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Judicial interpretations of the Canadian 1984 Young Offenders Act Sturdy, Helen Janet 1990

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JUDICIAL INTERPRETATIONS OF THE CANADIAN 1984 YOUNG OFFENDERS ACT By HELEN JANET STURDY B.A., The U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Columbia, 1961 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS i n THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (SOCIOLOGY) We accept t h i s t h e s i s as conforming t o the r e q u i r e d standard THE UNIVERSITY OF June @ Helen Janet BRITISH COLUMBIA 1990 Sturdy, 1990 1^ " In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Department of cz-/ J <LQ ^ y The University of British Columbia Vancouver, Canada Date S^£TPT> /o > Q DE-6 (2/88) ABSTRACT T h i s t h e s i s attempts t o e x p l a i n changes i n j u v e n i l e c o u r t r e a s o n i n g from ^ p e r s o n a l ' t o x s o c i a l ' g o a l s of j u s t i c e . The i n t r o d u c t i o n o f s o c i a l r e a s o n i n g i n t o j u v e n i l e j u s t i c e has r e s u l t e d i n l e g a l reform p r a c t i c e s which c i r c u m s c r i b e the domain of d e c e n t r a l i z e d community youth s e r v i c e s , i n c r e a s e the dependency and s u r v e i l l a n c e o f d e v i a n t youth, r e s u l t i n h a r s h e r measures of punishment, and g e n e r a l l y widen the network of s o c i a l c o n t r o l through the law. The s h i f t from the treatment i n t e r v e n t i o n focus o f the J u v e n i l e Delinquents A c t t o the d e t e r r e n c e and punishment focus o f the Young Offenders Act i s maintained by i n c a r c e r a t i o n s and a *downward 1 s l i d i n g t a r i f f o f d i s p o s i t i o n s . The new s o c i a l c o n t r o l a d m i n i s t r a t i o n f o r m a l l y e n t e r s the p r e v i o u s l y i n f o r m a l s o c i a l c o n t r o l networks of f a m i l y , community, and peer r e l a t i o n s . S o c i a l change o p t i o n s through the law are i n c r e a s i n g l y c e n t r a l i z e d i n the c o u r t s (where youth are concerned) a t the expense of the law's p o t e n t i a l f o r mediating d e c e n t r a l i z e d c o l l e c t i v e change. The new form o f s o c i a l r e a s o n i n g by which law reform occurs i s e x p l i c a t e d i n o r d e r t o c r i t i q u e i t s a p p l i c a t i o n f o r the c u r r e n t l e g i s l a t i o n and t o e x p l o r e p o s s i b l e use of c o l l e c t i v e change p r o c e s s e s through law. I d e s c r i b e x s o c i a l ' r e a s o n i n g as a form of i n t e r p r e t i v e s y l l o g i s m w i t h the g o a l of s o c i a l good s a t i s f i e d through i n d i v i d u a l j u s t i c e , i n c o n t r a s t t o 'personal' r e a s o n i n g which i n v o l v e s the i n d i v i d u a l ' s b e s t i n t e r e s t s as a good i n i t s e l f . S o c i a l r e a s o n i n g , as c u r r e n t l y a p p l i e d i n the YOA, u t i l i z e s neo-c l a s s i c a l r a t i o n a l i t y and s o c i o l o g i c a l t h e o r i e s t h a t r e l a t e a c t i o n s t o a presumed balance of d i v e r s e and competing s o c i a l i n t e r e s t s . My own u n derstanding of the impact of Court i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s of the YOA are based on in - d e p t h i n t e r v i e w s w i t h 10 Youth Court judges i n the Vancouver area. I analyze the l e g i s l a t i v e c o n s t r u c t i o n and j u d i c i a l implementation of the YOA as r e f l e c t i n g a p o l i t i c a l s t r a t e g y l i n k e d t o and grounded i n the knowledge r e l a t i o n s of e x p e r t s . S t r a t e g i e s f o r d i s c i p l i n e are consonant w i t h the r a t i o n a l i z e d p r a c t i c e s of s o c i a l s c i e n c e knowledge, l o c a t e d both i n s c i e n c e (the medical model) and i n law ( s o c i o l o g i c a l j u r i s p r u d e n c e ) . The r e s e a r c h f i n d i n g s suggest t h a t x s o c i a l ' r e a s o n i n g , which i s narrowly c e n t e r e d on l e g a l problems a r i s i n g from the behaviour o f j u v e n i l e s , pursues forms of crime c o n t r o l d i r e c t l y r e l a t e d t o the needs of c a p i t a l . The YOA i s thus viewed as a new d i s c o u r s e (based on power and knowledge r e l a t i o n s h i p s ) t h a t aims t o widen s t a t e - s o c i a l c o n t r o l . Given the r e l a t i v e l y narrow j u r i s p r u d e n t i a l h o r i z o n s of both the l e g i s l a t o r s who framed the YOA and the judges who apply i t , the p o t e n t i a l of law f o r e f f e c t i n g s o c i a l change i s c u r t a i l e d . I conclude my a n a l y s i s by s u g g e s t i n g a c u l t u r a l l y r e f l e x i v e approach i n which l e g a l r e a s o n i n g , by a p r o c e s s of r e c o n s t r u c t i n g the i n t e r p r e t i v e s y l l o g i s m of law t o i n c l u d e commonsense p r a c t i c a l r e a s o n i n g , c o u l d become more conducive t o community change. i i TABLE OF CONTENTS A b s t r a c t . i i Table o f Contents i i i Acknowledgements v Chapter I. I n t r o d u c t i o n and H i s t o r y 1 Chapter I I . Research Tasks and Method 4 0 A. Method 40 B. Tasks 57 Chapter I I I . S o c i a l Reasoning 74 3.1.0 Treatment as a r a t i o n a l agenda 75 3.1.1. Treatment under the YOA d i s p o s i t i o n s 77 3.1.2. J u s t i c e 79 3.1.3. Crime C o n t r o l 83 3.1.4. C o l l e c t i v e Reasons: community c o n t r o l 86 3.2.1. A p p r o p r i a t e n e s s o f the YOA f o r 'Due Process" Reasons 88 3.2.2. Focus on the Le g a l S u b j e c t as Accountable i n the Crime C o n t r o l and J u s t i c e P h i l o s o p h i e s 89 3.2.3. P e r s o n a l Assumptions 92 3.3.1. Moral Assumptions, community v a l u e s and i n d i v i d u a l needs 93 3.3.2. L e g a l C u l t u r e 94 3.4.0. Causes o f Youth Crime 9 6 3.5.0. The I d e a l Case 107 3.6.1. L e g a l Reasoning as s o c i a l r e a s o n i n g 113 3.6.2. Summary 115 Chapter IV: POWER/KNOWLEDGE RELATIONS 117 4.1.1. Le g a l Reasoning as n o r m a l i z a t i o n s t r a t e g y 117 i i i 4.2.1. Dominant Sentence Philosophy 12 0 4.2.2. How do judges dec i d e on the dominant p h i l o s o p h y . . . . 121 4.3.1. P r a c t i c a l outcome: the t r i a l 128 4.3.2. P r a c t i c a l Outcome: The Sentences as an I d e a l 129 4.4.1. Containment 130 4.4.2. Care as an Element i n Custody 13 4 4.4.3. Deterrence and R e c i d i v i s m 136 4.4.4. Formula or t a r i f f .....138 4.5.1. C o n s t r a i n t s i n Sentencing 140 4.6.0. Summary 151 CHAPTER V. THEORETICAL LINKAGES 153 5.1.1. C l a s s I n t e r e s t 155 5.1.2. S t a t e I n t e r e s t 156 5.1.3. I n t e n t i o n 160 5.1.4. Metaphor o f P r o p e r t y 162 5.2.1. L i n g u i s t i c P r a c t i c e s 163 5.2.2. S o c i a l C o n t r o l 164 5.3.1. Power and Knowledge R e l a t i o n s 178 CHAPTER VI. SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS 184 BIBLIOGRAPHY 203 APPENDIX A: I n t e r v i e w Schedule 222 APPENDIX B: Young Of f e n d e r s A c t E x c e r p t s 227 APPENDIX C: L e t t e r o f I n t r o d u c t i o n 228 APPENDIX D: Consent Form...... 230 APPENDIX E: R e i d and Reitsma S t r e e t Study E x c e r p t . . . . 231 i v Acknowl edcrement s The r e s e a r c h f o r t h i s t h e s i s was made p o s s i b l e a t v a r i o u s stages through the support, h e l p and guidance o f Dr. R.S. Ratner, Dr. E l v i Whittaker, and Dr. David Schweitzer. I am e s p e c i a l l y i n d e b t e d t o Dr. Ratner f o r h i s e x a c t i n g c r i t i c i s m and h e l p i n making my w r i t i n g more c o n c i s e . S e v e r a l d r a f t s o f the t h e s i s were c i r c u i t o u s and Dr. Ratner and my mother, Mrs. Marion Sturdy, p r o v i d e d the necessary guidance t o produce a more i n t e l l i g i b l e f i n a l p roduct. During the f i n a l year, the t h e s i s would not have been p o s s i b l e t o complete without the care and h a b i t a t i o n o f my f r i e n d s , C l a u d i o , Naomi and A l e j a n d r o V i d a l . I am immensely g r a t e f u l f o r t h e i r s a c r i f i c e s i n t a k i n g me i n t o t h e i r home. I a l s o wish t o thank my f r i e n d , Marianne F u l l e r , f o r her time, e f f o r t and i n t e r e s t i n the t h e s i s p r o j e c t . My a p p r e c i a t i o n of the energy o f C l a u d i o V i d a l i n keeping me going i s beyond a r t i c u l a t i o n . Thanks a l s o t o my son, Stephen G e i s l e r , f o r h i s h e l p w i t h the f i n a l p r i n t i n g . v CHAPTER I: INTRODUCTION AND HISTORY T h i s t h e s i s i s a study o f the l e g a l r e a s o n i n g used by judges when implementing the Young Offenders Act, (1984). I t e x p l o r e s the t r a n s f o r m a t i o n o f s o c i a l r e a s o n i n g l e a d i n g t o the c r e a t i o n of the A c t . I t e x p l i c a t e s i n t e r p r e t i o n s of the A c t l i n k i n g forms of s o c i a l r e a s o n i n g and the ends of j u s t i c e as formulated by judges i n the Youth Court, by the l e g i s l a t o r s , by lawyers and by s o c i o l o g i c a l t h e o r i s t s . S o c i a l r e a s o n i n g r e f e r s t o re a s o n i n g about the s o c i a l good, r a t h e r than i n d i v i d u a l reasoning, o r r e a s o n i n g about what i s the good f o r i n d i v i d u a l s . The t h e s i s d e s c r i b e s and e x p l a i n s how the changing modes of reas o n i n g and content from p e r s o n a l t o s o c i a l r e a s o n i n g t h a t have taken p l a c e w i t h i n the pro c e s s o f j u d i c i a l r e a s o n i n g under the YOA, are r e f l e c t e d i n the sentence outcomes i n the youth c o u r t s . Outside the i n t e r n a l d i a l o g u e , or the changes t h a t i d e o l o g y goes through as s o c i a l reasoning, are the ways i n which the s o c i a l s t r u c t u r a l formations o f f a m i l y , workplace and c i t i z e n s h i p are r e l a t e d t o s o c i a l r easoning. The t r a n s f o r m a t i o n of p e r s o n a l r e a s o n i n g t o s o c i a l r e a s o n i n g i s s t r a t e g i c a l l y l o c a t e d . By mediati n g between these s t r u c t u r a l formations, s o c i a l r e a s o n i n g thereby becomes u s e f u l i n l e g i t i m a t i n g a p o l i t i c a l and moral s o c i a l consensus, or m a i n t a i n i n g a u n i f i e d sense of s o c i a l o rder. The s o c i a l r e a s o n i n g embodied i n the new Young Offenders A c t i s 2 consonant w i t h the p o l i t i c a l purposes of the n e o - c o n s e r v a t i v e Canadian governments of the 1980s, and of the lobby groups t h a t have a l l i e d themselves w i t h the government and t o a new popular consensus. S o c i a l r e a s o n i n g i s h i s t o r i c a l l y a v a i l a b l e t o the law, i n the form o f a d i s c o u r s e of u n i v e r s a l i z a t i o n . The words and meanings of s o c i a l r e a s o n i n g , i n provoking words t h a t o r i g i n a t e d from a s i m i l a r i d e o l o g y or based w i t h i n a language 1 f a m i l y of resemblances' ( W i t t g e n s t e i n , 1953) , were a l s o a p p r o p r i a t e t o law and order groups a l l i e d t o the l e g a l l o b b i e s a t the time of the advent of the Young Offe n d e r s Act, (YOA). S i n c e the t u r n of the century, the law has admitted the s t r a t e g i e s of treatment r e h a b i l i t a t i o n as p e r s o n a l r e a s o n i n g t o the i d e o l o g i e s of u n i v e r s a l i z a t i o n . T h i s form of u n i v e r s a l i z a t i o n / p a r t i c u l a r i z a t i o n , where a u n i v e r s a l governance was a d j u s t e d t o admit the p a r t i c u l a r s e r v i c e s of e x p e r t s 1 , was r e c e n t l y enhanced under the YOA, by the d i s c o u r s e s of i n d i v i d u a l i z a t i o n of punishment, and of r e t r i b u t i o n and d e t e r r e n c e . A new form of s o c i a l r e a s o n i n g has emerged. The c o u n t e r - s t r a t e g y of r e s t r u c t u r i n g by c o l l e c t i v i z a t i o n w i t h the aim of e r a d i c a t i n g the causes of crime has been d i m i n i s h e d . The word a s s o c i a t i o n s of f a m i l i a l i s m , which promotes the n u c l e a r f a m i l y as the i d e a l f a m i l y form and as the primary sphere of m o r a l i t y ( p r i v a t e m o r a l i t y ) , s t r u c k a f a m i l i a r chord t o both the l e g a l and the law and order 1 F o u c a u l t d i s c u s s e s the s t r u g g l e s between the l e g a l and p s y c h i a t r i c p r o f e s s i o n i n the t r i a l o f Paul R i v i e r e . 3 l o b b i e s . Crime c o n t r o l through v a r i o u s forms of punishment of i n d i v i d u a l s , appealed t o both groups. The law, as an area of l o c a l power r e l a t i o n s , has been e x p l o i t e d t o m a i n t a i n surrounding power r e l a t i o n s , of s o c i a l c o n t r o l networks, both formal and i n f o r m a l . S o c i a l c o n t r o l p r a c t i c e s r e s u l t e d i n a new a d m i n i s t r a t i o n under the YOA t h a t i s not equipped f o r the 70,000 o f f e n d e r s who come b e f o r e Canadian c o u r t s w i t h " p e r s o n a l t r o u b l e s and p u b l i c i s s u e s " , i n C. W. M i l l s terminology. Instead, by the adoption of s o c i a l r e a s o n i n g , the j u d i c i a l d i s p o s i t i o n s now b e n e f i t the neo-c o n s e r v a t i v e economic emphasis on p r i v a t i z a t i o n of s e r v i c e s . S p e c i f i c a l l y , the form of s o c i a l r e a s o n i n g i n the youth c o u r t s i s the r e s u l t of the a d a p t a t i o n of a s o c i o l o g i c a l and s o c i a l e n g i n e e r i n g j u r i s p r u d e n c e t o new p r i n c i p l e s and p r a c t i c e s . By t r a n s f o r m i n g r e a s o n i n g p r a c t i c e s , judges have r e t a i n e d a neo-c l a s s i c a l concept of j u s t i c e w i t h r e s p e c t t o both crime c o n t r o l and w e l f a r e n o t i o n s , one which r e l i e s on r a t i o n a l a c t i o n and s o c i a l e n g i n e e r i n g t o ensure the p r o d u c t i o n of a 'problem p o p u l a t i o n ' (a term used t o r e f e r t o s o c i a l c o n t r o l over behaviour or p o s i t i o n s t h r e a t e n i n g t o ' s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s of p r o d u c t i o n 1 , S p i t z e r , 1975). T h i s s p e c i f i c r e l a t i o n between the law under the YOA, as judges have i n t e r p r e t e d i t , and c a p i t a l , suggests t h a t j u v e n i l e problems e x i s t a t a s t r u c t u r a l l e v e l 2 . Deviance i s the r e s u l t of both a crime c o n t r o l response through the j u v e n i l e j u s t i c e system (as 2 S p i t z e r suggests t h a t the emergence of a s u r p l u s p o p u l a t i o n - f o r example, the unemployed, c a l l s i n t o q u e s t i o n e s s e n t i a l components o f c a p i t a l . The e x i s t e n c e of such p o p u l a t i o n s d e r i v e from fundamental c o n t r a d i c t i o n s i n the c a p i t a l i s t mode of p r o d u c t i o n . ( S p i t z e r , 1975:642) 4 l a b e l l i n g t h e o r y assumes) and a l s o of the r e l a t i o n s t o p r o d u c t i o n which are a s t i m u l u s towards c r i m i n a l a c t i o n s . With n e o - c l a s s i c a l j u s t i c e i n p l a c e , the stage i s s e t f o r the a p p r o p r i a t e 'pre-c o n d i t i o n s f o r the e f f i c i e n t e x t r a c t i o n of s u r p l u s v a l u e ' ( H a r r i s & Webb, 1987:30). The debate t u r n s around the ' r e l a t i v e autonomy of the law', i n which s t r u c t u r a l M a r x i s t s have argued t h a t s t a t e apparatuses are not manipulated a t w i l l by the r u l i n g c l a s s e s . In the case of the YOA implementation, going t o the c o u r t s was the r e s u l t of an u n s t a b l e balance between n e o - l i b e r a l s and neo-c o n s e r v a t i v e s , a c o n c r e t e event i n the h i s t o r y of c a p i t a l i s t s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s . One aim of t h i s a n a l y s i s i s t o show t h a t the law i s ' r e l a t i v e l y ' autonomous from the c l a s s i n t e r e s t s t h a t seek t o c o n t r o l i t . T h i s i s done by examining the form of the law ( s o c i a l , p e r s o n a l , or c o l l e c t i v e ) , as d i s t i n c t from i t s content. The form of l e g a l r e a s o n i n g w i t h an i n d i v i d u a l i s t i c emphasis, as i n case r e a s o n i n g f o r both s o c i a l and p e r s o n a l j u s t i f i c a t i o n s , can be used more b r o a d l y t o mediate c o l l e c t i v e i n t e r e s t s . The assumption i s t h a t c o l l e c t i v e community i n t e r e s t s are not h i s t o r i c a l l y an instrument of c a p i t a l . U s i n g e p i s t e m o l o g i c a l a n a l y s i s , i n t e r p r e t a t i o n i s d e f i n e d as form, and c a p i t a l r e l a t i o n s as content. Outside of the form -content d i s t i n c t i o n of epistemology, i s the domain of ontology, where knowledge r e l a t i o n s g i v e both form and substance t o power-5 r e l a t i o n s , which i s the prime mover. Power-knowledge r e l a t i o n s are the c o r n e r s t o n e of the YOA. F o u c a u l t , i n Volunte de S a v o i r ("the W i l l t o Know", McMurrin, 1981) a s s e r t s t h a t knowledge i s i m p l i c a t e d i n power r e l a t i o n s . I f power i s expansive i n i t s scope, d i s c u r s i v e f ormations, such as i n t e r p r e t a t i o n , t h e o r i e s and p o l i c i e s s e t l i m i t s . , F o u c a u l t argues t h a t power r e l a t i o n s are s t r a t e g i c domains, as opposed t o the s t a t i c domains of knowledge. Epistemology moves t o s t r a t e g y . The q u e s t i o n s I w i l l be a s k i n g are: one, how i s t h i s r e a s o n i n g i n the B.C. Youth Court and i n a p p o s i t e c r i m i n o l o g i c a l l i t e r a t u r e t o be l i n k e d t o economy, p o l i t i c s and f a m i l y r e l a t i o n s h i p s ? Two, how does l e g a l r e a s o n i n g c o n s t r u c t these r e l a t i o n s h i p s u s i n g crime c o n t r o l ? Three, does the law p r o v i d e f o r the n o r m a l i z a t i o n of r e p r e s s i o n or l i b e r a t i n g measures? In 1984, a f t e r 20 years of d e l i b e r a t i o n s , the Canadian l e g i s l a t u r e i n t r o d u c e d the Young Offenders Act (1984), the YOA, t o r e p l a c e the J u v e n i l e Delinquent Act, (1908), the JDA. The debates were l o n g and c o n t e n t i o u s because of the c o n f l i c t s between two dominant assumptions about the ends of j u v e n i l e j u s t i c e : s o c i a l w e l f a r e e n t i t l e m e n t s versus R i g h t s and R e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s of c i t i z e n s h i p . ' S o c i a l Welfare' puts the onus of r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r j u v e n i l e d e l inquency on the s t a t e , w h i l e 'Rights and R e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s ' h o l d s the youth accountable f o r h i s / h e r crimes. These assumptions guide l e g a l r e a s o n i n g i n B.C. Youth Court 6 i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s of s t a t e i n t e n t i o n , and a f f e c t the surrounding s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s . In o r d e r t o understand problems w i t h the YOA, a comparison w i t h the JDA i s important. The f o c a l p o i n t i n the r h e t o r i c of p r o c e s s i n g young people under the JDA was the concept of ' j u v e n i l e d e l i n q u e n t ' ( P i a t t , 1969). In d i s t i n g u i s h i n g a d u l t s from c h i l d r e n , the c o u r t s accepted a category of 'delinquent young persons' whom they d e f i n e d as s t i l l r e q u i r i n g s o c i a l i z a t i o n t h a t would i d e n t i f y a p l a c e a c c o r d i n g t o h i s / h e r nature or p e r s o n a l i t y . P e r s o n a l i t i e s were a l l e g e d t o be maladjusted through f a u l t y p a r e n t i n g , which stood i n need of c o r r e c t i o n . C h i l d r e n c o u l d l e a r n from a s e t of r a t i o n a l p r i n c i p l e s passed on by e x p e r t s . D i s c i p l i n e of c h i l d r e n was a s p e c i a l area of o v e r l a p between the e x p e r t s , the Courts, and the f a m i l y . Under the JDA, i n t h i s c o l l e c t i v e problem area, the treatment v a l u e s of e x p e r t s were supported by the Court. The terms ' i n c o r r i g i b l e ' or 'unmanageable' were r e f e r r e d t o i n p r o v i n c i a l s t a t u t e p r o v i s i o n s r e l a t i n g t o c h i l d r e n d e s c r i b e d as being beyond the c o n t r o l of a parent or guardian, or i n moral danger. Committal t o a t r a i n i n g s c h o o l was, as f a r as the JDA was concerned, the u l t i m a t e s a n c t i o n o r treatment measure. "The JDA p e r m i t t e d a c h i l d t o be sent t o a t r a i n i n g s c h o o l n i r e s p e c t t o any conduct f o r which he can be adjudged delinquent, i n c l u d i n g a simple by-law i n f r a c t i o n . " ( J u v e n i l e Delinquency i n Canada, 1965:73) 7 S o c i o l o g i c a l consensus t h e o r i s t s (e.g., Durkheim, 1964), s u b s c r i b e d t o the view t h a t moral or shared v a l u e consensus operates w i t h i n s o c i e t y . The JDA p r o v i d e d a s e t of procedures s u p p o r t i n g a system of s t r u c t u r e s and r u l e s t h a t were t o be a p p l i e d t o p r o p e r l y s o c i a l i z e d i n d i v i d u a l s . A c c o r d i n g t o the dominant f u n c t i o n a l i s t p e r s p e c t i v e on consensus, i f any of the subsystems f a i l e d : w e l f a r e , education, community, f a m i l y , and r e l i g i o n , t h e r e was a c o r r e s p o n d i n g d e r e l i c t i o n i n the j u v e n i l e ' s behaviour. Crime and d e l i n q u e n c y r e q u i r e d s p e c i a l c o n s i d e r a t i o n by means of treatment or reform, a c c o r d i n g t o c e r t a i n s c i e n t i f i c p r i n c i p l e s . Moral good was o b t a i n e d by l e g i t i m a t i o n of p r i v a t e , t h a t i s , of f a m i l y m o r a l i t y , which guided s o c i a l i z a t i o n p r a c t i c e s , v i a the l e g a l system which operated a c c o r d i n g t o i t s own s e t of p r o p o s i t i o n s and p r i n c i p l e s . The f a m i l y o f t e n f a i l e d i n i t s purposes, e s p e c i a l l y , as p e r c e i v e d by those groups w i t h a middle-c l a s s p e r s p e c t i v e ( P i a t t , 1977). At the time of the JDA enactment, s o c i o l o g i c a l j u r i s p r u d e n c e began as a s c h o o l of j u r i s p r u d e n c e t o adapt s o c i o l o g i c a l f u n c t i o n a l i s m t o the ' a r t and s c i e n c e of law'. A c c o r d i n g t o Roscoe Pound (1942), s a n c t i o n s i n h e r e i n moral d u t i e s which he says 'defy p u b l i c enforcement'. As the JDA came under i n c r e a s e d s c r u t i n y , Pound argued t h a t e x c e s s i v e d i s c r e t i o n was g i v e n t o l e g a l agents, such as p r o b a t i o n o f f i c e r s , whose c a p a c i t y t o achieve moral ends were q u e s t i o n a b l e . Whereas the l e g a l p r o f e s s i o n c o u l d j u s t i f y i t s p r i n c i p l e s by r e f e r r i n g t o a process of u n i v e r s a l argument or 8 r a t i o n a l i t y (a Kantian view) and v a l i d a t e i t s grounds i n • i n a l i e n a b l e r i g h t s ' (Locke) of the i n d i v i d u a l , the a d m i n i s t r a t i v e o f f i c i a l s of the JDA c o n s t i t u t e d p a r t i c u l a r i z i n g p r a c t i c e s w i t h the s i n g l e purpose of law enforcement. J u v e n i l e s , under the JDA, had no ' i n a l i e n a b l e r i g h t s ' . In the ensuing debates over the l i m i t a t i o n s of the JDA, the Department of J u s t i c e committee r e p o r t (19 65) appeared t o emphasize the s o c i a l e n g i n e e r i n g r o l e of the law. The end of j u s t i c e was t o c o r r e c t the moral c h a r a c t e r of the o f f e n d e r . " I t was recommended t h a t a j u v e n i l e c o u r t judge should o r d i n a r i l y r e c e i v e a s p e c i a l i z e d program of t r a i n i n g , c o v e r i n g such matters as the p r i n c i p l e s of c h i l d psychology a n d p e r s o n a l i t y development, the p r e v e n t i o n and treatment of j u v e n i l e d e l i n q u e n t behaviour, j u v e n i l e c o u r t law and the r u l e s o f evidence, and the o r g a n i z a t i o n and a d m i n i s t r a t i o n o f t h e j u v e n i l e c o u r t . Steps should be taken t o make a p p r o p r i a t e courses of t r a i n i n g a v a i l a b l e t o Canadian j u v e n i l e c o u r t judges." (Recommendation no. 41, 1965:289) To a t t a i n t h i s r e f o r m a t i v e end, the law was t o adopt a ' l e a s t i n t e r f e r e n c e p r i n c i p l e ' , by p e r m i t t i n g u n i v e r s a l governance, p l u s the added advantage of p a r t i c u l a r i z i n g p r a c t i c e s of j u v e n i l e d i s c i p l i n e e x p e r t i s e . In e f f e c t , i t was the 'due processes* of law, and the e x p e r t i s e of judges and lawyers, t h a t would exact the • r e h a b i l i t a t i v e i d e a l ' (1965:88). T h i s committee was s e t up t o i n v e s t i g a t e and r e p o r t on the matter of ' j u v e n i l e d e l i n q u e n c y i n Canada'. The p r i n c i p a l p o l i c y recommendation was the d r a f t i n g of 9 a Canada Young Offenders Act 3 to replace the r e s t r i c t i o n s of li m i t e d p r o v i n c i a l j u r i s d i c t i o n that was followed under the JDA. Because the family assumes the primary tasks of s o c i a l i z a t i o n , i n order to j u s t i f y intervention under the JDA, the Court used the parens patriae doctrine: the state as the kindly parent. Under t h i s doctrine, the c h i l d has no 'inalienable r i g h t ' , and i s granted s p e c i a l l e g a l status as ' b e f i t t i n g a c h i l d who i s not a criminal, but a misdirected c h i l d ' requiring 'help and guidance and proper supervision*. These phrases appear i n the preamble to the JDA. The JDA emphasizes treatment r e h a b i l i t a t i o n , on the basis of a long term juvenile court b e l i e f that the family should be the primary agent i n delinquency prevention. These practices evolved into diversion and family intervention. In i t s continuing practices, the law supported a medicalization model for the treatment and r e h a b i l i t a t i o n of 'sick' families, who often needed to be shored up against the ravages of emotional tension. The JDA dealt with juveniles who had drug and alcohol abuse, sexual and emotional abuse and learning d i s a b i l i t i e s i n t h e i r background requiring some kind of treatment plan. The ide a l family, which the judges referred to, was the formal 'nuclear' family, rather than the family unit i n most common use: extended and single parent 3 Hunt, A. (1978) discusses the r i s e of a s o c i o l o g i c a l movement i n law that evolved since the turn of the century from a n a l y t i c jurisprudence (from Hobbes and Bentham to the jurisprudence of John Austin), s o c i o l o g i c a l jurisprudence (Pound), and the sociology of law (Durkheim and Weber). 10 f a m i l i e s . 4 The l e g a l w e l f a r e system accepted s o c i a l i z e d c o s t s f o r group and f o s t e r home u n i t s , but t h e r e was no p a r a l l e l government f i n a n c i n g t o d e l i n q u e n t c h i l d r e n i n t h e i r own f a m i l i e s , and t h e r e was no f i n a n c i a l h e l p f o r an i n c r e a s i n g number of unemployed youth. P u b l i c p a n i c was generated about the i n c r e a s e i n crime r a t e s and the p u b l i c c o s t s of p r o p e r t y crime. At no time, however, was t h e r e d i r e c t f i n a n c i a l h e l p f o r c h i l d r e n on the s t r e e t s , though some s o c i a l work s e r v i c e , and short-term group homes were a v a i l a b l e i n l i m i t e d supply. The Canadian Parliament i n the e a r l y 1980's was f a c e d w i t h two major problems i n economics and i n s o c i a l c o n t r o l s t r a t e g i e s t h a t impinged on youth j u s t i c e . These problems were f o r e s e e n e a r l i e r . During the l a t e 197 0s, a f t e r a long post-war expansion, c a p i t a l i s m i n Canada fa c e d a major f i s c a l c r i s i s due t o c o n t i n u i n g ' s o c i a l i z a t i o n o f c a p i t a l c o s t s ' 5 (O'Conner, 1973). In the twenty y e a r s p r i o r , t h e r e was a burgeoning of s t a t e s t r a t e g i e s i n the form of w e l f a r e programs, a d m i n i s t r a t i v e l y o r i e n t e d enforcement p r a c t i c e s , and s t a t e - s u p p o r t e d s o c i a l - e c o n o m i c o r g a n i z a t i o n s (Gough, 1979). As the c o s t s of w e l f a r e s t a t e a d m i n i s t r a t i o n i n c r e a s e d , and t h e r e f o r e c o n t r i b u t e d t o the f i s c a l c r i s i s , 4 Donzelot, G. (1979). Donzelot suggests t h a t the s t a t e e n t e r s as a form of power r e l a t i o n s . These r e l a t i o n s l e g i t i m a t e s o c i a l c o n t r o l of p a r t i c u l a r kinds of households. 5 The argument i s t h a t the s t a t e serves both l e g i t i m a t i o n and accumulation f u n c t i o n s . To perform both s e r v i c e s , the s t a t e uses two forms of e x penditure: s o c i a l c a p i t a l , t o i n c r e a s e s e r v i c e s t o i n c r e a s e p r o d u c t i v i t y , and s o c i a l expenses, t o p a c i f y the working p o p u l a t i o n , f o r example, i n w e l f a r e payments. 11 community a l t e r n a t i v e s were encouraged ( S c u l l , 1977). JDA i n s t i t u t i o n a l s e r v i c e s were expensive, but i t became c l e a r t h a t i n c o r p o r a t i n g p r o f e s s i o n a l s i n t o community a l t e r n a t i v e s a l s o r e q u i r e d heavy a d m i n i s t r a t i o n c o s t s . E x p l a n a t i o n s and s o l u t i o n s t o problems i n the domain of economic and s o c i a l c o n t r o l i n f r a s t r u c t u r e s and s t r a t e g i e s began t o develop around the mid-1960s by s e v e r a l i n t e r e s t groups: by l e g i s l a t o r s , the media, by lobby groups and by s o c i a l t h e o r i s t s . During the 1960s, u n t i l the enactment of the YOA, the above-named groups c l a s s i f i e d youth as a problem r e q u i r i n g a more l e g a l l y c o e r c i v e s o l u t i o n than t h a t p r o v i d e d f o r under the JDA. Although the s u s t a i n e d use of c o e r c i o n t h r e a t e n s the l e g i t i m a c y of the s t a t e , i t can be deployed f o r a l i m i t e d p e r i o d o f time. Adolescence was d i s c u s s e d as a d i s t i n c t s o c i a l group i n r e s p e c t t o c r i m i n a l behaviour (Archambault, 198 3). The k i n d of problem debated i n the 1980s, by the l e g i s l a t o r s , was a problem w i t h youth crime, s a i d t o be i n c r e a s i n g the c o s t s t o the w e l f a r e s t a t e . J u v e n i l e crime was p u b l i c l y p e r c e i v e d t o be on the i n c r e a s e . The media t a r g e t t e d youth crime as a major problem, a c c o r d i n g t o c r i t i c a l c r i m i n o l o g y l i t e r a t u r e , because of the law-and o r d e r -campaigns and 'moral p a n i c ' over youth, who were p e r c e i v e d as a 'dangerous c l a s s ' (Brannigan, i n Caputo e t a l , 1989). S i n c e the mid 1960s, v a r i o u s committees on j u v e n i l e d e linquency were s t r u c k . 12 One r e p o r t 6 (1965:279) s t a t e d t h a t y o u t h f u l d e l i n q u e n c y i n Canada was a n a t i o n a l problem t h a t c a l l e d f o r a n a t i o n a l s o l u t i o n . By the l a t e 1970s, the JDA was c o n s i d e r e d unable t o d e a l w i t h the youth crime problem g i v e n the c o n s i d e r a b l e r e c i d i v i s m d e s p i t e s o c i a l work i n t e r v e n t i o n s t r a t e g i e s . By t h i s time, the j u s t i c e department was h e a r i n g b r i e f s mainly from lawyers, which argued t h a t the range of sentences under the JDA were c o n s i d e r e d v e r y narrow. "Within t h i s narrow range, i t becomes d i f f i c u l t t o p r o p o r t i o n the p e n a l t y on the b a s i s of the nature of the p a r t i c u l a r a n t i -s o c i a l conduct i n q u e s t i o n . Perhaps s t i l l more important, g i v e n a change i n emphasis from t r a d i t i o n a l punishment t o modern r e f o r m a t i v e treatment, no t a r i f f o f punishments i s r e a l l y s a t i s f a c t o r y . I t does not f o l l o w , of course, t h a t acceptance of what has been c a l l e d 'the r e h a b i l i t a t i v e i d e a l ' means t h a t the q u e s t i o n of c i v i l l i b e r t i e s can be s a f e l y i g n o r e d . So b e g u i l i n g , i n f a c t , i s the language of therapy t h a t a l l the more care must be taken t o ensure p r o t e c t i o n of those l i b e r t i e s . (1965:87-88) More r a d i c a l a l t e r n a t i v e s , i n v o l v i n g p a r t i c i p a t o r y democracy -the i d e a l of the enlightenment p r o j e c t - w h i l e not implemented i n the YOA, were debated d u r i n g the reform movements of the l a t e 1960s and e a r l y 1970s. C h i l d r e n ' s r i g h t s , f o r example, were c o n s i d e r e d , w i t h the i d e a t h a t c h i l d r e n should be g i v e n the same r i g h t s as a d u l t s i n a democratic s t a t e . T h i s impetus came from v a r i o u s countermovements (Cohen, 1985), such as the 'back t o j u s t i c e movement' but i t s proponents d i d not have s u f f i c i e n t power t o o v e r r i d e the p o l i t i c a l i n s t r u m e n t a l ism subsequently embodied i n the . J u v e n i l e Delinquency i n Canada. The Report of the Department of J u s t i c e Committe on J u v e n i l e Delinquency. 1965. T h i s committee was o r i g i n a l l y composed of 4 members from the Department of N a t i o n a l H e a l t h and Welfare, and the Department of Labour and J u s t i c e . 13 Canadian Young Offenders A c t (1984). A c h i l d c a r e lobby had grown, but formal l e g a l i n t e r e s t s overtook the p a r t i c i p a t o r y democratic emphasis. The debates h e l d i n the l e g i s l a t u r e and by p o l i c y - m a k i n g committees c a r r i e d on f o r 20 y e a r s . In the absence of n e g o t i a t i o n about the ends of j u s t i c e , the formal and t e c h n i c a l instruments of e x p e r t s - lawyers, who claimed e x p e r t i s e i n d i f f e r e n t i a t i n g the a p p r o p r i a t e means - were unable t o c o n s t r u c t a moral/pragmatic o r d e r . Instead, they o u t l i n e d a s e t of formal j u s t i c e ' r u l e s 1 or 'due p r o c e s s ' measures, designed t o s t e e r the j u v e n i l e through the c o u r t p r o c e s s . The g o a l of the process, they claimed, was s o c i a l j u s t i c e , through the p r o t e c t i o n of both ' r i g h t s ' and of ' s o c i e t y ' . The law lobby p r o v i d e d the m o t i v a t i o n t o the c o u r t s t o proceed w i t h t h e i r r i g h t s agenda. The grounds f o r j u s t i c e and crime c o n t r o l had been i n p l a c e i n B.C. i n the l a s t y e ars of the JDA. Even though the dominant model was s t i l l the w e l f a r e p h i l o s o p h y , the JDA had become r i g h t s - o r i e n t e d i n p r a c t i c e . The e v o l u t i o n of these p r a c t i c e s i n t o the YOA suggests t h a t a new d i s c o u r s e has emerged. As s o c i a l work adopted a more s c i e n t i f i c d i s c o u r s e , i t accomodated t o a more 'amoral' or ' t e c h n o - r a t i o n a l ' d i s c o u r s e . The assumption t h a t a t t i t u d e s cause behaviour s e t p o s i t i v i s t programs i n p l a c e , a t the expense of r e s e a r c h on s t r u c t u r a l causes. As 14 s o c i a l i z e d c o s t s , the p u b l i c a d m i n i s t r a t i o n of s o c i a l w e l f a r e p r a c t i c e s were s c r u t i n i z e d by p u b l i c l o b b i e s , o f t e n l e d by members of the l e g a l p r o f e s s i o n . The medical model was put i n t o q u e s t i o n . In t h i s emerging n e o - l i b e r a l p e r s p e c t i v e , s o c i a l c o n t r o l i s a p r o c e s s c a r r i e d out through a d v e r s a r i a l law and c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e . The k i n d of youth c r i m i n a l problem s a i d t o be o c c u r r i n g , and the need t o c u t back on the 'welfare s t a t e ' , made changes t o the JDA seem necessary. 'Helping' s t r a t e g i e s c o n s i d e r e d d u r i n g the YOA debates, such as s k i l l s t r a i n i n g through the M i n i s t r i e s of E d u c a t i o n , were seen as even more f i n a n c i a l l y p r o b l e m a t i c . Moreover, t h e r e was no s t r o n g e d u c a t i o n lobby a t the time of the YOA debates. The most s u c c e s s f u l lobby was the l e g a l p r o f e s s i o n whose t h e o r e t i c a l and normative views appeared t o resonate w i t h the s t a t e ' s new d i r e c t i o n . S o c i o l o g i c a l i n t e r a c t i o n and l a b e l l i n g t h e o r i e s developed ar*bund the need t o examine the j u v e n i l e c o u r t f o r not s o l v i n g the problem of an i n c r e a s i n g number of c h i l d r e n i n t r o u b l e w i t h the law. Most c h i l d r e n , such t h e o r i e s argued, engage i n ' c r i m i n a l ' behaviour. J u v e n i l e o f f e n d e r s were seen as w e ll-adapted t o t h e i r own s u b - c u l t u r a l environments. The n o t i o n of a ' w e l l - a d j u s t e d ' c h i l d has e v a l u a t i v e dimensions, which i m p l i e s adjustment t o the i d e a l p a t r i a r c h a l f a m i l y , r a t h e r than t o the household i n which the c h i l d a c t u a l l y l i v e s . D espite c o u n s e l l i n g , c h i l d r e n were not e a s i l y remoulded. On the b a s i s of l a b e l l i n g theory, i t was argued 15 t h a t 'no a c t i o n ' i s p r e f e r a b l e t o c o u r t p r o c e s s i n g , (Lemert: "In s t e a d of Court D i v e r s i o n i n j u v e n i l e j u s t i c e " , quoted i n Binder and G e i s , 1971:320). R e c i d i v i s m was h i g h d e s p i t e the use of c o r r e c t i o n a l a l t e r n a t i v e s , Lemert argued. A f t e r naming s o c i a l and p e r s o n a l i n t e r v e n t i o n programs, Lundman concludes: "Nearly a l l p a s t attempts a t delinquency c o n t r o l or p r e v e n t i o n have f a i l e d " (Lundman, R i c h a r d , 1976). Given t h i s h i s t o r y of f a i l u r e , c o r r e c t i o n a l a d m i n i s t r a t i o n s began t o d i s c u s s d e l i n q u e n t behaviour w i t h the aim of b a l a n c i n g the economic and humanitarian advantages under JDA programmes. L a b e l l i n g t h e o r i e s , s o c i a l f o r m a t i o n and s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n t h e o r i e s addressed c r i m i n o g e n i c concerns, and the n o n - l i b e r a l i z i n g e f f e c t s of punishment and d e t e r r e n c e , but l i k e the l e g a l r e f o r m i s t s under the JDA and i n the YOA t o f o l l o w , l a b e l l i s t s d i d not q u e s t i o n the s t r u c t u r a l c o n d i t i o n s f o r s o c i a l p o l i c y a r i s i n g a t t h i s time. Responding t o i t s own c o n s t i t u e n c y , the P r o g r e s s i v e C o n s e r v a t i v e government of Canada (1980s) s h i f t e d i t s f i n a n c i a l b a c k i n g from the treatment (welfare) s u p e r s t r u c t u r e i n order t o buoy up f a i l i n g b u s i n e s s e s and encourage new ones. I t was r e l u c t a n t t o support what Gramscians, l i k e David Held (1984), c a l l t he i n t e r v e n t i o n i s t / c o l l e c t i v e s t a t e , i n c l u d i n g i t s w e l f a r e programs a p p l y i n g t o youth. T h i s i n t e r v e n t i o n i s t s t a t e i n c l u d e d both formal and i n f o r m a l networks of s o c i a l c o n t r o l o r i n t e r v e n t i o n p r a c t i c e s i n t o the l i v e s of people c o n s i d e r e d abnormal from the p a t h o l o g i c a l p e r s p e c t i v e of normal s c i e n c e : medicine, psychology 16 and p s y c h i a t r y . Both dependent, d e l i n q u e n t and n e g l e c t e d c h i l d r e n up t o age 17, i n B.C. were t r e a t e d under the w e l f a r e p r i n c i p l e of parens p a t r i a e by s o c i a l w e l f a r e t a c t i c s o f s u p e r v i s i o n and c o n t r o l i n 'the b e s t i n t e r e s t s of the c h i l d ' . I t was s o c i a l w e l f a r e , e d u c a t i o n and h e a l t h s e r v i c e s (the w e l f a r e s t a t e ) , which were t a r g e t t e d f o r d r a s t i c r e d u c t i o n s i n order t o l e s s e n the f i n a n c i a l burden t o the s t a t e . The ' l i b e r a l p l u r a l i s t ' assumptions of the l e g i s l a t u r e and of the j u v e n i l e j u s t i c e c o u r t come from a normative, i n t u i t i v e l y r a t i o n a l , c l a s s i c a l p o s i t i o n . The assumption i s t h a t t h e r e are p r i n c i p l e s t h a t can be shared and r a t i o n a l i z e d , by a p r i o r i r a t h e r than a p o s t e r i o r i r e a s o n i n g found i n s c i e n c e . The proponents of t h i s paradigm seek s o l u t i o n s f o r j u v e n i l e s not i n terms of s c i e n c e , as i n s o c i a l / p s y c h o l o g i c a l i n t e r v e n t i o n p r a c t i c e the s o c i a l w e l f a r e p e r s p e c t i v e . J u v e n i l e s i n t r o u b l e w i t h the law c o u l d be d e f i n e d as l e g a l s u b j e c t s w i t h i n a c r i m i n a l a c t , who have R i g h t s and R e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s , i s s u i n g from a normative s e t of e t h i c s or j u s t i c e . Paul Havemann (1989) , d i s c u s s e s the r o l e of the 'back t o j u s t i c e movement' d u r i n g the YOA l e g i s l a t i v e debates i n prompting a new i d e o l o g y f o r the Canadian s t a t e . The o b j e c t i v e of the l e g i s l a t o r s was t o f i n d a s o l u t i o n t o the growing numbers of problem c h i l d r e n ( j u v e n i l e d e l i n q u e n t s ) , who brought mounting c o s t s t o the w e l f a r e and j u s t i c e systems. The JDA, as a 'welfare' 17 concept was debunked, and the YOA was enacted as a dual-pronged p i e c e o f l e g i s l a t i o n i n t h a t i t i n c l u d e d both r i g h t s and crime c o n t r o l emphases. But i t a l s o i n c l u d e d 'welfare' phrases, the most s i g n i f i c a n t one b e i n g a r e f e r r a l t o the ' s p e c i a l needs' of young people. Thus, t h e r e was a p o l i t i c a l i n t e n t i o n i n c r e a t i n g , w i t h i n the a c t , a dual-pronged i d e o l o g y , w i t h remnants of the 'welfare' d i s c o u r s e . In examining the p o l i t i c s of j u v e n i l e c o n t r o l , the proponents of the 'back t o j u s t i c e movement' c r i t i c i z e d the d i s c r e t i o n a r y powers of l o c a l a u t h o r i t i e s of the j u s t i c e and s o c i a l w e l f a r e systems. They argued f o r the simultaneous c o n s t r u c t i o n of w e l f a r e and j u s t i c e , c l a i m i n g t h a t p r o f e s s i o n a l s o c i a l work i n t e r e s t s f o s t e r e d a monopoly of knowledge over the 'best i n t e r e s t s of the c h i l d ' . F u r t h e r , they c r i t i c i z e d s o c i a l workers f o r s u b j e c t i n g an i n c r e a s i n g number of j u v e n i l e s t o i n d e t e r m i n a t e p e r i o d s of s o c i a l c o n t r o l . Such an account d i d not f u l l y a p p r e c i a t e the h i s t o r y of l e g a l reform. Welfare was not simply an i n t r u s i o n i n t o the j u s t i c e system. The h i s t o r y of the j u s t i c e system shows t h a t t h e r e never was a complete c l a s s i c a l j u s t i c e agenda i n p l a c e . The j u v e n i l e j u s t i c e c o u r t s , were s e t up i n middle c l a s s terms, i n Chicago, t o keep poor immigrant c h i l d r e n o f f the s t r e e t s . In terms of the r e p r e s s i v e consequences of w e l f a r i s m , the 'back t o j u s t i c e movement' and the lawyers who i n h e r i t e d the major committee work 18 around the YOA c o n s t r u c t i o n ignored the meshing of the w e l f a r e and j u s t i c e systems s i n c e the time of the commencement of the J u v e n i l e Court, around the t u r n of the century. Although the ' j u s t i c e ' arguments c e n t r e around the need t o i n t r o d u c e ' due p r o c e s s ' i n t o the j u v e n i l e j u s t i c e system, the q u e s t i o n s t i l l remains: whose j u s t i c e i s i t ? There were two attempts a t f o r m u l a t i n g the YOA. In 1965, s o c i a l workers p a r t i c i p a t e d i n the J u s t i c e sub-committee on J u v e n i l e Delinquency debates. T h i s group was not much i n evidence i n 1975, when the f i r s t d r a f t of the A c t was c o n s i d e r e d . The s o c i a l workers d i d not have much lobby power d u r i n g the l a t e r YOA debates. The l e g i s l a t o r s r e f u s e d t o p r i o r i t i z e the s p e c i a l needs/welfare p h i l o s o p h y , which g i v e s the s t a t e , i n the form of the parens p a t r i a e . r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r the j u v e n i l e o f f e n d e r . A c c o r d i n g t o the a l t e r n a t i v e ' j u s t i c e ' p h i l o s o p h y , the young person i s g i v e n no fewer r i g h t s and r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s than an a d u l t . Input from l e g a l o f f i c i a l s was dominant i n the r e p o r t s t o the House. Rather than n e g o t i a t e on the ends of j u s t i c e , the l e g i s l a t o r s t u r n e d t o the instruments and r a t i o n a l i t i e s o f c a r r y i n g out j u s t i c e . T h i s a c t i o n was accomplished through the p o l i c i e s o f the YOA. In the s h i f t between the JDA and the YOA, s o c i a l reforms through law are s p e c i f i c a l l y expressed i n a p o l i c y s e c t i o n of the YOA e n t i t l e d " D e c l a r a t i o n of P r i n c i p l e s " . The p h i l o s o p h y of the 19 A c t s e r v e s as a guide t o the i n t e n t " f o r everyone concerned w i t h i t s a d m i n i s t r a t i o n " 7 as r e g a r d i n g the ' p r o t e c t i o n of s o c i e t y ' , the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of youth f o r t h e i r behaviour, a c c o u n t a b i l i t y i n a manner a p p r o p r i a t e t o t h e i r age and m a t u r i t y , s p e c i a l needs because o f dependency, and the r i g h t s of due p r o c e s s law c o n s i s t e n t with the ' l e a s t i n t e r f e r e n c e w i t h the i n d i v i d u a l ' p r i n c i p l e . The l i t e r a t u r e on law reform movements (Hunt, 1978) shows t h a t l i b e r a l r eformers were convinced t h a t the l e g a l system c o u l d be r e f o r m a t i v e t o meet the ends of j u s t i c e . At t h i s time, the YOA l e g a l reform movement d i d not c l e a r l y d i s t i n g u i s h the boundaries of the l e g a l system and of s o c i a l requirements. When the g o a l o f j u s t i c e was met i t was assumed t h a t a s i g n i f i c a n t change o r i g i n a t i n g i n the l e g a l system then moved through the system ending w i t h a r e f o r m a t i v e impact o u t s i d e the system. The problem w i t h the i n s t r u m e n t a l ism i n h e r e n t i n the assumption was the v e r y i d e a of s e p a r a t i n g s o c i e t y , and the l e g a l system w i t h i n i t . In A p r i l , 1984, the YOA was enacted. The YOA was d u a l -pronged, i n c l u d i n g both 'Welfare' and 'Rights and R e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s ' phrases. The YOA adoption of l e g a l procedures, as w i t h the JDA, was based on o v e r t l y m o r a l i s t i c premises, i n the n o t i o n of r i g h t s . C r i t i c i s m s of the new Act, l i k e the JDA b e f o r e i t , were i n the area of the p a r t i c u l a r i z i n g p r a c t i c e s , which o v e r r i d e or modify the dominant p h i l o s o p h i e s . Through p o l i t i c a l l o b b i e s , advocacy of . The Young Offenders A c t : H i g h l i g h t . Department of J u s t i c e . Canada. 1988 20 r i g h t s i s s t i l l c o n s i d e r e d emancipatory r e g a r d i n g these concerns under the YOA. The q u e s t i o n remains, however, about the r e a l i t y of the s o c i a l network and new a d m i n i s t r a t i v e p r a c t i c e s which surround the A c t . P o l i t i c a l l y , i n the e a r l y 1970s, a c h i l d c a r e lobby had grown. With the presence of lawyers, the proponents of 'the back t o j u s t i c e movement' emphasized due process, i n d i v i d u a l a c c o u n t a b i l i t y and determinate sentences o v e r r i d i n g the n o t i o n of c h i l d r e n ' s r i g h t s w i t h l e g a l r i g h t s per se. The p o s i t i v i s t model of s o c i a l w e l f a r e and s c h o o l i n g , based on a concept of normalcy and the i d e a l f u n c t i o n i n g of f a m i l y l i f e , and the r e s u l t i n g a d m i n i s t r a t i v e p r a c t i c e s under the JDA, were not a t t a c k e d i n regards t o s t r u c t u r a l i s s u e s of the problem of dependency, n e g l e c t and p r o p e r t y crime. New debates were r a i s e d i n the s h i f t between the JDA and the YOA about the ' p r o t e c t i o n of s o c i e t y ' , and the ' p r o t e c t i o n of the v i c t i m ' w i t h r e s p e c t t o working w i t h the young o f f e n d e r . The q u e s t i o n s r a i s e d were l a r g e l y about a d m i n i s t r a t i v e a c t i o n , r a t h e r than w i t h the p h i l o s o p h y of l e g a l reform per se. Legal p r o f e s s i o n a l s c ontinued t o monopolize the h a n d l i n g of c o n f l i c t s . L e g a l reform used the h e u r i s t i c s of law t o generate the hope of s o c i a l reform through s t a t u t o r y and s o c i a l p o l i c y measures. The intended l e g i s l a t i v e s o l u t i o n was r e l a t e d not o n l y t o a p e r c e i v e d i n c r e a s e i n crime, but t o the n e o - c o n s e r v a t i v e focus on the v u l n e r a b i l i t y of the government a d m i n i s t r a t i o n r e g a r d i n g the 2 1 g r e a t e r c o s t s of w e l f a r e and community programmes. The i n f o r m a l problem was not d i r e c t c o s t s t o the s t a t e , but w i t h the f l e x i b i l i t y and time r e q u i r e d t o make use of a l l a l t e r n a t i v e r e s o u r c e s and t o g i v e them independent r e s p o n s i b i l i t y . By f o c u s s i n g on an a d m i n i s t r a t i v e t a c t i c of ' a c c o u n t a b i l i t y ' , the proponents of the 'back t o j u s t i c e movement' worked a g a i n s t g i v i n g d e c e n t r a l i z e d a u t h o r i t y t o community agencies. The problem of a d m i n i s t r a t i v e a c c o u n t a b i l i t y r e i n f o r c e d the need t o t r a n s p o s e ' a c c o u n t a b i l i t y ' onto the u s e r . The l e g a l p r o f e s s i o n uses a model t h a t i s based on r e p r e s e n t a t i o n of opposing p a r t i e s i n order t o r e s o l v e and prevent c o n f l i c t s through banning the use of p r i v i l e g e d communication w i t h i n the c o u r t system. I t i s important t h a t the p a r t i e s can c o n t r o l each other. Judges have a h i g h degree of agreement co n c e r n i n g i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of norms as w e l l as agreement concerning evidence. For the reason of u n i f o r m i t y of approach, the p r o f e s s i o n can be t y p i f i e d as u n i v e r s a l i z i n g by implementing a ' j u s t * p o s i t i o n from which t o proceed w i t h l e g a l reform. The b a s i c model of h e a l e r s , on the o t h e r hand, i s not one of opposing p a r t i e s . Each p a r t y has t o be helped t o a t t a i n h e a l t h . In o r d e r f o r the medical model t o work, treatment personnel must have easy access t o community programmes. Due t o the onset of a f i n a n c i a l c r i s i s , the government was r e l u c t a n t t o put more money i n t o d e c e n t r a l i z e d kinds of programmes. 22 With the presence of lawyers i n a number of cases, new p r a c t i c e s developed i n j u v e n i l e c o u r t p a r a l l e l i n g a n e g o t i a t e d and a d m i n i s t r a t i v e j u s t i c e system. The use of p l e a - b a r g a i n i n g began t o be used, a p r a c t i c e t h a t evolved i n a d u l t c r i m i n a l work. Two important i n f l u e n c e s encouraged the use of c o u n s e l : one of them i s c l a s s - b a s e d , as m i d d l e - c l a s s c h i l d r e n were b e i n g charged i n an i n c r e a s i n g number of n a r c o t i c s o f f e n s e s . The o t h e r i n f l u e n c e was noted i n the USA, as a r a c e - r e l a t e d concern, as b l a c k s i n ghettos f a c e d s e r i o u s a s s a u l t charges connected w i t h r e s i s t i n g a r r e s t . The c o u r t had become a s p e c i a l i z e d agency f o r crime c o n t r o l , w i t h the l a r g e r s o c i a l problems of young people r e f e r r e d back t o community and government agencies f o r treatment p l a n n i n g and r e s o u r c e c o n t r o l . But i t i s here t h a t funding was c u t . Debates on the j u s t i c e system were based on l e g a l i s t i c v a l u e s ( N e j e l s k i : 1976), i n c l u d i n g the s e r i o u s n e s s of the crime, and p r i o r r e c o g n i t i o n by the law-enforcement agencies. The s t i m u l u s f o r p o l i c y development d i d not seek t o t r a n s c e n d the instrument and o b j e c t r e l a t i o n s h i p s of c l a s s , r a c e and gender. S t r u c t u r a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s are c e n t r a l t o the e x p l a n a t i o n and p o l i c y r e g a r d i n g v a r i a b l e p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n crime. The YOA was c o n s i d e r e d t o be the r i g h t s o l u t i o n t o the government a d m i n i s t r a t i o n ' s l e g i t i m a t i o n problems. The s o l u t i o n i n v o l v e d sending the debate t o the c o u r t s . To a v o i d extremes, p o l i c y makers tend t o develop p o l i c i e s t h a t c o n f l a t e s e v e r a l models (S. A s q u i t h , 1983:8). In the YOA, s i n c e both r i g h t s and needs-23 o r i e n t a t i o n are w r i t t e n i n t o the Act (Thomson, 1983:27), i f the p o l i t i c a l pendulum swings the o t h e r way, from the ' c r i m i n a l code f o r c h i l d r e n ' view t o the ' n e e d s - o r i e n t a t i o n ' p r o v i s i o n , then the A c t c o n t i n u e s as an agent of the c o l l e c t i v e s t a t e . The a l l e g e d i d e a l , however, does not c o n s i d e r the a c t u a l working of the Act, through i t s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s and p r a c t i c e s . The f l e x i b i l i t y of the YOA underestimates the problems i n h e r e n t i n the l a c k of p r i o r i t y assumptions u n d e r l i n e d i n the A c t . The A c t can be d i s c r e t i o n a r y w i t h no p o i n t s of b u r e a u c r a t i c r e s o l u t i o n . The p r e v a i l i n g i d e o l o g y depends on how each youth c o u r t determines p r i o r i t i e s , and on the k i n d s of c o n s t r a i n t s each r e f l e c t s . The YOA was a l s o c o n s i d e r e d the r i g h t s o l u t i o n by j u v e n i l e j u s t i c e proponents who argued t h a t as c r i m i n a l law, the major purpose of a d m i n i s t e r i n g j u v e n i l e law should be " f i r s t l y , t o p r o t e c t s o c i e t y from the e f f e c t s of crime committed by youth ( P r e v e n t i o n of Crime and Treatment of O f f e n d e r s " , unpublished (1984:1). The new laws s t r e s s e d the need t o h o l d the young person • r e s p o n s i b l e ' f o r the i l l e g a l behaviour. There were no s o c i a l r e a s o n ings g i v e n f o r the term ' r e s p o n s i b l e ' . That t a s k of i n t e r p r e t a t i o n i s l e f t t o the Youth Court judges. Under the o p e r a t i o n s of the YOA, e q u a l i t y b e f o r e the law i s t h e o r e t i c a l l y p r e s e n t i n the D e c l a r a t i o n of P r i n c i p l e s and i n the r i g h t t o due p r o c e s s . Young persons are not t o be h e l d accountable i n the same way as a d u l t s ; i n t h i s phrase, the parens p a t r i a e 24 p r i n c i p l e i s s t i l l i n p l a c e . Young people s t i l l r e q u i r e s u p e r v i s i o n , d i s c i p l i n e and c o n t r o l , and a l s o have s p e c i a l needs: they are now seen l e g a l l y t o need guidance. They have r i g h t s and freedoms through the Canadian C h a r t e r o f R i g h t s , i n c l u d i n g due pr o c e s s , a r i g h t t o be heard and p a r t i c i p a t e . They are t o be removed from p a r e n t s 1 homes o n l y when p a r e n t a l s u p e r v i s i o n i s i n a p p r o p r i a t e . The parent i s r e q u i r e d t o a t t e n d the h e a r i n g s . There was some concern about a net-widening of the j u s t i c e system, t h a t m a n d a t o r i l y i n c l u d e s parents and peers i n a system of l e g a l a d m i n i s t r a t i o n . Parents are caught up i n an a n t a g o n i s t i c approach between the f a m i l y and the s t a t e by a concept of j u s t i c e which suggests the t r a n s p o s i t i o n o f ' g u i l t * o r r e s p o n s i b i l i t y onto e i t h e r f a m i l y o r i n d i v i d u a l . Under the JDA, t h e r e was some c o l l e c t i v e r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r problems of youth crime. Under s u p e r v i s i o n , the young o f f e n d e r w i l l not n e c e s s a r i l y be i n v o l v e d i n a formal c o u r t h e a r i n g , but w i l l have t o make amends i n some o t h e r o r a l t e r n a t e way, f o r example t o a p o l o g i z e t o the v i c t i m and pay f o r damages caused. Although these programmes have been used i n p a r t under JDA, t h e r e are more formal c o n s t r a i n t measures i n the YOA. There are no d e t e n t i o n s without good reason, nor are t h e r e u n c o n d i t i o n a l r e l e a s e s . B a i l b o n d o r custody i n j u v e n i l e c e n t r e s remain the d i s p o s i t i o n o f the c o u r t . No p u b l i c a t i o n of i d e n t i t y i s made, and i d e n t i f y i n g documents used f o r c o u r t purposes, are r e q u i r e d t o be des t r o y e d on a d i s p o s i t i o n of innocence. These l e g a l r i g h t s are aimed a t e q u a l i z i n g young people b e f o r e the law. In p r a c t i c e , Wardell (quoted i n C u r r i e and Maclean, 1986:141) argues t h a t the A c t has been used i n an even more r e p r e s s i v e way than under the JDA. There are more young people coming b e f o r e the j u v e n i l e c o u r t s f o r minor o f f e n s e s than p r e v i o u s l y , and more youth are b e i n g r e p r e s s i v e l y t r e a t e d through i n c a r c e r a t i o n . S i n c e 1984, Canadian s t a t i s t i c s show an i n c r e a s e i n YOA c o n v i c t i o n s s i n c e the JDA was r e p l a c e d . A f t e r one year under the YOA Act, 50% more c h i l d r e n were being admitted t o sentenced custody; now, f i v e y e ars l a t e r , the f i g u r e s reach n e a r l y 100% more than under the pre-YOA numbers. More r e s o u r c e s have been put i n p l a c e under the new Act than f o r m e r l y under the JDA. Judges are d i s p o s i n g more youth t o custody w i t h few programs r e l a t e d t o emotional and sexual abuse, a l c o h o l and drug problems, v i o l e n t home backgrounds and l e a r n i n g d i s o r d e r s . Why has the s h i f t i n emphasis on r i g h t s and freedoms become more r e p r e s s i v e ? The concept of r i g h t s i s b u i l t upon the p o l i t i c a l d i s c o u r s e s of the i n d i v i d u a l , r a t h e r than of a c o l l e c t i v e group, and p r o j e c t s an i n d i v i d u a l i z i n g , a t o m i z i n g s o c i a l world. I t i s necessary t o c o n s i d e r the ' p o l i t i c s of r i g h t s ' i n the s t a t e ' s i n t e n t i o n t o j u s t i f y a s h i f t i n p o l i c y . I suggest t h a t t h e r e i s a l i n k between the l e g i s l a t i v e endorsement of r i g h t s and the emergence of a new d i s c o u r s e . The l i n k i s found i n changing s t r a t e g i e s of s o c i a l c o n t r o l over the youth p o p u l a t i o n . 26 A l i m i t e d l e g a l i z a t i o n of the p o l i t i c a l p r o c e s s of youth j u s t i c e i n Canada c r e a t e s new forms of power r e l a t i o n s . My argument i s t h a t the s o c i a l r e a s o n i n g i n the YOA i s the means used by the s t a t e t o expand i t s power r e l a t i o n s , and t o a l t e r , but not t r a n s f o r m , the dependency of youth on the s t a t e . I n t r o d u c t i n g l e g a l r e a s o n i n g i n t o j u v e n i l e j u s t i c e has r e s u l t e d i n reform p r a c t i c e s i n v a d i n g the domain of d e c e n t r a l i z e d community s e r v i c e s and widening the network of s o c i a l c o n t r o l through the law. S e v e r a l stages of new d i s c u r s i v e p r a c t i c e s are i n d i c a t e d . The l e g i s l a t o r s and policy-makers intended t o i n t r o d u c e crime c o n t r o l measures because of a s t a t e f i n a n c i a l c r i s i s i n Canada i n the l a t e 1970s. The s o l u t i o n t o c u t t i n g back on the c o s t s of the w e l f a r e s t a t e r e q u i r e d new l e g i s l a t i o n , ending the JDA. The means employed was ' r i g h t s ' l e g i s l a t i o n t o usher the s h i f t i n p o l i c y through the c o u r t s . The YOA i t s e l f , i s deemed a s u c c e s s f u l p i e c e of l e g i s l a t i o n . However, problems continue t o mount and amendments are d i s c u s s e d . Persons sentenced under YOA are monopolizing f a c i l i t i e s s e t up f o r Family and C h i l d S e r v i c e Act wards. Si n c e the problem of youth crime has not disappeared, many new c e n t e r s are b e i n g b u i l t a t t h i s time. Sentences appear t o be l o n g e r under the YOA than under the C r i m i n a l Code. S t a t i s t i c s on the apparent i n c r e a s e i n youth crime are used as p r e s s u r e f o r more c o n t r o l measures. S i n c e the r e s o u r c e s are i n p l a c e , i t appears t h a t problems a d m i n i s t e r i n g the 27 YOA are due t o problems of i n t e r p r e t a t i o n . Resources can be used r e p r e s s i v e l y , f o r i n c a r c e r a t i o n , or t o b u i l d communities. C o l l e c t i v e g o a l s , a c t i o n s , and d i s c o u r s e does not separate or emphasize the i n d i v i d u a l or the s o c i a l world but i s based on a continuum. The theme of l e g a l r e a s o n i n g operates w i t h i n a b e h a v i o u r i s t , l e g a l paradigm. Although not r e p r e s e n t e d i n the YOA, the theme of community change o v e r r i d e s the anomalies of the i n d i v i d u a l and the c o l l e c t i v e , o r systems w i t h i n s o c i e t y which can t r a n s c e n d i t t o judge. The YOA can swing back t o more d e c e n t r a l i z e d r e s p o n s i b i l i t y i f the focus of l e g a l r e a s o n i n g i s c o l l e c t i v e , r a t h e r than s o c i a l o r p e r s o n a l . Understanding hermeneutics i n the YOA i s a f i r s t s tep, a means of e l i c i t i n g p r a c t i c e s of i n t e r p r e t a t i o n . In o r d e r t o c r i t i c i z e the YOA, i t i s a l s o important t o ground the a p p l i c a t i o n and i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s o f the c o u r t s i n the p o l i t i c s of s o c i a l r e a s o n i n g . As a matter of p r i n c i p l e , the YOA was based on the assumption t h a t formal i n t e r v e n t i o n i n the l i f e o f the young person, under the a u t h o r i t y of the c r i m i n a l law i s v a l i d reason f o r l e g a l r i g h t s t o be extended from a d u l t s t o young persons. D e s p i t e s e p a r a t i o n of a d u l t s and j u v e n i l e s i n the j u s t i c e system, elements of c r i m i n a l p roceedings were not avoided; ( f o r example, d e t e r r e n c e , punishment, and d e t e n t i o n ) , but were i n f a c t sought a f t e r , as i n Re Gault, 1967. L e g a l r e p r e s e n t a t i o n was proposed and examined on the b a s i s t h a t l e g a l precedent had a l r e a d y been s e t i n case law under the JDA 28 g i v i n g argument or d e c i s i o n s f a v o u r i n g due pro c e s s p r o t e c t i o n s (Catton and Leon, 1977:330). The r o l e o f duty counsel i n the a d v e r s a r i a l p o s i t i o n where c h i l d - pa r e n t c o n f l i c t s a r i s e was u n c l e a r . The p o s i t i o n under the JDA o f amicus c u r i a e was seen as mediatory, a d v i s i n g a l l p a r t i c i p a n t s , and an ' u n s a t i s f a c t o r y ' c o u r t p o s i t i o n . P r i v a t e lawyers experienced l e s s r o l e c o n f l i c t when r e p r e s e n t i n g the young o f f e n d e r as c l i e n t . The absence of a c l e a r p r o s e c u t o r was s a t i s f i e d by an u n d e r l y i n g i n f o r m a l p r o c e s s . S i n c e ' r i g h t s ' were now c o n s i d e r e d as p a r t o f the c h i l d ' s b e s t i n t e r e s t , t h e r e was a need f o r e f f e c t i v e communication w i t h the c h i l d . As lawyers c o u l d be r e t a i n e d t o ' e x p l a i n ' l e g a l terms t o the c h i l d , l e g a l r e p r e s e n t a t i o n was made mandatory. The r o l e of youth worker was a l s o p r o v i d e d i n the YOA t o a s s i s t t he young person i n l e a r n i n g about h i s / h e r r i g h t s . By f o r m a l i z i n g ' d i v e r s i o n * i n law, the q u e s t i o n s o f re d u c i n g d i s c r e t i o n a r y p r a c t i c e s , and of 'widening the net' were r a i s e d as c o n t i n u i n g the i n f o r m a l i t y o f the JDA c o u r t p r a c t i c e s . I t was, however, c o n s i d e r e d s u f f i c i e n t t o focus a t t e n t i o n on the p r o v i s i o n o f l e g a l safeguards through 'due p r o c e s s ' . The d i v e r s i o n p r a c t i c e s were b u i l t i n under the A l t e r n a t i v e Measures p r o v i s i o n s . The s c r e e n i n g p r o c e s s was thought t o be c o e r c i v e (Catton and Leon:120) but policy-makers c o n s t r u c t e d i t as the b e s t way t o p r o t e c t the 29 • p u b l i c i n t e r e s t 1 . S c r e e n i n g agencies would t h e r e f o r e have the duty o f p r o t e c t i n g l e g a l r i g h t s . The new YOA l e g i s l a t i o n empowered the youth c o u r t judges t o impose d e f i n i t e sentences up t o a t h r e e year maximum. Under the • r i g h t s ' agenda i t was argued t h a t young people should know a t the o u t s e t the nature and l e n g t h o f the p e n a l t y they would r e c e i v e . The argument turne d a g a i n s t i n d e f i n i t e s e n t e n c i n g which had been allowed p r e v i o u s l y i n order t o e s t a b l i s h an e f f e c t i v e treatment p l a n as r e q u i r e d by the 'welfare' concept. 'Crime c o n t r o l ' and ' r i g h t s ' are both b u i l t i n t o the the YOA by i t s range of d i s p o s i t i o n s . Emphasis on the former r e v o l v e s around formal c o u r t p r o c e d i n g s , f i n e s and c u s t o d i a l p r o v i s i o n s ; the focus on ' r i g h t s ' o r j u s t i c e favours enforcement of p r o b a t i o n and community s e r v i c e o r d e r s . The YOA t u r n s on the argument of m a i n t a i n i n g a h e a l t h y "balance between the p r o t e c t i o n o f s o c i e t y and the maintenance of the j u v e n i l e j u s t i c e concept" (The Young Off e n d e r s A c t H i g h l i g h t s , Department of J u s t i c e , Canada, 1988). In the r e s u l t i n g d i s p o s i t i o n s , the judges' r e a s o n i n g has e s t a b l i s h e d the b u r e a u c r a t i c v a l u e s o f enforcement p r o v i s i o n s u s i n g c o u r t o p e r a t i n g procedures and p r a c t i c e s of l e g a l reform. The q u e s t i o n i s whether the ' r i g h t s ' p h i l o s o p h y i s deeply embedded i n these p r a c t i c e s , as the YOA suggests, o r whether the judges r e q u i r e a dominant p h i l o s o p h y t o ' p r o t e c t r i g h t s ' v e r s u s ' p r o t e c t s o c i e t y ' i n order t o emphasize the o p t i o n a l nature of the Court i n i t s d i s p o s i t i o n s . 30 The YOA was seen as the s o l u t i o n t o problems w i t h due process o r ' r i g h t s 1 , and f o r the c o n t r o l o f crime. I t i s not a c l e a r l y d e f i n e d area f o r these r i g h t s and r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s as both p h i l o s o p h i c a l and a d m i n i s t r a t i v e c o n t r a d i c t i o n s have developed w i t h i n i t s j u r i s d i c t i o n of competency. I t i s not equipped t o handle r e a l l y v i o l e n t o f f e n d e r s because of the problem o f r a i s i n g j u v e n i l e s t o a d u l t c o u r t , and ot h e r age-graded d i s t i n c t i o n s . B a s i c a l l y , i t was conceived as a s o l u t i o n t o a p o l i t i c a l problem. A focus on r i g h t s and r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s d e a l s more g e n e r a l l y w i t h p r o p e r t y i s s u e s , r a t h e r than s t r u c t u r a l problems of the l i f e - s y l e s o f c h i l d r e n . N e i t h e r the l e g a l nor the w e l f a r e system have s t r o n g l y defended borders of e x p e r t i s e t o handle the l o g i c o f c a r e o r of c o n t r o l a p p l i e d t o middle-range age groups of c h i l d r e n (Abercrombie, 198). There are no c l e a r d e f i n i t i o n s w i t h i n the s t a t u t e . E x p a n s i o n i s t l o g i c o f both areas o f ' r i g h t s ' and of 'needs' shows up the c o n t r a d i c t i o n s o f e x p e r t i s e . S e x u a l l y and p h y s i c a l l y abused c h i l d r e n of 16 are now l e f t out of care r e s o u r c e s , i n p r a c t i c e , as younger c h i l d r e n are g i v e n c a s e l o a d p r i o r i t y . S i m i l a r grey areas are d e f i n e d f o r c r i m i n a l behaviour f o r c h i l d r e n under 12. The B.C. government has requested p r i v a t i z e d s e r v i c e s . P r e d i c t a b l y , the added c o s t of the u n i f o r m l y h i g h e r age has added t o the c o s t burden of p r o v i n c i a l a d m i n i s t r a t i o n s , which p r e v i o u s l y 31 d e a l t w i t h c h i l d r e n over 17 as a d u l t c r i m i n a l s . Implementing the A c t has i n c r e a s e d most p r o v i n c i a l l e g a l c o s t s , and s t r a i n e d e x i s t i n g custody f a c i l i t i e s . There i s added scope f o r p r i v a t i z e d c a p i t a l through the use of containment r e s o u r c e s f o r r e c i d i v i s t s , and the advantage of c a p i t a l and p r o f e s s i o n a l r e t u r n s through the use of w i d e l y r a n g i n g d i s p o s i t i o n s t o be c o n s i d e r e d i n the q u e s t i o n of why the YOA, d u r i n g a p r o v i n c i a l a d m i n i s t r a t i v e c r i s i s , i s responding t o p a r t i c u l a r s o c i a l i n t e r e s t s . I t does not address the s t r u c t u r a l causes of youth crime because i n i t s terms t h i s i s not necessary. The judges are not prepared t o d e a l w i t h the causes of crime t h a t i n v o l v e young persons. To understand the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s t h a t judges seem t o be a p p l y i n g t o the A c t i s t o examine the s p e c i f i c power of the law as being s t r a t e g i c a l l y p l a c e d i n r e l a t i o n t o o t h e r groups, and i n b e i n g "geared t o producing s p e c i f i c power r e l a t i o n s ' . (Sumner, 1979:293) One of the problems t h a t has been i n c u r r e d by young o f f e n d e r s i s t h a t p r e - t r i a l d e t e n t i o n i s 'longer than necessary', as young o f f e n d e r s await c o u n s e l . Once an a r r e s t has o c c u r r e d , t h e r e i s a l o n g d e l a y . Youths have a r i g h t t o be r e p r e s e n t e d by c o u n s e l , or f o r c o u n s e l t o be r e t a i n e d by order of the A t t o r n e y General i f the young o f f e n d e r i s not p e r s o n a l l y a b l e t o c o n s u l t w i t h a lawyer b e f o r e making a statement t o p o l i c e . The q u e s t i o n i s whether youth are b e i n g a d v i s e d of t h e i r r i g h t s or ' f u l l y a p p r e c i a t e * these r i g h t s (Smith, T. 1985). L e g a l a i d e o f f i c i a l s are o f t e n p r o v i d e d who are p a r a - l e g a l s or law students. The l e g a l a i d e system can 32 b r i n g on d e l a y s i n coming t o t r i a l , t o the young person who has a f i n a n c i a l problem. Another concern r a i s e d i n the l i t e r a t u r e , i s the l e v e l o f unde r s t a n d i n g lawyers have r e g a r d i n g the YOA. Oft e n t h e r e i s onl y a b r i e f time f o r couns e l t o i n t e r v i e w t h e i r c l i e n t s . Crown ® p r o s e c u t o r s may now have the r e q u i r e d time o f t r a i n i n g , but they have problems wi t h keeping up t o s t a t i s t i c a l averages and i n meeting time r e s t r a i n t s . The same problem occurs w i t h youth c o u r t judges. The i n t e n t of the Act was t o p r o v i d e an a u t h e n t i c and a p p r o p r i a t e youth j u s t i c e system. But t h e r e are v a r i a t i o n s i n compliance w i t h the system a c c o r d i n g t o j u r i s d i c t i o n s , and l e g a l p h i l o s o p h y o f the judges. I n d i c a t i o n s are t h a t the A c t i s being i n t e r p r e t e d d i f f e r e n t l y by d i f f e r e n t judges, and d i f f e r e n t l y by the same judge. C h i l d r e n are being t r e a t e d d i f f e r e n t l y f o r d i f f e r e n t crimes: as a d u l t s f o r murder, i f the Crown chooses t o r a i s e them t o a d u l t c o u r t , and as c h i l d r e n f o r t h e f t . D i r e c t i v e s have been sent t o A t t o r n e y s - G e n e r a l u r g i n g a p p l i c a t i o n s be made t o t r a n s f e r t o h i g h e r c o u r t s a l l s e r i o u s o f f e n c e s f o r which the t h r e e year sentence may not be a p p r o p r i a t e . I t i s important t o examine the g e n e r a l c r i t e r i a and l e g a l c u l t u r e i n which these d i s t i n c t i o n s are made. 33 There has been a c a l l f o r se n t e n c i n g g u i d e l i n e s (Canadian Sentencing Commission Rep o r t ) . D i s c r e t i o n a r y s e n t e n c i n g and p l e a b a r g a i n i n g i s c o n s i d e r e d normal. T h i s d i f f e r e n t i a l mode of i n t e r p r e t a t i o n i s important and i t i s necessary t o come t o terms w i t h i t . I t i s important t o understand the reasons g i v e n f o r the sentences, and the s o c i a l meaning and knowledge/power r e l a t i o n s i n v o l v e d i n the sense of normalcy which e n t e r s i n t o the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s o f the A c t . I would argue t h a t t h e r e i s no b a s i s i n s o c i a l r i g h t s and r e s p o n s i b l i t i e s t h a t i s without c o n t r a d i c t i o n , and of course t h e r e i s no moral consensus. A l i s d a i r M a c l n t y r e (1984) suggests t h a t when t h e r e i s no moral consensus, then a n o t i o n o f r i g h t s has no grounds t h a t can be u n i v e r s a l l y acclaimed. The n o t i o n o f r i g h t s without a p a r a l l e l one of d u t i e s i s opaque, and can t h e r e f o r e be r e p r e s s i v e . The p o i n t o f t h i s study i s t o e x p l i c a t e how power i s s u s t a i n e d through the n o t i o n o f r i g h t s . The c e n t r a l p r o f e s s i o n s o f w e l f a r e and law have the power and knowledge t o extend the j u v e n i l e j u s t i c e c o u r t j u r i s d i c t i o n , by t h e i r i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s o f the YOA, based on t h e i r own p r a c t i c a l r e a s o n i n g w i t h i n t h i s s t a t u t e . S i n c e t h e r e are c o n f l i c t i n g s t r u g g l e s over the use of c a r e and youth c o n t r o l , ambiguity r e s u l t s . Any s u b s t a n t i v e g o a l o f c h i l d development i s ambiguous or d i s c i p l i n a r y . The law i s not n e c e s s a r i l y l i b e r a l , even from a ' r i g h t s ' p o s i t i o n , i n a m e l i o r a t i n g the r e p r e s s i v e a s p e c t s o f c a p i t a l i s t s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s . To t a l k about amending the a c t , by i n c r e a s i n g the term of i n c a r c e r a t i o n f o r 34 severe o f f e n s e s , i s t o miss the fundamental problem of i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the YOA, the l a c k of p r i o r a t i z a t i o n s i n c e i t s i n c e p t i o n , and the power r e l a t i o n s t h a t ground s p e c i f i c i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s . There are many s o c i a l problems and q u e s t i o n s r a i s e d by the YOA. For example, what i s done under the YOA about the labour s u r p l u s p o p u l a t i o n o f young o f f e n d e r s ? In e f f e c t , treatment no l o n g e r i s a b l e t o induce d i s c i p l i n e w i t h a workplace advantage. There i s s t i l l the problem of g r e a t e r numbers of youth who are a v a i l a b l e f o r work, who do not need t o be t r e a t e d o r r e h a b i l i t a t e d . Youth o f f e n d e r s are a marginal, p a s s i v e p o p u l a t i o n , however, who can s t i l l be d i s c i p l i n e d and r e h a b i l i t a t e d . What s o c i a l reasons do judges g i v e f o r t h e i r a p p a r e n t l y c l a s s - b a s e d d e l i b e r a t i o n s ? Bourgeois law does not g e n e r a l l y serve n o n - p r o p e r t i e d i n t e r e s t s (Rusche and Kirchheimer, 1939). P i a t t (1977:xx) s t a t e s t h a t the j u s t i c e system, i n the US P r o g r e s s i v e E r a (1890-1920) was i n s t r u m e n t a l i n d e v i s i n g new forms of s o c i a l c o n t r o l t o p r o t e c t the power of middle and upper c l a s s p r i v i l e g e s . The q u e s t i o n here i s , what i s the form of j u d i c i a l r e a s o n i n g used under the YOA t o account f o r s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l r e l a t i o n s , r a t h e r than t o address t h e i r s t r u c t u r a l i n e q u a l i t i e s ? The p r o f e s s i o n a l groups i n v o l v e d have t h e i r own b i a s e s , e s p e c i a l l y w i t h r e g a r d t o the r o l e o f the f a m i l y , and c o n f l i c t r e s o l u t i o n by community p a r t i c i p a n t s , as a p r a c t i c a l a l t e r n a t i v e , as i n a l t e r n a t i v e d i s p u t e r e s o l u t i o n , i s excluded as a r e a l i s t i c p o s s i b i l i t y . 35 S o c i a l theory p r o j e c t s forms of r a t i o n a l i t y i n su g g e s t i n g s o l u t i o n s . In Kan t i a n p h i l o s o p h y , i n which the l e g a l system can be seen as a s y n t h e t i c mode of r a t i o n a l i t y , (and p r i n c i p l e s o f j u s t i c e a k n o wledge/interest, a c c o r d i n g t o Habermas), o n l y r a t i o n a l i t y can be p r o j e c t e d i n t o h i s t o r y t o a t t a i n the a b s o l u t e p r i n c i p l e of j u s t i c e as doing one's duty. In Habermasian s o c i a l t h e o r y l o g i c , k n o wledge-constituted i n t e r e s t s , framed around a p r i n c i p l e of j u s t i c e , r e s u l t i n the c r e a t i o n of groups and i n d i v i d u a l s u b j e c t i v i t y . "Youth i n t r o u b l e w i t h the law" i s a d i s t i n c t group. Given the scope of the Act over the l i f e - w o r l d s o f youth, and the widening net, i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s o f judges become v e r y important. Habermas was s e a r c h i n g f o r a d i s c o u r s e e t h i c s t h a t c o u l d be u n i v e r s a l l y acclaimed. Such a u n i v e r s a l p o i n t o f r e f e r e n c e r a t h e r than the p a r t i c u l a r ones, such as the care o f ' s i c k ' o r 'bad' c h i l d r e n , c o u l d be r e q u i r e d t o amend the 'pathology' focus of j u s t i c e a d m i n i s t r a t i o n . Even without a s t r o n g i n d i v i d u a l c i t i z e n and no ' u n i v e r s a l pragmatics', as d e f i n e d , t o guide d e l i b e r a t i o n s , modes of r a t i o n a l i t y themselves r e q u i r e examination. The YOA becomes a new d i s c o u r s e . In widening s o c i a l networks of c o n t r o l , p r o f e s s i o n a l s , from p r o b a t i o n t o l e g a l a i d e , and now i n c l u d i n g the f a m i l y , become the core m e d i a t i n g u n i t between the s t a t e and the young person f o r maintenance and s u r v e i l l a n c e (Zaretsky, 1976). Problems with a d m i n i s t r a t i o n , o u t l i n e d above, r e v o l v e around the fundamental problem of i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f the YOA. 36 A hegemonic i n t e r p r e t a t i o n based upon l e g a l i n t e r e s t s c o u l d be expected t o demonstrate t h r e e l e v e l s of s o c i a l r e a s o n i n g r e g a r d i n g the youth p o p u l a t i o n . F i r s t , j u d i c i a l c u l t u r a l l e v e l s are r e p r e s e n t e d by bourgeois v a l u e s and i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s of youth c r i m i n a l behaviour. Second, l o w e r - c l a s s and m i n o r i t y group c u l t u r a l l e v e l s t o which the youth belongs are a l s o s u b j e c t t o l e g a l i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s . T h i r d , the peer group i n f l u e n c e and groups t o which the youth belongs, i n c l u d i n g the f a m i l y network, are drawn i n t o the expanding l e g a l / w e l f a r e network. I f r i g h t s are c o n s t i t u t e d o u t s i d e the l e g a l system, the youth's r e f e r e n c e groups have no e f f e c t i n c o n s t i t u t u t i n g these r i g h t s ( F i t z , 1981). T r a d i t i o n a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s , such as t h a t between v i c t i m and youth, lawyer and c l i e n t are areas of i n t e r e s t pursued by l e g a l p r o f e s s i o n a l s i n a language o n l y the l e g a l p r o f e s s i o n a l s e n t i r e l y understand. The approach t o young o f f e n d e r s t h a t the YOA takes i s one of b a l a n c i n g key p r i n c i p l e s . But, under the YOA, t h e r e are i n d i c a t i o n s t h a t the A c t i s being d i f f e r e n t i a l l y i n t e r p r e t e d . I n t e r p r e t a t i o n s are grounded i n h i s t o r i c a l epochs, and v a r y i n t h e i r method of g r a s p i n g the p r e s e n t . T h i s t h e s i s supports a concern f o r d i s c o u r s e s , r a t h e r than p s y c h o l o g i c a l behaviour and motives, aims and e x p e c t a t i o n s of judges, l e g i s l a t o r s and p o l i c y -makers, except as these e n t e r i n t o h i s t o r i o g r a p h i c d e s c r i p t i o n s (Jones, 1983). There are g e n e r a l c r i t e r i a t h a t judges seem t o be 37 a p p l y i n g t o i n t e r p r e t i n g the A c t . Understanding these s h o u l d e n t e r i n t o the d i s c u s s i o n s of amending the A c t . Under the YOA, judges are l i m i t e d t o t h r e e of f o u r p o s s i b l e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s , because these v a r i a n t s s t r e s s the i n d i v i d u a l r e p r e s e n t a t i o n of the world r a t h e r than the c o l l e c t i v e one. The t h r e e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s are J u s t i c e , Crime C o n t r o l , and Welfare. As instruments of segments of c l a s s and s t a t e , they are p o l i t i c a l i n t e n t i o n s , i n the form of r a t i o n a l i t i e s , and are separate from commonsense. The f o u r t h i n t e r p e t a t i o n , Community Change i s not r e p r e s e n t e d i n the YOA. One reason f o r t h i s l a c k i s the i n s t r u m e n t a l i s m , o b j e c t i v i s m ( s u b j e c t and o b j e c t , i n d i v i d u a l and s o c i e t y , law and s o c i e t y are dichotomized i n s t e a d of b e i n g seen as c o n c r e t e p r o d u c t s of a s o c i a l process) and ethnocentrism of l e g a l i s t i c t h e o r y and p r a c t i c e . The f i r s t form, j u s t i c e , i s based on the n o t i o n of i n d i v i d u a l r i g h t t o s e l f - d e t e r m i n a t i o n . Quoting from the Department of J u s t i c e n a t i o n a l p o l i c y f o r young o f f e n d e r s r e p o r t : Young people have the same r i g h t s as a d u l t s t o due p r o c e s s of law and f a i r and equal treatment, i n c l u d i n g a l l the r i g h t s s t a t e d i n the Canadian C h a r t e r of R i g h t s and Freedoms and i n the 1960 B i l l  o f R i g h t s . To p r o t e c t t h e i r r i g h t s and freedoms, and i n view of t h e i r p a r t i c u l a r needs and circumstances, young people should have s p e c i a l r i g h t s and guarantees.... Young people have the r i g h t t o p a r t i c i p a t e i n d e l i b e r a t i o n s t h a t a f f e c t them. Young people have a r i g h t t o the l e a s t i n t e r f e r e n c e w i t h t h e i r freedom t h a t i s compatible w i t h the p r o t e c t i o n of s o c i e t y , t h e i r own needs and t h e i r f a m i l i e s ' i n t e r e s t s , and young people have a r i g h t t o be informed o f t h e i r r i g h t s and freedoms. (1988.3) 38 The second form i s crime c o n t r o l , which i t s e l f balances two p r i n c i p l e s . F i r s t , young people are t o be h e l d r e s p o n s i b l e f o r t h e i r behaviour "and should be h e l d accountable i n a manner a p p r o p r i a t e t o t h e i r age and m a t u r i t y " . Second, the p r i n c i p l e of ' p r o t e c t i o n of s o c i e t y * i s a p p l i e d . " S o c i e t y has a r i g h t t o p r o t e c t i o n from i l l e g a l behaviour and a r e s p o n s i b i l i t y t o prevent c r i m i n a l conduct by young persons." T h i r d , i s the Welfare p r i n c i p l e , s l i g h t l y m o d i f i e d t o i n c l u d e 'guidance and a s s i s t a n c e ' t o the former dominant p h i l o s o p h y of 'best i n t e r e s t s of the young person', under the JDA. Young people have s p e c i a l needs because they are dependents of v a r y i n g l e v e l s of development and m a t u r i t y . In view of s o c i e t y ' s r i g h t t o p r o t e c t i o n and these s p e c i a l needs, young people may r e q u i r e not o n l y s u p e r v i s i o n , d i s c i p l i n e and c o n t r o l but a l s o guidance and a s s i s t a n c e i n r e c o g n i t i o n of t h i s , the A c t d e c l a r e s t h a t . . . a l t e r n a t i v e measures t o the formal c o u r t p r o c e s s , or no measures a t a l l , should be c o n s i d e r e d f o r the young o f f e n d e r , as l o n g as such s o l u t i o n i s c o n s i s t e n t w i t h the p r o t e c t i o n of s o c i e t y ; young o f f e n d e r s should be removed from t h e i r f a m i l i e s o n l y when con t i n u e d p a r e n t a l s u p e r v i s i o n i s i n a p p r o p r i a t e . The Act r e c o g n i z e s the r e s o n s i b i l i t y of p arents f o r the care and s u p e r v i s i o n of t h e i r c h i l d r e n . Parents w i l l be encouraged and, i f necessary, r e q u i r e d t o take an a c t i v e p a r t i n proceedings t h a t i n v o l v e t h e i r c h i l d r e n . I f a l l judges know what the YOA i n t e n d s , and remain f a i t h f u l t o the balance of these p r i n c i p l e s , more e q u i t a b l e a d m i n i s t r a t i o n might be adopted. There are two ways i n which t h i s problem of i n t e r p r e t a t i o n needs t o be pursued, i f amendments t o the YOA are t o be h e l p f u l . The f i r s t way, i s t o understand the g e n e r a l c r i t e r i a by means of a hermeneutic method, f o r the content o f the l e g a l r u l e s and p r i n c i p l e s , t h a t the judges use when a p p l y i n g the YOA. A t t e n t i o n must be p a i d t o the form, as w e l l as the content of l e g a l r u l e s , i n o r d e r t o assess the problem of the ' r e l a t i v e autonomy* of the law and the boundaries of the l e g a l o r d e r . The second i s t o d e s c r i b e the p o l i t i c a l grounding f o r implementation i n Youth Court j u d i c i a l i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s , by means of F o u c a u l d i a n a n a l y t i c s ( l i n e s o f i n t e r c o n n e c t i o n ) . To assess the impact of the YOA, F o u c a u l d i a n a n a l y t i c s goes beyond the assumption of a 'gap approach' between law and s o c i e t y , and goes a l s o beyond s t u d i e s o f top down s o c i a l change. T h i s t h e s i s i s an attempt t o understand the bases of these v a r i o u s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s through d i r e c t o b s e r v a t i o n of youth c o u r t s , from l i t e r a t u r e , and from i n - d e p t h i n t e r v i e w s w i t h youth c o u r t judges. CHAPTER I I .  RESEARCH TASKS AND METHOD A. METHOD; In o r d e r t o e l i c i t the g e n e r a l c r i t e r i a f o r s o c i a l r e a s o n i n g used i n j u d i c i a l case i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s of the YOA, I have chosen a method, hermeneutics, which i s c l o s e s t t o l e g a l r e a s o n i n g i t s e l f . I d i f f e r e n t i a t e these r a t i o n a l i t i e s on the b a s i s o f the r e f l e x i v i t y o f t h e i r mode of i n t e r p r e t a t i o n . L e g a l i n t e r p r e t a t i o n i s reas o n i n g d e r i v a t i v e o f a s e t of b e l i e f s or normative s t a r t i n g assumptions i n c o r p o r a t e d i n t o d e l i b e r a t i o n s and c o n c l u s i o n s . Hermeneutics, i s a more h o l i s t i c method based on r e f l e x i v e p r a c t i c e s r a t h e r than on assessments o f b e l i e f s o r p r e s u p p o s i t i o n s . I t s t r i v e s t o understand the con t e x t i n which l e g a l concepts are c o n s t r u c t e d (given meaning) and expressed. Hermeneutics s u i t s a r a t i o n a l i s t ' s world o f shared meaning or d i s c o u r s e . D i s c o u r s e and e x p r e s s i o n are c l e a r l y dichotomized, because o f the i d e a t i o n a l substance ( i d e a s / m a t e r i a l ) of t h i s world. The most common b a s i s o f agreement i s language. The b a s i s of community i s a common 'hermeneutic c i r c l e ' o f meaning. The most g e n e r a l o r h o l i s t i c i n t e r p r e t a t i o n i s used t o understand p a r t i c u l a r c i r c u m s t a n c e s . Hermeneutics i s the method t o b e s t understand the j u d i c i a l c o n t e x t because i t r e v e a l s i t s p r a c t i c e s , and the language used t o d e s c r i b e them. I n t e r p r e t i v e s t r u c t u r e s o r c o n t e x t s i n c l u d e : p r a c t i c a l r e a s o ning, c o n t e x t u a l i z e d p r a c t i c e s , and 41 t r a d i t i o n s . The hermeneutic method accounts f o r i n i t i a l • p r e j u d i c e s ' o r 'preunderstandings' as people a p p r o p r i a t e these f o r f u t u r e use. Hermeneutics, (and s o c i o l o g i c a l j u s r i s p r u d e n c e s i m i l a r l y , ) are always f u t u r e l o o k i n g , not p a s t l o o k i n g ; they are purpo s i v e , as they i n t e r p r e t t e x t and a c t i o n i n the YOA r e g a r d i n g the l e g i s l a t i o n and s p e c i f i c a p p l i c a t i o n . An i n t e r p r e t i v e t u r n i n l e g a l t h e o r i z n g i s d i s t i n g u i s h e d from most j u r i s p r u d e n t i a l l i t e r a t u r e . W r i t e r s of j u r i s p r u d e n c e i n the 20th Century apply two t h e o r i e s o f behaviour t o the law (Hunt, 1978): a n a l y t i c a l and s o c i o l o g i c a l j u r i s p r u d e n c e . The f i r s t assumes t h a t the proper a p p l i c a t i o n of formal l e g a l p r i n c i p l e s f o l l o w s p r a c t i c a l l y i f used by competent p r a c t i t i o n e r s . The nature of law i s e t h i c a l and d e s c r i p t i v e f o r those who apply i t c o r r e c t l y . Reform, t h e r e f o r e , comes through l e g i s l a t i o n , and the s o c i a l e n g i n e e r i n g o f law. In s o c i o l o g i c a l j u r i s p r u d e n c e , t h e r e i s a c a u s a l r e l a t i o n s h i p e s t a b l i s h e d between n a t u r a l s o c i a l p r o c e s s e s and the a p p l i c a t i o n o f the law. R a t i o n a l p r a c t i t i o n e r s use d e s c r i p t i v e and ex p l a n a t o r y t h e o r i e s o f s o c i o l o g y t o e x p l a i n t h e i r d e c i s i o n s and l e g a l p r a c t i c e s . U t i l i t y o f law i s not determined by r e f e r e n c e t o the l o g i c a l reason o f a b s t r a c t law, but by i t s s o c i a l consequences (Pound, 1910). The judge must know the consequences of a l t e r n a t i v e d e c i s i o n s he/she might want t o make. With knowledge of s o c i o l o g y , the judge s u b s c r i b e s t o t a k i n g account o f the s o c i a l order. U s i n g these methods i s s t r i c t l y i n ord e r t o produce s o c i a l consequences which can be asse s s e d i n the 42 f u t u r e . J u r i s t s assess a c t i o n s as good or bad based on c e r t a i n intended, p roper s o c i a l behaviour. I f t h e r e are j u r i s t s of both s c h o o l s , I can a s c e r t a i n i n my i n t e r v i e w schedule how they assess the nature o f law and i t s a p p l i c a t i o n i n the YOA, and under the JDA. My i n t e r v i e w schedule, which engaged youth c o u r t judges, f o l l o w i n g hermeneutic p r i n c i p l e s of l o c a t i n g meaning, pursued an u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f the JDA-YOA d i f f e r e n c e s . Judges* d e c i s i o n s are embedded w i t h i n l e g a l t r a d i t i o n , whose i n t e r p r e t i v e community changes over time. I n t e r p r e t a t i o n of judge's r e a s o n i n g , i s one method of p u r s u i n g the d i f f e r e n c e s between the JDA-YOA, a s s e s s i n g the c l a i m s and i n c o n g r u i t i e s of the judges' r e a s o n i n g , and c u r r e n t problems w i t h the new s t a t u t e . W i t h i n the l e g a l t r a d i t i o n , r u l e s and weights o f argument e n t e r i n t o l e g a l r e a s o n i n g . In a d d i t i o n t o i n t e r p r e t a t i o n , t h e r e f o r e , d e s c r i p t i v e and p r e s c r i p t i v e a n a l y ses of the t r a d i t i o n e n t e r i n t o the f i n d i n g s and d i s c u s s i o n of l e g a l r a t i o n a l i t y . I n t e r p r e t i v e c o n t e x t s demand examination and e x p l i c a t i o n t h a t i n c l u d e i n d i v i d u a l r a t i o n a l p r o c e s s e s . Hermeneutics i s a method used f o r e l i c i t i n g l e g a l r e a s o n i n g under the YOA because i t o f f e r s an i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of e x p e r i e n t i a l meaning, which i s i t s e l f p a r t l y c o n s t r u c t e d by s e l f - i n t e r p r e t a t i o n . I t s h o l i s t i c impulse i s s u b j e c t i v e as w e l l as r a t i o n a l . I n t e r p r e t a t i o n s c o n t i n u e t o o f f e r i n s i g h t s t o r e v e a l more of the c o n t e x t . The aim i s not t o uncover u n i v e r s a l assumptions, but r a t h e r t o e x p l i c a t e c o n t e x t s . S i n c e judges use e x i s t i n g c o n t r a d i c t o r y p h i l o s o p h i e s of j u s t i c e i n t h e i r l e g a l l o g i c , an i n t e r p r e t i v e a n a l y s i s must i n c l u d e p r o c e s s e s o f the use of these p h i l o s o p h i e s , and of the l e g a l l o g i c r e q u i r e d f o r t h e i r understanding. By s e a r c h i n g f o r the p r a c t i c a l f o u n d a t i o n s o f these p o l i t i c a l p h i l o s o p h i e s , as has a l r e a d y been noted above, we go 'deeper' i n t o the l e g a l c o n t e x t . In the f i r s t c h a pter, I examined p o l i t i c a l l o g i c as the p o l i t i c a l i n t e n t i o n of the government t o invoke the a l l e g i a n c e o f i t s c o n s t i t u e n c y through i d e a t i o n a l l e g i t i m a t i o n . In t h i s chapter, I examine i t s j u d i c i a l i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s i n t h e i r p r a c t i c a l c o n t e x t s by p r e s c r i b i n g a method. A hermeneutic approach t o the YOA takes the r e s e a r c h t o the deepest common meaning t h a t accounts f o r i t s p e r s p e c t i v e s . S i n c e judges p o l i t i c i z e t h e i r d e c i s i o n s r e g a r d l e s s o f proper or formal standards - - norms and p r i n c i p l e s which competent judges r e c o g n i z e i n t h e i r l e g a l t r a d i t i o n - - i t i s important t o c l e a r up the c o n f u s i o n about the nature and causes o f l e g a l r e a s o n i n g . T h e o r i e s o f l e g a l r e a s o n i n g i n c l u d e e t h i c a l c h o i c e s , and c a u s a l t h e o r i e s o f s o c i a l behaviour. They a l s o i n c l u d e the d e s c r i p t i v e bases i n which they operate. I n t e r p r e t a t i o n , however, i s the prime method used t o assess the a p p l i c a t i o n o f the YOA. T h i s method a l l o w s the c r i t i c a l community t o understand the mode of reaso n i n g by i t s g e n e r a l c r i t e r i a . These c r i t e r i a a r e : f i r s t , the meaning of the f a m i l i a r words, as they change over time - - f o r i n s t a n c e , the meaning of 'delinquent' o r ' r e h a b i l i t a t i o n ' under both the JDA and the YOA, and the a d d i t i o n a l words and a s s o c i a t i o n s now pursued by a d i s c o u r s e of a c t i o n and consequences - - f o r example, • d e t e r r e n c e *, ' a c c o u n t a b i l i t y ' and ' r i g h t s ' ; second, precedent d e c i s i o n s o r case r e a s o n i n g are important as they e n t e r i n t o the t r a d i t i o n . These d e c i s i o n s g i v e s p e c i a l c o n s i d e r a t i o n t o i n d i v i d u a l s and a n t i c i p a t e c o n s i s t e n c y of meaning from the l e g i s l a t i o n . In chapter 1, I examined the l e g i s l a t i v e i n t e n t and t h e ends o f j u s t i c e i n the YOA as having t h r e e domains, none of which has p r i o r i t y . W i t h i n the Canadian p o l i t i c a l c o n t e x t , i t i s , a l s o , important t o r e c o g n i z e the a p p l i c a t i o n of the YOA i n d i s p o s i t i o n s ; t h i r d , judges reason from p r i n c i p l e . A hermeneutic approach takes i n t o c o n s i d e r a t i o n the importance and meaning of p r i o r d e c i s i o n s and the s i g n i f i c a n c e judges b e l i e v e i s o f f e r e d by formal standards or r u l e s imposed on them as o f f i c i a l s i n the j u d i c i a l system. In i n t e r v i e w s w i t h judges, a t t e n t i o n was p a i d t o the meaning o f these words, when the o l d and new words were s t a t e d . Meaning and the word a s s o c i a t i o n under each of the a c t s r e v e a l the s o c i a l background of these terms. I n t e r p r e t a t i o n of word meanings i s the f i r s t c r i t e r i a used t o d e c i p h e r the d i f f e r e n c e s between JDA and the YOA. The second c r i t e r i o n , the s i g n i f i c a n c e of precedent and p r i n c i p l e , are r e v e a l e d through the i n t e r v i e w schedule (Appendix A) , i n q u e s t i o n number f o u r : t o which of the p r i n c i p l e s do you g i v e p r i o r i t y , and, how do you d e c i d e on the dominant s e n t e n c i n g p h i l o s o p h y ? The second two-part q u e s t i o n i n d i c a t e s t h a t t h e r e i s a p o s i t i v e and p u r p o s i v e s t a t e t o be achieved i n the a p p l i c a t i o n of 45 t h e YOA. The i n t e r v i e w schedule then proceeded w i t h a case d e s c r i p t i o n and d i s p o s i t i o n . The case p r e s e n t a t i o n was f o l l o w e d by q u e s t i o n s t h a t r e v e a l e d the ' f a c t s ' (see a t t a c h e d schedule f o r q u e s t i o n no. 6 ) , the ' l e g a l r e a s o n i n g ' i n the i n i t i a l judges' d e c i s i o n ( q u e s t i o n 7 ) , and the i n t e r v i e w judges' c r i t i q u e of t h i s r e a s o n i n g . The p o i n t of t h i s p a r t of the i n t e r v i e w was t o o b t a i n i n f o r m a t i o n and i n t e r p r e t i v e m a t e r i a l on t h e i r p r i n c i p l e s of punishment. I t continued w i t h q u e s t i o n 8 , a d e s c r i p t i o n of d i f f e r e n t p o s s i b l e l e g a l p r i n c i p l e s . Question 9 r e f e r r e d t o some p o s s i b l e i n c o n g r u e n c i e s i n the t h e o r i e s of punishment of each of the two a c t s . Question 1 0 , was d i r e c t e d t o the p o s s i b i l i t i e s of o t h e r p r o v i s i o n s i n the a c t which c o u l d o b t a i n t o s e n t e n c i n g , a p a r t from the l e g a l p r i n c i p l e s and precedent d e c i s i o n s . Judges are not a b l e t o a s s e r t the c l e a r meaning of the law of the l e g i s l a t o r s , because the YOA was not w r i t t e n w i t h a dominant p h i l o s o p h i c a l v i e w p o i n t . In i n t e r v i e w s w i t h judges, I assess how problems a r i s e from l a c k of p r i o r i z a t i o n o f these p r i n c i p l e s . Some of the i n t e n t of the l e g i s l a t o r s , as suggested above, are h i s t o r i c a l l y e v i d e n t , although judges e t h i c a l l y r e f r a i n from examining r e p o r t s and statements of the l e g i s l a t o r s . An i n t e r v i e w s h o u l d e s t a b l i s h whether the judges break the r u l e about r e a d i n g secondary sources, and what they say about the l e g i s l a t i v e i n t e n t . Do they see themselves as m e c h a n i c a l l y g i v i n g s p e c i f i c a p p l i c a t i o n t o the YOA, o r i s j u d i c i a l r e a s o n i n g i n d e t e r m i n a t e and open-ended? Que s t i o n 1 1 , and s e v e r a l subquestions, ask about the matter of 46 u n i f o r m i t y o f d e c i s i o n s . I f the l e g i s l a t i v e i n t e n t i s t o balance p r i n c i p l e s and purposes o f youth j u s t i c e , what i s the purpose o f l e g a l p r a c t i c e s , which i s u s u a l l y t o c o n s i d e r p r a c t i c a l r a t i o n a l i t y and p r a c t i c a l d e l i b e r a t i o n s ? How i s p r a c t i c a l r a t i o n a l i t y t o be balanced? Does the j u d i c i a l p r o f e s s i o n o f f e r a means of s e l f -p o l i c i n g , and as w e l l , i s t h e r e a means f o r e x t e r n a l l y v e r i f i a b l e and c r i t i c a l examination? The purpose o f the i n t e r v i e w schedule, t o e x p l i c a t e judges' i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s o f t h e i r p r a c t i c a l r easoning, i s p r e s e n t e d i n chapter 3, as f i n d i n g s from q u e s t i o n s 1 - 3 , 6-11. The c o n s t r a i n t s t h a t b i n d them, r e v e a l e d by q u e s t i o n s 4, 5, and 12 t o 14, w i l l be pre s e n t e d i n chapter 4. I n t e r p r e t a t i o n i s one method used i n t h i s t h e s i s because i t examines language and experience as use determined from an i n s i d e or a c t i o n / a n a l y t i c p e r s p e c t i v e . 1 In p o s i t i v i s m , i n e t h i c a l s o c i a l r e a s o n i n g , as i n hermeneutics, t h e r e i s a s e p a r a t i o n o f reason and a c t i o n which seems t o be a v i t a l focus o f the Enlightenment (Goldman: 1968:5). Paradigmatic study, the method produced by epistemology and s c i e n c e i s one of these Enlightenment modes of r a t i o n a l i t y . Hermeneutic r a t i o n a l i t y i s one form, f o c u s i n g on a c h i e v i n g i n d i v i d u a l c l a r i t y . In summary, i n t e r p r e t a t i o n r e q u i r e s 1 W i t t g e n s t e i n ' s a c t i o n / a n a l y t i c world i s p h i l o s o p h i c a l , language-based behaviour, o p e r a t i n g a c c o r d i n g t o use and a c t i o n . There i s an a n a l y t i c d i s t i n c t i o n f o r comparing language as a 'form of l i f e ' , and a human ontology o p e r a t i n g from a p a s s i v e ' p r i v a t e mind' w i t h i t s i n p u t and output through sensory data i n a world of s o c i a l f a c t s ( p o s i t i v i s m ) . The method of an open, e v a l u a t i v e h i s t o r i c a l hermeneutics, i s d i s t i n c t from c l i n i c a l psychology o r p o s i t i v i s m , by these c r i t e r i a . W i t t g e n s t e i n s e t s about t o study our c o l l e c t i v e 'forms of l i f e ' , which are h o l i s t i c a l l y s t r u c t u r e d . an o b j e c t o f study which must be coherent. 2 In the f i n a l a n a l y s i s , however, i t i s d i s c o u r s e s , or the c o l l e c t i v e s t r u c t u r e s of language t h a t form the r e s u l t i n g p r a c t i c e s . Hermeneutic r a t i o n a l i t y , as w e l l as j u d i c i a l and a d m i n i s t r a t i v e r a t i o n a l i t y , take p l a c e i n a c o n t e x t of r a t i o n a l p r a c t i c e t h a t has a l i n e o f c o n n e c t i o n , or genealogy (Foucault, 1976). I n t e r p r e t a t i o n a l s o , t h e r e f o r e , r e q u i r e s a focus on i t s grounds, t h a t i s , on a d i s c o u r s e a n a l y s i s r e s u l t i n g from the hermeneutics of i n t e r v i e w s . By means of a hermeneutic i n t e r p r e t a t i o n between the judges of the Youth Court i n Vancouver and the lower mainland, and myself, I have t r i e d t o merge our h o r i z o n s d u r i n g i n t e r v i e w s e s s i o n s . In the i n t e r v i e w s e s s i o n s , i t was important t o be ' c r i t i c a l l y hermeneutic', t h a t i s , not t o use language as a form of domination t o impose or s t r u c t u r e the i n t e r v i e w a c c o r d i n g t o my own p e r s p e c t i v e . I attempted t o l e a r n i f the judges had e x p e r i e n c e d my i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s o f the YOA assumptions. The p o i n t and purpose of the hermeneutic m e t h o d o l o g i c a l s t a r t i n g p o i n t i s t o c o n s t r u c t ' r a t i o n a l i t y ' as a standard f o r j u d g i n g the world, by r e f e r r i n g t o an understanding of t r a d i t i o n as a s e t of p o s s i b i l i t i e s f o r f u t u r e a c t i o n . There i s no i n f i n i t e s e t of v a l u e s , or good per se. but l i m i t e d r e s o u r c e s f o r meaningful a c t i o n (Rabinow, 1987). The 2 i n o t h e r words, make "sense d i s t i n g u i s h a b l e from i t s e x p r e s s i o n , which i s f o r or by a s u b j e c t " ( T a y l o r , 1987:35). 48 Canadian l e g a l t r a d i t i o n i s enmeshed i n ongoing i n t e r p r e t a t i o n . A p p r o p r i a t i o n of t h i s t r a d i t i o n , under the JDA, was i t s c o n s i s t e n t adherence t o p o s i t i v e r e d u c t i o n s of s o c i a l s c i e n c e p o s i t i o n s . The YOA r e c l a i m e d an h i s t o r i c a l l y e a r l i e r u t i l i t a r i a n / r e t r i b u t i v i s t t r a d i t i o n a l l e g a l f o u n d a t i o n . These f o u n d a t i o n a l assumptions a r i s e i n the l e g a l p h i l o s o p h i e s of j u s t i c e , crime c o n t r o l and w e l f a r e . P r a c t i c e s , and p r a c t i c a l r a t i o n a l i t y e n t e r i n t o examination w i t h i n the i n t e r v i e w . I n t e r p r e t a t i o n a l l o w s f o r a p p r o p r i a t i o n through c o n f r o n t i n g new h i s t o r i c a l s i t u a t i o n s w i t h i n j u d i c i a l j u s t i c e , such as the a c c e l e r a t i o n of l e g a l a d m i n i s t r a t i v e p r a c t i c e s . The p o i n t of the i n t e r v i e w schedule i s t o l o c a t e the enhanced power of the s t a t e t o p u n i s h o r c o n t r o l by u s i n g more s o c i a l l y r a t i o n a l i z e d p r a c t i c e s . R a t i o n a l / l e g a l and hermeneutic p r a c t i c e s themselves stand i n need of d e c o n s t r u c t i v e a n a l y s i s . S t a t e expansion, i n the a c t i o n / a n a l y t i c p e r s p e c t i v e of the t h e s i s , i s grounded i n d i s c o u r s e s f o r c o n t r o l l i n g p o p u l a t i o n s . S p e c i f i c d i s c o u r s e s are i m p l i c a t e d i n the above p h i l o s o p h i e s of s o c i a l c o n t r o l p r a c t i c e s . U s i n g the example of youth p o p u l a t i o n s suggests t h a t youth were c a r e d f o r and c o n t r o l l e d by the c o l l e c t i v e s t a t e under the JDA (1908) . The s o c i o l o g y of the 'welfare s t a t e ' w i t h i t s i n s t i t u t i o n s o f s o c i a l c o n t r o l i n the form of normal, d e l i n q u e n t , or dependent c h i l d r e n i n c l u d e s both formal and i n f o r m a l networks of c o n t r o l . S t a t e c o n t r o l has now become f u r t h e r s p e c i f i e d by removing c o l l e c t i v e dependency. Under the YOA (1984), youth o f f e n d e r 49 j u s t i c e i s c r e a t e d by another s t a t e , one t h a t d i s c i p l i n e s i t s members t o cooperate i n the economy. I t p r a c t i c e s f u r t h e r the expansion of continuous a t o m i z i n g and fragmenting p r o c e s s e s . Older c o l l e c t i v e a c t i o n systems are c o l o n i z e d by l e g a l a d m i n i s t r a t i o n . Newer ones are not generated by a form of i n d i v i d u a l r a t i o n a l i t y , but by a form of counterpower ( f o r F o u c a u l t , on counterpower, I note the i m p l i c a t i o n s of counterpower i n chapter 6) or c o l l e c t i v e p r a c t i c e . There i s a p o l i t i c a l l o g i c t o s t a t e i n t e n t i o n t h a t draws on t h e u t i l i t a r i a n , r e t r i b u t i v i s t o r p o s i t i v i s t f o u n d a t i o n a l b e l i e f s o f i t s c o n s t i t u e n t s and of i t s judges. The f i r s t l e g a l p h i l o s o p h y of j u v e n i l e j u s t i c e , i n the YOA, espoused by the law l o b b i e s , was the ' j u s t i c e 1 approach t o crime. In the j u s t i c e p h i l o s o p h y , the ' n a t u r a l r i g h t s of the c h i l d ' are primary, although more m i n i m a l l y c o n c e i v e d than i n the a d u l t c r i m i n a l c o u r t . The YOA r e f e r s t o the ' s p e c i a l needs of the c h i l d ' . The n o t i o n of j u s t i c e here i s t h a t a l l l i k e cases should be t r e a t e d a l i k e i n o r d e r t o stand up t o the C h a r t e r of R i g h t s . The b a s i s f o r making r e l e v a n t d i f f e r e n c e c l a i m s i s an assessment of the nature o f the o f f e n s e , r a t h e r than the o f f e n d e r , so t h a t youths are a s s e s s e d by a standard d e f i n i t i o n . Under the YOA, the young o f f e n d e r must be between 12 and 18, and, where the context r e q u i r e s : " i n c l u d e s any person who i s charged under t h i s A c t w i t h having committed an o f f e n c e w h i l e he was a young person or i s found g u i l t y o f an o f f e n c e under t h i s A c t . ( s e c t i o n 2 ( b ) , YOA)" 50 M i t i g a t i o n i s no l o n g e r based on s o c i a l advantage o r p e r s o n a l c i r c u m s t a n c e s . The p r o p o s i t i o n s o f the j u s t i c e agenda a r e : 1. p r o p o r t i o n a l i t y o f punishment t o crime; 2. determinate sentences; 3. an end t o j u d i c i a l and a d m i n i s t r a t i v e d i s c r e t i o n ; 4. an end t o d i s p a r i t y o f s e n t e n c i n g ; 5. p r o t e c t i o n o f r i g h t s through 'due p r o c e s s 1 . (Hudson, B, 1987) Subsumed under a * r i g h t s ' / r e s p o n s i b i l i t y ' p e r s p e c t i v e , i s a ' j u s t d e s s e r t s ' p h i l o s o p h y o f punishment. S o c i a l c o n t r o l i s e f f e c t e d by a l l o w i n g the o f f e n d e r t o undo the damage caused, through r e p a r a t i o n , r e s t i t u t i o n , repayment and r e c o n c i l i a t i o n . The main t h r u s t i s r e t r i b u t i o n , r a t h e r than reform i n i t s former meaning of r e h a b i l i t a t i o n through treatment. Each case i s c o n s i d e r e d as a r e p r e s e n t a t i o n o f the s o c i a l c o n t r a c t based on i n d i v i d u a l a c c o u n t a b i l i t y o r s o v e r e i g n t y , w i t h a r i g h t and j u s t a r t i c u l a t i o n of punishment. D e t e r r e n t e f f e c t s depend on punishment b e i n g f i t t e d t o the crime, so t h a t the p r o s p e c t i v e o f f e n d e r can know the l i k e l y c o s t o f crime and be d e t e r r e d by i t . In t h i s sense, 'reform' adopts the H e g e l i a n c o n n o t a t i o n o f 'changing the moral c h a r a c t e r ' of the o f f e n d e r , an e t h i c a l r a t h e r than de f a c t o t h e o r y o f behaviour. The j u s t i c e agenda assumes t h a t p r a c t i c e s i n a d m i n i s t r a t i v e and j u d i c i a l systems f o l l o w from the emplacement of j u s t i c e assumptions. For example, the c l a i m i s t h a t the expansion of s t a t e c o n t r o l i s the s i d e - e f f e c t o f w e l f a r i s m , t h e r e f o r e ' l e a s t i n t e r f e r e n c e * ought t o be adopted i n order t h a t the proper p r i n c i p l e s o f law w i l l s u r f a c e . The n o t i o n o f formal j u s t i c e , as 51 a combination o f p r e s c r i p t i v e and d e s c r i p t i v e t e n e t s of law, i s b u i l t on the assumption t h a t p r a c t i c a l d ecision-making i n e x i s t i n g i n s t i t u t i o n s i s not c a u s a l l y l i n k e d t o p r a c t i c a l r e a s o n i n g . I t i s important t o r e c o n c i l e e m p i r i c a l l y the b e l i e f s o f youth c o u r t judges w i t h the j u s t i c e 'model 1. A model i s a standard t h a t i s or may be made, or something a l r e a d y e x i s t i n g . S t u d i e s o f systems of a d m i n i s t r a t i o n show t h a t the l o g i c of o f f i c i a l i n t e r p e t a t i o n i s grounded i n l e v e l s o f b u r e a c r a t i c r e c o g n i t i o n ; these based on i n t e r p r e t i v e changes over time ((Handelman and Leyton, 1978). The formal ' j u s t i c e ' model may not f i t a l l the youth c o u r t judges' p r a c t i c a l r e a s o n i n g . The i n t e r v i e w schedule, t h e r e f o r e , d i r e c t s q u e s t i o n s t o the judges' s y s t e m a t i c experience. Question 1, asks f o r judges' d e s c r i p t i o n s and p r e s c r i p t i o n s o f t h e i r e x periences under both a c t s ; and q u e s t i o n 2, d i s c o v e r s the a p p r o p r i a t e n e s s and p r e f e r e n c e s o f precedent and p r i n c i p l e s and evokes the weight they gave t o p a r t i c u l a r d i f f e r e n c e s between the a c t s . Questions 4 and 5 r e p e a t the i n t e n t i o n o f e l i c i t i n g how and why dominant p h i l o s o p h i e s and case precedents have appeared i n an a p p a r e n t l y 'balanced' worldview. The second p h i l o s o p h y o f the YOA i s 'crime c o n t r o l ' . In crime c o n t r o l , the u t i l i t a r i a n p r i n c i p l e s o f d e t e r r e n c e are s t r o n g l y r e p r e s e n t e d . There i s an assumption by law and o r d e r l o b b i e s of the ' n a t u r a l r i g h t s o f s o c i e t y ' o r s o c i a l a c c o u n t a b i l i t y . T h i s assumption g i v e s p r i o r i t y t o m a i n t a i n i n g the s e c u r i t y of an e c o n o m i c / p o l i t i c a l / m o r a l o r d e r based on the f a m i l y as the primary 52 u n i t . A youth, seen as a m i n i a t u r e a d u l t , d e c i d e s t o e n t e r f r e e l y i n t o a c r i m i n a l a c t i v i t y , from which he, and o t h e r s l i k e him, must be d e t e r r e d because c r i m i n a l a c t i v i t y j e o p a r d i z e s the s o c i a l order. He must be d i s c i p l i n e d and d e t e r r e d i n o r d e r t o p r o t e c t s o c i e t y . T h i s u t i l i t a r i a n t h e o r y of punishment h o l d s t h a t an a c t of p u n i s h i n g i s j u s t i f i e d o n l y i f the a c t produces good. There are t h r e e f a c t o r s which the crime c o n t r o l exponent c o n s i d e r s i n a s s e s s i n g the r i g h t n e s s of p u n i s h i n g the young o f f e n d e r (based on Hospers, 1971:305-4). F i r s t , i n c o n s i d e r i n g the f u t u r e w e l f a r e of the o f f e n d e r , punishment i s assessed a c c o r d i n g t o i t s d e t e r r e n t e f f e c t ( s p e c i f i c d e t e r r e n c e ) . Second, the crime c o n t r o l p h i l o s o p h y c o n s i d e r s not o n l y the d e t e r r e n t e f f e c t on the o f f e n d e r , but on o t h e r s i n s o c i e t y (general d e t e r r e n c e ) . T h i r d , the crime c o n t r o l u t i l i t a r i a n w i l l c o n s i d e r the p r o t e c t i o n of s o c i e t y . Even i f punishment does not do the o f f e n d e r s any good, they must be i s o l a t e d from the r e s t of s o c i e t y i n o r d e r t o p r o t e c t s o c i e t y from f u t u r e a c t s which they would engage i n i f they were f r e e . As i n the j u s t i c e p h i l o s o p h y , s o v e r e i g n t y i s grounded i n the i n d i v i d u a l . Rather than seen as e x p r e s s i v e , as i n treatment r e h a b i l i t a t i o n , the i n d i v i d u a l i s r e q u i r e d t o f o l l o w a s e t of p r e s c r i p t i o n s . In 'crime c o n t r o l ' j u s t i c e , the e n f o r c e r s have dominance, whereas i n the ' j u s t i c e ' p h i l o s o p h y , the i n d i v i d u a l ' c o n t r a c t s ' w i t h the j u s t i c e system t o apply the s e t of p r i n c i p l e s t o h i s / h e r a c t i o n s . Crime c o n t r o l j u s t i f i c a t i o n s f o r u s i n g maximal o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r p r o t e c t i o n are s o c i a l defense and d e t e r r e n c e with 53 minimal appeal procedures f o r the o f f e n d e r . C u s t o d i a l recommendations are g i v e n t o those o f f e n d e r s who breach the law, e s p e c i a l l y when they are u n w i l l i n g t o take advantage of expert a s s i s t a n c e . In c o n t r a d i s t i n c t i o n t o both the j u s t i c e and the crime c o n t r o l p h i l o s o p h y , community-orientation i s s t r o n g e r and s o v e r e i g n i n the community change p h i l o s o p h y . The a c t i v e f o r c e of c o l l e c t i v e groups i n the community was h a r d l y the dominant i d e o l o g y of law and o r d e r c o r r e c t i o n s . With the development of a c o r r e c t i o n s p h i l o s o p h y , "the • i d e o l o g y 1 o f d e c a r c e r a t i o n i s a necessary f e a t u r e " ( H a r r i s and Webb, 1986), and has an i n c a r c e r a t i v e impact. Sentencing o p t i o n s a v a i l a b l e t o the c o u r t s i n c r e a s e the power they e x e r t over marginal o f f e n d e r s . They provoke f u t u r e i n f r a c t i o n s i n matters of d i s c i p l i n e i n o f f e n d e r s , which i n t u r n , becomes a means t o l e g i t i m i z e the a c c e l e r a t e d use of c u s t o d i a l s a n c t i o n s ( H a r r i s and Webb, 1986:164). Community c o r r e c t i o n s develop a l o n g s i d e , not i n s t e a d o f , i n s t i t u t i o n s l i n k i n g s o c i a l c o n t r o l t o s t a t e i n s t i t u t i o n s . In crime c o n t r o l assumptions, c u s t o d i a l recommenations are g i v e n t o those o f f e n d e r s who are i n v o l v e d i n s e r i o u s crimes. The g r e a t e r d e t e c t i o n of middle t o low range o f f e n d e r s i s the r e s u l t of engaging more e x p e r t s t o d e t e c t , c l a s s i f y , and p r o c e s s a l l range of o f f e n d e r s , as law and s o c i e t y r e l a t i o n s h i p s become more d i s c i p l i n a r y . 54 The crime c o n t r o l p h i l o s o p h y a l l o w s the o f f e n d e r t o undo the damage he/she has caused (as i n the r e s t i t u t i o n focus of j u s t i c e ) , w h i l e a t the same time, i n t e g r a t i n g the o f f e n d e r back i n t o the 'community' (as i n the treatment p h i l o s o p h y ) . Crime c o n t r o l invokes the r e t u r n t o f a m i l y , s c h o o l , and neighbourhood by u s i n g the e x i s t i n g c o n t r o l p r o c e s s e s and " a p p e a l i n g t o a v i s i o n " (Cohen, 1985) of what the r e a l f a m i l y , s c h o o l or community should look l i k e . The i n s t i t u t i o n s are expected t o change t o f i t the model. In a s k i n g q u e s t i o n 9 and i t s s u b s e c t i o n s , r e g a r d i n g c o n t r o l and c a r e i n c o n g r u e n c i e s , these q u e s t i o n s l a r g e l y d e a l w i t h a c o r r e c t i o n s p h i l o s o p h y . The h i s t o r i c a l development of the t r e a t m e n t / r e h a b i l i t a t i o n approach (JDA) l e a d i n g t o youth punishment (YOA) has been o u t l i n e d i n c h a p t e r 1. The JDA r e h a b i l i t a t i o n emphasis was a n u r t u r i n g one, f o c u s s i n g on the s o c i a l w e l f a r e p h i l o s o p h y of keeping c h i l d r e n i n t h e i r homes and i n t r o d u c i n g treatment i n t e r v e n t i o n s t r a t e g i e s . There i s an argument f o r the s t a t e , i n the form of the j u v e n i l e c o u r t , t o s u r r e n d e r i t s r e s i d u a l powers t o punish young o f f e n d e r s and t o be concerned p r i n c i p a l l y w i t h t h e i r w e l f a r e . In t h i s model, d e l i n q u e n t youths are p e r c e i v e d as ' v i c t i m s ' of the community and f a m i l y through a s e t of s o c i a l i z a t i o n e x p e r i e n c e s t h a t s t r a y e d from the i d e a l i z e d form. Once the d e l i n q u e n t becomes a v i c t i m , he or she i s deemed ' s i c k ' and i n need of treatment. The s o c i a l c o s t s o f treatment are born by the f a m i l y and the community. S o v e r e i g n t y l i e s i n the s u b j e c t as a ' s e l f * or 'consciouness', who 55 had l o s t a s t a t e of grace or e s s e n t i a l , a s c r i b e d s t a t u s i n the community and needed t o be r e h a b i l i t a t e d a c c o r d i n g t o s o c i a l norms, and a t the expense of the community. The law i s an a p p l i c a t i o n of i n t e r v e n t i o n p r o c e s s e s used t o m a i n t a i n s o c i a l o r d e r and r a t i o n a l i t y by the a p p l i c a t i o n of p o s i t i v i s t language which the d e l i n q u e n t and h i s f a m i l y would f o l l o w . The concepts and t h e o r i z i n g of the s o c i a l s c i e n c e s are i m p l i c a t e d i n c o r r e c t i n g the p a t h o l o g i e s o f the f a m i l y . The w e l f a r e p h i l o s o p h y of the JDA and i t s remnants i n the YOA f i t under the r u b r i c of p o s i t i v i s m . Both the JDA and the YOA omit the c o l l e c t i v e change p h i l o s o p h y . The t r a d i t i o n s of p o s i t i v i s m , j u s t d e s e r t s , and u t i l i t a r i a n i s m are posed a g a i n s t t r a d i t i o n s of community change or s o c i a l good, as they appear i n the s o c i a l world. In c o l l e c t i v e change assumptions, c o n t r o l i s seen as the c e n t r a l purpose of the j u v e n i l e j u s t i c e system. Changes i n p r a c t i c e a t a l l l e v e l s of the j u s t i c e system are t h e r e f o r e necessary f o r r a d i c a l l y d i f f e r e n t outcomes t o occur. Welfare i s seen as a s t r a t e g y of power, a means of i n v e s t i g a t i n g f a m i l i e s , of c o n t r o l l i n g non-delinquent c h i l d r e n , and a means of expanding the power of the s t a t e . In t h i s p h i l o s o p h y , the YOA i s merely and o n l y an amendment t o the power of the j u v e n i l e c o u r t . To remove c o n t r o l of youth by the j u s t i c e system, a n o t i o n of c o l l e c t i v e s o c i a l good i s invoked as the source f o r both the w e l f a r e of youth and f o r a d d r e s s i n g the causes of crime. ' C o l l e c t i v e * r a t h e r than ' i n d i v i d u a l i z i n g ' f o r c e s i s seen as a meaningful term s i g n i f y i n g the r e t u r n t o f u l l p a r t i c i p a t i o n 56 r a t h e r than i s o l a t e d , s p e c i f i c a l l y c o n s t r u c t e d models of what a good community and s o c i a l o r d e r should l o o k l i k e . T h i s sense of community i s an achieved and d i s c u r s i v e one of r e s i s t a n c e , r h e t o r i c , and moral/pragmatic r e a s o n i n g . My method of c a p t u r i n g the YOA by hermeneutics, through i t s i n t e r p e t a t i o n s by judges, i s simply the b a s i s f o r a d i s c o u r s e a n a l y s i s . Use d e t e r m i n a t i o n i n c l u d e s c u r r e n t understandings of r a t i o n a l l e g a l p r a c t i c e s of the YOA. The genealogy of these p r a c t i c e s p o i n t s t o the l i n k between power and knowledge r e l a t i o n s ( d i s c o u r s e s ) f o r c o n t r o l of the youth p o p u l a t i o n . I have reviewed the l i t e r a t u r e on law and s o c i a l c o n t r o l , on s t a t e t h e o r i z i n g , on s o c i o l o g y of knowledge, s o c i o l o g y of l e g a l reform and law, t h e o r i e s of punishment, and read the JDA and YOA, and judgments r e g a r d i n g the YOA i n B a l a and L i l i e s (1984, 1986). See a t t a c h e d b i b l i o g r a p h y . T h i s work has h e l p e d i n f o r m u l a t i n g a background o f 'preunderstandings' f o r the f o u n d a t i o n a l assumptions of the YOA. By understanding these as r a t i o n a l p r a c t i c e s , I t r a c e t h e i r e f f e c t as h i s t o r i c a l p r a c t i c e s of s o c i a l c o n t r o l . I have developed an i n t e r v i e w schedule t h a t has been a p p l i e d t o t e n judges i n v o l v e d i n the lower (Youth) c o u r t i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the A c t , i n the Vancouver lower mainland. T h e i r answers t o my q u e s t i o n s i l l u s t r a t e how each of the f o r e g o i n g ' c o r r e c t i o n a l ' p h i l o s o p h i e s has a c q u i r e d a dominance because of t h e i r r e a s o n i n g i n 57 the s e n t e n c i n g of the youth c o u r t judges. The f o l l o w i n g i n f o r m a t i o n was e x t r a c t e d , u t i l i z i n g the instrument of the r e s e a r c h i n t e r v i e w : B. TASKS: 1. The f i r s t p o i n t of the r e s e a r c h was t o t r y t o uncover each o f the judge's assumptions and c o n s t r a i n t s , and t o e l i c i t the form of r e a s o n i n g they use t o i n t e r p r e t the a c t i n the way they do. I am a s s e r t i n g t h a t t h e i r i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s are b u i l t f i r s t , on major moral premises ( p h i l o s o p h y ) , and second, on p a r t i c u l a r s o c i a l reasons f o r a c c e p t i n g these ( s o c i o l o g y ) . I have t r i e d t o uncover e m p i r i c a l l y , how these p e r s p e c t i v e s i n t e r a c t . In p r i n c i p l e , I have l o c a t e d an i n t e r c o n n e c t i o n between power and knowledge i n i d e a s and t h e i r c o n t e x t . F o u c a u l t (1970) c l a i m s t h a t the human s c i e n c e s and p h i l o s o p h y are i n s t r u m e n t a l i n p o l i t i c a l l o g i c . F u r t h e r u n d e r s t a n d i n g of the d i s c o u r s e of the YOA p o l i c y , as the implementation of a c c e l e r a t i n g r a t i o n a l s o c i a l p r a c t i c e s , r e q u i r e s an e m p i r i c a l a n a l y s i s because the t h r e e p h i l o s o p h i e s have s o c i a l c o n t e x t s . Second, I asked judges how they respond t o a f o u r t h p h i l o s o p h y , o f community change and c o l l e c t i v e c o n t r o l . In a s k i n g why t h i s d i s c o u r s e would or would not work, I am i n t e r p e t i n g t h e i r arguments as impediments t o implementing t h i s i d e o l o g y as a 'form o f l i f e ' . 58 P r a c t i c a l r e a s o n i n g proceeds from g e n e r a l assumptions o f m o r a l i t y t o the p r a c t i c a l matter o f de t e r m i n i n g the r i g h t way t o a c t i n a s p e c i f i c c o n t e x t . Rather than d e s c r i b i n g o r i n v e n t i n g a f i x e d s e t o f r u l e s o f m o r a l i t y c l e a r l y and u n i v e r s a l l y d i s c e r n i b l e , j u d i c i a l r e a s o n i n g invokes a p o l i t i c a l l o g i c i n moving from major premises t o minor ones. I mean by major premises the f o u n d a t i o n a l p r i n c i p l e s o f p o l i t i c a l l o g i c , the t h e o r e t i c a l reasons g i v e n f o r b e l i e v i n g o r r e f l e c t i n g on an a c t i o n . Most of the i n t e r v i e w concerns l o c a t i n g major premises, as the youth c o u r t judges i n t e r p r e t the A c t . In my r e s e a r c h , i n t e r p r e t i n g g e n e r a l assumptions w i t h i n the YOA i n v o l v e s understanding a s p e c i f i c h i s t o r i c a l c o n t e x t from which i t s p r i n c i p l e s were framed, and i n which the concepts o f o f f e n d e r , v i c t i m and crime s p r i n g . The hermeneutic t a s k i s t o c o r r e l a t e the f o u r assumptions as s t a t e d : j u s t i c e , crime c o n t r o l , w e l f a r e and community change, w i t h those o f the youth c o u r t judges. In order t o t r a c k t h e i r u nderstanding o f the i n t e n t i o n s o f the A c t a t t h i s j u n c t u r e , my r e a d i n g o f the s o c i o l o g i c a l p e r s p e c t i v e s on the judges* i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s fuse w i t h t h e i r views o f the se n t e n c i n g d i s p o s i t i o n s e c t i o n , and of the D e c l a r a t i o n o f P r i n c i p l e s . An e x e r c i s e i n hermeneutic f u s i o n seeks t o uncover common ground. The a p p l i c a t i o n of experience and r a t i o n a l i t y t o p r a c t i c a l matters from normative major premises f o l l o w s s e q u e n t i a l l y i n p a r t i c u l a r cases by the p r a c t i c a l s y l l o g i s m o u t l i n e d above 59 (Broadie, 1976). The f i r s t s tep i n the r e s e a r c h l o g i c w i l l be accomplished by r e v e a l i n g the e x i s t e n c e of, or consciousness of, the p h i l o s o p h y ( s o c i a l i n t e r e s t and i d e o l o g y ) ; and second, t o e v i n c e the i n s t i t u t i o n a l c o n s t r a i n t s imposed by s o c i o - h i s t o r i c a l c o n t i n g e n c y (the " d i s c o u r s e s ' ) . The l e g i s l a t o r s and policy-makers i n e n a c t i n g the YOA r e t u r n e d t o a wider, f o u n d a t i o n a l or c l a s s i c a l p h i l o s o p h y o f l i b e r a l i s m because of i t s g r e a t e r a c c e p t a b i l i t y t o i t s c o n s t i t u e n c y . In e f f e c t , they c o n t i n u e d t o evoke a myth of the u t i l i t y o f the u t i l i t a r i a n s t a t e , i n o r d e r t o s u p p l a n t the former w e l f a r e concept. Making a dichotomous d i s t i n c t i o n between reason and a c t i o n i s u s u a l l y based on s e p a r a t i n g experience and r e f l e c t i o n , t h e o r y and p r a c t i c e , and i s not an a b s o l u t e d i s t i n c t i o n . Gadamer, Fo u c a u l t and W i t t g e n s t e i n f u s e the elements by r e l a t i n g r a t i o n a l i t y and a c t i o n i n the c o n t e x t of p r a c t i c a l reason and i n t e r p r e t a t i o n . The hermeneutics o f p o l i t i c a l l o g i c argues t h a t reason i s c o n c r e t e l y and h i s t o r i c a l l y dynamic, not a b s o l u t e . My t a s k as a s o c i o l o g i s t i s t o b r i n g out the r o l e of i d e o l o g y , or of p r e j u d i c e (as Gadamer's d e f i n e s ' t r a d i t i o n s ' ) i n t h e i r s o c i a l l o c a t i o n as d i s c o u r s e s , and t o o f f e r c r i t i q u e . 3 There i s the element of p r e j u d i c e and i d e o l o g y i n p r a c t i c a l r e a s o n i n g . One can l i k e n t h i s r e a s o n i n g t o 'good sense'; i n o t h e r words, i t i s based on a c t i o n and e x p e r i e n c e . F i n a l l y , through d i s c o u r s e d e c o n s t r u c t i o n , I have 3 Gadamer i d e n t i f i e s p r e j u d i c e as the c o r n e r s t o n e of h i s p a r t i c u l a r t h e o r y o f hermeneutic understanding. 60 chosen t o adapt F o u c a u l t i n order t o l o c a t e power and knowledge r e l a t i o n s w i t h i n the p o l i t i c a l and p r a c t i c a l s y l l o g i s m . A minor premise i s the next s t e p of the p r a c t i c a l s y l l o g i s m which grasps what i s necessary or a p p r o p r i a t e t o a p a r t i c u l a r s i t u a t i o n . The f i n a l s t e p of d e l i b e r a t i n g and c o n c l u d i n g on the r i g h t course of a c t i o n t h a t the youth should have taken and ought t o take i n the f u t u r e d e f i n e s the ' c r i m i n a l ' a c t and i t s context, and the r e l a t i o n s h i p t o the ' v i c t i m ' . These d e f i n i t i o n s construe a r e l a t i o n s h i p t o ' s o c i e t y ' , the f a m i l y , s t a t e and workplace, the 'good o f a l l ' , 'noncriminal a c t i v i t y ' , and 'the l a w 1 . I am s u g g e s t i n g t h a t they form p a r t of f o u r l e g a l p h i l o s o p h i e s d i s c u s s e d p r e v i o u s l y . The aim i n t h i s p a r t of the t h e s i s p r o j e c t i s to r e v e a l how these f o u r p h i l o s o p h i e s : j u s t i c e , crime c o n t r o l , w e l f a r e and community change guide the f o r m a t i o n of s o c i a l r e a s o n i n g . A major premise i n v o l v e s a " p r i n c i p l e of a c t i o n " , which s t a t e s t h a t a p a r t i c u l a r event i s good f o r p a r t i c u l a r persons, f o r ' s o c i e t y 1 , and f o r 'the law'. The minor premise becomes a statement based on p e r c e p t i o n . The problem i s not one of f i t t i n g t h e major premises, as p r e c o n c e i v e d n o t i o n s , t o a s i t u a t i o n , but of s e e i n g i n the s i t u a t i o n , what i s a p p r o p r i a t e t o be done ( i n the p e r s p e c t i v e of the agent, Broadie, 1976:26). From the p e r s p e c t i v e o f the judge, r a t h e r than the youth, I would assume t h a t the c r i t e r i o n f o r good a c t i o n becomes a s o c i a l c o n s t r u c t i o n of the 61 young o f f e n d e r . Judges con s t r u e the youth's " p a t t e r n of re a s o n i n g " , o f h i s / h e r g u i l t y mind (mens rea) as a "reasonable man" would a c t i n the circumstance (a comparison c o u l d be made here between " g u i l t y " ( c l a s s i c a l u t i l i t a r i a n j u s t i c e ) o r "sound" mind ( i n p o s i t i v i s t s o c i a l w e l f a r e ) . Normative i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s t h a t j u r i s t s t y p i c a l l y make assume t h a t t h e r e i s c r i m i n a l i n t e n t , and e i t h e r a co n s c i o u s or a determinate meaning when the v a l u e s t h a t u n d e r l i e s t a t e i n t e r e s t are t r a n s g r e s s e d . J u r i s t s j u s t i f y t h e i r i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s , of r e l a t i v e and f o u n d a t i o n a l b e l i e f s about s t a t u t e s , w h i l e s e e k i n g the " c o r r e c t " p e r s p e c t i v e i n order t o understand, i n t e r p r e t , judge, and c r i t i c i z e . I aim t o expose t h e i r i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s o f the YOA, by a s k i n g i f l e g a l debate about v a l u e s , r e l a t i o n s h i p s and i n t e r e s t i s d e t e r m i n i s t i c o r s u b j e c t i v e . That i s : the b a s i s o f s u b j e c t i v i t y i s s o c i a l i d e o l o g y and i n t e r e s t s ; and, determinism i s a c o n s i s t e n t r e f l e c t i o n from a f i x e d o r dogmatic p e r s p e c t i v e . I s t h e r e f l e x i b i l i t y i n l e g a l debate f o r the " s i t u a t e d n e s s o f s o c i a l l o c a t i o n " (Gadamer), or f o r the "meaning" c o n t e x t s o f o r d i n a r y l i f e forms ( W i t t g e n s t e i n ) ? I am l o o k i n g a t the p o s s i b i l i t i e s w i t h i n l i n g u i s t i c a l i t y (how judges use language and how language uses them), f o r semantic, a e s t h e t i c , r h e t o r i c a l s h i f t s i n meaning which do not r e l y on these p h i l o s o p h i e s o f "human essence". E s s e n t i a l i s m r e f e r s t o some fo r m a t i v e b e l i e f i n human nature. Both the c l a s s i c a l j u s t i c e 62 p e r s p e c t i v e and the p o s i t i v i s t p e r s p e c t i v e ( s o c i a l w e l f a r e / t r e a t m e n t ) , draw on the Enlightenment t r a d i t i o n o f f r e e i n g the "human mind" of i t s p a r t i c u l a r t i e s t o h i s t o r y and c u l t u r e , o f t r a n s c e n d i n g p a r t i c u l a r i t y by grounding i t s method i n "human essence", o r i n the c e r t a i n t y o f s c i e n t i f i c r a t i o n a l i t y . There i s a d u a l i s m between r a t i o n a l i t y and the c o l l e c t i v e s t r u c t u r e s of language which i s based on how the s u b j e c t l i v e s these meanings. Understanding o f d i f f e r e n c e s i n forms of l i f e i n the l e g a l context, b e g i n s w i t h the r a t i o n a l c o n s t r u c t i o n o f the s o c i a l l o c a t i o n of unemployed youths, who r e q u i r e d i s c i p l i n e i n a s o c i e t y o f work. I n t e r p r e t a t i o n flows from assumptions about the e f f e c t of i n d i v i d u a l s on c r i m i n a l p r a c t i c e s . 'Offenders' a re i n d i v i d u a l s r a t h e r than s o c i a l p r o cesses, j u s t as they are the outcome of l e g a l a c t i o n . Judges might assume 'new' meanings, o n l y i f they are i n v o l v e d i n c o l l e c t i v e s o c i a l change. Under the YOA, they simply deduce ' r i g h t ' ( c l a s s i c a l j u s t i c e ) meanings o r perhaps 'sound' meanings ( p o s i t i v i s t / w e l f a r e p e r s p e c t i v e s ) as a p p l i e d t o j u v e n i l e a c t i o n . As my primary assumption, s o c i a l a c t i o n i n r e s p e c t t o the YOA i s d e f i n e d e i t h e r as moral or i n s t r u m e n t a l a c t i o n . The former i s a t t r i b u t e d t o p r a c t i c a l reason (Broadie, 1976), t o speech (Arendt, Habermas) and t o good understanding (Gadamer, 1974) . As I w i l l be i n t e r p r e t i n g r a t i o n a l i t y , i t s outcome as s o c i a l a c t i o n i s not l o c a t e d merely w i t h i n normative assumptions, as l i b e r a l p l u r a l i s m argues (a " d i s c o u r s e " ) , but i n c u l t u r a l r a t i o n a l i t i e s , i n the r u l e s 63 and s t r u c t u r e s f o r c o l l e c t i v e communication. I agree w i t h A l t h u s s e r t h a t any s e t of assumptions r e q u i r e s a grounding i n an e x t e r n a l metatheory, but not from an a b s o l u t e r a t i o n a l i t y (the p o s i t i v i s t c e r t a i n t y o f science ) o r a b s o l u t i s t framework (the n o t i o n o f human essence). I t i s u s u a l l y argued t h a t t h e r e a re two kin d s o f c r i t e r i a f o r a s s e s s i n g s o c i a l p o l i c y based on the access and consent o f those t o whom i t a p p l i e s . The f i r s t i s p r o c e d u r a l o r formal (the j u d i c i a l p r o c e s s ) , which concerns the i n s t i t u t i o n a l s t r u c t u r e , o r g a n i z a t i o n a l f u n c t i o n i n g , and p o l i t i c a l and i d e o l o g i c a l i n t e r a c t i o n . The second i s s u b s t a n t i v e , r e g a r d i n g the j u s t n e s s of the p o l i c y . I t i s the r e l a t i o n s h i p between these c r i t e r i a t h a t l e a d s t o our assessment of the p o l i c y . In p r o b l e m a t i c cases, ( P i t k i n , 1966), where formal and s u b s t a n t i v e p o l i c y are only p a r t i a l l y j u s t , then i t begins t o be a matter o f metatheory, of the p o s i t i o n we take r e g a r d i n g the s o c i a l order, t h a t determines our e v a l u a t i o n o f the p o l i c y . The e x p e r i e n t i a l b a s i s f o r a sense of j u s t i c e has an i n t e r p r e t i v e b a s i s . Agreements are a l r e a d y made, though not n e c e s s a r i l y v i s i b l e , expressed, and v a l i d a t e d . The YOA i s grounded i n s e v e r a l h i s t o r i c a l i n t e n t i o n s . In d i s c u s s i n g these i n t e n t i o n s t a u t o l o g i c a l l y as i d e o l o g i e s , one i s r e q u i r e d t o take a stance. From a s o c i o l o g i c a l p e r s p e c t i v e , t h i s t h e s i s t h e r e f o r e , r e q u i r e s a c r i t i q u e o f the co n f l u e n c e of d i s c o u r s e s o f r i g h t s , r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s and w e l f a r e based on t h e i r 6 4 common meaning and o f t h e i r outcome i n imposing a wide range of p e n a l and o t h e r s a n c t i o n s . The t h e s i s ' s hermeneutic requirement i s t o l o c a t e the j u d i c i a l i n s t i t u t i o n , by i t s c o n s t r a i n t s and p r a c t i c e s . The assumptions i n the l e g a l i n s t i t u t i o n s ' i d e o l o g i e s and t r a d i t i o n s , are c r i t i q u e d by the way t h e i r form of r e a s o n i n g connects t o a l l s u r r ounding p a r t i c i p a n t s . R a t i o n a l i t y o f l e g a l a d m i n i s t r a t i o n i s i t s e l f grounded i n a p a r t i c u l a r form of s o c i a l r e a s o n i n g . W i t h i n the f o u r p h i l o s o p h i e s : j u s t i c e , crime c o n t r o l , w e l f a r e and community change, and a l o n g s i d e or o u t s i d e of them, i n j u v e n i l e j u s t i c e p r a c t i c e s , d i s c o u r s e s c o n t i n u e t o e v o l v e or modify t h e i r o r i g i n a l i n t e n t . 2. The second t a s k of the r e s e a r c h (to e l i c i t major premises) focuses on the p o s s i b i l i t y of c a t e g o r i c a l or g l o b a l i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f the D e c l a r a t i o n of P r i n c i p l e s , (Appendix B), s e c t i o n 3 (1), as a g a i n s t s e c t i o n 3 (2) , which s t a t e s t h a t the a c t i s t o be " l i b e r a l l y c o n s t r u e d " . Judges have been asked i n the f i r s t t a s k i f they p e r c e i v e the D e c l a r a t i o n of P r i n c i p l e s i n s e c t i o n t h r e e (1) as i n t e r n a l l y c o n s i s t e n t or c a t e g o r i c a l l y d i f f e r e n t i a b l e , and the b a s i s f o r t h e i r o v e r a l l assessments. The purpose of c o n s t r u a l i n e i t h e r way determines the b a s i c l o g i c of the p r a c t i c a l a p p l i c a t i o n . The next t a s k determines the meaning of s e c t i o n 3 (2) which appears t o s t a t e t h a t the D e c l a r a t i o n of P r i n c i p l e s i s mandatory throughout the YOA c o n s t r u a l . What l e g a l p h i l o s o p h y i s i n c o r p o r a t e d throughout the t e x t ? Do the p r o v i s i o n s which f o l l o w S e c t i o n 3 (1) r e f l e c t them or what i s the r e l a t i o n s h i p between s e c t i o n 3 (1) and 65 the p r o v i s i o n s ? The i n f o r m a t i o n from t a s k s one and two p r o v i d e the g e n e r a l r e a s o n i n g f o r my d i s c u s s i o n o f the the c r e a t i o n o f power r e l a t i o n s i n t h e i r s o c i a l networks. 3. In a study done by Re i d and Reitsma-Street, i n 1984, u s i n g t h e same f o u r assumptions of s t a t e i n t e n t i o n : j u s t i c e , crime c o n t r o l , w e l f a r e and community change, I w i l l compare the judges' i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s o f the YOA w i t h a content a n a l y s i s o f the YOA i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s o f f e r e d by a group of c o l l e g e s t u d e n t s . T h i s t h i r d t a s k w i l l s e r v e as a d i s c o u r s e a n a l y s i s of the phrases c o n t a i n e d w i t h i n the D e c l a r a t i o n o f P r i n c i p l e s . One assumption i s t h a t the a c t i n s e c t i o n 3 (1) i s ambiguous i n t e r n a l l y ; i n t e n t i o n a l l y , i t i s a mask f o r s o c i a l c o n t r o l . On the l e v e l o f p r a c t i c e s , ambiguity r e s u l t s from t r a n s p o s i t i o n s o f forms of l i f e . Ambiguity a l s o r e s u l t s from the ' n o r m a l i z a t i o n ' p r o c e s s o f r e h a b i l i t a t i n g or g u i d i n g young o f f e n d e r s . 4. The f o u r t h t a s k o f the r e s e a r c h d e a l s w i t h j u d i c i a l j u s t i f i c a t i o n f o r a c t i o n , d i s t i n g u i s h i n g i n t e r n a l coherence f o r a s e t o f b e l i e f s (coherence t h e o r y ) , and f o u n d a t i o n a l l o g i c . The l a t t e r t h e o r y i m p l i e s a s e t of f o u n d a t i o n a l p r i n c i p l e s and t h e i r d e d u c t i v e and d e r i v a t i v e assumptions. By i n t e r n a l coherence, I mean, the outcome o f re a s o n i n g which assumes t h a t i f any i n d i v i d u a l statement c o n t r a d i c t s o t h e r s , then the e n t i r e t e x t i s s u b j e c t t o r e f r a m i n g i n o r d e r t o j u s t i f y coherence of a s e t of b e l i e f s . Are the youth judges attempting t o achieve such a degree of coherence 66 t h a t t h i s r e a s o n i n g i n f l u e n c e s the j u s t i f i c a t i o n s f o r t h e i r d e l i b e r a t i o n s ? Such a mode of re a s o n i n g I c o n s t r u e as r e l a t i v i s m , without j e o p a r d i z i n g the u n i v e r s a l d i s t i n c t i o n between the concepts o f r a t i o n a l i t y and r e l a t i v i s m . I would s p e c u l a t e t h a t one of the outcomes of j u s t i f i c a t i o n based on r e l a t i v i s m as a p a t t e r n of re a s o n i n g , would be the i n s t r u m e n t a l r a t i o n a l i t y o f the YOA as a r e l a t i v i s t instrument o f p o l i c y . On the o t h e r hand, a r t i c u l a t i n g a " p a r t i c u l a r i s t i c " o r " u n i v e r s a l i s t i c " t e x t , assumes t h a t judges focus on the a c t by r e c o n s t r u c t i n g i t by means of the f o u n d a t i o n a l t h e o r y approach. In the l a t t e r , i f the a c t i s t o be " l i b e r a l l y c o n s t r u e d " , i t w i l l s erve as r e v e a l i n g a "statement" or a "ph i l o s o p h y " about youth c o n t r o l f o r the times, upon which g e n e r a l and t r a d i t i o n a l assumptions would r e s t . Judges w i l l be asked t o comment on s e c t i o n 3 (2) , the " l i b e r a l c o n s t r u c t i o n " o f the Act, as a g a i n s t the s t r e s s o f p a r t i c u l a r o t h e r s e c t i o n s . In the i n t e r v i e w , judges w i l l be asked t o i n t e r p r e t p a r t i c u l a r s e c t i o n s o f the A c t t o i d e n t i f y those t h a t are mandatory, u t t e r l y n e g o t i a b l e , o r o p t i o n a l as t o how these p r o v i s i o n s r e f l e c t the D e c l a r a t i o n . They w i l l be asked whether p a r t i c u l a r s e c t i o n s which have a g l o b a l r e f e r e n c e t o these f o u r assumptions are dominant i n each p r o v i s i o n . I d i s c u s s the process o f p r i o r i z i n g the p r i n c i p l e s i n each p r o v i s i o n . Judges have been asked about the primary s t a t u s of the p r o v i s i o n s o f the YOA, s e l e c t e d on the b a s i s o f t h e i r c o n t r a d i c t i o n s and problems which l e a d t o the replacement of the 67 JDA a c t . The s o c i a l c o n s t r u c t i o n of the young o f f e n d e r i s a l s o l o c a t e d i n the s e n t e n c i n g p r o v i s i o n s s e c t i o n s 20 t o 26. 5. In the f i n a l t a s k s , I w i l l seek the minor premises, d e l i b e r a t i o n s and c o n c l u s i o n s of judges* arguments u s i n g the YOA. F o l l o w i n g A r i s t o t e l i a n l o g i c of the P r a c t i c a l S y l l o g i s m (Broadie, 27) , we have a d i s c o u r s e on method f o r j u d i c i a l p h i l o s o p h y . S y l l o g i s m s are a h o l i s t i c method of r e l a t i n g the 'hermeneutic c i r c l e ' o f wholes t o p a r t s . The premises must be the form of the c o n c l u s i o n , i f the form of the a c t i o n s e x i s t s i n what i t informs. We understand an a c t i o n (a c o n c l u s i o n ) by knowing the premises which express the cause of the c o n c l u s i o n ; the r e l a t i o n i s l o g i c a l , not p s y c h o l o g i c a l i n c h a r a c t e r . The j u d i c i a l d i s c o u r s e i s r a t i o n a l f o r the p r a c t i c a l purposes a t hand. However, judges' d e l i b e r a t i o n s are i d e o l o g i c a l l y f i x e d as the r e s u l t o f s o c i a l l o c a t i o n ( i n t e r e s t s , v a l u e s and r e l a t i o n s h i p s ) . They are a l s o always the r e s u l t of the moral f o u n d a t i o n s of the premises. The moral argument i n the work of a judge who s t r u g g l e s t o f i n d a meaning i n the p l u r a l i t y of c o n f l i c t i n g s e c t i o n s of the a c t and i t s r e s u l t i n g judgments, i s b e s t understood i n the i n t e r p r e t i v e p e r s p e c t i v e . In t h i s method, we e l i c i t p r i n c i p l e s i n t e r n a l t o the premises and the s o c i a l / h i s t o r i c a l purposes f o r which they were c o n s t r u c t e d , as the r e s e a r c h e r 'understands' them. 68 The r e s e a r c h w i l l t r y t o r e v e a l the l i n k between s o c i a l and moral a c t i o n s by a hermeneutic method. The r e s e a r c h p r o j e c t a l s o aims t o d e c o n s t r u c t the i n t e r p r e t i v e mode u s i n g the concept of d i s c o u r s e s . The s e p a r a b i l i t y of s o c i a l p s y c h o l o g i c a l l o g i c , from h i s t o r i o l o g i c a l l o g i c i s i d e n t i f i e d i n Jones, (1983). Using d i s c o u r s e a n a l y s i s , our r e s e a r c h p r o j e c t w i l l attempt t o i d e n t i f y e m p i r i c a l l y , the c o n s t r u c t i o n of " s o c i a l l o c a t i o n " , and r e c o n s t r u c t t h e " d i s c o u r s e s " of j u r i s p r u d e n c e from the p a r t i c u l a r s o c i a l l o c a t i o n s of judges. By d e c o n s t r u c t i n g the i n t e r p r e t i v e p a t t e r n of r e a s o n i n g , from t h e i r h i s t o r i o l o g i c a l assumptions i n formal and s o c i o l o g i c a l j u r i s p r u d e n c e , we can i d e n t i f y the meaning of " o f f e n d e r " , " v i c t i m " , "crime", and the b a s i s f o r these c o n s t r u c t i o n s i n d i s c o u r s e s . We have been assuming j u d i c i a l r e a s o n i n g w i l l s o c i a l l y l o c a t e ( c o n s t r u c t ) p a r t i c u l a r cases and judgments f o r d i f f e r e n t purposes, u s i n g any of the major assumptions t h a t b e s t f i t these p a r t i c u l a r c i r c u m s t a n c e s . In o r d e r t o reach an u n derstanding of the s e n t e n c i n g d i s p o s i t i o n s (the c o n c l u s i o n of the s y l l o g i s t i c argument), I i n t e r v i e w e d judges f o r t h e i r a n a l y s i s of a p a r t i c u l a r case. The path o f i n t e r p r e t a t i o n i n i t s s p e c i f i c a t i o n s and v a r i a t i o n s i s n e c e s s a r i l y p l u r a l and dependent on s o c i a l l y c r e a t e d meanings e s t a b l i s h e d i n law. The attempt a t s o c i a l c r i t i c i s m i n t h i s p r o j e c t i s a matter of i n t e r p r e t i n g the i n c l u s i o n or not of youth and o t h e r contenders i n a c o n f l i c t i n g s i t u a t i o n , who have 69 been previously excluded (as readers of the 'text'), i n democratic processes of de l i b e r a t i o n . The assumption that judges use p r a c t i c a l reasoning i s that they follow the form of the p r a c t i c a l syllogism. P r a c t i c a l reasoning aims at devising a structure for moral ends. J u d i c i a l reasoning strays from p r a c t i c a l reasoning by arguing a p o s t e r i o r i , from minor premises, such as the information from the case de s c r i p t i o n and from the court appearance. From these premises, a major premiss i s derived, and from these premises, j u d i c i a l outcome or ends that should obtain. Legal reasoning, by using t h i s instrumental form of argumentation, extends beyond the domain of common sense and p r a c t i c a l i t y . Legal reasoning i s constructed p o l i t i c a l reasoning based on individualism, rather than p r a c t i c a l commonsense. 6. Using the interviews, the next task w i l l be to reach an understanding of the sentencing dispositions i n order to conduct a discourse analysis of l e g a l action. I w i l l ask each judge to review t h e i r r a t i o decidendi (legal reasoning) i n cases surrounding the issues i n the fourth task. Here i t may be assumed that the t r i a l court judges i n 1989, who have considered the YOA intentions of 1984, have now studied the appellate court judgements and shaped t h e i r d i s p o s i t i o n s accordingly. 70 Recent d i s p o s i t i o n a l d e c i s i o n s o f the h i g h e s t c o u r t s i n Canada are s i g n i f i c a n t i n view of the o r i g i n a l two-pronged approach t o d e c i s i o n s under the YOA ph i l o s o p h y . Reviews ( L e s c h i e d and J a f f e , 1986) note t h a t s t a t i s t i c a l l y , i n the e a r l y use of the YOA, youth c o u r t judges took a p u n i t i v e approach t o d i s p o s i t i o n s under the YOA (crime c o n t r o l ) . Recent a p p e l l a t e d e c i s i o n s , however, i n d i c a t e t h a t d i s p o s i t i o n s under the YOA are t o be i n d i v i d u a l i z e d as guidance and ' r e h a b i l i t a t i o n * . Custody i s o n l y t o be ordered "when a l l e l s e f a i l s " . Young o f f e n d e r d i s p o s i t i o n s i n the lower mainland of B.C. are r e c o g n i z i n g " l i m i t e d a c c o u n t a b i l i t y " and g e n e r a l l y g r e a t e r " a m e n a b i l i t y t o treatment". What does 'treatment' mean, c u r r e n t l y ? There might be a c l a i m here f o r s t a t e i n t e n t i o n i n r e s o l v i n g the dual-pronged wording i n the s t a t u t e by a l l o w i n g the u l t i m a t e r e s o l u t i o n t o come from the Court of Appeal. Such a c l a i m i s background t o the t h e s i s statement t h a t d i s c u r s i v e p r a c t i c e s are be i n g a f f e c t e d by the YOA, and t h a t a n o r m a l i z i n g s o c i a l r e a s o n i n g i s used i n the d i s c o u r s e . The q u e s t i o n asked here i s : what i s the s o c i a l r e a s o n i n g and how does i t permit the YOA t o become a new d i s c o u r s e ? From r e a d i n g r e c e n t a p p e l l a t e c o u r t d e c i s i o n s and from the r e s u l t s o f i n t e r v i e w s , I examine my f i n d i n g i n a d i s c o u r s e a n a l y s i s ( a n a l y t i c s ) , u s i n g d i s c o u r s e i n the F o u c a u l d i a n sense of power/knowledge r e l a t i o n s . These are s o c i a l l y l o c a t e d i n the j u s t i c e system and widen i t s scope of power and knowledge r e l a t i o n s . 71 7. The Youth c o u r t judges d i s c u s s the c o n s t r a i n t s on t h e i r d e cision-making, i n the form of i n s t i t u t i o n s , community feedback, c o u r t d e c i s i o n s , f a m i l y , the economy and t h e i r own s o c i a l c o n t r o l mechanisms. I w i l l e l a b o r a t e on the s o c i a l networks t h a t are being drawn i n t o the j u d i c i a l i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s o f the YOA. 8. I b e g i n w i t h p e r s o n a l background items t h a t p e r t a i n t o the o v e r a l l aims o f the study, and f o l l o w by a summary of the ge n e r a l arguments and reasons f o r t h e i r use of the A c t , and f o r recommendations r e g a r d i n g i t . The purpose of the r e s e a r c h i s t o understand the judges' e x p e r i e n t i a l and r a t i o n a l changes over the course o f t h e i r j u d i c i a l c a r e e r s , the s o c i a l / j u d i c i a l c r i t i c i s m s of a c t s , judgements, and c o n s t r a i n t s o f t h e i r s o c i a l l o c a t i o n . I d e o l o g i c a l c o n s t r u c t i o n i s masked even when e x p l i c a t i n g the h i s t o r i o g r a p h i c s t a r t i n g p o i n t . Examination f o r the purpose of c r i t i c a l hermeneutics (Thompson, 1981), r e g a r d i n g s t r u c t u r e s of domination, are s t i l l needed, i f changes t o the A c t are t o come about. I have i n c l u d e d my i n t e r v i e w schedule i n Appendix A. Over a p e r i o d o f t h r e e months, I i n t e r v i e w e d t e n of a p o s s i b l e twenty judges who s i t i n the Youth Courts i n the Lower Mainland, B.C. Con t a c t s f o r the i n t e r v i e w s were e s t a b l i s h e d f i r s t by means of a l e t t e r , i n c l u d e d i n Addendix C. There was a follo w - u p w i t h a phone c a l l , which proceeded i n roughly s i m i l a r f a s h i o n t o the example i n Addendix D. Twenty judges s i t i n the lower mainland a d m i n i s t r a t i v e 72 j u r i s d i c t i o n s but I had d i f f i c u l t i e s i n a t t a i n i n g f u l l c o o p e r a t i o n . I n i t i a l l y , my c o n t a c t person, o r 'gatekeeper' was the C h i e f A d m i n i s t r a t i v e judge o f the Vancouver Family and Youth Court D i v i s i o n . H i s r e l u c t a n c e t o h e l p r e c r u i t judges f o r my i n t e r v i e w s , based on h i s concern f o r p u b l i c a t t e n t i o n t o a j u d i c i a l c o l l e c t i v e v o i c e i n the p r e s s , made i t necessary f o r me t o c o n t a c t each judge on an i n d i v i d u a l b a s i s . I was a b l e t o meet f o r a t l e a s t one and o n e - h a l f hours w i t h t e n judges, i n c l u d i n g a t l e a s t one judge from each o f the j u d i c i a l a d m i n i s t r a t i v e u n i t s i n the lower mainland. Apart from the media a t t e n t i o n problem, o t h e r judges expressed 'time c o n s t r a i n t s ' , o r l e f t word through s e c r e t a r i e s t h a t they were simply ' u n a v a i l a b l e ' . Three o f the judges s t a t e d t h a t t h e i r o p i n i o n 'does not count'. We are bound [as lower c o u r t j u d g e s ] , by the l e g i s l a t i o n , case precedence and whatever d e c i s i o n s I make are reviewed yb h i g h e r c o u r t s , so my o p i n i o n doesn't count. I am r e s p o n s i b l e f o r my statements i n c o u r t . T h i s i s what I do. What I say out of c o u r t i s i r r e l e v a n t . One o f the o t h e r judges gave roughly the same message. Two of the ot h e r judges were "not i n t e r e s t e d i n g i v i n g i n t e r v i e w s " , w i t h such r a t i o n a l e s as "judges keep t h e i r o p i n i o n s c l o s e t o the c h e s t " . "I do not l i k e t o s i t down t o d i s c u s s my a t t i t u d e s " . A l l o f the i n t e r v i e w s were i n the judges' chambers i n each of the lower mainland youth c o u r t d i v i s i o n s ; o n l y two o f them were not ta p e - r e c o r d e d f o r t r a n s c r i p t i o n . For these two, I kept notes and r e c o n s t r u c t e d them l a t e r i n the day or d u r i n g the evening. I gave each o f the judges a form r e q u e s t i n g t h e i r consent f o r i n t e r v i e w , and f o r r e c o r d i n g . T h i s form i s a t t a c h e d as Addendix E. The i n t e r v i e w s were s e m i - s t r u c t u r e d , w i t h some open-ended areas i n the sense t h a t the judges were u n d i r e c t e d beyond the scope of the g e n e r a l q u e s t i o n . When I r e a l i z e d t h a t a q u e s t i o n was not prompting judges t o e l a b o r a t e on t h e i r o p i n i o n s i n areas t h a t concerned me, I r e d i r e c t e d t h e i r a t t e n t i o n . In a d d i t i o n t o the i n - d e p t h i n t e r v i e w s w i t h these judges, I v i s i t e d the Youth Courts i n p r o c e s s . The v i s i t s were u n s t r u c t u r e d w i t h no attempt t o c o n s t r u c t a formal p r o b l e m a t i c . The i n t e r v i e w s p r o v i d e d the r e q u i r e d i n f o r m a t i o n . Case r e a d i n g s i n the Appelate Court added t o my i n f o r m a t i o n on the d i r e c t i o n and g e n e r a l scope of j u d i c i a l i n t e r p r e t a t i o n . For the case study t h a t I i n c l u d e d i n the i n t e r v i e w schedule, I corresponded w i t h the lower c o u r t judge i n O n t a r i o t o o b t a i n the o r i g i n a l t r a n s c r i p t of the case, and t o l e a r n the subsequent l e g a l h i s t o r y of t h a t young o f f e n d e r . 74 CHAPTER I I I :  SOCIAL REASONING In t h i s chapter, I w i l l p r e s e n t judges' s t r a t e g i c r e a s o n i n g u s i n g ' j u s t i c e 1 , 'welfare', 'crime c o n t r o l ' , and 'community c o n t r o l ' concepts, as the most g e n e r a l meaning of youth j u s t i c e and i t s p r a c t i c e s . In the f o l l o w i n g chapter, I w i l l show, by the form of r e a s o n i n g used, t h a t l e g a l r e a s o n i n g i n i t s e l f s erves to r e i n f o r c e s u r r o unding power and knowledge r e l a t i o n s . The form of r e s u l t i n g s o c i a l c o n t r o l i s d i f f e r e n t from the c o n t r o l under the JDA, which worked through r e h a b i l i t a t i v e groups of p r o f e s s i o n a l s . In the YOA d i s c o u r s e , the purposes of punishment — t o change the moral c h a r a c t e r (reform the o f f e n d e r ) , t o a c h i e v e r e t r i b u t i o n through a c c o u n t a b i l i t y , t o d e t e r and t o r e h a b i l i t a t e - - are a l l s erved. The purpose of the f i n a l two c h a p t e r s of the t h e s i s i s t o p r o v i d e a t h e o r e t i c a l c r i t i q u e of the s o c i a l r e a s o n i n g t h a t Youth Court Judges use t o expand the s t a t e / s o c i a l network. The s h i f t i n the d i s c o u r s e from r e h a b i l i t a t i o n t o reformism suggests t h a t a more c e n t r a l i z e d s t a t e ( s o c i a l c o n t r o l , which u t i l i z e s the ' l e a s t i n t e r f e r e n c e p r i n c i p l e ' ) , w i l l a c t u a l l y i n t e r v e n e more r e p r e s s i v e l y i n the l i v e s o f d e v i a n t people, now s p e c i f i e d as l e g a l l y d e l i n q u e n t . The i n d i c a t i o n i s , t h a t by f o l l o w i n g a n e o - c l a s s i c a l p e r s p e c t i v e on deviance, the Youth Court judges are i m p l i c a t e d i n s t a t e - s o c i a l c o n t r o l expansion. T h i s c l a i m r e q u i r e s an 75 understanding o f the d i f f e r e n t forms of r e a s o n i n g i n h e r e n t i n p a r t i c u l a r d i s c o u r s e s . 3.1.0 Treatment as a r a t i o n a l agenda In o r d e r t o understand the s o c i a l reasons and the t r a n s f o r m a t i o n o f re a s o n i n g under the YOA, I asked the judges t o compare t h e i r e x p e r i e n c e w i t h both A c t s . With the e x c e p t i o n o f one, a l l the judges have had c o n s i d e r a b l e e x p e r i e n c e w i t h both t h e s e A c t s . The average experience on the bench i s 15 years, g e n e r a l l y served throughout the P r o v i n c e . Which of the A c t s do the the judges p r e f e r and why? In a l l cases, but one, they had been p r a c t i c i n g under the treatment approach f o r some time. The f i r s t two q u e s t i o n s o f the i n t e r v i e w schedule are aimed a t e l i c i t i n g p e r s o n a l background items, and d i r e c t e d t o understand changes i n r e a s o n i n g d u r i n g the course o f the i n t e r v i e w e e s 1 c a r e e r s i n the j u v e n i l e j u s t i c e c o u r t s . A l l o f the judges debunked the YOA as a 'welfare' concept w i t h a treatment i n t e n t i o n . Treatment i s not e q u i v a l e n t t o h e l p i n g the young person. "I would r a t h e r have ob t a i n e d a l i t t l e more, i f we c o u l d have, o f the o l d p h i l o s o p h y under the JDA, of h i g h e r p r i o r i t i e s t o t r y i n g t o h e l p the young person, but we don't have i t . Well, i t ' s not t o t a l l y m i s s i n g , but the p r i o r i t y i s no l o n g e r t r y i n g t o h e l p the young person but due process, and p r o t e c t i o n of s o c i e t y . Judges s t a t e t h a t treatment does not work because r e c i d i v i s m remains. T r e a t m e n t / r e h a b i l i t a t i o n i s , a f t e r a l l , i n v o l u n t a r y , 76 which t h e r e f o r e d e f e a t s i t s r e a l purpose. With the e s t a b l i s h m e n t of a ' j u s t i c e ' agenda, the i s s u e of v o l u n t a r i s m becomes i n c o n s e q u e n t i a l w i t h the i n c u l c a t i o n of a ' j u s t ' system of punishment: t h a t i s , the i n c u l c a t i o n of a r a t i o n a l means of d e t e r r e n c e , r e t r i b u t i o n and r e s t i t u t i o n . The s u p p o s i t i o n of c h o i c e of treatment i s i r r e l e v a n t i n the YOA because b e h a v i o u r a l outcome depends on a new form of r a t i o n a l i t y : "You might get a v e r y m e n t a l l y i l l , s e r i o u s l y m e n t a l l y i l l young person, who i s a v i o l e n t o f f e n d e r o f g r e a t danger t o s o c i e t y and t o h i m s e l f , l e t ' s say, and we are powerless t o t r y t o get him treatment i f he does not consent or agree t o the treatment. So t h e r e you a r e . " Under the JDA, the c o u r t s were t o t r e a t the c h i l d r e n as i f they were the p a r e n t : the parens p a t r i a e d o c t r i n e . V o l u n t a r i s m , of course, i s not an i s s u e between pa r e n t s and c h i l d r e n , as i t i s between government wards and o f f i c i a l s . R e h a b i l i t a t i o n of f a m i l i e s was a r a t i o n a l e f f o r t d i r e c t e d t o improving the r e l a t i o n s between pa r e n t s and c h i l d r e n by i n t e r v e n i n g i n the f a m i l y u n i t , a c c o r d i n g t o a d e d u c t i v e p r i n c i p l e : ' r e p r e s s i v e n e s s ' , ' a c t i n g out', ' p e r s o n a l i t y ' , ' p a t h o l o g i c a l f a m i l y ' i n need of treatment. Under the JDA, the s o c i a l s e r v i c e a d m i n i s t r a t i o n was g i v e n the mandate t o p l a c e ' d i f f i c u l t ' c h i l d r e n out of t h e i r homes, l e g i t i m i z i n g t h e i r c h o i c e s t o the c o u r t s a c c o r d i n g t o the concept of a ' s i c k ' f a m i l y . A concept o f a 'normal' f a m i l y was r e i f i e d by p l a c i n g c h i l d r e n i n q u a s i - f a m i l y s e t t i n g s , such as f o s t e r and group homes. With a 'crime c o n t r o l ' emphasis, judges see u n r e m i t t i n g p a r e n t a l f a i l u r e , and the need f o r d i s c i p l i n e . The aim i s t o reform the moral c h a r a c t e r of the o f f e n d e r under the YOA. "hs. I s the YOA a r o u t e f o r treatment? judge. Yes, i n terms of the p r o b a t i o n o r d e r , o r d e r i n g an apology, and community s e r v i c e work o r d e r s . In these i n s t a n c e s , the youth may r e a l i z e h i s s e l f - w o r t h . I t can happen." "hs. I s t h i s how the YOA becomes a r o u t e f o r treatment? "judge. I t doesn't. G e n e r a l l y , k i d s are r a t i o n a l , but have a wrong sense of v a l u e s , and need t o get the message." 3.1.1. Treatment under the YOA d i s p o s i t i o n s . R e h a b i l i t a t i n g the c h i l d does not imply t r e a t i n g the c h i l d under j u d i c i a l order, as i t d i d under the JDA, or d e a l i n g with the causes of the crime. Under s e c t i o n 20, a f i n d i n g of g u i l t i s a p r e r e q u i s i t e f o r r e h a b i l i t a t i o n treatment or a s k i n g f o r a p r e -d i s p o s i t i o n r e p o r t , or f o r any r e p r e s e n t a t i o n s made on b e h a l f of the youth. The YOA a l l o w s youths t o d e c i d e i f they want t o be t r e a t e d f o r any problems. Formerly, the c o l l e c t i v e s t a t e r a t h e r than the youth and f a m i l i e s were r e s p o n s i b l e f o r c o s t s o f f u r t h e r t r a i n i n g , h e a l t h p l a n b e n e f i t s and s u p e r v i s i o n . In the e t h i c s of a c h i e v i n g r e h a b i l i t a t i o n through the law, judges use a d i v i s i o n of l a b o u r . However, even i f the p a r e n t s , the lawyers and judge wanted t o s e t up a treatment p l a n , the young person can r e f u s e : "We s h o u l d l e a v e the mental h e a l t h and b e h a v i o u r a l problems t o those forums t h a t are a b l e t o d e a l w i t h them. Or r a t h e r , s h o u l d more s u i t a b l y d e a l w i t h them... " There has t o be a c l e a r l i n k between: "the d i s p o s i t i o n , the k i d and the o f f e n s e . I f t h e r e were a concern f o r treatment, the Mental H e a l t h A c t should be i n v o l v e d . I f t h e r e i s a concern about t h a t , the c h i l d should be apprehended." / 78 But apprehension i n the " i n t e r e s t s of the c h i l d . 1 i s not i n t h e i r j u r i s d i c t i o n : "I would h e s i t a t e t o even c o n s i d e r treatment ... because i t ' s a s p e c i a l i z e d f i e l d . hs. R i g h t . So, t h e r e seems t o be a l a c k o f mechanisms f o r r e f e r r a l t o s o c i a l s e r v i c e s here under the YOA. Do you t h i n k t h i s compromises the treatment p o t e n t i a l ? judge. I don't know. I don't t h i n k t h e r e would be anything t o prevent the p r o b a t i o n o f f i c e r from e s t a b l i s h i n g some k i n d o f c o n t a c t w i t h the s o c i a l w e l f a r e o f f i c e . hs. You wouldn't do t h a t y o u r s e l f under the YOA? judge. Not u n l e s s t h e r e was some reason i n the p s y c h o l o g i c a l assessment. hs. Did t h a t i n d i c a t e t h a t t h i s s hould be done, and never was? judge. Yes. There would be p r o b a t i o n terms t h a t the 'p.o.' and the s o c i a l s e r v i c e s o f f i c e , MSSH, or whatever they c a l l themselves these days. That they work t o g e t h e r t o p r o v i d e s u p e r v i s i o n . hs. I f t h a t were a l r e a d y i n the treatment p l a n , d e v i s e d , say between the s e r v i c e s , i t c o u l d happen. I f i t was not s e t up ahead o f time by the p r o b a t i o n o f f i c e r , i t would not l i k e l y happen? judge. No. I don't t h i n k so. No. Another judge s t a t e s : "I w i l l o f t e n , I was going t o say "throw i n " and i t ' s almost l i k e t h a t , a term t h a t the youth take such c o u n s e l l i n g as d i r e c t e d . That's the onl y t h i n g I can t h i n k o f . I wouldn't make a treatment order o r containment type treatment o r d e r as p a r t o f a p r o b a t i o n order, but I might throw i n something about c o u n s e l l i n g . I say "throw i n " , b e i n g somewhat f a c e t i o u s . And sometimes i t amounts t o t h a t . I g i v e the p r o b a t i o n o f f i c e r as much power as I can i n d e a l i n g w i t h the young person." Again, two o t h e r judges s t a t e t h e i r own l i m i t a t i o n s under the YOA: "You can't f o r c e i t . I don't know whether you sh o u l d be ab l e t o . But sometimes judges are a b l e t o get, through the e f f o r t s o f the p r o b a t i o n s e r v i c e , t o get f a m i l i e s t o agree w i t h these 79 t h i n g s . I t ' s a l l done v o l u n t a r i l y without a c o u r t o r der because t h e r e are no means o f g i v i n g a c o u r t o r d e r . hs. Does the l a c k of mechanisms f o r r e f e r r a l t o the s o c i a l w e l f a r e a d m i n i s t r a t i o n compromise the treatment p o t e n t i a l ? judge. W e l l , t h e r e are not any formal mechanisms, but they a r e j u s t a phone c a l l away, and I have phoned them a couple of times. But I am not sure I have any b u s i n e s s doing t h a t . I t s a d i f f i c u l t s i t u a t i o n . In our a d v e r s a r i a l system, i t i s n ' t a p p r o p r i a t e t h a t I i n i t i t i a t e proceedings under the F & CS. hs. Then, you don't see the YOA as a r o u t e f o r treatment as such? judge. No, i t i s f o r treatment i f you can r e l a t e i t t o t h e i r c r i m i n a l a c t i v i t y , but not i f i t can't be r e l a t e d t o t h e i r c r i m i n a l a c t i v i t y , and the c r i m i n a l o f f e n c e they have committed." 3.1.2. J u s t i c e A c c o r d i n g t o the judges, the JDA would not have stood up t o the C h a r t e r of R i g h t s . A c c o r d i n g t o a l l the judges, the c h i l d has t o be expected t o be accountable, keeping i n mind t h a t he i s young, and t h e r e f o r e a l s o "may need some form of r e h a b i l i t a t i o n " . Some remnant of b e l i e f i n e x p l a i n i n g behaviour as the r e s u l t of n a t u r a l s o c i a l laws or p r o c e s s e s i s a l e f t - o v e r from the 'welfare' p e r s p e c t i v e , but, the main t h r u s t i s d e t e r r e n c e and r e t r i b u t i o n , not treatment. D e t e r r e n t e f f e c t s depend on punishment b e i n g f i t t e d t o the crime, so t h a t the p r o s p e c t i v e o f f e n d e r can know the l i k e l y c o s t of the crime and be d e t e r r e d by i t . "I don't t h i n k we are v e r y e f f e c t i v e as I have emphasized a couple of times. Maybe I'm p e s s i m i s t i c , but I don't see myself as a s o c i a l worker, or as a p s y c h o l o g i s t . I see myself as somebody who has got a f a i r l y l i m i t e d r o l e t o p l a y and t h a t i s t o rap on the knuckles somebody who hasn't behaved p r o p e r l y . L e t somebody e l s e worry about the long-term. But of course, we always get i n v o l v e d i n the long-term i n any event. We do. We are asked t o do c e r t a i n t h i n g s t h a t w i l l 80 guide the k i d over a p e r i o d o f time. When I s a i d I am being p e s s i m i s t i c , as I have s a i d s e v e r a l times, I t h i n k when we are r e a l l y s u c c e s s f u l i t i s because we have happened t o h i t on the r i g h t d i s p o s i t i o n i n the r i g h t time i n the k i d ' s l i f e . The k i d i s ready t o respond t o t h a t s o r t o f t h i n g - whatever i t i s t h a t you have done. Or, he i s j u s t g o i ng t o mature r e g a r d l e s s o f what you do t o him. So, I don't know i f we have t h a t much o f a r o l e t o p l a y , I r e a l l y don't. I know the e x p e c t a t i o n out t h e r e i s t h a t we do. And I know t h a t sometimes the e x p e c t a t i o n i s dashed by some of the t h i n g s t h a t we do, f o r good reason. But, I s t i l l remember the days when these Courts were m u n i c i p a l l y c o n t r o l l e d , and when mayors wanted t o see t h e i r communities run the way they wanted t o and u s i n g the judge as t h e i r mouthpiece. The co u n s e l i s supposed t o do t h a t . That i s n ' t the way i t i s anymore, and thank the Lord. Because they don't have the background or the knowledge t o r e a l l y understand. A l l they see i s the s u r f a c e sludge, the bad s t u f f t h a t ' s going on but they don't see, v e r y w e l l anyway, the approaches t o the cures f o r t h a t . I'm not s a y i n g we see them a l l , but we see them a l o t b e t t e r than the c o u n s e l l o r s . I f punishment i s intended by the dominant d i s p o s i t i o n s i n s e c t i o n 20 o f the YOA (the s e n t e n c i n g p r o v i s i o n s ) , what are these s o c i a l reasons? Assuming t h a t treatment does not work because i t i s i n v o l u n t a r y , the judges g i v e t h e i r reasons f o r punishment u s i n g a r a t i o n a l man p r i n c i p l e , one of the s t r o n g e s t f e a t u r e s i n j u r i s p r u d e n c e . By view i n g the o f f e n d e r as r e s p o n s i b l e , he i s made acco u n t a b l e f o r h i s a c t i o n s . R e t r i b u t i o n i s not the r e s u l t . The u t i l i t a r i a n p r i n c i p l e o f j u s t i c e a p p l i e s here because the r a t i o n a l man p r e f e r s t o e l i m i n a t e the p a i n f u l e f f e c t s o f i r r a t i o n a l b ehaviour. "hs. When one person goes through the pro c e s s a t a l l , the o t h e r s who accompany him, too, become the s u b j e c t s o f s u r v e i l l a n c e when they might otherwise not be. But having an a l t e r n a t e measures s e c t i o n , where maybe n o t h i n g w i l l be done here, has t h i s some e f f e c t on the young person? judge. I t might encourage them t o commit o f f e n s e s because they know they are e n t i t l e d t o one shot a t the a l t e r n a t e measures. I'd be s u r p r i s e d i f i t encourages people t o commit o f f e n s e s . 81 I t h i n k most people when they commit o f f e n s e s , a r e n ' t t h i n k i n g about the consequences t h a t much - e s p e c i a l l y the f i r s t time around. They always assume they are not going t o get caught. Not t h a t I am going t o get caught but t h a t I am going t o get an easy punishment". L e g a l r a t i o n a l i t y i s c r e a t e d f o r youths who i n t h e i r normal l i v e s a re emotional, a c c o r d i n g t o the judges, l i v i n g a t the expense of reason. As one judge s t a t e d , p o l i c e f e e l t h a t the a c t , l i k e the JDA, g i v e s the c h i l d too much p r o t e c t i o n . They have more d i f f i c u l t y now p r e p a r i n g a case f o r c o u r t and e x t r a c t i n g c o n f e s s i o n s . The judges f e e l t h a t the YOA merely p r o t e c t s j u v e n i l e s ' r i g h t s . T h i s process does slow t h i n g s down, and judges f e e l the d e l a y j e o p a r d i z e s the 'reasonable man' d o c t r i n e . " C h i l d r e n are r e q u i r e d t o d e a l w i t h an event t h a t happened way i n the p a s t " . As c h i l d r e n ' s sense of time i s more immediate, they l o s e the p o i n t and purpose of the l e g a l p r o c e s s . " I t ' s c ompletely c o u n t e r p r o d u c t i v e i f what you are t r y i n g t o do i s t e a c h k i d s t h a t t h e r e i s a d i r e c t c o n n e c t i o n between what they do and the consequences of what they do." The s o c i a l c o n s t r u c t i o n of the ' r a t i o n a l c h i l d ' makes an appearance. The judges p r e f e r the s h i f t i n emphasis away from parens p a t r i a e as l i m i t i n g a c h i l d ' s sense of ' r e s p o n s i b i l i t y ' o r •moral duty*. In the JDA, r a t i o n a l i t y i s a p p l i e d through a r a t i o n a l concept of i n t e r v e n t i o n , t o d i m i n i s h the s t r o n g emotive f o r c e i n the p e r s o n a l s i t u a t i o n . The YOA assumes ' r a t i o n a l i t y * i n persons from the o u t s e t , or can through i t s procedures and outcome e s t a b l i s h r a t i o n a l i t y through commensurate punishments or by 82 s e t t i n g up a c o s t - b e n e f i t r a t i o developed i n t e r n a l l y i n some i n d i v i d u a l s . With c h i l d r e n , the judge q u e s t i o n s the "degree t o which he i s i n c o n t r o l over what he i s d o i n g . " They "look a t some method t o reform t h i s s o r t of behaviour i n a n o n - c r i m i n a l i z e d s o r t o f way." A l l o f the judges s t a t e d they p r e f e r r e d the YOA f o r i t s ' j u s t i c e ' p e r s p e c t i v e , although as I e x p l a i n l a t e r , t h r e e of them d i d not f i n d s i g n i f i c a n t d i f f e r e n c e s because of the s i m i l a r i t i e s i n the p r a c t i c a l a p p l i c a t i o n . The reason which a l l t h r e e judges g i v e f o r the s i m i l a r i t y i s t h e i r l o c a l i n t e r e s t i n r e h a b i l i t a t i o n as a r e f o r m i s t p r i n c i p l e , compared w i t h the focus o f most other j u r i s d i c t i o n s a c r o s s Canada. For o n l y one judge, the YOA appeared t o have the same focus and p h i l o s o p h y as the JDA: r e h a b i l i t a t i o n as treatment r a t h e r than reform. In a f f i r m i n g a 'treatment' agenda, t h i s judge c o n s i d e r e d the need f o r i n d e f i n i t e p r o b a t i o n o r d e r s s i m i l a r t o the i n d e f i n i t e sentences of the JDA, but he l i k e d the concept of a c c o u n t a b i l i t y f o r young people. C l e a r l y , w i t h r i g h t s , he decided, youth are l e s s l i k e l y t o be " t r e a t e d as v i c t i m s " , as they were under the JDA. T h e r e f o r e , h i s p h i l o s o p h y i s c l o s e s t t o the j u s t i c e p e r s p e c t i v e i n embracing the i d e a of "consequences". " I f they d e c i d e t o continue w i t h t h e i r a n t i - s o c i a l behaviour, they are now more aware of the consequences through b e i n g more i n v o l v e d i n the j u d i c i a l p r o c e s s " . 3.1.3. Crime C o n t r o l . One judge gave o n l y a statement about the JDA, as he had never worked w i t h t h a t A c t . He thought t h a t the YOA was p r i m a r i l y " c r i m i n o l o g i c a l " , d e a l i n g s t r i c t l y w i t h the c o n t r o l of crime, as compared w i t h ' s o c i o l o g i c a l ' - - a s o c i a l r e f o r m i s t i n t e n t . In 8 3 t h a t sense he f e l t t h a t the YOA i s l i m i t e d by what he c a l l e d i t s " s o c i a l l e v e l " , where a treatment focus i s needed. What he means by "treatment", however, i s a s p e c i f i c crime c o n t r o l measure: "I wanted t o l o c k her up f o r s i x months, not t o punish her but t o get some c o n t r o l over the s i t u a t i o n . " In t h i s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n , he f e l t t he YOA was unduly " p u n i t i v e and l i m i t i n g " . " A l l I can do i s t o punish her p r o p o r t i o n a t e t o the o f f e n s e she has committed ( s h o p l i f t i n g ) , which would b r i n g "a b i t of p r o b a t i o n and some community work and a b i t of s u p e r v i s i o n " . He f e l t t h a t the " i d e a l s o l u t i o n " f o r a "young g i r l who disappeared on us i n t h a t s i t u a t i o n " would be t o g i v e more c o n t r o l than the p a r e n t s were a b l e t o p r o v i d e because she was a d r u g - a d d i c t and was d e t e r i o r a t i n g each time she came t o c o u r t . T h i s judge d e s c r i b e d h i s dominant s e n t e n c i n g p h i l o s o p h y as " r e h a b i l i t a t i v e " , u s i n g non-c u s t o d i a l r e h a b i l i t a t i o n when the s i t u a t i o n warranted and j u s t i f y i n g custody as r e h a b i l i t a t i v e r a t h e r than p u n i t i v e . The aim of custody i s s p e c i f i c d e t e r r e n c e , t o "impress on him not t o do i t a g a i n " . In the case of young persons, custody i s a l s o i n some cases r e h a b i l i t a t i v e : "they have a good s c h o o l program i n some c u s t o d i a l c e n t r e s " . I t was not important f o r the judge t o ask about the dynamics of care i n custody c e n t r e s , because he views the i n t e r r e l a t i o n s more i n terms of s p e c i f i c programs than 'treatment', meaning ' i n v o l u n t a r y nurturance of the p e r s o n a l i t y ' . Athough f o r t h i s judge, i t appears t h a t the r e h a b i l i t a t i o n focus i s primary, the t o t a l focus i s on b r i n g i n g young people i n t o a c o n t r o l l i n g environment: " I f our c o n t r o l s were e f f e c t i v e , then you wouldn't have t h e behaviour problem". R e h a b i l i t a t i o n i s l i m i t e d t o 84 " r e h a b i l i t a t i n g him from committing c r i m i n a l a c t i v i t i e s " : "I'm a c r i m i n a l judge i n the Youth Court". That i s h i s e x p e r t i s e : much "as I would l i k e t o , I can't r e h a b i l t i a t e . . . u n l e s s i t i s r e h a b i l i t a t i n g him from c r i m i n a l i t y . So t h a t ' s what r e h a b i l i t a t i o n i s " . He doesn't t h i n k the YOA i s a r o u t e f o r treatment. H i s n o t i o n o f r e h a b i l i t a t i o n i s an a r t i c u l a t i o n a t the p r a c t i c a l l e v e l o f a p o l i t i c a l law and o r d e r i d e o l o g y . A l l the judges f e l t t h a t the YOA merely f o c u s s e s the o p t i o n s as "any law does i n t h i s s o r t of work" by l i m i t i n g the response i n o r d e r t o c o n t r o l crime. " I t focusses a t t e n t i o n on a spectrum" of punishment o p t i o n s , s e t out i n the A c t . T e c h n i c a l l y speaking, under the JDA, any sentence would be p o s s i b l e , i f the f a c i l i t y were a v a i l a b l e . "In o t h e r words you c o u l d i n c a r c e r a t e f o r s o c i o l o g i c a l or treatment reasons, as opposed t o l e g a l reasons. Now t h i s Act has become more l e g a l o r i e n t e d , . . . i t says, now we are having r e s p o n s i v e s e n t e n c i n g " . I t p o i n t s away from treatment o r d e r s as such, except under s p e c i f i c treatment o r d e r p r o v i s i o n s " . The YOA "doesn't add t o the measure of response t h a t you have got." They a l l see the YOA as i n some way l i m i t e d , e s p e c i a l l y , i n the a r e a o f the t h r e e year maximum sentence and the d u r a t i o n of p r o b a t i o n o r d e r s . The youth c o u r t judges used phrases l i k e " t a r i f f s " , t h a t i n d i c a t e t h a t the YOA i s a s e t of s t a t e - e n d o r s e d punishment schedules. The j u s t i c e / c r i m e c o n t r o l r e a s o n i n g concedes more c o e r c i v e power t o the s t a t e than the JDA, as s u i t s i t s neo-c l a s s i c a l s o c i a l r e a s o n i n g . 85 Most o f the judges found the p r e v i o u s system under the JDA "extremely l o o s e " . I t c r e a t e d r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r the judges t h a t was f a r beyond what would be reasonable". The c o n c e n t r a t i o n on the 'reasonable man' as a c l a s s i c a l concept, r e f e r s e i t h e r t o punishment, i n i t s responsiveness t o a j u s t s o l u t i o n , o r as a crime c o n t r o l measure t o make up f o r f a m i l y f a i l u r e i n d e t e r r i n g i n d i v i d u a l s . Second, the JDA i n c r e a t i n g o n l y d e l i n q u e n c i e s , and i n i t s r e s t r i c t i v e d i s p o s i t i o n p r o c e s s , r e a l l y : " t i e d t he c o u r t s hands, i f the Court wanted t o be more i m a g i n a t i v e , more wide-ranging i n the se n t e n c i n g . The YOA has c r e a t e d a system whereby the youth has a ve r y s p e c i f i c p o s i t i o n b e f o r e the Court. . . . ( t h e youth) has s p e c i f i c p r o t e c t i o n s a g a i n s t abuses and i t has a l s o g i v e n the Court much g r e a t e r scope i n how t o d i s p o s e o f youth problems." The key word here i s "f o c u s " , r a t h e r than " l i m i t " . T h i s judge sees f o c u s s i n g as re s p o n s i v e n e s s . C o e r c i v e l i m i t s are seen as a neces s a r y f e a t u r e o f the j u d i c i a l p r o c e s s , i n the c l a s s i c a l p e r s p e c t i v e . Yet se n t e n c i n g s t i l l remains an a r b i t r a r y c o n s i d e r a t i o n . Though 'due pr o c e s s ' i s made a v i s i b l e and f i x e d l o g i c , an i n s t r u m e n t a l r a t i o n a l i t y , t h i s i s not the case w i t h the d i s p o s i t i o n : " t h a t ' s up t o the judge". From the p e r s p e c t i v e of the s o c i a l c r e a t i o n o f c r i m i n a l and n o n c r i m i n a l , the 'person' i s not the body and i t s needs, but 'a c t i o n s and t h e i r d i s c o u r s e s ' , by way o f a l e g a l , a r b i t r a r y process used t o m a i n t a i n o r d e r . 3.1.4. C o l l e c t i v e Reasons: community c o n t r o l Only one judge r e f e r r e d t o the p o s s i b i l i t y and j u s t i f i c a t i o n s f o r community law. He had t r a v e l l e d e x t e n s i v e l y throughout the i n t e r i o r and n o r t h e r n B.C. communities. Under the JDA, he s a i d , 8 6 the law was more r e s p o n s i v e t o community needs. He sometimes took h i s whole c o u r t t o a s i n g l e t r i a l . By the time he had a r r i v e d , the community had a l r e a d y s o l v e d the problem. "From what the people t o l d me, [they s u c c e s s f u l l y s o l v e d the problem themselves i n s t e a d o f w a i t i n g because] the judge and the c o u r t s t a f f were a l l t h e r e e s p e c i a l l y f o r the young f e l l o w . " The community had a l t e r n a t e l y d e c i d e d t o s o l v e i t s own problem. In t h e i r understanding, the j u s t i c e system was based on a p h i l o s o p h y of c o n t r o l l i n g i n d i v i d u a l s and would use i t s f o r c e t o do so. Yet, t h e i r d i s p u t e r e s o l u t i o n was not so s t r i c t l y a d m i n i s t r a t i v e . T h i s judge r e f e r s t o l a y judges, and how the ' e s t a b l i s h e d l e g a l system' and the media were complaining about the q u a l i t y of j u s t i c e t h a t was handed out by the then s o - c a l l e d ' l a y judges'. T h i s judge was appointed t o r e p l a c e them. "There was q u i t e an a r t i c l e i n the paper about yours t r u l y coming t o d e l i v e r j u s t i c e . As i f they never had any b e f o r e . Anyway, you know how newspapers go." Although a n o t o r i o u s maverick, he does not: " r e a l l y n o t i c e a b i g d i f f e r e n c e . . . I found t h a t the focus i s s t i l l t he same. Or the p h i l o s o p h y i s s t i l l t he same. That the paramount c o n s i d e r a t i o n i s the r e h a b i l i t a t i o n of young o f f e n d e r s . " ...(by means of i n c a r c e r a t i o n , i n h i s view.) One of the o t h e r judges a l s o r e f e r s t o community j u s t i c e , from h i s e x p e r i e n c e s i n the n o r t h e r n p a r t of B.C. b e f o r e coming t o the lower mainland. The community shows i t s involvment i n the form of l e t t e r - w r i t i n g o r through i n f o r m a t i o n i n the pre-sentence r e p o r t 87 done by the youth c o u r t worker. T h i s experience, however, l a c k s the c o l l e c t i v e f o r c e o f community j u s t i c e . "hs. Do you, as w e l l , c a l l i n neighbours, members of the f a m i l y , who are i n t e r e s t e d ? judge. That's the Chinese system, i s n ' t i t ? hs. That's r i g h t . I t s a l s o t r u e i n n o r t h e r n Canada, as w e l l . judge. That may be. We don't so much, no. Oh, I might get i t i n the pre-sentence r e p o r t . The p r o b a t i o n o f f i c e r might have some i n p u t from the neighbourhood, but not much. Or the employer, o r aunts or u n c l e s , o r something l i k e t h a t . Or they might g i v e evidence i n sen t e n c i n g , I suppose, but i t ' s r a r e . I t c o u l d happen. I should say one more t h i n g . For example, we get some i n the sentence p r o c e e d i n g i n the form o f l e t t e r s from people i n the community, who say t h a t t h i s i s otherwise a s p l e n d i d young man, who works hard, and i s otherwise a good person. hs. Does t h a t happen sometimes, o f t e n , o r r a r e l y ? Do you f i n d t h a t you can a t t e n d t o the commonsense d e a l i n g s o f people who are i n v o l v e d w i t h the young o f f e n d e r ? judge. Oh, yes. Often, t h a t i s something t h a t we would take i n t o c o n s i d e r a t i o n . You get t h a t both i n the YOA and i n a d u l t c o u r t . There are o c c a s i o n s where you get t h a t k i n d of feedback from people i n the community. A good example, i s s e n t e n c i n g i n a v e r y s m a l l community i n the n o r t h . I t was an a b s o l u t e l y horrendous a c t of a person committing a sexual a s s a u l t , and an a s s a u l t c a u s i n g b o d i l y harm on a seventy-one y e a r o l d , b l i n d I n d i a n woman. I t was j u s t an a p p a l l i n g t h i n g . I r e c e i v e d l e t t e r s from people i n the community. And from the daughters o f t h i s accused which s a i d t h a t t h i s i s t o t a l l y out of c h a r a c t e r f o r him. He i s the type o f person i n the community t h a t i f you have a problem you would go t o . He g i v e s you the s h i r t o f f h i s back. He i s k i n d l y , he i s g e n t l e . That i s h i s r e p u t a t i o n i n the community. H i s daughters s a i d , "mum l e f t us when we were bab i e s , and he looked a f t e r us. He has been a r e a l dad t o us." And as much as I was a b l e t o I took t h a t i n t o c o n s i d e r a t i o n . Yes, sometimes you do." 3.2.1. A p p r o p r i a t e n e s s o f the YOA f o r 'Due Proces s ' Reasons The YOA does not prevent judges, g e n e r a l l y from doing what i s a p p r o p r i a t e , they say. Yet, 'due p r o c e s s ' can i n t e r f e r e w i t h the 88 a b i l i t y t o understand the c h i l d r e n s 1 background and 'best i n t e r e s t s ' . One o f the judges f i n d s the YOA o v e r l y t e c h n i c a l : f o r example s e c t i o n 56, on c o n f e s s i o n s . The YOA uses an o l d e r d i s c o u r s e than a d u l t c o u r t s do, as a way o f making the j u v e n i l e c o u r t a more s e r i o u s process i n c o e r c i n g the 'mind', a t the expense of u n d e r s t a n d i n g the whole person and circumstances. In the JDA most o f the work was done by means of c o n f e s s i o n s . I f a young person was caught he would u s u a l l y p l e a d g u i l t y . "The p o l i c e o f f i c e r would r i d e around w i t h him i n a c a r and he would p o i n t out a l l the p l a c e s he committed crimes. With due p r o c e s s , even s t r e e t k i d s ask f o r a lawyer because they are a d v i s e d t o do t h i s . " One o f the judges, however, s a i d t h a t i n h i s c o u r t v e r y few k i d s , when pres s e d , f e l t t h i s need t o ask f o r a lawyer. Due process i s a new a d d i t i o n t o j u v e n i l e j u s t i c e , e n s u r i n g l e g a l forms and v a l u e s . Yet some judges were concerned t h a t l e g a l language r e q u i r e d a lawyers's e x p e r t i s e f o r ' t r a n s l a t i o n * a t the expense of o b t a i n i n g a more comprehensive backgound i n f o r m a t i o n t o serve the c h i l d r e n s ' s needs. Lawyers are used, i n s t e a d of the more d i r e c t i n p u t of j u v e n i l e and f a m i l y ' s working c l a s s v a l u e s and of t h e i r p a r t i c i p a t i o n . The YOA language, as a l l the judges agreed, i s v e r y l e g a l i s t i c . 3.2.2. Focus on the L e g a l S u b j e c t as Accountable i n the Crime  C o n t r o l and J u s t i c e P h i l o s o p h i e s . The major reason f o r p r e f e r r i n g the YOA i s ' a c c o u n t a b i l i t y * , as the judges m a i n t a i n . The young person who has "committed a crime i s more accountable f o r h i s b e h a v i o r than p r e v i o u s l y was the 89 case under the JDA". To whom i s the youth accountable? Under the YOA, the judges f e e l they are not f o r c e d t o respond t o community p r e s s u r e . Yet, they s t a t e , the A c t makes " b e t t e r sense i n p r e s e n t day c i r c u m s t a n c e s " . In the p u b l i c media, t h e r e i s a s u g g e s t i o n t h a t c o u r t s are hamstrung by the YOA, because they don't have the leeway t o do what i s necessary w i t h v e r y d i f f i c u l t cases. The e n t i r e A c t i s somehow d e f i c i e n t . In one p a r t i c u l a r case r e p o r t e d i n the media (McLeans, 1989) the problem arose from a m i s r e a d i n g of the A c t . A seventeen year o l d youth was a r r e s t e d f o r murder and sentenced under the YOA i n s t e a d of b e i n g r a i s e d t o a d u l t c o u r t where th e C r i m i n a l Code a p p l i e s . Crown coun s e l thought t h a t under th e YOA a f i n d i n g of 'not g u i l t y by reason of i n s a n i t y ' was a v a i l a b l e . I t i s not. He d i d not request the Court t o r a i s e the case t o a d u l t c o u r t . The q u e s t i o n o f a c c o u n t a b i l i t y i s n e v e r t h e l e s s p r o b l e m a t i c . The judges are c o n s t r a i n e d by the l e g i s l a t u r e , which determines, under t h e YOA, the spectrum and t a r i f f s on sentences. R e v i s i o n s proceed a c c o r d i n g t o l e g i s l a t i v e committee g u i d e l i n e s , which determine who i s t o be punished, and f o r how l o n g . Except f o r the r e s t r i c t i v e t h r e e year sentence, and the need f o r l o n g e r p r o b a t i o n o r d e r s , as enhancing a c c o u n t a b i l i t y , a l l the judges t h i n k t h a t the YOA has made " t h i n g s immeasurably b e t t e r " . "We have got r i d of treatment and are now f o c u s s i n g on r e s p o n s i b i l i t y and s p e c i a l needs." The added f e a t u r e o f containment i s c o n s i d e r e d t o be an advantage, because i t p r o t e c t s the p u b l i c . I t i s seen as a u s e f u l p e r i o d o f time f o r a youth t o achieve r e h a b i l i t a t i o n , and "an o p p o r t u n i t y f o r them t o come t o terms w i t h the l i m i t s t h a t s o c i e t y p l a c e s on everybody." The judges, responding t o t h e i r ' j u s t i c e ' p h i l o s o p h y , have some r e s e r v a t i o n s about l o c k i n g up an accused "as q u i c k l y as I might, which c h a r a c t e r i z e d the JDA." There do have t o be " c o m p e l l i n g reasons". G e n e r a l l y , they d i d not l i k e the i n d u s t r i a l s c h o o l t a c t i c s used under the JDA because no 'compelling reasons* were r e q u i r e d . Containment was a common t a c t i c w i t h a l o n g h i s t o r y ; i t was v e r y u s e f u l when a q u a s i - f a m i l y s e t t i n g broke down. Youths are now c o n s t r u c t e d as 'reasonable people', and when the 'unreasonable' judge sentenced them i n d e f i n i t e l y , they c o u l d not c o n s t r u c t the experience as a l e a r n i n g one, wit h a r e h a b i l i t a t i v e f o c u s . The judges understood t h a t a c h i l d would c o n s t r u c t i t as a p u n i t i v e one o n l y . In the crime c o n t r o l p h i l o s o p h y , i t l a c k e d the c o n s t r u c t i o n o f 'reform as r e h a b i l i t a t i o n ' , o f u s i n g the o p p o r t u n i t y t o assess r a t i o n a l l y the s o c i a l u t i l i t y o f d e c r e a s i n g crime. 'Time' done was not p a r t of the h e d o n i s t i c , crime c o n t r o l c a l c u l u s under which the reasonable person o p e r a t e s . For reasons o f ' p r o t e c t i o n o f s o c i e t y ' a g a i n s t the i n c o r r i g i b l e , as a u t i l i t a r i a n p r i n c i p l e , d e l i n q u e n t s had t o pay t h e i r dues. I f the u t i l i t a r i a n d e t e r r e n t p r i n c i p l e d i d not work, a t l e a s t s o c i e t y would be p r o t e c t e d . In f a c t , under the JDA, " k i d s were coming out even worse than they went i n " . 91 Judges today are more h o p e f u l about u s i n g punishment t o reform, and not simply as an accompaniment t o treatment. They are s t i l l not q u i t e sure about the r e s o u r c e s t o which they send the k i d s . As they see i t , i t i s the l e g a l procedure t h a t i s important i n e n s u r i n g j u s t i c e , not o n l y the d i s p o s i t i o n . E x pert testimony i s important as a p a r t of due process, i n e n s u r i n g t h a t the c l a s s i f i c a t i o n of d e l i n q u e n c y w i l l be taken s e r i o u s l y . Community s e r v i c e has a more ' s e r i o u s 1 or tougher d e f i n i t i o n , and programming because i t i s used t o stop c r i m i n a l i t y , a s t r o n g e r v a l u e than s o l v i n g the p e r s o n a l problem of d e v i a n t behaviour. By h i g h l i g h t i n g the i n d i v i d u a l and the ' l e a s t i n t e r f e r e n c e p r i n c i p l e ' , judges use ' p r o t e c t i o n of s o c i e t y ' and i n d i v i d u a l d e l i n q u e n c y t o understand the p a r t i c u l a r circumstances where a c c o u n t a b i l i t y i s l e g i t i m a t e d : i n an i n s t i t u t i o n , by an expert f i e l d worker, or i n h i s l e g a l f a m i l y . The l e g a l net i s strengthened and the l e g a l s u b j e c t i s c o n s t r u c t e d from a domain t h a t masks the wider c o n t e x t where i t i s i d e a l l y supposed t h a t c i t i z e n s h i p i s s u e s ; t h a t i s , i n the community where the youth r e s i d e s , o r i s homeless. 3.2.3. P e r s o n a l Assumptions. The i n t e r v i e w q u e s t i o n asked, "how has your e x p e r i e n c e as a youth c o u r t judge a f f e c t e d your p e r s o n a l assumptions about the d i s p o s i t i o n s toward young o f f e n d e r s ? " A l l of the judges f e l t t h a t p e r s o n a l , emotional o p i n i o n , and b e l i e f s are not a v a l i d measure of j u s t i c e . The i m p l i c a t i o n f o r law i s , as one judge, w i t h a C a r t e s i a n view o f s e p a r a t i n g the s e l f and the world, s t a t e s : "I don't have p e r s o n a l assumptions. I proceed a c c o r d i n g t o law." In qu e r y i n g t h i s p o s i t i o n , I asked: hs. A l r i g h t . And i n your i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s o f i t , as you read the law. Are t h e r e no understandings t h a t have come through from your t r a i n i n g as a lawyer, o r your p r a c t i c e as a judge, or from your p e r s o n a l p h i l o s o p h y about the treatment of young people. Do you see these as a f f e c t i n g you by having a p i e c e o f l e g i s l a t i o n l i k e the YOA? judge. P e r s o n a l views don't matter when you proceed w i t h the law. hs. And your i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s o f i t ? judge. Yes. In a d i f f e r e n t v e i n , another judge s t a t e s : "I don't t h i n k t h e r e i s any judge who i s s i t t i n g i n any d i v i s i o n o f any c o u r t i n t h i s country who i s completely devoid o f p e r s o n a l b i a s e s , p r e j u d i c e s , approaches t o the world." He b e l i e v e s , however, t h a t p e r s o n a l a t t i t u d e s are so g l a r i n g l y obvious t o o t h e r judges, and the Appelate Court, t h a t they w i l l be exposed, so they u s u a l l y do not p r e d i c a t e the d e c i s i o n s t h a t are made. The law has the same long-term hope of r a t i o n a l i t y as has been a t t r i b u t e d t o s c i e n c e . I f i t i s the A c t t h a t d e c i d e s the judgments, and i f p e r s o n a l assumptions are i n c o n f l i c t w i t h what the s t a t u t e says, "then you j u s t get b u r i e d " . 3.3.1. Moral Assumptions, community v a l u e s and i n d i v i d u a l needs. In a more e x p r e s s i v e view o f law and the world, one judge s t a t e s t h a t the law r a t i o n a l l y shapes a t t i t u d e s , but "does not l e a d 93 a t t i t u d e s " . A c c o r d i n g t o one judge, t h e r e has r e a l l y been no change a t a l l i n the world o f crime, s i n c e the YOA came i n t o e f f e c t , o r i n the measures t h a t need t o be taken a g a i n s t i t . People a r e r a t i o n a l , g i v e n the g u i d i n g hand o f the law: " A t t i t u d e s are a developmental i s s u e . People h o l d c e r t a i n a t t i t u d e s , which p e r s i s t f o r leng t h y p e r i o d s , then perhaps change i n t o o t h e r t h i n g s . 1 1 But the law i s fo r m a t i v e i n r a t i o n a l c a l c u l a t i o n : " d i s p o s i t i o n s r e s t r i c t o r expand i n t h e i r a b i l i t y t o p e r f e c t c e r t a i n a t t i t u d e s . " The law i s seen t o be a r a t i o n a l l y r e f o r m a t i v e p r o c e s s , i n t h a t reform i s t o be e f f e c t e d through a s c a l e o f punishment. S i n c e t h e moral a t t i t u d e t h a t i s most i n focus, a c c o r d i n g t o the t e n judges, i s ' r e s p o n s i b i l i t y 1 , and ' s p e c i a l needs', t h e r e i s an emphasis on g u i l t and d e v e l o p i n g the moral c h a r a c t e r through d i r e c t c o e r c i o n and c o n f r o n t a t i o n w i t h the law. "We have got r i d of treatment and are now f o c u s s i n g on r e s p o n s i b i l i t y and s p e c i a l needs". For the m a j o r i t y o f judges who see o n l y p r a c t i c a l d i f f e r e n c e s between the YOA and the JDA, they do not see t h a t the YOA d e a l s w i t h m o r a l i t y as such, w i t h the v a l u e s o f community or t h e i r r e f l e c t i o n i n the c o u r t . N e i t h e r s e v e r i t y of punishment, nor the s e r i o u s n e s s o f the crime i s seen as a moral i s s u e a r i s i n g i n the Court because the concern i s wit h the c h a r a c t e r o f the o f f e n d e r . "The procedures have changed and we have weeded out s t a t u s o f f e n s e s . The d i f f e r e n c e between the A c t s i s t h a t the YOA d e a l s o n l y w i t h c r i m i n a l code ki n d s o f o f f e n s e s . Moral conduct doesn't come i n t o the Court. D i f f e r e n t p r o v i n c e s show d i f f e r e n c e s around the s e r i o u s n e s s w i t h which they regard 94 c e r t a i n o f f e n s e s . In O n t a r i o , f o r example, the c o u r t s are q u i t e hard on d r i n k i n g o f f e n s e s . hs. And i n A l b e r t a , on drug charges. In Quebec, t h e r e are s t r a i n e d r e l a t i o n s w i t h c o u r t s and p r o b a t i o n s e r v i c e s . judge. They are hard i n A l b e r t a on e v e r y t h i n g . Both A c t s have emphasized r e p e t i t i v e bad behaviour." In my i n t e r p r e t a t i o n , the Court's concern i s on moral c h a r a c t e r and s o c i a l u t i l i t y . Punishment, under the YOA, i n c a p a c i t a t e s or r e s t r i c t s conduct, d e t e r s , and r e h a b i l i t a t e s o f f e n d e r s f o r the sake of the ' s o c i a l order', t h e r e f o r e s o c i a l reasons are g i v e n i n j u s t i f i c a t i o n . The p r e s e r v a t i o n of the s o c i a l o r d e r may r e q u i r e t h a t judges r e - o r d e r p r i o r i t i e s of ' j u s t i c e ' , community v a l u e s , or i n d i v i d u a l needs, i n favour of r e q u i r i n g a ' t a r i f f f o r crimes. In t h i s sense the i n d i v i d u a l , community m o r a l i t y , and the law are d i s t i n c t phenomena. 3.3.2. Le g a l C u l t u r e . A m i n o r i t y o f the judges saw no changes i n t h e i r own assumptions over the course of n e a r l y two decades - the u s u a l e x p e r i e n c e on the bench. D i s p o s i t i o n s r e f l e c t "the c u l t u r e you grew up i n , so t o speak, i n your p r o f e s s i o n a l l i f e t h a t gauged how you f e l t about i t " . For these judges, the JDA "had a l o t of f l e x i b i l i t y b u i l t i n t o i t " . Only the names and p r o c e s s e s are s l i g h t l y d i f f e r e n t now. "The YOA p r e s e n t s d i f f e r e n c e s , and I am c o n s c i o u s of them, but I can't see t h a t t h i s r e s u l t s i n a p r a c t i c a l d i f f e r e n c e . " The o n l y judge who c o n t i n u e d i n an extreme p o s i t i v i s t 95 stance, regarded law as a process w i t h procedures and enforcement problems, which would a f f e c t the development of the youths' p e r s o n a l i t y . He saw changes under the new Act, but these were onl y nominal d i f f e r e n c e s . " I t s c a l l e d d i f f e r e n t t h i n g s . For example, community work s e r v i c e o r d e r s i s an independent order, a p a r t from a t t a c h i n g i t t o a p r o b a t i o n o r d e r ; what we r e a l l y d i d was tantamount t o the same t h i n g s . So, e s s e n t i a l l y , t h e r e i s no d i f f e r e n c e i n terms of d i s p o s i t i o n s , or v e r y l i t t l e anyway." For those who saw p r a c t i c a l d i f f e r e n c e s , they a l s o d i d not t h i n k t h a t t h e r e were major p h i l o s o p h i c a l changes, o n l y a " r e f o c u s s i n g " . The p r a c t i c a l d i f f e r e n c e s , however, make a d i f f e r e n c e i n the g o a l s of the community and penal system, and of the nature of s o c i a l r e h a b i l i t a t i o n or reform. The judges r e s p e c t f o r t h e i r l e g a l c u l t u r e i s grounded i n the knowlege r e l a t i o n s of l e g a l s u b j e c t i v i t y , whereby the s e l f i s made a s u b j e c t under the a u s p i c e s of l e g a l t h e o r y and p r a c t i c e . In c o n t r a s t , s o c i a l c o n t r o l determined by p o s i t i v i s t s c i e n c e and i t s p r o f e s s i o n a l s , l o c a t e s s u b j e c t i v i t y i n t r a n s f o r m i n g , r a t h e r than r e f o r m i n g , the i n d i v i d u a l . To quote one of the judges: "In my p h i l o s o p h y , the l i b e r t y of the s u b j e c t i s dominant. That i s my dominant assumption. In t h i s country, i t i s e v e r y t h i n g , l i k e an i n s t i n c t . The PCA and the JDA are c i v i l l i b e r t i e s documents. Law i s a s e t of r u l e s t h a t p r o t e c t as w e l l as impinge on l i b e r t i e s . My [Metatheory] i s : [one,] l i b e r t y . [Two.] What i s a 'reasonable doubt', and [ t h r e e ] , the i n f r i n g e m e n t of r i g h t s under the C h a r t e r . T h i s same a t t i t u d e s e t , I see as a scope broadened and r e f o c u s s e d by e x p e r i e n c e from t e a c h i n g s s i n c e law s c h o o l . [ F o u r ] . The p r o t e c t i o n of the Law. I t l i m i t s the s t a t e power over the i n d i v i d u a l . hs. I n t e r p e t a t i o n of the law i s i n t e r e s t i n g , as the b a s i s of communication i s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n . 96 judge. (Agreeing on i n t e r p r e t a t i o n ) , the i s s u e i s who i s i n s i d e and who i s o u t s i d e the debate. P o l i t i c i a n s are o u t s i d e . The debate changes over time. With e d u c a t i o n and expe r i e n c e , t o t a l r e a c t i v i t y i s i m p o s s i b l e . I have l e a r n e d t o make up my own mind and d i s p l a y the c o r r e c t a t t i t u d e . " C u r r e n t l y , l e g a l s u b j e c t i v i t y i s a c o n s t r u c t i o n o f r a t i o n a l reformism. The law i n t e r p o s e s r a t i o n a l i t y i n s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s which are s t r u c t u r a l l y r e l a t i v e t o p e r s o n a l i t y , s t a t e c o e r c i o n o r i n t e r e s t s . L e g a l r e l a t i o n s f i t i n t o e x i s t i n g s t r u c t u r a l r e a l i t i e s : the f a m i l y , work, and c i t i z e n s h i p r e l a t i o n s which have a • d i s c i p l i n a r y ' f o c u s . L e g a l c u l t u r e i s geared t o making c o n t r o l of d e v i a n t s a s u b s t i t u t e f o r s o c i a l reforms, even though the r h e t o r i c now used i n the c o u r t s i s s o c i a l i n nature. I f judges b e l i e v e i n a formal o r proper j u s t i c e , as the above-quoted d e s c r i p t i o n suggests, some of them express a concern f o r the de f a c t o s i t u a t i o n i n t he c o u r t s . 3.4.0. Causes of Youth Crime. In response t o the q u e s t i o n , "what causes young people t o commit crimes, i n your o p i n i o n " , most of the judges expressed an i n a b i l i t y t o s t a t e c l e a r l y what caused crime, i n a d u l t s or i n c h i l d r e n . Two of the judges r e f e r r e d back t o the e a r l y p a t h o l o g i c a l p e r s p e c t i v e . "I seem t o have concluded then, as I would now, t h a t b a s i c a l l y i t ' s problems i n the home... t h a t s t r i k e s r i g h t a t the r o o t o f the development of the young person... a l i e n a t i o n o r r e j e c t i o n o f young people... some form o f p s y c h o l o g i c a l r e j e c t i o n , o f t e n by the mother, as I read i n some r e p o r t t h i s morning, and i f the c h i l d r e a c t s t o t h a t o r a c t s out t o use t h a t term... t h a t ' s what p s y c h o l o g i s t s o r p s y c h i a t r i s t s seem t o say. I can j u s t say as a j u v e n i l e c o u r t judge, the common 97 t h r e a d seems t o be w i t h many, many of these young people t h a t they come from backgrounds t h a t were not e n v i a b l e a t a l l . " The p a t h o l o g i c a l p e r s p e c t i v e m a i n t a i n s the s i g n i f i c a n c e of s o c i a l i z a t i o n problems. T h i s same judge s t a t e s , "a c h i l d t h a t i s wanted p i c k s up e i t h e r d i r e c t l y o r i n d i r e c t l y b a s i c a l l y a good v a l u e system and c e r t a i n fundamental v a l u e s , which we r e g a r d as b a s i c v a l u e s . I t h i n k the r e s t flows from t h a t . I t h i n k a l o t o f delinquency tends t o be i n the form of anger o r a t t e n t i o n - s e e k i n g . " The l a s t p a r t o f t h i s statement e x e m p l i f i e s the p a t h o l o g i c a l p e r s p e c t i v e . The second judge t o use the p o s i t i v i s t p e r s p e c t i v e s t a t e s the cause of crime as: "Inadequate p a r e n t i n g from day one. Inadequacy i s d i v i d e d i n t o many areas, i n c l u d i n g no f a u l t on the p a r t o f the parents because of p r e s s u r e s on young people through modern communication. I t i s a hard j o b t o r a i s e c h i l d r e n . I look a t the inadequate m o d e l l i n g of par e n t s on c e r t a i n c h i l d r e n , and on the environmental temptations which these c h i l d r e n face, from peer p r e s s u r e , because of the inadequacy o f the parent. hs. Do you see l a c k o f p a r e n t a l c o n t r o l , and s c h o o l i n g c o n t r o l on young people as a f a c t o r ? judge. I do not see c o n t r o l as the i s s u e , r a t h e r l e t ' s t a l k about the g u i d i n g r a t h e r than the c o n t r o l l i n g f u n c t i o n of pa r e n t s . hs. Do you see a d i f f e r e n c e between o f f e n d e r s and non-o f f e n d e r s ? judge. There i s no d i f f e r e n c e . U n s a t i s f a c t o r y behaviour r e s u l t s from poor p a r e n t i n g , but some c h i l d r e n do not get caught. The o f f e n d e r s need a change of environment and new r u l e s , so they can make c h o i c e s . The s o c i e t a l r e a c t i o n s c h o o l o f deviancy i s p a r t o f the n o t i o n t h a t t h e r e i s a p l u r a l i t y o f f a c t o r s r e l a t e d t o crime. L a b e l l i n g " a f f e c t s your own s e l f - p e r c e p t i o n . I t a f f e c t s the p e r c e p t i o n o t h e r s have o f you and l i m i t s your o p t i o n s i n the f u t u r e " . But 98 l a b e l l i n g as a p e r s p e c t i v e on r e f o r m i n g s t r u c t u r a l i n e q u a l i t i e s does not address the c o n d i t i o n s g e n e r a t i n g these i n e q u a l i t i e s . The l a b e l l i n g p e r s p e c t i v e does not c l a r i f y the grounds f o r power r e l a t i o n s . "hs. Do you see the l a b e l l i n g f a c t o r s as i n f l u e n c i n g the young o f f e n d e r ? When he i s caught he i s l a b e l l e d an o f f e n d e r by the law e n f o r c e r s and the c o u r t s . judge. In any f i e l d l a b e l l i n g i s a problem. For those who l a b e l , i t takes some d i s c i p l i n e i n d e a l i n g w i t h some i n d i v i d u a l s t o a c t r a t i o n a l l y . I am not s a y i n g t h a t l a b e l l i n g i s a s i g n i f i c a n t f a c t o r , but i t i s d e t r i m e n t a l t o both the youth and the e n f o r c e r . I t i s n a i v e t o t h i n k t h a t some youth, j u s t because they have good support a t home, and whose parents are s a t i s f a c t o r y i n any way, such as coming t o Court, w i l l make amends. There are some c h i l d r e n whose environment i s so g r o s s , i t i s u n b e l i e v a b l e t h a t they somehow manage t o conduct themselves w e l l . Another judge a l s o a c cepts the l a b e l l i n g p e r s p e c t i v e : "We are u s i n g e s s e n t i a l l y a c r i m i n a l machinery, whether the procedure, and so f o r t h f o l l o w s the c r i m i n a l code and we f i n d young people g u i l t y or not g u i l t y . And once found g u i l t y , I o f t e n wonder what a f f e c t t h a t may have i n s t i g m a t i z i n g them i n the f u t u r e . I wonder how they ever break out of t h a t . " Another one o f the judges thought t h a t because a l a c k of s e l f -esteem was a t the r o o t of every youth's problems, r e h a b i l i t a t i o n under the p a t h o l o g i c a l e x p l a n a t i o n was s t i l l a good reason f o r i n t e r v e n t i o n : " I t ( l a c k of self-esteem) may come from something under the s u r f a c e . No amount of peer p r e s s u r e or l a c k of c o n t r o l i s going t o l e a d them i n t o committing a c r i m i n a l o f f e n s e t h a t would r e s u l t i n t h e i r b e i n g i n my Court i f they have s e l f -esteem. That's what i t comes down t o . " Along s i m i l a r l i n e s another judge s t a t e s : "Maybe because some people i f they are r e j e c t e d , i t seems t o perhaps induce i n them, w e l l , ' I ' l l show you' s o r t of p h i l o s o p h y . You can show people i n many ways, one of which i s t o commit crime. The other way i s t o be s u c c e s s f u l . " 99 The continuance of the r e h a b i l i t a t i o n p e r s p e c t i v e under the p a t h o l o g i c a l p e r s p e c t i v e , i n b e l i e v i n g t h a t poor p a r e n t i n g causes c r i m i n a l i t y , l e a d s t o a brand of s o c i a l c o n t r o l t h a t moves away from c o l l e c t i v e r e s p o n s i b i l i t y . In crime c o n t r o l t h i n k i n g , i n s t i t u t i o n s such as the f a m i l y are the c e n t e r o f s o c i e t y and need t o change i n or d e r t o develop the r i g h t a t t i t u d e t o p a r e n t i n g . The l a c k o f p a r e n t a l a u t h o r i t y r e q u i r e s i n c r e a s e d a u t h o r i t y o f the law as a means t o p r o t e c t ' s o c i e t y ' . A c c o r d i n g t o one judge: "The JDA uncovered a poor show of p a r e n t s . They l a c k e d c o n t r o l and a b i l i t y t o d i s c i p l i n e c h i l d r e n . The problem i s i n the s o c i a l i z a t i o n o f youths... They need t o l e a r n the c o n s t r a i n t s t o put on themselves." A c c o r d i n g t o another judge: "I t h i n k t h a t p a r e n t a l a t t i t u d e s have a l o t t o do w i t h the development of the p s y c h o l o g i c a l o r emotional approach t o the l i m i t s t h a t s o c i e t y has on you. I t r e q u i r e s a c e r t a i n amount of awareness of opposing r i g h t s . " (There was a) "need f o r change i n the approach t o j u v e n i l e d e l i n q u e n t s " . The YOA i s b e t t e r because i t : "was more i n response t o the demands of s o c i e t y t h a t the YOA came i n t o b e i n g . " Another judge d e s c r i b e s h i m s e l f as a maverick: " i n my view, 29% of a l l crime by young o f f e n d e r s occurs with adopted c h i l d r e n . . . Perhaps they have a l a c k o f p e r s o n a l or h i s t o r i c a l p l a c e i n the world. F o s t e r o r p l a c e d c h i l d r e n have the same d i f f i c u l t i e s t o a d i m i n i s h i n g degree." For most of the judges, every case had t o be addressed on i t s own m e r i t s . "You see c h i l d r e n who have had a l l k i n d s o f problems i n l i f e who are not b e f o r e the c o u r t s " . " I t ' s because they had the a b i l i t y t o cope w i t h t h a t p a r t i c u l a r problem i n t h a t p a r t i c u l a r environment t h a t they l i v e i n . " We need: 100 "the k i n d of c o n t r o l t h a t d e a l s w i t h the needs of t h a t p a r t i c u l a r c h i l d . Whether the c h i l d has emotional problems or academic problems or l e a r n i n g problems. (Crime i s caused b y ) . . . e v e r y t h i n g under the sun: greed, ignorance of the law, s t u p i d i t y " . Both p a t h o l o g i c a l and c l a s s i c a l j u s t i c e p e r s p e c t i v e s address p e r s o n a l and s o c i a l f a c t o r s as the cause of crime — " t h e r e are v e r y few cases o f r e a l , o r g a n i z e d crime". However, i n n e o - c l a s s i c a l l e g a l reform, the law i s more an a r t of judgment, i n understandings o f c r i m i n a l i n t e n t i o n , not of c r i m i n a l behaviour; of f i n d i n g s of g u i l t , r a t h e r than of deviancy as such. A d d r e s s i n g the problem of t h e phenomenon of crime was not t h e i r p r o f e s s i o n a l i n t e n t i o n . For a l l of the judges, p e r s o n a l i t y and s o c i a l reasons i n the form of l a c k of o p p o r t u n i t i e s are s t a t e d as causes. F o l l o w i n g the ' j u s t i c e ' p e r s p e c t i v e , the judges b e l i e v e t h a t u n d e r l y i n g f a c t o r s r e v e a l t h a t crime occurs when i n d i v i d u a l r i g h t s are thwarted. S t r u c t u r a l reasons per se, are not g i v e n , except t o i n d i c a t e s p e c i f i c c o n d i t i o n s f o r crime, as i n o f f e r i n g a c r i t i q u e o f s o c i a l p o l i c y i t s e l f , or where p r i n c i p l e s and p r a c t i c e s b e g i n t o d i v e r g e , which t h e r e f o r e needs t o be examined. In p r a c t i c e , p a r t of the i n e q u a l i t i e s t h a t youth f a c e i n d a i l y l i f e i s the v e r y c l o s e s c r u t i n y o f s o c i a l c o n t r o l systems. S o c i a l h i s t o r i e s are s t i l l q u i t e e v i d e n t as p a r t of the a r t of s e n t e n c i n g . These h i s t o r i e s make up 'the f a c t s ' , as minor premises of l e g a l l o g i c . F or two d i s s e n t i n g judges, a s t r u c t u r a l reason, poverty, was g i v e n as the l i m i t i n g c o n d i t i o n f o r youths r e s o r t i n g t o crime but 1 0 1 o n l y w i t h i n the c o n t e x t of normative problems of t r a n s m i t t i n g f a m i l y morals, r a t h e r than as a s t r u c t u r a l problem t o be addressed per se. One o f the judges d i d blame the j u d i c i a l system f o r d e a l i n g more l e n i e n t l y w i t h c h i l d r e n i n p r i v i l e g e d p o s i t i o n s . But he d i d not address the u n d e r l y i n g s t r u c t u r a l i s s u e s of why t h i s problem sh o u l d be d e a l t with, or the c o n d i t i o n s f o r the i n e q u a l i t i e s o f p o v e r t y t o be e r a d i c a t e d . S e v e r a l of the judges f e l t t h e r e was: "a l o t more cause a s s o c i a t e d w i t h poverty, ...but I get some young persons who are v e r y w e l l o f f and have a l l of the b e n e f i t s . I t h i n k he (some of the youths) j u s t wanted some excitment". A l l of the judges were concerned about the t r a n s m i s s i o n of morals as an i s s u e of crime c o n t r o l i n t h r e e spheres: f a m i l y , s c h o o l and community. They d i d not themselves f e e l empowered t o get t o the r o o t causes of crime as t h a t i s the concern, they f e l t , o f the e x p e r t s or of the l e g i s l a t u r e . Although the ' p u b l i c ' o f t e n expected them t o d e a l w i t h the causes of crime, they s a i d they e i t h e r d i d n ' t know enough about i t , or they d i d n ' t have the r e s o u r c e s t o do a n y t h i n g o t h e r than d e a l w i t h the o f f e n s e s . Deterrence, g e n e r a l l y of the youths' peers, by punishments, or s p e c i f i c a l l y d e t e r r e n c e of the o f f e n d e r by reform r e h a b i l i t a t i o n , was t h e i r primary concern. There was no r e d u c t i v e c o n c l u s i o n t h a t the k i d was ' a c t i n g out some r e p r e s s i v e f a m i l y c o n d i t i o n s ' which was o f t e n used as reason under the JDA. "I t h i n k t h a t the b a s i c t r u t h i s some k i n d of maladjustment t h a t they have made t o a u t h o r i t y , s t a r t i n g p r o b a b l y w i t h the p a r e n t s , the s c h o o l s , the p o l i c e . And I am s u r p r i s e d t h e r e i s 102 not more. . . And t h i s i s not o n l y amongst u n d e r p r i v i l e g e d f a m i l i e s ; some of them are from w e l l - t o - d o f a m i l i e s . I suppose t h e r e are, i n our s o c i e t y , a l o t of c r i m i n a l a c t s committed; f o r example, s t e a l i n g from a company by a d u l t s " . There a re s t r o n g i n d i c a t i o n s here o f the use of law as a mediating agent. In t h e i r s o c i o l o g y o f reform through j u r i s p r u d e n c e , the judges p r e s c r i b e themselves as s o c i a l agents f o r moral reform o f c r i m i n a l s , but not a v a i l a b l e t o the democratic p r o c e s s through the c o u r t s . Some d i s i l l u s i o n m e n t i s expressed a t the l a c k o f agreement about the causes o f crime. But one judge denied such agreement was p o s s i b l e , except through the a r t of law f o r d e a l i n g w i t h the e f f e c t s o f crime, because t h e r e was no simple e t i o l o g y o f crime. He e m p h a t i c a l l y denied t h a t the treatment r e h a b i l i t a t i o n n o t i o n s of r e p r e s s i v e a c t i n g - o u t were explanatory, o r t h a t l a c k o f enforcement procedures caused crime. The judges proceeded w i t h the hope t h a t the k i n d o f i n t e r v e n t i o n p r o v i d e d by the Courts w i l l work. The law i t s e l f i s s u f f i c i e n t t o dissuade p o t e n t i a l youth o f f e n d e r s : "ignorance o f the law and t o t a l s t u p i d i t y " , meaning t h a t "the k i d j u s t hasn't a c l u e what i s going on". "But i t ' s u s u a l l y the k i n d o f t h i n g which i s spur o f the moment as i t were," and the youth might b e n e f i t by b e i n g drawn i n t o the l e g a l net as a way of c o n f r o n t i n g what s o c i e t y expected o f him. I asked the judges i f they looked a t the s o c i a l e f f e c t o f u n d e r l y i n g b i o l o g i c a l f a c t o r s . U s u a l l y the answer was "I would not touch the s u b j e c t o f b i o l o g i c a l f a c t o r s . " Most of them use the 103 concept o f l e a r n i n g d i s a b i l i t i e s as the o n l y area where p a t h o l o g i c a l / s c i e n t i f i c l o g i c p e r t a i n s . O f t e n the i s s u e i s addressed as an u n d e r l y i n g b i o l o g i c a l f a c t o r w i t h a s o c i a l l y n e g a t i v e e f f e c t . Two of the judges were q u i t e adamant about the 'abnormalizing' s o c i a l e f f e c t c r e a t e d by l e a r n i n g d i s a b i l i t i e s . F o l l o w i n g the q u e s t i o n on the e t i o l o g y of crime, I asked i f t h e YOA i d e n t i f i e s or r e f l e c t s what they have s t a t e d as the reasons or causes f o r why young people commit crimes. None of the judges b e l i e v e d the c o u r t s are a b l e t o a l t e r the i n i t i a l c o n d i t i o n s f o r the causes of crime, although they are c r i t i c a l o f t a c t i c s a s s o c i a t e d w i t h p a r e n t a l and o t h e r p a r t i c u l a r ' s o c i a l i z i n g ' u n i t s . "The YOA i s not a c u r a t i v e A c t . Nor i s i t p r e v e n t i v e , except perhaps, f o r youth c o u r t committees. They p l a y a s m a l l p a r t . The whole of s o c i e t y ' s a c t i o n s : the media, e d u c a t i o n , have t o be d e a l t w i t h t o address the reasons f o r why young people commit crimes." Judges are not 'connected c r i t i c s ' who can speak i n c o l l e c t i v e terms, of v a l u e s t h a t they would t r y t o i n s t a l l t o r e p l a c e c u r r e n t ones. The judges a l l m a i n t a i n t h a t the causes of crime l i e w i t h the " t r a n s m i s s i o n o f v a l u e s " , i n " c u l t u r a l problems" or i n " s o c i a l break-up", not i n the v a l u e s themselves. One judge, who took the most c o n s e r v a t i v e crime c o n t r o l p o s i t i o n , s t a t e d t h a t c e r t a i n c o u n t e r - c u l t u r e v a l u e s would t h r e a t e n normal ones, u n l e s s c o n t r o l s were adopted by s o c i a l u n i t s , but h i s p o s i t i o n would a l l o w him only t o d e t e r the young persons, by "attempting t o change the young person's r e s p e c t f o r community v a l u e s . " H i s p o s i t i o n was not 104 connected d i r e c t l y w i t h attempts t o change v a l u e s , but t o •normalize' the young o f f e n d e r . Most of the judges adopted a l i b e r a l s tance of b a l a n c i n g ' r i g h t s ' w i t h ' r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s ' . "The YOA l e a v e s t h a t (causes) a s i d e and merely d e a l s w i t h the q u e s t i o n o f how c o u r t s should d e a l w i t h those who f i n d themselves i n t h i s p o s i t i o n , r e g a r d l e s s o f why they got t h e r e , and how Courts should weigh t h a t c h i l d ' s development a g a i n s t the p r o t e c t i o n of the s o c i e t y around the c h i l d , but not why." D e a l i n g w i t h causes i s " f a r beyond t h i s c o u r t " . T h e i r s o c i o l o g i c a l j u r i s p r u d e n c e i s concerned w i t h i s s u e s of l e g a l i s t i c s o c i a l c o n t r o l , which i s r e l a t e d t o a presumed med i a t i o n by law, f o r the purpose of b a l a n c i n g d i f f e r e n t s o c i a l i n t e r e s t s i n s o c i e t y . S o c i a l r e a s o n i n g i s r e l a t e d t o 'the l e a s t i n t e r f e r e n c e i n the l i v e s o f j u v e n i l e s ' , thereby p r o h i b i t i n g p e r s o n a l r e a s o n i n g , i n favour of reform p r a c t i c e s of law and l e g a l p r a c t i t i o n e r s . T h i s form of r e a s o n i n g i s r e s t r i c t e d t o l e g a l problems a r i s i n g from the behaviour of j u v e n i l e s , i n o r d e r t o c o n t r o l crime on b e h a l f of d i f f e r e n t s o c i a l i n t e r e s t s . The r e l a t i v e l y narrow h o r i z o n of s o c i a l r e a s o n i n g seeks t o accomplish moral reform and t o change the r e s p e c t o f youths toward community v a l u e s . The i n d i v i d u a l emphasis i n p e r s o n a l r e a s o n i n g l i k e w i s e c u r t a i l s the p o t e n t i a l of law t o e f f e c t c o l l e c t i v e change. S e v e r a l of the judges f e e l t h a t the YOA i s a "machinery f o r r i g h t s " (due l e g a l p r o c e s s ) , and f o r " f l e x i b l e sentences". Judges are w e l l aware of t h e i r l i m i t e d o p t i o n s t o change s o c i e t y . " S o c i e t y expects the c o u r t s t o s o l v e a l l these s e r i o u s problems. The c o u r t j u s t can't. A l l i t does i s r e f l e c t a s t a n d a r d of behaviour t h a t i s a c c e p t a b l e t o the community. That i s the aspect of d e t e r r e n c e . I t i s hoped t h a t every so 105 o f t e n the p e n a l t y t h a t i s handed out w i l l i n d i c a t e t o s o c i e t y t h a t t h i s i s the k i n d of a c c e p t a b l e behaviour t h a t you are expected t o be i n v o l v e d i n . But t o expect the c o u r t s t o suddenly change s o c i e t y and i n s t i l l g r e a t e r morals, understanding and r e s p e c t f o r each ot h e r i s a s k i n g something of the c o u r t which i t can't do." "The YOA o n l y p r o v i d e s mechanisms. The s o c i a l i z a t i o n p rocess i s d i f f e r e n t : i t ' s a c u l t u r a l problem. The YOA i s a machinery f o r r i g h t s . They should lower the age t o 17". hs. Can't you r a i s e the youth t o a d u l t c o u r t ? judge. The Crown needs t o i n i t i a t e r a i s i n g the c h i l d t o a d u l t c o u r t . I must f i n d out i f the c h i l d can then be sent back t o youth c o u r t f o r s e n t e n c i n g . [ s t a r t s t o read the YOA]. hs. Can j u r i s d i c t i o n s change? judge. I t h i n k so. (reading) There should be a c o u r t f o r young people, as i n the JDA system. C h i l d r e n a t 16 can be q u i t e s o p h i s t i c a t e d c r i m i n a l s . The age i s too h i g h . The good t h i n g about the YOA, i s t h a t the range of sentences are f l e x i b l e . I f the c h i l d i s s o p h i s t i c a t e d , you can f i n e up t o $1000.00. Now, I am sure you would not want t o pay t h a t y o u r s e l f . The p a r t about the s o p h i s t i c a t e d c h i l d i s t h a t he s h o u l d be i n a d u l t c o u r t . A l l o f the judges s t a t e d c l e a r l y t h a t the YOA was a ' c r i m i n o l o g i c a l ' s t a t u t e , t h a t was not s e t up t o d e a l w i t h the causes of crime. Three of the t e n judges d i d s t a t e t h a t the YOA r e f l e c t e d and i d e n t i f i e d the causes i n a v e r y q u a l i f i e d way. In one case, a judge s a i d t h a t the A c t attempts t o ask f o r some i n v e s t i g a t i o n of the c h i l d ' s l e a r n i n g d i s a b i l i t i e s by r e c o g n i z i n g i n d i v i d u a l needs through assessment r e p o r t s , ( s e c t i o n 13). "But, b a s i c a l l y , i t ' s a c r i m i n o l o g i c a l s t a t u t e . I t d e a l s w i t h crime, as such; i t s not s o c i o l o g i c a l . " Two of these judges f e l t t h a t the D e c l a r a t i o n was w r i t t e n t o focus emphasis on r e f o r m i n g the young persons themselves, as opposed t o u s i n g them as examples f o r d e t e r r e n c e . But, as t o r e f l e c t i n g causes i n the YOA, "Well, I 106 don't t h i n k i t i d e n t i f i e s them." The second judge, s a i d the YOA r e f l e c t s causes i n a v e r y g e n e r a l way, by g i v i n g the amount of leeway i t does f o r p r o b a t i o n o r d e r s . "But i t never d e a l s w i t h the causes themselves." Another judge s t a t e d : "Well, i t p r o v i d e s the machinery t o d e a l w i t h i t . I t ' s not designed t o e l i m i n a t e the causes. A l l i t ' s designed t o do i s d e a l w i t h lawbreakers, t o d e a l w i t h c h i l d r e n , and i n some way t h a t would h e l p t h e i r r e h a b i l i t a t i o n by whatever p r o c e s s e s the community i s prepared t o make a v a i l a b l e . " As w e l l as through the mechanisms of open p r o b a t i o n o r d e r s , t h e YOA was presumed t o d e a l w i t h causes i n d i r e c t l y through s p e c i f i c d e t e r r e n c e , i n making the punishments or programs s p e c i f i c t o the o f f e n d e r . Indeed, more programs have been made a v a i l a b l e t o •youth i n t r o u b l e w i t h the law' than t o the ' j u v e n i l e d e l i n q u e n t ' under the JDA. They do see the YOA as having the means t o 'normalize' the young persons ex p o s t f a c t o through moral reform. " I t does not d e a l w i t h causes, but how the a c t s of the o f f e n d e r might be d e a l t w i t h . I t begins a f t e r the f a c t . I t does not c o n t r o l f u t u r e a c t i v i t i e s but attempts t o change the young person's r e s p e c t f o r community v a l u e s . I t does not d e a l e n t i r e l y w i t h consequences, but when caught as they occur, something i s done about them. Each of us i s unique. For some c h i l d r e n , merely a f i n g e r wagged a t them i s enough; o t h e r s need a prompt s i g n i f i c a n t response, even t o l o c k i n g them up w i t h no q u e s t i o n s asked." 3.6.0. The I d e a l Case. There i s an i n c o n s i s t e n c y between v a r i o u s means of c o n c e p t u a l i z i n g the phenomena of l e g a l r a t i o n a l i t y . In the p r e c e e d i n g chapter, the form of l e g a l r e a s o n i n g and p r a c t i c a l 107 r e a s o n i n g were r e p r e s e n t e d by a s y l l o g i s m of major and minor premises f o l l o w e d by a d e d u c t i o n l e a d i n g t o a c t i o n . I t suggested t h a t p r a c t i c a l r e a s o n i n g begins w i t h a normative n o t i o n i n the major premise. The major premise, f o r i n s t a n c e , might be the n o t i o n o f the ends of j u s t i c e b e i n g ' r e h a b i l i t a t i o n 1 . Yet i n l e g a l r e a s o n i n g , minor premises, precedent case examples, or f a c t s , determine which r e a s o n i n g and p r i n c i p l e t o apply. A n o r m a l i z i n g , h e u r i s t i c r e a s o n i n g takes p l a c e . For i n s t a n c e , i f a youth i s very young, then the p r i n c i p l e normative a t t i t u d e of r e h a b i l i t a t i o n i s o f t e n but not always invoked. In f a c t , i n the f o l l o w i n g case example, we see a wide range of sentences r e s u l t i n g from one s i t u a t i o n . In l e g a l p l u r a l i s m , t h e r e i s no u n i v e r s a l agreement about which f a c t s or p r i n c i p l e s t o apply. The h e u r i s t i c element of law on the p a r t of experienced p r a c t i t i o n e r s who i n t e r n a l i z e the complex r u l e s of law, takes over as they a c h i e v e e x p e r t i s e . Yet the l i b e r a l i d e o l o g y , from the judges' statements above, appears u l t i m a t e l y t o l e n d i t s e l f t o a law and order reckoning, because of the R i g h t s and R e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s combination. L e g a l r e a s o n i n g r e p r e s e n t s an attempt t o endow the s y l l o g i s m , as a c l a s s i c a l l y p o s t u l a t e d form of reasoning, w i t h a coherent and s u b s t a n t i v e content f o r the n e o - c o n s e r v a t i v e s t a t e . F i r s t , i t i d e n t i f i e s a l e g a l s u b j e c t w i t h the ' u n i v e r s a l ' s u b j e c t and the ends o f j u s t i c e w i t h the whole body of s o c i a l good. Second, i t l i n k s i t s g o a l t o the w e l l - b e i n g of the i n d i v i d u a l s u b j e c t s 108 (F o u c a u l t , 1981). We may loo k now a t a deeper a n a l y s i s o f l e g a l r e a s o n i n g through a case example from the O n t a r i o Courts. In one of the i n t e r v i e w q u e s t i o n s , a case example was o f f e r e d f o r c r i t i q u e . The example was s e t out i n Ba l a and L i l i e s , (1987), The Young Of f e n d e r s S e r v i c e as f o l l o w s : Here i s an a b s t r a c t from a case i n the O n t a r i o Family Court i n August, 1987. The case i s a l s o summarized i n the Young  Of f e n d e r s S e r v i c e (Bala and L i l i e s , 1987), as a p p l i c a b l e t o cases f o r youth under 14. I t i l l u s t r a t e s the pro c e s s e s o f l e g a l r e a s o n i n g and some of the c o n s t r a i n t s on l e g a l d e c i s i o n -making under the YOA. A b l a c k youth, aged 13, r e c e n t l y a r r i v e d from Jamaica w i t h h i s f a t h e r , who had l o s t i n t e r e s t i n him. There a re no o t h e r immediate r e l a t i v e s i n Canada. He was apprehended by the M i n i s t r y o f S o c i a l S e r v i c e s and p l a c e d i n a group home e x c l u s i v e l y f o r c h i l d r e n from the i s l a n d s . In the pre-sentence r e p o r t , the youth worker d e p i c t s the youth as f u n c t i o n a l l y i l l i t e r a t e but a b l e t o grasp concepts. He appears t o be u n d e r s o c i a l i z e d i n terms o f h i s v a l u e s , and a c c o r d i n g t o the p r e s i d i n g judge, he pres e n t e d h i m s e l f as a youth who i s s a y i n g "I don't c a r e " . He has come from a background where t h e r e was no one t o c a r e e x t e n s i v e l y o r adequately f o r him. The youth c l a i m s t h a t t h e r e are people f o r him t o go t o i n Jamaica, but the c o u r t d i d not ask f o r c o n f i r m a t i o n o f t h i s i n f o r m a t i o n . While i n t he group home he "escaped custody" and t h r e e times broke i n t o the house next door. On one of these o c c a s i o n s he p u l l e d out a k n i f e and c u t a s e a t . The recommendation of the s t a f f d i r e c t o r of t h i s home was t h a t the youth r e q u i r e d a p e r i o d o f time i n c l o s e d custody. He was c o n v i c t e d o f es c a p i n g l a w f u l custody and two other o f f e n c e s o f break and e n t e r . The youth c o u r t judge committed him t o 12 months o f secure custody on the charge o f e s c a p i n g custody, and t o 12 months of open custody p l u s s i x months of p r o b a t i o n on the o t h e r charges. The secure c u s t o d i a l d i s p o s i t i o n was imposed f o r the p r o t e c t i o n o f s o c i e t y and the s e c u r i t y o f o t h e r people's p r o p e r t y i n t h a t the youth was l i k e l y t o escape from any oth e r p l a c e . In a secure s e t t i n g , the youth c o u l d r e c e i v e h e l p . In an unusual e x e r c i s e o f " j u d i c i a l n o t i c e " , the p r o v i n c i a l judge recounted h i s f a v o u r a b l e impressions from a v i s i t t o p l a c e s o f secure custody, f i n d i n g them a "superb p l a c e " f o r the youth because a t times t h e r e i s a h i g h s t a f f - t o - i n m a t e r a t i o f o r e d u c a t i o n a l o p p o r t u n i t i e s , a d i r e c t o r who i s a t r a i n e d p s y c h o l o g i s t , and a p o s i t i v e peer c u l t u r e system. The d u r a t i o n o f secure custody was d i c t a t e d by: the u n c e r t a i n t y as t o the amount of time the youth 109 needed t o s t r a i g h t e n out; the d u r a t i o n o f an academic year; and the r e l a t i v e ease w i t h which the youth c o u l d apply t o have the d u r a t i o n m o d i f i e d on review. Most o f the judges c o n s i d e r e d the same range o f f a c t s : age, f i r s t o f f e n s e , the unusual nature o f the crime, developmental problems, c u l t u r a l f a c t o r s , emotional s t a t e , escape custody, the a v a i l a b i l i t y and nature o f the range o f r e s o u r c e s . For those judges who emphasized the f a c t t h a t the boy escaped custody, r a t h e r than h i s s o c i a l / p s y c h o l o g i c a l 'problems', t h e i r r e a s o n i n g was based on the ' p r o t e c t i o n o f s o c i e t y ' p r i n c i p l e . They saw long-term custody as r e h a b i l i t a t i v e . R e i n f o r c i n g the boy's s o c i a l bonds i n Jamaica, was the sentence outcome of t h i s concern. F a i l i n g t h i s p o s s i b i l i t y , i n c a r c e r a t i o n was r e q u i r e d : "In l o o k i n g a t treatment i n the t r a d i t i o n a l sense, custody i s treatment i f i t r e h a b i l i t a t e s by a p p l y i n g consequences t o him f o r l i f e . For some k i d s , they l e a r n from having t h e i r f i n g e r i n the f i r e . T h i s i s not crime and punishment nor r e t r i b u t i o n , but t o e f f e c t an end t o the b e n e f i t o f the c h i l d . I don't presume t h a t l e a s t i s b e s t . I focus on r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s : " p r o t e c t i o n o f s o c i e t y " i s my p r i n c i p l e , not " r i g h t s " . T h i s A c t has come the c l o s e s t t o s a y i n g t h e r e are r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s . Don't t h i n k t h a t " P r o t e c t i o n o f s o c i e t y " r e s u l t s i n u s i n g o n l y the custody o p t i o n s . The t h r e a t t o use custody, i t s e l f , has an e f f e c t . I don't use hollow words. I f I say, 'you are going t o j a i l next time', I ' l l send them t h e r e . " At t he o t h e r end of the s c a l e , those who focused on the s o c i a l s i t u a t i o n o f the o f f e n d e r , as t h e i r prime f a c t s , looked a t the • l e a s t i n t e r f e r e n c e p r i n c i p l e ' i n t h e i r r easoning, w i t h j a i l as the l a s t r e s o r t . The h e l p t h a t was a p p r o p r i a t e was s h o r t term custody 110 and p r o b a t i o n . There was a tendency t o accept h e u r i s t i c i n t e r v e n t i o n s t r a t e g y as a n o r m a l i z i n g p r o c e s s : "I understand why you are i n t o t h i s , and i t ' s not normal". "What you say i s "In your i n t e r e s t s , what I w i l l t r y t o do i s t o r e a r r a n g e the f a c t o r s which are a problem f o r you." Now i f i t means some p e r i o d o f s o - c a l l e d punishment t o get i n l i n e t o a f f e c t t h a t r e s u l t , then i t s t r u e . The reason behind c e r t a i n sentences may be d i f f e r e n t . The judge here chose the crime and punishment model, d i d n ' t he? What I am t a l k i n g about here i s t he a p p l i c a t i o n o f a model. That i s n ' t t he way t o go about i t . " L i t t l e a t t e n t i o n here i s d i r e c t e d t o ad v o c a t i n g changing the s o c i a l causes, and thereby r e s t r u c t u r i n g the c o n d i t i o n s o f l i f e as a means t o e f f e c t the ends of j u s t i c e . The re a s o n i n g used i s a n o r m a l i z i n g law which suggests t h a t judges are attempting t o reform i n d i v i d u a l s by h e u r i s t i c a l l y a p p l y i n g formal law, the weight o f argument, precedent, and case r e a s o n i n g . N o r m a l i z a t i o n t a c t i c s f a l l w i t h i n a c o n c e p t u a l i z a t i o n of non-c r i m i n a l i z e d reform and r e s p o n s i b i l i t y . In the case example, the o f f e n s e o f e s c a p i n g custody i s downplayed f o r s e v e r a l of the judges. N o r m a l i z i n g i n t e r v e n t i o n proceeds as p e r s o n a l h e l p and reform. But " t h e r e i s c e r t a i n l y a l i m i t on what you can do t o improve the q u a l i t y o f l i f e . " The ends of j u s t i c e as the go a l f o r these YOA case d e c i s i o n s i s , t h e r e f o r e , the ' l e a s t i n t e r f e r e n c e p r i n c i p l e 1 , r a t h e r than q u a l i t y o f l i f e . "Well, i t s a g o a l you always s t r i v e f o r , but i t s l i m i t e d what you can do under the YOA. In some of the cases you have t o hope t h a t the Superintendent o f the Family and C h i l d S e r v i c e s w i l l s t e p i n , and remedy any problems. I don't know i f t h a t c o u l d have been done i n t h i s case. There i s c e r t a i n l y a l i m i t on what you can do t o improve the q u a l i t y o f l i f e . " I l l There i s a l i m i t t o r e c t i f y i n g the causes of crime, although many o f the judges i n d i c a t e t h a t they are more concerned w i t h the causes o f crime than w i t h d i s p o s i n g on the b a s i s of the consequences of the c r i m i n a l a c t i v i t i e s : "My main concern i s the causes, but I am l i m i t e d as t o how f a r I can go. As I say, the punishment has t o f i t the crime as they say. I t ' s s t a t e d r i g h t t h e r e i n the A c t t h a t the punishment we g i v e them can not be any more than would be a p p r o p r i a t e f o r an a d u l t . " In t h i s r e a s o n i n g , the main focus i s on crime and punishment, w i t h i n a m o d i f i e d c l a s s i c a l j u s t i c e assumption of reform of i n d i v i d u a l s . A few of the judges, however, d i d not q u e s t i o n the p r i n c i p l e b a s i s of the r e a s o n i n g . They were more concerned w i t h the p r a c t i c a l d i s p o s i t i o n outcome. To do otherwise, they s t a t e , would not be p r a c t i c a l r e a s o n i n g : "hs. Should a d i f f e r e n t l e g a l p r i n c i p l e or p r i n c i p l e s have been a p p l i e d ? I f so, why? judge. We [the o t h e r judge and I] are both a c t i n g a c c o r d i n g t o the same p r i n c i p l e , but I don't t h i n k he should use the s t a t e r e s o u r c e s . I t h i n k he i s wrong i n h i s d i s p o s i t i o n . Courts are not i n a p o s i t i o n t o d e a l w i t h causes. That i s the j o b o f the s o c i a l worker or the community. The Courts d e a l w i t h the o f f e n d e r . " D e a l i n g w i t h p s y c h i a t r i c causes of crime i s d e f i n i t e l y not a v a i l a b l e under the YOA, as a l l of the judges concur: "You shouldn't use the custody o p t i o n t o t r y and s o l v e a s o c i a l problem. That has been d e a l t w i t h by the c o u r t s many times t h i s year. The c o u r t i s not e n t i t l e d t o impose a c u s t o d i a l sentence out of p r o p o r t i o n t o the f a c t s of the o f f e n s e , merely because of the o f f e n d e r ' s s e r i o u s p s y c h i a t r i c 112 problems, you see. That was d e a l t w i t h by the O n t a r i o Court of Appeal. 1 1 U s i n g the crime and punishment p h i l o s o p h y of j u s t i c e and crime c o n t r o l l e a d s t o both the use of the ' p r o t e c t i o n o f s o c i e t y * p r i n c i p l e and the ' l e a s t i n t e r f e r e n c e * p r i n c i p l e . The ends of j u s t i c e a re s u b s t a n t i a l l y met by the means a v a i l a b l e . In the case a t hand, the judges a l l agreed t h a t the o r i g i n a l judge was too harsh, nor d i d they concur t h a t j a i l was an i d e a l p l a c e , which f o l l o w s out of the re a s o n i n g of p u b l i c p r o t e c t i o n t h a t the O n t a r i o judge used. On the ot h e r hand, the o r i g i n a l judge f e l t t h a t w h ile the c h i l d was i n secure containment, and i n open custody, he would r e c e i v e some h e l p . The judges a l l f e l t t h a t the o r i g i n a l judge should have had more assurance t h a t h e l p would be g i v e n . They are sometimes u n c e r t a i n about the r e s o u r c e s , and t h e i r u n c e r t a i n t y c o l o u r s t h e i r d i s p o s i t i o n s . Such an o p i n i o n was e v i d e n t when they answered the i n t e r v i e w q u e s t i o n , " w i l l the need f o r custody r e c o n c i l e w i t h the probable need f o r treatment? The judges answered t h a t such a statement i s based on "an assumption which we hope i s c o r r e c t . " In summary, one youth c o u r t judge a b s t a i n e d from o f f e r i n g any c r i t i q u e o f the case study. Four of nine judges who gave t h e i r o p i n i o n , favoured the ' r i g h t s ' o r ' l e a s t i n t e r f e r e n c e p r i n c i p l e ' . The remaining f i v e judges p r e f e r r e d the ' p r o t e c t i o n o f s o c i e t y ' d o c t r i n e , w i t h one of these judges s t r o n g l y f a v o u r i n g a more 113 de c i d e d balance between the p r i n c i p l e s o f j u s t i c e and crime c o n t r o l . 3.6.1. L e g a l Reasoning as s o c i a l r e a s o n i n g . The p r e v i o u s chapter showed t h a t l e g a l forms of re a s o n i n g d i f f e r e d from p r a c t i c a l reasoning, s u g g e s t i n g the p r e v a l e n c e of a commonsense, p r a c t i c a l a t t i t u d e . L e g a l r e a s o n i n g and p r a c t i c a l r e a s o n i n g are s i m i l a r i n u s i n g the c l a s s i c a l s y l l o g i s t i c form. The major and minor premises of l e g a l r e a s o ning, i n y i e l d i n g t h e i r c o n c l u s i o n o r d i s p o s i t i o n , are experienced by the judges t o be formal and proper t o t h e i r s o c i a l l o c a t i o n i n the youth c o u r t s . The r e a s o n i n g of commonsense, even i f i t i s guided by common t r a d i t i o n s , o r 'forms of l i f e ' , i s o v e r t l y p o l i t i c a l , u n l i k e both f o r m a l , a n a l y t i c a l j u r i s p r u d e n c e , and s o c i o l o g i c a l j u r i s p r u d e n c e , which assume a n a t u r a l i s t i c (based on an assumption of a n a t u r a l s o c i a l order) a t t i t u d e . Both forms of j u r i s p r u d e n c e , a n a l y t i c a l and s o c i o l o g i c a l , c o n s i d e r the proper p l a c e of judges i n a consensual s o c i a l order. These normative assumptions merge w i t h i n the h e u r i s t i c s o f law. The re a s o n i n g of both a n a l y t i c a l and s o c i o l o g i c a l j u r i s p r u d e n c e , i n attempting t o f i t j u d i c i a l d e c i s i o n s i n t o a consensual s o c i a l order, understands t h i s o r d e r as a ' c o r r e c t ' one. W i t h i n the l e g a l form of argument, t h e r e i s a normative s o c i a l e t h i c , which i s r e c o g n i z e d by judges as p o l i t i c a l . But t h e r e i s a l s o an o v e r r i d i n g o r i e n t a t i o n t o case by case r e a s o n i n g , which i s thought t o r e s u l t i n the ' c o r r e c t ' d i s p o s i t i o n , i f t he proper a t t i t u d e i s r e f l e c t e d . J u d i c i a l r e a s o n i n g 1 1 4 h i s t o r i c a l l y r e p r e s e n t s a p h i l o s o p h y of t h e o r e t i c a l c e r t a i n t y and a concern t o a c h i e v e p r a c t i c a l r e s u l t s . In d i s c u s s i n g the dominant assumptions i n the YOA, of t h e i r own major and minor premises, the judges i n v a r i a b l y e l i c i t e d an understanding of p r a c t i c a l r e a s o n i n g i n case law r e a s o n i n g . Asked i f they were concerned w i t h d i s p a r i t i e s i n sentences, they gave more d e t a i l about the b l e n d i n g o f p o l i t i c a l , t h e o r e t i c a l and p r a c t i c a l r e a s o n i n g . One judge s t a t e d : Yes, I am concerned w i t h d i s p a r i t i e s i f i d e n t i c a l f a c t s were t r e a t e d d i f f e r e n t l y . But i f the d i f f e r e n c e i s i n law, then t h e r e should be d i f f e r e n c e s and s i m i l a r i t i e s because t h e r e are d i f f e r e n c e s i n persons, between communities, and over time. I am more concerned w i t h u n i f o r m i t y , w i t h uniform sentences. P r o f i c i e n t s o c i a l e x p e r t s , such as judges, those who h e u r i s t i c a l l y and i n t u i t i v e l y assess the f a c t s , and i n the process d e c i d e how t o render a d e c i s i o n , c r e a t e complex combinations of normative, t h e o r e t i c a l , and p a r t i c u l a r case reasoning, g i v i n g a k i n d o f c e r t a i n t y and assurance t o l e g a l d e c i s i o n s . The processes o f p r o f e s s i o n a l judgment, r e s t i n g on weight of v a l u e s and r u l e s of procedure, merge w i t h the normative and dominant assumptions of the YOA, and the i n t u i t i o n s o f judges. The a p p l i c a t i o n o f the YOA, as pr e s e n t e d i n the p r e c e d i n g chapter i s a b l e n d i n g of R i g h t s and R e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s p h i l o s o p h i e s , which i n t h e i r c o n t e x t s are used as models f o r ' j u s t i c e and crime c o n t r o l ' , the p o l i t i c a l g o a l s . These p h i l o s o p h i e s are not simply models of a c t i o n f o r these judges; l e g a l r e a s o n i n g i s more than i n f e r e n c e from l e g a l r u l e s and p o l i c i e s . I t i s a p p r o p r i a t e a c t i o n s p r i n g i n g from l e g a l 115 h e u r i s t i c s : i n t u i t i o n and involvement i n normative l e g i s l a t i v e p r i n c i p l e s , l e g a l f a c t s , case precedent, and j u d i c i a l e x perience. 3.6.2. Summary Four l e g a l c o n t r o l s t r a t e g i e s i n which judges are i m p l i c a t e d were pr e s e n t e d : j u s t i c e , crime c o n t r o l , w e l f a r e , and community change. The f i r s t two s t r a t e g i e s f e a t u r e ' s o c i a l ' and 'personal* r e a s o n i n g and h i g h l i g h t the i n d i v i d u a l , the ' p r o t e c t i o n of s o c i e t y ' , the l e a s t i n t e r f e r e n c e d o c t r i n e , and delinquency. 'Welfare' i s a t t a c h e d t o t h i s form of r e a s o n i n g by word a s s o c i a t i o n . The form of law i n v o l v e d i n s o c i a l r e a s o n i n g exposes the p a r t i c u l a r i s t i c , p e r s o n a l a t t i t u d e s of p e r s o n a l r e a s o n i n g . U s i n g s o c i o l o g i c a l j u r i s p r u d e n c e i n the reform of i n d i v i d u a l s , judges attempt t o a d j u s t i n d i v i d u a l ' s v a l u e s . S o c i a l r e a s o n i n g s p u r i o u s l y i d e n t i f i e s a l e g a l s u b j e c t w i t h the ' u n i v e r s a l ' s u b j e c t and the ends of j u s t i c e w i t h the c o l l e c t i v e s o c i a l good; moreover, s o c i a l r e a s o n i n g does not address the wider community, which i s the aim of community change law. Both s o c i a l and p e r s o n a l r e a s o n i n g employ a narrow i n d i v i d u a l i z i n g s y l l o g i s m which omits commonsense p r a c t i c a l i n t e r p r e t i v e s y l l o g i s m s and p r e c l u d e s a 'community' f o c u s . L e g a l d e c i s i o n s are p o l i t i c a l i n t h a t they invoke s p e c i f i c power r e l a t i o n s from t h e i r s o c i a l l o c a t i o n . The simple a n t i t h e t i c a l assumptions of w e l f a r e and j u s t i c e , as proposed by lobby groups and by the l e g i s l a t o r s , does not account f o r the 116 p r a c t i c a l o r p o l i t i c a l a d a p t a t i o n s of l e g a l r e a s o n i n g . In t h i s c h apter, I p r e s e n t e d j u d g e s 1 i n t e n t i o n s i n c r e a t i n g a crime c o n t r o l g o a l , as one t h a t f i t s a m o d i f i e d c l a s s i c a l j u s t i c e p h i l o s o p h y . In the next chapter, I show t h a t l a w / r e h a b i l i t a t i o n / r e f o r m produces and enhances i t s own r a t i o n a l s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s . 117 CHAPTER IV:  POWER/KNOWLEDGE RELATIONS The Youth Court i s one example of how s o c i a l r e a s o n i n g a l i g n s p o l i t i c a l i n t e r e s t s : s t a t e , economy and f a m i l y i n t e r e s t s , r e s t r u c t u r e s power r e l a t i o n s , r e l a t e s and i n s t r u m e n t a l i z e s them without t r a n s f o r m i n g the s t r u c t u r e s themselves. In the pr e c e d i n g chapter, I showed t h a t j u s t i c e and crime c o n t r o l b l e n d i n g appears t o r e s u l t i n an overemphasis on the u t i l i t a r i a n ' p r o t e c t i o n of s o c i e t y ' , and reform o f i n d i v i d u a l s . T h i s c hapter takes a c l o s e r l o o k a t s p e c i f i c p o l i t i c a l r e l a t i o n s t h a t have been developed both f o r t he o f f e n d e r and f o r those surrounding the j u s t i c e a d m i n i s t r a t i o n under the YOA. The f i r s t s e c t i o n examines the n o r m a l i z a t i o n p r o c e s s f o r the o f f e n d e r . In the next s e c t i o n , I examine judges' i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s o f dominant s e n t e n c i n g p h i l o s o p h y , and how they a r r i v e a t one d e s p i t e t he l e g i s l a t o r s ' i n t e n t i o n of b a l a n c i n g p r i n c i p l e s . In the subsequent s e c t i o n , I d i s c u s s the p r a c t i c a l outcome of the t r i a l , i . e . , the d i s p o s i t i o n s . F i n a l l y , I e x p l i c a t e the r a t i o n a l s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s which a c t as c o n s t r a i n t s on s e n t e n c i n g . 4.1.1. L e g a l Reasoning as n o r m a l i z a t i o n s t r a t e g y . A l l o f the Youth Court judges t a l k i n some way about case r e a s o n i n g , about l o o k i n g f o r an a p p r o p r i a t e sentence a c c o r d i n g t o the needs o f the case a t hand, t h e i r a t t i t u d e and the i n f l u e n c i n g p h i l o s o p h i e s o f the YOA, e s p e c i a l l y the D e c l a r a t i o n o f P r i n c i p l e s . 118 L e g a l r e a s o n i n g , i s not c o n s i d e r e d a determinate form o f knowledge r e l a t i o n s , but i t i s not estranged from d i s c i p l i n a r y r e l a t i o n s . In the YOA, t h e r e a re no s o c i a l c o n n o t a t i o n s s p e l l e d out i n the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s e c t i o n o f the A c t . A young person i s c h a r a c t e r i z e d by age: 12-18; and, "where the con t e x t r e q u i r e s , i n c l u d e s any person who i s charged under t h i s A c t wit h having committed an o f f e n c e w h i l e he was a young person o r i s found g u i l t y of an o f f e n c e under t h i s A c t . " (YOA, s e c t i o n 2 . [ 1 ] ) . However, p a r t i c u l a r s o c i a l a s s o c i a t i o n s o f the young o f f e n d e r s do e n t e r the p r a c t i c a l a p p l i c a t i o n i n se n t e n c i n g . O f t e n w i t h i n the form of s o c i a l r e a s o n i n g which the judges d e s c r i b e i s an i m p l i e d form of 'personal knowledge'. T h i s knowledge means a d i r e c t knowledge of the young person on t r i a l . Two of the judges emphasized t h a t t h i s k i n d of knowledge i s the most e f f e c t i v e : "I t r y t o t a l k t o him as a young person", "I always t r y t o make some k i n d of assessment myself". 1 The judges a l l express the need t o f i n d out why t h i s youth i s d i f f e r e n t from the normal ones, so t h a t he can be "put on a t r a c k " . They presume t o know what i s normal f o r youth • i n g e n e r a l ' . One judge s t a t e s : " I t ' s b a s i c a l l y the o b j e c t . . . t o get him on a t r a c k o f some k i n d t h a t w i l l keep him from screwing up. He w i l l make 1 The re a s o n i n g i s f a r from a Communicative Acton System, as Habermasian d i s c o u r s e e t h i c s i m p l i e s , nor i s i t the k i n d of 'personal knowledge', as an immediate sens o r a r y r e p r o d u c t i o n o f the person, which B e r t r a n d R u s s e l l ' s a n a l y s i s i m p l i e s . 119 mistakes l i k e everyone e l s e w i l l . But, he won't make such s e r i o u s ones t h a t he w i l l be a r r e s t e d , j a i l e d , and brought t o Court. The p r o b a t i o n o f f i c e r comes back a f t e r the e x p i r a t i o n of the o r d e r w i t h : t h i s young man has done w e l l . He i s now l i v i n g on h i s own. He has a f u l l time j o b . He i s p l a n n i n g t o go back t o s c h o o l , but wants t o get some money t o g e t h e r a t the moment. He i s s h a r i n g an apartment w i t h a v e r y r e s p o n s i b l e k i d o f about 19 who has a l s o got a job and e v e r y t h i n g i s so good we j u s t don't t h i n k we need t o s u p e r v i s e him anymore. Would you t e r m i n a t e p r o b a t i o n ? I t h i n k t h a t ' s a s u c c e s s f u l p r o b a t i o n . But t h a t ' s o n l y because I happen t o sentence t h a t k i d a t about the time when he was ready t o go out i n t o the world and make do. I don't t h i n k a n y t h i n g I d i d had anything t o do w i t h i t . Sometimes i t might have. Here i s a judge's d e s c r i p t i o n of a 'normal' youth, as one who makes r a t i o n a l d e c i s i o n s about the p a r t i c u l a r s o c i a l s i t u a t i o n s i n which normalcy i s l o c a t e d : i n f u l l time work and p o t e n t i a l f o r advancement, i n the r e s p o n s i b i l i t e s of c i t i z e n s h i p , and i n i d e a l i z e d f a m i l y r e l a t i o n s (connoted by an independence move of s h a r i n g an apartment w i t h another r e s p o s i b l e y o u t h ) . Many of the judges s t a t e d how the dominant need f o r r e h a b i l i t a t i o n i s the need t o normalize. "Often you get a young person, or any person w i t h a horrendous background, but the judge may be d i s p o s e d t o b e l i e v i n g , f o r whatever reason, t h a t f o r once t h i s person seems t o be g e t t i n g t h e i r l i f e on t r a c k , and t h a t another j a i l sentence would j u s t knock them back. And i f they can be encouraged a t the r i g h t moment then the Court does something f a v o u r a b l e towards them, t h a t ' s o f t e n the case where you might emphasize r e h a b i l i t a t i o n , as opposed t o ' p r o t e c t i o n of s o c i e t y ' . There i s no hard and f a s t r u l e . " The judges r e l a t e the importance of p e r s o n a l c o n t a c t and t h e i r own r e l a t i o n s h i p t o the c h i l d as p a r t of t h i s d e f i n i t i o n . But i n the courtroom, the judge expects the c h i l d t o be ' r e s p e c t f u l ' of j u d i c i a l s t a t u s . T h e i r impressions of the c h i l d , and of h i s or her 120 f a m i l y a re p a r t o f t h e i r assessment. So too, i s the normal r e s p e c t g r a n t e d t o the j u d i c i a r y : "I l o o k a t the community r e l a t i o n s h i p t o the c h i l d by the courtroom dynamics. I can see e v e r y t h i n g from the bench. In t h i s case the k i d was s i t t i n g b e s i d e h i s lawyer below the bar at a t a b l e f o r c o u n s e l . He was wearing a T - s h i r t which s a i d , "I am so happy t o be here, I c o u l d s h i t . " H i s f a t h e r was g i v i n g h i s testimony from the witness box, t o prove age. A f t e r he l e f t the box, he more or l e s s had a c h o i c e about where t o go: he c o u l d have j o i n e d h i s son, or s a t up f r o n t behind c o u n s e l t a b l e . He took h i s s e a t a t the back of the courtroom, behind h i s son. There was no c o n t a c t t h i s way, you see. So I addressed him, "How do you e x p l a i n what happened t h a t your son was spending h i s Saturday n i g h t s b r e a k i n g windows?" He answered t h a t t h e r e was n o t h i n g i n the community to do f o r k i d s and t h a t ' s why they got i n t o t r o u b l e . W e l l , I have seen many communities w i t h p l e n t y o f r e c r e a t i o n a l f a c i l i t i e s , and l o t s of t r o u b l e t h e r e t o o . So, I answered him t h a t i n h i s area the environment was a r e c r e a t i o n a l p a r a d i s e . I t had hunting, h i k i n g and l o t s o f f i s h i n g p o s s i b i l i t i e s . People come from a l l over the world t o spend time here. "Do you ever take your k i d out t h e r e , do t h i n g s w i t h him?" Parents are models f o r k i d s . They need t h a t . hs. T e l l me more about the courtroom dynamics. As you see them. judge. The dynamics i n the courtroom are v e r y important t o me. They t e l l a l o t about the people i n v o l v e d . The appearance o f the c h i l d i s v e r y important. H i s c l o t h e s , a t t i t u d e , h i s emotional s t a t e . I f he i s f r i g h t e n e d or j u s t doesn't c a r e . T h i s k i d was t e s t i n g me w i t h h i s c l o t h e s . I t o l d the f a t h e r t o take h i s son out of the courtroom and come back a g a i n w i t h him dressed d i f f e r e n t l y . I expect t o see good deportment i n the courtroom. 4.2.1. Dominant Sentence Philosophy. To e s t a b l i s h a dominant s e n t e n c i n g p h i l o s o p h y , i n a s t a t u t e t h a t c l a i m s not t o p r i o r i t i z e depends on a l e g a l i s t i c s t a n ce. What i s important i s the a t t i t u d e o f the judge, and the formal l e g a l i s t i c case requirements: " I t depends on the nature o f the o f f e n s e , the age of the c h i l d , t he circumstances surrounding the c h i l d ' s l i f e . You have t o loo k a t the whole t h i n g . E v e r y t h i n g has t o be looked 121 a t , t he k i n d o f sent e n c i n g , the magnitude of your se n t e n c i n g , and the v a r i o u s means of se n t e n c i n g which yoU impose. The Act g i v e s you a f a i r l y wide range of t h i n g s you can do." The judge invokes the network of surrounding power r e l a t i o n s i n s t a t i n g t h a t how s u c c e s s f u l they w i l l be depends on whether "the community i s w i l l i n g t o g i v e you the r e s o u r c e s . " But, as f a r as s e n t e n c i n g goes:..."I have the dominant s e n t e n c i n g p h i l o s o p h y o f r e h a b i l i t a t i o n . " R e h a b i l i t a t i o n , as d i s c u s s e d i n the pr e c e d i n g chapter, i s f o r crime c o n t r o l purposes, r a t h e r than f o r s p e c i a l treatment needs, and i t i s aimed a t the o f f e n s e r a t h e r than a t the needs or i n t e r e s t s o f the o f f e n d e r . 4.2.2. How do judges d e c i d e on the dominant p h i l o s o p h y . In o r d e r t o get a t the second t a s k o u t l i n e d i n ch a p t e r 2, I asked the judges t o i d e n t i f y the dominant p h i l o s o p h i e s i n the Act, and whether the A c t was intended t o balance p r i n c i p l e s . Is the Act, then, c o n s i s t e n t i n the use of these p r i n c i p l e s , and how do judges d e c i d e which i s the most dominant s e n t e n c i n g p h i l o s o p h y ? "I f o l l o w the A c t and the h i g h e r Court d e c i s i o n s and apply what i s r e a l i s t i c and p r a c t i c a l . I look t o the k i n d of a p p l i c a t i o n which i s most a p p r o p r i a t e . The A c t i s i n t e r n a l l y c o n s i s t e n t . The p h i l o s o p h y has s h i f t e d t o the shou l d e r s of the c h i l d a g a i n s t the JDA, which p l a c e d r e s p o n s i b i l i t y on the sh o u l d e r s o f the community. hs. How do you de c i d e which i s the most dominant s e n t e n c i n g p h i l o s o p h y ? judge. I don't run the youth through hoops, I d e c i d e on whatever i s a p p r o p r i a t e , then I c o n s i d e r the c h i l d , next the v i c t i m and f i n a l l y , the community a t l a r g e . A c c o r d i n g t o another judge: judge: "What the s t a t u t e does, as I s a i d q u i t e a w h i l e ago, i s t h a t i t fo c u s e s . O.K. You come t o an i s s u e , a sen t e n c i n g 122 problem w i t h an a t t i t u d e . You know t h a t when you hear the case what your a t t i t u d e towards i t i s , and you know, then, what d i s p o s i t i o n you might t u r n , and what the s t a t u t e does, i s i t f o c uses your a t t e n t i o n t o a s e t of o p t i o n s t h a t are c o n s i d e r e d a p p r o p r i a t e . You can't apply your t o t a l range of views on the s u b j e c t , you have t o focus i t on what i s p o s s i b l e . The A c t i s an i n f l u e n c i n g p r o c e s s more than a g u i d i n g p r o c e s s . I t ' s an i n f l u e n c e on the normal a t t i t u d e s t h a t you b r i n g t o the case." "You come t o a s e n t e n c i n g problem w i t h an a t t i t u d e , You know t h a t when you hear the case what your a t t i t u d e t o i t i s . When, you get t o d i s p o s i t i o n , then your s o r t o f r e f l e c t i v e p r o c e s s takes over and you s t a r t t o t h i n k about t h i s case, and what t h i s case means t o you and you can't s e p a r a t e y o u r s e l f from the r e s t o f the community, you can't s e p a r a t e y o u r s e l f from t h i s c h i l d ' s f a m i l y , the c h i l d . So you loo k a t t h i s c o n s t e l l a t i o n o f f e a t u r e s , and come up with, i n your mind, a s o r t o f p o s s i b l e range of d i s p o s i t i o n s . ...Now, once you s o r t of f i g u r e out where you are, then you look a t the s t a t u t e t o t r y and say, now under these c o n d i t i o n s what i s reasonable and what i s p o s s i b l e , what am I t o rank here as an element of f i r s t p r i o r i t y as f a r as the law i s concerned and t o judge whether your r e a s o n i n g i s out of whack w i t h the s t a t u t e . " hs. How do you de c i d e which i s the dominant s e n t e n c i n g p h i l o s o p h y ? judge. I don't have t o make t h i s d e c i s i o n . My s e n t e n c i n g i s based on t h r e e t h i n g s : [ f i r s t ] , the background of the o f f e n d e r , the nature o f the o f f e n c e . I use g u i d e l i n e s from s e c t i o n 3. Second, I use precedent, and t h i r d , I use my exp e r i e n c e l a s t , but not l e a s t . A l l o f the judges f e l t t h a t the p r i o r i t y o f the A c t was t o balance p r i n c i p l e s , r a t h e r than e s t a b l i s h a c l e a r paramountcy. In t a s k 3 of chapter 2, we c o n s i d e r e d i n c o n s i s t e n c i e s i n the s u b s e c t i o n o f s e c t i o n 2, the D e c l a r a t i o n o f P r i n c i p l e s . L o g i c a l l y t h e r e a re s e v e r a l p r i n c i p l e s r e v e a l e d t o a r e a d i n g broken down by phrases (Reid & Reitsma S t r e e t , 1984, Appendix F ) . S e v e r a l of the judges p e r c e i v e d i n c o n s i s t e n c i e s . "There i s some i n c o n s i s t e n c y . On the one hand i t g i v e s freedoms i n a g e n e r a l way, and on the other, i t takes them 123 away i n s p e c i f i c areas, a c c o r d i n g t o d e t a i l e d t h i n g s . T h i s i s t r u e , too, i n the C h a r t e r . hs. I s t h e r e a g l o b a l focus? judge: The YOA attends t o both s p e c i a l needs and t o r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s . You have t o take t h i s i n t o account i n s e n t e n c i n g - the r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s the youth has t o s o c i e t y . " D e s p i t e the sense of b a l a n c i n g p r i n c i p l e s , s e v e r a l of the judges say t h a t t h e r e i s a tendency towards u s i n g the ' p r o t e c t i o n of s o c i e t y ' or ' a c c o u n t a b i l i t y ' as dominant. "There i s no paramountcy s e t out i n any p a r t i c u l a r thought c o n t a i n e d i n s e c t i o n 3, but ' p r o t e c t i o n of s o c i e t y ' i s r e f e r r e d t o i n more than one of the s u b s e c t i o n s , which stops s h o r t of s a y i n g t h a t ' p r o t e c t i o n of s o c i e t y * i s of paramount c o n s i d e r a t i o n . The word must dep a r t s from the u s u a l work usage, which has a g u i d i n g emphasis, a c c o r d i n g t o one judge, i n r e f e r r i n g t o s u b s e c t i o n (b). F i r s t o f a l l , s u b s e c t i o n (a) says t h a t the young person i s accountable f o r h i s behaviour, although not always n e c e s s a r i l y t o the same degree as f o r an a d u l t . And then s u b s e c t i o n (b) says t h a t ' s o c i e t y must be a f f o r d e d the necessary p r o t e c t i o n from i l l e g a l behaviour.' Now, one k i n d of i n t e r e s t i n g t h i n g t o bear i n mind i s the word 'must' . I t i s the o n l y p l a c e i n the e n t i r e a c t where the word 'must' i s used, which suggests t o me something of a c o m p e l l i n g i n t e n t . Again, s t o p p i n g s h o r t of s a y i n g the p r o t e c t i o n of s o c i e t y i s paramount, but t r y i n g t o emphasize, I t h i n k , the importance of s o c i e t y . S u b s e c t i o n (f) , i n the a p p l i c a t i o n of t h i s A ct, the ' r i g h t s and freedoms of the young persons' i n c l u d e s the r i g h t t o the l e a s t i n t e r f e r e n c e w i t h freedom t h a t i s c o n s i s t e n t w i t h the ' p r o t e c t i o n of s o c i e t y ' . Again, i t ' s s u b j e c t t o the ' p r o t e c t i o n of s o c i e t y ' . I am t r y i n g t o apply the p r i n c i p l e s s e t out i n s e c t i o n 3, [the D e c l a r a t i o n of p r i n c i p l e s ] . " T h i s judge s t a t e s t h a t he makes h i s d e c i s i o n on the dominant p r i n c i p l e , a c c o r d i n g t o the circumstances of the case, and the s e c t i o n o f d i s p o s i t i o n s t h a t are a v a i l a b l e under s e c t i o n 20. Yet h i s focus on ' p r o t e c t i o n of s o c i e t y ' i s e v i d e n t . Another judge s t a t e s : " G e n e r a l l y , our Courts of Appeal i n the YOA say you are t o focus on r e h a b i l i t a t i o n and p r o t e c t i o n t o a l e s s e r extent. 124 And t h a t ' s as f a r as I go. I don't go i n t o these D e c l a r a t i o n of P r i n c i p l e s . hs. So, you don't make an i s s u e of the i n t e r n a l c o n s i s t e n c y of the YOA, or t r y t o remedy f o r the i n c o n s i s t e n c i e s ? judge. Never even t h i n k about i t . No. There are a couple of t h i n g s you have t o c o n s i d e r from time t o time. One of the p r i n c i p l e s i s 'you shouldn't be punished more than an a d u l t would be'. R i g h t . So, t h a t p r i n c i p l e comes t o the f o r e f r o n t i f a youth worker says t h a t f o r t h i s s h o p l i f t i n g a c t he should go t o a r e s i d e n t i a l treatment c e n t r e f o r a month and a h a l f . W e l l , r e a l l y , t h a t i s e f f e c t i v e l y l i k e g o i ng t o j a i l f o r a month and a h a l f , and an a d u l t wouldn't get a month and a h a l f i n j a i l . So t h a t i s one p r i n c i p l e . Another p r i n c i p l e i s t h a t they have a l l of the r i g h t s i n the C h a r t e r of R i g h t s and Freedoms. And then, as you move through the A c t , you see t h a t r e a l l y they have r i g h t s beyond t h a t so you have t o c o n s i d e r t h a t s p e c i f i c a l l y and how i t a p p l i e s . As f a r as s e n t e n c i n g goes, t h a t seems t o be the focus of what you are doing, I j u s t examine i t on the l e v e l I o u t l i n e . hs. So you d e c i d e on the dominant s e n t e n c i n g p h i l o s o p h y ? judge. W e l l , I s o r t of have a dominant s e n t e n c i n g p h i l o s o p h y of r e h a b i l i t a t i o n " . With another judge, the dominant focus i n h i s t h i n k i n g i s 'due p r o c e s s ' r i g h t s : Yes, I t h i n k t o some extent, but then i t ' s a matter of p r i o r i t i e s , and I'm g r a d u a l l y coming t o r e a l i z e t h a t our s o c i e t y s e t s due process up as a h i g h p r i o r i t y . You know, j u s t as w i t h our C h a r t e r of R i g h t s . You may have seen t h a t case on the news about the guy t h a t c o n f e s s e d t o the s e t t i n g of the PCB f i r e i n Montreal, and you know, he was found not g u i l t y and the Supreme Court judge ended up d i r e c t i n g a v e r d i c t of Not G u i l t y and c h a s t i s i n g the p o l i c e i n the way they handled the i n v e s t i g a t i o n and the i n t e r r o g a t i o n . You see, the reason f o r t h a t i s , I don't q u e s t i o n the Supreme Court judge, but the message I get from t h a t i s t h a t due p r o c e s s law and the r i g h t s s e t out i n our C h a r t e r may be more important, are more important than the p a r t i c u l a r A c t or crime and I have some t r o u b l e w i t h t h a t . But i t ' s a f a c t of l i f e , and I'm t r y i n g t o do what I must l e g a l l y and p r o p e r l y do. But you know, what i t sometimes amounts t o i s somebody t h a t we know i s g u i l t y and perhaps i s dangerous and v i o l e n t and we have t o l e t him go. Knowing f u l l w e l l t h a t someone e l s e i s going t o be the next v i c t i m because they are e n t i t l e d t o t h i s 125 due p r o c e s s and the p r o t e c t i o n of these laws, but t h a t ' s the way i t i s . That i s the p r i o r i t i e s t h a t our s o c i e t y has s e t up. That's a l i t t l e b i t d i s t u r b i n g sometimes. S e v e r a l o f the judges who t r i e d t o emphasize the need t o b a lance p r i n c i p l e s , a l s o thought t o g i v e a necessary focus to ' a c c o u n t a b i l i t y ' a n d ' p r o t e c t i o n of s o c i e t y ' . W e l l , the A c t l i s t s s e v e r a l , the r i g h t s of the young o f f e n d e r are a g i v e n . And t h a t w i l l be d u l y emphasized. But b a s i c a l l y , t h e r e i s a balance i t seems t o me between ' p r o t e c t i o n of the p u b l i c * , on the one hand, and the ' r e h a b i l i t a t i o n ' or the a s s i s t i n g of the young person, on the o t h e r . A l l c r i m i n a l law, fundamentally, i s f o r the p r o t e c t i o n o f s o c i e t y . That i s a g i v e n . In any d e a l i n g , not o n l y w i t h young o f f e n d e r s , but i n any c r i m i n a l p r o c e s s , i t seems t o be i t i s always an e f f o r t t o balance the needs of s o c i e t y with the needs of the o f f e n d e r . Because they are o f t e n q u i t e o p p o s i t e t o one another. For example, the b e s t way t o adequately p r o t e c t s o c i e t y i s t o i n c a r c e r a t e t h i s person f o r as l o n g as p o s s i b l e . But t h a t , we would a l l c l e a r l y understand would be a t the expense of t h a t person * s r e h a b i l i t a t i o n . So you balance i t , and from t h e r e you a f f o r d the maximum p r o t e c t i o n of s o c i e t y , and y e t a t the same time, the maximum e f f o r t a t r e h a b i l i t a t i n g the young person. Often, i f you can't r e h a b i l i t a t e you can p r o t e c t s o c i e t y . You t r y t o a c h i e v e t h a t . One o f the judges d i d , however, t h i n k t h a t the g e n e r a l t h r u s t o f the A c t s t r e s s e s a c c o u n t a b i l i t y . I t i s expected t h a t c h i l d r e n w i l l be t o l d t h a t they must be accountable f o r t h e i r a c t s , which e n t a i l s a form of moral reform t o be c a r r i e d out i n the Youth Court. "Parents are o b l i g e d t o t e l l the c h i l d r e n t h a t they must be a c countable f o r t h e i r a c t s . But keeping i n mind t h a t they are c h i l d r e n , and t h a t consequently they have needs f o r r e h a b i l i t a t i o n . W ell, I suppose t h e r e would be an i n c o n s i s t e n c y i f you develop a b l a n k e t s e r i e s of concepts without r e a l i z i n g you must apply these p r i n c i p l e s w i t h each i n d i v i d u a l c h i l d , a c c o r d i n g t o the c h i l d ' s needs. You must remember t h a t when you are d e a l i n g w i t h c h i l d r e n you have t o 126 keep i n mind t h a t they are c h i l d r e n and t h a t consequently, the a s p e c t s of s e n t e n c i n g must be necessary f o r t h e i r needs. In summary, e s t a b l i s h i n g the dominant s e n t e n c i n g p h i l o s o p h y depends on the case requirements and on the a v a i l a b l e r e s o u r c e s . L e g a l a d m i n i s t r a t i o n i s invoked and expanded t o i n c l u d e the judges, t h e lawyers, the youth workers and the l e g a l a i d system, w h i l e the s o c i a l s e r v i c e network i s d i m i n i s h e d i n the YOA c o n t e x t . As w e l l , c o r r e c t i o n a l a l t e r n a t i v e s under the JDA have c o n t i n u e d under the YOA, and are a v a i l a b l e i n t h e i r i n d e t e r m i n a t e form should the judges a t t a c h a treatment o r d e r i n s e n t e n c i n g t o p r o b a t i o n . A l l o f the judges f e l t t h a t the young o f f e n d e r was not r e a l l y d i f f e r e n t from o t h e r young persons. They accept a concept of normalcy, and n o r m a l i z i n g law. Through the use of expert testimony, the c r e a t i o n of f i l e s and s o c i a l h i s t o r i e s , youth are assessed, and d i s c i p l i n e d . As they get o l d e r , the young persons e i t h e r s t o p t h e i r c r i m i n a l behaviour, grow out of i t , o r l e a r n t h a t the law counts. "Many c h i l d r e n come b e f o r e the c o u r t s f o r t h e i r one and o n l y o f f e n c e because they are c h i l d r e n , k i d s . They mature. But i t ' s o n l y a once i n a l i f e t i m e t h i n g . There i s a l o t of t h a t . Then t h e r e i s t h a t o t h e r v e r y l a r g e middle group, where they do a l a r g e amount of crime. Then suddenly, they become a d u l t s and they b e g i n t o change. Don't ask me why." Some young persons, however, become r e c i d i v i s t s : "you see more v i o l e n c e as they get o l d e r , more drug problems, as a d d i c t i o n e s c a l a t e s . They are the r e p e a t e r s , the ones you see c o n t i n u a l l y , and then you can f o r e s e e they are j u s t going t o end up i n the p e n i t e n t i a r y . " 127 Most of the judges c o u l d not r e a l l y say t h a t t h e i r i n t e r v e n t i o n works. They r e l y on the law i t s e l f o r the youth's a b i l i t y t o "mature", or become w i s e r (more r a t i o n a l ) i n ju d g i n g t h e i r own r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s . Youths make mistakes, and sometimes need o n l y c o n f r o n t a t i o n w i t h the l e g a l system t o r e t u r n t o normalcy. L i t t l e c o n t r o l i s needed f o r the f i r s t time o f f e n d e r . I t i s important t o save the harsher punishments and c o s t l y community r e s o u r c e s f o r the s m a l l group of o f f e n d e r s , the r e c i d i v i s t s , o f t e n d e s c r i b e d as the ' t h i r d time o f f e n d e r ' . In the c l a s s i c a l p e r s p e c t i v e , the judges adopt the view t h a t young people are r a t i o n a l a c t o r s , who l e a r n from t h e i r s l i p - u p s . P o l i c y i t s e l f i s r a t i o n a l i n maximizing d e t e r r e n c e by t a r g e t i n g the s m a l l groups o f r e c i d i v i s t s . The c o u r t s l e t i t s c l i e n t s know what t o expect from subsequent appearances and c o n v i c t i o n . Youth, being r a t i o n a l l y h e d o n i s t i c , w i l l balance the p l e a s u r e o f the p r o f i t s of crime a g a i n s t the p a i n o f punishment. "We always, a l l o f us have some degree of c h o i c e , no matter how s e v e r e l y we have been d e a l t with, e i t h e r by h e r e d i t y or environment." S i n c e the f a m i l y , as the primary s o c i a l i z a t i o n u n i t , was f a u l t e d a c r o s s the board, the b e s t t a c t i c s f o r d e a l i n g w i t h the problem ranged a c r o s s the t h r e e mainstream p e r s p e c t i v e s . One of the problems o f f a m i l y , the i s s u e o f " c h i l d abuse", was c o n s i d e r e d by two of the judges. For them, the bes t (most r a t i o n a l ) remedy was t o 'get c o n t r o l o f the s i t u a t i o n ' , e i t h e r by 'open or secure custody', r a t h e r than by peer i n t e r a c t i o n i n t e r v e n t i o n or 128 'treatment'. They expressed c o n s i d e r a b l e d i s i l l u s i o n m e n t w i t h the ' s o f t s o c i a l work approach*. The t a c t i c most o f t e n p r e s c r i b e d i n d i s p o s i t i o n s was • p r o b a t i o n work'. P o s i t i o n s here v a r i e d . At one extreme, t h i s s e r v i c e was c o n s i d e r e d a ' s o f t ' one, l i k e s o c i a l work, wi t h the youth s u b j e c t i n g h i s / h e r worker t o 'bad f a i t h ' . At the o t h e r extreme, another judge r e - i n t r o d u c e d the parens p a t r i a e concept by a l l o w i n g the p r o b a t i o n order t o be indeterminate, u n t i l the c h i l d was a b l e t o prove h i s r e s p o n s i b i l i t y , as determined by the c o u r t . Under the YOA, focus can s h i f t from j u d i c i a l indeterminancy t o a c o r r e c t i o n s s e r v i c e , p r o b a t i o n a r y indeterminancy. The medical d i s c o u r s e here, however, was not allowed. None of the judges had c o n s i d e r e d a t t a c h i n g a treatment agenda t o the p r o b a t i o n order, although some p r o b a t i o n o f f i c e r s r e q u est t h a t a treatment agenda be i n c l u d e d i n t h e i r mandate. 4.3.1. P r a c t i c a l outcome: the t r i a l . Most of the judges a p p r e c i a t e d the d i s t i n c t i o n between the t r i a l and the s e n t e n c i n g procedures. The judges see the t r i a l p r o c e s s i t s e l f as r e h a b i l i t a t i v e by due p r o c e s s . The o f f e n d e r w i l l b e n e f i t by d e v e l o p i n g h i s / h e r c h a r a c t e r i n l i n e w i t h l e g a l e x p e c t a t i o n s . In both phases of the case, n e o - c l a s s i c a l j u s t i c e and crime c o n t r o l r a t i o n a l r e l a t i o n s are dominant, even i f the o r i e n t a t i o n i s towards the "paramount c o n s i d e r a t i o n " of r e h a b i l i t a t i o n . 129 The t r i a l p r o c e s s , which the YOA has brought about, i s b a s i c a l l y s i m i l a r t o a d u l t c o u r t procedures. Through enhancing l e g a l reform o f youth, the judges' c l a s s and s o c i a l i n t e r e s t s remain entrenched i n p r o f e s s i o n a l s e l f - i n t e r e s t w i t h i n the courtroom. judge. ...Another problem i s the d e l a y problem. Time l a g means a l o t t o k i d s because s a n c t i o n s l o s e t h e i r e f f e c t . I t i s p a r t i c u l a r l y important f o r the t r i a l t o take p l a c e q u i c k l y . And f o r behaviour t o be d e a l t w i t h e a r l i e r . hs. What can you do i n your c o u r t t o speed t h i n g s up? judge. I can't. The system can't speed t h i n g s up. And i t s d e s t r u c t i v e t o k i d s . F i r s t , t h e r e i s a need t o prove age, and o f t e n the parent o r even the k i d i s not t h e r e . Then a lawyer must be obtained, and most k i d s want one. Look a t my schedule. I am booked up t o June a l r e a d y . hs. The YOA i s a crime c o n t r o l A c t . Would you agree with t h a t ? judge. Yes. There i s a c r i m i n o g e n i c age, from 16 t o 23, then k i d s grow out of i t . " For t h i s judge, t h e r e f o r e , i t i s important t o c o n t r o l crime f o r the ' p r o t e c t i o n o f s o c i e t y * and t o i n s t a l l ' j u s t i c e ' , meaning 'due pr o c e s s r i g h t s ' i n t o the t r i a l . By c l a s s i f y i n g the youth p o p u l a t i o n through p o s i t i v i s t p r i n c i p l e s , as i n age c h a r a c t e r i z a t i o n , the judge r e i n f o r c e s a n o r m a l i z i n g and a d m i n i s t r a t i n g p r o c e s s , although i t i s one which he sees has p r a c t i c a l f l a w s . W i t h i n p o s i t i v i s t r easoning, the enforcement problems are p r o b l e m a t i c , but the t r i a l p r ocess i t s e l f , i f c a r r i e d out ' c o r r e c t l y ' , would be r e f o r m a t i v e . 4.3.2. P r a c t i c a l Outcome; The Sentences as an I d e a l . 130 The youth c o u r t judges have a v e r y pragmatic view of the i d e a l sentence. A l l o f them s t a t e t h a t the i d e a l sentence i s a t t a i n e d "when I don't see the c h i l d back i n my courtroom". The i d e a l i s enmeshed i n the l e g a l p rocess i t s e l f : "I do what i s necessary t o be done", r a t h e r than i n p e r s o n a l success, as i s u s u a l l y found i n the c i v i l a d v e r s a r i a l i d e a l which puts one person a g a i n s t another. The t e s t o f pragmatism or a p p r o p r i a t e n e s s f o r the p a r t i c u l a r youth i s an aspect of a p p r o p r i a t e n e s s ' f o r youth, i n g e n e r a l * . "We have seen a t r a n s i t i o n ( s i n c e the JDA) , because we are d e a l i n g w i t h what i s a p p r o p r i a t e f o r youth. K i d s come back t o me and I know t h e i r h i s t o r y . That's how I work." A l l o f the judges, then, use a form of s o c i a l r e a s o n i n g w i t h a p r a c t i c a l component. In chapter I I , I showed t h a t t h i s form of r e a s o n i n g i s connected t o c l a s s i c a l moral and s o c i a l reasons, which r e s u l t i n a d i s p o s i t i o n . In t h i s chapter, I e l i c i t the power/knowledge r e l a t i o n s t h a t are the grounds f o r these reasons. 4.4.1. Conta inment Judges i n t e r p r e t the sentence s e c t i o n of the YOA, s e c t i o n 20, a c c o r d i n g t o the ' d i s c o u r s e of p e n a l i t y ' : t h a t i s , t h a t punishment i s the r e s u l t of sentence and not, as i n the treatment p h i l o s o p h y , merely an accompaniment t o the treatment d i s p o s i t i o n . "And t h e r e i s the added p a r t t h a t d i d not use t o be t h e r e (under the JDA) . That i s t h a t they c o u l d be put i n t o containment f o r a p e r i o d of time. I t h i n k t h a t i s used o c c a s i o n a l l y " . "hs. I was wondering, i n your experience throughout the p r o v i n c e i f t h e r e i s more of a focus on containment, as an a s p e c t o f r e h a b i l i t a t i o n , i n d i f f e r e n t areas of the p r o v i n c e . 1 3 1 Do you think there are regional differences,coming out of B.C., i n regards to the use of the YOA dispositions? "I don't think I could give you a competent answer to that", one judge stated. Another judge, however says, that what B.C. has done i s r e f e r to a couple of cases from Ontario and from Saskatchewan, and said, "we are going to do i t d i f f e r e n t l y " (in regard to the use of general deterrence i n custody sentences), using incarceration as a l a s t resort. He gives h i s reasons, why the "vast majority of the judges"... "do what the Act requires them to do, and that i s r e l y on incarceration as an absolute l a s t resort". "hs. There has been a f i f t y percent increase i n custody d i s p o s i t i o n s as compared with JDA. judge. Oh. I think a r e a l l y c l e a r d i s t i n c t i o n has to be made between judges going "now we got him", and a necessary increase i n incarceration a f t e r the JDA, because the JDA was extremely weak i n that regard. Unless p r o v i n c i a l l e g i s l a t i o n provides for t r a i n i n g schools and things l i k e that, judges simply didn't send anybody, so you are bound to get an increase because there are some kids who should be i n custody, i n the end. Because i t ' s the absence of anything else that can be u s e f u l l y done to protect society and also to help the kid. And also the Act at that time required that i t should be i n the c h i l d ' s best inter e s t s , and a l l the rest of i t , which i s nonsense. No kid i s going to say "I think I want to go to j a i l because i t s going to be better for me there". Nor could anyone say objecti v e l y about the c h i l d , ' i t ' s i n h i s best i n t e r e s t s to go to j a i l ' . I t ' s a punishment process. And i t was so weak under the JDA, that i t wouldn't be at a l l sur p r i s i n g to see a substantial increase i n incarceration a f t e r the YOA came into force. What would be an appropriate percentage, I don't know. I think that f i f t y percent i s too high. So I agree that we are r e a l l y doing i t . But I also think that i t ' s a very strong r e f l e c t i o n of something that was there as a need. There was a need there for more incarceration of youths, and so we have been doing i t . hs. Interesting. I f i n d a gap i n the l i t e r a t u r e i n t h i s matter of the judges' interpretations of t h i s very problem. 1 3 2 judge. Oh, the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s of t h a t s e c t i o n r e q u i r i n g , 'being i n the b e s t i n t e r e s t s o f the youth. ' Yes, i t had t o do w i t h r a i s i n g him t o a d u l t c o u r t as w e l l as sending him away under some c u s t o d i a l d i s p o s i t i o n , and both of them served, i t says ' i n the b e s t i n t e r e s t s of the c h i l d ' , t o be t r i e d as an a d u l t when he was f o u r t e e n years o l d . I don't t h i n k t h a t anyone c o u l d o b j e c t i v e l y say t h a t i t ' s so. They have done away w i t h t h a t i n the YOA." The s o c i a l reason g i v e n by a l l the judges f o r the use of custody d i s p o s i t i o n s then i s a s o c i a l need t o ' p r o t e c t s o c i e t y 1 , and ' r e h a b i l i t a t e y o u t h 1 . What i s apparent from the i n t e r v i e w t e x t i s the overemphasis on ' p r o t e c t i o n of s o c i e t y ' (crime c o n t r o l ) , a g a i n s t j u s t i c e ' r i g h t s * and 'needs'. A l l o f the judges focus on the p r a c t i c a l d i f f e r e n c e s between the A c t s due t o an i n c r e a s e i n r e s o u r c e s under the YOA. Yet the s o c i a l reason g i v e n f o r custody d i s p o s i t i o n s i s the c o n t i n u i n g need f o r r e h a b i l i t a t i o n . The judges e x p l a i n the s o c i a l reasons t h a t are now a t t a c h e d t o r e h a b i l i t a t i o n as the need f o r the ' p r o t e c t i o n of s o c i e t y ' , and ' a c c o u n t a b i l i t y * : crime c o n t r o l and j u s t i c e p h i l o s o p h i e s . Instead of c r e a t i n g a 'healthy b a l a n c e ' between the p r i n c i p l e s , s o c i a l reasons judges g i v e i n the YOA are j u s t a matter of emphasis. "Even though the JDA was a s o - c a l l e d " w e l f a r e " concept, the q u e s t i o n o f custody i n t h i s p r o v i n c e became a v e r y s e r i o u s problem. Because t o use the i d e a of the i n d u s t r i a l home or j a i l , Brannon Lake became a d i s g r a c e f u l t h i n g . K i d s were b e i n g sent t h e r e and were coming out f a r worse than b e f o r e they went t h e r e . K i d s were being sent t h e r e who should never have been sent t h e r e . So, the government r e a c t e d very s t r e n u o u s l y and wouldn't a l l o w judges t o send anybody t o j a i l . So you went t o the o t h e r extreme. hs. They c l o s e d the i n s t i t u t i o n s . 133 judge. Then the o t h e r s i t u a t i o n developed where you had t o t r y and d e a l w i t h c h i l d r e n i n o t h e r ways oth e r than j a i l . T h i s was the b e g i n n i n g of the i d e a of community works s e r v i c e and t h a t s o r t of t h i n g t h a t developed - because of n e c e s s i t y . They had t o d e v i s e some k i n d of punishment t o i n s t i l l the i d ea of a c c o u n t a b i l i t y . So along comes the YOA. I t t r i e d t o s t e e r a middle course between these two extremes. F i r s t o f a l l i t s t a r t e d o f f w i t h the need t o p r o t e c t s o c i e t y , and t h a t the young people had t o be accountable, although i n a d i f f e r e n t way than a d u l t s . But s t i l l keeping i n mind t h a t they are s t i l l c h i l d r e n and t h a t t h e r e should be r e h a b i l i t a t i o n a v a i l a b l e , and t h e r e should be r e s o u r c e s a v a i l a b l e t o a s s i s t t h e s e c h i l d r e n . For whatever may be the problem they are f a c i n g . 1 1 What i s t h i s middle ground t h a t the YOA was r e q u i r e d t o s t e e r ? There appeared t o be c o n s i d e r a b l e v a r i a t i o n i n the YOA d i s p o s i t i o n s . A l l of the judges use containment i n o r d e r t o i n c a p a c i t a t e young o f f e n d e r s , as a s e n t e n c i n g p r i n c i p l e : " f i r s t , f o r the p r o t e c t i o n of s o c i e t y and the r e h a b i l i t a t i o n o f c h i l d r e n , which i s an i s s u e i n p r o t e c t i o n " . The second p r i n c i p l e of sentence i s g e n e r a l d e t e r r e n c e . They see t h i s as "the need t o impress other k i d s i n t h a t peer group". A c c o r d i n g t o most of the judges, "I would put r e h a b i l i t a t i o n as the f i r s t p r i n c i p l e when circumstances were a p p r o p r i a t e " . There are two reasons f o r custody, as s e v e r a l judges s t a t e : One, when the k i d can't e x i s t w i t h i n the community because a l l o t h e r o p t i o n s are c l o s e d by h i s own conduct, and the o f f e n c e i s so repugnant. The second reason i s f o r punishment. N e i t h e r o p t i o n i s a treatment o p t i o n . Custody s e t t i n g s i n B.C. are not superb, so c h i l d r e n are o n l y sent t h e r e i f t h e r e i s good reason. Secure custody i s e s s e n t i a l l y f o r s e c u r i t y r i s k s , w h i l e open custody i s an a l t e r n a t i v e t o confinement. 134 The s o c i a l reason g i v e n f o r custody i s t h a t youth w i l l l e a r n t h e r e are consequences f o r a c t s , and by f e a r i n g custody, w i l l stop committing f u r t h e r o f f e n c e s . The next b e s t t a c t i c i s t o i n c u l c a t e s k i l l s i n a c o n t a i n e d environment. "You get more r e h a b i l i t a t i o n the more open the s e t t i n g s " . Containment comes i n two forms: open and c l o s e d ; open custody has minimal s e c u r i t y , as compared wi t h maximal, c l o s e d custody s e t t i n g s . The c l o s e d custody s e t t i n g i s conceived, by the most c o n s e r v a t i v e judge, as a 'short, sharp shock" e f f e c t , or as an i n c a p a c i t a t i n g ' h o l d i n g f a c i l i t y * . "Custody i s punishment, t h a t i s what i t i s a s s i g n e d f o r " , and "we, b a s i c a l l y f o r humanitarian reasons, add t o t h i s a spect of custody, s c h o o l i n g and c o u n s e l l i n g , employment t r a i n i n g . " 'Open custody' i s placement i n an i n s t i t u t i o n t h a t i s d e v i s e d t o keep the c h i l d s ecure, but t o g i v e him the f e e l i n g t h a t he i s l i v i n g i n a community, and t h a t he can change h i s l i f e s t y l e , but "I have always been a l i t t l e p e s s i m i s t i c t h a t you can motivate a c h i l d i n a j a i l . The primary t h i n g i n t h e i r l i f e i s t o get out." As f o r open custody, i t ' s "worth s t u d y i n g as a worthwhile o p t i o n . " 4.4.2. Care as an Element i n Custody The disadvantages of custody, a c c o r d i n g t o the judges, come not from peer problems or s o c i a l i z a t i o n problems, but: "from a l a c k of good continuous s t a f f and from a s h o r t supply of p r o b a t i o n o f f i c e r s . Poor r e s o u r c e s r e s u l t i n too much time i n custody, e s p e c i a l l y i n open custody, because of the l a c k of p r o b a t i o n o f f i c e r s . He should be p l a c e d f o r some months i n c l o s e d , not open custody, but enough time i n c l o s e d custody t o s e t up a program, then t r a n s f e r r e d t o open custody and on t o p r o b a t i o n . " 135 Knowing the d e t a i l s o f care r e c e i v e d i s p r o b l e m a t i c , so they do as "best as I can". B a s i c a l l y , use of a r e s o u r c e i s made on the recommendation of the p r o b a t i o n o f f i c e r . There i s a mixture of t r u s t f o r some of the judges i n the use of p r o b a t i o n o f f i c e r s as youth e x p e r t s , but a sense o f d i s t r u s t i n some of the o t h e r judges because o f the ' s o f t approach' used. The r e a l i t y o f the ' s o f t ' p r o b a t i o n o f f i c e r may prove t o be a myth as o f t e n as not. A c c o r d i n g t o the judges, custody i s not n e c e s s a r i l y "good f o r anyone", but "sometimes i t i s necessary." Treatment f a c i l i t i e s f o r youth i n B.C. are much d e p l o r e d by s e v e r a l judges. " T h i s p r o v i n c e has an outrageous h i s t o r y of not p r o v i d i n g f o r the treatment of t r o u b l e d a d o l e s c e n t s . And I don't h e s i t a t e t o say t h a t . " The k i n d of treatment promoted i n custody i s drug and a l c o h o l treatment by withdrawal, and some amount of d r u g - r e l a t e d c o u n s e l l i n g . The r e h a b i l i t a t i o n component i n v o l v e s changing o f a t t i t u d e s , so t h a t punishment i s e i t h e r f e a r e d , o r c o i n c i d e s w i t h a time i n the youth's l i f e t h a t he i s "maturing" and says "soon as I get out of here, I am not going t o do t h a t anymore". But the o n l y sure reason f o r s e n t e n c i n g t o custody, open or c l o s e d , i s t o p r o t e c t s o c i e t y . I f a c h i l d has a p a t t e r n o f running away, he needs a secure community and f o r the ' p r o t e c t i o n of s o c i e t y ' should be i n custody. With many judges, t h e r e i s a s t r o n g emphasis on the hope t h a t the c h i l d w i l l mature, which means becoming more r a t i o n a l i n c a l c u l a t i n g the c o s t s o f h i s delinquency. 136 4.4.3. Deterrence and R e c i d i v i s m . In B.C. c o u r t s , g e n e r a l d e t e r r e n c e i s a c c e p t a b l e . The s p e c i f i c d e t e r r e n c e p r i n c i p l e of 'crime c o n t r o l ' i s primary. General d e t e r r e n c e i s s u b s i d i a r y . "The message i s out t o k i d s i n the community". Sentencing depends not on needs, but on "what o f f e n c e the young person has committed. . . t o h e l p the young o f f e n d e r from committing repeat o f f e n c e s " . " C e r t a i n l y i n a d u l t c o u r t , a n t i - s o c i a l conduct i s becoming out of p r o p o r t i o n i n the community. We have t o d e a l w i t h t h i s j u d i c i a l l y . In youth c o u r t we have t o t r e a t youth i n d i v i d u a l l y as w e l l . But, i t would f l y i n the f a c e of the Court of Appeal, i f I promoted g e n e r a l d e t e r r e n c e . Even i n those cases, i n d i v i d u a l c o n s i d e r a t i o n s would be the b a s i s of s e n t e n c i n g " . A l l o f the judges use g e n e r a l d e t e r r e n c e f o r r e c i d i v i s t s , who are mainly young persons w i t h s p e c i a l needs, c h i l d r e n who have been c a n d i d a t e s f o r treatment i n t e r v e n t i o n under the JDA. You see a k i d come by and i t s h i s second time around and he has a l s o got a h i s t o r y of b e i n g d i v e r t e d . He i s a l s o r e a l l y out of c o n t r o l . I t s a good i d e a t o warn him a t the o u t s e t . So you understand t h e r e i s a c e r t a i n sequence i n the law, and we go through i t s l o w l y . We w i l l see what we can do with p r o b a t i o n , w i t h curfews, w i t h community works s e r v i c e , with t h i s , t h a t , and the o t h e r t h i n g . For i n s t a n c e , I say: 'But you understand t h a t a t the end, i f you are j u s t screwing up and coming back here a l l the time, the o n l y t h i n g l e f t w i l l be t o send you t o j a i l . But you have t o understand t h a t t h a t ' s a t the end of the l i n e , so why don't you s t a r t t h i n k i n g about t h a t r i g h t now 1. I do t h a t f a i r l y o f t e n . For a g r e a t many of them i t doesn't matter. They are going t o run the s t r i n g t o the end because they have t o . I t ' s j u s t p a r t of what they a r e . They have t o see i t through b e f o r e they grow up. But f o r some of them, I suppose, i t works. For such a youth, the judge might not be o v e r l y concerned with d e t e r r e n c e , knowing t h e r e i s n o t h i n g t h a t he can do t o him, "more than he i s a l r e a d y p u n i s h i n g h i m s e l f . But I, of course, might have t o be concerned w i t h d e t e r r i n g o t h e r s . " 137 For r e c i d i v i s t s , the c h i l d r e n who were not amenable t o treatment under the JDA, "the need f o r treatment, guidance and punishment i s g r e a t e r than i n the f i r s t i n s t a n c e . " One judge s t a t e s "you t r y t o get through t o them, t h a t i f they keep committing t h i s o f f e n s e , they are going t o get l o n g e r and l o n g e r p r i s o n terms... up t o the maximum sentence." Only one of the judges f e l t t h a t "general d e t e r r e n c e i s not your prime r e s p o n s i b i l i t y " , n e v e r t h e l e s s "you j u s t keep s t r u g g l i n g and hoping t h a t something happens, something c l i c k s . . . y o u j u s t wonder i f what you are doing i s v e r y u s e f u l . But what you see i s so seldom the case." From statements some of the judges made, i t appears t h a t when the ' s p e c i a l needs' or ' s p e c i f i c d e t e r r e n c e ' concerns o f youth are c o n s i d e r e d , then sentences are both extreme and long-term. An example one judge gave was of a youth who had g r e a t t r o u b l e s a t home and was t r y i n g t o s u r v i v e on the s t r e e t s . "The k i d i s charged w i t h a c r i m i n a l a c t , i n order t o get him o f f the s t r e e t . " He was g i v e n a l o n g sentence i n custody, r a t h e r than an e x t r a - c u s t o d i a l sentence. General and s p e c i f i c d e t e r r e n c e are seen as i n t e r r e l a t e d : "One comes down t o the ot h e r . The r e a l i s s u e i s the s o c i a l i z a t i o n o f c h i l d r e n . When you g i v e a p a r t i c u l a r sentence, the k i d r e a c t s t o the nature and s e v e r i t y o f the d i s p o s i t i o n , so s e v e r a l i n s t a n c e s o f the same crime w i l l come up t o g e t h e r . For i n s t a n c e , i f the sentences f o r smoking pot go down, then more k i d s come up on these charges. You g i v e a l a r g e f i n e , and the k i d w i l l come back because he can't pay, b e i n g too u n s k i l l e d . I f he can't pay he w i l l go t o another 138 j u r i s d i c t i o n where he w i l l be a b l e t o get the money f o r pot. General d e t e r r e n c e i s i n v o l v e d . In s c h o o l , I remember how t h i s worked. I f one k i d i s bad, then he i s t r a n s f e r r e d out. I was impressed w i t h how q u i c k l y t h i s worked." 4.4.4. Formula o r t a r i f f . A l l t e n judges d i s p o s e of t h e i r cases under the guidance of s e c t i o n 20, the p o s s i b l e sentence d i s p o s i t i o n s . They do not read t h e s e sentences as f o r m u l a i c . I n s t e a d they t a l k about a ' t a r i f f , r a t h e r than a formula per se. The g o a l o f s e n t e n c i n g has s h i f t e d s i n c e 1984. Past o f f e n s e s under the JDA were e x p l a i n e d by the p a t h o l o g i c a l nature of the o f f e n d e r , who becomes s u b j e c t t o treatment. The o f f e n d e r now d i s c o v e r s t h a t punishment f i t s h i s / h e r crime, a c c o r d i n g t o the j u s t i c e p h i l o s o p h y . And you have problems when you have co-accused who committed th e same o f f e n s e and you l o o k a t them and you say, gee, you know, i n t h i s case r e a l l y though they have done e x a c t l y the same t h i n g , because of t h e i r d i f f e r e n t backgrounds, on an o b j e c t i v e l e v e l , when they r e a l l y deserve t o t a l l y d i f f e r e n t treatment, then you have t o be v e r y c a r e f u l t h e r e because then you v e r y much embitter the o t h e r one who gets the harsher treatment, and i n t h a t case you might have t o a d j u s t the sentence downward f o r the one who would normally get a h i g h e r punishment. J u s t so the p e r c e p t i o n i s r i g h t . Although none of the judges read the YOA as p r o v i d i n g a p e r f e c t formula f o r the sentences d e a l i n g w i t h j u v e n i l e crime, i t p r o v i d e s , i n t h e i r view, f o r a 'graduated response', a c c o r d i n g t o the nature of the o f f e n s e . "The YOA p r e s c r i b e s t h a t we not jump through hoops, but d i s p o s e a c c o r d i n g t o a sequence of d i s p o s i t i o n s . " They c l a i m they s t a r t w i t h a minimal f i n e f o r most o f f e n s e s , except those which c r e a t e ' r i s k s on the community', f o r sex o f f e n s e s , or f o r k i d s whose: 139 " m o t i v a t i o n can be i d e n t i f i e d by a p r o f i t and l o s s s c a l e of greed. These k i d s b e n e f i t by c l a s s i c determinism. With these problems t h e r e i s no d e t e r r e n c e t o proceed. But t h e r e are no such cases i n t h i s Court. I s h i f t my response a c c o r d i n g t o the f a c t s i n a case". C l a s s i c a l determinism i s t h e i r form of r e a s o n i n g f o r these cases; f o r o t h e r o f f e n c e s the 'graduated response' of law reform i s u s u a l l y a p p l i e d . T h i s form of r e a s o n i n g suggests a more m o d i f i e d c l a s s i c a l j u s t i c e p e r s p e c t i v e . One judge s t a t e s t h a t he won't ap p l y the formula i f i t doesn't work the second time around. "The next l o g i c a l s t e p i s t o get o f f the s c a l e , although t o p e r s i s t would be more e m o t i o n a l l y s a t i s f y i n g . " Treatment i s i n d i c a t e d by the "type of t h i n g s t h a t are amenable t o treatment". R e l a t i o n s of i n t e r v e n t i o n take the form of a p r o b a t i o n o r d e r most o f t e n . The a p p l i c a t i o n of the p a t h o l o g i c a l p e r s p e c t i v e i s not s p e l l e d out, nor i s i t i n d i c a t e d i n the YOA by ' s p e c i a l needs'. Again the statement i s made t h a t the YOA changes the procedures and emphasizes the C h a r t e r of R i g h t s . For most of the judges, the 16-18 years of the YOA debates i n l e g i s l a t i v e committees, t o which some of them c o n t r i b u t e d , was the p e r i o d i n which they s a t i n J u v e n i l e Court. The R i g h t s agenda was i n p l a c e b e f o r e the YOA was r a t i f i e d . "By and l a r g e t h e r e i s n ' t a whole l o t o f change i n d e a l i n g w i t h young people. I guess maybe somebody s a t down and wrote i t as a formula f o r d e a l i n g w i t h j u v e n i l e crime." Yet the sentences may v a r y w i d e l y depending on the j u r i s d i c t i o n , as i n d i c a t e d i n accounts of c o u r t r e p o r t s i n B a l a and 140 L i l i e s . (1987). A l l the judges favoured t h i s k i n d o f f l e x i b i l i t y because t h e r e a r e "too many v a r i a b l e s t h a t must be c o n s i d e r e d t h a t go i n t o the making of the d i s p o s i t i o n . " One judge, i n agreeing w i t h t h i s statement, a l s o r e c o g n i z e d " t h a t you have t o watch f o r any undue r i s k s i n the community". The r e a s o n i n g behind each suggested sentence tends t o va r y g r e a t l y . Although R i g h t s and R e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s are t o be balanced, (which i s the s t a t e d i n t e n t i o n o f the A c t i n the f i r s t p l a c e ) , the judges' responses t o the case example i n ch a p t e r 3 show t h a t they g i v e the p r i n c i p l e s d i f f e r e n t weights i n t h e i r l e g a l r e a s o n i n g . 4.5.1. C o n s t r a i n t s i n Sentencing In the f o r e g o i n g a n a l y s i s , s o c i a l r e a s o n ing, i n c l u d i n g forms and grounds of l e g a l r easoning, have been examined as c o n s t r a i n e d by e s t a b l i s h e d power r e l a t i o n s . The f o l l o w i n g s e c t i o n e l i c i t s the s p e c i f i c power r e l a t i o n s which the c o u r t s b r i n g i n t o e f f e c t , u s i n g t h e i r i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s o f the YOA. One of the cadre o f experts u t i l i z e d i s p r o b a t i o n o f f i c e r s : " D e f i n i t e l y , I have t o know [ d e t a i l about the r e s o u r c e I send k i d s ] . I f I t h i n k the young person doesn't know about i t , or anyone e l s e doesn't, I ' l l ask the p r o b a t i o n o f f i c e r s t o e x p l a i n . You know, i f they say we w i l l recommend you go t o Homely Cottage, o r the House o f Concord o r something, they say, 'O.K., buy t h a t ' . I say, 'What's the regime t h e r e now -e x p l a i n i t t o everyone.' Or i f , I don't know, they say, 'we want you t o go t o S p r i n g Lake Range, and I say, 'What i s i t ? And where i s i t ? And what goes on the r e ? *" "Some of our youth workers and p r o b a t i o n o f f i c e r s are j u s t such g r e a t people t h a t they make the system work." hs. Do you t h i n k they tend t o be too f l e x i b l e and easy on the young o f f e n d e r s ? 141 judge. I wouldn't f a u l t our p r o b a t i o n o f f i c e r s and youth o f f i c e r s a t a l l . They j u s t do a tremendously good j o b . The problem i s , I suppose, throughout s o c i e t y . There may be ne c e s s a r y r e s t r i c t i o n s on money. That's the sad p a r t . In s p i t e o f t h a t , however, such good r e s u l t s are achieved t h a t i t i s good t o be p a r t of t h i s work, and even more i n the f i e l d t h a t you were working i n , the p r o t e c t i o n of c h i l d r e n . Oh, boy. That r e a l l y h e l p s keep me going because I t h i n k t h e r e i s c l o s e t o a n i n e t y p e r c e n t success r a t e , where we f e l t t h e r e was going t o be t r o u b l e " . The d e v o t i o n of youth workers h e l p s . I am not so concerned w i t h the l a c k of s o c i a l work support because they are too l e n i e n t . There must be consequences f o r behaviour. P r o b a t i o n o f f i c e r s can g i v e support. There i s a need f o r c o n t r o l and t h a t i s b e s t done by youth workers. There i s a need f o r r e h a b i l i t a t i o n o f k i d s because of t h e i r p a r t i c u l a r problem. When they are i n custody, they can be i n s p i r e d by the youth workers on the s t a f f . Lawyers are a more important p a r t of the new regime of power under the YOA, than under the JDA, and r e p l a c e s o c i a l workers: "The lawyer and the judges can speak t o the c h i l d , and f o r the c h i l d . I t adds t o the process, because a l l t h a t can be s a i d i s s a i d , s i n c e the c h i l d won't speak f o r h i m s e l f . There are now b e t t e r p r e s e n t a t i o n s f o r youth through c o u n s e l . Dialogue w i t h the judge i s p o s s i b l e and takes p l a c e over a p e r i o d of time. The judge uses a p e r s o n a l approach on any s u b j e c t . P e r s o n a l w i t h the people i n v o l v e d : the Crown, defense. There i s a degree of f l e x i b i l i t y i n the p r o c e ss, i f encouraged., and a d i a l o g u e can occur i f the judge s e t s the tone. L i k e w i s e , the a d m i n i s t r a t i v e system, i t s o f f i c e r s , and the courtroom p a r t i c i p a n t s c o u l d r e s t r i c t judges' o p t i o n s under the YOA: "I can not do e v e r y t h i n g I might see t h a t would be e f f e c t i v e because o f time c o n s t r a i n t s ; i f I have time I w i l l t a l k with a l l the c h i l d r e n . hs. Has the emphasis on due process r i g h t s and l e g a l i s m impeded your a b i l i t y t o communicate w i t h the accused, as you d i d under the JDA? 142 judge. Yes. To the extent t h a t my time i s more c o n s t r a i n e d . I used t o see k i d s w i t h t h e i r p a rents i n chambers. hs. What e l s e has changed i n the new Act? judge. There are s t i l l some s t a t u s o f f e n s e s i n e f f e c t under the p r o v i n c i a l YOA, however, the P r o v i n c i a l YOA i s not p r o s e c u t e d now. hs. What about time c o n s t r a i n t s ? What i s the problem? judge. The c o u r t set-up i s geared t o s t a t i s t i c s . I have a schedule t o f o l l o w . For f i r s t appearances, I have t e n minutes f o r each c h i l d . The f i r s t e i g h t minutes i s taken up with p r o o f of age, then the p l e a i s entered. In the c o u r t you have t o be f a s t , and you have t o be r i g h t . For t h i s p r o c e s s , you work on your i n t u i t i o n . There i s then two minutes t o t a l k t o the youth. Sometimes, c o u r t s t a f f are not t h e r e , or the p a r e n t s f a i l t o show up, or perhaps the k i d . Time i s l o s t here. T h i r t e e n cases i n the morning i s the norm. I t r y t o s p l i t t h i n g s up, t o h u r r y through e a r l i e r work, so t h a t I can do more w i t h the t r o u b l e d k i d , the s h o p l i f t e r , who needs t o t a l k . There i s p r e s s u r e on the system, and on the judge. We have t o produce. The s t a t i s t i c s are the o b j e c t i v e i n d i c a t i o n t h a t you are doing something, but t h i s i s mechanical. A good judge w i l l d e a l w i t h 20 case i n a morning, and 2 4 i s even b e t t e r . I f the c o u r t i s down, as a r e s u l t of your a t t e n t i o n , e f f i c i e n c y and hard work, then you are suspect. A f t e r a l l you are g e t t i n g p a i d f o r t h i s down time. Yet you might j u s t have a n t i c i p a t e d j u s t such a t r o u b l e d k i d , the r i g h t moment t o d e a l w i t h the r e a l i s s u e s . More adjournments f o l l o w because duty c o u n s e l has t o be r e t a i n e d , and more adjournments aga i n t o get the p a r t i c u l a r s . hs. What about these l a r g e numbers of k i d s t h a t come through the c o u r t s ? judge. Numbers are a b i g problem. We are not p a r t of the s o c i a l i z a t i o n system as a r e s u l t of the system. The s t a t i s t i c s b u s i n e s s i s a problem. T h i s comes from the c h i e f judge's o f f i c e . Here the standards are s e t f o r these numbers. Of course, t h i s doesn't i n d i c a t e the i n t e n s i t y of the case. They don't prove the case. They simply work on e f f i c i e n c y . Each c o u r t has d i f f e r e n t s t a t i s t i c a l s et-ups. I f you do see twenty k i d s i n the morning as a good judge w i l l do, you can't r e a l l y do anything. I don't even take notes. The best s i t u a t i o n would be s i x cases i n the morning and s i x i n the a f t e r n o o n . hs. Have you seen i t done any b e t t e r ? 1 4 3 judge. W e l l , yes. I was i n Whatcom county once. The judge had the e n t i r e f a m i l y around a t a b l e , and he mediated between a l l o f them. The pro c e s s took a t l e a s t twenty minutes". Another judge s t a t e s : "Judge: What the o p t i o n s are under s e c t i o n 2 0? I don't have any c o n s t r a i n t s from people i n Court, s i t t i n g i n t h e r e g l a r i n g a t me. Mothers a g a i n s t drunk d r i v e r s o r something? They shouldn ' t be a c o n s t r a i n t . hs. In the l a r g e r sphere then. Not i n the courtroom but i n the s o c i e t y a t l a r g e , are t h e r e r e s o u r c e s a v a i l a b l e ? judge. W e l l , t h a t ' s a c o n s t r a i n t , sure. hs. The community: f e e l i n g s among the community about the 'peeping torn', perhaps? What about the e f f e c t s o f the economy? judge. F e e l i n g s i n the community shouldn't be an i n f l u e n c e . Sometimes i f , l e t s say, you have a r a s h o f break and e n t e r i n g s around here. With a d u l t s you s t a r t g i v i n g him your sentences t o t r y t o head i t o f f . With young persons, I shouldn't emphasize g e n e r a l d e t e r r e n c e , but on the o t h e r hand, i f t h e r e are a bunch of break-and-enterings going on, and the young persons i n the community become aware of t h a t and get the p e r c e p t i o n t h a t i t s easy, and 'I can get away w i t h i t , too', and t h i s s o r t o f t h i n g . Then, i n the case o f each young person: you should examine i t c a r e f u l l y t o see i f he i s caught up i n t h i s t r e n d and whether you have t o be maybe a l i t t l e h e a v i e r w i t h t h i s young person than you would have been w i t h the same k i d two years ago. I f he had been brought under a B & E and you had the impression i t was j u s t an i s o l a t e d i n c i d e n t , but now he i s caught up under peer p r e s s u r e and t h i s s o r t o f t h i n g . To t h a t extent, developments i n the community have some e f f e c t , but I don't t h i n k the hue and c r y i n the community i n g e n e r a l make your sentences lower". The Court o f Appeal i s e s p e c i a l l y important as a power r e l a t i o n , a c c o r d i n g t o t r a d i t i o n a l r u l e s r e g a r d i n g l e g a l e x p e r t i s e . Yet the l o c a l youth c o u r t s s t r e s s a gap between t h e i r judgments and the appeal p r o c e s s . " I t ' s a long way t o the Court o f Appeal from the Youth C o u r t s " . "There i s a p a r t o f i t which i s r e c i p e - l i k e and t h a t i s where you have a c o u r t o f Appeal judgement, which s p e c i f i c a l l y 1 4 4 c a t e g o r i z e s a k i n d of case t h a t w i l l b i n d you. O.K. So you have t o exclude t h a t s o r t of f a c t example [ s i c ] because the Court o f Appeal says i n robbery cases t h e r e w i l l be j a i l . The Court o f Appeal says t h a t i n i n c e s t cases t h e r e w i l l be j a i l . There i s n ' t much good i n attempting t o g i v e p r o b a t i o n and then, you know t h a t you w i l l be r e v e r s e d on appeal, t o j a i l , so t o t h a t e x t e n t your p h i l o s o p h i c a l p r o c e s s and p s y c h o l o g i c a l p r o c e s s i s much more r e s t r i c t e d , which i n youth work i s very seldom the case. Very seldom the case because t h e r e hasn't been, i n f a c t , r e a l d i r e c t i o n g i v e n i n a c t u a l examples. The Court o f Appeal i s a c t u a l l y confused about what t o do w i t h the few cases, as i s everyone e l s e t h a t i s i n t h i s a r e a. O.K. There i s no r e a l h e l p t h e r e . " There needs t o be more s u p e r v i s i o n by the Court of Appeal. More s c r u t i n y a t the appeal p r o c e s s . Defence and Crown review of the judges i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the f a c t s i t u a t i o n and o u t s i d e l i m i t s , i n o r d e r t o come t o reasonable l i m i t s . Custody as a t o o l f o r f i r s t o f f e n d e r s . More i n t e r p r e t a t i o n i s needed. I am imagining t h a t the Court of Appeal w i l l understand. I t ' s no good t o have a Court of Appeal i f the Court doesn't understand and have the r i g h t a t t i t u d e and i n f o r m a t i o n . T h i s i s j u s t judge c r a p - s h o o t i n g . I t i s l e g a l j u d g i n g as t o reasonableness which the Court of Appeal needs. Judges themselves f e e l p r o f e s s i o n a l c o n s t r a i n t s are important i n m i n i m i z i n g d i s p a r i t i e s i n s e n t e n c i n g . Y e a r l y conferences and monthly seminars a c t as mechanisms t o reduce d i s p a r i t i e s . E d u c a t i o n i s the b e s t way t o minimize d i s p a r i t i e s . Do they understand the problem and why the c h i l d i s t h e r e ? The community a t t i t u d e i s t o l o c k up the c h i l d . The community stands by the judge and condemns and punishes. Do the judges understand these dynamics, f o r example, w i t h s e x u a l a s s a u l t on women? Judges used t o be harsh towards women as provoking a s s a u l t . T h i s i s not so now. There are a l o t of i n f o r m a l meetings - a t l e a s t once every two months. The judges rank as a p r i o r i t y , t h e i r own e d u c a t i o n . Most judges f e e l t h a t r e a d i n g h e l p s t h e i r e d u c a t i o n . " "Mainly, r e a d i n g cases and lawyers w i l l t r y as much as p o s s i b l e t o read the cases as they go by and when the case i s heard i n c o u r t , the lawyers g i v e you an i d e a where the sentence should f i t i n . That's always the i n t e n t i o n - making sure the sentence f i t s i n t o the cases. 1 4 5 hs. Reading case law, the l i t e r a t u r e , c o n f e r e n c i n g , i n f o r m a l meetings w i t h your peer judges? judge. Yes, we always t a l k about our cases over c o f f e e . I j u s t had a case where the guy d i d t h i s , and t h i s i s the sentence they gave him. What do you t h i n k ? U n f o r t u n a t e l y , t h e r e i s sometimes too much s h o p - t a l k . You know, I went t o lu n c h . . . i t s j u s t the same as wit h lawyers. . . they always t a l k about t h e i r cases. I went t o lunc h w i t h t h r e e o r f o u r other judges, y e s t e r d a y and I was t h i n k i n g as we f i n i s h e d the lunch t h a t a l l we had done was t a l k about our cases. You work on them a l l morning, you t a l k about them f o r an hour a t lunch time and then you go back and do them ag a i n . But t h e r e i s an e d u c a t i o n a l component. hs. um.hmm. judge. I t does, I t h i n k , g i v e some c o n s i s t e n c y i n p h i l o s o p h y and i n what the a c t u a l sentences are t h a t r e s u l t from i t . " "We have had s e n t e n c i n g e x e r c i s e s a t some of our seminars. Being a new boy, I have been i n t e r e s t e d i n the e x e r c i s e s . I am q u i t e s u r p r i s e d t h a t i f you get one hundred judges a l l working on the same f a c t p a t t e r n f o r an hour or two you would come up w i t h n i n e t y o f them almost e v o l v i n g e x a c t l y the same sentences. You get one or two w i l d , who have t r i p l e d the sentence, but, g e n e r a l l y , t h e r e i s c e r t a i n l y no more d i s p a r i t y than t h e r e would be i n an o t h e r human endeavor, l i k e working on a mathematical problem o r something." hs. Are some mechanisms t o minimize d i s p a r i t i e s , perhaps by conferences, by i n f o r m a l meetings? judge: "We have i n f o r m a l meetings and e d u c a t i o n a l seminars. We operate w i t h the p r i n c i p l e t h a t then t h e r e i s some concern about your d e c i s i o n . Then o l d e r , more experie n c e d judges are c a l l e d by telephone. We have i n f o r m a l c o n f e r e n c i n g i n regards the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s of the A c t . We meet t w i c e a year, a t a g e n e r a l meeting. Nobody says, "you are out of l i n e " . No judge i s s u p e r v i s e d i n h i s a u t h o r i t y . " judge. yes. Computers may h e l p a l i t t l e b i t , b e l i e v e i t or not, although I don't b e l i e v e i n the damn t h i n g s myself. But, f o r example,in Surrey they now have computer t e r m i n a l s . So, i f I want t o sentence somebody, I can type i n the key words f o r a p a r t i c u l a r sentence, and p a r t i c u l a r o f f e n c e , and out w i l l pour v a r i o u s d e c i s i o n s i n a s e n t e n c i n g range, which may h e l p somewhat. In some areas i t may h e l p , but judges w i l l c o n s u l t one another as t o a p a r t i c u l a r sentence sometimes. On some t h i n g s , a second o f f e n s e , break-and-enter, i s a good example, we can t a l k about the Young Of f e n d e r s , the A d u l t Court s i t u a t i o n , where the range o f o p t i o n s i s from a day i n 146 j a i l and p r o b a t i o n , t o l i f e imprisonment. Judges i n Canada have a tremendous amount of d i s c r e t i o n , t h a t f o r example, i n j u r i s d i c t i o n s i n the US do not e x i s t . We have a l o t of d i s c r e t i o n i n terms of how we d e a l w i t h people. You hope. As I have o f t e n s a i d , i t ' s hard enough t o be c o n s i s t e n t w i t h my b r o t h e r judges. My concern, though i s a l s o t o be c o n s i s t e n t w i t h myself, which i s hard. Judges emphasize the s i g n i f i c a n c e of l e g a l h e u r i s t i c knowlege, but they a l s o acknowledge the importance of ' p e r s o n a l i t y * i n t h e i r s o c i o l o g i c a l j u r i s p r u d e n c e . hs. Do p e r s o n a l i t i e s of the judges matter? judge. (Goes t o the b o o k s h e l f ) . Here i s a quote from Judge Cardoza. "In the long run, t h e r e i s no guarantee of j u s t i c e , except the p e r s o n a l i t y of the judge. judge. I am a judge because of my l e a r n i n g s k i l l . T h i s can be enhanced by conferences, but a t the end o f the day, you want people who are sympathetic t o the f a m i l y and t o the youth. hs. I hear t h a t you have access t o computer s t a t i s t i c s about case d e c i s i o n s , numbers of d i s p o s i t i o n s by c a t e g o r y and volume. judge. Here i s an example. [Shows a p r i n t o u t w i t h a d i s p o s i t i o n readout, f o r a d u l t s . Most of them were f o r custody d i s p o s i t i o n ] . hs. What k i n d of mechanisms are needed? judge. There i s a need f o r a u n i f i e d f a m i l y c o u r t , u s i n g the F. & C.S, The Family R e l a t i o n s Act, and the YOA. T h i s has t o be removed from commercial and c r i m i n a l work. On the bench you develop an in-home e x p e r t i s e t h a t can be used t o b r i n g people t o g e t h e r . You see who t a l k s t o whom. Some judges i n t h e i r courtroom work w i l l not i n t e r f a c e w i t h o t h e r c o u r t p e r s o n n e l , e.g., the p r o b a t i o n o f f i c e r . He i s a l e g a l p u r i s t . I don't agree. The lower c o u r t cannot do the job t h i s way. F o r t u n a t e l y , t h i s judge l i k e s f a m i l y law. H i s nature, i s t o be a b s t r a c t , t a l k about cases as o b j e c t s . hs. T e l l about some of the s t y l e s . judge. There i s a wide v a r i e t y of s t y l e s , but we are s i m i l a r i n t h a t we a l l have l e g a l t r a i n i n g . We are f o r t u n a t e i n B.C. t h a t the j u d i c i a l c o u n c i l s e l e c t s the judges. They were the 147 i n v e n t i o n of Dave B a r r e t t ' s time, c o n s i s t i n g of t h r e e judges, t h r e e lawyers, and t h r e e l a y people. Even then t h e r e are some duds. I t i s important t o weed out the p o w e r - t r i p p e r s . They make f o r a poorer c o u r t , f o r poorer people w i t h poorer p r o p e r t y t o d i s p u t e over. hs. Have you seen i t done d i f f e r e n t l y ? judge. In some j u r i s d i c t i o n s , judges are s e l e c t e d j u s t because they are women. hs. I know about r a d i c a l j u r i s p r u d e n c e ; and I heard about what i s going on a t Harvard from Warren Kennedy. judge. Yes. In France they do i t d i f f e r e n t l y . Judges go t o judges' s c h o o l , then become j u s t i c e s of the peace, proceed t o county c o u r t , and i u i s d ' i n s t r u c t i o n . hs. What are the most s i g n i f i c a n t c o n s t r a i n t s t h a t you face i n your d e l i b e r a t i o n s ; o t h e r i n s t i t u t i o n s , community, the Court of Appeal? How do you respond t o those c o n s t r a i n t s w i t h r e s p e c t t o s e n t e n c i n g youths? judge. The b i g g e s t problem i s time. As t o the Court of Appeal, the judges s e t up the f a c t s f o r the r e c o r d i n such a way t h a t they are i n t e r p r e t e d by the Court of Appeal the way they want them t o be read. By r e p e a t i n g c e r t a i n f a c t s , f o r the r e c o r d , you determine whether the case i s t o go t o the Court o f Appeal or not. I t ' s a long way t o the Court of Appeal from Youth Court. More g e n e r a l c o n s t r a i n t s of government p o l i c y are n o t i c e d : judge. The most s i g n i f i c a n t c o n s t r a i n t i s the p r a c t i c a l o p t i o n s . So, t h e r e i s no l a c k of w i l l , but t h e r e i s a l a c k of a b i l i t y t o implement. T h i s i s a matter of government p o l i c y . In regards t o community c o n s t r a i n t s , t h i s i s d e c i d e d by the p o l i t i c i a n s . For example, f o r more enforcement r a t h e r than p u t t i n g money i n t o r e s o u r c e s . T h i s government i s showing r e a l moxie, i n the person of Richmond, f o r spending good money on r e s o u r c e s , and money on o p t i o n s . The government i s not t o be f a u l t e d , but community groups, e s p e c i a l l y f e d e r a l l o b b i e s and p o l i c e e n f o r c e r s , who implement s t r i n g e n t l y , t h i s has an impact on the Court, because then t h e r e i s crime c a t e g o r i z a t i o n and the r e s u l t c o u l d be c r i m i n a l i z a t i o n and no f l e x i b i l i t y . In t h i s i n s t a n c e , t h e r e i s an e f f o r t here, i n B.C. The problem i s a l l budgetary; government doesn't have i t , but economics i s o n l y a f a c t o r . I t has a l o t t o do with the p r i o r i t i e s of government - where t o put t h e i r money. F a m i l i e s don't count. T h i s government i s doing somewhat b e t t e r . " 148 Another c o n s t r a i n t , a p a r t from l e g a l r e l a t i o n s , i s the p o l i t i c a l economy working a l o n g s i d e of the l e g a l system. "hs. What about the economy? Is i t much of a f a c t o r ? judge. The economy a f f e c t s a d u l t s more than c h i l d r e n because c h i l d r e n are not i n the work f o r c e anyway. Of course, t h i s means t h a t one of the t h i n g s t h a t are c u t f i r s t a re the s o c i a l programmes. I am aware o f problems i n the economy t h a t are a f f e c t i n g the r e s o u r c e s , such as community work o f f i c e s . Through p r i v a t i z a t i o n they are not as a v a i l a b l e and w i t h i n e x p e r i e n c e d s t a f f the t u r n o v e r i s g r e a t . C h i l d r e n are a f f e c t e d by the economy i n these a c t i v i t i e s . Poor s e r v i c e i s comparable t o the p r i c e you are paying. T h i s i s the p r i c e : q u a l i t y of l i f e f o r c o s t e f f e c t i v e n e s s . I do c o n s i d e r and d e a l w i t h i t . I f the r e s o u r c e s I want are not a v a i l a b l e , I go f o r the next b e s t t h i n g " . Most o f the judges are aware they are responding t o the r e s t r a i n t p r a c t i c e s o f the government, even though more r e s o u r c e s f o r crime c o n t r o l are i n f a c t b e i n g developed: As a p r a c t i c a l document, i t goes too f a r from normal i n c e n t i v e s . The due p r o c e s s model i s overimposed. T h i s hasn't had much impact on decision-making, although the o p t i o n s are more reasonable, but t h e r e i s an over-response t o l e g a l i s m . In regards t o the o p t i o n s , (these p r o v i s i o n s ) haven't had t h a t much impact, except f o r t a k i n g s e n t e n c i n g out o f reasonable l i m i t s , as f o r example, the c r i t e r i a f o r custody. Guidance i n the YOA i s not bad. In r e g a r d t o mandatory o f f e n c e s , they are unreasonable, but the YOA doesn't do t h i s . C a t e g o r i e s are v e r y broad, and don't hamper i t . I f secure custody i s g i v e n , i t depends on the judge. Secure and open custody open up a wealth of r e s o u r c e s , and expand the s e n t e n c i n g o p t i o n s . T h e r e f o r e the numbers of c h i l d r e n p r o c e s s e d i n c r e a s e s . Open custody sentences should be reviewed as a treatment o p t i o n . There i s no treatment i n the Crime and Punishment model, and t h e r e i s the problem of net-widening, w i t h a l o t o f d i r e c t i o n s t o send the c h i l d . There i s some d i s c u s s i o n a t the f e d e r a l l e v e l about t h i s . " " I wish we had more j a i l s f o r j u v e n i l e s . There are only e i g h t y beds here, I t h i n k . The problem i s t o be c a r e f u l i n u s i n g them, because f o r everyone t h a t goes i n , another one l e a v e s from the o t h e r door. 149 "hs. What are the most s i g n i f i c a n t c o n s t r a i n t s t h a t you face i n your d e l i b e r a t i o n s ? judge. Judges i n t h i s bench are c l o s e r t o youths than judges i n the A p p e l l a t e Court, because they are more a b s t r a c t . I r e s p e c t them, but the t r o u b l e i s t h a t i t s the c o r r e c t i o n a l f a c i l i t i e s t h a t end up determining the g u i l t or innocence of the youths. I c o n s i d e r d e t e r r e n c e , background, s c h o o l i n g as r e l a t e d t o the sentence, a l l from submissions, and then I render a d e c i s i o n , which takes a l l these f a c t o r s i n t o account. Then, t h e r e comes the r e f e r r a l t o c o r r e c t i o n s . The k i d s b u t t e r up the s t a f f t o apply f o r e a r l y r e l e a s e . My sentences are watered down. The system doesn't take i n t o account the a p p r o p r i a t e n e s s of the t o t a l s e n t e n c i n g p r o c e s s . I r e g a r d community work i n the same way as a c o n s t r a i n t . The i n s t i t u t i o n s s u r r o unding the c o u r t s , although they c l a i m a r o l e , determine the sentence. I c o n s i d e r t h a t the context o u t s i d e the j u s t i c e system i s the area which i s a p p r o p r i a t e t o the case, and must be c o n s i d e r e d . T h i s judge i s aware t h a t the YOA has i n c r e a e d the numbers of c h i l d r e n p r o c e s s e d through the c o u r t s . He i s a l s o aware t h a t the YOA undermines treatment p o t e n t i a l , g i v e n the l a c k o f r e s o u r c e s . "I hope we e f f e c t some changes, but through the Courts alone, I doubt i t . In c o o p e r a t i o n , or b e t t e r y e t , i n c o n c e r t w i t h s o c i a l workers, youth workers, and the f a m i l y u n i t , i t has a chance. We e s p e c i a l l y need t o r e - e s t a b l i s h the f a m i l y u n i t , the t r u s t t h a t has been broken." " I t ' s too bad t h a t we don't have an enormously wider and r i c h e r range of r e s o u r c e s . That would go such a long way i n h e l p i n g t o r e s o l v e many of these problems, and h e l p the young k i d s . To get some of the young k i d s i n t o a work s i t u a t i o n t h a t ' s not a v a i l a b l e . You know, t o be a b l e t o s h i p out, and earn good money, you have t o work your s h i f t . Or something l i k e army t r a i n i n g would be so h e l p f u l , but we don't have o p t i o n s l i k e t h a t . And i t ' s a g a i n s t our p h i l o s o p h y i n s o c i e t y g e n e r a l l y , you don't push k i d s i n t o work s i t u a t i o n s they don't want. I t seems t o me i t would be so h e l p f u l . " "But r e s o u r c e s are one of our g r e a t b i g headaches. For the 16 and o n e - h a l f y e a r s I have been here, i t ' s been I suppose the b i g g e s t problem." "Well, containment i s an a l t e r n a t i v e u t i l i z e d on o c c a s i o n s f o r a v a r i e t y o f d i f f e r e n t reasons. Often, where a youth has committed a s e r i o u s o f f e n s e , and a p e r i o d of i n c a r c e r a t i o n i s wanted, he has exhausted a l l o t h e r p l a c e s t o l i v e . For example, he has been i n a f o s t e r home and can't go back t h e r e 150 f o r whatever reason. Group homes are not open t o him. V a r i o u s programs may not be open t o him, f o r reasons of him b u r n i n g h i s b r i d g e s . Often the young person w i l l burn h i s b r i d g e s on those t h i n g s , and t h e r e i s r e a l l y no o t h e r p l a c e t o put these young people, except i n a containment s e t t i n g . I am not s a y i n g we send people t o containment because t h e r e i s no where e l s e t o put them, but the p r a c t i c a l i t y i s t h a t ' s sometimes the case. There i s not an overabundance of r e s o u r c e s i n t h i s p r o v i n c e . " In summary, youths are no l o n g e r a v i c t i m p o p u l a t i o n i n need o f a s a f e t y net. Young o f f e n d e r s are now s u b j e c t e d t o s p e c i a l o f f e n d e r o r i e n t e d c o r r e c t i o n a l t a c t i c s , which d e f i n e behaviour as i n d i v i d u a l , p r o b l e m a t i c , and a t o m i s t i c . In the YOA a p p l i c a t i o n , s o c i a l r a t h e r than p e r s o n a l reasons are s t r e s s e d as f i t t i n g judges' d e f i n i t i o n s of crime, o f f e n d e r , and of the v i c t i m , r e s u l t i n g i n new power r e l a t i o n s : "hs. Who i s a v i c t i m , as you c o n s t r u e the YOA? Is i t the t r a d i t i o n a l v i c t i m , the community e f f e c t e d , the youth as the o r i g i n a l v i c t i m ? judge. I t i s not the community a t l a r g e . The YOA i s not intended t o be seen t h i s way, as a way of opening up the courtroom t o a l l contenders. For example, i f we brought i n the c a r i n s u r a n c e people, the p a r e n t s of the v i c t i m of sexual a s s a u l t , the v i c t i m s s i s t e r s and b r o t h e r s . From a p r a c t i c a l a spect, the l a r g e r community would become too nebulous. I f anyone i n the l a r g e r community has something t o c o n t e s t , then t h i s can be done through the Crown o f f i c e , o r through p r o b a t i o n or s o c i a l workers. T h e i r r e p o r t s can be u s e f u l . "hs. Your f i r s t concern i s the r e t u r n t o normal of the v i c t i m ? judge. Oh, yes, and i n s o c i e t y g e n e r a l l y , i t ' s a growing concern, the concern f o r the v i c t i m . Working i n the Court system, I share t h a t concern." another judge. "The YOA i s a b l e n d of p r i n c i p l e s . I am concerned w i t h the p r a c t i c a l i s s u e s of the c h i l d , not the p r i n c i p l e s . S p e c i a l cases i n i t i a t e s s p e c i a l p r a c t i t i o n e r s : the p r o b a t i o n s e r v i c e , lawyers, the a p p e l l a t e c o u r t . The i s s u e i s t h a t the c h i l d s h ould not be i n custody, except when 151 he i s a r i s k t o s o c i e t y . I must look a t the consequences, not the p r i n c i p l e s . I s the c h i l d a r i s k , and would p u t t i n g him i n j a i l be harmful? The p r o b a t i o n worker must be i n v o l v e d because the p a r e n t s are not a b l e t o do t h e i r j o b . There are s o c i a l i s s u e s t h a t I can not even v e r b a l i z e , such as the h i s t o r y o f t h a t f a m i l y . That i s the b i g g e s t problem, the s o c i a l h i s t o r y of the f a m i l y . " "As t o who i s a v i c t i m , i t i s the s u f f e r e r . " "What i n the world i s everybody a f r a i d of - t h a t some k i d has a l e g a l counsel? The r e a l problem we have w i t h the o l d Act was the c o n f l i c t between pa r e n t s and k i d s . Mother would stand on one s i d e . F a ther would stand on the o t h e r . And the k i d would stand i n the middle, l i k e t h i s . And you would be d e a l i n g w i t h the k i d . I t i s the p a r e n t s concern, but i t ' s none o f t h e i r b u s i n e s s . Now what do you want t o do? And the f a t h e r would say, "He wants t o p l e a d g u i l t y . " And I'd say, "No, I am a s k i n g him." Now, the k i d can go out and get independent l e g a l a d v i c e on what h i s p o s i t i o n i s , and he can do so without depending on h i s p a r e n t s t o a f f o r d i t . Almost always, i t w i l l be the same t h i n g t h a t h i s p a r e n t s t e l l him i s the r i g h t t h i n g t o do. But t h e r e are enough times when t h a t lawyer w i l l say, "Your par e n t s , f o r t h e i r own reasons - t o a v o i d embarrassment, t o get t h i s over w i t h as q u i c k l y as p o s s i b l e because i t s p a i n f u l f o r them, t o t e a c h you a l e s s o n , t o a s s i s t them i n t h e i r d i s c i p l i n g of you, are l e a d i n g you down the wrong path. T h i s i s what we should do". Now, t h a t ' s worth i t . That k i n d of p r o t e c t i o n f o r a c h i l d i s r e a l l y worth i t , and i t ' s c e r t a i n l y h e l p f u l t o me." By drawing the f a m i l y i n t o the l e g a l network, i t i s no l o n g e r s u b j e c t t o treatment i n t e r v e n t i o n , but d i s c i p l i n e d and punished, under the r u b r i c and i n t e n t i o n of e s t a b l i s h i n g j u s t i c e and crime c o n t r o l , and by the h e u r i s t i c v a l u e s of law. W i t h i n other s u r r o u n d i n g s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s , s c h o o l , work, and c i t i z e n s h i p , the f a m i l y i s not r e p r e s e n t e d d i r e c t l y , although l e g a l r e l a t i o n s may e n t e r o r mediate on b e h a l f o f the f a m i l y . Yet i t s l e g a l r e l a t i o n s are c o n s t r u e d w i t h i n a n o r m a l i z i n g d i s c i p l i n e . The l e g a l net-widening p r o c e s s c r e a t e s power and knowledge r e l a t i o n s through t h e i r i n d i v i d u a l i s t i c and f a m i l i a l i s t i c emphasis. The neo-c l a s s i c a l form of s o c i a l r e a s o n i n g uses i n d i v i d u a t i o n i n o r d e r to 152 reform o f f e n d e r s and p r o t e c t s o c i e t y . The s h i f t i n d i s c o u r s e r e s u l t s i n more c e n t r a l i z e d s t a t e c o n t r o l ( s o c i a l c o n t r o l ) over j u v e n i l e s , which has expanded i n t o p r e v i o u s l y i n f o r m a l areas of s o c i a l c o n t r o l . 4.6.0. Summary Le g a l r e a s o n i n g i s grounded i n s u b s t a n t i v e power and knowledge r e l a t i o n s , w i t h the p r a c t i c e s of n o r m a l i z a t i o n and i n c a r c e r a t i o n . YOA implementation d e f i n e s who i s normal and i n v o l v e s the d i r e c t assessment o f the judges i n t h i s d e f i n i t i o n . L e g i s l a t i v e a t t i t u d e s and i n d i v i d u a l i z i n g case requirements of s o c i a l r e a s o n i n g determine the dominant l e g a l r e a s o n i n g . There i s an understanding t h a t the YOA i n t e n t i o n i s t o balance p r i n c i p l e s , but judges respond t o i n c o n s i s t e n c i e s w i t h t h e i r own dominant p h i l o s o p h y . Judges accept the dominance of r a t i o n a l p r a c t i c e s i n the surrounding power/knowledge network as a c o r r e c t i v e , and as a form around which t h e i r i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s and d e c i s i o n s are c o n s t r u c t e d . There i s a s p e c i f i c and dominant l e g a l c o n s t r u c t i o n through the YOA of crime, v i c t i m and o f f e n d e r . The YOA i s a b l e n d of normative (moral or a p r i o r i ) and n o r m a l i z i n g law (due t o the i n t e r v e n t i o n and d i s c o v e r i e s of s o c i a l science) which has net-widening c a p a c i t i e s t h a t i n h i b i t community change and the growth of i n f o r m a l l e g a l p r o c e s s e s . 153 CHAPTER V:  THEORETICAL LINKAGES The c e n t r a l focus of t h i s t h e s i s i s on the problem of the s o c i a l c o n t r o l of youth i n the p e r i o d of law reform from the 1960s t o the p r e s e n t , d u r i n g which the YOA was c o n s i d e r e d , enacted, and e n f o r c e d . As a r e s u l t of the c e n t r a l i t y of law and the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s of the c o u r t s i n crime c o n t r o l , the c o l l e c t i v e p o l i t i c a l p r o c e s s , i n r e d u c i n g the dependency of youth on the s t a t e , has f a i l e d . Law reform had a l o n g i n t e r n a l d i a l o g u e i n j u r i s p r u d e n c e i n c o r p o r a t i n g " n e o - c l a s s i c a l j u r i s p r u d e n c e " , a n a l y t i c a l j u r i s p r u d e n c e and s o c i o l o g i c a l j u r i s p r u d e n c e , as forms o f s o c i a l r e a s o n i n g . These d i s c o u r s e s have merged as a consequence o f the law reform movement (Hunt, 1979) , r e s u l t i n g i n a new d i s c o u r s e (YOA) which encourages r e t r i b u t i v e j u s t i c e and punishment. The YOA a p p l i c a t i o n enhances law reform by s h i f t i n g the s t r a t e g i e s of the s t a t e from the " w e l f a r e / treatment/ m e d i c a l i z a t i o n assumptions" as p e r s o n a l reasoning, the dominant i d e o l o g y o f the JDA, t o the s o c i a l r e a s o n i n g of the YOA. S o c i a l r e a s o n i n g i s adopted by the youth c o u r t judges, which maintains a moral consensus. U s i n g s o c i a l r e a s o n i n g as the r h e t o r i c of a wider s o c i a l o r d e r induces a n o r m a l i z i n g and p u n i t i v e r e a c t i o n t o d e v i a n t s . T h i s v a r i a n t of s o c i a l r e a s o n i n g i s grounded i n c o n c r e t e p r a c t i c e s o f n o r m a l i z i n g and p u n i t i v e a c t i o n towards young persons 154 who commit d e v i a n t a c t s . The fo u n d a t i o n f o r t h i s r h e t o r i c i s l e g a l r e a s o n i n g and i t s c o n c r e t e power r e l a t i o n s . The form o f l e g a l r e a s o n i n g used i n the YOA s i t u a t e s youth w i t h i n a u n i v e r s a l i n t e r e s t o f j u s t i c e and law. The c o u r t a l s o appeals t o a p a r t i c u l a r model of the f a m i l y , which s o c i a l i z e s youth t o a r r i v e a t a s t a t e o f independency on the s t a t e . T h i s model r e s t s on the youth a c h i e v i n g ' r a t i o n a l ' m a t u r i t y and 'normal' behaviour i n o r d e r t o j u s t i f y crime c o n t r o l . Not o n l y the form but the p r a c t i c e s a s s o c i a t e d w i t h the YOA, of n o r m a l i z a t i o n and d i s c i p l i n e , c a l l f o r a r a t i o n a l i z e d system of law and c o n t r o l by means o f a s p e c i f i c range of l e g a l sentences. F o u c a u l t (1979) l i n k s the p r e s e n t network of s o c i a l c o n t r o l o p t i o n s w i t h the p o r t r a y a l o f the youths' body as ' d o c i l e ' , and the mind as the s u b j e c t o f r a t i o n a l i z i n g r e l a t i o n s . The JDA and the YOA presen t two r a t i o n a l systems f o r c o n t r o l : the JDA i s based on p e r s o n a l r e a s o n i n g , the YOA on s o c i a l r e a s o n i n g . My major t h e s i s q u e s t i o n i s how does the p r a c t i c a l / s o c i a l r e a s o n i n g o f judges operate w i t h i n the i n s t r u m e n t a l r a t i o n a l i t i e s o f the A c t t o a f f e c t the surrounding s o c i a l network? REDUCTIONS: In the t h e s i s , I examined the YOA as an i n f o r m a t i o n s t r a t e g y r e l a t e d t o c a p i t a l by r e d u c t i o n t o : 155 5.1.1. C l a s s I n t e r e s t The l e g a l system i s shaped by p r o f e s s i o n a l s e l f - i n t e r e s t . There has been a monopoly on p r a c t i c e s i n s e r v i c e s r e s p e c t i n g s o c i a l c o n t r o l , t h a t are r o o t e d i n s o c i o - m e d i c a l , and i n l e g a l p r a c t i c e t h a t c o n t i n u e s t o p r o t e c t these i n t e r e s t s . (Ham and H i l l , 1984; Edelman, 1981; Navarro (1978). The c l a i m i s t h a t o n l y e x p e r t s who have knowledge can a f f e c t the p r i v a t e l i v e s of youths and are s a n c t i o n e d t o do so. The YOA i s advanced as a new m i d d l e - c l a s s s e r v i c e i n t e r e s t . In t h i s t h e s i s , the i s s u e of law and s o c i a l c o n t r o l o f youth i s d i s c u s s e d i n r e l a t i o n t o the problem of r a t i o n a l i t y adhered t o by l e g a l e x p e r t s and t h e i r p r a c t i c e s w i t h i n a d m i n i s t r a t i v e systems, such as the c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system. ' R a t i o n a l i z a t i o n o f s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s ' ( S p i t z e r , 1989:187), i s r e i n f o r c e d by e x p e r t s . S i n c e w e l f a r e and j u s t i c e r e f l e c t two c u l t u r a l ' t r a c e s ' ( F o u c a u l t , 1972), they c r e a t e an arena of i n s t a b i l i t y o r d i s c r e t i o n which can be f i l l e d by e x p e r t s , w i t h t h e i r m i d d l e - c l a s s knowledge r e l a t i o n s . For the e x p e r t s , the i n d i v i d u a l i z a t i o n of the sentence means f i l e s , i n f o r m a t i o n , and i n t e r v i e w s , which can be t r a n s l a t e d and enhanced b e s t by ambiguous m i d d l e - c l a s s p r o f e s s i o n a l knowledge. The l e g a l r e l a t i o n s h i p between youth o f f e n d e r s and the working c l a s s , i s d e p i c t e d through the h i s t o r i c a l r e p r e s e n t a t i o n s of the working c l a s s (E. P. Thompson, 1975). Both an i n s t r u m e n t a l (Pashukanis) and an h i s t o r i c a l (Thompson) r e a d i n g of the law and 156 c a p i t a l i s t r e l a t i o n s show working c l a s s i n t e r e s t s as i n c r e a s i n g l y r e p r e s e n t e d through the law. By f o c u s s i n g on i n s t i t u t i o n a l r e l a t i o n s and i s s u e s o f a u t h o r i t y , r a d i c a l c r i m i n o l o g i s t s e x p l a i n w o r k i n g - c l a s s g a i n s as coming a t the expense o f , and through the c o e r c i o n and f u r t h e r m a r g i n a l i z a t i o n o f the l u m p e n p r o l e t a r i a t ( T a y l o r , 197 3). A r e a d i n g o f i d e o l o g y extends beyond M a r x i s t c l a s s r e l a t i o n s and mode of p r o d u c t i o n a n a l y s i s , t o i n c l u d e s t r a t e g i e s f o r response t o the problem of 'overproduction' and 'surplus l a b o u r ' ( C h a m b l i s s , 1974). C r i m i n a l i z a t i o n o f youth became the foreground o f the YOA, as youth was now c o n s i d e r e d a 'dangerous c l a s s ' . R a d i c a l c r i m i n o l o g i s t s , T a y l o r e t a l (1973) contend, t h a t whenever groups, such as youth, are mar g i n a l , they tend t o be c r i m i n a l i z e d . The focus of law s h i f t s from c o e r c i o n o f the working c l a s s t o the means f o r the c r e a t i o n o f another d o c i l e p o p u l a t i o n by r e c y c l i n g 19th century v a l u e s o f d i s c i p l i n e , v a l u a t i o n , and humanitarianism. We have again a r r i v e d a t a c c o u n t a b i l i t y , both f o r l e g a l s u b j e c t s and t h e i r t e c h n i c i a n s , who have become t h e i r moral t h e r a p i s t s . 5.1.2. S t a t e I n t e r e s t Has the s u b o r d i n a t i o n o f l e g a l p r a c t i t i o n e r s by the s t a t e s e r v e d t o p r o t e c t the i n t e r e s t s o f legal-economic a d m i n i s t r a t i o n ? In t h i s t h e s i s , I argue t h a t the s e l f - i n t e r e s t o f legal-economic a d m i n i s t r a t i o n i s produced, secured, and expanded w i t h i n the YOA. 157 U s i n g Gramscian n o t i o n s r e g a r d i n g the hegemonic c r i s i s o f the s t a t e , some t h e o r i s t s d i s c u s s i n c r e a s i n g s t a t e r e p r e s s i o n through c r i s i s j u s t i c e (Havemann,1990). Does the YOA exemplify such a tendency? The l e g a l system can be drawn on t o a r b i t r a t e i n the area o f c o n t r a d i c t i o n d u r i n g a s t a t e c r i s i s . A c r i s i s i s a p e r i o d "when a s i g n i f i c a n t r u p t u r e i n the fundamental p r o c e s s e s or i n s t i t u t i o n s which b i n d the s o c i e t y t o g e t h e r are broken" ( H a l l , 19). The c r i s i s immanent t o the formation of the YOA was f i s c a l , i n t h a t the government s h i f t e d from a c o l l e c t i v e Keynesian w e l f a r e economics t o p r i v a t i z a t i o n ; the c r i s i s was a l s o p o l i t i c a l i n t h a t the government was responding t o an u n s t a b l e a l l i a n c e of neo-c o n s e r v a t i v e s and n e o - l i b e r a l s . The c a p a c i t y of the s t a t e as t r a n s f o r m a t i v e , u s i n g the above t h e o r i z i n g , i s based on the problem of s o c i a l o r d e r . But what i s the moveable bond t h a t h o l d s the s o c i a l o r d e r t o g e t h e r ? The sphere i s denoted here as the s i t e of i d e o l o g y , and of d i s c o u r s e . S h i f t i n g m o d a l i t i e s are necessary i n the s t r u g g l e f o r l e a d e r s h i p and hegemony. The l e g i s l a t u r e , i n e n a c t i n g the YOA adopted a b l e n d i n g of i d e o l o g i e s : of j u s t i c e , f o r the n e o - l i b e r a l s ; of moral consensus and o f the importance of the f a m i l y , f o r the neo-c o n s e r v a t i v e s . The presence of d i f f e r e n t s o c i a l c o n t r a d i c t i o n s w i t h d i f f e r e n t o r i g i n s suggests the need t o examine t h e i r geneology t o a p p r e c i a t e the l e v e l a f f e c t i n g micro-power r e l a t i o n s . Using s o c i a l r e a s o n i n g , the s t a t e adopts as r h e t o r i c the p r o t e c t i o n of, and j u s t i c e w i t h i n , a wider s o c i a l o r d e r . The a d m i n i s t r a t i v e 158 hegemony accounts f o r a s l i p p a g e from the c o n s e r v a t i v e consensus s i n c e the war t o u n s t a b l e a l l i a n c e s t h a t are maintained by a new moral consensus found i n the d i s c i p l i n e and punishment p o t e n t i a l s w i t h i n the YOA. H a r r i s and Webb (1987) , p r o v i d e both a c r i t i q u e of i d e o l o g y , and an e x p l i c a t i o n of the d i s c o u r s e s of micro-power. Is t h e r e a s t a t e i n t e n t i o n t o l e g a l i z e the p o l i t i c a l p r o c e s s by e n a c t i n g the YOA, knowing t h a t the c o u r t s would uphold crime c o n t r o l ? T h i s d i s c u s s i o n r e q u i r e s a f u r t h e r r e d u c t i o n t o the s p e c i f i c 'power r e l a t i o n s ' of the law and the c o u r t s . Unemployed youth have been m a r g i n a l i z e d by the f i s c a l c r i s i s . The concept of crime c o n t r o l used here i n s c r i b e s a c l a s s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c t o the YOA. I t f u r t h e r suggests the end of c o l l e c t i v e s t a t e a c t i o n which had promoted s o c i a l w e l f a r e i n t e r a c t i o n i s m t o appease and c o n t a i n the working c l a s s . The r e s u l t i s now a l o s s o f c o l l e c t i v i t y as the s t r u c t u r a l l o c a t i o n of c a p i t a l r e q u i r e s the p r o t e c t i o n and enhancement of s t a t e power f o r i t s own purposes. The dominant i d e o l o g y of the c o n s e r v a t i v e r i g h t and of the i n s t a b i l i t y of the new a l l i a n c e s , the s t r u c t u r e of p r i v a t i z a t i o n o f p r o f i t s , of i n s t i t u t i o n s t o support a new group of o f f e n d e r s , and the r e l o c a t i o n of the s o c i a l i z a t i o n of c o s t s t o p a r t i c u l a r groups under the a e g i s of " a c c o u n t a b i l i t y " , i s endemic t o t h i s c r i s i s . As one of the major p r i n c i p l e s of j u s t i c e , ' a c c o u n t a b i l i t y ' has been brought t o the f o r e under the YOA. The c r i s i s o f c a p i t a l has brought i n t o p l a y new f o r c e s of c o n t r o l by way o f punishment t h a t have been a l o n g time d e v e l o p i n g , e s p e c i a l l y 159 i n the h i s t o r i c a l use of j a i l s as forms or models of s o c i a l p r o d u c t i o n t h a t are now seen as t o o l s f o r the r e c o n s t r u c t i o n of r e s i s t a n t youth. The lacuna i n the s o c i o l o g y l i t e r a t u r e of l e g a l reformism i s the e m p i r i c a l i n v e s t i g a t i o n of the d i s c o u r s e of judges who implement the law through t h e i r i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s of i t , and i n t h e i r d i s p o s i t i o n s around i t . The f o u n d a t i o n s of t h e i r r h e t o r i c are the power r e l a t i o n s they support. The i n c r e a s i n g r a t i o n a l i t y of the ' s o c i a l ' g i v e s r i s e t o d i s t i n c t forms of s o c i a l c o n t r o l p r a c t i c e s and s t r a t e g i e s . C a p i t a l i s t p r o d u c t i o n r e q u i r e s the i n c l u s i o n of new forms of l a b o u r and c a p i t a l i s t r e l a t i o n s . The expanding s e r v i c e market, and the e x e c u t i v e governments r e g u l a t e the • r e c a l c i t r a n t c l a s s e s • by p r o v i d i n g new scope and s p e c i f i c i t y of power t o l e g a l i s m . The o l d focus on w e l f a r e s e r v i c e s and medical d i s c o u r s e s have outworn t h e i r u s e f u l n e s s , as more scope i s d i r e c t e d t o the l e g a l p r o f e s s i o n , e s p e c i a l l y t o l e g a l a i d e s e r v i c e s , and t o p r o b a t i o n r i d i n g on the d i s c o u r s e o f c r i m i n o l o g y and the s o c i o l o g y of law. A n a l y s e s of the s t a t e and c l a s s i n t e r e s t s a l l o w f o r the gaps of s o c i a l c o n t r o l s t r a t e g i e s t h a t r e s u l t i n b r i n g i n g forward an even o l d e r and r e v i s e d form of c l a s s i c a l j u s t i c e t o the a d o l e s c e n t p o p u l a t i o n . The t h e o r e t i c a l focus of the n i n e t e e n t h century s h i f t s from attempts t o analyze l e g a l c o e r c i o n and i n t i m i d a t i o n of the working c l a s s t o secure s o c i a l order, t o a d i s c u s s i o n of a c quiescence t o c o n t r o l by means of mass democratic mechanisms such 160 as the law. Through a d m i n i s t r a t i v e t a c t i c s such as d e i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z a t i o n , and i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z a t i o n , i f necessary, the law p r o v i d e s a ' s o l u t i o n 1 . But s t r u c t u r a l i s s u e s are not r e s o l v e d by i n s t r u m e n t a l r a t i o n a l i t i e s ; they merely c o n t a i n and manage p o p u l a t i o n s f o r the c r e a t i o n of s u r p l u s v a l u e of c a p i t a l . Ideas draw upon e x i s t i n g s o c i o / p o l i t i c a l / e c o n o m i c s t r u c t u r e s , l e a v i n g behind t h e i r own formation i n the shape of p o l i c i e s . The p o l i c y arena i s seen as the s i t e where c o n t r a d i c t i o n s , s i l e n c e s , and a r t i c u l a t i o n s of i d e o l o g y w i t h i n d i s c o u r s e s are worked out. U s i n g the YOA model f o r a c r i t i q u e of i d e o l o g y , I u t i l i z e a theory of i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of i d e o l o g y (using the hermeneutics of the i n t e r v i e w schedule) mediated by an a n a l y s i s of s t r u c t u r e s . During the c r i s i s of the s e v e n t i e s , the Canadian government i n t r o d u c e d the YOA w i t h i t s dual-pronged o b j e c t i v e s : ' p r o t e c t i o n of the p u b l i c 1 , and 'the l e a s t severe i n t e r v e n t i o n ' i n t o the freedom o f the youth. The a m b i g u i t i e s i n h e r e n t i n the YOA, suggest t h a t the s p e c i f i c s t a t e i n t e n t i o n i s t o use the Court of Appeal, w i t h i t s s o c i o l o g i c a l and j u r i s p r u d e n t i a l s t r a n d s of adherence t o a shared s e t o f dominant assumptions. These assumptions are t h a t t h e law i s the n a t u r a l / r a t i o n a l p l a c e t o r e s o l v e c o n f l i c t s . The b i a s i s u l t i m a t e l y crime c o n t r o l . 5.1.3. I n t e n t i o n As Habermas (1979) c l a i m s , one of the major problems with u n d e r s t a n d i n g s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s , e x p l a n a t i o n s and emancipation i s t o go beyond work r e l a t i o n s . We must understand the p r o c e s s e s of a d m i n i s t r a t i v e c o l o n i z a t i o n through r e l a t i o n s which " d i s t o r t communication". Habermas advocates the use of a " u n i v e r s a l pragmatic" i n the p r o c e s s of a c h i e v i n g c o n s c i o u s n e s s . Forms of •growing up' might be a r t i c u l a t e d as a u n i v e r s a l pragmatic. I t i s n e c e s s a r y t o achieve agreements about the p r o c e s s of growing up, t h a t have r a t i o n a l , e v i d e n t i a l communicative a c t i o n . By i n c l u d i n g young o f f e n d e r s , however, t h e r e i s no u n i v e r s a l d i s c o u r s e because the s e young people i n the YOA r e q u i r e the a r t i c u l a t i o n s of a c o l l e c t i v e s o l i d a r i t y of a d u l t s , who speak f o r them. There i s a p a r t i c u l a r nature t o t h i s s o l i d a r i t y i n the phenomenon o f deviancy. Habermas' hermeneutic f a i l s i n a p p l i c a t i o n t o the t h e o r e t i c a l i m p l i c a t i o n s o f the YOA. Looking a t the e x t e n s i o n of the K a n t i a n p r o j e c t i n Habermas, where r a t i o n a l i t y i s a t t a i n e d by a s o c i o l o g y of knowledge, the p r i n c i p l e s o f j u s t i c e become a knowledge-constituted i n t e r e s t , r e s u l t i n g i n the f o r m a t i o n of groups and i n d i v i d u a l s u b j e c t i v i t y . At i s s u e , i s the technology f o r the c r e a t i o n of s u b j e c t i v i t y , and p a r t i c u l a r l y , of l e g a l s u b j e c t i v i t y . E a r l y Habermasian theory f a i l s t o examine the grounds i n power f o r s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s w i t h i n the c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system. The grounds, he suggests, i s p u r p o s i v e r a t i o n a l i t y , a t the expense of d i s c u r s i v e e t h i c s . He does not examine the grounding and c o l l e c t i v e b a s i s f o r agreements 162 a l r e a d y made i n modern c i v i l s o c i e t y , which are based on common moral e x p e r i e n c e . I am u s i n g s o c i a l r e a s o n i n g as these grounds i n the YOA, i n o r d e r t o decenter the j u v e n i l e j u s t i c e system by approaching t h i s world without a r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s u b j e c t . D i s t o r t e d communication i s an a c t which i s aimed a t acceptance w i t h i n l i f e - w o r l d s . I n t e n t i o n a l i t y i s compounded by the 'pragmatic acceptance o f i n t e r a c t i o n * (Baxter,1987). P r a c t i c a l r e a s o n i n g as a system f o r the c o n s t r u c t i o n o f moral/pragmatic g o a l s becomes d i s t o r t i o n when i t i s i t s e l f r e l a t e d t o p o l i t i c a l / s o c i a l reasons f o r t he acceptance o f these g o a l s . Power r e l a t i o n s are c o n s t r u c t e d i n s t r u m e n t a l l y (purposive r a t i o n a l i t y ) . Goals are not put i n p l a c e as a communicative t a s k . Habermas's l a t e r work focuses on a means to a c h i e v e a d i s c u r s i v e e t h i c s (Habermas,1981). 5.1.4. Metaphor of P r o p e r t y A c c o r d i n g t o F i n e (1984), p r o t e c t i o n o f 'property' d e f i n e s both the form and the content of j u r i s p r u d e n c e . C h r i s t i e (1977) argues t h a t c o n f l i c t s can a l s o be d e f i n e d as p r o p e r t y . Can c o n f l i c t s and d i s p u t e r e s o l u t i o n become a democratic r i g h t , and a r a d i c a l a l t e r n a t i v e w i t h i n due pr o c e s s c o n s i d e r a t i o n s , s i n c e 'property' has a l r e a d y found a p l a c e i n bourgeois law? The f i n d i n g s i n t h i s t h e s i s suggest t h a t ' r i g h t s * f o r youth, thus f a r , are r e s t r i c t e d t o crime c o n t r o l , i n r e s p e c t t o p r o p e r t y and s a n c t i t y , not q u a l i t y o f l i f e . 163 These r e d u c t i o n s are continuous w i t h s o c i a l c o n t r o l p r a c t i c e s and t h e i r s o c i a l / s t a t e c ontext. However, these p r a c t i c e s f o r F o u c a u l t i n d i c a t e a system of power i n i t s e l f . The s t a t e expands s o c i a l c o n t r o l o f youth by c o n s t r u i n g i n s t r u m e n t a l i t y i n t o the d i s c o u r s e s o f s o v e r e i g n t y . Through d e c o n s t r u c t i o n of the ' s t a t e ' , and by examining the i n t e n t i o n s of the judges u s i n g the YOA towards law, crime, s t a t e , and youth c o n t r o l , my t h e o r e t i c a l assumption i s t h a t the s t a t e s t e p s i n t o a c r i s i s w i t h i t s t e c h n i c a l instruments o f the s u b j e c t . These dominant p a t t e r n s are s t r u c t u r e d around age and c l a s s , denying youth o f f e n d e r s a f u l l e x e r c i s e of democratic p a r t i c i p a t i o n . The r e l a t i o n s of c l a s s and s t a t e i n t e n t i o n s and metaphor are mere r e d u c t i o n s . I n f l a t i n g 'power* i s not another r e d u c t i o n , but e x p l a i n s the grounds f o r the masking of s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e s and t h e i r n u c l e a r forms ( i n s t i t u t i o n s ) which become mechanisms t o t h i s i n t e n t i o n . In the f o l l o w i n g s e c t i o n s , I examine l i n g u i s t i c p r a c t i c e s as t h e o r e t i c a l e x p l a n a t i o n s , and then d i s c u s s law and s o c i a l c o n t r o l as p r a c t i c e s r e l a t e d t o power or d i s c o u r s e s . 5.2.1. L i n g u i s t i c P r a c t i c e s The t h e o r e t i c a l s t a r t i n g p o i n t i n t h i s t h e s i s i s the process o f the e f f e c t of l i n g u i s t i c p r a c t i c e s i n the c o n s t r u a l of s o c i a l r e a l i t y ( W i t t g e n s t e i n ) , and of these r e l a t i o n s t o systems of power ( F o u c a u l t ) . Under the YOA, the c o n s t r u a l of " o f f e n d e r " , and of " v i c t i m " i s c o n s t r u c t e d as s o c i a l r e a l i t y by means of t h e i r use i n a f a m i l y o f language games. These language games (knowledge) w i l l 164 be t r a c e d i n an a c t i o n / a n a l y s i s as they e n t e r the " s e r v i c e " of s t a t e p o l i c i e s (power). Four r e p r e s e n t a t i o n s of s t a t e power were analyzed over a f o u r y e a r p e r i o d , s i n c e the enactment of the YOA: J u s t i c e , Crime C o n t r o l , Welare and Community Change. My aim was t o e x p l i c a t e t h e i r transcendence i n t o case law a f f e c t i n g the s o c i a l l o c a t i o n of youth o f f e n d e r s between 12 and 18 y ears of age. In these r e p r e s e n t a t i o n s of systems of power, I l o c a t e the dominant knowledge-power r e l a t i o n s h i p i n the s e r v i c e of an expanding s t a t e i n i t s most r e c e n t • n e o c o n s e r vative 1 power p o s i t i o n , and i n the s e r v i c e of l e g a l p r a c t i t i t i o n e r s 1 c l a s s i n t e r e s t s a t the expense of c o l l e c t i v e r e p r e s e n t a t i o n . A c c o r d i n g t o Gramsci, c l a s s and s t a t e i n t e r e s t s of domination p r e v a i l through the p r o c e s s e s of s u s t a i n i n g " a s y m e t r i c a l r e l a t i o n s of power" by means of i d e o l o g y (Thompson, J.B, 1984:4). T h i s r o l e of i d e o l o g y i s c o n s t i t u t e d by l i n g u i s t i c p r a c t i c e s (Habermas, 1976). 5.2.2. S o c i a l C o n t r o l The t h e o r y of s o c i a l c o n t r o l i s p a r t of a broad l i t e r a t u r e d i s c u s s i n g net-widening c o n t r o l w i t h i n the s o c i a l body ( F o u c a u l t ) , hegemonic-net-widening c o n t r o l (Donzelot), and hegemonic c o n t r o l w i t h i n s t a t e t h e o r y ( P o u l a n t z a s ) . Net-widening i n the YOA, r e f e r s t o the a c c e l e r a t i o n of numbers of youth who f a c e the law, both 165 b e f o r e and a f t e r t r i a l . Some t h e o r i s t s t a l k about the net-widening t e n d e n c i e s o f the j u s t i c e system, or the p r o b a b i l i t i e s f o r dropping through the h o l e s i n t o r e g u l a t e d p o s i t i o n s o f j u d i c i a l c a l c u l a t i o n f o r r e h a b i l i t i a t i o n o r r e s o c i a l i z a t i o n o f young o f f e n d e r s . In t h i s t h e s i s , I am d e f i n i n g the s t a t e as s o c i a l c o n t r o l , i n o r d e r t o examine the s p e c i f i c r e l a t i o n s o f the law, s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n and s o c i a l c o n t r o l . S o c i a l c o n t r o l i s l i n k e d t o economics. The s t a t e r e f e r s t o s t r a t e g i e s o f s o c i a l c o n t r o l as they are engendered under the l i m i t e d c o n d i t i o n s and s t r u c t u r a l r e a l i t i e s o f c a p i t a l . The realm o f i n q u i r y i s suggested by S p i t z e r (1979), who looks a t the a c c e l e r a t i n g h i s t o r i c a l development o f ' r a t i o n a l i z a t i o n o f s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s ' (1979:187) w i t h i n c a p i t a l i s t s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s . S p i t z e r ' s argument p r o v i d e s the grounding f o r examining the tendency f o r the growth of h i s t o r i c a l l y r e p r e s s i v e measures. His work a v o i d s the c l a s s i c a l dichotomy of s t a t e and c i v i l s o c i e t y by showing the nature of the i n t e g r a t i o n o f these domains through r a t i o n a l i t y . W i t h i n the economy, s o c i a l c o n t r o l i s ac h i e v e d by r a t i o n a l i z i n g systems i n order t o respond s t r a t e g i c a l l y t o the problems o f 'surp l u s l a b o u r ' and o v e r p r o d u c t i o n . S p i t z e r d i s c u s s e s the c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system and i t s forms of crime c o n t r o l as p a r t of the a c c e l e r a t i n g a d m i n s t r a t i v e t a c t i c s t o d i s c i p l i n e , t o r e h a b i l i t a t e and t o achieve the consent of the l a b o u r i n g p o p u l a t i o n . Other t h e o r i s t s d i s c u s s the s t r a t e g i e s o f crime c o n t r o l t o no r m a l i z e deviance through d e c a r c e r a t i o n , and t o prevent i t through c a r c e r a t i v e s e g r e g a t i o n ( S c u l l , 1979). 166 Rather than exposing i t s own i n t e r e s t , o r i n or d e r t o mask i t s e l f as empty o f i n t e r e s t ( v a l u e - f r e e ) , s t a t e - s o c i a l c o n t r o l e nacts s p e c i f i c , t e c h n i c a l s t r a t e g i e s and measures as s o l u t i o n s t o p e r c e i v e d d e l i n q u e n t i n d i v i d u a l s , t o m a i n t a i n c e r t a i n economic-s o c i a l i n t e r e s t s . W i t h i n the s h i f t i n g i d e o l o g i c a l cement, t h e r e are many s t r a t e g i e s f o r c o e r c i v e , r a t i o n a l i d e o l o g i e s and t h e i r s p e c i f i c power r e l a t i o n s . Crime c o n t r o l i s c l o s e l y l i n k e d t o s t a t e development and c l a s s r e l a t i o n s , but i t r e q u i r e s d e s c r i p t i v e and s p e c i f i c a n a l y s e s . The YOA i s one example of the c a p a c i t y o f s t a t e - s o c i a l c o n t r o l t o pursue u n d e r l y i n g r a t i o n a l power r e l a t i o n s behind economic determinants. The YOA i s a s p e c i f i c enactment of crime c o n t r o l t h a t can be t r a c e d f o r the r a t i o n a l i z a t i o n o f i t s p r o c e s s i n the Cour t s . S o c i a l r e a s o n i n g i n the YOA i s the means used by the s t a t e - s o c i a l c o n t r o l t o expand i t s power r e l a t i o n s , and t o a l t e r , but not tra n s f o r m , the dependency of youth. P o l i t i c a l a l l i a n c e s , popular, and new hegemonic a l l i a n c e s were i n t e g r a t e d i n the s p e c i f i c enactment of the YOA. T h e o r e t i c a l l y , the f i n a n c i a l cutbacks on w e l f a r e make treatment p o l i c y and programs outmoded. The a p p l i c a t i o n o f the YOA f e l l t o the Youth C o u r t s . W i t h i n the YOA and i t s l e g a l i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s r e s t the competing d i s c o u r s e s o f crime c o n t r o l , j u s t i c e , and w e l f a r e . As we have seen, w i t h i n the d i s c o u r s e o f crime c o n t r o l , the c o u r t s d i c h otomize w e l f a r e and j u s t i c e w h i l e p r i o r i z i n g j u s t i c e . The 167 c o u r t s now support a n e o - c l a s s i c a l / s o c i o l o g i c a l j u r i s p r u d e n c e to e f f e c t moral consensus about the nature of youth crime. The C o u r t s ' r o l e i n crime c o n t r o l p r o v i d e s a new n o r m a l i z i n g d i s c i p l i n e and p u n i t i v e a c t i o n , which i g n o r e s s t r u c t u r a l causes and the c o l l e c t i v e r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r crime. I t i s important t o examine law as an autonomous e n t i t y . M a r x i s t s such as Sumner observe t h a t (1979:293), "a l e g a l enactment i s a h y b r i d form combining power and knowledge a c c o r d i n g t o the f i x e d and hallowed procedures f o r the c r e a t i o n o f law by the i n s t i t u t e d e xecutors of s o c i a l power. I t o r i g i n a t e s w i t h i n l e g a l i z i n g p r a c t i c e s which are p o l i t i c a l i n t h a t they are geared t o p r o d u c i n g s p e c i f i c power r e l a t i o n s . " An e m p i r i c a l i n v e s t i g a t i o n of the p o l i t i c a l r e a l i t i e s of s t a t u t e s and the j u d i c i a l reasons f o r a c c e p t i n g these i s r e q u i r e d . Legal r e a s o n i n g i n i t s e l f s e r v e s t o r e i n f o r c e s u r r o u n d i n g power r e l a t i o n s . The problem, then, i s more than one of youth r e p r e s s i o n . I t i s a study of the i n s t r u m e n t a l r a t i o n a l i t i e s masking c l a s s i n t e r e s t s . The problem goes beyond the problem of 'managing' one of c a p i t a l ' s c r i s e s , on b e h a l f of the r u l i n g c l a s s . The p o i n t i s t o address a s o c i o l o g i c a l - m o r a l - p o l i t i c a l problem: the YOA does not attempt t o r e c o n c i l e an e t h i c of democratic p a r t i c i p a t i o n , the g o a l s o f y o u t h f u l i n t e r e s t and d i s t r i b u t i v e j u s t i c e , w i t h an e t h i c o f s t a t e r e s p o n s i b i l i t y . I t s language i s couched i n terms of • a c c o u n t a b i l i t y ' , y e t the r e f e r e n c e i s not ' c o l l e c t i v e 168 ( s t r u c t u r a l ) ' r e s p o n s i b i l i t y , but ' i n d i v i d u a l a c c o u n t a b i l i t y ' . In e f f e c t the t a s k i s i d e o l o g i c a l i n responding t o a problem of y o u t h f u l deviance as a phenomenon r e q u i r i n g s o c i a l c o n t r o l . I t i s important t o account f o r the r o l e o f the c o u r t and t o e x p l a i n t h e l a c k o f , or attempts a t , counter-hegemonic a c t i o n by o f f i c i a l s w i t h i n the j u s t i c e system. The ' s o c i a l problem approach' ( r e d u c i n g the apparent crime problem t o j u v e n i l e delinquency) does not d e a l w i t h the s o c i o l o g y o f crime c o n t r o l i n i t s c o n t i n g e n t , m u l t i - l e v e l a p p l i c a t i o n and s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n ( H a r r i s and Webb, 1986) . The q u e s t i o n i s p a r t l y why the YOA appeared a t the time of economic r e p r e s s i o n and the t r e n d towards p r i v a t i z a t i o n . An account of the YOA must a l s o be c o g n i z a n t o f the s o c i o l o g y o f l e g a l r e a s o n i n g . Under the YOA, o f f i c i a l s are t o respond t o the h i s t o r i c a l concerns of c h i l d c are, or ' s p e c i a l needs' and t h e s e p a r a t i o n of a d u l t s and youth which u t i l i z e d a threatment p h i l o s o p h y under the JDA. T h i s c e n t r a l i s s u e of care i s blended w i t h the j u s t i c e and crime c o n t r o l p h i l o s o p h y of punishment and p r o t e c t i o n o f s o c i e t y . These c o n t r a d i c t i o n s were meant t o be r e s o l v e d i n the YOA by d e s t i g m a t i z i n g c e r t a i n youths, and a p p l y i n g l e g i s l a t i o n t o a l l youth. However, delinquency l e g i s l a t i o n c o n t i n u e d t o be a p p l i e d t o e c o n o m i c a l l y m a r g i n a l i z e d groups, such as those who were fo r m e r l y caught w i t h i n the s o c i a l w e l f a r e system. These youths are now tu r n e d over t o the c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system. In the c o n t r a s t i n g 169 d i s c o u r s e s o f the YOA, c r i m i n o l o g y and w e l f a r e , as the ends or p r i n c i p l e s o f j u s t i c e , are d i f f e r e n t l y met. In the YOA, ' p r o t e c t i o n of s o c i e t y ' , ' l e a s t i n t e r f e r e n c e ' , and ' r e h a b i l i t a t i o n ' , as g o a l s of crime c o n t r o l and j u s t i c e are not p r i o r i z e d . S t a t e i n t e r e s t s are presumably d e - p o l i t i c i z e d . In e f f e c t , the stage i s s e t f o r the a c c e l e r a t i o n of i n s t r u m e n t a l r e l a t i o n s o f l e g a l r a t i o n a l i t y t o both coerce and normalize the d e v i a n t p o p u l a t i o n , t o e f f e c t youth as a new consumer p o p u l a t i o n , and t o p a c i f y the l a b o u r i n g p o p u l a t i o n from the 'moral p a n i c ' . The term ' r a t i o n a l i t y ' i s not a g l o b a l concept, but p l u r a l i s t i c and d i f f e r e n t i a t e d . A c c o r d i n g t o F o u c a u l t : "I don't b e l i e v e one can t a l k i n t h i s way of ' r a t i o n a l i z a t i o n ' as something g i v e n , without on the one hand p o s t u l a t i n g an a b s o l u t e v a l u e i n h e r e n t i n reason, and on the o t h e r t a k i n g the r i s k of a p p l y i n g the term e m p i r i c a l l y i n a completely a r b i t r a r y way. I t h i n k one must c o n f i n e one's use of t h i s word t o an i n s t r u m e n t a l and r e l a t i v e meaning." (Foucault, 1981:8) T h i s c l a i m r e q u i r e s an understanding of the d i f f e r e n t forms of r e a s o n i n g i n h e r e n t i n p a r t i c u l a r d i s c o u r s e s , i n o r d e r t o read the YOA as a d i s c o u r s e . A c c o r d i n g t o the c l a s s i c a l p e r s p e c t i v e ( P f o h l , 1985), r a t i o n a l laws are the means t o m a i n t a i n the ' s o c i a l c o n t r a c t ' i n i t s Hobbesian form. L i b e r a l p l u r a l i s t s who framed the YOA, g i v e a l e s s i n d i v i d u a l i s t i c account of the s o c i a l o r d e r w i t h a p l u r a l i s t c o n c e p t i o n o f s o c i a l i n t e r e s t s . N e o - c l a s s i c a l t h e o r i s t s assume t h a t s o c i a l c o n t r o l ought t o be c e n t r a l i z e d t o achieve the s o c i a l 170 u t i l i t y o f d e t e r r e n c e f o r the good of a l l , o r t o j u s t i f y r e t r i b u t i o n . L i b e r a l p l u r a l i s t s w i t h i n the c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system have adopted a s o c i o l o g i c a l j u r i s p r u d e n c e , combining s o c i a l i n t e r e s t s , i n d i v i d u a l i s m and the a u t h o r i t a t i v e t e c h n i q u e s of law, as g u i d i n g the consensual i n t e r e s t of s o c i e t y . The r e s u l t i s a combination o f j u s t i c e ( i n d i v i d u a l a c c o u n t a b i l i t y ) and crime c o n t r o l ( s o c i a l i n t e r e s t s , e s p e c i a l l y those of the f a m i l y ) . J u d i c a l d i s c r e t i o n s hould p r o v i d e f o r c e r t a i n ' m i t i g a t i n g c i r c u m s t a n c e s ' , so t h a t the moral c h a r a c t e r of the o f f e n d e r can be reformed f o r the good of the whole s o c i e t y . Sentences are aimed a t r e d u c i n g the i r r a t i o n a l i t y ( l a c k of moral c h a r a c t e r ) of the o f f e n d e r . A form of r e h a b i l i t a t i o n i s i m p l i e d , without the p o s i t i v i s t c h a r a c t e r i z a t i o n of i r r a t i o n a l i t y g i v e n t o deviancy by s o c i a l psychology as grounded w i t h i n the implementation of the JDA. Deviancy c o n t r o l and n o r m a l i z a t i o n are imposed c o n d i t i o n a l l y , r a t h e r than d e t e r m i n a t e l y , upon c e r t a i n i n d i v i d u a l s . In these forms today, j u r i s t s m a i n t a i n the dominant assumptions of the Enlightenment: the b e l i e f i n c o n t r o l by a system of r a t i o n a l i z e d s o v e r e i g n t y , by s c i e n c e , and/or by law. J u d i c i a l r e a s o n i n g under the YOA r e q u i r e s both the s c i e n t i f i c p o s i t i v i s m o f a c c e l e r a t i n g r e h a b i l i t a t i o n p r a c t i c e s from s u r r o u n d i n g power-knowledge r e l a t i o n s , and the reformism of the o l d e r d i s c o u r s e s of c l a s s i c i s m . Out of h i s t o r i c a l knowledge r e l a t i o n s of r a t i o n a l i t y , s t a t e = s o c i a l c o n t r o l c o n s t r u c t s a l e g a l s u b j e c t . The s t a t e , by these p r a c t i c e s , m a i n t a i n s a d i s c i p l i n a r y 171 s o c i a l c o n t r o l network and, i d e a l l y hones one of i t s i n s t r u m e n t a l i t i e s f o r the accumulation of c a p i t a l . In summary, the s t a t e c o n t i n u e s t o n o r m a l i z e and coerce the young person i n t r o u b l e w i t h the law. These reasons o r i g i n a t e d w i t h l e g a l i z i n g p r a c t i c e s , "which are p o l i t i c a l i n t h a t they are geared t o p r o d u c i n g s p e c i f i c power r e l a t i o n s " (Sumner, 1979:293). The law has the same long-term hope of r a t i o n a l i t y as has been a t t r i b u t e d t o s c i e n c e . Under the YOA, d i f f e r e n t p r a c t i c e s are f a s h i o n e d . In a ' j u s t i c e ' p h i l o s o p h y , the youth i s now c o n c e i v e d as r e s p o n s i b l e as i s the f a m i l y f o r h i s problems, but the youth must take the blame. The r e s p o n s i b i l i t y and a c c o u n t a b i l i t y of c l a s s i c a l r e t r i b u t i o n have been served. Punishment i n f l i c t s p a i n and i s j u s t i f i e d because i t a c t s as a d e t e r r e n t and p r o t e c t s s o c i e t y from the o f f e n d e r . I t i s j u s t i f i e d by i t s e f f e c t s , even i f the unintended consequences, and more l i k e l y the intended consequences of the law and o r d e r i d e o l o g y , r e i n f o r c e c o e r c i v e r a t i o n a l r e l a t i o n s . The dominant concern i s t h a t of c u r t a i n i n g f i n a n c i a l s e r v i c e s and the diminishment of s o c i a l w e l f a r e s e r v i c e networks, by u s i n g the ' l e a s t i n t e r f e r e n c e ' p r i n c i p l e s of neo-conservatism. The r e s u l t i s another u n i t a v a i l a b l e f o r c a p i t a l i s t p r o d u c t i o n , t h a t i s , the c r e a t i o n o f a y o u t h f u l consumer. With crime c o n t r o l measures, j u s t as under the JDA w e l f a r e p h i l o s o p h y , judges encourage d i s c i p l i n e through f a c t o r s t h a t are l i n k e d t o the m y s t i f i c a t i o n of p a t r i a r c h y 172 and the f a m i l y ' s r o l e i n p r e p a r i n g youth as a u n i t f o r p r o d u c t i o n ( U r s e l , 1986) and consumption. The law reform stance of the JDA and i t s enhancement i n the YOA r e q u i r e s youth t o become elements i n a consensual s o c i a l system, n o r m a l i z i n g them or b r i n g i n g them i n t o l i n e with s t a t e = s o c i a l c o n t r o l i n t e r e s t s . Judges see the i n d i v i d u a l i z i n g programs of p o l i c y and c o n t r o l p r a c t i c e s as i n e f f i c i e n t , scanty, ambiguous, p o l i t i c i z e d r e a s o n i n g . T h e i r p r a c t i c a l r e a s o n i n g i s the main d e f e n s i b l e e t h i c f o r u s i n g deviancy c o n t r o l under the YOA, even more than under the JDA. I t i s a law and o r d e r i d e o l o g y w i t h u n d e r l y i n g due p r o c e s s r i g h t s . The judges o f f e r some o b j e c t i o n t o the r e d u c t i o n of a d m i n i s t r a t i v e s e r v i c e s , but not t o the s h r i n k i n g o f c o l l e c t i v e (community) s e r v i c e networks. I f the p o l i t i c a l i n t e n t i o n o f the s t a t e i s l i n k e d t o a f i s c a l c r i s i s , i t appears t o be the r o l e of the c o u r t s t o l e g i t i m a t e t h i s i n t e n t i o n by s o c i a l r e a s o n i n g . S o c i a l r e a s o n i n g r e i n f o r c e s crime c o n t r o l as the c e n t r a l r o l e o f the c o u r t s because of an e x p l i c i t net-widening power t o use a r e t r i b u t i v e - u t i l i t a r i a n schedule of punishments. The l e g a l net i s widened t o i n c l u d e the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of f a m i l y , the r i g h t s of c i t i z e n s h i p t o i n c l u d e a c c o u n t a b i l i t y of i n d i v i d u a l s , and the d i s c i p l i n a r y t a c t i c s of t r a i n i n g and s u p e r v i s i o n t o ensure advantages i n the workplace. U n d e r l y i n g l e g a l - s o c i a l r e a s o n i n g i s a p e s s i m i s t i c ' s o c i a l problem' approach t o crime: i n d i v i d u a l and 173 s o c i a l i n t e r e s t s are p r o b l e m a t i z e d . The 'law* and the ' s o c i e t y ' a re dichotomized, w i t h l e g a l o r d e r transcendent, not immanent. A n a l y t i c - s o c i o l o g i c a l r e a s o n i n g adopts t h i s stance. An a l t e r n a t i v e r e a s o n i n g would be t o d i s c u s s the c r e a t i o n of community s t r u c t u r e s t o r e s o l v e community c o n f l i c t s , where c o n f l i c t i s taken as a r i g h t . The l o g i c of l e g a l r e a s o n i n g (case reasoning, due process, i n d i v i d u a l a c c o u n t a b i l i t y , and determinate sentences) d e p a r t s from p r a c t i c a l r e a s o n i n g i f we take Gadamer's s o c i a l c r i t i q u e r a t h e r than Kant's 'immanent' c r i t i q u e . L e g a l r e a s o n i n g adopts 'immanent c r i t i q u e ' or " i n t e r n a l agreement between d i s t i n c t ( r e a l and formal) t h i n g s " , l i k e 'bad 1, ' s i c k ' , 'normal*. By c r e a t i n g a dualism between commonsense and r a t i o n a l method, the i n d i v i d u a l i s emphasized over the c o l l e c t i v e . Gadamer's c r i t i q u e of r a t i o n a l i t y (1975) i s based on a f e e l i n g about common, moral ex p e r i e n c e . R a t i o n a l forms o f domination, through i n f o r m a l as w e l l as formal networks of c o n t r o l , e f f e c t i v e l y e l i m i n a t e the commonsense p a r t i c i p a t i o n of young o f f e n d e r s . A judges's p r a c t i c a l a t t i t u d e i s d i r e c t e d t o c o n c r e t e s i t u a t i o n s (the c h i l d , the f a m i l y , the community), i n t h e i r i n d i v i d u a l , not c o l l e c t i v e v a r i e t y . R a t i o n a l method dominates, and i s l e g a l l y s i t u a t e d , u n l i k e 'good' reason t h a t comes from l i v i n g i n community and e x p e r i e n c i n g i t s aims, s t r u c t u r e s , and c r i t i q u e s . L e g a l r e a s o n i n g i s not i t s e l f r e f l e c t i v e o f c o l l e c t i v e e x perience. 174 By d e f i n i n g the s t a t e as s o c i a l c o n t r o l , the t h e s i s account i s not r e q u i r e d t o d i s c u s s the r e p r o d u c t i o n of s t a t e r e l a t i o n s , as P o ulantzas c o n c e i v e s them, (Jessop, 1982). L e g a l s t r u g g l e i s p o l i t i c a l as w e l l as merely l e g a l . In going t o the c o u r t s , a p o l i t i c a l ' f a c t i o n ' (Poulantzas) invokes a type of l e g a l s t r u g g l e w i t h a p a r t i c u l a r d i a l e c t i c . In t h i s t h e s i s , I d e s c r i b e the h e u r i s t i c theme of law i n order t o q u e s t i o n the r e l a t i o n s o f law t h a t are merely c o n t i n g e n t , r a t h e r than s t r u c t u r a l l y d i a l e c t i c . De Sousa Santos (1985) argues t h a t the law i s a m a t e r i a l s t r u c t u r e , but not an autonomous one. Law i s a m e d i a t i n g c o l l e c t i v e p r o c e s s . Mandel (1989) d e s c r i b e s many p o l i t i c a l debates f r o z e n i n the Courts through the sub j u d i c e p r i n c i p l e . Hunt's a n a l y s i s suggests the i n c r e a s i n g i n c u r s i o n of law and p o l i t i c s i n t o o t h e r s t r u c t u r e s (the f a m i l y , the workplace and government), and the i n c r e a s i n g c e n t r a l i t y o f law as an ' u n q u a l i f i e d good' (E.P. Thompson, as quoted i n Mandel, 1989). Habermas extends the concept of law as a pathology, t o the p o i n t of d i s c u s s i n g the d e c l i n e of modernity (Habermas, 1973). Under modern c o n d i t i o n s , l e g a l a d m i n i s t r a t i o n , r a t h e r than communicative a c t i o n and moral pragmatics, i s the dominant form of r a t i o n a l i t y . F o u c a u l t emphasizes the d e c l i n e of law i n c a p i t a l i s t s o c i e t y because of the r i s e of d i s c i p l i n a r y p o w e r - r e l a t i o n s . In s t r e s s i n g the diminishment of c l a s s i c a l s o v e r e i g n t y r e l a t i o n s , he overemphasizes the dichotomy of s t a t e power and c i v i l power (de Sousa Santos, 1985) . T h i s t h e s i s has e x p l o r e d the impact of formal 175 and i n f o r m a l systems of s o c i a l c o n t r o l which surround the domain of c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e . The judges apply the YOA, keeping i n mind both the c o n s t r a i n t s of the l e g i s l a t i o n , t h e i r l e g a l c u l t u r e , the h e u r i s t i c s of r e asoning, and the surrounding networks of c o n t r o l s e r v i c e s o f the e x i s t i n g 'welfare s t a t e ' : e d u c a t i o n , s o c i a l s e r v i c e s , and c o r r e c t i o n s . The most g e n e r a l a n a l y s i s of the f o u n d a t i o n s f o r a network of c o n t r o l i s p r o v i d e d by F o u c a u l t . H i s work a l l o w s the r e s e a r c h e r t o draw a l i n e of i n t e r c o n n e c t i o n t o i n c l u d e i n s t i t u t i o n s f o r c o n t r o l of ' s o c i a l d e v i a n t s ' ( S c u l l , 1979) ; Cohen, 1985), and the f a m i l y (Donzelot, 1979) . When the a n a l y s i s f ocuses on the changing s t r a t e g i e s of c o n t r o l , the development of the law reform movement can be seen as one f u r t h e r l i n e of d i s c o u r s e . S o c i a l r e a s o n i n g i s a s t r a t e g y of the c o u r t s t o merge the t a c t i c s o f i n s t i t u t i o n a l reform w i t h law reform. In t h i s study of the YOA, t h e r e are c l e a r s i g n s of a r t i c u l a t i o n s between j u r i d i c a l power and d i s c i p l i n a r y power by the use o f s o c i a l r e a s o n i n g which f a l l s back onto c l a s s i c a l n o t i o n s of s o v e r e i g n t y combined wi t h c u r r e n t crime c o n t r o l concepts of r e h a b i l i t a t i o n , t r a i n i n g , s e g r e g a t i o n and s u p e r v i s i o n . T h i s theme f o l l o w s Weber's work i n s o f a r as l e g a l s t r a t e g i e s are based on a concept of s t r u c t u r a l , a f f i n i t i e s . Weber's t h e o r i z i n g urges a comparative or s t r u c t u r a l l y d i f f e r e n t i a t e d approach t o the problem of r a t i o n a l i t y , t o i l l u s t r a t e the i n t e r c o n n e c t i o n s of j u r i d i c a l and d i s c i p l i n a r y power. Weber i s ag a i n l i n k e d t o F o u c a u l t through the theme o f r a t i o n a l i t y and forms of domination (Dreyfus and Rabinow, 176 1982:166), although F o u c a u l t i n s i s t s on a p l u r a l i s t i c and net-widening approach. Weber's d i s t i n c t i o n between s u b s t a n t i v e and formal r a t i o n a l i t y a i d s i n the study of the s o c i o l o g y of law reform, i n a n a l y z i n g the nature of i n s t i t u t i o n a l p r a c t i c e s and e x p l a i n s the s h i f t from treatment t o crime c o n t r o l as a matter p e r t a i n i n g more t o p r a c t i c e s . The divergence between law as w r i t t e n and i t s p r a c t i c e s , as F i n e (1984) p o i n t s out, suggests t h a t law i s b u i l t on p r a c t i c e s , not on p r i n c i p l e s . T h i s t h e s i s documents the emphasis g i v e d by judges t o t h e i r p r a c t i c a l r e a s o n i n g w i t h i n the YOA s t a t u t e . By i m p l i c a t i o n , l e g a l / p r a c t i c a l r e a s o n i n g i s b u i l t on p r a c t i c e s w i t h an i d e o l o g i c a l attachment t o formal law. The p r o c e s s of l e g a l r e a s o n i n g i s an agent f o r p r a c t i c e s which operate on micro and macro l e v e l s . S p e c i f i c a l l y , the p r a c t i c e s and s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s of crime c o n t r o l are enhanced i n the YOA. The YOA, as a form of p r o d u c t i o n , does not d i s p l a c e e a r l i e r forms o f meaning but c i r c u l a t e s and mediates among t h r e e hegemonic c o n f i g u r a t i o n s t h a t are i n t e r c h a n g e a b l e : s c i e n t i f i c n o r m a l i z i n g , s o c i o l o g i c a l j u r i s p r u d e n c e and a n a l y t i c a l (normative) j u r i s p r u d e n c e . There are elements i n j u d i c a l d i s p o s i t i o n s of a l l t h e s e c o n f i g u r a t i o n s t h a t are p r e s e n t i n complex co n c e p t i o n s and combinations. The outcome i s not t r a n s f o r m a t i v e of s o c i a l power, but a j o i n i n g of normative law and n o r m a l i z i n g law. Keeping t o the n o t i o n of m u l t i p l e forms of power, r a t h e r than power r e l a t i o n s as autonomous, i s c o n s i s t e n t w i t h the n o t i o n t h a t 177 t h e r e a r e s t r u c t u r a l a f f i n i t i e s and agents between them (de Sousa Santos, 1985). In the p r o l i f e r a t i o n of e x p e r t i s e i n the p r a c t i c e s of law, s o c i a l work, and c r i m i n o l o g y , i t i s p o s s i b l e t o g l i d e from normative t o n o r m a l i z i n g forms of c o n t r o l . S o c i a l r e a s o n i n g i n the YOA e l i c i t s the l e g a l sense of people i n v o l v e d i n matters o f s t a t e . We can not thereby conclude t h a t a l l forms of l e g a l r e l a t i o n s are l i n k e d t o s t a t e - s o c i a l c o n t r o l . Nor can we conclude t h a t t h e r e i s any o t h e r form of s o c i a l power o t h e r than the law, i n some form, t o a c h i e v e the p r a c t i c a l g o a l s of r e s o l v i n g c o n f l i c t i n g i n t e r e s t s . What i s p r o b l e m a t i c i n the t h e s i s i s the s p e c i f i c form of law. I n v o l v i n g t h e p r i n c i p l e of w e l f a r e of the c h i l d opens the f a m i l y up t o the j u s t i c e system, s o c i a l work, and medico-hygienic s u r v e i l l a n c e (Donzelot, 1979). As a c o n t i n u i n g concern of the j u v e n i l e j u s t i c e system, care of the c h i l d i s l i n k e d t o j u d i c i a l s u r v e i l l a n c e , because i n the crime c o n t r o l i d e o l o g y , the c h i l d i s not r e p r e s e n t e d e n t i r e l y independently of the f a m i l y . With the c a r e i s s u e , the j u s t i c e system c o n t a i n s the p o s s i b l e r e t u r n t o a s t r u c t u r a l - c o l l e c t i v e f o cus, even without the medical model. In the Court of Appeal, c r i m i n a l law p r e v a i l s (Bala and L i l i e s , 1988) and a f f e c t s the YOA i n the long-term, which c o u l d a b o l i s h d i s p o s i t i o n s based on the ' s p e c i a l needs' of the c h i l d emphasis i n the YOA. For now, Court o f Appeal d e c i s i o n s encourage a ' r e h a b i l i t a t i v e ' f o c u s . The youth c o u r t judges, as I noted from the i n t e r v i e w s , i n t e r p r e t 'care' as ' c o n t r o l ' : s u p e r v i s i o n , t r a i n i n g , and p a c i f i c a t i o n . 178 5.3.1. Power and Knowledge R e l a t i o n s In t h i s r e s e a r c h , I am a s s e r t i n g t h a t power i m p l i e s knowledge. Power i s not simply c o e r c i v e nor merely reproduced through c l a s s e s . In the ' W i l l t o Power 1, (usi n g a Nietzchean t h e o r e t i c a l s t a r t i n g p o i n t ) , power i s not c o n f i n e d t o macro-economic r e l a t i o n s o n l y (the i n f r a s t r u c t u r e ) . P u b l i c and p r i v a t e r e l a t i o n s are not dichotomized. Systems of s o c i a l c o n t r o l i n v o l v i n g punishment, c o r r e c t i o n o r treatment s t a r t w i t h the body, i n m i c r o - s o c i a l r e g i o n s , o r i n p o p u l a t i o n s . The economic diagram of power r e l a t i o n s i s i m p l i c a t e d when i t s community c o n t r o l programs, (a knowledge form) o b t a i n the s e r v i c e s o f 'youth 1 (a knowlege form). M e n i a l s e r v i c e o r l a b o u r i s more c o s t e f f i c i e n t i f done by v o l u n t e e r or youth o f f e n d e r s . The p o l i t i c a l arena i s i m p l i c a t e d d i r e c t l y i n the m a r g i n a l i z a t i o n o f youth as a measure of t h e i r ' d o c i l i t y ' . I d e o l o g i c a l l y , the intended r e s u l t o f j u d i c i a l sentence d i s p o s i t i o n s i s the investment o f a l e g a l s u b j e c t under the power-knowlege r e l a t i o n s o f a ' n o r m a l i z i n g ' p r o c e s s , s u g g e s t i n g t h a t macro-economic r e l a t i o n s do not work onl y from the top down. There i s no assumption i n the above a s s e r t i o n s t h a t power-knowledge r e l a t i o n s are e i t h e r m a t e r i a l i s t and i d e a l i s t components of s o c i a l formations and a p r i o r i separated or h i e r a r c h i c a l l y o r d ered from top echelons down. As a u n i t , they appear as a t o t a l i t y and f u n c t i o n a l . F o u c a u l t w r i t e s o f a ' d i s c i p l i n a r y s o c i e t y 1 . The p o i n t o f departure f o r d i s c o u r s e a n a l y s i s i s the 'genealogy' or e v o l u t i o n of techniques, s t r a t e g i e s , and s o c i a l 179 p r a c t i c e s . To i n c l u d e the YOA as a d i s c o u r s e , I p resented the j u d i c i a l i n t e n t i o n s as p o l i t i c a l l o g i c by t r a c i n g judge's statements o f t h e i r c onnections w i t h m i c r o - p h y s i c s ( b i o - p h y s i c s ) as s o c i a l c o n t r o l of the bodies of the s u b j e c t s . T a c t i c s of c a r c e r a t i o n and d e c a r c e r a t i o n and s t r a t e g i e s of law reform connect w i t h the i n v e s t i t u r e of i n s t i t u t i o n s above the l e v e l of micro-p h y s i c s . The s t a r t i n g p o i n t of m i c r o - p h y s i c s i s u n l i m i t e d b o d i l y c a p a c i t i e s . These are a c t e d upon by power r e l a t i o n s , which are omnipresent. Once the body e n t e r s i n t o s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s , i t i s i n c o r p o r a t e d i n power r e l a t i o n s because the ' w i l l t o power' i s s p e c i f i e d i n a l l s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s . In an ascending path of power r e l a t i o n s , i n s o c i a l a c t i o n , these r e l a t i o n s become t a c t i c s and s t r a t e g i e s . Through these r e l a t i o n s , the s u b j e c t i s formed. In c u r r e n t s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s , the i n d i v i d u a l s u b j e c t i s o b j e c t i f i e d . By f i l e s , documents, and p r o c e s s i n g by e x p e r t s , the i n d i v i d u a l becomes known t o o t h e r s i n a way o n l y comparable t o the s o v e r e i g n of former times. In l e g a l r e l a t i o n s , d e l i n q u e n t s are atomized and i n d i v i d u a l i z e d t o a degree t h a t l a w - a b i d i n g youth are not. The i n d i v i d u a l i s ' t r e a t e d ' , ' r e h a b i l i t a t e d ' , or ' i n c a r c e r a t e d ' on the b a s i s o f ' n o r m a l i z i n g ' p r a c t i c e s and r u l e s . I t i s g e n e r a l l y the poor and the young from the s o c i a l w e l f a r e system, who are s u b j e c t e d t o a c a r c e r a l network. 180 S o c i a l c l a s s e s , become the co n c r e t e content o f the a b s t r a c t i o n s o f r e l a t i o n s and f o r c e s o f p r o d u c t i o n . I n s o f a r as s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s extend beyond such r e l a t i o n s , they i n c l u d e matters of l i f e , death, b i r t h as w e l l as wealth. A l l these r e l a t i o n s are power r e l a t i o n s . I n f l a t i n g power does not reduce i t , but s p e c i f i e s i t s domains as s t r a t a . R e l a t i o n s o f p r o d u c t i o n e n t e r i n t o the body through the c r e a t i o n o f the s u b j e c t and i t s t e c h n o l o g i e s . When the body i s c o n s t i t u t e d as a p r o d u c t i v e f o r c e , as i n c a p i t a l i s m , i t i s i n v e s t e d w i t h l a b o u r power r e l a t i o n s , and c o n s t i t u t e d as an o b j e c t . M i c h e l F o u c a u l t , i n H i s t o r y o f S e x u a l i t y , v o l . 1 , and i n Omnes  e t Sincfulatim (1981) , attempts t o escape the i s s u e o f s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e s and t h e i r n u c l e a r forms ( i n s t i t u t i o n s ) . The p o s s i b i l i t y o f s t r u c t u r e s i s p r o v i d e d by a g r i d o f s i t u a t i o n s (he speaks of l i n e s , g r i d and s t r a t a ) i n v o l v i n g i n d i v i d u a l s , d i s c u r s i v e and n o n d i s c u r s i v e p r a c t i c e s , and unequal power r e l a t i o n s . He r e s t r i c t s human nature t o a r e l a t i v i z i n g , i n s t r u m e n t a l c o n t e x t . These p r a c t i c e s m a i n t a i n power r e l a t i o n s . H i s s t a r t i s not n u c l e a r forms, but unequal c o n f l u e n c e s of power and knowledge (d i s c o u r s e s ) d i r e c t l y r e l a t e d t o c a p i t a l . I t i s these t h a t generate the c o n d i t i o n s f o r p o l i t i c a l economy. F o u c a u l t ' s w r i t i n g i n Omnes e t S i n g u l a t i m i s a d i s c u s s i o n of the i n d i v i d u a l i z i n g aspect of governmental r a t i o n a l i t y , as the • t o t a l and i n d i v i d u a l i z e d guidance o f s i n g u l a r e x i s t e n c e s ' (Gordon,1987:297) . T h i s r e f e r e n c e t o ' m i c r o - p r a c t i c e s ' focuses on 181 the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n of the i n d i v i d u a l , a dominant theme i n the YOA. I t i s complementary t o F o u c a u l t ' s a n a l y s i s of 'macro-physical' p r a c t i c e s o f the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n of p o p u l a t i o n s . In the YOA, t h e r e f o r e , t h e r e i s both an i n d i v i d u a l i z i n g component t o power r e l a t i o n s , and a t o t a l i z i n g management of youth p o p u l a t i o n s . F o u c a u l t w r i t e s t h a t i t i s c e r t a i n l y l e g i t i m a t e t o focus on the background of moral ide a s or l e g a l s t r u c t u r e s f o r the c o n s t r u c t i o n o f a h i s t o r y of punishment. The grounding f o r t h i s h i s t o r y i s c r i m i n a l i z a t i o n (a d i s c o u r s e ) of i n d i v i d u a l s . Both i d e o l o g i e s and l e g a l s t r u c t u r e s are themselves t h e r e f o r e grounded i n the s o c i a l c o n t r o l of bodies through d i s c o u r s e s . The use of the body i n power r e l a t i o n s w i t h i n a p o l i t i c a l f i e l d i s d i r e c t . F o u c a u l t e l a b o r a t e s t h i s r e l a t i o n s h i p : T h i s p o l i t i c a l investment of the body i s bound up, i n accordance w i t h complex r e c i p r o c a l r e l a t i o n s , w i t h i t s economic use. I t i s l a r g e l y as a f o r c e o f p r o d u c a t i o n t h a t the body i s i n v e s t e d w i t h r e l a t i o n s of power and domination; but, on the o t h e r hand, i t s c o n s t i t u t i o n as l a b o u r power i s p o s s i b l e o n l y i f i t i s caught up i n a system of s u b j e c t i o n ( i n which need i s a l s o a p o l i t i c a l instrument m e t i c u l o u s l y prepared, c a l c u l a t e d and used); the body becomes a u s e f u l f o r c e o n l y i f i t i s both a p r o d u c t i v e body and a s u b j e c t e d body. T h i s s u b j e c t i o n i s not o n l y o b t a i n e d by the instruments of v i o l e n c e : i t may be s u b t l e , make use n e i t h e r of weapons, nor of t e r r o r and y e t remain a p h y s i c a l o r d e r . (1976:26). F o u c a u l t c o n c e i v e s of the body i n h i s study of 'micro-physics', not by t h e metaphor of a p r o p e r t y , but as a s t r a t e g y . I t i s the e f f e c t o f s t r a t e g i c p o s i t i o n s - an e f f e c t " t h a t i s m anifested and sometimes extended by the p o s i t i o n s of those who are dominated." (1976:2 7 ) . Because t h e r e are no power r e l a t i o n s without the " c o r r e l a t i v e c o n s t i t u t i o n of a f i e l d o f knowledge", power-knowledge 182 determines the forms, the p o s s i b l e domains of knowledge, and t h e i r h i s t o r i c a l t r a n s f o r m a t i o n s . S o c i a l r e a s o n i n g i s a s t r a t e g y of c o n t r o l a f f e c t i n g a new d i s c o u r s e f o r youth. The YOA c r e a t e s a world where 'crime 1, 'offenders, and ' v i c t i m s ' c i r c u l a t e . T h i s study, t h e r e f o r e , does not reduce i t s c l a i m s t o examine s o c i a l p o l i c y t o the domain of p o l i t i c a l economy as a form, but understands t h a t p o l i t i c a l economy i s a content which can be p a r t l y i n t e r p r e t e d from a 'set o f b e l i e f s ' (ideology) r e l a t i n g t o l e g a l a d m i n i s t r a t i v e s t r a t e g i e s d e a l i n g w i t h the s o c i a l c o n t r o l of youth. To make a form-content d i s t i n c t i o n , d i s c o u r s e s are form. The YOA, as s o c i a l p o l i c y , i s the r e s u l t o f many l i n e s o f d i s c o u r s e s : o f j u r i s p r u d e n c e , s o c i a l work, c r i m i n o l o g y (knowledge), and of s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n s and i n s t i t u t i o n s i n which these operate (power-knowledge) . Indeed, i t i s not merely i n the p h y s i o l o g y and psychology o f the i n d i v i d u a l t h a t these d i s c o u r s e s a re e f f e c t e d . They r e s u l t i n s o c i a l p r a c t i c e s t h a t f u n c t i o n t o c o n t r o l spaces i n the p o l i t i c a l economy of youth o f f e n d e r s f o r the s e r v i c e o f s t a t e and c l a s s i n t e r e s t s . In most o f the l i t e r a t u r e drawn on as background i n t h i s t h e s i s , c o n c e p t i o n s o f power are pr o b l e m a t i z e d around the dichotomy o f i n t e r s u b j e c t i v e r e l a t i o n s and i n s t i t u t i o n a l (lawyer, judges, Courts) c a p a c i t i e s . B u r e a u c r a t i c and p o l i t i c a l b a r g a i n i n g t h e o r i e s r e t a i n an i n s t r u m e n t a l approach. Chambliss, f o r example, argues f o r a d i a l e c t i c a l r e l a t i o n s h i p where s o c i a l change i s undertaken 183 f o r purposes of l e g i t i m a t i o n . The s o c i o l o g y of law has been c r i t i c i z e d f o r having s i n g l e cause e x p l a n a t i o n s of l e g a l change (O'Malley). S t u d i e s of the l i t i g a t i o n and m e d i a t i o n p r o c e s s are b e g i n n i n g t o pay a t t e n t i o n t o the form of law i n s t r u c t u r i n g the l e g a l o r d e r (Tomasic, 1985). E x i s t i n g t h e o r i e s of the s t a t e are shaped by t h e o r e t i c a l assumptions which argue f o r a d i s t i n c t i v e concept o f power r e l a t i o n s by i n f l a t i n g each of these s o c i a l d i c h o t o m i e s : micro and macro r e l a t i o n s . F o u c a u l t , however, argues t h a t t h e range of i n s t i t u t i o n s i s l i m i t e d by power r e l a t i o n s through d i s c o u r s e s , r e g a r d l e s s of l e v e l s of o p e r a t i o n (Layder) or i n t e r c h a n g e s of systems (Habermas). U n l i k e Habermas 1 work, t h e r e i s no requirement t o t h e o r i z e ' i n t e r s u b j e c t i v i t y ' , nor 1 system-l i f e - w o r l d exchange 1. In t h i s t h e s i s , the concept of power was taken as a c e n t r a l c o r e f o r both ' i n d i v i d u a l ' and ' s o c i e t y * . Knowledge-power r e l a t i o n s converge i n the YOA as s o c i a l r e a s o n i n g . S o c i a l formations are shaped by power-knowledge r e l a t i o n s . W i t h i n t h i s a n a l y s i s , the i n t e n t i s not t o r e i f y the s t a t e , nor uphold i t s primacy, but t o r e v e a l t e n s i o n s i n the c r e a t i o n of d i s c o u r s e s , l i m i t e d by t h e i r c o n s t r u a l of dependency f o r youth. The s t a t e i s not s o v e r e i g n i n shaping d i s c o u r s e s . These r e l a t i o n s are b u i l t from a c r e a t i v e order, s t a r t i n g w i t h ' b o d i l y c a p a c i t i e s ' , ' t a c t i c s * r o o t e d i n shared understandings, such as h e u r i s t i c knowledge, which congeal i n the formation of s t r a t e g i e s . The Canadian Young Offenders Act (YOA) i s one such s t r a t e g y , d i s c o u r s e , or new power-knowledge r e l a t i o n s h i p . 184 CHAPTER VI:  SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS The YOA i s a s t r a t e g y t o c o n t r o l deviancy, r o o t e d i n d i s c o u r s e s and p r a c t i c e s of crime c o n t r o l . A s h i f t i n the d i s c o u r s e o f crime c o n t r o l , t o reduce c o l l e c t i v i s m , has had a s i g n i f i c a n t e f f e c t on p r i v a t i z a t i o n as a mode of p r o d u c t i o n . The pr o c e s s o f c r e a t i n g law i s s t r u c t u r a l l y r e l a t e d t o la b o u r and s u r p l u s p r o d u c t i o n . By means of the YOA sentences, youth are i n t r o d u c e d as a new group of consumers through d e c a r c e r a t i v e t a c t i c s such as a l t e r n a t e measures, f a m i l y placements, f i n e s and r e s t i t u t i o n , and by means of c a r c e r a t i v e measures, t h e i r c a r e g i v e r s have become p r i v a t e producers i n the s e r v i c e market. Because the new l e g a l d i s c o u r s e o f the YOA i s a c t i v e l y supported by the s t a t e -s o c i a l c o n t r o l , i t has allowed acceptance of new d e f i n i t i o n s of crime, v i c t i m , and o f f e n d e r . These c o n s t r u c t i o n s are s o c i a l l y c r e a t e d and con t i n u e t o expand through the r e f o r m i s t f o r c e o f law. To s i t u a t e the c o n t r o l o f youth crime w i t h i n the t o t a l p o l i t i c a l economy of c a p i t a l i s t s o c i e t y , I have drawn on many t h e o r e t i c a l - e m p i r i c a l and i n t e r p r e t i v e s t u d i e s which argue t h a t the law i s a s o c i a l p rocess t h a t attempts t o i s o l a t e the j u v e n i l e from the m a t e r i a l c o n d i t i o n s of s o c i a l l i f e . ( C l a r k e , 1985; Cohen, 1985). These s t u d i e s show growing support f o r the s u b s t a n t i v e focus on the h i s t o r i c a l i n t e r a c t i o n of economy, i d e o l o g y and 185 p o l i t i c s . I t i s i n the h i s t o r i c a l growth of l e g a l reform as a v a l u e w i t h i n the law, t h a t we have found an enhanced l e g a l c o n t r o l of unemployed youth and those of t h e i r numbers who commit crime. Judges c o n s t r u c t or deny ( i d e o l o g y ) , the s t r a t i f i e d nature of the young o f f e n d e r s who appear b e f o r e them i n t h e i r r e l a t i o n s t o the p o l i t i c a l economy. Economics, gender and race r e l a t i o n s are not f o c a l t o j u d i c i a l d e c i s i o n s , i n t h e i r i n d i v i d u a l i s t i c emphasis, whether the r e a s o n i n g i s s o c i a l or p e r s o n a l . Both p r a c t i c e s and p r i n c i p l e s of youth c o n t r o l are processes of c r e a t i n g i n d i v i d u a l s u b j e c t s by r a t i o n a l i t y . The grounds f o r power-knowledge r e l a t i o n s of youth c o n t r o l are e s t a b l i s h e d w i t h the p r a c t i c e of s u r v e i l l a n c e . I have examined the p r a c t i c e s of youth c o n t r o l t o e s t a b l i s h the m a n o e u v r e a b i l i t y w i t h i n the l e g a l system f o r degrees and k i n d s of r a t i o n a l s u r v e i l l a n c e . U s i n g the JDA and the YOA as d i f f e r e n t s t r a t e g i e s w i t h d i f f e r e n t t a c t i c s f o r s u r v e i l l a n c e , I have looked, i n p a r t i c u l a r , a t the use of reform r e a s o n i n g i n the process of c r e a t i n g l e g a l p r a c t i c e . The law appears as c o n t i n g e n t on i t s c a p i t a l i s t s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s r a t h e r than d i a l e c t i c a l . Contingency i n law, I have argued, operates w i t h i n l e g a l formations, dependent on r e f l e c t i n g l e g a l c u l t u r e by a h e u r i s t i c p r o c e s s of r e a s o n i n g . Even i f the c u r r e n t form of law i s i n d i v i d u a l i s t i c , d i f f e r e n t s u b s t a n t i v e r e l a t i o n s of law would f o l l o w from a c o l l e c t i v e form of r e a s o n i n g . By examining the s o c i o l o g y of law w i t h i n h e u r i s t i c r e a s o n i n g under the YOA, we can see t h a t due process i s d e - c o n t e x t u a l i z e d from c l a s s or s t a t e 186 i n t e r e s t s . When used t o e x p l a i n crime and s o c i a l c o n t r o l , non-crime r e l a t i o n s of c l a s s , age, r a c e and gender are not i n c l u d e d i n l i b e r a l h i s t o r i c a l a n a l y s i s . S o c i o l o g i c a l a n a l y s i s o f economic and p o l i t i c a l i n t e r r e l a t i o n s which i n c l u d e s power r e l a t i o n s does examine t h i s s t r u c t u r i n g w i t h i n c i v i l s o c i e t y . W i t h i n Marxism, the s e are endemic t o the r e l a t i o n s of i d e o l o g y , p o l i t i c s and economy. The importance of f o r c e s and r e l a t i o n s of p r o d u c t i o n i n e x p l a i n i n g crime and crime c o n t r o l are of primary importance, but not f o c a l here ( H a l l e t a l , 1978; Ratner, 1983; Chambliss, W. , 1974). The debate around the r e l a t i o n between law and s o c i a l c o n t r o l i s addressed i n t h i s t h e s i s by d i s t i n g u i s h i n g the c a p i t a l i s t content from the form of law. My a n a l y s i s of the YOA sees the law f i r s t : as a l i n g u i s t i c p r a c t i c e , and d i s c o u r s e as w e l l as i d e o l o g y of l e g a l reform from a c l a s s i n t e r e s t o r i g i n . The law p r o t e c t s p r i v a t e p r o p e r t y , i t s v e n t u r e s and a s s e s t s (Pashukanis) . Bourgeois l e g a l i s m s i n c e the 18th c e n t u r y has s u s t a i n e d a view t h a t the law p r o t e c t s p r o p e r t y . Second, as l i n k e d t o s t a t e c o n t r o l , the YOA supports c a p i t a l ' s i n t e r e s t d i r e c t l y , by embedding power r e l a t i o n s . In the case of the YOA, the l e g a l system enhances the c r i m i n a l i z a t i o n of unemployed youth, p r o t e c t s e s t a b l i s h e d p r o p e r t y r e l a t i o n s , and encourages p r i v a t i z a t i o n of the w e l f a r e system. Hence, I use the neologism, s t a t e - s o c i a l c o n t r o l . The absence of r a c e , age and gender i n l e g a l argument i s a major o v e r s i g h t i n the c o n s t r u c t i o n of law r e s u l t i n g i n an a n d r o c e n t r i c , e t h n o c e n t r i c and 187 u n i v e r s a l i s t i c v i e w p o i n t . The n o t i o n of s o c i a l r e a s o n i n g embodies these v i e w p o i n t s . S o c i a l r e a s o n i n g i s a form of law i m p l i c a t e d i n e f f e c t i v e a d m i n i s t r a t i v e c o n t r o l ; i t i s i d e o l o g i c a l i n not a c c o u n t i n g f o r i t s s u b s t a n t i v e omissions of non-property r e l a t i o n s . S i n c e most youth o f f e n d e r s commit p r o p e r t y crimes, t h e i r i n d i v i d u a l r e l a t i o n s t o the law are covered by l e g a l r e a s o n i n g s i n c e the time o f ' s o c i a l c o n t r a c t ' assumptions, and have been reproduced as p r o p e r t y r e l a t i o n s s i n c e the h i s t o r i c a l c r e a t i o n o f 'youth' i n the 16th c e n t u r y ( A r i e s , 1962). R e l a t i o n s t o the law a r e now s o c i a l l y c o n s t r u c t e d i n the YOA as a s p e c i a l r e l a t i o n , 'adolescence' (Archambault, 1983). C o n f l i c t r e l a t i o n s of non-property l i f e -worlds are i r r e l e v a n t . The Law has an i d e o l o g i c a l theme. My aim has been t o s c r u t i n i z e the s o c i o l o g y of law t o which the judges themselves adhere, by examining the i n f l u e n c e of l e g a l r e a s o n i n g as a p o l i t i c a l r e l a t i o n . Under the JDA, the g o a l of j u v e n i l e j u s t i c e , from 1900-1985, was i n d i v i d u a l i z i n g treatment and p e r s o n a l r e a s o n i n g r e l a t i n g t o the i d e a l i s t i c c o n d i t i o n s of s o c i a l l i f e . The p e r s o n a l s u b j e c t was s e p a r a t e d from the m a t e r i a l c o n d i t i o n s of s o c i a l l i f e and expected t o change w i t h i n an i d e a l p e r s o n a l i d e n t i t y framework. The form u t i l i z e d was p e r s o n a l r a t i o n a l i t y . The focus of the YOA and the l a t t e r - d a y JDA was t o r e t u r n the o f f e n d e r t o the community by means of t a c t i c s of i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z a t i o n and d e i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z a t i o n . By u n i v e r s a l i z i n g treatment through s o c i a l r e a s o n i n g , the YOA remains an i n d i v i d u a l i z i n g , r a t i o n a l i z i n g form of s o c i a l c o n t r o l w i t h a 188 s u r v e i l l a n c e g o a l . There i s , again, a s e p a r a t i o n from the m a t e r i a l c o n d i t i o n s of s o c i a l l i f e by means of a s e l e c t i v e p r o c e s s : s p e c i f i c o f f e n s e s , p r o h i b i t i o n s , t a r i f f s and l e g a l procedures, and by c o n s t r u c t i n g the j u d i c i a l s u b j e c t as a young person i n t r o u b l e w i t h the law. The j u v e n i l e i s separated from h i s or her s o c i a l p l a c e through the c o n s t r u c t i o n of evidence or b e h a v i o u r a l f a c t s ( i d e a t i o n a l s o c i a l h i s t o r y and r e p u t a t i o n , r a t h e r than m a t e r i a l c l a s s , age, race, and gender). These s o c i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s are weighed w i t h i n l e g a l r e a s o n i n g . L e g a l reasoning, t h e r e f o r e , i s a s o c i a l p r o c e s s of reform, i n d i f f e r e n t t o the s t r u c t u r a l power r e l a t i o n s i n which the youth and the law are l i n k e d . L e g a l i d e o l o g y mediates between p o l i t i c a l , economic and i d e o l o g i c a l s t r u c t u r e s . Young o f f e n d e r s , e s p e c i a l l y r e c i d i v i s t s , are o f t e n products of the w e l f a r e / p r o b a t i o n system. As w e l l , they are v u l n e r a b l e t o non-welfare agencies (the lawyers, judges, and p o l i c e ) . The reforming s t r a t e g y of the YOA through i t s reasoned concern f o r due process makes i t unaware of s o c i a l and economic r e a l i t i e s of the youth a s s o c i a t e d w i t h t h e i r c r i m i n a l behaviour. A n t i - w e l f a r i s m of the j u s t i c e and crime c o n t r o l p e r s p e c t i v e s , and w e l f a r i s m , both i g n o r e the entrenched p o l i t i c a l and economic s t r u c t u r e s surrounding youth. As a system of s o c i a l c o n t r o l the law c r i m i n a l i z e s dependent youth and manages them through p r i n c i p l e s and p r a c t i c e s of r e h a b i l i t a t i o n , w e l f a r e , j u s t i c e , r e t r i b u t i o n , d e t e r r e n c e and crime c o n t r o l . "Short, sharp shock" i s an a d d i t i o n t o the j u v e n i l e j u s t i c e system a r s e n a l . 189 Under the YOA, c o e r c i v e c o n t r o l i s expanded, although t h i s development i s c l a i m e d t o be r e h a b i l i t a t i v e . A spectrum of c o n t r o l o p t i o n s have been put i n p l a c e as a d e - e s c a l a t i n g c o n t r o l mechanism. The t h r e e year sentence, now b e i n g r a i s e d t o f i v e y e a r s , i s g i v e n t o these worst o f f e n d e r s , u n l e s s they are r a i s e d t o a d u l t c o u r t . For l e s s severe o f f e n s e s , a s e t of t a r i f f s i s a p p l i e d . S o c i a l r e a s o ning, based upon ' p r o t e c t i o n of s o c i e t y ' and ' l e g a l r i g h t s ' , j u s t i f i e s a p r o h i b a t i v e response and r e s t r i c t s young o f f e n d e r s t o a p u n i t i v e - s t y l e r e h a b i l i t a t i v e program. H e u r i s t i c s w i t h i n l e g a l r a t i o n a l i t y keeps the s p i r i t of the l e g i s l a t i v e YOA a l i v e by e s c a l a t i n g r e t r i b u t i o n , d e t e r r e n c e , and • s p e c i a l needs*. In e f f e c t , the c o u r t s , by i n t e r p r e t i n g ' s p e c i a l needs of c h i l d r e n ' as r e h a b i l i t a t i o n needs, r e c o g n i z e t h i s p r i n c i p l e i n the YOA. None of the judges s t a t e d t h a t as a concept of j u s t i c e , r e h a b i l i t a t i o n should be i n t r o d u c e d i n t o the p r i n c i p l e s t o c l a r i f y the i n t e n t i o n s of the l e g i s l a t u r e t o ' o f f e r guidance' to young o f f e n d e r s . Instead, the judges argue t h a t r e f o r m a t i v e i n t e n t i o n s must be consonant w i t h a j u s t i c e and crime c o n t r o l p h i l o s o p h y a t the expense of a r e h a b i l i t a t i o n p h i l o s o p h y . Under p r e s e n t f i s c a l and l e g a l a d m i n i s t r a t i v e c o n d i t i o n s , requirements f o r r e h a b i l i t a t i o n geared t o the o f f e n d e r r a t h e r than the o f f e n s e are deemed i r r e l e v a n t or of minimal importance. In the i n t e r e s t s of both c o n t r o l and emancipation, l e g a l d i s c o u r s e c l a i m s t o have r e c o u r s e t o an a b s t r a c t moral p r i n c i p l e : 190 j u s t i c e , s u g g e s t i n g u n i v e r s a l i n t e r e s t s . J u s t i c e i s a p p l i e d through two b a s i c forms of l e g a l r e a s o n i n g as i d e n t i f i e d i n the l i t e r a t u r e and from our e m p i r i c a l p r e s e n t a t i o n s of the judges' l e g a l r e a s o n i n g . The judges adhered t o these two s c h o o l s of j u r i s p r u d e n c e , each of which l o c a t e d j u s t i c e i n an a b s t r a c t i o n . In the f i r s t , j u s t i c e i s 'discovered' through the j u r i s t s ' p r o d u c t i o n o f sound judgment. J u s t i c e i s , t h e r e f o r e , 'already t h e r e ' . A b s t r a c t p r i n c i p l e s and case r e a s o n i n g d i s c o v e r h e u r i s t i c a l l y the ' j u d i c i a l s u b j e c t ' , d e f i n e d i n terms of r i g h t s , access t o the law, impersonal but j u s t treatment, and exemption from s o c i a l background. In the second, s o c i o l o g i c a l method i s implemented t o r e v e a l a c a u s a l r e l a t i o n s h i p . A n a l y t i c j u r i s p r u d e n c e i s what the judges accept as a standard or a p r i o r i f o r t h e i r j u d i c i a l p r a c t i c e of d i s c o v e r y : understanding of p r i n c i p l e s ; case r e a s o n i n g ; and e x p e r i e n c e of ' c o r r e c t ' a p p l i c a t i o n of the law. S o c i o l o g i c a l j u r i s p r u d e n c e l o c a t e s i t s r e a s o n i n g i n a p o s t e r i o r i accounts of events and t h e i r j u d i c i a l / s o c i a l i m p l i c a t i o n s . In keeping w i t h the e x p e c t a t i o n s of the s o c i o l o g i c a l movement i n law, I have e l i c i t e d the judges' experience w i t h the YOA and the JDA, as concerning t h e s e forms of l e g a l reasoning, as w e l l as t h e i r de f a c t o accounts of c o n s t r a i n t s i n the p r a c t i c e s of o f f i c i a l s and a v a i l a b i l i t y of r e s o u r c e s . Advocacy of c o r r e c t r e a s o n i n g was promoted t o ensure j u s t i c e and youth r i g h t s as a r e s u l t of the s p e c i f i c p r a c t i c e s of the t r i a l , and of a p p r o p r i a t e d i s p o s i t i o n s based on o f f e n c e t a r i f f s . 191 The two phases of j u d i c i a l p r o c e s s , the t r i a l and the sentencing, were separa t e d . By advocating formal l e g a l r e a s o n i n g , on the one hand, the judges remained f a i t h f u l t o the h e u r i s t i c p r a c t i c e s of law. On the o t h e r hand, they c r i t i c i z e d the t r i a l p r o c e s s as open t o s u b v e r s i o n by r e q u i r i n g s t a t i s t i c a l p r a c t i c e s , the o p e r a t i o n of c o u r t d e l a y s and of l e g a l a i d e system f a i l u r e s . Advocacy of b e t t e r j u r i s p r u d e n c e through m o d i f i c a t i o n s of the YOA, were suggested as s o l u t i o n s . However, these were ad hoc, r e g a r d i n g l o n g e r sentences as a response t o a d o l e s c e n t murderers as a means t o ' p r o t e c t s o c i e t y ' , and t o p r o v i d e f o r b e t t e r use of judges' time. The s p e c i f i c j u d i c i a l d e c i s i o n s and g e n e r a l j u d i c i a l p r a c t i c e s i n the youth c o u r t s were defended a g a i n s t a b s t r a c t r u l e - g u i d e d Courts of Appeal d e c i s i o n s and 'moral p a n i c s * c r e a t e d by s h o r t - t e r m community concern. The long-term hope of law reform through proper r e a s o n i n g remained unchallenged. The form of the law i s not a determinate s t r u c t u r e . J u d i c a l i n t e r p r e t a t i o n can become p h i l o s o p h i c a l hermeneutics when i t i s l i n k e d t o b e l i e f s about the nature of i n t e r p r e t a t i o n , r a t h e r than w i t h v a r i o u s techniques and the shortcomings of a c t u a l l e g a l i n t e r p r e t a t i o n . That i s , the l e g a l i n t e r p r e t i v e form might be used t o mediate (and a i d i n c r e a t i n g ) s t r u c t u r e s f o r community c o n f l i c t r e s o l u t i o n . I f the form of r e a s o n i n g i s an i n t e r p r e t i v e s y l l o g i s m , i t s r a t i o n a l i t y can be used more b r o a d l y as a m e d i a t i o n t o o l f o r community change purposes, r a t h e r than merely f o r j u s t i c e , w e l f a r e and crime c o n t r o l . 192 For those judges who s u b s c r i b e d t o the law reform movement, pessimism stemmed from poor r e s o u r c e s , the l i m i t s o f w e l f a r e s u p e r v i s i o n , and wrongful i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o r d e l i b e r a t e d i s t o r t i o n of t h e i r judgments by c o r r e c t i o n a l o f f i c i a l s . Advocacy of de l i n q u e n c y l e g i s l a t i o n i n the YOA was approved. However, i f c l o s e l y t i e d t o the C h a r t e r of R i g h t s , the YOA was thought t o be o v e r l y l e g a l i s t i c . As a response t o a d o l e s c e n t murderers, r a p i s t s , and a p p a r e n t l y i n c o r r i g i b l e o f f e n d e r s , the YOA judges c a l l f o r t i g h t e r c o n t r o l , as a means t o ' p r o t e c t s o c i e t y ' . The use of t h i s p r i n c i p l e has been g i v e n wider ecope i n the e x p e c t a t i o n of a d e t e r r e n t e f f e c t . For the remainder of young o f f e n d e r s b e f o r e the c o u r t , t h e r e were no c l e a r d e f i n i t i o n s o f r e h a b i l i t a t i o n , except d i s c i p l i n a r y s u p e r v i s i o n and moral reform. Law reform f o r d i s c i p l i n a r y purposes was regarded as a p p r o p r i a t e and termed ' r e h a b i l i t a t i v e ' . The f a i l u r e s o f law reform i n not a d d r e s s i n g i n e q u a l i t i e s of gender, c l a s s , and age were circumvented by j e t t i s o n i n g the parens p a t r i a e concept. The p a t e r n a l i s t i c p r a c t i c e s o f the Courts and of l e g i s l a t i o n attempting t o address t h e s e s t r u c t u r a l i n e q u a l i t i e s were c o n s i d e r e d t o be i n a p p r o p r i a t e concerns f o r delinquency c o n t r o l l e g i s l a t i o n . The i s s u e of c o l l e c t i v e a g a i n s t i n d i v i d u a l i z i n g approaches t o change, needs, f i r s t l y , a p h i l o s o p h i c a l approach t o the i n d i v i d u a l -s o c i a l paradox. (In the l a s t chapter, I gave a t h e o r e t i c a l b a s i s adopted from F o u c a u l t , as a r e s e a r c h g u i d i n g d i r e c t i v e . ) Secondly, 193 i t r e q u i r e s r e s o l u t i o n of the d i s t i n c t i o n between p r a c t i c a l and l e g a l r e a s o n i n g , but s i t u a t e d w i t h i n a m a t e r i a l i s t s t r u c t u r e , not i n an i n d i v i d u a l i d e a t i o n a l dimension. U n d e r s c o r i n g • r e h a b i l i t a t i o n 1 as an i d e a l concept i n a m o d i f i e d YOA, would not be e f f e c t i v e , s i n c e the grounds f o r t h i s assumptive i d e a l are not based i n power-knowledge r e l a t i o n s . In c o n t r a s t t o opposing ' j u s t i c e 1 and 'welfare', we need t o l o c a t e , c r i t i c i z e and implement the p r o c e s s e s of e x p e r i e n t i a l , p r a c t i c a l r e a s o n i n g r e g a r d i n g our e x p e c t a t i o n s f o r the use of m a t e r i a l r e s o u r c e s and q u a l i t y of s o c i a l l i f e . T h i r d l y . We need t o r e s t r u c t u r e s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s i n o r d e r t o d e r a t i o n a l i z e and d e c o n s t r u c t a p r e v a i l i n g s o c i a l c o n t r o l emphasis on ' p a t h o l o g i c a l ' i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s of crime. The r e l a t i o n s h i p between the law and s t a t e s o c i a l c o n t r o l i s seen as a t o o l f o r the l e g i t i m a t i o n of the s t r u g g l e f o r youth r i g h t s i n the 60's p e r i o d of reform. T h i s can be assessed as e i t h e r a g a i n or l o s s . The i n c r e a s i n g use of i n c a r c e r a t i o n and i n c r e a s i n g c o n t r o l of youth suggest a l o s s . Advocacy of l e g i s l a t i v e change i s i n s u f f i c i e n t . The s o c i o l o g y of reformism w i t h i t s emphasis on p r a c t i c e s and p r i n c i p l e s (power-knowledge r e l a t i o n s ) suggests t h a t s o c i a l c o n t r o l i s expanding through i d e o l o g i c a l t a c t i c s of d e c a r c e r a t i o n and c a r c e r a t i o n , which have a net-widening e f f e c t i n r e p l a c i n g community-based o p t i o n s (Cohen, 1985). Under the JDA, r e c i d i v i s t s were not so c o n t r o l l e d by the mechanisms of l e g a l reformism. Large numbers of youth o f f e n d e r s escaped the l e g a l network. When the new f o r c e s of l e g a l reformism 194 met i n the p o l i t i c a l arena, the YOA developed a s t r a t e g y t o p l u g these h o l e s i n the c a r c e r n a l network. The s t r a t e g i c r e s u l t of l e g a l - a d m i n i s t r a t i v e p o l i c i e s promoted by the youth c o u r t judges i s grounded i n a Canadian a d v e r s a r i a l , managerial c u l t u r e . Youth c o u r t judges use t h e i r term ' l e g a l c u l t u r e ' . I have used t h i s concept f o r i t s h e u r i s t i c and h i s t o r i o g r a p h i c i m p l i c a t i o n s . I n q u i r y through the s o c i a l s c i e n c e s has taken an ' i n t e r p r e t i v e t u r n ' (Rabinow and S u l l i v a n , 1979:1). There i s no l o n g e r a p o s i t i v i s t taboo a g a i n s t merging e t h i c a l concerns w i t h d e s c r i p t i o n . The s o c i o l o g i s t does not need t o approach the r e a l s u b j e c t i n a v a l u e - f r e e way. By c o l l e c t i n g both d e s c r i p t i v e f a c t s and e v a l u a t i v e h i s t o r i c a l - h e r m e n e u t i c m a t e r i a l , I p r e s e n t e d the judges' method as h e u r i s t i c r e a s o n i n g . H e u r i s t i c a c t i o n , or knowledge of good a c t i o n and judgment i n a c o n t e x t which i s h i s t o r i c a l and c u l t u r a l , i s h o l i s t i c . But a c t i o n i s n e v e r t h e l e s s separated from d i s c o u r s e , because i n d i v i d u a l s do not have the same s t a r t i n g p o i n t . The problem of i n d i v i d u a l i s m , r a t h e r than of the c o n c r e t e , p r a c t i c a l s u b j e c t , i s not surpassed, or decentered. W i t h i n a t h e o r y of r a t i o n a l i t y i t i s thought p o s s i b l e t o t r a n s c e n d s o c i a l l o c a t i o n . But t h e r e are problems w i t h i n hermeneutics, r e l a t i n g t o b e l i e f s about i n t e r p r e t a t i o n as r e v e a l i n g the world. By grounding a c t i o n i n d i s c o u r s e and d i s c u r s i v e p r a c t i c e s , u s i n g F o u c a u l d i a n l i n e s of c o n n e c t i o n , I have l o c a t e d c u l t u r a l ' t r a c e s ' i n the YOA and i n i t s a p p l i c a t i o n , not simply f o r t h e i r v a r i e t y and t e x t u r e , as hermeneutics p r e s c r i b e s . My a n a l y s i s 195 seeks t o d e s c r i b e r e a s o n i n g i t s e l f as a c u l t u r a l / h i s t o r i c a l p r a c t i c e . The key t o the d i f f e r e n c e s between Habermas 1 and Gadamer's i n t e r p r e t i v e t u r n and F o u c a u l t ' s understanding of the p r e s e n t , " l i e s i n a t heory of r a t i o n a l i t y or a geneology of r a t i o n a l p r a c t i c e s " (Rabinow and S u l l i v a n , 1987:25). Habermas supports a communicative a c t i o n system, which does decenter the i n d i v i d u a l s u b j e c t . He supports a t h e o r e t i c a l p r a c t i c e f o r s o c i a l movements and i n c r e a s e d u n i t y of s u b j e c t s ; he moves from i n d i v i d u a l ego-competencies t o s o c i a l agreements. Hi s work c o u l d be used t o asses the emancipatory e f f e c t of the law r eform movement, as a communicative a c t i o n movement, f o r example. I d i s a g r e e w i t h h i s method r a t h e r than h i s g o a l s . By l o c a t i n g i d e a l speech a p r i o r i i n r a t i o n a l i t y , the i n d i v i d u a l i s emphasized over the c o l l e c t i v e . U s i n g F o u c a u l t ' s work, I aimed t o l o o k a t c o l l e c t i v e r a t i o n a l p r a c t i c e s . W i t h i n the YOA and the c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system I looked a t the h e u r i s t i c theme of law as a c o l l e c t i v e p r a c t i c e . W i t h i n t h i s l e g a l form, ' j u s t i c e ' f a i l s because i n d i v i d u a l r a t i o n a l i t y s u r p l a n t s c o l l e c t i v e r a t i o n a l i t y . Although an i n t e r p r e t i v e s y l l o g i s m uses a r a t i o n a l method, i t i s a v a i l a b l e t o the law f o r n o n - i n d i v i d u a l i s t i c case r e a s o n i n g . The c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system w i t h i t s i d e o l o g y of youth crime c o n t r o l , can be seen as p a r t of the s t a t e ' s attempt t o s u p e r v i s e , atomize, and t r a i n the l a b o u r i n g or unemployed youth. Crime c o n t r o l can a l s o be p a r t of the s t r u c t u r a l a f f i n i t i e s of r a t i o n a l 196 c u l t u r a l r e l a t i o n s . ( W i l l i s , 1977, d i s c u s s e s s c h o o l i n g as a s t r u c t u r e - a g e n t r e l a t i o n of l e a r n i n g t o e n t e r the l a b o u r i n g c l a s s ) . In the c o n t e x t of Canadian c u l t u r e , crime c o n t r o l has been l a r g e l y accepted. U s i n g F o u c a u l t 1 s conceptual domain, the d i s c o u r s e of the YOA i s b u i l t upon a d i s c i p l i n a r y s o c i a l body, which uses j u s t i c e and crime c o n t r o l s t r a t e g i e s . By a s s e s s i n g the formations of r e s i s t a n c e , might we see the p o s s i b i l i t i e s of counterpower? The a n a l y s i s of communication as a form of r e s i s t a n c e i s f o c a l i n a s s e s s i n g the impact of the YOA. From an emancipatory theory, I d i s a g r e e w i t h F o u c a u l t t h a t t h e r e i s no c o n s t r u a l of counterpower i n the n o t i o n of ' r e s i s t a n c e s * . Power might be d e f i n e d as the power of language p r o j e c t e d i n t o domains of a c t i o n . These domains are mediated by s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e s . I f the motive source f o r power i s b o d i l y c a p a c i t i e s , power i s mediated by communication i n the form of d i s c o u r s e s (knowledge-power r e l a -t i o n s ) ; the r e s u l t i s again mediation of s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e s and l e a d s t o s o c i a l a c t i o n . Understanding the c o n s t r u c t i o n of groups encompasses the s e l f - r e f l e x i v i t y of s o c i a l a c t i o n , but c r e a t e s a problem i n i t s own r i g h t . P h i l o s o p h i c a l hermeneutics r e l a t e s t o b e l i e f s , which though r e l a t e d t o p r a c t i c e s , i s not r e f l e x i v e of i t s grounding i n power-knowledge r e l a t i o n s . As I understand F o u c a u l t , s t a t e i n t e r e s t s are c o n t i n g e n t on p o l i t i c a l - i d e o l o g i c a l formations of power-knowledge r e l a t i o n s h i p s . I c r i t i c i z e d the d i s c o u r s e s d i r e c t i n g the c l a i m t h a t the l e g a l 197 system i s s e p a r a b l e from s t a t e s t r a t e g i e s . J u r i s p r u d e n c e c l a i m s formal p r a c t i c e s . S i n c e l e g a l focus i s moral and p r o c e d u r a l , d i s c o u r s e s o f a l e g a l formation c l a i m t o be p r o t e c t i v e o f youths' i n t e r e s t s and r i g h t s throughout t h e i r s o j o u r n i n the l e g a l system. The g u i d i n g t h r e a d i n f o r m i n g the t h e s i s n a r r a t i v e o f the replacement o f the JDA wit h the YOA i s the i n t e n t i o n a l formation of d i s c o u r s e s . To ground i n t e n t i o n , I have examined s o c i a l and p e r s o n a l r e a s o n i n g . These forms of re a s o n i n g a re based i n power and knowledge r e l a t i o n s , i n t e r s e c t i n g as r a t i o n a l ' d i s c o u r s e s ' . In the YOA, f o u r l e g a l d i s c o u r s e s are manipulated: w e l f a r e , j u s t i c e , crime c o n t r o l , and community change. S t a t e s t r a t e g i e s are the r e s u l t i n g t e r m i n a l p a t t e r n o f these d i s c o u r s e s . J u r i s t s are i m p l i c a t e d through d i s c o u r s e s by t h e i r p r a c t i c e s o f reason and judgement ( l e g a l - p r a c t i c a l r a t i o n a l i t y ) , by t h e i r use of other l i n e s o f d i s c o u r s e s t h a t tend t o normalize youths, o r by the c o n s t r a i n t s on the l e g a l / a d m i n i s t r a t i v e h i e r a r c h y . In c o n t r a s t , as an a l t e r n a t i v e power r e l a t i o n s , d i s c o u r s e e t h i c s as communication uses c r i t i q u e , r h e t o r i c s and a e s t h e t i c s , not onl y r a t i o n a l i t y , i n a communicative a c t i o n system wi t h a g o a l o f overcoming c o e r c i o n and r e p r e s s i o n . The f o r e g o i n g argument suggests t h a t d i s c o u r s e s are w r i t t e n i n t o the normative s t r u c t u r e s o f the 1 s o c i a l ' . Youth between the ye a r s 12 and 18, and judges, who i n t e r p r e t the a c t , make a p o i n t of i n t e r s e c t i o n o f many l i n e s o f d i s c o u r s e . These l i n e s c o n s t i t u t e a s o c i a l l o c a t i o n i n t o which the o f f e n d e r and the judge are 'thrown'. 1 9 8 The n o t i o n of the openness of the l o c a t i o n stems from Heidegger. Yet, t h e r e i s no open l o c a t i o n t h a t i s f r e e from i t s grounding i n power. From these o n t o l o g i c a l l o c a t i o n s , understandings are produced t h a t fuse w i t h c o n t i n g e n t understandings of o t h e r s w i t h i n i n s t i t u t i o n s : e d u c a t i o n , f a m i l y , law and economy. Usi n g F o u c a u l t ' s a n a l y t i c s and Gadamer's hermeneutics, as a way of f u s i n g i n t e r p r e t i v e h o r i z o n s , I c o n s t r u c t e d a g r i d of i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s of judgments and a c t s of law r e g a r d i n g youth, t u r n i n g back t o the YOA, and t o the l e g a l - / a d m i n i s t r a t i v e p r a c t i c e s of s t a t e - s o c i a l c o n t r o l . The l i m i t a t i o n s of s t a t e s t r a t e g i e s come i n the form of r e s i s t a n c e s t h a t can take the shape of a c o u n t e r - g r i d . Counter-power i s not based on communicatively shared r a t i o n a l c o n v i c t i o n s , as Habermas argues. I f power/knowledge r e l a t i o n s have antagonisms i n c u r r e n t l e g a l d i s c o u r s e s , the shape of the g r i d would be transformed by use of the c o l l e c t i v e power of community change s t r u c t u r e s . The concept of 'emancipatory power' suggested here i s c o n c e p t u a l i z e d as c o l l e c t i v e d i s c o u r s e s . I t begins from p o i n t s t h a t fuse i n t o t a c t i c s . There are no p r i o r i t i e s w i t h i n j u d i c i a l r e a s o n i n g f o r d i s c u r s i v e , n o n d i s c u r s i v e p r a c t i c e s of communication r e g a r d i n g c o l l e c t i v e s t r u c t u r e s . In f a c t , t h e r e may w e l l be such d i s c o u r s e s a l r e a d y i n p l a c e . F o u c a u l t i n t e r p r e t s d i s c i p l i n a r y power as a power t h a t produces c i v i l s o c i e t y , r a t h e r than a c i v i l s o c i e t y mediated by p o l i t i c a l , i d e o l o g i c a l , and economic p r o c e s s e s . Is d i s c i p l i n a r y power the prime mover? 199 I n s o f a r as t h e r e i s no t o t a l , r a t i o n a l moral consensus, (Maclntyre, 1984), r h e t o r i c s of p e r s u a s i o n are used t o s o l v e i s s u e s o f j u s t i c e , but do not a l l o w the " t r u t h " of c o n t e s t i n g p l u r a l i t i e s . What touches the h e a r t (what comes from experience) i s what comes t o be t r u e . In law, judges i n t e r p r e t the world r e g a r d i n g t h e i r sense of the l o v e of j u s t i c e (as w e l l as of p r i d e , honour, courage, and p i t y ) . Adding t o 'emotivism* i s t h e i r sense of c o n s t r a i n t s from judgments, s t a t u t e s and o t h e r s o c i a l c o n t i n g e n c i e s as the r e a l i z a t i o n o f t h e i r sense of a j u s t d e c i s i o n . Emotivism i s the d o c t r i n e t h a t : a l l e v a l u a t i v e judgments and more s p e c i f i c a l l y a l l moral judgements are n o t h i n g but e x p r e s s i o n s of p r e f e r e n c e , e x p r e s s i o n s of a t t i t u d e or f e e l i n g s , i n s o f a r as they are moral or e v a l u a t i v e i n c h a r a c t e r . (A. Maclntyre, 1985:12) Language s i g n i f i e s a 'form of l i f e * t h a t shows us how t o go about the world ( W i t t g e n s t e i n , 1958). Without a d d r e s s i n g the q u e s t i o n of how e x p r e s s i o n , emotion, holism, a c t i o n and community are i n t e r r e l a t e d , C h a r l e s T a y l o r , i n an address g i v e n a t UBC l a s t year, argued t h a t language use i s c o n s t i t u t i v e of these c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s i n p r o d u c i n g the s p e c i f i c i t y of s i g n s . U n l i k e Habermas 1 communicative a c t i o n system, the communicative l i f e - w o r l d i s not something imposed r e f l e x i v e l y by c o n s c i o u s n e s s , but i s g i v e n i n the c u l t u r a l e xperience i t s e l f as the 'understanding 1 of the other person (the youth offender) from a c e r t a i n s o c i a l l o c a t i o n . In t h i s t h e s i s , I examined the s p e c i f i c i t y of l o c a t i o n as grounded i n power-knowledge r e l a t i o n s . I f r a t i o n a l moral grounds o f f e r p o s s i b i l i t i e s f o r r e c o n s t r u c t i o n , 200 as M a c l n t y r e argues, where does m o r a l i t y come from? I f m o r a l i t y , i s not grounded i n r a t i o n a l i t y , then we are l e f t w i t h emotivism (Maclntrye,1984). In the j u v e n i l e j u s t i c e system, t h e r e i s no form of p a r t i c i p a t o r y communication t h a t a l l o w s f o r r a t i o n a l c o n s i d e r a t i o n o f the e t h i c s of a l l contending v i e w p o i n t s . An a l t e r n a t i v e s t a r t i n g p o i n t would be found w i t h i n t h e o r e t i c a l -e m p i r i c a l s t u d i e s o f r a t i o n a l c o l l e c t i v e s t r u c t u r e s . S o c i o l o g i s t s c o u l d be engaged t o study a l t e r n a t i v e d i s p u t e r e s o l u t i o n p rocesses i n groups r e l a t e d t o youth, e s p e c i a l l y those w i t h a s o c i a l i z a t i o n -e d u c a t i o n component, such as Parent-Teachers A s s o c i a t i o n s . E m p i r i c a l / t h e o r e t i c a l s t u d i e s o f l e g a l i t y i n the c r e a t i o n o f law and d i s p u t e r e s o l u t i o n (endemic t o s o c i a l formations) i s an important r e s e a r c h d i r e c t i o n . As an outcome of the j u s t i c e system i n p l a c e , m o r a l i t y i s seen as embedded i n the c o n s t r u c t i o n s of a c t i o n by r a t i o n a l i n d i v i d u a l s . But we c o u l d empower d e c e n t r a l i z e d , community bodies t o work with youth and rework the n o t i o n o f r a t i o n a l i t y t o i n c l u d e experiences of l a y people, ' t h e r a p i s t s ' , as w e l l as o f youth a s s i g n e d t o p a r t i c u l a r groups. V o l u n t a r i s m remains an i s s u e , but one t h a t can be addressed i n d i a l o g u e ; c o e r c i o n d i s a p p e a r s . The assumptive i d e a l o f j u r i s p r u d e n c e i s t h a t by r e f e r r i n g t o i t s own f i r s t p r i n c i p l e s o f j u s t i c e , and by i t s method, i t can r a t i o n a l l y r e c o n s t r u c t the i n t e n t i o n s of i n d i v i d u a l s . Habermas s t a t e s t h a t j u r i s p r u d e n c e has assumed the u n i v e r s a l r a t i o n a l f o u n d a t i o n s of l e g a l domination (Habermas, 1973:98). As he argues, l e g a l 2 0 1 l e g i t