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Everyday life in the golden city : a historical geography of Rossland, British Columbia Ripmeester, Michael R. 1990

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EVERYDAY LIFE IN THE GOLDEN CITY: A H i s t o r i c a l Geography of Rossland, B r i t i s h Columbia By M i c h a e l R. Ripmeester B.A., The U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1988 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS i n THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES ( Department of Geography ) We ac c e p t t h i s t h e s i s as conforming t o the r e q u i r e d s t a n d a r d THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA September 1990 © M i c h a e l Robert Ripmeester, 1990 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Department of The University of British Columbia Vancouver, Canada Date S^-FTemP^lZ ^4-, mo DE-6 (2/88) ABSTRACT Rossland, B r i t i s h Columbia, l i k e many other Kootenay towns was the c h i l d of a turn-of-the-century lode mining boom. As such, Rossland was a f r o n t i e r settlement, but i t was also part of an i n d u s t r i a l mining complex which had been working northward out of the C a l i f o r n i a gold f i e l d s of the 1840s. The period under examination extends from the discovery of ores on Red Mountain i n 1887 to 1902, by which time Rossland was established as a mature mining c i t y . I argue that there was a r e l a t i o n s h i p between the l e v e l of mechanized mining on Red Mountain and the s o c i a l structure of Rossland. Research indicates that the rapi d mechanization of Rossland*s mines produced a s t r a t i f i e d s o c i a l structure, a s p e c i f i c r e s i d e n t i a l pattern, and an e t h n i c a l l y segmented labour force. Very quickly one's occupation, one's gender, and one's e t h n i c i t y determined what one's opportunities and experiences would be. i i T a b l e of Contents Page A b s t r a c t . • i i L i s t of T a b l e s i v L i s t of Maps v Acknowledgements. . . v i 1. I n t r o d u c t i o n : Of Dioramas 1 2. S e t t i n g the Context: Lode M i n i n g i n the Western C o r d i l l e r a 14 3. From Bar to Boardroom and Other S t o r i e s .....41 4. C l a s s , Gender, and E t h n i c i t y i n R o s s l a n d . . . . 76 5 . C o n c l u s i o n 146 B i b l i o g r a p h y .149 Appendix A - 157 i i i L i s t of T a b l e s Page T a b l e 1-Rossland Mining S t a t i s t i c s , 1891-1897 47 Ta b l e 2-Rossland M i n i n g S t a t i s t i c s , 1898-1902 66 Ta b l e 3-Rossland M i n i n g B u s i n e s s S t a t i s t i c s , 1895-1902.... 67 Tab l e 4 - 0 c c u p a t i o n a l S t r u c t u r e among Males by M a r i t a l S t a t u s . . . . 83 Ta b l e 5 - O c c u p a t i o n a l S t r u c t u r e among Females by M a r i t a l S t a t u s 84 Ta b l e 6 ^ R e l a t i o n s h i p t o Employment by Sex 85 Ta b l e 7-Rossland O c c u u p a t i o n a l Groups 1901 86 Ta b l e 8-Occupation and Wage S t r u c t u r e among Employed Males... 88 T a b l e 9-Occupation and Wage S t r u c t u r e among Employed Females 90 Ta b l e 1 0 - D i s t r i b u t i o n of E t h n i c Backgrounds by Census S u b d i s t r i c t 121 Ta b l e 1 1 - D i s t r i b u t i o n of E t h n i c Groups i n the Labour Force (Male) 126 Ta b l e 1 2 - D i s t r i b u t i o n of E t h n i c Groups i n the Labour Force 127 i v L i s t of Maps Page Map 1-Some Western C o r d i l l e r a n Ore S t r i k e s , 1848-1910 19 Map 2-South-eastern B r i t i s h Columbia and B o r d e r i n g S t a t e s 44 Map 3-Rossland and V i c i n i t y 59 Map 4-Rossland Town S i t e , 1897 101 Map 5-Rossland: F i r s t Avenue and L i n c o l n S t r e e t , 1897 102 Map 6-Ethnic Neighbourhoods i n Rossland, approx. 1902 145 v Acknowledgements There are many who c o n t r i b u t e d to the c o m p l e t i o n of t h i s t h e s i s and my p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the Master of A r t s program of U.B.C. I would l i k e to use t h i s space to acknowledge t h e i r e f f o r t s . I would l i k e to thank Dr. D. H i e b e r t , my academic s u p e r v i s o r , f o r h i s guidance and support through my p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the M.A. program. I would a l s o l i k e t o Dr. R.C. H a r r i s f o r h i s i n s i g h t s and a i d i n d e v e l o p i n g my t h e s i s . I am a l s o e t e r n a l l y i n d e b t e d to my w i f e , Anna, who not o n l y put up w i t h me, but gave her support and her t a l e n t s as a proof reader and a r t i s t . I am a l s o v e r y g r a t e f u l f o r the h e l p of those a s s o c i a t e d w i t h the Ros s l a n d H i s t o r i c a l Museum A s s o c i a t i o n : Joyce T a d e v i c , Jenny L a n g i l l e , Jack MacDonald, and Harry L e f e v r e . F i n a l l y I would a l s o l i k e t o acknowledge the a i d of the s t a f f of the S p e c i a l C o l l e c t i o n s Department, Main L i b r a r y , U.B.C. v i 1 I n t r o d u c t i o n : Of Dioramas Rossland, B r i t i s h Columbia was, a t i t s z e n i t h , a w e l l known and much d i s c u s s e d town. Mines d e l v e d i n t o the bedrock of s u r r o u n d i n g mountains y i e l d e d more than $4 m i l l i o n i n g o l d per ye a r d u r i n g y e a r s of peak p r o d u c t i o n . For a number of years around the t u r n - o f - t h e - c e n t u r y Rossland, known as the Golden C i t y , was a h i v e of a c t i v i t y . I t was a l s o p a r t of a wider world, wherein d i s t a n t events had f a r r e a c h i n g e f f e c t s . Yet i t was a p l a c e where people l i v e d out t h e i r l i v e s , t r i e d t o make sense of the world, and c r e a t e d and ma i n t a i n e d communities and r e l a t i o n s h i p s . There are many p o s s i b l e methodologies and t e c h n i q u e s w i t h i n the d i s c i p l i n e of geography t h a t can be used t o i n t e r p r e t t u r n - o f - t h e -c e n t u r y Rossland, most w i t h some m e r i t s and a l l w i t h shortcomings. One t h a t h o l d s appeal i s the diorama approach f o r m u l a t e d by T o r s t e n H a g e r s t r a n d . Hagerstrand suggests the diorama approach be used l i k e those museum d i s p l a y s where the e x h i b i t i s s e t i n i t s n a t u r a l s u r r o u n d i n g s . He argues t h a t "...we must i n c l u d e both what i s v e r y c l o s e , even what i s hidde n under our r o o f s , and what i s v e r y d i s t a n t , say, the c l o u d s and the 1 s t a r s . " 1 These p r o p o s i t i o n s are c l o s e l y r e l a t e d t o Hagerstrand's i n s i s t e n c e on the need f o r c o n t e x t i n g e o g r a p h i c a l i n q u i r y , and as he i n s i n u a t e s , f o r i n q u i r y i n g e n e r a l . He s t a t e s i t t h i s way: ...human a c t i o n always has to e n f o l d ( s i c ) i n r e a l dioramas and whatever f o r e s e e n o r unexpected consequences come about, they depend upon what i s p r e s e n t and what i s absent and i n what s o r t of r e l a t i o n s p r e c i s e l y where the a c t i o n s happen...by s h i e l d i n g o f f - — i n o t h e r words making a b s e n t — - e v e r y t h i n g but the one or two v a r i a b l e s one wants t o study, one i s a l s o c r e a t i n g c o n d i t i o n s t h a t do not e x i s t and p r o b a b l y v e r y o f t e n cannot e x i s t i n any ima g i n a b l e w o r l d . ^ Of course no i n q u i r y , g e o g r a p h i c o r ot h e r w i s e , can hope to encompass an e n t i r e diorama. Such a p e r s p e c t i v e would by d e f i n i t i o n i n c l u d e a g l o b a l p e r s p e c t i v e , y e t be f i n e - g r a i n e d enough to p i c k out i n d i v i d u a l paths and p r o j e c t s . H a g e r s t r a n d r e c o g n i z e s and a l l o w s f o r t h i s , but he suggests t h a t what i s o m i t t e d s h o u l d a t l e a s t be kept i n mind. 3 H a g e r s t r a n d uses, the diorama approach as a s e t t i n g f o r h i s f o r m u l a t i o n of time-geography, some of the concepts of which are impo r t a n t t o t h i s t h e s i s . There a re two important components t o time-geography, paths and p r o j e c t s . The premise t h a t l i e s behind time-geography i s t h a t the c o n s e c u t i v e a c t i o n s t h a t people make i n the cour s e of a day, 1. T. Hagerstrand, "Diorama, Path, and P r o j e c t , " Tijdschrift voor Economische en Sociale Geografie, v.73, no.6, 1982, p.325. 2. T. Hage r s t r a n d , "Presence and Absence: A Look a t Conceptual C h o i c e s and B o d i l y N e c e s s i t i e s , " Regional Studies, v.18, n.5, 1984, pp.376-377. 3. I b i d , p.378. 2 y e a r , or l i f e t i m e have s p a t i a l and temporal a t t r i b u t e s . Thus, the h i s t o r y of each and every person, and as Hage r s t r a n d contends, every o t h e r c o n t i n u a n t whether l i v i n g or not, can be seen as h a v i n g a t r a j e c t o r y or path through space and t i m e . 5 A l l a n Pred d e s c r i b e s t h i s movement as a dance, the most s i g n i f i c a n t s t e p s of which occur a t s t a t i o n s , such as homes and p l a c e s of work, s t r u n g a l o n g the pa t h s . While paths are meant t o convey movement through time and space, p r o j e c t s d e l i n e a t e the complete a r r a y of ta s k s needed to complete any g o a l or i n t e n t i o n - o r i e n t a t e d b e h a v i o r . 7 P r o j e c t s i n c l u d e an i n c r e d i b l y v a s t range of b e h a v i o r from the most t r i v i a l p e r s o n a l a c t i v i t i e s to the most important p o l i c y d e c i s i o n s of the world's p o l i t i c a l u n i t s . Time-Geography has r e c e i v e d much r e c o g n i t i o n , some of i t c r i t i c a l , some l a u d i n g . 8 One author who has g i v e n time-geography c o n s i d e r a b l e a t t e n t i o n i s Anthony Giddens. Giddens, an i n f l u e n t i a l s o c i a l t h e o r i s t , has worked t o u n i t e two o f t e n d i s p a r a t e themes, namely s t r u c t u r e and human 4. A. Pred, " S o c i a l R e p r o d u c t i o n and the Time Geography of Ever y day L i f e , " Geografiska Annaler, v.63b, n o . l , 1981, p. 9. 5. Hagerstrand, 1982, p.323. 6. A. Pred, "The choreography of E x i s t e n c e : Comments on Hagerstrand's Time Geography and i t s U s e f u l n e s s , " Economic Geography, v.53, 1977, p.208. 7. Hagerstrand, 1982, p.336. 8. See, f o r example, A. Baker, " H i s t o r i c a l Geography: A New Be g i n n i n g , " Progress in Human Geography, v. 3, 1979; Pred, 1977. 3 agency, i n a t h e o r y of s t r u c t u r a t i o n . B r i e f l y s t a t e d Giddens' c e n t r a l argument i s t h a t : . . . i n the r e p r o d u c t i o n o f s o c i a l life (through systems of i n t e r a c t i o n ) a c t o r s r o u t i n e l y draw upon i n t e r p r e t i v e schemes, r e s o u r c e s , and norms which are made a v a i l a b l e by e x i s t i n g s t r u c t u r e s of s i g n i f i c a t i o n , domination and l e g i t i m a t i o n and t h a t i n d o i n g so they thus immediately and n e c e s s a r i l y r e c o n s t i t u t e those structures.... [ i t a l i c s i n the o r i g i n a l ] 3 Giddens f i n d s time-geography a t t r a c t i v e because i t o f f e r s a c o n t e x t u a l s e t t i n g f o r the everyday a c t i o n s t h a t are so c r u c i a l to h i s f o r m u l a t i o n s . In o t h e r words, i t a l l o w s f o r co n n e c t i o n s t o be made between the r e p r o d u c t i o n and t r a n s f o r m a t i o n of s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e s i n the a c t u a l s e t t i n g s where they o c c u r . ^ However, Giddens i s a l s o s h a r p l y c r i t i c a l of time-geography: F i r s t , i t [time-geography] o p e r a t e s w i t h a n a i v e and d e f i c i e n t c o n c e p t i o n of the human agent.... Agents are rega r d e d as p u r p o s i v e b e i n g s i n the sense t h a t t h e i r a c t i v i t i e s are guided by ' p r o j e c t s * which they pursue. But the n a t u r e and o r i g i n of p r o j e c t s i s l e f t u n e x p l o r e d . Second, Hagerstrand's a n a l y s e s t h e r e f o r e tend t o r e c a p i t u l a t e the d u a l i s m of a c t i o n s and s t r u c t u r e . . . . S t a t i o n s a re themselves taken as g i v e n s , the outcome of u n i n t e r r u p t e d p r o c e s s e s of i n s t i t u t i o n a l f o r m a t i o n and c h a n g e . . . l i t t l e emphasis i s p l a c e d on the t r a n s f o r m a t i o n a l c h a r a c t e r of a l l human a c t i o n . . . . T h i r d , c o n c e n t r a t i o n s o l e l y on the c o n s t r a i n i n g p r o p e r t i e s of the body, i n i t s movement through time and space, i s unwarranted. A l l types of 9. D. Gregory, "Human Agency and Human Geography," Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers, n.s. 6, 1981, pp.8,10 10. A. Giddens, The Constitution of Society, (Los Angeles: U n i v e r s i t y o f C a l i f o r n i a P r e s s , 1984) p . I l l ; "Space, Time and P o l i t i c s i n S o c i a l Theory: an i n t e r v i e w w i t h Anthony Giddens," Conducted by Derek Gregory, Environment and Planning D: Society and Space, v.2, 1984, p.123. 4 c o n s t r a i n t . . . are a l s o types of o p p o r t u n i t y , media f o r the enablement of a c t i o n . . . . F i n a l l y , time-geography i n v o l v e s o n l y a weakly developed t h e o r y of power. Hag e r s t r a n d does t a l k of a u t h o r i t y c o n s t r a i n t s , which he l i n k s t o c a p a b i l i t y and c o u p l i n g r e s t r a i n t s . But these are both vaguely f o r m u l a t e d and invoke a zero-sum c o n c e p t i o n of power as a source of l i m i t a t i o n s upon a c t i o n . 1 1 The common t h r e a d which runs through these c r i t i q u e s concerns the r e l a t i o n s h i p between human a c t o r s and the s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e s w i t h which they must d e a l . In the f o l l o w i n g paragraphs an attempt w i l l be made to s o r t out where agency and s t r u c t u r e l i e i n the u n f o l d i n g of s o c i a l l i f e seen i n a time-geographic p e r s p e c t i v e . The q u e s t i o n of agency i s one t h a t i s d i r e c t l y addressed by Ha g e r s t r a n d . In "Diorama, Path and P r o j e c t , " f o r example, he reminds us t h a t at the head of each of the paths b e i n g t r a c e d through time and space: ...stands a l i v i n g body s u b j e c t endowed w i t h memories, f e e l i n g s , knowledge, i m a g i n a t i o n , and g o a l s — i n o t h e r words c a p a b i l i t i e s too r i c h f o r any k i n d of symbolic r e p r e s e n t a t i o n but d e c i s i v e enough f o r the d i r e c t i o n of p a t h s . 1 2 But as Ha g e r s t r a n d admits i n t h i s paper and elsewhere he f i n d s the p u r s u i t of human i n t e n t i o n s and g o a l s t o be p r o b l e m a t i c . Thus he contends t h a t w h i l e t h e r e i s no b a r r i e r to the r e c o g n i t i o n of i n t e n t i o n s and g o a l s , they are doomed to remain as obtuse to o b s e r v a t i o n as the r e a l i z a t i o n s of these p r o j e c t s remain c l e a r . ^ Consequently, he c o n c e n t r a t e s 11. Giddens, 1984, p.117; "An I n t e r v i e w w i t h . . . , " p.123. 12. Hagerstrand, 1982, p.324. 13. I b i d , p.324. 5 on the paths people weave, the p r o j e c t s they c r e a t e or j o i n , and the c o n s t r a i n t s they must d e a l w i t h . As a r e s u l t H a g e r s t r a n d c r e a t e s a mode of i n q u i r y where the focus i s not so much on the a c t i o n s of s u b j e c t s , but on t h e i r movements between s t a t i o n s . 1 ^ That c o n s t r a i n t s r e s t r i c t the paths woven by human a c t o r s i s a g i v e n and i s a b l y c a p t u r e d u s i n g the methods of time-geography. But, as Giddens argues, humans are a l s o knowledgeable a c t o r s a b l e t o de p l o y power, a c t or not a c t and thereby e f f e c t the pr o c e s s of e v e n t s . 1 ^ These concepts are absent i n Hagerstrand's f o r m u l a t i o n s because of the autonomy he awards t o p r o j e c t s . The q u e s t i o n of i n t e n t i o n or autonomy l y i n g b ehind the fo r m a t i o n of p r o j e c t s f o l l o w s c l o s e l y the q u e s t i o n of agency. H a g e r s t r a n d contends t h a t p r o j e c t s are to be taken "...from the b l u e p r i n t l i b r a r y more o r l e s s the same way as a p i a n i s t p i c k s out ready-made tones from h i s i n s t r u m e n t . " 1 6 T h i s would appear t o be a j u s t i f i c a t i o n of h i s c o n c e p t i o n of p r o j e c t s as autonomous and h e l p s him a v o i d the world of i n t e n t i o n s where he admits he i s uncomfortable. 1"^ Thus, when he d e s c r i b e s the u n f o l d i n g o f a p r o j e c t i t i s the 14. See, f o r example, the diagram on p.330 of Hagerstrand, 1982, The d e t a i l e d mapping out of the weekly movements of d i f f e r e n t groups of people i n the town where he grew up i s i n t e r e s t i n g but the s t a t i o n s , the home, s c h o o l , church, and work, e t c . are r e p r e s e n t e d s i m p l y as empty boxes. 15. Giddens, 1984, p.14. 16. Hagerstrand, 1982, p.324. 17. D. Gregory, "Suspended Animation: The S t a s i s of D i f f u s i o n Theory," Social Relations and Social Structures, D. Gregory and J . U r r y , Eds., (London: M a c M i l l a n P u b l i s h e r s , 1985) p.324. 6 p r o j e c t i t s e l f t h a t weaves i t s way through time d e a l i n g w i t h the s i t u a t i o n s t h a t a r i s e , the human a c t o r s merely p l a y i n g the r o l e s needed to e f f e c t i t s c o m p l e t i o n . T h i s may b r i n g to mind the q u e s t i o n of where the a b i l i t y of p r o j e c t s to meet changing c i r c u m s t a n c e s l i e s . Where, f o r i n s t a n c e , does the a b i l i t y of a b u s i n e s s f i r m to adapt to market changes l i e : w i t h the company and i t s p r o d u c t i o n mandates, or w i t h knowledgeable d i r e c t o r s who are aware of economic v i a b i l i t i e s and a c t on t h i s knowledge? Another s e r i o u s flaw, as a l r e a d y h i n t e d a t , concerns the l a c k of a n a l y s i s of a c t i o n a t the v a r i o u s s t a t i o n s a l o n g the p aths. O f t e n these are p o r t r a y e d as empty boxes, or as Giddens d e s c r i b e s them, as b l a c k b o x e s . ^ 8 T h i s i s indeed u n f o r t u n a t e f o r i t i s a t these s t a t i o n s t h a t the a c t i o n s of humans reproduce and t r a n s f o r m s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e . The world i n a t ime-geographic p e r s p e c t i v e i s then one of c o n s t r a i n t imposed by .the c a p a b i l i t i e s and the involvement i n p r o j e c t s of the human s u b j e c t s . But as Giddens argues those t h i n g s t h a t c o n s t r a i n a c t o r s a l s o enable them. Pred has d e s c r i b e d u s e f u l ways w i t h which to d e a l w i t h the d i a l e c t i c a l i n t e r p l a y between what i s done and what can done.*^ Hi s s u g g e s t i o n s depend on the j o i n t o p e r a t i o n of what he c a l l s the i n t e r n a l - e x t e r n a l d i a l e c t i c and the l i f e p a t h - d a i l y path d i a l e c t i c . I t i s important to 18. Giddens, 1984, p.135. 19. I b i d , p.367. note t h a t these mechanisms are under way w h i l e the a c t o r s are b u s i l y i n v o l v e d i n t h e i r p r o j e c t s and t h e r e f o r e p r o v i d e an element m i s s i n g i n time geography. Pred suggests t h a t no a c t i o n can take p l a c e without any p r i o r mental a c t i v i t y and o f f e r s two mechanisms by which t h i s n e c e s s a r y p r o c e s s o p e r a t e s . 2 0 The i n t e r n a l - e x t e r n a l d i a l e c t i c r e f e r s t o the i n t e r p l a y between what one does and what one w i l l or can do. As a person c r e a t e s a path through time and space (s)he draws upon p a s t e x p e r i e n c e s , both c o n s c i o u s l y and u n c o n s c i o u s l y , i n n e g o t i a t i n g i t s d i r e c t i o n . As new p r o j e c t s are c r e a t e d or j o i n e d they too become p a r t of a person's e x p e r i e n c e s , t o be drawn upon i n c r e a t i n g or j o i n i n g f u t u r e p r o j e c t s . I t i s important t o note t h a t the d e c i s i o n s to c r e a t e or j o i n p r o j e c t s are made by nobody but the i n d i v i d u a l i n v o l v e d . The r e s u l t i s t h a t by the use of t h i s mechanism, knowingly or not, s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e s are both reproduced and t r a n s f o r m e d . ^ The l i f e p a t h - d a i l y path d i a l e c t i c i n v o l v e s the i n t e r p l a y between everyday a c t i o n s and e x p e r i e n c e s and long-term o p p o r t u n i t i e s . In o t h e r words the e x p e r i e n c e s of everyday l i f e cannot h e l p but e x e r t i n f l u e n c e on both the f o r m u l a t i o n and j o i n i n g of p r o j e c t s . 2 2 The j o i n t o p e r a t i o n of these mechanisms means t h a t a person's b i o g r a p h y cannot be c o n s i d e r e d on i t s own, but must 20. A. Pred, " P l a c e s as H i s t o r i c a l l y C o n t i n g e n t P r o c e s s : S t r u c t u r a t i o n and the Time Geography of Becoming P l a c e s , " Annals of the Association of American Geographers, v.12, no.2, 1984, p.286. 21. Pred, 1981, pp.11-12. 22. I b i d , pp.13-14. 8 , . be seen i n l i g h t of the a c c u m u l a t i o n of unique e x p e r i e n c e s , encounters, and i m p r e s s i o n s t h a t have been accrued from a s s o c i a t i o n w i t h both p e r s o n a l and i n s t i t u t i o n a l p r o j e c t s . J The i m p l i c a t i o n of t h i s i s t h a t human a c t o r s , w h i l e a t the s t a t i o n s p o r t r a y e d as 'black boxes' by Hagerstrand, undergo e x p e r i e n c e s t h a t must i n f l u e n c e f u t u r e d e c i s i o n s about p e r s o n a l and i n s t i t u t i o n a l p r o j e c t s . To be f a i r H a g e r s t r a n d acknowledges these c r i t i c i s m s . 2 4 He a l s o has r e s e r v a t i o n s c o n c e r n i n g the a p p l i c a t i o n of them to time-geography. For example, he suggests t h a t more e m p i r i c a l work needs to be done b e f o r e any judgements on the autonomy of p r o j e c t s can be made. 2 5 There i s a danger, however, i n depending too h e a v i l y upon e m p i r i c a l r e s u l t s , f o r as H a g e r s t r a n d h i m s e l f suggests t h e r e i s more to a diorama than meets the eye. He i s a l s o concerned t h a t such i n q u i r y w i l l r e l e g a t e the study of human geography back to the study of the p a r t i c u l a r and the u n i q u e . 2 6 In a way t h i s cannot be avoided, f o r the i n t e r p l a y between a c t o r s and s t r u c t u r e s w i l l u n f o l d i n v a r i o u s ways i n d i f f e r e n t times and p l a c e s . What, then, can a time-geographic p e r s p e c t i v e o f f e r ? I t would seem to be a u s e f u l t o o l t o i n t e r p r e t both landscapes and e v e n t s . I t p r o v i d e s a grounding i n time and space f o r 23. Pred, 1984, p.286. 24. See Hagerstrand, 1978, p.123 and 1984, notes 10 and 13. 25. Hagerstrand, 1982, p.338. 26. I b i d , p.338. 9 s o c i a l t h e o r y l i k e s t r u c t u r a t i o n , where i t i s o f t e n m i s s i n g . Pred suggests t h a t a combination of the two can overcome the d e f i c i e n c i e s of both to show how s t r u c t u r e and human a c t o r s interweave i n s p e c i f i c times and p l a c e s to both reproduce and t r a n s f o r m s o c i e t y . 2 7 T h i s t h e s i s w i l l be p r e s e n t e d i n a manner which approximates a diorama. The argument w i l l be t h a t Rossland's economic base of h e a v i l y c a p i t a l i z e d l o d e mining p l a y e d a l a r g e r o l e i n d e t e r m i n i n g the c i t i e s s o c i a l h i e r a r c h y and the e x p e r i e n c e s and o p p o r t u n i t i e s open t o people of d i f f e r e n t backgrounds. The t h e s i s can be viewed as b e i n g made up of t h r e e d i s t i n c t y e t i n t e r d e p e n d e n t c h a p t e r s . The second c h a p t e r s e t s the broad c o n t e x t . T h i s c h a p t e r t r a c e s the development of western c o r d i l l e r a n l o d e mining from the g o l d f i e l d s of C a l i f o r n i a i n the 1840s to a p p r o x i m a t e l y the end of the n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y . An attempt i s made to t i e t o g e t h e r s e v e r a l t h r e a d s : the s p a t i a l d i f f u s i o n of mining; the growth of mining as a c a p i t a l i n t e n s i v e i n d u s t r y ; and the t e c h n o l o g i c a l advances i n mining equipment. A l s o i n t r o d u c e d i n t h i s c h a p t e r are some of the s o c i a l r a m i f i c a t i o n s of these changes: the t r a n s f o r m a t i o n of the r e l a t i o n s h i p s between miners and t h e i r t o o l s ; the r a p i d c l o s u r e of the mining f r o n t i e r ; and the development of unionism among western miners. In terms o f a diorama t h i s c h a p t e r can be seen as the background. 27. Pred, 1984, p.280. 10 In the t h i r d c h a p t e r the p e r s p e c t i v e i s narrowed. I t d e s c r i b e s how the economic geography i n t r o d u c e d i n the f i r s t c h a p t e r imposed i t s e l f on the w i l d e r n e s s of s o u t h - e a s t e r n B r i t i s h Columbia to produce a dynamic i n d u s t r i a l l a n d s c a p e . Chapter t h r e e o u t l i n e s the p e r i o d from the d i s c o v e r y of the f i r s t ores on Red Mountain i n 1887 to 1902, by which date R o s s l a n d had become a mature mining town. Much of t h i s m a t e r i a l i s a l r e a d y known, but i t i s important because i t s e t s the s p e c i f i c c o n t e x t s f o r the d i s c u s s i o n c o n t a i n e d i n the f o u r t h c h a p t e r . T h i s c h a p t e r , i n diorama terms, can be seen as p r o v i d i n g the c o a r s e d e t a i l . In the f o u r t h c h a p t e r the p e r s p e c t i v e narrows agai n , f o c u s i n g on the s o c i a l geography of R o s s l a n d . In R o s s l a n d the f r o n t i e r p e r i o d , i f i t e x i s t e d a t a l l , passed q u i c k l y . A s o c i a l h i e r a r c h y l i k e t h a t of an i n d u s t r i a l c i t y was r a p i d l y reproduced. A n a l y s e s of the changes to the s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e w i l l be c a r r i e d out a l o n g f o u r d i v i s i o n s . The f i r s t d i v i s i o n r e v o l v e s around c l a s s - b a s e d i s s u e s . That t h e r e was a c l a s s -s t r a t i f i e d s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e s h o u l d not be s u r p r i s i n g c o n s i d e r i n g the r a p i d m e c h a n i z a t i o n of mining a t R o s s l a n d . C l a s s i d e n t i f i c a t i o n , however, extends f a r beyond the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of o c c u p a t i o n a l groups and an attempt w i l l be made to uncover a more s u b j e c t i v e s e t of c l a s s r e l a t i o n s . The second d i v i s i o n r e v o l v e s around gender and gender r e l a t i o n s h i p s . R o s s l a n d was a male-dominated p l a c e , both i n terms of employment and i n p o p u l a t i o n . For women t h e r e were 11 fewer o p p o r t u n i t i e s . For both men and women, l i f e chances and e x p e r i e n c e s r e v o l v e d around c l a s s d i s t i n c t i o n s . The t h i r d d i v i s i o n concerns e t h n i c r e l a t i o n s h i p s . I t would not be unexpected to f i n d e t h n i c t e n s i o n s i n R o s s l a n d . S t u d i e s of o t h e r c i t i e s have shown t h a t c o n s i d e r a b l e a n i m o s i t y e x i s t e d between e t h n i c groups, but i n R o s s l a n d e t h n i c i d e n t i f i c a t i o n c l o s e l y o v e r l a p p e d w i t h c l a s s i d e n t i f i c a t i o n , thus tempering e t h n i c r e l a t i o n s h i p s . The Chinese were an e x c e p t i o n . Though they were a s u b s t a n t i a l community, the Chinese were m a r g i n a l i z e d s o c i a l l y , e c o n o m i c a l l y , and s p a t i a l l y . T h i s c h a p t e r w i l l demonstrate t h a t the s o c i a l h i e r a r c h y of R o s s l a n d was dynamic and v a r i e g a t e d . R e t u r n i n g to the diorama analogy, t h i s c h a p t e r can be s a i d t o be the f e a t u r e d e x h i b i t . The diorama can, then, be a u s e f u l t o o l i n working t o understand a p l a c e l i k e R o s s l a n d . I t s v a l u e , however, does not l i e i n i t s s t r i c t a p p l i c a t i o n . I n s t e a d i t i s u s e f u l because i t a l l o w s the c i t y , i t s h i s t o r y , i t s g e o g r a p h i c l o c a t i o n , and i t s people to be viewed as a complete e n t i t y . In the second and t h i r d c h a p t e r s i t may be d i f f i c u l t t o d i s c e r n i t s use. These c h a p t e r s , n e v e r t h e l e s s , s u p p l y the h i s t o r i c a l and economic c o n t e x t f o r a study of R o s s l a n d and i t s p e o p l e . In the f o u r t h c h a p t e r the diorama p e r s p e c t i v e s h o u l d become more apparent. T i e s can be made between events i n the t h i r d c h a p t e r and the changes i n the s o c i a l geography of R o s s l a n d . As R o s s l a n d e v o l v e d from a t e n t camp to a 12 mature mining town a c o r r e s p o n d i n g change i n i t s s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e took p l a c e . The f o r m u l a t i o n s of Pred and Giddens s h o u l d a l s o become m a n i f e s t i n t h i s c h a p t e r . I t i s important to remember t h a t the r e s i d e n t s of R o s s l a n d d i d not c o n f r o n t the s t r u c t u r e s of an i n d u s t r i a l mining c i t y i n a vacuum. I t i s c r u c i a l t o the c e n t r a l argument of t h i s t h e s i s t h a t the d a i l y e x p e r i e n c e s of i n t e r a c t i o n between the work p l a c e , the home, the community, and the people a s s o c i a t e d w i t h these p l a c e s p l a y e d a r o l e i n the f o r m a t i o n of i d e o l o g i e s and i d e n t i f i c a t i o n s . As i n the case of the miner the e x p e r i e n c e of b e i n g a miner permeated l i v e s w e l l beyond the work p l a c e . I t extended i n t o the home, s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s , and the u n i o n h a l l . I t determined f a m i l y s u r v i v a l s t r a t e g i e s , a t t i t u d e s towards e t h n i c and r a c i a l groups, and how the r e s t of s o c i e t y was p e r c e i v e d . There i s m e r i t i n d o i n g a c l o s e a n a l y s i s of the economic or s o c i a l geography of R o s s l a n d on t h e i r own terms, but h o p e f u l l y t h e r e w i l l be some appeal to the s y n t h e t i c approach o u t l i n e d i n t h i s i n t r o d u c t i o n . 13 2 S e t t i n g the Context: Lode M i n i n g i n the Western C o r d i l l e r a The unexpected d i s c o v e r y of g o l d at S u t t e r ' s Creek, C a l i f o r n i a i n 1848 s t a r t e d a remarkable t r a n s f o r m a t i o n of western c o r d i l l e r a n North America. Thousands thronged to C a l i f o r n i a , eager f o r i n s t a n t wealth and, as new s t r i k e s were made, to o t h e r l o c a t i o n s r a n g i n g from A r i z o n a to the Yukon, thus c r e a t i n g new p a t t e r n s of s e t t l e m e n t and t r a n s p o r t a t i o n networks. An o f f s h o o t of the i n i t i a l p l a c e r mining was l o d e (hard-rock, q u a r t z , v e i n ) mining. As p r o s p e c t o r s moved from C a l i f o r n i a throughout the west, l o d e mining grew i n importance. In i t s i n i t i a l s t a g e s l o d e mining was a simple o p e r a t i o n , but by the t u r n of the c e n t u r y some mines had become huge concerns employing hundreds of employees and a v a r i e t y of newly developed mining machines. The t e c h n o l o g i c a l advances and the r e s u l t s they o b t a i n e d were i m p r e s s i v e and i n a s h o r t time e f f e c t e d profound a l t e r a t i o n s i n a l l a s p e c t s of work. The changes i n l o d e mining became r e f l e c t e d i n the s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n of the towns which sprang up around the mines. In these towns s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e s r e s e m b l i n g t h a t of i n d u s t r i a l c i t i e s were q u i c k l y r eproduced. The focus of t h i s c h a p t e r w i l l be on the 14 development of lo d e mining: i t s s p a t i a l d i f f u s i o n and t e c h n o l o g i c a l advances. But i t w i l l a l s o i n t r o d u c e some the s o c i o l o g i c a l consequences of these developments: the c l o s u r e of the f r o n t i e r , the changing r e l a t i o n s h i p of the miners t o t h e i r jobs and t o o l s , and t h e i r r e a c t i o n s to these e v o l v i n g c i r c u m s t a n c e s . The d i s c o v e r y of g o l d a t S u t t e r ' s Creek brought thousands, mostly Americans, r u s h i n g to the area from the c o a s t a l c i t i e s of C a l i f o r n i a , from the e a s t c o a s t , and from o t h e r s e t t l e d areas of the c o u n t r y . Those who made the arduous jo u r n e y t o C a l i f o r n i a were l o o k i n g f o r p l a c e r g o l d d e p o s i t s , t h a t i s g o l d t h a t had been eroded away from a v e i n and c a r r i e d away by stream and e v e n t u a l l y , because of i t s weight, had c o l l e c t e d i n g r a v e l or sand bars or i n p o t h o l e s . * The appeal of p l a c e r mining was o b v i o u s . The equipment was easy to o b t a i n and r e l a t i v e l y simple to use. Wash pans were o r i g i n a l l y the t o o l of c h o i c e , but e v e n t u a l l y c l e a t e d boxes and s l u i c e s a l s o became p o p u l a r . The p r i n c i p l e f o r a l l t h r e e was s i m i l a r ; water and d i r t were mixed and washed and the g o l d s e p a r a t e d out by v i r t u e of i t s g r e a t e r weight. 1. U n i t e d S t a t e s Department of the I n t e r i o r , Prospector, Cowhand, and Sodbuster: Historical Places Associated with the Mining, Ranching and Farming Frontiers in the Trans-Mississippi, v . l l , R. F e r r i s , s e r i e s e d i t o r , (Washington: The N a t i o n a l Survey of H i s t o r i c S i t e s and B u i l d i n g s , 1967) pp.8-10. H e r e a f t e r t h i s r e f e r e n c e w i l l be c i t e d as U.S. Dept. of I n t . ; R. Pa u l , Mining Frontiers of the Far West: 1840-1880, (New York: H o l t , R i n e h a r t , and Winston, 1963) p. 6. 15 The p o p u l a t i o n of C a l i f o r n i a boomed from 48,000 non-n a t i v e s i n 1848 to about 100,000 i n a y e a r as t e n t camps sprang up around every stream or creek near the f i r s t d i s c o v e r i e s . 2 Not a l l of those who had hastened to the d i g g i n g s were miners; many were hoping to cash i n on the s t r i k e s i n o t h e r ways. An assortment of merchants, lawyers, tradesmen, and o t h e r s of more dubious o c c u p a t i o n s made e a r l y appearances.-* Some were undoubtedly d i s a p p o i n t e d by t h e i r f o r t u n e s near the o r i g i n a l s i t e s and began to go f u r t h e r a f i e l d . I t d i d not take l o n g b e f o r e p l a c e r mining o p e r a t i o n s had spread a l o n g a 150 m i l e p o r t i o n of the S i e r r a Nevada Mountains known as the Mother Lode. The v o l a t i l e n a t u r e of these rushes and the eagerness f o r wealth meant t h a t miners would l e a v e p r o m i s i n g or p a y i n g c l a i m s to go to a new l o c a l e where even b e t t e r o p p o r t u n i t i e s might be w a i t i n g . 4 In some cases p r o s p e c t o r s were handsomely rewarded, but o f t e n they were not so l u c k y . 5 One author suggests t h a t few miners made more than enough f o r the b a s i c n e c e s s i t i e s of l i f e . 6 2. I b i d , p.15; U.S. Dept. of the I n t . , 1967, p.10. 3. P a u l , 1963, p.16. 4. I b i d , p.107. 5. In 1852, the peak ye a r of g o l d p r o d u c t i o n more than $81 m i l l i o n i n g o l d was r e c o v e r e d . Between 1852 and 1885 $15-$20 m i l l i o n i n g o l d was e x t r a c t e d . U.S. Dept. of the I n t . , 1967, p.14. 6. R. R i e g e l , America Moves West, (U.S.A.; Henry H o l t and Co., 1947) p.423. Miners were r e p u t e d to make a p p r o x i m a t e l y $2.00 per day, on average. While t h i s f i g u r e seems h i g h i n comparison w i t h wages i n e a s t e r n U.S. c i t i e s , i t d i d not go f a r i n the west where c o s t s of l i v i n g were h i g h . 16 By the e a r l y 1850s the most r e a d i l y o b t a i n a b l e p l a c e r g o l d had been mined and more s o p h i s t i c a t e d means of r e c o v e r i n g g o l d were b e g i n n i n g to appear, a l l of which r e q u i r e d more o p e r a t i n g c a p i t a l and g r e a t e r degrees of o r g a n i z a t i o n than had p l a c e r m i n ing. R i v e r mining was one of the f i r s t , a p p e a r i n g i n 1849, i n v o l v i n g damming, d i v e r t i n g and then working the exposed r i v e r bed. T h i s method was s u c c e s s f u l , but by 1850 most c o n t r o l l a b l e r i v e r s had been worked out. P r o s p e c t o r s a l s o soon d i s c o v e r e d t h a t t h e r e was p l a c e r g o l d i n d r i e d up and aggraded stream beds, b u r i e d i n rock, d i r t and o t h e r d e b r i s . One a l t e r n a t i v e was to t u n n e l i n t o these masses, but t h i s was c o s t l y and s p e c u l a t i v e . A more d i r e c t approach was h y d r a u l i c mining, wherein s l o p e s and h i l l s i d e s were b l a s t e d away by water d r a i n e d from pent up s o u r c e s , but t h i s a l s o was expensive, r e q u i r i n g a s i z e a b l e l a b o u r f o r c e and c o n s i d e r a b l e c a p i t a l to purchase p i p e s , n o z z l e s , and wood f o r b u i l d i n g s l u i c e s . The most important development, f o r the purposes of t h i s t h e s i s , was the t r a c i n g of p l a c e r g o l d back to the v e i n s where i t had o r i g i n a t e d and removing i t d i r e c t l y from them. Lode mining began i n 1849, but e x t r a c t i n g the ore from the v e i n s proved to be a d a u n t i n g t a s k i n l i g h t of e x i s t i n g t e c h n i q u e s and equipment. ' W i t h i n a year of the f i r s t d i s c o v e r i e s , then, the f a c e of mining i n C a l i f o r n i a was 7. See P a u l , 1963, pp.28-31 f o r more d e t a i l c o n c e r n i n g the development and e a r l y use of these mining methods. 17 changing as new modes of mining r e q u i r i n g o r g a n i z a t i o n and c a p i t a l began to r e p l a c e the i n d i v i d u a l p r o s p e c t o r . The 1850s were an important decade i n the development of l o d e mining i n the western c o r d i l l e r a f o r many re a s o n s . F i r s t , e a r l y i n the decade the p l a c e r mines of C a l i f o r n i a were n e a r i n g e x h a u s t i o n and more c a p i t a l i n t e n s i v e forms of mining were becoming dominant. 8 R e a c t i n g t o d i m i n i s h i n g o p p o r t u n i t i e s i n C a l i f o r n i a , p r o s p e c t o r s began t o spread out i n se a r c h of p l a c e r d e p o s i t s f o l l o w i n g rumour as much as f a c t . When word of g o l d on the Queen C h a r l o t t e I s l a n d s l e a k e d out a minor ru s h began i n 1852, but was summarily put down by the Haida I n d i a n s . 9 By 1857 i t became known t h a t t h e r e were q u a n t i t i e s of g o l d a l o n g the F r a s e r and Thompson R i v e r s i n B r i t i s h Columbia, and by 1858 a t r i c k l e of p r o s p e c t o r s became a s m a l l f l o o d . But t h i s r u s h a l s o ended i n d i sappointment f o r most g o l d s e e k e r s , many of whom l e f t a g a i n a f t e r a few weeks or months.^° S t o r i e s of l o s t Spanish and I n d i a n mines i n A r i z o n a drew s m a l l rushes to the are a around A j o i n 1854. S t i l l o t h e r s t r i k e s c r e a t e d s t i r s i n south-western Oregon, n o r t h - e a s t e r n Washington and i n c e n t r a l Idaho (See Map 1 ) . The g r e a t e s t s e n s a t i o n s were 8. The date f o r the e x h a u s t i o n of p l a c e r mines has been s e t by some a t 1853, H. C a r t e r . Far Western Frontiers, (Washington, American H i s t o r i c a l A s s o c i a t i o n , AHA Pamphlets, 1972) p.37. 9. R. F i s h e r , Contact and Conflict: Indian-European Relations in British Columbia, 1774-1890, (Vancouver: U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia P r e s s , 1977) pp.69-70. 10. See R.C H a r r i s and J . Warkentin, Canada Before Confederation, (New York: Oxford U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1974) pp. 296-306, f o r more d e t a i l on the B.C. g o l d r u s h e s . 18 Map 1 Some Western C o r d i l l e r a n Ore S t r i k e s 1848-1910. • 1840s X 1850s al860s A 1870s 0 1880s + 1890s a 1900s 19 c r e a t e d by two d i s c o v e r i e s d u r i n g 1858, one i n Nevada, the o t h e r i n C o l o r a d o . The e f f e c t s of these s t r i k e s were t w o f o l d . One, the f a r f l u n g d i s t r i b u t i o n of the s t r i k e s , from A r i z o n a to B r i t i s h Columbia and from C a l i f o r n i a to Colorado, meant t h a t p r o s p e c t o r s were not s e a r c h i n g b l i n d l y . There was c o n s i d e r a b l e evidence to suggest t h a t m i n e r a l i z a t i o n was continuous throughout the c o r d i l l e r a n r e g i o n . The d i s t r i b u t i o n of subsequent major s t r i k e s p r e s e n t e d on Map 1 shows t h a t w i t h the e x c e p t i o n of d i s c o v e r i e s i n the B l a c k H i l l s of North Dakota ( L e a d v i l l e ) , a l l were i n the bounds of those made i n the 1850s. Secondly, w i t h each s t r i k e new t e r r i t o r y was opened up and i n c o r p o r a t e d i n t o a growing p a t t e r n of s e t t l e m e n t and t r a n s p o r t a t i o n networks. New camps sprang up o v e r n i g h t around newly d i s c o v e r e d d e p o s i t s and i n some cases ( u s u a l l y a s s o c i a t e d w i t h l o d e mines f o r reasons t h a t w i l l be e x p l a i n e d ) r a p i d l y developed i n t o t h r i v i n g towns and c i t i e s , w h i l e o t h e r camps passed i n t o memory as new rushes drew the p o p u l a t i o n away. P r o s p e c t o r s t r a i l s became wagon roads and l a t e r r a i l w a y l i n e s and steamboats p l i e d the n a v i g a b l e r i v e r s . Urban h i e r a r c h i e s emerged: San F r a n c i s c o became the dominant c i t y over a h i n t e r l a n d t h a t i n c l u d e d most of the western c o r d i l l e r a ; l a t e r Denver, S t . L o u i s and S a l t Lake C i t y became important s u p p l y and/or r a i l w a y c e n t r e s . Between these l a r g e c i t i e s , s m a l l e r c i t i e s , such as Sacramento, C a l i f o r n i a and 20 Lewistown, Idaho developed r o l e s as d i s t r i b u t i o n c e n t r e s t o the s u r r o u n d i n g towns and camps. Every town and camp s e r v e d as a jumping o f f p o i n t f o r f u r t h e r e x p l o r a t i o n and p r o s p e c t i n g , thus f u r t h e r expanding the p a t t e r n . By the t u r n of the c e n t u r y , then, the western c o r d i l l e r a was c r i s s c r o s s e d by t r a i l s , roads, steamboat r o u t e s , and r a i l w a y s c o n n e c t i n g a patchwork of camps, towns and c i t i e s of v a r i o u s s t a g e s of development and degrees of i s o l a t i o n . By the time the mines at L e a d v i l l e , South Dakota and Coeur D'Alene, Idaho became p r o d u c t i v e , i t was p o s s i b l e to take the r a i l w a y f o r most of the journey to these new mining 11 a r e a s . -L-L Though l o d e mining began i n C a l i f o r n i a soon a f t e r the 1848 rush, many of the problems a s s o c i a t e d w i t h removing p a y i n g ore from the bedrock were worked out on the Comstock Lode of Nevada and i n the mines of C o l o r a d o . P r o s p e c t o r s l o o k i n g f o r p l a c e r g o l d i n western Nevada had been f o r the most p a r t d i s a p p o i n t e d . One p a i r of p r o s p e c t o r s , more f o r t u n a t e than t h e i r p e e r s , uncovered an o u t c r o p p i n g of g o l d . T h e i r e f f o r t s t o r e c o v e r t h i s g o l d were hampered, however, by the presence of an e x t r a o r d i n a r y m a t e r i a l they are r e c o r d e d as r e f e r r i n g t o as " . . . t h a t b l a s t e d b l u e s t u f f . " A sample was sent back to C a l i f o r n i a f o r a s s a y i n g and the r e s u l t s were a s t o n i s h i n g . The b l u e s t u f f t u r n e d out to be almost pure s i l v e r and the assay showed r e t u r n s of 11. P a u l , 1963, p.148. 21 $1,595 i n g o l d and $4,741 i n s i l v e r per ton of o r e . ^ T h i s began another w i l d rush, the f i r s t f o r s i l v e r , t o what became known as the Comstock Lode. Although p r o s p e c t o r s rushed to the Comstock Lode the d e p o s i t s were locked' i n . v e i n s beyond the r e a c h of the s k i l l s and equipment most p r o s p e c t o r s p o s s e s s e d . ^ Another s t r i k e , near P i k e s Peak, i n 1858 l e d to a r u s h i n C o l o r a d o . T h i s r u s h a t t r a c t e d p r i m a r i l y e a s t e r n Americans al t h o u g h a few C a l i f o r n i a n s appeared, b r i n g i n g t h e i r knowledge of g o l d mining. Again, most were d i s a p p o i n t e d . The p l a c e r d e p o s i t s were s m a l l and soon exhausted and, when the v e i n s were uncovered, once a g a i n problems of e x t r a c t i n g p a y i n g ore from the s u r r o u n d i n g rock proved insurmountable to most p r o s p e c t o r s . 1 4 The d i s c o v e r y of the mines of Nevada and Colorado marked a t u r n i n g p o i n t i n the development of l o d e mining. Running a s u c c e s s f u l lode mine r e q u i r e d more c a p i t a l and o r g a n i z a t i o n a l s k i l l than t h a t possessed by an i n d i v i d u a l , or even a s m a l l group of p a r t n e r s . As a r e s u l t , most l o d e mines came under the c o n t r o l of c o r p o r a t i o n s . Many of the t e c h n o l o g i c a l problems a s s o c i a t e d w i t h s i n k i n g s h a f t s and c u t t i n g t u n n e l s were worked out i n those r e g i o n s . The s o l u t i o n s d r a m a t i c a l l y changed not o n l y the s c a l e of mining 12. I b i d , p.59, R i e g e l , 1947, p.440. 13. V a r i o u s r e p o r t s show t h a t between 1,700 and 3,000 c l a i m s were s t a k e d . P a u l , 1963, p.62, U.S. Dept of the I n t , 1967, p. 25. 14. U.S. Dept. of I n t . , 1967, p.24. 22 o p e r a t i o n s , but a l s o p r o f o u n d l y a l t e r e d the o r g a n i z a t i o n and the terms of l a b o u r i n the mines. The American p r o s p e c t o r s who staked the c l a i m s i n Nevada and Col o r a d o were, more o f t e n than not, u n l i k e l y t o work them, h a v i n g n e i t h e r the means nor the i n c l i n a t i o n t o do so. Most had l i t t l e c h o i c e but to s e l l t h e i r c l a i m s t o those w i t h some e x p e r i e n c e g a i n e d i n C a l i f o r n i a lode mines or t o companies which had been formed to mine the Comstock L o d e . 1 5 The new owners were o f t e n c o r p o r a t i o n s of v a r y i n g s i z e s and a b i l i t i e s , o f t e n w i t h head o f f i c e s i n a d i s t a n t c i t y , f i r s t i n San F r a n c i s c o , then as word of the wealth c o n t a i n e d i n the mines spread, i n Ea s t Coast c i t i e s such as New York or Boston, and e v e n t u a l l y i n some of the European f i n a n c i a l c a p i t a l s . M i n i n g was becoming a b i g b u s i n e s s r e q u i r i n g ample sources of c a p i t a l and was t r e a t e d as such, w i t h e f f i c i e n c y and the r e d u c t i o n of c o s t s becoming prim a r y concerns. Nor were the p r o s p e c t o r s p r e d i s p o s e d to working as employees. As one p r o s p e c t o r e x p l a i n e d i t : A g o l d miner never wants t o admit t h a t he works f o r wages, f o r when he does i t ' s simply to get the wherewithal t o get another grub stake so he can go l o o k i n g f o r the end of the r a i n b o w . 1 6 15. R i e g e l , 1947, p.440. 16. M. Nueshchatz, The Golden Sword: The Coming of Capital to the Colorado Mining Frontier, (New York: The Greenwood Pr e s s , 1986) p.15 c i t i n g M.B. Lee, Cripple Creek Days, (Garden C i t y : Double Day and Co. Inc., 1958) p . x i v . 23 I n i t i a l l y mine owners h i r e d Mexican workers who had l e a r n e d t h e i r s k i l l s i n the Spanish C o l o n i a l s i l v e r mines. T h e i r t e c h n i q u e s and equipment were a n t i q u a t e d and they were soon r e p l a c e d . 1 7 Among those who r e p l a c e d them were E n g l i s h miners f l e e i n g the t r o u b l e d mines of C o r n w a l l . ° These C o r n i s h miners brought w i t h them s k i l l s l e a r n e d from a l o n g h i s t o r y of mining. The t o o l s were s t i l l s i m ple, (eg. a hammer and a hand h e l d d r i l l ) but r e q u i r e d some s k i l l t o use e f f e c t i v e l y . A s i n g l e miner c o u l d c o n t r o l both t o o l s , a f e a t known as s i n g l e j a c k i n g , or a p a i r of miners c o u l d work i n tandem, c r e a t i n g a w h i r l i n g b a l l e t of t o o l s and bod i e s known as double j a c k i n g . While seeming a r e l a t i v e l y s imple task, miners took g r e a t p r i d e i n t h e i r s k i l l s . 1 9 At r o u g h l y the same time I r i s h l a b o u r e r s a l s o began to appear i n the west, f l e e i n g the po v e r t y and d e s t i t u t i o n t h a t wracked t h e i r h o m e l a n d . 2 0 The work i n the e a r l y mines was sim p l y d i v i d e d . The miners broke ore away from the rock f a c e , which was then load e d i n t o c a r t s by muckers, which were pushed from the mine by tramme r s . 2 1 M i n i n g d e c i s i o n s were made by v e t e r a n 17. O.E. Young J r . , Black Powder and Hand Steel, (Norman: U n i v e r s i t y of Oklahoma P r e s s , 1975) p.5. 18. A.C. Todd, The Cornish Miner in America, ( T r u r o : D. Br a d f o r d B a r t o n L i m i t e d , 1967) pp.19-20. 19. Hand d r i l l i n g c o n t e s t s were h e l d on h o l i d a y s throughout the west even a f t e r machine d r i l l s had made these s k i l l s o b s o l e t e . 20. Young, 1975, p. 5; R.E. Li n g e n f e l t e r , The Hard Rock Miners: A History of the Mining Labour Movement in the American West 1863-1893, (Los Angeles: U n i v e r s i t y of C a l i f o r n i a P r e s s , 1974) p.6. 21. M. Wyman, Hard Rock Epic: Western Miners and the Industrial Revolution, (Los Angeles: U n i v e r s i t y of C a l i f o r n i a P r e s s , 1979) p.13. 24 miners who had developed t h e i r s k i l l s through e x p e r i e n c e , not by f o r m a l e d u c a t i o n . 2 2 The e a r l y mine, however, was not a s a l u b r i o u s work p l a c e . E n t r y , whether by l o n g l a d d e r or rope and bucket, depended on the r e l i a b i l i t y of the equipment and/or the o p e r a t o r . Once underground, o t h e r hazards awaited. Passage through the t u n n e l s and work i n the d r i f t s was o n l y d i m l y i l l u m i n a t e d . by c a n d l e s or perhaps s m a l l o i l lamps. C a r e l e s s n e s s c o u l d e a s i l y r e s u l t i n a s e r i o u s i n j u r y or a f a t a l f a l l down a s h a f t . C a v e - i n s , missed charges, and f i r e s p r e s e n t e d o t h e r c o n s t a n t c o n c e r n s . N e i t h e r was the mine a d e s i r a b l e work environment. B e s i d e s the darkness and the c o n s t a n t t h r e a t of p e r i l , the mines were o f t e n f i l t h y , verminous p l a c e s due t o a u b i q u i t o u s l a c k of s a n i t a t i o n f a c i l i t i e s . They were a l s o o f t e n n o i s y , t h e r e b e i n g an u n f a i l i n g cacophony of d r i l l i n g , b l a s t i n g and the rumbling of ore c a r t s . One of the b e n e f i t s enjoyed by c o r p o r a t i o n s was the p o s s e s s i o n of f i n a n c i a l power t o s o l v e the problems of inadequate t e c h n o l o g y . At the Comstock Lode, f o r i n s t a n c e , though the r i c h o r e s were thought to extend much deeper, the mines c o u l d o n l y be worked to a depth of about 180 f e e t a f t e r which c a v e - i n s and f l o o d i n g became p r o h i b i t i v e f a c t o r s . 2 3 In a d d i t i o n both mining and r a i l w a y i n t e r e s t s 22. P a u l , 1963, p.34. 23. I b i d , p.64. clamoured f o r a working machine d r i l l as hand d r i l l i n g was both slow and e x p e n s i v e . 2 4 For s o l u t i o n s to these problems mine owners t u r n e d to t e c h n i c i a n s and e x p e r t s . The s o l u t i o n to c a v e - i n s was the i n v e n t i o n of square s e t t i m b e r i n g by a German t r a i n e d e n g ineer who had worked i n C a l i f o r n i a , a system where timbers were arranged i n t o i n t e r l o c k i n g cubes. In 1870 the f i r s t working v e r s i o n of a machine d r i l l was t r i e d and t e s t e d i n the mines of Colorado and proved capable of d r i l l i n g f i v e times f a s t e r than human d r i l l i n g teams. Other i n n o v a t i o n s i n c l u d e d steam, then e l e c t r i c power to run the new power h o i s t s , pumps and l i g h t i n g ; a b r a i d e d w i r e c a b l e t h a t was more d u r a b l e and dependable than a heavy rope; and dynamite which was supposed t o be a s a f e r replacement f o r the f i c k l e b l a s t i n g powder t h a t had been used u n t i l t h a t t i m e . 2 5 One contemporary e x p e r t concluded t h a t : ...undoubtedly g r e a t e r p r o g r e s s was made i n mining i n a l l i t s departments d u r i n g the p e r i o d of 30 years b e g i n n i n g w i t h 1860 than had been made i n the p r e c e d i n g 500 y e a r s . 2 6 The a r r i v a l of these t e c h n i c a l advances a l l o w e d some mines to become t r u l y huge o p e r a t i o n s . The mines on the Comstock Lode, f o r example, went down t o depths of more than 3,000 f e e t and c o n s i s t e d of 180 - 190 m i l e s of t u n n e l s . Thus, the lod e mines of Nevada and Colora d o were the p r o v i n g ground 24. Some contemporary mining men cl a i m e d t h a t hand d r i l l i n g made up 75% of mining c o s t s . Wyman, 1979, p.84 25. See Wyman, 1979, cha p t e r 4 f o r a d e t a i l e d l o o k a t the changes i n mining t e c h n o l o g y . 26. Wyman, 1979, p.86. 26 f o r many of the i n n o v a t i o n s i n lo d e mining. As lo d e mining spread and the tec h n o l o g y improved i t was q u i c k e r and e a s i e r , e s p e c i a l l y i n the c o n t e x t of expanding t r a n s p o r t a t i o n networks, t o e s t a b l i s h i n d u s t r i a l mines. The new tec h n o l o g y was not o n l y supposed t o make mining more e f f i c i e n t and p r o f i t a b l e , i t was a l s o i n t e n d e d to make the mines a s a f e r work p l a c e . U n f o r t u n a t e l y , the new equipment o f t e n brought new hazards to those a l r e a d y f a c e d by the miners. A Montana mine i n s p e c t o r r e g r e t f u l l y noted t h a t " . . . i t seems t h a t death works i n the t h i n g s which were desi g n e d as b e n e f i t s . A l The hew machine d r i l l s were known to explode, the new powered h o i s t s c r e a t e d p r e v i o u s l y unthought-of r i s k s , inadequate knowledge of. e l e c t r i c i t y and i t s dangers l e d to many a c c i d e n t s , and improper v e n t i l a t i o n a l l o w e d d e a d l y gases to accumulate i n the d r i f t s . Other hazards were more i n s i d i o u s . The o p e r a t i o n of machine d r i l l s c r e a t e d a myriad of f i n e dust p a r t i c l e s around the d r i l l i n g s i t e s . These p a r t i c l e s were s m a l l enough t o escape the body's n a t u r a l defence systems, but were l a r g e enough t o lodge i n and congest a miner's l u n g s . The a f f e c t e d miner would develop a d r y r a s p i n g cough and e v e n t u a l l y f a l l v i c t i m to c h r o n i c b r o n c h i t i s , emphysema, or most commonly, s i l i c o -t u b e r c u l o s i s and d i e a "...wheezing oxygen s t a r v e d o l d man 27. M. Wyman, I n d u s t r i a l R e v o l u t i o n i n the West: Hard Rock M i n i n g and the New Technology," The Western Historical Review, v.5, n . l , January 1974, p. 42 c i t i n g Montana M i n i n g I n s p e c t o r , Report, 1902, p.12. 27 of f o r t y f i v e . " " 5 0 A c c o r d i n g t o e s t i m a t e s s i l i c o s i s c l a i m e d the l i v e s of 56% of western m i n e r s . 2 9 S a f e t y c o n s i d e r a t i o n s were tempered by the hard l i n e of c o s t s and p r o f i t s . 3 0 An i n j u r e d miner or the f a m i l y of a miner who had been k i l l e d had l i t t l e hope of b e i n g compensated f o r t h e i r l o s s e s . In the case of c o n t r a c t i n g s i l i c o s i s , f o r example, t h e r e was no compensation o f f e r e d u n t i l 1936. A P a r t of the reason f o r t h i s l i e s i n the l e g a l apparatus of the time. Judges a d j u d i c a t i n g cases of i n j u r y o r f a t a l i t y i n mechanized mines r e l i e d on a s e t of p r e i n d u s t r i a l p r e c e d e n t s : the common law of l i a b i l i t y . U s i n g these, judgements were made on t h r e e assumptions: assumed r i s k , t h a t employees were aware of the r i s k s a s s o c i a t e d w i t h t h e i r j o b s ; c o n t r i b u t o r y n e g l i g e n c e , t h a t the employee h i m s e l f was at l e a s t p a r t l y t o blame f o r h i s m i s f o r t u n e ; and the n e g l i g e n c e of f e l l o w employees, t h a t another employee not the company was to blame f o r the a c c i d e n t . I t i s not hard t o see t h a t almost any a c c i d e n t 28. J . F o s t e r , The Western Dilemma: Miners, S i l i c o s i s , and Compensation," Labour History, v.26, n.2, S p r i n g 1985, p.272, 274. 29. I b i d , p.268 c i t i n g S.S. H o t c h k i s s , " O c c u p a t i o n a l D i s e a s e s i n the Min i n g I n d u s t r y , " The American Labour Legislation Review, n.2, 1912, p.133, 134. 30. S h o r t c u t s might be taken to h e l p keep c o s t s down. These o f t e n c r e a t e d hazards to the miners working underground. Men were o n l y one p a r t of the c o s t / b e n e f i t e q u a t i o n . Thus when q u e s t i o n e d about the t i m b e r i n g p r a c t i c e s of a p a r t i c u l a r mine, i t s manager r e p l i e d t h a t "...men were cheaper than t i m b e r s . " Young, 1975, p.14 c i t i n g F. Crampton, Deep Enough, A Working Stiff in the Western Mines, (Denver: Sage Books, 1956) p.42-46. 31. F o s t e r , 1985, p.235. 28 c o u l d be e x p l a i n e d away by one or any combination of these assumptions. The t h r e a t of s u c c e s s f u l l e g a l a c t i o n was indeed so s l i g h t t h a t managers l e n t l i t t l e time, e f f o r t , or funds to c r e a t e a s a f e work e n v i r o n m e n t . 3 2 A s i d e from the dangers t h a t working a mine p r e s e n t e d , o t h e r more t a n g i b l e changes o c c u r r e d . By the t u r n of the c e n t u r y the phenomena of the m i n e r a l r u s h was p a s s i n g . While p r o s p e c t o r s remained always s e a r c h i n g f o r t h a t s t r i k e t h a t had so f a r eluded them, p r o s p e c t i n g had become an o c c u p a t i o n d i s t i n c t from m i n i n g . 3 3 P r o s p e c t i n g , p l a c e r mining, and simple lode mining d i d not p r o v i d e an easy l i v i n g or promise wealth. They d i d , however, a l l o w a p r o s p e c t o r to work on h i s own terms and i f a r i c h s t r i k e were made the p r o f i t s were h i s own. Seeking employment i n a mechanized company mine changed a l l t h i s . There the miner worked f o r someone e l s e , be i t a person or a c o r p o r a t i o n , and was a l i e n a t e d from the p r o d u c t s of h i s l a b o u r . D e c i s i o n s on when to work, where to work, and a c c e p t a b l e standards of work were made f o r him. Hard r e g u l a t i o n s and r u l e s , e n f o r c e d by a h i e r a r c h y of s u p e r v i s o r s and foremen, r e p l a c e d the r e l a t i v e autonomy of the e a r l y mines. Miners were s u b j e c t to the c a p r i c e s of world metal markets. A change i n metal p r i c e s c o u l d r e s u l t i n a mine b e i n g c l o s e d down or a p o r t i o n of the work f o r c e 32. For more d e t a i l on t h i s t o p i c see Wyman, 1974. 33. P a u l , 1963, p.97. b e i n g l a i d o f f , w i t h no a l t e r n a t i v e but t o move on t o another j o b or mining town. The i n c r e a s i n g use of machinery meant t h a t jobs which had r e q u i r e d c o n s i d e r a b l e s k i l l c o u l d be done w i t h a machine t h a t took r e l a t i v e l y l i t t l e time t o l e a r n to o p e r a t e . I t a l s o meant t h a t work became d i v i d e d i n t o numerous s p e c i a l i z e d t a s k s c e n t r e d on s p e c i f i c machines or areas of the m i n e s . 3 4 T h i s a l s o had the e f f e c t of d e s k i l l i n g the work as miners no l o n g e r r e q u i r e d the v a s t a r r a y of s k i l l s to d r i l l , b l a s t , timber, and m a i n t a i n t h e i r t o o l s . 3 5 The d e s k i l l i n g of mining meant t h a t mining jobs became more a c c e s s i b l e . U n s k i l l e d c e n t r a l and e a s t e r n European immigrants who were a r r i v i n g i n North America d u r i n g the l a t t e r p a r t of the n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y were drawn to the west by r e l a t i v e l y h i g h wages. R e s i d e n t miners were h i g h l y s u s p i c i o u s of immigrant miners as i t was f e a r e d they would work f o r lower wages, even though immigrant workers were o f t e n mired i n u n s k i l l e d p o s i t i o n s . In one ci r c u m s t a n c e the a r r i v a l of I t a l i a n workers i n the mines was seen by the oth e r miners t o be p a r t of a scheme c o n t r i v e d by mine owners 34. In a d d i t i o n t o miners, muckers, and trammers the mine would employ c a r p e n t e r s , b l a c k s m i t h s , timbermen, e n g i n e e r s , rock b r e a k e r s , c a g e r s , and e r r a n d r u n n e r s . Wyman, 1979, pp.13-14. 35. The use of machinery c e r t a i n l y e n t a i l e d some s k i l l , but compared t o those needed f o r s i n g l e or double j a c k i n g , o p e r a t i n g a machine was f a r more e a s i l y l e a r n e d . For an example of the r e l a t i o n s h i p between the s p e c i a l i z a t i o n o f mining jobs and s k i l l s needed to become a miner, a l t h o u g h a few decades l a t e r , see, W. Clement, "The S u b o r d i n a t i o n o f Labour i n Canadian M i n i n g , " Labour/he Travailleur, v.5, Sp r i n g , 1980. 30 and steamship companies to import cheap l a b o u r . ° The h i g h wage a miner r e c e i v e d f o r h i s e f f o r t s was j e a l o u s l y guarded as i t b a r e l y p r o v i d e d enough to s u b s i s t i n a mining town where p r i c e s were i n f l a t e d . 3 7 T h i s must have been g a l l i n g e s p e c i a l l y i n boom times when l o c a l newspapers gave glowing r e p o r t s and p r e d i c t i o n s of the wealth c o n t a i n e d i n the mines. For even when surrounded by a l l t h a t wealth the miner had no more chance of becoming i n d e p e n d e n t l y wealthy than d i d a f a c t o r y worker i n New York or P h i l a d e l p h i a . In response some miners p r a c t i c e d h i g h g r a d i n g , smuggling the h i g h e s t grade ores out of the mines and s e l l i n g them f o r themselves. The l o s s e s to h i g h g r a d e r s seem to have been c o n s i d e r a b l e . Mine owners i n C r i p p l e Creek, Colorado f o r i n s t a n c e , c l a i m e d l o s s e s over $1 m i l l i o n per y e a r . S t i f f measures were t h e r e f o r e i n s t i t u t e d to combat t h i s p r a c t i c e . Under the g u i s e of p r o v i d i n g a warm, d r y p l a c e t o change from sweat-soaked work c l o t h e s , change houses p r o v i d e d a chance f o r a c l o s e look a t miners r e t i r i n g f o r the day. In some cases they became the s i t e s of d e g r a d i n g s t r i p searches as managers sought out h i g h 36. Wyman, 1979, p.32. 37. The wages a miner earned depended on the p r e v a l e n t economic c o n d i t i o n s and c o u l d range anywhere up to about $6.00 per day d u r i n g boom times. The u s u a l s t a n d a r d i n western mining was $3.00 to $3.50 per day. T h i s was h i g h e r than the wages p a i d i n many o t h e r j o b s , e s p e c i a l l y those i n the e a s t , i n M i s s o u r i , f o r example, miners made about $2.00 per day. But expenses i n the west were a l s o h i g h e r . E s t i m a t e s f o r c o s t s of l i v i n g range from two to f i v e times more than i n the e a s t . Wyman, 1979, p.35,54; R. Brown, Hard Rock Miners: The Intermontain West, 1860-1920, ( C o l l e g e S t a t i o n : Texas A&M U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1979) p.163. 31 g r a d e r s . Underground, s u p e r v i s o r s and foremen monitored the work p l a c e and sometimes d e t e c t i v e s and s p i e s were h i r e d to pose as miners i n or d e r t o r e p o r t any ore t h i e v e s , i n a d d i t i o n t o any malcontents or mal i n g e r e r s . 3 * * Faced w i t h the d e s k i l l i n g of t h e i r t r a d e , the c o n s t a n t t h r e a t to t h e i r h e a l t h , the complete a l i e n a t i o n from the prod u c t s of t h e i r l a b o u r , and the co n s t a n t f i g h t to get a f a i r wage, miners began t o o r g a n i z e . Not s u r p r i s i n g l y the f i r s t miners' u n i o n was formed at V i r g i n i a C i t y , on the Comstock Lode i n 1 8 6 3 . 3 9 The unions p r o v i d e d a g r e a t d e a l to t h e i r members; b u r i a l funds, a i d to needy members, r e c r e a t i o n h a l l s and h o s p i t a l s and, perhaps most i m p o r t a n t l y , a p o i n t of attachment f o r many l o n e l y men i s o l a t e d by s o c i a l and p h y s i c a l d i s t a n c e . 4 0 These unions were o f t e n s m a l l , w i e l d e d l i t t l e power and, though s p i r i t e d s t r i k e s o c c u r r e d , were o f t e n d e f e a t e d i n t h e i r e f f o r t s a g a i n s t the owners. A f t e r a p a r t i c u l a r l y v i o l e n t and b i t t e r c o n f r o n t a t i o n i n the Coeur D'Alene i n 1892, the miners became c o n v i n c e d t h a t the powers of s t a t e and c a p i t a l were f i r m l y a l l i e d a g a i n s t t h e m . 4 1 A western c o r d i l l e r a n - w i d e miners* union, 38. The Miners' Magazine, v. 6, n.109, J u l y 25, 1905, p. 8; Brown, 1979, p.123. 39. P a u l , 1963, p.69. 40. Wyman, 1974, p.49; D.J. Bercuson, "Labour R a d i c a l i s m and the Western I n d u s t r i a l F r o n t i e r , " Canadian Historical Review, v.58, n.2, 1977, p.167. 41. D u r i n g t h i s s t r i k e , which began when the owners t r i e d t o l o c k out the miners i n an attempt to reduce wages, m a r t i a l law was d e c l a r e d and f e d e r a l t r o o p s were sent i n t o r e s t o r e 32 the Western F e d e r a t i o n of Miners (WFM), was o r g a n i z e d i n Butte i n 1893. The WFM has o f t e n been p o r t r a y e d as having a r a d i c a l and s y n d i c a l i s t i c bent. The o r i g i n a l i n t e n t i o n s of the founders, however, were f a r from r a d i c a l or v i o l e n t . I n s t e a d they hoped to promote a p o s i t i v e r e l a t i o n s h i p between the miners and t h e i r e m p l o y e e s . 4 2 But by 1902 the WFM had t i r e d of the co n s t a n t i n t r a n s i g e n c e and co n t i n u e d r e f u s a l of mine owners to r e c o g n i z e the union, and of the p e r s i s t e n t l a c k of support f o r miners from a l l l e v e l s of government. In a d d i t i o n , the c o l l a p s e of populism, growing d i s i l l u s i o n m e n t w i t h the American F e d e r a t i o n of Labour, and s e v e r a l d e v a s t a t i n g union d e f e a t s helped convince the l e a d e r s of the WFM to embrace r a d i c a l s o c i a l i s m . 4 3 Furthermore, the WFM was ve r y i n f l u e n t i a l i n the f o r m a t i o n of the I n t e r n a t i o n a l Workers of the World (IWW), an i n d u s t r i a l union which was even more r a d i c a l l y i n c l i n e d . In many cases the mining f r o n t i e r , l i k e o t h e r f r o n t i e r s e t t i n g s , has been p o r t r a y e d as a time and p l a c e where s o c i a l h i e r a r c h i e s were l e v e l e d out and where t h e r e were i n c r e a s e d o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r upward s o c i a l m o b i l i t y . These i d e a s emanate from the w r i t i n g s of F r e d e r i c k Jackson Turner,. who p o s t u l a t e d t h a t access to l a n d and r e s o u r c e s r e q u i r e d the peace. Hundreds of miners were a r r e s t e d and d e t a i n e d i n 'b u l l p e n s . ' See Wyman, 1979, L i n g e n f e l t e r , 1974 f o r more d e t a i l s 42. C. Schwantes, Radical Heritage: Labour, Socialism, and Reform in Washington and British Columbia, 1885-1917, ( S e a t t l e : U n i v e r s i t y of Washington P r e s s , 1979) p.113, 43. I b i d , p.129; see a l s o Wyman, 1979, and L i n g e n f e l t e r , 1974. 33 t h a t s o c i a l development b e g i n over a g a i n . % In h i s own words, "...these f r e e lands promoted i n d i v i d u a l i s m , economic e q u a l i t y , freedom t o r i s e , d e m o c r a c y " . 4 5 R i c h a r d P e t e r s o n suggests t h a t t h e r e i s some j u s t i f i c a t i o n f o r the a p p l i c a t i o n of Tur n e r ' s t h e o r i e s t o the mining f r o n t i e r . He bases t h i s argument on a study of the s o c i a l o r i g i n s of 50 s u c c e s s f u l mining e n t r e p r e n e u r s , 50% of whom h e l d l e s s than a h i g h s c h o o l e d u c a t i o n and 80% of whom came from "middle or lower c l a s s " b a c k g r o u n d . 4 6 But can the suc c e s s e s of 50 men be r e c o n c i l e d w i t h the e x p e r i e n c e of the thousands, i f not hundreds of thousands, who p a r t i c i p a t e d i n western c o r d i l l e r a n mining? The e a r l y days of a p l a c e r or lo d e mining camp appeared to o f f e r o c c a s i o n to improve one's s o c i a l s t a n d i n g . A p r o s p e c t o r c o u l d uncover a r i c h f i n d ; c e r t a i n l y the s l i m chance of f i n d i n g g o l d was enough to keep many people p r o s p e c t i n g . A shop keeper o r b u s i n e s s p e r s o n who had been e s t a b l i s h e d e a r l y i n the camp's h i s t o r y c o u l d become both s u c c e s s f u l and i n f l u e n t i a l i n the community. O p p o r t u n i t i e s a l s o arose f o r those p r o v i d i n g s e r v i c e s to miners, such as lawyers, d o c t o r s , or team s t e r s . Some argue t h a t t h e r e was a l a c k of r i g i d i t y i n the s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e of e a r l y mining towns. Thus, lawyers, d o c t o r s , and bankers h e l d no s o c i a l 44. C a r t e r , 1972, p.6. 45. R. Pet e r s o n , "The F r o n t i e r T h e s i s and S o c i a l M o b i l i t y on the M i n i n g F r o n t i e r , " Pacific Historical Review, v. 44, 1975, p.42. 46. I b i d , pp. 64,66. advantage over s a l o o n keepers, mining s p e c u l a t o r s , and miners who had made s t r i k e s . 4 7 But i t would be a mistake to assume t h e r e was no s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e at a l l . Rather, i t was s i m p l i f i e d . In these rough s e t t i n g s t h e r e was no use f o r s o c i a l n i c e t i e s and the r e l a t i v e a c c e s s i b i l i t y of r e s o u r c e s such as l a n d and the p e r c e i v e d a v a i l a b i l i t y of g o l d smoothed out c e r t a i n s o c i a l d i f f e r e n c e s . In any event, the o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r s o c i a l m o b i l i t y a s s o c i a t e d w i t h the e a r l y days of a mining camp d i d not l a s t l o n g . In the p l a c e r camps, d e p o s i t s were q u i c k l y d e p l e t e d . I n d i v i d u a l miners working f o r themselves were r e p l a c e d by companies e x t r a c t i n g g o l d by r i v e r mining or h y d r a u l i c mining. In a p r o m i s i n g l o d e mining camp, t r a n s p o r t a t i o n r o u t e s and a d e v e l o p i n g mining t e c h n o l o g y were q u i c k l y e s t a b l i s h e d . A miner might become a foreman, but h i s s k i l l s p r o b a b l y would not take him much f u r t h e r . ° I f a camp boomed, p r o p e r t y became e x c e s s i v e l y expensive and even a d r a f t y dark room i n a j e r r y - b u i l t b o a r d i n g house c o u l d s t r e t c h a l a b o u r e r ' s budget. Once a town was e s t a b l i s h e d o p p o r t u n i t i e s were c l o s e d o f f f o r o t h e r p r o f e s s i o n a l s and bu s i n e s s p e r s o n s as w e l l who, u n l e s s d e a l i n g i n a new commodity or s e r v i c e , would have to compete w i t h those a l r e a d y e s t a b l i s h e d . P e t erson's n o t i o n of s o c i a l m o b i l i t y , 47. R. Lingeman, Small Town America, (New York: G. Putman's Sons, 1985) p.201. 48. R.C. H a r r i s , " I n d u s t r y and the Good L i f e Around Idaho Peak." Canadian Historical Review, v. 56, n.3, p.330, note 36. 35 t h e r e f o r e , s h o u l d be re-examined from the ot h e r s i d e , from the p e r s p e c t i v e of the u n t o l d numbers who gave up the s e a r c h or d i e d w i t h o u t s t a k i n g a c l a i m , or whose b u s i n e s s e s f a i l e d w i t h the d e p l e t i o n of g o l d . V a r i o u s accounts of g o l d rushes show t h a t c o u n t l e s s p r o s p e c t o r s and f o r t u n e seekers were d i s a p p o i n t e d i n f o l l o w i n g the rushes from p l a c e to p l a c e . In most towns, t h e r e f o r e , i t u s u a l l y d i d not take l o n g f o r e s t a b l i s h e d s o c i a l p a t t e r n s t y p i c a l of c a p i t a l i s t s o c i e t i e s to be reproduced. The s o c i a l t a p e s t r y o f the s u c c e s s f u l mining town took on a f a m i l i a r weave as i t developed. There was an e l i t e made up of mine managers (though not n e c e s s a r i l y the owners), and e s t a b l i s h e d d o c t o r s , lawyers, o t h e r p r o f e s s i o n a l s and b u s i n e s s p e r s o n s . Below them l a y a group made up of shop keepers and a r t i s a n s , among o t h e r s . The next s t r a t a c o n s i s t e d of l a b o u r e r s , among whom a m a j o r i t y were miners. Then t h e r e were groups who e x i s t e d o u t s i d e of s o c i e t y , the p r o s t i t u t e s , the Chinese, and the v a g r a n t s , whom, f o r v a r i o u s reasons, were o s t r a c i z e d . T h i s s o c i a l o r d e r became r e f l e c t e d i n the geography of the t y p i c a l m ining town. R e s i d e n t i a l areas became se g r e g a t e d by s t a t u s and/or e t h n i c i t y which o f t e n o v e r l a p p e d . 4 9 V a r i o u s c l u b s which s e l e c t e d t h e i r membership c a r e f u l l y would be founded. D i f f e r e n t churches c a t e r e d t o d i f f e r e n t p o r t i o n s of the p o p u l a t i o n . " . . . [ B ] i t and two b i t s a l o o n s " both r e f l e c t e d 49. Brown, 1974, p.29. 36 the s t a t u s of t h e i r c l i e n t e l e s . 3 U In T i n Cup, Nevada, even the cemeteries were segregated, one each f o r Roman C a t h o l i c s , P r o t e s t a n t s , Jews and c r i m i n a l s . 5 1 The mining f r o n t i e r was both s i m i l a r to and d i f f e r e n t from T u r n e r ' s c o n c e p t i o n of the f r o n t i e r . I t d i d r e q u i r e t h a t s o c i e t y work i t s e l f out from s i m p l i f i e d b e g i n n i n g s . U n l i k e an a g r i c u l t u r a l f r o n t i e r the mining f r o n t i e r developed i n s m a l l p o c k e t s . The s o c i a l i n s t i t u t i o n s reproduced i n the towns d i d not extend v e r y f a r beyond t h e i r o u t e r l i m i t s . Thus, w h i l e new s t r i k e s were b e i n g made and new camps were b e i n g founded, the western c o r d i l l e r a c o n t i n u e d to be a f r o n t i e r and o p p o r t u n i t i e s to escape a l i f e t i m e of wage employment s t i l l e x i s t e d . A p p a r e n t l y , f a i t h i n f i n d i n g g o l d remained s t r o n g . As Mark Wyman r e l a t e s , many men q u i t t h e i r company jobs a t the news of a d i s t a n t s t r i k e . 5 2 Success, n o n e t h e l e s s , seemed to depend on l u c k and t i m i n g r a t h e r than s k i l l . The mining f r o n t i e r r a i s e s another . i n t e r e s t i n g i s s u e , namely the o r i g i n s of l a b o u r r a d i c a l i s m and m i l i t a n c y . Some authors have argued t h a t the WFM and oth e r western unions were more l i k e l y to embrace s o c i a l i s m and r a d i c a l i s m than t h e i r e a s t e r n c o u n t e r p a r t s . The reasons g i v e n f o r t h i s are the p h y s i c a l i s o l a t i o n , the r a p i d m e c h a n i z a t i o n of mining, 50. D.A. Smith, Rocky Mountain Mining Camps: The Urban Frontier, (Bloomington: I n d i a n a U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1967) p. 190 51. Lingeman, 1985, p.209. 52. Wyman, 1979, p.151. 37 and the l i n g e r i n g but f a d i n g dreams of s t r i k i n g i t r i c h . Others have argued the o p p o s i t e , t h a t the western unions were no more i n c l i n e d to s o c i a l i s m and r a d i c a l i s m than the e a s t e r n u n i o n s . I t may be t h a t the a c t i o n s of the unions i n the west were thrown i n t o s harper r e l i e f by t h e i r p h y s i c a l i s o l a t i o n , but i t seems t h a t t h e r e was a good d e a l of l a b o u r u n r e s t a c r o s s the c o n t i n e n t . Nor sho u l d t h i s be s u r p r i s i n g as l a b o u r i n g people throughout North America were coming to .terms with s p r e a d i n g i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n and m e c h a n i z a t i o n . 5 4 In Canada t h e r e i s ample evidence t h a t l a b o u r u n r e s t and re c o u r s e to s o c i a l i s m and r a d i c a l i s m were a n a t i o n a l phenomena. The complaints of Canadian workers l e v i e d between 1846 and 1919, i n f a c t , bear remarkable resemblance to those i s s u e d by the western miners: "unemployment, low wages, long, hours, unsafe and u n s a n i t a r y working c o n d i t i o n s , ...employer b l a c k l i s t s , n o n - r e c o g n i t i o n of unions, [and the] r e f u s a l of c o l l e c t i v e b a r g a i n i n g . " 5 5 The responses were a l s o s i m i l a r : 53. Wyman, 1979, p.151. These reasons are a l s o c e n t r a l to the arguments of Bercuson, 1977, and M. Dubofsky, "The O r i g i n s of Western Working C l a s s R a d i c a l i s m , 1890-1905, Labour History, v.7, 1966. 54. Dates have been a t t a c h e d f o r the i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n of the U n i t e d S t a t e s (1843) and Canada (1870) . Furthermore Douglas Cruikshank and Gregory Kealey argue t h a t both n a t i o n s were undergoing a second i n d u s t r i a l r e v o l u t i o n i n the l a t t e r y e a r s of the n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y . I t s h o u l d not be unexpected, t h e r e f o r e , t h a t t h e r e was c o n t i n e n t a l r e a c t i o n a g a i n s t i t . H.G. Gutman, "Work, C u l t u r e and S o c i e t y i n I n d u s t r i a l America, 1815-1919, i n On Work, R. P a h l , Ed., (New York: B a s i l B l a c k w e l l , 1989) p.126; J . R i n e h a r t , The Tyrrany of Work, (Don M i l l s : Longman Canada, 1975) p.34; D. Cruikshank and G. Kealey, " S t r i k e s i n Canada, 1891-1950," Labour/Le Travailleur, v.20, F a l l , 1987, p.88. 55. G. Kealey, "The S t r u c t u r e of Canadian Working C l a s s H i s t o r y , " Lectures in Canadian Labour and Working Class History, W.J.C. Che r w i n s k i and G. Kealey, Eds., (Toronto: 38 s t r i k e s were a common o p t i o n , but deeper, more p h i l o s o p h i c a l q u e s t i o n s of s o c i a l reform were a l s o a d d r e s s e d . 5 6 Western c o r d i l l e r a n lode mining was, then, an e x t e n s i o n of the C a l i f o r n i a g o l d r u s h . Not l o n g a f t e r the p l a c e r mining areas of C a l i f o r n i a were e s t a b l i s h e d , miners began to e x p l o r e the p o s s i b i l i t i e s of f o l l o w i n g the v e i n s of ore underground. T h i s , however, proved beyond the i n c l i n a t i o n s and means of most p r o s p e c t o r s . I n d i v i d u a l miners gave way to l a r g e c o r p o r a t i o n s who used t h e i r access to c a p i t a l t o t r a n s f o r m mining i n t o a mechanized, i n d u s t r i a l a c t i v i t y . Once the new technology became r e a d i l y a c c e s s i b l e i t was q u i c k l y i n t r o d u c e d i n t o new mining r e g i o n s . With new equipment, work i n the mines became s p e c i a l i z e d , l a r g e l y d e s k i l l e d , and e t h n i c a l l y s e g r e g a t e d . The e f f e c t of t h i s was t h a t o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r s o c i a l m o b i l i t y and s o c i a l l e v e l i n g were not l o n g l i v e d , p a r t i c u l a r l y i n l o d e mining towns. Urban i n s t i t u t i o n s were r a p i d l y reproduced, one o f . t h e f i r s t a s o c i a l h i e r a r c h y s t r a t i f i e d a l o n g c l a s s l i n e s . Another consequence was t h a t the miners, l i k e workers a c r o s s the Committee on Canadian Labour H i s t o r y and New Hogtown P r e s s , 1985) p.12. 56. S t r i k e s were a v e r y common r e c o u r s e i n the p e r i o d under c o n s i d e r a t i o n . Between 1891 and 1910 t h e r e were over 2000 s t r i k e s c a l l e d i n Canada the g r e a t e s t p r o p o r t i o n of which were c a l l e d i n O n t a r i o . Cruikshank and Kealey, 1987, pp.86,90. By the end of the n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y s o c i a l i s m and r a d i c a l i s m were both w e l l e s t a b l i s h e d i n c e n t r a l Canada. Toronto has been r e f e r r e d to as the l e a d i n g c e n t r e of Canadian r a d i c a l o p i n i o n . G.H. Homel, "Fading Beams of the N i n e t e e n t h Century; R a d i c a l i s m and E a r l y S o c i a l i s m i n Canada's 1890s," Labour/Le T r a v a i l l e u r , v.5, S p r i n g , 1980, p.9. 39 continent, began to organize to protect themselves and to seek reforms. 40 3 From Bar to Board Room and other Stories The discovery of r i c h gold ores on Red Mountain in the Kootenay region of south-eastern B r i t i s h Columbia r e s u l t e d in the founding of the c i t y of Rossland (Maps 2 & 3). For a number of years around the turn of the century, Rossland f l o u r i s h e d with the outputs of i t s mines. The B r i t i s h Columbian wilderness was r a p i d l y transformed by a well t r i e d system of mining, headed by experienced mining entrepreneurs. A b u s t l i n g town and two railways hugged the mountain slopes where only a short time before the only human presence had been the seasonal occupation of lo c a l n a t i v e s . 1 For a time Rossland was almost synonymous with gold, but i t was not long before the time of gaining easy riches had passed. Lode mining around Rossland quickly became too expensive for most miners. The ores were d i f f i c u l t and expensive to extract and mining equipment too cos t l y to obtain. This chapter describes the economic 1. These bands were probably part of the Southern Okanagan or more s p e c i f i c a l l y the Lake-Colvi1le Inchilium. Rossland H i s t o r i c a l Association, Rossland Historical Guide Map and Story of Rossland, 1974, p.4; M.D. Kincade, W. S u t t l e s , R.M. Galois, and S.P. Robinson, "New Caledonia and Columbia," Historical Atlas of Canada, Volume I: From the Beginning to 1800, R.C. Harris, Ed., (Toronto: U n i v e r s i t y of Toronto Press, 1987, pi.66. 41 geography of t h i s burgeoning c i t y from the d i s c o v e r y of the f i r s t o r e s i n 1887 to 1902 by which time R o s s l a n d was a mature mining town. S i n c e most of t h i s m a t e r i a l i s g e n e r a l l y known, some t h a t i s i n t e r e s t i n g and r e l e v a n t i s o n l y b r i e f l y c o n s i d e r e d or passed by e n t i r e l y . (For example the r o l e preformed by the Dominion Government i n events i n R o s s l a n d and the b i t t e r c o m p e t i t i o n between the r i v a l r a i l w a y companies are o n l y h i n t e d at.) The main purpose of t h i s c h a p t e r i s t o b u i l d a p o r t r a i t of Rossland as a r a p i d l y maturing c i t y based upon i n c r e a s i n g l y mechanized mines. * A s e r i e s of events b e g i n n i n g i n the 1850s began t o a t t r a c t the a t t e n t i o n of p r o s p e c t o r s and o t h e r mining men t o the Kootenay Region of B r i t i s h Columbia. Small g o l d rushes at F o r t C o l v i l l e i n Washington S t a t e (1855), at W i l d Horse Creek (1864) , and a t B i g Bend (1865) drew i n i t i a l i n t e r e s t to the area and h i n t e d at p o t e n t i a l m i n e r a l i z a t i o n . Routes of i n g r e s s , both from the south and the west (the Dewdney T r a i l ) were c r e a t e d and s m a l l s e t t l e m e n t s e s t a b l i s h e d . In 1879 g o l d q u a r t z was s u c c e s s f u l l y mined i n Coeur D'Alene, Idaho. In the same y e a r a s m e l t e r was e r e c t e d and blown i n at B u t t e , Montana. By 1883 the Northern P a c i f i c Railway had been completed to Tacoma, Washington on the P a c i f i c c o a s t . W i t h i n a few y e a r s (by 1887) Spokane had become the hub of a r a i l network which had t r a n s f o r m e d the c l a i m s of Coeur 42 D'Alene into producing mines. 2 To the north the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway was completed to the coast in 1885. By the late 1880s there was considerable reason to believe that there were metal ores i n the south-east corner of B r i t i s h Columbia. There was by that time also considerably improved access to the area, but also an i n d u s t r i a l mining i n f r a s t r u c t u r e immediately to the south. Aided by the knowledge that the mineral riches of Idaho and Montana probably extended into B r i t i s h Columbia, and induced by improved transportation networks, f i r s t prospectors then experienced mining i n t e r e s t s began to turn t h e i r attention towards the Kootenay. The f i r s t important s t r i k e s were both made in 1887, at Ainsworth and at Toad Mountain (where the c i t y of Nelson would be founded) (Map 2 ) . 3 As news of the discoveries of ore at Ainsworth and Toad Mountain f i l t e r e d through the mining community, prospectors 2. D.J. N i c o l , Changing Spatial Patterns in the Lode-Metal Mining Industry of British Columbia: 1887-1945, Unpublished M.A. Thesis, (Vancouver: U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1971) p.50; R.C. Harris, Moving Amid the Mountains, 1870-1930," B.C. Studies, No. 58, Summer, 1983, pp. 10-11; J. Fahey, Inland Empire: D.C. Corbin and Spokane, (Seattle: U n i v e r s i t y of Washington Press, 1965) chapter 3. 3. See E.S. Moore, American Influence in Canadian Mining, (Toronto: U n i v e r s i t y of Toronto Press, 1941) chapter 7 for a general d e s c r i p t i o n of the advance of American mining into B r i t i s h Columbia. 43 Legend T r a i l S t e a i b o a t Run R a i l w a y s « « > • ' • ' 1. N o r t h e r n P a c i f i c 2. C a n a d i a n P a c i f i c R a i l w a y j . S p o k a n e F a l l s a n d N o r t h e r n R a i l w a y i. i e l s o o and f o r t Sheppard i a i l i a y s v.. W i l d H o r s e C r e e k <Q IQ 3 0 4 0 50 _ _ i I i i H i l e s Map 2 S o u t h - e a s t e r n B r i t i s h Columbia and B o r d e r i n g S t a t e s - P l a c e s and T r a n s p o r t a t i o n Networks mentioned i n Chapters 2 and 3. Sources: Meyer, 1970; H a r r i s , 1983. i 44 began to search elsewhere for s i m i l a r deposits. One of the routes of entry into the Kootenay was along the o l d Dewdney T r a i l which wound down beside T r a i l Creek as i t descended out of the Monashee Mountains into the Columbia River Valley. I t may have been from some vantage point along the t r a i l that in 1887 George Bowerman noticed outcroppings of ore on Deer Park Mountain and Red Mountain. Bowerman staked two claims, one on each peak, although neither claim amounted to much and both were soon abandoned. In 1889 the claim on Deer Park Mountain was rediscovered and christened the L i l y May. 4 The following year the owners of the claim h i r e d a miner, Joe Moris, to do the assessment work on the claim; the annual minimum required by the p r o v i n c i a l government. While working on the claim, Moris was attrac t e d by stain s of min e r a l i z a t i o n on the sides of Red Mountain. Later that year, Moris returned to Red Mountain with a partner, Joe Bourgeois, and together they staked f i v e claims: the Centre Star, and on i t s extension, the LeWise, the War Eagle, the Idaho, and the V i r g i n i a . They went to Nelson and had some samples assayed. The r e s u l t s were disappointing: of ten samples only four showed any traces of metals.* 5 Yet Moris 4. Cominco, Souvenir E d i t i o n , Supplement to the Trail Daily Times, August 11, 1988. Part of t h i s supplement i s a r e p r i n t of the Toronto newspaper The Saturday Globe of February 6, 1897, a sp e c i a l e d i t i o n dealing with Rossland. 5. There are many accounts of the fi n d i n g of the f i r s t important Rossland mines. This one, written by Joe Moris, can be found i n ; L. Whittaker, Ed., Rossland: The Golden City, (Rossland: Rossland Miner Limited, 1949) pp.1-2. 45 and Bourgeois recorded t h e i r claims, although they were prevented from recording a l l f i v e because p r o v i n c i a l law prohibited one person from staking more than two. Bourgeois suggested that instead of spending t h e i r own money they o f f e r one claim to Eugene Topping, the Deputy Recorder, i n return for paying the recording fee on a l l of them. 6 A f t e r examining the claim. Topping accepted the o f f e r of the Le Wise and renamed i t the Le Roi. He d i d some preliminary exploratory work and, r e a l i z i n g he lacked the means to work the claim himself, he took samples to Spokane where he bonded 16/30 of the claim to a syndicate of Spokane businessmen. These men d i d further sampling work which returned as much as s i x t y d o l l a r s per ton. A shaft was started and weekly samples (assaying up to $472 per ton) were sent to Marcus, Washington. In the spring of 1891 ten tons of hand picked ore were sent to Butte for smelting, returning a value of $84.40 per ton. Although transportation costs ate up much of the p r o f i t s , the bond was taken up, the res t of Topping's shares were purchased, and the Le Roi Gold Mining Company was formed.7' 6. Whittaker, 1942, p. 2. This i s another example of the varying accounts of these events. Another account suggests that t h i s law prohibited one person from staking more than one claim per lead. J. Mouat, Mining in the Settler Dominions: A Comparative Study of the Industry in Three Communities from the 1880s the First World War, Unpublished Ph.d. Thesis, (Vancouver: The University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1988) p.38. 7. W. C a r l y l e , Report on the Trail Creek Mining District. B u l l e t i n Number 2. The P r o v i n c i a l Bureau of Mines. V i c t o r i a . 1896. In, B r i t i s h Columbia, Annual Report of the Minister of Mines, ( V i c t o r i a : The King's P r i n t e r , 1896) p.15. Hereafter 46 This a c t i v i t y on Red Mountain caused a s t i r among Kootenay prospectors. A minor rush there in 1890 overwhelmed the inaugural run of the steamboat service connecting the CPR mainline at Revelstoke with the Northern P a c i f i c at Spokane, v i a the Spokane F a l l s and Northern. 8 In 1891 there were 30 men about the camp and a small settlement grew up along the t r a i l leading to the mines. 9 Yet int e r e s t in the new camp waned during the la s t h a l f of 1892. Work continued on the Le Roi and some of the other claims, but there was l i t t l e of the excitement often associated with new mineral disc o v e r i e s . Table 1 shows the number of claims staked in the T r a i l Creek d i s t r i c t . This table, which can be used to gauge i n t e r e s t in the new camp, shows that between 1891 and 1893 there was an annual decline in the number of claims staked, with a low of 33 in 1893. TABLE 1 R o s s l f l n r i M i n i n g S t a t i at. i est 1RQ1-1RQ7 Number of Tons of Total Value Value of Year Claims Ore of Ore Ore Produced Staked Produced Produced($) Per Ton($) 1891 87 0 0 0.00 1892 67 0 0 0 .00 1893 33 0 0 0.00 1894 99 1,856 75,510 40.69 1895 1,997 19,693 702,459 35.67 1896 2.588 38,075 1,243,360 32.65 1897 N/A 68,804 2,097,280 30.48 Source: Annual Report of the Minister of Mines, 1891-1897. these reports w i l l be c i t e d as Annual Report of the Minister of Mines. 8. Fahey, 1965, p.107. 9. Annual Report of the Minister of Mines, 1891, p.565. 47 The c o s t of t r a n s p o r t i n g the ores may have been a f a c t o r i n t h i s d e c l i n e . At t h i s time the ores were taken by packhorse t o the Columbia R i v e r where they were loaded on a steamboat and taken t o L i t t l e D a l l e s , and l a t e r t o Nor t h p o r t , from where they were shipped by r a i l t o s m e l t e r s at Tacoma or E v e r e t t , Washington, or West Helena or Butte, M o n t a n a . 1 0 In 1892 the manager of the Le Roi mine b u i l t , by p r i v a t e s u b s c r i p t i o n , a wagon road c o n s t r u c t e d t o No r t h p o r t and the f o l l o w i n g y e a r West Kootenay Gold Commissioner Napoleon F i t z s t u b b s had another road b u i l t down t o T r a i l Creek L a n d i n g . 1 1 These roads o f f e r e d some r e l i e f from t r a n s p o r t a t i o n problems, but they were not a permanent s o l u t i o n . In times of inclement weather they became impassable and r e s t r i c t e d shipments from the mines. In a d d i t i o n , though t h e r e was ver y r i c h ore be i n g e x t r a c t e d , l a r g e q u a n t i t i e s of lower grade ores were a l s o b e i n g uncovered. In order t o e x p l o i t these ores b e t t e r t r a n s p o r t a t i o n f a c i l i t i e s would have t o be o b t a i n e d . 1 2 Other f a c t o r s o u t s i d e the immediate r e g i o n a l s o a f f e c t e d i n t e r e s t i n the T r a i l Creek Mines. In 1891 r i c h s i l v e r ores were d i s c o v e r e d i n the S l o c a n V a l l e y . 10. C a r l y l e , 1896, p.17; The f i r s t shipments of ore from Nelson were by s i m i l a r means and co s t about $57.00 a ton to t r a n s p o r t t o the s m e l t e r . I t i s l i k e l y t h a t c o s t s from Rossland were a l s o i n t h i s range. Annual Report of the Minister of Mines, 1889, p.298. 11. C a r l y l e , 1896, p. 15; Annual Report of the Minister of Mines, 1892. p.533. 12. The Ross l a n d Miner, December 7, 21, 1895; C a r l y l e , 1896, p.14. 48 Prospectors who had been working at Rossland were drawn away by a perception that the Slocan mines had greater p o t e n t i a l to d e l i v e r w e a l t h . 1 3 A mining commentator describing the T r a i l Creek mines r e c a l l e d the perception of t h e i r l i m i t e d possibi 1 i t i e s .-After the so c a l l e d iron croppings of Red Mountain were found several years ago they were prospected in a desultory and halfhearted fashion. Prospectors and p r a c t i c a l mining men of long experience in the Rocky Mountain camps and many reputable experts, a c t u a l l y condemned the disco v e r i e s . In other sections, notably in Colorado, these p y r i t i c materials were barren, and no one having had any previous t r i a l with l i k e propositions held out the s l i g h t e s t hope for T r a i l C r e e k . 1 4 A world wide recession in 1893 r a t t l e d the confidence of mining i n t e r e s t s , further flagging i n t e r e s t in the T r a i l Creek mines. A l l of the mines were forced to shut down for at least part of the year although the Le Roi was able to s e l l enough ore from i t s dump to be able to resume operations. They sent 250 tons of ore from the dump to Tacoma. 1 3 The r e s u l t s of t h i s work were not released, but they must have been encouraging because new mining machinery. 30 more employees, and three teams of horses were sent to the mine. 1 6 13. Annual Report of the Minister of Mines, 1891, p. 565; Paul, 1963. p.132. 14.. Correspondence from The Post Intellegencer, The British Columbia Mining Record, v . l , n.2, November, 1895, p.15. Hereafter t h i s journal w i l l be c i t e d as BCMR. 15. The ore shipped from the Le Roi was hand sorted. The dump was where lower grade ores were discarded. 16. Annual Report of the Minister of Mines, 1893, p. 1042; C a r l y l e , 1896, 15. 49 E v e n t u a l l y t h e r e was a resurgence of i n t e r e s t i n the T r a i l Creek mines. In 1893 the p r i c e of s i l v e r c r a s h e d . 1 - 7 As a r e s u l t the lode mining f o r s i l v e r became: ...so poor an investment t h a t i t a c t u a l l y compelled money u s u a l l y used i n t h i s i n d u s t r y t o seek the o n l y o t h e r a l t e r n a t i v e — g o l d mining f o r ore. from which i t c o u l d be p r o f i t a b l y e x t r a c t e d , no matter how smal l the m a r g i n . 1 S Events at Rossland a l s o c o n t r i b u t e d to g r e a t e r appeal of the mines. At the Le Roi more machinery was added, new d i s c o v e r i e s of ore were made, and the company p a i d i t s f i r s t d i v i d e n d . At the War E a g l e , where $10,000 i n development work had gone unrewarded i n 1894, new management and a change i n the d i r e c t i o n of mining r e s u l t e d i n the d i s c o v e r y of an ore body e i g h t f e e t wide, almost i d e n t i c a l t o those i n the Le R o i . A c o n t r a c t was s i g n e d w i t h a s m e l t e r i n Butte t o s h i p 10,000 tons of ore per month and i n 1895 the company p a i d i t s f i r s t d i v i d e n d s . 17. The c r a s h of the p r i c e of s i l v e r i s f a r too complex an i s s u e t o be d e a l t w i t h i n t h i s t h e s i s . One important f a c t o r i n v o l v e d the end of b i m e t a l l i s m . Legal b i m e t a l l i s m i n the U n i t e d S t a t e s ended i n 1873 through an o v e r s i g h t by the Congress. The Sherman S i l v e r Purchase Act, which had been enacted i n 1890 as one of a s e r i e s of s t e p s t o h e l p s i l v e r producers s i n c e b i m e t a l l i s m had ended, mandated t h a t the t r e a s u r y buy 4.5 m i l l i o n ounces of s i l v e r per month, an amount which covered almost a l l of the output of American s i l v e r mines. I t was r e p e a l e d i n 1893 throwing the s i l v e r market i n t o a p a n i c . For more d e t a i l see: R.W. Jastram, Silver, the Restless Metal, (Toronto: John Wiley and Sons, 1981) pp. 69-78. 18. Mouat, 1988, p.41 c i t i n g J.W. McCarthy, British Investment in Overseas Mining, 1890-1914, Ph.d. T h e s i s , Cambridge, 1961. 50 Response t o these events was almost immediate. P r o s p e c t o r s poured i n t o the camp. The number of c l a i m s can ag a i n be used t o gauge the i n t e r e s t i n the camp (see T a b l e 1). From the low of 33 i n 1893 the number climbed t o 1997 i n 1895 and 2588 i n 1896. The ye a r 1895 saw the camp s w e l l t o about 3000 i n h a b i t a n t s and become the s i t e of f r a n t i c a c t i v i t y . The landscape on and around Red Mountain was d r a m a t i c a l l y transformed. H e a v i l y wooded mountain s l o p e s were c l e a r e d , burned o f f t o ease p r o s p e c t i n g , or cut f o r c o n s t r u c t i o n . B a l d Red Mountain was "...honeycombed by mole-l i k e h o l e s , and studded w i t h new made s h a f t houses and c a b i n s . . . . " 1 9 Through the boom y e a r s of 1895, 1896, and 1897 some mines c o n t i n u e d t o expand t h e i r o p e r a t i o n s . In 1896 one hundred men were working i n the Le Roi at depths up t o 450 f e e t . In the same y e a r the company i n s t a l l e d more new machinery i n c l u d i n g : a new h o i s t i n g p l a n t ; a huge 40 d r i l l a i r compressor powered by t h r e e 125 HP b o i l e r s ; an E d i s o n dynamo t o l i g h t the mines and power an e l e c t r i c diamond d r i l l ; nine new machine d r i l l s ; and a s t a t i o n pump. Other mines were a l s o expanding t h e i r o p e r a t i o n s and some were becoming p r o d u c i n g mines. Between 1894 and 1895 the number of men employed i n Rossland mines jumped from 40 t o 500. The p r o d u c t i o n of ore a l s o i n c r e a s e d d r a m a t i c a l l y , g o ing from 19. Correspondence from The Post Intellegencer, BCMR, v . l , n.2, Nov., 1895. p.15 . 51 1856 tons worth $75,510 i n 1894 to 68,804 tons worth $2,097,280 i n 1897 (Table 1 ) . 2 ° There were, of course, mines t h a t d i d not produce w e l l . The Annual Report of the Minister of Mines f o r 1897 noted t h a t s e v e r a l c l a i m s l a y i d l e because the owners r e q u i r e d more c a p i t a l t o work t h e i r p r o p e r t i e s . Although t h e r e was a g r e a t d e a l of p r o s p e c t i n g and e x p l o r a t o r y work b e i n g done, the ores of Red Mountain were not e a s i l y e x t r a c t e d . A v i s i t i n g mining e n g i n e e r r e l a t e d most of the, c l a i m s were capped w i t h tough i r o n d e p o s i t s t h a t had to be p i e r c e d , making t u n n e l i n g d i f f i c u l t and e x p e n s i v e . 2 1 In a d d i t i o n , the bedrock of Red Mountain was f a u l t e d , d i s l o c a t i n g the v e i n s from t h e i r c o u r s e s : For example, i n the C l i f f mine a f o u r f o o t wide body of ore was s h i f t e d twenty f e e t to the northwest by a f a u l t i n the g r o u n d . 2 2 Once a v e i n was l o s t , expensive and non-productive development work was r e q u i r e d to r e l o c a t e i t . There were v e r y few p r o p e r t i e s i n the Rossland camp, then, t h a t would pay f o r themselves. Even the Le Roi and War E a g l e , the most p r o d u c t i v e mines, had r e q u i r e d a l o t of development money to r e a c h paying ore. The r e c o r d e r f o r the d i s t r i c t i n h i s r e p o r t noted: 20. C a r l y l e ' s r e p o r t f o r 1896 g i v e s d e t a i l e d d e s c r i p t i o n s of some of the l a r g e r c l a i m s . He r e p o r t s t h a t t h e r e were f i v e compressors a l r e a d y i n use w i t h s i x more w a i t i n g t o be i n s t a l l e d . In a l l he e s t i m a t e d t h e r e had been a t o t a l investment of $175,000 i n machinery i n the camp. C a r l y l e , 1896, p. 13, 21. Annual Report of the Minister of Mines, 1895, p.688; 1897. p.536. 21. BCMR, v.2, n.4. May, 1896, p.20. 22. C a r l y l e , 1896, p.25. 52 . . . i t i s u s e l e s s to attempt mining i n t h i s camp w i t h l i m i t e d c a p i t a l , as mining c o s t s are h i g h , and c a l c u l a t i o n s as to the amount of work n e c e s s a r y may prove a l t o g e t h e r too low, and work have to cease by funds b e i n g exhausted, j u s t when the p r o s p e c t i n g s h o u l d be pushed ahead f o r a l l i t s w o r t h . 2 3 Much of the e a r l y development c a p i t a l f o r Rossland's mines was American. There are a number of reasons why t h i s was so. F i r s t , the T r a i l Creek mines were a n a t u r a l e x t e n s i o n of the American lode mining complex which had been working northward. T h i s b e i n g so, the Kootenay r e g i o n was w i t h i n easy r e a c h of e x p e r i e n c e d American mining men who would not t u r n t h e i r backs on new investment p o s s i b i l i t i e s . Second, o t h e r sources of c a p i t a l were not e a s i l y i n t e r e s t e d . John Church, i n a t h e s i s on c a p i t a l f o r m a t i o n i n Kootenay mines, s p e c u l a t e s t h a t Canada was s t i l l i n the e a r l y s t a g e s of i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n . There were, t h e r e f o r e , few c i t i z e n s w i t h enough c a p i t a l t o purchase or f i n a n c e a mine. Those, on the o t h e r hand, who were a b l e t o a f f o r d such an investment were not i n c l i n e d t o i n v e s t i n r i s k y mining v e n t u r e s i n an area about which was l i t t l e known. 2 4 B r i t a i n was a more l i k e l y source of c a p i t a l . But the B r i t i s h a l r e a d y enjoyed world wide investment o p p o r t u n i t i e s and though they i n v e s t e d a l a r g e p a r t of t h e i r domestic income overseas i t was r a r e l y i n v e s t e d i n s p e c u l a t i v e v e n t u r e s . 2 3 Canadians and B r i t i s h 23. Annual Report of the Minister of Mines, 1897, p.537. 24. J.S. Church, Mining- Companies in the West Kootenay District of British Columbia, 1890-1900, Unpublished M.A. T h e s i s , (Vancouver, U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1961) p.19. 25. I b i d , p.19; D.G. P a t e r s o n , "European F i n a n c i a l C a p i t a l and B r i t i s h Columbia: An Essay on the Role of the Regional E n t r e p r e n e u r , " B.C. Studies, n.21. S p r i n g 1974, p.33-34. 53 i n v e s t o r s were r e p e a t e d l y encouraged t o p a r t i c i p a t e i n the development of the Kootenays, but t h e i r response was s l o w . 2 6 The e d i t o r of The British Columbia Mining Record o f f e r e d t h i s comparison of American v e r s u s Canadian and B r i t i s h investment s t r a t e g i e s The American goes at a new d i s t r i c t l i k e a hungry dog at a bone. He e x u l t s , he triumphs i n the idea of r e s i s t i n g and overcoming o b s t a c l e s . The Canadian and the Englishman are l i k e t i m i d b a t h e r s , they t r y the water g i n g e r l y at f i r s t . Once i n , they swim m a n f u l l y , but they do not take the plunge as r a p i d l y as the A m e r i c a n . 2 7 One f a c t o r which made Canadian and B r i t i s h i n v e s t o r s apprehensive of the Rossland mines was the f i n a n c i a l abuses a s s o c i a t e d w i t h s p e c u l a t i n g i n mining p r o p e r t i e s . Evidence f o r s p e c u l a t i v e a c t i v i t y can be found i n the r a t e at which companies were formed. In 1895 the r e were 50 companies r e g i s t e r e d o r i n c o r p o r a t e d t o work the Kootenay and Boundary cou n t r y . T h i s t o t a l was sur p a s s e d i n the f i r s t h a l f of 1896 when th e r e were 61 i n c o r p o r a t i o n s and r e g i s t r a t i o n s . In each of the l a s t two q u a r t e r s of 1896 t h i s t o t a l c o n t i n u e d t o be surpasse d as th e r e were 76 and 135 r e g i s t r a t i o n s and i n c o r p o r a t i o n s r e s p e c t i v e l y . The t r e n d c o n t i n u e d i n 1897, i n February and March t h e r e were 245 r e g i s t r a t i o n s and i n c o r p o r a t i o n s and by May the number had reached- 4 2 2 . 2 e While many of these companies were undoubtedly v i a b l e concerns, many o t h e r s were more concerned w i t h s e l l i n g 26. For an example of a p l e a f o r Canadian and B r i t i s h investment see: BCMR, v . l , n . l , October, 1895, p.2. 27. BCMR, v.7, n.10, October, 1900, p.370 28. Church, 1961, p.113. 54 shares than w i t h working a mine. In these cases p e r p e t r a t o r s would buy small c l a i m s , o r i n some cases would j u s t take o p t i o n s out on c l a i m s . They would then i s s u e a pr o s p e c t u s and, drawing upon f a c t and rumour, promote these c l a i m s as f u t u r e g r e a t producers. The o v e r - c a p i t a l i z a t i o n of mining companies i s another type of f i n a n c i a l m a n i p u l a t i o n p r a c t i c e d by unscrupulous mining promoters. T h i s p r a c t i c e i n v i t e d f u r t h e r s p e c u l a t i o n and s t o c k gambling i n a d d i t i o n t o keeping the v a l u e of s t o c k down. 2 9 Examples of both types of s p e c u l a t i v e p r a c t i c e s can be demonstrated i n the for m a t i o n of a Spokane company which bought a f r a c t i o n a l c l a i m f o r $150 w i t h a p r o j e c t e d v a l u e of perhaps f i v e times t h a t amount, but i n c o r p o r a t e d i t w i t h $500,000 c a p i t a l . 3 0 The e d i t o r of The British Columbia Mining Record r e g u l a r l y c a s t i g a t e d those i n v o l v e d i n mine s p e c u l a t i n g , warning them t h a t such a c t i v i t i e s might have s h o r t term b e n e f i t s , but i n the long run would c e r t a i n l y be d e t r i m e n t a l t o mining i n the p r o v i n c e . The co o l r e c e p t i o n of e a s t e r n Canadian and E n g l i s h c a p i t a l t o Rossland promotion would seem t o i n d i c a t e t h a t he was c o r r e c t . Rossland's mines d i d s u f f e r from f i n a n c i a l abuses and developed a r e p u t a t i o n f o r b e i n g poor investments. The Engineering and Mining Journal of New York warned t h a t w h i l e B r i t i s h Columbian mines were a good investment, care would have t o be taken t o a v o i d unscrupulous mining promoters, and an a r t i c l e i n the Toronto 29. I b i d , p.112. 30. BCMR, v.2, n.5. May, 1896, p.37. 55 Telegram suggested t h a t money put i n t o R o ssland mines was as - i 1 good as l o s t . •L As the mines developed, e x i s t i n g t r a n s p o r t a t i o n f a c i l i t i e s became inadequate. The wagons and s l e i g h s used to c a r r y the ore away from R o s s l a n d were unable to handle the i n c r e a s e d tonnages produced i n the mines and roads were o f t e n impassable. In a d d i t i o n , more s u p p l i e s , b u i l d i n g m a t e r i a l s , and mining machinery were coming i n t o the camp a l s o r e q u i r i n g more e f f i c i e n t t r a n s p o r t a t i o n . What was c l e a r l y needed to cut p r o d u c t i o n c o s t s , every one a s s o c i a t e d w i t h the mines knew, was r a i l w a y access and a nearby s m e l t e r . The CPR was v e r y i n t e r e s t e d i n b u i l d i n g a l i n e i n t o R o s s land. They were the f i r s t to survey a l i n e from the Columbia R i v e r and purchased p o r t i o n s of s e v e r a l b l o c k s near Columbia Avenue on which to b u i l d a passenger and f r e i g h t d e p o t . 3 2 The CPR, however, never d i d b u i l d a l i n e i n t o R o s s l a n d . T h i s p r o j e c t was taken up i n s t e a d by two Americans, F r i t z Augustus Heinze and D a n i e l C. C o r b i n . 31. The Engineering and Mining Journal of New York c i t e d i n BCMR, v.3, n . l , January, 1897, p. 16; The r e f e r e n c e to the a r t i c l e i n the Toronto Telegram was found i n The Rossland Weekly Miner, March 18, 1897. In response the e d i t o r admitted t h a t t h e r e had been " . . . u n f o r t u n a t e l y more than one i n s t a n c e of o v e r c a p i t a l i z a t i o n i n Rossland, but [he argued] where i n a l l Canada i s t h e r e so g i g a n t i c an i n s t a n c e o f o v e r c a p i t a l i z a t i o n as the case of the CPR." 32. Rossland H i s t o r i c a l Museum A s s o c i a t i o n , Historic Addenda Sheet, p.2; BCMR, v . l , n.3, December, 1895, p.24. 56 Heinze was the f i r s t t o complete a r a i l w a y l i n k to R o s s l a n d . In 1895, h e a r i n g of the renewed a c t i v i t y a t Rossland, Heinze sent two of h i s employees to s c o u t the town and i t s p r o s p e c t s . Upon r e c e i v i n g a f a v o u r a b l e r e p o r t Heinze began to a c t . He made a number of d e a l s , a c q u i r i n g the r i g h t s from another e n t r e p r e n e u r to b u i l d a s m e l t e r and a tramway. Heinze a l s o concluded an agreement w i t h the owners of the Le R o i , s t i p u l a t i n g t h a t they s u p p l y 37,500 tons of ore, to be p a i d f o r a f t e r the shipment and sampling of each l o t and a f t e r the d e d u c t i o n of e l e v e n d o l l a r s f o r f r e i g h t and shipment charges. When t h i s d e a l was complete the mine would s h i p another 37,500 tons of ore to the s m e l t e r which would be shipped and t r e a t e d at the lowest r a t e a v a i l a b l e on the open market. F i n a l l y , he r e c e i v e d a bonus of one d o l l a r from the Dominion Government f o r each ton of ore t r e a t e d at h i s smelter.33 The ore would be c a r r i e d t o the s m e l t e r on the narrow gauge Columbia and Western Railway. The Columbia and Western was o n l y p a r t of Heinze's p l a n s which i n c l u d e d a r a i l w a y from the Kootenay to P e n t i c t o n . To promote h i s r a i l w a y Heinze stoked the i m a g i n a t i o n s of. the members of the P r o v i n c i a l government wi t h p i c t u r e s of a r e f i n i n g i n d u s t r y i n Vancouver t r e a t i n g S l o c a n ores and matte from the T r a i l smelter.34 Heinze r e c e i v e d h i s c h a r t e r and a l a r g e l a n d g r a n t . The f i r s t stage of the r a i l w a y , the narrow gauge 33. C a r l y l e , 1896, p.16. 34. Fahey, 1965, p.154. 57 between Ro s s l a n d and T r a i l , was i n s e r v i c e by June, 1896. The l i n e was of l i g h t c o n s t r u c t i o n , which r e s t r i c t e d speeds and l o a d s , and r e q u i r e d t h i r t e e n m i l e s of t r a c k to cover the seven m i l e s and 2000 v e r t i c a l f e e t between Rossland and T r a i l . D e s p i t e t h i s the Columbia and Western d i d remarkable b u s i n e s s . D u r i n g the f i r s t s i x months of o p e r a t i o n the p r o f i t s were $20,000 per month and, by the end of the f i r s t f i s c a l year, p r o f i t s t o t a l e d $103,486. 3 5 In 1897 Heinze completed the f i r s t p a r t of h i s s t a n d a r d gauge c h a r t e r , b u i l d i n g from T r a i l to a p o i n t on the Columbia j u s t west of Robson, which was the western terminus of the Columbia and Kootenay, a CPR l i n e , and an important steamboat l a n d i n g (Maps 2 &3). C o r b i n was w e l l known to the people of R o s s l a n d even b e f o r e he b u i l t a r a i l w a y to the camp. C o r b i n had e a r l i e r been r e s p o n s i b l e f o r a s u c c e s s f u l r a i l network i n the Coeur D'Alene r e g i o n of Idaho, and w i t h the d i s c o v e r i e s of ore i n the Kootenay he e n v i s i o n e d expanding t h i s network i n t o Canada. Although opposed by the Canadian government, C o r b i n had a c q u i r e d a c h a r t e r to b u i l d the Nelson & F o r t Sheppard Railway from a B r i t i s h Columbian s y n d i c a t e a f t e r they had s u c c e s s f u l l y p e t i t i o n e d the p r o v i n c i a l government f o r a l a n d g r a n t . In 1893 C o r b i n used p a r t of t h i s g r a n t to s e l e c t 4,600 ac r e s of l a n d j u s t n o r t h of the R o s s l a n d t o w n s i t e (Map 4 ) . In 1895 he became em b r o i l e d i n a law s u i t w i t h the 35. R. Turner, West of the Great D i v i d e , ( V i c t o r i a : Sono N i s P r e s s , 1987) p.109-110. 58 Map 3 Rossland and V i c i n i t y Source: Canada, Department of N a t i o n a l Defense Army Survey E s t a b l i s h m e n t , Rossland-Trail, Sheets, 82 F /4 West, 82 F /4 E a s t , 1951. 1/2 S c a l e 1:50,000 0 M i l e s owners of the Paris B e l l e mineral claim, whose claim overlapped the . railway land grant, over the p o t e n t i a l l y valuable surface r i g h t s . In 1896 Corbin became involved in another law s u i t . This time with squatters he wanted evicted from h i s land g r a n t . 3 6 With Rossland booming Corbin decided to extend a li n e from Northport to Rossland. He applied for and received a charter, but d i d not receive a subsidy because of CPR intervention. Corbin's l i n e , the Red Mountain Railway, also followed an arduous route into the c i t y . It climbed 1300 feet from Northport and over f i f t y percent of i t s length was made up of curves, some of which the railway inspector considered too severe for a standard gauge l i n e . 3 - 7 When the railway opened for business in December of 1896 there were over one hundred car loads of f r e i g h t waiting in Northport for shipment to Rossland, c l e a r l y demonstrating the need for a more e f f i c i e n t manner of t r a n s p o r t a t i o n . 3 3 The importance of the coming of the railways to Rossland can not be overstated, e s p e c i a l l y in terms of the benefits to the mines. The most c r u c i a l factor lay in the a b i l i t y of r a i l r o a d s to carry large amounts of f r e i g h t e f f i c i e n t l y . When the mines started to produce large quantities of ore the old transportation systems were 36. Fahey, 1965, p.170; The Rossland Miner, November 30, 1895; July 31; 1896. 37. Ibid, p;i62.. 38. Ibid, p.160. 60 overwhelmed. The railways offered a means of transportation that was able to accommodate these increased outputs. Table 1 shows that the amount of ore shipped from the T r a i l Creek mines more than doubled in the year the railways were completed into Rossland. Perhaps most importantly the r e l a t i v e e f f i c i e n c y of the railway lowered the o v e r a l l costs of mining, shipping, and t r e a t i n g ores. This meant that ores, which had l i t t l e or no value before the construction of the railways, could be p r o f i t a b l y extracted. Table 1 also shows that the value per ton of ore shipped from Rossland also dropped, i l l u s t r a t i n g to some degree that lower-grade ores were being shipped at a reasonable p r o f i t . The railway also allowed machinery to be shipped into the camp at much lower rates and i n much larger s i z e s and q u a n t i t i e s . It i s perhaps no coincidence that in 1896 mines such as the Le Roi were adding the large amounts of machinery as mentioned above. The construction of the railways s t i r r e d up unbridled optimism among those interested in the Rossland mines, and predictions of f o r t y mines connected by r a i l to concentrating plants and the outside world were confidently made. 3 9 * Some authors have argued that the border between B r i t i s h Columbia, i n p a r t i c u l a r the Kootenay, and the United 39. BCMR, v. 2, n.5. May, 1896, p.6. 61 States was of l i t t l e s i g n i f i c a n c e . 4 0 It i s true that most of the prospectors, most of the early development c a p i t a l , and most supplies came from the United States. It i s also true that both the Dominion and P r o v i n c i a l governments had ambiguous attitudes towards the boundary. As had been the case with Rossland, American entrepreneurs captured a large part of the r a i l t r a f f i c to and from Kootenay. centres. Perhaps b e l i e v i n g that any r a i l development was better than none at a l l , neither government presented s i g n i f i c a n t obstacles to Americans wishing to b u i l d into Canada. In fact, prohibitory measures were leveled by Ottawa against American railway builders only three times during the entir e Kootenay and Boundary mining booms, but these had l i t t l e e f f e c t beyond delaying charters.** 1 In other ways the federal government made i t s presence f e l t early i n the Rossland camp. In 1893, when the f i r s t ores were shipped from the d i s t r i c t , customs o f f i c e s were established at T r a i l Creek Landing and Waneta. In 1895 another was put at Paterson on the road to Northport.* 4 2 These border crossing were c l o s e l y p a t r o l l e d as demonstrated by the following: 40. C. Schwantes, Radical Heritage: Labour, Socialism, and Reform in Washington and British Columbia, 1885-1917, (Seattle: U n i v e r s i t y of Washington Press, 1979) p.116. This i s also a constant theme i n Fahey, 1965. 41. R.H. Meyer, The Evolution of Railways in the Kootenays, Unpublished Master's Thesis, (Vancouver: Univ e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1970) pp.84-94. 42. Fahey, 1965, p.147. 62 American horses are allowed to bring f r e i g h t into Canada without duty being charged on the horses but they are not allowed to. carry f r e i g h t out unless duty has been paid on them. The odd spectacle of a waggon (sic) load of ore going out from the War Eagle mine was seen t h i s week which had two horses in the shafts and two led behind. The two led behind were c i t i z e n s of the U.S. Those doing the work were Canadians. 4 3 Duties and t a r i f f s on imported goods such as mining machinery were a sore spot, not only with B r i t i s h Columbian mining i n t e r e s t s , but throughout the. western provinces. A l l f e l t the National P o l i c y placed too large a burden on the west.4** The t a r i f f posed two problems for B r i t i s h Columbian mining i n t e r e s t s : one, Canadian manufacturers were adding the protected amount to the price of t h e i r goods; and two, some customs o f f i c e r s interpreted the law s t a t i n g that duty be applied to that machinery which was of a type already made in Canada, to mean any machinery which Canadian manufactures were 'capable of producing. 4 3 The r e s u l t was that mining equipment became almost p r o h i b i t i v e l y expensive. There was hope for r e l i e f with the e l e c t i o n of the L i b e r a l s and t h e i r free-trade p o l i c i e s i n 1897, but these hopes were dashed when a t a r i f f of twenty f i v e percent was placed on lode mining machinery. Adding i n s u l t to t h i s obvious a f f r o n t was that coal mining equipment was added to the free l i s t . To western mining i n t e r e s t s i t was no coincidence that the 43. The Rossland Miner, March 16, 1895. 44. D.E. Blake, "Managing the Periphery: B r i t i s h Columbia and the National P o l i t i c a l Community," A History of British Columbia, P. Roy, Ed., (Toronto: Copp Clark Pitman Ltd., 1989) p.176. 45. BCMR, v.2, n.5. May 1896, p.7; v.3. n.4, A p r i l 1897, pp.11-12. 63 minister responsible for t h i s aberration was from a part of the Maritimes where coal mining was important."* 6 While tempers simmered over t a r i f f s , another storm concerning federal p o l i c y began to . brew. The Americans passed an A l i e n Labour Law in 1885 which prevented a l l non-Americans from procuring employment in the United States. By 1897 the matter had come before the Dominion Government. The edi t o r of the Rossland Miner suggested that a s i m i l a r law be passed i n Canada which would see a l l American miners deported, and which would put a stop to American ownership of B r i t i s h Columbian resource extraction a c t i v i t i e s . * * - 7 Later that same year the Canadian Government r e l u c t a n t l y adopted such a stance. But such a law was considered "...inappropriate for an enlightened country."** 8 Thus the Al i e n Labour Act, as i t was enacted, applied mainly to the east, and would be imposed only i f and when the Americans enforced t h e i r version of t h i s law.**9 A few weeks l a t e r , a f t e r perhaps mulling over the consequences of h i s e a r l i e r suggestion, the edit o r of the Rossland Miner also came to the conclusion that an exclusionary law would do more harm than good. Instead he proffered that i f r e t a l i a t o r y action 46. Ibid, v.3, n.7, July 1897, p.14. 47. The Rossland Weekly Miner, February 4, 1897 48. M. Wells, The Western Federation of Miners' in the Coeur D'Alene and Kootenay Region 1899-1902, Paper presented to the P a c i f i c Northwest Labor History Conference, Seattle, May 4, 1976, p.4 c i t i n g Official Report of the Debates of the House of Commons of the Dominion of Canada, 7 A p r i l , 1897, 45: 658-59; 7 June 1897, 45:3551; The Labour Gazette, September, 1900, pp.26-27. 49. Ibid, p.4. 64 were to be taken at a l l , i t had best be of an entirely-d i f f e r e n t nature, for, he argued. We want both American labour and American c a p i t a l in Canada, e s p e c i a l l y in the west, and there i s mighty l i t t l e sense in cutting o f f your nose to s p i t e your face. There . are other d i r e c t i o n s in which Canada can r e t a l i a t e to better advantage. 5 5 0 L i t t l e did he know that t h i s law would become prominent in the events of the coming decade. In the July, 1897 issue of the British Columbia Mining Record i t was reported: During the past few weeks a change of tone has become evident over the whole camp. Real estate and rents have steadied or are dropping; the stock market i s p r a c t i c a l l y dead; the days of the boom, when everything went just because i t happened at Rossland are past.... 5 5 x There are two interdependent explanations for the sudden demise of i n t e r e s t at Rossland. The f i r s t involves the . 1897 passing of The Companies Act by the P r o v i n c i a l Government. This law was intended to discourage speculative investment. It s t i p u l a t e d that companies, regardless of the country of ownership, would have to operate under B r i t i s h Columbian law, thus standardizing operating procedures.. It also provided some protection for investors by s t i f f e n i n g regulations for what information could be included in a prospectus. This l e g i s l a t i o n seems to have had the desired 50. The Rossland Weekly Miner, February 25, 1897. .51. BCMR, v. 3, n.7, July, 1897, p.14. 65 e f f e c t on speculative financing. One measure of i t s effectiveness i s that r e g i s t r a t i o n s and incorporations f e l l o f f dramatically a f t e r the speculative frenzy of the f i r s t h a l f of 1897. After the law was passed in May, only 85 companies were re g i s t e r e d or incorporated and of these 41 were r e r e g i s t r a t i o n s or reincorporations (this contrasted sharply with the 922 r e g i s t r a t i o n s and incorporations from January to May). Another measure of the effectiveness of the Companies Act to control speculative a c t i v i t y i s the number of b i l l s of sale and trans f e r s of T r a i l Creek mining properties. Table 2 shows that the number of transactions of T r a i l Creek mining properties dropped off markedly a f t e r 1897. TABLE 2 Rnss1 and Min-inrr S t a t i s t i c s 1 RQfl-1 90.2 Number of Tons of Value of Value of Year Claims Ore Ore Ore Produced Staked Produced Produced($) per Ton($) 1898 1110 116,367 2,210,000 18.99 1899 788 180,300 3,211,400 17.81 1900 520 217,636 2,333,725 10.72 1901 388 283,307 4,621,299 16 .31 1902 205 329,534 4,893,395 14.84 Source: Annual Report of the Minister of Mines, 1898-1902. The other factor that contributed to the lagging appeal of Rossland's mines was the r e a l i z a t i o n that the potential for easy wealth had passed. Table 3 shows that the number of claims staked began to drop a f t e r the peak years of 1895 and 1896. The Companies Act may p a r t i a l l y explain t h i s decline 66 as the market for claims for speculative manipulation was cons t r i c t e d . Another factor was the discovery of gold in the Klondyke. A Rossland j o u r n a l i s t r e l a t e s that Rossland prospectors were being drawn away: "The late lucky s t r i k e s in the Eureka Camp have caused no l i t t l e s t i r in t h i s place, the rush for the Klondyke has not l e f t i t s c a t h e l e s s . . . . " 3 2 But other s t a t i s t i c s reveal that there was a general decline i n mining a c t i v i t y around Rossland. Table : 3 also shows a drop in the number of c e r t i f i c a t e s of work issued. These c e r t i f i c a t e s were issued a f t e r assessment had shown that the minimum amount of work required by the p r o v i n c i a l government to hold the claim had been done (an option to pay in l i e u of doing the work also existed). The owners of some of the small claims recognized that a limited supply of c a p i t a l was not going to be s u f f i c i e n t to extract the ores from t h e i r claims. TABLE 3 Rossland Mining Business S t a t i s t i c s 1895-1902 C e r t i f i c a t e s Money in Transfers Year of l i e u and B i l l s Work of Work of Sale 1895 213 N/A 1.155 1896 1,211 N/A 2,690 1897 N/A N/A N/A 1898 1,110 16 660 1899 788 17 309 1900 520 4 177 1901 388 11 114 1902 205 5 49 Source: Annual Report of the Minister of Mines, 1895-1902 52. BCMR, v.3, n.9, September, 1897, p.25 67 Detractors of the Rossland mines gloated in the lapse of the excitement claiming that, as they had predicted, the bottom of Rossland had f a l l e n out. Yet i t would be a mistake to assume that the Rossland mines were entering the l a t t e r h a l f of a boom-bust cycle. Others h a i l e d the changes. For them the change that had come over Rossland signaled the end of speculative ventures i n mining properties. Optimism s t i l l ran unbounded, but i t s nature had changed. The opportunity for a prospector to make a r i c h f i n d had perhaps passed, but some of the big companies had been hugely successful. Mining inte r e s t s hoped that there would be, in the not too dis t a n t future, as many as a dozen mines producing on par with the Le R o i . 5 5 3 The Rossland Weekly Miner issued s i m i l a r claims and included a r t i c l e s from other Kootenay newspapers to corroborate i t s views: The shipments of ore from the adjacent mines are s t e a d i l y increasing, and that i s the only basis on which to judge the future of a mining town. Rossland i s growing and w i l l continue to do so as long as the output of i t s mines continues to increase. 3"* Perhaps c o i n c i d e n t a l l y , the year a f t e r the excitement at Rossland died down, the ownership of the large mines changed from predominantly American to B r i t i s h and Canadian owners. This trend had begun with the purchase of the War Eagle mine by the Gooderham and Blackstock syndicate of 53. BCMR, v.3, n.8, August, 1897, p.15. 54. The Rossland Weekly Miner, July 1, 1897, c i t i n g the Nelson Tribute, no date a v a i l a b l e . 68 Toronto i n 1897. Gooderham and Blackstock continued to add to t h e i r Kootenay holdings, acquiring the Centre Star Mine in 1898 and the St. Eugene in the East Kootenay in 1899. In 1898 Hienze sold h i s smelter, his railway, and the remaining portion of his charter to the CPR. F i n a l l y , also i n 1898, an English firm, the B r i t i s h America Corporation (BAC) acquired a number of Rossland mines, including the Le Roi. Many explanations have been offered to explain the turnover i n the ownership of Rossland mines. One of the most pervasive has been the railway t h e s i s . The premise i s that there was a connection between the completion of the Crowsnest Railway and the a t t r a c t i o n of B r i t i s h and Canadian c a p i t a l to the Kootenay mines. In other words, the Crowsnest Railway provided a d i r e c t l i n k between the Kootenay and the rest of Canada, thereby integrating i t into the national economy. In turn t h i s l i n k was supposed to have stimulated p a t r i o t i c f e e l i n g s in central and eastern Canadian and i n B r i t i s h investors who then sought to" 'rescue' the Kootenay from the clutches of American i n v e s t o r s . s s The Crowsnest Railway was c e r t a i n l y a defensive action on the part of the Dominion, though whether i t was an impetus to Canadian and B r i t i s h investment in the Kootenay mines i s another q u e s t i o n . 3 6 55. For example see Church, 1961, pp. 231-233; and for a f u l l e r discussion and l i t e r a t u r e review of the railway thesis see G. A. Tripp, Transportation and Lead Smelters in the Kootenays; A Reconsideration, Unpublished B.A. Thesis, (Vancouver: Uni v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1970. 56. Meyer. 1970, pp.31-35. 69 Other f a c t o r s a l s o p l a y e d a r o l e i n the s a l e of Rossland mines t o Canadian and B r i t i s h i n v e s t o r s . The a t t r a c t i o n f o r the CPR i s obvious. The a c q u i s i t i o n of Hienze's r a i l w a y , c h a r t e r , and s m e l t e r gave them b e t t e r means t o combat the flow of ore and ot h e r goods a c r o s s the boundary. The i n t e r e s t of o t h e r Canadian and B r i t i s h i n v e s t o r s i s a l s o not d i f f i c u l t t o comprehend. In terms of the British Columbia Mining: Record e d i t o r ' s swimming analogy the waters became much more a p p e a l i n g . The performance of some of the mines had been tremendous and r e p o r t s deemed t h e i r p o t e n t i a l l i m i t l e s s . In a d d i t i o n ; s p e c u l a t i v e f i n a n c i n g had become r e s t r i c t e d , making B r i t i s h Columbian mines a much s a f e r investment. But why were the Americans w i l l i n g t o s e l l t h e i r mines which were good producers and p a i d r e g u l a r d i v i d e n d s ? There have a l s o been a number of e x p l a n a t i o n s f o r m u l a t e d f o r t h i s . One author suggests t h a t the Americans were daunted by v a r i o u s campaigns a g a i n s t t h e i r presence as mine owners, or more l i k e l y , t h a t they were shrewd enough t o get out at a time when the mines were r e a c h i n g t h e i r peak v a l u e s . S 7 , Another author suggests t h a t most of the American owners of the l a r g e mines were f i n a n c i a l l y overextended d e s p i t e the p r o d u c t i o n of the m i n e s . 3 8 Whatever the reasons, many of the Rossland mines 57. E. T u r n b u l l , "Rossland Camp," Pacific Northwesterner, v.6, n . l . Winter, 1962, p.12. 58. Fahey, 1965, pp.183-185. 70 passed into the hands of Canadian and B r i t i s h investors, a state of a f f a i r s which had long been desired. The new ownership of the Rossland mines was heralded as a new beginning for the mines. Both the BAC and Gooderham and Blackstock mining companies were lauded for performing work in a "businesslike and i n t e l l i g e n t manner." 5 9 In the aftermath of a l l the speculative a c t i v i t y of the previous year and a h a l f , i t was widely hoped that these companies and the new atmosphere of the camp would restore the confidence of investors i n the Rossland area. The CPR, often c r i t i c i z e d in the past, was h a i l e d for i t s e f f o r t s . The segment of the Columbia and Western between Rossland and T r a i l was changed from narrow gauge to a modified standard gauge to accommodate the a n t i c i p a t e d increase i n output from the mines. This change also reduced transportation costs as the break of bulk at T r a i l was no longer necessary (between the narrow gauge and standard gauge t r a c k s ) . With the new equipment i n place ore could be shipped to the smelter and supplies, as well as coal from the newly opened Crowsnest and Lethbridge coal f i e l d s , could be delivered to the smelter and mines much more e f f i c i e n t l y and i n e x p e n s i v e l y . 6 0 59. BCMR. v.4, n.7, July, 1898, p.19; v.4, n.9, September 1898, p.11. 60. Nicol r e l a t e s that the H a l l smelter at Nelson purchased Crowsnest coal for 36% less than i t had previously paid for coal from Comox. The savings at the T r a i l smelter were l i k e l y s i m i l a r . N i c o l , 1971, p.59. 71 The Rossland mines also benefitted from the CPR ownership of the smelter. Thomas Shaughnessy, in o u t l i n i n g the purpose behind acquiring the smelter, r e l a t e d that "...the CPR was not going into the smelting business to make money from i t . ' " 5 1 Rather t h e i r goal was to generate t r a f f i c on t h e i r l i n e s between the mines and the smelter. Treatment at.the smelter would therefore be done at cost and the t o t a l cost for carriage and treatment dropped from $11.00 per ton to $7.50 down to $7.00 per ton i f more than 175 tons per day were shipped.* 3 2 These d e c l i n i n g smelting and transport rates made i t possible to ship lower-grade ore p r o f i t a b i l i t y and sparked even greater expectations for Rossland and i t s mines. On appearances the mines prospered under the changes of 1897-1898. Outputs continued to r i s e , as did the t o t a l value of the ore produced (Table 2) . The large mines continued to expand and become more mechanized. By 1900 the Le Roi employed over 650 men, the War Eagle 166, and Centre Star 240. In 1900, at the Le Roi alone, $378,207 worth of improvements were made to the plant and the surface works. 6 3 The noise and a c t i v i t y in and around Rossland s i g n i f i e d the 61. BCMR, v.4, n.3, March, 1898, p.13. 62. Some commentators argued that the smelter would s t i l l be making money as smelting costs were calculated at 95% of the assay value, and often better r e s u l t s could be obtained. BCMR, v.4, n.3, March, 1898, p.13; v.4, n.4, A p r i l 1898, p.15; v.5, n.2, p.16. 63. Annual Report of the Minister of Mines, 1900, pp.858-860. 72 health of the town. A l o c a l corespondent for the British Columbia Mining- Record wrote: A l l u s i o n has been made to the music of the Robin and h i s associates. This i s indeed acceptable to the denizens of Rossland, but f a r more acceptable i s the harsh and discordant notes which come from ton tram cars as the ore i s unceremoniously dumped into the bunkers of the War Eagle, Le Roi and Iron Mask and thence into railway c a r s . 6 4 But there were problems. Although outputs had been increasing every year, few dividends were issued by the companies operating the large mines: the Le Roi, the Centre Star and the War Eagle (the War Eagle and Centre Star were run by the same management, but as two companies). A l l of these mines had been saddled with large purchase costs (the Le Roi, about $3,000,000, the Centre Star, about $2,000,000, and the War Eagle $750,000) and faced with f a l l i n g ore values (Table 2) were not able to earn a p r o f i t . The'Le Roi, in fact, had been operating at a loss of about $2.50 per t o n . 6 3 To combat these problems the management of the mines hire d new general managers to run the properties. But the actions of the new managers were c u r i o u s . 6 6 Both t r i e d to break the Miners' Union whose existence was seen as a 64. BCMR, v.5, n.5, May, 1899. p.15. 65. B. MacDonald, "Hoisting and Haulage in Mining Operations, A Description of the Le Roi Mine, Rossland,. B.C.," The Journal of the Institute of Canadian Miners, v.5, 1902, p.312, 320. MacDonald's paper dealt with much more than just the h o i s t i n g machinery at the Le Roi. He also discusses many of the problems that plagued the mine. 66. There i s speculation that MacDonald was h i r e d s p e c i f i c a l l y by Whittaker Wright, the f i n a n c i a l agent who put the BAC together, to help cover up a network of international frauds, which also included the Le Roi Company. For more d e t a i l , see Wells, 1976. 73 threat to p r o f i t s . The consequence of t h e i r actions led to a b i t t e r s t r i k e which began in July, 1901 and was never o f f i c i a l l y c a l l e d off (issues surrounding the union and the s t r i k e w i l l be dealt with at greater length i n the next chapter). Both were also accused of mismanagement. An i n v e s t i g a t i o n into the Le Roi Company by one of the Company's minority d i r e c t o r s uncovered that the accounting had been juggled to hide involvement in in t e r n a t i o n a l frauds. In h i s report to the Board of Directors the investigator also reported that the new manager had been o u t f i t t i n g the Le Roi mine with the very best equipment, but that " . . . i t was out of a l l proportion to the capacity of the mine.*5-7 The manager of the Centre Star and War Eagle mines also had a reputation for mismanagement. An interview with George Gooderham indicated that the d i r e c t o r s of the company which owned the War Eagle and the Centre Star mines were s t i l l not happy with the performance of the mines. Kirby blamed the miners. It was apparently well known, however, that thousands of d o l l a r s were being spent on useless work.*3® Though the years between 1899 and 1902 were characterized by turmoil, outputs and the t o t a l annual values of shipped ore continued to r i s e . This, then, has been an overview of the economic geography of Rossland between 1887 and 1902. It should be apparent from t h i s chapter that the period of easy and 67. Annual Report of the Minister of Mines, 1901, p.1045. 68. The Industrial World, September 1, 1900. 74 instant wealth came to an early close. Topping r e a l i z e d as early as 1891 that he d i d not have the resources to su c c e s s f u l l y mine the Le Roi. The eventual success of the Le Roi and the War Eagle drew a rush of prospectors during 1895 and 1896. But records show that a f t e r only a few years, prospecting, assessment work, and transactions a l l began a rapid decline. Several . contributing factors can be i d e n t i f i e d : ores which were d i f f i c u l t to extract and faulted bedrock meant that mining was beyond the s k i l l s and c a p i t a l of most i n d i v i d u a l s ; l e g i s l a t i o n cut off a speculative market for mining claims; and federal t a r i f f p o l i c i e s made mining equipment expensive to obtain. A l l of t h i s , however, cannot hide the fact that there was a lim i t e d supply of high-grade ore. The predictions of as many as for t y , or even a dozen mines, producing on par with the Le Roi were never r e a l i z e d . By 1902 there were only ten shipping mines with only eight shipping more than 100 tons. Of those that shipped 100 tons or more only four were shipped large amounts of ore and a l l four of these were under the control of large corporations. Mining in Rossland had become, for the most part, a: mechanized i n d u s t r i a l a c t i v i t y . The ra p i d transformation from a boom town to a mature mining c i t y had important r a m i f i c a t i o n s for Rossland's s o c i a l structure. These are explored in the next chapter. 75 4 C l a s s , Gender, and E t h n i c i t y i n Rossland The two p r e v i o u s c h a p t e r s o u t l i n e d events i n and around Rossland between the l a t e 1880s and 1902. The p e r s p e c t i v e was broad, o f t e n r e a c h i n g such p l a c e s as the Klondyke, and even London. Questions c o n c e r n i n g the s o c i a l geography of Rossland, however, are y e t t o be addressed. There i s no doubt t h a t Rossland was a f r o n t i e r town. At the time of the f i r s t Kootenay g o l d rushes i n the mid 1860s the area was o n l y o c c a s i o n a l l y used by N a t i v e s and l i t t l e known t o Europeans. I f a p e r i o d of s o c i a l l e v e l i n g and o p p o r t u n i t y f o r upward s o c i a l m o b i l i t y e x i s t e d , i t d i d not l a s t long. As the second c h a p t e r demonstrates, e x t r a c t i n g ore from the Rossland mines r e q u i r e d c o r p o r a t e b a c k i n g and mechanized equipment. T h i s i n t u r n meant t h a t the mines became i n d u s t r i a l work p l a c e s and t h a t v a r y i n g access t o c a p i t a l and the means of p r o d u c t i o n c r e a t e d a s t r a t i f i e d s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e . Very q u i c k l y one's o c c u p a t i o n determined one's s t a n d a r d of l i v i n g ; one's gender o r d a i n e d what o p p o r t u n i t i e s were a v a i l a b l e and what r o l e s were p l a y e d i n i n t e r - g e n d e r r e l a t i o n s h i p s ; and e t h n i c i t y determined one's o c c u p a t i o n and 76 s o c i a l o p p o r t u n i t i e s . T h i s c h a p t e r w i l l look at an e v o l v i n g Rossland s o c i e t y and how i s s u e s of s o c i a l s t a n d i n g , gender, and e t h n i c i t y , became important. Two complementary data sources were used t o e x p l o r e Rossland's s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e . The f i r s t was the 1901 manuscript census. In u s i n g t h i s source f o r Rossland a number of c a v e a t s must be taken i n t o c o n s i d e r a t i o n . F i r s t , some of the i n f o r m a t i o n i t c o u l d p r o v i d e i s s t i l l covered under f e d e r a l p r i v a c y laws. T h i s , u n f o r t u n a t e l y , makes any d e t a i l e d mapping of the d a t a i m p o s s i b l e . 1 Second, Rossland was a v i b r a n t mining town which underwent c o n s i d e r a b l e t r a n s f o r m a t i o n i n a r e l a t i v e l y s h o r t time. Yet the 1901 manuscript census i s the o n l y such data source a v a i l a b l e a t t h i s time. Thus, data gleaned from t h i s source i s n o t h i n g more than a snapshot of a f l u i d s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e . T h i r d , the t i m i n g . o f the census ( A p r i l , 1901) c o i n c i d e d w i t h a lengthy labour d i s p u t e between miners and mine management which would cul m i n a t e i n a s t r i k e c a l l i n J u l y of 1901. T h i s has s p e c i a l r a m i f i c a t i o n s f o r the census d a t a . The mine management had been r e c r u i t i n g non-union labour, o f t e n newly a r r i v e d immigrants, to r e p l a c e union miners. Some miners 1. The names of the i n d i v i d u a l s surveyed are s t i l l covered under the F e d e r a l P r i v a c y Act and household addresses are not r e c o r d e d i n the census. In a d d i t i o n a second schedule l i n k i n g the data i n the census to p r o p e r t y i n f o r m a t i o n was never r e c o r d e d or has long s i n c e been l o s t . Thus t h e r e was l i t t l e p o s s i b i l i t y of d i r e c t l y l i n k i n g the census data to l o c a t i o n s or u s i n g i t i n tandem w i t h o t h e r d a t a sources such as tax assessments. D i r e c t o r i e s were of l i t t l e use. L i s t s of names are r e c o r d e d , but complete addresses were g i v e n f o r v e r y few r e s i d e n t s . 77 l e f t the camp at the onset of the labour d i s p u t e i n 1899 and may not have come back w h i l e the u n r e s t c o n t i n u e d . Both of these f a c t o r s s h o u l d become v i s i b l e i n the census, perhaps r e n d e r i n g the data c o l l e c t e d from i t a l e s s than p e r f e c t r e p r e s e n t a t i o n of Rossland's s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e than i t might have been. I t sho u l d , however, s t i l l be u s e f u l i n e x p l o r i n g some of the s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s which emerged. There i s s t i l l a l o t of u s e f u l m a t e r i a l i n the manuscript census: data d e s c r i b i n g o c c u p a t i o n s , wages, r e l a t i o n s h i p s i n f a m i l i e s , e t h n i c background, and the sexual d i v i s i o n of labour can be d i s t i l l e d from i t . In a d d i t i o n to the manuscript census, s e v e r a l o t h e r s o u r c e s , namely contemporary r e c o r d s such as newspapers, j o u r n a l s , and i n t e r v i e w s , were c o n s u l t e d . These p r o v i d e a counter to the hard " f a c t s " of the census d a t a and l e t the people of the past speak f o r themselves. Though v a l u e - l a d e n , such sources p r o v i d e i n s i g h t s i n t o s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s . * D u r i n g the f i r s t number of y e a r s a f t e r the d i s c o v e r y of g o l d t h e r e were few people l i v i n g on or around Red Mountain. In 1891 t h e r e were t h i r t y men l i v i n g and working i n the camp. 2 Some may have been p r o s p e c t o r s , but o t h e r s were employees of the Le Roi Gold M i n i n g Company. In 1892 the town s i t e was s t a k e d out and a l o t c o s t about t h i r t y 2. Annual Report of the Minister of Mines, 1891, p. 565. 78 d o l l a r s . 3 By the beginning of 1895, some f i f t y b u i l d i n g , cabins, and shacks provided accommodation for about two hundred people, and a l o t on Columbia Avenue went for about two hundred dollars.** The successes of the Le Roi and the War Eagle during 1894 and 1895 drew a rush of gold seekers to Red Mountain. Prospectors poured into the camp, followed by lawyers, stock promoters, merchants, and others of more dubious occupations. Boisterous a c t i v i t y focused on Sourdough A l l e y , where a c o l l e c t i o n of h a s t i l y constructed buildings l i n e d the t r a i l which led to the mines. By the end of the year the population had swollen to 3,000. Creature comforts often took second place to the quest for gold: As to the town i t s e l f , i t may be c a l l e d pretty by some, but people at present have no time for sentiment, they get the fever as soon as they, a r r i v e here, and a l l are intent on becoming r i c h . The town i s f u l l of people-very f u l l , and a number of people are f u l l also. There are about eight hotels running, s i x restaurants, and four large hotels under construction.... A l l the h o s t e l r i e s are crowded, there i s scarcely sleeping room on the f l o o r s . The writer considers himself in great luck to get a chance to sleep in a tent between two fat men...all within the space of four feet. We s l e p t , or t r i e d to sleep, spoon fashion, and i t was an i m p o s s i b i l i t y to turn over. Cedar boughs formed a mattress with one blanket. S t i l l we were happy. It goes to prove what a greed men have for the s t u f f . 8 5 Rossland became a destination for s e t t l e r s . People began to migrate to Rossland, not because they sought gold. 3. Whittaker, 1949, p.7; The Rossland Miner, March 2, 1895. 4. The Rossland Miner, March 2, 1895. 5. The Rossland Miner, July 13, 1895, c i t i n g J.T. Wilkinson, The Vancouver World, no date a v a i l a b l e . 79 but because they saw opportunities for a better l i f e i n the t h r i v i n g town. The r e a l estate market boomed. Headlines suggested that perhaps speculators had turned t h e i r attentions from mines to l o t s as those on Columbia Avenue began to s e l l for $1,000, then $6.000.6 In March, 1897 The Rossland Miner reported that there were over 1,000 men at work i n the town engaged in construction. Some of the l o c a l business people spoke of erecting stone or brick business blocks, an eventuality eagerly anticipated by t h e i r p eers. 7 If the people of Rossland enjoyed a period when upward s o c i a l m o b i l i t y was eased, t h i s was the time. But such an assertion must be made c a r e f u l l y . The precedent for corporate-controlled, heavily mechanized mining was being established before the boom reached i t s height. During the boom years the number employed in the. mines jumped from forty to f i v e hundred. The miners organized to protect themselves from becoming voic e l e s s operatives i n the company mines, forming the f i r s t Canadian local of the WFM. By the middle of 1897 the boom had faded and Rossland was becoming established as an i n d u s t r i a l mining town. The ed i t o r of The Rossland Miner warned those with few s k i l l s or l i t t l e c a p i t a l that there were no opportunities for them i n Rossland: Both men and women who are out of money had better keep out of Rossland at present. More people have been coming here in search of work than the country can give 6. The Rossland Miner, November 6, 1896. 7. The Rossland Miner, March 25, 1897. 80 employment to.... To a l l such men the Miner would say, do not come to Ross land.8 By 1901 Rossland was a mature mining c i t y . The population had declined a f t e r the boom days, but s t i l l numbered 6,156. The outputs of the large mines were increasing annually and, although many promising claims had f a i l e d , optimism s t i l l ran high. If the r i g h t combination of c a p i t a l and equipment could be found these mines would produce. The prospectors t r i c k l e d away, t h e i r scattered cabins and shanties replaced by "...cosy (sic) homes and fine residences...." 9 The stone and brick business blocks antic i p a t e d in 1897 had been b u i l t . The streets were straightened and graded, sidewalks were b u i l t , and bridges and viaducts helped tame the sharp r e l i e f . The focus of the town had s h i f t e d away from Sourdough A l l e y , which was straightened and renamed F i r s t Avenue, to Columbia Avenue, which was a s t a t e l y one hundred feet wide. In the words of the local corespondent to The British Columbia Mining Record "...the mining camp on the steep slopes i s becoming a dangerous r i v a l . . . t o the coast c i t i e s of V i c t o r i a and Vancouver." 1 0 There was l i t t l e to Rossland's economic base beyond mining. A large part of the population was d i r e c t l y or i n d i r e c t l y involved with the mines. There were of course, 8. The Rossland Miner, March 4, 1897. 9. BCMR, v.7, n.7, July, 1900, p.246. 10. BCMR, v.4, n.11, November, 1898. pp.14-15. 81 many miners, but also a v a r i e t y of assayers, managers, engineers, and administrators. A l l of these people and the fami l i e s they brought with them created a market for those who could supply support services or. any of a v a r i e t y of goods, such as: lawyers, merchants and shopkeepers, white c o l l a r employees, labourers of a l l descriptions, and a va r i e t y of agents and brokers. Rossland's labour force was, therefore, s t r a t i f i e d in a number of ways: some were s e l f employed and may have had a few employees, others were employees; some held jobs where there was some autonomy, others were c l o s e l y monitored; and some were highly s k i l l e d , while others were considered u n s k i l l e d . The 1901 manuscript census can provide a snapshot of Rossland's labour force. There are, however, problems with organizing census data, not least among them defining the occupational groups and where the boundaries between them should l i e . 1 1 For t h i s inquiry an adaptation of the occupational c l a s s i f i c a t i o n system outlined by O l i v i e r Zunz for a study of Detroit w i l l be u s e d . 1 2 Six occupational groups were defined: (1) professional, high-income white c o l l a r workers and c a p i t a l i s t s ; (2) other w h i t e - c o l l a r workers; (3) non-retail proprietors, r e t a i l proprietors, and 11. .'For a more complete discussion of the problems in creating occupational groups from census data see, R. Dennis, English Industrial Cities of the Nineteenth Century: A Social Geography, (Cambridge: Cambridge Univ e r s i t y Press, 1984) chapter 6. 12. " See Appendix A for d e f i n i t i o n s of the occupational groups and which occupations f a l l into each. 82 s e l f - e m p l o y e d craftsmen; (4) s k i l l e d and s e m i - s k i l l e d wage earn e r s and s e r v i c e workers; (5) u n s k i l l e d wage and s e r v i c e l a b o u r e r s ; and (6) o t h e r . 1 3 A sample i n c l u d i n g every employed person i n Rossland was taken f o r a n a l y s i s . T a b l e s 4 and 5 d e s c r i b e the o c c u p a t i o n a l s t r u c t u r e of Rossland i n 1901. TABLE 4 O c c u p a t i o n a l S t r u c t u r e among Males by M a r i t a l S t a t u s M a r i t a l S t a t u s O c c u p a t i o n a l Group 1 2 3 4 5 6 T o t a l M a r r i e d 73 93 242 643 169 13 1233 % 5. .9 7. .5 19. . 6 52. . 1 13. .7 1. , 1 37. 0 S i ng 1 e 67 163 136 1217 419 27 2029 3. .3 8. ,0 6. .7 60. ,0 20. ,7 1 . ,3 60 . 8 Widowed 5 3 11 34 14 2 69 % 7. ,2 4. .3 15. , 9 49. ,3 20. ,3 2 . 9 2. 1 D i v o r c e d 2 0 0 1 1 0 4 % 50 . ,0 0 0 25 . ,0 25. , 0 0 0. 1 T o t a l 147 260 389 1895 603 42 3336 % "4. ,4 7. .8 11. .7 56. .8 18. . 1 1 . .3 Source: Manuscript Census, 1901. By p e r m i s s i o n of the N a t i o n a l A r c h i v e s of Canada. One p a t t e r n becomes obvious from these t a b l e s . Not s u r p r i s i n g l y , the d i s t r i b u t i o n of employed persons i s skewed towards the s k i l l e d and s e m i - s k i l l e d wage and s e r v i c e 13. H e r e a f t e r i n the t e x t these o c c u p a t i o n a l groups w i l l be r e f e r r e d by a b b r e v i a t i o n s : p r o f e s s i o n a l , h i g h w h i t e - c o l l a r , and c a p i t a l i s t — p r o f . / h . w . c . / c a p . ; o t h e r w h i t e - c o l l a r w o r k e r s — w h . c o l . ; n o n - r e t a i l p r o p r i e t o r s , r e t a i l p r o p r i e t o r s , and s e l f - e m p l o y e d c r a f t s m e n — s . emp.; s k i l l e d and s e m i - s k i l l e d wage e a r n e r s and s e r v i c e w o r k e r s — s k . / s e m i . wage and s e r . ; u n s k i l l e d wage and s e r v i c e l a b o u r e r s — u n s k . wage and ser.;and o t h e r — o t h . 83 p o s i t i o n s . The employment pattern i s obviously dominated by work i n the mines. Of those males enumerated as s k i l l e d or se m i - s k i l l e d workers, 1,374 {22% of the t o t a l population and 41% of employed males) claimed gold mining as t h e i r o c c u p a t i o n . 1 4 Professionals, again many associated with the mines (a v a r i e t y of engineers and draftsmen) , made up the greatest proportion of the f i r s t group. There were very few who could be c l a s s i f i e d as high-income white c o l l a r workers or c a p i t a l i s t s ; most of the mines were owned by TABLE 5 Occupational Structure among Females by Marital Status Marital Status Occupational Group 1 2 3 4 5 Total Married 2 4 37 10 8 61 % 3. ,3 6. ,6 60. .7 16. ,4 13. . 1 23. 6 Single 13 29 31 26 63 162 % 8 . 0 17. ,9 19. , 1 16 . 0 38. .9 62.8 Widowed 2 2 16 2 12 34 % 5. .9 5. ,9 47. . 1 5. .9 35. ,3 13. 2 Divorced 0 0 1 0 0 1 % 0 0 100. .0 0 0 0.4 Total 17 35 85 38 83 258 % 6 . ,6 13. ,6 32. ,9 14. ,7 32. ,2 Source: Manuscript Census, 1901. 14. This figure must be regarded with some caution as there were a v a r i e t y of s p e c i a l i z e d tasks within the mines. Some, l i k e work at the rock face, required considerable s k i l l , while others, l i k e s o r t i n g ore, required less. In the census, however, there seems to be no d i s t i n c t i o n between the two. 84 corporations with head o f f i c e s in distant c i t i e s . Rossland required a small number of public o f f i c i a l s , such as a Chief of P o l i c e , and was home to a.few minor government o f f i c i a l s , such as the d i s t r i c t Gold Commissioner. There was also a s i g n i f i c a n t proportion of people, who were s e l f employed (s.emp.). Most of the labour force i n Rossland, however, worked for someone else. Table 6 v e r i f i e s t h i s pattern. TABLE 6 Relationship to Employment by Sex Relationship to Employment Sex Male Female Total Working on own account 498 89 587 % 84.8 15.2 16.4 Employee 2811 164 2975 % 94.5 5.5 83.2 Employer* 1 0 1 % 100 0.0 0.0 Li v i n g on own means 10 1 11 % 90.9 9.1 0.3 Total 3320 254 • 3574 % 92.9 7.1 *Some of those enumerated as working on own account must have been employers. Source: Manuscript Census, 1901 It would not be unexpected for the occupational structure to be r e f l e c t e d i n the r e s i d e n t i a l pattern of Rossland, as d i f f e r e n t jobs have varying l e v e l s of status associated with them and o f f e r v a s t l y d i f f e r e n t wages. 85 Unfortunately, mapping the data i s , as explained, impossible. If the census s u b d i s t r i c t s can be assumed to be dis c r e t e areas some broad generalizations are possible. Table 7 shows the d i s t r i b u t i o n of occupational groups through the census s u b d i s t r i c t s . With a few notable exceptions the d i s t r i b u t i o n seems quite even. Explanations for some of the anomalies can only be guessed at. In s u b d i s t r i c t H7 most occupational groups, with the exception of the sk./semi. wage and serv. group are underrepresented. TABLE 7 Rossland Occupational Groups 1901 Census Occupational Groups S u b d i s t r i c t 1 2 3 4 5 6 Total H2 34 39 127 128 134 4 466 % 7. .3 8.4 27. .3 27. .5 28. .8 0 . 9 13. 0 H3 36 53 98 362 119 5 673 % 5. .3 7.9 14. .6 53. .8 17. .7 0.7 18. 7 H4 20 45 50 93 57 5 270 % 7. .4 16 .7 18. .5 34, .4 21. . 1 1. 9 7. 5 H5 26 65 103 526 152 25 897 % 2. .9 7.2 11. .5 58. . 6 16. .9 2. 8 25. 0 H6 33 47 58 227 90 3 458 % 7. .2 10.3 12. .7 49. .6 19 , .7 0 . 7 12. 7 H7 15 46 39 597 134 0 831 % 1, .8 5.5 4. .7 71. .8 16 , . 1 0 23. 1 Total 164 295 475 1933 686 42 3595 % 4, .6 8.2 13. . 2 53, .8 19, . 1 1. 2 Source: Manuscript Census, 1901. This i s because the company boarding houses for the miners were located i n t h i s d i s t r i c t (this would place i t in the 86 north-west section of town near the mines and a considerable distance from the business section on Columbia Avenue). In s u b d i s t r i c t H4 the prof./h.w.c./cap. group, the wh.col. group, and the s.emp. group were found in the highest concentrations. It may be that t h i s was near the business d i s t r i c t on Columbia Avenue. The same could be said of s u b d i s t r i c t H2 and H6. But t h i s i s simply conjecture. If the assumption of dis c r e t e census s u b d i s t r i c t s can be accepted, a s t a t i s t i c a l measure of segregation can be applied. Testing confirms that there was a degree of segregation among occupational groups, but i t was not l a r g e . 1 3 The experiences of both men and women were profoundly affected by the r e a l i t i e s of l i f e in a mining town. Employment opportunities, wages, and culture shaped the l i f e chances of men and women and shaped the r e l a t i o n s h i p s between them. Some were purely economic, others had deeper associations; gender ro l e s and r e l a t i o n s h i p s were determined in part by culture, i n part by economic necessity. 15. The index of segregation f or: the prof./h.w.c./cap. group was, 20.4; for the wh.col. group, 26.6; for the s.emp. group, 15.4; for the sk./semi, wage and ser. group, 21.2; and for the unsk. wage and ser. group, 10.9. The index of segregation r e f e r s to how many of a p a r t i c u l a r group would have to relocate to create an even d i s t r i b u t i o n . A value of 25 i s considered s i g n i f i c a n t . 87 TABLE 8 Occupation and Wage Structure among Employed Males Wages Occupational Group 1 2 3 4 5 6 Total 0- 1 30 4 88 138 0 261 500 % 0. .3 11. 4 1. ,5 33. .7 52 . .9 0 13. 6 501- 7 85 24 1139 160 1 1416 1000 % 0 . 4 6. 0 1. .6 59. .4 11. .2 0 73. 9 1001- 14 34 10 149 4 0 211 1500 % 6 . 6 16. 1 4. ,7 71 , . 1 1. ,9 0 11. 0 1501- 6 7 1 3 0 0 17 2000 % 35. .2 41. 1 5. .8 1. .4 0 0 0. 9 2001- 0 2 0 0 0 0 2 2500 % 0 100 0 0 0 0 0. 1 2501 + 6 1 0 1 0 0 8 % 75 25 0 25 0 0 0 . 4 Total 34 159 40 1380 302 1 1916 % 1, .7 8. 2 2, . 1 72 .0 15, .8 0.1 Source, Manuscript Census, 1901. Mining was a predominantly male a c t i v i t y . Although the edito r of 77?e Rossland Miner warned u n s k i l l e d people with no funds to stay away from Rossland, a male could probably f i n d a job. Of a t o t a l of 4085 males enumerated in the census, 3336 (82%) stated an occupation. For women finding work was more d i f f i c u l t , but many, e s p e c i a l l y s i n g l e women, had to work f o r wages. With few exceptions, employment opportunities for women conformed to the sexual d i v i s i o n of labour of the time. Thus, women could a n t i c i p a t e f i n d i n g 88 employment i n : domestic work, hat or dressmaking, teaching, nursing, or waitressing. Many were s e l f employed, s e l l i n g the products of t h e i r own labour. Of 2048 females i n Rossland i n 1901, 258 (12.6%) were g a i n f u l l y employed. 1 6 But i f a woman found work i t t y p i c a l l y d i d not pay we l l . Of employed women who reported an income in 1901 just over 85% made $750 or less per year and over 60% made $500 or less annually. (Table 9). Compared to what male workers in s i m i l a r occupational groups earned, women worked for s i g n i f i c a n t l y lower wages (Tables 8 and 9). Many warnings, l i k e the one mentioned above, were published in The Rossland Miner suggesting that jobs for women were few. Despite these warnings the edit o r sadly noted that s i n g l e women continued to a r r i v e in Rossland with l i t t l e money and few prospects of fin d i n g employment.1"7 In considering t h e i r chances of fin d i n g work the edit o r r e l a t e d what had happened in an American mining town where there were too many single women: A few, a very few had the good fortune to get married, chari t a b l e people got hold of a few more and sent them back whence they came, of the rest the less s a i d the better. We want no such misfortune to mar the f a i r name of Ro s s l a n d . 1 8 16. This figure i s close to the national average. At the turn of the century women made up approximately 13% of the Canadian labour force. J . Sangster, "Canadian Working Women." Lectures in Canadian Labour and Working Class History, W.J.C. Cherwinski and Gregory S. Kealey Eds., (Toronto: Committee on Canadian Labour History and New Hogtown Press, 1985) p.60; Canada, Manuscript Census, 1901. 17. The Rossland Miner, March 4. 1897. 89 TABLE 9 •Occupation and Wage S t r u c t u r e among Employed Females Wages O c c u p a t i o n a l Group 1 2 3 4 5 6 T o t a l 0- 0 1 0 0 18 0 19 250 % 0 5. , 2 0 0 94. .7 0 23.4 251- 2 4 2 5 19 0 32 500 % 6 . .2 12 . .5 6 . ,2 15. ,6 59. ,3 0 39.5 501- 0 11 0 1 6 0 18 , 750 %. 0 61. , 1 0 9 . , 1 33. ,3 0 22. 2 751- .0 2 0 9 0 0 11 1000 * 0 18. . 1 0 81. .2 0 0 13.6 1001 + 0 0 1 1 0 0 2 % 0 0 50 50 0 0 2.5 T o t a l 2 17 3 16 43 0 81 % 2. .5 21, .0 3. .7 19. .8 53, . 1 0 Source: Manuscript Census, 1901. He was, of course, r e f e r r i n g t o women who tu r n e d t o p r o s t i t u t i o n . There are any number of reasons why a woman would t u r n t o a l i f e of p r o s t i t u t i o n i n a mining town; some a r r i v e d l o o k i n g f o r jobs, but these were hard t o come by. and p o o r l y p a i d . In these c o n t e x t s p r o s t i t u t i o n became a neces s a r y s o l u t i o n t o a desperate s i t u a t i o n . Very l i t t l e about these women i n Ros s l a n d was r e c o r d e d , save i n p o l i c e documents which do l i t t l e more than p r o v i d e some i n d i c a t i o n of t h e i r numbers. 1 9 For whatever reason a woman became a 18. The Rossland Miner, November 6, 1896. 19. For example, from J u l y 26-30 1897, 53 cases a s s o c i a t e d w i t h p r o s t i t u t i o n appear i n the P o l i c e Court Docket. RHMA 90 p r o s t i t u t e , whether f o r a la c k of v i a b l e a l t e r n a t i v e s or because of a t r o u b l e d past, she e n t e r e d an extremely d i f f i c u l t l i f e . 2 0 A few undoubtedly worked i n gaudy, but w e l l - a p p o i n t e d b o r d e l l o s . More l i k e l y most worked out of c r i b s , t i n y b u i l d i n g s , sometimes no more than shacks, s e t sh o u l d e r t o s h o u l d e r . 2 1 V u l n e r a b l e t o l o n e l i n e s s , d e s t i t u t i o n , and' s e x u a l l y t r a n s m i t t e d d i s e a s e , many women who tu r n e d t o p r o s t i t u t i o n a l s o t u r n e d t o drugs, a l c o h o l , and not j u s t a few to s u i c i d e . 2 2 A r e p o r t p u b l i s h e d i n a Toronto newspaper p r o c l a i m e d t h a t t h e r e were p o t e n t i a l husbands t o be found i n Rossland and i n the Kootenay. The e d i t o r of the Rossland Miner responded by s t a t i n g t h a t w h i l e i t were t r u e t h a t t h e r e were many s i n g l e men i n the r e g i o n , t h i s d i d not a u t o m a t i c a l l y make them a v a i l a b l e f o r m a r r i a g e . 2 3 Marriage was not im p o s s i b l e i n Rossland, but i t was d i f f i c u l t . In 1901 t h e r e were 1280 m a r r i e d men, 977 m a r r i e d women, and 1393 f a m i l i e s . f i l e s . Not s u r p r i s i n g l y t h e r e wjsre no p r o s t i t u t e s enumerated i n the census, but t h e r e was an u n u s u a l l y h i g h number of women employed as dressmakers. 20. For a d e t a i l e d study of reasons f o r women t u r n i n g t o p r o s t i t u t i o n see C. S t a n s e l l , City of Women, Sex and Class in New York: 1789 -1860, (New York: A l f r e d A. Knopf, 1986) ch. 9. 21. Some of t h i s i n f o r m a t i o n i s taken from r o m a n t i c i z e d accounts of western f r o n t i e r p r o s t i t u t i o n , but the Rossland Daily Police Reports vouch f o r the presence of c r i b s . There was a l s o a Red L i g h t D i s t r i c t . Rossland Daily Police Reports June 4, 1901. J . MacDonald. Interview, February, 1990. 22. See f o r example, H. S. Drago, Notorious Ladies of the Frontier (New York: Dodd, Mead & Company 1969) . Many of the women a l l t o b r i e f l y c o n s i d e r e d i n t h i s book came t o u n f o r t u n a t e ends. 23. The Rossland Miner, November 6, 1896. 91 In some cases the f e a s i b i l i t y of marriage depended on the a b i l i t y of a man to make a family wage, that i s a high enough wage to support a family. In 1899 the Slocan Miners' Unions argued that a wage of $1,000 per year was required to support a family of three. 2"* Rossland was. larger than the Slocan Valley mining towns and prices may have been a l i t t l e lower, but costs were probably somewhere in the same range. According to the 1901 manuscript census, few men earned $1,000 per year. Among labourers ( s k i l l e d , s e m i - s k i l l e d , and unskilled) and wh.col. employees only 9.3% made over the stated minimum to support a family. Yet 32.5% were married. Among those who were in the prof./h .w. c./cap. group, and among those i n the s.emp. group, .59.5% made over $1,000 per year and 58.8% were married. Despite the fact that few employees.earned a s u f f i c i e n t income to maintain a family, few married women worked. Culture d i c t a t e d that a working married woman r e f l e c t e d badly on the masculinity of her husband. 2 3 Of the 977 married women enumerated in the 1901 census only 61 reported being g a i n f u l l y employed. This i s not to say that married women were i d l e . A woman whose husband's income permitted i t could h i r e a domestic and be freed from domestic d u t i e s . 2 6 24. Harris, 1985, p.327 c i t i n g Department of Labour Library, Ottawa, Re Miners and Mine Owners in the Province of B r i t i s h Columbia, Report and Evidence, 1900, microfilm misc. 86. 25. B. Bradbury, "Women's History and Working Class History," Labour/Le Travail, v.19, Spring 1987, pp.34-35. 26. It i s tempting to say that such women were instrumental in c i v i c reforms. This was apparently common in mining towns. Brown, 1974, p.30. There i s , however, no evidence to 92 For most women, though, c i r c u m s t a n c e s demanded t h a t they work at home. To them f e l l the t a s k of s t r e t c h i n g an inadequate income t o p r o v i d e f o r the f a m i l y . C l o t h e s c o u l d be made and r e p a i r e d . Baked goods c o u l d be prepared i n the home. An animal o r a garden c o u l d be kept i f space a l l o w e d . Shopping, when r e q u i r e d , c o u l d be done w i t h an eye to t h r i f t i n e s s . A common s t r a t e g y was to take i n boarders, but t h i s r e q u i r e d space t o p r o v i d e a room as w e l l as s u f f i c i e n t income t o p r o v i d e bedding and food. Thus, those who c o u l d have b e n e f i t e d most from such a s t r a t e g y found i t beyond t h e i r means. 2 7 The r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of b a l a n c i n g a household budget must have been a source of p r i d e to many women, but a l s o a source of d e s p a i r . 2 8 There were a l t e r n a t i v e s . In 1901 the numbers of m a r r i e d men, m a r r i e d women and f a m i l i e s i n d i c a t e s t h a t t h e r e were numerous couples who l i v e d a p a r t . Sometimes wives and f a m i l i e s were l e f t i n o t h e r c i t i e s w h i l e the husband worked support such a c l a i m i n Rossland d u r i n g the p e r i o d , up t o 1901. 27. The a b i l i t y and d e s i r e t o take i n boarders was r e l a t e d t o the o c c u p a t i o n a l s t a n d i n g of the head of the household. Among f a m i l i e s where head of the household belonged t o the prof./h.w.c./cap. group 30% took i n boarders; among f a m i l i e s headed by wh.col. workers, 31%; among f a m i l i e s headed by a s.emp. member, 36%; among f a m i l i e s headed by a sk./semi. wage and s e r . worker, 23%; and among f a m i l i e s headed by an unsk. wage and s e r . worker, 24%. 28. For more d e t a i l e d a n a l y s i s of the home labour of working c l a s s women see: B. Bradbury, " P i g s , Cows, and Bor d e r s : Non Wage forms of S u r v i v a l among Montreal F a m i l i e s , 1861-1891," Labour/Le Travail, v.14. 1984; and M. May. "The Good Managers: M a r r i e d Working C l a s s Women and Fam i l y Budget S t u d i e s , 1895-1915," Labour History, v.25, n.3. Summer 1984. 93 i n R o s s l a n d r e m i t t i n g what he c o u l d t o h i s f a m i l y . But Rossland was one of the l a r g e r Kootenay c i t i e s and i t appears t h a t some men l e f t t h e i r f a m i l i e s i n Rossland w h i l e they sought employment elsewhere. The manuscript census c o n f i r m s t h i s as i t shows t h a t a number of m a r r i e d women l i v e d alone w i t h t h e i r c h i l d r e n . T h i s p a t t e r n was e x a c e r b a t e d by the labour t r o u b l e s which were coming to a head i n the census y e a r . Documents i n d i c a t e t h a t many s t r i k i n g miners had a l r e a d y l e f t R o s sland by A p r i l t o seek employment e l s e w h e r e . 2 9 F o r the w i f e l e f t behind i n R o s s l a n d t h e r e was p r o b a b l y l i t t l e a l t e r n a t i v e but t o f i n d employment s i n c e her husband would l i k e l y be a b l e t o c o n t r i b u t e l i t t l e t o the h o u s e h o l d . 3 0 Among women who r e p o r t e d an income i n 1901, o n l y 2.5% made more than $1,000 per y e a r . One can o n l y imagine t h a t l i f e f o r these women was extremely d i f f i c u l t , f o r the brunt of p r o v i d i n g an income as w e l l as t e n d i n g to domestic needs and d e a l i n g w i t h everyday emergencies f e l l d i r e c t l y on t h e i r s h o u l d e r s . * The c l a s s i f i c a t i o n of o c c u p a t i o n s i n t o groups, though p r o v i d i n g an i n t e r e s t i n g and u s e f u l s t a r t i n g p o i n t , does not w h o l l y d e s c r i b e Rossland's s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e . Such a 29. The Industrial World, J u l y 14, 1900. By November t h e r e were o n l y a couple of hundred s t r i k i n g miners l e f t i n Rossland, The Labour Gazette, v. 2, n.6, December 1901, p.364. 30. The manuscript census shows t h a t many working m a r r i e d women l i v e d s e p a r a t e l y from t h e i r husbands. 94 . gradational approach may r e f l e c t the s o c i a l hierarchy of the c i t y , but i t would be a mistake to assume that such a r b i t r a r y constructions can adequately r e f l e c t the perceptions and actions of those who a c t u a l l y p a r t i c i p a t e d in Rossland's s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s . An a l t e r n a t i v e i s to tr y determine how the people of Rossland saw themselves in r e l a t i o n s h i p to t h e i r work and to others. That there was a class structure i s . a given, with the e x p l o i t i v e r e l a t i o n s generated by c a p i t a l intensive mining i t could not have been otherwise. Id e n t i f y i n g the various elements i n a s o c i a l structure beyond pigeonholing occupations i s another matter. A number of authors have suggested, in s l i g h t l y d i f f e r e n t ways, that classes can be i d e n t i f i e d by a d i s p o s i t i o n to act as a c l a s s . 3 1 An attempt w i l l be made in the following paragraphs to unravel the s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s constituted in Rossland. The l o g i c a l place to begin i s with the labouring people because they dominate Rossland's labour force. 31. D i f f e r e n t commentators p r o f f e r alternate ways to view class consciousness culminating in revolutionary consciousness. As examples: Richard Dennis defines i t simply as being a common set of atti t u d e s , behaviors and i d e n t i f i c a t i o n ; Ira Katznelson concurs but argues that such i d e n t i f i c a t i o n i s only a single factor among four which must be considered in combination in any analysis of cl a s s ; and Nigel T h r i f t and Peter Williams c r i t i q u e a four stage model of class consciousness that culminates i n a s p i r i t of revol u t i o n . Dennis, 1984, p.187; I. Katznelson, City-Trenches: Urban Politics and the Patterning of Class in the United States, (Chicago: Uni v e r s i t y of Chicago Press, 1981) pp.201,204; N. T h r i f t and P. Williams, "The Geography of Class Formation," Class and Space: The Making of Urban Society. N. T h r i f t and P. Williams, Eds., (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1987) p.10. 95 I d e n t i f i c a t i o n as a labourer, whether a miner, a barber, a painter, or a carpenter, went beyond the i n d i v i d u a l and the work place. The s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s of work c a r r i e d over into l e i s u r e a c t i v i t i e s . Fellow employees may have been friends or frequented the same s o c i a l c i r c l e s ; i f t h e i r trade or occupation was organized they almost c e r t a i n l y met at union f u n c t i o n s . 3 2 Unions i n p a r t i c u l a r were important in the s o c i a l i z a t i o n of l a b o u r e r s . 3 3 The home was also c r u c i a l to s o c i a l i z a t i o n , not only among men, but among women and childr e n as w e l l . Matters r e l a t i n g to the conditions at work and t i g h t budgets were l i k e l y discussed in the homes and among friends. No member of a family was more aware of an i n s u f f i c i e n t income than a wife and mother. Associations l i k e these are important for "...[s]uch o f f work s o c i a l i z i n g . . . r e i n f o r c e s the e f f e c t of the occupation in influencing norms and values." 3** In other words contact with people i n s i m i l a r occupations and with s i m i l a r views about work and society r e i n forced those which may have been formulated by i n d i v i d u a l s through t h e i r own experience of work. S o c i a l i z a t i o n , then, took place not only at work, but 32. Several groups of workers in Rossland were unionized including: miners, newsboys, typographers, t a i l o r s , painters, brewerymen, barbers, cooks and waiters, carpenters, mechanics, and labourers. The Evening- World, July 15, 1901. 33. As mentioned in the f i r s t chapter North America was undergoing a second wave of i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n . Reaction against i t was strong, often taking the shape of s o c i a l i s m or radicalism. Unions often supplied l i t e r a t u r e and other materials explaining the e x p l o i t i v e r e l a t i o n s h i p labours were engaged in with c a p i t a l . 34. M.I.A. Bulmer, " S o c i o l o g i c a l Models of the Mining Community," Sociological Review, 1975, p.81. 96 in the home, i n the community, and in the union h a l l i n the context of reference groups where values . and norms were shared, sanctioned, and a r t i c u l a t e d . There i s also evidence which suggests that there was a wider working class consciousness in Rossland. This should not be s u r p r i s i n g , f or as mentioned in the f i r s t chapter there was growing awareness of class issues across North America. This wider awareness made i t s e l f manifest i n labour organizations. In 1897 a Trades and Labour Council was formed with a Miners' Union representative as p r e s i d e n t . 3 3 They also strove to protect one anothers i n t e r e s t s . A sharp eye was kept open for those who openly disregarded labour's cause. The support given the Rossland miners by many of the labour organizations during the miners' s t r i k e of 1901-02 i s a good example of working class s o l i d a r i t y . As another example, i n September, 1901 a restaurant was i d e n t i f i e d as employing non-union cooks.. The owner was sent replacements by the union, but he turned them away. A boycott was c a l l e d and a l l union men were advised not to patronize the establishment. Afte r only a matter of days the owner complied, for as he noted i t was impossible to "...stay outside the f o l d . " 3 6 As the edit o r of 77?e Evening World wrote there was re a l power in a united working c l a s s : It i s a matter of surprise to the world that any man i n business would choose to defy the wishes of those from whom he secures his business. There can be but one 35. Mouat, 1988, p.61. 36. The Evening World, September 1, 5, 1901. 97 r e s u l t , loss of business and ultimate f a i l u r e . No one in t h i s day can employ whom he pleases at whatever rate he can get them for and r e t a i n the business of those who are opposed to such p o l i c y . 3 7 There i s , then, much to suggest that Rossland's labouring people had a d i s p o s i t i o n to act in a class way. It is also important to note that these were not spontaneous i n d i v i d u a l reactions to i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n or c a p i t a l , but a collage of complaints and grievances which were re i n f o r c e d and sanctioned in group s e t t i n g s . As i n d i v i d u a l s , workers were e s s e n t i a l l y powerless, but u n i f i e d into organized bodies they wielded some power. Class i d e n t i f i c a t i o n among the rest of Rossland's population i s more d i f f i c u l t to penetrate. Perhaps most problematic i s that Rossland's s o c i a l structure seems truncated. Few mine owners, high ranking o f f i c i a l s , large-scale proprietors, or large-scale employers l i v e d i n the c i t y . There were, i n fact, few who were set apart from the rest of the population by wealth and power. The 1901 manuscript census shows that, among those who reported an income, less than 12% of the population made over a standard wage (about $1,100 per year) and less than 2% earned greater than $1,500 per year. Considered among the Rossland e l i t e were prominent professionals, successful merchants, and the management of the mines, and l a t e r the o f f i c i a l s of West Kootenay Power and Light, and Cominco. 37. The Evening- World, September 1, 1901. 98 Yet i t would be a mistake to assume that t h i s group was united i n t h e i r values. They may have held s i m i l a r views of the merits and inadequacies of the working cl a s s , but there was a fundamental divide i n the primary concerns of the members of t h i s group. The mine management were p r i n c i p a l l y committed to the continued functioning of the mining companies they represented. Often, e s p e c i a l l y in the case of the big mines, they had been sent on the bequest of parent corporations. Thus, t h e i r jobs were r e l a t i v e l y secure, independent of the longevity of the actual mines in Rossland, and therefore there may have been no r e a l attachment to the c i t y . 3 6 The other members of t h i s e l i t e were also concerned with the mines, but they also had a v i t a l i n t e r e s t in the continued future of t h e i r c i t y because they had made f i n a n c i a l investments i n , and had formed emotional attachments to Rossland. Thus, i t i s not hard to imagine the consternation of these people at the mysterious dealings of MacDonald and Kirby (this w i l l be dealt with further below). There was another portion of the population who i d e n t i f i e d with neither the small e l i t e nor the large working c l a s s . This component of the population was made up of less i n f l u e n t i a l , professionals and businesspersons, craftsmen, proprietors, and some white c o l l a r workers. They may have seen the labouring people as a class and perhaps 38. R. Lucas, Mi 11 town, Minetown, RaiItown, (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1971) p.152. 99 even the s m a l l e l i t e i n such terms, but t h e r e i s l i t t l e t o i n d i c a t e t h a t they saw themselves i n c l a s s ; terms. One e x p l a n a t i o n l i e s i n the wide range of e x p e r i e n c e s of t h i s group. Some were employers, though many r a n sm a l l o p e r a t i o n s where they worked a l o n g s i d e t h e i r employees (s. emp.). Others were employees, but may have had c o n s i d e r a b l e autonomy i n t h e i r jobs (accountants, e n g i n e e r s ) . Furthermore t h e r e was no a l l - i n c l u s i v e o r g a n i z a t i o n l i k e the Rossland Labour Union t o u n i t e t h i s group under a common r h e t o r i c . I n s t e a d t h e r e were numerous c l u b s and o r g a n i z a t i o n s such as lodges, l i k e the Kn i g h t s of the Golden Horseshoe, and the F r a t e r n a l Order of E a g l e s , and v a r i o u s a t h l e t i c c l u b s c a t e r i n g t o i n d i v i d u a l t a s t e s and n e e d s . 3 9 One bond which u n i f i e d many of those who s e t t l e d i n Rossland c e n t r e d on concern f o r t h e i r c i t y . Many had a stake i n the w e l l - b e i n g of Rossland; perhaps a p r o p e r t y or bu s i n e s s investment which c r e a t e d a d e s i r e t o change the r e p u t a t i o n R o s s l a n d h e l d of b e i n g a w i l d and b o i s t e r o u s f r o n t i e r town. E f f o r t s t o improve Rossland's r e p u t a t i o n had begun e a r l y . O r g a n i z a t i o n s such as the Rossland Board of Trade, the Ross l a n d P r o g r e s s i v e A s s o c i a t i o n , and the Rossland B o o s t e r s Club were c r e a t e d t o b o l s t e r the image of Rossland as a v i b r a n t and v i t a l t o w n . 4 0 S a n i t a t i o n laws began t o be r i g o u r o u s l y e n f o r c e d i n mid 1896 and the 39. A f i l e of Rossland's c l u b s and o r g a n i z a t i o n s can be found i n the RHMA f i l e s . 40. T h e s e c l u b s are a l s o l i s t e d i n the RHMA f i l e s . 100 Map 4 Rossland Townsite, 1897 Source: Chas. E. Goad, Rossland F i r e Insurance Maps, 1897 S c a l e : 1 i n c h = 500 f e e t . Used by p e r m i s s i o n of the B r i t i s h Map L i b r a r y . ] X • • • C5 1 1 —• o a di First Avenue 4-> W i • • i — i Map 5 Rossland: F i r s t Avenue and L i n c o l n S t r e e t , 1897 • Source: Chas. E. Goad, Rossland F i r e Insurance Maps, 1897 S c a l e : 1 i n c h = 50 f e e t . Used by p e r m i s s i o n of the B r i t i s h Map L i b r a r y . s l a u g h t e r h o u s e and p i g s t i e s were l e g i s l a t e d beyond c i t y l i m i t s . * 4 1 The p e l l m e l l o r g a n i z a t i o n of the camp, f i r e p r o t e c t i o n , and othe r c i v i c matters a l s o came under s c r u t i n y . The s o l u t i o n s to these problems, however, were beyond the means of those w i l l i n g t o c o n t r i b u t e t o t h e i r c o r r e c t i o n . 4 2 A d e c i s i o n was made, among concerned c i t i z e n s , t h a t the o n l y r o u t e was to seek i n c o r p o r a t i o n of Rossland as a c i t y . In J u l y , 1897 Rossland was i n c o r p o r a t e d as a c i t y . T h i s had important f i n a n c i a l b e n e f i t s . As a c i t y R o s s l a n d was e n t i t l e d to borrow $50,000 and had the r i g h t t o le v y and c o l l e c t t a x es, thus p r o v i d i n g two sources of income f o r the new c i t y . With the p a s s i n g of the b i l l and the e l e c t i o n of the f i r s t c o u n c i l the $50,000 loan was s u c c e s s f u l l y a p p l i e d f o r , s t r e e t improvements were begun, a c o n t r a c t f o r a sewer system g i v e n out, and a P o l i c e M a g i s t r a t e and a L i c e n c e and P o l i c e Commissioner a p p o i n t e d . 4 3 Then, i n 1898, i n a c o n t i n u i n g e f f o r t t o improve the Town's r e p u t a t i o n Rossland v o t e d f o r p r o h i b i t i o n i n the town by a narrow m a r g i n . 4 4 41. The Rossland Miner, August 28, 1896; The Rossland Weekly-Miner, October 23, 30, 1896. 42. The fu n d i n g f o r these and othe r necessary p r o j e c t s was supposed to have come from the p r o v i n c i a l government, alth o u g h the o p i n i o n i n Rossland was t h a t they were s e r i o u s l y s h i r k i n g t h e i r d u t i e s . The m i s r e p r e s e n t a t i o n of Rossland t a x p a y e r s became a constant theme i n 77?e Rossland Miner, the e d i t o r c l a i m i n g t h a t they d i d not get back one-te n t h of what they p a i d i n t o p r o v i n c i a l c o f f e r s . 7??e Rossland Miner, March 30 1895; January 25, 1896; November 25, 1896. 43. Whittaker, 1949, p.34; Rossland Miner H i s t o r i c a l E d i t i o n , October 11, 1938, U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, The L i b r a r y , S p e c i a l C o l l e c t i o n s , Western Federation of Miners, Mine Mill Papers, Box 150 - F i l e 16. H e r e a f t e r t h i s c o l l e c t i o n w i l l be c i t e d as MMP B o x - F i l e . 44. Mouat, 1988, p.46. 103 The f i r e i n s urance maps of Rossland f o r 1897 p r o v i d e a remarkable snapshot of the p h y s i c a l t r a n s i t i o n from camp to town. D r a f t e d i n J u l y of 1897, t h i s s e r i e s of maps shows the l a y o u t of the town i n c o n s i d e r a b l e d e t a i l , i l l u s t r a t i n g t h a t w h i l e most of the b u i l d i n g s conformed to the s t r e e t p l a n t h e r e were s t i l l o t h e r s whose l o c a t i o n and. placement appeared to be made without thought to o r d e r (Maps 4 and 5). Such attempts at p h y s i c a l and s o c i a l improvements, though seemingly i n o f f e n s i v e , d i d have c l a s s - b a s e d r a m i f i c a t i o n s t h a t b r i n g up l a r g e r q u e s t i o n s of. where s o c i a l power i n Rossland l a y . The r e s t r i c t i o n on k e e p i n g p i g s i n s i d e c i t y l i m i t s meant t h a t a v a l u a b l e source of food and income was l o s t t o many w o r k i n g - c l a s s f a m i l i e s . 4 3 The i m p o s i t i o n of a g r i d p a t t e r n and a system of r e g u l a r i z e d l o t s meant t h a t s q u a t t i n g was no longer p o s s i b l e , l o t s i n the town s i t e would have to be purchased (Map 4 ) . T h i s put a p r i v a t e r e s i d e n c e beyond the means of most l a b o u r e r s and r e l e g a t e d them to b o a r d i n g houses, o t h e r r e n t a l u n i t s , or beyond c i t y l i m i t s . P r o h i b i t i o n may have been p a r t of a movement t o improve the image of the town, but i t had deeper r a m i f i c a t i o n s . * * 6 For many miners, and p r o b a b l y a 45. Keeping a p i g was one s u r v i v a l s t r a t e g y f o r f a m i l i e s t r y i n g t o get by on an inadequate income. P i g s took up l e s s room and r e q u i r e d l e s s care than a cow. B e t t i n a Bradbury d e s c r i b e s p i g s as "...a poor man's cow." Bradbury, 1984, p. 14. 46. F r a n c i s Couvares argues t h a t a c t i o n s such as p r o h i b i t i o n , were p a r t of an attempt to r e f o r m the working c l a s s . By the c o n t r o l of the worker's l e i s u r e time i t was hoped t h a t h i s / h e r moral s t a n d a r d s might a l s o be r a i s e d . F. 104 s i g n i f i c a n t p o r t i o n of ot h e r l a b o u r e r s , the c l o s u r e of the sa l o o n s was cause f o r alarm; A mining town without a s a l o o n was thought to o f f e r l i t t l e but monotony. 4 , 7 The s a l o o n was not o n l y a p l a c e where one c o u l d get a d r i n k , i t was a l s o a p l a c e to s o c i a l i z e . For many l a b o u r e r s , o f t e n alone and w i t h o n l y a small room i n a bo a r d i n g house as an a l t e r n a t i v e , an evening i n the s a l o o n among f r i e n d s was an important source of companionship and ent e r t a i n m e n t . A common p a t t e r n emerges: s o c i a l and p h y s i c a l improvements were seemingly c a r r i e d out without c o n s u l t i n g Rossland's l a b o u r i n g people. In f a c t , the simple a c t of i n c o r p o r a t i o n had d e f i n e d who would have a v o i c e i n c i v i c i s s u e s as the p r o v i n c i a l M u n i c i p a l Act d i c t a t e d t h a t o n l y p r o p e r t y h o l d e r s were all o w e d t o vote i n c i v i c m a t t e r s . 4 3 The c o s t s of buying a p l o t of land w i t h a house on i t and the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of paying taxes on them excluded many l a b o u r i n g people from v o t i n g i n c i v i c e l e c t i o n s . F or t h e i r p a r t , and d e s p i t e t h e i r numbers and i n t e r e s t s , many l a b o u r e r s found themselves powerless t o c o n f r o n t these reforms. Couvares, "The Triumph of Commerce: C l a s s C u l t u r e and Mass C u l t u r e i n P i t t s b u r g h , " Working Class America. M. F r i s c h and D. Walkowitz, Eds., (Chicago.: U n i v e r s i t y of I l l i n o i s P r e s s , 1983) . In 1908 the spokesman f o r the movement t o r e s t r i c t gambling and d r i n k i n g demonstrates t h a t such a motive was present at t h a t time: "I t h i n k . . . t h a t you w i l l see t h a t i t w i l l be a b e n e f i t t o the working men of t h i s town i f the law i s e n f o r c e d . " The Rossland Miner, May 23, 1908. 47. Schwantes, 1979, p.127. 48. B r i t i s h Columbia, Revised Statutes of British Columbia, v . l ( V i c t o r i a : R i c h a r d Wolfendon, P r i n t e r t o the Queen's Most E x c e l l e n t Majesty, 1897) p.767. 105 I t seems o n l y a p p r o p r i a t e t o take a c l o s e r look at the miners i n Rossland. They and t h e i r f a m i l i e s r e p r e s e n t e d a l a r g e p o r t i o n of the p o p u l a t i o n . Much of what was s a i d about the l a b o u r i n g people of Rossland i s a l s o t r u e of the miners. S o c i a l i z a t i o n took p l a c e i n a number of p l a c e s : at work, at home, at s o c i a l f u n c t i o n s , and at the union h a l l . But because miners made up such a l a r g e p a r t of the town the circ u m s t a n c e s which a f f e c t e d the miners a f f e c t e d the whole town. T h i s was e s p e c i a l l y t r u e d u r i n g the s t r i k e . Employment i n the mines was d i f f i c u l t . I t was done i n s h i f t s which r e q u i r e d t e n hours of labour. Most miners worked i n mechanized mines and f a c e d many of the hazards of work o u t l i n e d i n the f i r s t c h a p t er. A number of f a t a l i t i e s i n the Rossland mines l e d to the appointment of a P r o v i n c i a l I n s p e c t o r of m i n e s . 4 9 When a f a v o u r a b l e r e p o r t on the Rossland mines was tu r n e d i n s e v e r a l miners complained t h a t the c o n d i t i o n s i n the Le Roi sho u l d have l e d to the mine be i n g condemned as an unsafe work e n v i r o n m e n t . 3 0 L e t t e r s t o the B r i t i s h Columbia M i n i n g Record a l s o i n d i c a t e t h a t s e v e r a l miners found the c o n d i t i o n s i n the Rossland mine l e s s than adequate. Most complaints focused on the Le Roi mine. Some complained t h a t t h e r e was no s y n c h r o n i z e d system of b l a s t i n g . Others were a p p a l l e d at ha v i n g to cli m b 675 f e e t up from the workings on l a d d e r s , because t h e r e were no 49. BCMR, v.4, n.2, February, 1898, p.13. 50. BCMR, v.4, n.4, A p r i l , 1898, p.42. 106 cages or e l e v a t o r s and r i d i n g the ore c a r s was not a l l o w e d . 3 1 The most common g r i e v a n c e was t h a t many mining companies r e q u i r e d t h e i r employees to board at company rooming houses. One correspondent e s t i m a t e d t h a t f i f t y per cent of the miners at Rossland were s t a y i n g i n such p l a c e s . He a l s o argued t h a t the p r o f i t s earned from b o a r d i n g miners were j e a l o u s l y guarded. He backed up h i s a s s e r t i o n by p o i n t i n g out t h a t 14 m a r r i e d miners had been l e t go and r e p l a c e d by s i n g l e men who had been compelled t o s t a y i n company l o d g i n g s . These l o d g i n g s were o f f e r e d at a premium. $6.50-$7.00 per week, though they were not v e r y good. A p p a r e n t l y the best h o t e l s i n town o f f e r e d a b e t t e r d e a l . There i s a l s o some i n d i c a t i o n t h a t miners were r e q u i r e d t o shop i n a company s t o r e . 3 2 In 1898 the K e l l y Truck Act was enacted t o curb the abuses a s s o c i a t e d w i t h company b o a r d i n g houses and s t o r e s . M i n i n g companies, however, a v o i d e d t h i s l e g i s l a t i o n by r u n n i n g t h e i r e s t a b l i s h m e n t s under a t h i r d p a r t y . Work i n the mines was i r r e g u l a r . The 1901 census shows t h a t most miners were employed f o r 10 months i n the y e a r . But an a r t i c l e i n the British Columbia Mining Record suggested t h a t miners were l a i d o f f f o r as many as t e n days 51. BCMR, v.4, n.3, March, 1898, p.41. 52. BCMR, v.4, n.4, A p r i l , 1898, p.42. 107 a month not i n c l u d i n g S u n d a y s . 3 3 Thus, even though miners earned a h i g h e r wage than most l a b o u r e r s c o u l d expect, t h e i r annual e a r n i n g s were v e r y s i m i l a r . Only 6.4% of those enumerated as g o l d miners earned more than $1,000 i n 1901. Faced w i t h u n c e r t a i n work, low e a r n i n g s , and h i g h l i v i n g expenses, miners had a d i f f i c u l t time making ends meet. T h i s was p a r t i c u l a r l y t r u e i f the miner were m a r r i e d . A commentator noted: Should the u n f o r t u n a t e be m a r r i e d h i s case becomes t h a t of, a s l a v e , f o r he w i l l never w i l l have enough money i n hand to be ahead w i t h the w o r l d and purchase i n cash from h i s own c h o i c e of s t o r e . 5 * * R o ssland miners became o r g a n i z e d once the mines began to produce s u b s t a n t i a l amounts of ore. In 1895 they e s t a b l i s h e d the f i r s t Canadian l o c a l of the WFM, but the union d i d not have a s t r o n g b e g i n n i n g . For. example, they were c r i t i c i z e d f o r t h e i r n o n - p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the p a s s i n g of the K e l l y Truck A c t . 3 5 Yet the union was an important i n s t i t u t i o n f o r i t s members, o f t e n i t was the o n l y source of s o c i a l attachment f o r miners. As the union gained members and s t r e n g t h the Rossland Miners' Union would take on p r o v i n c i a l and f e d e r a l governments i n i t s e f f o r t s t o p r o t e c t i t s members. In 1899 the Rossland Miners' Union was i n s t r u m e n t a l i n c r e a t i n g an e i g h t hour work day f o r B r i t i s h Columbia 53. BCMR, v.4, n.5. May, 1898, p. 18-19. 54. BCMR, v.4, n.5, May, 1898, pp.18-19. 55. BCMR, v.4, n.6, June, 1898. 108 miners. 3* 5 Response was immediate. In the Sl o c a n V a l l e y the miners went on s t r i k e when the owners r e f u s e d t o pay the same wage f o r e i g h t hours work as they had f o r ten. In Rossland the mine managers, i n l i g h t of the f i n a n c i a l d i f f i c u l t i e s they faced, d e c i d e d t o keep the mines o p e r a t i n g and complied w i t h the new l e g i s l a t i o n . At the meetings of the Canadian M i n i n g I n s t i t u t e i n 1899, the s e c r e t a r y a s s e s s e d the s i t u a t i o n at Rossland: Rossland has h e l d her head so hi g h , she has been above the "Labour T r o u b l e s , " but she has had to s t a n d upon her t i p t o e s t o do i t . Whether she w i l l get t i r e d of t h i s u n n a t u r a l pose remains to be s e e n . 3 7 I t was not long b e f o r e Rossland began to f a l l headlong i n t o a p r o t r a c t e d labour d i s p u t e . A f t e r a s h o r t time i t became apparent t o the management t h a t compliance w i t h the E i g h t Hour Law had r a i s e d p r o d u c t i o n c o s t s by $.72 per t o n . 3 1 3 The mines were c l o s e d down, o s t e n s i b l y f o r r e p a i r s , but when they reopened the miners were t o l d they would have t o accept a c o n t r a c t system of payment. A f e d e r a l mediator was p e t i t i o n e d to a d j u d i c a t e the d i s p u t e , but he c o u l d f i n d no reason f o r the miners not to accept the o f f e r . W i t h i n a week of n e g o t i a t i o n s , under p r e s s u r e from the Government and wi t h l i t t l e p u b l i c support, 56. For a d e t a i l e d account of the r o l e of the Rossland Miners' Union i n the p a s s i n g of the E i g h t Hour Law and the ensuing labour t r o u b l e and s t r i k e , see Mouat, 1988. 57. "Annual General Meetings of the I n s t i t u t e , " The Journal of the Canadian Mining- Institute, v. 3, March 1900 pp.185-186. 58. MacDonald, 1902, p.319. 109 the Union had l i t t l e c h o i c e but to comply and to at l e a s t t r y the c o n t r a c t s y s t e m . 3 9 In J u l y , 1901 the Miners' Union of Ros s l a n d went on s t r i k e . In a statement c i r c u l a t e d i n the l o c a l newspapers and posted as a b u l l e t i n the union o u t l i n e d i t s reasons f o r s t r i k i n g : t o p r o t e s t the p r a c t i c e of s p y i n g on and b l a c k l i s t i n g union members; t o p r o t e s t the r e v o c a t i o n of the p r i v i l e g e of ca n v a s s i n g f o r members on company p r o p e r t y ; t o p r o t e s t the use of c l a n d e s t i n e employment agencies t o a r t i f i c i a l l y overcrowd the labour market; and f i n a l l y t o show sympathy f o r the s t r i k i n g s m e l t e r workers at N o r t h p o r t . 6 0 In a d d i t i o n they were s t r i k i n g t o b r i n g the mucker's wage up from to $2.50 t o $3.00 per day. A key i s s u e i n the s t r i k e was the access of both the miners and the management to the l e g a l means t o a c h i e v e t h e i r ends. S h o r t l y a f t e r the s t r i k e was c a l l e d the mine management began t o r e c r u i t s t r i k e b r e a k e r s , o f t e n European immigrants, t o r e p l a c e the s t r i k i n g m i n e r s . 6 1 The Union went 59. The mines had remained c l o s e d f o r 66 days. Mouat, 1988; BCMR, v.7, n.4, A p r i l , 1900, p.30; F. Woodside, " H i s t o r y of the Rossland T r o u b l e , " The Miners' Magazine, August 20, 1901, p. 3. A copy of t h i s manuscript can be found a t : U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, The L i b r a r y , S p e c i a l C o l l e c t i o n s D i v i s i o n , Angus Mclnnis Collection, Box 3 4 - F i l e 8. 60. The b u l l e t i n was addressed t o the C i t i z e n s and B u s i n e s s Men of Ros s l a n d and V i c i n i t y and t o the General P u b l i c and was t i t l e d : A Plain Statement: The Facts of the Case Presented by the Executive Committee of the Rossland Miners' Union No.38, WFM, J u l y 12, 1901. MMP 150-2. I t a l s o appeared i n The Rossland Miner J u l y 13, 1901. 61. The favoured sources of s t r i k e b r e a k e r s were: Minnesota, where t h e r e a l a r g e number of immigrant mine workers whom 110 to g r e a t lengths to c i r c u l a t e news of the s t r i k e i n the p o p u l a r r e c r u i t m e n t areas and t o c r e a t e e f f e c t i v e b a r r i e r s to those who a r r i v e d i n R ossland to work i n the m i n e s . S 2 By these means many were d e t e r r e d from becoming s t r i k e b r e a k e r s . But d e s p i t e the e f f o r t s of the union the Le Roi was a b l e to h i r e enough employees to resume o p e r a t i o n i n S e p t e m b e r . 6 3 The Union appealed t o Ottawa to have these i l l e g a l l y imported miners deported, even though a s i m i l a r appeal by the S l o c a n V a l l e y Miners' Unions had been made i n v a i n . A number of i n d i v i d u a l c o n v i c t i o n s were l a i d , but the f u l l d e p o r t a t i o n of s t r i k e b r e a k e r s the Union had hoped f o r never o c c u r r e d . 6 4 A p e t i t i o n was sent to Ottawa r e q u e s t i n g t h a t the A s s i s t a n t M i n i s t e r of Labour, W.L. MacKenzie King, come to Rossland and i n v e s t i g a t e the v i o l a t i o n s of the A l i e n Labour Act. When King a r r i v e d i n R ossland he was g i v e n hundreds of a f f i d a v i t s d e s c r i b i n g the v i o l a t i o n s of the A c t . s s Yet King's r e p o r t t o the M i n i s t e r of Labour makes no management thought would be w i l l i n g t o work d e s p i t e the s t r i k e ; and M i s s o u r i , a source of s t r i k e b r e a k e r s i n many mining d i s p u t e s throughout the western c o r d i l l e r a . Woodside, 1901, p.7, Angus Mclnnis C o l l e c t i o n , 34-8; Wyman, 1979, p. 54. 62 Woodside to Shi Hand, J u l y 26, 1901, MMP 152-4. Other union r e c o r d s show t h a t names and d e s c r i p t i o n s of known scabs were c i r c u l a t e d among the union l o c a l s . Background checks on p o t e n t i a l members were a l s o c a r r i e d out. Woodside wrote to Andrew Sh i Hand, s e c r e t a r y of the Sandon l o c a l , i n f o r m i n g him t h a t : "...we have the camp p i c k t e d ( s i c ) f o r 2 m i l e s round and good committees a l r o u n d ( s i c ) so i t i s i m p o s s i b l e f o r men to get i n without s e e i n g them. Woodside t o S h i l l a n d , J u l y 28, 1901, MMP 152-1. 63. The Rossland Miner, September 4, 1901. 64. The Labour Gazette, October, 1901, v.2, n.4, p.210. 65. Rossland Miner H i s t o r i c a l E d i t i o n , p.34, MMP 150-16.. I l l mention of these or the presence of i l l e g a l l y imported, miners. I n s t e a d i t goes i n t o c o n s i d e r a b l e d e t a i l d e s c r i b i n g a l l e g e d i r r e g u l a r i t i e s i n the Union's s t r i k e v o t e . 6 6 The management of the mines was seemingly a b l e t o make more e f f e c t i v e use of the l e g a l system. Although a req u e s t to the f e d e r a l government f o r a s p e c i a l p o l i c e squad was turn e d down, such a squad was s u p p l i e d by the m u n i c i p a l government. Sworn statements by h i r e d d e p u t i e s r e v e a l t h a t a number of men were h i r e d by the c i t y and put under the s u p e r v i s i o n of the mine managers, K i r b y and MacDonald. 6 - 7 In October, 1901, i n j u n c t i o n s were l a i d a g a i n s t the union o r d e r i n g them away from any of the mines and the grounds around them, the r a i l w a y s t a t i o n s , the r e s i d e n c e s of s t r i k e b r e a k e r s , or even those of someone c o n s i d e r i n g t a k i n g employment t h e r e . 6 0 When these i n j u n c t i o n s were o b t a i n e d they s e v e r e l y hampered the union's a b i l i t y t o i n t e r c e p t p o t e n t i a l s t r i k e b r e a k e r s and may have p l a y e d a p a r t i n the union's d e c i s i o n t o c a l l i n K i n g . 6 9 A l s o i n October the union r e c e i v e d another blow as the major mines ser v e d them w i t h a l a w s u i t t o r e c o v e r income l o s t w h i l e the s t r i k e was 66. King's f u l l r e p o r t can be found i n . The Labour Gazette. v..2, n.6, December, 1902, pp.362-365. 67. These statements a l s o r e v e a l t h a t these s p e c i a l s were w e l l armed. Sworn Statements by Edward I r v i n g and Edward P a v i e r , N o t a r i z e d by C O . Lalonde, Mayor, J u l y 29, 1901, MMP 150-2. 68. Woodside t o Shi Hand, October 25, 1901, MMP 152-7; Rossland Miner, January 8, 1902. 69. Mouat, 1988, p.89. 112 i n e f f e c t . While the case d i d not go to c o u r t immediately, i t s t h r e a t hung over the u n i o n . - 7 0 I t appears, then, t h a t the miners and the management had v a r y i n g access to the l e g a l system. But the Union's r e c o u r s e t o the A l i e n Labour Act may have been i l l - f a t e d from the s t a r t . I t i s q u e s t i o n a b l e whether t h e r e was any i n t e n t i o n of e n f o r c i n g i t i n Rossland at a l l , d e s p i t e any evidence the union may have s u p p l i e d . 7 1 There was a l e g a l j u s t i f i c a t i o n to the r e l u c t a n c e of the government to e n f o r c e the Act en masse. As a r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of the O f f i c e of the M i n i s t e r of J u s t i c e e x p l a i n e d : . . .that [a l a r g e s c a l e enforcement of the A l i e n Labour Act] i s p r e c i s e l y what we have been asked t o do i n B r i t i s h Columbia, and what we cannot do without d i s c r e d i t i n g the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n of j u s t i c e , and s u b j e c t i n g the country to l a s t i n g r e p r o a c h . 7 2 B e s i d e s o f f e r i n g l e g a l j u s t i f i c a t i o n s , t h e r e were, as h i n t e d at i n the q u o t a t i o n above, p o l i t i c a l motives as w e l l . As events i n Rossland were u n f o l d i n g , .the Dominion government was i n v o l v e d i n a d i s p u t e w i t h 'the Americans over the boundary between B r i t i s h . Columbia and A l a s k a and had no wish to t h r e a t e n the completion of the n e g o t i a t i o n s , e s p e c i a l l y 70. T h i s l a w s u i t was based upon s u c c e s s f u l l e g a l a c t i o n taken by the T a f f Vale r a i l w a y company of England a g a i n s t i t s s t r i k i n g employees. I b i d , p.95. 71. A d i a r y e n t r y made by King more than a month b e f o r e he a r r i v e d i n Rossland r e l a t e s t h a t "...the government does not wish to e n f o r c e any such law [the A l i e n Labour A c t ] . " Mouat, 1988, p.90 c i t i n g Mackenzie K i n g D i a r y , October 2, 1901. 72. David M i l l s , O f f i c e of the M i n i s t e r of J u s t i c e , Ottawa to A l f r e d P a r r , S e c r e t a r y of D i s t r i c t 6 WFM, November 2, 1901, MMP 152-8. 113 e n f o r c i n g an law which was meant t o be a p p l i e d i n r e t a l i a t i o n t o s i m i l a r a c t i o n by the A m e r i c a n s . 7 3 Thus, the i n a b i l i t y of the union t o invoke j u s t i c e may not have l a i n i n t h e i r a b i l i t y t o access the l e g a l system, but i n t h e i r c h o i c e of l e g a l apparatus. Other l e g a l r e c o u r s e by the union proved more s u c c e s s f u l . T h e i r c o - o p e r a t i o n i n an appeal t o the London o f f i c e of the Le Roi Company c o n t r i b u t e d to the eventual a r r e s t and c o n v i c t i o n of Whittaker Wright, the f i n a n c i e r who had put t o g e t h e r the BAC and the Le Roi company, and a l s o l e d to a s e t t l e m e n t w i t h t h a t company. - 7 - 4 In January, 1902 union miners began t o go back to work at the Le Ro i . The s t r i k e , however, remained i n e f f e c t at the War Ea g l e and Centre S t a r mines, both of which had resumed o p e r a t i o n s by t h a t time." 7 3 In February a d i s h e a r t e n e d union s e c r e t a r y wrote another union o f f i c i a l , h i s words v i v i d l y d e s c r i b i n g the f i n a l moments of the s t r i k e : ...our men are wandering o f f t o work where they can get i t . L a s t Monday we were $6,000 i n debt and n o t h i n g i n s i g h t . We had to cut o f f r e l i e f f o r t h a t day and about 6 men went t o work at the War Eagle mine. I t was im p o s s i b l e f o r us. t o cut them o f f and then not a l l o w them t o do an y t h i n g . I t can't h u r t us as the scabs are 73. The d i s p u t e over the A l a s k a - B r i t i s h Columbia boundary came to a head w i t h the b e g i n n i n g of the Klondyke g o l d r u s h . I t was s e t t l e d by a r b i t r a t i o n i n 1903. W e l l s , 1976, p.4; E. Mc l n n i s , Canada: A Political and Social History, (Toronto: H o l t , R i n e h a r t , and Winston, 1982) pp.464-468. 74. James Wi l k e s , a d i s t r i c t o f f i c i a l , and Frank Woodside, the Rossland l o c a l ' s s e c r e t a r y a l s o sent c a b l e s and l e t t e r s to the company's London o f f i c e s o u t l i n i n g the union's view of the s i t u a t i o n . W e l l s , 1984, p.20; Wilkes to S h i l l a n d , August 15, 1901, MMP 152-5. 75. The Evening World, January 25, 1902. 114 g e t i n g ( s i c ) to work at the o t h e r mines as f a s t as they get l a i d o f f at the Le R o i . There i s ( s i c ) men coming from the o u t s i d e and going t o work. At our r e g u l a r meeting on Wednesday t h e r e was no a c t i o n taken t o c a l l o f f the s t r i k e n e a r l y a l l our men oppose c a l l i n g o f f the s t r i k e but they d i d not put the men on the scab l i s t t h a t went to work. - 7 6 The s t r i k e was never c a l l e d o f f , but faded i n t o ignominious d e f e a t f o r the union. I t would not have been unexpected f o r the labour t r o u b l e and s t r i k e to have thrown s o c i a l s t r a t i f i c a t i o n i n t o s h a r p e r r e l i e f . The l a b o u r i n g people of Rossland r a l l i e d t o support the union. R e p r e s e n t a t i v e s of most of the c i t y ' s unions t u r n e d out i n support of the miners at the parade and p i c n i c h e l d a few days a f t e r the s t r i k e was c a l l e d . Other union employees, such as c a r p e n t e r s and j o i n e r s , a l s o walked o f f t h e i r jobs i n the mines i n a sympathy s t r i k e . Even the newsboys r e f u s e d t o c a r r y o r s e l l The Rossland Miner.77 A c o o p e r a t i v e s t o r e was opened which allowed miners and t h e i r f a m i l i e s t o o b t a i n n e c e s s i t i e s on c r e d i t f o r the d u r a t i o n of the strike. 7® The s m a l l remainder (about 20%) of the p o p u l a t i o n s t o o d between the miners and the mine managers. In the d i s p u t e over the E i g h t Hour Law th e r e had been p u b l i c p r e s s u r e f o r the miners t o accept the o f f e r of c o n t r a c t wages. But d u r i n g the s t r i k e i t i s much l e s s c l e a r where the sympathies of the 76. Woodside t o Pa r r , February, 14, 1902; MMP 152-11. 77. The Evening World, J u l y 15, 16, 1901. 78. The Evening World, J u l y 11, 1901. 115 n o n - l a b o u r i n g p o p u l a t i o n l a y . Both s i d e s a c t i v e l y canvassed f o r support among t h i s remainder. The Rossland Miner r a n e d i t o r i a l s c r i t i q u i n g the unio n and the " a g i t a t o r s " who r a n i t . The e d i t o r of The Evening- World, on the ot h e r hand, went to g r e a t lengths t o info r m those who d i d not know t h a t the union had been pushed u n w i l l i n g l y i n t o the s t r i k e . The s u c c e s s of e i t h e r s i d e to win support i s d i s p u t a b l e as v a r i o u s contemporary r e c o r d s g i v e c o n f l i c t i n g r e p o r t s . The Rossland Miner c l a i m e d t h a t the p u b l i c backed the management. T h i s was p a r t i c u l a r l y t r u e when the b u s i n e s s c a n d i d a t e won the 1902 c i v i c e l e c t i o n . 7 9 Mackenzie King, r e v e a l i n g an i n t e r e s t i n g b i a s , a p p a r e n t l y found l i t t l e p u b l i c support f o r the union. He wrote t o h i s s u p e r i o r i n Ottawa: As f o r p u b l i c sympathy w i t h the men, I am unable t o f i n d any t r a c e s of i t . I asked the miners' committee to g i v e me the names of h a l f a dozen r e p u t a b l e c i t i z e n s who would say they were r i g h t i n t h e i r demands and t h e i r p r e s e n t a t t i t u d e , but they were unable t o g i v e t h e m . Q O Perhaps most s i g n i f i c a n t l y , a c i r c u l a r i s s u e d by the Rossland l o c a l a l s o p r o f f e r s t h a t t h e r e was scant p u b l i c 79. The c o n t e n t i o n t h a t the e l e c t i o n r e s u l t a c c u r a t e l y r e f l e c t e d p u b l i c o p i n i o n i s open t o debate. U n f o r t u n a t e l y f o r the s u p p o r t e r s of the M u n i c i p a l Labour League the e l i g i b i l i t y of the wives of p r o p e r t y owners was ov e r l o o k e d . The e l e c t i o n was won by a margin of on l y 62 v o t e s . The Rossland Miner October 18, 1901, January 16, 1902; The Evening World, January 17, 1902. 80. P. Craven, 'An Impartial Umpire:' Industrial Relations and the Canadian State 1900-1911, (Toronto: U n i v e r s i t y of Toronto P r e s s , 1980) p.244 c i t i n g K ing Correspondence-King to Mulock, November 18, 1901. 116 b a c k i n g f o r the union. The c i r c u l a r notes t h a t the union was "...opposed to the b i t t e r e s t e x t r e m i t y ( s i c ) by. ... a m a j o r i t y of the b u s i n e s s and p r o f e s s i o n a l men of the camp." 8 1 Yet support f o r the management was not as complete as the e d i t o r of The Rossland Miner would have l i k e d . As a r e s u l t he r e g u l a r l y c a s t i g a t e d those who supported the union or remained u n d e c i d e d . 8 2 But he was sympathetic t o some who ap p a r e n t l y backed the union, f o r as he cla i m e d some businessmen and p r o p r i e t o r s had been " . . . t e r r o r i z e d i n t o a c c o r d i n g them [the union] support and sympathy." 8 3 There i s evidence t h a t t h e r e was support among those who were not l a b o u r e r s . A Rossland r e s i d e n t suggested t h a t t h e r e was c o n s i d e r a b l e g e n e r o s i t y d i r e c t e d towards the s t r i k i n g miners: . . . d u r i n g the s t r i k e t h i n g s were i n a d e p l o r a b l e c o n d i t i o n . Foods were s h o r t and i t was a s c a r c i t y t r y i n g to make a l i v i n g f o r a l l us c h i l d r e n . I t was an i m p o s s i b i l i t y without the h e l p of the l o c a l merchants such as the Hunter Bros, [a prominent Rossland s t o r e ] who came t o the d i r e c t r e l i e f of a l o t of these people. They f e d a l o t of people who would have otherwise gone hungry. s** 81. To O f f i c e r s and Members of the L o c a l Unions, D i s t r i c t No.6, WFM from the Rossland Miners Union No.38, A p r i l 15, 1903, MMP 150-15. 82. The Rossland Miner, December 28, 1901; January 9, 1902. 83. The t h r e a t of union b o y c o t t was a p p a r e n t l y enough t o keep most b u s i n e s s p e r s o n s from openly opposing the s t r i k i n g miners. The Rossland Miner, J u l y 9, 10, 1901. 84. RHMA, Interview with Warren Crowe: Work in the Mines and the Strike II. 1965, p.2. 117 The e d i t o r of The Evening World a l s o made c l a i m s of p u b l i c endorsement. In f a c t , he c l a i m e d t h a t as the d e t a i l s of the d i s p u t e became known, o p i n i o n would r e s t f i r m l y behind the union c a u s e . s s What both e d i t o r s r e a l i z e d was t h a t a m a j o r i t y of the p o p u l a t i o n was concerned, f i r s t and foremost, w i t h the r e p u t a t i o n of t h e i r c i t y . L o c a l b u s i n e s s people c r i t i c i z e d the miners f o r the few i n s t a n c e s of v i o l e n c e which they seem t o have i n s t i g a t e d . One businessman was quoted as s a y i n g : "We cannot a f f o r d , i n a l i t e r a l sense, to have i t become known t h a t such g r o s s breaches of the law and decency are p e r m i t t e d or t h a t they go unpunished. " e < s On the o t h e r hand, even among the Rossland e l i t e , c r i t i c i s m of the mine managers was not w i t h h e l d . Some p l a c e d the blame f o r the s t r i k e s q u a r e l y on the s h o u l d e r s of MacDonald and K i r b y : " [ t ] h e p r e s e n t s t r i k e i n the Rossland camp i s due l a r g e l y to the d e s i r e of men managing o v e r c a p i t a l i z e d p r o p e r t i e s to make the labour unions the scapegoats f o r t h e i r own s i n s . " 0 , 7 Thus, both newspapers c o n c e n t r a t e d on i l l u s t r a t i n g how the o t h e r s i d e was damaging the r e p u t a t i o n of t h e i r c i t y . The p e r i o d of labour t r o u b l e i n R ossland b r i n g s up another i n t e r e s t i n g q u e s t i o n , namely t h a t of e t h n i c 85. The Evening World, J u l y 17, 1901. 86. The Rossland Miner, October 3,. 1901. 87. The Evening World, J u l y 23, 1901. 118 r e l a t i o n s h i p s . In the e a r l y days of the camp i t had been mostly American but, by 1901 Rossland's p o p u l a t i o n had become a patchwork of peoples and c u l t u r e s . Many of the European immigrants a r r i v e d i n Rossland as p a r t of the mine management's attempts to break the union. T h i s b e i n g the case i t would not have been unexpected i f t h e r e had been some t e n s i o n between the v a r i o u s e t h n i c groups. But these t e n s i o n s were tempered by c l a s s a f f i l i a t i o n . For most European immigrants, e t h n i c and c l a s s e x p e r i e n c e s overlapped, a l l e v i a t i n g some of the d i f f e r e n c e s between the v a r i o u s groups. Another e t h n i c group was m a r g i n a l i z e d . There was a s u b s t a n t i a l Chinese p o p u l a t i o n i n Rossland, but f o r these people t h e i r e x p e r i e n c e of Rossland was i n l a r g e p a r t d e f i n e d by a h o s t i l e host s o c i e t y . The e x p e r i e n c e s of European e t h n i c groups and the Chinese were h i g h l y v a r i e d and t h e r e f o r e w i l l be d e a l t w i t h s e p a r a t e l y . The manuscript r e t u r n s f o r the 1901 census can a g a i n be used to p r o v i d e a snapshot or c r o s s s e c t i o n of the e t h n i c complexion of Rossland's p o p u l a t i o n . Of those r e c o r d e d a m a j o r i t y were North American born, r o u g h l y a t h i r d each i n Canada (33%) and the U n i t e d S t a t e s (30%). Of these most were of U n i t e d Kingdom background, but t h e r e were a l s o s i g n i f i c a n t numbers of those w i t h French (mainly from Quebec) and German backgrounds. The r e s t of the p o p u l a t i o n was an amalgam of Swedes, F i n n s , Russians, I t a l i a n s , and 119 Chinese among others.. T a b l e 10 shows the d i s t r i b u t i o n of the more numerous groups. Two t r e n d s based on t h i s d i s t r i b u t i o n emerge. The f i r s t t r e n d suggests t h a t those of B r i t i s h background were g e n e r a l l y d i s t r i b u t e d e v e n l y throughout the s i x census s u b d i s t r i c t s . But t h e r e were at l e a s t two areas of Rossland known t o be dominated p r i m a r i l y by those of U n i t e d Kingdom backgrounds: a C o r n i s h e n c l a v e , c e n t e r e d around Cook Avenue and Davis S t r e e t , and a p o r t i o n of town on the N i c k e l P l a t e f l a t s known as F i s h A l l e y was dominated by Newfoundlanders (Map 6) . 8 Q The second t r e n d shows t h a t some groups, the I t a l i a n s , Germans, Russians, S c a n d i n a v i a n s , and As i a n s (almost the e n t i r e A s i a n p o p u l a t i o n was Chinese) tended to co n c e n t r a t e i n e t h n i c c o m m u n i t i e s . 8 9 P a r t of the reason f o r the f o r m a t i o n of these communities was e x t e r n a l ; those of Canadian, American, and 88. RHMA, Interview of Warren Crowe, 1967; Crowe's i n s i g h t s i n t o the d i s t r i b u t i o n of e t h n i c groups was supplemented by the r e c o l l e c t i o n s of Harry L e f e v r e and Jack MacDonald who are both a s s o c i a t e d w i t h the RHMA, February 1990. 89. I f the assumption of d i s c r e t e census s u b d i s t r i c t s can aga i n be accept e d an index of s e g r e g a t i o n can be c a l c u l a t e d f o r the d i f f e r e n t groups. T h i s index y i e l d e d the f o l l o w i n g r e s u l t s f o r the major e t h i c groups i n Rossland: E n g l i s h (23.6), I r i s h (24.9), Scots (20.3), R u s s i a n (49.6), I t a l i a n (42.0), German (39.1), French (30.5), F i n n s (49.5), Swedes (27.6), and Chinese (50.9). Thus among those of U.K. and most north-western European backgrounds t h e r e i s o n l y marginal s e g r e g a t i o n . Among those of e a s t e r n and c e n t r a l European, and Chinese backgrounds t h e r e i s s i g n i f i c a n t s e g r e g a t i o n . 120 TABLE 10 D i s t r i b u t i o n of E t h n i c Backgrounds by Census S u b d i v i s i o n Census S u b d i v i s i o n B r i t i s h I s l e s North-western Europe"1" C e n t r a l and E a s t e r n Europe A s i a Others H2 243 10.5 29 4.8 37 10 .7 150 62.2 11 24.4 H3 419 18 . 2 131 21.5 98 28 . 4 16 6.6 6 13.3 H4 % 121 5.2 49 8 . 0 4 1.2 10 4 .1 8 17.8 H5 % 605 26.2 140 23.0 126 36 . 5 9 3.7 16 35.6 H6 297 12.9 82 . 13.4 25 7.2 53 22.0 2 4 . 4 H7 595 25 . 6 179 29.3 52 15 .1 3 1.2 2' 4 . 4 T o t a l 2,280 63 . 3 610 15.7 345 10.8 241 ' 6.7 45 1. 2 + I n c l u d e s Swedes, Germans, French, F i n n s , Dutch, Danes, Norse, F l e m i s h , and I c e l a n d i c s . * I n c l u d e s R u s s i a n s , I t a l i a n s , Hungarians, Swiss, Spaniards, P o l e s , and A u s t r i a n s . ** I n c l u d e s Chinese and Japanese. Source: Manuscript Census, 1901. B r i t i s h backgrounds m i s t r u s t e d and d e s p i s e d the new immigrants' 90 A Rossland r e s i d e n t remembered: 90. The Scots., I r i s h and .Germans had made up a f i r s t g r e a t wave of immigration to North America i n the e a r l y to mid 19th c e n t u r y w h i l e those from south and c e n t r a l Europe were of a second wave i n the l a t e 19th c e n t u r y . Thus the concepts of ' o l d ' and the 'new1 immigrants were developed. D. Ward, Poverty, Ethnicity, and the American City, 1840-1925: Changing Conceptions of the Slum and the Ghetto, (Cambridge: Cambridge U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1989) p.195. 121 When the v a r i o u s n a t i o n a l i t i e s came i n and s e t t l e d around i n the town, t h e r e seemed t o be q u i t e a resentment of one n a t i o n towards the ot h e r . An Englishman who came out to t h i s country had never seen an I t a l i a n b e f o r e he landed here and, of course, i t was onl y human nature t h a t they would f e e l a l i t t l e b i t s u p e r i o r and h o l d a b i t of r e s e n t m e n t . 9 1 Thi's statement m i r r o r s the North American p e r c e p t i o n of the 'new i m m i g r a n t s ' — t h e Russians, I t a l i a n s , and' o t h e r s from south and c e n t r a l Europe. I t was thought t h a t they were pov e r t y s t r i c k e n ; were u n l i k e l y to make s i g n i f i c a n t c o n t r i b u t i o n s to the economic growth of the U n i t e d S t a t e s or Canada; and were unable and u n w i l l i n g t o a s s i m i l a t e to North American s o c i e t y and s t a n d a r d s . 9 2 To the l a b o u r i n g people these immigrants r e p r e s e n t e d a g r e a t e r t h r e a t , namely t h a t they would undercut wages and g r a d u a l l y dominate the labour f o r c e . Even worse, 'new immigrants' were p e r c e i v e d t o be d o c i l e i n the hands of c a p i t a l , prepared to work f o r low wages and a i d i n b r e a k i n g s t r i k e s . 9 3 These p e r c e p t i o n s were o f t e n r e i n f o r c e d by e t h n i c p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the labour f o r c e . Few c e n t r a l or e a s t e r n European immigrants came t o North America w i t h c a p i t a l o r r e l e v a n t s k i l l s and they were, t h e r e f o r e , compelled to take p o o r l y p a i d blue c o l l a r j o b s . D i s c r i m i n a t i o n may have kept them i n these jobs and may have l e d t o some i n t e r n a l c o h e s i v e n e s s among the e t h n i c groups 91. RHMA, Interview with Harry Lefevre on the Ethnic Groups in Rossland during- the Early Days of Mining, 1967, p. 6. 92. Ward, 1989, p.196; D. Avery, "Dangerous Foreigners" .-European Immigrant Workers and Labour Radical ism in Canada, 1896-1932, (Toronto: M c C l e l l a n d and Stewart, 1979) p.28. 93. Ward, 1989, p.208; Avery, 1979, pp.39-40. 122 d e f i n e d as 'new immigrants.' The combination of e t h n i c p r e j u d i c e and c o n c e n t r a t i o n i n wage and s e r v i c e work might h e l p e x p l a i n the r e s i d e n t i a l p a t t e r n among the v a r i o u s e t h n i c groups. Most 'new immigrants' groups found themselves i n l e s s d e s i r a b l e areas of the c i t y , near the n o i s e and a c t i v i t y of the mines, r a i l w a y l i n e s and s t a t i o n (Map 6 ) . But t h e r e were ot h e r reasons f o r e t h n i c s o l i d a r i t y . I t was thought t h a t much of the immigration to North America r e s u l t e d from the e f f o r t s of labour c o n t r a c t o r s , but r e c e n t r e s e a r c h has shown networks c r e a t e d by f a m i l y and f r i e n d s a l s o p l a y e d a s i g n i f i c a n t r o l e . 9 4 The success of a f a m i l y member or neighbour would s t i m u l a t e f u r t h e r immigration i n the immediate f a m i l y , o t h e r r e l a t i v e s , and n e i g h b o u r s . 9 3 In North American s e t t i n g s these f a m i l i a l and v i l l a g e based r e l a t i o n s h i p s were reproduced as c o n n e c t i o n s were s t r e t c h e d between o l d and new w o r l d l o c a t i o n s . Other new immigrants sought a i d among c o n c e n t r a t e d groups of countrymen. Between them some t r a d i t i o n s were maintained, o t h e r s blended and adapted, and o t h e r s d i s a p p e a r e d e n t i r e l y . 9 6 Thus, i n N o r t h America, r e g i o n a l and v i l l a g e l o y a l t i e s were superseded by new g e n e r a l i z e d n a t i o n a l i d e n t i t i e s , p a r t l y f o i s t e d upon immigrants by t h e i r h o s t s , and p a r t l y c r e a t e d by a mixture 94. See f o r example Ward., 1989, p. 191. 95. Ward, 1989, p.191; Avery, 1979, pp.48-49; J . Bodnar, The Transplanted: A History of Immigrants in Urban America, (Bloomington: U n i v e r s i t y of Indiana P r e s s , 1985) p.211 96. Ward, 1989, p.186; W. Yancey, E.P. E r i c k s e n , and R.N. J u l i a n i , "Emergent E t h n i c i t y : A Review and R e f o r m u l a t i o n , " American Sociological Review, v.41, 1976, p.397. 123 of o l d - w o r l d r e g i o n a l i d e n t i t i e s . T h i s p a t t e r n was observed by a Rossland r e s i d e n t who noted:. We always had our d i f f e r e n t c l a n s . They would seem t o get t o g e t h e r . I f they d i d n ' t come from the same p l a c e i n the o l d country, they knew they were from o l d count r y anyway. They f e l t as though they had something i n common.9'7' Most e t h n i c communities i n Rossland had some s o r t of c l u b or o r g a n i z a t i o n where n a t i v e languages c o u l d be spoken and c u l t u r a l t r a d i t i o n s o b s e r v e d . 9 8 The t r a d i t i o n s t h a t s u r v i v e d p l a y e d an important r o l e i n the e t h n i c community. They r e p r e s e n t e d , not o n l y a c a r r y over from the o l d world, but a p o i n t of attachment, a manageable, c o n t r o l l a b l e f a c e t of l i v e s which were u n f o l d i n g i n new, u n c e r t a i n p a t h s . 9 9 One of the means by which an immigrant c o u l d meet h i s or her m a t e r i a l needs was through e t h n i c a f f i l i a t i o n . 1 0 0 For newcomers i n p a r t i c u l a r , the e t h n i c community p r o v i d e d a b u f f e r between past e x p e r i e n c e and new r e a l i t i e s and was an 97. RHMA., Interview with Warren Crowe, 1967, p. 6. 98. The I t a l i a n community had t h e i r own c l u b , complete w i t h b r a s s band, the F i n n s had a s o c i e t y which met i n t h e i r own h a l l , and the Sco t s , I r i s h , and o t h e r s of v a r i o u s S c a n d i n a v i a n d e s c e n t s a l s o had t h e i r own o r g a n i z a t i o n s . RHMA f i l e s .of Rossland Clubs and O r g a n i z a t i o n s ; I n t e r v i e w w i t h Harry L e f e v r e February, 1990; The Rossland Record September 6, 1899; The Rossland Miner, February 11, 1897. 99. See Bodnar, 1985, Chapter 8; Ward argues . the same p o i n t from a s l i g h t l y d i f f e r e n t angle, s u g g e s t i n g t h a t s u r v i v i n g e t h n i c t r a d i t i o n s were a d a p t a t i o n s t o , or even examples o f , r e s i s t a n c e t o i n d u s t r y and c a p i t a l i s m not only, i n North America, but i n t h e i r homelands as w e l l . Ward, 1989, p.182. 100. Other means by which an immigrant c o u l d s a t i s f y b a s i c needs were through a s s i m i l a t i o n or c l a s s a c t i o n . D. H i e b e r t , C l a s s , E t h n i c i t y and R e s i d e n t i a l S t r u c t u r e : The S o c i a l Geography of Winnipeg, 1901-1921, Journal of Historical Geography, In P r e s s . 124 important source of a i d i n f i n d i n g s h e l t e r and employment. O f t e n the f i r s t c o n t a c t w i t h a new s o c i e t y was through an e t h n i c community where s h e l t e r might be p r o v i d e d . In Rossland i t was no c o i n c i d e n c e t h a t many b o a r d i n g and rooming houses c a t e r e d t o a s i n g l e e t h n i c g r o u p . 1 0 1 Contact w i t h an e t h n i c group a l s o c o u l d l e a d t o employment o p p o r t u n i t i e s . The c r u c i a l p o i n t i s t h a t most immigrants were a l r e a d y p a r t o f , or immediately i n s e r t e d i n t o , e t h n i c networks of support and i n f o r m a t i o n . T h i s had important consequences. Among the v a r i o u s e t h n i c groups, e t h n i c bonds and p a t t e r n s of r e s i d e n t i a l and o c c u p a t i o n a l s e g r e g a t i o n were r e i n f o r c e d . 1 0 2 Among the r e s t of the p o p u l a t i o n , p e r c e p t i o n s of the 'new immigrant's' i n a b i l i t y to make s i g n i f i c a n t economic c o n t r i b u t i o n s and u n a s s i m i l a b i 1 i t y were a l s o r e i n f o r c e d . T a b l e s 11 and 12 c o n f i r m t h a t the Rossland labour f o r c e was e t h n i c a l l y segmented. Among male employees those of B r i t i s h and German backgrounds are d i s t r i b u t e d throughout the o c c u p a t i o n a l s t r u c t u r e , but are g e n e r a l l y over r e p r e s e n t e d i n the prof./h.w.c./cap., and wh.col. groups, u n d e r r e p r e s e n t e d i n the sk./semi. wage and s e r v . and unsk. wage and s e r v . groups, and var y i n the s.emp. g r o u p . 1 0 3 101. The evidence f o r t h i s i s o b t a i n e d from the 1901 manuscript census. 102. H i e b e r t , In P r e s s . 103. The o c c u p a t i o n a l s t r u c t u r e among those of German background i s i n t e r e s t i n g i n t h a t i t i s c o n s i d e r a b l y d i f f e r e n t than t h a t of o t h e r c o n t i n e n t a l European communities. German immigrants were p a r t of the f i r s t wave of European immigration t o North America. Many had a l s o come 125 TABLE 11 D i s t r i b u t i o n of E t h n i c Groups i n the Labour Force (Male) E t h n i c Group O c c u p a t i o n a l Group 1 2 3 4 5 6 T o t a l E n g l i s h 53 97 114 519 117 12 912 % 5. 8 10 . .6 12 . .5 56 . 9 12.8 1 . ,3 27.3 Scots 49 75 73 433 78 9 717 So 6 . 8 10 . , 5 10 . . 2 60 .4 •10 . 9 1. ,3 21.5 I r i s h 22 49 58 325 62 6 522 4. 2 9 . 4 11 . 1 62.3 11.9 1 . 1 15 . 6 Swedes 2 0 9 105 12 1 129 % 1 . 6 0 15 . . 0 73.3 23.3 1 . . 6 3 . 9 Russians 0 0 4 31 7 1 43 , % 0. 0 9 . 3 72 . 1 16 . 3 2 . .3 1.3 I t a 1 i a n s 0 1 8 148 35 0 192 0 0 . .5 4. .2 77. 1 18.2 0 5 . 8 Germans 12 • 19 29 109 27 7 203 5. , 9 9 , .4 14. .3 53.7 13.3 3. .4 6 . 1 French 3 4 17 94 41 0 159 1 . . 9 2 . .5 10 . ,7 59 .1 25.8 0 4.8 F i nns 0 1 0 32 4 0 37 % 0 2 . .7 0 86.5 10 .8 0 1 . 1 Chinese 0 1 58 2 173 4 238 % 0 0 , .4 24. .4 0.8 72 .7 1 . .7 7.1 T o t a l 141 247 370 1798 556 40 3152 % 4. , 5 7. .8 11 . .7 57.0 17.6 . 1 . .3 Source: Manuscript Census, 1901. Among the males of c o n t i n e n t a l European h e r i t a g e almost the o p p o s i t e i s t r u e . Most are u n d e r r e p r e s e n t e d i n the w i t h a l i t t l e c a p i t a l t o get s t a r t e d on new l i v e s . Ward, 1989, pp.193-194. Most a r r i v e d i n Rossland from the U n i t e d S t a t e s where some may have a l r e a d y e s t a b l i s h e d themselves i n c e r t a i n o c c u p a t i o n s . 126 TABLE 12 D i s t r i b u t i o n of E t h n i c Groups i n the Labour Force (Female) E t h n i c Group O c c u p a t i o n a l Group 1 2 3 4 5 6 T o t a l Engl i-sh 7 14 19 9 6 0 55 12 .7 25 . .5 34. .5 16 . 4 10 . , 9 0 21 . 2 Scot s 1 10 16 9 18 0 54 1.9 18. 5 29 . 6 16 . 7 33. ,3 0 20.8 I r i s h 7 8 13 8 16 0 52 13.5 15 . 4 25 . 0 15. 4 30 . .8 0 20 . 1 Swedes 0 0 3 1 8 0 12 0 0 25 . , 0 8. ,3 66. ,7 0 4.6 Russians 0 0 1 0 ' 1 0 2 % 0 0 50 . , 0 0 50 . , 0 0 0.8 Germans 2 2 13 ' 3 16 0 36 <y so 5.6 5. . 6 36 . . 1 8. , 3 44. .4 0 13 . 9 French 0 0 8 4 5 0 17 % 0 0 47. . 1 23. .5 29 . .4 0 6 . 6 T o t a l 17 34 73 34 70 0 228 % 7.5 14. .9 32 . . 0 14. . 9 30. .7 0 Source: Manuscript Census, 1901. prof./h.w.c./cap., wh.col., and s.emp. groups and o v e r r e p r e s e n t e d i n the sk./semi. wage and s e r v . and unsk. wage and s e r v . groups. Among women the p a t t e r n i s s i m i l a r , a l t h o u g h among some e t h n i c groups female p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the labour f o r c e i s so s m a l l i t d e f e a t s comparison. Some of the e t h n i c groups are noteworthy because no females appear as employed (the F i n n s , I t a l i a n s , and C h i n e s e ) . In some cases, t h i s i s not s u r p r i s i n g . F or example, t h e r e were no 127 Chinese women enumerated i n Rossland d u r i n g the 1901 census. M a r r i e d women of a l l e t h n i c groups tended not to w o r k . 1 0 4 But t h e r e were s i n g l e women of c e n t r a l and e a s t e r n European backgrounds who a l s o were not working. I t may be t h a t t h e r e was a c u l t u r a l b i a s a g a i n s t female employment, but t h i s may a l s o h i n t at e t h n i c p r e j u d i c e i n the female labour f o r c e . There were few jobs f o r women i n Rossland and a p p a r e n t l y many women eager f o r work. There would be no need, t h e r e f o r e , t o h i r e a woman who, f o r any reason was not deemed s u i t a b l e . 1 0 3 The index of s e g r e g a t i o n measuring e t h n i c p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the labour f o r c e c o n f i r m s t h a t i t was e t h n i c a l l y segregated, p a r t i c u l a r l y f o r those defined, as 'new immigrants.' The v a l u e s f o r combined male and female p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the labour f o r c e were: E n g l i s h (22.1), Scots (24.7), I r i s h (22.6), Swedes (32.9), Russians (27.5), I t a l i a n s (34.7). Germans (12.7), French (12.6), F i n n s ( 3 1 . 9 ) . 1 0 6 104. The manuscript census r e v e a l s t h a t t h e r e were s e v e r a l 'new immigrant' f a m i l i e s i n Rossland. In most cases m a r r i e d women d i d not r e p o r t an o c c u p a t i o n . 105. In 1896 the e d i t o r of The Rossland Miner wrote "A mining camp p r o v i d e s l i t t l e honest labour f o r women and ther e are p l e n t y of honest women i n the Kootenay to such work as the r e i s . . . " The Rossland Miner, November 6, 1896. I t l i k e l y t h a t t h i n g s hadn't changed much by 1901. 106. In t h i s case the index of s e g r e g a t i o n r e f e r s t o the percentage of i n d i v i d u a l s who would have t o move t o c r e a t e an even d i s t r i b u t i o n a c r o s s the o c c u p a t i o n a l s t r u c t u r e f o r each group. For example among the E n g l i s h , 22.1% would have to change t o another o c c u p a t i o n a l group i n or d e r f o r the r e to be an even d i s t r i b u t i o n of E n g l i s h a c r o s s a l l the o c c u p a t i o n a l groups. 128 T e n s i o n between e t h n i c groups came to a head d u r i n g the labour t r o u b l e s of 1901. The working miners f e a r e d t h a t the mines were b e i n g f l o o d e d w i t h I t a l i a n l a b o u r e r s who were u n d e r c u t t i n g t h e i r wages and g r a d u a l l y f o r c i n g them out of employment.107 The e d i t o r of The Industrial World had. a c l e a r o p i n i o n on the r o l e these l a b o u r e r s p l a y e d : The q u e s t i o n n a t u r a l l y a r i s e s : why are I t a l i a n s g i v e n the p r e f e r e n c e . . . ? The r e a l reason may be found i n the f a c t t h a t these I t a l i a n s have no vot e s nor are they l i k e l y t o have; they are more content t o be working than they are to concern themselves as to what they are g e t t i n g ; t h a t . they have not the gumption to o r g a n i z e f o r t h e i r own p r o t e c t i o n and, t h e r e f o r e , w i l l be w i l l i n g t o o l s i n the hands of the s w e l l headed managers to make Rossland a cheap labour c a m p . l o e No doubt these o p i n i o n s a l s o extended t o the Russians, A u s t r i a n s , and Sca n d i n a v i a n s who were a l s o b e g i n n i n g to appear i n the c i t y as labour t r o u b l e s began to i n t e n s i f y . But e t h n i c t e n s i o n s were q u i c k l y d i l u t e d among the miners. The n o n - B r i t i s h l a b o u r e r s , along w i t h a l l the ot h e r workers, r e f u s e d t o r e p o r t f o r work i n the mines when the s t r i k e was c a l l e d . Moreover, those imported d u r i n g the s t r i k e were q u i c k t o take up the union cause when they became aware of the labour d i s p u t e . As Frank Woodside-, s e c r e t a r y f o r the Union, e x p l a i n e d : An A u s t r i a n or an I t a l i a n takes to Unionism l i k e a newly hatched duck t o a pond of water. T h i r t y f i v e A u s t r i a n s j o i n e d t h i s union i n one week...they exposed 107. The Rossland Miner, February 19, 1901. 108. The Industrial World, J u l y 7, 1900. 129 the whole infamous labour m a r k e t . 1 0 9 scheme to f l o o d and overcrowd the There are a number of e x p l a n a t i o n s f o r the w i l l i n g n e s s of these immigrant miners to take up the union cause. P a r t i a l l y the e x p l a n a t i o n l i e s i n the e f f o r t s of WFM which sought to i n c l u d e a l l European immigrant miners and thus p r i n t e d union m a t e r i a l i n a number of l a n g u a g e s . 1 1 0 F a c t o r s which c o n t r i b u t e d to t h i s approach i n c l u d e : the sheer numbers of immigrant miners i n the western c o r d i l l e r a n camps; a l a c k of t r a d i t i o n e x c l u d i n g white e t h n i c groups from the union; and the r e f u s a l of the Europeans who a r r i v e d t o act as cheap labour and s t r i k e b r e a k e r s . 1 1 1 The l a s t f a c t o r may be the most important. Most of the immigrants from south and c e n t r a l Europe had a l r e a d y met and had t h e i r l i v e s t r a n s f o r m e d by c a p i t a l i s m i n Europe and many had been engaged i n c o l l e c t i v e a c t i o n a g a i n s t i t . 1 1 2 In the new w o r l d they c o n t i n u e d to r e s i s t c a p i t a l i s m . For example, one of the e a r l i e s t r e c o r d e d s t r i k e s i n Rossland was c a l l e d by I t a l i a n r a i l w a y workers, who armed themselves and walked o f f the job. The s t r i k e was, however, s h o r t l i v e d . Most of the s t r i k e r s , i n c l u d i n g the i n s t i g a t o r s , were back at work the same d a y . 1 1 3 109. Woodside, 1901, p.7, Angus Mc Inn is Collection, 34-8. 110. Avery, 1979, p.56. 111. Wyman, 1979, p.46. 112. Ward, 1989, p.208; Avery, 1979, pp.48-49; Bodnar, 1985, p.212. 113. The Rossland Miner, J u l y 31, 1896. 130 Another f a c e t i n the d i l u t i o n of e t h n i c t e n s i o n among miners and the broader working c l a s s i n v o l v e s the r e l a t i o n s h i p between e t h n i c i t y and the e x p e r i e n c e s of everyday l i f e . For many of the 'new immigrants' t h e r e was l i t t l e to d i s t i n g u i s h between e t h n i c and c l a s s forms of s t r a t i f i c a t i o n , both t r a n s l a t e d i n t o m a t e r i a l h a r d s h i p . Again, off-work s o c i a l i z a t i o n i s important. The home and the e t h n i c i n s t i t u t i o n s became p l a c e s where the r e l a t i o n s h i p s between the c o n d i t i o n s at work and the h a r d s h i p s of everyday l i f e were shared and a r t i c u l a t e d . In oth e r words, a c l a s s -based v e r n a c u l a r p e n e t r a t e d i n t o e t h n i c s e t t i n g s . Thus, t h e r e was one common bond between European immigrant workers and a wider working class.- the e x p l o i t a t i o n and d i f f i c u l t i e s a s s o c i a t e d w i t h work under i n d u s t r i a l c a p i t a l i s m . These bonds were expressed through i n c l u s i v i s t i c . o r g a n i z a t i o n s such as the WFM and l i k e l y through the c i t y ' s o t h e r unions. T h i s i s not to argue t h a t t h e r e was no i n t e r - e t h n i c h o s t i l i t y . The D a i l y P o l i c e Reports and Court Dockets r e v e a l t h a t t h e r e were such i n c i d e n t s , but these were mostly drunken s c u f f l e s . The p o i n t i s t h a t among the working c l a s s e t h n i c t e n s i o n s were a l l e v i a t e d by common o c c u p a t i o n a l and everyday experiences. 3- 1"* The e x p e r i e n c e of the Chinese p o p u l a t i o n i n Rossland was r a d i c a l l y d i f f e r e n t . That t h e r e was' a Chinese p o p u l a t i o n at a l l i n Ros s l a n d i s remarkable i n l i g h t of precedents s e t 114. Avery, 1979, p. 52. 131 i n o t h e r mining towns i n both the U n i t e d S t a t e s and Canada. For i n s t a n c e i n Sandon, another Kootenay mining town, the Chinese cook f o r the CPR t r a i n crew would not leave the c a r f o r f e a r of h i s l i f e . 1 1 3 There was, however, a s u b s t a n t i a l Chinese p o p u l a t i o n i n Rossland. In the f o l l o w i n g paragraphs an attempt w i l l be made to show t h a t the Chinese e x p e r i e n c e i n Rossland was l a r g e l y d e f i n e d by a h o s t i l e host s o c i e t y . Perhaps the best p l a c e to b e g i n a d i s c u s s i o n of the Chinese i n Rossland i s w i t h the h i s t o r i c a l p e r s p e c t i v e of t h i n g s O r i e n t a l . By the t u r n of the t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r y a r e g u l a r i z e d s e t of a s s o c i a t i o n s w i t h the term O r i e n t had developed. D e r i v e d by "innumerable s c h o l a r s " these a s s o c i a t i o n s were so s t r o n g t h a t the mere use of the word would c o n j u r e up a v a r i e t y of images of the O r i e n t such as " . . . i t s s e n s u a l i t y , i t s tendency•to despotism, i t a b e r r a n t m e n t a l i t y , i t s h a b i t s of i n a c c u r a c y , [and] i t s b a c k w a r d n e s s . . . " 1 1 6 In t u r n - o f - t h e - c e n t u r y B r i t i s h Columbia ide a s of white s u p e r i o r i t y a l s o found e x p r e s s i o n . Use of the term "white" i n these c o n t e x t s r e f e r s t o a l l those of European s t o c k . T h i s i s not t o imply t h a t t h i s was a c o h e s i v e body; the s e c t i o n s above have shown t h a t t h e r e were fundamental d i v i s i o n s based on c l a s s . But as a w r i t e r f o r the Saturday 115. H a r r i s , 1985, p.322, note 15. 116. E. S a i d , Oriental ism, (New York: Pantheon Books, 1978) pp.203, 205. 132 Sunset argued, even the l o w l i e s t European immigrant was c o n s i d e r e d p r e f e r a b l e to those from China: The white man, even the r i f f r a f f of the white race t h a t Europe sends can be b o i l e d down i n t o a decent Canadian c i t i z e n i n a couple of g e n e r a t i o n s at l e a s t , but an O r i e n t a l does not c h a n g e . 1 1 7 Though the p o p u l a t i o n of B r i t i s h Columbia seemed u n i t e d i n a n t i - O r i e n t a l sentiment t h e r e was c o n s i d e r a b l e v a r i a n c e i n t h e i r emphasis and magnitude. These ideas were, perhaps, exacerbated by the newness of the p l a c e . Canada was s t i l l l e s s than h a l f a century o l d , and B r i t i s h Columbia, wi t h i t s s m a l l and s c a t t e r e d p o p u l a t i o n , even l e s s than t h a t . In t h i s context the p r o v i n c e ' s white p o p u l a t i o n p e r c e i v e d a danger of b e i n g overrun by O r i e n t a l s who would f o r c e out white labour and d i s c o u r a g e white i m m i g r a t i o n . 1 1 3 The e d i t o r of The Ross land Miner m i r r o r e d the sentiments of most "white" B r i t i s h Columbians when he commented on an upcoming Royal Commission r e p o r t on O r i e n t a l immigration: An Ottawa despatch ( s i c ) r e p o r t s t h a t the commission which has been i n q u i r i n g i n t o the matter of O r i e n t a l immigration w i l l recommend the e x c l u s i o n of the Chinese and the p l a c i n g of r e s t r i c t i o n s on the i n f l u x of Japanese. B r i t i s h Columbians w i l l f e r v e n t l y hope t h a t the r e p o r t i s c o r r e c t and the v e r d i c t of the commission w i l l i n such case be g i v e n f u l l weight.... We have simply to choose between a white and y e l l o w o c c u p a t i o n of t h i s p r o v i n c e . . . I f white labour - i s to be 117. P. Roy, A White Man's Province: B r i t i s h Columbia's P o l i t i c i a n s and Chinese and Japanese Immigrants 1885-1914, Vancouver: U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia P r e s s , 1989) p.231, c i t i n g the Saturday Sunset, October 7, 1911. 118. For more d e t a i l on how the Chinese were seen t o e f f e c t European p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n v a r i o u s s e c t o r s of the economy see, " C o n c l u s i o n , " Report of the Royal Commission on Chinese and Japanese Immigration, S e s s i o n a l Paper 54, (Ottawa: S.E. Dawson, 1902) . 133 supplemented by y e l l o w i t w i l l o n l y be a matter of time when the m a j o r i t y of the p o p u l a t i o n w i l l undergo the same change of t i n t . 1 1 9 As e a r l y as the 1890s a g i t a t i o n over these concerns prompted the p r o v i n c i a l government to pass b i l l s which s e v e r e l y c u r t a i l e d o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r the Chinese or excluded them a l t o g e t h e r . 1 2 0 During the 1870s the r i g h t t o vote i n p r o v i n c i a l and m u n i c i p a l e l e c t i o n s was withdrawn, o t h e r b i l l s e xcluded O r i e n t a l s from p u b l i c works, and y e t ot h e r s p r o h i b i t e d t h e i r e n t r y i n t o the p r o v i n c e . 1 2 1 The e x c l u s i o n a r y b i l l s were, however, d i s a l l o w e d by the Dominion Government because such matters t r e s p a s s e d i n t o f e d e r a l j u r i s d i c t i o n . 1 2 2 A g i t a t i o n from B r i t i s h Columbia prompted the aforementioned Royal Commission and e v e n t u a l l y the l e v y of a f i f t y d o l l a r Head Tax on Chinese immigration i n 1885, which was l a t e r r a i s e d to $500. Many of the immigrants who l e f t China f o r North America came from r u r a l r e g i o n s s u f f e r i n g from poverty, overcrowding, and p o l i t i c a l i n s t a b i l i t y . 1 2 3 A remarkable number had come from the same area of China, most from f o u r c o u n t i e s i n a s i n g l e p r o v i n c e . T h i s was l a r g e l y due t o the 119. The Rossland Miner, J u l y 14, 1901. 120. K. Anderson, "East" as "West": Place, State, and the Institutionalization of Myth in Vancouver's Chinatown, 1880-1980, .Unpublished Ph.D. T h e s i s , (Vancouver, U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1986). p.77. 121. D. Chuenyan L a i , Chinatowns: Towns within Cities in Canada, (Vancouver: U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia P r e s s , 1988) pp.28-29; Roy, 1989. pp.54-55. 122. Roy. 1989. p.54. 123. W. Wilmott, "Approaches to the Study of the Chinese i n B r i t i s h Columbia," B.C. Studies, n.45. S p r i n g , 1970, p.41. 134 same pr o c e s s e s which accounted f o r much European immigration, namely word of mouth s u p p l i e d by f r i e n d s and r e l a t i v e s . Such networks seem t o have been e f f e c t i v e as streams of Chinese people immigrated from s p e c i f i c v i l l a g e s i n China to s p e c i f i c North American d e s t i n a t i o n s . 1 2 4 Most, e s p e c i a l l y a f t e r the Head Tax was r a i s e d t o f i v e hundred d o l l a r s , a r r i v e d s a d d l e d w i t h debts. Although wages i n B r i t i s h Columbia were markedly h i g h e r than i n China i t s t i l l took many y e a r s to pay these o f f . A f t e r paying o f f debts most Chinese immigrants had two g o a l s , t o earn and save as much as p o s s i b l e and then t o r e t u r n to China. The Chinese who f i n a l l y a r r i v e d i n B r i t i s h Columbia had done so i n two waves, the f i r s t w i t h the p r e - c o n f e d e r a t i o n g o l d rushes and the second w i t h the b u i l d i n g of the C P R . 1 2 3 Combined wi t h deep s e a t e d b e l i e f s i n the i n f e r i o r i t y of Asi a n s , these ambitions (to save t h e i r money and e v e n t u a l l y r e t u r n t o China) d i d l i t t l e t o endear them to t h e i r h o s t s . Because of t h e i r d e s i r e to save, most l i v e d f r u g a l l y , s ending as much as p o s s i b l e back t o China. S i n c e many came i n s e a r c h of s h o r t - t e r m economic g a i n they accepted low paying menial jobs, or accepted wages lower than those 124. L a i , 1988, p.43; A 1908 Royal Commission r e p o r t i n g on the inducements to Chinese immigration found t h a t a m a j o r i t y of 34 randomly q u e s t i o n Chinese immigrants had been sponsored and/or been p r o v i d e d w i t h i n f o r m a t i o n by f a m i l y members. Canada, Report of the Royal Commission Appointer to Inquire into the Methods by which Oriental Labourers have been Induced to come to Canada, (Ottawa: Government P r i n t i n g House, 1908) pp.72-73. 125. L a i , 1988, p.20. 135 a c c e p t a b l e t o w h i t e s . 1 2 6 The combination of these t r a i t s had u n f o r t u n a t e consequences. For one, the f r u g a l l i f e s t y l e of the Chinese, which i n v o l v e d a v e r y simple d i e t and o f t e n a crowded l i v i n g arrangement, was i n t e r p r e t e d as a s i g n of moral and s a n i t a r y i n f e r i o r i t y and r e i n f o r c e d n e g a t i v e s t e r e o t y p e s . 1 2 7 A second and more s e r i o u s consequence was t h a t the Chinese were seen as a d i r e c t economic t h r e a t to the white p o p u l a t i o n . I t was w i d e l y b e l i e v e d t h a t the Chinese h e l d a u n f a i r advantage when i t came to wages, e s p e c i a l l y f o r u n s k i l l e d j o b s . 1 2 ® In the c o n c l u s i o n to the 1901 Royal Commission on Chinese and Japanese immigration, the author noted: In a l l these [lumber m i l l s , s h i n g l e m i l l s , or as s u r f a c e worker i n the mines] and o t h e r o c c u p a t i o n s where u n s k i l l e d labour i s employed he f i n d s the Chinese working at a wage th a t bars him o u t . 1 2 9 I t i s d i f f i c u l t to say v e r y much about the Chinese i n Rossland. Because t h e r e are no known s u r v i v i n g documents o u t l i n i n g how the Chinese f e l t about t h e i r p l a c e or o p p o r t u n i t i e s i n Rossland, such q u e s t i o n s are moot. I n s t e a d t h e r e are o n l y the v a l u e - l a d e n assessments of the host community upon which to depend. The Chinese appeared e a r l y i n Rossland's h i s t o r y . There i s mention of a r e s i d e n t f a m i l y n e g o t i a t i n g f o r a 126. W.P. Ward, " C l a s s and Race i n the S o c i a l S t r u c t u r e of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1870-1939," B.C. Studies, n.45. S p r i n g 1980, p.33., 127. Canada, 1902, "Chinese O p i n i o n , " p.237. 128. Roy, 1989, pp.91, 230. 129. Canada, 1902, p.276. 136 Chinese cook i n May of 1 8 9 5 . 1 3 0 By 1901 the Chinese community had grown. The manuscript census enumerates a s u b s t a n t i a l group of 238, a l l of whom were m a l e . 1 3 1 Though t h e r e were Chinese r e s i d e n t s i n every census s u b d i s t r i c t , most r e s i d e d i n a C h i n a t o w n . 1 3 2 The Chinatown c o n s i s t e d of some 10-15 s t o r e s owned by Chinese p r o p r i e t o r s who c a t e r e d to both the Chinese and "white" p o p u l a t i o n s , and a Masonic hai1 (Map 6 ) . 1 3 3 There are a number of reasons f o r the f o r m a t i o n of a c l u s t e r e d community i n Rossland. Perhaps most important, a l t h o u g h i t can not be proven, i s t h a t most of Rossland's Chinese p o p u l a t i o n emigrated from the same v i l l a g e or l o c a l a rea i n China. I t would o n l y be n a t u r a l , t h e r e f o r e , f o r these people to group t o g e t h e r f o r support and mutual a i d . 1 3 4 T h i s p a t t e r n was l i k e l y enhanced by the p r a c t i c e of s o j o u r n i n g . As a temporary r e s i d e n t the Chinese immigrant probably f e l t no compulsion t o adopt western d i e t , language, c l o t h i n g s t y l e s , and h a b i t s , thus keeping b a r r i e r s e s t a b l i s h e d by language and c u l t u r e f i r m l y entrenched. 130. The Rossland Miner, May 25, 1985. 131. There may have been more Chinese l i v i n g o u t s i d e of the town bo u n d a r i e s . Other e s t i m a t e s of the s i z e of t h e i r p o p u l a t i o n r e a c h 400. Canada, 1902, p.43. The o n l y mention of a Chinese female was found i n The Rossland Miner, September 4, 1904. 132. The index of s e g r e g a t i o n f o r the Chinese i n Rossland, a g a i n assuming the census s u b d i s t r i c t s were d i s c r e t e u n i t s , was 50.9, a h i g h l y s i g n i f i c a n t v a l u e . 133. RHMA, Interview with Ike Glover on the Saloons and Chinese Population in the Early Days of Rossland, 1967, p . l 134. Wilmott, 1970, pp.38-42. 137 There were a l s o e x t e r n a l f a c t o r s which c o n t r i b u t e d t o the f o r m a t i o n of a Chinatown i n Rossland. Kay Anderson has argued t h a t Chinatown i s a s o c i a l c o n s t r u c t based on ne g a t i v e a t t i t u d e s and p e r c e p t i o n s of the host s o c i e t y . 1 3 5 That the p r e v a i l i n g a t t i t u d e towards the. Chinese i n Ros s l a n d was h o s t i l e i s not hard to d i v i n e . Although the s u r v i v i n g D a i l y P o l i c e Reports and Court Dockets do not r e c o r d a d i s p r o p o r t i o n a t e degree of v i o l e n c e towards the Chinese, i n t e r v i e w s w i t h two long time Rossland r e s i d e n t s c o n f i r m t h a t the i n h a b i t a n t s of Rossland "...were more t r o u b l e to them than they were t o u s . . . . " 1 3 6 Much of the time p r e j u d i c e was s u b t l e , no more than the t e a s i n g by c h i l d r e n . 1 3 ' 7 Other times i t was l e s s so, t a k i n g on the form of d e s t r u c t i o n of p r o p e r t y and a s s a u l t . 1 3 3 In one case when the e i g h t • y e a r o l d son of a white p r o s t i t u t e murdered a Chinese man, p u b l i c sympathy was w i t h the c h i l d . 1 3 9 L e g i s l a t i o n a l s o l i m i t e d the r e s i d e n t i a l c h o i c e s of the Chinese. In 1896 as p a r t of an e f f o r t to c l e a n up the camp, Chinese l a u n d r i e s were banned from o p e r a t i n g i n the town s i t e . 1 4 0 The l o c a t i o n of the Chinatown i s c o n s i s t e n t w i t h 135. Anderson, 1986, p.24. 136. RHMA, Interview with Warren Crowe: Recollection of the Chinese who lived in Rossland, 1967, p. 2; RHMA, Interview with Ike Glover: Saloons and Chinese Populat ion in the Early Days of Rossland, 1967, p.6. 137. For examples see; RHMA, Interview with Ike Glover, 1967, p.6; The Rossland Miner, October 19, 1904. 138. Ins t a n c e s of a s s a u l t and p r o p e r t y damage appear i n the D a i l y P o l i c e Reports and the Court Dockets. 139. Rossland Court Docket, October 1, 1902; January 28, 1902; J u l y 15, 1905; October 17, 1905; Roy, 1989, p.20 c i t i n g Nelson Daily Miner, October 24, 1900. 140. The Rossland Miner, August 28, 1896. 138 the economic, s o c i a l , and l e g a l m a r g i n a l i z a t i o n encountered by the Chinese: i t was beyond the c i t y l i m i t s , near the Columbia and Western Railway s t a t i o n and was shared w i t h the c i t y ' s p r o s t i t u t e s . 1 4 1 There were few o c c u p a t i o n a l o p p o r t u n i t i e s open to the Chinese. T a b l e 9 shows t h a t the Chinese were o v e r r e p r e s e n t e d i n the s e l f employed group and the u n s k i l l e d labour groups, but u n d e r r e p r e s e n t e d i n a l l the o t h e r o c c u p a t i o n a l groups. The index of s e g r e g a t i o n f o r Chinese p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the labour f o r c e was 50.9, the g r e a t e s t among a l l e t h n i c groups measured. The mines were o f f l i m i t s t o the Chinese;, l e g i s l a t i o n i n B r i t i s h Columbia p r o h i b i t e d the employment of Chinese u n d e r g r o u n d . 1 4 2 Many of the Chinese ran or worked i n l a u n d r i e s , o t h e r s owned or laboured i n market gardens, o t h e r s were cooks, domestics, or wood choppers, and y e t o t h e r s p r o v i d e d Chinese goods and n e c e s s a r y s e r v i c e s t o t h e i r community, such as l o d g i n g houses and r e s t a u r a n t s . None of these o c c u p a t i o n s p a i d v e r y w e l l . 1 4 3 In p e r f o r m i n g some of these f u n c t i o n s the Chinese p r o v i d e d convenient s e r v i c e s t h a t l e d to a token acceptance of t h e i r presence. In the e a r l y days of a mining camp few men would f o r g o 141. I n t e r v i e w w i t h Jack MacDonald and Harry L e f e v r e , February, 1990. 142. Wyman, 1979, p.39; Roy, 1989, pp.148-149. 143. U n f o r t u n a t e l y the Chinese enumerated i n the census d i d not r e p o r t any income f i g u r e s . There i s one example of what a Chinese l a b o u r e r c o u l d earn. A sawyer c o u l d expect to earn somewhere between $.25 and $1.00 to cut 20 cords of wood, which c o u l d take anywhere from 10 to 20 days. RHMA, Interview with Ike Glover, 1967, p.5. 139 p r o s p e c t i n g or mining to run a laundry or grow•vegetables. A f t e r a time the white p o p u l a t i o n became accustomed to the Chinese i n these r o l e s . But i f the Chinese were accepted as laundrymen, cooks, gardeners and domestics they were not t o l e r a t e d as a " r a c e . " While t h i s sentiment was p e r v a s i v e a c r o s s Rossland's white p o p u l a t i o n , i t v a r i e d markedly i n i n t e n s i t y a l o n g c l a s s l i n e s . There i s l i t t l e doubt t h a t among the upper s t r a t a of Rossland s o c i e t y , the Chinese were d i s d a i n e d as a r a c e . The testimony of Bernard MacDonald, manager of the BAC mines, to the 1901 Royal Commission probably speaks f o r most of Rossland's e l i t e : I t would make no d i f f e r e n c e to us i f no more Chinese came i n . . . . I do not r e g a r d the Chinese as a c l a s s of people d e s i r a b l e to form the b a s i s of the c i t i z e n r y of the c o untry. ... I do not see why we cannot get along without these p e o p l e . 1 4 " * But d e s p i t e such a p o i n t e d statement many Rossland c i t i z e n s d i d a v a i l themselves of Chinese h e l p . The Chinese posed no economic t h r e a t t o the e l i t e and middle c l a s s ; they would lo s e n e i t h e r employees nor markets i f Chinese immigration were stopped. Instead, the Chinese were v a l u e d f o r d o i n g menial jobs f o r l i t t l e pay. Among l a b o u r e r s r a c i a l sentiments were heightened by economic concerns. The Chinese were thought to both d i r e c t l y and i n d i r e c t l y a f f e c t t h e i r l i v e l i h o o d s . As Frank 144. Canada, 1902. "Testimony of Bernard MacDonald," p.94. 140 W o o d s i d e ; s e c r e t a r y o f t h e M i n e r s ' U n i o n , a r g u e d b e f o r e t h e R o y a l C o m m i s s i o n : The C h i n e s e a n d J a p a n e s e l a b o u r e m p l o y e d b y r a i l w a y s i n d i r e c t l y a f f e c t s t h e m u c k e r s i n t h e m i n e . T h e s e men [who h a d b e e n r e p l a c e d on t h e r a i l w a y ] come i n h e r e a n d a r e e m p l o y e d a s m u c k e r s a n d f i n a l l y t h e y w o r k t h e m s e l v e s i n t o b e i n g m i n e r s a n d w o r k t h e m s e l v e s i n t o c o m p e t i t i o n w i t h t h e m a c h i n e men a n d t h e t i m b e r men a n d r e p l a c e them. T h e y a f f e c t t h e s u r f a c e men a l o n g t h e same l i n e , t h e y a f f e c t t h e o r e s o r t e r s a s t h e y a f f e c t e v e r y o n e e a r n i n g a l i v e l i h o o d i n t h e m i n e . 1 * 1 5 W o r k i n g p e o p l e o f R o s s l a n d j e a l o u s l y g u a r d e d t h e i r j o b s . F o r e x a m p l e , r e s t a u r a n t o w n e r s who h i r e d C h i n e s e c o o k s w e r e h o u n d e d i n t o l e t t i n g t h e m go ( n o t e 1 6 ) . D e s p i t e t h e i r p r o t e s t s many R o s s l a n d r e s i d e n t s c o n t i n u e d t o e m p l o y C h i n e s e c o o k s a n d g a r d e n e r s , a n d t o p a t r o n i z e C h i n e s e l a u n d r i e s a n d m a r k e t g a r d e n s . The e d i t o r o f t h e Industrial World f o u n d t h i s a p p a l l i n g , p a r t i c u l a r l y when b u s i n e s s m e n c o m p l a i n e d o f d u l l t i m e s . He r e a s o n e d : One o f t e n h e a r s b u s i n e s s m e n c o m p l a i n a s t o b u s i n e s s b e i n g q u i e t a b o u t t e n d a y s a f t e r t h e m o n t h l y p a y d a y , w h i l e a t t h e same t i m e t h o s e m e r c h a n t s who c a n a f f o r d i t , h a v e a C h i n a m a n c u t t h e i r wood, do t h e i r l a u n d r y w o r k , s u p p l y t h e i r v e g e t a b l e s a n d do t h e i r h o u s e w o r k b e s i d e s o t h e r t h i n g s . T h e n when u n i o n men s t a r t a n a g i t a t i o n r e q u e s t i n g t h e m n o t t o p a t r o n i z e t h e s e C h i n e s e scum o f t h e O r i e n t , t h e y t h r o w up t h e i r h a n d s a n d t e l l y o u t h a t , t h e y c a n n o t s e e how t h e y c a n p o s s i b l y g e t a l o n g w i t h o u t t h e " C h i n k " . I t s j u s t a s e a s y a s l i v i n g on t w o m e a l s a d a y i f y o u know y o u h a v e t o do s o - i t s i m p l y r e q u i r e s an e f f o r t , t h a t ' s a l l . 1 4 , 5 The C h i n e s e , t h o u g h a s i g n i f i c a n t f r a c t i o n o f t h e p o p u l a t i o n , w e r e s c o r n e d b y a l l , t o l e r a t e d by a few, b u t o p e n l y o p p o s e d b y a m a j o r i t y . I n R o s s l a n d , a s i n t h e r e s t 145. I b i d , " T e s t i m o n y o f F r a n k W o o d s i d e , " p.209 146. The Industrial World, S e p t e m b e r 29, 1900. 141 of B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , t h e e x p e r i e n c e o f t h e C h i n e s e i m m i g r a n t s was l a r g e l y d e f i n e d by t h e h o s t community. They were m a r g i n a l i z e d s o c i a l l y , e c o n o m i c a l l y , and s p a t i a l l y by means t h a t were o f t e n l e g i t i m i z e d by v a r i o u s l e v e l s o f government. I n many ways such m a r g i n a l i z a t i o n l i m i t e d t h e o p p o r t u n i t i e s open t o t h e C h i n e s e and f u r t h e r r e i n f o r c e d t h e n e g a t i v e s t e r e o t y p e s h e l d by " w h i t e " s o c i e t y . As R o s s l a n d ' s mines grew l a r g e r and became h e a v i l y m echanized t h e p o p u l a t i o n of t h e c i t y became f u n d a m e n t a l l y s t r a t i f i e d . C l a s s , gender, and e t h n i c i t y became c r u c i a l i n d e t e r m i n i n g t h e o p p o r t u n i t i e s and e x p e r i e n c e s a r e s i d e n t c o u l d have. These t h r e e s o c i a l d i v i d e s were d e a l t w i t h s e p a r a t e l y . but i t s h o u l d be a p p a r e n t t h a t t h e y were i n e x o r a b l y l i n k e d . C l a s s was t h e most p e r v a s i v e . The p o p u l a t i o n was s t r a t i f i e d by r e l a t i o n s h i p t o t h e means of p r o d u c t i o n . C l a s s c o n s c i o u s n e s s was g r e a t e s t among th e w o r k i n g p e o p l e ; common e x p e r i e n c e s a t work and. home u n i t i n g them. O f t e n t h e y o r g a n i z e d i n t o u n i o n s t o p r o t e c t t h e m s e l v e s from e x p l o i t a t i o n . The b e s t example of t h i s i s t h e M i n e r s ' U n i o n . I n t h e f a c e o f c o n s t a n t i n t r a n s i g e n c e on t h e p a r t of t h e mine management a b i t t e r s t r i k e ensued f o r h i g h e r wages and u n i o n r e c o g n i t i o n . Among th e s m a l l r e m a i n d e r of t h e p o p u l a t i o n t h e r e was l e s s d i s p o s i t i o n t o a c t as a c l a s s . 142 a l t h o u g h a c t i o n based on concern f o r t h e i r investments i n Rossland d i d have c l a s s r a m i f i c a t i o n s . C l a s s d i f f e r e n c e s p l a y e d an important p a r t i n d e t e r m i n i n g gender r o l e s and how i n t e r - g e n d e r r e l a t i o n s h i p s f u n c t i o n e d . S i n g l e men and women both had to be employed t o s u r v i v e . M a r r i e d men a l s o had to work and were r e q u i r e d , by c u l t u r a l d i c t a t e , to earn a f a m i l y wage. M a r r i e d women were g e n e r a l l y not employed, but working c l a s s wives had to work . hard i n the home to make ends meet. C l a s s d i f f e r e n c e s were a l s o c r u c i a l i n i n t e r -e t h n i c r e l a t i o n s h i p s . The Chinese and those d e f i n e d as 'new immigrants"' were h e l d i n low esteem among most of the p o p u l a t i o n . . Among the working c l a s s , however, th e r e was an added economic i m p e r a t i v e , these people were seen as t h r e a t s to t h e i r l i v e l i h o o d s . Many of the 'new immigrants' were accepted, at l e a s t among the working c l a s s , because of the common ex p e r i e n c e s of e x p l o i t a t i o n and h a r d s h i p they shared. For example, the w i l l i n g n e s s of immigrant l a b o u r e r s t o p a r t i c i p a t e i n the miners' s t r i k e h e l p e d a l l e v i a t e e t h n i c t e n s i o n s . But the Chinese r e p r e s e n t e d an a l i e n f a c t o r to Europeans. P r e j u d i c e and d i s c r i m i n a t i o n , l e g i t i m i z e d by a l l l e v e l s of government, prevented them from g a i n i n g r e s i d e n t s t a t u s . They were looked down upon as c u l t u r a l i n f e r i o r s by the upper s t r a t a and d e s p i s e d and f e a r e d as economic t h r e a t s by the working c l a s s . The f o r m u l a t i o n s of Hagerstrand, Giddens, and Pred s h o u l d have a l s o been apparent i n t h i s c h a pter. The 1 4 3 r e s i d e n t s of Rossland d i d not c o n f r o n t economic and s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e s i n a vacuum. C l a s s , gender, and e t h n i c i t y were p a r t of the f a b r i c of everyday l i f e . I n d i v i d u a l p e r c e p t i o n s of work and s o c i e t y were formulated, not o n l y through i n t e r a c t i o n w i t h work and c a p i t a l i s m , but a l s o i n the home, the community, and o t h e r i n s t i t u t i o n s such as e t h n i c o r g a n i z a t i o n s . Through d a i l y i n t e r a c t i o n w i t h the people a s s o c i a t e d w i t h these p l a c e s , a t t i t u d e s towards work and s o c i e t y were s a n c t i o n e d and a r t i c u l a t e d ; s h e l t e r and employment c o u l d be found;. and hopes and f e a r s c o u l d be shared. • 144 Map 6 E t h n i c Neighbourhoods i n Rossland approx. 1902 Source: Chas. E. Goad, F i r e Insurance Maps, 1897 Used by S c a l e : 1 i n c h = 500 f e e t p e r m i s s i o n of the B r i t i s h Map L i b r a r y ; I n t e r v i e w s with Jake MacDonald and Henry L e f e v r e , February, 1990. Conclusion In the introduction the diorama was touted as a useful approach i n an inquiry such as the one undertaken i n t h i s t h e s i s . The choice of a diorama, i t was argued, allowed Rossland, i t s economic geography, and i t s residents to be viewed as a complete e n t i t y and as part of a wider world. The format for t h i s t h esis, consequently, approximates a diorama. The f i r s t chapter supplied the broad context or background. I t began with the discovery of gold i n C a l i f o r n i a and then traced the development of lode mining through the western c o r d i l l e r a . I t also introduced some of the t e c h n i c a l advances i n lode mining and t h e i r s o c i a l r a m i f i c a t i o n s , i t i s useful to be aware of t h i s material. Much of i t r e l a t e d to what was happening at Rossland. By the time Gold was discovered on Red Mountain many of the d i f f i c u l t i e s of lode mining i n the western c o r d i l l e r a had been worked out. Thus, a mining i n f r a s t r u c t u r e of mechanized mines, railways, and smelters, under the guidance of shrewd mining entrepren/Gfers, was quickly established. Rossland also 146 p l a y e d a r o l e i n the c o n t i n u e d u n f o l d i n g of the l a r g e r p i c t u r e of western c o r d i l l e r a n l ode mining. The d e f e a t of the union i n the s t r i k e of 1901-1902, a l o n g w i t h o t h e r f a c t o r s , l e d to the WFM's embrace of s o c i a l i s m . The second c h a p t e r narrowed the f o c u s . I t i n t r o d u c e d and d e s c r i b e d the economic geography of Ros s l a n d between 1887 and 1902. Rossland began as a s m a l l t e n t camp on the t r a i l l e a d i n g from the Columbia R i v e r to the mines on Red Mountain. These mines, however, i n i t i a l l y c r e a t e d l i t t l e e xcitement. W i t h i n a couple of y e a r s f o r t u n e s changed and Rossland boomed. But the boom passed q u i c k l y , by the middle of 1897 the time of easy wealth was over. By 1898 many of the l a r g e mines had been taken over by l a r g e Canadian and B r i t i s h c o r p o r a t i o n s . T u r n - o f - t h e - c e n t u r y R o s s l a n d was a mature, t h r i v i n g mining town w i t h i t s f o r t u n e s based on the output of a s m a l l number of h i g h l y mechanized mines. Again, a wide p e r s p e c t i v e was u s e f u l . For example, l e g i s l a t i o n passed by the p r o v i n c i a l government and news of the new g o l d r u s h to the Klondyke both c o n t r i b u t e d to the end of the Rossland boom. In the t h i r d c h apter the p e r s p e c t i v e was narrowed a g a i n , f o c u s i n g on the s o c i a l geography of Ro s s l a n d . The primary argument of t h i s t h e s i s was t h a t t h e r e was a r e l a t i o n s h i p between the l e v e l o f c a p i t a l investment i n the mines and s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e . I t appears t h a t t h i s was borne 1 4 7 out. V a r y i n g access to the means of p r o d u c t i o n c r e a t e d a s t r a t i f i e d s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e , e f f e c t e d gender and e t h n i c r e l a t i o n s h i p s , and seg r e g a t e d r e s i d e n t i a l p a t t e r n s and the l a b o u r f o r c e . An important f a c e t of t h i s argument was t h a t i s s u e s of c l a s s , gender, and e t h n i c i t y were r e a l i t i e s i n e x t r i c a b l e y l i n k e d to everyday l i f e . I n t e r a c t i o n w i t h s t r u c t u r e s and people i n a v a r i e t y of s e t t i n g s h e l p e d f o r m u l a t e , shape, and a r t i c u l a t e v a l u e s and i d e o l o g i e s . Though i t would be tempting t o t i e s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e to the p l a c e s and c o n d i t i o n s of work i t seems t h a t the home and community were a l s o c r u c i a l l y important i n the s o c i a l i z a t i o n p r o c e s s . The r e a l i t i e s of work were, f o r the most p a r t , e a s i l y t r a n s l a t e d i n t o the home and community. The diorama approach, then, o f f e r s a way to s e t human i n t e r a c t i o n i n time and space. I t all o w s such i n t e r a c t i o n Ve to ^viewed i n terms of the v e r y b i g , such as economic and s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e s , but a l s o i n terms of the s m a l l , such as i n d i v i d u a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s w i t h o t h e r people and t o o l s , among o t h e r t h i n g s . As Ha g e r s t r a n d contends, d a i l y l i f e was made up of involvement i n paths, p r o j e c t s , and a c t i v i t y bundles such as, work i n the mines, c a r i n g f o r the f a m i l y home, or a t t e n d i n g s o c i a l f u n c t i o n s . But i t s h o u l d be e v i d e n t t h a t the i n t e r a c t i o n which o c c u r r e d i n these p l a c e s i s a l s o i mportant. Everyday i n t e r a c t i o n w i t h people, p l a c e s , and s t r u c t u r e s were i n s t r u m e n t a l i n i n f o r m i n g d e c i s i o n s and a c t i o n s . 148 B i b l i o g r a p h y Books and A r t i c l e s "Annual G e n e r a l Meetings of the I n s t i t u t e . 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S p e c i a l C o l l e c t i o n s D i v i s i o n . Angus Mclnnis Collection. Box 3 4 - F i l e 8. 156 APPENDIX A OCCUPATIONAL CODES-ROSSLAND 1901 CENSUS* 1. P r o f e s s i o n a l s , High White C o l l a r , and C a p i t a l i s t s . P R O F E S S I O N A L S — t r a d i t i o n a l p r o f e s s i o n s (medicine, law, r e l i g i o n ) and p r o f e s s i o n s such as e n g i n e e r i n g , a r c h i t e c t u r e , and a c c o u n t i n g when the per s o n i s employed by a f i r m s p e c i a l i z i n g i n t h a t s e r v i c e . accountant a r c h i t e c t b a r r i s t e r c. e ngineer c a p t a i n of S a l v a t i o n Army chemist c i v i l e n g i neer d e n t i s t draughtsman d r u g g i s t e l e c t r i c a l e n g i n e e r g e o l o g i c a l e n g ineer lawyer mechanical draftsman mechanical e n g i n e e r mine engineer mining e x p e r t m i n i s t e r nurse p h y s i c i a n p r o f e s s i o n a l nurse p r o f e s s o r of music s o l i c i t o r v e t e r i n a r y surgeon HIGH WHITE COLLAR AND C A P I T A L I S T S — c o r p o r a t e o f f i c e r s and major government o f f i c i a l s , owners of l a r g e f i r m s r e q u i r i n g l a r g e investment of c a p i t a l . bank manager c a p i t a l i s t c h i e f of f i r e department c h i e f of p o l i c e c o l o n i a l agent com. of t e a c h e r s g e n e r a l manager of mine g o l d commissioner mine owner news e d i t o r U.S. c o n s u l a t e agent * Adapted from O l i v i e r Zunz, The Changing face of Inequality: Urbanization, Industrial Developments and Immigrants in Detroit, (Chicago: U n i v e r i s i t y of Chicago P r e s s , 1982) Appendix 3. 157 2. WHITE COLLAR—employees of a l l types of f i r m s whose jobs do not i n v o l v e manual p r o d u c t i o n or who do not render s e r v i c e s w i t h t h e i r hands ( i n s p e c t o r s , s a l e s p e o p l e , c l e r k s , c a s h i e r s , buyers, agents, t e a c h e r s , r e a l e s t a t e a g e n t s ) . accountant a s s a y e r a s s t i s t a n t p o s t master bank c l e r k banker b o a r d i n g house manager book c l e r k bookkeeper b u i l d i n g s u p e r i n t e n d a n t c a r i n s p e c t o r c i t y a s s e s s o r c l e r k c l o t h i n g s t o r e c l e r k c o l l e c t o r of customs com. agent com. t r a v e l l e r c o n f e c t i o n a r y c l e r k customs o f f i c e r d r y goods c l e r k d r y goods salesman e x c i s e o f f i c e r express agent f a n c y goods c l e r k f e e d barn manager f e e d s t o r e manager f r u i t s t o r e c l e r k g e n e r a l manager g e n e r a l s t o r e c l e r k g e n e r a l s t o r e manager government c l e r k g r o c e r y c l e r k hardware c l e r k h o t e l c l e r k i n s u r a n c e c l e r k j e w e l e r y c l e r k j e w e l r y company manager j o u r n a l i s t l a n d agent law s tudent lawyer's o f f i c e c l e r k l i q u o r s t o r e c l e r k l o a n agent lumber manager manager manufacturers agent meat market manager messenger s e r v i c e c l e r k messenger s e r v i c e manager mine manager mine o f f i c e mine s u p e r i n t e n d a n t mining agent m i s s i o n mt s t u d e n t n i g h t c l e r k o f f i c e c l e r k o f f i c e manager pay master p o l l s t e r p o s t master p o s t o f f i c e a s s i s t a n t p o s t o f f i c e c l e r k p u r c h a s i n g agent r a i l w a y agent r a i l w a y b r o k e r r a i l w a y time keeper r e g i s t r a r of county c o u r t r e g i s t r a r of town salesman s a n i t a r y i n s p e c t o r s e c r e t a r y of miner's u n i o n s h o e s t o r e c l e r k s k a t i n g r i n k manager stenographer s t o r e keeper s t o r e manager s u p e r i n t e n d a n t of h o s p i t a l t e a t a s t e r t e a c h e r t e l e g r a p h o f f i c e telephone c l e r k telephone company manager time keeper 158 3. N o n - R e t a i l P r o p r i e t o r s , R e t a i l P r o p r i e t o r s , and  Craftsmen. NON-RETAIL PROPRIETORS—persons s e l f - e m p l o y e d or employing o t h e r s s i n n o n - r e t a i l e n t e r p r i s e s ( i n d u c i n g s e r v i c e e n t e r p r i s e s such as h o t e l s and b o a r d i n g houses) t h a t do nto o b v i o u s l y r e q u i r e l a r g e c a p i t a l investment. agent a s s a y e r barber b i l l i a r d h a l l b r o k e r b u i l d e r b u i l d i n g c o n t r a c t o r chemist customs bro k e r expressman gardener h a i r d r e s s e r horse t r a i n e r h o t e l keeper i n s u r a n c e agent keeper of a roman bath l a b o u r buyer laundryman(ess) l i v e r y barns l i v e r y m a n lodginghouse keeper messenger s e r v i c e mine s p e c u l a t o r mining b r o k e r music t e a c h e r p a i n t e r photographer p l a s t e r e r r e a l e s t a t e b r o k e r r e a l e s t a t e r e s t a u r a n t and rooms r e s t a u r a n t e r s i g n p a i n t e r s p e c u l a t o r s t o c k b r o k e r s t o c k b r o k e r teamster undertaker u p h o l s t e r e r wash house RETAIL PROPRIETORS—persons s e l f employed or employing o t h e r s i n an e n t e r p r i s e l i k e l y t o c a r r y on the s a l e of goods at a r e g u l a r i n t e r v a l at a permanent l o c a t i o n . baker b i k e s book s e l l e r b oots & shoes brewer b u t c h e r c i g a r maker c l o t h i n g merchant com. produce c o n f e c t i o n e r dressmaker d r y goods merchant e l e c t r i c goods merchant fa n c y goods merchant f e e d s t o r e f r u i t merchant f u r n i t u r e d i s t r i b u t o r g e n e r a l merchant g r o c e r i c e merchant hardware merchant j e w e l l e r l i q u o r merchant lumber merchant merchant m i l k merchant m i l l i n e r y s t o r e music and p a i n t i n g s news agent produce merchant s a l o o n keeper sawmill p r o p r i e t o r seamstress s t a t i o n a r y and news s t a t i o n e r t a i l o r t o b a c c o n i s t watchmaker 159 CRAFTSMEN-people s e l f employed whose o c c u p a t i o n i s among t r a d i t i o n a l t r a d e s . b l a c k s m i t h p l a s t e r e r c a b i n e t maker plumber c a r p e n t e r p r i n t e r harness maker shoemaker m a c h i n i s t tanner 4. S k i l l e d and S e m i - s k i l l e d wage and s e r v i c e workers. SKILLED AND SEMI-SKILLED WAGE LABOUR—persons i n v o l v e d i n p r o d u c i n g w i t h t h e i r hands, or by d i r e c t l y s u p e r v i s i n g or o p e r a t i n g machinery, a m a t e r i a l good from the s a l e s of which the employees d e r i v e wages-included here are s k i l l e d r a i l w a y / s t r e e t c a r workers. a p p r e n t i c e baker b l a c k s m i t h b o i l e r m a k e r book b i n d e r brewer b r i c k l a y e r b r i c k mason b u i l d e r b u t c h e r c a r p e n t e r c a r p e t l a y e r c i g a r maker cooper diamond d r i l l s e t t e r diamond d r i l l e r dressmaker d r u g g i s t d r u g g i s t ' s a p p r e n t i c e e l e c t i c i a n e n g i neer f a r r i e r foreman g o l d miner gun smith harness maker hoistman l a t h e r lineman l o c o m o t i v e engineer lumberforeman m a c h i n i s t m a c h i n i s t ' s a p p r e n t i c e master mechanic mechanic m i l l i n e r m i l l w r i t e mine o p e r a t o r mining foreman p l a s t e r e r plumber pressman p r i n t e r p r i n t e r ' s a p p r e n t i c e p u g i l i s t r a i l w a y foreman sampler of ore s e c t i o n foreman s h i f t boss s t a t y . e n gineer steam engineer stone c u t t e r stone c u t t e r ' s a p p r e n t i c e stone mason s u p e r i n t e n d e n t of mining t a i l o r tanner telephone lineman timberman t i n s m i t h t y p e w r i t e r 160 SKILLED AND SEMI SKILLED SERVICE WORKERS—Persons d e r i v i n g wages from a s e r v i c e preformed w i t h t h e i r hands—when these s e r v i c e s do not render a product, and whose job r e q u i r e s a degree of t r a i n i n g and e x p e r i e n c e . a c t o r ( r e s s ) photographer b a r b e r p i a n i s t b a r t e n d e r p o l i c e s ergeant f i r e m a n policeman horse t r a i n e r s c a l e s j o c k e y s h e r i f f m u s i c i a n surveyor p . l . s u r v e y o r t h e a t e r p a i n t e r 5. U n s k i l l e d Wage and S e r v i c e Labour. UNSKILLED WAGE LABOUR—perso work f o r a manufacturing f i r m sweepers, t r u c k d r i v e r s , e t c . b o t t l e r b.s. h e l p e r brakeman b u i l d i n g l a b o u r e r c i t y l a b o u r e r d a i r y worker express l a b o u r e r f r e i g h t m a n gardener l a b o u r e r lumberman mine l a b o u r e r ore s o r t e r is p a i d f o r r e n d e r i n g menial of some k i n d — d o e s not i n c l u d e pork packer q u a r r y l a b o u r e r r a i l w a y l a b o u r e r ropeman r a i l w a y yardman sawyer s t r e e t l a b o u r e r s w i t c h t e n d e r teamster trainman water works l a b o u r e r wood chopper 161 UNSKILLED SERVICE LABOUR—a person p a i d f o r r e n d e r i n g menial s e r v i c e s w i t h t h e i r hands (domestics, p o r t e r s , s t e v e d o r e s , and sweepers, r e g a r d l e s s of employer). 6. O t h e r s — i n c l u d e s farmers and those employed i n  oc c u p a t i o n s which d e f y c l a s s i f i c a t i o n . FARMERS c h i c k e n r a n c h e r d a i r y farmer poultryman MISCELLANEOUS OCCUPATIONS e d i m o l o g i s t gambler p r o s p e c t o r a s s t . steward baggageman bank c o l l e c t o r bank messenger b e l l boy ca r c l e a n e r c a r e t a k e r chambermaid c l o t h e r c l e a n e r c o l l e c t o r conductor cook d e l i v e r y boy dishwasher domestic d r i v e r express messenger i r o n e r j a i l e r j a n i t o r laundryman messenger milkman newsboy p o r t e r s e r v a n t stableman steward of c l u b telephone messenger telephone o p e r a t o r w a i t e r w a i t r e s s washwoman watchman 162 

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