UBC Theses and Dissertations

UBC Theses Logo

UBC Theses and Dissertations

Teleports, sweatshops, and cocoons : an analysis of telecommuting Yardley, James Gregory 1990

Your browser doesn't seem to have a PDF viewer, please download the PDF to view this item.

Item Metadata

Download

Media
831-UBC_1990_A8_2 Y37.pdf [ 11.52MB ]
Metadata
JSON: 831-1.0098587.json
JSON-LD: 831-1.0098587-ld.json
RDF/XML (Pretty): 831-1.0098587-rdf.xml
RDF/JSON: 831-1.0098587-rdf.json
Turtle: 831-1.0098587-turtle.txt
N-Triples: 831-1.0098587-rdf-ntriples.txt
Original Record: 831-1.0098587-source.json
Full Text
831-1.0098587-fulltext.txt
Citation
831-1.0098587.ris

Full Text

TELEPORTS, SWEATSHOPS, AND COCOONS: AN ANALYSIS OF TELECOMMUTING By JAMES GREGORY YARDLEY B.A., The U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , 1982 LL. B . , The U n i v e r s i t y o f T o r o n t o , 1990 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS i n COMMUNITY AND REGIONAL PLANNING We a c c e p t t h i s t h e s i s a s c o n f o r m i n g t o t h e r e q u i r e d s t a n d a r d THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA O c t o b e r , 1990 (c^ James G r e g o r y Y a r d l e y , 1990 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Department of The University of British Columbia Vancouver, Canada DE-6 (2/88) i i ABSTRACT Telecommuting is a practice in which a person works at home with a computer terminal and communicates with their place of employment by telephone line or data link. Telecommuting is a relatively recent phenomenon, originating during the mid-1970's as a means for lowering energy consumption by reducing the need to commute between home and the workplace. Other factors promoting the adoption of telecommuting include rapid advances in computer and telecommunications technologies, and the shift in the economic structures of Western nations from being based primarily on extractive and manufacturing ac t i v i t i e s , to the provision of services, and knowledge-based activities in particular. There is considerable uncertainty about how many people telecommute. This is largely because of conflicting definitions of telecommuting, the lack of reliable or systematically collected data on the subject, and methodological d i f f i c u l t i e s in identifying telecommuters. Nevertheless, anecdotal evidence and empirical studies have identified two principal types of telecommuters: ( 1 ) managerial, technical, or professional employees who generally work at home on an intermittent or part-time basis, and ( 2 ) c l e r i c a l employees who perform routine or clearly defined tasks, usually on a full-time basis. The effects of telecommuting tend to be unevely distributed, with professional or managerial workers generally receiving more benefits and being less vulnerable to exploitation than c l e r i c a l workers. Benefits to employees may include lower commuting costs, more f l e x i b i l i t y in l i f e s t y l e and work scheduling, and improvements in working conditions. Potential disadvantages to employees include isolation, career impairment, conflict between work and non-work roles, and exploitation by employers. Advantages for employers include increased productivity, less employee turnover, and lower costs. The primary disadvantage employers face is limitations in managerial style; this may be the primary impediment facing the increased adoption of telecommuting. Suggested benefits to society include lower commuting costs, less t r a f f i c congestion, less energy consumption, and less air pollution. Potential societal disadvantages include increased urban sprawl and distortions to land markets. Factors external to telecommuting that are influencing its adoption include cultural attitudes to the home as a workplace, the development of office automation technologies, reactions by organized labour, and the processes of innovational diffusion. The spatial impact of telecommuting is uncertain. Research on the impact of telecommunications on urbanization suggests an inherent tendency towards spatial decentralization, and there is considerable speculation in the literature that telecommuting may lead to increased residential dispersion. There i s , however, l i t t l e , i f any, empirical evidence supporting the latter notion. Telecommuting may be useful as a public policy device to promote certain identified societal goals such as reductions in i v e n e r g y c o n s u m p t i o n and p o l l u t i o n . T h i s would r e q u i r e a r e a s s e s s m e n t o f c u r r e n t z o n i n g p r a c t i c e s w h i c h o f t e n r e s t r i c t home-based employment f o r r e a s o n s o f d o u b t f u l l e g i t i m a c y . Any p o l i c y - b a s e d e n c o u r a g e m e n t o f t e l e c o m m u t i n g s h o u l d be a c c o m p a n i e d , however, by t h e d e v e l o p m e n t o f employment s t a t u t e s and e n f o r c e m e n t mechanisms t h a t p r o t e c t t e l e c o m m u t e r s a g a i n s t p o t e n t i a l a b u s e s . V TABLE OF CONTENTS ABSTRACT i i TABLE OF CONTENTS v ACKNOWLEDGEMENT ix CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION 1 1.1 PURPOSE 1 1.2 KEY TERMS 1 1.3 PROBLEM 4 1.4 METHODOLOGY AND SCOPE 12 1.5 SEQUENCE OF PRESENTATION 14 1.6 RATIONALE AND JUSTIFICATION 16 CHAPTER TWO: THE THEORY AND PRACTICE OF TELECOMMUTING 18 2.1 INTRODUCTION 18 2.1.1 The Mechanics of Telecommuting 20 2.2 CONCEPTUAL BACKGROUND 22 2.2.1 Early Work 22 2.2.2 Telecommuting and Quality of Life 30 2.2.3 Recent Work - S t i l l a Solution Searching for a Problem? 30 2.3 EXAMPLES OF PROGRAMS REPORTED IN THE LITERATURE 32 2.3.1 Control Data Corporation 33 2.3.2 F International 34 2.3.3 Best Western Hotels 36 2.3.4 Mountain Bell/Pacific Bell 36 2.3.5 Southern California Association of Governments/ California State Government 38 2.4 CHARACTERISTICS OF TELECOMMUTERS AND REMOTE WORK 39 2.4.1 Charactersitics of Successful Telecommuting Arrangements 48 2.5 CONCLUSION 51 CHAPTER THREE: OPPORTUNITIES FOR TELECOMMUTING: A CONVERGENCE OF FORCES 53 3.1 INTRODUCTION: A TIME OF TRANSITIONS 53 3.2 THE COMPUTERIZATION OF WORK AND SOCIETY 56 3.2.1 Economic Impacts of Computerization 59 3.2.2 Organizational Impacts 60 3.2.3 The Computer as Catalyst 61 3.2.4 The Computer as Metaphor 66 3.3 TOWARDS A KNOWLEDGE-BASED ECONOMY (FROM WIDGETS TO DIGITS) 68 3.3.1 Employment Trends 69 v i 3.3.2 The E v o l u t i o n o f S e c t o r a l A n a l y s i s 71 3.4 THE INFORMATION SOCIETY 75 3.5 CONCLUSION 86 CHAPTER FOUR: TELECOMMUNICATIONS AND URBANIZATION 88 4.1 BACKGROUND AND THEORY 88 4.1.1 T e c h n o l o g i c a l C o n v e r g e n c e and Urban Form 89 4.1.2 The W i r e d C i t y 93 4.2 THE TELECOMMUNICATIONS INFRASTRUCTURE 96 4.2.1 T e l e p o r t s 98 4.2.2 Smart B u i l d i n g s 100 4.3 THE SUBSTITUTION OF TELECOMMUNICATIONS FOR TRAVEL 102 4.4 TELECOMMUNICATIONS AND OFFICE LOCATION 110 4.5 TELECOMMUNICATIONS AND URBANIZATION 117 CHAPTER F I V E : THE EFFECTS OF TELECOMMUTING 120 5.1 INTRODUCTION 120 5.2 EFFECTS OF TELECOMMUTING FOR INDIVIDUALS 120 5.2.1 A d v a n t a g e s f o r Employees 120 i ) E l i m i n a t i o n or r e d u c t i o n o f commuting t i m e s and c o s t s 121 i i ) I n c r e a s e d f l e x i b i l i t y o f t i m e s c h e d u l e and l i f e s t y l e 122 i i i ) C l o s e r t i e s t o f a m i l y and community .... 123 i v ) C r e a t i o n or r e t e n t i o n o f employment o p p o r t u n t i e s 124 v) Improvement t o work e n v i r o n m e n t 124 5.2.2 D i s a d v a n t a g e s f o r Employees 125 i ) I s o l a t i o n 125 i i ) L o s s o f s t a t u s and v i s i b i l i t y t o e m p l o y e r 126 i i i ) D i s t r a c t i o n s and l i m i t a t i o n s o f t h e home e n v i r o n m e n t 127 i v ) L a c k o f r o u t i n e 128 v) C o n f l i c t between work and non-work r o l e s 128 v i ) C o n d i t i o n s o f employment 129 5.3 EFFECTS OF TELECOMMUTING ON EMPLOYERS 131 5.3.1 A d v a n t a g e s f o r E m p l o y e r s 131 i ) I n c r e a s e d p r o d u c t i v i t y 131 i i ) D e c r e a s e d w o r k f o r c e t u r n o v e r and i n c r e a s e d l a b o u r p o o l 132 i i i ) D e c r e a s e d c o s t s 133 i v ) P u b l i c r e l a t i o n s v a l u e 136 5.3.2 D i s a d v a n t a g e s f o r E m p l o y e r s 136 v i i i) Managerial constraints 136 ii ) Start-up and operating costs 140 i i i ) Corporate identity 140 iv) Credibility and security of data 140 5.4 EFFECTS OF TELECOMMUTING ON SOCIETY 141 5.4.1 Advantages to Society 142 i) Relative decreases in commuting costs and congestion 142 i i ) Decreased air pollution 143 i i i ) Community benefits 144 5.4.2 Disadvantages to Society 145 i) Increased potential for urban sprawl ... 145 i i ) Economic impacts on land markets 146 5.5 CONCLUSION 147 CHAPTER SIX: FACTORS INFLUENCING THE ADOPTION OF TELECOMMUTING 150 6.1 INTRODUCTION 150 6.2 THE HOME AS WORKPLACE 150 6.2.1 The Incidence of home-based work 150 6.2.2 Attitudes toward home-based work 154 6.3 OFFICE AUTOMATION : 157 6.4 REACTIONS TO HOME-BASED WORK FROM ORGANIZED LABOUR .... 165 6.4.1 Worker Exploitation 166 6.4.2 Changes in the Level and Quality of Employment 169 6.4.3 Alternative Work Arrangements 175 6.4.4 The Ideology of Telecommuting 179 6.5 FACTORS INFLUENCING RESIDENTIAL LOCATION 181 6.6 THE DIFFUSION OF INNOVATION AND THE CONTROL OF TECHNOLOGY 18 7 6.6.1 The Diffusion of Innovation 187 6.6.2 The Social Control of Technology 191 6.7 CONCLUSIONS 196 CHAPTER SEVEN: POLICY CONSIDERATIONS OF TELECOMMUTING 200 7.1 INTRODUCTION 200 7.2 THE REGULATION OF HOME-BASED WORK 200 7.2.1 Municipal Regulation of Home-Based Work 200 7.2.2 Regulation of Home-Based Employment Standards 210 7.3 TELECOMMUTING AND LAND USE PLANNING 217 7.4 CONCLUSION 229 v i i i CHAPTER EIGHT: CONCLUSIONS AND AREAS FOR FURTHER STUDY 230 8.1 CONCLUSIONS 230 8.2 AREAS FOR FURTHER WORK 236 BIBLIOGRAPHY 240 i x ACKNOWLEDGEMENT I would l i k e t o thank t h e f o l l o w i n g : my w i f e , Susan Bridgman, f o r h e r s u p p o r t , l o v e , and a s s i s t a n c e t o me t h r o u g h o u t t h e w r i t i n g o f t h i s t h e s i s , i n c l u d i n g d u r i n g my d e t o u r t h r o u g h law s c h o o l ; my t h e s i s a d v i s o r , P r o f e s s o r H e n r y H i g h t o w e r , f o r h i s p a t i e n c e ; and, t h e Canada Mortgage and H o u s i n g C o r p o r a t i o n , f o r t h e i r f i n a n c i a l a s s i s t a n c e . 1 CHAPTER ONE  INTRODUCTION 1 . 1 PURPOSE T h e p u r p o s e o f t h i s t h e s i s i s t o examine t h e p r a c t i c e o f h o m e - b a s e d e l e c t r o n i c work, more commonly k n o w n a s t e l e c o m m u t i n g , and t o e x p l o r e t h e f a c t o r s c o n t r i b u t i n g t o i t s o r i g i n , i t s p o t e n t i a l b e n e f i t s and d i s a d v a n t a g e s , the f a c t o r s t h a t w i l l l i k e l y i n f l u e n c e the d e g r e e t o w h i c h i t i s a d o p t e d , and some of the r e s u l t i n g p o l i c y i m p l i c a t i o n s i t p r e s e n t s f o r u r b a n p l a n n e r s . 1.2 KEY TERMS T e l e c o m m u t i n g i s a p r a c t i c e and c o n c e p t i n i t s i n f a n c y ; a c c o r d i n g l y , t h e r e i s some c o n f u s i o n and a m b i g u i t y r e g a r d i n g a p p r o p r i a t e t e r m i n o l o g y and d e f i n i t i o n s . The t e r m t e l e c o m m u t i n g a p p e a r s t o have become p r e v a l e n t i n t h e l i t e r a t u r e , a l t h o u g h o t h e r s terms a r e used i n c l u d i n g t e l e w o r k , t e l e c o m p u t i n g , h o m e w o r k , home-based e l e c t r o n i c work, c o t t a g e c o m p u t i n g , e l e c t r o n i c homework, and l o c a t i o n i n d e p e n d e n t work. A l t h o u g h e a c h of t h e s e terms i s a l e g i t i m a t e d e s c r i p t o r of t h e s u b j e c t of t h i s t h e s i s , t h e t e r m t e l e c o m m u t i n g w i l l be used b e c a u s e of i t s p r e p o n d e r a n c e i n t h e l i t e r a t u r e , and b e c a u s e t h e two e l e m e n t s o f the t e r m ( ' t e l e ' and 'commute') a r e u n i q u e l y d e s c r i p t i v e of the a c t i v i t y i n q u e s t i o n : t h e s u b s t i t u t i o n of t e l e c o m m u n i c a t i o n s f o r t r a v e l between home and work. Thus, work t h a t has t r a d i t i o n a l l y been p e r f o r m e d a t home or work p e r f o r m e d a t home w i t h a computer t h a t i s e s s e n t i a l l y s o l i t a r y i n n a t u r e , s u c h as w r i t i n g a n o v e l , 2 i s n o t , f o r t h e p u r p o s e s of t h i s t h e s i s , c o n s i d e r e d t o be t e l e c o m m u t i n g b e c a u s e t e l e c o m m u n i c a t i o n s t e c h n o l o g y i s not used as a s u b s t i t u t e f o r the commute t o t h e w o r k p l a c e . The t e r m t e l e c o m m u t i n g i s g e n e r a l l y a t t r i b u t e d t o J a c k N i l l e s ( 1 9 7 5 ) , a U n i v e r s i t y of S o u t h e r n C a l i f o r n i a - b a s e d f u t u r i s t who has s i n c e become a c o n s u l t a n t and t e l e c o m m u t i n g p r o p o n e n t . 1 In one of t h e f i r s t s t u d i e s on t h e s u b j e c t (see C h a p t e r Two), N i l l e s e t a l . , (1976) d e f i n e d t e l e c o m m u t i n g as an a r r a n g e m e n t i n which employees " p e r f o r m t h e i r work, u s i n g c o m m u n i c a t i o n s and computer t e c h n o l o g i e s , a t l o c a t i o n s much c l o s e r t o t h e i r homes t h a n i s t h e c a s e now." N i l l e s d i d n o t o r i g i n a l l y v i e w t h e home as a t e l e c o m m u t i n g w o r k p l a c e , but a r g u e d t h a t o f f i c e work would d i f f u s e t h r o u g h a f o u r s t a g e p r o c e s s t o n e i g h b o u r h o o d work c e n t r e s , where employees of s e v e r a l o r g a n i z a t i o n s would work t o g e t h e r . H a v i n g d e v e l o p e d i n an i n c r e m e n t a l and d i s p e r s e d manner, and h a v i n g had many f a l s e s t a r t s , t h e r e does not a p p e a r t o be any u n i v e r s a l l y c i t e d d e f i n i t i o n o f t e l e c o m m u t i n g . D i s c u s s i o n of t e l e c o m m u t i n g h a s , u n t i l r e c e n t l y , been l i m i t e d t o a r e l a t i v e l y s m a l l g r o u p c o n s i s t i n g m a i n l y o f f u t u r i s t s , u r b a n t h e o r i s t s , a c a d e m i c s f r o m a number o f d i s c i p l i n e s , b u s i n e s s c o n s u l t a n t s , and p r o p o n e n t s o f home-based l i f e s t y l e s . Among t h e s e commentators, 1 A c c o r d i n g t o t h e 1989 e d i t i o n of t h e O x f o r d E n g l i s h  D i c t i o n a r y , t h e p e r i o d i c a l The E c o n o m i s t r e p o r t e d t h e f o l l o w i n g i n J a n u a r y , 1974: "As t h e r e i s no l o g i c a l r e a s o n why t h e c o s t of t e l e c o m m u n i c a t i o n s s h o u l d v a r y w i t h d i s t a n c e , q u i t e a l o t of p e o p l e by t h e l a t e 1980's w i l l telecommute d a i l y t o t h e i r London o f f i c e s w h i l e l i v i n g on a P a c i f i c i s l a n d i f t h e y want t o . " 3 i t a p p e a r s t h a t t h e use and u n d e r s t a n d i n g of t h e t e r m i s o f t e n more i m p l i c i t t h a n e x p l i c i t , and i t s d e f i n i t i o n i s f r e q u e n t l y t a i l o r e d t o s u i t t h e p a r t i c u l a r i n t e r e s t s of t h e i n v e s t i g a t o r . Among the g e n e r a l p u b l i c , t h e t e r m a p p e a r s t o be o b s c u r e , a l t h o u g h i t has been l i s t e d i n r e c e n t e d i t i o n s of s e v e r a l g e n e r a l p u r p o s e d i c t i o n a r i e s . 2 The e s s e n t i a l e l e m e n t s of t h e p r a c t i c e as e x p l o r e d i n t h i s t h e s i s a r e , however, found i n t h e f o l l o w i n g d e f i n i t i o n : A s i t u a t i o n i n w h i c h an employee works a t home and t r a n s m i t s h i s work t o h i s o f f i c e t h r o u g h a computer and t e l e c o m m u n i c a t i o n s c h a n n e l . 3 N e i t h e r t h e f r e q u e n c y nor t h e t y p e o f work p e r f o r m e d i s p e r t i n e n t t o t h i s d e f i n i t i o n , as l o n g as t h e work i n v o l v e s s u b s t i t u t i o n of c o m m u n i c a t i o n f o r t r a v e l ; i n d e e d , a v a i l a b l e e v i d e n c e i n d i c a t e s t h a t many t e l e c o m m u t i n g a r r a n g e m e n t s a r e c o n d u c t e d on an i n t e r m i t t e n t or ad hoc b a s i s , i n c l u d i n g b y " t e l e g u e r i l l a s " who work a t home w i t h o u t f o r m a l p e r m i s s i o n f r o m t h e i r e m p l o y e r s . W h i l e t h i s t h e s i s w i l l f o c u s on t h e home as w o r k p l a c e , t h e n o t i o n o f t e l e c o m m u t i n g has a l s o been a p p l i e d t o two o t h e r s e t t i n g s (SCAG, 1 9 8 5 ) : (1) s a t e l l i t e o f f i c e s , u s u a l l y t h e d e c e n t r a l i z e d w o r k s i t e s of a s i n g l e e m p l o y e r , and (2) t h e n e i g h b o u r h o o d work c e n t r e s r e f e r r e d t o above. A c c o r d i n g l y , O l s o n 2 F o r example, v a r i a t i o n s o f t h e word telecommute a r e l i s t e d i n t h e 1987 e d i t i o n o f t h e Random House D i c t i o n a r y of t h e E n g l i s h  L anguage, t h e 1989 e d i t i o n o f t h e O x f o r d E n g l i s h D i c t i o n a r y , and 12,000 Words: A Supplement t o W e b s t e r ' s T h i r d New I n t e r n a t i o n a l  D i c t i o n a r y , p u b l i s h e d i n 1986. 3 From: O f f i c e A u t o m a t i o n : A G l o s s a r y and G u i d e ( 1 9 8 2 ) . 4 ( q u o t e d i n S c h n e i d e r and F r a n c i s , 1989) has p r o v i d e d t h e f o l l o w i n g b r o a d d e f i n i t i o n f o r t e l e c o m m u t i n g : . . . o r g a n i z a t i o n a l work p e r f o r m e d o u t s i d e of t h e n ormal o r g a n i z a t i o n a l c o n f i n e s of s p a c e and t i m e , augmented by computer and c o m m u n i c a t i o n s t e c h n o l o g y , not n e c e s s a r i l y i n the home. 1. 3 PROBLEM D u r i n g t h e p a s t two d e c a d e s , t h e r e has been c o n s i d e r a b l e i n t e r e s t i n t h e e f f e c t s of c o m m u n i c a t i o n and i n f o r m a t i o n t e c h n o l o g i e s on i n d i v i d u a l s , o r g a n i z a t i o n s , and s o c i e t y ( e . g . , A b l e r , 1975; K e l l e r m a n , 1984; C o m m u n i c a t i o n s Canada, 1987). The i m p a c t t h a t t h e s e t e c h n o l o g i e s may have on s e t t l e m e n t p a t t e r n s has been the s u b j e c t of much d i s c u s s i o n ; w h i l e some have p o s t u l a t e d t h a t c o m m u n i c a t i o n s t e c h n o l o g y i s " s p a t i a l l y n e u t r a l " and does not i n e v i t a b l y l e a d t o any p a r t i c u l a r i mpact on u r b a n s p a t i a l f o r m ( e . g . , Webber, 1963; 1964), M a n d e v i l l e (1983) has o b s e r v e d an a c a d e m i c t r a d i t i o n a s s o c i a t e d w i t h L e w i s Mumford, H a r o l d I n n i s , M a r s h a l l McLuhan, and o t h e r s a s s e r t i n g t h a t e l e c t r o n i c i n f o r m a t i o n t e c h n o l o g i e s i n h e r e n t l y l e a d s t o s p a t i a l d e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n . I t has been a r g u e d t h a t t e l e c o m m u n i c a t i o n s t e c h n o l o g y w i l l have as p r o f o u n d an e f f e c t on t h e shape and e v o l u t i o n of c i t i e s as t h a t p r o d u c e d d u r i n g t h e l a s t c e n t u r y by c h a n g e s i n t r a n s p o r t a t i o n t e c h n o l o g y , due m a i n l y t o t h e p o t e n t i a l of c o m m u n i c a t i o n t o s u b s t i t u t e f o r t r a v e l i n v o l v i n g t h e t r a n s f e r o f i n f o r m a t i o n ( G o l d and B a r k e , 1 9 7 8 ) . The impact of t h i s t e c h n o l o g y on t h e p h y s i c a l l a n d s c a p e has been the s u b j e c t o f s p e c u l a t i o n t h a t sometimes b o r d e r s on t h e v i s i o n a r y : 5 We w i l l a l s o s u g g e s t t h a t , d u r i n g t h i s p e r i o d of o v e r l a p p i n g t e c h n o l o g i e s , t h e c i t y , as we have known i t , may be t r a n s f o r m e d i n t o s o m e t h i n g e l s e t h a t we c a n now but d i m l y s e e ; t h a t some highways and n e t w o r k s of r o a d s f o r human t r a n s p o r t may s i n k back i n t o t h e n a t u r a l l a n d s c a p e ; t h a t t h e p a t t e r n of our workaday l i v e s w i l l undergo p r o f o u n d t r a n s f o r m a t i o n s ; t h a t our s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l and economic w o r l d s w i l l become s o m e t h i n g q u i t e o t h e r t h a n t h e y a r e now. ( f r o m H a r k n e s s , 1977, p. 14) K e l l e r m a n (1984 ) has s u g g e s t e d t h a t t e l e c o m m u n i c a t i o n s inay c a u s e t h e c i t y t o c e a s e b e i n g a p l a c e of c o n c e n t r a t e d p o p u l a t i o n , power, and ec o n o m i c a c t i v i t y , e c h o i n g Webber's (1964) n o t i o n of th e " n o n - p l a c e u r b a n r e a l m " and C u s t e r d o n ' s (1973a and 1973b) " n o n - c i t y " ; Goldmark (1972) has w r i t t e n a b o u t t e l e c o m m u n i c a t i o n s as t h e c a t a l y s t b e h i n d a "new r u r a l s o c i e t y . " E m p i r i c a l e v i d e n c e , however, s u g g e s t s t h a t d i s p e r s i o n and c e n t r a l i z a t i o n a r e s i m u l t a n e o u s l y o c c u r i n g ( G e r t l e r , 1986). Gottmann (1977) has r e j e c t e d n o t i o n s a b o u t t h e d i s s o l u t i o n of t h e c i t y , a r g u i n g t h a t c o m m u n i c a t i o n i s o n l y one f a c t o r i n t h e u r b a n i z a t i o n p r o c e s s , and c i t e s c o u n t e r - b a l a n c i n g c e n t r i p e t a l f o r c e s i n c l u d i n g l i m i t s t o the p h y s i c a l t r a n s f e r o f goods, o r g a n i z a t i o n a l l i m i t s t o d i s p e r s i o n , and t h e s o c i a l n a t u r e of p e o p l e t h a t l e d them t o l i v e i n c i t i e s i n t h e f i r s t p l a c e . Gottmann a l s o o b s e r v e s t h a t t e c h n o l o g y c a n p r o d u c e c o u n t e r - i n t u i t i v e r e s u l t s and o f f e r s t h e t e l e p h o n e as an example; w h i l e i t m i g h t be e x p e c t e d t h a t t h e t e l e p h o n e r e d u c e s t h e need f o r s p a t i a l p r o x i m i t y and f a c e - t o - f a c e c o n t a c t , " i t s h o u l d be r e c o g n i z e d t h a t l o f t y , dense s k y l i n e s e x i s t as much owing t o t h e t e l e p h o n e as t o t h e e l e v a t o r . " The q u e s t i o n r e m a i n s u n r e s o l v e d , w i t h s u p p o r t i n g e v i d e n c e a v a i l a b l e f o r b o t h s i d e s . F o r example, f o r t h e f i r s t t i m e s i n c e 6 i t was i n i t i a t e d i n 1790, t h e U.S. Census i n d i c a t e d i n 1980 t h a t r u r a l a r e a s and s m a l l towns e x p e r i e n c e d f a s t e r g r o w t h r a t e s t h a n l a r g e m e t r o p o l i t a n a r e a s , and t h a t i n some c a s e s , t h e l a t t e r e x p e r i e n c e d p o p u l a t i o n d e c l i n e s i n b o t h r e l a t i v e and a b s o l u t e t e r m s ( H a u s e r , 1 9 8 1 ) . At f a c e v a l u e , t h i s s u g g e s t s t h e s t a r t of a p o p u l a t i o n d i s t r i b u t i o n c h a r a c t e r i z e d by d e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n and has been used as e v i d e n c e of a s h i f t of s o c i a l v a l u e s f a v o u r i n g r u r a l and s e m i - r u r a l l i f e s t y l e s t h a t c o u l d h e l p s t i m u l a t e demand f o r t e l e c o m m u t i n g ( E d e r , 1983; Wiegner and P a r i s , 1983; C a l h o u n , 1 984). T h e r e i s much c o n t r o v e r s y , however, a b o u t how t h i s d a t a s h o u l d be i n t e r p r e t e d ; i t has been n o t e d t h a t much o f t h e s o -c a l l e d r u r a l and s e m i - r u r a l growth has o c c u r e d i n a r e a s n e a r or a d j a c e n t t o l a r g e m e t r o p o l i t a n a r e a s and may m e r e l y r e p r e s e n t an i n c r e a s e of t h e f u n c t i o n a l g e o g r a p h i c s i z e s of m e t r o p o l i t a n a r e a s ( B l u m e n f e l d , 1 9 8 2 ) . The c e n s u s d a t a a l s o r a i s e s q u e s t i o n s a b o u t how t o d e f i n e u r b a n and r u r a l p o p u l a t i o n s , and whether many m e a n i n g f u l s o c i o l o g i c a l d i f f e r e n c e s r e m a i n between them ( L a n g , 1 9 8 6 ) . In any e v e n t , t h e c a u s a l c o n n e c t i o n between n i g h t t i m e p o p u l a t i o n d i s t r i b u t i o n and t e l e c o m m u n i c a t i o n s t e c h n o l o g y i s , a t t h i s t i m e , v i e w e d as t e n u o u s a t b e s t . N e v e r t h e l e s s , t h e r e a r e i n s t a n c e s where c o m m u n i c a t i o n s t e c h n o l o g y may f a c i l i t a t e s p a t i a l c hange. T h i s i s fo u n d i n t e l e c o m m u t i n g , where t h e s u b s t i t u t i o n of c o m m u n i c a t i o n f o r t r a v e l c r e a t e s , among o t h e r t h i n g s , t h e o p p o r t u n i t y f o r i n d i v i d u a l s t o have g r e a t e r r e s i d e n t i a l m o b i l i t y t h a n i s t h e c a s e when t h e y must l i v e w i t h i n commuting d i s t a n c e o f t h e i r w o r k p l a c e s . The n o t i o n 7 was i n i t i a l l y a r t i c u l a t e d by N i l l e s e t a l . , (1976) who, u s i n g a c a s e s t u d y of a Los A n g e l e s i n s u r a n c e company as an example, d e m o n s t r a t e d how t h e U n i t e d S t a t e s - t h e n i n t h e m i d s t of a c r i p p l i n g e n e r g y c r i s i s - c o u l d e l i m i n a t e much of i t s i m p o r t e d o i l r e q u i r e m e n t s by a d o p t i n g w i d e s p r e a d t e l e c o m m u t i n g . I t was n o t , however, u n t i l f u t u r i s t A l v i n T o f f l e r wrote a b o u t t h e " e l e c t r o n i c c o t t a g e " i n The T h i r d Wave (1 9 8 0 ) , i n which t e l e c o m m u t i n g was d e s c r i b e d as an i n t e g r a l p a r t of " t h i r d wave" s o c i e t y , t h a t t h e n o t i o n o f t e l e c o m m u t i n g began t o r e a c h i t s p r e s e n t l e v e l of p u b l i c a w a r e n e s s . S i n c e t h e n t e l e c o m m u t i n g has l a r g e l y been a s o l u t i o n i n s e a r c h of a p r o b l e m . R e s e a r c h on t h e s u b j e c t has f o l l o w e d two b a s i c themes. The f i r s t , p r e v a l e n t d u r i n g t h e l a t e 1970's, t e n d e d t o be m o d e l - b a s e d i n n a t u r e and was c o n c e r n e d w i t h m e a s u r i n g t h e p o t e n t i a l macro l e v e l b e n e f i t s o f t e l e c o m m u t i n g , s u c h as t o t a l e n e r g y s a v i n g s or r e d u c t i o n s i n t r a v e l demand ( e . g . H a r k n e s s , 1 9 7 7 ) . The o t h e r theme, p r e v a l e n t d u r i n g t h e 1980's, was o r i e n t e d t o w a r d s more q u a l i t a t i v e a s p e c t s of t e l e c o m m u t i n g . L a r g e l y b a s e d on c a s e s t u d i e s , i t examined t h e b e n e f i t s and d i s a d v a n t a g e s o f t e l e c o m m u t i n g as e x p e r i e n c e d by i n d i v i d u a l s and o r g a n i z a t i o n s , and o f t e n assumed a c r i t i c a l p e r s p e c t i v e ( O l s o n , 1983, 1985; P r a t t , 1984; Shamir and Salomon, 1985; C h r i s t e n s e n , 1 9 8 7 ) . The l i t e r a t u r e a l s o c o n t a i n s much m a t e r i a l o f t h e p r o m o t i o n a l and "how-to" v a r i e t y , and i s d i r e c t e d a t p r o v i d i n g p o t e n t i a l t e l e c o m m u t e r s and t h e i r e m p l o y e r s w i t h a d v i c e and a s s i s t a n c e i n s t a r t i n g t e l e c o m m u t i n g programs (Edwards and 8 Edwards, 1985; Gordon and K e l l y , 1 9 8 6). At p r e s e n t , t e l e c o m m u t i n g i s g e n e r a l l y v i e w e d as an employment o p t i o n . I t s l e v e l of a d o p t i o n has c o n s i s t e n t l y f a l l e n s h o r t o f p r o j e c t i o n s made by i t s p r o p o n e n t s ( N o b l e , 1986; " T e l e c o m m u t i n g , S t a y i n g away . . .", 1987), due m a i n l y t o management and empl o y e r r e s i s t a n c e , f e a r o f i s o l a t i o n and career i m p a i r m e n t by e m p l o y e e s , a l a c k o f knowledge a b o u t t h e p r a c t i c e by b o t h g r o u p s , and, a r g u a b l y , t h e s i m p l e l a c k of d e s i r e of many p e o p l e t o work a t home. T h e o r e t i c a l l y , anyone whose work i n v o l v e s t h e t r a n s f e r or m a n i p u l a t i o n of i n f o r m a t i o n , as opposed t o p r o v i d i n g a p e r s o n a l s e r v i c e or h a n d l i n g t a n g i b l e goods, c a n be a t e l e c o m m u t e r . E s t i m a t e s o f t h e p o t e n t i a l s i z e o f the t e l e c o m m u t i n g w o r k f o r c e a r e g e n e r a l l y l i n k e d t o t h e number o f employees i n t h e s o - c a l l e d i n f o r m a t i o n s e c t o r of the economy, u s u a l l y t a k e n t o be i n t h e ran g e of 40 t o 55 p e r c e n t of t h e t o t a l w o r k f o r c e . I n p r a c t i c e , however, t h e r e i s no c l e a r i n d i c a t i o n o f how many p e o p l e a c t u a l l y t e l e c o m m u t e . E s t i m a t e s of t h e number o f f u l l - t i m e t e l e c o m m u t e r s i n t h e U n i t e d S t a t e s have v a r i e d between 3,000-5,000 ( N o b l e , 1 986), t o 240,000 ( E l m e r - D e W i t t , 1986), and t h e r e a r e no p u b l i s h e d e s t i m a t e s of i t s i n c i d e n c e i n Canada. S u r v e y d a t a shows t h a t t h e r e i s no s i n g l e t y p e o f t e l e c o m m u t e r ; r a t h e r , t h e r e a r e two g r o u p s p r e d o m i n a n t l y engaged i n t h e a c t i v i t y : (1) managers and p r o f e s s i o n a l e m ployees who work a t home on an i n t e r m i t t e n t b a s i s , u s u a l l y d o i n g a t a s k t h a t r e q u i r e s c o n c e n t r a t i o n and few i n t e r r u p t i o n s , s u c h as r e p o r t w r i t i n g , and 9 (2) c l e r i c a l w o r k e r s , who u s u a l l y work a t home on a f u l l - t i m e b a s i s , o f t e n b e i n g p a i d per u n i t of work, and whose employment s t a t u s i s o f t e n changed f r o m employee to i n d e p e n d e n t c o n t r a c t o r , t h u s r e m o v i n g t h e i r e l i g i b i l i t y f o r employment b e n e f i t s and making them more v u l n e r a b l e t o unemployment. As t h e h y p e r b o l e and what has t u r n e d out t o be u n r e a l i s t i c e x p e c t a t i o n s of e a r l i e r f o r e c a s t s b e g i n t o s u b s i d e , t h e q u e s t i o n becomes one of a s s e s s i n g t h e i m p l i c a t i o n s o f t e l e c o m m u t i n g f o r c i t i e s and u r b a n p l a n n i n g . T e l e c o m m u t i n g has been promoted as a means t o r e d u c e peak-hour t r a f f i c c o n g e s t i o n and e n e r g y c o n s u m p t i o n , lower s t r e s s l e v e l s among commuters, and improve a i r q u a l i t y , w h i l e i n c r e a s i n g employee m o r a l e and p r o d u c t i v i t y , and h e l p i n g t o c r e a t e an i n c r e a s e d s e n s e of w e l l - b e i n g a t t h e l e v e l o f the i n d i v i d u a l , t h e f a m i l y , and t h e community. A l t e r n a t i v e l y , i t has been a r g u e d t h a t t e l e c o m m u t i n g c o u l d l e a d t o i n c r e a s e d s o c i a l i s o l a t i o n , worker e x p l o i t a t i o n , f a m i l y s t r e s s , and t h e v i r t u a l abandonment o f c e n t r a l b u s i n e s s d i s t r i c t s . Beyond t h e immediate and d i r e c t c o n s e q u e n c e s of a s h i f t i n g w o r k p l a c e , t h e r e a r e q u e s t i o n s a b o u t t h e s e c o n d a r y i m p a c t s of t e l e c o m m u t i n g on, f o r example, u r b a n t r a n s p o r t a t i o n s y s t e m s , o f f i c e and h o u s i n g m a r k e t s , t h e e c o n o m i c v i a b i l i t y o f c i t i e s , and even c u l t u r a l p e r c e p t i o n s o f what makes an a r e a " u r b a n " r a t h e r t h a n " r u r a l . " T aken t o an e x t r e m e , i t has been s u g g e s t e d t h a t d e v e l o p m e n t s i n computer and t e l e c o m m u n i c a t i o n s t e c h n o l o g y , of which t e l e c o m m u t i n g i s one example, c o u l d l e a d t o t h e e v e n t u a l d i s s o l u t i o n o f t h e c i t y ( C u s t e r d o n , 1973a and 1973b; Lehman-10 W i l z i g , 1981) . Y e t , t h e d e g r e e t o which t e l e e o m m u t i n g w i l l be a d o p t e d r e m a i n s v e r y u n c l e a r , and t h e r e i s no a v a i l a b l e e v i d e n c e showing c a u s a l c o n n e c t i o n s between t e l e c o m m u t i n g and t h e s p a t i a l i m p a c t s a t t r i b u t e d t o i t . Much of the e a r l y r e s e a r c h on t e l e c o m m u t i n g assumed t h a t i t s a d o p t i o n was m a i n l y d e p e n d e n t upon t h e a v a i l a b i l i t y of t h e n e c e s s a r y t e c h n o l o g y . In p r a c t i c e , however, the a v a i l a b i l i t y of t e c h n o l o g y has been a n e c e s s a r y b u t n o t s u f f i c e n t c o n d i t i o n f o r t h e a d o p t i o n of t e l e c o m m u t i n g . T h i s has been i g n o r e d i n much of t h e commentary on t e l e c o m m u t i n g and t e c h n o l o g i c a l change, and on f o r e c a s t s of t h e i r p o t e n t i a l i m p a c t s : F i r s t , t h e r e has been a w i d e s p r e a d t e n d e n c y t o c o n f i n e a n a l y s i s t o t h e m a c r o - l e v e l . B r o a d - b r u s h p i c t u r e s of f u t u r e u r b a n s o c i e t y a r e p r e s e n t e d , f r e q u e n t l y p o r t r a y i n g c o m m u n i c a t i o n t e c h n o l o g y as a f a c t o r of e v e r i n c r e a s i n g i m p o r t a n c e i n t h e l i v e s o f u r b a n d w e l l e r s , b u t w i t h o u t c o n s i d e r i n g t h e way t h a t p e o p l e come t o terms w i t h t h e s e m e d i a . . . . The s e c o n d , and c l o s e l y - r e l a t e d , d e f i c i e n c y l i e s i n t h e way t h a t w r i t e r s have t r e a t e d t h e complex r e l a t i o n s h i p between s o c i e t y and t e c h n o l o g y . A c c u r a t e f o r e c a s t i n g demands b o t h i n f o r m e d e x t r a p o l a t i o n o f l i k e l y t r e n d s o f t e c h n o l o g i c a l d e v e l o p m e n t and an u n d e r s t a n d i n g of p r o c e s s e s o f human c o m m u n i c a t i o n , y e t most a u t h o r s have c o n c e n t r a t e d on t h e f o r m e r . ( G o l d and B a r k e , 1978, pp. 1-2) T h e r e a r e numerous c a v e a t s t o be c o n s i d e r e d when e s t i m a t i n g t h e d e g r e e t o w h i c h t e l e c o m m u t i n g w i l l be a d o p t e d . F i r s t , w h i l e many o c c u p a t i o n s a r e c o n c e p t u a l l y r e c e p t i v e t o t e l e c o m m u t i n g i n t h e s e n s e t h a t t h e y i n v o l v e t h e use or m a n i p u l a t i o n o f i n f o r m a t i o n , t h i s p e r c e p t i o n i s o f t e n b a s e d on a s u p e r f i c i a l a n a l y s i s o f t h e f u n c t i o n a l r e q u i r e m e n t s o f t h o s e o c c u p a t i o n s , and f a i l s t o c o n s i d e r l e s s t a n g i b l e , y e t e q u a l l y i m p o r t a n t , f a c t o r s 11 s u c h as s o c i a l c a m a r a d e r i e and c o - w o r k e r i n t e r a c t i o n , as w e l l as c o r p o r a t e c u l t u r e s . Second, w h i l e t h e a v a i l a b i l i t y of " o f f t h e s h e l f " computer and c o m m u n i c a t i o n s y s t e m s i s o f t e n t a k e n f o r g r a n t e d , and commentators g e n e r a l l y downplay t h e s i g n i f i c a n c e of t e c h n i c a l b a r r i e r s t o t e l e c o m m u t i n g , e x p e r i e n c e has shown t h a t t h e r e c a n be s i g n i f i c a n t and i r r e m e d i a b l e t e c h n i c a l impediments t o t e l e c o m m u t i n g programs ( M c N u r l i n , 1982). T h i r d , s u r v e y s c o n t i n u e t o show t h a t , g i v e n a c h o i c e , most p e o p l e would p r e f e r not t o telecommute or work from t h e i r homes. As n o t e d above, many p e o p l e l o o k f o r w a r d t o the s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n s o f t h e w o r k p l a c e and o f t e n l a c k t h e d i s c i p l i n e t o work e f f e c t i v e l y w i t h o u t s u p e r v i s i o n ; however, t h e r e a r e o t h e r s who want g r e a t e r f l e x i b i l i t y i n t h e i r work a r r a n g e m e n t s , s u c h as t h a t p r o v i d e d by p a r t - t i m e employment and f l e x t i m e . F i n a l l y , c o n s i d e r a t i o n must be g i v e n t o t h e h e t e r o g e n e i t y of t h e home-based w o r k f o r c e . The n a t u r e of t h e work c a n v a r y c o n s i d e r a b l y ; b e n e f i t s and d i s a d v a n t a g e s a r e u n e v e n l y e x p e r i e n c e d by d i f f e r e n t g r o u p s , and t h e r e a r e d i v e r s e r e a s o n s and s o u r c e s o f impetus f o r home-based work a r r a n g e m e n t s . W h i l e s c e n a r i o s p o r t r a y i n g n e i g h b o u r h o o d s of home-workers and empty downtowns a r e u n d o u b t e d l y r e a l i z a b l e , t h e r e r e m a i n s a f u n d a m e n t a l d i s p a r i t y between th e p o t e n t i a l e n v i s i o n e d by t h e p r o p o n e n t s of t e l e c o m m u t i n g and t h e d e g r e e t o w h i c h i t i s a c t u a l l y b e i n g a d o p t e d . T h i s t h e s i s w i l l a r g u e t h a t s i g n i f i c a n t and r a d i c a l c h a n g e s t o u r b a n s t r u c t u r e c a u s e d by t e l e c o m m u t i n g a r e , a t t h i s t i m e , more a m a t t e r of f a i t h t h a n f a c t . 12 1 . 4 METHODOLOGY AND SCOPE S t a t i s t i c a l d a t a d e s c r i b i n g t e l e c o m m u t i n g t h a t i s e i t h e r v e r i f i a b l e or c o n c o r d a n t c a n n o t be f o u n d , and i s one of the most c h a r a c t e r i s t i c f e a t u r e s o f e x i s t i n g e m p i r i c a l r e s e a r c h on t h e s u b j e c t ( C h r i s t e n s e n , 1 9 85). As n o t e d above, e s t i m a t e s of t h e number of t e l e c o m m u t e r s , e i t h e r f u l l - t i m e or p a r t - t i m e , v a r y w i d e l y , w i t h much of t h e v a r i a t i o n due t o t h e l a c k of s y s t e m a t i c a l l y c o l l e c t e d d a t a on t h e p r a c t i c e by b o d i e s s u c h as t h e c e n s u s , S t a t i s t i c s Canada, and government l a b o u r b u r e a u s . T h i s d i f f i c u l t y i s f u r t h e r c o m p l i c a t e d by i n c o n s i s t e n t and o f t e n l o o s e d e f i n i t i o n s of t e l e c o m m u t i n g , and t h e use o f a n e c d o t a l e v i d e n c e , o p t i m i s t i c s p e c u l a t i o n , and u n v e r i f i a b l e or n o n r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s u r v e y s . E x i s t i n g U.S. i n f o r m a t i o n on t h e o c c u p a t i o n a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of b u s i n e s s e s l o c a t e d a t t h e home a d d r e s s e s of t h e i r owners i s so a g g r e g a t e d as t o be m e a n i n g l e s s w i t h r e s p e c t t o r e s e a r c h on t e l e c o m m u t i n g ( K r a u t and Gambsch, 19 8 7 ) . Q u e s t i o n n a i r e r e s u l t s a r e g e n e r a l l y s m a l l i n s c a l e , u s u a l l y f r o m n o n - r a n d o m l y s e l e c t e d g r o u p s , and of i l l u s t r a t i v e v a l u e o n l y ( e . g . , s u r v e y s by P r a t t , 1984; Salomon and Salomon, 1984; O l s o n , 1985; Ramsower, 1 9 8 5 ) . E m p i r i c a l r e s e a r c h on t h e s u b j e c t f a c e s numerous c o n c e p t u a l and p r a c t i c a l o b s t a c l e s ; Huws (1984) o b s e r v e s t h a t : (h)omeworkers a r e a n o t o r i o u s l y d i f f i c u l t g r o u p t o r e a c h , and one o f t h e most i n t r a c t a b l e p r o b l e m s f o r any r e s e a r c h e r i n v e s t i g a t i n g t h e i r s i t u a t i o n i s i d e n t i f y i n g and c o m m u n i c a t i o n g w i t h a r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s a mple. P r a t t (1987) and Huws (1984) i n d i c a t e t h a t w h i l e many home-bas e d w o r k e r s , i n c l u d i n g t e l e c o m m u t e r s , may be w i l l i n g t o d i s c u s s 13 t h e i r work a r r a n g e m e n t s on an i n f o r m a l b a s i s , t h e y become r e l u c t a n t t o p a r t i c i p a t e i n a f o r m a l s t u d y , even w i t h a s s u r a n c e s of c o n f i d e n t i a l i t y . 4 I t was a c c o r d i n g l y d e c i d e d t h a t any a t t e m p t t o c o n d u c t an e m p i r i c a l s t u d y of a g r o u p o f t e l e c o m m u t e r s would l i k e l y be u n p r o f i t a b l e f o r t h r e e r e a s o n s : (1) i n i t i a l e n q u i r e s by t h e a u t h o r f o u n d a g e n e r a l r e l u c t a n c e among companies w i t h n a s c e n t home-based work programs t o f o r m a l l y d i s c u s s t h e s u b j e c t , (2) t h e l i k e l y sample s i z e (20-25 i n d i v i d u a l s ) would be t o o s m a l l t o draw s t a t i s t i c a l l y s i g n i f i c a n t r e s u l t s , and ( 3 ) , t h e i n d i v i d u a l s i n v o l v e d would be p i o n e e r s and i n n o v a t o r s i n t h e a c t i v i t y , and i t would o f d u b i o u s v a l u e t o t r y t o i m p a r t t h e i r c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s t o t h e g r e a t e r p o p u l a t i o n when a s s e s s i n g t h e p o t e n t i a l i m p l i c a t i o n s of t e l e c o m m u t i n g . C o n s e q u e n t l y , i t was d e c i d e d t o i n v e s t i g a t e t e l e c o m m u t i n g and i t s p o t e n t i a l i m p a c t s by c o n d u c t i n g a c r i t i c a l r e v i e w of t h e l i t e r a t u r e on t h e s u b j e c t . T h i s r e v i e w drew upon s o u r c e s f r o m a wide v a r i e t y o f d i s c i p l i n e s : g e o g r a p h y , u r b a n p l a n n i n g , o r g a n i z a t i o n a l b e h a v i o u r , law, l a b o u r s t u d i e s , p e r s o n n e l management, s o c i o l o g y , c o m m u n i c a t i o n s t u d i e s , and c u l t u r a l c r i t i c i s m . R e f e r e n c e s were a l s o drawn f r o m t h e p o p u l a r p r e s s , government r e p o r t s , b u s i n e s s p u b l i c a t i o n s , and t h e a l t e r n a t i v e l i f e s t y l e s l i t e r a t u r e . I t i s r e c o g n i z e d t h a t t h e r e a r e 4 In a s u r v e y o f 177 O n t a r i o b u s i n e s s e s i n w h i c h 30 r e p l i e d t h a t t h e y had a work-at-home program, a f o l l o w - u p s u r v e y was c o n d u c t e d i n w h i c h o n l y 6 of t h e 30 i n d i c a t e d t h a t employees c o u l d work a t home d u r i n g t h e d a y (Duxbury e t a l . , n . d . ) . 14 l i m i t a t i o n s i n t h e l i t e r a t u r e ; t h e s u b j e c t i s s u f f i c i e n t l y new t h a t much of i t s commentary i n v o l v e s s p e c u l a t i o n and i s o f uneven r i g o r and q u a l i t y . N e v e r t h e l e s s , i t has d e v e l o p e d t o a s u f f i c i e n t mass t h a t i t i s p o s s i b l e t o i d e n t i f y p a r t i c u l a r t r e n d s , i s s u e s , and even l a t e n t s c h o o l s of t h o u g h t d e v e l o p i n g . T h i s t h e s i s i s p r i m a r i l y l i m i t e d t o e x a m i n i n g t h e phenomenon of home-based t e l e c o m m u t i n g . As n o t e d above, t h e r e a r e a l t e r n a t i v e forms of t e l e c o m m u t i n g i n v o l v i n g s a t e l l i t e and n e i g h b o u r h o o d work c e n t r e s ; t h i s t h e s i s w i l l not examine them, e x c e p t f o r b r i e f d i s c u s s i o n s i n C h a p t e r s Seven and E i g h t . T h i s t h e s i s i s n o t l i m i t e d t o a p l a c e - s p e c i f i c e x a m i n a t i o n o f t e l e c o m m u t i n g . L i t e r a t u r e on t e l e c o m m u t i n g i s p r i m a r i l y f r o m A m e r i c a n and E n g l i s h p u b l i c a t i o n s , and i s u s u a l l y f o c u s e d on g e n e r a l t r e n d s . W h i l e t h e d i s c u s s i o n on p o l i c y i s s u e s i n t h i s t h e s i s w i l l f o c u s on B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a s t a t u t e s and home employment b y - l a w s f r o m G r e a t e r V a n c o u v e r R e g i o n a l D i s t r i c t m u n i c i p a l i t i e s , t h e s e a r e m a i n l y used f o r i l l u s t r a t i v e p u r p o s e s ; the l i t e r a t u r e i n d i c a t e s t h a t most o f t h e i s s u e s a r e f o u n d i n o t h e r j u r i s d i c t i o n s . 1.5 SEQUENCE OF PRESENTATION C h a p t e r One p r o v i d e s an i n t r o d u c t i o n t o t h e s u b j e c t o f t h e t h e s i s and o u t l i n e s some of t h e q u e s t i o n s r a i s e d i n t h e l i t e r a t u r e on t h e n a t u r e and s c a l e o f t e l e c o m m u t i n g , and t h e e v o l v i n g r e l a t i o n s h i p between t e l e c o m m u n i c a t i o n s and u r b a n i z a t i o n . C h a p t e r Two examines t h e t h e o r y and p r a c t i c e o f 15 t e l e c o m m u t i n g . I t r e v i e w s t h e c o n c e p t u a l h i s t o r y of t h e phenomenon, p r o v i d e s b r i e f summaries of s e v e r a l t e l e c o m m u t i n g programs, and o u t l i n e s some c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f t e l e c o m m u t e r s and s u c c e s s f u l t e l e c o m m u t i n g p r o g r a m s . C h a p t e r T h r e e p r o v i d e s t h e c o n t e x t u a l b a c k g r o u n d t o t e l e c o m m u t i n g by e x a m i n i n g t h e p r i n c i p a l f o r c e s t h a t have c o n t r i b u t e d t o i t s i n t r o d u c t i o n : (1) t h e r a p i d g r o w t h o f c o m p u t e r i z a t i o n and i t s a p p l i c a t i o n s t h r o u g h o u t s o c i e t y , and (2) t h e t r a n s i t i o n of t h e e c o n o m i e s of t h e W e s t e r n n a t i o n s f r o m b e i n g b a s e d m a i n l y on a g r i c u l t u r e , r e s o u r c e e x t r a c t i o n , and t h e m a n u f a c t u r e o f goods, t o p r o v i d i n g s e r v i c e s and the c r e a t i o n , s t o r a g e , and m a n i p u l a t i o n o f i n f o r m a t i o n . C h a p t e r F o u r examines t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p between t e l e c o m m u n i c a t i o n s t e c h n o l o g y and u r b a n i z a t i o n , f o c u s i n g on t h e d e v e l o p m e n t o f t h e s o - c a l l e d t e l e c o m m u n i c a t i o n s i n f r a s t r u c t u r e , t h e s u b s t i t u t a b i 1 i t y o f t e l e c o m m u n i c a t i o n s f o r t r a v e l , and t h e t e c h n o l o g y - f a c i l i t a t e d i n t r a - u r b a n m o b i l i t y o f o f f i c e a c t i v i t i e s . C h a p t e r F i v e e x p l o r e s t h e r e l a t i v e a d v a n t a g e s and d i s a d v a n t a g e s of t e l e c o m m u t i n g as e x p e r i e n c e d by i n d i v i d u a l e m p l o y e e s , e m p l o y e r s , and s o c i e t y . C h a p t e r S i x p r o v i d e s a r e v i e w o f s e v e r a l f a c t o r s e x t e r n a l t o t h e p r a c t i c e of t e l e c o m m u t i n g t h a t w i l l l i k e l y i n f l u e n c e t h e d e g r e e and manner i n w h i c h i t i s a d o p t e d i n t h e s h o r t t e r m . These f a c t o r s i n c l u d e : a t t i t u d e s t o w a r d t h e home as a w o r k p l a c e , t h e i n t r o d u c t i o n and d i f f u s i o n o f o f f i c e a u t o m a t i o n and i n f o r m a t i o n t e c h n o l o g i e s , t h e r e s p o n s e s of o r g a n i z e d l a b o u r , and t h e d e g r e e t o w h i c h a t e c h n o l o g y i s d e t e r m i n a t i v e o f i t s outcome. C h a p t e r Seven examines p o l i c y 1 6 aspects of telecommuting i n c l u d i n g the municipal r e g u l a t i o n of home-based employment, the r e g u l a t i o n of employment standards, and the i m p l i c a t i o n s of telecommuting for land use p l a n n i n g . Chapter E i g h t summarizes the t h e s i s , and provides suggestions about areas fo r f u t u r e enquiry and p o l i c y c o n s i d e r a t i o n . 1 . 6 RATIONALE AND JUSTIFICATION This t h e s i s seeks to explore a phenomenon of c o n s i d e r a b l e p o t e n t i a l s i g n i f i c a n c e to u r b a n i z a t i o n and urban planning; taken to an extreme, telecommuting could c o n c e i v a b l y lead to the s p a t i a l d i s s o l u t i o n of c i t i e s . I t i s d i f f i c u l t to know how much c r e d i b i l i t y to a t t a c h to t h i s p o t e n t i a l because the t o p i c has only r e c e n t l y begun to r e c e i v e r i g o r o u s and c r i t i c a l c o n s i d e r a t i o n i n the l i t e r a t u r e . I t i s c l e a r that s o c i e t i e s throughout the world are undergoing r a p i d and profound change, the shape, magnitude, and consequences of which one can only begin to a p p r e c i a t e . While the n o t i o n that Western s o c i e t i e s have entered an " i n f o r m a t i o n age" - i n which access to i n f o r m a t i o n i s i n c r e a s i n g l y the b a s i s of power - i s g e n e r a l l y accepted as given, the true nature of these changes, and t h e i r e f f e c t s on i n d i v i d u a l s , o r g a n i z a t i o n s , i n s t i t u t i o n s , and s o c i a l a r t i f a c t s , remains u n c l e a r . While some, such as B e l l ( 1 9 7 6 ) , T o f f l e r ( 1 9 8 0 ) , and Masuda ( 1 9 8 5 ) , a s s e r t that these changes are r e v o l u t i o n a r y i n nature and are l e a d i n g d i r e c t l y to a fundamentally new s o c i a l order, others such as Stearns ( 1 9 7 7 ) , H a r r i n g t o n ( 1 9 7 7 ) , Kranzberg ( 1 9 8 5 ) , and Roszak ( 1 9 8 6 ) , q u e s t i o n 17 how s i g n i f i c a n t t h e s e c h a n ges may be, and l o o k f o r t h e s u b s t a n c e b e h i n d e v e r mushrooming q u a n t i t i e s of e x u b e r a n t , b u t sometimes b a s e l e s s , hype. C l e a r l y i t i s beyond t h e s c o p e or i n t e n t of t h i s t h e s i s t o c o m p r e h e n s i v e l y a d d r e s s t h e s e i s s u e s . I t i s hoped t h a t t h i s t h e s i s w i l l , however, draw a t t e n t i o n t o t h e many u n c e r t a i n t i e s f ound i n t h e s e a r e a s and p r o v i d e a c r i t i c a l p e r s p e c t i v e t o t o p i c s t h a t a r e s u f f u s e d w i t h hype and f r e q u e n t l y t r e a t e d i n an u n q u e s t i o n e d and d e t e r m i n i s t i c manner. By h a v i n g a b e t t e r u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f t h e n a t u r e and c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of s o c i a l , e c o n o m i c , and t e c h n o l o g i c a l change, p l a n n e r s , p o l i t i c i a n s and o t h e r s i n v o l v e d i n t h e i d e n t i f i c a t i o n , d e v e l o p m e n t and d e l i v e r y of p u b l i c p o l i c y w i l l be b e t t e r a b l e t o make d e c i s i o n s f r o m a p o s i t i o n o f i n f o r m e d s t r e n g t h , r a t h e r t h a n u n i n f o r m e d weakness. W i t h i n the c o n t e x t o f u r b a n p l a n n i n g , t h e v a l u e of t h i s a p p r o a c h has been u n d e r s c o r e d by G l o b e and M a i l p u b l i s h e r Roy M e g a r r y ( S c i e n c e C o u n c i l o f Canada, 1981, p. 3 9 ) : . . . The s o - c a l l e d w i r e d c i t y , has been t a l k e d a b o u t f o r ov e r a d e c a d e . I t h i n k t h e b i g danger we now f a c e i s t h a t b e c a u s e i t has been h e r a l d e d f o r so l o n g and s t i l l has not a r r i v e d - we r u n t h e r i s k o f c o n c l u d i n g t h a t i t w i l l n o t a r r i v e . One o f t h e m i s t a k e s made i n p r e d i c t i n g t h e a r r i v a l o f t h e " w i r e d c i t y " was t h e i m p l i e d a s s u m p t i o n t h a t i t would d e v e l o p i n a w e l l - p l a n n e d i n t e g r a t e d way. The b i g danger we now f a c e i s t h a t i t i s a r r i v i n g b u t i t i s n ' t w e l l p l a n n e d and i t i s n ' t i n t e g r a t e d . 18 CHAPTER TWO  THE THEORY AND PRACTICE OF TELECOMMUTING 2.1 INTRODUCTION During recent years, numerous articles about telecommuting have appeared in a wide variety of publications (e.g., Maloney, 1982; Paddy, 1982; Nelson-Horchler, 1983; Grieves, 1984; Herteaux, 1985; Kelly, 1984; Lewis, 1984; Wolfgram, 1984; Hellman, 1985; Atchison, 1986), and several books have been published on the subject (Edwards and Edwards, 1985; Gordon and Kelly, 1986; Kinsman, 1987). Yet, as a subject of research, telecommuting contains numerous uncertainties and ambiguities, for while i t has received relatively widespread coverage in the academic, popular, and business literature, there are no accurate statistics available on its extent or rate of adoption. Anecdotal evidence is sometimes used as the basis for sweeping statements and projections; forecasts of adoption rates are often based on inconclusive data, small-scale surveys, or questionable causal relationships, and a disconcerting amount of the literature is based on second or third-hand commentary, conjecture, or wishful thinking. Perhaps the best assessment of much of the literature on telecommuting remains the 1977 comment by Harkness that "a great deal of i t is reiterative and most of i t is highly speculative." This is not to say that these shortcomings are not understandable; telecommuting is d i f f i c u l t to rigorously define because of the many variations i n which i t can occur, and there is no ready or systematically upgraded base of information from 1 9 which to monitor its characteristics. Thus, there is heavy dependance on the use of survey data, much of which can be challenged on the basis of representativeness. As Pratt (1987) observes: "(t)he evolving workforce of home-based workers is d i f f i c u l t to survey partly because common descriptors such as "home", "office," and "work" are taking on new meaning." Depending on the c r i t e r i a and definition used, Pratt (1987) found that estimates of the number of people who work at home in the United States in 1985 varied between 9 million and 23 million, or between 8 percent and 23 percent of the U.S. workforce. The history of telecommuting can be characterized by three phases, each of which reflects the social and economic concerns of the time. In the f i r s t phase, during the 1970's, research on telecommuting focused on its large-scale systemic aspects, using model-based approaches to estimate aggregate social and economic benefits and costs, particularly in terms of potential energy savings. During the early 1980's, research shifted to case studies of pilot programs that determined the costs and benefits to individuals and organizations from a number of perspectives. Employment issues became more prominent as energy concerns became less immediate; for example, interest grew in the potential of telecommuting to allow single parents to work at home while caring for their children, and to enable the physically handicapped to work from home. During the latter half of the 1980's, interest in telecommuting tended to focus on its benefits to employers interested in increased productivity, and its potential to employees wanting alternate work arrangements. Telecommuting is promoted as a means for entrepreneurs to start their own businesses, as seen by the introduction of periodicals such as Home Office Commuting, several newsletters (e.g., Telecommuting Review, TC Report, Microline Moonlighter), "how-to books directed at both employers and employees interested in home-based work arrangements (e.g., Gordon and Kelly, 1986; Edwards and Edwards, 1985), and electronic "bulletin boards" devoted to telecommuting and home-based work issues (e.g., Compuserve's Working From Home Forum). This chapter will examine the theoretical basis of telcommuting, provide a brief review of several telecommuting programs reported in the literature, and finish with an outline of some general characteristics of telecommuters and telecommuting programmes based on surveys and case studies from the literature. 2.1.1 The Mechanics of Telecommuting There does not appear to be any universally accepted definition of telecommuting, although there is general agreement that telecommuting involves performing work at a location that i remote from the central office, and electronically transferring the product of that work to a central office or other location. While this thesis will focus on telecommuting that is performed in the home of a worker, telecommuting is not limited to the home, but can be performed in other locations including hotels, automobiles, clients' offices, and aircraft. Three generic types 21 of fixed work locations have been identified: (1) the homes of employees, (2) sat e l l i t e work centres (i.e., decentralized work centres of a single employer), and (3) neighbourhood work centres (i.e., work conducted at a single site by employees of several employers). The scope of this thesis will be limited to the f i r s t option: home-based work. Numerous devices can be used in telecommuting including personal computers, teleconferencing f a c i l i t i e s , telephones, fax machines, and hybrid communication devices. This thesis w i l l focus on the use of computers and word processors, either operating as "dumb" terminals or as stand-alone microcomputers; data is transferred between the central office and the remote worksite by modem and telephone line. Using a broad definition, Cross and Raizman (1986) state that reporters have been telecommuting for years by sending stories to newspapers via telephone, teletype or facsimile equipment. It is probably inaccurate to describe this type of arrangement as telecommuting because communications technology is used to replace work-related travel, rather than the commute between the employee's home and workplace. 2.2 CONCEPTUAL BACKGROUND 2.2.1 Early Work Most commentators ascribe the origin of both the concept and the term "telecommuting" to a study directed by Jack Nilles (1976). Written during the f i r s t energy shock of the 1970's, 22 the study examined the potential substitutability of telecommunications for work-related commuting and estimated its attendant costs and benefits, particularly in terms of net changes in transportation-based energy consumption. Nilles' study was not actually the f i r s t to examine the potential of working from home by the substitution of communications for commuting. Jones (1973) estimated that up to 22 percent of a l l 1965 work-related trips in the San Francisco Bay area were "substitution prone", while Lathey (1975), estimated that substitution was possible for 16 percent of aggregate vehicle miles travelled. The interest in substitutability is apparent when i t is noted that in 1969, the journey to work accounted for 261 b i l l i o n miles, or 33.7 percent, of the total vehicle miles travelled in the U.S. (Harkness, 1977, p. SC-12). Nilles defined telecommuting as the "total or partial substitution of the daily commute" (1976, p. 4) through the use of computer-mediated communication. Telecommuting was envisioned as a logical response to many of the pressures facing contemporary c i t i e s including sprawl, the general inadequacy of public transit systems, and the increased cost and decreased av a i l a b i l i t y of conventional f o s s i l fuels. The study set out to explore the relative costs and benefits of several remote work options, examine the resulting policy implications in terms of the s u i t a b i l i t y of existing regulatory frameworks, and, to a lesser extent, examine the consequences of telecommuting for urbanization. The study postulated that there were three factors creating a favourable environment for telecommuting, and upon which Its ultimate acceptance was dependent. First, was the presence and continued growth of an "information industry" and, more specifically, "information industry routine workers", that i s , employees whose work is related solely to the creation, transfer, processing, and dissemination of information. This was contrasted with work requiring the employee to be "at or near an immovable object or central location", such as a factory or f a c i l i t y involved with the physical processing or transfer of goods that, because of its ties to a particular location, is dependent upon transportation (Nilles et a l . , 1976, p. 4 ) . The study estimated that the former group consisted of 10 percent of the 1970 U.S. workforce. The second factor was the development of effective and relatively low-cost computer and communication technologies. The third factor, arguably the least understood of the three, was the geographic dispersion and decentralization of offices. Nilles postulated that a four-phase evolutionary process was occurring in patterns of office location: centralization, fragmentation, dispersion, and diffusion. In the centralization phase, characteristic of the traditional concept of a single location office, a l l work is conducted at one site. Under fragmentation, subunits of a central office relocate to remote locations by either of the following means: (1) "branching", in which the remote office becomes a miniature replica of the main 24 office and performs most or a l l of the main office's functions; or (2) "segmenting", in which a coherent functional unit, such as the data processing or accounting department, relocates away from the central office. The third phase, dispersion, involves the establishment of numerous work locations throughout an area, with each employee working at the location nearest his home. In diffusion, the fourth phase, firms maintain a relatively small core staff in a central office and use the services of specialized firms that are dispersed throughout the city, with employees working either at neighbourhood work centres or at home. Nilles does not clearly indicate whether this process is something which he believes is occurring or w i l l occur, and while there is considerable empirical evidence of office fragmentation and some evidence of office dispersion, the diffusion phase does not appear to have yet been observed on any significant scale. The focus of Nilles' research was a case study of the costs and benefits of the hypothetical restructuring of a Los Angeles insurance company using several different remote work options. The firm was chosen because the repetitive and routine information handling performed by many of its employees could, theoretically, be performed from remote locations by the use of telecommunications technology. Of the firm's 2,500 employees, approximately 67 percent were engaged in routine information handling, consisting mainly of underwriting new policies and updating existing ones. The study was premised on the following: (1) decisions by employers would be made on the basis of clear economic benefit; (2) work would continue to be performed in an effective manner; and (3) a sufficient technical base must already be available. Following an examination of the firm's communication requirements and employee characteristics, the study's authors developed an optimization model to measure the relative trade-offs associated with decentralizing the firm to between 2 and 17 locations throughout greater Los Angeles. Each option was reviewed with respect to direct economic cost, technical feasability, corporate policy, and government restrictions (e.g., equal opportunity legislation). While recognizing the importance of such factors as job satisfaction and the requirement of a suitable "man-machine interface", the study's authors f e l t that the key to determining whether an organization would choose to decentralize lay in whether there was an economic advantage in doing so. Thus, the central part of the study was a comparison of the total costs required for telecommuting as opposed to the costs of physically commuting to work. Costs for each option were measured in terms of cost per center, cost per mile of communications link, number of employees, terminal and hardware costs, total network costs, and average commuting distance. As might be expected, costs and benefits varied according to the scenario under consideration, with the optimal case being a dispersion to six s a t e l l i t e offices, providing a net overall savings of (U . S . ) $2.6 million per year. The study identified 26 savings to the employer resulting from staff reduction, lower employee turnover rates, less employee training, and a reduction in employee benefits through the elimination of free lunches and the reduction or elimination of travel subsidies built into wages. The economic benefits to employees were less clear. While commuting times and costs would be lower, this would be offset by lower salaries and the loss of free lunches. The primary social benefit of the scenario was felt to be the potential savings in energy consumption resulting from decreased commuting. While Nilles is strongly associated by most commentators with the notion of telecommuting from home, he originally suggested that telecommuting networks would develop in which employees would work from neighbourhood work sites near to, but generally not in, their homes (Nilles, 1975, p. 1143), and that the diffusion stage in organizational location faces numerous obstacles to being accepted by large organizations in the "near future." The most immediate physical impact of large scale telecommuting programs proposed by Nilles is on the design and operation of transportation and telecommunications systems. This includes the reorientation of transportation systems which are presently oriented to commuter flows, and the development of a more specialized wide-band communications network. In terms of land use, Nilles viewed the "rural city" ("which mixes the familiar downtown business area and suburban living", 1975, p. 27 1146) as a lik e l y consequence of telecommuting, and saw an increased potential for urban mixed use developments, where "(i)nstead of monolithic buildings devoted solely to office use, activity centres may contain a mixture of offices, living quarters, and entertainment f a c i l i t i e s . " The next major study of telecommuting occured as part of a "technology assessment" directed by Harkness (1977). The report included a 1,000 page collection of 25 independent "impact papers", each examining an aspect of the "telecommunicatlons-/transportation trade-off", and a bibliograhy containing over 1,000 entries. The report noted that approximately one-half of a l l commercial air and journey-to-work travel is made for the purpose of generating and exchanging information (p. v i ) , and suggested that telecommunications could be substituted for much of this travel and that in many cases telecommunications substitution should be favoured because of its low energy consumption, low environmental intrusion, high rate of innovation, f a l l i n g real costs, instantaneous nature, and convenience. Three sets of forces were suggested to be behind a fundamental change in "the present pattern of transportation, communication, and the organization and location of human activity around these linking a c t i v i t i e s " (p. 12). These were: (1) increased opposition on social and environmental grounds to the construction of new inter and intra urban transportation f a c i l i t i e s , (2) the likelihood that cheap and portable 28 hydrocarbon fuel w i l l not be available, and (3) the increased availability and decreased cost of new telecommunications capabilities. As with Nilles' study, Harkness framed his study within several scenarios (five lntra-urban, three inter-urban) that "incorporated key elements of the interactions of telecommunications and travel" (p. 26). Two of the scenarios were neighbourhood work centres and working at home. The dependent variables included physical infrastructure, economic infrastructure, environment, energy, r e t a i l shopping, office employees, office organizations, and local and national social impacts. Each of the scenarios and dependent variables was then organized on an "impact matrix" which could highlight areas requiring further investigation (p. 30). The report concluded with a review of the overall benefits and disadvantages of telecommuting (called "telework" in the study), but was unable to estimate either its occurence, or potential acceptability or adoption beyond order-of-magnitude estimates. Much of the popular interest in telecommuting can be traced to the description of the "Electronic Cottage" by Toffler (1980) in The Third Wave. Drawing largely on anecdotal evidence of firms with home-work options, the result of research conducted by Nilles et a l . , and an optimistic dose of technological determinism, Toffler argued that "a whole group of social and economic forces are converging to transfer the locus of work" back into the home. These forces include the growth of the service sector, improvements In communications and computer 29 technology, increases in energy and transport costs, and high office space costs. Toffler also provided a sociological dimension by arguing that there are "deep value changes" occuring which are foreshadowing "a basic shift in attitude toward the family i t s e l f " : . . . we need only note that in the United States and Europe - wherever the transition out of the nuclear family is most advanced - there is a swelling demand for action to glue the family unit together again. And i t is worth observing that one of the things that has bound families tightly together through history has been shared work. . . The electronic cottage raises once more on a mass scale the possibility of husbands and wives, and perhaps even children, working together as a unit. A central part of Toffler's Third Wave thesis is that western society is becoming increasingly home-centered, and that the electronic cottage is one means of achieving this. Toffler sees a number of positive impacts of the electronic cottage, including greater community s t a b i l i t y (". . . less forced mobility, less stress on the individual, fewer transient human relationships, and greater participation in community l i f e " ) , "energy decentralization", reduced environmental pollution, the development of a new group of small-scale computer stores and information services, and "a deepening of face-to-face and emotional relationships in both the home and the neighbourhood". Toffler does not predict that the electronic cottage w i l l become the norm, or even common, in the near future; instead, he offers i t as an option for consideration. Nevertheless, Toffler is often cited by writers and commentators as being a strong proponent of telecommuting. 30 2.2.2 Telecommuting and Quality of Life During the early and mid 1980's, i t became increasingly clear that in order for telecommuting to have any impact on energy consumption, there would have to be a massive investment in the telecommunications infrastructure, plus concomitant changes in organizational structure and management philosophies; telecommuting became a solution in search of a problem. As a partial consequence of this, interest in telecommuting shifted to examining the benefits i t could offer to individual employees and employers. Unlike the earlier studies, this research was generally based upon actual surveys of pilot telecommuting and other remote work arrangements, and was frequently c r i t i c a l in its conclusions. Included in this body of work are studies by Olson (1983), Pratt (1984), and Huws (1984) that examined the characteristics of telecommuting arrangements and individual telecommuters, and surveys of specific issues, such as the review by Shamir and Salomon (1985) of the effect of telecommuting on quality of working l i f e , and the highly c r i t i c a l examinations by Christensen (1985, 1987) of the impact of telecommuting on women and family l i f e . Much of this work was summarized in a report by the U.S. National Research Council (1985), which included several case studies, and a review of issues and problems encountered to that time. ft.. 2.3 Recent Work - S t i l l a Solution Searching for a Problem? In recent years, research on telecommuting appears to have 31 plateaued. Although It has clearly not reached or even approached the optimistic projections made by Nilles and others that 15 percent of the U.S. workforce would be telecommuters by 1990 (cited in Cowen, 1981), there is a growing consensus in the popular, academic, and business literatures suggesting that there is interest in telecommuting as an employment and li f e s t y l e option, analogous to that shown towards flextime and job-sharing, and that i t wi l l most likely be used on either a part-time or temporary basis. Some of the interest in telecommuting has been rekindled by developments in communications and information technology, including the introduction of low-priced fax machines, laptop computers, personal photocopiers, cellular telephones, and telephone options such as call-forwarding (Schwartz and Tsiantar, 1989). These technologies have helped popularize the notion of the "virtual office", that i s , that office work does not have to be done within the physical confines of an office, but can be done wherever the worker is located (Giuliano, 1982). Telecommuting is also seen as a means to an end by many entrepreneurs, small business owners, and managers. The periodical Home Office Computing, with a 1988 circulation of 420,000 1, i s , as its name suggests, directed towards people who operate businesses, often on a part-time or supplementary basis, 1 Source: 1988 edition of National Directory of Magazines. By way of comparison, the circulation of the U.S. issue of Time magazine was 4,600,000, the Canadian issue of Time was 345,000, and Sports Illustrated was 500,000. 32 from their homes.2 It includes regular columns on subjects such as the use of databases, word processing and desktop publishing systems, business advice, and finance. It also reviews and compares new products, and reports on trends in home-based work, lif e s t y l e s , support services, and ways to improve business. Kinsman (1987) has identified periodicals in the United Kingdom which cater to home-based workers. 2.3 EXAMPLES OF PROGRAMS REPORTED IN THE LITERATURE Much of the literature on telecommuting and home-based work consists of reports, often anecdotal in nature, of organizations with home-based work programs. Empirical research on the topic often consists of case studies or surveys, with the latter consisting either of participants involved in programs at a particular organization or group of organizations (Pratt, 1984; Ramsower, 1985), or compilations of questionnaire surveys distributed to, for example, readers on a magazine mailing l i s t (Olson, 1985). Results from these surveys w i l l be discussed below. This section will provide a brief review of several programs described in the literature. The purpose of this review is to illustrate the variety of programs that have been attempted and give an indication, where possible, of the degree of success that they have met. 2 As an indication of its shifting market, Home Office  Computing was t i t l e d , until late 1988, Family and Home Office  Computing. 33 2.3.1 Control Data Corporation Control Data Corporation (CDC), a 50,000 employee Minneapolis-based company that manufactures computers and computer peripherals, and provides data, computer, and f i n a n c i a l services, has been involved in a high p r o f i l e home-based work program. Known as Alternate Work Sites (AWS), CDCs program began with s i x t y professional and managerial employees in a voluntary work-at-home scheme, and was later extended to include c l e r i c a l employees who used company supplied word processors at home. One frequently-cited element of AWS i s "Homework", a vocational t r a i n i n g and employment preparation program for the p h y s i c a l l y disabled. Begun in 1978, Homework provides t r a i n i n g in business applications computer programming using computer-based i n s t r u c t i o n , and i s conducted in homes, hospitals, r e h a b i l i t a t i o n centres, and nursing homes. Homework participants are trained with the assistance of PLATO software, a computer-based education system that i s touted by CDC as providing i n d i v i d u a l i z e d , student-paced i n s t r u c t i o n that i s integrated into a conventional learning system. A PLATO terminal can be used between 18 and 22 hours a day, seven days a week, providing f l e x i b l e t r a i n i n g schedules. CDC indicates that graduating students are placed into competitive f u l l - t i m e positions as programmers. A 1982 survey by CDC of AWS particpants found that the average employee in the program had 5.5 years of tenure with the company, and was involved with AWS for an average of 20 months. Use of AWS by employees varied between one day per week to f u l l time, with an average of three days per week. Most participants worked from their homes, although some worked at other CDC s i t e s . Pickup and d e l i v e r y of work was done by a variety of means, including transport by the employees themselves, the use of computer terminals linked by telephone, i n t e r - o f f i c e mail, and the post o f f i c e . Advantages c i t e d by employees included reduced commuting times and costs, and improved work environments, while the most frequently c i t e d disadvantage was reduced interaction with co-workers. Some employees also indicated that they found i t d i f f i c u l t to separate work and home and did not know when to stop working. Managers estimated that productivity Increased on average by 20 percent, but that i t did not increase with a l l employees. Despite the reported successes of AWS, i t was reported that as of 1983, the number of CDC employees involved in AWS decreased to 48, and that CDC did not intend to promote the program for "able-bodied employees" other than to the extent that i t provided an option by which "to t a i l o r the workplace to each employee's l i f e s i t u a t i o n " (Manning, 1985). 2.3.2 F International Based in the United Kingdom, F l was founded in 1962 with the s p e c i f i c goal of providing work for women computer professionals who have to stay at home because of family commitments. F l i s a computer consulting firm that s p e c i a l i z e s in integrated o f f i c e information systems, data processing services, hardware and software evaluation, software development, user t r a i n i n g , and i n s t a l l a t i o n support. During the mid 1980's, the firm's revenues from services were approximately $10 m i l l i o n per year. As of 1985, the firm was handling about 200 projects for about 120 c l i e n t s per month, with work done by teams of between 2 and 75 employees. Approximately three-quarters of the firm's 1,000 employees work on a freelance project-by-project basis, and average 20 hours of work per seven day week (Shirley, 1985). Over 90 percent of the company's workforce i s female, and consists l a r g e l y of women looking after children or e l d e r l y family members, the p h y s i c a l l y disabled, as well as those who l i k e to work from home. F l i s not t r u l y home-based; i t has ten o f f i c e s worldwide, although i t s o f f i c e s are used mainly for administrative purposes. Surprisingly (considering the subject of the work) r e l a t i v e l y few of F l ' s workforce have a computer at home, with much work being written or dictated onto tapes from which stenographers make typed copies. Thus, much of F l ' s work would not come under the d e f i n i t i o n of telecommuting being used in t h i s t h e s i s . It has been reported, however, that F l employees are beginning to use home computers, p a r t l y because of increased speed and e f f i c i e n c y ( C o l l i n s , 1985). The d a l l y operations of F l are dependent on the use of the telephone and postal system, fax machines, and contacts at the central o f f i c e s who relay messages. 36 2.3.3 Best Western Hotels Best Western Hotels provides an extreme example of how telecommuting can be used to provide access to new labour pools. After the hotel chain had d i f f i c u l t y in the mid 1980*3 finding booking agents who could work at peak times, i t contacted the Arizona Centre for Women (ACW), a minimum security prison. Best Western then set up a telephone booking o f f i c e at the prison which has employed up to 53 inmates at a time. Best Western pays i t s inmate employees the same wage as i t s outside reservation agents receive, although the inmates are not e l i g i b l e for any employer benefits, and 30 percent of the inmates' after-tax income goes to the prison for room and board. According to one report, Best Western hired a number of former inmates after t h e i r release from ACW (Rubin, 1984). The use of prison inmates for commercial employment purposes has been c r i t i c i z e d , however, because of i t s tendency to undercut wages paid to employees in the free market (Berch, 1985). Other versions of t h i s form of remote work have been conducted in C a l i f o r n i a and New York (Peterson, n.d.). 2.3.4 Mountain B e l l / P a c i f i c B e l l Both Mountain B e l l and P a c i f i c B e l l , two B e l l Operating Companies created by the AT&T d i v e s t i t u r e , have adopted telecommuting programs. The Mountain B e l l program began with a 1980 p i l o t project involving eight managers who wrote i n s t r u c t i o n a l manuals for computer programmers and had no 37 supervisory r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s (Phelps, 1985). After a nine month period, three of the managers returned to th e i r o r i g i n a l worksite, c i t i n g weight gain, spousal c o n f l i c t , and loss of s o c i a l contact. Mountain B e l l has claimed that the project resulted In a 50 percent Increase in productivity, although there was a drop in overal l productivity during the f i r s t month, primarily due to individual adjustments to the new work environment. The P a c i f i c B e l l program i n i t i a l l y involved 100 employees from a mixed group of job categories who worked from their homes, s a t e l l i t e o f f i c e s or a neighbourhood work centre (Gordon, 1985). One group of 32 s p e c i a l i s t s who automate equipment maintenance procedures were transferred to t h e i r homes from three equipment o f f i c e s that were subsequently closed, for an annual saving in 1985 of $40,000. The automation s p e c i a l i s t s use portable video terminals leased by P a c i f i c B e l l to provide access to an ele c t r o n i c mail network they use to stay in touch with each other, and are able to go to one of a hundred maintenance centres when they are unable to work from home or need resources that they do not have at home. P a c i f i c B e l l ' s program has expanded to more than 500 employees, including computer analysts, programmers, engineers, systems analysts, and accounting personnel, (Christensen, 1987), and i t has been reported that an additional 400 workers telecommute on an informal basis (Schneider and Francis, 1989). Bach employee reports to the o f f i c e at least once per week. 38 Olson (1988) has suggested that one of the reasons P a c i f i c B e l l and Mountain B e l l are interested in telecommuting i s the market potential of the technologies that support telecommuting; i f telecommuting were to become widespread, there would be an increased market for telecommunications services in the home. 2.3.5 Southern C a l i f o r n i a Association of Governments/California State Government What may be the most ambitious attempts to implement large scale telecommuting programs have been undertaken by the Southern C a l i f o r n i a Association of Governments (SCAG) and the C a l i f o r n i a State Government. SCAG i s the regional planning agency for the Los Angeles and Orange County metropolitan areas. Its program followed a comprehensive two year background study that explored the concept of telecommuting, and considered some of i t s potential impacts on land use, employment location patterns, the use of transportation systems, and a i r p o l l u t i o n (SCAG, 1985). A p i l o t study involving 15 of SCAG's 130 employees was undertaken in 1986, and following an evaluation, a more formalized program began In December 1987. The SCAG telecommuting program was used to help develop a telecommuting program i n the C a l i f o r n i a State government. Following a two year p i l o t program involving up to 150 management and non-management employees in 17 state agencies, the state government has entered l e g i s l a t i o n creating an agency that w i l l oversee telecommuting arrangements among state 39 agencies (Wagel, 1988).3 Three p r i n c i p a l concerns were behind the state program: (1) s o c i e t a l issues, such as improving a i r qu a l i t y and reducing energy consumption, (2) management issues, p a r t i c u l a r l y improving q u a l i t y of work, employee productivity, and a t t r a c t i o n and retention of employees, and (3) employee issues such as increased f l e x i b i l i t y and control over work.4 Both the state and SCAG programs have been influenced by the presence of the South Coast Air Quality Management D i s t r i c t (SCAQMD), a state authority whose mandate i s to control p o l l u t i o n and improve a i r q u a l i t y throughout the South Coast region of C a l i f o r n i a (Stevenson, 1988). The SCAQMD has recently s h i f t e d i t s focus from stationary source a i r p o l l u t i o n to implement transportation regulations directed at improving a i r q u a l i t y . One approach that has been adopted i s Regulation XV which is directed at reducing automobile t r a f f i c between 6 a.m. and 10 a.m., and SCAQMD has encouraged telecommuting as one means of achieving t h i s . As a consequence, a number of major employers, Including governments, have taken a variety of steps to reduce the number of employee t r i p s including car pooling, flex-time, and the introduction of telecommuting. 2.4 CHARACTERISTICS OF TELECOMMUTERS As noted above, there are numerous methodological 3 C a l i f o r n i a Assembly B i l l 29-63. 4 Personal communication with David Fleming, Program Manager, Telecommunications Services, C a l i f o r n i a Department of General Services, August 21, 1990. 40 d i f f i c u l t i e s in obtaining information about telecommuters, and, consequently, much of the l i t e r a t u r e i s based on anecdotal accounts, such as those found in the case studies outlined above. Nevertheless, case studies and a growing body of survey data have provided a broad overview of the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of telecommuters, although their conclusions often vary considerably, r e f l e c t i n g differences in groups surveyed, the survey methodologies adopted, and target groups. One clear conclusion i s that there is no single model of a telecommuter. Case studies and surveys show that telecommuting is often sought by two types of organizations: ( 1 ) large organizations that, for a number of reasons, use innovative technology and work arrangements, and ( 2 ) smaller e n t i t i e s , e s p e c i a l l y one person companies, in which telecommuting or other work-at-home arrangements may be key to the survival and success of the operation. Telecommuting can be permanent or temporary in nature, f u l l - t i m e , part-time, or intermittent, part of a formal t r i a l or program undertaken by an organization, or an ad hoc arrangement taken by individual employees, and done either with or - in the case of " t e l e g u e r i l l a s " - without the knowledge or permission of the employer. There are self-employed individuals who have t r a d i t i o n a l l y worked from th e i r homes, but who are now characterized as telecommuters because they use computers in transmitting the product of th e i r work, whereas in the past they would have used another means, such as the telephone or couriers. Olson and Primps (1984) observe that telecommuting i s not always 41 indicative of work at home, since modem-equipped computers allow employees to work while t r a v e l l i n g , and i t has been reported that one U.S. company s e l l s a $60,000 luxury van that has a c e l l u l a r telephone, laptop computer, and c e l l u l a r fax machine (Schwartz and Tsiantar, 1989). One of the e a r l i e s t surveys of telecommuters was conducted by Pratt in 1981 (1984). Based on a series of questionnaire and unstructured interviews with 46 home o f f i c e workers, she found that they were not a homogenous group, but could c l e a r l y be di f f e r e n t i a t e d by job function. Pratt categorized her respondents into three occupational groups: (1) c l e r i c a l women working f u l l time as employees or on contract performing word processing or data entry work (9 percent), (2) managers working part-time or intermittently at home (39 percent), and (3) professionals such as computer programmers, s c i e n t i s t s , consultants, and stock brokers (52 percent). Of the l a t t e r group, one t h i r d worked at home f u l l - t i m e , while the remainder worked at home part-time or intermittently. Individuals who supervised home-based employees indicated in Interviews that several categories of employees were poorly suited for work at home and generally returned to the o f f i c e . These included unmarried Individuals whose s o c i a l l i f e was based on o f f i c e contacts, handicapped employees who were unable to spend long hours working at a computer terminal, workers whose families objected to the i r continued presence in the home, and individuals who lacked enough s e l f - d i s c i p l i n e to work without continual 42 supervision. Of the 27 respondents who evaluated th e i r own performance, 67 percent f e l t that their productivity Increased because they worked at home, 26 percent saw no change in productivity, and the remainder thought their productivity decreased because of d i s t r a c t i o n s in the home. The primary benefit c i t e d of home-based work was f l e x i b l e work schedules; workers in a l l categories indicated that they had more spare time because of time not spent commuting, s o c i a l i z i n g at the o f f i c e , or being interrupted at work. Many indicated that they could work at almost any time of the day, and only 40 percent of those interviewed started work between 7 a.m. and 9 a.m. Another early survey of home-based workers (described as people "working from home with new technology") was conducted by Huws (1984) in the United Kingdom. Seventy-eight questionnaire respondents were obtained through appeals in the media. Of that group, 50 percent were computer programmers, 13 percent were computer analysts, 10 percent were computer consultants, 5 percent were computer project managers, 11 percent did c l e r i c a l work, and the remaining percentage were writers or tra n s l a t o r s . Unlike Pratt's survey, in which 56 percent of the respondents were male and 44 percent female, 95 percent of the respondents in Huws' survey were female, and most indicated that they worked at home in order to care for the i r c h i l d r e n . A l l of the respondents had previously worked in o f f i c e s , and two-thirds had begun working at home after becoming pregnant. The average work week was 22 2/3 hours, just over half worked 5 days per week, and 20 43 percent worked 6 or 7 days a week. One-third of the respondents indicated that they had periods without work. Seventy-two percent were paid hourly, 8 percent were s a l a r i e d , and 17 percent were paid "by the job." The large role played by employees in computer related occupations was found in a questionnaire survey conducted by Olson (1985), although t h i s l i k e l y resulted from the nature of the medium used to obtain respondents. Of 958 responses to 5,000 questionnaires sent to readers of Datamation magazine, 434 respondents, or 45 percent, claimed to do some work at home. Sixty percent of those who did not work at home indicated that they would l i k e to do some work at home, while 16 percent of the t o t a l indicated they did not want to work at home. F i f t y percent of at-home respondents were employed by another person or company, and 34 percent were self-employed (15 percent were "other"). Forty percent l i s t e d t h e i r occupation as data processing managers, 26 percent were non-managerial computer professionals, and 7 percent were non-computing professionals. While 50 percent of home workers had a separate home o f f i c e , only 12 percent of respondents worked at home occasionally instead of going to the o f f i c e , 10 percent worked at home on a regular basis, and 6 percent worked exclus i v e l y at home. The most common reason for working at home was increased productivity (56 percent), although 46 percent indicated that they wanted to work at th e i r own pace, and 31 percent wanted to earn more money. Interestingly, only 21 percent responded that they wanted to 44 reduce commuting time. Unlike the survey by Huws (1984), 89 percent of the respondents to Olson's survey were male, and 83 percent were married. Eighty f i v e percent were at least somewhat s a t i s f i e d with th e i r at home work arrangements, although when asked about th e i r ideal work arrangement, 71 percent indicated a preference to work both at home and at a central o f f i c e , and only 10 percent responded that they wanted to work s o l e l y at home. As with other surveys, the most frequently c i t e d disadvantages of working at home were working too much (40 percent), and lack of interaction with co-workers (36 percent). Olson concluded that telecommuting was limited by the then available technology, which f a i l e d to provide access at home to resources available at the o f f i c e , and that a further " s i g n i f i c a n t b a r r i e r " was lack of exposure to corporate culture. By working at home, employees f e l t that they l o s t a sense of belonging, and managers prefer to see employees that they manage. Duxbury, et a l . , (n.d.) undertook a survey of Canadian managers' and employees' attitudes towards telecommuting. Conducted in 1985, the survey was sent to Ontario businesses on Datamation magazine's reading l i s t . Of the 177 companies from which responses were received, 30 indicated they had a work-at-home program, although a follow-up telephone survey found that only 6 of the 30 had programs which allowed a worker to stay home at least part of the day. The other 24 companies that indicated they had work-at-home programs provided home computer terminals to employees, but expected that they would be used 45 outside of regular working hours. The study also included an a t t i t u d i n a l survey of 317 managers and professionals at workplaces where personal computers were used. Of the 205 responses received, 68 of the respondents were c l a s s i f i e d as "employees", 78 were "managers", and the remainder were dropped from the survey because of a lack of organizational a f f i l i a t i o n . The mean age of the respondents was 42 for managers, and 31 for employees. On average, managers had 14 years experience with th e i r organization, while employees had 8 years, and managers had an average salary approximately double that of the employees' $31,290. Overall, employee respondents had more experience with personal computers than did the managers, a higher self-evaluation of their computer s k i l l s , better typing a b i l i t y , and more positive attitudes towards computers. The questionnaire found that respondents c l a s s i f i e d as employees were more attracted to telecommuting programs than were those c l a s s i f i e d as managers. While employees perceived that job-related stress would decrease and q u a l i t y of work l i f e would increase with telecommuting, managers tended to have no strong opinions on the subject, but did f e e l that telecommuting would not lead to increases in employee productivity. Managers did f e e l , however, that t h e i r job s a t i s f a c t i o n would decrease with telecommuting, which, the study argues, would occur because managers get a large part of t h e i r s a t i s f a c t i o n from Interactions with others. Duxbury et a l . concluded that considerable resistance exists among managers to remote work, with most of the 46 benefits perceived to be going to employees. The employee respondents were generally ambivalent towards telecommuting, although some advantages were c i t e d . Both groups f e l t , however, that their organizations did not support the idea of telecommuting. A recent survey (September 1989) of readers of the p e r i o d i c a l Home Office Computing had somewhat d i f f e r e n t r e s u l t s . Compiled from 1,100 of 4,000 reader responses to a survey included in a recent issue of the magazine, the respondents consisted mostly (75 percent) of individuals who own and run home-based businesses. Only 17 percent of respondents telecommuted with a central o f f i c e at least once per week, compared with the 31 percent who brought work home in the evening from a central o f f i c e . The average age of respondents was 41 years; 68 percent were male, 32 percent female. The most frequently c i t e d professions were: "media relations/PR" (21 percent), "consulting services'* (14 percent), and "computer services" (13 percent). The most common reasons given for working from home were convenience (72 percent), s t a r t i n g a business (56 percent), to be boss (51 percent), and to have a more f l e x i b l e schedule (46 percent). Only 23 percent indicated they worked at home to avoid commuting. The main advantages given for working from home were being able to control work (28 percent), greater productivity (22 percent), and more money (10 percent). The biggest disadvantages c i t e d were d i s t r a c t i o n s by family and friends (21 percent), working too much (15 percent), and d i f f i c u l t y in finding new c l i e n t s (13 percent). Si x t y - s i x percent of respondents indicated they work longer hours at home than at a central o f f i c e , 59 percent take less vacation, 61 percent s o c i a l i z e l e s s , and 57 percent are more involved in community a c t i v i t i e s . Ninety-seven percent of respondents use personal computers, with the next most common hardware being answering machines (84 percent), modems (54 percent), cordless telephones (46 percent), mu l t i l i n e telephones (29 percent), and photocopiers (26 percent). While the survey is interesting because of i t s size and currency, i t s u t i l i t y i s limited because i t does not di s t i n g u i s h the proportion of respondents who are full- t i m e telecommuters from those who work at home part-time or operate a home business that i s secondary to other employment. As w i l l be discussed below (Chapter 6.2), there i s l i t t l e agreement on the question of how many people are telecommuters. Figures that have been c i t e d in the l i t e r a t u r e include 3,000 -5>000 (Noble, 1986), 240,000 (Elmer-Dewltt, 1986), 7 m i l l i o n (Atchison, 1986), and 20,000 (Lewis, 1988). Kraut (1988, in Christensen 1988a) suggests that the most appropriate approach i s to d i s t i n g u i s h between people who work at home "a substantial amount", which he c a l l s primary homeworkers, and those who do l i t t l e work at home, which he c a l l s supplemental homeworkers. Using U.S. census s t a t i s t i c s for a study of "home-based white c o l l a r employment", Kraut found that the proportion of the U.S. non-farm workforce which worked as primary homeworkers declined from 3.6 percent in 1960 to 1.6 percent (or 1.3 m i l l i o n people) 48 in 1980, but that a far greater proportion (between 18 and 30 percent) of the non-farm labour force worked at home as supplemental homeworkers. Kraut concluded that primary homeworkers generally worked at home to subsidize t h e i r businesses and increase t h e i r employment f l e x i b i l i t y . He noted, however, that f u l l - t i m e home-based workers tended to earn only 70 percent of the income of conventional workers. Reasons suggested for t h i s include that many homeworkers work part-time, are often self-employed, and, abstrusely, "simply because they work at home." The l a t t e r point refers to suggestions in the l i t e r a t u r e that home-based work i s a mechanism used by employers to pay less to workers with few labour market a l t e r n a t i v e s . Kraut argues against t h i s e x p l o i t a t i o n model, noting that, o v e r a l l , home-based workers earn less than other workers whether the i r occupational status i s that of employees or self-employed, and that the income drop i s observed among both men and women. 2.4.1 Cha r a c t e r i s t i c s of Successful Telecommuting Programs There i s agreement in the l i t e r a t u r e that successful telecommuting programs require a combination of appropriate tasks, employees, managers, and employers (Peele, 1982; Upton, 1984; K e l l y , 1985; SCAG, 1985; Cross and Raizman, 1986). The most appropriate tasks for telecommuting are usually those that involve e i t h e r : (1) routine and c l e a r l y defined tasks, or (2) mental concentration. An example of the former i s data 49 entry work, while a project-oriented task, such as report writing, is an example of the l a t t e r . Regardless of the task, most commentators agree about the importance of having good communication between the employee and the employer, and sett i n g well-defined goals, milestones, and d i s t i n c t beginning and end points. Tasks involving information manipulation are usually better suited for home-based work than those requiring interaction with other people, and tasks that have more than minimal physical requirements or require a v a r i e t y of o f f i c e accessories, such as f i l e s or spe c i a l equipment, are usually not suit a b l e . Frequently-cited examples of occupations suited to telecommuting include writers, j o u r n a l i s t s , word processors, data entry workers, s e c u r i t i e s agents, f i n a n c i a l analysts, computer systems analysts or programmers, accountants, telephone operators, t r a v e l agents, and insurance agents. The following c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s have been c i t e d as common to successful home-based workers: (1) motivation and s e l f -d i s c l p l l n e , usually expressed by being organized and following a s t r i c t routine, (2) a d a p t a b i l i t y to s o c i a l , t e c h n i c a l , and managerial problems, and (3) a lack of gregariousness or a preference for s o l i t a r y work conditions. It i s often stressed that employees should volunteer to work at home, rather than being t o l d to do so. The appropriate choice of managers and management systems i s ci t e d as one of the most important and frequently neglected 50 aspects of many telecommuting programs. Managers must be able to give up d i r e c t supervision of employees, and base evaluations of employees on measurements of re s u l t s and assessments of the actual work done by employees. It has been suggested that managers should have d i r e c t experience working as a telecommuter. The need for mutual tr u s t and confidence between the employee and employer has also been emphasized. Along with having appropriate communications equipment, employers have to be able to deal with people on an individual basis and provide support s t a f f for remote work arangements. The employer's corporate culture must be able to accept remote work and not allow i t to hinder or harm the careers of remote employees. The employer must also commit the necessary planning and resources to the arrangement including a p i l o t program to determine problem areas and a formal t r a i n i n g program so that each participant knows his or her obligations. According to Cross and Raizman (1986) about one-half of the companies that have had telecommuting programs have abandoned them within two years. The most frequent reason c i t e d i s a lack of standards and objectives, although other reasons include poor management, inadequate programing standards and documentation, and poor communication between employees and managers. Technical problems are r a r e l y given as the reason for abandoning a telecommuting program (Cross and Raizman, 1986), and i t i s the opinion of commentators such as Olson (1988) and Christensen (1987) that managerial h o s t i l i t y , rather than technical 51 l i m i t a t i o n s , i s the biggest obstacle facing the adoption of telecommuting. 2 .5 CONCLUSION Telecommuting i s a form of home-based employment in which computer and telecommunications technology substitutes for the physical commute to a centralized workplace for a worker. The hist o r y of telecommuting may be characterized as that of a solution in search of a problem; despite the e f f o r t s of promoters and researchers, telecommuting has f a i l e d to achieve a l e v e l of adoption anywhere near that forecast. This i s arguably due to the overdependence of many commentators on a deterministic view of the process of innovational d i f f u s i o n , a f a i l u r e to appreciate the heterogeneity of work and work arrangements, and bad forecasting. Accordingly, telecommuting has been adopted in an incremental, often ad hoc manner, and frequently without organizational support or permission. There i s no clear image of an archetypical telecommuter. This i s p a r t l y due to the diverse d e f i n i t i o n s used to describe telecommuters, methodological d i f f i c u l t i e s in i d e n t i f y i n g them, and l i m i t a t i o n s in data. Much of what i s known about telecommuters has come about through anecdotal evidence and surveys of limited populations. Frequent r e p e t i t i o n of many of these anecdotes are found in the l i t e r a t u r e , possibly creating an i l l u s i o n that telecommuting i s more widespread than i t i s . Anecdotes and surveys indicate, however, that telecommuting has 52 been applied to diverse settings and undertakings, and suggests a vast range of potential applications. There appear to be three p r i n c i p a l occupational categories of telecommuters: (1) managerial and professional employees who v o l u n t a r i l y work at home, usually on a temporary or part-time basis, (2) c l e r i c a l employees, usually female, usually working at home on a fu l l - t i m e basis, and (3) self-employed entrepreneurs who adopt telecommuting as a means to s t a r t or a s s i s t their business. While the l a t t e r group does not f a l l within the d e f i n i t i o n of telecommuting being used in t h i s t h esis, i t has recently become an i n f l u e n t i a l element promoting home-based employment, and i s l i k e l y to influence trends and developments in that area. Successful telecommuting programs require the s e l e c t i o n of appropriate tasks, employees, managers and managerial s t y l e , and should only be undertaken by employers that w i l l provide the necessary technical and management support. 53 CHAPTER THREE OPPORTUNITIES FOR TELECOMMUTING: A CONVERGENCE OF FORCES 3.1 INTRODUCTION: A TIME OF TRANSITIONS A premise frequently found in the l i t e r a t u r e on telecommuting is that there i s an i n e v i t a b i l i t y to i t s widespread adoption, and that t h i s i s l a r g e l y due to a series of fundamental changes occurring throughout society, although the d e f i n i t i o n of the scope and nature of these changes varies between commentators (Pratt, 1987). Gordon and K e l l y (1986), for example, l i s t four "key trends" that underlie the growth of telecommuting: changes in computers and related technology, changes in corporations, changes in the preferences and values of employees, and the increased use and a v a i l a b i l i t y of personal computers. Hewes (1981) suggests that telecommuting is part of a larger s o c i a l revolution in which the workplace i s s t a r t i n g to return to the home for reasons of economy, comfort, convenience, and a heightened sense of s e l f - r e l i a n c e based on a new "pioneering" e t h i c . T o f f l e r (1980) views the "electronic cottage" as both a stimulus and product of "Third Wave" society, in which concepts of home, work, and lei s u r e are redefined and, to a degree, merged. Cherry (1970) sees telecommuting as a by-product of technological developments in computer and communication technology, that, he argues, are leading to a physical and economic restructuring of society as s i g n i f i c a n t and r a d i c a l as that attributed to the automobile. Pratt (1987) suggests that the d r i v i n g force behind home-based work is the desire of 54 individuals to have more control over their l i v e s , and, echoing research by Olson (1983), views telecommuting mainly as an option that can introduce greater f l e x i b i l i t y to work arrangements. Ramsower (1985) also notes that telecommuting may provide a p a r t i a l solution to the problems associated with ever increasing commuting distances and times for workers, a v a r i a t i o n of the energy cost question that stimulated the e a r l i e r work by N i l l e s et a l . , (1976). Others, however, such as Gold and Barke (1978), argue that many of these forecasts, and e s p e c i a l l y those based on technological factors, are of limited value because they f a i l to address the processes involved in human communication. Nalsbitt (1982) also sees a limited future for telecommuting because i t f a i l s to f u l f i l l the "high touch" needs that individuals require to counterbalance the introduction of new technologies. While there are variations among commentators as to the precise impetus behind the introduction of telecommuting, there i s a common notion that telecommuting i s , i f anything, the product of changes occurring in society. In recent years there has been a growing perception that society i s in a period of intense, rapid, and perhaps unprecedented flux made manifest by the entry into popular parlance of concepts and phrases such as "the information age", and "po s t - i n d u s t r i a l society." Wilson Dizard J r . (1982, p. 3) has aptly captured the breadth of t h i s plethora of s o c i a l theorizing: The rush to i d e n t i f y the new information age has resulted in a wide array of a d j e c t i v a l c l i c h e s . There are George 55 Lichteim's post-bourgeoise, Rolf Dahrendorf's p o s t - c a p i t a l i s t , Herman Kahn's post-economic, Sidney Ahlstrom's post-protestant, Lewis Feuer's post-ideological, and Roderick Seidenberg's p o s t - h i s t o r i c s o c i e t i e s . . . . most of these epithets have been l e f t at the post by a phrase popularized a decade ago by Harvard s o c i o l o g i s t Daniel B e l l : the p o s t - i n d u s t r i a l society. The common prefix of these labels suggests an autumnal q u a l i t y to our age, a sense of ending. Accompanying t h i s perception of s o c i a l change i s a concern as to where society i s heading, and the degree to which these changes may be anticipated and controlled. Concerns are raised as previously accepted solutions prove unable to solve problems that are found to be increasingly complex and insolubly "wicked". Quantitatively-based models and forecasts, limited by an apparent i n a b i l i t y to accommodate parameters of r e a l i s t i c uncertainty such as i n f l a t i o n rates, recession, national debt, energy gluts and shortages, and p o l i t i c a l i n s t a b i l i t y , have frequently been found to be inadequate aids for decision makers in a l l but the most routine exercises (Goldberg, n.d.). Rather than being knowable, predictable, and l i n e a r , our world i s increasingly perceived as being unknowable, stochastic, and subject to counter-intuitive and seemingly nonsensical in t e r - r e l a t i o n s h i p s (Goldberg, n.d). What is perhaps most central to t h i s new perception of society i s the notion that society is becoming fundamentally d i f f e r e n t in some manner, and that we can no longer look to the past for clues and answers to help in making decisions about the future: There i s a widespread suspicion that we are at some unique h i s t o r i c a l crossroads, that we are at the end of the old undeviating path of economic development, that "the subject of h i s t o r y has changed." (Gershuny, 1978, p. 10) 56 This chapter w i l l explore the nature and scope of those changes which appear to be behind the o r i g i n of telecommuting, and, bearing in mind the uncertainties mentioned above, w i l l focus on two factors which are most frequently found in the l i t e r a t u r e on the subject: (1) developments in computer and communication technologies; (2) the t r a n s i t i o n of western s o c i e t i e s from i n d u s t r i a l to knowledge-based economies. Rather than extensively cataloguing the scale and manner of change occurring in these two areas, which i s widespread and well beyond the scope of t h i s thesis, t h i s chapter w i l l focus on those factors that the l i t e r a t u r e suggests are most relevant to the adoption of telecommuting, and w i l l question whether these changes are as fundamental and revolutionary as some have argued, or are instead a further stage in the evolution of i n d u s t r i a l society. 3.2 THE COMPUTERIZATION OF SOCIETY The impacts that computers have had on society and the everyday l i v e s of individuals, while d i f f i c u l t to accurately assess and gauge, are nevertheless undeniable. Beyond the t r a d i t i o n a l applications of mainframe computers in large o f f i c e s , laboratories, and by the m i l i t a r y , there i s a widespread p r o l i f e r a t i o n of personal and mini computers in smaller o f f i c e s , stores, f a c t o r i e s , and homes, and microchips are assuming an ever increasing role in the control of automobiles, a i r c r a f t , weapons, and even such mundane items as VCRs, t e l e v i s i o n s , washing 57 machines, wristwatches, and t o a s t e r s . E q u a l l y s i g n i f i c a n t , the business of making, s e l l i n g , and r e p a i r i n g computers and t h e i r a l l i e d products has become a major p a r t of the economy (Science C o u n c i l of Canada, 1981), and i s a key component i n the development of many contemporary t e c h n o l o g i e s . The s i g n i f i c a n c e of computers to telecommuting i s t h a t , when combined with the a p p r o p r i a t e telecommunications technology, they provide a t e c h n i c a l means f o r one whose work i n v o l v e s the h a n d l i n g of i n f o r m a t i o n i n computerized form to do so a t a l o c a t i o n t h a t i s remote - i n the case of telecommuting, i n one's home - from a t r a d i t i o n a l c e n t r a l i z e d o f f i c e . Computers and telecommunications can s u b s t i t u t e f o r the p h y s i c a l presence of the worker i n an o f f i c e ; i n e f f e c t , they a l l o w work to be brought to the worker, r a t h e r than the r e v e r s e . The h i s t o r y of computer technology and the computer i n d u s t r y c e n t e r s on r a p i d i n c r e a s e s i n computer speed, storage c a p a c i t y , a v a i l a b i l i t y , and ease of use, accompanied by corresponding decreases i n computer s i z e and c o s t . The l i t e r a t u r e i s r e p l e t e with counts of angels on the heads of p i n s d e t a i l i n g the r a p i d developments i n computer technology. ENIAC, the f i r s t l a r g e - s c a l e g e n e r a l purpose e l e c t r o n i c computer, was b u i l t d u r i n g World War I I , although i t was not used u n t i l 1946, by which time i t was o b s o l e t e . I t weighed 30 tons, covered 1,500 square f e e t , consumed 140 k i l o w a t t s of e l e c t r i c i t y , c o s t (U.S.) $400,000, and contained 18,000 vacuum tubes which f a i l e d a t the r a t e of one every seven minutes ( S h a l l i s , 1984; Foran, 1987/88). I t i s o f t e n 58 observed that a simple computer, costing perhaps $100 and containing a s i l i c o n chip smaller than a contact lens, can outperform ENIAC. An appreciation of the degree to which computer technology has since developed i s provided in t h i s assessment by Forester (1985, p. x i i i ) : i f the automobile and a i r l i n e businesses had developed l i k e the computer business, a Rolls Royce would cost $2.75 and run for 3 m i l l i o n miles on one gallon of gas. And a Boeing 767 would cost just $500 and c i r c l e the globe in 20 minutes on f i v e gallons of gas. A more concrete compilation of the advances in computer technology is provided by Zuboff (1988) who indicates that a computation that currently costs one d o l l a r would have cost $30,000 in 1950, that the amount of time required for one e l e c t r o n i c operation has f a l l e n between 1958 and 1980 by a factor of 80 m i l l i o n , and that the error rate in recording data through bar codes i s one in three m i l l i o n , compared with one error per three hundred manual e n t r i e s . It i s d i f f i c u l t to accurately assess the influence which the computer has had on contemporary society, other than to note that i t appears to be extensive (Anderson, 1985) and is widely chronicled (e.g., Dertouzous and Moses, 1980; Friedrichs and Schaff, 1982; Inose and Pierce, 1984; Forester, 1985). One indication of the place that computers have assumed in society can be seen with the 1983 choice by Time magazine of the computer as the "Machine of the Year" ( F r i e d r i c h , 1983). 59 3.2.1 Economic Impacts of Computerization In economic terms, the computer industry has an estimated yearly value of $250 b i l l i o n worldwide although s t a t i s t i c s on i t s size vary widely according to the source and d e f i n i t i o n followed (Foran, 1987/88). For example, S t a t i s t i c s Canada, using a d e f i n i t i o n based on i t s Standard Industrial C l a s s i f i c a t i o n (SIC) system, estimated that in 1984 the Canadian computer industry generated $7.25 b i l l i o n of revenue and employed 93,851 people in 2,700 firms, while a 1987 submission by four Canadian computer industry associations estimated t o t a l 1986 domestic sales at over $20 b i l l i o n (Foran, 1987/88). The computer industry's share of the Canadian Gross National Product (GNP) has increased from 1.2 percent in 1980 to at least 1.9 percent in 1985, with the l a t t e r figure increasing to 5 percent of GNP i f the $23 b i l l i o n in revenues from firms in the more broadly defined information technology sector i s included. In the United States, employment in the e l e c t r o n i c computing equipment industry has increased from 144,000 in 1971 to over 355,000 in 1985, and the value of shipments increased over the same period from (U.S.) $6.4 b i l l i o n to over (U.S.) $55 b i l l i o n . 1 A survey in The Economist (July 12, 1986) found that one half of a l l U.S. o f f i c e employees use a computer terminal, and estimated that between 1986 and 1990, U.S. businesses w i l l spend (U.S.) $116 b i l l i o n on computer hardware and (U.S.) $127 b i l l i o n on software. 1 S t a t i s t i c a l Abstract of the United States 1984, 1988 edi t i o n s . 60 3.2.2 Organizational Impacts While the computer has been the catalyst of s i g n i f i c a n t economic growth, what may be of greater relevance and interest with respect to telecommuting i s the Impact of the computer on organizations, individuals, and in p a r t i c u l a r , the workplace, with o f f i c e work systems becoming labelled with terms such as the " o f f i c e of the future", the "electronic o f f i c e " , and the "automated o f f i c e " (see Chapter S i x ) . The automated o f f i c e can be described as an o f f i c e work s i t u a t i o n in which computer and telecommunications technology, such as personal computers, word processors, telecopiers, and fax machines, are e l e c t r o n i c a l l y linked to enable e f f i c i e n t and rapid processing, storage, and transmission of data. The introduction of computer-based technology i s viewed by many as a means to move o f f i c e productivity rates closer to those of manufacturing, by both increasing output and reducing costs. Word processing may be the most s i g n i f i c a n t o f f i c e automation technology introduced so far; i t allows l e t t e r s and documents to be written, changed and corrected quickly and e a s i l y , and by merging text f i l e s with name and address f i l e s , allows the production of large numbers of personalized l e t t e r s . When combined with te l e t e x t or fax machines, correspondence can be sent e l e c t r o n i c a l l y , at high speed and r e l i a b i l i t y , and at a r e l a t i v e l y low cost, reducing the need to use postal systems or couriers. Perhaps the most revolutionary aspect of automated o f f i c e technology i s that any piece of equipment which e l e c t r o n i c a l l y stores, manipulates, or conveys 61 Information may be interconnected, allowing rapid communication, assuming that they are compatible. It appears to be too early to assess how successful o f f i c e automation has been in meeting i t s productivity goals, although i t appears c e r t a i n that i t w i l l restructure o f f i c e a c t i v i t i e s , p a r t i c u l a r l y in the case of support s t a f f . While some (ABT Assoc., 1982) predict that o f f i c e automation w i l l allow many s e c r e t a r i a l and c l e r i c a l s t a f f to take on more management-related duties as "administrative assistants"; others, such as Menzies (1981), have argued that there i s a s k i l l gap between s e c r e t a r i a l / c l e r i c a l workers, and professional and administrative positions that allows l i t t l e mobility between the two and i s having a disproportionately negative e f f e c t on the female-dominated c l e r c i a l sector. 3.2.3 The Computer as Catalyst As a component of the automated o f f i c e , the computer may be viewed as a machine with no i n t r i n s i c value that i s used to help f a c i l i t a t e a s p e c i f i c function. For some, however, the computer has acquired symbolic value, and i s seen as a metaphor for both the positive and negative aspects of our society and era. C l a s s i f i c a t i o n of these perspectives can be made along a number of dimensions although the two basic issues appear to be: (1) whether or not the computer i s a device fundamentally d i f f e r e n t from other machines, ( i . e . , i s computer technology revolutionary in nature?) and, (2) who, i f anyone, w i l l control the manner and scale of i t s applications. Rosenberg (1986) defines the debate in terms of two opposing positions: (1) the computer is a tool and is not d i f f e r e n t from other tools used in the past; and (2) the computer i s not just another tool but one that does things that only people do ( i . e . , "think"), and because of i t s potential c a p a b i l i t i e s , represents a fundamental change in technology about which people should be concerned. The debate can be further characterized by the r e l a t i v e degree of technological optimism or pessimism of the commentator; the consequences of the p o l a r i t i e s described by Rosenberg vary depending on whether one views technology as a deterministic or benign force. If the l a t t e r , the question of who controls the technology, and in what manner, becomes more relevant. Much of the strongest optimism and most enthusiastic praise for computers originates, not s u r p r i s i n g l y , among computer s c i e n t i s t s . An early example i s seen in the 1958 prediction by Allen Newell and Nobel economics laureate Herbert Simon that " i n the v i s i b l e future" t h e i r research would lead to computers with problem solving c a p a b i l i t i e s "coextensive with the range to which the human mind has been applied" (Weizenbaum, 1976). In 1970, the u n f u l f i l l e d prediction of Simon and Newell was restated by noted A r t i f i c i a l Intelligence (AI) researcher Marvin Minsky who predicted that: . . . ( i ) n from three to eight years, we w i l l have a machine with the general i n t e l l i g e n c e of an average human being. I mean a machine that w i l l be able to read Shakespeare, grease a car, play o f f i c e p o l i t i c s , t e l l a joke, have a f i g h t . At that point, the machine w i l l be able to educate i t s e l f with fa n t a s t i c speed. In a few months, i t w i l l be at genius 63 l e v e l , and a few months a f t e r that, i t s power w i l l be incalculable. (Roszak, 1986, p. 122) Although these early predictions may appear, with the benefit of hindsight, to be naive and infused with hype, they have helped mold the popular c u l t u r a l images r e l a t i n g to computers and the potential of computer technology (e.g., Kidder, 1981), and continue to be found in recent statements ranging from that of AI researcher Pamela McCorduck that computers w i l l provide the means to "convert the entire universe into an extended thinking e n t i t y , " to that of astronomer Robert Jastrow, who has described computers as "the c h i l d of man's brain rather than his l o i n s " which w i l l "become his salvation in a world of crushing complexity." It i s suggested that the above statements reinforce the overtly c r i t i c a l perspective of Theodore Roszak (1986, p. 39) that "the computer has been cast in the wishful role of a benign angelic protector that w i l l r e l i e v e us of adult r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s that have become too burdensome." Much of the popular enthusiasm about computers originates with technological optimists such as Alvin T o f f l e r (1980), who has described computers as one of four "backbone industries" of "Third Wave" society (the others are the space industry, ocean resources, and biotechnology). Although T o f f l e r i s generally optimistic about the role of computers in society, he concedes the need for a s o c i a l control agent ("techno-rebels") to provide l i m i t s to t h e i r a p p l i c a t i o n . This optimism towards computers also underlies much of Naisbitt's thesis in Megatrends (1982), and in p a r t i c u l a r the notion of "computer as l i b e r a t o r " (p. 201), although i t i s i r o n i c 64 that in the example Na i s b i t t c i t e s to back his argument that the computer w i l l be the "lynchpin in the newly evolving network style of management", the management sty l e he propounds i s only possible due to a " r i g i d system of computer controls." Computers have also been characterized as a s o c i a l change agent and a means to foster i n t e l l e c t u a l freedom and expression, and weaken the dominance of established interests. In a controversial program funded by the French government and i n i t i a l l y directed by French writer Jean-Jacques Servan-Schreiber and U.S. computer s c i e n t i s t s Seymour Papert and Nicholas Negroponte, an examination was made of the computer's potential to develop a new world order based on improved access to information and high technology (Dray and Menosky, 1983). The focus of the program was on improving the economic position of technologically disadvantaged groups and nations by fostering the development of "alternative computer cultures" that would adapt microcomputers to t h e i r interests and needs. To Papert, the computer i s a " t r a n s i t i o n a l object" or ca t a l y s t through which individuals can develop s e l f - h e l p techniques to better a t t a i n t h e i r goals through networks of common inte r e s t . The program has received c r i t i c i s m from those who question i t s premise that computerization may provide the means for disadvantaged groups and t h i r d world nations to "leapfrog" into the information age, as well as from those who view computer technology as a c o l o n i a l a r t i f a c t that imposes Western values and concepts of progress on other cultures. Despite the numerous benefits ascribed to computerization, there i s a growing body of commentary questioning i t s o v e r a l l benefit, and whether computers are either as useful or necessary as has been suggested in the l i t e r a t u r e . C r i t i c i s m s of computers and th e i r e f f e c t s on the individual originate in a v a r i e t y of sources. Within the computer science community, one of the most vocal c r i t i c s i s Joseph Weizenbaum (1976), who achieved prominence after he wrote a computer program named ELIZA, with which one could "converse" in English language conversations on a computer. ELIZA operated by "asking questions" and "making responses" that were based on a series of programmed rules, with the entire conversation following cues in the statements made by the human parti c i p a n t . To Weizenbaum's surprise (and later dismay), ELIZA became very popular among his colleagues at MIT, and was considered by a number of medical and s c i e n t i f i c commentators to be the f i r s t step towards an e f f e c t i v e form of computer psychotherapy. Weizenbaum was s t a r t l e d at the ease with which people conversing on ELIZA became emotionally attached to i t and would describe the program i n anthropomorphic terms. Weizenbaum has also been c r i t i c a l of the extravagant claims of the proponents of a r t i f i c i a l i n t e l l i g e n c e , such as Herbert Simon, and, coupled with his experiences with the ELIZA program, has become convinced that too many individuals f a i l to see a difference between people and computers, and that there are c e r t a i n a c t i v i t i e s which computers should not be permitted to do, whether they can perform them or not. 66 3.2.4 The Computer as Metaphor Computerization has assumed a role as a metaphor for contemporary society. The use of technology and c u l t u r a l a r t i f a c t s to define a society or period of time is not new; Innis (1951) characterized h i s t o r i c a l periods in terms of the i r primary modes of communication. Perhaps the best known example of technology being used as a metaphor for society and a period of c i v i l i z a t i o n is from Mumford (1934, pp. 14-15): The clock, not the steam-engine, i s the key-machine of the modern i n d u s t r i a l age. For every phase of i t s development the clock i s both the outstanding fact and the t y p i c a l symbol of the machine: even today no other machine i s so ubiquitous. . . . In i t s r e l a t i o n s h i p to determinable quantities of energy, to standardization, to automatic action, and f i n a l l y to i t s own special product, accurate timing, the clock has been the foremost machine in modern technics: and at each period i t has remained in the lead: i t marks a perfection toward which other machines aspire. Bolter (1984) has argued that the computer i s the technology that best defines our age, succeeding the clock and steam engine associated with the i n d u s t r i a l age; rather than delimiting the physical world or magnifying muscular strength, computers deal with information and are perceived by some to be entering the realm of consciousness. Unlike past technological metaphors of society, the computer i s not a fixed mechanism performing one function; i t becomes a new machine by changing i t s program. The computer has a v e r s a t i l i t y that i s missing in other machines and Bolter suggests t h i s r e f l e c t s the human mind. To a growing number of people, the computer defines man's role in r e l a t i o n to nature: the computer i s giving us a new d e f i n i t i o n of man, as an "information processor," and of nature, as "information to be processed". . . . "(b)y making a machine think as a man, man 67 recreates himself, defines himself as a machine" (Bolter, 1984, p. 13). The computer and i t s technological retinue have entered popular culture, not only with additions to the vocabulary such as "data bank", "input/output", "download", "program", and "crash", but with concepts and perceptions r e l a t i n g to l i f e , including memory, thought, consciousness, and even death and r e b i r t h . Following a series of studies on the psychology of computer users, Turkle (1984) concluded that the computer i s an "evocative" device, analogous to the ambiguous stimuli found in a Rorschach t e s t : "(w)hat people do with computers weaves i t s e l f into the way they see the world" (cited in Forester, 1985, p. 182). Encounters with computers, e s p e c i a l l y by children, lead some to a q u a l i t a t i v e l y new set of r e f l e c t i o n s on human nature and what i t means for something to be a l i v e . Beyond being just another tool (a "number-cruncher"), the computer raises questions about the nature and substance of mind and thought: Because they stand on the l i n e between mind and not-mind, between l i f e and n o t - l i f e , computers excite r e f l e c t i o n about the nature of mind and the nature of l i f e . They provoke us to think about who we are. They challenge our ideas about what i t i s to be human, to think and f e e l . They present us with more than a challenge. They present us with an a f f r o n t , because they hold up a new mirror in which mind i s r e f l e c t e d as machine. The e f f e c t i s subversive. . . . If mind i s machine, who i s the actor? Where is r e s p o n s i b i l i t y , s p i r i t , soul? (Turkle, 1984, pp. 307-08) Whether one views the computer as an evolutionary or revolutionary t o o l , i t appears that in th e i r conduct and without the t h e o r e t i c a l pondering reviewed above, many people believe that the computer i s something fundamentally new and d i f f e r e n t , 68 and something which can be used to dramatically change t h e i r l i v e s . It adds an element of di s c o n t i n u i t y to e x i s t i n g notions about the use of technology, and provides the potential to be adopted in ways that go beyond those found with prior technologies. As the i r mimicry of consciousness and human a c t i v i t i e s improves, many of the ex i s t i n g barriers to the use of computers w i l l decline; acceptance of computer applications i s being reinforced by the sheer, simple, and often unconscious practice gained by individuals from using computers in the home, workplace, and elsewhere. 3.3 TOWARDS A KNOWLEDGE-BASED ECONOMY (FROM WIDGETS TO DIGITS) Of those changes underlying the introduction of telecommuting, the t r a n s i t i o n of western s o c i e t i e s from being based mainly on resource extraction, a g r i c u l t u r e , and manufacturing, to services and information i s perhaps the best understood, in part because i t most e a s i l y lends i t s e l f to d i r e c t s t a t i s t i c a l measurement and analysis. This i s generally done by di v i d i n g the economy into sectors based on type of a c t i v i t y . The primary sector consists of resource extraction and a g r i c u l t u r a l a c t i v i t i e s , the secondary sector of manufacturing, and the t e r t i a r y sector of everything else, although the l a t t e r i s usually labeled the service sector because many of i t s constituent occupations involve the provision of services. 69 3.3.1 Employment Trends The o r i g i n of three sector economic c l a s s i f i c a t i o n i s usually attributed to economist Colin Clark, who, in the Conditions of  Economic Progress, described economic progress as the s h i f t in the r e l a t i v e share of the labour force from one sector to another based on d i f f e r e n t i a l productivity rates. Thus, an increased demand for services follows the expansion of the manufacturing sector, which in turn i s based on the growth of national income through increased productivity in the extractive sector of the economy. Clear evidence of t h i s t r a n s i t i o n is traceable to the beginning of t h i s century as service-based occupations overtook f i r s t a g r i c u l t u r e , and then manufacturing as the p r i n c i p a l employers in the economies of Great B r i t a i n and the United States (Jones 1982). In r e l a t i v e terms, the size of the secondary sector of most western nations peaked in the years immediately following the Second World War. For example, by 1945 in A u s t r a l i a , 1947 in the United States, 1948 in the United Kingdom, and 1955 in Canada, over 50 percent of the paid workforce were engaged in service-sector employment (Jones, 1982). More recent data continues to confirm t h i s trend. Employment share in Canada's t e r t i a r y sector has grown from 40 percent in 1946, to 70 percent in 1988, while the secondary (including construction) and primary sectors have, over the same period, declined from 32 and 28 percent to 23.4 and 6.2 percent, respectively.2 The si g n i f i c a n c e of the t e r t i a r y sector i s even apparent in a so-2 Source: S t a t i s t i c s Canada Document 71-001 (June 1988). 70 c a l l e d resource-based economy such as B r i t i s h Columbia's, where the r e l a t i v e employment share in 1983 was 7.2 percent in the primary sector, 18.5 percent in the secondary sector (including construction), and 74.3 percent in the t e r t i a r y sector.3 Another indication of the s h i f t i n g balance between economic sectors is seen in changes in the r e l a t i v e share of the Toronto Stock Exchange composite index, which measures the r e l a t i v e value of the 300 companies l i s t e d on the exchange with the largest amount of issued stock. Between January 1980 and October 1986, the r e l a t i v e share accounted for by resource sector companies decreased from 47.9 percent to 25.9 percent of the index's t o t a l value, while the share of the index made up of i n d u s t r i a l and service sector corporations increased from 32.6 percent and 19.5 percent, to 37.3 and 36.8 percent, respectively (Jorgensen, 1986). While the 1980 l i s t of the ten largest companies in the index contained s i x resource-sector companies, the 1986 l i s t contained only one. Si m i l a r l y , a recent study has found that " v i r t u a l l y a l l " of the 1.2 m i l l i o n net new jobs created in the Canadian economy between 1981 and 1987 were in the service sector, although many of these jobs are part-time work, and tend to pay lower wages than those in the resource and manufacturing sectors (Lush, 1988). 3 Source: Labour Market Survey - Greater Vancouver - August 1986, and S t a t i s t i c s Canada Document 71-529. 71 3.3.2 The Evolution of Sectoral Analysis There are d i f f i c u l t i e s with using three sector analysis, with one of the most fundamental being a matter of c l a s s i f i c a t i o n ; on what basis i s an economic a c t i v i t y judged to belong to a par t i c u l a r sector, and into which sector does one place a c t i v i t i e s that either appear to straddle sectors, or else do not appear to have anything in common with a c t i v i t i e s i n any of the sectors? For example, while transportation and construction are neither extractive nor purely manufacturing a c t i v i t i e s , do they have enough in common with occupations such as medicine, teaching, or s e c r e t a r i a l work to belong in the service sector, and do occupations involved in food preparation belong in the manufacturing or service sector? Changes in workforce composition have created problems for three sector analysis that include the introduction of new occupations, such as computer programmers and operators, and the rapid growth of others, such as managers and administrators. These have produced a lopsided occupational d i s t r i b u t i o n that makes d i s t i n c t i o n s between sectors of diminished value except as i l l u s t r a t i o n s of the declining roles of the primary and secondary sectors, and the growth by default of the t e r t i a r y sector. An e a r l y attempt to remedy the above d e f i c i e n c i e s was provided by Jean Gottmann, who, in his book Megalopolis (1961), proposed the subdivision of the t e r t i a r y sector into two main groupings: (1) the t e r t i a r y sector, which he described as consisting of employment that required "muscular" a c t i v i t y , such as that found in the transportation, trade, and personal services occupations; and, (2) the quaternary sector. The l a t t e r encompassed what Gottmann saw to be a rapidly expanding group of highly trained and s p e c i a l i z e d - and mainly white-collar -workers, and included occupations such as lawyers, teachers, managers, a r t i s t s , and government administrators. There are a number of factors suggested by Gottmann to j u s t i f y t h i s s o c i a l subdivision and to explain the basis of the accompanying t r a n s i t i o n in occupational structure. Quaternary sector occupations are mainly characterized as being involved with the production, processing, storage, and d i s t r i b u t i o n of information. As the amount of information increases, there i s a subsidiary process occurring in which the quaternary sector undergoes a s e l f - r e f i n i n g d i v i s i o n of labour into increasingly specialized f i e l d s (Gottmann, 1983). There i s also a p r e d i l e c t i o n within the "muscular" occupations in the t e r t i a r y sector towards substitution and elimination by the introduction of labour-saving technologies (e.g., the replacement of a multitude of personal messengers by the telephone). Gottmann's emphasis on the importance of information as a defining factor has been continued by B e l l , whose analysis of what he l a b e l l e d post-industrialism describes knowledge and information as " c r u c i a l variables" that define p o s t - i n d u s t r i a l society in a manner analogous to the way that natural power and raw materials defined p r e - i n d u s t r i a l society, and "created energy" (e.g., o i l , gas, e l e c t r i c i t y ) and f i n a n c i a l c a p i t a l defined i n d u s t r i a l society ( B e l l , 1976). B e l l ' s notion of post-industrialism focuses on the changes occurring in the s o c i a l structure of society ( i . e . , the economy, technological base, and occupational system), and i s based upon a developing transformation, observed by B e l l , in the relationship between theory and empiricism, and the r e l a t i v e influence that each exerts in determining the p o l i t i c a l , c u l t u r a l , and economic agendas of modern s o c i e t i e s . B e l l outlined f i v e key dimensions of post-industrialism (1976, p. 14): (1) Transition from a goods-producing to a service-based economy; (2) The pre-eminence of the professional and technical c l a s s ; (3) The c e n t r a l i t y of t h e o r e t i c a l knowledge as the source of innovation and p o l i c y formulation for society; (4) The control of technology and technological assessment; (5) The creation of a new " i n t e l l e c t u a l technology". B e l l ' s v i s i o n of a p o s t - i n d u s t r i a l society i s e s s e n t i a l l y that of a meritocracy that i s guided and ruled by a technocratic e l i t e , and in which the possession of information and knowledge i s the basis of power. It i s a society in which the role of invention and discovery i s displaced from the "talented tlnkerers" of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, who were often outside the s c i e n t i f i c and commercial establishment and whose inventions were often based on t r i a l - a n d - e r r o r empiricism and i n t u i t i o n , to the contemporary s c i e n t i s t s and engineers who belong to the heavily funded i n d u s t r i a l complex that characterizes the twentieth century, and whose inventions are increasingly based on 74 spe c i a l i z e d applications of t h e o r e t i c a l knowledge ( B e l l , 1980, pp. 164-5). Post-industrialism should not, however, be interpreted as a replacement of i n d u s t r i a l society; rather i t is an addition to i t that r e s u l t s in a "system of superimposed layers, l i k e a palimpsest" ( B e l l , 1980, p. 4). By using knowledge as a defining c h a r a c t e r i s t i c , B e l l has produced a form of analysis that seeks to address the over-inclusiveness of the t e r t i a r y sector found in three sector analysis. Jones (1982) has developed a f i v e sector analysis which attempts to better account for the a c t i v i t i e s of government, the non-wage domestic sector, volunteer work, barter, and d o - i t -yourself a c t i v i t i e s , than the four sector analyses of Gottmann and B e l l . In Jones' analysis, the t e r t i a r y sector consists of "tangible" economic services (e.g., transportation, u t i l i t i e s , r e t a i l i n g ) , the quaternary sector i s based on information processing (e.g., banking, insurance, r e a l estate transactions), and the quinary sector accommodates domestic and quasi-market a c t i v i t i e s , such as hobbies, home-based occupations, and the unpaid domestic work of homemakers, and the professional provision of quasi-domestic a c t i v i t i e s (e.g., hotels, restaurants). Jones observes that there are several major c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s in the t r a n s i t i o n from an i n d u s t r i a l to p o s t - i n d u s t r i a l economy, including: a " h i s t o r i c " decline in employment as c a p i t a l intensive investments in labour and time-saving technology displace jobs based on manufacturing; an increase in service sector employment following the manner suggested by B e l l , Clark, and others; an increase in the value of information as a factor of production, with more employees involved in i t s c o l l e c t i o n , processing, storage, and dissemination; and the development of a global economy, characterized by the increased power and influence of trans-national corporations, agencies, and i n s t i t u t i o n s . An advantage that Jones c i t e s for his method of analysis i s i t s emphasis on use value, rather than marketplace value, which he argues provides a more comprehensive image of economic a c t i v i t y due to the inclusion of non-wage a c t i v i t e s . By incorporating non-market a c t i v i t i e s , including those associated with the informal or underground economy, Jones hopes to Introduce a more r e a l i s t i c form of economic analysis, echoing an argument made by Burns (1975) who has estimated that the economic value of work done by homemakers in the United States i s equal to that paid in wages by corporations in that country. 3.4 THE INFORMATION SOCIETY While there are variations among the economic c l a s s i f i c a t i o n and analysis schemes discussed above, they are a l l based on the need to incorporate the increasing numbers of people whose work p r i n c i p a l l y involves the use of knowledge or information. A common and r a r e l y challenged declaration found in both the mass media and among academic commentators states that western society i s being transformed into an "information economy." Information is perceived to play an increasingly c r u c i a l economic ro l e , and one of the most s a l i e n t features of modern business a c t i v i t y i s i t s preoccupation with obtaining faster, more accurate, and more comprehensive flows of information. B e l l (1976, pp. 18-26) has described the "primacy of t h e o r e t i c a l knowledge" as an "a x i a l p r i n c i p l e " of po s t - i n d u s t r i a l society; Naisbitt (1982) declares that the information age i s the most s i g n i f i c a n t "megatrend", and Drucker (1978, p. XXVII) has asserted that "(k)nowledge, during the l a s t few decades, has become the central c a p i t a l , the cost centre, and the c r u c i a l resource of the economy." The main value associated with information i s that i t reduces uncertainty; "perfect" information is a prerequisite to perfect competition in general equilibrium theory ( B e l l , 1980 p. 173). Exactly how information and knowledge are defined is not, however, always c l e a r . Not only does the d e f i n i t i o n of information vary between d i s c i p l i n e s , but i t s d e f i n i t i o n i s often treated in an i m p l i c i t manner by commentators. A d i s t i n c t i o n has been provided by B e l l (1980, p. 168), who defines information as "data processing in the broadest sense; the storage, r e t r i e v a l , and processing of data becomes the e s s e n t i a l resource for a l l economic and s o c i a l exchanges", and i s distinguished from knowledge which i s "an organized set of statements of fact or ideas, presenting a reasoned judgement or an experimental r e s u l t , which i s transmitted to others . . . (k)nowledge consists of new judgements." While there appears to be general agreement over the increased role that information plays in the economy, and the 77 accompanying s h i f t in workforce composition towards those sectors which primarily involve working with knowledge or information, i t is less clear how one defines or d i f f e r e n t i a t e s an information society from the industrially-based society which preceded i t . One method frequently used in the l i t e r a t u r e is to t r y and measure or estimate the economic value of information-based a c t i v i t i e s , and to emphasize both their rate of growth and sheer magnitude. The f i r s t attempts at measuring the economic value of the production and d i s t r i b u t i o n of knowledge were made by F r i t z Machlup (1962), who, using national accounts s t a t i s t i c s , c l a s s i f i e d 30 Industries into 5 classes of "knowledge industries": education, research and development, media, information machines, and information services. Machlup concluded that over (U.S.) $135 b i l l i o n , or 29 percent of the 1958 United States gross nation product, was spent for knowledge, and that approximately 31 percent of the labour force worked i n that sector. Machlup also estimated that the knowledge industries had expanded at an annual rate of over 10 percent between 1947 amd 1958. A more recent, and frequently c i t e d , measure of the economic scale of information a c t i v i t i e s was provided by Porat (1977), who, using a six-sector economic analysis, estimated that 46 percent of the 1967 U.S. GNP, 52 percent of employment, and 53 percent of earned income was provided by information a c t i v i t i e s . Beyond questions of measurement, Porat's study i s inte r e s t i n g because of i t s attempt to develop an information economy input-output matrix that sought to divide information-based 78 economic a c t i v i t i e s into primary and secondary sectors, with the d i s t i n c t i o n between the two based on whether the information is exchanged in the marketplace (primary sector), or used by organizations for internal consumption (secondary sector). Porat estimated that in 1967, 25 percent of the U.S. GNP was based on primary information sector a c t i v i t i e s , and 21 percent originated in secondary a c t i v i t y . The primary information sector (which was further subdivided into eight classes) included those industries that b u i l t information machines or marketed information as a commodity. The secondary Information sector was divided into two classes: the public administration sector, and those private bureaucracies whose a c t i v i t i e s are not included in the national accounts as information-based. This includes a c t i v i t i e s that are not d i r e c t l y included in the GNP, such as planning, administration, and marketing. The remaining economic sectors consisted of the private manufacturing sector and the public manufacturing sector ( i . e . , Infrastructure construction). Porat examined each of the 422 occupations in 201 industries reported by the U.S. Census Bureau and defined an occupation as being information-based i f i t s Income originated primarily in the manipulation of symbols and information. For some occupations, such as medicine, Porat concluded that only a portion of the a c t i v i t y was based on information manipulation. These a c t i v i t i e s were subsequently excluded from the f i n a l t o t a l so that any errors in the study were on the conservative side. I r o n i c a l l y , Porat's analysis showed that the most rapid growth in the information 79 economy occurred in the years prior to 1970, af t e r which i t slowed considerably, with much of the most recent occupational growth occurring among a c t i v i t i e s in the r e l a t i v e l y unskilled and poorly paid personal services occupations. The question a r i s e s , however, as to whether these s h i f t s , which are often described as being "fundamental" in terms of their occupational and economic impacts, have become manifested in s o c i a l and c u l t u r a l terms. A l t e r n a t i v e l y , i t can be asked whether the changes associated with the widespread use of computers and the development of an information-based economy are revolutionary in nature or do they merely represent a further stage in the evolution of i n d u s t r i a l society? There do not appear to be any widely held d e f i n i t i o n s of an information society that describe i t in i t s own terms. Instead, most d e f i n i t i o n s of an information society are based on comparisons with i n d u s t r i a l or p r e - i n d u s t r i a l s o c i e t i e s . This type of analysis was u t i l i z e d by Emery and T r l s t (1973), for example, who concluded that while most of the i n d u s t r i a l i z e d western nations are properly described as " p o s t - i n d u s t r i a l " in terms of t h e i r occupational and economic structures, they have not yet undergone any s i g n i f i c a n t corresponding changes in " c u l t u r a l values, organizational philosophies or ecological s t r a t e g i e s , " which continue to be expressed in Industrial terms (1973, p. 158). Masuda (1985) has employed t h i s comparitive technique in describing an information age "Computopia" characterized by the 80 following: a s h i f t in core technology from that which replaces or amplifies physical labour to that which replaces or amplifies mental labour; the replacement of the mechanical factory as the basic production centre by the "information u t i l i t y " (e.g., data banks and networks); the development of goal-making within voluntary communities as the underlying socioeconomic p r i n c i p l e rather than the enterprise-based equilibrium of market supply and demand; the creation of a multicentred, "functional" society, rather than the class-based, h i e r a r c h i c a l form associated with industrialism; and the replacement of material values with the s a t i s f a c t i o n of "goal achievement needs". Masuda's image of an information society embraces many of the ideals and sentiments found in other expressions of the concept; information i s seen as a l i b e r a t o r , but rather than extending individualism, i t i s seen as a means of creating a society that is both p a r t i c i p a t o r y and s e l f - d i s c i p l i n e d . Consumption of goods i s replaced by creation of knowledge, the renaissance values of individualism are replaced by the global values of symbiosis between man and nature. Masuda does not state that we presently l i v e in such a society, and i s skeptical about whether i t i s even attainable due to the influence exercised by government, m i l i t a r y , and corporate computer users. While Masuda's notion of "Computopia" i s not the only, or even necessarily a l i k e l y form, in which an information society might be r e a l i z e d , his characterization draws attention to the s o c i a l and c u l t u r a l changes that have accompanied the technical advances in computerization to date; can the scale and 81 magnitude of the former r e a l l y be said to be comparable with the l a t t e r ? Kranzberg (1985) argues that changes in technologies do not, by themselves, necessarily lead to revolutionary s o c i a l changes. To do so, he states, there must be a body of related technical advances and an attendant set of changes occurring in the "po l i t i c a l - e c o n o m i c - s o c i a l - c u l t u r a l context of the times" (p.36). He argues that the t r u l y revolutionary aspect of the B r i t i s h Industrial Revolution was not only the changes which occurred in technical components and processes, but the fact that the new technologies stimulated a new way of l i v i n g that d i r e c t l y affected the location and manner in which people worked, l i v e d , thought, played, and worshipped. Perhaps the most fundamental aspect of t h i s was the ascendancy of a new governing ethic, based upon the c a l c u l a t i o n of "economic necessity" (Rosenbrock, 1985). This leads to an image of i n d u s t r i a l revolution which con-s i s t s of two components: (1) "fundamental technical changes in the production and d i s t r i b u t i o n of goods" (to which would now be added se r v i c e s ) , and (2) an equivalent series of s o c i a l and c u l t u r a l changes. In the case of computerization and the informa-t i o n age there does not appear to be much dispute over the existence of the f i r s t component, but with respect to the second, the r e s u l t s appear to be less c l e a r . For example, while compu-ters and computer-based products and processes are seemingly becoming ubiquitous in the o f f i c e and most other workplaces, i n i t i a l forecasts of their reception in the home, doing 82 everything from storing recipes to preparing income tax returns, have proven to be overly o p t i m i s t i c . The introduction of the computer to the home appears to be more of an exercise in finding a purpose than in f u l f i l l i n g a genuine need, and has led to an extensive advertising campaign that has attempted to stimulate demand by, among other things, inducing g u i l t among parents that f a i l u r e to buy a computer w i l l shortchange their children's future, promising immediate solutions to organizational problems (e.g., the example from IBM's t e l e v i s i o n commercials on saving your hat factory), and, when a l l else f a i l s , "reminding the consu-mer of video games" (Rosenberg, 1986). Unlike something with a lim i t e d , but straightforward use, such as a car or a toaster, computers have numerous potential uses, but these require an appreciation on the part of users of t h i s potential and - unless the user is a s k i l l e d programmer - the existence of an extensive and inexpensive s e l e c t i o n of easily-used application programs. As Rosenberg (1986) suggests, the automobile would never have become as popular as i t has i f one needed the s k i l l s of a mechanic to operate i t . While computers may be suitable for storing recipes, i t appears that, for most people, i t i s usually faster and easier (and c e r t a i n l y less expensive) to keep a c o l l e c t i o n of favourite recipes i n a recipe box, and anyone whose income tax requirements are so complex as to require a computer should probably have the services of an accountant. There are other examples in which the r e l a t i v e success of computer applications have f a l l e n far short of o r i g i n a l 83 expectations. While e l e c t r o n i c mail and fax machines have become popular among business users, video teleconferencing and videotext services have f a i l e d to draw much interest. Again the issue appears to be the existence of p r a c t i c a l and straightforward uses for the applications. Electronic mail and fax machines provide a quick, r e l i a b l e , and r e l a t i v e l y economical means of transmitting information, e s p e c i a l l y when compared to t r a d i t i o n a l postal and messenger services; video teleconferencing i s expensive, has limited applications, and, when compared to telephone conference c a l l s , does not appear to offer enough benefits to warrant i t s cost and inconvenience to users. Videotext services such as The Source and Compuserve have been hampered by high costs, confusing protocols, and a lack of useful services to a l l but a limited number of computer hobbyists, and have experienced a dramatic lowering of projected growth rates and the withdrawal of p a r t i c i -pants such as newspaper publishers Knight-Ridder and the Times-Mirror Company (F i e l d and Harris, 1985; "American videotext f a i l u r e s . . .", 1986). The s t a r t up problems associated with home uses for personal computers and videotext services suggests that the d i f f u s i o n of computer technology throughout society has i t s l i m i t s , and that the "revolution" created by computers and information i s not as complete as many commentators suggest. There are also arguments, however, which suggest that the issue i s not the speed with which the information age i s getting out of the s t a r t i n g blocks, but whether there i s even a race at a l l . In a wide-ranging c r i t i q u e of B e l l ' s notion of post-84 industrialism, Stearns (1977) argues that B e l l has f a i l e d to come to terms with the magnitude of the changes required to r e a l i z e a s o c i a l revolution equivalent to that which occurred in eighteenth and nineteenth century Europe, and, in p a r t i c u l a r , i s hampered by a limited s e l e c t i o n c r i t e r i a that i s based on changes in economic a c t i v i t i e s but f a l l s to address changes in mentality and consciousness. Rather than revealing major s o c i a l change, Stearns argues that B e l l ' s analysis shows al t e r a t i o n s to the exi s t i n g i n d u s t r i a l framework and that many of the changes B e l l emphasizes, such as the growth of the service sector and the i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n and c e n t r a l i z a t i o n of science and technology, were already well underway in the mid-nineteenth century. Stearns' most fundamental c r i t i c i s m i s that neither B e l l nor most other commentators address the s i t u a t i o n of the population as a whole, but instead concentrate on the s o c i a l structures of the e l i t e s , and thus miss large areas of human a c t i v i t y , including questions about whether basic s o c i a l values are being replaced. Despite the changes that have occurred to occupational structures during the past century, Stearns observes that economic classes s t i l l e x i s t and show no signs of weakening, that much decision-making remains t i e d to property ownership, and that there i s increasing evidence that the growing numbers of white-collar employees are merely replacing the position previously held by blue-collar employees in in d u s t r i a l - e r a organizational structures. B e l l ' s assertion that "the long-run h i s t o r i c a l trend in Western society [ i s ] the move away from governance by p o l i t i c a l 85 economy to government by p o l i t i c a l philosophy . . . a turn to non-capitalist modes of thought" has been also challenged by Michael Harrington (1977), who argues that i f B e l l i s correct, then the outcome of the decision-making by the new e l i t e should be observably d i f f e r e n t from that of the old order. Harrington argues that, in practice, the basic framework remains guided by a c a p i t a l i s t , profit-maximizing purpose: the normal tendency of the welfare state - even with the "new men" admittedly much more in evidence and conscious planning taking on a greater importance - i s to follow the old c a p i t a l i s t p r i o r i t i e s in a new, sophisticated way. . . . (t)he government and the " s o c i e t a l goals" that [the welfare state) a r t i c u l a t e s are subordinated to private purpose - not the other way around, . . . (1977, pp. 21-22) Rosenbrock (1985) has also concluded that computerization w i l l not lead to short-term changes of a magnitude comparable to that experienced in England during the Industrial Revolution, but w i l l i n t e n s i f y and reinforce e x i s t i n g tendencies, in p a r t i c u l a r , the extension of d e s k i l l l n g and job fragmentation from the shop floor to white-collar and professional employment. A f i n a l perspective offered on the information age comes from Theodore Roszak (1986), who challenges much of the hype, f o l k l o r e , and wishful thinking associated with computers and the information age, and, in p a r t i c u l a r , the often unchallenged assertions that equate information processing with thought, and information with knowledge. Roszak does not discount the potential influence and benefits of computers; but he does challenge many of the representations made by T o f f l e r , N a i s b i t t , and other "data merchants" who have popularized and d e i f i e d computers and the 86 information society while seemingly forgeting the i n d u s t r i a l base required for an information economy to e x i s t : Information technology is an outgrowth of the e x i s t i n g i n d u s t r i a l system, which has always been dependent on the "knowledge" that underglrds invention, management, and marketing. Like the e l e c t r i c a l , automotive, or chemical technologies that came before i t , high tech arises as another stage in the ongoing i n d u s t r i a l process. These technologies do not displace one another; they overlap, compound, and must be coordinated. (1986, p.29) Roszak's concerns extend to p o l i t i c i a n s who are often too eager to adopt buzzword solutions based on "high-tech", while ignoring the two-tiered society that w i l l r e s u l t , consisting of numerous poorly-paid, non-unionized, assembly workers, and a few well-paid, highly s k i l l e d , professional and managerial workers, and almost no mobility between the two groups. Roszak's strongest c r i t i c i s m s , however, are directed at the "Megahype" associated with s e l l i n g computers, and the idea that everyone needs one: In our popular culture today, the discussion of computers and information i s awash with commercially motivated exaggerations and the opportunistic mystifications of the computer science establishment. The hucksters and the hackers have polluted our understanding of information technology with loose metaphors, f a c i l e comparisons, and a good deal of out-and-out obfuscation. (p. 45) 3.5 CONCLUSION It i s apparent that computerization and the growth of the service sector are of considerable s i g n i f i c a n c e to understanding the general d i r e c t i o n in which society i s headed. It i s also apparent that these factors are amenable to characterization from many diverse and often c o n f l i c t i n g perspectives. The forces surveyed in t h i s chapter are s i g n i f i c a n t to 87 telecommuting for the following reasons: (1) computer and telecommunication technology provide a means for working at locations that are remote from the t r a d i t i o n a l centralized o f f i c e ; (2) the increasing number of people whose work i s based, either wholly or in part, upon the manipulation and use of information and data, provide a constituency for seizing the opportunity provided by remote work technologies. 88 CHAPTER FOUR TELECOMMUNICATIONS AND URBANIZATION 4.1 BACKGROUND AND THEORY There i s a growing l e v e l of interest in the potential impacts of telecommuting and other developments in communication and information technology on the processes of urbanization and thei r r e s u l t i n g impacts on urban structure (e.g., Custerson, 1973a and 1973b; Pool, 1980; Coates, 1982; Langdale, 1982; Mandeville, 1983; Kellerman, 1984; Nichol, 1985; Gertler, 1986). Pool (1980) has observed that communications technology has made operating at a distance Increasingly easy, but rather than leading to a steady dispersal of population from urban centres, i t has led to both the formation of suburban sprawl ("exurbia"), as well as encouraging urbanization within "superdense downtowns." There i s general agreement that communications technology i s influencing urban form, patterns of economic a c t i v i t y , and s o c i e t a l processes, although, as Warren and Donaghy (1986, pp. 1-2) note, there i s a "schizophrenic aspect" in attitudes displayed towards i t : While far-reaching s p a t i a l e f f e c t s are attributed to i t , there i s a readiness on the part of many to admit that we have a limited understanding of what the consequences w i l l be for the form of urban space and how urban planners and decision makers can s t r a t e g i c a l l y deal with these e f f e c t s from a public interest perspective. Warren and Donaghy observe that most research on communication and information technology i s directed towards i t s e f f e c t s on economic a c t i v i t y , with the underlying assumption being that s p a t i a l consequences follow as a derivative r e s u l t ; consequently, 89 less inquiry has been directed towards the s o c i a l or demographic eff e c t s of the new technologies. 4.1.1 Technological Convergence and Urban Form According to Kellerman (1984), the significance of communications and information technology to urbanization has come about from the convergence of the telephone, t e l e v i s i o n , and computer into a "powerful communication system", the " t o t a l e f f e c t " of which i s "the p o s s i b i l i t y of tr a n s f e r r i n g audio, v i s u a l , and data information cheaply to any distance in almost real-time." C o l l e c t i v e l y , these technologies can be integrated into " v e r s a t i l e systems" (such as l o c a l area networks or LAN's) which allow the easy, r e l i a b l e and r e l a t i v e l y inexpensive transfer of information and images between any given set of locations. This involves the application of computer and telecommunications technology in a process lab e l l e d by Nora and Mine (1980) as "the convergence of communications." The convergence of computer and commmunication technology has been la b e l l e d variously as telematics, compunications, and informatics. Kellerman (1984) has stated that there are two fundamental c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of telecommunications; f i r s t , i t i s a "space adjusting technique" that allows distance to be e f f i c i e n t l y overcome by the transmission of information;1 second, changes to 1 This i s si m i l a r to the notion developed by Gottmann (1977) of f u n g i b i l l t y . Gottmann argues that the development of technology has been directed at making geographic space fungible, 90 technology and their application are so rapid that attempts to forecast them are obsolete shortly after they have been made. The s p a t i a l impact of new technologies i s of interest because i t has been argued that they provide the greatest opportunity since the invention of money to reduce the constraints imposed by space and the physical environment on the physical location and pattern of a c t i v i t i e s (Cherry, 1970). While the implications a r i s i n g from new technologies - both integrated and standing alone - may be s i g n i f i c a n t in terms of al t e r a t i o n s to s o c i a l values, culture, and knowledge (OECD, 1975; c i t e d in Kellerman, 1984), i t i s appropriate to observe when an t i c i p a t i n g t h e i r consequences that a technology does not operate in a contextual vacuum or independently from i t s environment, and that technology only f a c i l i t a t e s change and does not determine i t s consequences (Gertler, 1986). Accordingly, forecasts of the impact of computer and telecommunications technologies on settlement patterns or the location of economic a c t i v i t y requires consideration of factors including e x i s t i n g decision-making structures and techniques, the l i f e s t y l e s , values, and c u l t u r a l norms of the community or region in which the technology i s used, and the properties and requirements of human communication (Gertler, 1986). Interest in the s p a t i a l e f f e c t s of communication and information technology is a departure from more t r a d i t i o n a l views meaning that "every point in that space would for a l l p r a c t i c a l purposes be equivalent to any other point." (1977, p. 306) 91 of the underlying forces behind urban structure. H i s t o r i c a l l y , urban growth was considered to be dependent on and influenced by transportation linkages that f a c i l i t a t e d the movement of people and goods (Sjoberg, 1960; Moss, 1985-86) and i s summarized by Webber's assertion that "the c i t y took the shape dictated by the transportation technologies of the times" (quoted from Nichol, 1985). As i n d u s t r i a l s o c i e t i e s become increasingly based on the exchange of information, a perception i s found in the l i t e r a t u r e that the shape, structure, and v i a b i l i t y of c i t i e s i s influenced more by their communications Infrastructures and less by t h e i r transportation and energy infrastructures. For example, B e l l (1980) states that, "(t)he revolution in communications now makes i t l i k e l y that there w i l l be a major s h i f t in the r e l a t i v e importance of the infrastructure: communications w i l l be the central infrastructure tying together a society." Hall (1984a) describes the CBD of a c i t y as a "machine for producing, processing and trading s p e c i a l i z e d i n t e l l i g e n c e " and observes that the relevance of communications to urban structure was recognized as early as 1926 by Robert Haig who argued that i n t e l l i g e n c e i s the commodity with the highest transportation cost, and that information dependent a c t i v i t i e s are compelled to locate in the highest rent and most accessible urban locations. Meier (1962) has developed an i n f l u e n t i a l model of urban s p a t i a l structure that is based on human communication. He characterizes c i t i e s as message exchanges that f a c i l i t a t e and promote transactions between individuals, households, and organizations; the structure of a c i t y i s based on the desire and need to maintain contact with others. A s i m i l a r l y i n f l u e n t i a l model of urban structure that i s also based on human interaction was developed by Webber (1963). Unlike Meier, who argued that communications technology would reinforce the dominance of ex i s t i n g urban centres, Webber argued that telecommunications i s " s p a t i a l l y neutral", and would lead to a d i v e r s i t y of settlement patterns. Thus, while It could lead to extreme nodal concentration as suggested by Meier, i t could also permit population d i s p e r s a l . Webber described two forms of communities: f i r s t , "place community", the l o c a l , place s p e c i f i c environment of d a i l y l i f e ; second, a "non-place urban realm" created by telecommunications technology which r e f l e c t s that "increasingly, interaction transcends the places at which people l i v e . " Within the physical landscape, networks of s o c i a l contact and shared interests develop that are not dependent upon the physical proximity of the i r p a r t i c i p a n t s . Choice enters the creation of community and unlike place community, which i s large l y the product of chance encounters and casual relationships ( i . e . , you do not pick your neighbours), the non-place urban realm i s consciously and d e l i b e r a t e l y created by i t s members. Thus, an individual's interests and concerns do not have to be limited to the l o c a l a f f a i r s of the place community, but may focus - perhaps exc l u s i v e l y - on one or several widely spread non-spatially communities of in t e r e s t . 93 4.1.2 The Wired C i t y There i s speculation that telecommunications technologies may lead to a fundamental urban transformation, the manifestation of which i s generally labelled the "wired c i t y " (Shostak, 1982). The concept of the wired c i t y was developed in the United States during the 1960's as an element of the Johnson administration's "great society" (Dutton et a l . , 1987). Chaired by Peter Goldmark, a panel of the U.S. National Academy of Engineering was formed to advise on how telecommunications could (1) improve c i t y l i v i n g , and (2) influence regional development patterns (Goldmark, 1972). Goldmark's panel reported that cable systems could anchor broadband communications networks i n order to support s o c i a l objectives. The panel's ideas were popularized by j o u r n a l i s t Robert Lee Smith in an a r t i c l e in The Nation, e n t i t l e d "The Wired Nation" which later appeared as a book. Writing about conceptions of the wired c i t y , Dutton et a l . , (1987) indicate that the term has been used in two ways: (1) at a conceptual l e v e l , r e f e r r i n g to a normative forecast of communications in which many communication services are available to homes and businesses, and (2) at a concrete l e v e l , i t r efers to experiments and projects examining the use of e l e c t r o n i c information and communication technology for the provision of services. Based on a review of selected wired c i t y projects,2 they l i s t f i v e "core organizing p r i n c i p l e s " found in 2 QUBE in Columbus, Ohio and Alamenda, Cal., Hi-OVIS in Hlgashl-Ikoma, Japan, B i a r r i t z in France, BIGFON in West B e r l i n , and a v a r i e t y of projects in Milton Keynes, England. 94 the concept of wired c i t i e s (at pp. 8-10): (1) communications i s of greater s o c i a l significance than i t has been in the past, (2) new media contain inherent biases towards more decentralized and democratic modes of communication, (3) e l e c t r o n i c media should emulate and reinforce face-to-face patterns of communication, (4) communications should be considered to be an e l e c t r o n i c highway, and (5) long-range, r a t i o n a l comprehensive planning should guide development. They conclude that while modern i n d u s t r i a l c i t i e s are wired in a l i t e r a l sense, no c i t y i s an "advanced wired c i t y " in the complete sense intended by proponents of the concept; the wired c i t y has yet to become i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d and remains an ideal rather than a r e a l i t y . Shostak (1982, p. 77) has suggested that the wired c i t y would be distinguished by the following features: 1) improved education, mainly through e l e c t r o n i c aids 2) "dynamic p o l i t i c s " promoted by interactive t e l e v i s i o n 3) home-centered consumerism 4) reduced t r a v e l needs, provided by options such as telecommuting 5) improved communications, based on numerous types of devices 6) " l e i s u r e plentitude" r e s u l t i n g from a plethora of e l e c t r o n i c entertainment devices 7) round-the-clock l i f e s t y l e options 8) improved health care r e s u l t i n g from improved monitoring a b i l i t i e s and wider access to s p e c i a l i s t s 9) gains in public safety, again through 'improved' monitoring 10) "personal empowerment" based on increased feedback, information, and guidance. King (in Dutton et a l . , 1987, p. 409) has concluded the following on the basis of wired c i t y experiments conducted during the 1970's and 1980's: (1) i n i t i a l estimates of the d i f f u s i o n of wired c i t y innovations were too op t i m i s t i c , (2) data and 95 information services are less a t t r a c t i v e to user households than t r a d i t i o n a l entertainment services delivered by broadcast media, (3) success of services depends more on programming content than the infrastructure by which the services are delivered ( i . e . , the infrastructure i t s e l f does not provide a benefit to users), (4) most t e l e v i s i o n users do not prefer inter-active service over t r a d i t i o n a l one-way service, (5) wired c i t y "success s t o r i e s " are more of a r e f l e c t i o n of l i f e - s t y l e preference than the potential of the technology, and (6) ins t i t u t i o n a l l y - b a s e d wired c i t y experiments tend to be oriented towards at t a i n i n g technical leadership and demonstrating the system's potential to promote s o c i a l goals. Another perspective on future urban change i s provided by Coates (1982), who has argued that telematics are the "central physical technologies" of p o s t i n d u s t r l a l society, and that they make i t both p r a c t i c a l and desirable to disperse information workers: "(t)he p o s t i n d u s t r i a l society also makes obsolete the large-scale highly centralized white-collar work towers of every downtown in America." As with many of the commentators writing in the late 1970's and early 1980's, Coates' projections are predicated on increases in the cost of energy, that, in turn, stimulate the adoption of telecommunication as a substitution for t r a v e l . While the role played by energy costs has l o s t much of the attention i t received immediately following the o i l shocks of the 1970's, there does not appear to be any compelling evidence to suggest that i t w i l l not remain a s i g n i f i c a n t factor 96 -in future urban development. A Delphi-type survey of urban researchers conducted by Newton and Taylor (1985) on trends and patterns In urban development revealed a consensus that both energy prices and the substitution of telecommunications for tra v e l are among the most s i g n i f i c a n t factors l i k e l y to a f f e c t future development, and dispersed employment d i s t r i b u t i o n and increased non-metropolitan settlement were found to be r e l a t i v e l y l i k e l y consequences. While there i s much commentary on the impacts of communications technology on urbanization, there does not appear to be wide agreement of what these impacts are. Dutton et a l . , (1987) indicate that, while communications technology has undergone considerable development during the past few decades, . . . dominant images of the future of telecommunications have remained remarkably stable. In the 1960's we were said to be moving toward a wired society in which a l l households and businesses would have access to an integrated array of a l l kinds of el e c t r o n i c information and communication services . . . In 1985, we were said to be moving in the same d i r e c t i o n . Only the time horizons varied . . . (p. 4) 4.2 THE TELECOMMUNICATIONS INFRASTRUCTURE Among the topics that have attracted interest when examining the interactions between communication and urbanization i s the development of the i n t r a and inter-urban telecommunications infrastructure (Mahn, 1983; Moss, 1985-86; K e l l e r , 1986; Warren and Donaghy, 1986). Although there does not appear to be any conclusive d e f i n i t i o n of what constitutes a telecommunications infra s t r u c t u r e , Warren and Donoghy (1986 at p. 10) indicate that an "ideal v i s i o n for a properly developed Infrastructure" for a c i t y would include a d i g i t a l l y switched telephone system, fibr e optic cables, universal connections to an interactive cable t e l e v i s i o n system, numerous LAN's, s a t e l l i t e linkages, and l o c a l value-added networks. The si g n i f i c a n c e of the telecommunications infrastructure to telecommuting is that i t provides the physical means to connect a remote worker with the central workplace; consequently, the cost and a v a i l a b i l i t y of the telecommunications infrastructurem w i l l be a l i m i t i n g factor for the amount of telecommuting that can occur in any p a r t i c u l a r area. The telecommunications infrastructure i s less v i s i b l e and more taken for granted than are the transportation or energy infrastructures; i t i s also lar g e l y owned and b u i l t by the private sector, although i t s operation is c l o s e l y regulated by government in both the United States and Canada. Because of the large role played by the private sector in developing the telecommunications infrastructure, i t s growth has been incremental and s p a t i a l l y uneven, and frequently based on business concerns and p r i o r i t i e s . In the United States, where i n t e r - c i t y f i b r e optic long-haul systems are being constructed by firms such as AT&T, MCI, and U.S. Sprint, the density of the systems i s much higher in the eastern half of the country, r e f l e c t i n g a heavier demand for high capacity communication systems in the eastern states than elsewhere in the U.S. (Warren and Donaghy, p. 10-11). Intra-urban systems in the United States are being constructed and operated by the B e l l operating companies as well as private 98 communications firms. Interest in telecommunications has accompanied the development of a more global economy, with telecommunications providing the means to maintain contact with widely dispersed corporate operations, customers, suppliers, and contacts. Communication systems are characterized as "strategic assets" by corporations; according to Walter Wriston, former Chairman of C i t i c o r p , "the most valuable piece of r e a l estate in the world i s your desk" (quoted in Moss, 1985-86, pp. 324-25). 4.2.1 Teleports One manifestation of the g l o b a l i z a t i o n of organizations and the importance attached to the telecommunications infrastructure, i s the establishment of teleports in several c i t i e s . A teleport has been defined as a " c e n t r a l l y located f a c i l i t y for the termination of communications systems and services within a single c i t y for f a c i l i t i e s management and/or special networking services." (Mahn, 1983, p. 234) They provide a connection between s a t e l l i t e s and ground-based telecommunication f a c i l i t i e s , and o f f i c e and commercial centers in a p a r t i c u l a r region, and have been promoted as a means to improve economic opportunities for c i t i e s and regions by grouping computer and communications f a c i l i t i e s , and personnel of organizations in a common, serviced s i t e . P o tential users include organizations that use d i s t r i b u t e d data processing on a national or international scale such as banks, insurance companies, transportation companies, and 99 government agencies. Although teleports have been in operation since the 1960's, interest in them has increased following the establishment of a f a c i l i t y on Staten Island in 1983 by the Port Authority of New York and New Jersey. Stimulated by "microwave congestion" within New York, the teleport was o r i g i n a l l y a (U.S.) $225 m i l l i o n j o i n t venture between New York City, the Port Authority, M e r r i l l Lynch & Co, and Western Union, and was designed to provide access to over 20 domestic and international communications s a t e l l i t e s positioned over the A t l a n t i c Ocean. The teleport has since been taken over by Telehouse International Corporation, a consortium of 19 Japanese firms plus a partnership between M e r r i l l Lynch and Western Union ("Merrill Lynch, Japanese Consortium . . .", 1988). The teleport consists of 13 s a t e l l i t e earth stations, and i s connected to customers vi a a 150 mile f i b r e optic network running through the New York area. The Staten Island project includes plans for 500,000 square feet of o f f i c e space. As of 1988, there were approximately 20 teleports in operation in the U.S., an increase from 6 in 1984, and Telehouse has plans for projects s i m i l a r to the Staten Island f a c i l i t y in London and Tokyo. A teleport being b u i l t in Boston w i l l be connected to a (U.S.) $30 m i l l i o n , 100 mile long f i b r e optic network that w i l l provide access to 60 percent of the o f f i c e s within the metropolitan Boston area (Briggs, 1988, in Schneider and Francis, 1989). Whether teleports a c t u a l l y stimulate economic growth, or are another example of "municipal c h i c " i s unclear. One report 100 estimates that the t o t a l revenues for teleport services w i l l increase from (U.S.) $91 m i l l i o n in 1987 to (U.S.) $1 b i l l i o n by 1997 ("Merrill Lynch, Japanese Consortium . . .", 1988), although i n i t i a l c a p i t a l costs range from (U.S.) $50 m i l l i o n to (U.S.) $250 m i l l i o n per f a c i l i t y , and t h e i r p r o f i t a b i l i t y remains uncertain because e x i s t i n g f a c i l i t i e s are either p r i v a t e l y held or part of j o i n t ventures in which performance data on Individual components is not disclosed. Teleports appear to be perceived as a more important element of development plans In Japan and Europe than in North America (Schneider and Francis, 1989). A teleport i s a central part of the International Information C i t y being b u i l t on reclaimed land in Tokyo Bay, and i s planned to accomodate 44,000 residents and 114,000 workers in buildings containing sophisticated telecommunications f a c i l i t i e s . A network of teleports in 29 c i t i e s in West Germany is planned by the Deutsch Bundespost. It i s expected that 80 communitities comprising two-thirds of Germany's national population w i l l be connected to the network by the mid-1990's. 4.2.2 Smart Buildings Another element in the telecommunications infrastructure i s the "smart" building. Also known as e l e c t r o n i c a l l y enhanced buildings, smart buildings contain the e l e c t r o n i c and physical infrastructure to support computer and telecommunication systems. Descriptions of smart buildings frequently characterize computers 101 as the brains of a smart building, while cables, e l e c t r o n i c sensors, and connections are described as i t s nervous system. Their introduction i s claimed to be both a reaction and solution to a perceived lag in o f f i c e productivity and e f f i c i e n c y . Smart buildings are usually d i f f e r e n t i a t e d from t r a d i t i o n a l "dumb" buildings by the presence of building management systems and o f f i c e information technologies ( P a t r i , Hendler, and Reisman, 1966). Building management systems (BMS) are el e c t r o n i c controls over services such as elevators, energy use, l i g h t i n g , f i r e safety, a i r conditioning, and security. Office information technologies, also known as shared tenant services (STS), consist of communication, data processing, and o f f i c e systems. Communication systems include l o c a l and long-distance voice, video, and data transmission, teleconferencing, and el e c t r o n i c mail. Data processing consists of desktop computers and terminals with a central processing unit, and o f f i c e systems include word processing, copying, and fax systems. The degree to which building " i n t e l l i g e n c e " has become adopted remains unclear; while there are many reports in the press proclaiming i t s potential (e.g., Perry, 1985; Green, 1986), the response of homeowners and commercial users has been restrained, possibly r e f l e c t i n g poor consumer f a m i l i a r i t y with the potential of the services offered, concern about information security, and perhaps most importantly, poor marketing by vendors (Keller , 1986). The s i t u a t i o n i s not un i v e r s a l l y bleak, however, as observed by the success of Marunouchl I n t e l l i g e n t C ity, a 32 102 building complex in Tokyo which i s connected by an Interactive communications network (Gertler, 1986). Hepworth and Dobilas (1985) observe, however, that the Introduction of smart buildings brings with i t i t s own set of problems: " . . . c i t y planners may have to assume high equilibrium rates of o f f i c e vacancy for the forseeable future, as the l o c a l business community abandons •dumb' old buildings for 'smart' new ones." Building i n t e l l i g e n c e has been extended into the home and home computer workstations, known in one scheme as teleports, are increasingly promoted as an integral part of a smart house.3 This is ti e d to developments in o f f i c e technology such as the notion of the portable or " v i r t u a l o f f i c e " in which the workplace is characterized in terms of a c t i v i t y , and not location (see Chapter 6.3). There i s also an increased appreciation that home workspaces should follow design standards equivalent to or better than those used in conventional o f f i c e s including ergonomically correct furniture and workstations, s u f f i c i e n t e l e c t r i c a l and communication support, dedicated telephone l i n e s for computers connected to modems, humidity and p o l l u t i o n control, a i r conditioning, and proper l i g h t i n g (Cross and Raizman, 1 9 8 6 ) . 4.3 THE SUBSTITUTION OF TELECOMMUNICATIONS FOR TRAVEL The s u b s t i t u t i o n of telecommunications for t r a v e l i s a topic 3 The household teleport was part of the Eaglecrest development. See Chapter 7. 103 that has been of interest since the 1970's when OPEC-initiated o i l shortages and price increases drew attention to the energy v u l n e r a b i l i t y of Western economies; accordingly, i n i t i a l i nterest in s u b s t i t u t a b i l i t y was mainly viewed in terms of i t s potential as a means to reduce energy consumption (Polishuk, 1975).4 During the 1970's, i t was also becoming apparent that approximately one-half of the workforce in the developed Western countries could be characterized as information employees, many of whose duties did not require face-to-face interaction, and that there was a growing se l e c t i o n of information and communications technology that could be applied to offer substantial reductions in "unnecessary" face-to-face contact (Kraemer, 1982). Substitution of telecommunication for t r a v e l can be effected by four primary types of technology: (1) video teleconferencing, (2) computer teleconferencing, (3) audio teleconferencing, and (4) o f f i c e automation (Kraemer, 1982, pp. 41-44). The actual type or mix of technology applied depends on the nature and purpose of the a c t i v i t y for which the t r a v e l would otherwise be made. A number of studies and experiments conducted during the 1970's sought to determine the effectiveness of substitution technologies and assess t h e i r r e l a t i v e costs and benefits. While many of these studies were inconclusive and subject to wide 4 The recent c o n f l i c t s i n the Middle East involving Iraq may stimulate renewed interest in t r a v e l s u b s t i t u t i o n . 104 variations in r e s u l t s , they tended to show on an order-of-magnitude l e v e l that benefits, including energy savings, could be obtained by adopting substitution technologies. They also revealed, however, roadblocks to implemention including a t t i t u d i n a l resistance among participants, technological, organizational, and regulatory l i m i t a t i o n s , and factors r e l a t i n g to start-up and operating costs. It was also observed that the telecommunications infrastructure would be c o s t l y and complex to b u i l d , and that i t s precise requirements were unclear u n t i l further t r i a l s and experiments were undertaken and assessed. Several attempts have been made to calculate the degree that telecommunications could substitute for t r a v e l . Lathey (1975) and MITRE (1976) estimated that between 16 percent and 47 percent of commutes to and from the CBD could be substituted. While some maintain that teleconferencing w i l l be a viable substitute for face-to-face contact among businesspersons (Kohl, Newman, and Tomey, 1975), others, such as Abler (1975) and Albertson (1977), argue that s o c i a l and psychological resistance among users w i l l l i m i t the acceptance of s u b s t i t u t i o n . N i l l e s et a l . , (1976) conducted an a t t i t u d i n a l survey of three groups of C a l i f o r n i a residents to determine interest in t e l e v i s i o n and computer-based remote work options. The groups consisted of: (1) a sample of u n i v e r s i t y students who were enrolled in an Interactive Instructional T e l e v i s i o n (IITV) program ( i . e . , the students used a classroom located in their workplace connected by an in t e r a c t i v e video conferencing system to an i n s t r u c t o r ) ; (2) a 105 group of students who were non-IITV users; and (3) a sample of the "general population" who had l i t t l e or no exposure to computers and telecommunications technology. Not s u r p r i s i n g l y , the survey concluded that the group with the highest a f f i n i t y towards remote work arrangements were the IITV participants (many of whom were professionals in engineering, aerospace, and information sciences and thus were more l i k e l y to be exposed to computer technology). The non-IITV student group also contained professionals who had contact with computer technology, yet only 46 percent indicated that they would use an IITV-type system at home; many indicated a preference for the interaction permitted by working with others at a common location. Of the general population, 51 percent indicated they were not w i l l i n g to work closer to home via telecommunication l i n k s , although those who commuted the furthest were most receptive to the idea of telecommuting. While N i l l e s et a l . concluded that the general public "did not f u l l y comprehend" the opportunities and potentials created by telecommunications technology, they suggested several conclusions that have been supported by subsequent research including that many people are not w i l l i n g to substitute telecommunications for tra v e l to work or school, and that those who are w i l l i n g to substitute w i l l only do so i f the remote work arrangement i s convenient, simple, and inexpensive. Kraemer (1982) has observed that many people view work or school in posit i v e terms because of the s o c i a l Interaction i t s provides, and that many people 106 consider commuting to be a necessary e v i l , or enjoy commuting, and are u n l i k e l y to adopt substitution arrangements on the i r own i n i t i a t i v e . In a review of factors influencing the s u b s t i t u t a b i l i t y of telecommunications for t r a v e l , Kraemer and King (1982) suggest that there are six p r i n c i p a l factors that influence the "substitution l o g i c " used in making choices: (1) the nature of the meeting or work for which the telecommunications w i l l be used, (2) the q u a l i t y and a v a i l a b i l i t y of the technology, (3) costs of a l t e r n a t i v e s , (4) organizational and ind i v i d u a l incentives, (5) energy costs and a v a i l a b i l i t y , and (6) telecommunications p o l i c i e s of government and organizations. User needs are a s i g n i f i c a n t factor in determining s u b s t i t u t a b i l i t y . Pye and Williams (1977) state that a video channel is often unnecessary -and sometimes a burden - to e f f e c t i v e communication, and Kraemer and King (1982) describe the notion that video i s required for e f f e c t i v e communication as a "widespread myth" that discourages examination of cheaper alter n a t i v e s because of i t s high cost. They further observe that the most common reason given in surveys for business t r a v e l i s "Information transmission", usually in the form of documents or l e t t e r s , which may explain a finding by Cordell and Stinson (1979) that audio and facsimile systems have been r e l a t i v e l y more popular than video conferences in surveys conducted by B e l l Canada and the OECD. Surveys indicate that teleconferencing systems are e f f e c t i v e for meetings involving the simple exchange 107 of information and routine decision making, or for more complex communication among participants who are acquainted, but that they are less e f f e c t i v e than face-to-face meetings for complex communication s i t u a t i o n s , p a r t i c u l a r l y between participants who are not acquainted. In a comparison of communication by telephone with face-to-face contact, Reid (1977) concluded that the lack of v i s u a l contact between participants in telephone conversations has no measurable e f f e c t on the outcome of conversations in cases of information transmission and problem-solving, but that in c o n f l i c t and "person perception" s i t u a t i o n s , the choice of medium w i l l a f f e c t the outcome. Reid notes, however, that the p r a c t i c a l outcome of t h i s difference is questionable because " i n r e a l l i f e the telephone i s l i k e l y to be used in conjunction with face-to-face meetings and interpersonal judgements are made in the face-to-face meetings." (p. 411) The q u a l i t y of the communication technology is also a s i g n i f i c a n t factor influencing s u b s t i t u t a b i l i t y . Audio teleconferences are often plagued by acoustical feedback, poor sound q u a l i t y , and protocol uncertainties such as determining speaking order without v i s u a l cues. The problems of video conferencing involve limited a v a i l i a b i l i t y , high costs, technical complexity, limited a b i l i t y to accommodate multiple locations, and perhaps most important when compared to face-to-face meetings, "the v i s u a l image does not provide the same atmosphere, or intimacy, of r e a l contact" (Harkness, 1977, quoted in Kraemer and King, 1982, p. 88). Carey and Moss (1985) indicate that 108 every video teleconference system that has continued in operation since the 1970's i s at a dedicated, on-site premise, and i s used on a regular basis by a small and stable ( i . e . , f amiliar) population. Marketing e f f o r t s appear to be oriented more towards f i l l i n g the excess capacity of e x i s t i n g systems than f u l f i l l i n g unmet demand. While telecommunication i s generally less expensive than t r a v e l ( e s p e c i a l l y for inter-urban t r i p s ) , actual costs vary considerably by type of technology u t i l i z e d . Johansen et a l . (1979, c i t e d in Kraemer and King, 1982, p. 89) note that "Picturephone" Meeting Services was f i v e times more expensive than teleconferencing over comparable distances, and Carey and Moss (1985) state that, on average, audio teleconferencing i s 50 to 100 times less expensive than video teleconferencing. These comparisons should be q u a l i f i e d , however, by noting that while the actual cost of a teleconference may be lower than the t r a v e l costs of the p a r t i c i p a n t s , a well developed transportation infrastructure already e x i s t s , whereas the widespread telecommunications infrastructure required for e f f e c t i v e substitution does not e x i s t . Kraemer and King (1982, pp. 89-90) have summarized the barriers provided by organizations and individuals to increased substitution of telecommunications for t r a v e l as i d e n t i f i e d by several authors: - commuting costs are not internalized by organizations, thus there i s l i t t l e incentive to reduce commuting costs; 109 - r i g i d salary scales often prevent lower s a l a r i e s being offered to telecommuters; - for one employee to work e f f e c t i v e l y , i t may be necessary for an employer to make a much larger investment in new equipment than that which would be of f s e t by savings from telecommuting; - telecommunications technology i s treated by organizations as overhead while t r a v e l i s seen as a d i r e c t cost, lowering the incentive to reduce t r a v e l costs; and, - organizational decision-makers usually do not view communications technology as a major factor in making location a l choices. Organizational savings r e s u l t i n g from telecommuting or other remote work arrangements may be lower than the costs of providing the necessary telecommunications infrastructure. Despite frequent assertions that telecommuting results in considerable productivity increases, i t i s d i f f i c u l t to assess service sector employee productivity (Grusec, 1985); consequently, there do not appear to be any r e l i a b l e indications that such increases occur. It has been argued that some firms adopt new telecommunications technologies, such as telecommuting, because of a perceived need to compete with or emulate the competition (Kraemer and King, 1982). This may be an instance where an innovation i s adopted before i t s benefits are c l e a r l y demonstrated because a firm fears the loss of a competitive edge, or fears the f a i l u r e to take advantage of an opportunity which would give i t that edge. 110 Overall, the s u b s t i t u t a b i l i t y of telecommunications for tra v e l i s dependent on the task involved. Routine matters and communications between people who know each other are more prone to substitution than non-routine matters or communication between strangers. 4.4 TELECOMMUNICATIONS AND OFFICE LOCATION As the forum in which the information economy i s conducted, the o f f i c e plays a major role in defining the structure of c i t i e s . The growth in the size of o f f i c e a c t i v i t i e s i s a r e s u l t of the Increased role of services in the economy, seen in terms of a c t i v i t i e s such as government services, producer services (e.g., f i n a n c i a l , l e g a l , marketing se r v i c e s ) , and non-profit services such as health and education. Harding (1986) observes that, rather than being based mainly on production and d i s t r i b u t i o n , much of contemporary business i s driven by marketing, technology, and government-related a c t i v i t i e s , and t h i s has contributed s i g n i f i c a n t l y to the size and composition of the o f f i c e workforce. Offices are a s i g n i f i c a n t factor in the formation of urban structure; along with competing for urban space and creating demands on transportation and other infrastructures, they stimulate and define the economic nature of a c i t y (Noyelle, 1983). The o f f i c e location l i t e r a t u r e i s la r g e l y based on research conducted in the United Kingdom that was based on regional development p o l i c i e s directed at decentralizing and dispersing 111 o f f i c e s from London (e.g., Goddard, 1975; Daniels, 1979a and 1979b; Pye, 1979). Daniels (1979b) observes that o f f i c e location research tends to r e l y more on descriptive and empirical studies than a t h e o r e t i c a l base, although there have been attempts to develop a model of o f f i c e location that i s similar to i n d u s t r i a l location models (e.g., Malamud, 1971, c i t e d in Daniels, 1979b). Daniels (1975) suggests three reasons for the paucity of research on the role of o f f i c e a c t i v i t i e s in urban studies: (1) o f f i c e s are a late addition as an i d e n t i f i a b l e component of urban structure; (2) f a i l u r e to appreciate the role of o f f i c e a c t i v i t i e s in the actions of organizations; and (3) a lack of suitable empirical data. Office location dynamics exhibit both c e n t r i p e t a l and c e n t r i f u g a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , with the dynamic l a r g e l y dependent on the functions that occur within a p a r t i c u l a r o f f i c e . O ffice a c t i v i t i e s can be divided into two basic components: (1) front-o f f i c e , or headquarters functions, and (2) back-office functions (Moss and Dunau, 1986). Front-office a c t i v i t i e s include organizational development and marketing, and usually involve considerable face-to-face contact with c l i e n t s and outside consultants, while back-office a c t i v i t i e s involve routine functions that involve l i t t l e or no c l i e n t contact, such as data processing, claims payment, p a y r o l l , and other support services. Moss and Dunau (1986) indicate that large-scale, information-intensive firms t y p i c a l l y have 55 percent of the employment in headquarter a c t i v i t i e s , and, of the remaining 45 percent of the 112 workforce In the back-office, 75 percent are c l e r i c a l and 25 percent are managerial/professional employees. While the core areas of c i t i e s have h i s t o r i c a l l y been the primary location of most o f f i c e a c t i v i t i e s , there has been a marked decentralization to suburban locations during the past few decades, with the exception of f r o n t - o f f i c e a c t i v i t i e s , p a r t i c u l a r l y those involving high-level decision making. The role of communications has played a large part in recent attempts to understand o f f i c e location dynamics, (Gad, 1979; Pye, 1979). Communication requirements have t r a d i t i o n a l l y been thought of as an Important factor in the central location of o f f i c e s . By their nature, o f f i c e s r e l y on the rapid and r e l i a b l e exchange of information, and, i n t u i t i v e l y , o f f i c e contact patterns can be seen to relevant in determining t h e i r location. It i s less c l e a r , however, whether observed l o c a t i o n a l patterns are in d i c a t i v e of how an e f f e c t i v e o f f i c e operates, or just r e f l e c t l i m i t s imposed by the i n e r t i a of l o c a t i o n a l patterns created when detached o f f i c e s were f i r s t established during the nineteenth century (Gad, 1979). There are some o f f i c e functions and departments for which outside contact consists of the routine exchange of information, and for which i t i s e s s e n t i a l l y i r r e l e v a n t where the o f f i c e i s located as long as there are adequate communication f a c i l i t i e s connecting i t with those with whom i t exchanges information. In the case of o f f i c e s i n which face-to-face meetings with external contacts play a more c r u c i a l r o l e , the question of a c c e s s i b i l i t y , and thus location, i s more relevant, and i t becomes more important that an o f f i c e ' s location minimizes t r a v e l times and costs. Daniels (1979b) i d e n t i f i e s three forms of contact between o f f i c e s that represent: (1) functional interdependencies ( i . e . , inter-sector o f f i c e contacts), (2) s p a t i a l structure ( i . e . , intra-sector o f f i c e employee contacts), and (3) the physical movement of individuals and materials (e.g., documents) between o f f i c e s . On the basis of empirical study, Thorngren (1970, c i t e d in Daniels, 1979b) has c l a s s i f i e d contact processes on the basis of being programmed, planned, or for orientation purposes. Programmed contacts are the most routine type, and usually involve routine transactions between individuals who know each other or deal with each other on a regular basis. Planned contact processes generally involve the implementation of actions, and, because they often require s p e c i a l i z e d advice and assistance (e.g., legal opinions), are viewed by Thorngren as having fewer locational a l t e r n a t i v e s . Orientation contact processes involve the exchange of information and ideas among members of a broad, divergent network that links previously unconnected parts of the environment. The relevance of these types of contact processes varies by o f f i c e a c t i v i t y , and, while observing that t h i s schema has been u t i l i z e d in analyzing contact patterns, Daniels (1979b) notes that i t is only of limited u t i l i t y because studies by Goddard (1975) and others have shown that the number of employee contacts over a period of time tend to increase as one moves up in occupational hierarchy. Thus, the decision-making functions of an 114 organization choose to locate in central areas because of their increased a c c e s s i b i l i t y and opportunities for face-to-face contact. The impact of telecommunications and computer technology on o f f i c e location remains ambiguous. While telecommunication technology i s r e i n f o r c i n g the c e n t r a l i z a t i o n of information-based command-and-control functions, enabling access to business a c t i v i t i e s without having to be in the c i t y , telecommunication i s also viewed as a means to strengthen information-intensive services found in central c i t i e s (Moss and Dunau, 1986). Fibre optic systems used for transmitting large volumes of data are being b u i l t within and between major c i t i e s . Echoing Meier (1962), Moss (1986) argues that t h i s w i l l reinforce the position of dominant c i t i e s as focal points for conducting business; c i t i e s with the most sophisticated telecommunication systems w i l l have a comparative advantage because of t h e i r superior market reach, and f r o n t - o f f i c e functions are l i k e l y to become highly centralized in a few information-based centers. A clearer example of the impact of telecommunications on o f f i c e location i s seen with the location patterns of back-office functions. On the basis of a study of back-office patterns of U.S. banks, Moss and Dunau (1986) note that decentralization has been f a c i l i t a t e d by factors including standardization of operations and the use of proprietary telephone l i n e s , and that actual l o c a t i o n a l choices are a function of three factors: (1) the size of an establishment, (2) the economic dynamics of c i t y 115 and suburban locations, and (3) organizational determinants. While telecommunication allows the development of suburban back-o f f i c e s , firms require highly routinized data-processing systems to decouple front and back-office a c t i v i t i e s ; t h i s i s usually found in firms that are large enough to int e r n a l i z e the support services found in the CBD. Smaller firms often find i t more d i f f i c u l t to take f u l l advantage of telecommunications technology, p o t e n t i a l l y stimulating mergers and acquisitions in order to remain competitive. With respect to the economic dynamics of c i t y and suburban locations, rental rates for CBD locations are generally 20 to 50 percent higher than those found in suburban locations, although many firms reduce CBD rents through long-term leases. Back-office f a c i l i t i e s often have s p e c i f i c f a c i l i t y requirements, such as large floor areas, heavy floor-load capacity, and higher c e i l i n g s , that are not found in many t r a d i t i o n a l o f f i c e buildings. Operating expenses are relevant, p a r t i c u l a r l y the cost of e l e c t r i c i t y , and were c i t e d by Dean Witter as the primary reason for moving i t s data-processing centre from New York to Dallas. Back-office locations are p a r t i c u l a r l y influenced by access to a productive and dependable labour pool. Suburban locations in the United States are considered to be advantageous in t h i s regard because of the presence of a s p e c i f i c and desired labour pool: "educated women working either before or afte r childbearing, with low career demands due to the i r domestic duties and support . . . by husband's wages and benefits" 116 (Nelson, 1986, quoted In Gertler, 1986). On the basis of her study of the relocation of over .28,000 o f f i c e jobs during the 1970's and 1980's from downtown San Francisco to suburban areas, Nelson (1986) has argued that back o f f i c e l o c a t i o n a l decisions were not made primarily on technical or real estate factors: . . . female labour supply i s the major d i f f e r e n t i a t i n g factor between the San Francisco metropolitan subregion now a t t r a c t i n g most back-office development and other areas that have not been sought for t h i s type of o f f i c e development. Location i s also influenced by variables i n t e r n a l to the organization including industry type, management p o l i c i e s , the nature of the control ( i . e . , the size and scale of the organization), the e f f e c t s of changes in ownership, objectives of the organization, and whether the organization looks for s a t i s f i c e r or optimizer solutions. While most New York s e c u r i t i e s firms r e t a i n t h e i r back-offices on the periphery of lower Manhattan, many insurance companies have located data-processing centres throughout the country, and, as w i l l be discussed below, sometimes overseas. Following an examination of the potential r e d i s t r i b u t i o n of government o f f i c e s from London to the "Assisted Areas" of the United Kingdom, Daniels (1975) concluded that the amount of "communication damage" that r e s u l t s from geographic separation of o f f i c e s increases d i r e c t l y with distance, but that the amount of separation that can be permitted varies with the type of work involved. Others, such as Pye (1979), found that when o f f i c e s are relocated from London, frequency of contact increases with 117 distance, so that the economic benefits of decentralization do not o f f s e t the increased costs of communication. Daniels (1979b) has argued for the need to consider a wider perspective in the location of o f f i c e s and to include factors beyond communications and access to contacts. This includes the role played by the supply of labour, the a v a i l a b i l i t y of floorspace, t r a d i t i o n and prestige, and, in p a r t i c u l a r , the influence exerted by development companies and financing sources: . . . o f f i c e location patterns are not simply a product of e a s i l y accessible opportunities for information gathering and exchange (communications) but are also determined by complex f i n a n c i a l and other vested interests which are on both the demand and supply side, d i r e c t l y or i n d i r e c t l y , of the o f f i c e market . . . (L)ending i n s t i t u t i o n s may look unfavourably upon schemes which abandon 'conventional' location practice. To t h i s degree organizations w i l l tend to conform with the highly agglomerized and centralized pattern of the o f f i c e industry . . . Development i n e r t i a therefore leads to location Inertia. (1979b, p. 15) Thus, while computer and telecommunications technology has enhanced the a b i l i t y to move information between central c i t y and suburban o f f i c e s , i t s role in decentralization should be regarded as permissive, rather than determinative (Mandeville, 1983). 4.5 Telecommuting and Urbanization A theme of t h i s thesis i s that the widespread adoption of telecommuting is by no means guaranteed. While interest in i t has become more established in recent years, many uncertainties and barriers remain, and i t i s even d i f f i c u l t to assign accurate order of magnitude estimates of how many people are telecommuters; thus, attempts to forecast i t s l i k e l y impacts on 118 urban form are problematic. By i t s nature, telecommuting i s s p a t i a l l y decentralizing; work that i s performed in a central o f f i c e i s , in a telecommuting scheme, performed at home, in a neighbourhood o f f i c e , or at some other location remote from the central o f f i c e . Taken to an extreme, t h i s implies that the widescale adoption of telecommuting could cause e x i s t i n g c i t y centres, or at least their o f f i c e component, to become "empty s h e l l s " . However, t h i s notion i s c l e a r l y premature and assigns an untenable amount of importance to the role played by communications in the loc a t i o n a l decision-making calculus of both individuals and organizations, and leads to an over s i m p l i f i c a t i o n of the processes involved in urbanization. Pressman (1985) observes that "there are many forces which continuously work in simultaneous fashion (often at cross-purposes) to shape the future metropolitan pattern." Other commentators have noted that population d i s t r i b u t i o n and the shape of urban structure appear to be simultaneously affected by c e n t r i p e t a l and ce n t r i f u g a l forces, so that increased c e n t r a l i z a t i o n and concentration occurs along with the creation of a dispersed urban pattern marked by decentralization. While telecommunications i s thought to be a force favouring dispersion and decentralization through i t s reduction of s p a t i a l impedance, the example of the impact of the telephone on urbanization shows the l i m i t s to t h i s argument. The telephone is probably as much a factor promoting concentration as i t i s of decentralization and dispersion. Gottmann (1977) argues that the 119 telephone has had a dual Impact on o f f i c e location: " f i r s t , i t has freed the o f f i c e from the previous necessity of locating next to the operations i t directed; second, i t has helped to gather o f f i c e s in large concentrations in spe c i a l areas." Goddard (1980) observes that communications and information technology provide a necessary, but not s u f f i c i e n t , condition for location a l change, including geographic dispersion. While i t is clear that telecommunications provides considerable potential to influence urban form, Mandeville (1983) states that, "(u)nfortunately, so much of what i s currently said about many aspects of the new information technologies is mere unsubstantiated assertion. . . . (and) . . . the i n e r t i a of the b u i l t environment as well as ex i s t i n g organizational structures are l i k e l y to present formidable barriers to rad i c a l s p a t i a l change." Technology provides a means towards change; whether that change w i l l occur i s dependent, however, on how (and whether) the technology i s u t i l i z e d , which in turn i s dependent on e x i s t i n g organizational structures, individual and s o c i a l values, and the presence of opportunities. 120 CHAPTER FIVE  THE EFFECTS OF TELECOMMUTING 5.1 INTRODUCTION On the basis of experience from case studies, and informed speculation, numerous advantages and disadvantages to telecommuting have been i d e n t i f i e d in the l i t e r a t u r e . It i s apposite to note that the impacts of telecommuting may vary considerably by the group being examined. In the following chapter, telecommuting w i l l be considered in terms of i t s impacts on individuals, employers, and society. 5.2 EFFECTS OF TELECOMMUTING ON INDIVIDUALS In reviewing the e f f e c t s of telecommuting on individuals, the l i t e r a t u r e suggests a number of dimensions for consideration. Advantages and disadvantages vary according to the type of telecommuting arrangement, and whether the worker's work status is f u l l - t i m e or part-time, temporary or permanent, and s e l f -employed or an employee. Shack (n.d., p. 28) suggests distinguishing between: (1) those who work at home because of constraints or r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s that prevent or encumber them from leaving the home (e.g., care of family members, physical handicap), and (2) those who work at home out of choice. On the basis of a survey she conducted, Christensen (1985) distinguishes on the basis of: (1) telecommuters who work at home as an entrepreneur compared with those who work at home as an employee of a company, and (2) organizational status. Appelbaum (1986) 121 provides a similar d i s t i n c t i o n between professional employees and c l e r i c a l home-workers, with home-based work being viewed by employers in the former case as a means to a t t r a c t and re t a i n s k i l l e d individuals, while in the l a t t e r instance i t is seen primarily as a means to reduce labour costs. 5.2.1 Advantages for Employees i) Elimination or reduction of commuting times and costs. This is perhaps the most obvious benefit to working at home; reduced work-related t r a v e l time, with a corresponding decrease or elimination in commuting stress and f r u s t r a t i o n , is reported to be a major advantage of working at home (Olson, 1983) and is frequently c i t e d by promoters of work-at-home arrangements (Edwards and Edwards, 1985). For example, a 1981 U.S. survey reported that employees saved one to two hours per day by not commuting, and that annual monetary savings of not commuting reached $200 for food, $100 for f u e l , parking and insurance, and $100 for clothes (Pratt, 1984). As t r a f f i c gridlocks and commuting distances increase in major urban areas, t h i s aspect of telecommuting continues to be a t t r a c t i v e to employees. Related benefits include a lesser l i k e l i h o o d of being in an automobile accident, lower autombile insurance rates, and a reduced need to own an automobile (SCAG, 1985 p. 16). Commuting to work i s not, however, always viewed in negative terms; 35 percent of the Stanford/USC telecommuters surveyed by N i l l e s et a l . , (1976) indicated that commuting was a r e s t f u l 122 Interlude in otherwise busy l i v e s . Salomon and Salomon (1984) suggest that the journey to and from work provides a s p a t i a l and temporal buffer between work and home, giving an employee the opportunity to "cool o f f " and not transfer stress from one sphere to the other. In any event, the r e l a t i v e s ignificance of commuting to most people's d a l l y l i v e s is unclear; for example, Meko and Harkness (1977) report a survey conducted during the mid 1960's in which nearly two-thirds of household moves did not take into consideration commuting times when looking for a new home. By not having to work in an o f f i c e , i t has also been reported that employees can save money by spending less on clothes and lunches. i i ) Increased f l e x i b i l i t y of time schedule and l i f e s t y l e . In i t s optimal form, working at home i s viewed as a means to give a worker more autonomy over how a job w i l l be performed, including i t s pace and where and when i t w i l l be performed. Thus, an employee may t r y to integrate working hours with other r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s (e.g., family care), int e r e s t s , or peak mental alertness. Working at home may also reduce the need for employment-based relocation or the separation of dual-career families (Communication Studies, 1980, c i t e d in Shack). According to Appelbaum (1986), however, much of the impetus behind changes in work schedules and arrangements for c l e r i c a l employees l i e s with employers who want to replace r e l a t i v e l y high-paying f u l l - t i m e positions with lower-paying part-time positions that have fewer or no employment-related benefits, 123 whose duties are more fragmented and assembly l i n e in nature, and who have more variable schedules. Appelbaum indicates that, as of 1986, there was no evidence of an increased desire for f l e x i b l e work arrangements by female employees, while Olson (1985) found from interviews with telecommuters that those who chose to work at home on the basis of personal preference were almost exclu s i v e l y male, and a l l of the female respondents considered working at home to be a trade-off. i i i ) Closer t i e s to family and community. Some commentators report that employees who work at home are able to spend more time with th e i r families (Hakim, 1980; Hewes, 1981). This includes allowing a working parent to become more involved with his or her family, and enabling employees to better manage domestic and career r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s (Jacobs, 1981; Olson, 1983; Edwards and Edwards, 1985). One manifestation of thi s was the proposed Family Opportunities Act, which f a i l e d to pass the U.S. Congress in 1983 (Christensen, 1988b). The b i l l proposed tax incentives to buyers of home computers with one of i t s j u s t i f i c a t i o n s being that working at home would be b e n e f i c i a l for working mothers. At approximately the same time, Lanier Business Products ran an advertisement of a woman working at home with a computer while her infant q u i e t l y played alongside her. It has been observed, however, that r a i s i n g children and maintaining a household i s usually a full-time job in i t s e l f , and the suggestion that telecommuting can be a substitute for day care or be a viable means for a single parent to simultaneously work and 124 babysit is now generally discounted as u n r e a l i s t i c (Christensen, 1987; Olson and Primps, 1984). Nevertheless, anecdotal evidence continues to be found of workers, usually female, who enter telecommuting arrangements in order to better care for t h e i r children, either by looking after them for part of the workday, or by reducing the disruption in the i r l i v e s caused by getting up early in the morning to travel to daycares (Zarzour, 1990). iv) Creation or retention of employment opportunities. Working at home has been promoted as a means to employ those with limited mobility, such as the e l d e r l y and the disabled (McClintock, 1981), and i s re f l e c t e d in Control Data's Homework program, discussed above in Chapter Two. Pratt (1984) has reported that some handicapped employees view working at home for a corporation as a means to meet people, although the work can be p h y s i c a l l y s t r e s s f u l . Working at home has also been suggested as a means to continue employment during temporary absences, such as during pregnancy or i l l n e s s . With respect to career development, there i s a widespread perception among both employees and managers that telecommuting impedes professional development and opportunities (Duxbury et a l . , n.d.). In Pratt's (1984) survey, women managers reported that even part-time work at home could be " s u i c i d a l " to a career, but that i t provided a means to avoid q u i t t i n g work e n t i r e l y . v) Improvements to work environment. This includes a reduction in unproductive interruptions and di s t r a c t i o n s found in the o f f i c e ( i . e . , from co-workers), and 125 presumes that employees could have more phy s i c a l l y comfortable workplaces in their homes. These presumptions are questionable. Some home-based workers report interruptions from family members, friends, and neighbours, who are either unaware or do not believe that the individual is working. Many homes, e s p e c i a l l y small apartments, are inadequately designed to support a proper home o f f i c e . This includes not having enough e l e c t r i c a l outlets or a dedicated telephone l i n e for modem-linked computers, poor climate controls, lack of workspace, inadequate and non-ergonomically designed o f f i c e furniture, and poor l i g h t i n g (Cross and Raizman, 1986; Shack, n.d.). 5.2.2 Disadvantages for Employees 1) Isolation Since telecommuters work at home, they are more l i k e l y to experience i s o l a t i o n r e s u l t i n g from loss of, or reduction i n , s o c i a l and professional contacts. This r e f l e c t s the notion that many people view the workplace as a s o c i a l environment and enjoy gossip and informal interactions with co-workers, while for some, work i s viewed as a "respite from domestic l i f e " ( M i l l s , 1984). It has been argued that i s o l a t i o n may have harmful e f f e c t s on the s o c i a l and professional well-being of home-based employees (Hakim, 1980; Pratt, 1984), although Olson (1983) and others have suggested that e l e c t r o n i c mail (or the telephone) may be used to reduce i s o l a t i o n among home-workers of an organization, while others state that arrangements should be made to encourage home-126 based employees to come in to the central o f f i c e on a periodic basis, such as once a week. T o f f l e r (quoted in R i f k i n , 1983, c i t e d in SCAG, 1985) rejects the s o c i a l i s o l a t i o n argument, stati n g that i t is an " h i s t o r i c a l absurdity [that] presupposes that people were lonely before we had factories to bring them together." While acknowledging that the workplace may have a s o c i a l value for some employees (e.g., single people), T o f f l e r argues that the primary s o c i a l needs for many people are obtained from non-work groups such as family, clubs, and community organizations. i i ) Loss of status and v i s i b i l i t y to an employer. A number of commentators have suggested the potential that "out of sight, out of mind" may occur to supervisors doing job evaluations, p a r t i c u l a r l y when considering promotions. A l l of the home-based employees in one survey f e l t that their off s i t e work hindered t h e i r careers in comparison to other employees who worked in the o f f i c e (Pratt, 1984). Metzger and Von Glinow (1988) have described the loss of v i s i b i l i t y of home-based employees as a "career paradox" in which home-based employment leads to e a r l y career plateauing; concern about t h i s among employees leads to reluctance to work at home, reducing the l i k e l i h o o d of home-based work arrangements being successfully implemented. This is countered by the argument that performance, and not attendance, should be the basis of evaluation, although t h i s may just highlight management de f i c i e n c i e s for which the home-based worker w i l l s u f f e r . The 127 l i t e r a t u r e suggests that working at home resu l t s in employees receiving less recognition of their work-role from family, friends, and neighbours, who f e e l that the home-based employee i s not r e a l l y working. This may lead to a sense of f r u s t r a t i o n and a lessening of perceived c r e d i b i l i t y and professionalism for the employee. Employees may also lose a sense of their corporate i d e n t i t y by not being in a central workplace on a d a i l y basis, i i i ) Distractions and lim i t a t i o n s of the home environment. In order to work at home, an employee must allocat e space for work purposes, which may be expensive and reduces the employee's remaining l i v i n g space. Experience has shown that i t is better to dedicate a s p e c i f i c room for an o f f i c e , and not, for example, set up a workplace in a corner of a bedroom or in the kitchen. F i f t y percent of the respondents to one survey of telecommuters indicated that they worked in a separate o f f i c e in thei r home (Olson, 1985). Working at home may be "too comfortable" for some employees who are dist r a c t e d by interruptions and demands from family or neighbours that compete with work r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s , reduce the employee's a b i l i t y to concentrate, and resu l t in lower productivity or the f a i l u r e to meet deadlines (Hewes, 1981). Other potential d i s t r a c t i o n s Include hobbies, napping, alcohol, t e l e v i s i o n , pets, the r e f r i g e r a t o r , children, unfinished errands, and household chores. 128 iv) Lack of routine. Along with the d i s t r a c t i o n s found in the home, the lack of clear d a i l y routine and an ever-present supervisor may be problematic for employees with poor s e l f - d i s c i p l i n e or motivation (Brief, 1985). Experience has shown that home-based employees should t r y to e s t a b l i s h and follow a routine that may include wearing what would normally be worn to the o f f i c e , following regular working hours, s t a r t i n g and f i n i s h i n g work punctually, and seeing people (Renfro, 1982). Accompanying the greater autonomy that telecommuting may provide i s the potential that employees may work longer hours than when they worked at a central o f f i c e . v) C o n f l i c t between work and non-work roles Olson and Primps (1984) state that the f a i l u r e to p h y s i c a l l y separate the work and non-work domains and the continual presence of the "work s e t t i n g " may reinforce tendencies for motivated individuals to become "workaholics". This appears to be borne out in a 1985 survey in which the biggest problem mentioned (by 39.9 percent of respondents) with working at home was working too much (Olson, 1985). The lack of separation between work and home tends to put pressure on the time allocated for l e i s u r e and family a c t i v i t i e s . One survey participant observed that: "Work makes clea r , objective c a l l s on you, and the penalties i f you don't meet them are e x p l i c i t and obvious. The demands, requests, plea that your family gives you are not so clear and obvious" 129 (Greenhaus and Beutell, 1985). Work may be viewed as a time for an employee to get away from his home and family. Many spouses value the privacy and autonomy of having the day to themselves and may find the continual presence of the other spouse overbearing. An alternate view of t h i s i s provided by Owen (1987) who has written a brief and somewhat facetious comment on the notion of "work marriage" ( i . e . , "a rel a t i o n s h i p that exists between certa i n people of the opposite sex who work at the same place"), vi) Conditions of employment Considerable concern has been expressed in the l i t e r a t u r e about the potential exploitation of employees in home "computer sweatshops" (Mattera, 1983; Berch, 1985; Chamot and Zalusky, 1985; Christensen 1985; G i l l , 1985). Concerns include the potential that home-based employees, e s p e c i a l l y those doing c l e r i c a l and data entry a c t i v i t i e s on a piecework basis, w i l l t r y to supplement th e i r incomes by putting other family members (e.g., children) to work, and that i t w i l l be more d i f f i c u l t to enforce statutory employment standards, p a r t i c u l a r l y with respect to controls on overtime. Many telecommuting arrangements involving c l e r i c a l or data entry work require workers to become so-called "independent contractors", and not employees, so that workers lose employer benefits and e l i g i b i l i t y for unemployment insurance. The s h i f t to Independent contractor status often requires employees to become responsible for supplying t h e i r own equipment, either through outright purchase or by renting i t from 130 the employer, as well as obtaining insurance for the equipment, and being responsible for repairing i t i f i t breaks down. Home-based work i s also a means for employers to s h i f t o f f i c e overhead costs to employees, who, along with being responsible for providing space for their equipment, may have to pay increased telephone, u t i l i t y , and dwelling insurance costs, unless they can arrange appropriate compensation from their employer. Home-based employees may also face a lack of support services available in a larger o f f i c e . Schneider and Francis (1989) c i t e a number of ideas from the l i t e r a t u r e for ensuring greater fairness in home-based work arrangements. These include the following: (1) Require employers to produce a plan, analogous to an environmental impact statement, showing that employees w i l l not be placed in a disadvantagous position by telecommuting; (2) Use computers to monitor employee work rates and performance ( N i l l e s , 1985). While t h i s may ensure greater fairness in compensation, i t raises questions about employee privacy. (3) Form home-based workers associations to negotiate conditions of employment with employers. (4) Combine l e g i s l a t i v e and c o l l e c t i v e bargaining approaches. This could, for example, ensure that home-based workers receive the same treatment as o f f i c e workers performing the same duties. 131 5.3 EFFECTS OF TELECOMMUTING ON EMPLOYERS 5.3.1 Advantages for Employers i) Increased productivity. Increased employee productivity is probably the most frequently c i t e d benefit accruing to employers from telecommuting (Olson, 1983; Pratt, 1984; Kelly, 1984, 1985; N i l l e s , 1985), although i r o n i c a l l y , i t i s also the most questionable (Kraut, 1985). While some estimates of productivity increases reach 100 percent (Kelly, 1985), the average claimed appears to be approximately 20 percent ( N i l l e s , 1985; Dordick, 1985-86). Al t e r n a t i v e l y , 67 percent of telecommuters who responded to surveys by both Pratt (1984) and Olson (1985) f e l t that their personal productivity increased, although Olson and others (Cross and Raizman, 1985) note that the workers may not be working more e f f i c i e n t l y , but just longer hours. F i f t y - s i x percent of the respondents to Olson's survey indicated that they began working at home in order to increase their productivity. Reasons suggested for increased employee productivity include: fewer d i s t r a c t i o n s , greater continuity of work periods, increased motivation, the a b i l i t y to work at periods of peak mental performance, and less absenteeism (Gordon, 1986; SCAG, 1985) . Part of the uncertainty about changes in productivity i s based on the apparent u n a v a i l a b i l i t y of a widely agreed-upon d e f i n i t i o n of productivity for service sector workers. It i s arguable that t r a d i t i o n a l d e f i n i t i o n s of productivity, which use 132 the r a t i o of outputs to inputs, are inappropriate to applications in the service sector (Grusec, 1985). Hartmann et a l . , (1986) observe the d i f f i c u l t y of separating technological and organizational innovation from other interconnected factors when attempting to determine changes in output and productivity. In any event, N i l l e s (1985) states that there have not been any telecommuting programs operating long enough that have had productivity studies permitting long-term s t a t i s t i c a l l y s i g n i f i c a n t conclusions to be reached. It is also unclear the degree to which factors such as the "Hawthorne E f f e c t " may be present. Commenting on reports of productivity increases in p i l o t telecommuting programs, Kraut (1985, c i t e d in Appelbaum, 1986, p. 300) has concluded that: "productivity gains associated with telework are probably the r e s u l t of highly motivated, volunteer workers putting in more time on t h e i r jobs when they were working at home than when they were working in a conventional o f f i c e . The gains may not be sustained with more general use of teleworking by less-motivated workers who have no choice but to work at home." A survey by Duxbury et a l . , (n.d.) found that managers of telecommuters perceived that the productivity of t h e i r home-based employees decreased, although no reasons for t h i s r e s u l t were given. i i ) Decreased workforce turnover and Increased labour pool. Decreased turnover i s said to occur because employees have higher morale r e s u l t i n g from the increased f l e x i b i l i t y of their work arrangements. According to N i l l e s (1985), "the a b i l i t y to 133 work at home Is seen as an inducement that i s more powerful than salary considerations." Gordon (1988) has stated that i t can cost an employer between $30,000 and $100,000 to replace a professional employee. Labour pool expansion may be in terms of either geographic area or the inclusion of individuals such as the handicapped - or as in the case of Best Western Hotels, prisoners (see above, Chapter Two) - who would not normally be considered for o f f i c e employment (Pratt, 1984; Dordick, 1985-86; Kelly, 1985). Several commentators describe telecommuting as being p a r t i c u l a r l y well-suited to the recruitment and retention of employees in computer related professions, such as programmers and analysts (Peterson, 1986; Olson, 1988). i i i ) Decreased costs One of the p r i n c i p a l benefits to employers of home-based employment Is i t s potential a b i l i t y to reduce costs. Lower costs may be found in two p r i n c i p a l areas: (1) decreased overhead, and (2) lower wages and employee benefits. It has been often asserted that telecommuting programs are be n e f i c i a l to employers because less o f f i c e space is required i f some or most of i t s employees are working at home (Kelly, 1985: Gordon, 1986). Cross and Raizman (1986) state that during the early 1980's, a t y p i c a l metropolitan area employer annually spends between $4,000 and $6,000 per employee for o f f i c e space, and that t h i s i s two to three times the cost of supporting the employee at home. The l a t t e r point i s based on the assumption 134 that the employee does not charge the employer for space used, heating, a i r conditioning, or cleaning. These savings may be p a r t i c u l a r l y s i g n i f i c a n t for employers located in high-cost, centrally-located s i t e s , and i s a t t r a c t i v e to employers when considering jobs that have no obvious reason to be located in high-cost locations. Gregory (1985) has characterized employer interest in home-based employment as another aspect of the s p a t i a l decentralization of o f f i c e work from older c i t y centers to suburbs, "Sunbelt" c i t i e s , secondary c i t i e s , and offshore locations. The potential r e a l i z a t i o n of cost reductions to employers varies with the type of employee involved and the type of remote work arrangement. For example, high-level employees working at home on a temporary or periodic basis w i l l l i k e l y continue to require a workspace in the central o f f i c e , and may demand one, i f for no other reason than to remain " v i s i b l e " to co-workers and supervisors. In the case of c l e r i c a l workers, however, there appears to be a greater incidence of costs being s h i f t e d to employees by requiring them to purchase, lease, or rent computer terminals, and supply furniture, dedicated telephone l i n e s , heating and cooling systems, e l e c t r i c i t y , and workspace (Appelbaum, 1986). The greatest potential for employers to reduce labour costs occurs with c l e r i c a l employees. According to Gregory (1985), t h i s i s the primary motivation for c l e r i c a l home-based work programs, and occurs mainly by changing the status of the remote 135 workers from f u l l to part-time, or from being an employee to a self-employed "independent contractor" (Appelbaum, 1986; Christensen, 1987). In both cases workers usually lose some or a l l of their employment benefits, which may be worth up to one-t h i r d of the cost of an employee to an employer, and the basis of payment often changes from salary to piece rates. This often results in markedly decreased incomes for home-based workers, and employers gain by not having to pay for health, d i s a b i l i t y , and l i f e insurance, s o c i a l security, unemployment insurance premiums, retirement plans, paid holidays, leaves of absence, and vacation pay. A v a r i a t i o n of the above arrangements i s seen with the introduction of "off-shore" telecommuters (Cordeil, 1985; "Have Data . . .", 1986; Metzger and Von Glinow, 1988). Several U.S. firms are reported to be using c l e r i c a l workers located in low-wage countries such as Barbados, Northern Ireland, and the People's Republic of China to process documents that have been taken overseas, with the e l e c t r o n i c a l l y processed data being transmitted by s a t e l l i t e back to the U.S. Since the s k i l l s needed for data entry involve speed and accuracy, and are not l i n g u i s t i c , workers do not have to be p r o f i c i e n t in the language of the work being performed, but only have to locate the characters on a computer keyboard (Metzger and Von Glinow, 1988). American A i r l i n e s , which in 1986 paid i t s keypunch operators in Barbados $2.20 an hour compared with $9 an hour for i t s American employees, has estimated i t s off-shore data entry 136 program to be saving i t more than $3.5 m i l l i o n per year. Other potential savings to employers include the following: more e f f i c i e n t use of central computers because scheduling can be adjusted so that remote employees work at non-peak times (Desanctis, 1983); reduced chances of unionization and i t s l i k e l y increases in employee costs because employees are less s p a t i a l l y c e ntralized and more d i f f i c u l t to organize (Gregory, 1985; Townson, 1984); and reduced o f f i c e relocation costs, iv) Public r e l a t i o n s value This may a r i s e through high-p r o f i l e programs that hire otherwise unemployed or underemployed workers, or by highlighting the s o c i a l benefits of home-based work programs, such as reduced po l l u t i o n , less downtown congestion, and lower fuel consumption (SCAG, 1985). On the other hand, organizations that cater to a r e l a t i v e l y conservative c l i e n t e l e or are involved in c o n f i d e n t i a l or s e n s i t i v e transactions, run the r i s k of appearing less credible and unprofessional. 5.3.2 Disadvantages for Employers i) Managerial constraints Successfully managing a telecommuting program includes s e l e c t i n g employees and positions best suited to telecommuting, l i n k i n g telecommuters to the o f f i c e , planning and implementing technical elements, and t r a i n i n g the employees and managers who w i l l be involved in the program (Gordon, 1986). Managerial resistance and l i m i t a t i o n s in managerial s t y l e , and not cost or technology, may be the greatest impediments to the adoption of telecommuting and other remote work arrangements; p i l o t remote working programs have been perceived negatively by many managers and supervisors (Duxbury et a l . , n.d.; Sample, 1981; National Research Council, 1985; N i l l e s , 1985; Olson, 1985, 1988). Much managerial opposition appears to r e s u l t from a broader c o n f l i c t between management control and the freedom of what H i l t z and Turoff (In M i l l s , 1984) have lab e l l e d the " i n v i s i b l e worker". Managers often assert their authority in response to their u n f a m i l i a r i t y with home-based work ( M i l l s , 1984) and t h e i r suspicions that employees either are not working when at home, or are not dedicated to t h e i r jobs (Jacobs, 1981). According to Olson (1983), management acceptance of remote work requires new techniques of supervision, such as e l e c t r o n i c monitoring of work, and, perhaps more importantly, new attitudes towards the nature of supervision. Current management methods place considerable emphasis on face-to-face contact and being able to observe employees at w i l l . Olson indicates that managers are not comfortable supervising employees they cannot see or e a s i l y contact and that the a v a i l a b i l i t y of open communications at a l l times i s c r u c i a l . Olson also found that managers prefer remote jobs to have measurable re s u l t s or milestones b u i l t into them. In a later survey, Olson and Primps (1984) found that remote-work could either increase or decrease the autonomy employees have over their jobs, with the d i r e c t i o n of change l a r g e l y dependent on the employee's job status and the degree to which the 138 organization views the employee as "an irreplaceable resource." Thus, while c l e r i c a l employees tend to lose autonomy and control as their jobs change from fu l l - t i m e to permanent part-time status, professionals with s k i l l s in short supply and high demand, and who already have a high degree of control over th e i r work, have that control reinforced. In a survey of telecommuters and managers, Duxbury et a l . , (n.d.) found that both groups f e l t that management s t y l e would have to change, with managers having to place more trust in their employees, although neither group f e l t that managers would lose control over their remote employees. M i l l s (1984) suggests that remote work arrangements w i l l lead to a realignment of two types of management s k i l l s ; f i r s t , conventional o f f i c e s k i l l s (e.g., typing) w i l l be s h i f t e d to higher organizational l e v e l s ; second, i t w i l l be necessary for managers to develop new leadership s k i l l s , such as being able to persuasively d i r e c t dispersed employees via online technology. M i l l s indicates that managers must attempt to r e t a i n "microflow" a c t i v i t i e s : "those patterns of behaviour people use to give structure to an otherwise unstructured experience . . . [that] give shape to a task and provide a respite from boredom and anxiety." This involves recognizing that many people enjoy work because of i t s informal s o c i a l content: " i f a l l the t r i v i a l , yet cherished, encounters of c i v i l i z e d working l i f e are eliminated, the l i f e of the telecommuting manager can become quite unrewarding." 139 Another management-related constraint is organizational i n e r t i a . According to Kraut (1985, c i t e d in Appelbaum, 1985), "conventional, 9-to-5 o f f i c e arrangements support a large number of a c t i v i t i e s c r i t i c a l to the functioning of any work organization. Radical changes in the conventional o f f i c e have the potential to disrupt these other a c t i v i t i e s . " The a c t i v i t i e s i d e n t i f i e d by Kraut include: s o c i a l i z a t i o n of workers, informal information communication, communication of organizational norms, structuring of workers' time, and the segregation of work and non-work l i f e . Olson (1988) states that most organizations do not have the technological infrastructure to allow people to depend e n t i r e l y on technology to do their work, and notes that the substitution of e l e c t r o n i c communication for face-to-face communication i s not yet commonplace. Telecommuters, whose means of communication with other employees i s , by d e f i n i t i o n , largely dependent upon e l e c t r o n i c technology, find themselves using a d i f f e r e n t set of tools that i s less powerful than that available to employees working at the central o f f i c e . A frequent theme in the l i t e r a t u r e is that management li m i t a t i o n s can only be overcome by building and maintaining trust between managers and employees (Duxbury et a l . , n.d.; Olson, 1983; Blank, 1985). Paradoxically, while remote work relationships may be more p h y s i c a l l y separated than those located in o f f i c e s , t h e i r employee-manager relationships may be better delineated than those in centralized o f f i c e s , with standards, expectations, methods of review and feedback, and information 140 transfer a l l rigorously defined. i i ) Start-up and operating costs This includes costs for equipment lease or purchase, as well as costs for employee and manager tra i n i n g and procedural adjustments. Experience to date suggests that, given the prevalent employer practice of characterizing home-based c l e r i c a l employees as either part-time employees or Independent contractors, these costs may not be excessive to employers. In the case of professional employees, these costs may be characterized as another element of the remuneration package for high-demand employees. i i i ) Corporate i d e n t i t y This concern i s p a r t l y based on the notion that employees working at home w i l l lose some or a l l of their sense of corporate i d e n t i t y and may become d i s s a t i s f i e d with t h e i r employer, less r e l i a b l e , and prone to informally undertaking tasks for other employers ("sunlighting"). While t h i s concern has been expressed numerous times in the l i t e r a t u r e , there does not appear to be any empirical evidence that either supports or refutes i t . iv) C r e d i b i l i t y and security of data While some employers view telecommuting as a positive innovation, others are concerned that i f an organization uses i t , customers and c l i e n t s may lose confidence in that organization's professional c r e d i b i l i t y . This i s p a r t l y based on the suspicion that people who work at home do not work very hard, and, since they are not constantly observed, i t i s feared that they could misplace or misuse sensitive or c o n f i d e n t i a l information. There is also a sense of skepticism expressed by conservative c l i e n t e l e about the adoption of innovations that may be perceived as being fads or "flaky." The legitimacy of these concerns with respect to telecommuting should be tempered by the apparent lack of concern about the widespread practice in which employees presently take work home in the evening. Security of data in home-based work environments was not considered to be a major problem by participants in a 1985 symposium on remote work (National Research Council, 1985). A spokesperson for the U.S. Army indicated that i t s remotely-located employees can change thei r passwords to obtain access to a system, which also provides automatic n o t i f i c a t i o n of abortive attempts to enter a system. Usually, however, c l a s s i f i e d data is not used in remote locations. Separate f i l e storage i s also suggested as a means to protect " l i v e " data from accidental or deliberate damage. 5.4 EFFECTS OF TELECOMMUTING ON SOCIETY The e f f e c t s of telecommuting at a s o c i e t a l l e v e l are, to a extent, an aggregation of the e f f e c t s on individuals and employers summarized above. Telecommuting does not, however, a f f e c t each employer or worker evenly; thus, i t s cumulative impacts w i l l vary according to the r e l a t i v e composition and p r o f i l e of the remote workforce. 142 5.4.1 Advantages to Society i) Relative decreases In commuting costs and congestion A basic assumption underlying telecommuting is that i t w i l l lead to reduced work-related t r a v e l , either in terms of t o t a l vehicle miles t r a v e l l e d or by smaller increases in commuter t r a f f i c l e v e l s . The primary cost associated with commuting is f u e l ; as noted above, much of the i n i t i a l interest in telecommuting developed during the energy shortages of the 1970's. The potential benefits from substitution technologies became apparent when i t was considered that, during the early 1970's, approximately 25 percent of the t o t a l energy consumed in the United States and Canada was for transportation, and that transportation accounted for 54 percent of the petroleum consumed in the United States, and 41 percent in Canada (Tyler, Katsoulis, and Cook, 1976, c i t e d in Kraemer and King, 1982). Harkness (1977) estimated that work-related commuting was the most energy-consumptive type of t r a v e l , accounting for 27 percent of U.S. vehicle mileage, and 25 percent of fuel consumption. With respect to intra-urban t r a v e l s u b s t i t u t a b i l i t y , the studies by Harkness (1977) and N i l l e s et a l . , (1976) focused on potential energy savings. N i l l e s et a l . , concluded that the r a t i o of the r e l a t i v e energy consumption between telecommuting and work-related commuting by private automobile was 29:1, or a l t e r n a t i v e l y , telecommuting could provide a net energy saving per commuter of 96 percent. They estimated that by replacing 11.8 percent of commuting In 1975 with telecommuting, the U.S. 143 demand for imported gasoline could have been eliminated for that year. Potential savings dropped to 11:1 when telecommuting was compared with conventionally loaded mass t r a n s i t , and a r a t i o of 2:1 for 100 percent loaded mass t r a n s i t . Along with reducing fuel consumption, the existence of a s i g n i f i c a n t number of telecommuters could contribute towards a reduction in c a p i t a l and operating costs for urban transportation systems. According to Tyler and Harkness (1977), reduced peak hour commuting could improve the p r o f i t a b i l i t y of l o c a l t r a n s i t systems because the peaked pattern of rush-hour t r a v e l means that the equipment used at peak times s i t s i d l e for much of the remainder of the day, and drivers must be hired for f u l l s h i f t s even though they might only be needed for a few hours. Estimates of fuel and transportation system cost savings, and reductions in commuter-related t r a f f i c congestion are, of course, dependent on the amount of home-based work that a c t u a l l y occurs, which, as discussed in Chapter One, remains unclear. Even i f telecommuting i s widely adopted, i t does not necessarily mean that work-related t r a v e l would decrease. For example, a telecommuter who relocates to a r e l a t i v e l y remote area w i l l l i k e l y t r a v e l to the central o f f i c e once a week to maintain contacts; the one weekly t r i p could use the same or more energy than the several shorter commutes that occurred previously, i1) Decreased a i r p o l l u t i o n This would be a consequence of the reduction in vehicle miles t r a v e l l e d because of the use of telecommuting. This has 144 generally been portrayed as a secondary benefit of telcommuting, although i t has recently attracted greater interest. Regulations directed at Improving a i r q u a l i t y have been one of the primary factors behind the Introduction of a telecommuting program for state employees in C a l i f o r n i a (Wagel, 1988) and telecommuting has been recommended by a Vancouver C i t y Task Force as one means towards reducing emissions of a i r pollutants (Task Force on Atmospheric Change, 1990). i i i ) Community benefits These include the reduction of some types of crime (e.g., burglary) because more people w i l l spend more time in or near the i r homes (Freedman, 1985), a stronger sense of community among workers who previously may have viewed their neighbourhood as b a s i c a l l y being a bedroom suburb (Ahrentzen, 1986), and the potential to shape land use patterns by moving employment to areas where land and housing costs are lower (SCAG, 1985). The advantage of promoting the l a t t e r i s not un i v e r s a l l y accepted; Dillman (1985) states that "development of the el e c t r o n i c cottage and linkage of one's productive work to national networks may draw the most important interactions associated with work away from the l o c a l i t y . " Ahrentzen (1986) has observed concern in the l i t e r a t u r e that the widespread introduction of computers in the home, including the use of telecommuting, may impair community strength i f people become more home-centered, and c i t e s a survey in which telecommuters reported that their relationships to their communities had not changed despite the additional time they 145 spent at home. One unanticipated benefit of telecommuting occured in San Francisco after the October 17, 1989 earthquake ("Quake swells ranks . . .", 1989), where i t was reported that the t r a f f i c gridlock created by damaged highways and bridges led to an increase in the number of telecommuters, although i t i s unclear how many people w i l l continue the arrangement aft e r the transport infrastructure i s repaired. 5.4.2 Disadvantages to Society i) Increased potential for urban sprawl This r e f l e c t s the notion that since telecommunication helps overcome the f r i c t i o n of distance, i t i s possible for a telecommuter to l i v e almost anywhere as long as e f f e c t i v e communication lin k s e x i s t with the telecommuter's employer. Since numerous surveys report that many people would prefer to l i v e in r u r a l or suburban, rather than urban settings (Dillman, 1979; Zuiches, 1982), i t has been suggested that the potential r e s i d e n t i a l mobility offered by telecommuting creates an accompanying potential for increased urban sprawl; many people would presumably t r y to f u l f i l l t h e i r desire to l i v e in less central locations by becoming telecommuters. Dillman (1985) disputes t h i s conclusion, observing (at p. 17): "we are now in a period of h i s t o r y in which most adults have spent their formative years in suburbs. It i s not clear whether their preferences w i l l be the same as the generation that preceded them." 146 There does not appear to be any empirical evidence either supporting or refu t i n g telecommuting-linked urban sprawl, although there are numerous anecdotal reports in the l i t e r a t u r e of telecommuters moving to r u r a l locations (e.g., Paddy, 1982; Bewer, 1984; Brooke, 1984; Atchison, 1986; Schwarz and Tslantar, 1989). Whether th i s i s a harbinger of a movement towards increased r e s i d e n t i a l decentralization or is merely a small-scale phenomenon remains unclear, i i) Economic Impacts on land markets It has been suggested that one consequence of telecommuting w i l l be increased vacancy rates in CBD o f f i c e buildings, as organizations rent or buy less space for their " i n v i s i b l e employees" (Russell, 1978). The economic impacts of telecommuting on urban rea l estate markets is a complicated issue to address, and beyond the scope of t h i s t h e s i s . While f u l l -time telecommuting arrangements t h e o r e t i c a l l y allow an organization to maintain less o f f i c e space, there does not appear to be any evidence of employers a c t u a l l y making o f f i c e space or loc a t i o n a l decisions on the basis of telecommuting. In any event, large scale vacancies r e s u l t i n g from telecommuting would presumably be re f l e c t e d by lower rental rates for o f f i c e space, which could counteract many of the economic benefits provided by telecommuting to employers. Tyler ( i n Harkness, 1977) i d e n t i f i e d four major types of telecommunication-induced economic impacts that would l i k e l y generate costs or benefits of s i g n i f i c a n t importance: (1) dispersal of employment from CBD's; (2) changes in demographic, economic, and land use patterns in CBD's res u l t i n g from slow, zero, or negative growth rates; (3) f i s c a l consequences of o f f i c e dispersal for l o c a l governments; and (4) changes in s p a t i a l form and the s o c i a l , economic, and environmental character of the metropolitan area. On the basis of a cross-impact matrix using generalized data from U.S. c i t i e s , as well as s p e c i f i c data from the San Francisco Bay Area, Tyler concluded that increased CBD o f f i c e employment i s not always, on balance, b e n e f i c i a l to a l l segments of a c i t y and that telecommunications-based reductions in CBD employment growth would not necessarily be harmful. Tyler noted, however, that the outcome of changes in CBD o f f i c e employment i s p a r t l y dependent on the s o c i a l , economic, and p o l i t i c a l mechanisms in place in p a r t i c u l a r c i t i e s , and, while CBD employment changes could lead to "creative e x p l o i t a t i o n of opportunities created by reduced rea l estate values and r e n t a l " , the r e s u l t could also be the i n t e n s i f i c a t i o n of urban decay, and the abandonment of buildings. 5.5 CONCLUSION The advantages and disadvantages of telecommuting vary depending on the person or e n t i t y in question. Telecommuting may increase the f l e x i b i l i t y of employee work schedules and l i f e s t y l e s , although t h i s appears to depend on the worker's employment status and the p o l i c i e s and corporate culture of the employer. Telecommuting requires s e l f - d i s c i p l i n e on the part of 148 the employee, the set t i n g of clear and mutually understood goals between the employer and employee, and an e f f e c t i v e means of communication between employer and employee. The primary disadvantage faced by a l l remote workers i s i s o l a t i o n , although thi s can be pa r t l y a l l e v i a t e d by ensuring systematic v i s i t s by the employee to the central workplace. Isolation may lead to impairment in occupational advancement, although there is no empirical evidence confirming or denying t h i s . C l e r i c a l and lower l e v e l employees also r i s k potential e x p l o i t a t i o n by employers. The primary benefit to employers i s reduced costs; while there is some evidence of increased employee productivity, there does not appear to be any independent or rigorous confirmation of t h i s , and the issue of measuring service sector employee productivity remains problematic. While employers may at t r a c t or r e t a i n employees by of f e r i n g home-based work as an option, i t is unclear how many employees value t h i s option. The greatest obstacle to telecommuting appears to be h o s t i l i t y and opposition to i t by managers. This opposition appears to be mainly based on a lack of f a m i l i a r i t y with telecommuting on the part of managers, and a perceived loss of control over employees. Commentators generally agree, however, that i f there is mutual trust and e f f e c t i v e communication between managers and employees, q u a l i t y of work should not be Impaired just because i t is performed at home. The greatest uncertainty with respect to the benefits and disadvantages of telecommuting i s found in terms of i t s s o c i e t a l impacts. Along with d i f f i c u l t i e s of d e f i n i t i o n and measurement, there i s the question of whether impacts are f e l t on a zero-sum basis, or whether there are net s o c i e t a l benefits or losses. While there i s general agreement that telecommuting should lead to reduced fuel consumption and d a i l y commuting, there is much uncertainty about the amounts involved. There i s also speculation that telecommuting may influence urban structure and l o c a l perceptions of community, although there i s l i t t l e agreement on the nature and scale of these impacts. FACTORS 150 CHAPTER SIX  INFLUENCING THE ADOPTION OF TELECOMMUTING 6.1 INTRODUCTION There are several factors exogenous to the practice of telecommuting that the l i t e r a t u r e has i d e n t i f i e d as relevant to the degree and rate at which i t i s adopted. These factors have created conditions favouring the adoption of telecommuting, acted to f a c i l i t a t e i t s adoption, and also acted as impediments. While none of these factors are, on the i r own, determinative of the degree to which telecommuting w i l l be adopted, cumulatively, they are playing a s i g n i f i c a n t role in i t s future. 6.2 THE HOME AS WORKPLACE 6.2.1 The Incidence of Home-Based Work During the past decade, there has been renewed interest in the home as a workplace, l a r g e l y spurred by the emergence of "white-collar o f f i c e homework" (Christensen, 1988a). It has been observed that many people worked out of the i r homes u n t i l the Industrial Revolution of the late 18th and early 19th centuries (Klein, 1982; Rybczlnski, 1986). While the U f f i z i , b u i l t for Cosimo 1 de Medici in Florence between 1560-1574, is generally credited as being the f i r s t purpose-built o f f i c e building (Pevsner, 1976), the contemporary o f f i c e only began to develop in any recognizable sense during the l a t t e r half of the 19th century (The O f f i c e , n.d.). Lewis Mumford 151 (1961) 1 indicates that houses often doubled as o f f i c e s , banks, and stores during the medieval period and in Georgian and Victorian England, u n t i l business expansion forced movement to a separate building. The movement to separate o f f i c e s was lar g e l y the res u l t of the creation of a paperwork-based c l e r i c a l industry that was a byproduct of i n d u s t r i a l growth. As industries became more complex, so did o f f i c e functions which had to process orders, do invoicing, and maintain accounts. While there i s a general perception that the number of home-based employees has increased in recent years, as in the case of telecommuters, there does not appear to be any clear idea of how many people work from their homes, or how many home-based businesses e x i s t . The 1980 U.S. Census reported that approximately 2.2 m i l l i o n people (2.5 percent of the t o t a l workforce) work at home for pay, an increase from the 1.6 m i l l i o n reported in the 1970 Census, and, in 1983, the U.S. Chamber of Commerce reported that approximately 10 m i l l i o n businesses were run from the home (Butler and Getzels, 1985; Pratt, 1987). A 1982 survey by AT&T reported that 23 m i l l i o n people worked at home in the U.S., although t h i s figure included those who "moonlight" to supplement a primary job, volunteer workers, and the 56 percent of t o t a l respondents who bring work home from their primary non home-based employment (Pratt, 1987). A study 1 "Except where the industry was small and noisy, where i t was often put at the edge of the town or outside the walls, t h i s intimate connection of i n d u s t r i a l and domestic l i f e long remained normal: the exact an t i t h e s i s of the segregated, l e g a l l y s t e r i l i z e d r e s i d e n t i a l quarter of today." (1961, p. 284) 152 released in 1989 by LINK resources estimated that at least 15.8 m i l l i o n people in the United States work at home on at least a part-time basis (Farish, 1989). 2 As with the AT&T study, the LINK estimates include employees who bring work home from their primary non-home work employment location. There do not appear to be any Independent or empirically-based s t a t i s t i c s on the incidence of home-based employment in Canada (Graham, 1990). Neither S t a t i s t i c s Canada nor Revenue Canada have examined the question, nor, does i t appear, have lo c a l chambers of commerce. Available estimates of the number of Canadian home-based businesses are based on an assumption that the Canadian t o t a l w i l l be 10-12 percent of the U.S. t o t a l . 3 Thus, i t has been estimated that there are up to 2.5 m i l l i o n people in Canada who work at home either full-time or part-time and that there are 130,000 home-based businesses in B r i t i s h Columbia. Pratt (1987) has i d e n t i f i e d several factors that create problems in gathering information about home-based work. These include the following: (1) home-based work has multiple d e f i n i t i o n s , (2) d e f i n i t i o n s of "work" and "home" are becoming increasingly ambiguous, (3) i t i s d i f f i c u l t to adequately 2 There i s some confusion in the l i t e r a t u r e regarding the resu l t s of the LINK survey, with some reports sta t i n g that i t found 23 m i l l i o n home-based employees, while others using the 15 m i l l i o n figure. A resolution to the confusion is not f a c i l i t a t e d by the proprietary nature of the survey, which Schneider and Francis (1989) report costs (U.S.) $10,000 for access to the r e s u l t s . 3 From telephone interview with Doug Gray of Canadian Home Business I n s t i t u t e , co-author of Home Inc. (1989), July 6, 1990. 153 characterize "alternative work s t y l e s " such as overtime and intermittent work, (4) the underground economy is not included, (5) part-time work and multiple jobholding i s undercounted, (6) individuals may operate more than one business from their homes, (7) unpaid work by family members may be underestimated, and (8) nonresponse rates to surveys may be s i g n i f i c a n t . On the basis of interviews with f i f t y female English homeworkers, Hakim (1980) concluded that homeworkers were reluctant to parti c i p a t e in surveys for a number of reasons: fear that employers would learn of the interview and cut off the homeworker's supply of work; concerns about the discovery of non-reported income by tax o f f i c i a l s ; the stigma some attach to the fact that they worked at home, including possible negative reactions by family, friends, and neighbours; and a general concern about privacy that was often reinforced by the husbands of the all-female sample. A surrogate measure for the size of the home-based o f f i c e sector i s found in an estimate by the president of Canon Canada Inc.'s subsidiary OE Inc. that sales to Canada's home o f f i c e market are worth between $600 m i l l i o n and $800 m i l l i o n annually (McKenna, 1990). By comparison, the U.S. home o f f i c e market was recently estimated to be worth (U.S.) $5.7 b i l l i o n per year (Ambry, 1988). In addition to Canon, Sharp and Panasonic have created separate d i v i s i o n s to s e l l home o f f i c e versions of their o f f i c e products (Schwartz and Tsiantar, 1989), and Ikea has begun to market furniture for home o f f i c e s . There are several factors thought to be behind the Increased interest in home-based employment. According to Pratt (1987) these include: (1) the potential opportunities created by telecommuting, (2) a "new c r e d i b i l i t y " attached to t r a d i t i o n a l home occupations, such as rea l estate sales, technical writing, and dressmaking, (3) requests by employees to work from home on a fu l l - t i m e , part-time, or intermittent basis, and (4) moonlighting by employees who want to s t a r t small businesses. Additional factors suggested by Gray and Gray (1989) include: (1) "cocooning", in which people centre their l e i s u r e time around the home in order to eliminate external stresses; (2) advances in computer and communications technology that give home o f f i c e s much of the sophist i c a t i o n and professional image associated with t r a d i t i o n a l o f f i c e s , (3) combined career and family r o l e s , and (4) the opportunities created by the growth of the service sector. The l a t t e r factor i s r e f l e c t e d in surveys of home businesses, such as by Gray and Gray (1989), Pratt (1984), and the September 1989 issue of the p e r i o d i c a l Home Office Computing, whose l i s t s of common home-based work opportunities were mostly in service-related a c t i v i t i e s . 6.2.2 Attitudes Towards Home-Based Work There are sharply contrasting views towards the notion of home-based work; many current attitudes towards i t r e f l e c t a revulsion over past practices, including the exploitation associated with "sweated work" during the nineteenth century (see 155 Chapter 6.4). Others, however, view the home as the natural forum for advanced technologies to create a revolutionary information age society. According to Alvin T o f f l e r (1980), one of the p r i n c i p a l forces favouring employment in the "electronic cottage" is a s h i f t in attitudes toward the family: . . . wherever the t r a n s i t i o n out of the nuclear family is most advanced — there i s a swelling demand for action to glue the family unit together again. And i t is worth observing that one of the things that has bound families t i g h t l y together through history has been shared work (p. 219). T o f f l e r characterizes demand for home-based work as part of the growth of a "home-centered society", the impact of which may include increased community s t a b i l i t y , less stress on individuals (because of less forced mobility), reduced energy usage, the creation of a new sector of small-scale information services and computer stores that cater to home-based workers, and "a deepening of face-to-face and emotional relationships in both the home and the neighbourhood." This may be contrasted with the perspectives of ar c h i t e c t Witold Rybczinski (1986), who has written about the c u l t u r a l and psychological perceptions of the meaning of "home", and i s skep t i c a l about the breadth and depth of popular interest in the home as a workplace: . . . zoning bylaws are simply one example of how deeply rooted t h i s separation of work and home i s , and how most l i k e l y i t w i l l take a great deal of time to change. It's not something that w i l l take place e a s i l y . The fact that a small number of writers, primarily, are able to work at home — as in fact they always have, with or without computer 156 linkups -- is not of any great s i g n i f i c a n c e . . . Our c u l t u r a l ideas change extremely slowly, . . . The longing for home is going to be there for an awful long time. Even after technology causes the home to disappear and we're a l l l i v i n g in shoeboxes, we're s t i l l going to have that longing, (quoted in Mowbray, 1986) The idea of the home as workplace was explored in a p o l l commissioned by Time magazine as part of i t s "Machine of the Year" issue in 1982.4 While over 73 percent of respondents indicated that they believed that computers w i l l enable more people to work at home, and almost 62 percent agreed that computers w i l l allow people to have more independence and f l e x i b i l i t y in choosing when and how they w i l l work, less than 33 percent responded that they would prefer to work at home, rather than where they were currently working. While entrepreneurial energy i s undoubtedly playing a part in the growth of home-based work, Olson (1988) suggests four r e l a t i v e l y involuntary factors promoting home-based employment: (1) working parents, usually the mother, who find that they need more f l e x i b i l i t y than that offered in the current job market; (2) older women seeking to re-enter the job market after c h i l d rearing who cannot find jobs they want or for which they f e e l q u a l i f i e d ; (3) re t i r e e s who want a small business to supplement pension income; and (4) l a i d - o f f workers who become self-employed because of f i n a n c i a l need, rather than entrepreneurial drive. 4 Yankelovich/Time P o l l s , #8613, 1982. 157 6 .3 OFFICE AUTOMATION Office automation i s generally considered to be an outgrowth of the introduction to the o f f i c e of the telegraph, telephone, and typewriter during the second half of the nineteenth century. C o l l e c t i v e l y , these inventions converted the o f f i c e into a centre for communication, allowing increasingly large and d i v e r s i f i e d enterprises to operate separate administration and manufacturing f a c i l i t i e s , and to establish branch plants and o f f i c e s in distant locations. The growth in size of enterprises and the increase in the volume of work performed by clerks led to changes in the nature and s o c i a l structure of o f f i c e work. These included the application of s c i e n t i f i c techniques to break down and standardize a c t i v i t i e s into discrete tasks, and the employment of large numbers of men, and l a t e r women, as clerks, t y p i s t s , and stenographers. Whenever possible, individual decisions were replaced with decision-making rules, giving employees more time to spend on the remaining tasks. There does not appear to be any u n i v e r s a l l y accepted d e f i n i t i o n of o f f i c e automation. According to Hirschheim (1985), i t "refers to the application of integrated computer, communication and o f f i c e product technologies and s o c i a l science knowledge to support the myriad a c t i v i t i e s and functions in an o f f i c e environment." A more expansive d e f i n i t i o n has been provided by Grusec (1986, p. 1): . . . any system which uses individual workstations to access several functions from a l i s t that includes: text creation and manipulation, storage and r e t r i e v a l ; messaging or e l e c t r o n i c mail; decision support (eg. spreadsheets); 158 database management; personal support (eg. calendars, d i a r i e s , personal f i l e s , etc.) . . . In addition [ o f f i c e automation] often implies some degree of technical and functional interconnection of workstations among members of a group, small or large, so that information or work can be shared, passively or i n t e r a c t i v e l y . Growth in o f f i c e automation has been f a c i l i t a t e d by numerous technological innovations. Computers are seemingly ubiquitous in many work environments as microprocessor technology increases their speed, performance, r e l i a b i l i t y , and compactness, while decreasing t h e i r cost per function and unit of memory. The cost and q u a l i t y of telecommunications technology has been upgraded through the introduction of d i g i t a l transmission systems, transmission protocols, and high capacity transmission equipment including f i b r e - o p t i c systems and private systems that bypass the public u t i l i t i e s . The net e f f e c t has been a movement towards an integration of computer and telecommunication technology. There are numerous reasons suggested for the growth of o f f i c e automation, with the primary one being increased o f f i c e productivity (Klein, 1982; Hirschheim, 1985). While o f f i c e and service sector productivity i s notoriously d i f f i c u l t to both define and measure (Grusec, 1985), there i s , nevertheless, a widespread perception that the productivity of o f f i c e workers has lagged behind that of workers in the manufacturing sector. For example, during the mid-1970's i t was reported that i n d u s t r i a l productivity had increased by almost 90 percent during the previous decade, while o f f i c e productivity had increased by only 4 percent ("The Office of the Future", 1975; Jacobs, 1980). 159 It was recently reported that a U.S. Commerce Department study found that "the average output of an American information worker has not budged since the early 1960's - despite huge growth in both the number of information workers and the average technology investment s i t t i n g on each one's desk" ("The ubiquitous machine", 1990). In a widely-cited study of 300 workers from 15 organizations, Poppel (1982) reported that knowledge workers spend 25 percent of t h e i r worktime on "less productive" a c t i v i t i e s such as waiting for meetings to s t a r t , looking for information, or doing c l e r i c a l work because of a shortage of support s t a f f , and that the most common a c t i v i t y , involving 46 percent of t h e i r time, was scheduled and unscheduled meetings. Conclusions about the poor o f f i c e employee productivity are questioned by Grusec (1985), who c i t e s a study by Panko (1984) that shows the a r b i t r a r i n e s s of a widely-held assertion that o f f i c e productivity increased by only 4 percent during the previous decade while the productivity of the economy as a whole increased by 20 percent during the same period. An alternative approach that has been suggested i s to examine the effectiveness of o f f i c e a c t i v i t i e s , with effectiveness being measured by determining the degree to which an organization's goals have been attained (Doswell, 1981). Giuliano (1982) suggests that the relevant basis of o f f i c e work evaluation should not be hours worked or items processed, but customer s a t i s f a c t i o n and willingness to pay a premium for a high l e v e l of service. It is not clear, however, whether Giuliano intends s a t i s f a c t i o n to be 160 used as a measure of, or substitute for, productivity. The assumption that poor o f f i c e productivity is linked to low c a p i t a l investment per employee has stimulated much of the investment that has occurred in o f f i c e automation technology. Capital investment levels are estimated to have increased from $2,000 per o f f i c e employee in the late 1970's (Young, 1978, c i t e d in Menzies, 1981), to between $8,000 and $10,000 per employee in the f i n a n c i a l services sector in the mid-1980's (Office of Technology Assessment, 1985, c i t e d in Hartmann et a l . , 1985). By comparison, during the same period, the c a p i t a l investment per employee in the manufacturing sector i s estimated to have stayed at between $25,000 and $30,000 (same sources r e s p e c t i v e l y ) . Consequently, o f f i c e costs have assumed a greater proportion of t o t a l organizational overhead costs, increasing from between 20 and 30 percent during the 1960's, to between 40 and 50 percent during the late 1970's (McNurlin, 1978), and i t was recently estimated that the share taken by o f f i c e equipment in the stock of U.S. fixed c a p i t a l , excluding non-residential property, increased from 3 percent in 1980 to 18 percent in 1990 ("The ubiquitous machine", 1990). Additional benefits of o f f i c e automation include an increased competitive advantage, and greater responsiveness to customer needs and demands. Competitive advantage i s expanded by building information technology d i r e c t l y into products, thus influencing the future actions of customers who become more strongly t i e d to the suppliers of the technology. Greater 161 responsiveness enables companies to quickly provide customized products; for example, McGraw H i l l i s reported to be o f f e r i n g university professors the chance to create custom-made textbooks by choosing individual chapters from a database of texts ("The ubiquitous machine", 1990). Information technology allows a company to continually refresh i t s information about a customer, enabling better service to be offered. Other reasons c i t e d for the growth of o f f i c e automation include: better management of information - i t was recently estimated that U.S. businesses have 400 b i l l i o n documents, and that t h i s t o t a l is growing by 72 b i l l i o n per year (Zuboff, 1988); growing f a m i l i a r i t y with computing equipment; a greater concern with competitiveness; and a grab-bag of ideas associated with the a r r i v a l of "the Information age" (Hirschheim, 1985). Office automation has been characterized as the l a t e s t stage in the evolution of o f f i c e s . Giuliano (1982) has defined three stages of o f f i c e organization: p r e i n d u s t r i a l , i n d u s t r i a l , and information-age. Each i s defined in terms of i t s technology, s t y l e of management, personnel p o l i c i e s , hierarchy, standards of performance, and human r e l a t i o n s . The p r e i n d u s t r i a l o f f i c e , which Giuliano states remains common in many contemporary professional, small-business, and some corporate management o f f i c e s , i s dependent on the performance of individuals and often lacks systemization of work routines or modern information technologies. It works well i f the nature of the business remains simple and small in scale, but cannot e f f i c i e n t l y handle 162 large or complex transactions that require the coordination of data from a variety of sources. The Industrial o f f i c e is based on p r i n c i p l e s of work s i m p l i f i c a t i o n and s p e c i a l i z a t i o n , and i s often compared to a production l i n e , with jobs being simple and r e p e t i t i v e . This approach i s considered suitable for handling large volumes of transactions, such as processing insurance claims. Giuliano indicates that many industrial-type o f f i c e s were established during the early days of computerization when information had to be collected into large batches before being entered into computers that could only perform a few steps of a complex process. Despite i t s e f f i c i e n c y in dealing with large volumes of transactions, the i n d u s t r i a l o f f i c e has a propensity for allowing errors to develop that are often missed by workers because of the fragmentation of their duties; the boredom experienced by employees also contributes to poor service and low morale. According to Giuliano, the information-age o f f i c e , with i t s use of information technology, preserves the best aspects of the other o f f i c e types, and avoids their drawbacks. Rather than dealing with r e l a t i v e l y small aspects of f i l e s or accounts in a r e p e t i t i v e manner, workers handle a larger number of a c t i v i t i e s for fewer f i l e s ; the worker becomes more involved i n , and knowledgeable about, the customer, and can more r e a d i l y spot and correct errors. There are fundamental li m i t a t i o n s to the potentials of o f f i c e automation created by d i f f i c u l t i e s in applying technology to o f f i c e work, as well as organizational i n e r t i a and 163 bureaucracy; these are summarized by office-automation consultant and MIT computer s c i e n t i s t Michael Hammer: "automating a mess yield s an automated mess" (Schlefer, 1983). Strassman (1980) states that automation increases o f f i c e productivity when a c t i v i t i e s are simple and standardized, the contents of transactions are r e l a t i v e l y stable, and there are large volumes of transactions. Many o f f i c e s , p a r t i c u l a r l y those characterized as i n d u s t r i a l , already have a form of de facto automation in thei r structure. Strassman suggests that too much attention i s focused on technological issues and not enough on organizational form and information management: The r a p i d l y decreasing cost of computer hardware and software means that ever-larger numbers of applications . . . are candidates for automation. Thus s i m p l i f i c a t i o n , standardization, and automation are proceeding rapi d l y . The p r o l i f e r a t i o n of computer hardware and software also means that many information workers are engaged in a c t i v i t i e s that do not meet these c r i t e r i a . Instead of increasing e f f i c i e n y , they are contributing to today's information overload by helping generate redundant information in ever-increasing quantities. (1980, p. 58) This leads to a perception that o f f i c e automation may ac t u a l l y decrease o f f i c e productivity, although, as discussed above, the measurement of t h i s i s problematic. Although there are numerous taxonomies of o f f i c e types, the most dominant, and for the purposes of thi s thesis, most relevant, i s the d i s t i n c t i o n between o f f i c e s that handle routine operations and those that handle less routine functions, also described as the d i s t i n c t i o n between back o f f i c e and headquarters functions (Moss and Dunau, 1986). The former Is e s s e n t i a l l y the i n d u s t r i a l era o f f i c e discussed above, and consists mainly of 164 c l e r i c a l workers handling large amounts of administrative transactions; the l a t t e r is staffed mainly by managers and professionals and deals with non-routine matters such as planning and policy-making. While o f f i c e automation technology can be applied to both types of o f f i c e s , i t i s not necessarily used in the same manner or with similar objectives. This r e f l e c t s what Walton (1989) describes as the dual p o t e n t i a l i t i e s of information technology: "the c a p a b i l i t y of the same primary technology to produce one set of organizational e f f e c t s or i t s opposite" (p. 26). Information technology can be used to increase management's a b i l i t y to monitor and control employees, or i t can also be used to disperse power and promote sel f - s u p e r v i s i o n . S i m i l a r l y , i t can routinize and pace the work of employees, or be used to provide increased d i s c r e t i o n and innovation. The e f f e c t s of information technology are l a r g e l y dependent on the manner in which the technology is applied within the context of the organization. The adoption of o f f i c e automation technologies has led to a fundamental change in perceptions of the o f f i c e . Rather than being defined in physical or s p a t i a l terms, o f f i c e s are increasingly viewed as a locus of transactional a c t i v i t y . According to Giuliano (1982), information technology creates a " v i r t u a l " o f f i c e in which the o f f i c e is defined by the location of the employee. This does not mean that the physical o f f i c e i s about to disappear; rather, the o f f i c e becomes a home-base for an organization, providing structure for those who want i t , and housing centralized communication and computer equipment. The relevance of o f f i c e automation to the adoption of telecommuting is twofold. F i r s t , the increased use of the technology by employees at a l l levels of an organization creates increased f a m i l i a r i t y with i t s application; resistance based on u n f a m i l i a r i t y is reduced and a better appreciation of i t s potential becomes apparent. Second, the technology and changing organizational structures provide a means to reduce or even eliminate the physical contiguity of o f f i c e workers, as found in the separation of back o f f i c e and headquarter functions. The issue becomes whether th i s loosening of physical t i e s w i l l extend to allow large-scale o f f i c e work in the home. It i s suggested that t h i s w i l l depend l a r g e l y on the positions adopted by employers, because they, and not the technology, w i l l have the strongest influence in determining how to adopt and use the new technologies. 6.4 REACTIONS TO HOME-BASED WORK FROM ORGANIZED LABOUR According to Christensen (1988a), home-based work has been one of the most controversial labour issues in the United States during the 1980's. Organized labour's p r i n c i p a l concern about home-based work focuses on i t s potential to exploit workers, although the practice of telecommuting raises two subsidiary issues: (1) the e f f e c t of technological and organizational change on employment levels and quality, and (2) the growth of al t e r n a t i v e work arrangements and, in p a r t i c u l a r , the increased 166 use by employers of contingent employees. 6.4.1 Worker Expl o i t a t i o n Home-based employment raises concerns about potential worker exp l o i t a t i o n that include: worker i s o l a t i o n , worker health and safety, c h i l d care r e s p o n s i b i l i t y , monitoring, pay and benefits, and the conversion of positions from full-time to part-time. 5 The issue has been described in the following terms: . . . not whether there is evidence that computer homework is abusive (how many exploiters cooperate with academic researchers?), but whether (labour unions] can guarantee that i t w i l l not follow the pattern set by other forms of homework and lead to the abuse and exploitation of women, children, minorities, immigrants, and even men." (Chamot and Zalusky, 1985, pp. 78-9) As a consequence of these concerns, in 1983 the AFL-CIO adopted a resolution c a l l i n g for an "early ban on computer homework" by the U.S. Department of Labour (Chamot and Zalusky, 1985), and the Service Employees International Union (SEIU) has banned home-based employment for Its 780,000 members (Rubin, 1984) . H i s t o r i c a l l y , home-based work has been an integral part of the i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n process and was used, for example, by merchant t a i l o r s in nineteenth century Boston and New York to expand production by sending work to seamstresses in their homes (Boris, 1988). Cutthroat competition, a highly seasonal product and undercapitalization resulted in a system of central shops and 5 Personal communication with R.W. Lang, Canadian Labour Congress, July 17, 1986. external home-based contractors which eventually came to be labelled by reformers as the "sweating system." Underbidding by middlemen and contractors reduced the piece-rates paid to the seamstresses who also had to absorb the costs of production, the costs of mistakes, and the potential loss of remuneration by contractors who refused to pay for spoiled goods or who might close shop and disappear before paying their seamstresses. With uncertain and variable market conditions and a scattered workforce, strikes and worker organization was problematic; sudden rush jobs resulted in homeworkers enlisting the help of their families and friends. Examples of homeworker exploitation abound; one Department of Labor Women's Bureau study found home-based employees in 1932 earning as l i t t l e as $1.25 per 42-hour workweek, equivalent to 25 cents an hour in 1983 wages (Chamot and Zalusky, 1985). In response to the exploitation of home-workers and the often substandard conditions in which they worked, as well as the d i f f i c u l t y of enforcing child labour, hours of work, and minimum wage laws, home-based work came under a licensing and regulatory scheme that limited or prohibited industrial homework in 19 states of the U.S. and culminated in the Fair Labour Standards Act (FLSA) of 1938 (Berch, 1985; Chamot and Zalusky, 1985). Widespread violations of record-keeping by employers caused an administrative ban on homework in seven garment related industries in 1943,6 and, in 1949, the U.S. 6 The industries are knitted outerwear, women's garments, embroidery, hankerchiefs, jewellery, button and buckle manufacture, and gloves and mittens. 168 Congress defeated an amendment to the FLSA that would have allowed home-based work by a person In a r u r a l area who was "not subject to any supervision or control by any person whomsoever . . ." (Boris, 1988). Despite statutory controls in the United States, A l l e n and Wolkowitz (1987) observe that home-based work, also known as outworking, remains common throughout the world, and that i t s incidence i s increasing. Evidence continues to be c o l l e c t e d of homeworker exploitation; the Low Pay Unit in B r i t a i n found some home-based knitters earning on average between 50 and 90 pence an hour when the statutory minimum was one pound f i f t y , with some earning only 15 pence an hour ( G i l l , 1985). In Canada, instances have been ci t e d of homeworkers earning as l i t t l e as $1 an hour at a time when the statutory hourly minimum was $3 (McQuaig, 1980). There appears to be a general consensus among labour commentators that home-based employment issues can be defined in terms of employee rank and status, echoing the p o l a r i t y discussed above in the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of telecommuters (Berch, 1985; Chamot and Zalusky, 1985; G i l l 1985; Applebaum, 1986). According to one report on home-based el e c t r o n i c work (Kawakami, 1983; quoted in Chamot and Zalusky, 1985, pp. 81-2): . . . (t)he t r a d i t i o n a l d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n between c l e r i c a l workers and managers/professionals in conventional o f f i c e s i s apparently being repeated in home-based teleworking projects. Managerial and professional homeworkers tend to be highly paid, possess high status, enjoy payment on a s a l a r i e d basis and s u b s t a n t i a l l y a l l fringe benefits, are subjected to a low to moderate amount of supervision, and are usually provided with a l l necessary equipment and materials by employers. By comparison, the c l e r i c a l homeworkers studied have received considerably lower pay and 169 less status, are paid on an hourly or incentive basis, sometimes lack certain insurance benefits, may be supervised much more c l o s e l y (including through on-line computer monitoring), and sometimes are required to pay for some or a l l of their own equipment and work materials. 6.4.2 Changes in the Level and Quality of Employment While there are concerns about the potential provided by home-based employment for worker exp l o i t a t i o n , telecommuting has been characterized as an element of a wider area of concern to organized labour: the impact of technological change. While there do not appear to be any studies on the e f f e c t s of telecommuting per se on present and future levels of o f f i c e employment, there have been numerous studies of the employment Impacts of o f f i c e automation and technological change in general (e.g., Menzies, 1981; Appelbaum, 1985; G i l l , 1985; Hartmann et a l . , 1986). There does not appear to be, however, any broad consensus about the scale or form of the impacts of technological change; instead, three competing perspectives have emerged: (1) employment levels and q u a l i t y w i l l not be adversely affected by technology, but may even increase, due mainly to the elimination of mundane tasks, increased productivity, and more positive work attitudes; (2) a d i r e c t and wide-scale negative impact w i l l be f e l t by e x i s t i n g workers caused by d e s k i l l i n g , c e n t r a l i z a t i o n , a l i e n a t i o n , increased health problems, and a deterioration of the workplace environment, and productivity gains w i l l lead to increased s t r u c t u r a l unemployment; and (3) the Impacts of automation and technological change w i l l be p a r t i a l l y mediated by 170 factors s p e c i f i c to organizations, such as the manner in which equipment i s introduced, pre-existing work patterns, and corporate culture (Clark et a l . , 1987). Glnzburg (1982) has noted the job-creating potential of technological change and innovation as a means to maintain economic growth and employment l e v e l s . Hartmann et a l . (1986) c i t e as an example in support of t h i s position a study by Hunt and Hunt (1985) of the U.S. finance industry, which underwent considerable o f f i c e automation without employment decline. While the r e l a t i v e number of c l e r i c a l employees decreased between 1972 and 1982 from 46.1 to 43.9 percent, employment increased in absolute numbers by 37 percent during the period as t o t a l employment in the industry increased from 3.9 m i l l i o n to 5.3 m i l l i o n . Technology advocate Paul Strassmann, former head of data processing for Xerox and a vocal commentator on o f f i c e technology issues, has argued that o f f i c e automation w i l l reduce the time spent in unproductive and unnecessary meetings, and w i l l lead to greater employee productivity and national wealth that w i l l , in turn, create more o f f i c e jobs (Schlefer, 1983). Other studies suggest that technological change w i l l lead to increased s p e c i a l i z a t i o n of o f f i c e support employees, stimulating the upgrading of s e c r e t a r i a l and c l e r i c a l positions to include some technical and management duties (ABT Assoc, 1982). This d i f f e r s markedly from the conclusions drawn by Menzies (1981) and others who have reported a growing mismatch between the s k i l l s held by o f f i c e support s t a f f and the types of 171 employment being created in o f f i c e s . On the basis of several case studies, she found the creation of a bimodal d i s t r i b u t i o n of employment s k i l l s , with few c l e r i c a l employees being transferred into technical and managerial positions because of a fundamental gap between the s k i l l s of o f f i c e support employees and professional and managerial employees, as well as a negative attitude on the part of management about the potential of o f f i c e support s t a f f . An analogy describing t h i s s i t u a t i o n is provided by Cordell (1985, p. 41): (c)onsider by way of analogy the Boeing 747 a i r c r a f t . At one end of the mult i m i l l i o n d o l l a r machine are the s k i l l e d p i l o t , c o p i l o t , and navigator; at the other end, are the f l i g h t attendants. One does not become a p i l o t by working for the same a i r l i n e as a f l i g h t attendant; rather, one must drop out and, i f possible, be retrained for the more s k i l l e d and highly paid job. The job displacing role of computer technology is i l l u s t r a t e d by the telecommunications sector, where the introduction of el e c t r o n i c switching reduced the size of operator s t a f f s in Vancouver and New Westminster by 22 to 40 percent, while the c e n t r a l i z i n g nature of the technology eliminated operators from many smaller towns (Cordell, 1985). Leontief (1981, quoted in Cordell, 1985, p. 37) has observed that: Th i r t y years ago, i t took several thousand switchboard operators to handle one m i l l i o n long-distance telephone c a l l s ; 10 years l a t e r , i t took several hundred operators; and now, with automatic switchboards, only a few dozen are required. The productivity of labour . . . w i l l reach i t s highest l e v e l when only one operator remains, and w i l l become i n f i n i t e on the day that operator i s discharged. Karen Nussbaum, the director of 9-to-5, the U.S-based National Association of Working Women, has projected that o f f i c e 172 automation w i l l jeopardize 20 m i l l i o n o f f i c e jobs (Schlefer, 1983). In the United States, the Bureau of Labour S t a t i s t i c s (BLS) has projected employment changes in c l e r i c a l occupations during the period 1982 - 1995 that vary between a 76.1 percent increase for computer operators, to a 20 percent decrease for central telephone operators (Hunt and Hunt, 1985, c i t e d in Hartmann et a l . , 1986). According to BLS projections, the fastest growing c l e r i c a l occupations include computer operators, peripheral EDP operators, medical insurance cl e r k s , c r e d i t c l e r k s , insurance checkers, claims adjusters, cashiers, and survey workers. Employment growth in these occupations is expected to range between 48.2 and 76.1 percent between 1982 and 1995. With the exception of computer and EDP operators, and cashiers, a l l of the above occupations are amenable to being performed at home. The c l e r i c a l occupations with the largest expected percentage declines include central o f f i c e telephone operators, postal service c l e r k s , data-entry operators, stenographers, purchase and sales c l e r k s , and postal mail c a r r i e r s . Hartmann et a l . (1986) observe that i t is d i f f i c u l t to measure the employment e f f e c t s of technological change; the e f f e c t s may not occur u n t i l long after an innovation is introduced, and technological change i s usually so embedded within a larger context that i t may be impossible to i s o l a t e s p e c i f i c e f f e c t s from other factors. They suggest four factors that a f f e c t future employment l e v e l s : (1) the general performance of the economy, (2) s p e c i f i c employment p o l i c i e s , (3) changes in the labour supply, and ( 4 ) developments in available technology. It is problematic, however, to assign s p e c i f i c changes to any one factor. For example, in the case of technological innovation, the f l e x i b i l i t y inherent in o f f i c e technologies suggests that their e f f e c t s , whether on productivity or employment, w i l l be influenced by concurrent s o c i a l and other contextual changes, and not just technological factors (Hartmann et a l . 1986). It has been argued that t h i s is due to a further set of factors: changes in equipment occur alongside s t r u c t u r a l changes in product and labour markets; technology has varying roles in economic growth ( i . e . , while necessity i s often the mother of invention, invention can also be a strong determinant of necessity); there is much d i v e r s i t y in the way organizations use innovation and these can have varying employment impacts; the use of technology may be constrained by external factors such as labour force a v a i l a b i l i t y ; there are countervailing tendencies towards both increased complexity and more s i m p l i f i c a t i o n in occupational s k i l l l e v e l s ; and there i s a growing l e v e l of interest in the q u a l i t y of employment among employers and employees. An a l t e r n a t i v e threat to d i r e c t job losses is created by the potential to transmit work over long distances. This was discussed above with respect to off-shore telecommuting although i t can also occur on a more l o c a l scale. Rosenberg (1986) has c i t e d the a b i l i t y of employers to transfer work to other locations as a means of keeping employees from joining or 174 organizing unions, as well as being used to bid down wages. Despite the potential gains that employees may receive, there i s potential for considerable losses in q u a l i t y of employment, p a r t i c u l a r l y through job fragmentation and d e s k i l l i n g ( G i l l 1985; Hartmann et a l . , 1986). As with other issues surveyed in t h i s chapter, there are d i f f e r i n g views of the amount of d e s k i l l i n g that i s occuring and the degree to which technological change is responsible. A frequently c i t e d study by Murphee (1984, ci t e d in Hartmann et a l . , 1986) describes the fragmentation of r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s held by legal secretaries in a large firm following the introduction of information technology. Technological change led to increased s p e c i a l i z a t i o n of job duties and more centralized controls; the v a r i e t y of the work done by the secretaries was considerably reduced and they assumed a less challenging role as o f f i c e gatekeepers. Others, however, have stressed the potential of o f f i c e automation to integrate previously fragmented a c t i v i t i e s so that, for example, customer service agents can handle an increased number and type of transactions involved with a c l i e n t ' s f i l e or account. Hartmann et a l . (1986) have concluded that both d e s k i l l i n g and job reintegration are occurring, although i t i s unclear which trend is predominant. They indicate that t h i s uncertainty i s largely due to overly aggregated data, and that proxy measures that are used to measure changes in job s k i l l requirements, such as years of work experience or educational l e v e l s , may gloss over detailed q u a l i t a t i v e and quantitative information and f a i l to account for 175 changes in employer requirments and demographic s h i f t s . They also note that survey results may disagree because of comparisons between organizations that use technology at d i f f e r e n t evolutionary stages or degrees of adoption, and that the introduction of a new technology may have markedly d i f f e r e n t e f f e c t s on the same type of job in d i f f e r e n t organizations, and is dependent on their r e l a t i v e pre-lntroduction s k i l l l e v e l s . 6.4.3 Alternative Work Arrangements Between 1980 and 1985, the number of U.S. employees who were leased, temporary, i n v o l u n t a r i l y worked part-time, were employees of subcontractors, or worked at home, increased from approximately 8 percent to 17 percent of the t o t a l nonfarm work force (Pollock and Bernstein, 1986), while in Canada, the number of part-time employees Increased at an annual rate of 5 percent during the 1980's, compared with a growth rate for f u l l - t i m e employees of 2 percent (Ward, 1986). Several factors are behind the increase in the number of people p a r t i c i p a t i n g in a l t e r n a t i v e work arrangments. Appelbaum (1986) suggests that the increased use of contract workers, also known as contingent workers, i s l a r g e l y based on the desire of employers to reduce their dependence on internal labour markets. While internal labour markets guarantee that employers w i l l have employees available at each s k i l l l e v e l when undergoing expansion, many organizations are involved in downsizing and contraction. This leads to employees often being seen as unnecessary expenses rather than 176 future Investments. Temporary employment and the use of subcontractors is used by firms as a buffer to protect highly-valued employees from being l a i d - o f f when adjusting workforce sizes, and as a means to contain labour costs by not paying for vacations, holidays, health benefits, insurance, or pensions. In the United States, i t has been reported that f u l l - t i m e employees earned (U.S.) $7.05 an hour while, at the same time, part-time employees earned an average of (U.S.) $4.17 an hour (Pollock and Bernstein, 1986). A study sponsored by Labour Canada of 5,000 federally-regulated companies found that 16 percent paid permanent part-time employees less than fu l l - t i m e employees, while 47 percent paid lower rates to part-time employees who worked seasonally (Ward, 1986). As a consequence, employer interest in temporary and part-time help has increased considerably; for example, the value of the U.S. temporary help industry i s reported to have grown from (U.S.) $2.3 b i l l i o n in 1977 to (U.S.) $5.14 b i l l i o n in 1982 (Applebaum, 1986). Another means by which contingent workers are created is through "employee leasing" in which a company dismisses i t s employees, who are then hired by another company whose sole purpose Is the administration of the employees, who are then leased back to the f i r s t company. Employee leasing companies often obtain lower group rates for employee benefits than do the o r i g i n a l employers, saving aggregate labour costs. The advantages provided to employers by contingent employment is the subject of much controversy. Contingent 177 workers can be hired to work during periods of high demand or on an "as needed" basis, reducing wages that would be paid to a s a l a r i e d employee. Christensen (in Pollock and Bernstein, 1986) has described the use of contingent workers as the creation "of a second-class t i e r in the labor force." It has been suggested that the use of contingent employees i s a move towards the Japanese enterprise model, in which only a small core of employees have guaranteed long-term employment, and with much work being sent to small subcontractors that use poorly-paid employees who are subject to frequent lay- o f f s and receive few, i f any, benefits ( G i l l , 1985). Pollock and Bernstein (1986) report the case of a p i p e f i t t e r with ten years s e n i o r i t y with U.S. s t e e l manufacturer USX who was l a i d off and hired by a subcontractor to do the same work at the same USX plant, and whose hourly wage rate f e l l from $13 an hour to $5 an hour and who l o s t his employment benefits. The use of contingent workers has been the subject of at least one instance of l i t i g a t i o n in the United States, in which i t was claimed that the change to independent contractor status was made s o l e l y as a means to avoid paying benefits (Christensen, 1988a, 1988b). Eight women involved in a telecommuting program processing insurance claims sued their employer for fraud claiming that the length of their workdays increased up to 15 hours on occasion, removing the f l e x i b i l i t y the program was intended to provide (Pollack, 1986). While the case was eventually s e t t l e d out of court for an undisclosed sum, i t i s 178 i l l u s t r a t i v e of the controversy surrounding the issue of whether a home-based worker is an employee or an Independent contractor. It has been observed, however, that a growing number of workers, mostly women, are interested in more f l e x i b l e work schedules and arrangements in order to f u l f i l l work and home r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s (Applebaum, 1986). A recent survey of 1,000 employed mothers in the U.S. magazine Child found that 71 percent would work part-time i f they found a job they l i k e d , while 80 percent of 2,200 working mothers responding to a survey for Ladies Home Journal indicated they would prefer to work part-time (Zarzour, 1990). These results r e f l e c t a general consensus that married women who work s t i l l tend to do the bulk of household chores and childcare. Thus, there i s a growing demand, mainly among working mothers, to balance employment and domestic demands. Part-time professional employment appears to be rare, with employers expressing concern that part-time employees lack commitment to the i r jobs. It has been argued, however, that there i s a growing trend for employers faced with d i f f i c u l t i e s a t t r a c t i n g and keeping valued employees to take a more active role helping employees to balance home and work pressures, including o f f e r i n g f l e x i b l e hours, part-time work, and job-sharing arrangements (Gorrie, 1990). The large proportion of telecommuters, e s p e c i a l l y in c l e r i c a l positions, who are employed as independent contractors, suggests that telecommuting w i l l provide opportunities to expand the number of contingent workers. As with other aspects of 179 telecommuting and remote work, the use of contingent workers provides both potential opportunities and disadvantages to workers, and i t s primary benefits appear to be to employers. 6.4.4 The Ideology of Telecommuting Telecommuting, and i t s role as a catalyst creating either increased i s o l a t i o n and exploitation or the attainment of entrepreneurial and l i f e s t y l e independence, has become a target of ideologically-based commentary and debate. Berch (1985, p. 37), writing in Monthly Review, observes that: "(w)hile there are s i m i l a r i t i e s between "electronic cottaging" and p r e - i n d u s t r i a l homework, they speak more to the endurance of gender roles and patriarchy than do s i m i l a r i t i e s in production processes." Berch characterizes telecommuting and out-work as a means for employers to evade labour standards and save wages by exploiting docile groups that includes homebound wives, prison Inmates, the disabled, and t h i r d world workers. This perspective i s echoed by Mattera's (1983) description of "home computer sweatshops", in which telecommuters are described as being "compelled or pressured" to accept remote work arrangements. An opposing view i s provided by Rubin (1984), who challenges Mattera's conclusions by stating that " l i t t l e evidence of impending serious consequences was adduced" in his a r t i c l e . Rubin characterizes telecommuting as a means to open the job market to people who might not otherwise be able to work, including new mothers for whom he indicates telecommuting "offers 180 a splendid way, . . . to combine employment and [be] near their children most of the day." Rubin characterizes opposition to telecommuting by organized labour as being based on union concerns about organizing c l e r i c a l employees during a period of declining union membership, and dismisses issues about the actual or potential exploitation of home-based workers as an h i s t o r i c a l a r t i f a c t . Another perspective on home-based work was the Family  Opportunity Act, introduced by Republican Congressman Newt Gingrich in the early 1980's. The Act, which did not become law, would have given tax c r e d i t s to families that bought computers for educational or work purposes, and i s reported by Mattera (1985) to have been praised at a Moral Majority sponsored forum as a means for women to earn money without neglecting t h e i r f amilies. The debate about home-based work c r y s t a l i z e d during the early 1980's when a group of Vermont k n i t t e r s sought a repeal of the ban against i n d u s t r i a l homework created by the Fair Labour  Standards Act. The U.S. C i r c u i t Court of Appeals overturned a decision by the Labor Secretary l i f t i n g the ban, describing the action as " a r b i t r a r y and capricious" (Kleiman, 1984). While proponents of the ban viewed the Administration's actions as an example of the Reagan administration's attack on organized labour and affirmative action, opponents of the ban saw i t as an impediment to a basic right to work in one's home. 181 6.5 FACTORS INFLUENCING RESIDENTIAL LOCATION One of the p r i n c i p l e potential benefits attributed to telecommuting i s the reduction or elimination of work-related commuting. There are suggestions in the l i t e r a t u r e (Bewer, 1984; Dillman, 1985), backed to some extent by anecdotal reports in the press (Brooke, 1984; Atchison, 1986; Zarzour, 1990), that independence from commuting may s h i f t the r e s i d e n t i a l location patterns of telecommuters, with the archetypal migration being from a central urban area to a r u r a l area or smaller settlement on the edge of a metropolitan area. This type of migration would conform with the r e s u l t s of surveys in the United States which have shown that, given a choice, many Americans would prefer to l i v e in small towns or r u r a l places, and that large c i t i e s are the choice of fewer people than reside in them and are the least preferred choice of many people (Dillman, 1979; Zuiches, 1982). The most desirable r e s i d e n t i a l locations appear to be smaller communities within the d a i l y commuting range of large c i t i e s ; Fuguitt and Zuiches (1975) have reported that only 9 percent of Americans want to l i v e in a c i t y of greater than 500,000 people, and that many want to l i v e in a small town or r u r a l area within 30 miles of a large c i t y . This i s r e f l e c t e d in the 1980 U.S. census re s u l t s in which, for the f i r s t time since the census was originated in 1790, areas c l a s s i f i e d as r u r a l had greater growth rates than metropolitan centers (Hauser, 1981). One manifestation of t h i s i s the rapid population growth of suburban "megacounties" such as Orange County between Los Angeles and San 182 Diego, Fairfax County, adjacent to Washington D.C, and Gwinnett County near Atlanta, Georgia (Church, 1987). According to Hawley (1971, cited in U.S. Department of Transportation, 1985), a suburban exodus has been,occurring in the United States since the turn of the century and the populations of New York, Chicago, Philadelphia, Cleveland, and Pittsburgh were larger in 1940 than in 1980. It is d i f f i c u l t to deny that urban structure is strongly influenced by transportation configurations and technologies. Blumenfeld (1971) observed that the three to four mile radius of the pre-industrial city was largely determined by the distance that could be travelled by foot, and, more recently, the creation of freeways has been a major stimulus of the suburbanization process. The notion of telecommuting as a liberating technology that enables individuals to leave the high costs, congestion, and grime of city centres is largely a product, however, of a surprisingly long-lived neo-classical conceptualization of the urbanization process in which the predominant role of physical accessibility is summarized by the 1903 statement by the American land economist Hurd that "value depends on nearness" (Ley, 1983). Hurd's conclusion is echoed by Alonso's (1971) influential market-based theory of urban land-use patterns in which land uses are characterized as the outcome of a competitive bidding process among land users in a particular area; users in central locations pay higher rents for better overall accessibility while users who cannot afford center city rents, or do not need the superior 183 a c c e s s i b i l i t y of c i t y centers, are located in lower rent locations towards the periphery of a c i t y . The competitive bidding for land i s viewed as a means of obtaining maximum a c c e s s i b i l i t y : " . . . one might say that the structure of the c i t y i s determined through the d o l l a r evaluation of the importance of convenience" ( R a t c l i f f , 1949, quoted in Ley, 1983, p. 26). The origins of Alonso's model are found in the l o c a t i o n a l theories of Von Thunen and C h r i s t a l l e r (Ley, 1983), in which uniformly d i s t r i b u t e d and economically r a t i o n a l players with complete information make location a l decisions on an i s o t r o p i c p l a i n that has equal a c c e s s i b i l i t y in a l l d i r e c t i o n s . In Alonso's model, r e s i d e n t i a l locations are chosen on the basis of th e i r place u t i l i t y : s a t i s f a c t i o n i s maximized through a trade-off between a c c e s s i b i l i t y to work (distance) and housing consumption (space). Consumers "seek to balance the costs and bother of commuting against the advantages of cheaper land with increasing distance from the center of the c i t y and the s a t i s f a c t i o n of more space for l i v i n g " (Alonso, 1971, p. 157). The trade-off may be represented by a bid rent curve in which the costs of commuting are inversely related to the value of land. The fundamental l i m i t a t i o n of t h i s characterization, however, is i t s overwhelming dependence on the role of transportation costs and mathematical modelling, whether measured in terms of time or money. While not disregarding a role for work-related commuting in the r e s i d e n t i a l decision-making 184 process, the l i t e r a t u r e has more recently begun to recognize that the choice of a r e s i d e n t i a l location is complex and usually depends upon a wide variety of factors including i t s price, s i z e , age, type, and quality, the physical c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the neighbourhood, the q u a l i t y and proximity of schools i f there are children in the household, the a v a i l a b i l i t y of recreational f a c i l i t i e s and public services, access to shopping areas, the presence or absence of hazards such as busy streets and noxious f a c t o r i e s , crime rates, prestige, perceptions of an area's s o c i a l , ethnic, and demographic composition, and whether any changes are occurring in that composition (Brown and Moore, 1971; Meyer and M i l l e r , 1984). The notion of economically r a t i o n a l decision-making i s also challenged by migration studies that stress non-economic q u a l i t y - o f - 1 i f e factors which can be of greater significance than increased income or occupational opportunities when making r e s i d e n t i a l location decisions (Zuiches, 1982). S i m i l a r l y , the decision to move can be based on "push" factors, such as negative evaluations of current s i t u a t i o n s , as well as attempts to obtain p a r t i c u l a r r e s i d e n t i a l q u a l i t i e s ( M o r r i l l , Downing, and Leon, 1986). A more extreme view of the forces underlying urban s t r u c t u r a l change i s provided by Rogers (1971), who argues that the complexity of human behaviour and the numerous interactions that occur in a c i t y make any attempts to develop a deterministic model of s p a t i a l patterns f u t i l e , and that the random nature of human behaviour suggests that stochastic models may be a more 185 appropriate approach for evaluating the elements of urban change. Hanson and Pratt (1988) reject the abstractions of much of the model-based research on the links between home and workplace, noting l i m i t a t i o n s in the assumption that the location of work takes precedence over that of home, the f a i l u r e of r e s i d e n t i a l models to adequately address gender differences and occupational c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s in commuting patterns, and suggesting that more attention should be given to the contextual interdependence between home and workplace. Ley (1983) observes that there i s l i t t l e empirical evidence to support the role of commuting costs as a major constraint on r e s i d e n t i a l l o c a t i o n a l decisions. He c i t e s a 1973 study of 380 Toronto homebuyers in which only two and one-half percent of respondents indicated that their move had been prompted by their distance from work, and a similar study in Seattle in which no evidence was found that work place access was an important location a l factor. S i m i l a r l y , in an early c r i t i q u e of mathematical lo c a t i o n a l models, Stegman (1969) observed that American survey data has shown that a majority of families that move to the suburbs are more concerned with neighbourhood q u a l i t y than access to work. In a study of the journey to work in Vancouver, Wolforth (1965) concluded that workplace location was of l i t t l e relevance to r e s i d e n t i a l location except for a limited group of workers for whom alter n a t i v e explanations for th e i r short commutes were generally a v a i l a b l e . He also stressed the importance of the exi s t i n g s p a t i a l structure of the c i t y to the 186 determination of commuting patterns. Alonso (cited in Ley, 1983) has acknowledged that there are inherent li m i t a t i o n s to his theory's premises, and market-based loc a t i o n a l theories in general have been c r i t i c i z e d for being too dependent on transportation modelling (Stegman 1969). Richardson (1976, ci t e d in Ley, 1983) l i s t s additional simplifying assumptions found in market-based locational models including a monocentric c i t y with continual rent and density gradients peaking in the CBD, clear segregation of land uses, uniform a c c e s s i b i l i t y , a minimized planning r o l e , and dependence on market processes to create land use patterns. The t h e o r e t i c a l l i m i t a t i o n s and lack of supporting empirical evidence for market and transportation-based models of r e s i d e n t i a l location c o l l e c t i v e l y d i s c r e d i t the notion that proximity to work is an important factor in the choice of where to l i v e , and challenges the potential role of telecommuting as a determinant of r e s i d e n t i a l patterns. Rather than being a deterministic factor, telecommuting may help allow an individual to continue residing at a p a r t i c u l a r location, e s p e c i a l l y i f that in d i v i d u a l perceives commuting to work as being too d i f f i c u l t , time-consuming, or expensive. For example, telecommuting could allow an employee to remain in his present location i f his employer moves to a more distant location or i f commuting times and costs become more onerous. The l a t t e r instance was reported in the case of an employee who began to telecommute from her home in Guelph, Ontario, in order to avoid 13 hours per day of work 187 and t r a v e l time to her employer's o f f i c e in Toronto ("Working at home . . .", 1990). 6.6 THE DIFFUSION OF INNOVATION AND THE CONTROL OF TECHNOLOGY The l i t e r a t u r e on innovation and technological change frequently asserts that the introduction or use of a given form of technology w i l l lead to a pa r t i c u l a r s o c i a l , economic, c u l t u r a l , or organizational impact. This type of statement is also found in much of the commentary about telecommuting in which i t s adoption i s described as inevitable and i t s structure as given. It i s arguable, however, that these statements are inaccurate and f a i l to address the complexities found in the innovational d i f f u s i o n process. 6.6.1 The Diffusion of Innovation Technological change and the adoption of innovation usually occur unevenly. Hartmann et a l . (1986) indicate that the time between invention and the f i r s t commercial adoption of an innovation usually ranges between 5 and 20 years, and the period for major Innovations, such as e l e c t r i c i t y , may take up to 50 years. In his seminal work, Rogers (1983) observes that advantageous innovations do not always s e l l themselves, even when their benefits are known to potential users. He c i t e s the nearly 200 years the B r i t i s h Navy took to adopt c i t r u s f r u i t s to combat scurvy, and the nearly complete nondiffusion of the so-called dvorak keyboard on typewriters and word processors, despite i t s 188 numerous advantages over the more common querty keyboard. Al t e r n a t i v e l y , some innovations are adopted at s u r p r i s i n g l y rapid rates; the president of B e l l C e l l u l a r Inc. recently observed that his 1985 projection of 49 employees and a $500,000 annual c a p i t a l construction budget by 1989 f e l l somewhat short of the 700 employees and $200 m i l l i o n c a p i t a l budget the company a c t u a l l y had by that year (Surtees, 1990). Carey and Moss (1985) argue that "instant success i s the exception, not the rule, in many of the new telecommunications services" and note that cable t e l e v i s i o n , which is often regarded as a highly successful technology, had taken 34 years (as of 1985) to penetrate only 39 percent of U.S. households. They l i s t several technologies which have declined in o v e r a l l popularity including CB radio, v i n y l records, instant cameras, the telegraph, and home movie cameras, plus two outright f a i l u r e s : quadrophonic sound, and videophone. Rogers (1983) has defined d i f f u s i o n as "the process by which an innovation i s communicated through cert a i n channels over time among the members of a s o c i a l system." An innovation is an idea, practice, or object that i s perceived as new by the user, and often involves technology, which Rogers defines as "a design for instrumental action that reduces the uncertainty in the cause-e f f e c t relationships involved in achieving a desired outcome." Technology usually has two components: (1) hardware ( i . e . , the tool that embodies the technology), and (2) software ( i . e . , the knowledge used in the applicat i o n of the t o o l ) . The l i t e r a t u r e 189 on the o r i g i n of innovative a c t i v i t y i s characterized by two pr i n c i p a l models: demand p u l l and science push (Freeman, 1979). Proponents of the former, known as e x t e r n a l i s t s , assert that market demand is the dominant influence on s c i e n t i f i c and inventive a c t i v i t y , while proponents of the l a t t e r theory, known as i n t e r n a l i s t s , state that internal developments within science and technology determine or permit changes in products and processes. According to Rogers, the adoption rate of an innovation i s based on the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the innovation as perceived by i t s users. These, in turn, are based on the innovation's r e l a t i v e advantage, compatibility, complexity, t r l a l a b i l i t y , and observ a b i l i t y . The decision to adopt an innovation has been characterized as having fiv e stages: (1) knowledge of the innovation's existence, (2) persuasion of the decision-maker, (3) the decision to implement, ( 4 ) implementation, and (5) confirmation of decision. Not a l l members of a s o c i a l group adopt an innovation at the same time; members of a s o c i a l group can be c l a s s i f i e d into adopter categories (innovators, early adopters, early majority, late majority, laggards) based on their r e l a t i v e r e c e p t i v i t y to innovations, with the adoption of an innovation usually following an s-shaped curve over time. The adoption of innovations by organizations i s influenced by the i r structure, with their a b i l i t y to experiment further influenced by their r e l a t i v e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n of authority and the environment in which they operate; competitive environments often encourage 190 experimentation and Innovation. According to Carey and Moss (1985), the d i f f u s i o n of new telecommunication technologies accompanies the convergence of several factors that include: price a c c e p t a b i l i t y among potential users; service advantages r e l a t i v e to competing technologies; user interest and need; ease of use and motivation to change exis t i n g habits; a favourable regulatory environment; and, the presence of support equipment and d i s t r i b u t i o n paths. While the adoption rate of an innovation may be determined by empirical study, i t is d i f f i c u l t to forecast because i t is a continuous process, and innovations may go through periods of re-invention where improvements and cost changes occur. It is often more d i f f i c u l t to observe the s p e c i f i c consequences of a pa r t i c u l a r innovation because innovations are not introduced in a s o c i a l vacuum, but are applied into e x i s t i n g contextual structures. The ef f e c t s of an innovation are not only based on the inherent c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the innovation, but also on the manner in which i t is introduced and applied, since t h i s w i l l determine the extent to which i t interacts with other structures. Freeman (1979, p. 211) has observed that there i s a great deal of uncertainty in the introduction of innovations: The fascination of invention and innovation l i e s in the fact that both the marketplace and the f r o n t i e r s of technology and science are continually changing. This creates a kaleidoscopic succession of new p o s s i b i l i t i e s and combinations. An unexpected twist of events may give new l i f e to some long forgotten speculations. This i s p a r t i c u l a r l y apposite in the case of telecommuting, which has gone through several stages in which i t s proponents have cit e d a succession of reasons favouring i t s adoption, only to see i t remain on the s i d e l i n e s . According to Freeman, innovation is a coupling process along a continually changing interface between science, technology, and the market. To some extent, telecommuting has f a i l e d to reach i t s potential because of a mismatch between what the technology provides and what the market, viewed in terms of employers and employees, wants. Because of i t s inherent f l e x i b i l i t y , and the changing nature and demands of the market, telecommuting is finding increasing acceptance. Nevertheless, t h i s emphasizes Freeman's conclusion that chance plays a s i g n i f i c a n t role in the success of innovations, and that the process of adoption i s intermittent, uneven, or c y c l i c a l , rather than smooth or incremental. 6.6.2 The Social Control of Technology During the twentieth century, an increased awareness has developed of alternatives and choice in the application of technology, and t h i s has been embodied in a debate over whether science and technology i s neutral or deterministic in nature (Lipscombe and Williams, 1979; DeBresson, 1987). The notion that technology is neutral in i t s consequences is perhaps best summed up by h i s t o r i a n Lynn White (1962): "Technology opens doors; i t does not compel men to enter." This echoes the pre-World War II optimism of Lewis Mumford found in Technics and c i v i l i z a t i o n (1934), where he states that, "The machine i t s e l f makes no 192 demands and holds out no promises, i t is the human s p i r i t that makes demands and keeps promises." According to Rybczinski (1983), Mumfords's optimism was based on an assumption that technology would be assimilated into a culture that would remain nontechnical, but this assumption was based on a belief that many technical limits had already been attained. Mumford's early optimism about technology was replaced in later years by warnings about technological subversion ("the megamachlne"). In The Myth of the Machine (1970), the modern industrial state is characterized as a manifestation of constrained human choice and suppression of s p i r i t that occurs periodically throughout history, with other Instances found in Pharaonic Egypt, among absolute monarchies, and in facist and communist states. A more deterministic view of technology, although equally c r i t i c a l , is provided by French sociologist Jacques E l l u l (1964, p. xxv) who Introduced the notion of technique: The term technique, as I use i t , does not mean machines, technology, or this or that procedure for attaining an end. In our technological society, technique is the totality of methods rationally arrived at and having absolute efficiency (for a given stage of development) in every fi e l d of human activity. In E l l u l ' s analysis, technique is a relatively recent phenomenon, having developed out of eighteenth century industrialism as concerns about ethics and aesthetics were replaced with efficiency. E l l u l has defined technique in the following terms: automatism of technical choice (i.e., a self-directing system); self-augmentation (i.e., technique does not need human guidance); 1 9 3 monism ( i . e . , i t s components are s e l f - r e i n f o r c i n g ) ; the necessary l i n k i n g together of techniques ( i . e . , there is a mutual interaction that underlies the progression of techniques); technical universalism ("Today technique imposes i t s e l f , whatever the environment" p. 118); and the autonomy of technique ("Technique has become a r e a l i t y in i t s e l f , s e l f s u f f i c i e n t , with i t s s pecial laws and i t s own determinations" p. 134). Technique is not so much involved with the technical aspects of tools and processes as with the values that underlie their use. E l l u l ' s p r i n c i p a l concern appears to be the general lack of awareness that individuals have about the degree to which they are conditioned by technology; individuals adapt to technology rather than the converse and technique has become so powerful that p o l i t i c s and economics are situated within i t , rather than influenced by i t . E l l u l ' s notion of technique has been c r i t i c i z e d for f a i l i n g to acknowledge that the benefits of technology may outweigh i t s costs (Rosenberg, 1986). The impact of technology has played a prominent role in Canadian thought and has helped shape the works, for example, of George Grant, Marshall McLuhan, and Harold Innis (Kroker, 1984). In a review of the Canadian telecommunications industry, Babe (1990) has described technological dependence and i t s dual doctrines of technological Imperative and technological determinism as a "virulent myth" that has shaped Canadian public policy l i t e r a t u r e : The former holds that the march of engineered artefacts is necessary, 'in the order of things,' subject to l i t t l e human 194 d i r e c t i o n or control. The l a t t e r posits that a l l important human phenomena - cultures, d i s t r i b u t i o n of power, b e l i e f systems, i n d u s t r i a l structures, and so forth - are explainable by the evolution of these same i n d u s t r i a l devices. (1990, p. 9) Babe d e t a i l s numerous instances where government documents and policy papers describe the information revolution as Inevitable and beyond p o l i t i c a l control while omitting to refer to the vast expenditures made each year by governments to bring about the same information revolution. Rather than being influenced and guided by leaders and s o c i a l i n s t i t u t i o n s , the s h i f t towards an information society i s often characterized as being driven by technology: There are in these declarations, and others l i k e them, scarcely veiled a l l u s i o n s to the doctrine of technological determinism. In each, 'technology* i s said to be imposing new rules, new goals, new values, new ethics, implying that i t is retrogressive and f u t i l e to apply old c r i t e r i a , old goals, and old values and ethics to d i r e c t , shape, or modify deployment of 'new technologies'. The 'good,' in other words, is neither given nor is i t to be discovered; values are mutable, and imposed by exogenously evolving 'technology.' (1990, p. 13; footnote and i t a l i c s omitted) Much of the l i t e r a t u r e on the information revolution embodies a reverential attitude towards technology; the effects of information technology are viewed by many as inevitable and i r r e s i s t i b l e . Perhaps the preeminent exponent of t h i s is Alvin T o f f l e r (1980) who e n t h u s i a s t i c a l l y states: A powerful tide is surging across much of the world today, creating a new, often bizarre, environment in which to work, play, marry, raise children, or r e t i r e . . . . Value systems s p l i n t e r and crash, while l i f e b o a t s of family, church and state are hurled madly about . . . The grand metaphor of t h i s work, as should already be apparent, i s that of c o l l i d i n g waves of change. Langdon Winner (1984) has described the U t o p i a n determinism found 195 in the context of information technology as "mythinformation": "the almost r e l i g i o u s conviction that a widespread adoption of computers and communications systems and broad access to e l e c t r o n i c information w i l l automatically produce a better world for mankind." He observes that the romanticism that surrounds information technology is similar to notions found in previous "revolutions 1"(e.g., steam, e l e c t r i c i t y , electronics) that promised freedom, democracy, and justice on the basis of material abundance. In the case of information technology, there i s an often-stated maxim that knowledge is power; i t is assumed that access to information through information technology w i l l become a great equalizer, empowering the disadvantaged and a l t e r i n g for the better e x i s t i n g inequities of s o c i a l power and control. Winner observes, however, that l i t t l e consideration is made about the appropriate design of the new i n s t i t u t i o n s that w i l l f a c i l i t a t e the great equalization; instead, commentators often assume that improved democratic processes w i l l materialize because of improved information a v a i l a b i l i t y . This would not appear to be the case according to Danzinger (1982, ci t e d in Winner, 1984) and others who argue that the s o c i a l l y powerful are adapting and using computers to enhance their positions of c o n t r o l . Gordon (1988) offers three explanations of the role of technology in the adoption of telecommuting: (1) technology is a d r i v i n g force because personal computers and telecommunications technology require people to rethink how and where o f f i c e work 196 should be performed; (2) technology is a catalyst because i t allows a selective reorganization and decentralization of the office; and (3) technology is an obstacle because i t overwhelms because of the choices available in computers and telecommunications technology. Gordon rejects any deterministic model, noting that many of the obstacles facing telecommuting are not technological in nature, but are based on organizational and psychological factors. He suggests that technology, particularly the use of personal computers, is a f a c i l i t a t i v e factor that is used to implement choice. The available evidence about telecommuting does not support a deterministic view of technology, either in terms of its adoption or its consequences. Predictions by Nilles, Toffler and others that millions of U.S. workers would be telecommuting by 1990 have failed to materialize. The greatest impediments to increased adoption have been managerial resistance, corporate culture, and concerns on the part of employees about isolation and exploitation; to date, technology has played a relatively minor role in determining the adoption of telecommuting. 6.7 CONCLUSION The history of telecommuting is largely that of a solution in search of a problem; i t is illustrative of an innovation that has yet to be matched with it s potential, but has been found to be suitable in a limited number of instances and will l i k e l y continue to have an incremental and uneven rate of adoption. 197 This chapter has suggested that several factors w i l l help influence the degree and rate by which telecommuting w i l l be adopted. Despite c o n f l i c t i n g s t a t i s t i c s on the number of people who work at home, the notion of the home as workplace appears to be gaining increased acceptance. This i s based on several factors including an increase in the number of small businesses, the need for many to find a lternative working arrangments in order to better balance domestic and work r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s , an Increased c r e d i b i l i t y shown towards home occupations, and opportunities to work at home created by technology, including telecommuting. Increased acceptance of the home as workplace f a c i l i t a t e s acceptance of telecommuting, both among employers, who often assume that those who work at home are unproductive, p o t e n t i a l l y d i s l o y a l , and probably not working very hard, and among employees, who may f e e l stigmatized and fear a loss of c r e d i b i l i t y from neighbours and colleagues. Developments in information technology are l i k e l y to f a c i l i t a t e telecommuting by providing the technical means to e f f i c i e n t l y and e f f e c t i v e l y work in decentralized settings, and by fostering the notion that the o f f i c e does not have to be limited to the physical confines of a building. The home can be viewed as a functional extension of the o f f i c e and the la t e s t stage in i t s evolution. At present, however, i t appears that Information technology is best suited to promote the s p a t i a l dispersion of a c t i v i t i e s in two types of situations and occupational groups: (1) d i s t i n c t , routinized and predictable 1 9 8 transactions, such as data entry and word processing, performed by c l e r i c a l employees with l i t t l e or no need for interaction with other employees; and (2) intermittent, non-routine a c t i v i t i e s , such as report writing, by professional or managerial employees, who have l i t t l e or no need for face-to-face contact with colleagues. The reactions of organized labour, p a r t i c u l a r l y in the United States, may l i m i t the extent or nature of telecommuting. Based mainly on concerns about worker exploitation, potential losses in employment levels and qualit y , and the d i f f i c u l t y of organizing a s p a t i a l l y dispersed workforce whose employment status i s unclear, some labour unions have c a l l e d on the U.S. government to ban telecommuting as a work option. An outright ban on telecommuting is unlikely, however, because home-based work i s increasingly viewed as an advantageous option by employers seeking to reduce c a p i t a l and operating costs, and many employees wanting more f l e x i b l e work arrangements. The issue of increased f l e x i b i l i t y of r e s i d e n t i a l location created by telecommuting does not appear to be as relevant as some proponents of telecommuting have suggested. The re l a t i o n s h i p between the locations of work and home appears to be limited at best, and many other factors such as personal taste, prestige, economic resources, and proximity to recreational, shopping, and educational f a c i l i t i e s are also relevant. Rather than stimulating r e s i d e n t i a l mobility, telecommuting may provide a means by which employees continue to l i v e in their present 1 9 9 homes, and eliminate costly or time-consuming commutes to work. Finally, there is a growing acknowledgement that the role of technology in the adoption of telecommuting has been overstated, especially in the early literature on the subject. While technology provides a means to an end, i t is not determinative of either its manner of adoption, or it s consequences. 200 CHAPTER SEVEN  POLICY CONSIDERATIONS OF TELECOMMUTING 7.1 INTRODUCTION The previous two chapters i l l u s t r a t e some of the many d i s c i p l i n e s with which telecommuting and remote work interact, and suggest many areas in which p o l i c y considerations are appropriate. It is beyond the scope and purpose of t h i s thesis, however, to enter into a detailed examination of each of these considerations. Instead, three areas that are arguably of greatest current public p o l i c y significance w i l l be reviewed: (1) municipal regulation of home-based work, (2) regulation of employment conditions, and (3) impacts on settlement patterns and processes. These p o l i c y concerns a l l involve p r o v i n c i a l or municipal j u r i s d i c t i o n s . Omitted w i l l be issues of federal j u r i s d i c t i o n , such as telecommunications policy, pensions, unemployment insurance, taxation, and transborder data transfers. 7.2 THE REGULATION OF HOME-BASED WORK 7.2.1 Municipal Regulation of Home-Based Work Home-based work is frequently the object of regulation and control by l o c a l levels of government, usually through their powers to regulate land use. In Canada, authority to control land use i s primarily held by p r o v i n c i a l governments, which delegate t h i s power to various bodies, including m u n i c i p a l i t i e s . In B r i t i s h Columbia, the p r o v i n c i a l government delegates planning authority and exercises broad powers of supervision over 201 municipalities through the Municipal A c t l , and, in the case of Vancouver, the Vancouver Charter2. Urban land uses are controlled primarily through land use zoning, in which municipal councils pass zoning by-laws that regulate land development within s p e c i f i c a l l y demarcated areas (s. 716(1)(b) Municipal Act, s. 565(b) Vancouver Charter). Zoning provisions allow municipalities to prohibit uses within a zone; t h i s i s generally accomplished by l i s t i n g the permissible uses within a zone and prohibiting a l l others. Conditional uses, where certa i n uses are allowed with the approval of Council, are not permitted under the Municipal Act, although they are allowed under the Vancouver  Charter (s. 565A(d)). Home based work was one of four "high-tech innovations" about which the American Planning Association's (APA) Planning Advisory Service reported i t had received numerous Inquiries (Longhini, 1984).3 A 1984 survey by the APA of 1,100 lo c a l planning agencies in the U.S. found that 90 percent of the nearly 600 respondents regulated home-based employment (Butler and Getzels, 1985). The APA survey found several common elements in home occupation ordinances, although a l l of the following were not usually found in any one ordinace: (1) a d e f i n i t i o n of home occupations; (2) the history of the ordinance; (3) an intent or 1 RSBC 1979, c. 290, as ammended. 2 SBC 1953, c. 55, as ammended. 3 The other three were t e l e v i s i o n dish antennas, newspaper vending machines, and automatic t e l l e r machines. 202 p o l i c y statement describing the reason for the regulations; ( 4 ) a l i s t of permitted or prohibited home occupations; (5) conditions or performance standards that home occupations have to meet; (6) a statement of review procedures, and (7) enforcement procedures. The origins of home occupation by-laws vary by j u r i s d i c t i o n . Frequently c i t e d rationales include the potential for home-based businesses to create t r a f f i c and parking congestion, the use of noisy or otherwise offensive machinery and other work-related devices, the creation of physical conditions that detract from, or c o n f l i c t with, l o c a l r e s i d e n t i a l surroundings and, a general incompatibility between commercial and r e s i d e n t i a l uses. It has been argued, however, that home-based work has a legitimate and be n e f i c i a l role and that regulation of i t should s t r i v e to maintain a balance between the needs of home-based employees and those of neighbouring residents (Butler and Getzels, 1985). Rohan (1989) observes that zoning authorities often allow "modest business a c t i v i t i e s " in homes because i t i s both d i f f i c u l t and overly intrusive to narrowly define r e s i d e n t i a l uses. While many ordinances allow home occupations that are incidental or subordinate to the p r i n c i p a l use of the property, others enumerate s p e c i f i c a l l y allowable uses that are limited to occupations "customarily" conducted in the home. The rationale for allowing incidental uses is that secondary uses conducted on a small scale presumably have a minimal negative impact on neighbouring r e s i d e n t i a l users. Incidental use ordinances t y p i c a l l y require that the occupation be carried out in the 203 actual residence of the owner or in an accessory building, and w i l l bar the occupation i f i t begins to dominate the r e s i d e n t i a l use, although there does not appear to be any clear formula for determining when that occurs. A l t e r n a t i v e l y , municipalities may use performance controls to minimize the negative e f f e c t s of home occupations on neighbouring users. Standards usually l i m i t t r a f f i c , noise, dust, and odor levels to those otherwise found in the neighbourhood, l i m i t the proportion of i n t e r i o r space used by the occupation, and prohibit external evidence of the occupation, although they often permit a small sign. Ordinances frequently l i m i t the number of employees to the owner or the owner's immediate family. Rohan (1989) observes that the basis of the customary use requirement is less clear than that for incidental uses, but suggests that i t may be based on early zoning practices which often took communities as they were at the time they were f i r s t zoned and allowed exi s t i n g types of home occupations to continue in operation. Rohan notes that a l i t e r a l application of th i s requirement l i m i t s the class of customary uses to occupations in existence at the time the f i r s t ordinances were enacted. The operation of professional o f f i c e s in the home is often allowed on the basis of the customary requirement, although the o f f i c e must usually remain incidental to the property's primary r e s i d e n t i a l use. There does not appear to be any clear c r i t e r i a for determining what constitutes a professional use, and ordinances may or may not l i s t q u a l i f i e d uses. In other 204 instances, enumerated uses act as a guide for dealing with unlisted uses. Frequently permitted professional users are lawyers, doctors, dentists, and a r c h i t e c t s . While musicians and a r t i s t s are sometimes determined to be professionals, many cases have held that r e a l estate agents, Insurance agents, beauticians, and undertakers are not professionals. The National Alliance of Homebased Businesswomen (NAHB), a U.S. organization formed in 1981 with the goals of eliminating i s o l a t i o n among home-based working women and combating i t s "cottage industry" image, has drafted a model zoning ordinance for home-based businesses. The model ordinance suggests the following requirements for home businesses or o f f i c e s : the employment use is to be c l e a r l y secondary to the use of the dwelling for r e s i d e n t i a l purposes; no objectionable noise (0 db above ambient levels at property l i n e s ) , noticeable vibration, or objectionable odor to be created at property l i n e s ; no waste or unsightly conditions created that are v i s i b l e from off the property; no interference created with radio or TV reception of neighbouring properties; no more than two full-time non-resident employees on the premises; no signs v i s i b l e from the street except as permitted by by-law; occupation of no more than 25 percent of the dwelling's floor space; s u f f i c i e n t parking for r e s i d e n t i a l and business use; and no creation of t r a f f i c volumes "inconsistent with the l e v e l of t r a f f i c on the street on which i t is located" (NAHB, n.d.). The enforcement of home occupation ordinances varies by 205 j u r i s d i c t i o n , although i t is frequently made on the basis of complaints by neighbours (Freedman, 1985). One example of a vigorous enforcement p o l i c y was provided by Chicago columnist Mike Royko (1984) who reported the story of a husband and wife who moonlighted on their regular teaching jobs by doing freelance educational writing in their basement. Acting on a complaint by a neighbour, the C i t y of Chicago ordered the couple to "close the subject premises and keep said premises closed and vacated u n t i l further notice" because they were doing commercial business in a residentially-zoned neighbourhood. In t h i s case, the "subject premises" was the couple's basement, which was also used for laundry and other domestic uses. In Canada, l o c a l governments have adopted a position towards home-based employment that varies between passive acceptance and open h o s t i l i t y . For example, on the basis of a concern about "commercial creep" by businesses into r e s i d e n t i a l areas, the City Council of North York, Ontario voted to keep home o f f i c e s i l l e g a l , 4 with enforcement to be made on a complaints basis, while Toronto has extended an already severe l i m i t a t i o n against home-based employment by removing exemptions allowing home-based doctors and dentists o f f i c e s on the grounds that the exemptions discriminated in favour of some professions (Demb, 1986). An informal survey, conducted by the author, of the 4 Exceptions are provided for in-home "emergency or consultation" uses by doctors, dentists, druggists, and chiropractors, as well as private music teaching to no more than one student at a time in detached, single family homes. The maximum penalty per v i o l a t i o n i s $1,000. regulation of home-based employment by municipalities and d i s t r i c t s in the Greater Vancouver Regional D i s t r i c t (GVRD), found wide variations in attitudes towards home-based work and methods of regulation. The survey was i n i t i a l l y conducted In July 1986, and involved contacting the planning or lice n s i n g departments in each of the 18 municipalities, obtaining a copy of relevant by-laws, and asking questions about the enforcement p o l i c i e s of the municipality. Information In the survey was updated by telephone in August 1989 and September 1990. Home-based employment in GVRD municipalities i s regulated primarily by a combination of zoning and business license by-laws, and is permitted in every municipality with the exception of Port Coquitlam, which prohibits home-based employment with the exception of daycare centres operated within the home. A vari e t y of regulatory mechanisms are used. Several municipalities l i s t s p e c i f i c a l l y permitted home occupations, usually in zoning by-laws. Permitted occupations often include the professions, c r a f t or a r t i s t i c based a c t i v i t i e s , day care centers, and bed and breakfasts. By-laws prohibiting certain occupations are also used by some municipalities, although less frequently. Several municipalities do not refer to s p e c i f i c occupations, and instead l i s t a set of performance requirements that home-based workplaces must meet. These include not producing offensive amounts of noise, odor, v i b r a t i o n , smoke, or e l e c t r i c a l interference, not having any external indications that the home i s being used for employment purposes, such as 207 having a sign or materials stored in the yard, and not allowing the home occupation to exceed a sp e c i f i e d proportion, usually one-quarter, of the dwelling's floor space. The enforcement of home-employment regulations also varies considerably. Many municipalities require home-based workers to have business licenses, although some, such as Burnaby, do not require licenses i f the work is being done by an employee of a company. A d i s t i n c t i o n also exists in some municipalities between employees whose employers are in the same municipality as the employee, and those who work for an employer located in another j u r i s d i c t i o n . Most regulations are enforced on the basis of complaints, although some by-law enforcement o f f i c e r s indicated that they sometimes check telephone numbers of businesses advertised in newspapers to see i f they are located in a r e s i d e n t i a l area. Each municipality that required a business license for a home-based workplace indicated that, upon finding an unlicensed workplace, they would inform the resident of the requirement to have a license, and only prosecute i f the resident refused to obtain one. Penalties for not having a business license range between $50 and $2,000 per day of offence, and up to 60 days Imprisonment. Violations of zoning by-laws can carry heavier penalties; the maximum penalty under Port Moody's zoning bylaw is $5,000 and 30 days imprisonment.5 Attitudes expressed towards enforcement ranged between r e l a t i v e indifference and vigorous 5 By-law 1890. 208 zeal, and usually r e f l e c t e d the position adopted by the l o c a l council in the re s t r i c t i v e n e s s of the bylaws. The most aggressive approaches towards enforcement were found in the inner suburban areas (e.g., Surrey, West Vancouver) which had p o l i c i e s directed either at maintaining the r e s i d e n t i a l nature of the area, or preventing the creation of l i g h t - i n d u s t r i a l eyesores. It i s arguable that ordinances prohibiting or seriously impairing home o f f i c e s do not have the same normative basis as that found in the regulation of p o t e n t i a l l y more intrusive home occupations such as dance studios, repair shops, garages, and beauty parlours. The archetypical contemporary home o f f i c e i s v i r t u a l l y indistinguishable from a private study. The o r i g i n of many home occupation by-laws appears to be concerned not with the actual work carried out in the home, but with e x t e r n a l i t i e s such as increased t r a f f i c and neighbourhood distrurbances created by the business transactions that may accompany small businesses. Accordingly, i t is more appropriate for home occupations to be regulated on the basis of performance standards. This avoids the somewhat a r b i t r a r y and frequently u n j u s t i f i a b l e c r i t e r i a applied in determining customary uses, and creates by-laws that provide a better balance between the interests of individual residents who would l i k e to work at home and the wider community that may be affected by the i r a c t i v i t i e s . The sometimes o f f i c i a l l y sanctioned antagonism towards home-based work is inconsistent with contemporary r e a l i t i e s concerning energy e f f i c i e n c y and environmentally sensitive planning, such as 209 that expressed in the report of the City of Vancouver's Task Force on Environmental Change (1990), which recommended the encouragement of "appropriate" home-based occupations in order to reduce commuting levels. It is also inconsistent with the social and economic realities that underlie much of the interest in telecommuting and other alternative work arrangements. Many telecommuters are essentially forced into home-based work by employers seeking to cut costs, or by economic circumstances in which home-based work is used to supplement primary employment; in other cases, telecommuting is a means to reduce the rigors and stresses of increasingly costly or onerous commutes to work. There are a number of instances where communities are reported to have actively encouraged home occupations. For example, Oak Creek, Wisconsin contains a subdivision in which 20 homes were specifically built to accommodate occupations such as dentist's offices and craft studios, and Lynwood, I l l i n o i s has permitted a development where one-acre lots are "dual-zoned" to accommodate residential and commercial uses (Butler and Getzels, 1985). Probably the most widely cited attempt to build homes specifically for telecommuting is Eaglecrest Village in Foresthill, California (Perry, 1985; Wilson, 1985-86). Three hundred and sixty homes, priced between (U.S.) $200,000 and (U.S.) $250,000, were planned for the development, with each one containing extensive wiring for data communications and a 210 "teleport" o f f i c e in which the resident could work.6 The development was designed to a t t r a c t persons employed as computer programmers, engineers, or consultants from the nearby c i t y of Sacramento, and the S i l i c o n Valley area. The development went into bankruptcy, however, after only two homes were completed.7 7.2.2 Regulation of Home-Based Employment Standards Conditions of employment and the potential for worker expl o i t a t i o n are among the most controversial aspects of telecommuting and remote work. In Canada, the p r i n c i p a l j u r i s d i c t i o n over labour and employment matters l i e s with the p r o v i n c i a l governments under s. 92(13) of the Constitution Act,  1867.8 In B r i t i s h Columbia, the two primary statutes governing employment standards of home-based workers are the Employment  Standards Act9 and the Workplace Act.10 The Employment Standards Act (ESA) sets out minimum and non-waiveable standards of employment including wage protection, maximum hours of work, overtime, annual vacations, termination of employment, c h i l d employment, maternity leaves, and employee protection from misrepresentation and improper treatment. The 6 The 360 homes in the development were to be served by 4,000 telephone l i n e s . 7 Telephone conversation with Dean Prigmore, Senior Planner, Placer County, C a l i f o r n i a , July 12, 1990. 8 U.K., 30 & 31 V i c t o r i a , c. 3. 9 SBC 1980, c. 10, as ammended. 10 SBC 1985, c. 34, as ammended. 211 ESA only applies to the relationship between employers and employees, and i t has been observed that these terms tend to be defined " i n terms of s t r i k i n g circumlocution" ( C h r i s t i e , 1980). For example, in the B.C. Act, an "employee" i s defined to include "a person . . . in receipt of or e n t i t l e d to wages for labour or services performed for another", and "wages" include " s a l a r i e s , commissions or money, paid or payable by an employer to an employee for his services or labour" (section 1). To resolve the c i r c u l a r i t y of these d e f i n i t l e s , reference is made to j u d i c i a l interpretation in the case law. In his t r e a t i s e , C h r i s t i e (1980) refers to a widely c i t e d common law test that provides the following as i n d i c i a : the power of s e l e c t i o n , payment of wages or remuneration, the right to control the method of doing the work, and the right of suspension or dismissal. C h r i s t i e notes that the "control" factor has received special emphasis in Canadian courts, although he observes that interpreting t h i s as meaning the power to t e l l someone what to do and how to do i t tends to break down when the individual in question i s a s k i l l e d professional or tradesperson. Even i f someone is held to be an employee, section 1 of the ESA l i m i t s i t s own application to telecommuting arrangements by defining "work" as: . . . the labour or services an employee is required to perform for an employer and includes the time the employee is required to be available for his employment duties at a a place designated by the employer but does not include the time spent by an employee in his own l i v i n g accommodation, whether on or off the employer's premises. While the l a t t e r provision was presumably not drafted with telecommuting in mind, a l i t e r a l interpretation would appear to 212 exclude the application of the ESA from a telecommuter's home. An alternative to the employer/employee rela t i o n s h i p i s for a telecommuter to be characterized as an independent contractor. The most frequently c i t e d basis to determine whether someone is an independent contractor is the case of Montreal v. Montrea1  Locomotive Works Ltd.11, in which Lord Wright of the English Privy Council outlined a fourfold t e s t : (1) control; (2) ownership of the tools; (3) chance of p r o f i t ; and (4) risk of loss. C h r i s t i e (1980) states that in practice these factors are only treated as i n d i c i a ; for example, many people in employment relationships, such as carpenters and mechanics, own t h e i r own too l s . S i m i l a r l y , the issue of potential p r o f i t and loss refers to whether the person in question has some form of f i n a n c i a l investment in the business. When an individual employs others to perform the services that he has undertaken to provide, t h i s is generally considered to conclusively indicate that the individual i s an independent contractor and not the employee of another . Section 5(2) of the Workplace Act permits the p r o v i n c i a l Cabinet to makes regulations to protect the health and safety of homeworkers, and requiring employers and homeworkers to register with the Worker's Compensation Board. Section 5(1) of the Act defines an "employer" to be "a person who employs a homeworker in the employer's trade or business", and defines "homeworker" to mean "a person who for wages in the performance of work in his 11 [1947] 1 D.L.R. (3d) 161. 213 residence provides labour only." Other than section 1(1) of the Act, which s p e c i f i c a l l y excludes "a private house, room or place used as a dwelling" from being a factory, o f f i c e or shop for the purposes of the Act, the Act and i t s Regulations make no further reference to home-based employment, although the regulations make s p e c i f i c provisions covering the general qu a l i t y of workplace environments.12 It is unclear the extent to which, i f any, the worker's compensation system applies to home-based work. Under section 1 of the B.C. Workers Compensation Act 13, a "worker" i s defined to include those engaged under a contract of service, and the Act authorizes the Worker's Compensation Board to deem other people, such as managers and professional personnel - who are excluded from the ambit of much of the employment standards regime - to be "workers". So-called "independent operators", who are neither employers nor employees, but si m i l a r to the independent contractors discussed above, may apply to the Board for coverage. This i s consistent with the l e g i s l a t i v e intent that coverage by the Act be compulsory and not be waived by agreement. While the t r a d i t i o n a l test to determine whether a person is an employee or independent operator has in the past followed the c r i t e r i a used in employment and labour law, Ison (1989) indicates that, where a person works exclusively or almost exclusively for another person, the re l a t i o n s h i p w i l l probably be characterized as 12 B.C. Reg. 128/74 O.C. 722/74. 13 RSBC 1979, c. 437, as ammended. 214 employer/employee. U n l i k e most other Canadian j u r i s d i c t i o n s , c a s u a l employees i n B r i t i s h Columbia are not w i t h i n the compulsory coverage requirement of the Act ( s . 2 ( 2 ) ) . The g e n e r a l p r i n c i p l e behind worker's compensation i s th a t "compensation must be paid f o r i n j u r i e s a r i s i n g out of and i n the course of the employment" (Ison, 1989). One c r i t e r i a used to determine whether an i n j u r y occurred i n the course of employment i s whether the I n j u r y occurred on the premises of the employer. T h i s can be an e l a s t i c concept; f o r example, i n the context of the c o n s t r u c t i o n i n d u s t r y , "premises of the employer" r e f e r s to the l o c a t i o n where the employees work, and premises are not excluded because the employer has no l e g a l t i t l e over the p r o p e r t y (Ison, 1989). T h i s c o u l d give employers an i n c e n t i v e to take an a c t i v e i n t e r e s t i n the c o n d i t i o n of a telecommuter's home because access to and egress from the premises of employment are con s i d e r e d to be p a r t of employment f o r worker's compensation purposes. S i m i l a r l y , i f an employee's home workplace can be brought under the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of the employer, the employer may become l i a b l e f o r I n j u r i e s to persons other than the employee or f o r i n j u r i e s t o the employee o c c u r r i n g a t times o u t s i d e of working hours under e i t h e r the d o c t r i n e of s t r i c t l i a b i l i t y or the Occupier's L i a b i l i t y Act.14 A l t e r n a t i v e l y , employers c o u l d choose to a c t i v e l y d i s a s s o c i a t e any i n t e r e s t i n , or r e s p o n s i b i l i t y over, the c o n d i t i o n s of a telecommuter's home, although t h i s would not n e c e s s a r i l y be a bar to e i t h e r t o r t or 14 RSBC 1979, c. 303, as ammended. 215 statutory l i a b i l i t y . When an employee chooses the path and method of commuting to work, the journey i s not considered to be in the course of employment. I f , however, the employer provides or otherwise di r e c t s the method of t r a v e l , the commuting is considered to be in the course of employment (Ison, 1989). Whether an analogy could be extended from physical t r a v e l to ele c t r o n i c commuting remains to be determined, although i t i s d i f f i c u l t to see how a reasoned j u s t i f i c a t i o n for the d i s t i n c t i o n could be maintained in the case of employers who mandate that a worker work at home, either as an employee or independent contractor. Injuries a r i s i n g out of the use of r e s i d e n t i a l premises provided or arranged by an employer are compensable, although i t may be d i f f i c u l t to characterize an employee's personal residence in thi s category because the residence is provided by the employee. Despite the existence of the above employment, workplace, and worker's compensation provisions, the substantive aspects of the current legal regime encompassing home-based employment are e s s e n t i a l l y a void and f a i l to d i r e c t l y acknowledge or address any of the issues raised by telecommuting. To a large extent t h i s is not surprising; telecommuting is a recent phenomenon and there i s no indicat i o n that i t s occurrence i s widespread in B r i t i s h Columbia. There does not appear to have been any telecommuting-related case law involving the statutory provisions reviewed above, and the only known l i t i g a t i o n d i r e c t l y involving telecommuters i s the C a l i f o r n i a case referred 216 to in Chapter Six. Nevertheless, there are several employment-based issues which require consideration by p o l i c y makers in order to avoid the resolution by default that w i l l otherwise occur. These include the following: - should e x i s t i n g d e f i n i t i o n s of employee status be used for telecommuters? - i f a telecommuter i s characterized as an employee, what reporting regime, i f any, should be established to ensure that hours of work, overtime, and minimum wage protection provisions are followed; who is responsible for enforcing the reporting regime? - in the case of union c e r t i f i c a t i o n attempts, how are appropriate bargaining units to be determined?; i s a telecommuter's home part of an employer's premises for the purposes of section 4(1) of the Industrial Relations Act 15 which prohibits anyone acting on behalf of a trade union from attempting to persuade an employee to j o i n a union during working hours on an employer's premises? - in the event of i n d u s t r i a l c o n f l i c t s such as s t r i k e s , may a telecommuter's home be picketed?; would a telecommuter who works during a s t r i k e be characterized as a strikebreaker? - should occupational environment regulations be applicable to home workplaces?; i f so, who i s responsible for providing any necessary changes to home workplaces and to what extent 15 RSBC 1979, c. 212, as ammended. 217 should the regulations apply to the telecommuter's living space, and how is the boundary between living and workspace to be determined? - i f a home workplace is subject to occupational environment regulations, will home workplaces be subject to inspection by government authorities?; who is liable for any violations that occur and what sanctions can and should be applied? - to what extent, i f any, is an employer responsible for injuries or property damage that occur in a telecommuter's home work area? 7.3 TELECOMMUTING AND LAND USE PLANNING A theme found throughout the telecommuting literature assumes that technology w i l l often determine the consequences of its application. Commentators such as Toffler (1980) and Coates (1982) have applied this in a spatial context by predicting that the adoption of information technologies may lead to the dissolution of concentrated locations of economic and social activity because the technologies make i t both practical and desirable to do so. This thesis has argued against a deterministic view of technology, instead advocating a view that the consequences of a particular technology depend on how i t is adopted and used, and that this is ultimately a matter of choice. Accordingly, innovations such as telecommuting present land use planners and urban policy makers with a tool to help direct the 218 future of c i t i e s and settlements, as well as e f f e c t i n g a variety of public p o l i c y goals. Telecommuting can be characterized as one element in the development of what are sometimes described in the l i t e r a t u r e as information c i t i e s or p o s t - i n d u s t r i a l c i t i e s . There does not appear to any general agreement about how to define a post-i n d u s t r i a l or information c i t y ; discussions on the matter tend to focus on occupational, economic, and s o c i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , rather than s p a t i a l form (Hepworth and Dobilas, 1985). In an often-cited study of the 1976 employment c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the 140 largest U.S. Standard Metropolitan S t a t i s t i c a l Areas (SMSA's), Noyelle (1983) argued that a four-tiered urban system is emerging that consists of: (1) d i v e r s i f i e d advanced service centers; (2) s p e c i a l i z e d advanced service centers; (3) production centers; and (4) consumer oriented centers. Noyelle observed that while the postwar period has been characterized by a s h i f t to service a c t i v i t i e s , services have not grown independent from manufacturing, and the services that have grown the most tend to be c l o s e l y linked to manufacturing. Arguably, the changing workplace is the most s i g n i f i c a n t element shaping the s p a t i a l form of p o s t - i n d u s t r i a l c i t i e s . The s h i f t towards a p o s t - i n d u s t r i a l economy and society is mainly a product of changes in the composition and nature of work and the workforce; the most d i r e c t s p a t i a l impact of these changes is on the place of work, which i s increasingly becoming the o f f i c e . As discussed in Chapter 4, a simultaneous process of c e n t r a l i z a t i o n 219 and decentralization is occurring among offices, and is having a significant impact on the social, economic, and spatial structures of c i t i e s . A basic policy question that arises is whether or not any attempts should be made to direct or influence the locations of offices and other service sector workplaces, such as by promoting decentralization to regional centers or reinforcing the attraction of the downtown core. Along with f i r s t order impacts on the location and spatial pattern of workplaces, policies that attempt to influence office locations may result in numerous second and third order impacts. Increased home-based employment should reduce demands on transportation systems, especially during periods of peak use. Reduced t r a f f i c levels - or at least a slower rate of growth -reduces the need to build new roads and highways, or to expand existing capacity, and should reduce costs required for maintenance and repairs. Telecommuting is viewed by the City of Los Angeles as one alternative to spending between (U.S.) $42 to (U.S.) $110 b i l l i o n for new roads to relieve t r a f f i c and pollution problems (Schneider and Francis, 1989). The misallocation of resources for roads and freeways becomes apparent when one considers that the capacity of transportation systems is governed by two periods of the day when people commute between home and the workplace, and that roads remain relatively empty for the remainder of the day. Reduced automobile commuting would directly lead to lower levels of fuel consumption. Commuting accounts for approximately 220 one-half of the automobile energy consumed in C a l i f o r n i a (JALA Assoc., 1985), and, i t should be remembered, potential fuel savings was the o r i g i n a l benefit that stimulated interest in telecommuting ( N i l l e s , 1975). Automobiles remain one of the p r i n c i p a l sources of a i r p o l l u t i o n , producing approximately 40 percent of the nitrogen oxides that lead to acid r a i n , 80 percent of carbon monoxide emissions, and 50 percent of the hydrocarbons that contribute to smog (Lyman, 1990). Burning petroleum also releases carbon dioxide, contributing to the greenhouse effect.16 In the United States, automobile emissions are estimated to have caused annual y i e l d losses of wheat, corn, soybeans, and beans of between (U.S.) $1.9 b i l l i o n and (U.S.) $4.5 b i l l i o n (Lyman, 1990). Beyond being directed towards s p e c i f i c p o l i c y goals, such as those mentioned above, telecommuting can be used to permit the development of new s p a t i a l patterns for settlements. This i s related to the notion that telecommuting offers individuals the a b i l i t y to move from c i t i e s to more remote locations. The reasons for t h i s apparently widespread desire to leave c i t i e s are, however, unclear. A sense of ambivalence and contradiction can be i d e n t i f i e d in s o c i a l and c u l t u r a l attitudes towards c i t i e s . At one extreme there i s the t r a d i t i o n associated with Henry Thoreau, Frank Lloyd 16 Approximately one-quarter of a l l carbon dioxide emissions in Canada are produced by transportation. One car driven 16,000 kilometers (10,000 miles) per year, at 14.3 l i t e s per 100 kilometers (20 miles per gallon), produces 5,100 kilograms of carbon dioxide (Task Force on Environmental Change, 1990, p. 10). 221 Wright, and, to a lesser extent, Ebenezer Howard, that views the c i t y in r e l a t i v e l y negative terms and espouses, to varying degrees, the abandonment of c i t i e s in favour of lower density settlement patterns. According to Wright (1953): C i v i l i z a t i o n always seemed to need the c i t y . The c i t y expressed, contained, and t r i e d to conserve what the flower of the c i v i l i z a t i o n that b u i l t i t most cherished, although i t was always infested with the worst elements of society as a wharf i s infested with ra t s . So the c i t y may be said to have served c i v i l i z a t i o n . But the c i v i l i z a t i o n s that b u i l t the c i t y invariably died with i t . Did the c i v i l i z a t i o n s themselves die of i t ? (p. 181) To Wright, c i t i e s were o r i g i n a l l y b u i l t because of necessity, but, with the introduction of more rapid and r e l a t i v e l y universal means of transportation and communication, the necessity for c i t i e s disappeared and was replaced by habit and t r a d i t i o n : "The thoughtless human tendency in any emergency is to stand s t i l l , . . . To meet th i s human t r a i t of staying right where we are, the skyscraper was born and, as we have seen, has become a tyranny." (p. 186) Wright saw technology as the solution to many of the problems of the c i t y ; rather than providing adjustments, however, he advocated a complete overhaul: The machine, once our formidable adversary, i s ready and competent to undertake the drudgeries of l i v i n g on this earth. . . . This, the only possible ideal machine seen as a c i t y , w i l l be invaded at ten o'clock, abandoned at four, for three days of the week. The other four days of the week w i l l be devoted to the more or less j o y f u l matter of l i v i n g elsewhere under conditions natural to man. . . . It w i l l soon become unnecessary to concentrate in masses for any purpose whatsoever. . . . Even the small town i s too large. It w i l l gradually merge into the general nonurban development. Ruralism as distinguished from urbanism i s American, and t r u l y democratic. . . . An acre to the family should be the democratic minimum 222 i f t h i s machine of ours is a success! (pp. 191-92) It is d i f f i c u l t to determine how wide the support is for views such as Wright's. As noted above in Chapter 6, some surveys indicate that many people would prefer to reside in r e l a t i v e l y small settlements, usually located on the periphery of large metropolitan areas. S i m i l a r l y , there is empirical evidence showing declining central c i t y populations in the largest American c i t i e s (Hauser, 1981). Blumenfeld (1982) has observed that t h i s decline and accompanying suburbanization i s often characterized as a " f l i g h t from the c i t y " , and suggests, however, that the influence of what Ebenezer Howard described as the "rur a l magnet" is of at least equal importance.17 Despite the persistence of anti-urban t r a d i t i o n s of thought, population growth in metropolitan areas continues, with the exception of the fiv e SMSA's with populations greater than five m i l l i o n in the 1980 census (Blumenfeld, 1982).18 Blumenfeld has attempted to c l a r i f y t h i s finding by noting that population levels increased in areas between 50 and 70 miles from the centers of the fiv e large SMSA's, which he has interpreted as showing the growth in area of the metropolitan fringe of the SMSA's, and, at a more conceptual l e v e l , the replacement of settlement types as being either urban or r u r a l by an urban-rural 17 Blumenfeld (1982, at p. 13) observes: " . . . the conventional suburban response to Ebenezer Howard's "two magnets" is to some degree self-defeating: the more people adopt i t , the further they have to move away from the c i t y , and the further the country moves away from them." 18 New York, Los Angeles, Chicago, Detroit, and Philadelphia. 223 continuum. According to architect Eberhard Zeidler (1990), c i t i e s are not being abandoned by people, and the cent r i f u g a l forces favouring dispersion are being counterbalanced by the desire of many people to remain in c i t i e s and experience the excitement, complexity, and stimulation they o f f e r . C i t i e s can also be characterized as a symbol for the hopes and dreams of people: By 1893, when the western f r o n t i e r was declared o f f i c i a l l y "closed" by Frederick Jackson Turner at the World's Columbian Exposition, Americans had come up with a new repository for their aspirations: the c i t y . It was a place of promise and s t r i v i n g , a place, i t was believed, where a l l would succeed i f they just worked hard enough. And the urban f a b r i c i t s e l f was now believed to be an organism that could be manipulated to achieve any desirable form. To the progressive mind i t was just a matter of time. But th i s optimistic image faded in the face of economic pressures, and the American family withdrew to suburban lands. (Nissen, 1988^ p. 8) Nissen goes on to observe that, during the 1960's, there was, in the United States, a technologically-based renewal of interest in "progressive urban ideas", one manifestation of which was the wired c i t y . Instead of helping "foster a superdemocracy", however, the wired c i t y " f a i l e d to deliver on i t s promise, as i t s theorists discovered that simply introducing networks on information conduits did not change the world." (1988, p. 8) Despite the continued incremental development of a telecommunications infrastructure (see Chapter 4), there is no fundamental policy-based commitment in North America that seeks to adopt telecommunications technology as a tool for guiding urban development. According to Nissen (1988, p. 9): 2 2 4 American planners by and large seem disenchanted with large-scale interventions into the urban environment (think of Pruitt-Igoe); with contemporary c r i t i c s , they share a common agreement that there are no overriding answers. Without a controlling scheme i t is not easy to address a concept like that of a civic-minded "information city." Such a vision cannot seem to hold the American vision. A different and far more interventionist approach is found in Japan, which, during the last decade, has actively begun developing "teletoplas" and "intelligent c i t i e s " with an intensity and sense of risk-taking that some commentators state appears to contradict both the reserved nature of Japanese society and cultural conventions, as well as its earlier negative results with wired-city t r i a l s (Droege, 1988; Newstead, 1989). The Japanese interest in wired c i t i e s originates in several sources. Droege (1988, p. 39) states that after developing into "dense and drab containers of economic activites" during the postwar period, Japanese c i t i e s have recently "come to be understood as articulators of " c i v i c " aspirations and potent spatiovisual sculptors of social reality." This is accompanied by a process in which ci t y governments are attempting to develop individual identities and images for their c i t i e s , and emphasize their relative l i v a b i l i t y . Newstead (1989) observes that there is "an almost obsessive attachment" to the concept of information ci t i e s in Japanese urban planning, and that i t appears to be an outgrowth of an economic policy that seeks to enhance the role of information industries in its national economy. The Japanese interest in wired cit i e s appears to be partly a byproduct of the transitions occurring in i t s society, 225 p a r t i c u l a r l y i t s new-found role on the global stage. New information-handling techniques are d i f f u s i n g throughout i t s society, o f f e r i n g opportunities for p a r t i c i p a t i o n by public and private-sector policy-makers and decision-makers. According to Droege (1988): "(m)any of Japan's c i t i e s serve as experimental settings for their own transformation into communities enhanced by the purposeful application of advanced information technologies." The Japanese Ministry of International Trade and Industry (MITI) has been involved since 1983 in the development of "advanced information c i t i e s and new media communities" that are directed towards serving p a r t i c u l a r needs, and, in 1983, the Ministry of Posts and Telecommunications (MPT) i n i t i a t e d a program to develop over one hundred "teletopias", similar to the Staten Island teleport in New York. The most frequently c i t e d example of a Japanese information c i t y is Kawasaki, a c i t y of 1.3 m i l l i o n people located between Tokyo and Yokahama. Kawasaki was used as a test case in a 1988 workshop on information c i t i e s that included a design competition which received more than 200 entries from over 20 countries (Droege, 1988; Newstead, 1989). The c i t y has sought to change i t s economic base through a series of metropolitan plans beginning in 1960. O r i g i n a l l y developed as a heavy i n d u s t r i a l centre, i t later changed i t s focus to l i g h t industry, and in the early 1980's, began to emphasize community needs and services, c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n , and q u a l i t y of l i f e . In 1986, the plan of Kawasaki Campus Ci t y was developed, in which the c i t y 226 was envisioned as a series of "linked specialist areas", combining concepts of Kawasaki as an information city and city of knowledge-based Industries. A major element of the 1986 workshop's proposals for Kawasaki's development was the concept of the "neighbourhood office" (NO) (Newstead, 1989). Approximately one-quarter of Kawasaki's residents commute daily to Tokyo, and the average commuting time exceeds two and one-half hours. Along with disadvantages to home-based work identified in the North American context, such as isolation and career impairment, the adoption of telecommuting in Japan is further impaired by cramped living quarters, excessive noise, and cultural limitations. Accordingly, the NO has been proposed as an alternative approach to help reduce the volume of commuter t r a f f i c between Kawasaki and Tokyo. It has been estimated that up to 100,000 Kawasaki residents could work from NO's, with each NO accommodating approximately 1,000 workers, although the exact number would vary to suit community needs, and to balance economies of scale that favour increased size, with reduced travel distances and times that favour smaller and more numerous NO's. Linked by optical fibre networks between Kawasaki and Tokyo, each NO would include fax terminals, speech and data channels, dedicated channels for remote data access, word processing f a c i l i t i e s , personal picturephone services, and wideband transmission f a c i l i t i e s . The estimated capital cost for the telecommunications system is under $2,000 per employee in a system of ten or more NO's, and 227 the annual savings per year per employee by eliminating 200 return commutes to Tokyo is estimated to be approximately $1,580 (Newstead, 1989). 19 It is too soon to determine either the extent to which Kawasaki w i l l develop as an information c i t y , or the degree to which i t w i l l f u l f i l l i t s stated purpose. Newstead (1989) has expressed reservations about a possible hidden agenda on the part of the Japanese government in i t s p a r t i c i p a t i o n in information c i t y development. He indicates that there is c o n f l i c t and a lack of coordination between government agencies, and an overly determinstic perception of the potential of technology to solve s o c i a l problems. He argues that the primary goal of the exercise is not to improve the access of c i t i z e n s to information, but to restructure Japan's economy, and to test and promote new information technology applications. An experiment in neighbourhood work centers was undertaken by the Swedish Council for Building Research between 1982 and 1984 (Engstrom et a l . , 1986). The project involved the construction of a neighbourhood work center in the town of Nykvarn, a bedroom community of 6,000 inhabitants approximately 50 kilometers west of Stockholm. The experiment involved eleven permanent participants from nine employers, plus fiv e to six other employees who used the center for shorter periods. Jobs performed included specialized banking services, data entry, 19 This figure i s based on a monthly t r a v e l fare of $65, and an hourly t r a v e l cost of $2. 228 engineering, and business consulting. Despite encountering fewer problems and more benefits than expected, the experiment does not appear to have stimulated adoption of either home-based telecommuting or neighbourhood work centers in Sweden following its conclusion. To some extent this is because of government subsidization of public transportation, favourable tax rules for company cars, and s t r i c t rules for tax deductions for home offices, which collectively reduce any financial incentives for remote work. Engstrom et a l . , (1986, p. 45) concluded that: Even i f there is much in favour of the idea of neighbourhood work centers, one must be aware that they are not a form of work-place that springs up spontaneously where there is a need. It is rather a fact that several interested parties must coordinate their efforts to bring about a joint place of work. This is perhaps the primary lesson about telecommuting from a policy perspective. Despite the potential benefits i t offers, telecommuting requires an element of coordination and a positive response from policy-makers i f i t is to attain a significant level of adoption. One example of the d i f f i c u l t i e s faced by initiatives to promote home-based work is seen with the New American House competition (Nissen, 1988). Sponsored by the Minneapolis College af Art and Design and the National Endowment for the Arts, the 1984 competition Involved 1,200 registrants who developed housing designs for members of non-nuclear households who wanted to perform professional work at home. The winning entry, designed by architect Troy West and professor of planning Jacqueline Leavitt, consisted of six units, each of which had a work area attached to the living room. According to Nissen, 229 attempts to build the project were met with financing delays, d i f f i c u l t i e s in obtaining planning variances, and several of the areas designated for workspaces had to be converted into small apartments. 7 . 4 CONCLUSION Telecommuting provides a new element of choice in the planning of c i t i e s . While i t can be used to help achieve certain specified goals, such as reducing t r a f f i c volume and fuel consumption, i t also provides an opportunity to fundamentally reconsider what cit i e s should be and how they should be designed. There is general consensus in the literature that telecommunications technology w i l l l i k e l y lead to increased decentralization of economic ac t i v i t i e s , accompanied by the centralization of control within a few, increasingly influential centers. While this may indeed be the case, public policies must recognize that telecommuting is a permissive, rather than a determinative, factor in locational and organizational decision-making. The issue that will remain to be resolved is how the opportunities provided by telecommuting will be used. 230 CHAPTER EIGHT  CONLUSION AND AREAS FOR FURTHER STUDY 8.1 CONCLUSIONS During the latter half of the 1970's and early 1980's the notion developed that the combination of high energy costs, developments in computer and telecommunications technology, and the growing proportion of service sector employees in the workforce would lead to the widespread adoption of telecommuting and other remote work arrangements. Telecommuting is generally defined as working at home by using a computer terminal that is electronically linked to one's place of employment. Numerous potential impacts were ascribed to telecommuting, including a the demise of the traditional industrial-age office, the dispersion and decentralization of settlement patterns, and, in extreme scenarios, the dissolution of c i t i e s . Predictions of the number of people who would be telecommuters and its rate of diffusion have, however, consistently been overstated, and, despite the potential benefits i t offers, there does not appear to be any widespread demand for telecommuting among either employees or employers. It is clear from the literature that i t is d i f f i c u l t and inaccurate to make sweeping generalizations or characterizations about telecommuting; not a l l telecommuters or telecommuting arrangements are alike and its impacts can vary considerably by context. Depending on the definition used, the telecommuting workforce can be divided into several groups that includes self-231 employed entrepreneurs, managers and supervisors, professional and technical employees, and c l e r i c a l employees. These groups differ widely in terms of employment status, income, control over work content and working conditions, and potential to be exploited. The benefits and disadvantages of telecommuting have a similar uneven distribution; telecommuters in professional and managerial occupations tend to receive more benefits than do those in c l e r i c a l occupations, and the differences often increase if the employment status of a c l e r i c a l worker changes from being an employee to an independent contractor. The adoption rate of telecommuting has been influenced by several factors exogenous to the phenomenon. There is growing acceptance of the home as workplace, brought about by a resurgence of interest in entrepreneurialism and small business creation, coupled with the increasingly common practice of using a personal computer to do work brought home from the office after regular working hours (Glitman, 1986); these factors are helping to break down much of the culturally-imposed separation of work and home that developed in western societies during the Industrial Revolution. The social acceptance of work at home removes much of the stigma that may be experienced by home-based workers, and helps to allay feelings of suspicion and distrust towards home-based work held by some employers. Developments in office and information technologies are laying the groundwork for increased telecommuting. Along with providing the technical means for remote work, these developments 2 3 2 are helping redefine the notion of what constitutes an office. Rather than just being a space enclosed by a structure in which work occurs, the office is increasingly perceived in terms of function and activity; emphasis is on the work produced, and not only the physical characteristics of the workplace. There are concerns, however, that telecommuting may be one means by which the level and quality of employment may be impaired, especially for c l e r i c a l workers. Opposition has been expressed to telecommuting by organized labour, which is concerned about potential exploitation of home-based workers through low wages, long work hours, a reduction in or loss of benefits, and the lack of an effective means to obtain collective representation. Despite these concerns, there appears to be interest among some workers for alternative working arrangements including part-time work, job-sharing, flex-time, and telecommuting. The regulatory environment for telecommuting and home-based work created by local government bodies varies between benign disregard and outright h o s t i l i t y . Most municipalities place a variety of restrictions on home-based employment, and, while these are justifiable when responding to or reflecting informed community sentiment, they sometimes appear to be based mainly on historical inadvertence. Even i f one ignores telecommuting, the growth of interest in home-based employment in general requires a reassessment of restrictive local policies towards work in the home. This is especially apposite when 233 developing comprehensive planning programs that seek to incorporate policies such as the promotion of efficient transportation systems, decreased energy consumption, and better air quality. There is a similar lack of statutory advertence to the employment conditions of home-based workers. This is particularly true in the case of workers who are relatively susceptible to exploitation, such as c l e r i c a l workers whose employment status often shifts from being employees to less protected independent contractors. There is also much uncertainty regarding legal l i a b i l i t y and responsibility for home workplace standards. There does not appear to be any clear understanding of the impact, i f any, that telecommuting and remote work is having on either settlement patterns or the urbanization process. There has been considerable speculation - s t i l l unresolved - about the existing and potential impacts of telecommunication technology on urban structure. Some, most notably Webber (1963), Goldmark (1972), and Nilles (1975), have expounded on the decentralizing potential inherent in communications technology; others, such as Meier (1962) have suggested that telecommunications technology wil l centralize and reinforce existing structures of power and authority. Gottmann (1977) has observed that transportation and communication reinforce each other and cites the telephone as an example, which, rather than replacing the need for face-to-face contact, stimulates meetings and has been a principal factor in 234 the development of o f f i c e towers and high density central business d i s t r i c t s . Others, such as Mandeville (1983) reject deterministic perspectives of the s p a t i a l impact of information technologies, and remind us that the effects of technology are based on the manner and context in which the technology is applied. Empirical study suggests that a l l three perspectives are to some extent v a l i d ; rather than imposing one Impact, communication technologies have stimulated a d u a l i t y of movement in which massive concentrations of economic a c t i v i t y locate in a few specialized urban centres (Gottmann, 1983; Noyelle, 1983), while there is a simultaneous movement of routine o f f i c e a c t i v i t i e s to suburban, exurban, and in some instances, offshore, locations. Pool (1980, pp. 11-12) observes, however, that i t is s i m p l i s t i c to a t t r i b u t e too much to technology: Usually the physical nature of a technology in i t s early and primitive form i s f a i r l y determinative of i t s use. At that primitive stage, there is l i t t l e understanding either of the underlying laws that are embodied in the device or of the technical a l t e r n a t i v e s . . . . Later, i n t e l l e c t u a l understanding of the technology advances, and as technicians learn how to make the device do what they want i t to do, the degree of technological determinism declines. Social values, goals, and p o l i c i e s take over, and the technology is shaped to serve them. In i t s early days, telecommunications technology had a s i g n i f i c a n t e f f e c t on the character of the modern c i t y , mainly leading to urban concentration. Later, a more f l e x i b l e telecommunications technology allowed people increasingly to escape urban concentration. In prospect now i s a s t i l l more f l e x i b l e and malleable communications technology that w i l l give people s t i l l more choices about how they w i l l use i t . The a c c e p t a b i l i t y and adoption of telecommuting w i l l also be influenced by present value systems with respect to work and the 235 home. If, for example, Toffler's (1980) notion of Third Wave society proves to be accurate, i t will represent a fundamental departure from many widely-held and rarely-questioned norms. Such a transition will undoubtedly develop incrementally and face considerable opposition and many false starts. Telecommuting is particularly relevant to urban planning because of its potential impacts to transportation systems, land uses, and labour markets. Intuitively, the most obvious impact of telecommuting is a reduction in work-related travel; i t has been observed, however, that the increased locational f l e x i b i l i t y provided by telecommuting could generate extra travel, especially i f i t stimulates residential dispersion. Aside from a few anecdotes, there is no empirical evidence supporting the notion that telecommuting will lead to widespread residential dispersal. What appears more likely in the short term is that telecommuting will be adopted in many situations as an employment option by workers who want to reduce or eliminate costly, time-consuming, or stressful commutes to work. Rather than stimulating residential migration, telecommuting would act to preclude residential movement to a location more proximate to the workplace, or enable an individual to remain living in a preferred location and not search for alternate employment nearer to home. Apart from this remedial aspect, i t does not appear that the relationship between work and residential locations is so determinative that the locational f l e x i b i l i t y offered by telecommuting wi l l stimulate significant residential relocation, 236 or that i t will be strong enough to counteract other factors that are part of the locational calculus. Residential settlement patterns are also influenced by real estate markets, the economic resources of buyers, proximity to a variety of ac t i v i t i e s , perceptions of safety and prestige, the existing building stock, zoning restrictions, and less tangible factors relating to finding a neighbourhood that one likes. While telecommuting offers far-reaching opportunities, i t is not the only technologically-based phenomenon influencing transportation and land use (SCAG, 1985). Telecommunication and information technologies are superimposing choice-based communities of interest onto the landscape, allowing options of equal or greater innovativeness than telecommuting with respect to shopping, banking, education, and other a c t i v i t i e s . While the potential created by telecommuting should not be ignored, i t should also not be overstated. 8.2 AREAS FOR FURTHER WORK A fundamental limitation to research on telecommuting is the inadequacy of existing s t a t i s t i c a l information, which makes It d i f f i c u l t to develop informed policy judgements about whether to encourage, discourage, or ignore telecommuting. Pratt (1987) observes that the home-based workforce is d i f f i c u l t to survey because traditional definitions of "home", "office" and "work" are often inappropriate; "(h)ow do we classify the employee who works three days at the firm and two 237 days in his home writing computer programs?" Information on the size of the home-based workforce is relevant for many public purposes including studies on the economic impacts of small businesses, labour policy and standards enforcement, taxation, child-care support systems, transportation planning, and zoning policy and enforcement. The range of estimates for the U.S. home-based workforce (between 9 million and 23 million) belies the most basic limitations of the existing data base for policy purposes. Anecdotal reports and surveys of relatively limited size and scope form the basis of most of the existing information base concerning home-based workers and telecommuters, and other estimates are based on proprietary sources and educated guesses. Not only are there no systematic surveys of telecommuters by either the governments of Canada or British Columbia, but there does not appear to have been any surveys or measurements of the general home-based workforce by bodies such as Statistics Canada or Revenue Canada. While this is understandable in the case of telecommuters, considering the novelty of the phenomenon, i t is less understandable in the case of the general home-based workforce, especially when considering i t s potential size and impact as observed from the U.S. experience. There are two principal aspects of telecommuting about which much uncertainty remains and require further examination that are of potential significance to urban planners. Fi r s t , i t remains unclear how widely telecommuting will be adopted. This is 238 d i f f i c u l t to forecast because of the complex interactions between factors influencing its adoption, and, as the literature on the diffusion of innovations shows, adoption periods for seemingly useful innovations may stretch for inexplicably long times. Policy makers can help stimulate the adoption of telecommuting i f they decide that its net advantages outweigh its net disadvantages by creating a more receptive regulatory atmosphere, primarily by loosening unnecessary zoning restrictions on home-based employment. If this occurs, however, worker exploitation concerns should be addressed by developing a regulatory regime that ensures that at least minimum employment standards are met. The second area of significance to planners is the impact of telecommuting on residential location patterns and dynamics. The literature reviewed in this thesis suggests that the relationship between workplace and residential locations is weaker than that predicted by mathematical models. This implies that the potential spatial independence offered by telecommuting should not be, by i t s e l f , determinative. There does not yet appear to have been any empirical examination either supporting or refuting this presumption. If changes to residential settlement patterns occur, however, they wi l l likely stimulate a number of indirect effects, including changes in the demand for transportation and various local services. Telecommuting can be used by planners as a means to shape the development of c i t i e s . Home-based work and neighbourhood 239 work c e n t r e s reduce t r a f f i c p r e s s u r e s on congested downtowns, reduce energy consumption and a i r p o l l u t i o n , and may promote a s t r o n g e r sense of community. While telecommuting has r e a l and p o t e n t i a l d i s a d v a n t a g e s , t h e s e can be i d e n t i f i e d and a c t i o n s t a k e n t o a v o i d or d i m i n i s h them. D e s p i t e i t s many f a l s e s t a r t s and u n c e r t a i n i m p a c t s , telecommuting o f f e r s more th a n enough advantages t o m e r i t the s u p p o r t of p u b l i c p o l i c y makers. 240 BIBLIOGRAPHY Abler, Ronald. (1975), "Effects of Space-Adjusting Technologies on the Human Geography of the Future." In Human Geography in a  Shrinking World, pp. 35-56. Edited by Ronald Abler, Donald Janelle, Allan P h i l b r i d e , and John Somer. North Scituate, Mass.: Duxbury Press. ABT Associates of Canada. (1982), The Integrated E l e c t r o n i c Office  and Women: Implications for Career Mobility. Ahrentzen, Sherry Boland. (1986), "Regenerating Communities From the 'Electronic Cottage'"; paper presented at ACSA Annual Meeting, Newark, New Jersey, Oct. 1986. Albertson, Lesley. (1977), "Telecommunications as a Travel Substitute: Some psychological, Organizational, and Social Aspects." Journal of Communications 27: 32-43. All e n , Sheila, and Wolkowitz, Carol. (1987), HomeworkIng: Myths  and R e a l i t i e s . London: MacMillan Education. Alonso, William, (1971), "A Theory of the Urban Land Market." In Internal Structure of the City, pp. 154-59. Edited by Larry S. Bourne. Toronto: Oxford University Press. Ambry, Margaret (1988), "At Home in the O f f i c e . " American  Demographics 10(12): 31-33, 61. "American videotext f a i l u r e s suggest possible r e d i r e c t i o n . " Vancouver Sun, 1 A p r i l , 1986, p. F3. Anderson, Ronald E. (1985), "A C l a s s i f i c a t i o n of the Literature on Computers and the Social Sciences." Computers and the Social  Sciences 1(2): 67-76. Appelbaum, E i l e e n . (1986), "Restructuring Work: Temporary, Part-time, and At-Home Employment. In Computer Chips and Paper  C l i p s : Technology and Women's Employment (Vol. I I ) . Edited by Heidi I. Hartmann, Robert E. Kraut, and Louise A. T i l l e y . Washington, D.C: National Academy Press, 1986. Atchison, Sandra D. (1986), "These Top Executives Work Where They Play." Business Week, October 27, 1986, pp. 132-34. Atkinson, William. (1985), "Home/Work." Personnel Journal 64(11): 105-09. Babe, Robert E. (1990), Telecommunications in Canada: Technology,  Industry, and Government. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. 241 Bell, Daniel. (1976), The Coming of Post-Industrial Society. New York: Harper & Row. . (1977 ), "Welcome to the Post-Industrial Society." In Libraries in Post-Industrial Society, pp. 3-7. Edited by Leigh Estabrook. Phoenix, Ariz.: Oryx Press. . (1980), "The Social Framework of the Information Society." In The Computer Age: A Twenty Year View, pp. 163-211. Edited by Michael L. Dertouzous and Joel Moses. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press. Berch, Bettina. (1985), "The Resurrection of Out-Work." Monthly  Review 37(6): 37-46. Bewer, Bob. (1984), "Working on Moon Mountain." Datamation 30(15): 173-76. Blank, Murray D. (1985), "Managing the Employee on the Other Side of the Screen." Personnel 62(7): 64-68. Blumenfeld, Hans. (1971), "Transportation in the Modern Metropolis." In Internal Structure of the City, pp. 231-39. Edited by Larry S. Bourne. Toronto: Oxford University Press. . (1982), Have the Secular Trends of Population Distribution Been Reversed?. Toronto: Centre for Urban and Community Studies, University of Toronto. Bolter, J. David. (1984), Turing's Man: Western Culture In the Computer Age. Chapel H i l l : The University of North Carolina Press. Boris, Eileen. (1988), "Homework in the Past, Its Meaning for the Future." In The New Era of Home-Based Work: Directions and  Policies, pp. 15-29. Edited by Kathleen E. Christensen. Boulder, Colo.: Westview Press. Brief, Arthur P. (1985), "Effects of Work Location on Motivation." In Office Workstations in the Home, pp. 66-75. National Research Council. Washington, D.C: National Academy Press. Briggs, George. (1988), "Teleport to build $30 M fibre network." Management Information Systems Week, 10 October, 1988, p. 23. Brooke, James. (1984), "The Pros and Cons of 'Computer Commuting'" New York Times, 23 Sept., 1984, p. F15. Brown, Lawrence A., and Moore, Eric G. (1971), "The Intra-urban Migration Process: A Perspective." In Internal Structure of  the City, pp. 200-09. Edited by Larry S. Bourne. Toronto: Oxford University Press. 242 Burns, Scott. (1975), Home, Inc.: The Hidden Wealth and Power of  the American Household. Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday. Butler, JoAnn, and Getzels, Judith. (1985), Home Occupation Ordinances. Washington, D.C: American Planning Association. Calhoun, Craig. (1984), "Technology's global village fragments community l i f e . " IEEE Spectrum 6: 80-84. Carey, John and Moss, Mitchell L. (1985), "The Diffusion of New Telecommunication Technologies" Telcommunlcations Policy 9(2): 145-58. Chamot, Dennis, and Zalusky, John L. (1985), "Use and Misuse of Workstations at Home." In Office Workstations in the Home. National Research Council. Washington, D.C: National Academy Press. Cherry, Colin. (1970), "Electronic Communication: A Force for Dispersal." O f f i c i a l Architecture and Planning 33(9): 773-76. Christensen, Kathleen E. (1985), Impacts of Computer-Mediated Home-Based Work on Women and Their Families. New York: Center for Human Environments, City University of New York. . (1987), "A Hard Day's Work in the Electronic Cottage." Across the Board 24: 18-21. ,ed. (1988a), The New Era of Home-Based Work: Directions and Policies. Boulder, Colo.: Westview Press. . (1988b), Women and Home-Based Work: The Unspoken Contract. New York: Henry Holt and Company. Christie, Innis. (1980), Employment Law in Canada. Toronto: Butterworth's. Church, George J. (1987), "The Boom Towns," Time. June 15, 1987. pp. 16-19. Clark, Susan, Margaret Dechman, Plesentine Drake, and Snider, Laureen. (1987), Work, Work, Work: Impacts of Office  Automation on Work, Workers, and Workplaces - Executive  Summary. Ottawa: Communications Canada. Coates, Joseph F. (1982), "New Technologies and Their Urban Impact." In Cities in the 21st Century, pp. 177-95. Edited by Gary Gappert and Richard V. Knight. Beverly H i l l s : Sage Publications. 243 Collins, E l i z a . (1986), "A Company Without Offices." Harvard  Business Review 64(1): 127-36. Communications Canada. (1987), Communications for the Twenty-First  Century. Ottawa: Ministry of Supply and Services Canada. Communications Studies and Planning Ltd. (1980), Information  Technology in the Office: The Impact on Women's Jobs. Manchester: Equal Opportunities Commission. Cordell, Arthur J. (1985), The Uneasy Eighties: The Transition to  an Information Economy. Ottawa: Science Council of Canada. ., and Stinson, J. (1979), Travel and Telecommunications: survey results to date and future  pos s i b i l i t i e s . Ottawa: Committee of Computers and Communications, Science Council of Canada. Cowen, Robert. (1981), "Cottage Computing: Glorifying the Trivia l ? " Technology Review 84(2): 6, 20. Cross, Thomas B. and Raizman, Marjorie. (1986), Telecommuting: The  Future Technology of Work. Homewood, 111.: Dow Jones-Irwin. Custerson, Alec. (1973a), "Telecommunications: the key to the non-city?" Built Environment 2(7): 403-06. . (1973b), "Telecommunications: the office node" Built Environment 2(11): 647-49. Daniels, P.W. (1975), Office Location: An Urban and Regional Study. London: Bell. . (1979a), "Office Dispersal and the Journey to Work in Greater London: A Follow-Up Study." In Spatial  Perspectives on Office Location, pp. 373-400. Edited by P.W. Daniels. Toronto: John Wiley and Sons. . (1979b), "Perspectives on Office Location Research." In Spatial Perspectives on Office Location, pp. 1-28. Edited by P.W. Daniels. Toronto: John Wiley and Sons. Danziger, James. (1982), Computers and Po l i t i c s . New York: Columbia University Press. De Bresson, Chris. (1987), Understanding Technological Change. Montreal: Black Rose Books. Demb, Alan, (1986), "Home is Where the Business Is." Business  Journal 76(2) : 16. 244 Dertouzos, Michael L. and Moses, Joel, eds. (1980), The Computer  Age: A Tewnty-Year View. Cambridge, Mass.: The MIT Press. DeSanctis, Gerardine. (1983), "A Telecommunting Primer." Datamation 29(10): 214-220. Dillman, Don A. (1979), "Residential Preferences, Quality of Life, and the Population Turnaround." American Journal of  Agricultural Economics 61(5): 960-66. . (1985), "The Social Impacts of Information Technologies in Rural North America." Rural Sociology 50(1); 1-26. Dizard Jr., Wilson P. (1982), The Coming Information Age. New York: Longman. Dordick, Herbert S. (1985-86), "The Prospects for Telecommuting." Computer/Law Journal 6: 333-48. Doswell, A. (1981), Office Automation. London: John Wiley. Dray, James, and Menosky, Joseph A. (1983), "Computers and a New World Order." Technology Review 86(4): 12-16. Droege, Peter. (1988), "Japan's Advanced Information Cities." PLaces: A Quarterly Journal of Environmental Design 5(3): 39-41. Drucker, Peter F. (1978), The Age of Discontinuity: Guidelines to  Our Changing Society. New York: Harper Colophon Books. Dutton, W.H., Blumler, J.G., and Kraemer, K.L. Kraemer. (1987), Wired Cities: Shaping the Future of Communications. Boston: G.K. Hall & Co. Duxbury, Linda E., Higgins, Chris, and Irving, Ric. (no date), Attitudes of Managers and Employees to Telecommuting. London, Ont.: Faculty of Business Adminstration, University of Western Ontario. Eder, Peter F. (1983), "Telecommuters: The Stay-at-Home Work Force of the Future." The Futurist XVI1(3): pp. 90-94. Edwards, Paul, and Edwards, Sarah. (1985), Working From Home. Los Angeles: Jeremy P. Tarcher Inc. E l l u l , Jacques. (1964), The Technological Society. Translated by John Wilkinson. New York: Vintage Books. Elmer-DeWitt, Philip. (1986), "Networking the Nation." Time, June 16, 1986: pp. 42-43. 245 Emery, Fred, and T r l s t , E.L. (1973), Towards A Social Ecology. New York: Plenum Press. Engstrom, Mats-G, Hilkka Paavonen, and Bengt Sahlberg. (1986), Tomorrow's Work in Today's Society: A f u l l - s c a l e experiment  in Sweden. Stockholm: Swedish Council for Building Research. Farish, P h i l . (1989), "Home Workers." Personnel Administrator 34(1): 14. F i e l d , Anne R., and Harris, Catherine L. (1985), "Videotext has gone nowhere, so why are big players jumping in?" Business  Week, 24 June, 1985, p. 104. Foran, M. (1987/88), "The Canadian computer industry: factors a f f e c t i n g government po l i c y making." Optimum 18(4): 79-107. Forester, Tom, ed. (1985), The Information Technology Revolution. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press. Freedman, David M. (1985), "Office, Sweet O f f i c e . " Nation's  Business 73(9): 54-9. Freeman, Christopher. (1979), "The Determinants of Innovation." Futures 11: 206-15. F r i e d r i c h , Otto. (1983), "The Computer Moves In." Time, January 3, 1983, pp. 8-16. Fr i e d r i c h s , Guenter, and Schaff, Adam. eds. (1982), Microelectronics and Society - A Report to the Club of Rome. New York: New American Library. Fuguitt, Glenn, and Zuiches, James. (1975), "Residential Preferences and Population Redistribution." Demography 12(3): 491-504. Gad, Gunter H.K. (1979), "Face-to-Face Linkages and Office Decentralization Potentials: A Study of Toronto." In Spatial  Perspectives on Office Location, pp. 277-323. Edited by P.W. Daniels. Toronto: John Wiley and Sons. Gershuny, J.I. (1978), After Industrial Society. London: Macmillan. Gertler, Len. (1986), The Information C i t y at Vancouver '86. Paper presented at National Conference of Canadian Institute of Planners, July 20-23, 1986, Vancouver, Canada. G i l l , C o l i n . (1985), Work, Unemployment, and the New Technology. Cambridge: P o l i t y Press. 246 Ginzburg, E l i . (1982), "The Mechanization of Work" S c i e n t i f i c  American 247(3) : 67-75. Giuliano, Vincent E. (1982), "The Mechanization of Office Work" S c i e n t i f i c American 247(3): 149-64. Glitman, Russell. (1986), "More Employees Are Buying PCs To Do Work at Home" PC Week, November 25, 1986, pp. 119, 124. Goddard, J.B.. (1975), Office Location in Urban and Regional  Development. Oxford: Oxford University Press. . (1980), "Technology Forecasting in a Spatial Context." Futures 12(2): 90-105. Gold, John R. and Barke, Michael. (1978), Communications Media and  the Future of C i t i e s : A Selected Bibliography. Oxford Polytechnical Discussion Papers in Geography (Number 4). Goldberg, Michael A. (no date), The I r r a t i o n a l i t y of 'Rational'  Planning: Exploring Broader Bases for Planning and Public  Decisionmaking. Research in Urban Land Economics, Working Paper # 34. Vancouver: Faculty of Commerce and Business Administration, University of B r i t i s h Columbia. Goldmark, Peter C. (1972), "Communication and the Community." S c i e n t i f i c American 227(3): 143-50. Gordon, G i l . (1985), "Applications Roundup: Three unusual yet creative examples of remote work." Telecommuting Review: the  gordon report 2(9): 1-5. . (1986), "Telecommuting: Emphasizing Work, Not the Work Place." Journal of Accounting and EDP. ( F a l l 1986): 34-41. , and Ke l l y , Marcia. (1986), Telecommuting: How to Make i t Work For You and Your Company. Englewood C l i f f s , N.J.: Prentice-Hall. . (1988), "Corporate Hiring Practices for Telecommuting Homdeworkers.11 In The New Era of Home-Based Work: Directions  and P o l i c i e s , pp. 65-78. Edited by Kathleen E. Christensen. Boulder, Colo.: Westview Press. Gorrie, Peter. (1990), "Family-responsive benefits needed to keep good workers, business t o l d . " Toronto Star, 31 March, 1990, p. C2. Gottmann, Jean. (1977), "Megalopolis and A n t i p o l i s : The Telephone and the Structure of the C i t y . " In The Social Impact of the 247 Telephone, pp. 303-317. Edited by I t h i e l de Sola Pool. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press. . (1983), The Coming of the Transactional C i t y. College Park, Md. : University of Maryland Institute for Urban Studies. Graham, Gord. (1990), "Home sweet business." Small Business, March 1990, p. 9. Gray, Douglas, and Gray, Diana Lynn. (1989), Home Inc.: The Canadian Home-Based Business Guide. Toronto: McGraw-Hill Ryerson. Green, Carolyn. (1986), "'Smart1 soon to become a household word." The Financial Post, 21 June 1986, Special Report, p. c3. Greenhaus, Je f f r e y H.,. and Beutell, Nicholas J. (1985), "Sources of C o n f l i c t Between Work and Family Roles." Academy of  Management Review 10(1): 76-88. Gregory, Judith. (1985), " C l e r i c a l Workers and New Office Technologies." In Office Workstations in the Home, pp. 112-124. National Academy of Sciences. Washington, D.C: National Academy Press. Grieves, Robert T. (1984), "Telecommuting From a Flexiplace." Time, Jan. 30, 1984, p. 57. Grusec, Ted. (1985), "Office Automation in Government Of f i c e s : "Productivity" and other myths." Optimum 16(2): 7-24. . (1986), The Human, Social and Organizational Impacts of Office Automation: Lessons from the PCS t r i a l s and other  government endeavours. Ottawa: Dept. of Communications. Hakim, Catherine. (1980), "Homeworklng: Some new evidence." Employment Gazette 1105-09. H a l l , Peter. (1984a), The World C i t i e s . London: Weidenfeld and Nicholson. . (1984b), "Have C i t i e s A Future?" Futures: The Journal of Forecasting and Planning 16(4): 344-350. Hanson, Susan, and Pratt, Geraldine. (1988) "Reconceptualizing the Links Between Home and Work in Urban Geography." Economic  Geography 64(4) : 299-321. Harding, Charles F. (1986), "Why Offices Move." In The Changing  Office Workplace, pp. 157-70. Edited by J. Thomas Black, Kelley S. Roark, and L i s a S. Schwartz. Washington, D.C: The 248 Urban Land I n s t i t u t e . Harkness, Richard C. (1977), Technology Assessment of Telecommunications-Transportation Interactions, 3 vols. Menlo Park, C a l i f . : Stanford Research I n s t i t u t e . Harrington, Michael. (1977), "Post-Industrial Society and the Welfare State." In L i b r a r i e s in Post-Industrial Society, pp. 19-29. Edited by Leigh Estabrook. Phoenix, A r i z . : Oryx Press. Hartmann, Heidi I., Kraut, Robert E., and T i l l e y , Louise A. (eds.) (1986), Computer Chips and Paper C l i p s : Technology and  Women's Employment. Washington D.C: National Academy Press. Hauser, P h i l i p M. (1981), "The Census of 1980." S c i e n t i f i c  American 245(5): 53-61. "Have Data, W i l l Travel." Time. June 23, 1986, p. 44. Hawley, Amos. (1971), Urban Society: An Ecological Approach. The Ronald Press. Hellman, Hal. (1985), "Home Sweet O f f i c e . " High Technology Feb. 1985,: 64-66. Hepworth, Mark E., Dobilas, Geoffry P. (1985), "The information Revolution and the City : Toronto in the Eig h t i e s . " Urban  Resources 3: 39-46. Herteaux, Michel. (1985), "Taking Work Home." World Press Review 32(1): 38-9. Hewes, Jeremy Joan. (1981), Worksteads: Li v i n g and Working in the  Same Place. Garden City, N.Y.: Dolphin Books. Hirschheim, R.A. (1985), Office Automation: Concepts, Technologies  and Issues. Don M i l l s , Ont.: Addison-Wesley Publishing Co. Hunt, H. All e n , and Hunt, Timothy L. (1985), C l e r i c a l Employment  and Technological Change: A Review of Recent Trends and  Projections. Paper prepared for the Panel on Technology and Women's Employment, Committee on Women's Employment and Related Social Issues, National Research Council. Washington, D.C. Huws, Ursula. (1984), The New Homeworkers: New Technology and the  Changing Location of White-Collar Work. London: Low Pay Unit. Innis, Harold. (1951), The Bias of Communication. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. 249 Inose, Hiroshi, and Pierce, John R. (1984), Information Technology  and C i v i l i z a t i o n . New York: W.H. Freeman and Co. Ison, Terence G. (1989), Worker's Compensation in Canada. 2nd ed. Toronto: Butterworth's. Jacobs, B. (1980), "Can Electronics Perk up Office Productivity?" Industry Week, 7 July, 1980: 50-57. Jacobs, Bruce A. (1981), "Humanizing the Ele c t r o n i c O f f i c e . " Industry Week 210(6): 85-8. JALA Associates. (1985), Telecommuting: A P i l o t Project Plan. Los Angeles: C a l i f o r n i a Department of General Services. Johansen, R., Vallee, J., and Spangler, K. (1979), Elec t r o n i c  Meetings: Technical Alternatives and Social Choices. Reading, Mass.: Addison-Wesley. Jones, Barry. (1982), Sleepers, Wakel: Technology and the Future  of Work. New York: Oxford University Press. Jones, D.W. (1973), Must We Travel: The Potential of Communication  as a Substitute for Urban Travel. Palo Alto, Cal.: Institute for Communications Research, Stanford University Jorgensen, Bud. (1986), "Resource sector fades as force in economy" Globe and Mall 28 Nov. 1986, pp. Bl-2. Kawakami, Steven S. (1983), Elec t r o n i c Homework: Problems and Prospects From a Human Resources Perspective. University of I l l i n o i s at Urbana-Champaign: Institute of Labor and Industrial Relations. K e l l e r , John. (1986), "The Rewiring of America." Business Week 2964: 188-96. Kellerman, Aharon. (1984), "Telecommunications and the geography of metropolitan areas." Progress in Human Geography 8(2): 222-46. Kell y , Marcia M. (1984), "Exploring the potentials of decentralized work settings." Personnel Administration 29(2): 48-52. . (1985), "The next workplace revolution: telecommuting." Supervisory Management 30(10): 2-7. Kidder, Tracy. (1981), The Soul of A New Machine. Boston: L i t t l e , Brown. 250 Kinsman, Francis. (1987), The Telecommuters. New York: Wiley. Kleiman, Carol. (1984), "No place l i k e home for new breed of worker." Chicago Tribune 10 June 1984, Sec. 8, p. 1. Klei n , Judy Graf. (1982), The Office Book: Ideas and Designs for  Contemporary Work Spaces. New York: Facts on F i l e , Inc. Kohl, Kay, Newman J r . , Thomas G., and Tomey, Joseph F. (1975), " F a c i l i t a t i n g Organizational Decentralization through Teleconferencing." IEEE Transactions on Communications COM-23(10): 1098-1104. Kraemer, Kenneth L. (1982), "Telecommunications/transportation substitution and energy conservation (Part 1)." Telecommunications Pol i c y 6(1): 39-59. ., and King, John L e s l i e . (1982), "Telecommunications/transportation substitution and energy conservation (Part 2)." Telecommunications P o l i c y 6(2): 87-99. Kranzberg, Melvin. (1985), "The Information Age: Evolution or Revolution?" In Information Technologies and Social  Transformation, pp. 35-54. Edited by Bruce Guile. Washington, D.C: National Academy Press. Kraut, Robert E. (1985), "Telework as a work-style innovation." Information and Behaviour 2. , and Gambsch, P a t r i c i a . (1987), "Home-Based White Col l a r Employment: Lessons From the 1980 Census." Social  Forces 66(2): 410-26. . (1988), "Homework: What Is It and Who Does It ? " In The New Era of Home-Based Work: Directions and P o l i c i e s , pp. 30-48. Edited by Kathleen E. Christensen. Boulder, Colo.: Westview Press. Krle r , Beth Ann. (1984), "Futurists Compute the Influence of Computers." Los Angeles Times. 21 Sept. 1984, Part V, pp. 1,24. Kroker, Arthur. (1984), Technology and the Canadian Mind: Innis/McLuhan/Grant. Montreal: New World Perspectives. Lang, Marvel. (1986), "Redefining Urban and Rural for the U.S. Census of Population: Assessing the Need and Alternative Approaches." Urban Geography 7(2): 118-34. Langdale, John V. (1982), "Telecommunications in Sydney: Towards an Information Economy." In Why C i t i e s Change: Urban 251 Development and Economic Change In Sydney, pp. 77-94. Edited by Cardew, R.V., Langdale, J.V., and Rich, D.C. Sydney: Geographical Society of NSW, George Allen and Unwin. Lathy, Charles E. (1975), Telecommunications S u b s t i t u a b l l i t y for  Travel: An Energy Conservation Po t e n t i a l . Washington, D.C: Department of Commerce. Lehman-Wilzig, S. (1981), "Will c i t i e s become obsolete?" Telecommunications P o l i c y 5(4): 326-28. Leontief, Wassily W. (1981), New Technology and Employment Opportunities. Paper presented at Labour Canada's Conference on Microelectronics and the Work Environment, Ottawa, March 1981. Lewis, Geoff. (1988), "The Portable Executive: From faxes to laptops, technology i s changing our work l i v e s . " Businessweek 3073: 102-12. Lewis, Mike. (1984), "If you worked here, you'd be home now." Nation's Business 72(4): 50-2. Ley, David. (1983), A Social Geography of the City. New York: Harper and Row, Publishers. Lipscombe, Joan and B i l l Williams. (1979), Are Science and  Technology Neutral?. Toronto: Butterworths. Longhini, Gregory. (1984), "Coping With High-tech Headaches." Planning 50(3):28-32. Lush, P a t r i c i a . (1988), "Service a l t e r s economy's face." Globe and  Mail, 7 November, 1988, pp. B l , B3. Lyman, Francesca. (1990), "Rethinking Our Transportation Future." E Magazine 1(5): 34-41. Machlup, F r i t z . (1962), The Production and D i s t r i b u t i o n of Knowledge in the United States. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press. Mann, Terry. (1983), "Sparking Urban Growth." Datamation 29(10): 232-40. Malamud, B. (1971), The Economics of o f f i c e l o c a t i o n. Ph.D. d i s s e r t a t i o n , University of Nevada. Maloney, Lawrence D. (1982), "Now, It's the "Stay-at-Home Society"." U.S. News & World Report, 28 June 1982, pp. 252 Mandeville, Thomas. (1983), "The Spatial Effects of Information Technology." Futures 15(1): 65-72. Manning, Ronald A. (1985), "Control Data Corporation: Alternate Work Site Programs." In Office Workstations in the Home, pp. 38-50. National Research Council. Washington, D.C: National Academy Press. Masuda, Yoneji. (1985), "Computopia." In The Information Technology Revolution, pp. 620-34. Edited by Tom Forester. Cambridge, Mass.: The MIT Press. Mattera, P h i l i p . (1983), "Home Computer Sweatshops." The Nation 236(13): 390-92. McClintock, Charles C. (1981), "Working Alone Together: Managing Telcommuting" National Telecommunications Conference Record. Piscutanay, New Jersey: IEEE Service Centre. McKenna, Barrie. (1990), "Canon takes aim at home o f f i c e s . " The  Globe and Mail 23 June 1990, p. B6. McNurlin, Barbara C. (1978), "The Automated O f f i c e : Part I," EDP  Analyzer 16(9): 1-13. . (1982), "Experiences With Tele-Commuting" EDP Analyzer 20(11): 1-16. McQuaig, Linda. (1980), "The ever-so-humble and low pay at home." Macleans, 10 Nov. 1980, pp. 54-5. Meier, Richard L. (1962), A Communications Theory of Urban Growth Cambridge: The M.I.T. Press. Meko, E.P and Harkness, R.C (1977), "Commuting." In Technology  Assessment of Telecommunications-Transportation Interactions, pp. 11-1 - 11-57. Edited by R.C. Harkness. Menlo Park, C a l i f . : Stanford Research I n s t i t u t e . Menzies, Heather. (1981), Women and the Chip: Case studies of the  ef f e c t s of Informatics on employment in Canada. Montreal: The Institute for Research on Public P o l i c y . Metzger, Robert O., and Von Glinow, Mary Ann. (1988), "Off-Site Workers: At Home and Abroad." C a l i f o r n i a Management Review XXX(3): 101-11. Meyer, Michael D., and M i l l e r , E r i c J. (1984), Urban Transportation Planning: A Decision-Oriented Approach. Toronto: McGraw H i l l . M i l l s , Miriam K. (1984), "SMR Forum: Teleconferencing - Managing 253 the " I n v i s i b l e Worker"." Sloan Management Review 25(4): 63-67. MITRE Corporation. (1978), The Impact of Telecommunications on  Transportation Demand Through the Year 2000. Washington, D.C: National Transportation P o l i c y Study Commission. Moss, M i t c h e l l . (1985-86), "The New Urban Telecommunications Infrastructure." Computer/Law Journal VI: 323-31. . (1986), "Telecommunications and the Future of C i t i e s . " Land Development Studies 3(1): 7. , and Andrew Dunau. (1986), "Offices, Information Technology, and Locational Trends." In The Changing Office  Workplace, pp. 171-82. Edited by J. Thomas Black, Kelley S. Roark, and L i s a S. Schwartz. Washington, D.C: ULI-the Urban Land Institute and Building Owners and Managers Association (BOMA) International. Mowbray, Scott. (1986), "Homework." Western Liv i n g , Nov. 1986, pp. 53-60. M o r r i l l , Richard, Leon, William, and Downing, Jeanne. (1986), "Attribute Preferences and the Non-Metropolitan Migration Decision." Annals of Regional Science 20(1): 33-53. Mumford, Lewis. (1934), Technics and C i v i l i z a t i o n . New York: Harcourt, Brace & World, Inc. . (1961), The C i t y in History: Its Origins, Its Transformations, and Its Prospects. New York: Harcourt, Brace & World, Inc. . (1970), The Pentagon of Power. New York: Harcourt, Brace. Murphee, Mary. (1984), "Brave new o f f i c e : The changing world of the legal secretary." In My Troubles Are Going to Have  Trouble with Me: Everyday T r i a l s and Triumphs of Women  Workers, pp. 140-59. Edited by Karen Sacks and Dorothy Remy; New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press. N a i s b i t t , John. (1982), Megatrends: Ten New Directions  Transforming Our Lives. New York: Warner Books. National A l l i a n c e of Homebased Businesswomen (NAHB). (n.d.), Zoning For Homebased Businesses. Pamphlet. Midland Park, New Jersey. National Research Council. (1985), Office Workstations in the Home. Washington, D.C: National Academy of Sciences Press. 254 Nelson, K. (1986), "Labor Demand, Labor Supply, and the Suburbanization of Low-Wage Office Work." In Production,  Work and T e r r i t o r y : The Geographical Anatomy of Industrial  Capitalism, pp. 149-71. Edited by Allen J. Scott and Michael Storper. Boston: Allen and Unwin. Nelson-Horchler, Joani. (1983), "Sending employees home to work" Industry Week 219(2): 80-1. Newstead, Anthony. (1989), "Future Information C i t i e s : Japan's Visio n " Futures 21(3): 263-76. Newton, P. and M. Taylor. (1985), "Probable Urban Futures." In The  Future of Urban Form, pp. 313-36. Edited by John Brotchie, Peter Newton, Peter H a l l , and Peter Nijkamp. London: Croom Helm. Nichol, L i o n e l . (1985). "Communications Technology: Economic and Social Impacts." In High Technology, Space, and Society, pp. 191-209. Edited by Manuel Castels Beverly H i l l s : Sage Publications. N i l l e s , Jack M. (1975), "Telecommunications and Organizational Decentralization." In IEEE Transactions on Communications COM-23(10): 1142-47. , Carlson J r . , F. Roy, Gray, Paul, and Hanneman, Gerhard V. Hanneman. (1976), The Telecommunications- Transportation Tradeoff: Options for Tomorrow. Toronto: John Wiley and Sons. . (1985), "Commentary." In Office Workstations in the Home, pp. 133-44. Edited by National Research Council. Washington, D.C: National Academy Press. Nissen, Anne D. (1988), "Beyond the Frontier I." Places: A  Quarterly Journal of Environmental Design 5(3): 8-14. Noble, Kenneth B. (1986), "Commuting by Computer Remains Largely in the Future." New York Times, 11 May 1986, p. E22. Nora, Simon, and Mine, Al a i n . (1980), The Computerization of  Society. Cambridge, Mass.: The MIT Press. Noyelle, Thierry J. (1983), "The Rise of Advanced Services." APA  Journal 49(3): 280-90. The O f f i c e , (n.d.), London: Design Museum. Office of Technology Assessment, U.S. Congress. (1985), Automation  of America's Of f i c e s , 1985-2000. OTA-CIT-287. Washington, 255 D.C: U.S. Government Printing Office. "The Office of the Future." (1975), Businessweek 2387: 48-84. Olson, Margarethe H. (1983), "Remote Office Work: Changing Work Patterns in Space and Time." Communications of the ACM 26(3): 182-87. . and Sophia B. Primps. (1984 ), "Working at Home with Computers: Work and Nonwork Issues." Journal of Social Issues 40(3): 97-112. . (1985), "Do You Telecommute?" Datamation 31(20): 129-32. . (1988), "Corporate Culture and the Home-worker." In The New Era of Home-Based Work: Directions and  Policies, pp. 126-35. Edited by Kathleen E. Christensen. Boulder, Colo.: Westview Press. OECD. (1975), Applications of computer/telecommunications systems. Information Studies 8. Paris: Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development. Owen, David. (1987), "Work Marriage." The Atlantic Monthly, Feb. 1987, p. 22. Paddy, Victor. (1982), "Offices in the bedrooms of the nation" Maclean's 19 July 1982, pp. 36-8. Panko, R.R. (1984), "Office Work." Office Technology and People October 1984, pp. 205-238. Patri, Piero, Hendler, Jay R., and Reisman, Richard Carl. (1986), "Retrofitting Existing Buildings for Office Automation." In The Changing Office Workplace, pp. 227-44. Edited by J. Thomas Black, Kelley S. Roark, and Lisa S. Schwartz. Washington, D.C: ULI- the Urban Land Institute. Peele, Evan. (1982), "How To Make Telecommuting Work" Personal  Computing 6(5): 38-40. Perry, Tekla S. (1985), "Eaglecrest: A Commuter's Dream." IEEE  Spectrum 22(5): 8-11. Peterson, David L. (1986), Telecommuting: Status Report and  Prognosis. Mimeograph. 256 Pevsner, N i k o l a u s , S i r . (1976), A H i s t o r y of B u i l d i n g Types. P r i n c e t o n , N.J.: P r i n c e t o n U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s . Phelps, Nelson. (1985), "Mountain B e l l : Program f o r Managers." In O f f i c e Workstations i n the Home, pp. 33-27. N a t i o n a l Research C o u n c i l . Washington, D.C: N a t i o n a l Academy Pr e s s . P o l i s h u k , P a u l . (1975), "Review of the Impact of Telecommunications S u b s t i t u t e s f o r T r a v e l . " IEEE T r a n s a c t i o n s  on Communications COM-23(10): 1089-1097. P o l l a c k , Andrew. (1986), "Home-Based Work S t i r s S u i t . " New York  Times, 26 May 1986, pp. 17-18. P o l l o c k , Michael A., and B e r n s t e i n , Aaron. (1986), "The Disposable Employee i s Becoming a Fact of Corporate L i f e . " Business  Week 2977: 52-6. Po o l , I t h i e l de S o l a . (1980), "Communications technology and Land Use." Annals of the American Academy of P o l i t i c a l and S o c i a l  Science 451: 2-12. Poppel, Harvey L. (1982), "Who needs the o f f i c e of the f u t u r e ? " Harvard Business Review 60(6): 146-55. Porat, Marc. (1977), The Information Economy. OT S p e c i a l P u b l i c a t i o n 77-12. Washington, D.C: U.S. Department of Commerce. P r a t t , Joanne H. (1984), "Home Teleworking: A Study of i t s P i o n e e r s . " T e c h n o l o g i c a l F o r e c a s t i n g and S o c i a l Change 25: 1-14 . . (1987), "Methodological Problems i n Surveying the Home-Based Workforce" T e c h n o l o g i c a l F o r e c a s t i n g and S o c i a l  Change 31: 49-60. Pressman, N. (1985), "Forces For S p a t i a l Change." In The Future of  Urban Form, pp. 349-61. E d i t e d by John B r o t c h i e , Peter Newton, Peter H a l l , and Peter Nijkamp. London: Croom Helm. Pye, Roger. (1979), " O f f i c e L o c a t i o n : The Role of Communications and Technology." In S p a t i a l P e r s p e c t i v e s on O f f i c e L o c a t i o n , pp. 239-75. E d i t e d by P.W. D a n i e l s . Toronto: John Wiley and Sons . . and Ederyn W i l l i a m s . (1977), " T e l e c o n f e r e n c i n g : i s video v a l u a b l e or i s audio adequate?" Telecommunications  P o l i c y 2(2) : 230-41 "Quake s w e l l s telecommuter ranks." (1989), Toronto S t a r , 16 November 1989, p. D5. 257 Ramsower, Reagan Mays. ( 1 9 8 5 ) , T e l e c o m m u t i n g : The O r g a n i z a t i o n a l and B e h a v o u r a l E f f e c t s o f Wo r k i n g a t Home. Ann A r b o r , M i c h . : UMI R e s e a r c h P r e s s . R a t c l i f f , R.U. ( 1 9 4 9 ) , Urban Land E c o n o m i c s . New Y o r k : McGraw H i l l . Redmond, D a v i d . ( 1 9 8 4 ) , "Guest O p i n i o n " O f f i c e A d m i n i s t r a t i o n and  A u t o m a t i o n X L V ( 6 ) : 108. R e i d , A.A.L. ( 1 9 7 7 ) . "Comparing T e l e p h o n e W i t h F a c e - t o - F a c e C o n t a c t . " In The S o c i a l Impact o f t h e T e l e p h o n e , pp. 386-414. E d i t e d by I t h i e l de S o l a P o o l . C a m b r i d g e , Mass.: MIT P r e s s . R e n f r o , W i l l i a m L. ( 1 9 8 2 ) , "Second T h o u g h t s on Mo v i n g t h e O f f i c e Home." The F u t u r i s t X V I ( 3 ) : 43-48. R i c h a r d s o n , H.W. ( 1 9 7 6 ) , " R e l e v a n c e o f M a t h e m a t i c a l Land Use T h e o r y t o A p p l i c a t i o n s . " In M a t h e m a t i c a l Land Use T h e o r y , pp. 9-22. E d i t e d by G. P a p a g e o r g i a n . L e x i n g t o n , Mass.: D.C. H e a t h . R i f k i n , G l e n n . ( 1 9 8 3 ) , "The O f f i c e o f t h e F u t u r i s t . " ComputerworId  OA, 17 A u g u s t 1983, pp. 12-16. R o g e r s , A n d r e i . ( 1 9 7 1 ) , " T h e o r i e s o f I n t r a - u r b a n S p a t i a l S t r u c t u r e : A D i s s e n t i n g View." In I n t e r n a l S t r u c t u r e o f t h e C i t y , pp. 210-15. E d i t e d by L a r r y S. Bour n e . T o r o n t o : O x f o r d U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s . R o g e r s , E v e r e t t M. ( 1 9 8 3 ) , D i f f u s i o n o f I n n o v a t i o n s . 3 r d ed. New Y o r k : The F r e e P r e s s . Rohan, P a t r i c k J . ( 1 9 8 9 ) , Z o n i n g and Land Use C o n t r o l s . V o l . 6, New Y o r k : Matthew B e n d e r . R o s e n b e r g , R i c h a r d S. ( 1 9 8 6 ) , Computers and t h e I n f o r m a t i o n  S o c i e t y . New Y o r k : W i l e y . R o s e n b r o c k , Howard. ( 1 9 8 5 ) , "A New I n d u s t r i a l R e v o l u t i o n ? " I n The  I n f o r m a t i o n T e c h n o l o g y R e v o l u t i o n , pp. 635-47. E d i t e d by Tom F o r e s t e r . C a m b r i d g e , Mass.: The MIT P r e s s . R o s z a k , T h e o d o r e . ( 1 9 8 6 ) , The C u l t o f I n f o r m a t i o n : The F o l k l o r e of  Computers and t h e T r u e A r t o f T h i n k i n g . New Y o r k : P a n t h e o n Books. Royko, M i k e . ( 1 9 8 4 ) , " C i t y ' s E f f i c i e n c y Gone t o t h e Dogs." C h i c a g o  T r i b u n e , 13 A p r i l 1984, S e c . 1, p. 3. 258 R u b i n , M i k e . ( 1 9 8 4 ) , " T e l e c o m m u t i n g : W i l l t h e P l u g Be P u l l e d ? " R eason 1 6 ( 5 ) : 24-32. R u s s e l l , R o b e r t A r n o l d . ( 1 9 7 8 ) , The E l e c t r o n i c B r i e f c a s e : The O f f i c e o f t h e F u t u r e . O c c a s i o n a l P a p e r No. 3. M o n t r e a l : The I n s t i t u t e f o r R e s e a r c h on P u b l i c P o l i c y . R y b c z i n s k i , W i t o l d . ( 1 9 8 3 ) , Taming t h e T i g e r : The S t r u g g l e t o  C o n t r o l T e c h n o l o g y . Markham, Ont.: P e n g u i n Books. . ( 1 9 8 6 ) , Home: A s h o r t h i s t o r y o f an i d e a . New Yo r k : V i k i n g . Sample, R. ( 1 9 8 1 ) , " C o p i n g W i t h t h e Work a t Home T r e n d , " A d m i n i s t r a t i v e Management 4 2 ( 8 ) . Salomon, I l a n and Salomon, M e i r a . ( 1 9 8 4 ) , " T e l e c o m m u t i n g : The Employee's P e r s p e c t i v e . " T e c h n o l o g i c a l F o r e c a s t i n g and  S o c i a l Change 2 5 ( 1 ) : 15-28. S c h l e f e r , J o n a t h a n . ( 1 9 8 3 ) , " O f f i c e A u t o m a t i o n and B u r e a u c r a c y . " T e c h n o l o g y R e v i e w 8 6 ( 5 ) : 32-40. S c h n e i d e r , J e r r y B., and F r a n c i s , A n i t a M. ( 1 9 8 9 ) , An A s s e s s m e n t  o f t h e P o t e n t i a l o f T e l e c o m m u t i n g a s a W o r k - T r i p R e d u c t i o n  S t r a t e g y : An A n n o t a t e d B i b l i o g r a p h y . C h i c a g o : C o u n c i l o f P l a n n i n g L i b r a r i a n s . S c h w a r t z , J o h n , and T s i a n t a r , Dody. ( 1 9 8 9 ) , " E s c a p e From t h e O f f i c e . " Newsweek, 24 A p r i l 1989, pp. 58-60. S c i e n c e C o u n c i l o f Canada. ( 1 9 8 1 ) , The Impact o f t h e M i c r o e l e c t r o n i c s R e v o l u t i o n on t h e C a n a d i a n E l e c t r o n i c s  I n d u s t r y . O t t a w a : M i n i s t e r o f S u p p l y and S e r v i c e s . Shack, J o e l , (no d a t e ) , E n v i r o n m e n t a l D e s i g n I m p l i c a t i o n s o f  Work-at-Home. Mimeograph. S h a l l i s , M i c h a e l . ( 1 9 8 5 ) , The S i l i c o n I d o l : The M i c r o R e v o l u t i o n and i t s S o c i a l I m p l i c a t i o n s . O x f o r d : O x f o r d U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s . S h a m i r , Boas, and I l a n Salomon. ( 1 9 8 5 ) , "Work-at-Home and t h e Q u a l i t y o f W o r k i n g L i f e . " The Academy o f Management R e v i e w 1 0 ( 3 ) : 455-64. S h i r l e y , V.S. ( 1 9 8 5 ) , "F I n t e r n a t i o n a l : Twenty Y e a r s ' E x p e r i e n c e i n Homeworking." In O f f i c e W o r k s t a t i o n s i n t h e Home pp. 51-58. N a t i o n a l R e s e a r c h C o u n c i l . W a s h i n g t o n , D . C : N a t i o n a l Academy P r e s s . S h o s t a k , A r t h u r . ( 1 9 8 2 ) , "Seven S c e n e r i o s o f Urb a n Change." I n C i t i e s i n t h e 2 1 s t C e n t u r y , pp. 69-93. E d i t e d by G a r y G a p p e r t 259 and R i c h a r d V. K n i g h t . B e v e r l y H i l l s : Sage P u b l i c a t i o n s . S j o b e r g , G. ( 1 9 6 0 ) , The P r e - I n d u s t r i a l C i t y . G l e n c o e , 111.: The F r e e P r e s s . S o u t h e r n C a l i f o r n i a A s s o c i a t i o n o f Governments (SCAG). ( 1 9 8 5 ) , The  T e l e c o m m u t i n g Phenomenon: O v e r v i e w and E v a l u a t i o n . N o r t h H i g h l a n d s , C a l i f . : D epartment o f G e n e r a l S e r v i c e s , S t a t e o f C a l i f o r n i a . S t e a r n s , P e t e r . ( 1 9 7 7 ) , " I s T h e r e a P o s t - I n d u s t r i a l S o c i e t y . " In L i b r a r i e s i n P o s t - I n d u s t r i a l S o c i e t y , pp. 8-18. E d i t e d by L e i g h E s t a b r o o k . P h o e n i x , A r i z . : Oryx P r e s s . Stegman, M i c h a e l A. ( 1 9 6 9 ) , " A c c e s s i b i l i t y M o d e l s and R e s i d e n t i a l L o c a t i o n . " AIP J o u r n a l XXXV: 22-29. S t e v e n s o n , R i c h a r d W. ( 1 9 8 8 ) , "To L i v e and B r e a t h e i n L.A." New  York T i m e s , 7 A u g u s t 1988, S e c t i o n 3, pp. 1,15. S t r a s s m a n , P a u l A. ( 1 9 8 0 ) , "The O f f i c e o f t h e F u t u r e : I n f o r m a t i o n Management f o r t h e New Age." T e c h n o l o g y R e v i e w 8 2 ( 3 ) : 54-65. S u r t e e s , L a w r e n c e . ( 1 9 9 0 ) , " C e l l u l a r phone companies r i n g i n g i n c u s t o m e r s . " The G l o b e and M a i l , 2 J u l y 1990, p. B l . Task F o r c e on A t m o s p h e r i c Change. ( 1 9 9 0 ) , C l o u d s o f Change. V a n c o u v e r : C i t y o f V a n c o u v e r . " T e l e c o m m u t i n g : S t a y i n g away i n d r o v e s " ( 1 9 8 7 ) , The E c o n o m i s t , 4 A p r i l 1987, p. 88. T h o r n g r e n , B. ( 1 9 7 0 ) , "How do c o n t a c t s y s t e m s a f f e c t r e g i o n a l d e v e l o p m e n t ? " E n v i r o n m e n t and P l a n n i n g 2:409-27. T o f f l e r , A l v i n . ( 1 9 8 0 ) , The T h i r d Wave. New Y o r k : W i l l i a m Morrow and Co. I n c . Townson, M o n i c a . ( 1 9 8 4 ) , "Are Computers D e s t r o y i n g Your Home?" Goodwin's 2(2) : 16-19. T u r k l e , S h e r r y . ( 1 9 8 4 ) , The Second S e l f : Computers and t h e Human  S p i r i t . New Y o r k : Simon and S c h u s t e r . T u r o f f , M u r r a y , H i l t z , S t a r r Roxanne, and M i l l s , M i r i a m . ( 1 9 8 4 ) , " T e l e c o m m u t i n g : Impacts on t h e O f f i c e . " I E E E F i r s t  I n t e r n a t i o n a l C o n f e r e n c e on O f f i c e A u t o m a t i o n , pp. 165-72. I E E E Computer S o c i e t y P r e s s . T y l e r , M i c h a e l , and H a r k n e s s , R i c h a r d . ( 1 9 7 7 ) , " T r a n s p o r t a t i o n . " I n T e c h n o l o g y A s s e s s m e n t o f T e l e c o m m u n i c a t i o n s - T r a n s p o r t a t i o n  I n t e r a c t i o n s , pp. SB-1 - SB-34. E d i t e d by R i c h a r d H a r k n e s s . 260 Menlo P a r k , C a l i f . : S t a n f o r d R e s e a r c h I n s t i t u t e . T y l e r , M., K a t s o u l i s , M., and Cook, A. ( 1 9 7 6 ) , " T e l e c o m m u n i c a t i o n s and E n e r g y P o l i c y , ' T e l e c o m m u n i c a t i o n s P o l i c y . 1 ( 4 ) : 30. "The u b i q u i t o u s m a c h i n e " ( 1 9 9 0 ) , The E c o n o m i s t , 16 June 1990, S p e c i a l R e p o r t . U.S. Department of T r a n s p o r t a t i o n . ( 1 9 8 5 ) , Demographic Change and  R e c e n t W o r k t r i p T r a v e l T r e n d s , 2 Volumes, by W i l l i a m O'Hare and M i l t o n M o r r i s . W a s h i n g t o n D . C : Department o f T r a n s p o r t a t i o n . U pton, R i c h a r d . ( 1 9 8 4 ) , "The home o f f i c e and t h e new homeworkers." P e r s o n n e l Management, September 1984, pp. 39-43. Wagel, W i l l i a m H. ( 1 9 8 8 ) , " T e l e c o m m u t i n g A r r i v e s i n t h e P u b l i c S e c t o r . " P e r s o n n e l 65: 14-17. W a l t o n , R i c h a r d E . ( 1 9 8 9 ) , Up and R u n n i n g : I n t e g r a t i n g I n f o r m a t i o n  T e c h n o l o g y and t h e O r g a n i z a t i o n . B o s t o n : H a r v a r d B u s i n e s s S c h o o l P r e s s . Ward, O l i v i a . ( 1 9 8 6 ) , " P a r t - t i m e work f o r c e g r o w i n g 1 i n 6 C a n a d i a n w o r k e r s now on j o b l e s s t h a n 30 h o u r s a week," T o r o n t o S t a r , 3 A u g u s t 1986, p. A l . Warren, R o b e r t , and Donaghy, K i e r a n . ( 1 9 8 6 ) , T e l e c o m m u n i c a t i o n s  and t h e Use o f Urban S p a c e . A d d r e s s t o t h e 1986 C a n a d i a n I n s t i t u t e o f P l a n n e r s C o n v e n t i o n i n V a n c o u v e r , Canada. Webber, M e l v i n . ( 1 9 6 3 ) , " O r d e r i n D i v e r s i t y : Community W i t h o u t P r o p i n q u i t y . " In C i t i e s and S p a c e : The F u t u r e Use of Urban  L a n d , pp. 23-54. E d i t e d by Lowden Wingo J r . B a l t i m o r e : Johns H o p k i n s P r e s s . . ( 1 9 6 4 ) , "The Urb a n P l a c e and t h e N o n p l a c e Urban Realm." I n E x p l o r a t i o n s I n t o Urban S t r u c t u r e . E d i t e d by M e l v i n Webber, J o h n Dykman, D o n a l d F o l e y , A l b e r t G u t t e n b e r g , W i l l i a m Wheaton, and C a t h e r i n e B a u e r w u r s t e r . P h i l a d e l p h i a : U n i v e r s i t y o f P e n n s y l v a n i a P r e s s . Weizenbaum, J o s e p h . ( 1 9 7 6 ) , Computer Power and Human R e a s o n : From  Judgement t o C a l c u l a t i o n . Markham, Ont.: P e n g u i n Books. W h i t e , L y n n . ( 1 9 6 2 ) , M e d i e v a l T e c h n o l o g y and S o c i a l Change. O x f o r d : C l a r e n d o n P r e s s . W i e g n e r , K a t h l e e n , and P a r i s , E l l e n . ( 1 9 8 3 ) , "A j o b w i t h a v i e w . " F o r b e s 1 3 2 ( 6 ) : 143-50. W i l s o n , J o s h L. ( 1 9 8 5 - 8 6 ) , " E l e c t r o n i c V i l l a g e : I n f o r m a t i o n 261 T e c h n o l o g y C r e a t e s New S p a c e . " Computer/Law J o u r n a l 6: 365-86 . Winner, L a n g d o n . ( 1 9 8 4 ) , " M y t h i n f o r m a t i o n i n t h e h i g h - t e c h e r a " IEEE S p e c t r u m 2 1 ( 6 ) : 90-96. W o l d e n b e r g , J e a n n e . ( 1 9 8 4 ) , " T e l e c o m m u t i n g : No W o r k p l a c e L i k e Home." Words 1 3 ( 1 ) : 24-7. Wolfgram, Tammara. ( 1 9 8 4 ) , "Working a t Home: The Growth o f C o t t a g e I n d u s t r y . " The F u t u r i s t X V I I K 3 ) : 31-4. W o l f o r t h , J ohn R. ( 1 9 6 5 ) , R e s i d e n t i a l L o c a t i o n and t h e P l a c e of  Work. V a n c o u v e r : T a n t a l u s R e s e a r c h L t d . "Working a t Home: More companies a r e t u r n i n g t h e i r o f f i c e i n t o t e l e c o m m u t e r s . " ( 1 9 9 0 ) , T o r o n t o S t a r , 4 May 1990, p. F l . W r i g h t , F r a n k L l o y d . ( 1 9 5 3 ) , The F u t u r e o f A r c h i t e c t u r e . New Y o r k : H o r i z o n P r e s s . Young, Howard. ( 1 9 7 8 ) , J o b s , T e c h n o l o g y , and Hours o f L a b o r : The  F u t u r e o f Work i n t h e U.S. P a p e r p r e s e n t e d a t h e a r i n g s o f th e J o i n t E c o n o m i c Committee's S p e c i a l S t u d y on E c o n o m i c Change, W a s h i n g t o n , D . C , June 14, 1978 . Z a r z o u r , Kim. ( 1 9 9 0 ) , "The New Work E t h i c : B a l a n c e i s t h e key f o r p a r t - t i m e bank manager, p a r t - t i m e w i f e and mot h e r . " T o r o n t o  S t a r , 31 May 1990, p. C l . Z e i d l e r , E b e r h a r d . ( 1 9 9 0 ) , " E n r i c h i n g t h e mean s t r e e t s . " G l o b e and  M a i l , 24 J u l y 1990, p. A18. Z u b o f f , S h o s h a n a . ( 1 9 8 8 ) , I n t h e Age o f t h e Smart M a c h i n e : The  F u t u r e o f Work and Power. New Y o r k : B a s i c Books. Z u i c h e s , James J . ( 1 9 8 2 ) , " R e s i d e n t i a l P r e f e r e n c e s . " In R u r a l  S o c i e t y i n t h e U.S.: I s s u e s f o r t h e 1980's, pp. 247-55. E d i t e d by Don D i l l m a n and D. Hobbs. B o u l d e r , C o l o . : Westview P r e s s . 

Cite

Citation Scheme:

        

Citations by CSL (citeproc-js)

Usage Statistics

Share

Embed

Customize your widget with the following options, then copy and paste the code below into the HTML of your page to embed this item in your website.
                        
                            <div id="ubcOpenCollectionsWidgetDisplay">
                            <script id="ubcOpenCollectionsWidget"
                            src="{[{embed.src}]}"
                            data-item="{[{embed.item}]}"
                            data-collection="{[{embed.collection}]}"
                            data-metadata="{[{embed.showMetadata}]}"
                            data-width="{[{embed.width}]}"
                            async >
                            </script>
                            </div>
                        
                    
IIIF logo Our image viewer uses the IIIF 2.0 standard. To load this item in other compatible viewers, use this url:
https://iiif.library.ubc.ca/presentation/dsp.831.1-0098587/manifest

Comment

Related Items