he should suddenly claim i t on the death of his h a l f - s i s t e r . Such a p o s s i b i l i t y once more aroused the nation and once more the r e v i v a l of the hatred of opoery saved the cause of r e l i g i o u s freedom. The Whigs had long been the champions of the r i g h t s of Hanover, and now f i x e d themselves securely i n the good w i l l of that court. The n a t i o n was uneasiness i t s e l f . "The g e n e r a l i t y " , wrote one Tory Peer to another i n March 1714, "thinks of nothing a f t e r the Queen, but the (121) House of Hanover, there i s such an aversion to Popery". Bolingbroke saw (121) Quoted i n Trevelyan - p. 513. what was coming, and did his best to prevent i t by g i v i n g a l l the impor-tant p o s i t i o n s to h i s supporters, i n order that they might dictate the - 99 -terms of the accession. But i t was too l a t e . Fortune had deserted him. Anne died, George ascended and the Whigs came into power; the Schism Act never came into f o r c e , and the Act against Occasional Conformity was r e -pealed within four years. Thus the question of P rotestant t o l e r a t i o n was forever removed from the realm of poLitics, and thus the issues on both sides were c l a r i -f i e d . There no longer was to be found any reason for graggooning one group of P rotestants into accepting the dogma's of another, rather the way wasopened whereby the persuasiveness of t r u t h and c o n v i c t i o n could play the part i t had so long been prevented from playing by the r e l a t i o n of Church and State. S i m i l a r l y i n t h e p o l i t i c a l realm statesmen would be freer to look a f t e r the c i v i l needs o f the state. The t r a c i n g of such develop-ments w i l l form the task for the next chapter. C H A P T E R Y. SOME EFFECTS OF TOLERATION. At long last a victory that was to prove lasting, was won i n the fight for religious liberty, the Occasional Conformity and the Schism Acts were f i n a l l y repealed and thus religiousand .political questions were farther separated than ever before. Consequently there was less opportunity of the one hindering progress i n the other by further divid-ing the nation by giving a religious tinge to every p o l i t i c a l question or vice versa. Religious and p o l i t i c a l matters were to be l e f t to them-selves. It was therefore the duty of those particularly interested in each to work for a development in their own f i e l d . The opportunity was theirs and theirs would be the blame, i f progress was not made. And this door was not opened i n vain, despite the fact that immediately after the establishment of toleration more inertia has seldom been seen, in modern times, both in the church and in the state. But the f i r s t effect of the final establishment of limited t o l -eration, was the discovery of the real state of affairs i n the country, while men's minds were taken up with the problem of defending their church's sole right to legal recognition, or of endeavoring to establish on oppositions claim, the true spiritual condition of both factions was not recognized. The energy that should have been devoted to instructing the people, both by precept and example, i n the way they should go, was - 10tl -too often u n p r o f i t a b l y expended i n apology i f not i n open calumny. The Qhurch of England accepting p o s i t i o n as the sole established Church, at the same time made an a l l i a n c e which tended to cause her to s a c r i f i c e p r i n c i p l e to p o l i t i c s and c e r t a i n l y encouraged the intolerance that was then existant i n almost every denomination. In the past pages many examples have been given of the e f f o r t s made by Churchmen to per-secute t h e i r r i v a l s , u n t i l such a work came to take a foremost place i n t h e i r minds. The England Church as we know i t , came i n t o existance by a compromise, and maintained i t s p o s i t i o n i n a similar manner. Now r e l i g i o u s conditions are r a d i c a l l y d i f f e r e n t to p o l i t i c a l questions i n so far as i n the one a compromise u s u a l l y destroys while i n l a t t e r , generally speaking i t improves. Under the present conditions the Church at best could only be run by a series of compromises, that i s insofar as i t was controlled by a more or less uninterested l a y body. ( i . e. Parliament) Consequently, as J . Baldwin Brown put i t , "There seems to be a f a t a l f a u l t , not mainly due to w i l f u l wrong i n r u l e r s , i n a l l State manage-(122) ment of r e l i g i o u s a f f a i r s " . He then goes on to explain why he makes such a statement, because, The highest element i n the matter seems always to be l e t s l i p . A Government may arrange a due administration of the Sacraments, and a c e r t a i n p a s t o r a l oversight of the people, with t o l e r a b l e ease But when the preaching of the Gospel by men profoundly penetrated by i t s s p i r i t i s the thin g which i s demanded, the State provision i n e v i t a b l y and miserably f a i l s . (123) (122) Brown, J . Baldwin - The Church and Dissenters. The Contemporary Review - V o l . XVL. (1&70) p. 501. (123) i b i d - p. 302 and p. 503. - 102 -He then sums up and drives home h i s argument by saying, I t i s by no means a question as to the r i g h t of the State to take cognizance of the r e l i g i o u s condition of the people; i t i s r e a l l y a question of i t s power to do any-thing but the clumsiest s p i r i t u a l work. (124) (124) Brown, J . Baldwin - p. 30J. In other words r e l i g i o n , at l e a s t C h r i s t i a n i t y , i s a matter of i n d i v i d -ual persuasion and conviction, and consequently as such cannot be e f f e c t -i v e l y managed, by any p o l i t i c a l i n s t i t u t i o n . Therefore the Church, under the conditions of that day and age, was a c t u a l l y handicapped. But t h i s a l l i a n c e was p a r t i c u l a r l y unfortunate because of the prevalent b e l i e f that one s e c t i o n of the population had a d i v i n e l y appointed r i g h t to prescribe the b e l i e f s of another. Everybody knows how f a r Nonconformity i s due to the Church of England 1 s rigour i n imposing an e x p l i c i t declaration of ad-herence to her formularies. But only a few who have searched out the matter know how far Nonconformity i s due, a l s o , to the Church of England's i n v i n c i b l e reluctance to narrow her large and loose formularies to the s t r i c t C a l v i n i s t i c sense dear to Puritanism. (126) (126) Arnold, Matthew - Puritanism and the Church of England - C o r n h i l l Magazine - Vol. XXI. (1870) p. I83. - 103 -when the Dissenters l e f t the Church, very few, i f any, r e a l i z e d that the intolerance of the Church was a foreign element that had long since crept i n and had l a i n there so long t h a t i t had made i t s hideous s e l f unnoticed save as part and parc e l of eveay the e c c l e s i a s t i c a l system. The Church may have had the p o s i t i o n and authority but a very noticeable section of the Nonconformists had at l e a s t an equal amount of pride-of-sect. Thus f a t a l self-righteousness, grounded on a f a l s e conceit o f knowledge, made comprehension im-pos s i b l e , because i t assumes the possession of the tr u t h and the power of deciding how others v i o l a t e i t ; and t h i s i s a p o s i t i o n of s u p e r i o r i t y , and suits conquest rather than comprehension. (127) (127) Arnold - l o c . c i t . p. 181. So much f o r the Dissenters. Similar statements can a l s o be made about the Church i t s e l f . For example to quote Mr. Brown, One hears much, and with no small amazement of the t o l e r a t i o n of the Qhurch of England. Thrice she has d e l i b e r a t e l y purged h e r s e l f of her purest and strongest l i f e . In the Sixteenth Century she began that hurrying out of the Puritans which King James completed i n the Seventeenth, she cast out .the Non-conformists, and i n the Eighteenth she shut her doors against the Methodists. (.128) (128) Brown - l o c . c i t . p. 502. To sum i t up the same s p i r i t of intolerance had long been present on both sides only i t had manifested i t s presence i n d i f f e r e n t ways, as - 1C4 -would n a t u r a l l y be expected, from the d i f f e r e n t circumstances i n which the two bodies found themselves. I t was t h i s s p i r i t that had been d e a l t , what i t i s hoped was a mortal blow, by the f i n a l establishment of t o l e r a t i o n , l i m i t e d as i t may have been, with the r e s u l t that a great deal of the p o l i t i c a l i n t e r -ference with the Church or by the Church i n p o l i t i c s was done away with. As a r e s u l t there was a noticeable decline i n a c t i v i t y both i n church and state, f o r the time being. As Lecky says, A great v a r i e t y of causes had led to the gradual evanescence of dogmatic teaching and to the d i s c r e d i t into which strong r e l i g i o u s emotions had f a l l e n . The virulence of t h e o l o g i c a l controversy had much subsided a f t e r the Revolution, when the Act of T o l e r a t i o n secured to most sects an undisturbed p o s i t i o n ; and the Nonjuror Schism, the abandonment of the t h e o l o g i c a l doctrine of the d i v i n e rig h t of kings as the basis of government, the scandal r e s u l t i n g from the adhesion of many who had held that doctrine to the new government, the suspension of Convocation, and l a s t l y the l a t i t u d e n a r i a n appointments of the e a r l y Hanoverian period, had a l l i n t h e i r d i f f e r e n t ways contributed to lower the dogmatic l e v e l . (129) (129) Lecky, W. H. I I I . 2., But i t was such events asthe coming of t o l e r a t i o n , the d i v i s i o n and quasi-insincere change of opinions, that were altogether responsible f o r .the widespread disrespect f or the Church. There were also abuses, which had long been present but now became almost omnipresent as a r e s u l t of the large departure of. f i x e d convictions from the minds of the clergy. Even such apologists as Overton and Relton admit that the Church as i t existed i n the e a r l y eighteenth 'century, presented anything but a pleasant p i c t u r e , or to give t h i r own words, - 105 -I t i s true that a lover of the E n g l i s h Ohurch caa -not study i t , ( i . e. t h i s period) without a blush. I t i s a period, for instance, of lethargy instead of a c t i v e t y , of worldliness instead of s p i r i t u a l i t y , of self-seeking instead of s e l f - d e n i a l , of grossness instead of r e f i n e -ment. There was a g r o v e l l i n g instead of a noble concep-t i o n of the nature and function of the Ohurch as a C h r i s t i a n society, an ignoring instead of a conscientious and worthy carrying out of the p l a i n system of the Church, work neglected instead of work well done. A l l t h i s meets him at every turn.(150) (150) Overton, J . H., Relton, Frederic - The English Church,from the Accesion of George I, to the End of the Eighteenth Century (1714 -1800) - VII - A History of the E n g l i s h Church - London -Macmillan and Co., Limited - 1926. I t was at t h i s period that the practice of non-residence became more common than not. As Mr. Bydney says, C l e r i c a l non-residence wasthe r u l e , and the pastoral care of the parishoners was confided to a curate, whose services were e n l i s t e d at a stipend oftentimes far lower than that which was received by a groom or a coachman. What i s more strange i s that the idea seems to have been entertained by r u l e r s •bat non-residence on the part of the clergy was a necessary e v i l . (150) Yes, one even finds such d i g n i t a r i e s as Archdeacon Paley advising the non-resident encumbents, "to d i s t r i b u t e the t r a c t s of the Society f o r ( 1 5 D Promoting C h r i s t i a n Knowledge". (150) Sydney, B.>0.*-'.England and the E n g l i s h i n the Eighteenth Century, John Grant, Edinburgh, Second E d i t i o n , n. d. I I , 540. (151) i b i d , p. 541. The Bishops, obviously the worst offenders i n t h i s respect, did not h e s i t a t e to declare t h e i r approval of the p r a c t i c e , rather did they - 106 -express t h e i r d i s l i k e f o r compulsory residency. For example, William Warburton, white Bishop of Gloucester, complained that 'the inconvenience of that public station' prevented him from bestowing a t t e n t i o n upon . his books, and Dr. Seeker could view his summer v i s i t to Ouddesdon Palace i n no better l i g h t than that of a d e l i g h t f u l retirement for h i s favourite studies. (132) (132) Sydney, pi.342. Of course a l l the greater clergy were not of t h i s type nor were a l l the l e s s e r clergy of such poor c a l i b r e as has frequently been por-trayed, a s Goldsmith has shown i n h i s "Deserted V i l l a g e " . Here and there, anchored i n lonely parishes,, might have been found men who, both by t h e i r preaching and l i v i n g , taught t h e i r l i t t l e congregations to rev-erence whatsoever things are tnue, whatsoever things arepure, whatsoever things are l o v e l y and of good r e -port; men who added sunlight to daylight by making l i f e happier." (133) (133) Sydney, pv.343. • But such nen were not customary, nor were they popular amongst t h e i r brothers of the c l o t h ; such men as Henry Venn were openly attacked, and an index of the s p i r i t u a l condition of h i s enemies may be obtained from the voluntary defence accorded him by one of the opposing group. ' I f the whole body of the clergy were l i k e our-selves' , said an old Surrey fox-hunting parson, i n defending the character of Henry Venn from the aspersi ons of some of his brethren at a c l e r i c a l meeting, 'the world would see that we were of no use, and take away our t i t h e s but of few of these pious ones redeem our c r e d i t , and save f o r us our l i v i n g s ' . (134) (134) i b i d - p. 345. - ~ - 107 -Factors other than the ac t u a l decline of a c t i v i t y and s p i r i t u a l i t y abetted the decline of the Church's influence, p a r t i c u l a r l y among the upper classes. These persons accustomed to think for themselves, and at t h i s period, p a r t i c u l a r l y anxious to have t h e i r own way were ready to judge the creed by the professors, and snatch at any means of d i s c r e d i t -ing i t and e s t a b l i s h i n g themselves i n what they knew to be t h e i r own un-righteousness. These conditions then encouraged the spread of deism or natural r e l i g i o n andgave quite a vogue t o the i n t e l l e c t u a l a i r that plumes i t -s e l f on being superior to those bound up by the old f o o l i s h r e l i g i o u s t r a d i t i o n s of t h e i r anscesters. Nothing worth while has ever been accomplished unless i t was backed by sincere s e l f - s a c r i f i c i n g conviction. Consequently when r e a l s p i r i t u a l i t y declined, l a r g e l y because of the con-d i t i o n s of the times, most p o s i t i v e t h e o l o g i c a l teachings disappeared and at best the Church became, what Matthew Arnold l a t e r considered i t to be, A great n a t i o n a l society f o r the promotion of what i s commonly c a l l e d goodness. (l?5) and the Methods whereby such a promotion was to be achieved an even lower l e v e l than i n Gladstone 1 s day when he declared, That, i f the method of the gospel for our s a l v a t i o n from s i n and i t s penalties was the theme, i t was d e a l t with as a sort of j o i n t -stock transaction, to which man wasto contribute repentance and f a i t h as conditions previous, and thereupon God would m e r c i f u l l y grant a l l that we stood i n need of. (l?6) (155) Arnold, Matthew - The Church of England - Macmillans Magazine -Vol. XXXIII, (1876) p. 482. (156) Galdstone, V/. E. The Evangelical Movement, i t s parentage, progress, and issue. The L i v i n g Age - Yol.OXLII. (1879) P» 594.  - 108 -Under these circumstances i t was quite natural that men would i n t e r p r e t the findi n g s of science i n such a l i g h t as to be unfavorable to the r e l i g i o u s system of the times. The r a t i o n a l i s i n g and popular so-p h i s t i c a t e d c r i t i c i s m kept spreading u n t i l , Butler i n w r i t i n g h i s adver-tisement for h i s famous Analogy, declared, I t i s come, I know not how, to be taken f o r granted by many persons, that C h r i s t i a n i t y i s not so much a subject of inquiry; but that i t i s now, at length, discovered to be f u t i t i o u s . And accordingly they t r e a t i t as i f , i n the present age, t h i s were an agreed point among a l l people of discernment; and nothing remained but to set i t up as a p r i n c i p a l subject of mirth and r i d i c u l e , as i t were by way of r e p r i s a l s , f o r i t s having so long interrupted the pleasures of the world. (137) (137) B u t l e r , Joseph - The Analogy of R e l i g i o n - Edited by Wheeler, G.B. ftilliam-Tegg1* London -n«d. p. V. Thus with the spread of Laodiceanism within the Church, the development of a c t i v e c r i t i c i s m without and the reaction against P u r i t -anism e x i s t i n g as a hang over from the Pu r i t a n Despotism, i t was quite i n the course of events that the standard of public and private morality should be lowered and even the effectiveness of the Church as an organ-i z a t i o n f o r the propagation of goodness, g r e a t l y impaired. Such a c t u a l l y was the state of E n g l i s h Society during the regime of the Georges. The eighteenth century, following as i t did almost immediately upon that season of t h i c k moral darkness and s p i r i t u a l depression which hung l i k e a c u r t a i n over the country during the reign of Charles I I . - the rea c t i o n against the domination of the martial s a i n t s who had i n the eyes of the nation inherited the earth f a r too long -cannot be pronounced as an impreovement upon i t , i f r e -garded from a r e l i g i o u s and moral point of view. That the- p r o f l i g a c y of the age was neither so open nor yet so unblushing may perhaps be admitted, but that i t s de-- 10,9 -p r a v i t y was quite as deep isbeyond a l l question. The court u n t i l long after the accession of George I I I • s t i l l continued to be tainted by much of that shameless licentiousness with which i t had been characterised dur-ing the l a s t f o r t y years of the preceding century; leaders, both i n Church and State, careless i n t h e i r l i v e s and ungodly i n t h e i r conduct, neglected t h e i r duty and be-came corrupt and altogether abominable; while the p u b l i c and p r i v a t e l i f e of the a r i s t o c r a c y , of the upper and middle classes, as of the lower orders, was marked by nothing so much as d u p l i c i t y , conjugal i n f i d e l i t y , dissoluteness and u n i t y . (15$) (158) Sydney - I I . 522,-525. I f such was the case among the upper class membersof so c i e t y , the c l a s s Irresponsible f o r s e t t i n g the moral and r e l i g i o u s standards of the times, i t i s l i t t l e to be wondered at that the lower c l a s s e s , were, r e l a t i v e l y speaking, equally degenerate. E i t h e r i n town or country, law and order was scarcely i n existence. Robbery was at that period carried on on a f e a r f u l scale i n the streets of London, even by daylight. Hosebreaking was of frequent occurrence by night; and every road leading to the metropolis was beset by bands of reckless highwaymen, \iho c a r r i e d t h e i r depredations i n t o the very heart of 'the town On one day we are t o l d that ' a l l the stage coaches coming from Surrey to London were robbed by highwaymen'. (159) (159) H a r r i s , George - Domestic Every-day L i f e , Manners and Customs i n t h i s Country, from the e a r l i e s t period to the end of the Eighteenth century. A r t i c l e VI. Transactions of the Royal H i s t o r i c a l Society -Vol. X, London 1882 - p. 206. Even the laws themselves were calculated t o increase crime, rather than diminish i t . The common pract i c e among l e g i s l a t o r s of that day seems to have been to make death the penalty f o r any offence that became annoy-- 110 -ingly frequent. They seem never to have thought of creating a more eff i c i e n t means of enforcing the law. The watchman of that day and age reminds one of their fellows in the orient who carry a gong to l e t the thieves know when they are coming, so the common rumour goes. The brutal-izing effect of such a system i s self evident. If a man was going to steal, for which he could be hung, i t was safer for him to k i l l his victim, than not, i f there was any chance of detection. The extent to which these abominable laws went can be seen from the following quotation. At the Old Bailey Sessions held during January i n the 1 year 1718, among those sentenced to death were, one for murder, five for robberies on the highway, three women for breaking open houses  in the day-time, a boy for shoplifting, and a man for stealing a woman's pocket.(l40) (140) Harris - p. 210. Now while the upper and lower classes had greatly degenerated the middle class, as usual, had remained the most constant. But even there a great decline had taken place. Commerce held the foremost place in their lives while other things of equal or superior value were, as elsewhere, greatly neglected. In Government circles during this period, ministers were strain-ing whatever nerves they did strain, to maintain things as they were. With the exception of the Jacobite rebellion men's minds were taken up with questions of personal gain. This was the age of the famous South Sea Bubble, the solving of the financial situation created thereby do-- I l l -ing so much to increase the prestige of Walpole. He made use of p o l i t i c -a l corruption to g a i n h i s own ends, and winked at a l l such practices so long as things remained quiet. Indeed Walpole and h i s fellows f i l l e d with the s p i r i t of t h e i r motto "Quieta Non Mov.ere" were the very a n t i -t h e s i s of Tennysons Ulysees who i n decl a r i n g "How d u l l i t i s to pause, to make amend, To rust unburnished not to shine i n use," breathed the very s p i r i t of the age that was to come, f e v e r i s h with a c t i v i t y . And the beginning of that movement was not f a r away, but was hidden at the present time. Yet, however, unpleasant conditions were they were a c t u a l l y immeasurably superior to what they had been under the r u l e of the l a s t of the Stuarts. The s o c i a l inconveniences and excressances of the German Court, on which contemporary opinion so r e a d i l y fastened, were a small price to pay for a throne r e s t i n g on the p r i n c i p l e s of the Revolution System. I f Anne, James I I , and Charles I I . prove anything, i t i s at l e a s t arguable that a Stuart Court i n 1714 would not have been more moral and elevated, less amenable to backstairs i n t r i g u e and the corrupt competition of men and women who were c o u r t i e r s f i r s t and l a s t , than the Hanoverian St. James. (144) (144) Robertson, C. Grant - England Under the Hanoverians. Methuen & Oo. - London - 1928 - p. 55. At any rate the conditions under the Georges were generally known and consequently more e a s i l y attacked. This was the period when the economic foundations of the American Revolution were being l a i d by o f f i c i a l s who were not a whit troubled by the growth of a great i l l i c i t trade which was eventually to form an i n t i g r u e part of the mechanism of the economic l i f e of the colonies. - 112 -Such a condition of a f f a i r e as has been portrayed as e x i s t i n g both i n church and s t a t e , i n the upper classed and the lower, could not long remain. Mere defence of fundamentals, however u s e f u l and necessary i t may be, i s not s u f f i c i e n t t o mould the l i v e s of any nation. That active dynamic force that i s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of a l l t r u l y e f f i c i e n t organ-i z a t i o n s , whether r e l i g i o u s or p o l i t i c a l had seemingly l e f t the country. "The new s p i r i t needed i n the E n g l i s h Ohurch was not to be found i n the lawn sleeves of the lords s p i r i t u a l nor i n the country r e c t o r i e s and the (145) u n i v e r s i t i e s " , any more than that needed i n p o l i t i c s was to be found i n (145) Robertson - p..56. • the antidiambers where Walpole c l e v e r l y appeased the wrath of p e t i t i o n e r s and damped the ardour of enthusiasts of every form and degree. Rather was i t to be found i n the Church Societies being formed for such purposes "The Reformation of Manners", i n the writings of at the one time obscure non-juring clergyman William Law, i n thedespised rectory at Epworth, or i n the new type of figure now about to appear i n p o l i t i c s , symbolized and led by P i t t . , There, was to be found the r e a l r e s u l t of the coming of t o l e r a t i o n and from those humble beginnings came the new force and energy tha t was to a l t e r and eventually re-model both s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l l i f e i n England. Had T o l e r a t i o n never come, these men and movements would never %have been a b l e to accomplish what they d i d , because of the continual l e g a l opposition they would have met with. The decay had come f i r s t i n the church, and there the Revival came f i r s t also. In a previous paragraph i t was pointed out that while - 1 1 3 -speaking as a whole, r e l i g i o n had declined i n England, yet, there were s t i l l to be found some from whom a l l Evangelestic fervour had not de-parted. This section as,time passed on, was greatly increased by the reaction thatdeveloped quite n a t u r a l l y as a r e s u l t of the conditions of the time. Men of understanding saw the great discrepancy that e x i s t e d between what had been taught i n the past, and what was taught now, be-tween what had been done, and what was done now. The idea of c h r i s t i a n i n d i v i d u a l experience and personal r e l a t i o n s h i p to God, was almost e n t i r e -l y a t h i n g of the past. Men started at the outside of man and gradually worked i n s i d e . The e f f o r t s made by the various s o c i e t i e s l i k e those for the Reformation of Manners, helped at least to awaken public opinion. They started out very w e l l . ''These s o c i e t i e s , " writes Lecky, "were at f i r s t purely devotional, and they appear to have been almost i d e n t i c a l i n (146) character with those of the e a r l y Methodists". However i t did not take long for them to change t h e i r character. They divided themselves i n t o several d i s t i n c t groups, undertaking the discovery and suppression of houses of i l l - f a m e , and the presecution of swearers, drunkards and sabbath-breakers. They be-came a kind of voluntary p o l i c e , acting l a r g e l y as spies, and enforcing the laws against r e l i g i o u s offences. (l47) (146) Lecky - p.^JJ. (147) i b i d - p. 34. Now however useful t h i s kind of t h i n g may be, from a r e l i g i o u s point of view i t i s doubtful i f i t does more good than harm, because of - 114 -the opposition aroused by such high-handed methods. Thus l i t t l e progress would have been made i f this reaction had not been guided along different lines. Christianity teaches that these various statutes should be kept voluntarily, as a result of a change in the l i f e of the person concerned. Any deviation from this point only brings trouble. It was therefore a glad day for England when William Law, in 1728 published his, now famous, book under the t i t l e "A Serious Call to a Devout and. Holy Life". The influence was instantaneous and widespread. In i t thestandard of Christianity was raised once more and men were enabled to see that a devout christian was not only a steady payer of tithes, a regular attendant at church, and a respectable citizen. "Devotion", wrote Law, "i s neither private nor public prayer, but prayers, whether private or public, are particular parts or instances of devotion. Devotion signifies (148) a l i f e given, or devoted, to God". (148) Law, William - A Serious Call to a Devout and Holy Life - 3i'M* " -Derit.STSohs-Lbndon- 1906 - p. 1. The Jesuits of the efforts of this clergyman were far-reaching. The mystical emphasis placed upon practical religion, i n the Serious Call soon exerted a VEry great influence. This book was for many years the standard devotional treatise which the more pious clergy-men were accustomed to read to their parishoners, and the more pious masters to their householders. To this book Dr. Johnson ascribed his f i r s t strong religious impressions. Gibbon has l e f t an emphatic testimony to i t s merits, and Wesley not only recog-nised i t as having had a powerful influence on his own mind, but even dates the whole religious revival of the eighteenth century from i t s appearance in 1730. (14$) (149) Lecky - H i . ^ 5 6 V . ^ ^_ - 115 -But such a book was valuable only to those who were i n a p o s i t i o n t o understand and appreciate i t s teachings. I t was valueless to the masses who at t h i s period never entered a church door andwere l e f t to them-selves even by such men as Bishop Butler. Ignorant and neglected they l i v e d and died, hated and despised by the upper classes who considered themselves to be of another superior race e n t i r e l y and f i e r c e l y resented preaching that put them a l l i n the same c l a s s . For any l a s t i n g r e s u l t s to follow,,some one was needed who would be ready, to p r o f i t from the teaching and r e v i v a l of r e l i g i o n that was already beginning, but who would be ready to preach i t , anywhere, at any cost, to those who needed i t most. Such a man was found i n John Wesley whose teachings formed the very culmination of the r e v i v a l i n England. The movement had started with a protest against the p r a c t i c e s of the time had advanced i n a r e v i v a l of r e l i g i o u s duties, so c l e a r l y emphasized by, and wasto culminate i n the d e c l a r a t i o n of the necessity of each i n -d i v i d u a l experiencing a change of heart and consequently of l i f e . Wesley contained i n h i s d o c t r i n e s ' a l l the good that e a r l i e r reformers had taught but he brought out with a new zest and c l a r i t y , the n e c e s s i t y of a personal r e l a t i o n s h i p that should e x i s t between God and a converted man or woman. Wesley believed himself to be and always urged others to be, l o y a l members of the Church. And to the day of h i s death he remained within the pale. But the methods he used during h i s l i f e , j u s t i f i a b l e as they were; were l i t t l e calculated t o please the greater majority of the incumbents. He saw the need of the lower classes f o r something to l i f t them on to a higher p l a i n . As a r e s u l t of h i s own personal experience, he was convinced that he could point them out the way whereby that very - 116 -end might be achieved. Hie own experience and v i t a l i t y of b e l i e f was so d i f f e r e n t from the greater number of those around him that he came to regard the world as h i s parish. He was very loathe t o act contrary to the i n s t r u c t i o n s of the Church d i g n i t a r i e s but where he was convinced that h i s own way was best for the cause, he refused t o follow t h e i r s . Open a i r preaching was a good example of t h i s , and who can say that Wesley was wrong when he accepted Whitefield's i n v i t a t i o n and preached i n the open a i r to the unfortunate neglected Kingswood miners; or again when as a r e s u l t of h i s own and h i s friends e f f o r t s hundreds and thousands of followers had been ra i s e d up throughout the country, he i n s t i t u t e d h i s system of lay preachers, f i n a l l y ordaining Bishops f o r the American work, when others refused to do so? Wesley did not choose so to do, but the need had to be met, no one else met i t , so he did. :As a r e s u l t of h i s e f f o r t s thousands of l i v e s were e n t i r e l y t r a n -sformed. The movement had not started amongst the lower classes. ''Needed sorely enough but unheeded by Oxford common rooms, i t found i t s readiest (150) hearers", among the middle and lower classes. But i n r e a l i t y from a (150) Robertson - P..205.• national point of view i t was fortunate f o r England that i t did take e f f e c t i n the middle and lower classes. For as V o l t a i r e said the Englishmen are l i k e t h e i r beer, f r o t h on top, dregs i n the bottom, but good between; i f the, dregs had r i s e n while 1theegood part decreased, i t would have been a catastrophe indeed. But as a c t u a l l y was the case the clear was increased, while the dregs and f r o t h were lessened. - IU -The p r a c t i c a l , nature of the Gospel as preached by the Methodists could not be e f f e c t i v e i n cleansing the nation a l c o n s t i t u t i o n from many i l l s . Before they were i n a p o s i t i o n to get any r e l i g i o n at a l l , i t was necessary for them to recognize t h e i r s i n f u l n e s s , be w i l l i n g to make i t r i g h t with man and then approach God through the merit of the Son's . s a c r i f i c e . The peoples eyes were taken o f f t h e i r neighbors and turned upon themselves. The question became what i s the matter with me instead of what i s the matter with you. Now when the"improvement starts i n i n d i v i d u a l s i t does not take i t long to spread. "No man ever stood at the head of a great r e v o l u t i o n whose (151) temper was so anti-revolutionary". Every new step was taken only because (151) Green - IV/. , - 1 5 4 . ' " . The old. was rid longer tenable. He always instructed h i s people,, wherever pos s i b l e , to submit to the powers that be. The immense value of such i n s t r u c t i o n at a time when France was seething with Revolutionary ideas, can scarcely be overestimated. Some may point at Wesley's lack of v i s i o n i n objecting to the American Rebellion. But would the same persons have desired him to have encouraged the more than equally oppressed people at home, to have taken a similar way out? Obviously not. By laying so much emphasis upon the necessity of l o y a l i t y to the Government and that of course meant the u t i l i z a t i o n of le g a l means of redress, the tendency that has been so customary i n the l a s t century, to wait and work things out without war, was greatly strengthened. Thus Wesley did much by b u i l d i n g up'-the n a t i o n a l character, and consequently showing up abuses, -. 118' but yet l a y i n g on a l l the compulsion of r e s t r a i n t that required a l e g a l means of solving the d i f f i c u l t y to make possL ble the p o l i t i c a l progress i n the l a t e eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, without the turmoil s t r i f e and bloodshed of other nations. "Methodism and the French (152) Revolution are the two most tremendous phenomena of the century." (152) Robertson - p« .210. I t i s true that Methodism f i n a l l y separated from the Church but as Leckey says, I t also exercised a profound and l a s t i n g i n -fluence upon the s p i r i t of the Established Church, upon the amount and d i s t r i b u t i o n of the moral forces of the nation, and even upon the course of i t s p o l i t i c a l h i s t o r y . (153) (155) Lecky - III., 1. , . In the church, those who did not follow Wesley's followers out established what came to be known as the Evangelical party, who, i n time, were t o do almost as much for the Upper Classes as Methodism had done for the lower, while i n the p o l i t i c a l world they used t h e i r influence t o pass reformatory laws against slavery for example,which the Methodists could never have done themselves, however much they opposed i t . Men Meanwhile changes had also been taking place i n p o l i t i c a l c i r c l e s . There too, men had t i r e d of prolonged marking time, amid tremendous corruption. With the coming of War, someone was needed who could f e e l the p u b l i c pulse, open the eyes of the people and despising corruption - 119 -lead them along the roads of progress. Such a person was found i n William P i t t , the Great Commoner. V i s i o n he had, to d i r e c t suecess fully'.the War that f i n a l l y sent the Union Jack around the World; convictions he had to step i n convinced that he could work things out c o r r e c t l y when Government was at a stand-s t i l l , and besides respect for. punlic o f f i c e was h i s t o a then remark-able extent. ' He once spoke of that sense of honour which makes ambition v i r t u e , and he i l l u s t r a t e d i t admirably himself. He was e n t i r e l y i n a c c e s s i b l e to corrupt o f f e r s , and, u n l i k e the great majority of h i s contemporaries, not content with declaiming when i n opposition, he attested i n the most emphatic manner his s i n c e r i t y when i n power. (154) (154) Lecky - I I , 289. Such was the man that came to power after the period of Walpole domin-ation. Thus one sees on every side a r e v i v a l of i n t e r e s t , and something more, a clear-eyed outlook i n every matter. Statesmen are tending t o th e i r a f f a i r s , and churchmen to t h e i r s , consequently they are helping one another. There are signs of a new tone i n p o l i t i c a l c i r c l e s because the standards of C h r i s t i a n i t y so long forgotton or confused i n the i n t e r -cine f i g h t for existence, have now come into the clear to where they a f f e c t men" s l i v e s without any p o l i t i c a l implications. He i s given new standards', consequently the w i l l work for higher things. But hoy; has t h i s statg of a f f a i r s come about? Designedly? No. Unevitably. Men would have been l e g a l l y persecuting one another s t i l l , among the P r o t e s t -- 120 -ant groups, only they found i t impossible to continue doing so and sur-vive. The indifference of some then assisted force of circumstances to lead the advocates of both sides to the light of common sense and strike the mortal blow at intolerance, thus permitting both the Ohurch and the State to go there own way, about their own business. In so far then as the Dawn of Toleration however limited i t was opened the way for real progress i t is without question one of the greatest and most beneficial events in the History of England. F I N I S . BIBLIOGRAPHY. CONTEMPORARY Aiken, G. A. Burnet, G. Clark, A. Clarendon, Edward Hyde, Earl of, Collins, J . 0. Encyclopedia of Religion odern) and Ethics. E l l i s , Henry Evelyn, John Gardiner, 3. R. Later Stuart Tracts, Constable and Co. Ltd., Westminster, 1903. History of My Own Times. 5 vols. Oxford, 1897* Edited by 0. Airy and B. C. t'oxcroft. Aubrey's Brief Lives. 2 vols. Oxford,1898. History of the Rebellion. Vol. VI. Oxford, 1888. Edited by Macray. An English Garner. Archibald Constable and Co. Ltd., Westminster, 1903* P. & T. Clark, Edinburgh, 1908 - 26. Original Letters. Harding, Triphook, and Lepard, London, 1824. Diary of, 4 vols. Beckers and Son, London, 1906. Edited by W. H. wheatley. Documents of the Puritan Revolution (1626 - 1660). I I . H a r l e i a n Miscellany. 12 v o l s . Jusserand, J . J . Locke, John Neal, Daniel Paston, George Pepys, Samuel Robertson, 0. G. Somers T r a c t s . 16 vols. Oxford, 1906. Third E d i t i o n . Hobert Dutton, London, 1810. A French Ambassador at the Court of  Charles I I . . T. Fisher Unwin, London, 1892. This book contains some useful m a t e r i a l which throws l i g h t on the p o l i t i c a l conditions at the Court of Charles I I . . The Works of, V o l . VI. Thomas Tegg, London, 1822. A New E d i t i o n . Corrected. A H i s t o r y of the Puritans. 5 v o l s . William Bayness and Son, London, 1822. I t t e l l s the Puritan side of the case quite e f f e c t i v e l y . I t contains a good deal of o r i g i n a l m a terial. Side-Lights on the Georgian Period. Methuen and Co., London, 190$. Diary of, 8 v o l s . Geo. B e l l and Sons, London, 1904. Edited by W. H. Wheatley. Sel e c t Statutes, Oases and Documents. Methuen and Co. L t d . , London, 1928. F. Cogan, London, 1748. Stone, T. G. England Under the Restoration (1660 - 1688T: : Longmans, Green and Co., London, 1922. I I I . Strauss, Ralph Trevelyan, G. M. Warburton, E. Wesley, John Whitelock, B. B. MODERN A i r y , 0. A l i s o n , A. Tr i c k s of the Town. Chapman and H a l l Ltd., London, 1921. Gives a good picture of the l i g h t e r side of town l i f e i n the Eighteenth Century. Select Documents f o r Queen Anne's  Reign (1702 - 1707). Cambridge, 1929* Memoirs of Prince Rupert and the  C a v a l i e r s . Bentley, London, 1849* Works of, 7 v o l s . Carleton and Porter, New York, 1886. Edited by John Emery. Memorials of E n g l i s h A f f a i r s , V o l . IV. Oxford, 1853. Charles I I . . Longmans Green and Co., London, 1904. The best biography of Charles I I . . The.Mllitary L i f e of John, Duke of  Marlborough. William Blackwood and Sons, London, 1848. IV. Aahton, John B a l l e i n e , a. R. B i s s e t , Robert Boutmy, Emile Bradford, Gamaliel Buckle, H. T. Burton, J . H. Bury, J . B. Cambridge Modern History. V o l . V. V o l . VI. S o c i a l L i f e i n the Reign of Queen  Anne. Chatto and windus, London, 1919* Contains some very u s e f u l material on the s o c i a l side of History. A H i s t o r y of The Evangelical Party  i n The Church of England. Longmans, Green, and Co., London, 1909. Hi s t o r y of the Reign of George III..6 v o l s . Longman, Hurot, Orme and Brown, London, 1820. The E n g l i s h People. T. Fisher Unwin, London, n. d. Samuel Pepys. Jonathan Cape L t d . , London, 1924. His t o r y of C i v i l i z a t i o n i n England.  V o l . I. Longmans, Green and Co., London, 1885.- • This highly c r i t i c a l book i s very stimulating. H i s t o r y of the Reign of Queen Anne. 2 v o l s . William Blackwood, Edinburgh, 1880. A H i s t o r y of Freedom of Thought. Williams and Norgate L t d . , London, 1926. Cambridge, 1908. Cambridge, 1909. V. Cambridge Medieval History* V o l . I. Cart e r , C. 3. Clark, G. N. Corbett, J u l i a n Oraik, H. Davidson, L. C. Davis, H. W. C. D i b e l i u s , Wilhelm Dimond, 3. G. Cambridge, 1911. The E n g l i s h Church i n the Eighteenth Century. Longmans, Green and Co., London, 1910. The Seventeenth Century. Oxford, 1929. The author seems to touch the very heart of the period. Monk. Macmillan and Co., London, 1889. The best and only l i f e of Monk. L i f e of Edward, E a r l of Clarendon. 2 v o l s . Smith, Elder and Co., London, 1911. Catherine of Braganza. John Murray, London, 1908. Charlemagne. G. P. Putnam's Sons, New York, 1899. Heroes of the Nations Series. England. Jonathan Cape, London, 1930. Translated from the German by Mary Agnes Hamilton. Psychology of the Methodist Revival. Oxford, 1926. This book attempts to explain the psychological side of the r e v i v a l but i s of l i t t l e value as an h i s t o r i c a l production. VI. Eayrs, George Evelyn, John Ewald, A. C. F o i l i n g , K e i t h F i t c h e t t , W. H. Gardiner, S. R. and Mullinger, J . Bass Green, J . R. Wesley, C h r i s t i a n Philosopher and  Church Founder. The Epworth Press, London, 1926. A recent book very favorable to Wesley. L i f e of Mrs. Godolphin. Sampson, Low, Marston, Searle and ffivington, London, 1888. L i f e and Times of Hon. Algernon. Sydney, T i n s l e y Bross, London, 187?. A H i s t o r y of the Tory Party 1640 - 1714. Oxford, 1924. The author of this.book i s an ardent admirer of Toryism, and writes accordingly. However he tends to obscure h i s t h i n k i n g by g i v i n g too many f a c t s . Wesley. William Briggs, Toronto, 1908. Introduction to the Study of E n g l i s h  H i s t o r y . C. Kegan Paul & Co., London, 1881. This e x c e l l a n t study contains a splendid summary and ana l y s i s of the period. I t also contains a small c r i t i c a l bibliography of B r i t i s h H i s t o r y up to the end of the Eighteenth Century. I t con-t a i n s many f i n e sentences aptly summarising many of the great?" move-ments of these fervent centuries. England. Peter Fenelon, C o l l i e r &> Son, New York, 1900. VII. Greenwood, A. D. Halevy, E l i e Hallam, Henry Head, F. W. Holmes, D. Hutton, W. H. Hunt, William Inderwick, F. A. Lives of the Hanoverian Queens of  England. 2 vols. George Bell and Sons, London, 1909. A History of the English People in 1815. Harcourt, Brace & Oompany, New York, 1924. The Constitutional History of England. 2 vols. John Murray, London, 1866. The Fallen Stewarts. Cambridge, 1901. The Wesley Offering. Derby and M i l l e r , Auburn, 1852. The English Church (1625 - 1714). Macmillan and Co. Ltd*, London, 1902. This book is written from the Anglican point of view, but treats the matters dealt with quite f a i r -i y . The P o l i t i c a l History of England i n  Twelve Volumes. Vol. X. Longmans, Green, and Co., London, 1905. Side-Lights on the Stuarts. Sampson Low, Marston, Searle and Rivington, London, 1891. Contains several good essays • on various members of the Stuart family. V I I I . Innes, A. D. Jessop, A. Johnston, G. A. King, William Laski, H. J. History of England and the B r i t i s h  Empire. The Macmillan Co., New York, 191?. Lives of the Norths. 5 vols. George Bell and Sons, London, 1890. The Development of Berkeley 1s  Philosophy. Macmillan and Oo. Ltd., London, 1925. Memoirs of Sarah, Duchess of' Marlborough. George Routledge and Uo. Ltd., London, 1950. P o l i t i c a l Thought i n England - from Locke to Bentham. Leadam, I. S. Lecky, W. E. H. Lester, T. H. Henry Holt and Company, New York, 1920. History of England from the  Accession of Anne to the Death of  George II.,, P o l i t i c a l History of  England. Vol. IX.. Longmans, Green and Co., London, 1909. History of England i n the Eighteenth  Century. 7 vols. Longmans, Green and Co., London, 1911. A splendid interpretive work by a scholar who certainly knows , the period. Lecky is above a l l else, a rationalist. Life of Clarendon. Longman, Ormey, Brown, Green and Longmans, London, I858. IX. Lingard, John Limn, Arnold L u t t r e l l , U. Macaulay, T. B. McCarthy, J. Mahon, Lord Massey, Wm. Morgan, W. 1'. Overton, J. H., and Relton, Frederic History of England. J. 0. Nemmo and Bain, London, 1882* John Wesley. Cassell and Company Limited, London, 1929. The best biography of Wesley. A Brief Relation of atate Affairs. 6 vols. Oxford, 1357. The History of England. 2 vols. J. M. Dent and Sons Ltd., London, 1913. A History of the Four Georges. 4 vols. Harper and Brothers, London, 1901. History of England. Bernard Taucheuter, Leipzig, 1852. History of England. 4 vols. Longmans, Green and Co., London, 1865. English P o l i t i c a l Parties and Leaders  in the Reign of Queen Anne 1702 - 1710. Yale University Press, New Haven, Conn., 1920. This work certainly makes clear the p o l i t i c a l conditions during the early years of Anne1 s reign. The English Church, From the Accession  of,George I. to the end of the  Eighteenth Century (1714 - 1800). Macmillan and Co. Ltd., London, 1906. Overton, J . H. Po l l o c k , J . Ranke, L. Von Rand, Benjamin Robertson, 0. Grant Seeley, L. B. S e l b i e , W. B. The writer does not see the century as a whole and consequently cannot place the men i n t h e i r proper perspective. He seems to be help-l e s s l y bound by the "Great-Man" theory. The Evangelical Revival i n the  Eighteenth Century. Longmans, Green and Co., London, 1907. The Popish P l o t . Duckworth and Co., London, 1902« History of England. 6 vols. Oxford, 1875. This work i s not only a great piece of h i s t o r i c a l w r i t i n g , but i t i s an Engl i s h H i s t o r y seen through the eyes of an unbiased on-looker. Third E a r l of Shaftesbury. Swan Sonnenichien & Co. L t d . , London, 1900. England Under the Hanoverians. Methuen and Company, London, 1928. Ninth E d i t i o n . Patchy. Fanny Burney and Her Friends. Seeley and Co., London, 1895. E n g l i s h Sects. Henry Holt and Company, New York, n. d. This book traces the development of the Sects very well. XI. Shafer, Robert Southey, Robert Spooner, W. A. Stanhope, Earl Stephen, Leslie Stephen, Leslie Stoughton; John Strickland, Agnes Sydney, W. 0. Christianity and Rationalism. Yale University Press, New Haven, Conn., 1926. John Wesley. Hutchinson & Oo., London, n. d. Bishop Butler. Methuen & Oo., London, 1901. History of England, Comprising the  Reign of Queen Anne (1701 - 171?)« John Murray, London, 1870. English Thought i n the Eighteenth  Century. 2 vols.. Smith, Elder and Co., London, 1876. English Literature and Society i n the Eighteenth Century. Duckworth and Co., London, 1920, History of Religion in England. Vols. III., IV., VI. Hodder and Stoughton, London, 1881. Quite good. Lives of the Queens of England. Henry Colburn, London, 1846. England and the English in the  Eighteenth Century. 2 vols. John Grant,. Edinburgh, Second Edition, n. d. This i s an excellent book which, containing as i t does numerous. . quotations from contemporary sources, enables one to get a real glimpse of the times. Synge, Mo B. Taunton, E. L. Toynbee, Paget Trevelyan, G. M. Trevelyan, G. M. T r a i l l , H. D. T r a i l l , H. D. and Mann, J . S. T u r b e r v i l l e , A. 3. T u r b e r v i l l e , A. 3. T u r b e r v i l l e , A. 3. A l i i A 3hort History of a o c i a l L i f e i n  England. Hodder and Stoughton, London, 1906. The H i s t o r y of the Jesu i t s i n England. Methuen & Co., London, 1901. Le t t e r s of Horace Walpole. Oxford, 1905. England Under the Stuarts. Methuen & Co., London, 1928. Fourteenth E d i t i o n . Blenheim (England Under Queen Anne). Longmans, Green and Co., London, 1951. Unfortunately t h i s book was not ava i l a b l e when I was working over t h i s f i e l d . William the Th i r d . Macmillan and Co., London, 1888. The best work av a i l a b l e . S o c i a l England. Vols. IV., and V. C a s s e l l and Co. Ltd., London, 190?. The House of Lords i n the Reign of  William I I I . . V o l . I I I . Oxford H i s t o r i c a l and L i t e r a r y Studies. Oxford, 1915. The House of Lords i n the Eighteenth  Century. Oxford, 1927. E n g l i s h Men and Manners i n the Eighteenth (Jentury. Oxford, 1926. XIII. Contains some excellent illustrations. Vernon, J. Reign of William III.. 2 vols. Henry Colburn, London, 1841. Wingfield, Stratford, E. The History of B r i t i s h Civilization. 2 vols. George Routledge and Sons Ltd., London, 1928. The author i s clever and knows i t . MAGAZINE ARTICLES American Historical Review Vol. 20. (1914) p. 64. Anglican Outlook on the Colonies  i n the early Eighteenth Century. B. Everts. Vol. 24. (1918) p. 578. The Origin of English P o l i t i c a l Parties. W. 0. Abbott. vol. 32. (1927) p. 552. Consular Service in the Reign of  Charles II.. Violet Barbour. Blackwood1 b Edinburgh Vol. 16. (1824) p. 295. Magazine. The Church of England and the JJis8enters. Y. Y. Y. Camden Society Publications. Camden Miscellany Volume the F i r s t , 1847. XIV. Diary of Dr. Edward Lake, Chaplain  and Tutor to the Princesses Mary  and Anne, 1677 - 8. Camden Society, 1851. Moneys received and paid for Secret Services of Charles II. and  James II.. Camden Society, 1862. L i s t s of Foreign Protestants and  Aliens, resident in England,  1618 - 1688. Camden Miscellany Volume the F i f t h , 1864. Letters of Charles II., Communicated  by the Marquis of Bristol. Camden Society, 1874. Letters addressed from London to  Sir Joseph Williamson while pleni- potentiary at the Congress of. Cologne in the years 167? and 1674. New Series, Vols. XXII. and XXIII., (1878). Correspondence of the Family of  Hatton. Century Magazine. Vol. 66. (1903) p. 389. John Wesley. 0. T. Winchester. Vol. 66. (1903) p. 492. Wesley* s Days of Triumph. C. T. Winchester. Vol. 66. (1903) p. 632. Wanted; Another Wesley. XV. Contemporary Review. O o r n h i l l Magazine. Edinburgh Review. E n g l i s h H i s t o r i c a l Review. Hist o r y . Macmillans Magazine. Nineteenth Century. V o l . 16. (1870) p. 298. The Ohurch and Dissenters. J . Baldwin Brown. V o l . 116. (1920) p. 416. The Re-Union Movement i n the  Seventeenth Century. Herbert T. Andrews. Vo l . XXI. (1870) p. 180. Puritanism and the Ohurch of England. Matthew Arnold. V o l . 58. (1855) p. 498. The Ohurch of England. J . F. Winks. Vo l . VII. p. 281. Pepys and the Popish P l o t . J . R. Tanner. Vo l . V I I I . p. 272. Naval Preparations of James I I . . J . R. Tanner. V o l . IX. p. 662. The English Government and the  R e l i e f of Protestant Refugees. W. A. Shaw. Vol . i i . (1926) p. 555. Queen Caroline and the Church. Norman Sykes. V o l . 55* (1876) p. 481. The Church of England. Matthew Arnold. Vol. 41. (1879) p. 250. The History of the E v a n g e l i c a l Movement. W. E. H. Lecky. XVI. Quarterly Review. Royal H i s t o r i c a l Society's Transactions. Scribner's Magazine. The L i v i n g Age. V o l . 4. (1810) p. 480. On the Ev a n g e l i c a l Sects. Vol. 157. (1884) p. 32. The Engl i s h Church i n the  Eighteenth Century. V o l . IX. (1881) p. 224, and V o l . X. (1882) p. 202. Domestic Everyday L i f e , Manners  and Customs, i n t h i s Country from  the E a r l i e s t Period to the end of  the Eighteenth Century. George H a r r i s . New Series V o l. XIV. p. 69. The Development of P o l i t i c a l  P a r t i e s during the Reign of  Queen Anne. Halter Frewen Lord. V o l . XXVI. (1899) p. 762. John Wesley. Augustine B i r r e l l . Vol. 142. (1879) p. 287. The Evangelical Movement. W. E. Gladstone. V o l . 201. (1919) p. 798. Anglicans and Nonconformists. A. E. Baker. 

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