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The social impact of the response elicited by depressed behaviour Manly, Patricia Colleen 1988

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THE SOCIAL IMPACT OF THE RESPONSE ELICITED BY DEPRESSED BEHAVIOUR By PATRICIA COLLEEN MANLY B.A. (With D i s t i n c t i o n ) , The University of Calgary, 1978 M.A., The University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1981 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES ( C l i n i c a l Psychology Program, Department of Psychology) We accept t h i s thesis as conforming to the required standard. THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA February, 1988 (c) P a t r i c i a Colleen Manly, 1988 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Department of The University of British Columbia 1956 Main Mall Vancouver, Canada V6T 1Y3 DE-6f3/81) i i A b s t r a c t A fundamental assumption u n d e r l y i n g any i n t e r p e r s o n a l model of d e p r e s s i o n i s t h a t depressed s o c i a l behaviour evokes a p r e d i c t a b l e response from o t h e r s t h a t i n t u r n c o n t r i b u t e s t o d e p r e s s i o n . Whereas most r e c e n t r e s e a r c h has focused on the response t h a t the depressed e l i c i t i n o t h e r s , the p r e s e n t study examined the s o c i a l impact of t h a t response. The c e n t r a l premise of i n t e r p e r s o n a l models o f d e p r e s s i o n can be expressed more p r e c i s e l y i n terms of i n t e r p e r s o n a l circumplex complementarity t h e o r y : The h o s t i l e - s u b m i s s i v e q u a l i t y t h a t has been r e p o r t e d i n depressed behaviour evokes a complementary response from o t h e r s ( l a b e l l e d RD). That response, i n t u r n , evokes more h o s t i l i t y and submissiveness i n the depressed, thus p e r p e t u a t i n g the c y c l e . To have c l i n i c a l r e l e v a n c e , RD would a l s o be expected t o induce r e l a t i v e l y n e g a t i v e mood. P r e d i c t i o n s r e g a r d i n g p o s s i b l e i n t r a p e r s o n a l mediating v a r i a b l e s were d e r i v e d from c r i t i c s and proponents of c o g n i t i v e models of d e p r e s s i o n . A f t e r i n i t i a l mood was assessed, each of 12 0 female s u b j e c t s was shown a vi d e o t a p e d e p i c t i n g e i t h e r RD or a c o n t r o l c o n d i t i o n . Each s u b j e c t then completed q u e s t i o n n a i r e s a s s e s s i n g mood, her p e r c e p t i o n s of what she would be l i k e i n the company o f the person she had watched, and the s o c i a l impact of the person she had watched. I t was p r e d i c t e d t h a t , compared t o the c o n t r o l group, a) s u b j e c t s exposed t o RD would show more n e g a t i v e mood, b) they would a n t i c i p a t e t h a t they would be more h o s t i l e and submissive i n the company of the person they saw, and c) RD would impact as the i n t e r p e r s o n a l complement of h o s t i l i t y - s u b m i s s i o n , whether a c c o r d i n g t o the t r a d i t i o n a l model of i n t e r p e r s o n a l complementarity or a f a c e t a n a l y t i c approach. These t h r e e p r e d i c t i o n s were borne out and the f a c e t a n a l y t i c p r e d i c t i o n was supported. F u r t h e r p r e d i c t i o n s t h a t p r e e x i s t i n g d e p r e s s i v e symptoms and c o g n i t i o n s would c o r r e l a t e w i t h mood and s o c i a l acceptance f o r experimental group s u b j e c t s were not supported. M e t h o d o l o g i c a l and t h e o r e t i c a l i m p l i c a t i o n s are d i s c u s s e d . i i i Table of Contents Page Abstract i i L i s t of Tables v L i s t of Figures v i Acknowledgments v i i Introduction 1 T r a d i t i o n a l Psychosocial Models 2 So c i a l Interactional Models 8 Predicting S o c i a l Impact 2 3 Interpersonal Circumplex Theories 25 Cognitive Models of Depression 3 5 Summary 3 8 Method 41 Subjects ". 41 Measures 41 Videotape Stimulus Material 4 6 V e r i f i c a t i o n of Videotape Content 48 Procedure 53 Results 54 Subject Ch a r a c t e r i s t i c s 54 Between Groups Comparisons 54 Mood 54 Interpersonal Complementarity 58 Soc i a l Acceptance 61 Within Groups Comparisons 61 continued i v Discussion 64 Negative Mood Induction 64 Interpersonal Complementarity 67 Mediating Variables 80 Interpersonal Models of Depression 81 References 86 Appendix 98 V L i s t o f Tables Page T a b l e 1 Dimensions of the i n t e r p e r s o n a l circumplex 27 T a b l e 2 Facet composition o f i n t e r p e r s o n a l v a r i a b l e s 33 Tabl e 3 R e l i a b i l i t y e s timates f o r v i d e o t a p e b e h a v i o u r a l coding data 51 Ta b l e 4 Mean r a t i n g s o f videotaped t a r g e t s 7 behaviour by c o n d i t i o n 52 Ta b l e 5 Mood measures: C e l l means and standard d e v i a t i o n s 55 Tabl e 6 Group means and standard d e v i a t i o n s f o r i n t e r p e r s o n a l circumplex measures . . . .59 Ta b l e 7 W i t h i n groups c o r r e l a t i o n s o f p o s t t e s t mood and s o c i a l acceptance w i t h p r e t e s t d e p r e s s i v e symptoms (BDI) and c o g n i t i o n s (DAS) 62 v i L i s t of Figures Page Figure 1 Complementarity predicted according to K i e s l e r ' s (1983) model 31 Figure 2 Complementarity predicted according to Wiggins' (1982) facet a n a l y t i c approach 34 Figure 3 Time by condition interactions for 5 mood variables 57 v i i Acknowledgements F i r s t and foremost, I would l i k e t o acknowledge the c o n t r i b u t i o n s o f my s u p e r v i s o r y committee, K e i t h S. Dobson ( c h a i r ) , J e r r y S. Wiggins, and Demetrios Papageorgis. T h e i r c o l l e c t i v e support and p e r s p i c a c i t y were i n v a l u a b l e throughout the course o f t h i s p r o j e c t . Together they comprised the k i n d o f a d v i s o r y committee t h a t every graduate student hopes f o r by p r o v i d i n g a c o n g e n i a l balance of guidance and autonomy. S e v e r a l people and o r g a n i z a t i o n s made t a n g i b l e c o n t r i b u t i o n s t o s p e c i f i c stages o f t h i s p r o j e c t . F i n a n c i a l support was p r o v i d e d by a S o c i a l S c i e n c e s and Humanities Research C o u n c i l o f Canada d o c t o r a l f e l l o w s h i p . P i l o t work f o r an e a r l i e r v e r s i o n o f t h i s study was made p o s s i b l e w i t h the h e l p o f p s y c h i a t r i s t Ron Remick and the Shaughnessy H o s p i t a l A f f e c t i v e D i s o r d e r s U n i t , r e s e a r c h c o - o r d i n a t o r Harry L e i b e r and the s t a f f o f s e v e r a l G r e a t e r Vancouver Community Care Teams, p a r t i c u l a r l y David Brown, and numerous anonymous v o l u n t e e r s . The study's videotaped s t i m u l i were produced w i t h the h e l p o f a c t o r s Lynn Schneider and L o r i Dungey, and b e h a v i o u r a l coders V i v i e n E s c o t t and E l a i n e Conway. I am g r a t e f u l t o Wolfgang Linden f o r the generous l o a n o f VCR equipment t h a t f a c i l i t a t e d speedy data c o l l e c t i o n . The support o f the d i r e c t o r and s t a f f o f the New Westminster Mental H e a l t h Centre were i n v a l u a b l e i n the l a t e r stages o f t h i s p r o j e c t . Thanks are a l s o due f o r the h e l p f u l comments and support p r o v i d e d by K e i t h Dobson's graduate r e s e a r c h team, i n a l p h a b e t i c a l order: L o r i Block, E l s i e Cheung, J u d i t h C u t s h a l l , Renee-Louise Franche, and Ris h a J o f f e . In no s m a l l way, the completion o f t h i s p r o j e c t has been made p o s s i b l e , and c e r t a i n l y more be a r a b l e , by the s t e a d f a s t support o f f a m i l y and f r i e n d s . For t h e i r t o l e r a n c e and good humour throughout t h i s p r e o c c u p a t i o n , I w i l l e ver be g r a t e f u l . 1 E p i d e m i o l o g i c a l evidence suggests t h a t as many as one i n every f i v e people i n the g e n e r a l p o p u l a t i o n w i l l s u f f e r an episode of major d e p r e s s i o n a t some p o i n t i n t h e i r l i v e s (Wing & Bebbington, 1985). At t h i s r a t e , almost everyone i s l i k e l y t o have o c c a s i o n t o i n t e r a c t w i t h someone who i s c l i n i c a l l y depressed, whether an acquaintance, f r i e n d , c o l l e a g u e , or l o v e d one. The nature of such i n t e r a c t i o n s and t h e i r r o l e i n the e t i o l o g y and maintenance of d e p r e s s i o n have been the focus of i n c r e a s i n g r e s e a r c h i n t e r e s t i n the p a s t decade and a h a l f . A s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n a l p e r s p e c t i v e may p r o v i d e both an a l t e r n a t i v e and supplementary p o i n t of view t o o t h e r r e s e a r c h p e r s p e c t i v e s i n the study of d e p r e s s i o n . T h i s chapter w i l l b r i e f l y review examples of t r a d i t i o n a l p s y c h o s o c i a l models of d e p r e s s i o n , then c r i t i c a l l y examine more r e c e n t s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n a l models (e.g., Coyne 1976b). In p a r t i c u l a r , c o n t r o v e r s i e s and r e s e a r c h q u e s t i o n s t h a t have emerged from Coyne's (1976a, 1976b) work w i l l be reviewed. Although Coyne's work has generated c o n s i d e r a b l e r e s e a r c h examining the response t h a t the depressed e l i c i t i n o t h e r s (e.g., Coyne, 1976a; G o t l i b & Robinson, 1982; Howes, Hokanson, & Loewenstein, 1985), the p r e s e n t r e s e a r c h r e p r e s e n t s the f i r s t e m p i r i c a l study of the s o c i a l impact o f t h a t response and concomitant i m p l i c a t i o n s r e g a r d i n g i t s r o l e i n m a i n t a i n i n g d e p r e s s i o n . In order to generate p r e c i s e , t e s t a b l e hypotheses r e g a r d i n g the s o c i a l 2 impact o f the response e l i c i t e d by depressed behaviour, i t was necessary t o augment Coyne's (1976b) model by p r e d i c t i o n s d e r i v e d from o t h e r t h e o r i e s . Thus, i n t e r p e r s o n a l circumplex t h e o r y (Carson, 1969; K i e s l e r , 1983; Wiggins, 1982) and c o g n i t i v e t h e o r y of d e p r e s s i o n (Beck, 1967,1974) and i t s c r i t i c s (e.g., Coyne, 1982; Coyne & G o t l i b , 1983; Youngren & Lewinsohn, 1980) w i l l a l s o be reviewed. T r a d i t i o n a l P s y c h o s o c i a l Models T r a d i t i o n a l p s y c h o s o c i a l models of d e p r e s s i o n have tended t o r e f l e c t a viewpoint t h a t regards d e p r e s s i o n as the end p o i n t o f a c a u s a l c h a i n o f p s y c h o s o c i a l antecedents. Antecedents have t y p i c a l l y been d e s c r i b e d i n terms of c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the s o c i a l environment, c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f the depressed i n d i v i d u a l ' s s o c i a l f u n c t i o n i n g , or t h e i r i n t e r a c t i o n , each of which w i l l be d i s c u s s e d i n t u r n . T h i s i s not meant t o p r o v i d e a comprehensive review of t h i s l i t e r a t u r e , but t o p r o v i d e examples of the types of t h e o r i e s and f i n d i n g s t h a t c h a r a c t e r i z e t r a d i t i o n a l p s y c h o s o c i a l models o f d e p r e s s i o n . S o c i a l environmental r e s e a r c h i n c l u d e s s t u d i e s of l i f e s t r e s s events, s o c i a l support, and Expressed Emotion. Since s t u d i e s o f l i f e s t r e s s events and s o c i a l support (eg., Brown & H a r r i s , 1978; C o s t e l l o , 1982; F i o r e , Becker & Coppel, 1983; Monroe, Imhoff, Wise, & H a r r i s , 1983) have s i m i l a r r e s e a r c h d e s i g n and f i n d i n g s , they w i l l be d i s c u s s e d 3 t o g e t h e r . Such s t u d i e s tend t o r e l y upon r e t r o s p e c t i v e s e l f - r e p o r t data and have g e n e r a l l y found d e p r e s s i o n t o be moderately c o r r e l a t e d w i t h s t r e s s f u l l i f e events and low l e v e l s o f s o c i a l support ( c f . B i l l i n g s , C r o n k i t e , & Moos, 1983 f o r r e v i e w ) . T h i s evidence suggests t h a t depressed i n d i v i d u a l s tend t o experience a r e l a t i v e l y n e g a t i v e s o c i a l environment, but the l i t e r a t u r e i s i n c o n c l u s i v e r e g a r d i n g the importance of such an environment i n the e t i o l o g y and maintenance of d e p r e s s i o n , s i n c e the r e l a t e d r e s e a r c h r e l i e s upon c o r r e l a t i o n a l r e s e a r c h d e s i g n . Expressed Emotion s t u d i e s (eg., Hooley, 1986; Hooley, O r l e y , & Teasdale, 1986; Vaughn & L e f f , 1976) r e p r e s e n t another example of s o c i a l environmental r e s e a r c h t h a t focuses on the s p e c i f i c s o c i a l environment of the f a m i l y and i t s r o l e i n the re-emergence of d e p r e s s i v e symptoms f o l l o w i n g treatment. Expressed Emotion (EE) r e f e r s t o the degree t o which a p a t i e n t ' s f a m i l y members make c r i t i c a l remarks o r demonstrate emotional overinvolvement i n regard t o t he p a t i e n t . I t i s assessed by means o f o b s e r v a t i o n a l r a t i n g s o f the comments of a f a m i l y member i n a s t r u c t u r e d i n t e r v i e w by a mental h e a l t h p r o f e s s i o n a l . The occurrence of more than 2 or 3 c r i t i c a l remarks by a f a m i l y member i n a one-hour i n t e r v i e w (high EE) has been found t o r e l i a b l y p r e d i c t symptom r e l a p s e i n p a t i e n t s (Hooley e t a l . , 1986; Vaughn & L e f f , 1976) . None of the p a t i e n t s i n the low EE groups r e l a p s e d d u r i n g 9-month fo l l o w - u p s . U n f o r t u n a t e l y , * low EE seems t o be r e l a t i v e l y r a r e i n the f a m i l i e s of 4 depressed p a t i e n t s . An examination o f the data presented by Hooley and her c o l l e a g u e s (Hooley, 1986; Hooley e t a l . , 1986) i n d i c a t e s t h a t o n l y 20 - 24% of t h e i r s u b j e c t s e x h i b i t e d low EE. In oth e r words, a depressed p a t i e n t seems t o have almost an 80% chance o f e x p e r i e n c i n g a h o s t i l e and c r i t i c a l s o c i a l environment w i t h i n the f a m i l y . Although Hooley c o r r e c t l y p o i n t s out t h a t the d i r e c t i o n o f c a u s a l i t y cannot be determined from these s t u d i e s , we may conclude t h a t a h o s t i l e f a m i l y environment i s common f o r depressed p a t i e n t s and bears some r e l a t i o n s h i p t o the r e c u r r e n c e of d e p r e s s i o n . The s o c i a l f u n c t i o n i n g o f the depressed r e p r e s e n t s the second t r a d i t i o n a l area o f r e s e a r c h r e l a t e d t o p s y c h o s o c i a l antecedents o f d e p r e s s i o n . Such r e s e a r c h i n c l u d e s s t u d i e s of s o c i a l r o l e performance (e.g., Bothwell & Weissman, 1977; Dobson, 1987; Weissman & Paykel, 1974), i n t e r p e r s o n a l problem s o l v i n g s k i l l s ( G o t l i b & Arsanow, 1979; Zemore & D e l l , 1983), and e x t e r n a l and s e l f - l i m i t i n g sources of meaning and g r a t i f i c a t i o n ( A r i e t i & Bemporad, 1980). Weissman, Paykel, and t h e i r c o l l e a g u e s (Paykel & Weissman, 1973; Paykel, Weissman, P r u s o f f , & Tonks, 1971; Weissman & Paykel, 1974; Weissman, Paykel, S e i g e l , & Klerman, 1971) have s t u d i e d the s o c i a l r o l e performance and s o c i a l adjustment o f depressed women. They d e s c r i b e d s o c i a l adjustment as an i n d i v i d u a l ' s a b i l i t y t o perform s o c i a l r o l e s (Weissman & Paykel, 1974). They found t h a t , i n comparison w i t h nondepressed women, depressed women were 5 more l i k e l y t o r e p o r t impaired work performance, i n t e r p e r s o n a l f r i c t i o n , i n h i b i t e d communication, submissive dependency, r e s t r i c t e d s o c i a l c o n t a c t s o u t s i d e the home accompanied by a g r e a t e r attachment t o extended f a m i l y , and anxious r u m i n a t i o n (Paykel e t a l . , 1971). Subsequent r e s e a r c h (Bothwell & Weissman, 1977; Dobson, 1987) has found t h a t f o r m e r l y depressed women show l e s s severe d e f i c i t s i n s o c i a l f u n c t i o n i n g than do depressed women. I n t e r p e r s o n a l problem s o l v i n g s k i l l s r e p r e s e n t a more s p e c i f i c aspect o f s o c i a l f u n c t i o n i n g . G o t l i b and Arsanow (1979) found t h a t depressed s u b j e c t s generated fewer and l e s s r e l e v a n t p o s s i b l e s o l u t i o n s t o h y p o t h e t i c a l i n t e r p e r s o n a l problems than d i d nondepressed s u b j e c t s . S i m i l a r l y , Zemore and D e l l (1983) found t h a t s u b j e c t s who d e s c r i b e d themselves as depression-prone showed comparable s k i l l s d e f i c i t s r e g a r d l e s s o f t h e i r c u r r e n t l e v e l of d e p r e s s i v e symptoms. A r i e t i and Bemporad (1980) have proposed a model of d e p r e s s i o n from a psychodynamic p e r s p e c t i v e t h a t has p s y c h o s o c i a l i m p l i c a t i o n s . Based upon c l i n i c a l case s t u d i e s , they concluded t h a t d e p r e s s i o n i s a f u n c t i o n of s e l f - l i m i t e d sources o f meaning and g r a t i f i c a t i o n . They suggested t h a t people who r e l y h e a v i l y upon e x t e r n a l supports t o m a i n t a i n s e l f esteem are e s p e c i a l l y v u l n e r a b l e t o d e p r e s s i o n . A r i e t i and Bemporad i d e n t i f i e d a subtype of d e p r e s s i o n wherein a s i n g l e dominant r e l a t i o n s h i p r e p r e s e n t s the r e s t r i c t e d and e x t e r n a l source o f meaning. In such 6 i n s t a n c e s , the depressed i n d i v i d u a l i s h y p o t h e s i z e d t o seek rewards and s a t i s f a c t i o n v i c a r i o u s l y through the "dominant o t h e r " r a t h e r t h a t by means of h i s or her own e f f o r t s . Taken t o g e t h e r , s t u d i e s of s o c i a l f u n c t i o n i n g suggest t h a t the depressed e x h i b i t i n t e r p e r s o n a l s k i l l s and a t t i t u d e s t h a t are both l i m i t e d and l i m i t i n g . N e v e r t h e l e s s , the e x t e n t t o which such d e f i c i t s are a product of or c o n t r i b u t e t o d e p r e s s i o n remains u n c l e a r . In the t r a d i t i o n a l approach t o the study o f s o c i a l f a c t o r s and d e p r e s s i o n , the term i n t e r a c t i o n has been g e n e r a l l y used i n an a n a l y s i s of v a r i a n c e sense, i n t h a t i t r e f e r s t o the study of the outcome when s e l e c t e d environmental and i n d i v i d u a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s co-occur. Examples of such r e s e a r c h would i n c l u d e s t u d i e s of the i n t e r a c t i o n o f s t r e s s f u l l i f e events w i t h d e p r e s s i v e self-schemas (Hammen, Marks, Mayol, & deMayo, 1985) and with c o p i n g s t y l e (e.g., B i l l i n g s , C r o n k i t e , & Moos, 1983; B i l l i n g s & Moos, 1981, 1982, 1984; Coyne, Aldwin, & Lazarus, 1981; Folkman & Lazarus, 1986). C o g n i t i v e schemas are h y p o t h e s i z e d c o g n i t i v e s t r u c t u r e s t h a t are p o s i t e d t o f a c i l i t a t e i n f o r m a t i o n p r o c e s s i n g , i n c l u d i n g memory r e c a l l . Self-schemas may be assessed by a s k i n g s u b j e c t s t o judge whether each o f a l i s t o f d e s c r i p t o r s r e f e r s t o them, and then t o attempt t o r e c a l l as many of the d e s c r i p t o r s as p o s s i b l e . Depressed s u b j e c t s have been found t o r e c a l l more n e g a t i v e items than p o s i t i v e items from such l i s t s , which has been regarded as evidence t h a t a n e g a t i v e self-schema i s 7 a s s o c i a t e d w i t h d e p r e s s i o n (e.g., Derry & Kuiper, 1981). In a p r o s p e c t i v e study, Hammen e t a l . (1985) found t h a t s u b j e c t s who showed a dependent self-schema, as i n d i c a t e d by the tendency t o remember more i n t e r p e r s o n a l events than achievement r e l a t e d events, were more l i k e l y t o develop d e p r e s s i v e symptoms i n response t o schema-relevant ( i . e . , i n t e r p e r s o n a l ) events than o t h e r types of s t r e s s f u l events. S u b j e c t s showing a dependent self-schema d i d not d i f f e r from o t h e r s u b j e c t s i n t h e i r l e v e l o f s e l f - r e p o r t e d d e p r e s s i v e symptomology. G e n e r a l l y speaking, the depressed have been found t o show more p a s s i v e c o p i n g s t y l e s than have the nondepressed i n c o p i n g w i t h s t r e s s f u l events. For example, B i l l i n g s & Moos (1981) found d e p r e s s i v e symptoms t o be p o s i t i v e l y c o r r e l a t e d w i t h avoidance s t r a t e g i e s and n e g a t i v e l y c o r r e l a t e d w i t h a c t i v e coping s t r a t e g i e s , such as l o g i c a l a n a l y s i s . S i m i l a r l y , Coyne, Aldwin, and Lazarus (1981) found t h a t i n comparison w i t h nondepressed s u b j e c t s , depressed s u b j e c t s were more l i k e l y t o judge t h a t they needed more i n f o r m a t i o n b e f o r e they c o u l d a c t , t o seek emotional support, and t o engage i n w i s h f u l t h i n k i n g . B i l l i n g s and Moos (1984) found t h a t the number of s t r e s s o r s was more p r e d i c t i v e o f d e p r e s s i v e s e v e r i t y than was coping s t y l e , but t h a t s u b j e c t s w i t h more a d a p t i v e c o p i n g s t y l e s had fewer s t r e s s o r s . Although s t r e s s f u l events and coping s t y l e a re c o n s t r u e d as antecedents, d i r e c t i o n o f c a u s a l i t y cannot be r e a d i l y a s c e r t a i n e d from these s t u d i e s , s i n c e 8 t h e i r d e s i g n i s c o r r e l a t i o n a l . In f a c t , some evidence ( B i l l i n g s & Moos, 1984; Hammen, Mayol, de Mayo, & Marks, 1986) suggests t h a t f o r some people, d e p r e s s i v e symptoms may p r e d i s p o s e them t o the onset o f s t r e s s f u l events. F u r t h e r -more, evidence suggests t h a t people are more l i k e l y t o remember n e g a t i v e events than p o s i t i v e events when they are e x p e r i e n c i n g n e g a t i v e mood (eg., Bower, 1981; Sutherland, Newman, & Rachman, 1982); thus, the depressed may be expected t o remember more s t r e s s f u l events than would those e x p e r i e n c i n g normal mood. At most, we can conclude t h a t t h e r e appears t o be a moderate r e l a t i o n s h i p between depres-s i o n and s t r e s s f u l events, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n t e r p e r s o n a l events ( c f . Hammen e t a l . , 1985), and t h a t , although the depressed appear t o r e l y on more p a s s i v e coping responses, evidence r e g a r d i n g any mediat i n g e f f e c t o f coping s t y l e i s somewhat ambiguous ( B i l l i n g s & Moos, 1984). S o c i a l I n t e r a c t i o n a l Models S o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n a l o r i n t e r p e r s o n a l models examine the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n s between persons. Inherent i n t h i s p o i n t o f view i s the understanding t h a t each person i n any s o c i a l exchange c o n s t i t u t e s p a r t of the s o c i a l environment o f the o t h e r i n d i v i d u a l s p r e s e n t . Thus c a u s a l i t y i s viewed as c i r c u l a r and r e c i p r o c a l and the c h o i c e o f c a u s a l d i r e c t i o n , o f s u b j e c t and o b j e c t , i s seen as somewhat a r b i t r a r y . Thus, the t r a d i t i o n a l d i s t i n c t i o n s between onset and maintenance o f p s y c h o l o g i c a l phenomena 9 such as d e p r e s s i o n are a l s o regarded as a r b i t r a r y from t h i s p e r s p e c t i v e . In e f f e c t , i n t e r p e r s o n a l models focus upon the boundary or meeting p l a c e between the i n d i v i d u a l and the s o c i a l environment. T h i s boundary r e p r e s e n t s the medium of s o c i a l exchange. From t h i s p e r s p e c t i v e , the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of i n d i v i d u a l s o c i a l f u n c t i o n i n g and of s o c i a l environments may be regarded as the r e c i p r o c a l l y caused products of s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n , as w e l l as codeterminants of f u t u r e i n t e r a c t i o n . S e v e r a l i n t e r a c t i o n a l models of d e p r e s s i o n w i l l be reviewed. B e h a v i o u r a l t h e o r i e s r e p r e s e n t an i n t e r m e d i a t e p o s i t i o n between the t r a d i t i o n a l p s y c h o s o c i a l models of d e p r e s s i o n and models t h a t are more e x p l i c i t l y i n t e r p e r s o n a l . Although the assumption i s seldom made e x p l i c i t , b e h a v i o u r a l models g e n e r a l l y encompass Bandura's (1977) n o t i o n of r e c i p r o c a l c a u s a l i t y . B e h a v i o u r a l models have i n t e r a c t i o n a l a s p e c t s , but tend t o emphasize p s y c h o s o c i a l antecedents r e l a t e d t o f a c t o r s o f s o c i a l f u n c t i o n i n g and the s o c i a l environment. Although o t h e r w r i t e r s have proposed b e h a v i o u r a l models of d e p r e s s i o n (eg., Burgess, 1969; F e r s t e r , 1974), Lewinsohn (eg. 1974, 1975; Lewinsohn, Weinstein, & Shaw, 1969), has been the foremost t h e o r i s t and r e s e a r c h e r i n t h i s area. His i n i t i a l p o s i t i o n was t h a t d e p r e s s i o n r e p r e s e n t s a low r a t e of behaviour t h a t i s a consequence of a low r a t e of response c o n t i n g e n t p o s i t i v e r e i n f o r c e m ent. Lewinsohn hy p o t h e s i z e d t h a t the depressed l a c k the s o c i a l s k i l l s t o e l i c i t p o s i t i v e responses from o t h e r s , and t h a t t h e i r i n a b i l i t y t o generate 10 s o c i a l r e i n f o r c e m e n t e f f e c t i v e l y p l a c e s them on a prolonged e x t i n c t i o n schedule. In o t h e r words, the s o c i a l f u n c t i o n i n g of the depressed i s c h a r a c t e r i z e d by s o c i a l s k i l l s d e f i c i t s , t h e i r s o c i a l environment p r o v i d e s l i m i t e d o p p o r t u n i t y f o r p o s i t i v e r e i n f o r c e m e n t , and these two f a c t o r s are c a u s a l l y r e l a t e d a c c o r d i n g t o p r i n c i p l e s of l e a r n i n g t h e o r y . Lewinsohn's e x t i n c t i o n paradigm has been c r i t i c i z e d (see commentary by Seligman i n Friedman & Katz, 1974) as i n c o n s i s t e n t w i t h l e a r n i n g t h e o r y on the grounds t h a t a low r a t e o f p o s i t i v e r e i n f o r c e m e n t r e p r e s e n t s i n t e r m i t t e n t r e i n f o r c e m e n t r a t h e r than an e x t i n c t i o n schedule. Since i n t e r m i t t e n t r e i n f o r c e m e n t schedules generate i n c r e a s e d r a t h e r than decreased r a t e s of behaviour, the low r a t e of behaviour t h a t Lewinsohn (1974, 1975) has equated with d e p r e s s i o n must be e x p l a i n e d i n o t h e r ways. Lewinsohn (1975) has i n t r o d u c e d a s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n a l h y p o t h e s i s t h a t i s l e s s dependent upon the e x t i n c t i o n paradigm: The s o c i a l environment p r o v i d e s c o n t i n g e n c i e s i n the form of sympathy, i n t e r e s t , and concern which s t r e n g t h e n and m a i n t a i n depressed behaviours... However, s i n c e most people i n the depressed person's environment... f i n d these behaviours a v e r s i v e , they w i l l a v o i d him/her as much as p o s s i b l e , thus... f u r t h e r a c c e n t u a t i n g h i s / h e r d e p r e s s i o n (p.30). Although he has not t e s t e d t h i s h y p o t h e s i s d i r e c t l y , Lewinsohn and h i s c o l l e a g u e s have amassed a l a r g e body of d e s c r i p t i v e evidence r e g a r d i n g p s y c h o s o c i a l f a c t o r s i n d e p r e s s i o n . They have found t h a t the depressed e l i c i t fewer s o c i a l behaviours from o t h e r s than do the nondepressed, and t h a t i n home and group i n t e r a c t i o n s , depressed i n d i v i d u a l s 11 tend t o be l e s s a c t i v e , l e s s r e s p o n s i v e t o o t h e r s ' s o c i a l behaviour, more l i k e l y t o show a del a y e d l a t e n c y of response, and tend t o be more s e n s i t i v e t o the " a v e r s i v e person" i n a group, i n the sense t h a t the depressed are more l i k e l y than are the nondepressed t o withdraw from i n t e r a c t i o n i n response t o such i n d i v i d u a l s (Lewinsohn, 1975). More r e c e n t l y , Lewinsohn and h i s c o l l e a g u e s (Lewinsohn, M i s c h e l , C h a p l i n , & Barton, 1980; Youngren & Lewinsohn, 1980) have found t h a t depressed s u b j e c t s were r a t e d as l e s s s o c i a l l y s k i l l f u l than o t h e r s , whether r a t e d by themselves, i n t e r a c t a n t s , or independent o b s e r v e r s . Whereas s e l f and observer r a t i n g s were s i m i l a r f o r the depressed, nondepressed s u b j e c t s tended t o r a t e themselves as more s o c i a l l y s k i l l e d than d i d o b s e r v e r s , s u g g e s t i n g t h a t an " i l l u s o r y glow" may be necessary f o r normal a f f e c t i v e r e g u l a t i o n (Lewinsohn e t a l . , 1980). Lewinsohn's c u r r e n t model of d e p r e s s i o n deemphasizes s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n a l f a c t o r s i n favour of an emphasis upon the d i s r u p t i o n of s c r i p t e d behaviour and i n c r e a s e d self-awareness on the p a r t o f the depressed (Hoberman & Lewinsohn, 1985). McLean (1976a, 1976b) o u t l i n e d a b e h a v i o u r a l model of d e p r e s s i o n t h a t p l a c e d a g r e a t e r emphasis upon s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n a l f a c t o r s . He proposed t h a t m i c r o s t r e s s o r s , " d e f i n e d simply as sources of s m a l l r e p e t i t i v e p e r s o n a l and s o c i a l f r u s t r a t i o n " (McLean, 1976a, p. 303), are the p r i n c i p a l p s y c h o l o g i c a l antecedents t o d e p r e s s i o n . In a d d i t i o n t o i n s t r u m e n t a l f a c t o r s such as b e h a v i o u r a l 12 p r o d u c t i v i t y , g o a l s e t t i n g , d e c i s i o n making, problem s o l v i n g , and c o g n i t i v e s e l f - c o n t r o l , McLean i d e n t i f i e d r e s t r i c t e d i n t e r p e r s o n a l communication and d i s t u r b e d s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n as probable s o c i a l o r i g i n s o f m i c r o s t r e s s o r s t h a t may p r e c i p i t a t e d e p r e s s i o n . He c i t e d c l i n i c a l evidence t o suggest t h a t depressed people o f t e n s u f f e r p e r s o n a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s t h a t are c o m p e t i t i v e and c r i t i c a l r a t h e r than c o - o p e r a t i v e . In a h y p o t h e s i s s i m i l a r t o Lewinsohn's (1975), he f u r t h e r contended t h a t the responses o f o t h e r s can s e r v e t o m a i n t a i n d e p r e s s i o n a) by u n w i t t i n g l y r e i n f o r c i n g depressed behaviour by responding t o i t with support and a t t e n t i o n , and b) by e v e n t u a l l y a v o i d i n g depressed people who "are u s u a l l y not r e i n f o r c i n g t o be w i t h " (McLean, 1976a, p.313). Although McLean has not conducted r e s e a r c h t e s t i n g hypotheses d e r i v e d from h i s model, McLean, Ogston, and Grauer (1973) found t h a t they were a b l e t o a m e l i o r a t e d e p r e s s i v e symptoms by u s i n g a b e h a v i o u r a l approach t o c l a r i f y communication between depressed p a t i e n t s and t h e i r spouses. Although d e p r e s s i o n i s g e n e r a l l y regarded as an a f f e c t i v e d i s o r d e r (American P s y c h i a t r i c A s s o c i a t i o n , 1987), the b e h a v i o u r a l p e r s p e c t i v e g e n e r a l l y a v o i d s d i s c u s s i o n of a f f e c t i v e experience, even i n the c o n t e x t of b e h a v i o u r a l i n t e r p e r s o n a l hypotheses. In b e h a v i o u r a l models, p l e a s u r e and d e s p a i r are r e i n t e r p r e t e d i n terms of r e i n f o r c e m e n t and e x t i n c t i o n . Other e x p l i c i t l y i n t e r p e r s o n a l models of d e p r e s s i o n have emerged t h a t g i v e g r e a t e r emphasis t o the 13 domain of s o c i a l and emotional e x p e r i e n c e . S e v e r a l such models w i l l be reviewed. F o r r e s t and Hokanson (1975; Sacco & Hokanson, 1978) regarded the s e l f - p u n i t i v e behaviour o f the depressed as r e f l e c t i n g a p a t t e r n of coping w i t h i n t e r p e r s o n a l s t r e s s t h a t f a c i l i t a t e s escape or avoidance of such s t r e s s . They pr e s e n t e d evidence i n d i c a t i n g t h a t when f a c e d with i n t e r p e r s o n a l a g g r e s s i o n , depressed s u b j e c t s were more l i k e l y than o t h e r s t o choose self-punishment as a coping s t r a t e g y , and t h a t f o l l o w i n g self-punishment, the depressed showed s h a r p l y reduced l e v e l s of p h y s i o l o g i c a l a r o u s a l (Sacco & Hokanson, 1978). H i n c h l i f f e , Hooper, and Roberts (1978; H i n c h l i f f e , L a n c a s h i r e , & Roberts, 1971) developed a systems theory model of d e p r e s s i o n t h a t d e s c r i b e s d e p r e s s i o n as a byproduct of d i s t u r b e d i n t e r p e r s o n a l systems, p a r t i c u l a r l y m a r i t a l systems. They i n t e r p r e t e d depressed behaviour as a symptom of system d i s e q u i l i b r i u m t h a t emerges when emotional needs are unacknowledged or m i s i n t e r p r e t e d i n the r e l a t i o n s h i p . They p r e s e n t e d evidence t o suggest t h a t the i n t e r a c t i o n s of couples wherein one o f the p a r t n e r s i s depressed are c h a r a c t e r i z e d by a more n e g a t i v e a f f e c t i v e tone than i s the case w i t h o t h e r couples, and t h a t t h e i r i n t e r a c t i o n s are more l i k e l y t o be d i s r u p t e d by pauses. Furthermore, a l -though i n t e r a c t i o n s of recovered p a t i e n t s w i t h t h e i r spouses were found t o be l e s s n e g a t i v e , t h e r e were no more expres-s i o n s of p o s i t i v e a f f e c t than was the case w i t h the 14 i n t e r a c t i o n s o f depressed p a t i e n t s and t h e i r spouses ( H i n c h l i f f e e t a l . , 1978). Salzman (1975) has developed an i n t e r p e r s o n a l model of d e p r e s s i o n i n the t r a d i t i o n o f Harry Stack S u l l i v a n (1947). Salzman contended t h a t the h o s t i l i t y t h a t has o f t e n been observed i n d e p r e s s i o n i s secondary t o the i r r i t a t i n g and demanding behaviour of the depressed and the manner i n which o t h e r s respond t o such behaviour. In c o n t r a s t t o Beck (1967), who p o s i t s t h a t the depressed have a u n i f o r m l y n e g a t i v e view o f themselves, the world, and the f u t u r e , Salzman (1975) suggested t h a t the depressed tend t o have p e r f e c t i o n i s t i c e x p e c t a t i o n s r e g a r d i n g themselves and o t h e r s , and when such e x p e c t a t i o n s are i n e v i t a b l y unmet, the l o s s has more p e r s o n a l s i g n i f i c a n c e than would otherwise be the case. The depressed i n d i v i d u a l then attempts t o r e s t o r e the l o s s by making demands on o t h e r s . Salzman p o s i t s t h a t o t h e r s i n i t i a l l y respond t o such demands w i t h reassurance and support, but t h a t such reassurances f a i l t o s a t i s f y the p e r f e c t i o n i s t i c e x p e c t a t i o n s of the depressed, who respond w i t h f u r t h e r demands. E v e n t u a l l y , those i n t e r a c t i n g with the depressed become angry, impatient, and i n a t t e n t i v e , y e t f e e l g u i l t y about t h e i r i n a b i l i t y t o p r o v i d e s u f f i c i e n t support. In response, the depressed develop f e e l i n g s of h o s t i l i t y toward t h e i r companions and i n c r e a s e t h e i r demands f o r support. In s h o r t , Salzman regards depressed behaviour as a m a n i p u l a t i v e attempt t o c o n t r o l the behaviour of others 15 t h a t o n l y s e r v e s t o a l i e n a t e them, thereby c o n t r i b u t i n g f u r t h e r t o the d e p r e s s i o n . Coates and Wortman (1980) have i n t e r p r e t e d the d i s t u r b e d i n t e r p e r s o n a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s o f the depressed from a s o c i a l p s y c h o l o g i c a l p e r s p e c t i v e . In c o n t r a s t t o Salzman's (1975) focus upon the depressed person's attempts t o c o n t r o l o t h e r s , Coates and Wortman emphasize the attempts o f o t h e r s t o c o n t r o l the behaviour of the depressed. They contend t h a t , when people s u f f e r a l o s s , they attempt t o seek feedback from o t h e r s about the a p p r o p r i a t e n e s s of t h e i r f e e l i n g s t a t e . They argue t h a t , i n g e n e r a l , o t h e r s respond t o e x p r e s s i o n s of n e g a t i v e a f f e c t w i t h attempts t o a l l e v i a t e the person's d i s t r e s s by changing the t o p i c o r by attempting t o l o o k a t the s i t u a t i o n more p o s i t i v e l y . In t h i s way, o t h e r s attempt t o compel the depressed t o change t h e i r behaviour. Coates and Wortman suggest t h a t o t h e r s r e a c t n e g a t i v e l y t o people who are depressed because of common a t t r i b u t i o n a l b i a s e s , i n c l u d i n g the j u s t world h y p o t h e s i s (Lerner, 1970) and the a t t r i b u t i o n a l b i a s t h a t renders p e r s o n a l f a c t o r s more s a l i e n t than s i t u a t i o n a l f a c t o r s f o r ob s e r v e r s (Jones & N i s b e t t , 1971). Coates and Wortman (1980) suggest f u r t h e r t h a t , s i n c e the depressed are l i k e l y t o f i n d t h a t o t h e r s ' responses p r o v i d e u n c l e a r feedback, they are l i k e l y t o seek c l a r i f i c a t i o n by r e p e a t i n g t h e i r r e q u e s t s f o r support and v a l i d a t i o n . Furthermore, o t h e r s ' demands f o r the depressed t o change are l i k e l y t o be p e r c e i v e d by the depressed as both an i m p l i c i t r e j e c t i o n and 16 evidence o f the i n a p p r o p r i a t e n e s s of t h e i r experience, c o n f i r m i n g t h e i r worst f e a r s . Coates and Wortman (198 0) f u r t h e r contend t h a t i f the depressed do change t h e i r b ehaviour i n response t o such demands, the symptomatic improvement i s u n l i k e l y t o l a s t s i n c e i t can be a t t r i b u t e d t o e x t r i n s i c causes and thus d i s c o u n t e d . Coyne (1976b) has proposed an i n t e r p e r s o n a l model of d e p r e s s i o n t h a t has r e c e i v e d c o n s i d e r a b l e r e s e a r c h a t t e n t i o n . Coyne's p o s i t i o n paper p r e s e n t e d an a r t i c u l a t e argument f o r the v a l u e of an i n t e r p e r s o n a l approach t o the study of d e p r e s s i o n a t a time when c o g n i t i v e b e h a v i o u r a l models of d e p r e s s i o n (e.g., Beck, 1967; Lewinsohn, 1975) were g e n e r a t i n g widespread i n t e r e s t ( c f . Blaney, 1977; Friedman fie Katz, 1974), and a t t r i b u t i o n a l models such as the r e f o r m u l a t e d l e a r n e d h e l p l e s s n e s s model (Abramson, Seligman, & Teasdale, 1978) were y e t t o be developed. Coyne (1976b) reviewed the work of s e v e r a l t h e o r i s t s who emphasized the r o l e of s o c i a l f a c t o r s i n d e p r e s s i o n , i n c l u d i n g Cohen and her c o l l e a g u e s (Cohen, Baker, Cohen, Fromm-Reichmann, & Weigert, 1954), G r i n k e r (1964), Lewinsohn (1974), and Weissman and Paykel (1974). Coyne's f o r m u l a t i o n drew h e a v i l y upon the work of Cohen e t a l . (1954) and G r i n k e r (1964), and bore a c l o s e resemblance t o Salzman's (1975) model. L i k e o t h e r i n t e r p e r s o n a l t h e o r i s t s , Coyne (1976b) suggested t h a t depressed behaviour evokes a s o c i a l response from o t h e r s t h a t exacerbates the d e p r e s s i o n . He c o n c e p t u a l -i z e d d e p r e s s i v e symptoms as an attempt t o r e s t o r e or a l t e r a 17 d i s r u p t e d s o c i a l space, an argument s i m i l a r t o ones pr e s e n t e d by o t h e r t h e o r i s t s (e.g., Coates & Wortman, 1980; Salzman, 1975). He p o s t u l a t e d t h a t the d e p r e s s i v e ' s attempts t o e l i c i t r e s t o r a t i v e support and reassurance from o t h e r s are met w i t h f a l s e e x p r e s s i o n s of concern and a c t u a l withdrawal o f support. The absence of support i s h y p o t h e s i z e d t o impel the depressed i n d i v i d u a l t o engage i n f u r t h e r e f f o r t t o s o l i c i t assurance. To c o m p l i c a t e matters, even when o t h e r s do o f f e r s u p p o r t i v e feedback, the depressed person i s not i n a p o s i t i o n t o accept i t unambiguously, s i n c e i t i s u n c l e a r whether i t was g i v e n s i n c e r e l y or merely i n response t o the m a n i p u l a t i v e appeal f o r assurance. Coyne (1976b) i n i t i a l l y emphasized t h a t the depressed's a b i l i t y t o induce f e e l i n g s of g u i l t i n o t h e r s c o n t r i b u t e s t o the e v e n t u a l withdrawal of s o c i a l support, and t h a t a mutually u n s a t i s f y i n g p a t t e r n of i n t e r a c t i o n develops t o the p o i n t where n e i t h e r p a r t i c i p a n t seems t o be a b l e t o change i t . Although Coyne's (1976b) model was not unique, two f a c t o r s may account f o r the e m p i r i c a l a t t e n t i o n t h a t h i s work has r e c e i v e d . F i r s t , Coyne reviewed the l i t e r a t u r e of s e v e r a l t h e o r e t i c a l p e r s p e c t i v e s , thus f a c i l i t a t i n g exposure t o a wide audience. Second, and perhaps more i m p o r t a n t l y , Coyne (1976a) presented an experimental paradigm t h a t f a c i l i t a t e d the e m p i r i c a l i n v e s t i g a t i o n of s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n and d e p r e s s i o n . Coyne (1976a) had female undergraduate s u b j e c t s engage i n a telephone c o n v e r s a t i o n w i t h t a r g e t i n d i v i d u a l s who were e i t h e r depressed 18 o u t p a t i e n t s , nondepressed mental h e a l t h o u t p a t i e n t s , or normal c o n t r o l s . There were 15 s u b j e c t - t a r g e t p a i r s per group. Coyne found t h a t s u b j e c t s who had i n t e r a c t e d w i t h a depressed t a r g e t r e p o r t e d more n e g a t i v e mood and l e s s w i l l i n g n e s s t o engage i n f u t u r e i n t e r a c t i o n s than d i d other s u b j e c t s . Coyne (1976a) hy p o t h e s i z e d t h a t r e j e c t i o n o f the depressed was mediated by the i n d u c t i o n o f n e g a t i v e mood i n ot h e r s , a s l i g h t s h i f t i n p e r s p e c t i v e from h i s p r e v i o u s emphasis upon g u i l t i n d u c t i o n as a mediat i n g v a r i a b l e (Coyne, 1976b). Coyne (1976a) a l s o found t h a t The h y p o t h e s i s t h a t the depressed p a t i e n t s would be p e r c e i v e d as merely e n a c t i n g a r o l e performance, ex a g g e r a t i n g t h e i r d i f f i c u l t i e s i n or d e r t o r e c e i v e sympathy, was c l e a r l y not supported (Coyne, 1976a, p. 189) . Although i t p r o v i d e d mixed support f o r h i s model (Coyne, 1976b), Coyne's (1976a) study p r o v i d e d experimental evidence s u p p o r t i n g the hy p o t h e s i s t h a t the depressed e l i c i t a d i f f e r e n t s o c i a l response from o t h e r s than do people who are not depressed. During the f o l l o w i n g decade, numerous s t u d i e s o f s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n and d e p r e s s i o n have been p u b l i s h e d (eg. , Blumberg & Hokanson, 1983; Boswell & Murray, 1981; G o t l i b & Beatty, 1985; G o t l i b & Robinson, 1982; Hammen & P e t e r s , 1977, 1978; Hoehn-Hyde, Schlottman, & Rush, 1982; Hokanson, Sacco, Blumberg, & Landrum, 1980; Howes & Hokanson, 1979; Howes, Hokanson, & Loewenstein, 1985; Jacobson & Anderson, 1982; King & H e l l e r , 1984; Marks & Hammen, 1982; Meyer & Hokanson, 1985; Robbins, S t r a c k , & Coyne, 1979; S t r a c k & 19 Coyne, 1983; Winer, Bonner, Blaney, & Murray, 1981). The r e s e a r c h d e s i g n i n most of these s t u d i e s has been a v a r i a t i o n o f Coyne's (1976a) experiment and the r e s u l t s have been mixed i n some areas but remarkably c o n s i s t e n t i n o t h e r s . F i n d i n g s have been c o n t r a d i c t o r y r e g a r d i n g the tendency o f depressed behaviour t o e l i c i t more statements o f d i r e c t support r e l a t i v e t o nondepressed behaviour. Whereas Howes and Hokanson's (1979) f i n d i n g s supported t h i s p r o p o s i t i o n w i t h undergraduate c o n f e d e r a t e s e n a c t i n g a depressed r o l e , G o t l i b and Robinson (1982) found t h a t m i l d l y depressed undergraduates e l i c i t e d s i g n i f i c a n t l y fewer d i r e c t l y s u p p o r t i v e statements. C o n s i d e r a b l e c o n t r o v e r s y has a r i s e n r e g a r d i n g the i s s u e s o f n e g a t i v e mood i n d u c t i o n and r e j e c t i o n ( c f . D o e r f l e r & C h a p l i n , 1985; Gurtman, 1986; J o f f e & Dobson, 1987; King & H e l l e r , 1984). Whereas s i x s t u d i e s have found t h a t s u b j e c t s r e p o r t e d n e g a t i v e mood f o l l o w i n g a c t u a l or imagined i n t e r a c t i o n s w i t h someone showings s i g n s of d e p r e s s i o n (Boswell & Murray, 1981; Coyne, 1976a; G o t l i b & Beatty, 1985; Hammen & P e t e r s , 1978; Howes e t a l . , 1985; Marks & Hammen, 1982; S t r a c k & Coyne, 1983), f o u r s t u d i e s found no evidence o f ne g a t i v e mood i n d u c t i o n ( G o t l i b & Robinson, 1982; Howes & Hokanson, 1979; J o f f e & Dobson, 1987; King & H e l l e r , 1984). S i m i l a r l y , t e n s t u d i e s found t h a t s u b j e c t s were s i g n i f i c a n t l y l e s s w i l l i n g t o engage i n f u t u r e i n t e r a c t i o n s w i t h a depressed t a r g e t (Boswell & 20 Murray, 1981; Coyne, 1976a; G o t l i b & Beatty, 1985; Hammen & Pe t e r s , 1977, 1978; Howes & Hokanson, 1979; Marks & Hammen, 1982; Robbins, S t r a c k , & Coyne, 1979; S t r a c k & Coyne, 1983; Winer e t a l . , 1981), but t h r e e d i d not ( G o t l i b & Robinson, 1982; J o f f e & Dobson, 1987; King & H e l l e r , 1984). As Gurtman (1986) has p o i n t e d out, the m a j o r i t y o f p u b l i s h e d s t u d i e s have supported the p r e d i c t i o n s o f n e g a t i v e mood i n d u c t i o n and r e j e c t i o n . A t pre s e n t , however, these i s s u e s remain c o n t r o v e r s i a l . D e s p i t e these areas o f c o n t r o v e r s y , s e v e r a l r e s e a r c h e r s have found t h a t t he depressed do e l i c i t a d i f f e r e n t s o c i a l response from o t h e r s than do the nondepressed (Boswell & Murray, 1981; Coyne, 1976a; G o t l i b & Beatty, 1985; G o t l i b & Robinson, 1982; Hammen & P e t e r s , 1977, 1978; Hokanson e t a l . , 1980; Howes & Hokanson, 1979; Howes e t a l . , 1985; Marks & Hammen, 1982; Robbins e t a l . , 1979; S t r a c k & Coyne, 1983; Winer e t a l . , 1981). O b s e r v a t i o n a l evidence suggests t h a t d e p r e s s i v e s e l i c i t more n e g a t i v e statements, fewer p o s i t i v e statements, fewer statements o v e r a l l , more s i l e n c e , more depressed and h o s t i l e a f f e c t , more r e j e c t i o n , l e s s acceptance and l e s s s m i l i n g and a r o u s a l than do i n d i v i d u a l s who are not depressed when i n t e r a c t i n g w i t h s t r a n g e r s ( G o t l i b & Robinson, 1982; Howes & Hokanson, 1979). G o t l i b and Robinson (1982) found t h a t t h i s s o r t o f neg a t i v e response was i n evidence as e a r l y as the f i r s t t h r e e minutes of a f a c e t o f a c e i n t e r a c t i o n . To date, o n l y two p u b l i s h e d s t u d i e s have not found such d i f f e r e n c e s i n s o c i a l response. 21 Both were r e p l i c a t i o n s , one of Coyne's (1976a) study (King & H e l l e r , 1984) and the oth e r o f G o t l i b and Robinson's (1982) study ( J o f f e & Dobson, 1987). A p p r o p r i a t e l y , both s t u d i e s r e p l i c a t e d the s m a l l sample s i z e s o f the o r i g i n a l s t u d i e s . U n f o r t u n a t e l y , t he sample s i z e s p r o v i d e d l i m i t e d s t a t i s t i c a l power t o d e t e c t s m a l l numerical d i f f e r e n c e s (e.g., K i r k , 1982). Although the f i n d i n g s o f oth e r s t u d i e s have been r e l a t i v e l y c o n s i s t e n t , the numerical d i f f e r e n c e s between groups have been s m a l l (Boswell & Murray, 1981; Coyne, 1976a; G o t l i b & Beatty, 1985; G o t l i b & Robinson, 1982; Hammen & P e t e r s , 1977, 1978; Hokanson e t a l . , 1980; Howes & Hokanson, 1979; Howes e t a l . , 1985; Marks & Hammen, 1982; Robbins e t a l . , 1979; S t r a c k & Coyne, 1983; Winer e t a l . , 1981) . Whereas King and H e l l e r (1984) concluded t h a t t h e i r f i n d i n g s suggest t h a t the phenomena of n e g a t i v e mood i n d u c t i o n and r e j e c t i o n are l e s s than robust, an a l t e r n a t i v e c o n c l u s i o n may be t h a t t he bl u n t n e s s o f our instruments of measurement r e q u i r e s t h a t we use l a r g e r sample s i z e s t o achi e v e more c o n f i d e n c e i n our f i n d i n g s . R e p l i c a t i o n s of s t u d i e s w i t h l i m i t e d s t a t i s t i c a l power t o d e t e c t d i f f e r e n c e s are bound t o r e s u l t i n i n c o n s i s t e n t f i n d i n g s . The evidence t h a t o t h e r s respond n e g a t i v e l y t o the depressed e a r l y i n a f i r s t meeting (e.g., G o t l i b & Robinson, 1982) i s i n s t r i k i n g c o n t r a s t t o the p r e d i c t i o n by s e v e r a l t h e o r i s t s (e.g., Coates & Wortman, 1980; Coyne, 1976b; Lewinsohn, 1975; McLean, 1976; Salzman, 1975) t h a t depressed people i n i t i a l l y evoke s u p p o r t i v e responses from o t h e r s . As 22 D o e r f l e r and C h a p l i n (1985) have suggested, such responses from s t r a n g e r s do not n e c e s s a r i l y imply t h a t f r i e n d s and l o v e d ones w i l l respond i n a s i m i l a r f a s h i o n . Indeed, r e c e n t evidence (Franche & Dobson, 1987) suggests t h a t people g e n e r a l l y do not expect t o r e j e c t good f r i e n d s who a r e depressed, although they would expect t o withdraw from depressed s t r a n g e r s . D o e r f l e r and C h a p l i n (1985) have f u r t h e r argued t h a t l a b o r a t o r y s t u d i e s of f i r s t meetings between s t r a n g e r s do not adequately t e s t Coyne's (197 6b) model, and t h a t such s t u d i e s should be d i s c o n t i n u e d i n f a v o u r o f l o n g i t u d i n a l s t u d i e s of i n t e r a c t i o n s between i n t i m a t e s . Coyne (1985) has argued t h a t s t u d i e s of i n t e r a c t i o n s between s t r a n g e r s are v a l u a b l e , s i n c e such i n t e r a c t i o n s are unconfounded by a h i s t o r y of n e g a t i v e e x p e r i e n c e s o r by d i f f e r e n c e s i n mate or f r i e n d s h i p s e l e c t i o n . Furthermore, the f a c t t h a t v i r t u a l l y a l l i n t i m a t e r e l a t i o n s h i p s b e g i n w i t h i n t e r a c t i o n s between s t r a n g e r s would suggest t h a t the study of f i r s t meetings sho u l d be p a r t of the e f f o r t t o come t o a complete understanding of the r o l e of s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n i n d e p r e s s i o n . Whereas c e r t a i n i s s u e s r e l a t e d t o i n t e r p e r s o n a l f a c t o r s i n d e p r e s s i o n cannot be s t u d i e d with s t r a n g e r s , D o e r f l e r and C h a p l i n ' s (1985) p o s i t i o n begs the q u e s t i o n r e g a r d i n g the e f f e c t t h a t n e g a t i v e i n t e r a c t i o n s w i t h s t r a n g e r s may have upon the depressed. In the c o n t r o v e r s y r e g a r d i n g the s p e c i f i c s o f Coyne's model, more fundamental i s s u e s may have become clouded. 23 Although the q u e s t i o n o f whether the depressed are d e p r e s s i n g remains unresolved, i t i s not n e c e s s a r i l y the most c r u c i a l q u e s t i o n t o pursue i n f u r t h e r i n g our under s t a n d i n g o f s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n and d e p r e s s i o n . With o n l y two ex c e p t i o n s ( J o f f e & Dobson, 1987; King & H e l l e r , 1984), r e s e a r c h e r s u s i n g a v a r i e t y o f methods have found t h a t the depressed do e l i c i t a more n e g a t i v e s o c i a l response than do o t h e r s (Boswell & Murray, 1981; Coyne, 1976a; G o t l i b & Beatty, 1985; G o t l i b & Robinson, 1982; Hammen & P e t e r s , 1977, 1978; Hokanson e t a l . , 1980; Howes & Hokanson, 1979; Howes e t a l . , 1985; Marks & Hammen, 1982; Robbins e t a l . , 1979; S t r a c k & Coyne, 1983; Winer e t a l . , 1981). Furthermore, d e s p i t e the d i f f e r e n c e s i n e x p l a n a t o r y d e t a i l , a l l i n t e r p e r s o n a l models o f d e p r e s s i o n share the assumption t h a t t he depressed evoke a p r e d i c t a b l e response i n ot h e r s t h a t i n t u r n c o n t r i b u t e s t o f u r t h e r d e p r e s s i o n . Thus, t o t e s t any i n t e r p e r s o n a l model o f d e p r e s s i o n , two fundamental a s p e c t s o f d e p r e s s i v e i n t e r a c t i o n must be examined. F i r s t , i t i s important t o understand the impact t h a t the depressed have on o t h e r s . Second, i t i s c r i t i c a l t o study the i m p l i c a t i o n s o f such responses f o r the depressed. To date, r e s e a r c h e r s have focused t h e i r i n v e s t i g a t i v e a t t e n t i o n upon the s o c i a l impact o f the depressed, e i t h e r i n terms o f the nature o f depressed s o c i a l behaviour (eg., Blumberg & Hokanson, 1979; Youngren & Lewinsohn, 1980) or the response of o t h e r s t o such behaviour (e.g., Coyne, 1976a; G o t l i b & Robinson, 1982; Howes & Hokanson, 1979). As y e t , the 24 i m p l i c a t i o n s of such i n t e r a c t i o n s f o r the depressed have not been e m p i r i c a l l y i n v e s t i g a t e d . The purpose o f t h i s study was t o examine t h i s c r i t i c a l i s s u e by i n v e s t i g a t i n g the s o c i a l impact o f the response e l i c i t e d by depressed i n d i v i d u a l s . P r e d i c t i n g S o c i a l Impact U n f o r t u n a t e l y , i t i s d i f f i c u l t t o d e r i v e t h e o r e t i c a l l y s p e c i f i c p r e d i c t i o n s based e x c l u s i v e l y upon Coyne's (1976b) f o r m u l a t i o n and r e l a t e d r e s e a r c h . C l e a r l y , one would p r e d i c t t h a t r e l a t i v e t o the type of response e l i c i t e d by the nondepressed (RN), the type of response evoked by d e p r e s s i v e s (RD) would tend t o induce depressed mood i n t h e i r s o c i a l p a r t n e r s , c o n t r i b u t i n g t o what Coyne denotes as d e p r e s s i v e d r i f t . I f RD i s t o have any r e l a t i o n s h i p t o the e t i o l o g y o r maintenance of d e p r e s s i o n , i t would c e r t a i n l y be expected t o induce n e g a t i v e mood. Coyne (1976b) and o t h e r w r i t e r s (e.g., Coates & Wortman, 1980; Salzman, 1975) a l s o suggested t h a t when other people withdraw s o c i a l l y , r a t h e r than withdrawing i n r e t u r n , the depressed i n d i v i d u a l makes f u r t h e r attempts t o e l i c i t r e a s s u r a n c e . One would t h e r e f o r e expect t h a t someone who i s r e l a t i v e l y depressed would be r e l a t i v e l y u n l i k e l y t o r e j e c t someone e x h i b i t i n g RD. Another reason t o expect more acceptance o f RD among the r e l a t i v e l y depressed i s t h a t RD i s l i k e l y t o be the type o f s o c i a l response t h a t they commonly encounter. By c o n t r a s t , people who are r e l a t i v e l y 25 nondepressed might be expected to be r e l a t i v e l y r e j e c t i n g toward a person exh i b i t i n g RD, since RD would be unusually negative, r e l a t i v e to t h e i r other s o c i a l interactions. In other words, one might predict a p o s i t i v e c o r r e l a t i o n between measures of depression and measures of s o c i a l acceptance among individuals exposed to RD. To endeavour to make predictions regarding other aspects of the s o c i a l impact of the posited depressogenic response i s les s straightforward. At present, the evidence regarding Coyne's (1976b) contention that depressed behaviour serves as a manipulative e f f o r t that prompts insincere statements of support i s weak to nonexistent (cf. Coyne, 1976a; Gotlib & Robinson, 1982; Howes & Hokanson, 1979). Thus, predictions derived from t h i s aspect of Coyne's formulation do not seem to be warranted. Furthermore, Coyne's (1976b) formulation does not provide hypotheses as to how the impact of the postulated depressogenic response might be mediated by the depressive's i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of that response. Coyne acknowledges that organismic variables (e.g., biochemical factors, intrapsychic factors including cognitions) may contribute to depression, but he does not o f f e r any proposals as to how organismic and interpersonal factors may in t e r a c t . For guidance regarding these types of predictions and hypotheses, we must look to other t h e o r e t i c a l formulations. Interpersonal Circumplex Theories 26 I n t e r p e r s o n a l t h e o r i e s o f p e r s o n a l i t y and psychotherapy (e.g., Carson, 1969; K i e s l e r , 1982, 1983; Leary, 1957) are based on the premise t h a t a l l s o c i a l behaviour tends t o evoke a complementary response. Circumplex models of p e r s o n a l i t y and s o c i a l response r e p r e s e n t a w e l l a r t i c u l a t e d system o f measurement t h a t f a c i l i t a t e s t he study of i n t e r p e r s o n a l behaviour. In a circumplex model, v a r i o u s dimensions of s o c i a l response are r e p r e s e n t e d by a c i r c u l a r two-dimensional a r r a y . Research (see K i e s l e r , 1983; Wiggins, 1982 f o r reviews) has e s t a b l i s h e d t h a t t h e r e are two p r i n c i p a l , o r t h o g o n a l l y r e l a t e d dimensions t h a t may be de s i g n a t e d as h o s t i l i t y - f r i e n d l i n e s s and dominance-submission. These two dimensions d i v i d e the i n t e r p e r s o n a l c i r c l e i n t o f o u r quadrants: h o s t i l e - d o m i n a n t , h o s t i l e - s u b m i s s i v e , f r i e n d l y - s u b m i s s i v e , and f r i e n d l y - d o m i n a n t . More s p e c i f i c dimensions w i t h i n the circumplex have been d e s c r i b e d i n terms of 16 v a r i a b l e s t h a t may be c o l l a p s e d i n t o o c t a n t s . Table 1 summarizes the dimensions as d e s c r i b e d by v a r i o u s r e s e a r c h e r s . Although the s p e c i f i c names of the dimensions l a b e l l e d A through P d i f f e r from system t o system, they are g e n e r a l l y viewed as r e p r e s e n t i n g comparable c o n s t r u c t s ( c f . , K i e s l e r , 1983). In a l l cases, the i n t e r p e r s o n a l circumplex i s anchored by the ort h o g o n a l dimensions of dominance-submission (A-I, or PA-HI when c o n s i d e r e d as octants) and h o s t i l i t y - f r i e n d l i n e s s (E-M, or DE-LM when c o n s i d e r e d as o c t a n t s ) . Circumplex systems permit the measurement of both i n t e r p e r s o n a l behaviour and 27 T a b l e 1 Dimensions o f the I n t e r p e r s o n a l Circumplex Leary (1957) K i e s l e r e t a l . , Wiggins K i e s l e r (1975,1976) (1979) (1983) Impact Message Inventory p Success E x h i b i t i o n i s t i c Ambitious Assured A Power Dominant Dominant Dominant B N a r c i s s i s m Competitive Arrogant Competitive C E x p l o i t a t i o n M i s t r u s t i n g C a l c u l a t i n g M i s t r u s t i n g D Punishment — C o l d C o l d E H o s t i l i t y H o s t i l e Quarrelsome H o s t i l e F R e b e l l i o n Detached A l o o f Detached G D i s t r u s t D e t a c h e d / I n h i b i t e d I n t r o v e r t e d I n h i b i t e d H Masochism Succorant/Abasive Unassuming Unassured I Weakness Submissive Submissive Submissive J Conformity Deferent Lazy Deferent K T r u s t — Ingenuous T r u s t i n g L C o l l a b o r a t i o n A f f i l i a t i v e Warm Warm M Love Nurturant/Agreeable Agreeable F r i e n d l y N Tenderness S o c i a b l e G r e garious S o c i a b l e 0 G e n e r o s i t y E x h i b i t i o n i s t i c E x t r a v e r t e d E x h i b i t i o n i s t i c Adapted from K i e s l e r (1983) and Wiggins (1982). 28 complementary s o c i a l responses. I f the behaviour of depressed indivi d u a l s can be described i n terms of the interpersonal circumplex, then the interpersonal response e l i c i t e d by depressives may be predicted and measured, as may the s o c i a l impact of that response. Howes and Hokanson (1979) assessed the s o c i a l impact of depressed behaviour by means of k i e s l e r ' s (Perkins, Kiesler, Anchin, Chi r i c o , Kyle, & Federman, 1979) Impact Message Inventory. The Impact Message Inventory (IMI) i s used to assess a person's responses to a target i n d i v i d u a l on the basis of the target's impact on the person, i . e . , feelings and cognitions evoked by the target during an in t e r a c t i o n . The target i s thus described according to 15 dimensions that map onto 14 of the 16 dimensions of K i e s l e r ' s 1982 Interpersonal C i r c l e (Kiesler, 1983). The two general dimensions not represented by the IMI include D-cold and K-trusting. In Howes and Hokanson's (1979) study, targets enacting a depressed r o l e impacted as s i g n i f i c a n t l y d i f f e r e n t from nondepressed targets on a number of dimen-sions. The pattern was remarkably orderly: "depressed" targets impacted as generally hostile-submissive r e l a t i v e to the "nondepressed" targets. Depressed targets impacted s i g n i f i c a n t l y higher than did nondepressed targets on each of the subscales that comprise the h o s t i l e and submissive quadrants, i . e . , submissive, succorant, i n h i b i t e d , mistrust-f u l , detached, and h o s t i l e . The only exception was the abasive subscale. However, K i e s l e r (1983) contends that the 29 succorant and abasive subscales both represent the same dimension of the 1982 Interpersonal C i r c l e . Furthermore, although the difference did not reach s t a t i s t i c a l s i g n i f i -cance, depressed behaviour tended to impact as more abasive than d i d nondepressed behaviour. Its absence from the l i s t of scales that were found to characterize the s o c i a l impact of depressed targets i s therefore not t h e o r e t i c a l l y c r u c i a l . In short, Howes and Hokanson's (1979) findings suggest that depressed behaviour can be characterized as generally f a l l i n g within the h o s t i l e and submissive quadrants of the interpersonal circumplex. K i e s l e r (1983) has a r t i c u l a t e d the general proposition that "a person's interpersonal actions tend (with a  p r o b a b i l i t y s i g n i f i c a n t l y greater than chance) to i n i t i a t e ,  i n v i t e , or evoke from an interactant complementary responses  that lead to a r e p e t i t i o n of the person's o r i g i n a l actions" (Kiesler, 1983, pp.100-101, emphasis i n o r i g i n a l ) . According to t h i s proposition, the h o s t i l e and submissive s t y l e of depressive behaviour (Howes & Hokanson, 1979) would be expected to evoke complementary responses (RD) that would lead to further h o s t i l e and submissive behaviour on the part of the depressed. One might predict, then, that individuals exposed to RD would be more l i k e l y to exh i b i t the h o s t i l e and submissive behaviour c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of depressives than would in d i v i d u a l s exposed to the type of response e l i c i t e d by the nondepressed (RN). According to Ki e s l e r ' s 30 p r o p o s i t i o n , t h i s d i f f e r e n c e can be p r e d i c t e d w i t h a p r o b a b i l i t y s i g n i f i c a n t l y g r e a t e r than chance. How would the complementary responses themselves be d e s c r i b e d i n terms o f the i n t e r p e r s o n a l c i r c l e ? In other words, what p r e d i c t i o n s can be made about the s o c i a l impact o f RD upon oth e r s ? To date, two g e n e r a l systems f o r p r e d i c t i n g complementarity have been proposed. Although both were d e r i v e d from Leary's (1957) work, each has d i f f e r e n t i m p l i c a t i o n s r e g a r d i n g the p r e d i c t e d response t o depressed behaviour. The f i r s t and most w i d e l y known p r e d i c t i v e system was d e r i v e d by Carson (1969) and subsequently e l a b o r a t e d by K i e s l e r (1983). E s s e n t i a l l y , Carson's (1969) p o s i t i o n i s t h a t : complementarity occurs on the b a s i s o f r e c i p r o c i t y i n r e s p e c t t o the dominance-submission a x i s (dominance tends t o induce submission, and v i c e v e r s a ) , and on the b a s i s o f correspondence i n r e s p e c t t o the h a t e - l o v e a x i s (hate induces hate, and l o v e induces love) (p. 112) . In terms o f the f o u r quadrants o f the i n t e r p e r s o n a l c i r c l e , the h o s t i l e - d o m i n a n t and h o s t i l e - s u b m i s s i v e quadrants are complementary, as are the f r i e n d l y - d o m i n a n t and f r i e n d l y - s u b m i s s i v e quadrants. K i e s l e r (1983) has made even more s p e c i f i c p r e d i c t i o n s r e g a r d i n g complementarity, s u g g e s t i n g t h a t each o f the 16 dimensions w i t h i n the f o u r quadrants has a s i n g l e complement (see F i g u r e 1) . The o v e r a l l p a t t e r n o f complementarity f o l l o w s Carson's (19 69) b a s i c model. For example each dimension w i t h i n the f r i e n d l y - d o m i n a n t quadrant has a s i n g l e complementary dimension i n the f r i e n d l y - s u b m i s s i v e quadrant. 31 F i g u r e 1 Complementarity Predicted According to K i e s l e r ' s (1983)  Model Adapted from K i e s l e r (1983). 32 T h i s a l s o h o l d s f o r the o t h e r two quadrants. A c c o r d i n g to t h i s f o r m u l a t i o n , the h o s t i l e - s u b m i s s i v e behaviour of d e p r e s s i v e s would tend t o evoke a complementary h o s t i l e - d o m i n a n t response. One would p r e d i c t , then, t h a t RD would impact as h o s t i l e and dominant. An a l t e r n a t i v e f o r m u l a t i o n has been suggested by Wiggins (1982), based on Foa's (1961) f a c e t a n a l y s i s of Leary's (1957) i n t e r p e r s o n a l v a r i a b l e s . Foa's (1961) approach was t o d e s c r i b e i n t e r p e r s o n a l behaviour i n terms of t h r e e f a c e t s : d i r e c t i o n a l i t y (grants, d e n i e s ) , o b j e c t ( s e l f , o t h e r s ) , and r e s o u r c e ( s t a t u s , l o v e ) . Any type of i n t e r p e r s o n a l behaviour can be viewed as an attempt t o grant o r deny l o v e and s t a t u s t o o n e s e l f and o t h e r s . Wiggins (1982) has t e n t a t i v e l y proposed a p r o f i l e of f a c e t elements t o d e s c r i b e each of the o c t a n t s of the i n t e r p e r s o n a l c i r c u m p l e x (see T a b l e 2). He has f u r t h e r suggested t h a t the f a c e t composition of i n t e r p e r s o n a l v a r i a b l e s would have i m p l i c a t i o n s f o r p r e d i c t i n g complementarity. He d e f i n e s complementarity as a s i t u a t i o n wherein both p a r t i e s would accept one another's d e f i n i t i o n of the s i t u a t i o n . For example, ambitious-dominant b e h a v i o r (PA) d e f i n e s a s i t u a t i o n i n which s t a t u s and l o v e are granted t o the a c t o r and l o v e , but not s t a t u s , i s granted t o the o t h e r . A complementary response t o ambitious-dominant b e h a v i o r would be one t h a t completely and l i t e r a l l y a ccepted such a d e f i n i t i o n o f the s i t u a t i o n (p. 216) . A c c o r d i n g t o t h i s f o r m u l a t i o n , the h o s t i l e and submissive behaviour of d e p r e s s i v e s ( o c t a n t s DE, FG, and HI) would tend t o e l i c i t f u r t h e r h o s t i l e and submissive behaviour (see F i g u r e 2 ) . On the b a s i s of t h i s system, then, one would 33 T a b l e 2 Facet Composition o f I n t e r p e r s o n a l V a r i a b l e s S e l f Other S t a t u s Love Love Status PA (ambitious-dominant) BC ( a r r o g a n t - c a l c u l a t i n g ) DE (cold-quarrelsome) FG ( a l o o f - i n t r o v e r t e d ) HI ( l a z y - s u b m i s s i v e ) JK (unassuming-ingenuous) LM (warm-agreeable) NO ( g r e g a r i o u s - e x t r a v e r t e d ) + + + -+ + - -+ - - -- - + + - + + + + + + + Key + = g r a n t s - = d e n i e s Adapted from Wiggins (1982, p.215). Figure 2 Complementarity Predicted According to Wiggin's (1982)  Facet A n a l y t i c Approach Adapted from Wiggins (1982). 35 p r e d i c t t h a t RD would be c h a r a c t e r i z e d as g e n e r a l l y h o s t i l e and submissive. To summarize, i n t e r p e r s o n a l t h e o r i e s and re c e n t r e s e a r c h evidence (Howes & Hokanson, 1979) p r o v i d e the b a s i s f o r t h r e e a d d i t i o n a l hypotheses r e g a r d i n g the s o c i a l impact o f the type o f response e l i c i t e d by the depressed (RD) r e l a t i v e t o the type o f s o c i a l response e l i c i t e d by the nondepressed (RN). F i r s t , i n d i v i d u a l s exposed t o RD would be more l i k e l y t o e x h i b i t h o s t i l e - s u b m i s s i v e behaviour than would i n d i v i d u a l s exposed t o RN. Second, RD would be p r e d i c t e d t o impact as r e l a t i v e l y h o s t i l e - d o m i n a n t on the b a s i s o f Carson's (1969) and K i e s l e r ' s (1983) f o r m u l a t i o n s . A l t e r n a t i v e l y , RD would be p r e d i c t e d t o impact as g e n e r a l l y h o s t i l e - s u b m i s s i v e a c c o r d i n g t o a f a c e t a n a l y t i c approach t o complementarity (Wiggins, 1982). C o g n i t i v e Models of Depression For guidance i n d e r i v i n g p r e d i c t i o n s r e g a r d i n g d e p r e s s i v e s ' i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s o f the s o c i a l response they e l i c i t from o t h e r s , we may t u r n t o c o g n i t i v e t h e o r i e s of d e p r e s s i o n (Beck, 1967, 1974; Beck, Rush, Shaw, & Emery, 1979) . A c c o r d i n g t o the c o g n i t i v e model, the depressed and the d e p r e s s i o n prone c o n s i s t e n t l y make unwarranted n e g a t i v e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s about themselves, the f u t u r e , and the world around them. The world, i n t h i s sense, i n c l u d e s one's p e r s o n a l experience, i n c l u d i n g s o c i a l e x p e r i e n c e . T h i s n e g a t i v e p e r s p e c t i v e i s h e l d t o c o n t r i b u t e t o both the 36 e t i o l o g y and maintenance of d e p r e s s i o n . In g e n e r a l , measures o f the h y p o t h e s i z e d d e p r e s s i v e c o g n i t i o n s , such as the D y s f u n c t i o n a l A t t t u d e s S c a l e (DAS: Weissman & Beck, 1978), have been found t o c o r r e l a t e s i g n i f i c a n t l y with c o n c u r r e n t measures o f d e p r e s s i o n (Dobson & B r e i t e r , 1983; Dobson & Shaw, 1986; Hamilton & Abramson, 1983; K e l l e r , 1983). Based on the c o g n i t i v e model, one would expect t h a t someone w i t h a d e p r e s s i v e c o g n i t i v e s t y l e would respond more n e g a t i v e l y than would o t h e r s when f a c e d w i t h a n e g a t i v e s o c i a l response. More s p e c i f i c a l l y , one would p r e d i c t t h a t the type o f s o c i a l response e l i c i t e d by d e p r e s s i v e s would have an i n c r e a s i n g l y n e g a t i v e impact r e l a t i v e t o the degree t o which a d e p r e s s i v e c o g n i t i v e s t y l e , as measured by the DAS, i s e v i n c e d . In o t h e r words, p r e t e s t s c o r e s on the DAS would be expected t o c o r r e l a t e w i t h p o s t t e s t measures of n e g a t i v e mood f o l l o w i n g experience w i t h the type of s o c i a l response e l i c i t e d by d e p r e s s i v e s . C r i t i c s of the c o g n i t i v e model ( c f . , Coyne, 1982; Coyne & G o t l i b , 1983; Lewinsohn e t a l . , 1980) contend t h a t a l t h o u g h the r e l a t i o n s h i p between n e g a t i v e c o g n i t i o n s and d e p r e s s i o n i s w e l l e s t a b l i s h e d , the evidence r e g a r d i n g the e t i o l o g i c a l s i g n i f i c a n c e of c o g n i t i v e f a c t o r s has been e q u i v o c a l . Coyne (1976b) suggested t h a t the depressed i n d i v i d u a l ' s n e g a t i v e view of h i s or her s o c i a l environment may be v e r i d i c a l . S i n c e o t h e r s tend t o respond more n e g a t i v e l y t o the depressed, t h e i r n e g a t i v e o u t l o o k and e x p e c t a t i o n s may be a c c u r a t e and r e a l i s t i c . Lewinsohn e t 37 a l . (1980) presented evidence t h a t takes t h i s argument one s t e p f u r t h e r . T h e i r study compared s e l f - r a t i n g s and o b s e r v e r - r a t i n g s of s o c i a l competence i n depressed and nondepressed s u b j e c t s . They found t h a t depressed s u b j e c t s saw themselves as o t h e r s saw them, but t h a t nondepressed s u b j e c t s a c t u a l l y showed a p o s i t i v e d i s t o r t i o n . They argued t h a t an " i l l u s o r y glow" may be necessary f o r a p p r o p r i a t e a f f e c t i v e r e g u l a t i o n . Such a v i e w p o i n t would p r e d i c t a p o s i t i v e r e l a t i o n s h i p between p r e e x i s t i n g d e p r e s s i o n and the n e g a t i v e impact of RD, not because of unwarranted n e g a t i v e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s on the p a r t of the depressed, but because of u n r e a l i s t i c a l l y p o s i t i v e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s on the p a r t of the nondepressed. A d i f f e r e n t argument r e s u l t s i n a s i m i l a r c o n c l u s i o n . S e v e r a l r e s e a r c h e r s (e.g., Lewinsohn, L o b i t z , & Wilson, 1973; Suarez, Crowe, & Adams, 1978; Zuckerman, Persky, & C u r t i s , 1968) have argued t h a t the depressed are more s e n s i t i v e t o a v e r s i v e s t i m u l i than are the nondepressed, as i n d i c a t e d by d i f f e r e n c e s i n autonomic a r o u s a l i n 'response t o p a i n f u l s t i m u l i . Lewinsohn (1974) has suggested t h a t such h y p e r s e n s i t i v i t y may a l s o g e n e r a l i z e t o n e g a t i v e s o c i a l s t i m u l i . Thus, t o the e x t e n t t h a t someone shows s i g n s of d e p r e s s i o n , t h a t person may be expected t o respond more n e g a t i v e l y , i . e . , t o show more n e g a t i v e a f f e c t , i n r e a c t i o n t o a r e l a t i v e l y n e g a t i v e s o c i a l s t i m u l u s , such as the s o c i a l response t y p i c a l l y e l i c i t e d by the depressed. 38 A t h i r d l i n e of argument would lend further support to pre d i c t i n g a re l a t i o n s h i p between preexisting depression and a negative a f f e c t i v e reaction to the kind of s o c i a l response evoked by depressed behaviour. Several writers (see Coyne & Gotl i b , 1983 f o r review) have noted the d i f f i c u l t y of meaningfully assessing cognitions by means of s e l f - r e p o r t . The argument i s that people are not normally r e f l e c t i v e about t h e i r cognitions, and to ask that cognitions be observed and reported i s to change t h e i r nature and meaning. Although depression may a f f e c t information processing, the e f f e c t s may not occur i n terms of the kinds of cognitions that can be assessed by s e l f - r e p o r t instruments. Thus depression, rather than self-reported cognitions, may be more appropriate to assess as a mediating v a r i a b l e . In any case, one would predict that the type of s o c i a l response e l i c i t e d by depressives may have more s o c i a l impact for someone who i s already depressed than for someone who i s not depressed. In other words, measures of preexisting depression would be expected to correlate with measures of negative mood following experience with the type of s o c i a l response e l i c i t e d by depressives. Summary A review of the l i t e r a t u r e reveals that, although considerable evidence has accumulated regarding the s o c i a l response that the depressed e l i c i t i n others, there has not 39 y e t been an e m p i r i c a l i n v e s t i g a t i o n o f the s o c i a l impact of t h a t response. Experimental p r e d i c t i o n s r e g a r d i n g the s o c i a l impact of the response e l i c i t e d by depressed behaviour were d e r i v e d from s e v e r a l t h e o r e t i c a l p e r s p e c t i v e s . A c c o r d i n g t o Coyne's (1976a) i n t e r p e r s o n a l model of d e p r e s s i o n , i t was p r e d i c t e d t h a t a) s u b j e c t s exposed t o the type o f response t h a t the depressed evoke would experience more n e g a t i v e mood than s u b j e c t s i n a c o n t r o l c o n d i t i o n , and b) f o r those s u b j e c t s exposed t o the experimental c o n d i t i o n , measures of p r e - e x i s t i n g d e p r e s s i o n would c o r r e l a t e s i g n i f i c a n t l y w i t h s o c i a l acceptance of the t a r g e t . On the b a s i s o f i n t e r p e r s o n a l complementarity th e o r y (Carson, 1969; K i e s l e r , 1983; Wiggins, 1982), i t was p r e d i c t e d t h a t a) s u b j e c t s exposed t o the experimental c o n d i t i o n would show more h o s t i l e - s u b m i s s i v e r e a c t i o n s than s u b j e c t s exposed t o a c o n t r o l c o n d i t i o n , and b) the experimental c o n d i t i o n would impact as e i t h e r more h o s t i l e - d o m i n a n t , thereby s u p p o r t i n g the t r a d i t i o n a l complementarity h y p o t h e s i s , o r more h o s t i l e - s u b m i s s i v e , as p r e d i c t e d by a f a c e t a n a l y t i c approach. On the b a s i s o f Beck's (1967) c o g n i t i v e model of d e p r e s s i o n and i t s c r i t i c s (e.g., Coyne & G o t l i b , 1983; Lewinsohn e t a l . , 1980), i t was p r e d i c t e d t h a t measures of n e g a t i v e mood f o l l o w i n g exposure t o the experimental c o n d i t i o n would c o r r e l a t e s i g n i f i c a n t l y w i t h p r i o r measures o f d e p r e s s i o n and d e p r e s s i v e c o g n i t i v e s t y l e . 40 The present study was designed to t e s t the above hypotheses. Female subjects were administered preliminary questionnaires to assess preexisting l e v e l s of depressive symptoms, depressive cognitive s t y l e , and p r i o r mood. They were then asked to watch a 10-minute videotaped conversation from the vantage of one of the part i c i p a n t s and to imagine that they were int e r a c t i n g with the person whose face they saw on the video monitor. The female videotaped target exhibited ei t h e r the type of s o c i a l response e l i c i t e d by depressed behaviour or a more p o s i t i v e control condition. Subjects then completed questionnaires designed to assess the target's s o c i a l impact on the subject. Posttest ques-tionnaires included mood measures, a measure of s o c i a l acceptance, the Impact Message Inventory, and the Interpersonal Adjective Scales. Hypotheses related to mood induction and interpersonal complementarity were tested using a between-groups design. Hypotheses regarding co r r e l a t i o n s of measures of depression and cognitive s t y l e with measures of s o c i a l acceptance and induced mood were tested by means of multiple co r r e l a t i o n s within the experimental group. 41 Method Subjects One hundred twenty women pa r t i c i p a t e d i n the study. They were recruited by means of appeals made to undergraduate classes, notices posted on campus b u l l e t i n boards, and an advertisement placed i n a neighbourhood newspaper. A l l subjects had some postsecondary education and the majority were uni v e r s i t y undergraduates (n=106). The mean age was 25.0 years. Subjects who were e l i g i b l e received extra course c r e d i t for t h e i r p a r t i c i p a t i o n (n=49). A l l other subjects received $2.00 for return busfare. Measures Pretest measures were administered to assess mood, depressive symptoms, and cognitive s t y l e . Posttest measures reassessed mood and assessed i n t e r a c t i o n a l variables including s o c i a l acceptance, s o c i a l impact, and expected s o c i a l response. Mood. Three measures were used to assess mood: the Today form of the Multiple A f f e c t Adjective Check L i s t (MAACL; Zuckerman & Lubin, 1965), the Wessman-Ricks 10-point elation-depression scale (W-R; Wessman & Ricks, 1966), and a semantic d i f f e r e n t i a l instrument developed by Mehrabian and Russell (1974). The MAACL y i e l d s three subscales — depression, anxiety, and h o s t i l i t y — that have been used by several 42 researchers (Coyne, 1976a; Gotlib & Beatty, 1983; Gotlib & Robinson, 1982; Howes & Hokanson, 1979) to assess mood i n response to r e a l or imagined s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n with depressed or nondepressed targets. The MAACL subscales have each demonstrated high correlations with related s e l f - r e p o r t measures and with observer ratings (Zuckerman & Lubin, 1965). A l l three subscales have shown s i g n i f i c a n t retest r e l i a b i l i t y c o e f f i c i e n t s i n patient populations but not i n normal populations. Although b r i e f e r versions of t h i s scale reduce the high i n t e r c o r r e l a t i o n s among the subscales, Zuckerman and Lubin (1965) recommended that the f u l l version be used with r e l a t i v e l y homogeneous samples because of i t s extended range and corresponding s e n s i t i v i t y to differences. Because of the r e l a t i v e homogeneity of the present sample, the f u l l version was employed. The Wessman-Ricks elation-depression scale has also been used to assess mood i n response to depressed interpersonal behaviour (Hammen & Peters, 1978). Wessman and Ricks (1966) did not provide psychometric data for t h e i r scale. The scale asks respondents to endorse one of ten des c r i p t i v e mood statements. High scores represent elated mood and low scores represent depressed mood. The semantic d i f f e r e n t i a l scale developed by Mehrabian and Russell (1974) assesses mood according to three orthogonal factors: pleasure, dominance, and arousal. The scale's structure has been confirmed by factor analysis (Russell, Ward, & Pratt, 1981). Evidence has suggested that 43 the t h r e e f a c t o r s of p l e a s u r e , dominance, and a r o u s a l can adequately d e f i n e a l l emotional s t a t e s ( R u s s e l l & Mehrabian, 1977) . T h i s instrument was i n c l u d e d as a more comprehensive measure of mood than those d e s c r i b e d above. Low s c o r e s on a l l t h r e e f a c t o r s r e p r e s e n t depressed mood. Depr e s s i v e symptoms. The Beck Depression Inventory (BDI; Beck, Ward, Mendelson, Mock, & Erbaugh, 1961) i s a measure of the number and s e v e r i t y of d e p r e s s i v e symptoms. The BDI c o r r e l a t e s s i g n i f i c a n t l y w i t h o t h e r measures of d e p r e s s i o n , i n c l u d i n g p s y c h i a t r i s t s ' r a t i n g s , the Hamilton R a t i n g S c a l e f o r Depression, o b s e r v a t i o n a l measures of depressed behaviour, the Depression A d j e c t i v e Check L i s t , t he MMPI Depression s c a l e , and Zung's S e l f - R a t i n g Depression S c a l e (see Rehm, 1976). Bumberry, O l i v e r , and McClure (1978) v a l i d a t e d the BDI f o r use i n a student p o p u l a t i o n . C o g n i t i v e s t y l e . The D y s f u n c t i o n a l A t t i t u d e S c a l e (DAS; Weissman & Beck, 1978) was employed t o assess d e p r e s s o g e n i c c o g n i t i v e s t y l e . The DAS has two p a r a l l e l forms of 40 items each t h a t were o r i g i n a l l y s e l e c t e d by r a t i o n a l methods t o r e f l e c t the r e l a t i v e presence o r absence o f b e l i e f s h e l d t o c h a r a c t e r i z e d e p r e s s i o n a c c o r d i n g to Beck's model. Each item c o n s i s t s of a statement (e.g., "I cannot be happy u n l e s s most people I know admire me") t h a t i s r a t e d on a seven-point s c a l e r a n g i n g from " t o t a l l y agree" t o " t o t a l l y d i s a g r e e " . The maladaptive end of the s c a l e i s g i v e n the h i g h e s t s c o r e . The DAS was v a l i d a t e d w i t h a sample o f undergraduates, and showed v e r y h i g h i n t e r n a l 44 c o n s i s t e n c y , adequate r e t e s t r e l i a b i l i t y , and s i g n i f i c a n t c o r r e l a t i o n s w i t h the BDI and Krantz and Hammen's (1979) C o g n i t i v e B i a s Q u e s t i o n n a i r e (Weissman & Beck, 1978). Other r e s e a r c h e r s have r e p o r t e d s i m i l a r f i n d i n g s i n both p a t i e n t and n o n p a t i e n t samples (Dobson & B r e i t e r , 1983; Dobson & Shaw, 1986; Hamilton & Abramson, 1983; K e l l e r , 1983). Form A o f the DAS was used i n the p r e s e n t study. I n t e r a c t i o n a l v a r i a b l e s . Three measures were a d m i n i s t e r e d t o assess s o c i a l p e r c e p t i o n . S o c i a l acceptance was as s e s s e d by a 13-item o p i n i o n s c a l e adapted from one used by Winer, Bonner, Blaney, and Murray (1981). The s c a l e i s based on s i m i l a r instruments used by Coyne (1976a), G o t l i b and Robinson (1982), Hammen and P e t e r s (1978), and Youngren and Lewinsohn (1980). Each item (e.g., "Would you l i k e t o s i t next t o t h i s person on a 3-hour bus t r i p ? " ) i s r a t e d on a s i x - p o i n t s c a l e r a n g i n g from " d e f i n i t e l y no" t o " d e f i n i t e l y yes". R e l a t i v e l y h i g h s c o r e s i n d i c a t e g r e a t e r acceptance. S o c i a l impact and p e r c e p t i o n s o f the experimental t a r g e t were assessed by the Impact Message Inventory (IMI; P e r k i n s , K i e s l e r , Anchin, C h i r i c o , K yle, & Federman, 1979), which was a l s o used f o r a s i m i l a r purpose by Howes and Hokanson (1979). The i n v e n t o r y assesses a f f e c t i v e and c o g n i t i v e responses t o a t a r g e t person i n the con t e x t o f a dy a d i c i n t e r a c t i o n . Scores on the IMI r e p r e s e n t the s o c i a l impact o f the t a r g e t person r a t h e r than r e p r e s e n t i n g c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f the respondent. For example, the f i r s t 45 item of the Dominant subscale i s "When I am with t h i s person she makes me f e e l bossed around." The IMI consists of 90 such items, and responses may range from "not at a l l " (1.0 points) to "very much so" (4.0 points). There are 15 subscales, each measuring a dimension of interpersonal s t y l e (Dominant, Competitive, Hostile, M i s t r u s t f u l , Detached, Inhibited, Submissive, Succorant, Abasive, Deferent, Agreeable, Nurturant, A f f i l i a t i v e , Sociable, E x h i b i t i o n i s t i c ) . Recent data have shown the IMI subscales to e x h i b i t good circumplex structure (Wiggins & Trapnell, unpublished data). Twelve of the 15 subscales may be collapsed into c l u s t e r scores representing each of the four cardinal points of the circumplex: Friendly ( A f f i l i a t i v e , Agreeable, Nurturant), Dominant (Dominant, Competitive, E x h i b i t i o n i s t i c ) , H ostile (Hostile, M i s t r u s t f u l , Detached), and Submissive (Submissive, Abasive, Succorant). To assess subjects' self-perceptions of t h e i r s o c i a l response to the videotaped target, a small modification of the short form of the Interpersonal Adjective Scales (IAS; Wiggins, 1979) was devised. The IAS shows the best circumplex structure of any of the instruments derived from Leary's (1957) conceptualization (Kiesler, 1983). The short form of the IAS consists of 64 interpersonal adjectives representing 16 interpersonal dimensions that can be collapsed into octants. The scales were designed to assess interpersonal t r a i t s . In the present study, they were used to assess more short-term interpersonal i n c l i n a t i o n s . 46 Subjects were asked to v i v i d l y imagine themselves i n t e r a c t i n g with the videotaped target, and then to indicate the extent to which each IAS item would accurately describe t h e i r response to the target. Videotape Stimulus Material Each subject watched a 10-minute videotape of a simulated conversation. The target person was played by one of two female actors who were both experienced i n t h e a t r i c a l improvisation. There were two main goals i n producing the videotapes. F i r s t , they had to present a s i t u a t i o n i n which the subjects watching the tapes would be able to assume the r o l e of p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n a conversation with the target. Second, they needed to represent the kinds of differences that had been reported i n the l i t e r a t u r e regarding the response that a depressed person e l i c i t s as compared to the response that someone who i s not depressed t y p i c a l l y e l i c i t s from a stranger (Coyne, 1976a; Gotlib & Beatty, 1983; Gotlib & Robinson, 1982; Howes & Hokanson, 1979). Four videotapes were produced, such that each videotape portrayed one of two actors enacting one of two types of responses. To achieve the f i r s t goal, the actor was seated facing the camera and an empty chair was placed below the camera, facing the actor. For a l l four tapes, each actor was instructed to portray an undergraduate who had volunteered to p a r t i c i p a t e i n a study of s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n and the acquaintance process. Her "partner" would be another 47 volunteer who was someone she had not met before. As Coyne (1976a) had instructed h i s subjects, they were to have an unstructured conversation about anything they chose. This scenario was described to the subjects who eventually watched the videotapes. The subjects were t o l d that two people had p a r t i c i p a t e d i n the conversation, but that the voice of the off-camera person had been dubbed out so that they would receive information about only one person. In f a c t , the actor improvised her side of the conversation and l e f t s i lences for her phantom partner's imagined responses. Thus subjects watched a videotape of someone who was seemingly t a l k i n g toward them, and they could imagine t h e i r own responses during the silences. To achieve the second goal, d i f f e r e n t i nstructions were devised f o r each of the research conditions. Since evidence had been inconclusive regarding the issues of negative mood induction and statements of d i r e c t support, these issues were omitted i n the instructions given to the actors. In the experimental condition, the actor was t o l d that her "partner" was someone who was not very happy with her l i f e r i g h t now, and who tended to take a negative view of things. The conversation would begin as any other, but as i t progressed the actor would f i n d h erself responding with more negative statements, more silence, fewer p o s i t i v e statements, l e s s acceptance,less smiling, l e s s eye contact, l e s s animation, less pleasantness of expression, and fewer verbal statements than normal. The IMI was used to give the 48 actor more information about how to respond. Howes and Hokanson (1979) had found that depressed behaviour impacted as more h o s t i l e and submissive than nondepressed behaviour. On a copy of the IMI protocol, the items representing the corresponding subscales were c i r c l e d . The actor was t o l d that the c i r c l e d items would be somewhat des c r i p t i v e of how her "partner" would make her f e e l . Such items included "she'd rather be alone" and "I should do something to put her at ease." For the control condition, the actor was t o l d that her "partner" was generally happy with her l i f e and that they would enjoy each other's company. The conversation would begin i n much the same way as the other one, but as i t progressed the actor would f i n d herself responding with more p o s i t i v e statements, fewer negative statements, more acceptance, more smiling, more eye contact, more animation, more pleasantness of expression, and more verbal statements than i n the other conversation. The actor was again provided with a copy of the IMI, but the c i r c l e d items were from the appropriate f r i e n d l y and dominant subscales, following Howes and Hokanson's (1979) findings fo r nondepressed behaviour. Representative items included "she enjoys being with people" and "I can ask her to carry her share of the load". Once taping was complete, the actors were debriefed about the nature of the study. 49 V e r i f i c a t i o n o f Videotape Content The d i f f e r e n c e s between the two c o n d i t i o n s were confirmed by b e h a v i o u r a l coding procedures conducted by two t r a i n e d o b s ervers who were b l i n d as t o hypotheses and c o n d i t i o n s . The observers were female undergraduate r e s e a r c h a s s i s t a n t s . Observer t r a i n i n g was conducted u s i n g sample v i d e o t a p e s t h a t were not used i n the study. The c o d i n g procedures were modelled on those used by other i n v e s t i g a t o r s ( G o t l i b & Robinson, 1982; Howes & Hokanson, 1979). V e r b a l behaviour was coded a c c o r d i n g t o s i x mutually e x c l u s i v e c a t e g o r i e s , f o l l o w i n g the system used by Howes and Hokanson (1979) and G o t l i b and Robinson (1982). The f i r s t f i v e minutes of each videotaped c o n v e r s a t i o n was d i v i d e d i n t o response u n i t s , each c o n t a i n i n g a sentence or e q u i v a l e n t . Based p r i m a r i l y on i t s content, each response u n i t was p l a c e d i n t o one of the f o l l o w i n g c a t e g o r i e s : 1. D i r e c t support: r e a s s u r i n g , sympathetic, or empathic remarks, or any p o s i t i v e a p p r a i s a l of the imagined p a r t n e r or her a t t r i b u t e s . 2. C o n v e r s a t i o n maintenance, p o s i t i v e content: f a v o u r a b l e d e s c r i p t i o n s o t h e r than of the imagined p a r t n e r , assessment o r p r e d i c t i o n c o n c e r n i n g s e l f , hometown, weather, and so on. 3. C o n v e r s a t i o n maintenance. n e u t r a l content: responses t h a t have no e v a l u a t i v e content. 4. C o n v e r s a t i o n maintenance. n e g a t i v e content: n e g a t i v e e v a l u a t i o n s o t h e r than o f the imagined p a r t n e r , d e s c r i p t i o n s or d e p i c t i o n s c o n cerning s e l f , the experiment, s c h o o l , and so on. 5. D i r e c t n e g a t i v e : p u n i s h i n g or i n s u l t i n g remarks or o t h e r e x p r e s s i o n s of d i s p l e a s u r e or d i s a p p r o v a l d i r e c t l y r e l a t e d t o the imagined p a r t n e r . 6. S i l e n c e : no v e r b a l response t o an apparent statement or q u e s t i o n o r i g i n a t i n g w i t h the imagined p a r t n e r . 50 Nonverbal variables were selected from those used by Youngren and Lewinsohn (1980) and Go t l i b and Robinson (1982). A 10-second i n t e r v a l time-sampling procedure was employed to code the f i r s t f i v e minutes of each videotaped conversation. The videotaped target was rated on the following measures: eye contact — proportion of in t e r v a l s wherein the target was looking toward her imagined partner at the beginning of the i n t e r v a l ; smiling — mean rating based on a 3-point scale (1 = not smiling, 2 = s l i g h t l y smiling, 3 = smiling f u l l y or laughing); f a c i a l expression (pleasantness and arousal) — mean ratings based on 7-point scales. Table 3 summarizes the r e l i a b i l i t i e s for the videotape behavioural coding data. Since the small number of conversations precluded the use of mean ratings, the unit of analysis for observer r e l i a b i l i t y estimates was the single observation, i . e . , response unit f o r verbal behaviour and time i n t e r v a l for nonverbal behaviour. Observer r e l i a b i l i t y was good for verbal behaviour and for eye contact and smiling. The r e l i a b i l i t y of the f a c i a l expression ratings was somewhat lower. Table 4 summarizes the means for the behavioural coding data. The means confirm that the videotapes for the experimental group showed les s eye contact, less smiling, l e s s pleasantness and arousal, less p o s i t i v e content, more negative content, and fewer verbal statements than did the control group videotapes. The small numerical differences 51 Table 3 R e l i a b i l i t y Estimates for Videotape Behavioural Coding Data R e l i a b i l i t y Estimates Variable % Agreement Kappa Pearson r 85 .70 94 .83 92 .79 .87 .75 .65 Categorical data. Dichotomous categorical data. Rated on a 3-point scale. Rated on 7-point scales. Verbal Behaviour 2 Eye Contact Smiling 3 F a c i a l Expression Pleasantness Arousal 52 T a b l e 4 Mean R a t i n g s o f Videotaped T a r g e t s ' Behaviour by C o n d i t i o n C o n d i t i o n V a r i a b l e • Experimental C o n t r o l 1 Eye Contact 62 88 S m i l i n g 2 1. 17 1. 55 3 F a c i a l E x p r e s s i o n P l e a s a n t n e s s 3. 40 4. 23 A r o u s a l 3. 68 4 . 82 4 V e r b a l Behaviour D i r e c t Support 1. 75 2. 50 C o n v e r s a t i o n Maintenance P o s i t i v e Content 4. 25 24. 00 N e u t r a l Content 35. 75 49. 25 Negative Content 12 . 50 1. 50 D i r e c t Negative 0. 25 0. 25 S i l e n c e 0. 00 0. 00 T o t a l Statements 54. 50 77. 50 F i g u r e s r e p r e s e n t p r o p o r t i o n o f time i n t e r v a l s showing eye c o n t a c t . F i g u r e s r e p r e s e n t mean r a t i n g s on a 3-point s c a l e . F i g u r e s r e p r e s e n t mean r a t i n g s on 7-point s c a l e s . F i g u r e s r e p r e s e n t mean frequency d u r i n g 5 minutes of c o n v e r s a t i o n . 53 between the two conditions are comparable to those reported i n the l i t e r a t u r e (Gotlib & Robinson, 1982; Howes & Hokanson, 1979). Procedure Subjects were t o l d that the study was an investigation of how people respond to d i f f e r e n t interpersonal s t y l e s i n s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n s . A f t e r completing a consent form they were asked to complete a preliminary set of questionnaires including measures of mood (Wessman-Ricks elation-depression scale, Mehrabian-Russell semantic d i f f e r e n t i a l mood scales, MAACL), depressive symptoms (BDI), and depressive cognitive s t y l e (DAS) . They were then asked to watch a 10-minute videotape, with instructions to allow themselves to react as though they were a c t u a l l y meeting the person whose face they saw on the screen. The videotape represented one of two actors portraying one of two conditions, ei t h e r the type of response e l i c i t e d by the depressed or the type of response e l i c i t e d by the nondepressed. Assignment of subjects to videotape was made randomly. Immediately a f t e r viewing the videotape, subjects completed measures assessing mood (Wessman-Ricks elation-depression scale, Mehrabian-Russell semantic d i f f e r e n t i a l mood scales, MAACL), and s o c i a l impact ( s o c i a l acceptance opinion scale, Impact Message Inventory, Interpersonal Adjective Scales). Subjects were thoroughly debriefed as to the purpose and hypotheses of the study and the method of preparing the videotapes. 54 Results Subject C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s To assess the equivalence of groups, a 2 by 2 (actor by condition) multivariate analysis of variance (MANOVA) was conducted using a l l of the preliminary measures as dependent var i a b l e s . No s i g n i f i c a n t e f f e c t s were found for actor (F(9,108) = 0.90), condition (F(9,108) = 0.63), or t h e i r i n t e r a c t i o n (F(9,108) = 0.75). The sample mean for the Beck Depression Inventory was 6.64 (SD = 5.26). The sample mean for the Dysfunctional Attitudes Scale was 120.94 (SD=24.68). Between Groups Comparisons Mood. The group means and standard deviations of the pretest and posttest mood measures are presented i n Table 5. The f i r s t hypothesis was that the experimental condition would induce more negative mood, p a r t i c u l a r l y depressed mood, r e l a t i v e to the control condition. In order to confirm that there were no differences between the two actors i n terms of induced mood, a univariate analysis of variance (ANOVA) was conducted for each of the seven posttest mood variables. Since none of these comparisons was s t a t i s t i c a l l y s i g n i f i c a n t (F(l,118) < 1.98 i n a l l cases), actors were considered equivalent within each condition. A one-way repeated measures multivariate analysis of variance (MANOVA) was conducted to assess differences between the two conditions while taking i n i t i a l T a b l e 5 Mood Measures; C e l l Means and Standard D e v i a t i o n s P r e t e s t (Time 1) P o s t t e s t (Time 2) Measures Experimental C o n t r o l E x p e r i m e n t a l C o n t r o l Wessman - R i c k s E l a t i o n S c a l e 6. 28 (0. 96) 6. 10 (0. 84) 5. 75 (0. 86) 6. 45 (0 .70) Mehrabian - R u s s e l l A f f e c t S c a l e s P l e a s u r e 38. 00 (V. 69) 37. 83 (6. 75) 32 . 43 (6. 62) 36. 82 (6 .41) A r o u s a l 30. 50 (6. 38) 29. 18 (6. 67) 26. 75 (6. 45) 30. 95 (6 .80) Dominance 32. 70 (5. 76) 32. 15 (6. 19) 34. 12 (5. 78) 32 . 78 (5 . 35) M u l t i p l e A f f e c t A d j e c t i v e Check L i s t H o s t i l i t y 7. 45 (3. 45) 7 . 53 (2. 65) 8. 77 (3. 64) 7. 40 (3 .37) Depression 13 . 98 (5. 67) 14 . 43 (5. 34) 16. 22 (4. 94) 14 . 05 (4 .07) A n x i e t y 6. 73 (3. 06) 7. 20 (3. 13) 7. 83 (2. 50) 6. 40 (2 .45) Note: C e l l means are c o l l a p s e d across a c t o r s . 56 mood into account. There was no s i g n i f i c a n t main e f f e c t for condition, F(7,112) = 1.65. There was a s i g n i f i c a n t main e f f e c t f o r Time, F(7,112) = 5.76, p < .001. Univariate F t e s t s were performed, using the Bonferroni procedure to control for familywise error. Only the Mehrabian-Russell Pleasure scale met the c r i t i c a l p r o b a b i l i t y l e v e l of p = .002, F(1,118) = 22.19, p < .001. A comparison of the means indicates that subjects reported more pleasure at pretest (M = 37.92, SD = 7.21) than at posttest (M = 34.63, SD = 6.86). There was also a s i g n i f i c a n t i n t e r a c t i o n e f f e c t for condition and time, F(7,112) = 5.84, p < .001. Four variables met the c r i t i c a l p r o b a b i l i t y l e v e l of p_ = .002: the Wessman-Ricks elation-depression scale (F(1,118) = 24.98, p_ < .001), the Mehrabian-Russell Pleasure scale (F(l,118) = 10.60, p_ < .002), the Mehrabian-Russell Arousal scale (F(l,118) = 17.84, p < .001), and the MAACL Anxiety scale (F(l,118) = 14.12, p_ < .001). Figure 3 i l l u s t r a t e s the int e r a c t i o n s . From the pretest to the posttest, subjects i n the experimental condition showed sharp decreases i n e l a t i o n (t(59) = 4.00, p < .001), pleasure (t(59) = 5.03, p < .001), and arousal (t(59) = 4.18, p < .001), accompanied by an increase i n anxiety (t(59) = -3.26, E < .001. For subjects i n the control condition, there were no s i g n i f i c a n t differences between pretest and posttest mood scores. The experimental group's scores on the MAACL Depression scale changed i n the predicted d i r e c t i o n , but the i n t e r a c t i o n did not reach s t a t i s t i c a l s i g n i f i c a n c e , F(l,118) 57 F i g u r e 3. Time by c o n d i t i o n i n t e r a c t i o n s f o r 5 mood v a r i a b l e s . WESSMAN-R ICKS ELATION S C A L E MEHRABIAN-RUSSELL PLEASURE SCALE 6 . 6 -6 . 4 z O 6 . 2 ! s Ul 5.8H 5 . 6 TIME 1 TIME 2 F(1,118)=24.98, P .001 MEHRABIAN-RUSSELL AROUSAL SCALE 4 0 -3 8 LiJ CC =3 3 6 (/) < LJJ 3 4 -_ l Q_ 3 2 3 0 -I TIME 1 TIME 2 F(1,118) = 10.60, P .002 MAACL ANXIETY SCALE < ZD O CC < 3 2 -3 1 3 0 2 9 2 8 2 7 2 6 TIME 1 TIME 2 F(1,118) = 17.84, P .001 MAACL DEPRESSION S C A L E >-i— — x 8 . 2 7 . 8 7 . 4 7 -6 . 6 -6 . 2 - , TIME 1 TIME 2 F(1,118)=14.12, P .001 1 6 . 5 16 2 1 5 . 5 H CO £ 15 CC £] , 4 - 5 Q 14 1 3 . 5 4 Legend A EXPERIMENTAL CONDITION X CONTROL CONDITION TIME 1 TIME 2 F(1,118)=8.18, NS 58 = 8.18, p_ = .005. In g e n e r a l , the f i r s t h y p o t h e s i s was a t l e a s t p a r t i a l l y supported. F u l l support f o r the hy p o t h e s i s would have r e q u i r e d s i g n i f i c a n t i n t e r a c t i o n s f o r two a d d i t i o n a l v a r i a b l e s : the Mehrabian-Russell Dominance s c a l e and the MAACL Depression s c a l e . I n t e r p e r s o n a l Complementarity. The t h r e e hypotheses r e l a t e d t o i n t e r p e r s o n a l complementarity were assessed by means o f the Impact Message Inventory and the I n t e r p e r s o n a l A d j e c t i v e S c a l e s . The IMI was c o l l a p s e d i n t o i t s f o u r c l u s t e r s c o r e s and the IAS was c o l l a p s e d i n t o o c t a n t s . The group means and standard d e v i a t i o n s f o r these v a r i a b l e s are pre s e n t e d i n Table 6. A 2 by 2 ( a c t o r by c o n d i t i o n ) m u l t i v a r i a t e a n a l y s i s o f v a r i a n c e (MANOVA) was conducted t o t e s t the complementarity hypotheses. There was no s i g n i f i c a n t i n t e r a c t i o n e f f e c t (F(12,105) = 1.14), nor was t h e r e a s i g n i f i c a n t a c t o r e f f e c t (F(12,105) = 1.89). There was a s i g n i f i c a n t main e f f e c t f o r c o n d i t i o n , F(12,105) = 8.46, p < .002). U n i v a r i a t e F t e s t s were performed, u s i n g the B o nferonni procedure t o c o n t r o l f o r f a m i l y w i s e e r r o r r a t e . F i v e v a r i a b l e s met the c r i t i c a l p r o b a b i l i t y l e v e l of E = .001. These v a r i a b l e s w i l l be d i s c u s s e d i n terms of the s p e c i f i c hypotheses t o which they are r e l a t e d . A c c o r d i n g t o K i e s l e r ' s (1983) p r o p o s i t i o n , i t was p r e d i c t e d t h a t s u b j e c t s exposed t o the experimental c o n d i t i o n would d e s c r i b e t h e i r own expected behaviour towards t h e i r p a r t n e r s as h o s t i l e - s u b m i s s i v e r e l a t i v e t o those s u b j e c t s exposed t o the c o n t r o l c o n d i t i o n . The c e n t r e 59 T a b l e 6 Group Means and Standard D e v i a t i o n s f o r I n t e r p e r s o n a l  Circumplex Measures Group Measures F(1,116) Experimental C o n t r o l Impact Message Inventory Dominant 27. 13 (6. 16) 30. 83 (9. 14) 6. 73 H o s t i l e 34. 43 (9. 34) 26. 40 (7. 86) 25. 75* Submissive 34. 87 (9- 10) 29. 42 (6. 08) 14 . 58* F r i e n d l y 34. 83 (9. 02) 43. 88 (8. 24) 35. 81* 2 i t e r p e r s o n a l A d j e c t i v e S c a l e s PA (ambitious-dominant) 38. 20 (7. 23) 35. 13 (6. 13) 5. 72 BC ( a r r o g a n t - c a l c u l a t i n g ) 23. 38 (7. 71) 24. 72 (7. 99) 0. 82 DE (cold-quarrelsome) 23 . 33(10. 26) 20. 12 (9. 18) 3 . 26 FG ( a l o o f - i n t r o v e r t e d ) 33. 40 (9. 51) 27. 33(10. 17) 11. 36* HI (unassuming-submissive) 28. 82 (7. 26) 31. 32 (7. 51) 3 . 32 JK (lazy-ingenuous) 39. 82 (6. 27) 42. 03 (6. 02) 1. 16 LM (warm-agreeable) 41. 43 (8. 12) 45. 07 (8. 18) 5. 92 NO ( g r e g a r i o u s - e x t r a v e r t e d ) 38. 37 (9. 45) 44. 80 (9. 02) 14 . 73* *p_<. 002 . 1 IMI s c a l e s c o l l a p s e d i n t o c l u s t e r s c o r e s . 2 IAS s c a l e s c o l l a p s e d i n t o o c t a n t s . 60 o f the h o s t i l e - s u b m i s s i v e quadrant i s r e p r e s e n t e d by the A l o o f / I n t r o v e r t e d (FG) s c a l e o f the IAS. As p r e d i c t e d , t h i s v a r i a b l e y i e l d e d a s i g n i f i c a n t d i f f e r e n c e between c o n d i t i o n s , F(1,116) = 11.36, p < .001, w i t h s u b j e c t s i n the e xperimental group showing h i g h e r s c o r e s than d i d c o n t r o l s u b j e c t s . Furthermore, t h e r e i s evidence t o suggest t h a t the experimental s u b j e c t s expected t o be s i g n i f i c a n t l y l e s s f r i e n d l y and dominant toward t h e i r p a r t n e r s than d i d the c o n t r o l s u b j e c t s . The IAS s c a l e t h a t r e p r e s e n t s the c e n t r e of the f r i e n d l y - d o m i n a n t quadrant of the c ircumplex (NO; G r e g a r i o u s / E x t r o v e r t e d ) a l s o showed a d i f f e r e n c e t h a t met the c r i t i c a l p r o b a b i l i t y l e v e l , F(1,116) = 14.74, p < .001. E xperimental s u b j e c t s s c o r e d lower on t h i s s c a l e than d i d c o n t r o l s u b j e c t s . None of the o t h e r IAS v a r i a b l e s met the c r i t i c a l p r o b a b i l i t y l e v e l . To summarize, K i e s l e r ' s (1983) p r o p o s i t i o n was supported by t h i s study's f i n d i n g s . There were two a l t e r n a t i v e hypotheses r e g a r d i n g i n t e r p e r s o n a l complementarity t h a t p r e d i c t e d the s o c i a l impact of the experimental c o n d i t i o n r e l a t i v e t o the c o n t r o l c o n d i t i o n . Based on Carson's (1969) p o s i t i o n , the e xperimental c o n d i t i o n should impact as more h o s t i l e and dominant than the c o n t r o l c o n d i t i o n . Wiggins' (1982) f a c e t a n a l y s i s r e s u l t e d i n the a l t e r n a t i v e complementarity h y p o t h e s i s t h a t the experimental c o n d i t i o n should impact as more h o s t i l e and submissive. Three of the f o u r IMI c l u s t e r s c o r e s reached the c r i t i c a l p r o b a b i l i t y l e v e l . The Dominant s c o r e d i d not reach s i g n i f i c a n c e , F(l,116) = 6.73, n.s.. 61 There were s i g n i f i c a n t d i f f e r e n c e s on the H o s t i l e (F(1,116) = 25.75, £ < .001), Submissive (F(l,116) = 14.58, p_ < .001), and F r i e n d l y (F(1,116) = 35.81, p < .001) s c o r e s . The H o s t i l e and Submissive s c o r e s were h i g h e r and the F r i e n d l y s c o r e was lower i n the experimental group as compared t o the c o n t r o l group. In s h o r t , the f i n d i n g s were s u p p o r t i v e of Wiggins' (1982) f a c e t a n a l y t i c h y p o t h e s i s . S o c i a l Acceptance. Although no s p e c i f i c p r e d i c t i o n s were made r e g a r d i n g s o c i a l acceptance, a 2 by 2 ( a c t o r by c o n d i t i o n ) u n i v a r i a t e a n a l y s i s o f v a r i a n c e (ANOVA) was performed t o assess group d i f f e r e n c e s . A s i g n i f i c a n t e f f e c t was found f o r c o n d i t i o n , F(l,116) = 25.18, p < .001. S u b j e c t s i n the experimental c o n d i t i o n showed l e s s s o c i a l acceptance o f the t a r g e t (M = 36.48, SD = 13.55) than d i d s u b j e c t s i n the c o n t r o l c o n d i t i o n (M = 49.15, SD = 13.71). No s i g n i f i c a n t e f f e c t s were found f o r a c t o r , F(l,116) = 0.37, o r f o r the i n t e r a c t i o n , F(l,116) = 1.26. W i t h i n Groups Comparisons The t h r e e remaining hypotheses p e r t a i n e d t o the experimental group o n l y . They i n v o l v e d c o r r e l a t i o n s o f the BDI and the DAS w i t h measures of mood and s o c i a l acceptance. These c o r r e l a t i o n s , as w e l l as the co r r e s p o n d i n g f i g u r e s f o r the c o n t r o l group, are pres e n t e d i n Tab l e 7. The i n d i v i d u a l c o r r e l a t i o n s f o r the experimental group were a l l q u i t e low, ra n g i n g i n v a l u e from -.32 t o +.20. I n d i v i d u a l t e s t s were performed, u s i n g the Bonferonni procedure t o c o n t r o l 62 T a b l e 7 W i t h i n Groups C o r r e l a t i o n s of P o s t t e s t Mood w i t h P r e t e s t  Depressive Symptoms (BDI) and C o g n i t i o n s (DAS) Group Experimental C o n t r o l measure BDI 1 DAS 2 BDI DAS Wessman - R i c k s E l a t i o n S c a l e -.32 .14 -.01 .26 Mehrabian - R u s s e l l A f f e c t S c a l e s P l e a s u r e -.23 -.02 -.08 -.25 A r o u s a l -.03 i -.01 -.03 -.24 Dominance -.07 . 03 -.14 -.21 M u l t i p l e A f f e c t i v e A d j e c t i v e Check L i s t H o s t i l i t y -.01 . 07 -.04 -.06 Depression .20 . 12 . 08 .33 A n x i e t y . 14 . 16 . 10 . 29 S o c i a l Acceptance Opinion S c a l e . 00 . 15 . 11 . 01 Composite Mood Score .16 .07 A l l v a l u e s n.s. 1 BDI = Beck Depression Inventory 2 DAS = D y s f u n c t i o n a l A t t i t u d e s S c a l e 63 f a m i l y w i s e e r r o r r a t e , and none o f the v a l u e s was s i g n i f i c a n t . S t a t i s t i c a l power was c o n s t r a i n e d f o r t h i s s e t of an a l y s e s because of the r e l a t i v e l y l a r g e number of c o r r e l a t i o n s (32) and the r e l a t i v e l y s m a l l sample s i z e (60). In o r d e r t o improve s t a t i s t i c a l power, a data r e d u c t i o n procedure was implemented f o r the mood v a r i a b l e s , such t h a t the w i t h i n groups hypotheses c o u l d be t e s t e d w i t h 4 c o r r e l a t i o n s , i n c l u d i n g the BDI, the DAS, the s o c i a l acceptance O p i n i o n S c a l e , and a composite mood s c o r e . The composite mood sc o r e was d e r i v e d from the f i r s t p r i n c i p a l component o f the seven mood v a r i a b l e s f o r the experimental group. Rotated f a c t o r s c o r e s ranged i n a b s o l u t e v a l u e from .04 f o r the Mehrabian-Russell a r o u s a l s c a l e t o .88 f o r the MAACL a n x i e t y s c a l e . Negative l o a d i n g s were found f o r measures o f p l e a s u r e (-.81), e l a t i o n (-.70), and dominance (-.50), and p o s i t i v e l o a d i n g s were found f o r measures of a n x i e t y (.88), h o s t i l i t y (.86), d e p r e s s i o n (.73), and a r o u s a l (.04). The composite mood sc o r e c o n s i s t e d of a l i n e a r combination o f the f a c t o r s c o r e s and c o u l d be c h a r a c t e r i z e d as r e p r e s e n t i n g g l o b a l l y n e g a t i v e mood. The c o r r e l a t i o n s o f the BDI and DAS w i t h the Opi n i o n S c a l e and the composite mood sc o r e were a l s o q u i t e low, ra n g i n g i n v a l u e from .00 t o .16. I n d i v i d u a l t e s t s were performed, and none o f the v a l u e s was s i g n i f i c a n t . In s h o r t , attempts t o f i n d w i t h i n - g r o u p s r e l a t i o n s h i p s among the BDI, DAS, and measures of mood and s o c i a l acceptance were u n s u c c e s s f u l . 64 Discussion This study's between groups findings may be regarded as supportive of an interpersonal approach to the study of depression. The implications of the r e s u l t s regarding negative mood induction, interpersonal complementarity, and mediating variables w i l l be discussed i n turn, followed by a summary of the current status of interpersonal models of depression. Negative Mood Induction The purpose of t h i s research was to examine the s o c i a l impact of the response evoked by depressed behaviour. The f i r s t and most fundamental prediction was that the response that the depressed evoke i n others would tend to induce negative mood. This hypothesis was supported by the findings, i n that experimental group subjects were found to show decreases i n e l a t i o n , pleasure, and arousal, and an increase i n anxiety following exposure to the experimental condition; however, the negative mood that was induced i s not necessarily characterizable as depressed. The posttest mood of the experimental subjects might j u s t as accurately be described as bored and anxious r e l a t i v e to the mood of control subjects. Whether such a f f e c t i v e discomfort would further degenerate into more depressed mood with prolonged exposure i s a question for future research. In contrast to other studies of s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n and depression (e.g., 65 Coyne, 1976a; Hammen & P e t e r s , 1978; G o t l i b & Beatty, 1985; Winer e t a l . , 1981), t h i s study r e l i e d upon t h r e e separate measures o f mood, e n a b l i n g a more f i n e g r a i n e d a n a l y s i s of a f f e c t i v e response. Any f u t u r e s t u d i e s o f changes i n mood subsequent t o s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n may b e n e f i t from such an approach. Although the r e l a t i o n s h i p i s l e s s d i r e c t , the s o r t of a f f e c t i v e s o c i a l d i s c o m f o r t found i n t h i s study may i t s e l f c o n t r i b u t e t o the d e p r e s s i v e c y c l e . To the e x t e n t t h a t t h e s e f i n d i n g s are g e n e r a l i z a b l e , depressed i n d i v i d u a l s may f i n d themselves e x p e r i e n c i n g c o n t r a d i c t o r y f e e l i n g s when meeting new s o c i a l c o n t a c t s . F e e l i n g i n need of s o c i a l c o n t a c t , y e t f e e l i n g bored and anxious when fa c e d w i t h the s o c i a l c o n t a c t t h a t they are t y p i c a l l y a b l e t o generate, the depressed may f e e l t h a t they are unable t o get t h e i r i n t e r p e r s o n a l needs met by means of i n t e r p e r s o n a l c o n t a c t . Thus, i n s t e a d o f b e i n g a source o f comfort and g r a t i f i c a t i o n , s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n s may c o n t r i b u t e t o f e e l i n g s o f s o c i a l impotence t h a t may exacerbate the d e p r e s s i o n . For the depressed, s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n may a c t u a l l y d e t r a c t from f e e l i n g s o f s e l f - e f f i c a c y ( c f . Bandura, 1986). The s o c i a l i s o l a t i o n o f d e p r e s s i v e s may i n f a c t s e r v e a p r o t e c t i v e f u n c t i o n . Rather than a s i g n of pathology per se, i t may be a secondary s i g n — a s i g n of the i n d i v i d u a l ' s a d a p t i v e attempt t o prevent exposure t o circu m s t a n c e s t h a t are l i k e l y t o induce even more n e g a t i v e 66 mood. In learning theory terms, s o c i a l i s o l a t i o n may be negatively reinforced. From the t r a d i t i o n a l behavioural perspective (e.g., Lewinsohn, 1974), the negative mood induction findings of t h i s study could be interpreted as evidence that the kind of s o c i a l response t y p i c a l l y e l i c i t e d by the depressed i s not re i n f o r c i n g . The findings may also be interpreted as an example of loss of re i n f o r c e r effectiveness (Costello, 1972), since an event that would be expected to be re i n f o r c i n g ( s o c i a l contact) has been found to induce negative mood. Unfortunately, the term reinforcement has l o s t much of i t s connection to learning theory i n some usages, i n the sense that any ostensibly pleasant circumstance may be designated as a re i n f o r c e r regardless of i t s functional r e l a t i o n s h i p to instrumental behaviour. Support f o r a learning theory approach requires that a functional r e l a t i o n s h i p be demonstrated between a behaviour or c l a s s of behaviour and i t s consequences. The designation of reinforcement or punishment depends upon whether the consequence increases or decreases the behaviour, not upon whether the consequence can be deemed pleasant or unpleasant. Withdrawal from someone exh i b i t i n g the kind of s o c i a l response e l i c i t e d by depressed behaviour would support a negative reinforcement paradigm. On the other hand, an extincti o n paradigm would predict an i n i t i a l increase i n s o c i a l behaviour, much as Coyne (1976b) and Salzman (1975) have predicted. Although such predictions 67 were not made at the outset of t h i s study, present evidence would tend to support a negative reinforcement int e r p r e t a t i o n , since subjects i n the experimental condition expressed s i g n i f i c a n t l y less i n t e r e s t i n future i n t e r a c t i o n with the target than did subjects i n the control condition. Further experimental research would be required to evaluate s p e c i f i c reinforcement hypotheses. For example, a negative reinforcement model would predict a reduction i n arousal and anxiety i n subjects who were allowed to withdraw from i n t e r a c t i o n with someone exhib i t i n g the kind of s o c i a l response that the depressed e l i c i t , but an increase i n such measures when withdrawal i s prevented. Interpersonal Complementarity This study's interpersonal complementarity findings have t h e o r e t i c a l and methodological implications that w i l l be discussed i n turn. The t h e o r e t i c a l implications stem from the present evidence and from fundamental assumptions underlying complementarity theory. The present evidence has implications that encompass both interpersonal models of depression and interpersonal complementarity theory. As predicted from K i e s l e r ' s (1983) proposition, the s o c i a l complement of depressed behaviour as portrayed i n the experimental condition evoked a response resembling the hostile-submissive behaviour of the depressed (Howes & Hokanson, 1979). This evidence supports both the central premise of complementarity theory (Kiesler, 1983) and the 68 i m p l i c i t assumption u n d e r l y i n g a l l i n t e r p e r s o n a l models of d e p r e s s i o n (e.g., Coates & Wortman, 1980; Coyne, 1976b; H i n c h l i f f e e t a l . , 1978; Salzman, 1975), t h a t i s t h a t depressed behaviour evokes a p r e d i c t a b l e response from o t h e r s t h a t i n t u r n e l i c i t s more depressed behaviour. These f i n d i n g s a re a l s o congruent w i t h the more n e g a t i v e a f f e c t i v e responses o f the experimental group. In s h o r t , the prese n t evidence supported the n o t i o n t h a t exposure t o the i n t e r p e r -s o n a l response t h a t the depressed t y p i c a l l y e l i c i t i n s t r a n g e r s can c o n t r i b u t e t o an i n c r e a s e i n both n e g a t i v e a f f e c t and d e p r e s s i v e s o c i a l behaviour. N a t u r a l l y , f u r t h e r r e s e a r c h i s r e q u i r e d t o e s t a b l i s h the g e n e r a l i z a b i l i t y of t h i s c o n c l u s i o n . The f a c e t - a n a l y t i c p r e d i c t i o n t h a t the s o c i a l complement of depressed behaviour would impact as h o s t i l e and submissive (Wiggins, 1982), r a t h e r than h o s t i l e and dominant (Carson, 1969; K i e s l e r , 1983), was supported by the p r e s e n t evidence. Although the f i n d i n g s c h a l l e n g e the t r a d i t i o n a l p r e d i c t i o n s o f complementarity p a t t e r n s (Carson, 1969; K i e s l e r , 1983), the evidence s u p p o r t i n g f a c e t - a n a l y t i c p r e d i c t i o n s (Wiggins, 1982) should be i n t e r p r e t e d c a u t i o u s l y , s i n c e o t h e r i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s o f the evidence may be e q u a l l y v i a b l e . For example, i t i s f e a s i b l e t h a t complementarity occurs on the b a s i s o f correspondence f o r a l l c i rcumplex o c t a n t s i n i n t e r a c t i o n s between s t r a n g e r s , such t h a t any i n t e r p e r s o n a l s t y l e may tend t o evoke a s i m i l a r s t y l e i n s t r a n g e r s . Such a tendency toward 69 interpersonal correspondence could have s u r v i v a l value for a s o c i a l species, since humans need to be able to cooperate and to bond with one another (cf. Bowlby, 1969) i n order to survive. An innate capacity to match our experience to someone else's may be required for such fundamental human phenomena as empathy, modelling, and early s o c i a l learning. Furthermore, there i s some evidence to support the argument of s o c i a l correspondence between strangers. Prisoner's Dilemma studies (cf. Carson, 1979; Wiggins, 1980; Wrightsman, O'Connor, & Baker, 1972) have found that a competitive stance on the part of a confederate eventually induces a competitive stance i n return. In interpersonal circumplex terms, t h i s would suggest that hostile-dominance evokes hostile-dominance i n t h i s s i t u a t i o n . Orford's (198 6) recent review of interpersonal complementarity research also suggests that hostile-dominance i s frequently met with hostile-dominance. Orford's review further indicates that t r a d i t i o n a l assumptions regarding complementarity require further examination i n the l i g h t of contradictory evidence. Another a l t e r n a t i v e to a facet a n a l y t i c interpretation of t h i s study's complementarity findings i s that i t i s possible that complementarity patterns between strangers may d i f f e r from those between intimates. For example, with growing f a m i l i a r i t y , frequency and intimacy of contact, there may be increasing f r u s t r a t i o n with the depressed i n d i v i d u a l such that an i n i t i a l l y hostile-submissive response to depressed behaviour may change to a 70 hostile-dominant response or to s o c i a l withdrawal. Evidence that the marital interactions of depressed patients tend to be c r i t i c a l (e.g., Hooley, 1986; Hooley et a l . , 1986) and competitive (cf. McLean, 1976) may support the argument that the spouses of depressed patients exhibit a hostile-dominant i n t e r a c t i v e s t y l e i n t h e i r marital interactions. Studies of developing relationships (cf. Howes et a l . , 1985; J o f f e & Dobson, 1987) could be employed to t e s t the hypothesis of s h i f t i n g complementarity patterns with growing intimacy. Such research could perhaps be accomplished by following large samples of r e l a t i v e l y i n t a c t groups that would be expected to generate close relationships, such as f i r s t year undergraduates i n residence, new f r a t e r n i t y and s o r o r i t y members, new graduate students i n large departments, armed forces r e c r u i t s , and so on. I f s h i f t s i n complementarity pattern are found for depressed behaviour, they may also be expected for other dimensions of the interpersonal circumplex. Further complementarity research i s c l e a r l y indicated. Although Wiggins' (1982) facet analysis of interpersonal complementarity requires empirical confirmation, i t may be used to generate further testable hypotheses. For example, an in t e r e s t i n g question emerges regarding the i n t e r r e l a t i o n s h i p between negative mood and a hostile-submissive interpersonal s t y l e . Wiggins' (1982) facet analysis of the interpersonal circumplex would suggest that a hostile-submissive s o c i a l stance denies both status 71 and l o v e t o the a c t o r . Low mood might be a n a t u r a l concomitant of such a p o s i t i o n , a h y p o t h e s i s t h a t would be r e a d i l y r e s e a r c h a b l e . Furthermore, s i n c e h o s t i l e - s u b m i s s i v e complementary i n t e r a c t i o n s are p o s i t e d t o deny s t a t u s and l o v e t o both p a r t i c i p a n t s , one might p r e d i c t t h a t between s t r a n g e r s , such i n t e r a c t i o n s would r e s u l t i n s h o r t - l i v e d r e l a t i o n s h i p s . At l e a s t one of the i n t e r a c t a n t s may be i n c l i n e d t o seek out i n t e r a c t i o n s where they may r e c e i v e a t l e a s t some l o v e and/or s t a t u s . T h i s p r e d i c t i o n would be expected t o h o l d r e g a r d l e s s of the presence o r absence of f e e l i n g s of g u i l t (Coyne, 1976b; Salzman, 1975) or f r u s t r a t e d i n t e r p e r s o n a l c o n t r o l (Coates & Wortman, 1980; Coyne, 1976b; Salzman, 1975). I t may a l s o account f o r the d i m i n i s h e d q u a n t i t y and q u a l i t y of r e l a t i o n s h i p s t h a t seem t o c h a r a c t e r i z e the s o c i a l environment of the depressed (e.g., B i l l i n g s , C r o n k i t e & Moos, 1983; Brown & H a r r i s , 1978; H i n c h l i f f e e t a l . , 1978; Hooley, 1986; Lewinsohn, 1975; Monroe e t a l . , 1983; Weissman & Paykel, 1974). The p r e s e n t study demonstrated t h a t a combination of s o c i a l exchange theory, i n t e r p e r s o n a l circumplex theory, and i n t e r p e r s o n a l complementarity th e o r y can generate v i a b l e and t e s t a b l e r e s e a r c h hypotheses. Such an approach may be s u f f i c i e n t l y compatible w i t h s o c i a l r e i n f o r c e m e n t models t o augment the t r a d i t i o n a l b e h a v i o u r a l p e r s p e c t i v e r e g a r d i n g the nature of s o c i a l r e i n f o r c e m e n t . S o c i a l exchange theory suggests t h a t s o c i a l r e i n f o r c e m e nt can be understood i n terms of the exchange of l o v e and s t a t u s (Foa, 1961) . 72 Interpersonal circumplex theory suggests that there are l i k e l y to be i n d i v i d u a l differences i n the absolute and r e l a t i v e importance of these two factors, r e s u l t i n g i n a range of interpersonal s t y l e s (Wiggins, 1982). Such interpersonal s t y l e s can be expected to be dysfunctional to the extent that they are r i g i d and extreme (Leary, 1957). Interpersonal complementarity theory suggests further that people tend to seek out and to evoke responses from others that tend to confirm t h e i r own world view of s o c i a l exchange (Kiesler, 1983; Wiggins, 1982). In reinforcement terms, s o c i a l interactions that confirm one's world view may be regarded as i n t r i n s i c a l l y r e i n f o r c i n g . Thus the range and complexity of s o c i a l reinforcement may perhaps be understood and predicted i n terms of the a v a i l a b i l i t y of love, status, and confirmation of one's personal world view. Although t h i s analysis i s somewhat speculative, i t may help to address Eastman's (1976) c r i t i c i s m of behavioural models of depression for t h e i r "curious narrowness of outlook regarding reinforcement parameters" (p.280). Despite the apparent compatibility of s o c i a l exchange and s o c i a l reinforcement theory, s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n a l models represent a s i g n i f i c a n t paradigmatic s h i f t (Anchin & K i e s l e r , 1982; Kuhn, 1970) from t r a d i t i o n a l behavioural models. Like behavioural theory (cf. Skinner, 1987), interpersonal circumplex theory can y i e l d precise and refutable research hypotheses; however, an interpersonal approach d i f f e r s from a behavioural approach i n at l e a s t two 73 important ways. F i r s t , an interpersonal approach provides a t h e o r e t i c a l model wherein a f f e c t and s o c i a l experience are i n t r i n s i c a l l y embedded, i n contrast to the t r a d i t i o n a l behavioural p o s i t i o n that these factors are secondary to behaviour (e.g., Skinner, 1971). Second, i t assumes a c i r c u l a r rather than l i n e a r model of c a u s a l i t y . A c i r c u l a r model of c a u s a l i t y assumes that any phenomenon i s simultaneously an antecedent and a consequence. To designate any p a r t i c u l a r occurence as one or the other i s regarded as an a r b i t r a r y choice, since evidence can always be generated to support one a r b i t r a r y choice over another. From t h i s perspective, arguments as to whether a f f e c t , cognition, or behaviour represents a primary cause of depression are f u t i l e ; such arguments may be analogous to meteorologists arguing whether good weather follows bad or bad weather follows good — evidence can be found for either argument and the argument that p r e v a i l s may have more to do with the a b i l i t y of i t s adherents to present t h e i r case than with the f i t of the model to r e a l i t y . Linear models of c a u s a l i t y may more r e a d i l y f a c i l i t a t e t h e o r e t i c a l precision (Pepper, 1942); however, t h i s may regarded as a technical challenge that has been met to some degree by interpersonal circumplex theories. Assumptions regarding the nature of c a u s a l i t y have important implications for c l i n i c a l research and practice (cf. Bandura, 1986). A perspective assuming c i r c u l a r c a u s a l i t y would predict that research attempts to f i n d 74 s p e c i f i c psychosocial e t i o l o g i c a l antecedents to depression i n adult subjects would y i e l d modest or inconclusive r e s u l t s at best, since designation of a p a r t i c u l a r event as an antecedent i s regarded as an a r b i t r a r y choice. To date, t h i s p r e d i c t i o n appears to f i t the ava i l a b l e evidence. A decade ago, Blaney (1977) reviewed what were then the foremost psychological models of depression, as represented by the theories of Lewinsohn (1974), Beck (1967), and Seligman (1975). A l l three models made predictions regarding antecedents to depression, but empirical support fo r the e t i o l o g i c a l predictions derived from these models has been equivocal at best. Lewinsohn's model has s h i f t e d focus over the intervening years, from an emphasis on loss of response contingent p o s i t i v e reinforcement (Lewinsohn, 1975), to an emphasis on s o c i a l factors (Lewinsohn, et a l . , 1980), to the current focus on self-awareness phenomena (Hoberman & Lewinsohn, 1985). Whereas cognitive therapy for depression (Beck et a l . , 1979) has demonstrated i t s us e f u l -ness (Rush, Beck, Kovacs, & Hollon, 1977), depressive cognitions have yet to be established as antecedents to depression (see Coyne & Gotlib, 1983, f o r review). The learned helplessness model of depression (Seligman, 1975) and i t s reformulation (Abramson, Seligman & Teasdale, 1978) have encountered considerable c r i t i c i s m (e.g., Costello, 1978; Coyne & Gotlib, 1983; M i l l e r & Moretti, i n press) and have found l i m i t e d u t i l i t y i n predicting depression (e.g., Golin, Sweeney, & Shaeffer, 1981; Manly, McMahon, Bradley, & 75 Davidson, 1982). Stress and coping models of depression have also met with modest support ( B i l l i n g s & Moos, 1984). Such inconclusive findings may p e r s i s t because research has not yet achieved s u f f i c i e n t evidence or rigour. They may also p e r s i s t to the extent that l i n e a r models of causality p e r s i s t i n f i e l d s of study where rigourous ap p l i c a t i o n of c i r c u l a r causal models may be more germane (cf. Bandura, 1986). Attempts to designate antecedents and consequences p e r s i s t i n the face of such i n c l u s i v e findings, perhaps because of the apparent relevance of hypothesized antecedents to c l i n i c a l practice, i n terms of primary prevention, choice of interventions, and prevention of relapse. I f they could be i d e n t i f i e d , discovery of s p e c i f i c e t i o l o g i c a l antecedents could conceivably lead to targets fo r primary prevention e f f o r t s . S i m i l a r l y , e t i o l o g i c a l antecedents could conceivably be made the focus of s p e c i f i c c l i n i c a l interventions i n an attempt to prevent relapse. The continuing quest for a s p e c i f i c psychological causal agent for depression may represent an example of the triumph of hope over evidence. S o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n a l t h e o r i s t s contend that, rather than r e f l e c t s p e c i f i c e t i o l o g i c a l antecedents, psychological d i f f i c u l t i e s such as depression develop when people have learned an interpersonal s t y l e that i s both r i g i d and extreme (Anchin & K i e s l e r , 1982; Carson, 1969; Leary, 1957; Wiggins, 1982). They further assert that interpersonal 76 t r a i t s are developed i n the context of s i g n i f i c a n t personal r e l a t i o n s h i p s , p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the family of o r i g i n . To the extent that depression represents a hostile-submissive interpersonal s t y l e , primary prevention would be expected to be required during childhood, by providing c h i l d r e n with family environments that help to b u i l d self-esteem (cf. Coopersmith, 1967; McLean, 1976) and to promote a more rewarding interpersonal s t y l e . In facet a n a l y t i c terms (Foa, 1961; Wiggins, 1982), primary prevention of depression would require family environments wherein childr e n could develop an i n t e r a c t i o n a l s t y l e that provided them with access to both love and status. From t h i s perspective, primary prevention of depression would be considered an u n l i k e l y prospect, since widespread changes i n family environment are improbable. Although an interpersonal perspective would be pessismistic regarding primary prevention, relapse prevention would be expected to be more promising. Hooley's (1986; Hooley et a l . , 1986) research suggests that i t i s important not to ignore the c l i e n t ' s current family context i n preventing relapse. Although recovery can be achieved through medication and/or i n d i v i d u a l cognitive-behavioural treatment (Beckham & Leber, 1985; McLean & Hakstian, 1979; Rush et a l . , 1977), i f the c l i e n t returns to a h o s t i l e family, the p r o b a b i l i t y of relapse i s high (Hooley et a l . , 1986). Furthermore, accumulated evidence from several sources (e.g., B i l l i n g s , Cronkite & Moos, 1983; Brown & 77 Harris, 1978; H i n c h l i f f e et a l . , 1971; Hooley, 1986; Lewinsohn, 1975; Monroe et a l . , 1983; Weissman & Paykel, 1974) suggests that the p r o b a b i l i t y i s high that a depressed person w i l l experience an aversive s o c i a l environment. To compound matters for the c l i e n t , there i s also evidence that the depressed are more sen s i t i v e than others to aversive s t i m u l i (e.g., Suarez, Crowe, & Adams, 1978; Zuckerman, Persky, & Curtis, 1968). Although i n d i v i d u a l treatment may be able to ameliorate such s e n s i t i v i t y at l e a s t temporarily, marital and family interventions (cf. Haas, Clarkin, & Glick , 1985; Hafner, 1986; Haley, 1976; McLean et a l . , 1973) may be required to f a c i l i t a t e l a s t i n g change. A l t e r n a t i v e l y , depressed adults may need to acquire the s o c i a l s k i l l s to develop new, more supportive s o c i a l networks. Interpersonal psychotherapists (Anchin & K i e s l e r , 1982) would predict that a c l i e n t who develops a new mode of r e l a t i n g to others w i l l tend to evoke d i f f e r e n t complementary responses, contributing to changes i n the c l i e n t ' s r elationships that would support the new i n t e r a c t i o n a l mode. Rigorous treatment outcome studies are required to t e s t such c l i n i c a l hypotheses. In addition to t h e i r t h e o r e t i c a l implications, t h i s study's interpersonal complementarity findings have implications f o r research methodology, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n regard to measurement, sample siz e , and experimental versus c o r r e l a t i o n a l design. In terms of measurement, the present study demonstrated that the Interpersonal Adjective Scales 78 (IAS; Wiggins, 1979) may be used as a meaningful state measure as well as a t r a i t measure. Perhaps more importantly, i t has also demonstrated that the IAS may be used i n conjunction with the Impact Message Inventory (IMI; Perkins et a l . , 1979) to assess interpersonal complementarity. Now that t h e i r u t i l i t y has been demonstrated i n imagined conversations, i t would be r e l a t i v e l y straightforward to apply t h i s combination of measures to studies of actual conversations. Moreover, whereas s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n a l studies have t r a d i t i o n a l l y employed expensive observational coding systems (e.g., Gottman, 1979; Hooley, 1986; Levenson & Gottman, 1983), the IMI c a p i t a l i z e s upon the innate human capacity to process complex s o c i a l information. Although such questionnaire measures cannot replace d i r e c t observation, the IMI and IAS provide interpersonal information that may convey additional meaning to data such as the proportion of p o s i t i v e statements or time spent smiling i n a conversation. Thus, the IMI and IAS can economically augment observational data. The issue of sample siz e i s related to the s e n s i t i v i t y of current instruments for assessing s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n . An inspection of the means i n Table 6 reveals that the s i g n i f i c a n t group differences for the interpersonal circumplex measures represent r e l a t i v e l y small numerical differences. This finding i s consistent with the small numerical differences found i n other studies of interpersonal factors i n depression (e.g., Coyne, 1976b; 79 Go t l i b & Robinson, 1982; Howes & Hokanson, 1979). The videotaped s t i m u l i were designed to r e f l e c t previous findings, and the data v e r i f y i n g t h e i r content showed s i m i l a r differences (see Table 4). Despite the small numerical differences, the videotapes represented s t r i k i n g q u a l i t a t i v e differences, suggesting that our current instruments for measuring s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n may be rather blunt. I f such i s the case, we may expect that studies with modest sample sizes, and correspondingly modest s t a t i s t i c a l power to detect differences, would create a l i t e r a t u r e characterized by inconsistent findings. Furthermore, f a i l u r e to r e p l i c a t e such studies (e.g., J o f f e & Dobson, 1987; King & Heller, 1984) would not be s u r p r i s i n g . In short, larger sample sizes may be e s s e n t i a l u n t i l such time as more se n s i t i v e measures of s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n are developed. Generally speaking, experimental designs are preferable to c o r r e l a t i o n a l designs, since they are more informative regarding the d i r e c t i o n of c a u s a l i t y (Campbell & Stanley, 1963). The present findings suggest that experimental designs may be p a r t i c u l a r l y important i n the study of interpersonal complementarity, since complementarity seems to be r e l a t i v e rather than absolute. An examination of Table 6 reveals that subjects rated themselves highest i n the friendly-dominant octant of the IAS regardless of group membership, and one would expect most people to describe themselves i n such p o s i t i v e s o c i a l terms. The differences 80 i n complementarity patterns that were evident from between groups comparisons may not have been apparent i n a c o r r e l a t i o n a l design. Mediating Variables The present study's attempts to f i n d intrapersonal variables that mediated the e f f e c t s of interpersonal impact were unsuccesful. For those subjects exposed to the experimental condition, no s i g n i f i c a n t r e l a t i o n s h i p s were found among pretest measures of depressive symptoms and depressive cognitive s t y l e and posttest measures of mood and s o c i a l acceptance. Relationships among these variables were predicted from Coyne's (1976b) model of depression and from Beck's (1967) cognitive model of depression and i t s c r i t i c s (e.g., Coyne & Gotlib, 1983; Lewinsohn et a l . , 1980). I t was predicted that depressive cognitive s t y l e would correlate with negative mood and that p r i o r depression would corr e l a t e with both s o c i a l acceptance and negative mood. Since the predictions were derived from several sources, the negative findings do not have implications for any p a r t i c u l a r t h e o r e t i c a l model. Furthermore, the p o s s i b i l i t y that the findings may r e f l e c t i n s u f f i c i e n t s t a t i s t i c a l power to detect differences cannot be e n t i r e l y ruled out. These predictions were tested using a c o r r e l a t i o n a l design with h a l f of the study's sample, thus much lower s t a t i s t i c a l power would be expected for te s t s of these predictions than was the case i n the rest of the study. Nevertheless, when 81 s t a t i s t i c a l power was improved by reducing the mood variables to a single composite score, the s t a t i s t i c a l tests s t i l l f a i l e d to re j e c t the n u l l hypothesis. Although future research may require experimental designs i n order to adequately t e s t these predictions, the present findings cannot r u l e out the hypothesis that depressive cognitions and symptoms do not mediate mood induction and s o c i a l withdrawal when someone i s exposed to the kind of s o c i a l response that depressed behaviour e l i c i t s i n strangers. Interpersonal Models of Depression The present findings supported the underlying assumption of any interpersonal model of depression, that i s that the response that the depressed evoke i n others e l i c i t s both depressive s o c i a l behaviour and negative mood. Interpersonal circumplex measures and theory enabled the inve s t i g a t i o n and confirmation of additional predictions regarding interpersonal complementarity. Other predictions based upon Coyne's (1976b) model, cognitive models of depression (Beck, 1967), and c r i t i c i s m s of cognitive models (e.g., Coyne & Gotlib, 1983; Lewinsohn et a l . , 1980) were not borne out. In short, predictions s p e c i f i c to Coyne's (1976b) model were not supported by the findings. The evidence did support those predictions that were a) common to any interpersonal model of depression, and/or b) derived from interpersonal circumplex theory. As a well developed general theory of human behaviour, interpersonal circumplex 82 t h e o r y has l e n t both breadth and p r e c i s i o n t o the study of d e p r e s s i o n i n t h i s i n s t a n c e . Although the c o n c l u s i v e n e s s o f such f i n d i n g s remains t o be e s t a b l i s h e d , a number of o t h e r s p e c i f i c p r e d i c t i o n s d e r i v e d from Coyne's (1976a, 1976b) model have not found s t r o n g e m p i r i c a l support i n ot h e r s t u d i e s o f i n t e r a c t i o n s between s t r a n g e r s . For example, depressed behaviour has not been found t o be p e r c e i v e d as m a n i p u l a t i v e (Coyne, 1976a), evidence has been mixed r e g a r d i n g the p r e d i c t i o n t h a t o t hers would i n i t i a l l y o f f e r more support t o someone who i s depressed v e r s u s someone who i s not depressed ( G o t l i b & Robinson, 1982; Howes & Hokanson, 1979), and c o n s i d e r a b l e c o n t r o v e r s y has a r i s e n r e g a r d i n g whether o r not depressed people induce n e g a t i v e mood and r e j e c t i o n i n o t h e r s ( D o e r f l e r & C h a p l i n , 1985; Gurtman, 1986; J o f f e & Dobson, 1987; King & H e l l e r , 1984). As D o e r f l e r and C h a p l i n (1985) have p o i n t e d out, such f i n d i n g s i n s t u d i e s o f s t r a n g e r s do not n e c e s s a r i l y negate Coyne's (1976b) model, s i n c e i t i s e s s e n t i a l l y a model o f i n t e r a c t i o n between i n t i m a t e s . Thus, s t u d i e s o f s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n s between i n t i m a t e s are e s s e n t i a l t o adequately t e s t i n t e r p e r s o n a l models of d e p r e s s i o n . S t u d i e s o f i n t i m a t e s may a l s o be r e q u i r e d t o i n v e s t i g a t e o t h e r i n t e r p e r s o n a l p r e d i c t i o n s t h a t are as y e t un t e s t e d , i n c l u d i n g i s s u e s r e l a t e d t o g u i l t f e e l i n g s and i n t e r p e r s o n a l c o n t r o l . Coyne (1976b) and Salzman (1975) both emphasized t h a t the c a p a c i t y o f depressed i n d i v i d u a l s 83 to induce g u i l t i n others i s important i n mediating s o c i a l r e j e c t i o n of the depressed. Since g u i l t induction would be u n l i k e l y with strangers, t h i s hypothesis would need to be tested with studies of intimates. Several i n t e r a c t i o n a l models of depression emphasize the ro l e of interpersonal control and manipulation (Coates & Wortman, 1980; Coyne, 1976b; Salzman, 1975). Perceptions of another's attempts to exercise interpersonal control may be more pronounced i n interactions between intimates than i n those between strangers. Thus, studies of interactions between intimates may be required to investigate predictions derived from several i n t e r a c t i o n a l models of depression. This study shares the l i m i t a t i o n s of other laboratory analogue research. Although such research enables maximal in t e r n a l v a l i d i t y , external v a l i d i t y may be constrained (Campbell & Stanley, 1963). Additional evidence i s necessary to determine whether the present findings can be extended to men, opposite sex interactants, intimates rather than strangers, actual conversations rather than staged conversations, more n a t u r a l i s t i c settings, c l i n i c a l l y depressed par t i c i p a n t s , nondepressed mental health patients, and so on. For example, there i s research evidence to suggest that there are important sex differences i n the a b i l i t y to process s o c i a l s t i m u l i (Wine, Moses, & Swine, 1980). Such differences may also have relevance for s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n and depression. The question of g e n e r a l i z a b i l i t y i s c r u c i a l : firm conclusions regarding the 84 r o l e of interpersonal complementarity i n depression cannot be drawn u n t i l the g e n e r a l i z a b i l i t y of the present findings i s e i t h e r established or discontinued by future research. The implications of t h i s study's findings for our understanding of depression are also l i m i t e d to the extent that the videotaped s t i m u l i represent actual i n t e r a c t i o n a l differences. Although the videotapes represent current knowledge, the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the response evoked by depressed behaviour w i l l need to be confirmed with actual conversations i n studies with adequate sample s i z e s . Had i t been f e a s i b l e , i t would have been preferable for t h i s study to have used videotapes of actual conversations wherein the targets i n the experimental condition were i n t e r a c t i n g with people who were diagnosably depressed. Such a strategy was in f a c t attempted, but was eventually abandoned. Recruitment problems r e s t r i c t e d the number of taped conversations from which prototypical conversations that would conform to group data could be selected. The decision to use actors, who could be instructed to respond according to group data, was made i n the i n t e r e s t of maximizing i n t e r n a l v a l i d i t y . In future studies, i t w i l l be more important to place a greater emphasis upon establishing external v a l i d i t y . Since further research i s required to ascertain the extent to which the present findings may be generalized to other circumstances and populations, the r e s u l t s should be interpreted with caution. 85 Although t h e r e i s i n s u f f i c i e n t evidence t o date t o favour one i n t e r p e r s o n a l model o f d e p r e s s i o n over any o t h e r s , t h e r e i s c o n s i d e r a b l e evidence i n d i c a t i n g the s i g n i f i c a n c e o f s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n a l f a c t o r s i n d e p r e s s i o n . R e l a t i v e t o the nondepressed, the depressed have been found t o e x p e r i e n c e more s t r e s s f u l s o c i a l events and fewer s o c i a l s upports (e.g., C o s t e l l o , 1982; F i o r e e t a l . , 1983; Monroe e t a l . , 1983), more h o s t i l e and c r i t i c a l f a m i l y environments (Hooley, 1986; Hooley e t a l . , 1986), m a r i t a l i n t e r a c t i o n s t h a t a re c h a r a c t e r i z e d by more n e g a t i v e a f f e c t i v e tone ( H i n c h l i f f e e t a l . , 1971), more i n t e r p e r s o n a l f r i c t i o n (Weissman & Paykel, 1974), and more n e g a t i v e s o c i a l responses from s t r a n g e r s (e.g., Boswell & Murray, 1981; Coyne, 1976a; G o t l i b & Robinson, 1982; Hammen & P e t e r s , 1978; Hokanson e t a l . , 1980; Howes & Hokanson, 1979; Howes e t a l , 1985; Robbins e t a l . , 1979; S t r a c k & Coyne, 1983; Winer e t a l . , 1981). The pr e s e n t study p r o v i d e d evidence t h a t supports the assumptions t h a t u n d e r l y any i n t e r p e r s o n a l model of d e p r e s s i o n . F u r t h e r r e s e a r c h , p a r t i c u l a r l y r e s e a r c h w i t h s o c i a l i n t i m a t e s , i s r e q u i r e d t o e s t a b l i s h the g e n e r a l i z a b i l i t y o f f i n d i n g s t o date. In o r d e r t o prevent the p r o l i f e r a t i o n o f s t u d i e s w i t h i n c o n s i s t e n t r e s u l t s , such r e s e a r c h should employ experimental designs w i t h adequate sample s i z e s whenever p o s s i b l e . In any case, f u r t h e r i n v e s t i g a t i o n o f s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n seems t o be warranted i n the quest f o r a more complete understanding o f d e p r e s s i o n . 86 References Abramson, L. Y., Seligman, M. E. P., & Teasdale, J . D. (1978). Learned helplessness i n humans: Criti q u e and reformulation. Journal of Abnormal Psychology. 87, 49-74. 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Manual for the Multiple  A f f e c t Adjective Check L i s t . San Diego, CA: Educational and In d u s t r i a l Testing Service. Zuckerman, M., Persky, S., & Curtis, G. C. (1968). Relationships among anxiety, depression, h o s t i l i t y , and autonomic variables. Journal of Nervous and Mental  Disease. 146. 481-487. 98 Appendix Contents Page Consent Form 99 Instructions 100 Questionnaires: Set One 101 Wessman-Ricks Elation-Depression Scale (W-R) 102 Mehrabian-Russell Mood Scale (M-R) 103 Multiple A f f e c t Adjective Check L i s t (MAACL) 104 Beck Depression Inventory (BDI) 105 Dysfunctional Attitudes Scale (DAS) 107 Videotape Instructions 112 Questionnaires: Set Two 113 Instructions 114 W-R 115 M-R 116 MAACL 117 Soci a l Acceptance Opinion Scale 118 Impact Message Inventory 120 Interpersonal Adjective Scales 124 99 CONSENT FORM  SOCIAL INTERACTION STUDY Keith S. Dobson, Ph.D. P a t r i c i a C. Manly, M.A. This i s a study about interpersonal i n t e r a c t i o n . We are interested i n how people respond to strangers that they are meeting for the f i r s t time. You w i l l f i r s t be asked to f i l l out a short series of questionnaires about your own thoughts and fee l i n g s . You w i l l then be asked to view a 15-minute videotape of a conversation and to imagine yourself talking with the person whose face you see on the screen. F i n a l l y , you w i l l be asked to complete a second series of questionnaires describing your feelings and impressions. The experimenter w i l l then explain the purpose of the study i n d e t a i l and w i l l answer any questions. The entire study w i l l take approximately minutes. Your p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n th i s study i s e n t i r e l y voluntary and you are free to withdraw at any time you wish without prejudice. A l l information that you provide w i l l be kept s t r i c t l y c o n f i d e n t i a l . Your responses w i l l be i d e n t i f i e d by a coded number only, and when the res u l t s of the study are reported, only group data w i l l be presented. You w i l l be paid $2.00 for your p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n th i s project. "I hereby give my consent to partic i p a t e i n th i s study under the conditions as stated above. I have retained a copy of th i s statement." Name Researcher Date 100 INSTRUCTIONS This i s a study about the acquaintance process. After completing some preliminary questionnaires about your own thoughts and feelings, you w i l l see a 15-minute videotaped conversation. The participants i n the conversation are volunteers who agreed to participate i n th i s study. They were asked to talk about themselves and were told that they could discuss anything they chose, but to avoid using one another's names for the sake of c o n f i d e n t i a l i t y . Since we are only interested i n our subjects' impressions of one person at a time, you w i l l only see one person's face on the videoscreen, and the voice of the off-camera participant has been masked. As you see the videotape, imagine that you are talking with the person whose face you see on the screen. Try to allow yourself to react as though you are meeting t h i s person for the f i r s t time and beginning to get to know her. Be aware of how you are fe e l i n g inside and how you are fe e l i n g toward the person you see as the conversation progresses. Try to form an impression of her and think about what i t i s l i k e to be with her. When the videotape i s over, complete the second set of questionnaires. As you continue to imagine being with the person you have just seen, we w i l l be asking about your response to her. What i s your mood? What are your impressions of her? How do you f e e l towards her? What i s she li k e ? Please give your honest feelings, opinions, and reactions, remembering that a l l your responses are s t r i c t l y c o n f i d e n t i a l . If you have any questions about the procedure at th i s time, please ask the experimenter. Otherwise, you may begin with the f i r s t set of questionnaires. 101 QUESTIONNAIRES: SET ONE This packet of questionnaires w i l l ask you about some of your thoughts and feeli n g s . In some cases you w i l l be asked about how you f e e l r i g h t now, at t h i s moment, and i n others you w i l l be asked about how you f e e l more generally. For each questionnaire, please  read the instructions c a r e f u l l y . Remember that your responses w i l l be completely c o n f i d e n t i a l . 102 From the ten statements l i s t e d below, please c i r c l e the number of the one that best describes how elated or depressed, happy or unhappy you f e e l right now, at t h i s moment. 10. Complete e l a t i o n . Rapturous joy and soaring ecstasy. 9. Very elated and in very high s p i r i t s . Tremendous delight and bouyancy. 8. Elated and in high s p i r i t s . 7. Feeling very good and cheerful. 6. Feeling preety good, "OK". 5. Feeling a l i t t l e b i t low. Just so-so. 4. S p i r i t s low and somewhat "blue". 3. Depressed and f e e l i n g very low. D e f i n i t e l y "blue". 2. Temendously depressed. Feeling t e r r i b l e , miserable "just awful." 1. Utter depression and gloom. Completely down. A l l i s black and leaden. 103 How do you f e e l right now? Each pair of words below describes a feel i n g dimension. Some of the pairs may seen unusual, but you probably f e e l more one way than the other. Please put one check somewhere along each l i n e (Example: ;-x—; ) to show how you f e e l right now. Please take your time to arrive at an accurate description of your feelings. Happy ; ; ; ; ; ; ; ; Unhappy Stimulated ; ; ; ; ; ; ; ; Relaxed Controlling ; ; ; ; ; ; ; ; Controlled Annoyed ; ; ; ; ; ; ; ; Pleased Calm ; ; ; ; ; ; ; ; Excited Influenced ; ; ; ; ; ; ; ; I n f l u e n t i a l S a t i s f i e d ; ; ; ; ; ; ; ; D i s s a t i s f i e d Frenzied ; ; ; ; ; ; ; ; Sluggish In Control ; ; ; ; ; ; ; ; Cared for Melancholic ; ; ; ; ; ; ; ; Contented Dull ; ; ; ; ; ; ; ; J i t t e r y Awed ; ; ; ; ; ; ; ; Important Hopeful ; ; ; ; ; ; ; ; Despairing Wide Awake ; ; ; ; ; ; ; ; Sleepy Dominant ; ; ; ; ; ; ; ; Submissive Bored ; ; ; ; ; ; ; ; Relaxed Unaroused ; ; ; ; ; ; ; ; Aroused Guided ; ; ; ; ; : ; ; Autonomous 104 On this sheet you wi l l find words which describe different moods and feelings. Circle the number of a l l which describe how you feel right now, at this moment. 1 active 34 devoted 67 interested 100 satisfied 2 adventurous 35 disagreeable 68 irritated 101 secure 3" affectionate 36 discontented 69 jealous 102 shaky 4 afraid 37 discouraged 70 joyful 103 shy 5 agitated 38 disgusted 71 kindly 104 soothed 6 agreeable 39 displeased 72 lonely 105 steady 7 aggressive 40 energetic 73 lost 106 stubborn 8 alive 41 enraged 74 loving 107 stormy 9 alone 42 enthusiastic 75 low 108 strong 10 amiable 43 fearful 76 lucky 109 suffering 11 amused 44 fine 77 mad 110 sullen 12 angry 45 f i t 78 mean 111 sun 13 annoyed 46 forlorn 79 meek 112 sympathetic 14 awful 47 frank 80 merry 113 tame 15 bashful 48 free 81 mild 114 tender 16 bitter 49 friendly 82 miserable 115 tense 17 blue 50 frightened 83 nervous 116 terrible 18 bored 51 furious 84 obliging 117 terrified 19 calm 52 gay 84 offended 118 thoughtful. 20 cautious 53 gentle 86 outraged 119 timid 21 cheerful 54 glad 87 panicky 120 tormented 22 clean 55 gloomy 88 patient 121 understanding 23 complaining 56 good 89 predicted 122 unhappy 24 contented 57 good natured 90 pleased 123 unsociable 25 contrary 58 grim 91 pleasant 124 upset 26 cool 59 happy 92 polite 125 vexed 27 cooperative 60 healthy 93 power ful 126 warm 28 c r i t i c a l 61 hopeless 94 quiet 127 whole 29 cross 62 hostile 95 reckless 128 wild 30 cruel 63 impatient 96 rejected 129 w i l l f u l 31 daring 64 incensed 97 rough 130 wilted 32 desperate 65 indignant 98 sad 131 worrying 33 destroyed 66 inspired 99 safe 131 young 105 Beck Inventory On this questionnaire are groups of statements. Please read each group of statements carefully. Then pick out the one statement in each group which best describes the way you have been feeling the PAST WEEK, INCLUDING TODAY: Circle the number beside the statement you picked. If several statements in the group seem to apply equally well, circle each one. Be sure to read a l l the statements in each group before making your choice. do not feel sad. feel sad. ' am sad a l l the time and I can't snap out of i t . am so sad or unhappy that I can't stand i t . 1. 0 I 1 I 2 I 3 I 2. 0 I 1 I 2 I 3 I 3. 0 I 1 I 2 As 3 I 4. 0 I 1 I 2 I 3 I 5. 0 I > 1 I 2 I 3 I 6. 0 I ! 1 I 2 I i 3 I 7. 0 I . 1 I ( 2 I i 3 I 1 8. 0 I ( 1 I ; 2 I ' 3 I 9. 0 •I i 1 I 1 2 I ' 3 I ' 10. 0 I . 1 I . 2 I ( 3 I i do not feel like a failure. feel guilty a good part of the time, feel quite guilty most of the time, feel guilty a l l of the time. feel I may be punished. hate myself. blame myself for everything bad that happens. I had the chance. 106 11. 0 I am no more irritated now than I ever am. 1 I get annoyed or irritated more easily than I used to. 2 I feel irritated a l l the time now. 3 I don't get irritated at a l l by the things that used to ir r i t a t e me. 12. 0 I have not lost interest in other people. . 1 I am less interested in other people than I used to be. 2 I have lost most of my interest in other people. 3 I have lost a l l of my interest in other people. 13. 0 I make decisions about as well as I ever could. 1 I put off making decisions more than I used to. 2 I have greater d i f f i c u l t y in making decisions than before. 3 I can't make decisions at a l l anymore. 14. 0 I don't feel I look any worse than I used to. 1 I am wcrried that I am looking old or unattractive. 2 I feel that there are permanent changes in my appearance that make me look unattractive. 3 I believe that I look ugly. 15. 0 I can work about as well as before. 1 It takes an extra effort to get started at doing something. 2 I have to push myself very hard to do anything. 3 I can't do any work at a l l . 16. 0 I can sleep as well as usual. 1 I don't sleep as well as I used to. 2 I wake up 1-2 hours earlier than usual and find i t hard to get back to sleep. 3 I wake up several hours earlier than I used to and cannot get back to sleep. 17. 0 I don't get more tired than usual. 1 I get tired more easily than I used to. 2 I get tired from doing almost anything. 3 I am too tired to do anything. 18. 0 My appetite is no worse than usual 1 My appetite is not as good as i t used to be. 2 My appetite i s much worse now. 3 I have no appetite at a l l anymore. 19. 0 I haven't lost much weight, i f any lately. 1 I have lost more than 5 pounds. I am purposely trying to 2 I have lost more than 10 pounds. lose weight by eating less. 3 I have Inst more than 15 pounds. Yes No 20. 0 I am no more worried about my health than usual. 1 I am worried about physical problems such as aches and pains; or upset stomach; or constipation. 2 I am very worried about physical problems and i t ' s hard to think of much else. 3 I am so worried about my physical problems, that I cannot think about anything else. 21. 0 I have not noticed any recent change in my interest in sex. 1 I am less interested in sex than I used to be. 2 I am much less interested in sex now. 3 I have lost interest in sex completely. DAS 107 FORM A This Inventory l i s t s different attitudes or beliefs which people sometimes hold. Read EACH statement carefully and decide how much you agree or disagree with the statement. For each of the attitudes, show your answer by placing a checkmark (/) under the column that BEST DESCRIBES HOW YOU THINK. Qe sure to choose only one answer for each attitude. Because people are different, there is no right answer or wrong answer to t h e 3 e statements. To decide whether a given attitude is typical of your way of loo icing at things, simply keep in mind what you are like MOST OP THE TIME. EXAMPLE: >> » X X >> > u OS M •J y Cd •J W E-i w s A T T I T U D E S > s in < Cd X K U 3 X >* a•J < Cd U u O M o u • a cn 3 o S i < a < a < M e « < 2 3 in ta w S H a o U M M < < z a a 1. Most people are O.K. once you get to know them. • • Look at the example above. To show how much a sentence describes your attitude, you can check any point from totally agree to totally disagree. In the above example, the checkmark at "agree slightly" indicates that this statement i s somewhat typical of the attitudes held by the person completing the inventory. Remember that your answer should describe the way you think MOST OF THE TIME. NOW TURN THE PAGE AND BEGIN Copyright 1978 by Arlene N. Weissman 1 0 8 OAS ATTITUDES TOTALLY AGREE AGREE VERY MUCH AGREE SLIGHTLY NEUTRAL DISAGREE SLIGHTLY DISAGREE VERY MUCH TOTALLY DISAGREE REMEMBER, ANSWER EACH STATEMENT ACCORDING TO THE WAV YOU THINK MOST OF THE TIME. I. It i s d i f f i c u l t to be happy unless one is good looking. Intelligent, rich and creative. 2. Happiness is more a matter of my attitude towards myself than the way other people feel about me. 3. People w i l l probably think less of me i f I make a mistake. 4. If I do not do well a l l the time, people wi l l not respect me. t . S. Talcing even a small risk is foolish because the loss is likely to be a disaster. 6. tt la possible, to gain another person's respect without being especially talented at anything. 7. I cannot be happy unless most people I know admire me. 8. If a person asks for help, i t is a sign of weakness. i 109 ATTITUDES TOTALLY AGREE AGREE VERY MUCH .AGREE SLIGHTLY NEUTRAL DISAGREE SLIGHTLY DISAGREE VERY MUCH TOTALLY DISAGREE 9. Iff I do not do as wall as other people, i t means I an an inferior-human being. 10. If I f a i l at my work, then I an a failure as a person. 11. If you cannot do something well, there is l i t t l e point in doing i t at a l l . 12. Making mistakes i s fine because I can learn f rota thesu. 13. If someone disagrees with me, i t probably indicates he does not like me. 14. If I f a i l partly, i t is as bad as being a complete failure. IS. If other people know what you are really like, they w i l l think less of you. 16. I am nothing i f a person I love doesn't love me. 17. One can get pleasure from an activity regardless of the end result. 18. People should have a reasonable likelihood of success before undertaking'anything. no ATTITUDES 1 ft Sx 5 3 >« a-< 3 S •J Ol &} cu 13 , •C »4 Si DISAGREE SLIGHTLY DISAGREE VERY MUCH TOTALLY DISAGREE 1.9. My value as a person depends greatly on what others think of toe. 20. If I don't set the highest standards for myself, I am likely to end up a second-rate person. 21. If I am to be a worthwhile person, I must be truly outstanding in at least one major respect. 22. People who have good ideas are more worthy than those who do not. 23. I should be upset i f £ make a mistake. 24. My own opinions of myself are more important than other's opinions of me. 2S. To be a good, moral, worthwhile person, I must help everyone who needs i t . 26. If I ask a question, i t makes me look inferior. 27. It is awful to be disapproved of by people important to you. 28. If you don't have other pedpLe to Lean on, you are bound to be sad. I l l ATTITUDES TOTAIXY AGREE AGREE VERY MUCH . AGREE SLIGHTLY MEUTRAL DISAGREE SLIGHTLY DISAGREE VERY MUCH TOTALLY DISAGREE . 29. I can reach important goals without slave driving myself. 30. It is possible for a person to be scolded and not get upset. 31. I cannot trust other people because they might be cruel to me. -32. If others dislike you, you cannot be happy. 33. It is best to give up your own interests in order to please other people. 34. My happiness depends more an other people than i t does on me. 35. I do not need the approval of other people in order to be happy. 36. If a person avoids problems, the problems tend to go away. 37. r can be happy even i f I miss out an many of the good things in l i f e . 38. What other people think about me is very Important. 39. Being isolated from others is" bound to lead to unhappiness. 40. I can find happiness without being loved by another person. 112 Now watch the videotape c a r e f u l l y and imagine yourself t a l k i n g to the person whose face you see on the screen. Try to allow yourself to react as though the two of you are ac t u a l l y carrying on a conversation a f t e r meeting for the f i r s t time. Be aware of your impressions of t h i s person and how you f e e l about her. When the videotape i s over, continue to imagine being with the person you are about to see, and complete the second set of questionnaires. QUESTIONNAIRES: SET TWO DO NOT OPEN UNTIL VIDEO IS OVER We are now i n t e r e s t e d i n your response to the person you have ust seen. Please complete the f o l l o w i n g q u e s t i o n n a i r e s on your e e l i n g s , o p i n i o n s , thoughts, and r e a c t i o n s . Continue to imagine eing w i t h the person you have j u s t seen as you f i l l out the u e s t i o n n a i r e s . The f i r s t three q u e s t i o n n a i r e s w i l l ask you about our mood. 115 From the ten statements l i s t e d below, please c i r c l e the number of the one that best describes how elated or depressed, happy or unhappy you f e e l right now, at this moment. 10. Complete e l a t i o n . Rapturous joy and soaring ecstasy. 9. Very elated and in very high s p i r i t s . Tremendous delight and bouyancy. 8. Elated and in high s p i r i t s . 7. Feeling very good and cheerful. 6. Feeling preety good, "OK". 5. Feeling a l i t t l e b i t low. Just so-so. 4. S p i r i t s low and somewhat "blue". 3. Depressed and f e e l i n g very low. D e f i n i t e l y "blue". 2. Temendously depressed. Feeling t e r r i b l e , miserable "just awful." 1. Utter depression and gloom. Completely down. A l l i s black and leaden. (Continue to think about the person you have just seen) 116 How do you f e e l right now? Each pair of words below describes a f e e l i n g dimension. Some of the pairs may seen unusual, but you probably f e e l more one way than the other. Please put one check somewhere along each l i n e (Example: ;-x—; ) to show how you fe e l right now. Please take your time to arr i v e at an accurate description of your fe e l i n g s . Happy Stimulated Controlling Annoyed Calm Influenced S a t i s f i e d Frenzied In Control Melancholic Dull Awed Hopeful Wide Awake Dominant Bored Unaroused Guided Unhappy Relaxed Controlled Pleased Excited I n f l u e n t i a l D i s s a t i s f i e d Sluggish Cared for Contented J i t t e r y Important Despairing Sleepy Submissive Relaxed Aroused Autonomous (Please continue thinking about the person you have just seen) 117 On this sheet you will find words which describe different moods and feelings. Circle the number of a l l which describe how you feel right now, at this moment. 1 active 34 devoted 67 interested 100 satisfied 2 adventurous 35 disagreeable 68 irritated 101 secure 3 affectionate 36 discontented 69 jealous 102 shaky 4 afraid 37 discouraged 70 joyful 103 shy 5 agitated 38 disgusted 71 kindly 104 soothed 6 agreeable 39 displeased 72 lonely 105 steady 7 aggressive 40 energetic 73 lost 106 stubborn 8 alive 41 enraged 74 loving 107 stormy 9 alone 42 enthusiastic 75 low 108 strong 10 amiable 43 fearful 76 lucky 109 suffering 11 amused 44 fine 77 mad 110 sullen 12 angry 45 f i t 78 mean 111 sun 13 annoyed 46 forlorn 79 meek 112 sympathetic 14 awful 47 frank 80 merry 113 tame 15 bashful 48 free 81 mild 114 tender 16 bitter 49 friendly 82 miserable 115 tense 17 blue 50 frightened 83 nervous 116 terrible 18 bored 51 furious 84 obliging 117 terrified 19 calm 52 gay 84 offended 118 thoughtful 20 cautious 53 gentle 86 outraged 119 timid 21 cheerful 54 glad 87 panicky 120 tormented 22 clean 55 gloomy 88 patient 121 understanding 23 complaining 56 good 89 predicted 122 unhappy 24 contented 57 good natured 90 pleased 123 unsociable 25 contrary 58 grim 91 pleasant 124 upset 26 cool 59 happy 92 polite 125 vexed 27 cooperative 60 healthy 93 powerful 126 warm 28 c r i t i c a l 61 hopeless 94 quiet 127 whole 29 cross 62 hostile 95 reckless 128 wild 30 cruel 63 impatient 96 rejected 129 w i l l f u l 31 daring 64 incensed 97 rough 130 wilted 32 desperate 65 indignant 98 sad 131 worrying 33 destroyed 66 inspired 99 safe 131 young (Please continue thinking about the person you have just seen) 118 OPINION SCALE What are your thoughts and opinions about the person you have just seen? Answer the following questions by circling one of the numbers on the 6-point scale given with each question. Consider the person in comparison with other acquaintances that you have. Work quickly. Your f i r s t impression is probably best. 1. Would you like to meet this person? 1 2 3 4 5 6 definitely no definitely yes 2. Would you ask this person for advice? 1 2 3 4 5 6 definitely no definitely yes 3. Would you like to sit next to this person on a 3 hour bus trip? 1 2 3 4 5 6 definitely no definitely yes 4. Would you be willing to work on a job with this person? 1 2 3 4 5 6 definitely no definitely yes 5. Would you be willing to have this person eat lunch with 1 2 3 4 5 you often? 6 definitely no definitely yes 6. Would you invite this person to your home? 1 2 3 4 5 6 definitely no definitely yes 7. Would you be willing to share an apartment with someone 1 2 3 4 5 like this? 6 definitely no definitely yes 8. Would you be willing to have a person like this supervise your work? 1 2 3 4 5 6 definitely no definitely yes 9. How physically attractive do you think this person is? 1 2 3 4 5 6 definitely no definitely yes 10. How socially poised do you think this person is? 1 2 3 4 5 6 definitely no definitely conti mied, yes 119 OPINION SCALE, Cont'd.... 11. How likely would i t be that this person could become a close friend of yours? 1 2 3 4 5 6_ definitely no definitely yes 12. How likely would you be to approve of a close relative dating a person with this kind of personality? 1 2 3 4 5 6_ definitely no definitely yes 13. How likely would you be to approve of a close relative marrying someone with a personality like this? 1 2 3 4 5 6 definitely no definitely yes PREVIOUSLY COPYRIGHTED MATERIAL ON PAGES 120 TO 125 WAS NOT MICROFILMED. PLEASE REFER, IF NEED BE, TO THE ORIGINAL THESIS DEPOSITED IN THE UNIVERSITY CONFERRING THE DEGREE. LES PAGES 120 A 125, DEJA PROTEGEES PAR LE DROIT D'AUTEUR, N'ONT PAS ETE MICRQFILMEES. VEUILLEZ VOUS REFERER, AU BESOIN, A LA THESE ORIGINALE DEPOSEE A L'UNIVERSITE QUI A CONFERE LE GRADE. IMPACT MESSAGE INVENTORY (INI - FORM II - 1976) Name: Ap.e: Subject p.unber: This inventory contains words, phrases and statements which people use to describe how they feel when interacting with another person. You are to respond to this Inventory by indicating how accurately each of the following items describes your reactions to the person you have just seen. Respond to each item in terms of how precisely i t describes the feelings this person arouses in you, the behaviors you want to direct toward her when she's around, and/or the descriptions of her that come to mind when you're with her. Indicate how each item describes your actual reactions by using the following scale: l=Not at a l l , 2=Somewhat, 3=Moderately so, 4«Very much so. In f i l l i n g out the following pages, f i r s t imagine you are in this person's presence, in the process of interacting with her. Focus on the immediate reactions you would be experiencing. Then read each of the following items and f i l l in the number to the le f t of the statement which best describes how you would be feeling and/or would want to behave i f you were actually, at thic moment, in the person's presence. At the top of each page, in bold print, is a statement •.'hich i s to precede each of the items on that pa$e. Read this statement to yourself before reading each item; i t will aid you in imagining the presence of the person ycu have just seen. There are no right or wrong answers since different people react differently to the same person. What we want you to indicate is the extent to which each item accurately describes what you would be experiencing i f you were interacting right now with this person. Please be sure to f i l l in the one number which best answers ho1.' accurately that item describes what you would be experiencing. For example, i f an item is Somewhat descriptive of your reaction, f i l l in the number 2 for Somewhat descriptive: 2 Thank you in advance for your cooperation. 120 Sex: The Impact Message Inventory was developed by Donald J. Kiesler,' Jack C. Anchin, Michael J. Perkins, Bernard H. Chirico, Edgar M. Kyle, and Edward J. Federman of Virginia Commonwealth University, Richmond, Virginia. Copyright c 1975, 1976 by Donald J. Kiesler 1- Not at a l l 2- Somewhat WHEN I AM WITH THIS 1. bossed around. 2. distant from her. 3. superior to her. 4. important. 5. entertained. 6. impersonal. 7. like an intruder. 8. in charge. 9. appreciated by her. 10. part of the group when she's around. 11. cold. 12. forced to shoulder a l l the responsibility. 13. needed. 14. complimented. 15. as i f she's the class clown. 16. annoyed. 121 3- Moderately so 4- Very much so PERSON SHE MAKES ME FEEL 17. embarrassed for her. 18. frustrated because she won't defend her position. 19. loved. 20. taken charge of. 21. defensive. 22. curious as to why she avoids being alone. 23. dominant. 24. welcome with her. 25. as important to her as others in the group. 26. like an impersonal audience. 27. uneasy. 28. as though she should do i t herself. 29. admired. 30. like I'm just one of many friends. 122 1- Not at a l l 2- Somewhat WHEN I AM WITH THIS PERSON 1. she wants to be the center of attraction. 2. s h e doesn't want to get involved with me. 3. she is most comfortable withdrawing into the background when an issue arises. 4. she wants to pick by brain. 5. she carries her share of the load. 6. she wants me to put her on a pedestal. 7. she'd rather be alone. 8. she thinks she can't do anything for herself. 9. her time is mine i f I need i t . 10. she wants everyone to like her. 11. she thinks i t ' s every person for himself or herself. 12. she thinks she will be ridiculed i f she asserts herself with others. 13. she would accept whatever I said. 14. she wants to be helpful. 15. she wants, to be the charming one. 16. she's carrying a grudge. 3- Moderately so 4- Very much so IT APPEARS TO ME THAT... 17. she's nervous around me. 18. whuLover I did would be okay with her. 19. she trusts me. 20. she thinks other people find her interesting, amusing, fascinating and witty. 21. she weighs situations in terms of what she can get out of them. 22. she'd rather be left alone. 23. she sees me as superior. 24. she's genuinely interested in me. 25. she wants to be with others. 26. she thinks she's always in control of things. 27. as far as she's concerned, I could just as easily be someone else. 28. she thinks she is inadequate. 29. she thinks I have most of the answers. 30. she enjoys being with people. 123 1- Not at a l l 2- Somewhat WHEN I AM WITH THIS PERSON 1. I want to t e l l her to give someone else a chance to make a decision. 2. T should l>p cnutious about whnl I . say or do around her. 3. 1 should be very gentle with her. 4. I want her to disagree with me sometimes. 5. I could lean on her for support. 6. 1 want to put her down. 7.. I'm going to intrude. 8. I should t e l l her to stand up for herself. 9. I can ask her to carry her share of the load. 10. I could relax and she'd take charge. 11. 1 want to stay away from her. 12. I should avoid putting her on the spot. 13. I could t e l l her anything and she would agree. 14. I can join in the act i v i t i e s . 15. I want to t e l l her she's obnoxious 16. I want to get away from her. 3- Moderately so 4- Very much so SHE MAKES ME FEEL THAT... 17. I should do something to put her at ease. 18. I w;ini tii point out her good qualities to her. 19. I shouldn't hesitate to c a l l on her. 20. I shouldn't take her seriously. 21. I should t e l l her she's often quite inconsiderate. 22. I want to show her what she does is self-defeating. 23. I should t e l l her not to be so nervous around me. 24. I could ask her to do anything. 25. I want to ask her why she constantly needs to be with other people. 26. I want to protect myself. 27. I should leave her alone. 28. I should gently help her begin to assumne responsibility for her own decisions. 29. I want to hear what she doesn't like about me. 30. I should like her. 124 We would now like you to take a few seconds to picture yourself spending time with the person you have seen on the videotape. Imagine as vividly as you can how you would be likely to feel and act when In her company. On the following page you will find a lis t of personal descriptions. Tor each word on the l l s l , Indicate how ;ic.-i:ui a lo I y It describes Hie way you would be when with her. The accuracy with which • word would describe your responses Is to be judged on the following scale: i 2 3 £ I £ I i Extremely Very Quite Slightly Slightly Quite Very Extremely Inaccurate inaccurate inaccurate Inaccurate accurate accurate accurate accurate Consider the word BOLD. How accurately would that word describe your responses to the person you have just seen? If you think that this word is a quite accurate description of how you would be with her, write the number "6" to the left of the item: 6 BOLD If you think that this word is a sIiqhtIy Inaccurate description, write the number " 4 " next to It, If it Is very Inaccurate, write the number " 2 " , etc. Please answer all Items. If you are uncertain of the meaning of a word, ask the experimenter to define It for you. If you find i t necessary, take a few seconds from time to time to imagine very vividly what It would be like to be around this person. What would you be like around this person? 125 i 2 1 1 I §. I i Extremely Very Quite S l i g h t l y S l i g h t l y Quite Very Extremely Inaccurate Inaccurate Inaccurate Inaccurate accurate accurate accurate accurate OD BASHFUL (23) UNBOLD (45) APPROACHABLE 02) UNCIVIL (24) SELF-ASSURED (46) BOASTLESS 03) BOASTFUL (25) SELF-CONFIUtNl" '(47) GUILELESS 04) UNVAIN (26) TIMID (48) IMPOLITE 05) KIND (27) RUTHLESS (49) COURTEOUS 06) FORCEFUL (28) SLY (50) UNNEIGHBOURLY 07) UNDECEPTIVE (29) ENTHUSIASTIC (51) EXTROVERTED 08) IMPERSONAL (30) CRUEL (52) HARD-HEARTED 09) SHY (31) FLAUNTY (53) UNDEMANDING 10) UNSELFCONSCIOUS (32) FORCELESS (54) JOVIAL II ) PLEASANT (33) OVERFORWARD (55) DISSOCIAL 12) COMPANIONABLE (34) UNDEVIOUS (56) UNSPARKLING 13) DISTANT (35) UNCUNNING (57) DISCOURTEOUS 14) UNAUTHORITATIVE (36) VIVACIOUS (58) TENDER 15) SYMPATHETIC (37) EXPLOITIVE (59) FRIENDLY 16) ANTISOCIAL (38) UNCOOPERATIVE (60) COCKY 17) DOMINEERING (39) PERKY (61 ) IRON-HEARTED 18) PERS1 STENT (40) ASSERTIVE (62) TRICKY 19) UNAGGRESS1VE (41) UNARGUMENTAT1VE (63) GENTLE-HEARTED 20) WILY (42) NEIGHBOURLY (64) INTROVERTED 21) GENIAL (43) UNSOCIABLE C>5) DOMINANT 22) CORDIAL (44) SELF-DOUBTING (66) OUTGOING 

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