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The German identity of Mennonite Brethren immigrants in Canada, 1930-1960 Redekop, Benjamin Wall 1990

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THE GERMAN IDENTITY OP MENNONITE BRETHREN IMMIGRANTS IN CANADA, 1930-1960 by BENJAMIN WALL REDEKOP B.A., Fresno Pacific College, 1985 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF HISTORY in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA September 1990 ©BENJAMIN WALL REDEKOP, 1990 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Department of l4i£4p/' The University of British Columbia Vancouver, Canada Date DE-6 (2/88) i i ABSTRACT L i t t l e scholarly research has been done on the function of Germanism among Mennonites who immigrated to Canada from Russia in the 1920's, and what has been done often relies on an oversimplified "desire for separation" to explain the phenomenon. At the same time, i t has been argued that the enthusiasm for Nazi Germany among Mennonite immigrants in Canada is to be understood as part of a larger "Volks-German awakening". In fact, the Mennonite experience of brutal treatment during the Bolshevik Revolution, the economic conditions of the Great Depression, and assinflationist pressures from Canadian society put them in a naturally receptive position for the cultural, p o l i t i c a l and ethnic ideas associated with the "new Germany". The Mennonite ethno-religious culture which had emerged in Russia appeared to be breaking down, more rapidly in some areas than others; at the same time, distinctions between p o l i t i c a l and cultural Germanism were just beginning to be understood, as they were bound up in a single "package" which seemed to offer answers to the problems of fragmentation, i n s t a b i l i t y and loss of identity. Germanism, and the German language in particular, functioned as an instrument of socio-religious integration for the Russlaender Brethren in the 30 years after their a r r i v a l in Canada. In the interwar years, Mennonite Germanism took on certain p o l i t i c a l , "Volkish", and nationalistic overtones; by the end of the Second World War, these elements had largely faded. In the postwar period Germanism becomes more clearly identifiable in i t s primary role as symbol and agent of the distinctive configuration of religious faith, i i i sense of peoplehood, and way of l i f e which had emerged in Imperial Russia. The Germanism which was expressed in the Canadian context was in large part a conservative response to the challenges posed by the forces of assimilation and acculturation, the effects of anti-Germanism brought on by two World Wars, and an inherent tendency of the Brethren to identify with North American "English" evangelicalism and to denigrate their cultural heritage because i t was f e l t to detract from effective evangelism. A variety of sources have been used in writing this thesis, including church records, newspapers, personal papers, interviews, conference minutes and school committee minutes, as well as a wide range of secondary sources, including unpublished theses, dissertations and papers. In addition to outlining the contours of Brethren Germanism i t s e l f , efforts have been made to portray adequately the context in which Brethren Germanism was expressed, including that of the Brethren constituency as a whole, other "evangelical" groups, and the larger social and p o l i t i c a l currents of Canadian society. Extending the analysis into the decades after 1945 adds conclusive evidence that the Brethren Germanism of the 1930's was related more to Mennonite goals and aspirations than those of Nazi Germany, despite the presence of a significant (misguided) sympathy for the Hitler regime. iv CONTENTS Abstract i i Acknowledgements v Introduction 1 CHAPTER ONE: The Canadian Context and the Impact of National Socialism 18 CHAPTER TWO: Germanism in the Mennonitische Rundschau. 1930-39 45 CHAPTER THREE: Some Comparisons: Per Bote and Germanism in Other Settings during the 1930's 93 CHAPTER FOUR: Germanism and Brethren Congregational L i f e : The Struggle for Socio-Religious Integrity 115 CHAPTER FIVE: Postwar Developments in Higher Education and German Language Preservation 162 CHAPTER SIX: Conclusion: Some Theoretical and Comparative Perspectives 190 Bibliography 212 V ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Warm thanks to Paul Toews and Kevin Enns-Rempel at the Centre for Mennonite Brethren Studies in Fresno, California, for their encouragement, help and friendship. Ken Reddig at the Centre for Mennonite Brethren Studies in Winnipeg, Manitoba provided courteous assistance as well. I am grateful to Lawrence Klippenstein at the Mennonite Heritage Centre in Winnipeg for his helpful and relaxed attitude. Joe Springer at the Mennonite Historical Library of Goshen, Indiana gave me a place to stay while there, as did Gilbert and Susan Brandt while I was in Winnipeg. Richard and B i l l i e Wiebe also provided friendly accomodations on one of my trips to Fresno. Thanks to John B. Toews for helping to conceptualize this project. Finally, special regards to John Conway, who has been a good friend, c r i t i c , interlocutor and hiking companion. His support has been greatly appreciated. 1 INTRODUCTION Mennonites trace their origins to Reformation Europe and two primary ethnic groups, Dutch North-German and Swiss South-German. Menno Simons was a leader of Dutch origin who brought a number of Anabaptist groups together, through his leadership and writings. The earliest Anabaptists emerged in the context of the Zurich Reform and the "social-revolutionary movement" associated with the Peasants' War (1525), and strove to effect a radical transformation of prevailing socio-religious structures following the New Testament example of the early church, and Christ's teachings. It was only with considerable opposition and persecution that they became conscious of themselves as an alternative community, a fellowship of the redeemed.1 The congregation or "worshipping community" became the "organizing principle" of Anabaptist-Mennonite l i f e , and has remained so to this day.2 While i t is perilous to try to locate a doctrinal core of the early Anabaptist vision, principles such as adult baptism (voluntarism), nonresistance, a n t i -clericalism, the renewal of the Christian l i f e , discipleship, and bearing the cross of Christ have a l l been a part of the movement, which is based on a l i t e r a l i s t biblicism. Extreme persecution caused the various strands of the movement to turn inward and migrate to areas where they were tolerated. Many of the Dutch North-Germans gathered in Prussia, before moving on to Russia in the late 18th century. The Mennonites in Prussia maintained Dutch as their congregational language for 200 years after their a r r i v a l , switching to German shortly before their migration to Russia in the late 18th century.3 Closed settlements were founded in the Ukraine, and Mennonites prospered 2 there for the next 150 years primarily as agriculturalists. By the turn of this century a rapid cultural and economic expansion was taking place,4 and by the F i r s t World War a population of 120,000 was spread across 50 colonies and 2,300,000 acres of land.5 The colonies were essentially self-governing and autonomous unt i l the 1870's, when Russification pressures began to increase, and service in state forestry camps was demanded in li e u of military service. At this point 18,000 Mennonites migrated to North America, with 10,000 settling in the United States and 8,000 in Canada. The attempts at Russification tended to reinforce Mennonite identity, and it s Germanic aspects.6 Mennonites conversed in High German in church and at school, and spoke a Low German dialect at home; Russian became the compulsory language of the schools between 1897-1899. The relationship with Germany was of a cultural and sp i r i t u a l nature, as a steady supply of German educational and devotional materials flowed into the colonies. Mennonite p o l i t i c a l allegiance, when i t was acknowledged, rested with the Czar and the Russian fatherland, as events surrounding the outbreak of the F i r s t World War demonstrated.7 The Mennonite Brethren were a religious subgroup within the larger Russian Mennonite society. German-Baptist and -pietist influences had reached the colonies by the 1850's, and in the early 1860's a renewal movement began simultaneously in the two largest colonies, stressing personal religious experience, conversion, evangelism, and a cohesive religious brotherhood (sic), hence the Brethren name. Mennonite Brethren church historian J.A. Toews has li s t e d Brethren theological distinctives thus: 1. Practical Biblicism 2. Experiential Faith 3. Personal Witnessing 3 4. Christian Discipleship 5. Brotherhood Emphasis 6. Evangelism and Missions 7. Christ-centred Eschatology.8 Theology as a Mennonite Brethren lit e r a r y genre has been sparse un t i l recent years; traditionally Mennonites have distrusted theologizing, focussing instead on the ethics, morals and l i f e s t y l e of the body of believers as the most significant expression of religious principles. The traditional explanation for the Brethren movement cites a decline in voluntarism, religious experience and morals in the colonies as having been the grounds for renewal. Colony power structures had become intertwined with congregational l i f e , and birth rather than belief had become the determining element in church membership.9 While ideological factors were undoubtedly central in the emergence of the movement, i t has recently been argued that the Brethren belonged to an educated, landless, upwardly mobile group which had been excluded from colony and congregational power structures, and hence sought to find i t s own niche in c i v i l and religious affairs.10 In any case, by the turn of this century the Brethren were becoming increasingly reintegrated into the socio-economic and cultural l i f e of the larger Mennonite community, and participated in the general "era of prosperity and progress" which took place between 1895 and 1914.11 Previously there had been some harrassment and oppression of Brethren by the larger Mennonite society, brought on largely by a negative reaction to early Brethren emotional excesses, fanaticism and despotism.12 One interesting aspect of early Brethren identity was the use of the more informal Low German dialect in worship services, clearly aimed at breaking down the perceived formality and r i g i d i t y of Russian Mennonite r e l i g i o s i t y . This eventually gave way to High German, as the movement s o l i d i f i e d and became more 4 systematic.13 The Brethren displayed a "genius" for organization, forming the f i r s t all-Russian Mennonite church conference body in 1872, twelve years after the movement began. They also exhibited an ongoing concern with evangelism, and an openness to non-Mennonite groups like the German Lutherans and Baptists. By 1925, the Brethren constituted 15% of the population of the two original Mennonite colonies, and 40% of the many daughter settlements.14 The F i r s t World War and the Bolshevik Revolution were disastrous for the Mennonites in Russia, as i t was for a l l successful farmers, or "kulaks". Although there were many twists and turns in this period of their history, the overall effect was a steady destruction of a l l that had been bu i l t in the previous 150 years, and the loss of the Russian Mennonite fatherland.15 By the early 1920's, serious efforts were being made to allow for the emigration of Russian Mennonites to Canada. Although many more wished to leave, 20,201 Mennonites were able to escape the USSR between 1923 and 1930, and settle in Canada. The bulk of the immigrants came to Canada between 1923 and 1926.16 Their primary reasons for leaving were loss of economic and socio-religious freedoms; the latter loss, especially, convinced Mennonites that there was no future for them in Soviet Russia.17 The majority of the immigrants settled in the prairie provinces; migration trends during the 1930's and after were to Ontario and British Columbia. By 1939, 17% of immigrant families were livin g in Ontario, 71% resided in the three prairie provinces, and 12% in Bri t i s h Columbia.18 The Canadian Mennonite population prior to the 1920's migration numbered 59,000, and was concentrated in the five westernmost provinces.19 This number was divided into 18 congregational families, with Mennonites of Swiss South-German origin predominating in Ontario, and those of Dutch North-German 5 stock (i.e. former Russian colonists) inhabiting the prairies.20 The Swiss Mennonites had generally adopted the English language,21 while the Russian Mennonites on the prairies conversed in Low German among themselves, reserving High German for church, school and written communication.22 The Mennonite immigrants of the 1920's, or "Russlaender", tended to speak more High German, although the dialect was s t i l l very much in use. They had become increasingly Germanized, culturally, in the period after their more conservative members emigrated from Russia in the 1870*s.23 No precise figures exist on Low German/High German usage. Interviews indicate that some Russlaender families spoke High German in the home, and that Low German was perceived to be a threat to the maintenance of the High German in Canada.24 E.K. Francis found high rates of High German usage in the homes of the Russlaender, with a tendency to replace the Low German dialect with High German as time passed.25 The Russlaender "had come to view Low German as a language too low and uncultivated to pass on to their children," according to Frank Epp.26 Some of the Russlaender f e l t that the 1870's immigrants to Canada, or "Kanadier", spoke a lower-grade High German.27 This study w i l l be concerned primarily with the role that High German played in the maintenance of Mennonite Brethren identity. The relationship between Low German and High German is further discussed in Chapter Six. In 1931 the total number of individuals in Canada l i s t i n g German as their mother-tongue was 362,000, or about 3.5% of the Canadian population. On the prairies the ratio was higher, with Manitoba German-speakers comprising 8% of the total population, in Saskatchewan 15%, and Alberta 9%.28 Thus the majority of the Russlaender settled in areas with relatively large numbers of German-speakers. 6 It is estimated that 5,000 of the 20,201 Russlaender were of Mennonite Brethren affiliation.29 Prior to this influx, there were approximately 1800 baptized Brethren in Canada;30 the addition of family members would have meant the total Brethren community numbered between 3000-5000 individuals. These Brethren were the result of the missionary efforts of American Brethren from the 1870's Russian emigration among Canadian Mennonites and other German-speakers. Four-fifths resided in Saskatchewan, although the church in Winkler, Manitoba, was the f i r s t and largest of the Canadian Brethren congregations, having been founded in 1888. The year 1924 "marked the rapid expansion of the Mennonite Brethren church throughout Canada."31 The aggressive Russlaender soon assumed positions of leadership in the Canadian Mennonite community, "taking over" many of the existing institutions, and starting many more themselves.32 A prominent example is the Winkler Bible School in Winkler, Manitoba, started by Brethren Bible expositor A.H. Unruh and others, upon their a r r i v a l from Russia in 1925. The Brethren rapidly integrated themselves into the existing North American Brethren conference structures, which included an American General Conference and a Canadian Northern Dis t r i c t Conference, which was both a division of the American General Conference and a semi-autonomous Canadian body. The Canadian Brethren counted over 6300 baptized members by 1939;33 this growth was due both to the recent immigration and normal familial growth, and to the Brethren a b i l i t y to absorb other Mennonites. As Frank Epp put i t , Russlaender Brethren soon knew where they belonged, and so impressive and attractive was the Mennonite Brethren sense of missionary purpose, the c l a r i t y of their doctrine, and the predictability of their church discipline that they not only won a l l their own but absorbed...(other Mennonites as well). The Brethren were more numerous, had stronger leaders, and offered a more l i v e l y , committed, 7 and simple religious experience.34 The Russlaender of a l l congregational families found themselves in a society which had recently become suspicious of both Mennonites and Germans. Prior to the F i r s t World War, ethnic Germans had generally been considered among the best of citizens;35 but the war and the Mennonite education c r i s i s of the late 'teens and early twenties combined to discredit pacifist and German-speaking "enemy aliens" in the minds of many.36 Close to 8,000 conservative Mennonites from Manitoba and Saskatchewan emigrated to Latin America during the 1920's, due to increasing pressures for Anglo-conformity in the schools brought on by the F i r s t World War. Anti-Mennonite feelings had become so intense that a l l Mennonite immigration to Canada was forbidden from 1919-22, by a special government Order-in-Council. Declining nativist sentiment37 and the renewed desire for economic expansion helped to pave the way for further immigration in the mid and later 1920's, which was carried out under the Railways Agreement of 1925-30. The Russlaender were part of a larger migration of 165,000 central and eastern European immigrants who came to Canada under this agreement. By the later 1920's another nativist reaction set in, especially towards sectarian groups like the Mennonites, who had become "locked together" in the public mind with "unassimilable" groups like the Doukhobors and Hutterites a decade earlier.38 By 1930, with the onset of the Great Depression, attitudes toward immigration had become to t a l l y negative, and immigration was reduced to a tr i c k l e for the next decade.39 Mennonites who had immigrated from Soviet Russia had cause to feel both grateful to their hosts for being l e t in, and alienated towards them, when only a small number of their desperate co-religionists who had assembled in Moscow during 1929-30 were admitted into 8 Canada, amidst a loudly negative public reaction to the prospect.40 The Russlaender were not able or willing to duplicate the closed colonies of Russia. A strong element of individualism and the lack of consensus on land-settlement policy ensured the demise of various attempts to duplicate the Russian experience. Mennonite "clustering" was due more to the unconscious adhesion to other Mennonites than to conscious policy.41 This lack of physical integration would make cultural and ideological factors more important. The Mennonites who had migrated from Russia to western Canada in the 1870's were much more successful in forming closed settlements, due at least partly to the fact that their migration was a voluntary, conservative phenomenon, as well as to the emptiness of the prairies upon their a r r i v a l . In the intervening years the Mennonites remaining in Russia had, as already indicated, become relatively prosperous, educated, and sophisticated. And as E.K. Francis observes, the "better and more enterprising classes" of these were primarily the ones who were able to emigrate in the 1920's.42 Thus the Russian Mennonite immigrants of the 1920's were known to be "progressive" and interested in finding a niche for themselves in the larger society, in contrast to the indigenous Mennonites from previous migrations. They were positive towards education and relatively eager to learn English, at f i r s t primarily for economic benefits. As well, they displayed a greater tendency to urbanize, despite the fact that the conditions of their entry into Canada required they settle on farms.43 The majority were in fact settled on farms, but Depression crop conditions and high unemployment rates among recent immigrants44 caused a high degree of mobility among Mennonites, paralleling the general trend on the prairies.45 It is the aim of this study to chart the contours and meanings of the 9 German identity for the Russlaender immigrants, particularly the Mennonite Brethren, in the th i r t y years subsequent to their a r r i v a l in Canada. It i s an important but little-studied aspect of Canadian Mennonite history.46 The Germanism issue evoked great emotions and was a factor in many of the developments which took place in this period among the Brethren. In the f i r s t three chapters, the Brethren are considered alongside other Mennonites, because a strong sense of belonging to a larger Mennonite community prevailed, especially in the period immediately following immigration, and periodicals like the Mennonitische Rundschau were read by a l l types of Mennonites. Brethren often worshipped with other Mennonites in the early years of settlement, un t i l numbers and resources were sufficient to form separate congregations. The Brethren have been selected for particular scrutiny because they were a cohesive, rigorous, identifiable sub-group within Mennonite society, and because I feel that the inherent Mennonite problem of reconciling theological beliefs and aspirations with earthly needs and r e a l i t i e s is v i v i d l y and poignantly illustrated in their experience. In the most recent and comprehensive treatment of Mennonite society, Calvin Redekop argues that at the root of Mennonite identity i s a Utopian ideology, and that instead of becoming solely an ethnic group, as some have argued,47 Mennonites developed into a "religious people...that maintained i t was keeping the truth and the vision of Christianity alive."48 Ethnicizing tendencies have always been present, but the consciousness of l i v i n g out a "faithful original Christianity" has remained a powerful ideological animus which distinguishes Mennonites from groups which are constituted primarily by ties of culture, kinship and common history.49 On the other hand, there is much to the assertion by another Mennonite sociologist that: 10 A common history, a collective biography, a transgenerational cultural legacy and a shared fate constitute the ethnic glue which fuses Mennonites together above and beyond religious experience...A powerful t r i b a l memory recalls that "we were in this together," and a collective anxiety worries about the common future "that we face together."50 The present study w i l l indicate that both religious and " t r i b a l " or ethnic factors were involved in the concern over the German identity, and that as such they were both important components of Canadian Mennonite identity for the period under study. While the German identity of the Mennonite Brethren in i t s various forms is the general topic of this study, the German language was the most important component of this identity, and garners the most attention. Edward Sapir lucidly described the communal function of language thus: Language is a great force of socialization, probably the greatest that exists. By this is meant not merely the obvious fact that significant social intercourse is hardly possible without language but that the mere fact of common speech serves as a peculiarly potent symbol of the social solidarity of those who speak the language.51 H. Richard Niebuhr echoes this assertion in analyzing European immigrant churches in America, and notes further that; Conservatives in...(immigrant) churches have always maintained that the abandonment of the old, European tongue and the adoption of English as the language of worship and instruction involved the abandonment of a l l the ways of the fathers and introduction of a new "English or American religion."52 The insights of Sapir and Niebuhr provide an important theoretical background for understanding the Russlaender experience in Canada. During the 1930's, other forms of Germanism, in addition to the language, performed the function of maintaining the social and religious integrity of the group. After 1945, these other elements declined, leaving the German language as a primary reference point for Russlaender Brethren socio-religious identity. Finally, a few terms require definition. "Germanism" is generally used 11 to refer to a conscious affirmation of any of a vide range of actual or perceived components of the German culture, nation, "race", and way of l i f e . "Militant Germanism", a term which is used primarily in the 1930's context, has nationalistic and m i l i t a r i s t i c connotations and implies a strong feeling that Germanism, in one form or another, provided solutions to pressing problems and f u l f i l l e d certain inherent personal or communal needs. As indicated, "Russlaender" were immigrants of the 1920's migration, and "Kanadier" were primarily those who came in the 1870's from Russia. The term "Volk" has been l e f t untranslated. It implies a group of people sharing a unique history, landscape, culture, s p i r i t u a l i t y , ethnicity and way of l i f e . For the Mennonites i t could mean a l l these things, or more simply, "our people". The term "Volkish" refers to the 19th and early 20th century ideology of Volk which originated in Germany and tended to exalt the Germanic "race", and was anti-modern and -Semitic.53 In regards to the terms "assimilation" and "acculturation" I have followed E.K. Francis, who defines the former as the process "whereby individual members of a minority (group) are transferred into the host society with permanent loss to the...group;" and the latter as "the acceptance of culture t r a i t s from the large(r) society."54 Each term implies a certain measure of the other, although "assimilation" is clearly the more general term, implying a large degree of acculturation. A distinction is sometimes made in the text between Brethren "membership" and " a f f i l i a t i o n " . Baptized adults were members, while their families vere Brethren by a f f i l i a t i o n . This distinction, vhich can also be used for other Mennonites, vas especially important to the Brethren, vho stressed individual conversion and baptism by total immersion as crucial conditions for inclusion in adult 12 Brethren churchly society. At other points the ethnic side of Mennonitism is acknowledged by use of the terms "Brethren" and "Mennonite" to denote the to t a l i t y of the Mennonite community. Although I argue that the Germanism which was expressed in the Canadian context is best understood as a function of the attempt to maintain the socio-religious integrity of the Russlaender Brethren, I do not wish to imply that Mennonite l i f e in Russia was monolithic. There were differences in class, status, wealth, education and dialect among Mennonites, and a certain degree of "regionalization" had begun to take place among the scattered Russian colonies by the turn of this century.55 However, i t is undeniable that the Russian Mennonites, and perhaps especially the Brethren, belonged to a relatively integrated and cohesive society in which a distinct configuration of language, religious faith, way of l i f e and sense of peoplehood had emerged. In addition, i t has been argued that the common experience of migration and settlement in Canada helped to bind the Russlaender closer together.56 As to the actual ethnic background of the Russian Mennonites, the majority originated in the Netherlands, while a smaller percentage of Germanic and other central and eastern European peoples joined the Mennonites along the way.57 What is important for this study is less the actual genetic makeup of the Mennonites than their own perceptions of their origins. 13 NOTES, INTRODUCTION 1. Hans-Juergen Goertz, Die Taeufer: Geschichte und Deutung (Munich: CH. Beck, 1980), pp. 16-19; 98-103. 2. Calvin Redekop, Mennonite Society (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1989), p. 62. 3. Jack Thiessen, "A New Look at an Old Problem: Origins of the Variations in Mennonite Plautdietsch," Mennonite Quarterly Review (July 1989):290-92. 4. John B. Toews, Czars, Soviets and Mennonites (Newton, Kansas: Faith and Life Press, 1982), p. 6 f f . 5. Frank H. Epp, Mennonites in Canada, 1920-1940 (Toronto: Macmillan of Canada, 1982), pp. 140-41. 6. John B. Toews, Czars, Soviets and Mennonites, p. 45. 7. John B. Toews, Czars, Soviets and Mennonites, chapters 3-5; John B. Toews, "The Russian Mennonite Intellect of the Nineteenth Century," paper on f i l e at Centre for Mennonite Brethren Studies (CMBS), Winnipeg, Box 7, Folder 14, No. 4; Harry Loewen, "The German-Russian Tensions Among the Mennonites in Russia (1789-1917)," paper on f i l e at CMBS, Winnipeg, Box 7, Folder 14, No. 5; E.K. Francis, In Search of Utopia: The Mennonites of Manitoba (Altona, Manitoba: D.W. Friesen & Sons Ltd., 1955), pp. 197-98. 8. John A. Toews, A History of the Mennonite Brethren Church (Fresno, CA: Board of Christian Literature, 1975), pp. 368-74. 9. Jbid., Chapters 1-3. 10. James Urry, "A religious or a social elite? The Mennonite Brethren in Imperial Russia," paper on f i l e at CMBS, Winnipeg, Box 15, Folder E., No. 1. Urry's analysis, while helpful, undervalues the religious dimension of the Mennonite Brethren movement. 11. John A. Toews, A History of the Mennonite Brethren Church, chapter 7 . 12. Harry Loewen, "Echoes of Drumbeats: The Movement of Exuberance Among the Mennonite Brethren," Journal of Mennonite Studies 3 (1985):124-25. 13. Peter M. Friesen, The Mennonite Brotherhood in Russia (1789-1910) (Fresno: Board of Christian Literature, 1978), p. 395; John A. Toews, A. History of the Mennonite Brethren Churchf p. 70. 14. John A. Toews, A History of the Mennonite Brethren Church, pp. 76-77; Harry Loewen, "Echoes of Drumbeats," p. 125. 14 15. See John B. Toews, Lost Fatherland: The Story of the Mennonite  Emigration from Soviet Russia. 1921-27 (Scottdale, PA: Herald Press, 1967). 16. Eighty percent came in this period. Frank H. Epp, Mennonite Exodus:  The Rescue and Resettlement of the Russian Mennonites Since the Communist  Revolution (Altona, Manitoba: D.W. Friesen & Sons Ltd., 1966), p. 282. 17. John B. Toews, Lost Fatherland, pp. 89-90, 200-204. John A. Toews, A History of the Mennonite Brethren Church, p. 120. 18. Epp, Mennonite Exodus, p. 307. 19. Sixth Census of Canada, 1921 (Ottawa: The King's Printers, 1924), vol. I, pp. 568-69. 20. Epp, Mennonites in Canada. 1920-1940, pp. 20-21. 21. Ibid., pp. 62-63. 22. E.K. Francis, In Search of Utopia, pp. 163-68; CA. Dawson, Group  Settlement: Ethnic Communities in Western Canada (Toronto: The Macmillan Co., 1936; Reprinted by Kraus Reprint Co., 1976), pp. 158-59. Frank H. Epp, Mennonites in Canada. 1786-1920 (Toronto: Macmillan of Canada, 1974), p. 225. Epp, Mennonites in Canada. 1920-1940, p. 244. 23. The movement towards more High German usage probably began as part of the reaction to Russification pressures beginning in the 1870's, and the general trend towards greater sophistication during the "golden years" of 1895-1914, which was accompanied by a "conscious cultural-intellectual journey in the direction of Germany." See John B. Toews, Czars. Soviets and  Mennonites, chapter 3. Quote from p. 45. See also Frank H. Epp, Mennonites  in Canada. 1920-1940 pp. 242-47. 24. Interview with Gerhard Ens, editor of Der Bote. Winnipeg, Manitoba, June 20, 1989; Interview with Jack and Eleanor Dueck, Waterloo, Ontario, July 6, 1989; Interview with Anne Brandt, Kelowna, B.C., June 3, 1989; Interview with David Schroeder, Professor at Canadian Mennonite Bible College, Winnipeg, Manitoba, June 20, 1989. 25. Francis, In Search of Utopia, pp. 275-77. 26. Epp, Mennonites in Canada, 1920-1940, p. 530. 27. Epp, Mennonites in Canada. 1920-1940, p. 292, note 14. 28. Seventh Census of Canada. 1931 (Ottawa: The King's Printers, 1935), vol. I l l , pp. 1182-84. 29. John A. Toews, A History of the Mennonite Brethren Church, p. 120. 30. Yearbook of the General Conference of the Mennonite Brethren Church  of North America. 1921-22 (Hillsboro,KS: MB Publishing House), pp. 83-85. 15 31. John A. Toews, A History of the Mennonite Brethren Church, p. 161. 32. Epp, Mennonites in Canada, 1920-1940f p. 417. 33. Northern Di s t r i c t Conference Yearbook for the year 1939-40 (Hillsboro, KS: MB Publishing House), p. 37. 34. Epp, Mennonites in Canada. 1920-1940. p. 402. 35. Howard Palmer, Patterns of Prejudice: A History of Nativism in  Alberta (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart Limited, 1985), pp. 26-27; Arthur Grenke, "The Formation and Early Development of an Urban Ethnic Community: A Case Study of the Germans in Winnipeg, 1872-1919," (Ph.d. dissertation, University of Manitoba, 1975), p. 401; John Norris, Strangers Entertained: A  History of the Ethnic Groups of British Columbia (Vancouver: British Columbia Centennial '71 Committee, 1971), pp. 98-102. 36. Donald Avery, "Dangerous Foreigners": European Immigrant Workers  and Labour Radicalism in Canada, 1896-1932 (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart Limited, 1979), p. 13ff, 76, 92; Palmer, Patterns of Prejudice, p. 19, 47ff.; Epp, Mennonites in Canada, 1786-1920, p. 391ff.; Norris, Strangers  Entertained, p. 103; M.K. Mott, "The 'Foreign P e r i l ' : Nativism in Winnipeg, 1916-1923," (M.A. thesis, University of Manitoba, 1970), p. I l l ; Grenke, A Case Study of Germans in Winnipeg, p. 403ff; Aron Sawatzky, "The Mennonites of Alberta and Their Assimilation," (M.A. thesis, University of Alberta, 1964), p. 69; Dawson, Group Settlement, p. 104; Interview with Gerhard Ens, editor of Per Bote. Winnipeg, Manitoba, June 20, 1989. 37. Palmer, Patterns of Prejudice, p. 61, 72; Mott, "The 'Foreign P e r i l , ' " p. i i i , 111. 38. Palmer, Patterns of Prejudice, p. 53, 111, 116; Avery, Dangerous  Foreigners, pp. 108-112; Epp, Mennonite Exodus, p. 242ff; Alan B. Anderson, "Assimilation in the Bloc Settlements of North-Central Saskatchewan," (Ph.D. dissertation, University of Saskatchewan, 1972), p. 73. 39. Avery, Dangerous Foreigners, pp. 111-12; Palmer, Patterns of Prejudice, p. 127; Gerald Friesen, The Canadian Prairies: A History (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1987), pp. 247-48. 40. A total of 1344 of the estimated 13,000 individuals who had gathered in Moscow were allowed into Canada. Another 4600 migrated to South America, and the rest were banished to Siberia or exiled elsewhere in the Soviet Union. Epp, Mennonites in Canada, 1920-1940, p. 327; Palmer, Patterns of Prejudice, pp. 118-19. E.K. Francis writes of a "collective resentment" by the Russian immigrants toward Canada, due to the hardships and injustices suffered during the immigration process, as well. While cases of this must have existed, Francis has overstated the case. Francis, In Search  of Utopia, p. 207. 16 41. Peter F. Bargen, "Mennonite Land Settlement Policies," Mennonite  L i f e , October 1960, pp. 187-90; Aron Sawatzky, "The Mennonites of Alberta," pp. 108-09, 137-39. See further discussion on this topic in Chapter Three below. 42. Francis, In Search of Utopia, p. 187. George K. Epp estimates the migration to have included at least 60% of the Russian Mennonite "intelligentsia". George K. Epp, "Mennonite Immigration to Canada after World War II," Journal of Mennonite Studies (1987):109. 43. Epp, Mennonites in Canada. 1920-1940. p. 188, 242-45; Sawatzky, "The Mennonites of Alberta," pp. 113-14, 134; Epp, Mennonite Exodus, pp. 207-09; Francis, In Search of Utopia, pp. 208-12; Dawson, Group Settlement, p.. 158. 44. Avery, Dangerous Foreigners, p. 114; Jonathan F. Wagner, Brothers  Beyond the Sea: National Socialism in Canada (Waterloo: Wilfred Laurier Press, 1981), p. 19. 45. Epp, Mennonites in Canada, 1920-1940. p. 352ff; Friesen, The  Canadian Prairies, p. 272, 388-89; Sawatzky, "The Mennonites of Alberta," p. 132. The Great Depression h i t the Russlaender especially hard, as they had both personal and collective debts, the latter incurred in their migration to Canada. See E.K. Francis, In Search of Utopia, p. 209. 46. The one significant work on the topic is Frank Epp's analysis of the Mennonite newspaper Der Bote during the 1930's, which is discussed in Chapter Three. Gerald Ediger, professor at Mennonite Brethren Bible College, is currently writing a doctoral dissertation on the Brethren German identity. Otherwise, l i t t l e has so far been done which goes beyond cliches and generalizations based on personal experience or individual cases, to analyse the topic in any depth. 47. E.K. Francis, "The Russian Mennonites: From Religious to Ethnic Group," The American Journal of Sociology LIV (September 1948):101-107. 48. Calvin Redekop, Mennonite Society, p. 322. 49. Ibid., p. 323. 50. Donald B. Kraybill, "Modernity and Identity: The Transformation of Mennonite Ethnicity," in Calvin Redekop, ed., Mennonite Identity; Historical  and Contemporary Perspectives (Lanham, MD: University Press of America, 1988), pp. 157-58. 51. Edward Sapir, "Language," Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences IX (New York: Macmillan, 1933), p. 159. 52. H. Richard Niebuhr, The Social Sources of Denominationalism (Hamden, CT: The Shoestring Press, 1954), p. 212. j 17 53. A good review of the intellectual origins of this movement is George L. Mosse, The Cr i s i s of German Ideology (New York: Grasset & Dunlap, 1964). 54. Francis, In Search of Utopia, p. 275. 55. Francis, In Search of Utopia, p. 206; H.A. Peters, "Das mennonitische Volkstum: Eine Skizze seiner Entstehung und des Verfalles," Per  Bote. 8 December 1964, p. 10; Thiessen, "A New Look at an Old Problem: Origins of the Variations in Mennonite Plautdietsch," pp. 285-97; James Urry, "Through the Eye of the Needle: Wealth and the Mennonite Experience in Imperial Russia," Journal of Mennonite Studies (1985):7-35. 56. Francis, In Search of Utopia, p. 206; Frank H. Epp, "Problems of Mennonite Identity," in Leo Driedger, ed., The Canadian Ethnic Mosaic: A  Quest for Identity (Toronto: McClelland & Stewart, 1978), p. 284. 57. Epp, Mennonite Exodus, p. 30; J.A. Toews, A History of the  Mennonite Brethren Church, p. 11; Epp, Mennonites in Canada, pp. 526-27; Thiessen, "A New Look at an Old Problem". 18 CHAPTER ONE The Canadian Context and the Impact of National Socialism Historical circumstances had brought about the dissolution of the Russian Mennonite commonwealth at the same moment that a powerful movement of Volk-unification was emanating from Germany. It was very easy to appropriate the ideas and rhetoric of this movement and apply them to Mennonites scattered across 2000 miles of western Canada. Pro-Germanism in this context meant not only the separation from the "worldly" Canadian environment, but the possible reintegration of the scattered remnant on a linguistic, religious, and ideological basis. Thus while Germany did become a surrogate fatherland for some, the pro-German and Nazi-Volkish rhetoric espoused by Mennonites during the 1930's must be interpreted within the framework of spe c i f i c a l l y Mennonite concerns and aspirations. As the forces of assimilation and acculturation absorbed them into Canadian society with great rapidity, 1 the Russlaender saw their ethno-religious community not only fragmented, but dissolving before their very eyes. The most important event of the 1930's for people of German ethnic or linguistic a f f i l i a t i o n was the rise of the "nev Germany" under Adolf Hitler and the National Socialists (NSDAP). This movement seemed to hold great promise for Germans, and i n i t i a l l y brought substantial benefits to many German people, i f i t also persecuted others. As v e i l , i t inspired Germans everywhere to be proud of themselves and their a b i l i t i e s , and to rise above the shameful image engendered by the defeat of the F i r s t World War and the negative interpretation placed on the treaty of Versailles. The movement meant different things to different people; cultural, 19 psychological, religious, economic, ethnic and national renewal vere a l l associated vith National Socialism under Hitler.2 At a basic level, the pride in a l l things German which vas a part of the movement vas an important encouragement to German-speakers vho, living in non-German environments, feared for the loss of their cultural and linguistic identity. The unconscious emotional attachment to the German language and customs should not be underestimated as an important impetus for Mennonite Germanism in the 1930's and beyond. In addition, German benevolence toward Mennonites, along vith Nazi anti-communism, vere key factors in Mennonite pro-Germanism during the 1930's.3 For many Mennonites, Hitler became a divinely appointed figure vho vas sent to right past wrongs and save Germany and the vorld from communism; thus the "cognitive dissonance" created by the tension between Mennonite faith and trust in God, on the one hand, and the apparent success of the "godless communists" and the subsequent persecution of Christians in the Soviet Union, on the other, could be alleviated.4 It vas the combination of a l l these factors vhich gave Canadian Mennonite Germanism its particular intensity during the 1930's. After 1945 the desire for socio-religious solidarity and integrity remained a potent factor in Mennonite Germanism, vhile the other elements quietly evaporated. Harsh economic conditions and a high rate of mobility during the Great Depression undoubtedly contributed to the unease and uncertainty vhich gave rise to pro-German sentiments, but cannot in themselves be conclusively cited as causing them.5 The National Socialist movement in Canada vas itself weak and never able to gain a large following among German-Canadians. In the most extensive study of the National Socialist movement in Canada, Jonathan Wagner concludes 20 that although "significant numbers" of ethnic Germans probably sympathized with Hitler's cause in one way or another, Nazism was too unrelated to Canadian social and economic realities, and ethnic Germans identified too heavily with Canadian institutions, for i t to appeal to large numbers of them, despite the efforts of the approximately 100 Nazi-Party members to gain a following.6 According to Gerald Priesen, ethnic Germans were "divided into so many parts and so affected by the events of world politics that they never achieved a pan-German identity in Canada."7 The "focal point" of Nazi activity was on the prairies, which had absorbed some 70,000 German-speaking immigrants (including most of the 20,000 Mennonites from Russia) during the 1920's.8 There were seven German-language newspapers published on the prairies during the 1930's, and of these, five expressed pro-Nazi sentiments. Three of these were Mennonite publications, and a fourth, Der Nordwesten, was widely read by Mennonites.9 Before the large 1920's influx of German-speakers, German culture had been in decline in Canada, acculturation and assimilation having been aided by the anti-Germanism engendered by the First World War.10 The majority of the new immigrants, like the Mennonites, were "Volks-Germans", i.e. those who had settled outside Germany as part of the widespread diaspora throughout eastern Europe, and were agriculturalists.il But the Mennonites differed from many of their German-speaking counterparts in that they were not, as Jonathan Wagner has argued, previously a part of a central and eastern European "Volks-German Awakening", with its nationalistic and expansionist overtones. Wagner's attempt to explain Mennonite support for National Socialism solely in terms of the larger Volkish movement is spurious and based on l i t t l e research or understanding of Mennonites.12 21 The migration of German-speakers to the prairies during the 1920's was part of a larger influx of immigrants in the f i r s t three decades of this century. With a sixfold increase in prairie population between 1901 and 1941, cultural diversity was, as Friesen has shown, a "striking feature of prairie society" in these decades. It resembled a "stew" of different ethnic groups simmering in the same pot, each retaining i t s own flavour. Most immigrants conversed in their mother-tongue, as "ethnic identity remained a real and important factor in the l i f e of many prairie Canadians in the 1930's."13 By 1931, 35% of the western Canadian population was of central and eastern European origin.14 The "British" character of the prairies predominated, however, the typical town existing as "an outpost of British-Canadian civilization."15 P o l i t i c a l parties, schools and churches exhibited a "militant view of Br i t i s h c i v i l i z a t i o n , " and were instruments of Anglo-Canadian conformity and assimilation.16 Public schools, in particular, were important in this regard, as "The lessons of the education system in each province were consciously directed at the creation of a new British-based Western-Canadian race."17 Although anti-Germanism was often superseded by negative sentiment towards labour "radicals" of eastern-European origin,18 i t was s t i l l a prevalent feature of the interwar period and beyond.19 The Great Depression also exacerbated negative feelings toward "foreigners" who were thought to take jobs away from Anglo-Canadians and swell the r e l i e f rolls.20 The general Canadian reaction to National Socialism was negative or indifferent. Although the influential editor of the Winnipeg Free Press, J.W. Da foe, repeatedly warned that a world c r i s i s was looming, Canadians were largely apathetic to the deteriorating international situation of the 22 1930's.21 I t vas unthinkable for Canadians that they might again have to send t h e i r sons to f i g h t Europe's b a t t l e s , and thus i s o l a t i o n i s t sentiment grew as "gangsterism" increased i n Europe. While t h i s isolationism would, i n the event of war, prove to be i l l u s o r y , I t took Canadians a very long time to come to the understanding that I t a l y and e s p e c i a l l y Germany vere on an unalterable c o l l i s i o n course v i t h the international interests and domestic values of B r i t a i n , many of vhich Canada shared.22 In 1936 the Canadian Olympic team gave H i t l e r the Nazi salute at the B e r l i n games, and Canadian f a s c i s t a c t i v i t i e s vere l a r g e l y ignored by the Canadian public u n t i l a number of newspaper and magazine a r t i c l e s covering t h e i r a c t i v i t i e s began to appear i n ea r l y 1938. I t vas only v i t h the provocative events of 1938-39 that H i t l e r began to generally be viewed as a menace, and that serious anti-Nazism emerged i n Canada. The A n t i c o s t i a f f a i r , Munich and the Sudeten c r i s i s confirmed the growing anti-German, p r o - B r i t i s h sentiment; the Royal v i s i t of May-June 1939, vhich evoked great emotion from Canadians, sealed the Commonwealth connection.23 On the other hand, i t i s incorrect to give the impression that Canadians vere unconcerned v i t h Nazi Germany u n t i l the l a t e 1930's, as some historians have done.24 The Canadian press, as perceived by German-Canadians, vas a source of "constant adverse c r i t i c i s m of Germany. "25 A cursory perusal of the Saskatoon Star Pheonix and Winnipeg Free Press indicates that the dangers and excesses of the Nazi regime vere publicized from the beginning of i t s tenure.26 On the p r a i r i e s , at least, Nazism vas consistently portrayed as a threat to democracy and human r i g h t s . Nor vas the public response to these events e n t i r e l y apathetic. Shortly a f t e r the outbreak of the f i r s t Jevish pogrom i n late March and ea r l y A p r i l of 1933 (the so-called "Jevish Boycott"), 7000 Winnipeg c i t i z e n s converged on the C i v i c Auditorium " i n one 23 of the biggest single-purpose demonstrations in the history of the city." Over 60 organizations were represented at this "firm protest" against Nazi persecution of Jews.27 It was in this context that Russlaender Mennonites found themselves during the 1930's. A recent analysis of the Coaldale, Alberta Mennonite community during the intervar period provides an excellent view into Russlaender l i f e at this time. Coaldale is significant because the Mennonites who settled there were exclusively Russlaender, and i t became home to one of the most prominent Brethren communities in Canada during this period. The Coaldale Brethren church counted 350 members by the mid-1930's, and had grown to almost 500 by the end of the decade.28 Part of the reason for this growth stemmed from Coaldale being located in an irrigation district which didn't suffer as heavily as some communities during the Depression, and hence attracted those looking for work. There had been no Brethren communities in Alberta prior to the 1920's; besides Coaldale, other congregations were started at Gem, La Glace, Lindbrook, Namaka and Vauxhall. By 1939 Coaldale was home to over 50% of Alberta's Brethren population.29 Alberta's 800 Brethren and their families were among 63,000 native German-speakers in Alberta, or about 9% of its population (1931).30 In her study of the Coaldale Mennonite community, Joanna Buhr found that "controlled accomodation" to the norms of Anglo-Canadian society was a dominant feature of Mennonite identity maintenance. This entailed both the accentuation of certain aspects of Mennonite ethno-religious identity, including Germanism, as well as the formation of "certain symbiotic social and economic ties with the Coaldale establishment."31 Mennonite immigrants were anxious to acquire land of their own, and were well-represented at the 24 local "English" farming demonstrations. There was immediate interest in learning the language, as i t quickly became clear that command of the language was an economic asset. The predominantly Anglo-Saxon host community was "generally congenial" towards the newcomers, and offered enticing social and economic prospects, especially to the young people. Generous debt-terms extended to the Mennonites during the decade gave them hope that they could succeed in Canada despite the effects of drought and depression, and they were eager to prove themselves worthy of the confidence placed in them by the Canadian establishment. It vas in this milieu that Mennonite leaders recognized the need for well-defined boundaries to maintain the essential contours of Mennonite identity. As the language of religious communication, German was perceived to be a crucial component in the long-term persistence of the group and i t s vision: "To many Russian Mennonites, the replacement of German with English represented a crucial step in a movement toward alignment with the 'world'."32 A German lending-library vas established in Coaldale in 1927, and the Brethren started a German "Saturday school" in 1930. The language issue became divisive among Coaldale Mennonites by the later 1930's, as i t became clear that an almost complete language transition (from German to English) vas taking place in one generation. One side f e l t that group cohesion and integrity vas dependent upon retaining the German language, while the other saw the imminent alienation of the youth i f more wasn't offered to them in English. The Brethren emphasis on religious conversion and evangelism, combined with a desire to relate to the host community in an acceptable way, gave rise to some interaction vith local English-speaking evangelists and the staging of an English outreach program 25 by the youth on Sunday evenings. These a c t i v i t i e s were eventually stopped because of the threat they posed to Brethren identity.33 P o l i t i c a l l y , Coaldale Mennonites were "keenly loyal" to the Canadian government, and supported William Aberhart in provincial politics.34 Yet culturally and s o c i a l l y they remained aloof; gratitude towards Canada and the hope of becoming economically successful did not deter Mennonites from their goal of maintaining a specific ethno-religious identity. The greatest threat to the Mennonite vision "lay in i t s destruction from within through internal fragmentation."35 The second generation was rapidly becoming "Canadianized" through the public school system; this, coupled with the stress of immigrant economic l i f e , tended to outweigh the effects of the German Saturday school and other such institutions in promoting a positive identification with the Mennonite heritage and i t s accompanying Germanic aspects.36 There seems to have been an inherent tension between the desire for economic success and social respect, on the one hand, and the maintenance of a distinct Mennonite identity, on the other. The predominantly Anglo-Canadian host community put pressure on Mennonites to assimilate, and the second generation responded. This in turn brought on a more self-conscious Germanism which was directed towards the maintenance of ingroup unity and doctrinal integrity. Indeed, "To some, Germanism and opposition to war were inseparable tenets in the ethno-religious package...In the process of de-emphasizing German cultural loyalties (during WWII), nonresistance also came into jeopardy. "37 This helps to c l a r i f y the relationship between Germanism and the principle of nonresistance. Militant Germanism challenged nonresistance among some first-generation immigrants who hadn't been socialized in Canada 26 (see Chapter Two); on the other hand, the loss of the German identity threatened the principle among the second generation, because i t implied absorption into Anglo-Canadian society, and participation in its military endeavours. Buhr's study indicates that pro-Nazi sympathies, when held in an environment like Coaldale's, would have been muted. More importantly, i t demonstrates that most new arrivals vere eager to find a niche for themselves in Canada, vere responsive to the host society, and felt that their future lay in Canada. This fact, coupled vith the rapid acculturation of the second generation, indicates that the pro-Germanism of the 1930's vas largely a reaction to the threatened dissolution of the remaining contours of Russian Mennonite society. Parallels exist between the experience of Coaldale Mennonites and those vho settled in Ontario. Approximately 1000 Russlaender settled there;38 of these, around 25% vere of Brethren affiliation.39 The Kitchener Mennonite Brethren Church became the mother-church for the Brethren in Ontario, counting 150 members, or approximately 50% of the Ontario Brethren church membership, by 1935.40 There had been no Mennonite Brethren in Ontario prior to this migration. Many also settled on the Niagara peninsula, in the areas of Vineland, St. Catherines and Virgil. These Brethren joined approximately 80,000 other native German-speakers in Ontario, or 2% of the total population (1931).41 In his study of the Russlaender in Ontario during the intervar period, Henry Paetkau found that "Without the familiar structures of the Mennonite commonwealth to give form and content to their lives, the immigrants vere at the mercy of the forces of acculturation and assimilation."42 Economic considerations brought about the rapid acquisition of English and influenced 27 settlement patterns, causing a third of the immigrants to locate in c i t i e s and towns, despite pressures from both the host community and immigrant leaders to find rural occupation. Schools were a powerful force of acculturation for the scattered immigrants, and thus "A language c r i s i s ensued in many families as early as the mid-thirties, precisely when 'das Deutschtum' was becoming increasingly meaningful to older immigrants."43 It was in this familiar context that leaders and organizations like the Ontario Provincial Immigrant Assembly (Vertreterversammlung)44 attempted to draw Mennonites together and perpetuate a common identity, which included the important components of "German and Religion". Saturday and Sunday schools, Bible schools, youth groups and German lending-libraries were instituted, but economic and geographic factors caused only "sporadic support" of these endeavours by the immigrants.45 The rise of Germanism, according to Paetkau, "appears to have been more sympathetic than overt, more ideological than real."46 Despite the general desire on the part of most immigrants to become established Canadians, there was enough of a pro-German feeling present to give rise to rumours in some areas that Mennonites were Nazi sympathizers, and that they stored weapons in their churches. One Ontario church was set on f i r e by anti-Nazi arsonists and later raided by police, while another was vandalized as an anti-Nazi protest.47 Declarations by Mennonites of loyalty to Canada in the later 1930's were common, and the degree of assimilation into Canadian society was proven by relatively high enlistment figures, for Mennonites, at the outbreak of the Second World War. Germanism was delivered a "devastating blow" by the war, and "Only the influx of another group of Russian Mennonite refugees after 1945 prevented a complete language transition within a single generation."48 28 In a recent a r t i c l e , Paetkau has argued that a general feature of the Russian Mennonite immigrant experience was a tension between a desire to reestablish the lost unity of the Russian settlement, and an individualistic impulse toward economic and social success in Canada. "While a few leaders strove valiantly and eloquently to rebuild a people...individuals sought primarily to rebuild their lives and their families."49 The general thrust of Paetkau's work has been to indicate that although the Russlaender may have desired to reestablish in some way a lost community, i t was not to be at the expense of participation in Anglo-Canadian social and economic structures. Buhr's study also illustrates this, i f to a lesser degree, given the more rural and isolated atmosphere of southern Alberta. Thus i t may be more profitable to see the Russlaender as being primarily concerned with in-group reintegration, on various levels, than with separation from the host society per se. Separation could at most be ideological; geographic dispersion, coupled with assimilationist trends, tends however to make the ideological medium, Germanism, look as much like an agent of group cohesion and doctrinal integration as of separation from Canadian society.50 It was a carrier of an identity which had meaning in i t s e l f ; thus i t did not merely set one apart from the rest of Canadian society, although this was clearly important. Germanism, especially during the 1930's, brought with i t a whole host of associations which helped to define what i t meant to be Mennonite, and i t held out the poss i b i l i t y of being the source of communal and religious perpetuation and renewal. The prairie provinces of Manitoba and Saskatchewan evidenced similar trends as in Alberta and Ontario, with the possible difference that the generally more isolated, homogeneous communities fostered a stronger sense of 29 pro-Germanism and -Nazism.51 Discussion here w i l l centre on Manitoba, owing to the a v a i l a b i l i t y of sources. Mennonites from Russia had settled on two large blocs of land in southern Manitoba during the 1870's, and when some of them l e f t in the 1920's for Latin America, a number of Russlaender took their place. Figures vary, but i t is clear that a sizeable number of immigrants, perhaps a few thousand, settled on farms abandoned by the emigrants on the West Reserve.52 Winkler was an important Brethren centre there, and attracted some of the newcomers. Other congregations were formed in Arnaud, Niverville, Steinbach, Morden, Newton Siding and Manitou, among others. Winnipeg also absorbed a number of Brethren, with three congregations meeting by the mid-1930's. The total Manitoba Brethren church membership increased sixfold with the immigration, numbering 2000 baptised members by 1934.53 These Brethren and their families were part of a larger population of 30,000 Mennonites in Manitoba, and a total German-speaking population roughly double that, or 8% of the provincial population (1931).54 A total of 2081 Russlaender families, or a third of the Russian migration, i n i t i a l l y settled in Manitoba.55 Studies by C.A. Dawson and E.K. Francis have outlined the general trends of acculturation and assimilation among Russian Mennonite immigrants already discussed. Dawson, writing in the 1930's, saw a class of Mennonite "small townsmen" coming into existence, and f e l t that the influx of the " l i b e r a l " Russian Mennonites during the 1920's, along with the emigration of the most conservative Mennonites to Latin America, helped to speed the process of secularization and assimilation among Manitoba Mennonites.56 He found that young people in Mennonite towns like Winkler and Gretna spoke English to each other on the streets, and that the Brethren, especially, were tolerant of 30 "new ideas." Mennonites were currently midway in the transition from sectarian to secular culture, and their absorption into Canadian society was seen to be inevitable.57 E.K. Francis, writing 20 years later, agreed that acculturation had taken place, but argued that widespread assimilation had not. The Russlaender in particular had been eager to learn English, promote public schools, and adopt Canadian ways; but by 1945 a "newly gained pride" in Mennonite traditions was evident, and the Manitoba Mennonite community showed no signs of breaking up.58 This is understandable given the fact that by 1931 a third of the prairie population was of non-English (mostly continental European) origin, that a large influx of German-speakers accompanied the Mennonite migration to the prairies in the 1920's, and that Manitoba was home to over a third of a l l Canadian Mennonites.59 One half-hour to one hour of German instruction was given in some public schools, and in some of the predominantly Mennonite communities, Low German was spoken by everyone, including non-Mennonites.60 Even urbanization did not have the same impact as in other areas: Mennonites moving to Winnipeg tended to congregate on the North Side and in East Kildonan, both predominantly non-English European immigrant communities.61 Interviews indicate that pro-German and -Nazi feelings ran high among southern Manitoba Mennonites during the 1930's and into the Second World War; individuals who were children at the time have vivid memories of the pro-Hitler atmosphere, primarily among the Russlaender, and of the impression that "great things were happening in Germany."62 Wagner reports that Steinbach Mennonites turned out in significant numbers to hear the travelling Nazi-propagandist Karl Goetz in 1936, and that some Mennonites were present at the provincial "German Day" in Winnipeg.63 Francis notes that the 31 "ideological dividing-^ ine" on the issue of pro-Germanism among Manitoba Mennonites was drawn essentially between the Russlaender and the Kanadier. The Russlaender evidenced a stronger sense of German nationalism, while the Kanadier "were more sensitive to public opinion and more emphatic about loyalty to Canada."64 There also appears to have been some Mennonite involvement with indigenous fascist organizations. The high-water mark for this a c t i v i t y was reached in 1934. In early 1934 a Brethren leader from Winkler reported in the Mennonitische Rundschau that: Here in our l i t t l e town a movement is becoming noticeable. Hitler i s known as a striving, Christian young man, and we hope that the same qualities are present in the local organization of the Canadian Nationalists.65 The "Canadian Nationalist Party" was a fascist organization led by William Whittaker and centred in Winnipeg. As the quote indicates, direct links were made between Nazism and this Canadian movement.66 It appears that attempts were also made to organize in the largely Brethren community of Yarrow, B.C., in early 1934.67 It is d i f f i c u l t to estimate what degree of success such efforts had at this time, but the comments of one Brethren leader in early 1934 are significant: The rush of p o l i t i c a l waters, that quickly becomes a wild flood, i s coming ever closer to us...this flood has come so close that i t has begun to wash a portion of our Volk away with i t . Therefore i t i s our duty to warn our people against participation in p o l i t i c a l and nationalistic organizations.68 It was in Winnipeg during the summer of 1934 that the most notorious Canadian Mennonite encounter with fascism took place. As reported in Per  Bote, young Mennonite "hotheads" had taken part in a June 5 scuffle between Whittaker's "Brownshirts" and Communists, and had sustained some injuries. The most significant aspect of the whole a f f a i r was that, according to the 32 writer, there was widespread sympathy among Mennonites for the Brownshirts. This was due, in his opinion, to the general wish to see the communists "get their just deserts".69 Concern over participation in fascist organizations was indicated by a resolution taken at the Canadian Brethren Conference (the Northern Dis t r i c t Conference) meeting in early July of that year. In the context of a resolution on nonresistance, i t was stated: It must be stressed that i t is contradictory for the Conference to work towards guaranteeing freedom of conscience for us (in regards to military exemption), while at the same time some Brothers take part in Volk-movements in which force is used.70 In addition to the above cases, there are reports that a few young men enlisted in the National Socialist cause and travelled to Germany sometime in the 1930'.s,71 and that an undisclosed number of Ontario families who sympathised with the Third Reich also migrated there.72 It should also be mentioned that in 1934 Bernard Bott, who was a Nazi Party member and editor of the Deutsche Zeitung fuer Kanada. organized a "Saskatchewan German Committee" which included the Saskatchewan Mennonite provincial organization in i t s membership.73 These instances should not be ignored, but overt involvement of Canadian Mennonites with fascist groups was minimal, although constituting enough of a threat to bring forth condemnations. A more pervasive and widely cited occurrence was the purchase of shortwave radios to tune in to broadcasts from Germany.74 In general, the trend toward acculturation and assimilation into Anglo-Canadian society was present on the prairies, but counter-forces were also at work which mitigated i t . These included a greater concentration of Mennonites, German-speakers, and non-English Europeans in general; greater homogeneity of Mennonite communities; a large proportion of Russlaender 33 immigrants; and in Winnipeg a centre of western Canadian Nazism.75 A broader use of the German language, a more prevalent support for the "new Germany", and even a few cases of involvement with fascist groups were a few results of these factors. There were no Mennonites in Br i t i s h Columbia prior to 1928. At that time, ten families settled at Yarrow in the Fraser valley, i n i t i a t i n g a migration which would see over 5000 Mennonites l i v i n g in the province by 1941, and three times that number by 1951.76 A majority of these were Russlaender Mennonite Brethren, and they were concentrated in Yarrow, Sardis, Chilliwack and Abbotsford. The Yarrow Mennonite Brethren congregation formed in 1929, and grew to 365 members by 1939. A Brethren congregation with over 100 members had also formed in Vancouver by this time.77 The 1000 Mennonites present in B.C. in 1931 were among 12,000 German-speakers in the province, or about 2% of the total provincial population.78 By a l l accounts, the 1930's were years of hard work and many pressures on the newcomers. Young g i r l s worked as maids in Vancouver (as Mennonite g i r l s did in most Canadian urban areas), and many Mennonites worked as labourers in local hopfields or in Vancouver. Delegates from B.C. present at the annual Brethren Canadian Conference meetings lamented the unwholesome contact with "worldly" influences brought about by this, and the strong assimilationist pressures present.79 The Mennonitische Rundschau reported in late 1934 that a number of Anglo-Canadian nativist meetings had taken place in the Fraser Valley, with concern being expressed over the high immigration rate of "poor Europeans" from the prairies, and the high birthrate of the oriental population. The Mennonites were clearly objects of concern, and motions were even made proposing B.C. 34 become an independent nation, in order to control the "flood" of unwanted newcomers. The host community was obviously quite open about i t s nativist and racist feelings.80 Peter Ward has argued that the "structurally plural" nature of the British Columbia population gave rise to a longing by Anglo-Canadians for ra c i a l homogeneity, which was openly expressed in terms of racial prejudices.81 Although Asians were the targets of most harassment, the fact that Anglo-Canadian nativism was a "cultural norm" means that there was an inherent psychological tension between Anglo-Canadians and a l l non-British immigrants.82 John Norris downplays these tensions, but does point out that both Germans and Mennonites were objects of h o s t i l i t y by the host community in the interwar years.83 Rumours circulated in the 1930's "to the effect that Mennonites were similar to Doukhobors and detrimental to the state,"84 and during the Second World War there was resentment at Mennonite unwillingness to join the armed forces.85 Recollections by a Mennonite in the mid-1940's reveal the extent to which Mennonites wanted to be seen as successful members of B.C. society.86 It was ironically this success which engendered resentment toward the Mennonites.87 A study of B.C. Mennonites done in 1955 by John Krahn indicates the typical set of responses to this environment. The Brethren started German "Saturday schools" in nearly every community, and eventually two high schools and three Bible schools.88 Retention of the German language was generally a goal in a l l such educational efforts, and not just the Saturday schools (see Chapters Four and Five). Krahn argues, like Buhr, that a basic goal of leaders was "controlled integration" with the larger Canadian society.89 Urbanization, acculturation and assimilation were basic trends from the 35 1930's onward; by the 1950's Low German was s t i l l spoken by older Mennonites, but the younger people spoke English among themselves and at home. High German was s t i l l used in church services, but that too was headed for decline. Krahn feels that Brethren integration into Canadian society was "perhaps attributable to educational and missionary contact with the environment."90 A recent study by Robert Burkinshaw adds weight to the notion that the Brethren missionary emphasis had an effect on other aspects of Brethren identity. Burkinshaw locates the Brethren in the general growth of evangelicalism in B.C. from the late 1920's onward. The Brethren p i e t i s t i c and evangelistic emphases led i t s members and churches to identify gradually more with the wider evangelical community in the province than with their own heritage. The Brethren were s t i l l a distinct group in 1941 from others like Baptists and Pentecostals, due to remaining linguistic and cultural "barriers", but they displayed characteristics which would "encourage increasing cooperation and identification with the wider evangelicalism."91 While Burkinshaw underestimates the strength of attempts to preserve the Mennonite socio-religious identity, he has identified a key element in bringing about rapid acculturation and assimilation among the Brethren. The fact that the less evangelically-oriented General Conference Mennonites were also more conservative on linguistic and cultural issues adds weight to this conclusion.92 In Br i t i s h Columbia, the Brethren tendency to identify with North American evangelicalism, along with strong assimilationist pressures, the presence of nationalistic schools which wouldn't hire Mennonites,93 and a small non-Mennonite German community with a weak base of support for the "new Germany",94 mitigated strong and open identifications with Nazi Germany. 36 On the other hand, these trends were the background to those Germanist reactions which did occur. Wagner provides part of the reason why Canadian Nazism would have appealed to groups like the Mennonites: i t was a n t i -assimilationist, and appealed to those who f e l t inferior or the victims of injustice or discrimination.95 The Mennonite experience of brutal treatment during the Bolshevik Revolution, the economic conditions of the Great Depression, and the threat of rapid assimilation put them in a potentially receptive position for the cultural, p o l i t i c a l and ethnic ideas associated with the "new Germany". Russian Mennonite ethno-religious culture appeared to be breaking down, more rapidly in some areas than others; at the same time, distinctions between p o l i t i c a l and cultural Germanism were just beginning to be understood, as they were bound up in a single "package" which seemed to offer answers to the problems of fragmentation, i n s t a b i l i t y and loss of identity. The essential argument of this thesis is that Germanism, and the German language in particular, functioned as an instrument of socio-religious integration for the Russlaender Brethren in the t h i r t y years after their a r r i v a l in Canada. In-the interwar years, Mennonite Germanism took on certain p o l i t i c a l , "Volkish", and nationalistic overtones; by the end of the Second World War, these elements had largely faded. In the postwar period Germanism becomes more clearly identifiable in i t s primary role as symbol and agent of the distinctive configuration of religious faith, sense of peoplehood, and way of l i f e which had emerged in Imperial Russia. 37 NOTES, CHAPTER ONE 1. It is generally agreed that the Russlaender were more prone to assimilation than most other Mennonites had been. A few general studies which acknowledge this are George G. Thielman, "The Canadian Mennonites," (Ph.D. dissertation, Western Reserve University, 1955), pp. 195-96; E.K. Francis, In Search of Utopia (Altona, MB: D.W. Friesen & Sons Ltd., 1955), p. 208; Frank H. Epp, Mennonites in Canada. 1920-40 (Toronto: Macmillan of Canada, 1982), p. 243. 2. George L. Mosse, The Crisis of German Ideology (New York: Grosset & Dunlap, 1964); Martin Broszat, "Die voelkische Ideologie und der Nationalsozialismus," Deutsche Rundschau 1 (January 1958):53-68; Ernst-Christian Helmreich, The German Churches Under Hitler: background, struggle,  and epilogue (Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1979), Chapter 6, esp. pp. 128-32; John S. Conway, The Nazi Persecution of the Churches 1933-45 (Toronto: The Ryerson Press, 1968), pp. 142-57; Jonathan Wagner, Brothers  Beyond the Sea: National Socialism in Canada (Waterloo, ON: Wilfred Laurier Press, 1981), pp. 14-15. 3. The appeal,which Hitler's anti-communism held for Mennonites i s widely citeid. John A. Toews, A History of the Mennonite Brethren Church (Fresno, CA: Board of Christian Literature, 1975), p. 327; Frank H. Epp, Mennonite Exodus (Altona, MB: D.W. Friesen & Sons Ltd., 1966), p. 323; Watson Kirkconnell, Canada. Europe and Hitler (Toronto: Oxford University Press, 1939), p. 120; Francis, In Search of Utopia, p. 207; Interview with Anne Funk, Vancouver, Bri t i s h Columbia, May 6, 1990. 4. The theory of cognitive dissonance was f i r s t proposed by Leon Festinger in 1957. The theory has been defined thus: An emotional state set up when two simultaneously held attitudes or cognitions are inconsistent or when there i s a conflict between belief and overt behavior. The resolution of the conflict is assumed to serve as a basis for attitude change in that belief patterns are generally modified so as to be consistent with behavior. From Arthur S. Reber, The Penguin Dictionary of Psychology (New York: Viking Penguin, 1985), p. 129. For Mennonites, one way of making sense of what had happened to them was to interpret events as a battle between the forces of good and e v i l , embodied in Hitler and the Bolsheviks, respectively. 38 5. It is beyond the scope of this study to document a correlation between Mennonite economic conditions during the 1930's, and Germanism. The discussion contained in the rest of this chapter indicates, however, that Mennonites f e l t positive about their economic prospects in Canada at this time, and worked hard to "make i t " in Canadian society. It should be added that the typical Mennonite response to problems was mutual assistance, and thus they looked f i r s t to the larger Mennonite group for solutions, rather than nation-states. For Mennonite efforts at mutual aid during the 1930's see Epp, Mennonites in Canada, 1920-1940. Chapter 8, "Overcoming the Depression," esp. p. 361ff. 6. Wagner, Brothers Beyond the Sea, pp. 59, 145-46; See also Elizabeth Gerwin, "A Survey of the German-Speaking Population of Alberta," (M.A. thesis, University of Alberta, 1938), pp. 120-25. The author was intent on distancing German-Canadians from the Nazi regime, arguing that the majority of German-speaking immigrants in Alberta had "the mixed feelings of a sympathetic bystander," but no real nationalistic feeling for Germany. 7. Gerald Friesen, The Canadian Prairies: A History (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1987), p. 262. See also Alan B. Anderson, "Assimilation in the Bloc Settlements of North-Central Saskatchewan: A Comparative Study of Identity Change Among Seven Ethno-Religious Groups in a Canadian Prairie Region," (Ph.D. dissertation, University of Saskatchewan, 1972), p. 102. 8. Wagner, Brothers Beyond the Sea, pp. 7-9; Kirkconnell, Canada.  Europe and Hitler, p. 119. 9. Wagner, Brothers Beyond the Sea, p. 102; Kirkconnell, Canada.  Europe and Hitler, pp. 120-33. In the Russlaender community of Coaldale, Alberta, Der Nordwesten was as popular as Der Bote, a paper published by and for Russlaender. Epp, Mennonite Exodus, p. 317. 10. Wagner, Brothers Beyond the Sea, pp. 3-6; Arthur Grenke, "The Formation and Early Development of An Urban Ethnic Community: A Case Study of the Germans in Winnipeg, 1872-1919," (Ph.D. dissertation, University of Manitoba, 1975), pp. 403-20; Anderson, "Assimilation in the Bloc Settlements of North-Central Saskatchewan," p. 66; Kirkconnell, Canada. Europe and  Hitler, p. 119; John Norris, Stranger's Entertained: A History of the Ethnic  Groups of Bri t i s h Columbia (Vancouver: British Columbia Centennial '71 Committee, 1971), p. 104. 11. Wagner, Brothers Beyond the Sea, pp. 10, 20-21. 39 12. Jonathan F. Wagner, "Transferred C r i s i s : German Volkish Thought Among Russian Mennonite Immigrants to Western Canada," Canadian Review of  Studies in Nationalism 1 (1973):202-220. There is l i t t l e evidence that Russian Mennonites had any part in the Volkish movement prior to coming to Canada. See John B. Toews, Czars, Soviets and Mennonites (Newton, KS: Faith and Life Press, 1982), p. 31ff., 76; Francis, In Search of Utopia, pp. 197-98; Alan B. Anderson, "Assimilation in the Bloc Settlements of North-Central Saskatchewan," p. 102; Harry Loewen, "The German-Russian Tensions Among the Mennonites In Russia (1789-1917)," paper on f i l e at the Centre for Mennonite Brethren Studies (CMBS), Winnipeg, Box 7, Folder H, No.5, pp. 15-16; John B. Toews, "The Russian Mennonite Intellect of the 19th Century," paper on f i l e at CMBS, Winnipeg, Box 7, Folder H, No. 4; H.A. Peters, "Das mennonitische Volkstum: Eine Skizze seiner Entstehung und des Verfalles," Per Bote. 8 December 1964, pp. 10-11. 13. Friesen, The Canadian Prairies, pp. 272-73. 14. Donald Avery, •Dangerous Foreigners': European Immigrant Workers  and Labour Radicalism in Canada. 1896-1932 (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1979), p. 95. 15. Friesen, The Canadian Prairies, p. 273, 325; See also Howard Palmer, Patterns of Prejudice: A History of Nativism in Alberta (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1982), pp. 22-23. 16. Friesen, The Canadian Prairies, pp. 341-47; Palmer, Patterns of  Prejudice, pp. 41-47 and passim. 17. Friesen, The Canadian Prairies, p. 346, 290; Palmer, Patterns of  Prejudice, p. 46, 139; Epp, Mennonites in Canada. 1920-1940. p. 97. CA. Dawson, Group Settlement: Ethnic Communities in Western Canada (Toronto: Macmillan, 1936, reprinted by Kraus Reprint Co., 1974), pp. 144-59. 18. Avery, 'Dangerous Foreigners', p. 76; Palmer, Patterns of  Prejudice, pp. 132-37. 19. Interview with Gerhard Ens, editor of Per Bote. Winnipeg, Manitoba, June 20, 1989; Interview with Anne Brandt, Kelowna, B.C., June 3, 1989; Gerwin, "A Survey of the German-Speaking Population of Alberta," p. 125 and passim. 20. Avery, 'Dangerous Foreigners', pp. 91, 108-12; Palmer, Patterns of  Prejudice, pp. 126-32. 21. John Herd Thompson with Allen Seager, Canada 1922-39: Decades of  Discord (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1985), p. 303. Examples of Dafoe's feelings toward Nazism include "Germany and the World," Winnipeg Free Press. 1 April 1933, p. 11; "Hitler's Reichstag Speech," Ibid., 2 February 1937, p. 11. 22. Thompson and Seager, Decades of Discord, p. 322. 40 23. Ibid., p. 320ff; Wagner, Brothers Beyond the Sea, pp. 124-28. 24. This i s the general impression given by Thompson and Seager, Decades of Discord, Chapter 13, "Canada on the Road to War". 25. Gervin, "A Survey of the German-Speaking Population of Alberta," p. 125; Wagner, "Transferred C r i s i s , " p. 203. Lita Rose Betcherman, The  Swastika and the Maple Leaf: Fascist Movements in Canada in the Thirties (Toronto: Fitzhenry & Whiteside, 1975), p. 72. My analysis of the Mennonitische Rundschau confirms the existence of this general feeling of German denigration by the Canadian press. 26. e.g. "German Massacre Widely Rumoured: Nazi Plot to Wipe Out Leftists Reported," Saskatoon Star Pheonix. 1 March 1933, p. 1; "Editorial", Ibid., p. 13; "Democracy, Communism Doomed as Nazi Vote Assures Big Majority," Ibid., 6 March 1933, p. 1; "Hitler and the Jewish People," Ibid., 29 March 1933, p. 11; "Catholics Face Nazi Campaign," Ibid., 18 July 1935, p. 1; "Dictators Partners: Mussolini and Hitler May Have Agreement on Locarno Issue," Ibid., 10 July 1936, p. 1; "Hitler Plans New Anti-Jewish Drive," Winnipeg Free Press. 7 April 1933, p. 1; "Nazis Strip, Chain and Torture Distinguished Jew, Reporter States," Ibid., 3 April 1933, p. 1; "Germany and the World," Ibid., 1 April 1933, p. 11. 27. "Huge Winnipeg Gathering Protests Alleged Attack upon Jews in Germany," Winnipeg Free Press. 3 April 1933, p. 2. 28. 1934 Mennonite Brethren Northern D i s t r i c t Conference Yearbook (Hillsboro, KS: MB Publishing House), p. 85; 1939 Northern Di s t r i c t  Conference Yearbook, p. 74; John A Toews, A History of the Mennonite  Brethren Church. (Fresno, CA: Board of Christian Literature, 1975), p. 165. 29. 1939 Northern Di s t r i c t Conference Yearbook, pp. 74-75. 30. Seventh Census of Canada. 1931, vol. IV (Ottawa: King's Printers, 1935), p. 1184. 31. Joanna R. Buhr, "Pursuit of a Vision: Persistence and Accomodation Among Coaldale Mennonites from the Mid-Nineteen.Twenties to World War II," (M.A. thesis, University of Calgary, 1986), p. 3. 32. Ibid., P- 152. 33. Ibid., pp. 206--13. 34. Ibid., pp. 197--201. 35. Ibid., P- 218. 36. Ibid., P- 231. 37. Ibid., P. 241. 41 38. Epp, Mennonites in Canada. 1920-1940r p. 191. 39. Anna Wiebe, "The Mennonite Brethren in Ontario: a short history," Mennogespraech. 4 (March 1986):4. Wiebe counts 1340 individuals of Brethren a f f i l i a t i o n ; this would have worked out to around 250 families/households. 40. Ibid., pp. 6-7. 41. Seventh Census of Canada. 1931. vol. IV (Ottawa: King's Printers, 1935), p. 1180. 42. Henry Paetkau, "A Struggle for Survival. The Russian Mennonite Immigrants in Ontario, 1924-39," (M.A. thesis, University of Waterloo, 1977), p. 146. 43. Ibid., p. 149. 44. Each province had such an assembly, where a wide range of issues and concerns relevant to the Russlaender were discussed. Economic and agricultural issues tended to dominate during the 1930's, although issues like the German identity were discussed as well. The Central Mennonite Immigrant Committee, located in Rosthern, Saskatchewan, tied the provincial assemblies together and, as mentioned, featured a cultural section. Through the German VDA (Society for Germanism Abroad) the Committee was able to procure books to start German lending-libraries in various communities. As Epp reports, The CMIC was...active in the promotion of the German language. From time to time i t was reported that not enough was being done for "das Deutschtum". To promote German language and German culture a representative was appointed to work with the German Canadian Central Committee in the promotion of a "German Day" in Regina on July 27, 1930. (Epp, Mennonite Exodus, pp. 209-210.) 45. Paetkau, "A Struggle for Survival," p. 177. 46. Ibid., p. 178. 47. Ibid., pp. 181-82. 48. Ibid., p. 184. 49. Henry Paetkau, "Russian Mennonite Immigrants of the 1920's: A Reappraisal," Journal of Mennonite Studies 2 (1984):83. 50. Frank Epp's work has tended to emphasize the desire for separation among Canadian Mennonites. See Epp, Mennonites in Canada. 1920-1940, p. 503ff. While this may have been appropriate for some groups, the Russlaender brought with them a weaker separatist mentality. The Brethren stress on outreach and evangelism further detracted from the traditional isolationist stance. 42 51. Sociologists have observed that ethnic assimilation in rural contexts is retarded, especially where ethnic communities exist. See Kathleen Neils Conzen, "Historical Approaches to the Study of Rural Ethnic Communities," in Frederick C. Luebke, ed., Ethnicity on the Great Plains (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1980), pp. 4-5. 52. CA. Dawson reports the figure at 1500 individuals, while E.K. Francis claims that 2000 families, or 5000-6000 individuals, settled on the Reserve. Frank Epp's figure of 2081 families for the whole province seems most accurate, and supports a figure closer to Dawson's for the West Reserve. Dawson, Group Settlement, p. 149; Francis, In Search of Utopia, p. 205; Epp, Mennonites in Canada. 1920-1940. p. 191. 53. 1921 Northern Dis t r i c t Conference Yearbook, pp. 84-85; 1934  Northern Dis t r i c t Conference Yearbook, pp. 79-82. 54. Seventh Census of Canada, 1931 (Ottawa: King's Printers, 1935), vol. I l l , p. 322; vol. IV, p. 1182. 55. Epp, Mennonites in Canada, 1920-1940. p. 191. 56. Dawson, Group Settlement, pp. 144-49. 57. Ibid., 151-71. 58. Francis, In Search of Utopia, pp. 208-42; 264. 59. Avery, %Dangerous Foreicmers'. p. 91; Wagner, Brothers Beyond the  Sea, pp. 7-9; Seventh Census, 1931,.vol. I l l , pp. 320-28. 60. Interview with Gerhard Ens, editor of Der Bote, Winnipeg, Manitoba, June 20, 1989; Interview with Herb Brandt, Mennonite Brethren pastor and Conference leader, Kelowna, British Columbia, June 3 and December 19, 1989; Dawson, Group Settlement, p. 159. 61. Francis, In Search of Utopia, p. 249; Gerhard Lohrenz, "The Mennonites in Winnipeg," Mennonite L i f e . January 1951, pp. 16-20. 62. Interview with Herb Brandt; Interview with Peter Neudorf, Mennonite Businessman, Vancouver, B.C., December 10, 1989; Interview with Jack and Eleanor Dueck, Kitchener, Ontario, July 6, 1989. 63. Wagner, Brothers Beyond the Sea, pp. 46-48; 95. 64. Francis, In Search of Utopia, pp. 233-34. 65. P.H. Penner, Mennonitische Rundschau, 7 February 1934, pp. 5-6. 66. Canadian Nationalist Party leaders wore swastika pins and openly identified themselves with the Nazi movement. Betcherman, The Swastika and  the Maple Leaf, p. 66. 43 67. H. Klassen, Mennonitische Rundschau, 7 March 1934, p. 5. 68. H. Toews, Mennonitische Rundschau, 31 January 1934, p. 3. 69; "Um hohen Preis," Der Bote, 27 June 1934, pp. 2-3. 70. 1934 Northern Dist r i c t Conference Yearbook, p. 77. 71. Epp, Mennonite Exodus, p. 324. 72. Paetkau, "A Struggle for Survival," p. 169. 73. Wagner, Brothers Beyond the Sea, p. 85. 74. Epp, Mennonite Exodus, p. 324. Interviews have confirmed the f a i r l y common use of shortwave radios. Interview with Herb Brandt; Interview with Peter Neudorf. Mr. Brandt remembers walking into a room f i l l e d with Mennonites reverently listening to Hitler. Peter Neudorf f e l t that most of the Russlaender Mennonites in the area of Manitoba where he grew up were "for" Hitler, both before and during the Second World War. 75. Wagner, Brothers Beyond the Sea, p. 37ff. 76. Eighth Census of Canada. 1941 vol. II (Ottawa: King's Printers, 1944), p. 520; Ninth Census of Canada, 1951 vol. I (Ottawa: Queen's Printer, 1953), table 38-1. 77. 1939 Mennonite Brethren Northern Di s t r i c t Conference Yearbook (Hillsboro, KS: MB Publishing House), pp. 75-76. 78. Seventh Census of Canada. 1931 vol. IV (Ottawa: King's Printers, 1935), p. 1184. 79. 1934 Northern Di s t r i c t Conference Yearbook, pp. 20-21; 1939  Northern Dis t r i c t Conference Yearbook, pp.34-35. 80. Mennonitische Rundschau, 26 December 1934, p. 14. 81. W. Peter Ward, White Canada Forever: Popular Attitudes and Public  Policy Toward Orientals in Br i t i s h Columbia (Montreal: McGill-Queen's University Press, 1978), pp. 3-22; 118-19. 82. See Ward, White Canada Forever, pp. 118-19; 168. 83. John Norris, Strangers Entertained, pp. 53; 98-105; 187-89. 84. John J. Krahn, "A History of the Mennonites in British Columbia," (M.A. thesis, University of British Columbia, 1955), p. 35, 41. 85. Norris, Strangers Entertained, p. 187. 44 86. B.B. Wiens, "Pioneering in Br i t i s h Columbia," Mennonite L i f e , July 1946, pp. 9-13. 87. Norris, Strangers Entertained, pp. 185-87; P.W. Luce, "Unwelcome Mennonites Making Model Farms by the Fraser," Saturday Night. 12 February 1944, p. 32. 88. Krahn, A History of the Mennonites. pp. 46-47. 89. Ibid., p. 114. 90. Ibid., p. 48. 91. Robert K. Burkinshaw, "Strangers and Pilgrims in Lotus Land: Conservative Protestantism in British Columbia, 1917-1981," (Ph.D. dissertation, University of Br i t i s h Columbia, 1988), p. 218. 92. Krahn, "A History of the Mennonites," p. 45. 93. 1939 Northern Di s t r i c t Conference Yearbook, pp. 34-35. 94. 95. Norris, Strangers Entertained, p. 105. Wagner, Brothers Beyond the Sea, pp. 29-30; 102; 146-47. 45 CHAPTER TWO Germanism in the Mennonitische Rundschau. 1930-39 One of the best sources of information for a broad picture of Mennonite concerns and identity during the 1930's is the Mennonite press. It functioned as an important medium of communication and connection for the relatively educated and literate Russlaender.1 The papers featured a high proportion of contributions by readers, functioning as open forums for the dissemination of a l l types of information, and the discussion of any and every topic of concern to Mennonites. The Mennonitische Rundschau (henceforth Rundschau) has been selected as a central source on account of these attributes, and for other reasons as well. The primary one is that after 1923 the paper was edited in Winnipeg by a Mennonite Brethren, and was essentially identified as serving the Canadian Brethren (most of whom had immigrated in the 1920's), in 1946 becoming a semi-official Canadian Conference organ. As well, i t had a more cosmopolitan character than i t s counterpart, Per Bote, which appealed more s t r i c t l y to General Conference Mennonites who immigrated to Canada in the 1920's. The Rundschau did appeal to Canadian Mennonite immigrants, but i t reflected the fact that these people were connected to other Mennonites l i v i n g in Canada, the United States, Europe and South America. The Rundschau had been published in Elkhart, Indiana from 1880 to 1908, and in Scottdale, Pennsylvania from 1908 to 1923, when i t was moved to Winnipeg. A "European Edition" of the paper had circulated widely in Russia prior to the f i r s t world war, and when H.H. Neufeld took over as editor in 1923 he helped to preserve i t s international, Russian Mennonite character.2 46 The paper was twice as large as Der Bote, generally containing 16 pages of material, was published weekly, and i t s circulation of 4000-5000 was at least double that of Der Bote.3 Thus the Rundschau would seem to present a broader and more representative picture of Canadian Mennonite and sp e c i f i c a l l y Brethren attitudes. My reading of the paper indicates that i t s broader readership and longer history gave i t a s t a b i l i t y and range lacking in the newer paper, whose editor exercised complete control over it.4 That the Rundschau was read and contributed to by American Mennonites is appropriate, as well, since the Canadian Brethren related quite closely to the American Brethren, , adopting the American Brethren's Zionsbote as their o f f i c i a l organ, and joining the American Brethren's General Conference as a "Northern D i s t r i c t " . The Zionsbote w i l l not figure in this study because i t had a d i s t i n c t l y American flavour and was primarily devotional, treating a much narrower range of issues than the Rundschau. In my analysis, I have indicated those individuals whom I have positively identified as being Brethren; many others were undoubtedly Brethren as well. It i s also to be assumed that in the majority of discussions of Germanism, the individuals involved were Russlaender.5 Many of the ar t i c l e s cited were submitted anonymously, or had no t i t l e , in which case reference has been made to issue and page number. The study consists of a relatively comprehensive reading of the Rundschau for the years 1930-36, and 1939; I have divided i t into periods occurring before and after Hitler's assumption of power in Germany. The following is an attempt to summarize and interpret the Germanist content and i t s context. 47 1930-1932 The issue which dominated the pages of the Rundschau in the early 1930's was the continuing tragedy in Soviet Russia. The fi n a l act of the drama saw over 13,000 Russian-Germans, mostly Mennonites, gathering at the gates of Moscow during the winter of 1929-1930, hoping to be granted exit visas. About half eventually made i t out, thanks to Germany's temporary willingness to take them in, and i t s pledge of considerable financial support for their relocation.6 It was becoming clear that those Mennonites remaining in Russia had nowhere to go, and were doomed to virtual extinction as a religious people. Pathetic letters from Mennonites sent to Siberia appeared in the Rundschau,7 along with reports of horrors in the colonies themselves8 and general articles abhorring the atheism and communism of the new Soviet regime.9 Some of the editor's siblings wrote from Germany, glad to be out of Russia; one of Neufeld's sisters, however, didn't make it.10 It would be d i f f i c u l t to overemphasize the importance of these events in affecting the Russian Mennonite psyche. The sense of tragedy and loss was overwhelming.il Understandably, Germany emerged as the great saviour and protector of the Mennonites, and expressions of gratitude were unbounded: In heaven i t w i l l be reckoned/the great things Germany has done. By i t the poor, the persecuted/were pulled from the clutches of the e v i l one./O bless, God, the German land,/protect i t with your almighty hand.12 A refugee wrote from Hamburg that Germany had provided for a l l possible needs, and that Germans had even shown love to the refugees. "It i s impossible to describe. There is no way we'll be able to pay them back."13 A letter of thanks to Hindenberg (who had personally donated 200,000 Reichsmarks for Russian-German r e l i e f ) was drafted at the 1930 Mennonite World Conference in Danzig.14 The fact that Germany was actively involved in 48 furthering donations for Russian r e l i e f could only add to the general sense of gratitude towards Germany.15 Mennonites were admonished never to forget what the Germans had done for them.16 German efforts under Hindenberg to aid Russian Mennonites moved Rundschau editor Neufeld to trace his ancestry back to Prussia and apply for German citizenship.17 Although very few people went this far, i t is clear that Germany's positive example helped to make i t a strong reference point for Mennonite identity in the aftermath of the breakdown of the Russian commonwealth. Expressions of concern over the fragmentation of Mennonite society were present throughout the 1930's,18 and were coupled with laments over being a "people without a homeland".19 A poem illustrates well how Germanism was identified as a positive, unifying characteristic, and how the German nation was seen as a kindly father welcoming home his wayward children: When in every land/the German Volk is scattered/so hold tight the bonds/of loyalty and unity./Great among the nations—the German homeland./It reaches gladly from afar/to i t s own the hand./To nurture unity/in Joy or pain,/that is the German blessing.20 The "German" ethnic background of Mennonites was cited as being responsible for the qualities which carried Mennonites through their wanderings, helping them to make improvements on the land wherever they settled.21 This kind of claim was frequently made;22 what is of interest here is that German qualities were seen to be a stabilizing factor in Mennonite identity. The emerging German Volkish movement also had an impact on Mennonites. A prominent elder of the newly formed Schoenwiese congregation in Winnipeg submitted an a r t i c l e in 1931 by a German writer which argued that the German Volk could only be helped through a rebirth of sp e c i f i c a l l y German culture and r e l i g i o n — a l l non-German elements were to be expunged.23 The implication 49 for Mennonites vas clear. The Rundschau followed events in Germany quite closely, indicating that the "Volkish rebirth" of the German nation was of prime interest. Even rather m i l i t a r i s t i c nevs concerning Germany vas featured, like reports that the Stahlhelm Veterans Organization and the SA (a Nazi paramilitary organization) vere being allowed to wear uniforms again, and that Hitler had proclaimed that Germans would have to be ready to sacrifice their lives i f Germany vere to regain i t s place in the sun.24 There vere many such pieces vhich ran as "news", without comment.25 The fascination with Germany extended to a l l manner of nevs. There vere ar t i c l e s on Hindenberg,26 German shipping,27 times of German shortvave transmissions,28 and above a l l reports on German politics.29 Hitler's progress vas followed,30 as were the results of the 1932 election between Hindenberg and Hitler.31 Part of the interest and identification with Germany vas due to the perception that the success or failure of communism in the West vould be decided in Germany. Mennonites' immediate experience vith communism gave them a very strong bias against i t , and fear vas evident that Germany too might f a l l to the atheistic communists, vith the rest of the vorld soon to follov.32 An individual v r i t i n g in 1932 held that Hitler vas the only bulwark against communism.33 A speech given by former Canadian Prime Minister Arthur Meighen, in vhich he called for revisions of reparations payments demanded of Germany and cited Germany as being the linchpin in vorld resistance to Bolshevism, vas covered in detail by the Rundschau.34 Harsh actions taken by the Berlin government against communists vere reported approvingly.35 The unrest in Germany was seen as being "instigated and covered up by Moscow."36 High feelings for Germany are further indicated in the number and range 50 of strongly militant or p o l i t i c a l a r t i c l e s relating to Germanism and Germany printed during this period. It was in response to such articles that voices were raised in caution, as well, but at this point they were few and isolated. An example of a militantly German a r t i c l e from a non-Mennonite source was the 1930 "German Day" announcement for Manitoba. These were festivals which had begun to be staged in the late 1920's on the prairies as primarily cultural events, eventually becoming controlled by National Socialists.37 The 1930 notice was anti-slavic, -communist, and - p a c i f i s t . The "indestructible power and majesty of the German nature" was heralded as the only hope of mankind.38 The apex of heterodoxy was reached in the Rundschau via the reprinting of ar t i c l e s from Nazi Julius Streicher's "obscene"39 Der Stuermer. One of the ar t i c l e s had been sent in by two Mennonite men who stated that "It is high time that p o l i t i c a l issues be c l a r i f i e d to the people." The a r t i c l e maintained that Jesus was not a pac i f i s t , and that the way to greatness lay in "aggressive struggle for the German Volk and fatherland."40 Another contribution argued that Mennonites had been pacifists during the F i r s t World War only because they hadn't wanted to fight against fellow-Germans; at the end the editor asked, "Is i t true?"41 In addition, Prussian militarism was heralded as being the backbone of "Deutschtum", and in direct opposition to the s p i r i t of marxism.42 These sorts of views garnered l i t t l e response. More people were exercised by the possiblity that born-again Christians could lose their salvation.43 Loyalty to Germany at this time seems to have overridden any concern about these challenges to the historic Mennonite adherence to the principle of nonresistance. It was only in regard to the doctrines espoused by the German General 51 Ludendorff and his wife that some opposition vas voiced to militant Germanism. The debate on Ludendorff, a top General during the First World War and subsequent collaborator vith Hitler, vas initiated by a reviev article on a book of "prophecies" by the General. Typical of editorial policy at the time, the reviev did not take a position on Ludendorff's strange and extreme ideas.44 A reader, hovever, pointed out that Ludendorff vas "attempting to build a nev Germany in vhich the Christian faith, the Freemasons and the Jevs are simply done avay vith." Ludendorff vanted to invoke the old pagan, German gods like "Wotan, Baldur and Frya".45 This writer vas harshly attacked by a German in Berlin for painting a false picture of Ludendorff, vho vas a "burning patriot".46 An anonymous letter followed vhich attacked Ludendorff, especially for his anti-Semitism.47 The original c r i t i c then clarified his point further: "Christ or Wotan?"48 A "simple farmer" took Ludendorff's side, arguing that Ludendorff's heterodoxy should be excused, since intolerance in matters of faith vas more a Jevish than a German trait.49 Support for Ludendorff's critics folloved.50 There was ful l agreement, on the other hand, that the treaty of Versailles, in its treatment of Germany, vas "the crime of the century".51 Opinions on Hitler and the National Socialists at this time vere either positive or undecided. One of the first positive assessments of Hitler vas written in early 1931 by a Mennonite living in Germany. The vriter predicted an impending victory for the Nazis, vho displayed a "healthy national and Christian spirit", and asserted that the question of communism and vorld domination by the Jevs vould be decided on German soil.52 Heinrich Schroeder, a teacher from the Russian colonies vho had settled in Germany and vho espoused National Socialist and Volkish ideas throughout the 1930's, 52 helped to "introduce" Hitler to Canadian Mennonites in 1932, claiming that Hitler was in favour of "positive Christianity" and the furtherance of "Deutschtum" throughout the world. When Hitler came to power, he would remember Germans everywhere, helping to right past wrongs against them so they could breathe easier.53 The f i r s t statement of pro-Nazi views by a Canadian Mennonite occurred in 1932,54 and non-Mennonite writers also supported the new movement.55 In late 1932 a reader complained that the news on p o l i t i c a l events was too one-sided: a perspective broader than that of one race or Volk was called for.56 Earlier, the editor stated that he had been asked about his position on Hitler, and had responded that he didn't have one, since Mennonites were called to higher things than meddling in p o l i t i c s . He merely wanted "to observe how things stand in world p o l i t i c s , without taking a position on them."57 Yet the tone and content of the paper in the 1930's contradicted this assertion of neutrality. Just one example is an a r t i c l e on Hitler by Houston Stewart Chamberlain, one of the progenitors of the Nazi ideology, which appeared in the "News" section in 1932 without comment. Thus the opinions of a powerful advocate of Nazi ideas and the "Volksmensch Adolf Hitler" were featured as objective reportage.58 It i s important to remember, however, that the outcome of events was unknown at this time, and that the majority of contributions to the Rundschau made no comment on these issues. The foregoing illustrates the turmoil and uncertainty of the early 1930's: the effects of the 1929 Wall Street crash were beginning to be f e l t ; the door was being closed to the remaining friends and loved ones in Russia, as Stalinization set in; and communism seemed to be not only threatening Germany, but also had i t s representatives in places like 53 Winnipeg.59 In addition, Anglo-Canadians had for various reasons again become hostile to "foreigners'* l i v i n g in their midst.60 Russian Mennonite identity vas in flux. An example of the struggle vith outside influences is seen in the prominent Brethren Abraham J. Kroeker, former editor of the Friedensstimme in Russia, the semi-official organ of the Brethren church there. Kroeker had settled in Minnesota, and vas a frequent contributor to the Rundschau. Among his many submissions to the paper vas a long a r t i c l e series written by a violently anti-semitic member of General Ludendorff's m i l i t a r i s t i c "Tannenberg Bund", vho had recently visited the German colonies in Soviet Russia.61 On the other hand, Kroeker maintained that his policy on book reviews had been to avoid books vit h a "German-patriotic and m i l i t a r i s t i c tendency"; Mennonites should only read good, Christian material.62 Kroeker appeared most comfortable dealing vi t h p i e t i s t i c topics.63 An issue vhich was closer to home for most Canadian Mennonites was the value of German Volkish ideas in unifying Mennonites and helping to perpetuate their socio-religious culture. What affected people the most vas the idea that German qualities and language vere important aspects of being Mennonite, and that preservation of the language vas essential in maintaining the unity and integrity of the Mennonite Volk and i t s faith. A poem vritten by a "German father to his son" linked German virtues and the German language to good citizenship and the maintenance of the "old, true faith", and encouraged the son to "stay German" even i f "a thousand fools mock you".64 C F . Klassen, a leading figure in the Mennonite vorld, and a Brethren, wrote in 1931: "It is good i f ve always remember that religion and Deutschtum vere the sources out of vhich ve have, u n t i l nov, been able to accomplish much, 54 and remain the sources for future accomplishments."65 Klassen was the chief collector for the Mennonite "travel-debt" incurred in the migration to Canada, and came into contact with many of the widely scattered immigrants. The issue of language was the most pervasive and enduring aspect of Canadian Mennonite Germanism during the entire period under study. The discussion of "German and Religion" instruction in the schools was l i v e l y during the 1930's in the Rundschau, and w i l l be dealt with in Chapter Four. General articles such as J. John Friesen's "Spotlight oh the German Language" also appeared. Friesen maintained that "If a Volk trades i t s language for another, i t loses i t s own l i f e — i t s soul."66 He also asserted that the loss of the German language would entail the loss of traditional Mennonite religious distinctives.67 H.H. Ewert, a leading Mennonite educator of the Kanadier, who had earlier encouraged the use of English, was cited in 1930 as saying much the same thing.68 Other individuals called for a "surer foundation" in German and religion instruction in the schools: "We don't have anything against the public schools, we only want to make our children into pious Mennonites and thereby good citizens of the land."69 A "strong desire for good German literature" was beginning to be f e l t among Mennonites, another reported.70 A minister of the German government informed Mennonites that loss of the German language would mean absorption into a non-German "Volkstum".71 Thus, most of the elements relevant to the German identity of Mennonites were already present in the early 1930's, before the the National Socialist revolution had f u l l y taken place. The shattering experience under the Bolsheviks had prepared the way for German identification in two interrelated ways: on the one hand, Germany was seen as a rescuing and caring parent 55 which promised to stand up to the communists and make German-speakers everywhere proud. At the same time, the German language and culture was recognized as a force of unification, integration and perpetuation of Mennonite socio-religious culture. 1933-1939 From the time Hitler came to power in Germany in January 1933, u n t i l the outbreak of the Second World War, the related issues of Germanism, National Socialism and Mennonite unity were intensely discussed in the Rundschau, as a number of competing claims were made on Mennonite identity and purpose. A clamor of voices put forward a whole host of ideas and opinions on these topics, many of them remarkable for their extremism and deviation from the stereotypical view of Mennonites as being quiet, a p o l i t i c a l and nonresistant people. It began to appear to some that Russian Mennonites were at a fork in the road: one way seemed to lead to some kind of rapprochement with themselves, their past, and even the German fatherland, as a German Volk with German ways and a religion intimately tied to the German language. The other road seemed to lead to anglicization, assimilation, and loss of personal, communal and religious integrity. While i t is obvious that the majority of Canadian Mennonites did not take part in the discussion in any real way, and that some in leading positions stayed on the sidelines because "silence is golden",72 i t must be asserted that there was widespread and deeply-held interest in these issues.73 The Rundschau continued to exhibit a strongly pro-German attitude, to the point of supporting German militarism, and an openness to a l l but the most heterodox points of view. At the same time, a significant opposition emerged to some of the more extremist ideas and 56 fanciful projects, and a moderated German identity was articulated. Although the horrors of the situation in the Soviet Union continued to garner attention,74 the rise of Nazi Germany became the focus of international events. In early 1933, a number of art i c l e s were printed which aimed at combatting the alleged "hate propaganda" in the English-language press directed against Hitler and the Nazis. The uproar was due to the Nazi boycott of Jewish goods, commencing April 1, and accompanying acts of violence against Jews.75 Hitler's accession to power did not bring about great jubilation, but from October of 1933 through February of 1934, speeches given by Hitler, and edited by Goebbels, were featured on the back pages of the Rundschau.76 The twenty-five point programme of the National Socialists appeared in September of 1933.77 Throughout this period letters were sent in by Mennonites and others either travelling or l i v i n g in Germany which extolled the great changes taking place there, including the suppression of communism.78 News artic l e s on the communists "getting their comeuppance" from the Nazis would have been read with approval.79 One Mennonite, whose family had been exiled somewhere in the Soviet Union, shared the widespread i l l u s i o n of many Germans that Hitler carried a Bible in his breast-pocket, was trusted by everyone, and had done a good job of cleaning up the "social-democratic, atheistic communist mess."80 There continued to be much news on developments in Germany, and almost a l l of i t had a positive slant. Press releases from the German consulate were printed,81 and statements by the German Consul in Winnipeg, Heinrich Seelheim, appeared frequently.82 Much of the "news" must have originated from pro-German and -Nazi sources.83 The Rundschau reprinted a speech given at the 1933 "German Day" in Winnipeg by Consul Seelheim, who spoke of the 57 "voice of the blood" drawing Germans together, and of the need for Germans everywhere to be true to their "Volkstum". He spoke highly of the "national revolution" happening in Germany, of i t s moral and s p i r i t u a l renewal, and of strengthening "true Volksgemeinschaft" (Volks-community) .84 One Mennonite reader was transported "a thousand years into the past" to his Gothic roots by the speech.85 This response is paradigmatic, I believe, of the overall Mennonite feeling toward Germany and Germanism at this time. Hardly anyone disputed the importance of the German identity in perpetuating the Mennonite "Volkstum" as i t had emerged in Russia; but differences existed as to the degree people were willing to make Germanism the defining feature of Mennonite identity. A few became ardent German nationalists, advocating renunciation of traditional Mennonite principles such as nonresistance, and even incorporation into the German Reich. More f e l t that some kind of reintegration along the lines of a German-Mennonite "Mennostaat" was in order, to prevent the complete dissolution of "Mennonitentum". The majority identified with events in Germany, and promoted non-political forms of Germanism at home as an important element in maintaining Mennonite identity and solidarity, but drew the line at threats to Mennonite doctrinal integrity and half-baked ideas of some kind of new Mennonite commonwealth. The strong, almost rabid pro-Germanists and -Nazis were given much space in the Rundschau throughout this period.86 Heinrich Schroeder was allowed to hold forth on his ideas of a synthesis between Nazism and Christianity, and of a Mennonite "traditions-colony" named "Priesenheil", to be located somewhere in Germany. Hindrances like the principle of nonresistance were to be cast off, and divisions within Mennonitism would be ignored to ground a 58 single "Volks-church" of " r a c i a l l y pure Knights of the Third Reich".87 Schroeder was drawing on the Volkish tradition of a "Germanic utopia" for his ideas, which had some parallels with Mennonites' own Utopian vision.88 Although Schroeder's ideas were dismissed incredulously by some,89 others f e l t compelled to remonstrate c r i t i c s for being too "scornful" of Schroeder's proposals.90 For some, excitement over events occurring in Germany combined with vicious, often biblically-grounded anti-semitism.91 It is significant for this study that most ar t i c l e s dealing with the topic in this period shared the basic Nazi position, arguing that Jews were at the root of most of the world's problems, and that German treatment of them was f a i r , in contra-diction to reports from the "Jewish-controlled" press.92 This sad aspect of Canadian Mennonite history is underscored by the fact that some went so far as to j u s t i f y Jewish suffering,93 and that a synopsis of the phony "Protocols of the Elders of Zion" was printed in the paper.94 In 1934 a l i b e l suit was brought against the editor, Neufeld, for publishing fascist leader William Whittaker's violently anti-seraitic paper The Canadian  Nationalist.95 The general Mennonite feeling towards Jews is indicated by the fact that the paramount Brethren leader B.B. Janz, after comparing German patriotism with that of the Jews, f e l t compelled to write another a r t i c l e in which he delineated the many perceived evils for which some Jews were responsible, the prime one being the Bolshevik terror.96 Besides providing an identifiable scapegoat—the Jews—for Russian Mennonite suffering, the National Socialist ideology also seemed to offer much to a group which had traditionally been based on the separation of church and state, and which was in the process of trying to ensure i t s survival as a homogeneous people. One writer, intent on illuminating 59 National Socialism from a "Mennonite" perspective, misguidedly argued that the Nazi state had advanced two crucial p o l i c i e s — r a c i a l purity and the separation of church and state.97 Another Mennonite complained b i t t e r l y about the sad effects of the American "melting-pot" ideology: mixing the blood of differing races led inevitably to a lowering of physical, s p i r i t u a l and moral standards. The only answer was the nurture of Germanism, which represented the highest culture and language in the world.98 A prominent and respected proponent of Volkish and Nazi ideas was Benjamin H. Unruh, who had been a Mennonite leader and teacher in Russia and came from a Brethren family. He had been a Russian patriot during the F i r s t World War;99 thereafter his loyalties and love of fatherland were transferred to Germany, where he had settled. Once there, he established the organization "Brothers in Need" to assist Russian-Germans fleeing the Ukraine, and sedulously b u i l t up contacts with high Nazi o f f i c i a l s , including Heinrich Himmler, so that he could procure special treatment for Mennonites in Germany and Russia.100 Unruh, who cared deeply for his "Volk", considered himself to be a scholarly and objective authority on every issue he treated; his writings belie this assumption. He wrote di l i g e n t l y of the "German" ethnic background of the Mennonites, of the German church struggles, of Volkish ideas and National Socialism, among other things, doing his best to lead Mennonites down the garden path of ra c i a l intolerance, support for Nazism, and the general renunciation of those principles which had given Mennonites their good name in the f i r s t place. He supported the idea that r a c i a l purity was part of the order of creation as explicated in the Old Testament, and that Hitler was merely heeding the command to keep the peoples of the earth r a c i a l l y separate.101 60 Unruh likened the heterodox "German Christians" to the early Ana-baptists, 102 and the struggle within the German churches to the Reformation.103 Besides emphasizing the relevance to Mennonites of the supposed Nazi tenets of separation of church and state, and r a c i a l purity, Unruh made direct connections between Mennonite communalism and the Nazi Volkish ideology; in this regard, as in the others, Mennonites had always been National Socialists.104 The Nazi slogan "Geroeinnutz ueber Eigennutz" (the good of the group before that of the individual) was trumpeted as a special point of correspondence between Mennonite and Nazi ideals: For Hitler "national" means boundless love for the Volk, and "social" means to act for the Volksgemeinschaft. Gemeinnutz ueber Eigennutz1 A true patriot always thinks on the good of his Volk.105 Put in this way, i t would be very easy for Mennonites to think of themselves as National Socialists. Russian Mennonite immigrants to Paraguay (from the 1929-30 c r i s i s ) erected a banner with the "Gemeinnutz ueber Eigennutz" motto on i t in the Fernheim Colony Hall.106 A Brethren former student of Unruh who became a prominent Winnipeg doctor visited Unruh in Germany, and eagerly asked Unruh's opinion of the new Germany. Unruh said that he was "100% for Hitler", comparing him to the Russian-Mennonite "Oberschulzen" or mayors, who were men of action and not piety.107 To his credit, Unruh argued against the ideas of Rosenberg and the "German Faith Movement".108 Unruh's high standing among the Canadian Brethren is confirmed by the fact that they sent him an o f f i c i a l greeting in 1936 through his brother A.H. Unruh, the respected Brethren Bible teacher, for his work in r e l i e f and resettlement.109 It is evident, by the wide range of a r t i c l e s appearing which tied Germanism to militarism, that Mennonites were indeed open to the p o s s i b i l i t y of adjusting their traditional principles to accord with their new-found 61 German identity. An odd piece honored "Friedrich Friesen, the ideal German nation-builder and freedom fighter," a German who apparently had been k i l l e d resisting Napoleon.110 Other historical pieces dealt with "the ancient German tribes",111 and "the role of the Friesens (i.e. proto-Mennonites) in the Crusades."112 These articles differed in content but not in direction from art i c l e s which supported the German perspective on rearmamentll3 or gave glowing accounts of what a fine individual Hitler was.114 Particularly repugnant i s the gloss given to the June 30, 1934 Nazi blood purge and the wave of indiscriminate assassinations which followed, in which the best possible light was thrown onto the brutal affair.115 Mennonites1 cynicism toward the Bolshevik revolution was more than compensated by naivete toward the Nazi one. During the 1930's there i s considerable evidence of a growing pan-German consciousness among the Russlaender, in contradistinction to traditional Mennonite exclusivity and i n a b i l i t y to work together with other German-speaking peoples.116 German-speaking pastors met on occasion at the Winnipeg Jewish Mission,117 and Mennonites took part in the inter-German memorial service for Hindenberg, who died in 1934. The United Mennonite Church choir sang at the event, and Schoenwiese Mennonite Church leader J.P. Klassen read a poem praising Hindenberg.118 Winnipeg Mennonites cabled twenty dollars to B.H. Unruh for a wreath for Hindenberg's gravesite.119 On May 1, 1935, a celebration of the German "National Labour Day" was held in Winnipeg, and again J.P. Klassen spoke, praising Hitler for having brought unity to the German Volk, and wishing the Third Reich "great success".120 At this event consul Seelheim spoke, the German Baptist choir sang, and the German Cross was given out to F i r s t World War veterans. 62 Advertisements announcing the e l i g i b i l i t y of veterans to receive the Cross appeared in the paper,121 as did announcements for meetings of the pro-Nazi "German League"122 and the fascist "Canadian National Party".123 The editor appears to have been accused by a non-Mennonite of p o l i t i c a l leanings in the printing of such material, but he defended himself by stating that some were paid announcements, and that he was merely giving the reader a broad review of items crossing his desk.124 His involvement with fascist and pro-Nazi leaders is indicated by the fact that in addition to publishing William Whittaker's The Canadian Nationalist, he printed Nazi party-member Bernard Bott's Deutsche Zeitunq fuer Kanada. which was the o f f i c i a l organ of the German League.125 Various other German-oriented events were advertised in the Rundschau, like the showing of Nazi propaganda films in Winnipeg,126 German "song clubs",127 and contests sponsored by the German League for best German essays.128 As well, conscription notices for "Reichs-Germans" began to appear in early 1936, as the German war machine came to life.129 Mennonites themselves indicated their growing consciousness of a familial relationship to Germans in various ways, including the very common use of "German" in the place of "Mennonite" (as in "we Germans"), or in combination with i t ("we German Mennonites"). One Mennonite argued that i t was necessary for a l l German Canadians, regardless of confessional or cultural differences, to cooperate in preserving German language and culture: "We should...nurture what binds us, brings us closer, joins us together...We Germans of Canada are truly called to a higher task than to be cultural fodder of this land:"130 Pan-Germanism was espoused from Germany by B.H. Unruh and Heinrich Schroeder, who worked hard at "proving" the Germanic roots of the Russian Mennonites.131 This was done at least partly in response to the (for them) 63 embarrassing fact that Russian Mennonites had claimed to be of Dutch descent during the F i r s t World War and immediately thereafter. Walter Quiring, another Russian Mennonite teacher who had settled in Germany and who vigorously supported National Socialism, argued stridently in Per Bote that the Dutch identification had been a big mistake, and that the Mennonite exodus from the Soviet Union had been made possible by the German-engineered treaty of Brest-Litovsk of 1918.132 The debate over this untruth s p i l l e d over into the Rundschau,133 and blended with an emerging i f partial consensus among Canadian Mennonites, and Mennonite Brethren in particular, which rejected the ideas of the German triumvirate of Quiring, Unruh and Schroeder and attempted to steer a middle way between extremist Germanism and the renunciation of the German identity. What follows is an analysis of this trend, and some of the core elements of Russlaender Germanism during the 1930*s: fears of assimilation and acculturation, the desire to reunify Mennonites, and the notion that the German identity was a key component in maintaining doctrinal and communal integrity. An affection for the mother-tongue and German culture is taken for granted, as being a basic motivation for Germanist sentiments. One type of response to the highly po l i t i c i z e d atmosphere of the 1930's which should not be overlooked, especially among the Mennonite Brethren, was p i e t i s t i c or apocalyptic. In 1933 one Brethren saw Christian conversion as being the only answer to the foreboding future, as opposed to the enter-tainment of certain p o l i t i c a l or economic ideas.134 Other Brethren echoed the belief that Christian conversion was the single most important issue of the day. 135 A classic example of the genre, by another Brethren, stated: Our time is an extraordinary, d i f f i c u l t one. Much is said of the changing times, the revaluation of a l l values...Great unrest exists 64 today in the world. The storm of our time makes mankind restless in p o l i t i c a l , economic, intellectual and s p i r i t u a l ways...the world despite i t s high culture is going bankrupt, because God has been shut out.136 The issues of militant Germanism and related p o l i t i c a l involvement were rebutted on their own terms as well. The Anabaptist historian Cornelius Krahn attempted to quell excitement for the new Germany in mid-1933 by exposing the heterodoxy of the "German Christians" and pointing out that Judaism and Marxism could not be blamed for a l l of the world's i l l s . Anabaptist principles were not harmonizable with either Bolshevism or fascism.137 Later in 1933 a "schoolmaster" chided Mennonites to stop looking to the past and participating in German "beer-patriotism"; instead, they should look to the future, and make Canada their home.138 Heinrich Toews, a Brethren congregational leader from Manitoba, warned Mennonites against getting involved in p o l i t i c s and nationalism, both being based on the use of force.139 Winnipeg resident J.J. Hildebrand, who f e l t strongly about the German identity of Mennonites and was the foremost promoter of the "Mennostaat" idea then floating around (autonomous Mennonite state, discussed below), also warned Mennonites away from p o l i t i c s , with i t s " e v i l undercurrents".140 Hildebrand's position i s significant because i t illustrates that in the Canadian context, Germanism was largely directed inward, toward other Mennonites and the perpetuation of their socio-religious culture. The most important individual to take issue with the ri s i n g Germanist sentiment, and plot a course for Canadian Mennonites through the various p o l i t i c a l and Volkish thickets of the time, was the eminent Brethren leader B.B. Janz. Janz was widely respected by a l l Russian immigrants for his unparalleled efforts in bringing about the exodus from Russia in the 1920's, 65 for which he was called "the Mennonite Moses". He was leader of the large and influential Brethren congregation in Coaldale, Alberta, and was extremely active in Brethren and inter-Mennonite organizations.141 His writings are the single most important documents for understanding the dilemmas of the period, as they provided a reference point for many Mennonites, especially the Brethren. Janz's f i r s t contributions to the discussion appeared in late 1934, with two articles printed in the same edition of the Rundschau. One quoted from Brethren historian P.M. Friesen on the Dutch origins of the Mennonites.142 The other a r t i c l e , "Was Menno Simons a National Socialist?", took issue with Heinrich Schroeder's intimation that Menno Simons would have approved of Nazi steps to rearm Germany.143 Janz drove home the point that Simons was no Nazi, and that the doctrine of nonresistance was not to be wrested from Simons' mantle, where i t rightly belonged. Janz mentioned that Schroeder's father had been an officer in the controversial Mennonite "Selbstschutz" (self-defence) units in the Ukraine, which were organized in the time of chaos following the Bolshevik revolution. The senior Schroeder had demanded that Janz and another preacher be expelled from the colonies because of their opposition to these self-defence units.144 Thus the roots of Schroeder's militant Germanism went back to the "Selbstschutz" debacle in the Ukraine. John Horsch, the eastern U.S. Old Mennonite leader, was also drawn to the defense of Menno's principles.145 Isaak Toews, a Brethren preacher from Saskatchewan, wrote in praise of Janz's a r t i c l e on Menno Simons and National Socialism,146 and art i c l e s supporting the principle of nonresistance followed, one having been read at a Brethren conference, and one by another Brethren leader.147 B.B. Janz followed his short opening volleys with a 66 15,000 word a r t i c l e series entitled "Wherefrom and Whereto: Spotlights on the Mennonite Past, Present and Future", which ran in the Rundschau during April and May of 1935. This article-series was a watershed in the Germanism debates of the 1930's, as Janz posed the historic "faith of the fathers" dire c t l y against the National Socialist ideology and Germanism as normative for Mennonite identity, cl a r i f y i n g in the process the issues at stake. However, although Janz made a strong distinction between the universality of the Christian faith and the particularity of cultures, he was in the end subtly ambivalent about the superiority of the German language and culture as a special carrier of Mennonite identity. As well, the defensive tone of the piece indicates that he f e l t he was treading on rather thin ice. The a r t i c l e begins with a polemic against the more extremist statements made in the Canadian Mennonite press (this would include Per Bote f discussed in Chapter Three) in support of the Nazi ideology of blood, race, and nation. These aspects had been emphasized too strongly by the "hurrah-patriots" from overseas, according to Janz, when they are peripheral to Mennonite identity. The f i r s t argument Janz uses to disengage Mennonites from the Nazi ideology is that one has to "rape" history in order to endow Mennonites with truly German blood. In what must have been a cold slap in the face to his opponents, Janz asserts that there is only one relatively pure blood on the earth, and that is Jewish.148 Salvation does not come from the German nation, but from Jesus. God's kingdom reaches over a l l nations. Much of the a r t i c l e is devoted to recounting the experiences Janz had while travelling among American Mennonite communities in 1927. These people are now more English than German, yet they exhibit a strong piety and have done many good works, including r e l i e f work 67 for the Russian immigrants themselves. It is wrong for the more recent immigrants to look down upon earlier ones who have changed their language as having "degenerated".149 Janz points out that attempts to cooperate with the non-Mennonite Germans in Russia had failed, despite honest attempts to work together—why was this so, i f "Deutschtum" was the key to Mennonite identity?150 Janz also critiques the "Mennostaat" idea via a critique of the Mennonite "state" which had emerged in Russia. He argues that in the Russian "Mennostaat" the c i v i l realm often interfered with the s p i r i t u a l realm, to the latter's detriment. Mennonite self-governance only led to persecution and division.151 Also, those who had found their salvation in the Mennostaat were now finding i t in the Third Reich.152 Janz's a f f i l i a t i o n with the Brethren, a dissenting minority in the Russian colonies which emphasized personal religious experience and conversion, is evident here. Another aspect of Janz's distinctive Brethren identity present in the a r t i c l e is an emphasis on faith of the "heart" as an indicator of true s p i r i t u a l i t y , and as being something which is discernible without knowing the same language or having the same blood.153 In this case Brethren pietism contributed to a universalist rather than a nationalist point of view. In his discussion of nonresistance Janz is most forthright, as i t was the threat to that tenet of the faith which had f i n a l l y compelled him to respond: Again and again came articles from over there (Germany), trying to mix our Volk...into the p o l i t i c a l batter, where nonresistance no longer has a place. For that reason I could no longer be silent...Our inner being has been attacked.154 Janz concedes that he is not attacking Germany i t s e l f , just those who were "overeager" to convert Mennonites to the "new Gospel" emerging out of i t . In fact, Janz lauds Hitler as having been sent from God to save the world from 68 Bolshevism, and warmly remembers the help Germany extended to Russian Mennonites. This was the essential dilemma in which Russian Mennonites found themselves—what kind of a person would turn against the nation which had done much for him, and which had presented i t s e l f as bulwark against the forces which had destroyed his idyll? The problem of personal integrity again comes to the fore in Janz's discussion of the German language. On the one hand he makes i t clear that no language is holy, and distinguishes quite strongly between the form or expression of faith, and i t s content.155 On the other hand, his love of the German language and culture, as his own point of reference, is evident: he writes of the importance of "German manners and morals" in the schools, and of the Low German dialect for "trust and unity" amidst the unsettling mix of nationalities in North America. The mother who doesn't teach her child German starves i t s s p i r i t and contributes to the ruination of the family. Those who bow to the inevitable and give up the German language are traitors to their home, church, and their precious German Bibles, i f they do so needlessly. In the end, Janz argues for a cultural Germanism separate from the p o l i t i c s of Berlin: Like a farmer I need markers to plow a straight course. Thus I point myself in the direction of my mother, the home, the German school, the German sermon, my German Bible...(etc.) but not towards the German Reich with i t s p o l i t i c a l centre Berlin.156 In the context of this distinction Janz posits a "conscious" and an "unconscious" Germanism: the conscious form is p o l i t i c a l , while the unconscious variety includes a l l the other forms of Germanism, which he supports.157 Whereas earlier in the a r t i c l e Janz had emphasized the faith of the fathers as being l i n g u i s t i c a l l y translatable, and that Mennonites should change their language instead of losing their youth,158 now he encourages a l l 69 efforts to maintain the German language and culture.159 Although he asserts at various points that salvation i s not dependent on a specific cultural medium, at others he denigrates both the Slavic and English cultures, the two options he had been faced with in his lifetime.160 In general, the a r t i c l e exhibits most of the elements which made the Mennonite encounter with Nazi Germany an ambivalent one. On the one hand, i t contains a vision of the Mennonites as a people of faith which had largely remained obedient to God in the face of the conflicting demands of nation-states. On the other hand, there are indications that the German way was f e l t to be in fact superior, functioning as a bulwark against such degenerate influences as communism, and English and Slavic culture, and acting as a medium of discourse which had a special meaning and function for Mennonites. At the beginning Janz essentially equalizes a l l cultural forms of religious l i f e , but in the course of the a r t i c l e some ground i s granted to the Germanists. But he remains quite firm in his distinction between p o l i t i c a l and cultural Germanism, and in his insistence that his primary loyalties are with God and the traditional Mennonite doctrines of nonresistance and the separation of church and state. At least two correspondents hailed the series as a "milestone" in the history of the Russian Mennonites. One stated that Janz's lines had an "enduring effect" upon him, "and certainly also many others." He thanked Janz for sharpening his conscience and cla r i f y i n g the issues, noting that: A battle has raged among us in the last few years over certain essential goods. On the one side i s the national, Volkish idea, more spe c i f i c a l l y the German National Socialism (what do...wandering Mennonites have to do with that?), and on the other side is the congregational principle—the idea of the kingdom of God. The Volkish orientation has it s justification...regrettable, however, is the threat i t poses to the kingdom of God idea.161 70 The other writer, besides supporting Janz's general contribution, praised him for not rejecting cultural aspects of the Mennonite identity—Janz's love for the German mother-tongue was evident and gratifying and to him.162 Correspondence between Janz and Rundschau editor H.H. Neufeld reveals that they were on good terms, and that they stood together against "opponents" to the a r t i c l e series. D.H. Epp, editor of Per Bote, had refused to print i t , for reasons dire c t l y related to Janz's anti-Volkish and -Germanist comments (discussed below in Chapter Three). Janz's comments to Neufeld are indicative of the depth of pro-German feeling present among Mennonites: You have shown real courage this time (in printing the series), as i t is seldom done. But for that reason we should hold fast to each other. As to whether our opponents w i l l grab us by the collar? However, you know i t is to me extremely important for the health of our Volk...I'm glad we're standing on the same side of the barricades.16 3 Neufeld allowed Janz to preview responses to the series by Walter Quiring, and never did print them, raising a cry from Quiring of censorship.164 Neufeld told Janz to write what he believed he should, even i f i t was hard for some to take: "The boil must be lanced for the health of our Volk."165 This exchange helps to c l a r i f y Neufeld's position somewhat. There were limits to his support of militant Germanism, especially given the leadership of his co-religionist Janz. Another prominent Brethren who espoused a qualified Germanism was Abraham Kroeker. Kroeker f e l t that although Hitler had been sent by God to repel the threat of Bolshevism in Germany, Mennonites did not need to say "yes and amen" to a l l of the events taking place there. Nonresistance, especially, couldn't be compromised. In general, though, he f e l t quite strongly that the German culture was higher than the English, that Mennonites were German, and 71 that they should stay that way. "However, we are not Reichs-Germans and not Nazis."166 A.A. Toews, a Brethren congregational leader from Alberta, combined the same elements of warmth for the German cultural and linguistic identity with staunch rejection of i t s p o l i t i c a l aspects, in this case the Hitler Youth.167 In early 1936 a contributor maintained that Mennonites, who had exhibited an "exceptional allegiance" to the Russian Czar, should now turn their patriotic loyalties to Canada, and not get a l l worked up over English opposition to the German dictatorship.168 A letter written in 1933 had given the other side of the picture: this individual wanted to make Canada his home, but had a hard time with Canadian "defamation" of the new Germany, which he f e l t had broken the back of communism in central Europe. The high cultural and moral values which Mennonites had inherited from Germany were important, but i t was now necessary to become f u l l citizens of Canada.169 Given the fact that the majority of Mennonites became Canadian citizens in relatively short order,170 this would seem to be a representative point of view. In fact, as Chapter One has made clear, the Russian Mennonite emigrants of the 1920's were generally more eager to assume a place in Canadian society than those who l e f t Russia in the 1870's, and this must be seen as one of the primary reasons for the strong Germanist reaction by some Russlaender.171 The fear of assimilation and acculturation, of "Verenglischung", was a prevalent feature of Canadian Mennonite l i f e throughout the period covered by this thesis,172 and was very evident in the Rundschau. In 1933 a Mennonite wrote b i t t e r l y of the effects of Canadianization and the "melting pot" on Mennonites: together with the loss of a closed community, these forces were responsible for a growing Mennonite crime-rate and the imminent demise of 72 Mennonite organization and discipline. A "worldly" (English) literature flooded the land while theaters, dance halls and bars seemed to spring up out of the earth like mushrooms. Mennonites no longer had effective ways of controlling their proximity to such things, and this was leading to a general moral and sp i r i t u a l decline.173 A mother complained that although she had spoken in German to her children from the cradle onward, they s t i l l ended up speaking English among themselves. Not only that, but the older ones were being tempted away to English Bible schools. How would youth be able to join the Mennonite church i f they lost the German?174 Others picked up the theme of the "wild" and "unhealthy" aspects of the "modern" English evangelicalism, like nighttime meetings and a generally superficial approach.175 A Winnipeg Brethren leader warned of modernism and the teaching of the theory of evolution in English schools, which had turned four "German youth" (most l i k e l y Mennonites) at the University of Manitoba against the faith of their fathers to atheism. The neglect of "our magnificent mother-tongue" was a further danger for Mennonite youth, who consequently found English "fun spots" more attractive than German Mennonite church services.176 This was but an opening volley in what was to become a long battle against the encroachment of the English language. Another concerned individual pointed out that in addition to the fact that the loss of the German language would be a great loss for Mennonites, German books published in the U.S. had an "English s p i r i t " , and were to be avoided.177 By 1936 both the German-English Academy at Rosthern, Saskatchewan, and the Mennonite Collegiate Institute at Gretna, Manitoba, were reporting problems with student knowledge of, or willingness to learn, German.178 It is safe to say that within ten years of their a r r i v a l in Canada, the threat of 73 anglicization had become very real for the Russlaender.179 At the 1939 British Columbia Provincial Immigrant Assembly, the "assimilation process" was a topic of discussion; a speaker stated that i t had proceeded to the point where parents were beginning to speak with their children in English, as resolve to keep the language waned. This was very regrettable, since so much of the Mennonite uniqueness was bound up with the German language.180 British Columbia seems to have been a particularly d i f f i c u l t place to maintain the German language, due to a strong sense of English nationalism among the host population.181 Less than a month before the outbreak of the Second World War, a rather strident Germanist from Winnipeg, who had been involved in youth work, asserted to Rundschau readers that a decision would have to be made—either Mennonites give up their "Deutschtum" and assimilate into Canadian society, or return home to the great German motherland.182 After the outbreak of war, i t became easier for individuals like Gerhard Lohrenz, future principal of the Brethren High School in Winnipeg (1947-52), to argue that the solution to the problem of retention of the youth consisted in the a b i l i t y of Mennonite churches to offer English church services to them.183 During the 1930's this solution was s t i l l generally unthinkable for Mennonites, even i f they suspected that anglicization was inevitable. The result of B.B. Janz's a r t i c l e series, for example, was to cause people to think in terms of bilingualism, not the total adoption of English.184 At this point in time, the German language and culture was one of the remaining common attributes of Mennonites from the lost Russian commonwealth. Laments for this lost unity, coupled with fears of the imminent demise of the Mennonites as a distinct "people", were uttered throughout the t h i r t i e s . 74 J.J. Hildebrand wrote: Scattered must we perish,/as happens to us in a l l the world/ when in brother-love our unity/does not hold us together.../Systematically they take/our mother-tongue away/which our Creator gave to us/to harmonize what we say. 185 A Mennonite who had settled in Holland reflected sadly on the loss of a world: "0, this feeling of being cut o f f — e x t e r n a l l y but not internally—with such uncertainty as to whether we'll not eventually d r i f t away or become foreign to each other..."186 Others echoed this basic desire for reunification.187 Some turned an envious eye to the emerging sense of community in the new Paraguayan Mennonite colony,188 while others praised Hitler for bringing unity to the German Volk.189 A particularly concerned individual asserted that through "hundreds" of private conversations he had sensed the longing for Mennonite reunification. He noted that a l l Mennonites had watched Hitler's success with expectation and joy. Hitler had taught Germans to be true to themselves, and strengthened their self-assurance and feeling of common identity. Germans everywhere were holding fast to the motherland like never before—perhaps when Germany regained some of her lost colonies, Mennonites should start an "independent colony under German protection?"190 In this case important aspects of the complex relationship between Mennonites and the new Germany are very clearly expressed: Germany provided a positive example of Volk-renewal and -unification, i t gave a sense of rootedness and pride, and was seen as a nurturing/protective parent. In general, there is a feeling of both common identity and of separateness from "Reichs-Germans": Germanism had both a wider, externalized dimension, and a narrower, inner-directed, meaning for Mennonites. J.J. Hildebrand and the above individual, B. Warkentin, advanced a f u l l -75 blown proposal for a new "Mennostaat" in 1933, making the retention of the German language and culture a prime component of the projected autonomous Mennonite state.191 Hildebrand continued to try to generate excitement over this idea during 1933 and 1934,192 unt i l his writings were suppressed in June 1934 at the request of a group of Manitoba Mennonite preachers, on account of the fact that he was on record attacking the Canadian government, that he was "distorting" Mennonite history (in other a r t i c l e s ) , and because of his repeated harping on the Mennostaat idea.193 Hildebrand's plan evinced a fair amount of support in some quarters,194 while others liked the idea but f e l t i t to be impracticable.195 At least one other individual put forth an all-encompassing vision for a Mennonite society, this one not necessarily geographically separate, but economically and culturally independent. Here, too, the German language and culture figured as "a completely indispensable factor in our *Mennonitentum'."196 The general response to such schemes, however, was negative. One person argued that such ideas were the beginning of nationalistic thought and went against basic Mennonite principles.197 Another said that Mennonites* calling was to be sojourners in the world, not nation-builders,198 while others accused Hildebrand of having leadership ambitions and an inflamed sense of personal mission.199 One person dismissed his ideas as so much "blather" and "twaddle",200 while s t i l l others f e l t that Mennonites were called to confront the "world" in some way, rather than flee from it.201 B.B. Janz also rejected the idea, as stated earlier. Although there was a general rejection of some of these more fanciful ideas, most individuals would not have taken issue with the basic notion of Germanism being an important ingredient in Mennonite identity. Even 76 individuals like the highly regarded Brethren Bible teacher A.H. Unruh, who did not seem to have much to say on the topic during the 1930's, had kind words for the German heritage twenty years later, when i t was being completely lost.202 C.F. Klassen, another highly-regarded Brethren figure, applauded the National Socialist "housecleaning" in 1933,203 and in 1939 went on record in the Rundschau as being proud of Winkler Bible School graduates, who "weren't ashamed of either the Gospel or their Deutschtum."204 David Toews, a General Conference Mennonite leader equal in stature with B.B. Janz, f e l t the instruction of German and religion to be "enduring goods",205 and also gave his qualified support to the National Socialist transformation of Germany, after a v i s i t there in 1936.206 Jacob H. Janzen was a leading General Conference figure who strongly supported cultural Germanism, writing extensively and passionately on the topic.207 F.C. Thiessen, a prominent Winnipeg Brethren preacher, teacher and chorister, clearly f e l t that German language and culture contributed to high moral and sp i r i t u a l character, and was an important agent in the retention of youth within the Mennonite tradition.208 There were others who f e l t that Germanism bore a positive relationship to Mennonite religion,209 and that loss of the German language led to loss of character.210 The relationship between Mennonite faith and Germanism was double-edged, however, as should already be clear. The more militant variety of Germanism threatened basic Mennonite principles such as nonresistance. Yet i t was widely perceived that with the loss of the traditional language and culture of the Russian Mennonites, the Mennonite "uniqueness", which included such principles, would also be lost. The former aspect posed a real "problem" by 1935,211 while the latter was an underlying current of most statements 77 concerning the close relationship between Mennonite faith and the German language and culture made throughout the period covered by this study.212 By 1939 the Rundschau s t i l l featured most of the currents of opinion and debate presented earlier in the decade. If B.B. Janz was s t i l l writing anti-Nazi broadsides,213 i t was because others continued to argue that National Socialism deserved Mennonite support,214 and that Nazi principles were harmonizable with Mennonitism.215 Mennonite individuals continued to try to counteract the " l i e s " circulating about Nazi actions and the German church struggle,216 and speeches given by Hitler were again printed on a back page of the Rundschau.217 It was argued publicly as late as July 1939 that Germanism was the essence'of the Mennonite "uniqueness", which i f lost would spell the end of Mennonites' historic identity, including doctrinal and ethical aspects.218 However, articles encouraging nonresistance and loyalty to Canada also appeared.219 The English Royal Family, touring Canada during May and June of 1939, was warmly welcomed and reported on in English, as were Mennonite pledges of loyalty to the Crown.220 When war broke out in September, English and Canadian declarations of war were printed in English,221 and the editor, in one of his f i r s t substantial editorial comments on citizenship, stated that a l l of the Rundschau workers were Canadian citizens, that i t was a privilege to be li v i n g in freedom in Canada, and that Mennonites should be true to their heritage as the "quiet in the land".222 After the outbreak of war the Germanist debate departed from the pages of the Rundschau. In conclusion, the Mennonitische Rundschau displayed a remarkable degree of openness to foreign ideas and a broad spectrum of positions on the Germanism question during the 1930's. The communal consciousness of the 78 Mennonites, as well as the important function of the newspaper as a "Bindemittel" or medium of binding Mennonites together, i s illustrated in the energetic and widespread participation in debates on issues of common import, like the Germanism question. It must be remembered, however, that the majority of Russlaender immigrants were simply struggling along with everyone else in trying to provide for themselves in the midst of economic depression and poor crop conditions. Reports of the great things happening in Nazi Germany may have stimulated wistful thoughts in many, but relatively few individuals actively promoted the Nazi cause, and they made much noise. One gets the sense of a receptive majority looking on in interest and affirmation, but eventually rejecting the more militant expressions of Germanism and Nazism. Commenting in 1939 on the continued insistence by one individual that a person could be both a Nazi and a Mennonite, a Kanadier Mennonite wrote that this combination was "impossible and unthinkable" for Kanadier as well as Russlaender Mennonites, "with very few exceptions".223 However, the communal, cultural, and religious associations of Germanism with Mennonitism would continue to be made into the 1950»s. 79 NOTES, CHAPTER TWO 1. E.K. Francis, In Search of Utopia (Altona, MB: D.W. Friesen & Sons Ltd., 1955), p. 269; Abram Berg, Dietrich Heinrich Epp 1875-1955 (Saskatoon: Heese House of Printing, 1973), p. 39; Henry Paetkau, "A Struggle for Survival: The Russian Mennonite Immigrants in Ontario, 1924-39," (M.A. thesis, University of Waterloo, 1977), p. 157; John A. Toews, A History of  the Mennonite Brethren Church (Fresno, CA: Board of Christian Literature, 1975), p. 283. 2. John A. Toews, A History of the Mennonite Brethren Church, pp. 290-91. Frank H. Epp, "An Analysis of Germanism and National Socialism in the Immigrant Newspaper of a Canadian Minority Group, the Mennonites, in the 1930's," (Ph.D. Dissertation, University of Minnesota, 1965), pp. 310-11. 3. During the late 1920's and 1930's, Der Bote is reported to have had a circulation of around 1500 to 1600, while the Rundschau had a circulation of about 4000 to 5000. These figures are from Berg, Dietrich Heinrich Epp, p. 52; Jonathan F. Wagner, Brothers Beyond the Sea: National Socialism in  Canada (Waterloo: Wilfred Laurier Press, 1981), p. 104; CA. Dawson, Group  Settlement: Ethnic Communities in Western Canada (Toronto: The Macmillan Co., 1936; reprinted 1974, Kraus Reprint Co.), p. 167. A survey of periodicals read by the exclusively Russlaender Mennonites of Coaldale, Alberta, in 1935 revealed that the Rundschau was almost exactly twice as prevalent as Der  Bote. Frank H. Epp, Mennonite Exodus (Altona, MB: D.W. Friesen & Sons Ltd., 1966), p. 316. Some homes subscribed to both periodicals. Interview with John B. Toews, Mennonite Historian, Regent College, Vancouver, British Columbia, January 31, 1990. 4. For a discussion of editor D.H. Epp's persistent efforts to keep the paper f u l l y under his control see Berg, D.H. Epp, p. 35ff. See also the discussion below of Epp's editorship of Der Bote, Chapter Three. 5. If the contributors were not identifiable as recent immigrants by name, they usually indicated as much through the content of their a r t i c l e s . If "Kanadier" joined the discussion, they would often indicate that fact as well. As mentioned in Chapter One, E.K. Frances found the "ideological dividing line'' on the Germanism question to follow "rather closely the natural division between the Kanadier and Russlaender groups." Francis, In  Search of Utopia, p. 234. 6. Epp, Mennonite Exodus, p. 233ff. 7. e.g. Mennonitische Rundschau, 16 April 1930, p. 9. Henceforth in this chapter the t i t l e of the newspaper w i l l not be cited when i t is the obvious reference. 8. e.g. 14 May 1930, p. 8; 21 May 1930, pp. 8-9. 9. e.g. 26 March 1930, p. 11; 18 February 1931, p. 12. 80 10. 1 January 1930, p. 6. 11. Articles with t i t l e s like "In the Land of Tears" were common. 4 March 1931, p. 11. For more see John B. Toews, Lost Fatherland: The Story of  the Mennonite Emigration From Soviet Russia, 1921-27 (Kitchener: Herald Press, 1967). Also helpful is Harry Loewen, "Canadian Mennonite Literature: Longing for a Lost Homeland", in Walter E. Riedel, ed., The Old World and the  New: Literary Perspectives of German-Speaking Canadians (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1984). 12. J.P. Klassen, "Dem deutschen Volk," 26 March 1930, pp. 2-3. Similar sorts of poems appeared in Ibid., p. 6; Abram Jac. Loewen, "Unser Dank," 25 June 1930, pp. 8-9; P.P. Isaak, "Dem deutschen Volk!," 23 July 1930, p. 5. 13. 15 January 1930, p. 13. Other examples include 1 January 1930, p. 6; 22 January 1930, p. 12; 18 November 1931, p. 4. 14. 1 October 1930, p. 6. 15. This included both the German Consulate in Winnipeg and the German government. 22 January 1930, p. 12; 12 February 1930, p. 6; 5 October 1932, p. 11. 16. B.H. Unruh., "Unsere Pakethilfe nach Russland," 5 October 1932, p. 11 17. H.H. Neufeld, "Euer Editor," 10 June 1931, p. 4. 18. Examples for the 1930-32 period include: 5 March 1930, pp. 1-3; Peter Dirks, "Unser Volk," 16 April 1930, pp. 1-2; P.P. Isaak, "Dem deutschen Volk!," 23 July 1930, p. 5; B.D., "Ein Mennonitisches Problem," 19 October 1932, pp. 1-2. 19. P.P. Kornelsen, "Volk ohne Heimat," 19 February 1930, p. 8; "Mennoniten," 16 April 1930, p. 4; 6 May 1931, pp. 6-7. 20. P.P. Isaak, "Dem deutschen Volk!," 23 July 1930, p. 5. 21. P.P. Kornelsen, "Volk ohne Heimat," 19 February 1930, p. 1. 22. Examples for the 1930-32 period include: "Chilenischer General ermahnt zum Festhalten am Deutschtum," 30 July 1930, p. 5; "Bleib Deutsch," 1 October 1930, p. 4; D.A.J., "Das vierte Gebot," 6 July 1932, p. 4. 23. E. Sengler, "Die voelkische Bewegung," 8 July 1931, pp. 2-3. 24. 29 June 1932, p. 8; 17 December 1930, p. 15. 25. e.g. 16 April 1930, p. 14; 30 April 1930, p. 14; 25 June 1930, p. 14; 28 January 1931, p. 14; 7 September 1932, p. 12; 21 September 1932, p. 16; 19 November 1932, p. 11. There were many more. 81 26. 17 December 1930, p. 12. 27. 1 July 1931, p. 8. 28. 8 June 1932, pp. 4-5. 29. A tew examples include: 29 July 1931, p. 11; 4 May 1932, p. 12; 8 June 1932, p. 14. 30. 24 February 1932, p. 12; 9 March 1932, p. 12. 31. 16 March 1932, p. 14. 32. "Wie steht's in Deutschland?", 26 February 1930, p. 3; 16 July 1930, p. 5; 7 January 1931, p. 6; 22 July 1931, p. 12; J.P. Klassen, "Die groesste Schande des 20. Jahrhunderts," 20 January 1932, pp. 1-2. 33. Heinrich Schroeder, "Judenangst", 10 August 1932, pp. 4-5. 34. 25 November 1931, p. 12. 35. 22 January 1930, p. 7. 36. 12 February 1930, p. 7. 37. Wagner, Brothers Beyond the Sea, p. 94ff. 38. "Deutscher Tag", 16 July 1930, p. 11. The soteriological power of the German essence was also cited in another a r t i c l e in the same issue, p. 5. 39. William L. Shirer, The Rise and F a l l of the Third Reich (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1959), p. 26. 40. Dr. Theo Haeuser, "Ein Apostel der Wahrheit," 4 February 1931, pp. 11-13. Another Stuermer a r t i c l e was reprinted two weeks later, covering Christmas f e s t i v i t i e s of the Hitler youth in Nuremberg. 18 February 1931, p. 5. 41. "Die Mennoniten und der Kriegsdienst," 11 March 1931, p. 12. 42. "Preussenl" 13 May 1931, p. 10. 43. Discussions of these issues were present in 27 May 1931; 3 June 1931. 44. 26 November 1930, p. 12. 45. G.G. Wiens, "Ein neues Deutschtum?", 30 September 1931, p. 4. 46. 16 March 1932, p. 4. 47. "Zum 'neuen Deutschland'", 30 March 1932, p. 11. 82 48. G.G. Wiens, "Christus Oder Wotan?", 6 April 1932, p. 4. 49. "Das neue Deutschland", 18 May 1932, p. 3. 50. 19 October 1932, p. 4. 51. J.P. Klassen, "Die groesste Schande des 20. Jahrhunderts," 20 January 1932, pp. 1-2; 16 March 1932, p. 2; T.G., "Das neue Deutschland", 18 May 1932, p. 3. 52. "Deutschland und unsere Brueder in Russland," 14 January 1931, p. 8. 53. Heinrich Schroeder, "Die Juden", 3 August 1932, pp. 3-4. 54. C. M., 27 July 1932, p. 5. 55. Hans Schmidt, "Dds neue Deutschland11, 26 October 1932, pp. 2-3. 56. 19 October 1932, p. 5. 57. "Hitler", 4 February 1931, p. 11. 58. Houston Stewart Chamberlain, "Volksmensch Adolf Hitler", 28 September 1932, p. 12. 59. For a discussion of Canadian communism during the 1920's and 1930's see Donald Avery, 'Dangerous Foreigners': European Immigrant Workers and  Labour Radicalism in Canada 1896-1932 (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1979), Chapter 4. During the 1920's, the North End in Winnipeg had provided a base for CPC a c t i v i t i e s , and the systematic suppression of the movement by government authorities during 1929-34 was indicative of i t s feared influence. In 1934 a Mennonite dourly reported that a communist had won a seat on the North End City Council, and urged Mennonites to get organized so this wouldn't happen again. J.K., "Am Morgen nach dem Wahlen," 12 December 1934, p. 8. In 1936 another warning was made about growing communist influence, and support was urged for mayoral candidate R.H. Webb, a staunch an t i -communist. "Deutsche treten fuer R.H. Webb ein," 18 November 1936, p. 7. 60. The dire economic situation was at the root of the problem, as _ immigrants were linked to unemployment and labour agitation. General Anglo-Saxon nativism, exemplified most vi v i d l y by the growth of the Ku Klux Klan on the prairies in the later 1920's, was also present. Howard Palmer, Patterns  of Prejudice: A History of Nativism in Alberta (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1982), pp. 100-110, 126ff; Gerald Friesen, The Canadian Prairies: A  History (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1987), p. 247, 404-05; Avery, 'Dangerous Foreigners', pp. 111-15; Joanna Buhr, "Pursuit of a Vision: Persistence and Accomodation Among Coaldale Mennonites from the mid-Nineteen Twenties to World War II," (M.A. thesis, University of Calgary, 1986), p. 82. 61. Beginning 1 June 1932, p. 10, by Herman Anders. 62. A. Kroeker, "Das Buch", 21 September 1932, p. 3. 83 63. e.g. A. Kroeker, 28 September 1932, pp. 2-3. 64. "Bleib Deutsch", 1 October 1930, p. 4. 65. C.F. Klassen, "Der Weg der praktischen Hilfe", 18 February 1931, p. 2. 66. J. John Friesen, "Streiflichter auf die deutsche Sprache," 30 April 1930, p. 2. Other examples for this period include: "Die deutsche Sprache in Amerika," 26 November 1930, p. 4; "An das deutsche Elternhaus," 24 February 1932, pp. 3-4; A.J. Fast, "Einige Bemerkungen ueber Wert und Bedeutung der deutschen Sprache," 8 June 1932, p. 4; 67. J. John Friesen, 18 June 1930, p. 1. 68. "Ein Aufruf an Lehrer", 18 June 1930, p. 5. 69. "Religion und deutsche Sprache in unseren Schulen," 29 June 1932, pp. 4-5. Other examples include: "Bericht des Schulkomitees", 9 September 1931, p. 3; 23 September 1931, p. 3. 70. 17 September 1930, p. 4. 71. Dr. Uoelitz, "Muttersprache", 29 April 1931, pp. 8 9. 72. "Einc Ehrcnuchuid", MeiinuniLische Rundsclictu. 1U June 1936, p. 6. 73. As one individual stated, the issues of nonresistance, mother-tongue, and Germanism were "extraordinarily important questions...questions of l i f e and death (for Mennonites)." W.K.W., "Unsere Volkshochschule", Der  Bote 14 November 1934, p. 3. The general intensity and range of discussion, as should become clear, indicate that many shared this feeling of urgency. 74. e.g. "Die Systematische Vernichtung der Russland-deutschen durch die Sowjetmachthaber," 1 February 1.933, pp. 2-3; J.H. Wiens, "Warum? meinem lieben Bruder, der im Sowjetland umkam," 18 April 1934, p. 9; 2 September 1936, p. 15. 75. e.g. "Greuelmeldungen und ihre Entlarvung," 12 April 1933, p. 3; H. Seelheim, "Wie Hetzpropaganda gemacht wird," 19 April 1933; A.J. Fast, "Noch einmal, gegen die geistlose Judenhetze," 3 May 1933, pp. 3-4; 17 May 1933, p. 11. 76. The f i r s t Hitler text printed in the Rundschau occurred earlier and was entitled, appropriately enough, "Kampf gegen den Bolschewismus". 13 June 1933, p. 4. An a r t i c l e by Goebbels on Hitler appeared earlier yet, in March 1933. Joseph Goebbels, "Jeder, der ihn wirklich kennt," 22 March 1933, p. 12. 77. 13 September 1933, p. 12. 84 78. Heinrich Schroeder, "Der Bolschevismus bedroht Deutschland!", 15 February 1933, p. 11; Hans Weber, 12 July 1933, p. 5; J.W. Simoleit, "Wie es im neuen Deutschland aussieht," 10 January 1934, pp. 2-3; "Das neue Deutschland," 24 January 1934, p. 3; C. Martens, "Nicht enttaeuscht", 3 October 1934, p. 3; Frau K. Esau, 13 March 1935, p. 6; Frau Neufeld, 9 December 1936, pp. 2-3. 79. e.g. 15 March 1933, p. 13; "Wie Deutschland vor Buergerkrieg bewahrt wurde," 1 November 1933, pp. 3-4. 80. C. Martens, "Meine Beobachtungen und Eindruecke in Deutschland," 30 September 1933, pp. 6-7. 81. e.g. 4 January 1933, pp. 6-7. 82. 8 February 1933, pp. 1-2; 12 July 1933, pp. 11, 14; 14 November 1934, p. 8. 83. Wagner documents the relationship between Rundschau editor H.H. Neufeld and the Nazi Foreign Press Office in Wagner, Brothers Beyond the Sea, p. 104. A few examples of the many pro-German news pieces include: 25 January 1933, pp. 12-13; 26 April 1933, p. 16; 17 September 1933, p. 13; 11 July 1934, p. 12; 6 February 1935, p. 5; 25 March 1936, p. 10; 23 February 1939, p. 15. 84. H. Seelheim, "Festreden des deutschen Konsuls auf dem deutschen Tag in Winnipeg," 12 July 1933, pp. 11, 14. 85. G.G. Wiens, 2 August 1933, p. 6. 86. The suppression of some writings by Walter Quiring, and a l l of J.J. Hildebrand's after June, 1934, w i l l be discussed below. 87. Heinrich Schroeder, "Entwurf fuer die Begruendung einer Erbhofsiedlung," 12 September 1934, p. 3. Other examples of Schroeder's many contributions include: "Hakenkreuz und Kreuz C h r i s t i , " 15 February 1933, p. 11; 5 September 1934, p. 5; 3 June 1936, pp. 2-4. 88. For more on the Volkish "Germanic Utopias" see George L. Mosse, The  C r i s i s of German Ideology (New York: Grosset & Dunlap, 1964), chapter 6. The sense of community and ideological mission and purity were some of the parallels between these two very different movements. 89. Ein Beobachter, "Zu dem Schroederischen Projekt einer Erbhofsied-lung," 3 October 1934, p. 3; Isaak Warkentin, "Etliche Bemerkungen," 17 October 1934, pp. 5-6; J.A. Wiebe, "Was s o l i das bedeuten?", 12 August 1936, pp. 1-2; 90.. Frau M. Klassen, 17 October 1934, p. 6; 31 October 1934, p. 12. 85 91. B. Schellenberg, "Zur Judenfrage", 25 October 1933, pp. 2-3; Walter Quiring, "Zur Judenfrage," 5 June 1935, pp. 4-5; C. Martens, "Die Ungerechtigkeit wird ueberhand nehmen," 23 October 1935, p. 10. 92. Examples in addition to the three given in note 91 above are: C. Martens, "Meine Beobachtungen," 20 September 1933, pp. 6-7; A. Kroeker, "Bolschewismus und Judentum," 4 October 1933, pp. 3-4; J.J. Janzen, "Russland auf dem Wege zum National-Sozialismus?", 18 October 1933, p. 13; P. Heinrichs, "Frei-mauertum und Abruestung," 6 December 1933, p. 4. Dr. Dinter, "Deutsche Volks-kirche," 1 May 1935, p. 8. There were also some defenses of Jews printed, but most were rather apologetic, and framed largely in terras of b i b l i c a l understandinqs: "Etvas ?.\w Judenfrage," 5 .July 1933, p. 7; "Die Stellunq des Christen zur Judenfrage," 12 July 1933, pp. 2-3; 26 July 1933, p. 2. 93. B. Schellenberg, "Zur Judenfrage", 25 October 1933, pp. 2-3; A. Kroeker, "Zum Judenproblem", 14 March 1934, pp. 2-3. 94. "Daemonismus—eine Weltgefahr!", 19 September 1934, p. 4. 95. Wagner, Brothers Beyond the Sea, p. 104. Lita Rose Betcherman, The  Swastika and the Maple Leaf: Fascist Movements in Canada in the Thirties (Toronto: Fitzhenry & Whiteside, 1975), p. 74. 96. B.B. Janz, "Vorlaeufige Antwort zur 'Judenfrage'", 5 June 1935, p. 5. 97. B. Warkentin, "Der National-Sozialismus in mennonitischer Beleuchtung," 1 May 1935, p. 8. 98. J. John Friesen, "Randglossen Deutschtum," 26 August 1936, pp. 1-2. 99. John B. Toews, Czars, Soviets and Mennonites (Newton, KS: Faith and Life Press, 1982), p. 74. 100. Dieter Goetz Lichdi, Mennoniten im Dritten Reich: Dokumentation  und Deutung (Heilbronn: Gustav Hoelbe GmbH & Co., 1977), pp. 61, 69, 140-41. 101. B.H. Unruh, "Grundsaetzliche Fragen," 16 October 1935, pp. 2-3. Unruh was even caught by a discerning Der Bote reader changing the b i b l i c a l text to suit his interpretation. "Bitte um Aufklaerung," Der Bote, 6 November 1935, p. 3. 102. B.H. Unruh, "Grundsaetzliche Fragen," 29 April 1936, p. 9. 103. B.H. Unruh, "Grundsaetzliche Fragen," 16 September 1936, pp. 1-2. 104. B.H. Unruh, "Grundsaetzliche Fragen," 14 August 1935, p. 4; Ibid, 21 August 1935, p. 4. 105. B.H. Unruh, "Grundsaetzliche Fragen," 21 August 1935, p. 4. 86 106. Gerhard Ratzlaff, "An Historical-Political Study of the Mennonites in Paraguay" (M.A. thesis, California State University, Fresno, 1974), p. 151. 107. N.J. Neufeld, "Unsere Rueckreise von Europa nach Amerika," 18 November 1936, p. 13. 108. B.H. Unruh, "Grundsaetzliche Fragen", 25 March 1936, pp. 2-3; Ibid., 16 September 1936, pp. 1-2. 109. 15 January 1936, p. 1; Herb Brandt confirms the respect and standing which Unruh commanded. Interview with Herb Brandt, Mennonite Brethren pastor and Conference leader, Kelowna, B.C., 3 June and 19 December, 1989. 110. A.G.C., "Ftiedxich Friesen," 24 June 1936, p. 3. 111. Prof. Heyck, "Geschichtsstudium: Die alten deutschen Staemme," 11 November 1936, p. 12. 112. G.W.C., "Die Teilnahme der Friesen and den Kreuzzuegen," 9 September 1936, p. 12. 113. e.g. 11 July 1934, p. 12; "Was w i l l Deutschland," 1 May 1935, pp. 12-13; 114. "Hitler als Mensch," 2 May 1934, pp. 5-6; "Begegnung mit Hitler," 29 April 1936, p. 10. 115. 25 July 1934, p. 12. 116. B.B. Janz remarks on the i n a b i l i t y of Mennonites in the Molotschna to work together with the Germans of the neighboring German volost of Prischib, in Russia, and that there was almost no intermarriage between the two communities. B.B. Janz, "Woher und Wohin," 10 April 1935, pp. 2-3. See also H.A. Peters, "Das mennonitische Volkstum: Eine Skizze seiner Entstehung und des Verfalles," Der Bote, 8 December 1964, pp. 10-11. 117. 22 March 1933, p. 4. 118. 15 August 1934, pp. 2-6. 119. 8 August 1934, p. 3. 120. "Der Tag der nationalen Arbeit," 8 May 1935, p. 7. 121. e.g. 14 November 1934, p. 8; 13 March 1935, p. 6. 122. e.g. 3 January 1934, p. 11; 24 January 1934, p. 12. 123. 6 December 1933, p. 16. 87 124. 10 January 1934, p. 5. 125. Betcherman, The Swastika and the Maple Leaf, p. 73. 126. Ti t l e s included "Deutschland Erwacht" and "Tag der nationalen Arbeit". 19 September 1934, pp. 7, 15. 127. e.g. 24 June 1936, p. 13. 128. 4 December 1935, p. 6; 8 January 1936, p. 11. 129. 26 February 1936, p. 12; 18 March 1936, p. 10. 130. J. Kroeker, "Kulturbestrebungen", 15 May 1935, p. 3. 131. An example of Schroeder's work is "Zur Abstammung der Russland-Friesen," 22 July 1936, p. 5; For Unruh, see his a r t i c l e series beginning May 29, 1935, entitled "Vorfragen"; See also his book, Die niederlaendisch- niederdeutscnen Hintergruende der mennonitischen Ostwanderungen. (Karlsruhe, 1955). 132. Walter Quiring, "Hollaenderei als Lebensretter?" Der Bote, 31 July 1935, pp. 2-3. 133. H. Kornelsen, "Es war doch anders," 8 April 1936, pp. 4-7; "Zum Artikel *Es war doch anders'," 29 April 1936, p. 13. 134. H.H. Enns, "Die gegenwaertige Weltlage," 8 March 1933, p. 3. 135. Abraham Neufeld, 11 October 1933, p. 5; J.G. Thiessen, "Weltfriede?", 24 January 1934, pp. 2-3. 136. Isaak Ediger, "Die Aufgabe der Boten des Evangeliums in den Noeten der Gegenwart," 6 June 1934, p. 4. 137. Cornelius Krahn, "Des deutschen Volkes Eigenkraft, sich seinen Heiland selber schafft," 19 April 1933, p. 13. 138. "Sind wir dem Namen oder dem Herzen nach Buerger Canadas geworden?" 6 December 1933, pp. 2-3. 139. H Toews, 31 January 1934, p. 3. 140. J.J. Hildebrand, "Notwendige Warnung," 4 April 1934, p. 5. 141. For an excellent account of Janz's l i f e see John B. Toews, With  Courage to Spare: The Life of B.B. Janz. (Winnipeg: The Christian Press, 1978). 142. B.B. Janz, "Die Herkunft der Mennoniten Russlands," 26 December 1934, pp. 1-2. 88 143. For Schroeder's comments, see 5 December 1934, p. 6. 144. B.B. Janz, "Kommt Menno Simonis unter die National-sozialisten?", 26 December 1934, pp. 2-3. 145. John Horsch, "Menno Simonis ueber die Gottheit C h r i s t i , " 9 January 1935, p. 4. 146. Isaak Toews, 23 January 1935, p. 6. 147. "Wehrlosigkeit," 30 January 1935, pp. 2-3; P.P. Epp, "Wehrlosigkeit noch einmal," 27 l-'ebruary 1935, pp. 3-4. 148. B.B. Janz, "Woher und Wohin: Streiflichter auf die mennonitischen Vergangenheit, Gegenwart und Zukunft," 3 April 1935, p. 2. 149. B.B. Janz, "Woher und Wohin", 3 April 1935, p. 2; Ibid., 17 April 1935, p. 17. 150. B.B. Janz, "Woher und Wohin", 10 April 1935, p. 3. 151. B.B. Janz, "Woher und Wohin", 10 April 1935, p. 3. 152. B.B. Janz, "Woher und Wohin", 24 April 1935, p. 3. 153. B.B. Janz, "Woher und Wohin", 17 April 1935, p. 17; Ibid., 24 April 1935, p. 3; Ibid., 1 May 1935, p. 2. 154. B.B. Janz, "Woher und Wohin", 15 May 1935, p. 3. 155. B.B. Janz, "Woher und Wohin", 1 May 1935, p. 2; Ibid., 8 May 1935, p. 3. 156. B.B. Janz, "Woher und Wohin", 8 May 1935, p. 3; Also Ibid., 1 May 1935, p. 2. 157. B.B. Janz, "Woher und Wohin", 15 May 1935, p. 3. 158. B.B. Janz, "Woher und Wohin", 24 April 1935, pp. 2-3. 159. B.B. Janz, "Woher und Wohin", 8 May 1935, p. 3. 160. B.B. Janz, "Woher und Wohin", 8 May 1935, p. 3; Ibid., 22 May 1935, p. 3. 161. "Eine Ehrenschuld," 10 June 1936, p. 6. 162. "Leiden des deutschen Schulmeisters," 12 June 1935, pp. 2-3. 163. Letter to D.H. Epp of April 7, 1935. B.B. Janz collection, CMBS Winnipeg, Box 7 Folder 97. 89 164. Walter Quiring, "Hollaenderei als Lebensretter?", Der Bote f 31 July 1935, pp. 2-3. 165. Letter of May 7, 1935. B.B. Janz Collection, CMBS Winnipeg, Box 6 Folder 95. 166. Abraham Kroeker, "Wie stehen wir zu der deutschen u. englischen Sprache?", 22 May 1935, p. 5; "Unser Vaeter Glaube oder National-Sozialismus," 13 May 1936, p. 6. 167. A.A. Toews, "Was koennen wir tun fuer die religioese resp. christliche Erziehung unserer Kinder, unserer Jugend?", 14 November 1934, p. 5. 168. "Die neue Heimat," 11 March 1936, pp. 6-7. 169. H. Thiessen, "Unser Kampf," 8 November 1933, p. 5. 170. See Epp, Mennonite Exodus, p. 319ff. Practically a l l Russlaender became citizens within five years of their a r r i v a l in Canada. 171. Frank H. Epp, Mennonites in Canada, 1920-1940 (Toronto: Macmillan of Canada, 1982), p. 242ff. See Introduction; Chapter One note 4; and Chapter Three for more on this. J.B. Toews, a prominent Brethren pastor, leader, and educator who lived through most of the events dealt with in this paper, feels that i t was the rapid transition from German to English which was at the root of the often strong Germanist sentiments in Canada. "There was a great difference" between language transition periods of the earlier and later immigrants. Interview with J.B. Toews, Brethren educator and leader, Winnipeg, Manitoba, 10 June 1989. 172. Interview with Herb Brandt; Interview with J.B. Toews. 173. B. Warkentin, "Mennoniten und Verbrechen," 22 February 1933, pp. 2-3. 174. "Zu, De goadi o l i Tied," 4 July 1934, pp. 3-4. 175. "Ungesundes in der modernen Evangelisationspraxis," 1 May 1935, p. 4. 176. F.C. Thiessen, "Offener Brief," 12 September 1934, p. 5. 177. 1 March 1933, p. 3. 178. 22 July 1936, p. 3; 18 November 1936, p. 7. 179. Examples of consciousness of this c r i s i s appearing in the Rundschau include: 30 May 1934, p. 7; J.J. Hildebrand, 29 March 1933, p. 4; H. Janzen, "Deutscher Abend in Neu-Hamburg, Ontario," 25 March 1936, p. 9. 90 180. Johann D. Jantzen, "Die deutsche Sprache, ihre Erhaltung und Pflege," 19 July 1939, p. 3. 181. J.W. Neufeld, "Schulen und Schulgesetze in B.C.," 9 May 1934, p. 5. In 1939 the B.C. contingent to the Canadian Brethren Conference reported a strong "English-nationalistic current" in the schools, and no way of counteracting i t , since teachers of non-English nationality weren't allowed to teach. 1939 Mennonite Brethren Northern Dis t r i c t Conference Yearbook (Hillsboro, KS: MB Publishing House) pp. 34-35. 182. J.P. Classen, "Wehrlos," 9 August 1939, pp. 4-5. 183. G. Lohrenz, "Die Wichtigkeit der Sonntag-Schularbeit," 8 November 1939, p. 4. 184. In response to the series, a schoolteacher concluded: "Alright then, learn two languages—that should and must remain our solution." "Leiden des deutschen Schulmeisters," 25 June 1935, pp. 2-3. 185. J.J. Hildebrand, 19 April 1933, p. 12. 186. Jak. Thiessen, "Sind wir Mennoniten einander entfremdet?", 17 July 1935, pp. 4-5. 187. J.B.W., 26 April 1933, p. 4; J.C., 10 May 1933, p. 1; "Nachtrag zum Plautdietsch," 25 July 1934, pp. 4-5. 188. "Deutscher Geist in Chaco," 29 April 1936, p. 7. 189. J.P. Klassen, "Tag der nationalen Arbeit," 8 May 1935, p. 7. 190. B.W., "Analyse zum mennonitischen Problem," 4 April 1934, p. 2. 191. B. Warkentin and J.J. Hildebrand, "Mennostaat", 29 March 1933, pp. 4-6; J.J. Hildebrand, 28 February 1934, pp. 4-5. 192. J.J. Hildebrand, "Unser Problem," 21 June 1933, pp. 2-3; Ibid., "Vereinigung des Mennonitentums," 30 May 1934, pp. 4-5. 193. "Die mennonitische Predigerversammlung," 20 June 1934, pp. 4-5. 194. J.B.W., 26 April 1933, p. 4; 23 May 1934, p. 6. This person thought others supported Hildebrand as well; 30 May 1934, p. 7; L.M., "Zu, De goadi o l i Tied," 4 July 1934, pp. 3-4. 195. R.C. Sauer, 3 May 1933, p. 11; Jac. Thiessen, "Ueber die Einheit der Mennoniten," 10 October 1934, p. 3. 196. J.P. Dyck, 30 October 1935, pp. 5-7. 197. G. Lohrenz, 22 February 1933, p. 3. 91 198. 10 May 1933, pp. 3-5. 199. 10 May 1933, p. 11; C F . Klassen, "Eine Bitte," 2 May 1934, p. 7. 200. 30 May 1934, p. 4. 201. Jac. Thiessen, "Wir Mennoniten," 26 April 1933, pp. 1-2; 10 May 1933, pp. 12-13; J.W. Neufeld, "Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der Mennoniten," 6 June 1934, p. 3. 202. See Chapter Five. 203. C F . Klassen, "Gegen die geistlose Judenhetze," Der Bote, 19 April 1933, p. 2. 204. C F . Klassen, "Das war gut," 5 April 1939, p. 7. 205. David Toews, "Unsere Probleme fuer 1935," 16 January 1935, p. 5. 206. David Toews, "Einige Reiseeindruecke," 30 September 1936, pp. 5-6. 207. e.g. J.H. Janzen, 23 August 1933; Ibid., "Deutsches," 23 February 1939, p. 7. 208. F.C Thiessen, "Offener Brief," 12 September 1934, pp. 5-6; "Deutsches Konzert," 12 April 1936, pp. 6-7. 209. e.g. 1 March 1933, p. 3; G.G.K., 4 December 1935, pp. 10-11. 210. CH. Friesen, "Haltet fest an der Muttersprache!", 1 August 1934, p. 2; "Auf dem Wege der P f l i c h t , " 6 November 1935, pp. 6-7; H. Janzen, "Deutscher Abend," 25 March 1936, p. 9. 211. J.J. Klassen, 28 August 1935, p. 4. 212. An example of an explicit connection made between the retention of Mennonite distinctives li k e nonresistance, and Germanism, is a speech given by D.J. Duerksen at the B.C. Provincial Immigrant Assembly in 1935. D.J. Duerksen, "Protokoll," 9 January 1935, p. 9; Ibid., 16 January 1935, p. 9. 213. B.B. Janz, "Bin ich National-sozialist? Bewahre!", 11 January 1939, p.4. 214. J.P. Classen, "Gedanken ueber Gemeindebau," 24 May 1939, p. 9. 215. J.P. Dyck, "Was ich bin," 1 March 1939, p. 12. 216. C. Martens, 28 June 1939, p. 12; J.J. Kroeker, "Nackte Wirklichkeit," 26 April 1939, p. 3. 217. 10 May 1939, pp. 12-13; 17 May 1939, pp. 12-13; 24 May 1939, pp. 10-13. 92 218. Johann D. Jantzen, "Die deutsche Sprache, ihre Erhaltung und Pflege," 19 July 1939, p. 3. Speech given at the B.C. Provincial Immigrant Assembly. 219. "Stecke dein Schwert in die Scheide," 15 February 1939, p. 4; CH. Friesen, "Die Wehrlosigkeitsprinzip," 12 July 1939, p. 2; J.J. Koop, "Zu dem Artikel 'Wehrlos'," 30 August 1939, pp. 9-10. 220. These items f i l l e d the Rundschau from 17 May 1939 through 14 June 1939. 221. 222. 223. 6 September 1939, p. 7. "Eine Aufforderung," 20 September 1939, p. 1. P.P.H. "Es interessiert mich," 15 March 1939, p. 7. 93 CHAPTER THREE Some Comparisons: Germanism in Der Bote and in Other Settings during the 1930's In this chapter a brief look at the other major immigrant newspaper, Der  Bote, w i l l be followed by an analysis of the response of Mennonites in other countries to National Socialism. The German Catholics residing in St. Peter's Colony in Saskatchewan w i l l also be examined as a further point of comparison. Der Immiqranten-Bote began publication in 1924, i t s name being shortened to Der Bote in 1925. This was primarily a Russian Mennonite immigrant newspaper, sponsored i n i t i a l l y by the Central Mennonite Immigrant Committee in Rosthern, Saskatchewan, where a number of Russlaender had settled.1 The editor, D.H. Epp, was a former "Zentralschule" (Russian Mennonite secondary school) teacher and a General Conference Mennonite. The paper, while aimed at a l l the Russian immigrants, appealed more to General Conference Mennonites, eventually becoming the o f f i c i a l GC organ in 1947.2 The intention of the paper was to serve specific immigrant interests and bind the scattered remnants of the Russian colonies closer together.3 Frank H. Epp undertook a quantitative analysis of Germanism content in Der Bote for the 1930's, and found that over five percent of a l l published space was devoted to Germanism, with 83% favourable and 17% unfavourable. He cl a s s i f i e d Germanist contributions in terms of p o l i t i c a l , cultural and ethnic subject matter, finding that 54% of Germanist writings dealt with p o l i t i c a l subjects, 29% was culturally oriented, and 17% dealt with ethnicity.4 Of the p o l i t i c a l Germanism, Epp found that 71% was favourable in some way toward German p o l i t i c a l events, while the balance was unfavourable.5 The cultural 94 content vas almost completely pro-German, vhile the ethnic segments vere 92% pro, and 8% con. The majority of space devoted to cultural Germanism vas concerned vith preservation of the language, a "missionary zeal" often being evident.6 The importance of the German language for Mennonite religious identity is indicated by the fact that 38% of a l l references to the language used the phrase "German and religion".7 In a vord, the German-language question vas seen by many as a basic existential dilemma for Mennonites.8 Of the 29% unfavourable p o l i t i c a l content, 26% vas contained in tvo a r t i c l e series, according to Epp. That the opposition vas so narrovly-based seems questionable, and in either case vas at least partly due to D.H. Epp's editorial policy (discussed below). Frank Epp notes that c r i t i c s of p o l i t i c a l Germanism seemed to feel "uneasy" about what they were doing, often making concessions of one type or another to their opponents. On the other hand there were, like in the Rundschau, defenses of nonresistance, and injunctions for Mennonites to stay out of p o l i t i c s and be loyal Canadian citizens.9 Epp counted reprints from 15 German-language periodicals in Der Bote, and contributions from 21 non-Mennonite, ethnic Germans, including Adolf Hitler and Joseph Goebbels. Many of the press releases for German-oriented events in Canada came from the German League, while Bernard Bott, chairman of the German-Canadian Central Committee and editor of Deutsche Zeitunq fuer Kanada. contributed much on cultural Germanism. The German Consul Seelheim also contributed articles.10 Interestingly, 26% of a l l Mennonite contributions espousing Germanism came from two individuals l i v i n g in Germany, B.H. Unruh and Walter Quiring.11 Although my study of the Rundschau was not quantitative, the combination of 95 Unruh and Heinrich Schroeder assumed a similar proportion of pro-Germanist content in that periodical. Schroeder also printed a number of art i c l e s in Der Bote, i f not as many as in the Rundschau.12 Epp concludes that The immigrant newspaper was a f a i r l y representative reflection of the Mennonite immigrant mind, which in the 1930's was very strong on nurturing and preserving cultural Germanism as essential to the Mennonite way of l i f e , strong...in i t s identification with (ethnic) Germanism, and though ambivalent on the question by and large also sympathetic to the p o l i t i c a l Germanism of the Third Reich.13 While Epp's analysis is informative and his conclusion seems generally correct, his quantitative method yields partial understanding at best, and skews the picture at worst.14 A brief interpretive look at the Germanist discussions taking place during 1934-35 w i l l help to put Epp's results into better perspective. A central feature distinguishing Der Bote from the Rundschau during the 1930's is that Walter Quiring tended to dominate i t s pages, openly challenging Mennonite principles like nonresistance,15 espousing Volkish and National Socialist ideals,16 and viciously attacking anyone who disagreed with him.17 Quiring argued that Mennonites were not a separate Volk, rather they were a segment of the German Volk with a particular religious perspective. Mennonites, he f e l t , were missing the chance of their lives by not actively taking part in the great rebirth of the German nation; they were surely going to lose their "Deutschtum", their religion, and their identity as Mennonites because of this neglect.18 Of Russian Mennonite origin, Quiring had migrated to Germany, receiving his doctorate in Munich in 1927. Besides teaching German history and geography, he wrote books on Mennonite settlements in South America and worked with the DAI (German Foreign I n s i t i t u t e — a n organization which came under Nazi control and which distributed primarily cultural propaganda to 96 Germans in foreign countries). He eventually served as a soldier in the German army, becoming highly decorated and ri s i n g to the rank of Lieutenant in the Nazi Propaganda Corps.19 Epp counts 45 separate entries by Quiring in Der Bote during the 1930's, which works out to about one ar t i c l e for every ten issues published throughout the decade.20 While at least one other individual besides Heinrich Schroeder challenged nonresistance,21 there was a significant negative response to Quiring and his ideas, in contradiction to the impression given by Epp's analysis. For one thing, at least two individuals protested, during the heated debates of 1934-35, that Quiring's views were not the least b i t representative for North American Mennonites.22 Two others implored Canadian Mennonite leaders to join the debate: important issues were being discussed primarily by "outsiders".23 Another contributor stated that "I and many others would appreciate i t i f Dr. Quiring would keep his ideas to himself."24 One person took issue with Quiring's Germanism, arguing that i t was "worldly" and thus different than true Mennonitism,25 and B.B. Janz openly challenged Quiring's "fanatical, one-sided and scornful attitude."26 Privately, Quiring made contact with Janz and acknowledged Janz's leading position among Mennonites. He argued that Mennonites, now scattered a l l over the world, were safer from unhealthy influences i f they rooted themselves in their German "Volkstum". Janz replied that Mennonites needed to be rooted in the Gospel.27 Jacob H. Janzen, prominent GC leader and Germanist himself, f i r s t gently upbraided Quiring for his National Socialist views,28 but eventually became frustrated and answered Schroeder and Quiring's diatribes with one of his own. He made a strong distinction between cultural and p o l i t i c a l Germanism, asserting that Mennonites were cultural Germans only. As well, "We a l l 97 firmly believe that Hitler is the right man for Germany, but we are becoming troubled by the way people are divinizing him." Further, Nazism was a violent movement which appealed to mass instincts; and behind Quiring's writings stood the "Nazi-fist" challenging the reader to disagree with him.29 Other contributors made the same distinction between p o l i t i c a l and cultural Germanism, and between wishing Germany well and bowing down to the altar of National Socialism.30 Finally, i t should be noted that other prominent Mennonites like the historian Cornelius Krahn and eastern Old Mennonite leader John Horsch joined the many voices rejecting militant Germanism and the renunciation of nonresistance.31 Most of the individuals writing in favour of nonresistance in 1934-35 did i t in the context of the fierce Germanism debates then taking place, which were instigated primarily by Quiring, and thus were responding negatively to the militant Germanism advanced by Quiring, whether i t was mentioned or not. This is not to say that defenses of the principle had no . relevance to the Canadian context, i.e. to young Mennonite men joining the Canadian army in the event of war. Nor should the depth of pro-Germanist feeling be underestimated. It must be asserted, however, that there was a significant negative reaction to some of the more militant views coming out of Nazi Germany. Der Bote editor D.H. Epp was partly responsible for the ambivalent tenor of the paper on these questions. He printed two of B.B. Janz's early rebuttals of the militant Germanists,32 but balked at running the "Wherefrom and Whereto" series. He was uncomfortable with the early sections, which were c r i t i c a l of the Third Reich, militant Germanism, and attempts to make Mennonites into r a c i a l Germans. His main argument was that such utterances 98 would impair the chances of German financial aid for the Paraguayan colonies, in the same way that the Mennonite renunciation of German roots in the F i r s t World War period had hindered B.H. Unruh's attempts to canvas support among Germans for the refugees who had gathered in Moscow in 1929. Epp also expressed unease at the prospect of the series appearing in the Rundschau.33 When Janz angrily demanded the a r t i c l e back, Epp gave further indication of the source of his hesitancy: "If I defend Germanism, i t ' s because I am utterly convinced that we are Germans, not Dutch, and I myself am a German." He himself supported the principle of nonresistance, but had allowed i t to be debated along with Germanism in Der Bote to see where the congregations stood. "You would be amazed, i f you were to read a l l the private letters I receive on these two themes. You don't get off easy." The "Wherefrom and Whereto" series, then running in the Rundschau, had also brought a number of letters: "Up to now I haven't received one positive response."34 While this may have been the immediate case, in general the evidence suggests that Epp's personal inclinations and the f r i c t i o n with Janz may have clouded his view of the larger Canadian Mennonite picture. Janz was not the only Brethren denied a reply to Quiring and Schroeder. In a lengthy a r t i c l e appearing in the Rundschau in April of 1936, a Brethren from Coaldale, Alberta complained b i t t e r l y that Der Bote "had made i t clear from the beginning" that i t wouldn't publish replies to certain articles by Quiring and Schroeder, and thus he had been forced to reply in the Rundschau to articles printed in Der Bote. Amidst various critiques and historical corrections, the writer blasted "those gentlemen from afar" for recommending Mennonites give up their principles and Dutch heritage: "No, gentlemen, our foundation is Christ and only Christ—and not Deutschtum, not Myths (let's 99 say paganism)."35 D.H. Epp's personal story, which i s also the story of many others, helps to put his ambivalence into perspective. He had learned to love German literature as a student in Russia, and had participated in the cultural and intellectual "Aufschwung" (upswing) which took place in the Mennonite colonies after 1895, as a we11-respected teacher in the Chortitza Zentralschule. He taught, among other things, German and Russian, and experienced the excesses wrought in the name of "freedom, equality and brotherliness" by the "uneducated" Russian peasantry during the Bolshevik Revolution.36 Although he found i t very hard to leave the remnants of the Russian Mennonite i d y l l , he simply could no longer accept the Russian nation and people. Once in Rosthern, Epp started the newspaper not only as a way to make a living, but also to bind Mennonites together and retain the German language "at a l l costs", since "so many of the cultural goods brought along from Russia were intimately linked" to it.37 His faith was the "holiest" of goods he brought with him, and thus was also linked to his German past.38 Epp was active in the Central Mennonite Immigrant Committee's "Cultural Section", and remained widely respected and loved as the teacher of many of the leading Russian Mennonite men.39 Epp's love for German culture, his positive experience in the Russian colonies and his affection for his people combined to shape his attitude of intolerance toward those who challenged Germanism. Epp's strong position on the Germanism question was born out of a strong sense of loss, which was shared by other Mennonite intellectuals. Students of Russian-Mennonite literature have shown that the experience of loss and homelessness connected with the Bolshevik Revolution was the impetus for the 100 emergence of the genre after the F i r s t World War, and gave i t i t s character and unity. Some of the writers expressed pro-German views of one sort or another (e.g. Arnold Dyck, Jacob H. Janzen, F r i t z Senn), and this has been seen as part of the longing for a homeland.40 Some writers even travelled to Germany, either before or after the Second World War, but none found their homeland there, further confirming the notion that German nationalism was never really an "option" for Canadian Mennonites.41 In a study of the American Mennonite encounter with National Socialism, John Thiesen concluded that there is " l i t t l e evidence" that American Mennonites were attracted to the movement in any substantial way.42 There was, however, debate on the issue in both General Conference periodicals, the Christlicher Bundesbote and The Mennonite. The Bundesbote, which served Russian Mennonite immigrants from the 1870's migration, expressed pro-Nazi leanings until 1937 when the editor became c r i t i c a l of Nazi treatment of Jews and the Confessing Church. At about this time the English-language The Mennonite turned from a c r i t i c a l to an approving stance toward the Nazi regime, due to a new editor who was the "foremost Nazi sympathizer among Kansas Mennonites."43 The Christian fundamentalist Gerald Winrod, known as an anti-semite and Nazi sympathizer through his virulent publication The  Defender, was widely supported by mid-western Russian Mennonites (1870's migration). In general, American-born Mennonites were c r i t i c a l of Nazism, while foreign-born individuals were more positive, especially i f they had some connection to the Russian settlement and i t s tribulations in the F i r s t World War period and after. The Mennonites who migrated to Paraguay in 1929-31 expressed the strongest pro-Nazism and -Germanism of a l l Russian Mennonite emigrants. The 101 majority of these individuals, who settled primarily in the Fernheim and Friesland colonies, embraced National Socialism in one way or another before 1939.44 A total of 188 of Fernheim's approximately 2000 inhabitants45 signed petitions for German citizenship and patriation; given the fact that most of these individuals were heads of the typically large Mennonite households, i t seems clear that a significant proportion of the colonists, perhaps a majority, seriously considered migration to Germany.46 Hitler's picture was posted in the colony's main h a l l , and the high-school came under the influence of ardent Nazi sympathizers. A number of "the most able personalities of the colony" were behind the Volkish movement, as the s p i r i t of National Socialism inspired the colony economically, socially, and culturally.47 The movement appears to have been limited to Mennonites from Russia, and did not significantly penetrate the Menno colony, which was begun by conservative Mennonites fleeing Canadianization of the schools in the early 1920's. The Volkish movement in Fernheim was part and parcel of the fl i g h t from communism, the German nation's "rescue" and resettlement aid, and thus the grounding of the colony i t s e l f . Hard pioneer conditions and the longing for national and cultural security in the empty Paraguayan Chaco contributed to the identification with Nazi Germany.48 The great success of the Nazi movement in Germany, i t s appeal to Mennonites' Christian and communal se n s i b i l i t i e s , and the p o l i t i c a l naivete of the unsuspecting Mennonites further added to the wholesale acceptance of National Socialist ideals.49 The young people, especially, seem to have been captured by the idealism of the movement, embodied in the person of F r i t z Kliewer, a highly capable high-school teacher and leader of the colony's Volkish movement.50 102 Kliewer, who was a member of the Mennonite Brethren Church unt i l 1947, clea r l y f e l t that Mennonite "confessional barriers" hindered fellow-feeling for other "Volks-Germans".51 Evidence indicates that opposition to the Volkish movement in Fernheim came primarily from the Brethren, and that Kliewer's a c t i v i t i e s brought about sharp divisions among the Fernheim Brethren.52 Opposition to the movement began to emerge around 1935, and was centred on the desire to retain the principle of nonresistance.53 It remained small until 1939; thereafter, although the war sparked great expectation and excitement, the opposition grew, and by 1944 there were open divisions in the colony, with the leaders of the Volkish movement being eventually forced out of the colony, in a rather ugly incident.54 The foregoing is a striking example of the potential extent of Russian Mennonite immigrant involvement in the Nazi movement, given the right conditions. That they emigrated from Russia under conditions of extreme duress, and were aided by Germany in the migration and resettlement, were crucial elements in their fervor for Nazi Germany. Individuals from this migration who were allowed into Canada evidenced the same degree of support for Hitler and the "new Germany".55 The total isolation and extremely d i f f i c u l t conditions in the early years coincided with Germany's meteoric recovery under Hitler, and were also key factors in the wholesale appropriation of the Volkish ideology by the settlers. F r i t z Kliewer himself emphasized the hardships and impending disintegration of the colonies in a 1937 article;56 the Nazi-Volkish movement, as i t did to a lesser degree in Canada, became a glue which helped to bind Mennonites together and inspire them toward achieving their goals of survival and the perpuation of their way of l i f e as an ethno-religious Volk. When this movement threatened the 103 doctrinal integrity of the group, i.e. the principle of nonresistance, there was a negative reaction which eventuated the rejection of the imported ideology. Thus the Paraguayan experience paralleled the Canadian one in most respects, i f in a much more extreme and thoroughgoing manner. That Paraguayan Mennonites seriously considered migration to Germany does not mean that they wanted to give up their status as Mennonites. The desire to go to Germany must be seen as a direct response to the d i f f i c u l t conditions in Paraguay and the perceived a f f i n i t i e s between the "new Germany" and Mennonitism. Heinrich Schroeder's idea of a Nazi-Mennonite colony in Germany ("Friesenheil"—see Chapter Two) indicates that even the most extreme proponents of Nazism f e l t that Mennonites belonged together. In outlining the hardships facing the Paraguayan colonists, F r i t z Kliewer wrote: "At times i t seemed as though the entire colony would break up, but ever and again the strong sense of solidarity saved the colony from the danger threatened by the centrifugal forces."57 Thus even though Kliewer, who had drunk deeply at the well of National Socialism while studying in Germany, and who f e l t that Mennonites had much in common with other Volks-Germans, saw Mennonite "solidarity" as a positive good which helped to prevent the "danger" of the breakup of the colonies. In a recent study of Mennonites li v i n g in Germany during the Third Reich, James Lichti found that although there was general support for Hitler and National Socialism, loyalty to the state was not unconditional, and prominent Mennonites distanced themselves from the "German-Christian" movement, with i t s extreme racism. The German Mennonites had previously given up the principle of nonresistance, and had essentially lost the more distinctive aspects of their identity. Support for the Third Reich was tempered by an 104 insistence upon Mennonite institutional independence, on the other hand, which was a carryover from their more sectarian past. Anti-Bolshevism was a strong source of support for National Socialism, as German Mennonites identified with their Russian cousins and feared a communist takeover of Germany.58 Hitler's agrarian reforms were also well-received by the primarily land-based Mennonites: one individual remembers a special church service held to thank God for sending Hitler, in which a formation of SA (Nazi storm-troopers) paraded into the church in f u l l uniform and carrying banners, along with a detachment of Hitler Youth.59 There seems to have been significant Nazi-party membership among some Mennonites.60 Lichti concludes that the German Mennonite response to Nazism was not so much due to the abandonment of principles such as nonresistance, as to the more general process of assimilation and the appropriation of mainstream German religious and social values.61 Clearly, the abandonment of the principle of nonresistance would have been a part of this d i a l e c t i c a l process. Others have argued persuasively that acceptance by Mennonites of military service after the Franco-Prussian War "represented a basic reorientation of values" which l e f t l i t t l e basis for a c r i t i c a l stance toward National Socialism.62 In a cursory comparison of the Mennonitische Rundschau to the German-Mennonite Gemeindeblatt. Lothar Fromm found that the German periodical exhibited a more cautious and "evangelical" attitude toward Nazism than did the Rundschau. This may have been due in part to the firmly cautious position of the German periodical's editor, in contrast to Rundschau editor H.H. Neufeld, who Fromm feels to have exhibited a much looser, open policy.63 It i s significant that German Mennonites, who had largely become acculturated 105 i f not f u l l y assimilated into German society, expressed reservations about Nazism; with some Mennonites wholeheartedly joining i t s ranks, and the movement posing a threat to Mennonite institutions, i t is understandable that some unease would have been present. The Canadian Mennonites differed from their German counterparts in that they had personally suffered at the hands of the communists, and they were farther away from the actual apparatus of National Socialism, affording them a vicarious participation in the movement without any of the costs. S t i l l , the fact remains that significant opposition to militant Germanism and National Socialism did emerge in the Canadian context. The experience of German Catholics of St. Peter's Colony in Saskatchewan provides another point of reference for Canadian Mennonite Germanism. In the f i r s t decade of this century, German Catholics from the United States settled in an area east of Saskatoon which comprised 50 townships, under the guidance of Benedictine priests from Minnesota. St. Peter's>Colony was "the most sol i d l y closed German Catholic community" in Canada.64 Many of these settlers had originated in Russia, and they joined other Russian-Germans who had been migrating to the Canadian prairies from the 1880's onward.65 The German Catholics who had resided in the United States had been part of a larger midwestern German Catholic community that had developed a sense of the importance of the German identity in preserving Catholicism.66 The original purpose of the migration, besides the quest for land, had been to form a homogeneous community which would protect against loss of the traditional language and religion.67 In Russia, on the other hand, the German culture and identity had been in decline among Lutheran and Catholic colonists there.68 106 By the early 1930's, the colony counted over 11,000 inhabitants, in a community structure which differed l i t t l e from the prevailing prairie pattern of scattered homesteads.69 During this decade the colony's periodical, the St. Peter's Bote, expressed anti-Nazi sentiments. This was largely due to concern over Hitler's treatment of Catholics in Germany, and of the religious challenge represented by the "new heathenism" of the Volkish movement.70 The colony had been declared an "abbacy nullius" in 1921, receiving status as a Bishopric directly responsible to the pope. Thus any incipient German nationalism was tempered by a direct relationship with the Pope, and a long sojourn outside of Germany.71 Less than 10,000 Russian-Germans migrated to the prairies during the 1920's, and they tended to scatter and urbanize, having l i t t l e effect on the overall shape of communities like St. Peter's.72 Prior to the F i r s t World War, the colony had boasted the strongest concentration of private German schools among German Canadians. After the war, most such schools were eventually dissolved, and English-language public schools were "peacefully accepted".73 CA. Dawson concluded in the 1930's that these German Catholics were "far more tolerant", towards English culture than the Mennonites;74 the general consensus among scholars i s that they were f a i r l y individualistic, and became acculturated and assimilated to Canadian society quite rapidly.75 In a comparative study, Alan Anderson found that German Catholics were the least conservative, in terms of ethnic identity, of nine ethnic groups who had settled in Saskatchewan.76 There was a resurgence of German cultural a c t i v i t i e s in the interwar period, but these were generally weak and ineffective. While the religious leaders were i n i t i a l l y the main proponents of the German language, within one generation they had become the strongest supporters of the adoption of English.77 107 The Russian Mennonites had always displayed superior organization, efficiency and sense of common purpose than their German-speaking neighbors, evident most clearly in the fact that they led the way out of Russia in both the 1870's and 1920's.78 Their b i b l i c i s t faith, and ongoing attempts to become a "true people of God", had given rise to a cohesive, part i c u l a r i s t i c community with both ethnic and religious sanctions for perpetuating i t s way of l i f e . The sudden breakup of the highly successful and integrated Russian community, coupled with the lack of a genuinely universalistic church orientation, such as Catholics have, lai d Mennonites wide open to expanding their concept of group identity beyond language and culture to include nationalistic and racialist-Volkish aspects. It has been the essential argument of the foregoing chapters that a l l these forms of identification had more to do with the specific Russian Mennonite experience, and the perpetuation of Russian Mennonite identity, than with the aims and ideals of the Third Reich. There were clearly other factors at work, as well, including the "cognitive dissonance" created by the gap between Mennonite beliefs and the success of their persecutors, the "godless communists". The desire for a homeland to replace the one which Mennonites had just lost also contributed to pro-German feeling, since many Russlaender settling in Canada i n i t i a l l y f e l t closer to Germany, for various reasons, than they did to Canada. But there was opposition to militant Germanism, and the principle of nonresistance was the most important factor in this; as such, i t displays the central role of that tenet of the faith, and religious or ideological factors in general, in conditioning Mennonite identity. The Canadian Brethren, with their p i e t i s t i c and evangelistic emphases, 108 strong church discipline, conservative doctrinal stance, and close relation-ship with their American counterparts, constituted perhaps the most v i s i b l e bloc of opposition to militant Germanism. The leadership of B.B. Janz was the single most important factor in this. Otherwise, they were sympathetic to many of the Volkish and Nazi currents of the 1930's. A linguistic and cultural Germanism would continue to play an important role in maintaining Brethren identity in the postwar period, as the battle to preserve the socio-religious integrity of the Brethren fellowship went on. 109 NOTES, CHAPTER THREE 1. Alan Anderson estimates that13,000 of the recent immigrants settled in the Rosthern area. Alan B. Anderson, "Assimilation in the Bloc Settlements of North-Central Saskatchewan: A Comparative Study of Identity Change Among Seven Ethno-Religious Groups in a Canadian Prairie Region," (Ph.D. dissertation, University of Saskatchewan, 1972), p. 72. 2. Frank H. Epp, "An Analysis of Germanism and National Socialism in the Immigrant Newspaper of a Canadian Minority Group, the Mennonites, in the 1930's," (Ph.d. dissertation, University of Manitoba, 1965), p. 208, 310. 3. Abram Berg, Dietrich Heinrich Eppr 1875-1955. (Saskatoon: Heese House of Printing, 1973), p. 45. 4. Epp, "An Analysis of Germanism and National Socialism," pp. 60-62. 5. Ibid., p. 116. 6. Ibid., pp. 75, 103. 7. Ibid., p. 85. 8. Ibid., pp. 87-88. 9. Ibid., pp. 150-60. 10. Ibid., pp. 189-98. 11. Ibid., p. 224. 12. Schroeder was published at least 12 times in the Rundschau during the 1933-36 period alone; this was the total number of arti c l e s he published in Der Bote for a l l of the 1930's, according to Epp. Ibid., p. 220. 13. Ibid., p. 291. 14. For example, the fact that five percent of a l l column space was devoted to Germanism does not indicate the degree of interest with which these items were read. As well, the pro and contra s t a t i s t i c s measure long-windedness, but not the stature of the person writing. The quantitative method is also insensitive to how certain terms in the context of a discourse may cross neat categorical boundaries, e.g. a Mennonite writing in favour of nonresistance may be rejecting p o l i t i c a l Germanism without ever mentioning i t . My reading of the paper indicates a stronger rejection of p o l i t i c a l Germanism than Epp's study implies. 15. Walter Quiring, "Kampf oder Friedhofsruhe?", Der Bote, 21 November 1934, p. 2; "Bankrott der Wehrlosigkeit?", 5 December 1934, p. 2; "Wehrlosigkeit als Wuenschbild?", 20 February 1935, pp. 1-2. Hereafter, obvious references to Der Bote w i l l not cite the newspaper's t i t l e . 110 16. Walter Quiring, "Der deutsche Gruss," 24 October 1934; 13 June 1934, p. 1. 17. Walter Quiring, "Im fremden Schlepptau," 5 September 1934, p. 3; "Warum Schlaegst du deinen Naechsten?", 31 October 1944, pp. 2-3. 18. Walter Quiring, "Mennonitisches 'Volk'?", 23 May 1934, p. 2. 19. Meir Buchsweiler, Volksdeutsche in der Ukraine am Vorabend und Beginn des zveiten Weltkriegs—ein F a l l Doppelter Loyalitaet?, (Gerlingen: Bleicher Verlag, 1984), p. 93. 20. Epp, "An Analysis of Germanism and National Socialism," p. 220b. 21. "Wehrlosigkeit auf Kruecken," 22 August 1934, p. 2. 22. John Horsch, "1st unsere Wehrlosigkeit preiszugeben?", 6 March 1935, p. 1; "Stumme Wacht," 26 June 1935, p. 1. 23. W.K.W., "Unsere Volkshochschule," 14 November 1934, p. 3; J. Friesen, "Widerspruch als P f l i c h t , " 28 August 1935, pp. 2-3. 24. F., "Zur Volkshochschule," 9 January 1935, p. 4. 25. 4 July 1934, pp. 1-2. 26. B.B. Janz, "Warum schlaegst du Deinen Naechsten?", 19 September 1934, pp. 2-3. 27. Letters of January 28, 1935, and February 13, 1935. B.B. Janz Collection, Centre for Mennonite Brethren Studies (CMBS), Winnipeg, Box 7, Folder 97. 28. J.H. Janzen, "Ein Bekenntnis," 7 November 1934, p. 2. 29. J.H. Janzen, 30 November 1925, pp. 2-3. 30. "Zu 'Kampf Oder Friedhofsruhe'", 5 December 1934, pp. 2-3; "Dem Fragesteller in Nr. 50," 2 January 1935, pp. 3-4. I l l 31. Cornelius Krahn, "Menno Simons' Kampf fuer die Reinheit des Wortes Gottes," 20 February 1935, p. 1; Also "Noch einmal: mennonitisches Volkstum," 27 March 1935, p. 1; John Horsch, "Menno Simons ueber die Gottheit C h r i s t i , " 9 January 1935, p. 1; Also, "1st Unsere Wehrlosigkeit preiszugeben?", 6 March 1935, p. 1; Other ar t i c l e s defending nonresistance and either implicitly or e x p l i c i t l y rejecting militant Germanism include: "Um hohen Preis," 27 June 1934, pp. 2-3; "Wehrlosigkeit," 17 October 1934, p. 3; "Zu *Kampf oder Friedhofsruhe?'," 5 December 1934, pp. 2-3; Johann Rempel, "Die Wehrlosigkeit aufgeben?", 20 March 1935, p. 1; J. Epp, "Ein mennonitisches Irrtum," 3 April 1935, p. 1; P.P. Dyck, "Wehrlosigkeit", 15 May 1935, p. 1; "Unser Deutschtum," 15 May 1935, p. 1; J.J. Klassen, "Die biblische Begruendung der Wehrlosigkeit und ihre Durchfuehrung im Leben," 21 August 1935, p. 1. 32. B.B. Janz, "Die Herkunft der Mennoniten Russlands," 12 December 1934, pp. 1-2; Ibid., "Kommt Menno Simons unter die National-Sozialisten?", 26 December 1934, p. 1. 33. Letter of March 30, 1935. B.B. Janz Collection, CMBS Winnipeg, Box 7 Folder 97. 34. Letter of May 6, 1935. B.B. Janz Collection, CMBS Winnipeg, Box 7 Folder 97. 35. H. Kornelsen, "Es war doch anders," Mennonitische Rundschau, 8 April 1936, p. 5. 36. Berg, D.H. Epp. pp. 6-27. 37. Ibid., p. 39. 38. Ibid., p. 45. 39. Ibid., pp. 68-76. 40. Harry Loewen, "Canadian Mennonite Literature: Longing for a Lost Homeland," in Walter E. Riedel, ed., The Old World and the New: Literary  Perspectives of German-speaking Canadians (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1984); Victor Doerksen, "Post-War Developments In Canadian Mennonite Literature," unpublished paper on f i l e at the Centre for Mennonite Brethren Studies (CMBS), Winnipeg, Box 17, Folder F, no. 1. 41. Doerksen, "Post-War Developments," p. 10. 42. John D. Thiesen, "The American Mennonite Encounter with National Socialism," unpublished paper for History 615, Wichita State University, F a l l 1987, in my personal possession, p. 57. 43. Thiesen, "The American Mennonite Encounter," p. 19. 112 44. Gerhard Ratzlaff, "An Histor i c a l - P o l i t i c a l Study of the Mennonites in Paraguay," (M.A. thesis, California State University, Fresno, 1974), p. 156. 45. Fernheim's population reached a high of 2147 in 1937 before dipping down to 1330 thereafter, due to the migration to east Paraguay and the Friesland colony. Winfield Fretz, Pilgrims in Paraguay (Scottdale, PA: Herald Press, 1953), p. 28. 46. Ratzlaff, "An Histor i c a l - P o l i t i c a l Study," pp. 185-87. 47. Ibid., p. 172. 48. See F r i t z Kliewer, "The Mennonites of Paraguay," Mennonite  Quarterly Review IX (January 1937):92-97, for a discussion by a leading Nazi sympathizer in the colony of the threat of disintegration because of the tough conditions. 49. Ratzlaff, "An His t o r i c a l - P o l i t i c a l Study", pp. 152, 219-220. 50. Ratzlaff, "An His t o r i c a l - P o l i t i c a l Study," p. 221. 51. F r i t z Kliewer, Die Deutsche Volksgruppe in Paraguay: Eine  siedlungsgeschichtliche. volkskuendliche und volkspolitische Untersuchung (Hamburg: Hans Christian Verlag, 1941), p. 163. 52. Heinrich Schroeder, "Was geht im Chaco vor?" Der Bote. 30 October 1935, pp. 2-3; Ratzlaff, "An His t o r i c a l - P o l i t i c a l Study," pp. 179-82; John B. Toews, With Courage to Spare: The Life of B.B. Janz (1877-1964) (Winnipeg: The Christian Press, 1978), pp. 120-25; Letter from F r i t z Kliewer to the leader of the Fernheim Mennonite Brethren congregation, 1 November 1950, B.B. Janz collection, Box 7, 1950 folder, CMBS Winnipeg. 53. Toews, With Courage to Spare, p. 123; Ratzlaff, "An Historical-P o l i t i c a l Study," pp. 174-75. 54. Ratzlaff, "An Histor i c a l - P o l i t i c a l Study," pp. 179-99; Toews, With  Courage to Spare, pp. 120-21. 55. Interview with Anne Funk, social worker, Vancouver, B.C., May 6, 1990. Ms. Funk came to Canada with her family in this last, desperate migration, and recalls that her family, especially her father, was "very pro-Hitler" u n t i l the end of the Second World War. They were part of a program in which they were put into contact with a person l i v i n g in Germany, who sent them a l l manner of reading materials, including Nazi propaganda. 56. Kliewer, "The Mennonites of Paraguay," pp. 92-97. 57." Ibid., p. 94. 113 58. James I. L i c h t i , "Religious Identity vs. 'Aryan" Identity: German Mennonites and Hutterites Under the Third Reich," (M.A. thesis, San Francisco State University, 1989), pp. 107-26. 59. Interview with Erwin Cornelsen, retired pastor, Vancouver, B.C., November 14, 1989. Lic h t i cautions against sweeping generalizations about the effect of Nazi land policy on Mennonite support for the regime, pointing out that there were reasons for discontent among farmers as well. L i c h t i , "Religious Identity vs. 'Aryan' Identity," pp. 120-23. However, i t seems clear that the perception that Hitler was going to save the farmers was f a i r l y widespread among Mennonites, especially in the beginning of his tenure. 60. The largest North-German congregation reportedly had a membership rate over ten times the national average. L i c h t i , "Religious Identity vs. 'Aryan' Identity," pp. 125-26. Figures for the more rural, p i e t i s t i c a l l y -inclined southern Mennonites were undoubtedly much lower. 61. Ibid., pp. 170-72. 62. John Friesen, "The Relationship of Prussian Mennonites to German Nationalism," in Harry Loewen, ed., Mennonite Images: Historical. Cultural  and Literary Essays Dealing with Mennonite Issues (Winnipeg: Hyperion Press Limited, 1980), p. 61ff. 63. Lothar Fromm, "Nazistische Einfluesse in mennonitischen Zeitschriften," 1961, unpublished paper on f i l e at the Mennonite Historical Library, Goshen, Indiana. 64. Edmund Heier, "A Study of the German Lutheran and Catholic Immigrants in Canada, Formerly Residing in Tzarist and Soviet Russia," (M.A. thesis, University of Br i t i s h Columbia, 1955), p. 144. 65. Ibid., pp. 103-11; CA. Dawson, Group Settlement: Ethnic  Communities in Western Canada (Toronto: The Macmillan Co., 1936; reprinted 1974, Kraus Reprint Co.), pp. 275-76. 66. Robert Leckie, American and Catholic (Garden City, New York: Doubleday & Company, Inc., 1970), pp. 218-26. 67. Bede Hubbard, "St. Peter's: A German-American marriage of monastary and colony," in Benjamin G. Smillie, ed., Visions of The New Jerusalem:  Religious settlement on the Prairies (Edmonton: NeWest Press, 1983), p. 156; Dawson, Group Settlement, p. 278; Heier, "German Lutheran and Catholic Immigrants," pp. 144-45. 68. Heier, "German Lutheran and Catholic Immigrants," p. 185. 69. Dawson, Group Settlement, p. 298; 279. 114 70. Jonathan F. Wagner, Brothers Beyond the Sea: National Socialism in  Canada (Waterloo: Wilfred Laurier Press, 1981), p. 129; Watson Kirkconnell, Canada. Europe and Hitler (Toronto: Oxford University Press, 1939), pp. 133-34. 71. Dawson notes that the universality of the Catholic Church also mitigated Germanism, through German Catholic interaction with other Catholics like the French. Dawson, Group Settlement, p. 320. 72. Heier, "German Lutheran and Catholic Immigrants," p. 120-22. 73. Ibid., p. 171ff. 74. Dawson, Group Settlement, p. 291. 75. Hubbard, "St. Peter's," pp. 156-57; Heier, "German Lutheran and Catholic Immigrants," p. 185 and passim; Dawson, Group Settlement, pp. 291-323; 136. 76. Anderson, "Assimilation in the Bloc Settlements of North-Central Saskatchewan," p. 200. 77. Heier, "German Lutheran and Catholic Immigrants," pp. 164-70. 78. Ibid., pp. 100-103; 115. See also John B. Toews, Czars. Soviets  and Mennonites (Newton, KS: Faith and Life Press, 1982), p. 6. 115 CHAPTER FOUR Germanism and Brethren Congregational L i f e : The Struggle for Socio-Religious Integrity The congregation is the centre of Mennonite l i f e . l The Mennonite Brethren identity found i t s most immediate expression and relevance in the context of the local congregation, and efforts to maintain the social and religious integrity of the group, including German "Saturday" schools and Bible schools, originated there. Congregations resisted the encroachment of secular "English" influences, with the moral and s p i r i t u a l decline which was perceived to accompany them, as well as the loss of younger Brethren to the forces of the prevailing North American evangelicalism. The German language functioned as a kind of "church Latin"2 which not only maintained "boundaries" between Mennonites and the outside world, but also served to perpetuate a sense of closeness and solidarity with each other and their God, acting as a special form of expression for traditional doctrines and a symbol of the Mennonite Brethren way of l i f e . But the Brethren faced the dilemma of entertaining an evangelical theology which tended to undermine Germanism and hence the ethno-religious identity which had developed in Russia, which was already under siege by the forces of urbanization, assimilation and acculturation. Despite strenuous efforts, much soul-searching, and not a l i t t l e pain and frustration, the German identity was in irreversible decline by the 1950's, as churches gradually adopted English as the language of congregational l i f e . By 1960 Germanism had ceased to function as an instrument of socio-religious integration for the Brethren, having become a source of division and an unwanted r e l i c , at least in younger eyes, from a bygone era. 116 My purpose in this chapter is to present a brief picture of the above-mentioned constellation of factors in Mennonite Brethren German identity during the thirt y years following their a r r i v a l in Canada, with the congregation functioning as the centre of gravity in the discussion. It i s beyond the scope of this paper to treat any one element in a comprehensive fashion. Analyses of at least one sizeable congregation from each of the five western Canadian provinces provide a significant portion of the data for this chapter.3 In the period leading up to the Second World War the Brethren maintained a relatively strong German identity, amidst a growing awareness that i t was endangered, and a growing perception that i t s loss would be accompanied by alienation from traditional moral and religious principles, and the disintegration of the Mennonite "Volk" i t s e l f . While congregations continued to function in German, children began to converse among themselves in English. Most congregations instituted some sort of "German school" or "Saturday school" in which the German language was instructed, using a few basic primers, soon after they were organized. The Winnipeg North End congregation started a Saturday school in 1927, and the Coaldale, Alberta Brethren had done the same by 1930. The Vineland, Ontario congregation was supporting German instruction in conjunction with other Mennonites by the mid-1930's, and the Yarrow, B.C. congregation was supporting a school by the later 1930's. The congregation at Hepburn, Saskatchewan began to hold a three-week "summer vacation school", which instructed children in German and religion, in 1937.4 D.P. Esau, a preacher in the Hepburn church, articulated in 1938 the rationale for teaching German and religion to Mennonite young people. 117 Congregational l i f e , according to Esau, is dependent on the quality and type of training received in the schools. After outlining the important function of teachers in teaching religious principles and exhibiting a strong Christian character, Esau describes the role of the German language. It is an important "cultural good" (or possession) for the Mennonites, who are of "German stock", just as other languages are important to other peoples. As soon as the language is lost, Mennonites w i l l be robbed of intellectual, national, and s p i r i t u a l aspects of their character. Some Mennonite teachers and parents are beginning to deny the German language to the younger generation, which is a misfortune for the entire Mennonite "Gemeinschaft" (community). We German Mennonites are a religious community. An extremely important stream of religious thinking flows through the congregations via the German language. This bears f r u i t for congregational and family l i f e . With the demise of the German language the flow w i l l stop and the congregational l i f e w i l l become dry. The youngsters cannot be properly introduced to the train of thought (Gedankengaenge). And he also isn't used to the English Bible-language.5 While most statements were not quite as sophisticated as this one, i t is paradigmatic of the sentiments held by many of the advocates of Germanism, and helps to delineate the close connection between the congregations, Germanism, and the many educational efforts which were made in the 1930's and 1940's. The Canadian Conference of Mennonite Brethren churches (the Northern District Conference) recommended in 1926 that Mennonites assume d i s t r i c t school-board posts in order to further the instruction of German and religion in the time allotted by the government to such subjects.6 Clearly, the need for some input into public school education was f e l t from the beginning of their residence in Canada by the Russlaender, who had previously maintained 118 their own schools in Russia. In 1933 and 1935 the Conference went on record that i t was "deeply convinced that our congregations would be greatly served i f in a l l District Schools there were (Mennonite) teachers who themselves had a good background in religion and German."7 At the Brethren Conference School Committee meetings the instruction of German and religion was a frequent topic of discussion; at a 1931 meeting a speech was given which emphasized the role of the German language in bringing up "churchly" Mennonite youth. The speaker asked, "Was Moses ashamed to speak Hebrew to his people?", before stating: "Therefore let us seek to nurture and maintain the mother-tongue among the children, so that we don't allow the best, deepest aspects of ourselves to be taken from them!"8 There was widespread interest in expanding the instruction of German and religion in public schools. A "German School-Superintendant Committee" met annually to deal with this question,9 and various individuals supported the idea in articles in the Mennonitische Rundschau, which featured a column entitled "Joys and Sorrows of the Schoolmaster" beginning in 1935.10 In 1932 i t was reported that there had been increasing discussion in Mennonite ci r c l e s concerning the instruction of German and religion in public schools; this particular individual advocated petitioning the government on the matter, and reminded the churches to do more to encourage the use of the German language in the home.11 A Brethren indicated in 1935 that battles to teach German and religion in public schools in his area were yielding results,12 while in the same year another person cited a general growth in interest among Mennonites for instruction in German and religion.13 Despite the apparent success of Mennonite teachers in introducing German and religion as subjects of instruction in some areas,14 there were also 119 problems. As previous chapters have illustrated, there were strong pressures of assimilation and acculturation on the Russlaender, and they were generally eager to find a niche for themselves in Canadian society. Pressure was exerted through the British-based school system, as well as by various other subtle and not so subtle means. In 1928 the Brethren in Coaldale, Alberta attempted to teach German to their children in the building in which they had been holding church services, which was owned by the United Church. The larger Coaldale community reacted to this evidence of the Mennonites* unwillingness to assimilate, and forbade the use of the building for such purposes, even posting a policeman at the door one Saturday morning.15 In the mid-1930's Coaldale school o f f i c i a l s were reported to be wholly uninterested in allowing German instruction in the school, causing some Mennonites to feel that more emphasis should be placed on the Saturday school.16 Mennonites themselves did not always support efforts to promote German and religion in public schools. In a report on school matters to the 1935 Canadian Conference meeting, William Neufeld complained that some Mennonites simply did not feel bound to maintain the German language any more.17 In one school d i s t r i c t , an attempt to introduce German language instruction, by electing a Mennonite to the school board, failed because some of the local Mennonites voted for the "English" candidate instead. In the face of being charged with impairing the "Deutschtum" of the local Mennonite community, one of those who had voted for the English candidate stated that Mennonite Germanism had led to the "hatred" of Germans by the English in their d i s t r i c t , and that lines should be drawn between Christians and non-Christians, rather than between English and Germans.18 A similar scenario 120 seems to nave been present in Coaldale in 1936.19 An English candidate was elected in another d i s t r i c t with a large Mennonite population because, as one Mennonite commented, the atmosphere had become too partisan when they elected one of their own. This person was also not so worried about the language issue.20 Although there was some ambivalence in dealings with host communities on the issue of German and religion in public schools, there was widespread support for privately-sponsored Mennonite Bible schools, which emerged in numerous communities in the fifteen years after the Russlaender arrived in Canada. These schools were normally begun and supported by one or more congregations, and were the single most important institutions in maintaining the kind of congregational l i f e which Brethren had known in Russia. Here the Bible and dis t i n c t i v e l y Mennonite doctrines could be taught unhindered in the German language, thus perpetuating both the traditional faith distinctives and linguistic solidarity. While religious instruction from a Mennonite viewpoint was the leading raison d'etre for these schools, the role of the schools as perpetuators of the German language should not be overlooked.21 At least sixteen Bible schools were started by Mennonite Brethren between 1925 and 1940, with another five being added in the 1940's.22 The Bible school in Herbert, Saskatchewan had been in existence since 1913. Many of them were small, growing out of the needs of local congregations. The Bible school in Coaldale, for example, began in a member's home in 1929.23 The opening of a Bible school by the Stelnbach, Manitoba Brethren congregation was unceremoniously announced by a small notice in the Mennonitische  Rundschau.24 In the f a l l of 1933 F.C. Thiessen invited "eager German youth" to the "German Bible school in Winnipeg," which met evenings in the North End 121 Brethren church. A German language course would be added for those who did not have a good command of the language.25 Some schools were larger, such as Bethany Bible School in Hepburn, Saskatchewan, and Winkler Bible School in Winkler, Manitoba. Both were begun in the mid-1920's, and provided lodgings for students. A l i s t of goals for the Bethany school from 1937 would probably have been shared by most Bible schools: 1. To give our...youth foundational Bible instruction in the German and English languages... 2. To wrench our youth away from frivolous pursuits and the contemporary "Zeitgeist". 3. To nurture the German language as a special possession handed down from our fathers. 4. To raise believing youth for the battle of the faith...5. To take into account the needs of the congregations in the methodical training of Sunday School teachers and sundry (church) workers.26 The strong Bible school movement among the Brethren p a r t i a l l y had i t s roots in the traditional informal "Bibelstunde" (Bible Study) in Brethren homes in Russia.27 And as the above l i s t of goals suggests, the Bible school was seen as a bulwark against negative influences and a way to perpetuate the traditional faith perspective and the German language. At Brethren Canadian Conference meetings during the 1930's the Bible schools were repeatedly affirmed on these counts.28 Although the theory of evolution and other forms of "godless modernism" were aspects of the "Zeitgeist" which some Brethren f e l t should be avoided at a l l costs,29 a more insidious and increasingly troublesome challenge to the socio-religious integrity of the Brethren was the strong upsurge of evangelical fundamentalism which took place in North America in the late 1920's and the 1930's, and the "Bible school movement" which went with i t . The effects of these developments on Brethren congregational l i f e began to be significantly f e l t in the 1940's and 1950's (dealt with further below), but 122 had their roots in the 1930's. Besides drawing Mennonite Brethren young people into a non-Mennonite, English environment, and in some cases into other denominations, this movement tended ultimately to discourage Germanism, which was perceived to hinder attempts at outreach and the incorporation of new converts into the Brethren church.30 On the other hand, such Bible schools, with their strong missionary emphasis, reinforced the Brethren commitment to go forth and preach the good news of the Gospel. The Brethren Bible schools thus emerged in the context of a larger phenomenon, and were partly a defensive reaction to i t , and also part of i t ; the larger movement had both a positive and a negative role in starting Brethren schools and thus in furthering the primary goal of socio-religious integration already described. The Bethany Bible School, for example, was founded when a Brethren individual who had graduated from the American Bible Institute in Chicago arrived in Hepburn at a time when the desire to establish a local Mennonite Bible school was growing.31 Therefore the general contours of western Canadian evangelicalism merit closer scrutiny. During the late 1920's and the 1930's, new religious movements grew rapidly in western Canada, especially in Alberta, which experienced something of "religious awakening" at that time. The growth of the Social Credit Party was a part of the general strengthening of sectarian religious forces in the Alberta community. The majority of sectarian growth was evangelical and fundamentalist in nature, and was rooted in a revivalist tradition in the prairie West, shifting social and economic circumstances, a reaction to religious "modernism" in the wake of the F i r s t World War, and the i n a b i l i t y of the mainline Protestant churches to adjust to the needs of mostly lower-middle class, rural people. The fundamentalist sects shared a belief in the 123 l i t e r a l truth of the Bible, a fiery h e l l , the necessity of a dramatic conversion experience, as well as an aversion to the theory of evolution, the "higher" b i b l i c a l criticism, and the pleasure-oriented a c t i v i t i e s of the "world". There was much lay participation, informality, hearty singing and evangelical fervor at their meetings, which usually ended in a c a l l for repentance and conversion.32 The parallels between this sort of r e l i g i o s i t y and that of the Brethren are obvious, and would have contributed to the relative ease with which many Brethren identified with such groups. The emergence of a number of evangelical Bible institutes and colleges in western Canada was a part of this "awakening". Between 1930 and 1949 t h i r t y such institutions were founded, including eight of the more prominent Mennonite schools. The largest schools were "non-denominational"; Prairie Bible Institute (PBI) of Three H i l l s , Alberta, and Briercrest Bible Institute of Caronport, Saskatchewan were the trendsetters. PBI was founded in 1922, and became the model for many subsequent schools, with i t s missions emphasis, s t r i c t moral standards, and strong music program. As such i t held a strong fascination for Brethren youth, drawing many of them to i t by the 1950's.33 This evangelical movement began to encroach upon the Mennonite Brethren already in the 1930's. References were made at Canadian Conference meetings to the fact that a number of Brethren youth were attending "English" Bible schools,34 and in 1936 the Brethren in Coaldale found themselves dealing with the effects of local "English" evangelistic meetings on their young people. B.B. Janz f e l t that there were some good things about these meetings, but that things seemed strange; a) When our Brethren proclaim the Word to our youth in a strange tongue, and a strange place, b) When they try to copy the English evangelists, c) ...Sometimes you see young couples go off (alone) into the night, d) You don't notice these itinerant English 124 evangelists dealing with seeking souls...rather they come, they speak and leave, e) There is the extortion of funds; the scolding of other denominations; the careless tone and questionable posture of some of these speakers—that is objectionable.35 There were other effects of this movement. Because of the lack of leaders and teachers with formal theological training, and the lack of written material from their own theological frame of reference, Brethren Bible schools became dependent upon the literature of North American fundamentalism and evangelicalism.36 Traditional Brethren pietism and biblicism was easily combined with i t , which along with the example of such schools as PBI strengthened the traditional Brethren stress on outreach.37 The prominent fundamentalist Canadian Sunday School Mission found i t s Brethren counterpart in the Western Children's Mission, which emerged out of the Bethany Bible School. The Winkler Bible School promoted missions, including Daily Vacation Bible Schools, but was known to also be oriented towards producing teachers. Thus a tension began to emerge between a stress on evangelism, which clearly undermined Germanism, and the formation of good, German-speaking church workers and members.38 As the 1930's came to a close, the Brethren could look back on a decade in Canada in which much had been accomplished, despite drought, depression, and being strangers to Canada. Congregations had become organized, churches were buil t , and a wide array of institutions, including German Saturday schools and Bible schools, had been started. But there was a growing sense that religious integrity and social solidarity were becoming threatened, and increasing alienation from the German language was taken to be a major indication. Reports concerning the lack of interest in the German language in Mennonite schools began to be heard, along with double-edged statements that everything possible was being done to satisfy the wishes of the 125 congregations on this matter.39 For example, a reassuring report made in 1939 by a teacher at the Bethany Bible School held that "great weight" was being laid on the German language at the school, and that "intense interest" in learning the language was present among the students; i t was belied by faculty discussions which took place in early 1940. In the context of discussing disciplinary problems, two teachers pointed out that the Brethren constituency f e l t more emphasis should be placed on German instruction, and that too much was being taught in English. The principal stated that students did not learn as easily when instruction was in German, and therefore the temptation existed to revert to English. One teacher faulted the "homes" for not i n s t i l l i n g a f a c i l i t y with the language into Mennonite children, while another had perceived a "hidden aversion" to the language among the students, and that was the source of the problem.40 This "hidden aversion" was at least partly due to the fact that Canada had once again gone to war with Germany, causing increased pressures on German-speaking Mennonites and other "enemy aliens". The Bible school operated by the Vineland, Ontario Brethren congregation was forced to close in 1941 due to public pressure; besides being conducted in German, the school had offered a course in the German language itself.41 Although the Coaldale congregation had f e l t free to affirm the work of i t s Saturday school in late 1939, pressure began to be exerted on the church's schools in 1940 by Edmonton school o f f i c i a l s , causing the congregation to close the Saturday school in order to keep the Bible school open.42 In September of 1940 the Bethany Bible School quietly locked away any books i t had from Germany, and in 1942 the principal voiced fears that the school, like some in other 126 provinces, would be closed; consequently instruction in German was temporarily dropped.43 The Hepburn congregation discontinued i t s summer-vacation German school,44 while Saturday schools operated by the Yarrow, B.C. and Winnipeg North End congregations appear to have remained open during the war years.45 No o f f i c i a l attempt was made by the Canadian government during the war to stop German instruction in private schools, although i t was halted in state-controlled elementary and secondary schools.46 Wartime anti-German pressures obviously differed in degree by locale, but were clearly present in most Canadian communities. The Kitchener, Ontario Brethren congregation went so far as to debate, in early October 1939, the possi b i l i t y of switching over to the use of English during church services; the "impassioned" discussion concluded however that "The congregation does not wish to have anything other than the mother-tongue used in church services."47 In addition to the cases of harassment of Mennonite churches cited in Chapter One, three Mennonite churches in Alberta and Manitoba were set on f i r e in the early war years (two of them belonging to the Mennonite Brethren), causing the Coaldale congregation to post a watchman at the door of their new church building for a time. As B.B. Janz put i t , "Although the war was thousands of miles away, we f e l t the ungrounded mistrust towards us as new immigrants with a strange tongue."48 The events of the Second World War had a profound impact upon Canadian Mennonites. The existing trends of accomodation and assimilation to the norms of Canadian society were accelerated by the war, which revived a n t i -German and -Mennonite sentiments among the Canadian public. The principle of nonresistance was severely challenged, as at least one-third or 4500 of the eli g i b l e Mennonite men joined the armed services, while 7500 or one-half 127 chose alternative service, as arranged by Mennonite leaders and government o f f i c i a l s . The Russlaender were generally eager to prove their loyalty to Canada, i n i t i a l l y advocating noncombatant service in the army medical corps, an option rejected by the Kanadier. Thus the war marked a "turning point" for the Russlaender; the doctrinal and cultural identity of the group was . severely shaken, as a broad movement of alignment with the ideological and cultural norms of Anglo-Canadian society suddenly became unmistakeable.49 The greatest anti-German and -Nazi pressures were exerted by the Canadian public in September 1939 and mid-1940. Many thousands of German-Canadians were forced to register as "enemy aliens" under the Defense of Canada Regulations (DOCR), and 1200 German-Canadians were interned. These internments generally occurred during the early high-points of anti-Germanism, when a fearful public demanded that the RCMP take action against alleged domestic "subversives". The police themselves remained unconvinced as to the actual danger posed to Canada by the individuals they f e l t compelled to intern.50 There is no indication that any Mennonites were interned. After the scares of 1939-40 the government relaxed pressure on a l l "enemy aliens" except the Japanese,51 but suspicion towards the (partially) p a c i f i s t , German-speaking Mennonites persisted among the general public.52 There were various indications during the war years that changes were under way. While B.B. Janz spoke out strongly in support of nonresistance, even threatening excommunication for those who joined the military,53 Russlaender young men enlisted in the army in unprecedented numbers.54 Increasing use of English in the Sunday schools and Bible schools became apparent, and in 1943 i t was admitted on the floor of the Canadian Conference meeting that "We are in a (language) transition period, and have to reckon 128 with that."55 The 1944 meeting noted that "many of our young people are turning away from our Bible schools and entering English schools." The pressure on Mennonites had obviously relaxed enough to allow the Conference to recommend that congregations begin anew with their "religion schools";56 the Kitchener Brethren responded by opening a "religion school" on Saturday mornings "so that the children could better understand the Bible in the mother tongue."57 If the younger generation moved in the direction of anglicism and Canadianism, the older generation exhibited more ambivalence. On the one hand, Mennonite leaders like B.B. Janz and David Toews did their best to disengage Mennonites from any association with Nazi Germany, and declarations of loyalty to Canada were widely made.58 Also, 1941 Canadian Census records show a sharp drop in German ethnic identification at that time. In 1931, 42% of Canadian Mennonites had claimed to be of Dutch ethnic origin, and 39% German.59 In 1941, only 28% claimed Germanic origin, while Dutch identification had gone up to 58%.60 On the other hand, the support for Nazi Germany outlined in Chapters Two and Three did not evaporate overnight. Interviews indicate that there was some support for the German cause during the early war years, and E.K. Francis found divided national loyalties during wartime among the Manitoba Russlaender.61 A report made to the 1941 Canadian Conference meeting by the American editor of various Brethren periodicals stated that i t was d i f f i c u l t to walk the line between publishing material which would be allowed into Canada, yet acceptable to i t s readers: We're trying our best to be as neutral as possible in the reports on foreign events, which is not easy, considering the fact that many readers are not so neutral. We want however to do the best we can to follow the laws of the land.62 129 As the war came to an end, and the extent of the inhumanity of the Nazi regime began to be discovered, any illusions which Mennonites s t i l l had about Nazi Germany were shattered.63 Even Walter Quiring, the ardent Nazi-supporter who served in the Nazi Propaganda Corps during the war, admitted to being misled. In a letter to his former adversary, B.B. Janz, whom he now addressed as "Uncle Janz", Quiring wrote: What I want to underline is the following: to be German and to be National Socialist i s not the same thing. Anybody can be German, but doesn't thereby need to be Nazi. The German Volk let i t s e l f be deceived by Hitler. Myself included. The German Volk today sees i t s mistake. I do too. Hitler was the misfortune of the German people.64 Thus shorn of i t s p o l i t i c a l and nationalistic ramifications, Germanism would continue to play a part in Brethren socio-religious identity during the postwar period, although i t was never again as strong as i t was in the 1930's. As Mennonite Brethren became more urbanized, educated, p l u r a l i s t i c , and acculturated and assimilated to Anglo-Canadian society, the important socio-religious function of the German language would be more e x p l i c i t l y recognized and emphasized by some, and more decisively rejected by others. Attrit i o n and indifference towards maintaining the Russian Mennonite way of l i f e undoubtedly contributed to the steady movement away from Germanism. The decade and a half following the end of the Second World War was a period of mobility and change for many i f not most Canadians. The two major trends were economic expansion and, especially on the prairies, rapid urbanization. Between 1941 and 1961 the percentage of prairie residents livi n g in urban areas almost doubled, to 58%, while urbanization in Ontario and British Columbia occurred at a rate of 10 to 15%.65 The western provinces experienced a decline in Anglo-Canadian nativism, for various 130 reasons,66 and prairie communities seemed "more open and harmonious," as they (and the rest of Canada) "moved increasingly toward a homogeneous international culture."67 If the western provinces were s t i l l "far closer to a British-Canadian cultural model than any other" in the postwar period, "each province saw greater tolerance generated by new social, economic, and intellectual conditions."68 While traditional sociological stress on the postwar assimilation of ethnic minorities is largely valid, there is also evidence of the survival of certain basic features of ethnic identity in the prairie West. In particular, ethnic languages, and ethnic institutions which paralleled "Canadian" ones, retained a position of importance for many people.69 In general, i f Canadian Mennonite trends of urbanization and assimilation followed the larger pattern, there was also renewed resistance to the total loss of the Russian Mennonite ethno-religious identity. Canadian Mennonites urbanized rapidly in the postwar period, going from a predominantly rural existence to a situation where one-third of Mennonites lived in urban areas by 1961. At the same time, the other two-thirds remained in rural areas, with close to half (46%) of Canadian Mennonites li v i n g on farms, which was s t i l l five times the national average. Mennonites in B.C. were the most urban, with 50% l i v i n g in c i t i e s in 1961, while those in Alberta were the most rural, with 60% of Mennonites s t i l l engaged in farming.70 The Mennonite Brethren were the most urbanized of Canadian Mennonite groups.71 Concomitant with these trends was a significant movement into professions and business, by a l l Mennonites.72 An important addition to the Canadian Mennonite community was the ar r i v a l of 8,000 Russian Mennonite refugees in the postwar period; they settled primarily in the Lower Fraser 131 Valley in B.C., in the Winnipeg area in Manitoba, and'on the Niagara Peninsula in Ontario.73 Although this influx i s often cited as having slowed the process of acculturation in Mennonite congregations,74 i t should not obscure the fact that the 1920's Russlaender were the key players in most of the major postwar attempts at preserving the traditional social, cultural and religious identity of the Brethren. The Mennonite Brethren continued to expand numerically as a religious body in the postwar period, growing from 7200 members in 1945 to a total of 14,000 in 1960. One-third of these lived in B.C., one-quarter in Manitoba, and the rest were spread f a i r l y evenly among the other three western provinces.75 Although the majority of new members came from within the Brethren and other Mennonite groups, the fact that this growth occurred during the period of transition from German to English indicates quite clearly that the v i a b i l i t y of the Mennonite Brethren as a religious body was not dependent upon Germanism. But this growth was a part of the enormous changes which were taking place at the time, and contributed to fears for the traditional socio-religious integrity of the group. The addition of a whole new generation of English-speaking members which f e l t at home in Canadian society exacerbated the fears of the elders for their distinctive faith and way of l i f e . There is evidence that a significant "diaspora" of individuals from the typically large Mennonite families was also taking place at this time. In analyzing surveys of Alberta Mennonites conducted in 1960, Aron Sawatzky found that anywhere from 50% to 75% of individuals surveyed had in one way or another broken ties with the Mennonite church.76 The unwillingness of Mennonite churches to change from German to English usage in worship services 132 contributed to this trend, being a factor in as many as 50% of the departures from Mennonite churches.77 By 1960 most families conversed at least p a r t i a l l y in English,78 and the circulation of English-language periodicals had eclipsed that of German ones in such traditional Brethren strongholds as Coaldale, Alberta.79 When taken together, these various trends present a f a i r l y complex picture of the postwar period. In general, i t can be said that the Brethren were simultaneously experiencing numerical growth, assimilation, professionalization, urbanization, and li n g u i s t i c , cultural and religious/ethical change. The Germanist reaction of those concerned to preserve the traditional socio-religious integrity of the group resulted in the further alienation from the tradition of some. It bears repeating that much of the growing alienation from Russian Mennonite Germanism can be traced to the experience of the Second World War. The war with Germany forced a decision not only between adherence to Mennonite religious principles and the Canadian state, but also between English and German cultural identities. If over half of younger Canadian Mennonites chose to honor the religious principle of pacifism, the same cannot be said of the Germanic identity. The widespread support by Mennonites of the Nazi regime in the 1930's and early 1940's, the wartime anti-Germanism of the larger Canadian public, and the reprehensible actions of the Nazi regime which came to light towards the end of the war contributed significantly to the alienation of Canadian Mennonites from the German language and culture, and in particular the Mennonite version of i t , in the postwar period.80 Anglicization was also induced by the war in that young Mennonites, 133 whether they joined the military or worked in alternative service occupations, were drawn in unprecedented numbers into an English-speaking environment. Many attended English-language worship services for the f i r s t time, where they discovered that English could also be a religious language.81 Alli e d to the general movement out of the Germanic/Mennonite world into the Anglo-Canadian environment in the postwar years was what Frank Epp has termed a "struggle for recognition" from Canadian society at large, by Mennonites, to be accepted as equals with something to offer to it.82 Quite understandably, Brethren youth became the main focus of concern in the struggle to maintain the traditional socio-religious integrity of the Mennonite Brethren. The alarm was sounded by leading individuals in various contexts in the postwar period,83 and is exemplified in a statement by H.F. Klassen, editor of the Mennonitische Rundschau and Konferenz Jugendblatt. made in 1944: We, the f i r s t generation (Russlaender)...were too carried away with becoming economically established, and now we are faced with an acute, l i f e or death c r i s i s among our faith community. Living scattered about in non-Mennonite surroundings, with the influences of ir r e l i g i o n in the schools, radios and popular press, and l i t e r a t u r e — a l l these show the consequences a l l too clearly. Elders, preachers and Sunday school teachers are looking on in apprehension as time-honored authorities are ignored, and as many are ashamed to belong to the Mennonites; other manners, attitudes and languages are admired and copied, and our own values and traditions, our simplicity and even our faith is despised.84 The experience of the war, especially, had jolted Brethren leaders, as many of the young men who had appeared before mobilization boards "were ignorant of scriptural teaching as well as of historical distinctives to which their church was committed."85 In the aftermath of the war, as Klassen's statement indicates, changing behaviour patterns reinforced the general notion that a serious decline in the Brethren way of l i f e was in 134 progress. Many of the f i r s t generation Russlaender perceived a correlation between these changes and the loss of the German identity, s p e c i f i c a l l y the German language. One individual lamented: The letting-go of the German language is an outer sign that the individual has also let go of the true Mennonite principles. People want to accomodate themselves to the world...wearing (worldly) clothing and giving up the German language thus go together.86 Evidence of the breakdown of traditional Brethren l i f e seemed to be everywhere; young people were dressing, speaking and acting differently. Brethren leader H.H. Janzen f e l t that Mennonites were losing their reputation for honesty.87 The growing use of television in the 1950's was one more example to the older generation of a decline in standards and the acceptance of "worldly" influences, and the issue of television thus became a "burning issue" at Canadian Conference meetings in the later 1950's.88 Reports from Bible schools to the Conference indicated that the German language was being progressively eroded,89 as i t was also in the newly-grounded high schools and the Bible College (see Chapter Five). An increasing number of Mennonite youth were attending non-Mennonite Bible schools; between 1950 and 1959, 543 Mennonite youth attended Briercrest Bible Institute, while 317 went to Prairie Bible Institute. A survey of an extended Brethren family in 1960 revealed that 8 members had attended Mennonite Bible schools, and 21 had gone elsewhere, mostly to PBI and Briercrest.90 To B.B. Janz, anglicization seemed to have no positive effect on congregational l i f e , and led to the rejection of Brethren institutions. If we look into the Canadian Mennonite Brethren congregations which have changed over to English, there we do not find a stronger congregational l i f e in terms of home visitation, evangelism, church discipline, and in love of the church and the Conference...Last year at PBI there were 110 Mennonites in attendance (1949)—it is clear that...(most come from English-speaking Brethren churches, like the one in Abbotsford). This happens, even though Brother J. Redekop 135 runs a perfectly acceptable Mennonite school right on their doorstep.91 The continued growth of western Canadian evangelicalism was also increasingly seen as a threat, and warnings about the "unbiblical" nature of movements like Youth For Christ were made on the Canadian Conference floor,92 and by the leading figure in Brethren youth work, H.F. Klassen, in the pages of the Konferenz Jugendblatt.93 Klassen f e l t that this was sensationalized Christianity without any of the proper sense of repentance and rebirth. Radio programs like Charles Fuller's "Old-Fashioned Revival Hour" were widely received by the Mennonite Brethren, and represent another source of influence in the direction of mainline North American evangelicalism.94 There was obviously support present among the Brethren for inter-denominational ism, and i t derived largely from the traditional Brethren stress on outreach and evangelism, and openness to outside Christian influences. These t r a i t s added to the other trends of assimilation and acculturation to bring about a rapid change in linguistic and socio-religious identity in the postwar period. Brethren evangelistic impulses had originally come mainly from Baptist sources, and Mennonite Brethren continued to attend Baptist schools in the postwar period, along with the missions-oriented schools already mentioned.95 According to a student of Mennonite Brethren missions, this aspect of Brethren congregational l i f e was lay-oriented, spontaneous, and always threatening to go beyond the control of the larger Conference structures. Mennonite Brethren became involved in radio ministries, Daily Vacation Bible Schools, tract missions and evangelistic meetings, beginning in the late 1930's and early 1940's. An elemental tension emerged between evangelism, which was generally conducted in English and forged links with the English-136 Canadian community, and the distinctive ethno-religious culture of the Brethren. "Arm's length evangelism", whereby missionary efforts were conducted in outlying areas, and converts were directed to other denominations, was a temporary and unsatisfying solution to the problem. In general, young people were attracted to missions work while the older generation became preoccupied with defending the "inner stronghold" of the faith.96 An emphasis on the German language was a part of the general Brethren response to the growing threat that a l l the various changes taking place were perceived to pose to Brethren socio-religious integrity. The institution of a number of high schools and the Bible College after the war was a clear response to the new challenges, and instruction in the German language was part and parcel of this response (see Chapter Five). So too was the formation in 1950 of a Conference committee for the retention of the German language, which merged with the all-Mennonite Society for the Promotion of the German Language (also covered in Chapter Five). Another response was the formalizing of "Youth Work" at the Conference level, beginning in 1945, and the organization of various youth-oriented events and conferences.97 A significant attempt to deal with changing circumstances among Brethren youth was the inauguration of the Konferenz Juqendblatt, which began in 1944 as a project of the Manitoba Brethren, and was taken over by the Canadian Conference Youth Committee in 1945 as an all-Canadian project. H.F. Klassen edited i t in Winnipeg until 1954, when H.H. Voth took over. At that time i t became almost exclusively English. In the beginning the paper was published mostly in German, and became increasingly bilingual after that. During i t s f i r s t ten years the paper reflected attempts by the Brethren to moderate the 137 transition to English and encourage adherence to the traditional Brethren fai t h distinctiveness and sense of peoplehood. In the f i r s t issue, H.F. Klassen stated that the goal of the periodical was to "help a generation of youth grow up firm in the principles of the Mennonite Brethren Church and unashamed of their heritage, as they carry their message out into the world."98 Thus the paper attempted to combine a forward-looking, evangelical perspective with a strong sense of Mennonite peoplehood and tradition. It featured reports from the whole spectrum of youth a c t i v i t i e s , including missions. In the early years, profiles of prominent Brethren leaders appeared as well.99 B.B. Janz wrote a letter to the editor in 1945 stating: "On the whole I am very glad when this kind of beginning is made during a time when most good things can only be expected to be lost."100 Articles encouraging the use and retention of the German language appeared in the paper,101 and the editor followed a policy of the "golden mean" in the ratio of German to English articles.102 This soon became a subject of some controversy. One reader insisted that Our young people would prefer to have (the Jugendblatt) a l l in English...I think that we cannot hold our young people with the German language, but with the Gospel we can. Some do emphasize the language above the Gospel.103 This brought forth sharp, negative responses; one individual f e l t that switching completely over to English would exclude the older generation from youth a c t i v i t i e s , bringing disunity to the Mennonites, which was unchristian.104 Another person seemed baffled at the i n a b i l i t y of the younger generation to become bilingual,105 and the editor implied that this was due to laziness.106 Citing in 1947 the "controversy" surrounding the increasing use of 138 English among Mennonite Brethren, and i t s position as the "universal language among our youth," a youth worker from the Winnipeg North End congregation allowed that the German was "equally important" to Mennonites, but that parents needed to learn to be more tolerant towards the adoption of English. Language was only a means, not an end; the writer acknowledged that some feared that the disappearance of the German language "will result in the decay of our Mennonite faith and principles," but he obviously did not feel that this would happen.107 Others were not so sanguine. In 1950, Mennonite educator Gerhard Lohrenz argued in the Jugendblatt that Mennonites were a unique Volk with their own language, national character, and "uniquely Christian" way of l i f e . The "foreign" cultural atmosphere of Canada was threatening the Mennonite Volk identity, which shouldn't be "thrown overboard".108 In 1952 H.F. Klassen asked the rhetorical question, "Do we want to remain Mennonite?" This question seemed to be on the minds of many people from the various walks of Brethren l i f e , according to Klassen; some were ready to l e t the Mennonite name f a l l , and with i t the old confessional principles and teachings. Indicating the extent to which the German language had become identified with Mennonitism, Klassen then stated: "It is not a matter of German or English, rather of a fundamental abandonment of the position of the fathers and founders of our church." Klassen listed a number of reasons for this, including the fear of coming into conflict with the larger society, the (negative) effect of non-Mennonite, interdenominational Bible schools, high schools and colleges, and a special push against the tradition from missions supporters.109 A.A. Toews, a Brethren from Alberta who had served on a number of 139 Conference committees, was even more pointed. In answering the question, "Is our separation justified?", Toews gave a hearty "yes", noting that the German language had always been involved in the struggle to be true to Mennonite religious principles in the face of the demands of nation-states. Toews advanced two basic imperatives: 1) Hold on to the old teachings, including nonresistance, non-swearing of the oath, etc.; 2) "But then also hold tight onto the mother-tongue." On the other hand, Toews was careful to point out that separation didn't mean isolation, for Mennonites had a, message to share with the world. He, along with others, couldn't understand why Mennonites were not able to continue being a bilingual people.110 The other side of the debate was presented in the same issue of the Jugendblatt. A contributor stated that "Canadians ought to be converted and brought into the church," and that the Mennonite Brethren should end their "spiritual and social isolationism," which he f e l t was the reason why so many younger Brethren were leaving the church. Once the church succeeded in bringing "lost Canadians" into the fold, and gave up i t s isolationism, "we won't need to worry...about young people leaving the church nor w i l l we need to worry about the church dying ou t . " I l l It was very d i f f i c u l t for the older generation not to feel that the traditional faith was dying, as change accelerated in the postwar period. The wholehearted acceptance of "outsiders" and their "worldly" language would only quicken the transformation of Mennonitism already underway, into something which appeared to have l i t t l e to do with the old, "tried and true" faith and way of l i f e . The Russlaender Brethren had only been in Canada for 25 years by this time; i t is understandable, i f in the long run mistaken, that a change in language, especially in the context of the local 140 congregation, would be taken as a sign of the breakdown of social and religious integrity. The contours of the distinctive Mennonite Brethren way of l i f e , as i t had emerged in Russia, were becoming hazy in the eyes of the elder generation, and seemed to be fast disappearing. Most Brethren congregations began changing over to the use of English in their worship services during the 1950's. It is not my intention to extensively analyse this often painful process here; a precise depiction of the changeover is beyond the scope of this study, which has aimed more at identifying the primary issues and general trends involved in Brethren German identity during their f i r s t t h i r t y years in Canada.112 However, a brief look at the experiences of a few Brethren congregations during the twilight years of the German congregational identity is in order. The experience of the Coaldale, Alberta Brethren congregation is il l u s t r a t i v e of some of the general concerns and patterns of linguistic transition in the postwar years. By May of 1945 the Saturday school appears to have been operating again.113 In the spring of 1946 $3.00 was allocated for every student attending the Saturday school, and an appeal was made that " a l l those in that age-bracket be asked to attend."114 Some concern was voiced at this time about the "great danger" that Coaldale Mennonite Brethren children were in: How can we protect our children? It is pointed to the various meetings in the Dance Hall, the worldly Christmas programs, and the various youth organizations—Sea and Air Cadets, etc. What they couldn't achieve with our adult CO.'s, they want to do with our children. Parents are warned very earnestly, and urged to bring their children to church, where there is true l i f e . Our children are also in great danger in the public schools.115 Besides the above-mentioned perils, other evangelical groups such as Pentecostals were posing a challenge to Brethren integrity; they were branded 141 a "false cult" by the church council in the spring of 1948, as an ordained member of the Coaldale congregation joined their ranks.116 The Saturday school reported an attendance of 156 students in 1953, but experienced increasing problems throughout the 1950's. Lack of discipline as well as opposition to learning the German language was reported among students.117 By the f a l l of 1955 attendance was dropping, and the project was "getting harder to administer every year."118 In 1956 i t was d i f f i c u l t to find teachers, discipline was lacking, and interest in German was waning.119 A shortage of staff was again reported in 1958.120 Clearly the battle was lost, even i f the school continued to be operated as late as 1970, since in 1958 the church began the process of changing over to English in i t s worship services. Already in 1954 some "younger members" of the congregation were accusing the congregational leader of refusing to order English Hymnals. The church chose to "take a stand" on the matter, and appointed the Youth Committee to order 100 English hymnals, cautioning members at the same time to "proceed very wisely in the language problem."121 In November of 1958 an English sermon was instituted every second Sunday, 122 and the ratio of English to German in the Sunday morning service continued to be adjusted on into the late I960's.123 The move towards a changeover to English in the Kitchener, Ontario congregation began in late 1954, when an occasional English service for the "younger members" was proposed for discussion.124 The issue next emerged in the context of an "evangelism week" which the congregation had decided to organize. Since the effort seemed to be aimed primarily at "our youth", the question arose as to whether the program should be in English. After a long 142 discussion and a secret ballot, the votes for English totalled 137, and 12 for German. One can surmise that among those 12 were individuals who contributed heavily to the discussion. The issue was closed thus: "It is once more asserted that this is not about a language change, rather only about the week of evangelization."125 In April 1955 the congregation voted for an English service once a month.126 Things appeared to have stayed this way until 1957, when another discussion about an evangelism program occurred. The decision this time was for i t to be held half in German, half in English.127 In 1957 the issue began to be characterized as a "problem". In September of that year a proposal was made for English and German sermons to be preached on alternating Sundays, with a short English one on the German days as well. This proposal produced a " l i v e l y exchange of opinions". The issue was deliberated upon but not resolved in any satisfying manner until May 1961, when i t was decided to have a normal length German sermon every Sunday, with a shorter English one. Sunday-evening services would alternate between German and English.128 In 1963 the issue was discussed again, but the only decision reached was to leave matters l i e . Thus for at least six years the issue was a subject of debate. Sometimes the only result of a meeting was agreement to discuss the issue again before voting on i t , and sometimes a vote could be quite close.129 In the early 1950's the leader of the Winnipeg North End Brethren congregation, D.K. Duerksen, was also leader of the German school. B.B. Fast and "other brothers" f e l t that this school " i s an organic part of our church work, as is the Sunday School, youth work etc., and therefore i t is quite appropriate that the church leader be leader of this work."130 A major 143 discussion on separation from the "world" took place among the congregation soon after the above statement was made, with injunctions being made against the use of makeup, and v i s i t i n g theatres and sporting events, etc.131 It is also significant that during this time D.K. Duerksen began to lead discussions at every "youth evening" on the topic of nonresistance.132 The person of D.K. Duerksen illustrates once again that maintenance of the German language was an elemental part of a general attempt to keep the s p e c i f i c a l l y Brethren configuration of beliefs and principles intact. But the language transition had already occurred among the younger Brethren. The Sunday School committee reported in 1951 that foremost among the problems facing them was that of language: The confusion of languages at the Tower of Babel has become quite severe...Our children now think in English instead of German. They would rather sing in English than German, hear stories in English,...(and) there doesn't seem to be much we can do about i t . There are only a few children in the Sunday School who don't understand German, yet the instruction is already no longer 100% in German.133 Even i f most children understood German, their f a c i l i t y with the language was not very good. The only "radical solution" to the problem would be to change completely into English. It was suggested that mothers leave their 2 to 3-1/2 year-olds in the nursery, where they would learn German from the woman in charge, who was fluent in German.134 Attendance of the German Saturday school in 1951 was at an all-time high, with 56 students attending; the numbers climbed during the-1950's, as they also did in other congregations. The need and interest in the school paralleled the period of German-language decline.135 In 1952 the Sunday School continued to be instructed primarily in German, but thoughts were being uttered as to the exclusivity that this represented; these doubts were 144 assuaged by the fact that the church operated a "mission school", in English and l i k e l y some distance away from the home church.136 In March of 1954 the youth began holding an English gathering on every second Sunday of the month, and in August of that year an English Sunday evening worship service was approved.137 Thus began the changeover, culminating in the institution of bilingual services by the winter of 1958.138 The congregation was by now involved with some of the local English-speaking churches in organizations such as the Lord's Day Alliance, Evangelical Pastor's Fellowship, and Greater Winnipeg Ministerial Association.139 The transition to English was f e l t to be a loss by elder members of this congregation, as a statement made in 1959 attests: For those of us who to a greater or lesser extent know the German language, i t is a natural good (Gut) that we love and cherish, and want to retain. Should we give up this good, i t would be a certain loss for our churches and for every one of us personally.140 Stories abound concerning the misunderstandings and conflicts which occurred in Mennonite congregations during the transition period. One individual recalls being the f i r s t person to give a personal testimony to his congregation in English. When he was finished, an older member stood up and stated in German: "I haven't understood a thing! Is he even a Christian?"141 Calvin Redekop travelled with a Mennonite Central Committee (a major North American Mennonite service institution) "peace team" in western Canada during the late 1940's, v i s i t i n g Mennonite churches and giving presentations on Mennonite peace principles. The other team members gave their presentations in German, and Redekop spoke in English, because his German wasn't too good and his message was directed primarily toward the youth. As he relates i t , In one situation I got up and started making my presentation; there 145 was some discussion in the back of the church, and one gentleman stood up and said: "Can't you speak German?" I responded that I could, but not very well, and he said, "There's no point in carrying this discussion any further!"142 At this point a debate erupted between church members, and the pastor f i n a l l y cancelled the remainder of the meeting. "In every congregation, we f e l t this tension, 'If you don't speak German, you really are giving us something which doesn't apply to us, is alien to us.'"143 B.B. Janz, who was s t i l l active during the 1950's, was not pleased with the rapid changes that were taking place at this time, including the loss of the German language. In 1950 he s t i l l f e l t that "For the good of the Mennonite Brethren church in Canada, the retention of the German language for a number of years yet is absolutely necessary. "144 At the 1954 Canadian Conference meeting, Janz delivered a wide-ranging and c r i t i c a l address. In addition to decrying rampant "hypocrisy, superficiality, immodesty and rebelliousness" among the Mennonite Brethren, he attacked the "horrible materialism, pleasure-seeking and...overweaning ambition (that) are undermining the Mennonite Brethren Church." Concerning the "language problem", Janz stated: The language problem in our congregations is a very serious matter which can cause the older members much pain, and bring an a i r of f r i v o l i t y to the churches. It wouldn't be a problem i f a l l else was s p i r i t u a l l y well among young and old. Both sides need to display sound s p i r i t u a l i t y and wisdom, proceeding impartially but never pushing things to the breaking point. How sad, when mother and child can no longer understand each other, on account of the Babylonian confusion!145 The allusion to the tower of Babel story, in which a prelapsarian li n g u i s t i c (and social) unity is destroyed, due to sin f u l collaboration on a monument to human pride, drives home the message contained in Janz's carefully chosen words. The rapid linguistic transition taking place was to him a reflection 146 of a general breakdown of the socio-religious integrity of his people. In other contexts Janz was more direct. When the Konferenz Jugendblatt became wholly English, Janz wrote the new editor a letter, with the caption "Funeral", protesting the move.146 In a study-paper entitled "Confusion", from about the same time, Janz expressed the feelings of a whole generation. While he admitted that a language transition must inevitably take place, he f e l t that i t was happening much too quickly: It is a direct, sharp break in about half a generation. A l l the roots of l i v i n g and working (according to God's word), morality, custom, family l i f e , conduct with modesty and humility, obedience and respect for parents and vice versa, and in part also our faith are ripped untested out of the earlier way of l i f e (which is disrespected) and stuffed into the new way of l i f e here. In this process much that is dear and precious is lost. The rapid break reminds one of a preciously laden ship f i l l e d with priceless goods that are rapidly being thrown overboard and new cargo from here taken on board. The new goods are said to be so much better. In the past, persecuted in their home country, plagued, b i t t e r l y poor, but not yet degenerated in heart and conscience, the people brought with them a great inner wealth...By a decent, gradual change we would strive carefully to retain a l l that is ideal and worthy of retention in our tested faith and l i f e and add the new and good to i t . With such a break in i t s way of l i f e in so short a time and often with violence to the 5th commandment, i t is definite that this generation w i l l in the next 10-20 years also degenerate in i t s way of l i f e . It is going downhill! Many young people find our simple Mennonite religious services, and a l l our various arrangements much too pale. But there, in that English church, there at least is l i f e ! Yes, a l l kinds of bustle and antics, a l l those witticisms and gestures to awaken the people to echoing laughter; then at last also a short Word of God."147 Janz's biographer attributes such statements to the effects of old age and of belonging to a generation which was no longer needed.148 Given the broad sweep of Russlaender Brethren history, i t also seems f i t t i n g to say that they were the death-cries of a way of l i f e . As the next chapter shows, concern over the demise of the particular configuration of language, Volk, and religious s e n s i b i l i t y which was the foundation of the Russian Brethren way of l i f e led to substantial i f doomed efforts to preserve i t in the 147 postwar period. Despite the fears and efforts of Janz's generation, however, a l l was not lost, and the Brethren continued to function as a viable religious body, i f in a somewhat changed form. To conclude this chapter I w i l l present the story of one individual who was anglicized and attended an "English" Bible school, yet remained in the Brethren community and eventually became a leader of considerable stature. The experience of Herbert Brandt exemplifies both the perspective and dilemmas of the younger generation during the transition period, as well as the fact that the elder generation's fears were exaggerated. Brandt, who has worked as a Brethren pastor and leader for much of his l i f e , was born in Saskatchewan of Russlaender parents, and grew up speaking Low German and English. His father was a schoolteacher who had a good command of the English language. Brandt never attended Saturday school, and never learned High German well enough to be comfortable with i t , even though i t was the language of church services, of some of his relatives, and was mandatory at the Mennonite Collegiate Institute, a private high school which he attended (begun by Kanadier and supported primarily by General Conference Mennonites). Although the language gave Brandt problems, he respected and trusted important "traditionalists" whom he learned to know through the school, including G.H. Peters, D.P. Esau, and A.H. Unruh. However, a problem emerged for him when he made a Christian commitment around this time: English was essentially his mother tongue, but the theological language he had learned was in German: "The problem for me was that everything I.experienced or learned in religious faith was in German, but I couldn't express everyday things in that language." It was a 148 dichotomous situation: On the soccer f i e l d he spoke English, and in church German- "I had learned a religious language abstracted or compartmentalized from my everyday l i f e . I learned German as the language through which I communicate my faith, and thus my whole thinking process had to s h i f t gears." It didn't feel right to compartmentalize things that way. Brandt got his military c a l l in August, 1943; by September he was working in a mental hospital in Brandon, Manitoba, as a Conscientious Objector (CO). He was there un t i l 1946. He and other Mennonite C.O.'s sometimes communicated among themselves in Low-German, but they were "basically into English". They were f u l l y in the English world, German was "non-existent". Although he did not ever think of himself as being fundamentally "different" than the English community, as a CO. Brandt experienced some ridicule for being of German-speaking background, and for being a p a c i f i s t . "You begin to think, xwhy continue to identify with the German element?'" When his term was up, and as he was deciding where to pursue further studies, he f e l t he had to make a decision whether to return to the German-Mennonite community or continue to make his way in the English-Canadian world. He didn't feel i t was necessary or important to study German in order to study the Bible, and there would not have been as many options for him i f he followed this path. And he states that "In some ways I was rebelling, I guess." He was c r i t i c a l of the traditional community, "but not in the sense of wanting to cut myself off from i t . " Because of his interest in missionary work, Brandt decided to enroll at PBI, and there he "began to realize pretty quickly the difference in Christian l i f e " between that of PBI and of his own experience. The atmosphere at PBI had m i l i t a r i s t i c overtones at this time, as returning 149 soldiers were swelling i t s ranks. "Now we CO. 's were s i t t i n g beside Majors in the army, some of them highly convinced they were great liberators." He perceived that there were different types of Christian community, but he didn't feel he had to be German-speaking to experience the kind of community with which he had grown up and become comfortable. Among the Brethren who attended PBI during Brandt's time were David Ewert, P.R. Toews, George Geddart, and H.R. Baerg. (Ewert has been a prominent MB leader and Geddart was a longtime librarian and teacher at Bethany Bible School.) "There was a very strong move in the 1940's to get Bible-training in an English environment." Some "pushed hard" for a changeover in Brethren churches to English. Brandt's roommate at PBI f e l t strongly that the Mennonite "German emphasis" was out of order. Brandt co-wrote a document with a number of PBI men ca l l i n g for change in this matter. Evangelism and outreach were important elements in their desire to change to the language of the land. During his tenure at PBI Brandt didn't have much contact with Mennonite groups. Mennonites at the school would get letters from leaders concerned about them losing their Mennonite identity through becoming "Verenglischt" (anglicized). "In retrospect, I can understand their concern." Herb's choice of PBI over the Mennonite Brethren Bible College or other schools like the Winkler Bible School was not solely a question of the Mennonite German identity, although i t was an important factor, nor was he intent on rejecting the Brethren tradition as a whole. PBI simply had a number of things to offer, while the unattractiveness of the Mennonite schools was only compounded by their emphasis on the German language.149 After leaving PBI Brandt worked as an elementary school teacher, before 150 assuming pastoral duties in a number of English-speaking Brethren churches, and serving as a Brethren Conference leader. Although he has never f e l t that Germanism was crucial to Brethren identity, and he has been involved with the church during a time of growth and v i t a l i t y , Brandt currently has reservations about the ongoing Brethren rejection of certain aspects of their own heritage and faith, and the near complete transition from an egalitarian to hierarchical form of church polity. In conclusion, Russlaender Brethren identity and socio-religious integrity were closely linked to Germanism, and the German language in particular, during the f i r s t three decades after their a r r i v a l in Canada from Soviet Russia. For many people the rapid transition from German to English was symptomatic of a number of mostly negative changes which took place, especially in the postwar period. As a potent symbol of the "inner wealth" which Mennonites had brought with them from Russia, the German language was very d i f f i c u l t to let go, especially in the context of the local congregation, where Mennonite Brethren social and religious l i f e were merged into one. This resulted in some alienation from the group, yet the Brethren continued to grow numerically, and were able to remain a viable and v i t a l religious body, i f in fact some c r i t i c a l changes were indeed taking place. 151 NOTES, CHAPTER FOUR 1. Calvin Redekop, Mennonite Society (Johns Hopkins University Press, 1989), p. 62ff. 2. Delbert Wiens, "The Old Wine; Will i t Sour?" The Canadian Mennonite, 18 April 1967, pp. 6-7; J.A. Toews, A History of the Mennonite Brethren  Church, (Fresno, CA: Board of Christian Literature, 1975), pp. 323-24; Interview with Herb Brandt, Mennonite Brethren Pastor, June 3 and December 19, 1989, Kelowna, B.C. This idea w i l l be discussed further in Chapter Six. 3. An analysis of the Vineland, Ontario Brethren congregation done by Gerry Ediger is also used, and I thank him for making i t available to me. 4. Minutes of the North End Mennonite Brethren Church business meetings, September 18, 1927, microfilm r o l l no. 91, p. 2116, Centre for Mennonite Brethren Studies (CMBS), Fresno; Minutes of the Coaldale Mennonite Brethren Church business meetings, November 16, 1930, Folder BA 501, p. 20, CMBS Fresno; Gerry Ediger, "Language Transition in the Vineland Mennonite Brethren Church," unpublished paper, May 1987, in my possession; Minutes of the Yarrow Mennonite Brethren Church business meetings, December 19, 1938, microfilm r o l l no. 65, p. 273, CMBS Fresno; Minutes of the Hepburn Mennonite Brethren Church business meetings, March 1, 1937, microfilm r o l l no. 10, p. 405, CMBS Fresno. 5. D.P. Esau, "Was erwarten unsere Gemeinden von den Elementar und Hochschulen in Religion und Deutsch," Der Bote. 15 June 1938, pp. 1-2. 6. 1926 Mennonite Brethren Northern District Conference Yearbook (Hillsboro, KS: MB Publishing House), p. 32. 7. 1933 Northern D i s t r i c t Conference Yearbook, p. 76; 1935 Northern District Conference Yearbook, pp. 47-48. 8. "Bericht des Schulkomitees auf der Konferenz zu Langham am 7 J u l i , 1931," Mennonitische Rundschau, 9 September 1931, p. 3; Ibid., Mennonitische  Rundschau, 23 September 1931, p. 3. 9. "Die jaehrliche Schulvorsteherkonvention," Mennonitische Rundschau, 25 May 1932, p. 6. 10. e.g. 23 December 1931, p. 5; H.H. Ewert, 17 February 1932, p. 2; 1 March 1933, p. 3; A.A. Toews, 14 November 1934, p. 5; "Leiden des deutschen Schulmeisters," 12 June 1935, pp. 2-3; F.C. Thiessen, "Offener Brief an die deutschen Eltern und Schulfreunde der Stadt Winnipeg," 12 September 1934, p. 5. 11. "Religion und deutsche Sprache in unseren Schulen," Mennonitische  Rundschau, 29 June 1932, pp. 4-5. 152 12. Alexander Dirks, "Freuden und Leiden des Schulmeisters," Mennonitische Rundschau. 17 July 1935, p. 4. 13. "Deutsche Reliqionsschule," Mennonitische Rundschau. 30 October 1935, p. 1. 14. There seems to be l i t t l e hard data on the degree to which the provisions for instruction in language and religion in public schools were made use of in predominantly Mennonite areas. E.K. Francis found that "many" Mennonite d i s t r i c t s did not avail themselves of the opportunities available to them in this regard, but does not present any data. E.K. Francis, In Search of Utopia: The Mennonites of Manitoba (Altona, MB: D.W. Friesen & Sons, 1955), pp. 265-66. 15. 1928 Northern D i s t r i c t Conference Yearbook, p. 50. 16. "Schulfragen und unsere Schule," Der Bote. 20 March 1935, p. 3. 17. 1935 Northern Dis t r i c t Conference Yearbook, p. 47. 18. "Brueder, wo stuerst du hin?", Mennonitische Rundschau. 12 February 1936, pp. 6-7; Mennonitische Rundschau, 4 March 1936, pp. 2-3. 19. "Ein dunkles Blatt in der Geschichte von Heute," Mennonitische  Rundschau, 29 April 1936, p. 5. 20. "Gouldtown, Saskatchewan", Mennonitische Rundschau, 25 March 1936, p. 13. 21. Mennonite Brethren church historian J.A. Toews was obviously aware of this, having taught in a number of Bible schools himself, but the issue receives peripheral treatment in his chapter on schools. See J.A. Toews, A History of the Mennonite Brethren Church (Fresno, Ca: Board of Christian Literature, 1975), p. 254ff. In other studies of Brethren schools very l i t t l e understanding of the relationship between cultural and religious values is present, e.g. John George Doerksen, "Mennonite Brethren Bible College and College of the Arts" (Ph.D. dissertation, University of North Dakota, 1968); Peter G. Klassen, "A History of Mennonite Education in Canada, 1786-1960" (D. Ed. Thesis, University of Toronto, 1970); John George Doerksen, "History of Education of the Mennonite Brethren of Canada" (M. Ed. Thesis, University of Manitoba, 1963). 22. This figure was arrived at by cross-referencing l i s t s found in Peter Penner, No Longer At Arm's Length: Mennonite Brethren Church Planting in  Canada 1883-1983 (Winnipeg: Kindred Press, 1987), p. 25; and A.J. Classen, ed., The Bible School Story 1913-1963 (Mennonite Brethren Board of Education, 1963). 23. Minutes of the Coaldale Mennonite Brethren Church business meetings, January 19, 1930, Folder BA 501, pp. 15-16, CMBS Fresno. 24. Mennonitische Rundschau, 7 October 1931, p. 5. 153 25. F.C. Thiessen, Mennonitische Rundschau. 30 August 1933, p. 4. 26. From the 1937-38 School Calendar; BF, Saskatchewan Conference of Mennonite Brethren Churches, Box 1, Folder 11, CMBS Fresno. 27. J.B. Toews, "Mennonite Brethren Identity and Theological Diversity," in Paul Toews, ed., Pilgrims and Strangers: Essays in Mennonite Brethren  History (Fresno, CA: Centre for Mennonite Brethren Studies, 1977), p. 144. 28. 1933 Northern District Conference Yearbook, p. 87; 1935 Northern  Dis t r i c t Conference Yearbook, p. 48; 1936 Northern District Conference Yearbook, p. 45; 1937 Northern District Conference Yearbook, p. 20; 1938  Northern District Conference Yearbook, pp. 22-23; 1939 Northern Di s t r i c t  Conference Yearbook, p. 25. 29. 1937 Northern Dist r i c t Conference Yearbook, p. 20; F.C. Thiessen, "Offener Brief," Mennonitische Rundschau. 12 September 1934, p. 5; "Protokoll der Provinzial Vertreterversammlung," Mennonitische Rundschau. 2 August 1939, pp. 9-10. 30. J.B. Toews, "Mennonite Brethren Identity," p. 147. 31. John George Doerksen, "History of Education of the Mennonite Brethren of Canada," (M.A. Thesis, University of Manitoba, 1963), p. 56. 32. W.E. Mann, Sect, Cult, and Church in Alberta (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1955); Ben Harder, "The Bible Institute-College Movement in Canada," Journal of Canadian Church Historical Society (April 1980):29-45; David R. E l l i o t t , "Studies of Eight Canadian Fundamentalists," (Ph.D. dissertation, University of British Columbia, 1989). 33. Harder, "The Bible Institute-College Movement," p. 32; Mann, Sect,  Cult, and Church, p. 82ff; Penner, No Longer At Arm's Length, p. 25; Interview with Herb Brandt, Mennonite Brethren Pastor, June 3 and December 19, 1989, Kelowna, B.C.; Letter from B.B. Janz to J. Quiring, July 10, 1950, B.B. Janz Collection, Box 4, Folder 49, CMBS Winnipeg; Aron Sawatzky, "The Mennonites of Alberta and Their Assimilation" (M.A. Thesis, University of Alberta, 1964), pp. 224-25. Mann l i s t s many more reasons for the attractiveness of schools like PBI, including i t s radio programs and the chance to gain experience in radio broadcasting, the staging of missions conferences, low academic entrance requirements and fees, etc. Herb Brandt recalls the impressive travelling singing groups, and being attracted to PBI because of i t s reputation in the area of foreign missions. 34. 1935 Northern Dist r i c t Conference Yearbook, p. 48. 35. Minutes of the Coaldale Mennonite Brethren Church business meetings, June 27, 1936, Folder BA 501, p. 83, CMBS Fresno. 36. Toews, "Mennonite Brethren Identity," pp. 148-50. 37. Penner, No Longer At Arm's Length, p. 14ff. 154 38. Ibid., pp. 22-26; Gerry Ed iger,."Language Transition in the Vineland Mennonite Brethren Church," p. 13. This becomes more evident in the postwar period. 39. Mennonitische Rundschau, 31 July 1935, p. 2; G.H. Peters, "Wie begegnen wir der Gefahr der Entfremdung der deutsch-mennonitischen Jugend?", Mennonitische Rundschau, 28 August 1935, p. 5; Mennonitische Rundschau, 22 July 1936, p. 3; G.H. Peters, Mennonitische Rundschau, 18 November 1936, p. 7; G.H. Peters, "Und wieder: 'unsere deutsche Sprache'," Der Bote. 7 April 1937, pp. 3-4; Mennonitische Rundschau, 9 August 1939, p. 3. 40. Minutes of the Bethany Bible School Committee Meeting, 17 February 1940, BF Saskatchewan Conference of Mennonite Brethren Churches, Box 1, Folder 11, CMBS Fresno. 41. Ediger, "Language Transition in the Vineland Mennonite Brethren Church," pp. 7-8. 42. Minutes of the Coaldale Mennonite Brethren Church business meetings, November 14, 1939, Folder BA 501, p. 114; Ibid., December 27, 1940, p. 129. 43. Minutes of the Bethany Bible School Committee Meeting, September 25, 1940, f i l e 11; Ibid., January 24, 1942, p. 128, f i l e 12. 44. Minutes of the Hepburn Mennonite Brethren Church business meetings, June 16, 1941, microfilm r o l l 10, p. 896, CMBS Fresno. 45. Minutes of the Yarrow Mennonite Brethren Church business meetings, October 25, 1939, microfilm r o l l 65, p. 296; August 12, 1940, p. 317; .October 24, 1942, p. 377, CMBS Fresno. Minutes of the North End Mennonite Brethren Church business meetings, October 2, 1940, microfilm r o l l 92, p. 17; January 3, 1943, p. 79; January 14, 1945, pp. 131-32, CMBS Fresno. 46. George G. Thielman, "The Canadian Mennonites" (Ph.D. Dissertation, Western Reserve University, 1955), p. 256. 47. Minutes of the Kitchener Mennonite Brethren Church business meetings, October 1, 1939, microfilm r o l l 33, p. 1741, CMBS Fresno. 48. Minutes of the Coaldale Mennonite Brethren Church business meetings, December 27, 1940, Folder BA 501, p. 129, CMBS Fresno. 155 49. Hildegard M. Martens, "Accomodation and Withdrawal: The Response of Mennonites in Canada to World War II," Social History VII (November 1974):306-27; T.D. Regehr, "The Influence of World War II on Mennonites in Canada," Journal of Mennonite Studies 5 (1987):73-89; Howard Palmer, "Ethnic Relations in Wartime: Nationalism and European Minorities in Alberta during the Second World War," Canadian Ethnic Studies XIV (1982):l-23; Thielman, "The Canadian Mennonites," pp.254-56. Enlistment figures have traditionally been estimated at one-half, or 7500, of e l i g i b l e Mennonite men. T.D. Regehr reports however that a l i s t compiled from Canadian military personnel f i l e s contained 4,453 Mennonite names; the actual figure thus is somewhere between these two figures, being probably closer to the lower one. Regehr, "The Influence of World War II," p. 76. 50. Robert H. Keyserlingk, "Breaking the Nazi Plot: Canadian Government Attitudes Towards German Canadians, 1939-1945," in Hillman, Kordan, Luciuk, eds., On Guard For Thee: War. Ethnicity, and the Canadian State. 1939-1945 (Ottawa: Canadian Committee for the History of the Second World War, 1988), pp. 54-61. 51. Norman Hillmer, "The Second World War as an (Un) National Experience," in On Guard For Thee, p. x v i i . 52. Palmer, "Ethnic Relations in Wartime," pp. 8-11. 53. 1941 Northern District Conference Yearbook, p. 17; 1942 Northern Dist r i c t Conference Yearbook, pp. 26-29. 54. Frank Epp estimates that the rates of Russlaender enlistment to be around 50%. Frank Epp, Mennonite Exodus (Altona: D.W. Friesen & Sons Ltd, 1966), p. 331. The actual rate may be somewhat lower—see note 49. 55. 1943 Northern Di s t r i c t Conference Yearbook, p. 17; See also 1942 Northern District Conference Yearbook, p. 9; 1944 Northern Dis t r i c t  Conference Yearbook, p. 16, 53. 56. 1944 Northern District Conference, p. 27. 57. Minutes of the Kitchener Mennonite Brethren Church business meeting, November 19, 1944, microfilm r o l l 33, p. 1807, CMBS Fresno. 58. Frank H. Epp, Mennonites in Canada 1920-1940 (Toronto: Macmillan of Canada, 1982), pp. 575-578; 1939 Northern Dis t r i c t Conference Yearbook, pp. 6-8; Mennonitische Rundschau, May-October 1939; Thielman, "The Canadian Mennonites," pp. 259-60. 59. Seventh Census of Canada. 1931, vol. I l l (Ottawa: King's Printers, 1935), pp. 772-73. 60. Eighth Census of Canada. 1941 vol. IV (Ottawa: King's Printers, 1944), p. 56. 156 61. Interview with Peter Neudorf, Mennonite Businessman, December 10, 1989, Vancouver, B.C; Interview with Anne Funk, Mennonite social worker, May 6, 1990, Vancouver, B.C; Francis, In Search of Utopia, pp. 233-34. 62. P.A. Berg, 1941 Northern District Conference Yearbook, p. 9. 63. For example, a member of a strongly pro-Hitler Russlaender family remembers the d i s i l l u s i o n with the regime which the family experienced at the end of the war. Interview with Anne Funk. 64. Letter of February 19, 1953, B.B. Janz Collection, Box 7, Folder 97, Centre for Mennonite Brethren Studies (CMBS), Winnipeg. 65. Leo Driedger, "A Perspective on Canadian Mennonite Urbanization," Mennonite Life (October 1968):147. 66. Howard Palmer, Patterns of Prejudice: A History of Nativism in  Alberta (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1982), p. 176ff. 67. Gerald Friesen, The Canadian Prairies: A History (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1987), p. 422, 453. 68. Friesen, The Canadian Prairies, p. 464; Palmer, Patterns of  Prejudice, pp. 179-80. 69. Friesen, The Canadian Prairies, pp. 456-57; Francis, In Search of  Utopia, pp. 242-46, 275-77; Leo Driedger, "Urbanization of Mennonites in Canada," in Poettcker and Regehr, eds., Call to Faithfulness: Essays in  Canadian Mennonite Studies (Winnipeg: Canadian Mennonite Bible College, 1972), pp. 150-51; John Friesen, "Manitoba Mennonites in the Rural-Urban Shift," Mennonite Life XXIII (October 1968):158. 70. Driedger, "Urbanization of Mennonites in Canada," pp. 144-45. 71. .In B.C., the province in which Mennonites were most highly urbanized, the Brethren counted three times as many members as other Mennonite groups. Robert K. Burkinshaw, "Strangers and Pilgrims in Lotus Land: Conservative Protestantism in British Columbia, 1917-1981" (Ph.D. Dissertation, University of British Columbia, 1988), pp. 209-11. In Manitoba they also had the highest percentage of urbanized members, doubling their urban population in the decade and a half after the Second World War. Friesen, "Manitoba Mennonites," p. 154, and Driedger, "Urbanization of Mennonites in Canada," p. 147. In Ontario during the early 1960's the Brethren were found to be much more heavily concentrated in the professions than other Mennonite groups. Ibid., p. 149. 72. Driedger, "Urbanization of Mennonites in Canada," pp. 147-50; Regehr, "The Influence of World War II on Mennonites," pp. 79-83. 73. George K. Epp, "Mennonite Immigration to Canada After World War II," Journal of Mennonite Studies 5 (1987):108-19. 157 74. Penner, No Longer At Arm's Length, p. 40; J.A. Toews, A History of  the Mennonite Brethren Church, p. 207, 327; Francis, In Search of Utopia, p. 242; Interview with J.B. Toews, Mennonite Brethren leader, June 10, 1989, Winnipeg, Manitoba. 75. 1945 Northern Di s t r i c t Conference Yearbook, p. 92; 1959 Northern  Distr i c t Conference Yearbook, p. 256. 76. Sawatzky, "The Mennonites of Alberta," pp. 215-16. 77. Ibid., p. 229; J.A. Toews also notes this effect, without giving figures. Toews, A History of the Mennonite Brethren Church, p. 329. J.B. Toews estimates that up to 40% of the membership of some Brethren churches was lost because of the tensive atmosphere surrounding the language transition. Interview with J.B. Toews, Brethren educator and leader, June 10, 1989, Winnipeg, Manitoba. 78. Sawatzky, "The Mennonites of Alberta," p. 230; Adolf Ens, "Changes in Language and Cultural Symbols During the 1950's," unpublished paper, Box 17, Folder F, no. 2, CMBS Winnipeg. 79. Sawatzky, "The Mennonites of Alberta," p. 248. 80. Interview with J.B. Toews, Mennonite Brethren leader, June 10, 1989, Winnipeg, Manitoba; Interview with Gerhard Ens, editor of Der Bote. June 20, 1989, Winnipeg, Manitoba; H.A. Peters, "Das mennonitische Volkstum: Eine Skizze seiner Entstehung und des Verfalles," Der Bote, 8 December 1964, p. 10. Interview with Herb Brandt, Mennonite Brethren pastor, June 3 and December 19, 1989, Kelowna, B.C.; Frank Epp, "The Struggle for Recognition," in Poettcker and Regehr, eds., Call to Faithfulness, p. 169; Jacob Loewen, "The German Language, Culture and Faith," unpublished paper, Box 15, Folder E, no. 3, CMBS Winnipeg, p. 20. 81. Adolf Ens, "Changes in Language and Cultural Symbols," pp. 2-3; Interview with Herb Brandt; Regehr, "The Influence of World War II on Mennonites," p. 76. 82. Frank Epp, "The Struggle for Recognition," in Poettcker and Regehr, eds., Call To Faithfulness: Essays in Canadian Mennonite Studies (Winnipeg: Canadian Mennonite Bible College, 1972), pp. 167-73. 83. Penner, No Longer At Arm's Length, pp. 40-41. 84. H.F. Klassen, "Editorial", Konferenz Jugendblatt. 31 May 1944, pp. 2-3. 85. Toews, A History of the Mennonite Brethren Church, p. 232, 328; H.H. Janzen, "Strengthening the Peace Witness," The Mennonite VII (January 1952), pp. 3-4; Penner, No Longer At Arm's Length, p. 28. 86. J.J.J., Konferenz Jugendblatt. May 1952, p. 2ff. 158 87. H.H. Janzen, "Strengthening the Peace Witness," p. 3. 88. Penner, No Longer At Arm's Length, p. 41; Toews, A History of the  Mennonite Brethren Church, p. 339; 1954 Northern District Conference  Yearbook, p. 85; 1958 Northern Dis t r i c t Conference Yearbook, pp. 154-55. 89. 1946 Northern District Conference Yearbook, p. 115; 1950 Northern  Dist r i c t Conference Yearbook, p. 57; 1952 Northern Dis t r i c t Conference  Yearbook, p. 94. 90. Sawatzky, "The Mennonites of Alberta," pp. 224-25. 91. Letter to J. Quiring, July 10, 1950, B.B. Janz Collection, Box 4, Folder 49, CMBS Winnipeg. 92. 1946 Northern Dis t r i c t Conference Yearbook, p. 162. 93. H.F. Klassen, "Editorial", Konferenz Jugendblatt, March 1946, p. 3. 94. Penner, No Longer At Arm's Length, p. 46; Mann, Sect. Cult, and  Church in Alberta, p. 103; Interview with Jack and Eleanor Dueck, July 6, 1989, Kitchener, Ontario. 95. J.B. Toews, "Mennonite Brethren Identity," pp. 142-43. 96. Penner, No Longer At Arm's Length. 97. Toews, A History of the Mennonite Brethren Church, p. 233ff; 1946 Northern Dis t r i c t Conference Yearbook, p. 138ff; 1947 Northern District  Conference Yearbook, p. 12ff; 1950 Northern Dis t r i c t Conference Yearbook, p. 6ff. 98. H.F. Klassen, edi t o r i a l , Konferenz Jugendblatt, 31 May 1944, p. 3. 99. e.g."Haltet solche Maenner in Ehren!", Konferenz Jugendblatt. March 1945, pp. 4-5; Ibid., March 1946, p. 4. 100. B.B. Janz, Konferenz Jugendblatt. March 1945, p. 13. 101. Anna Wiebe, "Wie e r z i e l t man Liebe und Verstaendnis fuer die Muttersprache?", Konferenz Jugendblatt. June 1947, pp. 6-7; "Sprache", Ibid., p. 19; "Die Muttersprache," Ibid., April 1948; "The German Song, our Heritage," Ibid., June-August 1948, p. 15; H.F. Klassen, "Why Two Languages?", Ibid., November 1952, p. 2. 102. H.F. Klassen, Konferenz Jugendblatt, October 1946, p. 2. 103. "Brief an Editor u. Hilfseditoren," Konferenz Jugendblatt, February 1947, p. 2. 104. Konferenz Jugendblatt, April 1947, p. 2, 9. 159 105. Ibid., p. 2. 106. H.F. Klassen, "Why Two Languages?", Konferenz Jugendblatt. November 1952, p. 2. 107. Walfried Dirks, "Language Tolerance," Konferenz Jugendblatt, June 1947, p. 18. 108. Gerhard Lohrenz, "Volk oder Gemeinde?", Konferenz Jugendblatt,. April 1950, p. 50. 109. H.F. Klassen, "Wollen wir Mennoniten bleiben?", Konferenz  Jugendblatt, January 1952, p. 2. 110. A.A. Toews, "1st unsere Absonderung berechtigt?", Konferenz  Jugendblatt, September 1952, pp. 3-5. 111. R.C.L. Minnton, "Shall Canadians be Mennonites?", Konferenz  Jugendblatt, September 1952, pp. 23-24. 112. Gerry Ediger, professor at Mennonite Brethren Bible College, i s currently working on a doctoral dissertation which promises to treat of this topic in greater d e t a i l . 113. Minutes of the Coaldale Mennonite Brethren Church business meetings, May 10, 1945, Folder BA 501, p. 164, CMBS Fresno. Hereafter referred to as "Coaldale minutes", with date and page number given. 114. Coaldale minutes, April 14, 1946, p. 168. 115. Coaldale minutes, January 15, 1946, pp. 165-66. 116. Coaldale minutes, April 19, 1948, p.180; May 30, 1948, p. 182. 117. Coaldale minutes, May 18, 1953, p. 216; February 22, 1954, p. 222. 118. Coaldale minutes, September 20, 1955, p. 234; October 31, 1955, p. 119. Coaldale minutes, November 14, 1956, p. 240. 120. Coaldale minutes, July 26, 1958, p. 253. 121. Coaldale minutes, March 2, 1954, p. 222; March 8, 1954, p. . 223. 122. Coaldale minutes, November 10, 1958, p. 261. 123. Coaldale minutes, January 29, 1962, p. 291; April 2, 1962, p. 293; April 28, 1963, p. 304; October 28, 1968, p. 345. 160 124. Minutes of the Kitchener Mennonite Brethren Church business meetings, December 21, 1954, microfilm r o l l no. 33, p. 2104, CMBS Fresno. Hereafter references w i l l be made to "Kitchener minutes", date and page number. 125. Kitchener minutes, March 14, 1955, pp. 2104-05. 126. Kitchener minutes, April 9, 1955, p. 2108. 127. Kitchener minutes, April 10, 1957, p. 2222. 128. Kitchener minutes, May 16, 1961, p. 2356. 129. For the ongoing saga see Kitchener minutes, September 14, 1957/ p. 2237; September 21, 1957, p. 2242; November 9, 1957, p. 2255; December 14, 1957, p. 2257; October 26, 1958, p. 2286; October 25, 1959, p. 2328; September 10, 1960, p. 2350; October 16, 1960; May 16, 1961, p. 2356; June 8, 1963, p. 2383. 130. Minutes of the North End Mennonite Brethren Church business meetings, September 24, 1951, microfilm r o l l no. 92, p. 319, CMBS Fresno. Hereafter references w i l l be made to "North End minutes", date, microfilm r o l l and page number. 131. North End minutes, October 23, 1951, r o l l 92, p. 320. 132. North End minutes, 1951 year-end report, r o l l 92, p. 330. 133. North End minutes, 1951 year-end report, r o l l 92, p. 334. 134. Ibid. 135. Attendance was up to 70 in 1952, and 87 in 1959. See North End minutes, year-end reports for 1952 and 1959, r o l l 92, p. 387, 643. In the Yarrow, B.C. congregation attendance at the Saturday school climbed during the early 1950's, reaching 195 in 1952, before dropping thereafter. Minutes of the Yarrow Mennonite Brethren Church business meetings, December 3, 1952, microfilm r o l l no. 65, p. 894, CMBS Fresno; Ibid., December 16, 1957, p. 1047. The growth of the Coaldale Saturday school during the early 1950's has already been mentioned. 136. North End minutes, year-end report for 1952, r o l l 92, p. 379. 137. North End minutes, March 4, 1954, r o l l 92, p. 450; August 23, 1954, r o l l 92, p. 467. 138. North End minutes, November 20, 1956, r o l l 92, p. 502; February 6, 1957, r o l l 92; September 25, 1957, r o l l 92, pp. 540-41; December 8, 1958, r o l l 92, p. 581. 139. North End minutes, 1959 year-end report, r o l l 92, p. 619. 161 140. North End minutes, 1959 year-end report, r o l l 92, p. 643. 141. Interview with Gilbert Brandt, Mennonite Brethren publisher, June 17, 1989, Winnipeg, Manitoba. 142. Interview with Calvin Redekop, Mennonite sociologist, June 27, 1990, Harrisonburg, Virginia. 143. Ibid. 144. Letter of July 10, 1950, to J. Quiring; B.B. Janz collection, Box 4, Folder 49, CMBS Winnipeg. 145. 1954 Northern Di s t r i c t Conference Yearbook, p. 14. 146. Interview with J.B. Toews. 147. F i l e BA 251, F 51, Alberta Mennonite High School, CMBS Fresno. 148. John B. Toews, With Courage to Spare: The Life of B.B. Janz (1877- 1964) (Hillsboro, KS: The Board of Christian Literature, 1978), pp. 103-105. 149. Interview with Herb Brandt, Mennonite Brethren pastor and Conference Moderator, June 3 and December 19, 1989, Kelowna, B.C. 162 CHAPTER FIVE Postwar Developments in Higher Education and German Language Preservation Between the mid-1940's and the early 1950's there was a significant institutional response to the rapid changes taking place among the Brethren in the postwar period. Increased material prosperity helped to f a c i l i t a t e the establishment of five Brethren high schools and one Bible college during this time. These institutions emerged in order to educate Brethren youth in an atmosphere congenial to the Brethren faith and way of l i f e . Maintenance of the German language was an integral part of these endeavours, in their early years, and in this chapter I w i l l b r i e f l y highlight this aspect of the new "higher" institutions, treating f i r s t the high schools and then the Mennonite Brethren Bible College. A brief look at the Conference Committee for the German Language and the inter-Mennonite Society for the Promotion of the German language w i l l conclude this chapter. Between 1944 and 1947, five high schools were started by the Canadian Mennonite Brethren. The schools generally grew out of, and were supported by, local Brethren congregations. They included the Mennonite Educational Institute of Clearbrook, B.C. (1944); Sharon Mennonite Collegiate Institute of Yarrow, B.C. (1945); Mennonite Brethren Collegiate Institute of Winnipeg, Manitoba (1945); Alberta Mennonite High School of Coaldale, Alberta (1946); and Eden Christian College of V i r g i l , Ontario (1947). Each of these schools offered, in addition to government-required curricula, courses in Bible, the German language, and Mennonite History. During the early years instruction was done on a bilingual basis, with some variation, but as time passed the 163 German language was relegated to courses on the Bible and the language i t s e l f . 1 A precedent had been set in Russia for Mennonite involvement in secondary education: at i t s height, the Russian Mennonite secondary school system comprised 23 schools, most with a three-year program that included instruction in German and Russian.2 The founding of private high schools and a Bible college in Canada was therefore a natural response to the challenges posed by the Canadian environment to Brethren identity. Studies of these educational endeavours have tended to ignore the important role assigned in the schools to the German language in maintaining a sense of unity and continuity with the Brethren faith, way of l i f e and community.3 As in so many other areas of Brethren l i f e , the German language was intended to function in these institutions as an instrument of socio-religious integration; to ignore this dynamic is to miss a fundamental aspect of their operation. Statements made at Brethren Canadian Conference meetings in the later 1940's and early 1950's support this contention. In 1948 H.B. Thiessen presented a paper on Brethren high schools which illustrated the dynamics present in such schools. He began by stating: "When we consider the 400-year history of our Volk, we find that our schools have played an essential role in the preservation and advancement of our teachings, special position and principles."4 As the Russlaender began to prosper in Canada, according to Thiessen, Mennonite youth started to attend public high schools; the lack of religious instruction, and the irreligious attitudes of some teachers, had necessitated something more "positive". Thus "The goal and motive for grounding these schools was to make a Christian education available to our 164 youth." Yet as his i n i t i a l statement made clear, there was much more to i t than that. The perpetuation of a common heritage and religious culture was an essential aspect of these schools: The greatest value of our high schools however l i e s in the opportunity to devote one-fourth of the classtime to religion and the German language. What there can't be achieved through that! There are also excellent opportunities for our youth to become familiar with the history of our Volk.5 Religion (of the Mennonite variety), the German language, and Mennonite history were key components of a "Christian education". Following the report, the Conference adopted a resolution which recognized the high significance of the Christian high schools which the Lord has given our religious community, where students may receive alongside the state education a more or less thorough training in religion and the German language.6 Five years later William Neufeld presented a similar point of view to the Conference. He noted that Mennonite youth were seeking higher education in growing numbers; the irreligious influence of the public schools caused many of them "to become alienated from our religious community, and to find i t hard to return."7 The intention of the Mennonite forefathers had been to pass down the faith to their children, and Mennonite schools had emerged under this particular necessity: "So the f i r s t schools were actually such that only instructed religion and German; only later as needs grew were school programmes widened." Although Neufeld was referring to the emergence of schools in Russia, he clearly f e l t that the essential core of Mennonite education was religion and German. As he went on to state, "The existence of our high schools today are also born out of such (expanded) needs."8 The percentage of Brethren youth attending Brethren high schools is unclear, but presumably was lower than those attending public schools.9 By the later 1940's and early 1950's the German language seems to have been used 165 around 20-25% of the time, primarily during instruction of religion and German, and in morning chapel services.10 At the Mennonite Brethren Collegiate Institute in Winnipeg, for example, 17-1/2 to 25% of instructional time was conducted in German in 1951, although faculty reported that there were many d i f f i c u l t i e s involved in using the language to this extent.11 By 1960 religious courses were being taught in English at the school, since the available books were in English and many students couldn't understand German anyway.12 The School Board resisted this changeover to English,13 with the ironic result that "Teachers of religion teach the German religious terminology even though classes in religion are taught in English."14 This phenomenon of German becoming a genuine l i t u r g i c a l language, for a short while at least, illustrates the degree to which i t had come to be identified with the Mennonite faith. The story of the founding and early years of the Conference-supported Bible college provides perhaps the most vivid example of the role played by Germanism in Brethren higher education in the postwar period. The f i r s t indications that a "higher Bible school" would be started as a Conference project were given in 1939 at the Canadian Conference meeting held in Coaldale, Alberta. There J.A. Toews read a report on "school endeavours" in the Conference, in which he cited a growing awareness of the need for higher theological training from the Mennonite Brethren perspective. Maintenance of the German mother-tongue was clearly linked to the successful perpetuation of Brethren distinctives. Bible-school teachers were needed who would be able to articulate the faith in German as well as English.15 A Bible School Committee was formed at the 1939 conference, electing A.H. Unruh as chairman. At i t s f i r s t meeting, the committee expressed the 166 perceived relationship between the German language and Brethren faith distinctives in a statement of objectives: 1. Spiritual nurture of the youth. 2. Education of believing teachers for our day schools. These objectives give us the following goal: Support of a l l endeavours to start schools which give our children a general education, and also religion and German, as well as to stimulate participation in such schools as already exist in our ci r c l e s ; because experience shows that teachers who have received their education in such schools gladly instruct their students in religion and German, and guide their upbringing according to our se n s i b i l i t i e s (ihre Erziehung in unserm Sinne leiten).16 Due to the circumstances brought about by the war, no great steps forward were taken on the issue until 1943. To have attempted to expand German-language education would obviously have been foolhardy in the early war years.17 The most pressing issue at that time was securing alternative service for Mennonite men conscripted by the Canadian army. By 1943, however, the committee was able to meet and further plan for the opening of a "higher Bible school". The "language problem" was among the concerns of the committee. It was acknowledged that a l l of the "lower" Bible schools had their own versions of this problem, and that in order for the generations not to be separated by language during the current "changeover period", this problem would have to be solved. Language was not, however, the sole issue of this meeting: the concern was that young, educated, bilingual people were needed at a l l levels of Brethren l i f e , as Bible school teachers, youth workers, missionaries and preachers. The maintenance of the German language would ensure that the Brethren faith perspective would be transmitted to these new leaders, but i t was a means to an end; there is no indication that anyone involved in this committee hoped for anything more than a bilingual church which would gradually change to English.18 167 The Conference moved forward on the issue, and by October 1944 a building had been bought in Winnipeg and i t s doors opened for business. A.H. Unruh, who was not fluent in English, was elected i t s f i r s t president. J.B. Toews, the most educated person from within the Brethren constituency, took over the role in the summer of 1945, with the intent of building a solid academic program for the college. By the 1946-47 school year the curriculum included courses in theology, church history, missions, philosophy, Greek, modern languages (including German), and music, among others. Enrollment had reached 129 students, one-third of them female.19 The college at this time offered a graduating Diploma in Theology as well as a Master's of Theology. In the primary instructional areas of theology and Christian education, 72 semester hours were taught in English, and 58 in German.20 The amount of German instruction theareafter diminished to on average of about one-half the amount of English instruction.21 The conflicts and problems surrounding the early years of the school illustrate the dilemmas confronting the Mennonite Brethren in the immediate postwar years. On the one hand, the school had been called into being to provide higher theological training in a bilingual context. The feeling was that i f the Brethren faith was not to be l e f t behind by the upcoming generation, an effort would have to be made to stem the tide of English language and culture, and the evangelical theology which went with i t . Could the distinctive faith understandings survive such a rapid change in the form of their expression? Thus pressure continued to be brought to bear on the college to provide a strong German component and fluently bilingual graduates. On the other hand, the effort appears to have been doomed from the beginning, given the chronic unavailability of current academic materials 168 in German22 and the lack of proficiency and interest in German displayed by incoming students. The intractability of the problem soon became evident. A meeting of the College Board early in 1946 indicated both how Brethren theology was associated with the German language, and that students were not up to the task presented them. Students showed a deficiency in Bi b l i c a l knowledge, and further, a weakness in German language proficiency: "The students have religious ideas, but they often are unable to clothe the thoughts in words." "Words", in this case, meant German words.23 As well, an "inner aversion" to the learning of German was f e l t to be exhibited by some students, hindering the whole process.24 Indifference or aversion toward the German language was an ongoing problem, reported in various contexts.25 By 1947 the graduation ceremonies were conducted completely in English, although other assemblies were s t i l l being held in German.26 Enrollment in the German course was weak from the beginning,27 and in 1949 only three students registered for German instruction.28 During 1946, of 1017 books checked out of the library, only 19 were German—not an encouraging figure, considering that there were almost 900 German books in the library.29 The majority of periodicals received by the college were written in English.30 A l l of this did not go unnoticed by the Mennonite Brethren constituency. Already in 1945 the Canadian Conference Bible School Committee had been concerned to "especially emphasize" to the MBBC Board of Directors that the general wish of the Brethren constituency was for strong teaching of the German language, and that this was an area which needed to be improved upon by the College.31 At the 1946 Conference meeting the report from the college acknowledged this expectation,32 and the ratio of German to English being 169 taught was reported for the f i r s t time. Questions were raised by delegates as to whether knowledge of German was obligatory, and the B.C. delegation proposed that i t be made mandatory, "so that future preachers would have f u l l command of the language."33 President J.B. Toews answered that every student who wished to graduate had to know both languages. During further discussion i t was pointed out that the language needed to f i r s t be learned at home, in the church, and in religion and bible schools, i f students were to be rightly prepared for the college.34 At the same Conference meeting i t was noted that English was being taught at about a f i f t y percent level in the congregational Bible schools.35 After hearing the MBBC report, the Conference recommended that "In family and church everything be set to the task of teaching our children the German language," in order to prepare future MBBC students.36 Here a dynamic was begun in which pressure on the school to turn out bilingual graduates was reflected back onto the constituency, instigating a broader effort to perpetuate the language at a l l levels of Brethren l i f e , culminating in the formation of the Committee for the German Language in 1950, where the language issue was destined to die a slow i f not quiet death. The same sorts of issues were present at the 1947 conference, with the college reiterating i t s objective of expanded German instruction, in order to help the congregations to solve their language problems.37 In 1948 A.A. Kroeker reported that he had visited almost a l l of the Brethren congregations in the Western provinces during 1947, as a representative of the college. . The Mennonite Brethren, according to Kroeker, had many fine youth, many of whom were unfortunately ending up in non-Mennonite schools—the college was therefore of great importance in the retention and furtherance of the legacy 170 which God had entrusted to the Mennonites. The people in the churches were generally in favour of the work of the school, but what was sad was that "Such a large percentage of Mennonite Brethren youth who want to go into some sort of ministry are doing i t in non-Mennonite schools."38 At the end of a l l reports having to do with school endeavours, the Conference went on record as "stressing i t s stated wish...that our college continues to work in the s p i r i t of the Conference, in which the needs of the congregations are taken into account and workers are brought forward who are equally proficient in both languages and thus can properly serve the congregations."39 The faculty and administration of the College did what they could to respond to the pressure to turn out f u l l y bilingual graduates,40 but this period did not pass without i t s casualties. Far-sighted college president J.B. Toews resigned in 1948, after three years with the college, largely because he f e l t that the problem of German retention was of more importance to the Board of Directors than building a solid academic program at the college: Board meetings were often taken up with concern about how many chapels and courses were being conducted in English, how many in German, etc. The Board f e l t that too much of the curriculum was being taught in English, and were "always putting the brakes on" to any new in i t i a t i v e s . Toews' desire to set up a really "respectable" program was not given top priority, thus limiting his ambition. He saw the next ten years being f i l l e d with battles which he didn't want to fight. The anticipation of the school was to prepare future church leaders, and thus the concern with the German language. That the best academic materials were written in English was of secondary importance. Upon Toews' unfortunate departure H.H. Janzen took over, a German-speaking MBBC teacher who, according to Toews, "Provided an image that 171 was f i t t i n g at the time."41 A.H. Unruh summed up the dilemma faced by Toews thus: He took pains to lead the institution in a way which corresponded to the Conference's needs. Certain circumstances in the Conference he could not change; but he did what he could to please both the students and the Conference.42 The new President H.H. Janzen, more conservative than Toews, worked to improve relations between the congregations and the college, trying to walk the thin line between the changing times and the wishes of the older generation. In a statement made in 1949 to the Conference Bible School Committee, Janzen claimed that there seemed to be a trend toward anti-denominational ism which was being picked up by the congregations and the younger people. This " s p i r i t " was threatening the Mennonite congregational l i f e , as well as the youth, who through language and their contact with the outside world were most threatened.43 In early 1947 the College Board had indicated that i t f e l t the Conference as a whole did not have a clear idea of what i t wanted in a Bible college.44 These statements indicate that while a strong pressure for the maintenance of the German language was coming from many sides, there were countervailing trends from within the Brethren constituency which worked against the efforts made by the college to f u l f i l l i t s mandate. By his statement Janzen seems to have been trying to encourage the congregations to take more responsibility for the preservation of the heritage. Thus Janzen focussed on the college-congregation relationship, and reiterated the fear that the loss of German was part of a general process of degeneration which the denomination was experiencing.45 As stated above, i t had been clear to the Conference by 1946 that incoming students were neither properly prepared nor inclined towards becoming f u l l y bilingual, and as a result the instruction of German at a l l 172 levels of Brethren l i f e had been encouraged. At the 1947 Conference meeting i t was again emphasized that more support needed to be given at the level of the home and local congregations i f the youth were to be won over to the German language.46 The 1950 meeting of the Canadian Conference adopted a lengthy resolution on the German language, including a request that German be taught at a l l levels of Brethren l i f e , and that a committee for the preservation of the German language be formed. The stage had been set for these developments at the 1949 Conference meeting, when F.C. Thiessen read an impassioned report from a committee which had been set up to try to unify and regularize the curriculum of the Conference Bible schools and high schools. A course of instruction had been formulated which was to help prepare students for the Bible college, but this was not enough. What was needed was a powerful "Bildungskomitee" (Educational/Developmental Committee) which would oversee a l l aspects of the Bible schools and high schools, and would have the power to alter the curriculum as i t saw f i t . An elemental aspect of this committee would be to provide the coordination needed to perpetuate the German language among Mennonites. Thiessen, who had been a strong proponent of Germanism in the 1930's, and who was a "prime mover" behind the founding of the Brethren high school in i Clearbrook,47 complained b i t t e r l y that the German language had been allowed to f a l l into neglect at every level of Brethren l i f e , lamenting: That we in our Volk have been born into the world as German-speaking children was no accident, rather God's w i l l . That the Lord wants to now take our mother tongue from u s — I can not understand and find i t b i b l i c a l l y unsound.48 For Thiessen, the issues of language, education and the Brethren faith identity were a l l tied together. And he saw quite clearly the need for a broadly based foundation for the language i f the college was to be successful 173 in i t s mandate of providing young, bilingual teachers: These teachers we now expect out of the College. Can they give us the strength, which w i l l enable us as a Conference to preserve our unique character and outlook (Eigenart und Einstellung), as we have done unt i l today? To that also belongs, that our teachers in the Bible and high schools have the command of both languages, as long as we yet have German worship services. The College finds this expectation to produce such teachers as unfair, since the students come to the College with neither the appropriate preparation in the German language nor the love for the mother tongue. It is certainly clear that the College cannot meet our expectations under such conditions and in four years turn out teachers who have a f u l l command of both languages.49 Thus the pressure on the Bible college was again reflected back upon the other levels of Conference l i f e . The formation of the language committee in 1950 was a logical outcome of the mounting pressures on the school, as the proponents of Germanism made a last, comprehensive bid to save the mother tongue. The language committee was dealt a severe blow even before i t started, however, with the death of Thiessen in the interim between the 1949 and 1950 meetings. With or without Thiessen's death, the committee and the issue i t represented was to fade into an obscure corner of Mennonite Brethren l i f e , since the language transition among the bulk of the constituency was well underway by this time. The German language preservation organizations should not however be li g h t l y dismissed; they represented the culmination of 25 years of struggle to maintain the socio-religious integrity of the Russlaender Brethren in Canada, and the important i f misguided role Germanism had played in that struggle. Individual emotional attachment to the mother-tongue was also obviously a factor in language retention efforts, but i t s t i l l had the larger Mennonite group as i t s reference point, and thus cannot be bracketed off from the general rubric of socio-religious solidarity and integrity. Two language preservation organizations are of interest here. One is the 174 Mennonite Brethren Conference "Committee for the German Language", already alluded to, and the other is the inter-Mennonite "Society for the Promotion of the German Language". The Conference Committee eventually merged, for a l l practical purposes, with the Society, although i t continued to report to the Conference under i t s own name. I w i l l f i r s t examine the Committee, then the Society. At the 1950 Brethren Canadian Conference meeting $ 1000.00 was allocated to the new Committee, and five members were elected. They were D.K. Duerksen, H. Regehr, Johann Goertz, A.H. Unruh, and H.H. Kornelsen. The stated purposes of the Committee were: To stimulate the learning of the German language through lectures or arti c l e s in the German (Mennonite) periodicals. It is also to help with the coordination of appropriate (German) materials for the Saturday-, Bible- and high-schools.50 At the 1951 Conference meeting the Committee gave a long report containing a l i s t of reasons for maintaining the German language. In addition to mentioning things such as the general benefits of being bilingual, and the need to be able to relate to recent Mennonite immigrants from Russia and Germany, the following reasons were given: Because with the loss of a language individual persons and whole groups close the door to intellectual, cultural and sp i r i t u a l goods. Because the German language binds together our l i t t l e Volk, which is scattered across the entire globe...Because the German language in many cir c l e s helps to hold together young and old in worship services and in the home. The Committee expressed the feeling that the German language could be maintained in "many c i r c l e s " i f parents would speak High German to their children, and i f the Brethren schools were supported. Its main a c t i v i t y at this time was trying to organize German textbook distribution to the various Mennonite schools.51 175 During the next year the Committee sent questionnaires regarding German language usage to a l l of the Brethren congregations and schools, and tried to give practical advice on how to nurture the German language. Only 23% of the congregations responded to the po l l , while the response from the schools was better. The Committee recommended that schools build up their German libraries and that congregations expand their Saturday schools. Parents were again implored to speak High German, not English, with their children.52 By 1953 the Committee reported that i t was working closely with the Society for the Promotion of the German Language.53 An organizational meeting for the Society took place in H.F. Klassen's house in May of 1952.54 Over the next few years Mennonite Brethren who served on the Society's executive committee included H.F. Klassen, A.H. Unruh, D.K. Duerksen, N. Neufeld and H. Regehr. G.H. Peters was the founding Chairman of the Society, and Walter Quiring the Secretary. A l l of these individuals, with the exception of Quiring, were Russlaender immigrants from the 1920's. Quiring had settled in Germany and been an ardent Nazi supporter in the 1930's (see Chapter Three). Winnipeg was the locus of the Society, which by i t s sixth meeting in the f a l l of 1952 had elected provincial representatives.55 The name of the organization was i n i t i a l l y the "Society for the Promotion of the German Mother-Tongue," but the reference to "mother-tongue" was eventually dropped. The Society wanted to attract those of the younger generation for whom the German language was not the mother-tongue.56 The Society met relatively often, in i t s early years, sometimes at two-week intervals. Lectures were given in Mennonite communities on the need to retain and nurture the German language, and the Society did much to make sure that German text- and songbooks were made available to interested schools and 176 individuals. The chairman, G.H. Peters, organized a correspondence course. Numerous articles supporting the language, and notices of gatherings to be held, were published in the Mennonite newspapers, and summer courses and youth programmes were staged. The Society also endowed prizes for excellence in the study of the language by students in Mennonite schools, and operated a German lending-library. A l l of these a c t i v i t i e s served the primary goal of the Society to raise consciousness among Mennonites as to the importance of the language for the Mennonite community.57 Between 1952 and 1960, the Society recorded a total membership of approximately 1400 individuals. The number of active members who paid the $1.00 yearly fee was generally much lower, the highpoint having been reached in 1954, with 700 active members.58 Of the total number of individuals who had at one time or another belonged to the Society, at least 186 or about 15% were of Brethren a f f i l i a t i o n . It i s highly probable that the actual figure was higher.59 The membership r o l l s indicate that the Society was more than a Winnipeg phenomenon, attracting Mennonites from every province, primarily the western provinces of B.C., Saskatchewan, Alberta and Manitoba. The majority of Brethren members were from Manitoba, but one-fifth were from Alberta, and one-tenth from B.C.60 It is beyond the scope of this study to present a detailed history of the Society, which was active into the 1970's and beyond. In the remainder of this chapter I w i l l present a few glimpses into the ideas and feelings expressed by the Society and i t s members in regard to the German language and it s significance for Mennonites. Although the Society was not able to stem the tide of anglicization to any significant degree, i t did provide a forum for an older generation of Canadian Mennonites to express their feelings 177 towards the language, religious l i f e , and sense of peoplehood which had been shared in Russia. A wide range of motives for retaining the language was expressed by Society members, including an emotional and s p i r i t u a l attachment. In 1955 Isaac Redekopp presented a short sermon to a meeting of the Society which was summarized by the Secretary thus: Brother Redekopp drew a parallel between the language of human beings and of Jesus, as God's word become flesh. The Lord Jesus was magnificent, f u l l of grace and truth. So also should the language be magnificent and carry with i t the imprint of truth. It should allow us to express our deepest feelings and our most elevated thoughts...Even Jesus expressed his deepest feelings in his mother-tongue. His c a l l on the cross "My God, my God, why have you forsaken me?" was uttered in the Aramaic language, which was his mother-tongue . 61 Although i t was clear that Redekopp f e l t the German language to be "magnificent", he also indicated that language shouldn't be elevated to an all-important position. The Society was careful to emphasize that i t didn't feel that any one language was better than another, rather i t wanted to nurture and maintain the particular "good" which had been inherited from the Mennonite forefathers.62 The equality of languages may have been affirmed in principle by the Society, but in practice there were strong feelings that for Mennonites, at least, the German language (and culture) was special, and that the surrounding "English" culture was inferior and to be avoided. G.H. Peters, who had been a high school teacher in Mennonite schools for most of his l i f e , was especially concerned with losing Mennonite youth to the "American melting-pot"; Now only goal-directed countermeasures can save us from complete "Verenglischung" (anglicization). We must win back our youth, i f we as a Volk do not want to lose ourselves in the American melting-pot of nations. Those in our Volk who have recognized the danger dare 178 not stand by and say "what's the use". We must continue to try to sharpen the sense of personal responsibility of our youth.63 In speeches to youth groups Peters emphasized the "German" background of the Mennonites, and the need to be proud of that aspect of their heritage. The German language carried with i t high cultural values, and bound Mennonites together.64 Peters had clearly been influenced by "Volkish" thought, and saw the Mennonites as a cultural, ethnic and religious unity which would be destroyed i f one element was removed. At the i n i t i a l membership meeting of the Society in September 1952, Peters summed up his feelings about Germanism: Why German?...Because i t is our mother-tongue—"Acquire what you have inherited from your fathers, in order to possess i t . " I think that every human being belongs to a Volk, and we belong to no other Volk than the German. The German language is the root which connects us to the cultural ground of the German Volk. Closely bound with our language are our customs and morals, our traditions, and our most noble character t r a i t s . Indeed, the language is also the carrier of our religion...The language is not just a form which can be changed without altering the content. 0 no, the language forms, together with the content of our personality, an indivisible unity. With the loss of the mother-tongue must our personality, our culture, our traditions and our religion be altered, and certainly not in a positive way.65 Many of these themes were present in an early Society statement of the reasons for retaining the German language, but the Volkish rhetoric was toned down and some more general grounds were added. Summarized, the statement read: 1. Keeping the language w i l l prevent a r i f t between generations. 2. With the loss of the language the religion w i l l also be influenced, because the mother-tongue is indivisibly tied to our religion. 3. The German language is the root of our culture, traditions and intellectual/spiritual development. With the loss of this language we lose our intellectual s t a b i l i t y and are then more open to corruptive and demoralising influences. 4. The German language is the connecting-link of Mennonites throughout the world. 5. Studying the German language gives a better understanding of the English. 6. Canada is a rich nation because i t contains so many different nationalities. We w i l l be good citizens i f we retain ours. 7. The German language is our mother-tongue and the language of our ancestors, literature and religion. 8. The German language is one of 179 the most important languages in the world. The foregoing statements represent the most self-conscious and wide-ranging reflections made, in the period under study, on the meaning of the German identity for the Russlaender Mennonites in Canada. That they were made during the dying days of this particular constellation of language, peoplehood and religious faith is not surprising since the a b i l i t y to analyze is enhanced by greater distance from the object of analysis. Also, with anglicization and many other social, cultural and religious changes well underway, i t had become necessary to rationalize what had previously been more generally taken for granted. But i f Society members were engaging in some rather subtle and sophisticated thinking on the relationship between culture, religion and communal identity, they were also nostalgic and out of touch with the major trends of the religious mainstream of Mennonite l i f e . A.H. Unruh (not to be confused with his pro-Nazi brother B.H. Unruh—see Chapter Two) was a highly-respected Brethren educator who was involved with the society in i t s early days, and his statements on language preservation illustrate the particular Brethren perspective, which with i t s missionary emphasis tended towards a more moderate formulation of the problem. In early 1953 Unruh gave a short lecture entitled "Why is i t necessary to retain the German mother-tongue?" to the f i r s t f u l l membership meeting of the Society, and the address was later published in the Mennonitische Rundschau. In the lecture, Unruh argued for the maintenance of the German language from various "grounds", including educational, historical, business/occu-pational, missions, and "Volks-grounds" (Volksgruenden). In discussing educational reasons to keep the German language, Unruh implied that the German language goes "deeper" than the English, c i t i n g a highly-educated 180 English-speaking man who praised a German Bible commentary for revealing depths which remained covered in English. The German-speaking world is a source of learning which is well worth studying. Translations are worthwhile, but some things get lost.66 It is also necessary to retain the language for historical reasons— knowledge of i t w i l l bind the old world to the new, and provide better understanding between generations: "I've said i t once already, he who throws away the German language, throws out also his own history." As an "old world" language, German should be studied for an understanding of this past world, i t s prayers, and i t s Bible. Unruh also argued that for business and professional reasons i t is good to retain the language—it's useful to be able to communicate with people in their own language. And then there were grounds to retain the language from a missions perspective. "Our" people are in South America, and they don't speak English. People may want to missionize there or in Germany.67 The most interesting part of this lecture i s his discussion of "Volks-grounds". He had already alluded to bridging the gap between the old and new worlds, and keeping the generations together, and now he e x p l i c i t l y speaks of keeping the Volk together. He argues against Low German being the "Volks-language" because i t is impure (containing Russian and Polish elements) and open to variation (English is easily added); the implication is that compared to High German, Low German does not have the same unifying power. The Low German language is dear to him, but just doesn't quite pass muster as a Volks-language. If i t were to be cleaned up and a l l the foreign words expunged, there wouldn't be much left.68 In this context Unruh cited the example of Martin Luther, who, finding 181 the state of German to be "confused", determined a single German language for a l l German people; And...we're s t i l l today enjoying the blessings from that. We have the High German language right in the Bible. When you publicly pray, when the preacher says a prayer, then he says i t in the High German, not the Low German language. The High German language unites us...And therefore is this language Society agreed, that i t is precisely the language which i t wants to raise up (heben); i t is doing a major work — The children are to be influenced as well as the elders. And in this manner can we perhaps come to a unified German mother-tongue. Thus on volkish grounds, for the sake of the unity of our Volk, i t would be good i f we came together and supported this matter.69 This lecture indicates that Unruh was deeply convinced of the importance of the German language for Mennonites, and gives some of the reasons why Low German was neglected at the expense of High German. But this was not an enduring theme for Unruh, as i t was for G.H. Peters, Walter Quiring, D.K. Duerksen and other members of the Society. Unruh seems to have been silent on the Germanism issue during the 1930's and 1940's, and youth-oriented speeches given by Unruh during the early 1950's made l i t t l e or no mention of the language issue, concentrating instead on sp i r i t u a l and moral themes.70 In a speech entitled "The Service of Language", given at meeting of the German language Society in the f a l l of 1953, the ambivalence of Unruh's perspective comes into sharper focus. After repeating some of the themes present in the earlier address, including the purity and unifying power of the German "Bible language", Unruh compared the contemporary Mennonite situation with that of the Jews, whose Hebrew "Bible language" influenced the later Aramaic. Mennonites have an evangelical mission, thus they require a "Bi b l i c a l mindset"; for that reason they should treasure, honor and teach the German "Bible language." The Tower of Babel confused everybody, and therefore the more pure and unified a 182 language i s , the easier i t is to find understanding. However, he points out that the building of the Tower was aimed at making a name for the builders, and was thus based on pride. "The language is a servant for the good of mankind, not for self-aggrandizement." Just like on Pentecost every listener heard the Gospel in their own language, so God gave Mennonites the Bible in their own language. But the language as such is neutral in relation to the Gospel. It is proclaimed in every language. For that reason we value the study of a l l foreign languages and treasure that much more the study of our own mother-tongue as a legacy from Father and Mother.71 A basic ambivalence was present. On the one hand a strong impression is given that German is a superior, "pure" language; on the other hand, Unruh essentially says that Mennonites have a right to their language as much as anyone else does to theirs, but i t should not be regarded as qualitatively better or idolized. The ambiguity was overcome in Unruh's discourse, ultimately, by the evangelistic imperative. The greatest goal of language is in preaching the Gospel to a l l peoples. The contemporary Mennonite situation, according to Unruh, was similar to that of the early church, which existed in a world where Greek and Hebrew were both in use. The English and German language run side by side. Our task is to hold onto these languages as a g i f t from God, as an inheritance. We must however purify them through the Bible, in order that we f u l f i l l our fi n a l mission: the spreading of the Gospel. We should be thankful for every man we have, who can in two or more languages proclaim the Gospel. We want to bring this assemly before God's throne. We're not only "Kulturmenschen" (cultural beings), also God's c a r r i e r — t o spread the Gospel. And we don't want ourselves to have a falling-out for the sake of a language.72 Unruh's message at this point is clear. Language is not a good in i t s e l f , and should not, as an aspect of culture, divide Mennonites. The overriding goal is to preach the Gospel, in whatever language. Clearly, though, German is the Mennonite language for Unruh. Taken in the context of a gathering of 183 the Society when i t was peaking in popularity, this is a strong message against overemphasizing the language as a good in i t s e l f . The Brethren concern with preaching the Gospel was for Unruh the f i n a l standard of judgement, and thus moderated his Germanism. Unruh's position i s another example of the ambivalence f e l t by the Brethren toward their cultural heritage. If on the one hand i t was f e l t to be an important instrument of socio-religious integration for them, i t was also balanced by the evangelistic aspect of Brethren religious identity. In reports to the Canadian Brethren Conference during the later 1950's, the German language Committee/Society began emphasizing the connection between German language preservation and missions, and the inherent value of knowing a second language, while the issues of Mennonite Volk unity and the importance of German as the Mennonite religious language began to fade.73 Clearly, the tolerance for that kind of talk had begun to wear thin. As D.K. Duerksen reported in 1958, "It is d i f f i c u l t to talk about the promotion of the German language in our c i r c l e s , because misunderstandings and opposition so easily appear."74 Although the Committee for the German Language reported to the Conference for a number of years after this, and the Society for the Promotion of the German Language continued to operate into the 1970's and beyond, they became increasingly peripheral to the l i f e of the Canadian Mennonite Brethren.75 Thus significant efforts were made, in the decade following the end of the Second World War, to provide an institutional base for German language preservation. This was a function both of the important role the language was perceived to play in the maintenance of Mennonite unity and identity, and the rapid transition to English which was taking place, especially among the 184 younger generation. This chapter has only begun to sketch an outline of the efforts in higher education and by the language preservation groups to preserve German as a special "Mennonite language". The history of the Society for the Promotion of the German language, in particular, remains to be written. Nevertheless, the broad outlines of the Germanism prevalent in this period have been mapped, and i t has been demonstrated that renewed efforts were made, in the postwar period, to preserve the German language as an instrument of socio-religious integration for the Brethren, and that these efforts were in fact closely linked to the new educational endeavours. 185 NOTES, CHAPTER FIVE 1. Peter G. Klassen, "A History of Mennonite Education in Canada, 1786-1960" (D.Ed, thesis, University of Toronto, 1970d), p. 285ff; John George Doerksen, "History of Education of the Mennonite Brethren of Canada" (M.Ed, thesis, University of Manitoba, 1963), p. 106, 136ff. 2. Klassen, "A History of Mennonite Education in Canada," p. 283. 3. See Klassen, "A History of Mennonite Education in Canada"; Doerksen, "History of Education of the Mennonite Brethren of Canada"; John George Doerksen, "Mennonite Brethren Bible College and College of the Arts" (Ph.D. dissertation, University of North Dakota, 1968). J.A. Toews alludes to the issue in his history of the Mennonite Brethren, but doesn't give any d e t a i l . See J.A. Toews, A History of the Mennonite Brethren Church (Fresno, CA: Board of Christian Literature, 1975), p. 254 and p. 458, note 1. 4. 1948 Mennonite Brethren Northern Di s t r i c t Conference Yearbook (Hillsboro, KS: MB Publishing House), p. 73. 5. Ibid., pp. 74-75. 6. Ibid., p. 77. 7. 1953 Northren Di s t r i c t Conference Yearbook, p. 94. 8. Ibid. 9. See the 1951 Northern District Conference Yearbook, p. 57, and the 1952 Northern Dis t r i c t Conference Yearbook, p. 96. Surveys of congregations were far from complete, but the figures cited indicate that more than half of Brethren youth attended public schools. 10. 1949 Northern Dis t r i c t Conference Yearbook, p. 55; 1951 Northern  District Conference Yearbook, p. 57; 1954 Northern District Conference  Yearbook, p. 95; 1955 Northern District Conference Yearbook, p. 12. 11. MBCI School Committee Minutes, October 27, 1951, Box L234, folder 22, Centre for Mennonite Brethren Studies (CMBS), Fresno. 12. Ibid., July 21, 1960. 13. Ibid. 14. Ibid., September 19, 1963, Box L234, folder 23. 15. 1939 Northern District Conference Yearbook, p. 25. 186 16. From the pamphlet "Die Enstehung der Hoeheren Bibelschule und die Stellung der Manitoba Konferenz dazu", from the Northern Dis t r i c t Conference Bible School Committee Fi l e s , Centre for Mennonite Brethren Studies (CMBS), Winnipeg, hereafter BSCF (Bible School Committee F i l e s ) . 17. There was no Conference meeting at a l l in 1940 due to the strong anti-German feelings present among the Canadian public during the early part of the war. At the 1941 Northern District Conference meeting the Bible School Committee reported that "It w i l l doubtless be understood by you that in the face of the present situation we are not able to report on groundbreaking work along the lines of school endeavours." 1941 Northern District Conference Yearbook, p. 15. 18. Minutes of the 1943 Bible School Committee meeting, BSCF. Also see minutes of a meeting of the Conference Bible School Committee with the MBBC Board of Directors, December 12-15, 1945, microfilm r o l l no. 40, p. 40, CMBS Fresno, hereafter BM (Board Minutes). At this meeting five goals of the school were li s t e d : to produce Bible school teachers, missionaries, church workers, music directors, and bilingual graduates, because in 10 or 12 years they would be needed in the churches—they were even then beginning to be needed, according to the report. 19. BM, p. 81. 20. 1947 Northern District Conference Yearbook, pp. 2-3. 21. MBBC Faculty Meeting Minutes, September 19, 1947, and September 7, 1948. MBBC Faculty Minutes F i l e , CMBS Winnipeg, hereafter FM (Faculty Minutes). 22. Interview with J.B. Toews, Mennonite Brethren educator and leader, June 10, 1989, Winnipeg, Manitoba; Meeting of the MBBC Board of Directors with the Northern D i s t r i c t Conference Bible School Committee, December 12-15, 1945, BM pp. 40-50; Report to the 1947 Northern District Conference meeting given by H.P. Toews, 1947 Northern Dis t r i c t Conference Yearbook, pp. 78-79; Report to the Northern District Conference Bible School Committee, given by J.A. Toews, February 23-24, 1949, BSCF. Report from the College given by H.H. Redekop at the 1950 Northern District Conference meeting, 1950 Northern  Di s t r i c t Conference Yearbook, p. 89. 23. BM, p. 56. 24. Ibid., p. 57. 25. Report from the College, January, 1947, BM, p.125; Report to the Northern District Conference Bible School Committee, given by J.A. Toews, February 23-24, 1949, BSCF; "A Short Overview of the Work in the M.B. Bible College" by A.H. Unruh, 1953, BSCF. 26. Minutes of the MBBC Faculty meeting September 19, 1947, FM. 27. Ibid., December 11, 1946. 187 28. Ibid., January 10, 1949. 29. Report from the College, January 1947, BM, pp. 85-86. 30. Report to the Conference Bible School Committee for 1947, February 19-21, 1948, BSCF. 31. Meeting of the MBBC Board of Directors with the Northern Dis t r i c t Conference Bible School Committee, December 12-15, 1945, BM, p. 49. 32. 1946 Northern Dis t r i c t Conference Yearbook, p. 98. 33. Ibid., p. 109. 34. Ibid. 35. Ibid., p. 115. 36. Ibid., p. 114. 37. 1947 Northern D i s t r i c t Conference Yearbook, p. 83. 38. 1948 Northern District Conference Yearbook, p. 62. 39. Ibid., p. 72. 40. The college took steps to encourage the learning of German through awards for proficiency in German study, and by making f a c i l i t y with German a pre-requisite for admission. (Faculty minutes of May 31, 1948, September 7, 1948, and January 31, 1949, FM.) It is not clear how strongly this requirement was enforced—in 1953 A.H. Unruh reported that i t was impossible for the college to turn out "proper" bilingual preachers (A Short Overview of the Work in the M.B. Bible College, in Winnipeg, Manitoba," BSCF.) 41. Interview with J.B. Toews. 42. 1948 Northern Dis t r i c t Conference Yearbook, p. 64. 43. Report to the Northern District Conference Bible School Committee, February 23-24, 1949, p. 8, BSCF. 44. Report from the College to the Bible School Committee, January 1947, BM, p. 99. 188 45. Further evidence of the highwire act which the college was compelled to perform is contained in Janzen's report on "The Inner Life of the Bible College", presented to the Conference Bible School Committee meeting of February 19-21, 1948, and subsequently presented to the 1948 Canadian Conference meeting. Here he claimed that the atmosphere of the college had improved from the earlier years; the negativity experienced at that time was due to the influence of non-Mennonite schools on incoming students. As things got r o l l i n g and students helped to create positive contact with congregations, the atmosphere was changing. Many congregations were now supporting the school, although not a l l . Helpful would be "an honest set-to in our hearts and in the congregations with various c r i t i c a l questions, not last the language question." The basic critique here seems again to be that the expectations of the constituency were too high considering the emotional and intellectual state of the students which i t sent to the college. BSCF. 46. 1947 Northern District Conference Yearbook, pp. 78-79. 47. Doerksen, "History of Education of the Mennonite Brethren of Canada," p. 103. 48. 1949 Northern D i s t r i c t Conference Yearbook, p. 56. 49. Ibid. 50. 51. 1951 Northern District Conference Yearbook 52. 1952 Northern Dist r i c t Conference Yearbook 53. 1953 Northern Dist r i c t Conference Yearbook 54. Minutes of the Society for the Promotion of the German Language, May 15, 1952, Mennonite Heritage Centre (MHC), Winnipeg. Hereafter SM (Society Minutes). 55. SM, July 29, 1952; October 19, 1952. 56. SM, October 29, 1955, p. 4. 57. SM, April 11 1953, and passim. 58. SM, passim; General Files of the Society, MHC, passim. Hereafter "GF" (General F i l e s ) ; 1954 Northern Dis t r i c t Conference Yearbook, p. 97. 59. GF, Society membership catalogue. The Card-catalog system used by the Society did not record the church a f f i l i a t i o n of every member, only those who had specified i t upon becoming members. 60. Figures were arrived at by an analysis of the membership catalogue. 61. SM, October 29, 1955. 189 62. See for example the 1954 and 1955 reports given by the Brethren Conference Committee for the German Language to the Conference: 1954 Northern  District Conference Yearbook, p. 97; 1955 Northern District Conference  Yearbook, p. 13. 63. Letter to A.A. Martens, January 23, 1954, Society Correspondence F i l e , 1952-54, MHC. Hereafter "SCF" (Society Correspondence F i l e ) . 64. "Ansprache auf den Jugendvereinsprogramme der Schoenwieser Gemeinde, den 20 Juni, 1954", SCF, 1952-54. 65. "Vortrag gehalten von G.H. Peters auf der Gruenderversammlung des 'Mennonitischen Vereins zur Pflege der deutschen Muttersprache1 am 27 September, 1952, in der Schoenwieser Kirche in Winnipeg," G.F. 66. A.H. Unruh, "Warum i s t es notwendig, unsere deutsche Muttersprache zu erhalten?" Mennonitische Rundschau, 3 June 1953, p. 2. 67. Ibid. 68. Ibid., p. 3. See discussion of the Low German/High German question in Chapter Six. 69. Ibid. 70. e.g. "Die Gleichstellung mit der Welt", read at a youth gathering and printed in the Konferenz Jugendblatt, May-August 1951, pp. 3-5; "Die positive Beeinflussung der Jugend in den MBG Kanadas", manuscript of a speech read at a Conference gathering, AH Unruh Collection, Box 3, CMBS Winnipeg. 71. "Der Dienst der sprache", A lecture given at a membership meeting of the Society for the Promotion of the German Language, October 24, 1953, and published in the Rundschau November 25, 1953. From AH Unruh collection, Box 3, CMBS Winnipeg. 72. Ibid. 73. e.g. 1957 Northern District Conference Yearbook, p. 115; 1958  Northern District Conference Yearbook, pp. 152-53; 1959 Northern District  Conference Yearbook, pp. 129-30. 74. 1958 Northern District Conference Yearbook, p. 152. 75. Interview with Herb Brandt, Mennonite Brethren pastor and Conference leader, June 3 and December 19, 1989, Kelowna, B.C; J.A. Toews, A History of  the Mennonite Brethren Church, p. 328. 190 CHAPTER SIX Conclusion: Some Theoretical and Comparative Perspectives In the parlance of sociologists the Canadian Mennonites can be described as an "ethnic church". The term "ethno-racial-religious group," coined by Isajiw and employed most recently by Herberg (1989), can also be used to describe Mennonites. I would add that the emphasis should be placed on "church", when using the former term, and "religious", when using the latter. Breton has used the term "ethnic enclosure" to describe the existence of social boundaries between an ethnic group and others, and the mechanisms used by a group to maintain such intergroup boundaries. "Compartmentalization" i s the degree to which "institutional completeness" has been achieved, whereby ethnic institutions function to shield individuals from assimilative forces.1 The Mennonite Brethren clearly exercised a certain degree of "ethnic enclosure", and the German identity was an important mechanism in maintaining social "boundaries", even i f that was not it s sole function. Enclosure was resisted by many Brethren, however, often because i t came into conflict with their evangelical theology. The "compartmentalization" which took place via the erection of various institutions, including a variety of schools, was in response to the perceived degenerative and assimilative effects of Anglo-Canadian institutions and culture, and again Germanism played a part, although i t s role gradually declined. Herberg advances the notion that "integration", or the temporary participation by members of an ethnic group in the larger societal structures and institutions, does not necessarily imply acculturation or disloyalty towards the originating group.2 It would be d i f f i c u l t to argue that in the 191 case of the Russlaender Brethren the "integration" which took place did not have a significant effect upon loyalty to the group and i t s traditional religious culture. Herberg presses the point further by arguing that "An ethnoculture can be maintained even though English or French is the language of communication."3 The f i r s t generation of Brethren immigrants to Canada f e l t that the German language was crucial to the maintenance of Brethren identity, while those born in Canada generally did not. The ethno-religious culture which had emerged in Imperial Russia was, in the eyes of the f i r s t generation immigrants, rapidly in decline in Canada during the period under study. Meanwhile the second and third generations were undergoing the process of "ethnic differentiation" whereby Brethren identity was adapted to the Canadian context. The pattern of Brethren acculturation is in keeping with broader trends: as Herberg remarks, "There were almost universally high rates of mother-tongue retention in the 1921-1941 era and then sharp declines by most groups through 1961 or 1971."4 It appears that the advent of o f f i c i a l multi-culturalism in the 1970's was too late to have a significant impact on the Brethren German identity. By then they had joined other Dutch and German groups at the bottom of l i s t s of ethnic group mother-tongue retention in Canada.5 There is agreement among sociologists as to the importance of a common language as an indicator of both collective identity definition and ethnocultural cohesion.6 Hertzler (1965) emphasized the double implication of Sapir's theory of language as a source of social solidarity, which has been used as a basis for this study; a common language indicates both who is included and who is excluded from the ethnic group.7 Lieberson (1970) has 192 espoused a similar idea, stating that "Language similarities can support both in-group unity and out-group distance since language serves both as a symbol of other differences as well as a restriction on the communication possible between ethnic groups."8 H. Richard Niebuhr found that the language and traditions of European immigrants to America "were both the uniting bonds of the group and the symbols of i t s social solidarity," and that the immigrant religion and religious leaders were the most common foci in the") struggle to maintain group identity.9 A l l of these statements clearly apply to the Canadian Mennonite Brethren, but the inherent connection between the German language and the Mennonite faith and way of l i f e also contributed to the Brethren emphasis on language, and w i l l be discussed further below. Support for Sapir's theory has recently come from Jeffrey Reitz, who studied Canada's four largest urban ethnic minorities, i.e. people of Italian, German, Ukrainian and Polish descent. He concluded that Language is important to ethnic communities not merely as an expression of traditional ethnic culture; the data suggest that ethnic language retention is a cornerstone of the ethnic communities themselves. Failure to learn the ethnic language leads to failure to participate in the ethnic community, and this to a large extent explains reduced participation in the second and third generations. Language loss is a well-founded concern of ethnic community leaders, however d i f f i c u l t might be i t s prevention.10 This accords well with the evidence presented in this study, pointing to the fact that in order to understand the dynamics of Mennonite Brethren Germanism in Canada, one must take seriously the elder generation's feeling that the socio-religious integrity of the group, at least as they had come to know i t , was breaking down. However, the question of why the German language and identity was so quickly and easily challenged, i f i t was so important, needs to be answered. As Lieberson suggests, a " c r i t i c a l step" towards unilingualism involves "the 193 transfer to the next generation of a mother tongue that is the second language of their parents."11 Part of the answer may l i e in the fact that the Brethren brought two competing ethnic languages with them; this w i l l be discussed further below. Perhaps, following a theory of Dorothy Herberg, Mennonites encountered few "surprises" in terms of climate, language and social and family structure in Canada, and thus adapted rather quickly.12 It is commonly remarked by Mennonite scholars that whereas in Russia the surrounding Slavic culture was deemed inferior, and thus easily avoided, in Canada the newly-impoverished Mennonites suddenly found themselves to be the poor, "backward" ones. The fact that the indigenous language is a potential social and economic assetl3 would have meant that English became doubly-important to Russian Mennonites eager to regain their former status. These factors are d i f f i c u l t to verify, but were undoubtedly operative to some degree among the Brethren. Throughout this study I have attempted to identify the most obvious and concrete reasons for the quick changeover, and these w i l l be b r i e f l y summarized below. But i t has been less my intention to give a final explanation of why the changeover occurred so quickly than to understand the contours of Brethren Germanism in i t s historical context. In their study of language loyalty among American ethnic and religious groups, Fishman and Nahirny (1966) found that Most major religious bodies in America are powerful de-ethnicizing forces, although there is considerable evidence that in former days religion served as a strong force on behalf of ethnic and linguistic continuity among American immigrants and their children.14 A variety of factors were at work in this trend, including indifference to the mother tongue among parents, the increasing diversity of ethnic membership, and the choice of religious over ethnic factors when the two came into conflict. 194 Religion played a similarly ambivalent role in language maintenance among the Mennonite Brethren, although somewhat more synchronically. The High German language was intimately associated with the Brethren faith and way of l i f e , but i t s retention was threatened, in addition to a host of other factors, by the Brethren emphasis on evangelism. Fishman and Nahirny also offer insights into how language maintenance efforts become marginalized over time, with the goal of group maintenance ultimately becoming separated from that of language maintenance, and prevailing over i t : In the primordial ethnic community (the) two goals (of language and group maintenance) were indistinguishable. Under the de-ethnicizing impact of urban mass culture, however, the two have become increasingly unravelled.15 There are clear parallels in the experience of the Russlaender Brethren in Canada, especially in the post-Second World War decades, and further comment on this w i l l be made below. There seems to be some variation in opinion as to the degree in which religion reinforces language maintenance among ethnic groups. On the one hand, Hofman (1966) and Fishman and Nahirny (1966) conclude that ethnicity is dominant over religion/ideology in promoting language retention.16 On the other hand, Heinz Kloss (1966) maintains that the strongest factor contributing to language maintenance among ethnic Germans in the U.S. is religio-societal insulation, whereby groups "maintain their language in order more f u l l y to exclude worldly influence and perhaps, because change in i t s e l f is considered sinful."17 Again there are parallels in the experience of the Brethren; and i t is indeed l i k e l y that change was resisted to a certain degree simply because people could not imagine any other viable versions of Mennonitism. While I hesitate to assign relative weights to ethnicity and religion in promoting 195 the German identity of the Brethren, i t seems safe to state that both were important factors, with socio-religious reasons being most often and clearly articulated. In using the term "socio-religious integrity" in reference to the Brethren, in this study, I have tried to indicate that both social and religious factors were involved; and by using the term "socio-religious" more often than "ethno-religious", i t has been my intention to emphasize the strength of ideology and sense of voluntaristic community among the Brethren. Glazer (1966) summarized the factors relevant to language maintenance among minority groups thus: We have spoken of the time of immigration, the spatial pattern of settlement, the social structure of the immigrant group (and in particular the role of the professional, intellectual, and middle-class elements within it) and the role of religion. To these four factors we w i l l add one more: the degree of ideological mobilization in the group. We may ask, is the emigration to be explained solely by economic factors, or are religious and p o l i t i c a l factors important? It seems reasonable that i f people emigrate because of oppression, because they are not allowed national freedom, cultural freedom, religious freedom, they w i l l cling more strongly to the national language than i f they emigrate only to improve their economic situation.18 In historical terms, the time of the Russian Mennonite Brethren immigration to Canada was not propitious, coming between two world wars in which Germany, and hence a l l things German, were the enemy. The Mennonite Brethren did not settle in closed communities, which would have mitigated assimilation and acculturation. In terms of social structure, there was a relatively educated strata of preachers and teachers which made in some cases strenuous efforts to retain the German language and culture. The role of religion has already been mentioned, and w i l l be discussed further below. Glazer's last factor, the ideological conditions of emigration, seems especially relevant to the Brethren. In addition to suffering economic ruin, their cultural and religious identity was severely threatened in Soviet Russia, providing a 196 fin a l impetus to their departure. It is understandable that an emotional attachment to the particular configuration of language, faith and way of l i f e which had emerged in Russia, and which had been saved only at great sacrifice, would have played a part in the resistance to linguistic, cultural and religio-ethical change in Canada. There is some evidence that Mennonites have been more attached to the German language than other contemporary German groups. The comparison made in Chapter Three to Russian-Germans in Saskatchewan provides one example. Writing in the late 1930's, Elizabeth Gerwin singled out Mennonites among Alberta German-speakers as displaying the strongest interest in German-language retention, because of i t s role as a kind of "church Latin".19 In a study of ethnic-German University students conducted in the early 1970's, Leo Driedger and Jacob Peters found that "In a l l six identity factors, the Mennonites have retained greater identity than other Germans."20 These included religion and language, along with other factors such as endogamy and voluntary organizations. Religion and endogamy were found to be more important than language as indicators of identity.21 This indicates the degree to which the German language had declined by this time; what had once been a bridge between ideology and ethnicity had crumbled, leaving the two poles standing alone.22 On the other hand, endogamy had always been an important sign of loyalty to both the community and the religious faith, since to marry an "outsider" implied rejection of the community and a lowering of religious and ethical standards. It is my feeling that during the 1930-1960 period religion was the most important indicator of Brethren identity, followed by language and endogamy in close succession. Such rankings threaten to cloud the picture, however, since a l l 197 these factors were organically related to each other. However, the breakdown of the traditional organic community has been an underlying theme of this study, which parallels the general trend of Mennonite sociological analysis.23 Individual identity factors such as language and cultural adherence were becoming abstracted from communal l i f e ; in the process they were employed by some as instruments of socio-religious integration, while they were increasingly ignored or rejected by others as being peripheral to Mennonite Brethren identity and a hindrance to a viable perpetuation of the faith. This has much in common with the insights of Mennonite sociologist Donald Kraybill, who has recently argued that the differentiating and individuating impact of modern society has resulted in ethnic t r a i t s , such as language, becoming abstracted from communal l i f e , and functioning as "portable" indicators of identity which can be employed or hidden at w i l l . Traditional Mennonite ethnicity was concretized and expressed in tangible practices in a communal context; with the encroachment of modernity i t has become situational and compartmentalized, allowing identity components to be acknowledged or discarded according to their immediate utility.24 Calvin Redekop has pointed out that Kraybill's reliance on the rubric of ethnicity in analyzing Mennonites, on the other hand, obscures the ideological animus of the group and hence the roots of Mennonite behaviour. While Mennonites have exhibited "ethnicizing tendencies", the primary factor which has informed their identity is the consciousness of l i v i n g out a "faithful original Christianity"; instead of an ethnic group, Mennonites have been and continue to be a Utopian religious movement in conflict with its social environment, according to Redekop. The revolutionary nature of the 198 movement was not t o t a l l y lost, "but...was turned inward and expressed in the inner l i f e of the society, in an institutionalized form."25 Further, Maintaining a religiously informed "way of l i f e " when the external opposition and oppression is being weakened or transformed puts an enormous load on "mundane", i.e. normal li v i n g , to continue to provide the ideology of protest and survival.26 Redekop's perspective is a crucial corrective to the insights of Kraybill, and helps to explain the importance of the German identity to Mennonites in comparison with other "ethnic groups". There was more to their Germanism than a concern to maintain their "ethnicity", however defined: as an important aspect of "mundane" l i f e , the communal language and culture took on added significance as a concrete symbol of being "Mennonite" and hence faithful Christians. The experience of Polish Catholics in Canada provides a good point of comparison to the Russlaender Mennonite Brethren, because in their case there was also an influx of better-educated, "progressive" individuals into Canada during the 1920's, complementing the more rustic, pre-1914 immigrant community. The earlier immigrants had been relatively unconcerned about controlling education and maintaining the Polish language, in contradistinction to their Mennonite counterparts. The home seems to have been the primary locus of language instruction and maintenance. The group which arrived in the 1920's, however, was able to give leadership in language and culture maintenance efforts, and thus "Polish organizations in Canada began to take greater interest in the education of children, and the period 1930-1940 witnessed greatly increased a c t i v i t y in this field."27 Although the Kanadier Mennonites had been more concerned about language and r e l i g i o -culture maintenance than their Polish counterparts, with a portion of them migrating south for just that reason, the influx of the Russlaender in the 199 1920's also spelled a new era in conscious efforts by Mennonites to preserve the German language and culture. Despite greater efforts at retaining the language, a considerable proportion of the second generation immigrants did not speak any Polish, and the amount of Polish ethnic identification and knowledge of the Polish language has decreased steadily since 1931.28 Radecki cites the high rate of i l l i t e r a c y among Polish peasants, and the fact that Canada attracted the poorest Poles as immigrants, as being responsible for the "few incentives for the retention of the Polish language."29 Unlike the Mennonites, who had a long history of language/culture maintenance, for the Poles i t was primarily after immigration to Canada that i t became a prominent issue, and then they were simply too i l l i t e r a t e and ignorant of educational practices to do much about it.30 In general, "Neither the Polish family nor the organizational structure was able to counteract the attractiveness or pressures emanating from Canadian society." Both the Polish press and the Polish Catholic Church were important agents in the institutional attempts to maintain the Polish language and culture, but the church clearly did not play as significant a role in this regard as i t did for the Mennonite Brethren.31 A post-Second World War influx of Poles to Canada again stimulated interest in language and culture maintenance, but the general trend among Poles, like Mennonites, has been steady acculturation and assimilation (as well as "differentiation") to Canadian society. Children born in Canada simply do not have the necessary motivation or institutional support to learn the d i f f i c u l t grammar of the Polish language. The Catholic Church, as indicated, did not make language into as big an issue as Mennonite congregations did, and parents and leaders did not see the retention of the 200 Polish language as being a l l that important.32 The higher levels of Brethren r e l i g i o s i t y , education and communal consciousness seems to have led to a somewhat more intense struggle with the language/culture issue, i f the end result was the same. Using Redekop's terminology, the Utopian ideology of the Brethren contributed to a greater stress on perpetuating "mundane" aspects of l i f e like the traditional communal language. It should be added that although there was some negative association in Canada with being Polish prior to the Second World War, Poles would not have had the same incentive to dissociate themselves from their heritage as German-speakers had. This, added to a significant number of educated immigrants arriving after 1945, helps to explain the continuing operation of Polish part-time schools.33 The Mennonite identification of language with religion has a long history, and this may be related, along with the factors already cited, to the traditional Anabaptist/Mennonite suspicion of theology, and the consequent lack of a vibrant tradition of theological discourse. Dutch was retained in church services for 200 years among the Mennonites who had migrated from Holland to the Vistula Delta region of Prussia. The transition to German was barely completed before the migration to Russia, and some congregations, located in other parts of Germany, continued to use Dutch late into the 19th century. 34 In Russia the Mennonites maintained High German as the congregational language until, their migration to Canada. Hence Mennonites of Dutch origin had for almost their entire history been conservative on language matters, and had maintained a religious language different from that of the local, "secular" society. At the same time, Russian Mennonites had refrained from theologizing, 201 being content with the Martyr's Mirror, the writings of Menno Simons, and sundry German pi e t i s t devotional works; their theology was expressed primarily in their ethics and way of l i f e . It seems probable that in this context, language, normally a very important component of individual and collective identity, assumed even greater stress as a carrier of those ideas, attitudes and forms of expression which defined one as being "Mennonite". Instead of possessing an abstract theological discourse which expressed their identity, and was l i n g u i s t i c a l l y translatable, Mennonites developed an organic configuration of language, religious beliefs, and way of l i f e , parts of which could only be changed gradually i f the whole were to survive intact. Various individuals have reflected on the relationship between a distinctive language and the social-psychological attributes of minority groups. Lieberson remarks that "If language influences cognition, then ethnic groups with distinctive tongues may respond differently in the same social situations."35 Canadian Mennonite theologian David Schroeder has also reflected on this topic. "There is a whole world tied up in the language we learn," according to Schroeder. "One can't just go direct from German to English and say the same thing." Low German, especially, and also High German, condition the speaker to say things more "frontally"—"The language requires that a spade is called a spade." This was especially important to Mennonites, Schroeder asserts, because of their traditional stress on honesty and humility, and the sensitivity among some groups such as the Sommerfelder (Kanadier Mennonites) to hypocrisy.36 Gerhard Ens, longtime teacher at the Mennonite Collegiate Institute at Gretna, Manitoba, agrees that the form of expression also affects content. An example for him is the German word "Bekehrung": associated with this word 202 is a deep attitude of change and repentance, according to Ens, quite unlike the English phrase into which i t was translated, "to be saved", which he feels is a much more passive, shallow term. Another example is the German "Gemeinschaft", with i t s connotations of union and "solemn communion", versus the English "fellowship", which in Ens' mind implies "a wienie roast".37 Mennonite scholar Adolf Ens, in an analysis of changes in language and cultural symbols among Canadian Mennonites during the 1950's, claims that Mennonite English-language periodicals which were begun in the 1950's featured a style and content that were entirely different than that of Der  Bote and the Mennonitische Rundschau. The use of English in church services brought about a more "Protestant" form of worship and liturgy, according to Ens, and the term "evangelical" became an important cultural symbol among the Mennonites. "Most of the changes in cultural patterns which occurred during the 1950's were adoptions, sometimes with only minor adaptation, of aspects of the dominant culture."38 Abe J. Dueck has argued that changes in Mennonite Brethren p o l i t i c a l attitudes paralleled the transition to English and the general process of familiarization with Canadian institutions and culture. Up until the later 1950's, Canadian Mennonites entertained their traditional view of p o l i t i c s as being an e v i l but necessary entity, which, except for voting, should be avoided at a l l costs. After this period, "a serious breakdown" of the traditional position took place, with Mennonite Brethren moving in a number of directions, most notably towards greater participation and acceptance of responsibility in the p o l i t i c a l process.39 While there were clearly many more factors than language transition at work in this change in attitudes, i t is noteworthy that changes in perspective and language took place nearly 203 simultaneously. In his analysis of European immigrant churches in the United States, H. Richard Niebuhr noted that With the adoption of English as the church language other changes inevitably set in. The poetry of worship in liturgies and hymns is essentially untranslatable. Though the immigrant church may make valiant efforts to retain i t s old forms within the medium of the new language, though i t may succeed in holding fast to such classics as "Holy Night" and "A Mighty Fortress is our God", yet the charm has departed from prayers, songs and litanies which some uninspired poetaster has turned into a conglomerate of English words...The change of language is only one aspect of adjustment to the total culture with i t s democratic s p i r i t , i t s industrialism, i t s patriotism.40 Mennonite philosopher Delbert Wiens has echoed Niebuhr in describing the religious meaning of the German language for Mennonites. In a 1967 a r t i c l e , Wiens pointed out that the Mennonite Low German dialect was the language of daily l i f e , while High German was the language of the mind and of the soul. It was their Latin, a holy language. They did not have nor need recited creeds and organ pipes or Gothic architecture. But they had the Psalms, and they were close...in s p i r i t to high church Anglicans...Our elders were right to cling to the land and to our German dialects, though they gave bad reasons for their stubbornness. For they sensed that to lose them was to lose something basic. The loss of our languages and of our pre-scientific dependence oh the s o i l meant the loss of our liturgy and our worship. Because we did not know how to talk directly about these things, how to analyze them, we could not transfer their meaning to some other forms. To translate the service to English, the language now for a l l our needs, does not mean the same at all.41 Wiens's statement expresses well some of the notions already advanced in this chapter. It also raises the question of the role of the Low German dialect in Mennonite Brethren German identity. As I stated at the outset, this study is concerned mainly with the High German language and culture, and neglects analysis of the dialect in the identity question. Much research remains to be done on this topic. A few words on the relationship between the different German dialects spoken by Mennonites, however, are in order here. 204 There were two predominant variations of the Low German dialect spoken by Russian Mennonites, and they had essentially been absorbed during the Mennonite sojourn in Prussia.42 The dialect was unwritten (except for the pioneering efforts of a few writers), but was extensively spoken in everyday l i f e . By the 1930's, however, a process had begun among the Russlaender in Canada whereby the Low German was replaced by High German as an everyday language. That this occurred at the same time that the Mennonite Brethren German identity began to be seriously challenged was no accident. In encouraging the use of the High German in family l i f e , G.H. Peters, respected teacher at the Mennonite Collegiate Institute, stated: We can't allow ourselves the luxury of two languages here.in Canada, like we did in Russia. At the very least no special energies should be spent on maintaining the Low German...Experience shows that High German can be spoken in the family and children w i l l later s t i l l be able to pick up the Low German.43 Peters s t i l l f e l t at this time (1937) that i t was possible for Mennonite families to avoid the use of English altogether. In the same year, another prominent educator, the Brethren F.C. Thiessen, also strongly encouraged the use of High German in families.44 As mentioned in Chapter Five, Brethren Bible expositor A.H. Unruh explained, in the early 1950's, that Low German could not serve as the common Mennonite "Volk-language" because i t was "impure" (containing Russian and Polish words), and was open to variation. He implied that when compared to High German, i t did not have the same unifying power. While the dialect was dear to him, i t did not quite pass muster as a source of Mennonite identity and unity.45 Other Mennonite intellectuals who lived through this period agree that the two German dialects were put into competition with each other, and that High German was consciously selected by educators and church leaders as the 205 language to be nurtured in Canada.46 But Low German had a way of surviving, as G.H. Peters predicted. It was s t i l l prevalent in the decades after the Second World War, remaining a "popular conversational language".47 David Schroeder t e l l s the story of a Mennonite pastor who decided that his family would speak only High German. The man's father was staying with the family at the time, and said to Schroeder, when the pastor l e f t the room, "I would just like you to know that the Low German w i l l outlast the High German."48 It is d i f f i c u l t to assess the degree to which this did or did not happen. What is certain is that eventually both dialects faded out of the mainstream of Mennonite l i f e . Gerhard Ens feels that "We probably would have been better off, had we concentrated on keeping the dialect. As i t i s , we no longer have either (the Low or High German)."49 Thus i t is l i k e l y that an important reason for the rapid demise of the German language among the Mennonite Brethren was that the two dialects were put into competition with each other, neither receiving adequate stress to ensure i t s survival among the second generation. The bilingualism which had enriched Mennonite l i f e in Russia bore bitter f r u i t in the Canadian context. In conclusion, the story of the Canadian Mennonite Brethren German identity is rich, complex, and in need of further analysis. It is my hope that the foregoing study represents a f i r s t step in delineating the contours and patterns of the subject within i t s historical context. It should be clear that there were many more aspects to the German identity than a simple and conscious desire for "boundary maintenance".50 As I have argued throughout this study, the socio-religious integrity of the Brethren was at stake in this issue, at least according to f i r s t generation immigrants to Canada. In the interwar period, elements of p o l i t i c a l , ethnic and 206 nationalist Germanism vied for position in defining Brethren identity and preserving Brethren socio-religious integrity. These elements were purged in the crucible of the Second World War, leaving the basic cultural and religious meanings of Germanism to slowly fade away in the postwar period, despite strenuous attempts to preserve them. By then the steady forces of assimilation, acculturation, and urbanization, along with a societal bias against Germanism, and an emphasis by the Brethren on outreach and an openness to English "evangelical" groups, had taken their t o l l . Many other factors were at work in the demise of Germanism among the Brethren, some of which have been discussed in this chapter, others have surfaced elsewhere. My primary intention, however, has been to understand Canadian Mennonite Brethren Germanism in a l l i t s complexity and fullness. To do otherwise is to deny the Germanists their role as historical actors who were responding to very real challenges to their own identity and that of the Mennonite Brethren community as a whole. On the other hand, many of their fears were unfounded, and some of their efforts to preserve the Germanic aspects of Mennonite identity were misguided and f u t i l e . The German culture and language were not crucial to the Mennonite Brethren faith and way of l i f e , they were rather components of a particular configuration of i t . Despite containing an often prescient understanding of the role of language and culture in maintaining religious identity and social solidarity, the Germanist perspective was essentially conservative and unrealistic in the Canadian context. That the Mennonite Brethren faith community has persisted and prospered in Canada in a non-Germanic form can be interpreted as a triumph of "religious" over "ethnic" elements in Brethren identity. What makes this 207 neat observation problematic is the fact that Germanism served religious as well as ethnic goals, and hence i t s demise does not signal the clearcut victory of one sort of Mennonitism over another. In fact, i t is possible that some traditional religious tenets (such as nonresistance) have more or less accompanied Germanism into obscurity. This suggests a third possibility; namely, that a previous synthesis of faith, culture and community has been transformed into a new pattern which is different than the old one, but just as real. Instead of comparing a "religious" present with an "ethnic" past, perhaps contemporary Mennonite Brethren should ask themselves i f the current synthesis of faith, culture and community does not have something to gain from an honest and respectful appraisal of the previous one. 208 NOTES, CHAPTER SIX 1. Edward Herberg, Ethnic Groups in Canada: Adaptations and Transitions (Scarborough: Nelson Canada, 1989), pp. 84-85; Raymond Breton, "Institutional Completeness of Ethnic Communities and the Personal Relations of Immigrants," The American Journal of Sociology 70 (1964):193-205. 2. Ibid., p. 9. 3. Ibid., p. 101. 4. Ibid., p. 122. 5. Ibid., p. 106; Alan B. Anderson, "Assimilation in the Bloc Settlements of North-Central Saskatchewan: A Comparative Study of Identity Change Among Seven Ethno-Religious Groups in a Canadian Prairie Region," (Ph.D. Dissertation, University of Saskatchewan, 1972), p. 200. 6. Herberg, Ethnic Groups in Canada, pp. 94-101. 7. Jeffrey G. Reitz, "Language and Ethnic Community Survival," in Rita M. Bienvenue and Jay E. Goldstein, eds., Ethnicity and Ethnic Relations in  Canada (Toronto: Butterworth & Co., 2nd ed., 1985), p. 106. 8. Stanley Lieberson, Language and Ethnic Relations in Canada (Toronto: John Wiley & Sons, Inc., 1970), p. 7. 9. H. Richard Niebuhr, The Social Sources of Denominationalism (Hamden, CT: The Shoestring Press, 1954), pp. 222-23. 10. Reitz, "Language and Ethnic Community Survival," pp. 120-21. 11. Lieberson, Language and Ethnic Relations in Canada, p. 15. 12. Herberg, Ethnic Groups in Canada, p. 268. 13. Lieberson, Language and Ethnic Relations in Canada, p. 10. 14. Fishman and Nahirny, "The Ethnic Group School and Mother-Tongue Maintenance," in Joshua Fishman, ed., Language Loyalty in the United States:  The Maintenance and Perpetuation of Non-English Mother Tongues by American  Ethnic and Religious Groups (The Hague: Mouton & Co., 1966), p. 97. 15. Ibid., p. 109. 16. See Fishman, ed., Language Loyalty in the United States, pp. 134 and 403 respectively. 17. Heinz Kloss, "German-American Language Maintenance Efforts," in Fishman, ed., Language Loyalty, p. 238. 209 18. Nathan Glazer, "The Process and Problems of Language Maintenance: An Integrative Review," in Fishman, ed., Language Loyalty, p. 365. 19. Elizabeth Gerwin, "A Survey of the German-Speaking Population of Alberta" (M.A. Thesis, University of Alberta, 1938), p. 145ff. 20. Leo Driedger and Jacob Peters, "Ethnic Identity: A Comparison of Mennonite and other German Students," Mennonite Quarterly Review (July 1973): 240. 21. Ibid., p. 243. 22. Frank Epp has pointed out that to the extent that religion and ethnicity, the "two main meanings of Mennonite", are narrowly and superficially defined, they "become mutually exclusive with a consequent rending apart within the Mennonite body." See Frank H. Epp, "Problems of Mennonite Identity: A Historical Study," in Leo Driedger, ed., The Canadian  Ethnic Mosaic: A Quest for Identity (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1978), p. 291. 23. Leo Driedger and Calvin Redekop, "Sociology of Mennonites: State of the Art and Science," Journal of Mennonite Studies 1 (1983):53-54. 24. Donald B. Kraybill, "Modernity and Identity: The Transformation of Mennonite Ethnicity," in Redekop and Steiner, eds., Mennonite Identity:  Historical and Contemporary Perspectives (Lanham, New York, London: University Press of America, 1988), pp. 153-72. 25. Calvin Redekop, "The Sociology of Mennonite Identity: A Second Opinion" in Ibid., p. 187. 26. Ibid., p. 191. 27. Henry Radecki with Benedict Heydenkorn, A Member of a Distinguished  Family: The Polish Group in Canada (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1976), pp. 88-93. 28. Ibid., pp. 94-95. 29. Ibid., P. 97. 30. Ibid. 31. Ibid., P. 99. 32. Ibid., pp. 100-104. 33. Ibid., pp. 98, 104-105. 34. Jack Thiessen, "A New Look at an Old Problem: Origins of the Variations of Mennonite Plautdietsch," The Mennonite Quarterly Review (July 1989):290-92. 210 35. Lieberson, Language and Ethnic Relations in Canada, p. 7. 36. Interview with David Schroeder, Mennonite theologian, June 20, 1989, Winnipeg, Manitoba. 37. Interview with Gerhard Ens, Mennonite educator and current editor of Der Bote, June 20, 1989, Winnipeg, Manitoba. 38. Adolf Ens, "Changes in Language and Cultural Symbols During the 1950's," unpublished paper (1988), Box 17, Folder F, no. 2, Centre for Mennonite Brethren Studies (CMBS), Winnipeg, pp. 5-11. 39. Abe J. Dueck, "Church and State: Developments Among Mennonite Brethren in Canada since World War II," unpublished paper (1980), Box 8, Folder E, no. 1, CMBS Winnipeg, pp. 3-6. 40. Niebuhr, The Social Sources of Denominationalism, pp. 212-13. 41. Delbert Wiens, "The Old Wine; Will i t Sour?" The Canadian Mennonite. 18 April 1967, p. 7. 42. Jack Thiessen, "A New Look at an Old Problem: Origins of the Variations in Mennonite Plautdietsch," Mennonite Quarterly Review (July 1989):285-96. 43. G.H. Peters, "Und wieder: *Unsre deutsche Sprache,'" Der Bote, 7 April 1937, p. 3. 44. F.C. Thiessen, "Wie erhalten wir bei unsern Kindern die Begeisterung fuer die ererbten Gueter: Religion und deutsche Sprache?", Der Bote, 14 July 1937, p. 5. 45. A.H. Unruh, "Warum i s t es notwendig, unsere deutsche Muttersprache zu erhalten?", Mennonitische Rundschau, 3 June 1953, p. 3. 46. Interview with David Schroeder; Interview with Gerhard Ens. 47. John Jacob Krahn, "A History of the Mennonites in British Columbia," (M.A. Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1955), pp. 117-18; E.K. Francis, In Search of Utopia: The Mennonites of Manitoba (Altona: D.W. Friesen & Sons, 1955), p. 243. 48. Interview with David Schroeder. 49. Interview with Gerhard Ens. 211 50. I have already noted Frank Epp's emphasis on "separation", and i t s inappropriateness when studying the Russlaender, in Chapter One. In the Mennonite academic literature, "boundary maintenance" has almost become a cliche. For an example of this kind of approach taken to i t s absurd conclusion see Elmer S. Miller, "Marking Mennonite Identity: A Structuralist Approach to Separation," The Conrad Grebe1 Review (Fall 1985):251-63. For my response see The Conrad Grebel Review (Winter 1986):60-63. 212 BIBLIOGRAPHY A. PRIMARY SOURCES 1. General Canadian Census, 1921-1961, passim. Ottawa: King's Printers. Files of the Alberta Mennonite High School, BA 251, F 51, Centre for Mennonite Brethren Studies (CMBS), Fresno, California. Files of the Northern District Conference Bible School Committee, 1943-1953 and passim. Centre for Mennonite Brethren Studies (CMBS), Winnipeg, Manitoba. Minutes of the Bethany Bible School Committee Meetings, passim. BF, Saskatchewan Conference of Mennonite Brethren Churches, Box 1, Folder 11. CMBS, Fresno, Ca. Minutes of the Coaldale Mennonite Brethren Church Business Meetings, 1926-1960. Folder BA 501. CMBS, Fresno, Ca. Minutes of the Hepburn Mennonite Brethren Church Business Meetings, 1937-1960. Microfilm Roll 10. CMBS, Fresno, Ca. Minutes of the Herbert Bible School Committee Meetings, passim. BF 229, CMBS, Fresno, Ca. Minutes of the Kitchener Mennonite Brethren Church Business Meetings, 1939-1960. Microfilm Roll 33. CMBS, Fresno, Ca. Minutes of the Mennonite Brethren Bible College Board of Directors Meetings, 1944-1953 and passim. Microfilm Roll 40, CMBS, Fresno, Ca. Minutes of the Mennonite Brethren Bible College Faculty Meetings, 1945-1953 and passim. Faculty Minutes F i l e , CMBS, Winnipeg, Man. Minutes of the Mennonite Brethren Collegiate Institute School Committee Meetings, 1945-1963, Box L234, Folders 21-23, CMBS, Fresno, Ca. Minutes of the North End Mennonite Brethren Church Business Meetings, 1927-1960. Microfilm Rolls 91-92. CMBS, Fresno, Ca. Minutes of the Yarrow Mennonite Brethren Church Business Meetings, 1929-1960. Microfilm Roll 65. CMBS, Fresno, Ca. Northern District Conference Yearbooks, 1911-1970. Hillsboro, KS: Mennonite Brethren Publishing House. 213 Papers of the Society for the Promotion of the German Language. Mennonite Heritage Centre (MHC), Winnipeg, Manitoba. Personal papers of B.B. Janz. CMBS, Winnipeg, Man. and CMBS, Fresno, Ca. Personal papers of A.H. Unruh. CMBS, Winnipeg, Man. 2. Interviews Anne Brandt, Mennonite Brethren church worker, Kelowna, B.C., June 3, 1989. Gilbert and Susan Brandt, Mennonite Brethren publishers, Winnipeg, Manitoba, June 17, 1989. Herb Brandt, Mennonite Brethren pastor and Conference leader, June 3 and December 19, 1989, Kelowna, B.C. Erwin Cornelsen, retired German Mennonite pastor, Vancouver, B.C., November 14, 1989. Jack and Eleanor Dueck, former Mennonite Brethren, Kitchener, Ontario, July 6, 1989. Gerhard Ens, Mennonite educator and current editor of Der Bote, Winnipeg, Manitoba, June 20, 1989. Anne Funk, retired Mennonite Brethren teacher, Vancouver, B.C., May 6, 1990. Lawrence Klippenstein, Mennonite archivist, Winnipeg, Manitoba, June 15, 1989. Peter Neudorf, Mennonite businessman, Vancouver, B.C., December 10, 1989. Katie Peters, Mennonite Brethren from Russia, Winnipeg, Manitoba, June 9, 1989. Calvin Redekop, Mennonite Sociologist, Harrisonburg, Virginia, June 27, 1990. Kathy Rempel, former Mennonite Brethren, Winnipeg, Manitoba, June 14, 1989. David Schroeder, Mennonite theologian, Winnipeg, Manitoba, June 20, 1989. J.B. Toews, Mennonite Brethren leader and educator, Winnipeg, Manitoba, June 20, 1989; Fresno, California, March 10, 1990. John B. Toews, Mennonite historian, Vancouver, B.C., January 31, 1990. 214 3. Periodicals Der Bote, 1930-39 and passim. Konferenz Juqenblatt. Mennonite Life, passim. Mennonitische Rundschau. 1930-39 and passim. Saskatoon Star Phoenix, passim. Winnipeg Free Press, passim. 4. Books and Articles Dyck, Arnold. Lost in the Steppe. Steinbach, MB: Derksen Printers, 1974. Gingerich, Melvin. "The Menace of Propaganda and How to Meet It." Mennonite  Quarterly Review 13 (April 1939):123-34. Kliewer, F r i t z . Die deutsche Volksgruppe in Paraguay: Eine siedlungsgeschichtliche. volkskundliche und volkspolitische  Untersuchung. Hamburg: Hans Christiana Verlag, 1941. Kliewer, F r i t z . "The Mennonites of Paraguay." Mennonite Quarterly Review 11 (January 1937):92-97. Luce, P.W. "Unwelcome Mennonites Making Model Farms by the Fraser." Saturday  Night. 12 February 1944, p. 32. Quiring, Walter. "The Canadian Mennonite Immigration into the Paraguayan Chaco 1926-1927." Mennonite Quarterly Review VII (January 1934):32-42. Unruh, B.H. Die niederlaendisch-niederdeutschen Hintergruende der mennonitischen Cstwanderungen. Karlsruhe: Im Selbstverlag, 1955. Wiens, B.B. "Pioneering in British Columbia." Mennonite Life I (July, 1946):9-13. 215 B. SECONDARY SOURCES 1. Books. Artibise, Alan F.J. Western Canada Since 1870: A Select Bibliography and  Guide. Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, 1978. Avery, Donald. Dangerous Foreigners: European Immigrant Workers and Labour  Radicalism in Canada, 1896-1932. Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1979. Berg, Abram, ed. Dietrich Heinrich Epp: Aus seinem Leben, Wirken und  selbstaufqezeichneten Erinnerungen. Saskatoon: Heese House of Printing, 1973. Betcherman, Lita Rose. The Swastika and the Maple Leaf: Fascist Movements in Canada in the Thirties. Toronto: Fitzhenry and Whiteside, 1975. Bienvenue and Goldstein, eds. Ethnicity and Ethnic Relations in Canada. Toronto: Butterworth & Co., 1985. Buchsweiler, Meir. Volksdeutsche in der Ukraine am Vorabend und Beginn des  Zweiten Weltkrieqs: Ein F a l l Doppelter Lovalitaet?. Gerlingen: Bleicher Verlag, 1984. Classen, A.J. The Bible School Story 1913-1963. Mennonite Brethren Board of Education, 1963. Conway, John. The Nazi Persecution of the Churches 1933-45. Toronto: The Ryerson Press, 1968. Dawson, CA. Group Settlement: Ethnic Communities in Western Canada. Toronto: Macmillan, 1936, reprinted by Kraus Reprint Co., 1974. Epp, Frank H. Mennonite Exodus: The Rescue and Resettlement of the Russian  Mennonites Since the Communist Revolution. Altona: D.W. Friesen and Sons, 1962. Epp, Frank H. Mennonites in Canada, 1786-1920. Toronto: Macmillan of Canada, 1974. Epp, Frank H. Mennonites in Canada, 1920-1940. Toronto: Macmillan of Canada, 1982. Fishman, Joshua A., ed. Language Loyalty in the U.S.: The Maintenance and  Perpetuation of Non-English Mother Tongues by American Ethnic and Religious Groups. The Hague: Mouton & Co., 1966. Francis, E.K. In Search of Utopia: The Mennonites of Manitoba. Altona: D.W. Friesen & Sons, 1955. 216 Fretz, J. Winfield. Pilgrims in Paraguay. Scottdale, Pa: Herald Press, 1953. Friesen, Gerald. The Canadian Prairies: A History. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1987. Friesen, P.M. The Mennonite Brotherhood in Russia. 1789-1910. Fresno: BCLGC Mennonite Brethren Church, 1978. Goertz, Hans-Juergen. Die Taeufer: Geschichte und Deutung. Munich: CH. Beck, 1980. Hamm, Peter M. Continuity & Change Among Canadian Mennonite Brethren. Waterloo: Wilfred Laurier University Press, 1987. Hartzler, J.E. Education Among the Mennonites of America. Danvers. I l l : Central Mennonite Publishing Board, 1925. Helmreich, Ernst Christian. The German Churches Under Hitler: background. struggle, and epilogue. Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1979. Herberg, Edward N. Ethnic Groups in Canada: Adaptations and Transitions. Scarborough: Nelson Canada, 1989. Kirconnell, Walter. Canada, Europe and Hitler. Toronto: Oxford University Press, 1939. Klippenstein, Lawrence. That There be Peace: Mennonites in Canada and World  War II. Winnipeg: The Manitoba CO. Reunion Committee, 1979. Leckie, Robert. American and Catholic. Garden City, New York: Doubleday & Company, 1970. Lichdi, Dieter Goetz. Die Mennoniten im Dritten Reich: Dokumentation und  Deutung. Weierhof: Mennonitischer Geschictsverein, 1977. Lieberson, Stanley. Language and Ethnic Relations in Canada. Toronto: John Wiley & Sons, Inc., 1970. Mann, W.E. Sect. Cult and Church in Alberta. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1955. Mosse, George L. The Crisis of German Ideology. New York: Grosset & Dunlap, 1964. Nawyn, William E. American Protestantism's Response to Germany's Jews and  Refugees. 1933-41. Ann Arbor: UMI Research Press, 1981. Niebuhr, H. Richard. The Social Sources of Denominationalism. Hamden, CT: The Shoestring Press, 1954. Norris, John. Strangers Entertained: A History of the Ethnic Groups of  British Columbia. Vancouver: Centennial '71 Committee, 1971. 217 Palmer, Howard. Patterns of Prejudice: A History of Nativism in Alberta. Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1985. Penner, Peter. No Longer At Arms Length: Mennonite Brethren Church Planting  in Canada. Winnipeg: Kindred Press, 1987. Radecki, Henry and Heydenkorn, Benedykt. A Member of a Distinguished Family:  The Polish Group in Canada. Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1976. Redekop, Calvin. Mennonite Society. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1989. Redekop, Calvin and Steiner, Sam, eds. Mennonite Identity: Historical and Contemporary Perspectives. Lanham, New York, London: University Press of America, 1988. Shirer, William L. The Rise and F a l l of the Third Reich. New York: Simon and Schuster, 1959. Smucker, Donovan, ed. The Sociology of Canadian Mennonites, Hutterites and  Amish: A Bibliography with Annotations. Waterloo: Wilfred Laurier University Press, 1977. Thompson, John H. and Seager, Allen. Canada 1922-39: Decades of Discord. Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1985. Toews, John A. A History of the Mennonite Brethren Church. Fresno: Board of Christian Literature, 1975. Toews, John B. Czars. Soviets and Mennonites. Newton: Faith and Life Press, 1982. Toews, John B. Lost Fatherland: The Story of the Mennonite Emigration From  Soviet Russia. 1921-1927. Kitchener: Herald Press, 1967. Toews, John B. With Courage to Spare: The Life of B.B. Janz (1877-1964). Winnipeg: Board of Christian Literature, 1978. Wagner, Jonathan F. Brothers Beyond the Sea: National Socialism in Canada. Waterloo: Wilfred Laurier Press, 1981. Ward, W.P. White Canada Forever: Popular Attitudes and Public Policy Toward  Orientals in British Columbia. Montreal: Queen's University Press, 1978. 2. Articles. Bargen, Peter F. "Mennonite Land Settlement Policies." Mennonite Life XV (October, 1960):187-90. 218 Bender, Harold S. "Language Problem." in Bender and Smith, eds. Mennonite  Encyclopedia vol. III. Scottdale, Pa.: Mennonite Publishing House, 1957. Breton, Raymond. "Institutional Completeness of Ethnic Communities and the Personal Relations of Immigrants." The American Journal of Sociology 70 (1964)-.193-205. Braun, Peter. "The Educational System of the Mennonite Colonies in South Russia." Mennonite Quarterly Review 3 (July 1929) -.169-82. Broszat, Martin. "Die voelkische Ideologie und der National-Sozialismus." Deutsche Rundschau 89 (January 1958):53-68. Conzen, Kathleen N. "Historical Approaches to the study of Rural Ethnic Communities." in Luebke, F. ed. Ethnicity on the Great Plains. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1980, pp. 1-18. Driedger, Leo. "A Perspective on Canadian Mennonite Urbanization." Mennonite  Life XXIII (October 1968):147-52. Driedger, Leo. "Urbanization of Mennonites in Canada." in Poettcker and Regehr, eds. Call to Faithfulness: Essays in Canadian Mennonite Studies. Winnipeg: Canadian Mennonite Bible College, 1972. Driedger, Leo and Peters, Jacob. "Ethnic Identity: A Comparison of Mennonite and Other German Students." Mennonite Quarterly Review XLVTI (July, 1973):225-44. Driedger, Leo and Redekop, Calvin. "Sociology of Mennonites: State of the Art and Science." Journal of Mennonite Studies 1 (1983):33-63. Doerksen, Victor. "Language and Communication Among Urban Mennonites." Mennonite Life XXIII (October 1968):182-85. Epp, Frank H. "Problems of Mennonite Identity: A Historical Study." in Driedger, Leo ed. The Canadian Ethnic Mosaic: A Quest for Identity. Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1978. Epp, Frank H. "The Struggle for Recognition." in Poettcker and Regehr, eds. Call to Faithfulness: Essays in Canadian Mennonite Studies. Winnipeg: Canadian Mennonite Bible College, 1972. Epp, George K. "Mennonite Immigration to Canada After World War II." Journal  of Mennonite Studies 5 (1987):108-19. Epp, Reuben. "Plautdietsch: Origins, Development and State of the Mennonite Low German Language." Journal of Mennonite Studies 5 (1987)-.61-72. Francis, E.K. "The Russian Mennonites: From Religious to Ethnic Group." The  American Journal of Sociology LIV, 2 (Sept. 1948):101-107. 219 Friesen, John. "Manitoba Mennonites in the Rural-Urban Shift." Mennonite Life XXIII (October 1968):152-58. Friesen, John. "The Relationship of Prussian Mennonites to German Nationalism." in Loewen, Harry, ed. Mennonite Images: Historical.  Cultural, and Literary Essays Dealing with Mennonite Issues. Winnipeg: Hyperion Press, 1980:61-72. Gerlach, Horst. "Mennonites, the Molotschna, and the *Volksdeutsche Mittelstelle' in the Second World War." Mennonite Life 41 (September 1986):4-9. Hansen, Marcus Lee. "The Third Generation in America." Commentary 14 (1952):492-500. Harder, Ben. "The Bible Institute-College Movement in Canada." Journal of  Canadian Church Historical Society 22 (April 1980):29-45. Hillmer, Norman. "The Second World War as an (Un) National Experience." in Hillman, Kordan, Luciuk, eds. On Guard For Thee: War, Ethnicity, and  the Canadian State, 1939-1945. Ottawa: Canadian Committee for the History of the Second World War, 1988, preface. Hubbard, Bede. "St. Peter's: A German-American marriage of monastary and colony." in Smillie, Benjamin ed. Visions of The New Jerusalem:  Religious Settlement on the Prairies. Edmonton: NeWest Press, 1983. Keyserlingk, Robert H. "Breaking the Nazi Plot: Canadian Government Attitudes Towards German Canadians, 1939-1945." in Hillman, Kordan, Luciuk, eds. On Guard For Thee, (see above), pp. 54-61. Kossok, Manfred. "Die Mennoniten-Siedlungen Paraguays in den Jahren 1935^-39." Zeitschrift fuer Geschichtswissenschaft 8 (1960):367-76. Kraybill, Donald B. "Modernity and Identity: The Transformation of Mennonite Ethnicity." in Redekop and Steiner, eds. Mennonite Identity:  Historical and Contemporary Perspectives. Lanham, New York, London: University Press of America, 1988, pp. 153-72. Loewen, Harry. "Canadian Mennonite Literature: Longing for a Lost Homeland." in Riedel, Walter, ed. The Old World and the New: Literary  Perspectives of German-Speaking Canadians. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1984, pp. 73-93. Loewen, Harry. "Echoes of Drumbeats: The Movement of Exuberance Among the Mennonite Brethren." Journal of Mennonite Studies 3 (1985):118-27. Martens, Hildegard M. "Accomodation and Withdrawal: The Response of Mennonites in Canada to World War II." Social History VII (November, 1974):306-27. 220 Paetkau, Henry. "Jacob H. Janzen: *A Minister of Rare Magnitude'." Mennongespraech 6 (March 1988):1-4. Paetkau, Henry. "Russian Mennonite Immigrants of the 1920's: A Reappraisal." Journal of Mennonite Studies 2 (1984):72-85. Palmer, Howard. "Ethnic Relations in Wartime: Nationalism and European Minorities in Alberta during the Second World War." Canadian Ethnic  Studies XIV (1982):1-23. Peters, H.A. "Das Mennonitische Volkstum: eine Skizze seiner Entstehung und des Verfalles." Per Bote. 8 December 1964, pp. 10-11. Redekop, Calvin. "The Sociology of Mennonite Identity: A Second Opinion." in Redekop and Steiner, eds. Mennonite Identity: Historical and  Contemporary Perspectives. Lanham, New York, London: University Press of America, 1988, pp. 173-92. Regehr, T.D. "The Influence of World War II on Mennonites in Canada." Journal  of Mennonite Studies 5 (1987):73-89. Reitz, Jeffrey G. "Language and Ethnic Community Survival." in Bienvenue and Goldstein, eds. Ethnicity and Ethnic Relations in Canada. Toronto: Butterworth & Co., 2nd ed., 1985:105-23. Sapir, Edward. "Language." Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences vol. IX. New York: MacMillan, 1933, pp. 155-68. Thiessen, Jack. "A New Look at an Old Problem: Origins of the Variations of Mennonite Plautdietsch." The Mennonite Quarterly Review (July 1989):285-96. Toews, J.B. "Mennonite Brethren Identity and Theological Diversity." in.Paul Toews, ed. Pilgrims & Strangers: Essays in Mennonite Brethren History. Fresno: Centre for Mennonite Brethren Studies, 1977. Urry, James. "Through the Eye of a Needle: Wealth and the Mennonite Experience in Imperial Russia." Journal of Mennonite Studies 3 (1985):7-35. Wagner, Jonathan F. "Transferred C r i s i s : German Volkish Thought Among Russian Mennonite Immigrants to Western Canada." Canadian Review of Studies in Nationalism 1 (1974):202-220. Weissenborn, Georg K. "Three hundred years of German presence in Canada." Language and Society 9 (Spring 1983):16-19. Wiebe, Anne. "The Mennonite Brethren in Ontario: a short history." Mennongespraech 4 (March 1986):4-8. Wiens, Delbert. "The Old Wine; Will i t Sour?" The Canadian Mennonite. 18 April 1967, pp. 6-7. 221 3. Dissertations and Theses Anderson, Alan B. "Assimilation in the Bloc Settlements of North Central Saskatchewan: A Comparative Study of Identity Change Among Seven Ethno-Religious Groups in a Canadian Prairie Region." Ph.D. dissertation, University of Saskatchewan, 1972. Buhr, Joanna R. "Pursuit of a Vision: Persistence and Accomodation Among Coaldale Mennonites from the Mid-Nineteen Twenties to World War II." M.A. thesis, University of Calgary, 1986. Burkinshaw, Robert K. "Strangers and Pilgrims in Lotus Land: Conservative Protestantism in British Columbia, 1917-1981." Ph.D. dissertation, University of British Columbia, 1988. Doerksen, John George. "History of Education of the Mennonite Brethren in Canada." M.Ed, thesis, University of Manitoba, 1963. Doerksen, John George. "Mennonite Brethren Bible College and College of the Arts." Ph.D. dissertation, University of North Dakota, 1968. E l l i o t t , David R. "Studies of Eight Canadian Fundamentalists." Ph.D. dissertation, University of British Columbia, 1989. Epp, Frank H. "An Analysis of Germanism and National Socialism in the Immigrant Newspaper of a Canadian Minority Group, the Mennonites, in the 1930's." Ph.D. dissertation, University of Minnesota, 1965. Gerwin, Elizabeth. "A Survey of the German-Speaking Population in the Province of Alberta." M.A. thesis, University of Alberta, 1938. Grenke, Arthur. "The Formation and Early Development of an Urban Ethnic Community: A Case Study of the Germans in Winnipeg, 1872-1919." Ph.D. dissertation, University of Manitoba, 1975. Heier, Edmund. "A Study of the German Lutheran and Catholic Immigrants in Canada Formerly Residing in Czarist and Soviet Russia." M.A. thesis, University of British Columbia, 1955. Klassen, Peter G. "A History of Mennonite Education in Canada, 1786-1960." D.Ed, thesis, University of Toronto, 1970. Krahn, John Jacob. "A History of Mennonites in British Columbia." M.A. thesis, University of British Columbia, 1955. L i c h t i , James I. "Religious Identity vs. 'Aryan' Identity: German Mennonites and Hutterites Under the Third Reich." M.A. thesis, San Francisco State University, 1989. Mott, M. "The Foreign P e r i l : Nativism in Winnipeg, 1916-1923." M.A. thesis, University of Manitoba, 1970. 222 Paetkau, Henry. "A Struggle for Survival. The Russian Mennonite Immigrants in Ontario, 1924-39." M.A. thesis, University of Waterloo, 1977. Peters, Jacob. "The Association of Religious A f f i l i a t i o n , Socio-Economic Status, Generation, and Segregation with German Ethnocentrism." M.A. thesis, University of Manitoba, 1971. Ratzlaff, Gerhard. "An Historical-Political Study of the Mennonites in Paraguay." M.A. thesis, California State University, Fresno, 1974. Sawatzsky, Aron. "The Mennonites of Alberta and Their Assimilation." M.A. thesis, University of Alberta, 1964. Thielman, George Gerhard. "The Canadian Mennonites: A Study of an Ethnic Group in Relation to the State and Community with Emphasis on Factors Contributing to Success or Failure of Its Adjustment to Canadian Ways of Living." Ph.D. dissertation, Western Reserve University, 1955. Warkentin, John H. "The Mennonite Settlements of Southern Manitoba." Ph.D. dissertation, University of Toronto, 1960. 4. Unpublished Papers Brandt, Herbert. "Church Growth and the Process of Change in the Mennonite Brethren Church." (1983) Box 12, no. 6P, F. CMBS Winnipeg. de Fehr, Albert William. "A Critique of Epp's *An Analysis of Germanism and National Socialism in the Immigrant Newspaper of a Canadian Minority Group'." (1970) Associated Mennonite B i b l i c a l Seminaries, Elkhart, Indiana. Driedger, Leo. "Mennonites in Winnipeg." Box 17, no. 1, D. CMBS Winnipeg. Doerksen, Victor. "Post-War Developments in Canadian Mennonite Literature." Box 17, no. 1, F. CMBS Winnipeg. Dueck, Abe J. "Church and State: Developments Among Mennonite Brethren in Canada Since World War II." (1980) Box 8, no. 1, E. CMBS Winnipeg. Ediger, Gerry. "Language Transition in the Vineland Mennonite Brethren Church." University of Toronto (1987). In my personal possession. Ens, Adolf. "Changes in Language and Cultural Symbols During the 1950's." (1988) Box 17, Folder F., no. 2. CMBS Winnipeg. Ens, Adolf. "The Mennonites As Reflected by the Manitoba Free Press 1910-1929." (1973) Box 10, Folder H, no. 16. CMBS Winnipeg. 223 Fromm, Lothar. "Nazistische Einfluesse in mennonitischen Zeitschriften." (1961) Associated Mennonite Bibli c a l Seminaries, Elkhart, Indiana. Klassen, Lois. "The Language Transition in Mennonite Brethren Churches." Box 1, no. 10, J. CMBS Winnipeg. Loewen, Harry. "The German-Russian Tensions Among the Mennonites in Russia (1789-1917)." Box 7, no. 5, H. CMBS Winnipeg. Loewen, Jacob. "The German Language, Culture and Faith." Box 15, no. 3, E. CMBS Winnipeg. Thiesen, John D. "A Case Study of National Socialism Among Foreign Germans: Paraguay, 1927-1944." Wichita State University (1985). In my personal possession. Thiesen, John D. "The American Mennonite Encounter With National Socialism." Wichita State University (1987). In my personal possession. Toews, John B. "The Russian Mennonite Intellect of the Nineteenth Century." (1978) Box 7, no.4, H. CMBS Winnipeg. Urry, James. "A religious or a social elite? The Mennonite Brethren in Imperial Russia." (1986) Box 15, no. 1, E. CMBS Winnipeg. 

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