UBC Theses and Dissertations

UBC Theses Logo

UBC Theses and Dissertations

The political ecology of ethnicity : the case of the South Tyrol Rossi, Pierre 1990

Your browser doesn't seem to have a PDF viewer, please download the PDF to view this item.

Item Metadata

Download

Media
831-UBC_1990_A8 R68.pdf [ 8.18MB ]
Metadata
JSON: 831-1.0098309.json
JSON-LD: 831-1.0098309-ld.json
RDF/XML (Pretty): 831-1.0098309-rdf.xml
RDF/JSON: 831-1.0098309-rdf.json
Turtle: 831-1.0098309-turtle.txt
N-Triples: 831-1.0098309-rdf-ntriples.txt
Original Record: 831-1.0098309-source.json
Full Text
831-1.0098309-fulltext.txt
Citation
831-1.0098309.ris

Full Text

THE POLITICAL ECOLOGY OF ETHNICITY: THE CASE OF THE SOUTH TYROL by PIERRE ROSSI B.a., University Of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1984 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES P o l i t i c a l Science Department We accept t h i s thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA August 1990 © Pierre Rossi, 1990 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. ' Department The University of British Columbia Vancouver, Canada DE-6 (2/88) i i A b s t r a c t U n l i k e e t h n i e s d e f i n e d by genotype, r e l i g i o n or s o c i o -c u l t u r a l t r a i t s , e t h n o - l i n g u i s t i c groups r e q u i r e a s t r u c t u r a l b a s i s that i s t e r r i t o r i a l . Only i n such a con t e x t can they e x i s t and s u r v i v e . The c o e x i s t e n c e of three d i s t i n c t ethno-l i n g u i s t i c groups - indigenous Germanophones and Ladins and r e c e n t l y - s e t t l e d Italophones - i n the South T y r o l i s proof of t h i s . T h i s s t r u c t u r a l imperative stems from the s o c i e t a l changes of the l a s t few c e n t u r i e s which made c a p i t a l i s t r e l a t i o n s of p r o d u c t i o n and s t a t i s t i n s t i t u t i o n s the dominant s t r u c t u r a l bases of s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n . The changes reshaped i n f r a s t r u c t u r a l mechanisms of s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n , t h e i r s t r u c t u r e d p r o p e r t i e s and the s u p e r s t r u c t u r a l knowledge that guides human agency i n i n s t a n t i a t i n g such p r o p e r t i e s . The consequences f o r the South T y r o l and i t s peoples were t h e i r s u b o r d i n a t i o n to e x t e r n a l c e n t r e s . Under f a s c i s t r u l e t h i s s u b o r d i n a t i o n c r e a t e d a b i f u r c a t e d s p a t i o - f u n c t i o n a l order which, under c o n d i t i o n s of democratic r u l e and p o l i t i c a l autonomy, enabled the indigenous p e r i p h e r y or complementary r e g i o n t o a s s e r t i t s c e n t r a l i t y v i s - a - v i s the t e r r i t o r y ' s I t a l o p h o n e - c o n t r o l l e d v i t a l c e n t r e by us i n g autonomous p o l i t i c a l i n s t i t u t i o n s l o c a t e d i n the same v i t a l c e n t r e . Table of Contents A b s t r a c t i i L i s t of Tables v Acknowledgement i v Chapter I GENERAL INTRODUCTION 1 Chapter II THE TYROL IN THE AGE OF CAPITALISM AND NATIONALISM 13 Chapter III THE LANGUAGE OF NATIONAL TERRITORIES AND THE RESTRUCTURATION OF TYROLEAN SPACES 27 Chapter IV POST-1945 STRATEGIES OF TERRITORIAL CONTROL AND THEIR STRUCTURAL BASES 44 1. THE EVOLUTION OF POLITICAL STRUCTURES 46 1.1 The E v o l u t i o n Of I t a l i a n P o l i t i c a l S t r u c t u r e s 47 1.2 The SVP, The P o l i t i c s Of Hegemony And S p a t i o -f u n c t i o n a l Disengagement 51 1.3 Autonomy And The Italophone Community 66 1.4 Recent Trends 70 2. THE EVOLUTION OF SOCIO-CULTURAL STRUCTURES 79 3. THE EVOLUTION OF DEMOGRAPHIC STRUCTURES 99 4. THE EVOLUTION OF SOCIO-ECONOMIC STRUCTURES 109 4.1 The Transformation Of A g r i c u l t u r e 111 4.2 The Development Of The S e r v i c e Sector 114 4.3 The E v o l u t i o n Of The I n d u s t r i a l Sector ..116 4.4 Recent Economic Trends 119 4.5 The End Of The E t h n i c D i v i s i o n Of Labour 121 Chapter V CONCLUSION 129 1. LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS, TOPONYMS AND TERMS (IN ALPHABETICAL ORDER) 132 2. APPENDIX A 133 3. APPENDIX B . . 1 33 4. APPENDIX C 1 34 BIBLIOGRAPHY 138 iv Acknowledgement I s h a l l l i k e to thank Professor Jean Laponce for his suggestions and guidance in the writing of this d i s s e r t a t i o n . I s h a l l also l i k e to thank Dr. W.Stuflesser of ASTAT, Dr. W. Aufschnaiter and B. Leiter of the 'Amt fuer Sprach Angelegenheiten', Dr. G. S i l v e s t r o of the 'Assessorato Istruzione Pubblica in Lingua I t a l i a n a ' , Dr. I. Ghirigato of the CISL-SGB, the Director of the 'Circolo Culturale-Kulturverein O.Griesstaetter' of Salorno-Salurn, the Director of the ' I s t i t u t Ladin Micura' de Rui' of U r t i j e i , Ms. E l i s a b e t t a B e r t i of the 'Circolo Leonardo da V i n c i ' of L a i v e s - L e i f e r s , Dr. A. Strobl of the Andere Suedtirol-Altro Sudtirolo, Ms. Eva Klotz of the WHB and the Press O f f i c e of the MSI-DN. Their material help and cooperation were e s s e n t i a l . V L i s t of Tables 1. T y r o l e a n P o p u l a t i o n per Area and Year, 1835-1910 ( i n Absolute Numbers and P e r c e n t i l e s ) 19 2. South T y r o l e a n P o p u l a t i o n per Language Group and Year, 1880-1910 ( i n Absolute Numbers and P e r c e n t i l e s ) 20 3. South T y r o l e a n P o p u l a t i o n , 1910-1943 ( i n Absolute Numbers and P e r c e n t i l e s ) 41 4. South T y r o l e a n Workforce per Language Group, 1939 ( i n P e r c e n t i l e s ) 41 5. R e s u l t s of P r o v i n c i a l E l e c t i o n s by P a r t i e s Representing the Indigenous P o p u l a t i o n i n S e l e c t e d Areas, 1948-1983 ( i n Absolute Numbers and P e r c e n t i l e s ) 55 6. P r o v i n c i a l Vote per Language Group and E t h n i c P o l i t i c a l Alignment i n Ladin Area, 1960-1983 ( i n P e r c e n t i l e s ) 56 7. R e s u l t s i n P r o v i n c i a l E l e c t i o n s by P a r t i e s Representing Italophone P o p u l a t i o n per I d e o l o g i c a l Grouping, 1948-1983 ( i n P e r c e n t i l e s ) 67 8. P r o p o r t i o n of Italophone Vote going to MSI, 1980-1987 ( i n P e r c e n t i l e s ) . 69 9. E t h n i c I d e n t i f i c a t i o n ( i n Absolute Numbers and P e r c e n t i l e s ) 80 10. D i s t r i b u t i o n of 1985 M u n i c i p a l C o u n c i l l o r s a c c o r d i n g to De c l a r e d and Presumed E t h n i c I d e n t i t y i n S e l e c t e d Areas ( i n Absolute Numbers and P e r c e n t i l e s ) 81 11. D i s t r i b u t i o n of Presumed A s s i m i l a t e d and Non-Assimilated v i 1985 M u n i c i p a l C o u n c i l l o r s i n S e l e c t e d Areas ( i n P e r c e n t i l e s ) 81 12. S o c i o - c u l t u r a l D i s t a n c e - Approval Rate ( i n P e r c e n t i l e s ) 85 13. Exogamy Rate among South Tyro l e a n F a m i l i e s ( i n P e r c e n t i l e s ) 86 14. P e r c e p t i o n of E t h n i c S e l f - D e n i a l ( i n P e r c e n t i l e s ) 88 15. Frequency of S e l f - D e n i a l ( i n P e r c e n t i l e s ) 88 16. M o t i v a t i o n f o r S e l f - D e n i a l ( i n P e r c e n t i l e s ) 88 17. A s s o c i a t i o n a l Behaviour per Language Group ( i n P e r c e n t i l e s ) 90 18. Second Language Spoken or Understood per Age, Occupation and Education L e v e l ( i n P e r c e n t i l e s ) 96 19. South Tyro l e a n P o p u l a t i o n per Language Group, 1910-1946 ( i n Absolute Numbers and P e r c e n t i l e s ) 100 20. Demographic F a c t o r s i n S e l e c t e d Years, 1961-1987 (per thousand) 100 21. F e r t i l i t y Rates per Language Group i n S e l e c t e d Years, 1972-1996 (Number of C h i l d r e n per Woman) 100 22. South T y r o l e a n P o p u l a t i o n per Sex and Language Group, 1961-1981 ( i n P e r c e n t i l e s ) 102 23. South T y r o l e a n P o p u l a t i o n per Age and Language Group, 1961-1981 ( i n Absolute Numbers and P e r c e n t i l e s ) 102 24. South T y r o l e a n P o p u l a t i o n , 1946-1981 ( i n Absolute Numbers and P e r c e n t i l e s ) 103 25. Number of F a m i l i e s per S i z e and Language of Head of Household, 1986 ( i n Absolute Numbers and P e r c e n t i l e s ) 106 v i i 26. Number of F a m i l i e s per S i z e and Area, 1986 ( i n Absolute Numbers and P e r c e n t i l e s ) 106 27. Housing U n i t s per Type of Deed and Language Group, 1961-1981 ( i n P e r c e n t i l e s ) 106 28. South Tyrolean P o p u l a t i o n per Area and Language Group, 1961-1981 ( i n P e r c e n t i l e s ) 107 29. R a t i o of Italophones to Germanophones/Ladins i n S e l e c t e d M u n i c i p a l i t i e s and Years, 1910-1981 107 30. Ladin P o p u l a t i o n per Area, 1910-1971 ( i n Absolute Numbers and P e r c e n t i l e s ) 108 31. P r o p o r t i o n of Ladin P o p u l a t i o n to T o t a l P o p u l a t i o n i n Ladin Areas, 1961-1981 ( i n Absolute Numbers and P e r c e n t i l e s ) ....108 32. P r o p o r t i o n of Ladin P o p u l a t i o n per Area , 1961-1981 ( i n P e r c e n t i l e s ) 108 33. Workforce per Economic Sector and Language Group, 1939 ( i n P e r c e n t i l e s ) 110 34. A g r i c u l t u r a l Machines and F u e l Consumption in 100 Kgs, 1960-1985 ( i n Absolute Numbers and P e r c e n t i l e s ) 113 35. A g r i c u l t u r a l Companies per Surface and S i z e , 1936-1982 ( i n h e c t a r e s ) 113 36. Number of Beds per Type of Operation, 1960-1984 ( i n Absolute Numbers) 114 37. Number of Guests, 1960-1985 ( i n Thousands and P e r c e n t i l e s ) 114 38. Number of Overnight Stays, 1950-1985 ( i n thousands and P e r c e n t i l e s ) 114 39. Number of S e r v i c e Companies and Workforce per S i z e , 1951-v i i i 1981 ( i n Absolute Numbers and P e r c e n t i l e s ) 115 40. I n d u s t r i a l Employment per Branch, 1951-1981 ( i n P e r c e n t i l e s ) 117 41. I n d u s t r i a l P l a n t s and Workforce per Plant S i z e , 1981 ( i n Absolute Numbers and P e r c e n t i l e s ) 117 42. P r o v i n c i a l Workforce per A. Sector and Language Group B. Language Group and Sec t o r , 1961-1981 ( i n Absolute Numbers and P e r c e n t i l e s ) 121 43. Workforce per O c c u p a t i o n a l Category and Language Group, ( i n Absolute Numbers and P e r c e n t i l e s ) ...123 44. Workforce per Language Group and Occup a t i o n a l Category, 1961-1981 ( i n Absolute Numbers and P e r c e n t i l e s ) 124 45. Workforce per Language Group, Occup a t i o n a l Category and Sect o r , 1961-1981 ( i n P e r c e n t i l e s ) 125 46. Workforce per Language Group and Occup a t i o n a l Category i n S e l e c t e d Areas, 1961-1981 ( i n P e r c e n t i l e s ) 127 1 I. GENERAL INTRODUCTION The South T y r o l or Upper Adige i s an a l p i n e t e r r i t o r y l o c a t e d i n n o r t h - e a s t e r n I t a l y on the border with A u s t r i a . P r i o r to 1919 i t belonged, along with the T r e n t i n o , to the Habsburg empire. The boundary change and the waxing and waning of h i s t o r y made i t i n t o an e t h n i c a l l y - m i x e d area where three d i s t i n c t e t h n o - l i n g u i s t i c groups - indigenous Germanophones and Ladins and r e c e n t l y - s e t t l e d Italophones - u n e a s i l y c o e x i s t . The South T y r o l c o n f i r m s the appearance, and i n many cases the reappearance, of c e n t r i f u g a l pressures w i t h i n e s t a b l i s h e d n a t i o n - s t a t e s and the incomplete process of n a t i o n a l i n t e g r a t i o n (see A arebrot, 1982; Alcock, 1979; A l l a r d t , 1979; Gourevitch, 1979; S u s s i , 1982). T h i s trend c o n t r a d i c t s e a r l i e r p r e d i c t i o n s of i n t e g r a t i o n and of the general a p p l i c a t i o n of the western-s t y l e d n a t i o n - s t a t e as the dominant form of s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l o r g a n i z a t i o n (Almond and Verba, 1966; Geertz, 1963). In h i s t o r i c a l terms the comparative value of the South T y r o l e a n case l i e s i n the f a c t that i t was one of the f i r s t European e t h n o - l i n g u i s t i c p e r i p h e r i e s to experience the f u l l weight of c e n t r a l s t a t e p o l i c i e s (during the f a s c i s t era) designed to e l i m i n a t e e t h n o - l i n g u i s t i c d i f f e r e n c e s and p o l i t i c a l d i s sonance, and the f i r s t one to s u c c e s s f u l l y r e s i s t and co u n t e r a c t t h e i r e f f e c t s . In a n a l y t i c terms the South T y r o l i s a s i g n i f i c a n t case study because i t enables us to shed some l i g h t on the c o n c e p t u a l d i f f e r e n c e s that e t h n i c phenomena e n t a i l , and on the p a r t i c u l a r c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of l i n g u i s t i c a l l y -d e f i n e d e t h n i c c o l l e c t i v i t i e s and the u n d e r l y i n g s o c i e t a l 2 changes that have s t r u c t u r e d the e x i s t e n c e and e v o l u t i o n of such groups i n the l a s t two c e n t u r i e s . E t h n i c c o l l e c t i v i t i e s or e t h n i e s a r e " e m p i r i c a l l y - d e f i n e d by a s c r i p t i v e c r i t e r i a , u s u a l l y some v a r i a n t or combination of four c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s (genotype, r e l i g i o n , s o c i a l l y - s i g n i f i c a n t c o l l e c t i v e o r i g i n , language) that determine c o l l e c t i v e i d e n t i t y (Geertz, 1963: 108; Jackson, 1984: 222, Laponce, 1984: 24), but a n a l y t i c a l l y they possess important d i f f e r e n c e s . Whereas the f i r s t three f e a t u r e s , which we might c a l l type A, perform a f u n c t i o n a l r o l e i n the shaping of e t h n i c i d e n t i t y and the r e p r o d u c t i o n of e t h n i e s , the l a t t e r a l s o performs a s t r u c t u r a l r o l e . The e s s e n t i a l f u n c t i o n a l p r i n c i p l e s f o r type A e t h n i e s are l i m i t e d to one or few i n s t i t u t i o n a l domains and s o c i a l mechanisms of r e p r o d u c t i o n , namely the f a m i l y and endogamy f o r r a c i a l groups, r e l i g i o u s i n s t i t u t i o n s and observance for r e l i g i o u s communities and s o c i o - c u l t u r a l i n s t i t u t i o n s and p r a c t i c e s f o r e t h n o - c u l t u r a l groups (not p r i m a r i l y d e f i n e d by race, r e l i g i o n or language, e.g. immigrant groups). By c o n t r a s t , the r e p r o d u c t i o n of type B groups depends on language a c q u i s i t i o n , use and r e t e n t i o n and on the i n s t i t u t i o n a l f o r a where these f u n c t i o n a l p r i n c i p l e s can be performed. Both these p r i n c i p l e s and i n s t i t u t i o n s r e q u i r e a s p a t i a l context that i s s t r u c t u r a l l y e n c l o s e d and e x c l u s i v e (Kahane, 1986; De Marchi, 1982). Consequently, where language i s the dominant d e f i n i e n s of e t h n i c c o l l e c t i v i t i e s d i f f e r e n t p r o p o s i t i o n a l p e r s p e c t i v e s are a p p l i c a b l e . Type A e t h n i e s need only i n s t i t u t i o n a l autonomy and can 3 e x i s t w i t h i n l a r g e r , m u l t i - e t h n i c s o c i a l systems s t r u c t u r e d by any p o l i t i c o - t e r r i t o r i a l arrangement that at l e a s t t o l e r a t e s t h i s autonomy; type B e t h n i e s need some form of s p a t i o -f u n c t i o n a l s e c e s s i o n from wider h e t e r o g l o s s i c s o c i a l systems. T h i s can take the form of a s i n g l e independent s t a t e (e.g. Fr a n c e ) , a s i n g l e sub-state p o l i t i c o - t e r r i t o r i a l u n i t (e.g. post-1970Belgium) or at l e a s t a set of c o n s t i t u t i o n a l and a d m i n i s t r a t i v e measures that maintain s t a b l e l i n g u i s t i c boundaries at the s t a t e - l e v e l (e.g. pre-1970 Belgium or sub-s t a t e l e v e l (e.g. Swiss Canton of V a l a i s - W a l l i s ) . However arranged, s p a t i o - f u n c t i o n a l s e p a r a t i o n e n t a i l s c e r t a i n s t r u c t u r a l (demographic, economic, c u l t u r a l , p o l i t i c a l ) c o n d i t i o n s t h a t guarantee a language group a t e r r i t o r y , i . e . a s p a t i a l framework with a v i t a l c e n t r e or c e n t r a l p l a c e and a surrounding complementary region ( C h r i s t a l l e r , 1966: 14-80; Laponce, 1980: 149-59) i n which a s l i d i n g s c a l e of s p a t i o -f u n c t i o n a l l y dense communication t r a n s a c t i o n s and s o c i o -e c o n o m i c a l l y r e l e v a n t a c t i v i t i e s and i n s t i t u t i o n s e x i s t . I t i s in such a s p a t i o - f u n c t i o n a l context that t r a n s a c t i o n s , a c t i v i t i e s and i n s t i t u t i o n s c r e a t e an i n t e g r a t e d communication f i e l d i n which language groups operate and reproduce. The abovementioned a n a l y t i c a l o b s e r v a t i o n makes the South T y r o l (and the h i s t o r i c land of T y r o l ) a p r i v i l e g e d l o c a t i o n to observe the c o n t r a d i c t o r y arrangement and rearrangement of s p a t i o - f u n c t i o n a l s t r u c t u r e s . T h i s r e q u i r e s an h i s t o r i c a l and a n a l y t i c a l scope that takes i n t o account l o c a l and s u p r a l o c a l s p a t i o - f u n c t i o n a l s t r u c t u r e s and the u n d e r l y i n g s o c i e t a l 4 phenomena that shaped t h e i r e v o l u t i o n . In the f i r s t i n s t a n c e , we s h a l l see how the l a c k of s p a t i o - f u n c t i o n a l c o n t r o l , e s p e c i a l l y of p o l i t i c a l i n s t i t u t i o n s , d e s t a b i l i z e d non-s p a t i a l l y - s e g r e g a t e d e t h n i e s , t e r r i t o r i a l i z e d the ethno-l i n g u i s t i c i d e n t i t i e s of s p a t i a l l y - s e g r e g a t e d e t h n i e s and produced s t r a t e g i e s of t e r r i t o r i a l c o n t r o l that both c o n f i r m and modify the a n a l y t i c a l o b s e r v a t i o n that e t h n o - l i n g u i s t i c groups need s p a t i o - f u n c t i o n a l s e p a r a t i o n . In f a c t , the combination of an e x t e r n a l l y - c r e a t e d v i t a l c e n t r e under Italophone c o n t r o l and of a complementary re g i o n s t i l l under Germanophone c o n t r o l enabled the indigenous group to use autonomous p o l i t i c o -a d m i n i s t r a t i v e i n s t i t u t i o n s , p h y s i c a l l y l o c a t e d i n the v i t a l c e n t r e , to a s s e r t the c e n t r a l i t y of the complementary region and m a r g i n a l i z e the same v i t a l c e n t r e . In the second i n s t a n c e , the r i s e of c a p i t a l i s t r e l a t i o n s of p r o d u c t i o n and of modern s t a t i s t i n s t i t u t i o n s ( G e l l n e r , 1983: 1-7) e n t a i l e d a more r i g i d s p a t i o -f u n c t i o n a l o r g a n i z a t i o n and i n t e l l e c t u a l d e f i n i t i o n of s o c i a l l i f e . H e r e t o f o r e fragmented s o c i a l systems, c u l t u r e s , economies and p o l i t i e s were brought w i t h i n a s i n g l e , all-encompassing g l o b a l world-economy and i n t e r s t a t e o r d e r . How are we to a n alyze such phenomena as they apply to the s p a t i o - f u n c t i o n a l s t r u c t u r a t i o n of language groups in the (South) T y r o l ? We must begin by r e c o g n i z i n g that the b a s i s of a l l l i f e i s matter and the o r g a n i z a t i o n of s o c i a l l i f e cannot escape from t h i s f a c t . For Marvin H a r r i s (1979) at the heart of m a t e r i a l i s t approaches are s e v e r a l premises. F i r s t , human b i o -5 p s y c h o l o g i c a l givens 1 mean that s o c i a l systems possess two i n f r a s t r u c t u r a l components, namely, a mode of r e p r o d u c t i o n 2 and a mode of p r o d u c t i o n . 3 Hence a dualsex, multiage and s e l f -r e p r o d u c i n g c o l l e c t i o n of humans that s a t i s f i e s i t s minimal s u b s i s t e n c e needs possesses a d i s t i n c t mode of r e p r o d u c t i o n and p r o d u c t i o n on which i t s e x i s t e n c e r e s t s . Both modes r e q u i r e minimal s e c u r i t y and order as a way of guaranteeing the l e a s t i n t e r n a l and e x t e r n a l i n t e r f e r e n c e , but the b u i l t - i n i n s t a b i l i t y that stems from resource a l l o c a t i o n produces two main o r g a n i z a t i o n a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s , one that i s domestic ft and another that i s p o l i t i c a l , 5 which e n t a i l some form of s u s t a i n a b l e s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n ( H a r r i s , 1979: 46-76). The s u s t a i n a b i l i t y of s o c i a l systems r e s t s on communication. U n l i k e other primates, human communication e n t a i l s unique speech a c t s that r e l y on and i n s t a n t i a t e symbolic p r o c e s s e s . The human b r a i n produces b e h a v i o u r a l phenotypes that are r e c u r r e n t and stem from both r e c u r s i v e and d i s c o u r s i v e t h i n k i n g . Humans engage i n r i t u a l behaviour, form a e s t h e t i c judgements, f o r m a l i z e speech a c t s i n o r a l and/or w r i t t e n s t o r y -t e l l i n g , p a r t i c i p a t e i n valued r e c r e a t i o n a l a c t i v i t y and above 1 E a t i n g , l e a s t energy expenditure f o r a c t i v i t y , sexual urges, emotional s a t i s f a c t i o n / s e c u r i t y . 2 Reproduction mechanisms l i k e n a t a l i t y , f e r t i l i t y , n a t a l i t y , m o r t a l i t y , c h i l d - r e a r i n g , b i r t h c o n t r o l . 3 P r o d u c t i o n mechanisms l i k e s u b s i s t e n c e p r o d u c t i o n , technology, techno-environmental r e l a t i o n s h i p s , ecosystems, work-systems. fl Family s t r u c t u r e , age and sex r o l e s , sexual d i v i s i o n of labour, s o c i a l i z a t i o n , gender and s o c i a l h i e r a r c h i e s . 5 P o l i t i c a l o r g a n i z a t i o n , economic d i v i s i o n of labour, p o l i t i c a l s o c i a l i z a t i o n , s t r a t i f i c a t i o n , i n s t i t u t i o n a l c o n t r o l , c o n f l i c t r e s o l u t i o n mechanisms. 6 a l l are absorbed i n s e l f - a n a l y s i s and e x t e r n a l o b s e r v a t i o n . Hence human communication p l a y s a c r u c i a l r o l e i n i n s t a n t i a t i n g s u p e r s t r u c t u r a l p r o c e s s e s , but i n so doing , i t p l a y s a v i t a l r o l e i n shaping the s t r u c t u r a l and i n f r a s t r u c t u r a l bases of s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n . A simpler t r i a n g u l a r scheme summates socio-environmental phenomena under i n f r a s t r u c t u r e , s t r u c t u r e and s u p e r s t r u c t u r e . The modes of r e p r o d u c t i o n and pr o d u c t i o n are thus i n f r a s t r u c t u r a l i n nature, domestic and p o l i t i c a l economies are s t r u c t u r a l because they o r g a n i z e p r o d u c t i o n and r e p r o d u c t i o n , while language-based i n t e l l e c t u a l and symbolic a c t i v i t y i s s u p e r s t r u c t u r a l . The i n f r a s t r u c t u r e has s t r a t e g i c primacy because humans are bound by n a t u r a l laws, but b n f r a s t r u c t u r a l mechanisms r e l y on the domestic and p o l i t i c a l economies to f u n c t i o n , and both i n f r a s t r u c t u r e and s t r u c t u r e operate thanks to the c o o p e r a t i v e and c o s t - m i n i m i z i n g behaviour of humans, mediated by s o c i a l l y - v a l u e d i d e o l o g i c a l and i d e a t i o n a l p a t t e r n s ( H a r r i s , 1979: 70-5). T h i s i s made p o s s i b l e by one c o o r d i n a t i n g mechanism: language. As a g e n e t i c a l l y p r e d i s p o s e d human f a c u l t y i t becomes a s t r u c t u r e d p r o p e r t y of human s o c i e t i e s i n the form of s t r u c t u r e d , a l b e i t s e m i c o n s c i o u s l y h e l d , s e t s of r u l e s and codes that enable humans to comprehend, know and s i g n i f y r e a l i t y . Since both i n f r a s t r u c t u r a l mechanisms and s t r u c t u r e d p r o p e r t i e s r e l a y on human agency as t h e i r i n s t a n t i a t i n g mode, human r e c u r s i v e (Giddens, 1981; i b i d , 1986) and d i s c o u r s i v e ( D e l l e Fave, 1986) knowledge inform i n d i v i d u a l and c o l l e c t i v e 7 i d e n t i t i e s and through a feedback mechanism shape i n d i v i d u a l and c o l l e c t i v e behaviour as i t c r e a t e s , r e c r e a t e s and m o d i f i e s s t r u c t u r e d p r o p e r t i e s . Such i n t e r a c t i v e behaviour and the knowledge that informs i t are never random, but are shaped by p e r s o n a l , f a m i l y and c o l l e c t i v e h i s t o r i e s as w e l l as s o c i a l h i e r a r c h i e s and r e l a t i o n s of power so that i n d i v i d u a l e x i s t e n c e and agency r e f l e c t s c o l l e c t i v e s t r u c t u r e s (Habermas, 1981: 269-70; P r a d e l l e s de Latour, 1983: 79-80). T h i s t h e o r e t i c a l model enables us to c o n s i d e r the r e g u l a r i t i e s u n d e r l y i n g s o c i a l phenomena, the ( d i s ) c o n t i n u i t i e s of t h e i r s t r u c t u r a l circumstances as w e l l as the r o l e p l a y e d by human agency i n i n s t a n t i a t i n g such circumstances. In t h i s sense we can see that e t h n i c c o l l e c t i v i t i e s possess c e r t a i n i n f r a s t r u c t u r a l (dualsex, multiage, s e l f - r e p r o d u c t i o n ) , s t r u c t u r a l ( a s c r i p t i o n , s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n , p l u r a l i t y ) and s u p e r s t r u c t u r a l ( s o c i a l i d e n t i t y ) a t t r i b u t e s (see Jackson, 1984), and that the d i f f e r e n c e between type A and type B e t h n i e s i s s t r u c t u r a l s i n c e the d i f f e r e n t a s c r i p t i v e f a c t o r s r e q u i r e d i f f e r e n t o r g a n i z a t i o n a l forms, f u n c t i o n a l autonomy f o r the former and s t r u c t u r a l f o r the l a t t e r . S i m i l a r l y , we can see that i n the modern p e r i o d i n f r a s t r u c t u r a l mechanisms and s t r u c t u r e d p r o p e r t i e s came to be d e f i n e d by c a p i t a l i s t r e l a t i o n s of p r o d u c t i o n and s t a t i s t i n s t i t u t i o n s . At an i n f r a s t r u c t u r a l l e v e l , the r i s e of the f i r s t r e s t s on the expansion of o l i g o p o l i s t i c p r e s s u r e s from t h e i r t r a d i t i o n a l pre-modern niche of l o n g - d i s t a n c e trade i n t o primary and secondary economic a c t i v i t i e s w i t h i n a widening 8 s p a t i o - f u n c t i o n a l framework (B r a u d e l , 1982: 229-47), so that i t c o u l d transform p r e v a i l i n g techno-environmental and demographic r e l a t i o n s h i p s i n the o l d world. The a r r i v a l of American s p e c i e r e v o l u t i o n i z e d monetary c i r c u l a t i o n (volume and v e l o c i t y ) and av e r t e d the s t r u c t u r a l implosion t y p i c a l of pre-modern economies (Braudel, 1981: 466-8; Weatherford, 1988: 14-6). American foodcrops (e.g. potato and corn) launched European p o p u l a t i o n s on an upward demographic s p i r a l by r e l a x i n g demographic p a t t e r n s (Braudel, 1981: 31-102; de V r i e s , 1984: 213-38), s h i f t i n g l o c a t i o n a l c o n c e n t r a t i o n of p o p u l a t i o n to the c i t i e s , and reshaping human-domesticated animal complementarity (Weatherford, 1988: 59-73). The ensuing r e s t r u c t u r i n g provoked t e c h n i c a l , managerial and t e c h n o l o g i c a l i n n o v a t i o n s i n a l l s e c t o r s and branches of the economy and c r e a t e d modern i n d u s t r i a l and f i n a n c i a l systems w i t h i n g l o b a l l y - l i n k e d n a t i o n a l markets (Braudel, 1982: 297-329; de V r i e s , 1984: 213-31; Weatherford, 1988: 21-57). T h i s change r e a l i g n e d primary, secondary and t e r t i a r y s e c t o r s i n the new world-economy, and f o r the f i r s t time i n human h i s t o r y , secondary and t e r t i a r y a c t i v i t i e s c o u l d dominate s u r v i v a l s t r a t e g i e s and f r e e a g r i c u l t u r e from i t s environmental c o n s t r a i n t s and from the hegemony of s u b s i s t e n c e and command mechanisms (Braudel, 1984: 589-92; Good, 1984: 42-4, 108-11). At a s t r u c t u r a l l e v e l , European p o l i t i c a l o r g a n i z a t i o n , s o c i a l h i e r a r c h i e s and s p a t i o - f u n c t i o n a l d i v i s i o n s of labour were strenghtened and from t h e i r marginal niche c a p i t a l i s t r e l a t i o n s c o l o n i z e d a l l branches and s e c t o r s of the economy 9 (Braudel, 1981: 31-107) and spread to i n c l u d e i n a wider s p a t i o -f u n c t i o n a l u n i v e r s e f a r away regions and d i s p a r a t e labour systems, s o c i a l o r d e r s , e t h n o - c u l t u r a l groups and p o l i t i c a l o r d e r s . The t r a n s f o r m a t i o n s of socio-environmental s t r u c t u r e s gave r i s e to a new urban and s t a t i s t order i n Europe (Hohenberg and H o l l e n Lees, 1985: 79-96) c e n t r e d i n the A t l a n t i c seabord where c i t i e s organized the t r a d i n g network and c o n t r o l l e d primary and secondary a c t i v i t i e s under the benevolent eye of the s t a t e (de V r i e s , 1984: 241-6). The r i s e of the s t a t i s t order r e s u l t e d from the u n i v e r s a l a p p l i c a t i o n of c e n t r a l l y - l o c a t e d i n s t i t u t i o n s t h a t were i n t e r n a l l y - d i f f e r e n t i a t e d a c c o r d i n g to the f u n c t i o n s of i t s v a r i o u s components and e x t e r n a l l y d i s t i n c t from those s o c i a l o b j e c t s - agents, c o l l e c t i v i t i e s , p r o c e s s e s , r e l a t i o n s h i p s , s t r u c t u r e s - that p e r t a i n e d to c i v i l s o c i e t y ( N e t t l e , 1968: 566-77). T h i s was made p o s s i b l e by i t s monopoly over command mechanisms and s e c u r i t y f u n c t i o n s ( W h i t t l e s e y , 1935: 85-97) and by i t s alignment with those s o c i a l groups that best served i t s i n t e r e s t s and whose i n t e r e s t s i t best served. I t s a c t i v i s m spread to i n c l u d e economic a c t i v i t i e s and i t s performance s t i m u l a t e d and was s t i m u l a t e d by the same changes that pushed c a p i t a l i s t r e l a t i o n s to the f o r e (Braudel, 1982: 515-32). The u n f o l d i n g of such s t r u c t u r a l processes r e q u i r e d the regimentation of l i n g u i s t i c s t r u c t u r e s , i . e . the c l o s u r e of the communication f i e l d (where language i s speech and code) and of the semantic f i e l d (where language i s speech and content) (MacKay, 1985: 12-3), and a s u p e r s t r u c t u r a l treatment of 10 language v a r i e t y as u n n a t u r a l , d y s f u n c t i o n a l and i n need of c o r r e c t i v e measures ( S a l v i , 1978: 543-57). T h i s was made necessary by the growing d e n s i t y of communication t r a n s a c t i o n s and i n t e n s i t y of economic and p o l i t i c o - b u r e a u r c r a t i c o p e r a t i o n s (Braudel, 1981: 385-429; Stewart Sweet, 1984) and l e d to greater language v a r i a b i l i t y i n the form of s p e c i f i c subcodes and lower language v a r i e t y (Laponce, 1988: 36). T h i s transformed the communication f i e l d by r e p l a c i n g h e r e t o f o r e f u n c t i o n a l l y i r r e l e v a n t language asymmetry with s h o r t - and medium-term f u n c t i o n a l s p e c i a l i z a t i o n and s t r a t i f i c a t i o n of languages and longterm language homogenization (Laponce, 1984: 21-38). However, t h i s process of l i n g u i s t i c s i m p l i f i c a t i o n was c o n d i t i o n e d by geographic and s o c i o - c u l t u r a l d i s t a n c e and by the (in)adequacy of economic and p o l i t i c o -b u r e a u c r a t i c i n t e g r a t i o n . T y p i c a l l y , the c o n s o l i d a t i n g economic and p o l i t i c a l o r ders encompassed a v a r i e t y of e t h n i e s , but while type A e t h n i e s c o u l d be i n t e g r a t e d i n the new s o c i a l system w i t h i n a s i n g l e homoglossic s p a t i o - f u n c t i o n a l system, ethno-l i n g u i s t i c groups c o u l d not be so e a s i l y accomodated. Where the abovementioned d i s t a n c e was low and i n t e g r a t i o n adequate l i n g u i s t i c v a r i a n c e c o u l d be reduced by the f u n c t i o n a l s p e c i a l i z a t i o n and s t r a t i f i c a t i o n of subordinate languages. Where d i s t a n c e was h i g h and i n t e g r a t i o n inadequate c e n t r a l i z i n g o r ders and p e r i p h e r a l groups engaged i n a tug-of-war over the l a t t e r ' s s p a t i o - f u n c t i o n a l s e p a r a t i o n . The same process of s p a t i o - f u n c t i o n a l c l o s u r e of l i n g u i s t i c boundaries a l s o transformed the system of meanings c a r r i e d by 11 language, i . e . the semantic f i e l d . P u t a t i v e a s c r i p t i o n was t r a n s l a t e d i n t o a j u r i d i c a l category and e t h n i c i t y was t r e a t e d as the b a s i s f o r a t o t a l view of r e a l i t y (Smith, 1986: 129-34), one i n which the i n d i v i d u a l and c o l l e c t i v e o u t l o o k s were r e c o n s t r u c t e d and given a new t r a n s h i s t o r i c a l q u a l i t y that c o u l d serve as a c i v i c (Hobsbawm, 1972) or e r s a t z (McNeil, 1986) r e l i g i o n . A s c r i p t i v e l y - d e f i n e d p o p u l a t i o n groups c o u l d r e a l i z e themselves as a n a t i o n and e s t a b l i s h a s u p r a l o c a l , i . e . ' n a t i o n a l ' i d e n t i t y and sense of s o l i d a r i t y ( N a i r n , 1983). Furthermore, t h i s r e c o n s t r u c t i o n and a s s o c i a t e d behaviour d e f i n e d and shaped the geographic l i m i t s and e t h n o - l i n g u i s t i c d e f i n i t i o n of c o u n t r i e s and regions to r e f l e c t the i n t e l l e c t u a l arguments of those d i r e c t l y engaged i n the formation and implementation of t e r r i t o r i a l s t r a t e g i e s . With t h i s scheme i n mind we s h a l l f i r s t a n a l yze the u n f o l d i n g of the aforementioned s t r u c t u r a l p rocesses as they a p p l i e d to the T y r o l and i t s A u s t r i a n c o n t e x t . Second, we s h a l l d e s c r i b e the s u p e r s t r u c t u r a l responses of the v a r i o u s p a r t i e s to such processes as they developed i n t o d i s t i n c t s p a t i a l o r i e n t a t i o n s and s t r a t e g i e s of t e r r i t o r i a l c o n t r o l of the (South) T y r o l . F i n a l l y , we s h a l l analyze the p o l i t i c o -t e r r i t o r i a l s t r a t e g i e s pursued i n post-1945 South T y r o l and t h e i r s t r u c t u r a l and s u p e r s t r u c t u r a l causes and consequences. I t w i l l thus be p o s s i b l e to see t h a t , given the u n d e r l y i n g s t r u c t u r a l processes and b e h a v i o u r a l responses, c o n f l i c t w i l l ensue should p e r i p h e r a l areas f a i l t o e n f o r c e p o l i t i c a l c o n t r o l over e t h n o - l i n g u i s t i c boundaries and socio-economic processes i n 1 2 l o c a l c e n t r a l p l a c e systems. In A u s t r i a n T y r o l and d u r i n g the f i r s t phase of I t a l i a n r u l e i n the South T y r o l n a t i o n a l and l o c a l s u p e r o r d i n a t e c e n t r e s prevented such s t r u c t u r a l adjustments and were the root cause of p o l i t i c a l c o n f l i c t between e t h n o - l i n g u i s t i c groups. In the present phase ( s i n c e 1945) i n the South T y r o l , c o n f l i c t o b t a i n s because the r e c e n t l y -c r e a t e d Italophone group f a i l e d to c r e a t e and c o n t r o l a separate s p a t i o - f u n c t i o n a l framework, and has i n s t e a d become subordinated to the c e n t r a l i z i n g p r e s s u r e s of the indigenous p e r i p h e r y . 1 3 I I . THE TYROL IN THE AGE OF CAPITALISM AND NATIONALISM The r i s e of c a p i t a l i s t r e l a t i o n s of p r o d u c t i o n f i n d s i t s temporal o r i g i n i n the s i x t e e n t h and e a r l y seventeenth c e n t u r i e s when a s t r u c t u r a l c r i s i s i n the dominant mode of p r o d u c t i o n was overcome by the gradual geographic expansion of the European economy and by i t s f u n c t i o n a l r e s t r u c t u r i n g . However, the s e m i p e r i p h e r a l i t y of A u s t r i a and the p e r i p h e r a l i t y of regions l i k e the T y r o l delayed t h e i r f u l l a p p l i c a t i o n . Once f e l t these i n f r a - and s t r u c t u r a l changes were met by haphazard responses. Attempts by the A u s t r i a n Crown to modernize the s t r u c t u r e s of the empire ( L i e b e l , 1979: 355-53; T a y l o r , 1985: 33-9) were c o n d i t i o n e d by a patchwork of s o c i a l h i e r a r c h i e s and t e r r i t o r i a l u n i t s (Good, 1984: 347; T a y l o r , 1985: 33-5), but on the long run, r e s i s t a n c e was overcome (Good, 1984: 29-31) and i n the T y r o l change gave new l i f e to the o l d c r o s s r o a d t h a t had l i n k e d the Mediterranean region to c e n t r a l and Western Europe s i n c e Roman times (Guderzo i n B e r g i e r et a l . , 1975: 86-7; Lane, 1973: 423-5). The gradual i n t e g r a t i o n of Habsburg domains i n t o t h i s world-economy produced t e c h n i c a l i n n o v a t i o n , p o p u l a t i o n growth, the r e v e r s a l i n the r e l a t i v e terms of trade of a g r i c u l t u r e and modern i n d u s t r i a l growth (Good, 1984: 20-4). The main stimulus fo r the t r a n s i t i o n from p r o t o - i n d u s t r y to i n d u s t r y was the r e v o l u t i o n i n a g r i c u l t u r e . Government-sponsored land r e c l a m ation and improved land use had i n c r e a s e d a g r i c u l t u r a l p r o d u c t i v i t y , but the r e a l q u a l i t a t i v e change was the i n t r o d u c t i o n of new crops l i k e the potato and a system of crop 1 4 r o t a t i o n i n l i e u of the o l d t h r e e - f i e l d system. T h i s improved the f e r t i l i t y of non-fallow s o i l and served as the f i r s t l a r g e s c a l e p r o cessed cash crop that l i n k e d the primary s e c t o r more c l o s e l y to the t o t a l economy (Good, 1984: 69-72). Modern i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n and mechanized f a c t o r y p r o d u c t i o n appeared i n the 1820s, and by the 1850s the i n d u s t r i a l s e c t o r had f r e e d i t s e l f from a g r i c u l t u r e . The new technology of p r o d u c t i o n (steam and f o s s i l f u e l s ) i n c r e a s e d the p r o p o r t i o n of f i x e d c a p i t a l by means of higher volumes of output and investments. The p r o d u c t i o n and d i s t r i b u t i o n of mass-produced goods was p o s s i b l e , and the replacement of f l u v i a l n a v i g a t i o n and slow o v e r l a n d t r a n s p o r t a t i o n with r a i l l i n k s gave i n l a n d c e n t r e s the o p p o r t u n i t y to c a t c h up with the dominant c e n t r e s of the A t l a n t i c seabord (de V r i e s , 1984: 171-2). By the mid-century g r e a t e r a d m i n i s t r a t i v e e f f o r t s were necessary and the r e s u l t was the o r g a n i z a t i o n a l c o n s o l i d a t i o n of A u s t r i a n c o r p o r a t e s t r u c t u r e s i n the form of l a r g e companies and c a r t e l s , and the expansion of j o i n t - s t o c k banking. The a l l i a n c e of f i n a n c i a l i n s t i t u t i o n s to i n d u s t r i a l f i r m s r e i n f o r c e d the managerial h i e r a r c h y but s i n c e t r a n s f o r m a t i o n was r e a c t i v e and not p r i s t i n e t r a d i t i o n a l command mechanisms a s s i s t e d the process of change (Good, 1984: 188-218; Rudolph, 1975: 11-8). By the. 1880s economic complementarity, p o l i t i c a l i m p e r a t i v e s and p r o d u c t i o n i n n o v a t i o n s had transformed the A u s t r i a n economy. Alo n g s i d e t r a d i t i o n a l i n d u s t r i e s l i k e mining, t e x t i l e s and food p r o c e s s i n g , modern m e t a l l u r g y , e l e c t r i c a l u t i l i t i e s , c h emicals and machine t o o l i n d u s t r i e s grew around the 1 5 urban q u a d r i l a t e r a l of the middle Danube c e n t r e d on Vienna, L i n z , Prague and Brno (Ranki i n B a i r o c h and Levy-Leboyer, 1981: 165-73; Good, 1984: 42-54; Rudolph, 1975: 10-1). I n t e g r a t i v e p r e s s u r e s spread from the economic h e a r t l a n d on the southern shore of the Middle Danube northward towards the Bohemian lands, eastward i n t o the Magyar p l a i n s and the Carpathian mountains l i n k i n g f a c t o r i e s , f u e l and food and f u r t h e r s t i m u l a t i n g the expansion of i n d u s t r y (Good, 1984: 125-33). The a b o l i t i o n i n 1848 of the 'Robot' system in A u s t r i a f i n a l l y e l i m i n a t e d the l a s t v e s t i g e s of f e u d a l r e l a t i o n s and e s t a b l i s h e d f o r the f i r s t time an open labour market that p e n a l i z e d small farmers, l a n d l e s s peasants and some members of the r u r a l gentry. The r e s u l t was l a r g e s c a l e emigration to the c i t i e s to strenghten the ranks of the s o c i a l l y mobile ( T a y l o r , 1985: 108-9). T h i s long process of development was not evenly f e l t throughout A u s t r i a , but by the e a r l y p a r t of the t w e n t i e t h century backwash e f f e c t s had d e c l i n e d (Good i n B a i r o c h and Levy-Leboyer, 1981: 141-6; Good, 1984: 150-5). N e v e r t h e l e s s , f o r a long time these backwash e f f e c t s c r e a t e d s i g n i f i c a n t r e g i o n a l d i s p a r i t i e s and p o l i t i c i s e d e t h n o - c u l t u r a l markers. The p r o t r a c t e d uneven d i s t r i b u t i o n of b e n e f i t s , e s p e c i a l l y i n latecoming r e g i o n s , combined with the p a r t i a l success of some 'spread' impact had grave p o l i t i c a l consequences f o r t h i s m u l t i -e t h n i c s o c i e t y . The onset of modern economic growth i n the Habsburg lands found Austro-Germans i n p r i v i l e g e d b u s i n e s s , p r o f e s s i o n a l , 1 6 t e c h n i c a l and p o l i t i c a l p o s i t i o n s , and the r e d i s t r i b u t i o n of c a p i t a l and labour favoured Austro-Germans both at the c e n t r e and i n the p e r i p h e r i e s ( Z o e l l n e r , 1967: 223). T h i s antagonized p e r i p h e r a l e l i t e s and p o p u l a t i o n s , even though economic growth was s w e l l i n g the ranks of the modern s e c t o r s of the economy with members from the smaller e t h n i c groups. The severe economic c r i s i s t h a t l a s t e d from 1873 to 1896 accentuated i n t e r - e t h n i c c o m p e t i t i o n and p o l i t i c a l c o n f r o n t a t i o n s i n c e i t s impact a f f e c t e d Austro-Germans more s e r i o u s l y than the other groups and d i s c r e d i t e d the h i t h e r t o dominant l i b e r a l economic theory and p o l i t i c a l i d e o l o gy, but a l s o f o r c e d r u l i n g groups to open up to other e t h n o - c u l t u r a l groups, com p e l l i n g such groups to seek d i f f i c u l t accomodation (Good, 1984: 162-3). The d e t e r i o r a t i o n of i n t e r - e t h n i c r e l a t i o n s a f f e c t e d the empire as a whole but the impact v a r i e d a c c o r d i n g to r e g i o n a l c i r c u m s t a n c e s . In the T y r o l , t h i s process had begun i n the l a t e e i g h t e e n t h and e a r l y n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r i e s when empire-wide p o l i t i c a l c e n t r a l i z a t i o n , u n i f o r m i z a t i o n (read: Germanization) of the a d m i n i s t r a t i v e language and e v e n t u a l l y French conquest tranformed p o l i t i c a l and socio-economic s t r u c t u r e s ( S t e l l a , 1979: 556-71). The r e i m p o s i t i o n of Habsburg r u l e i n 1814 d i d not r e s t o r e the s t a t u s quo ante and paved the way f o r c o n s i d e r a b l e changes. Under g r e a t e r market pres s u r e s a g r i c u l t u r a l output grew, but as i n the past, the d i f f e r e n t 1 7 t e n u r i a l systems c o n d i t i o n e d the p r o c e s s . Where i m p a r t i b i l i t y 6 p r e v a i l e d farmers were p r o t e c t e d from the worst e f f e c t s of commercial p r e s s u r e s , while i n areas of p a r t i b l e ownership, the t r a n s i t i o n to g r e a t e r cash crop p r o d u c t i o n was achieved at the expense of food p r o d u c t i o n . T h i s t r a n s i t i o n a l s o removed r e p r o d u c t i v e r e s t r a i n t s and the p o p u l a t i o n expanded (Cole and Wolf, 1974: 151-2) beyond l o c a l a b s o r p t i v e c a p a c i t y . T h i s meant that the I t a l i a n T y r o l was very v u l n e r a b l e to the f l u c t u a t i o n of commodity p r i c e s and f o r c e d to r e l y on food imports. Drop in p r i c e s or imports c o u l d have an immediate negative impact s i n c e i m p e r i a l g r a i n p o l i c i e s gave p r e f e r e n t i a l treatment to Magyar p r o d u c t i o n and p e n a l i z e d Lombardy and V e n e t i a , the I t a l i a n T y r o l ' s nearest s u p p l i e r s . T r a n s i t i o n to g r e a t e r market involvement and p a r t i b l e i n h e r i t a n c e promoted the fragmentation of farm e s t a t e s and weakened farmers' a b i l i t y to manage t h e i r l and. E x t e r n a l c o m p e t i t i o n and poor f i n a n c i n g f o r c e d many o f f the land. The expansion of l o c a l p r o t o - i n d u s t r i a l a c t i v i t i e s and the appearance of the f i r s t modern i n d u s t r i a l p l a n t s , s i g n i f i c a n t Over time, those e s t a t e s that c o u l d support a s i n g l e peasant f a m i l y were c l o s e d o f f and p l a c e d o u t s i d e the land market, i . e . the s o - c a l l e d 'Closed E s t a t e s ' (Ger. Geschlossene Hof, I t a . Maso C h i u s o ) ; o n l y the very small or very l a r g e e s t a t e s c o u l d be p o r t i o n e d and exchanged. By the e a r l y f i f t e e n t h c entury ad hoc arrangements were c o d i f i e d i n t o customary law (Hoefrecht) (Wolf, 1970: 105-7) whereby i n d i v i d u a l e s t a t e s c o u l d p r o v i d e the peasant household and c o l l a t e r a l f a m i l y members the necessary a c c e s s to a wide range of r e s o u r c e s . A set of e x c l u s i v e and p a r t i a l r i g h t s to p r i v a t e l y and communally h e l d l a n d developed p l a c i n g the main f a c t o r s of p r o d u c t i o n under peasant c o n t r o l . 18 compared to adjacent areas - 49 p l a n t s i n the I t a l i a n T y r o l v e r s u s 26 i n the t r a n s a l p i n e T y r o l , 30 i n V o r a r l b e r g and none i n the c i s a l p i n e s e c t i o n of the German T y r o l ( P r i s t i n g e r , 1978: 13) - was s t i l l i n s u f f i c i e n t to reemploy redundant r u r a l labour because i t was too c l o s e l y t i e d to p r o c e s s i n g a g r i c u l t u r a l commodities (Great B r i t a i n , 1920: 22-37; S t e l l a , 1979: 570-6). When p l a n t d i s e a s e s s t r u c k , the economy was devastated ( G r e e n f i e l d , 1967: 496). The l o s s of Lombardy (1859) and V e n e t i a (1866) f u r t h e r aggravated the economic c r i s i s (Rusinow, 1969: 32), and mass emigration to other p a r t s of the empire (Rudolph, 1975: 17), to I t a l y and overseas f o l l o w e d (Great B r i t a i n , 1920: 22; M a r t i n e l l i , 1919: 141; S t e l l a , 1979: 581-2). Emi g r a t i o n i t s e l f had been a t r a d i t i o n a l o p t i o n f o r T y r o l e a n s but a fundamental d i f f e r e n c e e x i s t e d between the German and I t a l i a n T y r o l . Under c o n d i t i o n s of i m p a r t i b l e i n h e r i t a n c e , the e f f e c t s of commercial p r e s s u r e s and of p r o t o -i n d u s t r i a l a c t i v i t y on f e r t i l i t y and n a t a l i t y were kept w i t h i n t o l e r a b l e l i m i t s ; consequently, when the former became stronger l o c a l economic s t r u c t u r e s c o u l d r e s i s t and p o p u l a t i o n growth be l i m i t e d . By c o n t r a s t , where p a r t i b i l i t y p r e v a i l e d r u r a l workers c o u l d more e a s i l y and r a p i d l y adapt to commercial p r e s s u r e s , seek employment i n p r o t o - i n d u s t r i a l and l a t e r i n d u s t r i a l a c t i v i t y , and abandon t r a d i t i o n a l demographic r e s t r a i n t s . At the t u r n of the century n a t a l i t y i n the German T y r o l was 8x1000 with zero m i g r a t i o n balance compared to 11x1000 and a n e g a t i v e emigration r a t e of 6x1000 i n the I t a l i a n T y r o l ( W a l l i s , 1918: 58). 19 TaDle i: Tyrolean Population par Area ana Tear. 1 8 3 5 - 1 9 1 0 ( tn Absolute Nunbars and Percent ilea) TOTAL 719000 787188 893639 NORTH TYROL SOUTH TYROL 3 1 OX 24 . 5X 24 8% ITALIAN TYROL 1835 1880 1 9 1 0 29. OX 3 1 . IX 32 . 2X 40 OX 44 4X 42 OX Sources: 1835 figures In Cole and Wolf. 1974: 290: 1880 figures In Egger. 1 9 7 8 : 28-9. OSZ. 1961: 1910 figures (n velter. 1965: 63/105. OSZ. 1961 These demographic trends transformed the in t e r n a l demographic balance in the T y r o l . Because of i t s geographic location and more developed c e n t r a l place system, market and c a p i t a l i s t pressures favoured the transalpine section of the German Tyrol where high n a t a l i t y and immigration caused the highest population increase (+37.84%) in thi s 75-year period compared to (+32.28%) for the Trentino (high n a t a l i t y and emigration) and (+0.87%) for the c i s a l p i n e part of the German Tyrol (low n a t a l i t y and high emigration). Unlike the transalpine and I t a l i a n Tyrol modern economic pressures reached the c i s a l p i n e part of the German Tyrol l a t e , but by the l a s t decade of the nineteenth century land reclamation, railway construction and t e x t i l e production transformed the l o c a l labour market and work system. In the upper reaches of the Adige/Etsch r i v e r , long stretches of marshland were reclaimed and flooding overcome by r i v e r c o n t r o l s . Land reclamation during the 1860s stimulated the a r r i v a l of more desperate Italophone peasants, and in some v i l l a g e s l i k e Bronzolo/Branzoll and Vadena/Pfatten Italophones became a majority (Alcock, 1970: 15). In the subsequent decades other migrants from the I t a l i a n Tyrol arrived to work in f l u v i a l transportation along the Adige/Etsch and played an important role in the building of the Verona-Kufstein and Bolzano/Bozen-Merano/Meran railways (Paoli in Goglio, 1979: 53-4), so that by 20 the 1890s Italophones represented a s u b s t a n t i a l segment of the r e s i d e n t p o p u l a t i o n of the Bassa A t e s i n a / S u e d t i r o l e r U n t e r l a n d , the c i t y of Bolzano/Bozen and the Burgraviato/Burgrafenamt (see Appendix C, map D) (Caragata in B a t t i s t i , 1946: 47-8; Cole and Wolf, 1974: 112). Table 2: South Tyrolean Population per Language Group and Year. 1880-1910 (in Absolute Numbers and Percentiles) TOTAL GERMAN ITALIAN LAQ1N OTHER 1880 193249 92 0% 8.0%v N/A 1890 197233 90 4% 9 6%* N/A 1900 207983 91.5% 4.1% 4 3% 0. 1% 1910 333459 92.2% 30% 4.1% 0.7% Votes: N/A - not available; figures based on Spoken, not Motner Language: 1910 figures exclude foreignera and military. Sources: 1880-90 figures in Egger. 1 9 7 8 : 28-9; 1900-10 figures in Provtncia Autonoma. 1984: 154. The a c t i v i t i e s t h a t had prompted the a r r i v a l of Italophone immigrants a l s o s t i m u l a t e d the m i g r a t i o n of Germanophones towards the r e c l a i m e d v a l l e y bottoms. Italophones were thus unable to form a compact s p a t i a l settlement i n which they c o u l d occupy a l l f u n c t i o n a l domains. G r a d u a l l y , a s s i m i l a t o r y p r e s s u r e s were r e a s s e r t e d and the Italophone p r o p o r t i o n of the t o t a l p o p u l a t i o n d e c l i n e d (see t a b l e 2). The economy of the I t a l i a n T y r o l had a l s o recovered from i t s d e p r e s s i o n once the demand f o r l e a d i n g cashcrop, emigrants' r e m i t t a n c e s , the c o n s t i t u t i o n of p r o v i n c i a l mortgage banks and of r u r a l C r e d i t Unions p u l l e d the economy out of i t s slump and reduced the s t i m u l u s to l e a v e . The new r a i l w a y s and paved roads f a c i l i t a t e d e x p o r t s and opened up the r e g i o n to the new, l e i s u r e - and r e c r e a t i o n - s e e k i n g urban middle c l a s s e s , hence Italophone immigration towards the German T y r o l d i d not t r a n s f o r m e t h n o - l i n g u i s t i c s t r u c t u r e s . Nonetheless, immigration l e f t a l a s t i n g mark. 21 The a r r i v a l of Italophone immigrants from l i m i t r o p h i c areas a l t e r e d the p r e v a i l i n g s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s i n the German T y r o l s i n c e workers i n the few l a r g e companies l i k e the r a i l w a y s and the c o n s t r u c t i o n i n d u s t r i e s or the l a r g e r farms org a n i z e d the f i r s t Mutual A i d S o c i e t i e s and trade unions. In some s e c t o r s l i k e c o n s t r u c t i o n Italophones h e l d a quasi-monopoly, which, d e s p i t e e f f o r t s by A u s t r i a n unions, made them easy t a r g e t s of e t h n i c and s o c i a l p r e j u d i c e s ( G h i r i g a t o , 1986: 19-25). Fear of I t a l i a n immigration accentuated s o c i a l t e n s i o n s and g r a d u a l l y carved a deep f i s s u r e . The l i n g u i s t i c b o r d e r l i n e became the b a t t l e g r o u n d between i n c r e a s i n g l y m i l i t a n t e l i t e s i n both the I t a l i a n and German T y r o l . The T y r o l e a n b a t t l e g r o u n d was but one of many i n the empire and each r e i n f o r c e d and/or defused the o t h e r s . Economic t r a n s f o r m a t i o n was the main cause but the forum where i n t e r -e t h n i c c o n f r o n t a t i o n p l a y e d i t s e l f out was p o l i t i c a l . The o r i g i n a l post-Napoleonic p o l i t i c a l arrangement of the empire had combined p o l i t i c a l c e n t r a l i z a t i o n with b u r e a u c r a t i c d e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n , and throughout A u s t r i a r e g i o n a l governments were c r e a t e d under appointed governors. The l i b e r a l reforms of 1848 d i d not s u r v i v e the counter-r e v o l u t i o n of 1849, but they set i n motion a c o n t r a d i c t o r y process i n which c e n t r i f u g a l and c e n t r i p e t a l tendencies countered each o t h e r . At a p o l i t i c a l l e v e l , the c o n f l i c t t h r eatened the i n t e g r i t y df the s t a t e . The Magyar landed n o b i l i t y , which had been muzzled i n the post-1848 p e r i o d by g r e a t e r c e n t r a l i z e d c o n t r o l , found an unexpected a l l y i n the 22 Austro-German middle c l a s s e s , the p a r t i s a n s of the 1848 l i b e r a l r e v o l u t i o n s , a g a i n s t the n e o - a b s o l u t i s t regime. The same regime had n e g o t i a t e d the t r a n s f o r m a t i o n of the empire i n t o a c e n t r a l i z e d bureaucracy with a common body of laws, f i s c a l regime and economic s t r u c t u r e s , but i t s s o c i a l base was too narrow to i n c o r p o r a t e and coopt a l l h o s t i l e f o r c e s and was fo r c e d to accomodate the most powerful groups. The 1867 'Aus g l e i c h ' or h i s t o r i c a l compromise between Austro-Germans and Magyars decoupled the empire i n t o two halves 7 and e s t a b l i s h e d a c o n f e d e r a l r e l a t i o n s h i p between the two c o u n t r i e s and set each on separate c o n s t i t u t i o n a l roads 8 ( T a y l o r , 1985: 106-52; Whiteside, 1967). In A u s t r i a i n t e r n a l d e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n f o l l o w e d h i s t o r i c and not e t h n o - l i n g u i s t i c l i n e s so that only s i x of i t s seventeen p r o v i n c e s were e t h n i c a l l y homogenous, or i n t e r n a l l y segregated along ethno-l i n g u i s t i c l i n e s . Consequently, d e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n and c o o p t a t i o n i n t o the i m p e r i a l and/or p r o v i n c i a l c i v i l s e r v i c e d i d not reduce i n t e r - e t h n i c t e n s i o n s (Kahn, 1979: 87-8). i At a p r a c t i c a l l e v e l , the i n s t i t u t i o n a l rearrangement of the empire accentuated the use of German as an o f f i c i a l and customary language i n both c e n t r a l and p r o v i n c i a l l e v e l s of 7 Vienna and Budapest were s t i l l l i n k e d by a common currency, f i n a n c i a l and f i s c a l arrangements, f o r e i g n p o l i c y and defence f o r c e , but a l l other areas of j u r i s d i c t i o n were d i v i d e d . 8 Hungary i n c r e a s i n g l y developed along c e n t r a l i s t i c and a u t o c r a t i c l i n e s i n which l o c a l autonomies were suppressed and p e r i p h e r a l e t h n i e s and p r o v i n c e s s u b j e c t e d to p o l i c i e s of M a g y a r i z a t i o n . A u s t r i a went the other way and accentuated the f e d e r a l nature of i t s p o l i t i c a l i n s t i t u t i o n s . 23 government ( B u r i a n , 1970-1: 82-100; Whiteside, 1967: 160-1). 9 In a l l m u l t i - l i n g u a l Crownlands, German was never used alone, but o f f i c i a l b i l i n g u a l i s m was never s a t i s f a c t o r y f o r e i t h e r dominant Austro-Germans or subordinated e t h n i e s . The p r a c t i c a l i t y of German u n i l i n g u a l i s m was always c h a l l e n g e d by p e r i p h e r a l language groups and n e i t h e r s i d e was strong enough to impose i t s e l f or f e e l secure. Imperial and P r o v i n c i a l a u t h o r i t i e s i n mixed p r o v i n c e s were thus p u l l e d by s o c i a l l y -ascending b i l i n g u a l m i n o r i t y e l i t e s and well-entrenched u n i l i n g u a l Austro-German e l i t e s ( Z o e l l n e r , 1967: 228-9). The socio-economic t r a n s f o r m a t i o n s and demographic s h i f t s of the second h a l f of the n i n e t e e n t h century f o r c e d the a u t h o r i t i e s to adopt l e g a l and s t a t u t o r y vagueness and s p e c i f i c a d m i n i s t r a t i v e i n t e r v e n t i o n s . Complaints and l e g a l recourses r o u t i n e l y ended up i n the Imperial Court of J u s t i c e and the A d m i n i s t r a t i v e Court but d i v e r g e n t views p r e v a i l e d , and i n the end the i m p e r i a l government simply muddled through and i n s t i t u t e d ad hoc measures that s a t i s f i e d no-one (Whiteside, 1967: 190-4; G o l d i n g e r , 1967: 136-54; T a y l o r , 1985: 234-5). 1 0 The c o n f l i c t i n the T y r o l was one of the most s e r i o u s because, alone among Crownlands, i t found i t s e l f e n b r o i l e d i n i n t e r s t a t e r i v a l r i e s and i r r e d e n t i s t c l a i m s . The l o s s of Lombardy i n 1856 and V e n e t i a i n 1866 to the P i e d m o n t e s e - I t a l i a n kingodom l e d to to the r e - i n c o r p o r a t i o n of the I t a l i a n T y r o l 9 O f f i c i a l s t a t u s meant use i n e x t e r n a l and i n t e r n a l communication with the p u b l i c by a l l government i n s t i t u t i o n s and a g e n c i e s . Customary s t a t u s meant use i n e x t e r n a l communication alon e . 1 0 In 1877 the A d m i n i s t r a t i v e Court concluded that a l l languages, i n c l u d i n g those spoken o n l y i n a few d i s t r i c t s , were customary and had to be t r e a t e d e q u a l l y , but the Imperial Court of J u s t i c e upheld the p r i n c i p l e of n o n - t r a n s f e r a b i l i t y of language r i g h t s . 24 ( s i n c e 1848 the Imperial Regency of the I t a l i a n T y r o l ) i n t o the T y r o l . T h i s l e f t Italophones underrepresented i n Crownland i n s t i t u t i o n s at a time of p e r s i s t e n t economic d i f f i c u l t i e s . The presence of b i l i n g u a l Germanophone c i v i l s e r v a n t s , m i l i t a r y personnel and t h e i r f a m i l i e s i n Italophone d i s t r i c t s , the lack of c o n t r o l over e d u c a t i o n a l i n s t i t u t i o n s and the l o s s of the only I t a l i a n language u n i v e r s i t i e s i n Lombardy and V e n e t i a accentuated t h i s sense of d e p r i v a t i o n and a l i e n a t i o n ( G r e e n f i e l d , 1967: 520-2; S t e l l a , 1979: 572-3). As the economic and the p o l i t i c a l c r i s e s worsened, the p o s i t i o n s of Italophone autonomists, i n c r e a s i n g l y i d e n t i f y i n g themselves with the I t a l i a n T y r o l or T r e n t i n o , and Imperial and P r o v i n c i a l a u t h o r i t i e s p o l a r i z e d . A u s t r i a n s and German-Tyrol e a n s viewed l o c a l demands as p a r t of an o v e r a l l i r r e d e n t i s t movement that threatened the r e g i o n as w e l l as the symbolic r a i s o n d'etre of the empire, i . e . the d y n a s t i c l o y a l t y of i t s v a r i o u s peoples. On the other hand, o p p o s i t i o n to T r e n t i n e autonomy exacerbated T r e n t i n e a n x i e t i e s and l e d many to r e c o n s i d e r t h e i r t e r r i t o r y ' s r e l a t i o n s h i p to and p l a c e i n the empire. For decades the endless flow of popular p e t i t i o n s , p a r l i a m e n t a r y motions and p o l i t i c a l b o y c o t t s of the p r o v i n c i a l d i e t were met by i n t r a n s i g e n c e , ignorance and o f t e n r e p r e s s i o n , while the few c o n c e s s i o n s l i k e the i n s t i t u t i o n of a separate I t a l i a n language school C o u n c i l i n 1892 were seen as too l i t t l e too l a t e ( G r e e n f i e l d , 1967: 501-3). Given the r e l a t i v e backwardness of the p r o v i n c e i n t e r -e t h n i c c o n f r o n t a t i o n was f o r the most pa r t l i m i t e d to s m a l l , 25 u s u a l l y urban, segments of the p o p u l a t i o n . The ad hoc c o n c e s s i o n s made by Tyrolean a u t h o r i t i e s and the general apathy of a l a r g e l y peasant p o p u l a t i o n meant that p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y was d e l e g a t e d to dominant s o c i a l e l i t e s or a p p r o p r i a t e d by s e l f -appointed groups with l i m i t e d appeal i n a p o l i t i c a l system s t i l l d e f i n e d by r e s t r i c t e d f r a n c h i s e . Furthermore, d e s p i t e the weaknesses and the negative impact of Imperial and P r o v i n c i a l p o l i c i e s , the complementarity of the T r e n t i n e economy and i t s c l o s e i n t e g r a t i o n with that of the empire, so p a i n f u l l y achieved a f t e r repeated changes in boundaries, d i c t a t e d prudence. Se r i o u s attempts 1 1 were made ( F u r l a n i and Wandruszka, 1974: 212-4), but n a t i o n a l i s t sentiments and f o r c e s had become too s t r o n g and moderates were swept a s i d e . Such groups s u c c e s s f u l l y monopolized the p u b l i c debate and d e f i n e d i t s d i s c o u r s e s . A panoply of c u l t u r a l a s s o c i a t i o n s appeared, seemingly d e d i c a t e d to e d u c a t i o n a l a c t i v i t i e s and economic a i d , but more o f t e n engaged i n n a t i o n a l i s t a g i t a t i o n and propaganda (Alcock, 1970: 16; Cole and Wolf, 1974: 55). Wherever pan-Germanist o r g a n i z a t i o n s brought t h e i r propaganda a potent I t a l i a n response was e l i c i t e d . The presence In 1901 t h e i r e f f o r t s almost succeeded. The o l d I m p e r i a l Regency was to be r e e s t a b l i s h e d and some l e g i s l a t i v e powers devolved from the P r o v i n c i a l D i e t to two Regional Assemblies dominated by members of e i t h e r major Tyro l e a n ethny (Ladins were not c o n s i d e r e d ) . When i n j o i n t s e s s i o n these assemblies would ac t as a s i n g l e P r o v i n c i a l D i e t ; s e p a r a t e l y they would l e g i s l a t e i n t h e i r own areas of j u r i s d i c t i o n . In order to compensate Italophone numerical i n f e r i o r i t y , a minimal Italophone r e p r e s e n t a t i o n was r e s e r v e d i n the P r o v i n c i a l E x e c u t i v e C o u n c i l . T h i s compromise c o u l d thus guarantee T r e n t i n e autonomy and maintain the t e r r i t o r i a l i n t e g r i t y of the T y r o l . 26 of such o r g a n i z a t i o n s i n border v i l l a g e s and T r e n t i n e towns where smal l Germanophone enclaves e x i s t e d r a i s e d concerns and made c a l l s f o r a German T y r o l from K u f s t e i h to A l a seem a r e a l danger ( G r e e n f i e l d , 1967: 514; Rusinow, 1969: 33-6). However, i n t e r - e t h n i c t e n s i o n s never degenerated i n t o open c i v i l s t r i f e , and most T y r o l e a n Italophones remained p a s s i v e and ambivalent, s t i l l sure of the A u s t r i a n s t a t u s quo and weary about a p o s s i b l e I t a l i a n f u t u r e (Rusinow, 1969: 33). 27 I I I . THE LANGUAGE OF NATIONAL TERRITORIES AND THE  RESTRUCTURATION OF TYROLEAN SPACES 1 The G r e a t War consummated an h i s t o r i c a l break w i t h the p a s t , but i t s f a t e l a y not w i t h the m i l i t a r y f o r t u n e s of the c o n t e n d i n g p a r t i e s , but i n the d i s c o u r s i v e and r e c u r s i v e knowledge t h a t i n formed the t e r r i t o r i a l demands and s t r a t e g i e s of l o c a l p o p u l a t i o n s and e x t e r n a l e l i t e s . I t i s e s s e n t i a l t o d i s t i n g u i s h d i s c o u r s i v e and r e c u r s i v e t h i n k i n g s i n c e they a f f e c t d i f f e r e n t l y the semantic f i e l d t h a t d e f i n e s s o c i a l a c t i o n . The former r e f e r s p r i m a r i l y t o systems of t h o u g h t , i d e o l o g i e s , b e l i e f - and v a l u e - s y s t e m s t h a t s e r v e as r e p e r t o r i e s whose c o n t e n t s r e f l e c t ad hoc and d e l i b e r a t e i n t e l l e c t u a l i z a t i o n s , whereas the l a t t e r i d e n t i f i e s the a t t i t u d e s , g e s t u r e s and words t h a t e x p r e s s both our c o n s c i o u s and u n c o n s c i o u s , p e r s o n a l and i m p e r s o n a l knowledge. The s o u r c e s of c r e a t i o n and d i s s e m i n a t i o n a r e i n t e l l e c t u a l and more r e a d i l y i d e n t i f i a b l e i n the case of d i s c o u r s i v e t h i n k i n g and s o c i a l and r e l a t i v e l y anonymous i n the case of r e c u r s i v e t h i n k i n g . The i n t e r a c t i o n of t h e s e two forms of knowledge d i c t a t e d the o r i e n t a t i o n s of b oth r e s i d e n t p o p u l a t i o n s and r e s p e c t i v e e t h n o - c u l t u r a l h e a r t l a n d s and e l i t e s towards the T y r o l and i t s c i s a l p i n e s e c t i o n . The former d e v e l o p e d a c o n c r e t e i d e n t i f i c a t i o n w i t h the t e r r i t o r y i n which they l i v e d , and where they sought s o c i o p s y c h o l o g i c a l s o l a c e . N a t u r a l bonds u n i t e d them t o t h e i r p l a c e s of b i r t h / b u r i a l and c r e a t e d a u n i s o n of body and e nvironment. C o n v e r s e l y , the l a t t e r tended t o a b s t r a c t and produce i n t e l l e c t u a l a r g u m e n t a t i o n s o f t e n d i v o r c e d from 28 f i r s t - h a n d experiences and estranged people from the immediate con t a c t with the environment. Yet, i f n a t i v e s formulated moral v a l i d a t i o n f o r t h e i r presence and h o l d over a t e r r i t o r y and expressed i t through symbolic and emotional appeals, only the i n t e r v e n t i o n of s e l f - a p p o i n t e d e l i t e s c o u l d t r a n s l a t e t h i s y e arning f o r i d e n t i t y i n t o c l e a r l y - d e f i n e d i n s t r u m e n t a l and t e r r i t o r i a l o r i e n t a t i o n s and l e g i t i m a t e a program f o r a c t i o n (see Cohen, 1976). T h i s i n t e r v e n t i o n enabled indigenous p o p u l a t i o n s to i n t e r n a l i z e a c t i o n - d r i v e n o r i e n t a t i o n s and o f f e r e d them the necessary i n t e l l e c t u a l p l a u s i b i l i t y f o r t e r r i t o r i a l c o n t r o l . In the southern T y r o l the i n t e r v e n t i o n of competing e l i t e s p o l i t i c i z e d the separate e x i s t e n t i a l experiences and l e d to i n t e r - e t h n i c c o n f r o n t a t i o n over the t e r r i t o r y . In the T r e n t i n o Italophones were i n s p i r e d p r i m a r i l y by p r a c t i c a l c o n s i d e r a t i o n s over p r o v i n c i a l autonomy and sought s e p a r a t i o n from the o v e r b e a r i n g Innsbruck a d m i n i s t r a t i o n i n order to c o n t r o l those f u n c t i o n a l domains and i n s t i t u t i o n s t h a t would ensure t h e i r e x i s t e n c e . The memory of a separate T r e n t i n e a d m i n i s t r a t i o n both i n the recent and more remote p a s t , a l b e i t l i n k e d at some l e v e l to the r e s t of the T y r o l and the empire, was the d r i v i n g f o r c e behind t h e i r a c t i v i s m . By c o n t r a s t , among Ty r o l e a n Germanophones p r o v i n c i a l u n i t y was an important economic and p o l i t i c a l a s s e t f o r i t would p r e s e r v e t h e i r c o n t r o l over a wider s p a t i o - f u n c t i o n a l r e g i o n ; but i t too had an important emotional and symbolic appeal, whose echoes dated from medieval times. Among s c h o l a r s and p u b l i c i s t s the f e s t e r i n g p o l i t i c a l 29 c o n f l i c t between Tyro l e a n Germanophones and Italophones was caught up i n opposing i n t e l l e c t u a l views. Among German s c h o l a r s o r g a n i c i s t analogues l e d to the d e s c r i p t i o n of the T y r o l as a s i n g l e , n a t u r a l orographic u n i t , a 'Passland' or 'Passstaat', a c o u n t r y of t r a n s i t that l i n k e d two separate hydrographic basins (Weilenmann, 1963). 1 2 As a c r o s s r o a d d a t i n g from the e i g h t h c e n t u r y , the T y r o l had become an inner a l p i n e r e g i o n that c o u l d s u s t a i n and c o o r d i n a t e a middle l e v e l urban-commercial network w i t h i n the context of an e s s e n t i a l l y a g r a r i a n economy ( K i n z l i n Huter, 1965: 247-52). The memory of c o n f l i c t and wars a l s o suggested that the T y r o l was a d e f e n s i v e bulwark or an o f f e n s i v e wedge going as f a r back as Roman times. These n o t i o n s of c r o s s r o a d and m i l i t a r y b o r d e r l a n d merged with the idea that the T y r o l l i k e other A l p i n e t e r r i t o r i e s was a ' l a n d s c h a f t ' , i . e . a s i n g l e c u l t u r a l landscape and a cohesive geographic u n i t (see Appendix C, map A), s t r u c t u r e d by a n c i e n t t i e s and symbolic and m a t e r i a l r e l a t i o n s . In I t a l y the orographic t h e o r i e s of Swiss and German s c h o l a r s found l i t t l e support. Instead, the work of geographers l i k e Giovanni and O l i n d o M a r i n e l l i s h i f t e d the emphasis from mountains to r i v e r s and argued that I t a l y ' s n a t u r a l borders were based on hydrographic c r i t e r i a ( M a r i n e l l i , 1919: 132-3). The a l p i n e watershed (see Appendix C, Maps A and D) that separated the r i v e r s f l o w i n g southward towards the A d r i a t i c sea were 1 2 T h i s theory had o r i g i n a l l y been a r t i c u l a t e d by the Swiss h i s t o r i a n A l o y s S c h u l t e i n h i s s t u d i e s of S w i t z e r l a n d and i t s p l a c e i n the wider European s t a t e system ( B e r g i e r , 1975: 4-5). 30 ' n a t u r a l l y ' I t a l i a n (Nice i n B a t t i s t i , 1946: 12-4), hence a l l lands w i t h i n the a l p i n e c r e s t were g e o g r a p h i c a l l y I t a l i a n . The support of German s c h o l a r s l i k e R a t z e l , R i t t e r and D a n i e l l e n t i n t e l l e c t u a l credence to the hydrographic p r e t e n t i o n s of I t a l i a n geography (Montecchini i n B a t t i s t i , 1946: 19-22), for as R a t z e l wrote the "Southern A l p s , where they stand out as an independent group, are wholly I t a l i a n " (quoted i n F r e s h f i e l d , 1915: 415). T h i s i n t e l l e c t u a l debate and r e l a t i v e e p i s t e m i c o r i e n t a t i o n s had a be a r i n g on the d i s c o u r s e surrounding the ' j u s t boundaries' of the I t a l i a n s t a t e . Not only were ethno-c u l t u r a l commonalities used to j u s t i f y an I t a l i a n n a t i o n - s t a t e but geography became the i d e o l o g i c a l t o o l that d e l i n e a t e d the s t a t e ' s t e r r i t o r i a l domain. The shape of the country encouraged t h i s o p i n i o n and the development of g e o p o l i t i c s (Douglas, 1973: 160; P o r t i n a r o , 1982: 1-7) as a s p e c i a l i z e d d i s c i p l i n e with s c i e n t i f i c p r e t e n s i o n s gave i n t e l l e c t u a l comfort, s c i e n t i f i c p l a u s i b i l i t y and e m p i r i c a l v e r i f i c a t i o n to i t s exponents. When u n i t y was e s t a b l i s h e d i n 1861 the qu e s t i o n of who was I t a l i a n and where I t a l y ' s l i m i t s stood was not sol v e d because not a l l Italo-Romance areas had been i n c o r p o r a t e d , even though some non-Italo-Romance areas had (see Appendix C, map B). But i f I t a l i a n p a t r i o t s of the Risorgimento had sought the l i b e r a t i o n of a l l n a t i o n s , b i g and s m a l l , c o e x i s t i n g i n a world of independent n a t i o n - s t a t e s , t h e i r successors were r a i s e d i n an i n t e l l e c t u a l c l i m a t e f i l l e d w ith p o s i t i v i s t and s o c i a l d a r w i n i s t ideas and arguments. Instead of the Mazzinian d o c t r i n e of s e l f -d e t e r m i n a t i o n I t a l i a n n a t i o n a l i s m s h i f t e d towards n a t i o n a l 31 aggrandizement and c o l o n i a l a g g r e s s i o n . The o l d l i b e r a l n a t i o n a l i s m gave way to a new, b e l l i g e r a n t and c h a u v i n i s t c i m p e r i a l i s m (Segre, 1979: 178), and the geography of n a t u r a l borders and l i v i n g space entered the I t a l i a n p o l i t i c a l debate. A u s t r i a too d i d not escape these p a s s i o n a t e debates over the s p a t i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of nationhood. A u s t r i a n geographers came to view the empire as a geographic u n i t , not merely the byproduct of c e n t u r i e s of h i s t o r y , with a c e n t r a l b a s i n l y i n g i n the Viennese h e a r t l a n d that was l i n k e d to i t s v a r i o u s p e r i p h e r a l r e g i o ns by an outer mountainous r i n g going from the e a s t e r n A l p s to the Carpathians and the D i n a r i c A l p s . T h i s r i n g surrounded the Middle Danube whose hydrographic p r o j e c t i o n flowed from North-West to the South-East and l i n k e d Western Europe to the Balkans and beyond (Hoffman, 1967: 121-6). The e f f e c t of i n t e l l e c t u a l c l a i m and c o u n t e r c l a i m was to draw the l o c a l populace and t h e i r e x t e r n a l supporters i n t o the debate. People from d i f f e r e n t backgrounds raced to p r i n t , p u b l i s h or u t t e r the l a t e s t and h i g h e s t n a t i o n a l i s t hyperbole. Match boxes c a r r i e d n a t i o n a l i s t slogans and sport a c t i v i t i e s redeemed the i n d i v i d u a l body and the c o l l e c t i v e s o u l . In the T y r o l , c i v i c l e a d e r s engaged i n c o m p e t i t i o n with monumental works i n Bolzano-Bozen (1889), on the B e r g i s e l (1893), and i n Trent (1896) (Cole and Wolf, 1974: 55; G r e e n f i e l d , 1967: 514). Of a l l p a r t i c i p a n t s and p l a y e r s , great and s m a l l , one stands out as the main I t a l i a n a r c h i t e c t of the T y r o l e a n saga: E t t o r e Tolomei. Steeped i n the a n i m o s i t i e s of o l d A u s t r i a and cognizant of the p o l i t i c a l f r u s t r a t i o n s of p o s t - u n i t a r y I t a l i a n 32 i n t e l l e c t u a l s , he almost s i n g l e - h a n d e d l y set out to make the c i s a l p i n e or southern German T y r o l a n a t i o n a l i s s u e . ( G a t t e r e r in A g o s t i n i , 1985: 178). As an experienced j o u r n a l i s t he used h i s remarkable s k i l l s to coax, c a j o l e and probe the powerful and the not-so powerful by means of s e l e c t i v e h i s t o r i o g r a p h i c and ethnographic r e s e a r c h and i n time he was able to o f f e r I t a l i a n p u b l i c o p i n i o n ready-made terms, ideas, concepts about the southern T y r o l and i t s r o l e i n the ' m i l l e n a r y ' h i s t o r y of the I t a l i a n n a t i o n ( L i l l , 1982: 115; Stadlmayer i n Huter, 1965), while the presence of a l a r g e and c o m p a c t l y - s e t t l e d Germanophone p o p u l a t i o n i n t h i s ' I t a l i a n ' t e r r i t o r y was proof, i f any was necessary, of the need to redeem these 'Germanized I t a l i a n s ' (see Morandini i n B a t t i s t i , 1946: 70-80; B a r d u z z i , 1962) and to make p o l i t i c a l and e t h n i c boundaries consonant. T i l l the Great War Tolomei's a c t i v i t i e s were l i m i t e d to sma l l , a l b e i t powerful, i n t e l l e c t u a l and p o l i t i c a l c i r c l e s . Without the war, i t would have been d i f f i c u l t f o r him or any of h i s adepts to t r a n s l a t e t h e i r a s p i r a t i o n s i n t o deeds, but the experiences on the b a t t l e f i e l d inflamed passions so that people l i k e Tolomei c o u l d reap the b e n e f i t s . Even then, the p o l i t i c a l c l a i m f o r the South T y r o l emerged only as the e x p r e s s i o n of a s t r a t e g i c o r i e n t a t i o n . With I t a l y ' s v i c t o r y the i n t e r p l a y of competing t e r r i t o r i a l o r i e n t a t i o n s found an o p e r a t i o n a l forum. At the peace t a b l e I t a l i a n s and A u s t r i a n s a r t i c u l a t e d t h e i r r e s p e c t i v e c l a i m s ( f o r 33 the Brenner watershed) 1 3 and c o u n t e r c l a i m s ( f o r the u n i t y of the German T y r o l ) ; 1" however, the f a i l u r e to f u l f i l l I t a l i a n t e r r i t o r i a l demands on the e a s t e r n border (Rusinow, 1969: 41-52) and the i n d e f a t i g a b l e a c t i o n of E t t o r e Tolomei 1 5 t i p p e d the balance. In the e a r l y stage, I t a l i a n o b j e c t i v e s were l i m i t e d to the a s s e r t i o n of I t a l y ' s s o v e r e i g n t y , the appeasement of a h o s t i l e p o p u l a t i o n and the a d m i n i s t r a t i v e i n t e g r a t i o n of the province i n t o the s t a t e . Strong German-Tyrolean i d e n t i t y had convinced I t a l i a n p o l i t i c a l and m i l i t a r y l e a d e r s ( R i z z i , 1962) that the h i t h e r t o c e n t r a l i s t i c s t a t e apparatus c o u l d not work i n the South T y r o l . As p a r t of t h e i r s t r a t e g y of accomodation, I t a l i a n occupation a u t h o r i t i e s sought to appease the new autonomy-minded s u b j e c t s , now o r g a n i z e d i n a u n i t e d German League that sought the l a r g e s t degree of p o l i t i c a l autonomy p o s s i b l e (Toscano, 1967: 71-83), and pledged a s p e c i a l arrangement f o r a l l new p r o v i n c e s ( L i l l , 1982: 117-8). The r u l i n g c o n s e r v a t i v e e l i t e s 1 3 S o c i a l i s t s and some l i b e r a l s were c o n t r a r y to the Brenner border and the m i l i t a r y was prepared to accept the Salorno-S a l u r n gap along the language d i v i d e . 1 4 A u s t r i a n s sought to a l l a y I t a l i a n s t r a t e g i c concerns by p l e d g i n g T y r o l e a n d e m i l i t a r i z a t i o n and Swiss m i l i t a r y guarantees (Alcock, 1970: 21). German-Tyrolean l e a d e r s o f f e r e d to become independent, j o i n S w i t z e r l a n d , or even become p a r t of I t a l y so long as the t e r r i t o r i a l i n t e g r i t y of the German T y r o l was maintained (Rusinow, 1969: 55-66; Toscano, 1967: 33-43). 1 5 He was appointed head of a 'Commissariat f o r the Language and C u l t u r e of the Upper Adige', c l o s e l y t i e d to governmental and non-governmental e l i t e s (Rusinow, 1969: 57), and became the 'expert' on 'Upper A t e s i n ' a f f a i r s to the I t a l i a n d e l e g a t i o n at V e r s a i l l e s . 34 were ready to reform the system b u i l t over the previous f i f t y years and address the l a t e n t r e g i o n a l i s m of many p a r t s of the country, and to t h i s e f f e c t i n s t i t u t e d a Royal Commission on A d m i n i s t r a t i v e Reform to formulate recommendations about the f u t u r e s t r u c t u r e s of the s t a t e (Weibel, 1971: 25-6). T h i s d i d not happen. The war had unleashed a t i d a l wave of s o c i a l change that the o l d l i b e r a l regime c o u l d not.manage. The t r a n s f o r m a t i o n of the economy and the r i s e of new, g e n e r a l l y younger, p o l i t i c a l l y -c o n s c i o u s groups doomed i n s t i t u t i o n a l reform. One of the c o n t r i b u t i n g f a c t o r s to I t a l y ' s i n t e r v e n t i o n on the s i d e of the western a l l i e s was the growing antagonism between those economic c i r c l e s i n heavy i n d u s t r y and mixed banks that were not t i e d to German c a p i t a l and sought to f r e e the country's economy from Germany and those groups s t i l l t i e d to the c e n t r a l European power. The former s u c c e s s f u l l y used heightened n a t i o n a l i s t and i r r e d e n t i s t sentiments to f o r c e I t a l y to j o i n the Entente powers but i n doing so they d i v i d e d t h e i r own ranks. T h i s l i m i t e d the a b i l i t y of I t a l i a n economic planners to manage economic r e c o n v e r s i o n (Mori i n B a i r o c h and Levy-Leboyer, 1.981: 158-9) at a time of workers' m i l i t a n c y , i n f l a t i o n , s t r u c t u r a l adjustments i n a l l s e c t o r s of the economy and growing unemployment (Cohen, 1979: 78-86). These f a c t o r s weakened the s t e e r i n g c a p a c i t y of a narrowly-based and c u l t u r a l l y - r e m o t e r u l i n g c l a s s , a g a i n s t whom stood a r a d i c a l i z e d n a t i o n a l i s t camp that i n c l u d e d f r u s t r a t e d war v e t e r a n s , a good number of i n t e l l e c t u a l s , c l a s s - c o n s c i o u s i n d u s t r i a l i s t s and a g r a r i a n groups, and downward mobile c i v i l 35 s e r v a n t s . Soon t h i s composite group r a l l i e d around a f l e d g l i n g p o l i t i c a l movement that wanted p o l i t i c a l c e n t r a l i z a t i o n , r e p r e s s i o n of a l l p o l i t i c a l opponents and o r g a n i z e d s o c i a l f o r c e s and i t s i n t e g r a t i o n i n t o the s t a t e . By e x p l o i t i n g the f e a r s of f r a c t i o u s r u l i n g groups the f a s c i s t movement was able to o b t a i n the support of some of i t s segments and a c q u i r e s u f f i c i e n t p o l i t i c a l resources to gain power (Mori i n B a i r o c h and Levy-Leboyer, 1981: 158), to r e o r g a n i z e i t s e l f i n t o a mass o r g a n i z a t i o n of the middle c l a s s e s and to regiment i n d u s t r i a l and a g r i c u l t u r a l workers. The l a c k of i d e o l o g i c a l coherence d i d not impede t h e i r a c t i o n , but i n s t e a d allowed them to merge in 1923 with the I t a l i a n n a t i o n a l i s t p a r t y and i n c o r p o r a t e t h e i r cadres and w e l l - d e f i n e d p o l i t i c a l d i s c o u r s e (Cunsolo, 1985: 47-63; R a g i o n i e r i , 1976: 2126-32). It was i n the newly-acquired p r o v i n c e s l i k e the southern T y r o l that the o r g a n i z a t i o n a l and i d e o l o g i c a l convergence of d i f f e r e n t p o l i t i c a l and s o c i a l movements was s a n c t i o n e d s i n c e i t was here that the n a t i o n a l i s t appeal c o u l d be f u l f i l l e d . The f a s c i s t p a r t y used i t s power i n the South T y r o l to rehearse i t s conquest of the country. Under i t s r u l e the n a t i o n a l government a s s e r t e d c e n t r a l c o n t r o l over the country, transformed l o c a l a d m i n i s t r a t i v e u n i t s i n t o a b u r e a u c r a t i c c h a i n of s p a t i o -f u n c t i o n a l l y d i f f u s e d r e g i o n s , p r o v i n c e s and m u n i c i p a l i t i e s under c l o s e c e n t r a l s u p e r v i s i o n ( R a g i o n i e r i , 1976: 2163-71, 36 2224-31). 1 6 In the South T y r o l . the f i r s t stage of f a s c i s t a d m i n i s t r a t i v e r e o r g a n i z a t i o n e n t a i l e d the wholesale replacement of l o c a l f u n c t i o n a r i e s with o u t s i d e r s , the immediate a p p l i c a t i o n of I t a l i a n laws, the a b o l i t i o n of the German school system, and the c r e a t i o n i n 1923 of a s i n g l e , Trent-dominated p r o v i n c i a l a d m i n i s t r a t i o n and the t r a n s f e r of two Ladin v a l l e y s (Fodom and Ampez) to n eighbouring Be l l u n o p r o v i n c e , f o l l o w e d in 1927 by the c r e a t i o n of a separate Bolzano-Bozen p r o v i n c e and the s e p a r a t i o n of s e v e r a l e t h n i c a l l y - m i x e d r u r a l m u n i c i p a l i t i e s south of the homonymous p r o v i n c i a l c a p i t a l (Gruber, 1979: 115; Rusinow, 1969: 173) . The e v e r - v i g i l a n t Tolomei opposed t h i s l a s t change on the grounds that To a s s i m i l a t e the Upper Adige ... we must become the n a t i o n a l masters of the [ p r o v i n c i a l ] c a p i t a l . In t r u t h we cannot see how the removal of a l l I t a l i a n s i n n e i ghbouring Adige v a l l e y can p r o f i t the r a p i d a s s i m i l a t i o n of Bolzano (quoted i n Gruber, 1978: 118). For him d e n a t i o n a l i z a t i o n had to be accomplished by t r a n s f o r m i n g the South T y r o l i n t o an a u x i l i a r y region of a 1 6 The t r a n s f o r m a t i o n of the s t a t e along more a u t h o r i t a r i a n l i n e s d i d not r e p r e s e n t a break with the p ast; i n s t e a d i t accentuated l o n g - s t a n d i n g c e n t r i p e t a l tendencies of the o l d l i b e r a l regime ( R a g i o n i e r i , 1976: 1687-1719). The monarchical s t a t e embodied the p r i n c i p l e of s o v e r e i g n t y i n h e r i t e d from the ancien regime in which the s t a t e was seen as an organic whole with f u l l a u t h o r i t y v ested i n the c e n t r e a l o n e . The d i v i s i o n of power and the geographic d i s t r i b u t i o n of f u n c t i o n s d i d not recognize any independent e x i s t e n c e to l o c a l government, but t r e a t e d them as l o c a l a d m i n i s t r a t i v e branches of c e n t r a l i n s t i t u t i o n s (Dente, 1985b: 22-7). 37 Trent-dominated c e n t r a l p l a c e system. However, h i s views were not heeded. The new p o l i t i c a l arrangement based on h i g h l y pyramidal intergovernmental r e l a t i o n s was accompanied by a new p o l i t i c a l d i s c o u r s e and a new set of s o c i a l p r a c t i c e s designed to r a p i d l y i n c o r p o r a t e the indigenous p o p u l a t i o n . However, the eagerness to f u l l y implement such a d i s c o u r s e and p r a c t i c e s was wrought with c o n t r a d i c a t i o n s . The 'redemption' of 'Germanized' I t a l i a n s c o u l d not be accomplished o v e r n i g h t , but f a s c i s t a u t h o r i t i e s f a i l e d to i n s t i t u t e an i n t e r m e d i a t e phase i n which a Standard Ital i a n - L o w German d i g l o s s i a c o u l d develop and l i n k a f u n c t i o n a l l y b i l i n g u a l and somewhat e n c u l t u r a t e d generation of indigenous South Ty r o l e a n s to t h e i r conquerors (Egger, 1978: 19-20, 45). Instead the f a s c i s t s promoted the immigration of Italophones to occupy a l l p o s i t i o n s of s o c i a l c o n t r o l and p o l i t i c a l mediation between s t a t e and p o p u l a t i o n and e f f e c t i v e l y barred access by l o c a l e l i t e s 1 7 to subordinate p o s i t i o n s of r e s p o n s a b i l i t y ( G h i r i g a t o , 1986: 28-9). As p a r t of t h i s s t r a t e g y of d e n a t i o n a l i z a t i o n and p o l i t i c a l i n c o r p o r a t i o n f a s c i s t p o l i c y a l s o e n t a i l e d the s u p e r s t r u c t u r a l r e c o n s t r u c t i o n of the South T y r o l e a n landscape. Through o f f i c i a l iconography and epigraphy the I t a l i a n n e s s of the p r o v i n c e had to be a s s e r t e d and r e f l e c t the new f a s c i s t r i g o u r . A wave of i n i t i a t i v e s designed to stamp out the indigenous 1 7 T h i s was d e s p i t e the r e l u c t a n t but forthcoming adherence of at l e a s t some nota b l e s and white c o l l a r workers f r i g h t e n e d by p o l i t i c a l i n s t a b i l i t y and economic chaos i n I t a l y and A u s t r i a ( G a t t e r e r i n A g o s t i n i , 1985: 179-85). 38 c h a r a c t e r f o l l o w e d , ranging from n e o - c l a s s i c a r c h i t e c t u r e and s c h o l a r l y work ( P a s e t t i and Mazzei in B a t t i s t i , 1946) to the I t a i i a n i z a t i o n of s t r e e t s , toponyms and f a m i l y names (Da Massa i n B a t t i s t i , 1946: 41-2; Gruber, 1979: 48-9). Ag a i n s t t h i s p r o j e c t stood a h a p l e s s , b i t t e r and h o s t i l e indigenous p o p u l a t i o n , l e a d e r l e s s s i n c e the d e s o l u t i o n of independent p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s and the r e p r e s s i o n of autonomous p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t i e s . However, the b r u t a l a t t a c k s a g a i n s t the indigenous p o p u l a t i o n were not s u c c e s s f u l i n the short term, l a r g e l y because of i t s o r g a n i z a t i o n a l autonomy. Under the l e a d e r s h i p of the l o c a l c l e r g y , t a c i t l y supported by the V a t i c a n and of some of the l e a d e r s of the disbanded German League, the indigenous p o p u l a t i o n was a b l e to carve a c e r t a i n degree of s o c i a l autonomy by means of an i l l e g a l and underground school network - the Catacomb schools - and a few t h e o l o g i c a l c o l l e g e s (Volgger, 1985: 19-33). Autonomous s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n was based on a h i g h degree of economic s e l f - s u f f i c i e n c y . I t a l i a n conquest and the new border had s e r i o u s l y a f f e c t e d the l o c a l economy, but e s t a t e management and day-to-day farming o p e r a t i o n s had remained i n indigenous hands. Economic recovery i n I t a l y , e s p e c i a l l y of the primary s e c t o r (Cohen, 1979: 71-7), helped them because the South T y r o l was i n a b e t t e r economic p o s i t i o n than neighbouring T r e n t i n o thanks to i t s l a r g e r and more e f f i c i e n t farms to make the t r a n s i t i o n and compete i n the n o r t h - I t a l i a n market (Gruber, 1979: 142-3), and through d i v e r s i f i c a t i o n and q u a l i t y improvements re g a i n t h e i r t r a d i t i o n a l markets i n C e n t r a l Europe 39 (Gruber, 1979: 142-3; Weigend, 1950: 370-2). The onset of i n f l a t i o n a r y p r e s s u r e s and a weak f i n a n c i a l s i t u a t i o n i n the mid-twenties l e d the f a s c i s t government to implement t i g h t f i s c a l monetary and t a r i f f p o l i c i e s i n combination with an a g r i c u l t u r a l p o l i c y designed to r a i s e p r i c e s and investment (Cohen, 1972: 642-53). The o v e r a l l e f f e c t was to p r o t e c t i n e f f i c i e n t i n d u s t r i e s (Castronovo, 1984: 83-6), maintain i n d u s t r i a l wages near s u b s i s t e n c e l e v e l s , i n c r e a s e unemployment (Cohen, 1972: 649-53) and reduce a g r i c u l t u r a l p r o d u c t i v i t y . In the South T y r o l a g r i c u l t u r a l modernization was thus s t i f l e d , but many South T y r o l e a n farmers were able to r e v e r t back to a mixture of l i m i t e d market involvement and s u b s i s t e n c e farming (Cole and Wolf, 1974: 88-9; Rusinow, 1969: 175). However, with the onset of the 1929 depression i n t e r n a t i o n a l trade and labour movements d e c l i n e d and South T y r o l e a n labour became u n d e r u t i l i z e d and commercial crops o v e r e x p l o i t e d (Cole and Wolf, 1974: 88-9; T o n i o l o , 1937: 476). On the long run, t h i s s i t u a t i o n would be untenable. T h i s p e r i o d of c r i s i s c o i n c i d e d with the second stage of f a s c i s t p o l i c y of d e n a t i o n a l i z a t i o n and s p a t i o - f u n c t i o n a l i n c o r p o r a t i o n . A f t e r the p o l i t i c a l system they turned t h e i r a t t e n t i o n to the l o c a l economy. The government pursued a p o l i c y of r u r a l settlement i n e x p r o p r i a t e d and reclaimed farmland ( a b o l i t i o n of C l o s e d E s t a t e L e g i s l a t i o n i n 1929) (see page 17. footnote 6) but, d e s p i t e a growing number of i n s o l v e n c i e s , only 5% were taken over and a s s i g n e d to Italophones (Gruber, 1979: 40 209; Cole and Wolf, 1974: 58). 1 8 The f a s c i s t s were more s u c c e s s f u l i n e x p l o i t i n g the p r o v i n c e ' s r i c h h y d r o e l e c t r i c p o t e n t i a l and use i t as an instrument of c o l o n i z a t i o n . Beginning in 1924 a number of h y d r o e l e c t r i c p r o j e c t s under the a e g i s of I t a l i a n companies were b u i l t and by 1939-40 the South T y r o l boasted a p r o d u c t i o n of two b i l l i o n Kwtt or about 12-14% of I t a l y ' s t o t a l energy p r o d u c t i o n ( C a s t e l l a n i i n B a t t i s t i , 1946: 108-13; L e i d l m a i r in Huter, 1965: 376). Hydro-power was c r u c i a l to f a s c i s t economic p o l i c y . I t was p a r t of ad hoc i n i t i a t i v e s taken to overcome some of the problems caused by the growing i s o l a t i o n and s t r u c t u r a l r i g i d i t i e s of the I t a l i a n economy. The i n c r e a s i n g i n e f f i c i e n c y of i t s i n d u s t r i a l and banking s e c t o r s had a l r e a d y f o r c e d the government to rescue s e v e r a l p r i v a t e concerns and a s s i s t the p r ocess of c a p i t a l accumulation more d i r e c t l y (Castronovo, 1984: 83-6; Mori in B a i r o c h and Levy-Leboyer, 1981: 160-1), and the presence of t h i s p l e n t i f u l and r e l a t i v e l y cheap domestic hydro-e l e c t r i c power was e s s e n t i a l to support p r i v a t e o l i g o p o l i e s and s t a t e monopolies. T h i s energy source and the a c c e s s a b i l i t y to l o c a l and f o r e i g n raw m a t e r i a l s were a l s o e s s e n t i a l f o r the i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n of the p r o v i n c e . T h i s would m o b i l i z e c a p i t a l and labour from other p a r t s of I t a l y , reduce n a t i o n a l unemployment and, above a l l , a c c e l e r a t e I t a l i a n i z a t i o n (Alcock, 1970: 41-2). The r e s u l t would be the t r a n s f o r m a t i o n of the 1 8 Those Italophone c o l o n i s t s who managed to s e t t l e i n the p r o v i n c e d i d so by a c c e p t i n g indigenous ascendancy. 41 p r e v a i l i n g t e c h n o - e n v i r o n m e n t a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s , t e c h n o l o g y of p r o d u c t i o n and work-system, now based on a u r b a n - i n d u s t r i a l s t r u c t u r a l h i e r a r c h y and s e t the stage f o r the s p a t i o - f u n c t i o n a l i n c o r p o r a t i o n of t h e c a p i t a l ' s complementary r e g i o n . At a demographic l e v e l the e f f e c t of t h e s e p o l i c i e s was t o t r a n s f o r m the p r o v i n c e from a compact German p r o v i n c e i n t o a mixed G e r m a n - I t a l i a n a r e a . Table 3: South Tyrolean Population. 1910-1943 (In Absolut* Numbers and Percentiles) TOTAL GERMANOPHONE ITALOPHONE LAO IN OTHER 1910 233459 92.24% 3 02% 4.05% 0 69% 1921 252092 75.71% 10.65% 3.93% 9.71% 1939 334331 70.15% 34 17% 3.43% 2 25% 1943 C29370O 60.03% 35 66% 3 62% 0.70% Notes: 1910 figures based on Spoken Language: 1921 flgurea based on Mother Tongue. Other includes Germanophone born In North Tyrol and Austria or about 6600 with Italian surnames: Sources: 1910 figures In Provlncla Autonona. 1984: 154; 1921 figures In Ibid, and Egger. 1978: 28-9: 1939-1943 figures In A I COCK. 1970: 496. Table 4: South Tyrolean workforce per Language Group. 1939 (in Percentiles) TOTAL GERMAN ITALIAN Agriculture 44.5% 60 5% 6 0% Industry/Crafts 29.0% 14 6% 23 0% Conmerce 12.0V 11 6% 21.6% Public Adrtlnlstrat ion 14 SX» 0 5% 17 1% Other Activities above* 12 8% 31 5% TOTAL 100 0% 100 0% 100 0% Sources: BorgtolI in Batt ist l . 1946: 116: Pnstlnger. 1978: 29. T a b l e 3 shows a d r a m a t i c change i n t h e e t h n o - l i n g u i s t i c c h a r a c t e r of the South T y r o l e a n p o p u l a t i o n . The I t a l o p h o n e p o p u l a t i o n i n c r e a s e d by over 1000% compared t o o n l y 43% f o r the e n t i r e p o p u l a t i o n . The main b e n e f i c i a r i e s were the two urban c e n t r e s of Bolzano-Bozen (+3143%) and Merano-Meran (+4708%) where t h e I t a l o p h o n e p o p u l a t i o n rose from 1682 and 392 i n 1900 r e s p e c t i v e l y t o 54544 and 18849 i n 1939 ( C a r a g a t a i n B a t t i s t i , 1946: 4 6 - 7 ) . As t a b l e 4 shows I t a l o p h o n e s came t o dominate t h e c i v i l s e r v i c e and t h e new i n d u s t r i a l s e c t o r w h i l e the i n d i g e n o u s p o p u l a t i o n was r e l e g a t e d t o the p r i m a r y s e c t o r and the more t r a d i t i o n a l s e c o n d a r y and t e r t i a r y a c t i v i t i e s . T h i s e t h n i c and s p a t i o - f u n c t i o n a l d i v i s i o n of l a b o u r was d e s i g n e d t o i s o l a t e the i n d i g e n o u s p o p u l a t i o n g e o g r a p h i c a l l y and s o c i a l l y as a p r e l u d e t o i t s a s s i m i l a t i o n and/or m a r g i n a l i z a t i o n . However, the i n d i g e n o u s p o p u l a t i o n remained 42 s t e a d f a s t l y attached to i t s i d e n t i t y and u n w i l l i n g to cooperate with the new masters. The apparent f a i l u r e to redeem these 'Germanized' I t a l i a n s convinced the f a s c i s t s to accept a n a z i p r o p o s a l of p o p u l a t i o n t r a n s f e r (De F e l i c e , 1973: 23-31). A l t o g e t h e r 90% of Germanophones and 61% of Ladins opted f o r Germany (Huter, 1965: 341) and i n the next three years 80% of those employed in the t r a n s p o r t a t i o n i n d u s t r y , 67% i n c r a f t s , 40% i n tourism, but only 9% of those working i n a g r i c u l t u r e trekked a c r o s s the Brenner Pass and l e f t t h e i r n a t i v e l a n d (Latour, 1965: 107-9; L e i d l m a i r i n Huter, 1965: 367). Had the new i n d u s t r i a l economy become f i r m l y rooted i n the p r o v i n c e and the r u r a l c r i s i s run i t s course as was a l r e a d y happening in other mountain areas of I t a l y ( T o n i o l o , 1937), the seed of d i s i n t e g r a t i o n so b r u t a l l y sown by the f a s c i s t s would have caused the c o l l a p s e of the indigenous community. The a n a c r o n i s t i c and s e l f - d e f e a t i n g a g r i c u l t u r a l p o l i c i e s of the f a s c i s t government had delayed t h i s phenomenon i n the South T y r o l , but on the long run, any attempt to modernize a g r i c u l t u r e w i t h i n an I t a l o p h o n e - c o n t r o l l e d u r b a n - i n d u s t r i a l economy and p o l i t i c a l arrangement would have achieved t h i s o b j e c t i v e . At t h i s p o i n t I t a l i a n t e r r i t o r i a l h o l d over the South T y r o l would have i n c l u d e d s o v e r e i g n t y , complete a d m i n i s t r a t i v e s u b o r d i n a t i o n to e x t e r n a l p o l i t i c a l c e n t r e s , f u l l c o n t r o l over i t s economic resources and demographic preponderance. 1 9 1 9 In 1943 Italophones were 72% of the a l l I t a l i a n c i t i z e n s (37%of the r e s i d e n t p o p u l a t i o n ) compared to 24% f o r Germanophones and 4% f o r Ladins (Alcock, 1970: 496). 43 The new p o l i t i c a l o r g a n i z a t i o n would correspond to a new, h i g h l y c e n t r a l i z e d s t a t i s t order and would r e i n f o r c e the new economy and d i v i s i o n of labour i n which u r b a n - i n d u s t r i a l a c t i v i t i e s dominated the p r o v i n c e ' s economic l i f e . These s t r u c t u r a l changes would have a l t e r e d the mode of p r o d u c t i o n by s h i f t i n g the c e n t r e of techno-environmental r e l a t i o n s h i p s away from a g r i c u l t u r e and the c o u n t r y s i d e to i n d u s t r y and the c i t i e s . The t r a g i c denouement would have guaranteed the i n d i g e n i z a t i o n of the s e t t l e r p o p u l a t i o n and i t s ascendancy i n the new s p a t i o -f u n c t i o n a l framework. New g e n e r a t i o n s of 'Upper A t e s i n s ' would have developed t h e i r own s e n t i m e n t a l and symbolic attachment to the p r o v i n c e , and the s e l e c t i v e and o f t e n f r a u d u l e n t use of a r c h a e o l o g i c a l , ethnographic, a r t i s t i c and h i s t o r i c a l data would not be c h a l l e n g e d by the presence of an indigenous p o p u l a t i o n . T h i s would weld the p r o v i n c e to the I t a l i a n c u l t u r a l area by means of new s u p e r s t r u c t u r a l e x p r e s s i o n s ( a r t , music, l i t e r a t u r e ) t h a t r e f l e c t e d I t a l i a n and not German standards, and the remaining indigenous South Tyr o l e a n s would be i n no p o s i t i o n to pose a t h r e a t to the new s o c i e t y because t h e i r geographic d i s p e r s a l and s o c i a l i s o l a t i o n would f a c i l i t a t e t h e i r i n t e g r a t i o n i n t o the dominant d i v i s i o n of labour and c u l t u r a l networks. 44 IV. POST-1945 STRATEGIES OF TERRITORIAL CONTROL AND THEIR STRUCTURAL BASES The r a d i c a l s o l u t i o n d i d not pass because the war undermined the f a s c i s t regime and stopped the flow of optants towards Germany, and the two years of n a z i occupation p l a c e d the twenty years of f a s c i s t p o l i c y i n jeopardy. In p r e p a r a t i o n f o r peace n e g o t i a t i o n s I t a l y and A u s t r i a r e f o r m u l a t e d t r a d i t i o n a l arguments about the s t r a t e g i c , economic and h i s t o r i c a l importance of the South T y r o l . A u s t r i a emphasized the ethno-c u l t u r a l homogeneity of the T y r o l on both s i d e s of the Alps and c a l l e d f o r a referendum to decide the f a t e of the c o n t e s t e d p r o v i n c e and, as a s i g n of good w i l l towards the e r s t w h i l e foe, pledged to p r o t e c t I t a l i a n economic i n t e r e s t s (hydro power) and s e c u r i t y concerns as w e l l as guarantee the r i g h t s of the newly-c r e a t e d Italophone m i n o r i t y . 2 0 I t a l y put f o r t h the watershed theory and Tolomei's e t h n o l o g i c a l c l a i m s and argued that the changes that had taken p l a c e i n the p r o v i n c e had become i r r e v e r s i b l e s i n c e the South T y r o l was f i r m l y i n t e g r a t e d i n t o the I t a l i a n economy and l o c a l r esources were e s s e n t i a l f o r I t a l y ' s economic r e c o n s t r u c t i o n . 2 1 2 0 Short of complete annexation, A u s t r i a was w i l l i n g to p a r t i t i o n the South T y r o l and r e e s t a b l i s h a d i r e c t geographic l i n k between northern and e a s t e r n T y r o l (Alcock, 1970: 102-5). 2 1 Lombard and Venetian i n d u s t r i a l and f i n a n c i a l groups had h e a v i l y i n v e s t e d i n the p r o v i n c e and b u i l t the most modern i n d u s t r i a l i n f r a s t r u c t u r e the country possessed (Weibel, 1971: 288) and were u n w i l l i n g to g i v e up t h i s p r i z e d p o s s e s s i o n . H y d r o e l e c t r i c power (90% exported to northern I t a l y ) , f o r e s t products and some mineral ores were c r u c i a l f a c t o r s of pr o d u c t i o n f o r the northern I t a l i a n economy (Alcock, 1970: 102— 4). 45 At the peace conference, I t a l i a n economic arguments and the promise to p r o t e c t the Germanophone m i n o r i t y were s u c c e s s f u l . As p a r t of the peace settlement I t a l y signed an a c c o r d with the A u s t r i a n d e l e g a t i o n that pledged to the p o p u l a t i o n s of the ... zones [Bolzano-Bozen p r o v i n c e and neighbouring b i l i n g u a l townships of the Trento p r o v i n c e ] ... the e x e r c i s e of an autonomous l e g i s l a t i v e and e x e c u t i v e r e g i o n a l power. The framework w i t h i n which the s a i d p r o v i s i o n s of autonomy w i l l apply, w i l l be d r a f t e d i n c o n s u l t a t i o n a l s o with l o c a l r e p r e s e n t a t i v e German-speaking elements ( P r o v i n c i a Autonoma, 1985: 47) D e s p i t e t h i s pledge a t r a g i c legacy weighted h e a v i l y on the South T y r o l . The p a r t i a l exodus was the c u l m i n a t i o n of a b r u t a l t w e n t y - f i v e year encounter. A f t e r the s h o r t - l i v e d l i b e r a l experiment the South T y r o l had served as a l a b o r a t o r y and an instrument f o r an a u t h o r i t a r i a n and t o t a l i t a r i a n response to the profound t r a n s f o r m a t i o n s that had begun in l a t e n i n e t e e n t h century I t a l y . F a s c i s t s t r a t e g y sought to undermine the indigenous socioeconomic and p o l i t i c a l i n s t i t u t i o n s i n order to i n c o r p o r a t e the t e r r i t o r y and i t s p o p u l a t i o n i n t o the I t a l i a n body p o l i t i c . Consequently, d r a s t i c a c t i o n s had to be taken to r e v e r s e i t s e f f e c t s , e s p e c i a l l y at a time when the development of South T y r o l e a n r e s o u r c e s , the c r e a t i o n of an i n d u s t r i a l zone, the l a r g e s c a l e immigration of Italophones and the p a r t i a l exodus of indigenous South T y r o l e a n s had l e f t both p o p u l a t i o n groups hanging on p r e c a r i o u s s t r u c t u r a l foundations, n e i t h e r i n f u l l c o n t r o l of the p r o v i n c e nor adequately i n t e g r a t e d i n a s i n g l e s p a t i o - f u n c t i o n a l system. 46 By the end of the war the South T y r o l had become a segmented s o c i e t y made up of two main e t h n i c c l u s t e r s that were v i s i b l y d i s t i n c t , g e o g r a p h i c a l l y and s o c i a l l y separate and to a c o n s i d e r a b l e degree, f u n c t i o n a l l y segregated. The c r e a t i o n of an e t h n i c a l l y - s e g m e n t e d s o c i e t y and the t r a n s f o r m a t i o n of p o l i t i c a l and economic s t r u c t u r e s were an i n h e r i t a n c e a g a i n s t which the indigenous p o p u l a t i o n had to f i g h t . In the subsequent years the i n t e r a c t i o n of l o c a l demographic and socio-economic processes and e x t e r n a l p r e s s u r e s shaped the p o l i t i c a l s t r a t e g i e s pursued by each ethny and t h e i r r u l i n g e l i t e s as they adapted to wider socio-economic changes. 1 . THE EVOLUTION OF POLITICAL STRUCTURES P o l i t i c a l s t r u c t u r e s are an important v a r i a b l e f o r they mediate socio-economic processes, they accentuate or reduce the i n t e n s i t y of t h e i r impact and c o n d i t i o n t h e i r o r i e n t a t i o n . P o l i t i c a l power a l s o shapes i n d i v i d u a l and c o l l e c t i v e behaviour, o r g a n i z e s s o c i a l networks and e n f o r c e s given forms of conformity by s a n c t i o n i n g given b e l i e f s and a t t i t u d e s about the c o l l e c t i v e I and the i n d i v i d u a l l y - h e l d c o l l e c t i v e i d e n t i t y . Consequently, the e v o l u t i o n of p o l i t i c a l i n s t i t u t i o n s and c u l t u r e and of power r e l a t i o n s r e f l e c t but a l s o a f f e c t a l l other p r o c e s s e s of s o c i o -economic s t r u c t u r a t i o n . I t i s i n t h i s sense that we can see that the postwar p o l i t i c a l e v o l u t i o n of the South T y r o l , and of the p o l i t i c a l s t r a t e g i e s of i t s r e s i d e n t p o p u l a t i o n s , was 47 c l o s e l y l i n k e d to the e v o l u t i o n of I t a l i a n and A u s t r i a n p o l i t i c a l p r a c t i c e s , c u l t u r e and i n s t i t u t i o n s as w e l l as of p r e v a i l i n g s o c i o - c u l t u r a l s t r u c t u r e s economic proc e s s e s . The e f f e c t was to g i v e the indigenous p o p u l a t i o n the means to a s s e r t g r e a t e r s p a t i o - f u n c t i o n a l c o n t r o l over the p r o v i n c e and m a r g i n a l i z e the s e t t l e r community. 1.1 The E v o l u t i o n Of I t a l i a n P o l i t i c a l S t r u c t u r e s When the C o n s t i t u e n t Assembly convened to w r i t e a new democratic c o n s t i t u t i o n to r e p l a c e the o l d 1848 A l b e r t i n e S t a t u t e three separate committees were e s t a b l i s h e d to formulate the p r i n c i p l e s that would govern c i t i z e n - s t a t e r e l a t i o n s , s t a t e o r g a n i z a t i o n and the s t a t e ' s economic o r g a n i z a t i o n . While the f i r s t and t h i r d committees e l a b o r a t e d c o n s t i t u t i o n a l t e x t s that were i n s p i r e d by n o t i o n s of s o c i a l r i g h t s and mixed economy, the second formulated a more t r a d i t i o n a l and r e s t r i c t i v e set of c o n s t i t u t i o n a l p r o v i s i o n s (Dente, 1985b: 81-92; Z a r i s k i , 1972: 26-33) governing the s p a t i p - f u n c t i o n a l o r g a n i z a t i o n of the s t a t e apparatus ( P i n z a n i , 1976: 2472-80). Consequently, the attempt to d e c e n t r a l i z e the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n of government was d e f e a t e d by the d o c t r i n a l r i g i d i t i e s of the c o n s t i t u t i o n and the c e n t r a l i s t i c p r a c t i c e s of the bureaucracy and p o l i t i c a l e l i t e s . L o c a l branches of the s t a t e r e c e i v e d j u r i d i c a l s t a t u s to e x e r c i s e autonomy i n s p e c i f i c matters but remained under the u l t i m a t e a u t h o r i t y of the n a t i o n a l parliament and the s u p e r v i s i o n of i t s p e r i p h e r a l a g e n c i e s . Regional s t a t u t e s 48 ( c o n s t i t u t i o n s ) f o r both Normal and S p e c i a l Regions ( l i k e the T r e n t i n o - S o u t h T y r o l ) would be Acts of Parliament and not Acts of Regional l e g i s l a t u r e s (de S e r v i o , 1974: 15-20; Weibel, 1971: 291-2). 2 2 C o n s t i t u t i o n a l debates were a l s o entangled i n c o l d war p o l i t i c s . In the postwar years the I t a l i a n l e f t opposed d e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n because i t expected to win p o l i t i c a l power at the c e n t r e and feared that l o c a l autonomist governments c o u l d become f i e f s of c o n s e r v a t i v e and ' r e a c t i o n a r y ' f o r c e s . When v i c t o r y went to the C h r i s t i a n Democrats (DC) both communists (PCI) and s o c i a l i s t s (PSI) became ardent supporters of d e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n but found the road b l o c k e d by the newly c e n t r a l i s t DC ( K a t z e n s t e i n i n Esman, 1977: 306-9). The implementation of r e g i o n a l d e v o l u t i o n had to wait another q u a r t e r century. Socio-economic t r a n s f o r m a t i o n s at the n a t i o n a l and c o n t i n e n t a l l e v e l s r e s t r u c t u r e d the economy, m o b i l i z e d r u r a l masses f o r urban r e s i d e n c e and i n d u s t r i a l employment, and set i n motion a process of s o c i o - c u l t u r a l homogenization. T h i s event made c e n t r e - l e f t c o a l i t i o n governments p o s s i b l e and broke down some of the i d e o l o g i c a l w a l l s t hat had s p l i t the country. The l e f t w i n g i n t e l l e c t u a l c r i t i q u e of c e n t r a l i s m transcended i t s Marxian sources and p e n e t r a t e d other i n t e l l e c t u a l t r a d i t i o n s and r e i n f o r c e d those 2 2 At a l e g i s l a t i v e l e v e l parliament would have j u r i s d i c t i o n over most primary ( e x c l u s i v e ) powers while R e g i o n a l l e g i s l a t u r e s would e x e r c i s e j u r i s d i c t i o n over secondary ( r e g u l a t o r y -a d m i n i s t r a t i v e ) and t e r t i a r y (complementary) powers under the s u p e r v i s i o n of c e n t r a l a g e n c i e s , see G r a z i a n o i n Borst et a l . , 1975: 109-10 and Dente, 1985a: 134-5). 49 d i s c o u r s e s that had advocated d e v o l u t i o n (Compagna and Muscara, 1980: 104-7; Z a r i s k i , 1972: 111-3). Under the a e g i s of the C e n t r e - L e f t n a t i o n a l c o a l i t i o n a program of r e g i o n a l d e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n , of economic p l a n n i n g and s o c i a l w e l f a r e was launched (Gourevitch i n Tarrow, 1978: 34-50), but d e s p i t e h i g h hopes these plans f l a u n d e r e d and i n s t e a d of e f f i c i e n t economic p l a n n i n g , state-wide d e l i v e r y of s o c i a l s e r v i c e s and i n s t i t u t i o n a l d e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n , a p e r v a s i v e system of mass patronage developed that used e x i s t i n g p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s as the mediatory v e h i c l e between s t a t e i n s t i t u t i o n s and the p o p u l a t i o n and f o r the d i s t r i b u t i o n of p u b l i c goods. C l i e n t e l i s m was nothing new i n I t a l y . Compagna and Muscara w r i t e : Those who u n i f i e d the young and f r a i l Kingdom of I t a l y had ... no i l l u s i o n s . Popular p a r t i c i p a t i o n had been l i m i t e d to a small c l a s s of young i n t e l l e c t u a l s and e n l i g h t e n e d b o u r g e o i s i e . They were aware that there was no corresponding economic, s o c i a l or c u l t u r a l u n i t y [of the country] i n the a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l sense (1980: 103) I t a l i a n s t a t e - b u i l d e r s and p o s t - u n i t a r y p o l i t i c a l l e a d e r s were f o r c e d to r e l y on more i n f o r m a l channels of i n t e g r a t i o n , i . e . through i n d i v i d u a l p o l i t i c a l l e a d e r s c o n t r o l l i n g s o c i a l f o r c e s whose power was guaranteed by r e s t r i c t e d f r a n c h i s e i n the f i r s t f i f t i e s years of the s t a t e , and through p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s i n both the f a s c i s t and democratic p e r i o d s because of g r e a t e r s c a l e of s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n , b u r e a u c r a t i c i n t e r v e n t i o n and government a s s i s t a n c e (Tarrow, 1977: 2-3). T h i s party-based system or ' p a r t i t o c r a z i a ' s t i f l e d 50 i n s t i t u t i o n a l d e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n and made a l l major p a r t i e s the channel through which middlemen, go-betweens and brokers c o u l d p ress p e r s o n a l and group c l a i m s . By coopt.ing l e f t w i n g p a r t i e s and many i n t e r e s t groups, i t became entrenched and s o c i a l s t a b i l i t y was bought at the p r i c e of i n e f f i c i e n c y (Dente, 1985b: 98-111; Z a r i s k i , 1972: 140-200). Emprisoned by t h i s i n e f f i c i e n c y - p r o d u c i n g system, the new f u n c t i o n a l and b u r e a u c r a t i c a g encies became f o r a of p o l i t i c a l a r b i t r a t i o n between the v a r i o u s p a r t i e s and the i n t e r e s t groups they purported to r e p r e s e n t . Because d e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n o c c u r r e d over a fourteen year p e r i o d (1963-1977), p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s r e c o n s t r u c t e d l o c a l l y the system t h a t had emerged at the c e n t r e . (Benvenuti i n Borst et a l . , 1975: 230-6; Dente, 1985b: 92-7). With the onset of the energy c r i s i s and h y p e r - i n f l a t i o n i n the s e v e n t i e s the c e n t r a l government was able to use i t s primary f i s c a l and f i n a n c i a l powers 2 3 to e x e r c i s e s t r i n g e n t c o n t r o l over the Regions. Consequently, with the exception of the South T y r o l (and the T r e n t i n o ) , d e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n was l a r g e l y emasculated ( G o u r e v i t c h i n Tarrow, 1978: 28-63). 2 4 2 3 With these powers the I t a l i a n c e n t r a l government p r o p o r t i o n a t e l y c o l l e c t s more taxes (99%) than u n i t a r y s t a t e s l i k e France (93%), Great B r i t a i n (90%), Japan (75%) or Sweden (69%), see Rose, 1985: 27-8). 2 4 Some observers have p r e d i c t e d t h a t I t a l i a n regions c o u l d become a l t e r n a t i v e l o c i of p o l i t i c a l power and l o y a l t y ( B a r t o l e , 1979: 178-80), and i n the l a s t few years l a t e n t c e n t r i f u g a l p r e s s u r e s among northern Italo-Romance p o p u l a t i o n s have emerged and taken the form of autonomist and f e d e r a l i s t p a r t i e s . 51 1.2 The SVP, The P o l i t i c s Of Hegemony And S p a t i o - f u n c t i o n a l  P i sengagement The South T y r o l (and the T r e n t i n o ) was the only I t a l i a n t e r r i t o r y that evaded c e n t r a l i s t i c p r e s s u r e s , but t h i s was not ach i e v e d immediately. The a m b i g u i t i e s of the 1946 I t a l o -A u s t r i a n accord s u r f a c e d when the new c o n s t i t u e n t assembly convened to w r i t e a new c o n s t i t u t i o n and f a i l e d to separate the South T y r o l from the T r e n t i n o (Volgger, 1985: 177). T r e n t i n e f i n a n c i a l and commercial groups outweighted South T y r o l e a n concerns and obtained a s i n g l e , Trent-dominated autonomous Region i n which they would be dominant. F a s c i s t i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n had had l i t t l e impact i n the T r e n t i n o and had l e f t the pro v i n c e poor, backward and a permanently depressed a r e a . With r e g i o n a l autonomy T r e n t i n e s c o u l d use the r e g i o n a l t e r r i t o r y f o r the b e n e f i t of i t s T r e n t i n e s e c t i o n , develop t h e i r economy, b u i l d up the l o c a l i n f r a s t r u c t u r e , h e l p a g r i c u l t u r e and modernize i n d u s t r y and t o u r i s m - o r i e n t e d s e r v i c e s (Bianco, 1971: 369-70). Regional autonomy c o u l d a l s o appease r e v i v i n g T r e n t i n e autonomism ( C h i o c c h e t t i i n A l t o Adige, 1986: 34-5; Corposanto, 1979: 400-8), and f o r the n a t i o n a l government a Trent-dominated Region would c o n t a i n South Tyrolean i r r e d e n t i s m without t h r e a t e n i n g I t a l i a n s o v e r e i g n t y and Roman c e n t r a l i s m . The i n t e r v e n t i o n of the Tr e n t i n e - b o r n Prime M i n i s t e r A l c i d e de Gasperi - was c r u c i a l . As a former member of the A u s t r i a n parliament i n the l a s t years of the empire he had been f a m i l i a r with the p o l i t i c a l d i a t r i b e s of the o l d T y r o l e a n Crownland. The text of the new s t a t u t e c l o s e l y resembled the 52 aborted i n s t i t u t i o n a l accomodation of 1901 i n which l e g i s l a t i v e and e x e c u t i v e powers were to be d i v i d e d between a s i n g l e r e g i o n a l government and two p r o v i n c i a l assemblies ( F u r l a n i and Wandruszka, 1974: 210-5), a s s i g n i n g a c e r t a i n degree of autonomy to the South T y r o l but w i t h i n an i n s t i t u t i o n a l framework dominated by T r e n t i n e s . Regional powers and d i r e c t p o l i t i c a l access to the n a t i o n a l c e n t r e r e d r e s s e d T r e n t i n e a t a v i c problems. Emigration was stopped, the p r o v i n c e ' s economy was developed and the t r a n s i t i o n to modern c a p i t a l i s t s t r u c t u r e s i n a g r i c u l t u r e , i n d u s t r y and s e r v i c e s e c t o r s was s u c c e s s f u l l y n e g o t i a t e d so that i t s r e s i d e n t s a chieved average incomes higher than t h e i r South Ty r o l e a n neighbours (Bianco, 1971: 369-70). T h i s s u c c e s s f u l t r a n s i t i o n a l s o b e n e f i t t e d the modern s e c t o r s of the South Tyrolean economy, i . e . those s e c t o r s dominated by Italophones, but not the whole p r o v i n c e ( F i o r o t , 1982: 122-3), and the economic gap between indigenous and immigrant p o p u l a t i o n s i n c r e a s e d ( S a l v i , 1975: 241). For indigenous South T y r o l e a n s the d i v i s i o n of power between r e g i o n a l and p r o v i n c i a l l e v e l s of government o f f e r e d at l e a s t an i n s t i t u t i o n a l b a s i s that c o u l d be used to overcome some of the d i s t o r t i o n s brought about by twenty years of f a s c i s t r u l e ( B a r t o l e , 1979: 372-3). South T y r o l e a n l e a d e r s , now o r g a n i z e d i n a South T y r o l e a n People's P a r t y (SVP), were keenly aware of the e t h n i c a l l y segmented nature of the p r o v i n c i a l economy and c o n t r o l of the P r o v i n c i a l government was the only means at t h e i r d i s p o s a l to r e a s s e r t c o n t r o l over economic processes and 53 r e c o n s t r u c t a more balanced s o c i a l system and d i v i s i o n of labour. T h e i r views soon proved i l l u s o r y because the c e n t r a l government f a i l e d to s p e e d i l y implement the S t a t u t e and sought to minimize i t s e f f e c t i v e n e s s ( P r i s t i n g e r , 1978: 47-8), and the Region r e f u s e d to delegate a d m i n i s t r a t i v e powers to the p r o v i n c e s as p r e s c r i b e d by a r t i c l e 14 of the S t a t u t e ( B a r t o l e , 1979: 372-5) so that r o u t i n e a d m i n i s t r a t i o n was l e f t to the Region under T r e n t i n e C h r i s t i a n Democrats. I t i s important here to pause and c o n s i d e r more c l o s e l y the r o l e of the SVP. According to the Lipset-Rokkan model., p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s are e s s e n t i a l agents of m o b i l i z a t i o n that a c t as communication networks i n order to organize manifest and/or l a t e n t s o c i a l cleavages and channel demands. They c r y s t a l l i z e c o n f l i c t i n g i n t e r e s t s by g i v i n g such c o n t r a s t s an e x p r e s s i v e mode and perform i n s t r u m e n t a l / r e p r e s e n t a t i v e f u n c t i o n s on t h e i r b e h a l f . They transform socio-economic and p o l i t i c a l c o n t r a s t s i n t o a c t i v e demands, but a l s o serve as the i n s t i t u t i o n a l f o r a where the l a t t e r can be t e s t e d a g a i n s t the p r e s s u r e s of power. Most i m p o r t a n t l y , because s o c i a l chasms are h i e r a r c h i c a l l y o r g a n i z e d but never i n a s t a t i c , atemporal way, they tend to vary along t e r r i t o r i a l - c u l t u r a l and f u n c t i o n a l axes which emerged i n the wake of n a t i o n - b u i l d i n g and i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n ( L i p s e t and Rokkan, 1967: 3-15). In other words, p a r t i e s are the o r g a n i z a t i o n a l form by which new and o l d s o c i a l groups adapt to the t r a n s f o r m a t i o n of the economic and p o l i t i c o - b u r e a u c r a t i c order along modern c a p i t a l i s t and s t a t i s t l i n e s . 54 T y p i c a l l y , most p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s formed along one c o n f l i c t u a l a x i s to f u l f i l l both instrumental and r e p r e s e n t a t i v e f u n c t i o n s , g e n e r a l l y i n response to one dominant s o c i a l chasm; however, i n some s o c i e t i e s p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s have had to orga n i z e and represent i n t e r e s t s along both axes; the South T y r o l and the SVP are such a t y p i c a l examples. In such s i t u a t i o n s e x t e r n a l t h r e a t s may suspend or i n t e r r u p t the normal i n t e r p l a y o f . d i s p a r a t e i n t e r e s t s and g o a l s . C o l l e c t i v e a s p i r a t i o n s tend to be re o r g a n i z e d around a s i n g l e c o l l e c t i v e g o a l , but whereas p o p u l a t i o n s i n independent s t a t e s can compartmentalize short-term c o n f l i c t u a l episodes and longterm c o n f l i c t u a l r o u t i n e s and thus minimize the c o s t s of goa l - a t t a i n m e n t , s t a t e l e s s or substate c o l l e c t i v i t i e s cannot b u i l d i n s t i t u t i o n a l arrangements that make compartmentalization p o s s i b l e ; consequently, they tend to be under continuous s t r a i n and s o c i a l i n t e r r u p t i o n . The s i n g l e goal of s u r v i v a l monopolizes resource a l l o c a t i o n , c e n t r a l i z e s decision-making, weakens the autonomy of secondary s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n s designed to o r g a n i z e and mediate s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l r e l a t i o n s , r e i n f o r c e s c o l l e c t i v e symbols and i d e n t i t y markers and promotes ethnocentrism and s o c i a l u n i f o r m i t y . In a sense such c o l l e c t i v i t i e s a c t l i k e besieged s o c i e t i e s (Kimmerling, 1979: 9-13), and from t h e i r e a r l i e s t encounter with I t a l y , indigenous South T y r o l e a n s were under s i e g e . Since the end of the Second World War the SVP has been t h e i r rampart. The p a r t y was founded i n May 1945 by a group of a n t i - n a z i i n d i v i d u a l s and t h e i r immediate goal was the r e u n i f i c a t i o n of 55 the p r o v i n c e t o A u s t r i a , but once t h i s o b j e c t i v e was t h w a r t e d by the v i c t o r i o u s a l l i e s t h ey t r a n s f o r m e d the p a r t y i n t o an o r g a n i z a t i o n d e d i c a t e d t o the r e v i v a l , a f t e r a g e n e r a t i o n of f a s c i s t c o l o n i a l i s m , of the s e p a r a t e p o l i t i c a l , s o c i a l , economic and c u l t u r a l l i f e of an i n d i g e n o u s p o p u l a t i o n of 250000 i n a c o u n t r y of 45 m i l l i o n . The s t r o n g peasant e t h o s and i n t e r - c l a s s a p p e a l of the Church p r o v i d e d the i n t e l l e c t u a l and moral c a t a l y s t f o r the SVP r i s e t o hegemonic r e p r e s e n t a t i v e n e s s of t h e i n d i g e n o u s p o p u l a t i o n . Not o n l y was the p o p u l a t i o n s t r o n g l y C a t h o l i c , but many SVP l e a d e r s were t h e m s e l v e s Church-educated i n a community where t h e Church had been t h e o n l y i n d i g e n o u s i n s t i t u t i o n t h a t had o p e r a t e d o u t s i d e f a s c i s t c o n t r o l . C o n s e q u e n t l y , i n the 1948 p r o v i n c i a l e l e c t i o n s a l m o s t a l l i n d i g e n o u s South T y r o l e a n s r a l l i e d b e h i n d the SVP, s a n c t i o n e d i t s s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l a scendancy and g u a r a n t e e d an i n s t i t u t i o n a l b a s i s f o r what came t o be known as the ' s a m m e l s p a r t e i ' , the c o l l e c t i o n o r g a t h e r i n g p a r t y ( A g o s t i n i , 1985: 57-69). Table 5: Results of Provincial Elections by Parties Representing the Indigenous Population in Selected Areas. 1948-1983 (in Absolute Numbers and Percentiles) PROVINCE of which in RURAL AREAS PROVINCE of »mch in RURAL AREAS 1948 SDPS SVP TOTAL 1952 SVP IS TOTAL 1956 SVP 1960 SVP 1964 SVP THP TOTAL 1968 SFP SVP TOTAL 0.74* (46.64%) 99 26% (80.42%) 1080S3 (80.17%) 99.46% (80.26%) 0.54% (47.46%) 113211 (80.08%) 124165 (79.42%) 132351 (78.82%) 96.23* (78.37%) 3.77% (44.95%) 139446 (77.10%) 3.72% (61 05%) 96.28% (77.38%) 143314 (76.77%) 197 3 SPS SFP SVP PDU TOTAL 1978 NL SPS SFP SVP POU TOTAL 1983 AS SPS SVP PDU WHB TOTAL 7.98% (7S.B4%) 2.66% (59.72%) 87.63% (76.62%) 1.73% (73.69%) 150850 (75.29%) 2.58% (31.63%) 3 30% (71.23%) 1 14% (55 21%) 91.02% (76.86%) 1.98% (77.96%) 179622 (75.29%) 3.42% (49 92%) 1.97% (68 97%) 87.2B% (77 70%) 3.57% (79 89%) 3.76% (73.38%) 194916 (76.58%) Notes: For details on Urban Areas see Appendix A; for details on Parties see Appendix 8: ideological spectrum goes from top (left) to bottom (right) Sources: Reg 1 one: 1948-68. 1973. 1978. 1983. The above t a b l e shows t h a t s u p p o r t f o r the SVP has ranged 56 from a low of 87.28% i n 1983 to a high of 100% i n 1956 and 1960. D e s p i t e e l e c t o r a l s h i f t s the SVP has maintained i t s o v e r a l l hegemonic h o l d over the indigenous p o p u l a t i o n and r e f l e c t e d i t s r u r a l b a s i s . No p a r t y from w i t h i n the indigenous p o p u l a t i o n has been a b l e to weaken t h i s near-monopoly or, with the exc e p t i o n of the s m a l l Independents' Party or PDU, gather most of i t s support from the c o u n t r y s i d e . The SVP has a l s o s u c c e s s f u l l y claimed Ladin r e p r e s e n t a t i o n . Table 6 : Provincial Vote par Language Group and Ethnic Pol it ical Alignment In Ladin Area. 1960-1963 I1n Percentiles) 1960 1964 1966 1973 1978 1983 GERMAN PARTIES 65.63% 67.78% 69.70% 66.50% N/A 74.28% ITALIAN PARTIES 34.37% 32.22% 29.71% 33.40% N/A 32.19% Notes: Division of Ladin Vote per Ethnic Political Alignment was calculated by subtracting estimated number of Germanophone and Italophone voters from total vote of each Alignment and dividing estimated Ladin voters by Political Alignment. Estimate based on Adult Population figures of closest census year eligible to vote. for details about Ladin Areas see AppendtM A . Sources. Region*: 1948-68/1973/1978/1983: I STAT. 1964/1973; ASTAT. 1987b: 70-5. In the immediate postwar p e r i o d Ladins had sought to o r g a n i z e s e p a r a t e l y and formed the 'Zent Ladina Dolomites', whose membership i n c l u d e d h a l f of the a d u l t p o p u l a t i o n . T h i s e x p e r i e n c e was s h o r t - l i v e d . The lack of a separate p o l i t i c o -t e r r i t o r i a l domain, the symbiotic r e l a t i o n s h i p and e l e c t i v e a f f i n i t y with Germanophones and p r o v i n c i a l economic and c u l t u r a l p o l i c i e s l e d a m a j o r i t y (see t a b l e 6) of them to vote f o r the SVP (Richebuono, 1982: 117-30). 2 5 SVP hegemony was r e i n f o r c e d by the gr e a t s o c i o - c u l t u r a l 2 5 The o v e r a l l s p l i t i n p r o v i n c i a l e l e c t o r a l r e s u l t s r e f l e c t s the e t h n i c d i v i s i o n of the a d u l t p o p u l a t i o n and can be c o n s i d e r e d an a c c u r a t e r e p r e s e n t a t i o n of the p o l i t i c a l s p l i t between the two major e t h n i e s . L a d i n s have t r a d i t i o n a l l y s p l i t t h e i r vote between the SVP and I t a l i a n C h r i s t i a n Democrats, t i l l the s e v e n t i e s by a 2:1 r a t i o and s i n c e by 3:1, see t a b l e 5. 57 d i s t a n c e that separated indigenous and immigrant p o p u l a t i o n s . The o r g a n i z a t i o n a l and a t t i t u d i n a l d i f f e r e n c e s u n d e r l i n e d d i f f e r e n t p o l i t i c a l c u l t u r e s and informed separate p o l i t i c a l s t r a t e g i e s . Only C h r i s t i a n Democrats were i d e o l o g i c a l l y and s o c i a l l y capable of breaking the gap and cooperate with the SVP ( F i o r o t , 1982: 121-2), but l i k e the p r o v i n c e i t s e l f , South Ty r o l e a n C h r i s t i a n Democrats were subordinated to the Region and T r e n t i n e C h r i s t i a n Democrats whose economic and p o l i t i c a l i n t e r e s t s d i c t a t e d r e g i o n a l c e n t r a l i z a t i o n and an economic s t r a t e g y that favoured urban i n d u s t r i a l development, i n f r a s t r u c t u r a l improvements and modernization of r u r a l areas i n the T r e n t i n o and the I t a l i a n i z e d areas of the South T y r o l . During the f i f t i e s the combination of c e n t r i p e t a l pushes and s t r o n g indigenous r e s i s t a n c e brought i n t o the open the s o c i a l c o n t r a d i c t i o n s and g e n e r a t i o n a l gap w i t h i n the SVP. The notables who had e s t a b l i s h e d the p a r t y were from a middle c l a s s background and i d e o l o g i c a l l y more l i b e r a l than the p a r t y ' s s u p p o r t e r s , i . e . from the s o c i a l m i l i e u t hat had s u f f e r e d from the 1940-43 exodus. The i n t e r n a l c o n f l i c t remained l a t e n t so long as the primary goal was the achievement of p o l i t i c a l autonomy, but once the l a t t e r proved unobtainable because of T r e n t i n e and I t a l i a n r e s i s t a n c e d i v i s i o n s came to the f o r e (Alcock, 1970: 236-42). The r i g i d i t y of the I t a l i a n p o s i t i o n and the i n s i s t e n c e of the o l d guard to use only l e g a l and p a r l i a m e n t a r y channels exasperated the c o n f l i c t w i t h i n the SVP and l e d to the r i s e of a new, younger g e n e r a t i o n , made up mostly of r u r a l optants 58 educated i n the f a s c i s t school system and t r a i n e d i n the German army ( F i o r o t , 1982: 123). These young Turks were very d i f f e r e n t from t h e i r e l d e r s . Instead of accomodation and n e g o t i a t i o n they were committed to a s t r a t e g y of c o n f r o n t a t i o n and s h i f t e d SVP o p p o s i t i o n from one of process to one of substance. No longer d i d they i n s i s t t h a t the S t a t u t e be f u l l y implemented, but argued that the S t a t u t e be changed so that the Province c o u l d e x e r c i s e those l e g i s l a t i v e powers that the Region was u n w i l l i n g to d e l e g a t e . The r e s o l u t i o n of the A u s t r i a n q u e s t i o n i n 1955 r a d i c a l i z e d the s i t u a t i o n because now the indigenous p o p u l a t i o n c o u l d seek support from i t s A u s t r i a n brethren and eschew p a r t i a l s o l u t i o n s . I t a l y s t e a d f a s t l y r e j e c t e d any A u s t r i a n r o l e and i n s i s t e d that i t had f u l f i l l e d i t s o b l i g a t i o n s and implemented the terms of the 1946 A c cord. 2 6 The c r i s i s had unexpected consequences in A u s t r i a because i t c r y s t a l l i z e d d i s p l a c e d n a t i o n a l f r u s t r a t i o n s and c o n t r i b u t e d to the r e d e f i n i t i o n of an A u s t r i a n n a t i o n a l i d e n t i t y . In t h i s country, the deep s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l segmentation between c i t y and country, urban p r o l e t a r i a t and r u r a l p easantry and l e f t and r i g h t that had p r e v a i l e d i n the interwar p e r i o d and c o n t r i b u t e d to the 1930 c i v i l war and the f a i l e d r e u n i f i c a t i o n with Germany, had remained l a t e n t i n the decade-long a l l i e d occupation and had not been f u l l y r e s o l v e d ( K a t z e n s t e i n i n Tarrow, 1978: 123-69). In the post-war p e r i o d 2 6 I t was i n t h i s context of r i s i n g h o s t i l i t i e s that the South Ty r o l e a n q u e s t i o n reached the f l o o r of the General Assembly of the U n i t e d N a t i ons i n 1961-62 and transformed the h i t h e r t o domestic problem i n t o an i n t e r n a t i o n a l a f f a i r . 59 the p o t e n t i a l f o r c o n f l i c t had inaugurated a c o n s o c i a t i o n a l s t r a t e g y of s o c i a l c o n t r o l and p o l i t i c a l accomodation, and i n t h i s c o n t e x t , South T y r o l e a n matters were delegated to North T y r o l e a n S o c i a l C h r i s t i a n s . T h i s was u s e f u l i n the short term because i t cemented a common A u s t r i a n p o s i t i o n and r e s o l v e , and prov i d e d needed support to indigenous South T y r o l e a n s ; however, on the long run, i t s t i f l e d p r a c t i c a l p o l i c y o p t i o n s i n the name of T y r o l e a n i d e n t i t y and A u s t r i a n n a t i o n a l i s m . S o c i a l fragmentation and d e l e g a t i o n of power simply r e i n f o r c e d p o l i t i c a l immobilism s i n c e p o l i c y p r o p o s a l s remained i m p r a c t i c a l given the power and p l a c e of I t a l y and A u s t r i a in Cold War p o l i t i c s ( K a t z e n s t e i n i n Esman, 1977: 301-2). A s i m i l a r s i t u a t i o n of r i g i d p o l i t i c a l p o s i t i o n s obtained i n I t a l y . Both the T r e n t i n o and the c e n t r a l government were s a t i s f i e d with the s t a t u s quo s i n c e both had what they wanted, but as S t r a s s o l d o w r i t e s : M i n o r i t i e s f i n d p r o t e c t i o n , freedom and r i g h t s when the s o c i a l c o s t s of t h e i r s u b j u g a t i o n are gr e a t e r than the b e n e f i t s ( S t r a s s o l d o i n B o i l e a u et a l . , 1975: 25). And the c o s t s were on the r i s e ( A g o s t i n i , I985:a: 107-22; Volgger, 1985: 205-60). 2 7 The s t r a t e g y of c o n f r o n t a t i o n proved c o s t l y f o r the indigenous, p o p u l a t i o n as w e l l . In the e a r l y s i x t i e s the SVP 2 7 Compared to very low (e.g. B r i t t a n y ) and very high i n t e n s i t y e t h n i c c o n f l i c t s (e.g. Kossovo), p o l i t i c a l v i o l e n c e has played a r o l e i n the South T y r o l e a n s i t u a t i o n , but not a dominant one. Nev e r t h e l e s s , i n the 1961-1972 p e r i o d , 22 people l o s t t h e i r l i v e s and 346 t e r r o r i s t a c t s were recorded. 60 l e a d e r s h i p was i n c r e a s i n g l y aware that i t s i n t r a n s i g e n c e was b l o c k i n g meaningful n e g o t i a t i o n s and that the emphasis on extreme demands was not h e l p f u l . I t a l i a n l e a d e r s reached s i m i l a r c o n c l u s i o n s and expressed more p r i n c i p l e d and p r u d e n t i a l c o n s i d e r a t i o n s towards the South Tyro l e a n m i n o r i t y . Above a l l , both p a r t i e s were being pushed by the r e a l i z a t i o n that c o n t i n u e d p o l i t i c a l c r i s i s c o u l d compromise the gradual r e s t r u c t u r a t i o n of the p r o v i n c i a l and r e g i o n a l economies. With i n t e r n a t i o n a l involvement, an e s c a l a t i n g t e r r o r i s t campaign and the growing evidence that the 1948 S t a t u t e was unworkable because of SVP boycott, the I t a l i a n government set up a nineteen-member 'Commission of Experts' charged with the task of r e v i e w i n g the Autonomy S t a t u t e and f o r m u l a t i n g p r o p o s a l s f o r i t s reform. U n l i k e 1948 indigenous South T y r o l e a n s were re p r e s e n t e d by e i g h t Germanophones and one Ladin, and between 1961 and 1969 n e g o t i a t i o n s took p l a c e and a 'Package' of 137 proposed changes ( t e x t i n Alcock, 1970: 434-91) to the 1948 S t a t u t e was agreed to by the p a r t i e s . The o l d Autonomy S t a t u t e was s u b s t a n t i a l l y changed, a l b e i t not to the s a t i s f a c t i o n of a l l SVP l e a d e r s and the package approved i n November 1969 by s l i m m a j o r i t y of SVP p a r t y members (Alcock, 1970: 450-3). On January 20, 1972 the new Autonomy S t a t u t e was approved by p a r l i a m e n t . Under i t s terms, the South T y r o l d i d not become a separate Region but the o l d T r e n t i n o - S o u t h T y r o l Region l o s t 61 most of i t s power. 2 8 The t r a n s f e r of powers i n the economic, f i n a n c i a l and c u l t u r a l f i e l d s e n t a i l e d a set of b u r e a u c r a t i c arrangements such as e t h n i c p r o p o r t i o n a l i t y and b i l i n g u a l i s m i n the c i v i l s e r v i c e designed to p r o t e c t Germanophones and L a d i n s . 2 9 German was made coequal to I t a l i a n throughout the Province and i n a l l government o f f i c e s as the language of i n t e r n a l and e x t e r n a l communication, except f o r the Armed Forces; t h e r e f o r e , Germanophones had both the r i g h t to use t h e i r n a t i v e tongue with a l l government o f f i c e s (a r i g h t r e c o g n i z e d by the 1948 S t a t u t e but never implemented i n S t a t e b u r e a u c r a c i e s ) and to work i n i t . As i n 1948 South T y r o l e a n Ladins were not guaranteed equal treatment, but u n l i k e t h e i r T r e n t i n e b r e t h r e n , they achieved some g a i n s . The e x i s t i n g b i l i n g u a l immersion school system was maintained but p l a c e d under a separate Ladin School Board and Ladins were guaranteed a permanent seat i n both P r o v i n c i a l and Regional governments and on-going f i n a n c i n g of t h e i r c u l t u r a l a c t i v i t i e s ( C r a f f o n a r a , 1986: 15; Egger, 1978: 110-8). With compulsory b i l i n g u a l i s m and p r o p o r t i o n a l i t y the e t h n i c composition of the c i v i l s e r v i c e was profoundly changed. T h i s had begun at the M u n i c i p a l , P r o v i n c i a l and Regional and had been 2 8 Under the 1948 S t a t u t e the R e g i o n a l government h e l d primary j u r i s d i c t i o n i n 17 areas and secondary j u r i s d i c a t i o n i n another 8, while the P r o v i n c e s of T r e n t and Bolzano-Bozen had j u r i s d i c t i o n i n 14 and 3 areas r e s p e c t i v e l y . A f t e r 1972 the P r o v i n c e s a c q u i r e d primary j u r i s d i c t i o n i n 29 areas and secondary j u r i s d i c t i o n i n another 11, and the Region was l e f t with primary j u r i s d i c t i o n i n 10 areas and secondary j u r i s d i c t i o n in 3 ( P r o v i n c i a Autonoma, 1985). 2 9 Since Italophones were d i s p r o p o r t i o n a t e l y represented i n the c i v i l s e r v i c e , c u r r e n t employees were p r o t e c t e d and p r o p o r t i o n a l i t y was to be a c h i e v e d i n a t h i r t y - y e a r p e r i o d p e r i o d (1972-2002) 62 a c h i e v e d by the m i d - s i x t i e s ; now i t was the turn of s t a t e agencies (Egger, 1978:39) and from 1975 to 1986 the p r o p o r t i o n of Italophones dropped from 86.10% to 56.14% (Amort, 1987: 24 and supplement). The new Autonomy i n c r e a s e d the f i n a n c i a l power of the P r o v i n c e . From an average of eleven b i l l i o n l i r e per annum d u r i n g the s i x t i e s (Pan, 1979), P r o v i n c i a l revenues grew at annual r a t e of about 34% (funds assessed and committed) and 55% (funds c o l l e c t e d and paid) between 1973 and 1983. 3 0 In p r a c t i c a l terms, t h i s meant that the South T y r o l r e c e i v e d g r e a t e r t r a n s f e r payments than neighbouring T r e n t i n o and North T y r o l even though i t s p o p u l a t i o n i s s m a l l e r , and the once dominant Region saw i t s p r o p o r t i o n of combined p r o v i n c i a l -r e g i o n a l revenues drop from 34.1% i n 1973 to 1.9% i n 1985 (D a l l ' O ' et a l . , 1988: 197-8; ISTAT, 1986: 24-5). With i t s new-found f i n a n c i a l endowment the Province has been a b l e to a c t i v e l y i n t e r v e n e i n the l o c a l economy. Although agencies and branches of the c e n t r a l government s t i l l account f o r a l a r g e r share of t o t a l p u b l i c expenditures (60%), most n o t a b l y i n the d e l i v e r y of c o l l e c t i v e s e r v i c e s and the payment of s a l a r i e s , most d i s c r e t i o n a r y spending (80-90%) now belongs to the P r o v i n c e , and almost 40% of i t s expenditures ( f o r the 1983-88 p e r i o d ) were used i n d i r e c t or i n d i r e c t support of economic a c t i v i t i e s ( P r o v i n c i a Autonoma, 1988: 68-9). The p e r i o d of n e g o t i a t i o n s c o i n c i d e d with mounting 3 0 P e r c e n t i l e s c a l c u l a t e d by author (from ISTAT, 1986: 25). 63 o b s t a c l e s and c h a l l e n g e s to SVP r u l e and South Tyrolean s o c i e t y . The p a r t y had to manage the processes that were undermining t r a d i t i o n a l economic s t r u c t u r e s and prevent the m a r g i n a l i z a t i o n of the indigenous p o p u l a t i o n i n an e t h n i c a l l y segmented d i v i s i o n of labour. Within i t s ranks, business groups, farmers and workers were i n c r e a s i n g l y c o n s c i o u s of the p o t e n t i a l dangers to the indigenous community and of the s e l f - d e f e a t i n g e f f e c t of e a r l y SVP a c t i o n s . The boycott of Regional i n s t i t u t i o n s and the l o s s of the i n f l u e n c e i n the d i s t r i b u t i o n of Regional funding aggravated t h i s sense of urgency s i n c e the necessary p o l i c y o p t i o n s that c o u l d s t i r economic trends and shape s t r u c t u r a l adjustments were being made without South T y r o l e a n input and o f t e n a g a i n s t South Tyrol e a n i n t e r e s t s . In 1961 an inchoate fronde - the Aufbau or r e c o n s t r u c t i o n manifesto - c a l l e d on the SVP to abandon i t s s t e r i l e and i n c e s s a n t o p p o s i t i o n to the S t a t u t e , the Region and the c e n t r a l government and demanded that P r o v i n c i a l economic p o l i c i e s address the needs of a l l s e c t o r s of the economy ( G h i r i g a t o , 1986: 101-2). The Aufbau's commitment to change was hedged and p a r t i a l , and u l t i m a t e l y f a i l e d as a form of organized o p p o s i t i o n to the SVP l e a d e r s h i p , but i t s warnings were heeded. The SVP r e o r g a n i z e d i t s i n t e r n a l i n s t i t u t i o n s to r e f l e c t s o c i a l changes and the r i s e of new s o c i a l groups - b u s i n e s s , workers, youth, women - and adopted a more b u r e a u c r a t i c s t r u c t u r e to organize such i n t e r e s t s ( K a t z e n s t e i n i n Esman, 1977: 316-9; P r i s t i n g e r , 1978: 52-3) and d e a l more e f f e c t i v e l y with the growing s o c i a l 64 d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n of the indigenous p o p u l a t i o n and s t i l l r e t a i n the support of i t s overwhelming m a j o r i t y . At a p o l i c y l e v e l , i t i n s t i t u t e d a set of programs to modernize a g r i c u l t u r e and reemploy excess r u r a l labour i n t r a d i t i o n a l and new economic a c t i v i t i e s . Tourism, c r a f t s and s m a l l - s c a l e , newly-created i n d u s t r i e s r e c e i v e d P r o v i n c i a l support and a t t r a c t e d f o r e i g n investments. The emergence of p a r t y - b a s e d . c l i e n t e l i s m at the n a t i o n a l l e v e l enhanced the SVP's b a r g a i n i n g power and f a c i l i t a t e d t h i s o r g a n i z a t i o n a l t r a n s f o r m a t i o n s i n c e the SVP c o u l d mediate the process by which the c e n t r a l government i n s t i t u t e d a c o u n t r y -wide welfare system and use the resources made a v a i l a b l e to maintain the p o l i t i c a l cohesion of the indigenous p o p u l a t i o n . Under i t s l e a d e r s h i p the c o r p o r a t i s t p r a c t i c e s of segregated s o c i a l groups, t y p i c a l of A u s t r i a n p o l i t i c s , was adapted to I t a l i a n p o l i t i c a l p r a c t i c e s ( K a t z e n s t e i n i n Esman, 1977: 306-23). The SVP c o u l d thus r e t a i n i t s r o l e as the defender of the indigenous m i n o r i t y and a r t i c u l a t e i t s demands v i s - a - v i s l o c a l branches of n a t i o n a l p a r t i e s and the c e n t r a l government as w e l l as a c t as the i n t e r n a l p o l i t i c a l broker and d i s p e n s e r of rewards and i n f l u e n c e . SVP dominance should not be confused with complete monopoly. E x t e r n a l c u l t u r a l , e d u c a t i o n a l and s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n s continued to e x i s t , and the SVP was never a t o t a l i t a r i a n p a r t y . Yet the siege m e n t a l i t y c o n d i t i o n e d almost a l l s o c i a l groups and o r g a n i z a t i o n s . As a q u i n t e s s e n t i a l beacon of indigenous values and a t t i t u d e s the SVP has always donned the 65 mantel of a u t h o r i t y , used a s h a r p l y n a t i o n a l i s t r h e t o r i c and shown hegemonial impulses. The p a r t y ' s c e n t r a l r o l e made i t the p r i v i l e g e d i n t e r l o c u t o r of A u s t r i a n and Bavarian S o c i a l C h r i s t i a n p a r t i e s and governments and enabled the SVP to c l o s e l y s u p e r v i s e the process of economic t r a n s f o r m a t i o n and favour investments from both c o u n t r i e s . T h i s t r a n s a l p i n e connection opened the part y to t h e i r i d e o l o g i c a l and i n t e l l e c t u a l i n f l u e n c e s ; concepts l i k e s o c i a l p a r t n e r s h i p ( S o z i a l p a r t n e r s s h a f t ) and Co-management (Mitbestimmung) were adopted i n an e f f o r t to organize the changing economic system (Pan, 1979) and reduce i n e v i t a b l e s o c i a l t e n s i o n s w i t h i n the indigenous p o p u l a t i o n ( P r i s t i n g e r , 1978: 57-61). However, the growing s o c i a l and economic d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n w i t h i n the indigenous p o p u l a t i o n was an important, a l b e i t unwelcome, byproduct of modernization. I t c r e a t e d f e a r s that i t might f i n d a p o l i t i c a l e x p r e s s i o n and undermine the r a i s o n d ' e t r e of the SVP as the s i n g l e p o l i t i c a l block of the m i n o r i t y . Greater socio-economic d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n , the opening to the o u t s i d e world and growing e d u c a t i o n a l o p p o r t u n i t i e s o f f e r e d enabled a growing number of people to q u e s t i o n the SVP model of s o c i e t y and i t s way of e x e r c i s i n g power (Acquaviva and Eisermann, 1981: 84). A small but growing number of Germanophone blue c o l l a r workers su b j e c t e d to new s o c i a l i z i n g e xperiences adopted more c l e a r l y - d e f i n e d c l a s s i d e n t i t y and j o i n e d n a t i o n a l and l o c a l e t h n i c unions at a time of g r e a t e r worker m i l i t a n c y throughout I t a l y ( G h i r i g a t o , 1986: 128-41; 66 P r i s t i n g e r , 1978: 148-55). A 1973 survey showed that 5% of Germanophones was prepared to vote f o r i d e o l o g i c a l p a r t i e s , i r r e s p e c t i v e of e t h n i c i t y , while another 25% (23% f o r r u r a l respondents and 36% f o r urban respondents) i n d i c a t e d a p r e f e r e n c e f o r i d e o l o g i c a l l y - o r i e n t e d p a r t i e s w i t h i n t h e i r own ethny (Gubert, 1976: 92). Since the s e v e n t i e s at l e a s t h a l f of t h i s p o t e n t i a l e l e c t o r a t e has put t h e i r p r e f e r e n c e i n t o p r a c t i c e and voted f o r i n t e r - e t h n i c p a r t i e s (Langer, 1986) while others have opted f o r p a r t i e s that have c h a l l e n g e d SVP's p o l i c y management ( P r i s t i n g e r , 1978: 123-4) or p o l i t i c a l compromises. 1.3 Autonomy And The Italophone Community The new p o l i t i c a l arrangement set up i n 1972 transformed the Italophone community from a n a t i o n a l and r e g i o n a l m a j o r i t y i n t o a p r o v i n c i a l m i n o r i t y . L i k e other s e t t l e r e x p e r i e n c e s , that of Italophones i n the South T y r o l began from a p o s i t i o n of stre n g h t w i t h i n the t e r r i t o r y of settlement but of weakness v i s -a - v i s the e x t e r n a l c e n t r e that c r e a t e d i t . T h i s meant that i t s i n i t i a l p o l i t i c a l behaviour r e f l e c t e d n a t i o n a l t r e n d s r a t h e r than a process of a d a p t a t i o n to l o c a l c i r c u m s t a n c e s . Since the Second World War the e l e c t o r a l behaviour of I t a l i a n s has been s t a b l e and s h i f t s of l i t t l e import. The p r o p o r t i o n a l system of r e p r e s e n t a t i o n has favoured i n t e r - and i n t r a - p a r t y fragmentation and p r o t e s t v o t i n g , and i d e o l o g i c a l d i v i s i o n s have r e i n f o r c e d c o n s o c i a t i o n a l and c o a l i t i o n p o l i t i c s 67 ( Z a r i s k i , 1972: 140-200; i b i d , 1984: 403-19). T h i s has not prevented p o l i t i c a l realignments l i k e the c r e a t i o n of c e n t r e -l e f t c o a l i t i o n s i n the e a r l y s i x t i e s , but the emergence of a patronage-based i n f o r m a l system has accentuated the r i g i d i t i e s of formal p o l i t i c a l i n s t i t u t i o n s based on permanent m a j o r i t i e s and m i n o r i t i e s . Table 7: Results in Provincial Elections by Parties Representing Italophone Population per Ideological Grouping, 1948-1383 (in Percent 1les) LEFT PROVINCE of which in CENTRE PROVINCE of which m urban centres urban centres 1948 28 08% (79 65%) 1948 33 79% (SB 70%) 1952 25 S7% (81 67%) 1952 39 34% (60 81%) 1956 21 90% (83 40%) 1956 40 32% (63 06%) 1960 25 01% (85 00%) I960 40 42% (65 59%) 1964 12 58% (86 84%) 1964 37 20% (68 31%) 1968 16 14% (89 16%) 1968 38 95% (72 71%) 1973 15 99% (88 23%) 1973 39 53% (74 87%) 1978 28 75% (88 16%) 1978 33 02% (75 51%) 1983 25 65% (88 38%) 1983 29 94% ( 7 5 06%) LEFT OF CENTRE RIGHT 1948 9 67% (71 72%) 1948 9 21% (85 84%) 19S2 9 91% (76 47%) 1952 19 03% (79 92%) 1956 11 33% (SO 01%) 1956 16 91% (81 97%) 1960 1 1 16% (77 11%) 1960 19 71% (85 82%) 1964 26 38% (81 57%) 1964 17 12% (85 98%) 1968 22 68% (82 69%) 1968 13 16% (86 05%) 1973 25 49% (96 68%) 1973 11 30% (87 03%) 1978 20 59% (84 17%) 1978 8 92% (88 61%) 1983 22 81% (85 25%) 1983 16 49% (89 49%) Notes: For details on Urban Centres see Appendix A; for details on Ideological Groupings see Appendix B Sources: Reglone: 1948-68/1973/1978/1983. Table 7 shows the r e l a t i v e predominance of the c e n t r i s t C h r i s t i a n Democrats who have managed to r e t a i n a 35-40% support u n t i l the m i d - s e v e n t i e s . U n l i k e other i d e o l o g i c a l groupings t h e i r support has had a s t r o n g r u r a l base because of the p a r t y ' s s t r o n g S o c i a l - C h r i s t i a n appeal and v a l u e s . In a d d i t i o n , p o l i t i c a l c o n s i d e r a t i o n s and shared S o c i a l C h r i s t i a n values have made i t the p r i v i l e g e d i n t e r l o c u t o r of the SVP; however, u n l i k e o t h e r I t a l i a n p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s and the SVP, the DC has had to balance i t s r o l e as the n a t u r a l , a l b e i t j u n i o r , p a r t n e r of the SVP and of i t s T r e n t i n e c o u n t e r p a r t and the agent of patronage d i s t r i b u t i o n w i t h the need to maintain i t s appeal among a fragmented Italophone e l e c t o r a t e i n which a s u b s t a n t i a l 68 p r o p o r t i o n has been tempted by n a t i o n a l i s t appeals ( D e l l e Donne, 1984: 19) and responsive to anti-Germanophone p r e j u d i c e s ( G h i r i g a t o , 1986: 45-55). Under pre- and post-1972 p o l i t i c a l arrangements Italophone votes have been of l i t t l e consequence in p r o v i n c i a l p o l i t i c s s i n c e power was always in the hands of o t h e r s , but they c l o s e l y r e f l e c t the s t a t e of i n t e r - e t h n i c r e l a t i o n s and, t h e r e f o r e , are a good i n d i c a t o r of Italophone r e a c t i o n s to d e c i s i o n s taken by o t h e r s . As i n t e r - e t h n i c t e n s i o n s rose d u r i n g the f i f t i e s and e a r l y s i x t i e s the r i g h t b e n e f i t t e d ; i n the f o l l o w i n g years, when n e g o t i a t i o n s on p o l i t i c a l reform s t a r t e d and p o l i t i c a l t e n s i o n s abated, the l e f t and c e n t r e - l e f t gained. In 1983 the pendulum swung back towards the r i g h t f o l l o w i n g renewed i n t e r - e t h n i c t e n s i o n s . In the a t y p i c a l circumstances of the South T y r o l the Italophone p o p u l a t i o n has begun to vote l i k e a b l o c . In h i s 1973-76 study Gubert had found that one t h i r d of Italophones was prepared to vote f o r a n a t i o n a l i s t p a r t y ; with the growing Italophone disenchantment with the S t a t u t e and t r a d i t i o n a l p a r t i e s the n e o - f a s c i s t MSI has b e n e f i t t e d . 69 Table 8: Proportion of Italophone vote going to MSI. 1980-1987 (in Percentiles) PROVINCE URBAN RURAL CENTRES AREAS 80L2ANO-802EN 1980 1983 1985 1987 7.93% 8.77% 3 72% 18.48% 19 90% 11 35% 24.73% 27.26% 19.77% 29.07% 31.59% 18.68% 8.42% 20.61% 29 56% 33 01% Motes: For details on Selected Areas see Append < x A; 1980 ana 1985 Municipal Elections: 1983 Provincial Election: 1987 National Election. Sourest: 1980 vote in Provlncla Autorroaa. 1984: 113-36: 1983 vote in Pegione, 1983: 1985 vote in Provincia Autonona. 1986: 115-40: 1987 vote in Dolonlten. 1987. Table 8 shows that Italophone now a p p r e c i a t e the value of brinkmanship and, f o r some, the f u l l n a t i o n a l i s t p o t e n t i a l among Italop h o n e s has not been r e a l i z e d (Omnibus, 1987: 10). Gubert c o r r e c t l y p r e d i c t e d that t h i s s h i f t i n Italophone a l l e g i a n c e s would depend on the nature of i n t e r - e t h n i c r e l a t i o n s . Low t e n s i o n s would favour the s o c i a l i n t e g r a t i o n and p o l i t i c a l adjustment of the immigrant p o p u l a t i o n to the l i f e of the p r o v i n c e as a r e s u l t of growing Italophone p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n i n t e r - e t h n i c or Germanophone-controlled s o c i a l and c u l t u r a l networks; 3 1 c o n v e r s e l y , h i g h t e n s i o n s might l e a d to an Italophone sammelspartei (Gubert, 1976: 92-3). 3 1 L e i d l m a i r (1969) had observed the neighbour e f f e c t (on the concept, see Laponce, 1987) on Italophone v o t e r s d u r i n g the s i x t i e s i n the Bassa A t e s i n a - S u e d t i r o l e r U n t e r l a n d , a mixed area south of the p r o v i n c i a l c a p i t a l (see Appendix C, maps D, E and F ) . A c c o r d i n g to estimates made by t h i s author about 25% of the Italophone e l e c t o r a t e voted SVP d u r i n g the s i x t i e s and 15% d u r i n g the s e v e n t i e s . However, changing socio-economic s t r u c t u r e s and r i s i n g i n t e r - e t h n i c t e n s i o n s have made t h i s phenomenon i n s i g n i f i c a n t . E s t i m a t e s achieved by s u b t r a c t i n g the p e r c e n t i l e of p o p u l a t i o n of c l o s e s t census year from p e r c e n t i l e of e l e c t o r a l r e s u l t s and d i v i d i n g by One/Hundredth of e l e c t o r a l r e s u l t s . 70 1.4 Recent Trends Why d i d the s t a t u t e f a i l to achieve i n t e r - e t h n i c accomodation and d e e s c a l a t e p o l i t i c a l t e n s i o n s ? Some observers b e l i e v e d that once autonomy was implemented i n t e r - e t h n i c c o n f r o n t a t i o n would recede i n t o the background and s o c i o -economic f a c t o r s govern p o l i t i c a l l i f e . The new p o l i t i c a l arrangement would allow the dramatic socio-economic changes that had taken p l a c e w i t h i n the indigenous p o p u l a t i o n to take t h e i r n a t u r a l course and reshape the p o l i t i c a l landscape. M u l t i -e t h n i c s o c i a l groups would form around common s o c i a l experiences and economic i n t e r e s t s , and the emotional relevance of i n t e r -e t h n i c c o n f r o n t a t i o n would d e c l i n e and be r e p l a c e d by a more d i f f e r e n t i a t e d and p l u r a l i s t i c p o l i t i c a l l i f e ( K a t z e n s t e i n i n Esman, 1977: 288; P a o l i i n G o g l i o , 1979). Others h e l d that the c o n t r a d i c t i o n between a p e r i p h e r a l e t h n o - n a t i o n a l m i n o r i t y and a p o t e n t i a l l y a s s i m i l a t i n g n a t i o n a l area would s u r v i v e . The language of symbols may l o s e i t s o r i g i n a l resonance but i n the absence of shared c o l l e c t i v e v a l u e s the v a r i o u s e t h n i e s would s t i l l s t r e s s t h e i r c u l t u r a l d i f f e r e n c e s and pursue p o l i t i c a l s t r a t e g i e s that c o u l d aggravate other s o c i a l d i v i s i o n s (Andreatta and F a u s t i n i , 1976: 730-1). The s k e p t i c s proved c l o s e r to the f a c t s because, i n m u l t i -e t h n i c s o c i e t i e s , e t h n i c i t y w i l l always remain a potent, i f of t e n l a t e n t , source of emotional appeal and p o l i t i c a l power. They are not n e c e s s a r i l y the most e a s i l y d e s t a b i l i z e d by s o c i a l c o n f l i c t and economic changes so long as the p o l i t i c a l and economic s t e e r i n g mechanisms i n c o r p o r a t e a l l e t h n i c segments and 71 enable r e s p e c t i v e e l i t e s to p a r t i c i p a t e i n decision-making and develop common va l u e s , ranging from e l i t e accomodation (Aunger, 1981) to d i f f e r e n t forms of c o n s o c i a t i o n a l or f e d e r a l regimes ( L i j p h a r d t , 1979). However, in m u l t i l i n g u a l s o c i e t i e s accomodation cannot be achieved without some form of s p a t i o -f u n c t i o n a l s e p a r a t i o n of language groups. In the South T y r o l t h i s o p t i o n was never envisaged, and even i f i t had, the j u x t a p o s i t i o n of an I t a l o p h o n e - c o n t r o l l e d v i t a l c e n t r e and a Germanophone-controlled complementary region would have made i t too d i f f i c u l t to implement. Instead, the s o l u t i o n was one of p e r s o n a l language r i g h t s w i t h i n an autonomous p r o v i n c e where the numerical m a j o r i t y of the Germanophone p o p u l a t i o n was the key f a c t o r . T h i s s i t u a t i o n was compounded by the r i g i d i t i e s of the indigenous p o l i t i c a l c u l t u r e and the inherent d i v i s i o n s of the Italophone community and I t a l i a n p o l i t i c a l system (Nolet, 1971: 11-2). In the years f o l l o w i n g the 1969 Package the p a r t i e s came to a t a c i t agreement (Nolet, 1971: 12-3) to keep n e g o t i a t i o n s above p u b l i c s c r u t i n y i n order to d i f f u s e p o t e n t i a l mass m o b i l i z a t i o n a g a i n s t i t , but the t a c t i c b a c k f i r e d f o r i t l e f t South Tyroleans misinformed and unprepared ( A g o s t i n i , 1 9 8 5 : 16-9; G h i r i g a t o , 1986: 166). The problem was aggravated by the SVP approach to autonomy. Since i t s r a i s o n d ' e t r e was the maintenance of a p e r v a s i v e s o c i a l consensus around t r a d i t i o n a l S o c i a l - C h r i s t i a n b e l i e f s , e t h n i c d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n and p o l i t i c a l cohesion of the indigenous p o p u l a t i o n , i t s s t r a t e g y d i c t a t e d e t h n i c s e p a r a t i o n and the p e r p e t u a t i o n of i n t e r - e t h n i c d i v i s i o n s ( P r i s t i n g e r , 72 1978: 153-4; Steurer i n A l t o Adige, 1986: 22-3). When i t lacked the i n s t i t u t i o n a l instruments and economic resources to ensure the s u r v i v a l of the m i n o r i t y , t h i s consensus was e a s i l y achieved and the 'Volkstumpfkampf' c o u l d o v e r r i d e a l l other i s s u e s and c o n s i d e r a t i o n s . However, i n the s e v e n t i e s the m a t e r i a l and s o c i a l c o n d i t i o n s that had s u s t a i n e d t h i s monolythic consensus no longer e x i s t e d and the SVP c o u l d only pursue two a l t e r n a t i v e s t r a t e g i e s . I t c o u l d emphasize i t s c o n s e r v a t i v e o r i e n t a t i o n and become a more d i s t i n c t l y r i g h t w i n g p a r t y (Nolet, 1971: 9) and thus take advantage of the i n t e g r a t i o n of the p r o v i n c e i n the c o n t i n e n t a l economy and the r i s e of i n t e r n a t i o n a l and s u b n a t i o n a l i n s t i t u t i o n s l i k e the European Community, the A l p i n e Regions O r g a n i z a t i o n and the West-European C h r i s t i a n Democratic Union. Through these f u n c t i o n a l l i n k s the p a r t y c o u l d i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e c o n t a c t s with s i s t e r - p a r t i e s i n neighbouring Germanophone c o u n t r i e s and r e l y on t h e i r support and resources, but t h i s o p t i o n had one important drawback. I t would weaken the o r i g i n a l p o l i t i c a l consensus that had ensured SVP hegemony w i t h i n the indigenous p o p u l a t i o n . The other o p t i o n was to ma i n t a i n i t s appeal as the sammelpartei. Within the context of the new Autonomy S t a t u t e and improved socio-economic c o n d i t i o n s t h i s s t r a t e g y c o u l d not r e l y on a r e a l sense of d e p r i v a t i o n ; i n s t e a d , i t had to o f f e r a p o l i t i c a l d i s c o u r s e that s t r e s s e d symbols and i s s u e s that 73 divided the two major ethnies. 3 2 This could only undermine the recently found p o l i t i c a l s t a b i l i t y , perturb economic development and weaken the SVP bargaining position v i s - a - v i s the I t a l i a n government and threaten i t s own a b i l i t y to maintain internal s o c i a l consensus as well as attra c t foreign investment. Unable to escape from i t s own contradictions the SVP responded by micro-managing p o l i t i c a l and economic problems as they arose. The f i n a n c i a l windfall that came with the new Statute funded countless s o c i a l and c u l t u r a l associations and thus reinforced the organizational bases of the minority's s o c i a l segregation, i n s t i t u t i o n a l corporatism and c u l t u r a l uniformity. Past i n j u s t i c e s were stressed and autonomy was defined as a compensatory covenant between the indigenous population and the I t a l i a n state rather than a common ideal for a l l South Tyroleans (Agostini, 1985: 79-105). S i m i l a r l y , the SVP c u l t i v a t e d i t s conservative credentials at a time of a leftwing d r i f t of I t a l i a n , Austrian and West German p o l i t i c s so as to maintain strong i n s t i t u t i o n a l l i n k s with s i s t e r parties in the same countries. This cooperation was esse n t i a l i f the South Tyrol was to exploit i t s geographic position as a crossroad in an increasingly integrated continental economy and a regional 3 2 Some SVP leaders have c a l l e d for the v i r t u a l physical separation of the two ethnies out of fear of 'einmischung' and 'Al s a t i a n i z a t i o n ' , and demanded the penalization of c i t i z e n s who objected to ethnic i d e n t i f i c a t i o n (Europeo, 1983: 27), the segregation of school populations (separate entrances, stairways, playgrounds and sport f a c i l i t i e s in shared buildi n g s ) , of rest homes (in Merano-Meran), of the Rotary Club, and the creation of a separate South Tyrolean Olympic Committee ( C o l e t t i in Europeo, 1984: 18-20; G i a n n e l l i , 1987: 82; Zucchini, 1986: 44-8). 74 p o l i t i c a l space dominated by c o n s e r v a t i v e and moderate p o l i t i c a l f o r c e s . The porcupine s t r a t e g y of micro-management, e t h n i c s e p a r a t i o n and c o n s e r v a t i v e alignment was r e i n f o r c e d by b u r e a u c r a t i c r e s i s t a n c e and p o l i t i c a l d i s i n t e r e s t i n Rome. A process that was supposed to take two years bogged down i n an endless game of b a r g a i n i n g that the SVP used to seek a d d i t i o n a l concessions ( D e l l e Donne, 1984; 19; G i a n n e l l i , 1987: 85), and r e f o c u s the l a t e n t h o s t i l i t y towards the S t a t u t e . The spate 3 3 of p r o p o s a l s to modify the S t a t u t e were not met, but the r e f u s a l s have been u s e f u l i n Rome-bashing and i n c l o s i n g e t h n i c ranks ( G i r o l a and G i a c o m e l l i i n F a m i g l i a C r i s t i a n a , 1985: 63; Z u c c h i n i , 1986: 42). However, r i d i n g the t i g e r of i n t e r - e t h n i c t e n s i o n s had i t s o c c u p a t i o n a l hazards. In a p o l i t i c a l c l i m a t e that favoured t e n s i o n s and c o n f r o n t a t i o n t e r r o r i s m has appeared once agai n (La Repubblica, 1987: nos. 122-125-126-220; Europeo, 1981: n.14) and f r a c t i o n a l s p l i n t e r i n g o c c u r r e d w i t h i n the SVP i t s e l f ( A g o s t i n i , 1986: 15-8, 66; F o l g h e r a i t e r i n F a m i g l i a C r i s t i a n a , 1986). Outside the p a r t y both the r i g h t and the l e f t have accentuated t h e i r c r i t i c i s m and o p p o s i t i o n to SVP p o l i c y . Among the i s s u e s reopened there were the demand for a f e d e r a l arrangement between the South T y r o l and I t a l y ( B i a n c h i n i i n La Repubblica, 1987: n.125), the p r o v i n c i a l i z a t i o n of the N a t i o n a l Road Maintenance Agency (ANAS) (N o l e t , 1984: 14), the c o l l e c t i o n of custom dues and separate f i s c a l powers ( Z u c c h i n i , 1986: 47), the a b o l i t i o n of most b i l i n g u a l toponyms (Bocca i n La Repubblica, 1987: n.128), the de f a c t o c r e a t i o n of separate Bar A s s o c i a t i o n s and l e g a l systems, one f o r Germanophones and one f o r Italophones ( R u c e l l a i , 1984: 30-6). 75 The s t r a i n s and s t r e s s e s p l a c e d on the SVP l e a d e r s h i p have produced a c e r t a i n , a l b e i t b e l a t e d , change in the p a r t y ' s s t r a t e g y , and l e d to the departure of some of i t s most i n t r a n s i g e n t members (La Repubblica, 1988: n.92; i b i d , 1989: n.97) T h i s s h i f t i s p a r t l y the r e s u l t of the i n e v i t a b l e g e n e r a t i o n a l change that i s b r i n g i n g younger p o l i t i c i a n s to p o s i t i o n s of r e s p o n s a b i l i t y , more concerned with the impact of p o l i t i c a l i n s t a b i l i t y on the p r o v i n c e ' s economy. Some groups l i k e the Workers' f a c t i o n (Arbeitnehmer) now share common i n t e r e s t s with t h e i r Italophone c o u n t e r p a r t s (Nolet, 1984: 12-4), and the business community i s now i n a b e t t e r p o s i t i o n to manage economic a f f a i r s ( G i a n n e l l i , 1987: 20-2). The P r o v i n c e has i m p l i c i t l y r ecognized t h i s by s u p p o r t i n g the h i t h e r t o I t a l o p h o n e - c o n t r o l l e d i n d u s t r i a l s e c t o r ( P r o v i n c i a Autonoma, 1988: 21-1). The SVP f i n a l l y understood the need to r e a s s u r e the Italophone community because the constant use and d i s p l a y of pan-Tyrolean sentiments and the e x p r e s s i o n of overt a n t i - I t a l i a n s t e r e o t y p e s had antagonized Italophones who f i n d themselves i n c r e a s i n g l y i s o l a t e d i n the p r o v i n c e and l a r g e l y abandoned by Roman l e a d e r s . P o l i t i c a l i n s t a b i l i t y and Italophone resentment has a l s o prompted the SVP to reach out towards the Italophone community i n order to b e t t e r manage economic d e c i s i o n s and address some of the c y c l i c a l and s t r u c t u r a l problems of the p r o v i n c i a l economy (Nolet, 1984: 12-4). Above a l l , the p o s s i b i l i t y of an I t a l i a n sammelspartei was of upmost concern f o r i t would block p o l i t i c a l d i a l o g u e , d e s t a b i l i z e the Autonomy 4 76 regime, p o l a r i z e the two e t h n i e s and strenghten the indigenous r i g h t at a time when the economy was i n a r e c e s s i o n a r y c y c l e . SVP l e a d e r s t r i e d to c l a r i f y t h e i r p o l i c i e s and took d i f f e r e n t steps to a l l a y Italophone f e a r s , 3 4 most notably i n the areas of e t h n i c p r o p o r t i o n a l i t y , p u b l i c employment and s o c i a l housing ( A g o s t i n i , 1986: 24-6; A n s a l o n i i n A l t o Adige, 1986: 43; P r o v i n c i a Autonoma, 1988: 4-6), but a l l these e f f o r t s have not yet overcome some of the c u l t u r a l and mental schemes that inform indigenous a t t i t u d e s (Magnago i n P r o v i n c i a Autonoma, 1988: 6). The more moderate image and language of the SVP was f o r many Italophones too l i t t l e too l a t e . The t u r n i n g p o i n t came with the f a i l u r e of the 1979-80 p e t i t i o n i n favour of e a r l y b i l i n g u a l i s m signed by 16000, mostly Italophone, r e s i d e n t s , and the p u b l i c a t i o n of the 1981 census which showed a 15% drop of the Italophone p o p u l a t i o n . By 1985 over 20000 people signed a MSI-sponsored p e t i t i o n c a l l i n g f o r the r e p e a l of the most important p r o v i s i o n s of the 1972 Autonomy S t a t u t e ( G i a n n e l l i , 1987: 67). However, the growing support f o r the MSI has not yet become a v o t i n g b l o c and cannot c r e a t e an Italophone sammelpartei because of the former's i d e o l o g i c a l and p o l i t i c a l i l l e g i t i m a c y i n post-1945 I t a l y , and because of the absence of a t e r r i t o r i a l base where i t c o u l d e x e r c i s e p o l i t i c a l power. The other p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s are p o l i t i c a l l y and/or 3 4 For t h i s reason, the SVP n e g o t i a t e d a p r e - e l e c t o r a l program before the 1983 P r o v i n c i a l E l e c t i o n s with the C h r i s t i a n Democrats and S o c i a l i s t s r a t h e r than accept t h e i r p a r t i c i p a t i o n in a p r o v i n c i a l c o a l i t i o n as r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of the Italophone community ( P r o v i n c i a Autonoma, 1988: 4-6). 77 i d e o l o g i c a l l y unprepared or unable to org a n i z e t h i s e l e c t o r a t e . The C h r i s t i a n Democrats are caught between c o o p e r a t i o n and c o n f r o n t a t i o n with the SVP and cannot b r i d g e the s o c i a l and i d e o l o g i c a l gap on t h e i r r i g h t and l e f t . In the s e v e n t i e s and e a r l y e i g h t i e s some of the l e f t and c e n t r e - l e f t p a r t i e s t r i e d to appeal to Germanophone v o t e r s by adopting b i l i n g u a l denominations and running Germanophone c a n d i d a t e s , but t h e i r b e l a t e d change la c k e d the c r e d i b i l i t y with and presence i n the indigenous community to gain any r e a l support and i n the process l o s t support among Italophones. The only new a l t e r n a t i v e has come from those South T y r o l e a n s who grew up p o l i t i c a l l y i n new-left c i r c l e s i n I t a l y and/or West Germany and opposed the seeming p a u c i t y of ideas and the p o l i t i c a l d i s c o u r s e s based on narrow views of e t h n i c i t y and c l a s s - p o l i t i c s ( G i a n n e l l i , 1987: 57-61; Langer, 1986: 189-92). Despite s t e r n o p p o s i t i o n and b e r a t i n g by the SVP and the attempt by some I t a l i a n p a r t i e s to a p p r o p r i a t e some of t h e i r themes the New L e f t has carved out a c e r t a i n space f o r i t s e l f and may represent around 4% of the Germanophone e l e c t o r a t e and 7% of the Italophone e l e c t o r a t e ( i n 1983). 3 5 N e v e r t h e l e s s , i t speaks a p o l i t i c a l language that i s too new f o r most South T y r o l e a n s , born and r a i s e d i n another age and steeped i n d i f f e r e n t v a l u e s , and more concerned with the here and now than with l o f t y ideas about s o c i e t a l p r o j e c t s . The rearrangement of p o l i t i c a l i n s t i t u t i o n s i n the South 3 5 Estimates by author, see Appendix B. 78 T y r o l has given the p r o v i n c e of Bolzano-Bozen an e x t e n s i v e f i n a n c i a l and economic autonomy and has allowed the SVP and the indigenous p o p u l a t i o n to enhance t h e i r f u n c t i o n a l s e p a r a t i o n from the f a s c i s t - i m p o s e d s p a t i o - f u n c t i o n a l h i e r a r c h y c e n t r e d on the I t a l o p h o n e - c o n t r o l l e d c a p i t a l ; but the p o l i t i c a l s i t u a t i o n remains one of impasse. At a s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l l e v e l , SVP power now r e s t e d on i t s a b i l i t y to c o n t r o l P r o v i n c i a l i n s t i t u t i o n s , e x t r a c t resources from c e n t r a l government and manage the i n t e r n a l c o n t r a d i c t i o n s of the indigenous p o p u l a t i o n . The e x i s t i n g p o l i t i c o -a d m i n i s t r a t i v e system was compatible with an i n t e r n a l l y - u n i f i e d p o l i t i c a l system t h a t maximized the use of n a t i o n a l l y - a l l o c a t e d r e s o u r c e s to compartmentalize the g e n e r a t i o n of s o c i a l demands and the a r t i c u l a t i o n of d i f f e r e n t i n t e r e s t s . The paradox i s that i t s success i n doing so weakened i t s p o l i t i c a l base and undermined i t s i d e o l o g i c a l hegemony. The only way i t c o u l d r e c o n c i l e these two c o n t r a d i c t o r y trends was to use i t s new-found power to m a i n t a i n i n t e r - e t h n i c c o n t a c t at a minimum and manage r e l a t i v e l y h i g h i n t e r - e t h n i c t e n s i o n s while c u l t i v a t i n g i t s c o n s e r v a t i v e c r e d e n t i a l s v i s - a - v i s r u l i n g groups i n I t a l y , T y r o l and B a v a r i a . At a s t r u c t u r a l l e v e l , the c o n t r a d i c t i o n s inherent i n a b i f u r c a t e d s p a t i o - f u n c t i o n a l system have only aggravated s o c i o -p o l i t i c a l c o n t r a d i c t i o n s . P o l i t i c a l autonomy thus cannot engender longterm i n t e r - e t h n i c accomodation because the Italophone community l a c k s the necessary s p a t i a l s e p a r a t i o n that c o u l d guarantee the autonomy of i t s d i s t i n c t f u n c t i o n a l 79 i n s t i t u t i o n s and domains. It i s u s e f u l at t h i s p o i n t to turn to such i n s t i t u t i o n s and domains to see how and why the lack of Italophone s p a t i a l s e p a r a t i o n p l a y s a r o l e i n the present c o n f l i c t . I t w i l l a l s o shed some l i g h t on how and why the indigenous p o p u l a t i o n was able to r e s i s t the f a s c i s t attempt to i n c o r p o r a t e and a s s i m i l a t e i t i n t o a wider I t a l i a n s p a t i o - f u n c t i o n a l o r d e r . 2. THE EVOLUTION OF SOCIQ-CULTURAL STRUCTURES The e v o l u t i o n of p o l i t i c a l i n s t i t u t i o n s and s t r a t e g i e s of t e r r i t o r i a l c o n t r o l u l t i m a t e l y depend on human agency, i . e . they are i n s t a n t i a t e d by the a c t i o n s of humans which, i n t u r n , depend on the s e l f - e v a l u a t i v e processes t h a t enable humans to apprehend t h e i r surrounding. I t i s , t h e r e f o r e , necessary to look at the s o c i o - c u l t u r a l a t t i t u d e s , m e n t a l i t i e s and ideas people have about e t h n i c i d e n t i t y , i n t r a - and i n t e r - e t h n i c r e l a t i o n s and t h e i r s o c i o - c u l t u r a l bases to f u l l y a p p r e c i a t e why and how c e r t a i n behaviours, a c t i o n s and d e c i s i o n s are made p o s s i b l e . Only by l o o k i n g at them can one i d e n t i f y s p e c i f i c t r a i t s t h a t p e r t a i n to the r e c u r s i v e and d i s c o u r s i v e knowledge of people and recognize how they inform i n d i v i d u a l p o l i t i c a l behaviour and c o l l e c t i v e p o l i t i c a l s t r a t e g i e s . But how do we measure or i d e n t i f y e t h n i c i t y and i t s be h a v i o u r a l and o r g a n i z a t i o n a l m a n i f e s t a t i o n s ? The o f t e n used method i s that of p u b l i c surveys. In the South T y r o l s e v e r a l 80 survey studies have confirmed behavioural and organizational d i f f e r e n c e s and i d e n t i f i e d general patterns that separate South Tyrolean ethnies. In such studies researchers have recognized that despite seventy years of I t a l i a n rule, culture, understood in i t s wider sense (the set of i n t e l l e c t u a l , behavioural, organizational and material expressions of so c i a l l i f e ) remains the p r i n c i p a l factor of d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n of South Tyrolean ethn i e s . In 1976 Renzo Gubert found that ethnic identity among South Tyrolean Germanophones and Italophones was strongly f e l t , less so among Ladins. Table 9: Ethnic Identification (in Absolute Numbers and Percentiles) R.I. U.I F.L. G.L. R S US . TOTAL GERMAN 1.3% 12% 2.7% 14 9% 98 7% 94.8% 164 ITALIAN 96 1% 97 6% 33.3% 6 8% 1.3% 5.2% 183 LAOIN 1.3% 64.0% 78.4% - 107 TOTAL 75 78 75 74 77 77 456 Notes: Total figures include Others and Oon't Know: R • Rural. U • Urban. F • Fasa Valley. G • Gherdeina Valley G > Germanophones. I > Italophones. L • Ladins. This table shows that except for a small s h i f t among urban Germanophones 3 6 - 1 in 20 - Germanophones and Italophones retained a strong ethnic i d e n t i t y . The same cannot be said about Ladins. In Fasa valley (Trentino) losses represented about one t h i r d of the potential Ladin population; in Gherdeina (South Tyrol) losses were smaller - one quarter - but s t i l l s i g n i f i c a n t . However, a closer look reveals another picture. A 1969 empirical study of family names showed that while two t h i r d s of a l l surnames in the Bassa Atesina/Suedtiroler 3 6 This sample was taken in the p r o v i n c i a l c a p i t a l alone and not from other c i t i e s ; i t is probable that losses in Bolzano-Bozen were compensated elsewhere. 81 Unterland were I t a l i a n , only one t h i r d of the population considered i t s e l f I t a l i a n ; consequently, one Germanophone in two was of I t a l i a n o r i g i n . 3 7 In the absence of more precise data, t h i s author has used the names of municipal c o u n c i l l o r s as the indicator of ethnic o r i g i n and compared them to their declared ethnic i d e n t i t y . This was done by using data from those municipalities where, according to the 1981 census, a substantial Italophone population l i v e d . Given the nature of inter-ethnic relations in the province and the strenght of ethnic i d e n t i t i e s (see table 9) the r e s u l t s can be seen as underlying indicators of a general, i f not very precise, trend. Tab»« 10: Distribution of 1985 Municipal Councillors according to Declared and Presumed Ethnic Identity in Selected Areas (in Absolute Numbers and Percentiles) OECLARED ETHNIC IDENTITY PRESUMED ETHNIC IOENTITY ITALOPHONE GERMANOPHONE ITALOPHONE GERMANOPHONE TOTAL 1 55 45% 41 82% 69 09% 30.91% 110 2 .55 0O% 45.00% 57 50% 42.50% 40 3 76.00% 34.00* 76 00% 24.00% SO 4 4 1 25% 55.00% 61 87% 36.25% 160 5 37 77% 62.23% 42 22% 57.78% 45 6 31 43% 68.57% 34 28% 65.72% 35 7 20.00% 80.00% 38.00% 62.00% 50 B 15.00% 83.34% 16.66% 75.01% 60 TOTAL 37.70% 60.65% 48 94% 49.18% 450 Notes: 1 > Adlge-Etsch Corridor, see table 9; 2 • Merano-Meran; 3 • Bolzano-Bozen; 4 > Bassa-Unterland (Auer-Ora. Bronzolo-Branzol 1 , Kaltern-Caldaro. Kur11nig-Cortina. Leives-Leifers. Neumarkt-Egna. Montan-Montagna. Salorno-Salurn, Vadena-Pfatten): 5 * Etsack-Isarco (8rixen-Bressanone. Fortezza-Franzenfeste) 6 « w1ppta1-Upper Isarco (Brenner-Brennero, Sterzing-vtpiteno); 7 • Burgrafenamt-Burgravlato (BurgstalI-Postal. Gargazon-Gargazzone); 8 . Pus ter-Puster 1 a (Bruneck-Brumco. Innlchen-San Candldo. Toblach-Doobiaco). The total number includes Ladins Source: Regione. 1986 Table 11: Distribution of Presumed Assimilated and Non-Ass*mllated 1985 Municipal Councillors in Selected Areas (in Percent 1les) ITALOPHONES GERMANOPHONES NON-ASSIMILATEO ASSIMILATED NON-ASSIMILATEO ASSIMILATEO 1 76.31% 23.69% 85 29% 14.71% 2 91.31% 8.69% 94 12% 5 88% 3 94.76% 5 24% 83.34% 16.66% 4 61.61% 38.39% 86 2 1% 13 79% 5 78 95% 21.05% 92 31% 7 69% 6 91.67% 8.33% 100 00% 7 52 00% 47.37% 100 00% 8 70.00% 30.00% 100.00% TOTAL 7 1 77% 28 23% 94.28% 5 72% Notes: see table 10. Source: Regione. 1986. These tables show that there i s a d i r e c t r e l a t i o n s h i p 7 See Volkstumsprobleme in Sprachgrenzgebiet des Bozner Unterlandes by Adelheid Heuberger-Hardorp, Innsbruck and Muenchen, Universitaetverlag Wagner, c i t e d in Dall'O' et a l . , 1988: 169. 82 between demographic s i z e and a s s i m i l a t i o n . From a high of almost 50% i n the Burgraviato/Burgrafenamt to a low of 5.26% i n the p r o v i n c i a l c a p i t a l Italophones e x h i b i t the g r e a t e s t a s s i m i l a t i o n r a t e . In the two l a r g e s t c i t i e s and i n the two m u n i c i p a l i t i e s of Brenner/Brennero and S t e r z i n g / V i p i t e n o with t h e i r h i g h numbers of t r a n s i e n t m i l i t a r y , p o l i c e and custom p e r s o n n e l , Italophones show a low a s s i m i l a t i o n r a t e , but p r o v i n c i a l l y one q u a r t e r of a l l those with an I t a l i a n surname have i d e n t i f i e d themselves as Germanophone. Conversely, Germanophones seem to be l e s s l i k e l y to s h i f t e t h n i c a l l e g i a n c e ; o n l y 1 i n 20 seems to have done so. Even t h i s f i g u r e i s suspect s i n c e a m a j o r i t y of Italophones are of T r e n t i n e o r i g i n , i . e . from a r e g i o n where small Germanophone enclaves e x i s t e d and where some remnants of o l d e r and l a r g e r Germanophone se t t l e m e n t s s u r v i v e , hence I t a l i a n i z a t i o n might have preceded r a t h e r than f o l l o w e d settlement i n the South T y r o l . If we accept the p l a u s i b i l i t y of t h i s h y p o t h e s i s , 3 8 the q u e s t i o n i s why and how members of a n a t i o n a l m a j o r i t y would be a s s i m i l a t e d by a m i n o r i t y ? Tables 10 and 11 i n d i c a t e t hat the areas with the h i g h e s t r a t e of a s s i m i l a t i o n are i n the Adige-E t s c h C o r r i d o r and a few m u n i c i p a l i t i e s i n the Burgrafenamt-B u r g r a v i a t o , i . e . those l o c a l i t i e s (see Appendix C, Maps D, E and F) where Italophone settlement dates back to the mid-3 8 These data are crude i n d i c a t o r s of a s s i m i l a t o r y trends and e t h n i c s h i f t , p a r t l y because the sample p o p u l a t i o n i s small (450) and a l s o because i t i n e v i t a b l y underrepresents those groups w i t h the l e a s t p o l i t i c a l power, namely women and young a d u l t s . 83 n i n e t e e n t h century and where Italophones have l i v e d the longest i n a p e r v a s i v e German Ty r o l e a n c u l t u r a l m i l i e u . If we c o n s i d e r t h a t , i n the absence of t e r r i t o r i a l s e g r e g a t i o n , s o c i o - c u l t u r a l a s s i m i l a t i o n precedes l i n g u i s t i c and e v e n t u a l l y s h i f t (Danesi, 1983), then we can expect a s s i m i l a t i o n to f o l l o w . T h i s process begins with t e r r i t o r i a l i d e n t i f i c a t i o n . R u r a l Italophones ( i n the A d i g e - E t s c h C o r r i d o r ) chose m u n i c i p a l i t y above a l l other s p a t i a l u n i t s , while more r e c e n t l y s e t t l e d urban Italophones chose I t a l y and Europe as t h e i r main geographic u n i t of i d e n t i f i c a t i o n . As we might expect, among Germanophones and Ladins the main geographic u n i t s e l e c t e d was p r o v i n c e and v a l l e y r e s p e c t i v e l y (Gubert, 1976: 66), although i n an other survey (Acquaviva and Eisermann, 1981: 125), where respondents had to choose t h e i r country from a l i s t that i n c l u d e d the T y r o l , I t a l y and A u s t r i a , almost 60% of a l l Germanophone and Ladins opted f o r the f i r s t with I t a l y coming as a remote second. Consequently, through t h e i r s trong t e r r i t o r i a l i d e n t i f i c a t i o n Germanophones and L a d i n s evince a s e c u l a r process of i n d i g e n i z a t i o n ; on the other hand, when Italophones a c q u i r e a s t r o n g sense of p l a c e i n the South T y r o l , i t can only i n d i c a t e a gradual s h i f t of the i d e n t i t y from Italo-Romance I t a l y to Germanic T y r o l and foreshadow e t h n i c c r o s s o v e r . The r e l a t i o n s h i p between e t h n i c i t y and space i s more than a s u p e r f i c i a l l i n k f o r i t p o i n t s to the f a c t that i t i s i n a given t e r r i t o r y that the r e c u r s i v e p r a c t i c e s that d e f i n e e t h n i c i t y e x i s t . The permanence of e t h n i c i d e n t i t y and i t s temporal 84 v a r i a t i o n are informed by the day-to-day o r g a n i z a t i o n of s o c i a l l i f e . In order to understand how the p r a c t i c a l and m a t e r i a l a s p e c t s of e t h n i c i t y are implemented one must observe people i n t h e i r own environment. A t t i t u d e s towards work, f a m i l y , r e l i g i o n , e t c . are o b j e c t i v e markers of b e h a v i o u r a l d i f f e r e n c e s and f o r those who observe and recognize them, the elements of i d e n t i t y , while the m a t e r i a l products of s o c i a l l i f e , the v i s i b l e aspects of a c u l t u r e , become the symbols and embodiment of e t h n i c i t y . These m a t e r i a l markers possess a s i g n i f i c a n t i n s t r u m e n t a l v a l u e i n the a f f i r m a t i o n of i d e n t i t y . Folkways that might have di s a p p e a r e d are r e s u r r e c t e d not only i n a staged manner to s a t i s f y the expanding market for ' a u t h e n t i c i t y ' and ' t r a d i t i o n s ' but a l s o to i n t e g r a t e p a r t i c i p a n t s and a s s e r t group i d e n t i t y . Since s o c i o - c u l t u r a l d i s t a n c e informs a t t i t u d e s about group s u r v i v a l and i n t e r - e t h n i c r e l a t i o n s , the g r e a t e r the d i s t a n c e i s , the more d i f f i c u l t i n t e r e t h n i c r e l a t i o n s can expected to be. E a r l y survey r e s u l t s tend to be c o n t r a d i c t o r y . On the one hand, four out of every f i v e Germanophones c o n s i d e r e d in-group r a t h e r than out-group c u l t u r a l a c t i v i t i e s p r e f e r a b l e , compared to t h r e e i n four among urban Italophones and one i n ten among r u r a l I t a l o p h o n e s . On the other hand, about 80-90% of Italophones c o n s i d e r e d i n t e r - e t h n i c d i a l o g u e i d e a l or u s e f u l compared to o n l y 60-70% among Germanophones. One Germanophone i n ten a l s o expressed a d e c i d e d l y negative view of i n t e r - e t h n i c d i a l o g u e while another 5% was f a v o u r a b l e to t e r r o r i s m as a u s e f u l means of s e l f - d e f e n c e (Gubert, 1976: 146-7). 85 T h i s d i s t a n c e d i c t a t e s p e r s o n a l a v a i l a b i l i t y f o r and a t t i t u d e s v i s - a - v i s s o c i a l networks l i k e marriage, f r i e n d s h i p and r e s i d e n t i a l c h o i c e s . Table 12: Socio -cu1tura1 Distance - Approve 1 Rate (in Percent 1les1 R. 1 . u I . G.L . R G. U G. L G L G 1 G I L I L Exogamy 50% 60% 20% 33% 1 9 % 37% 23% 41% 26% 30% Fr lendehip 37% 35% 69% 57% 50% 58% 34% 44% 30% 4 % Meighbourhood 8% 5% a% 9% 23% 3% 14% 12% 25% 1 % Mo Relations 4% 3% 1% 8% 1% 29% 3% 18% % t o o * i o o % 100% 100% 1O0% 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% Motes: see table 9. Source: Gubert. 1976: 136 -7 . Table 12 shows 3 9 that a hi g h p r o p o r t i o n of Germanophones (18-29%) expressed a s t r o n g d e s i r e to remain a l o o f from I t a l o p h o n e s , while a m a j o r i t y of r u r a l Italophones accepted Germanophones and Ladins as p o t e n t i a l spouses and urban I t a l o p h o n e s showed a str o n g d e s i r e to b e f r i e n d Germanophones (57%) and Ladins ( 6 7 % ( ) . By and l a r g e Germanophones p r e f e r r e d L a d i n s t o Italophones as p o t e n t i a l spouses (39-41% versus 23-26%) and f r i e n d s (34-30% v e r s u s 44-40%), a preference that was r e c i p r o c a t e d by L a d i n s . Of these v a r i a b l e s , marriage i s the most important s i n c e i t reshapes a l l the s o c i a l networks one p a r t i c i p a t e s in as an a d u l t and a c t s as the p r i n c i p a l , but by no means the o n l y , i n s t i t u t i o n a l forum where human and c u l t u r a l r e p r o d u c t i o n occur. Endogamy and exogamy can retain/move people away from t h e i r e a r l y s o c i a l networks and e x p e r i e n c e s , and reproduce/transform t h e i r e t h n i c i d e n t i t y . S i nce marriage i s a f u n c t i o n of a v a i l a b l e mates as w e l l as 3 9 Respondents had to s e l e c t one statement about t h i e r a t t i t u d e towards the other groups among s e v e r a l . Computation was made u s i n g a m o d i f i e d Bogardus' S c a l e (Gubert, 1976: 136) 86 s o c i a l mores, the e v o l u t i o n of exogamy r e f l e c t s o v e r a l l demographic and s o c i a l t r e n d s . Although a c c u r a t e data about mixed marriages are l i m i t e d , some ob s e r v e r s have p o i n t e d out tha t s i n c e the I t a l i a n conquest they have become a permanent f a c t of l i f e i n the c i t y of Bolzano-Bozen and i n other mixed m u n i c i p a l i t i e s (Egger, 1978: 53). Tabla 13: Endogamy Rata among South Tyrolean Families <In Percentiles) Gh»Iw Gw»Ih lh.Gw l»»Gh 1946-66 13 0% 16 OX 5.OK 4 0% 19B1 2 6% 8.6% 14.7% 4 6% ^otes: G * Germanophone. I * Italophone, h • husband, w • wife Sources: 1946-66 figures In Paoll In Gogllo et al . 1979. 63; 1981 figures m Provlncla Autonoma. 1984 163 Table 13 shows that s i n c e the f i f t i e s when one mixed marriage i n e i g h t i n v o l v e d Germanophone men and Italophone women, the s i t u a t i o n has evolved c o n s i d e r a b l y making i t almost a r a r i t y , about one i n t h i r t y - e i g h t . C o n v e r s e l y , i n t e r m a r r i a g e i n v o l v i n g Italophone men and Germanophone women has r i s e n from one i n twenty to one i n seven. Among women the p r o p o r t i o n of Germanophones marrying Italophones has a l s o dropped but not as d r a s t i c a l l y , w h i le the p r o p o r t i o n of Italophone women marrying Germanophone men has remained unchanged. T h i s e v o l u t i o n r e f l e c t s m igratory p a t t e r n s . The r u r a l exodus of the f i f t i e s and s i x t i e s meant t h a t a l a r g e number of Germanophones, e s p e c i a l l y men, became a v a i l a b l e f o r marriage o u t s i d e of t h e i r t r a d i t i o n a l m i l i e u . Although they c o u l d s t i l l c a l l upon women from t h e i r n a t i v e v i l l a g e s , i t was probably e a s i e r f o r some to elope with Italophone women. Among Italop h o n e s the end of immigration c r e a t e d a s i t u a t i o n where men outnumbered women and exogamy became f o r some a necessary 4 87 c h o i c e . The i m p l i c a t i o n s of such trends are not r e a d i l y obvious. I f exogamy c r e a t e s c o n d i t i o n s favourable to e t h n i c t r a n s f e r s , whether t h i s phenomenon a c t u a l l y occurs or not depends on the immediate co n t e x t s where s o c i a l i z a t i o n takes p l a c e and on the s o c i a l a t t i t u d e s of the l a r g e r community. Since the mother remains the primary c h i l d c a r e - g i v e r i n t r a d i t i o n a l f a m i l y s t r u c t u r e s , we might expect that the c h i l d w i l l be c l o s e r to her set of s p e c i f i c e t h n i c markers. However, a s s i m i l a t i o n to one ethny or the other a l s o depends on the s o c i a l and a f f e c t i v e i d e n t i f i c a t i o n to e i t h e r parent, on the c h i l d ' s d e v e l o p i n g sex i d e n t i t y , on the a d o l e s c e n t ' s need to separate h e r / h i m s e l f from and/or emulate p a r e n t s , and on the s o c i a l c o n t e x t s i n which 'maternal' language (as code and content) l e a r n i n g and use occur. Exogamy c o m p l i c a t e s the process of c h i l d s o c i a l i z a t i o n because c h i l d r e n can draw from two sources of i d e n t i t y . For Egger (1978) the prevalence of I t a l i a n i n mixed f a m i l i e s because of poor German s k i l l s on the p a r t of the Italophone parent p r o b a b l y favoured the Italophone group. However, i f we c o n s i d e r t h a t beyond the f a m i l y there are s e v e r a l s o c i a l i z i n g f o r a ( s c h o o l , s t r e e t , e l e c t r o n i c media) where language s k i l l s are a c q u i r e d and i d e n t i t i e s formed, i t i s more l i k e l y t h a t whatever a s s i m i l a t o r y p u l l the Italophone group might have had, i t was l i m i t e d and s h o r t - l i v e d . T h i s i s because the indigenous domestic order i s c h a r a c t e r i z e d by segregated l i n e a g e s i n which s o c i a l a u t h o r i t y i s c o n c e n t r a t e d i n the male head of the f a m i l y , while i n the I t a l i a n f a m i l y s t r u c t u r e 88 r e l a t i o n s are segmented i n a system of g e n e r a l i z e d r e c i p r o c i t y (Cole and Wolf, 1974: 245-81). We f i n d two s o c i a l o r d e r s , one that i s w h e e l - l i k e and one i s c i r c l e - l i k e , and f o r t h i s reason, we might expect exogamy to favour the Germanophone p o p u l a t i o n because the domestic wheel i s i n t e g r a t e d i n t o wider formal networks that c o n t r o l s o c i a l a c t i v i t i e s and c l o s e l y s u p e r v i s e members. B e t t e r knowledge and use of I t a l i a n may thus not be the a p p r o p r i a t e i n d i c a t o r of e t h n i c s h i f t . What matters i s the aforementioned t o t a l i t y of s o c i a l i z i n g f o r a . I t i s at t h i s m i c r o l e v e l that e t h n i c i d e n t i t y i s r e c o g n i z e d and a s s e r t e d and where u n d e r l y i n g power s t r u c t u r e s are e x p e r i e n c e d . A s c r i p t i v e t r a i t s , be they c l o t h i n g , language or p h y s i c a l appearance, t e l l people who t h e i r i n t e r l o c u t o r s a r e , and i n such encounters u n d e r l y i n g power s t r u c t u r e s i n d i r e c t l y come i n t o p l a y . About 80% of a l l Italophones say they r e c o g n i z e the e t h n i c i t y of the people they meet compared to 85-90% among Germanophones (Gubert, 1976: 78), Table 14: Percept ion of Ethnic Self-Den1al (in Percent 1les) TIMES R.I. U.I G.L. R.G. J.G. I Many 3% 5% - 1% 1% Severs1 24% 9% 4% 1% 5% few 28% 12% 7% 16% 20% None 45% 74% 89% 82% 74% L Many - - 1% 1% 1% Savaral - - 18 1% 1% Few 1% 3% 1 1% 4% 7% None 99% 97% 87% 94% 91% S Many 1% 3% 3% 1% 1% Severe1 3% 5% 3% 3% 8% Faw 18% 15% 8% 16% 21% None 68% 77% 86% 80% 70% Notes: for details see table 9. Source: 1976: 79 Table 15: Frequency of Self-Denial (in Percentiles) TIMES R.I. U.I. G.L R.G. U.G. very Often Df ten 7% 7% 7% 7% 7% Somet 1 fnes 7% 3% 7% 5% 5% Jarely - 1% 4% 6% vever 92% 94% 91% 88% 88% Motes: for detalis ss e table 9. Source: Gubert . 1976 82 Table 16: Motivation for Self -Denia 1 ( m Percent 1les) REASONS R.I. U.I. / G.L. R G. U S Uti1itarian 41% 12% 8% 17% 18% Ut11 itarlan and Other - 4% 1% 1% 9% Other 15% 6% 6% 9% 9% Oon't Know 7% 6% - 1% 1% No Answer Requ1 red 37% 72% 85% 7 2% 63% Notes: for details si Source: Gubert. 1976 •e table 52 9 . 89 As the above t a b l e s i n d i c a t e s o b s e r v a t i o n and behaviour do not n e c e s s a r i l y c o i n c i d e . Rural Italophones saw s e l f - d e n i a l among themselves ( 5 5 % ) as w e l l as among Germanophones (32%) at a g r e a t e r frequency than any other group, probably because the sample was taken i n the Bassa A t e s i n a - S u e d t i r o l e r U n t e r l a n d where e t h n i c s h i f t has been common. In t h i s area f a m i l y names and even language use cannot be ab s o l u t e i n d i c a t o r s of e t h n i c i t y . Elsewhere one might presume that the aforementioned d i f f i c u l t y i s l e s s important or n o n - e x i s t a n t . I n t e r e s t i n g l y , Germanophones observed almost the same degree of s e l f - d e n i a l among themselves (20-30%) as they d i d among Italophones ( 1 8-26%) whereas Italophones saw more s e l f -d e n i a l s among themselves than among Germanophones i f they l i v e d i n r u r a l areas but not i f they were i n the p r o v i n c i a l c a p i t a l (26%). By c o n t r a s t Ladins d i d not observed s e l f - d e n i a l by members of the other two e t h n i e s as much as they and the former saw Ladins engaged i n t h i s behaviour. When i t comes to a c t u a l s e l f - d e n i a l Germanophones confessed to a s u b s t a n t i a l l y higher r a t e (10-12%) than Italophones ( 5 - 8 % ) , but r e g a r d l e s s of frequency most respondents i n a l l three e t h n i e s viewed u t i l i t a r i a n arguments as the most l i k e l y reason f o r t h i s behaviour, and very few respondents admitted to engage i n frequent s e l f - d e n i a l . D i f f e r e n t motives operate and inform one's w i l l i n g n e s s to affi r m / d e n y one's e t h n i c i d e n t i t y , but d i f f e r e n t o r g a n i z a t i o n a l c o n d i t i o n s determine t h i s w i l l i n g n e s s because they c o n d i t i o n the moments and p o i n t s of i n t e r p e r s o n a l encounters. I t i s here that 90 a t t i t u d i n a l p a t t e r n s f i n d resonance i n d i v e r g e n t a s s o c i a t i o n a l b ehaviour. Table 17 : Aaaoclatlona1 Behaviour per Language Group ( m Percent 11es) CULTURE FOLKLORE RELIGtON SPORT POLITICS Assn Yes No Yes NO Yes No Yes No Yes NO R.I. I 27% 73% 26% 74% 42% 58% 38% 62% 16% 84% G 13% 87% 32% 68% 19% 81% 24% 76% 3% 97% U.I. I 45% 55% 40% 60% 32% 68% 58% 42% 17% 83% G 19% 81% 42% 58% 13% 87% 31% 69% 4% 96% R.G. G 79% 2 1% 77% 23% 73% 27% 52% 48% 45% 55% I 14% 86% 21% 79% 17% 83% 26% 72% 6% 94% U.G. G 81% 19% 7 7% 23% 57% 43% 56% 44% 4 3% 57% I 40% 60% 23% 77% 12% 88% 39% 61% 20% 88% G. L . L 74% 26% 66% 34% 54% 46% 36% 64% 14% 86% I 36% 64% 27% 73% 27% 7 3% 17% 83% 4% 96% G 69% 31% 59% 4 1% 47% 53% 27% 73% 12% 88% Notes for data I Is see table 9: Yes • regular or occaslone 1 part 1cipation. No • NO interest Source: Gubert. 1976: 121-6 Table 17 shows that Germanophones and Ladins are more c l o s e l y i n v o l v e d i n a s s o c i a t i o n a l a c t i v i t y than Italophones i n almost every a s s o c i a t i o n a l f i e l d , but L a d i n s p a r t i c i p a t e as o f t e n i n Germanophone a s s o c i a t i o n s as they do i n t h e i r own a s s o c i a t i o n s . On the other hand, the l a c k of separate p o l i t i c a l r e p r e s e n t a t i o n e x p l a i n s t h e i r low i n t e r e s t i n p o l i t i c s . Germanophones are the most i n v o l v e d , i n p o l i t i c s above a l l . At the other end of the a s s o c i a t i o n a l spectrum we f i n d Italophones who e x h i b i t r e l a t i v e l y low involvement. R e l i g i o n a t t r a c t s some i n t e r e s t among r u r a l d w e l l e r s while c u l t u r a l a c t i v i t i e s draw some p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the c i t i e s , e s p e c i a l l y i n Germanophone f o l k a s s o c i a t i o n s ; however, even s p o r t - r e c r e a t i o n a l p u r s u i t s a t t r a c t j u s t h a l f of a l l respondents. A s s o c i a t i o n a l d i f f e r e n c e s are r e i n f o r c e d by d i s t i n c t e d u c a t i o n a l p r o f i l e s . In the absence of a l o c a l u n i v e r s i t y most Germanophones (69% i n 1981) and L a d i n s (52%) attended f o r e i g n , mostly A u s t r i a n , u n i v e r s i t i e s compared to l e s s than 4% among It a l o p h o n e s . S i m i l a r l y , they are more l i k e l y to choose t e c h n i c a l c a r e e r s (about 85% of a l l s t u d e n t s i n p r o f e s s i o n a l 91 t r a i n i n g programs in 1981-86 period) than t h e i r Italophone c o u n t e r p a r t (15% i n same period) (ASTAT, 1987a: 115-6). T h i s i n s t i t u t i o n a l b i f u r c a t i o n c r e a t e s separate p r o f e s s i o n a l e x p e r i e n c e s , s k i l l s and networks and promotes the gradual r e -Germanization of p r o f e s s i o n a l and t e c h n i c a l standards. The a s s o c i a t i o n a l and o r g a n i z a t i o n a l gap among South T y r o l e a n e t h n i e s enables them to transmit d i s t i n c t c u l t u r a l c ontents and maintain separate semantic f i e l d s . However, t h i s gap i s not impermeable; t h e r e f o r e , r e p r o d u c t i o n of those e t h n i c markers, t r a i t s and s e l f - e v a l u a t e d b e l i e f s that set one group apart from another and c r e a t e d i s t i n c t semantic f i e l d s , depend on c o n t r o l over the communication f i e l d . I t i s i n t h i s f i e l d t h a t such markers and t r a i t s are rehearsed and experienced, where d i f f e r e n t i a l s e l f - r e c o g n i t i o n takes p l a c e and i d e n t i t i e s i n s t a n t i a t e d and s u b s t a n t i a t e d . In the South T y r o l c o l l e c t i v e segmentation and i n d i v i d u a l s e g r e g a t i o n e x i s t because of separate school systems, r e l a t i v e geographic segmentation and d i s t i n c t s o c i a l i n s t i t u t i o n s , but i n the modern age t h i s has meant the use of standard languages or k o i n a i , and i n more recent times, the access to e l e c t r o n i c media. A koine' a l l o w s people to engage i n w r i t t e n communication and s p a t i o - t e m p o r a l l y c a r r y any d e s i r e d message while the e l e c t r o n i c media, r a d i o and t e l e v i s i o n , r e c o n v e r t s o r a l speech to a higher form of communication by b r i d g i n g geographic d i s t a n c e s , b r i n g i n g the v i s u a l experience to the spoken word and f o r c i n g l i s t e n e r s and viewers to compare 92 themselves, t h e i r speech and i t s content to that of o t h e r s . C o n t r o l over the set of i n s t i t u t i o n s and s i t u a t i o n s where language and communication o b t a i n becomes v i t a l . The small Germanophone market has not l i m i t e d Germanophones' access to a wide v a r i e t y of sources of i n f o r m a t i o n , l o c a l and f o r e i g n . Compared to them Italophones have fewer l o c a l p u b l i c a t i o n s but have access to the n a t i o n a l press and turn to ten t e l e v i s i o n s t a t i o n s i n s t e a d of the f i v e (four f o r e i g n ) German-language networks. Ladins are f a r behind; they have a s m a l l e r market and lack a s i n g l e koine'. The few p r i n t p u b l i c a t i o n s that e x i s t are i n l o c a l v e r n a c u l a r and u s u a l l y focus on l o c a l i s s u e s so that p r o v i n c i a l , n a t i o n a l and i n t e r n a t i o n a l news are conveyed i n I t a l i a n - and German-language media. Furthermore, with the e x c e p t i o n of a few d a i l y r a d i o broadcasts, they have no access to e l e c t r o n i c media i n s p i t e of the P r o v i n c e ' s pledge to c a r r y Rhaeto-Romansch t e l e v i s i o n from the G r i s o h s ( C r a f f o n a r a , 1987: 23). The importance of the media l i e s i n the very f a c t that they are both a window on the o u t s i d e world and a very p r i v a t e means to r e c e i v e oneway communication from t h i s same e x t e r n a l world. Being present or absent from such a window means being present or absent from the world. I t a l l o w s or denies a group access to p u b l i c space and exposes or c o n c e a l s i t from o t h e r s . T h i s window i s an e n t r y key to the world of o t h e r s because i t a c t s as an e l e c t r o n i c mechanism of s o c i a l i z a t i o n . By c o n t r a s t , a c c e s s i b l e r a d i o and t e l e v i s i o n may a l s o c a r r y d i s t o r t i n g messages or be inadequately f i l t e r e d by l i s t e n e r s and viewers 93 a l i k e i f t h e i r communication s k i l l s , i n a m u l t i l i n g u a l s o c i e t y , are i n s u f f i c i e n t . The i r o n y i n the South T y r o l i s that Italophones are both more v i s i b l e and the l e a s t capable of see i n g and l i s t e n i n g . In a recent survey only 48% of Italophone respondents s t a t e d that they watched German-language t e l e v i s i o n compared to 75% among Germanophones (Dall'O' et a l . , 1988: 142-3), a marked improvement from the e a r l y s e v e n t i e s (Gubert, 1976: 129-32), but s t i l l f a r s h o r t . D e s p i t e the p a s s i v e r o l e i n which viewers and l i s t e n e r s are i n , the e l e c t r o n i c media p l a y s another important, i f l e s s v i s i b l e r o l e , i t tends to homogenize speech. T i l l r e c e n t l y l o c a l Germanic d i a l e c t s served as the primary instruments of communication and c u l t u r a l i d e n t i t y but the a r r i v a l of r a d i o and t e l e v i s i o n has slowly changed t h i s s i t u a t i o n . A s t a b l e High-Low German d i g l o s s i a has emerged e n a b l i n g Germanophones to rehearse t h e i r language s k i l l s (Egger, 1978: 11). T h i s d i g l o s s i a i s r e i n f o r c e d by the r u r a l l o c a t i o n of Germanophone settlement and the r e c o n s t r u c t i o n of an i n t e r n a l d i v i s i o n of labour where German i s used as the main language of communication. T h i s i s s t i l l not complete because i n some geographic areas and s o c i a l domains Italophones and I t a l i a n p r e v a i l , but the longterm t r e n d i s towards de f a c t o re-Germanization. Hence the i n t e g r a t i o n of High and Low v a r i e t i e s i n c r e a s i n l y s a t i s f i e s both f u n c t i o n a l and a f f e c t i v e needs, and has l e d to the d e c l i n e i n f u n c t i o n a l r o l e and s o c i a l p r e s t i g e of I t a l i a n . D i g l o s s i a among Germanophones has a l s o meant an a d d i t i o n a l b a r r i e r t h at separates Italophones and Germanophones s i n c e 94 Bavaro-Tyrolean d i a l e c t s can be l e a r n t only i n i n t e r p e r s o n a l r e l a t i o n s and not i n second language courses; consequently, even when Italophones become b i l i n g u a l t h e i r knowledge i s u s u a l l y l i m i t e d to High German. By c o n t r a s t , t h e i r immigrant c o n d i t i o n and urban settlement has had a l e v e l l i n g e f f e c t on t h e i r spoken I t a l i a n (Egger, 197.8: 12-3), a s i t u a t i o n unique in a country l i k e I t a l y . 4 0 The l i n g u i s t i c c ircumstances of the Ladin community have not weakened t h e i r c o l l e c t i v e i d e n t i t y , but have a f f e c t e d t h e i r a b i l i t y to prevent a s s i m i l a t i o n and caused some h y b r i d i z a t i o n and l e x i c a l borrowing. They are educated i n a b i l i n g u a l program which f o r e s t a l l s immediate a s s i m i l a t i o n but favours p r o f i c i e n c y i n languages other than L a d i n . The l a c k of separate media o u t l e t s and the massive presence of I t a l i a n - and German-speaking t o u r i s t s from o u t s i d e the p r o v i n c e r e i n f o r c e s t h i s trend and m a r g i n a l i z e s the use of Ladin v e r n a c u l a r s . A d m i n i s t r a t i v e fragmentation of Ladin v a l l e y s and p u b l i c n e g l e c t have complicated matters s i n c e e x t e r n a l i n t e r f e r e n c e tends to be German i n the South T y r o l , I t a l i a n ( T r e n t i n e ) i n Fasa v a l l e y and I t a l i a n (Venetian) i n B e l l u n o p r o v i n c e ( B o r r i , 1985; C r a f f o n a r a , 1986; Richebuono, 1982). O v e r a l l , the absence of c l e a r s p a t i o - f u n c t i o n a l s e p a r a t i o n has made second language s k i l l s necessary. Survey data show that t i l l the mid-seventies as one moved from the most intimate 4 0 At u n i f i c a t i o n (1864) only 2.5% of the p o p u l a t i o n spoke the v e r n a c u l a r of F l o r e n c e , and today two t h i r d s of the p o p u l a t i o n remains d i a l e c t o p h o n e (Lepschy and Lepschy, 1979: 24-38; De Mauro, 1979: 349). 95 s o c i a l context ( f a m i l y ) to the most impersonal s o c i a l s i t u a t i o n (encounters with s t r a n g e r s ) , both Germanophones and Italophones used I t a l i a n more f r e q u e n t l y . On the other hand, because of t h e i r s i z e and s p a t i o - f u n c t i o n a l m a r g i n a l i t y , Ladins d i d not and do not have an e x c l u s i v e l y u n i l i n g u a l context and so e x h i b i t a g r e a t e r h o r i z o n t a l m o b i l i t y i n language use i n a l l important s o c i a l domains (Gubert, 1976: 111-8). With the advent of the new Autonomy S t a t u t e i n 1972 b i l i n g u a l i s m a c q u i r e d an added economic value f o r Italophones and became an important p e r s o n a l o b j e c t i v e (Gubert, 1976: 151). However, u n l i k e Germanophones and Ladins who viewed knowledge of I t a l i a n p r i m a r i l y i n u t i l i t a r i a n terms, young Italophones tended to see second language s k i l l s as a compensatory instrument to overcome p e r c e i v e d p s y c h o l o g i c a l i s o l a t i o n and i n c r e a s i n g s o c i a l s u b o r d i n a t i o n (Gubert, 1978: 77; Gubert i n G o g l i o et a l . , 1982: 214-8). U n l i k e t h e i r e l d e r s , s t i l l a t t a c h e d to o l d e r r e g i o n a l c u l t u r a l models or indigenous South T y r o l e a n s steeped i n a c e n t u r y - o l d c u l t u r e , young Italophones developed a f r a g i l e s e l f -i d e n t i t y , i m p e r f e c t l y drawn from the r u l i n g c u l t u r a l models and s o c i a l ethos of modern l i f e (Gandini i n A l t o Adige, 1986: 64-5), and b i l i n g u a l i s m was seen as an instrument to f i l l the gap. By c o n t r a s t , l e a d i n g members of the indigenous community f e a r e d g r e a t e r b i l i n g u a l i s m , e s p e c i a l l y among young Italophones, f o r i t c o u l d d i l u t e e t h n i c boundaries and a c t l i k e a T r o j a n horse (Gubert i n G o g l i o et a l . , 1982: 218-22). The gap i n second language s k i l l s has thus become the source of b i t t e r c o n f r o n t a t i o n between the p o l i t i c a l l e a d e r s of the two main 96 e t h n i e s and r e i n f o r c e d s o c i o - c u l t u r a l d i s t a n c e . D e s p i t e t h i s tug-of-war second language knowledge has improved. T a b l e 18: S e c o n d L a n g u a g e S p o k e n o r U n d e r s t o o d p e r Age, O c c u p a t i o n and E d u c a t i o n ( i n p e r c e n t i l e s ! Age G r o u p : 16-19 JO 29 30-39 40-49 50-59 60-69 70-.. GERMAN 83 21 79.31 71.91 59.51 31.51 65.11 44.41 IT A L I A N 9 9.91 98 61 94.31 9 0 . 4 1 61 31 95.31 69 9 1 O c c u p a t i o n : A 8 C 0 E F G GERMAN 68.51 73.91 33.91 40.21 75.91 90.81 56.11 ITALIA N 3 6.31 98.41 95.91 98.51 99.91 97.81 84.11 E d u c a t i o n : A B C 0 GERMAN 45.31 68.51 75.61 82.01 ITALIA N 8 4.71 95.81 99.91 98 21 N o t e s : O c c u p a t i o n A = F a r m e r s . E = u n s k i l l e d w h i t e C o l l a r . B = S e l f - E m p l o y e d , F'= s k i l l e d W h i t e C o l l a r . C = U n s k i l l e d B l u e C o l l a r , G = Not E m p l o y e d . 0 = Sk i M e d B l u e C o l l a r . E d u c a t i o n A ? C o m p u l s o r y S c h o o l . C - S e c o n d a r y S c h o o l . B = C o m p u l s o r y S c h o o l 0 = u n i v e r s i t y , • i t h A p p r e n t i c e s h i p . S o u r c e : O a l l ' o ' e t a l . . 1988: 140-1. T h i s t a b l e i n d i c a t e s a s t r o n g c o r r e l a t i o n between second language s k i l l s and youth, p r o f e s s i o n a l o r i e n t a t i o n and higher e d u c a t i o n , with the gap i n second language s k i l l s dropping as we go from the o l d e r to the younger g e n e r a t i o n , from the l e a s t to the most s p e c i a l i z e d o c c u p a t i o n s and from lower to higher e d u c a t i o n . The o n l y e x c e p t i o n i s rep r e s e n t e d by those Italophones who were born or came to the p r o v i n c e as c h i l d r e n i n the twenties and e a r l y t h i r t i e s and those Germanophones thrown i n t o the war as young a d u l t s . For Gubert second language knowledge i n the South T y r o l has had a c o r r o s i v e e f f e c t on e t h n i c i d e n t i t y , p r i m a r i l y because i t c r e a t e d a p l u r a l i s t i c language context where i n t e r p e r s o n a l r e l a t i o n s d i f f u s e d the v i s i b i l i t y of e t h n i c i t y (Gubert, 1976: 302-4, 351; i b i d , 1978: 22-3). U n l i k e u n i l i n g u a l s who are spared t h i s problem because they must p e r f o r c e operate i n u n i l i n g u a l language c o n t e x t s , b i l i n g u a l s perform i n c o n t e x t s where e t h n i c i d e n t i t y i s l e s s e a s i l y p e r c e i v e d from simple 97 language i n t e r a c t i o n so that a s c r i p t i v e and a c q u i r e d c r i t e r i a of i d e n t i t y c o e x i s t and cannot be e a s i l y separated from one another. However, e r o s i o n does not mean the disappearance of e t h n i c i d e n t i t y , f o r only when i s o l a t e d i n an e x o g l o s s i c context can the i n d i v i d u a l t r u l y be e n c u l t u r a t e d . In the South T y r o l the dangers posed by g r e a t e r i n d i v i d u a l b i l i n g u a l i s m remain l a r g e l y i n o p e r a t i v e . One t h i r d of a l l Italophone respondents s t a t e d that they were b i l i n g u a l compared to only one s i x t h t h a t claimed to be u n i l i n g u a l , but only 13.6% claimed to be a b l e to a c t i v e l y p a r t i c i p a t e i n a c o n v e r s a t i o n among Germanophones; hence very few Italophones can i n t e r v e n e i n an u n s t r u c t u r e d , f r e e - f l o w i n g speech encounter o u t s i d e of t h e i r language community. To a l e s s e r extent t h i s i s t r u e f o r Germanophones as w e l l . Only Ladins can e a s i l y i n t e r v e n e i n c o n v e r s a t i o n s among Italophones (76.5%) and Germanophones (50.4%). In mixed s i t u a t i o n s a s l i g h t l y higher p r o p o r t i o n of Italophones (17.8%) use German and/or both languages compared to 35.2% f o r Germanophones. The data here s u b s t a n t i a t e s the predominance of I t a l i a n as the language most commonly used i n i n f o r m a l speech encounters ( D a l l ' O ' . et a l . , 1988: 146-8; Egger, 1978: 13), but a l s o shows that more than h a l f of a l l b i l i n g u a l Italophones cannot or do not want to use t h e i r second language s k i l l s , and t h e r e f o r e cannot break the communication b a r r i e r that separates them from other South T y r o l e a n s . If one looks at more s t r u c t u r e d i n t e r p e r s o n a l encounters, the aforementioned t r e n d proves even g r e a t e r . About h a l f of a l l 98 Germanophone respondents g e n e r a l l y used German in p u b l i c o f f i c e s , while another 37.5% used both o f f i c i a l languages a c c o r d i n g to the s i t u a t i o n . Among Italophones 83.4% used I t a l i a n e x c l u s i v e l y and only 10.6% both languages. Almost a l l Italophone respondents s t a t e d that they would address an unknown p u b l i c servant i n I t a l i a n compared to 40.1% f o r Germanophones and 85.7% among Ladins (Acquaviva and Eisermann, 1981: 72). Since about 60% of a l l Italophone c i v i l servants i n s t a t e and p a r a - s t a t e o f f i c e s are s t i l l u n i l i n g u a l or unable to use German adequately, the p r e v a l e n c e of I t a l i a n i s understandable, but the s i g n i f i c a n t f a c t i s that a m a j o r i t y of Germanophones expect and/or demand to use German when i n i t i a t i n g c o n v e r s a t i o n with unknown c i v i l s e r v a n t s . T h i s overview of the s o c i o - c u l t u r a l s t r u c t u r e s leads to s e v e r a l c o n c l u s i o n s . F i r s t of a l l , e t h n i c i t y i n the South T y r o l remains a s t r o n g f a c t o r i n s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n and i d e n t i t y , but not e q u a l l y f o r a l l e t h n i e s . In d e c l i n i n g order of s i g n i f i c a n c e Germanophones, Italophones and Ladins maintain s t r o n g separate i d e n t i t i e s but i n mixed areas a c e r t a i n a s s i m i l a t o r y d r i f t among Italophones has o c c u r r e d . T h i s seemed to be true f o r Ladins, but g i v e n the f a c t t h a t Gubert's survey (see t a b l e 9) i s dated 1973 and that Ladin p o p u l a t i o n f i g u r e s show a marked upward tre n d (see t a b l e 31) i t i s probably l e s s important today than i t was twenty years ago. A s s i m i l a t o r y t r e n d s have h i s t o r i c a l l y favoured the Germanophone group which makes us t h i n k that even when exogamy might have favoured Italophones i t was very l i k e l y countered by 99 the strong appeal of the Germanophone environment. T h i s appeal i s based on str o n g a s s o c i a t i o n a l a c t i v i t i e s and o r g a n i z a t i o n a l autonomy i n a l l s o c i a l domains, i n c l u d i n g modern media; under these circumstances Germanophones have been ab l e to preserve an impermeable semantic f i e l d . T h i s f u n c t i o n a l i m p e r m e a b i l i t y has r e i n f o r c e d but has a l s o been r e i n f o r c e d by p o l i t i c a l autonomy. In t h i s sense, the s p a t i a l h o l d of the Germanophone p o p u l a t i o n has been premised but has a l s o been strenghtened by i t s f u n c t i o n a l autonomy. The r e l a t i v e weakness of Italophone f u n c t i o n a l i n s t i t u t i o n s and domains has i n s t e a d had the opposite ef f e c t s . 3. THE EVOLUTION OF DEMOGRAPHIC STRUCTURES The e v o l u t i o n of demographic s t r u c t u r e s i s important because r e p r o d u c t i o n and a l l a s s o c i a t e d phenomena are ba s i c i n f r a s t r u c t u r a l mechanisms and as such they u n d e r l i e a l l s t r u c t u r e d p r o p e r t i e s of s o c i a l systems and are i n tu r n a f f e c t e d by them. The d i a c h r o n i c p r o f i l e of a p o p u l a t i o n group r e f l e c t s and shapes that of economic s t r u c t u r e s and i n a m u l t i - e t h n i c context p l a y s an important r o l e s i n c e i t c o n d i t i o n s the f u n c t i o n a l autonomy of t h e i r s o c i o - c u l t u r a l i n s t i t u t i o n s , the pl a c e of e t h n i e s i n the economy and t h e i r r e l a t i v e power. The end of the Second World War brought to an end f a s c i s t c o l o n i a l p o l i c i e s and the attempt to i n t e r r u p t the s o c i a l r e p r o d u c t i o n of the indigenous p o p u l a t i o n . 100 Table 1 9 : South Tyrolean Population par Language Sroup. 1 9 1 0 - 1 9 4 6 (<n Absolute Numbers and Percentiles) 1910 1021 1939 1943 1946 TOTAL 233456 252092 334331 293700 311039 GERMANOPHONE 92 24% 75.71% 70. 15% 60 02% 6 1 8 1% ITALOPHONE 3 02% 10 65% 24.17% 35.66% 32.77% LAOIN 4.05% 3 93% 3 43% 3.62% 3.94% Notas: Total figures includes Others Sources: 1910 figures in Provlncla Autonoma. 1984: 154; 1921 figures in Egger. 1978: 28-9: 1939-1946 figures in Alcock, 1970: 496. These f i g u r e s show what twenty years of f a s c i s t r u l e had done. From 3% of the t o t a l p o p u l a t i o n Italophones were now over 30%; by c o n t r a s t , Germanophones had dropped from over 90% to s l i g h t l y over 60%. During the f i f t i e s economic c o n d i t i o n s s t i l l favoured the Italophone group ( A l c o c k , 1970 215-6) so that a narrow c o r r i d o r (see Appendix C, Maps E and F ) , l i n k i n g the I t a l i a n i z e d p r o v i n c i a l c a p i t a l with the T r e n t i n o , a c q u i r e d an Italophone m a j o r i t y . By the s i x t i e s immigration no longer played a s i g n i f i c a n t r o l e i n shaping l o c a l demographic p a t t e r n s (ASTAT, 1987a: 83). Consequently, other f a c t o r s came to p l a y a more important r o l e i n shaping the i n t e r n a l balance of each ethny as w e l l as t h e i r mutual r e l a t i o n s h i p . Under c o n d i t i o n s of s t a b l e migratory balance n a t a l i t y , m o r t a l i t y and f e r t i l i t y remain the c r u c i a l demographic v a r i a b l e s . Table 20: Demographic Factors In Selected Years. 1961-1987 (per thousand) 1961 1966 1971 1976 1981 1987 Live Births 21.6 22.8 19.5 14 4 12.5 11.3 Oeaths 8 5 9.0 9 4 8 7 8.5 SO Natural Balance 13.1 13 8 111 5.4 4.0 3.3 Migratory Balanca -8.6 -2.9 -2.5 -2.2 -3 3 -0.5 Varlat ion »4.5 •1 09 • 8 6 • 3.2 •0.7 •2 8 Sourcea: ASTAT: 1 9 8 7 a : S3: ASTAT, 1988a. 4. Table 21: Fert i l i ty Rates per Language Group in Selected veers. 1972-1996 (Number of Children per Woman) GERMANOPHONE ITALOPHONE LAOIN 1972 2 91 2.01 3.02 1976 2 32 1 .40 2 42 1981 1 97 1 . 14 1 94 1986 1 76 1 04 1.72 1 9 9 1 » 1 9 9 6 V 1 . 6 4 K I i l l 1 . 0 1 K I . O O K I . 6 IK 1 5 6 K Notes: Figures in brackets are estimates. Source: Huber. 1986: 21. Table 20 shows a d e c l i n i n g p r o v i n c i a l b i r t h r a t e , a steady 101 death r a t e and a migratory balance that has become i r r e l e v a n t . The o v e r a l l p o p u l a t i o n growth has thus reached a low ebb i n i t s e v o l u t i o n a r y c y c l e . More s i g n i f i c a n t i s the d e c l i n e i n f e r t i l i t y r a t e f o r i t more c l o s e l y c o n t r o l s the r e p r o d u c t i o n of the p o p u l a t i o n and i s a p r e d i c t i v e i n d i c a t o r of the eventual changes in the age s t r u c t u r e . I t i s c l e a r that i f 2.1 o f f s p r i n g s per woman i n f e r t i l e age i s the minimum for s e l f -r e p r o d u c t i o n (Enger et a l . , 1986: 127), the South Tyrolean p o p u l a t i o n has a l r e a d y f a l l e n below i t s r e p r o d u c t i v e c a p a c i t y with i t s p o s t - r e p r o d u c t i v e p o p u l a t i o n s t e a d i l y r i s i n g . Table 21 shows that the Italophone p o p u l a t i o n i s the most a f f e c t e d by t h i s d e c l i n e . In 1982 Italophones accounted fo r only 18.25% of a l l l i v e b i r t h s , a p r o p o r t i o n expected to drop to 16.92% by 1996. Conversely, t h e i r p r o p o r t i o n of a b s o l u t e m o r t a l i t y i s expected to r i s e from 31.20% to 33.07% (Huber, 1986: 27). Germanophones and L a d i n s have a l s o dropped below the l i m i t of s e l f - r e p r o d u c t i o n but because of the dramatic d e c l i n e among Italophones they w i l l s t i l l account f o r a g r e a t e r p r o p o r t i o n of l i v e b i r t h s and a lower p r o p o r t i o n of deaths. Although t h i s demographic phenomenon i s t y p i c a l of most western s o c i e t i e s , the great d i s c r e p a n c y between Italophones and the other e t h n i e s seems unusual u n l e s s we c o n s i d e r the h i s t o r i c a l c o n d i t i o n s that gave r i s e to the Italophone community. 102 Table 22: South Tyrolean Population per Sax and Language Group. 1 9 6 1 - 1 9 8 1 (in Percent 1les) '961 1971 1981 MALE FEMALE MALE FEMALE MALE FEMALE GERMANOPHONE 48.73% 51 27% 48.46% 51 54% 48 15% 51.85% ITALOPHONE 51.62% 48 38% 51 08% 48.92% 50 97% 49.03% LADIN 49.85% 50.15% 49.54% 50.46% 48.72% 51.28% TOTAL 49.75% 50.25% 49 34% 50.66% 49 06% 51 85% Source: I STAT. 1964/1973/1983. Table 2 3 : South Tyrolean Population per Age and Language Group. 1961-1981 (In Absolute Numbers and Percentiles) TOTAL 0 5 8 20 21 44 45 64 70- . . GERMAN 232717 12 34% 26 58% 32 18% 20 66% 8. 26% 1961 ITALIAN 128271 9 57% 23 88% 38 65% 22 52% 5 38% LADIN 12594 11 33% 27 06% 33 16% 20 30% 8. 15% GERMAN 250351 10 39% 27 88% 33 04% 18 95% 8 74% 1971 ITALIAN 137759 8 7 3% 22 12% 38 85% 22 22% 9 08% LADIN 15463 10 52% 26 68% 34 81% 18 34% 9 65% GERMAN 279544 T 14% 28 23% 34 50% 19 29% 12 84% 1981 ITALIAN 123895 3 86% 22 01% 38 12% 23 95% 10 06% LADIN 17738 6 80% 28 90% 33 82% 19 56% to 92% Source: ISTAT. 1964/197 3/1983. Table 22 i n d i c a t e s a re v e r s e d s e x - r a t i o among Ital o p h o n e s , while t a b l e 23 i n d i c a t e s a l a r g e r e p r o d u c t i v e group. As an immigrant group Italophones had a l a r g e r r e p r o d u c t i v e group and a hig h e r male-to-female r a t i o because immigrant communities tend to develop along p a t t e r n s i n which a d u l t males tend to move f i r s t to the p o i n t of d e s t i n a t i o n where they cannot r e c r e a t e the sex and age s t r u c t u r e s found i n t h e i r p o i n t s of d e p a r t u r e . Although females a l s o migrate c u l t u r a l and economic f a c t o r s p r e c l u d e an e q u i v a l e n t r a t e of e m i g r a t i o n so that a c e r t a i n number of males tend to form households with n a t i v e s or remain s i n g l e . In t a b l e 23 we observe a g e n e r a l aging process of the p o p u l a t i o n . A marked d e c l i n e i n 0-5 age group a f f e c t s a l l t h ree e t h n i e s , but while the drop among Germanophones and La d i n s was by 30.5% and 15.48% r e s p e c t i v e l y , i t was 61.11% f o r I t a l o p h o n e s . The r a t i o of the p r e - r e p r o d u c t i v e group (0-20 years ) to the e l d e r l y (over 65) among Italophones has dropped from 6 to 1 i n 1961 to 2 to 1 i n 1981 whereas the same r a t i o f o r both Germanophones and La d i n s has dropped only from 4.7 to 3.3 to 1 i n the same twenty year p e r i o d . D e s p i t e the d e c l i n i n g b i r t h r a t e the p r o v i n c i a l p o p u l a t i o n 103 w i l l c o n t i n u e to r i s e and maintain a r e l a t i v e s t a b l e s o c i a l charge index, (number of employed to non-employed people) t i l l the t u r n of the century (Huber, 1986: 13-7), but even g r e a t e r p a r t i c i p a t i o n of women in p a i d employment and the i n t r o d u c t i o n of automation might not postpone the growing longterm s o c i a l index imbalance. One e f f e c t w i l l be the t r a n s f e r of p a r t of the f i s c a l burden of the working p o p u l a t i o n from Italophones to the other two e t h n i e s , but the r i s e of the p o s t - r e p r o d u c t i v e age group and the d e c l i n e of the other two age groups might a l s o cause d e c l i n i n g standards of l i v i n g or s t i m u l a t e renewed immigration, p r i m a r i l y from sources o u t s i d e of I t a l y and the European community. In the short and medium terms, demographic s t a g n a t i o n i s t r a n s f o r m i n g the e t h n i c composition of the p r o v i n c i a l p o p u l a t i o n . Table 24: South Tyrolean Population, 1948-1981 (in Absolute Numbers and Percentiles) TOTAL GERMANOPHONE ITALOPHONE LADIN OTHER 1946 311039 61 BIX 32.77* 3.94* 1 . 48* 1953 345772 61 96% 33. 13X 3.67* 1 . 24* 1961 373863 62 25% 34 31* 3.37* 0.07* 197 1 4 14041 62 68% 33 27* 3 73* 0. 12* 1981 430568 84 92% 28 73* 4 . 12* *. 23 VARIATION: 1946 S3 1953 61 1961 71 1971 81 1946-81 TOTAL • 1 1 16% • 8 12* • 10 74* • 3 99* • 38 43* GERMANOPHONE • 1 1 44X • 8 61* • 11 87* • 7 37* • 45.39* ITALOPHONE 12 40% • 11 96* * 7 39* - 10 21* • 21.35* LADIN 3 50* • 0 80* • 22 72* • 14 75* • 44 58* OTHER - 6 sax • 93 91* • 90 42* •721 33* 11 . 34* Notes: 1946-1961 figures Cased on Spoken Language; 1971-1981 figures based on Mother Tongue: 1981 figures include foreigners (4082). residents temporarily absent 1939), ninors of aixed parentage (I860), incomplete or erroneous declarations (1972) and people who refused to delcare their ethnic identity Sources: 1946-53 figures in Alcock. 1970: 215; 1961-1981 figures in ISTAT, 1964/1973/1983 T a b l e 24 shows a steady r i s e i n the Germanophone and Ladin p o p u l a t i o n s and a d e c l i n e of the Italophone p o p u l a t i o n i n the s e v e n t i e s , d e s p i t e p r e d i c t i o n s to the c o n t r a r y . A c c o r d i n g to Lukesch and T s c h u r t s c h e n t h a l e r the combined number of Germanophones and Ladins was expected to be between 295500 and 1 04 299500 i n 1982 (1979: 120) compared to the a c t u a l f i g u r e of 305293 i n 1981. By c o n t r a s t , the p r e d i c t i o n f o r the Italophone p o p u l a t i o n proved completely wrong. The two A u s t r i a n demographers had p r e d i c t e d a t o t a l Italophone p o p u l a t i o n of about 142000 or 32.5% of the t o t a l p o p u l a t i o n i n 1981, dropping t h e r e a f t e r t o 131000 or 30.2% by the year 2001 (Lukesch and T s c h u r t s c h e n t h a l e r , 1979: 120); i n s t e a d , the Italophone p o p u l a t i o n r e g i s t e r e d a net l o s s of 14064 members or 10.2%, 18305 or 13% i f we c o n s i d e r the p r o j e c t e d demographic i n c r e a s e , down to 123000 or 29% of the t o t a l p o p u l a t i o n . During the e i g h t i e s t h i s d e c l i n e slowed down and by 1986 the Italophone p o p u l a t i o n stood at 122400, but the t r e n d i s p r e d i c t e d to co n t i n u e and by 1996 Italophones are expected to be 26.91% of the t o t a l p o p u l a t i o n (Huber, 1986: 26). Why t h i s d e c l i n e i n the Italophone p o p u l a t i o n ? We have a l r e a d y seen that Italophones have an a t y p i c a l sex and age r a t i o s , hence a lower c a p a c i t y of s e l f - r e p r o d u c t i o n , but t h i s cannot be the s o l e e x p l a n a t i o n . In the 1971-81 p e r i o d the p r o v i n c e had a net emigration of 9375 people with 939 r e s i d e n t s t e m p o r a r i l y absent (ASTAT, 1987a: 83) i n an otherwise s t a b l e m i g r a t o r y balance. In the e a r l y e i g h t i e s t h i s t r e n d has c o n t i n u e d (-3536), p r i m a r i l y i n the 20-49 age group (ASTAT, 1987a: 88-9; i b i d , 1987b: 96-7) and the two main c i t i e s ( P r o v i n c i a Autonoma, 1986: 165-6) where three q u a r t e r s of the Italophone p o p u l a t i o n l i v e s . I f we add permanent and temporary migrants (10314) and t r e a t as probably made up mostly of Italophones we f i n d t h a t a 105 c e r t a i n number of Italophone l o s s e s are unaccounted, 3750 i f we use the a c t u a l d i f f e r e n c e between 1971 and 1981 and 7991 i f we use the Lukesch and T s c h u r t s c h e n t h a l e r ' s p r e d i c t i o n . One p o s s i b l e reason f o r t h i s d i f f e r e n c e i s the removal of people i n r e p r o d u c t i v e age from the p r o v i n c e . The A u s t r i a n demographers had estimated a drop i n l i v e b i r t h s i n the Italophone p o p u l a t i o n of about 24% (1660 i n 1976 to 1251 i n 1982) (Lukesch and T s c h u r t s c h e n t h a l e r , 1979: 126), but the a c t u a l drop was c l o s e to 44% (931 i n 1982) (Huber, 1986: 27). In a d d i t i o n to emigrants (10314) and l i v e b i r t h s not recorded (320) we must add the number of of South T y r o l e a n s who s p o i l e d (1971) or r e f u s e d (740) to submit a statement of e t h n i c i d e n t i t y as r e q u i r e d by the 1981 census law, we are l e f t with about 5000 Italophones s t i l l unaccounted. I t i s obvious that t h i s f i g u r e i s probably g r e a t e r s i n c e we cannot expect that a l l those who are i n the abovementioned c a t e g o r i e s to be Italophone. I f we c o n s i d e r the r a t e of Italophone-to-Germanophone s h i f t (see t a b l e s 10 and 11), we might see the above f i g u r e as a c o n s e r v a t i v e estimate of t h i s phenomenon. Given i t s sex and age r a t i o s the Italophone community i s i n f r a s t r u c t u r a l l y weaker than i t s indigenous c o u n t e r p a r t s . T h i s weakness i s t r a n s l a t e d i n t o a s t r u c t u r a l weakness of i t s demographic mechanisms of r e p r o d u c t i o n . 106 Table 25: Nuabtr of Faailies par Size and Language of Head of Household. 1986 (in Absolut* Nuebers and Percentiles) • 1 2-3 4-. TOTAL GERMANOPHONE 23.48* 35 70** 26.32* 82819 ITALOPHONE 29.17* 44.51* 26 32* 53108 . LAOIN 16.71% 31 80* 51 49% 4428 Source: ASTAT. 1987c: 57 Table 26: Number of Families per Si*e and Area. 1986 Absolute Nuebers and Percentiles) ( tn TOTAL WITH WITHOUT SINGLE SINGLE OFFSPRING OFFSPRING MEN WOMEN . . . - 2000 12.46* 13.83* 10 53* .11.20* 9 26* 2001 - 5000 27 88* 31 20* 23 23* 23.13* 20.61* 5001 - 20000 21 93* 23.35* 19 95* 18 44% 19 75% Bo 1jrano Boien 28.26* 23 98* 34 26* 34.51% 36 47* Source: ASTAT. 1987a: 103. Table 25 shows that the r a t i o of s i n g l e - f a m i l y household i s 1:2.5 f o r Italophones, 1:3.3 f o r Germanophones and 1:5 f o r L a d i n s , hence a sma l l e r f a m i l y . s t r u c t u r e among Italophones while t a b l e 26 shows that the l a r g e s t p r o p o r t i o n of s i n g l e people and c h i l d l e s s couples l i v e i n the two l a r g e s t urban c e n t r e s where most Italophones a l s o l i v e . Weak household s t r u c t u r e s are compounded by a weak r e s i d e n t i a l s t r u c t u r e . Table 27: Housing Units 1961-1981 (in per Type of Deed Percent iles) and Language Group. OWNERSHIP RENTAL 1961 197 1 . 1981 1961 1971 1981 GERMANOPHONE 58. 76* 63 26* 67 35* 35 95* 33. 16* 27 59* ITALOPHONE 19 . 32* 30 17* 40 04* 75 . 46* 66.58* 56 35* LADIN 78. 98* 79 66* 77 26* 17 .50* 1 7 80* 18 97% GERMANOPHONE 78. 01* 71 78* 66 99* 41 97* 42.20* A3 .47* ITALOPHONE 16 . 53* 22 7 3* 24 20* 56 .79* 56.27* 52 39* LAOIN 5. 40* 5 39* 5 16* 1 .08* 1 35* 1 74* TOTAL 1961 197 1 1981 GERMANOPHONE 58 85* 57 93* 59 24* ITALOPHONE 37 93* 38 47* 34 96* LADIN 3 11* 3 46* 3 86* Notes*.. Total figure includee Others and Other Types of Housing Source: ISTAT, 1964/1973/1983; Provincia Autonoaa. 1984: 181. Table 27 shows that s m a l l e r Italophone f a m i l i e s e n t a i l more households, but a number that d e c l i n e d d u r i n g the s e v e n t i e s . S i m i l a r y , the gains i n home-ownership made in t h i s p e r i o d have not yet made t h i s type of r e s i d e n t i a l settlement dominant. Consequently, Italophones can more e a s i l y terminate l e a s e s and r e l o c a t e . E m i g r a t i o n and household f i g u r e s c o n f i r m t h i s . The impact of these demographic p a t t e r n s has been to de-107 I t a l i a n i z e those areas where Italophones had become a s u b s t a n t i a l p r o p o r t i o n of the p o p u l a t i o n . Table 28: South Tyrolean Population per Area and Language Group. 1961-1981 (In Percentile*-! BoIzano- Urban Rura 1 Adige-Bozen Centres Areas Etsch GERMAN 21 .02% 3177% 62 64% 30.53% 198 1 ITALIAN 78 64% 87.82% 11 88% 89.33% LADIN 0. 20% 0.25% 5 45% 0.06% GERMAN 22 37% 33 50% 84 81% 33.89% 1971 ITALIAN 77 09% 85.85% 8 95% 65.91% LADIN 0. 37% 0.44% 6.19% 0 12% GERMAN 25 14% 37 03% 84.79% 41 06% 1981 ITALIAN 7 1.81% 59.22% 7.01% 56 30% LADIN 0 58% 0 69% 8 56% 0 29% Notes, for details see Append In A Source: ISTAT. 1964/197 3/1983 Table 29: Ratio of Italophones to Germanophones/Ladins in Selected Municipalities and Tears. 1910-1981 1910 1941 1953 1961 1971 1981 Bronzolo-Branzoll 116x100 121x100 347x100 548x100 253x100 130x100 Vaoena-Pfalien 141x100 531x100 318x100 297x100 127x100 110x100 Ss'orno-Salurn 24x100 149x100 186x100 297x100 336x100 151x100 Laives-Leifers 14x100 467x100 241x100 341x100 291x100 214x100 Brixen-Bressanone N/A N/A N/A 61x100 52x100 40x100 Merano-Meran N/A N/A N/A 143x100 312x100 199x100 Bolzano-Bozen N/A N/A N/A 370x100 339x100 279x100 Notes: Ratio calculated by dividing the number of Italophones with the number of Germanophones/Ladins and multiplying the figure per one hundred. Sources: 1910- 1953 figures in Acguaviva and Eiserisann. 1981: 67; 1961-1981 figures calculated by author from ISTAT, 1964/1973/1983. .Table 28 shows that i n r u r a l areas Italophones have p r o p o r t i o n a t e l y dropped by h a l f , i n c l u d i n g the Adige-Etsch C o r r i d o r where they had become a m a j o r i t y . Table 29 p o i n t s to the immediate e f f e c t of t h i s s h i f t f o r i t has e n t a i l e d a steady re-Germanization of those m u n i c i p a l i t i e s where Italophone numbers were c o n s i d e r a b l e or i n the m a j o r i t y . T h i s process has not even spared those m u n i c i p a l i t i e s l i k e B r o n z o l o / B r a n z o l l and Vadena/Pfatten where Italophones had been the m a j o r i t y s i n c e the 1860s. The o n l y exception i s the p r o v i n c i a l c a p i t a l with i t s suburb of L a i v e s - L e i f e r s where the demographic r a t i o i s s t i l l 2:1 i n t h e i r favour. Among Germanophones, settlement p a t t e r n s have remained r e l a t i v e l y s t a b l e with most people r e s i d i n g i n r u r a l l o c a t i o n s . T h i s has meant that i n t r a - p r o v i n c i a l Germanophone m i g r a t i o n and Italophone demographic d e c l i n e have not rearranged the i n t e r n a l settlement h i e r a r c h y or the geographic d i s t r i b u t i o n of the t o t a l p o p u l a t i o n . Instead, they have set i n motion a process of e t h n i c change of I t a l i a n i z e d a r e a s . 108 Thus f a r we have focused on the demographic e v o l u t i o n of the two main groups and only m a r g i n a l l y d e a l t with L a d i n s . However, they deserve a c l o s e r l ook. Table 30: Ladln Population per Area. 1910-1971 (in Absolute Numbers and Percentiles) TOTAL 1910 19613 1921 18901 1939 20909 1981 21049 1971 24276 (GHERDEINAI (21.30%) (21 30%) (22.11%) (21.50%I (24 20%) ( TOR) (28.77%) (28.77%) (29 31%) (32 30%) I 32 08%) BULSAN 48 07% 48.07% 5 1 42% 5 3 80% 58 28% TRENT 21 20% 21 20% 20.82% 25.51% 24 81% BELLUNO 30 7 3% 30 7 3% 27 76% 20 89% 19.11% HEROE INA TOR TOTAL Notes: 1921 figures are an astleat* based on deeographic decline registered In lor and Gherdeina Valleys In 1910-1921 period Total drop of 712 is cloae to the 800 casualties of »ar estimated by Crsffonsra. 1961-1971 sstleates for Trent and Belluno Ladins are based on Craffonare's estimates of the same locations for 1981 Source ISTAT. 1984/197 3 / 1 9 8 3 Sources: 1910-1921 figures 1n BorrI, 1985: 24; 1939 figures In Batt ist i . 1946: 80. Alcock. and Fontana. 1981: 178; 1961-1971 figures In ISTAT. 1964/1973 1970: 4 9 6 . Table 31: Proportion of Lsdln Population to Total Population In Ladin Areas. 1961- 1981 (In Absolute Numbers and Percent lies) TOTAL <96t 1971 1981 8106 7592 7967 7 148 8042 974 1' 13254 15834 18703 LAOIN 1961 197 ! '" 1981 74 11% 7 7 38% 85 69% 95 1 3 % 96.84% 95 7 2% 85 44% 87 39% 90 94% Table 32: Proportion of ladin Population per Area . 1961-( In Percent 1les) Ladin Area 1961 89 02% 1971 88 35% 1981 85 67% Urban Rural VARIATION Ladin Urban Rural Centres Areas Area Centres Areas (3 03%) 17 . S5XI 1961-71 •20.54 (•106.54) CM.541 (5 40%) ( 8 55%) 1 9 7 1 - 8 1 • I 1.20 l«6B 30) l»27.26 1 ( 7 04<) ( 7 29%) 1 9 6 1 - 8 1 -34 1 6 l>226 96) («45 .77 ) Motes: see details in Appendix A. Source. ISTAT. 1 9 8 4 / 1 9 7 3 / 1 9 8 3 Table 30 shows the e f f e c t s of a d m i n i s t r a t i v e s u b d i v i s i o n and the g r a d u a l c o n c e n t r a t i o n of the Ladin p o p u l a t i o n in the South T y r o l where they enjoy some c o n s t i t u t i o n a l p r o t e c t i o n . W i t h i n the South T y r o l p r o t e c t i o n has meant the r e - L a d i n i z a t i o n of D o l o m i t i c v a l l e y s . Table 31 shows that Ladins are i n c r e a s i n g t h e i r c o n t r o l over t h e i r t r a d i t i o n a l a r e a , proof of the g r e a t e r a b s o r p t i v e c a p a c i t y of the l o c a l economy and of a s u c c e s s f u l t r a n s i t i o n to a mixed m a r k e t - o r i e n t e d farming and s e r v i c e economy; however, t h i s c o n s o l i d a t i o n has been accompanied by a steady m i g r a t i o n to other p a r t s of the p r o v i n c e (see t a b l e 32) of a growing number of L a d i n s , e s p e c i a l l y to the c i t i e s (Richebuono, 1982: 145). D e s p i t e t h i s longterm n e g a t i v e p o t e n t i a l Ladins are s t i l l i n a b e t t e r s i t u a t i o n than I t a l o p h o n e s . Geographic c o n c e n t r a t i o n and s e p a r a t i o n ensure s t a b l e , a l b e i t p r e c a r i o u s , l i n g u i s t i c boundaries and the c o n t r o l of an a u x i l i a r y region i n the p r o v i n c i a l c e n t r a l p l a c e system. By c o n t r a s t , Italophones 109 seem to be imploding as a r e s u l t of a s s i m i l a t i o n and em i g r a t i o n . With male-dominant sex r a t i o , low n a t a l i t y , high m o r t a l i t y , small household s t r u c t u r e and less-committing r e s i d e n t i a l s t r u c t u r e under c o n d i t i o n s of urban, c o n c e n t r a t i o n , the Italophone community cannot withstand the pres s u r e s of the Germanophone environment and i s l o s i n g ground (see Appendix C, maps E and F ) . 4. THE EVOLUTION OF SOCIO-ECONOMIC STRUCTURES Changes i n demographic s t r u c t u r e s were i n pa r t the responses to the t r a n s f o r m a t i o n s of techno-environmental r e l a t i o n s and economic o r g a n i z a t i o n . Since socio-economic processes s u b s t a n t i a t e the m a t e r i a l bases of human e x i s t e n c e , any change t h e r e i n can modify group s u r v i v a l and the s t r a t e g i e s c o l l e c t i v e l y pursued. In m u l t i l i n g u a l s o c i e t i e s with an entrenched e t h n i c d i v i s i o n of labour, changes i n socio-economic pr o c e s s e s modify the r e s p e c t i v e p o s i t i o n and mutual r e l a t i o n s h i p s and can erode the f u n c t i o n a l s p e c i a l i z a t i o n s u b ordinate groups perform to the b e n e f i t of s u p e r o r d i n a t e groups s i n c e upward m o b i l i t y opens up o p p o r t u n i t i e s to i n d i v i d u a l s but c l o s e s i t f o r groups. The only way a subordinate language group can s u c c e s s f u l l y n e g o t i a t e the t r a n s i t i o n from one set of techno-environmental r e l a t i o n s and d i v i s i o n of labour to another r e q u i r e s the ( r e ) c r e a t i o n of an i n t e r n a l v e r t i c a l s o c i a l h i e r a r c h y that r e f l e c t s the 1 10 c o m p l e x i t i e s of the new economy and i t s r e l a t i v e s e p a r a t i o n from the h e r e t o f o r e e t h n i c d i v i s i o n of labour ( S u s s i , 1975: 70-7). 4 1 Well i n t o the t w e n t i e t h century the South T y r o l e a n economy was s t i l l dominated by the primary s e c t o r . Manufacturing and s e r v i c e a c t i v i t i e s remained marginal and e x t e r n a l market involvement was l i m i t e d . However, when modern economic growth came to the province i t was e x t e r n a l l y induced and f o r c e d upon the indigenous p o p u l a t i o n i n order to exclude i t from i t s benef i t s . Table 33: Workforce par Economic Sector 11n Percent 1les) and Language Group. 1939 1S39 1951 GER/IAO ITALOPHONE GER/LAD ITALOPHONE Agriculture 80.5% 8 OX 87 0% 3 0% Industry 14.6% 23.8% •28.0%' -62 OX' Services 24.4% 53. IX •above' •above* Pub 11c idministratton 0.5% 17.1% 5.0% 35.0% Source: Pristinger, 1978: 29. 75. The e f f e c t s of f a s c i s t p o l i c i e s are c l e a r l y e v i n c e d i n t a b l e 33. The e t h n i c d i v i s i o n of labour had Italophones c o n c e n t r a t e d i n the c i v i l s e r v i c e , modern i n d u s t r y and t e r t i a r y s e c t o r . In the immediate post-war years the type of economic development set i n motion by the f a s c i s t s had a c c e n t u a t e d the e t h n i c d i v i s i o n of labour and f u r t h e r r e l e g a t e d the indigenous p o p u l a t i o n to the primary s e c t o r , but t h i s same p e r i o d saw the e r o s i o n of an i n t e r n a t i o n a l c a p i t a l i s t economy c e n t r e d on n a t i o n a l , a l b e i t i n t e r c o n n e c t e d , economies and the r i s e of a t r u l y c o n t i n e n t a l and g l o b a l system t h a t transcended p o l i t i c a l Where t h i s was not p o s s i b l e , among C a r i n t h i a n Slovenes (Barker and M o r i t s c h , 1984), Swiss Rhaeto-Romansch (McRae, 1983), and V e n e t i a n Ladins (Ampez, Fodom) and T r e n t i n e Germanophones ( F e r s i n a , Luserna), a process of s t r u c t u r a l decomposition of p e r i p h e r a l e t h n i e s has been t a k i n g p l a c e . 1 111 boundaries and f o r c e d independent s t a t e s i n t o c l o s e r c o o p e r a t i v e behaviour. With the opening up of n a t i o n a l markets i n the second postwar p e r i o d , q u a n t i t a t i v e changes reached a c r i t i c a l mass and new p r o d u c t i o n technology and management p r a c t i c e s unleashed a t o r r e n t of change at a time when indigenous South T y r o l e a n s were not i n f u l l c o n t r o l of the p o l i t i c a l i n s t i t u t i o n s needed to manage the process of change. 4.1 The T r a n s f o r m a t i o n Of A g r i c u l t u r e During the f i f t i e s and s i x t i e s South Tyro l e a n a g r i c u l t u r e was f o r c e d to change. European c o u n t r i e s c r e a t e d an economic community (EEC) which adopted a Common A g r i c u l t u r a l P o l i c y (CAP) t h a t favoured the c o n s o l i d a t i o n of a g r i c u l t u r a l s t r u c t u r e s and the emergence of l a r g e agro-businesses that c o u l d operate along c a p i t a l i s t l i n e s , mechanize p r o d u c t i o n , use g r e a t e r amounts of f o s s i l f u e l s and chemical i n p u t s , i n v e s t e x t e n s i v e l y i n f i x e d c a p i t a l and reduce labour i n p u t s . Given the t h r e e d i s t i n c t eco-systems (see Cole, 1972: 170-2) that e x i s t e d i n the South T y r o l , market pres s u r e s exacted d i f f e r e n t c o s t s and o p p o r t u n i t i e s i n each. Gains in p r o d u c t i v i t y , b e t t e r land management and g r e a t e r c a p i t a l investments i n farming had to be made i n order to compete with e x t e r n a l producers, but t h i s c o u l d be achieved only through g r e a t e r s p e c i a l i z a t i o n and the abandonment of s u b s i s t e n c e p r o d u c t i o n and marginal l a n d . T h i s meant the adoption of new b u s i n e s s p r a c t i c e s and p r o d u c t i o n t e c h n o l o g i e s and the c r e a t i o n I 1 1 2 of new economic niches i n r e g i o n a l and c o n t i n e n t a l markets. And time was not on the s i d e of latecomers s i n c e the t r a n s f o r m a t i o n of the other s e c t o r s of the economy was pushing labour c o s t s upward. Farmers were f o r c e d to introduce l a b o u r - s a v i n g d e v i c e s and mechanize p r o d u c t i o n , and once accomplished t h i s s h i f t was i r r e v e r s i b l e and marginal o p e r a t i o n s at the e c o l o g i c a l l i m i t s of the environment c o u l d not s u r v i v e (Cole and Wolf, 1974: 92-4; P r i s t i n g e r , 1980: 168-9). The looming c r i s i s was c l e a r l y i d e n t i f i e d but change was s o c i a l l y u n d e s i r a b l e and c u l t u r a l l y unacceptable (Alcock, 1970: 254-5). Given the h i s t o r i c a l experiences of indigenous South Ty r o l e a n s the f i r s t r e a c t i o n by the P r o v i n c i a l government to these p r e s s u r e s was to t r y to stop the e r o s i o n of t r a d i t i o n a l a g r a r i a n s t r u c t u r e s . As p a r t of t h i s s t r a t e g y the C l o s e d E s t a t e laws (see page 17, footnote 6) were r e i n t r o d u c e d i n 1954, but the r u r a l exodus was not stopped. Ad hoc investments i n t r a d i t i o n a l c o t t a g e and h a n d i c r a f t i n d u s t r i e s were inadequate (Alcock, 1970: 256-60), and between 1951 and 1971 the a g r i c u l t u r a l workforce dropped by h a l f , from 62366 to 31207 (ISTAT, 1955/1973), and many peasants l e f t the p r o v i n c e a l t o g e t h e r . Only i n the s i x t i e s d i d the P r o v i n c e adopt a set of p o l i c i e s designed to support the t r a n s f o r m a t i o n of the a g r i c u l t u r a l s e c t o r and the reemployment of excess labour i n new i n d u s t r i e s and the expanded t o u r i s t - b a s e d s e r v i c e s e c t o r . The p o s i t i o n of the p r o v i n c e as a c r o s s r o a d i n the new c o n t i n e n t a l economy l i n k i n g c e n t r a l Europe and northern I t a l y f a c i l i t a t e d 1 13 t h i s p r o c e s s of change. labia 3>: agricultural Machines and Fuel Conauapt ion in 100 Kgs 1980-1985 (in Absolute Nuabers and Percentiles) 1980 1970 1980 1985 MACHINES 7 180 24974 38173 44362 of ehich TRACTORS (52 52%) (35 04%) (36 36%) (34 27%) FUEL 39620 113502 136154 139173 ASTAT: 1987a: 208 Table 35: Agricultural Companies per Surface and SIM. 1938-1982 (in hectares> 1936 Cos 1981 Co s Sur face 1970 Co a Sur face 1982 Cos Sur f ace 0- 1 24 4% 19 9% 0.5% 16.8% 0.4% 14.8% 0.3% 1-5 318% 31 7% 4.0% 31 . 7% 3.8% 31 . 7% 4.0% 5-20 28 5% 29 . 5% 14.9% 31.3% 14.8% 32 8% 15.0% 20-50 12 0% 12 8% 18. 7% 14.1% 19 2% 14 3% 19.0% 50- . . 3 5% 8. 1% 619% 6 . 3% 618% 6 4% 62.0% TOTAL 24326 29131 27 250 26857 VARIATION OF COS: 1936-1961 - 2.32 • 20.12 • 23 94 • 27 75 •108.68 » 19 75 1961-1970 - 21 96 - 6 45 - 0.74 • 3 03 - 3.43 - 6 46 1970-1982 - 12.13 1.45 • 3 28 - 0 05 - 0 17 - 1.44 Sources: 1936 figures in Borgioli in Batttsti. 1946: 11-17; 1970 figures in Pristinger. 1978: 85: 1982 figures in ASTAT. 1987a: 191. T a b l e s 34 and 35 show the extent of farmers' dependency on mechanized farm equipment (+518%) and on f o s s i l f u e l s (+250%). T h i s means t h a t they are s e n s i t i v e to l o c a l and e x t e r n a l markets and t h a t South T y r o l e a n a g r i c u l t u r e i s now c l o s e l y dependent on e x t e r n a l c a p i t a l i s t p r e s s u r e s . T h i s interdependence has l e d to managerial c o n s o l i d a t i o n of farming o p e r a t i o n s (see t a b l e 35). Of the 2610 e n t e r p r i s e s that ceased o p e r a t i o n between 1961 and 1986 about 70% had l e s s than one h e c t a r e of s u r f a c e while another 23% had l e s s than two. D e s p i t e r a t i o n a l i z a t i o n about h a l f of a l l farms cannot s u r v i v e without e x t e r n a l revenues, mainly from tourism and/or government support. T h i s i s e s p e c i a l l y true f o r farms l o c a t e d i n h i g h e r e l e v a t i o n s who get only one t h i r d of t h e i r revenues from farming and another t h i r d from government t r a n s f e r payments ( P r o v i n c i a Autonoma, 1988: 41-2). Nonetheless, government a i d (ASTAT, 1984: 73) i n the form of easy c r e d i t and marketing support and market c o n d i t i o n s have produced a system of medium s i z e farms p r o t e c t e d by the C l o s e d E s t a t e laws which now o f f e r a p r o f i t a b l e and s o c i a l l y - v a l u e d p r o f e s s i o n a l v o c a t i o n (ASTAT, 114 1984: 73; P r i s t i n g e r , 1978: 87-8; P r o v i n c i a Autonoma 1988: 42), d e s p i t e the f a c t that a g r i c u l t u r e as a component of the p r o v i n c i a l economy has d e c l i n e from 24% of the Gross P r o v i n c i a l Product (GPP) i n 1951 ( P r i s t i n g e r , 1978: 86) to 6.5% i n 1983 (ASTAT, 1988b: 49). 4.2 The Development Of The S e r v i c e S e c t o r The massive exodus from a g r i c u l t u r e and the depopulation of marginal areas was r e s o l v e d only when such p l a c e s found a new economic niche i n the c o n t i n e n t a l economy. The c r e a t i o n of a mass market f o r l e i s u r e p u r s u i t s favoured areas l i k e the South T y r o l because of t h e i r r e l a t i v e a c c e s s a b i 1 i t y and n a t u r a l beauty. The growing demand i n c e n t r a l Europe and northern I t a l y f o r such s e r v i c e s rearranged l o c a l economic s t r u c t u r e s and p u b l i c p o l i c i e s by s u b o r d i n a t i n g a g r i c u l t u r e and to a l e s s e r extent i n d u s t r y to a t o u r i s m - d r i v e n economy. T l t l t 36: Nuaber of Bad* per Absolute Nuabers) Type of Operation. 1960-1984 ( 1n TOTAL IN OTHERS VARIATION TOTAL IN OTHERS BEDS HOTELS BEDS HOTELS 1980 N/A 41344 N/A I960-1970 N/A • 83.8 N/A 1970 134385 75988 58397 1970-1976 • 53.87 • 57 25 • 49 00 1978 206507 1 19493 87014 1976-1984 < 7 85 • 28 30 - 20 09 1984 222319 153308 69011 1970-1984 - 6.12 • 15.51 • 18.17 Sources: 1960 1984 1978 figures In Acqueviva and Eisereann, 1981: 48; figure* In Provincia Autonoaa, 1986. 185 Table 37: Number of Guests. 1960-1985 (In Thousands and Percent 1les) FOREIGN ITALIAN TOTAL VARIATION FOREIGN ITALIAN TOTAL I960 69 501 30.40% 713. 1960-61 • 39.34 • 21.17 • 33 81 1 9 6 6 72 48% 27.52% 9 5 5 . 1986-71 • 29 31 • 25 34 • 28 53 197 1 73 18% 26.64% 1227. 1971-76 * 49.78 • 19 48 • 41 28 1976 78.30% 21 .70% 1734 1976-81 • 48.88 • 47 62 • 48 60 1981 7 7.45% 22 55% 2576. 1981-85 • 12 03 • 46.92 • 19 90 1965 72 37% 27 63% 3089 . 1960-85 ->350 13 -293 58 •332 94 Sources: 1980 f Igures In Acguavlva and Eisereann, 1981: 48: 1966- 1985 figures (n ASTAT. 1987a: 251. Table 38: Number of Overnight Stays, 1950-1985 in thousands and Percent 1les) FOREIGN ITALIAN TOTAL VARIATION FOREIGN ITALIAN TOTAL 1950* N/A N/A 1922. 1950-60 N/A N/A • 94 38 1960 62 50% 37 50% 3738. 1980-66 •112 76 • 15 40 • 79 89 1966 73.86% 26.14% 6724. 1966-71 • 57 91 • 39.04 • 53 07 1971 76.26% 23 74% 10293. 1971-76 • 45 89 • 20.16 • 39 78 1976 79.59% 20.4 1% 14388. 1976-81 • 35.84 • 26 98 • 34 03 1981 80.67% 19.33% 19286. 1981-85 • 1 .66 • 51.64 • 11 33 19BS 73.68% 26.34% 21470 1960-85 •576.97 •303.42 • 474, 39 Notes • twelve months over 1950-1951. Sources: 1950 5< figures in Alcock. 1970: 366: 1960 fIgures in Acqusviva and Eisereann. 1981: * i ; 1966 1985 figures in ASTAT. 1987a: 251 These t a b l e s show that the growth of t o u r i s m has been steady s i n c e the f i f t i e s , r e s i s t i n g the r e c e s s i o n of the l a t e 1 1 5 s e v e n t i e s and e a r l y e i g h t i e s . T h i s e v o l u t i o n (see t a b l e 36) has fav o u r e d the l a r g e s t establishments ( h o t e l s ) and s i n c e 1960 the number of guests number of guests (see t a b l e 37), e s p e c i a l l y t o u r i s t s from German-speaking c o u n t r i e s , has more than t r i p l e d and the number of ove r n i g h t stays (see t a b l e 38) almost q u i n t u p l e d . T h i s has c o n t r i b u t e d to the r i s e of the s e r v i c e s e c t o r which accounted f o r 77.5% of GPP and 46% of employment i n 1981 compared to 55% and 19% i n 1951 (ISTAT, 1955/1983). The t o u r i s t boom has thus made ou t s i d e consumer spending e s s e n t i a l f o r the l o c a l economy and now represents about a q u a r t e r of the GPP, 20% by f o r e i g n e r s a l o n e . T h i s expansion has not been accompanied by a g r e a t e r r a t i o n a l i z a t i o n of management o r g a n i z a t i o n s i n c e most s e r v i c e s e c t o r e n t e r p r i s e s (see t a b l e 39) remain s m a l l , u s u a l l y f a m i l y -run and w i t h few employees. Table 39: Number of Service Companies and workforce per Size, 1951-1981 (In Absolute Numbers and Percentiles) 1951' 1971 1981 Companies Workforce Companies Workforce Companies Workforce . .-9 98.9% 74.5% 95.5% 71.7% 94.2% 87 7% 10-49 2.8% 17 2% 4.3% 22.9% 4.5% 23 5% 50--.. 0.3% 8.3% 0.3% 5.5% 0.2% 8 8% TOTAL 5908 18781 10839 35390 25A13 81503 Notes: 1951 figures classified according to 0-10 and 11-49 sizes Sources: 1951 -1971 figures In Pristinger. 1978: 99; 1981 figures 1n ASTAT, 1987a: 168 9 ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ Thus most growth has been i n the small b u s i n e s s s e c t o r , p r i m a r i l y i n r e t a i l trade where seasonal and pa r t - t i m e employment p r e v a i l s , and on l y a few companies have reached n a t i o n a l or i n t e r n a t i o n a l s t a t u r e . In 1981 two t h i r d s of a l l f i r m s had two employees or l e s s while only one f i r m i n twenty employeed ten people or more. In the h o t e l and r e s t a u r a n t b u s i n e s s , t h i s skewed d i s t r i b u t i o n i s even g r e a t e r with 71% of 1 16 a l l companies employing two workers or l e s s compared to 3,5% employing ten workers or more (ASTAT, 1987a: 168). Such small s c a l e a c t i v i t i e s produce f l e x i b l e economic s t r a t e g i e s f o r t h e i r o p e r a t o r s but make them h i g h l y v u l n e r a b l e to e x t e r n a l economic tr e n d s . As marginal s e r v i c e s they tend to o f f e r supplementary incomes to o p e r a t o r s and low wages to employees; consequently, e x t e r n a l economic trends tend to compress income l e v e l s r a ther than j e o p a r d i z e economic s u r v i v a l . 4.3 The E v o l u t i o n Of The I n d u s t r i a l Sector No modern i n d u s t r i a l development emerged in the South T y r o l t i l l the c r e a t i o n of the Bolzano/Bozen I n d u s t r i a l Zone. However, the Zone had developed i n complementarity with northern I t a l i a n markets. F a s c i s t i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n reshaped s p a t i a l and f u n c t i o n a l h i e r a r c h i e s so as to m a r g i n a l i z e the indigenous workforce, hence the l o c a t i o n a l bases of economic r e l a t i o n s had to be transformed i f the indigenous workforce was to a v o i d I t a l i a n i z a t i o n (Alcock, 1970: 264-7). For a long time, the P r o v i n c e r e f u s e d to c o n s i d e r i n d u s t r y as a p o t e n t i a l o u t l e t f o r excess r u r a l labour; however, g l o b a l changes c o u l d not be h e l d at the p r o v i n c e ' s borders. By the s i x t i e s i n t e r n a l d i s s e n s i o n s i n the r u l i n g South T y r o l e a n People's Party (SVP) l e d to a s h i f t . P r o v i n c i a l l e a d e r s responded by c o u r t i n g f o r e i g n c a p i t a l and f o c u s i n g on some of the p r o v i n c e ' s a s s e t s l i k e i t s n o r t h - s o u t h c r o s s r o a d l o c a t i o n and i t s l a r g e l y b i l i n g u a l , r e a d i l y mobile and only p a r t l y 1 1 7 u n i o n i z e d workforce. T h i s s t r a t e g y had some success in drawing West German c a p i t a l towards t r a d i t i o n a l manufacturing a c t i v i t i e s l i k e food p r o c e s s i n g and h a n d i c r a f t s . T h i s r e i n f o r c e d t h e i r complementarity with the expanding t o u r i s t economy and bypassed the I n d u s t r i a l Zone. The g u i d e l i n e s f o r i n d u s t r i a l development were d e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n , small s c a l e o p e r a t i o n s and the avoidance of the I n d u s t r i a l Zone ( P r i s t i n g e r , 1978: 93-5) and by the e a r l y s e v e n t i e s about e i g h t y new e n t e r p r i s e s , h a l f of which owned by f o r e i g n e r s , were c r e a t e d , employing about f i v e thousand workers (Acquaviva and Eisermann, 1981: 46). Table 40: Industrial Eeployeent per Branch. 1951-1981 (in Percent 1les) STEEL/METAL "000 TEXTILE CONSTRUCTION OTHER 1951 28.4% 15 0% 14 6% 29.9% 12.1% 1961 29.8% 12.0% 13 3% 26 0% 16 9% 197 1 32.1% 11.8% 8 0% 26.5% 21 6% 1981 21.1% 15 4% 16% 32.4% 29 4% Sources: Pristinger. 1978: 92; Provincia Autonoma. 1984: 173. Table 41: Industrial Plants and workforce per Plant Size. 1981 (in Absolute Numbers and Percentiles) . 0 1-2 3-9 10-49 50-.. TOTAL Plants 0.58% 53.84% 33.67% 10 57% 1 34% 7873 (In manufacturing) 11.21% 25.84% 30.96% 31.99% 49522 Workforce 0.18% 57.74% 31.49% 8.87% 1.72% 4011 (in manufacturing) 11.80% 22.80% 26.37% 38 89% 25664 Source: ASTAT, 1987a: 168-9. Table 40 shows the impact of g l o b a l t r e n d s and p r o v i n c i a l p o l i c y . T e x t i l e s have v i r t u a l l y d i s a p p e a r e d while the wood i n d u s t r y (lumber and f i n i s h e d products) has i n s t e a d weathered the t r a n s i t i o n and, a f t e r s e v e r a l years of adjustment and the i n t r o d u c t i o n of modern t e c h n o l o g i e s , has been a b l e to regain a s t a b l e p l a c e i n the p r o v i n c i a l economy. The most important changes have a f f e c t e d consumer-oriented i n d u s t r i e s , i n c l u d i n g c o n s t r u c t i o n . Food p r o c e s s i n g and c l o t h i n g have expanded i n response to i n t e r n a l market demands as w e l l as those s t i m u l a t e d by the t o u r i s t boom. S i m i l a r l y , t o u r i s m and r i s i n g p e r s o n a l incomes have s t i m u l a t e d c o n s t r u c t i o n and r e l a t e d mining and manufacturing a c t i v i t i e s , employing i n 1981 almost one t h i r d of 1 18 a l l i n d u s t r i a l workers compared to only one s i x t h i n 1951. By c o n t r a s t , employment in m e t a l l u r g i c a l and mechanical i n d u s t r i e s , l o c a t e d i n the I n d u s t r i a l Zone, has d e c l i n e d . The combination of e x t e r n a l f a c t o r s and l o c a l d e c i s i o n s has reduced the importance of the Bolzano-Bozen I n d u s t r i a l Zone. If i n 1961 the Zone had 35% of a l l i n d u s t r i a l p l a n t s and employed h a l f of a l l workers ( P r i s t i n g e r , 1978: 92), twenty years l a t e r i t accounted f o r under 16% of a l l p l a n t s and 25% of a l l workers. D i s t r i c t s l i k e the S a l t o - S c i l i a r / S a l t e n - S c h l e r n (18.2% of a l l p l a n t s ) , P u s t e r i a / P u s t e r v a l l e y (14.8%) and the O l t r a d i g e - B a s s a A t e s i n a / U b e r e t s c h - S u e d t i r o l e r U n t e r l a n d (14%) have emerged as important i n d u s t r i a l areas of the p r o v i n c e (ASTAT, 1987a: 172-3). T h i s i n d u s t r i a l development i s not the r e s u l t of an i n d u s t r i a l s t r a t e g y . Given the i n t e l l e c t u a l and c u l t u r a l p r e d i s p o s i t i o n of indigenous South Tyro l e a n l e a d e r s and the strong o p p o s i t i o n to the Bolzano-Bozen I n d u s t r i a l Zone, i n d u s t r y has been t r e a t e d as an adjunct of a g r i c u l t u r e and the s e r v i c e s e c t o r . T h e r e f o r e , c o r p o r a t e and o r g a n i z a t i o n a l s t r u c t u r e s have remained r e l a t i v e l y backward (see t a b l e 41). Of the almost 8000 i n d u s t r i a l p l a n t s i n e x i s t e n c e i n the m i d - e i g h t i e s about three q u a r t e r s remain simple c r a f t - or workshops and employ about 30% of a l l workers (ASTAT, 1987a: 167). With a v u l n e r a b l e i n d u s t r i a l apparatus, o r g a n i z a t i o n a l l y weak and c h a r a c t e r i z e d by low e f f i c i e n c y and p r o d u c t i v i t y , South T y r o l e a n i n d u s t r y remains at the mercy of e x t e r n a l p r e s s u r e s . When the f i r s t energy c r i s i s s t r u c k i n the mid-seventies, 119 f o r e i g n investments d r i e d up and many of the newly-created p l a n t s had to c l o s e ( P r i s t i n g e r , 1978: 94-7); only i n the e i g h t i e s d i d the i n d u s t r i a l s e c t o r recover (ASTAT, 1988b: 22-3). P r o v i n c i a l support was i n s t r u m e n t a l f o r t h i s recovery f o r i t enabled many p l a n t s to upgrade t h e i r equipment, f i n a n c e d the a c q u i s i t i o n of new technology and the promotion of South Tyrolean goods. O v e r a l l P r o v i n c i a l support accounted f o r almost 30% of a l l investments i n i n d u s t r y i n the 1983-87 p e r i o d , 4 2 but because of the small-medium s i z e of South T y r o l e a n companies almost 80% of a l l P r o v i n c i a l funding was i n the form of o u t r i g h t grants r a t h e r than loans or bond i s s u e s ( P r o v i n c i a Autonoma, 1988: 20-1). The b i f u r c a t e d i n d u s t r i a l s e c t o r , weak c o r p o r a t e and o r g a n i z a t i o n a l s t r u c t u r e s and inadequate government p l a n n i n g thus ho l d t h i s s e c t o r back from i t s f u l l p o t e n t i a l . 4.4 Recent Economic Trends The development of the South T y r o l e a n economy i n the a f o r e -mentioned d i r e c t i o n c o n t i n u e d i n the s e v e n t i e s and e a r l y e i g h t i e s . The c o n t r i b u t i o n of a g r i c u l t u r e to Value Added dropped from 10% i n 1975 to 6.75% i n 1983, but i t s modernization has continued s i n c e i t s t i l l accounts f o r over 10% of a l l investments. Industry s t i l l accounts f o r about 25% of Value Added but has drawn only one s i x t h of a l l investments, the bulk 4 2 The P r o v i n c i a l government has i n v e s t e d c o n s i d e r a b l y i n p r o f e s s i o n a l t r a i n i n g but the l a c k of a South T y r o l e a n u n i v e r s i t y d e p r i v e s l o c a l i n d u s t r y of the s p i n o f f s t h a t c o o p e r a t i o n might produce. 1 20 of which has b e n e f i t t e d the s e r v i c e s e c t o r (8% annual growth i n the s e v e n t i e s ) (ASTAT, 1984: 122-3; i b i d , 1986: 49; i b i d , 1988b: 63; Regione, 1982: t a b l e 35). The s i z e of the s e r v i c e s e c t o r has made the p r o v i n c i a l economy h e a v i l y dependent on o u t s i d e resources, almost 20% of the GPP i n the e a r l y e i g h t i e s compared to 12% ten years e a r l i e r (ASTAT, 1984: 112; i b i d , 1986: 42; Regione T r e n t i n o - A l t o Adige, 1982: t a b l e 5 ) . T h i s dependence, e s p e c i a l l y on West Germany (ASTAT, 1987b: 260), has brought the pro v i n c e w i t h i n the Deutschmark zone (Pan, 1979) and subjected i t to imported i n f l a t i o n a r y p r e s s u r e s so t h a t the province has had a r e l a t i v e l y higher r a t e of i n f l a t i o n compared to neighbouring T r e n t i n o and I t a l y (ASTAT, I987d: 189). The impact of h i g h i n f l a t i o n has been uneven. Those employed i n economic a c t i v i t i e s c l o s e l y t i e d to the t o u r i s t t r a d e , hence t i e d to the Deutschmark zone, were p r o t e c t e d as the value of the Mark rose a g a i n s t the L i r a . Those employed i n s e c t o r s d i r e c t l y l i n k e d to the I t a l i a n economy l i k e manufacturing or P u b l i c A d m i n i s t r a t i o n , where Italophones are ov e r r e p r e s e n t e d , seemingly s u f f e r e d more d e s p i t e the b u i l t - i n i n d e x a t i o n p l a n of the n a t i o n a l wage scheme ( G h i r i g a t o , 1986: 152-3). However, gi v e n the income d i f f e r e n t i a l s among s e c t o r s and o c c u p a t i o n a l c a t e g o r i e s , i n f l a t i o n has not been unduly d i s c r i m i n a t o r y . In a g r i c u l t u r e wages and incomes from s e l f -employment have remained f a r below the 1975 100 base index by about one t h i r d to one h a l f r e s p e c t i v e l y . In comparison i n d u s t r i a l wages remained above the index, while i n the s e r v i c e 121 s e c t o r b oth wages and income from self-employment averaged 90-110 of the 1975 index (ASTAT, 1984: 68, 87- 9 ) . 4.5 The End Of The E t h n i c D i v i s i o n Of Labour The t r a n s f o r m a t i o n of the South T y r o l e a n economy has ended the e t h n i c d i v i s i o n of l a b o u r . From a v e r t i c a l l y segmented economic system dominated by the I t a l o p h o n e p o p u l a t i o n i n i t s urban e n c l a v e , the s t r u c t u r a l r e l a t i o n s h i p w i t h i n and between e t h n i e s r e f l e c t s , w i t h the e x c e p t i o n of a g r i c u l t u r e , o v e r a l l economic and demographic s t r u c t u r e s . T a D l e 42: P r o v i n c i a l W o r k f o r c e p a r A. S e c t o r a n d L a n g u a g e C r o u p B. L a n g u a g e G r o u p a n d S e c t o r . 1961-1981 (1n A b s o l u t e N u i C e r o a n d P e r c e n t i l e * ) A g r i c u U u r e I n d u s t r y ( M i n i n g a n d ( C r e d i t a n d I n s u r a n c e ) Pub 1 i c A d n i n i s t r a t i o n GERMAN I T A L I A N LAOIN GERMAN I T A L I A N LAOI 1961 4 4 . 7 8 % 4 2 3 % 37 591 91 0 5 1 4 741 4 1 VARIATION - 1981-1961 GERMAN I T A L I A N LAOIN 1971 2 2 . 9 3 % 2. 7 0 % 20 591 91 801 4 551 3 6 1981 1 9 . 4 9 % 1 .95% 1 1 50% 91 681 4 2 71 3 3 A g r 1 c u l t u r e - 49 68 • 55 07 - 60 55 1961 2 0 . 8 9 % 4 0 . 5 7 % 33 5 1 % 46 30% 49 6 0 % 4 0 1971 2 6 . B 8 * 3 6 . 5 4 % 37 151 54 691 40 8 5 1 4 3 1981 2 5 . 7 4 1 29 9 6 % 29 511 81 201 33 161 4 3 I n d u s t r y • 42 24 - 26 05 • 14.46 1961 14.86% 2 6 . 5 5 % 27 851 46 2 1 1 48 9 9 1 4 7 197 1 17.62* 2 4 . 6 0 % 27 201 53 791 41 261 3 7 1981 15.80% 16 8 7 % 19 431 60 411 33 515 4 5 ( M i n i n g a n d • 22 91 - 35 61 - 9.33 M a n u f a c t u r i n g ) 1961 34. 3 3 % 5 5 . 2 0 % 28 601 51 7 0 % 45 8 6 1 2 3 197 1 43.191 6 0 . 7 6 % 42 261 54 5 8 % 42 211 3 0 1981 5 4 . 8 0 % 8 8 . 0 9 % 58 991 59 751 34 5 2 1 3 9 S a r v l e a s • 84 53 • 20 17 • 167 85 1961 17.121 16 7 8 % 13 801 63 0 6 1 34 101 2 7 1971 2 2 . 7 8 % 1 8 . 7 3 % 22 8 6 1 66 181 29 9 1 1 3 7 1981 2 8 . 9 8 % 2 3 . 6 1 % 29 9 6 1 68 0 4 1 25 7 71 4 3 I C o a a e r c e ) • 95 74 • 37 10 •181.97 1961 0.54X 8.48% 0 261 34 6 5 1 64 32% 0 9 1971 1 .06% 9.24% 0 721 45 781 52 2 6 1 1 8 1981 3.54% 8.64% 7 941 50 17% 40 5 0 % 6 8 ( C r a d i t a n d •661 94 •231 36 • 3900.0 I n s u r a n c e ) 1961 3.49% 2 0 . 3 0 1 3 311 23 391 75 3 3 % 1 2 1971 13.27% 16.631 3 701 25 811 72 461 1 6 1981 3. 3 8 % 12.701 2 6 2 1 35 301 62 0 3 % 1 8 ( P u b l I c A d a i n t t t r a t I o n ) •. ' ' 67 - 39' 06 - 2.23 1961 99626 54959 5426 82 271 34 331 3 3 1971 95705 52605 551 1 62 161 34 161 3 5 1981 115157 53542 7079 64 531 30 0 0 1 3 9 TOTAL • 15 59 - 2 58 • 11.48 S o u r c e : I S T A T . 1 9 6 4 / 1 9 7 3 / 1 9 8 3 . T a b l e 42 shows a marked e x p a n s i o n of the t o t a l Germanophone (+16%) and L a d i n (30%) w o r k f o r c e , compared t o o n l y a 2.6% g a i n among I t a l o p h o n e s . T h i s has e n a b l e d b o t h groups t o r e e s t a b l i s h 1 22 a comparable presence i n a l l those s e c t o r s and branches of the economy from which they had been excluded. A g r i c u l t u r e now r e p r e s e n t s a s m a l l e r component of the workforce, although among Germanophones i t s t i l l accounts f o r about one job i n f i v e compared to one i n nine f o r Ladins and one in f i f t y f o r Italophones. In the s e r v i c e s e c t o r the g r e a t e s t gains were made by Ladins (+168%) compared to Germanophones (+84.5%) and Italophones (+20.2%), but i n the major branches l i k e c r e d i t and insurance a l l three e t h n i e s have made s u b s t a n t i a l advances, with Germanophones and Ladins g a i n i n g i n t r a n s p o r t a t i o n and communications but o n l y Germanophones making modest gains i n the c i v i l s e r v i c e (+11.67%). Except f o r c r e d i t and insurance and trade Italophones have l o s t ground both i n a b s o l u t e and p r o p o r t i o n a l terms i n a l l branches and s e c t o r s of the economy, e s p e c i a l l y i n manufacturing (-35.61%) and p u b l i c a d m i n i s t r a t i o n (-39%). The demise of the e t h n i c d i v i s i o n of labour has been ach i e v e d i n l e s s than two g e n e r a t i o n , and the t r a n s i t i o n has p e n a l i z e d the Italophone p o p u l a t i o n and d e p r i v e d i t ' of i t s commanding p o s i t i o n and has renewed Germanophone ascendancy. I t might be d i f f i c u l t to t r a n s l a t e e m p i r i c a l data i n t o i n f o r m a t i o n about s u b j e c t i v e s o c i o - c u l t u r a l phenomena l i k e c l a s s i d e n t i t y because c l a s s d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n and consciousness are as much a s e l f - e v a l u a t i n g process based on p r e v a i l i n g s o c i a l v a l u e s and c u l t u r a l mores, but i t i s p o s s i b l e to e x t r a p o l a t e t e n t a t i v e e x p l a n a t i o n s about the e v o l u t i o n of s o c i a l h i e r a r c h i e s from the o b s e r v a t i o n of data of o c c u p a t i o n a l c a t e g o r i e s over a given 123 p e r i o d of time ( P r i s t i n g e r , 1978: 104-7). Data of t h i s s o r t can serve as i n d i c a t o r s of s o c i a l d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n , ergo of i t s impact on the nature of i n t e r - e t h n i c r e l a t i o n s i n the South T y r o l . • The t r a n s f o r m a t i o n of the economy has had profound consequences f o r the i n t e r n a l s o c i a l h i e r a r c h y of each ethny and f o r t h e i r mutual r e l a t i o n s h i p i n the o v e r a l l s o c i a l s t r a t i f i c a t i o n . T a b l e 43: W o r k f o r c e p e r L a n g u a g e G r o u p and O c c u p a t i o n a l C a t e g o r y . 1961-1961 ( i n A b s o l u t e N u a b e r s a n d P e r c e n t i l e s ) A B C 0 E TOTAL GERMAN 1961 0.971 9.831 2 6 . 4 3 1 4 7 . 6 4 % 1 5 . 9 3 % 99826 1971 2 . 0 3 % 15.771 24 461 48.231 9.511 95705 1961 3.891 22 301 2 0 . 0 6 1 48.091 5.661 115157 I T A L I A N 1961 1.531 25.941 10.491 5 8 . 8 8 1 3.121 54959 1971 2.001 34 641 11.661 4 8 . 6 9 1 2.991 52605 1981 4 5 8 1 37 711 11.461 4 3 . 6 7 1 2.581 53542 LADIN 1961 0 4 4 1 6 8 0 1 3 0 . 1 7 1 4 6 . 5 3 1 16.061 5426 1971 2.901 13.641 2 6 . 5 4 1 4 6 . 4 3 1 8.491 5511 1981 4.231 2 2 . 9 5 1 28 711 38.091 6 0 2 1 7049 N o t e s : ' k = E n t r e p r e n e u r * a n d P r o f e e s l o n e l s ; B = M a n a g e r 8 a n d W h i t e C o l l a r W o r k e r s ; C = S e l f - c a p l o v e d ; 0 = B l u e C o l l a r W o r k e r s ; E = Fae.1 l y H a n d s . S o u r c e : I S T A T , 1384/1W3/1Q83. Provided we keep i n mind the p e r i p h e r a l i t y of the South T y r o l e a n economy i n the European con t e x t , the above t a b l e i n d i c a t e s a g e n e r a l expansion of those o c c u p a t i o n a l c a t e g o r i e s that are more s o c i a l l y - v a l u e d i n a c a p i t a l i s t economy. However, the r i s e was t e n - f o l d among L a d i n e n t r e p r e n e u r s / p r o f e s s i o n a l s but o n l y f o u r - and t w o - f o l d among Germanophones and Italophones r e s p e c t i v e l y . S i m i l a r l y , among Ladins the number of managers/white-collar workers more than t r i p l e d compared to 192% among Germanophones and 41% among Ita l o p h o n e s . Conversely, the a b s o l u t e number of s e l f - e m p l o y e d people remained r e l a t i v e l y s t a b l e among Italophones and Germanophones but i n c r e a s e d by almost a qu a r t e r among L a d i n s ; however, i n p r o p o r t i o n a l terms t h i s o c c u p a t i o n a l group has s u b s t a n t i a l l y d e c l i n e d among Germanophones and to a l e s s e r extent among L a d i n s . No such 124 c o n t r a s t e x i s t s in the family-hands category where the data show a marked d e c l i n e i n both p r o p o r t i o n a l and ab s o l u t e terms. Among b l u e - c o l l a r workers Italophones l o s t roughly one qua r t e r i n a b s o l u t e numbers and were p r o p o r t i o n a t e l y overtaken by Germanophones i n the twenty-year p e r i o d under c o n s i d e r a t i o n . Although p r o p o r t i o n a t e l y unchanged i n r e l a t i o n t o the e n t i r e workforce the number of b l u e - c o l l a r Germanophones has in f a c t i n c r e a s e d by about 15% compared to a s l i g h t r e g r e s s i o n among L a d i n s . These data show that a convergence has taken p l a c e among a l l three e t h n i e s who now i n c r e a s i n g l y m i r r o r each o t h e r . These changes not only m o d i f i e d the i n t e r n a l s o c i a l h i e r a r c h i e s of each ethny but a l s o a f f e c t e d t h e i r p l a c e i n the o v e r a l l s o c i a l h i e r a r c h y of the p r o v i n c e . T a b l e 44 : W o r k f o r c e p e r O c c u p a t i o n a l C a t e g o r y and L a n g u a g e G r o u p . ( 1n A b s o l u t e N u a b e r s a n d P e r c e n t 1 l e e 1 • 'A B C 0 E TOTAL SEAMAN 1961 5 2 . 4 7 * 37.501 76 0 3 1 57.7 11 8 5 . 9 1 1 62.221 1971 6 1 . 2 5 1 44.201 75.161 62 0 5 1 81.611 82.161 I9S1 6 1 . 9 6 1 54.081 73.881 67 9 9 1 78.351 65.521 I T A L I A N 1961 45.731 80 791 17.061 39.181 9. 361 33.391 1971 33.261 53.371 19 . 7 31 34.431 14.101 34 161 1961 33.911 42.511 19.631 2 8 . 7 1 1 16.551 30 361 LADIN 1961 1 301 1.571 4.851 3.061 4.711 3 391 1871 5.041 2 2 0 1 5.051 3 4 4 1 4 301 3 5 6 1 1961 4. 131 3 411 6.491 3 301 5. 101 4.021 TOTAL 1961 1839 25454 33751 82568 18471 160103 1971 3172 34136 31151 74385 11 124 153970 1981 7230 47497 31260 81448 8313 I7S748 N o t e s : f o r d e t a i l s s e e t a b l e 43. S o u r c e : I S T A T 1 9 0 4 / 1 9 7 3 / 1 9 8 3 . Table 44 shows that the o l d e t h n i c segmentation has d i s a p p e a r e d i n the dominant o c c u p a t i o n a l c a t e g o r i e s , but Germanophones r e t a i n a p r o p o r t i o n a t e l y g r e a t e r h o l d over s e l f -employment and family-hands. The only c a t e g o r y i n which I t a l o p h o n e s are s t i l l p r o p o r t i o n a t e l y o v e r r e p r e s e n t e d i s that of ma n a g e r s / w h i t e - c o l l a r work, but we can expect t h i s s i t u a t i o n to d e c l i n e as e t h n i c quotas i n p u b l i c s e c t o r employment 125 r e d i s t r i b u t e job o p p o r t u n i t i e s . r t t i t 45 t o r l ' o r c t p a r L«nQU*04> G r o u o , O e e u o . t < o n « 1 C a t e g o r y •"<! S « c t o < * . 1961 - 1961 ( n P « r e » n t 1 • •1 A 8 C 0 E T O T A L • d U C U L T U H C 1 .6 1 68 6 6 1 47 70% 90 69% 90 90% 92 38% • 1 04% 1*7 t 92 1 0 * 73 8 3% 91 34% 91 02% 94 55% 01 60% l a s t • 6 95% 61 0 1 % 93 0 4 1 90 56% 96 17* 92 36% i T A L I A N 100 l 29 62% 4 1 22% 4 40% 4 97% 3 83% 4 74% i s ; i 3 24 10% 4 00% 6 06% 2 34% 4 55% 1181 to 00% 10 47% 2 80% 6 72% 2 02% 4 30% L - O I N 196 1 4 79% 3 12% 4 60% 4 19% 197 1 3 94% 1 08% 4 84% 2 32% 1 07% 3 63% 198 1 1 O S * 0 42% 4 18% 2 ro% 1 61% 3 34% INDUSTRY CEftUAN 1961 1% 11% 28 69% 65 08% 44 10% 60 8 7 \ 46 30% 1 9 M 61 86% 45 29% 60 61% 54 94% 61 47% 54 69% 1981 54 27% 48 77% 64 7 7% 84 5 3% 72 44% 92 03% [ T A L I AN 196 1 S3 80% 68 69% 27 64% 52 32% 30 7 2% 49 60% 1971 12 23% 51 94% 32 52% 40 64% 31 15% 40 95% 1981 4 ] 96% 48 06% 27 67% 32 23% 20 66% 33 61% t.»OlN 1961 06% 2 3 i % 7 23% 3 41% 8 40% 4 04% 197 1 s 64% 2 18% 6 81% 4 18% 7 1 3 * 4 35% 1981 1 7 7% 8 83% 7 58% 3 24% 6 79% 4 36% S E R V I C E S G £ M U N 1901 4 3 0 8 ? * 38 7J% 48 68% 56 62% 80 80% »1 70% 197 1 49 97% 43 4 7% 48 85% 81 69% 65 7 7% 54 58% 198 1 8 1 61% 44 66% 47 50% 55 43% 7 1 30% 60 6 4 * H A L U N 1«6 1 44 27% 59 66% 37 90% 40 74% 35 22% • 5 68% 197 1 34 64% 44 15% 38 38% 35 27% 28 75% 42 21% 1961 33 60% 42 4 8% 34 03% 30 . 10% 22 37% 35 15% L A D I N 1961 I 4 1% 1 4«% 3 13% 2 .98% 3 90% 2 34% 1971 4 85% 2 22% 4 62% 2 .96% 5 32% 3 08% 1981 4 30% 2 66% 6 4 7% 3 47% 4 01% 4 0 1 % N o l f t f j : f o r 0 * t a 1 i t • *>• t « D • • 4 3 . S o u r c * : I S T A T . 9 6 4 / 9 7 3 / 1 9 8 3 T a b l e 45 c o n f i r m s the f i n a l demise of the o l d e t h n i c d i v i s i o n of labour and, w i t h the e x c e p t i o n of a g r i c u l t u r e , the i n t e r n a l s t r a t i f i c a t i o n a l convergence of a l l three e t h n i e s . In a g r i c u l t u r e the s u b s t a n t i a l presence of Italophones i n the e n t r e p r e n e u r s / p r o f e s s i o n a l s and managers/white c o l l a r c a t e g o r i e s has been reduced from 30% and 40% r e s p e c t i v e l y to 10% and a l l dominant p o s i t i o n s are now i n the hands of Germanophones. In the i n d u s t r i a l s e c t o r the s t r u c t u r a l realignment has not been as obvi o u s , p a r t l y because of inadequate P r o v i n c i a l support. Hence among e n t r e p r e n e u r s / p r o f e s s i o n a l s the p r o p o r t i o n of Germanophones dropped below average. U n l i k e l o c a l f i r m s owned and/or managed by Germanophones and/or f o r e i g n e r s , many firms c o n t r o l l e d by Italophones are branch p l a n t s or have access to n a t i o n a l f i n a n c i a l and marketing networks and c o u l d s u r v i v e the r e c e s s i o n s of the s e v e n t i e s and the e a r l y e i g h t i e s . Among bl u e -1 26 c o l l a r workers the realignment has i n s t e a d been accomplished. S i m i l a r l y , convergence and Germanophone ascendancy have been complete i n the s e r v i c e s e c t o r . D e s p i t e these changes the s o c i a l h i e r a r c h y has not been r a d i c a l l y transformed s i n c e there remains a l a r g e p r o p o r t i o n of self-employed people i n both a g r i c u l t u r e and the s e r v i c e s e c t o r whose e x i s t e n c e tends to s t a b i l i z e the s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e and d i f f u s e s o c i a l t e n s i o n s . In both s e c t o r s modernization has not weakened t r a d i t i o n a l s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s ( K a t z e n s t e i n i n Esman, 1977: 295-6). T h i s has meant the d e f u s i o n of s o c i a l t e n s i o n s , e s p e c i a l l y among indigenous South T y r o l e a n s , d u r i n g the p e r i o d of t r a n s i t i o n from a t r a d i t i o n a l a g r a r i a n s o c i e t y to a s e r v i c e -based economy. However, the longterm impact of socio-economic change has reduced the s o c i o - c u l t u r a l gap i n the p o p u l a t i o n as a whole s i n c e over two t h i r d s of a l l South Tyr o l e a n s now see themselves as middle c l a s s (Dall'O' et a l . , 1988: 93-6), and tend to a r t i c u l a t e p e r s o n a l and c o l l e c t i v e i n t e r e s t s through p r o f e s s i o n a l a s s o c i a t i o n s (Dall'O' et a l . , 1988: 118). The e x i s t e n c e of a l a r g e middle c l a s s , p r o t e c t i v e of i t s s o c i a l autonomy, i f not j e a l o u s of i t s s o c i a l s t a t u s , has thus r e i n f o r c e d the d e f u s i o n of s o c i a l c o n f l i c t w i t h i n the context of more p e r s o n a l i z e d s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s and i s s u e - o r i e n t e d labour r e l a t i o n s . The s p a t i a l impact of t h i s realignment a l s o confirms renewed Germanophone ascendancy and converging s o c i a l h i e r a r c h i e s . 1 27 T a b l e 46: e o r h f o r c e p e r L a n g u a g e i n S e l e c t e d A r e a s . 196 G r o u p and O c c u p a t i o n a l C a t e g o r y - 1981 ( i n P e r c e n t j l e s ) A i C 0 E TOTAL URBAN CENTRES GERMAN 1961 41 361 27 701 48 231 28 281 60 6 3 1 32 0 8 1 I 9 M 43 341 29 591 43 621 30 871 54 7 31 33 461 1961 45 511 36 691 4 1 041 34 721 52 6 1 1 37 401 I T A L I A N 1961 57 931 7 1 841 51 3 71 7 1 311 39 0 2 1 86 901 1971 55 1 IX 69 621 55 741 68 731 At 7 31 65 971 1981 53 All 62 371 SB 121 64 621 46 691 61 791 ADIGE-ETSCH GERMAN 1961 35 161 33 161 " 0 041 23 651 40 381 29 821 197! 45 B 7 t 33 401 41 541 24 481 48 371 31 361 1961 51 811 40 6 4 1 48 761 32 3. . 57 531 39 251 I T A L I A N 1961 63 7 31 66 451 59, 891 76 171 59 621 70 O i l 1971 53 2 1 1 65 801 580261 75 351 51 631 68 351 1981 47 8 9 1 56 591 51 0 8 1 67 331 42 241 60 351 LADIN AREA LADIN 1961 41 0 3 1 65 381 87 7 71 86 911 93 291 86 341 1971 81 981 78 131 94 121 87 651 as 9 31 87 371 1981 86 0 8 1 69 491 94 121 91 241 84 251 91 031 N o t e s : f o r d e t a i l s s e e t a b l e S o u r c e : I S T A T , 1964/19 7 3/1983 43 a n d A p p e n d i * A . From t a b l e 46 we can see that i n Ladin m u n i c i p a l i t i e s , L a d i n s have accentuated t h e i r c o n t r o l of a l l o c c u p a t i o n a l c a t e g o r i e s , e s p e c i a l l y e n t r e p r e n e u r i a l / p r o f e s s i o n a l and managerial/white c o l l a r p o s i t i o n s , hence the achievement of a more balanced i n t e r n a l d i v i s i o n of labour now guarantees them an a u x i l i a r y region i n the p r o v i n c i a l economy. Changes i n the l a s t t w e n t y - f i v e years have strenghtened the Ladin community and enabled i t to achieve g r e a t e r i n t e r n a l s o c i a l d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n and m aintain i t s geographic c o h e s i o n . They face the problem of a c e r t a i n urban d r i f t (see t a b l e 32), but they c o u l d stop and r e v e r s e i t only i f a st r o n g e r L a d i n c e n t r a l p l a c e system was c r e a t e d , p r e f e r a b l y guaranteed by sepa r a t e p o l i t i c o - t e r r i t o r i a l i n s t i t u t i o n s . Under these c i r c u m s t a n c e s , they c o u l d r e t a i n p o t e n t i a l migrants, e s p e c i a l l y those t r a i n e d e n t r e p r e n e u r i a l , managerial and p r o f e s s i o n a l cadres tempted or pushed to go elsewhere i n the p r o v i n c e . U n l i k e Ladins who i n h a b i t an area of the p r o v i n c e that does not c h a l l e n g e the Germanophone h o l d , the end of the e t h n i c d i v i s i o n of labour at s e c t o r a l and o c c u p a t i o n a l l e v e l s has meant 1 28 the gradual l o s s of Italophone c o n t r o l over the geographic co n t e x t i n which they c o u l d c o n t r o l socio-economic pro c e s s e s . In a modern c a p i t a l i s t economy v e r t i c a l f u n c t i o n a l s p e c i a l i z a t i o n along e t h n i c l i n e s i s untenable without h o r i z o n t a l t e r r i t o r i a l s e g r e g a t i o n . Ladins c o u l d do so because of t h e i r geographic s e p a r a t i o n and economic m a r g i n a l i t y ; Italophones cannot do so because of t h e i r geographic p e n e t r a t i o n by the Germanophone m i l i e u and the economic c e n t r a l i t y of t h e i r p l a c e s of settlement. The r e a s s e r t i o n of Germanophone predominance i n e v i t a b l y has had an uneven s p a t i a l impact. Since Bolzano-Bozen has an Italophone m a j o r i t y that cannot be d i s l o d g e d or weakened from w i t h i n the c i t y , the P r o v i n c i a l government has t i l l r e c e n t l y pursued p o l i c i e s designed to bypass i t , but as the seat of government i t had to l o c a t e t h e r e i n i t s growing a d m i n i s t r a t i v e a p p a r a t i . T h i s has ensured a steady flow of Germanophones towards the c i t y and the e r o s i o n of the Italophone m a j o r i t y . The appearance and d i f f u s i o n of t r a n s p o r t a t i o n by motor car and r a i l has made commuting to and from work e a s i e r and separated p l a c e of reside n c e from that of work (Atz, 1986). The e f f e c t i s t h a t the f u n c t i o n a l region around the p r o v i n c i a l c a p i t a l and the c a p i t a l i t s e l f are s u b j e c t e d to a process of re-Germanization t h a t does not s o l e l y depend on r e s i d e n t i a l re-Germanization but on the s u b o r d i n a t i o n of the v i t a l c e n t r e to i t s r u r a l p e r i p h e r y . In the longterm t h i s can onl y be the prelude to the r e -Germanization of the v i t a l c e n t r e i t s e l f . 1 29 V. CONCLUSION In our o r i g i n a l o b s e r v a t i o n s we s t a t e d t h a t , u n l i k e e t h n i e s d e f i n e d by genotype, r e l i g i o n or s o c i o - c u l t u r a l t r a i t s , the e x i s t e n c e and s u r v i v a l of e t h n o - l i n g u i s t i c groups depend on the s t r u c t u r a l autonomy of those f u n c t i o n a l i n s t i t u t i o n s and domains that ensure language a c q u i s i t i o n , use and r e t e n t i o n , i . e . on the s p a t i o - f u n c t i o n a l s e p a r a t i o n of language groups from e x o g l o s s i c s o c i a l and s t a t i s t systems. T h i s s e p a r a t i o n i s e s s e n t i a l f o r such groups to develop and maintain those s t r u c t u r a l (demographic, economic, c u l t u r a l , p o l i t i c a l ) c o n d i t i o n s that e n t a i l c o n t r o l over a v i t a l c e n t r e and i t s complementary re g i o n because i t i s i n h i e r a r c h i c a l l y but s p a t i a l l y d i f f u s e d f u n c t i o n a l i n s t i t u t i o n s that e t h n o - l i n g u i s t i c c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s are reproduced. As a s o c i a l phenomenon, the s t r u c t u r a l s e p a r a t i o n of language groups has become a f a c t of l i f e i n the l a s t two c e n t u r i e s because of the g l o t t o p h a g i c imperatives of c a p i t a l i s t r e l a t i o n s of p r o d u c t i o n and s t a t i s t i n s t i t u t i o n s . In the South T y r o l (and the h i s t o r i c T y r o l ) they subordinated l o c a l p o p u l a t i o n s to the f u l l weight of e x t e r n a l p o l i t i c o - b u r e a u c r a t i c i n s t i t u t i o n s and economic p r o c e s s e s and f o r c e d them to pursue p o l i t i c a l s t r a t e g i e s designed to achieve a c e r t a i n degree of s p a t i o - f u n c t i o n a l autonomy. Under the f a s c i s t regime t h i s s u b o r d i n a t i o n produced a b i f u r c a t e d s p a t i o - f u n c t i o n a l order t h a t , under c o n d i t i o n s of democratic r u l e and p o l i t i c a l autonomy, enabled the indigenous p o p u l a t i o n to r e a s s e r t i t s c o n t r o l over the p r o v i n c e , but i n circumstances that r e v e r s e d 1 30 the h i e r a r c h i c a l r e l a t i o n s h i p between c e n t r e and p e r i p h e r y . T h i s s t i l l proves that e t h n o - l i n g u i s t i c groups need s p a t i o -f u n c t i o n a l s e p a r a t i o n but that i n the s h o r t - and medium-term t h i s can accomplished without c o n t r o l of the v i t a l c e n t r e . I f f u r t h e r proof was needed, the South T y r o l e a n case a l s o shows that even i f s e p a r a t i o n i s p r e c a r i o u s , as i s the case of the Ladin p o p u l a t i o n , i t can s t i l l guarantee b e t t e r s u r v i v a l o p p o r t u n i t i e s than those s i t u a t i o n s were a language group i s s t r u c t u r a l l y i n t e g r a t e d i n t o a l a r g e r e x o g l o s s i c system. The s t r u c t u r a l weakness of the Italophone community has i n f a c t been recognized and has l e d some observers (Acquaviva and Eisermann, 1981: 101-5; Gambino, 1988) to c a l l f o r the p a r t i t i o n of the South T y r o l , the detachment of the s t i l l I t a l i a n i z e d area and I t a l i a n disengagement from the r e s t of the p r o v i n c e . However u n r e a l i s t i c these p r o p o s a l s might be under present l o c a l , n a t i o n a l and i n t e r n a t i o n a l circumstances, they are the only l o g i c a l c o n c l u s i o n s drawn from the South T y r o l e a n case. The only a l t e r n a t i v e that might be envisaged would r e q u i r e the r e c o n s t i t u t i o n of a s i n g l e , d e c e n t r a l i z e d pan-Tyrolean p o l i t y that was detached from both I t a l y and A u s t r i a . Under such circumstances, the c i t y of Bolzano-Bozen would no longer be e s s e n t i a l f o r Germanophone s p a t i o - f u n c t i o n a l autonomy. As par t of a much smal l e r p r o v i n c i a l u n i t , i t c o u l d p reserve c e r t a i n c e n t r a l f u n c t i o n s f o r an area that would be p e r i p h e r a l to both T r e n t i n e and German-Tyrolean communities. I t s p e r i p e h r a l i t y might cause a c e r t a i n demographic d e c l i n e s i n c e c e r t a i n c e n t r a l f u n c t i o n s would move to the T r e n t i n e and North T y r o l e a n 131 c a p i t a l s ; however, i t would l i k e l y become the area where the e t h n o - l i n g u i s t i c boundary c o u l d s t a b i l i z e and where pers o n a l e t h n o - l i n g u i s t i c r i g h t s might remain o p e r a t i v e . However, such a s o l u t i o n i s impossible under present p o l i t i c a l c o n d i t i o n s where the n a t i o n - s t a t e remains the dominant model of p o l i t i c a l o r g a n i z a t i o n . Only i n the context of a u n i t e d f e d e r a l Europe would t h i s s o l u t i o n be ever l i k e l y to p r e v a i l . 1 32 1• LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS, TOPONYMS AND TERMS (IN ALPHABETICAL  ORDER) A d i u e E t f . c n C o r r ir j o r l Geogr «*ph i c A r e a ) • M u n i c i p a l i t i e s o f A u e r Or a . B r o n z o l o - S r a n z o l 1 , La i v e t - L e i f e r s . Neuraarkt E g n a , S a l o r n o - S a l u r n a n d V a d e n a • P f a t t e n . A H o A j i i f l f l ( I n I t a l i a n ) ( G e o g r a p h i c A r e a ) - U p p e r A d i g e ( I n E n g l i s h ) , O o a r a i a c h ( i n G e r a a n ) . N o r t h e r n p a r t o f I t a l i a n R e g i o n o f T r e n t i no - A l t o A d i g e , p r o v i n c e o f B o l n n o 6 o ; « n AS • A l t e r n a t i v e L i s t f o r A n o t h e r S o u t h T y r o l . A_tan - A s s o c i a t l o n i s ) . ASTAT - ( P r o v i n c i a l ) B u r e a u o f S t a t i s t i c s . A u f b a t , - R e c o n s t r u c t i o n . B Q l z a g g ( G e o g r a p h i c A r s a ) - B o z e n ( i n G e r a a n ) , B u l s a n o r B a l s a n ( i n L a d i n ) . P r o v i n c e a n d c i t y SyavDol BZ. See a l s o A l t o A d i g e . Bo2en - s e e B o l z a n o B u l e a n • See B o l z a n o . B_Z - t e e B o l z a n o . £ • c i r c a . C 1 " IP, 1 flO T y r j ] ( G e o g r a p h i c A r e a ) • S o u t h e r n a n d C e n t r a l p a r t o f h i s t o r i c l a n d o f T y r o l , I t a l i a n R e g i o n o f T r e n t i n o - A 1 t o A d i g e . C o a a u n l s t a • P C I . I t a l i a n C o i a u n t i t P a r t y . C h r 1 s t i a n Q a n o c r a t s • DC, C h r i s t i a n D e a o c r a c y . C Q ' I - C o a p a n i e s . Q £ - P r o l e t a r i a n D e m o c r a c y . tilA ( G e o g r a p h i c A r e a ) • F a s s e i n I t a l i a n . L a d i n V a l l e y i n T r e n t P r o * i n c e . Q ( L a n g u a g e g r o u p s ) - G e r a a n i c Q ( s p e a h e r t ) - G e r a a n o p n o n e s . G e r a a n T v r o 1 ( G e o g r a p h i c A r e a ) - D e u t s c n T i r o l ( i n G e r a a n ) , T i r o l o t e d a s c o ( I n I t a l i a n ) . N o r t h e r n a n d C e n t r a l p a r t o f t h e h1st o r i c l a n d o f t h e T y r o 1. A u s t r i a n P r o v i n c e ( L a n d ) o f t h e T y r o l a n d I t a l i a n P r o v i n c e o f Bo I z a n o - B o z e n . GJB ( L a n g u a g e g r o u p s ) - G a l l o - R o a a n c e . flherde, j n a ( G e o g r a p n i c A r e a ) - G a r d e n s ( i n I t a l i a n ) , G r o e d e n ( i n G e r a a n ) . L a d i n V a l l e y i n Bo I z a n o - B o z e n P r o v i n c e X ( s p e a k e r s ) - I t a l o p h o n e s . IB ( L a n g u a g e g r o u p s ) • I t a l o - R o a a n c e . IS - S o u t h T y r o l e a n I n d e p e n d e n t s -I S T A T - ( I t a l i a n ) B u r e a u o f S t a t i s t i c s . I t a l i a n T v r o l ( G e o g r a p h i c A r e a ) - W e l s h T i r o l ( i n G e r a a n ) . T i r o l o i t a l i a n o ( i n I t a l i a n ) . S o u t h e r n p a r t o f C i s a l p i n e T y r o l . P r o v I n c e o f T r e n t . t ( s p e a k e r s ) • L a d i n s . t- i b e r a l s • PL I, I t a l i a n L i b e r a l P a r t y . N e o - f a s c i a l s - US I ON. I t a l t e n S o c i a l V o v e a e n t - N a t i o n a l R i g h t fit/A - Not a v a i l a b l e . NL-NS - Ne« L e f t QS2 - A u s t r i a n C e n t r a l B u r e a u o f S t a t i s t i c s . x  PDU • I n d e p e n d e n t s ' P a r t y . PSIUP • I t a l i a n S o c i a l i s t P a r t y o f P r o l e t a r i a n u n i t y . B • R u r a l . Reoub1 l e a n s • PR!. I t a l i a n R e p u b l i c a n P a r t y Efi ( L a n g u a g e G r o u p s ) - R h a e t o - R o a a n s c h . 8 u r a ) A r « M ( G e o g r a p h i c A r e a ) - i l l aun i c i p a 111 i e s o t h e r t h a n U r b a n C e n t r e s . S ( L a n g u a g e g r o u p ) - S l o v e n e . SOPS • S o c i a I d e e o c r a t i c P a r t y o f t h e S o u t h T y r o l , SFP - S o c i a l P r o g r e s s P a r t y ) . S o c l a l d e a o c r a t s - PSDI, I t a l i a n S o c l a I d e a o c r a t i c P a r t y . S o c i a l i s i , s - P S I . I t a l i a n S o c i a l i s t P s r t y . SVP - S o u t h T y r o l e a n P e o p l e ' s P a r t y . THP * T y r o l e a n H o a e l a n d P a r t y . Tor ( G e o g r a p h i c A r e a ) B a d i a ( i n I t a l i a n ) . T h u r n ( i n G e r a a n ) . L a d i n V a l l e y . T r e n t ( G e o g r a p h i c A r e a ) - T r e n t o ( i n I t a l i a n ) , T r i e n t ( i n G e r a a n ) . P r o v i n c e a n d C i t y . S y a b o l TN. lh - s e e T r e n t . T r a n s a l p i n e T v r o 1 ( G e o g r a p h i c A r e a ) N o r t h e r n P a r t o f h i s t o r i c l a n d o f t h e T y r o l . A u s t r i a n P r o v i n c e ( L a n d ) o f t h e T y r o l . T r e n t Ino ( G e o g r a p h tc A r e a ) S o u t h e r n P a r t o f I t a l i a n R e g i o n o f T r e n t i n o - A 1 t o A d i g e . P r o v i n c e o f T r e n t S e e a l s o I t a l i e n T y r o 1. U - U r b a n . U p p e r A d i g e - s e e A l t o A d i g e . U r b a n C e n t r e s ( G e o g r a p h i c A r e a ) - M u n i c i p a l i t i e s o f B o l z a n o - B o z e n . B r i x e n - B r e s s e n o n e . ' B r u n e c k - B r u n i c o , L a i v e s -L e i f e r s and NMerano-Meran. WQH - ( S o u t h T y r o l e a n ) P a t r i o t i c L e a g u e . 1 3 3 APPENDIX A URBAN CENTRES: B o l z a n o - B o z e n Merano-Meran Br i x e n - B r e s s a n o n e B r u n e c k - B r u n i c o La i v e s - L e i f e r s PROVINCE: 1 i 6 Munic i p a l i t i e s 2. APPENDIX B ADIGE-ETSCH CORRIDOR: Auer-Ora B r o n z o l o - B r a n z o l l L a i v e s - L e i f e r s Neumorkt-Egna S a l o r n o - S a l u r n V a d e n a - P f a t t e n RURAL AREAS: I I I Munic i p a l i t i e s LADIN AREA: C o r v a r a La P l i de Mareo La V a l S . C r i s t i n a San L i n e r t S . M a r t i n de Tor S e l va U r t i j e i GERMAN PARTIES: SVP (1948-1983) South T y r o l e a n P e o p l e ' s P a r t y SDPS (1948) S o c i a l D e m o c r a t i c of the South T y r o l IS (1952) S o u t h T y r o l e a n Independents TUP (1964) T y r o l e a n Homeland P a r t y SFP (1968-1978) S o c i a l P r o g r e s s P a r t y SPS (1973-1983) S o c i a l D e m o c r a t i c P a r t y PDU (1973-1983) I n d e p e n d e n t s ' P a r t y NS (1978) New L e f t WdH (1983) P a t r i o t i c League AS (1983) A l t e r n a t i v e L i s t f o r A n o t h e r S o u t h T y r o l N e l L e f t and A l t e r n a t i v e L i s t p a r t i e s a r e i n t e r - e t h n i c p a r t i e s . Germanophone and I t a l o p h o n e v o t e s were c a l c u l a t e d by d i v i d i n g t o t p a r t y v o t e i n each a d m i n i s t r a t i v e d i s t r i c t of the p r o v i n c e a c c o r d t o 1981 and 1986 P o p u l a t i o n d a t a per Language Group and a d d i n g r e s u l t s . ITALIAN IDEOLOGICAL GROUPINGS LEFT: Communists (1948-1983) S o c i a l i s t s (1948-1960) PSIUP (1964) DP (1978-1983) New L e f t (1978) A l t e r n a t i v e L i s t (1983) LEFT OP CENTRE: S o c i a l i s t s (1964-1983) S o c i a l d e m o c r a t s (1948-1983) R e p u b l i c a n s (1960-1983) CENTRE: C h r i s t i a n Democrats (1948-19 RIGHTS: N e o - f a s c i s t s (1948-1983) M o n a r c h i s t s (1956) OTHER: Autonomist P a r t i e s L i b e r a l s 134 4. APPENDIX C M A P S 1. GEOGRAPHIC BOUNDARIES Legend: — State boundaries - - - - - Orographic Region of the Al p s xxxxxxxxx Hydrographic D i v i d e 2. GEOGRAPHIC DISTRIBUTION OF LANGUAGES IN THE ALPS, 1914-1981 1 35 Legend: GR = Gallo-Romance languages G = Germanic languages IR = Italo-Romance languages S = Slovene RR = Rhaeto-Romansch languages E » 1 9 6 1 137 Legend: BZ - C i t y of Bol2ano-Bo2en TN - C i t y of Trent xxxxxxxxx Hydrographic Divide Prov inc ia l Boundaries • South Tyrolean D i s t r i c t s - - - - - Old Intra-Tyrolean Boundary G - Germanic Languages IR - Italo-Romance Languages RR - Rhaeto-Romansch Languages 10-20% Proportion of Italophone Population 50/90% Italophone and Ladin Majori ty South Tyrolean D i s t r i c t s : 1. Vinschgau-Venosta 2. Burgrafenamt-Burgraviato 3. Merano-Meran 4. Suedt iro ler Unterland-Bassa Atesina 5. Bol2ano -Bozen 6. Sal ten Schlern-Salto S c i l i a r 7. Wippta l -Al to Isarco 8. E i sack-Isarco 9. Puster-Puster ia 1 38 BIBLIOGRAPHY Newspapers and Magazines ALTO ADIGE, Year 41: S p e c i a l Supplement: De Gasperi-Gruber L'accordo 40 anni dopo, 1986. DOLOMITEN, Year 42: No. 137, 1987. EUROPEO, Year 37: No. 14, 1981. FAMIGLIA CRISTIANA, No. 42, 1985. LA REPUBBLICA, Year 12: Nos. 122-125-126-128-220-253, 1987. LA REPUBBLICA, Year 13: No. 92, 1988. LA REPUBBLICA, Year 14: No. 97, 1989. OMNIBUS, Nos. 21-22, 1987. Government P u b l i c a t i o n s A t z , Hermann, Aree d i Mercato d e l Lavoro e P i c c o l e Aree  F u n z i o n a l i , ASTAT, No.15, 1986. Huber, E r i c h , S t r u t t u r a d e l l a Popolazione e Composizione d e l l e  F a m i g l i e 1986, ASTAT, No.18, 1987c. Huber, E r i c h , P r o i e z i o n e d e l l a Popolazione i n A l t o Adige f i n o a l  2011, ASTAT, No.14, 1986. D a l l ' o ' , N o r b e r t , Hermann Atz and Max H a l l e r , S o c i a l Survey 1986  O p i n i o n i v a l o r i e modi d i v i t a i n A l t o Adige, ASTAT, No.20, 1988. ASTAT, I l Conto Economico d e l l a P r o v i n c i a d i Bolzano Anni 1975- 1982, 1984. ASTAT, II Conto Economico d e l l a P r o v i n c i a d i Bolzano Anni 1982-1985, No.16, 1986. I b i d , Annuario S t a t i s t i c o d e l l a P r o v i n c i a d i Bolzano 1986, 1987a. I b i d , Annuario S t a t i s t i c o d e l l a P r o v i n c i a d i Bolzano 1987, 1987b. I b i d , Andamento Demografico 1987, N o t i z i a r i o - D e m o g r a f i a , No.15, Marzo 1988a. I b i d , I l Conto Economico d e l l a P r o v i n c i a d i Bolzano Anni 1983-1986, No.21, 1988b. 139 ISTAT, B i l a n c i C o n s u n t i v i d e l l e Reqioni e d e l l e Province  Autonome Anno 1984, No. 9, 1986. I b i d , Censimento Generale d e l l a Popolazione 1951 - F a s c i c o l o 17  P r o v i n c i a d i Bolzano, S o c i e t a Abete, 1955. I b i d , Censimento Generale d e l l a Popolazione 1961 - F a s c i c o l o 21  P r o v i n c i a d i Bolzano, 1964. I b i d . Censimento Generale d e l l a Popolazione 1971 - F a s c i c o l o 17  P r o v i n c i a d i Bolzano, 1973. I b i d , Censimento Generale d e l l a Popolazione 1981 - F a s c i c o l o 21  P r o v i n c i a d i Bolzano, 1983. O.S.Z., V o r l a e u f i g e E r g e b n i s s e der V o l k s z a e h l u n q vom Juni 1961, 1961. P r o v i n c i a Autonoma d i B o l z a n o - A l t o Adige, Manuale d e l l ' A l t o  Adige, 1984. i b i d , II Nuovo S t a t u t o d i Autonomia, 1985. i b i d , Manuale d e l l ' A l t o Adige - Aqgiornamenti e M o d i f i c h e , 1986. I b i d , P r o v i n c i a Autonoma, Year 18, No. 49, 1988. I s p e t t o r a t o per 1 ' A g r i c u l t u r a , Data on C l o s e d E s t a t e ( i n  I t a l i a n ) , P r o v i n c i a Autonoma, J u l y 1986. Rregione T r e n t i n o - A l t o Adige A q g i o r n a m e n t i - A k t u e l l , 1982. I b i d , E l e z i o n i d e l C o n s i g l i o Regionale n e l l a Regione T r e n t i n o  A l t o - A d i g e , 1948-68/1973/1978/1983. I b i d , E l e z i o n i e Composizione d e g l i Organi Comunali n e l l a P r o v i n c i a d i Bolzano S i t u a z i o n e a l 1 Gennaio 1986, 1986. A r t i c l e s A a r e b r o t , Frank H. "On the S t r u c t u r a l B a s i s of Regional M o b i l i z a t i o n i n Europe" pp33-9l, i n Boundaries and  M i n o r i t i e s i n Western Europe, e d i t e d by Bruna De Marchi and Anna Maria B o i l e a u , Franco A n g e l i E d i t o r e , 1982. A l c o c k , Antony E. "The Development of Governmental A t t i t u d e s t o C u l t u r a l M i n o r i t i e s i n Western I n d u s t r i a l S t a t e s " pp.102-19, i n The Future of C u l t u r a l M i n o r i t i e s , e d i t e d by Antony E. A l c o c k , B r i a n K. T a y l o r and John M. Welton, The MacMillan Press, 1979. A l l a r d t , E r i k "I mutamentidella naturea d e i movimenti e t n i c i : d a l l a t r a d i z i o n e a l l ' o r g a n i z z a z i o n e " pp.323-47, in 11  Mulino, Year 28, No.263, 1979. 1 40 Amort, L u i s , " I I tedesco come l i n g u a b u r o c r a t i c a i n A l t o Adige" pp.5-30, i n La l i n g u a tedesca n e l p u b b l i c o impiego i n  S u d t i r o l o , e d i t e d by the Gruppo c o n s i l i a r e d e l l a SVP n e l c o n s i g l i o p r o v i n c i a l e , 1987. A ndreatta, Giampaolo and G i a n n i F a u s t i n i , " A l t o Adige: i l dopo-pa c c h e t t o " pp.719-36, i n I I Mulino, Year 25, No. 247, 1976. B a r t o l e , S e r g i o , "Passato e presente d e l l e Autonomic S p e c i a l i " pp.368-86, i n II Mulino, Year 28, No.263, 1979. Volume 16, R i z z o l i , 1933a. Bianco, G i a n n i , " T r e n t i n o - A l t o Adige" pp.365-91, i n I t a l i a  R e g i o n i , e d i t e d by Giovanni G i o v a n n i n i , AEDA, 1971. B o r r i , Luca, " G l i ' a l t r i l a d i n i ' " pp.21-7, i n E t n i e , Year 6, No.10, 1985. B u r i a n , Peter, "The State Language Problem i n Old A u s t r i a " pp.81-103, i n A u s t r i a n H i s t o r y Yearbook, Volumes 6/7, 1970-71 . Castronovo, V a l e r i o , "L'economia t r a l e due guerre" pp.79-86, in S t o r i a I l l u s t r a t a , No.325, 1984. Cohen, E r i k , "Environmental O r i e n t a t i o n s : A M u l t i d i m e n s i o n a l Approach to S o c i a l E cology" pp.49-70, in Current  Anthropology, Volume 17, No.1, 1976. Cohen, Jon S., "The 1927 R e v a l u a t i o n of the L i r a : a Study i n P o l i t i c a l Economy" pp.642-54, in The Economic H i s t o r y  Review, Second S e r i e s , Volume 25, No.4, 1972. I b i d , "Fascism and A g r i c u l t u r e i n I t a l y : P o l i c i e s and Consequences" pp.70-87, i n The Economic H i s t o r y Review, Second S e r i e s , Volume 32, No.1, 1979. Compagna, Francesco and Calogero Muscara "Regionalism and S o c i a l Change i n I t a l y " pp.101-9, i n Center and P e r i p h e r y , e d i t e d by Jean Gottmann, Sage P u b l i c a t i o n s . Corposanto, C l e t o , " D i s c o n t i n u i t a e l e t t o r a l e i n T r e n t i n o : i l caso d e l PPTT-UE" pp.400-8, i n II Mulino, Volume 28, No.263, 1979. Cunsolo, Ronald S., " E n r i c o C o r r a d i n i and the I t a l i a n V e r s i o n of P r o l e t a r i a n N a t i o n a l i s m " pp.47-63, i n Canadian Review of  S t u d i e s i n N a t i o n a l i s m , Volume 12, No.2, 1985. Danesi, M a r c e l , "Ethnic Languages and A c c u l t u r a t i o n : the Case of I t a l o - C a n a d i a n s " pp.98-103, i n Canadian E t h n i c S t u d i e s , 141 Volume 17, No.1, 1 985. D e l l e Donne, G i o r g i o , " C o n s i d e r a z i o n i s u l l a s t o r i a d e l S u d t i r o l o e l a s i n i s t r a " pp.17-24, i n II C r i s t a l l o , Year 26, No.1, 1984. D e l l e Fave, L. R i c h a r d , "Toward and E x p l a n a t i o n of the L e g i t i m a t i o n Process" pp.476-500, i n S o c i a l F o r c e s , Volume 65, No.2, 1986. Dente, Bruno, "Centre-Local R e l a t i o n s i n I t a l y : the Impact of the Legal and P o l i t i c a l S t r u c t u r e s " pp.125-48, i n Centre- P e r i p h e r y R e l a t i o n s i n Western Europe, e d i t e d by Yves Memy and Vincent Wright, A l l e n & Unwin, 1985a. DeMarchi, Bruna, "A S o c i o l o g y of Language Research i n F r i u l i -V e n e t i a J u l i a A M u l t i l i n g u a l Border Area" pp.183-210, i n Boundaries and M i n o r i t i e s i n Western Europe, e d i t e d by Bruna DeMarchi and Anna Maria B o i l e a u , Franco A n g e l i E d i t o r e , 1982. De Mauro, T u l l i o , "Note s u l l e minoranze l i n g u i s t i c h e e n a z i o n a l i in I t a l i a " pp.349-67, in II Mulino, Year 28, No.263, 1979. Douglas, J.N.H. " P o l i t i c s " pp.159-85, in E v a l u a t i n g the Human  Envornment, e d i t e d by John A. Dawson and John C. Dorrnkamp, Edward A r n o l d , 1973. F i o r o t , Dino, "Le minoranze l i n g u i s t i c h e n e l l e t r e Venezie" pp.113-80, in Comunita, Year 36, No.184, 1982. Fontana, J o s e f , "Die L a d i n e r f r a g e i n Der Z e i t 1918 b i s 1948" pp.151-220, i n L a d i n i a , Volume 5, 1981. F r e s h f i e l d , Douglas W., "The Southern F r o n t i e r s of A u s t r i a " pp.414-35, i n The G e o g r a p h i c a l J o u r n a l , Volume 56, No.6, 1915. Gambino, Antonio, " I l S u d t i r o l o a i S u d t i r o l e s i " pp.209-17, i n Micromeqa, No.4, 1988. G e e r t z , C l o f f o r d "The I n t e g r a t i v e R e v o l u t i o n " pp. 1.05-57, i n Old  S o c i e t i e s and New S t a t e s , e d i t e d by C l i f f o r d G e e r t z , The Free Press, 1963. Giddens, Anthony, " A c t i o n s , S u b j e c t i v i t y , and the C o n s t i t u t i o n of Meaning" pp.529-45, i n S o c i a l Research, Volume 53, No.3, 1986. Giddens, Anthony, "Agency, i n s t i t u t i o n , and time-space a n a l y s i s " pp.161-74, i n Advances i n S o c i a l Theory and Methodology, e d i t e d by K a r i n D. K n o r r - C e t i n a and Aaron C. C i c o u r e l , Routledge and Kegan Pa u l , 1981. 1 42 G o l d i n g e r , Walter, "The N a t i o n a l i s t y Question i n A u s t r i a n E d u c a t i o n " pp.136-56, i n A u s t r i a n H i s t o r y Yearbook, Volume 3, p a r t 3, 1967. G r e e n f i e l d , Kent Robert, "The I t a l i a n N a t i o n a l i s t y Problem of the A u s t r i a n Empire" pp.491-526, i n A u s t r i a n H i s t o r y  Yearbokk, Volume 3, Part 2, 1967. Gubert, Renzo, "The Problems of I n t e r e t h n i c R e l a t i o n s i n A l t o Adige with r e f e r e n c e to the Demand f o r B i l i n g u a l i s m by I t a l i a n s " pp.21 1-28, i n Boundaries and M i n o r i t i e s i n  Western Europe, e d i t e d by Bruna DeMarchi and Anna Maria B o i l e a u , Franco A n g e l i E d i t o r e , 1982. Habermas, Juergen, "Toward a r e c o n s t r u c t i o n of h i s t o r i c a l m a t e r i a l i s m " pp.259-76, i n Advances i n S o c i a l Theory and  Methodology, e d i t e d by K a r i n D. Knor r - C e t i n a and Aaron. V. C i c o u r e l , Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1981. Hobsbawm, E r i c , "Some R e f l e c t i o n s on N a t i o n a l i s m " pp. 385-406, in Imagination and P r e c i s i o n i n the S o c i a l S c i e n c e s , e d i t e d by T . J . N o s s i t e r , A.H. Hanson and S t e i n Rokkan, Faber and Faber, 1972. I b i d , " I n v e n t i n g T r a d i t i o n s " pp.1-15, i n The Invention of T r a d i t i o n , e d i t e d by E r i c Hobsbawm and Terence Ranger, Cambridge U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1983. Hoffman, George W., "The P o l i t i c o - G e o g r a p h i c Bases of the A u s t r i a n N a t i o n a l i t y Problem" pp.121-46, i n A u s t r i a n  H i s t o r y Yearbook, Volume 3, Part 1, 1967. I a c o v i s s i , Roberto, " I l 1985 e i L a d i n i " pp.18-20, i n E t n i e , Year 6, No.10, 1985. Jackson, Robert, " E t h n i c i t y " pp.205-33, i n S o c i a l Science Concepts A Systematic A n a l y s i s , e d i t e d by Giovanni S a r t o r i , Sage P u b l i c a t i o n s , 1984. Kahane, Henry, "A Typology of the P r e s t i g e Language" pp.495-508, i n Language, Volume 62, No.3, 1986. Langer, Alexander, " I l Potere e t n i c o i s t i t u z i o n a l i z z a t o n e l S u d t i r o l o " pp.185-93, i n E t n i c i t a e potere, e d i t e d by Paolo C h i o z z i , Cleup E d i t o r e , 1986. Laponce, Jean, "The C i t y Centre as C o n f l i c t u a l Space i n the B i l i n g u a l C i t y : the Case of Montreal" pp.149-62, i n Center  and P e r i p h e r y , e d i t e d by Jean Gottmann, Sage P u b l i c a t i o n s , 1980. I b i d , " A s s e s s i n g the Neighbour E f f e c t on the Vote of Francophone M i n o r i t i e s i n Canada" pp.77-87, i n P o l i t i c a l Geography  Q u a r t e r l y , Volume a, No.1, 1987. 143 I b i d , " C o n s e i l au P r i n c e qui v o u d r a i t a s s u r e r l a s u r v i e du f r a n c a i s en Amerique du Nord" pp. 35-47, in Cahier  quebecois de demoqraphie, Volume 17, No.1, 1988. L a t o u r , C.F., "Germany, I t a l y and South T y r o l , 1939-1945" pp.95-111, i n The H i s t o r i c a l J o u r n a l , Volume 8, No.1, 1965. 1 974. L e i d l m a i r , Adolf " S u e d t i r o l a l s geographisches Problem" pp.249-62, i n Neue B e i t r a g e zur G e s c h i c h t l i c h e n Landeskunde  T i r o l s , Volume 2, e d i t e d by E r n e s t Troger and Georg Zwanowetz, U n i v e r s i t a e t v e r l a g Wagner, 1969. L i e b e l , Helen P., "Free Trade and. P r o t e c t i o n i s m under Maria Theresa and Joseph I I " pp.355-73, i n Canadian J o u r n a l of  H i s t o r y , Volume 14, No.2, 1979. L i j p h a r t , Arend, " C o n s o c i a t i o n and F e d e r a t i o n : Conceptual and E m p i r i c a l L i n k s " pp.499-15, i n Canadian J o u r n a l of  P o l i t i c a l S c i e n c e , Volume 12, No.3, 1979. L i l l , Rudolph, "The H i s t o r i c a l E v o l u t i o n of the I t a l i a n F r o n t i e r Regions" pp.109-22, i n West European P o l i t i c s , Volume 5, No.4, 1982. L i p s e t , Seymour and S t e i n Rokkan, "Cleavage S t r u c t u r e s Party Systems and Voter Alignments: An I n t r o d u c t i o n " pp.1-64, in Party Systems and Voter Alignments Cross N a t i o n a l P e r s p e c t i v e s , e d i t e d by same authors, The Free Press, 1967. M a r i n e l l i , O l i n t o "The Regions of Mixed Po p u l a t i o n s i n Northern I t a l y " pp.129-48, in The G e o g r a p h i c a l Review, Volume 7, No.3, 1919. Mendels, F r a n k l i n F., " P r o t p - I n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n : the F i r s t Phase of the I n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n P r o c e s s " pp.241-61, in J o u r n a l of  Economic H i s t o r y , Volume 32, No.1, 1972. Mackey, W i l l i a m F., "Commentary: The S o c i o b i o l o g y of Ethno-l i n g u i s t i c n u c l e a t i o n " pp.10-4, i n P o l i t i c s and the L i f e  S c i e n c e , Volume 4, No. 1 , 1985. N a i r n , Tom, " N a t i o n a l i s m and the Unneven Geography of Development" pp.195-206, i n S t a t e s and S o c i e t i e s , e d i t e d by David Held et a l . , M a r t i n Robertson and The Open U n i v e r s i t y , 1983. N e t t l , J.P., "The S t a t e as a Conceptual V a r i a b l e " pp.559-92. i n World P o l i t i c s , Volume 20, No.4, 1968. N o l e t , C l a u d i o , "La r i c e r c a d e l l ' i n t e s a " pp.9-16, in I1  C r i s t a l l o , Year 26, No.1, 1984. 1 44 II C r i s t a l l o , Year 17, No.3, 1975. I b i d , "Non e f i n i t a " pp.9-14, i n II C r i s t a l l o , Year 13, No.3, 1971. Pan, C h r i s t o p h , " A n a l i s i d e i r a p p o r t i t r a l e p a r t i s o c i a l i n e g l i u l t i m i d i e c i anni D a t i e f a t t i " , i n P a r t i S o c i a l i i n A l t o  Adige, S u e d t i r o l e r W i r t s c h a f t s - und S o z i a l i n s t i t u t s , 1979. I b i d , "Uso d e l l a l i n g u a tedesca n e g l i u f f i c i s t a t a l i d e l S u d t i r o l o " pp.31-61, i n La Lingua tedesca n e l p u b b l i c o  impiego i n S u d t i r o l o , e d i t e d by the Gruppo c o n s i l i a r e d e l l a SVP n e l C o n s i g l i o P r o v i n c i a l e , 1987. P i n z a n i , C a r l o , " L ' I t a l i a r e p u b b l i c a n a " pp.2484-734, i n S t o r i a  d ' l t a l i a D a l l ' U n i t a a og g i , e d i t e d by Ruggiero Romano and Corrado V i v a n t i , Volume 4, E i n a u d i , 1976. P o r t i n a r o , P i e r Paolo, "Nel tramonto d e l l ' O c c i d e n t e : l a G e o p o l i t i c a " pp.1-42, i n Comunita,, Year 36, No.184, 1982. P r a d e l l e s de L a t o u r , M a r i e - L o r r a i n e , " I d e n t i t y as a Complex Network" pp.79-92, i n M i n o r i t i e s : Community and I d e n t i t y , , e d i t e d by C. F r i e d , S p r i n g e r - V e r l a g , 1983. R i z z i , B i c e , "La Vene z i a T r i d e n t i n a n e l periodo a r m i s t i z i a l e , B) A l t o Adige" pp.42-97 i n A r c h i v i o Veneto, Anno 92, V S e r i e , No.104, 1961. R a g i o n i e r i , E r n e s t o , "La s t o r i a p o l i t i c a e s o c i a l e " pp.1668-2483, i n S t o r i a d ' l t a l i a D a l l ' U N i t a a o g g i , , e d i t e d by Ruggiero Romano and Corrado V i v a n t i , Volume 4, E i n a u d i , 1976. Rose, R i c h a r d , "From Government at the Centre to Nationwide Government" pp.13-32, i n Ce n t r e - P e r i p h e r y R e l a t i o n s i n  Western Europe, e d i t e d by Yver Memy and Vincent Wright, George A l l e n and Unwin, 1985. R u c e l l a i , Cosimo, " T r u f f a d e l l e e t i c h e t t e i n A l t o Adige" pp.30-6, i n I I Ponte, , Year 40, Nos.4-5, 1984. Rudolph, R i c h a r d L., "The P a t t e r n of A u s t r i a n I n d u s t r i a l Growth from the e i g h t e e n t h to the E a r l y Twentieth Century" pp. 3-22, i n A u s t r i a n H i s t o r y Yearbook, Volume 11, 1975. S a l v i , S e r g i o , " L e t t e r a t u r a d e l l e minoranze e g l o t t o c i d i o " pp.543-52, i n I I Ponte, Year 34, No.5, 1978. Segre, C l a u d i o G. "Beggar's Empire: Ideology and the C o l o n i a l i s t Movement i n L i b e r a l I t a l y ' pp.174-81, i n Proceedings of the Fourth Meeting of the French C o l o n i a l  H i s t o r i c a l S o c i e t y , 6-8/04/1978, e d i t e d by A l f Andrew. Heggov and James J . Cooke, U n i v e r s i t y Press of America, 1 45 1979. S e t t e m b r i n i , Domenico, "Anatomia d i un regime" pp.118-26, i n S t o r i a I l l u s t r a t a , No.359, 1987. S t e l l a , Aldo, "I P r i n c i p a t i v e s c o v i l i d i Trento e Bressanone" pp.499-605, i n S t o r i a d ' I t a l i a , Volume 17, e d i t e d by Giuseppe Galasso, UTET, 1979. Stewart Sweet, Suzanne, "Review A r t i c l e : Benedict Anderson's Imagined Communities: R e f l e c t i o n s on the O r i g i n s and Spread of N a t i o n a l i s m " i n T e l o s , No.60, 1984. S u s s i , Emidio, "Dominant Group and M i n o r i t i e s . I n t e r e t h n i c Images and R e l a t i o n s at the I t a l i a n N o r th-Eastern Border" pp.165-182, i n Boundaries and M i n o r i t i e s i n Western Europe, e d i t e d by Bruna De Marchi and Anna Maria B o i l e a u , Franco A n g e l i E d i t o r e , 1982. T o n i o l o , A.R., "Studies of Depopulation i n the Mountains of I t a l y " pp.473-7, i n The Geo g r a p h i c a l Review, Volume 28, 1937. W a l l i s , B.C., "The People of A u s t r i a " pp.52-65, i n The  Geog r a p h i c a l Review, Volume 6, 1918. Weigend, Guido G., " E f f e c t s of Boundary Changes i n the South T y r o l " pp.364-75, i n The Geo g r a p h i c a l review, Volume 60, 1950. Weilenmann, Hermann, "The I n t e r l o c k i n g of Nation and P e r s o n a l i t y S t r u c t u r e " pp.33-55, i n N a t i o n - B u i l d i n g , e d i t e d by K a r l W. Deutsch and W.J. F o l t z , A t h e r t o n , 1963. Whiteside, Andrew G., "The Germans as an I n t e g r a t i v e Force i n Imperial A u s t r i a : The Dilemma of Dominance" pp.157-200, i n A u s t r i a n H i s t o r y Yearbook, Volume 3, Part 1, 1967. W h i t t l e s e y , Derwent, "The Impress of E f f e c t i v e C e n t r a l A u t h o r i t y upon the Landscape" pp.85-97, i n Annals of the A s s o c i a t i o n  of American Geography,, Volume 25, 1935. Wolf, E r i c "The I n h e r i t a n c e of Land among Bavarian and T y r o l e s e Peasants" pp.99-114, i n A n t h r o p o l o g i c a , Volume 16, 1970. I b i d , "Ownership and P o l i t i c a l Ecology" pp.201-5, i n A n t h r o p o l o g i c a l Q u a r t e r l y , Volume 45, No.3, 1972. Z a r i s k i , Raphael, " C o a l i t i o n Formation i n the I t a l i a n Regions" pp.403-20, i n Comparative P o l i t i c s , Volume 6, No.4, 1984. Z o e l l n e r , E r i c h , "The Germans as an I n t e g r a t i n g and D i s i n t e g r a t i n g Force" pp.201-33, i n A u s t r i a n H i s t o r y  Yearbook, Volume 3, Part 1, 1967. 1 46 Yearbook, Volume 3, Part 1, 1967. Z u c c h i n i , Giampaolo, "0, Du Mein S u d t i r o l , dall'Autonomia a l i o S t ato L i b e r o d e l S u d t i r o l o ? " pp.32-52, i n II Mulino, Year 35, No.1, 1986. Books Acquaviva, Sabino and G o t t f r i e d Eisermann, A l t o Adige  S p a r t i z i o n e s u b i t o ? , Patron, E d i t o r e , 1981. A g o s t i n i , P i e r o , A l t o Adige La Convivenza R i n v i a t a , P r a x i s , F i r s t E d i t i o n , 1985, Second E d i t i o n , 1986. A l c o c k , Antony Avelyn, The H i s t o r y of the South T y r o l Q u e s t i o n , Michael Joseph L t d . , 1970. Almond, G a b r i e l A. and G. Bingham Powell, Comparative P o l i t i c s  A Developmental Approach, L i t t l e , Brown & Company, 1966. Aunger, Edmund, In Search of P o l i t i c a l S t a b i l i t y ; A Comparative  Study of New Brunswick and Northern I r e l a n d , McGi11-Queen's U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1981. B o i l e a u , Anna Maria et a l . , Temi d i S o c i o l o q i a d e l l e r e l a z i o n i  e t n i c h e , ISIG, No.3, 1975. B a i r o c h , Paul and Maurice Levy-Leboyer, (eds) D i s p a r i t i e s i n Economic Development s i n c e the I n d u s t r i a l R e v o l u t i o n , The MacMillan Press L i t . , 1981. B a r d u z z i , C a r l o , Testimonianze s t o r i c h e s u l l ' A l t o Adige, E d i z i o n i Europa, 1962. Barker, Thomas and Andreas M o r i t s c h , The Slovene M i n o r i t y i n  C a r i n t h i a , Columbia U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1984. B a t t i s t i , C a r l o (ed), E s s a i s sur l e Haut Adige, I n s t i t u t de l i n g u i s t i q u e de l ' U n i v e r s i t e , 1946. B e r g i e r , F r a n c o i s et a l . , Le A l p i e L'Europe Economia e  T r a n s i t i , Volume 3, L a t e r z a , 1975. B o r s t , A. et a l . (eds), Le A l p i e L'Europa C u l t u r a , Volume 4, L a t e r z a , 1975. B r a u d e l , Fernand, C i v i l i z a t i o n and C a p i t a l i s m , Volume 1: The S t r u c t u r e s of Everyday L i f e , 1981; Volume 2: The Wheels of Commerce, 1982; Volume 3: The P e r s p e c t i v e of the World, 1984; Harper and Row P u b l i s h e r s . C h r i s t a l l e r , Walter, C e n t r a l P l a c e s i n Southern Germany, P r e n t i c e - H a l l , 1966. 1 47 Cole, John W. and E r i c R. Wolf, The Hidden F r o n t i e r Ecology  and E t h n i c i t y in an A l p i n e V a l l e y , Academic Press, 1974. C r a f f o n a r a , L o i s , I L a d i n i d e l l e D o l o m i t i , I s t i t u t C u l t u r a l Ladin "Micura de Rue", 1987. De F e l i c e , Renzo, I l problema d e l l ' A l t o Adige nei r a p p o r t i  i t a l o - t e d e s c h i d a l l ' A n s c h l u s s a l i a f i n e d e l l a seconda  guerra mondiale, E d i t r i c e II Mulino, 1973. Dente, Bruno Governare l a frammentazione S t a t o , r e g i o n i e e n t i  l o c a l i i n I t a l i a , E d i t r i c e II Mulino, 1985b. De S e r v i o , Ugo, G l i S t a t u t i d e l l e R e g i o n i , G i u f f r e E d i t o r e , 1974. de V r i e s , Jan, European U r b a n i z a t i o n 1500-1800, Harvard U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1984. Egger, Kurt, B i l i n g u i s m o i n A l t o Adige Problemi e p r o s p e t t i v e , E d i t r i c e A t h e s i a , 1978. Enger, Eldon et a l . , Environmental Science The Study of  I n t e r r e l a t i o n s h i p s , Win C. Brown P u b l i s h e r s , 1986. Esman, M i l t o n J . (ed) E t h n i c C o n f l i c t i n the Western World, C o r n e l l U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1977. F u r l a n i , S i l v i o and Adam Wandruszka, A u s t r i a e I t a l i a S t o r i a a  due v o c i , C a p p e l l i E d i t o r e , 1974. G a t t e i , Sandro et a l . , T r e n t i n o A l t o Adige, E l e c t r a E d i t r i c e , 1979. G e l l n e r , E r n e s t , Nations and N a t i o n a l i s m , B l a c k w e l l P u b l i s h e r , 1983. G h i r i g a t o , I t a l o , Sindacato e questione e t n i c a , E d i z i o n i Lavoro, 1986. G i a n n e l l i , D a r i o , I l Muro d i Bolzano, M a n f r i n i R. A r t i G r a f i c h e V a l l a g a r i n a Spa., 1987. G o g l i o , S i l v i o et a l . , E t n i e t r a D e c l i n o e R i s v e g l i o , Franco A n g e l i E d i t o r e , 1979. Good, David F., The Economic Rise of the Habsburg Empire, 1750- 1914, U n i v e r s i t y of C a l i f o r n i a P r e s s , 1984. Great B r i t a i n - H i s t o r i c a l s e c t i o n of the F o r e i g n O f f i c e , T r e n t i n o A l t o Adige Handbook No.33, H.M. S t a t i o n e r y O f f i c e , 1920. 148 Gruber, A l f o n s , L ' A l t o Adige s o t t o i l fascismo, Casa e d i t r i c e A t h e s i a , 1979. Gubert, Renzo, La C i t t a b i l i n g u e , I.C.A, 1978. I b i d , L ' I d e n t i f i c a z i o n e e t n i c a , E d i z i o n i Del Bianco, 1976. H a r r i s , Marvin, C u l t u r a l M a t e r i a l i s m , Random House, 1979. Hohenberg, Paul M. and Lynn H o l l e n Lees, The Making of Urban  Europe 1000-1950, Harvard U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1985. Huter, Franz, S u e d t i r o l Eine Frage des europaeischen Gewissens, R.Oldenbourg v e r l a g , 1965. Kahn, Robert A., The Habsburg Empire A Study I n t e g r a t i o n and  D i s i n t e g r a t i o n , Octagon Books, 1979. Kimmerling, Baruch, S o c i a l I n t e r r u p t i o n and Besieged S o c i e t i e s  (The Case of I s r a e l ) , S p e c i a l S t u d i e s S e r i e s C o u n c i l on I n t e r n a l S t u d i e s S t a t e U n i v e r s i t y of New York at B u f f a l o , 1979. Lane, F r e d e r i c C , Venice A Maritime R e p u b l i c , The John Hopkins U n i v e r s i t y , 1973. Laponce, Jean A., Langue et T e r r i t o i r e , Les Presses de l ' U n i v e r s i t e L a v a l , 1984. Lepschy, Anna Laura and G i u l i o Lepschy, The I t a l i a n Language  Today, Hutchison and Company ( P u b l i s h e r s ) L t d . , 1979. Lukesch, D i e t e r and Paul T s c h u r t s c h e n t h a l e r , S u e d t i r o l  Bevoelkerung b i s zom Jahr 2000, A t h e s i a , 1979. McRae, Kenneth D. C o n f l i c t and Compromise in M u l t i l i n g u a l S o c i e t i e s S w i t z e r l a n d , W i l f r i d L a u r i e r U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1983. P r i s t i n g e r , F l a v i a , La minoranza dominante n e l S u d t i r o l o , Patron E d i t o r e , 1978. Richebuono, Bepe, La Presa d i C o s c i e n z a d e i L a d i n i , I s t i t u t L a din "Micura de Rue", 1982. Rusinow, Dennison I., I t a l y ' s A u s t r i a n H e r i t a g e 1919-1946, Oxford U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1969. S a l v i , S e r g i o , Le l i n g u e t a g l i a t e , R i z z o l i , 1975. Smith, Anthony D., The E t h n i c O r i g i n s of Nations, B a s i l B l a c k w e l l , 1986. Tarrow, Sydney, Between Center and P e r i p h e r y : G r a s s r o o t s 1 49 P o l i t i c i a n s i n I t a l y and France, Yale U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1977. Tarrow, Sydney et a l . , (eds), T e r r i t o r i a l P o l i t i c s i n I n d u s t r i a l  Nations, Praeger, P u b l i s h e r s , 1978. T a y l o r , A.J.P. La Monarchia A s b u r q i c a , Arnoldo Mondatori E d i t o r e , 1985. Toscano, Mario, S t o r i a D i p l o m a t i c a d e l l a Questione d e l l ' A l t o  Adige, E d i t o r e L a t e r z a , 1967. V e i t e r , Theodor Die I t a l i e n e r i n Der O e s t e r r e i c h i s c h - U n q a r i s c h e n  Monarchie - E i n e V o l k s p o l i t i s c h e und N a t i o n a l i t a e t e n r e c h l i c h e S t u d i e , V e r l a g fuer Geschichte und P o l i t i k , 1965. Volgger, F r i e d l , S u d t i r o l o a l B i v i o , P r a x i s , 1985a. W a l l e r s t e i n , Immanuel, The Modern World System, Academic Press, 1976. Weatherford, Jack, Indian G i v e r s , Crown P u b l i s h e r s Inc., 1988. Weibel, E r n e s t , La c r e a t i o n des r e g i o n s autonomes a s t a t u t  s p e c i a l en I t a l i e , L i b r a i r i e Droz, 1971. Z a r i s k i , Raphael, I t a l y P o l i t i c s of Uneven development, The Dryden Press, 1972. 

Cite

Citation Scheme:

        

Citations by CSL (citeproc-js)

Usage Statistics

Share

Embed

Customize your widget with the following options, then copy and paste the code below into the HTML of your page to embed this item in your website.
                        
                            <div id="ubcOpenCollectionsWidgetDisplay">
                            <script id="ubcOpenCollectionsWidget"
                            src="{[{embed.src}]}"
                            data-item="{[{embed.item}]}"
                            data-collection="{[{embed.collection}]}"
                            data-metadata="{[{embed.showMetadata}]}"
                            data-width="{[{embed.width}]}"
                            async >
                            </script>
                            </div>
                        
                    
IIIF logo Our image viewer uses the IIIF 2.0 standard. To load this item in other compatible viewers, use this url:
https://iiif.library.ubc.ca/presentation/dsp.831.1-0098309/manifest

Comment

Related Items