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UBC Theses and Dissertations

Political reform in the Republic of China on Taiwan Rensted, Paul Milo 1989

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POLITICAL REFORM IN THE REPUBLIC OF CHINA ON TAIWAN By PAUL MILO RENSTED B.A., Augsburg C o l l e g e ,  1987  A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE  REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in  THE  FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES  (Department o f P o l i t i c a l  Science)  We a c c e p t t h i s t h e s i s as conforming to the required standard  THE  UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA December (cV  1989  P a u l M i l o Rensted,  1989  In  presenting  degree freely  at  this  the  available  copying  of  department publication  of  in  partial  fulfilment  University  of  British  Columbia,  for  this or  thesis  reference  thesis by  this  for  his thesis  and  scholarly  or for  her  Department The University of British Columbia Vancouver, Canada  DE-6  (2/88)  I  I further  purposes  gain  the  shall  requirements  agree  that  agree  may  representatives.  financial  permission.  Date  study.  of  be  It not  that  the  be  Library  an  advanced  shall  permission for  granted  is  for  by  understood allowed  the  make  extensive  head  that  without  it  of  copying my  my or  written  Abstract The thesis looks at the question of political change in Taiwan. Specifically  it examines the question of whether or not political  liberalization  has  occurred  development.  The thesis also evaluates the extent of the political  reform that has occurred.  simply  as  a  result  of  economic  After examining a variety of information  on the economic development and social changes, as well as the political history of the island, the thesis looks at specific political reforms.  The conclusion is drawn that the process of political reform  in Taiwan is not a carefully pre-determined plan on the part of the political elite.  Rather, political reform is the response of the ruling  Kuomintang to try and perpetuate their hold on power. occur only as they serve that particular goal.  Reforms  iii  Table L i s t of Tables  of  Contents iv  Chapter One  Theory  1  Chapter Two  Background  5  Chapter Three  The Politics of Taiwan: the key actors  35  Chapter Four  The Politics of Taiwan: the conflict  52  Chapter Five  The Politics of Taiwan: political reforms  72  Chapter Six  Conclusion  89  Bibliography  98  List o f Tables  Table One: Indicators of Social Development Table Two: Ethnic differences in social, cultural and economic organization Table Three: Individual reasons for joining the Kuomintang  Theory  Taiwan is one of the economic miracles of the twentieth century.  It  is grouped together with South Korea, Hong Kong, and Singapore as a showcase of economic development. economic  development  Due to the successful nature of  in these states, and the desirability of  replicating that success elsewhere, political scientists have worked to develop models that explain how such success has been achieved. One such model is the theory of 'intentional development' offered by Chalmers Johnson (Johnson South Korean Democratization).  Johnson's  model is used to explain the economic success of South Korea, though it may be worthwhile to apply it to Taiwan since there are frequent comparisons of the two countries due to their similarities.  Johnson, along with a large number of others in this field, writes of the strong parallels between South Korea and Taiwan—and of the similarities in their processes of economic development.  He creates  this theory to explain how economic development and, to a lesser extent, social development, leads to changes in the political sphere, or what he terms political development.  Johnson emphasizes the role of  the political leadership of a state in guiding democratization.  Given  the frequent comparisons of the process of development of Taiwan to that of South Korea, and the linkage of economics to politics, this theory bears closer examination. of  where  economic  Taiwan is often cited as an example  development  guided by those in power.  has  produced democratization  Whether this is indeed the case, or  whether the process of political change is more likely the result of various pressures on the ruling elite, is the focus of this paper.  In this theory, development is always expressed in terms of 'per capita' gains.  Thus, economic development is measured by per capita  increases in productivity; social development is measured by per capita increases in quality of life areas such as increases in life expectancy, health care, education and so forth; political development is measured by per capita increases in access to forums where decisions for the whole of society are made (Johnson South Korean Democratization 5).  Johnson explains that the guiding principle of this theory is that it is extremely difficult to promote development successfully in all three sectors simultaneously.  Consequently, it is necessary to concentrate  the efforts of the state and its resources upon one sector, making adjustments  in  the  others  when  necessary.  Eventually  the  development of one sector will have a spillover effect and help spur development in the other sectors.  This theory is essentially one of  unbalanced development, with one sector leading the way and pulling the others along.  Johnson asserts that there are four crucial elements necessary for the success of intentional development.  These are: 1) a receptive social  environment; 2) determined leadership; 3) technical competence; and 4) capital (Johnson South Korean Democratization 4).  Without all of  these elements the potential for success is greatly diminished, and  development is likely to be impeded.  We need to examine each  element individually for a clear understanding of the role it plays in the development process.  A  receptive  social environment is rather a catch-all category  consisting primarily of cultural factors.  Simply put, development  cannot succeed in an environment that is hostile or opposed to the economic  activities  development.  that  are  an  integral  part  of  economic  Neither is development going to succeed in an  environment that is torn by ethnic strife or where economic affairs have a low priority.  Determined leadership essentially means that the regime in power is able to set and maintain the appropriate priorities for achieving development. development  The leadership must into  economic,  manipulate them accordingly. separation is a major question.  social,  be  able  to  dis-aggregate  and political sectors and  Whether it is possible to create this The role of leadership becomes one  of pushing one aspect of development at the expense of the other two.  Clearly, the leadership must be extremely competent and well  organized to accomplish such a difficult task. development  Making economic  the priority requires that the leadership be able  somehow to isolate the political and social sectors while economic development is given full attention.  Over time, and corresponding to  development, the role of leadership will become one of balancing the uneven levels of economic, social and political development in order to maintain some sort of equilibrium, which in turn will reinforce the  gains made in the area of economic development by guaranteeing stability.  Technical competence refers to the existence of an educated elite to guide the process of development.  Essentially, there is a need for  expertise to translate the goals into action. education, emphasis  large on  numbers of  improving  the  students quality  Heavy investments in  studying  abroad,  and quantity  of  and an education  received are all characteristics of this developmental process and its pressing need for technical competence.  Finally, no matter to what extent a society possesses all of the three previous necessary elements for intentional development, it will get nowhere without capital.  The money can come from any number of  sources, it can be squeezed out of the populace or borrowed from abroad, but it must be there.  Generally it comes from forced savings,  borrowing and international aid. possible  to  engage  in the  Without the capital it is not  various  activities  that  will  promote  development (Johnson South Korean Democratization 4-5).  The theory seeks to explain how the leadership of South Korea was able to guide the economic success of that country and then translate that  into  political democratization.  The theory  states that if  intentional development is utilized, then democratization will follow. To what extent this is indeed the case is considered now in this look at the Republic of China on Taiwan.  Background  Before considering the politics of Taiwan it is helpful to have some background information.  This chapter provides that background  information in three specific areas.  The first section provides a brief  overview of the political history of Taiwan to the death of Chiang Kai-shek.  The second  section  examines  economic  and social  development on Taiwan, considering the successes and problems. The final section in this chapter provides a brief summary of political developments in the past dozen years.  Political  History of  Taiwan  During the Imperial period, Taiwan had a distant relationship with China.  Taiwan was ruled by appointees of the Emperor, but they  enjoyed a great deal of autonomy; Taiwan was indeed on the periphery of the Middle Kingdom.  After the Sino-Japanese war  ended in 1895, Taiwan was ceded to Japan, and remained under Japanese control until 1945.  The Japanese ruled the island in an  authoritarian manner, giving the indigenous people little or no say in the running of the island.  The Japanese concentrated on building up  the infrastructure and educational level of the Taiwanese.  By 1945  the infrastructure and economy of the island, despite the war, was more developed than the mainland.  The populace was better  educated and enjoyed a higher standard of living.  With the departure of the Japanese, the island came under control of the KMT, which was in the midst of an ongoing conflict with the  communists for control of China. rule by the KMT.  Taiwan was placed under military  The first military commander to rule Taiwan was  Chen Yi, who did so in a brutal manner. The Nationalist troops on the island used all means to expropriate resources for troops still fighting on the mainland.  Corruption was also widespread, and sapped what  remained of the resources of Taiwan.  The Taiwanese had not  expected to be treated more harshly by their fellow Chinese than they had been by the Japanese, and instead of having a greater role in governing themselves, the Taiwanese saw 'carpetbaggers' from the mainland assume the positions of authority on the island. government  feeling  culminated  government on 28 February 1947.  in  an  uprising  against  Antithe  The uprising was suppressed  through the use of considerable violence, which cost an estimated 20,000 Taiwanese their lives.  Chen Yi was replaced by a more honest and able administrator, Chen Cheng, who placed primary emphasis on economic reconstruction. The KMT government was fully in control of, and based on, the island by 1949.  In 1950, Chiang Kai-shek ended a year long retirement and  once again became head of the government, party and military. The decision, the same year, of the Americans to use the US Seventh Fleet to prevent a communist invasion of Taiwan gave the KMT the opportunity to concentrate on domestic development.  Confidence in  the future grew with the protection and financial backing of the Americans.  1954  saw the signing of a mutual defense treaty  between the US and Taiwan, which was followed a year later by a resolution empowering the US President to use military means if  necessary to defend Taiwan or the offshore islands from attack. Widespread land reform, the lack of which was an important cause of the KMT defeat on the mainland, was undertaken.  The government that was brought over to Taiwan was based on the 1947 Constitution.  Before the government  moved to Taiwan it had  invoked the emergency measures portion of the constitution.  On 19  May 1949 martial law was declared, which was followed one day later by the declaration of a state of siege.  Extensive curbs were  placed on political and human rights, and a whole list of actions became capital offenses.  Over the next three years several decrees  clarifying offenses and punishments were issued.  The military had  responsibility for investigating, apprehending and prosecuting those charged with security offenses.  In July 1951, elections were held for local officials for both cities and counties.  Provincial and local level elections have been held every  four years since that time.  1969 was the first year in which elections  were held for the national government.  These 'supplementary'  elections were held again in 1972 and 1973. supplementary because  those elected  They are termed  are adding to the number  already in the national government who had been elected on the mainland prior to 1949 and essentially have lifetime tenure.  The  notable lack of Taiwanese input into the national government is a result of the ROC claim to be the legitimate government of all of China.  It has been the source of a great deal of unrest and tension  between the mainlanders and the Taiwanese.  For the most, part  activities that sought to promote a change in this state of affairs were met with swift and harsh punishment.  People were arrested and  imprisoned, some were exiled, and a fair number lost their lives.  It  was not until the early 1970s that some dissent, or discussion, about the government was allowed.  In 1972,  when Chiang Ching-kuo  became premier he made a commitment to make some reforms (Gregor and Chang ROC and US Policy 50-54).  A system of social welfare was established in a rudimentary way, and rural  development  enhancing  workers  was  rights  projects was provided.  stressed.  Labor  and funding  for  laws  and met  Chiang Ching-kuo undertook a direct personal  with  many  different  authority of the government and the KMT. as meeting  passed  major infrastructure  campaign to meet with all segments of the population. country  were  groups  to  He toured the enhance  the  These policies were seen  the 'appropriate' demands of the population.  Direct  election of the national government remained out of the question, because of the threat it would pose to KMT legitimacy.  This was the  state of affairs at the death of President Chiang Kai-shek on 5 April 1975.  Economic  development  There can be no dispute that economic development on Taiwan has been an astounding success.  To call this a miracle is not quite  accurate, in that it is possible to locate many of the factors that have brought this 'miracle' about.  Indeed the economic miracle of the  Republic of China is due to a thoroughgoing application of neoclassical  economics  (Wade  31).  This  section  on economic  considers five separate aspects of this development.  development The first four  come directly from the theory of intentional development: receptive social  environment;  and capital.  determined  leadership;  technical  competence;  The last aspect is the consequence of the above, namely  growth and the subsequent changes or implications of that growth.  Social  Environment:  The social environment on Taiwan has been stable, especially when its  ambiguous international position is taken into account.  Confucian  cultural tradition and its  communitarianism,  and duty have  strong  emphasis  on family,  provided both stability  fertile ground for economic development.  The  and a  Many of the Confucian  ethics, such as an emphasis on hard work or education, serve to facilitate the process of development. in  a number of  Singapore  This phenomenon is apparent  Chinese societies, particularly Hong Kong and  (Hsu 22-23).  Pragmatic  upward mobility, acceptance  assessment of  channels  for  of an authoritarian state and strong  bureaucracy, ambition for self and family, high value on education, frugality present  and  entrepreneurship,  though  an accurate assessment of the  Taiwanese society (Gold 125-126).  broad  generalizations,  cultural characteristics  of  The same can be said of South  Korea, which shares a similar cultural tradition and whose economic development  is  slightly  behind  that  of  Taiwan  for  reasons  attributable to divergent policies (Lau 139).  The Confucian cultural  tradition has been a boon to economic development on Taiwan.  *  The Republic of China on Taiwan has generally enjoyed political and social stability.  This can be attributed to a number of different  sources, in particular the authoritarian political structure and martial law.  Other sources may include: a rising standard of living, the  possibility  for  social  kinship/family ties.  mobility,  and  the  existance  of  strong  The sense of stability that existed created a  climate which attracted foreign investment domestic capital on the island.  and also helped  keep  Restrictions on the export of foreign  currency and a cheap labor force were also significant factors.  In  spite of cleavages between mainlanders and Taiwanese and perhaps because of the external threat to the Republic of China the citizens on the island placed a high premium on stability and on economic success.  The people living on Taiwan were receptive in terms of  educational infrastructure  background and level and economic  of  development,  meaning  base built up during the  the  years  Japanese control, to economic development on a large scale.  of The  leadership for this development was provided by the K M T regime which, with American assistance, undertook large-scale land reform. The net effect of this land reform was positive in economic terms, and socially it created large numbers of people who owed their * It is interesting to note that the Confucian social ethos is often cited as the chief impediment to development in the pre-republican era. One possible explanation for this reversal may be in a change in the circumstances of China—from Middle Kingdom to a country dominated by foreigners—and the subsequent recognition of the need to incorporate foreign technology and business methods.  livelihood to the regime.  This fact made them more open to the  policies of the K M T regime in economics in particular, but other areas as well.  One very important area for stability is that of labor relations, particularly for attracting foreign investment.  Taiwan, like South  Korea, has strong legislation regulating unions and their activities. The unions that exist have been under close K M T supervision, with party controls over leadership selection and union activities.  During  the many years of martial law, strikes and collective bargaining were prohibited (Johnson Political Institutions and Economic Performance 150).  The relatively tranquil and cheap labor force brought in much  by way of foreign investment, creation.  technology  transfer and enterprise  It was because of its ability to provide cheap labor that  Taiwan was able to begin the process of economic development on a large scale.  Export promotion and realistic interest rates to promote economic growth had beneficial effects upon the social environment as well as upon  economic  statistics.  There  has  been  a  tremendous  improvement in the living standards of the people of Taiwan.  The  equitable distribution of income along with the higher standard of living has given those who have benefitted  from development a  stake in the continued stability of Taiwan (Lau 4).  The continued  economic success of of Taiwan is dependent upon political stability which  is  conducive  to  further  economic  participation in the international economy.  development  and  One possibility is that in  order to protect their economic gains some Taiwanese have been willing to give lower priority to political reform.  Given the K M T experience with class cleavages in the form of a peasant uprising/revolution on the mainland, the K M T regime was sensitive to the problem on Taiwan.  This seems to be the main  driving force behind the emphasis on equitable income distribution. The KMT worked on Taiwan to minimize class differences and the conflict  that generally results from too great a stratification of  society.  In one sense the development of cleavages along economic  lines which has occurred on Taiwan since the mid-1960s has been a positive phenomenon—since it shows that possibly ethnic cleavages may be crosscut by economic ones (Koo 171).  There is some  difficulty in obtaining reliable information to ascertain whether these cleavages are cross-cutting.  The efforts to keep class differences at a  minimum and to provide opportunities for social and economic mobility have helped maintain the social stability that is crucial to Taiwan's economic performance.  Presently the difference between  the richest fifth of society and the poorest fifth is only 4.18, meaning that the richest 20% earn 4.18 times as much as the poorest 20%—it was estimated to be as high as 11.56 in 1961 (Gold 112).  Determined  Leadership:  Government officials will maintain that the ROC's economic policy is to let market forces take their course. accurate assessment.  This is not an entirely  The role of the government in the economy in  the Republic of China is small when compared to the development  experiences of South Korea or Japan, nonetheless there has been an important  governmental role  leadership role development  of  three  the  (Lau 145).  In order to  government in the  items  bear  process  consideration:  of  the  see  the  economic goals  and  philosophy of the government; the implementation of those goals through specific policies; and the results of the process.  The K M T approach to economic development is that there must be planning within the context of a free market economy.  The idea is  that the state will help provide a suitable climate for economic development,  and even  nurture that  development  Eventually this support should not be necessary,  if  necessary.  as development  progresses and these enterprises are able to fend off the competition in  the domestic  free  market economy  (Lau 44).  Out of  this  philosophy came the goals of helping to create a favorable climate for economic development, with particular emphasis on industrialization. Also important were the goals of growth with equity and stability, in order to maintain the long-term health of the economy and the polity.  The economy of Taiwan is a guided market economy.  The guidance  comes mainly from government manipulation of the market rather than direct governmental controls over industry.  Initiative and the  profit incentive all remain—with the state working to achieve its goals through various incentives.  The means of production and  supply and demand remain outside of government control (White  and Wade 5-6).  The government intervenes in the market to protect  its goals, generally that of stable industrialization.  The  government  and private industry do not  without sharing some information. things  like  statements. accordingly.  government  budgets  make their plans  There is interaction through  and industry's  profit  and loss  The two sides can see what is happening and respond Thus, if the government perceives a certain domestic  industry is threatened, it may provide relief via tax breaks (Johnson Political Institutions and Economic Performance 142).  This way the  government is able to insure that the economic development that is occurring will meet what it determines are the long term needs of the Republic of China.  Industry is able merely to follow the market,  and make decisions based on the economics.  An example of this  policy was the push for import substitution early on, which was later replaced by a push for production of government  provided necessary  tax  goods for export.  incentives  to  The  make it more  profitable to produce for export, and industry responded accordingly (White and Wade 3).  Another approach the government has utilized has been to start up industries on its own, and then either hang onto them or eventually privatize them.  In this way they  are able to create  types of  development that they want to occur which the private sector is not developing (Koo 173).  The building of the first major steel works on  Taiwan is a prime example of this approach.  Between this approach,  and manipulation of the market the government of the Republic of  China has been able to guide the economic development of Taiwan. These policies have been carried out by a relatively well-trained and efficient  bureaucracy, although the level of corruption would be  considered unacceptable by Western standards. bureaucracy  is  made  up of  American  The core of this  educated  economists  and  administrators, whose philosophy is complementary to that of the government (Koo 174).  The results of two specific policies demonstrate the implementation of the government philosophy.  The first is the successful  land  reform and the second is the existence of so many small businesses, when  generally  a  decline  industrialization process.  in  their  number  occurs  in  the  When the Republic of China came to power  on Taiwan they recognized that they needed reform for both political and economic reasons.  to implement land Politically they knew  the appeal of land reform, because it had been used against them on the mainland by the communists.  Economically, they needed to  make agricultural production more efficient for industrialization. market.  and free up resources  This was accomplished by meddling in the  First, rents were reduced; second, the supply of land was  altered by the government selling public lands to tenant families; and, finally, landlords had to sell 'surplus' land to the government— who in turn sold it to the tenant families (Lu 145).  Taiwan  has  encouraged  those  inclinations to pursue their ideas.  with  entrepreneurial skills  and  Unlike in Japan or South Korea, the  number of small private enterprises is constantly increasing.  By  establishing industrial parks, which provide resources and technical assistance to entrepreneurs, Taiwan has helped its  economy and  increased the number of small firms, which encourages innovation (Lau 147).  The smaller size of the average firm also makes it easier  for new firms to enter the market—again, another plus that is the direct result of government policy.  The government has created an  environment in which small businesses can flourish, and so they d o closely paralleling the philosophical underpinnings of the policy.  Technical  Competence:  The area of technical competence only needs brief consideration. key  points  are that education  has  been  The  a major priority, both  domestically and through sending students abroad to study, and that the Republic of China has received technical assistance from abroad. The population of Taiwan is almost completely literate, and has a work force that possesses considerable skills. population of Taiwan has doubled between  While the general 1952  and 1980,  number of school aged persons attending school has tripled .  the The  government has expanded the number of places available at colleges and universities on the island, and the number attending vocational schools has gone from 40,092 in 1952 to 348,169 in 1981 (Lau 36). Clearly the K M T regime has made education a top priority.  This  selection has helped to create a skilled workforce.  The Republic of China received important technical assistance from outside  sources, but obviously the most important was American  assistance.  The American aid came in several forms, including:  capital (discussed later), military protection by the Seventh Fleet and military aid, and in technical assistance in the development process. One of the most important consequences of US assistance was the creation of the private enterprise system (Tai The Kuomintang and Modernization  in Taiwan 431).  Because of the emerging cold war  between capitalism and communism, the US decided to resume aid to the KMT regime.  This decision was influenced by the Korean conflict,  the 'China lobby' and various strategic considerations.  This was  another way in which the importance of the role of the market system was reinforced. involvement  was  The extent and degree of American aid and  significant.  Few countries  have  received  that  degree of support, and, without it, it is unlikely that the KMT regime would have survived.  US technical assistance took a number of forms. direction in land reform.  Among the first was  The US advisors worked with the Republic  of China government to develop plans that would create a viable agricultural system, capable of stimulating growth in other sectors of the economy.  The US advisors pushed for a minimalization and  liberalization of economic regulations, lessening of foreign exchange controls, and creation of both conditions and machinery for a market oriented economy.  In addition, the Republic of China received  favorable terms of access to the US market.  Capital: In order to  accomplish  the  goal  of  economic  Republic of China needed capital, and lots of it.  development  the  It got the capital it  needed in a number of ways, including domestic savings, foreign aid, and using interest rates  and exports  to generate  capital.  The  development plan has been such a success that now the Republic of China has a different type of problem on its hands: it has too much foreign capital and needs to find ways to invest its foreign reserves.  In Taiwan household savings capital formation.  have played an important role in  The savings ratio of disposable income has ranged  from 11 to 24 percent from 1965 to 1981, while the average rate in the United States has been 6.7 percent.  Well over one third of the  capital that has been used to fund the economic development of Taiwan has come from domestic savings (Lau 16).  The crucial point  here is that, unlike many Latin American countries, Taiwan has managed to avoid an overwhelming debt load.  By accumulating  capital on the domestic level and through foreign aid, indebtedness has been minimized, particularly foreign indebtedness.  Taiwan had a policy of high interest rates, originally to curb high inflation, which was a major factor in the KMT's defeat mainland.  on the  The high interest rate policy helped encourage savings  and kept inflation low which resulted in increased income for the people of Taiwan.  These factors also helped to attract foreign capital  and investment (Lau 47).  These policies were also important when  the US phased out its economic support in the mid 1960s. 1951  to  1968  the  US  provided the  approximately $1.5 billion in aid.  Republic of  China  From with  The capital was used to fund  infrastructure development and modernization of industry.  The rest  of the aid went to import capital, raw materials and consumer goods (Lau 47).  These were important factors in maintaining domestic  stability.  In 1988 Taiwan felt it necessary to lift foreign exchange controls that had previously been in place for 40 years to prevent capital from leaving the country.  All exchanges involving foreign capital had  required full disclosure and had to be tied to business transactions (Copper Taiwan: A Nation in Transition 174).  This action was taken  because Taiwan had over $75 billion in US currency on hand. The consequences of the rise or fall of the US dollar were unduly strong in Taiwan, due to the large reserves of US currency and the linkage of the value of the Taiwan dollar to the US dollar (Asia 1988 Yearbook  244).  There was no longer a shortage of capital for  development, and the restrictions on capital exportation were ended.  Growth: There are three significant aspects of economic growth on Taiwan: the causes, the growth itself, and the implications of that growth. All three are considered below.  The causes for the successful economic  growth of the Republic of China are presented first.  There are a number of causes for the high rate of economic growth on Taiwan.  Among the most important are the high rate of  investment and the emphasis on exports.  The KMT regime on  Taiwan placed a great deal of stress on investment in the economy. It developed policies that promoted investment and both kept and  drew capital into the country.  Even though the infrastructure of  Taiwan was somewhat developed—a legacy of almost 50 years of Japanese  occupation—the  government  infrastructure projects (Lau 3).  poured  money  into  Capital and labor made available due  to land reform was put into industry to create goods, and later services, that could be exported.  The Japanese legacy in Taiwan was crucial in providing a base upon which  the  Taiwanese  modernization.  were  During  the  able  to  period of  build  their  economic  Japanese colonialization,  agriculture and small-scale manufacturing were developed. began to export to Japan, particularly agricultural goods.  Taiwan  Much of the  groundwork for the education system of Taiwan was laid during this time.  Japanese investment in projects such as road building left  behind a solid infrastructure.  The Japanese also left behind a highly  developed  (Koo  state  apparatus  175).  Finally,  the  ongoing  relationship between Japan and Taiwan is an important legacy of the period  of  occupation.  Interaction  between  the  particularly at an informal level, is widespread. provides important business  two  states,  This interaction  links—both in terms of  capital and  expertise.  By highly investing in projects and industrial ventures that were suitable for export, and keeping the goal of economic development paramount over profits, the Republic of China government was able to create goods and services that were suitable for export at very competitive  prices  during  a time  of  large-scale  growth in the  international market.  These exports enjoyed easy access to the large  American market and provided capital and momentum for exportled economic development.  Trade between  the US and Taiwan  increased a phenomenal 13,000% in the last 20 years and presently Taiwan is moving towards free trade with the US (Werner 1097). The government also kept in mind long-term goals and was able to direct significant funds and energy into development of new types of enterprises.  Finally, because the government was seeking to operate  as closely as possible to the free market approach, small enterprises flourished rather than the large conglomerates that are common to Japan or South Korea.  The statistics  ^  that show the degree of economic development are  really quite remarkable.  Since 1970 unemployment has been less  than 2%; in 40 years the GNP has increased 186 fold, per capita income 19.6 fold;  GDP growth has averaged over 10.65% per year-  greater than Japan's;  Taiwan's stock market is now the third largest  in the world in terms of capitalization; and the list goes on (Republic of China 1988 197-199).  These economic indicators are only a few of  many that provide some insight into the degree of economic change and development that has occurred under the K M T on Taiwan. Changes of this magnitude obviously have consequences  for the  economy and society, some of which are noted next; more of which will be considered in the next section on social development.  The impact of the soaring economy has been felt in the area of labor. Taiwan has moved into a position of labor scarcity, with the result  that wages are rising and workers' situations are improving. improvements  are  not  occurring rapidly  enough  for  These  many  of  Taiwan's workers, some of whom have recently formed a labor party. The wage gaps that had existed between farm and non-farm workers have been narrowed and in some areas labor is becoming more militant in making demands (Moore 140).  There has been a shift in  the sectors of the economy in which most labor is utilized.  In 1960  56% of the labor force worked in agriculture; 11% in industry; and 33% in service industries.  By the 1980s the number in agriculture  was 19%; industry 41%; and service industries 40% (Barret and Chin 27).  Taiwan has shifted from an agricultural-based economy to an  industrial one, and is now in the process, successfully, of becoming a capital-intensive, 1986  knowledge-intensive  economy  (Copper Taiwan in  88).  Statistically  the  appreciation in income  has been  greater among  Taiwanese.  This again presents the problem of the lack of reliable  statistics.  Also the greater numbers of mainlanders engaged  in  government work, with the opportunity of accepting bribes, needs to be noted. the  The differing rates of increase in reported income is due to  Taiwanese  reliance  on  Modernization  predominance  government  in  business  employment  in Taiwan 424).  and  (Tai The  the  mainlander  Kuomintang  and  Also it is due to the large headstart  in income the mainlanders enjoyed.  Growth has also made the diversification of exports possible, helping to make Taiwan competitive in a variety of areas.  Textiles are still  important exports, but are falling steadily behind electronics items as mainstays of the export market.  In addition, banking, finance,  insurance and real estate have become very significant contributors to the services that are providing increased revenue.  All this does  point out, however, that Taiwan is quite dependent upon foreign trade; to the point of being vulnerable. economic  power  has  helped  Taiwan  Finally, the increase in to  achieve  a  degree  of  international prestige and acts as a counterweight to its diplomatic isolation.  Social  Development  Social  and economic  development  affecting the course of one another.  are  linked,  influencing and  A number of societal changes  have occurred in Taiwan since the K M T regime came to power. These changes are the result both of economic development and government policies.  These changes are also significant because of  the way they affect the politics of Taiwan. Table 1 Quality of Life  Life expectancy at birth Infant mortality per 1000 live births Daily calorie intake per capita Daily protein intake per capita (grams) Residential floorspace per capita (m) Households with running water (percent) Households with television sets (percent) Households with passenger cars and motorcycles (percent) Electric power consumption per capita (KWH (Lau 138)  Korea  Taiwan  65 37 2785 69.6 9.5 54.6 78.6  72 25 2805 78 15.7 66.8 100.4  5.8 914.8  108.4 2131.2  A number of different aspects of social development are considered below, these include: 1) the improvement in material terms of the quality of life; 2) the impact of economic development upon society (i.e.  income distribution); 3) education; 4) cultural transformation;  and 5) family relationships.  It is important to explore the changes  that have occurred in these various areas in order to see further evidence regarding the theory of intentional development.  Quality of Life: There are a number of statistics that provide a guide to the standard of living.  Using these criteria, Taiwan's numbers look very good, and  are a source of justifiable pride.  The statistics compare favorably  with South Korea, which lags behind in almost every category.  This  is significant because of the frequent comparisons between the two countries  development  automobiles,  experiences.  motorcycles,  By  the  refrigerators,  1970s  in Taiwan  air-conditioners,  and  washing machines were commonplace; many other consumer goods like stereos, cameras and televisions were widely available as well. In short the Republic of China has become a full-fledged consumer society (Copper Taiwan's Recent Elections 25).  Average life expectancy at birth is now 72 years; infant mortality is a low 25 per 1000 live births.  The quantity and quality of food  consumed has increased dramatically, the average diet is now rich in protein.  The quality and availability of professional health care has  risen dramatically as well. double that of South Korea.  Residential floorspace per capita is almost The number of people owning motorized  transportation and television sets has exceeded 100 percent.  People  on Taiwan are living better—in terms of material goods, health care and diet—and longer.  Economic changes have been accompanied by  urbanization and rising literacy rates. of  There has been a proliferation  business firms, high geographical mobility, high occupational  mobility,  an  differentiation  increase  in  exposure  to  the  media  in the social structure (Tai The  and  greater  Kuomintang  and  Modernization in Taiwan 414).  The Affects of Economic Development: The results of the economic development of the Republic of China are most definitely felt in the society.  The society has reached a point  where more than 50 percent consider themselves middle class.  It is  important to note, however, that Taiwan did have a well developed middle class prior to the arrival of the KMT.  After the 28 February  Incident (1947), in which the Taiwanese attempted to overthrow the KMT, approximately 20,000 Taiwanese were killed.  Those numbers  came disproportionately from the ranks of the middle class, and left the Taiwanese people without strong indigenous leadership—a factor which has had numerous repercussions.  The implications include the  absence of strong native Taiwanese leadership and the inculcation of fear in the Taiwanese.  To its credit, Taiwan has one of the strongest  records in terms of equitable distribution of income—exceeding  the  US and most communist countries (Copper Taiwan's Recent Elections 22-23).  A technical-managerial class has emerged,  and societal  cleavages based on economic factors are noticeable.  Industrialization  has created new and divers© groups, whose interests are diverse.  It  has also created a new intelligentsia, which is linked strongly to societal institutions. (Huntington 33).  Because it owes much of its  status to the K M T it is limited in its ability to dissent from the government's policies and actions.  These constraints are oftentimes  the result of obligations incurred through government employment or through fear that dissent will jeapordize status and civil liberties.  The effects of economic development are many and varied.  One of  the  women.  most  significant  has  been  the  improved status  of  Women have gained at school, in the family, and in society at large. Relations with men in the family are becoming more egalitarian. The number of women completing university education has gone from a tiny  minority to being nearly equal to their percentage  of the  population (Shaw 225).  There has been a notable shift from an agricultural to an industrial economy, which now seems to be moving into a post-industrial economy (Tai The Kuomintang  and Modernization  in Taiwan  414).  Economic development has also facilitated the penetration of media and  popular culture throughout the  development pursue  made it possible  other policies  Education:  for the  which have  development, such as education.  island.  Finally,  economic  government to fund and  greatly  contributed to  social  When the Republic of China came to Taiwan, the level of education of the populace was  higher than that of the mainland, due to the  Japanese occupation.  However, it merely met the beginning needs of  a society that was seeking to industrialize rapidly. area where statistics easily prove the point.  Again, this is an  The number of school  age children in attendance is approximately 99 percent, second only to Japan.  The number of schools and students on the island has more  than tripled from 1950 to 1980, while during this time period the population doubled (Republic of China 1988 273-276).  In the early  1980s, Taiwan had an education level more than four times the norm for a country with its GNP (Copper Taiwan's Recent Elections 28-29).  The government sought to make the best use of its human resources in the face of a scarcity of other natural resources. work  force  on Taiwan was  improved through public education.  Adequate funding for education priority for the  government.  education in either  academic  The quality of the  was  provided because it was a  Informal education, subjects or hobbies,  such as adult is  widespread  amongst society as well as the formal school system, keeping the ideal of learning present amongst the members of society (Chen 68). Problems common to other developing and developed states, such as drug abuse, juvenile delinquency and so forth, are present in Taiwan.  Cultural  Transformation:  The changes in economic and societal structures and in education all are part of, and help to create, a transformation of culture.  Many  traditional values have been changed, adapted or simply abandoned  28  as Taiwan races forward.  The role of the media in this area is  significant, as is the penetration of American popular culture and its values  and  attitudes.  individuality,  American  values  of  electoral  politics  and so  human rights,  consumerism, forth are  presented in the media and by the more than 1.5 million tourists to Taiwan each year (Gold 113).  Taiwan has experienced all the problems of a materialist culture, such as social problems, crime and cynicism.  The main impact of  the materialist values has been a fostering of the idea of atomization of the individual.  This is clearly a significant break with the past  Confucian culture and its emphasis on community and family (Copper Political  Development in  captured  by  Western,  increasingly  drawn  Interestingly  enough,  Taiwan 367).  and  especially  towards this  Society is increasingly American,  conformity  process  with  of change  culture—and that  involves  culture. movement  towards a culture that shares many of the cultural values that have contributed to Taiwan's economic success, such as upward mobility, a strong  work  ethic,  entrepreneurship.  ambition Along  for  with  the  self  family  urbanization  industrialization have come many problems. evident in Taiwan, and manifest  and  the  themselves in things like crime,  corruption also needs to be addressed.  The question of  Corruption has  tensions between the Taiwanese and the mainlanders.  time highly placed officials  and  These problems are  pollution, and various types of social problems.  resent corrupt mainlander officials  and  and bureaucrats.  created  Taiwanese  From time to  are convicted of corruption.  Chiang  Ching-kuo used a crackdown on corruption to improve his public standing when he first came to power (Clough 41-53).  There is a  scarcity  government  of  corruption.  reliable  information  on  the  extent  of  Some sources indicate that corruption is less prevalant in  Taiwan than in other Asian states, but there is not support such a conclusion (Clough 43).  any evidence to  The changing nature of  society has had a large impact on the bedrock of Chinese society, the family.  Family  Relations:  The cultural emphasis on families and kinship ties found on Taiwan has had a significant  impact on the development  process,  being  largely responsible for many business ties and the functioning of many small scale enterprises.  The family has played a critical role in  society and the process of development, providing a social safety net for its members which has decreased the resources the government has needed to devote to social assistance (Lee 550).  Family and kin  networks undergird both society and the economy, although this is in the process of changing.  As development proceeds and the economic and social environment changes,  non-kin groups  importance.  and non-family  ties  are increasing  in  The needs of business, as well as changed social needs  due to the impact of the materialist culture, are causing individuals to pursue business and social interests without a great deal of regard for the extended family. Taiwan.  The nuclear family is becoming the norm in  Factors such as the changing status of women are bound to  change the traditional patriarchal structure of the family.  Thus the  traditional concept of the family, and the role it plays, are under assault from a number of sources, including the new materialist culture, the rising levels of economic development, and the changing status of women. apparent.  The political implications are not yet completely  One implication is that the role of the government in  society is expanding as a result of these changes.  A stronger social  welfare system, to fill a role previously occupied by the family, is a result of these changes.  The expansion of pension coverage to  farmers is an example of this expanded role.  Since the K M T came to power, the changes that have occurred in Taiwan have been numerous and varied.  Thus far the economic  changes and the social changes have been considered, along with a brief political history of the island to 1975. political developments  An update of the  that have occurred between  1975  and the  present provides a fairly complete picture of both the society and the polity.  This provides the context and the necessary background  information for the rest of the paper.  Political  Developments  From  1975  to  the  Present  Following the death of Chiang Kai-shek, his son, Chiang Ching-kuo, became the leader of the ROC.  Chiang Ching-kuo was already  premier, and several weeks after the death of his father he was elected leader of the KMT. became president.  It was not until March 1978 that he  Chiang Ching-kuo had been carefully groomed to  succeed his father, serving in various capacities and being active in public life.  His background, as someone educated in the Soviet  Union and one who had worked with the secret police, made many leery of him and fearful of what policies he would pursue when he came to power.  Partly as a result of this, Chiang Ching-kuo used  media tours and meetings with members of the general public to try to build broader public support for himself.  Because of the intricate  relationship between the K M T and the government, Chiang Ching-kuo was able to exercise control over the government and the Party even without occupying the presidency immediately.  The early years of  Chiang Ching-Kuo's rule brought no major changes in policy from those of his father.  In November 1978 the government announced it would be issuing tourist passports for the first time. "people  to people" diplomacy.  The goal was to promote more In December, the United States  announced that it would recognize the People's Republic of China as the de jure government of China, effective in January. of confidence  swept Taiwan.  were abruptly cancelled.  A great crisis  Elections scheduled for that month  Large anti-American demonstrations took  place outside the US embassy.  Arrangements were made to set up  informal channels of communication between Taipei and Washington, as well as to continue the rapidly expanding trade between the two states.  The loss of diplomatic recognition was a severe blow to the  government's  prestige  both at home and abroad, and it was  years before the government rescheduled the cancelled elections.  two  A  year later,  10  December  demonstration in Kaohsiung. Kaohsiung Incident.  1979,  a large  riot occurred at a  This event became  known as the  An opposition journal had organized a rally to  be held to protest the lack of democracy and freedom in Taiwan.  The  turnout was enormous, much greater than had been anticipated.  As  the rally progressed the police made its presence very noticeable and tried to disperse those present.  The crowd responded to the rough  behavior of the security police in kind, and the rally became a riot. The Kaohsiung Incident, and the rally organizers who were later imprisoned, became  important symbols  for those seeking  greater  freedom and democracy.  In March of 1984 Chiang Ching-kuo was re-elected to another six year term as president.  He won all but 8 votes in the National  Assembly, the body which elects the president in the ROC system. 1985  In  several events occurred which caused many to question the  competence of the government. scandal became public.  The 10th Credit Corporation loans  The involvement of top level Party and  government officials in receiving funds and in trying to cover up the scandal hit Taiwan's financial markets like a typhoon.  Shortly  afterwards the role of members of the government and military, along with members of Taiwan's crime syndicates, in the murder of Chinese-American writer Henry Liu became  known.  Individuals  were sentenced to prison for the murder, but the damage to Taiwan's image  abroad, and the  loss  of  confidence  in  the  domestically, was extensive (FEER 21 March 1985 23).  government  By October 1986 the situation had improved for the KMT regime.  In  response to the problems of the previous year and the domestic unease that accompanied them, Chiang Ching-kuo had formed a 12member committee to study political reform.  The committee and  Chiang announced that martial law would soon be lifted, and other reforms would be forthcoming.  A new National Security Law, which  lifted martial law, allowed new political parties to be formed and clarified political crimes and their penalties KMT.  was proposed by the  Before the Law could be passed by the National Assembly,  members of the Tangwai—literally meaning "outside the Party" and referring to those who opposed the KMT but were unable to create a formal opposition party because of martial law—met and announced the formation of the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP).  After this,  most opposition to the KMT was contained in the DPP, and the term Tangwai was dropped.  Many of those who were living in exile chose  to try and return to Taiwan.  One, Hsu Hsin-liang, tried to return to  Taiwan but was not allowed off the airplane in which he arrived. One thousand protesters stormed the airport and there was a clash with riot police.  The security forces quelled the disturbance and sent  Hsu back into exile (China Yearbook 1988 10).  He was the most  notable of the exiled political figures who sought to return to Taiwan at the first glimmer of political reform.  The K M T regime attempted to deal with its ongoing human rights problem.  Twenty-six people who had been convicted of sedition  were released from prison in January 1987.  These included some of  the prominent people imprisoned for the Kaohsiung Incident.  The  move was explained as being an act of generosity on the part of the government in honor of the 100th anniversary of Chiang Kai-shek's birth.  International pressure  was  no doubt an important factor,  given the prominence of those imprisoned, and the severity of the sentences.  Chiang Ching-kuo died on 13 January 1988.  He was succeeded by  Lee Teng-hui, the first native born Taiwanese to become president. Lee is a Chiang protege, and is viewed as a reformer.  Two weeks  after  the K M T ,  becoming  president,  Lee  became  chairman  of  consolidating power in both the government and the party.  His chief  rival for the chairmanship of the party was Prime Minister Yu Kuohwa,  a conservative  who  was  viewed  as  anti-reform, and who  enjoyed the support of Madame Chiang Kai-shek (FEER 4 February 1988  16-17).  The  Politics  of Taiwan:  The key  actors  In order to gain an understanding of the politics of Taiwan specific information on the key political actors is important.  This chapter  focuses on the main political actors in Taiwan. The role of the KMT is examined first, followed by consideration of the main opposition groups.  Role  of  the Kuomintang  The KMT has been the most important player in the political sphere in Taiwan. The Republic of China is a KMT creation, and the KMT has run the party-state, defining the limits of political activity, and ruling Taiwanese society for the past 40 years.  With the changes brought  about because of that leadership, the KMT is in the position of redefining its role in society and in the government.  It is on the  question of how the KMT eventually redefines its role(s) that any further  democratization  and economic  and social  development  depends. The KMT is a pyramid structured party, established by Sun Yat-sen in 1919.  The party is topped by the Central Executive Committee,  with 130 members, although there is a Central Standing Committee of 31 members who exercise effective power. Below the Central Executive Committee are provincial, county and district committees, heading party cells of 3 to 15 members each. government  officials  and local politicians  The majority of  are party members.  Approximately 2.2 million people belong to the party—making it the  largest organization on the island (Clough 37). to  integrate  completely between  the  mainlanders  successful the  two  communication  and  in this  groups.  for  people  The Party has served  Taiwanese,  and,  task,  it has  The  K M T provides  to  the  greatly  government  although  reduced a  not  tension  method  and  vice-versa  (Winckler Institutionalization and Participation in Taiwan 143). communication members  to  occurs  informally  government  through  the  and party policies.  of  response  This  of  party  By expressing  their  opinions, and hopefully the opinion of the general population, the party  members  provide an important input into  the policymaking  process.  When the K M T was still on the mainland, the guiding principle of the government party relationship was "to rule the state with the party." In the 1950s and 1960s the principle changed to "guide politics by the party." being  This represented the very subtle change from the party  above  the  policy-maker, government.  state to  even  as  the  party being  it retained  its  the  behind the  dominant position  scenes  over  the  The change may have been a reflection of the need to  enhance the democratic image of "Free China."  Since 1969 and the  Tenth Party Congress, the principle has been "separation between the party  and the  government."  Since then, the party has  sought  to  portray itself as more of a policy coordinator than policy-maker (FCR Transformation  of  entirely accurate. Yuan  has  the  K M T 40).  The portrait is,  A strong cabinet responsible  gradually  government sector (19)  evolved.  Consequently,  however,  not  to the Legislative members  of  the  have come to dominate the Central Standing  Committee, while (3).  members from  the party are a definite minority  While the greater role of technocrats in government is a positive  change, to assume that their primary loyalty is not to the K M T would be  mistaken.  primarily  due  resembles  the  The Party continues to  the  to  dominate  the  government,  the  two,  which  in communist  states.  interlocking relationship  interlocking directorate  found  of  Essentially the K M T acts as a government within a government, (FEER 5 September  In  the  1985  1960s  28-30).  increasing  opposition  activities  in  the  cities  and  electoral successes at the polls, as well as an increasingly diversified society,  challenged  suppressing  the  the most  KMT. hostile  The response elements  was  and  a mixture co-opting  assimiliating new groups and their leaders into the K M T .  of and  The K M T  was in a position similar to that of the Republican People's Party in Turkey.  It held such an overwhelming majority of votes and was so  well established  that it was  almost inconceivable that it might be  dislodged from power by granting greater freedom of activity to the political opposition.  Thus, it was able to do so.  Unlike the RPP, the  K M T worked hard to bring many of the new groups into the party, and get them working within the system (Huntington 21).  The comparisons of the Republic of China to South Korea often fail to note that, in spite of its problems, the K M T is still a fairly vigorous organization.  It  has  strong  technocratic  leadership,  a  strong  patronage system, control over some of the media, and control over the military.  The advantages of the K M T are numerous.  In addition  to media control, the most significant advantage is the ability to set the rules of the game  by determining election  laws and campaign  rules.  The most likely future for the K M T is that of a hegemonic  party.  One possibility is that it would function like the L D P has in  Japan (Chou and Nathan 296).  The composition of the party has changed over time, and this has also influenced the role it plays in society. 'Taiwanization'—as Taiwanese.  the  saw  of  members  are  now  native  This change is now occurring at the top levels of the  party (and government). 1988  majority  The party has undergone  The  Thirteenth Party Congress in July of  a native Taiwanese re-elected  Chairman; 65% of Central  Committee members were new and the average age dropped from 70 to 59; the proportion of Taiwanese went from 20% to 45%; the Central Standing Committee, with 31 first female  members,  has  17 Taiwanese  and its  member; and the number of military members dropped  to 3 (Seymour Taiwan in 1988 56-58).  One of the major roles of the K M T is to provide linkages between the leadership and the people.  Party cadres work with and  farmers' organizations, fishermen's organizations.  They  operate  influence  groups, labor unions and women's  over  400  service  centers  that  help  people find jobs, receive vocational training and free medical care. The  strongest  members,  K M T constituencies  and the  mainlanders.  students and overseas Chinese. to involve itself  are  military  They keep  and  in close  ex-military touch  with  The K M T is an active party, seeking  thoroughly throughout society.  This may provide  the K M T the opportunity to indoctrinate and influence people, and to (Clough 47).  win sufficient support to enable it to govern effectively This close contact is not always produces negative results. the  feeling  societal  that  the  welcome,  however,  and oftentimes  People may feel watched or coerced, and  K M T is  unbearably  dominant  may  enhance  cleavages.  The importance placed on meeting people's needs in return for their support  is  similar  to  the  way  in  operated in large American cities.  which  the  political  It demonstrates  machines  the recognition  by the K M T that it needs to generate support in order to govern, and that  it  must  be  sensitive  to  the  political  marketplace.  functions of the K M T serve a legitimating role as well. be  seen  if  in  engendered  will  a  more  be  open  lasting,  or  political whether  It remains to  environment people  These  will  the  loyalty  make  their  political decisions based on other factors.  Ideologically, the K M T has changed very little since its founding. ideological  foundation is  (san min zhuyi).  in Sun Yat-sen's  Its  Three People'sPrinciples  These translate into a guided market economy and  tutelary democracy (whereby  democracy is instituted  of education in democratic principles and practice).  after a period The goal  since  the loss of the mainland has been to recover the mainland, originally through force, now by winning the 'political war'.  Much energy  is  expended upon the claim that the K M T regime is the government of all of China.  This claim is based on the elections that were held on  the mainland before the communist victory.  These election  results,  now  more  than  40  years  old,  provide  the  backbone  of  regime  legitimacy and underlie much of K M T ideology.  One other aspect that is important in understanding the K M T is the role  of  factions  overlooked  within  when  it.  The importance  considering  the  information is difficult to obtain. kuo, the appearance of factions more obvious. minded  conservatives.  of  the  factions  is  K M T , primarily  often  because  Since the death of Chiang Chingwithin the ruling K M T has  Lee Teng-hui has had the  members  of  K M T , and  has  become  support of the reformbeen  opposed  by  These seem to be the two principal factions  the  in the  leadership.  A  prime example  of this factionalism was  from Y u Kuo-hua to L i Huan. Ching-kuo. strongly  That selection  conservative  in premiers  Y u had been made premier by Chiang  created quite a furor,  positions.  It  was  positioning Y u to succeed him or not. to be vice-president.  the change  not  because of Yu's  clear if  Chiang  Lee, a reformer, was selected  This juxtaposition  made the succession  Chiang's death less than clearcut (PEER 27 February 1986 28). in  the  briefly.  West  thought  Indeed,  that  there  Lee  was  a  was  would clash  retain  the  between  after Many  presidency  only  conservatives  and  reformers at the party meeting that occurred to select a new party Chairman after the death of Chiang.  The choice was between Lee and Y u . Chiang  Kai-shek,  who  placed  her  Y u had the backing of Madame status  on  the  side  of  the  conservative premier.  elements. It  conservative  was  not  Lee won the selection, until  more  than  a  yet retained Y u as year  later  that  the  Y u was replaced as premier by a more reform-minded  politician, L i Huan (FBIS-CHI 2 June 1989 65).  This move was seen  as an indication of Lee's consolidation of power.  He is constrained by  the power of the conservative elements within the K M T , and outside of it as well.  Anti-communist groups have begun to criticize the K M T  for not dealing more harshly with the opposition (FEER 2 July 15).  1987  The K M T majorities in the national government are principally  made up of those elected on the mainland.  Too much liberalization,  or changing the political structure to reflect the Republic of China's dramatically reduced geography threatens and consequently  both the  legitimacy  the ideology  of the K M T ,  and reality of its  hegemony  over politics in Taiwan.  Opposition  The domestic opposition to the K M T was concentrated in the forces of the Tangwai.  This is particularly true of the years leading up to the  formation of the DPP in 1986.  The Tangwai achieved  electoral success prior to its formally becoming a party. had sought  increasing  The Tangwai  to work within the boundaries of acceptable  and legal  political activity, both to provide an opposition voice and to expand the realm of legitimate  political discourse.  Essentially this  meant  that because of K M T dominance of the government, the K M T was able to set the rules and laws for elections and political opposition. Because of the negative consequences of not abiding by those limits,  i.e. harassment or  imprisonment, the Tangwai had little choice but to  follow the KMT's rules. more pluralistic, the  As society changed on Taiwan, and became  Tangwai's base of  support expanded  and its  demands came to be seen as more mainstream.  The traditional base of support for the Tangwai has been: 1) the old urban upper class,  which was  associated  with the Japanese during  the colonial era and whose numbers were decimated by Chen Y i in 1947;  2)  reform  landlord  in  businessmen affected  by  the  families  1950s;  3)  who the  were urban  adversely lower  affected  middle  by land  class  (small  and laborers) , some of whom were and are adversely industrialization; and  4)  younger  and  well-educated  members of the upper middle class, who resent the K M T and the lack of freedom (Domes 1016); and, 5) Taiwanese who view the K M T as a carpetbagger party which has oppressed the people of Taiwan by its authoritarian manner, and deprived them of basic rights.  Since the  early 1980s the following groups can be added: 6) workers, who feel that labor's interests are not adequately taken care of by the K M T ; 7) environmentalists,  who  feel  that  the  government  has  pursued  economic goals with disregard for the environmental consequences  of  their actions; and  The diversity of this base means that the political leadership of the Tangwai, and now the DPP, is very broad.  Oftentimes this diversity  means the various factions have little in common with one another. This has led to serious factional disputes within the opposition, which has  limited their effectiveness  and lost them votes (Domes  1016-  1017).  What drew the Tangwai together was its dissatisfaction  with  the KMT's position on the interlocked issues of Taiwan's future in the international sphere, and the role of the K M T in the domestic political system (Chou and Nathan 281).  The first real instance of electoral competition between the K M T and the  Tangwai occurred in  1977  in local  elections.  The Tangwai  captured 37% of the vote, and won 21 of 77 seats in the provincial Assembly.  They also won several races for mayor in that election.  The election was lively and provided an opportunity for widespread discussion of politics in a less inhibited fashion, relative to previous elections  (Meyers  organizations, (Gold 130).  1009).  The  and demonstrations The 1985  Tangwai  used  magazines,  local  to articulate their political views  local election  is also seen as a crucial one  because of the degree of freedom given to K M T opponents in their campaigning, and the few restrictions placed on content of political messages, the Taiwanese  primary  restriction remaining that  self-determination.  Other  occurring include greater differentiation and the K M T . centering  changes  of  discussion  that  within both the  have  of  been  opposition  The membership is increasingly diverse, and factions  around a  number  of  issues  have  developed.  Another  example of the changes is the start of a separate labor-based political party.  Since the 1980s, "voices of the political opposition have grown more persistent  and strident and political rallies and demonstrations  mushroomed.  The political opposition  continues  have  to call for more  44  liberalization  while  democracy"  (Gripp  months  1988  were  of  the  K M T spokesmen  194-195).  there  anti-government  were  By police 729  (Seymour  claim count  in  now  in the  demonstrations Taiwan  they  have  first four  on Taiwan—70%  1988  60).  This  underscores the fact that, although the opposition finds itself in what seems to be a perpetual 70%—30% electoral relationship with  the  KMT,  not  there is  a significant  portion of the population that is  satisfied with the pace and direction of political reform.  Opposition  to the  K M T and its  governmental dominance has had  primary expression in two forms—that of the Democratic Progressive Party  (previously  Movement (TIM).  the  Tangwai)  and  the  Taiwan  Independence  These will be examined separately, since the DPP  has been a domestic movement and the T I M has primarily been an international one, operated by Taiwanese emigres.  The formation of  the DPP, its recent history and its future prospects below.  are considered  A brief look at the newly formed labor party is also included.  This consideration is followed by a look at the T I M , and in particular at its present position.  On  28  members  September of  the  1986,  before  they  Tangwai leadership  could do met  at  so  legally,  a Taipei  hotel  announced the formation of the Democratic Progressive Party.  many and The  party was formed out of the informal Tangwai, which had worked together  on  electoral  campaigns  previously,  allowed to engage in many activities political party.  but  had  never  been  central to the function of a  The platform of the party advocated democracy,  and in particular, that differences by negotiations  with the mainland be resolved not  between the government and the P R C , but rather by  the free choice of all the people of Taiwan.  The DPP pointedly never  referred to the Republic of China, instead it used Taiwan' to refer to the national entity  (Meyers  1110-1111).  The DPP is structured so as to prevent the concentration of political power in the hands of one leader or one faction.  The constraints  include yearly party congresses and large decision-making bodies. also operates as  an elite party, letting  in new  members  recommendation of at least three present party members. of  the  careful  controlled  attempts  by one  faction  to  prevent  is  that the  the  party  upon the One result  from  performance of  It  becoming  the DPP is  limited by its structure (Chou and Nathan 293-294).  The  leaders  of  the DPP say  that  self-determination  simply  means  that the people of Taiwan would determine their future, rather than having  the  US,  participation. for  the  the  P R C , and  the  K M T do  so  without  The DPP maintains that there are only three  future: maintaining the  mainland, or independence.  status quo, reunification  their options  with  the  It holds, furthermore, that the people of  Taiwan must have the final word in determining which option will be selected (Chou and Nathan 295). on this issue.  Naturally, the leaders are divided  It seems likely that most prefer independence, if it can  be achieved without provoking the P R C . question fear  of independence,  that  emphasizing  Many want to mute the  and push for democratic reforms. either  outright  independence  or  They self-  determination  would  provoke  a  backlash  from  the  K M T and  jeapordize the political reforms that have occurred.  The role of opposition in the Republic of China is a tenuous one. Public opinion polls showed  public  changes.  taken shortly after  attitudes  were  mixed  the formation of the DPP  towards  the  latest  political  Nearly two-thirds felt that the formation of a new political  party would help promote democracy on Taiwan; over half said it would  reduce  tensions  between  the  K M T and  the  opposition.  However, less than forty percent saw it as helping to improve the investment opposed  climate  or  the  economy,  and  almost  forty  percent  the formation of a new party for these and other reasons  (Free China Journal, 13 October 1986 in Copper A Quiet Revolution 39).  Given the  response regarding  authoritarian nature the  tensions is significant.  promotion of  of  the  political  democracy  system,  and reduction  the of  It is clearly by working within the system, at  evolutionary change, that the DPP and other opposition voices will be most likely to generate support from amongst the people of Taiwan. Indeed  the  leadership  of  the  DPP recognizes  this,  and advocates  working for reform from within the political system.  In December 1988 another political party was formed from the DPP, the Labor Party.  The party was started by a DPP member of the  Legislative Yuan, who became its first chairman.  Labor activists had  become unhappy with the DPP and its desire to try and be all things to all people (FEER 24 September 1987 31).  The party was organized  to fight for trade unions and workers' rights, particularly the right to  strike.  The party hopes to capitalize on what it sees as a rising tide  of dissatisfaction  amongst Taiwanese workers.  Initially, the greatest  impact of this party will be felt by the DPP, which also looks  to  workers  to  as  an important constituency.  The party has  sought  portray itself as a workers' party, while trying to avoid appearing too leftist.  The test of strength for the party will be results from the  Kaohsiung area, an industrial city where the Labor Party has  been  focusing its attentions, in the upcoming Legislative Yuan elections to be held in December 1989 (FEER 21 January 1989 18).  The  Taiwan Independence  suppression KMT  Movement (TIM) developed  and later the massacre  troops.  Tensions  between  mainland-born Chinese led to the nationalist  liberation movement  of Taiwanese native-born  out  the  at the hands  Taiwanese  establishment  of  and  of the  of a revolutionary  (Gregor and Chang  363).  In the  early days of K M T control of Taiwan, the repressive nature of the regime the  generated  1947  authorities.  widespread  uprising  which  support for the T I M , especially  was  brutally  suppressed  by  after  the K M T  The tight political control that was prevalent throughout  the 1950s and much of the 1960s meant much of the leadership and potential leadership (students) were either imprisoned or exiled.  There are a few particularly  notable cases that attracted international attention,  that  of  Peng  Ming-min,  an  internationally  known  Taiwanese political science professor who had served at the U . N . was  arrested  determination  after for  distributing the  Taiwanese  a  pamphlet people.  that  called  The trial  for  He self-  and sentence  provoked  a  negative  response  Canada and Western Europe.  from  people  throughout  the  US,  Eventually he escaped via Sweden and  joined the ranks of many Taiwanese who live abroad and support the TIM.  The  T I M never  did  organization on Taiwan.  create  an  effective  underground  political  Arrests of people for engaging in activities  supportive of the T I M do suggest, however, that there have been people supportive of the movement and willing to take grave risks in order  to provide that  support.  Also,  the  pattern of  arrests,  as  indicated by the Taiwanese press, indicates that people were more likely to be arrested for supporting the T I M than the P R C (Clough 3942).  Rumors abound about the activities of the T I M . Clough writes  that allegations have been made that the T I M has received assistance from a variety of sources, including the CIA, the P R C , and the L D P in Japan.  The weakness of the movement and its tendency to split into  factions makes it probable that there was no single powerful backer of  the  TIM.  Support  more likely came  from  native Taiwanese,  American and Japanese businessmen with ties to the T I M . The peak of its international activity seems to have occurred in an attempt on Chiang Ching-kuo's life while he was in New York in 1970.  The vitality of the T I M began to decline after 1971, due to a number of factors: 1) serious factional disputes among rival groups located in Japan  and the  U S , and within those  groupings as  well;  2)  the  Shanghai Communique was a serious blow to the morale of the T I M ; 3) with the communique, members of the business  communities in  the U S and Japan became more cautious in their support of the T I M ; 4) the failure of the US to support the independence  movement in  Bangladesh seemed to signal a decline in American support for selfdetermination  movements;  community began  5)  shifting  support in the  American  intellectual  towards Beijing, and many scholars  who  had supported the T I M abandoned it; and 6) domestic conditions on Taiwan made many of the claims of the T I M no longer accurate as political  tensions  have  diminished  and there  has  been  a marked  increase in the standard of living (Copper Political Development in Taiwan 371; Gregor and Chang 381).  Many  on  overthrow  Taiwan came the  to  Republic of  the  realization  China  that  government,  inclined to strike a deal with the P R C .  if  the  they  tried  to  K M T might  be  Essentially, the mainlanders  might come to an accommodation with the P R C in order to get the best possible deal for themselves, rather than wait to see how would be treated in an independent Taiwan. that the P R C might intervene  they  Also it was a possibility  if there was  a domestic  conflict on  Taiwan that would provide a pretext for reclaiming the island.  The  T I M is able to present demands that the DPP and other politicians cannot,  enabling  an  important  perspective  consequently to have an impact on the K M T . either  pushing the K M T towards  conservative KMT  to  be  vocalized,  The impact is converse,  further reform, or towards  and authoritarian controls.  leadership to portray conservative  and  It also allows members  the  of the  more present  K M T as  "extremists," who are likely to provoke more popular support for the opposition because of their refusal to support reforms.  This enables  50  other segments of the K M T to appear more moderate, and using the conservatives,  say  that they  cannot go  'too' far in reforms.  The  movement seems to winding down—its chief role being to articulate the case for Taiwanese independence, and to attempt to ensure, along with the opposition parties, that if the P R C and the Republic of China are going  to  strike a deal that the Taiwanese  get  a seat at the  bargaining table (Copper Political Development in Taiwan 372).  One  major fear of the Taiwanese is that their future will be determined by others without their input.  Perhaps the greatest factor  affecting  the decline of the T I M is that the issue of independence has become more a part of the mainstream of the politics of Taiwan  Over  time,  with  the  improvement  of  support for the T I M has diminished.  conditions  on  Independence  Taiwan  can easily  interpreted as a confirmation of the status quo (Harris 24-37).  the be The  separation of the T I M supporters abroad from those on Taiwan has produced a cleavage in the opposition. advocates,  as  independence  openly for  as  possible  Taiwan.  Domestically, the opposition  given  This  is  governmental  primarily  constraints,  because  for  the  Taiwanese the historical links to the Chinese mainland are not as strong as they are for the mainlanders and they do not care to be swallowed up by the mainland. abroad, the  K M T is  For the members of the T I M living  an outside  expelled (Gregor and Chang 363).  'occupation' force  that should be  For people living on the island,  there is a need for stability to maintain the economic progress that has been attained under the K M T regime.  Whether the Taiwanese  are willing to make political reform a lower priority than economic  issues is an important question that is yet to be answered.  Given  that the T I M does not seem to have a realistic chance of 'winning' its struggle  the risks of supporting it are not worth the costs.  The  society on Taiwan has changed dramatically in the last 40 years, and consequently  the  T I M is  constituency  there—particularly  parties on the island.  not  likely now  ever that  to there  have exist  much  of  opposition  The T I M position has been co-opted  political issue by the DPP in the guise of self-determination, the T I M without a cause of its own.  a  as a  leaving  The  Politics  of Taiwan:  the  conflict  There are several areas where the K M T regime and the opposition have come into conflict, including elections and the issue of political and human rights.  Elections will be considered first, followed by an  examination of the ongoing problems in the area of political and human rights.  Elections  Elections have played a critical role in the life of the Republic of China on Taiwan.  As a result of elections a major transformation of  the governing elite has occurred, as the K M T has sought to present Taiwanese voters with Taiwanese candidates.  Electoral participation  has encouraged people to seek other forms of participation, and has broadened the bounds of acceptable political discourse.  Elections  have provided the people with "hands on" political experience, and served to institutions.  educate  the public on the  workings  of democratic  The K M T regime has used elections as a legitimating  tool, providing at least some public input into the key legislative bodies and indirectly into the selection Finally,  elections  have  made the  of president and premier.  K M T and the  Tangwai more  responsive to the demands and wishes of the population at large. Both appear to lack a solid popular base, in spite of the organizational skill of the K M T and the natural constituencies of the DPP, and so each must compete for voter loyalty (Shih 311).  Instead of continuing the practice of making appointments to fill vacancies, and in order to create a semblance of participation in the national electoral process, 1969.  supplementary elections  were  held in  The term supplementary was used because the new members  were being added as representatives to the national elected bodies. This was necessary  because  of the high death rate amongst the  elderly representative elected on the mainland in 1947 and 1948.  In  1969, 15 new delegates representing the province of Taiwan and the municipality of Taipei were elected to the National Assembly; 11 to the Legislative Yuan; and 2 to the Control Yuan.  The process was  repeated in 1972 and 1975 for the Legislative Yuan.  In 1972, 53  new members were added to the National Assembly, 51 Legislative Yuan and 15 to the Control Yuan. delegates helped to revive the elected.  institutions  to the  The newly elected  to which they  were  This occurred because many of the other members of these  bodies were older, incapable of vigorous debate and oftentimes too ill to attend meetings Consequently  the  (Copper Taiwan's younger  members  Recent were  Elections  able  significant force then their numbers would indicate. role  was  legislative  especially bodies.  notable  during  Members were  the  question  elected  to  be  50-51). a more  This enhanced period in the  for three-year terms.  Significantly, the newly elected members of the National Assembly, Legislative Yuan, and Control Yuan were 87% Taiwanese.  Voter  turnout went from 54.9% in 1969, to 68.35% in 1972, to 75.97% in 1975.  Starting  in  1973,  the  young  businessmen  K M T changed and  its  strategy,  politicians  who  municipalities in a truly technocratic style. largest municipalities were elected,  selecting  would  run  bright their  Originally leaders of the  however,  this changed after  K M T began to lose some of these positions in elections.  the  The K M T  points to the increasing number of Taiwanese who serve in local or national elected bodies, as well as their growing membership in the party as proof that ethnic cleavages do not matter in elections.  The  other side of this argument is that the K M T is using more Taiwanese because  it  would  transformation,  not  win  elections  Taiwanization, appears  otherwise.  to  be  Thus  caused  by  elite  electoral  pressure from the public, and also a decision by leaders to broaden their public appeal and enhance elections  that  have  their legitimacy.  occurred since  the  death  A look at the  of  Chiang Kai-shek  provides important insight into the political process in the Republic of China.  It is important to bear in mind that these elections all  occurred under martial law, The  1986  election  was  the  with the K M T determining the first  informally, competed with the K M T . December  1989  in  which  an  opposition  rules. party,  The elections to be held on 2  will be the first in which legal  opposition  parties  actually compete—again in a context determined by the K M T .  The 1977 Local Elections: The  1977  process.  election  was  an important step in the  democratization  For the first time in thirty years the government let it be  known that businessmen  could participate in campaigns  other than  those run by the K M T .  If they chose to support Tangwai members,  or run for office on their own they would not be retaliated against by the  government  or  the  Participation on Taiwan inefficiency  was  K M T (Winckler 169).  acceptable,  Institutionalization  and  Criticism of local government and and even  encouraged—as  long  as  the  basic legitimacy of the regime was not challenged and independence not  discussed.  This  came  to  be  the  formula  for later national  elections.  In 1977, for the first time the K M T scheduled all local elections on the same day.  This was done to diminish the number of disruptive  campaigns, and to minimize the amount of support members of the Tangwai could give each other. effective  demands  for  a fair  The Tangwai made bold, shrewd and election—which  were  generally  met.  The Tangwai received an incredible 37% of the popular vote overall, and the stage was set for more open elections in the future.  The 1980 National Election: During  1979 and early 1980 new campaign and election laws were  formulated, The  with inputs  discussions  were  coming from  covered in the press,  public discussion and debate. 1980,  and  made  over 200  clear  how  elections  and what activities they may engage in. plain  that  opposition  Opposition  members  provisions  that  all  parties  objected written  scholars.  which also prompted  The new law was adopted on 14 May were  Significantly, it also spelled out the rights of  it  different  be  conducted.  opposition candidates  The election laws also made  would  to the  to  not  be  allowed  to  form.  limited campaign period and  material must  contain  the  name  and  address of the printer—making it difficult to find printers willing to publish Tangwai material (Copper Taiwan's Recent Elections 10331034).  Tangwai members (candidates outside the Party) were able  to circumvent the regulation that allowed campaigning for only 10 days prior to the election by holding parties and gatherings for more than a month before the campaign period officially began.  Finally,  Tangwai leaders expressed the view that new election laws were needed for the next set of elections.  A number of informal arrangements were arrived at between the Tangwai and K M T that also shaped the election.  The Tangwai agreed  not to advocate communism or independence, and also not to say that they were representing individuals who had been jailed as a result of the Kaohsiung Incident.  The KMT regime promised that it  would allow the Tangwai complete freedom of expression, and if necessary suppress groups, like veterans, who might try to interfere with the Tangwai (Copper Taiwan's Elections 65). freedom  of  expression"  was  well  qualified,  That "complete  however.  Self-  determination for Taiwan and other sensitive issues like ethnicity and political reform were outside the bounds of acceptable political discourse.  The promise to hold the election of 1980 to the  Legislative Yuan and National Assembly reflected public demands for fuller implementation of the constitution, as well as efforts by Chiang Ching-kuo to bring more Taiwanese into the government. election  represented  a  turning  point  in  Taiwan's  efforts  The to  democratize its political system (Copper Taiwan's Recent Elections 1030).  The candidates, KMT  regime  government  almost more  all of whom were Taiwanese,  openly  than  had  and K M T were presented  undemocratic, nepotism—the  with  ever  the  case.  as being corrupt,  a poor human rights  K M T was  been  criticized the The  oppressive,  record and riddled with  even compared to the Communist Party in  the P R C for being dictatorial.  The Tangwai abided by the  other  limitations, ignoring the return to the mainland policy and the issue of  a multi-party system (Copper Taiwan's Recent  Elections  1035).  The 1980 election took place without serious irregularities or charges of irregularities. results  were  The elections were closely supervised, and the final  tabulated  on  national  television  (Copper  Taiwan's  Elections 68).  Almost better  all  the  winning  representation  Assembly.  in  The winners  better educated.  candidates the  were  Legislative  Taiwanese, Yuan  were younger, average  The number of positions  and age  giving the 44,  and  more  vigorous  strong leadership and education. newly  people  elected in  1980  were  and the  aging  mainlanders  the newly elected members were Tangwai.  supplementary  was  five  able  to  provide  their  age  Also the difference in age and education between the  elected officials  received  and much  The younger  in the national legislative bodies—given  note (FCR Rising Political and Social Pluralism 35).  they  National  up for election  times the number in the first national election in 1969.  them  was  approximately  30%.  is  important  to  Twenty percent of  However, the vote total The  number  of  members, those elected on Taiwan, to the Legislative  Yuan, the National Assembly and the Control Yuan became 23.3%, 6.2% and 46.3% respectively (Gold 117).  The 1983 National Election: On 3 December 1983,  the Republic of China held its fifth national  supplementary election. the Legislative Yuan. the  1980  election,  The election was for 71  new members of  The election was the first national one  and served to confirm the development  competition—in practice if not in name—on Taiwan.  since  of party  The election also  served to test another set of election laws (Copper Taiwan's Elections 93).  The new Election and Recall Law passed in July 1983 was a revision of the previous election  law.  essentially  Changes included stricter  limitations on the campaign period and the types of written material posted in public. The K M T regime clarified the definitions of illegal acts and their penalties; campaign spending limits were put in place; the  penalties  acceptance  for  of  vote  foreign  buying funds  and  was  bribery were  made  illegal  increased;  and  (Copper Taiwan's  Elections 95).  The  15-day election  expression,"  with  period was  issues  such  as  termed a "holiday for freedom of self-determination  (an  acceptable  way to touch on the independence issue) being raised (Chang Taiwan in 1983  122).  to the Tangwai. 1980  The results of the election were mildly disappointing Their percentage of the vote dropped from 30% in  to 22% in the  1983  election.  Internecine  fighting  over the  direction of the Tangwai caused them to field too many candidates, thus  splitting  strategy,  their vote.  The K M T was  running people  athletes and intellectuals.  with  strong  also  voter  exercising  a  new  appeal—businessmen,  The K M T won 62 of the 71 seats, although  66 of the winners were Taiwanese (Gold  117-118).  This  reflected  the decade-long Taiwanization of the K M T .  The  election was important for a number of reasons.  free, and  open and competitive  It was more  than other elections that had occurred,  it suggests that the 1980 election was not a one-time event held  merely for the benefit  of foreign observers.  inhibited than before,  and the candidates  campaigners.  The election  Free speech was less  had become  more  savvy  showed that politics in the Republic of  China were becoming increasingly Taiwanized, rejuvenated with the election  of younger people to institutions dominated by older men,  and  liberalized, with greater freedom of expression.  The  1985 Local Elections  Island-wide local elections were held on 16 November 1985. K M T won 146 of the 191 posts that were contested.  The  The Tangwai did  well in both Taipei and Kaohsiung, places which both tend to be bellwethers for the rest of the country. won  13 of the  51  seats on the city council.  opposition candidate, election  for  In Taipei opposition members  Y u Chen  county  Yue-ying won  magistrate.  The  In Kaohsiung the a bitterly  vote  split  approximately 70% to 30% in the KMT's favor (FEER 1985  13).  Television  coverage  remained  under  contested remained  28 November the  complete  domination of the K M T , although newspaper more  balanced—even  Finally,  there  election.  was  including a  definite  detailed problem  coverage  critiques with  had become  of  vote  the K M T .  buying  in  the  The K M T ' s determination not to lose any more ground to  the Tangwai was a contributing factor to this problem.  Out of this  determination local party members paid others to vote for the K M T rather than lose more ground to the Tangwai in an election.  Many  local banks ran out of NT$100 bills, which are the most common ones used for the buying of votes (FEER 28 November 1985  The  1986 National Election:  The  elections held in  1986  were the  first  14).  between the  K M T and  another formal, though still technically illegal, opposition party, the Democratic Progressive Party.  This election was conducted in a fairly  open manner, with a relatively free exchange of ideas.  The DPP was  much better organized and unified than the Tangwai had been in the past.  The results of the election for the DPP were an improvement  over  the  Tangwai's  previous  performance.  The  DPP  received  approximately 30% of the overall vote total, and the four largest vote recipients were DPP members.  Of 73 seats up for election  Legislative Yuan, the DPP won 12, the K M T 61.  to the  Of the 84 seats  available in the National Assembly, the DPP won 11, the K M T 73. More significantly, of the total number of electoral contests that the DPP entered, 44, it won 23.  Both sides, the K M T and the DPP, were able to claim victory.  The  K M T claimed to have maintained a clear hold on power—even though  given  the  large  bodies this was election. time,  numbers  of  mainland-elected  and overcame in  the  many  of  the  obstacles that  previous  election.  The  gradual  change.  They  and  conservative  DPP members,  and the  (Copper A Quiet Revolution 41). rudimentary  of  developmental  the  winning  had hindered  electorate  wanted  voted  more  for  surprisingly labor  environmental  reform  in  more  in the  stages.  were  its  businessmen,  positions,  legislation,  protection  party  the  A two-party system was  candidates  diverse  the  liberal K M T members  considered significant for Taiwan's continuing prosperity.  views,  both  never in doubt—in an open and fairly unrestricted  competition  is  in  The DPP had acted as a formal opposition party for the first  Tangwai  Most  members  supporting  social  welfare  (Copper Taiwan's Recent  which  is  This group pro-business  programs, Elections  and  1037).  For the most part, ideology played a very minor role in the election. Certainly it was less important than ethnic identity; in order to win, one must be Taiwanese.  Finally, in this election, the K M T and the  DPP accepted each other as legitimate competitors in a game that had rules  and  implicit 1980,  agreements.  beginning  in  shows that  becoming  competitive,  and  the  The the  evolution  election  concept  of  beginning to be incorporated into politics.  of  this  attitude,  system on Taiwan is a loyal  opposition  This is critical to  is the  future evolution of democracy on Taiwan (Copper Taiwan's Elections 89-90).  The election process on Taiwan has been an evolutionary one, with increasing  democratization.  The  1986  election,  conducted  under  martial law,  saw the introduction of a formal opposition party, and  gave rise  to  demands  transition  from authoritarian rule  for  electoral  and legislative  to  democracy  is  reform. most  The  apparent  when the first fair, open, and competitive elections are held (Gripp 195).  When this will occur in the Republic of China is not  apparent.  The elections scheduled for 2 December  1989  yet  still will  occur in an authoritarian context, with the K M T exercising control over election laws, campaign rules and the media.  Human  and  Political  Rights  The issue of human rights in the Republic of China is one that is strongly influenced by the East Asian cultural context.  In addition,  external factors such as the threat from the mainland and pressures from other governments Taiwan. rights  also affect  the  status of human rights on  Finally, there has been some progress in the area of human as  economic  cultural  context  Ratings  by  for  and social  development  human rights  international  is  organizations  have  briefly of  the  occurred.  touched  on  political  The below.  freedom  present in the Republic of China are presented, as is a brief look at some of the more prominent demonstrations  and political prisoners.  Finally, mention of changes in controls over the island's media are examined.  The people on Taiwan are strongly influenced by Confucian culture. The  Taiwanese  institutions. Taiwan,  had  no  history  of  self-rule,  or  of  democratic  In the 50 years prior to the K M T coming to power in  the Taiwanese were ruled by the Japanese in a strongly  authoritarian manner.  Particularly in the early days of the Republic  of China on Taiwan, with the fear of the 'Red Menace,' the future of democracy worldwide was perceived as being threatened. regime's  priorities  development,  not  were  centered  around  democratization—which  survival could  The K M T  and  economic  possibly  lead  to  chaos and social ills that are present in Western societies.  In the U.S., traditionally, it has been believed that power needs to be divided  to  assure  that  it  can  be  checked  by  power  elsewhere.  Concentration of power is to be feared because of the potential for abuse.  In the Chinese political culture, the ruler and the ruled are  ideally united by a common set of moral norms; the more capable the ruler is, the better for the whole country. ethos greater uniformity of thinking was social  harmony  (Tai Human  Rights  According to the Confucian believed  in Taiwan  to bring  100).  greater  This  is  a  simplified interpretation of Chinese history, and brings out the point that there are, indeed, many Chinese political cultures.  Nonetheless,  it is  the  accurate  enough  to  help provide  of  human  a context for  present  discussion.  Western  conceptions  rights  were  embodied  in  the  constitution adopted by the Republic of China in 1947, yet for most of the life of the Republic of China on Taiwan those rights have been  sharply curtailed under the reign of martial law, which remained in effect until 1987.  The rights embodied in the constitution cover the  basic political, economic, judicial and social rights found in almost all Western constitutions (Tai Human Rights in Taiwan 94). for social stability and harmony, along with  The concern  the external threat from  the P R C , made it both expedient, and many felt necessary, to suspend constitutional rights. been, is debatable.  How genuine  this  external threat is,  or has  The K M T regime has used it to justify a plethora  of rights abuses.  The strongly authoritarian and brutal rule of the K M T under General Chen Y i , prior to the K M T withdrawal from the mainland, caused a Taiwanese uprising in 1947. KMT  to change  its tactics  This was a signal which compelled the in dealing with the Taiwanese.  While  suppressing some factions of the opposition the K M T has actively coopted Taiwanese into the army, the government, and the party itself. It has sought to co-opt local elites and remove them as a potential source of either dissent or opposition leadership (Chou and Nathan 289).  Rather than co-optation, during the first decade of K M T rule  political  opposition  was  removed  primarily  by  imprisonment  or  execution.  Freedom House presents an annual look at the status of freedom in the world.  The results of their study help provide a comprehensive  picture of the  status of freedom in a given country.  The  edition's  of  considered  view  briefly here.  the  status of  freedom in Taiwan  is  1989  On a scale of 1-7, with 7 being the least free, Taiwan  receives  a  5  in  political rights  and  improvement from the prior rating).  a  3  in  civil  liberties  (an  The rating of 5 in political  rights means that the state has some democratic processes,  but that  much of political decision-making occurs outside of public view, and based on individuals rather than institutions. civil  liberties  shows  some  degree  of  A state receiving a 3 in  respect  for  civil  liberties,  however it is likely that a secret police force works in a country with this rating, and that there are political prisoners (Freedom House 3339).  Generally, censorship is present in these states as well,  Taiwan  is noted as a state in which significant progress has been made, both in media freedom and in opposition political activity (Freedom House 44).  A  look  improvement  at in  the the  ratings  over  time  ratings—however  show each  a  very  gradual  improvement  is  accompanied by many years at the new level; also progress has not always been in one direction.  An important factor in the human rights story on Taiwan has been the role of the secret police.  Even though they are not as noticeable  as they once were, and people speak of them less often, the secret police continue to play a role in Taiwan.  It is estimated that on  Taiwan today there are close to a dozen secret police organizations. The recent history of these organizations shows both that they have broad power, and that the power has waned somewhat Nonetheless,  they remain a potentially  (Pye  strong force in society  could adversely affect human rights on Taiwan.  628). that  The disaster of the  Henry L i u assassination, and previous to that the Kaohsiung Incident,  diminished the influence  of the secret police, and probably caused  them to be reined in somewhat by the politicians (Pye 628).  The secret police have been used to intimidate vocal opponents the  K M T regime.  Taiwanese  Speaking  independence),  authorities—which  could  on  subjects  would  likely  easily  lead  that  were  prompt a to  any  taboo  visit  of (i.e.  from  number  of  the dire  consequences.  Threats to job security, property, family or even one's  life  the  could  be  appropriate.  price  for  continuing  in  activities  not  deemed  Oftentimes opponents were accused of being communist  agents seeking the overthrow of the K M T in favor of the Mainland communists.  The story of Professor Peng Ming-Min in his book A  Taste of Freedom  provides a fascinating account of one individual's  experiences—from co-option to dissenter to exile (Cheng; 801-802).  The area of student protest presents an interesting picture of some of the changes occurring in Taiwan's politics.  In 1988, for the first time  ever, an opposition backed candidate won election as the head of the National Taiwan University (NTU) student association—50% to 39% of the vote.  The main campaign issue was how to increase  student  autonomy and freedom, and how to bring liberalization to the N T U campus. presence  Before from  campus,  organize students. felt  the  through its  election, in  the  response  K M T officially to  DPP threats  have  been  similarly  its to  Students complain that the K M T presence is still intelligence  apparatus, and through many students  and professors on campus (FEER 14 July 1988 22). there  withdrew  an increasing  number of  Since the election  student  demonstrations,  67  involving thousands of students,  seeking to accomplish liberalization  and greater autonomy from the K M T at N T U .  The  secret police  have  been  used  by the  bounds of acceptable political discourse.  regime  to  enforce  the  One of the last major  domestic confrontations was the Kaohsiung Incident on 10 December 1979, in which tens of thousands gathered on Human Rights Day to protest the violations of the freedom of assembly.  The police tried to  block access to the rally site, and failing to do that, they tear-gassed the crowd and did not provide a way to leave the rally site.  Fighting  broke out as people tried to flee the tear-gas but were unable to do so,  however  only five  or six people  secret police arrested over  100 people,  them in a military court on charges international  were  furor—provoking protests  seriously  injured.  The  and arbitrarily tried 60  of sedition. from  of  This created an  human rights  churches and the U S State Department (Chai 1310-1311).  groups,  Following  the international condemnation, the K M T issued statements stressing the importance of the rule of law and committing itself to respect the rights  of  dissidents  as  long  as  they  were  exercised  statements that stand in sharp contrast to its  actions  peacefully— (Tai Human  Rights in Taiwan 95).  The largest anti-government demonstration in 41 20 May 1988. had occurred law.  years occurred on  It began much like the other 1400 protest rallies that in the previous ten months, after the lifting of martial  It ended with 96 people being detained by the police, after a  seventeen-hour  rampage following a farmers' protest rally (FEER  2  June 1988 police the  16).  The beating of bystanders and demonstrators by the  astonished  government  observers—and was  warning  sparked questions people  that  the  about  whether  rising  tide  of  demonstrations had gone too far.  Others interpret it as part of a  power  the  struggle  occurring within  K M T between  conservative factions (FEER 16 June 1988 25). said that those detained their  arrests.  Both  were  sides  badly beaten  have  been  reform and  Human rights lawyers both before  and after  distributing videotapes  attempts to bolster support for their view of what happened. demonstrators police  approached the  attacked.  occurred. reforms  doors  to  the  Legislative  in  When  Yuan,  riot  The seventeen hours of rioting started after  this  This riot clearly demonstrates that in spite of the political that  have  occurred, there  are  still  very  strong  tensions  present in Taiwanese society and that political change is not always progressive.  The  political  rhetoric  surrounding  reform has been mixed as well. chief  proponents  of  demonstrations  and  political  While apparently still one of the  reform within the  K M T , Lee Teng-hui gave  several law and order speeches before the 20 May riot. His personal choice for premier, Lee Huan (also seen as a champion of political reform), made some less than promising comments when discussing the demonstrations of the last year. law.  "Democracy depends on rule of  The disturbances in Taiwan in the past year have to be ended  so that law and order may be maintained" (FBIS-CHI 5 June 124).  1989  Comments like this may be interpreted in a variety of ways,  however,  a  cautious—almost  pessimistic—interpretation  seems  warranted.  For the reformers in the K M T , political freedoms may be  a lower priority than perpetuation of power.  Press freedom has also increased in the last few notable exception  of television  stations,  years.  With the  which are state controlled,  the print and broadcast media have been given relatively free rein to discuss issues.  Criticism of the government is allowed, and open and  fair coverage of the opposition during elections is common (Copper Taiwan's  Elections  121).  In fact,  freedom  of  freedom have created something of a backlash. population  feel  that  at  times  the  press  speech  and  Large parts of the  takes  advantage  freedoms and is excessive (Copper Taiwan's Elections 121). of the K M T also feel the press occasionally goes too far. English-language  radio  servicemen  important  government stations. language  (an to  crack  stations  down  about  a  tighten  controls  Most importantly, the government stations  were  not  abiding  by  felt  its  A report by by  ex-  prompted  the  over  the  that the  informal  of  Members  demonstration  K M T constituency) and  press  radio  English-  agreements  that  guide the selection of news by other radio stations (FEER 13 August 1987 7).  Finally, the person responsible for the increased censorship  is considered an important voice of reform, and one of Lee Teng-hui's most  important supporters.  Coverage of topics like self-determination for Taiwan, political rallies or  demonstrations,  through informal The  coverage  of  and  news  from  the  mainland  are  controlled  arrangements about what is appropriate to cover. the  party  congress  in  which  Lee  was  elected  chairman after a conflict with Madame Chiang Kai-shek astounded many because the issue was covered. would have been taboo.  Previously such a matter  The mass media have cast their lot with Lee  and his supporters, and as a result they have been given more freedom to cover the news.  That freedom is restricted, however, and could be further limited if the media alienates Lee (FEER 11 February 1989 12-13).  Clearly the  K M T is not in a position where it can move arbitrarily against media outlets, at least without a significant loss of credibility.  Limits on  the establishment of new newspapers and the number of pages that may be printed have been lifted.  Relaxation of K M T control of the  media has been one of the more visible reforms, and, as a result, a K M T crackdown on the media is unlikely.  The only likely exception  to this is if the K M T feels threatened enough to perceive that a crackdown is  worth the political damage  it would cause.  The  importance of television, and the continuing tight control of it by the KMT regime must also be noted.  Political  prisoners  freedom remains  continue  to  be  limited, and the  arrested  and detained,  ability to  demonstrate  express some political viewpoints remains constrained.  press and/or  In spite of  these gloomy facts, there has indeed been some improvement in the situation in Taiwan. the  easing  The improvement in ratings by Freedom House,  of some press  government demonstrations  restrictions,  and the  volume  of anti-  that has occurred since the lifting of  martial law are all significant.  The give-and-take nature of these  various facts seem indicative of a reform process that is not part of grand scheme, but rather one that is developed as events develop.  The  Politics  of  Taiwan:  political  reforms  Reforms Political reform has occurred throughout the life of the Republic of China on Taiwan.  The reforms that have occurred can be broken  down into two time periods, those which occurred prior to late and those which have occurred since. prior  to  1985  liberalized  the  preliminary stages of reform. the  end  of  martial  demonstrate  that,  may indeed  be  reforms  that  somewhat  law  rule  The reforms which occurred of  the  K M T and  mark  the  The post-1985 reforms, which include  and  for whatever  legalization reason,  of  opposition  occurred over  parties  political reform in Taiwan  more than a brief liberalization.  have  1985  time  show  The liberalizing  that  the  K M T was  sensitive to the demands of the political marketplace; the  post-1985 reforms  show that a combination a factors  have  altered  politics in Taiwan—the K M T can no longer manipulate and control politics,  but  previously  must  be  sensitive  to  the  population  to  a  degree  unknown.  Throughout its reign, the K M T has used principally two means  to  control Taiwanese society.  Originally it used repression and highly  authoritarian  tactics,  recently  authoritarian  approach with  change  in tactics  pressures  to  more  some  it  has  degree  of  mixed  the  repressive  liberalization.  This  is due to a variety of factors, including foreign  liberalize  and the  need  for a stable environment  which to promote the goal of economic development.  in  As discussed in  the section on elections, one method was to allow local politics, where  little real power was at stake, to be fairly free and democratic.  That  particular decision had other effects, besides merely co-opting local elites.  It created Taiwanese politicians who were active in the K M T  and helped to further the Taiwanization of the party.  The reform  process has been less a planned progression and more a series of adhoc political changes.  The mixture of repression with liberalization  shows that the K M T leadership was responding to various pressures, not engaging in a grand scheme.  A look at the reforms that have  occurred bears this out.  On paper, the structure of the Republic of China government is a democratic  one,  with  the  important bodies  citizens of the Republic of China.  being  elected  by  the  The problem is that the definition  of the citizenry of the Republic of China is in dispute, with the K M T clinging to the myth that it is the government of all of China.  Local  elections were held already in 1950, with the Taiwanese dominating the local positions. 1985  The reforms that occurred on Taiwan prior to  were not on a grand scale.  Through  1965,  conditions  were  quite repressive.  During this time, Chiang Ching-kuo, with an eye to  his  consolidating  future, was  his  power  turned the island into a police state. and  anyone  liberalization  opposing or  the  merely  communist" and jailed.  express  and literally  Secret agents were everywhere,  government to  on Taiwan,  or the  K M T , and  dissent  was  labeled  seeking "pro-  Taiwanese leaders who could not be co-opted  were arrested and imprisoned on an island off Taiwan. were ignored, news was censored, and schools were surveillance of the Youth Corps (Cheng 800-801).  Civil rights  kept under the  The  Taiwan  Garrison  internal security. in  A  the  authority  to  maintain  It tried dissidents on charges of treason or sedition  military courts,  executed.  Command had  and many  large  managed to flee  number  the country.  Taiwan Independence  people of  were imprisoned for  leaders It was  were  sent into  life  or  exile,  or  out of this group that  Movement found its leadership.  the  Chiang K a i -  shek ruled the Republic of China with a Confucian aloofness, and expressed the sentiment that politics was a matter for a professional elite.  In spite of this, he allowed local politics to remain democratic  and never really involved himself in local politics (Copper Taiwan's Elections 9).  This was the state of affairs until the late 1970s.  After  Chiang Kai-shek's death he was replaced, in almost dynastic fashion, by his son Chiang Ching-kuo.  Chiang Ching-kuo presented a very different style of leadership.  As  a result of opposition pressure for change, Chiang Ching-kuo moved away  from his previously  with the people, making decisions.  highly authoritarian manner.  He mixed  and gave public opinion some consideration  when  He stressed the importance of elections, and the  importance of the government representing all the people of Taiwan. He also pushed leading  the  hard for recruitment from all sectors of  Taiwanization  process  of  the  party  and  society-  government  (Copper Taiwan's Elections 10).  By the late 1970s the Republic of China had attained a high level of economic success, and progress in the area of social development  was  occurring as well.  Taiwan was being touted as an economic miracle.  From a position of relative power Chiang  Ching-kuo was  able  to  liberalize politics, and recognize, unofficially, the role of the Tangwai. The emergence  of the Tangwai demonstrated the rise of a middle  class that was  highly educated  activity.  and no longer fearful of political  The more pluralistic nature of society was creating forces  both inside the K M T and outside that had different political agendas. Chiang Ching-kuo's approach was prompted by increasing pressures on the government.  He was able to initiate them because  standing, particularly with more conservative  of his  members of the K M T  who were opposed to the policies, but loyal to Chiang Ching-kuo.  Political reform and change evolutionary nature.  on Taiwan has primarily  been  of an  The changing nature of society came in conflict  with the more static political system in the Kaohsiung Incident which occurred on 10 December  1979.  Society  demanded more political  freedom while the political system did not allow for this increased freedom, in spite of rhetoric to the contrary. recognition  of  society's  major electoral changes 1980.  changes,  that  that allowed  It was after this, and in  Chiang  Ching-kuo instituted  a relatively open election  in  What the 1980 election did do, however, was to open the way  for greater freedom in society.  Along with the election came greater  freedom of speech, freedom of assembly and freedom of the press. Certain  subjects  independence  remained  taboo,  particularly  for Taiwan, or the communist alternative.  these limitations, society became much more open.  advocating Short of  The  de-recognition  of  the  Republic of  China  by the  US  was  undoubtedly an important factor in the liberalization that occurred. The announcement split the members of the Tangwai over the issue of  whether  this  was  an appropriate time  democratization (Gold 116).  to  press  harder for  The K M T was affected in a similar  fashion, with some members feeling that this was an important time to push for reforms.  Conservative elements within the party took a  different view, feeling that renewed political repression was needed (Greenhalgh 63).  Members of the Tangwai questioned whether the  rejection was, in fact, due to government ineptitude or the absence of civil rights.  In March of 1986, Chiang Ching-kuo formed a 12-member committee to discuss four important issues: terminating martial law; allowing the  formation of  new  political parties, rejuvenating the  elected  bodies of government; and strengthening local government (Copper Taiwan  173).  The government  environment far more conducive  sought  to create  to political pluralism.  a new  legal  In 1986 the  decision was made to lift martial law (effective July 1987), establish a new law for the creation of political organizations, enter into dialogue with the opposition (Tangwai), and even allow the Tangwai to  form  a new  political party-the Democratic Progressive Party  (DPP)--in spite of the fact that the DPP was formed before it was legal to form new parties (Meyers 1003).  This was most likely a  strategic move on the DPP's part, to avoid the appearance that it was a creation of the KMT.  Four days after the DPP was formed, 40% of  the people on Taiwan were aware of the event.  This was a surprising  figure given the government controls over the media (Copper Taiwan in 1986 84-85).  The lifting of martial law and the other reforms were great steps forward,  however,  completely.  the  K M T did not  give  up its  hold on power  With the lifting of martial law came a new National  Security Law, which made it a crime to violate the constitution or advocate exercise  communism or the of the people's  division of  national territory in  the  freedom of assembly or association (Harris  31).  Another provision deprives former prisoners of the right to  hold  public  office,  which  eliminates  leadership from seeking public office.  much  of  the  opposition  The effects of the National  Security Law are similar in many ways to martial law, although it defines  terms more carefully, decreases penalties for offenses, eases  entry and exit from Taiwan, and puts civilian cases back into civilian courts (Chou and Nathan 289).  The role of Chiang Ching-kuo in leading the reforms is of critical importance.  After  steadily consolidating power and constructing a  system of personal loyalty (guanxi), he successfully  turned many of  the party's elder statesmen and the military professionals  who had  dominated the scene since the 1940s into museum pieces (Tien 620). Chiang Ching-kuo brought the technocrats into the ascendancy, and cultivated a popular image to generate  support in society—moving  beyond a system based on personal favors and guanxi.  Because of  his control, and the structure of the party, he was able to move from  a position of centralized power in order to institute the reforms of 1986-1987. Taiwan's political reforms have been orchestrated personally by the popular Chiang Ching-kuo. To some extent he has reacted to a rising tide of pressure for reform, and there is no rival or inhibiting power center. The once powerful National Security Agency lacks its former clout. The amorphous 2.2 million member K M T is a useful tool for its leader, but the organization as a whole is no longer able to take political initiatives (Seymour Taiwan in 1987 74).  Chiang Ching-kuo appointed many more Taiwanese to positions  of  power, as well as many more young people, in both the Party and the government.  He  cracked  down  on  corruption; he  promulgated  information about the government; and he gave added importance to economic development  (Copper A Quiet Revolution 7).  These were  important because they gave people more of a sense of involvement and input into the political process. of  reasons  electoral Another  for  these  appeal  of  important  actions, the  reason  from the Taiwanese  the  There were obviously a number chief  Tangwai was  the  one  (Chou  being  and  increasingly  the  increasing  Nathan  283-284).  strident  criticism  population at large over the inequities  of  the  political system (FEER 18 February 1988 21).  Chiang Ching-kuo accomplished his tasks by using his inner circle, using his father's veteran cadres, promoting people of his own, coopting  those  prominent  seeking leaders  to with  work with  him, and by excluding  independent  power  bases  other  (Winckler  Institutionalization  and Participation on Taiwan 158-159).  By  this  strategy, which relied heavily on guanxi and personal favors, he was able to implement his reform program.  The reliance on political  allies, and the need to placate the opposition strongly suggests that the  reforms  were  the  result  of  bargaining  and  give-and-take  amongst various politicians.  One of the most important aspects of Chiang Ching-kuo's actions was that he had the power to be able to initiate reform, and was also able to choose a successor. process,  By taking major steps forward in the reform  and by selecting  successor,  a native Taiwanese technocrat to be his  he helped to ensure that reform would not die with him.  In the years  before  his death, Chiang Ching-kuo removed General  Wang Sheng, who seemed to be working his way into position to become president, and made him ambassador to Paraguay.  Likewise  he declared publicly that a member of the Chiang family would not succeed was  him.  When Chiang Ching-kuo died in January of 1988  succeeded  hui.  Madame  by the native-born Taiwanese technocrat, Lee TengChiang  Kai-shek,  along  with  elements of the K M T , attempted to block Lee. 1988 56).  he  some  conservative  (Seymour Taiwan in  Lee moved quickly against the conservatives,  predictions to the contrary, he was  able to consolidate  and despite power and  develop a strong popular following.  Lee became both president of the Republic, and chairman of the K M T . At  his  first party congress in the  spring of  1988,  the  delegates  refused to rubber-stamp the party leadership's list of candidates for  the Central Executive Committee, and proposed their own list. 1200  delegates  proposed  a  list  of  180  candidates  for  positions; Lee presented a list of 180 candidates as well. 147 of Lee's candidates were selected (FEER  the  The 180  In the end,  12 July 1989  18-19).  Conservative party leaders, like Prime Minister Y u Kuo-hua, received embarrassingly low numbers of votes.  Y u had been the third on  Lee's list of candidates, but came in 35th in the polling; this was a major contributing factor to Yu's subsequent retirement. later  when  the  Central  Standing  Committee  majority of its members were Taiwanese.  was  A few days selected,  the  After the congress, Lee  selected a Cabinet, also with a Taiwanese majority (Copper Taiwan 176).  Since coming to power, Lee has followed many of the policies of his predecessor.  The emphasis of his administration has been to appoint  and promote qualified people to office, to work on the public image of  the  government  international  affairs,  Republic of China.  and  the  party,  and further to  to  move  out  liberalize the  actively politics  of  into the  New policies which enhance political rights are  being implemented on a regular basis.  Whether it is liberalization  and relaxation of restrictions on student groups at universities, or a more open discussion of Taiwan's status, or even sending a finance representative  to Beijing for a meeting  of the Asian  Development  Bank, the Republic of China under Lee is on a course of reform, initiated by Chiang Ching-kuo (FCR Transformation of the K M T 42).  Lee's strength and the fundamental changes that are occurring in the political sphere on Taiwan can be seen in the trial balloon earlier this year by Lee insiders of a "one China, two approach  to relations  some semblance  with  of the  the  mainland.  Republic of  governments"  While still  China position  floated  maintaining  that it is  the  government of all of China, the proposal would recognize the de facto situation  that has  existed since  1949,  without  Taiwan to the P R C in very direct ways. to resolve and  tying the  future  It is very likely an attempt  the Republic of China's ambiguous international position,  to place regime legitimacy on more solid ground.  This proposal  would have been unthinkable even a decade earlier (FEER 1989  of  4 May  27).  Lee's  latest  proposal  supplementary  members  calls of  for  the  Assembly and the Control Yuan. sum retirement  bonuses to  increasing  Legislative  the  Yuan,  Lee also proposes  those elected on the  number the  of  National  offering lump  mainland.  retiring mainlander's position would be filled by election.  Each  Members  who have been too old or ill to attend and participate in government functions will be forcibly retired.  Many of the elderly members of  the  their willingness  Control  needs  to  Yuan  get  have  the  indicated  mainlanders  causing a backlash against February 1988 21).  to  agree  to  retire  without 18  The politics of reform remain both difficult and able  to juggle  (factions  the  opposition)  the  quietly,  Lee  him and the other reformers (FEER  sensitive, and Lee needs to be within  to retire.  K M T and  regarding the future of political reform.  the  various  making  forces  demands  Taiwanization  It is  not possible  to discuss  any sort of political reform without  dealing with the mainlander-Taiwanese ethnic cleavage.  In the area  of reform, a process of Taiwanization has occurred, in which greater opportunities for participation have been provided for Taiwanese in areas  previously  reserved  for  mainlanders.  The  sharp  ethnic  division has been responsible for most of the conflict on the island, and can also be seen as a principal motivating factor for political reform. most  A consideration of mainlander-Taiwanese relations, and the  recent phenomenon—Taiwanization—is provided now.  The relationship between the mainlanders and the Taiwanese got off to a poor start.  The Japanese colonization/occupation of the island  had been ended after World War II.  Taiwan had spent close to 50  years being closely tied to Japan; its early history had not included a close relationship with the mainland.  Fifty years of Japanese rule  had accustomed the Taiwanese to second class citizenship (Gold  125).  After World War II and the removal of the Japanese from the island, however, expectations  were raised; the people of Taiwan expected to  be treated as equals, and to participate fully in the political processes of the Republic of China.  Using the poor military situation on the  mainland as justification, the K M T acted in an arbitrary manner.  The first governor of Taiwan was a general, Chen Y i , who treated the Taiwanese  harshly.  Chen's  primary  focus  was  on  amassing  a  personal fortune, rather than helping to repair the damage of World War II.  When the  Taiwanese  point, there was an uprising.  were pushed  beyond  the  breaking  The uprising was deemed to be part of  the larger communist threat and was put down brutally (Clough 41). The  harsh  governor  treatment generated  compounded fleeing  the  arrival  communists. positions,  remained  departing  very  by the  governmental they  they  the  negative of  The  government,  hands  feelings.  of  The  large numbers  elite.  of  this  brutal  problem  was  mainlander elites  had higher  the  The positions  Taiwanese  instead filled with these individuals.  their homes to these  the  social  and  and moved into Taiwan with the idea that  which  K M T left the mainland.  at  The mainlanders  nation's  Japanese,  received  vacated  expected  to  by  fill,  the were  This was true even before  the  Some Taiwanese even lost their positions and  carpetbaggers.  party and the  army were all dominated  by  the  mainlanders—living on an island that until four years previously had been a colonial possession of another country, and which previous to that had had few ties to the mainland.  One example of this failure at  assimilation, which is inherently related to the idea that the Republic of China is the government of all of China, is the issue of language. Clearly it would have been more fitting for the fifteen percent of the population who spoke Mandarin to learn the local dialect.  Instead  the 85% of the population who were Taiwanese were forced to learn Mandarin.  The burden of learning a new  accompanying  awkwardness  and linguistic  upon the Taiwanese (Ahern and Gates 263).  dialect,  along with  ineptitude,  was  the  imposed  The poor situation of the Taiwanese, particularly in relation to access to  government,  party and military positions,  norm until the late 1960s.  process  to of  Taiwanese  to  be  the  The main avenue open to Taiwanese was  to do well in business or agriculture. managed  continued  accomplish, due  This is something which they  in large part to  land reform and industrialization. were encouraged  the  government-led  During  this  time,  to participate in local politics—which,  though dominated by ethnic Taiwanese, were controlled by the K M T . The  Taiwanese  were,  however,  politics.  A n y attempt  perceived  as  to  threatening  practically excluded  push  by  for  the  national  authorities  from  national  political gains and  often  was  ruthlessly  suppressed (FCR Transformation of the K M T 39).  Intermarriages between the  two  ethnic  groups is  common  enough  that it is all but impossible to find a Taiwanese who is not related to a mainlander and vice-versa. Taiwanese  The urbanization trend brought the  and mainlanders into  greater contact  with one  another.  The common education of the children of both groups, however, the key factor. emphasis  being  is  Young people are being educated together without an placed  on  provincial  origin,  and  consequently  provincial origin is less important.  It is still possible to make generalized statements about each group. The  mainlanders dominate  Taiwanese  dominate  the  business;  government the  or public  mainlanders dominate  sphere,  the  the upper  echelons of the K M T , the Taiwanese dominate local government; the  mainlanders  are better educated;  passes, however,  and the  these generalizations  list  goes on.  As  time  become less valid (Chen  71).  More and more the issue of economic status is becoming the principal division in society, not provincial origin.  However, it must be noted  that to a certain extent class divisions run along ethnic lines as is indicated in Table 2 on ethnic  differences:  Table 2 Ethnic differences in social, cultural and economic organization Taiwanese Religious beliefs/Practices 1. Identify self as Protestant, Catholic, no religion 2. Identify self as Buddhist, folk religionist 3. Have ancestral altar in home 4. Baibai ancestors at least once a year 5. Burn incense in temple several times a year 6. Contribute to temple Familial Networks 7. Household size (persons) 8. Household structure solitary nuclear Education of Household Head 9. Junior college or higher Socioeconomic status of Household Head 10. Employer 11. Manager 12. Own-account worker 13. Regular employee 14. Temporary worker Occupation of Household Head 15. White-collar job 16. Blue-collar job Economic sector of Household Head 17. Public sector 18. Private sector Income (in 1976 New Taiwan $) 19. Total household income 20. Per adult equivalent household income (Greenhalgh 539)  Mainlander Average  11.9  63.9  27.0  85.4 62.9  32.2 17.9  70.1 54.8  95.0  71.9  91.9  63.8 50.8  30.1 24.4  57.8 46.0  5.6  4.39  5.36  1.8 72.1  7.2 84.5  2.8 74.3  8.8  32.2  13.0  3.1 6.8 40.2 43.9 6.0  1.9 27.8 9.6 58.0 2.7  2.8 10.6 35.0 46.1 5.5  37.0 63.0  68.8 32.2  41.8 58.2  8.1 91.9  41.3 58.7  14.1 85.9  124,000 129,000 125,000 31,220  39,796  32,817  The differences  in income and lifestyles  are still present, and they  are important in showing the continuing presence of a major ethnic cleavage  in society—not  to  mention the ethnic  discrimination and  decimation faced by the aboriginal people of Taiwan.  The process of Taiwanization, which began in the early 1970s and which has since really taken off, changed much of this. Ching-kuo became prime minister in 1972,  When Chiang  more reforms were put  into place and the K M T began an "affirmative action" policy of sorts. Many Taiwanese were recruited into the K M T and into positions in the  government.  The education gap that had earlier existed had  been somewhat diminished during the intervening years. economic  success that had occurred was  Also, the  a product of cooperation  between the mainlanders and the Taiwanese, and the Taiwanese who dominated business were oftentimes  more inclined to focus on their  economic well-being rather than on overtly political issues.  It should  be noted that the Taiwanese may have dominated small  business,  but it was the mainlanders with connections to the government and party who dominated the larger enterprises.  The  crowning  of  the  process  of  Taiwanization came  with  the  appointment of Lee Teng-hui, a native Taiwanese, as Vice-President in 1984. the  This was surpassed when Lee became first the president of  Republic  of  China,  and  later  the  chairman of  the K M T .  Taiwanization is also notable in the number of Taiwanese in the K M T , over 80%.  Almost every single local elected official is Taiwanese, and  of those elected in national elections, generally more Taiwanese are elected than their percentage of the general population.  Today, 45%  of the members of the party Central Executive Committee are native Taiwanese.  In  the  Standing  seventeen Taiwanese;  giving  (FEER 28 July  18-19).  business  and  dominance  1989  business  of  many  Committee  them  the  party  there  majority for the  are  first  time  Finally, the increasing importance of  groups of  the  of  in  these,  Taiwan,  has  and  reinforced  the the  Taiwanese process  of  Taiwanization.  The process of Taiwanization is significant in a number of respects. It  provides  the  opportunity  for  democratic, in a sense, by the  institutions  between  Taiwanization  become  increasing representation  Taiwanese in the government and party. link  to  and  more  of  native  There is not an inherent  democratization.  Taiwanization  must be viewed as a process that may help address the major ethnic cleavage in Taiwan, but it can occur without democratization. Taiwanization Taiwanization differences notable. Taiwanese  is  occurring  serves to  between  more  bolster  rapidly  regime  mainlanders  and  than  legitimacy. Taiwanese  democratization. However, are  still  Compared to mainlanders the differing motivations in joining  important consideration.  the  K M T , as  indicated  In fact,  below,  is  the  quite of the  also  an  Finally, co-optation of Taiwanese by the  K M T in order to enhance its legitimacy is an important consideration in the process of Taiwanization.  Individual  Tabic 3 reasons for joining the Kuomintang  Reason  Taiwanese  Mainlanders  Peer pressure To get ahead in business To get ahead in government Agreement with KMT ideology (Zeigler 140)  22% 51% 5% 22%  24% 13% 31% 32%  Thus while gradual Taiwanization may indicate the lessening of the degree of ethnic cleavage in society, it does not mark the end of that cleavage. differences  The different reasons for joining the K M T and the notable between  the lifestyles  of the mainlanders and Taiwanese  indicate that the problems between  the two groups have not been  eliminated by the process of Taiwanization.  Indeed, if Taiwanization  is to be the cure for this ethnic cleavage, it will require a long period of time—time which the opposition is unlikely to provide.  Conclusion  There are two areas that are considered in the conclusion.  The first  is, of course, the utility of the theory of intentional development in explaining the events in Taiwan.  The consideration of the theory,  and the changes that have occurred in Taiwan, bring up a number of questions  which bear further clarification.  examined  in  this  first  section.  These questions are  Second,  broader theoretical  conclusions are drawn. These will, hopefully, shed some light on the theory and its applicability elsewhere.  Intentional  Development  and  Taiwan  The consideration of Taiwan has raised a number of questions, or issues, that need further clarification and explanation.  Some of these  affect the consideration of the theory of intentional development in the next section.  The remainder simply need further consideration  in order to complete this examination of Taiwan.  There are specific factors that do not directly affect the theory, although they likely have affected the outcome of the development processes in Taiwan.  These factors are the Japanese legacy, the role  of  and  American  determination.  aid,  the  question  of  independence/self-  These deserve separate consideration because they  are specific to Taiwan.  The Japanese legacy in Taiwan is extremely important because of the the starting point it provided for economic development.  As was  noted earlier, the Japanese left behind a developed infrastructure. They had raised the educational level of the islanders, and trained them in new methods of agricultural and industrial production. Finally, the Japanese had begun the difficult task of starting economic development.  This legacy gave the KMT an advanced  starting point for the economic development that they initiated.  The  question also must be raised, did the KMT make the best possible use of this legacy?  Clearly, the answer is no.  By killing off the  indigenous Taiwanese leadership, and decimating the ranks of the middle class, the KMT wasted one of the most precious resources left behind by the Japanese—a well-trained population.  By utilizing  repressive political control, the KMT may have achieved a degree of political stability, but this political stability came at an excessively high cost.  A second factor that has had a significant impact upon Taiwan, and its developmental processes, is American aid.  The United States aid,  in both financial and material terms, enabled the KMT to remain in power  on  Taiwan.  American  military protection  from  the  communists on the mainland helped provide some stability to the island, and enabled the KMT to use some of Taiwan's resources in areas other than defense.  The U.S. provided technical advisors in a  number of areas, access to the U.S. market, and funds for investment. Because of its superpower status, the U.S. involvement sent a message to other countries, and helped the Republic of China retain diplomatic representation with many states after losing the mainland to the communists.  Even with the change in the status of the  relationship with the U.S., and the decline in diplomatic relations with other states, the involvement with the U.S. is crucial to the health of the Taiwanese economy.  The American involvement begs  the question of whether Taiwan's processes of development would have enjoyed the same degree of success without U.S. backing. The answer is a qualified no.  The massive foreign support Taiwan  received was critical in expediting the development processes.  It is  certainly much easier to engage in economic development when others are helping to bear the economic burden.  Finally, the level of  assistance  from  received  distinguishes  Taiwan  many  other  developing countries.  The last issue that is specific to Taiwan is the question of Taiwan's international status. but formal  Taiwan has informal relations with many states,  diplomatic ties with only 21 countries.  Taiwan's  ambiguous international position is part of a larger problem, namely, the major ethnic cleavage that exists in Taiwan. raises  the  question  of  This cleavage also  Taiwan's international status—from the  perspective of those living in Taiwan.  Internationally, there seems to  be little desire to change the status quo of Taiwan.  The PRC doesn't  want Taiwan to be independent, and the U.S. perceives the issue as a potential disaster for Sino-American relations.  The people living in  Taiwan are split on the issue as well. The KMT continues to maintain, as a key point to its legitimacy, that the Republic of China is the de jure  government of China.  Most Taiwanese favor independence for  Taiwan, if it can be obtained through peaceful means*.  This unique  situation has created problems since the beginning of K M T rule in Taiwan, and has been, and is, the single most important issue in the politics of Taiwan.  These three factors  are all very important to understanding the  processes of development in Taiwan.  Issues which are more directly  related to the theory of intentional development are considered now. Recall that the theory states that there are four factors that must be present in order for intentional development to occur, these are: a receptive  social  environment,  expertise, and capital. approach  of  the  determined  leadership,  technical  Also recall that the theory says that the key  determined  leadership  must  be  unbalanced  development, with economic development leading the way. the  theory  states that  because  regime may choose to liberalize.  of  unbalanced  Finally,  development,  the  This liberalization is likely to occur  when the regime recognizes that its economic development program has produced many small and medium-sized enterprises  that are  outside its control, and has created a significant middle class.  Thus,  because it trusts the moderating influence of the bourgeois  forces,  and wants to avoid seeing them become radicalized, the regime will liberalize.  This liberalization tends to lead to democratization.  There is one area of the theory, determined leadership, that has a number of points, related to Taiwan, that require clarification.  Once  * For further discussion of this point please see Lillian Craig Harris, "Towards Taiwan's Independence" in The Pacific Review 1:1 (1988): 24-37.  these points have been considered, a broader consideration of the theory of intentional development will be done.  In Johnson's article he refers to the "draconian process of priority setting" (7).  The cornerstone of this theory, when applying it to  Taiwan, is the role of the determined leadership. This is the case for several reasons.  The primary reason is that the leadership had to  overcome a number of major obstacles to create a receptive social environment for development.  The second reason is the ongoing  necessity of maintaining that receptiveness in the face of unbalanced development.  Finally, along with the changes that have occurred in  Taiwan, the leadership itself, as well as its role, have changed.  There is, of course, the problem of never being able to prove what the motivation of the leadership was in the political reforms that have occurred.  However, there were some important factors that  likely caused the KMT regime's decision to liberalize.  The decreased ability of the KMT to control Taiwanese society is undoubtedly the most important.  Pressure came from below to  liberalize, from middle class groups, for example, that had enhanced standing due to the success of economic development.  Pressure also  came from groups that had always pressed for change, such as native Taiwanese.  Because of societal changes and other factors, the old  methods of authoritarian control have become far less effective than had previously been the case. had simply become too great.  The cost of utilizing these methods  As the material on social development indicated, there are numerous changes that have occurred in Taiwanese society.  The country enjoys  reasonably equitable income distribution, according to  government  statistics, and the majority of Taiwanese consider themselves middle class.  The creation of a strong middle class is important as the  crucial link between economic  development  and political reform.  Just as important, however, is the role of pressure from below.  This  was a more significant factor in prompting reform than any other. Thus, political reform in Taiwan was not simply instituted from above, as the theory would indicate, but emerged out of conflict in Taiwan's politics.  The continued presence of the ethnic cleavage between mainlanders and Taiwanese is another source of pressure for political reform. The elections  that  have  occurred indicate  that  ethnicity  importance—in order to win, one must be Taiwanese.  retains  its  Also the  Taiwanization of the K M T and government do not necessarily mean that they are becoming more democratic.  The KMT is perceived as a  mainlander institution, even if it now consists mainly of Taiwanese members.  Consequently, changing the personnel without changing  the policies will not alleviate the pressure from below for political reform.  Another important factor is There  has  conservatives  been  the change  in the leadership itself.  a transition from Chiang  to a new generation of leaders.  Kai-shek's old guard Most of these new  leaders  have  spent the majority of  consider it home. question,  is  their lives  This generational  change  the current leadership part of  "determined  leadership"?  It  seems  on Taiwan, and  also raises  another  what Johnson called  more  likely,  from  the  consideration of the political reforms, that the current leadership is, in a sense, a crisis management team.  The leadership is no longer  capable of engaging in the "draconian process of priority setting", rather, it is coping with multiple pressures from below to reform.  As  a result of this decreased ability to control, the leadership must find other methods to appease the populace and remain in power. they  have  adopted  a crisis  management  Thus,  approach, dealing  with  problems as they arise.  The question of the utility of intentional development in explaining the events in Taiwan needs to be addressed.  From the examination  of the events in Taiwan it is clear that the theory has some utility. The  description  development,  of  the  necessary  elements  for  along with the consequences, generally  events in Taiwan.  intentional follows  the  The emergence of the middle class, and the other  effects of economic development, create pressure on the leadership to liberalize.  A l l along, the capability and the effectiveness of the  leadership seem slightly overstated by the theory.  Finally, the theory doesn't account for the unique role of foreign influence in the case of Taiwan, or, for that matter, in South Korea. The amount and degree of American involvement and assistance is particularly significant  in both cases.  The theory of intentional  development does not require such a benefactor, yet, it seems to make a great deal of difference in the potential for success. same can be said of the legacy  The  of foreign occupation, which is  somewhat similar in both South Korea and Taiwan.  The theory of  intentional development is an appropriate one for explaining events in Taiwan up until the present time.  The theory's prediction of  liberalization, leading to democratization, seems on track. A new theoretical framework needs to be developed to explain the future political changes in Taiwan, so that appropriate theory can be utilized which is not merely following events.  Intentional  The  critical  Development  question  Theory  remains,  what  can  be  taken  from  this  examination of intentional development theory and Taiwan, and be used elsewhere.  Several important conclusions may be drawn.  first is that the theory of intentional development approach to  studying events in some developing  The  is a coherent states.  It is,  however, more likely to be useful if the state in question has a foreign  benefactor,  a  strongly  authoritarian government,  and a  positive (in an economic and organizational sense) colonial legacy. The utility of this theory in a state without One of these elements is most likely to be diminished.  A second conclusion that may be drawn is that the theory needs to better account for the role of the leadership.  The responsibilities  assigned to determined leadership are arduous.  The theory seems to  lack a sense of time, and this problem is noticeable when referring to the leadership.  Assigning these difficult tasks to the leadership, and  then stating that the leadership will respond in a prescribed manner once the benefits of economic development are felt is problematic. Certainly it is necessary for a fair amount of time to pass before the benefits of economic development are experienced.  In that type of  time frame the leadership is likely to have changed.  In the case of  Taiwan, there was movement from a leadership left over from the mainland, to a new generation based in Taiwan. change.  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