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The German identity of Mennonite Brethren immigrants in Canada, 1930-1960 Redekop, Benjamin Wall 1990

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THE GERMAN IDENTITY OP MENNONITE BRETHREN IMMIGRANTS IN CANADA, 1930-1960 by BENJAMIN WALL REDEKOP B.A., Fresno P a c i f i c College, 1985 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF HISTORY in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY  We accept t h i s thesis as conforming to the required standard  THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA September 1990 © B E N J A M I N WALL REDEKOP, 1990  In  presenting  degree freely  at  this  the  available  copying  of  department publication  of  in  partial  fulfilment  University  of  British  Columbia,  for  this or  thesis  reference  thesis by  this  for  his thesis  and  scholarly  or for  her  of  l4i£4p/'  The University of British Columbia Vancouver, Canada  Date  DE-6  (2/88)  I  I further  purposes  gain  the  shall  requirements  agree  that  agree  may  representatives.  financial  permission.  Department  study.  of  be  It not  that  the  be  an  advanced  Library shall  permission for  granted  is  for  by  understood allowed  the  make  extensive  head  that  without  it  of  copying my  my or  written  ii  ABSTRACT L i t t l e s c h o l a r l y research has been done on the function of Germanism among Mennonites who  immigrated to Canada from Russia i n the 1920's, and what  has been done often r e l i e s on an oversimplified "desire for separation" to explain the phenomenon.  At the same time, i t has been argued that the  enthusiasm for Nazi Germany among Mennonite immigrants i n Canada i s to be understood as part of a larger "Volks-German awakening". In fact, the Mennonite experience of brutal treatment during the Bolshevik Revolution, the economic conditions of the Great Depression, and a s s i n f l a t i o n i s t pressures from Canadian s o c i e t y put them i n a n a t u r a l l y receptive p o s i t i o n for the c u l t u r a l , p o l i t i c a l and ethnic ideas associated with the "new  Germany".  The Mennonite ethno-religious culture which had  emerged i n Russia appeared to be breaking down, more r a p i d l y i n some areas than others; a t the same time, d i s t i n c t i o n s between p o l i t i c a l and c u l t u r a l Germanism were just beginning to be understood, as they were bound up i n a single "package" which seemed to offer answers to the problems of fragmentation, i n s t a b i l i t y and loss of i d e n t i t y . Germanism, and the German language i n p a r t i c u l a r , functioned as an instrument of s o c i o - r e l i g i o u s integration for the Russlaender Brethren i n the 30 years a f t e r t h e i r a r r i v a l i n Canada.  In the interwar years, Mennonite  Germanism took on c e r t a i n p o l i t i c a l , "Volkish", and n a t i o n a l i s t i c overtones; by the end of the Second World War,  these elements had l a r g e l y faded.  In the  postwar period Germanism becomes more c l e a r l y i d e n t i f i a b l e i n i t s primary r o l e as symbol and agent of the d i s t i n c t i v e configuration of r e l i g i o u s f a i t h ,  iii sense of peoplehood, and way of l i f e which had emerged i n Imperial Russia. The Germanism which was expressed i n the Canadian context was i n large part a conservative response to the challenges posed by the forces of assimilation and acculturation, the e f f e c t s of anti-Germanism  brought on by two World  Wars, and an inherent tendency of the Brethren to i d e n t i f y with North American "English" evangelicalism and to denigrate t h e i r c u l t u r a l heritage because i t was f e l t to detract from e f f e c t i v e evangelism. A v a r i e t y of sources have been used i n writing t h i s t h e s i s , including church records, newspapers, personal papers, interviews, conference minutes and school committee minutes, as well as a wide range of secondary sources, including unpublished theses, d i s s e r t a t i o n s and papers.  In addition to  o u t l i n i n g the contours of Brethren Germanism i t s e l f , e f f o r t s have been made to portray adequately the context i n which Brethren Germanism was expressed, including that of the Brethren constituency as a whole, other "evangelical" groups, and the larger s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l currents of Canadian society. Extending the analysis into the decades a f t e r 1945 adds conclusive evidence that the Brethren Germanism of the 1930's was related more to Mennonite goals and aspirations than those of Nazi Germany, despite the presence of a s i g n i f i c a n t (misguided) sympathy for the H i t l e r regime.  iv  CONTENTS  Abstract  i i  Acknowledgements  Introduction CHAPTER ONE:  CHAPTER TWO:  1 The Canadian Context and the Impact of National Socialism  18  Germanism i n the Mennonitische Rundschau. 1930-39  45  CHAPTER THREE: Some Comparisons: Per Bote and Germanism i n Other Settings during the 1930's CHAPTER FOUR:  CHAPTER FIVE:  CHAPTER SIX:  v  93  Germanism and Brethren Congregational L i f e : The Struggle for Socio-Religious I n t e g r i t y  115  Postwar Developments i n Higher Education and German Language Preservation  162  Conclusion: Some Theoretical and Comparative Perspectives  190  Bibliography  212  V  ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Warm thanks t o Paul Toews and Kevin Enns-Rempel a t the Centre for Mennonite Brethren Studies i n Fresno, C a l i f o r n i a , for t h e i r encouragement, help and friendship. Ken Reddig a t the Centre for Mennonite Brethren Studies i n Winnipeg, Manitoba provided courteous assistance as w e l l .  I am g r a t e f u l  to Lawrence Klippenstein a t the Mennonite Heritage Centre i n Winnipeg for h i s h e l p f u l and relaxed a t t i t u d e .  Joe Springer a t the Mennonite H i s t o r i c a l  L i b r a r y of Goshen, Indiana gave me a place t o stay while there, as d i d G i l b e r t and Susan Brandt while I was i n Winnipeg.  Richard and B i l l i e Wiebe  a l s o provided f r i e n d l y accomodations on one of my t r i p s t o Fresno. John B. Toews for helping t o conceptualize t h i s project.  Thanks t o  Finally, special  regards t o John Conway, who has been a good f r i e n d , c r i t i c , interlocutor and hiking companion.  His support has been g r e a t l y appreciated.  1 INTRODUCTION  Mennonites trace t h e i r o r i g i n s to Reformation Europe and two ethnic groups, Dutch North-German and Swiss South-German.  primary  Menno Simons was a  leader of Dutch o r i g i n who brought a number of Anabaptist groups together, through h i s leadership and writings.  The e a r l i e s t Anabaptists emerged i n the  context of the Zurich Reform and the "social-revolutionary movement" associated with the Peasants' War  (1525), and strove to e f f e c t a r a d i c a l  transformation of p r e v a i l i n g s o c i o - r e l i g i o u s structures following the Testament example of the e a r l y church, and C h r i s t ' s teachings.  New  I t was  only  with considerable opposition and persecution that they became conscious of themselves as an a l t e r n a t i v e community, a fellowship of the redeemed.1  The  congregation or "worshipping community" became the "organizing p r i n c i p l e " of Anabaptist-Mennonite l i f e , and has remained so to t h i s day.2  While i t i s  perilous to t r y to locate a d o c t r i n a l core of the e a r l y Anabaptist v i s i o n , p r i n c i p l e s such as adult baptism  (voluntarism), nonresistance, a n t i -  c l e r i c a l i s m , the renewal of the C h r i s t i a n l i f e , d i s c i p l e s h i p , and bearing the cross of C h r i s t have a l l been a part of the movement, which i s based on a l i t e r a l i s t biblicism. Extreme persecution caused the various strands of the movement to turn inward and migrate to areas where they were t o l e r a t e d . Many of the Dutch North-Germans gathered i n Prussia, before moving on to Russia i n the late 18th century.  The Mennonites i n Prussia maintained Dutch as their  congregational language for 200 years a f t e r t h e i r a r r i v a l , switching to German s h o r t l y before t h e i r migration to Russia i n the late 18th  century.3  Closed settlements were founded i n the Ukraine, and Mennonites prospered  2 there for the next 150 years p r i m a r i l y as a g r i c u l t u r a l i s t s .  By the turn of  t h i s century a rapid c u l t u r a l and economic expansion was taking place,4 and by the F i r s t World War a population of 120,000 was spread across 50 colonies and 2,300,000 acres of land.5  The colonies were e s s e n t i a l l y self-governing  and autonomous u n t i l the 1870's, when R u s s i f i c a t i o n pressures began to increase, and service i n state forestry camps was demanded i n l i e u of m i l i t a r y service.  At t h i s point 18,000 Mennonites migrated to North  America,  with 10,000 s e t t l i n g i n the United States and 8,000 i n Canada. The attempts a t R u s s i f i c a t i o n tended to reinforce Mennonite identity, and i t s Germanic aspects.6  Mennonites conversed i n High German i n church and a t  school, and spoke a Low German d i a l e c t a t home; Russian became the compulsory language of the schools between 1897-1899. The r e l a t i o n s h i p with Germany was of a c u l t u r a l and s p i r i t u a l nature, as a steady supply of German educational and devotional materials flowed into the colonies.  Mennonite p o l i t i c a l  allegiance, when i t was acknowledged, rested with the Czar and the Russian fatherland, as events surrounding the outbreak of the F i r s t World War demonstrated.7 The Mennonite Brethren were a r e l i g i o u s subgroup within the larger Russian Mennonite society.  German-Baptist and - p i e t i s t influences had  reached the colonies by the 1850's, and i n the e a r l y 1860's a renewal movement began simultaneously i n the two largest colonies, s t r e s s i n g personal r e l i g i o u s experience, conversion, evangelism, and a cohesive r e l i g i o u s brotherhood  ( s i c ) , hence the Brethren name.  Mennonite Brethren church  h i s t o r i a n J.A. Toews has l i s t e d Brethren theological d i s t i n c t i v e s thus: 1. Practical Biblicism  2. Experiential F a i t h  3. Personal Witnessing  3 4. C h r i s t i a n D i s c i p l e s h i p Missions  5. Brotherhood Emphasis  7. Christ-centred Eschatology.8  6. Evangelism and  Theology as a Mennonite Brethren  l i t e r a r y genre has been sparse u n t i l recent years; t r a d i t i o n a l l y Mennonites have distrusted theologizing, focussing instead on the ethics, morals and l i f e s t y l e of the body of believers as the most s i g n i f i c a n t expression of religious principles. The t r a d i t i o n a l explanation for the Brethren movement c i t e s a decline i n voluntarism, r e l i g i o u s experience and morals i n the colonies as having been the grounds for renewal.  Colony power structures had become intertwined with  congregational l i f e , and b i r t h rather than b e l i e f had become the determining element i n church membership.9  While i d e o l o g i c a l factors were undoubtedly  c e n t r a l i n the emergence of the movement, i t has recently been argued that the Brethren belonged to an educated, landless, upwardly mobile group which had been excluded from colony and congregational power structures, and hence sought to find i t s own niche i n c i v i l and r e l i g i o u s a f f a i r s . 1 0 In any case, by the turn of t h i s century the Brethren were becoming increasingly reintegrated into the socio-economic and c u l t u r a l l i f e of the larger Mennonite community, and participated i n the general "era of prosperity and progress" which took place between 1895 and 1914.11 Previously there had been some harrassment and oppression of Brethren by the larger Mennonite society, brought on l a r g e l y by a negative reaction to e a r l y Brethren emotional excesses, fanaticism and despotism.12  One  interesting  aspect of e a r l y Brethren i d e n t i t y was the use of the more informal Low German d i a l e c t i n worship services, c l e a r l y aimed a t breaking down the perceived formality and r i g i d i t y of Russian Mennonite r e l i g i o s i t y .  This eventually  gave way to High German, as the movement s o l i d i f i e d and became more  4 systematic.13  The Brethren displayed a "genius" for organization, forming  the f i r s t a l l - R u s s i a n Mennonite church conference body i n 1872, twelve years a f t e r the movement began.  They a l s o exhibited an ongoing concern with  evangelism, and an openness to non-Mennonite groups l i k e the German Lutherans and Baptists. By 1925,  the Brethren constituted 15% of the population of the  two o r i g i n a l Mennonite colonies, and 40% of the many daughter settlements.14 The F i r s t World War and the Bolshevik Revolution were disastrous for the Mennonites i n Russia, as i t was  for a l l successful farmers, or "kulaks".  Although there were many twists and turns i n t h i s period of t h e i r h i s t o r y , the o v e r a l l e f f e c t was a steady destruction of a l l that had been b u i l t i n the previous 150 years, and the loss of the Russian Mennonite fatherland.15  By  the e a r l y 1920's, serious e f f o r t s were being made to allow for the emigration of Russian Mennonites to Canada.  Although many more wished to leave, 20,201  Mennonites were able to escape the USSR between 1923 and 1930, and s e t t l e i n Canada.  The bulk of the immigrants came to Canada between 1923 and 1926.16  Their primary reasons for leaving were loss of economic and s o c i o - r e l i g i o u s freedoms; the l a t t e r loss, e s p e c i a l l y , convinced Mennonites that there was future for them i n Soviet Russia.17  no  The majority of the immigrants s e t t l e d  in the p r a i r i e provinces; migration trends during the 1930's and a f t e r were to Ontario and B r i t i s h Columbia.  By 1939,  17% of immigrant families were  l i v i n g i n Ontario, 71% resided i n the three p r a i r i e provinces, and 12% i n B r i t i s h Columbia.18 The Canadian Mennonite population prior to the 1920's migration numbered 59,000, and was concentrated i n the f i v e westernmost provinces.19  This  number was divided into 18 congregational families, with Mennonites of Swiss South-German o r i g i n predominating  i n Ontario, and those of Dutch North-German  5 stock ( i . e . former Russian c o l o n i s t s ) inhabiting the prairies.20  The Swiss  Mennonites had generally adopted the English language,21 while the Russian Mennonites on the p r a i r i e s conversed i n Low German among themselves, reserving High German f o r church, school and written communication.22  The  Mennonite immigrants of the 1920's, or "Russlaender", tended to speak more High German, although the d i a l e c t was s t i l l very much i n use.  They had  become increasingly Germanized, c u l t u r a l l y , i n the period a f t e r t h e i r more conservative members emigrated from Russia i n the 1870*s.23 figures e x i s t on Low German/High German usage.  No precise  Interviews indicate that some  Russlaender families spoke High German i n the home, and that Low German was perceived to be a threat t o the maintenance of the High German i n Canada.24 E.K. Francis found high rates of High German usage i n the homes of the Russlaender, with a tendency to replace the Low German d i a l e c t with High German as time passed.25  The Russlaender "had come to view Low German as a  language too low and uncultivated to pass on to t h e i r c h i l d r e n , " according to Frank Epp.26  Some of the Russlaender f e l t that the 1870's immigrants to  Canada, or "Kanadier", spoke a lower-grade High German.27  This study w i l l be  concerned primarily with the r o l e that High German played i n the maintenance of Mennonite Brethren i d e n t i t y .  The r e l a t i o n s h i p between Low German and High  German i s further discussed i n Chapter S i x . In 1931 the t o t a l number of individuals i n Canada l i s t i n g German as t h e i r mother-tongue was 362,000, or about 3.5% of the Canadian population. p r a i r i e s the r a t i o was higher, with Manitoba German-speakers the t o t a l population, i n Saskatchewan 15%, and Alberta 9%.28  On the  comprising 8% of Thus the  majority of the Russlaender s e t t l e d i n areas with r e l a t i v e l y large numbers of German-speakers.  6  I t i s estimated that 5,000 of the 20,201 Russlaender were of Mennonite Brethren a f f i l i a t i o n . 2 9  P r i o r to t h i s i n f l u x , there were approximately 1800  baptized Brethren i n Canada;30 the addition of family members would have meant the t o t a l Brethren community numbered between 3000-5000 i n d i v i d u a l s . These Brethren were the r e s u l t of the missionary e f f o r t s of American Brethren from the 1870's Russian emigration among Canadian Mennonites and other German-speakers.  F o u r - f i f t h s resided i n Saskatchewan, although the church i n  Winkler, Manitoba, was the f i r s t and largest of the Canadian Brethren congregations, having been founded i n 1888.  The year 1924 "marked the rapid  expansion of the Mennonite Brethren church throughout Canada."31  The  aggressive Russlaender soon assumed positions of leadership i n the Canadian Mennonite community, "taking over" many of the e x i s t i n g i n s t i t u t i o n s , and s t a r t i n g many more themselves.32  A prominent example i s the Winkler Bible  School i n Winkler, Manitoba, started by Brethren Bible expositor A.H. Unruh and others, upon t h e i r a r r i v a l from Russia i n 1925. The Brethren r a p i d l y integrated themselves into the e x i s t i n g North American Brethren conference structures, which included an American General Conference and a Canadian Northern D i s t r i c t Conference, which was both a d i v i s i o n of the American General Conference and a semi-autonomous Canadian body.  The Canadian Brethren counted over 6300 baptized members by 1939;33  t h i s growth was due both to the recent immigration and normal  familial  growth, and to the Brethren a b i l i t y to absorb other Mennonites.  As Frank Epp  put i t , Russlaender Brethren soon knew where they belonged, and so impressive and a t t r a c t i v e was the Mennonite Brethren sense of missionary purpose, the c l a r i t y of t h e i r doctrine, and the p r e d i c t a b i l i t y of their church d i s c i p l i n e that they not only won a l l their own but absorbed...(other Mennonites as w e l l ) . The Brethren were more numerous, had stronger leaders, and offered a more l i v e l y , committed,  7  and simple r e l i g i o u s experience.34 The Russlaender of a l l congregational families found themselves i n a s o c i e t y which had recently become suspicious of both Mennonites and Germans. P r i o r to the F i r s t World War, ethnic Germans had generally been considered among the best of citizens;35 but the war and the Mennonite education c r i s i s of the late 'teens and e a r l y twenties combined to d i s c r e d i t p a c i f i s t and German-speaking "enemy a l i e n s " i n the minds of many.36  Close to 8,000  conservative Mennonites from Manitoba and Saskatchewan emigrated to L a t i n America during the 1920's, due to increasing pressures for Anglo-conformity i n the schools brought on by the F i r s t World War.  Anti-Mennonite  feelings  had become so intense that a l l Mennonite immigration to Canada was forbidden from 1919-22, by a s p e c i a l government Order-in-Council.  Declining n a t i v i s t  sentiment37 and the renewed desire for economic expansion helped to pave the way for further immigration i n the mid and l a t e r 1920's, which was c a r r i e d out under the Railways Agreement of 1925-30.  The Russlaender were part of a  larger migration of 165,000 c e n t r a l and eastern European immigrants who came to Canada under t h i s agreement. By the l a t e r 1920's another n a t i v i s t reaction set i n , e s p e c i a l l y towards sectarian groups l i k e the Mennonites, who had become "locked together" i n the public mind with "unassimilable" groups l i k e the Doukhobors and Hutterites a decade earlier.38  By 1930, with the onset of the Great Depression, attitudes  toward immigration had become t o t a l l y negative, and immigration was to a t r i c k l e for the next decade.39  Mennonites who had immigrated  reduced from  Soviet Russia had cause to f e e l both g r a t e f u l to t h e i r hosts for being l e t i n , and alienated towards them, when only a small number of t h e i r desperate c o - r e l i g i o n i s t s who had assembled  i n Moscow during 1929-30 were admitted into  8 Canada, amidst a loudly negative public reaction to the prospect.40 The Russlaender were not able or w i l l i n g to duplicate the closed colonies of Russia.  A strong element of individualism and the lack of consensus on  land-settlement  p o l i c y ensured the demise of various attempts to duplicate  the Russian experience.  Mennonite " c l u s t e r i n g " was due more to the  unconscious adhesion to other Mennonites than to conscious policy.41 lack of physical integration would make c u l t u r a l and important.  The Mennonites who  This  i d e o l o g i c a l factors more  had migrated from Russia to western Canada i n  the 1870's were much more successful i n forming closed settlements, due at least p a r t l y to the fact that t h e i r migration was a voluntary,  conservative  phenomenon, as well as to the emptiness of the p r a i r i e s upon t h e i r a r r i v a l . In the intervening years the Mennonites remaining i n Russia had, as already indicated, become r e l a t i v e l y prosperous, educated, and sophisticated. E.K.  And  as  Francis observes, the "better and more enterprising classes" of these  were p r i m a r i l y the ones who  were able to emigrate i n the 1920's.42  Thus the Russian Mennonite immigrants of the 1920's were known to be "progressive" and  interested i n finding a niche for themselves i n the larger  society, i n contrast to the indigenous Mennonites from previous  migrations.  They were p o s i t i v e towards education and r e l a t i v e l y eager to learn English, at f i r s t p r i m a r i l y for economic benefits.  As well, they displayed a greater  tendency to urbanize, despite the fact that the conditions of t h e i r entry into Canada required they s e t t l e on farms.43  The majority were i n fact  s e t t l e d on farms, but Depression crop conditions and high unemployment rates among recent immigrants44 caused a high degree of mobility among Mennonites, p a r a l l e l i n g the general trend on the prairies.45 I t i s the aim of t h i s study to chart the contours and meanings of the  9 German i d e n t i t y for the Russlaender  immigrants, p a r t i c u l a r l y the Mennonite  Brethren, i n the t h i r t y years subsequent t o t h e i r a r r i v a l i n Canada.  It i s  an important but l i t t l e - s t u d i e d aspect of Canadian Mennonite history.46 The Germanism issue evoked great emotions and was a factor i n many of the developments which took place i n t h i s period among the Brethren.  In the  f i r s t three chapters, the Brethren are considered alongside other Mennonites, because a strong sense of belonging to a larger Mennonite community prevailed, e s p e c i a l l y i n the period immediately following immigration, and p e r i o d i c a l s l i k e the Mennonitische Rundschau were read by a l l types of Mennonites.  Brethren often worshipped with other Mennonites i n the e a r l y  years of settlement, u n t i l numbers and resources were s u f f i c i e n t to form separate congregations.  The Brethren have been selected for p a r t i c u l a r  scrutiny because they were a cohesive, rigorous, i d e n t i f i a b l e sub-group within Mennonite society, and because I f e e l that the inherent Mennonite problem of r e c o n c i l i n g theological b e l i e f s and aspirations with e a r t h l y needs and r e a l i t i e s i s v i v i d l y and poignantly i l l u s t r a t e d i n t h e i r experience. In the most recent and comprehensive treatment of Mennonite society, Calvin Redekop argues that a t the root of Mennonite i d e n t i t y i s a Utopian ideology, and that instead of becoming s o l e l y an ethnic group, as some have argued,47 Mennonites developed into a " r e l i g i o u s people...that maintained i t was keeping the t r u t h and the v i s i o n of C h r i s t i a n i t y alive."48  Ethnicizing  tendencies have always been present, but the consciousness of l i v i n g out a " f a i t h f u l o r i g i n a l C h r i s t i a n i t y " has remained a powerful i d e o l o g i c a l animus which distinguishes Mennonites from groups which are constituted p r i m a r i l y by t i e s of culture, kinship and common history.49  On the other hand, there i s  much t o the assertion by another Mennonite s o c i o l o g i s t that:  10 A common history, a c o l l e c t i v e biography, a transgenerational c u l t u r a l legacy and a shared fate constitute the ethnic glue which fuses Mennonites together above and beyond r e l i g i o u s experience...A powerful t r i b a l memory r e c a l l s that "we were i n t h i s together," and a c o l l e c t i v e anxiety worries about the common future "that we face together."50 The present study w i l l indicate that both r e l i g i o u s and " t r i b a l " or ethnic factors were involved i n the concern over the German i d e n t i t y , and that as such they were both important components of Canadian Mennonite i d e n t i t y for the period under study. While the German i d e n t i t y of the Mennonite Brethren i n i t s various forms i s the general topic of t h i s study, the German language was the most important component of t h i s i d e n t i t y , and garners the most attention.  Edward  Sapir l u c i d l y described the communal function of language thus: Language i s a great force of s o c i a l i z a t i o n , probably the greatest that e x i s t s . By t h i s i s meant not merely the obvious fact that s i g n i f i c a n t s o c i a l intercourse i s hardly possible without language but that the mere fact of common speech serves as a p e c u l i a r l y potent symbol of the s o c i a l s o l i d a r i t y of those who speak the language.51 H. Richard Niebuhr echoes t h i s assertion i n analyzing European  immigrant  churches i n America, and notes further that; Conservatives in...(immigrant) churches have always maintained that the abandonment of the o l d , European tongue and the adoption of English as the language of worship and i n s t r u c t i o n involved the abandonment of a l l the ways of the fathers and introduction of a new "English or American religion."52 The insights of Sapir and Niebuhr provide an important t h e o r e t i c a l for understanding the Russlaender experience i n Canada.  background  During the 1930's,  other forms of Germanism, i n addition t o the language, performed the function of maintaining the s o c i a l and r e l i g i o u s i n t e g r i t y of the group.  After 1945,  these other elements declined, leaving the German language as a primary reference point for Russlaender Brethren s o c i o - r e l i g i o u s i d e n t i t y . F i n a l l y , a few terms require d e f i n i t i o n .  "Germanism" i s generally used  11 to refer to a conscious affirmation of any of a vide range of actual or perceived components of the German culture, nation, "race", and way  of  life.  " M i l i t a n t Germanism", a term which i s used p r i m a r i l y in the 1930's context, has n a t i o n a l i s t i c and m i l i t a r i s t i c connotations and that Germanism, i n one  implies a strong f e e l i n g  form or another, provided solutions to pressing  problems and f u l f i l l e d c e r t a i n inherent personal or communal needs. indicated, "Russlaender" were immigrants of the 1920's migration,  As  and  "Kanadier" were p r i m a r i l y those who  came i n the 1870's from Russia.  The term  "Volk" has been l e f t untranslated.  I t implies a group of people sharing a  unique history, landscape, culture, s p i r i t u a l i t y , e t h n i c i t y and way  of  For the Mennonites i t could mean a l l these things, or more simply,  "our  people".  life.  The term "Volkish" r e f e r s to the 19th and e a r l y 20th century  ideology of Volk which originated in Germany and tended to exalt the Germanic "race", and was anti-modern and  -Semitic.53  In regards to the terms "assimilation" and followed E.K.  Francis, who  "acculturation" I have  defines the former as the process "whereby  individual members of a minority  (group) are transferred into the host  s o c i e t y with permanent loss to the...group;" and the l a t t e r as acceptance of culture t r a i t s from the large(r) society."54  "the  Each term implies  a c e r t a i n measure of the other, although "assimilation" i s c l e a r l y the more general term, implying a large degree of acculturation.  A distinction is  sometimes made i n the text between Brethren "membership" and  "affiliation".  Baptized adults were members, while t h e i r families vere Brethren by affiliation.  This d i s t i n c t i o n , vhich can a l s o be used for other Mennonites,  vas e s p e c i a l l y important to the Brethren, vho stressed i n d i v i d u a l conversion and baptism by t o t a l immersion as c r u c i a l conditions for inclusion i n adult  12 Brethren churchly society.  At other points the ethnic side of Mennonitism i s  acknowledged by use of the terms "Brethren" and "Mennonite" to denote the t o t a l i t y of the Mennonite community. Although I argue that the Germanism which was expressed i n the Canadian context i s best understood as a function of the attempt to maintain the s o c i o - r e l i g i o u s i n t e g r i t y of the Russlaender Brethren, I do not wish t o imply that Mennonite l i f e i n Russia was monolithic. There were differences i n c l a s s , status, wealth, education and d i a l e c t among Mennonites, and a c e r t a i n degree of " r e g i o n a l i z a t i o n " had begun t o take place among the scattered Russian colonies by the turn of t h i s century.55 However, i t i s undeniable that the Russian Mennonites, and perhaps e s p e c i a l l y the Brethren, belonged to a r e l a t i v e l y integrated and cohesive society i n which a d i s t i n c t configuration of language, r e l i g i o u s f a i t h , way of  l i f e and sense of peoplehood had emerged.  In addition, i t has been argued  that the common experience of migration and settlement i n Canada helped to bind the Russlaender closer together.56 As to the actual ethnic background of the Russian Mennonites, the majority originated i n the Netherlands, while a smaller percentage of Germanic and other c e n t r a l and eastern European peoples joined the Mennonites along the way.57  What i s important for t h i s study i s less the actual genetic  makeup of the Mennonites than their own perceptions of t h e i r o r i g i n s .  13 NOTES, INTRODUCTION  CH.  1. Hans-Juergen Goertz, Die Taeufer: Geschichte und Deutung (Munich: Beck, 1980), pp. 16-19; 98-103.  2. Calvin Redekop, Mennonite Society (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1989), p. 62. 3. Jack Thiessen, "A New Look at an Old Problem: Origins of the Variations i n Mennonite Plautdietsch," Mennonite Quarterly Review (July 1989):290-92. 4. John B. Toews, Czars, Soviets and Mennonites (Newton, Kansas: F a i t h and L i f e Press, 1982), p. 6 f f . 5. Frank H. Epp, Mennonites i n Canada, 1920-1940 (Toronto: Macmillan of Canada, 1982), pp. 140-41. 6.  John B. Toews, Czars, Soviets and Mennonites, p. 45.  7. John B. Toews, Czars, Soviets and Mennonites, chapters 3-5; John B. Toews, "The Russian Mennonite I n t e l l e c t of the Nineteenth Century," paper on f i l e a t Centre for Mennonite Brethren Studies (CMBS), Winnipeg, Box 7, Folder 14, No. 4; Harry Loewen, "The German-Russian Tensions Among the Mennonites in Russia (1789-1917)," paper on f i l e a t CMBS, Winnipeg, Box 7, Folder 14, No. 5; E.K. Francis, In Search of Utopia: The Mennonites of Manitoba (Altona, Manitoba: D.W. Friesen & Sons Ltd., 1955), pp. 197-98. 8. John A. Toews, A History of the Mennonite Brethren Church (Fresno, CA: Board of C h r i s t i a n L i t e r a t u r e , 1975), pp. 368-74. 9.  J b i d . , Chapters 1-3.  10. James Urry, "A r e l i g i o u s or a s o c i a l e l i t e ? The Mennonite Brethren in Imperial Russia," paper on f i l e a t CMBS, Winnipeg, Box 15, Folder E., No. 1. Urry's analysis, while h e l p f u l , undervalues the r e l i g i o u s dimension of the Mennonite Brethren movement. 11.  John A. Toews, A History of the Mennonite Brethren Church, chapter  7.  12. Harry Loewen, "Echoes of Drumbeats: The Movement of Exuberance Among the Mennonite Brethren," Journal of Mennonite Studies 3 (1985):124-25. 13. Peter M. Friesen, The Mennonite Brotherhood i n Russia (1789-1910) (Fresno: Board of C h r i s t i a n L i t e r a t u r e , 1978), p. 395; John A. Toews, A. History of the Mennonite Brethren Church p. 70. f  77;  14. John A. Toews, A History of the Mennonite Brethren Church, pp. 76Harry Loewen, "Echoes of Drumbeats," p. 125.  14 15. See John B. Toews, Lost Fatherland: The Story of the Mennonite Emigration from Soviet Russia. 1921-27 (Scottdale, PA: Herald Press, 1967). 16. Eighty percent came i n t h i s period. Frank H. Epp, Mennonite Exodus: The Rescue and Resettlement of the Russian Mennonites Since the Communist Revolution (Altona, Manitoba: D.W. Friesen & Sons Ltd., 1966), p. 282. 17. John B. Toews, Lost Fatherland, pp. 89-90, 200-204. A History of the Mennonite Brethren Church, p. 120. 18.  John A. Toews,  Epp, Mennonite Exodus, p. 307.  19. Sixth Census of Canada, 1921 (Ottawa: The King's P r i n t e r s , 1924), v o l . I, pp. 568-69. 20.  Epp, Mennonites i n Canada. 1920-1940, pp. 20-21.  21.  Ibid., pp. 62-63.  22. E.K. Francis, In Search of Utopia, pp. 163-68; C A . Dawson, Group Settlement: Ethnic Communities i n Western Canada (Toronto: The Macmillan Co., 1936; Reprinted by Kraus Reprint Co., 1976), pp. 158-59. Frank H. Epp, Mennonites i n Canada. 1786-1920 (Toronto: Macmillan of Canada, 1974), p. 225. Epp, Mennonites i n Canada. 1920-1940, p. 244. 23. The movement towards more High German usage probably began as part of the reaction to R u s s i f i c a t i o n pressures beginning i n the 1870's, and the general trend towards greater s o p h i s t i c a t i o n during the "golden years" of 1895-1914, which was accompanied by a "conscious c u l t u r a l - i n t e l l e c t u a l journey i n the d i r e c t i o n of Germany." See John B. Toews, Czars. Soviets and Mennonites, chapter 3. Quote from p. 45. See a l s o Frank H. Epp, Mennonites in Canada. 1920-1940 pp. 242-47. 24. Interview with Gerhard Ens, editor of Der Bote. Winnipeg, Manitoba, June 20, 1989; Interview with Jack and Eleanor Dueck, Waterloo, Ontario, J u l y 6, 1989; Interview with Anne Brandt, Kelowna, B.C., June 3, 1989; Interview with David Schroeder, Professor a t Canadian Mennonite Bible College, Winnipeg, Manitoba, June 20, 1989. 25.  Francis, In Search of Utopia, pp. 275-77.  26.  Epp, Mennonites i n Canada, 1920-1940, p. 530.  27.  Epp, Mennonites i n Canada. 1920-1940, p. 292, note 14.  28. Seventh Census of Canada. 1931 (Ottawa: The King's P r i n t e r s , 1935), v o l . I l l , pp. 1182-84. 29.  John A. Toews, A History of the Mennonite Brethren Church, p. 120.  30. Yearbook of the General Conference of the Mennonite Brethren Church of North America. 1921-22 (Hillsboro,KS: MB Publishing House), pp. 83-85.  15 31.  John A. Toews, A History of the Mennonite Brethren Church, p. 161.  32.  Epp, Mennonites i n Canada, 1920-1940  f  p. 417.  33. Northern D i s t r i c t Conference Yearbook for the year 1939-40 (Hillsboro, KS: MB Publishing House), p. 37. 34.  Epp, Mennonites i n Canada. 1920-1940. p. 402.  35. Howard Palmer, Patterns of Prejudice: A History of Nativism i n Alberta (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart Limited, 1985), pp. 26-27; Arthur Grenke, "The Formation and E a r l y Development of an Urban Ethnic Community: A Case Study of the Germans i n Winnipeg, 1872-1919," (Ph.d. d i s s e r t a t i o n , U n i v e r s i t y of Manitoba, 1975), p. 401; John Norris, Strangers Entertained: A History of the Ethnic Groups of B r i t i s h Columbia (Vancouver: B r i t i s h Columbia Centennial '71 Committee, 1971), pp. 98-102. 36. Donald Avery, "Dangerous Foreigners": European Immigrant Workers and Labour Radicalism i n Canada, 1896-1932 (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart Limited, 1979), p. 13ff, 76, 92; Palmer, Patterns of Prejudice, p. 19, 47ff.; Epp, Mennonites i n Canada, 1786-1920, p. 391ff.; Norris, Strangers Entertained, p. 103; M.K. Mott, "The 'Foreign P e r i l ' : Nativism i n Winnipeg, 1916-1923," (M.A. t h e s i s , University of Manitoba, 1970), p. I l l ; Grenke, A Case Study of Germans i n Winnipeg, p. 403ff; Aron Sawatzky, "The Mennonites of Alberta and Their Assimilation," (M.A. t h e s i s , University of Alberta, 1964), p. 69; Dawson, Group Settlement, p. 104; Interview with Gerhard Ens, editor of Per Bote. Winnipeg, Manitoba, June 20, 1989. 37. Palmer, Patterns of Prejudice, p. 61, 72; P e r i l , ' " p. i i i , 111.  Mott, "The 'Foreign  38. Palmer, Patterns of Prejudice, p. 53, 111, 116; Avery, Dangerous Foreigners, pp. 108-112; Epp, Mennonite Exodus, p. 242ff; Alan B. Anderson, "Assimilation i n the Bloc Settlements of North-Central Saskatchewan," (Ph.D. d i s s e r t a t i o n , U n i v e r s i t y of Saskatchewan, 1972), p. 73. 39. Avery, Dangerous Foreigners, pp. 111-12; Palmer, Patterns of Prejudice, p. 127; Gerald Friesen, The Canadian P r a i r i e s : A History (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1987), pp. 247-48. 40. A t o t a l of 1344 of the estimated 13,000 individuals who had gathered i n Moscow were allowed into Canada. Another 4600 migrated to South America, and the rest were banished to S i b e r i a or exiled elsewhere i n the Soviet Union. Epp, Mennonites i n Canada, 1920-1940, p. 327; Palmer, Patterns of Prejudice, pp. 118-19. E.K. Francis writes of a " c o l l e c t i v e resentment" by the Russian immigrants toward Canada, due to the hardships and i n j u s t i c e s suffered during the immigration process, as well. While cases of t h i s must have existed, Francis has overstated the case. Francis, In Search of Utopia, p. 207.  16 41. Peter F. Bargen, "Mennonite Land Settlement P o l i c i e s , " Mennonite L i f e , October 1960, pp. 187-90; Aron Sawatzky, "The Mennonites of Alberta," pp. 108-09, 137-39. See further discussion on t h i s topic i n Chapter Three below. 42. Francis, In Search of Utopia, p. 187. George K. Epp estimates the migration to have included a t least 60% of the Russian Mennonite " i n t e l l i g e n t s i a " . George K. Epp, "Mennonite Immigration to Canada a f t e r World War I I , " Journal of Mennonite Studies (1987):109. 43. Epp, Mennonites i n Canada. 1920-1940. p. 188, 242-45; Sawatzky, "The Mennonites of Alberta," pp. 113-14, 134; Epp, Mennonite Exodus, pp. 207-09; Francis, In Search of Utopia, pp. 208-12; Dawson, Group Settlement, p.. 158. 44. Avery, Dangerous Foreigners, p. 114; Jonathan F. Wagner, Brothers Beyond the Sea: National Socialism i n Canada (Waterloo: Wilfred Laurier Press, 1981), p. 19. 45. Epp, Mennonites i n Canada, 1920-1940. p. 352ff; Friesen, The Canadian P r a i r i e s , p. 272, 388-89; Sawatzky, "The Mennonites of Alberta," p. 132. The Great Depression h i t the Russlaender e s p e c i a l l y hard, as they had both personal and c o l l e c t i v e debts, the l a t t e r incurred i n t h e i r migration to Canada. See E.K. Francis, In Search of Utopia, p. 209. 46. The one s i g n i f i c a n t work on the topic i s Frank Epp's analysis of the Mennonite newspaper Der Bote during the 1930's, which i s discussed i n Chapter Three. Gerald Ediger, professor a t Mennonite Brethren Bible College, i s c u r r e n t l y writing a doctoral d i s s e r t a t i o n on the Brethren German i d e n t i t y . Otherwise, l i t t l e has so far been done which goes beyond c l i c h e s and generalizations based on personal experience or individual cases, to analyse the topic i n any depth. 47. E.K. Francis, "The Russian Mennonites: From Religious to Ethnic Group," The American Journal of Sociology LIV (September 1948):101-107. 48.  Calvin Redekop, Mennonite Society, p. 322.  49.  Ibid., p. 323.  50. Donald B. K r a y b i l l , "Modernity and Identity: The Transformation of Mennonite E t h n i c i t y , " i n Calvin Redekop, ed., Mennonite Identity; H i s t o r i c a l and Contemporary Perspectives (Lanham, MD: U n i v e r s i t y Press of America, 1988), pp. 157-58. 51. Edward Sapir, "Language," Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences IX (New York: Macmillan, 1933), p. 159. 52. H. Richard Niebuhr, The Social Sources of Denominationalism (Hamden, CT: The Shoestring Press, 1954), p. 212.  j  17 53. A good review of the i n t e l l e c t u a l o r i g i n s of t h i s movement i s George L. Mosse, The C r i s i s of German Ideology (New York: Grasset & Dunlap, 1964). 54.  Francis, In Search of Utopia, p. 275.  55. Francis, In Search of Utopia, p. 206; H.A. Peters, "Das mennonitische Volkstum: Eine Skizze seiner Entstehung und des V e r f a l l e s , " Per Bote. 8 December 1964, p. 10; Thiessen, "A New Look a t an Old Problem: Origins of the Variations i n Mennonite Plautdietsch," pp. 285-97; James Urry, "Through the Eye of the Needle: Wealth and the Mennonite Experience i n Imperial Russia," Journal of Mennonite Studies (1985):7-35. 56. Francis, In Search of Utopia, p. 206; Frank H. Epp, "Problems of Mennonite Identity," i n Leo Driedger, ed., The Canadian Ethnic Mosaic: A Quest for Identity (Toronto: McClelland & Stewart, 1978), p. 284. 57. Epp, Mennonite Exodus, p. 30; J.A. Toews, A History of the Mennonite Brethren Church, p. 11; Epp, Mennonites i n Canada, pp. 526-27; Thiessen, "A New Look at an Old Problem".  18 CHAPTER ONE The Canadian Context and the Impact of National Socialism  H i s t o r i c a l circumstances  had brought about the d i s s o l u t i o n of the Russian  Mennonite commonwealth a t the same moment that a powerful movement of Volku n i f i c a t i o n was emanating from Germany.  I t was very easy to appropriate the  ideas and r h e t o r i c of t h i s movement and apply them t o Mennonites scattered across 2000 miles of western Canada.  Pro-Germanism i n t h i s context meant not  only the separation from the "worldly" Canadian environment, but the possible reintegration of the scattered remnant on a l i n g u i s t i c , r e l i g i o u s , and i d e o l o g i c a l basis.  Thus while Germany d i d become a surrogate fatherland f o r  some, the pro-German and Nazi-Volkish r h e t o r i c espoused by Mennonites during the 1930's must be interpreted within the framework of s p e c i f i c a l l y Mennonite concerns and a s p i r a t i o n s . As the forces of a s s i m i l a t i o n and a c c u l t u r a t i o n absorbed them into Canadian s o c i e t y with great r a p i d i t y , 1  the Russlaender  saw their ethno-religious community not only fragmented, but d i s s o l v i n g before t h e i r very eyes. The most important event of the 1930's f o r people of German ethnic or l i n g u i s t i c a f f i l i a t i o n was the r i s e of the "nev Germany" under Adolf H i t l e r and the National S o c i a l i s t s (NSDAP).  This movement seemed t o hold great  promise f o r Germans, and i n i t i a l l y brought substantial benefits to many German people, i f i t a l s o persecuted others.  As v e i l , i t inspired Germans  everywhere t o be proud of themselves and t h e i r a b i l i t i e s , and to r i s e above the shameful image engendered by the defeat of the F i r s t World War and the negative i n t e r p r e t a t i o n placed on the t r e a t y of V e r s a i l l e s . The movement meant d i f f e r e n t things t o d i f f e r e n t people; c u l t u r a l ,  19 psychological, religious, economic, ethnic and national renewal vere a l l associated vith National Socialism under Hitler.2  At a basic level, the  pride in a l l things German which vas a part of the movement vas an important encouragement to German-speakers vho, living in non-German environments, feared for the loss of their cultural and linguistic identity.  The  unconscious emotional attachment to the German language and customs should not be underestimated as an important impetus for Mennonite Germanism in the 1930's and beyond.  In addition, German benevolence toward Mennonites, along  vith Nazi anti-communism, vere key factors in Mennonite pro-Germanism during the 1930's.3 For many Mennonites, Hitler became a divinely appointed figure vho vas sent to right past wrongs and save Germany and the vorld from communism; thus the "cognitive dissonance" created by the tension between Mennonite faith and trust in God, on the one hand, and the apparent success of the "godless communists" and the subsequent persecution of Christians in the Soviet Union, on the other, could be alleviated.4 It vas the combination of a l l these factors vhich gave Canadian Mennonite Germanism its particular intensity during the 1930's. After 1945 the desire for socio-religious solidarity and integrity remained a potent factor in Mennonite Germanism, vhile the other elements quietly evaporated.  Harsh  economic conditions and a high rate of mobility during the Great Depression undoubtedly contributed to the unease and uncertainty vhich gave rise to proGerman sentiments, but cannot in themselves be conclusively cited as causing them.5 The National Socialist movement in Canada vas itself weak and never able to gain a large following among German-Canadians.  In the most extensive  study of the National Socialist movement in Canada, Jonathan Wagner concludes  20 that although "significant numbers" of ethnic Germans probably sympathized with Hitler's cause in one way or another, Nazism was too unrelated to Canadian social and economic realities, and ethnic Germans identified too heavily with Canadian institutions, for i t to appeal to large numbers of them, despite the efforts of the approximately 100 Nazi-Party members to gain a following.6  According to Gerald Priesen, ethnic Germans were "divided into  so many parts and so affected by the events of world politics that they never achieved a pan-German identity in Canada."7 The "focal point" of Nazi activity was on the prairies, which had absorbed some 70,000 German-speaking immigrants (including most of the 20,000 Mennonites from Russia) during the 1920's.8 There were seven Germanlanguage newspapers published on the prairies during the 1930's, and of these, five expressed pro-Nazi sentiments. Three of these were Mennonite publications, and a fourth, Der Nordwesten, was widely read by Mennonites.9 Before the large 1920's influx of German-speakers, German culture had been in decline in Canada, acculturation and assimilation having been aided by the anti-Germanism engendered by the First World War.10 The majority of the new immigrants, like the Mennonites, were "Volks-Germans", i.e. those who had settled outside Germany as part of the widespread diaspora throughout eastern Europe, and were agriculturalists.il  But the Mennonites differed from many  of their German-speaking counterparts in that they were not, as Jonathan Wagner has argued, previously a part of a central and eastern European "Volks-German Awakening", with its nationalistic and expansionist overtones. Wagner's attempt to explain Mennonite support for National Socialism solely in terms of the larger Volkish movement is spurious and based on l i t t l e research or understanding of Mennonites.12  21 The migration of German-speakers to the p r a i r i e s during the 1920's was part of a larger i n f l u x of immigrants i n the f i r s t three decades of t h i s century.  With a s i x f o l d increase i n p r a i r i e population between 1901 and  1941, c u l t u r a l d i v e r s i t y was, as Friesen has shown, a " s t r i k i n g feature of p r a i r i e s o c i e t y " i n these decades.  I t resembled a "stew" of d i f f e r e n t ethnic  groups simmering i n the same pot, each r e t a i n i n g i t s own flavour.  Most  immigrants conversed i n t h e i r mother-tongue, as "ethnic i d e n t i t y remained a r e a l and important factor i n the l i f e of many p r a i r i e Canadians i n the 1930's."13  By 1931, 35% of the western Canadian population was of c e n t r a l  and eastern European origin.14 The " B r i t i s h " character of the p r a i r i e s predominated, however, the t y p i c a l town e x i s t i n g as "an outpost of British-Canadian c i v i l i z a t i o n . " 1 5 P o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s , schools and churches exhibited a "militant view of B r i t i s h c i v i l i z a t i o n , " and were instruments of Anglo-Canadian conformity and assimilation.16  P u b l i c schools, i n p a r t i c u l a r , were important i n t h i s  regard, as "The lessons of the education system i n each province were consciously directed a t the creation of a new British-based Western-Canadian race."17  Although anti-Germanism was often superseded by negative sentiment  towards labour " r a d i c a l s " of eastern-European origin,18 i t was s t i l l a prevalent feature of the interwar period and beyond.19  The Great Depression  a l s o exacerbated negative feelings toward "foreigners" who were thought t o take jobs away from Anglo-Canadians and swell the r e l i e f r o l l s . 2 0 The general Canadian reaction to National Socialism was negative or indifferent. J.W.  Da foe,  Although the i n f l u e n t i a l editor of the Winnipeg Free Press, repeatedly warned that a world c r i s i s was looming, Canadians were  l a r g e l y apathetic to the d e t e r i o r a t i n g international s i t u a t i o n of the  22 1930's.21  I t vas unthinkable f o r Canadians t h a t they might again have t o  send t h e i r sons t o f i g h t Europe's b a t t l e s , and thus i s o l a t i o n i s t sentiment grew as "gangsterism" increased i n Europe.  While t h i s i s o l a t i o n i s m would, i n  the event of war, prove t o be i l l u s o r y , I t took Canadians a very long time t o come t o the understanding that I t a l y and e s p e c i a l l y Germany vere on an u n a l t e r a b l e c o l l i s i o n course v i t h the i n t e r n a t i o n a l i n t e r e s t s and domestic values of B r i t a i n , many of v h i c h Canada shared.22 In 1936 the Canadian Olympic team gave H i t l e r the Nazi s a l u t e a t the B e r l i n games, and Canadian f a s c i s t a c t i v i t i e s vere l a r g e l y ignored by the Canadian p u b l i c u n t i l a number of newspaper and magazine a r t i c l e s covering t h e i r a c t i v i t i e s began t o appear i n e a r l y 1938.  I t vas only v i t h the provocative  events of 1938-39 t h a t H i t l e r began t o g e n e r a l l y be viewed as a menace, and t h a t serious anti-Nazism emerged i n Canada.  The A n t i c o s t i a f f a i r , Munich and  the Sudeten c r i s i s confirmed the growing anti-German, p r o - B r i t i s h sentiment; the Royal v i s i t of May-June 1939, v h i c h evoked great emotion from Canadians, sealed the Commonwealth connection.23 On the other hand, i t i s i n c o r r e c t t o give the impression that Canadians vere unconcerned v i t h Nazi Germany u n t i l the l a t e 1930's, as some h i s t o r i a n s have done.24  The Canadian press, as perceived by German-Canadians, vas a  source of "constant adverse c r i t i c i s m of Germany. "25  A cursory perusal of  the Saskatoon Star Pheonix and Winnipeg Free Press i n d i c a t e s that the dangers and excesses of the Nazi regime vere p u b l i c i z e d from the beginning of i t s tenure.26  On the p r a i r i e s , a t l e a s t , Nazism vas c o n s i s t e n t l y portrayed as a  t h r e a t t o democracy and human r i g h t s . events e n t i r e l y a p a t h e t i c .  Nor vas the p u b l i c response t o these  S h o r t l y a f t e r the outbreak of the f i r s t J e v i s h  pogrom i n l a t e March and e a r l y A p r i l of 1933 (the s o - c a l l e d " J e v i s h Boycott"), 7000 Winnipeg c i t i z e n s converged on the C i v i c Auditorium " i n one  23 of the biggest single-purpose demonstrations in the history of the c i t y . " Over 60 organizations were represented at this "firm protest" against Nazi persecution of Jews.27 It was in this context that Russlaender Mennonites found themselves during the 1930's. A recent analysis of the Coaldale, Alberta Mennonite community during the intervar period provides an excellent view into Russlaender l i f e at this time.  Coaldale is significant because the  Mennonites who settled there were exclusively Russlaender, and i t became home to one of the most prominent Brethren communities in Canada during this period.  The Coaldale Brethren church counted 350 members by the mid-1930's,  and had grown to almost 500 by the end of the decade.28 Part of the reason for this growth stemmed from Coaldale being located in an irrigation d i s t r i c t which didn't suffer as heavily as some communities during the Depression, and hence attracted those looking for work. There had been no Brethren communities in Alberta prior to the 1920's; besides Coaldale, other congregations were started at Gem, La Glace, Lindbrook, Namaka and Vauxhall. By 1939 Coaldale was home to over 50% of Alberta's Brethren population.29 Alberta's 800 Brethren and their families were among 63,000 native Germanspeakers in Alberta, or about 9% of i t s population (1931).30 In her study of the Coaldale Mennonite community, Joanna Buhr found that "controlled accomodation" to the norms of Anglo-Canadian society was a dominant feature of Mennonite identity maintenance. This entailed both the accentuation of certain aspects of Mennonite ethno-religious identity, including Germanism, as well as the formation of "certain symbiotic social and economic ties with the Coaldale establishment."31  Mennonite immigrants  were anxious to acquire land of their own, and were well-represented at the  24 l o c a l "English" farming demonstrations.  There was immediate interest i n  learning the language, as i t quickly became c l e a r that command of the language was an economic asset.  The predominantly Anglo-Saxon host community  was "generally congenial" towards the newcomers, and offered e n t i c i n g s o c i a l and economic prospects, e s p e c i a l l y to the young people.  Generous debt-terms  extended t o the Mennonites during the decade gave them hope that they could succeed i n Canada despite the e f f e c t s of drought and depression, and they were eager to prove themselves worthy of the confidence placed i n them by the Canadian establishment. I t vas i n t h i s m i l i e u that Mennonite leaders recognized the need for well-defined boundaries to maintain the e s s e n t i a l contours of Mennonite identity.  As the language of r e l i g i o u s communication, German was perceived  to be a c r u c i a l component i n the long-term persistence of the group and i t s vision:  "To many Russian Mennonites, the replacement of German with E n g l i s h  represented a c r u c i a l step i n a movement toward alignment with the 'world'."32  A German l e n d i n g - l i b r a r y vas established i n Coaldale i n 1927,  and the Brethren started a German "Saturday school" i n 1930. The language issue became d i v i s i v e among Coaldale Mennonites by the l a t e r 1930's, as i t became c l e a r that an almost complete language t r a n s i t i o n (from German to English) vas taking place i n one generation.  One side f e l t that  group cohesion and i n t e g r i t y vas dependent upon r e t a i n i n g the German language, while the other saw the imminent a l i e n a t i o n of the youth i f more wasn't offered to them i n English.  The Brethren emphasis on r e l i g i o u s  conversion and evangelism, combined with a d e s i r e t o r e l a t e t o the host community i n an acceptable way, gave r i s e t o some interaction v i t h l o c a l English-speaking evangelists and the staging of an English outreach program  25 by the youth on Sunday evenings.  These a c t i v i t i e s were eventually stopped  because of the threat they posed to Brethren identity.33 P o l i t i c a l l y , Coaldale Mennonites were "keenly l o y a l " to the Canadian government, and supported William Aberhart i n p r o v i n c i a l p o l i t i c s . 3 4  Yet  c u l t u r a l l y and s o c i a l l y they remained a l o o f ; gratitude towards Canada and the hope of becoming economically successful d i d not deter Mennonites from t h e i r goal of maintaining a s p e c i f i c ethno-religious i d e n t i t y .  The greatest threat  to the Mennonite v i s i o n " l a y i n i t s destruction from within through fragmentation."35  internal  The second generation was r a p i d l y becoming "Canadianized"  through the public school system; t h i s , coupled with the s t r e s s of immigrant economic l i f e , tended to outweigh the e f f e c t s of the German Saturday school and other such i n s t i t u t i o n s i n promoting a p o s i t i v e i d e n t i f i c a t i o n with the Mennonite heritage and i t s accompanying Germanic aspects.36 There seems to have been an inherent tension between the desire f o r economic success and s o c i a l respect, on the one hand, and the maintenance of a d i s t i n c t Mennonite i d e n t i t y , on the other.  The predominantly  Anglo-  Canadian host community put pressure on Mennonites to assimilate, and the second generation responded.  This i n turn brought on a more self-conscious  Germanism which was directed towards the maintenance of ingroup u n i t y and doctrinal integrity.  Indeed, "To some, Germanism and opposition to war were  inseparable tenets i n the ethno-religious package...In the process of deemphasizing German c u l t u r a l l o y a l t i e s (during WWII), nonresistance a l s o came into jeopardy. "37 This helps to c l a r i f y the r e l a t i o n s h i p between Germanism and the p r i n c i p l e of nonresistance.  M i l i t a n t Germanism challenged nonresistance  among some f i r s t - g e n e r a t i o n immigrants who hadn't been s o c i a l i z e d i n Canada  26 (see Chapter Two);  on the other hand, the loss of the German identity  threatened the principle among the second generation, because i t implied absorption into Anglo-Canadian society, and participation in i t s military endeavours. Buhr's study indicates that pro-Nazi sympathies, when held in an environment like Coaldale's, would have been muted. More importantly, i t demonstrates that most new arrivals vere eager to find a niche for themselves in Canada, vere responsive to the host society, and felt that their future lay in Canada. This fact, coupled vith the rapid acculturation of the second generation, indicates that the pro-Germanism of the 1930's vas largely a reaction to the threatened dissolution of the remaining contours of Russian Mennonite society. Parallels exist between the experience of Coaldale Mennonites and those vho settled in Ontario.  Approximately 1000 Russlaender settled there;38 of  these, around 25% vere of Brethren affiliation.39  The Kitchener Mennonite  Brethren Church became the mother-church for the Brethren in Ontario, counting 150 members, or approximately 50% of the Ontario Brethren church membership, by 1935.40 There had been no Mennonite Brethren in Ontario prior to this migration.  Many also settled on the Niagara peninsula, in the areas  of Vineland, St. Catherines and V i r g i l .  These Brethren joined approximately  80,000 other native German-speakers in Ontario, or 2% of the total population (1931).41 In his study of the Russlaender in Ontario during the intervar period, Henry Paetkau found that "Without the familiar structures of the Mennonite commonwealth to give form and content to their lives, the immigrants vere at the mercy of the forces of acculturation and assimilation."42 Economic considerations brought about the rapid acquisition of English and influenced  27 settlement patterns, causing a t h i r d of the immigrants to locate i n c i t i e s and towns, despite pressures from both the host community and leaders to f i n d r u r a l occupation.  immigrant  Schools were a powerful force of  acculturation for the scattered immigrants, and thus "A language c r i s i s ensued i n many families as e a r l y as the m i d - t h i r t i e s , p r e c i s e l y when 'das Deutschtum' was becoming increasingly meaningful to older  immigrants."43  It was i n t h i s f a m i l i a r context that leaders and organizations l i k e the Ontario P r o v i n c i a l Immigrant Assembly (Vertreterversammlung)44 attempted to draw Mennonites together and perpetuate a common i d e n t i t y , which included the important components of "German and Religion".  Saturday and Sunday schools,  Bible schools, youth groups and German l e n d i n g - l i b r a r i e s were i n s t i t u t e d , but economic and geographic factors caused only "sporadic support" of these endeavours by the immigrants.45  The r i s e of Germanism, according to Paetkau,  "appears to have been more sympathetic than overt, more i d e o l o g i c a l than real."46  Despite the general desire on the part of most immigrants to become  established Canadians, there was enough of a pro-German f e e l i n g present to give r i s e to rumours i n some areas that Mennonites were Nazi sympathizers, and that they stored weapons i n t h e i r churches.  One Ontario church was set  on f i r e by anti-Nazi arsonists and l a t e r raided by p o l i c e , while another was vandalized as an anti-Nazi protest.47 Declarations by Mennonites of l o y a l t y to Canada i n the l a t e r 1930's were common, and the degree of a s s i m i l a t i o n into Canadian society was proven by r e l a t i v e l y high enlistment figures, for Mennonites, a t the outbreak of the Second World War.  Germanism was delivered a "devastating blow" by the war,  and "Only the i n f l u x of another group of Russian Mennonite refugees a f t e r 1945 prevented a complete language t r a n s i t i o n within a single generation."48  28 In a recent a r t i c l e , Paetkau has argued that a general feature of the Russian Mennonite immigrant experience was a tension between a desire to reestablish the l o s t unity of the Russian settlement, and an i n d i v i d u a l i s t i c impulse toward economic and s o c i a l success i n Canada.  "While a few leaders  strove v a l i a n t l y and eloquently to rebuild a people...individuals sought p r i m a r i l y to rebuild t h e i r l i v e s and t h e i r families."49 The general thrust of Paetkau's work has been to indicate that although the Russlaender may have desired to r e e s t a b l i s h i n some way a l o s t community, i t was not to be at the expense of p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n Anglo-Canadian s o c i a l and economic structures. Buhr's study a l s o i l l u s t r a t e s t h i s , i f to a lesser degree, given the more r u r a l and isolated atmosphere of southern Alberta. Thus i t may be more p r o f i t a b l e to see the Russlaender as being p r i m a r i l y concerned with in-group reintegration, on various l e v e l s , than with separation from the host s o c i e t y per se.  Separation could a t most be  ideological; geographic dispersion, coupled with a s s i m i l a t i o n i s t trends, tends however to make the ideological medium, Germanism, look as much l i k e an agent of group cohesion and d o c t r i n a l integration as of separation from Canadian society.50  I t was a c a r r i e r of an i d e n t i t y which had meaning i n  i t s e l f ; thus i t d i d not merely set one apart from the rest of Canadian society, although t h i s was c l e a r l y important.  Germanism, e s p e c i a l l y during  the 1930's, brought with i t a whole host of associations which helped to define what i t meant t o be Mennonite, and i t held out the p o s s i b i l i t y of being the source of communal and r e l i g i o u s perpetuation and renewal. The p r a i r i e provinces of Manitoba and Saskatchewan evidenced s i m i l a r trends as i n Alberta and Ontario, with the possible difference that the generally more i s o l a t e d , homogeneous communities fostered a stronger sense of  29 pro-Germanism and -Nazism.51  Discussion here w i l l centre on Manitoba, owing  to the a v a i l a b i l i t y of sources.  Mennonites from Russia had s e t t l e d on two  large blocs of land i n southern Manitoba during the 1870's, and when some of them l e f t i n the 1920's f o r L a t i n America, a number of Russlaender took t h e i r place.  Figures vary, but i t i s clear that a sizeable number of  immigrants,  perhaps a few thousand, s e t t l e d on farms abandoned by the emigrants on the West Reserve.52  Winkler was an important Brethren centre there, and  attracted some of the newcomers.  Other congregations were formed i n Arnaud,  N i v e r v i l l e , Steinbach, Morden, Newton Siding and Manitou, among others. Winnipeg a l s o absorbed a number of Brethren, with three congregations meeting by the mid-1930's. The t o t a l Manitoba Brethren church membership increased s i x f o l d with the immigration, numbering 2000 baptised members by 1934.53  These Brethren and  t h e i r families were part of a larger population of 30,000 Mennonites i n Manitoba, and a t o t a l German-speaking population roughly double that, or 8% of the p r o v i n c i a l population (1931).54  A t o t a l of 2081 Russlaender  families,  or a t h i r d of the Russian migration, i n i t i a l l y s e t t l e d i n Manitoba.55 Studies by C.A.  Dawson and E.K. Francis have outlined the general trends  of acculturation and a s s i m i l a t i o n among Russian Mennonite immigrants already discussed.  Dawson, writing i n the 1930's, saw a c l a s s of Mennonite "small  townsmen" coming into existence, and f e l t that the i n f l u x of the " l i b e r a l " Russian Mennonites during the 1920's, along with the emigration of the most conservative Mennonites to L a t i n America, helped to speed the process of s e c u l a r i z a t i o n and a s s i m i l a t i o n among Manitoba Mennonites.56  He found that  young people i n Mennonite towns l i k e Winkler and Gretna spoke English to each other on the s t r e e t s , and that the Brethren, e s p e c i a l l y , were tolerant of  30 "new  ideas."  Mennonites were c u r r e n t l y midway i n the t r a n s i t i o n from  sectarian to secular culture, and t h e i r absorption into Canadian s o c i e t y was seen to be inevitable.57 E.K. Francis, writing 20 years l a t e r , agreed that acculturation had taken place, but argued that widespread a s s i m i l a t i o n had not.  The Russlaender i n  p a r t i c u l a r had been eager t o learn English, promote public schools, and adopt Canadian ways; but by 1945 a "newly gained pride" i n Mennonite t r a d i t i o n s was evident, and the Manitoba Mennonite community showed no signs of breaking up.58  This i s understandable given the fact that by 1931 a t h i r d of the  p r a i r i e population was of non-English (mostly continental European) o r i g i n , that a large i n f l u x of German-speakers  accompanied the Mennonite migration to  the p r a i r i e s i n the 1920's, and that Manitoba was home to over a t h i r d of a l l Canadian Mennonites.59  One half-hour to one hour of German i n s t r u c t i o n was  given i n some public schools, and i n some of the predominantly Mennonite communities, Low German was spoken by everyone, including  non-Mennonites.60  Even urbanization d i d not have the same impact as i n other areas:  Mennonites  moving to Winnipeg tended to congregate on the North Side and i n East Kildonan, both predominantly non-English European immigrant  communities.61  Interviews indicate that pro-German and -Nazi feelings ran high among southern Manitoba Mennonites during the 1930's and into the Second World  War;  individuals who were c h i l d r e n a t the time have v i v i d memories of the proH i t l e r atmosphere, p r i m a r i l y among the Russlaender, and of the impression that "great things were happening i n Germany."62  Wagner reports that  Steinbach Mennonites turned out i n s i g n i f i c a n t numbers t o hear the t r a v e l l i n g Nazi-propagandist K a r l Goetz i n 1936, and that some Mennonites were present a t the p r o v i n c i a l "German Day" i n Winnipeg.63  Francis notes that the  31 " i d e o l o g i c a l d i v i d i n g - ^ ine" on the issue of pro-Germanism among Manitoba Mennonites was drawn e s s e n t i a l l y between the Russlaender and the Kanadier. The Russlaender evidenced a stronger sense of German nationalism, while the Kanadier "were more s e n s i t i v e to public opinion and more emphatic about l o y a l t y to Canada."64 There a l s o appears to have been some Mennonite involvement with indigenous f a s c i s t organizations. reached i n 1934.  The high-water mark for t h i s a c t i v i t y was  In e a r l y 1934 a Brethren leader from Winkler reported i n  the Mennonitische Rundschau that: Here i n our l i t t l e town a movement i s becoming noticeable. H i t l e r i s known as a s t r i v i n g , C h r i s t i a n young man, and we hope that the same q u a l i t i e s are present i n the l o c a l organization of the Canadian Nationalists.65 The "Canadian N a t i o n a l i s t Party" was a f a s c i s t organization led by William Whittaker and centred i n Winnipeg.  As the quote indicates, d i r e c t l i n k s were  made between Nazism and t h i s Canadian movement.66  I t appears that attempts  were a l s o made to organize i n the l a r g e l y Brethren community of Yarrow, B.C., i n e a r l y 1934.67  I t i s d i f f i c u l t to estimate what degree of success such  e f f o r t s had a t t h i s time, but the comments of one Brethren leader i n e a r l y 1934 are s i g n i f i c a n t : The rush of p o l i t i c a l waters, that q u i c k l y becomes a wild flood, i s coming ever closer to us...this flood has come so close that i t has begun to wash a portion of our Volk away with i t . Therefore i t i s our duty to warn our people against p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n p o l i t i c a l and n a t i o n a l i s t i c organizations.68 It was i n Winnipeg during the summer of 1934 that the most notorious Canadian Mennonite encounter with fascism took place.  As reported i n Per  Bote, young Mennonite "hotheads" had taken part i n a June 5 s c u f f l e between Whittaker's "Brownshirts" and Communists, and had sustained some i n j u r i e s . The most s i g n i f i c a n t aspect of the whole a f f a i r was that, according to the  32 writer, there was widespread sympathy among Mennonites for the  Brownshirts.  This was due, i n h i s opinion, to the general wish to see the communists "get t h e i r just deserts".69 Concern over p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n f a s c i s t organizations was  indicated by a  resolution taken at the Canadian Brethren Conference (the Northern Conference) meeting i n e a r l y J u l y of that year.  District  In the context of a  resolution on nonresistance, i t was stated: I t must be stressed that i t i s contradictory for the Conference to work towards guaranteeing freedom of conscience for us ( i n regards to m i l i t a r y exemption), while at the same time some Brothers take part in Volk-movements i n which force i s used.70 In addition to the above cases, there are reports that a few young men e n l i s t e d i n the National S o c i a l i s t cause and t r a v e l l e d to Germany sometime i n the 1930'.s,71 and that an undisclosed number of Ontario families sympathised with the Third Reich a l s o migrated there.72  who  I t should a l s o be  mentioned that i n 1934 Bernard Bott, who was a Nazi Party member and e d i t o r of the Deutsche Zeitung fuer Kanada. organized a "Saskatchewan German Committee" which included the Saskatchewan Mennonite p r o v i n c i a l organization in i t s membership.73 involvement  These instances should not be ignored, but overt  of Canadian Mennonites with f a s c i s t groups was minimal, although  c o n s t i t u t i n g enough of a threat to bring f o r t h condemnations.  A more  pervasive and widely c i t e d occurrence was the purchase of shortwave radios to tune i n to broadcasts from Germany.74 In general, the trend toward a c c u l t u r a t i o n and a s s i m i l a t i o n into AngloCanadian s o c i e t y was present on the p r a i r i e s , but counter-forces were a l s o at work which mitigated i t .  These included a greater concentration of  Mennonites, German-speakers, and non-English Europeans i n general; greater homogeneity of Mennonite communities; a large proportion of  Russlaender  33 immigrants; and i n Winnipeg a centre of western Canadian Nazism.75  A broader  use of the German language, a more prevalent support for the "new Germany", and even a few cases of involvement with f a s c i s t groups were a few r e s u l t s of these factors. There were no Mennonites  i n B r i t i s h Columbia p r i o r to 1928.  At that  time, ten families s e t t l e d a t Yarrow i n the Fraser v a l l e y , i n i t i a t i n g a migration which would see over 5000 Mennonites l i v i n g i n the province by 1941, and three times that number by 1951.76  A majority of these were  Russlaender Mennonite Brethren, and they were concentrated i n Yarrow, Sardis, Chilliwack and Abbotsford.  The Yarrow Mennonite Brethren congregation formed  i n 1929, and grew to 365 members by 1939.  A Brethren congregation with over  100 members had a l s o formed i n Vancouver by t h i s time.77  The 1000  Mennonites  present i n B.C. i n 1931 were among 12,000 German-speakers i n the province, or about 2% of the t o t a l p r o v i n c i a l population.78 By a l l accounts, the 1930's were years of hard work and many pressures on the newcomers.  Young g i r l s worked as maids i n Vancouver (as Mennonite g i r l s  d i d i n most Canadian urban areas), and many Mennonites worked as labourers i n l o c a l hopfields or i n Vancouver.  Delegates from B.C. present a t the annual  Brethren Canadian Conference meetings lamented the unwholesome contact with "worldly" influences brought about by t h i s , and the strong a s s i m i l a t i o n i s t pressures present.79 The Mennonitische Rundschau reported i n l a t e 1934 that a number of AngloCanadian n a t i v i s t meetings had taken place i n the Fraser Valley, with concern being expressed over the high immigration rate of "poor Europeans" from the p r a i r i e s , and the high b i r t h r a t e of the o r i e n t a l population. The  Mennonites  were c l e a r l y objects of concern, and motions were even made proposing B.C.  34  become an independent nation, i n order to c o n t r o l the " f l o o d " of unwanted newcomers.  The host community was obviously quite open about i t s n a t i v i s t  and r a c i s t feelings.80 Peter Ward has argued that the " s t r u c t u r a l l y p l u r a l " nature of the B r i t i s h Columbia population gave r i s e to a longing by Anglo-Canadians for r a c i a l homogeneity, which was openly expressed prejudices.81  i n terms of r a c i a l  Although Asians were the targets of most harassment, the fact  that Anglo-Canadian nativism was a " c u l t u r a l norm" means that there was  an  inherent psychological tension between Anglo-Canadians and a l l non-British immigrants.82  John Norris downplays these tensions, but does point out that  both Germans and Mennonites were objects of h o s t i l i t y by the host community i n the interwar years.83  Rumours c i r c u l a t e d i n the 1930's "to the e f f e c t  that Mennonites were s i m i l a r to Doukhobors and detrimental to the and during the Second World War  state,"84  there was resentment at Mennonite  unwillingness to j o i n the armed forces.85  Recollections by a Mennonite i n  the mid-1940's reveal the extent to which Mennonites wanted to be seen as successful members of B.C.  society.86  I t was  i r o n i c a l l y t h i s success which  engendered resentment toward the Mennonites.87 A study of B.C.  Mennonites done i n 1955 by John Krahn indicates the  t y p i c a l set of responses to t h i s environment.  The Brethren started German  "Saturday schools" i n nearly every community, and eventually two high schools and three Bible schools.88  Retention of the German language was generally a  goal i n a l l such educational e f f o r t s , and not just the Saturday schools Chapters Four and F i v e ) . leaders was  Krahn argues, l i k e Buhr, that a basic goal of  "controlled integration" with the larger Canadian society.89  Urbanization, a c c u l t u r a t i o n and a s s i m i l a t i o n were basic trends from the  (see  35 1930's onward; by the 1950's Low German was s t i l l spoken by older Mennonites, but the younger people spoke English among themselves and a t home.  High  German was s t i l l used i n church services, but that too was headed for decline. Krahn feels that Brethren integration into Canadian society was "perhaps a t t r i b u t a b l e to educational and missionary contact with the environment."90 A recent study by Robert Burkinshaw adds weight to the notion that the Brethren missionary emphasis had an e f f e c t on other aspects of Brethren identity.  Burkinshaw locates the Brethren i n the general growth of  evangelicalism i n B.C.  from the late 1920's onward.  The Brethren p i e t i s t i c  and evangelistic emphases led i t s members and churches to i d e n t i f y gradually more with the wider evangelical community i n the province than with t h e i r heritage.  own  The Brethren were s t i l l a d i s t i n c t group i n 1941 from others l i k e  Baptists and Pentecostals, due to remaining l i n g u i s t i c and c u l t u r a l " b a r r i e r s " , but they displayed c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s which would "encourage increasing cooperation and i d e n t i f i c a t i o n with the wider evangelicalism."91 While Burkinshaw underestimates the strength of attempts to preserve the Mennonite s o c i o - r e l i g i o u s i d e n t i t y , he has i d e n t i f i e d a key element i n bringing about rapid acculturation and a s s i m i l a t i o n among the Brethren.  The  fact that the less evangelically-oriented General Conference Mennonites were a l s o more conservative on l i n g u i s t i c and c u l t u r a l issues adds weight to t h i s conclusion.92  In B r i t i s h Columbia, the Brethren tendency to i d e n t i f y with  North American evangelicalism, along with strong a s s i m i l a t i o n i s t pressures, the presence of n a t i o n a l i s t i c schools which wouldn't hire Mennonites,93 and a small non-Mennonite German community with a weak base of support for the Germany",94 mitigated strong and open i d e n t i f i c a t i o n s with Nazi Germany.  "new  36  On the other hand, these trends were the background to those reactions which d i d occur.  Germanist  Wagner provides part of the reason why Canadian  Nazism would have appealed to groups l i k e the Mennonites: a s s i m i l a t i o n i s t , and appealed to those who  i t was  anti-  f e l t i n f e r i o r or the victims of  i n j u s t i c e or discrimination.95 The Mennonite experience of brutal treatment during the Bolshevik Revolution, the economic conditions of the Great Depression, and the threat of rapid a s s i m i l a t i o n put them i n a p o t e n t i a l l y receptive p o s i t i o n for the c u l t u r a l , p o l i t i c a l and ethnic ideas associated with the "new Germany".  Russian Mennonite ethno-religious culture appeared  to be breaking down, more r a p i d l y i n some areas than others; a t the same time, d i s t i n c t i o n s between p o l i t i c a l and c u l t u r a l Germanism were just beginning to be understood, as they were bound up i n a single "package" which seemed to o f f e r answers to the problems of fragmentation, i n s t a b i l i t y and loss of i d e n t i t y . The e s s e n t i a l argument of t h i s thesis i s that Germanism, and the German language i n p a r t i c u l a r , functioned as an instrument of s o c i o - r e l i g i o u s integration for the Russlaender Brethren i n the t h i r t y years a f t e r t h e i r a r r i v a l i n Canada.  In-the interwar years, Mennonite Germanism took on  c e r t a i n p o l i t i c a l , "Volkish", and n a t i o n a l i s t i c overtones; by the end of the Second World War,  these elements had l a r g e l y faded.  In the postwar period  Germanism becomes more c l e a r l y i d e n t i f i a b l e i n i t s primary role as symbol and agent of the d i s t i n c t i v e configuration of r e l i g i o u s f a i t h , sense of peoplehood, and way of l i f e which had emerged i n Imperial Russia.  37 NOTES, CHAPTER ONE  1. I t i s generally agreed that the Russlaender were more prone t o a s s i m i l a t i o n than most other Mennonites had been. A few general studies which acknowledge t h i s are George G. Thielman, "The Canadian Mennonites," (Ph.D. d i s s e r t a t i o n , Western Reserve University, 1955), pp. 195-96; E.K. Francis, In Search of Utopia (Altona, MB: D.W. Friesen & Sons Ltd., 1955), p. 208; Frank H. Epp, Mennonites i n Canada. 1920-40 (Toronto: Macmillan of Canada, 1982), p. 243. 2. George L. Mosse, The C r i s i s of German Ideology (New York: Grosset & Dunlap, 1964); Martin Broszat, "Die voelkische Ideologie und der Nationalsozialismus," Deutsche Rundschau 1 (January 1958):53-68; ErnstC h r i s t i a n Helmreich, The German Churches Under H i t l e r : background, struggle, and epilogue (Detroit: Wayne State U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1979), Chapter 6, esp. pp. 128-32; John S. Conway, The Nazi Persecution of the Churches 1933-45 (Toronto: The Ryerson Press, 1968), pp. 142-57; Jonathan Wagner, Brothers Beyond the Sea: National Socialism i n Canada (Waterloo, ON: Wilfred Laurier Press, 1981), pp. 14-15. 3. The appeal,which H i t l e r ' s anti-communism held for Mennonites i s widely citeid. John A. Toews, A History of the Mennonite Brethren Church (Fresno, CA: Board of C h r i s t i a n L i t e r a t u r e , 1975), p. 327; Frank H. Epp, Mennonite Exodus (Altona, MB: D.W. Friesen & Sons Ltd., 1966), p. 323; Watson Kirkconnell, Canada. Europe and H i t l e r (Toronto: Oxford U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1939), p. 120; Francis, In Search of Utopia, p. 207; Interview with Anne Funk, Vancouver, B r i t i s h Columbia, May 6, 1990. 4. The theory of cognitive dissonance was f i r s t proposed by Leon Festinger i n 1957. The theory has been defined thus: An emotional state s e t up when two simultaneously held a t t i t u d e s or cognitions are inconsistent or when there i s a c o n f l i c t between b e l i e f and overt behavior. The r e s o l u t i o n of the c o n f l i c t i s assumed to serve as a basis for a t t i t u d e change i n that b e l i e f patterns are generally modified so as to be consistent with behavior. From Arthur S. Reber, The Penguin Dictionary of Psychology (New York: Viking Penguin, 1985), p. 129. For Mennonites, one way of making sense of what had happened to them was t o interpret events as a b a t t l e between the forces of good and e v i l , embodied i n H i t l e r and the Bolsheviks, respectively.  38 5. I t i s beyond the scope of t h i s study to document a c o r r e l a t i o n between Mennonite economic conditions during the 1930's, and Germanism. The discussion contained i n the rest of t h i s chapter indicates, however, that Mennonites f e l t p o s i t i v e about t h e i r economic prospects i n Canada a t t h i s time, and worked hard to "make i t " i n Canadian society. I t should be added that the t y p i c a l Mennonite response t o problems was mutual assistance, and thus they looked f i r s t to the larger Mennonite group for solutions, rather than nation-states. For Mennonite e f f o r t s a t mutual a i d during the 1930's see Epp, Mennonites i n Canada, 1920-1940. Chapter 8, "Overcoming the Depression," esp. p. 361ff. 6. Wagner, Brothers Beyond the Sea, pp. 59, 145-46; See a l s o E l i z a b e t h Gerwin, "A Survey of the German-Speaking Population of Alberta," (M.A. t h e s i s , University of Alberta, 1938), pp. 120-25. The author was intent on distancing German-Canadians from the Nazi regime, arguing that the majority of German-speaking immigrants i n Alberta had "the mixed feelings of a sympathetic bystander," but no r e a l n a t i o n a l i s t i c f e e l i n g for Germany. 7. Gerald Friesen, The Canadian P r a i r i e s : A History (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1987), p. 262. See a l s o Alan B. Anderson, "Assimilation i n the Bloc Settlements of North-Central Saskatchewan: A Comparative Study of Identity Change Among Seven Ethno-Religious Groups i n a Canadian P r a i r i e Region," (Ph.D. d i s s e r t a t i o n , University of Saskatchewan, 1972), p. 102. 8. Wagner, Brothers Beyond the Sea, pp. 7-9; Kirkconnell, Canada. Europe and H i t l e r , p. 119. 9. Wagner, Brothers Beyond the Sea, p. 102; Kirkconnell, Canada. Europe and H i t l e r , pp. 120-33. In the Russlaender community of Coaldale, Alberta, Der Nordwesten was as popular as Der Bote, a paper published by and for Russlaender. Epp, Mennonite Exodus, p. 317. 10. Wagner, Brothers Beyond the Sea, pp. 3-6; Arthur Grenke, "The Formation and E a r l y Development of An Urban Ethnic Community: A Case Study of the Germans i n Winnipeg, 1872-1919," (Ph.D. d i s s e r t a t i o n , U n i v e r s i t y of Manitoba, 1975), pp. 403-20; Anderson, "Assimilation i n the Bloc Settlements of North-Central Saskatchewan," p. 66; Kirkconnell, Canada. Europe and H i t l e r , p. 119; John Norris, Stranger's Entertained: A History of the Ethnic Groups of B r i t i s h Columbia (Vancouver: B r i t i s h Columbia Centennial '71 Committee, 1971), p. 104. 11.  Wagner, Brothers Beyond the Sea, pp. 10, 20-21.  39 12. Jonathan F. Wagner, "Transferred C r i s i s : German Volkish Thought Among Russian Mennonite Immigrants to Western Canada," Canadian Review of Studies i n Nationalism 1 (1973):202-220. There i s l i t t l e evidence that Russian Mennonites had any part i n the Volkish movement prior to coming t o Canada. See John B. Toews, Czars, Soviets and Mennonites (Newton, KS: F a i t h and L i f e Press, 1982), p. 31ff., 76; Francis, In Search of Utopia, pp. 19798; Alan B. Anderson, "Assimilation i n the Bloc Settlements of North-Central Saskatchewan," p. 102; Harry Loewen, "The German-Russian Tensions Among the Mennonites In Russia (1789-1917)," paper on f i l e a t the Centre for Mennonite Brethren Studies (CMBS), Winnipeg, Box 7, Folder H, No.5, pp. 15-16; John B. Toews, "The Russian Mennonite I n t e l l e c t of the 19th Century," paper on f i l e at CMBS, Winnipeg, Box 7, Folder H, No. 4; H.A. Peters, "Das mennonitische Volkstum: Eine Skizze seiner Entstehung und des V e r f a l l e s , " Per Bote. 8 December 1964, pp. 10-11. 13.  Friesen, The Canadian P r a i r i e s , pp. 272-73.  14. Donald Avery, •Dangerous Foreigners': European Immigrant Workers and Labour Radicalism i n Canada. 1896-1932 (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1979), p. 95. 15. Friesen, The Canadian P r a i r i e s , p. 273, 325; See also Howard Palmer, Patterns of Prejudice: A History of Nativism i n Alberta (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1982), pp. 22-23. 16. Friesen, The Canadian P r a i r i e s , pp. 341-47; Prejudice, pp. 41-47 and passim.  Palmer, Patterns of  17. Friesen, The Canadian P r a i r i e s , p. 346, 290; Palmer, Patterns of Prejudice, p. 46, 139; Epp, Mennonites i n Canada. 1920-1940. p. 97. CA. Dawson, Group Settlement: Ethnic Communities i n Western Canada (Toronto: Macmillan, 1936, reprinted by Kraus Reprint Co., 1974), pp. 144-59. 18. Avery, 'Dangerous Foreigners', p. 76; Prejudice, pp. 132-37.  Palmer, Patterns of  19. Interview with Gerhard Ens, editor of Per Bote. Winnipeg, Manitoba, June 20, 1989; Interview with Anne Brandt, Kelowna, B.C., June 3, 1989; Gerwin, "A Survey of the German-Speaking Population of Alberta," p. 125 and passim. 20. Avery, 'Dangerous Foreigners', pp. 91, 108-12; Prejudice, pp. 126-32.  Palmer, Patterns of  21. John Herd Thompson with A l l e n Seager, Canada 1922-39: Decades of Discord (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1985), p. 303. Examples of Dafoe's feelings toward Nazism include "Germany and the World," Winnipeg Free Press. 1 A p r i l 1933, p. 11; " H i t l e r ' s Reichstag Speech," Ibid., 2 February 1937, p. 11. 22.  Thompson and Seager, Decades of Discord, p. 322.  40 23.  Ibid., p. 320ff;  Wagner, Brothers Beyond the Sea, pp. 124-28.  24. This i s the general impression given by Thompson and Seager, Decades of Discord, Chapter 13, "Canada on the Road to War". 25. Gervin, "A Survey of the German-Speaking Population of Alberta," p. 125; Wagner, "Transferred C r i s i s , " p. 203. L i t a Rose Betcherman, The Swastika and the Maple Leaf: F a s c i s t Movements i n Canada i n the T h i r t i e s (Toronto: Fitzhenry & Whiteside, 1975), p. 72. My analysis of the Mennonitische Rundschau confirms the existence of t h i s general f e e l i n g of German denigration by the Canadian press. 26. e.g. "German Massacre Widely Rumoured: Nazi P l o t to Wipe Out L e f t i s t s Reported," Saskatoon Star Pheonix. 1 March 1933, p. 1; " E d i t o r i a l " , Ibid., p. 13; "Democracy, Communism Doomed as Nazi Vote Assures B i g Majority," Ibid., 6 March 1933, p. 1; " H i t l e r and the Jewish People," Ibid., 29 March 1933, p. 11; "Catholics Face Nazi Campaign," Ibid., 18 J u l y 1935, p. 1; "Dictators Partners: Mussolini and H i t l e r May Have Agreement on Locarno Issue," Ibid., 10 J u l y 1936, p. 1; " H i t l e r Plans New Anti-Jewish Drive," Winnipeg Free Press. 7 A p r i l 1933, p. 1; "Nazis S t r i p , Chain and Torture Distinguished Jew, Reporter States," Ibid., 3 A p r i l 1933, p. 1; "Germany and the World," Ibid., 1 A p r i l 1933, p. 11. 27. "Huge Winnipeg Gathering Protests Alleged Attack upon Jews i n Germany," Winnipeg Free Press. 3 A p r i l 1933, p. 2. 28. 1934 Mennonite Brethren Northern D i s t r i c t Conference Yearbook (Hillsboro, KS: MB Publishing House), p. 85; 1939 Northern D i s t r i c t Conference Yearbook, p. 74; John A Toews, A History of the Mennonite Brethren Church. (Fresno, CA: Board of C h r i s t i a n L i t e r a t u r e , 1975), p. 165. 29.  1939 Northern D i s t r i c t Conference Yearbook, pp. 74-75.  30. Seventh Census of Canada. 1931, v o l . IV (Ottawa: King's P r i n t e r s , 1935), p. 1184. 31. Joanna R. Buhr, "Pursuit of a V i s i o n : Persistence and Accomodation Among Coaldale Mennonites from the Mid-Nineteen.Twenties to World War I I , " (M.A. t h e s i s , University of Calgary, 1986), p. 3. 32.  Ibid., P- 152.  33.  Ibid., pp. 206--13.  34.  Ibid., pp. 197--201.  35.  Ibid., P- 218.  36.  Ibid., P- 231.  37.  Ibid., P. 241.  41 38.  Epp, Mennonites i n Canada. 1920-1940 p. 191. r  39. Anna Wiebe, "The Mennonite Brethren i n Ontario: a short h i s t o r y , " Mennogespraech. 4 (March 1986):4. Wiebe counts 1340 individuals of Brethren a f f i l i a t i o n ; t h i s would have worked out to around 250 families/households. 40.  Ibid., pp. 6-7.  41. Seventh Census of Canada. 1931. v o l . IV (Ottawa: King's P r i n t e r s , 1935), p. 1180. 42. Henry Paetkau, "A Struggle f o r Survival. The Russian Mennonite Immigrants i n Ontario, 1924-39," (M.A. t h e s i s , University of Waterloo, 1977), p. 146. 43.  Ibid., p. 149.  44. Each province had such an assembly, where a wide range of issues and concerns relevant to the Russlaender were discussed. Economic and a g r i c u l t u r a l issues tended t o dominate during the 1930's, although issues l i k e the German i d e n t i t y were discussed as w e l l . The Central Mennonite Immigrant Committee, located i n Rosthern, Saskatchewan, t i e d the p r o v i n c i a l assemblies together and, as mentioned, featured a c u l t u r a l s e c t i o n . Through the German VDA (Society f o r Germanism Abroad) the Committee was able to procure books to s t a r t German l e n d i n g - l i b r a r i e s i n various communities. As Epp reports, The CMIC was...active i n the promotion of the German language. From time to time i t was reported that not enough was being done for "das Deutschtum". To promote German language and German culture a representative was appointed to work with the German Canadian Central Committee i n the promotion of a "German Day" i n Regina on J u l y 27, 1930. (Epp, Mennonite Exodus, pp. 209-210.) 45.  Paetkau, "A Struggle f o r S u r v i v a l , " p. 177.  46.  Ibid., p. 178.  47.  Ibid., pp. 181-82.  48.  Ibid., p. 184.  49. Henry Paetkau, "Russian Mennonite Immigrants of the 1920's: Reappraisal," Journal of Mennonite Studies 2 (1984):83.  A  50. Frank Epp's work has tended t o emphasize the desire for separation among Canadian Mennonites. See Epp, Mennonites i n Canada. 1920-1940, p. 503ff. While t h i s may have been appropriate f o r some groups, the Russlaender brought with them a weaker separatist mentality. The Brethren s t r e s s on outreach and evangelism further detracted from the t r a d i t i o n a l i s o l a t i o n i s t stance.  42 51. Sociologists have observed that ethnic a s s i m i l a t i o n i n r u r a l contexts i s retarded, e s p e c i a l l y where ethnic communities e x i s t . See Kathleen Neils Conzen, " H i s t o r i c a l Approaches to the Study of Rural Ethnic Communities," i n Frederick C. Luebke, ed., E t h n i c i t y on the Great P l a i n s (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1980), pp. 4-5. 52. C A . Dawson reports the figure a t 1500 individuals, while E.K. Francis claims that 2000 families, or 5000-6000 individuals, s e t t l e d on the Reserve. Frank Epp's figure of 2081 families for the whole province seems most accurate, and supports a figure closer to Dawson's for the West Reserve. Dawson, Group Settlement, p. 149; Francis, In Search of Utopia, p. 205; Epp, Mennonites i n Canada. 1920-1940. p. 191. 53. 1921 Northern D i s t r i c t Conference Yearbook, pp. 84-85; Northern D i s t r i c t Conference Yearbook, pp. 79-82. 54. Seventh Census of Canada, 1931 v o l . I l l , p. 322; v o l . IV, p. 1182.  1934  (Ottawa: King's P r i n t e r s , 1935),  55.  Epp, Mennonites i n Canada, 1920-1940. p. 191.  56.  Dawson, Group Settlement, pp. 144-49.  57.  Ibid., 151-71.  58.  Francis, In Search of Utopia, pp. 208-42; 264.  59. Avery, Dangerous Foreicmers'. p. 91; Wagner, Brothers Beyond the Sea, pp. 7-9; Seventh Census, 1931,.vol. I l l , pp. 320-28. %  60. Interview with Gerhard Ens, editor of Der Bote, Winnipeg, Manitoba, June 20, 1989; Interview with Herb Brandt, Mennonite Brethren pastor and Conference leader, Kelowna, B r i t i s h Columbia, June 3 and December 19, 1989; Dawson, Group Settlement, p. 159. 61. Francis, In Search of Utopia, p. 249; Gerhard Lohrenz, "The Mennonites i n Winnipeg," Mennonite L i f e . January 1951, pp. 16-20. 62. Interview with Herb Brandt; Interview with Peter Neudorf, Mennonite Businessman, Vancouver, B.C., December 10, 1989; Interview with Jack and Eleanor Dueck, Kitchener, Ontario, J u l y 6, 1989. 63.  Wagner, Brothers Beyond the Sea, pp. 46-48; 95.  64.  Francis, In Search of Utopia, pp. 233-34.  65.  P.H. Penner, Mennonitische Rundschau, 7 February 1934, pp.  5-6.  66. Canadian N a t i o n a l i s t Party leaders wore swastika pins and openly i d e n t i f i e d themselves with the Nazi movement. Betcherman, The Swastika and the Maple Leaf, p. 66.  43 67.  H. Klassen, Mennonitische Rundschau, 7 March 1934, p. 5.  68.  H. Toews, Mennonitische Rundschau, 31 January 1934, p. 3.  69;  "Um hohen P r e i s , " Der Bote, 27 June 1934, pp. 2-3.  70.  1934 Northern D i s t r i c t Conference Yearbook, p. 77.  71.  Epp, Mennonite Exodus, p. 324.  72.  Paetkau, "A Struggle for S u r v i v a l , " p. 169.  73.  Wagner, Brothers Beyond the Sea, p. 85.  74. Epp, Mennonite Exodus, p. 324. Interviews have confirmed the f a i r l y common use of shortwave radios. Interview with Herb Brandt; Interview with Peter Neudorf. Mr. Brandt remembers walking into a room f i l l e d with Mennonites reverently l i s t e n i n g to H i t l e r . Peter Neudorf f e l t that most of the Russlaender Mennonites i n the area of Manitoba where he grew up were "for" H i t l e r , both before and during the Second World War. 75.  Wagner, Brothers Beyond the Sea, p. 37ff.  76. Eighth Census of Canada. 1941 v o l . II (Ottawa: King's P r i n t e r s , 1944), p. 520; Ninth Census of Canada, 1951 v o l . I (Ottawa: Queen's P r i n t e r , 1953), table 38-1. 77. 1939 Mennonite Brethren Northern D i s t r i c t Conference Yearbook (Hillsboro, KS: MB Publishing House), pp. 75-76. 78. Seventh Census of Canada. 1931 v o l . 1935), p. 1184.  IV (Ottawa: King's P r i n t e r s ,  79. 1934 Northern D i s t r i c t Conference Yearbook, pp. 20-21; Northern D i s t r i c t Conference Yearbook, pp.34-35. 80.  1939  Mennonitische Rundschau, 26 December 1934, p. 14.  81. W. Peter Ward, White Canada Forever: Popular Attitudes and Public P o l i c y Toward Orientals i n B r i t i s h Columbia (Montreal: McGill-Queen's University Press, 1978), pp. 3-22; 118-19. 82.  See Ward, White Canada Forever, pp. 118-19; 168.  83.  John Norris, Strangers Entertained, pp. 53; 98-105; 187-89.  84. John J . Krahn, "A History of the Mennonites i n B r i t i s h Columbia," (M.A. t h e s i s , U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1955), p. 35, 41. 85.  Norris, Strangers Entertained, p. 187.  44 86. B.B. Wiens, "Pioneering i n B r i t i s h Columbia," Mennonite L i f e , J u l y 1946, pp. 9-13. 87. Norris, Strangers Entertained, pp. 185-87; P.W. Luce, "Unwelcome Mennonites Making Model Farms by the Fraser," Saturday Night. 12 February 1944, p. 32. 88.  Krahn, A History of the Mennonites. pp. 46-47.  89.  Ibid., p. 114.  90.  Ibid., p. 48.  91. Robert K. Burkinshaw, "Strangers and Pilgrims i n Lotus Land: Conservative Protestantism i n B r i t i s h Columbia, 1917-1981," (Ph.D. d i s s e r t a t i o n , U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1988), p. 218. 92.  Krahn, "A History of the Mennonites," p. 45.  93.  1939 Northern D i s t r i c t Conference Yearbook, pp. 34-35.  94.  Norris, Strangers Entertained, p. 105.  95.  Wagner, Brothers Beyond the Sea, pp. 29-30; 102; 146-47.  45 CHAPTER TWO Germanism i n the Mennonitische Rundschau. 1930-39  One of the best sources of information for a broad picture of Mennonite concerns and i d e n t i t y during the 1930's i s the Mennonite press.  It  functioned as an important medium of communication and connection for the r e l a t i v e l y educated and l i t e r a t e Russlaender.1  The papers featured a high  proportion of contributions by readers, functioning as open forums for the dissemination of a l l types of information, and the discussion of any and every topic of concern to Mennonites.  The Mennonitische Rundschau  (henceforth Rundschau) has been selected as a c e n t r a l source on account of these a t t r i b u t e s , and for other reasons as w e l l .  The primary one i s that  a f t e r 1923 the paper was edited i n Winnipeg by a Mennonite Brethren, and  was  e s s e n t i a l l y i d e n t i f i e d as serving the Canadian Brethren (most of whom had immigrated i n the 1920's), i n 1946 becoming a s e m i - o f f i c i a l Canadian Conference organ.  As well, i t had a more cosmopolitan character than i t s  counterpart, Per Bote, which appealed more s t r i c t l y t o General Conference Mennonites who  immigrated to Canada i n the 1920's.  The Rundschau d i d appeal  to Canadian Mennonite immigrants, but i t r e f l e c t e d the f a c t that these people were connected to other Mennonites  l i v i n g i n Canada, the United States,  Europe and South America. The Rundschau had been published i n Elkhart, Indiana from 1880 to 1908, and i n Scottdale, Pennsylvania from 1908 to 1923, when i t was moved to Winnipeg.  A "European E d i t i o n " of the paper had c i r c u l a t e d widely i n Russia  p r i o r to the f i r s t world war, and when H.H.  Neufeld took over as editor i n  1923 he helped to preserve i t s international, Russian Mennonite character.2  46 The paper was twice as large as Der Bote, generally containing 16 pages of material, was published weekly, and i t s c i r c u l a t i o n of 4000-5000 was a t l e a s t double that of Der Bote.3 Thus the Rundschau would seem t o present a broader and more representative picture of Canadian Mennonite and s p e c i f i c a l l y Brethren attitudes.  My reading of the paper indicates that i t s broader readership and  longer h i s t o r y gave i t a s t a b i l i t y and range lacking i n the newer paper, whose editor exercised complete control over i t . 4  That the Rundschau was  read and contributed to by American Mennonites i s appropriate, as well, since the Canadian Brethren r e l a t e d quite c l o s e l y to the American Brethren, , adopting the American Brethren's Zionsbote as t h e i r o f f i c i a l organ, and j o i n i n g the American Brethren's General Conference as a "Northern D i s t r i c t " . The Zionsbote w i l l not figure i n t h i s study because i t had a d i s t i n c t l y American flavour and was p r i m a r i l y devotional, t r e a t i n g a much narrower range of issues than the Rundschau. In my analysis, I have indicated those i n d i v i d u a l s whom I have p o s i t i v e l y i d e n t i f i e d as being Brethren; many others were undoubtedly Brethren as w e l l . I t i s also t o be assumed that i n the majority of discussions of Germanism, the individuals involved were Russlaender.5  Many of the a r t i c l e s c i t e d were  submitted anonymously, or had no t i t l e , i n which case reference has been made to issue and page number.  The study consists of a r e l a t i v e l y comprehensive  reading of the Rundschau for the years 1930-36, and 1939; I have divided i t into periods occurring before and a f t e r H i t l e r ' s assumption of power i n Germany.  The following i s an attempt t o summarize and interpret the  Germanist content and i t s context.  47 1930-1932 The issue which dominated the pages of the Rundschau i n the e a r l y 1930's was the continuing tragedy i n Soviet Russia.  The f i n a l a c t of the drama saw  over 13,000 Russian-Germans, mostly Mennonites, gathering a t the gates of Moscow during the winter of 1929-1930, hoping to be granted e x i t v i s a s . About half eventually made i t out, thanks t o Germany's temporary willingness to take them i n , and i t s pledge of considerable f i n a n c i a l support for t h e i r relocation.6  I t was becoming clear that those Mennonites remaining i n Russia  had nowhere to go, and were doomed to v i r t u a l e x t i n c t i o n as a r e l i g i o u s people.  Pathetic l e t t e r s from Mennonites sent t o S i b e r i a appeared i n the  Rundschau,7 along with reports of horrors i n the colonies themselves8 and general a r t i c l e s abhorring the atheism and communism of the new Soviet regime.9  Some of the editor's s i b l i n g s wrote from Germany, glad t o be out of  Russia; one of Neufeld's s i s t e r s , however, didn't make it.10 It would be d i f f i c u l t t o overemphasize the importance of these events i n a f f e c t i n g the Russian Mennonite psyche. overwhelming.il  The sense of tragedy and loss was  Understandably, Germany emerged as the great saviour and  protector of the Mennonites, and expressions of gratitude were unbounded: In heaven i t w i l l be reckoned/the great things Germany has done. By i t the poor, the persecuted/were pulled from the clutches of the e v i l one./O bless, God, the German land,/protect i t with your almighty hand.12 A refugee wrote from Hamburg that Germany had provided for a l l possible needs, and that Germans had even shown love t o the refugees. impossible to describe.  "It i s  There i s no way we'll be able t o pay them back."13  A l e t t e r of thanks to Hindenberg (who had personally donated 200,000 Reichsmarks for Russian-German  r e l i e f ) was drafted a t the 1930 Mennonite  World Conference i n Danzig.14  The fact that Germany was a c t i v e l y involved i n  48  furthering donations f o r Russian r e l i e f could only add to the general sense of gratitude towards Germany.15  Mennonites were admonished never t o forget  what the Germans had done for them.16 German e f f o r t s under Hindenberg t o a i d Russian Mennonites moved Rundschau editor Neufeld t o trace h i s ancestry back to Prussia and apply for German citizenship.17  Although very few people went t h i s f a r , i t i s clear that  Germany's p o s i t i v e example helped to make i t a strong reference point for Mennonite i d e n t i t y i n the aftermath of the breakdown of the Russian commonwealth.  Expressions of concern over the fragmentation of Mennonite  s o c i e t y were present throughout the 1930's,18 and were coupled with laments over being a "people without a homeland".19 A poem i l l u s t r a t e s well how Germanism was i d e n t i f i e d as a p o s i t i v e , unifying c h a r a c t e r i s t i c , and how the German nation was seen as a kindly father welcoming home h i s wayward children: When i n every land/the German Volk i s scattered/so hold t i g h t the bonds/of l o y a l t y and unity./Great among the n a t i o n s — t h e German homeland./It reaches g l a d l y from afar/to i t s own the hand./To nurture u n i t y / i n Joy or pain,/that i s the German blessing.20 The "German" ethnic background of Mennonites was c i t e d as being responsible for the q u a l i t i e s which c a r r i e d Mennonites through t h e i r wanderings, helping them t o make improvements on the land wherever they settled.21 This kind of claim was frequently made;22 what i s of interest here i s that German q u a l i t i e s were seen t o be a s t a b i l i z i n g factor i n Mennonite i d e n t i t y . The emerging German Volkish movement a l s o had an impact on Mennonites.  A  prominent elder of the newly formed Schoenwiese congregation i n Winnipeg submitted an a r t i c l e i n 1931 by a German writer which argued that the German Volk could only be helped through a r e b i r t h of s p e c i f i c a l l y German culture and r e l i g i o n — a l l non-German elements were t o be expunged.23 The implication  49 for Mennonites vas c l e a r .  The Rundschau followed events i n Germany quite  c l o s e l y , i n d i c a t i n g that the "Volkish r e b i r t h " of the German nation was prime i n t e r e s t .  of  Even rather m i l i t a r i s t i c nevs concerning Germany vas  featured, l i k e reports that the Stahlhelm Veterans Organization and the SA (a Nazi paramilitary organization) vere being allowed to wear uniforms again, and that H i t l e r had proclaimed that Germans would have to be ready to s a c r i f i c e t h e i r l i v e s i f Germany vere to regain i t s place i n the sun.24 There vere many such pieces vhich ran as "news", without comment.25 The f a s c i n a t i o n with Germany extended to a l l manner of nevs. a r t i c l e s on Hindenberg,26 German shipping,27 transmissions,28  There vere  times of German shortvave  and above a l l reports on German p o l i t i c s . 2 9  Hitler's  progress vas followed,30 as were the r e s u l t s of the 1932 e l e c t i o n between Hindenberg and Hitler.31  Part of the interest and i d e n t i f i c a t i o n with  Germany vas due to the perception that the success or f a i l u r e of communism i n the West vould be decided i n Germany.  Mennonites' immediate experience  vith  communism gave them a very strong bias against i t , and fear vas evident that Germany too might f a l l to the a t h e i s t i c communists, v i t h the rest of the v o r l d soon to follov.32  An individual v r i t i n g i n 1932 held that H i t l e r vas  the only bulwark against communism.33  A speech given by former Canadian  Prime Minister Arthur Meighen, i n vhich he c a l l e d for r e v i s i o n s of reparations payments demanded of Germany and c i t e d Germany as being the l i n c h p i n i n v o r l d resistance to Bolshevism, vas covered Rundschau.34  i n d e t a i l by the  Harsh actions taken by the B e r l i n government against communists  vere reported approvingly.35  The unrest i n Germany was seen as being  "instigated and covered up by Moscow."36 High feelings for Germany are further indicated i n the number and range  50 of strongly m i l i t a n t or p o l i t i c a l a r t i c l e s r e l a t i n g to Germanism and Germany printed during t h i s period.  I t was  i n response to such a r t i c l e s that voices  were raised i n caution, as well, but a t t h i s point they were few  and  isolated.  An example of a m i l i t a n t l y German a r t i c l e from a non-Mennonite  source was  the 1930  "German Day" announcement for Manitoba.  These were  f e s t i v a l s which had begun to be staged i n the l a t e 1920's on the p r a i r i e s as p r i m a r i l y c u l t u r a l events, eventually becoming controlled by National Socialists.37  The 1930  notice was a n t i - s l a v i c , -communist, and  The " i n d e s t r u c t i b l e power and majesty of the German nature" was the only hope of mankind.38  -pacifist. heralded  as  The apex of heterodoxy was reached i n the  Rundschau v i a the r e p r i n t i n g of a r t i c l e s from Nazi J u l i u s Streicher's "obscene"39 Der Stuermer. Mennonite men who  One  of the a r t i c l e s had been sent i n by  two  stated that " I t i s high time that p o l i t i c a l issues be  c l a r i f i e d to the people."  The a r t i c l e maintained that Jesus was not a  p a c i f i s t , and that the way to greatness l a y i n "aggressive struggle for the German Volk and  fatherland."40  Another contribution argued that Mennonites had been p a c i f i s t s during F i r s t World War  only because they hadn't wanted to f i g h t against fellow-  Germans; at the end the editor asked, "Is i t true?"41  In addition, Prussian  m i l i t a r i s m was heralded as being the backbone of "Deutschtum", and opposition to the s p i r i t of marxism.42 response.  the  in direct  These s o r t s of views garnered l i t t l e  More people were exercised by the p o s s i b l i t y that born-again  Christians could lose t h e i r salvation.43  Loyalty to Germany at t h i s time  seems to have overridden any concern about these challenges to the h i s t o r i c Mennonite adherence to the p r i n c i p l e of  nonresistance.  It was only i n regard to the doctrines espoused by the German General  51 Ludendorff and his wife that some opposition vas voiced to militant Germanism. The debate on Ludendorff, a top General during the F i r s t World War and subsequent collaborator vith Hitler, vas initiated by a reviev article on a book of "prophecies" by the General.  Typical of editorial  policy at the time, the reviev did not take a position on Ludendorff's strange and extreme ideas.44  A reader, hovever, pointed out that Ludendorff  vas "attempting to build a nev Germany in vhich the Christian faith, the Freemasons and the Jevs are simply done avay vith."  Ludendorff vanted to  invoke the old pagan, German gods like "Wotan, Baldur and Frya".45  This  writer vas harshly attacked by a German in Berlin for painting a false picture of Ludendorff, vho vas a "burning patriot".46 An anonymous letter followed vhich attacked Ludendorff, especially for his anti-Semitism.47  The  original c r i t i c then c l a r i f i e d his point further: "Christ or Wotan?"48 A "simple farmer" took Ludendorff's side, arguing that Ludendorff's heterodoxy should be excused, since intolerance in matters of faith vas more a Jevish than a German trait.49  Support for Ludendorff's c r i t i c s folloved.50  There was f u l l agreement, on the other hand, that the treaty of Versailles, in i t s treatment of Germany, vas "the crime of the century".51 Opinions on Hitler and the National Socialists at this time vere either positive or undecided.  One of the f i r s t positive assessments of Hitler vas  written in early 1931 by a Mennonite living in Germany. The vriter predicted an impending victory for the Nazis, vho displayed a "healthy national and Christian s p i r i t " , and asserted that the question of communism and vorld domination by the Jevs vould be decided on German soil.52 Heinrich Schroeder, a teacher from the Russian colonies vho had settled in Germany and vho espoused National Socialist and Volkish ideas throughout the 1930's,  52 helped to "introduce" H i t l e r to Canadian Mennonites i n 1932, claiming that H i t l e r was  i n favour of " p o s i t i v e C h r i s t i a n i t y " and the furtherance of  "Deutschtum" throughout the world.  When H i t l e r came to power, he would  remember Germans everywhere, helping to r i g h t past wrongs against them so they could breathe easier.53 The f i r s t statement of pro-Nazi views by a Canadian Mennonite occurred i n 1932,54 and non-Mennonite writers a l s o supported  the new movement.55  In late  1932 a reader complained that the news on p o l i t i c a l events was too onesided: a perspective broader than that of one race or Volk was c a l l e d  for.56  E a r l i e r , the editor stated that he had been asked about h i s p o s i t i o n on H i t l e r , and had responded that he didn't have one, since Mennonites were c a l l e d to higher things than meddling i n p o l i t i c s . observe how them."57  He merely wanted "to  things stand i n world p o l i t i c s , without taking a p o s i t i o n on  Yet the tone and content of the paper i n the 1930's contradicted  t h i s a s s e r t i o n of n e u t r a l i t y .  Just one example i s an a r t i c l e on H i t l e r by  Houston Stewart Chamberlain, one of the progenitors of the Nazi ideology, which appeared i n the "News" section i n 1932 without comment.  Thus the  opinions of a powerful advocate of Nazi ideas and the "Volksmensch Adolf H i t l e r " were featured as objective reportage.58 I t i s important to remember, however, that the outcome of events was unknown at t h i s time, and that the majority of contributions to the Rundschau made no comment on these issues.  The foregoing i l l u s t r a t e s the turmoil and  uncertainty of the e a r l y 1930's: the e f f e c t s of the 1929 Wall Street crash were beginning to be f e l t ; the door was being closed to the remaining friends and loved ones i n Russia, as S t a l i n i z a t i o n set i n ; and communism seemed to be not only threatening Germany, but a l s o had i t s representatives i n places l i k e  53 Winnipeg.59  In addition, Anglo-Canadians had for various reasons again  become h o s t i l e to "foreigners'* l i v i n g i n t h e i r midst.60 Russian Mennonite i d e n t i t y vas i n f l u x .  An example of the struggle v i t h  outside influences i s seen i n the prominent Brethren Abraham J . Kroeker, former editor of the Friedensstimme i n Russia, the s e m i - o f f i c i a l organ of the Brethren church there.  Kroeker had s e t t l e d i n Minnesota, and vas a frequent  contributor to the Rundschau.  Among h i s many submissions to the paper vas a  long a r t i c l e s e r i e s written by a v i o l e n t l y a n t i - s e m i t i c member of General Ludendorff's m i l i t a r i s t i c "Tannenberg Bund", vho had recently v i s i t e d the German colonies i n Soviet Russia.61  On the other hand, Kroeker maintained  that h i s p o l i c y on book reviews had been to avoid books v i t h a "Germanp a t r i o t i c and m i l i t a r i s t i c tendency"; Mennonites should only read good, C h r i s t i a n material.62 Kroeker appeared most comfortable dealing v i t h p i e t i s t i c topics.63 An issue vhich was closer t o home for most Canadian Mennonites was the value of German Volkish ideas i n unifying Mennonites and helping to perpetuate t h e i r s o c i o - r e l i g i o u s c u l t u r e .  What affected people the most vas  the idea that German q u a l i t i e s and language vere important aspects of being Mennonite, and that preservation of the language vas e s s e n t i a l i n maintaining the unity and i n t e g r i t y of the Mennonite Volk and i t s f a i t h .  A poem v r i t t e n  by a "German father to h i s son" linked German v i r t u e s and the German language to good c i t i z e n s h i p and the maintenance of the " o l d , true f a i t h " , and encouraged the son to "stay German" even i f "a thousand fools mock you".64 C F . Klassen, a leading figure i n the Mennonite vorld, and a Brethren, wrote i n 1931: " I t i s good i f ve always remember that r e l i g i o n and Deutschtum vere the sources out of vhich ve have, u n t i l nov, been able to accomplish much,  54 and remain the sources for future accomplishments."65  Klassen was the c h i e f  c o l l e c t o r for the Mennonite "travel-debt" incurred i n the migration to Canada, and came into contact with many of the widely scattered immigrants. The issue of language was the most pervasive and enduring aspect of Canadian Mennonite Germanism during the e n t i r e period under study.  The  discussion of "German and R e l i g i o n " i n s t r u c t i o n i n the schools was  lively  during the 1930's i n the Rundschau, and w i l l be d e a l t with i n Chapter Four. General a r t i c l e s such as J . John Friesen's "Spotlight oh the German Language" a l s o appeared.  Friesen maintained  another, i t loses i t s own  that " I f a Volk trades i t s language for  l i f e — i t s soul."66  He a l s o asserted that the loss  of the German language would e n t a i l the loss of t r a d i t i o n a l Mennonite r e l i g i o u s d i s t i n c t i v e s . 6 7 H.H.  Ewert, a leading Mennonite educator of the  Kanadier, who had e a r l i e r encouraged the use of English, was c i t e d i n 1930 saying much the same thing.68  as  Other i n d i v i d u a l s c a l l e d for a "surer  foundation" i n German and r e l i g i o n i n s t r u c t i o n i n the schools: "We  don't have  anything against the p u b l i c schools, we only want to make our c h i l d r e n into pious Mennonites and thereby good c i t i z e n s of the land."69  A "strong desire  for good German l i t e r a t u r e " was beginning to be f e l t among Mennonites, another reported.70  A minister of the German government informed Mennonites  that loss of the German language would mean absorption into a non-German "Volkstum".71 Thus, most of the elements relevant to the German i d e n t i t y of Mennonites were already present i n the e a r l y 1930's, before the the National S o c i a l i s t revolution had f u l l y taken place. Bolsheviks had prepared the way ways:  The shattering experience under the  for German i d e n t i f i c a t i o n i n two  interrelated  on the one hand, Germany was seen as a rescuing and caring parent  55 which promised to stand up to the communists and make German-speakers everywhere proud. recognized  At the same time, the German language and culture  as a force of u n i f i c a t i o n , integration and perpetuation  was  of  Mennonite s o c i o - r e l i g i o u s culture.  1933-1939 From the time H i t l e r came to power i n Germany i n January 1933, outbreak of the Second World War,  u n t i l the  the related issues of Germanism, National  Socialism and Mennonite unity were intensely discussed  i n the Rundschau, as a  number of competing claims were made on Mennonite i d e n t i t y and purpose.  A  clamor of voices put forward a whole host of ideas and opinions on these t o p i c s , many of them remarkable for t h e i r extremism and deviation from the s t e r e o t y p i c a l view of Mennonites as being quiet, a p o l i t i c a l and people. the road:  nonresistant  I t began to appear to some that Russian Mennonites were at a fork i n one way  seemed to lead to some kind of rapprochement with  themselves, t h e i r past, and even the German fatherland, as a German Volk with German ways and a r e l i g i o n intimately t i e d to the German language. road seemed to lead to a n g l i c i z a t i o n , a s s i m i l a t i o n , and loss of  The other  personal,  communal and r e l i g i o u s i n t e g r i t y . While i t i s obvious that the majority of Canadian Mennonites d i d not take part i n the discussion in any r e a l way,  and  that some i n leading positions stayed on the s i d e l i n e s because "silence i s golden",72 i t must be asserted that there was widespread and interest i n these issues.73  deeply-held  The Rundschau continued to e x h i b i t a strongly  pro-German a t t i t u d e , to the point of supporting  German m i l i t a r i s m , and  openness to a l l but the most heterodox points of view.  an  At the same time, a  s i g n i f i c a n t opposition emerged to some of the more extremist  ideas  and  56 f a n c i f u l projects, and a moderated German i d e n t i t y was a r t i c u l a t e d . Although the horrors of the s i t u a t i o n i n the Soviet Union continued to garner attention,74 the r i s e of Nazi Germany became the focus of international events.  In e a r l y 1933, a number of a r t i c l e s were printed which  aimed a t combatting the alleged "hate propaganda" i n the English-language press directed against H i t l e r and the Nazis.  The uproar was due to the Nazi  boycott of Jewish goods, commencing A p r i l 1, and accompanying acts of violence against Jews.75  H i t l e r ' s accession to power d i d not bring about  great j u b i l a t i o n , but from October of 1933 through February of 1934,  speeches  given by H i t l e r , and edited by Goebbels, were featured on the back pages of the Rundschau.76  The twenty-five point programme of the National S o c i a l i s t s  appeared i n September of 1933.77  Throughout t h i s period l e t t e r s were sent i n  by Mennonites and others either t r a v e l l i n g or l i v i n g i n Germany which e x t o l l e d the great changes taking place there, including the suppression of communism.78  News a r t i c l e s on the communists "getting t h e i r comeuppance"  from the Nazis would have been read with approval.79  One Mennonite, whose  family had been e x i l e d somewhere i n the Soviet Union, shared the widespread i l l u s i o n of many Germans that H i t l e r c a r r i e d a Bible i n h i s breast-pocket, was trusted by everyone, and had done a good job of cleaning up the " s o c i a l democratic, a t h e i s t i c communist mess."80 There continued to be much news on developments i n Germany, and a l l of i t had a p o s i t i v e s l a n t .  almost  Press releases from the German consulate  were printed,81 and statements by the German Consul i n Winnipeg, Heinrich Seelheim, appeared frequently.82  Much of the "news" must have originated  from pro-German and -Nazi sources.83 at the 1933 "German Day"  The Rundschau reprinted a speech given  i n Winnipeg by Consul Seelheim, who spoke of the  57 "voice of the blood" drawing Germans together, and of the need for Germans everywhere to be true to t h e i r "Volkstum".  He spoke highly of the "national  revolution" happening i n Germany, of i t s moral and s p i r i t u a l renewal, and of strengthening "true Volksgemeinschaft"  (Volks-community) .84  One Mennonite  reader was transported "a thousand years into the past" to h i s Gothic roots by the speech.85 This response i s paradigmatic, I believe, of the o v e r a l l Mennonite f e e l i n g toward Germany and Germanism a t t h i s time.  Hardly anyone disputed  the importance of the German i d e n t i t y i n perpetuating the Mennonite "Volkstum" as i t had emerged i n Russia; but differences existed as to the degree people were w i l l i n g to make Germanism the d e f i n i n g feature of Mennonite i d e n t i t y .  A few became ardent German n a t i o n a l i s t s , advocating  renunciation of t r a d i t i o n a l Mennonite p r i n c i p l e s such as nonresistance, and even incorporation into the German Reich.  More f e l t that some kind of  reintegration along the l i n e s of a German-Mennonite "Mennostaat" was i n order, to prevent the complete d i s s o l u t i o n of "Mennonitentum".  The majority  i d e n t i f i e d with events i n Germany, and promoted n o n - p o l i t i c a l forms of Germanism at home as an important element i n maintaining Mennonite i d e n t i t y and s o l i d a r i t y , but drew the l i n e at threats to Mennonite d o c t r i n a l i n t e g r i t y and half-baked ideas of some kind of new Mennonite commonwealth. The strong, almost rabid pro-Germanists and -Nazis were given much space i n the Rundschau throughout t h i s period.86  Heinrich Schroeder was allowed to  hold f o r t h on h i s ideas of a synthesis between Nazism and C h r i s t i a n i t y , and of a Mennonite "traditions-colony" named "Priesenheil", to be located somewhere i n Germany.  Hindrances l i k e the p r i n c i p l e of nonresistance were to  be cast o f f , and d i v i s i o n s within Mennonitism would be ignored to ground a  58 s i n g l e "Volks-church" of " r a c i a l l y pure Knights of the Third Reich".87 Schroeder was drawing on the Volkish t r a d i t i o n of a "Germanic utopia" for h i s ideas, which had some p a r a l l e l s with Mennonites' own Utopian vision.88 Although Schroeder's ideas were dismissed f e l t compelled to remonstrate c r i t i c s proposals.90  incredulously by some,89 others  for being too "scornful" of Schroeder's  For some, excitement over events occurring i n Germany combined  with v i c i o u s , often biblically-grounded anti-semitism.91  It i s significant  for t h i s study that most a r t i c l e s dealing with the t o p i c i n t h i s period shared the basic Nazi p o s i t i o n , arguing that Jews were at the root of most of the world's problems, and that German treatment of them was  f a i r , i n contra-  d i c t i o n to reports from the "Jewish-controlled" press.92 This sad aspect of Canadian Mennonite h i s t o r y i s underscored by the f a c t that some went so far as to j u s t i f y Jewish suffering,93 and that a of the phony "Protocols of the Elders of Zion" was  synopsis  printed i n the paper.94  In 1934 a l i b e l s u i t was brought against the e d i t o r , Neufeld, for publishing f a s c i s t leader William Whittaker's v i o l e n t l y anti-seraitic paper The Canadian Nationalist.95  The general Mennonite f e e l i n g towards Jews i s indicated by  the fact that the paramount Brethren leader B.B.  Janz, a f t e r comparing German  patriotism with that of the Jews, f e l t compelled to write another a r t i c l e i n which he delineated the many perceived e v i l s for which some Jews were responsible, the prime one being the Bolshevik  terror.96  Besides providing an i d e n t i f i a b l e scapegoat—the J e w s — f o r Russian Mennonite s u f f e r i n g , the National S o c i a l i s t ideology a l s o seemed to o f f e r much to a group which had t r a d i t i o n a l l y been based on the separation of church and state, and which was  i n the process of t r y i n g to ensure i t s  s u r v i v a l as a homogeneous people.  One writer, intent on illuminating  59 National Socialism from a "Mennonite" perspective, misguidedly argued that the Nazi state had advanced two c r u c i a l p o l i c i e s — r a c i a l p u r i t y and separation of church and state.97  the  Another Mennonite complained b i t t e r l y  about the sad e f f e c t s of the American "melting-pot" ideology: mixing the blood of d i f f e r i n g races led i n e v i t a b l y to a lowering of physical, s p i r i t u a l and moral standards. represented  The only answer was  the nurture of Germanism, which  the highest culture and language i n the world.98  A prominent and respected proponent of Volkish and Nazi ideas Benjamin H. Unruh, who  had been a Mennonite leader and teacher  came from a Brethren family.  was  i n Russia  and  He had been a Russian p a t r i o t during the F i r s t  World War;99 thereafter his l o y a l t i e s and love of fatherland were transferred to Germany, where he had s e t t l e d . organization "Brothers  Once there, he established the  i n Need" to a s s i s t Russian-Germans f l e e i n g the  Ukraine, and sedulously b u i l t up contacts with high Nazi o f f i c i a l s , including Heinrich Himmler, so that he could procure s p e c i a l treatment for Mennonites i n Germany and Russia.100  Unruh, who  cared deeply for his "Volk", considered  himself to be a s c h o l a r l y and objective authority on every issue he treated; h i s writings b e l i e t h i s assumption.  He wrote d i l i g e n t l y of the "German"  ethnic background of the Mennonites, of the German church struggles, of V o l k i s h ideas and National Socialism, among other things, doing his best to lead Mennonites down the garden path of r a c i a l intolerance, support for Nazism, and the general renunciation of those p r i n c i p l e s which had Mennonites t h e i r good name i n the f i r s t place.  given  He supported the idea that  r a c i a l p u r i t y was part of the order of creation as explicated i n the Old Testament, and that H i t l e r was merely heeding the command to keep the peoples of the earth r a c i a l l y separate.101  60 Unruh likened the heterodox "German C h r i s t i a n s " to the e a r l y Anab a p t i s t s , 102 and the struggle within the German churches to the Reformation.103  Besides emphasizing the relevance to Mennonites of the  supposed Nazi tenets of separation of church and state, and r a c i a l purity, Unruh made d i r e c t connections between Mennonite communalism and the Nazi Volkish ideology; i n t h i s regard, as i n the others, Mennonites had always been National Socialists.104  The Nazi slogan "Geroeinnutz ueber Eigennutz"  (the good of the group before that of the individual) was trumpeted as a s p e c i a l point of correspondence between Mennonite and Nazi i d e a l s : For H i t l e r "national" means boundless love for the Volk, and " s o c i a l " means to act for the Volksgemeinschaft. Gemeinnutz ueber Eigennutz1 A true p a t r i o t always thinks on the good of h i s Volk.105 Put i n t h i s way,  i t would be very easy for Mennonites to think of themselves  as National S o c i a l i s t s .  Russian Mennonite immigrants to Paraguay (from the  1929-30 c r i s i s ) erected a banner with the "Gemeinnutz ueber Eigennutz" motto on i t i n the Fernheim Colony Hall.106  A Brethren former student of Unruh who  became a prominent Winnipeg doctor v i s i t e d Unruh i n Germany, and eagerly asked Unruh's opinion of the new Germany.  Unruh said that he was "100% for  H i t l e r " , comparing him to the Russian-Mennonite were men of a c t i o n and not piety.107  "Oberschulzen" or mayors, who  To h i s c r e d i t , Unruh argued against the  ideas of Rosenberg and the "German F a i t h Movement".108  Unruh's high standing  among the Canadian Brethren i s confirmed by the f a c t that they sent him an o f f i c i a l greeting i n 1936 through h i s brother A.H. Unruh, the respected Brethren Bible teacher, for h i s work i n r e l i e f and resettlement.109 It i s evident, by the wide range of a r t i c l e s appearing which t i e d Germanism to m i l i t a r i s m , that Mennonites were indeed open to the p o s s i b i l i t y of adjusting t h e i r t r a d i t i o n a l p r i n c i p l e s to accord with t h e i r new-found  61 German i d e n t i t y .  An odd piece honored " F r i e d r i c h Friesen, the ideal German  nation-builder and freedom f i g h t e r , " a German who apparently had been k i l l e d r e s i s t i n g Napoleon.110  Other h i s t o r i c a l pieces dealt with "the ancient  German tribes",111 and "the r o l e of the Friesens ( i . e . proto-Mennonites) i n the Crusades."112  These a r t i c l e s d i f f e r e d i n content but not i n d i r e c t i o n  from a r t i c l e s which supported the German perspective on rearmamentll3 or gave glowing accounts of what a fine individual H i t l e r was.114  Particularly  repugnant i s the gloss given t o the June 30, 1934 Nazi blood purge and the wave of indiscriminate assassinations which followed, i n which the best possible l i g h t was thrown onto the brutal affair.115  Mennonites  1  cynicism  toward the Bolshevik revolution was more than compensated by naivete toward the Nazi one. During the 1930's there i s considerable evidence of a growing pan-German consciousness among the Russlaender, i n c o n t r a d i s t i n c t i o n to t r a d i t i o n a l Mennonite e x c l u s i v i t y and i n a b i l i t y t o work together with other Germanspeaking peoples.116  German-speaking  pastors met on occasion a t the Winnipeg  Jewish Mission,117 and Mennonites took part i n the inter-German memorial service for Hindenberg, who died i n 1934.  The United Mennonite Church choir  sang a t the event, and Schoenwiese Mennonite Church leader J.P. Klassen read a poem praising Hindenberg.118  Winnipeg Mennonites cabled twenty d o l l a r s to  B.H. Unruh for a wreath for Hindenberg's gravesite.119 On May 1, 1935, a celebration of the German "National Labour Day" was held i n Winnipeg, and again J.P. Klassen spoke, p r a i s i n g H i t l e r f o r having brought unity to the German Volk, and wishing the Third Reich "great success".120  At t h i s event consul Seelheim spoke, the German Baptist choir  sang, and the German Cross was given out to F i r s t World War veterans.  62 Advertisements announcing the e l i g i b i l i t y of veterans to receive the Cross appeared i n the paper,121 as d i d announcements f o r meetings of the pro-Nazi "German League"122 and the f a s c i s t "Canadian National Party".123 The editor appears to have been accused by a non-Mennonite of  political  leanings i n the p r i n t i n g of such material, but he defended himself by s t a t i n g that some were paid announcements, and that he was merely giving the reader a broad review of items crossing h i s desk.124  His involvement with f a s c i s t and  pro-Nazi leaders i s indicated by the fact that i n addition to publishing William Whittaker's The Canadian N a t i o n a l i s t , he printed Nazi party-member Bernard Bott's Deutsche Zeitunq fuer Kanada. which was the o f f i c i a l organ of the German League.125  Various other German-oriented events were advertised  i n the Rundschau, l i k e the showing of Nazi propaganda films i n Winnipeg,126 German "song clubs",127 and contests sponsored by the German League for best German essays.128  As w e l l , conscription notices for "Reichs-Germans" began  to appear i n e a r l y 1936, as the German war machine came to life.129 Mennonites themselves indicated t h e i r growing consciousness of a f a m i l i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p to Germans i n various ways, including the very common use of "German" i n the place of "Mennonite" with i t ("we  German Mennonites").  (as i n "we Germans"), or i n combination  One Mennonite argued that i t was necessary  for a l l German Canadians, regardless of confessional or c u l t u r a l d i f f e r e n c e s , to cooperate i n preserving German language and c u l t u r e : "We should...nurture what binds us, brings us c l o s e r , joins us together...We Germans of Canada are t r u l y c a l l e d to a higher task than to be c u l t u r a l fodder of t h i s  land:"130  Pan-Germanism was espoused from Germany by B.H. Unruh and Heinrich Schroeder, who worked hard a t "proving" the Germanic roots of the Russian Mennonites.131  This was done at least p a r t l y i n response to the (for them)  63 embarrassing fact that Russian Mennonites had claimed to be of Dutch descent during the F i r s t World War and immediately thereafter.  Walter Quiring,  another Russian Mennonite teacher who had s e t t l e d i n Germany and  who  vigorously supported National Socialism, argued s t r i d e n t l y i n Per Bote that the Dutch i d e n t i f i c a t i o n had been a b i g mistake, and that the Mennonite exodus from the Soviet Union had been made possible by the German-engineered treaty of Brest-Litovsk of 1918.132  The debate over t h i s untruth s p i l l e d  over into the Rundschau,133 and blended with an emerging i f p a r t i a l consensus among Canadian Mennonites, and Mennonite Brethren i n p a r t i c u l a r , which rejected the ideas of the German triumvirate of Quiring, Unruh and Schroeder and attempted to steer a middle way between extremist Germanism and the renunciation of the German i d e n t i t y .  What follows i s an analysis of t h i s  trend, and some of the core elements of Russlaender Germanism during the 1930*s:  fears of a s s i m i l a t i o n and acculturation, the desire to reunify  Mennonites, and the notion that the German i d e n t i t y was a key component i n maintaining d o c t r i n a l and communal i n t e g r i t y .  An a f f e c t i o n for the mother-  tongue and German culture i s taken for granted, as being a basic motivation for Germanist sentiments. One type of response to the highly p o l i t i c i z e d atmosphere of the 1930's which should not be overlooked, e s p e c i a l l y among the Mennonite Brethren, was p i e t i s t i c or apocalyptic.  In 1933 one Brethren saw C h r i s t i a n conversion as  being the only answer to the foreboding future, as opposed to the entertainment of c e r t a i n p o l i t i c a l or economic ideas.134  Other Brethren echoed  the b e l i e f that C h r i s t i a n conversion was the s i n g l e most important issue of the day. 135  A c l a s s i c example of the genre, by another Brethren, stated:  Our time i s an extraordinary, d i f f i c u l t one. Much i s said of the changing times, the revaluation of a l l values...Great unrest e x i s t s  64 today i n the world. The storm of our time makes mankind r e s t l e s s i n p o l i t i c a l , economic, i n t e l l e c t u a l and s p i r i t u a l ways...the world despite i t s high culture i s going bankrupt, because God has been shut out.136 The issues of m i l i t a n t Germanism and related p o l i t i c a l involvement were rebutted on t h e i r own terms as well.  The Anabaptist h i s t o r i a n Cornelius  Krahn attempted to q u e l l excitement for the new Germany i n mid-1933 by exposing the heterodoxy of the "German C h r i s t i a n s " and pointing out that Judaism and Marxism could not be blamed for a l l of the world's  ills.  Anabaptist p r i n c i p l e s were not harmonizable with either Bolshevism or fascism.137  Later i n 1933 a "schoolmaster" chided Mennonites t o stop looking  to the past and p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n German "beer-patriotism"; instead, they should look to the future, and make Canada t h e i r home.138  Heinrich Toews, a  Brethren congregational leader from Manitoba, warned Mennonites against getting involved i n p o l i t i c s and nationalism, both being based on the use of force.139  Winnipeg resident J . J . Hildebrand, who f e l t strongly about the  German i d e n t i t y of Mennonites and was the foremost promoter of the "Mennostaat"  idea then f l o a t i n g around (autonomous Mennonite state, discussed  below), a l s o warned Mennonites away from p o l i t i c s , with i t s " e v i l undercurrents".140  Hildebrand's p o s i t i o n i s s i g n i f i c a n t because i t  i l l u s t r a t e s that i n the Canadian context, Germanism was l a r g e l y directed inward, toward other Mennonites and the perpetuation of t h e i r s o c i o - r e l i g i o u s culture. The most important i n d i v i d u a l to take issue with the r i s i n g Germanist sentiment, and p l o t a course for Canadian Mennonites through the various p o l i t i c a l and Volkish thickets of the time, was the eminent Brethren leader B.B. Janz.  Janz was widely respected by a l l Russian immigrants for h i s  unparalleled e f f o r t s i n bringing about the exodus from Russia i n the 1920's,  65 for which he was c a l l e d "the Mennonite Moses".  He was leader of the large  and i n f l u e n t i a l Brethren congregation i n Coaldale, Alberta, and was active i n Brethren and inter-Mennonite organizations.141  extremely  His writings are  the s i n g l e most important documents for understanding the dilemmas of the period, as they provided a reference point for many Mennonites,  especially  the Brethren. Janz's f i r s t contributions to the discussion appeared two a r t i c l e s printed i n the same e d i t i o n of the Rundschau.  i n late 1934, with One quoted  from  Brethren h i s t o r i a n P.M.  Friesen on the Dutch o r i g i n s of the Mennonites.142  The other a r t i c l e , "Was  Menno Simons a National S o c i a l i s t ? " , took issue with  Heinrich Schroeder's intimation that Menno Simons would have approved of Nazi steps to rearm Germany.143  Janz drove home the point that Simons was  no  Nazi, and that the doctrine of nonresistance was not to be wrested from Simons' mantle, where i t r i g h t l y belonged.  Janz mentioned that Schroeder's  father had been an o f f i c e r i n the controversial Mennonite "Selbstschutz" (self-defence) units i n the Ukraine, which were organized i n the time of chaos following the Bolshevik revolution.  The senior Schroeder had demanded  that Janz and another preacher be expelled from the colonies because of their opposition to these self-defence units.144  Thus the roots of Schroeder's  m i l i t a n t Germanism went back to the "Selbstschutz" debacle i n the Ukraine. John Horsch, the eastern U.S. Old Mennonite leader, was a l s o drawn t o the defense of Menno's principles.145 Isaak Toews, a Brethren preacher from Saskatchewan, wrote i n praise of Janz's a r t i c l e on Menno Simons and National Socialism,146 and a r t i c l e s supporting the p r i n c i p l e of nonresistance followed, one having been read a t a Brethren conference, and one by another Brethren leader.147  B.B. Janz followed h i s short opening v o l l e y s with a  66 15,000 word a r t i c l e s e r i e s e n t i t l e d "Wherefrom and Whereto: Spotlights on the Mennonite Past, Present and Future", which ran i n the Rundschau during A p r i l and May of 1935.  This a r t i c l e - s e r i e s was a watershed i n the Germanism  debates of the 1930's, as Janz posed the h i s t o r i c " f a i t h of the fathers" d i r e c t l y against the National S o c i a l i s t ideology and Germanism as  normative  for Mennonite i d e n t i t y , c l a r i f y i n g i n the process the issues at stake. However, although Janz made a strong d i s t i n c t i o n between the u n i v e r s a l i t y of the C h r i s t i a n f a i t h and the p a r t i c u l a r i t y of cultures, he was i n the end subtly ambivalent about the s u p e r i o r i t y of the German language and culture as a s p e c i a l c a r r i e r of Mennonite i d e n t i t y .  As well, the defensive tone of the  piece indicates that he f e l t he was treading on rather t h i n i c e . The a r t i c l e begins with a polemic against the more extremist statements made i n the Canadian Mennonite press (this would include Per Bote  f  discussed  i n Chapter Three) i n support of the Nazi ideology of blood, race, and nation. These aspects had been emphasized too strongly by the "hurrah-patriots" from overseas, according to Janz, when they are peripheral to Mennonite i d e n t i t y . The f i r s t argument Janz uses to disengage Mennonites from the Nazi ideology i s that one has to "rape" h i s t o r y i n order to endow Mennonites with t r u l y German blood.  In what must have been a cold s l a p i n the face to h i s  opponents, Janz asserts that there i s only one r e l a t i v e l y pure blood on the earth, and that i s Jewish.148 Salvation does not come from the German nation, but from Jesus. kingdom reaches over a l l nations.  God's  Much of the a r t i c l e i s devoted to  recounting the experiences Janz had while t r a v e l l i n g among American Mennonite communities i n 1927.  These people are now more English than German, yet they  e x h i b i t a strong p i e t y and have done many good works, including r e l i e f work  67 for the Russian immigrants themselves.  I t i s wrong for the more recent  immigrants to look down upon e a r l i e r ones who have changed t h e i r language as having "degenerated".149  Janz points out that attempts to cooperate with the  non-Mennonite Germans i n Russia had f a i l e d , despite honest attempts to work together—why  was t h i s so, i f "Deutschtum" was the key to Mennonite  identity?150 Janz also c r i t i q u e s the "Mennostaat" idea v i a a c r i t i q u e of the Mennonite "state" which had emerged i n Russia.  He argues that i n the Russian  "Mennostaat" the c i v i l realm often interfered with the s p i r i t u a l realm, t o the l a t t e r ' s detriment.  Mennonite self-governance only led to persecution  and division.151 Also, those who had found t h e i r s a l v a t i o n i n the Mennostaat were now finding i t i n the Third Reich.152  Janz's a f f i l i a t i o n with the  Brethren, a dissenting minority i n the Russian colonies which emphasized personal r e l i g i o u s experience and conversion, i s evident here.  Another  aspect of Janz's d i s t i n c t i v e Brethren i d e n t i t y present i n the a r t i c l e i s an emphasis on f a i t h of the "heart" as an indicator of true s p i r i t u a l i t y , and as being something which i s d i s c e r n i b l e without knowing the same language or having the same blood.153  In t h i s case Brethren pietism contributed to a  u n i v e r s a l i s t rather than a n a t i o n a l i s t point of view. In his discussion of nonresistance Janz i s most forthright, as i t was the threat to that tenet of the f a i t h which had f i n a l l y compelled him to respond: Again and again came a r t i c l e s from over there (Germany), t r y i n g to mix our Volk...into the p o l i t i c a l batter, where nonresistance no longer has a place. For that reason I could no longer be silent...Our inner being has been attacked.154 Janz concedes that he i s not attacking Germany i t s e l f , just those who were "overeager" to convert Mennonites to the "new Gospel" emerging out of i t . fact, Janz lauds H i t l e r as having been sent from God to save the world from  In  68 Bolshevism, and warmly remembers the help Germany extended to Russian Mennonites.  This was the e s s e n t i a l dilemma i n which Russian Mennonites found  themselves—what kind of a person would turn against the nation which had done much for him, and which had presented i t s e l f as bulwark against the forces which had destroyed h i s i d y l l ? The problem of personal i n t e g r i t y again comes to the fore i n Janz's discussion of the German language.  On the one hand he makes i t c l e a r that no  language i s holy, and distinguishes quite strongly between the form or expression of f a i t h , and i t s content.155  On the other hand, h i s love of the  German language and c u l t u r e , as h i s own point of reference, i s evident:  he  writes of the importance of "German manners and morals" i n the schools, and of the Low German d i a l e c t for " t r u s t and unity" amidst the unsettling mix of n a t i o n a l i t i e s i n North America.  The mother who doesn't teach her c h i l d  German starves i t s s p i r i t and contributes to the ruination of the family. Those who bow to the inevitable and give up the German language are t r a i t o r s to t h e i r home, church, and t h e i r precious German Bibles, i f they do so needlessly.  In the end, Janz argues for a c u l t u r a l Germanism separate from  the p o l i t i c s of B e r l i n : Like a farmer I need markers to plow a s t r a i g h t course. Thus I point myself i n the d i r e c t i o n of my mother, the home, the German school, the German sermon, my German Bible...(etc.) but not towards the German Reich with i t s p o l i t i c a l centre Berlin.156 In the context of t h i s d i s t i n c t i o n Janz posits a "conscious" and an "unconscious" Germanism: the conscious form i s p o l i t i c a l , while the unconscious v a r i e t y includes a l l the other forms of Germanism, which he supports.157  Whereas e a r l i e r i n the a r t i c l e Janz had emphasized the f a i t h of  the fathers as being l i n g u i s t i c a l l y translatable, and that Mennonites should change t h e i r language instead of losing t h e i r youth,158 now he encourages a l l  69 e f f o r t s to maintain the German language and culture.159  Although he asserts  a t various points that s a l v a t i o n i s not dependent on a s p e c i f i c c u l t u r a l medium, a t others he denigrates both the S l a v i c and English cultures, the two options he had been faced with i n h i s lifetime.160 In general, the a r t i c l e e x h i b i t s most of the elements which made the Mennonite encounter with Nazi Germany an ambivalent one. On the one hand, i t contains a v i s i o n of the Mennonites as a people of f a i t h which had l a r g e l y remained obedient t o God i n the face of the c o n f l i c t i n g demands of nationstates.  On the other hand, there are indications that the German way was  f e l t t o be i n fact superior, functioning as a bulwark against such degenerate influences as communism, and English and S l a v i c culture, and a c t i n g as a medium of discourse which had a s p e c i a l meaning and function f o r Mennonites. At the beginning Janz e s s e n t i a l l y equalizes a l l c u l t u r a l forms of r e l i g i o u s l i f e , but i n the course of the a r t i c l e some ground i s granted to the Germanists.  But he remains quite firm i n h i s d i s t i n c t i o n between p o l i t i c a l  and c u l t u r a l Germanism, and i n his insistence that h i s primary l o y a l t i e s are with God and the t r a d i t i o n a l Mennonite doctrines of nonresistance  and the  separation of church and s t a t e . At l e a s t two correspondents hailed the s e r i e s as a "milestone" h i s t o r y of the Russian Mennonites.  i n the  One stated that Janz's l i n e s had an  "enduring e f f e c t " upon him, "and c e r t a i n l y a l s o many others."  He thanked  Janz for sharpening h i s conscience and c l a r i f y i n g the issues, noting that: A b a t t l e has raged among us i n the l a s t few years over c e r t a i n e s s e n t i a l goods. On the one side i s the national, Volkish idea, more s p e c i f i c a l l y the German National Socialism (what do...wandering Mennonites have to do with that?), and on the other side i s the congregational p r i n c i p l e — t h e idea of the kingdom of God. The Volkish o r i e n t a t i o n has i t s j u s t i f i c a t i o n . . . r e g r e t t a b l e , however, i s the threat i t poses to the kingdom of God idea.161  70 The other writer, besides supporting Janz's general contribution, praised him for not r e j e c t i n g c u l t u r a l aspects of the Mennonite i d e n t i t y — J a n z ' s love f o r the German mother-tongue was evident and g r a t i f y i n g and to him.162 Correspondence between Janz and Rundschau editor H.H.  Neufeld reveals  that they were on good terms, and that they stood together against "opponents" to the a r t i c l e s e r i e s .  D.H.  Epp, editor of Per Bote, had refused  to p r i n t i t , for reasons d i r e c t l y related to Janz's a n t i - V o l k i s h and -Germanist comments (discussed below i n Chapter Three).  Janz's comments to  Neufeld are indicative of the depth of pro-German f e e l i n g present among Mennonites: You have shown r e a l courage t h i s time ( i n p r i n t i n g the s e r i e s ) , as i t i s seldom done. But for that reason we should hold fast to each other. As to whether our opponents w i l l grab us by the c o l l a r ? However, you know i t i s to me extremely important for the health of our Volk...I'm glad we're standing on the same side of the barricades.16 3 Neufeld allowed Janz to preview responses to the s e r i e s by Walter Quiring, and never d i d p r i n t them, r a i s i n g a c r y from Quiring of  censorship.164  Neufeld t o l d Janz to write what he believed he should, even i f i t was  hard  for some to take: "The b o i l must be lanced for the health of our Volk."165 This exchange helps to c l a r i f y Neufeld's p o s i t i o n somewhat.  There were  l i m i t s to h i s support of m i l i t a n t Germanism, e s p e c i a l l y given the leadership of h i s c o - r e l i g i o n i s t Janz. Another prominent Brethren who espoused a q u a l i f i e d Germanism was Abraham Kroeker.  Kroeker f e l t that although H i t l e r had been sent by God to repel the  threat of Bolshevism i n Germany, Mennonites d i d not need to say "yes and amen" to a l l of the events taking place there. couldn't be compromised.  Nonresistance, e s p e c i a l l y ,  In general, though, he f e l t quite strongly that the  German culture was higher than the English, that Mennonites were German, and  71 that they should stay that way.  "However, we are not Reichs-Germans and not  Nazis."166 A.A. Toews, a Brethren congregational leader from Alberta, combined the same elements of warmth for the German c u l t u r a l and l i n g u i s t i c i d e n t i t y with staunch r e j e c t i o n of i t s p o l i t i c a l aspects, i n t h i s case the H i t l e r Youth.167 In e a r l y 1936 a contributor maintained that Mennonites, who had exhibited an "exceptional a l l e g i a n c e " t o the Russian Czar, should now turn t h e i r p a t r i o t i c l o y a l t i e s to Canada, and not get a l l worked up over English opposition to the German dictatorship.168 the  A l e t t e r written i n 1933 had given the other side of  picture: t h i s individual wanted to make Canada h i s home, but had a hard  time with Canadian "defamation" of the new Germany, which he f e l t had broken the  back of communism i n c e n t r a l Europe.  The high c u l t u r a l and moral values  which Mennonites had inherited from Germany were important, but i t was necessary to become f u l l c i t i z e n s of Canada.169  now  Given the fact that the  majority of Mennonites became Canadian c i t i z e n s i n r e l a t i v e l y short order,170 t h i s would seem to be a representative point of view.  In f a c t , as Chapter  One has made c l e a r , the Russian Mennonite emigrants of the 1920's were generally more eager to assume a place i n Canadian society than those who l e f t Russia i n the 1870's, and t h i s must be seen as one of the primary reasons for the strong Germanist reaction by some Russlaender.171 The fear of a s s i m i l a t i o n and acculturation, of "Verenglischung", was a prevalent feature of Canadian Mennonite l i f e throughout the period covered by t h i s thesis,172 and was very evident i n the Rundschau.  In 1933 a Mennonite  wrote b i t t e r l y of the e f f e c t s of Canadianization and the "melting pot" on Mennonites:  together with the loss of a closed community, these forces were  responsible for a growing Mennonite crime-rate and the imminent demise of  72 Mennonite organization and d i s c i p l i n e .  A "worldly"  (English) l i t e r a t u r e  flooded the land while theaters, dance h a l l s and bars seemed t o spring up out of the earth l i k e mushrooms.  Mennonites no longer had e f f e c t i v e ways of  c o n t r o l l i n g t h e i r proximity t o such things, and t h i s was leading t o a general moral and s p i r i t u a l decline.173  A mother complained that although she had  spoken i n German t o her c h i l d r e n from the cradle onward, they s t i l l ended up speaking English among themselves.  Not only that, but the older ones were  being tempted away t o English Bible schools.  How would youth be able t o j o i n  the Mennonite church i f they l o s t the German?174 Others picked up the theme of the "wild" and "unhealthy" aspects of the "modern" English evangelicalism, l i k e nighttime meetings and a generally s u p e r f i c i a l approach.175  A Winnipeg Brethren leader warned of modernism and  the teaching of the theory of evolution i n English schools, which had turned four "German youth" (most l i k e l y Mennonites) a t the U n i v e r s i t y of Manitoba against the f a i t h of t h e i r fathers to atheism. magnificent  The neglect of "our  mother-tongue" was a further danger for Mennonite youth, who  consequently found English "fun spots" more a t t r a c t i v e than German Mennonite church services.176  This was but an opening v o l l e y i n what was t o become a  long b a t t l e against the encroachment of the English language.  Another  concerned i n d i v i d u a l pointed out that i n addition t o the fact that the loss of the German language would be a great loss for Mennonites, German books published 1936  i n the U.S. had an "English s p i r i t " , and were to be avoided.177  By  both the German-English Academy a t Rosthern, Saskatchewan, and the  Mennonite Collegiate I n s t i t u t e a t Gretna, Manitoba, were reporting problems with student knowledge of, or willingness to learn, German.178  I t i s safe t o  say that within ten years of t h e i r a r r i v a l i n Canada, the threat of  73 a n g l i c i z a t i o n had become very r e a l for the Russlaender.179 At the 1939 B r i t i s h Columbia P r o v i n c i a l Immigrant Assembly, the "assimilation process" was a t o p i c of discussion; a speaker stated that i t had proceeded to the point where parents were beginning to speak with t h e i r c h i l d r e n i n English, as resolve to keep the language waned.  This was very  regrettable, since so much of the Mennonite uniqueness was bound up with the German language.180  B r i t i s h Columbia seems to have been a p a r t i c u l a r l y  d i f f i c u l t place to maintain the German language, due to a strong sense of English nationalism among the host population.181 Less than a month before the outbreak of the Second World War, a rather s t r i d e n t Germanist from Winnipeg, who had been involved i n youth work, asserted t o Rundschau readers that a d e c i s i o n would have to be made—either Mennonites give up t h e i r "Deutschtum" and assimilate into Canadian society, or return home to the great German motherland.182  After the outbreak of war,  i t became easier for individuals l i k e Gerhard Lohrenz, future p r i n c i p a l of the Brethren High School i n Winnipeg (1947-52), t o argue that the s o l u t i o n to the problem of retention of the youth consisted i n the a b i l i t y of Mennonite churches to o f f e r English church services to them.183 During the 1930's t h i s s o l u t i o n was s t i l l generally unthinkable for Mennonites, even i f they suspected that a n g l i c i z a t i o n was i n e v i t a b l e .  The  r e s u l t of B.B. Janz's a r t i c l e s e r i e s , for example, was to cause people to think i n terms of b i l i n g u a l i s m , not the t o t a l adoption of English.184  At  t h i s point i n time, the German language and culture was one of the remaining common a t t r i b u t e s of Mennonites from the l o s t Russian commonwealth.  Laments  for t h i s l o s t unity, coupled with fears of the imminent demise of the Mennonites as a d i s t i n c t "people", were uttered throughout the t h i r t i e s .  74 J . J . Hildebrand wrote: Scattered must we perish,/as happens t o us i n a l l the world/ when i n brother-love our unity/does not hold us together.../Systematically they take/our mother-tongue away/which our Creator gave to us/to harmonize what we say. 185 A Mennonite who had s e t t l e d i n Holland r e f l e c t e d sadly on the loss of a world: "0, t h i s f e e l i n g of being cut o f f — e x t e r n a l l y but not i n t e r n a l l y — w i t h such uncertainty as to whether we'll not eventually d r i f t away or become foreign to each other..."186 reunification.187  Others echoed t h i s basic desire for  Some turned an envious eye to the emerging sense of  community i n the new Paraguayan Mennonite colony,188 while others praised H i t l e r for bringing unity to the German Volk.189 A p a r t i c u l a r l y concerned individual asserted that through "hundreds" of private conversations he had sensed the longing for Mennonite r e u n i f i c a t i o n . He noted that a l l Mennonites had watched H i t l e r ' s success with expectation and joy.  H i t l e r had taught Germans to be true to themselves, and  strengthened t h e i r self-assurance and f e e l i n g of common i d e n t i t y . everywhere were holding fast to the motherland l i k e never  Germans  before—perhaps  when Germany regained some of her l o s t colonies, Mennonites should s t a r t an "independent colony under German protection?"190  In t h i s case important  aspects of the complex r e l a t i o n s h i p between Mennonites and the new Germany are very c l e a r l y expressed:  Germany provided a p o s i t i v e example of Volk-  renewal and - u n i f i c a t i o n , i t gave a sense of rootedness and pride, and seen as a nurturing/protective parent.  was  In general, there i s a f e e l i n g of  both common i d e n t i t y and of separateness from "Reichs-Germans": had both a wider, externalized dimension, and a narrower,  Germanism  inner-directed,  meaning for Mennonites. J . J . Hildebrand and the above i n d i v i d u a l , B. Warkentin, advanced a f u l l -  75 blown proposal for a new "Mennostaat" i n 1933, making the retention of the German language and culture a prime component of the projected autonomous Mennonite state.191  Hildebrand continued to t r y to generate excitement over  t h i s idea during 1933 and 1934,192 u n t i l h i s writings were suppressed i n June 1934 a t the request of a group of Manitoba Mennonite preachers, on account of the fact that he was on record attacking the Canadian government, that he  was  " d i s t o r t i n g " Mennonite h i s t o r y ( i n other a r t i c l e s ) , and because of h i s repeated harping on the Mennostaat idea.193 Hildebrand's plan evinced a f a i r amount of support i n some quarters,194 while others l i k e d the idea but f e l t i t to be impracticable.195  At least one  other individual put forth an all-encompassing v i s i o n for a Mennonite society, t h i s one not necessarily geographically separate, but economically and c u l t u r a l l y independent.  Here, too, the German language and culture  figured as "a completely indispensable factor i n our *Mennonitentum'."196 The general response to such schemes, however, was negative.  One  person  argued that such ideas were the beginning of n a t i o n a l i s t i c thought and went against basic Mennonite principles.197 Another said that Mennonites* c a l l i n g was to be sojourners i n the world, not nation-builders,198 while others accused Hildebrand of having leadership ambitions and an inflamed sense of personal mission.199 "twaddle",200  One person dismissed h i s ideas as so much "blather" and  while s t i l l others f e l t that Mennonites were c a l l e d to  confront the "world" i n some way,  rather than f l e e from it.201  B.B.  Janz  also rejected the idea, as stated e a r l i e r . Although there was a general r e j e c t i o n of some of these more f a n c i f u l ideas, most individuals would not have taken issue with the basic notion of Germanism being an important ingredient i n Mennonite i d e n t i t y .  Even  76 individuals l i k e the highly regarded Brethren Bible teacher A.H. Unruh, who did  not seem to have much to say on the t o p i c during the 1930's, had kind  words for the German heritage twenty years l a t e r , when i t was being completely lost.202  C.F. Klassen, another highly-regarded Brethren figure,  applauded the National S o c i a l i s t "housecleaning" i n 1933,203 and i n 1939 went on record i n the Rundschau as being proud of Winkler Bible School graduates, who  "weren't ashamed of either the Gospel or t h e i r Deutschtum."204 David Toews, a General Conference Mennonite leader equal i n stature with  B.B. Janz, f e l t the instruction of German and r e l i g i o n to be "enduring goods",205 and also gave h i s q u a l i f i e d support to the National S o c i a l i s t transformation of Germany, a f t e r a v i s i t there i n 1936.206  Jacob H. Janzen  was a leading General Conference figure who strongly supported c u l t u r a l Germanism, writing extensively and passionately on the topic.207  F.C.  Thiessen, a prominent Winnipeg Brethren preacher, teacher and c h o r i s t e r , c l e a r l y f e l t that German language and culture contributed to high moral and s p i r i t u a l character, and was an important agent i n the retention of youth within the Mennonite tradition.208 There were others who  f e l t that Germanism  bore a positive r e l a t i o n s h i p to Mennonite religion,209 and that loss of the German language led to loss of character.210 The r e l a t i o n s h i p between Mennonite f a i t h and Germanism was however, as should already be c l e a r .  double-edged,  The more m i l i t a n t v a r i e t y of Germanism  threatened basic Mennonite p r i n c i p l e s such as nonresistance.  Yet i t was  widely perceived that with the loss of the t r a d i t i o n a l language and culture of the Russian Mennonites, the Mennonite "uniqueness", which included such p r i n c i p l e s , would a l s o be l o s t .  The former aspect posed a r e a l "problem" by  1935,211 while the l a t t e r was an underlying current of most statements  77 concerning the close r e l a t i o n s h i p between Mennonite f a i t h and the German language and culture made throughout the period covered by t h i s study.212 By 1939 the Rundschau s t i l l featured most of the currents of opinion and debate presented e a r l i e r i n the decade.  I f B.B. Janz was s t i l l writing a n t i -  Nazi broadsides,213 i t was because others continued to argue that National Socialism deserved Mennonite support,214 and that Nazi p r i n c i p l e s were harmonizable with Mennonitism.215  Mennonite individuals continued to t r y to  counteract the " l i e s " c i r c u l a t i n g about Nazi actions and the German church struggle,216 and speeches given by H i t l e r were again printed on a back page of  the Rundschau.217  I t was argued p u b l i c l y as late as J u l y 1939 that  Germanism was the essence'of the Mennonite "uniqueness", which i f l o s t would s p e l l the end of Mennonites' h i s t o r i c i d e n t i t y , including d o c t r i n a l and e t h i c a l aspects.218 However, a r t i c l e s encouraging nonresistance and l o y a l t y t o Canada also appeared.219  The English Royal Family, touring Canada during May and June of  1939, was warmly welcomed and reported on i n English, as were Mennonite pledges of l o y a l t y to the Crown.220  When war broke out i n September,  English  and Canadian declarations of war were printed i n English,221 and the editor, in one of h i s f i r s t substantial e d i t o r i a l comments on c i t i z e n s h i p , stated that a l l of the Rundschau workers were Canadian c i t i z e n s , that i t was a p r i v i l e g e to be l i v i n g i n freedom i n Canada, and that Mennonites should be true t o t h e i r heritage as the "quiet i n the land".222  After the outbreak of  war the Germanist debate departed from the pages of the Rundschau. In conclusion, the Mennonitische Rundschau displayed a remarkable degree of  openness to foreign ideas and a broad spectrum of positions on the  Germanism question during the 1930's.  The communal consciousness of the  78 Mennonites, as well as the important function of the newspaper as a "Bindemittel" or medium of binding Mennonites together, i s i l l u s t r a t e d i n the energetic and widespread p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n debates on issues of common import, l i k e the Germanism question. majority of Russlaender  I t must be remembered, however, that the  immigrants were simply struggling along with everyone  else i n t r y i n g t o provide for themselves  i n the midst of economic depression  and poor crop conditions. Reports of the great things happening i n Nazi Germany may have stimulated w i s t f u l thoughts i n many, but r e l a t i v e l y few individuals a c t i v e l y promoted the Nazi cause, and they made much noise.  One gets the sense of a receptive  majority looking on i n interest and affirmation, but eventually r e j e c t i n g the more m i l i t a n t expressions of Germanism and Nazism.  Commenting i n 1939 on the  continued insistence by one individual that a person could be both a Nazi and a Mennonite, a Kanadier Mennonite wrote that t h i s combination was "impossible and unthinkable" for Kanadier as well as Russlaender Mennonites, "with very few exceptions".223  However, the communal, c u l t u r a l , and r e l i g i o u s  associations of Germanism with Mennonitism would continue to be made into the 1950»s.  79 NOTES, CHAPTER TWO 1. E.K. Francis, In Search of Utopia (Altona, MB: D.W. Friesen & Sons Ltd., 1955), p. 269; Abram Berg, D i e t r i c h Heinrich Epp 1875-1955 (Saskatoon: Heese House of P r i n t i n g , 1973), p. 39; Henry Paetkau, "A Struggle for Survival: The Russian Mennonite Immigrants i n Ontario, 1924-39," (M.A. t h e s i s , University of Waterloo, 1977), p. 157; John A. Toews, A History of the Mennonite Brethren Church (Fresno, CA: Board of C h r i s t i a n L i t e r a t u r e , 1975), p. 283. 2. John A. Toews, A History of the Mennonite Brethren Church, pp. 29091. Frank H. Epp, "An Analysis of Germanism and National Socialism i n the Immigrant Newspaper of a Canadian Minority Group, the Mennonites, i n the 1930's," (Ph.D. Dissertation, University of Minnesota, 1965), pp. 310-11. 3. During the late 1920's and 1930's, Der Bote i s reported to have had a c i r c u l a t i o n of around 1500 to 1600, while the Rundschau had a c i r c u l a t i o n of about 4000 to 5000. These figures are from Berg, D i e t r i c h Heinrich Epp, p. 52; Jonathan F. Wagner, Brothers Beyond the Sea: National Socialism i n Canada (Waterloo: Wilfred Laurier Press, 1981), p. 104; C A . Dawson, Group Settlement: Ethnic Communities i n Western Canada (Toronto: The Macmillan Co., 1936; reprinted 1974, Kraus Reprint Co.), p. 167. A survey of p e r i o d i c a l s read by the e x c l u s i v e l y Russlaender Mennonites of Coaldale, Alberta, i n 1935 revealed that the Rundschau was almost exactly twice as prevalent as Der Bote. Frank H. Epp, Mennonite Exodus (Altona, MB: D.W. Friesen & Sons Ltd., 1966), p. 316. Some homes subscribed to both p e r i o d i c a l s . Interview with John B. Toews, Mennonite Historian, Regent College, Vancouver, B r i t i s h Columbia, January 31, 1990. 4. For a discussion of editor D.H. Epp's persistent e f f o r t s to keep the paper f u l l y under h i s control see Berg, D.H. Epp, p. 35ff. See a l s o the discussion below of Epp's editorship of Der Bote, Chapter Three. 5. If the contributors were not i d e n t i f i a b l e as recent immigrants by name, they usually indicated as much through the content of t h e i r a r t i c l e s . If "Kanadier" joined the discussion, they would often indicate that fact as w e l l . As mentioned i n Chapter One, E.K. Frances found the " i d e o l o g i c a l d i v i d i n g line'' on the Germanism question to follow "rather c l o s e l y the natural d i v i s i o n between the Kanadier and Russlaender groups." Francis, In Search of Utopia, p. 234. 6.  Epp, Mennonite Exodus, p. 233ff.  7. e.g. Mennonitische Rundschau, 16 A p r i l 1930, p. 9. Henceforth i n t h i s chapter the t i t l e of the newspaper w i l l not be c i t e d when i t i s the obvious reference. 8.  e.g. 14 May 1930, p. 8; 21 May 1930, pp.  8-9.  9.  e.g. 26 March 1930, p. 11; 18 February 1931, p. 12.  80 10.  1 January 1930, p. 6.  11. A r t i c l e s with t i t l e s l i k e "In the Land of Tears" were common. 4 March 1931, p. 11. For more see John B. Toews, Lost Fatherland: The Story of the Mennonite Emigration From Soviet Russia, 1921-27 (Kitchener: Herald Press, 1967). Also h e l p f u l i s Harry Loewen, "Canadian Mennonite L i t e r a t u r e : Longing for a Lost Homeland", i n Walter E. Riedel, ed., The Old World and the New: L i t e r a r y Perspectives of German-Speaking Canadians (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1984). 12. J.P. Klassen, "Dem deutschen Volk," 26 March 1930, pp. 2-3. Similar sorts of poems appeared i n Ibid., p. 6; Abram Jac. Loewen, "Unser Dank," 25 June 1930, pp. 8-9; P.P. Isaak, "Dem deutschen Volk!," 23 J u l y 1930, p. 5. 13. 15 January 1930, p. 13. Other examples include 1 January 1930, p. 6; 22 January 1930, p. 12; 18 November 1931, p. 4. 14.  1 October 1930, p. 6.  15. This included both the German Consulate i n Winnipeg and the German government. 22 January 1930, p. 12; 12 February 1930, p. 6; 5 October 1932, p. 11. 16. p. 11 17.  B.H. Unruh., "Unsere Pakethilfe nach Russland," 5 October  1932,  H.H. Neufeld, "Euer E d i t o r , " 10 June 1931, p. 4.  18. Examples for the 1930-32 period include: 5 March 1930, pp. 1-3; Peter Dirks, "Unser Volk," 16 A p r i l 1930, pp. 1-2; P.P. Isaak, "Dem deutschen Volk!," 23 J u l y 1930, p. 5; B.D., "Ein Mennonitisches Problem," 19 October 1932, pp. 1-2. 19. P.P. Kornelsen, "Volk ohne Heimat," 19 February 1930, p. 8; "Mennoniten," 16 A p r i l 1930, p. 4; 6 May 1931, pp. 6-7. 20.  P.P. Isaak, "Dem  deutschen Volk!," 23 J u l y 1930, p. 5.  21.  P.P. Kornelsen, "Volk ohne Heimat," 19 February 1930, p. 1.  22. Examples for the 1930-32 period include: "Chilenischer General ermahnt zum Festhalten am Deutschtum," 30 J u l y 1930, p. 5; "Bleib Deutsch," 1 October 1930, p. 4; D.A.J., "Das v i e r t e Gebot," 6 J u l y 1932, p. 4.  14; 16;  23.  E. Sengler, "Die voelkische Bewegung," 8 J u l y 1931, pp.  24.  29 June 1932, p. 8;  2-3.  17 December 1930, p. 15.  25. e.g. 16 A p r i l 1930, p. 14; 30 A p r i l 1930, p. 14; 25 June 1930, p. 28 January 1931, p. 14; 7 September 1932, p. 12; 21 September 1932, p. 19 November 1932, p. 11. There were many more.  81 26.  17 December 1930, p. 12.  27.  1 J u l y 1931, p. 8.  28.  8 June 1932, pp.  4-5.  29. A tew examples include: 8 June 1932, p. 14. 30.  24 February 1932, p. 12;  31.  16 March 1932, p. 14.  29 J u l y 1931, p. 11;  4 May 1932, p. 12;  9 March 1932, p. 12.  32. "Wie steht's i n Deutschland?", 26 February 1930, p. 3; 16 J u l y 1930, p. 5; 7 January 1931, p. 6; 22 J u l y 1931, p. 12; J.P. Klassen, "Die groesste Schande des 20. Jahrhunderts," 20 January 1932, pp. 1-2. 33.  Heinrich Schroeder, "Judenangst", 10 August 1932, pp.  34.  25 November 1931, p. 12.  35.  22 January 1930, p. 7.  36.  12 February 1930, p. 7.  37.  Wagner, Brothers Beyond the Sea, p. 94ff.  4-5.  38. "Deutscher Tag", 16 J u l y 1930, p. 11. The s o t e r i o l o g i c a l power of the German essence was also c i t e d i n another a r t i c l e i n the same issue, p. 5. 39. William L. Shirer, The Rise and F a l l of the Third Reich (New Simon and Schuster, 1959), p. 26.  York:  40. Dr. Theo Haeuser, "Ein Apostel der Wahrheit," 4 February 1931, pp. 11-13. Another Stuermer a r t i c l e was reprinted two weeks l a t e r , covering Christmas f e s t i v i t i e s of the H i t l e r youth i n Nuremberg. 18 February 1931, p. 5. 41.  "Die Mennoniten und der Kriegsdienst," 11 March 1931, p. 12.  42.  "Preussenl" 13 May 1931, p. 10.  43.  Discussions of these issues were present i n 27 May 1931;  44.  26 November 1930, p. 12.  45.  G.G.  46.  16 March 1932, p. 4.  47.  "Zum  3 June  1931.  Wiens, "Ein neues Deutschtum?", 30 September 1931, p. 4.  'neuen Deutschland'", 30 March 1932, p. 11.  82 48.  G.G. Wiens, "Christus Oder Wotan?", 6 A p r i l 1932, p. 4.  49.  "Das neue Deutschland", 18 May 1932, p. 3.  50.  19 October 1932, p. 4.  51. J.P. Klassen, "Die groesste Schande des 20. Jahrhunderts," 20 January 1932, pp. 1-2; 16 March 1932, p. 2; T.G., "Das neue Deutschland", 18 May 1932, p. 3. 52.  "Deutschland und unsere Brueder i n Russland," 14 January 1931, p. 8.  53.  Heinrich Schroeder, "Die Juden", 3 August 1932, pp. 3-4.  54.  C. M., 27 J u l y 1932, p. 5.  55.  Hans Schmidt, "Dds neue Deutschland , 26 October 1932, pp. 2-3.  56.  19 October 1932, p. 5.  57.  " H i t l e r " , 4 February 1931, p. 11.  11  58. Houston Stewart Chamberlain, "Volksmensch Adolf H i t l e r " , 28 September 1932, p. 12. 59. For a discussion of Canadian communism during the 1920's and 1930's see Donald Avery, 'Dangerous Foreigners': European Immigrant Workers and Labour Radicalism i n Canada 1896-1932 (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1979), Chapter 4. During the 1920's, the North End i n Winnipeg had provided a base for CPC a c t i v i t i e s , and the systematic suppression of the movement by government a u t h o r i t i e s during 1929-34 was indicative of i t s feared influence. In 1934 a Mennonite dourly reported that a communist had won a seat on the North End C i t y Council, and urged Mennonites to get organized so t h i s wouldn't happen again. J.K., "Am Morgen nach dem Wahlen," 12 December 1934, p. 8. In 1936 another warning was made about growing communist influence, and support was urged for mayoral candidate R.H. Webb, a staunch a n t i communist. "Deutsche treten fuer R.H. Webb e i n , " 18 November 1936, p. 7. 60. The d i r e economic s i t u a t i o n was a t the root of the problem, as _ immigrants were linked to unemployment and labour a g i t a t i o n . General AngloSaxon nativism, exemplified most v i v i d l y by the growth of the Ku Klux Klan on the p r a i r i e s i n the l a t e r 1920's, was a l s o present. Howard Palmer, Patterns of Prejudice: A History of Nativism i n Alberta (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1982), pp. 100-110, 126ff; Gerald Friesen, The Canadian P r a i r i e s : A History (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1987), p. 247, 404-05; Avery, 'Dangerous Foreigners', pp. 111-15; Joanna Buhr, "Pursuit of a V i s i o n : Persistence and Accomodation Among Coaldale Mennonites from the mid-Nineteen Twenties to World War I I , " (M.A. t h e s i s , U n i v e r s i t y of Calgary, 1986), p. 82. 61.  Beginning 1 June 1932, p. 10, by Herman Anders.  62.  A. Kroeker, "Das Buch", 21 September  1932, p. 3.  83 63.  e.g. A. Kroeker, 28 September 1932, pp. 2-3.  64.  "Bleib Deutsch", 1 October 1930, p. 4.  65.  C.F. Klassen, "Der Weg der praktischen H i l f e " , 18 February 1931,  p. 2. 66. J . John Friesen, " S t r e i f l i c h t e r auf d i e deutsche Sprache," 30 A p r i l 1930, p. 2. Other examples for t h i s period include: "Die deutsche Sprache in Amerika," 26 November 1930, p. 4; "An das deutsche Elternhaus," 24 February 1932, pp. 3-4; A.J. Fast, "Einige Bemerkungen ueber Wert und Bedeutung der deutschen Sprache," 8 June 1932, p. 4; 67.  J . John Friesen, 18 June 1930, p. 1.  68.  "Ein Aufruf an Lehrer", 18 June 1930, p. 5.  69. "Religion und deutsche Sprache i n unseren Schulen," 29 June 1932, pp. 4-5. Other examples include: "Bericht des Schulkomitees", 9 September 1931, p. 3; 23 September 1931, p. 3. 70.  17 September 1930, p. 4.  71.  Dr. U o e l i t z , "Muttersprache", 29 A p r i l 1931, pp. 8 9.  72.  "Einc Ehrcnuchuid", MeiinuniLische Rundsclictu. 1U June 1936, p. 6.  73. As one individual stated, the issues of nonresistance, mothertongue, and Germanism were "extraordinarily important questions...questions of l i f e and death (for Mennonites)." W.K.W., "Unsere Volkshochschule", Der Bote 14 November 1934, p. 3. The general i n t e n s i t y and range of discussion, as should become c l e a r , indicate that many shared t h i s f e e l i n g of urgency. 74. e.g. "Die Systematische Vernichtung der Russland-deutschen durch die Sowjetmachthaber," 1 February 1.933, pp. 2-3; J.H. Wiens, "Warum? meinem lieben Bruder, der im Sowjetland umkam," 18 A p r i l 1934, p. 9; 2 September 1936, p. 15. 75. e.g. "Greuelmeldungen und ihre Entlarvung," 12 A p r i l 1933, p. 3; H. Seelheim, "Wie Hetzpropaganda gemacht wird," 19 A p r i l 1933; A.J. Fast, "Noch einmal, gegen d i e g e i s t l o s e Judenhetze," 3 May 1933, pp. 3-4; 17 May 1933, p. 11. 76. The f i r s t H i t l e r text printed i n the Rundschau occurred e a r l i e r and was e n t i t l e d , appropriately enough, "Kampf gegen den Bolschewismus". 13 June 1933, p. 4. An a r t i c l e by Goebbels on H i t l e r appeared e a r l i e r yet, i n March 1933. Joseph Goebbels, "Jeder, der ihn w i r k l i c h kennt," 22 March 1933, p. 12. 77.  13 September 1933, p. 12.  84 78. Heinrich Schroeder, "Der Bolschevismus bedroht Deutschland!", 15 February 1933, p. 11; Hans Weber, 12 J u l y 1933, p. 5; J.W. Simoleit, "Wie es im neuen Deutschland aussieht," 10 January 1934, pp. 2-3; "Das neue Deutschland," 24 January 1934, p. 3; C. Martens, "Nicht enttaeuscht", 3 October 1934, p. 3; Frau K. Esau, 13 March 1935, p. 6; Frau Neufeld, 9 December 1936, pp. 2-3. 79. e.g. 15 March 1933, p. 13; bewahrt wurde," 1 November 1933, pp.  "Wie Deutschland vor Buergerkrieg 3-4.  80. C. Martens, "Meine Beobachtungen und Eindruecke i n Deutschland," 30 September 1933, pp. 6-7. 81.  e.g. 4 January 1933, pp.  6-7.  82. 8 February 1933, pp. 1-2; 12 J u l y 1933, pp. 11, 14; 14 November 1934, p. 8. 83. Wagner documents the r e l a t i o n s h i p between Rundschau editor H.H. Neufeld and the Nazi Foreign Press O f f i c e i n Wagner, Brothers Beyond the Sea, p. 104. A few examples of the many pro-German news pieces include: 25 January 1933, pp. 12-13; 26 A p r i l 1933, p. 16; 17 September 1933, p. 13; 11 J u l y 1934, p. 12; 6 February 1935, p. 5; 25 March 1936, p. 10; 23 February 1939, p. 15. 84. H. Seelheim, "Festreden des deutschen Konsuls auf dem deutschen Tag i n Winnipeg," 12 J u l y 1933, pp. 11, 14. 85.  G.G.  Wiens, 2 August 1933, p. 6.  86. The suppression of some writings by Walter Quiring, and a l l of J . J . Hildebrand's a f t e r June, 1934, w i l l be discussed below. 87. Heinrich Schroeder, "Entwurf fuer d i e Begruendung einer Erbhofsiedlung," 12 September 1934, p. 3. Other examples of Schroeder's many contributions include: "Hakenkreuz und Kreuz C h r i s t i , " 15 February 1933, p. 11; 5 September 1934, p. 5; 3 June 1936, pp. 2-4. 88. For more on the Volkish "Germanic Utopias" see George L. Mosse, The C r i s i s of German Ideology (New York: Grosset & Dunlap, 1964), chapter 6. The sense of community and ideological mission and p u r i t y were some of the p a r a l l e l s between these two very d i f f e r e n t movements. 89. E i n Beobachter, "Zu dem Schroederischen Projekt einer Erbhofsiedlung," 3 October 1934, p. 3; Isaak Warkentin, " E t l i c h e Bemerkungen," 17 October 1934, pp. 5-6; J.A. Wiebe, "Was s o l i das bedeuten?", 12 August 1936, pp. 1-2; 90..  Frau M. Klassen, 17 October 1934, p. 6;  31 October 1934, p. 12.  85 91. B. Schellenberg, "Zur Judenfrage", 25 October 1933, pp. 2-3; Walter Quiring, "Zur Judenfrage," 5 June 1935, pp. 4-5; C. Martens, "Die Ungerechtigkeit wird ueberhand nehmen," 23 October 1935, p. 10. 92. Examples i n addition to the three given i n note 91 above are: C. Martens, "Meine Beobachtungen," 20 September 1933, pp. 6-7; A. Kroeker, "Bolschewismus und Judentum," 4 October 1933, pp. 3-4; J . J . Janzen, "Russland auf dem Wege zum National-Sozialismus?", 18 October 1933, p. 13; P. Heinrichs, "Frei-mauertum und Abruestung," 6 December 1933, p. 4. Dr. Dinter, "Deutsche Volks-kirche," 1 May 1935, p. 8. There were a l s o some defenses of Jews printed, but most were rather apologetic, and framed l a r g e l y i n terras of b i b l i c a l understandinqs: "Etvas ?.\w Judenfrage," 5 .July 1933, p. 7; "Die Stellunq des Christen zur Judenfrage," 12 J u l y 1933, pp. 2-3; 26 J u l y 1933, p. 2. 93. B. Schellenberg, "Zur Judenfrage", 25 October 1933, pp. 2-3; Kroeker, "Zum Judenproblem", 14 March 1934, pp. 2-3. 94.  "Daemonismus—eine  A.  Weltgefahr!", 19 September 1934, p. 4.  95. Wagner, Brothers Beyond the Sea, p. 104. L i t a Rose Betcherman, The Swastika and the Maple Leaf: F a s c i s t Movements i n Canada i n the T h i r t i e s (Toronto: Fitzhenry & Whiteside, 1975), p. 74. 96. p. 5.  B.B. Janz, "Vorlaeufige Antwort zur 'Judenfrage'", 5 June 1935,  97. B. Warkentin, "Der National-Sozialismus i n mennonitischer Beleuchtung," 1 May 1935, p. 8. 98.  J . John Friesen, "Randglossen Deutschtum," 26 August 1936, pp. 1-2.  99. John B. Toews, Czars, Soviets and Mennonites (Newton, KS: F a i t h and L i f e Press, 1982), p. 74. 100. Dieter Goetz L i c h d i , Mennoniten im D r i t t e n Reich: Dokumentation und Deutung (Heilbronn: Gustav Hoelbe GmbH & Co., 1977), pp. 61, 69, 140-41. 101. B.H. Unruh, "Grundsaetzliche Fragen," 16 October 1935, pp. 2-3. Unruh was even caught by a discerning Der Bote reader changing the b i b l i c a l text to s u i t h i s interpretation. "Bitte um Aufklaerung," Der Bote, 6 November 1935, p. 3. 102.  B.H. Unruh, "Grundsaetzliche Fragen," 29 A p r i l 1936, p. 9.  103.  B.H. Unruh, "Grundsaetzliche Fragen," 16 September 1936, pp. 1-2.  104. B.H. Unruh, "Grundsaetzliche Fragen," 14 August 1935, p. 4; Ibid, 21 August 1935, p. 4. 105.  B.H. Unruh, "Grundsaetzliche Fragen," 21 August 1935, p. 4.  86 106. Gerhard R a t z l a f f , "An H i s t o r i c a l - P o l i t i c a l Study of the Mennonites i n Paraguay" (M.A. t h e s i s , C a l i f o r n i a State University, Fresno, 1974), p. 151. 107. N.J. Neufeld, "Unsere Rueckreise von Europa nach Amerika," 18 November 1936, p. 13. 108. B.H. Unruh, "Grundsaetzliche Fragen", 25 March 1936, pp. 2-3; Ibid., 16 September 1936, pp. 1-2. 109. 15 January 1936, p. 1; Herb Brandt confirms the respect and standing which Unruh commanded. Interview with Herb Brandt, Mennonite Brethren pastor and Conference leader, Kelowna, B.C., 3 June and 19 December, 1989. 110.  A.G.C., "Ftiedxich Friesen," 24 June 1936, p. 3.  111. Prof. Heyck, "Geschichtsstudium: Die a l t e n deutschen Staemme," 11 November 1936, p. 12. 112. G.W.C., "Die Teilnahme der Friesen and den Kreuzzuegen," 9 September 1936, p. 12. 113. 12-13;  e.g. 11 J u l y 1934, p. 12;  "Was w i l l Deutschland," 1 May 1935, pp.  114. " H i t l e r a l s Mensch," 2 May 1934, pp. 5-6; 29 A p r i l 1936, p. 10. 115.  "Begegnung mit H i t l e r , "  25 J u l y 1934, p. 12.  116. B.B. Janz remarks on the i n a b i l i t y of Mennonites i n the Molotschna to work together with the Germans of the neighboring German volost of P r i s c h i b , i n Russia, and that there was almost no intermarriage between the two communities. B.B. Janz, "Woher und Wohin," 10 A p r i l 1935, pp. 2-3. See a l s o H.A. Peters, "Das mennonitische Volkstum: Eine Skizze seiner Entstehung und des V e r f a l l e s , " Der Bote, 8 December 1964, pp. 10-11. 117.  22 March 1933, p. 4.  118.  15 August 1934, pp. 2-6.  119.  8 August 1934, p. 3.  120.  "Der Tag der nationalen Arbeit," 8 May 1935, p. 7.  121.  e.g. 14 November 1934, p. 8;  122.  e.g. 3 January 1934, p. 11;  123.  6 December 1933, p. 16.  13 March 1935, p. 6. 24 January 1934, p. 12.  87 124.  10 January 1934, p. 5.  125.  Betcherman, The Swastika and the Maple Leaf, p. 73.  126. T i t l e s included "Deutschland Erwacht" and "Tag der nationalen Arbeit". 19 September 1934, pp. 7, 15. 127.  e.g. 24 June 1936, p. 13.  128.  4 December 1935, p. 6;  129.  26 February 1936, p. 12;  130.  J . Kroeker, "Kulturbestrebungen", 15 May 1935, p. 3.  8 January 1936, p. 11. 18 March 1936, p. 10.  131. An example of Schroeder's work i s "Zur Abstammung der RusslandFriesen," 22 J u l y 1936, p. 5; For Unruh, see h i s a r t i c l e s e r i e s beginning May 29, 1935, e n t i t l e d "Vorfragen"; See a l s o h i s book, Die niederlaendischniederdeutscnen Hintergruende der mennonitischen Ostwanderungen. (Karlsruhe, 1955). 132. Walter Quiring, "Hollaenderei a l s Lebensretter?" Der Bote, 31 J u l y 1935, pp. 2-3. 133. H. Kornelsen, "Es war doch anders," 8 A p r i l 1936, pp. 4-7; A r t i k e l *Es war doch anders'," 29 A p r i l 1936, p. 13. 134.  H.H.  "Zum  Enns, "Die gegenwaertige Weltlage," 8 March 1933, p. 3.  135. Abraham Neufeld, 11 October 1933, p. 5; "Weltfriede?", 24 January 1934, pp. 2-3.  J.G. Thiessen,  136. Isaak Ediger, "Die Aufgabe der Boten des Evangeliums i n den Noeten der Gegenwart," 6 June 1934, p. 4. 137. Cornelius Krahn, "Des deutschen Volkes Eigenkraft, s i c h seinen Heiland selber s c h a f f t , " 19 A p r i l 1933, p. 13. 138. "Sind wir dem Namen oder dem Herzen nach Buerger Canadas geworden?" 6 December 1933, pp. 2-3. 139.  H Toews, 31 January 1934, p. 3.  140.  J . J . Hildebrand, "Notwendige Warnung," 4 A p r i l 1934, p. 5.  141. For an excellent account of Janz's l i f e see John B. Toews, With Courage to Spare: The L i f e of B.B. Janz. (Winnipeg: The C h r i s t i a n Press, 1978). 142. 1934, pp.  B.B. Janz, "Die Herkunft der Mennoniten Russlands," 26 December 1-2.  88 143.  For Schroeder's comments, see 5 December 1934, p. 6.  144. B.B. Janz, "Kommt Menno Simonis unter d i e National-sozialisten?", 26 December 1934, pp. 2-3. 145. John Horsch, "Menno Simonis ueber d i e Gottheit C h r i s t i , " 9 January 1935, p. 4. 146.  Isaak Toews, 23 January 1935, p. 6.  147. "Wehrlosigkeit," 30 January 1935, pp. 2-3; P.P. Epp, "Wehrlosigkeit noch einmal," 27 l-'ebruary 1935, pp. 3-4. 148. B.B. Janz, "Woher und Wohin: S t r e i f l i c h t e r auf d i e mennonitischen Vergangenheit, Gegenwart und Zukunft," 3 A p r i l 1935, p. 2. 149. B.B. Janz, "Woher und Wohin", 3 A p r i l 1935, p. 2; 1935, p. 17. 150.  B.B. Janz, "Woher und Wohin", 10 A p r i l 1935, p. 3.  151.  B.B. Janz, "Woher und Wohin", 10 A p r i l 1935, p. 3.  152.  B.B. Janz, "Woher und Wohin", 24 A p r i l 1935, p. 3.  Ibid., 17 A p r i l  153. B.B. Janz, "Woher und Wohin", 17 A p r i l 1935, p. 17; Ibid., 24 A p r i l 1935, p. 3; Ibid., 1 May 1935, p. 2. 154.  B.B. Janz, "Woher und Wohin", 15 May 1935, p. 3.  155. B.B. Janz, "Woher und Wohin", 1 May 1935, p. 2; 1935, p. 3.  Ibid., 8 May  156. B.B. Janz, "Woher und Wohin", 8 May 1935, p. 3; Also Ibid., 1 May 1935, p. 2. 157.  B.B. Janz, "Woher und Wohin", 15 May 1935, p. 3.  158.  B.B. Janz, "Woher und Wohin", 24 A p r i l 1935, pp. 2-3.  159.  B.B. Janz, "Woher und Wohin", 8 May 1935, p. 3.  160. B.B. Janz, "Woher und Wohin", 8 May 1935, p. 3; 1935, p. 3.  Ibid., 22 May  161.  "Eine Ehrenschuld," 10 June 1936, p. 6.  162.  "Leiden des deutschen Schulmeisters," 12 June 1935, pp. 2-3.  163. Letter t o D.H. Epp of A p r i l 7, 1935. B.B. Janz c o l l e c t i o n , CMBS Winnipeg, Box 7 Folder 97.  89 164. Walter Quiring, "Hollaenderei a l s Lebensretter?", Der Bote J u l y 1935, pp. 2-3.  31  f  165. Letter of May 7, 1935. B.B. Janz C o l l e c t i o n , CMBS Winnipeg, Box 6 Folder 95. 166. Abraham Kroeker, "Wie stehen wir zu der deutschen u. englischen Sprache?", 22 May 1935, p. 5; "Unser Vaeter Glaube oder NationalSozialismus," 13 May 1936, p. 6. 167. A.A. Toews, "Was koennen wir tun fuer die r e l i g i o e s e resp. c h r i s t l i c h e Erziehung unserer Kinder, unserer Jugend?", 14 November 1934, p. 5. 168.  "Die neue Heimat," 11 March 1936, pp.  6-7.  169.  H. Thiessen, "Unser Kampf," 8 November 1933, p. 5.  170. See Epp, Mennonite Exodus, p. 319ff. P r a c t i c a l l y a l l became c i t i z e n s within f i v e years of t h e i r a r r i v a l i n Canada.  Russlaender  171. Frank H. Epp, Mennonites i n Canada, 1920-1940 (Toronto: Macmillan of Canada, 1982), p. 242ff. See Introduction; Chapter One note 4; and Chapter Three for more on t h i s . J.B. Toews, a prominent Brethren pastor, leader, and educator who l i v e d through most of the events dealt with i n t h i s paper, f e e l s that i t was the rapid t r a n s i t i o n from German to English which was at the root of the often strong Germanist sentiments i n Canada. "There was a great d i f f e r e n c e " between language t r a n s i t i o n periods of the e a r l i e r and later immigrants. Interview with J.B. Toews, Brethren educator and leader, Winnipeg, Manitoba, 10 June 1989.  pp.  172.  Interview with Herb Brandt;  Interview with J.B. Toews.  173. 2-3.  B. Warkentin,  174.  "Zu, De goadi o l i Tied," 4 J u l y 1934, pp.  175.  "Ungesundes i n der modernen Evangelisationspraxis," 1 May  176.  F.C. Thiessen, "Offener B r i e f , " 12 September 1934, p. 5.  177.  1 March 1933, p. 3.  178.  22 J u l y 1936, p. 3;  "Mennoniten und Verbrechen," 22 February  1933,  3-4. 1935,  p. 4.  18 November 1936, p. 7.  179. Examples of consciousness of t h i s c r i s i s appearing i n the Rundschau include: 30 May 1934, p. 7; J . J . Hildebrand, 29 March 1933, p. 4; H. Janzen, "Deutscher Abend i n Neu-Hamburg, Ontario," 25 March 1936, p. 9.  90 180. Johann D. Jantzen, "Die deutsche Sprache, ihre Erhaltung und Pflege," 19 J u l y 1939, p. 3. 181. J.W. Neufeld, "Schulen und Schulgesetze i n B.C.," 9 May 1934, p. 5. In 1939 the B.C. contingent t o the Canadian Brethren Conference reported a strong " E n g l i s h - n a t i o n a l i s t i c current" i n the schools, and no way of counteracting i t , since teachers of non-English n a t i o n a l i t y weren't allowed to teach. 1939 Mennonite Brethren Northern D i s t r i c t Conference Yearbook (Hillsboro, KS: MB Publishing House) pp. 34-35. 182.  J.P. Classen, "Wehrlos," 9 August 1939, pp. 4-5.  183. G. Lohrenz, "Die Wichtigkeit der Sonntag-Schularbeit," 8 November 1939, p. 4. 184. In response t o the s e r i e s , a schoolteacher concluded: " A l r i g h t then, learn two languages—that should and must remain our s o l u t i o n . " "Leiden des deutschen Schulmeisters," 25 June 1935, pp. 2-3. 185.  J . J . Hildebrand, 19 A p r i l 1933, p. 12.  186. Jak. Thiessen, "Sind wir Mennoniten einander entfremdet?", 17 J u l y 1935, pp. 4-5. 187. J.B.W., 26 A p r i l 1933, p. 4; J.C., 10 May 1933, p. 1; "Nachtrag zum Plautdietsch," 25 J u l y 1934, pp. 4-5. 188.  "Deutscher Geist i n Chaco," 29 A p r i l 1936, p. 7.  189.  J.P. Klassen, "Tag der nationalen Arbeit," 8 May 1935, p. 7.  190.  B.W., "Analyse zum mennonitischen Problem," 4 A p r i l 1934, p. 2.  191. B. Warkentin and J . J . Hildebrand, "Mennostaat", 29 March 1933, pp. 4-6; J . J . Hildebrand, 28 February 1934, pp. 4-5. 192. J . J . Hildebrand, "Unser Problem," 21 June 1933, pp. 2-3; Ibid., "Vereinigung des Mennonitentums," 30 May 1934, pp. 4-5. 193.  "Die mennonitische Predigerversammlung," 20 June 1934, pp. 4-5.  194. J.B.W., 26 A p r i l 1933, p. 4; 23 May 1934, p. 6. This person thought others supported Hildebrand as well; 30 May 1934, p. 7; L.M., "Zu, De goadi o l i Tied," 4 J u l y 1934, pp. 3-4. 195. R.C. Sauer, 3 May 1933, p. 11; Jac. Thiessen, "Ueber d i e Einheit der Mennoniten," 10 October 1934, p. 3. 196.  J.P. Dyck, 30 October 1935, pp. 5-7.  197.  G. Lohrenz, 22 February 1933, p. 3.  91 198.  10 May 1933, pp. 3-5.  199.  10 May 1933, p. 11; C F . Klassen, "Eine B i t t e , " 2 May 1934, p. 7.  200.  30 May 1934, p. 4.  201. Jac. Thiessen, "Wir Mennoniten," 26 A p r i l 1933, pp. 1-2; 10 May 1933, pp. 12-13; J.W. Neufeld, "Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der Mennoniten," 6 June 1934, p. 3. 202.  See Chapter Five.  203. C F . Klassen, "Gegen d i e geistlose Judenhetze," Der Bote, 19 A p r i l 1933, p. 2. 204.  C F . Klassen, "Das war gut," 5 A p r i l 1939, p. 7.  205.  David Toews, "Unsere Probleme fuer 1935," 16 January 1935, p. 5.  206.  David Toews, "Einige Reiseeindruecke," 30 September 1936, pp. 5-6.  207. e.g. J.H. Janzen, 23 August 1933; Ibid., February 1939, p. 7.  "Deutsches," 23  208. F . C Thiessen, "Offener B r i e f , " 12 September 1934, pp. 5-6; "Deutsches Konzert," 12 A p r i l 1936, pp. 6-7. 209.  e.g. 1 March 1933, p. 3;  G.G.K., 4 December 1935, pp. 10-11.  210. C H . Friesen, "Haltet fest an der Muttersprache!", 1 August 1934, p. 2; "Auf dem Wege der P f l i c h t , " 6 November 1935, pp. 6-7; H. Janzen, "Deutscher Abend," 25 March 1936, p. 9. 211.  J . J . Klassen, 28 August 1935, p. 4.  212. An example of an e x p l i c i t connection made between the retention of Mennonite d i s t i n c t i v e s l i k e nonresistance, and Germanism, i s a speech given by D.J. Duerksen a t the B.C. P r o v i n c i a l Immigrant Assembly i n 1935. D.J. Duerksen, "Protokoll," 9 January 1935, p. 9; Ibid., 16 January 1935, p. 9. 213. B.B. Janz, "Bin ich N a t i o n a l - s o z i a l i s t ? 1939, p.4.  Bewahre!", 11 January  214.  J.P. Classen, "Gedanken ueber Gemeindebau," 24 May 1939, p. 9.  215.  J.P. Dyck, "Was i c h b i n , " 1 March 1939, p. 12.  216. C. Martens, 28 June 1939, p. 12; J . J . Kroeker, "Nackte Wirklichkeit," 26 A p r i l 1939, p. 3. 217. 10-13.  10 May 1939, pp. 12-13;  17 May 1939, pp. 12-13;  24 May 1939, pp.  92 218. Johann D. Jantzen, "Die deutsche Sprache, ihre Erhaltung und Pflege," 19 J u l y 1939, p. 3. Speech given a t the B.C. P r o v i n c i a l Immigrant Assembly. 219. "Stecke dein Schwert i n die Scheide," 15 February 1939, p. 4; C H . Friesen, "Die Wehrlosigkeitsprinzip," 12 J u l y 1939, p. 2; J . J . Koop, "Zu dem A r t i k e l 'Wehrlos'," 30 August 1939, pp. 9-10. 220.  These items f i l l e d the Rundschau from 17 May 1939 through 14 June  221.  6 September 1939, p. 7.  222.  "Eine Aufforderung," 20 September 1939, p. 1.  223.  P.P.H. "Es i n t e r e s s i e r t mich," 15 March 1939, p. 7.  1939.  93 CHAPTER THREE Some Comparisons: Germanism i n Der Bote and i n Other Settings during the 1930's  In t h i s chapter a b r i e f look a t the other major immigrant newspaper, Der Bote, w i l l be followed by an analysis of the response of Mennonites countries to National Socialism.  i n other  The German Catholics r e s i d i n g i n St.  Peter's Colony i n Saskatchewan w i l l also be examined as a further point of comparison. Der Immiqranten-Bote began publication i n 1924, to Der Bote i n 1925.  i t s name being shortened  This was p r i m a r i l y a Russian Mennonite  immigrant  newspaper, sponsored i n i t i a l l y by the Central Mennonite Immigrant Committee i n Rosthern, Saskatchewan, where a number of Russlaender had settled.1 e d i t o r , D.H. Epp, was a former "Zentralschule" (Russian Mennonite school) teacher and a General Conference Mennonite.  The  secondary  The paper, while aimed  at a l l the Russian immigrants, appealed more to General Conference Mennonites, eventually becoming the o f f i c i a l GC organ i n 1947.2  The  intention of the paper was t o serve s p e c i f i c immigrant interests and bind the scattered remnants of the Russian colonies closer together.3 Frank H. Epp undertook a quantitative analysis of Germanism content i n Der Bote for the 1930's, and found that over f i v e percent of a l l published space was devoted to Germanism, with 83% favourable and 17% unfavourable.  He  c l a s s i f i e d Germanist contributions i n terms of p o l i t i c a l , c u l t u r a l and ethnic subject matter, finding that 54% of Germanist writings dealt with p o l i t i c a l subjects, 29% the  was c u l t u r a l l y oriented, and 17% dealt with ethnicity.4  p o l i t i c a l Germanism, Epp found that 71% was favourable i n some way  German p o l i t i c a l events, while the balance was unfavourable.5  Of toward  The c u l t u r a l  94 content vas almost completely pro-German, v h i l e the ethnic segments vere 92% pro, and 8% con.  The majority of space devoted to c u l t u r a l Germanism vas  concerned v i t h preservation of the language, a "missionary z e a l " often being evident.6  The importance of the German language for Mennonite r e l i g i o u s  i d e n t i t y i s indicated by the fact that 38% of a l l references to the language used the phrase "German and r e l i g i o n " . 7  In a vord, the German-language  question vas seen by many as a basic e x i s t e n t i a l dilemma for Mennonites.8 Of the 29% unfavourable p o l i t i c a l content, 26% vas contained i n tvo a r t i c l e s e r i e s , according to Epp.  That the opposition vas so narrovly-based  seems questionable, and i n either case vas a t least p a r t l y due to D.H. Epp's e d i t o r i a l p o l i c y (discussed below).  Frank Epp notes that c r i t i c s of  p o l i t i c a l Germanism seemed to f e e l "uneasy" about what they were doing, often making concessions of one type or another to t h e i r opponents.  On the other  hand there were, l i k e i n the Rundschau, defenses of nonresistance, and injunctions for Mennonites to stay out of p o l i t i c s and be l o y a l Canadian citizens.9 Epp counted r e p r i n t s from 15 German-language p e r i o d i c a l s i n Der Bote, and contributions from 21 non-Mennonite, ethnic Germans, including Adolf H i t l e r and Joseph Goebbels.  Many of the press releases for German-oriented  events  in Canada came from the German League, while Bernard Bott, chairman of the German-Canadian Central Committee and editor of Deutsche Zeitunq fuer Kanada. contributed much on c u l t u r a l Germanism.  The German Consul Seelheim a l s o  contributed a r t i c l e s . 1 0 Interestingly, 26% of a l l Mennonite contributions espousing Germanism came from two individuals l i v i n g i n Germany, B.H. Unruh and Walter Quiring.11 Although my study of the Rundschau was not quantitative, the combination of  95 Unruh and Heinrich Schroeder assumed a s i m i l a r proportion of pro-Germanist content i n that p e r i o d i c a l . Schroeder a l s o printed a number of a r t i c l e s i n Der Bote, i f not as many as i n the Rundschau.12  Epp concludes that  The immigrant newspaper was a f a i r l y representative r e f l e c t i o n of the Mennonite immigrant mind, which i n the 1930's was very strong on nurturing and preserving c u l t u r a l Germanism as e s s e n t i a l to the Mennonite way of l i f e , strong...in i t s i d e n t i f i c a t i o n with (ethnic) Germanism, and though ambivalent on the question by and large also sympathetic to the p o l i t i c a l Germanism of the Third Reich.13 While Epp's analysis i s informative and his conclusion seems generally correct, his quantitative method y i e l d s p a r t i a l understanding at best, skews the picture at worst.14  and  A b r i e f i n t e r p r e t i v e look at the Germanist  discussions taking place during 1934-35 w i l l help to put Epp's r e s u l t s into better perspective. A c e n t r a l feature d i s t i n g u i s h i n g Der Bote from the Rundschau during the 1930's i s that Walter Quiring tended to dominate i t s pages, openly challenging Mennonite p r i n c i p l e s l i k e nonresistance,15 espousing Volkish and National S o c i a l i s t ideals,16 and v i c i o u s l y attacking anyone who with him.17  disagreed  Quiring argued that Mennonites were not a separate Volk, rather  they were a segment of the German Volk with a p a r t i c u l a r r e l i g i o u s perspective.  Mennonites, he f e l t , were missing the chance of t h e i r l i v e s by  not a c t i v e l y taking part i n the great r e b i r t h of the German nation; they were s u r e l y going to lose t h e i r "Deutschtum", t h e i r r e l i g i o n , and t h e i r i d e n t i t y as Mennonites because of t h i s neglect.18 Of Russian Mennonite o r i g i n , Quiring had migrated to Germany, r e c e i v i n g h i s doctorate  i n Munich i n 1927.  Besides teaching German h i s t o r y and  geography, he wrote books on Mennonite settlements worked with the DAI  i n South America and  (German Foreign I n s i t i t u t e — a n organization which came  under Nazi control and which d i s t r i b u t e d p r i m a r i l y c u l t u r a l propaganda to  96 Germans i n foreign countries).  He eventually served as a s o l d i e r i n the  German army, becoming highly decorated and r i s i n g to the rank of Lieutenant in the Nazi Propaganda Corps.19  Epp counts 45 separate e n t r i e s by Quiring i n  Der Bote during the 1930's, which works out t o about one a r t i c l e for every ten issues published throughout the decade.20 While a t least one other individual besides Heinrich Schroeder challenged nonresistance,21  there was a s i g n i f i c a n t negative response to Quiring and h i s  ideas, i n contradiction t o the impression given by Epp's a n a l y s i s .  For one  thing, a t least two individuals protested, during the heated debates of 193435, that Quiring's views were not the least b i t representative for North American Mennonites.22  Two others implored Canadian Mennonite leaders to  j o i n the debate: important "outsiders".23  issues were being discussed p r i m a r i l y by  Another contributor stated that "I and many others would  appreciate i t i f Dr. Quiring would keep h i s ideas to himself."24  One person  took issue with Quiring's Germanism, arguing that i t was "worldly" and thus d i f f e r e n t than true Mennonitism,25 and B.B. Janz openly challenged Quiring's " f a n a t i c a l , one-sided and scornful attitude."26  P r i v a t e l y , Quiring made  contact with Janz and acknowledged Janz's leading p o s i t i o n among Mennonites. He argued that Mennonites, now scattered a l l over the world, were safer from unhealthy influences i f they rooted themselves i n t h e i r German "Volkstum". Janz r e p l i e d that Mennonites needed to be rooted i n the Gospel.27 Jacob H. Janzen, prominent GC leader and Germanist himself, f i r s t gently upbraided Quiring for h i s National S o c i a l i s t views,28 but eventually became frustrated and answered Schroeder and Quiring's d i a t r i b e s with one of h i s own. He made a strong d i s t i n c t i o n between c u l t u r a l and p o l i t i c a l Germanism, asserting that Mennonites were c u l t u r a l Germans only.  As well, "We a l l  97 f i r m l y believe that H i t l e r i s the r i g h t man  for Germany, but we are becoming  troubled by the way people are d i v i n i z i n g him."  Further, Nazism was a  v i o l e n t movement which appealed to mass i n s t i n c t s ; and behind Quiring's writings stood the " N a z i - f i s t " challenging the reader to disagree with him.29 Other contributors made the same d i s t i n c t i o n between p o l i t i c a l and c u l t u r a l Germanism, and between wishing Germany well and bowing down to the a l t a r of National Socialism.30 F i n a l l y , i t should be noted that other prominent Mennonites l i k e the h i s t o r i a n Cornelius Krahn and eastern Old Mennonite leader John Horsch joined the many voices r e j e c t i n g m i l i t a n t Germanism and the renunciation of nonresistance.31  Most of the individuals writing i n favour of nonresistance  in 1934-35 d i d i t i n the context of the f i e r c e Germanism debates then taking place, which were instigated primarily by Quiring, and thus were responding negatively to the m i l i t a n t Germanism advanced by Quiring, whether i t was mentioned or not.  This i s not to say that defenses of the p r i n c i p l e had no .  relevance to the Canadian context, i . e . to young Mennonite men Canadian army in the event of war. f e e l i n g be underestimated.  Nor should the depth of  j o i n i n g the  pro-Germanist  I t must be asserted, however, that there was a  s i g n i f i c a n t negative reaction to some of the more m i l i t a n t views coming out of Nazi Germany. Der Bote editor D.H.  Epp was p a r t l y responsible for the ambivalent tenor  of the paper on these questions.  He printed two of B.B. Janz's e a r l y  rebuttals of the m i l i t a n t Germanists,32 but balked at running the "Wherefrom and Whereto" s e r i e s .  He was uncomfortable with the e a r l y sections, which  were c r i t i c a l of the T h i r d Reich, m i l i t a n t Germanism, and attempts to make Mennonites into r a c i a l Germans.  His main argument was that such utterances  98 would impair the chances of German f i n a n c i a l a i d for the Paraguayan colonies, in the same way that the Mennonite renunciation of German roots i n the F i r s t World War period had hindered B.H. Unruh's attempts to canvas support among Germans for the refugees who had gathered i n Moscow i n 1929.  Epp also  expressed unease a t the prospect of the s e r i e s appearing i n the Rundschau.33 When Janz a n g r i l y demanded the a r t i c l e back, Epp gave further indication of the source of h i s hesitancy: " I f I defend Germanism, i t ' s because I am u t t e r l y convinced that we are Germans, not Dutch, and I myself am a German." He himself supported the p r i n c i p l e of nonresistance, but had allowed i t to be debated along with Germanism i n Der Bote to see where the congregations stood. "You would be amazed, i f you were to read a l l the private l e t t e r s I receive on these two themes.  You don't get o f f easy."  The "Wherefrom and  Whereto" s e r i e s , then running in the Rundschau, had also brought a number of l e t t e r s : "Up to now  I haven't received one p o s i t i v e response."34  While t h i s may have been the immediate case, i n general the evidence suggests that Epp's personal i n c l i n a t i o n s and the f r i c t i o n with Janz may have clouded his view of the larger Canadian Mennonite picture. only Brethren denied a r e p l y to Quiring and Schroeder.  Janz was not the  In a lengthy a r t i c l e  appearing in the Rundschau i n A p r i l of 1936, a Brethren from Coaldale, Alberta complained  b i t t e r l y that Der Bote "had made i t clear from the  beginning" that i t wouldn't publish r e p l i e s to c e r t a i n a r t i c l e s by Quiring and Schroeder, and thus he had been forced to r e p l y i n the Rundschau to a r t i c l e s printed i n Der Bote.  Amidst various c r i t i q u e s and h i s t o r i c a l  corrections, the writer blasted "those gentlemen from a f a r " for recommending Mennonites give up their p r i n c i p l e s and Dutch heritage: "No, gentlemen, our foundation i s C h r i s t and only C h r i s t — a n d not Deutschtum, not Myths ( l e t ' s  99 say paganism)."35 D.H. Epp's personal story, which i s a l s o the story of many others, helps to put h i s ambivalence into perspective.  He had learned to love German  l i t e r a t u r e as a student i n Russia, and had participated i n the c u l t u r a l and i n t e l l e c t u a l "Aufschwung" (upswing) which took place i n the Mennonite colonies a f t e r 1895, as a we11-respected teacher i n the Chortitza Zentralschule.  He taught, among other things, German and Russian, and  experienced the excesses wrought i n the name of "freedom, e q u a l i t y and brotherliness" by the "uneducated" Russian peasantry during the Bolshevik Revolution.36  Although he found i t very hard t o leave the remnants of the  Russian Mennonite i d y l l , he simply could no longer accept the Russian nation and people.  Once i n Rosthern, Epp started the newspaper not only as a way t o  make a l i v i n g , but a l s o to bind Mennonites together and r e t a i n the German language "at a l l costs", since "so many of the c u l t u r a l goods brought along from Russia were intimately linked" to it.37  His f a i t h was the " h o l i e s t " of  goods he brought with him, and thus was a l s o linked to h i s German past.38 Epp was active i n the Central Mennonite Immigrant Committee's "Cultural Section", and remained widely respected and loved as the teacher of many of the leading Russian Mennonite men.39  Epp's love for German culture, h i s  p o s i t i v e experience i n the Russian colonies and h i s a f f e c t i o n for h i s people combined to shape h i s attitude of intolerance toward those who challenged Germanism. Epp's strong p o s i t i o n on the Germanism question was born out of a strong sense of loss, which was shared by other Mennonite i n t e l l e c t u a l s .  Students  of Russian-Mennonite l i t e r a t u r e have shown that the experience of loss and homelessness connected with the Bolshevik Revolution was the impetus for the  100 emergence of the genre a f t e r the F i r s t World War, and gave i t i t s character and unity.  Some of the writers expressed pro-German views of one sort or  another (e.g. Arnold Dyck, Jacob H. Janzen, F r i t z Senn), and t h i s has been seen as part of the longing for a homeland.40  Some writers even t r a v e l l e d t o  Germany, either before or a f t e r the Second World War, but none found their homeland there, further confirming the notion that German nationalism was never r e a l l y an "option" for Canadian Mennonites.41 In a study of the American Mennonite encounter with National Socialism, John Thiesen concluded that there i s " l i t t l e evidence" that American Mennonites were attracted to the movement i n any substantial way.42  There  was, however, debate on the issue i n both General Conference p e r i o d i c a l s , the C h r i s t l i c h e r Bundesbote and The Mennonite.  The Bundesbote, which served  Russian Mennonite immigrants from the 1870's migration, expressed pro-Nazi leanings u n t i l 1937 when the editor became c r i t i c a l of Nazi treatment of Jews and the Confessing Church.  At about t h i s time the English-language The  Mennonite turned from a c r i t i c a l to an approving stance toward the Nazi regime, due to a new editor who was the "foremost Nazi sympathizer among Kansas Mennonites."43  The C h r i s t i a n fundamentalist Gerald Winrod, known as  an anti-semite and Nazi sympathizer through h i s v i r u l e n t publication The Defender, was widely supported by mid-western Russian Mennonites (1870's migration).  In general, American-born Mennonites were c r i t i c a l of Nazism,  while foreign-born individuals were more p o s i t i v e , e s p e c i a l l y i f they had some connection to the Russian settlement and i t s t r i b u l a t i o n s i n the F i r s t World War period and a f t e r . The Mennonites who migrated to Paraguay i n 1929-31 expressed the strongest pro-Nazism and -Germanism of a l l Russian Mennonite emigrants.  The  101 majority of these individuals, who s e t t l e d p r i m a r i l y i n the Fernheim and F r i e s l a n d colonies, embraced National Socialism i n one way or another before 1939.44  A t o t a l of 188 of Fernheim's approximately 2000 inhabitants45 signed  p e t i t i o n s for German c i t i z e n s h i p and p a t r i a t i o n ; given the fact that most of these individuals were heads of the t y p i c a l l y large Mennonite households, i t seems clear that a s i g n i f i c a n t proportion of the c o l o n i s t s , perhaps a majority, s e r i o u s l y considered migration to Germany.46  H i t l e r ' s picture was  posted i n the colony's main h a l l , and the high-school came under the influence of ardent Nazi sympathizers.  A number of "the most able  p e r s o n a l i t i e s of the colony" were behind the Volkish movement, as the s p i r i t of National Socialism inspired the colony economically, s o c i a l l y , and culturally.47 The movement appears to have been limited to Mennonites from Russia, and d i d not s i g n i f i c a n t l y penetrate the Menno colony, which was begun by conservative Mennonites f l e e i n g Canadianization of the schools i n the e a r l y 1920's.  The Volkish movement i n Fernheim was part and parcel of the f l i g h t  from communism, the German nation's "rescue" and resettlement a i d , and thus the grounding of the colony i t s e l f .  Hard pioneer conditions and the longing  for national and c u l t u r a l s e c u r i t y i n the empty Paraguayan Chaco contributed to the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n with Nazi Germany.48  The great success of the Nazi  movement i n Germany, i t s appeal to Mennonites' C h r i s t i a n and communal s e n s i b i l i t i e s , and the p o l i t i c a l naivete of the unsuspecting Mennonites further added to the wholesale acceptance of National S o c i a l i s t ideals.49 The young people, e s p e c i a l l y , seem to have been captured by the idealism of the movement, embodied i n the person of F r i t z Kliewer, a highly capable highschool teacher and leader of the colony's Volkish movement.50  102 Kliewer, who was a member of the Mennonite Brethren Church u n t i l  1947,  c l e a r l y f e l t that Mennonite "confessional b a r r i e r s " hindered f e l l o w - f e e l i n g for other "Volks-Germans".51  Evidence  indicates that opposition to the  Volkish movement i n Fernheim came p r i m a r i l y from the Brethren, and that Kliewer's a c t i v i t i e s brought about sharp d i v i s i o n s among the Fernheim Brethren.52  Opposition to the movement began to emerge around 1935, and  centred on the d e s i r e to r e t a i n the p r i n c i p l e of nonresistance.53  was  It  remained small u n t i l 1939; thereafter, although the war sparked great expectation and excitement, the opposition grew, and by 1944 there were open d i v i s i o n s i n the colony, with the leaders of the Volkish movement being eventually forced out of the colony, i n a rather ugly incident.54 The foregoing i s a s t r i k i n g example of the potential extent of Russian Mennonite immigrant involvement conditions.  i n the Nazi movement, given the r i g h t  That they emigrated from Russia under conditions of extreme  duress, and were aided by Germany i n the migration and resettlement, were c r u c i a l elements i n t h e i r fervor for Nazi Germany.  Individuals from t h i s  migration who were allowed into Canada evidenced the same degree of support for H i t l e r and the "new  Germany".55  The t o t a l i s o l a t i o n and  extremely  d i f f i c u l t conditions in the e a r l y years coincided with Germany's meteoric recovery under H i t l e r , and were a l s o key factors i n the wholesale appropriation of the Volkish ideology by the s e t t l e r s .  F r i t z Kliewer himself  emphasized the hardships and impending d i s i n t e g r a t i o n of the colonies i n a 1937 a r t i c l e ; 5 6 the Nazi-Volkish movement, as i t d i d to a lesser degree i n Canada, became a glue which helped to bind Mennonites together and  inspire  them toward achieving t h e i r goals of s u r v i v a l and the perpuation of t h e i r of  l i f e as an ethno-religious Volk.  When t h i s movement threatened the  way  103 d o c t r i n a l i n t e g r i t y of the group, i . e . the p r i n c i p l e of nonresistance, there was a negative reaction which eventuated the r e j e c t i o n of the ideology.  imported  Thus the Paraguayan experience p a r a l l e l e d the Canadian one i n most  respects, i f i n a much more extreme and thoroughgoing manner. That Paraguayan Mennonites s e r i o u s l y considered migration to Germany does not mean that they wanted to give up t h e i r status as Mennonites.  The desire  to go to Germany must be seen as a d i r e c t response to the d i f f i c u l t conditions i n Paraguay and the perceived a f f i n i t i e s between the "new and Mennonitism.  Heinrich Schroeder's  Germany"  idea of a Nazi-Mennonite colony i n  Germany ( " F r i e s e n h e i l " — s e e Chapter Two)  indicates that even the most extreme  proponents of Nazism f e l t that Mennonites belonged the hardships facing the Paraguayan c o l o n i s t s ,  together.  In o u t l i n i n g  F r i t z Kliewer wrote:  "At  times i t seemed as though the entire colony would break up, but ever and again the strong sense of s o l i d a r i t y saved the colony from the danger threatened by the c e n t r i f u g a l forces."57  Thus even though Kliewer, who  had  drunk deeply at the well of National Socialism while studying i n Germany, and who  f e l t that Mennonites had much i n common with other Volks-Germans, saw  Mennonite " s o l i d a r i t y " as a p o s i t i v e good which helped to prevent the "danger" of the breakup of the colonies. In a recent study of Mennonites l i v i n g i n Germany during the Third Reich, James L i c h t i found that although there was general support for H i t l e r and National Socialism, l o y a l t y to the state was not unconditional, and prominent Mennonites distanced themselves from the "German-Christian" i t s extreme racism.  movement, with  The German Mennonites had previously given up the  p r i n c i p l e of nonresistance, and had e s s e n t i a l l y l o s t the more d i s t i n c t i v e aspects of t h e i r i d e n t i t y .  Support for the Third Reich was tempered by an  104 insistence upon Mennonite i n s t i t u t i o n a l independence, on the other hand, which was a carryover from t h e i r more sectarian past. strong source of support  Anti-Bolshevism  was a  for National Socialism, as German Mennonites  i d e n t i f i e d with t h e i r Russian cousins and feared a communist takeover of Germany.58  H i t l e r ' s agrarian reforms were a l s o well-received by the  p r i m a r i l y land-based Mennonites:  one i n d i v i d u a l remembers a s p e c i a l church  service held to thank God for sending H i t l e r , i n which a formation of SA (Nazi storm-troopers) paraded into the church i n f u l l uniform and carrying banners, along with a detachment of H i t l e r Youth.59  There seems to have been  s i g n i f i c a n t Nazi-party membership among some Mennonites.60 L i c h t i concludes that the German Mennonite response to Nazism was not so much due to the abandonment of p r i n c i p l e s such as nonresistance, as t o the more general process of a s s i m i l a t i o n and the appropriation of mainstream German r e l i g i o u s and s o c i a l values.61  C l e a r l y , the abandonment of the  p r i n c i p l e of nonresistance would have been a part of t h i s d i a l e c t i c a l process.  Others have argued persuasively that acceptance by Mennonites of  m i l i t a r y service a f t e r the Franco-Prussian  War "represented a basic  reorientation of values" which l e f t l i t t l e basis for a c r i t i c a l stance toward National  Socialism.62  In a cursory comparison of the Mennonitische Rundschau to the GermanMennonite Gemeindeblatt. Lothar Fromm found that the German p e r i o d i c a l exhibited a more cautious and "evangelical" a t t i t u d e toward Nazism than d i d the Rundschau.  This may have been due i n part to the f i r m l y cautious  p o s i t i o n of the German p e r i o d i c a l ' s e d i t o r , i n contrast to Rundschau editor H.H. Neufeld, who Fromm feels to have exhibited a much looser, open policy.63 It i s s i g n i f i c a n t that German Mennonites, who had l a r g e l y become acculturated  105 i f not f u l l y assimilated into German society, expressed reservations about Nazism; with some Mennonites wholeheartedly j o i n i n g i t s ranks, and  the  movement posing a threat to Mennonite i n s t i t u t i o n s , i t i s understandable that some unease would have been present. t h e i r German counterparts  The Canadian Mennonites d i f f e r e d from  i n that they had personally suffered at the hands  of the communists, and they were farther away from the actual apparatus of National Socialism, a f f o r d i n g them a v i c a r i o u s p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the movement without any of the costs.  S t i l l , the fact remains that s i g n i f i c a n t  opposition to m i l i t a n t Germanism and National Socialism d i d emerge i n the Canadian context. The experience of German Catholics of St. Peter's Colony i n Saskatchewan provides another point of reference for Canadian Mennonite Germanism.  In the  f i r s t decade of t h i s century, German Catholics from the United States s e t t l e d in an area east of Saskatoon which comprised 50 townships, under the guidance of Benedictine p r i e s t s from Minnesota.  St. Peter's>Colony was  s o l i d l y closed German Catholic community" i n Canada.64  "the most  Many of these  s e t t l e r s had originated i n Russia, and they joined other Russian-Germans had been migrating to the Canadian p r a i r i e s from the 1880's onward.65 German Catholics who  who  The  had resided i n the United States had been part of a  larger midwestern German Catholic community that had developed a sense of the importance of the German i d e n t i t y i n preserving Catholicism.66  The  original  purpose of the migration, besides the quest for land, had been to form a homogeneous community which would protect against loss of the t r a d i t i o n a l language and religion.67 and  In Russia, on the other hand, the German culture  i d e n t i t y had been i n decline among Lutheran and Catholic c o l o n i s t s  there.68  106 By the e a r l y 1930's, the colony counted over 11,000 inhabitants, i n a community structure which d i f f e r e d l i t t l e from the p r e v a i l i n g p r a i r i e pattern of scattered homesteads.69  During t h i s decade the colony's p e r i o d i c a l , the  St. Peter's Bote, expressed anti-Nazi sentiments.  This was l a r g e l y due t o  concern over H i t l e r ' s treatment of Catholics i n Germany, and of the r e l i g i o u s challenge represented  by the "new heathenism" of the Volkish movement.70  The  colony had been declared an "abbacy n u l l i u s " i n 1921, receiving status as a Bishopric d i r e c t l y responsible t o the pope.  Thus any i n c i p i e n t German  nationalism was tempered by a d i r e c t r e l a t i o n s h i p with the Pope, and a long sojourn outside of Germany.71  Less than 10,000 Russian-Germans migrated t o  the p r a i r i e s during the 1920's, and they tended to scatter and urbanize, having l i t t l e e f f e c t on the o v e r a l l shape of communities l i k e St. Peter's.72 Prior to the F i r s t World War, the colony had boasted the strongest concentration of private German schools among German Canadians. war,  After the  most such schools were eventually dissolved, and English-language  public schools were "peacefully accepted".73  C A . Dawson concluded i n the  1930's that these German Catholics were "far more tolerant", towards English culture than the Mennonites;74  the general consensus among scholars i s that  they were f a i r l y i n d i v i d u a l i s t i c , and became acculturated and assimilated to Canadian s o c i e t y quite rapidly.75  In a comparative study, Alan Anderson  found that German Catholics were the l e a s t conservative,  i n terms of ethnic  i d e n t i t y , of nine ethnic groups who had s e t t l e d i n Saskatchewan.76  There was  a resurgence of German c u l t u r a l a c t i v i t i e s i n the interwar period, but these were generally weak and i n e f f e c t i v e .  While the r e l i g i o u s leaders were  i n i t i a l l y the main proponents of the German language, within one generation they had become the strongest supporters  of the adoption of English.77  107 The Russian Mennonites had always displayed superior organization, e f f i c i e n c y and sense of common purpose than t h e i r German-speaking neighbors, evident most c l e a r l y i n the fact that they led the way out of Russia i n both the 1870's and 1920's.78  Their b i b l i c i s t f a i t h , and ongoing attempts t o  become a "true people of God", had given r i s e to a cohesive, p a r t i c u l a r i s t i c community with both ethnic and r e l i g i o u s sanctions for perpetuating i t s way of l i f e .  The sudden breakup of the highly successful and integrated Russian  community, coupled with the lack of a genuinely u n i v e r s a l i s t i c church orientation, such as Catholics have, l a i d Mennonites wide open to expanding t h e i r concept of group i d e n t i t y beyond language and culture to include n a t i o n a l i s t i c and r a c i a l i s t - V o l k i s h aspects. I t has been the e s s e n t i a l argument of the foregoing chapters that a l l these forms of i d e n t i f i c a t i o n had more to do with the s p e c i f i c Russian Mennonite experience, and the perpetuation of Russian Mennonite i d e n t i t y , than with the aims and ideals of the Third Reich.  There were c l e a r l y other  factors a t work, as w e l l , including the "cognitive dissonance" created by the gap between Mennonite b e l i e f s and the success of their persecutors, the "godless communists".  The desire for a homeland t o replace the one which  Mennonites had just l o s t a l s o contributed t o pro-German f e e l i n g , since many Russlaender s e t t l i n g i n Canada i n i t i a l l y f e l t closer to Germany, for various reasons, than they d i d to Canada.  But there was opposition to m i l i t a n t  Germanism, and the p r i n c i p l e of nonresistance was the most important factor in t h i s ; as such, i t displays the c e n t r a l r o l e of that tenet of the f a i t h , and r e l i g i o u s or i d e o l o g i c a l factors i n general, i n conditioning Mennonite identity. The Canadian Brethren, with t h e i r p i e t i s t i c and e v a n g e l i s t i c emphases,  108 strong church d i s c i p l i n e , conservative d o c t r i n a l stance, and close r e l a t i o n ship with t h e i r American counterparts, constituted perhaps the most v i s i b l e bloc of opposition t o m i l i t a n t Germanism.  The leadership of B.B. Janz was  the single most important factor i n t h i s .  Otherwise, they were sympathetic  to many of the Volkish and Nazi currents of the 1930's.  A l i n g u i s t i c and  c u l t u r a l Germanism would continue t o play an important r o l e i n maintaining Brethren i d e n t i t y i n the postwar period, as the battle to preserve the socior e l i g i o u s i n t e g r i t y of the Brethren fellowship went on.  109 NOTES, CHAPTER THREE 1. Alan Anderson estimates that 3,000 of the recent immigrants s e t t l e d in the Rosthern area. Alan B. Anderson, "Assimilation i n the Bloc Settlements of North-Central Saskatchewan: A Comparative Study of Identity Change Among Seven Ethno-Religious Groups i n a Canadian P r a i r i e Region," (Ph.D. d i s s e r t a t i o n , University of Saskatchewan, 1972), p. 72. 1  2. Frank H. Epp, "An Analysis of Germanism and National Socialism in the Immigrant Newspaper of a Canadian Minority Group, the Mennonites, i n the 1930's," (Ph.d. d i s s e r t a t i o n , University of Manitoba, 1965), p. 208, 310. 3. Abram Berg, D i e t r i c h Heinrich Epp House of P r i n t i n g , 1973), p. 45.  r  1875-1955. (Saskatoon: Heese  4.  Epp, "An Analysis of Germanism and National Socialism," pp. 60-62.  5.  Ibid., p. 116.  6.  Ibid., pp. 75, 103.  7.  Ibid., p. 85.  8.  Ibid., pp. 87-88.  9.  Ibid., pp. 150-60.  10.  Ibid., pp. 189-98.  11.  Ibid., p. 224.  12. Schroeder was published at least 12 times i n the Rundschau during the 1933-36 period alone; t h i s was the t o t a l number of a r t i c l e s he published in Der Bote for a l l of the 1930's, according to Epp. Ibid., p. 220. 13.  Ibid., p. 291.  14. For example, the fact that f i v e percent of a l l column space was devoted to Germanism does not indicate the degree of interest with which these items were read. As well, the pro and contra s t a t i s t i c s measure longwindedness, but not the stature of the person writing. The quantitative method i s a l s o i n s e n s i t i v e to how c e r t a i n terms i n the context of a discourse may cross neat c a t e g o r i c a l boundaries, e.g. a Mennonite writing i n favour of nonresistance may be r e j e c t i n g p o l i t i c a l Germanism without ever mentioning i t . My reading of the paper indicates a stronger r e j e c t i o n of p o l i t i c a l Germanism than Epp's study implies. 15. Walter Quiring, "Kampf oder Friedhofsruhe?", Der Bote, 21 November 1934, p. 2; "Bankrott der Wehrlosigkeit?", 5 December 1934, p. 2; "Wehrlosigkeit a l s Wuenschbild?", 20 February 1935, pp. 1-2. Hereafter, obvious references to Der Bote w i l l not c i t e the newspaper's t i t l e .  110 16. Walter Quiring, "Der deutsche Gruss," 24 October 1934; 13 June 1934, p. 1. 17. Walter Quiring, "Im fremden Schlepptau," 5 September 1934, p. 3; "Warum Schlaegst du deinen Naechsten?", 31 October 1944, pp. 2-3. 18.  Walter Quiring, "Mennonitisches 'Volk'?", 23 May 1934, p. 2.  19. Meir Buchsweiler, Volksdeutsche i n der Ukraine am Vorabend und Beginn des zveiten W e l t k r i e g s — e i n F a l l Doppelter Loyalitaet?, (Gerlingen: Bleicher Verlag, 1984), p. 93. 20.  Epp, "An Analysis of Germanism and National Socialism,"  21.  "Wehrlosigkeit auf Kruecken," 22 August 1934, p. 2.  p. 220b.  22. John Horsch, "1st unsere Wehrlosigkeit preiszugeben?", 6 March 1935, p. 1; "Stumme Wacht," 26 June 1935, p. 1. 23. W.K.W., "Unsere Volkshochschule," 14 November 1934, p. 3; J . Friesen, "Widerspruch a l s P f l i c h t , " 28 August 1935, pp. 2-3. 24.  F., "Zur Volkshochschule," 9 January 1935, p. 4.  25.  4 J u l y 1934, pp. 1-2.  26. B.B. Janz, "Warum schlaegst du Deinen Naechsten?", 19 September 1934, pp. 2-3. 27. Letters of January 28, 1935, and February 13, 1935. B.B. Janz C o l l e c t i o n , Centre for Mennonite Brethren Studies (CMBS), Winnipeg, Box 7, Folder 97. 28.  J.H. Janzen, "Ein Bekenntnis," 7 November 1934, p. 2.  29.  J.H. Janzen, 30 November 1925, pp. 2-3.  30. "Zu 'Kampf Oder Friedhofsruhe'", 5 December 1934, pp. 2-3; "Dem Fragesteller i n Nr. 50," 2 January 1935, pp. 3-4.  Ill 31. Cornelius Krahn, "Menno Simons' Kampf fuer d i e Reinheit des Wortes Gottes," 20 February 1935, p. 1; Also "Noch einmal: mennonitisches Volkstum," 27 March 1935, p. 1; John Horsch, "Menno Simons ueber d i e Gottheit C h r i s t i , " 9 January 1935, p. 1; Also, "1st Unsere Wehrlosigkeit preiszugeben?", 6 March 1935, p. 1; Other a r t i c l e s defending nonresistance and either i m p l i c i t l y or e x p l i c i t l y r e j e c t i n g m i l i t a n t Germanism include: "Um hohen P r e i s , " 27 June 1934, pp. 2-3; "Wehrlosigkeit," 17 October 1934, p. 3; "Zu *Kampf oder Friedhofsruhe?'," 5 December 1934, pp. 2-3; Johann Rempel, "Die Wehrlosigkeit aufgeben?", 20 March 1935, p. 1; J . Epp, "Ein mennonitisches Irrtum," 3 A p r i l 1935, p. 1; P.P. Dyck, "Wehrlosigkeit", 15 May 1935, p. 1; "Unser Deutschtum," 15 May 1935, p. 1; J . J . Klassen, "Die b i b l i s c h e Begruendung der Wehrlosigkeit und ihre Durchfuehrung im Leben," 21 August 1935, p. 1. 32. B.B. Janz, "Die Herkunft der Mennoniten Russlands," 12 December 1934, pp. 1-2; Ibid., "Kommt Menno Simons unter d i e National-Sozialisten?", 26 December 1934, p. 1. 33. Letter of March 30, 1935. 7 Folder 97. 34. Letter of May 6, 1935. Folder 97.  B.B. Janz C o l l e c t i o n , CMBS Winnipeg, Box  B.B. Janz C o l l e c t i o n , CMBS Winnipeg, Box 7  35. H. Kornelsen, "Es war doch anders," Mennonitische Rundschau, 8 A p r i l 1936, p. 5. 36.  Berg, D.H. Epp. pp. 6-27.  37.  Ibid., p. 39.  38.  Ibid., p. 45.  39.  Ibid., pp. 68-76.  40. Harry Loewen, "Canadian Mennonite L i t e r a t u r e : Longing f o r a Lost Homeland," i n Walter E. Riedel, ed., The Old World and the New: L i t e r a r y Perspectives of German-speaking Canadians (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1984); Victor Doerksen, "Post-War Developments In Canadian Mennonite L i t e r a t u r e , " unpublished paper on f i l e a t the Centre for Mennonite Brethren Studies (CMBS), Winnipeg, Box 17, Folder F, no. 1. 41.  Doerksen, "Post-War Developments," p. 10.  42. John D. Thiesen, "The American Mennonite Encounter with National Socialism," unpublished paper for History 615, Wichita State University, F a l l 1987, i n my personal possession, p. 57. 43.  Thiesen, "The American Mennonite Encounter," p. 19.  112 44. Gerhard R a t z l a f f , "An H i s t o r i c a l - P o l i t i c a l Study of the Mennonites i n Paraguay," (M.A. t h e s i s , C a l i f o r n i a State University, Fresno, 1974), p. 156. 45. Fernheim's population reached a high of 2147 i n 1937 before dipping down to 1330 thereafter, due to the migration to east Paraguay and the F r i e s l a n d colony. Winfield Fretz, Pilgrims i n Paraguay (Scottdale, PA: Herald Press, 1953), p. 28. 46.  R a t z l a f f , "An H i s t o r i c a l - P o l i t i c a l Study," pp. 185-87.  47.  Ibid., p. 172.  48. See F r i t z Kliewer, "The Mennonites of Paraguay," Mennonite Quarterly Review IX (January 1937):92-97, for a discussion by a leading Nazi sympathizer i n the colony of the threat of d i s i n t e g r a t i o n because of the tough conditions. 49.  R a t z l a f f , "An H i s t o r i c a l - P o l i t i c a l Study", pp. 152, 219-220.  50.  R a t z l a f f , "An H i s t o r i c a l - P o l i t i c a l Study," p. 221.  51. F r i t z Kliewer, Die Deutsche Volksgruppe i n Paraguay: Eine siedlungsgeschichtliche. volkskuendliche und v o l k s p o l i t i s c h e Untersuchung (Hamburg: Hans C h r i s t i a n Verlag, 1941), p. 163. 52. Heinrich Schroeder, "Was geht im Chaco vor?" Der Bote. 30 October 1935, pp. 2-3; R a t z l a f f , "An H i s t o r i c a l - P o l i t i c a l Study," pp. 179-82; John B. Toews, With Courage to Spare: The L i f e of B.B. Janz (1877-1964) (Winnipeg: The C h r i s t i a n Press, 1978), pp. 120-25; Letter from F r i t z Kliewer to the leader of the Fernheim Mennonite Brethren congregation, 1 November 1950, B.B. Janz c o l l e c t i o n , Box 7, 1950 folder, CMBS Winnipeg. 53. Toews, With Courage to Spare, p. 123; P o l i t i c a l Study," pp. 174-75.  R a t z l a f f , "An  Historical-  54. R a t z l a f f , "An H i s t o r i c a l - P o l i t i c a l Study," pp. 179-99; Courage to Spare, pp. 120-21.  Toews, With  55. Interview with Anne Funk, s o c i a l worker, Vancouver, B.C., May 6, 1990. Ms. Funk came to Canada with her family i n t h i s l a s t , desperate migration, and r e c a l l s that her family, e s p e c i a l l y her father, was "very proH i t l e r " u n t i l the end of the Second World War. They were part of a program i n which they were put into contact with a person l i v i n g i n Germany, who sent them a l l manner of reading materials, including Nazi propaganda. 56.  Kliewer, "The Mennonites of Paraguay," pp. 92-97.  57." Ibid., p. 94.  113 58. James I. L i c h t i , "Religious Identity vs. 'Aryan" Identity: German Mennonites and Hutterites Under the Third Reich," (M.A. thesis, San Francisco State University, 1989), pp. 107-26. 59. Interview with Erwin Cornelsen, r e t i r e d pastor, Vancouver, B.C., November 14, 1989. L i c h t i cautions against sweeping generalizations about the e f f e c t of Nazi land p o l i c y on Mennonite support for the regime, pointing out that there were reasons for discontent among farmers as w e l l . L i c h t i , "Religious Identity vs. 'Aryan' Identity," pp. 120-23. However, i t seems clear that the perception that H i t l e r was going to save the farmers was f a i r l y widespread among Mennonites, e s p e c i a l l y i n the beginning of h i s tenure. 60. The largest North-German congregation reportedly had a membership rate over ten times the national average. L i c h t i , "Religious Identity vs. 'Aryan' Identity," pp. 125-26. Figures for the more r u r a l , p i e t i s t i c a l l y i n c l i n e d southern Mennonites were undoubtedly much lower. 61.  Ibid., pp. 170-72.  62. John Friesen, "The Relationship of Prussian Mennonites to German Nationalism," i n Harry Loewen, ed., Mennonite Images: H i s t o r i c a l . C u l t u r a l and L i t e r a r y Essays Dealing with Mennonite Issues (Winnipeg: Hyperion Press Limited, 1980), p. 61ff. 63. Lothar Fromm, "Nazistische Einfluesse i n mennonitischen Z e i t s c h r i f t e n , " 1961, unpublished paper on f i l e a t the Mennonite H i s t o r i c a l Library, Goshen, Indiana. 64. Edmund Heier, "A Study of the German Lutheran and Catholic Immigrants i n Canada, Formerly Residing i n T z a r i s t and Soviet Russia," (M.A. t h e s i s , University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1955), p. 144. 65. Ibid., pp. 103-11; C A . Dawson, Group Settlement: Ethnic Communities i n Western Canada (Toronto: The Macmillan Co., 1936; reprinted 1974, Kraus Reprint Co.), pp. 275-76. 66. Robert Leckie, American and Catholic (Garden C i t y , New Doubleday & Company, Inc., 1970), pp. 218-26.  York:  67. Bede Hubbard, "St. Peter's: A German-American marriage of monastary and colony," i n Benjamin G. S m i l l i e , ed., Visions of The New Jerusalem: Religious settlement on the P r a i r i e s (Edmonton: NeWest Press, 1983), p. 156; Dawson, Group Settlement, p. 278; Heier, "German Lutheran and Catholic Immigrants," pp. 144-45. 68.  Heier, "German Lutheran and Catholic Immigrants," p. 185.  69.  Dawson, Group Settlement, p. 298;  279.  114 70. Jonathan F. Wagner, Brothers Beyond the Sea: National Socialism i n Canada (Waterloo: Wilfred Laurier Press, 1981), p. 129; Watson Kirkconnell, Canada. Europe and H i t l e r (Toronto: Oxford University Press, 1939), pp. 133-34. 71. Dawson notes that the u n i v e r s a l i t y of the Catholic Church a l s o mitigated Germanism, through German Catholic interaction with other Catholics l i k e the French. Dawson, Group Settlement, p. 320. 72.  Heier, "German Lutheran and Catholic Immigrants," p. 120-22.  73.  Ibid., p. 171ff.  74.  Dawson, Group Settlement, p. 291.  75. Hubbard, "St. Peter's," pp. 156-57; Heier, "German Lutheran and Catholic Immigrants," p. 185 and passim; Dawson, Group Settlement, pp. 291323; 136. 76. Anderson, "Assimilation i n the Bloc Settlements of North-Central Saskatchewan," p. 200. 77.  Heier, "German Lutheran and Catholic Immigrants," pp. 164-70.  78. Ibid., pp. 100-103; 115. See a l s o John B. Toews, Czars. Soviets and Mennonites (Newton, KS: F a i t h and L i f e Press, 1982), p. 6.  115 CHAPTER FOUR Germanism and Brethren Congregational L i f e : The Struggle for Socio-Religious Integrity  The congregation i s the centre of Mennonite l i f e . l  The Mennonite  Brethren i d e n t i t y found i t s most immediate expression and relevance i n the context of the l o c a l congregation, and e f f o r t s to maintain the s o c i a l and r e l i g i o u s i n t e g r i t y of the group, including German "Saturday" schools and Bible schools, originated there.  Congregations r e s i s t e d the encroachment of  secular "English" influences, with the moral and s p i r i t u a l decline which was perceived to accompany them, as well as the loss of younger Brethren t o the forces of the p r e v a i l i n g North American evangelicalism. The German language functioned as a kind of "church Latin"2 which not only maintained "boundaries" between Mennonites and the outside world, but a l s o served to perpetuate a sense of closeness and s o l i d a r i t y with each other and t h e i r  God,  acting as a s p e c i a l form of expression for t r a d i t i o n a l doctrines and a symbol of  the Mennonite Brethren way of l i f e . But the Brethren faced the dilemma of entertaining an evangelical  theology which tended to undermine Germanism and hence the ethno-religious i d e n t i t y which had developed  i n Russia, which was already under siege by the  forces of urbanization, a s s i m i l a t i o n and acculturation.  Despite strenuous  e f f o r t s , much soul-searching, and not a l i t t l e pain and f r u s t r a t i o n , the German i d e n t i t y was  i n i r r e v e r s i b l e decline by the 1950's, as churches  gradually adopted E n g l i s h as the language of congregational l i f e .  By  1960  Germanism had ceased to function as an instrument of s o c i o - r e l i g i o u s integration for the Brethren, having become a source of d i v i s i o n and an unwanted r e l i c , a t l e a s t i n younger eyes, from a bygone era.  116 My purpose i n t h i s chapter i s to present a b r i e f picture of the abovementioned c o n s t e l l a t i o n of factors i n Mennonite Brethren German i d e n t i t y during the t h i r t y years following t h e i r a r r i v a l i n Canada, with the congregation functioning as the centre of g r a v i t y i n the discussion. I t i s beyond the scope of t h i s paper to treat any one element i n a comprehensive fashion.  Analyses of a t least one sizeable congregation from each of the  f i v e western Canadian provinces provide a s i g n i f i c a n t portion of the data for t h i s chapter.3 In the period leading up t o the Second World War the Brethren maintained a r e l a t i v e l y strong German identity, amidst a growing awareness that i t was endangered, and a growing perception that i t s loss would be accompanied by a l i e n a t i o n from t r a d i t i o n a l moral and r e l i g i o u s p r i n c i p l e s , and the d i s i n t e g r a t i o n of the Mennonite "Volk" i t s e l f .  While congregations continued  to function i n German, children began to converse among themselves i n English.  Most congregations i n s t i t u t e d some sort of "German school" or  "Saturday school" i n which the German language was instructed, using a few basic primers, soon a f t e r they were organized.  The Winnipeg North End  congregation started a Saturday school i n 1927, and the Coaldale, Alberta Brethren had done the same by 1930. The Vineland, Ontario congregation was supporting German instruction i n conjunction with other Mennonites by the mid-1930's, and the Yarrow, B.C. congregation was supporting a school by the l a t e r 1930's.  The congregation a t Hepburn, Saskatchewan began to hold a  three-week "summer vacation school", which instructed children i n German and r e l i g i o n , i n 1937.4 D.P. Esau, a preacher i n the Hepburn church, a r t i c u l a t e d i n 1938 the rationale for teaching German and r e l i g i o n to Mennonite young people.  117 Congregational l i f e , according to Esau, i s dependent on the q u a l i t y and type of t r a i n i n g received i n the schools. of  After o u t l i n i n g the important function  teachers i n teaching r e l i g i o u s p r i n c i p l e s and e x h i b i t i n g a strong  C h r i s t i a n character, Esau describes the r o l e of the German language.  It is  an important " c u l t u r a l good" (or possession) for the Mennonites, who are of "German stock", just as other languages are important to other peoples.  As  soon as the language i s l o s t , Mennonites w i l l be robbed of i n t e l l e c t u a l , national, and s p i r i t u a l aspects of t h e i r character.  Some Mennonite teachers  and parents are beginning to deny the German language to the younger generation, which i s a misfortune for the e n t i r e Mennonite  "Gemeinschaft"  (community). We German Mennonites are a r e l i g i o u s community. An extremely important stream of r e l i g i o u s thinking flows through the congregations v i a the German language. This bears f r u i t for congregational and family l i f e . With the demise of the German language the flow w i l l stop and the congregational l i f e w i l l become dry. The youngsters cannot be properly introduced to the t r a i n of thought (Gedankengaenge). And he a l s o i s n ' t used to the English Bible-language.5 While most statements were not quite as sophisticated as t h i s one, i t i s paradigmatic of the sentiments held by many of the advocates of Germanism, and helps to delineate the close connection between the congregations, Germanism, and the many educational e f f o r t s which were made i n the 1930's and 1940's. The Canadian Conference of Mennonite Brethren churches  (the Northern  D i s t r i c t Conference) recommended i n 1926 that Mennonites assume d i s t r i c t school-board posts i n order to further the i n s t r u c t i o n of German and r e l i g i o n in the time a l l o t t e d by the government to such subjects.6 for  some input into public school education was  C l e a r l y , the need  f e l t from the beginning of  t h e i r residence i n Canada by the Russlaender, who had previously maintained  118 t h e i r own schools i n Russia.  In 1933 and 1935 the Conference went on record  that i t was "deeply convinced that our congregations would be g r e a t l y served i f i n a l l D i s t r i c t Schools there were (Mennonite) teachers who themselves had a good background i n r e l i g i o n and German."7  At the Brethren  Conference  School Committee meetings the instruction of German and r e l i g i o n was a frequent topic of discussion; a t a 1931 meeting a speech was given which emphasized the r o l e of the German language i n bringing up "churchly" Mennonite youth.  The speaker asked, "Was Moses ashamed t o speak Hebrew t o  his people?", before s t a t i n g :  "Therefore l e t us seek to nurture and maintain  the mother-tongue among the children, so that we don't allow the best, deepest aspects of ourselves to be taken from them!"8 There was widespread interest i n expanding the i n s t r u c t i o n of German and r e l i g i o n i n p u b l i c schools.  A "German School-Superintendant  Committee" met  annually to deal with t h i s question,9 and various individuals supported the idea i n a r t i c l e s i n the Mennonitische  Rundschau, which featured a column  e n t i t l e d "Joys and Sorrows of the Schoolmaster"  beginning i n 1935.10  In 1932  i t was reported that there had been increasing discussion i n Mennonite c i r c l e s concerning the i n s t r u c t i o n of German and r e l i g i o n i n public schools; t h i s p a r t i c u l a r individual advocated p e t i t i o n i n g the government on the matter, and reminded the churches to do more t o encourage the use of the German language i n the home.11  A Brethren indicated i n 1935 that battles to  teach German and r e l i g i o n i n public schools i n h i s area were y i e l d i n g results,12 while i n the same year another person c i t e d a general growth i n interest among Mennonites for i n s t r u c t i o n i n German and religion.13 Despite the apparent success of Mennonite teachers i n introducing German and r e l i g i o n as subjects of i n s t r u c t i o n i n some areas,14 there were a l s o  119 problems.  As previous chapters have i l l u s t r a t e d , there were strong pressures  of a s s i m i l a t i o n and a c c u l t u r a t i o n on the Russlaender, and they were generally eager to f i n d a niche for themselves i n Canadian society.  Pressure  was  exerted through the British-based school system, as well as by various other subtle and not so subtle means.  In 1928  the Brethren in Coaldale, Alberta  attempted to teach German to t h e i r c h i l d r e n i n the b u i l d i n g i n which they had been holding church s e r v i c e s , which was owned by the United Church.  The  larger Coaldale community reacted to t h i s evidence of the Mennonites* unwillingness to assimilate, and forbade the use of the b u i l d i n g for such purposes, even posting a policeman at the door one Saturday morning.15 the mid-1930's Coaldale school o f f i c i a l s were reported to be  In  wholly  uninterested i n allowing German i n s t r u c t i o n i n the school, causing some Mennonites to f e e l that more emphasis should be placed on the Saturday school.16 Mennonites themselves d i d not always support e f f o r t s to promote German and r e l i g i o n i n p u b l i c schools.  In a report on school matters to the  1935  Canadian Conference meeting, William Neufeld complained that some Mennonites simply d i d not f e e l bound to maintain the German language any more.17  In one  school d i s t r i c t , an attempt to introduce German language i n s t r u c t i o n , by e l e c t i n g a Mennonite to the school board, f a i l e d because some of the l o c a l Mennonites voted for the "English" candidate  instead.  In the face of being  charged with impairing the "Deutschtum" of the l o c a l Mennonite community, one of those who had voted for the English candidate stated that Mennonite Germanism had led to the "hatred" of Germans by the English i n t h e i r d i s t r i c t , and that l i n e s should be drawn between Christians and Christians, rather than between English and Germans.18  non-  A s i m i l a r scenario  120 seems to nave been present i n Coaldale i n 1936.19  An English candidate  was  elected i n another d i s t r i c t with a large Mennonite population because, as one Mennonite commented, the atmosphere had become too partisan when they elected one of t h e i r own.  This person was a l s o not so worried about the language  issue.20 Although there was some ambivalence  i n dealings with host communities on  the issue of German and r e l i g i o n i n public schools, there was  widespread  support for privately-sponsored Mennonite Bible schools, which emerged i n numerous communities i n the f i f t e e n years a f t e r the Russlaender a r r i v e d i n Canada.  These schools were normally begun and supported by one or more  congregations, and were the single most important i n s t i t u t i o n s i n maintaining the kind of congregational l i f e which Brethren had known i n Russia.  Here the  Bible and d i s t i n c t i v e l y Mennonite doctrines could be taught unhindered  i n the  German language, thus perpetuating both the t r a d i t i o n a l f a i t h d i s t i n c t i v e s and l i n g u i s t i c s o l i d a r i t y .  While r e l i g i o u s i n s t r u c t i o n from a Mennonite  viewpoint was the leading raison d'etre for these schools, the r o l e of the schools as perpetuators of the German language should not be  overlooked.21  At least sixteen Bible schools were started by Mennonite Brethren between 1925 and 1940, with another f i v e being added i n the 1940's.22  The Bible  school i n Herbert, Saskatchewan had been i n existence since 1913.  Many of  them were small, growing out of the needs of l o c a l congregations.  The Bible  school i n Coaldale, for example, began i n a member's home i n 1929.23  The  opening of a Bible school by the Stelnbach, Manitoba Brethren congregation was unceremoniously announced by a small notice i n the Mennonitische Rundschau.24  In the f a l l of 1933 F.C. Thiessen invited "eager German youth"  to the "German Bible school i n Winnipeg," which met evenings i n the North End  121 Brethren church.  A German language course would be added for those who d i d  not have a good command of the language.25 Some schools were larger, such as Bethany Bible School i n Hepburn, Saskatchewan, and Winkler Bible School i n Winkler, Manitoba. in the mid-1920's, and provided lodgings for students.  Both were begun  A l i s t of goals for  the Bethany school from 1937 would probably have been shared by most Bible schools: 1. To give our...youth foundational Bible i n s t r u c t i o n i n the German and English languages... 2. To wrench our youth away from f r i v o l o u s pursuits and the contemporary " Z e i t g e i s t " . 3. To nurture the German language as a s p e c i a l possession handed down from our fathers. 4. To r a i s e believing youth for the battle of the f a i t h . . . 5 . To take into account the needs of the congregations i n the methodical t r a i n i n g of Sunday School teachers and sundry (church) workers.26 The strong Bible school movement among the Brethren p a r t i a l l y had i t s roots in the t r a d i t i o n a l informal "Bibelstunde" (Bible Study) i n Brethren homes i n Russia.27  And as the above l i s t of goals suggests, the Bible school was  seen  as a bulwark against negative influences and a way to perpetuate the t r a d i t i o n a l f a i t h perspective and the German language.  At Brethren Canadian  Conference meetings during the 1930's the Bible schools were repeatedly affirmed on these counts.28 Although the theory of evolution and other forms of "godless modernism" were aspects of the " Z e i t g e i s t " which some Brethren f e l t should be avoided at a l l costs,29 a more insidious and increasingly troublesome challenge to the s o c i o - r e l i g i o u s i n t e g r i t y of the Brethren was the strong upsurge of evangelical fundamentalism  which took place i n North America i n the l a t e  1920's and the 1930's, and the "Bible school movement" which went with i t . The e f f e c t s of these developments on Brethren congregational l i f e began to be s i g n i f i c a n t l y f e l t i n the 1940's and 1950's (dealt with further below), but  122 had t h e i r roots i n the 1930's.  Besides drawing Mennonite Brethren young  people into a non-Mennonite, E n g l i s h environment, and i n some cases into other denominations,  t h i s movement tended ultimately to discourage Germanism,  which was perceived t o hinder attempts a t outreach and the incorporation of new converts into the Brethren church.30  On the other hand, such Bible  schools, with t h e i r strong missionary emphasis, reinforced the Brethren commitment to go f o r t h and preach the good news of the Gospel. The Brethren Bible schools thus emerged i n the context of a larger phenomenon, and were p a r t l y a defensive reaction to i t , and also part of i t ; the larger movement had both a positive and a negative r o l e i n s t a r t i n g Brethren schools and thus i n furthering the primary goal of s o c i o - r e l i g i o u s integration already described.  The Bethany Bible School, for example, was  founded when a Brethren individual who had graduated from the American Bible I n s t i t u t e i n Chicago a r r i v e d i n Hepburn a t a time when the desire to e s t a b l i s h a l o c a l Mennonite Bible school was growing.31  Therefore the  general contours of western Canadian evangelicalism merit closer scrutiny. During the late 1920's and the 1930's, new r e l i g i o u s movements grew r a p i d l y i n western Canada, e s p e c i a l l y i n Alberta, which experienced something of " r e l i g i o u s awakening" a t that time.  The growth of the S o c i a l Credit Party  was a part of the general strengthening of sectarian r e l i g i o u s forces i n the Alberta community.  The majority of sectarian growth was evangelical and  fundamentalist i n nature, and was rooted i n a r e v i v a l i s t t r a d i t i o n i n the p r a i r i e West, s h i f t i n g s o c i a l and economic circumstances, a reaction to r e l i g i o u s "modernism" i n the wake of the F i r s t World War, and the i n a b i l i t y of the mainline Protestant churches to adjust to the needs of mostly lowermiddle c l a s s , r u r a l people.  The fundamentalist sects shared a b e l i e f i n the  123 l i t e r a l truth of the Bible, a f i e r y h e l l , the necessity of a dramatic conversion experience, as well as an aversion to the theory of evolution, the "higher" b i b l i c a l c r i t i c i s m , and the pleasure-oriented a c t i v i t i e s of the "world".  There was much l a y p a r t i c i p a t i o n , informality, hearty singing and  evangelical fervor at their meetings, which usually ended i n a c a l l for repentance and conversion.32  The p a r a l l e l s between t h i s sort of r e l i g i o s i t y  and that of the Brethren are obvious, and would have contributed to the r e l a t i v e ease with which many Brethren i d e n t i f i e d with such groups. The emergence of a number of evangelical Bible i n s t i t u t e s and colleges i n western Canada was a part of t h i s "awakening".  Between 1930 and 1949  thirty  such i n s t i t u t i o n s were founded, including eight of the more prominent Mennonite schools.  The largest schools were "non-denominational";  Prairie  Bible Institute (PBI) of Three H i l l s , Alberta, and B r i e r c r e s t Bible I n s t i t u t e of Caronport, Saskatchewan were the trendsetters.  PBI was  founded i n  1922,  and became the model for many subsequent schools, with i t s missions emphasis, s t r i c t moral standards, and strong music program.  As such i t held a strong  fascination for Brethren youth, drawing many of them to i t by the 1950's.33 This evangelical movement began to encroach upon the Mennonite Brethren already i n the 1930's.  References were made a t Canadian Conference meetings  to the fact that a number of Brethren youth were attending "English" Bible schools,34 and  i n 1936  the Brethren in Coaldale found themselves dealing with  the e f f e c t s of l o c a l "English" e v a n g e l i s t i c meetings on t h e i r young people. B.B.  Janz f e l t that there were some good things about these meetings, but  that things seemed strange; a) When our Brethren proclaim the Word to our youth i n a strange tongue, and a strange place, b) When they t r y to copy the English evangelists, c) ...Sometimes you see young couples go o f f (alone) into the night, d) You don't notice these itinerant English  124 evangelists dealing with seeking souls...rather they come, they speak and leave, e) There i s the extortion of funds; the scolding of other denominations; the careless tone and questionable posture of some of these s p e a k e r s — t h a t i s objectionable.35 There were other e f f e c t s of t h i s movement.  Because of the lack of  leaders and teachers with formal theological t r a i n i n g , and the lack of written material from t h e i r own theological frame of reference, Brethren Bible schools became dependent upon the l i t e r a t u r e of North American fundamentalism  and evangelicalism.36  T r a d i t i o n a l Brethren pietism and  b i b l i c i s m was e a s i l y combined with i t , which along with the example of such schools as PBI strengthened the t r a d i t i o n a l Brethren stress on  outreach.37  The prominent fundamentalist Canadian Sunday School Mission found i t s Brethren counterpart i n the Western Children's Mission, which emerged out of the Bethany Bible School.  The Winkler Bible School promoted missions,  including D a i l y Vacation Bible Schools, but was known to a l s o be oriented towards producing teachers.  Thus a tension began to emerge between a stress  on evangelism, which c l e a r l y undermined Germanism, and the formation of good, German-speaking church workers and members.38 As the 1930's came to a close, the Brethren could look back on a decade i n Canada i n which much had been accomplished, despite drought, depression, and being strangers to Canada.  Congregations had become organized, churches  were b u i l t , and a wide array of i n s t i t u t i o n s , including German Saturday schools and Bible schools, had been s t a r t e d .  But there was a growing sense  that r e l i g i o u s i n t e g r i t y and s o c i a l s o l i d a r i t y were becoming threatened, and increasing a l i e n a t i o n from the German language was taken to be a major indication.  Reports concerning the lack of interest i n the German language  in Mennonite schools began to be heard, along with double-edged statements that everything possible was being done to s a t i s f y the wishes of the  125 congregations on t h i s matter.39 For example, a reassuring report made i n 1939 by a teacher a t the Bethany Bible School held that "great weight" was being l a i d on the German language at the school, and that "intense i n t e r e s t " i n learning the language was present among the students; i t was belied by f a c u l t y discussions which took place i n e a r l y 1940.  In the context of discussing d i s c i p l i n a r y problems, two  teachers pointed out that the Brethren constituency f e l t more emphasis should be placed on German i n s t r u c t i o n , and that too much was being taught i n English.  The p r i n c i p a l stated that students d i d not learn as e a s i l y when  i n s t r u c t i o n was i n German, and therefore the temptation existed t o revert t o English.  One teacher faulted the "homes" for not i n s t i l l i n g a f a c i l i t y with  the language into Mennonite children, while another had perceived a "hidden aversion" to the language among the students, and that was the source of the problem.40 This "hidden aversion" was a t l e a s t p a r t l y due t o the fact that Canada had once again gone to war with Germany, causing increased pressures on German-speaking Mennonites and other "enemy a l i e n s " .  The Bible school  operated by the Vineland, Ontario Brethren congregation was forced t o close i n 1941 due t o public pressure; besides being conducted had offered a course i n the German language i t s e l f . 4 1  i n German, the school Although the Coaldale  congregation had f e l t free t o a f f i r m the work of i t s Saturday school i n late 1939, pressure began to be exerted on the church's schools i n 1940 by Edmonton school o f f i c i a l s ,  causing the congregation t o close the Saturday  school i n order to keep the Bible school open.42  In September of 1940 the  Bethany Bible School q u i e t l y locked away any books i t had from Germany, and in 1942 the p r i n c i p a l voiced fears that the school, l i k e some i n other  126 provinces, would be closed; consequently i n s t r u c t i o n i n German was temporarily dropped.43  The Hepburn congregation discontinued i t s summer-  vacation German school,44 while Saturday schools operated by the Yarrow, B.C. and Winnipeg North End congregations appear t o have remained open during the war years.45  No o f f i c i a l attempt was made by the Canadian government during  the war to stop German i n s t r u c t i o n i n private schools, although i t was halted in state-controlled elementary and secondary  schools.46  Wartime anti-German pressures obviously d i f f e r e d i n degree by l o c a l e , but were c l e a r l y present i n most Canadian communities.  The Kitchener, Ontario  Brethren congregation went so far as to debate, i n e a r l y October 1939,  the  p o s s i b i l i t y of switching over to the use of English during church services; the "impassioned" discussion concluded however that "The congregation does not wish to have anything other than the mother-tongue used i n church services."47  In addition to the cases of harassment of Mennonite churches  c i t e d i n Chapter One, set  three Mennonite churches i n Alberta and Manitoba were  on f i r e i n the e a r l y war years (two of them belonging to the Mennonite  Brethren), causing the Coaldale congregation to post a watchman a t the door of t h e i r new church b u i l d i n g for a time.  As B.B. Janz put i t , "Although the  war was thousands of miles away, we f e l t the ungrounded mistrust towards us as new  immigrants with a strange tongue."48  The events of the Second World War had a profound impact upon Canadian Mennonites.  The e x i s t i n g trends of accomodation and a s s i m i l a t i o n to the  norms of Canadian s o c i e t y were accelerated by the war, which revived a n t i German and -Mennonite sentiments among the Canadian public.  The p r i n c i p l e of  nonresistance was severely challenged, as a t least one-third or 4500 of the e l i g i b l e Mennonite men  joined the armed services, while 7500 or one-half  127 chose a l t e r n a t i v e service, as arranged by Mennonite leaders and government officials.  The Russlaender were generally eager to prove t h e i r l o y a l t y to  Canada, i n i t i a l l y advocating noncombatant an option rejected by the Kanadier.  service i n the army medical corps,  Thus the war marked a "turning point"  for the Russlaender; the d o c t r i n a l and c u l t u r a l i d e n t i t y of the group was . severely shaken, as a broad movement of alignment with the i d e o l o g i c a l and c u l t u r a l norms of Anglo-Canadian society suddenly became unmistakeable.49 The greatest anti-German and -Nazi pressures were exerted by the Canadian public i n September 1939 and mid-1940.  Many thousands of German-Canadians  were forced to r e g i s t e r as "enemy a l i e n s " under the Defense of Canada Regulations (DOCR), and 1200 German-Canadians were interned.  These  internments generally occurred during the e a r l y high-points of a n t i Germanism, when a f e a r f u l public demanded that the RCMP take a c t i o n against alleged domestic "subversives".  The p o l i c e themselves remained unconvinced  as to the actual danger posed to Canada by the individuals they f e l t compelled to intern.50 interned.  There i s no indication that any Mennonites were  After the scares of 1939-40 the government relaxed pressure on a l l  "enemy a l i e n s " except the Japanese,51 but suspicion towards the ( p a r t i a l l y ) p a c i f i s t , German-speaking Mennonites persisted among the general public.52 There were various indications during the war years that changes were under way.  While B.B. Janz spoke out strongly i n support of nonresistance,  even threatening excommunication for those who joined the military,53 Russlaender young men e n l i s t e d i n the army i n unprecedented numbers.54 Increasing use of English i n the Sunday schools and Bible schools became apparent, and in 1943 i t was admitted on the f l o o r of the Canadian Conference meeting that "We are i n a (language) t r a n s i t i o n period, and have to reckon  128 with that."55  The 1944  meeting noted that "many of our young people are  turning away from our Bible schools and entering English schools."  The  pressure on Mennonites had obviously relaxed enough to allow the Conference to recommend that congregations begin anew with t h e i r " r e l i g i o n schools";56 the Kitchener Brethren responded by opening a " r e l i g i o n school" on Saturday mornings "so that the c h i l d r e n could better understand the Bible i n the mother tongue."57 If the younger generation moved i n the d i r e c t i o n of anglicism and Canadianism, the older generation exhibited more ambivalence. hand, Mennonite leaders l i k e B.B.  On the  one  Janz and David Toews d i d t h e i r best to  disengage Mennonites from any association with Nazi Germany, and declarations of l o y a l t y to Canada were widely made.58  Also, 1941  Canadian Census records  show a sharp drop i n German ethnic i d e n t i f i c a t i o n a t that time.  In 1931,  of Canadian Mennonites had claimed to be of Dutch ethnic o r i g i n , and German.59  In 1941,  42%  39%  only 28% claimed Germanic o r i g i n , while Dutch  i d e n t i f i c a t i o n had gone up to 58%.60 On the other hand, the support for Nazi Germany outlined i n Chapters and Three d i d not evaporate overnight.  Interviews indicate that there  some support for the German cause during the e a r l y war years, and  Two  was  E.K.  Francis found divided national l o y a l t i e s during wartime among the Manitoba Russlaender.61  A report made to the 1941 Canadian Conference meeting by the  American editor of various Brethren p e r i o d i c a l s stated that i t was  difficult  to walk the l i n e between publishing material which would be allowed into Canada, yet acceptable to i t s readers: We're t r y i n g our best to be as neutral as possible i n the reports on foreign events, which i s not easy, considering the fact that many readers are not so neutral. We want however to do the best we can to follow the laws of the land.62  129  As the war came t o an end, and the extent of the inhumanity of the Nazi regime began to be discovered, any i l l u s i o n s which Mennonites s t i l l had about Nazi Germany were shattered.63  Even Walter Quiring, the ardent Nazi-  supporter who served i n the Nazi Propaganda Corps during the war, admitted t o being misled.  In a l e t t e r to h i s former adversary, B.B. Janz, whom he now  addressed as "Uncle Janz", Quiring wrote: What I want t o underline i s the following: to be German and t o be National S o c i a l i s t i s not the same thing. Anybody can be German, but doesn't thereby need to be Nazi. The German Volk l e t i t s e l f be deceived by H i t l e r . Myself included. The German Volk today sees i t s mistake. I do too. H i t l e r was the misfortune of the German people.64 Thus shorn of i t s p o l i t i c a l and n a t i o n a l i s t i c ramifications, Germanism would continue to play a part i n Brethren s o c i o - r e l i g i o u s i d e n t i t y during the postwar period, although i t was never again as strong as i t was i n the 1930's.  As Mennonite Brethren became more urbanized, educated, p l u r a l i s t i c ,  and acculturated and assimilated to Anglo-Canadian  society, the important  s o c i o - r e l i g i o u s function of the German language would be more e x p l i c i t l y recognized and emphasized by some, and more d e c i s i v e l y rejected by others. A t t r i t i o n and indifference towards maintaining the Russian Mennonite way of l i f e undoubtedly contributed to the steady movement away from Germanism. The decade and a half following the end of the Second World War was a period of mobility and change for many i f not most Canadians.  The two major  trends were economic expansion and, e s p e c i a l l y on the p r a i r i e s , rapid urbanization.  Between 1941 and 1961 the percentage of p r a i r i e residents  l i v i n g i n urban areas almost doubled, to 58%, while urbanization i n Ontario and B r i t i s h Columbia occurred a t a rate of 10 to 15%.65 provinces experienced a decline i n Anglo-Canadian  The western  nativism, for various  130 reasons,66 and p r a i r i e communities seemed "more open and harmonious," as they (and  the rest of Canada) "moved increasingly toward a homogeneous  international culture."67  If the western provinces were s t i l l " f a r closer to  a British-Canadian c u l t u r a l model than any other" i n the postwar period, "each province saw greater tolerance generated by new s o c i a l , economic, and i n t e l l e c t u a l conditions."68 While t r a d i t i o n a l s o c i o l o g i c a l stress on the postwar a s s i m i l a t i o n of ethnic minorities i s l a r g e l y v a l i d , there i s a l s o evidence of the s u r v i v a l of c e r t a i n basic features of ethnic i d e n t i t y i n the p r a i r i e West.  In  p a r t i c u l a r , ethnic languages, and ethnic i n s t i t u t i o n s which p a r a l l e l e d "Canadian" ones, retained a p o s i t i o n of importance for many people.69  In  general, i f Canadian Mennonite trends of urbanization and a s s i m i l a t i o n followed the larger pattern, there was also renewed resistance to the t o t a l loss of the Russian Mennonite ethno-religious i d e n t i t y . Canadian Mennonites urbanized r a p i d l y i n the postwar period, going from a predominantly r u r a l existence to a s i t u a t i o n where one-third of Mennonites l i v e d i n urban areas by 1961.  At the same time, the other two-thirds  remained i n r u r a l areas, with close to half (46%) of Canadian Mennonites l i v i n g on farms, which was s t i l l f i v e times the national average.  Mennonites  in B.C. were the most urban, with 50% l i v i n g i n c i t i e s i n 1961, while those in Alberta were the most r u r a l , with 60% of Mennonites s t i l l engaged i n farming.70  The Mennonite Brethren were the most urbanized of Canadian  Mennonite groups.71  Concomitant with these trends was a s i g n i f i c a n t movement  into professions and business, by a l l Mennonites.72 the  An important addition to  Canadian Mennonite community was the a r r i v a l of 8,000 Russian Mennonite  refugees in the postwar period; they s e t t l e d primarily in the Lower Fraser  131 V a l l e y i n B.C.,  i n the Winnipeg area i n Manitoba, and'on the Niagara  Peninsula i n Ontario.73  Although t h i s i n f l u x i s often c i t e d as having slowed  the process of acculturation i n Mennonite congregations,74 i t should not obscure the fact that the 1920's Russlaender were the key players i n most of the major postwar attempts at preserving the t r a d i t i o n a l s o c i a l , c u l t u r a l and r e l i g i o u s i d e n t i t y of the Brethren. The Mennonite Brethren continued to expand numerically as a r e l i g i o u s body i n the postwar period, growing from 7200 members i n 1945 to a t o t a l of 14,000 i n 1960.  One-third of these l i v e d i n B.C., one-quarter i n Manitoba,  and the rest were spread f a i r l y evenly among the other three western provinces.75  Although the majority of new members came from within the  Brethren and other Mennonite groups, the fact that t h i s growth occurred during the period of t r a n s i t i o n from German to English indicates quite c l e a r l y that the v i a b i l i t y of the Mennonite Brethren as a r e l i g i o u s body was not dependent upon Germanism.  But t h i s growth was a part of the enormous  changes which were taking place a t the time, and contributed to fears for the t r a d i t i o n a l s o c i o - r e l i g i o u s i n t e g r i t y of the group.  The addition of a whole  new generation of English-speaking members which f e l t a t home i n Canadian society exacerbated the fears of the elders for t h e i r d i s t i n c t i v e f a i t h and way of l i f e . There i s evidence that a s i g n i f i c a n t "diaspora" of individuals from the t y p i c a l l y large Mennonite families was a l s o taking place at t h i s time.  In  analyzing surveys of Alberta Mennonites conducted i n 1960, Aron Sawatzky found that anywhere from 50% to 75% of individuals surveyed had i n one way or another broken t i e s with the Mennonite church.76  The unwillingness of  Mennonite churches to change from German to English usage in worship services  132 contributed to t h i s trend, being a factor i n as many as 50% of the departures from Mennonite churches.77  By 1960 most families conversed a t l e a s t  p a r t i a l l y i n English,78 and the c i r c u l a t i o n of English-language p e r i o d i c a l s had eclipsed that of German ones i n such t r a d i t i o n a l Brethren strongholds as Coaldale, Alberta.79 When taken together, these various trends present a f a i r l y complex picture of the postwar period.  In general, i t can be said that the Brethren  were simultaneously experiencing numerical growth, a s s i m i l a t i o n , p r o f e s s i o n a l i z a t i o n , urbanization, and l i n g u i s t i c , c u l t u r a l and r e l i g i o u s / e t h i c a l change.  The Germanist reaction of those concerned to  preserve the t r a d i t i o n a l s o c i o - r e l i g i o u s i n t e g r i t y of the group resulted i n the further a l i e n a t i o n from the t r a d i t i o n of some. It bears repeating that much of the growing a l i e n a t i o n from Russian Mennonite Germanism can be traced to the experience of the Second World  War.  The war with Germany forced a d e c i s i o n not only between adherence to Mennonite r e l i g i o u s p r i n c i p l e s and the Canadian state, but also between English and German c u l t u r a l i d e n t i t i e s .  If over half of younger Canadian  Mennonites chose to honor the r e l i g i o u s p r i n c i p l e of pacifism, the same cannot be said of the Germanic i d e n t i t y .  The widespread support by  Mennonites of the Nazi regime i n the 1930's and e a r l y 1940's, the wartime anti-Germanism of the larger Canadian public, and the reprehensible actions of the Nazi regime which came to l i g h t towards the end of the war contributed s i g n i f i c a n t l y to the a l i e n a t i o n of Canadian Mennonites from the German language and culture, and i n p a r t i c u l a r the Mennonite version of i t , i n the postwar period.80 A n g l i c i z a t i o n was also induced by the war i n that young Mennonites,  133 whether they joined the m i l i t a r y or worked i n a l t e r n a t i v e service occupations, were drawn i n unprecedented environment.  numbers into an English-speaking  Many attended English-language worship services for the  first  time, where they discovered that English could also be a r e l i g i o u s language.81  A l l i e d to the general movement out of the Germanic/Mennonite  world into the Anglo-Canadian  environment i n the postwar years was what Frank  Epp has termed a "struggle for recognition" from Canadian society a t large, by Mennonites, to be accepted as equals with something to o f f e r to it.82 Quite understandably, Brethren youth became the main focus of concern i n the struggle to maintain the t r a d i t i o n a l s o c i o - r e l i g i o u s i n t e g r i t y of the Mennonite Brethren.  The alarm was sounded by leading individuals i n various  contexts i n the postwar period,83 and i s exemplified i n a statement by  H.F.  Klassen, editor of the Mennonitische Rundschau and Konferenz Jugendblatt. made i n 1944: We, the f i r s t generation (Russlaender)...were too c a r r i e d away with becoming economically established, and now we are faced with an acute, l i f e or death c r i s i s among our f a i t h community. L i v i n g scattered about i n non-Mennonite surroundings, with the influences of i r r e l i g i o n i n the schools, radios and popular press, and l i t e r a t u r e — a l l these show the consequences a l l too c l e a r l y . Elders, preachers and Sunday school teachers are looking on i n apprehension as timehonored a u t h o r i t i e s are ignored, and as many are ashamed to belong to the Mennonites; other manners, attitudes and languages are admired and copied, and our own values and t r a d i t i o n s , our s i m p l i c i t y and even our f a i t h i s despised.84 The experience of the war, e s p e c i a l l y , had j o l t e d Brethren leaders, as many of the young men who had appeared before mobilization boards "were ignorant of s c r i p t u r a l teaching as well as of h i s t o r i c a l d i s t i n c t i v e s to which t h e i r church was committed."85 Klassen's statement  In the aftermath of the war,  as  indicates, changing behaviour patterns reinforced the  general notion that a serious decline i n the Brethren way of l i f e was in  134 progress.  Many of the f i r s t generation Russlaender perceived a c o r r e l a t i o n  between these changes and the loss of the German i d e n t i t y , s p e c i f i c a l l y the German language.  One  individual  lamented:  The letting-go of the German language i s an outer sign that the individual has also l e t go of the true Mennonite p r i n c i p l e s . People want to accomodate themselves to the world...wearing (worldly) clothing and g i v i n g up the German language thus go together.86 Evidence of the breakdown of t r a d i t i o n a l Brethren l i f e seemed to be everywhere;  young people were dressing, speaking and acting d i f f e r e n t l y .  Brethren leader H.H. for  honesty.87  Janzen f e l t that Mennonites were losing t h e i r reputation  The growing use of t e l e v i s i o n i n the 1950's was one more  example to the older generation of a decline i n standards and the acceptance of  "worldly" influences, and the issue of t e l e v i s i o n thus became a "burning  issue" at Canadian Conference meetings i n the l a t e r 1950's.88  Reports from  Bible schools to the Conference indicated that the German language was being progressively eroded,89 as i t was also i n the newly-grounded high schools and the Bible College (see Chapter F i v e ) .  An increasing number of Mennonite  youth were attending non-Mennonite Bible schools;  between 1950 and 1959,  543  Mennonite youth attended B r i e r c r e s t Bible I n s t i t u t e , while 317 went to P r a i r i e Bible I n s t i t u t e .  A survey of an extended Brethren family i n 1960  revealed that 8 members had attended Mennonite Bible schools, and 21 had gone elsewhere, mostly to PBI and Briercrest.90  To B.B. Janz, a n g l i c i z a t i o n  seemed to have no p o s i t i v e e f f e c t on congregational l i f e , and led to the r e j e c t i o n of Brethren i n s t i t u t i o n s . If we look into the Canadian Mennonite Brethren congregations which have changed over to English, there we do not f i n d a stronger congregational l i f e i n terms of home v i s i t a t i o n , evangelism, church d i s c i p l i n e , and i n love of the church and the Conference...Last year at PBI there were 110 Mennonites i n attendance ( 1 9 4 9 ) — i t i s clear that...(most come from English-speaking Brethren churches, l i k e the one in Abbotsford). This happens, even though Brother J . Redekop  135 runs a p e r f e c t l y acceptable Mennonite school r i g h t on t h e i r doorstep.91 The continued growth of western Canadian evangelicalism was a l s o increasingly seen as a threat, and warnings about the " u n b i b l i c a l " nature of movements l i k e Youth For C h r i s t were made on the Canadian Conference floor,92 and by the leading figure i n Brethren youth work, H.F. Klassen, i n the pages of the Konferenz Jugendblatt.93  Klassen f e l t that t h i s was sensationalized  C h r i s t i a n i t y without any of the proper sense of repentance and r e b i r t h . Radio programs l i k e Charles F u l l e r ' s "Old-Fashioned Revival Hour" were widely received by the Mennonite Brethren, and represent another source of influence in the d i r e c t i o n of mainline North American evangelicalism.94 There was obviously support present among the Brethren for i n t e r denominational ism, and i t derived l a r g e l y from the t r a d i t i o n a l Brethren stress on outreach and evangelism, and openness to outside C h r i s t i a n influences.  These t r a i t s added to the other trends of a s s i m i l a t i o n and  acculturation to bring about a rapid change i n l i n g u i s t i c and s o c i o - r e l i g i o u s i d e n t i t y i n the postwar period.  Brethren e v a n g e l i s t i c impulses had  o r i g i n a l l y come mainly from Baptist sources, and Mennonite Brethren continued to attend Baptist schools i n the postwar period, along with the missionsoriented schools already mentioned.95 According to a student of Mennonite Brethren missions, t h i s aspect of Brethren congregational l i f e was lay-oriented, spontaneous, and always threatening to go beyond the control of the larger Conference  structures.  Mennonite Brethren became involved i n radio m i n i s t r i e s , Daily Vacation Bible Schools, t r a c t missions and evangelistic meetings, beginning i n the late 1930's and e a r l y 1940's.  An elemental tension emerged between evangelism,  which was generally conducted  i n English and forged l i n k s with the English-  136 Canadian community, and the d i s t i n c t i v e ethno-religious culture of the Brethren.  "Arm's length evangelism", whereby missionary e f f o r t s were  conducted i n outlying areas, and converts were directed to other denominations, was a temporary and unsatisfying s o l u t i o n to the problem.  In  general, young people were attracted to missions work while the older generation became preoccupied with defending the "inner stronghold" of the faith.96 An emphasis on the German language was a part of the general Brethren response to the growing threat that a l l the various changes taking place were perceived to pose to Brethren s o c i o - r e l i g i o u s i n t e g r i t y .  The i n s t i t u t i o n of  a number of high schools and the Bible College a f t e r the war was a c l e a r response to the new challenges, and i n s t r u c t i o n i n the German language part and parcel of t h i s response (see Chapter F i v e ) .  was  So too was the  formation i n 1950 of a Conference committee for the retention of the German language, which merged with the all-Mennonite Society for the Promotion of the German Language (also covered i n Chapter F i v e ) .  Another response was the  formalizing of "Youth Work" at the Conference l e v e l , beginning i n 1945, and the organization of various youth-oriented events and conferences.97 A s i g n i f i c a n t attempt to deal with changing circumstances among Brethren youth was the inauguration of the Konferenz Juqendblatt, which began i n 1944 as a project of the Manitoba Brethren, and was taken over by the Canadian Conference Youth Committee i n 1945 as an all-Canadian project. edited i t i n Winnipeg u n t i l 1954, when H.H. became almost e x c l u s i v e l y English.  Voth took over.  H.F. Klassen  At that time i t  In the beginning the paper was published  mostly in German, and became increasingly b i l i n g u a l a f t e r that.  During i t s  f i r s t ten years the paper r e f l e c t e d attempts by the Brethren to moderate the  137 t r a n s i t i o n to English and encourage adherence to the t r a d i t i o n a l Brethren f a i t h d i s t i n c t i v e n e s s and sense of peoplehood. In the f i r s t issue, H.F. was  Klassen stated that the goal of the p e r i o d i c a l  to "help a generation of youth grow up firm i n the p r i n c i p l e s of the  Mennonite Brethren Church and unashamed of t h e i r heritage, as they c a r r y t h e i r message out into the world."98 forward-looking,  Thus the paper attempted to combine a  evangelical perspective with a strong sense of Mennonite  peoplehood and t r a d i t i o n .  I t featured reports from the whole spectrum of  youth a c t i v i t i e s , including missions.  In the e a r l y years, p r o f i l e s of  prominent Brethren leaders appeared as well.99 the editor i n 1945  stating:  B.B.  Janz wrote a l e t t e r to  "On the whole I am very glad when t h i s kind of  beginning i s made during a time when most good things can only be expected to be  lost."100 A r t i c l e s encouraging the use and retention of the German language  appeared i n the paper,101 and the editor followed a p o l i c y of the "golden mean" i n the r a t i o of German to English articles.102 subject of some controversy.  One  This soon became a  reader i n s i s t e d that  Our young people would prefer to have (the Jugendblatt) a l l i n English...I think that we cannot hold our young people with the German language, but with the Gospel we can. Some do emphasize the language above the Gospel.103 This brought f o r t h sharp, negative responses; one  i n d i v i d u a l f e l t that  switching completely over to English would exclude the older generation  from  youth a c t i v i t i e s , bringing d i s u n i t y to the Mennonites, which was unchristian.104  Another person seemed b a f f l e d at the i n a b i l i t y of the  younger generation to become bilingual,105 and the editor implied that t h i s was due to  laziness.106  C i t i n g i n 1947  the "controversy" surrounding the increasing use of  138 English among Mennonite Brethren, and i t s p o s i t i o n as the "universal language among our youth," a youth worker from the Winnipeg North End congregation allowed that the German was "equally important" to Mennonites, but that parents needed to learn t o be more tolerant towards the adoption of English. Language was only a means, not an end; the writer acknowledged that some feared that the disappearance of the German language " w i l l r e s u l t i n the decay of our Mennonite f a i t h and p r i n c i p l e s , " but he obviously d i d not f e e l that t h i s would happen.107  Others were not so sanguine.  In 1950, Mennonite  educator Gerhard Lohrenz argued i n the Jugendblatt that Mennonites were a unique Volk with t h e i r own language, national character, and "uniquely C h r i s t i a n " way of l i f e .  The "foreign" c u l t u r a l atmosphere of Canada was  threatening the Mennonite Volk identity, which shouldn't be "thrown overboard".108 In  1952 H.F. Klassen asked the r h e t o r i c a l question, "Do we want to remain  Mennonite?"  This question seemed to be on the minds of many people from the  various walks of Brethren l i f e , according to Klassen; some were ready to l e t the Mennonite name f a l l , and with i t the o l d confessional p r i n c i p l e s and teachings.  Indicating the extent to which the German language had become  i d e n t i f i e d with Mennonitism, Klassen then stated:  " I t i s not a matter of  German or English, rather of a fundamental abandonment of the position of the fathers and founders of our church."  Klassen l i s t e d a number of reasons for  t h i s , including the fear of coming into c o n f l i c t with the larger society, the (negative) e f f e c t of non-Mennonite, interdenominational Bible schools, high schools and colleges, and a s p e c i a l push against the t r a d i t i o n from missions supporters.109 A.A. Toews, a Brethren from Alberta who had served on a number of  139 Conference committees, was even more pointed.  In answering the question, "Is  our separation j u s t i f i e d ? " , Toews gave a hearty "yes", noting that the German language had always been involved in the struggle to be true to Mennonite r e l i g i o u s p r i n c i p l e s i n the face of the demands of nation-states. Toews advanced two basic imperatives:  1) Hold on to the old teachings, including  nonresistance, non-swearing of the oath, etc.; onto the mother-tongue."  2) "But then also hold t i g h t  On the other hand, Toews was c a r e f u l to point out  that separation didn't mean i s o l a t i o n , for Mennonites had a, message to share with the world.  He, along with others, couldn't understand why Mennonites  were not able to continue being a b i l i n g u a l people.110 The other side of the debate was presented i n the same issue of the Jugendblatt.  A contributor stated that "Canadians ought to be converted and  brought into the church," and that the Mennonite Brethren should end their " s p i r i t u a l and s o c i a l isolationism," which he f e l t was the reason why so many younger Brethren were leaving the church. bringing " l o s t Canadians"  Once the church succeeded i n  into the f o l d , and gave up i t s isolationism,  "we  won't need to worry...about young people leaving the church nor w i l l we need to worry about the church dying o u t . " I l l It was very d i f f i c u l t for the older generation not to f e e l that the t r a d i t i o n a l f a i t h was dying, as change accelerated i n the postwar period. The wholehearted acceptance of "outsiders" and t h e i r "worldly" language would only quicken the transformation of Mennonitism already underway, into something which appeared to have l i t t l e to do with the o l d , " t r i e d and true" f a i t h and way of l i f e .  The Russlaender Brethren had only been i n Canada for  25 years by t h i s time; i t i s understandable,  i f i n the long run mistaken,  that a change i n language, e s p e c i a l l y i n the context of the l o c a l  140 congregation, would be taken as a sign of the breakdown of s o c i a l and religious integrity.  The contours of the d i s t i n c t i v e Mennonite Brethren  way  of l i f e , as i t had emerged i n Russia, were becoming hazy i n the eyes of the elder generation, and seemed to be fast disappearing. Most Brethren congregations began changing over to the use of English i n t h e i r worship services during the 1950's.  I t i s not my intention to  extensively analyse t h i s often painful process here; a precise depiction of the changeover i s beyond the scope of t h i s study, which has aimed more a t i d e n t i f y i n g the primary issues and general trends involved i n Brethren German i d e n t i t y during t h e i r f i r s t t h i r t y years i n Canada.112  However, a b r i e f look  at the experiences of a few Brethren congregations during the t w i l i g h t years of the German congregational i d e n t i t y i s i n order. The experience of the Coaldale, Alberta Brethren congregation i s i l l u s t r a t i v e of some of the general concerns and patterns of l i n g u i s t i c t r a n s i t i o n i n the postwar years.  By May of 1945 the Saturday school appears  to have been operating again.113  In the spring of 1946 $3.00 was a l l o c a t e d  for every student attending the Saturday school, and an appeal was made that " a l l those i n that age-bracket be asked to attend."114  Some concern  was  voiced a t t h i s time about the "great danger" that Coaldale Mennonite Brethren c h i l d r e n were i n : How can we protect our children? I t i s pointed to the various meetings i n the Dance H a l l , the worldly Christmas programs, and the various youth organizations—Sea and A i r Cadets, etc. What they couldn't achieve with our adult CO.'s, they want to do with our c h i l d r e n . Parents are warned very earnestly, and urged to bring t h e i r children to church, where there i s true l i f e . Our c h i l d r e n are also i n great danger i n the public schools.115 Besides the above-mentioned p e r i l s , other evangelical groups such as Pentecostals were posing a challenge to Brethren i n t e g r i t y ; they were branded  141 a " f a l s e c u l t " by the church council i n the spring of 1948, as an ordained member of the Coaldale congregation joined t h e i r ranks.116 The Saturday school reported an attendance of 156 students i n 1953, experienced increasing problems throughout the 1950's.  but  Lack of d i s c i p l i n e as  well as opposition to learning the German language was reported among students.117 was  By the f a l l of 1955 attendance was dropping, and the project  "getting harder to administer every year."118  In 1956  i t was  difficult  to find teachers, d i s c i p l i n e was lacking, and interest i n German was waning.119  A shortage of s t a f f was again reported i n 1958.120  C l e a r l y the  b a t t l e was l o s t , even i f the school continued to be operated as late as  1970,  since in 1958 the church began the process of changing over to E n g l i s h i n i t s worship services. Already i n 1954 some "younger members" of the congregation were accusing the congregational leader of refusing to order English Hymnals.  The church  chose to "take a stand" on the matter, and appointed the Youth Committee to order 100 English hymnals, cautioning members a t the same time to "proceed very wisely i n the language problem."121 sermon was  In November of 1958 an English  i n s t i t u t e d every second Sunday, 122 and the r a t i o of English to  German i n the Sunday morning service continued to be adjusted on into the late I960's.123 The move towards a changeover to English i n the Kitchener, Ontario congregation began i n late 1954, when an occasional English service for the "younger members" was proposed for discussion.124  The issue next emerged i n  the context of an "evangelism week" which the congregation had decided to organize.  Since the e f f o r t seemed to be aimed p r i m a r i l y at "our youth", the  question arose as to whether the program should be i n English.  After a long  142 discussion and a secret b a l l o t , the votes for English t o t a l l e d 137, and for German.  12  One can surmise that among those 12 were individuals who  contributed heavily to the discussion.  The  issue was closed thus: " I t i s  once more asserted that t h i s i s not about a language change, rather only about the week of In A p r i l 1955 month.126  evangelization."125 the congregation voted for an English service once a  Things appeared to have stayed t h i s way u n t i l 1957,  discussion about an evangelism program occurred.  The decision t h i s time  for i t to be held half i n German, half i n English.127 began to be characterized as a "problem".  when another  In 1957  was  the issue  In September of that year a  proposal was made for English and German sermons to be preached on a l t e r n a t i n g Sundays, with a short English one on the German days as w e l l . This proposal produced a " l i v e l y exchange of opinions".  The  issue  was  deliberated upon but not resolved i n any s a t i s f y i n g manner u n t i l May  1961,  when i t was decided to have a normal length German sermon every Sunday, with a shorter English one.  Sunday-evening services would alternate between  German and English.128  In 1963  d e c i s i o n reached was  the issue was discussed again, but the only  to leave matters l i e .  issue was a subject of debate.  Thus for at least s i x years the  Sometimes the only r e s u l t of a meeting  was  agreement to discuss the issue again before voting on i t , and sometimes a vote could be quite close.129 In the e a r l y 1950's the leader of the Winnipeg North End Brethren congregation,  D.K.  Duerksen, was also leader of the German school.  B.B.  Fast  and "other brothers" f e l t that t h i s school " i s an organic part of our church work, as i s the Sunday School, youth work etc., and therefore i t i s quite appropriate that the church leader be leader of t h i s work."130  A major  143 discussion on separation from the "world" took place among the congregation soon a f t e r the above statement was made, with injunctions being made against the use of makeup, and v i s i t i n g theatres and sporting events, etc.131 a l s o s i g n i f i c a n t that during t h i s time D.K.  It is  Duerksen began to lead  discussions at every "youth evening" on the topic of nonresistance.132 person of D.K.  The  Duerksen i l l u s t r a t e s once again that maintenance of the German  language was an elemental part of a general attempt to keep the s p e c i f i c a l l y Brethren configuration of b e l i e f s and p r i n c i p l e s i n t a c t . But the language t r a n s i t i o n had already occurred among the younger Brethren.  The Sunday School committee reported i n 1951 that foremost among  the problems facing them was that of  language:  The confusion of languages at the Tower of Babel has become quite severe...Our c h i l d r e n now think i n English instead of German. They would rather sing i n English than German, hear s t o r i e s i n English,...(and) there doesn't seem to be much we can do about i t . There are only a few c h i l d r e n i n the Sunday School who don't understand German, yet the instruction i s already no longer 100% i n German.133 Even i f most c h i l d r e n understood German, t h e i r f a c i l i t y with the language was not very good.  The only " r a d i c a l s o l u t i o n " to the problem would be to change  completely into English.  I t was suggested that mothers leave t h e i r 2 to 3-  1/2 year-olds i n the nursery, where they would learn German from the woman i n charge, who was fluent i n German.134 Attendance of the German Saturday school i n 1951 was a t an a l l - t i m e high, with 56 students attending; the numbers climbed during the-1950's, as they also d i d i n other congregations.  The need and interest i n the school  p a r a l l e l e d the period of German-language decline.135  In 1952 the Sunday  School continued to be instructed p r i m a r i l y i n German, but thoughts were being uttered as to the e x c l u s i v i t y that t h i s represented; these doubts were  144 assuaged by the fact that the church operated a "mission school", i n English and l i k e l y some distance away from the home church.136 In March of 1954  the youth began holding an English gathering on every  second Sunday of the month, and i n August of that year an English Sunday evening worship service was approved.137  Thus began the changeover,  culminating i n the i n s t i t u t i o n of b i l i n g u a l services by the winter of 1958.138 The congregation was by now  involved with some of the l o c a l E n g l i s h -  speaking churches i n organizations such as the Lord's Day A l l i a n c e , Evangelical Pastor's Fellowship, and Greater Winnipeg M i n i s t e r i a l Association.139  The t r a n s i t i o n to English was  f e l t to be a loss by elder  members of t h i s congregation, as a statement made i n 1959  attests:  For those of us who to a greater or lesser extent know the German language, i t i s a natural good (Gut) that we love and cherish, and want to r e t a i n . Should we give up t h i s good, i t would be a c e r t a i n loss for our churches and for every one of us personally.140 Stories abound concerning the misunderstandings and c o n f l i c t s which occurred i n Mennonite congregations during the t r a n s i t i o n period.  One  i n d i v i d u a l r e c a l l s being the f i r s t person to give a personal testimony to h i s congregation  in English.  stated i n German: Christian?"141  When he was  f i n i s h e d , an older member stood up and  "I haven't understood a thing!  Is he even a  C a l v i n Redekop t r a v e l l e d with a Mennonite Central Committee  (a major North American Mennonite service i n s t i t u t i o n ) "peace team" i n western Canada during the late 1940's, v i s i t i n g Mennonite churches and g i v i n g presentations on Mennonite peace p r i n c i p l e s .  The other team members gave  t h e i r presentations i n German, and Redekop spoke i n English, because h i s German wasn't too good and h i s message was d i r e c t e d p r i m a r i l y toward the youth.  As he r e l a t e s i t ,  In one s i t u a t i o n I got up and started making my presentation; there  145 was some discussion i n the back of the church, and one gentleman stood up and s a i d : "Can't you speak German?" I responded that I could, but not very well, and he said, "There's no point i n carrying t h i s discussion any further!"142 At  t h i s point a debate erupted between church members, and the pastor f i n a l l y  cancelled the remainder of the meeting.  "In every congregation, we f e l t t h i s  tension, 'If you don't speak German, you r e a l l y are giving us something which doesn't apply to us, i s a l i e n to us.'"143 B.B. Janz, who was s t i l l active during the 1950's, was not pleased with the  rapid changes that were taking place at t h i s time, including the loss of  the  German language.  In 1950 he s t i l l f e l t that "For the good of the  Mennonite Brethren church i n Canada, the retention of the German language for a number of years yet i s absolutely necessary. "144  At the 1954 Canadian  Conference meeting, Janz delivered a wide-ranging and c r i t i c a l address.  In  addition to decrying rampant "hypocrisy, s u p e r f i c i a l i t y , immodesty and rebelliousness" among the Mennonite Brethren, he attacked the "horrible materialism, pleasure-seeking and...overweaning ambition (that) are undermining the Mennonite Brethren Church."  Concerning the "language  problem", Janz stated: The language problem i n our congregations i s a very serious matter which can cause the older members much pain, and bring an a i r of f r i v o l i t y to the churches. I t wouldn't be a problem i f a l l else was s p i r i t u a l l y well among young and o l d . Both sides need to d i s p l a y sound s p i r i t u a l i t y and wisdom, proceeding i m p a r t i a l l y but never pushing things to the breaking point. How sad, when mother and c h i l d can no longer understand each other, on account of the Babylonian confusion!145 The a l l u s i o n to the tower of Babel story, i n which a prelapsarian l i n g u i s t i c (and  s o c i a l ) unity i s destroyed, due to s i n f u l collaboration on a monument to  human pride, drives home the message contained i n Janz's c a r e f u l l y chosen words.  The rapid l i n g u i s t i c t r a n s i t i o n taking place was to him a r e f l e c t i o n  146 of a general breakdown of the s o c i o - r e l i g i o u s i n t e g r i t y of h i s people. In other contexts Janz was more d i r e c t .  When the Konferenz Jugendblatt  became wholly English, Janz wrote the new editor a l e t t e r , with the caption "Funeral", protesting the move.146  In a study-paper e n t i t l e d "Confusion",  from about the same time, Janz expressed the feelings of a whole generation. While he admitted that a language t r a n s i t i o n must i n e v i t a b l y take place, he f e l t that i t was happening much too quickly: It i s a d i r e c t , sharp break i n about half a generation. A l l the roots of l i v i n g and working (according to God's word), morality, custom, family l i f e , conduct with modesty and humility, obedience and respect for parents and vice versa, and i n part also our f a i t h are ripped untested out of the e a r l i e r way of l i f e (which i s disrespected) and stuffed into the new way of l i f e here. In t h i s process much that i s dear and precious i s l o s t . The rapid break reminds one of a preciously laden ship f i l l e d with p r i c e l e s s goods that are r a p i d l y being thrown overboard and new cargo from here taken on board. The new goods are said to be so much better. In the past, persecuted i n t h e i r home country, plagued, b i t t e r l y poor, but not yet degenerated i n heart and conscience, the people brought with them a great inner wealth...By a decent, gradual change we would s t r i v e c a r e f u l l y to r e t a i n a l l that i s ideal and worthy of retention i n our tested f a i t h and l i f e and add the new and good to i t . With such a break i n i t s way of l i f e i n so short a time and often with violence to the 5th commandment, i t i s d e f i n i t e that t h i s generation w i l l i n the next 10-20 years a l s o degenerate i n i t s way of l i f e . I t i s going downhill! Many young people f i n d our simple Mennonite r e l i g i o u s services, and a l l our various arrangements much too pale. But there, in that English church, there at least i s l i f e ! Yes, a l l kinds of bustle and a n t i c s , a l l those witticisms and gestures to awaken the people to echoing laughter; then at l a s t a l s o a short Word of God."147 Janz's biographer a t t r i b u t e s such statements to the e f f e c t s of o l d age and of belonging to a generation which was no longer needed.148  Given the  broad sweep of Russlaender Brethren history, i t a l s o seems f i t t i n g to say that they were the death-cries of a way of l i f e .  As the next chapter shows,  concern over the demise of the p a r t i c u l a r configuration of language, Volk, and r e l i g i o u s s e n s i b i l i t y which was the foundation of the Russian Brethren way of l i f e led to substantial i f doomed e f f o r t s to preserve i t i n the  147 postwar period. Despite the fears and e f f o r t s of Janz's generation, however, a l l was not l o s t , and the Brethren continued to function as a viable r e l i g i o u s body, i f in a somewhat changed form.  To conclude t h i s chapter I w i l l present the  story of one individual who was a n g l i c i z e d and attended an "English" Bible school, yet remained i n the Brethren community and eventually became a leader of considerable stature.  The experience of Herbert Brandt exemplifies both  the perspective and dilemmas of the younger generation during the t r a n s i t i o n period, as well as the fact that the elder generation's fears were exaggerated. Brandt, who has worked as a Brethren pastor and leader for much of h i s l i f e , was born i n Saskatchewan of Russlaender parents, and grew up speaking Low German and English.  His father was a schoolteacher who had a good  command of the English language.  Brandt never attended Saturday school, and  never learned High German well enough to be comfortable with i t , even though i t was the language of church services, of some of h i s r e l a t i v e s , and  was  mandatory at the Mennonite Collegiate I n s t i t u t e , a private high school which he attended (begun by Kanadier and supported p r i m a r i l y by General Conference Mennonites).  Although the language gave Brandt problems, he respected and  trusted important " t r a d i t i o n a l i s t s " whom he learned to know through the school, including G.H.  Peters, D.P. Esau, and A.H. Unruh.  However, a problem emerged for him when he made a C h r i s t i a n commitment around t h i s time: English was e s s e n t i a l l y h i s mother tongue, but the theological language he had learned was i n German: "The problem for me  was  that everything I.experienced or learned i n r e l i g i o u s f a i t h was i n German, but I couldn't express everyday things i n that language."  I t was a  148 dichotomous s i t u a t i o n : On the soccer f i e l d he spoke English, and i n church German-  "I had learned a r e l i g i o u s language abstracted or compartmentalized  from my everyday l i f e .  I learned German as the language through which I  communicate my f a i t h , and thus my whole thinking process had to s h i f t gears." It didn't f e e l r i g h t to compartmentalize  things that  way.  Brandt got h i s m i l i t a r y c a l l i n August, 1943; by September he was  working  in a mental hospital i n Brandon, Manitoba, as a Conscientious Objector  (CO).  He was there u n t i l 1946. He and other Mennonite C.O.'s sometimes communicated among themselves  i n Low-German, but they were " b a s i c a l l y into English".  were f u l l y i n the English world, German was "non-existent".  They  Although he d i d  not ever think of himself as being fundamentally " d i f f e r e n t " than the English community, as a C O .  Brandt experienced some r i d i c u l e for being of German-  speaking background, and for being a p a c i f i s t .  "You begin to think, why x  continue to i d e n t i f y with the German element?'" When h i s term was up, and as he was deciding where to pursue further studies, he f e l t he had to make a decision whether to return to the GermanMennonite community or continue to make h i s way world.  i n the English-Canadian  He didn't f e e l i t was necessary or important to study German i n order  to study the Bible, and there would not have been as many options for him i f he followed t h i s path. guess."  And he states that "In some ways I was r e b e l l i n g , I  He was c r i t i c a l of the t r a d i t i o n a l community, "but not i n the sense  of wanting to cut myself o f f from i t . " Because of his interest i n missionary work, Brandt decided to e n r o l l a t PBI, and there he "began to r e a l i z e pretty q u i c k l y the difference i n C h r i s t i a n l i f e " between that of PBI and of h i s own experience.  The  atmosphere at PBI had m i l i t a r i s t i c overtones a t t h i s time, as returning  149 s o l d i e r s were swelling i t s ranks.  "Now  we C O . 's were s i t t i n g beside Majors  in the army, some of them highly convinced they were great l i b e r a t o r s . "  He  perceived that there were d i f f e r e n t types of C h r i s t i a n community, but he didn't f e e l he had to be German-speaking to experience the kind of community with which he had grown up and become comfortable. Among the Brethren who attended PBI during Brandt's time were David Ewert, P.R.  Toews, George Geddart, and H.R.  Baerg.  (Ewert has been a  prominent MB leader and Geddart was a longtime l i b r a r i a n and teacher at Bethany Bible School.)  "There was a very strong move i n the 1940's to get  B i b l e - t r a i n i n g i n an English environment." changeover i n Brethren churches to English.  Some "pushed hard" for a Brandt's roommate at PBI  strongly that the Mennonite "German emphasis" was out of order.  felt  Brandt co-  wrote a document with a number of PBI men c a l l i n g for change in t h i s matter. Evangelism and outreach were important elements i n t h e i r desire to change to the language of the land. During his tenure at PBI Brandt didn't have much contact with Mennonite groups.  Mennonites a t the school would get l e t t e r s from leaders concerned  about them losing t h e i r Mennonite i d e n t i t y through becoming "Verenglischt" (anglicized).  "In retrospect, I can understand their concern."  Herb's  choice of PBI over the Mennonite Brethren Bible College or other schools l i k e the Winkler Bible School was not s o l e l y a question of the Mennonite German i d e n t i t y , although i t was an important factor, nor was he intent on r e j e c t i n g the Brethren t r a d i t i o n as a whole.  PBI simply had a number of things to  o f f e r , while the unattractiveness of the Mennonite schools was only compounded by their emphasis on the German language.149 After leaving PBI Brandt worked as an elementary school teacher, before  150 assuming pastoral duties i n a number of English-speaking Brethren churches, and serving as a Brethren Conference leader.  Although he has never f e l t that  Germanism was c r u c i a l to Brethren i d e n t i t y , and he has been involved with the church during a time of growth and v i t a l i t y , Brandt c u r r e n t l y has reservations about the ongoing Brethren r e j e c t i o n of c e r t a i n aspects of t h e i r own heritage and f a i t h , and the near complete t r a n s i t i o n from an e g a l i t a r i a n to h i e r a r c h i c a l form of church p o l i t y . In conclusion, Russlaender Brethren i d e n t i t y and s o c i o - r e l i g i o u s i n t e g r i t y were c l o s e l y linked to Germanism, and the German language i n p a r t i c u l a r , during the f i r s t three decades a f t e r t h e i r a r r i v a l i n Canada from Soviet Russia.  For many people the rapid t r a n s i t i o n from German to English  was symptomatic of a number of mostly negative changes which took place, e s p e c i a l l y i n the postwar period.  As a potent symbol of the "inner wealth"  which Mennonites had brought with them from Russia, the German language was very d i f f i c u l t to l e t go, e s p e c i a l l y i n the context of the l o c a l congregation, where Mennonite Brethren s o c i a l and r e l i g i o u s l i f e were merged into one.  This resulted i n some a l i e n a t i o n from the group, yet the Brethren  continued to grow numerically, and were able to remain a viable and v i t a l r e l i g i o u s body, i f i n fact some c r i t i c a l changes were indeed taking place.  151 NOTES, CHAPTER FOUR 1. Calvin Redekop, Mennonite Society (Johns Hopkins University Press, 1989), p. 62ff. 2. Delbert Wiens, "The Old Wine; W i l l i t Sour?" The Canadian Mennonite, 18 A p r i l 1967, pp. 6-7; J.A. Toews, A History of the Mennonite Brethren Church, (Fresno, CA: Board of C h r i s t i a n L i t e r a t u r e , 1975), pp. 323-24; Interview with Herb Brandt, Mennonite Brethren Pastor, June 3 and December 19, 1989, Kelowna, B.C. This idea w i l l be discussed further i n Chapter Six. 3. An analysis of the Vineland, Ontario Brethren congregation done by Gerry Ediger i s also used, and I thank him for making i t available t o me. 4. Minutes of the North End Mennonite Brethren Church business meetings, September 18, 1927, microfilm r o l l no. 91, p. 2116, Centre for Mennonite Brethren Studies (CMBS), Fresno; Minutes of the Coaldale Mennonite Brethren Church business meetings, November 16, 1930, Folder BA 501, p. 20, CMBS Fresno; Gerry Ediger, "Language T r a n s i t i o n i n the Vineland Mennonite Brethren Church," unpublished paper, May 1987, i n my possession; Minutes of the Yarrow Mennonite Brethren Church business meetings, December 19, 1938, microfilm r o l l no. 65, p. 273, CMBS Fresno; Minutes of the Hepburn Mennonite Brethren Church business meetings, March 1, 1937, microfilm r o l l no. 10, p. 405, CMBS Fresno. 5. D.P. Esau, "Was erwarten unsere Gemeinden von den Elementar und Hochschulen i n Religion und Deutsch," Der Bote. 15 June 1938, pp. 1-2. 6. 1926 Mennonite Brethren Northern D i s t r i c t Conference Yearbook (Hillsboro, KS: MB Publishing House), p. 32. 7. 1933 Northern D i s t r i c t Conference Yearbook, p. 76; 1935 Northern D i s t r i c t Conference Yearbook, pp. 47-48. 8. "Bericht des Schulkomitees auf der Konferenz zu Langham am 7 J u l i , 1931," Mennonitische Rundschau, 9 September 1931, p. 3; Ibid., Mennonitische Rundschau, 23 September 1931, p. 3. 9. "Die jaehrliche Schulvorsteherkonvention," Mennonitische Rundschau, 25 May 1932, p. 6. 10. e.g. 23 December 1931, p. 5; H.H. Ewert, 17 February 1932, p. 2; 1 March 1933, p. 3; A.A. Toews, 14 November 1934, p. 5; "Leiden des deutschen Schulmeisters," 12 June 1935, pp. 2-3; F.C. Thiessen, "Offener B r i e f an die deutschen E l t e r n und Schulfreunde der Stadt Winnipeg," 12 September 1934, p. 5. 11. "Religion und deutsche Sprache i n unseren Schulen," Mennonitische Rundschau, 29 June 1932, pp. 4-5.  152 12. Alexander Dirks, "Freuden und Leiden des Schulmeisters," Mennonitische Rundschau. 17 J u l y 1935, p. 4. 13. "Deutsche Reliqionsschule," Mennonitische Rundschau. 30 October 1935, p. 1. 14. There seems t o be l i t t l e hard data on the degree t o which the provisions for i n s t r u c t i o n i n language and r e l i g i o n i n public schools were made use of i n predominantly Mennonite areas. E.K. Francis found that "many" Mennonite d i s t r i c t s d i d not a v a i l themselves of the opportunities available to them i n t h i s regard, but does not present any data. E.K. Francis, In Search of Utopia: The Mennonites of Manitoba (Altona, MB: D.W. Friesen & Sons, 1955), pp. 265-66. 15.  1928 Northern D i s t r i c t Conference Yearbook, p. 50.  16.  "Schulfragen und unsere Schule," Der Bote. 20 March 1935, p. 3.  17.  1935 Northern D i s t r i c t Conference Yearbook, p. 47.  18. "Brueder, wo stuerst du hin?", Mennonitische Rundschau. 12 February 1936, pp. 6-7; Mennonitische Rundschau, 4 March 1936, pp. 2-3. 19. "Ein dunkles B l a t t i n der Geschichte von Heute," Mennonitische Rundschau, 29 A p r i l 1936, p. 5. 20. p. 13.  "Gouldtown, Saskatchewan", Mennonitische Rundschau, 25 March 1936,  21. Mennonite Brethren church h i s t o r i a n J.A. Toews was obviously aware of t h i s , having taught i n a number of Bible schools himself, but the issue receives peripheral treatment i n his chapter on schools. See J.A. Toews, A History of the Mennonite Brethren Church (Fresno, Ca: Board of C h r i s t i a n L i t e r a t u r e , 1975), p. 254ff. In other studies of Brethren schools very l i t t l e understanding of the r e l a t i o n s h i p between c u l t u r a l and r e l i g i o u s values i s present, e.g. John George Doerksen, "Mennonite Brethren Bible College and College of the Arts" (Ph.D. d i s s e r t a t i o n , University of North Dakota, 1968); Peter G. Klassen, "A History of Mennonite Education i n Canada, 1786-1960" (D. Ed. Thesis, University of Toronto, 1970); John George Doerksen, "History of Education of the Mennonite Brethren of Canada" (M. Ed. Thesis, University of Manitoba, 1963). 22. This figure was arrived a t by cross-referencing l i s t s found i n Peter Penner, No Longer At Arm's Length: Mennonite Brethren Church Planting i n Canada 1883-1983 (Winnipeg: Kindred Press, 1987), p. 25; and A.J. Classen, ed., The Bible School Story 1913-1963 (Mennonite Brethren Board of Education, 1963). 23. Minutes of the Coaldale Mennonite Brethren Church business meetings, January 19, 1930, Folder BA 501, pp. 15-16, CMBS Fresno. 24.  Mennonitische Rundschau, 7 October 1931, p. 5.  153 25.  F.C. Thiessen, Mennonitische Rundschau. 30 August 1933, p. 4.  26. From the 1937-38 School Calendar; BF, Saskatchewan Conference of Mennonite Brethren Churches, Box 1, Folder 11, CMBS Fresno. 27. J.B. Toews, "Mennonite Brethren Identity and Theological D i v e r s i t y , " in Paul Toews, ed., Pilgrims and Strangers: Essays in Mennonite Brethren History (Fresno, CA: Centre for Mennonite Brethren Studies, 1977), p. 144. 28. 1933 Northern D i s t r i c t Conference Yearbook, p. 87; 1935 Northern D i s t r i c t Conference Yearbook, p. 48; 1936 Northern D i s t r i c t Conference Yearbook, p. 45; 1937 Northern D i s t r i c t Conference Yearbook, p. 20; 1938 Northern D i s t r i c t Conference Yearbook, pp. 22-23; 1939 Northern D i s t r i c t Conference Yearbook, p. 25. 29. 1937 Northern D i s t r i c t Conference Yearbook, p. 20; F.C. Thiessen, "Offener B r i e f , " Mennonitische Rundschau. 12 September 1934, p. 5; "Protokoll der P r o v i n z i a l Vertreterversammlung," Mennonitische Rundschau. 2 August 1939, pp. 9-10. 30.  J.B. Toews, "Mennonite Brethren Identity," p. 147.  31. John George Doerksen, "History of Education of the Mennonite Brethren of Canada," (M.A. Thesis, University of Manitoba, 1963), p. 56. 32. W.E. Mann, Sect, Cult, and Church i n Alberta (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1955); Ben Harder, "The Bible Institute-College Movement i n Canada," Journal of Canadian Church H i s t o r i c a l Society ( A p r i l 1980):29-45; David R. E l l i o t t , "Studies of Eight Canadian Fundamentalists," (Ph.D. d i s s e r t a t i o n , U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1989). 33. Harder, "The Bible Institute-College Movement," p. 32; Mann, Sect, Cult, and Church, p. 82ff; Penner, No Longer At Arm's Length, p. 25; Interview with Herb Brandt, Mennonite Brethren Pastor, June 3 and December 19, 1989, Kelowna, B.C.; Letter from B.B. Janz to J . Quiring, J u l y 10, 1950, B.B. Janz C o l l e c t i o n , Box 4, Folder 49, CMBS Winnipeg; Aron Sawatzky, "The Mennonites of Alberta and Their Assimilation" (M.A. Thesis, University of Alberta, 1964), pp. 224-25. Mann l i s t s many more reasons for the attractiveness of schools l i k e PBI, including i t s radio programs and the chance t o gain experience i n radio broadcasting, the staging of missions conferences, low academic entrance requirements and fees, etc. Herb Brandt r e c a l l s the impressive t r a v e l l i n g singing groups, and being attracted t o PBI because of i t s reputation i n the area of foreign missions. 34.  1935 Northern D i s t r i c t Conference Yearbook, p. 48.  35. Minutes of the Coaldale Mennonite Brethren Church business meetings, June 27, 1936, Folder BA 501, p. 83, CMBS Fresno. 36.  Toews, "Mennonite Brethren Identity," pp. 148-50.  37.  Penner, No Longer At Arm's Length, p. 14ff.  154 38. Ibid., pp. 22-26; Gerry Ed iger,."Language T r a n s i t i o n i n the Vineland Mennonite Brethren Church," p. 13. This becomes more evident i n the postwar period. 39. Mennonitische Rundschau, 31 J u l y 1935, p. 2; G.H. Peters, "Wie begegnen wir der Gefahr der Entfremdung der deutsch-mennonitischen Jugend?", Mennonitische Rundschau, 28 August 1935, p. 5; Mennonitische Rundschau, 22 J u l y 1936, p. 3; G.H. Peters, Mennonitische Rundschau, 18 November 1936, p. 7; G.H. Peters, "Und wieder: 'unsere deutsche Sprache'," Der Bote. 7 A p r i l 1937, pp. 3-4; Mennonitische Rundschau, 9 August 1939, p. 3. 40. Minutes of the Bethany Bible School Committee Meeting, 17 February 1940, BF Saskatchewan Conference of Mennonite Brethren Churches, Box 1, Folder 11, CMBS Fresno. 41. Ediger, "Language Transition i n the Vineland Mennonite Brethren Church," pp. 7-8. 42. Minutes of the Coaldale Mennonite Brethren Church business meetings, November 14, 1939, Folder BA 501, p. 114; Ibid., December 27, 1940, p. 129. 43. Minutes of the Bethany Bible School Committee Meeting, September 25, 1940, f i l e 11; Ibid., January 24, 1942, p. 128, f i l e 12. 44. Minutes of the Hepburn Mennonite Brethren Church business meetings, June 16, 1941, microfilm r o l l 10, p. 896, CMBS Fresno. 45. Minutes of the Yarrow Mennonite Brethren Church business meetings, October 25, 1939, microfilm r o l l 65, p. 296; August 12, 1940, p. 317; .October 24, 1942, p. 377, CMBS Fresno. Minutes of the North End Mennonite Brethren Church business meetings, October 2, 1940, microfilm r o l l 92, p. 17; January 3, 1943, p. 79; January 14, 1945, pp. 131-32, CMBS Fresno. 46. George G. Thielman, "The Canadian Mennonites" (Ph.D. Dissertation, Western Reserve University, 1955), p. 256. 47. Minutes of the Kitchener Mennonite Brethren Church business meetings, October 1, 1939, microfilm r o l l 33, p. 1741, CMBS Fresno. 48. Minutes of the Coaldale Mennonite Brethren Church business meetings, December 27, 1940, Folder BA 501, p. 129, CMBS Fresno.  155 49. Hildegard M. Martens, "Accomodation and Withdrawal: The Response of Mennonites i n Canada to World War I I , " Social History VII (November 1974):306-27; T.D. Regehr, "The Influence of World War II on Mennonites i n Canada," Journal of Mennonite Studies 5 (1987):73-89; Howard Palmer, "Ethnic Relations i n Wartime: Nationalism and European Minorities i n Alberta during the Second World War," Canadian Ethnic Studies XIV (1982):l-23; Thielman, "The Canadian Mennonites," pp.254-56. Enlistment figures have t r a d i t i o n a l l y been estimated at one-half, or 7500, of e l i g i b l e Mennonite men. T.D. Regehr reports however that a l i s t compiled from Canadian m i l i t a r y personnel f i l e s contained 4,453 Mennonite names; the actual figure thus i s somewhere between these two figures, being probably closer to the lower one. Regehr, "The Influence of World War I I , " p. 76. 50. Robert H. Keyserlingk, "Breaking the Nazi P l o t : Canadian Government Attitudes Towards German Canadians, 1939-1945," i n Hillman, Kordan, Luciuk, eds., On Guard For Thee: War. E t h n i c i t y , and the Canadian State. 1939-1945 (Ottawa: Canadian Committee for the History of the Second World War, 1988), pp. 54-61. 51. Norman Hillmer, "The Second World War as an (Un) National Experience," i n On Guard For Thee, p. x v i i . 52.  Palmer, "Ethnic Relations i n Wartime," pp.  8-11.  53. 1941 Northern D i s t r i c t Conference Yearbook, p. 17; D i s t r i c t Conference Yearbook, pp. 26-29.  1942 Northern  54. Frank Epp estimates that the rates of Russlaender enlistment to be around 50%. Frank Epp, Mennonite Exodus (Altona: D.W. Friesen & Sons Ltd, 1966), p. 331. The actual rate may be somewhat lower—see note 49. 55. 1943 Northern D i s t r i c t Conference Yearbook, p. 17; See a l s o 1942 Northern D i s t r i c t Conference Yearbook, p. 9; 1944 Northern D i s t r i c t Conference Yearbook, p. 16, 53. 56.  1944 Northern D i s t r i c t Conference, p. 27.  57. Minutes of the Kitchener Mennonite Brethren Church business meeting, November 19, 1944, microfilm r o l l 33, p. 1807, CMBS Fresno. 58. Frank H. Epp, Mennonites i n Canada 1920-1940 (Toronto: Macmillan of Canada, 1982), pp. 575-578; 1939 Northern D i s t r i c t Conference Yearbook, pp. 6-8; Mennonitische Rundschau, May-October 1939; Thielman, "The Canadian Mennonites," pp. 259-60. 59. Seventh Census of Canada. 1931, v o l . I l l (Ottawa: King's P r i n t e r s , 1935), pp. 772-73. 60. Eighth Census of Canada. 1941 v o l . IV (Ottawa: King's P r i n t e r s , 1944), p. 56.  156 61. Interview with Peter Neudorf, Mennonite Businessman, December 10, 1989, Vancouver, B.C; Interview with Anne Funk, Mennonite s o c i a l worker, May 6, 1990, Vancouver, B.C; Francis, In Search of Utopia, pp. 233-34. 62.  P.A. Berg, 1941 Northern D i s t r i c t Conference Yearbook, p. 9.  63. For example, a member of a strongly pro-Hitler Russlaender family remembers the d i s i l l u s i o n with the regime which the family experienced at the end of the war. Interview with Anne Funk. 64. Letter of February 19, 1953, B.B. Janz C o l l e c t i o n , Box 7, Folder 97, Centre for Mennonite Brethren Studies (CMBS), Winnipeg. 65. Leo Driedger, "A Perspective on Canadian Mennonite Urbanization," Mennonite L i f e (October 1968):147. 66. Howard Palmer, Patterns of Prejudice: A History of Nativism i n Alberta (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1982), p. 176ff. 67. Gerald Friesen, The Canadian P r a i r i e s : A History (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1987), p. 422, 453. 68. Friesen, The Canadian P r a i r i e s , p. 464; Prejudice, pp. 179-80.  Palmer, Patterns of  69. Friesen, The Canadian P r a i r i e s , pp. 456-57; Francis, In Search of Utopia, pp. 242-46, 275-77; Leo Driedger, "Urbanization of Mennonites i n Canada," i n Poettcker and Regehr, eds., C a l l to Faithfulness: Essays i n Canadian Mennonite Studies (Winnipeg: Canadian Mennonite Bible College, 1972), pp. 150-51; John Friesen, "Manitoba Mennonites i n the Rural-Urban S h i f t , " Mennonite L i f e XXIII (October 1968):158. 70.  Driedger, "Urbanization of Mennonites i n Canada," pp. 144-45.  71. .In B.C., the province i n which Mennonites were most highly urbanized, the Brethren counted three times as many members as other Mennonite groups. Robert K. Burkinshaw, "Strangers and Pilgrims i n Lotus Land: Conservative Protestantism i n B r i t i s h Columbia, 1917-1981" (Ph.D. Dissertation, U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1988), pp. 209-11. In Manitoba they also had the highest percentage of urbanized members, doubling t h e i r urban population i n the decade and a half a f t e r the Second World War. Friesen, "Manitoba Mennonites," p. 154, and Driedger, "Urbanization of Mennonites i n Canada," p. 147. In Ontario during the e a r l y 1960's the Brethren were found to be much more heavily concentrated i n the professions than other Mennonite groups. Ibid., p. 149. 72. Driedger, "Urbanization of Mennonites i n Canada," pp. 147-50; Regehr, "The Influence of World War II on Mennonites," pp. 79-83. 73. George K. Epp, "Mennonite Immigration to Canada After World War I I , " Journal of Mennonite Studies 5 (1987):108-19.  157 74. Penner, No Longer At Arm's Length, p. 40; J.A. Toews, A History of the Mennonite Brethren Church, p. 207, 327; Francis, In Search of Utopia, p. 242; Interview with J.B. Toews, Mennonite Brethren leader, June 10, 1989, Winnipeg, Manitoba. 75. 1945 Northern D i s t r i c t Conference Yearbook, p. 92; 1959 Northern D i s t r i c t Conference Yearbook, p. 256. 76.  Sawatzky, "The Mennonites of Alberta," pp. 215-16.  77. Ibid., p. 229; J.A. Toews also notes t h i s e f f e c t , without giving figures. Toews, A History of the Mennonite Brethren Church, p. 329. J.B. Toews estimates that up to 40% of the membership of some Brethren churches was l o s t because of the tensive atmosphere surrounding the language t r a n s i t i o n . Interview with J.B. Toews, Brethren educator and leader, June 10, 1989, Winnipeg, Manitoba. 78. Sawatzky, "The Mennonites of Alberta," p. 230; Adolf Ens, "Changes in Language and C u l t u r a l Symbols During the 1950's," unpublished paper, Box 17, Folder F, no. 2, CMBS Winnipeg. 79.  Sawatzky, "The Mennonites of Alberta," p. 248.  80. Interview with J.B. Toews, Mennonite Brethren leader, June 10, 1989, Winnipeg, Manitoba; Interview with Gerhard Ens, editor of Der Bote. June 20, 1989, Winnipeg, Manitoba; H.A. Peters, "Das mennonitische Volkstum: Eine Skizze seiner Entstehung und des V e r f a l l e s , " Der Bote, 8 December 1964, p. 10. Interview with Herb Brandt, Mennonite Brethren pastor, June 3 and December 19, 1989, Kelowna, B.C.; Frank Epp, "The Struggle for Recognition," i n Poettcker and Regehr, eds., C a l l t o Faithfulness, p. 169; Jacob Loewen, "The German Language, Culture and F a i t h , " unpublished paper, Box 15, Folder E, no. 3, CMBS Winnipeg, p. 20. 81. Adolf Ens, "Changes i n Language and C u l t u r a l Symbols," pp. 2-3; Interview with Herb Brandt; Regehr, "The Influence of World War II on Mennonites," p. 76. 82. Frank Epp, "The Struggle for Recognition," i n Poettcker and Regehr, eds., C a l l To Faithfulness: Essays in Canadian Mennonite Studies (Winnipeg: Canadian Mennonite Bible College, 1972), pp. 167-73. 83.  Penner, No Longer At Arm's Length, pp. 40-41.  84.  H.F. Klassen, " E d i t o r i a l " , Konferenz Jugendblatt. 31 May 1944, pp.  2-3. 85. Toews, A History of the Mennonite Brethren Church, p. 232, 328; H.H. Janzen, "Strengthening the Peace Witness," The Mennonite VII (January 1952), pp. 3-4; Penner, No Longer At Arm's Length, p. 28. 86.  J . J . J . , Konferenz Jugendblatt. May 1952, p. 2 f f .  158 87.  H.H.  Janzen, "Strengthening the Peace Witness," p. 3.  88. Penner, No Longer At Arm's Length, p. 41; Toews, A History of the Mennonite Brethren Church, p. 339; 1954 Northern D i s t r i c t Conference Yearbook, p. 85; 1958 Northern D i s t r i c t Conference Yearbook, pp. 154-55. 89. 1946 Northern D i s t r i c t Conference Yearbook, p. 115; 1950 Northern D i s t r i c t Conference Yearbook, p. 57; 1952 Northern D i s t r i c t Conference Yearbook, p. 94. 90.  Sawatzky, "The Mennonites of Alberta," pp. 224-25.  91. Letter to J . Quiring, J u l y 10, 1950, B.B. Janz C o l l e c t i o n , Box 4, Folder 49, CMBS Winnipeg. 92.  1946 Northern D i s t r i c t Conference Yearbook, p. 162.  93.  H.F. Klassen, " E d i t o r i a l " , Konferenz Jugendblatt, March 1946, p. 3.  94. Penner, No Longer At Arm's Length, p. 46; Mann, Sect. Cult, and Church i n Alberta, p. 103; Interview with Jack and Eleanor Dueck, J u l y 6, 1989, Kitchener, Ontario. 95.  J.B. Toews, "Mennonite Brethren Identity," pp. 142-43.  96.  Penner, No Longer At Arm's Length.  97. Toews, A History of the Mennonite Brethren Church, p. 233ff; 1946 Northern D i s t r i c t Conference Yearbook, p. 138ff; 1947 Northern D i s t r i c t Conference Yearbook, p. 12ff; 1950 Northern D i s t r i c t Conference Yearbook, p. 6ff. 98.  H.F. Klassen, e d i t o r i a l , Konferenz Jugendblatt, 31 May 1944, p. 3.  99. e.g."Haltet solche Maenner i n Ehren!", Konferenz Jugendblatt. March 1945, pp. 4-5; Ibid., March 1946, p. 4. 100.  B.B. Janz, Konferenz Jugendblatt. March 1945, p. 13.  101. Anna Wiebe, "Wie e r z i e l t man Liebe und Verstaendnis fuer die Muttersprache?", Konferenz Jugendblatt. June 1947, pp. 6-7; "Sprache", Ibid., p. 19; "Die Muttersprache," Ibid., A p r i l 1948; "The German Song, our Heritage," Ibid., June-August 1948, p. 15; H.F. Klassen, "Why Two Languages?", Ibid., November 1952, p. 2. 102.  H.F. Klassen, Konferenz Jugendblatt, October 1946, p. 2.  103. "Brief an Editor u. H i l f s e d i t o r e n , " Konferenz Jugendblatt, February 1947, p. 2. 104.  Konferenz Jugendblatt, A p r i l 1947, p. 2, 9.  159 105.  Ibid., p. 2.  106. H.F. Klassen, "Why 1952, p. 2.  Two Languages?", Konferenz Jugendblatt. November  107. Walfried Dirks, "Language Tolerance," Konferenz Jugendblatt, June 1947, p. 18. 108. Gerhard Lohrenz, "Volk oder Gemeinde?", Konferenz Jugendblatt,. A p r i l 1950, p. 50. 109. H.F. Klassen, "Wollen wir Mennoniten bleiben?", Konferenz Jugendblatt, January 1952, p. 2. 110. A.A. Toews, "1st unsere Absonderung berechtigt?", Konferenz Jugendblatt, September 1952, pp. 3-5. 111. R.C.L. Minnton, "Shall Canadians be Mennonites?", Konferenz Jugendblatt, September 1952, pp. 23-24. 112. Gerry Ediger, professor at Mennonite Brethren Bible College, i s currently working on a doctoral d i s s e r t a t i o n which promises to treat of t h i s t o p i c i n greater d e t a i l . 113. Minutes of the Coaldale Mennonite Brethren Church business meetings, May 10, 1945, Folder BA 501, p. 164, CMBS Fresno. Hereafter referred to as "Coaldale minutes", with date and page number given. 114.  Coaldale minutes, A p r i l 14, 1946, p. 168.  115.  Coaldale minutes, January 15, 1946, pp. 165-66.  116.  Coaldale minutes, A p r i l 19, 1948, p.180;  117.  Coaldale minutes, May 18, 1953, p. 216; February 22, 1954, p. 222.  118.  Coaldale minutes, September 20, 1955, p. 234;  119.  Coaldale minutes, November 14, 1956, p. 240.  120.  Coaldale minutes, J u l y 26, 1958, p. 253.  121.  Coaldale minutes, March 2, 1954, p. 222;  122.  Coaldale minutes, November 10, 1958, p. 261.  May 30, 1948, p. 182.  October 31, 1955, p.  March 8, 1954, p.. 223.  123. Coaldale minutes, January 29, 1962, p. 291; A p r i l 2, 1962, p. 293; A p r i l 28, 1963, p. 304; October 28, 1968, p. 345.  160 124. Minutes of the Kitchener Mennonite Brethren Church business meetings, December 21, 1954, microfilm r o l l no. 33, p. 2104, CMBS Fresno. Hereafter references w i l l be made to "Kitchener minutes", date and page number. 125.  Kitchener minutes, March 14, 1955, pp. 2104-05.  126.  Kitchener minutes, A p r i l 9, 1955, p. 2108.  127.  Kitchener minutes, A p r i l 10, 1957, p. 2222.  128.  Kitchener minutes, May 16, 1961, p. 2356.  129. For the ongoing saga see Kitchener minutes, September 14, 1957/ p. 2237; September 21, 1957, p. 2242; November 9, 1957, p. 2255; December 14, 1957, p. 2257; October 26, 1958, p. 2286; October 25, 1959, p. 2328; September 10, 1960, p. 2350; October 16, 1960; May 16, 1961, p. 2356; June 8, 1963, p. 2383. 130. Minutes of the North End Mennonite Brethren Church business meetings, September 24, 1951, microfilm r o l l no. 92, p. 319, CMBS Fresno. Hereafter references w i l l be made t o "North End minutes", date, microfilm r o l l and page number. 131.  North End minutes, October 23, 1951, r o l l 92, p. 320.  132.  North End minutes, 1951 year-end report, r o l l 92, p. 330.  133.  North End minutes, 1951 year-end report, r o l l 92, p. 334.  134.  Ibid.  135. Attendance was up t o 70 i n 1952, and 87 i n 1959. See North End minutes, year-end reports for 1952 and 1959, r o l l 92, p. 387, 643. In the Yarrow, B.C. congregation attendance a t the Saturday school climbed during the e a r l y 1950's, reaching 195 i n 1952, before dropping thereafter. Minutes of the Yarrow Mennonite Brethren Church business meetings, December 3, 1952, microfilm r o l l no. 65, p. 894, CMBS Fresno; Ibid., December 16, 1957, p. 1047. The growth of the Coaldale Saturday school during the e a r l y 1950's has already been mentioned. 136.  North End minutes, year-end report for 1952, r o l l 92, p. 379.  137. North End minutes, March 4, 1954, r o l l 92, p. 450; August 23, 1954, r o l l 92, p. 467. 138. North End minutes, November 20, 1956, r o l l 92, p. 502; February 6, 1957, r o l l 92; September 25, 1957, r o l l 92, pp. 540-41; December 8, 1958, r o l l 92, p. 581. 139.  North End minutes, 1959 year-end report, r o l l 92, p. 619.  161 140.  North End minutes, 1959 year-end report, r o l l 92, p. 643.  141. Interview with G i l b e r t Brandt, Mennonite Brethren publisher, June 17, 1989, Winnipeg, Manitoba. 142. Interview with Calvin Redekop, Mennonite s o c i o l o g i s t , June 27, 1990, Harrisonburg, V i r g i n i a . 143.  Ibid.  144. Letter of J u l y 10, 1950, t o J . Quiring; B.B. Janz c o l l e c t i o n , Box 4, Folder 49, CMBS Winnipeg. 145.  1954 Northern D i s t r i c t Conference Yearbook, p. 14.  146.  Interview with J.B. Toews.  147.  F i l e BA 251, F 51, Alberta Mennonite High School, CMBS Fresno.  148. John B. Toews, With Courage t o Spare: The L i f e of B.B. Janz (18771964) (Hillsboro, KS: The Board of C h r i s t i a n L i t e r a t u r e , 1978), pp. 103-105. 149. Interview with Herb Brandt, Mennonite Brethren pastor and Conference Moderator, June 3 and December 19, 1989, Kelowna, B.C.  162 CHAPTER FIVE Postwar Developments i n Higher Education and German Language Preservation  Between the mid-1940's and the e a r l y 1950's there was a s i g n i f i c a n t i n s t i t u t i o n a l response to the rapid changes taking place among the Brethren i n the postwar period.  Increased material p r o s p e r i t y helped to f a c i l i t a t e  the establishment of f i v e Brethren high schools and one Bible college during t h i s time.  These i n s t i t u t i o n s emerged i n order to educate Brethren youth i n  an atmosphere congenial to the Brethren f a i t h and way of l i f e .  Maintenance  of the German language was an integral part of these endeavours, i n t h e i r e a r l y years, and i n t h i s chapter I w i l l b r i e f l y highlight t h i s aspect of the new  "higher" i n s t i t u t i o n s , t r e a t i n g f i r s t the high schools and then the  Mennonite Brethren Bible College.  A b r i e f look a t the Conference Committee  for the German Language and the inter-Mennonite Society for the Promotion of the German language w i l l conclude t h i s chapter. Between 1944 and 1947, Mennonite Brethren.  f i v e high schools were started by the Canadian  The schools generally grew out of, and were supported  by, l o c a l Brethren congregations. They included the Mennonite Educational I n s t i t u t e of Clearbrook, B.C. of Yarrow, B.C. Manitoba (1945);  (1945);  (1944);  Sharon Mennonite Collegiate Institute  Mennonite Brethren Collegiate Institute of Winnipeg,  Alberta Mennonite High School of Coaldale, Alberta (1946);  and Eden C h r i s t i a n College of V i r g i l , Ontario (1947). offered, i n addition to government-required German language, and Mennonite History.  Each of these schools  c u r r i c u l a , courses i n Bible, the  During the e a r l y years i n s t r u c t i o n  was done on a b i l i n g u a l basis, with some v a r i a t i o n , but as time passed the  163 German language was relegated to courses on the Bible and the language itself.1 A precedent had been set i n Russia for Mennonite involvement  i n secondary  education: at i t s height, the Russian Mennonite secondary school system comprised  23 schools, most with a three-year program that included  i n s t r u c t i o n in German and Russian.2  The founding of private high schools and  a Bible college i n Canada was therefore a natural response to the challenges posed by the Canadian environment to Brethren i d e n t i t y .  Studies of these  educational endeavours have tended to ignore the important role assigned i n the schools to the German language i n maintaining a sense of unity and c o n t i n u i t y with the Brethren f a i t h , way of l i f e and community.3 many other areas of Brethren l i f e , the German language was  As i n so  intended to  function i n these i n s t i t u t i o n s as an instrument of s o c i o - r e l i g i o u s integration; to ignore t h i s dynamic i s to miss a fundamental aspect of their operation. Statements made a t Brethren Canadian Conference meetings i n the l a t e r 1940's and e a r l y 1950's support t h i s contention.  In 1948 H.B.  Thiessen  presented a paper on Brethren high schools which i l l u s t r a t e d the dynamics present in such schools.  He began by s t a t i n g :  "When we consider the  400-  year h i s t o r y of our Volk, we find that our schools have played an e s s e n t i a l role in the preservation and advancement of our teachings, s p e c i a l p o s i t i o n and principles."4  As the Russlaender began to prosper i n Canada, according  to Thiessen, Mennonite youth started to attend public high schools; the lack of  r e l i g i o u s i n s t r u c t i o n , and the i r r e l i g i o u s a t t i t u d e s of some teachers, had  necessitated something more " p o s i t i v e " .  Thus "The goal and motive for  grounding these schools was to make a C h r i s t i a n education available to our  164 youth." Yet as h i s i n i t i a l statement made c l e a r , there was much more to i t than that.  The perpetuation of a common heritage and r e l i g i o u s culture was  an e s s e n t i a l aspect of these schools: The greatest value of our high schools however l i e s i n the opportunity to devote one-fourth of the classtime to r e l i g i o n and the German language. What there can't be achieved through that! There are a l s o excellent opportunities for our youth to become f a m i l i a r with the h i s t o r y of our Volk.5 Religion (of the Mennonite v a r i e t y ) , the German language, and Mennonite h i s t o r y were key components of a "Christian education".  Following the  report, the Conference adopted a resolution which recognized the high s i g n i f i c a n c e of the C h r i s t i a n high schools which the Lord has given our r e l i g i o u s community, where students may receive alongside the state education a more or l e s s thorough t r a i n i n g i n r e l i g i o n and the German language.6 Five years l a t e r William Neufeld presented a s i m i l a r point of view to the Conference.  He noted that Mennonite youth were seeking higher education i n  growing numbers; the i r r e l i g i o u s influence of the public schools caused many of them "to become alienated from our r e l i g i o u s community, and to find i t hard to return."7  The intention of the Mennonite forefathers had been to  pass down the f a i t h to their children, and Mennonite schools had emerged under t h i s p a r t i c u l a r necessity: "So the f i r s t schools were a c t u a l l y such that only instructed r e l i g i o n and German; only l a t e r as needs grew were school programmes widened."  Although Neufeld was r e f e r r i n g to the emergence  of schools i n Russia, he c l e a r l y f e l t that the e s s e n t i a l core of Mennonite education was r e l i g i o n and German.  As he went on to state, "The existence of  our high schools today are a l s o born out of such (expanded) needs."8 The percentage of Brethren youth attending Brethren high schools i s unclear, but presumably was lower than those attending public schools.9  By  the later 1940's and e a r l y 1950's the German language seems to have been used  165 around 20-25% of the time, p r i m a r i l y during instruction of r e l i g i o n and German, and i n morning chapel services.10  At the Mennonite Brethren  Collegiate Institute i n Winnipeg, for example, 17-1/2 to 25% of i n s t r u c t i o n a l time was conducted  i n German i n 1951, although f a c u l t y reported that there  were many d i f f i c u l t i e s involved i n using the language to t h i s extent.11  By  1960 r e l i g i o u s courses were being taught i n E n g l i s h a t the school, since the available books were i n English and many students couldn't understand German anyway.12  The School Board r e s i s t e d t h i s changeover to English,13 with the  i r o n i c r e s u l t that "Teachers of r e l i g i o n teach the German r e l i g i o u s terminology even though classes i n r e l i g i o n are taught i n English."14  This  phenomenon of German becoming a genuine l i t u r g i c a l language, for a short while at l e a s t , i l l u s t r a t e s the degree to which i t had come to be i d e n t i f i e d with the Mennonite f a i t h . The story of the founding and e a r l y years of the  Conference-supported  Bible college provides perhaps the most v i v i d example of the role played by Germanism i n Brethren higher education i n the postwar period.  The  first  indications that a "higher Bible school" would be started as a Conference project were given i n 1939 a t the Canadian Conference meeting held i n Coaldale, Alberta. the Conference,  There J.A. Toews read a report on "school endeavours" i n  i n which he c i t e d a growing awareness of the need for higher  theological t r a i n i n g from the Mennonite Brethren perspective.  Maintenance of  the German mother-tongue was c l e a r l y linked to the successful perpetuation of Brethren d i s t i n c t i v e s .  Bible-school teachers were needed who would be able  to a r t i c u l a t e the f a i t h i n German as well as English.15 A Bible School Committee was formed at the 1939 conference, e l e c t i n g Unruh as chairman.  At i t s f i r s t meeting, the committee expressed the  A.H.  166 perceived r e l a t i o n s h i p between the German language and Brethren  faith  d i s t i n c t i v e s i n a statement of objectives: 1. S p i r i t u a l nurture of the youth. 2. Education of b e l i e v i n g teachers for our day schools. These objectives give us the following goal: Support of a l l endeavours to s t a r t schools which give our c h i l d r e n a general education, and a l s o r e l i g i o n and German, as well as to stimulate p a r t i c i p a t i o n in such schools as already e x i s t i n our c i r c l e s ; because experience shows that teachers who have received their education i n such schools g l a d l y instruct t h e i r students i n r e l i g i o n and German, and guide t h e i r upbringing according to our s e n s i b i l i t i e s (ihre Erziehung i n unserm Sinne leiten).16 Due to the circumstances  brought about by the war,  were taken on the issue u n t i l 1943.  no great steps  forward  To have attempted to expand German-  language education would obviously have been foolhardy i n the e a r l y war years.17  The most pressing issue at that time was securing a l t e r n a t i v e  service for Mennonite men  conscripted by the Canadian army.  By  1943,  however, the committee was able to meet and further plan for the opening of a "higher Bible school". The "language problem" was among the concerns of the committee.  I t was  acknowledged that a l l of the "lower" Bible schools had t h e i r own versions of t h i s problem, and that i n order for the generations not to be separated  by  language during the current "changeover period", t h i s problem would have to be solved.  Language was not, however, the sole issue of t h i s meeting: the  concern was that young, educated, b i l i n g u a l people were needed at a l l l e v e l s of Brethren l i f e , as Bible school teachers, youth workers, missionaries and preachers.  The maintenance of the German language would ensure that the  Brethren f a i t h perspective would be transmitted to these new  leaders, but i t  was a means to an end; there i s no indication that anyone involved i n t h i s committee hoped for anything more than a b i l i n g u a l church which would gradually change to English.18  167 The Conference moved forward on the issue, and by October 1944 a building had been bought i n Winnipeg and i t s doors opened for business. who was not fluent i n English, was elected i t s f i r s t president.  A.H. Unruh, J.B. Toews,  the most educated person from within the Brethren constituency, took over the role i n the summer of 1945, with the intent of building a s o l i d academic program for the college.  By the 1946-47 school year the curriculum included  courses i n theology, church history, missions, philosophy, Greek, modern languages  (including German), and music, among others.  reached 129 students, one-third of them female.19  Enrollment had  The college at t h i s time  offered a graduating Diploma i n Theology as well as a Master's of Theology. In the primary i n s t r u c t i o n a l areas of theology and C h r i s t i a n education, 72 semester hours were taught i n English, and 58 i n German.20  The amount of  German instruction theareafter diminished to on average of about one-half the amount of English instruction.21 The c o n f l i c t s and problems surrounding the e a r l y years of the school i l l u s t r a t e the dilemmas confronting the Mennonite Brethren i n the immediate postwar years.  On the one hand, the school had been c a l l e d into being to  provide higher theological t r a i n i n g i n a b i l i n g u a l context.  The f e e l i n g  was  that i f the Brethren f a i t h was not to be l e f t behind by the upcoming generation, an e f f o r t would have to be made to stem the tide of English language and culture, and the evangelical theology which went with i t .  Could  the d i s t i n c t i v e f a i t h understandings survive such a rapid change i n the form of t h e i r expression?  Thus pressure continued to be brought to bear on the  college to provide a strong German component and f l u e n t l y b i l i n g u a l graduates.  On the other hand, the e f f o r t appears to have been doomed from  the beginning, given the chronic u n a v a i l a b i l i t y of current academic materials  168 in German22 and the lack of p r o f i c i e n c y and interest i n German displayed by incoming students. The i n t r a c t a b i l i t y of the problem soon became evident.  A meeting of the  College Board e a r l y i n 1946 indicated both how Brethren theology was associated with the German language, and that students were not up t o the task presented them.  Students showed a d e f i c i e n c y i n B i b l i c a l knowledge, and  further, a weakness i n German language p r o f i c i e n c y : "The students have r e l i g i o u s ideas, but they often are unable to clothe the thoughts i n words." "Words", i n t h i s case, meant German words.23  As well, an "inner aversion" to  the learning of German was f e l t to be exhibited by some students, hindering the whole process.24  Indifference or aversion toward the German language was  an ongoing problem, reported i n various contexts.25  By 1947 the graduation  ceremonies were conducted completely i n English, although other assemblies were s t i l l being held i n German.26  Enrollment i n the German course was weak  from the beginning,27 and i n 1949 only three students registered for German instruction.28  During 1946, of 1017 books checked out of the l i b r a r y , only  19 were German—not an encouraging figure, considering that there were almost 900 German books i n the library.29 The majority of periodicals received by the college were written i n English.30 A l l of t h i s d i d not go unnoticed by the Mennonite Brethren constituency. Already i n 1945 the Canadian Conference Bible School Committee had been concerned to " e s p e c i a l l y emphasize" to the MBBC Board of Directors that the general wish of the Brethren constituency was for strong teaching of the German language, and that t h i s was an area which needed to be improved upon by the College.31  At the 1946 Conference meeting the report from the college  acknowledged t h i s expectation,32 and the r a t i o of German to English being  169 taught was reported for the f i r s t time.  Questions were raised by delegates  as to whether knowledge of German was obligatory, and the B.C. delegation proposed that i t be made mandatory, "so that future preachers would have f u l l command of the language."33  President J.B. Toews answered that every student  who wished to graduate had to know both languages.  During further discussion  i t was pointed out that the language needed to f i r s t be learned a t home, i n the church, and in r e l i g i o n and bible schools, i f students were to be r i g h t l y prepared for the college.34 At the same Conference meeting i t was noted that E n g l i s h was being taught at about a f i f t y percent l e v e l i n the congregational Bible schools.35  After  hearing the MBBC report, the Conference recommended that "In family and church everything be set to the task of teaching our c h i l d r e n the German language,"  i n order to prepare future MBBC students.36  Here a dynamic was  begun in which pressure on the school to turn out b i l i n g u a l graduates  was  r e f l e c t e d back onto the constituency, i n s t i g a t i n g a broader e f f o r t to perpetuate the language at a l l l e v e l s of Brethren l i f e , culminating i n the formation of the Committee for the German Language i n 1950, where the language issue was destined to die a slow i f not quiet death. The same sorts of issues were present at the 1947 conference, with the college r e i t e r a t i n g i t s objective of expanded German instruction, i n order to help the congregations t o solve t h e i r language problems.37  In 1948  A.A.  Kroeker reported that he had v i s i t e d almost a l l of the Brethren congregations in the Western provinces during 1947, as a representative of the college. . The Mennonite Brethren, according to Kroeker, had many fine youth, many of whom were unfortunately ending up i n non-Mennonite s c h o o l s — t h e college therefore of great importance  was  i n the retention and furtherance of the legacy  170 which God had entrusted to the Mennonites.  The people i n the churches were  generally i n favour of the work of the school, but what was sad was that "Such a large percentage of Mennonite Brethren youth who want to go into some sort of ministry are doing i t i n non-Mennonite schools."38  At the end of a l l  reports having to do with school endeavours, the Conference went on record as "stressing i t s stated wish...that our college continues to work i n the s p i r i t of the Conference, i n which the needs of the congregations are taken into account and workers are brought forward who are equally p r o f i c i e n t i n both languages and thus can properly serve the congregations."39 The f a c u l t y and administration of the College d i d what they could t o respond to the pressure to turn out f u l l y b i l i n g u a l graduates,40 but t h i s period d i d not pass without i t s c a s u a l t i e s .  Far-sighted college president  J.B. Toews resigned i n 1948, a f t e r three years with the college, l a r g e l y because he f e l t that the problem of German retention was of more importance to the Board of Directors than building a s o l i d academic program a t the college: Board meetings were often taken up with concern about how many chapels and courses were being conducted i n English, how many i n German, e t c . The Board f e l t that too much of the curriculum was being taught i n English, and were "always putting the brakes on" to any new i n i t i a t i v e s .  Toews'  desire t o set up a r e a l l y "respectable" program was not given top p r i o r i t y , thus l i m i t i n g h i s ambition.  He saw the next ten years being f i l l e d with  b a t t l e s which he didn't want to f i g h t .  The a n t i c i p a t i o n of the school was to  prepare future church leaders, and thus the concern with the German language. That the best academic materials were written i n English was of secondary importance.  Upon Toews' unfortunate departure H.H. Janzen took over, a  German-speaking MBBC teacher who, according t o Toews, "Provided an image that  171 was f i t t i n g a t the time."41  A.H. Unruh summed up the dilemma faced by Toews  thus: He took pains to lead the i n s t i t u t i o n i n a way which corresponded to the Conference's needs. Certain circumstances i n the Conference he could not change; but he d i d what he could t o please both the students and the Conference.42 The new President H.H. Janzen, more conservative than Toews, worked to improve r e l a t i o n s between the congregations and the college, t r y i n g to walk the t h i n l i n e between the changing times and the wishes of the older generation.  In a statement made i n 1949 to the Conference Bible School  Committee, Janzen claimed that there seemed t o be a trend toward a n t i denominational ism which was being picked up by the congregations and the younger people.  This " s p i r i t " was threatening the Mennonite congregational  l i f e , as well as the youth, who through language and their contact with the outside world were most threatened.43  In e a r l y 1947 the College Board had  indicated that i t f e l t the Conference as a whole d i d not have a clear idea of what i t wanted i n a Bible college.44  These statements indicate that while a  strong pressure for the maintenance of the German language was coming from many sides, there were countervailing trends from within the Brethren constituency which worked against the e f f o r t s made by the college to f u l f i l l i t s mandate.  By h i s statement Janzen seems t o have been t r y i n g t o encourage  the congregations to take more r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for the preservation of the heritage.  Thus Janzen focussed on the college-congregation r e l a t i o n s h i p , and  reiterated the fear that the loss of German was part of a general process of degeneration which the denomination was experiencing.45 As stated above, i t had been clear to the Conference by 1946 that incoming students were neither properly prepared nor i n c l i n e d towards becoming f u l l y b i l i n g u a l , and as a r e s u l t the instruction of German a t a l l  172 l e v e l s of Brethren l i f e had been encouraged.  At the 1947 Conference  meeting  i t was again emphasized that more support needed to be given a t the l e v e l of the home and l o c a l congregations i f the youth were to be won over to the German language.46  The 1950 meeting of the Canadian Conference adopted a  lengthy resolution on the German language,  including a request that German be  taught at a l l l e v e l s of Brethren l i f e , and that a committee for the preservation of the German language be formed.  The stage had been s e t for  these developments at the 1949 Conference meeting, when F.C. Thiessen read an impassioned report from a committee which had been set up to t r y to unify and regularize the curriculum of the Conference Bible schools and high schools. A course of i n s t r u c t i o n had been formulated which was to help prepare students for the Bible college, but t h i s was not enough.  What was needed was  a powerful "Bildungskomitee" (Educational/Developmental Committee) which would oversee a l l aspects of the Bible schools and high schools, and would have the power to a l t e r the curriculum as i t saw  fit.  An elemental aspect of t h i s committee would be t o provide the coordination needed to perpetuate the German language among Mennonites. Thiessen, who had been a strong proponent of Germanism i n the 1930's, and  who  was a "prime mover" behind the founding of the Brethren high school i n i  Clearbrook,47 complained b i t t e r l y that the German language had been allowed to  fall  into neglect at every l e v e l of Brethren l i f e ,  lamenting:  That we i n our Volk have been born into the world as German-speaking children was no accident, rather God's w i l l . That the Lord wants to now take our mother tongue from u s — I can not understand and f i n d i t b i b l i c a l l y unsound.48 For Thiessen, the issues of language, education and the Brethren f a i t h i d e n t i t y were a l l t i e d together.  And he saw quite c l e a r l y the need for a  broadly based foundation for the language i f the college was to be successful  173 in i t s mandate of providing young, b i l i n g u a l teachers: These teachers we now expect out of the College. Can they give us the strength, which w i l l enable us as a Conference to preserve our unique character and outlook (Eigenart und E i n s t e l l u n g ) , as we have done u n t i l today? To that a l s o belongs, that our teachers i n the Bible and high schools have the command of both languages, as long as we yet have German worship services. The College finds t h i s expectation to produce such teachers as unfair, since the students come to the College with neither the appropriate preparation i n the German language nor the love for the mother tongue. I t i s c e r t a i n l y clear that the College cannot meet our expectations under such conditions and i n four years turn out teachers who have a f u l l command of both languages.49 Thus the pressure on the Bible college was again r e f l e c t e d back upon the other l e v e l s of Conference  life.  The formation of the language committee i n  1950 was a l o g i c a l outcome of the mounting pressures on the school, as the proponents of Germanism made a l a s t , comprehensive bid to save the mother tongue.  The language committee was dealt a severe blow even before i t  started, however, with the death of Thiessen i n the interim between the and 1950 meetings.  1949  With or without Thiessen's death, the committee and the  issue i t represented was to fade into an obscure corner of Mennonite Brethren l i f e , since the language t r a n s i t i o n among the bulk of the constituency was well underway by t h i s time. The German language preservation organizations should not however be l i g h t l y dismissed; they represented the culmination of 25 years of struggle to maintain the s o c i o - r e l i g i o u s i n t e g r i t y of the Russlaender Brethren i n Canada, and the important i f misguided role Germanism had played i n that struggle.  Individual emotional attachment to the mother-tongue was a l s o  obviously a factor i n language retention e f f o r t s , but i t s t i l l had the larger Mennonite group as i t s reference point, and thus cannot be bracketed o f f from the general rubric of s o c i o - r e l i g i o u s s o l i d a r i t y and Two  integrity.  language preservation organizations are of interest here.  One  i s the  174 Mennonite Brethren Conference  "Committee for the German Language", already  alluded to, and the other i s the inter-Mennonite "Society for the Promotion of  the German Language".  The Conference Committee eventually merged, for a l l  p r a c t i c a l purposes, with the Society, although i t continued to report to the Conference under i t s own name.  I w i l l f i r s t examine the Committee, then the  Society. At the 1950 Brethren Canadian Conference meeting $ 1000.00 was a l l o c a t e d to  the new Committee, and five members were elected. They were  Duerksen, H. Regehr, Johann Goertz, A.H. Unruh, and H.H.  D.K.  Kornelsen.  The  stated purposes of the Committee were: To stimulate the learning of the German language through lectures or a r t i c l e s i n the German (Mennonite) p e r i o d i c a l s . I t i s a l s o to help with the coordination of appropriate (German) materials for the Saturday-, B i b l e - and high-schools.50 At the 1951 Conference meeting the Committee gave a long report containing a l i s t of reasons for maintaining the German language.  In addition to  mentioning things such as the general benefits of being b i l i n g u a l , and the need to be able to r e l a t e to recent Mennonite immigrants from Russia and Germany, the following reasons were given: Because with the loss of a language individual persons and whole groups close the door t o i n t e l l e c t u a l , c u l t u r a l and s p i r i t u a l goods. Because the German language binds together our l i t t l e Volk, which i s scattered across the entire globe...Because the German language i n many c i r c l e s helps to hold together young and old i n worship services and i n the home. The Committee expressed the f e e l i n g that the German language could be maintained i n "many c i r c l e s " i f parents would speak High German to t h e i r c h i l d r e n , and i f the Brethren schools were supported.  I t s main a c t i v i t y a t  t h i s time was t r y i n g to organize German textbook d i s t r i b u t i o n to the various Mennonite schools.51  175 During the next year the Committee sent questionnaires regarding German language usage to a l l of the Brethren congregations and schools, and t r i e d t o give p r a c t i c a l advice on how to nurture the German language.  Only 23% of the  congregations responded t o the p o l l , while the response from the schools was better.  The Committee recommended that schools b u i l d up t h e i r German  l i b r a r i e s and that congregations expand t h e i r Saturday schools.  Parents were  again implored to speak High German, not English, with t h e i r children.52  By  1953 the Committee reported that i t was working c l o s e l y with the Society for the Promotion of the German Language.53 An organizational meeting for the Society took place i n H.F. Klassen's house i n May of 1952.54  Over the next few years Mennonite Brethren who  served on the Society's executive committee included H.F. Klassen, A.H. Unruh, D.K. Duerksen, N. Neufeld and H. Regehr.  G.H. Peters was the founding  Chairman of the Society, and Walter Quiring the Secretary. individuals, with the exception of Quiring, were Russlaender the 1920's.  A l l of these immigrants from  Quiring had s e t t l e d i n Germany and been an ardent Nazi supporter  in the 1930's (see Chapter Three).  Winnipeg was the locus of the Society,  which by i t s s i x t h meeting i n the f a l l of 1952 had elected p r o v i n c i a l representatives.55  The name of the organization was i n i t i a l l y the "Society  for the Promotion of the German Mother-Tongue," but the reference to "mothertongue" was eventually dropped.  The Society wanted to a t t r a c t those of the  younger generation for whom the German language was not the mother-tongue.56 The Society met r e l a t i v e l y often, i n i t s e a r l y years, sometimes a t twoweek i n t e r v a l s .  Lectures were given i n Mennonite communities on the need to  r e t a i n and nurture the German language, and the Society d i d much to make sure that German text- and songbooks were made a v a i l a b l e to interested schools and  176 individuals.  The chairman, G.H. Peters, organized a correspondence  course.  Numerous a r t i c l e s supporting the language, and notices of gatherings t o be held, were published i n the Mennonite newspapers, and summer courses and youth programmes were staged.  The Society a l s o endowed prizes for excellence  in the study of the language by students i n Mennonite schools, and operated a German lending-library.  A l l of these a c t i v i t i e s served the primary goal of  the Society to r a i s e consciousness among Mennonites as to the importance of the language for the Mennonite community.57 Between 1952 and 1960, the Society recorded a t o t a l membership of approximately 1400 i n d i v i d u a l s .  The number of active members who paid the  $1.00 yearly fee was generally much lower, the highpoint having been reached i n 1954, with 700 active members.58  Of the t o t a l number of individuals who  had a t one time or another belonged to the Society, a t least 186 or about 15% were of Brethren a f f i l i a t i o n . was higher.59  I t i s highly probable that the actual figure  The membership r o l l s indicate that the Society was more than a  Winnipeg phenomenon, a t t r a c t i n g Mennonites from every province, p r i m a r i l y the western provinces of B.C., Saskatchewan, Alberta and Manitoba.  The majority  of Brethren members were from Manitoba, but o n e - f i f t h were from Alberta, and one-tenth from B.C.60 I t i s beyond the scope of t h i s study t o present a d e t a i l e d h i s t o r y of the Society, which was a c t i v e into the 1970's and beyond.  In the remainder of  t h i s chapter I w i l l present a few glimpses into the ideas and feelings expressed by the Society and i t s members i n regard to the German language and i t s s i g n i f i c a n c e for Mennonites.  Although the Society was not able to stem  the tide of a n g l i c i z a t i o n to any s i g n i f i c a n t degree, i t d i d provide a forum for an older generation of Canadian Mennonites t o express their feelings  177 towards the language, r e l i g i o u s l i f e , and sense of peoplehood which had been shared i n Russia. A wide range of motives for retaining the language was expressed by Society members, including an emotional and s p i r i t u a l attachment.  In 1955  Isaac Redekopp presented a short sermon to a meeting of the Society which was summarized  by the Secretary thus:  Brother Redekopp drew a p a r a l l e l between the language of human beings and of Jesus, as God's word become f l e s h . The Lord Jesus was magnificent, f u l l of grace and t r u t h . So also should the language be magnificent and c a r r y with i t the imprint of truth. I t should allow us to express our deepest feelings and our most elevated thoughts...Even Jesus expressed h i s deepest feelings i n h i s mothertongue. His c a l l on the cross "My God, my God, why have you forsaken me?" was uttered i n the Aramaic language, which was h i s mothertongue . 61 Although i t was clear that Redekopp f e l t the German language to be "magnificent", he a l s o indicated that language shouldn't be elevated to an all-important p o s i t i o n .  The Society was c a r e f u l to emphasize that i t didn't  f e e l that any one language was better than another, rather i t wanted to nurture and maintain the p a r t i c u l a r "good" which had been inherited from the Mennonite forefathers.62 The equality of languages may have been affirmed i n p r i n c i p l e by the Society, but i n practice there were strong feelings that for Mennonites, a t l e a s t , the German language (and culture) was s p e c i a l , and that the surrounding "English" culture was i n f e r i o r and to be avoided.  G.H.  Peters,  who had been a high school teacher i n Mennonite schools for most of h i s l i f e , was e s p e c i a l l y concerned with losing Mennonite youth to the "American melting-pot"; Now only goal-directed countermeasures can save us from complete "Verenglischung" ( a n g l i c i z a t i o n ) . We must win back our youth, i f we as a Volk do not want to lose ourselves i n the American melting-pot of nations. Those in our Volk who have recognized the danger dare  178 not stand by and say "what's the use". We must continue to t r y to sharpen the sense of personal r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of our youth.63 In speeches to youth groups Peters emphasized the "German" background of the Mennonites, and the need to be proud of that aspect of t h e i r heritage.  The  German language c a r r i e d with i t high c u l t u r a l values, and bound Mennonites together.64  Peters had c l e a r l y been influenced by "Volkish" thought, and saw  the Mennonites as a c u l t u r a l , ethnic and r e l i g i o u s unity which would be destroyed i f one element was removed. the Society i n September  At the i n i t i a l membership meeting of  1952, Peters summed up h i s feelings about Germanism:  Why German?...Because i t i s our mother-tongue—"Acquire what you have inherited from your fathers, in order to possess i t . " I think that every human being belongs to a Volk, and we belong to no other Volk than the German. The German language i s the root which connects us to the c u l t u r a l ground of the German Volk. Closely bound with our language are our customs and morals, our t r a d i t i o n s , and our most noble character t r a i t s . Indeed, the language i s also the c a r r i e r of our religion...The language i s not just a form which can be changed without a l t e r i n g the content. 0 no, the language forms, together with the content of our personality, an i n d i v i s i b l e unity. With the loss of the mother-tongue must our personality, our culture, our t r a d i t i o n s and our r e l i g i o n be a l t e r e d , and c e r t a i n l y not i n a positive way.65 Many of these themes were present i n an e a r l y Society statement of the reasons for retaining the German language, but the Volkish r h e t o r i c was toned down and some more general grounds were added.  Summarized, the statement  read: 1. Keeping the language w i l l prevent a r i f t between generations. 2. With the loss of the language the r e l i g i o n w i l l a l s o be influenced, because the mother-tongue i s i n d i v i s i b l y t i e d to our r e l i g i o n . 3. The German language i s the root of our culture, t r a d i t i o n s and i n t e l l e c t u a l / s p i r i t u a l development. With the loss of t h i s language we lose our i n t e l l e c t u a l s t a b i l i t y and are then more open to corruptive and demoralising influences. 4. The German language i s the connecting-link of Mennonites throughout the world. 5. Studying the German language gives a better understanding of the English. 6. Canada i s a r i c h nation because i t contains so many d i f f e r e n t n a t i o n a l i t i e s . We w i l l be good c i t i z e n s i f we r e t a i n ours. 7. The German language i s our mother-tongue and the language of our ancestors, l i t e r a t u r e and r e l i g i o n . 8. The German language i s one of  179 the most important languages i n the world. The foregoing statements represent the most self-conscious and wide-ranging r e f l e c t i o n s made, i n the period under study, on the meaning of the German i d e n t i t y for the Russlaender Mennonites i n Canada.  That they were made  during the dying days of t h i s p a r t i c u l a r c o n s t e l l a t i o n of language, peoplehood and r e l i g i o u s f a i t h i s not s u r p r i s i n g since the a b i l i t y to analyze is enhanced by greater distance from the object of a n a l y s i s .  Also, with  a n g l i c i z a t i o n and many other s o c i a l , c u l t u r a l and r e l i g i o u s changes well underway, i t had become necessary to r a t i o n a l i z e what had previously been more generally taken for granted.  But i f Society members were engaging i n  some rather subtle and sophisticated thinking on the r e l a t i o n s h i p between culture, r e l i g i o n and communal i d e n t i t y , they were also nostalgic and out of touch with the  major trends of the r e l i g i o u s mainstream of Mennonite l i f e .  A.H. Unruh (not to be confused with h i s pro-Nazi brother B.H. Chapter Two) was a highly-respected Brethren educator who was  Unruh—see  involved with  the society i n i t s e a r l y days, and his statements on language preservation i l l u s t r a t e the p a r t i c u l a r Brethren perspective, which with i t s missionary emphasis tended towards a more moderate formulation of the problem. 1953 Unruh gave a short lecture e n t i t l e d "Why  In e a r l y  i s i t necessary to r e t a i n the  German mother-tongue?" to the f i r s t f u l l membership meeting of the Society, and the address was l a t e r published i n the Mennonitische Rundschau. In the lecture, Unruh argued for the maintenance of the German language from various "grounds",  including educational, h i s t o r i c a l , business/occu-  pational, missions, and "Volks-grounds"  (Volksgruenden).  In discussing  educational reasons to keep the German language, Unruh implied that the German language goes "deeper" than the English, c i t i n g a highly-educated  180 English-speaking man who praised a German Bible commentary for revealing depths which remained covered i n English.  The German-speaking world i s a  source of learning which i s well worth studying.  Translations are  worthwhile, but some things get lost.66 It i s also necessary to r e t a i n the language for h i s t o r i c a l r e a s o n s — knowledge of i t w i l l bind the old world to the new, and provide better understanding between generations: "I've said i t once already, he who throws away the German language, throws out also h i s own h i s t o r y . "  As an "old  world" language, German should be studied for an understanding of t h i s past world, i t s prayers, and i t s B i b l e .  Unruh a l s o argued that for business and  professional reasons i t i s good to r e t a i n the l a n g u a g e — i t ' s useful to be able to communicate with people i n their own language.  And then there were  grounds to r e t a i n the language from a missions perspective. "Our" people are i n South America, and they don't speak English.  People may want to  missionize there or i n Germany.67 The most i n t e r e s t i n g part of t h i s lecture i s h i s discussion of "Volksgrounds".  He had already alluded to bridging the gap between the o l d and  new  worlds, and keeping the generations together, and now he e x p l i c i t l y speaks of keeping the Volk together.  He argues against Low German being the "Volks-  language" because i t i s impure (containing Russian and P o l i s h elements) and open to v a r i a t i o n (English i s e a s i l y added); the implication i s that compared to High German, Low German does not have the same unifying power.  The  Low  German language i s dear to him, but just doesn't quite pass muster as a Volks-language. If i t were to be cleaned up and a l l the foreign words expunged, there wouldn't be much left.68 In t h i s context Unruh c i t e d the example of Martin Luther, who,  finding  181 the  state of German to be "confused", determined a single German language for  a l l German people; And...we're s t i l l today enjoying the blessings from that. We have the High German language r i g h t i n the B i b l e . When you p u b l i c l y pray, when the preacher says a prayer, then he says i t i n the High German, not the Low German language. The High German language unites us...And therefore i s t h i s language Society agreed, that i t i s p r e c i s e l y the language which i t wants to raise up (heben); i t i s doing a major work — The children are to be influenced as well as the elders. And i n t h i s manner can we perhaps come to a u n i f i e d German mother-tongue. Thus on v o l k i s h grounds, for the sake of the unity of our Volk, i t would be good i f we came together and supported t h i s matter.69 This lecture indicates that Unruh was deeply convinced of the importance of the  German language for Mennonites, and gives some of the reasons why  German was neglected at the expense of High German.  But t h i s was not an  enduring theme for Unruh, as i t was for G.H. Peters, Walter Quiring, Duerksen and other members of the Society.  Low  D.K.  Unruh seems to have been s i l e n t  on the Germanism issue during the 1930's and 1940's, and youth-oriented speeches given by Unruh during the e a r l y 1950's made l i t t l e or no mention of the  language issue, concentrating instead on s p i r i t u a l and moral themes.70  In a speech e n t i t l e d "The Service of Language", given at meeting of the German language Society i n the f a l l of 1953, the ambivalence of Unruh's perspective comes into sharper focus. After repeating some of the themes present i n the e a r l i e r address, including the p u r i t y and unifying power of the German "Bible language", Unruh compared the contemporary Mennonite s i t u a t i o n with that of the Jews, whose Hebrew "Bible language" influenced the l a t e r Aramaic.  Mennonites have an  evangelical mission, thus they require a " B i b l i c a l mindset"; for that reason they should treasure, honor and teach the German "Bible language." of  The Tower  Babel confused everybody, and therefore the more pure and u n i f i e d a  182 language i s , the easier i t i s to find understanding.  However, he points out  that the building of the Tower was aimed a t making a name for the builders, and was thus based on pride.  "The language i s a servant for the good of  mankind, not for self-aggrandizement."  Just l i k e on Pentecost every l i s t e n e r  heard the Gospel i n t h e i r own language, so God gave Mennonites the Bible in t h e i r own  language.  But the language as such i s neutral i n r e l a t i o n to the Gospel. I t i s proclaimed in every language. For that reason we value the study of a l l foreign languages and treasure that much more the study of our own mother-tongue as a legacy from Father and Mother.71 A basic ambivalence was present.  On the one hand a strong impression i s  given that German i s a superior, "pure" language; on the other hand, Unruh e s s e n t i a l l y says that Mennonites have a r i g h t to t h e i r language as much as anyone else does to t h e i r s , but i t should not be regarded as q u a l i t a t i v e l y better or i d o l i z e d .  The ambiguity was overcome i n Unruh's discourse,  ultimately, by the e v a n g e l i s t i c imperative. i n preaching the Gospel to a l l peoples.  The greatest goal of language i s  The contemporary Mennonite  s i t u a t i o n , according to Unruh, was s i m i l a r to that of the e a r l y church, which existed i n a world where Greek and Hebrew were both i n use. The English and German language run side by side. Our task i s to hold onto these languages as a g i f t from God, as an inheritance. We must however p u r i f y them through the Bible, i n order that we f u l f i l l our f i n a l mission: the spreading of the Gospel. We should be thankful for every man we have, who can i n two or more languages proclaim the Gospel. We want to bring t h i s assemly before God's throne. We're not only "Kulturmenschen" ( c u l t u r a l beings), a l s o God's c a r r i e r — t o spread the Gospel. And we don't want ourselves to have a f a l l i n g - o u t for the sake of a language.72 Unruh's message at t h i s point i s c l e a r .  Language i s not a good i n i t s e l f ,  and should not, as an aspect of culture, d i v i d e Mennonites. goal i s to preach the Gospel, i n whatever language. i s the Mennonite language for Unruh.  The overriding  Clearly, though, German  Taken i n the context of a gathering of  183 the  Society when i t was peaking i n popularity, t h i s i s a strong message  against overemphasizing the language as a good i n i t s e l f .  The Brethren  concern with preaching the Gospel was for Unruh the f i n a l standard of judgement, and thus moderated h i s Germanism.  Unruh's position i s another  example of the ambivalence f e l t by the Brethren toward t h e i r c u l t u r a l heritage.  If on the one hand i t was f e l t to be an important instrument of  s o c i o - r e l i g i o u s integration for them, i t was a l s o balanced by the e v a n g e l i s t i c aspect of Brethren r e l i g i o u s i d e n t i t y . In reports to the Canadian Brethren Conference during the l a t e r 1950's, the  German language Committee/Society began emphasizing the connection  between German language preservation and missions, and the inherent value of knowing a second language, while the issues of Mennonite Volk unity and the importance of German as the Mennonite r e l i g i o u s language began to fade.73 C l e a r l y , the tolerance for that kind of talk had begun to wear t h i n . Duerksen reported i n 1958, " I t i s d i f f i c u l t the  As  D.K.  to talk about the promotion of  German language i n our c i r c l e s , because misunderstandings and opposition  so e a s i l y appear."74  Although the Committee for the German Language reported  to the Conference for a number of years a f t e r t h i s , and the Society for the Promotion of the German Language continued to operate into the 1970's and beyond, they became increasingly peripheral to the l i f e of the Canadian Mennonite Brethren.75 Thus s i g n i f i c a n t e f f o r t s were made, i n the decade following the end of the  Second World War, to provide an i n s t i t u t i o n a l base for German language  preservation.  This was a function both of the important r o l e the language  was perceived to play i n the maintenance of Mennonite unity and i d e n t i t y , and the  rapid t r a n s i t i o n to English which was taking place, e s p e c i a l l y among the  184 younger generation.  This chapter has only begun to sketch an outline of the  e f f o r t s i n higher education and by the language preservation groups to preserve German as a s p e c i a l "Mennonite language".  The h i s t o r y of the  Society for the Promotion of the German language, i n p a r t i c u l a r , remains to be written.  Nevertheless, the broad outlines of the Germanism prevalent i n  t h i s period have been mapped, and i t has been demonstrated that renewed e f f o r t s were made, i n the postwar period, to preserve the German language as an instrument of s o c i o - r e l i g i o u s integration for the Brethren, and that these e f f o r t s were in fact c l o s e l y linked to the new educational endeavours.  185 NOTES, CHAPTER FIVE 1. Peter G. Klassen, "A History of Mennonite Education i n Canada, 17861960" (D.Ed, thesis, University of Toronto, 1970d), p. 285ff; John George Doerksen, "History of Education of the Mennonite Brethren of Canada" (M.Ed, thesis, University of Manitoba, 1963), p. 106, 136ff. 2.  Klassen, "A History of Mennonite Education i n Canada," p. 283.  3. See Klassen, "A History of Mennonite Education i n Canada"; Doerksen, "History of Education of the Mennonite Brethren of Canada"; John George Doerksen, "Mennonite Brethren Bible College and College of the A r t s " (Ph.D. d i s s e r t a t i o n , University of North Dakota, 1968). J.A. Toews alludes to the issue i n h i s h i s t o r y of the Mennonite Brethren, but doesn't give any d e t a i l . See J.A. Toews, A History of the Mennonite Brethren Church (Fresno, CA: Board of C h r i s t i a n L i t e r a t u r e , 1975), p. 254 and p. 458, note 1. 4. 1948 Mennonite Brethren Northern D i s t r i c t Conference Yearbook (Hillsboro, KS: MB Publishing House), p. 73. 5.  Ibid., pp. 74-75.  6.  Ibid., p. 77.  7.  1953 Northren D i s t r i c t Conference Yearbook, p. 94.  8.  Ibid.  9. See the 1951 Northern D i s t r i c t Conference Yearbook, p. 57, and the 1952 Northern D i s t r i c t Conference Yearbook, p. 96. Surveys of congregations were far from complete, but the figures c i t e d indicate that more than h a l f of Brethren youth attended public schools. 10. 1949 Northern D i s t r i c t Conference Yearbook, p. 55; 1951 Northern D i s t r i c t Conference Yearbook, p. 57; 1954 Northern D i s t r i c t Conference Yearbook, p. 95; 1955 Northern D i s t r i c t Conference Yearbook, p. 12. 11. MBCI School Committee Minutes, October 27, 1951, Box L234, folder 22, Centre for Mennonite Brethren Studies (CMBS), Fresno. 12.  Ibid., J u l y 21, 1960.  13.  Ibid.  14.  Ibid., September 19, 1963, Box L234, folder 23.  15.  1939 Northern D i s t r i c t Conference Yearbook, p. 25.  186 16. From the pamphlet "Die Enstehung der Hoeheren Bibelschule und d i e Stellung der Manitoba Konferenz dazu", from the Northern D i s t r i c t Conference Bible School Committee F i l e s , Centre for Mennonite Brethren Studies (CMBS), Winnipeg, hereafter BSCF (Bible School Committee F i l e s ) . 17. There was no Conference meeting a t a l l i n 1940 due to the strong anti-German feelings present among the Canadian public during the e a r l y part of the war. At the 1941 Northern D i s t r i c t Conference meeting the Bible School Committee reported that " I t w i l l doubtless be understood by you that in the face of the present s i t u a t i o n we are not able to report on groundbreaking work along the l i n e s of school endeavours." 1941 Northern D i s t r i c t Conference Yearbook, p. 15. 18. Minutes of the 1943 Bible School Committee meeting, BSCF. Also see minutes of a meeting of the Conference Bible School Committee with the MBBC Board of Directors, December 12-15, 1945, microfilm r o l l no. 40, p. 40, CMBS Fresno, hereafter BM (Board Minutes). At t h i s meeting f i v e goals of the school were l i s t e d : t o produce Bible school teachers, missionaries, church workers, music d i r e c t o r s , and b i l i n g u a l graduates, because i n 10 or 12 years they would be needed i n the churches—they were even then beginning t o be needed, according t o the report. 19.  BM, p. 81.  20.  1947 Northern D i s t r i c t Conference Yearbook, pp. 2-3.  21. MBBC Faculty Meeting Minutes, September 19, 1947, and September 7, 1948. MBBC Faculty Minutes F i l e , CMBS Winnipeg, hereafter FM (Faculty Minutes). 22. Interview with J.B. Toews, Mennonite Brethren educator and leader, June 10, 1989, Winnipeg, Manitoba; Meeting of the MBBC Board of Directors with the Northern D i s t r i c t Conference Bible School Committee, December 12-15, 1945, BM pp. 40-50; Report to the 1947 Northern D i s t r i c t Conference meeting given by H.P. Toews, 1947 Northern D i s t r i c t Conference Yearbook, pp. 78-79; Report t o the Northern D i s t r i c t Conference Bible School Committee, given by J.A. Toews, February 23-24, 1949, BSCF. Report from the College given by H.H. Redekop a t the 1950 Northern D i s t r i c t Conference meeting, 1950 Northern D i s t r i c t Conference Yearbook, p. 89. 23.  BM, p. 56.  24.  Ibid., p. 57.  25. Northern February College"  Report from the College, January, 1947, BM, p.125; Report t o the D i s t r i c t Conference Bible School Committee, given by J.A. Toews, 23-24, 1949, BSCF; "A Short Overview of the Work i n the M.B. Bible by A.H. Unruh, 1953, BSCF.  26.  Minutes of the MBBC Faculty meeting September 19, 1947, FM.  27.  Ibid., December 11, 1946.  187 28.  Ibid., January 10,  1949.  29.  Report from the College, January 1947, BM, pp. 85-86.  30. Report to the Conference Bible School Committee for 1947, February 19-21, 1948, BSCF. 31. Meeting of the MBBC Board of Directors with the Northern D i s t r i c t Conference Bible School Committee, December 12-15, 1945, BM, p. 49. 32.  1946 Northern D i s t r i c t Conference Yearbook, p. 98.  33.  Ibid., p. 109.  34.  Ibid.  35.  Ibid., p. 115.  36.  Ibid., p. 114.  37.  1947 Northern D i s t r i c t Conference Yearbook, p. 83.  38.  1948 Northern D i s t r i c t Conference Yearbook, p. 62.  39.  Ibid., p. 72.  40. The college took steps to encourage the learning of German through awards for p r o f i c i e n c y i n German study, and by making f a c i l i t y with German a pre-requisite for admission. (Faculty minutes of May 31, 1948, September 7, 1948, and January 31, 1949, FM.) I t i s not c l e a r how strongly t h i s requirement was e n f o r c e d — i n 1953 A.H. Unruh reported that i t was impossible for the college to turn out "proper" b i l i n g u a l preachers (A Short Overview of the Work i n the M.B. Bible College, i n Winnipeg, Manitoba," BSCF.) 41.  Interview with J.B. Toews.  42.  1948 Northern D i s t r i c t Conference Yearbook, p. 64.  43. Report to the Northern D i s t r i c t Conference Bible School Committee, February 23-24, 1949, p. 8, BSCF. 44. Report from the College to the Bible School Committee, January 1947, BM, p. 99.  188 45. Further evidence of the highwire act which the college was compelled to perform i s contained i n Janzen's report on "The Inner L i f e of the B i b l e College", presented to the Conference Bible School Committee meeting of February 19-21, 1948, and subsequently presented to the 1948 Canadian Conference meeting. Here he claimed that the atmosphere of the college had improved from the e a r l i e r years; the negativity experienced at that time was due to the influence of non-Mennonite schools on incoming students. As things got r o l l i n g and students helped to create positive contact with congregations, the atmosphere was changing. Many congregations were now supporting the school, although not a l l . Helpful would be "an honest set-to in our hearts and in the congregations with various c r i t i c a l questions, not l a s t the language question." The basic c r i t i q u e here seems again to be that the expectations of the constituency were too high considering the emotional and i n t e l l e c t u a l state of the students which i t sent to the college. BSCF. 46.  1947 Northern D i s t r i c t Conference Yearbook, pp. 78-79.  47. Doerksen, "History of Education of the Mennonite Brethren of Canada," p. 103. 48.  1949 Northern D i s t r i c t Conference Yearbook, p. 56.  49.  Ibid.  50. 51.  1951 Northern D i s t r i c t Conference Yearbook  52.  1952 Northern D i s t r i c t Conference Yearbook  53.  1953 Northern D i s t r i c t Conference Yearbook  54. Minutes of the Society for the Promotion of the German Language, May 15, 1952, Mennonite Heritage Centre (MHC), Winnipeg. Hereafter SM (Society Minutes).  "GF"  55.  SM, J u l y 29, 1952; October 19,  56.  SM, October 29, 1955, p. 4.  57.  SM, A p r i l 11 1953, and  1952.  passim.  58. SM, passim; General F i l e s of the Society, MHC, passim. Hereafter (General F i l e s ) ; 1954 Northern D i s t r i c t Conference Yearbook, p. 97.  59. GF, Society membership catalogue. The Card-catalog system used by the Society d i d not record the church a f f i l i a t i o n of every member, only those who had s p e c i f i e d i t upon becoming members. 60.  Figures were a r r i v e d at by an analysis of the membership catalogue.  61.  SM, October 29,  1955.  189 62. See for example the 1954 and 1955 reports given by the Brethren Conference Committee for the German Language t o the Conference: 1954 Northern D i s t r i c t Conference Yearbook, p. 97; 1955 Northern D i s t r i c t Conference Yearbook, p. 13. 63. Letter t o A.A. Martens, January 23, 1954, Society Correspondence F i l e , 1952-54, MHC. Hereafter "SCF" (Society Correspondence F i l e ) . 64. "Ansprache auf den Jugendvereinsprogramme der Schoenwieser Gemeinde, den 20 Juni, 1954", SCF, 1952-54. 65. "Vortrag gehalten von G.H. Peters auf der Gruenderversammlung des 'Mennonitischen Vereins zur Pflege der deutschen Muttersprache am 27 September, 1952, i n der Schoenwieser Kirche i n Winnipeg," G.F. 1  66. A.H. Unruh, "Warum i s t es notwendig, unsere deutsche Muttersprache zu erhalten?" Mennonitische Rundschau, 3 June 1953, p. 2. 67.  Ibid.  68. Ibid., p. 3. in Chapter Six. 69.  See discussion of the Low German/High German question  Ibid.  70. e.g. "Die Gleichstellung mit der Welt", read a t a youth gathering and printed i n the Konferenz Jugendblatt, May-August 1951, pp. 3-5; "Die p o s i t i v e Beeinflussung der Jugend i n den MBG Kanadas", manuscript of a speech read a t a Conference gathering, AH Unruh C o l l e c t i o n , Box 3, CMBS Winnipeg. 71. "Der Dienst der sprache", A lecture given a t a membership meeting of the Society for the Promotion of the German Language, October 24, 1953, and published i n the Rundschau November 25, 1953. From AH Unruh c o l l e c t i o n , Box 3, CMBS Winnipeg. 72.  Ibid.  73. e.g. 1957 Northern D i s t r i c t Conference Yearbook, p. 115; 1958 Northern D i s t r i c t Conference Yearbook, pp. 152-53; 1959 Northern D i s t r i c t Conference Yearbook, pp. 129-30. 74.  1958 Northern D i s t r i c t Conference Yearbook, p. 152.  75. Interview with Herb Brandt, Mennonite Brethren pastor and Conference leader, June 3 and December 19, 1989, Kelowna, B.C; J.A. Toews, A History of the Mennonite Brethren Church, p. 328.  190 CHAPTER SIX Conclusion:  Some Theoretical and Comparative Perspectives  In the parlance of s o c i o l o g i s t s the Canadian Mennonites can be described as an "ethnic church".  The term "ethno-racial-religious group," coined by  Isajiw and employed most recently by Herberg (1989), can a l s o be used to describe Mennonites.  I would add that the emphasis should be placed on  "church", when using the former term, and " r e l i g i o u s " , when using the l a t t e r . Breton has used the term "ethnic enclosure" t o describe the existence of s o c i a l boundaries between an ethnic group and others, and the mechanisms used by a group t o maintain such intergroup boundaries.  "Compartmentalization" i s  the degree to which " i n s t i t u t i o n a l completeness" has been achieved, whereby ethnic i n s t i t u t i o n s function to s h i e l d individuals from a s s i m i l a t i v e forces.1 The Mennonite Brethren c l e a r l y exercised a c e r t a i n degree of "ethnic enclosure", and the German i d e n t i t y was an important mechanism i n maintaining s o c i a l "boundaries", even i f that was not i t s sole function. r e s i s t e d by many Brethren, t h e i r evangelical theology.  Enclosure was  however, often because i t came into c o n f l i c t with The "compartmentalization" which took place v i a  the erection of various i n s t i t u t i o n s , including a v a r i e t y of schools, was i n response to the perceived degenerative and a s s i m i l a t i v e e f f e c t s of AngloCanadian i n s t i t u t i o n s and culture, and again Germanism played a part, although i t s r o l e gradually declined. Herberg advances the notion that "integration", or the temporary p a r t i c i p a t i o n by members of an ethnic group i n the larger s o c i e t a l structures and  i n s t i t u t i o n s , does not necessarily imply acculturation or d i s l o y a l t y  towards the o r i g i n a t i n g group.2  I t would be d i f f i c u l t to argue that i n the  191 case of the Russlaender Brethren the "integration" which took place d i d not have a s i g n i f i c a n t e f f e c t upon l o y a l t y t o the group and i t s t r a d i t i o n a l religious culture.  Herberg presses the point further by arguing that "An  ethnoculture can be maintained even though English or French i s the language of communication."3  The f i r s t generation of Brethren immigrants to Canada  f e l t that the German language was c r u c i a l to the maintenance of Brethren i d e n t i t y , while those born in Canada generally d i d not.  The ethno-religious  culture which had emerged i n Imperial Russia was, i n the eyes of the f i r s t generation immigrants, r a p i d l y i n decline i n Canada during the period under study.  Meanwhile the second and t h i r d generations were undergoing the  process of "ethnic d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n " whereby Brethren i d e n t i t y was adapted to the  Canadian context. The pattern of Brethren acculturation i s i n keeping with broader trends:  as Herberg remarks, "There were almost u n i v e r s a l l y high rates of mothertongue retention i n the 1921-1941 era and then sharp declines by most groups through 1961 or 1971."4  I t appears that the advent of o f f i c i a l  multi-  c u l t u r a l i s m i n the 1970's was too late to have a s i g n i f i c a n t impact on the Brethren German i d e n t i t y .  By then they had joined other Dutch and German  groups a t the bottom of l i s t s of ethnic group mother-tongue retention i n Canada.5 There i s agreement among s o c i o l o g i s t s as t o the importance of a common language as an indicator of both c o l l e c t i v e i d e n t i t y d e f i n i t i o n and ethnocultural cohesion.6  Hertzler (1965) emphasized the double implication  of Sapir's theory of language as a source of s o c i a l s o l i d a r i t y , which has been used as a basis for t h i s study; a common language indicates both who i s included and who i s excluded from the ethnic group.7  Lieberson (1970) has  192 espoused a s i m i l a r idea, s t a t i n g that "Language s i m i l a r i t i e s can support both in-group unity and out-group distance since language serves both as a symbol of other differences as well as a r e s t r i c t i o n on the communication possible between ethnic groups."8  H. Richard Niebuhr found that the language and  t r a d i t i o n s of European immigrants to America "were both the u n i t i n g bonds of the group and the symbols of i t s s o c i a l s o l i d a r i t y , " and that the immigrant r e l i g i o n and r e l i g i o u s leaders were the most common f o c i i n the") struggle to maintain group identity.9  A l l of these statements c l e a r l y apply to the  Canadian Mennonite Brethren, but the inherent connection language and the Mennonite f a i t h and way  between the German  of l i f e a l s o contributed to the  Brethren emphasis on language, and w i l l be discussed further below. Support for Sapir's theory has recently come from J e f f r e y Reitz,  who  studied Canada's four largest urban ethnic minorities, i . e . people of I t a l i a n , German, Ukrainian and P o l i s h descent.  He concluded that  Language i s important to ethnic communities not merely as an expression of t r a d i t i o n a l ethnic culture; the data suggest that ethnic language retention i s a cornerstone of the ethnic communities themselves. F a i l u r e to learn the ethnic language leads to f a i l u r e to p a r t i c i p a t e i n the ethnic community, and t h i s to a large extent explains reduced p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the second and t h i r d generations. Language loss is a well-founded concern of ethnic community leaders, however d i f f i c u l t might be i t s prevention.10 This accords well with the evidence presented i n t h i s study, pointing to the f a c t that i n order to understand the dynamics of Mennonite Brethren Germanism in Canada, one must take s e r i o u s l y the elder generation's  f e e l i n g that the  s o c i o - r e l i g i o u s i n t e g r i t y of the group, at l e a s t as they had come to know i t , was  breaking down. However, the question of why  quickly and e a s i l y challenged,  the German language and  i f i t was  i d e n t i t y was  so  so important, needs to be answered.  As Lieberson suggests, a " c r i t i c a l step" towards unilingualism involves "the  193 transfer to the next generation of a mother tongue that i s the second language of their parents."11  Part of the answer may l i e i n the fact that  the Brethren brought two competing ethnic languages with them; t h i s w i l l be discussed further below.  Perhaps, following a theory of Dorothy Herberg,  Mennonites encountered few "surprises" i n terms of climate, language and s o c i a l and family structure i n Canada, and thus adapted rather quickly.12 I t is commonly remarked by Mennonite scholars that whereas i n Russia the surrounding S l a v i c culture was deemed i n f e r i o r , and thus e a s i l y avoided, i n Canada the newly-impoverished Mennonites suddenly found themselves to be the poor, "backward" ones.  The fact that the indigenous language i s a p o t e n t i a l  s o c i a l and economic assetl3 would have meant that English became doublyimportant to Russian Mennonites eager to regain t h e i r former status. These factors are d i f f i c u l t to v e r i f y , but were undoubtedly operative to some degree among the Brethren. Throughout t h i s study I have attempted to i d e n t i f y the most obvious and concrete reasons for the quick changeover, and these w i l l be b r i e f l y summarized  below.  But i t has been less my intention to  give a f i n a l explanation of why the changeover occurred so quickly than to understand the contours of Brethren Germanism i n i t s h i s t o r i c a l context. In their study of language l o y a l t y among American ethnic and r e l i g i o u s groups, Fishman and Nahirny (1966) found that Most major r e l i g i o u s bodies i n America are powerful de-ethnicizing forces, although there i s considerable evidence that i n former days r e l i g i o n served as a strong force on behalf of ethnic and l i n g u i s t i c continuity among American immigrants and t h e i r children.14 A variety of factors were at work in t h i s trend, including indifference to the mother tongue among parents, the increasing d i v e r s i t y of ethnic membership, and the choice of r e l i g i o u s over ethnic factors when the two came into c o n f l i c t .  194 Religion played a s i m i l a r l y ambivalent r o l e i n language maintenance among the Mennonite Brethren, although somewhat more synchronically.  The High  German language was intimately associated with the Brethren f a i t h and way of l i f e , but i t s retention was threatened, i n addition to a host of other factors, by the Brethren emphasis on evangelism.  Fishman and Nahirny also  o f f e r insights into how language maintenance e f f o r t s become marginalized over time, with the goal of group maintenance ultimately becoming separated from that of language maintenance, and p r e v a i l i n g over i t : In the primordial ethnic community (the) two goals (of language and group maintenance) were indistinguishable. Under the de-ethnicizing impact of urban mass culture, however, the two have become increasingly unravelled.15 There are clear p a r a l l e l s i n the experience of the Russlaender Brethren i n Canada, e s p e c i a l l y i n the post-Second World War decades, and further comment on t h i s w i l l be made below. There seems to be some v a r i a t i o n i n opinion as to the degree i n which r e l i g i o n reinforces language maintenance among ethnic groups.  On the one  hand, Hofman (1966) and Fishman and Nahirny (1966) conclude that e t h n i c i t y i s dominant over religion/ideology i n promoting language retention.16  On the  other hand, Heinz Kloss (1966) maintains that the strongest factor contributing to language maintenance among ethnic Germans i n the U.S. i s r e l i g i o - s o c i e t a l i n s u l a t i o n , whereby groups "maintain t h e i r language i n order more f u l l y to exclude worldly influence and perhaps, because change i n i t s e l f i s considered sinful."17 Again there are p a r a l l e l s i n the experience of the Brethren; and i t i s indeed l i k e l y that change was resisted to a c e r t a i n degree simply because people could not imagine any other viable versions of Mennonitism.  While I  hesitate to assign r e l a t i v e weights to e t h n i c i t y and r e l i g i o n i n promoting  195 the German i d e n t i t y of the Brethren,  i t seems safe to state that both were  important factors, with s o c i o - r e l i g i o u s reasons being most often and  clearly  articulated.  In using the term " s o c i o - r e l i g i o u s i n t e g r i t y " i n reference to  the Brethren,  i n t h i s study, I have t r i e d to indicate that both s o c i a l and  r e l i g i o u s factors were involved; and by using the term " s o c i o - r e l i g i o u s " more often than "ethno-religious", i t has been my  intention to emphasize the  strength of ideology and sense of v o l u n t a r i s t i c community among the Glazer  Brethren.  (1966) summarized the factors relevant to language maintenance  among minority groups thus: We have spoken of the time of immigration, the s p a t i a l pattern of settlement, the s o c i a l structure of the immigrant group (and i n p a r t i c u l a r the r o l e of the professional, i n t e l l e c t u a l , and middlec l a s s elements within i t ) and the r o l e of r e l i g i o n . To these four factors we w i l l add one more: the degree of i d e o l o g i c a l mobilization in the group. We may ask, i s the emigration to be explained s o l e l y by economic factors, or are r e l i g i o u s and p o l i t i c a l factors important? I t seems reasonable that i f people emigrate because of oppression, because they are not allowed national freedom, c u l t u r a l freedom, r e l i g i o u s freedom, they w i l l c l i n g more strongly to the national language than i f they emigrate only to improve t h e i r economic situation.18 In h i s t o r i c a l terms, the time of the Russian Mennonite Brethren immigration to Canada was  not propitious, coming between two world wars i n which Germany,  and hence a l l things German, were the enemy.  The Mennonite Brethren d i d not  s e t t l e in closed communities, which would have mitigated a s s i m i l a t i o n and acculturation.  In terms of s o c i a l structure, there was a r e l a t i v e l y educated  s t r a t a of preachers and teachers which made in some cases strenuous e f f o r t s to r e t a i n the German language and c u l t u r e .  The r o l e of r e l i g i o n has  been mentioned, and w i l l be discussed further below. the i d e o l o g i c a l conditions of emigration, Brethren.  already  Glazer's l a s t factor,  seems e s p e c i a l l y relevant to the  In addition to s u f f e r i n g economic r u i n , t h e i r c u l t u r a l and  r e l i g i o u s i d e n t i t y was  severely threatened  i n Soviet Russia, providing a  196 f i n a l impetus to t h e i r departure.  It i s understandable that an emotional  attachment to the p a r t i c u l a r configuration of language, f a i t h and way  of l i f e  which had emerged i n Russia, and which had been saved only at great s a c r i f i c e , would have played a part i n the resistance to l i n g u i s t i c , c u l t u r a l and r e l i g i o - e t h i c a l change i n Canada. There i s some evidence that Mennonites have been more attached to the German language than other contemporary German groups.  The comparison made  in Chapter Three to Russian-Germans i n Saskatchewan provides one example. Writing i n the late 1930's, Elizabeth Gerwin singled out Mennonites among Alberta German-speakers as displaying the strongest i n t e r e s t i n Germanlanguage retention, because of i t s role as a kind of "church Latin".19  In a  study of ethnic-German U n i v e r s i t y students conducted i n the e a r l y 1970's, Leo Driedger and Jacob Peters found that "In a l l s i x i d e n t i t y factors, the Mennonites have retained greater i d e n t i t y than other Germans."20  These  included r e l i g i o n and language, along with other factors such as endogamy and voluntary organizations.  Religion and endogamy were found to be more  important than language as indicators of identity.21 This indicates the degree to which the German language had declined by t h i s time; what had once been a bridge between ideology and e t h n i c i t y had crumbled, leaving the two poles standing alone.22  On the other hand,  endogamy had always been an important sign of l o y a l t y to both the community and the r e l i g i o u s f a i t h , since to marry an "outsider" implied r e j e c t i o n of the community and a lowering of r e l i g i o u s and e t h i c a l standards. f e e l i n g that during the 1930-1960 period r e l i g i o n was  I t i s my  the most important  indicator of Brethren i d e n t i t y , followed by language and endogamy in close succession.  Such rankings threaten to cloud the picture, however, since a l l  197 these factors were o r g a n i c a l l y related to each other. However, the breakdown of the t r a d i t i o n a l organic community has been an underlying theme of t h i s study, which p a r a l l e l s the general trend Mennonite s o c i o l o g i c a l analysis.23  of  Individual i d e n t i t y factors such as  language and c u l t u r a l adherence were becoming abstracted  from communal l i f e ;  in the process they were employed by some as instruments of s o c i o - r e l i g i o u s integration, while they were increasingly ignored or rejected by others as being peripheral to Mennonite Brethren i d e n t i t y and a hindrance to a viable perpetuation of the  faith.  This has much i n common with the insights of Mennonite s o c i o l o g i s t Donald K r a y b i l l , who  has recently argued that the d i f f e r e n t i a t i n g and  individuating  impact of modern society has resulted i n ethnic t r a i t s , such as language, becoming abstracted  from communal l i f e , and  functioning as  "portable"  indicators of i d e n t i t y which can be employed or hidden at w i l l . Mennonite e t h n i c i t y was  Traditional  concretized and expressed in tangible practices in a  communal context; with the encroachment of modernity i t has become s i t u a t i o n a l and compartmentalized, allowing  i d e n t i t y components to be  acknowledged or discarded according to t h e i r immediate u t i l i t y . 2 4 Calvin Redekop has pointed out that K r a y b i l l ' s reliance on the r u b r i c of e t h n i c i t y i n analyzing Mennonites, on the other hand, obscures the ideological animus of the group and hence the roots of Mennonite behaviour. While Mennonites have exhibited which has  "ethnicizing tendencies", the primary factor  informed t h e i r i d e n t i t y i s the consciousness of l i v i n g out a  " f a i t h f u l o r i g i n a l C h r i s t i a n i t y " ; instead of an ethnic group, Mennonites have been and continue to be a Utopian r e l i g i o u s movement in c o n f l i c t with i t s s o c i a l environment, according to Redekop.  The revolutionary nature of the  198 movement was not t o t a l l y l o s t , "but...was turned inward and expressed i n the inner l i f e of the society, i n an i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d form."25  Further,  Maintaining a r e l i g i o u s l y informed "way of l i f e " when the external opposition and oppression i s being weakened or transformed puts an enormous load on "mundane", i . e . normal l i v i n g , to continue to provide the ideology of protest and survival.26 Redekop's perspective i s a c r u c i a l corrective to the insights of K r a y b i l l , and helps to explain the importance of the German i d e n t i t y to Mennonites i n comparison with other "ethnic groups".  There was more to their Germanism  than a concern to maintain t h e i r " e t h n i c i t y " , however defined: as an important aspect of "mundane" l i f e , the communal language and culture took on added s i g n i f i c a n c e as a concrete symbol of being "Mennonite" and hence faithful Christians. The experience of P o l i s h Catholics i n Canada provides a good point of comparison to the Russlaender Mennonite Brethren, because i n t h e i r case there was also an i n f l u x of better-educated, "progressive" individuals into Canada during the 1920's, complementing the more r u s t i c , pre-1914 immigrant community.  The e a r l i e r immigrants had been r e l a t i v e l y unconcerned about  c o n t r o l l i n g education and maintaining the P o l i s h language, i n c o n t r a d i s t i n c t i o n to t h e i r Mennonite counterparts.  The home seems to have  been the primary locus of language i n s t r u c t i o n and maintenance.  The group  which arrived i n the 1920's, however, was able to give leadership i n language and culture maintenance e f f o r t s , and thus "Polish organizations i n Canada began to take greater interest i n the education of children, and the period 1930-1940 witnessed greatly increased a c t i v i t y i n t h i s field."27  Although  the Kanadier Mennonites had been more concerned about language and r e l i g i o culture maintenance than their P o l i s h counterparts, with a portion of them migrating south for just that reason, the i n f l u x of the Russlaender  i n the  199 1920's also spelled a new the German language and  era in conscious e f f o r t s by Mennonites to preserve  culture.  Despite greater e f f o r t s at retaining the language, a  considerable  proportion of the second generation immigrants did not speak any P o l i s h , and the amount of P o l i s h ethnic i d e n t i f i c a t i o n and knowledge of the P o l i s h language has decreased s t e a d i l y since 1931.28  Radecki c i t e s the high rate of  i l l i t e r a c y among P o l i s h peasants, and the fact that Canada attracted poorest Poles as immigrants, as being responsible the retention of the P o l i s h language."29  for the "few  incentives for  Unlike the Mennonites, who  long h i s t o r y of language/culture maintenance, for the Poles i t was a f t e r immigration to Canada that i t became a prominent issue, and were simply too i l l i t e r a t e and about it.30  In general,  ignorant  of educational  the  had  a  primarily then they  practices to do much  "Neither the P o l i s h family nor the  organizational  structure was able to counteract the attractiveness or pressures emanating from Canadian society."  Both the P o l i s h press and the P o l i s h Catholic Church  were important agents i n the i n s t i t u t i o n a l attempts to maintain the P o l i s h language and culture, but the church c l e a r l y d i d not play as s i g n i f i c a n t a r o l e in t h i s regard as i t d i d for the Mennonite Brethren.31 A post-Second World War  influx of Poles to Canada again  stimulated  interest i n language and culture maintenance, but the general trend among Poles, l i k e Mennonites, has been steady acculturation and a s s i m i l a t i o n (as well as " d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n " ) to Canadian society.  Children born i n Canada  simply do not have the necessary motivation or i n s t i t u t i o n a l support to learn the d i f f i c u l t grammar of the P o l i s h language.  The Catholic Church, as  indicated, did not make language into as big an issue as Mennonite congregations d i d , and parents and leaders did not see the retention of the  200 P o l i s h language as being a l l that important.32 The higher l e v e l s of Brethren r e l i g i o s i t y , education and communal consciousness seems to have led to a somewhat more intense struggle with the language/culture issue, i f the end r e s u l t was the same.  Using Redekop's  terminology, the U t o p i a n ideology of the Brethren contributed to a greater s t r e s s on perpetuating "mundane" aspects of l i f e l i k e the t r a d i t i o n a l communal language.  I t should be added that although there was some negative  association i n Canada with being P o l i s h p r i o r to the Second World War, Poles would not have had the same incentive to d i s s o c i a t e themselves from t h e i r heritage as German-speakers had. educated  This, added to a s i g n i f i c a n t number of  immigrants a r r i v i n g a f t e r 1945, helps to explain the continuing  operation of P o l i s h part-time schools.33 The Mennonite i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of language with r e l i g i o n has a long h i s t o r y , and t h i s may be related, along with the factors already c i t e d , to the t r a d i t i o n a l Anabaptist/Mennonite  suspicion of theology, and the  consequent lack of a vibrant t r a d i t i o n of theological discourse.  Dutch was  retained i n church services for 200 years among the Mennonites who had migrated from Holland to the V i s t u l a Delta region of Prussia.  The t r a n s i t i o n  to German was barely completed before the migration to Russia, and some congregations, located i n other parts of Germany, continued to use Dutch l a t e into the 19th century. 34  In Russia the Mennonites maintained High German as  the congregational language until, t h e i r migration to Canada.  Hence  Mennonites of Dutch o r i g i n had for almost t h e i r entire h i s t o r y been conservative on language matters, and had maintained a r e l i g i o u s language d i f f e r e n t from that of the l o c a l , "secular" society. At the same time, Russian Mennonites had refrained from theologizing,  201 being content with the Martyr's Mirror, the writings of Menno Simons, and sundry German p i e t i s t devotional works; t h e i r theology was p r i m a r i l y i n t h e i r e t h i c s and way  of l i f e .  expressed  It seems probable that in t h i s  context, language, normally a very important component of i n d i v i d u a l and c o l l e c t i v e i d e n t i t y , assumed even greater stress as a c a r r i e r of those ideas, attitudes and forms of expression which defined one as being "Mennonite". Instead of possessing an abstract theological discourse which expressed t h e i r i d e n t i t y , and was  l i n g u i s t i c a l l y translatable, Mennonites developed an  organic configuration of language, r e l i g i o u s b e l i e f s , and way of l i f e ,  parts  of which could only be changed gradually i f the whole were to survive i n t a c t . Various  individuals have r e f l e c t e d on the r e l a t i o n s h i p between a  d i s t i n c t i v e language and the social-psychological a t t r i b u t e s of minority groups.  Lieberson remarks that " I f language influences cognition, then  ethnic groups with d i s t i n c t i v e tongues may s o c i a l situations."35  respond d i f f e r e n t l y i n the same  Canadian Mennonite theologian David Schroeder has also  r e f l e c t e d on t h i s t o p i c .  "There i s a whole world t i e d up i n the language we  learn," according to Schroeder. English and say the same thing."  "One  can't just go d i r e c t from German to  Low German, e s p e c i a l l y , and also High  German, condition the speaker to say things more " f r o n t a l l y " — " T h e language requires that a spade i s c a l l e d a spade."  This was  e s p e c i a l l y important to  Mennonites, Schroeder asserts, because of their t r a d i t i o n a l stress on honesty and humility, and the s e n s i t i v i t y among some groups such as the Sommerfelder (Kanadier Mennonites) to hypocrisy.36 Gerhard Ens, longtime teacher at the Mennonite Collegiate I n s t i t u t e at Gretna, Manitoba, agrees that the form of expression also a f f e c t s content. An example for him i s the German word "Bekehrung": associated with t h i s word  202 i s a deep a t t i t u d e of change and repentance, according to Ens, quite unlike the English phrase into which i t was translated, "to be saved", which he feels i s a much more passive, shallow term.  Another example i s the German  "Gemeinschaft", with i t s connotations of union and "solemn communion", versus the English "fellowship", which i n Ens' mind implies "a wienie roast".37 Mennonite scholar Adolf Ens, i n an analysis of changes i n language and c u l t u r a l symbols among Canadian Mennonites during the 1950's, claims that Mennonite English-language p e r i o d i c a l s which were begun i n the 1950's featured a s t y l e and content that were e n t i r e l y d i f f e r e n t than that of Der Bote and the Mennonitische Rundschau.  The use of English i n church services  brought about a more "Protestant" form of worship and l i t u r g y , according to Ens, and the term "evangelical" became an important c u l t u r a l symbol among the Mennonites.  "Most of the changes i n c u l t u r a l patterns which occurred during  the 1950's were adoptions, sometimes with only minor adaptation, of aspects of the dominant culture."38 Abe J . Dueck has argued that changes i n Mennonite Brethren p o l i t i c a l attitudes p a r a l l e l e d the t r a n s i t i o n to English and the general process of f a m i l i a r i z a t i o n with Canadian i n s t i t u t i o n s and c u l t u r e .  Up u n t i l the l a t e r  1950's, Canadian Mennonites entertained t h e i r t r a d i t i o n a l view of p o l i t i c s as being an e v i l but necessary e n t i t y , which, except for voting, should be avoided at a l l costs.  After t h i s period, "a serious breakdown" of the  t r a d i t i o n a l position took place, with Mennonite Brethren moving i n a number of d i r e c t i o n s , most notably towards greater p a r t i c i p a t i o n and acceptance of r e s p o n s i b i l i t y i n the p o l i t i c a l process.39  While there were c l e a r l y many  more factors than language t r a n s i t i o n at work in t h i s change in a t t i t u d e s , i t i s noteworthy that changes i n perspective and language took place nearly  203 simultaneously. In h i s analysis of European immigrant churches i n the United States, H. Richard Niebuhr noted that With the adoption of English as the church language other changes inevitably set i n . The poetry of worship i n l i t u r g i e s and hymns i s e s s e n t i a l l y untranslatable. Though the immigrant church may make v a l i a n t e f f o r t s to r e t a i n i t s old forms within the medium of the new language, though i t may succeed i n holding f a s t to such c l a s s i c s as "Holy Night" and "A Mighty Fortress i s our God", yet the charm has departed from prayers, songs and l i t a n i e s which some uninspired poetaster has turned into a conglomerate of English words...The change of language i s only one aspect of adjustment to the t o t a l culture with i t s democratic s p i r i t , i t s industrialism, i t s patriotism.40 Mennonite philosopher Delbert Wiens has echoed Niebuhr i n describing the r e l i g i o u s meaning of the German language for Mennonites.  In a 1967 a r t i c l e ,  Wiens pointed out that the Mennonite Low German d i a l e c t was the language of d a i l y l i f e , while High German was the language of the mind and of the soul. I t was t h e i r L a t i n , a holy language. They d i d not have nor need r e c i t e d creeds and organ pipes or Gothic architecture. But they had the Psalms, and they were c l o s e . . . i n s p i r i t to high church Anglicans...Our elders were r i g h t to c l i n g to the land and to our German d i a l e c t s , though they gave bad reasons for their stubbornness. For they sensed that to lose them was to lose something basic. The loss of our languages and of our p r e - s c i e n t i f i c dependence oh the s o i l meant the loss of our l i t u r g y and our worship. Because we d i d not know how to t a l k d i r e c t l y about these things, how to analyze them, we could not transfer t h e i r meaning to some other forms. To translate the service to English, the language now for a l l our needs, does not mean the same a t a l l . 4 1 Wiens's statement expresses well some of the notions already advanced i n t h i s chapter.  I t a l s o raises the question of the r o l e of the Low German d i a l e c t  in Mennonite Brethren German i d e n t i t y .  As I stated a t the outset, t h i s study  i s concerned mainly with the High German language and culture, and neglects analysis of the d i a l e c t i n the i d e n t i t y question. be done on t h i s topic.  Much research remains to  A few words on the r e l a t i o n s h i p between the d i f f e r e n t  German d i a l e c t s spoken by Mennonites, however, are i n order here.  204 There were two predominant variations of the Low German d i a l e c t spoken by Russian Mennonites, and they had e s s e n t i a l l y been absorbed during the Mennonite sojourn i n Prussia.42  The d i a l e c t was unwritten (except for the  pioneering e f f o r t s of a few w r i t e r s ) , but was extensively spoken i n everyday life.  By the 1930's, however, a process had begun among the Russlaender i n  Canada whereby the Low German was replaced by High German as an everyday language.  That t h i s occurred a t the same time that the Mennonite Brethren  German i d e n t i t y began to be s e r i o u s l y challenged was no accident.  In  encouraging the use of the High German i n family l i f e , G.H. Peters, respected teacher a t the Mennonite Collegiate I n s t i t u t e , stated: We can't allow ourselves the luxury of two languages here.in Canada, l i k e we d i d i n Russia. At the very l e a s t no s p e c i a l energies should be spent on maintaining the Low German...Experience shows that High German can be spoken i n the family and c h i l d r e n w i l l l a t e r s t i l l be able to pick up the Low German.43 Peters s t i l l f e l t a t t h i s time (1937) that i t was possible for Mennonite families to avoid the use of English altogether.  In the same year, another  prominent educator, the Brethren F.C. Thiessen, a l s o strongly encouraged the use of High German i n families.44  As mentioned i n Chapter Five, Brethren  Bible expositor A.H. Unruh explained, i n the e a r l y 1950's, that Low German could not serve as the common Mennonite "Volk-language"  because i t was  "impure" (containing Russian and P o l i s h words), and was open to v a r i a t i o n . He implied that when compared to High German, i t d i d not have the same unifying power.  While the d i a l e c t was dear to him, i t d i d not quite pass  muster as a source of Mennonite i d e n t i t y and unity.45 Other Mennonite i n t e l l e c t u a l s who l i v e d through t h i s period agree that the two German d i a l e c t s were put into competition with each other, and that High German was consciously selected by educators and church leaders as the  205 language to be nurtured i n Canada.46 as G.H.  Peters predicted.  Second World War,  But Low German had a way of surviving,  I t was s t i l l prevalent i n the decades a f t e r the  remaining a "popular conversational language".47  David  Schroeder t e l l s the s t o r y of a Mennonite pastor who decided that h i s family would speak only High German.  The man's father was staying with the family  at the time, and said to Schroeder, when the pastor l e f t the room, "I would just l i k e you to know that the Low German w i l l outlast the High German."48 I t i s d i f f i c u l t to assess the degree to which t h i s d i d or d i d not happen. What i s c e r t a i n i s that eventually both d i a l e c t s faded out of the mainstream of Mennonite l i f e .  Gerhard Ens f e e l s that "We  probably would have been  better o f f , had we concentrated on keeping the d i a l e c t .  As i t i s , we no  longer have either (the Low or High German)."49 Thus i t i s l i k e l y that an important reason for the rapid demise of the German language among the Mennonite Brethren was that the two d i a l e c t s were put into competition with each other, neither receiving adequate s t r e s s to ensure i t s s u r v i v a l among the second generation.  The bilingualism which had  enriched Mennonite l i f e i n Russia bore b i t t e r f r u i t i n the Canadian context. In conclusion, the s t o r y of the Canadian Mennonite Brethren German i d e n t i t y i s r i c h , complex, and i n need of further a n a l y s i s .  I t i s my hope  that the foregoing study represents a f i r s t step i n d e l i n e a t i n g the contours and patterns of the subject within i t s h i s t o r i c a l context.  I t should be  c l e a r that there were many more aspects to the German i d e n t i t y than a simple and conscious desire for "boundary maintenance".50  As I have argued  throughout t h i s study, the s o c i o - r e l i g i o u s i n t e g r i t y of the Brethren was a t stake i n t h i s issue, a t least according to f i r s t generation immigrants to Canada.  In the interwar period, elements of p o l i t i c a l , ethnic and  206  n a t i o n a l i s t Germanism vied for p o s i t i o n i n defining Brethren i d e n t i t y and preserving Brethren s o c i o - r e l i g i o u s  integrity.  the c r u c i b l e of the Second World War,  These elements were purged i n  leaving the basic c u l t u r a l and  r e l i g i o u s meanings of Germanism to slowly fade away i n the postwar period, despite strenuous attempts to preserve them. assimilation,  By then the steady forces of  acculturation, and urbanization, along with a s o c i e t a l bias  against Germanism, and an emphasis by the Brethren on outreach and an openness to English "evangelical" groups, had taken t h e i r t o l l . Many other factors were a t work i n the demise of Germanism among the Brethren, some of which have been discussed i n t h i s chapter, others have surfaced elsewhere.  My primary intention, however, has been to understand  Canadian Mennonite Brethren Germanism i n a l l i t s complexity and f u l l n e s s .  To  do otherwise i s to deny the Germanists t h e i r r o l e as h i s t o r i c a l actors who were responding to very r e a l challenges to t h e i r own  i d e n t i t y and that of the  Mennonite Brethren community as a whole. On the other hand, many of t h e i r fears were unfounded, and some of t h e i r e f f o r t s to preserve the Germanic aspects of Mennonite i d e n t i t y were misguided and f u t i l e .  The German culture and language were not c r u c i a l to the  Mennonite Brethren f a i t h and way of l i f e , they were rather components of a p a r t i c u l a r configuration of i t . Despite containing an often prescient understanding of the r o l e of language and culture i n maintaining r e l i g i o u s i d e n t i t y and s o c i a l s o l i d a r i t y , the Germanist perspective was  essentially  conservative and u n r e a l i s t i c i n the Canadian context. That the Mennonite Brethren f a i t h community has persisted and prospered in Canada i n a non-Germanic form can be interpreted as a triumph of " r e l i g i o u s " over "ethnic" elements i n Brethren i d e n t i t y .  What makes t h i s  207 neat observation problematic  i s the fact that Germanism served r e l i g i o u s as  well as ethnic goals, and hence i t s demise does not s i g n a l the clearcut v i c t o r y of one sort of Mennonitism over another.  In fact, i t i s possible  that some t r a d i t i o n a l r e l i g i o u s tenets (such as nonresistance) have more or less accompanied Germanism into obscurity. This suggests a t h i r d p o s s i b i l i t y ; namely, that a previous synthesis of f a i t h , culture and community has been transformed into a new pattern which i s d i f f e r e n t than the old one, but just as r e a l .  Instead of comparing a  " r e l i g i o u s " present with an "ethnic" past, perhaps contemporary Mennonite Brethren should ask themselves  i f the current synthesis of f a i t h , culture and  community does not have something to gain from an honest and respectful appraisal of the previous one.  208 NOTES, CHAPTER SIX 1. Edward Herberg, Ethnic Groups i n Canada: Adaptations and Transitions (Scarborough: Nelson Canada, 1989), pp. 84-85; Raymond Breton, " I n s t i t u t i o n a l Completeness of Ethnic Communities and the Personal Relations of Immigrants," The American Journal of Sociology 70 (1964):193-205. 2.  Ibid., p. 9.  3.  Ibid., p. 101.  4.  Ibid., p. 122.  5. Ibid., p. 106; Alan B. Anderson, "Assimilation i n the Bloc Settlements of North-Central Saskatchewan: A Comparative Study of Identity Change Among Seven Ethno-Religious Groups i n a Canadian P r a i r i e Region," (Ph.D. Dissertation, University of Saskatchewan, 1972), p. 200. 6.  Herberg, Ethnic Groups i n Canada, pp. 94-101.  7. J e f f r e y G. Reitz, "Language and Ethnic Community S u r v i v a l , " i n Rita M. Bienvenue and Jay E. Goldstein, eds., E t h n i c i t y and Ethnic Relations i n Canada (Toronto: Butterworth & Co., 2nd ed., 1985), p. 106. 8. Stanley Lieberson, Language and Ethnic Relations i n Canada John Wiley & Sons, Inc., 1970), p. 7.  (Toronto:  9. H. Richard Niebuhr, The Social Sources of Denominationalism (Hamden, CT: The Shoestring Press, 1954), pp. 222-23. 10.  Reitz, "Language and Ethnic Community S u r v i v a l , " pp. 120-21.  11.  Lieberson, Language and Ethnic Relations i n Canada, p. 15.  12.  Herberg, Ethnic Groups i n Canada, p. 268.  13.  Lieberson, Language and Ethnic Relations i n Canada, p. 10.  14. Fishman and Nahirny, "The Ethnic Group School and Mother-Tongue Maintenance," i n Joshua Fishman, ed., Language Loyalty i n the United States: The Maintenance and Perpetuation of Non-English Mother Tongues by American Ethnic and Religious Groups (The Hague: Mouton & Co., 1966), p. 97. 15.  Ibid., p. 109.  16. See Fishman, ed., Language Loyalty i n the United States, pp. 134 and 403 respectively. 17. Heinz Kloss, "German-American Language Maintenance E f f o r t s , " i n Fishman, ed., Language Loyalty, p. 238.  209 18. Nathan Glazer, "The Process and Problems of Language Maintenance: An Integrative Review," i n Fishman, ed., Language Loyalty, p. 365. 19. Elizabeth Gerwin, "A Survey of the German-Speaking Population of Alberta" (M.A. Thesis, University of Alberta, 1938), p. 145ff. 20. Leo Driedger and Jacob Peters, "Ethnic Identity: A Comparison of Mennonite and other German Students," Mennonite Quarterly Review (July 1973): 240. 21.  Ibid., p. 243.  22. Frank Epp has pointed out that to the extent that r e l i g i o n and e t h n i c i t y , the "two main meanings of Mennonite", are narrowly and s u p e r f i c i a l l y defined, they "become mutually exclusive with a consequent rending apart within the Mennonite body." See Frank H. Epp, "Problems of Mennonite Identity: A H i s t o r i c a l Study," i n Leo Driedger, ed., The Canadian Ethnic Mosaic: A Quest for Identity (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1978), p. 291. 23. Leo Driedger and Calvin Redekop, "Sociology of Mennonites: State of the Art and Science," Journal of Mennonite Studies 1 (1983):53-54. 24. Donald B. K r a y b i l l , "Modernity and Identity: The Transformation of Mennonite E t h n i c i t y , " i n Redekop and Steiner, eds., Mennonite Identity: H i s t o r i c a l and Contemporary Perspectives (Lanham, New York, London: University Press of America, 1988), pp. 153-72. 25. Calvin Redekop, "The Sociology of Mennonite Identity: A Second Opinion" i n Ibid., p. 187. 26.  Ibid., p. 191.  27. Henry Radecki with Benedict Heydenkorn, A Member of a Distinguished Family: The P o l i s h Group i n Canada (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1976), pp. 88-93. 28.  Ibid., pp. 94-95.  29.  Ibid., P. 97.  30.  Ibid.  31.  Ibid., P. 99.  32.  Ibid., pp. 100-104.  33.  Ibid., pp. 98, 104-105.  34. Jack Thiessen, "A New Look at an Old Problem: Origins of the Variations of Mennonite Plautdietsch," The Mennonite Quarterly Review (July 1989):290-92.  210 35.  Lieberson, Language and Ethnic Relations i n Canada, p. 7.  36. Interview with David Schroeder, Mennonite theologian, June 20, 1989, Winnipeg, Manitoba. 37. Interview with Gerhard Ens, Mennonite educator and current editor of Der Bote, June 20, 1989, Winnipeg, Manitoba. 38. Adolf Ens, "Changes i n Language and C u l t u r a l Symbols During the 1950's," unpublished paper (1988), Box 17, Folder F, no. 2, Centre f o r Mennonite Brethren Studies (CMBS), Winnipeg, pp. 5-11. 39. Abe J . Dueck, "Church and State: Developments Among Mennonite Brethren i n Canada since World War I I , " unpublished paper (1980), Box 8, Folder E, no. 1, CMBS Winnipeg, pp. 3-6. 40.  Niebuhr, The S o c i a l Sources of Denominationalism, pp. 212-13.  41. Delbert Wiens, "The Old Wine; W i l l i t Sour?" The Canadian Mennonite. 18 A p r i l 1967, p. 7. 42. Jack Thiessen, "A New Look a t an Old Problem: Origins of the Variations i n Mennonite Plautdietsch," Mennonite Quarterly Review (July 1989):285-96. 43. G.H. Peters, "Und wieder: *Unsre deutsche Sprache,'" Der Bote, 7 A p r i l 1937, p. 3. 44. F.C. Thiessen, "Wie erhalten wir bei unsern Kindern die Begeisterung fuer d i e ererbten Gueter: Religion und deutsche Sprache?", Der Bote, 14 J u l y 1937, p. 5. 45. A.H. Unruh, "Warum i s t es notwendig, unsere deutsche Muttersprache zu erhalten?", Mennonitische Rundschau, 3 June 1953, p. 3. 46.  Interview with David Schroeder;  Interview with Gerhard Ens.  47. John Jacob Krahn, "A History of the Mennonites i n B r i t i s h Columbia," (M.A. Thesis, University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1955), pp. 117-18; E.K. Francis, In Search of Utopia: The Mennonites of Manitoba (Altona: D.W. Friesen & Sons, 1955), p. 243. 48.  Interview with David Schroeder.  49.  Interview with Gerhard Ens.  211 50. I have already noted Frank Epp's emphasis on "separation", and i t s inappropriateness when studying the Russlaender, i n Chapter One. In the Mennonite academic l i t e r a t u r e , "boundary maintenance" has almost become a c l i c h e . For an example of t h i s kind of approach taken t o i t s absurd conclusion see Elmer S. M i l l e r , "Marking Mennonite Identity: A S t r u c t u r a l i s t Approach to Separation," The Conrad Grebe1 Review ( F a l l 1985):251-63. For my response see The Conrad Grebel Review (Winter 1986):60-63.  212 BIBLIOGRAPHY  A. PRIMARY SOURCES 1. General Canadian Census, 1921-1961, passim. Ottawa: King's P r i n t e r s . F i l e s of the Alberta Mennonite High School, BA 251, F 51, Centre for Mennonite Brethren Studies (CMBS), Fresno, C a l i f o r n i a . F i l e s of the Northern D i s t r i c t Conference Bible School Committee, 1943-1953 and passim. Centre for Mennonite Brethren Studies (CMBS), Winnipeg, Manitoba. Minutes of the Bethany Bible School Committee Meetings, passim. BF, Saskatchewan Conference of Mennonite Brethren Churches, Box 1, Folder 11. CMBS, Fresno, Ca. Minutes of the Coaldale Mennonite Brethren Church Business Meetings, 19261960. Folder BA 501. CMBS, Fresno, Ca. Minutes of the Hepburn Mennonite Brethren Church Business Meetings, 19371960. Microfilm R o l l 10. CMBS, Fresno, Ca. Minutes of the Herbert Bible School Committee Meetings, passim. BF 229, CMBS, Fresno, Ca. Minutes of the Kitchener Mennonite Brethren Church Business Meetings, 19391960. Microfilm R o l l 33. CMBS, Fresno, Ca. Minutes of the Mennonite Brethren Bible College Board of Directors Meetings, 1944-1953 and passim. Microfilm R o l l 40, CMBS, Fresno, Ca. Minutes of the Mennonite Brethren Bible College Faculty Meetings, 1945-1953 and passim. Faculty Minutes F i l e , CMBS, Winnipeg, Man. Minutes of the Mennonite Brethren Collegiate I n s t i t u t e School Committee Meetings, 1945-1963, Box L234, Folders 21-23, CMBS, Fresno, Ca. Minutes of the North End Mennonite Brethren Church Business Meetings, 19271960. Microfilm R o l l s 91-92. CMBS, Fresno, Ca. Minutes of the Yarrow Mennonite Brethren Church Business Meetings, 1929-1960. Microfilm R o l l 65. CMBS, Fresno, Ca. Northern D i s t r i c t Conference Yearbooks, 1911-1970. Hillsboro, KS: Mennonite Brethren Publishing House.  213 Papers of the Society for the Promotion of the German Language. Mennonite Heritage Centre (MHC), Winnipeg, Manitoba. Personal papers of B.B. Janz. CMBS, Winnipeg, Man. and CMBS, Fresno, Ca. Personal papers of A.H. Unruh.  CMBS, Winnipeg, Man.  2. Interviews Anne Brandt, Mennonite Brethren church worker, Kelowna, B.C., June 3, 1989. G i l b e r t and Susan Brandt, Mennonite Brethren publishers, Winnipeg, Manitoba, June 17, 1989. Herb Brandt, Mennonite Brethren pastor and Conference leader, June 3 and December 19, 1989, Kelowna, B.C. Erwin Cornelsen, r e t i r e d German Mennonite pastor, Vancouver, B.C., November 14, 1989. Jack and Eleanor Dueck, former Mennonite Brethren, Kitchener, Ontario, J u l y 6, 1989. Gerhard Ens, Mennonite educator and current editor of Der Bote, Winnipeg, Manitoba, June 20, 1989. Anne Funk, r e t i r e d Mennonite Brethren teacher, Vancouver, B.C., May 6, 1990. Lawrence Klippenstein, Mennonite a r c h i v i s t , Winnipeg, Manitoba, June 15, 1989. Peter Neudorf, Mennonite businessman, Vancouver, B.C., December 10, 1989. Katie Peters, Mennonite Brethren from Russia, Winnipeg, Manitoba, June 9, 1989. Calvin Redekop, Mennonite Sociologist, Harrisonburg, V i r g i n i a , June 27, 1990. Kathy Rempel, former Mennonite Brethren, Winnipeg, Manitoba, June 14, 1989. David Schroeder, Mennonite theologian, Winnipeg, Manitoba, June 20, 1989. J.B. Toews, Mennonite Brethren leader and educator, Winnipeg, Manitoba, June 20, 1989; Fresno, C a l i f o r n i a , March 10, 1990. John B. Toews, Mennonite h i s t o r i a n , Vancouver, B.C., January 31, 1990.  214 3. Periodicals Der Bote, 1930-39 and passim. Konferenz Juqenblatt. Mennonite L i f e , passim. Mennonitische Rundschau. 1930-39 and passim. Saskatoon Star Phoenix, passim. Winnipeg Free Press, passim.  4. Books and A r t i c l e s Dyck, Arnold. Lost i n the Steppe. Steinbach, MB: Derksen P r i n t e r s ,  1974.  Gingerich, Melvin. "The Menace of Propaganda and How to Meet I t . " Mennonite Quarterly Review 13 (April 1939):123-34. Kliewer, F r i t z . Die deutsche Volksgruppe i n Paraguay: Eine siedlungsgeschichtliche. volkskundliche und v o l k s p o l i t i s c h e Untersuchung. Hamburg: Hans Christiana Verlag, 1941. Kliewer, F r i t z . "The Mennonites of Paraguay." Mennonite Quarterly Review 11 (January 1937):92-97. Luce, P.W. "Unwelcome Mennonites Making Model Farms by the Fraser." Saturday Night. 12 February 1944, p. 32. Quiring, Walter. "The Canadian Mennonite Immigration into the Paraguayan Chaco 1926-1927." Mennonite Quarterly Review VII (January 1934):32-42. Unruh, B.H. Die niederlaendisch-niederdeutschen Hintergruende der mennonitischen Cstwanderungen. Karlsruhe: Im Selbstverlag, 1955. Wiens, B.B. "Pioneering i n B r i t i s h Columbia." Mennonite L i f e I (July, 1946):9-13.  215 B. SECONDARY SOURCES 1. Books. A r t i b i s e , Alan F.J. Western Canada Since 1870: A Select Bibliography and Guide. Vancouver: University of B r i t i s h Columbia Press, 1978. Avery, Donald. Dangerous Foreigners: European Immigrant Workers and Labour Radicalism i n Canada, 1896-1932. Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1979. Berg, Abram, ed. D i e t r i c h Heinrich Epp: Aus seinem Leben, Wirken und selbstaufqezeichneten Erinnerungen. Saskatoon: Heese House of P r i n t i n g , 1973. Betcherman, L i t a Rose. The Swastika and the Maple Leaf: F a s c i s t Movements i n Canada i n the T h i r t i e s . Toronto: Fitzhenry and Whiteside, 1975. Bienvenue and Goldstein, eds. E t h n i c i t y and Ethnic Relations i n Canada. Toronto: Butterworth & Co., 1985. Buchsweiler, Meir. Volksdeutsche i n der Ukraine am Vorabend und Beginn des Zweiten Weltkrieqs: E i n F a l l Doppelter Lovalitaet?. Gerlingen: Bleicher Verlag, 1984. Classen, A.J. The Bible School Story 1913-1963. Mennonite Brethren Board of Education, 1963. Conway, John. The Nazi Persecution of the Churches 1933-45. Toronto: The Ryerson Press, 1968. Dawson, C A . Group Settlement: Ethnic Communities i n Western Canada. Toronto: Macmillan, 1936, reprinted by Kraus Reprint Co., 1974. Epp, Frank H. Mennonite Exodus: The Rescue and Resettlement of the Russian Mennonites Since the Communist Revolution. Altona: D.W. Friesen and Sons, 1962. Epp, Frank H. Mennonites 1974.  i n Canada, 1786-1920. Toronto: Macmillan of Canada,  Epp, Frank H. Mennonites 1982.  i n Canada, 1920-1940. Toronto: Macmillan of Canada,  Fishman, Joshua A., ed. Language Loyalty i n the U.S.: The Maintenance and Perpetuation of Non-English Mother Tongues by American Ethnic and Religious Groups. The Hague: Mouton & Co., 1966. Francis, E.K. In Search of Utopia: The Mennonites of Manitoba. Altona: D.W. Friesen & Sons, 1955.  216 Fretz, J . Winfield. Pilgrims i n Paraguay. Scottdale, Pa: Herald Press, 1953. Friesen, Gerald. The Canadian P r a i r i e s : A History. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1987. Friesen, P.M. The Mennonite Brotherhood i n Russia. 1789-1910. Fresno: BCLGC Mennonite Brethren Church, 1978. Goertz, Hans-Juergen. Die Taeufer: Geschichte und Deutung. Munich: C H . 1980.  Beck,  Hamm, Peter M. Continuity & Change Among Canadian Mennonite Brethren. Waterloo: Wilfred Laurier University Press, 1987. Hartzler, J.E. Education Among the Mennonites of America. Danvers. I l l : Central Mennonite Publishing Board, 1925. Helmreich, Ernst C h r i s t i a n . The German Churches Under H i t l e r : background. struggle, and epilogue. Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1979. Herberg, Edward N. Ethnic Groups i n Canada: Adaptations and Transitions. Scarborough: Nelson Canada, 1989. K i r c o n n e l l , Walter. Canada, Europe and H i t l e r . Toronto: Oxford U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1939. Klippenstein, Lawrence. That There be Peace: Mennonites i n Canada and World War I I . Winnipeg: The Manitoba C O . Reunion Committee, 1979. Leckie, Robert. American and Catholic. Garden C i t y , New York: Doubleday & Company, 1970. L i c h d i , Dieter Goetz. Die Mennoniten im Dritten Reich: Dokumentation und Deutung. Weierhof: Mennonitischer Geschictsverein, 1977. Lieberson, Stanley. Language and Ethnic Relations i n Canada. Toronto: John Wiley & Sons, Inc., 1970. Mann, W.E. Sect. Cult and Church i n Alberta. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1955. Mosse, George L. The C r i s i s of German Ideology. New York: Grosset & Dunlap, 1964. Nawyn, William E. American Protestantism's Response to Germany's Jews and Refugees. 1933-41. Ann Arbor: UMI Research Press, 1981. Niebuhr, H. Richard. The Social Sources of Denominationalism. Hamden, CT: The Shoestring Press, 1954. Norris, John. Strangers Entertained: A History of the Ethnic Groups of B r i t i s h Columbia. Vancouver: Centennial '71 Committee, 1971.  217 Palmer, Howard. Patterns of Prejudice: A History of Nativism i n Alberta. Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1985. Penner, Peter. No Longer At Arms Length: Mennonite Brethren Church Planting in Canada. Winnipeg: Kindred Press, 1987. Radecki, Henry and Heydenkorn, Benedykt. A Member of a Distinguished Family: The P o l i s h Group i n Canada. Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1976. Redekop, Calvin. Mennonite Society. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1989. Redekop, Calvin and Steiner, Sam, eds. Mennonite Identity: H i s t o r i c a l and Contemporary Perspectives. Lanham, New York, London: U n i v e r s i t y Press of America, 1988. Shirer, William L. The Rise and F a l l of the Third Reich. New York: Simon and Schuster, 1959. Smucker, Donovan, ed. The Sociology of Canadian Mennonites, Hutterites and Amish: A Bibliography with Annotations. Waterloo: Wilfred Laurier University Press, 1977. Thompson, John H. and Seager, A l l e n . Canada 1922-39: Decades of Discord. Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1985. Toews, John A. A History of the Mennonite Brethren Church. Fresno: Board of C h r i s t i a n L i t e r a t u r e , 1975. Toews, John B. Czars. Soviets and Mennonites. Newton: F a i t h and L i f e Press, 1982. Toews, John B. Lost Fatherland: The Story of the Mennonite Emigration From Soviet Russia. 1921-1927. Kitchener: Herald Press, 1967. Toews, John B. With Courage to Spare: The L i f e of B.B. Janz (1877-1964). Winnipeg: Board of C h r i s t i a n L i t e r a t u r e , 1978. Wagner, Jonathan F. Brothers Beyond the Sea: National Socialism i n Canada. Waterloo: Wilfred Laurier Press, 1981. Ward, W.P. White Canada Forever: Popular Attitudes and Public P o l i c y Toward Orientals i n B r i t i s h Columbia. Montreal: Queen's U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1978.  2. A r t i c l e s . Bargen, Peter F. "Mennonite Land Settlement P o l i c i e s . " Mennonite L i f e XV (October, 1960):187-90.  218 Bender, Harold S. "Language Problem." i n Bender and Smith, eds. Mennonite Encyclopedia v o l . I I I . Scottdale, Pa.: Mennonite Publishing House, 1957. Breton, Raymond. " I n s t i t u t i o n a l Completeness of Ethnic Communities and the Personal Relations of Immigrants." The American Journal of Sociology 70 (1964)-.193-205. Braun, Peter. "The Educational System of the Mennonite Colonies i n South Russia." Mennonite Quarterly Review 3 (July 1929) -.169-82. Broszat, Martin. "Die voelkische Ideologie und der National-Sozialismus." Deutsche Rundschau 89 (January 1958):53-68. Conzen, Kathleen N. " H i s t o r i c a l Approaches to the study of Rural Ethnic Communities." i n Luebke, F. ed. E t h n i c i t y on the Great P l a i n s . Lincoln: U n i v e r s i t y of Nebraska Press, 1980, pp. 1-18. Driedger, Leo. "A Perspective on Canadian Mennonite Urbanization." Mennonite L i f e XXIII (October 1968):147-52. Driedger, Leo. "Urbanization of Mennonites i n Canada." i n Poettcker and Regehr, eds. C a l l to Faithfulness: Essays i n Canadian Mennonite Studies. Winnipeg: Canadian Mennonite Bible College, 1972. Driedger, Leo and Peters, Jacob. "Ethnic Identity: A Comparison of Mennonite and Other German Students." Mennonite Quarterly Review XLVTI (July, 1973):225-44. Driedger, Leo and Redekop, C a l v i n . "Sociology of Mennonites: State of the Art and Science." Journal of Mennonite Studies 1 (1983):33-63. Doerksen, V i c t o r . "Language and Communication Among Urban Mennonites." Mennonite L i f e XXIII (October 1968):182-85. Epp, Frank H. "Problems of Mennonite Identity: A H i s t o r i c a l Study." i n Driedger, Leo ed. The Canadian Ethnic Mosaic: A Quest for Identity. Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1978. Epp, Frank H. "The Struggle for Recognition." i n Poettcker and Regehr, eds. C a l l to Faithfulness: Essays i n Canadian Mennonite Studies. Winnipeg: Canadian Mennonite Bible College, 1972. Epp, George K. "Mennonite Immigration to Canada After World War I I . " Journal of Mennonite Studies 5 (1987):108-19. Epp, Reuben. "Plautdietsch: Origins, Development and State of the Mennonite Low German Language." Journal of Mennonite Studies 5 (1987)-.61-72. Francis, E.K. "The Russian Mennonites: From Religious to Ethnic Group." The American Journal of Sociology LIV, 2 (Sept. 1948):101-107.  219 Friesen, John. "Manitoba Mennonites i n the Rural-Urban S h i f t . " Mennonite L i f e XXIII (October 1968):152-58. Friesen, John. "The Relationship of Prussian Mennonites to German Nationalism." i n Loewen, Harry, ed. Mennonite Images: H i s t o r i c a l . C u l t u r a l , and L i t e r a r y Essays Dealing with Mennonite Issues. Winnipeg: Hyperion Press, 1980:61-72. Gerlach, Horst. "Mennonites, the Molotschna, and the *Volksdeutsche M i t t e l s t e l l e ' i n the Second World War." Mennonite L i f e 41 (September 1986):4-9. Hansen, Marcus Lee. "The Third Generation i n America." Commentary 14 (1952):492-500. Harder, Ben. "The Bible Institute-College Movement i n Canada." Journal of Canadian Church H i s t o r i c a l Society 22 (April 1980):29-45. Hillmer, Norman. "The Second World War as an (Un) National Experience." i n Hillman, Kordan, Luciuk, eds. On Guard For Thee: War, E t h n i c i t y , and the Canadian State, 1939-1945. Ottawa: Canadian Committee for the History of the Second World War, 1988, preface. Hubbard, Bede. "St. Peter's: A German-American marriage of monastary and colony." i n S m i l l i e , Benjamin ed. Visions of The New Jerusalem: Religious Settlement on the P r a i r i e s . Edmonton: NeWest Press, 1983. Keyserlingk, Robert H. "Breaking the Nazi P l o t : Canadian Government Attitudes Towards German Canadians, 1939-1945." i n Hillman, Kordan, Luciuk, eds. On Guard For Thee, (see above), pp. 54-61. Kossok, Manfred. "Die Mennoniten-Siedlungen Paraguays i n den Jahren 1935^-39." Z e i t s c h r i f t fuer Geschichtswissenschaft 8 (1960):367-76. K r a y b i l l , Donald B. "Modernity and Identity: The Transformation of Mennonite E t h n i c i t y . " i n Redekop and Steiner, eds. Mennonite Identity: H i s t o r i c a l and Contemporary Perspectives. Lanham, New York, London: University Press of America, 1988, pp. 153-72. Loewen, Harry. "Canadian Mennonite L i t e r a t u r e : Longing for a Lost Homeland." in Riedel, Walter, ed. The Old World and the New: L i t e r a r y Perspectives of German-Speaking Canadians. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1984, pp. 73-93. Loewen, Harry. "Echoes of Drumbeats: The Movement of Exuberance Among the Mennonite Brethren." Journal of Mennonite Studies 3 (1985):118-27. Martens, Hildegard M. "Accomodation and Withdrawal: The Response of Mennonites i n Canada to World War I I . " Social History VII (November, 1974):306-27.  220 Paetkau, Henry. "Jacob H. Janzen: *A Minister of Rare Magnitude'." Mennongespraech 6 (March 1988):1-4. Paetkau, Henry. "Russian Mennonite Immigrants of the 1920's: A Reappraisal." Journal of Mennonite Studies 2 (1984):72-85. Palmer, Howard. "Ethnic Relations i n Wartime: Nationalism and European Minorities i n Alberta during the Second World War." Canadian Ethnic Studies XIV (1982):1-23. Peters, H.A. "Das Mennonitische Volkstum: eine Skizze seiner Entstehung und des V e r f a l l e s . " Per Bote. 8 December 1964, pp. 10-11. Redekop, Calvin. "The Sociology of Mennonite Identity: A Second Opinion." i n Redekop and Steiner, eds. Mennonite Identity: H i s t o r i c a l and Contemporary Perspectives. Lanham, New York, London: U n i v e r s i t y Press of America, 1988, pp. 173-92. Regehr, T.D. "The Influence of World War II on Mennonites i n Canada." Journal of Mennonite Studies 5 (1987):73-89. Reitz, J e f f r e y G. "Language and Ethnic Community S u r v i v a l . " i n Bienvenue and Goldstein, eds. E t h n i c i t y and Ethnic Relations i n Canada. Toronto: Butterworth & Co., 2nd ed., 1985:105-23. Sapir, Edward. "Language." Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences v o l . IX. New York: MacMillan, 1933, pp. 155-68. Thiessen, Jack. "A New Look at an Old Problem: Origins of the Variations of Mennonite Plautdietsch." The Mennonite Quarterly Review (July 1989):285-96. Toews, J.B. "Mennonite Brethren Identity and Theological D i v e r s i t y . " in.Paul Toews, ed. Pilgrims & Strangers: Essays i n Mennonite Brethren History. Fresno: Centre for Mennonite Brethren Studies, 1977. Urry, James. "Through the Eye of a Needle: Wealth and the Mennonite Experience i n Imperial Russia." Journal of Mennonite Studies 3 (1985):7-35. Wagner, Jonathan F. "Transferred C r i s i s : German Volkish Thought Among Russian Mennonite Immigrants to Western Canada." Canadian Review of Studies i n Nationalism 1 (1974):202-220. Weissenborn, Georg K. "Three hundred years of German presence i n Canada." Language and Society 9 (Spring 1983):16-19. Wiebe, Anne. "The Mennonite Brethren i n Ontario: a short h i s t o r y . " Mennongespraech 4 (March 1986):4-8. Wiens, Delbert. "The Old Wine; W i l l i t Sour?" The Canadian Mennonite. 18 A p r i l 1967, pp. 6-7.  221 3. Dissertations and Theses  Anderson, Alan B. "Assimilation i n Saskatchewan: A Comparative Ethno-Religious Groups i n a d i s s e r t a t i o n , University of  the Bloc Settlements of North Central Study of Identity Change Among Seven Canadian P r a i r i e Region." Ph.D. Saskatchewan, 1972.  Buhr, Joanna R. "Pursuit of a V i s i o n : Persistence and Accomodation Among Coaldale Mennonites from the Mid-Nineteen Twenties to World War I I . " M.A. thesis, University of Calgary, 1986. Burkinshaw, Robert K. "Strangers and Pilgrims i n Lotus Land: Conservative Protestantism i n B r i t i s h Columbia, 1917-1981." Ph.D. d i s s e r t a t i o n , University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1988. Doerksen, John George. "History of Education of the Mennonite Brethren i n Canada." M.Ed, thesis, University of Manitoba, 1963. Doerksen, John George. "Mennonite Brethren Bible College and College of the Arts." Ph.D. d i s s e r t a t i o n , University of North Dakota, 1968. E l l i o t t , David R. "Studies of Eight Canadian Fundamentalists." Ph.D. d i s s e r t a t i o n , University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1989. Epp, Frank H. "An Analysis of Germanism and National Socialism i n the Immigrant Newspaper of a Canadian Minority Group, the Mennonites, i n the 1930's." Ph.D. d i s s e r t a t i o n , University of Minnesota, 1965. Gerwin, Elizabeth. "A Survey of the German-Speaking Population i n the Province of Alberta." M.A. thesis, University of Alberta, 1938. Grenke, Arthur. "The Formation and E a r l y Development of an Urban Ethnic Community: A Case Study of the Germans i n Winnipeg, 1872-1919." Ph.D. d i s s e r t a t i o n , University of Manitoba, 1975. Heier, Edmund. "A Study of the German Lutheran and Catholic Immigrants i n Canada Formerly Residing i n C z a r i s t and Soviet Russia." M.A. thesis, University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1955. Klassen, Peter G. "A History of Mennonite Education i n Canada, 1786-1960." D.Ed, thesis, University of Toronto, 1970. Krahn, John Jacob. "A History of Mennonites i n B r i t i s h Columbia." thesis, University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1955.  M.A.  L i c h t i , James I. "Religious Identity vs. 'Aryan' Identity: German Mennonites and Hutterites Under the Third Reich." M.A. thesis, San Francisco State University, 1989. Mott, M. "The Foreign P e r i l : Nativism i n Winnipeg, 1916-1923." M.A. thesis, University of Manitoba, 1970.  222 Paetkau, Henry. "A Struggle for Survival. The Russian Mennonite Immigrants i n Ontario, 1924-39." M.A. thesis, University of Waterloo, 1977. Peters, Jacob. "The Association of Religious A f f i l i a t i o n , Socio-Economic Status, Generation, and Segregation with German Ethnocentrism." M.A. thesis, University of Manitoba, 1971. R a t z l a f f , Gerhard. "An H i s t o r i c a l - P o l i t i c a l Study of the Mennonites i n Paraguay." M.A. thesis, C a l i f o r n i a State University, Fresno, 1974. Sawatzsky, Aron. "The Mennonites of Alberta and Their Assimilation." M.A. t h e s i s , University of Alberta, 1964. Thielman, George Gerhard. "The Canadian Mennonites: A Study of an Ethnic Group i n Relation to the State and Community with Emphasis on Factors Contributing t o Success or F a i l u r e of I t s Adjustment to Canadian Ways of L i v i n g . " Ph.D. d i s s e r t a t i o n , Western Reserve University, 1955. Warkentin, John H. "The Mennonite Settlements of Southern Manitoba." Ph.D. d i s s e r t a t i o n , University of Toronto, 1960.  4. Unpublished Papers Brandt, Herbert. "Church Growth and the Process of Change i n the Mennonite Brethren Church." (1983) Box 12, no. 6P, F. CMBS Winnipeg. de Fehr, Albert William. "A Critique of Epp's *An Analysis of Germanism and National Socialism i n the Immigrant Newspaper of a Canadian Minority Group'." (1970) Associated Mennonite B i b l i c a l Seminaries, Elkhart, Indiana. Driedger, Leo. "Mennonites i n Winnipeg."  Box 17, no. 1, D.  CMBS Winnipeg.  Doerksen, V i c t o r . "Post-War Developments i n Canadian Mennonite L i t e r a t u r e . " Box 17, no. 1, F. CMBS Winnipeg. Dueck, Abe J . "Church and State: Developments Among Mennonite Brethren i n Canada Since World War I I . " (1980) Box 8, no. 1, E. CMBS Winnipeg. Ediger, Gerry. "Language T r a n s i t i o n i n the Vineland Mennonite Brethren Church." University of Toronto (1987). In my personal possession. Ens, Adolf. "Changes i n Language and C u l t u r a l Symbols During the 1950's." (1988) Box 17, Folder F., no. 2. CMBS Winnipeg. Ens, Adolf. "The Mennonites As Reflected by the Manitoba Free Press 19101929." (1973) Box 10, Folder H, no. 16. CMBS Winnipeg.  223 Fromm, Lothar. "Nazistische Einfluesse i n mennonitischen Z e i t s c h r i f t e n . " (1961) Associated Mennonite B i b l i c a l Seminaries, Elkhart, Indiana. Klassen, L o i s . "The Language Transition in Mennonite Brethren Churches." Box 1, no. 10, J . CMBS Winnipeg. Loewen, Harry. "The German-Russian Tensions Among the Mennonites in Russia (1789-1917)." Box 7, no. 5, H. CMBS Winnipeg. Loewen, Jacob. "The German Language, Culture and F a i t h . " CMBS Winnipeg.  Box 15, no. 3, E.  Thiesen, John D. "A Case Study of National Socialism Among Foreign Germans: Paraguay, 1927-1944." Wichita State University (1985). In my personal possession. Thiesen, John D. "The American Mennonite Encounter With National Socialism." Wichita State University (1987). In my personal possession. Toews, John B. "The Russian Mennonite I n t e l l e c t of the Nineteenth Century." (1978) Box 7, no.4, H. CMBS Winnipeg. Urry, James. "A r e l i g i o u s or a s o c i a l e l i t e ? The Mennonite Brethren i n Imperial Russia." (1986) Box 15, no. 1, E. CMBS Winnipeg.  

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