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Studies of eight Canadian fundamentalists Elliott, David Raymond 1989

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STUDIES OF EIGHT CANADIAN FUNDAMENTALISTS  By  DAVID RAYMOND ELLIOTT B.A. (Hons,), The University of Calgary (1973) M.A., The University of Calgary (1375)  A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES Department of History  We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard  THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA APRIL 1939 © D A V I D RAYMOND ELLIOTT  In  presenting  this  thesis  in  degree at the University of  partial  fulfilment  of  the  requirements  for an  advanced  British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it  freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying  of  department  this or  thesis by  his  for scholarly or  her  purposes  may be granted  representatives.  It  is  by the head of  understood  that  publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without permission.  Department of The University of British Columbia Vancouver, Canada  DE-6 (2/88)  copying  my or  my written  ii  ABSTRACT  The  fundamentalist  movement, which became prominent in North  America during the 1920s and 1930s, has often been depicted by scholars as a populist reaction against urbanism, industrialism, immigration, and modern thought.  Undoubtedly  those  elements  contributed  to  the  fundamentalism, but fundamentalism must be seen against the background of intellectual and  ecclesiastical history.  rise  of  broader  Building on the  previous works of Ernest R. Sandeen, Bruce Shelley, and George Marsden this  study  finds  the  roots  of  fundamentalism  in eighteenth-  and  nineteenth-century schismatic movements—Quietism, the Plymouth Brethren, K e s w i c k h o l i n e s s , the S a l v a t i o n Army, B r i t i s h - I s r a e l i s m , pentecostalism—which similarities  to  had  earlier  structural,  medieval  intellectual,  heresies.  The  and  and  behavioural  leaders  of  the  above-mentioned s c h i s m a t i c movements and the twentieth-century fundamentalist  leaders did not  accept  ecclesiastical authority.  medieval heretics they were often charismatic individuals who  Like  promoted  popular theologies whose major emphases were not part of the creeds of established Protestant churches.  Even though fundamentalists had  a  self-perception of being conservatives, they were far more radical than nineteenth-century theological conservatives. The fundamentalists, to use a phrase used by John Maynard Keynes,  iii operated in an "intellectual underworld."  Fundamentalism was dominated by  a dualist theologyi which was influenced by the views of the second-century heretic  Marcion,  who  over-emphasized  Pauline  theology  and rejected  the Old Testament, and the third-century heretic Mani, who mixed aspects of Zoroastrianism, Buddhism) and Marcionite Christianity. fundamentalists even linked themselves  Some of the  with the medieval  Cathars or  Albigensians and other dualists who were neo-Manichaeans. Fundamentalism can therefore be called neo-Manichaean because of its dualistic theology. Satan  was seen  as a real personality who could possess individuals  physically, control the weather, and cause accidents. Minor incidents were seen  in cosmic  proportions.  Fundamentalists  often denied the human  personality and sexuality, but those suppressed e x p r e s s i o n i n b i z a r r e ways. fundamentalists behaviour.  contributed  elements often found  The n e o - M a n i c h a e n views of the  to conspiracy  Other features of fundamentalism,  theories  and schismatic  such as premillenniah'sm,  separatism, and pentecostalism, had their antecedents in the thinking and behaviour of another second-century heretic, Montanus. Fundamentalist leaders were most often "new" men and women. Often they lacked the usual credentials possessed by members of the clergy; usually they did not have university and seminary educations, and frequently they came from family backgrounds where organized religion did not play a great  role.  Lacking  ties  with  the religious  "establishment," the  fundamentalists, in their contest with "modernism," frequently turned to popular theology, which had been influenced by medieval heresies. The ideas from this "intellectual underworld" became the controlling features of their theologies.  iv This dissertation examines the intellectual development, careers, theologies, and ideologies of eight Canadian religious sectarians: A.B. Simpson, P.W. Philpott, Aimee Semple Aberhart,  McPherson,  T.T. Shields, William  Clem Davies, L.E. Maxwell, and Oswald J. Smith. The ideas of  t h e s e s e c t a r i a n s demonstrate the i n t e l l e c t u a l heterodoxy which characterized fundamentalism.  The Keswick holiness movement, the most  neo-Manichaean of the networks, seems to have been the largest and had the greatest influence. Fundamentalist leaders were extremely authoritarian. By breaking their followers away from established institutions and forms of thought, the leaders of fundamentalism created a new sub-culture which had a great psychological hold over its adherents. Through their creative use of the modern media and unusual ideas these sectarians were able to attract many away from the mainline churches which had become quite secularized through their promotion of the "national gospel." Simpson, McPherson, Maxwell, and Smith built religious "empires" which had an international influence. Of the eight sectarians studied all, but Aberhart and Davies, had a great impact upon American fundamentalism. Fundamentalism was more than a conservative reaction to modernism! it was a different religion from mainline Christianity. Its ecclesiology, eschatology, hermeneutics, forms of worship, music, and architecture were quite divergent from what had characterized Protestantism.  V  TABLE OF CONTENTS  Abstract Table of Contents List of Figures Introduction  ii v vi 1  Chapter One: The Historiography of Fundamentalism  13  Chapter Two: The Intellectual Underworld of Fundamentalism  27  Chapter Three: Theological Trends in Canada, 1867 to 1945  60  Chapter Four." A.B. Simpson: Proto-Fundamentalist  87  Chapter Five: P.W. Philpott: Patriarch of Fundamentalism  106  Chapter Six: Aimee Semple McPherson: Goddess of Evangelism  114  Chapter Seven: T.T. Shields: The Baptist "Pope"  138  Chapter Eight: William Aberhart: Demagogue of the Depression  170  Chapter Nine: Clem Davies: Canada's Prophetic Salesman  214  Chapter Ten: L.E. Maxwell: Prairie Pietist  258  Chapter Eleven: Oswald J. Smith: Promoter of "Faith" Missions  277  Chapter Twelve: Conclusion  305  Epilogue  318  Notes  323  Bibliography  413  vi LIST OF FIGURES  FIGURE I: SOME INFLUENCES ON FUNDAMENTALISM..  -1-  INTRODUCTION  The fifty-year period covering the last quarter of the nineteenth and the first quarter of the twentieth centuries was a period of great cultural, social, and intellectual change. introduced  The Second Industrial Revolution had  new technologies which radically transformed the shape of  transportation and communication.  Iron-hulled steam ships, railroads,  automobiles, and airplanes reduced the size of the globe. telegraphy,  trans-Atlantic cables, telephones,  The invention of  and radio  broadcasting  created instant communication. Not since Gutenberg had there been such a rapid spread of knowledge. The increasing industrialization and urbanization which accompanied these developments radically transformed the shape of society. Progress and individualism were slogans of that period which has been described as the "gilded age."  1  However, it was not a golden period for the average man.  As giant corporations swallowed up smaller firms, workers had less and less control over their own lives.  The doctrines of Marx, the evolutionary  concepts of Darwin, and the sexual theories of Freud also revolutionized thought. The intellectual crisis resulting from these new ideas and the pace at which history was moving created great stresses in the societies of  North America and Europe. Those who could not or would not adapt to the new ideas and institutions because of lack of education or opportunity turned their backs on modernity (but not necessarily on technology) and 2 sought refuge in their perceptions of the past.  As Peter Viereck has 3  noted, the conservative has often had a distorted sense of past history. Following the devastation of World War I, which did much to destroy the hopes of liberalismi Protestant religious institutions in North America were t o r n a s u n d e r by a t h e o l o g i c a l c i v i l war known a s the modernist/fundamentalist  controversy.  Fundamentalists  tried to remove  new and liberal thought from the churchesj colleges, and seminaries. Many fundamentalists linked  liberalism  with all of society's ills: urbanism,  secularism, and big business. Those who held to conservative views during this troubled period often felt that they were unable to control their own lives. As the modernist/fundamentalist controversy was being defined, the reluctant fundamentalist, J. Gresham Machen, professor of New Testament at Princeton Theological Seminary, in 1923 described liberalism or modernism as "a totally diverse type of religious faith," a non-redemptive religion," which "makes use of traditional Christian  terminology" but lacks its  4 content.  He added, "that despite the liberal use of traditional phraseology  modern liberalism not only is a different religion from Christianity but <belonged> in a totally different class of religions. On the other hand, the liberal Christian Century noted in 1924: Christianity according to fundamentalism is one religion, and Christianity according to modernism is another. There is a clash here as profound and grim as between Christianity and Confucianism. The God of fundamentalism is gne God, and the God of the modernist is another.  -3-  Thus the battle lines were drawn and popular religion became polarized with both extremes, the fundamentalists and the modernists, each anathematizing the other, each describing the other as a new heretical religion. Those who existed between those camps were often overlooked by the participants and by subsequent historians. Robert T. Handy has identified at least five distinct groups existing at that time: modernists, evangelical liberals, evangelical conservatives, strict conservatives, and fundamentalists.''  The fundamentalists usually  posed as theological conservatives, but they were often religious radicals who lacked standard university and seminary educations. Many of the fundamentalist leaders had been raised in homes where organized  religion  denominational  had  loyalties.  never  been  important.  Thus  In place of standard  they  lacked  theologies they often  inadvertently substituted ideas from various medieval heresies (Donatism, Marcionism, Montanism, Gnosticism, and Manichaeism) and presented them as their orthodoxies. Some of the fundamentalist sects such as the Plymouth Brethren and William Aberhart and his religious followers indeed identified some of the medieval heretics as their spiritual mentors. The constellation of ideas which characterized fundamentalism can best be described as an "intellectual underworld."  John Maynard Keynes  used the term "underworld" to describe the ideas of the economic "heretics" q of his own day.  v  Like medieval heretics the fundamentalists rejected the  established denominations and substituted other theologies. Many of the fundamentalists became ecclesiastical "outlaws."  Most of the ideas which  the fundamentalists emphasized (dispensationalism, the secret Rapture, Keswick holiness, pentecostalism, British-Israelism, and biblical inerrancy)  -4had never been part of the historic creeds of Christendom and were often extra-biblical. Not only did the fundamentalists attack the modernists but they also lashed out at the "false cults" of the Mormonsi Jehovah's Witnesses, and Seventh-Day Adventists.  However, the fundamentalists  often shared many behavioural and theological characteristics with those sectarian groups. Recently, Oxford fundamentalism,  t h e o l o g i a n James B a r r h a s d e s c r i b e d  and by extension, new evangelicalism, as a "pathological  condition of Christianity"—a religion of fear built on an inconsistent, indefensible doctrine of biblical inerrancy.^  The fundamentalists' world  view was generally dominated by conspiracy theories and they taught an antinomian ethical system which generally avoided the social implications of Christianity. Conspiracy theories were attractive to fundamentalists because they soothed their own feelings of failure.  They saw their plight in grandiose  proportions! they were pawns in a cosmic chess game between the forces of good and evil. Often they blamed their problems on the Devil. Their concept of the Devil went beyond the Bible and depended more upon popular theology which had been influenced by Manichaeism, a third century heresy which had originated in Persia. Manichaeism in its various forms was characterized by a dualist theology: good versus evil, God versus Satan, light darkness, spirit versus flesh, etc.  versus  While not accepting all of Manichaen  theology, fundamentalists functioned very similarly.  They often adopted  ascetic lives in their attempts to fight "the world, the flesh, and the Devil." By using the Devil as a scapegoat fundamentalists were able to avoid owning their own responsibilities and failures.  This form of neo-Manichaeism  became attractive to many frustrated conservatives  in the twentieth  century. Even at that time, when fundamentalists were painting themselves as orthodox, they were seen as something new by the theological conservatives at Princeton Theological Seminary, Concordia Seminary, Northern Baptist Seminary Kentucky. was  in Chicago, 11  Southern  Baptist  Seminary  in Louisville,  The conservative theologian Benjamin B. War field at Princeton  largely responsible  inerrancy,  and  for the fundamentalists' doctrine  yet he r e j e c t e d their perfectionism,  of biblical  pentecostalism,  dispensationalism, premillennialism, and revivalism as heresies. ^ 1  At the same time, theological liberals were trying to accommodate their Christianity to modern thought, but the more radical modernists r e j e c t e d theology for s p i r i t u a l i s m , pseudo-science, metaphysics, pop-psychology, and socialism. Ramsay Cook has shown how the modernists, in their rejection of dogma, fostered the growth of a secularized society,  13 instead of creating the Kingdom of God. However, for all of their ideological differences, the fundamentalists and the modernists had much in common. Many of their leaders had left the major denominations of their own insubordination  or heresy.  accord or had been defrocked for  Between World War I and World War II both  fundamentalists and modernists created a multitude of new religious sects and  c u l t s which had e c c l e s i o l o g i e s , e s c h a t o l o g i e s ,  historiographies, hymns, liturgies, philosophies  hermeneutics,  of missions, and church  architecture different from what had characterized  Catholic, Lutheran,  Reformed, and even Wesleyan forms of Christianity. While fundamentalists in North America were rejecting much of the  thought  and  the institutions  of Christendom,  similarly  Europe  was  experiencing the rise of various forms of fascism. Standard epistemologies and religious views were being challenged and scapegoats found. In Germany 14 the pagan religions of the past were resurrected by Wagner and the Nazis. The Jews were blamed for the world's problems. Both reactions, fundamentalism and fascism, were authoritarian, backward-looking, popularly-based movements led by highly individualistic, highly  creative,  but poorly-educated  "new"  men  who  used  the new  communication media of radio broadcasting and advertising very effectively in their seizure of power and their promotion of themselves. Just as the use of the printing  press facilitated  the rise of new  sects during the  Reformation, so did radio and television in the twentieth century. The kind of religious leadership exercised by these fundamentalist leaders was peculiar to North America? similar kinds of religious empires did not emerge in twentieth-century Europe because of the existence of state churches  and a more defined social structure.  The closest European  manifestation of similar charismatic leadership was found in the fascist movements.  Indeed some un-named fundamentalists in Germany, who were  visited by Oswald J. Smith in 1936, were part of the "German" Christian movement which supported H i t l e r . ^ A number of American fundamentalists, including some in this study, were admirers of Hitler and Mussolini (prior to World War II) because they were fascinated by, and obsessed with, power. Fundamentalism and fascism both grew out of the social and economic malaise of World War 15 both movements rejected established institutions and ways of thinking. Fundamentalist publishers far surpassed the denominational presses  -7in their production of religious literature during the period from 1870 to 1950, as they still do. This study surveys a large proportion of that popular religious literature. An  interesting  fundamentalism.  historiographical  situation  exists  in regard to  There has been much written about American fundamen-  talism, but less about American liberalism and the social gospel. Canadian church history is still at a very early stage! most of what has been written has dealt with church union and the social gospel. highly parochial.  16  Much of it has been  Fundamentalism has not received much attention.  Biographies of the sectarian leaders have been mostly  hagiography.  Academic studies of religious sectarianism have been largely confined to the sociological approaches of S.D. Clark and W.E. Mann who used the frontier thesis and the church/sect theory to explain the phenomenon. ^ 1  William  Aberhart has been the most studied of Canadian religious sectarians, but he had a very small impact on Canadian and American fundamentalism. More knowledge of Canada's fundamentalists is greatly needed. This dissertation attempts to fill part of that historiographical void. It is a study of the personalities, the leadership styles, and the intellectual world  Lf  Canada's  leading  fundamentalists  who  rejected  mainline  Christianity and its theology during the early to mid-twentieth century. Because most of the fundamentalist leaders were so highly individualistic this study treats them and their ideas in a biographical format which explores their backgrounds, their education, the development of their ideas, and their religious careers. It examines their responses and reactions to the major issues and events of the first half of the twentieth century. George H. Williams' exhaustive study of the radical reformers of the  -818  sixteenth century provided the initial idea for this study. Several studies in Canadian intellectual history have also served as models: Carl Berger's Sense of Power: Studies in the Ideas of Canadian Imperialism!  1 8 6 7 - 1 9 1 4i  S.E.D. Shortt's Search for an Ideal: Six Canadian Intellectuals and Their Convictions in the Age of Transition!  139Q-193Q,  and Ramsay Cook's, The 19  Regenerators: Social Criticism in late Victorian English Canada. study might also be considered  as a Canadian equivalent  This  to C. Allyn  20  Russell's, Voices of American Fundamentalism,  but with more attention  paid to the history of ideas. It also explores the intellectual underworld, which characterized grass-roots fundamentalism, in greater detail than 21  George Marsden's Fundamentalism and American Culture.  The definition of 22  fundamentalism, with which Ernest R. Sandeen's Roots of Fundamentalism, and George Marsden's study have struggled, will also be further refined. Popular religion in Canada has often been assumed to have been highly influenced by religion in the United States.  It has, but Canadians  have also gone to the United States and established sects and cults there and played a significant role in the modernist/fundamentalist  controversy.  The intellectual flow across the border has been both ways. Chapter modernism and  One  traces  the  historiography  of  fundamentalism  and  shows it to have been an authoritarian reaction to the  rapidly-changing  social and  economic situation which accompanied  the  Second Industrial Revolution. Chapter Two examines the intellectual underworld of popular religion in Europe and the United States which formed the basis of fundamentalism. Most of the ideas which characterized popular fundamentalism were not part of the official creeds of any mainline Christian denomination. Those ideas  -9-  were:  Plymouth  self-deprecatory  Brethren  mysticism  dispensationalism,  neo-Manichaeism,  the  of Madame Guyon upon which the Keswick  holiness movement was based, the esoteric theories of British-Israelism, the neo-scholasticism of the Princeton theology, the "celebrity" religion of the Salvation Army, and the "democratic" attitudes of American revivalism. Chapter  Three  Confederation in 1867.  examines  religious  life  in  Canada  following  Church life became very much attached to nation  building and resulted in the creation of the United Church of Canada in 1925. However, the great emphasis placed by the Methodist  and  Presbyterian  churches on nationalism, prohibition, church union, and the social gospel led to a de-emphasis on the transcendent aspects of religion. This created a spiritual vacuum which the fundamentalists  quickly filled through their  skillful use of radio broadcasting, religious drama, and lay education. Chapter Four is the first major biographical study.  It outlines the  career and ideas of A.B. Simpson, the Canadian-born Presbyterian minister who  became founder of the Christian and Missionary Alliance.  In Simpson  can be found almost all of the sectarian features which later characterized fundamentalism. Most of the other sectarians studied below were influenced by his thought. Chapter Five examines the career of Peter W. Philpott, an early leader in the Salvation Army. In 1392 Philpott led a schismatic group out of the Salvation Army, then became ordained  by Simpson's Christian and  Missionary Alliance. Within a short time Philpott established an independent Gospel Tabernacle in Hamilton. During the 1920s he was a major Canadian figure in the fundamentalist movement. He became the minister of Moody Memorial Church in Chicago and the Church of the Open Door, which was part  -10of the Bible Institute of Los Angeles. Then, for the next twenty-six years his ministry was carried on across North America. He was responsible for establishing the Associated Gospel Churches sect in Canada. Chapter Six deals with Aimee Semple McPhersoni the Canadian farm girl who  established  an international religious empire centred in Los  Angeles. Her energy, promotional gimmicks, and scandals made her, at the time, one of the most newsworthy women in North America. Chapter Seven examines the life of the Reverend T.T. Shields, the self-appointed Baptist "pope" who Canada and the United States.  disrupted Baptist church life in both Shields became a rabid anti-Catholic,  founded the Protestant League, and organized the Protestant Party during World War II. Chapter Eight discusses the activities of William Aberhart, the Calgary-centered high school principal and radio evangelist who created the world's first Social Credit government in Alberta in 1935. In doing so, he moved from dispensational premillennial fundamentalism into a type of modernistic post-millennial social gospel. He came close to establishing a fascist regime. Chapter Nine focuses on the career of Clem Davies, a British-born Methodist who States.  worked with that denomination in Canada and the United  Davies was  a committed modernist and was  expelled from the  Methodist Church in Victoria, B.C. in 1924, after which he formed his own cult, the Victoria City Temple which mixed elements of the social gospel, racism, spiritualism, Christian Science, and New Thought. Later he formed another cult which adopted a form of fundamentalism emphasizing prophecy, British-Israelism, and faith healing.  Chapter Ten  examines the activities of the Rev.  Kansas-born pietist who  L.E. Maxwell* a  founded Prairie Bible Institute at Three Hillsi  Alberta, which became the largest institution of its type in North America, and which drew the majority of its students from the United States. In that atmospherei which resembled a Protestant monastery, Maxwell trained many of the fundamentalist missionaries  who  left North America for foreign  assignments. Chapter Eleven is the story of the Rev. Oswald J. Smith, a restless individual who moved through a series of churches and sects in Canada and the United States until he formed his own Church in Toronto in 1928.  authoritarian sect, the Peoples  Using that church as his base Smith gained a  wide reputation as an international evangelist, hymn writer, and promoter of foreign missions. Billy Graham has credited Smith as being one of the major influences on his life. In conclusion, Chapter Twelve agrees with C. Allyn Russell that it is very difficult to find a theological stereotype among the fundamentalist leaders.  They represented a great  variety of ideas and  theological  systems. All of them were influenced by and perpetuated the intellectual u n d e r w o r l d of popular t h e o l o g y which had  been i n f l u e n c e d  by  neo-Manichaeism. All of these leaders were also involved in a quest for personal power? they could even switch to the other theological extreme as did Aberhart and Davies. As eccentrics, their theologies were often moulded by their personalities. The more militant and dogmatic movements, founded by Shields and actually  now  Aberhart, have had diminishing.  fundamentalists, who  The  the least numerical growth and organizations  of  the  more  are  mystical  were influenced by A.B. Simpson, have continued to  -12grow and have created what George Marsden has called the "evangelical denomination." An Epilogue makes comparisons between past fundamentalist leaders and the current state of fundamentalism in the 1980s.  Fundamentalism  continues to be authoritarian) led by poorly educated "new" men and women. The recent financial and sexual scandals of the American televangelists reinforce what has been said about the intellectual underworld) the empire building,  and  the  lack  of  accountability  which  has  characterized  fundamentalist leadership. Primary research for this study was based upon the published works of the above sectarians, their correspondence (when available), church records, archival collections, their newspaper advertisements, and press coverage of their meetings and controversies.  Personal interviews were  conducted with two of the major subjects, L.E. Maxwell and Oswald J. Smith. Professor Richard Allen of McMaster University first encouraged this topic as a thesis project. The dissertation was later guided by Professors Margaret Prang, John Conway, and N. Keith Clifford of the University of British Columbia.  Financial assistance for this project came from several  sources: an Explorations Grant from the Canada Council in 1980 assisted in the research on William Aberhart as did a travel grant from the Canadian Plains Study Center in Regina.  Another travel grant, from the Macmillan  Fund of the Vancouver School of Theology, helped cover the cost of research in California on P.W. Philpott, Clem Davies, and Aimee Semple McPherson.  -13-  CHAPTER ONE  THE HISTORIOGRAPHY OF FUNDAMENTALISM  Following World War One? fundamentalists, who were aggressive, intransigent, and "certain that they had the whole truth and their opponents had none,"^ sought to control their denominations, theological seminaries, .colleges, and foreign mission societies, and were prepared to oust anyone who differed with them. When they were not successful in having their own way, many  fundamentalists  withdrew  and formed their  own  churches,  academic institutions, and missionary organizations. The fundamentalists posed as theological conservatives, defending the "old time religion" and the "faith once delivered unto the saints," whereas in reality, they had created a new religion markedly different from Reformed theology and even nineteenth century American revivalism, and had more in common with ancient and medieval heresies. Fundamentalism was a religion  characterized by highly  authoritarian, who  built  their  individualistic  theologies around  leaders, most their  often  own eccentric  personalities. The fundamentalists carried on a "holy war" against the modernists. The term modernist had arisen within Roman Catholicism and identified those  -14who rejected the newly-proclaimed doctrine of papal infallibility and desired to liberalize Catholic theology.  Liberal Protestants adopted the term to  describe their use of the new physical and social sciences. Mathewsi a modernist Baptist teaching  Shailer  at the University of Chicago  I  described modernism as "the use of scientific, historical, and social method in understanding and applying evangelical Christianity to the needs of living persons." Often the terms liberalism and modernism were used interchangeably by friends and foes alike, but as William R. Hutchison has shown, they were q  two distinct traditions which sometimes overlapped.  -  Liberalism, as the  heir of the Enlightenment, had a positive view of man and was characterized by pluralism and rationalism. Liberalism had many expressions ranging from Unitarianism to a simple willingness to allow differences cf opinion to exist within  denominational  settings.  Mathews, who  was  a  conservative  modernist, felt that liberalism tended "toward the emphasis of intellectual  4 belief and the criticism and repudiation of doctrines per se," was more of an attitude? modernism  was a methodology.  Liberalism To most  fundamentalists the arch-heretic was the popular liberal Baptist preacher, Harry Emerson Fosdick, who emphasized modernist thought.^ Modernism  has been  described  by Hutchison  as a  conscious  adaptation of religious ideas to modern culture, with God being seen as immanent in human cultural development, which was progressing towards the realization of the Kingdom of God.  Sociology often replaced theology as the  "queen of the sciences" and the modernist definition of science sometimes included the intellectual periphery:  Christian Science,  quack medicine,  chiropractic medicine, "pop" psychology, and occasionally, spiritualism.  6  During the mid-1930s Fosdick was forced to admit that modernism had been too  accommodating  to  the  surrounding  culture.  In  his  sermon,  "A  Fundamentalist Sermon by a Modernist Preacher," he noted the religious shallowness of much modernist thought which was not serving as an anchor in difficult times: ...in comparison with the candor and fearlessness with which the old-time Christianity faced these facts, our superficial modernism, with its sing-song from Coue that every day, in every way, we are getting better and better, sounds soft and lush and sentimental. The term "fundamentalist" was coined in 1920 by Curtis Lee Laws, the editor of the  Baptist  fundamentalist  as  one  publication, Watchman-Examiner. who  was  ready  to do  He  defined  "battle royal" for  a the  fundamentals of the faith. The mission of the fundamentalists was to get control of the churches away from the "rationalists," a term he used for the q liberals and modernists."" In coining the term "fundamentalist," Laws also had in mind a series of  twelve paperback books called The  between 1910 and 1915.  Fundamentals, which appeared  These books held certain doctrines to be sine qua  non to the Christian faith: the inerrancy of the Scriptures, the Trinity, the virgin  birth  of  Jesus,  the  substitutionary  atonement, and  Christ's  resurrection. The Fundamentals, each about the size of a Readers' Digest, were financed by two California oil millionaires, and were sent to "every pastor, evangelist, missionary, theological professor, theological student, Sunday School superintentent, Y.M.C.A. and Y.W.C.A secretary in the English q speaking world."" Their editors hoped that the 3,000,000 distributed copies would stem the rising tide of theological liberalism, and the waves of sects and  new  cults such as the Seventh-Day Adventists, Christian Science,  Mormons, and the International Bible Students (Jehovah's Witnesses), who were introducing extra-biblical authorities and doctrines. The  Fundamentals represented  conservative  The authors of  members of the Protestant  community from the United States, Canada, and Great Britain, but among the contributors,  Presbyterians  were  over-represented.  It is thus not  s u r p r i s i n g that The Fundamentals were d o c t r i n a l l y oriented and conservative in tone,  10  but some of the articles allowed certain liberality  of thought on biblical criticism and theistic evolution.^  It is important to  note that many of the contributors were members of what will be called the intellectual underworld of fundamentalism', they were dispensationalists and followers of Keswick holiness. The selection by Jessie Penn-Lewis, the only female contributor, written about Satan was markedly Manichaean in its emphasis.^ In spite of its orthodox pretensions, the series received little 13 academic attention, even from the conservative theological journals. Fundamentalism, which we are about to describe, was not so much a matter of doctrine, but rather of attitude, a mind-set which was influenced by a whole constellation of ideas and attitudes which became increasingly authoritarian. Many of the leaders of fundamentalism deliberately created theological controversies as a cloak for the promotion of their own personal power  and the doctrinal peculiarities of dispensationalism,  neo-Mani14  chaeism, British-Israelism, Keswick holiness, or pentecostalisrn.  These  views were hardly orthodoxy. Fundamentalism went through several stages or generations.  Even  so, at any given time between 1870 and 1950, all phases were concurrent, with  some of t h e more r a d i c a l a s p e c t s t o be f o u n d in t h e  proto-fundamentalists  such as D.L. Moody and A.B. Simpson.  George  Marsden has noted four phases of fundamentalism, the first extending from 1870  to  1918,  15  Many of  the  authors  of  The  Fundamentals were  theologically conservative, denominationally loyal churchmen who had taken university and seminary training. Following World War I a new generation of fundamentalist leaders emerged; they were less educated, often trained only at Bible Institutes, and they had weaker denominational loyalties.  They  struggled to control the denominations, theological schools, and mission boards.  Because of the conflict over the new  ideologies most Protestant  denominations became divided into rival camps.  16  After 1925 the fundamentalist movement was characterized by those who  withdrew from the denominations and formed their own  religious empires.  That  third  generation  sects and  of fundamentalists became  increasingly militant in their refusal to compromise. Theirs was a religious totalitarianism which allowed little latitude of thought  and  behaviour.  These powerful and very dynamic leaders were often non-denominational or anti-denominational and created a new  counter-culture with their Bible  Institutes whose theological fare was usually dispensationalism and Keswick holiness. ^ They also established new magazines and publishing companies, 1  and  were in the forefront  broadcasting.  They  self-advertisers. The  were  of the new very  movement had  though its leaders often paraded  communications medium: radio  skillful  advertisers and  unashamed  a marked anti-intellectualism even honorary  doctorates.  They  called  theological seminaries "cemeteries" and parodied St. Paul: "I have finished 18 my  course, I have got my degree, I have lost my faith."  It is these  fundamentalist leaders, who flourished between 1925 and 1950, which this dissertation addresses particularly.  A fourth phase of fundamentalism emerged in the late 1940s when neo-fundamentalists or self-styled evangelicals? such as Carl F.H. Henry) 19 Edward J. Carnell) and Bernard Ramm at Fuller Theological Seminary) rejected the separatism) lack of social concern and anti-intellectualism of their brethren) who  were usually associated with the radical right in  politics.^ All of the above phases of fundamentalism have continued to the 21 present day. / Ernest R. Sandeen notes  that fundamentalism has  had  a poor  22 historiography. Stewart  Early students of the fundamentalist controversy such as  G. Cole and Norman F, Furniss interpret fundamentalism as a  revival of conservative Protestantism.  Following H. Richard Niebuhr they  see it as a manifestation of southern pre-industrial rural opposition to 23 northern industrial bourgeois  life?  in other words) a revolt against  modernity. Sandeen argues against that identification by noting the bitter schisms over fundamentalism and  modernism which had 24  churches of the northern urban cities.  occurred in the  He suggests that fundamentalism  had existed long before the fundamentalist controversy of the 1920s and had had its roots in two nineteenth-century theological movements. One  was  premillennial dispensationalism) invented in the 1830s by the Plymouth Brethren sect) who solved biblical difficulties by dividing the Bible up into various sections applicable to various peoples and time periods) and  who  stressed the return of Christ before the establishment of the millennium—a literal thousand-year reign of peace on earth. The other was a particular belief in biblical inspiration and inerrancy which was taught at Princeton Theological Seminary. Sandeen claims that fundamentalism was born from a  mixed  marriage  of  dispensationalism  and  the  Princeton  theology.  Fundamentalism inherited from its dispensational parent a radical critique of the churches and a method of biblical interpretation which was far from conservative.'""'  Their other -worldliness was  r e i n f o r c e d by the  anti-reformist attitudes of Princeton Calvinism. For the most parti Sandeen sees fundamentalism as millenarianism renamed. "^ 4  Sandeen's seminal study of the roots of fundamentalism stimulated many other scholars. Milton Rudnick, in studying his own Lutheran denomination, concludes that it was  Missouri Synod  a conservative body which  remained virtually untouched by fundamentalism. Although Missouri Synod Lutherans were sympathetic to some aspects  of fundamentalism, they  retained their own identity by means of a strong bureaucracy and the use of officially-approved literature in their churches. They also tried to attract fundamentalists  by offering their own  denomination as a  conservative  alternative to modernism/"^ Sandeen's equation of fundamentalism with premillennialism, however, is challenged by others who believe that equating it with millenarianism is too simplistic. "Leroy Moore, Jr. finds a number of fundamentalists who were 28 not premillennialists. "  The range of diversity within the fundamentalist  movement is further demonstrated by C. Allyn Russell's biographical study of seven American fundamentalists who rose to fame in the 1920s; he finds no 29 common theological stereotype. George M. M a r s d e n a l s o . h a s  d i f f i c u l t i e s with Sandeen's  interpretation. While noting that Sandeen has made a valuable contribution to our understanding  of fundamentalism by seeing it as an intellectual  movement with deeper theological routes than previously realized, he argues  -20that Sandeen overlooked other important religious and cultural rootsi such as pietism, revivalism, the holiness movement] Americanism, and a scientific view employing Baconian methodology which stressed classification of facts, but avoided speculative hypotheses.^  When fundamentalists combined  Baconism with "Scottish Common Sense Realism," their intellectual system became quite removed from twentieth-century scientific Marsden defines fundamentalism  approaches.^  1  as militantly anti-modernist Protestant  evangelicalism, but not necessarily premillennial.  In a nutshell, Marsden  views fundamentalism as a sub-species of nineteenth-century revivalism.^*" While Marsden's i n t e r p r e t a t i o n has a g a i n broadened our understanding definition  of  fundamentalism,  of fundamentalism.  ecclesiologies and  certain  weaknesses  remain  in his  There were marked differences in the  eschatologies of nineteenth-century revivalists  twentieth-century fundamentalists.  Timothy L. Smith's classic  and  study,  Revivalism and Social Reform, notes that the majority of nineteenth-century revivalists were post-millennialists and were on the forefront of social reform.  As abolitionists, feminists, and prohibitionists they were the 3q  forerunners of the social gospel movement. " observes  that  many  nineteenth-century  Donald  revivalists  W. Dayton also demanded  racial  34  integration, Amerindian rights and international peace.  After the Civil  War those emphases changed. Following on a theme developed by Timothy L. Smith, sociologist David 0. Moberg indicates that the rejection of social reform  by revivalists came after Dw'ight L. Moody was  influenced by  35  premillennialism.  Whereas r e v i v a l i s t s before Moody had been  predominantly post-millennial and reformist, revivalists after Moody were predominantly  premillennial  and  anti-reformist.  Revivalism  became  -21other-worldly, that is, it moved its focus from this world to the next. It is here that Sandeen's thesis is stronger dispensationalism was  than Marsden's?  prernillennial  dominated by social and religious pessimism. When  bonded with the anti-reformist "Old School" Presbyterianism of Princeton, anti-reform  b e c a m e the  dominant s o c i a l expression  of most  36 fundamentalists. Another problem with Marsden's study is that he does not deal with fundamentalism directly; he approaches it by means of modern evangelicalism. He admits as much in the introduction to his book, Fundamentalism and American  Culture  whose  subtitle. The  Shaping  of  Twentieth-Century  Evangelicalism, 1870-1925, would have been a more appropriate title. ...in this study we are not looking for the roots of the separatist and empire building evangelists who call t h e m s e l v e s " f u n d a m e n t a l i s t s " today, but more importantly we are concerned with the background of the wider coalition of contemporary evangelicals whose common identity is substantially grounded in the fundamentalist experience of an earlier era. As the subtitle suggests, the fundamentalist experience was a major f a c t o r in s h a p i n g twentieth-century evangelicalism; though as the subsequent analysis should make clear, evangelicalism is ap,_plder tradition that has been shaped by other factors." Only in his epilogue does Marsden really address the essential characteristics  of  fundamentalism—the  separatist and  empire-building  evangelists who flourished between 1925 and 1950: William Bell Riley, Gerald B. Winrod, Carl Mclntire, Bob McPherson,  Oswald  J.  Smith,  Jones Sr., Frank Norn's, Aimee Semple and  T.T.  Shields  who  replaced  the  denominationally-oriented leaders. Often their new organizations were rent by schism as they exerted their authoritarian leadership and adopted new ideologies. While praising Marsden's study Timothy L. Smith criticizes it for  -22leaving the impression that fundamentalism became the dominant evangelical anti-modernist  response.  Smith  found  vast  numbers  of theological  conservatives among the Mennonites the Disciples of Christ, the Christian t  Reformed Church, the Southern Baptists, the Missouri Synod Lutherans, the Holiness churches, and black Methodists, Baptists, and Pentecostals were outside the network of fundamentalism. "  who  Smith also noted that  1  Marsden did not stress sufficiently that fundamentalists "borrowed only the most narrow and, in many cases, the most divisive versions of particular 39  doctrines" from the nineteenth century. Marsden's definition of fundamentalism also excludes Pentecostals, even characteristics  though they  which  he  possessed  believes  Sandeen  the white  most, if not  all, of  overlooks.  They  the were  revivalistic, pietistic, often dispensational and most often premillennial; they believed in an inerrant Bible, and fought the theory of evolution. Pentecostals were in the World Christian Fundamentalists Association until 1923.  Aimee  Semple  McPherson,  who  combined  fundamentalism  and  pentecostalism, worked with William Jennings Bryan, L.H. Muhhall, Paul Rader, and Oswald J. Smith.  A number of fundamentalists, such as  A.B.  Simpson, John Roach S t r a t o n , and William Aberhart, dabbled in pentecostalism. After 1923 the Pentecostals were expelled because of their 40 emphasis on "speaking expulsion  may  also  in tongues" and have  represented  doctrinal innovations. the  growing  Their  influence of  the  dispensationalists who did not accept those practices. Another reviewer of Marsden's work, Robert Moats Miller, suggests that more attention might have been paid to the eccentric personalities of the leading fundamentalists. He asks the question:  Would Marsden agree that a curious number of the fundamentalist leaders...—one thinks of Straton, Macartney, Shields, Winrod, Norris, yes, and even the great Machen—appear to be appropriate subjects for psychobiography? I do not suggest a vain search for a "paranoid style" or indeed any single "style" at all. I do mean that each of these men in his own way was quite looney and that their religious beliefs are not the only avenue to an understanding of their curious personalities and behavior. Stewart  Cole  observes  that  the fundamentalist  movement  was  characterized by "the unyielding individualism of its leaders" who regarded no themselves as the "authoritarian agents of the supernatural."  George  Dollar, himself a militant fundamentalist, notes that these fundamentalist 4q  leaders were mainly highly individualistic prima donnas. " Another historian of fundamentalism, Ferenc M. Szasz, claims that the second and third generation fundamentalist contrast  to  the first  leaders had little contact with each other, in generation  Fundamentalism was not an organized  who  often  worked  together.  movement in its second and third  44 phases.  To use a simile coined by George Marsden, the third generation of  fundamentalists were like feudal knights, professing allegiance to the same king, but busy expanding their own competitive  fiefdoms.  Marsden's  description of fundamentalism as a "loose, diverse, and changing federation of co-belligerents united in their fierce opposition to modernist thought" is quite appropriate/^  It might be added that it was also characterized by  individualistic, often authoritarian leaders. Timothy  P. Weber  has produced  premillennialism and fundamentalism.  another  important  study of  By building on Sandeen and using a  behavioural approach, his Living in the Shadow of the Second Coming notes the psychological tensions created in those who believed in the any-rnoment return of Christ. Premillennialism, as an integral part of fundamentalism,  -24produced a spirit of overassurance and divisiveness, and had a lack of social concern. One  of the latest studies of fundamentalism by Douglas W. Frank  examines the influences of the Scofield Reference Bible, the Keswick holiness  movement, and  the  career  of  Billy  Sunday  upon  American  fundamentalism. Frank has identified strong gnostic infuences in Scofield's writings and the Keswick ideas. The dualist nature of that theology created neurotic individuals who craved after power hungry leaders. He sees Billy 48 Sunday as a man drunk with his own power. Many recent h i s t o r i a n s of fundamentalism and  self-styled 49  evangelicalism have tried to distinguish between the two movements. Fundamentalists are those who will not work with Billy Graham! evangelicals are those who  will.  However, Oxford theologian James Barr treats their  differences as minimal and the conflicts as a family feud.  He feels that  both groups have essentially the same inadequate methods of  biblical  interpretation." ^ However real their differences, both fundamentalism and 1  modern evangelicalism have been characterized by authoritarian leaders and empire building.  j1  Both are characterized by personality cults which have  made very effective use of the electronic media. Since  1925  fundamentalism  in the  characterized by a militancy which was  United  States  has  become  often connected with the political  radical right. Ralph Lord Roy's Apostles of Discord and Leo P. Ribuffo's Old Christian Right notes the racism, anti-Semitism, many of the militant fundamentalists  and authoritarianism of  and their active links with fascist  movements. Marsden has claimed  that fundamentalism was  a distinctly North  American phenomenon! religious denominations in contemporary Britain did not go through the same schisms in the twentieth century and British 53 fundamentalists did not establish the same kinds of empires. " 1  That may  have been so, but many of the ideas and the religious sectarianism which c h a r a c t e r i z e d North American fundamentalism were borrowed from nineteenth-century schismatic movements in Britain: Plymouth Brethren dispensationalismi the Salvation Army, British-Israelism, and the Keswick holiness movement. The North American phenomenon appears to have been related to a democratic spirit, lack of state churches, and a less stratified social structure. . . When comparing North American fundamentalism with the religious scene in continental Europe we  find that the fundamentalist religious  empires founded by charismatic leaders did not exist there.  The only  comparable charismatic leadership was found in the fascist movements, which raises the question whether militant fundamentalism and European fascism were somewhat similar products of the same economic, social, and intellectual malaise which followed the Second Industrial Revolution and World War I. The theologies of those movements were completely different, 54 but some of Germany's fundamentalists were supporters of Hitler,  and  American fundamentalist publications such as the Sunday School Times and Moody Monthly often saw Hitler prior to World War II as a bullwark against Communism and Catholicism.^  Gerald B. Winrod's The Defender became so  pro-Nazi that he was prosecuted for un-American activites. ^ J  There were some structural and ideological sirnilarites between fundamentalism and fascism. Besides being contemporary, both movements had leaders who  demanded a high degree of allegiance and who  usually  lacked higher education and professional credentials.  Their supporte rs  wee primarily of the lower-middle and working classes, angry at themselves and others because of a world changing more rapidly than they could accept. Both movements were founded upon conspiracy theories: the Nazis blamed all of their problems on the Jews; the fundamentalists were highly influenced by conspiracy theories which often saw the Jews in a negative light. Militant fundamentalists such as Gerald B. Winrod and William Bell Riley mixed anti-Semitism into their eschatology and reprinted the spurious Protocols of Zion.  In their reaction to "modernism" both fascists and fundamentalists  57  turned  their  Sociologist  backs on  S.D.  the  Clark has  usual features of western observed  a relationship  civilization.  between religious  sectarians, monetary cranks, political rebels, vigilantes, and  medical  53 59 quacks. Both fascism and fundamentalism rejected modernity, but at u  the same time, were very "modern" in their use of advertising and  new  communications techniques.  6  Mussolini controlled Italy's newspapers. ^  Hitler did the same and used the radio and cinema for propaganda purposes. In North  America  many of the  early  radio stations were owned  by  fundamentalists who used this new technology to great advantage. The world of fundamentalism as it evolved in the 1920s and 1930s was a definite sub-culture and was far more than a conservative reaction to modern theology.  Fundamentalism replaced conventional thinking with its  own intellectual underworld, which as we will see in the following chapter, was drawn from various medieval heresies. It became a totalitarian religion in that it had its own distinctive style of worship and music, its own books, magazines, colleges, radio stations, clubs and cult figures, and allowed little latitude for opposing thought.  CHAPTER TWO THE INTELLECTUAL UNDERWORLD OF FUNDAMENTALISM  Fundamentalism has o f t e n been p o r t r a y e d as t h e o l o g i c a l l y conservative, but that was not the case! it was extremely radical.  1  In  rejecting conventional learning and institutions, fundamentalists often adopted ideas and practices which had great similarities to the medieval heresies of Donatism, Marcionism, Manichaeism, Montanisrn, Gnosticism, and extreme forms of mysticism. In suggesting a connection between fundamentalism  and medieval  heresies certain caution must be exercised. For example, Steven Runciman faced this problem when he called the medieval Albigensians and other dualist groups Manichaean. Ruciman prefaced his discussion by saying: Theologically speaking, the title which I have given to the book is unjustifiable! for Christian Dualism and Manichaeism were two distinct and separate religions. But to the ordinary Medieval churchman, in the East as in the West, all Dualists were Manichaean! and I have used a name that they would have found intelligible and natural. And indeed in many ways this popular misnomer was reasonable, for the Christian Dualists, though they would never have acknowledged Mani's system, were fundamentally nearer to it^than ever they were to Medieval or Modern Christianity. Direct intellectual links are often very difficult to establish.  However, U.C.L.A. historian Claus-Peter Clasen argues that when two different groups, separated by time, possess a number of similar doctrines, 3  some connection between them is suggested.  Even if it cannot be proven  that the proto-fundamentalists and the fundamentalists directly borrowed from the medieval heretics, they did share similar ideas and behaved in much the same way as did the medieval heretics. As a result, fundamentalism had a different ecclesiology, eschatology, hermeneutic system, leadership style, form of worship, and church architecture than the mainline denominations. Unknown to many of their followers, many of the leaders of fundamentalism had been dismissed from their denominations because of heresyi or they had left of their own accord before they were tried by ecclesiastical courts. Heresy  has  been defined  by  church historians  as  having  two  characteristics: heterodox ideas and an obstinate refusal to come under church discipline. Medieval historian Gordon Leff has described heresy in the following manner: "...heresy was not just a matter of doctrine but also 4  one  of  discipline—pertinacious  error."  Heresy  had  development: Whatever its forms, medieval heresy differed from orthodoxy and mere heterodoxy less in assumption than in emphasis and conclusions. It became heresy from pressing these too far....What ultimately turned it into heresy was the failure to gain ecclesiastical sanction. It was usually then, in a group's subsequent development as a proscribed sect, that its original i m p u l s e took on a d i r e c t l y a n t i - s a c e r d o t a l character...what...began as an accentuation of a particular aspect of belief, or life, became a rival outlook! its adherents came to regard themselves as Christ's true apostles and their struggle against the church as part of the wider struggle between the forces of Christ and Antichrist. As such, even if it did not lead to the formulation of an independent church, it meant the sect's transformation into an autonomous body with its own tenets/  a  particular  -29Many of the characteristics  ancient  which we  and  now  medieval heresies associate  had  organizational  with religious cults.  Most  prominent was the style of leadership. Medieval heretics were often highly individualistic people who built religious empires around themselves. Their behaviour was similar to many present-day cult leaders. According  to Stoner and  Parke some of the characteristics of  religious cults are: A cult has a living leader. Cult doctrine is based on his or her revelations which either .supplant or supplement traditional religious doctrine and practice....The cult leader is the sole judge of the quality or a member's faith and he enjoys absolute authority over the members....A cult promises a system in which a convert may work to save the world and humanity, but actually sponsors no community improvement programs. The daily work of nearly all cult members is demeaning and u t i l i z e s l i t t l e of t h e i r p o t e n t i a l in terms of intelligence, training or education. Religious cults are exclusive social systems, claiming that their members will achieve salvation or happiness. Members are taught to believe that they are "superior" to those outside the group. To be a member of a cult a person must remove himself from society, cut himself off from job, education, friends, and family. Methods of ego-destruction and thought control are part of a religious cult's recruiting and indoctrination practices. Cults discourage critical analysis by dictating the suppression of negative thoughts, therefore fostering a dependancy on the quit's authority that arrests the maturation process. We can find many of these trends in the schismatic groups which were the progenitors of fundamentalism. Ernest R. Sandeen correctly identifies John Nelson Darby and his P l y m o u t h B r e t h r e n group as one twentieth-century  fundamentalism.  7  of the major i n f l u e n c e s upon John Nelson Darby (1800-1882) was  trained as a lawyer, but soon left the bar to enter the ministry of the Church of Ireland. After two years he became disillusioned by the influence  of  the state  over  the church  and the resulting  high-churchman he even contemplated  secularism.  As a  becoming a Roman Catholic, but in  1827 he rejected the institutional church entirely. He came to believe that all churches, even the non-conformist ones, were apostate. He taught that all true Christians should withdraw from the denominations and form their own "assemblies" for fellowship and Bible study. Darby and his associates identified themselves as "the Brethren" and called their meeting places q  gospel halls, chapels, or tabernacles. The word "church" was anathema.'" Brethrenism  bore  similarities  to the second-century  separatist  group, the Montanists, and the fourth-century heresy, Donatism, which developed in North Africa. Donatists refused to recognize the clergy of the Catholic Church who had recanted or who had appeared to have recanted during the recent persecutions. The Donatists, who regarded themselves as the "pure Christians," established their own clergy and congregations, and rebaptized those who had been baptized as Catholics. In commenting on St. 9  Augustine's debate with the Donatists, Darby sided with the Donatists. The Brethren rejected an organized clergy and had an egalitarian membership in which everyone preached as "the Spirit led." In spite of these principles Darby continued to hold the dominant position of leadership. When some of the Brethren disagreed with some of the finer points of his doctrines, he excommunicated them.  Strife within the group led to the  formation of two major divisions which later produced other splinter groups. The "Exclusive" Brethren, who followed Darby, anathematized everyone who refused to join with them or those who had fellowship outside the immediate circle. The other group, the "Open" Brethren, had limited contact with other Christian groups.  -31Darby's group was very other-worldly. William Blair Neatby has said of them: Still, so far as the law left them a bare choice) they avoided all the offices upon which society depends for its maintenance. They filled no civil or municipal office, if they could help it; they never sat in Parliament, and if by some rare self-assertion one of them voted at an electiOjOj he was regarded with the most intense disapproval. The bar and services were absolutely banned, and barristers and military and naval officers generally abandoned their careers if they joined the Brethren. B r e t h r e n might be s o l i c i t e r s i f they confined themselves to conveyancing! some ventured tp^ plead in court, but they were considered "unspiritual." And as for the doings of the great world, it may suffice to say that it was considered more or less^jof mark of lack of spirituality to read the newspapers. *" In the field of theology Darby is best known as the originator of dispensationalism.  Simply  put, dispensationalism  was  a  system of  interpretation whereby biblical history was divided into a series of time periods, each having a distinct method of salvation. Dispensationalists apportioned various parts of the Bible to Jews, Gentiles, and Christians. The key to understanding the Bible, Darby taught, was to "rightly divide" its verses  13 into the appropriate dispensations. 14  In this way  apparent  contradictions could be resolved. Dispensationalists shared some ideas in common with the thinking of the second century heretic Marcion who emphasized Pauline theology and rejected the Old Testament and much of the New, which he described as Jewish. Marcion's views also influenced the attitudes of nineteenth-century anti-Semitic German biblical scholars who explained away Old Testament practices and ethical systems which they felt were archaic or inferior. "' 1  Dispensationalists addressed the same problems and arrived at much the  same conclusions, but used a different methodology. Luther,  17  focused  on Pauline theology  and  Darby, who  created sharp  read  dichotomies  between the Testaments, Jews and Gentiles, works and faith, and law and grace, as did Luther. By clever casuistry the dispensationalists claimed that the Synoptic Gospels, the Epistle of James, and the Epistle to the Hebrews did not apply to Christians because they were addressed to Jews. Therefore the Old Testament, the Sermon on the Mount, the Beatitudes, and other passages having heavy ethical content were conveniently avoided. Oxford theologian James Barr, who  feels that the concept of heresy has  little relevance in today's society, has noted that if the word heresy has any meaning at all, dispensationalism was a heresy,  u  for it proposed two 19  systems of salvation and depicted God as a fickle tyrant. Besides being a system of biblical interpretation, dispensationalism was actually a cyclical philosophy of history, with history depicted as being on a downward spiral. covenant with man.  Each dispensation commenced with God making a  The covenant was broken by man and judgment followed.  Each time the failure of man was of increased magnitude. This system of interpetation reflected Darby's pessimism which extended to institutional Christianity. Closely connected system  was  with Darby's ecclesiology and  his eschatology.  premillennialism,  but  before  Darby that  can  introduced be  his hermeneutic  new  discussed,  concepts the  into  various  eschatological systems within Christendom need to be sketched in order to put Darby's additions into context. Premillennialists expected Christ to return to earth to establish the kingdom of God, a literal period of peace on earth which would last one  thousand years. Premillennialism, which arose during the second Christian century, found its fullest expression in the thought of the heretic Montanus. Montanus was anti-clerical. His followers in Asia Minor believed they were the "elite" of Christians, they "spoke in tongues," and fasted in expectation of the New Jerusalem. Because of the heretical excesses of Montanus and others, premillennialism never became the standard eschatology of the ante-Nicene, Nicene, or post-Nicene church and found expression in only a few scattered church fathers.  Tertullian, one of the patristic authors,  actually joined Montanus's community. By the fifth century amillennialism emerged. It rejected the idea of a literal earthly millennium.  This system  of eschatology originated with  Augustine who saw the kingdom of God being realized in the Christian church and the life of the Christian. Jesus had said "the Kingdom of God is within you." Amillennialism became the dominant eschatology of both the Catholic and Reformed churches. A variant form of eschatology called post-millennialism was created in the seventeenth century by Daniel Whitby, an Anglican divine who believed that it was the duty of Christians to create the kingdom of God on earth by evangelism and progressive legislation.  Post-millennialism fitted in well  with progessive liberalism and thus post-millennialism became the dominant 20 religious and political eschatology in the United States.  It found among  its most outspoken advocates Jonathan Edwards, the social gospeller Walter R a u s c h e n b u s c h , and even William J e n n i n g s Bryan,  Evangelical  post-millennialists believed that after Christians had achieved peace on 21 earth for one thousand years Christ would then return. Premillennialism had periodically reappeared during periods of  intense social and economic upheaval. For example, it was present at the time of the Crusades and the debacle at Munster during the Reformation. The Fifth Monarchy Men who participated in the English Revolution believed in it, and following the French Revolution, men saw the "prophecies" of Daniel and Revelation as being fulfilled in their own day. They made various attempts at calculating the date of Christ's return based on the numerical figures found in those books/'" In returning to Darby's contributions to eschatology, it must be noted that he was particularly Napoleonic Era.  affected by the French Revolution and the  From his reading of Tertullian, Darby may have been  influenced in his views on the separation of church and state, hermeneutics, 23 and premillennialism.  Darby was active in several prophetic conferences  which sought to understand current events through the Bible.  Among his  circle of friends were those who thought that Napoleon was the Antichrist and that the Great Tribulation, a period of unprecedented troubles before the return of Christ, had begun.  Darby and Edward Irving (see infra) added 24  a new twist, which they called the Rapture. About 1830 Darby, Irving, and others visited the home of Margaret Macdonald in Scotland. She claimed to have been miraculously healed, was "speaking in tongues," and having visions.  In one of those visions she is  said to have had a revelation that God would not allow his saints to pass through the Tribulation, but that they would be spirited away/""' Darby and Irving expanded on that idea which became known as the pre-tribulation Rapture.  Before the Tribulation Christ would appear in the clouds and  snatch away the "true" Christians", they would not die, but like Enoch and Elijah they would be translated to heaven. After seven years Christ would  return with his saints at the Second Coming to begin the Millennium.  The  date of the Rapture could not be calculated? it could happen at  any  moment.*"*' The impact of this teaching upon Darby's followers has been analyzed by one of his former friends and followers, Francis W. Newman, the brother of Cardinal Newman. The importance of this doctrine is, that it totally forbids all working for earthly objects distant in time....For instance, if a youth had a natural aptitude for mathematics, and he asked, ought he to give himself to its study, in hope that he might diffuse a serviceable knowledge of it, or possibly even enlarge the boundaries of the science? my friend would have replied, that such .a purpose was very proper, if entertained by a worldly man....But such studies cannot be followed by the Christian, except when he yields to unbelief ....In fact, what would it avail even to become a second La Place after thirty years' study, if in five and thirty years the Lord descended from heaven, snatching up all His saints to meet him, and burning to ashes all the works of the earth?...the highest Christian must necessarily decline the pursuit of science, knowledge, art, history,—except so far as any of .these things might be made useful tools for immediate spiritual results. He only wanted men to submit their understanding to God, that js^to the Bible, that is to his understanding of the Bible.*" That apocalyptic mentality, which was  devoid of social concern, has been  captured by the autobiography of the literary critic Edmund Gosse, whose father,  Phillip  movement/ The  Gosse, an  eminent  naturalist,  was  part  of  Darby's  y  other  (1792-1334), was  promoter  of  the  Rapture  a Presbyterian minister who  Thomas Chalmers.  concept,  Edward  Irving  had been the assistant of  Irving not only adopted the Rapture idea, but also  Margaret Macdonald's "pentecostalism" (which Darby had rejected). Soon "speaking in tongues," private revelations, and the pre-tribulation Rapture  -36idea became part of Irving's services in London. In 1833 Irving was tried by the Church of Scotland for heresy and defrocked because he had claimed that Christ's human nature was sinful. ~ Irving's followers established a new cult similar to the Plymouth Brethren and aimed at restoring primitive Christianity.  Known  as  the Catholic  Apostolic  Church,  it mixed  pentecostalism,  divine healing, prophecy, and high-church ritual.  It also  re-established an order of apostles, sent out missionaries around the world, and expected the Rapture to occur in the 1860s. The Irvingites, as they were also called, did not have the same success as Darby's followers in the propagation of their beliefs. Their "Pentecostal" practices were considered 30 heretical by many dispensationalists, most Protestants.  and their Catholic ritual offended  They were also discredited by their failed attempts at  setting dates for the return of Christ. Although the Plymouth Brethren remained small in numerical size their influence far exceeded their numbers. Darby made repeated trips to Europe and North America where his dispensationalism was adopted by many laymen and some clergymen.  Jl  Darby's most famous convert was the self-taught  American evangelist Dwight L. Moody. conference in Dublin  After Moody attended a Brethren  in 1867 he brought back Brethren literature to  distribute to his audiences. Concerning the writings of Darby's associate C.H. Mackintosh, Moody is quoted as saying: <I> was so pleased and at the same time so profited by the way they opened up the Scripture truths that I secured all the writings of the same author, and if they could not be replaced, would rather part with my entire library, excepting my Bible, than with these writings. They have been to me a very key to the Scriptures. The  Plymouth Brethren and their splinter groups developed a new  historiography.  Since they had rejected the established Catholic, Greek  -37Orthodox, Lutheran, Reformed, and Wesleyan. forms of Christianity they looked elsewhere for their roots. They found them in the popular medieval heresies, particularly the Paulicians, Bogomils, Waldensians and the dualist Albigensians who were persecuted by the Catholic Church.  All of those  groups had been influenced in some way by Marcion's extreme Pauline and dualistic theology, and by the Manichaeans to some extent. The Paulicians, Bogomils, Waldensians, and Albigensians received an honoured place in 33 Brethren historiography. Seventh-Day  Another contemporary restorationist cult, the  Adventists, found  its roots  in the Waldensians  and  Albigensians.^ Because the Albigensians in southern France and northern Italy had been persecuted by the Catholic church during the 13th and 14th centuries, Brethren writers assumed that they were part of the "true" church which had been uncorrupted by Catholicism. The Albigensians or Cathars (the pure ones) were actually neo-Manichaens because they had a strong dualist theology,^  Even though many of the Albigensians were killed and their  works burned, their ideas went underground and periodically reappeared in popular theology.  In his Institutes John Calvin condemned some of the  Manichaen ideas which had crept into Christian theology in his own day. He maintained that people were attributing more powers to Satan than were warranted from the Bible."  For sake of clarity we will call this thinking  neo-Manichean. Consciously or unconsciously the Brethren adopted aspects of that dualistic theology and sought to renounce "the world, the flesh and the Devil."  That  demonology.  dualist  mentality was soon manifested in a heightened  The Devil was seen everywhere playing havoc with people's  lives.  That view was  popularized in the works of the Brethren writer,  George H. Pember, who wrote in the 1870s and whose books are still being printed by fundamentalist publishing houses. Pember accepted the reality of spiritualism, witchcraft, and the possibility of sexual intercourse between humans and demons.  He may  also have invented the "gap" theory for  Genesis, which taught that there had been a pre-Adamic creation which had been destroyed by God after the fall of Lucifer, and which had occurred between Genesis 1:1 and 1:2. The gap may have lasted millions of years and was  used by Pember to reconcile the geological record with the biblical  account of creation.^ Another Brethren writer, Jessie Penn-Lewis, who followed Pember's views, maintained that Christians could become demon possessed. Her book, 38  War on the Saints, is still in print and sold in Christian bookstores."  She  33 also wrote the only chapter on Satan in The Fundamentals.  The books of  Pember and Penn-Lewis created a condition of collective paranoia among their readers.  The  neo-Manichaean views of Pember and  Penn-Lewis 411  received a fuller treatment in Lewis Sperry Chafer's Systematic Theology, the main theological text of Dallas Theological Seminary, the leading dispensational school in North America. That  heightened  sense  of demonology also found  expression in  eschatology, particularly in reference to the Antichrist, a pseudo-messiah who  was  to appear in the Last Days.  Since the thirteenth century the  papacy, as an institution, had been labelled the Antichrist by various Holy Roman emperors, heretics, and reformers, including Luther.  That view  became the standard premillennial view. Catholic eschatology, on the other hand, saw  the Antichrist  as  a  distinct  individual.  Within  medieval  Catholicism there was a popular belief that the antichrist would be a J e w . 42 of the period.  This no doubt) reflected the anti-Judaism Counter-Reformation  the  Jesuit  theologians  During the  Bellarmine  and  Ribera  postulated that the Antichrist was still a future personage. He would be a Jew. The  Darbyite dispensationalists] whose eschatology  was  no doubt  heightened by the exploits of Napoleonj also rejected the identification of the papacy with the Antichrist. Darby] who  read Bellarmine, adopted his  44 futuristic eschatology.  Darby and his followers saw the Antichrist as a  coming political "superman," an apostate Jew.  This idea was developed in  the works of Sir Robert Anderson] sometime head of Scotland Yard and an early follower of Darby.  Anderson's book) The Coming Prince: The  Great Monarch of Christendom, depicted  the Antichrist as  characteristics of Alexander the Great) Antiochus  EpipheneS)  having Judas,  Last the Neroi  and Napoleon,^'"' The  Antichrist "myth" saw  further development at the  Conference held in Chicago in 188S.  Rev. W.G.  Prophetic  Moorehead of Xenia (United  Presbyterian) Theological Seminary presented a paper in which he stated that the Antichrist would be the Devil incarnate.  46  Other commentators in  that "prophetic circle" let their imaginations run wild and suggested that 47 the Antichrist would be Judas reincarnated. These ideas gained wider circulation at the Niagara Bible 48 Conferences which were held yearly at Niagara-on-the-Lake) Ontario  and  through the apocalyptic novels of Sydney Watson. Watson (1847-1917), a former waif and sailor] became a Primitive Methodist preacher who 49  meetings throughout England. •"  He  was  held  highly influenced by Brethren  -40writers, particularly Sir Robert Anderson. romantic novel set in Victorian England.  In 1910 Watson published a  Entitled, In The Twinkling of An  Eye, the book described the events leading up to the Rapture."'  0  That book  was followed in 1911 by The Mark of the Beast, which described the terrors of those living through the reign of the Antichrist during the Tribulation. Another  a p o c a l y p t i c n o v e l , The New  Europe, was  j1  f i l l e d with  52 dispensationalism and fears of a Revived Roman Empire."  Watson's books  were also marked by a strong anti-clericalism and anti-Roman Catholicism. Watson's In the Twinkling of an Eye and The Mark of the Beast are still published by Fleming H. Revel!, one of the leading fundamentalist publishers. .Another book of similar genre was Constancia Serjeant's When the Saints are Gone, which was  set during the Tribulation and  Antichrist as being able to materialize at will. Brethren anti-clerical attitudes which saw 53 worldly.  had  the  Her book also reflected  the established church  as  Watson and Serjeant's books were early attempts at writing  Christian "science fiction" and were, on the whole, better written than those 54 which followed."  Unfortunately, many of their readers regarded their  novels as doctrinal treatises. Another aspect of neo-Manichaeism which formed the background of fundamentalism  was  the Keswick holiness movement which developed in  Britain in 1875, and in which many Brethren members and writers such as Jessie  Penn-Lewis and  Sydney Watson participated.  ultimately originated from the beliefs and activities  That  movement  of certain Catholic  mystics, particularly Jeanne Marie Bcuvier de la Mothe Guyon (1648-1717). Madame Guyon was born into a wealthy, aristocratic French family. In her autobiography she claimed that she was rejected by her mother and  -41was  shuffled from  half-siblings was  convent  to  convent.  Her  relationship with  her  also poor and she claimed that they physically abused  her. "' At the age of fifteen she was married) against her wishes) to a 5  man  twenty-two years older than herself. Her marriage was exceedingly unhappy and she found solace in the mystical writings of St. Teresa of Avila] Francis de Sales) Thomas A'Kempis, and Ignatius Loyola! but she carried their ideas to extremes. Guyon's thinking was very neo-Manichaean. She may have been influenced in this regard by the Catholic mystics.  Runciman notes that St.  Francis had been influenced by the Cathars and that their neo-Manichaean views had been perpetuated by the Spiritual Franciscans.  55  Guyon may also  have come into direct contact with Albigensian ideas which still persisted in the regions of southern France where she travelled. As one reads Guyon's autobiography one is struck by her morbidity. As a child she had a strong death wish and hoped for martyrdom. After her marriage she tried to cut out her tongue.  57  Everywhere she saw enemies  and persecutors: her mother, her half-brothers and sisters, her husband, her mother-in-law, her maids, and the priests.  Her  comments make one  suspect that she was a paranoid schisophrenic. As Madame Guyon pursued her mysticism she came to believe that she could achieve union with God  through "self-crucifixion" and by becoming  58 "nothing."  She dispensed with her jewelry, neglected her hair, wore plain  clothing, and  gave away vast amounts of her  wealth.  Her  belief in  sanctification (being made holy) or union with the divine became so extreme that she believed that she personally would become the physical bride of Christ. While still married to Guyon, she composed a marriage contract with =19 Christ."  As she read her Bible she believed that the description of the  "corner-stone of the New Jerusalem" referred to herself. She would be the Queen of Heaven. Yes, I will be in Him dominatrice of those who dominate! those who are subjugated to me by the force of His divine authority, from which they will never be able to separate themselves without separating themselves from God, Himself! what I will bind, shall be bound! what I will untie, shall be untied! and I am this stone fixed to the cross...in whom the Lord has Himself chosen to embody this Jerusalem, descending from Heaven, pompous ana^triumphant, as a wife who leaves the wedding bed. After Guyon's husband died in 1676 she travelled throughout France, Switzerland, and Italy preaching her version of mysticism in various convents.  Among her followers were a Barnabite friar named La Combe,  Archbishop Fenelon (1651-1715), and Madame de Maintenon, the mistress of Louis XIV. Guyon and her circle became known as Quietists because they believed the "still small voice of God" could be heard within them if they had crucified "self."  Possibly because of her undue influence on his mistress,  Louis XIV sought to silence Guyon and her followers. La Combe, condemned as a heretic by the Inquisition, died in prison. Fenelon was banished. His Quietism  later  developed  into  pantheism  forerunners of the French Enlightenment.  and he became  one of the  Louis XIV ordered the arrest of  Madame Guyon and she was put in the Bastille for four years. In 1701 she was released but spent the rest of her life under arrest in religious houses. Madame Guyon's writings were examined by Bishop Bossuet condemned misleading.  thirty of her propositions as heretical or inclined  who  to be  Because of her belief in divine union she had dispensed with  prayer! since she taught that one could arrive at a state of sinlessness, confession, and penance were also unnecessary.^'  1  The writings and ideas of Madame Guyon were adopted by various  Protestants because they saw her as a Protestant, which she was not. John ' 62 Wesley had read both Guyon and Fenelon in his search Tor holiness. The Quakers were also infuenced by her writings. In the United States Thomas C. Upham (1799-1372), a Congregational minister and philosophy professor in New  England, found sanctification at a Methodist meeting.  He began to  promote Madame Guyon's mysticism and became her biographer .  6 w  For many  years Moody Press in Chicago published her autobiography. Guyon's mysticism became a major feature of the Keswick holiness movement which had been developed by three Americans and transferred to Britain. William E. Boardman, a Presbyterian minister from Illinois, who had been influenced by the Wesleyan writings of Charles G. Finney and  Asa  Mahan, advocated the doctrine of sanctification in his book, The Higher Christian Life, which was  published in 1859.  His ideas gained a wide  following as he held holiness conferences throughout the United States and Britain. The two other persons responsible for developing the concepts of the Higher  Christian Life (also known as the Deeper Christian Life, the  Victorious Christian Life, and the Overcoming Life) were Robert Pearsall Smith and his wife, Hannah Whitall Smith (1332-1911). Hannah was the more dominant and famous of the two.  Both of them came from staunch Quaker  families and Hannah was particularly inclined towards mysticism; she had read Madame Guyon, Fenelon, and other mystics who introspection and self-abandonment."  65  advocated "a life of  The Smiths remained Quakers until  they were baptized by a Baptist minister in 1859.  66  For some time  afterwards they came under the influence of the Plymouth Brethren.  67  Then  in 1868 they became exposed to a Methodist Holiness group which taught  -44sanctification and a post-conversion experience which they called the second blessing or the Baptism of the Holy Spirit. While the Smiths sought thisi Robert had an ecstatic experience which Hannah later described: Suddenly from head to foot, Robert was shaken with what seemed like a magnetic thrill of heavenly delight and floods of glory seemed to pour through him, soul and body, with the inward assurance that his was the longed-for Baptism of the Holy Spirit. The whole world seemed transformed to him, every leaf and blade of grass quivered with exquisite colour and heaven seemed to open out before him as a blissful possession. Everything looked beautiful to him, for he seemed to see the divine spirit wit.hin each one without regard to their outward seemings. Hannah tried prayer and fasting, but she never experienced the S3 "blessing" which Robert had received,  one possible reason being that it  may have had more to do with his mental illness than with his spirituality. For some time Robert had been suffering from some form of schizophrenia or manic-depressive illness.  In 1861  <Robert> doesn't sleep at night.  Hannah had written in her diary, "He His thinking is disordered.  He takes  endless walks up and down the beach, returning all dishevelled, with a wild look in his eyes."  70  In 1872 Robert suffered another nervous breakdown and  went to a private sanitarium at Clifton Springs, New York. While there the Smiths were told by his "doctor" that sexual feelings and orgasms were manifestations of the Holy Spirit.  71  This "revelation" became part of their 72  theology and both Robert and Hannah taught this to their acquaintances. The following year Robert went to another mental clinic in Switzerland. Shortly  afterwards Hannah learned that  he  was  holding evangelistic  meetings in England and receiving large crowds. His depression seemed to have disappeared.  She joined him and together with W.E. Boardman they  spread the message of the "Higher Christian Life."  -45Robert Pearsall Smith became a religious celebrity as he toured Britain.  His picture was  prominently displayed on posters around the 73  country and he was making a tidy profit from the sales of his photograph. In 1875, at Brighton, the Smiths addressed eight thousand people who had assembled to hear their messages on holiness. sermons no doubt  resembled  The contents of Hannah's  the ideas in her second  book which  was  published that year. The Christian's Secret of a Happy Life  emphasized 74 "self-crucifixion" and the Brethren concept of separation from the world. / 7=;  Although she did not mention Guyon by name, she quoted from Fenelon. While in England Hannah kept some of her more radical views to herself; she believed in universalism and denied the existence of eternal punishment.  76  Hannah's book became a Christian classic and more than two million copies have been sold.  77  While the Smiths were spreading their message of holiness, D.L. Moody was also holding meetings in England. He sent his blessings to the conference at Brighton. It developed into the annual Keswick conferences which  attracted  "Open" Brethren, Methodists,  evangelical Anglicans,  Baptists, and many others. Before the conference was over Hannah went to Switzerland for a holiday and then learned that Robert had suddenly gone to Paris after suffering another nervous breakdown. He had, but only when forced to leave the convention after being found late at night in the bedroom of one of his young female admirers. She accused him of attempted rape. He explained to Hannah that he had only been explaining to the girl "the precious doctrine" he had picked up at Clifton Springs. "I told her how Christ wanted us to feel thrills up and down our bodies because this would make us feel closer to  -4678 Him."  u  The British press made much of the scandal. The Smiths left Europe in disgrace) but it was not long before they  were again holding holiness meetings in the United States. Robert's scandal was conveniently covered up. Hannah continued to search for the baptism of the Holy Spirit and personally investigated the multiplicity of cults that taught divine union and divine guidance.  Her search took her into various  Utopian communities and free-love societies.  In a manuscript which was  published post-humously by her grand-daughter,  Hannah described her  search for religious guidance. ^ 7  In 1879 Hannah met a Methodist minister who rented the house next door to them. He and his female disciples followed the Guyonese theology of "death-to-self" and divine guidance. Hannah found their views convincing. The thing which interested me at first was the remarkable way in which they seemed to understand the guidance of the Holy Spirit in all the little daily affairs of life....their way of looking continually, moment by moment, to the Lord for His Guidance, and their perfect certainty that He did indeed, according to His promise direct their every step, seemed to invest them with an atmosphere of holiness and conscious presence of the Lord in such a way that made itself felt by everyone who came into their presence. They seemed literally to live and move and have their being in God. And to a soul, hungering as mine was to know the utmost possibilities of the life hid with Christ in God, it seemed that it ought to be almost like entering the very gates of Heaven to be in their presence, and I '-threw myself with int_pnse eagerness into their teaching and their influence. Hannah's neighbours sought God's guidance in everything they did. She interpreted their neurosis as spirituality, but she could not make their 81 system of divine guidance work for her.  u  Hannah also acquired a creedless  type of pantheism from that cult: "the great thing in religion is to live and move and have our being in God. Not in experience, not in views, nor in  doctrines, nor in anything of any kind, but simply in God alone." " wi  However, within six months Hannah became disillusioned after hearing that the Methodist minister had impregnated his female disciples, telling 3^ them that they were going to bear a special divine race of children. " By December 1879 Hannah ceased her search for the "inner voice" and the Baptism of the Holy Spirit, but hung on to the pantheistic views which she '  34  had picked up from these friends and from the works of Fenelon. From her quest for holiness Hannah turned to the women's suffrage and the temperance campaigns, working with feminists Susan B. Anthony and Frances Willard.  In 1883 the Smiths moved to England to be near their  daughter Mary who was married to a member of Parliament. The Smith's friends included many of the Fabian circle and famous literati: the Webbs, Oscar Wilde, George Santayana, George Bernard Shaw, and Bertrand Russell. But Hannah Whitall Smith experienced little of the happiness of which her book spoke. Robert had several mistresses and became an atheist. their seven children had died as youngsters. caused her grief.  Four of  The surviving children also  They appeared to have inherited their father's mental  illness which Hannah's biographer has identified as manic-depression. Mary had a breakdown and shortly afterwards deserted her husband and children, and became the mistress and later wife of the art critic Bernard Berenson. Alys married atheist Bertrand Russell. Logan, who became a noted literary critic, was also afflicted with manic-depression. "  To comfort herself in  those tragedies Hannah Whitall Smith returned to the mysticism of Fenelon. Her "secret of the happy Christian life" was to "crucify self" and to distrust the emotions. Although Hannah and Robert Pearsall Smith had little contact with  -48the  Keswick movement after the scandal of 1375, Hannah's books were  widely read by that group.  Madame Guyon and Fenelon's mysticism which  emphasized the "crucified life," divine union, and divine guidance became a prominent part of the teaching at the annual Keswick conferences and in the writings of members of that group.  The Keswick theology rejected the  Wesleyan perfectionism! the focus centered on"victory over sin by "letting go and letting God" live your life. In his critique of the Keswick movement Anglican theologian J.I. Packer has noted some characteristics of its participants: Their tendency is to grow legalistic, making tight rules for themselves and others about abstaining from things indifferent, imposing rigid and restrictive behaviour patterns as bulwarks against worldliness and attaching great importance to observing these man-made taboos. They become Pharisaic, more concerned to avoid what defiles and adhere to principle without compromise than to practice the love of Christ. They become scrupulous, unreasonably fearful of pollution where none threatens and obstinately unwilling to be reassured. They become joyless, being so preoccupied with thoughts of how grim and unrelenting the battle is. They become morbid, always introspective and dwelling on the rottenness of their hearts in a way that breeds only gloom and apathy. They become pessimistic about the possibility of moral progress, both for themselves and for others! they settle for low expectations of deliverance from sin, as if the best they can hope for is to be kept from getting worse. Such attitudes are, however, spiritual neurosis, distorting, disfiguring, diminishing and so in reality d i s h o n o r i n g the sanctifying work of God's Spirit in our lives." The same attitudes were reflected in the music which was popularized by the Keswick meetings.  Hymns of worship and praise were replaced by  syrupy, sentimental, and introspective "gospel" songs written by Frances Ridley  Havergal (1836-1879),  Fanny  Crosby  (1838-1876), and Ira David Sankey (1840-1908).  (1323-1915),  Philip  Bliss  Havergal's Take My Life  and Let It Be, Crosby's Jesus Keep Me Near the Cross and I am Thine Q Lord,  -49and Georgiana M. Taylor's Oh, to be Nothing reflected the Guyonese themes of "self-crucifixion" and passive surrender. Concerning the latter song? Qh> to be Nothingi Harry Emerson Fosdick noted that those following that 98  theology often achieved what they sang.  u  These songs reflected a siege or lifeboat mentality which reflected premillennial pessimism.  Gone were the themes of the church militant and  triumphant. Sandra Sizer notes that such songs depicted the individual "as the passive recipient of blows dealt by inimical impersonal forces." This is indeed the first important stategic move of gospel-hymn rhetoric: to portray the human condition as that of a passive victim. The solution to the difficulty is equally passive: to rest in some safe place. Those who are saved hide "in the hollow of God's hand," in the bosom of Jesus, or the cleft of the Rock of Ages! they find safety in a lifeboat which lands^at a quiet shore or harbor! the journey ends at "home."'"" Fanny Crosby's Safe in the Arms of Jesus was representative of that mood. Sizer has further noted: We find, then, some distinctive and mutually reinforcing patterns in the gospel hymns collected by Ira Sankey. They portray human beings as passive victims, tossed about in an evil world! saved by passive, passionate, and almost erotic surrender to an equally passive deity. The hymns focus on the emotional life, in which Christians pour out their hearts in supplication, join with Jesus in intimate union, and share their experiences by witnessing to one another." q  Another  characteristic of that  first-person pronouns. characterized  music was  the preponderance  of  Even with all of the talk of self-crucifixion which  the Keswick  narcissism in its songs.  movement there was  a  strong element  of  An extreme example of that' can be seen in C.  Austin Miles' song, I Walk in the Garden Alone, which was strongly erotic. Through the activities of D.L. Moody and his associate Ira D. Sankey, the Keswick emphasis became very prominent in evangelicalism and its music  became incorporated into many denominational hymnbooks. Another schismatic sect influenced by the Keswick movement was Salvation Army.  the  William Booth, its founder, left the Methodist ministry  because he refused to accept ecclesiastical direction.  His wife, who had a 91  considerable influence upon his theology, came from a Quaker background." They followed and promoted a practice of using the Bible as a personal oracle. In seeking divine guidance they would let a Bible fall open and the 92 first verse they read would be regarded as a divine message to them." Their unorthodox theology was heightened when they visited with the Robert Pearsall Smiths during the 1875 theology  which  the  Booths  holiness meetings at Brighton.""  created  was  feminist, holiness  The  oriented,  anti-sacramental, elitist, and neo-ManichaeanJ they were engaged in a war against the Devil and regarded themselves as the only "true" Christians. The  Salvation Army quickly became a family corporation! most of the  leadership positions were held by the Booth children. William Booth assumed the position of "General" and his followers donned other military titles.  The  Booths became religious celebrities and marketed Salvation Army china and 94 pocket watches, both of which displayed their pictures." The Salvation Army had a marked lower class appeal. titles and  uniforms of the Salvationists, along with their social work  programs among the poor, attracted those who status.  The military  The  desired to improve their  Salvation Army offered them an unconventional religion.  Formal worship and the sacraments were discarded.  The tunes of popular  songs were often converted into gospel songs. To attract attention to their message the  Salvationists often staged bizarre spectacles with their  marching bands and frequently they were thrown into jail for deliberately  disturbing the peace.""' That kind of sensationalism was later copied by many of the fundamentalists. A  further aspect  of the intellectual  underworld  which  found  expression in fundamentalism was British-Israelism, a chauvenistic belief which maintained  that the British peoples were the descendants of ten  tribes of Israel, that members of the British royal family were literal descendants of King David, and that Britain had a special place in the divine economy. British-Israelism  developed  at end of the eighteenth  century,  although portions of the theory had existed for two centuries earlier. significant person  A  in the development of British-Israelism was Richard  Brothers (1757-1825) who was born at Placentia, Newfoundland.  After a  career in the Royal Navy, Brothers began writing on biblical prophecy and claiming to be the divinely-appointed ruler of England.  He was tried and  convicted for treason and sent to a lunatic asylum after he had demanded 96 that King George III turn over the British crown to him.  Brothers,  however, was able to gain a following and his ideas gained circulation. As the theory developed, its advocates split over the question of whether the Teutons and others could be identified with the Ten Lost Tribes of Israel. The dominant group, led by Edward Hine (1825-1391), employed a curious mixture of biblical prophecy, heraldry, numerology, racism, and a specious use of philology to identify the Teh Lost Tribes as the British peoples and 9 7  Americans. British-Isaelites also claimed that the measurements of the Great Pyramid of Egypt contained prophetic messages concerning the role of Britain and the United States in world affairs, and the Second Coming of  -5298 Christ.  Closely linked with pyramidology was a belief that the signs of  the Zodiac had originally been given by God to tell the gospel message before the Bible was  written) but that astrologers had corrupted their  meanings. After the accretions were removed] the gospel could be read in the stars.  These ideas were, picked up  and  propogated  by various  dispensationalists including an American Lutheran minister Joseph A Seiss (1823-1904), the Anglican divine Ethelbert Bullinger (1337-19135, and the 99  apocalyptic novelist Sydney Watson."  The star studies by Bullinger and  Seiss are still being reprinted. Another  strange  feature  numerology which found  of  numerical  British-Isaelism  was  its use  significances in words.  The  of  most  extravagant numerological theory was propounded by Ivan Panin (1355-1942), a Russian exile who lived outside of Burlington, Ontario. Panin moved in British-Israel c i r c l e s ^ and claimed that there was 1  mathematical  formula  stretching  throughout  the  a divinely planned Hebrew  and  Greek  manuscripts of the Bible. Textual errors could be identified when the proper number sequence was missing. ^ 102 1  corrected New Testament.  With his theory Panin produced his own  Panin's numerical ideas were reprinted in the  monthly publication of the Bible Institute of Los Angeles and were hailed as an apologetic wonder. British-Israelism  or A n g l o - I s r a e l i s m was  normally  a  supra-denominational organization, not forming a separate church or sect, but working within the existing Protestant churches, hoping to persuade their members of their "true" identity and their automatic salvation based on their "Israelite" ancestry. Because their meetings were not usually held in  competition  with  regular  Sunday  church  services,  allegiance  to  British-Israelite beliefs did not in that way conflict with denominational loyalties, A number of Anglican, Methodist, and Presbyterian ministers were active in the organization and made their church facilities available for its 104 use.  The organization appears to have had a stronger membership  outside of Britain, particularly in Canada, Australia, and the United States. Some sects and cults, such as the Jehovah's Witnesses and Herbert W. Armstrong's Israelism.  Worldwide Church  of God, borrowed  heavily from British-  It also heavily influenced a number of those fundamentalists  whose biographies are included in this study: Airnee Semple McPherson, William Aberhart, and Clem Davies. Because  of their  identification  of themselves  as  the  "elect"  descendents of Israel, British-Israelites were frequently anti-Semitic, making a distinction between Israelites and post-exilic Jews whom they regarded as racially and religiously inferior. theories, was not a J e w J ^  Jesus, according-to their  The concept of the Aryan origin of Jesus was  invented by Theodor Fritsch and popularized in England by Houston Stewart Chamberlain's Foundations of the Nineteenth Century, which spread the Aryan myth of Anglo-Saxon racial superiority.  106  As the son-in-law of  Richard Wagner, Chamberlain was much read in Germany and his book was one of the few books which Hitler acknowledged intellectual development.  107  as being important in his  While most British-Israelites rejected Nazism,  there was a common basis in their ideologies of racial supremacy. interesting  It is  to note that today, the neo-Nazi Aryan Nations group is a  British-Israel sect. ** 10  109 While some dispensationalists denounced British-Israelism some British-Israelites denounced dispensationalism,  110  and  there was a great  degree of cross-fertilization of their ideas at the popular level. William Aberhart accepted both ideologies. Ernest R. Sandeen identifies the "Princeton Theology" as another major influence on  fundamentalism.  111  Several of the professors at  Princeton Theological Seminary) especially A.A. Hodge and B.B. Warfield) had developed' in the late nineteenth century a very complicated theory of biblical inspiration and inerrancy. ^ Christians over the ages had believed 11  that the Bible had been divinely inspired) but they had differences about what was  inspired and what was  not. • Luther considered the Epistle of  James to be the "epistle of straw." Revelation.  However) Hodge and  Calvin had his doubts about the Book of Warfield developed  a  new  form of  scholasticism to compete with the current theories of papal infallibility and the negative attitudes of the higher critics. Hodge and Warfield created a "paper pope" by claiming that the Bible in its original autographs, had been s  divinely inspired even to the words used and was  without error.  Their  theory of plenary verbal inspiration suggested a mechanical dictation from God without the writers' personalities playing any part. Yet, they denied that implication. ^ 11  However, since the original autographs were not  extant, these Princeton theologians found themselves in an intellectual cul de sac.  To argue as they did about the infallible, inerrant, and inspired  original autographs was as productive as the medieval question of how many angels could dance on the head of a pin. Even though many fundamentalists did not understand the views of Hodge and Warfield) they adopted their term  }  "plenary verbal inspiration!" it became a shibboleth in fundamentalist literature and discouraged biblical criticism. that  the "Princeton theology" was  It should be noted however)  the minority view among American  Presbyterians. Many of the above-mentioned ideas—dispensationalism! icism, neo-Manichaeism, Pember's "gap"  apocalypt-  theory! Keswick holiness,  British-Israelism, and plenary verbal inspiration—found expression in the 1903 publication of the Scofield Reference Bible, an annotated Bible which became the Bible of fundamentalism. It sold millions of copies. ^ 11  Cyrus Ingersol Scofield (1343-1921) was  a self-taught lawyer  who  became a politician and district attorney in Kansas. His personal history is rather cloudy, but recent evidence suggests that he was fired and sent to prison for forgery and perjury.  116  Scofield came to the attention of the  religious public after he became an associate of D.L. Moody.  Most of  Scofield's theology came from Plymouth Brethren sources and he produced a King James Version  of the  Bible with dispensational  notes.  Through  Plymouth Brethren contacts in Britain he was able to get Oxford University Press to publish it. For many of those who  were raised in fundamentalist churches and  Bible institutes the Scofield Reference Bible became their only Bible and commentary.  The  experience of William E. Cox,  quoted below, was  the  experience of many of them. ...in <my> Baptist church...almost everyone carried a Scofield Bible. My spiritual tutors knew the footnotes and headings placed in the Bible by C.I. Scofield, as well as they knew the Bible itself. Indeed, the two became almost synonymous in their minds even as they were destined to become in my own mind. Even today it is difficult at times to clear my mind of some of Scofield's presuppositions...acting on the advice of Scofield, himself, I had distrusted the outstanding Bible commentaries and had felt that all I needed for a thorough understanding of th^ Bible was supplied by the notes of my favorite "Bible." The Scofield Reference Bible was  rejected by the mainline churches  because of its anti-clericalisrrn its two systems of salvation, and its anti-nomianism," its notes stated that the Synoptic Gospels and certain of the Epistles did not apply to Christians because they were addressed to Jews. Fundamentalist attitudes towards the Jews were paradoxical. On the one  hand  the leading fundamentalist  authors  including  Scofield,  W;E.  Blackstone (1841-1935), James M. Gray (1851-1935), and Arno C. Gaebelein (1 SSI-1945) claimed that the Jews were God's chosen people and they 119 actively promoted the return of the Jews to Palelstine.  ' However, their  dispensational attitude dispensed with most of the Bible because it was "Jewish." In their eschatology they also depicted the Jews as the dupes of the Antichrist. Those contradictions can be partly explained by centuries of Catholic and Protestant antipathy towards the Jews as Christ-killers in league  with  the  Devil, ^ 1  Christian  "triumphalism,"  and  socio-economic situations into which Jews had been forced. ^ 1  1  negative It is also  significant, that Sir Robert Anderson, the dispensationalist who contributed so heavily to fundamentalist eschatology, was personally known for his 122 anti-Semitism. When it came to the notorious Protocols of the Wise Men of Zion, which purported to be the transcript of a secret meeting between the Devil and leading Jews at which a machiavellian plot was hatched to rule the 123 world, James M. Gray, the editor of the Moody Monthly, accepted them as 124 substantially genuine because they fitted his view of eschatology. Indeed some fundamentalist publishers reprinted the Protocols side by side 125 with their premillennial eschatology.  Gray also argued that even though  Henry Ford had published the Protocols in his Dearborn Independent, he was  not anti-Semitic. *"  Yet, for all of their denunciations of anti-Semitism,  fundamentalists contained a latent anti-Semitism in their views. • That curiosity was very evident in the life and career of Arno C. Gaebelein, one of the consulting editors of the Scofield Reference Bible and a  leading fundamentalist. ^ 1  self-taught.  Gaebelein,  7  a  German  immigrant,  was  He became an ordained Methodist minister and operated a  successful mission to the Jews in New  York City. However, after he came  into contact with Scofield and Plymouth Brethren views he left the Methodist i ••JO  Church and advised Hebrew-Christians to renounce their Jewish culture. For many years Gaebelein produced a monthly magazine, Our Hope, which stressed  Jewish  evangelism  and  premillennial eschatology.  His views  became increasingly neo-Manichaean and his 1933 book The Conflict of the Ages: The Mystery of Lawlessness: Its Origin, Historic Development and Coming  Defeat  accepted  the  authenticity 129  conspiracy theories of Nesta Webster, saw  of  the  Protocols and  the  " a British anti-Semitic writer, who  the Jews behind most of the revolutions and disasters of history.  However, when Gaebelein learned the real fate of Jews in Germany under Hitler, he attempted  to get the American government to act on their  behalf. Because fundamentalists had limited education and their views were so dominated by conspiracy theories their understanding of world politics was rather limited. Their strong anti-Catholicism led them very early to see 1 31 Mussolini as a hero. "'  Later they saw  him as the Antichrist or his  132 predecessor. During the early years of Hitler's activities they were noticeably silent and when they did mention him, he was seen as a bulwark 133 against Catholicism and Communism. " The same anti-catholic attitude  appears to have been responsible for Moody Monthly's publication of articles by Robert (Bob) Shuler of Trinity Methodist Church in Los Angeles and 134 others, which supported the Ku Klux Rlan. In  the world  that  was  changing  too fast  for them, the  fundamentalists grasped at intellectual straws, medieval heresies, and conspiracy theories.  Some of those intellectual sources are charted on  page 59 infra. Many of the books of the intellectual underworld upon which they built their theology—books by Madame Guyon, George H. Pember, Sir Robert  Anderson,  Jessie  Penn-Lewis, Hannah Whitall Smith, Ethelbert  Bullinger, Joseph Seiss, Sidney Watson, and Cyrus Scofield—are still being published by fundamentalist publishers.  Those books have had a great  impact upon the popular theology of fundamentalism and have created an attitude of passivity, mysticism, sectarianism and anti-intellectualism, and a lack of social concern. Fundamentalism  was considerably different from established  Christianity. This was also reflected in its music and forms of worship. Its music  was often superficial and lacking in theological depth.  Gospel  choruses replaced the hymns of the faith. As fundamentalists moved out of the established churches they held their meetings in halls, storefronts, 13S tents, and theatres.  When fundamentalists built their own buildings they  were often architecturally different from standard churches and were modelled after theatres, with the stage and pulpit, rather than the altar, being the pivotal point of attention.  Rather than worship services, their  meetings became performances with the attention directed upon sectarian leaders who often taught bizarre ideas which were not part of conventional Christianity.  FIGURE I  -59-  SOME INFLUENCES ON FUNDAMENTALISM PENTECOSTALISM  FUNDAMENTALISM  BRmSH-ISRAELISM  -60-  CHAPTER THREE THEOLOGICAL TRENDS IN CANADA, 1367 to 1945  Fundamentalism in Canada received much of its thrust from aggressive spread of the underworld chapter, particularly  an  of ideas discussed in the previous  dispensational premillennialism and  the  Keswick  holiness movement. Its success also had much to do with a reaction to the religious climate in the country following Confederation.  Although  an  exhaustive study of mainline Protestant religion in Canada is beyond the scope of this chapter, the major theological and political trends which shaped the religious life of Canada in the first half of the twentieth century are traced. Those trends were church union, the national and social gospel, biblical criticism, and modernism. By examining in this chapter the ideas and careers of several well-known Canadian church leaders, the contrasts between mainline Christianity and the fundamentalist movement can be demonstrated. Goldwin French has stated that the "dominant strand in Canadian Protestantism" in nineteenth-century Canada "was evangelical."  1  However,  during the last quarter of the century, that theological consensus began to breakdown with the rise of liberalism and The underworld  fundamentalism.  of ideas which shaped fundamentalism  came into  Canada largely through the annual prophetic Bible conferences which were < held at Miagara-on-the-Lake, Ontario, from 1833  to 1897.  2  At those  meetings dispensational premillennialism and Keswick holiness ideas became increasingly popular and attracted a wide range of Anglican, Presbyterian, and Baptist clergy from the Niagara peninsula and the Toronto area. Among the active participants were the Reverend Samuel Henry Kellogg (1839-1339) 3 of St. James' Square Presbyterian Church, Toronto, the Reverend Henry M. Parsons (1828-1913) of Knox Presbyterian Church, Toronto, the Reverend Elmore Harris (1854-1911) of Walmer Road Baptist Church, Toronto, son of a prominent  industrialist, the Reverend  Robert Cameron of Park Baptist  Church in Brantford, the Right Reverend Maurice Baldwin (133S-1904), bishop of Huron, and Canon Dyson Hague (1357-1935) of London. The  Niagara Bible Conferences  fundamentalism participants  throughout  North  helped create the network for  America!  some  were contributors to the Scofield  of  its prominent  Reference Bible,  The  Fundamentals, Moody Monthly, and the Sunday School Times. Elmore Harris also organized a group of wealthy evangelicals which included Joseph Flavelle the banker and meat packer, and they established Toronto Bible Training School in 1894 as an alternative to regular theological education. The  prophetic conferences attracted  Anglican laymen,  5  4  a considerable number of  who were often well-educated, upper-middle class, and  sophisticated. In spite of their exposure to the sectarian ideas associated with premillennialism, most remained churchmen and were active in social reform programs.  6  Wycliffe College was founded by thern in 1877 to promote  low-church Anglican conservative evangelicalism/ Wycliffe College contributed to the spread of the newly emerging  fundamentalist  ideas through several of its faculty, Dyson Hague and  William Henry Griffith Thomas (1861-1924), in particular. mentioned, Hague was  As  already  a participant in the Prophetic Conferences and the  author of three contributions to The Fundamentals." Thomas was a leading dispensationalist, an advocate of Keswick holiness, and also a contributor q to The Fundamentals. ' Both men were contributors to Moody Monthly, the official organ of Moody Bible Institute, and the Sunday School Times, a Keswick publication. Thomas also taught at Toronto Bible College. In 1919 he became unhappy at Wycliffe and left to teach at Moody Bible Institute and  become one  of the  founders of what became Dallas  Theological  Seminary, the major dispensational school in the world. Through the prophetic conferences, the Scofield Reference Bible, The Fundamentals, v a r i o u s premillennial, dispensational, and Keswick periodicals, and visiting speakers from the United States who were part of the fundamentalist network, many evangelical Anglicans, Presbyterians, and Baptists in Canada were influenced by the popular ideas of fundamentalism. These influences had a much slighter effect upon Canadian Methodism, for premillennarian eschatology was at cross purposes with theological trends within Methodism which was aspiring to become the national church. One of the major religious currents in Canada beginning during the latter half of the nineteenth century was the emergence of what has been described as the "national gospel."  10  It was a mixture of the social gospel  movement and emerging Canadian nationalism.  Especially within Methodism  the themes of Christianizing and Canadianizing  often became mixed and  confused. As the Methodists experienced upward social mobility they lost much  -63of their revivalist image.  Much more emphasis was  placed on Horace  BushnelVs concept of "Christian nurture" through education rather than upon  conversion  arising  out  of  evangelistic campaigns.  However i  11  evangelistic campaigns did not entirely disappear? the well-known Methodist team of Crossley and Hunter remained active into the twentieth century. But) as the Methodists became more identified with the "establishment)" their ministry among the lower classes was replaced by the newly imported 12 Salvation Army. Inspired  by  Confederation  various  Methodist) Presbyterian,  and  Baptist groups united under denominational umbrellas to establish separate Canadian identities apart from their British or American parent groups. The 1 "3 formation of the Presbyterian Church in Canada took place in 1875. Various Methodists  united by 1884.  In 1388  open and closed communion  Baptists formed the Baptist Convention of Ontario and Quebec J  4  Wider denominational union had been proposed before the turn of the century> but the concept received further substance in 1902.  At the General  Conference of the Methodist Church) held in Winnipeg) fraternal greetings were brought by the Reverend William Patrick) a Presbyterian minister who was the principal of Manitoba College. Without permission from the General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church) Patrick proposed that talks towards church union be started between their two denominations. He saw this as a means by which Canada could lead the world in Christian unity, By 1904 the Methodists  t  15  Presbyterians) and Congregationalists were  involved in formal union talks. In 1906 the Anglicans and the Baptists were also invited) but each declined. The former would participate only if their episcopal system were adopted, and the latter preferred to keep their own  -64autonoimy. The fact that unification talks could take place even between the Presbyterians and Methodists demonstrated how far those denominations had  moved  away  from  their  theological  roots.  Calvinistic, while Methodistis were Arminian.  Presbyterians  were  Both groups also tended to  represent different social classes and had different worship forms and polities.  Many Presbyterians tended to be "wet," while Methodists were  almost always "dry" on the temperance question. talks reflected the spirit religious co-operation  Nevertheless, the union  of theological liberalism, which emphasized  rather than competition, and practical Christian  living rather than quibbles over fine points of dogma.'  6  Long before the creation of the United Church of Canada in 1925 union churches had been established on the Canadian prairies.  When  ministers were in short supply rural Methodist and Presbyterian churches temporarily joined. Calgary,  the costs  Even in western Canadian urban centres, such as of heating  two  different  churches  caused the  Presbyterians and the Methodists in East Calgary to join for the winter months.  17  This led to the wider feeling that if union could be achieved for  necessity or economy, it could be achieved permanently. Organic  union of the Methodist, Presbyterian, and Congregational  churches was partly delayed by World War I. Almost all of the Methodists and Congregationalists were ready for union, but a strong vocal minority of Presbyterians resisted union. Many conservative Presbyterians feared that a creedless church was being created. Liberal Presbyterians expected the new church to be too revivalistic and "dry." Both poles of thought were also opposed to the coercive features of the union, for upon union the  -65Presbyterian Church would legally cease to exist and most of its property would be  absorbed  into the United Church of Canada,  Presbyterian resistance to church union was  Much of the  located in urban central  18 Canada and the larger cities in the west. The push for church union was related to the social gospel movement which taught that Christianity had a social dimension: the church had to be involved in caring for man's physical welfare as well as his soul. Early pioneers in the American social gospel, such as Walter Rauschenbusch and Washington Gladden combined a deep evangelical piety with their efforts to 19 reform society. "  In Canada the social gospel assumed its own  distinct  forms as it was mixed with Canadian nationalism. Richard Allen, in his momumental study, The Social Passion, has identified three streams of the social gospel.  The conservative branch  emphasized spiritual conversion as well as social reform, social gospellers felt that coercive legislation was  The progressive  required to bring in  Prohibition, combat vice, and enforce eugenics and Sabbath The  radical  social  gospellers who  emphasized  social  observance.  salvation  over  individual salvation, called for a restructuring of economic life along socialist principles, and in most cases left the organized church because they could not agree with its conservative theology and its links with the capitalist and political establishment.'"'"  1  The social gospel had its advocates in the Methodist, Presbyterian, and Baptist denominations,*" but its strongest expression was found in the 1  Methodist Church. Canada  The social gospel became most prominent in western  where newly formed communities did not  have the  necessary  infra-structures to deal with the vast waves of immigrants who descended  -66upon the Canadian plains. Western Canada had a very transient population. Adequate housing, health care, and educational facilities were often lacking even for those who  settled down. The resulting urban conditions forced  many of the social gospellers to evolve into the first sociologists and social workers in western Canada,  Two  of the prominent social gospellers in  western Canada were J.S. Woodsworth (1874-1942) and Hugh Wesley Dobson (1879-1956).  Woodsworth was  the more radical of the two.  The Dobson  Papers are a mine of information for the social history of western Canada and illustrate how the Methodist bureaucracy related to the issues of the .. 22 times. Dobson's voluminous correspondence suggests almost nothing of the traditional Methodist themes of anxiety over personal sin, a search for salvation, repentance, forgiveness, and sanctification, and involvement in personal prayer and Bible reading. It appears as if his emphasis on social service had pre-empted evangelistic concerns.Dobson was a typical progressive social gospeller. He believed that the church should achieve its ends through lobbying governments and using the coercive power of the state. When the 1918 influenza epidemic paralyzed the city of Regina, Dobson almost singlehandedly services.  He  organized  emergency  wrote to his superior T. Albert Moore stating that city 23  officials needed to be guided by a firm hand. Within  the  Methodist  church  there  were conficts between  advocates of the old-time religion and those, like Dobson, who  the  mostly  emphasized social work. A letter written to Dobson by a fellow Methodist minister in 1919 revealed that tension: Our biggest need in the valley is the regeneration of the individual—until considerably more have been  -67soundly converted and placed themselves definitely on the side of Christ for unselfish service—it does not seem muc,^ sense trying out- any community welfare schemes. Dobson responded) suggesting that religion had to be more than a private affair: •Jesus presented to the minds of his listeners the idea of the Kingdom. The Kingdom is always a society. That vision that he gave of the Kingdom led many to repent of their sins on their hearing of the Gospel to step out of their selfishness into a new commitment to the larger s,eal, and to commit themselves to its program, *" J  Dobson's audiences saw little of old Methodist traditions in his sermons when he visited the prairie churches,  One woman wrote to him in  How I would like to see you out on an evangelistic campaign pleading with our Young People to give themselves to the Lord Jesus Christ. Do not think that I undervalue your work but someday I hope you will venture out on a campaign for souls. You know Legislation won't dp it. Education won't do it, but Salvation will do i t . " Dobson replied to her in a rather ambiguous fashion: I must say I do enjoy evangelistic work. I do not know any one way of saving humanity. God's ways are as complex as life itself is complex. What the future may have for me remains for the future and I shall endeavor to follow the guidance of God's spirit as the days come.  Much of Dobson's time was also spent in promoting church union. He, like the Presbyertian novelist, C.W. Gordon (Ralph Connor), and many others believed that governments would have to yield to the dictates of a united oq  church.*"  u  However, these emphases did not satisfy the conservatives and  fundamentalists who remained within the mainline denominations. They seem to have felt that too much time was being spent by many of their church  leaders on the social gospel, prohibition, and church union. The emerging secularized  version  of  Christianity  had  lost  its concept  of  the  transcendence of God and had failed to answer the eternal questions: "who 29 am I, why am I here, and where am I going?" of  the  social  gospellers  was  also  The secularized eschatology  repugnant  to  the  majority of  fundamentalists. The creation of the United Church of Canada became a fact on 10 June 1925.  Although church union united some Christians it also caused  further division.  About one third of the Presbyterians remained out and  considered themselves the ongoing Presbyterian Church.  Most of their  ministers had joined the United Church, leaving the Presbyterians with a critical manpower shortage and few churches.  New Presbyterian churches  had to be built. This created many hard feelings. Replacement ministers had to be secured from England, Scotland, and the United States. The  terms of union for the United Church  features which created more disunity.  of Canada had many  The United Church failed to deal  adequately with the settlement of ministers.  Sometimes Presbyterian  churches which had joined the union, but whose ministers had stayed out, were assigned Methodist ministers.  Former Presbyterian ministers who  joined the United Church were often assigned to Methodist churches. Many congregations found themselves in uncomfortable situations because of new worship forms and some people quit going to church completely or they joined one of the many fundamentalist sects which promised them "the old-time qn religion." " 1  For those members of the congregations whose theology had  been informed by  dispensational premillennialism, Keswick holiness, or  pentecostalism, the lack of focus on those issues by their United Church  -6931 ministers was seen as evidence of their "modernism." Others had more legitimate complaints. Some of their ministers had abandoned biblical preaching and were giving lectures on English literature." The  U n i t e d C h u r c h c l e r g y was a mixed group, c o n t a i n i n g  conservatives, liberals, and a few modernists.  W. Harold Young's Great  Canadian Preaching, which appeared in 1925, contained sermons by many United Church ministers and ministers of other mainline churches. While the selections may not have been completely representative, they were fairly 33 orthodox. " However, fundamentalists accused the mainline churches and especially the United Church of Canada of modernism. That "modernism" was more often perceived than real. Toward the end of the nineteenth century most of the colleges had been influenced by higher criticism of the Bible and theological liberalism. Queen's Theological College, under the direction of George Monro Grant, was 34 very "modernistic."  But, even at the beginning of the twentieth century,  biblical criticism in the Canadian theological colleges was mild compared to what was happening in Germany. The Canadian situation has been described as "reverent criticism".'^"' Even then there was a marked difference between what went on in the theological classroom and what was propounded from the pulpit. Theory