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The printed image and the transformation of popular culture, 1790-1860 Anderson, Patricia J. 1989

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THE PRINTED IMAGE AND THE TRANSFORMATION OF POPULAR CULTURE, 1790-1860 By PATRICIA J . ANDERSON B.Ed. (Secondary), The U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1973 M.A., The U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1981 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY i n THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES Department of H i s t o r y We accept t h i s t h e s i s as conforming to the r e q u i r e d standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA ' A p r i l 1989 © P a t r i c i a J . Anderson, 1989 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Department of The University of British Columbia Vancouver, Canada DE-6 (2/88) i i ABSTRACT S c h o l a r l y consensus dates the onset of mass c u l t u r e i n England t o the l a t t e r p a r t of the n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y . T h i s s tudy l o o k s at c u l t u r a l change from 1790 t o 1860 and argues t h a t the fundamental c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of a modern mass c u l t u r e were a l r e a d y i n p l a c e by about 1840. New p r i n t i n g t e c h n o l o g y , the growth of p o p u l a r p u b l i s h i n g " , and the a t t e n d a n t broad d i s s e m i n a t i o n of the p r i n t e d word and image were c e n t r a l t o the e a r l y i n i t i a l emergence of a mass c u l t u r e . And because the p r i n t e d image became g e n e r a l l y a c c e s s i b l e and a f f o r d a b l e , people d i d not n e c e s s a r i l y need the a b i l i t y t o r ead i n o r d e r t o b e n e f i t from the o f f e r i n g s of a growing p u b l i s h i n g i n d u s t r y . Thus, i n a time when l i t e r a c y was not u n i v e r s a l , the p r i n t e d image was the s i n g l e most w i d e l y shared form of c u l t u r a l e x p e r i e n c e . A new, markedly p i c t o r i a l , mass c u l t u r e emerged from the c e n t r e of the expanded and t r a n s f o r m e d v e r s i o n of an o l d e r p o p u l a r c u l t u r e of the l a t e e i g h t e e n t h and e a r l y n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r i e s . The major a r t i f a c t s of the emergent c u l t u r e were f o u r i l l u s t r a t e d magazines, a l l of which a c h i e v e d and m a i n t a i n e d u n p r e c e d e n t e d l y h i g h c i r c u l a t i o n s , and whose w r i t t e n and p i c t o r i a l c o n t e n t a t t r a c t e d a l a r g e and d i v e r s e - - t h a t i s , mass--audience of m i d d l e - and w o r k i n g -c l a s s p e o p l e , men and women, from v a r i o u s age groups, and from urban and r u r a l l o c a l e s a l l over Great B r i t a i n . In c o n s i d e r i n g the content of these magazines and r e l a t e d contemporary a r t i f a c t s , t h e i r p l a c e i n wor k i n g - c l a s s l i f e , and c e r t a i n i n d i v i d u a l producers and consumers of c u l t u r e , Gramsci's theory of hegemony proves u s e f u l and, f u r t h e r , r a i s e s questions about the expl a n a t o r y adequacy of c e r t a i n other important models of the i n t e r a c t i o n of c l a s s and c u l t u r e . A d d i t i o n a l l y the attempt i s made to pr o v i d e , and c o n s i s t e n t l y work from, h i s t o r i c a l l y a c c u r a t e , r i g o u r o u s , yet widely a p p l i c a b l e , d e f i n i t i o n s of the complex terms, "popular" and "mass". The l e i t m o t i f throughout i s the r e l a t i o n s h i p of common experience and high c u l t u r e . A transformed popular c u l t u r e and the new mass c u l t u r e at i t s centre e n r i c h e d people's l i v e s i n many ways. But high c u l t u r e guarded i t s e x c l u s i v i s m and, f o r the most p a r t , remained the preserve of wealth, s o c i a l p r i v i l e g e and power. i v CONTENTS ABSTRACT i i LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS v i ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS x i CHAPTER 1: The P r i n t e d Image and C u l t u r a l Change: Th e o r i e s and Problems i n the H i s t o r i o g r a p h y of E n g l i s h Popular C u l t u r e and I l l u s t r a t i o n , 1790-1860 1 CHAPTER 2: The P r i n t e d Image i n T r a n s i t i o n : Popular C u l t u r e and I l l u s t r a t i o n , 1790-1832 28 CHAPTER 3: The New P r i n t e d Image: The Penny Magazine and the Mass-C i r c u l a t i o n of I l l u s t r a t i o n , 1832-1845 ' . 69 CHAPTER 4: The Business of Imagery: The Second Generation of P i c t o r i a l Magazines, 1845-1860 104 CHAPTER 5: The C i v i l i z i n g Image: The Second Generation and S o c i a l V i r t u e , 1845-1860 138 CHAPTER 6: The P r i n t e d Image and the Mass: The I l l u s t r a t e d Magazines and t h e i r Readership, 1832-1860 162 CHAPTER 7: The Tran s f o r m a t i o n of Popular C u l t u r e : Working People i n an Expanding P i c t o r i a l World, 1832-1860 189 CONCLUSION: The Making of a Mass C u l t u r e : A P e r s p e c t i v e from 1860 . 229 V NOTES TO THE TEXT 240 SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY 283 ILLUSTRATIONS 297 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS (Unless otherwise s t a t e d , the o r i g i n a l s of the i l l u s t r a t i o n s l i s t e d below are wood-engravings p r i n t e d i n black and white.) P l a t e : 1. E x h i b i t i o n Room, Somerset House. Coloured engraving, from R. Ackermann, The Microcosm of  London (London, 1808), v o l . 1: f a c i n g p. 10. 2. Workhouse, St. James P a r i s h . Coloured engraving, from The Microcosm of London, v o l . 3: between pp. 240 and 241. 3. The Market P l a c e , Ashburton, 1829, showing posted b i l l s . From G. Creed, A C o l l e c t i o n of Drawings of Inn Signs, v o l . 12: e n t r y f o r the Rose and Crown. B r i t i s h L i b r a r y . 4. St. M i l d r e d , Bread S t r e e t , showing posted b i l l s . From J . Elmes and T. Shepherd, London and i t s  Environs i n the Nineteenth Century (London, 1829), f a c i n g p. 114. 5. Broadside s e l l e r . From T. Rowlandson, Sketches of  the Lower Orders (London, 1820), n.p. 6. E x e c u t i o n broadside, 1829, with woodcut. From A C o l l e c t i o n of Broadsides r e l a t i n g to Murderers . . . , p r i n t e d i n East A n g l i a , #23. B r i t i s h L i b r a r y . 7. Murder broadside. From C. Hindley, C u r i o s i t i e s of  S t r e e t L i t e r a t u r e (London, 1871), p. a. 8. Woodcut image of the murderer, John T h u r t e l l , o r i g i n a l l y p u b l i s h e d on a James Catnach broadside, 1823. Reproduced i n C. Hindley, H i s t o r y of the  Catnach Press (London, 1887), p. 69. 9. T i t l e page and f r o n t i s p i e c e with author p o r t r a i t . From The Adventures of Robinson Crusoe (London, [1821-28]). Reproduced from a copy i n the B o d l e i a n L i b r a r y ' s John Johnson C o l l e c t i o n , "Chapbooks and Songbooks," Box 1. 10. T i t l e page with woodcut. From the Cheap V I 1 R e p o s i t o r y T r a c t ' s The P i l g r i m s , an A l l e g o r y ( 1820) . 11. T i t l e page with woodcut ( d e t a i l ) . From the Cheap R e p o s i t o r y T r a c t ' s Two Shoemakers (1810), p a r t 1. 12. C h r i s t i a n meets E v a n g e l i s t . Woodcut from P i l g r i m ' s Progress (London, 1786), p. 5. 13. T i t l e page with woodcut. From P i l g r i m ' s Progress (London, 1815), p a r t 2. 14. Animals e n t e r i n g Noah's Ark. From Sarah Trimmer, A S e r i e s of P r i n t s Taken from the Old Testament (London, 1825), p l a t e IV. 15. The B e l l - R i n g e r with r e l i g i o u s b r o a d s i d e s . From T. L. Busby, Costumes of the Lower Orders (London, 1820), n.p. 16. T i t l e page with woodcut. From W i l l i a m Hone, The  P o l i t i c a l House t h a t Jack B u i l t . 42nd ed. (London, 1820) . 17. Woodcut image of a p r i n t i n g press ("The T h i n g " ) . From P o l i t i c a l House, 42nd ed., p. 7. 18. E x e c u t i o n broadside with woodcuts. From A C o l l e c t i o n of Broadsides r e l a t i n g to . Murderers . . . , #21. B r i t i s h L i b r a r y . 19. P o r t r a i t of James Watt. Mechanics' Magazine 1 (1823): 1. 20. P o r t r a i t of C h a r l e s Knight, p u b l i s h e d i n The I l l u s t r a t e d London News, 22 March 1873. Reproduced from a c l i p p i n g i n the B o d l e i a n L i b r a r y ' s John Johnson C o l l e c t i o n , "Charles Knight," Box 1. 21. Diagram of gasworks. Penny Magazine [ h e r e a f t e r PM] 3 (1834): 429. 22. F r u i t of the cacao t r e e . PM 3 (1834): 117. 23. Flamingoes. PM 3 (1834): 225. 24. Remains of the ampitheatre at M i l o . PM 3 (1834): 192 . 25. Canterbury C a t h e d r a l . PM 3 (1834): 73. v i i i 26. St. Augustine's Gate, Canterbury ( d e t a i l ) . PM 3 (1834): 76. 27. London Post O f f i c e , i n t e r i o r view. PM 3 (1834): 40. 28. East I n d i a House, London. PM 3 (1834): 85. 29. P o r t r a i t Of Benjamin F r a n k l i n . PM 3 (1834): 24. 30. The Dying G l a d i a t o r . PM 2 (1833): 9. 31. The Last Supper. PM 3 (1834): 93. 32. The Young Beggar. PM 3 (1834): 32. 33. Laocoon. PM 1 (1832): 313. 34. Marriage a-la-Mode. PM 3 (1834): 125. 35. I n d u s t r y and I d l e n e s s : a p p r e n t i c e s at t h e i r looms. PM 3 (1834): 209. 36. I n d u s t r y and I d l e n e s s : the i d l e a p p r e n t i c e committed f o r t r i a l by the i n d u s t r i o u s a p p r e n t i c e . PM 3 (1834) : 256. 37. Cedars of Lebanon. Saturday Magazine 2 (1833): 208. 38. Worcester C a t h e d r a l . Saturday Magazine 2 (1833): 209 . 39. P o r t r a i t of G. W., M. Reynolds. Reynolds'  M i s c e l l a n y [ h e r e a f t e r RMJ 1 (1846): 1. 40. F i r s t headpiece, C a s s e l l ' s I l l u s t r a t e d Family  Paper [ h e r e a f t e r C I F P l . used on each i s s u e December 1853-November 1857. 41. T e c h n i c a l diagram. RM 1 (1847): 389. 42. Ruins of the temple of Minerva, Cape Colonna. RM 14 (1855): 200. 43. B a t t l e of T r a f a l g a r . The London J o u r n a l [ h e r e a f t e r LJ] 3 (1846): 37. 44. P o r t r a i t of Lord Brougham. CIFP. n.s., 3 (1859): 232 . 45. C e n t r a l r a i l w a y s t a t i o n , Birmingham. LJ 17 (1853): 53. i x 46. Chess problem. CIFP, n.s., 1 (1858): 95. 47. Scene from Romeo and J u l i e t . RM 14 (1855): 121. 48. Fashion i l l u s t r a t i o n . RM 10 (1853): 237. 49. B a t t l e of Alma. CIFP 1 (1854): 381. 50. Scene from Reynolds' The Bronze Statue. RM 3 (1849) : 113. 51. Scene from Reynolds' Wagner, the Wehr-Wolf. RM 1 (1847): 337. 52. Scene from Wagner. RM 1 (1847): 273. 53. Scene from J . F. Smith's Woman and her Master. LJ 19 (1854): 193. 54. Scene from Smith's Smiles and Tears. CIFP, n.s., 1 (1858): 145. 55. T i t l e page, RM 1 (1846-47). 56. Reproduction of a p a i n t i n g by R. Mclnnes. RM 14 (1855): 408. 57. The Swing, by F. G o o d a l l . CIFP. n.s., 1 (1858): 392 . 58. "The P e a s a n t - G i r l ' s Return": r e p r o d u c t i o n of a genre p a i n t i n g . RM 10 (1853): 76. 59. I n d u s t r y and I d l e n e s s . used to i l l u s t r a t e Reynolds' Days of Hogarth. RM 2 (1847): 65. 60. Scene from Reynolds' Massacre of Glencoe. RM 10 (1853): 81. 61. Scene from Smiles and Tears. CIFP, n.s., 2 (1858): 321. 62. Scene from Smith's The W i l l and the Way. LJ 17 (1853): 257. 63. S i l v e r - g i l t casket and wine-cooler from the Great E x h i b i t i o n , D u b l i n . LJ 17 (1853): 328. 64. P o r t r a i t of one of Reynolds' h e r o i n e s . RM 5 (1850) : 300. X 65. A c h a r i t y b a l l ( a ) , the West London Union (b), the East London Union (c) and Gray's Inn Workhouse (d) . LJ 6 (1848): 412-413. 66. Pauper woman. LJ 1 (1845): 253. 67. P o r t r a i t of an a c t r e s s , Mrs. Keeley. LJ 7 (1848): 353. 68. Boy E x t r a c t i n g a Thorn. PM 3 (1834): 233. 69. The murderer Greenacre and h i s v i c t i m . From The  Newgate Calendar (London, 1845), t i t l e page. 70. T u r p i n ' s r i d e to York. From The L i f e of Ri c h a r d  T u r p i n (Newcastle, 1842), f r o n t i s p i e c e . 71. B i l k i n g the t o l l . From Dick T u r p i n ' s Ride to York (London, 1839), between pp. 12 and 13. 72. T i t l e page from The L i f e and Adventures of Jack  Sheppard (Manchester, n.d.). 73. Sheppard i n p r i s o n . From The E v e n t f u l L i f e and  U n p a r a l l e l l e d E x p l o i t s of the Notorious Jack  Sheppard (London, 1840), p. 3. 74. Sheppard i n Newgate. From a H i s t o r y of Jack  Sheppard (London, 1840), f r o n t i s p i e c e . 75. Sheppard i n Newgate. From a L i f e of Jack Sheppard (London, 1840), between pp. 48 and 49. 76. I l l u s t r a t e d advertisements. From LJ 29 (1859): between 384 and 385 ( a - c ) ; and LJ 31 (I860): endpaper ( d ) . 77. I n t e r i o r of a wo r k i n g - c l a s s home, London. From G. Godwin, London Shadows (London, 1854), p. 5. 78. C h r i s t i a n and the l i o n s . Woodcut from an 1839 e d i t i o n of P i l g r i m ' s Progress, p. 9. 79. Broadside with woodcut, ca. 1860. 80. Coloured engraving of the membership c e r t i f i c a t e of the Amalgamated S o c i e t y of Carpenters and J o i n e r s , 1866. N a t i o n a l Museum of Labour H i s t o r y . x i ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I am g r a t e f u l to the f o l l o w i n g f o r p e r m i s s i o n to reproduce much of the i l l u s t r a t i v e m a t e r i a l used here: The B r i t i s h L i b r a r y , London ( p l a t e s 1-8, 10-19, 37-64, 66, and 69-79). The B o d l e i a n L i b r a r y , the John Johnson C o l l e c t i o n , Oxford ( p l a t e s 9 and 20). The N a t i o n a l Museum of Labour H i s t o r y , Manchester ( p l a t e 80). The remaining p l a t e s are reproduced from o r i g i n a l s i n my own p o s s e s s i o n . CHAPTER 1 The P r i n t e d Image and C u l t u r a l Change: Th e o r i e s and Problems i n the H i s t o r i o g r a p h y of E n g l i s h Popular Cul t u r e and I l l u s t r a t i o n , 179 0-1860 In 1859 a c o n t r i b u t o r to the B r i t i s h Q u a r t e r l y Review e x t r a v a g a n t l y p r a i s e d such wonders of h i s time as gas l i g h t i n g , steamships and the e l e c t r i c t e l e g r a p h . But, he continued, more a s t o n i s h i n g than Gas, or Steam, or the Telegraph, which are capable of e x p l a n a t i o n on s c i e n t i f i c grounds, i s that f l o o d of cheap l i t e r a t u r e which, l i k e the modern Babylon i t s e l f , no l i v i n g man has ever been able to t r a v e r s e , which has sprung up, and continues to s p r i n g up, with the mysterious f e c u n d i t y of c e r t a i n f u n g i , and which cannot be accounted f o r i n i t s volume, v a r i e t y , and u n i v e r s a l i t y by any o r d i n a r y laws of p r o d u c t i o n . 1 While undoubtedly l e s s mystery surrounds the mid-n i n e t e e n t h - c e n t u r y " f l o o d " of cheap l i t e r a t u r e than the commentator supposed, h i s was a fundamentally accurate p e r c e p t i o n t h a t a momentous change had o c c u r r e d i n the d i s s e m i n a t i o n of i n f o r m a t i o n and entertainment. Advances i n 2 p r i n t i n g technology, the widening demand f o r reading matter, and p u b l i s h e r s ' i n c r e a s i n g e f f o r t s to supply t h i s demand had together promoted the r a p i d growth of the popular p u b l i s h i n g i n d u s t r y i n England. Between about 1830 and 1860, t h i s growing i n d u s t r y p l a y e d a fundamental p a r t i n the f i r s t phase of a broad t r a n s f o r m a t i o n : the unprecedented expansion of the c u l t u r a l experience of working people. And, from the centre of t h i s new and enlarged popular c u l t u r e , there developed c o n c u r r e n t l y the beginnings of a mass c u l t u r e . For, as we w i l l see, i n the three decades f o l l o w i n g 1830 both the p r i n t e d word and i t s a s s o c i a t e d imagery i n c r e a s i n g l y reached an audience t h a t was- not only l a r g e r than ever before, but whose number i n c l u d e d more than one s o c i a l c l a s s . The i n t e r a c t i o n of t h i s new mass-market p u b l i s h i n g i n d u s t r y and the c u l t u r a l experience of the E n g l i s h worker i s the general s u b j e c t of t h i s study. I t w i l l c o n s i d e r the r o l e of working people's t a s t e i n an emerging mass c u l t u r e and endeavour to reco g n i z e the complex i n t e r r e l a t i o n s h i p of c l a s s , c l a s s - c o n s c i o u s n e s s , and s o c i a l , moral and c u l t u r a l v a l u e s . I As t h i s study's t i t l e i m p l i e s , the hallmark of a transformed and expanded popular c u l t u r e was i t s i n c r e a s i n g l y p i c t o r i a l c h a r a c t e r . In p a r t i c u l a r , t h i s was tr u e at the centre of that c u l t u r e where m a s s - c i r c u l a t i o n books and magazines predominated. The t e c h n o l o g i c a l 3 advances of the e a r l y 1800s enabled the low-cost, high-speed d i s s e m i n a t i o n of the p r i n t e d word. Moreover the i n t r o d u c t i o n i n t o England of mechanized paper-making (1803), the steam-powered press (1814) and m u l t i p l e - c y l i n d e r s t e r e o t y p e p r i n t i n g (1827) 2 a l s o made p o s s i b l e the p r o f i t a b l e , h i g h - q u a l i t y mass-reproduction of d i v e r s e imagery. 3 As a r e s u l t , i l l u s t r a t i o n s of a r t , nature, t e c h n i c a l processes, famous people, f o r e i g n lands, and many other s u b j e c t s f o r the f i r s t time became widely a v a i l a b l e and a f f o r d a b l e . From the e a r l y 1830s to 1860 p i c t o r i a l magazines were a major means of d i s s e m i n a t i n g the p r i n t e d image. For most of these magazines, i l l u s t r a t i o n , r i v a l l e d only by s e n s a t i o n a l f i c t i o n , was the main s e l l i n g p o i n t , and s e v e r a l weekly j o u r n a l s achieved impressive r e g u l a r s a l e s ranging from e i g h t y to more than f o u r hundred thousand copies per i s s u e . 4 I t should be noted i n p a s s i n g , though, t h a t i l l u s t r a t e d magazines were not the only commercially s u c c e s s f u l s e r i a l s . For i n s t a n c e , n e i t h e r Chambers' J o u r n a l (1832—1854) nor the Family H e r a l d (1842-1940) were p i c t o r i a l , but they nonetheless enjoyed l a r g e c i r c u l a t i o n s : 70,000 and 125,000 r e s p e c t i v e l y i n 1849. Thus i t seems l i k e l y t h a t a p r i n t -c en tred mass c u l t u r e would have emerged without the added impetus of i l l u s t r a t i o n ; but i t would have done so l e s s r a p i d l y and d r a m a t i c a l l y . For notwithstanding the admitted a t t r a c t i o n of the p r i n t e d word alone, i t i s c l e a r that i i l l u s t r a t e d p u b l i c a t i o n s had the draw of g r e a t e r n o v e l t y , and they a c c o r d i n g l y found a r e a d i e r market among a p u b l i c whose t a s t e was i n c r e a s i n g l y f o r new and v a r i e d sources of knowledge and amusement. But n o v e l t y and attendant commercial appeal were by no means the most s i g n i f i c a n t d i s t i n c t i o n between the p r i n t e d image and the word. The more c r u c i a l d i f f e r e n c e l a y i n the image's g r e a t e r a b i l i t y to communicate i n a time when l i t e r a c y was not u n i v e r s a l . That i s , to make both a p r o f i t and a c u l t u r a l impact, a n o n - p i c t o r i a l p u b l i c a t i o n had to reach an audience who c o u l d read, even i f many only d i d so with d i f f i c u l t y . But t h i s was not n e c e s s a r i l y the case f o r an i l l u s t r a t e d magazine. For, u n l i k e words, p i c t u r e s had the c a p a c i t y to e n t e r t a i n and inform everyone. And so, i n the e a r l y and mid-nineteenth century, the p r i n t e d image more than the word represented a c u l t u r a l break with the past, f o r i t demanded n e i t h e r formal e d u c a t i o n nor even b a s i c l i t e r a c y . Thus the new inexpensive p r i n t e d image became the f i r s t medium of r e g u l a r , ongoing, mass communication. And, f o r t h i s reason, the meanings, d i s s e m i n a t i o n and r e c e p t i o n of popular p e r i o d i c a l i l l u s t r a t i o n deserve c a r e f u l study and i n t e r p r e t a t i o n . Such a focus, though, must n e c e s s a r i l y be r e s t r i c t e d ; f o r , from the 1830s on, p i c t o r i a l magazines so p r o l i f e r a t e d that those who study them are apt to sympathize with our commentator on "cheap l i t e r a t u r e " , who found h i s s u b j e c t 5 "too v a s t to be d e a l t with as a whole . . . w i t h i n the compass of a s i n g l e a r t i c l e " - - o r even, i t might be added, a s i n g l e t h e s i s . Thus, the emphasis here w i l l be on fo u r i l l u s t r a t e d weekly magazines: The Penny Magazine (1832-1845), The London J o u r n a l (1845-1906), Reynolds' M i s c e l l a n y (1846-1865), and C a s s e l l ' s I l l u s t r a t e d Family Paper (1853-1932). T h i s s e l e c t i o n i s not a r b i t r a r y , f o r these magazines were the f i r s t i l l u s t r a t e d s e r i a l p u b l i c a t i o n s to a t t r a c t and m aintain a r e a d e r s h i p of one m i l l i o n or more each. 5 Therefore they p r o v i d e the b a s i s f o r a c o l l e c t i v e case study of the i n i t i a l development of a modern mass c u l t u r e . And, as these magazines r e f l e c t , i t was from the outset a c u l t u r e d i s t i n g u i s h e d by the i n c r e a s i n g v a r i e t y of i n f o r m a t i o n and entertainment t h a t i t o f f e r e d , i n words—and i n p i c t u r e s . II Around the fo u r key magazines, t h e i r i l l u s t r a t i o n s , and r e l a t e d e v i d e n c e — o t h e r popular p e r i o d i c a l s , b roadsides, penny storybooks and s e r i a l s - - p i v o t s the f o l l o w i n g c h a p t e r s ' o v e r a l l argument: the onset of a mass c u l t u r e by no means s i g n a l l e d the p a s s i v e a c c u l t u r a t i o n of the people. Rather, the appeal of the new p i c t o r i a l magazines d e r i v e d as much from the readers' l o n g - h e l d s o c i a l , moral and a e s t h e t i c v a l u e s as i t d i d from the e f f o r t s and i d e o l o g i e s of p u b l i s h e r s , e d i t o r s , w r i t e r s and a r t i s t s . Moreover, other kinds of popular imagery, e x p r e s s i n g r a d i c a l consciousness or a l t e r n a t i v e t a s t e , a l s o s u r v i v e d or developed 6 c o n c u r r e n t l y . From the e a r l y 1830s to 1860 the everyday experience of the people i n c r e a s i n g l y took i n a d i v e r s i t y of c u l t u r a l l e v e l s ranging from t r a d i t i o n a l to r a d i c a l , a e s t h e t i c to l u r i d . Thus, the emergence of a formative mass c u l t u r e - - a t l e a s t i n i t s v i s u a l forms—was not a process of wholesale r e p r e s s i o n or replacement. 6 But, even so, t h i s emergence should not be equated with the d e m o c r a t i z a t i o n of c u l t u r e — w i t h , t h a t i s , the e r a d i c a t i o n of the p o l i t i c a l , s o c i a l , economic and a e s t h e t i c d i s t i n c t i o n s t h a t set high c u l t u r e apart from the everyday experience of working people. For, although i t e n r i c h e d people's l i v e s i n many ways, a developing mass c u l t u r e was i n some r e s p e c t s l i m i t e d i n i t s content. In r e a l h i s t o r i c a l terms there are, no doubt, numerous ways of demonstrating t h i s paradox. But s i n c e the emphasis here i s on the p i c t o r i a l , the f o l l o w i n g chapters d i v i d e t h e i r a t t e n t i o n between the v a r i e t y of imagery t h a t became i n c r e a s i n g l y a v a i l a b l e i n the n i n e t e e n t h century and the r e s t r i c t e d e n t r y i n t o the mass domain of one k i n d of image: the work of a r t — or, more p r e c i s e l y , i t s r e p r o d u c t i o n . In other words, apart from i t s i n t r i n s i c i n t e r e s t , the l e i t m o t i f t h a t a r t was on the whole a marginal p a r t of common experience i s meant to s i g n a l t h i s study's d i s t a n c e from the l i b e r a l p l u r a l i s t p e r s p e c t i v e , a p o i n t of view t h a t c e l e b r a t e s the unprecedented breadth of commercialized mass c u l t u r e , d i s r e g a r d s i t s a e s t h e t i c d e f i c i e n c i e s , and f a i l s to acknowledge the economic, s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l power r e l a t i o n s t h a t can be, and were, enacted and r e i n f o r c e d through c u l t u r a l forms. 7 But i f t h i s study r e j e c t s the o p t i m i s t i c view of progress through i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n i m p l i c i t i n the p l u r a l i s t approach, i t a l s o f i n d s inadequate the r a d i c a l pessimism of the F r a n k f u r t School. For, whether i n i t s e a r l y or recent phases, mass c u l t u r e cannot, as many F r a n k f u r t School t h i n k e r s would have i t , be e x p l a i n e d merely as an instrument of c a p i t a l i s t domination, robbed of a l l a e s t h e t i c and c r i t i c a l substance, and imposed upon an a p a t h e t i c working c l a s s . 8 Rather, what f o l l o w s w i l l attempt to acknowledge the h i s t o r i c a l complexity of e a r l y mass c u l t u r e , a v o i d t h e o r i e s of " n a t u r a l " s o c i a l i n t e g r a t i o n , and r e j e c t those models which exaggerate the s u b j e c t i o n of one c l a s s by another. I l l The t h e o r e t i c a l b a s i s of the p o s i t i o n summarized above i s the thought of Antonio Gramsci. 9 Put simply, Gramsci p o s t u l a t e d a nuanced model of the r e l a t i o n s h i p of c l a s s and c u l t u r e , a model which r e s i s t s s i m p l i s t i c e x p l a n a t i o n s of c u l t u r a l forms as the means by which one c l a s s imposes i t s w i l l on another. In other words, i m p l i c i t i n Gramscian theory i s a r e j e c t i o n of the concept of s o c i a l c o n t r o l through c u l t u r e . And t h i s i s of c e n t r a l importance to the present study. That i s , the four magazines to be d i s c u s s e d here are noteworthy f o r the c o n s i s t e n c y with which they 8 disseminated a p a r t i c u l a r set of moral and c u l t u r a l v a l u e s promoting the " c i v i l i z e d " behaviour conducive to s o c i a l cohesion and s t a b i l i t y . Thus, we might be encouraged to assume t h a t these magazines were concerted attempts at~ s o c i a l d i s c i p l i n e , and t h a t t h i s was t h e i r primary o b j e c t . In f a c t , though, there i s l i t t l e or no h i s t o r i c a l evidence f o r such a view. Rather, the Penny Magazine and i t s three su c c e s s o r s were among the many contemporary c u l t u r a l forms and processes through which the e c o n o m i c a l l y and p o l i t i c a l l y powerful members of s o c i e t y e x e r c i s e d t h e i r s o c i a l , moral and i n t e l l e c t u a l l e a d e r s h i p . In Gramscian terms, t h i s i d e a of l e a d e r s h i p , or "hegemony", i s not merely a euphemism f o r c o n t r o l pure and s i m p l e . 1 0 For i n the mid-nineteenth century hegemony operated through the consent n e g o t i a t e d between two fundamental c l a s s s t r a t a : On the one hand there was the hegemonic group, or, as h i s t o r i a n Robert Gray has designated i t , the "power-bloc"--that i s , the gentry, merchants, i n d u s t r i a l i s t s and others who had a c q u i r e d "a p r o p e r l y r a t i o n a l s o c i a l demeanour as d e f i n e d by t h e i r s u p e r i o r s . " 1 1 On the other hand, there was the working c l a s s - - a n d here the term " c l a s s " i s used somewhat l o o s e l y . For, i n c o n s i d e r i n g the p e r i o d 1830 to 1860, we f i n d l i t t l e evidence of a f u l l y -formed, u n i f i e d working c l a s s . I t thus seems more r e a l i s t i c to t h i n k i n terms of a l e s s d e f i n i t i v e , more f l u i d s o c i a l f ormation comprised of such d i v e r s e groups of workers as 9 a r t i s a n s and small tradesmen, s t r e e t hawkers and e n t e r t a i n e r s , farm l a b o u r e r s , s e r v a n t s , and factory-o p e r a t i v e s . I t i s i n t h i s second sense t h a t "working c l a s s " i s to be understood h e r e . 1 2 In s t r e s s i n g the consensual i n t e r a c t i o n of the two fundamental c l a s s s t r a t a , Gramscian theory does more than j u s t take us beyond s i m p l i s t i c n o t i o n s of s o c i a l c o n t r o l . I t a l s o avoids the profound condescension of the F r a n k f u r t School and other v e r s i o n s of M a r x i s t thought t h a t would reduce working people to an u n d i f f e r e n t i a t e d , u n r e s i s t i n g body l a c k i n g both i n d i v i d u a l i t y and the c a p a c i t y f o r s e l f -d e t e r m i n a t i o n . Thus, to r e t u r n to the p a r t i c u l a r s u b j e c t of t h i s study, workers not on l y a c t i v e l y chose to buy p i c t o r i a l magazines; they a l s o accepted and adapted to t h e i r own purposes the values embodied i n these p u b l i c a t i o n s . T h i s process of a d a p t a t i o n was, arguably, a m a n i f e s t a t i o n of the Gramscian "war of p o s i t i o n " - - t h e s t r u g g l e f o r hegemony which took p l a c e i n v a r i o u s arenas, one of which was the new mass c u l t u r e . 1 3. From a Gramscian p e r s p e c t i v e , then, the r e l a t i o n s h i p of c l a s s and any p a r t i c u l a r c u l t u r a l form, or e q u a l l y t h a t between c l a s s and c u l t u r e as a whole, i s dynamic and h i s t o r i c a l l y determined. Thus, hegemony i s always, n e c e s s a r i l y , a temporary mastery o n l y of one or more c u l t u r a l arenas of s t r u g g l e . In t h i s f l e x i b l e concept we have the t h e o r e t i c a l b a s i s f o r a c r i t i q u e of the k i n d of 10 r e d u c t i o n i s m that would a l i g n c l a s s and c u l t u r e i n a d i r e c t and h i s t o r i c a l l y s t a t i c correspondence. And, a c c o r d i n g l y , subsequent chapters w i l l t r y to show t h a t i n the mid-n i n e t e e n t h century there was no s p e c i f i c , dominant and cohesive m i d d l e - c l a s s c u l t u r e . 1 4 Moreover, and of g r e a t e r importance to t h i s study, n e i t h e r was there an e q u a l l y m o n o l i t h i c o p p o s i t i o n a l w o r k i n g - c l a s s c u l t u r e . 1 5 Rather, from a v a i l a b l e evidence there emerges a wider, more v a r i e d phenomenon. There was by the l a t e e i g h t e e n t h century (where t h i s study begins) a m u l t i - f a c e t e d c u l t u r e of the people. From the e a r l y 1830s, as i t changed and expanded, i t i n c r e a s i n g l y , but i n no a p r i o r i way, embodied s o c i a l , moral and a e s t h e t i c d i v e r s i t y : high and low t a s t e i n t h e a t r i c a l entertainments, reading and p i c t o r i a l matter; o p p o s i t i o n a l and c o n f o r m i s t s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l v a l u e s ; r e l i g i o u s f a i t h , moral r e s p e c t a b i l i t y and rowdy tendencies. Thus, throughout the chapters which f o l l o w there i s an i m p l i c i t c r i t i q u e of the i d e a of a pure c l a s s - c u l t u r e of the s o r t t h a t E. P. Thompson and others have p o s t u l a t e d . 1 6 T h i s i s not to argue t h a t there was no form of worker-consciousness or c u l t u r a l e x p r e s s i o n — t h e aim here i s r a t h e r to l o c a t e these along Gramscian l i n e s i n an a p p r o p r i a t e l y broad and dynamic c u l t u r a l context. IV In s e t t i n g down the l a r g e arguments and t h e o r e t i c a l framework of t h i s study, c e r t a i n terms have f o r convenience 11 been used somewhat f r e e l y . Now, however, f o r conceptual as w e l l as semantic r i g o u r , some d e f i n i t i o n s are needed. In p a r t i c u l a r , i n t h e i r c o n n e c t i o n with the idea and h i s t o r y of c u l t u r e , the terms "high", "popular" and "mass" r e q u i r e c l a r i f i c a t i o n . 1 7 I t should be noted, though, t h a t there has been, and w i l l perhaps continue to be, no consensus among s c h o l a r s on any s p e c i f i c , f i x e d and u n i v e r s a l l y a p p l i c a b l e d e f i n i t i o n s of these terms. What w i l l be g i v e n here then are working d e f i n i t i o n s a p p r o p r i a t e to the p a r t i c u l a r focus of t h i s study. But, t h i s q u a l i f i c a t i o n a s i d e , there remains the i n t e n t i o n to propose meanings that are s u f f i c i e n t l y p r e c i s e , yet a l s o broad enough, to have p o t e n t i a l u s e f u l n e s s f o r other s i m i l a r analyses of mid-nineteenth-century s o c i e t y and c u l t u r e . To begin, the f i r s t term, "high", can be t r e a t e d b r i e f l y , f o r i t s d e f i n i t i o n i s f a i r l y s t r a i g h t f o r w a r d . Thus, u n l e s s otherwise q u a l i f i e d , f u r t h e r r e f e r e n c e s to "high" c u l t u r e are to be understood to denote the o b j e c t s of f i n e a r t ( e s p e c i a l l y , f o r purposes here, p a i n t i n g , s c i i l p t u r e and expensive l i m i t e d - r u n p r i n t s ) , the a e s t h e t i c t h e o r i e s , canons of t a s t e , t r a d i t i o n s , g eneral c u l t u r a l knowledge and formal e d u c a t i o n t h a t s i g n a l l e d and accrued to s o c i a l and economic p r i v i l e g e . A more complex d e f i n i t i o n a l problem attaches to what i s u s u a l l y taken as the c u l t u r a l o p posite of " h i g h " - - t h a t i s , "popular". For, as h i s t o r i a n and t h e o r i s t S t u a r t H a l l has 12 p o i n t e d out, the term has more than one p o s s i b l e meaning. 1 8 I t has, f o r example, become common i n recent h i s t o r i o g r a p h y to add a c l a s s dimension to "popular's" general d i c t i o n a r y sense of p r e v a l e n t among, and approved by, the people. Adherents to E. P. Thompson's approach i n p a r t i c u l a r are apt to equate "popular" w i t h " w o r k i n g - c l a s s " . 1 9 T h i s interchange i s not only c o n c e p t u a l l y c o n f u s i n g but i s a l s o i n i m i c a l to an adequately nuanced approach to the r e l a t i o n s h i p of c l a s s and c u l t u r e . A more f l e x i b l e usage i s c l e a r l y c a l l e d f o r . Consider f i r s t of a l l the p e r i o d which t h i s study i n i t i a l l y examines: the years between 1790 and 1832, j u s t before the appearance of the new p i c t o r i a l magazines. For the understanding of people's experience at t h i s time a b r o a d l y d e s c r i p t i v e d e f i n i t i o n i s most a p p r o p r i a t e . Thus, "popular" may be d e f i n e d i n t h i s context as the concept and word d e s i g n a t i n g the c u l t u r e and a s s o c i a t e d a r t i f a c t s of, and a v a i l a b l e to, working p e o p l e . 2 0 And, i t need h a r d l y be s a i d , both t h i s c u l t u r e as a whole and i t s s p e c i f i c forms were d i s t i n c t from the p r e c i o u s o b j e c t s and e x c l u s i v i s t high c u l t u r e of the more advantaged and powerful s t r a t a of s o c i e t y . But t h i s d i s t i n c t i o n between two fundamental c u l t u r a l l e v e l s should not be hardened i n t o a p u r e l y c l a s s - b a s e d concept of popular c u l t u r e . For such a c u l t u r e was only i n p a r t e x p r e s s i v e of worker r a d i c a l i s m and cannot on that 13 ground be i n t e r p r e t e d as an emergent c l a s s c u l t u r e b u i l t wholly and e x c l u s i v e l y on o p p o s i t i o n a l consciousness. In other words, i n the p e r i o d i n q u e s t i o n , popular c u l t u r e was a v a r i e d and v a r i a b l e experience. T h i s i s not, however, to espouse a form of c e l e b r a t o r y populism and overlook t h a t popular c u l t u r e i n the broad sense used here must a l s o be understood as p a r t of a l a r g e r s o c i a l c o n f i g u r a t i o n . For, to adopt H a l l ' s view, such a c u l t u r e was one s i t e where the dynamic, uneven r e l a t i o n s h i p between the people and the power- bloc was e n a c t e d . 2 1 Thus, as we w i l l see, popular c u l t u r e between 1790 and 1832 was, l i k e the transformed c u l t u r e that f o l l o w e d , a means f o r the d i s s e m i n a t i o n and r e c e p t i o n of c e r t a i n hegemonic s o c i a l v a l u e s v a r i o u s l y expressed i n both w r i t t e n and p i c t o r i a l form. When a p p l i e d to the c u l t u r a l h i s t o r y of the l a t e r p e r i o d , from the 1830s to 1860, "popular" has c o n t i n u i n g u s e f u l n e s s as a common-sense d e s c r i p t i o n of any g e n e r a l l y a c c e s s i b l e , widely shared i n t e r e s t or a c t i v i t y , or of the t a s t e of a m a j o r i t y of o r d i n a r y people, or of the commercial success of p a r t i c u l a r c u l t u r a l a r t i f a c t s - - m o s t n o t ably, the four previously-named, h i g h - c i r c u l a t i o n p i c t o r i a l magazines. But i n t r y i n g to understand the new c u l t u r e t h a t grew up around these magazines, the term "popular" l a c k s s u f f i c i e n t c onceptual and h i s t o r i c a l s p e c i f i c i t y . For, from 1832, with the p u b l i c a t i o n and unprecedented s a l e s of the Penny  Magazine, popular c u l t u r a l experience changed q u i c k l y and d e c i s i v e l y . And, i n d e s c r i b i n g that change and i t s impact on people's l i v e s and p e r c e p t i o n s , the most p e r t i n e n t term and concept i s not "popular", but "mass". Here too, though, we continue to encounter the problem of d e f i n i t i o n . I t i s a problem, moreover, t h a t h i s t o r i a n s have g e n e r a l l y n e g l e c t e d to c o n f r o n t d i r e c t l y ; and much of the l i t e r a t u r e on p e r i o d i c a l s , l e i s u r e , and entertainment tends toward the r a t h e r too f r e e and i l l - d e f i n e d usage of the term "mass". 2 2 T h i s i s understandable enough, s i n c e the concept i n q u e s t i o n i s complex and u l t i m a t e l y eludes the n i c e t i e s of any f i x e d q u a n t i t a t i v e or q u a l i t a t i v e d e f i n i t i o n . What can t h e r e f o r e be o f f e r e d here i s an h i s t o r i c a l l y s p e c i f i c set of c o n s i d e r a t i o n s t h a t are to be understood whenever the term "mass" i s subsequently employed. C e r t a i n l y , a c e n t r a l aspect of any mass phenomenon i s the l a r g e number of people i n v o l v e d . But the d e s i g n a t i o n of an exact minimum number that would n e c e s s a r i l y c o n s t i t u t e a mass would be a l a r g e l y f u t i l e endeavour, f o r any such number would always be r e l a t i v e to time and p l a c e . For example, i n mid-nineteenth-century England, with i t s p o p u l a t i o n of twelve to t h i r t e e n m i l l i o n , a mass audience might arguably comprise s i g n i f i c a n t l y fewer people than would i t s present-day c o u n t e r p a r t i n a now h e a v i l y populated n a t i o n . What thus i d e n t i f i e s the Penny Magazine and i t s successors as a r t i f a c t s of a formative mass c u l t u r e i s not 15 j u s t the s i z e of the r e a d e r s h i p , but the f a c t t h a t there was a contemporary awareness t h a t these p u b l i c a t i o n s were indeed notable f o r and p r e v i o u s l y unequalled i n t h e i r c i r c u l a t i o n f i g u r e s . 2 3 What was a l s o new about these f i g u r e s was the f a c t t h a t they were achieved r e g u l a r l y and s u s t a i n e d over a p e r i o d of years. C e r t a i n e a r l i e r b roadsides had a l s o reached s a l e s of up to h a l f a m i l l i o n each, but these were i s o l a t e d occurrences which were not d u p l i c a t e d with s u f f i c i e n t frequency or r e g u l a r i t y to be d e s c r i b e d c o l l e c t i v e l y as "mass c u l t u r e " . As noted e a r l i e r , the emergence of such a c u l t u r e a l s o i n v o l v e d c e r t a i n c r u c i a l t e c h n o l o g i c a l advances. The i n t r o d u c t i o n of steam-powered p r i n t i n g and r e l a t e d processes pr o v i d e d the l e v e l of mechanization necessary f o r the l a r g e -s c a l e p r o d u c t i o n of p r i n t and imagery. And bound i n with t h i s advancement was the growing s o p h i s t i c a t i o n of p u b l i s h e r s who i n c r e a s i n g l y r e a l i z e d t h a t c u l t u r e was a marketable commodity and that technology c o u l d be used s p e c i f i c a l l y f o r i t s widespread and p r o f i t a b l e s a l e . But, d e s p i t e t h i s awareness on the p a r t of i t s producers, the formative mass c u l t u r e was not f u l l y commercialized i n the sense t h a t the p u b l i s h i n g i n d u s t r y was u n e q u i v o c a l l y p r o f i t -motivated or predominantly organized i n t o l i m i t e d companies. Rather, at mid-century most p u b l i s h i n g houses operated as s o l e p r o p r i e t o r s h i p s or p a r t n e r s h i p s that had e s t a b l i s h e d t h e i r i n i t i a l c a p i t a l with p e r s o n a l funds, f a m i l y money or 16 i n f o r m a l backing. In a d d i t i o n , many p u b l i s h e r s not only saw themselves as businessmen, but a l s o as humanitarians or reformers; thus they o f t e n i n v o l v e d themselves deeply i n the e d i t o r i a l , as opposed to the s t r i c t l y managerial, end of the b u s i n e s s , i n order to be a l l the more a c t i v e i n f u r t h e r i n g t h e i r p a r t i c u l a r i n t e r e s t or cause. But i f the mass-market p u b l i s h i n g i n d u s t r y at mid-century was not as commercialized as i t would l a t e r become, i t was nonetheless s o p h i s t i c a t e d enough to employ new, p r o f i t enhancing technology and to use marketing s t r a t e g i e s e f f e c t i v e enough to achieve the unprecedented d i s t r i b u t i o n which we have a l r e a d y noted. However, the q u e s t i o n of the degree to which an emerging mass c u l t u r e was a commercialized c u l t u r e i s not at a l l the c e n t r a l i s s u e of t h i s study. For i t i s at the l e v e l of consumption r a t h e r than p r o d u c t i o n that we f i n d the most s i g n i f i c a n t aspect of the new mass c u l t u r e : t hat i s , i t s s o c i a l d i v e r s i t y . In other words, t h i s c u l t u r e was never e x c l u s i v e l y an experience of working people, and f o r t h i s reason "mass" must be understood to designate m u l t i p l e s o c i a l l e v e l s . F i n a l l y , a l s o s i g n i f i c a n t l y , the concept of "mass" c a r r i e s with i t a h i s t o r i c a l p e r c e p t i o n of unprecedentedness. As l a t e r chapters w i l l i n d i c a t e , there was among both the producers and consumers of the emerging c u l t u r e a shared consciousness t h a t they were p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n a fundamental and f a r - r e a c h i n g change i n the s t r u c t u r e of 17 knowledge and communication--a change t h a t i n v o l v e d "the great mass of the p o p u l a t i o n . " 2 4 In sum, then, the i n t e r e s t here i n d i f f e r e n t i a t i n g the usage of "mass" and "popular" a r i s e s out of a concern f o r the p e r i o d i z a t i o n of the c u l t u r a l h i s t o r y of the people. Put simply and b r i e f l y , there was before 1832 a n o n - e l i t i s t popular c u l t u r e of the working p o p u l a t i o n ; a f t e r 1832 t h i s gave way to a g r e a t l y enlarged c u l t u r a l experience, some of which continued to be mainly of and f o r working people. But the c e n t r a l and g r e a t e r p a r t of t h i s transformed and expanded c u l t u r e was not j u s t the domain of the working populace, but of an unprecedentedly numerous and s o c i a l l y -d i v e r s e p u b l i c - - i n other words, the mass. But, both before and a f t e r t h i s t r a n s i t i o n , there was another l e v e l of c u l t u r a l t e r r a i n . Reminding us that n e i t h e r the o l d popular nor the new mass c u l t u r e were m a n i f e s t a t i o n s of a e s t h e t i c or s o c i a l democracy, there remained at mid-century, and remains today, the h e a r t l a n d of e x c l u s i v i s t p r i v i l e g e and power--high c u l t u r e . V A study such as t h i s must a l s o d e a l with other problems besi d e s d e f i n i t i o n . Occupied as i t i s with p i c t o r i a l evidence, i t r e q u i r e s techniques of a n a l y s i s d i f f e r e n t from the ones u s u a l l y a p p l i e d to c o n v e n t i o n a l w r i t t e n sources. U n f o r t u n a t e l y the e x i s t i n g l i t e r a t u r e on popular i l l u s t r a t i o n o f f e r s l i t t l e i n the way of g u i d e l i n e s f o r 18 addressing p r a c t i c a l q u e s t i o n s of methodology. T h i s l a c k i s not n e c e s s a r i l y due to any q u a l i t a t i v e f a i l i n g i n the l i t e r a t u r e ; i t i s a r e f l e c t i o n of the f a c t t h a t s t u d i e s of inexpensive p r i n t e d imagery are r e l a t i v e l y few i n number. Moreover, the f a i r l y s u b s t a n t i a l body of work on p e r i o d i c a l p u b l i s h i n g g i v e s l i t t l e or no a t t e n t i o n to the p i c t o r i a l content of the Penny Magazine, i t s three main s u c c e s s o r s , or other s i m i l a r i l l u s t r a t e d p e r i o d i c a l s . 2 5 Meanwhile, c o n v e r s e l y , other kinds of s t u d i e s — s u r v e y s of the g r a p h i c a r t s or p r i n t e d e p h e m e r a — o c c a s i o n a l l y reproduce or d e s c r i b e an i l l u s t r a t i o n from one or another of these magazines but normally r e s t r i c t t h e i r c a p t i o n i n g or commentary to a minimum. 2 6 And while there are many such surveys of n i n e t e e n t h - c e n t u r y popular imagery, there are o n l y a handful of s t u d i e s t h a t have examined i l l u s t r a t i o n i n s p e c i f i c r e l a t i o n to any wider s o c i a l or c u l t u r a l c o n t e x t . 2 7 For general i n f o r m a t i o n , much of the above l i t e r a t u r e has been of great use here. But i n developing a method f o r "reading" and understanding d i v e r s e imagery, work i n other d i s c i p l i n e s has p r o v i d e d more s p e c i f i c d i r e c t i o n . The f i e l d of a r t h i s t o r y , f o r i n s t a n c e , i s r i c h i n techniques f o r a n a l y z i n g the c o m p o s i t i o n a l and i c o n o g r a p h i c elements of i l l u s t r a t i o n . 2 8 Often, though, the a r t h i s t o r i a n ' s methods emphasize the image as a s e l f - c o n t a i n e d phenomenon, e x i s t i n g i n the p i c t u r e space and nowhere e l s e . Such methods thus have l i m i t e d a p p l i c a t i o n here where the concern i s with 19 i l l u s t r a t i o n s as h i s t o r i c a l "documents" whose meaning i s at l e a s t p a r t l y d e r i v e d from the s o c i e t y and c u l t t i r e t h a t produced--or reproduced--them. N e v e r t h e l e s s , there are exceptions to a r t h i s t o r y ' s widespread formalism, and two of these have been i n f l u e n t i a l f o r t h i s study. John Berger's Ways of Seeing not only looks at the formal aspects of a r t , but c o n s i d e r s too how the s i t e of i t s d i s p l a y — g a l l e r y , l i v i n g r o o m , magazine, f i l m or b o o k — c a n s u b t l y a f f e c t i t s i n t r i n s i c , independent meaning. 2 9 Berger's ideas d e r i v e d i r e c t l y from the thought of a r t and c u l t u r a l t h e o r i s t Walter Benjamin, whose seminal essay, "The Work of A r t i n the Age of Mechanical Reproduction," argues t h a t with r e p r o d u c t i o n an artwork l o s e s i t s "aura". I t becomes, that i s , detached from i t s o r i g i n a l p l a c e i n time and space, and hence from i t s a s s o c i a t e d t r a d i t i o n s , r i t u a l s and f u n c t i o n s . In consequence of t h i s l o s s of "aura", a r t ' s imagery becomes a v a i l a b l e f o r a p p r o p r i a t i o n and may be used i n c o n j u n c t i o n with, and to r e i n f o r c e , s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l i n t e r e s t s having no necessary inherent r e l a t i o n s h i p to the imagery's o r i g i n a l meanings. 3 0 From the work of Berger and Benjamin, then, d e r i v e s the o v e r a l l c r i t i c a l stance of t h i s study's approach to the p r i n t e d image--a r e c o g n i t i o n that i n i l l u s t r a t i o n , e s p e c i a l l y perhaps the a r t r e p r o d u c t i o n , meanings may not be what they at f i r s t glance appear. But i n t a k i n g t h i s stance and i n v e s t i n g i t with a measure of a n a l y t i c a l r i g o u r , the 20 work of c u l t u r a l c r i t i c and s e m i o t i c i a n Roland Barthes has been the s i n g l e most important i n f l u e n c e . Barthes' method of v i s u a l a n a l y s i s i s notable f o r i t s s e n s i t i v i t y to the m u l t i p l e l e v e l s of s i g n i f i c a n c e p o t e n t i a l l y contained i n any given reproduced image. S p e c i f i c a l l y , the meaning of an image comprises three kinds of message: the f i r s t i s l i t e r a l and c o n s i s t s of the a c t u a l shape, c o l o u r s ( i f any), c o m p o s i t i o n a l placement and so on of the image w i t h i n the p i c t o r i a l space; the second message i s l i n g u i s t i c and i s conveyed through the accompanying t i t l e , c a p t i o n and e x p l a n a t o r y t e x t . And l a s t l y there i s what Barthes r e f e r s to o n l y as "the t h i r d message." T h i s i s c u l t u r a l , or connoted, and takes i n the l i t e r a l and l i n g u i s t i c messages, t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p to one another, and, most i m p o r t a n t l y , to a s p e c i f i c context. T h i s context i n c l u d e s both the medium of reproduction--book or magazine, f o r example — and t h a t medium's r o l e or s i g n i f i c a n c e i n a p a r t i c u l a r time and p l a c e . 3 1 I t i s t h i s t h i r d , c u l t u r a l message t h a t w i l l be of g r e a t e s t i n t e r e s t i n chapters t h a t f o l l o w . In theory, any p r i n t e d image has t h i s l e v e l of meaning; however, as w i l l be demonstrated, i t i s p a r t i c u l a r l y a c c e s s i b l e i n the a r t r e p r o d u c t i o n s of the Penny Magazine, and i n c e r t a i n other kinds of i l l u s t r a t i o n i n i t s three s u c c e s s o r s . But d e s p i t e the methodological underpinning of Barthes' work, a s u b s t a n t i a l i n t e r p r e t i v e element s t i l l a ttaches to 21 the use of p r i n t e d images as h i s t o r i c a l documents. T h i s , though, i s not wholly pr o b l e m a t i c , f o r i n t e r p r e t i v e approaches are not n e c e s s a r i l y at odds with other methods-i n c l u d i n g q u a n t i t a t i v e o n e s . 3 2 Moreover, as some would argue, q u a l i t a t i v e l i t e r a r y , s t y l i s t i c and s e m i o t i c modes of a n a l y s i s may be b e t t e r s u i t e d to understanding complex communications than the more, s o - c a l l e d , " r i g o r o u s " a p p r o a c h e s . 3 3 T h i s argument perhaps a p p l i e s even more to v i s u a l than to v e r b a l communications. But even so, as a check a g a i n s t u n n e c e s s a r i l y i m p r e s s i o n i s t i c i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s of the former, t h i s study w i l l use s u b s t a n t i a t i n g w r i t t e n evidence wherever p o s s i b l e . In other words, both i m p l i c i t l y and e x p l i c i t l y , there w i l l be a concern throughout to examine imagery as p a r t of a p i c t u r e - t e x t r e l a t i o n s h i p and to a v o i d at a l l times the " r e a d i n g - i n " of any meaning t h a t i s not p l a i n l y d e p i c t e d and/or conveyed through the accompanying t e x t . T h i s study w i l l a l s o draw upon the evidence of such c o n v e n t i o n a l sources as newspapers, p a r l i a m e n t a r y r e p o r t s and unpublished a r c h i v a l m a t e r i a l . Of the l a t t e r there i s a s u f f i c i e n t amount p e r t a i n i n g to the Penny Magazine. For i t s three s u c c e s s o r s , however, there are no s u r v i v i n g a r c h i v e s . In these cases, then, arguments and analyses have to be p i e c e d t ogether from i n t e r n a l evidence i n the magazines themselves, e a r l y h i s t o r i e s of i n d i v i d u a l s , s o c i e t i e s and p u b l i s h i n g houses, the memoirs of p r i n t e r s and p u b l i s h e r s , 22 contemporary commentary i n p e r i o d i c a l s , and a few l e t t e r s s c a t t e r e d amongst the papers of others not d i r e c t l y i n v o l v e d i n the p u b l i s h i n g i n d u s t r y . But, as noted above, the o b j e c t here i s a l s o to d e s c r i b e the r o l e of working people i n the c r e a t i o n of a formative mass c u l t u r e . For t h i s purpose the major sources are workers' a u t o b i o g r a p h i e s . And these too present problems. F i r s t , as numerous h i s t o r i a n s have remarked, the autobiographers, by the very f a c t of having w r i t t e n a book, were not t y p i c a l working p e o p l e . 3 4 Although t h i s i s a l e g i t i m a t e r e s e r v a t i o n which must be taken i n t o account when using these sources, i t i s a l e s s e r . c o n c e r n than the matter of a u t o b i o g r a p h i c a l r e t i c e n c e i n a number of areas. That i s , l i t e r a r y conventions and the d i c t a t e s of e d i t o r s and p u b l i s h e r s t ogether determined what was " a p p r o p r i a t e " to an autobiography and undoubtedly l i m i t e d the scope of r e m i n i s c e n c e s . 3 5 And, a p p a r e n t l y , among those s u b j e c t s g e n e r a l l y deemed i n a p p r o p r i a t e was the p l a c e of imagery in' wor k i n g - c l a s s l i f e . Nonetheless a few autobiographers d i d comment d i r e c t l y , i f b r i e f l y , on t h i s theme, and one even went so f a r as to admit t h a t he "hated a l l books but those of p i c t u r e s . " 3 6 But on the whole, out of a sampling of some f i f t y a u t o b i o g r a p h i e s , most d i d not express t h e i r response to imagery, t h e i r p i c t o r i a l t a s t e , and the uses to which they put p r i n t e d i l l u s t r a t i o n . O c c a s i o n a l l y , of course, such r e t i c e n c e f u n c t i o n s as negative evidence and allows 23 some i n f e r e n c e to be drawn. More o f t e n than not, though, s p e c u l a t i o n one way or another has l i t t l e b a s i s i n evidence, negative or otherwise, and f o r t h i s reason w i l l be avoided as much as p o s s i b l e . N e v e r t h e l e s s , i t seems c l e a r t h at c u l t u r e emanates from both producers and consumers; and i f the r o l e of the l a t t e r i s to be adequately recognized, then a v a i l a b l e evidence, however fragmentary, must be used. The a l t e r n a t i v e i s h i s t o r i o g r a p h i c a l s i l e n c e . VI F i n a l l y , before the summarizing of chapters to come, i t to i s necessary \ comment b r i e f l y on the g e o g r a p h i c a l scope and chronology of t h i s study. F i r s t , as i s no doubt a l r e a d y apparent, what f o l l o w s concentrates wholly on England. However, i t i s p o s s i b l e t h a t much of what w i l l be s a i d here c o u l d have wider a p p l i c a t i o n , s i n c e a l l four of the p i v o t a l magazines c i r c u l a t e d i n Sc o t l a n d , Wales and I r e l a n d , as w e l l as England. Turning now to the matter of chronology, we should recognize t h a t , as with most h i s t o r i o g r a p h i c a l p e r i o d i z a t i o n , there i s a degree of a r b i t r a r i n e s s i n the 1790 to 1860 d a t i n g range. That i s , what w i l l be s a i d about the p e r i o d from 1790 to 1832 i s i n many i n s t a n c e s a p p l i c a b l e to the 1780s and sometimes a decade or so e a r l i e r . The same q u a l i f i c a t i o n holds f o r the l a t t e r p a r t of t h i s study's p e r i o d . Thus, at l e a s t some of the c u l t u r a l c o n d i t i o n s that c h a r a c t e r i z e d the years between 1832 and 1860 continued to 24 p r e v a i l f o r perhaps another twenty years. But d e s p i t e t h i s i n e v i t a b l e i m p r e c i s i o n at i t s extreme ends, the d a t i n g range used here has a demonstrable h i s t o r i c a l b a s i s . That i s , by 1855 the London J o u r n a l . R e y n o l d s ' M i s c e l l a n y and C a s s e l l ' s  Paper had achieved peak c i r c u l a t i o n s of 450,000, 250,000 and 200,000, r e s p e c t i v e l y , and f i v e years l a t e r were s t i l l m a i n t a i n i n g a s i m i l a r l y h i g h l e v e l of r e g u l a r s a l e s . T h i s f i v e - y e a r p e r i o d has proven to be both a s u f f i c i e n t i n d i c a t o r of commercial success and enough time f o r r e l a t e d c u l t u r a l e f f e c t s to be apparent. At the other end of our p e r i o d , the date of 1790 c l o s e l y c o i n c i d e s with the e a r l i e s t memory of the m a j o r i t y of autobiographers and, a d d i t i o n a l l y , preceeded the onset of mass c u l t u r e by about t h i r t y y e a r s — a l e n g t h of time both manageable and s u f f i c i e n t to r e v e a l the fundamental c h a r a c t e r of an o l d e r popular experience j u s t before i t s t r a n s f o r m a t i o n and expansion. I t i s t h i s e a r l i e r popular c u l t u r e - - i n p a r t i c u l a r , i t s e x p r e s s i o n through p r i n t e d i m a g e r y — t h a t w i l l be the s u b j e c t of the next chapter. Using both w r i t t e n and p i c t o r i a l sources, i t w i l l survey the a r t i f a c t s , group experiences and i n d i v i d u a l responses a s s o c i a t e d with popular p r i n t e d i l l u s t r a t i o n i n the l a t e e i g h t e e n t h and e a r l y n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r i e s . I t w i l l f u r t h e r attempt to l o c a t e t h i s p r i n t -c e n t r e d p i c t o r i a l c u l t u r e — o r , perhaps more a c c u r a t e l y , sub-c u l t u r e — w i t h i n the l a r g e r c u l t u r a l experience that 25 t y p i c a l l y c h a r a c t e r i z e d working people's l i v e s between 1790 and 1832. Chapter 3 w i l l begin at the l a t t e r date, the year i n which the Penny Magazine began p u b l i c a t i o n . T h i s was p o s s i b l y the e a r l i e s t and, c e r t a i n l y , one of the most c r u c i a l a r t i f a c t s of the formative mass c u l t u r e ; and, i n i t s s o p h i s t i c a t e d use of a r t r e p r o d u c t i o n , t h i s magazine brought about a p r e v i o u s l y unknown l e v e l of c o i n c i d e n c e between high c u l t u r e and common experience. The , chapter w i l l c o n s i d e r the magazine's content, u n d e r l y i n g s o c i a l and e d u c a t i o n a l motives, and c u l t u r a l e f f e c t . I t w i l l attempt to r e f u t e the w i d e l y - h e l d view t h a t the Penny Magazine was no more than a heavy-handed, u l t i m a t e l y u n s u c c e s s f u l , venture i n t o s o c i a l c o n t r o l . Chapters 4 and 5 w i l l examine the o p e r a t i o n and i l l u s t r a t i o n of the second g e n e r a t i o n of p i c t o r i a l magazines--the London J o u r n a l . Reynolds' M i s c e l l a n y and C a s s e l l ' s Paper. Chapter 4 c o n s i d e r s the p r o p r i e t o r s , t h e i r b u s inesses, and the new kinds of imagery that c h a r a c t e r i z e d the magazines. Chapter 5 w i l l take a c l o s e r look at the r e s p e c t i v e contents of these magazines, f o c u s i n g e s p e c i a l l y on the promotion of c e r t a i n s o c i a l and c u l t u r a l v a l u e s . There w i l l a l s o be a concern to show the ways i n which high c u l t u r e and common experience began to di v e r g e - - t h e former r e t r e a t i n g i n the d i r e c t i o n of i t s t r a d i t i o n a l e x c l u s i v i s m . 26 The remaining two chapters w i l l e l a b o r a t e the themes and arguments of pr e v i o u s d i s c u s s i o n . Chapter 6 w i l l use aut o b i o g r a p h i e s , e d i t o r i a l correspondence and other d i v e r s e sources to assess the nature of the r e a d e r s h i p of the four f o c a l magazines. I t w i l l c o ncentrate on two, p a r t i a l l y o v e r l a p p i n g , s e c t o r s of t h i s r e a d e r s h i p : workers and women. Chapter 7 w i l l draw upon a wider range of evidence--from penny f i c t i o n , p i c t o r i a l broadsides, trade union memorabilia, and p o l i t i c a l imagery--in order to c l a r i f y the i n t e r r e l a t i o n s h i p of a transformed popular c u l t u r e , an emerging mass c u l t u r e , o l d e r c u l t u r a l forms, working people's t a s t e and a developing w o r k i n g - c l a s s consciousness. The c o n c l u s i o n f o l l o w i n g t h i s chapter w i l l continue t h i s theme with c e r t a i n r e l a t e d s p e c u l a t i o n s : the c l o s i n g s u g g e s t i o n w i l l be t h a t the four magazines examined here were not onl y the f i r s t mass-disseminators of a new ki n d of p r i n t e d image; i n t h e i r use of advanced technology, i n c r e a s i n g d i f f u s e n e s s of imagery, and s o c i a l and c u l t u r a l impact, they were the immediate f o r e r u n n e r s of the modern mass media. But before there was a mass media, or a formative mass c u l t u r e , or even any inexpensive i l l u s t r a t e d magazines, there was an o l d e r c u l t u r e of the E n g l i s h worker; and w i t h i n t h i s , the p r i n t e d imagery t h a t stood at the ce n t r e of common p i c t o r i a l experience. What, f o l l o w s next i s an attempt to 27 r e c o n s t r u c t some of t h a t experience — and r e v i v e t h a t imagery. 28 CHAPTER 2 The P r i n t e d Image i n T r a n s i t i o n : Popular C u l t u r e and I l l u s t r a t i o n , 1790-1832 Among the contemporary scenes i l l u s t r a t e d i n an 1808 survey of London l i f e and monuments was the annual Royal Academy e x h i b i t i o n of o i l p a i n t i n g s . 1 Beneath the high c e i l i n g s and l a r g e windows of Somerset House e x h i b i t i o n room, h i s t o r i c a l and m y t h o l o g i c a l s u b j e c t s , animal and genre p a i n t i n g s , landscape and p o r t r a i t u r e congested the w a l l s ( p l a t e 1). The s t y l i s h crowd of viewers posed, preened, s t r o l l e d and conversed. Few gave more than p a s s i n g a t t e n t i o n to the a r t . They had l i t t l e need to do so, f o r such imagery was a commonplace i n t h e i r l i v e s . The same London survey a l s o i l l u s t r a t e d a d i f f e r e n t k i n d of contemporary v i s u a l experience. J u s t a few s t r e e t s away from the e x h i b i t i o n , i n a room of l e s s generous p r o p o r t i o n and l i g h t i n g , another group was assembled. V a r i o u s l y absorbed i n needle-work, slop-work, winding candle-wicks and p i c k i n g h o r s e - h a i r , the room's occupants, 29 l i k e the a r t devotees at Somerset House, took scant n o t i c e of t h e i r surroundings. And they too had l i t t l e need to do so. In the workhouse of the p a r i s h of St. James the w a l l s were completely bare ( p l a t e 2). Between these extremes of a e s t h e t i c abundance and v i s u a l d e p r i v a t i o n l a y the experience of the m a j o r i t y of E n g l i s h working people. Those who managed to s u b s i s t o u t s i d e the c o n f i n e s of the p r i s o n , asylum and workhouse were not e n t i r e l y without the stimulus of imagery. Nature, a r c h i t e c t u r e , p u b l i c monuments and commercial s i g n s were a l l sources of c o l o u r , l i n e and form. 2 And so too were the ornamented stages of t r a v e l l i n g puppet shows, the p a i n t e d p o s t e r s of f a i r s and c i r c u s e s , and the scenes of murder and e x e c u t i o n t h a t drew crowds to i t i n e r a n t peep shows. 3 But the imagery t h a t was p a r t of the environment, or an aspect of entertainment, was not s p e c i f i c a l l y intended to provide working people with e i t h e r i n s t r u c t i o n or a e s t h e t i c experience. F a i r s and shows, moreover, were on l y o c c a s i o n a l , o f t e n f o r t u i t o u s events; and the more constant s i g h t s of d a i l y surroundings must, with f a m i l i a r i t y , have l o s t much of t h e i r power to s t i m u l a t e the eye and arouse the i n t e l l e c t . Thus, i f most workers of the l a t e e i g h t e e n t h and e a r l y n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r i e s managed to escape the bleakness of the i n s t i t u t i o n , t h e i r s was s t i l l by no means the c o n s i s t e n t l y r i c h and v a r i e d experience of imagery t h a t was taken f o r granted by Somerset House v i s i t o r s and others 30 e q u a l l y p r i v i l e g e d . And at t h a t time i t was the r a r e worker, i f any at a l l , who had seen an o r i g i n a l work of f i n e a r t i n a g a l l e r y or museum. Between 1790 and 1832, then, i t was not the e s t a b l i s h m e n t s of high c u l t u r e , nor the p h y s i c a l environment, nor even popular entertainment t h a t p r o v i d e d E n g l i s h workers with t h e i r most s u s t a i n e d source of a e s t h e t i c experience, v i s u a l i n f o r m a t i o n and p i c t o r i a l amusement. Rather, such stimulus came p r i m a r i l y from the imagery dispensed through the medium of p r i n t . In the l a t e e i g h t e e n t h century Thomas Bewick's p o p u l a r i z a t i o n of the process of wood-engraving, together with e a r l y n i n e t e e n t h -century advances i n mechanized p r i n t i n g , made i l l u s t r a t i o n i n c r e a s i n g l y a v a i l a b l e to a widening p u b l i c . 4 And without doubt t h a t p u b l i c i n c l u d e d working people. But i t should be emphasized t h a t u n t i l 1832 i t was the middle s t r a t a of s o c i e t y t h a t p r i m a r i l y b e n e f i t e d from the burgeoning of p i c t o r i a l p u b l i s h i n g . 5 Economic l i m i t a t i o n s excluded the m a j o r i t y of workers from a l l but p a r t i c i p a t i o n on the f r i n g e s of the growing trade i n i l l u s t r a t i o n . In a time when a working man's weekly income might be as low as s i x s h i l l i n g s , to own a p i c t u r e book or s i n g l e p r i n t was an uncommon lu x u r y t h a t no worker so advantaged took f o r g r a n t e d . 6 As the L a n c a s h i r e weaver and P e t e r l o o a c t i v i s t Samuel Bamford remembered, more prosperous workers might a f t e r assiduous hoarding take "every f a r t h i n g [they] c o u l d 31 scrape t o g e t h e r " and purchase the o c c a s i o n a l broadside or chapbook--which f o r one or two pennies might i n c l u d e a s i n g l e small woodcut at i t s head. 7 Those whose income or f r u g a l i t y were i n s u f f i c i e n t f o r such purchases gained access to the p r i n t e d image from a v a r i e t y of a l t e r n a t i v e sources. Coffee houses co n t a i n e d p r i n t e d matter, some of i t p i c t o r i a l ; many c h a r i t y and Sunday schools s u p p l i e d p i c t u r e books and other i l l u s t r a t e d m a t e r i a l f o r use i n the classroom, or to be awarded as p r i z e s f o r d i l i g e n c e ; and i t was not unknown f o r sympathetic b o o k s e l l e r s to grant borrowing p r i v i l e g e s to the t r u s t w o r t h y . 8 From time to time workers i n the l a r g e r towns and c i t i e s must have paused to gaze at the many f i n e engravings and other p i c t o r i a l m a t e r i a l arrayed i n p r i n t -shop windows. C e r t a i n l y they had g r e a t e r o p p o r t u n i t y to do so than t h e i r r u r a l c o u n t e r p a r t s . Thus, although the g e n e r a l i t y of workers had extremely l i m i t e d experience of o r i g i n a l works of p a i n t i n g and s c u l p t u r e , at l e a s t the urban d w e l l e r s among them c o u l d on o c c a s i o n study the a r t r e p r o d u c t i o n s and other g o o d - q u a l i t y p r i n t s on d i s p l a y i n many a shop window. However, r e g a r d l e s s of where a worker l i v e d , at an average c o s t of two s h i l l i n g s and sixpence each, the p r i n t s e l l e r ' s wares were beyond the means of even the r e l a t i v e l y w e l l - o f f a r t i s a n . 9 The comparatively r e s t r i c t e d access to p i c t o r i a l m a t e r i a l i n r u r a l c e n t r e s and, r e g a r d l e s s of l o c a l e , i t s 32 high c o s t c o u l d not r e p r e s s people's widespread i n t e r e s t i n the p r i n t e d image. As we w i l l s h o r t l y see, workers of a l l kinds and from d i v e r s e environments sought to i n c o r p o r a t e t h i s form of p i c t o r i a l experience i n t o t h e i r d a i l y l i v e s . The remainder of t h i s chapter w i l l d i s c u s s the p r i n t e d imagery most c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of the experience of working people. I t w i l l c o n s i d e r the r e l a t i o n s h i p of t h i s imagery to the wider popular c u l t u r e of the p e r i o d and d e s c r i b e the E n g l i s h worker's r o l e i n the c r e a t i o n of an emergent market f o r a new kind of popular i l l u s t r a t i o n . I The p r i n t e d imagery t h a t came the way of workers through saving and purchase, c h a r i t y or chance was c l o s e l y bound i n with other aspects of t h e i r c u l t u r a l experience. In h i s L e i s u r e i n the I n d u s t r i a l R e v o l u t i o n . Hugh Cunningham has argued c o n v i n c i n g l y that t h i s experience comprised three c u l t u r e s . There was f i r s t of a l l a predominant popular c u l t u r e of entertainment c h a r a c t e r i z e d by a " 1 i v e - a n d - l e t -l i v e hedonism." In o p p o s i t i o n to t h i s c u l t u r e were two o t h e r s : a r e l i g i o u s c u l t u r e c e n t r e d around Methodism, but t a k i n g i n A n g l i c a n E v a n g e l i c a l i s m ; and a c u l t u r e of s e c u l a r r a d i c a l i s m which combined the p o l i t i c s of p r o t e s t w i t h the creed of s e l f - i m p r o v e m e n t . 1 0 With c e r t a i n q u a l i f i c a t i o n s to be d i s c u s s e d l a t e r , the p r i n t e d imagery most common i n the everday l i f e of the people conforms to Cunningham's d e s c r i p t i v e model. But one r e s e r v a t i o n must be expressed immediately: t h i s model does not d i s t i n g u i s h between the experience of urban and r u r a l workers, f o r Cunningham ques t i o n s the explanatory value of such a d i s t i n c t i o n . 1 1 However, as we have a l r e a d y seen, i n the case of the p r i n t e d image and the o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r seeing i t , the d i s t i n c t i o n needs to be made. Even so, Cunningham's idea about the g e o g r a p h i c a l u n i f o r m i t y of people's o v e r a l l c u l t u r a l experience s t i l l has some a p p l i c a t i o n here. For, whether they o c c u r r e d o f t e n or r a r e l y , many of the general ways i n which workers might p o t e n t i a l l y encounter imagery was not g e o g r a p h i c a l l y d i f f e r e n t i a t e d . T h i s w i l l become more apparent as we progress with our survey. And, as we have a l r e a d y observed, whether they l i v e d on farms, i n v i l l a g e s towns or c i t i e s , most workers c o u l d not a f f o r d the p r i c e r e q u i r e d to own any i l l u s t r a t i v e m a t e r i a l other than the odd penny p r i n t or p i c t u r e book. So, i n sum, i t seems t h a t while we must acknowledge the l o c a l d i v ergency of some common kinds of p i c t o r i a l experience, we must e q u a l l y remember that t h i s d i d not negate a more general c u l t u r a l coherence, much of i t manifested through the p r i n t e d image. In both country and c i t y , then, but with v a r y i n g frequency, working people saw p r i n t e d images, u s u a l l y woodcuts, p r o v i d i n g d i v e r s e kinds and l e v e l s of entertainment. The w a l l s and windows of inns, shops and other premises were a source of i n f o r m a t i o n and at l e a s t o c c a s i o n a l p i c t o r i a l d i v e r s i o n . As p r i n t r e p l a c e d the bellmen, a d v e r t i s i n g b i l l s and cards became an i n c r e a s i n g l y common s i g h t i n v i l l a g e , town and c i t y ( p l a t e s 3 and 4). Before the mid- to l a t e 1830s the m a j o r i t y of p r i n t e d w a l l advertisements were not i l l u s t r a t e d , or i n c l u d e d o n l y the odd a s t e r i s k or p o i n t i n g f i n g e r f o r emphasis. Nonetheless the p i c t o r i a l b i l l was not e n t i r e l y unknown, and many working people would have been f a m i l i a r with such stock images as the horses and r i d e r s commonly used to i l l u s t r a t e race b i l l s . One t y p i c a l example, an 1829 advertisement f o r the Yarmouth races, presented viewers with a t i n y cut of two jockeys and t h e i r mounts i n a neck-and-neck race; the w e l l -d e t a i l e d composition a l s o i n c o r p o r a t e d a flagman and two che e r i n g s p e c t a t o r s . Another f a i r l y common s i g h t must have been the s t o c k - c u t s of acrobats and t i g h t r o p e walkers, f r e q u e n t l y reproduced on announcements of coming c i r c u s e s , f a i r s and t h e a t r i c a l events l i k e "Monsieur Longuemare . . . on the TIGHT ROPE" at Davis' Ampitheatre near Westminster Bridge, A p r i l 28, 1823. 1 2 Trade cards, u s u a l l y d i s p l a y e d i n shop windows, were i l l u s t r a t e d more o f t e n than posted b i l l s and encompassed a range of s u b j e c t matter. Among the many images t h a t passers-by might view were Chinese merchants d r i n k i n g t e a , Turks imbibing c o f f e e , and Englishmen enjoying pipe tobacco; elsewhere, meanwhile, cupids, goddesses, f l o w e r s , s c r o l l s and acanthus helped to promote such products as Fashionable Linen Drapery and Cheap Hats; or 35 such e n t e r p r i s e s as Richard Warren, Perfumer; Graham, P r i n t e r at Alnwick; and J . Garnett, Chemist, D r u g g i s t , &c . 1 3 The i n t e r i o r w a l l s of many p u b l i c houses were a l s o a source of p r i n t e d imagery. To some patrons, perhaps, these woodcuts and engravings were bland entertainment when compared to the p l e a s u r e s of the main a t t r a c t i o n of such e s t a b l i s h m e n t s . But at l e a s t one working man, a London ribbon-weaver, was s u f f i c i e n t l y impressed to r e c a l l the "framed engravings of naval b a t t l e s hung round the w a l l s " of a " r e s p e c t a b l e " C l e r k e n w e l l p u b l i c house i n 1824. More than t h e i r s u b j e c t matter, however, i t was the general c h a r a c t e r of these p r i n t s t h a t s t r u c k him. For they, l i k e the r e s t of the i n t e r i o r , were "neat and sober" and thus harmonized with the c l i e n t e l e whose number i n c l u d e d " c a r p e n t e r s , b r i c k l a y e r s and l a b o u r e r s . " 1 4 But these and other o f f e r i n g s of w a l l s and windows pr o v i d e d imagery of secondary importance i n the l i v e s of most workers. More c e n t r a l to t h e i r experience of p r i n t e d p i c t o r i a l entertainment were the woodcut i l l u s t r a t i o n s of the broadside and chapbook. 1 5 Sold by p r i n t e r s , b o o k s e l l e r s , chapmen at f a i r s , and s t r e e t vendors ( p l a t e 5), both kinds of p u b l i c a t i o n had wide d i s t r i b u t i o n . A b r o a d s i d e — t h a t i s , a s i n g l e sheet with a poem, song, s t o r y and perhaps one woodcut--cost a whole or halfpenny, while a chapbook--a m i n i a t u r e , u s u a l l y s o f t - c o v e r storybook of a dozen or so pages--sold f o r s l i g h t l y more at one to 36 threepence. Those unable to a f f o r d such p r i c e s might p a t r o n i z e one of the c o f f e e houses or pubs where the l a t e s t b roadsides were pasted on the w a l l s or passed from hand to hand. I t was a l s o not uncommon f o r workers to pool resources and share a penny b a l l a d or book between two f a m i l i e s . 1 6 And, at no c o s t whatever, the shop window of town and c i t y was a constant means of viewing at l e a s t some of t h i s m a t e r i a l and t a k i n g i n the p i c t o r i a l entertainment i t a f f o r d e d . Bamford r e c a l l e d a Manchester bookshop "kept by one S w i n d e l l s , a p r i n t e r " and d e s c r i b e d what must have been a f a i r l y t y p i c a l d i s p l a y of i l l u s t r a t e d wares: In the spacious windows of t h i s shop . . . were e x h i b i t e d numerous songs, b a l l a d s , t a l e s and other p u b l i c a t i o n s with h o r r i d and a w f u l - l o o k i n g woodcuts at the head; which p u b l i c a t i o n s , with t h e i r c u t s , had a strong command on my a t t e n t i o n . 1 7 The s u b j e c t matter of the d i s p l a y s t h a t so a t t r a c t e d Bamford and others r e v o l v e d around a few constant main themes: r e a l or f i c t i t i o u s s c andals, o f t e n humourously t r e a t e d ; l o v e , sex and marriage; i l l n e s s , misfortune and death; crime and punishment. The broadsides i n p a r t i c u l a r repeated endless v a r i a t i o n s of these themes i n both b a l l a d and prose forms. As the n i n e t e e n t h - c e n t u r y c o l l e c t o r and compiler of C u r i o s i t i e s of S t r e e t L i t e r a t u r e , C h a r l e s Hindley, p o i n t e d out, the s t o c k - i n - t r a d e of such p u b l i s h e r s of popular entertainment as James Catnach and John P i t t s was " d o u b t f u l scandals, 'cooked' a s s a s s i n a t i o n s , sudden deaths of eminent i n d i v i d u a l s , apocryphal elopements, r e a l or catch-penny accounts of murders, impossible r o b b e r i e s , d e l u s i v e s u i c i d e s , dark deeds and p u b l i c e x e c u t i o n s . " 1 8 These s u b j e c t s and themes were commonly, though not i n v a r i a b l y , i l l u s t r a t e d and, as much as the p u b l i s h e r s ' stock of cuts allowed, the imagery corresponded to the t e x t s . Where they e x i s t e d , such correspondences tended to be r a t h e r loose and g e n e r a l i z e d , while the use of f a i r l y s t a n d a r d i z e d stock imagery meant t h a t the chosen i l l u s t r a t i o n s were o f t e n only p a l l i d r e f l e c t i o n s of the t e x t u a l accounts. T h i s was most t r u e i n the case of broadsides d e a l i n g with sex and lo v e . For example, extravagant and o f t e n h i g h l y suggestive passages on i l l i c i t p a s s i o n , h e a r t - r e n d i n g l o n g i n g s , and cold-blooded b e t r a y a l f r e q u e n t l y had as t h e i r v i s u a l accompaniment such innocuous images as p r i m - l o o k i n g , not o v e r l y a t t r a c t i v e young women or, a l t e r n a t i v e l y , sedate and h e a v i l y - g a r b e d couples s t r o l l i n g c h a s t e l y through the c o u n t r y s i d e . 1 9 Sometimes the cho i c e s were not so much bland as s u r p r i s i n g . In one such i n s t a n c e a b a l l a d e n t i t l e d "The Constant Lovers" was i l l u s t r a t e d w i t h the image of a w e l l - n o u r i s h e d duck, captured i n p r i n t at some p o i n t before the b a l l a d ' s c o n c l u s i o n determined h i s and the happier f a t e of the p r o t a g o n i s t s : "So the constant l o v e r s got married, and had an e x c e l l e n t f a t duck f o r d i n n e r . " 2 0 In c o n t r a s t , i l l u s t r a t i o n s of crime and punishment were both to the p o i n t and not without emotive f o r c e . In the 38 s t a r k n e s s of t h e i r s t y l e and the f i n a l i t y of t h e i r content, stock images of the gallows must have aroused at l e a s t a small f r i s s o n of p l e a s u r a b l e dread i n many viewers ( p l a t e 6 ) . 2 1 S i m i l a r l y , scenes such as t h a t reproduced i n p l a t e 7 were s u r e l y graphic enough to s a t i s f y a l l but the most b l o o d - t h i r s t y of p i c t o r i a l t a s t e s . And probably the m a j o r i t y of viewers cared l i t t l e t h a t the t e x t d e s c r i b e d a k n i f i n g while the p i c t u r e showed murder by s t r a n g u l a t i o n - -the l e v e l of v i o l e n c e p o r t r a y e d was a f t e r a l l t r u e to the s p i r i t of i t s d e s c r i p t i o n . The working people who wrote about t h e i r l i v e s and t a s t e s remained remarkably s i l e n t on the s u b j e c t of broadsides, f e e l i n g perhaps t h a t reminiscences of such entertainment would not have been i n keeping with the s e l f -c o n s c i o u s l y l i t e r a r y and h o r t a t o r y tone that c h a r a c t e r i z e d many of t h e i r a u t o b i o g r a p h i e s . However, the commercial success of broadsides i n general and the wide c i r c u l a t i o n of c e r t a i n s p e c i f i c examples are together a strong i n d i c a t i o n t h a t the p u b l i s h e r s of such m a t e r i a l reached t h e i r t a r g e t e d audience. The l a r g e p r i n t runs and frequent r e - i s s u i n g of c e r t a i n c a t e g o r i e s of broadsides f u r t h e r suggest t h a t among the most p r o f i t a b l e and popular were those t r e a t i n g love and c o u r t s h i p . And r i v a l l i n g these were the almanack sheets with t h e i r small t r a d i t i o n a l images of the lab o u r s of the months and t h e i r "Wonderful P r e d i c t i o n s and Remarkable Prophecies" f o r the coming y e a r . 2 2 But above a l l i t was the murder and exe c u t i o n broadsides t h a t had the most n o t a b l y l a r g e f o l l o w i n g . Catnach's 1832 account of the exe c u t i o n of the murderer John T h u r t e l l s o l d 500,000 c o p i e s , while two l a t e r Catnach b r o a d s i d e s — t h e " l a s t Dying Speech and C o n f e s s i o n of W i l l i a m Corder, Murderer of Maria Marten" (1828) and "John Holloway, the B r i g h t o n Wife Murderer" (1831)--had r e s p e c t i v e s a l e s of 1,166,000 and 500,000 c o p i e s . 2 3 On these and o t h e r . s i m i l a r b roadsides b o l d h e a d l i n e s and such t y p i c a l catchwords and phrases as "D r e a d f u l . HORRIBLE, C r u e l and Inhuman, SHOCKING RAPE AND MURDER, and HORRID MURDER!" not only promoted s a l e s : they a l s o enhanced the purported "Likeness of the Murderer" whose b e n i g n - l o o k i n g stock countenance might otherwise have been mistaken f o r an o r d i n a r i l y m i l d and law-a b i d i n g i n d i v i d u a l ( p l a t e 8). I t i s p o s s i b l e t h a t workers saved these images of murder and i t s punishment and used them to r e l i e v e the bareness of t h e i r w a l l s . An engraved i l l u s t r a t i o n d a t i n g to around 1837, and showing the i n t e r i o r of a working f a m i l y ' s home, may be i n d i c a t i v e of the household embellishment of a few years e a r l i e r . On the w a l l over the mantle i s a broadside image of the murderer Greenacre and, above i t , a stock gallows s c e n e . 2 4 T h i s was not as g r i s l y a mode of i n t e r i o r d e c o r a t i o n as i t might today seem. For the ei g h t e e n t h - and ni n e t e e n t h - c e n t u r y l o r e r e l a t i n g to dream i n t e r p r e t a t i o n and f o r t u n e - t e l l i n g deemed the image of the 40 gallows to be "a most f o r t u n a t e omen", the i n d i c a t o r of coming r i c h e s and "great honours." And, i n a s i m i l a r happy v e i n , murder was p a r a d o x i c a l l y "a s i g n of long l i f e " , w hile "to imagine you see a murderer" meant "good news" on the way. 2 5 But, perhaps, i n a world where p i c t u r e s were o f t e n expensive and d i f f i c u l t to come by, i t was simply the appeal of any w a l l d e c o r a t i o n , r a t h e r than a s p e c i f i c image, t h a t most mattered. By the t u r n of the n i n e t e e n t h century, at l e a s t some workers' must have been able to e x e r c i s e a g r e a t e r amount of choice i n imagery f o r t h e i r homes. In the c i t i e s , s t r e e t vendors who pinned t h e i r wares to open umbrellas o f f e r e d penny p r i n t s , u s u a l l y purchased from waste paper d e a l e r s . And both H i n d l e y and the p u b l i s h e r C h a r l e s Knight r e c a l l e d the o l d b r o a d s i d e - s t y l e p i c t u r e s , sometimes red- or b l u e -t i n t e d , which workers purchased cheaply from i t i n e r a n t p e d l a r s at markets and f a i r s . 2 6 According to Hindley, the s u b j e c t s of these p r i n t s were standard genre scenes such as "The Curate Going Out on Duty", "The Countryman i n London" and "Troubled with Gout". Other scenes--"Love i n a V i l l a g e " and "Out of Place and Unpensioned"--touched more c l o s e l y on the workers' l i v e d experience and perhaps f o r t h a t reason may have been more popular. But there i s no d i r e c t evidence one way or another: on t h i s p o i n t too the autobiographers remained mute. 41 They were somewhat more forthcoming about t h e i r p r e f e r e n c e s i n chapbook t a l e s and images. And t h i s i s f o r t u n a t e , f o r beyond the f a c t t h a t many chapbooks c i r c u l a t e d i n the thousands i n the e i g h t e e n t h century, no f i g u r e s have emerged to show comparative s a l e s and r e l a t i v e p o p u l a r i t y . From re a d e r s ' and o t h e r s ' accounts, i t seems th a t the most widely c i r c u l a t e d chapbooks i n c l u d e d Nixon's  Prophecies, Mother Shipton's Legacy and other guides to the f u t u r e ; t r a d i t i o n a l romances such as Guy of Warwick; and the s t o r i e s and p i c t u r e s of f a i r i e s , g i a n t s and fabulous e x p l o i t s found i n works l i k e Mother Bunche's F a i r y T a l e s . 2 7 Once again Bamford i s the most a r t i c u l a t e source. Among the chapbook s t o r i e s and images t h a t drew him to S w i n d e l l ' s shop window were Jack the Giant K i l l e r . S a i n t George and the  Dragon, Jack and the Beanstalk. The Seven Champions of  Christendom, F a i r Rosamund. The Witches of the Woodlands, and "such l i k e romances." A one-time Yarrow s e r v i n g - g i r l , Janet Bathgate, i n d i c a t e d a s i m i l a r t a s t e , echoing Bamford's mention of Jack and the Beanstalk and adding Robinson Crusoe to h i s s e l e c t i o n . 2 8 Among younger readers at l e a s t , the l a t t e r t i t l e was perhaps the best loved of a l l . One worker reminiscence a f t e r another makes approving r e f e r e n c e to t h i s s t o r y of high adventure, f a i t h and s e l f - r e l i a n c e . C h a r t i s t shoemaker Thomas Cooper, f o r example, remembered i t as one of h i s f a v o u r i t e w o r k s — p l a c i n g i t , moreover, near the top of a 42 l i s t i n which he i n c l u d e d such other p r i z e d c l a s s i c s as the Arabian Nights, Shakespeare's p l a y s , P a r a d i s e Lost, and Byron's " C h i l d e H a r o l d " . 2 9 I l l u s t r a t i o n s undoubtedly added to the s t o r y ' s appeal, and many inexpensive e d i t i o n s had at l e a s t one or two; p l a t e 9 shows a t y p i c a l example d a t i n g to about 1820. The f o l l o w i n g i n c i d e n t , recounted by the son of the C o r n i s h miner and poet, John H a r r i s , i s a touching i n d i c a t i o n of the value attached to even a modest, s i n g l e -image v e r s i o n of Defoe's t a l e : H i s f a t h e r to show a p p r e c i a t i o n of h i s progress, presented John with a penny abridgment of 'Robinson Crusoe' with a p i c t o r i a l f r o n t i s p i e c e . Except the school primer, t h i s was the f i r s t book which he c o u l d c a l l h i s own and i t was c a r r i e d to h i s bedroom every n i g h t . 3 0 L i k e the broadside p u b l i s h e r s , those who p r i n t e d and s o l d chapbooks--some, such as Catnach, han d l i n g both kinds of p u b l i c a t i o n - - k e p t a stock of images to be used and r e -used. As a n i n e t e e n t h - c e n t u r y c o m p i l a t i o n of Banbury chapbooks i l l u s t r a t e s , t here were groups of s t o r i e s - - f o r i n s t a n c e , Jack and the G i a n t s . Tom Thumb and Tom. Tom the  P i p e r ' s Son--each with episodes s i m i l a r enough to a l l o w p u b l i s h e r s to interchange the same set of engraved blocks among two or more i l l u s t r a t e d chapbooks. 3 1 Re-used or otherwise, much of the imagery of l a t e e i g h t e e n t h - and e a r l y n i n e t e e n t h - c e n t u r y chapbooks d i f f e r e d from t h a t of the broadsides i n i t s g e n e r a l l y higher l e v e l of s t y l i s t i c s o p h i s t i c a t i o n . T h i s d i s t i n c t i o n owed to the more frequent 43 use i n chapbooks of wood-engravings r a t h e r than woodcuts, the former technique e n a b l i n g the engraver to i n t r o d u c e f i n e r l i n e s and g r e a t e r d e t a i l . P u b l i s h e r s l i k e Catnach and Thomas S a i n t of Newcastle augmented t h e i r stock of cuts with engravings commissioned from the young Bewick and, l a t e r , some of h i s p u p i l s . 3 2 The charm of the Bewick images i s apparent; but even those cuts which seem crude by comparison o f t e n show a c e r t a i n v i t a l i t y , and on o c c a s i o n they too must have enhanced the popular appeal of the chapbook l i t e r a t u r e . II The i l l u s t r a t e d chapbook was a l s o i n t e g r a l to the second k i n d of popular experience t h a t Cunningham has i d e n t i f i e d : the c u l t u r e of r e l i g i o n . The P i l g r i m s , an  A l l e g o r y ( p l a t e 10), The H i s t o r y of Joseph and h i s Brethren. D a n i e l i n the Den of L i o n s . General R e s u r r e c t i o n . The  H i s t o r y of Joseph of Arimathea. and the much-loved Foxe's  Martyrs are j u s t a few of the many works t h a t were s o l d and d i s t r i b u t e d i n the 1790s and e a r l y 1800s under the auspices of o r g a n i z a t i o n s such as the Church of England's S o c i e t y f o r Promoting C h r i s t i a n Knowledge (SPCK), the E v a n g e l i c a l R e l i g i o u s T r a c t S o c i e t y , and Hannah More's Cheap R e p o s i t o r y of Moral and R e l i g i o u s T r a c t s . 3 3 The R e p o s i t o r y i n p a r t i c u l a r was adept at conveying i t s messages i n e n t e r t a i n i n g form, using to advantage the b r i s k n a r r a t i v e , l i v e l y images and i n t r i g u i n g t i t l e s t h a t t y p i f i e d chapbooks designed more p u r e l y f o r amusement. More and her a s s o c i a t e s 44 marshalled--among o t h e r s — T h e Lancashire C o l l i e r G i r l . Tom  White, the P o s t i l l i o n . Two S o l d i e r s . B e t t y Brown, the Orange  G i r l . Sorrowful Sam, and S i n f u l S a l l y i n a concert e d a t t a c k on the p e r c e i v e d v u l g a r i t y , l i c e n t i o u s n e s s , p r o f a n i t y and indecency of the s e c u l a r broadsides and chapbooks. 3 4 Among the R e p o s i t o r y ' s f r o n t - l i n e l i t e r a r y and p i c t o r i a l a r s e n a l was the s t o r y of the Two Shoemakers- 3 5 R e p r e s e n t a t i v e of many other s i m i l a r works, the Shoemakers s o l d i n penny-parts, each with a dozen or so pages and an i l l u s t r a t i o n at the head. The image shown i n p l a t e 11 i n t r o d u c e d the f i r s t p a r t and. encapsulated the p l o t as a whole, a v a r i a t i o n on a common contemporary theme: the behaviours, rewards and punishments a s s o c i a t e d with i n d u s t r y and i d l e n e s s . At the c e n t r e - l e f t of the p i c t u r e s i t s James Stock, hard at work on an item of footwear. The product of a t h r i f t y , church-going f a m i l y , he presented the viewer with a c l e a r i n s t a n c e of "upbringing t e l l s . " No l e s s was true of h i s f e l l o w a p p r e n t i c e , " i d l e Jack Brown." The t e x t u n e q u i v o c a l l y intended the reader to make a c a u s a l c o n n e c t i o n between Jack's i r r e l i g i o u s f a m i l y background and h i s uncompromisingly prone and unoccupied image at the bottom r i g h t of the i l l u s t r a t i o n . The eventual f a t e s of the two young men are a l s o c o n s i s t e n t with t h e i r c o n t r a s t i n g p i c t o r i a l r e p r e s e n t a t i o n . The e v e r - d i l i g e n t James worked and saved, halfpence by halfpe n c e , "without spending a s i n g l e f a r t h i n g on h i s own d i v e r s i o n s " , and "became a 45 C r e d i t a b l e Tradesman." Jack, on the other hand, proceeded i n e v i t a b l y from i d l e n e s s i n t o p r o f l i g a c y and crime, and ended h i s c a r e e r i n p r i s o n . In r e c o u n t i n g t h e i r l i t e r a r y p r e f e r e n c e s the autobiographers remark l i t t l e , i f at a l l , upon R e p o s i t o r y p u b l i c a t i o n s or the comparable e f f o r t s of other r e l i g i o u s o r g a n i z a t i o n s . T h i s lends credence to the o p i n i o n of some s c h o l a r s t h a t the middle c l a s s e s were the p r i n c i p a l consumers of r e l i g i o u s t r a c t s . 3 6 Weighing a g a i n s t t h i s view i s the i m p r e s s i v e l y wide c i r c u l a t i o n of t r a c t l i t e r a t u r e : SPCK p u b l i c a t i o n s numbered 1,500,000 i n 1827; the R e l i g i o u s T r a c t S o c i e t y p r i n t e d 314,000 t r a c t s i n 1804; and by March of 1796 the Cheap R e p o s i t o r y had achieved a t o t a l s a l e s and d i s t r i b u t i o n of two m i l l i o n . 3 7 F r e q u e n t l y given out at no charge, r e l i g i o u s reading m a t e r i a l presumably reached a s i g n i f i c a n t number of workers' households. And while t e x t s might o f t e n have remained unread, t h e i r l e s s demanding i l l u s t r a t i o n s must have a t t r a c t e d at l e a s t p a s s i n g a t t e n t i o n and thus have become p a r t of popular experience of the p r i n t e d image. There i s l e s s u n c e r t a i n t y about the appeal of one c e n t r a l p u b l i c a t i o n of the R e l i g i o u s T r a c t S o c i e t y . Sold i n penny-parts, c h a r i t a b l y d i s t r i b u t e d , or awarded as Sunday sch o o l p r i z e s , inexpensive abridged v e r s i o n s of P i l g r i m ' s  Progress almost i n v a r i a b l y f i g u r e d among even the most meager of household l i b r a r i e s . Among oth e r s , Janet Bathgate 46 and a Kent shoemaker, W i l l i a m Burch, r e c a l l c o p i e s i n t h e i r f a m i l y homes. 3 8 N e i t h e r mentioned imagery; but most of the chapbook e d i t i o n s had at l e a s t one woodcut or engraving, and Bathgate's and Burch's c o p i e s were probably not u n l i k e the examples i n p l a t e s 12 and 13. The former shows a t y p i c a l scene from a l a t e e i g h t e e n t h - c e n t u r y v e r s i o n , and the other reproduces the p i c t o r i a l t i t l e page of a T r a c t S o c i e t y e d i t i o n of about 1815. As we have r a t h e r come to expect, on the s u b j e c t of popular reading and i l l u s t r a t i o n i t i s again Bamford whose memory i s most v i v i d . R e c o l l e c t i n g h i s e a r l y impressions of Bunyan's a l l e g o r y , he wrote: The f i r s t book which a t t r a c t e d my p a r t i c u l a r n o t i c e was 'The P i l g r i m ' s Progress' with rude woodcuts; i t e x c i t e d my c u r i o s i t y i n an e x t r a o r d i n a r y degree. There was ' C h r i s t i a n knocking at the s t r a i t gate,' h i s ' f i g h t with A p o l l y o n , ' h i s 'passing near the l i o n s , ' h i s 'escape from Giant Despair,' h i s ' p e r i l s at V a n i t y F a i r , ' h i s a r r i v a l i n the 'land of Beulah,' and h i s f i n a l passage to ' E t e r n a l Rest'; a l l these were matters f o r the e x e r c i s e of my f e e l i n g and my i m a g i n a t i o n . 3 9 In the 1790s and f i r s t t h i r t y years of the n i n e t e e n t h century the chapbook-style t r a c t appears to have been the r e l i g i o u s o r g a n i z a t i o n s ' main v e h i c l e f o r d i s s e m i n a t i n g imagery. But d u r i n g t h i s time s e v e r a l s o c i e t i e s and i n d i v i d u a l s began to expand t h e i r e f f o r t s to i n c l u d e the p u b l i c a t i o n of p e r i o d i c a l l i t e r a t u r e , some of which was i l l u s t r a t e d . 4 0 The T r a c t S o c i e t y , f o r example, entered the f i e l d i n 1824 and, with c h a r a c t e r i s t i c munificence, produced 339,000 co p i e s of The C h i l d ' s Companion; or, Sunday 47 S c h o l a r ' s Reward and 206,000 numbers of an a d u l t v e r s i o n , The T r a c t Magazine; or, C h r i s t i a n M i s c e l l a n y . 4 1 The p i c t u r e s and t e x t s of these magazines were c o n s i s t e n t with the S o c i e t y ' s wish to c o u n t e r a c t the "mass of e v i l l i t e r a t u r e " of a s e c u l a r nature. In the f i r s t i s s u e of the C h i l d ' s Companion (January 1824), the i l l u s t r a t i o n and i t s accompanying t e x t p o r t r a y e d two earnest a n d — c o n s i d e r i n g the intended a u d i e n c e - - i n a p p r o p r i a t e l y w e l l - d r e s s e d boys on t h e i r way to Sunday s c h o o l , to c e l e b r a t e i n exemplary f a s h i o n "THE FIRST SABBATH OF THE YEAR." The i n i t i a l and concurrent number of the T r a c t Magazine i l l u s t r a t e d a "poor man's" f a m i l y engaged i n home B i b l e s t u d y — a c e n t r a l a c t i v i t y , presumably, i n the t e x t ' s programme f o r "a new year of redemption." There was a measure of r e a l i s m i n the T r a c t Magazine's i n t r o d u c t o r y image. As many of the autobiographers i n d i c a t e d , few households l a c k e d a B i b l e . 4 2 But i f B i b l e s were a commonplace, i l l u s t r a t e d v e r s i o n s were not. In the p e r i o d c o n s i d e r e d here on l y a very few inexpensive e d i t i o n s c o n t a i n e d cuts or e n g r a v i n g s . 4 3 Moreover, the great m a j o r i t y of autobiographers who r e f e r r e d to a f a m i l y B i b l e made no mention of p i c t u r e s . From the only two to do s o — Cooper and the C o l c h e s t e r t a i l o r Thomas C a r t e r — w e can i n f e r t h a t ownership of, or even access to, an i l l u s t r a t e d B i b l e was r a r e enough to merit r e t r o s p e c t i v e n o t i c e . C a r t e r r e c a l l e d w i t h some fondness the g e n e r o s i t y of a shopkeeper 48 who allowed him to browse through a B i b l e "crowded with engravings, which were c a l l e d embellishments." And f o r Cooper and h i s f a m i l y i t was an apparent source of great p r i d e t h a t h i s f a t h e r had managed to purchase an engraved B i b l e . He remembered how "on r a i n y Sundays" h i s mother would unwrap t h i s " t r e a s u r e " from " i t s c a r e f u l cover"; and then the young C a r t e r , f e e l i n g " p r i v i l e g e d " , would "gaze and admire while she s l o w l y turned over t h a t superb s t o r e of p i c t u r e s . " 4 4 These fragments of evidence are o n l y s u g g e s t i v e . But, i n combination with what i s known of p u b l i s h i n g h i s t o r y i n g e n e r a l , i t seems t h a t working people had l i t t l e experience of p i c t o r i a l B i b l e s u n t i l the l a t e 1830s, when p u b l i s h e r s l i k e C h a r l e s Knight made them a f f o r d a b l e to a wider p u b l i c . The r o l e of Methodism i n the d i s s e m i n a t i o n and p o p u l a r i z a t i o n of r e l i g i o u s imagery of a l l kinds should not be overlooked. As p a r t of i t s general p h i l o s o p h y of encouraging l e a r n i n g , the s e c t not only produced i t s own pamphlet and p e r i o d i c a l l i t e r a t u r e - - s o m e of i t i l l u s t r a t e d - -but a l s o d i s t r i b u t e d at small c o s t s e v e r a l p u b l i c a t i o n s of other o r g a n i z a t i o n s : f o r example, the kind of chapbook-style t r a c t s d i s c u s s e d above. 4 5 Methodism, moreover, was a major impetus behind the r a p i d growth of Sunday schools i n the e a r l y n i n e t e e n t h century--and these i n t u r n were one of the most important and constant sources of popular r e l i g i o u s imagery. 4 6 49 At the core of the Sunday s c h o o l s ' c u r r i c u l a , whether Methodist, D i s s e n t i n g or Church of England, was the i l l u s t r a t e d S c r i p t u r e l e s s o n . The SPCK, f o r example, had been d i s t r i b u t i n g p i c t o r i a l l e s s o n books to schools s i n c e 1705. More popular among the C h a p e l - a f f i l i a t e d schools were the two s e r i e s of Old and New Testament p r i n t s which the e n e r g e t i c E v a n g e l i c a l Mrs. Sarah Trimmer had "Designed to I l l u s t r a t e S c r i p t u r e Lessons." The image, of the animals e n t e r i n g Noah's ark ( p l a t e 14) i s t y p i c a l of the two s e r i e s ' 130 or so i l l u s t r a t i o n s , whose number i n c l u d e d r e p r e s e n t a t i o n s of Adam and Eve i n the garden, David and G o l i a t h , the b i r t h of C h r i s t , the r a i s i n g of Lazarus, and many more s c e n e s . 4 7 On o c c a s i o n , p i c t o r i a l chapbook e d i t i o n s of P i l g r i m ' s  Progress may a l s o have a s s i s t e d i n the te a c h i n g and l e a r n i n g of S c r i p t u r e s . To prompt te a c h e r s , the t i t l e page of the T r a c t S o c i e t y ' s abridgment i n c o r p o r a t e d the f o l l o w i n g p e d agogical suggestion: "N.B. I t i s recommended to the Teachers i n Sunday Schools to d i r e c t the C h i l d r e n to f i n d the t e x t s r e f e r r e d to i n t h i s work, and to repeat them when convenient" (see p l a t e 13). The l i b r a r i e s of the v a r i o u s Sunday sc h o o l s might a l s o have i n c l u d e d Cheap R e p o s i t o r y s t o r i e s and magazines l i k e the C h i l d ' s Companion. And, n e a r l y always, among t h e i r s t o r e of l i t e r a t u r e were the l i t t l e books, many of them i l l u s t r a t e d , which rewarded the c o n s c i e n t i o u s and, perhaps, i n s p i r e d many o t h e r s . Among the 50 more f r e q u e n t l y awarded p r i z e s were Foxe's Book of Martyrs, M i l t o n ' s P a r a d i s e Lost and Bunyan's u n f a i l i n g l y popular P i l g r i m ' s Progress. The Sunday schools and r e l i g i o u s o r g a n i z a t i o n s were the major, but not e x c l u s i v e , d i s s e m i n a t o r s of popular r e l i g i o u s imagery. In a d d i t i o n to t h e i r other output, p u b l i s h e r s such as Catnach and P i t t s produced chapbook e d i t i o n s of s a l e a b l e works l i k e Foxe's Martyrs and P i l g r i m ' s Progress. They a l s o p r i n t e d r e l i g i o u s broadsides; and, as one e a r l y n i n e t e e n t h -century example i l l u s t r a t i n g the N a t i v i t y suggests, trade was p a r t i c u l a r l y b r i s k at C h r i s t m a s t i m e . 4 8 The iconography of Christmas was not however the only s u b j e c t matter of the r e l i g i o u s broadside. I l l u s t r a t i o n s of Old Testament s t o r i e s , martyrdoms, the C r u c i f i x i o n , C h r i s t i n Majesty, and the Day of Judgement were a l l common.49 From time to time these images were a l s o p a r t of the scenery of the s t r e e t and a d v e r t i s e d the messages of such s e l f - a p p o i n t e d i t i n e r a n t preachers as Joseph H i l l , "the B e l l - R i n g e r " ( p l a t e 15)--a r e l i g i o u s e n t h u s i a s t whose vigo r o u s p e a l s matched the e v a n g e l i c a l f e r v o r w i t h which he expounded a t e x t . 5 0 The general p o p u l a r i t y and i n f l u e n c e of the k i n d of broadside that i n s p i r e d H i l l and, presumably, other l e s s e c c e n t r i c b e l i e v e r s , cannot be determined. The a u t o b i o g r a p h i e s have y i e l d e d no p e r t i n e n t r e f e r e n c e s , and c i r c u l a t i o n f i g u r e s , i f they were ever recorded, have not s u r v i v e d . 51 I I I A s i m i l a r l a c k of evidence dogs the a n a l y s i s of p i c t o r i a l a r t i f a c t s of the t h i r d s i g n i f i c a n t type of contemporary popular experience, the c u l t u r e of r a d i c a l i s m . What f o l l o w s , then, i s n e c e s s a r i l y a b r i e f d e s c r i p t i o n of t y p i c a l examples which are now f o r the most p a r t detached from whatever l i v e d experience they once represented. In the 1790s and e a r l y 1800s the p o l i t i c a l concerns of r a d i c a l i s m found p r i n t e d e x p r e s s i o n i n broadsides, posted b i l l s , pamphlets, and newspapers l i k e the Black Dwarf and Cobbett's P o l i t i c a l R e g i s t e r ; meanwhile, the c u l t u r e ' s c e n t r a l p r e o c c u p a t i o n with s e l f - h e l p and improvement s i m i l a r l y manifested i t s e l f i n the d i v e r s e e d u c a t i o n a l l i t e r a t u r e , p o s t e r s , pamphlets and c i r c u l a r s of working-men's l i b r a r i e s , mechanics' i n s t i t u t e s and other such o r g a n i z a t i o n s . 5 1 Of t h i s m a t e r i a l only a small p r o p o r t i o n of what s u r v i v e s i s i l l u s t r a t e d . And, because of i t s c o s t , much of t h i s was i n a c c e s s i b l e to working people except through shop windows or c i r c u l a t i o n i n pubs, c o f f e e houses and, perhaps, mechanics' i n s t i t u t e s and s i m i l a r e s t a b l i s h m e n t s . T h i s was the case with s a t i r i c a l cartoons by a r t i s t s such as G i l l r a y and C r u i k s h a n k . 5 2 I t was l i k e l y a l s o t rue of what was the most widely c i r c u l a t e d of a l l i l l u s t r a t e d p o l i t i c a l l i t e r a t u r e : the pamphlets p u b l i s h e d by W i l l i a m Hone between 1819 and 1820--f o r example, The Man i n the Moon, The P o l i t i c a l "A, Apple  P i e ; " . . . f o r the I n s t r u c t i o n and Amusement of the R i s i n g 52 Generation, The Real or C o n s t i t u t i o n a l House t h a t Jack  B u i l t , and The P o l i t i c a l House that Jack B u i l t ( p l a t e s 16 and 1 7 ) . 5 3 Of these the l a t t e r p u b l i c a t i o n , a p r o t e s t a g a i n s t the "gagging" e f f e c t of the 1819 Newspaper Stamp Act, had the h i g h e s t cumulative c i r c u l a t i o n : 100,000 by 1822. Bamford and Cooper r e c a l l e d having read Hone's p u b l i c a t i o n s but do not r e f e r s p e c i f i c a l l y to P o l i t i c a l  House. 5 4 T h i s i s not p a r t i c u l a r l y s u r p r i s i n g s i n c e , l i k e other Hone pamphlets, a standard e d i t i o n c o s t one s h i l l i n g , w hile a deluxe e d i t i o n with c o l o u r e d i l l u s t r a t i o n s s o l d f o r three s h i l l i n g s — b o t h p r i c e s w e l l out of reach f o r a l l but the most prosperous of a r t i s a n s . Other working people who might have managed to a c q u i r e a copy of a Hone pamphlet presumably d i d so through the p h i l a n t h r o p y of w e l l - o f f reformers who d i s t r i b u t e d p o l i t i c a l l i t e r a t u r e purchased i n batches at a reduced p r i c e . For most, however, the pubs and other e s t a b l i s h m e n t s mentioned above must have p r o v i d e d t h e i r o n l y glimpses of Hone's images of p o l i t i c a l p r o t e s t . A few pamphlets, l e s s l a v i s h l y produced with perhaps only a s i n g l e i l l u s t r a t i o n on the cover' or t i t l e page, might have been w i t h i n the means of a s l i g h t l y l a r g e r group. Threepence, f o r example, c o u l d buy R i c h a r d C a r l i l e ' s L i f e  and H i s t o r y of Swing. the Kent Rick-Burner, " W r i t t e n by Himself" i n 1830. T h i s p r i c e i n c l u d e d a cover g r a p h i c a l l y i l l u s t r a t e d with the image of a g r o s s l y b l o a t e d landowner, 53 looming on horseback above a ragged l a b o u r e r , h i s dying wife and t h e i r f i v e weeping c h i l d r e n . 5 5 For the m a j o r i t y , the broadside, r a t h e r than the pamphlet, remained the most a f f o r d a b l e source of p o l i t i c a l i l l u s t r a t i o n . T y p i c a l of s u r v i v i n g examples from t h i s p e r i o d are those t h a t c e l e b r a t e d the reform of the r o t t e n borough system, commemorated the C a t o - S t r e e t c o n s p i r a c y and "the b l o o d - s t a i n e d crew at P e t e r l o o " , or commented p i c t o r i a l l y on s o c i a l and c o n s t i t u t i o n a l i n e q u i t i e s . In an 1829 broadside of the l a t t e r type from the Catnach p r e s s , f i f t e e n small c u t s , arranged somewhat l i k e a modern comic s t r i p , d e p i c t v a r i o u s p o l i t i c a l f i g u r e s i n the guise of stagecoach d r i v e r s ; they v a r i o u s l y simper, scowl, l e e r or posture a r r o g a n t l y ; s e v e r a l c l u t c h whips or r i d i n g crops. A f i n a l cut shows "John B u l l , broke down"--bent over with the weight of a s a c k f u l of t a x a t i o n and other burdens, he remarks: "These f e l l o w s d r i v e me hard. I must c a r r y l e s s baggage." 5 6 Although Catnach's trade i n broadsides of t h i s s o r t was an ongoing aspect of h i s business, such m a t e r i a l was o n l y a small p a r t of h i s t o t a l p u b l i c a t i o n s . I t i s s u g g e s t i v e t h a t out of the 735 t i t l e s i n h i s 1832 catalogue of b a l l a d sheets, o n l y seventeen are even remotely i n d i c a t i v e of r a d i c a l content. And of these l e s s than h a l f imply any c l e a r element of p r o t e s t . 5 7 Catnach's comparatively modest output of s p e c i f i c a l l y p o l i t i c a l b a l l a d s was a b u s i n e s s l i k e response to what seems 54 to have been the p r o p o r t i o n a t e l a c k of market demand f o r such m a t e r i a l . The cumulative evidence of the a u t o b i o g r a p h i e s i s t h a t work and the p u r s u i t of general knowledge took precedence over o p p o s i t i o n a l p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y and i n t e r e s t s . However, i n the p e r i o d c o n s i d e r e d here, the overwhelming concern f o r improved working c o n d i t i o n s and e d u c a t i o n a l o p p o r t u n i t y was not w e l l -r e f l e c t e d i n the p i c t o r i a l m a t e r i a l then a v a i l a b l e . Some e a r l y union c e r t i f i c a t e s and trade s o c i e t y memebership cards were engraved w i t h coats of arms or s i m i l a r emblematic r e p r e s e n t a t i o n s . But there are very few known examples d a t i n g before 1840 and the a u t o b i o g r a p h i e s say nothing about such imagery. 5 8 I l l u s t r a t i o n a s s o c i a t e d with s e l f -i n s t r u c t i o n seems to have been p a r t i c u l a r l y scant at t h i s time. Among the autobiographers o n l y Cooper r e c o l l e c t e d encountering p r i n t e d imagery of a b r o a d l y e d u c a t i o n a l s o r t . In the small l i b r a r y of h i s hometown, Gainsborough, he s t u d i e d " S t a n l e y ' s ' H i s t o r y of P h i l o s o p h e r s , ' and i t s l a r g e f u l l - l e n g t h p o r t r a i t s , [and] O g i l v y ' s 'Embassies to Japan and China,' with t h e i r l a r g e . c u r i o u s e n g r a v i n g s . " 5 9 Cooper's experience does indeed seem to have been unusual, f o r as l a t e as the 1840s many working men's i n s t i t u t e s and l i b r a r i e s keenly f e l t the l a c k of both i l l u s t r a t e d books and p i c t o r i a l d e c o r a t i o n f o r t h e i r w a l l s . 6 0 Before 1832 t h i s need would have been even more acute, and those who 55 p r a c t i c e d the creed of s e l f - h e l p must have done so l a r g e l y without the b e n e f i t of p i c t u r e s . C h i l d r e n from working homes f a r e d s l i g h t l y b e t t e r than t h e i r e l d e r s . By the e a r l y 1800s most workers managed to send t h e i r c h i l d r e n to c h a r i t y or Sunday schools f o r a year or two of primary education. And i n most of these schools the classroom w a l l s had at l e a s t some form of rudimentary d e c o r a t i o n such as p r i n t e d p i c t o r i a l maps, an engraved p o r t r a i t or two, or a set of alphabet p i c t u r e s . In h i s f i c t i o n a l i z e d autobiography of "an i n t e l l i g e n t a r t i s a n " Thomas Wright (the "Journeyman Engineer") i n c l u d e d the d e s c r i p t i o n of an i n f a n t - s c h o o l classroom that presumably bore some resemblance to the a c t u a l appearance of many such premises: " . . . the school-roomly appearance of the apartment was completed, and the business of i t s w a l l s r e l i e v e d by a number of a l p h a b e t i c a l and other cards, and cheap c o l o u r e d p r i n t s of S c r i p t u r a l s u b j e c t s being hung round the room." The autobiography of a Southwark working man a l s o c o n t a i n s a d e s c r i p t i o n of a classroom. James Bonwick remembered t h a t on the w a l l s of the Borough Road schoolroom i n the 1820s there hung S c r i p t u r e maps f o r l e a r n i n g B i b l i c a l geography and, i n a prominent p o s i t i o n , "the p o r t r a i t of George I I I , with the motto 'The Patron of Education and F r i e n d of the P o o r ' . " 6 1 While classroom decor might vary from s c h o o l to s c h o o l , most were c o n s i s t e n t i n s u p p l y i n g a few i l l u s t r a t e d primers 56 f o r the use of t h e i r p u p i l s . Among the w e l l - f a v o u r e d examples were the S a l i s b u r y Reader and Catnach's C h i l d ' s Easy Primer. Apart from the B i b l e , these primers were the f i r s t , o f t e n the only, books to which a poor c h i l d might normally have access. And, with t h e i r woodcut embellishments, these books h e l d c o n s i d e r a b l e appeal f o r at l e a s t some of t h e i r young users . Joseph G u t t e r i d g e , a ribbon-weaver, remembered t h a t school p i c t u r e books were " f u l l of wonders to my y o u t h f u l i m a g i n a t i o n " ; and a Gl o u c e s t e r shoemaker and sometime poet, Henry Herbert, was i n s p i r e d to reminisce i n verse about h i s f i r s t s c hool t e x t s : Neat l i t t l e books with p i c t u r e s i n Were p l a c e d w i t h i n my hand, And c o u l d not f a i l my heart to win, Which f e l t t h i s magic wand. 6 2 IV But the p i c t o r i a l experiences of e a r l y s c h o o l i n g l a y at the p e r i p h e r y of the c u l t u r e of r a d i c a l i s m . At i t s core there was no s i g n i f i c a n t body of widely a f f o r d a b l e i l l u s t r a t e d m a t e r i a l designed s p e c i f i c a l l y to promote s o c i a l change and i n t e l l e c t u a l improvement. T h i s s c a r c i t y of r a d i c a l imagery and the f a c t t h a t the m a j o r i t y of autobiographers do not mention p o l i t i c a l l i t e r a t u r e , i l l u s t r a t e d or otherwise, i s c o n s i s t e n t with Cunningham's view t h a t r a d i c a l i s m i n a l l i t s gu i s e s was a m i n o r i t y c u l t u r e - - a t l e a s t when compared to popular entertainment. We might t h e r e f o r e wish to re a s s e s s the view of E. P. Thompson 57 and others t h a t before 1830 r a d i c a l i s m was a widespread e x p r e s s i o n of formative w o r k i n g - c l a s s c o n s c i o u s n e s s . 6 3 From the evidence r e l a t i n g to p r i n t e d imagery, i t seems t h a t i n popular consciousness a r a d i c a l v i s i o n of change had n e i t h e r the v i v i d n e s s of broadside scenes of love and death, nor the compelling appeal of l i t t l e woodcut images of Robinson Crusoe and Jack the Giant K i l l e r . S h o r t l y , though, t h i s would begin to change: as we w i l l note i n l a t e r chapters, from 1832, as d i s c o n t e n t s mounted, the imagery of p r o t e s t became more p r e v a l e n t . The i n f l u e n c e of the c u l t u r e of r e l i g i o n i s somewhat more p r o b l e m a t i c . Was i t a m i n o r i t y c u l t u r e as Cunningham b e l i e v e s ? Or d i d i t i n i t s own way have as great an appeal as popular entertainment? The abundance of r e l i g i o u s l i t e r a t u r e produced from the l a t e e i g h t e e n t h century on, i t s f a v o u r a b l e r e c o l l e c t i o n by some of the autobiographers, and i t s wide d i s t r i b u t i o n at l i t t l e or no c o s t , suggest a need f o r f u r t h e r r e s e a r c h i n t o the impact of t h i s m a t e r i a l . I t may be t h a t the concept of a m i n o r i t y c u l t u r e does not accord s u f f i c i e n t importance to the r o l e of r e l i g i o n i n people's l i v e s . There i s a l s o other evidence t h a t Cunningham's model of popular experience may r e q u i r e a f u r t h e r q u a l i f i c a t i o n . He has argued that r a d i c a l i s m and r e l i g i o n opposed the wider c u l t u r e of pure entertainment. I t i s undoubtedly true t h a t the r a d i c a l proponents of s o c i a l and p e r s o n a l improvement, 58 committed Methodists, E v a n g e l i c a l s and others d i r e c t e d t h e i r e f f o r t s and r h e t o r i c a g a i n s t the hedonism of many popular enthusiasms. But at another l e v e l of c u l t u r a l e x p r e s s i o n — the p o i n t where hegemonic valu e s become imbedded i n t e x t s -there was a measure of commonalty among the three c u l t u r e s . Not o n l y i s there much that e n t e r t a i n e d i n the w r i t t e n and p i c t o r i a l e x p r e s s i o n s of r e l i g i o n and r a d i c a l i s m , but there are a l s o , more s i g n i f i c a n t l y , s i g n s i n some of the broadsides and chapbooks examined here t h a t p r i n t e d entertainment had by the 1790s a s s i m i l a t e d many of the v a l u e s of the other two c u l t u r e s . The broadside c o l l e c t i o n s are r e p l e t e with romantic b a l l a d s , accounts of sexual and other adventures, almanack sheets and New Year's v e r s e s , a l l of which combine s o c i a l m o r a l i z i n g , r e l i g i o n and p a t r i o t i s m with humor, hedonism and s e n s a t i o n . And what was t h a t popular hero Robinson Crusoe, i f not a model of hard work, s e l f - r e s t r a i n t and time w e l l - u s e d ? 6 4 S i m i l a r l y the " l a s t dying speeches" of the murder and e x e c u t i o n sheets were more than j u s t conventions. They were a l s o e x p r e s s i o n s of a widespread system of c i v i l i z e d v a l u e s r e l a t i n g to r e l i g i o u s b e l i e f and the v i r t u e s of work and s e l f - d i s c i p l i n e . Such "speeches" and " c o n f e s s i o n s " are so numerous and s i m i l a r t h a t one key r e p r e s e n t a t i v e example should be adequate to i l l u s t r a t e the p o i n t . In h i s "Last Dying Speech and C o n f e s s i o n " (1828), Catnach's " b e s t - s e l l i n g " murderer, W i l l i a m Corder, d e s c r i b e d i n g r a p h i c d e t a i l h i s s c u f f l e with the v i c t i m , her shooting and b u r i a l , and, of course, the "vast q u a n t i t y of blood [ t h a t ] i s s u e d from the wound." Then, as convention d i c t a t e d , the murderer expressed g u i l t and repentance. But i t was not the blood on h i s hands that caused him remorse. Rather, i t was the l a p s e s i n s o c i a l v i r t u e t h a t he r e g r e t t e d : I have been g u i l t y of great i d l e n e s s and at times l e d a d i s s o l u t e l i f e , but I hope by the mercy of God to be f o r g i v e n . 6 5 The v a l u e s imbedded i n the l i t e r a t u r e of entertainment were not u s u a l l y as o v e r t l y m o r a l i s t i c i n t h e i r p r e s e n t a t i o n as those i n , say, a r e l i g i o u s t r a c t . Nor d i d they r e p r e s e n t any e x p l i c i t or concerted v i s i o n of s o c i a l change on the p a r t of those who produced broadsides and chapbooks. They are, however, an i n s t a n c e of the extent to which hegemony cou l d be o p e r a t i v e i n even the most popular and f r i v o l o u s of c u l t u r a l forms. Moreover, the f a c t t h a t entertainment, r e l i g i o n and r a d i c a l i s m thus shared c e r t a i n v a l u e s i s a s i g n i f i c a n t i n d i c a t o r t h a t these c u l t u r e s were not m o n o l i t h i c and, on one l e v e l at l e a s t , had the c a p a c i t y to i n t e r m i n g l e . V On another l e v e l - - t h e i c o nographic--each of the three kinds of popular experience was l o o s e l y l i n k e d to the v i s u a l forms of high c u l t u r e . For example, p o l i t i c a l broadsides o f t e n d e p i c t e d an E n g l i s h oak with branches bearing t a x a t i o n and other such o p p r e s s i v e f r u i t s - - a n image whose u l t i m a t e 60 d e r i v a t i o n was the t r e e s of v i r t u e and v i c e i n medieval i l l u m i n a t e d manuscripts. Trade s o c i e t y imagery s i m i l a r l y had i c o n o g r a p h i c connections with both h e r a l d r y and the emblematic imagery of Baroque p a i n t i n g . The imagery of popular r e l i g i o n - - r e p r e s e n t a t i o n s of the N a t i v i t y or C r u c i f i x i o n , f o r example—drew even more d i r e c t l y upon the standard iconography of s i x t e e n t h - and seventeenth-century r e l i g i o u s a r t . And even purported " l i k e n e s s e s of murderers", e x e c u t i o n scenes, and other stock images of broadsides and chapbooks were f o r the most p a r t s i m p l i f i e d v e r s i o n s of the p i c t o r i a l conventions of p o r t r a i t u r e , h i s t o r y p a i n t i n g and so o n . 6 6 But these kinds of i c o n o g r a p h i c l i n k a g e s by no means s i g n a l l e d the e x i s t e n c e of any s o r t of emergent democracy of imagery. The popular p r i n t e d image was i n form and content f a r removed from o r i g i n a l a r t , q u a l i t y p r i n t s , and expensive book i l l u s t r a t i o n . The s t y l e of the mostly anonymous a r t i s t s whose work became the stock of popular p u b l i s h e r s was, at best, u n s o p h i s t i c a t e d , at w o r s t — c r u d e ( p l a t e 18). More f r e q u e n t l y than not, p i c t u r e s were i l l - m a t c h e d to t e x t s to such an extent t h a t there was nothing unusual i n the s i g h t of the face of an e l d e r l y bearded gentleman at the head of a b a l l a d e n t i t l e d "The Primrose G i r l . " That same face a l s o adorned a j i n g o i s t i c song about the French navy and appeared again at the top of a r e l i g i o u s poem. The stock image of a s a i l i n g s h i p i l l u s t r a t e d e v e r y t h i n g from 61 t a l e s of shipwreck, s a i l o r s and m i l i t a r y v i c t o r i e s (not n e c e s a r i l y naval) to l o v e b a l l a d s , murderers' c o n f e s s i o n s and s t o r i e s of r e l i g i o u s c o n v e r s i o n . 6 7 And what of the workers who were the main audience f o r t h i s k i n d of i n e x p e n s i v e l y - p r o d u c e d imagery? Were they s a t i s f i e d with i t s q u a l i t y and content? Of the autobiographers only C a r t e r e x p l i c i t l y expressed any d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n . R e c a l l i n g the "embellished" B i b l e of h i s y o u t h f u l experience, he remarked t h a t i t s engravings were " s o r r y a f f a i r s w i t h regard to both d e s i g n and e x e c u t i o n . " In support of t h i s c r i t i c i s m he gave two examples of images th a t were i n h i s view more than j u s t "a l i t t l e l u d i c r o u s . " In the f i r s t a f i g u r e t h a t should have been p o r t r a y e d with a beam of l i g h t o b s c u r i n g h i s v i s i o n had i n s t e a d "a f a i r - s i z e d beam [of wood]" p r o t r u d i n g from h i s eye. And, to C a r t e r ' s even g r e a t e r d i s g u s t , i n a scene from the l i f e of Paul--the r e s t o r a t i o n of h i s s i g h t - - i t was not s c a l e s but r a t h e r "a set of balances" t h a t f e l l from the s a i n t ' s e y e s . 6 8 I t may be t h a t most people were not as v i s u a l l y f a s t i d i o u s as C a r t e r . Many a f t e r a l l chose to buy or look at b r o a d s ides and chapbooks and perhaps found l i t t l e to f a u l t i n t h e i r i l l u s t r a t i o n s . Bamford f o r one, we are reminded, was c o n s i d e r a b l y charmed by the woodcuts i n a p r i n t e r ' s window. But whatever people might have f e l t about the q u a l i t y of the images they saw, they were not n e c e s s a r i l y happy about t h e i r a v a i l a b l e q u a n t i t y . The 62 o c c a s i o n a l fragment of commentary suggests t h a t working people wanted p r i n t e d imagery i n t h e i r l i v e s and at times f e l t i t s l a c k . The son of an impoverished tradesman, f o r i n s t a n c e , remembered t h a t i n the e a r l y 1800s most poor households were "almost bookless" and " i l l - p r o v i d e d " with any s o r t of i l l u s t r a t e d m a t e r i a l . 6 9 There i s as w e l l some a d d i t i o n a l evidence which may a l s o , i n d i r e c t l y , i n d i c a t e people's wish f o r i n c r e a s e d access to the p r i n t e d image. T h i s evidence bears on other kinds of p i c t o r i a l m a t e r i a l , but from i t we can perhaps i n f e r a l e v e l of need t h a t took i n the gen e r a l d e s i r e f o r more p r i n t e d i l l u s t r a t i o n . In one case the want of p i c t o r i a l s timulus among a group of country people was such t h a t even a comparative commonplace l i k e an i n n - s i g n aroused c o n s i d e r a b l e i n t e r e s t . Adam Rushton, a Kent farm l a b o u r e r and l a t e r f a c t o r y worker, r e c o l l e c t e d t h a t he and others i n h i s v i l l a g e were very c u r i o u s and indulged i n "much c o g i t a t i o n " about the p o s s i b l e meaning of the f i g u r e s on the new s i g n at the George and Dragon Inn. Rushton proposed an i n t e r p r e t a t i o n t h a t a p p a r e n t l y s a t i s f i e d most of the onlookers. The " f e a r f u l dragon," he e x p l a i n e d , was " A l c o h o l - - . . . seeking whom i t might devour." St. George, on the other hand, was not u n l i k e "the great temperance cause . . . e n t h u s i a s t i c a l l y p ursuing" and soon to "destroy the g r e a t dragon of strong d r i n k , and so to d e l i v e r mankind." George Holyoake a l s o remembered the wonder he f e l t as a young man when he f i r s t saw the newly p a i n t e d s i g n at the Fox Tavern i n Birmingham: . . . a very wonderful fox i t seemed to me. The sharp-nosed, b u s h y - t a i l e d animal was rushing to cover--on the s i g n . I had never seen a fox or a cover, except on t h a t s i g n . I had only seen a workshop . . . . 7 0 Perhaps the most compelling i n d i c a t i o n t h a t people wanted more and d i f f e r e n t imagery i n t h e i r l i v e s i s the e f f o r t t h a t many gave to c r e a t i n g t h e i r own p i c t u r e s . For example, drawing and other s o r t s of a r t i s t i c a c t i v i t y were a major p r e o c c u p a t i o n of Cooper's youth: I f e l l upon the p r o j e c t of drawing with s l a t e and p e n c i l but became s t i l l more attached to c u t t i n g out shapes i n paper. With a p a i r of s c i s s o r s , I used o f t e n to work f o r hours, making f i g u r e s of men, horses, cows, dogs, and b i r d s . 7 1 And he was not alone i n t h i s enthusiasm--his c l o s e s t boyhood f r i e n d a l s o drew p i c t u r e s and cut shapes from paper and, l i k e Cooper, favoured animals as s u b j e c t matter. S t i l l o ther autobiographers a l s o r e c a l l making t h e i r own imagery: a Y o r k s h i r e s t e n c i l p a i n t e r , C h r i s t o p h e r Thomson, d i d so with " c o l o u r s and drawings to copy" borrowed from a sympathetic shop owner; another young worker sketched with b i t s of c h a l k on the f l o o r of the b o i l e r room where he was employed; and s i m i l a r l y others drew with chalk or c h a r c o a l on t h e i r household h e a r t h s . 7 2 The o n l y female among the sampling of autobiographers a l s o f e l t a need to c r e a t e her own imagery. As a young s e r v i n g g i r l , Janet Bathgate was given some "green c l o t h and yellow thread" which she used to 64 sew a s t i t c h e r y map of the lake and surroundings near her p l a c e of work. 7 3 The k i n d of a r t i s t i c endeavour j u s t d e s c r i b e d , people's g e n e r a l i n t e r e s t i n and frequent l a c k of p i c t o r i a l m a t e r i a l , the s t y l i s t i c shortcomings and r e p e t i t i v e n e s s . of much a f f o r d a b l e p r i n t e d imagery, and the p o s s i b i l i t y t h a t some viewers found such imagery wanting, are together i n d i c a t i v e t h a t working people represented a p o t e n t i a l market f o r more and b e t t e r imagery than what was c u r r e n t l y a v a i l a b l e to them. As noted p r e v i o u s l y , i n the e a r l y n i n e t e e n t h century the technology of engraving and p r i n t i n g was well-enough developed to supply such a market. But few p u b l i s h e r s of the time r e a l i z e d the value of the new processes f o r the p r o d u c t i o n of good q u a l i t y , inexpensive, and commercially p r o f i t a b l e i l l u s t r a t i o n ; and fewer s t i l l e n v i s i o n e d the enormous market f o r p r i n t e d imagery that would soon emerge. VI By the 1820s, however, t h i s s i t u a t i o n was beginning to change. P u b l i s h e r John Limbird, f o r example, began producing a weekly p i c t o r i a l m i s c e l l a n y i n 1822. At twopence an i s s u e , h i s M i r r o r of L i t e r a t u r e , Amusement and  I n s t r u c t i o n was w i t h i n the reach of some a r t i s a n s . 7 4 But the autobiographers do not mention t h i s p u b l i c a t i o n , and l a t e r n i n e t e e n t h - c e n t u r y o p i n i o n was that the M i r r o r ' s audience of 80,000 or so came mainly from the upper and middle c l a s s e s . " 7 5 65 Another k i n d of p i c t o r i a l p u b l i c a t i o n was i n i t i a l l y more s u c c e s s f u l i n a t t r a c t i n g a r e a d e r s h i p comprising a s i g n i f i c a n t number of working people. T h i s was The L i b r a r y  of U s e f u l Knowledge, i s s u e d i n monthly p a r t s by the u t i l i t a r i a n S o c i e t y f o r the D i f f u s i o n of U s e f u l Knowledge (SDUK), whose purpose was to cou n t e r a c t what they f e a r e d might be the d i s r u p t i v e i n f l u e n c e of the r a d i c a l press through the p u b l i c a t i o n of cheap, i n f o r m a t i v e , m o r a l l y improving and p o l i t i c a l l y innocuous l i t e r a r y and p i c t o r i a l works. Among the e a r l i e s t of such p u b l i c a t i o n s , the U s e f u l  Knowledge s e r i e s had i n i t s f i r s t year (1828-29) s a l e s ranging from twenty-two to t h i r t y - t h r e e thousand per month. But by 1832 the appeal of long a r t i c l e s and accompanying i l l u s t r a t i o n s t r e a t i n g the n a t u r a l s c i e n c e s and other such weighty s u b j e c t s had waned, and s a l e s had d e c l i n e d to a d i s a p p o i n t i n g s i x to ten thousand. With the p o s s i b l e e x c e p t i o n of maps and almanacks, other SDUK p u b l i c a t i o n s of t h i s p e r i o d f o l l o w e d a s i m i l a r p a t t e r n ; thus, The L i b r a r y of  E n t e r t a i n i n g Knowledge and numerous i l l u s t r a t e d t r e a t i s e s on v a r i o u s s u b j e c t s were never more than m a r g i n a l l y p r o f i t a b l e , i f at a l l . 7 6 Before 1832 the most s u c c e s s f u l venture i n t o low-cost p i c t o r i a l p u b l i s h i n g was the Mechanic's Magazine, which f i r s t appeared i n 1823. As the t i t l e suggests, e d i t o r J . C. Robertson, a one-time c i v i l engineer and patent agent, aimed the magazine s p e c i f i c a l l y at a r e a d e r s h i p of l i t e r a t e 66 working men, promising them " s i x t e e n c l o s e l y p r i n t e d pages" and numerous i l l u s t r a t i o n s every S a t u r d a y . 7 7 And, indeed, f o r threepence an i s s u e readers c o u l d browse through the guaranteed number of pages and study diagrams and d i s c u s s i o n s of "new D i s c o v e r i e s , Inventions and Improvements", "Secret Processes", "Economical R e c e i p t s " , " P r a c t i c a l A p p l i c a t i o n s of Mineralogy and Chemistry", and more . The magazine augmented i t s p r i m a r i l y t e c h n i c a l content with "Essays on Men and Manners, T a l e s , Adventures, Anecdotes, Poetry", and " o c c a s i o n a l l y P o r t r a i t s of eminent Mechanics." The image of one such mechanic, t h a t "great Improver of the Steam Engine", James Watt, i n t r o d u c e d the magazine's f i r s t number ( p l a t e 19). In the b i o g r a p h i c a l n o t i c e s t h a t accompanied t h i s and other such p o r t r a i t s , Robertson i n v a r i a b l y emphasized the s u b j e c t ' s p e r s o n a l and v o c a t i o n a l . v i r t u e s . I t was thus no mere l i k e n e s s of Watt th a t the viewer saw--it was as w e l l an exemplar of wisdom and kindness, s k i l l and i n v e n t i v e n e s s , perseverance and e x e r t i o n , improvement and success. The magazine achieved i t s own measure of success with i t s mixture of t e c h n i c a l i n f o r m a t i o n , l i t e r a r y entertainment and b i o g r a p h i c a l h o m i l i e s . By 1824 i t had a r e g u l a r c i r c u l a t i o n of 16,000. And, as i t s e d i t o r i a l correspondence makes c l e a r , the r e a d e r s h i p l a r g e l y comprised Robertson's intended audience of "Mechanics and A r t i s a n s . " 7 8 T h i s i s not however to suggest that the Mechanic's  Magazine r e p l a c e d other forms of popular imagery. I t had not i n f a c t the power to do so. In the 1820s, and throughout the p e r i o d d i s c u s s e d here, working people were not the p a s s i v e r e c i p i e n t s of whatever imagery p u b l i s h e r s d i r e c t e d t h e i r way. They were i n s t e a d a c t i v e consumers and v i e w e r s . 7 9 From what was a f f o r d a b l e and a c c e s s i b l e , they made t h e i r c h o i c e s and i n c o r p o r a t e d these i n t o t h e i r wider c u l t u r a l l i f e . I t was not the producers, but the consumers, who made the Mechanic's Magazine. P i l g r i m ' s Progress, Robinson Crusoe, and the Corder e x e c u t i o n p a r t of the c u l t u r e t h a t most workers shared. But p i c t o r i a l c h o i c e s were by no means u n l i m i t e d i n p o s s i b i l i t y . M i s s i n g from the everyday experience of many working people — e s p e c i a l l y those i n r u r a l l o c a l e s — w a s a wide a r r a y of imagery: i n f o r m a t i v e scenes of t r a v e l and adventure, n a t u r a l i s t i c landscapes, accurate d e p i c t i o n s of h i s t o r i c a l events, b e l i e v a b l e r e p r e s e n t a t i o n s of p l a n t and animal l i f e , r e c o g n i z a b l e landmarks, r e a l i s t i c p o r t r a i t u r e , and q u a l i t y r e p r o d u c t i o n s of p a i n t i n g and s c u l p t u r e . And i n the c i t i e s and towns, as much as the v i l l a g e s and farms, the vast m a j o r i t y had no hope of owning the kind of books, p r i n t s and magazines t h a t t r a n s m i t t e d such images. E a r l y i n 1832, though, t h i s s i t u a t i o n would q u i c k l y and d r a m a t i c a l l y change. A new i l l u s t r a t e d p u b l i c a t i o n , The Penny Magazine, would enter the market and o f f e r people the choice of an 68 unprecedented v a r i e t y of p r i n t e d imagery. U n t i l such time, however, there remained a vast d i f f e r e n c e between the p i c t o r i a l world of the E n g l i s h worker and the crowded w a l l s of Somerset House. 69 CHAPTER 3 The New P r i n t e d Image: The Penny Magazine and the M a s s - C i r c u l a t i o n of I l l u s t r a t i o n , 1832-1845 E a r l y i n March of 1832 Member of Parliament Matthew D. H i l l and h i s neighbour, author, e d i t o r and p u b l i s h e r C h a r l e s Knight ( p l a t e 20), walked to town from t h e i r homes i n Hampstead. On t h i s o c c a s i o n , Knight l a t e r r e c a l l e d , t h e i r t a l k was of the c u r r e n t l a c k of wholesome and a f f o r d a b l e l i t e r a t u r e f o r the masses. As a p o s s i b l e s o l u t i o n to t h i s problem, H i l l suggested an inexpensive magazine: 'Let us,' he exclaimed, 'see what something cheap and good can accomplish! Let us have a Penny Magazine!' 'And what s h a l l be i t s t i t l e ? ' s a i d I. 'THE PENNY MAGAZINE.'* Knight acted "at once" upon t h i s c o n v e r s a t i o n . He approached the S o c i e t y f o r the D i f f u s i o n of U s e f u l Knowledge, f o r which he was a l r e a d y the o f f i c i a l p u b l i s h e r , secured t h a t o r g a n i z a t i o n ' s nominal sponsorship of the proposed venture, and took on h i m s e l f the dual r o l e of e d i t o r and p u b l i s h e r . He then proceeded with t y p i c a l 70 energy, and some three weeks l a t e r , on March 31st, he brought out the f i r s t number of the new i l l u s t r a t e d m i s c e l l a n y , The Penny Magazine. 2 Apart from p e r s o n a l enthusiasm and e d i t o r i a l e x p e r t i s e , there were two reasons why Knight was able so r a p i d l y to t u r n an i n f o r m a l l y conceived idea i n t o a v i a b l e p u b l i s h i n g endeavour. F i r s t of a l l , f o r some years p r i o r to 1832 h i s b usiness had had the necessary l e v e l of mechanization. H i s e a r l i e r p u b l i c a t i o n s f o r the SDUK, such as the L i b r a r i e s of U s e f u l and E n t e r t a i n i n g Knowledge, had been p r i n t e d through the process of steam-powered s t e r e o t y p i n g , and t h i s same process was w e l l - s u i t e d to the e f f i c i e n t p r o d u c t i o n of a l a r g e - r u n i l l u s t r a t e d magazine. Secondly, i n h i s f o u r - y e a r a s s o c i a t i o n with the SDUK, Knight had p e r s o n a l l y e s t a b l i s h e d throughout the United Kingdom a l a r g e network of w h o l e s a l e r s and r e t a i l e r s through which to market h i s own and the S o c i e t y ' s p u b l i c a t i o n s . In 1832, to r e i n f o r c e and expand these connections, he sent out a t r a v e l l e r to f u r t h e r promote the Penny Magazine. Thus, i n June of t h a t year, he was able to r e p o r t to the SDUK that the machinery f o r c i r c u l a t i n g the Penny Magazine extends to the most opulent b o o k s e l l e r and to the keeper of a s t a l l - - t o the p u b l i s h e r of the country Newspaper and the hawker of worn-out R e p r i n t s . 3 Knight's "machinery" d i d i t s job w e l l . By December of 1832 the Penny Magazine's c i r c u l a t i o n had climbed to an unprecedented 200,000--a f i g u r e which, Knight " f a i r l y c a l c u l a t e d , " i n d i c a t e d an a c t u a l r e a d e r s h i p of one m i l l i o n . 4 71 The magazine maintained t h i s high c i r c u l a t i o n throughout the f i r s t three years of i t s p u b l i c a t i o n l i f e and thus brought i n f o r m a t i o n and imagery to a l a r g e number of working people. And, as one of Knight's contemporaries observed, t h i s was imagery "which they never c o u l d behold before . . . and l i t e r a l l y at the p r i c e they used to give f o r a song." 5 But f o r Knight the Penny Magazine was more than j u s t a s u c c e s s f u l commercial venture. I t was a l s o , more imp o r t a n t l y , a m i s s i o n i n t o the f i e l d of popular e d u c a t i o n . L i k e most members of the SDUK and many other reformers of the time, he was worried about worker unrest and the p o t e n t i a l t h r e a t to s o c i a l s t a b i l i t y of the r a d i c a l p r e s s . Even more, he d e p l o r e d the g e n e r a l l y poor q u a l i t y of l i t e r a t u r e and imagery then a v a i l a b l e to working people; and he sympathized as w e l l with t h e i r demands f o r access to such p r e s e r v e s of a r t , high c u l t u r e and i n s t r u c t i v e amusement as g a l l e r i e s , the B r i t i s h Museum, the Tower and Kew Gardens. 6 Thus, at i t s o u t s e t Knight regarded the Penny Magazine p a r t l y as an a n t i d o t e to the f o r c e s of s o c i a l d i s r u p t i o n and, above a l l , as a new medium f o r the d i s s e m i n a t i o n of much-needed general knowledge and d i v e r s e imagery. I In the i n t r o d u c t i o n to the f i r s t i s s u e , he addressed h i s intended r e a d e r s h i p - - " t h e many persons whose time and whose means are e q u a l l y l i m i t e d . " He e x p l a i n e d that h i s " l i t t l e M i s c e l l a n y " would on the one hand "enlarge the range 72 of o b s e r v a t i o n [and] add to the s t o r e of f a c t s " , and on the other, "awaken the reason and l e a d the i m a g i n a t i o n i n t o innocent and agreeable t r a i n s of thought." 7 I m p l i c i t i n these remarks was a concept of e d u c a t i o n t h a t would form the b a s i s of the magazine's e d i t o r i a l p o l i c y d u r i n g the f i r s t f i v e years of i t s o p e r a t i o n . In Knight's view, edu c a t i o n i n i t s f u l l e s t sense was a t w o f o ld e n t e r p r i s e e n t a i l i n g both f a c t u a l i n s t r u c t i o n i n a range of general s u b j e c t s and the i n c u l c a t i o n of a p a r t i c u l a r set of s o c i a l v i r t u e s . 8 A c c o r d i n g l y the magazine embodied two kinds of content. F i r s t , and predominantly, i t p r o v i d e d i t s readers with r e l a t i v e l y o b j e c t i v e f a c t u a l i n f o r m a t i o n on such s u b j e c t s as s c i e n c e , geography, h i s t o r y and a r t . I t s d i s t i n g u i s h i n g f e a t u r e and major s e l l i n g p o i n t - - h i g h - q u a l i t y wood-engraved i l l u s t r a t i o n - - c o m p l e m e n t e d and c l a r i f i e d most of t h i s t e x t u a l i n s t r u c t i o n . Thus the magazine i n c l u d e d abundant p i c t o r i a l m a t e r i a l , much of which was new to a w o r k i n g - c l a s s audience: e l a b o r a t e diagrams of s c i e n t i f i c and mechanical d e v i c e s ( p l a t e 21); a r t i s t i c a l l y - r e n d e r e d p i c t u r e s of p l a n t s , animals, f o r e i g n lands and noteworthy r u i n s ( p l a t e s 22, 23 and 24); accurate r e p r e s e n t a t i o n s of r e l i g i o u s monuments ( p l a t e s 25 and 26); d e t a i l e d scenes of contemporary l i f e and a r c h i t e c t u r e ( p l a t e s 27 and 28); i n d i v i d u a l i z e d p o r t r a i t s of famous people ( p l a t e 29); and w e l l - e x e c u t e d i l l u s t r a t i o n s of works of a r t ( p l a t e s 30 to 36) . Sometimes, i n keeping with the second aspect of Knight's concept of education, p i c t u r e s and t e x t s i n c o r p o r a t e d one or more interwoven s o c i a l and moral themes. For example, the i n t e r e s t e d reader of a r t i c l e s on n a t u r a l h i s t o r y and geography was, on o c c a s i o n r e g a l e d with anecdotes about the " d o c i l i t y " of the Newfoundland dog, the "economical" h a b i t s of I c e l a n d i c mice, the p a r e n t a l " s o l i c i t u d e " of s t o r k s , the " f r u g a l i t y " of Swedish peasants, and the "temperance" of Lombardy l a b o u r e r s . S i m i l a r l y , medical and s c i e n t i f i c a r t i c l e s s t a t i s t i c a l l y demonstrated t h a t moral r e s t r a i n t prolonged l i f e , hard work cured f a t i g u e , and s e l f - d i s c i p l i n e would decrease the b i r t h r a t e . And, from essays on new i n v e n t i o n s and modern l i f e , the reader l e a r n e d t h a t E n g l i s h c i v i l i z a t i o n was t e c h n o l o g i c a l l y and c u l t u r a l l y s u p e r i o r to a l l o t h e r s , t h a t i t s continued e x i s t e n c e r e q u i r e d an ordered and harmonious s o c i e t y , and t h a t both c i v i l i z a t i o n and order depended upon the moral improvement of the E n g l i s h worker. So, i n t h i s way, the Penny Magazine encouraged the c u l t i v a t i o n of such " c i v i l i z e d " and E n g l i s h v i r t u e s as temperance and other forms of continence, s e l f - h e l p , i n d u s t r i o u s n e s s , f r u g a l i t y and a sense of duty to one's f a m i l y and employers. 9 Although t e x t s on any number of s u b j e c t s might i n c l u d e t h i s k i n d of thematic m a t e r i a l , i t s p i c t o r i a l e x p r e s s i o n appears to have been c o n f i n e d to two groups of p i c t u r e s . The f i r s t of these c o n s i s t s of p o r t r a i t s i l l u s t r a t i n g essays 74 whose authors i n t e g r a t e d b i o g r a p h i c a l and h i s t o r i c a l d e t a i l w ith l a u d a t o r y d e s c r i p t i o n s of t h e i r s u b j e c t s ' p e r s o n a l q u a l i t i e s . These d e s c r i p t i o n s f o r the most p a r t r e c a l l e d the magazine's themes, and the w r i t e r s ' apparent i n t e n t i o n was to improve the reader by o f f e r i n g f o r emulation a p p r o p r i a t e examples from r e a l l i f e . The accompanying p o r t r a i t s r e f l e c t e d t h i s i n t e n t i o n , and i n each case the a r t i s t not o n l y d e p i c t e d the p h y s i c a l image of the s u b j e c t , but a l s o gave v i s i b l e form to h i s a b s t r a c t v i r t u e s . In one such p o r t r a i t John Wesley's inte n s e frown and s t r o n g l y drawn c h i n helped to evince the t r u t h of t e x t u a l a s s e r t i o n s t h a t he was a model of d i l i g e n c e and " p e r s e v e r i n g regard to method." S i m i l a r l y , the a r t i s t who p o r t r a y e d John Locke gave him the l o f t y forehead and smooth u n t r o u b l e d face a p p r o p r i a t e to one who was a "noble example . . . of the union of h i g h i n t e l l e c t and e q u a l l y h i g h v i r t u e . " And, f i n a l l y , Benjamin F r a n k l i n ' s u n l i n e d face, bland gaze and calm smile v i s u a l l y confirmed t h a t here indeed was a man with a " p e r f e c t i o n of common sense", " s i n g u l a r powers of . . . s e l f - c o n t r o l " , and " c o o l t e n a c i t y of temper and purpose" ( p l a t e 2 9 ) . 1 0 But, i n i t s a b i l i t y to provide exemplars of s o c i a l and p e r s o n a l v i r t u e , p o r t r a i t u r e was secondary to the remaining group of i l l u s t r a t i o n s : r e p r e s e n t a t i o n s of p a i n t i n g s and s c u l p t u r e . P i c t u r e s of t h i s s o r t are d i s t i n g u i s h a b l e from the p o r t r a i t s by the g r e a t e r complexity of t h e i r i n t e r a c t i o n 75 with t h e i r a s s o c i a t e d t e x t s . S e v e r a l t y p i c a l examples w i l l next show p r e c i s e l y how the imagery and d i s c o u r s e of a r t r e i n f o r c e d the magazine's themes, thus p r o v i d i n g Knight with h i s most e f f e c t i v e v e h i c l e f o r p o p u l a r i z i n g high c u l t u r e and, simultaneously, c i v i l i z i n g the reader. II C u l t u r a l c r i t i c s such as Roland Barthes, Walter Benjamin and John Berger have suggested t h a t the means by which an image i s t r a n s m i t t e d — b o o k , newspaper, m a g a z i n e -can a l s o be the means by which that image's meaning i s a l t e r e d . I t s p o s i t i o n on the page, the c a p t i o n , t e x t and name of the p u b l i c a t i o n t ogether provide a context f o r the p i c t u r e , a context which d i r e c t s the reader-viewer's a t t e n t i o n toward a s p e c i f i c message which may, or may not, be l i t e r a l l y d e p i c t e d . 1 1 Something of t h i s s o r t appears to have happened when C h a r l e s Knight decided to use a r t re p r o d u c t i o n s i n h i s magazine. When in t r o d u c e d i n t o t h a t context, the works represented l o s t some of t h e i r o r i g i n a l s i g n i f i c a n c e and took on new s o c i a l and c u l t u r a l c o n n o t a t i o n s . In one notable example an i l l u s t r a t i o n of a t h i r d -c entury B.C. st a t u e , The Dying G l a d i a t o r . was p l a c e d under the magazine's t i t l e , i d e n t i f i e d as "a man of t o i l , who has l i v e d a l a b o r i o u s l i f e " , and d e s c r i b e d , i n both prose and poetry, as the s t o i c a l v i c t i m of a h i g h l y " u n c i v i l i z e d " s o c i e t y ( p l a t e 3 0 ) . 1 2 The t e x t u a l theme of forbearance, and the s t a t u e ' s new v i s u a l a s s o c i a t i o n with the names of the magazine and i t s sponsor, together m o d i f i e d the meaning of the image. No longer j u s t a f i g u r e of a n t i q u i t y , i t had become as w e l l a role-model f o r the contemporary reader-viewer. For here was one who was a l s o a worker, who t h e r e f o r e s u f f e r e d , but who endured h i s s u f f e r i n g i n a "manly" way. V i s u a l l y t h i s i s evidenced by the f i g u r e ' s t h i r d - c e n t u r y - B . C . v e r s i o n of the " s t i f f u p p e r - l i p " - - a departure from the o r i g i n a l s t a t u e ' s agonized s c o w l . 1 3 The g l a d i a t o r ' s Penny Magazine-generated s t o i c i s m was the more remarkable because, as the author of the t e x t r e p e a t e d l y p o i n t e d out, t h i s worker of a n t i q u i t y , u n l i k e the f o r t u n a t e reader, l i v e d i n an u n s t a b l e , u n c i v i l i z e d and thoroughly un-E n g l i s h world. In other words, r e v e r t i n g f o r a moment to the terminology of Roland Barthes, the " r h e t o r i c " of the Penny  Magazine's G l a d i a t o r i n v o l v e d three l e v e l s of meaning: the l i t e r a l and l i n g u i s t i c messages of the p i c t u r e and accompanying t e x t , and "the t h i r d message", which generated from the f i r s t two working together w i t h i n a s o c i a l l y and c u l t u r a l l y symbolic c o n t e x t - - t h a t i s , the magazine. 1 4 Thus, i n the image, t e x t and context of the G l a d i a t o r there was an undepicted, u n w r i t t e n e x h o r t a t i o n to the reader: work hard, e x e r c i s e r e s t r a i n t , and value what you have--in s h o r t , be c i v i l i z e d . The t h i r d message, then, was a connoted one, and i t depended on the e x i s t e n c e of some degree of c u l t u r a l knowledge or experience shared by the reader-viewers, the magazine's e d i t o r , and the c o n t r i b u t i n g authors—whose number, i n c i d e n t a l l y , i n c l u d e d both the eminent and the obscure: W i l l i a m Hone, who submitted a shor t p i e c e on Charing Cross f o r the f i r s t number; a r t c r i t i c Anna Jameson, whose s e r i e s on e a r l y I t a l i a n p a i n t e r s enhanced the magazine's s a l e s i n the 1840s; n a t u r a l i s t James Rennie, who s u p p l i e d essays on i n s e c t s and b i r d s ; John K i t t o , a deaf former workhouse inmate, who wrote t r a v e l o g u e s ; and a teenage g i r l , Emily Shore, who, i n the two years before her death at nin e t e e n from t u b e r c u l o s i s , c o n t r i b u t e d a r t i c l e s on n a t u r e . 1 5 The a r t i s t s ' r o l e i n the t r a n s m i s s i o n of the t h i r d message was probably p u r e l y mechanical. I f the magazine's better-known a r t i s t s — e n g r a v e r W i l l i a m Harvey, c h i e f engraver John Jackson (a one-time p u p i l of Bewick), and F. W. F a i r h o l t , draughtsman of many of the a r t r e p r o d u c t i o n s — w e r e t y p i c a l , then we can i n f e r t h a t the oth e r s , f o r whom there i s l i t t l e or no b i o g r a p h i c a l i n f o r m a t i o n , were a l s o young, or comparatively so, and s t r i v i n g f o r p r o f e s s i o n a l advancement. Moreover, a c c o r d i n g to Knight, they were w e l l p a i d . 1 6 I t seems safe then to assume t h a t an ample s a l a r y and steady employment would have giv e n most, i f not a l l , of the magazine's a r t i s t s s u f f i c i e n t motives f o r doing as they were d i r e c t e d — c r e a t i n g , adapting, 78 or merely copying images to s u i t both s p e c i f i c t e x t s and o v e r a l l e d i t o r i a l p o l i c y . L i k e the Dying G l a d i a t o r . s e v e r a l other reproduced works of a r t embodied a connoted message and served as exemplars f o r the n i n e t e e n t h - c e n t u r y reader-viewer. A s t a t u e of Diana, f o r i n s t a n c e , i l l u s t r a t e d c h a s t i t y and maidenly modesty; C a r r a c c i ' s Mary was the epitome of maternal s e n s i b i l i t y ; and The Last Supper ( p l a t e 31) d e p i c t e d seemly behaviour i n t r y i n g circumstances. F r e q u e n t l y the a r t i s t themselves were h e l d up as models of i n d u s t r i o u s n e s s and d e d i c a t i o n . Leonardo da V i n c i earned p r a i s e f o r h i s " u n t i r i n g i n d u s t r y and continued perseverance", while Rubens was deemed noteworthy f o r " r a i s i n g h i m s e l f " through "the most remarkable i n d u s t r y as w e l l as f e r t i l i t y . 1 , 1 7 Very o f t e n works of a r t were chosen f o r t h e i r a b i l i t y to c i v i l i z e by negative example. In p i c t u r e s of t h i s type what was p o r t r a y e d was not a role-model to be emulated, but r a t h e r a s i t u a t i o n , v i c e or emotion to be avoided. Since i t was important t h a t the meaning of such images was not misconstrued, the a s s o c i a t e d t e x t helped to c l a r i f y the t h i r d message. A c r i t i c a l a n a l y s i s of M u r i l l o ' s Beggar Boy ( p l a t e 32) thus i n c l u d e d the f o l l o w i n g remarks: The roughness of the s k i n a t t e s t s the i d l e n e s s of t h i s unhappy c h i l d ; h i s morals are i n some measure w r i t t e n upon the s q u a l i d n e s s of h i s l i m b s . 1 8 79 In company wit h t h i s t e x t , the image became an i m p l i c i t warning a g a i n s t the moral d e b i l i t y t h a t l e d i n e v i t a b l y to p h y s i c a l i n f i r m i t y . In another i n s t a n c e the d i s c u s s i o n of a r e p r o d u c t i o n of Niobe informed the reader of the severe p e n a l t i e s i n c u r r e d by those who have a " p r i d e of h e a r t " and " i n s o l e n c e " beyond what i s a p p r o p r i a t e to t h e i r a l l o t t e d p o s i t i o n i n an ordered w o r l d . 1 9 And even the n i n e t e e n t h century's most admired specimen of H e l l e n i s m , the Laocoon ( p l a t e 33), became a Penny Magazine negative exemplar. Presented from the s o c i a l and moral p e r s p e c t i v e of a d i s a p p r o v i n g commentator, the s t a t u e admonished a g a i n s t a l a c k of emotional r e s t r a i n t t h a t mere a d v e r s i t y c o u l d not excuse: . . . the agony i s t h a t of d e s p a i r ; there i s „ nothing l i k e the r e s i s t a n c e of t r u e courage; nor does there appear to us i n the p o s i t i o n of the serpent which i s a t t a c k i n g the f a t h e r , any s u f f i c i e n t cause f o r the t o t a l d e s p a i r with which he i s overwhelmed. 2 0 The a r t works most f r e q u e n t l y reproduced i n the Penny  Magazine were the engravings of W i l l i a m Hogarth. In 1834 and 1835 the magazine used a t o t a l of twenty-four such p r i n t s . 2 1 The reasons f o r Hogarth's appeal are f a i r l y obvious: he was E n g l i s h , h i s works reproduced e a s i l y , and t h e i r openly m o r a l i s t i c sub.iects--The Rake's Progress. Beer  S t r e e t and Gin Lane--were "made to order" f o r the purpose of c i v i l i z i n g by negative example. The d i s c u s s i o n accompanying a r e p r o d u c t i o n from Marriage a-la-Mode ( p l a t e 34) shows the extent to which the Penny Magazine's a r t c r i t i c i s m t y p i c a l l y 80 emphasized the m o r a l i s t i c content of Hogarth's work. In t h i s i n s t a n c e the n o c t u r n a l extravagances of the p r i n t s e r i e s ' " i l l - a s s o r t e d " couple were well-matched by the v e r b a l improvidence of the w r i t e r as he warned the reader a g a i n s t " e v i l p a s s i o n s and c o r r u p t i n g i d l e n e s s " , "the v a i n p u r s u i t of p l e a s u r e s " , " w i t h e r i n g s a t i e t y " , "poison i n the cup" and "the r u i n which has overwhelmed t h o u s a n d s . " 2 2 S i m i l a r l y , i n other examples, Hogarth's D i s t r e s t Poet i l l u s t r a t e d a homily on misguided young men with a "dreamy b e l i e f " i n genius r a t h e r than i n d u s t r i o u s n e s s ; and The  P o l i t i c i a n . whose s u b j e c t absent-mindedly s e t s f i r e to h i s hat, was the i n s p i r a t i o n f o r an admonitory d i s c u s s i o n of p o l i t i c a l hot-headedness. 2 3 Of a l l h i s works, Hogarth's Industry and I d l e n e s s was perhaps best s u i t e d to the magazine's concept of improvement through a r t ; the s e r i e s d e p i c t e d both good and bad examples of behaviour and showed the attendant consequences of each. Of the Hogarth works reproduced i n the Penny Magazine e i g h t were from Industry and I d l e n e s s . The f i r s t p r i n t i n t h i s s e r i e s ( p l a t e 35) i n t r o d u c e d the two main c h a r a c t e r s and, with the help of the accompanying t e x t , demonstrated the c o n t r a s t between them: the reader-viewer c o u l d thus i d e n t i f y the i d l e a p p r e n t i c e , on the l e f t , by h i s "vulgar and u n i n t e l l e c t u a l countenance", while, at the loom on the r i g h t , h i s hard-working c o u n t e r p a r t was r e c o g n i z a b l e by h i s c o n v e r s e l y "open, modest and i n t e l l i g e n t countenance." 2 4 In 81 a subsequent i l l u s t r a t i o n ( p l a t e 36) the i n d u s t r i o u s a p p r e n t i c e , now a s e l f - i m p r o v e d London m a g i s t r a t e , c o u l d be seen sentencing h i s one-time f e l l o w worker f o r t h i e v e r y and m u r d e r — t h e f r u i t s of i d l e n e s s . C o l l e c t i v e l y , t h i s and other i l l u s t r a t i o n s from the same s e r i e s had i n s t r u c t i o n a l value of a p a r t i c u l a r l y high order, f o r , as p l a t e 36 suggests, j u s t one image co u l d i n s p i r e p r o d i g i e s of m o r a l i z i n g prose, c l a s s i c a l r e f e r e n c e s and B i b l i c a l q u o t a t i o n s . And, i n each case, p i c t u r e , prose and l i t e r a r y a l l u s i o n s together r e i t e r a t e d the same themes: improve y o u r s e l f ; c u l t i v a t e i n d u s t r i o u s n e s s ; p r a c t i c e economy--be c i v i l i z e d . I l l In t h e i r attempt to fathom the connoted meanings of the Penny Magazine's a r t r e p r o d u c t i o n s , the above analyses are i n some p a r t i n t e r p r e t i v e . Knight's papers have not s u r v i v e d and we cannot know c o n c l u s i v e l y that he had the p r e c i s e e d i t o r i a l i n t e n t i o n s j u s t i n d i c a t e d . Nonetheless, we can note t h a t a l l of the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s given here are f u l l y c o n s i s t e n t with the magazine's t e x t u a l themes and with i t s aim to pro v i d e the E n g l i s h worker with "agreeable and innocent" knowledge. I t i s a l s o , however, important to emphasize t h a t i n i t s thematic use of a r t r e p r o d u c t i o n the magazine was not merely s e r v i n g i t s own i d i o s y n c r a t i c s o c i a l purposes. Rather, there i s c l e a r evidence l i n k i n g i t s view of a r t to an 82 e s t a b l i s h e d a e s t h e t i c t r a d i t i o n : t h a t body of thought which equated a r t with i n t e l l e c t u a l and moral e l e v a t i o n and advanced c i v i l i z a t i o n , and a r t i s t s with v i r t u e and i n d u s t r i o u s n e s s . 2 5 Both e x p l i c i t l y and i m p l i c i t l y , the magazine's s e l e c t i o n of a r t r e p r o d u c t i o n s and the content of a s s o c i a t e d t e x t s d e r i v e d d i r e c t l y from the ideas of the most noted past and contemporary a r t c r i t i c s and t h e o r i s t s . For example, s e v e r a l c o n t r i b u t o r s c i t e d S i r Joshua Reynolds' D i s c o u r s e s . the w r i t i n g s of a r t h i s t o r i a n J . J . Winckelmann, and e s s a y i s t C h a r l e s Lamb's assessment of "the Genius and Character of H o g a r t h . " 2 6 In a d d i t i o n , the magazine's frequent use of r e p r o d u c t i o n s of works by Rubens, da V i n c i and Raphael r e f l e c t e d the p r e f e r e n c e s of the prominent contemporary c r i t i c W i l l i a m H a z l i t t . And, f i n a l l y , much of the g e n e r a l p i c t o r i a l c o n t e n t - - i l l u s t r a t i o n s of peasants and t h e i r r u s t i c d w e l l i n g s , t r e e s , r u i n s , b r i d g e s and b i r d s -corresponded c l o s e l y to ideas on the p i c t u r e s q u e expressed by another eminent w r i t e r , A r c h i b a l d A l i s o n , whose essays on t a s t e were well-known i n the e a r l y n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y . 2 7 I t was not c o i n c i d e n t a l that a e s t h e t i c t r a d i t i o n and c u r r e n t c r i t i c i s m found t h e i r way i n t o the Penny Magazine and enhanced i t s themes. The predominance of a r t r e p r o d u c t i o n and the magazine's c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s e n s i t i v i t y to the p r a c t i c a l contemporary a p p l i c a t i o n of t r a d i t i o n arguably generated from the e f f o r t s and ideas of one person p r i m a r i l y : the e d i t o r and p u b l i s h e r , C h a r l e s Knight. I t 83 seems c l e a r t h a t the other most l i k e l y source of e d i t o r i a l and p i c t o r i a l p o l i c y , the SDUK committee t h a t had o r i g i n a l l y a u t h o r i z e d the Penny Magazine, had l i t t l e to do with i t s use of v i s u a l m a t e r i a l , a r t c r i t i c i s m and r e l a t e d t r a d i t i o n . The S o c i e t y ' s records show t h a t the penny p u b l i c a t i o n committee made Knight r e s p o n s i b l e f o r the magazine's content. The committee reserved the r i g h t to review and r e v i s e any i s s u e before p u b l i c a t i o n , but the evidence i s t h a t i t r a r e l y , i f ever, e x e r c i s e d t h i s o p t i o n . 2 8 I t a l s o seems u n l i k e l y t h a t other SDUK members c o n t r i b u t e d s i g n i f i c a n t l y to shaping the magazine's p i c t o r i a l p o l i c y . Although one member, Henry Hallam, had e a r l i e r w r i t t e n a t r e a t i s e on t a s t e , and another, H. B. Ker, had c o n t r i b u t e d " L i v e s " of Wren and Michelangelo to the magazine, n e i t h e r t h i s nor any other evidence suggests t h a t the S o c i e t y as a whole, or any i n d i v i d u a l member, had Knight's well-developed concept of the i n s t r u c t i o n a l value and c i v i l i z i n g power of p i c t u r e s . 2 9 Even the chairman, Lord Brougham, who had o p i n i o n s on n e a r l y e v e r y t h i n g , was comparatively r e t i c e n t about a r t . In two a r t i c l e s on the s u b j e c t he showed, at best, o n l y a nebulous a p p r e c i a t i o n of i t s e d u c a t i v e p o t e n t i a l . 3 0 Knight's understanding of a r t and the d i d a c t i c p o s s i b i l i t i e s of imagery was c o n s i d e r a b l y more s o p h i s t i c a t e d . A f t e r he had f i n i s h e d h i s formal s c h o o l i n g , and had entered h i s f a t h e r ' s p r i n t i n g b u s iness, he set 84 h i m s e l f a d i s c i p l i n e d programme of reading i n h i s t o r y , p h i l o s o p h y and the a r t s ; and he f o l l o w e d t h i s programme d i l i g e n t l y f o r some twenty years. Thus, by the time he had begun p u b l i s h i n g the Penny Magazine, he knew and admired the work of such " b r i l l i a n t " c r i t i c s as H a z l i t t and Lamb, and i n a l l p r o b a b i l i t y he was a l s o f a m i l i a r w i t h the ideas of Winckelmann, Reynolds, A l i s o n , and Edmund Burke on "the Sublime and the B e a u t i f u l . " 3 1 But h i s i n t e r e s t i n a r t and other v i s u a l forms had not begun with h i s reading of the c r i t i c s . Even as a boy he had admired "the grandeur of R a f a e l l e " , "gazed" vjith - a p p r e c i a t i o n upon M u r i l l o ' s Boy and  Puppies, and looked w i t h l e s s approval at L e l y ' s p o r t r a y a l s of "King C h a r l e s ' 'beauties' . . . p r o f u s e l y d i s p l a y i n g t h e i r charms." A few years a f t e r ^ he had been impressed with "the p a t r i o t i c enthusiasm" t h a t had i n s p i r e d a c a r i c a t u r e of Napoleon as an i n e f f e c t u a l "vapouring l i t t l e man"; and during the same pe r i o d - - " t h o s e times of paper-currency and p r o t e c t i o n " - - h e had pondered the dubious symbolic a p p r o p r i a t e n e s s of a l a r g e p a i n t e d image of "the c l a s s i c a l horn of p l e n t y . . . ."32 Knight's y o u t h f u l i n t e r e s t i n imagery continued i n t o l a t e r l i f e . He was, f o r i n s t a n c e , among the f i r s t to a p p r e c i a t e the a e s t h e t i c and e d u c a t i o n a l p o t e n t i a l of "Talbotype" photography; i n a d d i t i o n , s e v e r a l years before the A r t Union conceived the idea of s e l l i n g a r t r e p r o d u c t i o n s , he had proposed to the SDUK th a t they should 85 p u b l i s h inexpensive wood-engravings of " c e l e b r a t e d p a i n t i n g s so as to d i f f u s e g e n e r a l l y a t a s t e f o r the Fine A r t s . " 3 3 Knight was never able to r e a l i z e t h i s p a r t i c u l a r p r o p o s a l . However, i n a d d i t i o n to the Penny Magazine, he succeeded i n producing such i l l u s t r a t e d works as the G a l l e r y  of P o r t r a i t s (1832-34), the P i c t o r i a l B i b l e (1835-37), an i l l u s t r a t e d e d i t i o n of Shakespeare (1837), and the P i c t o r i a l  H i s t o r y of England (1837-44). He would l a t e r express c o n s i d e r a b l e g r a t i f i c a t i o n t h a t through such p u b l i c a t i o n s , h i g h - q u a l i t y wood-engravings had become the "marked f e a t u r e " of h i s business, and he claimed c r e d i t f o r the p o p u l a r i z a t i o n of both the concept and the word, " p i c t o r i a l " . 3 4 Knight's wide-ranging a p p r e c i a t i o n and promotion of i l l u s t r a t i o n were aspects of h i s b e l i e f t h a t " i n t e l l e c t u a l c u l t u r e " d i d not merely "depend upon books and l e c t u r e s . " P i c t u r e s , he b e l i e v e d , were "true eye-knowledge" and as such co u l d not o n l y "add both to the i n f o r m a t i o n and enjoyment of the reader", but were a l s o "sometimes more i n s t r u c t i v e than words." 3 5 And, as the Penny Magazine's content r e f l e c t s , i n i t s e d i t o r ' s view some kinds of p i c t u r e s had g r e a t e r e d u c a t i o n a l merit than o t h e r s . " F a i t h f u l and s p i r i t e d c o p i e s of the g r e a t e s t p r o d u c t i o n s of PAINTING and SCULPTURE," he wrote, were among the most "v a l u a b l e a c c e s s o r i e s of knowledge [and] instruments of e d u c a t i o n . " 3 6 86 But the imagery of a r t was more to Knight than j u s t a a l s o had a l a r g e r concept of what the a e s t h e t i c i n everyday l i f e . In an Nottingham Mechanics' I n s t i t u t e , he pedagogical t o o l . He should be the r o l e of 1848 address to the spoke e l o q u e n t l y on t h i s s u b j e c t . E x p r e s s i n g f i r s t h i s approval of the many p i c t u r e s hanging i n the I n s t i t u t e h a l l , he then continued: I would not have i n any mechanics' i n s t i t u t i o n , as I would not have i n any school throughout the land, bare naked w a l l s f o r the eye to r e s t on u n d e l i g h t e d . I do know, and the experience of the wise teaches me to b e l i e v e , that we cannot be surrounded too much with the b e a u t i f u l i n a r t ; i n c i v i c h a l l s , and wherever men congregate together f o r p u b l i c b u s iness, or meet f o r s o c i a l purposes; i n our own houses, where p r i n t s and c a s t s of r a r e s c u l p t u r e are the best and l e a s t expensive l u x u r i e s ; and what i s s t i l l more to the purpose, i n the humblest cottage i n the land. I do not t h i n k i t i s p o s s i b l e to make the people too f a m i l i a r with h i g h models of a r t , because i n so doing a refinement i s given to the understanding, and what i s s p i r i t u a l and grand i n our nature may be developed by the presence of these b e a u t i f u l c r e a t i o n s , which, without presumption, I venture to t h i n k are emanations through the mind of man of the power of the D e i t y . 3 7 A d d i t i o n a l evidence from the magazine, Knight's memoirs and other sources f u r t h e r l i n k s h i s i n t e r e s t s with the magazine's t e x t u a l and p i c t o r i a l content. For example, qu o t a t i o n s from the work of h i s f r i e n d , A l l a n Cunningham, author of L i v e s of the Most Eminent P a i n t e r s (1830), c o n t r i b u t e d to the l e n g t h of a seven-page essay on Hogarth, while the same p i e c e a l s o i n c o r p o r a t e d a s u b s t a n t i a l excerpt from Knight's 1831 t r e a t i s e on the r i g h t s of i n d u s t r y . Another a r t i c l e , on working men's l i b r a r i e s , was s p r i n k l e d 87 with r e f e r e n c e s to Knight's f a v o u r i t e authors. And elsewhere, s i m i l a r l y , the magazine's only double-spread set of i l l u s t r a t i o n s reproduced scenes from Windsor, h i s b i r t h p l a c e and home u n t i l 1822. 3 8 But perhaps the most compelling i n d i c a t i o n t h a t Knight c o n t r o l l e d the Penny  Magazine's e d i t o r i a l p o l i c y i s the f a c t t h at he a l s o c o n t r o l l e d i t s f i n a n c e s . Throughout most of the magazine's p u b l i c a t i o n l i f e , he was the SDUK's c r e d i t o r . 3 9 I t t h e r e f o r e seems u n l i k e l y t h a t the S o c i e t y ' s p u b l i c a t i o n committee s i g n i f i c a n t l y i n f l u e n c e d h i s e d i t o r i a l d e c i s i o n s . IV The extent to which Knight c o n t r o l l e d both the f i n a n c e s and the formal c h a r a c t e r of the magazine suggests t h a t when we attempt to analyze the motives behind t h a t p u b l i c a t i o n we should look to Knight r a t h e r than the SDUK. T h i s approach i s a departure from most other assessments of the magazine, which have tended to o v e r s t a t e the r e l a t i o n s h i p of i t s content to the SDUK's u t i l i t a r i a n i d e a l s and s o c i a l p u r p o s e s . 4 0 T h i s i s not however to imply t h a t Knight had no concerns i n common with h i s magazine's nominal sponsor. As i n d i c a t e d at the beginning of t h i s chapter, he shared the S o c i e t y ' s w o r r i e s about worker unrest and the i n f l u e n c e of the unstamped p r e s s . And, as t h i s d i s c u s s i o n has p r e v i o u s l y t r i e d to show, these s o c i a l f e a r s found t h e i r e x p r e s s i o n i n the magazine's st u d i o u s avoidance of r a d i c a l p o l i t i c a l 88 d i s c o u r s e and i n i t s use of a r t to p r o v i d e p o s i t i v e and negative.exemplars of behaviour. But there i s a l s o evidence that i n d i c a t e s t h a t much of Knight's i n t e r e s t i n the magazine was p u r e l y p r o f e s s i o n a l and not d i r e c t l y r e l a t e d to h i s SDUK a f f i l i a t i o n . For, u n l i k e others on the p u b l i c a t i o n committee, he was both a businessman and a p u b l i s h e r , and h i s s p e c i a l i z e d knowledge l e d him to b e l i e v e t h a t an i l l u s t r a t e d m i s c e l l a n y c o u l d be a p r o f i t a b l e endeavour. He had i n f a c t been one of the f i r s t p u b l i s h e r s to a p p r e c i a t e the p o t e n t i a l of s t e r e o t y p i n g ; and he thus reco g n i z e d t h a t the speed and low c o s t of t h i s mode of r e p r o d u c t i o n would enable him to p r o v i d e i l l u s t r a t e d r eading matter to a l a r g e market whose major a f f o r d a b l e form of p i c t o r i a l entertainment had been the o f t e n crude and r e p e t i t i v e stock woodcuts of broadsides and chapbooks. In the l a t e 1820s Knight had approved of the general i d e a , although not the q u a l i t y , of the i l l u s t r a t i o n s i n John Limbird's M i r r o r ; and probably the Penny Magazine's m i s c e l l a n y format owed something to the i n s p i r a t i o n of t h a t e a r l i e r p u b l i c a t i o n . 4 1 But what d i s t i n g u i s h e d Knight's magazine from any p r e v i o u s or contemporary p e r i o d i c a l was the combination of the q u a l i t y , v a r i e t y and abundance of i t s i l l u s t r a t i o n s , i t s widely a f f o r d a b l e p r i c e , and i t s p r o f i t a b i l i t y . Informed observers, such as p u b l i s h e r W. A. Chatto, thus acknowledged t h a t the Penny Magazine was the e a r l i e s t inexpensive s e r i a l p u b l i c a t i o n to r e a l i z e f u l l y the 89 commercial p o s s i b i l i t i e s of mass-reproduced imagery. 4 2 Or, as Knight put i t , wood-engraving had . f i n a l l y found i t s " l e g i t i m a t e purpose". In the magazine's 1833 October supplement, he e x p l a i n e d to the readers t h a t the circumstances dependent upon r a p i d p r i n t i n g . . . p r i n c i p a l l y c a l l e d f o r t h by the great demand f o r the 'Penny Magazine' have completely changed the c h a r a c t e r of the a r t of wood-engraving; and have rendered i t p e c u l i a r l y and e s s e n t i a l l y t h a t branch of engraving which i s a p p l i c a b l e to cheap p u b l i c a t i o n s . 4 3 In other words, i l l u s t r a t i o n of high q u a l i t y and low c o s t to the purchaser was now a l s o e f f i c i e n t to produce and p r o f i t a b l e f o r the p u b l i s h e r . Knight's absorbing i n t e r e s t i n h i s new p u b l i c a t i o n thus arose not o n l y from a n x i e t y about the c o n d i t i o n of E n g l i s h s o c i e t y but a l s o from commercial motives and enthusiasm f o r the l a t e s t advances i n p r i n t i n g technology. However, these concerns seem to have been the l e s s e r motives behind h i s d e d i c a t i o n to the magazine. Of g r e a t e r s i g n i f i c a n c e and d u r a t i o n was h i s genuine b e l i e f i n e d u c a t i o n as an i d e a l to which people at a l l l e v e l s of s o c i e t y should a s p i r e . 4 4 As he had s t a t e d i n h i s i n t r o d u c t i o n to i t s f i r s t i s s u e , the Penny Magazine not o n l y aimed to be "agreeable and innocent", but to enlarge the scope of the r e a d e r s ' f a c t u a l knowledge. In a d d i t i o n then to conveying s o c i a l and moral messages, the examples of a r t d i s c u s s e d above a l s o i n t r o d u c e d the readers to an a r r a y of c u l t u r a l knowledge p r e v i o u s l y i n a c c e s s i b l e to them. Reproducing a r t works i n 90 d e t a i l , o f t e n quoting a u t h o r i t i e s verbatim, these p i c t u r e s and t e x t s t r a n s m i t t e d imagery, a e s t h e t i c t h e o r i e s , a r t h i s t o r y and c r i t i c i s m with f a i t h f u l exhaustiveness. I n t e r e s t e d readers thus became acquainted with the working methods of Leonardo, Winckelmann's o p i n i o n on the date and provenance of the Laocoon, Hogarth's o r i g i n a l i t y and sense of beauty, "the sweetness, b r i l l i a n c y , harmony and f r e s h n e s s " of the c o l o u r i n M u r i l l o ' s Beggar--and so o n . 4 5 The magazine a l s o devoted c o u n t l e s s other p i c t u r e s and t e x t s e x c l u s i v e l y to the advancement of a e s t h e t i c and c u l t u r a l knowledge. The key p o i n t s of Rubens' and C o r r e g g i o ' s s t y l e s , T i t i a n ' s use of c o l o u r , Rembrandt's "management of the l i g h t s and darks, t e c h n i c a l l y c a l l e d c h i a r o s c u r o " , the " s i l v e r y b r i g h t n e s s " of Guido's p a i n t i n g s , the "golden . . . tone, . . . the elegance and p r e c i s i o n " of T e n i e r s ' work, the o r i g i n s of "the Bolognese School of P a i n t i n g " , and the "progress" of manuscript i l l u m i n a t i o n from the "dark ages" to the r e n a i s s a n c e — t h i s i n f o r m a t i o n and much more of a s i m i l a r nature was summoned to a i d those readers who wished to understand and enjoy a r t . 4 6 At l e a s t one of the magazine's a r t i c l e s e x p l i c i t l y encouraged t h i s k i n d of informed a p p r e c i a t i o n : P i c t u r e s . . . must be s t u d i e d as a t t e n t i v e l y as books, before they can be thoroughly understood, or the p r i n c i p l e s of a r t so e s t a b l i s h e d i n the mind as to render those works which are t r u l y sublime or b e a u t i f u l the o b j e c t s of admiration, i n p r e f e r e n c e to those which c a t c h the i n e x p e r i e n c e d eye by mere gaudiness or exaggeration of any k i n d . 4 7 And, as the same a r t i c l e a l s o i n d i c a t e d , the c e n t r a l purpose of such study was not the viewer's s o c i a l and moral improvement, but r a t h e r the enhancement of h i s or her c a p a c i t y to share i n the emotional and i n t e l l e c t u a l rewards of a e s t h e t i c experience: . . . the contemplation of works of a r t may a f f o r d one of the p u r e s t p l e a s u r e s which a r e f i n e d mind i s capable of e n j o y i n g . 4 8 Thus, whatever might have been the s o c i a l f e a r s and commercial motives behind the Penny Magazine, these d i d not pre c l u d e an a p p a r e n t l y g r e a t e r and s i n c e r e d e s i r e to f o s t e r a r t a p p r e c i a t i o n as an i n t r i n s i c a l l y worthwhile a t t a i n m e n t — one, moreover, which should be brought w i t h i n the reach of a l l c l a s s e s , however humble. Knight's r e a c t i o n to c r i t i c i s m of h i s magazine a l s o argues t h a t he was deeply and g e n u i n e l y committed to p l a c i n g " f i n e specimens of a r t . . . w i t h i n the reach of thousands, i n s t e a d of being c o n f i n e d to the c a b i n e t s of a very few." 4 9 In the e a r l y years of i t s p u b l i c a t i o n , a number of c r i t i c s v a r i o u s l y took e x c e p t i o n to the magazine's s o c i a l and i n t e l l e c t u a l content, i t s general format, and i t s use of a r t and imagery. For the most p a r t t h i s c r i t i c i s m l e f t Knight r e l a t i v e l y unmoved. But one w r i t e r ' s comment seems to have stung. The Morning C h r o n i c l e ' s c r i t i c — a n e n t h u s i a s t i c proponent of a e s t h e t i c and c u l t u r a l e x c l u s i v i s m — h a d expressed " b i t t e r n e s s and n e a r - i n d i g n a t i o n " at Knight's 92 "mistaken view" t h a t a r t c o u i l d be removed from the domain of "a comparatively small and g i f t e d few, under the patronage of men of wealth and l e i s u r e . " "ONCE FOR ALL," t h i s c r i t i c had thundered, "as there i s no r o y a l road to mathematics, . . . there i s no Penny Magazine road to the Fine A r t s . " 5 0 Knight responded to t h i s c r i t i c i s m at some le n g t h , with c o n s i d e r a b l e i r o n y and i n c r e a s i n g vehemence: We do not q u i t e understand a l l t h i s , [he began i n a p p a r e n t l y m i l d puzzlment,] but we suppose i t means, that the p r o d u c t i o n of a p i c t u r e or a s t a t u e f o r the e x c l u s i v e g r a t i f i c a t i o n 'of men of wealth and l e i s u r e , ' i s the s o l e end and o b j e c t of the ' c u l t i v a t i o n of the Fine A r t s ; ' t h a t i t i s a matter of the most absolute i n d i f f e r e n c e whether the bulk of the people have any p e r c e p t i o n of the beauty of A r t , or any knowledge of i t s p r i n c i p l e s ; . . . t h a t such men as J o s i a h Wedgwood, who i n t r o d u c e d the forms of c l a s s i c a n t i q u i t y i n to our p o t t e r i e s , have adopted a most 'mistaken view of the case;' t h a t the French government, who have Schools of Design f o r manufacturers, . . . have adopted a most 'mistaken view of the case;' that our government, which has j u s t e s t a b l i s h e d a School of Design, . . . i s l a b o u r i n g under the same d e l u s i o n ; and t h a t , once f o r a l l , as there i s 'no Penny Magazine road to the Fine A r t s , ' the expenditure of Twelve Thousand Pounds upon the engravings of the 'Penny Magazine' has been an u t t e r waste of c a p i t a l with r e f e r e n c e to the c u l t i v a t i o n of A r t , and the popular t a s t e would have been as much advanced by . . the manufacture of the o l d red and blue p r i n t s which are s t i l l s c a t t e r e d . . . amongst the cottages of the r u r a l p o p u l a t i o n , and [by] . . . green and yellow p a r r o t s . . . i n i l l - a s s o r t e d company with Canova's G r a c e s . 5 1 And perhaps, more than any other a v a i l a b l e evidence, i t i s t h i s u n c h a r a c t e r i s t i c outpouring of v e r b a l energy, sarcasm and r i g h t e o u s i n d i g n a t i o n t h a t argues f o r the s i n c e r i t y both of Knight's d e d i c a t i o n to p o p u l a r i z i n g a r t and h i s concept 93 of the magazine as a p i o n e e r i n g e f f o r t to disseminate what had t r a d i t i o n a l l y been r e s t r i c t e d knowledge. A d d i t i o n a l evidence a l s o suggests t h a t Knight's " s i n c e r e i n t e r e s t i n the progress of knowledge" took precedence over other m o t i v e s . 5 2 For reasons which w i l l be noted l a t e r , a f t e r 1835 the magazine d i d not maintain i t s i n i t i a l success. Knight n e v e r t h e l e s s continued to p u b l i s h i t f o r another ten y e a r s - - a l l the while making l i t t l e or no p r o f i t . 5 3 I t may be t h a t he p e r s i s t e d with the magazine i n the hope of r e - e s t a b l i s h i n g i t s o r i g i n a l comfortable p r o f i t margin, but a decade of such p e r s i s t e n c e with a f i n a n c i a l l y u n c e r t a i n e n t e r p r i s e h a r d l y seems to i n d i c a t e single-minded commercialism. Rather, as the magazine's content d u r i n g t h i s p e r i o d i m p l i e s , Knight's perseverance was more l i k e l y an aspect of h i s c o n t i n u i n g commitment to popular education. In 1837, and again i n 1841, he changed the magazine's e d i t o r i a l p o l i c y . 5 4 With each change, he reduced both the m i s c e l l a n e o u s content and the number of sh o r t items t h a t had t y p i f i e d the format before 1837. Thus, between 1837 and 1845, the magazine o f f e r e d i n c r e a s i n g l y s u b s t a n t i a l c o n t r i b u t i o n s whose t e x t s and p i c t u r e s were l o o s e l y o r g a n i z e d under a few general s u b j e c t headings: Topography and A n t i q u i t i e s , N a t u r a l H i s t o r y , Trade, Manufactures and Commerce, and of course Fine A r t s . 5 5 The magazine's d e c l i n i n g c i r c u l a t i o n was perhaps a f a c t o r i n these changes. A f t e r 1836 r e d u c t i o n s i n the 94 newspaper tax and the duty on paper both i n c r e a s e d and f a c i l i t a t e d the c o m p e t i t i o n which had been p r o g r e s s i v e l y eroding the Penny Magazine's market. 5 6 Knight may t h e r e f o r e have m o d i f i e d h i s p o l i c y to r e t a i n c u r r e n t readers or to recaptur e the magazine's one-time wider market. But i t i s a l s o p o s s i b l e that he had a long-term e d u c a t i o n a l s t r a t e g y which r e q u i r e d p e r i o d i c adjustments of e d i t o r i a l p o l i c y - -adjustments intended to c o i n c i d e with the readers' advancement through s u c c e s s i v e stages of l e a r n i n g . T h i s p o s s i b i l i t y i s i m p l i e d i n Knight's comments on the changes. In 1836 he e x p l a i n e d t h a t the magazine had " r e a l i z e d many [of] i t s o b j e c t s " and c o u l d thus i n t r o d u c e "some new f e a t u r e s . . . to c a r r y forward our readers i n the same road we have so long t r a v e l l e d together . . . . " 5 7 And, r e c a l l i n g the f u r t h e r m o d i f i c a t i o n i n 1841 of the magazine's m i s c e l l a n y format, he wrote: I may t r u l y say t h a t the o b j e c t of the change was to present to a p u b l i c which had been advancing i n education, a M i s c e l l a n y of a higher c h a r a c t e r . . . The engravings were s u p e r i o r ; the w r i t i n g was l e s s 'ramble-scramble'. 5 8 Beyond these remarks, Knight d i d not e l a b o r a t e h i s reasons f o r a l t e r i n g the magazine's format. But even a l l o w i n g f o r some r e t r o s p e c t i v e g l o s s i n g of motives, the evidence i n d i c a t e s t h a t e d u c a t i o n a l o b j e c t i v e s were high among the c o n s i d e r a t i o n s that d i c t a t e d h i s p o l i c y . T h i s a d j u s t e d p o l i c y encompassed not only the magazine's formal c h a r a c t e r , but a l s o , more s i g n i f i c a n t l y , 95 i t s thematic content. That i s , at the same time t h a t a r t i c l e s lengthened and s u b j e c t matter decreased, the once frequent t e x t u a l and p i c t o r i a l h o m i l i e s on i n d u s t r y , s e l f -r e s t r a i n t and so on l a r g e l y disappeared. In a wide sampling of i s s u e s from 1837, 1839, 1840, 1841 and 1844, i t i s p o s s i b l e to f i n d o c c a s i o n a l h a l f - h e a r t e d r e f e r e n c e s to the d e s i r a b i l i t y of c i v i l i z e d and d i s c i p l i n e d behaviour, but on the whole the magazine no longer embodied the kind of s o c i a l and moral p e r s p e c t i v e t h a t had dominated i t s e a r l i e r i s s u e s . Now, with o n l y a few e x c e p t i o n s , p o r t r a i t s of exemplary people became an i n f r e q u e n t f e a t u r e , and r e p r e s e n t a t i o n s of p a i n t i n g and s c u l p t u r e i n s p i r e d only what was f o r the time the most d i s s p a s s i o n a t e v i s u a l a n a l y s i s and a r t c r i t i c i s m . Knight's new e d i t o r i a l p o s i t i o n may w e l l have been the r e f l e c t i o n of a corresponding i d e o l o g i c a l s h i f t . For, at some time duri n g the mid-1830s, a n x i e t y about the s t a b i l i t y of E n g l i s h s o c i e t y ceased to be a m o t i v a t i n g f o r c e i n h i s e d u c a t i o n a l thought and a c t i v i t i e s . There i s no d i r e c t evidence to show p r e c i s e l y when and why he might have experienced such a s h i f t - - h i s autobiography i s not markedly i n t r o s p e c t i v e . However, i t may be more than c o i n c i d e n t a l that t h i s change i n h i s t h i n k i n g o c c u r r e d at about the same time as h i s business r e l a t i o n s with the SDUK became s t r a i n e d . The i n i t i a l rancour a p p a r e n t l y generated from s e c r e t a r y Thomas Coates and other members who had by 1836 become r e s e n t f u l of Knight's f i n a n c i a l and e d i t o r i a l c o n t r o l 96 of S o c i e t y p u b l i c a t i o n s . Commenting on t h i s s i t u a t i o n , Knight's f r i e n d , M. D. H i l l , c o n f i d e d to Lord Brougham, t h a t "the poor f e l l o w [Knight] f e e l s i t b i t t e r l y . " 5 9 But whether or not h i s d i f f i c u l t i e s with the s o c i e t y were a f a c t o r , i t i s c e r t a i n t h a t Knight's e a r l i e r view t h a t education should e n t a i l the i n c u l c a t i o n of a r e s t r i c t i v e set of s o c i a l v i r t u e s was not a l i f e - l o n g c o n v i c t i o n . When he looked back some t h i r t y years l a t e r on h i s educ a t i v e endeavours of the 1820s and e a r l y 1830s, h i s tone was th a t of one who r e c o l l e c t s an o l d enthusiasm, long s i n c e past, but s t i l l able on o c c a s i o n to evoke embarrassment. I t now seemed to him "something l i k e h y p o c r i s y " t h a t he had once b e l i e v e d t h a t those of "humble s t a t i o n " c o u l d , and f o r t h e i r own good should, c u l t i v a t e "the happiness p e c u l i a r to the course of p e a c e f u l labour", l e a r n to a p p r e c i a t e being "masters of t h e i r own p o s s e s s i o n s , however s m a l l " , and so come to "view the d i f f e r e n c e of ranks without envy." In the same passage, perhaps i n s e l f - j u s t i f i c a t i o n , he added: I f o l l o w e d i n the wake of men most anxious f o r the welfare of the lower c l a s s e s , but who were at th a t time convinced t h a t the f i r s t and g r e a t e s t of a l l popular e x h o r t a t i o n was to preach from the t e x t of St. James, 'Study to be q u i e t ' . 6 0 Knight's d i s a f f e c t i o n w i t h t h i s narrow view of s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s must have been formative by the e a r l y 1830s. For, as t h i s d i s c u s s i o n has t r i e d to make c l e a r , h i s magazine had never been p r i m a r i l y , nor even c o n s i s t e n t l y , devoted to overt m o r a l i z a t i o n or imbedded s o c i a l content. The wealth 97 of f a c t u a l , s t r a i g h t f o r w a r d l y - p r e s e n t e d c u l t u r a l knowledge contained i n even the e a r l i e s t i s s u e s i n d i c a t e s t h a t Knight's e d u c a t i o n a l i d e a l i s m had a l r e a d y begun to o f f s e t h i s f e a r s about s o c i a l u n r e s t . And thus f o r most, i f not a l l , of the magazine's p u b l i c a t i o n l i f e he was, as he purported to be, g enuinely and above a l l anxious to c a r r y i n f o r m a t i o n i n t o the d w e l l i n g s of the peasant and a r t i s a n , and to e x c i t e the c u r i o s i t y of those who have been unaccustomed to t h i n k upon any s u b j e c t connected with a r t and 1 i t e r a t u r e . 6 1 V In a c c o r d i n g Knight h i s deserved c r e d i t f o r promoting the e d u c a t i o n of the people and p o p u l a r i z i n g a r t , we must not wholly l o s e s i g h t of the power r e l a t i o n s that were enacted through the Penny Magazine's content. I t s tone was at times p a i n f u l l y condescending and the v a l u e s i t promoted unquestionably served the i n t e r e s t s of those i n p o s i t i o n s of s o c i a l , economic and p o l i t i c a l a u t h o r i t y . But to r e c o g n i z e t h i s aspect--and i t would be naive not to do s o - - i s not to f a l l back on the consensus i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the magazine as a p h i l i s t i n e e x e r c i s e i n s o c i a l c o n t r o l . 6 2 Rather, what b e t t e r seems to c h a r a c t e r i z e the magazine and i t s expressed va l u e s i s the concept of hegemony-- t h a t i s , the i n t e l l e c t u a l and moral a u t h o r i t y that those i n p o s i t i o n s of power a s s e r t e d i n f o r m a l l y , not n e c e s s a r i l y c o n s c i o u s l y or m a l i c i o u s l y , through c u l t u r a l forms. Thus, however a l t r u i s t i c a l l y intended, Knight's endeavour to disseminate 98 knowledge cannot, and should not, be e n t i r e l y d i v o r c e d from the s o c i a l and economic p r i v i l e g e t h a t he both enjoyed and represented. But e q u a l l y , as the p r e v i o u s d i s c u s s i o n of h i s e d u c a t i o n a l and commercial motives has argued, the o b l i g a t i o n remains to acknowledge t h a t i t was not one, but a complex of mixed i n t e r e s t s that shaped the magazine's c h a r a c t e r . T h i s e f f o r t to reach beyond the s i m p l i s t i c n o t i o n of c o n t r o l leads f u r t h e r to a r e c o n s i d e r a t i o n of the h i s t o r i o g r a p h i c a l commonplace t h a t has most p e r s i s t e n t l y dogged the Penny Magazine: the argument t h a t i t was an e x p r e s s i o n of the " m i d d l e - c l a s s " p o i n t of v i e w . 6 3 T h i s argument c l e a r l y has l i t t l e e x p l a n a t o r y value when a p p l i e d to the g r e a t e r p a r t of the magazine's content, which aimed to be b r o a d l y i n f o r m a t i v e . But even when we t u r n to i t s imbedded s o c i a l — o r hegemonic--themes, the term "middle-c l a s s " does not p r o v i d e an adequate d e s c r i p t i o n . For, at the l e v e l of theory, hegemony i s not n e c e s s a r i l y t i e d to any one s p e c i f i c , u n i f i e d c l a s s . Moreover, there i s no s u b s t a n t i a l body of e m p i r i c a l evidence t h a t e s t a b l i s h e s the e x i s t e n c e of a m o n o l i t h i c set of s o c i a l , c u l t u r a l , p o l i t i c a l and moral val u e s t h a t can be u n i f o r m l y , p e r s i s t e n t l y and e x c l u s i v e l y a s s o c i a t e d with the middle c l a s s i n the e a r l y n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y . 6 4 Knight f o r one d i d not c o n s i d e r h i m s e l f , h i s a c t i v i t i e s or h i s outlook to be m i d d l e - c l a s s . Rather, he seemed to b e l i e v e h i m s e l f to be p a r t of a s o c i a l 99 and i n t e l l e c t u a l vanguard, capable of unusual and advanced i n s i g h t s i n t o the r e l a t i o n s h i p of knowledge, m o r a l i t y and s o c i e t y . As he put i t , he and other s o c i a l and e d u c a t i o n a l reformers were not j u s t "educated and i n t e l l i g e n t " men; they were a l s o the r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s of "high t h i n k i n g " and d e d i c a t i o n to "duty not p l e a s u r e . " 6 5 And i n t h i s , he s t r e s s e d , they were d i s t i n c t from members of the middle c l a s s . I t thus seems to be an o v e r - s i m p l i f i c a t i o n to equate the Penny Magazine with the d i s s e m i n a t i o n of m i d d l e - c l a s s v a l u e s ( i f i n f a c t such v a l u e s c o u l d be i d e n t i f i e d and i s o l a t e d ) . Knight's goal seems to have been the more ambitious one of d e l i m i t i n g an i d e a l , not n e c e s s a r i l y c l a s s -s p e c i f i c , system of s o c i a l , moral and c u l t u r a l v a l u e s — a system which he b e l i e v e d would f o s t e r the improvement of i n d i v i d u a l s at a l l l e v e l s of s o c i e t y . 6 6 The q u e s t i o n of the magazine's r e a d e r s h i p a l s o needs to be r e c o n s i d e r e d . C l e a r l y the intended r e a d e r s h i p was working people. The consensus has however been t h a t r a d i c a l consciousness d i c t a t e d the wholesale w o r k i n g - c l a s s r e j e c t i o n of the magazine, and t h a t i t drew i t s readers i n s t e a d from other s o c i a l g r o u p s . 6 7 L e t t e r s to Knight and the SDUK i n d i c a t e t h a t t h i s view i s p a r t i a l l y c o r r e c t and t h a t the r e a d e r s h i p d i d indeed i n c l u d e shopkeepers, c l e r k s , some p r o f e s s i o n a l s and country g e n t r y . 6 8 But there i s a l s o reason to b e l i e v e t h a t the magazine a t t r a c t e d a wide and f a i t h f u l w orking-class f o l l o w i n g . One s c h o l a r , Scott 100 Bennett, has used S o c i e t y records i n combination with Knight's memoirs to compile a t a b l e of Penny Magazine p r i n t o r d e r s . 6 9 Normally these p r i n t orders c l o s e l y matched a c t u a l c i r c u l a t i o n , s i n c e p r o f i t a b i l i t y was dependent on such a match. In 1833 Knight's p r i n t o rders averaged 187,000, a f i g u r e which agrees c l o s e l y with h i s c l a i m that the magazine's c i r c u l a t i o n was 200,000. T h i s f i g u r e becomes a l l the more compelling when we c o n s i d e r t h a t the c i r c u l a t i o n of the supposedly r e p r e s e n t a t i v e w o r k i n g - c l a s s paper, The Poor Man's Guardian, was at the most 15,000 i n the same year, and would d e c l i n e to 3000 by 1835. 7 0 The Penny Magazine's impressive c i r c u l a t i o n i n d i c a t e s t h a t i t must have reached and been read by some s i g n i f i c a n t number of working p e o p l e . 7 1 And, as chapter 6 w i l l e l a b o r a t e , other evidence supports t h i s suggestion: l e t t e r s from workers to the SDUK, working - c l a s s a u t o b i o g r a p h i e s which f a v o u r a b l y mention the magazine, i t s d i s t r i b u t i o n i n working men's c o f f e e houses--and, no doubt, the appeal of i t s many f i n e engravings and t h e i r a b i l i t y to communicate to both the w e l l - r e a d and the u n l e t t e r e d . I t thus appears t h a t the o p i n i o n of one contemporary observer was q u i t e c o r r e c t , and that the Penny Magazine d i d indeed "meet with great s a l e among the c l a s s f o r which i t was p r i n c i p a l l y i n t e n d e d . " 7 2 VI In the 1830s and e a r l y 40s the p o p u l a r i t y of the Penny  Magazine engendered a host of i m i t a t o r s . Of these the 101 l o n g e s t - l i v e d was The Saturday Magazine (1832-1844), p u b l i s h e d by John Parker and sponsored by the S o c i e t y f o r Promoting C h r i s t i a n Knowledge (SPCK). T h i s o r g a n i z a t i o n ' s General L i t e r a t u r e Committee had been quick to note the growth and i n f l u e n c e of penny p u b l i c a t i o n s and determined to enter the market with t h e i r own "Weekly Magazine of u s e f u l and i n t e r e s t i n g knowledge." 7 3 Trading upon the Penny  Magazine's s u c c e s s f u l formula, Parker and the SPCK a l s o used steam-powered s t e r e o t y p i n g to produce a low-cost i l l u s t r a t e d m i s c e l l a n y - - b u t one which, u n l i k e i t s model, would re p r e s e n t the i n t e r e s t s of r e l i g i o n and the Church of England. Thus, the Saturday Magazine s p r i n k l e d i t s general i n f o r m a t i o n with s t o r i e s from the S c r i p t u r e s , Church h i s t o r i e s , p o r t r a i t s and b i o g r a p h i e s of r e l i g i o u s men, B i b l i c a l i l l u s t r a t i o n , scenes from the Holy Land ( p l a t e 37), and p i c t u r e s of churches and c a t h e d r a l s ( p l a t e 3 8 ) . 7 4 With a c i r c u l a t i o n at times as h i g h as 80,000, the Saturday Magazine, i n combination with numerous other penny " J o u r n a l s " , " S t o r y t e l l e r s " and "Gazettes", weekly " V i s i t o r s " and " M i s c e l l a n i e s " p r o g r e s s i v e l y cut i n t o the Penny  Magazine's market. Thus, i t s c i r c u l a t i o n reduced to an u n p r o f i t a b l e 40,000, i t ceased p u b l i c a t i o n i n 1845. Looking back to the l a s t days of h i s magazine, Knight r e c o l l e c t e d t h a t there were at t h a t time no l e s s than " f o u r t e e n t h r e e -halfpenny and penny m i s c e l l a n i e s and t h i r t y - s e v e n weekly 102 sheets." And, as he f u r t h e r r e c a l l e d , the Penny Magazine, "popular as i t once was, . . . c o u l d not h o l d i t s p l a c e . " 7 5 But although i t i n e v i t a b l y gave way under the weight of i m i t a t i v e c o m p e t i t i o n and, as we w i l l see l a t e r , the p u b l i c ' s changing t a s t e , Knight's magazine has a nonetheless unique c u l t u r a l s i g n i f i c a n c e . In i t s i n n o v a t i v e use of technology and i l l u s t r a t i o n , c o n s i s t e n t l y wide d i s t r i b u t i o n , and appeal to more than one s o c i a l c l a s s , i t p r o v i d e d the impetus f o r the development of a new, i n c r e a s i n g l y v i s u a l mass c u l t u r e — b e c a m e , i n f a c t t h a t c u l t u r e ' s f i r s t a r t i f a c t . Beyond t h i s , i t was an unprecedented and e n l i g h t e n e d attempt to i n t r o d u c e the t h e o r i e s and imagery of a r t i n t o everyday l i f e . By today's standards t h i s might seem to be a f a r c r y from the d e m o c r a t i z a t i o n of knowledge. But, to Knight and h i s contemporaries, i t represented the r e v e r s a l of a t r a d i t i o n t h a t had c o n f i n e d h i g h c u l t u r e to the domain of the e c o n o m i c a l l y and s o c i a l l y p r i v i l e g e d . I t was thus on two counts t h a t Knight would l a t e r r e f l e c t p r o u d l y on h i s magazine. For not only had i t transformed the face of popular p u b l i s h i n g and i l l u s t r a t i o n ; i t had a l s o narrowed d r a m a t i c a l l y the d i s t a n c e between the e x h i b i t i o n room at Somerset House and the p i c t o r i a l experience of the people. And i t was t h i s dual achievement that j u s t i f i e d the c l a i m t h a t Knight made i n h i s memoirs— indeed, as he put i t , the Penny Magazine had produced "a r e v o l u t i o n i n popular a r t . " 7 6 103 But i n one re s p e c t t h i s r e v o l u t i o n was to be s h o r t -l i v e d . Those who f o l l o w e d i n Knight's wake i n c r e a s i n g l y d i r e c t e d t h e i r e f f o r t s away from s e r i o u s education, and toward l i g h t or s e n s a t i o n a l entertainment. Thus, the high c u l t u r e t h a t had onl y j u s t entered the popular domain began a r e t r e a t back to i t s o l d p o s i t i o n of e x c l u s i v i s m . The s i g n a l s of t h i s r e t r e a t are to be found i n the pages of the Penny Magazine's most popular s u c c e s s o r s : the three magazines that would next come to dominate the f i e l d of p i c t o r i a l p u b l i s h i n g - - t h r o u g h the m a s s - c i r c u l a t i o n of the new p r i n t e d image. 104 CHAPTER 4 The Business of Imagery: The Second Generation of P i c t o r i a l Magazines, 1845-1860 In 1855, i n a l e t t e r to a f r i e n d , C h a r l e s Knight remembered the e a r l y days of the Penny Magazine and the l a r g e r e a d e r s h i p i t had then a t t r a c t e d . He next observed that three c u r r e n t magazines had achieved s i m i l a r or higher s a l e s . Four years l a t e r , when the B r i t i s h Q u a r t e r l y Review ran an a r t i c l e on "cheap l i t e r a t u r e " , the author l i k e w i s e remarked upon the " p r o d i g i o u s c i r c u l a t i o n " of c e r t a i n "miscellaneous pennyworths." 1 In each case the same three p u b l i c a t i o n s had e x c i t e d comment—the London J o u r n a l , Reynolds' M i s c e l l a n y and C a s s e l l ' s I l l u s t r a t e d Family Paper had become the new f l a g s h i p s of m a s s - c i r c u l a t i o n p i c t o r i a l p u b l i s h i n g . In n o t i n g the success of t h i s second g e n e r a t i o n of i l l u s t r a t e d penny m i s c e l l a n i e s , our commentator on "cheap l i t e r a t u r e " made the f o l l o w i n g o b s e r v a t i o n : 105 I t was reserved f o r the present time to see very l o w - p r i c e d p u b l i c a t i o n s r e a l i z i n g very l a r g e p e c u n i a r y p r o f i t s . Where we reckoned before by thousands, we now reckon by tens of thousands. The s t r u g g l i n g b e n e f a c t o r of the masses, who long laboured i n v a i n at the establishment of a u s e f u l and e n t e r t a i n i n g s e r i a l f o r the working m u l t i t u d e , i s now d i s p l a c e d by the wealthy p r o j e c t o r who has carved a handsome fortune out of a penny miscellanjr, and who contemplates a seat i n parliament at l e a s t , as the crown of h i s golden t o i l s . 2 There i s no evidence that those who operated the J o u r n a l , M i s c e l l a n y and Paper had p o l i t i c a l ambitions of the kind that the commentator supposed; of these p r o p r i e t o r s became n e v e r t h e l e s s , our nor does i t appear t h a t any immensely wealthy. But, expert on cheap l i t e r a t u r e ' i d e n t i f i e d the c r u c i a l f a c t o r t h a t d i s t i n g u i s h e d the new magazines from t h e i r prototype and, indeed, from i t s main p i c t o r i a l competitor, the Saturday Magazine. That i s , although a l l f i v e of these magazines were operated as s o l e p r o p r i e t o r s h i p s f o r a l l or much of t h e i r p u b l i c a t i o n l i v e s , the three new m i s c e l l a n i e s were from the s t a r t , and remained, independent of any o u t s i d e sponsoring body. T h i s meant t h a t the second g e n e r a t i o n of p r o p r i e t o r s were e n t i r e l y f r e e to make business and e d i t o r i a l d e c i s i o n s without having to accommodate—or even, as i n Knight's case, nod i n the d i r e c t i o n o f — t h e p o l i c i e s and i d e a l s of any such a s s o c i a t i o n as the SDUK or SPCK. T h i s i s not to say t h a t those who operated the J o u r n a l . M i s c e l l a n y and Paper d i d not sometimes use these p u b l i c a t i o n s to a i r t h e i r p e r s o n a l concerns or promote the causes of c e r t a i n o r g a n i z a t i o n s , 106 such as those advocating temperance, f o r example. T h i s was e s p e c i a l l y true i n the case of John C a s s e l l . But more o f t e n than not, s o c i a l i s s u e s d i d not f i g u r e prominently i n the second g e n e r a t i o n of p i c t o r i a l m i s c e l l a n i e s . For, u n l i k e Knight who c a t e r e d more and more to a market of s e r i o u s s e l f - e d u c a t o r s , the new breed of p r o p r i e t o r s d i d not l e t t h e i r commitment to any s o c i a l cause d i v e r t t h e i r a t t e n t i o n too long from the g r e a t e r p a r t of the marketplace. Thus they allowed themselves to be guided l a r g e l y by t h e i r p e r c e p t i o n of the most widespread p u b l i c t a s t e . And, as the magazines' c o n s i s t e n t l y high c i r c u l a t i o n s a t t e s t , t h e i r p e r c e p t i o n was u s u a l l y a c c u r a t e . We w i l l see i n a l a t e r chapter t h a t by the 1840s people i n c r e a s i n g l y looked to magazines f o r l i g h t entertainment--a f a c t t h a t d i d not escape the n o t i c e of the p r o p r i e t o r s whose c a r e e r s we are about to examine. So, while a l l three magazines purported to o f f e r the same blend of amusement and i n s t r u c t i o n t h a t had been the Penny  Magazine's s t a p l e p r o v i s i o n s , what they a c t u a l l y served up was r a t h e r d i f f e r e n t . They o f f e r e d l i t t l e of the sustenance of a r t , f o r l i g h t amusement was now a more s a l e a b l e main course. T h i s w i l l become apparent as we examine the content of pages and p i c t u r e s , b\it before doing so, we w i l l f i n d i t h e l p f u l to survey what i s known about the magazines' o p e r a t i o n and p r o p r i e t o r s . 107 I Of these magazines the London J o u r n a l was the f i r s t to begin p u b l i c a t i o n . I t made i t s appearance on the f i r s t of March, 1845 and, at a penny per weekly i s s u e , o f f e r e d what would become i t s standard f a r e : a c o l l e c t i o n of i n f o r m a t i v e a r t i c l e s , anecdotes, aphorisms, shor t s t o r i e s , s e r i a l i z e d n o v e ls, and--accompanying i t a l l — n u m e r o u s f i n e wood-engravings. P u b l i s h e d by the p r i n t e r George V i c k e r s , the J o u r n a l was the i n s p i r a t i o n of i t s p r o p r i e t o r , a former engraver f o r the I l l u s t r a t e d London News, George S t i f f . During h i s p r o p r i e t o r s h i p , S t i f f employed a s u c c e s s i o n of e d i t o r s : the well-known author of s e n s a t i o n a l f i c t i o n , George W. M. Reynolds (1845-1846); a c l a s s i c i s t and r e g u l a r c o n t r i b u t o r to the J o u r n a l , John Wilson Ross (1846-1849); and the popular s e r i a l i s t , J . F. Smith (1849-1855). 3 Despite these changes i n i t s e d i t o r s h i p , the J o u r n a l ' s o v e r a l l c h a r a c t e r remained remarkably uniform du r i n g the f i r s t dozen years of i t s o p e r a t i o n . T h i s was a p p a r e n t l y due to the " a c t i v e z e a l " with which, S t i f f claimed, he always superintended both the correspondence page and the magazine's " l i t e r a r y departments." 4 In the p e r i o d covered here, however, there was one notable s h i f t i n the J o u r n a l ' s e d i t o r i a l p o l i c y and the general c u l t u r a l l e v e l of i t s f i c t i o n . T h i s o c c u r r e d toward the end of 1857 when S t i f f s o l d the magazine's c o p y r i g h t to the p r o p r i e t o r of the I l l u s t r a t e d London News, Herbert Ingram. Ingram and h i s newly-appointed e d i t o r , p l a y w r i g h t Mark Lemon, abandoned the 108 J o u r n a l ' s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c a l l y f l o r i d f i c t i o n and imagery, in t r o d u c e d i n s t e a d a more elegant s t y l e of i l l u s t r a t i o n , and ran as the f e a t u r e s e r i a l s two Walter S c o t t novels, Kenilworth and The Fortunes of N i g e l . T h i s f o r a y i n t o somewhat higher than usual c u l t u r a l ground r e s u l t e d i n an alarming and steady d e c l i n e i n the magazine's s a l e s d u r i n g the p e r i o d , 1858 to 1859. Ingram at t h i s p o i n t s o l d the J o u r n a l back to S t i f f who immediately took measures to r e s t o r e i t s former c h a r a c t e r and c i r c u l a t i o n . He dropped Sc o t t and r e p l a c e d Lemon with P i e r c e Egan (the younger), a popular w r i t e r whom S t i f f had h i r e d as a s e r i a l i s t p r i o r to the J o u r n a l ' s s a l e . But, acc o r d i n g to the B o o k s e l l e r ' s somewhat c r y p t i c account, before S t i f f c o u l d " f u l l y mature h i s p l a n s , the p e r i o d i c a l was s o l d to Messrs. Johnson of St. Martin's Lane" who ran the i t from 1860 i n t o the 70s. 5 Egan remained as e d i t o r and s e r i a l i s t u n t i l h i s death i n 1880. 6 And, although the magazine never again enjoyed the c i r c u l a t i o n i t had reached i n S t i f f ' s time, i t nonetheless continued to s e l l i n the hundreds of thousands of co p i e s per i s s u e , and thus s u r v i v e d i n t o the e a r l y years of the tw e n t i e t h century. The f a l l i n c i r c u l a t i o n t h a t the J o u r n a l experienced i n the l a t e 1850s may not have been wholly due to the misjudgement of Lemon and Ingram. For, i n c r e a s i n g l y , i t had faced c o m p e t i t i o n from a number of new, s i m i l a r p u b l i c a t i o n s that must have eroded i t s market. One p r i n c i p a l source of 109 t h i s c o m p e t i t i o n was the J o u r n a l ' s own one-time e d i t o r , G. W. M. Reynolds. In the i s s u e of August 15th, 1846 the n o t i c e s at the end had i n c l u d e d a b r i e f announcement t h a t Reynolds was " i n d i s p o s e d " and had t h e r e f o r e been unable to c a r r y out h i s e d i t o r i a l d u t i e s during recent weeks. Whatever the nature of h i s i l l n e s s , i t was undoubtedly of short d u r a t i o n and d i d not prevent him from a p p r e c i a t i n g the p o t e n t i a l v i a b i l i t y of a r i v a l f o r the J o u r n a l ' s r e a d e r s h i p . On November 7th, 1846 he brought out h i s own v e r s i o n of an i l l u s t r a t e d penny weekly. F i r s t e n t i t l e d Reynolds'  Magazine. i t became Reynolds' M i s c e l l a n y with the i s s u e of December 5th, 1846. In a d d i t i o n to i t s mix of p i c t u r e s , s t o r i e s , and n o n - f i c t i o n along the l i n e s of the J o u r n a l , the f i r s t number of the M i s c e l l a n y a l s o i n c l u d e d the p o r t r a i t of a p a r t i c u l a r l y r o b u s t - l o o k i n g Reynolds ( p l a t e 39). And by a l l accounts the p i c t u r e ' s s u b j e c t , d e s p i t e any r e a l or spurious " i n d i s p o s i t i o n " , was a man of noteworthy energy. Not only was he the p r o l i f i c author of many h i g h l y s u c c e s s f u l romantic novels, but he a l s o wrote the M i s c e l l a n y ' s f e a t u r e s e r i a l s . Beyond t h a t he was i t s e d i t o r and p r o p r i e t o r u n t i l i t ceased p u b l i c a t i o n i n 1865. 7 In the f i r s t few weeks of h i s magazine's o p e r a t i o n , Reynolds had employed the J o u r n a l ' s p r i n t e r , George V i c k e r s . But e a r l y i n 1847 he made a permanent change to John Dicks, then a smal l p u b l i s h e r i n Warwick Square. 8 The combination of Reynolds--whom the B o o k s e l l e r would deem "the most 110 popular w r i t e r of our time"-- and Dicks--who would become one of London's l a r g e s t p u b l i s h e r s — w a s c l e a r l y a f o r t u n a t e one. The M i s c e l l a n y ' s r e a d e r s h i p grew s t e a d i l y i n the 1840s, and by 1855 Reynolds' success i n the f i e l d of low-c o s t i l l u s t r a t e d p e r i o d i c a l s was o n l y surpassed by the J o u r n a l and one other p u b l i c a t i o n . T h i s was C a s s e l l ' s I l l u s t r a t e d Family Paper, whose f i r s t number appeared on December 31st, 1853. L i k e i t s two e s t a b l i s h e d competitors, the Paper came out every Saturday after n o o n ; and, l i k e the J o u r n a l and the M i s c e l l a n y , i t p r o v i d e d i t s own penny's worth of the now f a m i l i a r , s t i l l w i dely appealing a r r a y of s e r i a l i z e d f i c t i o n , short s t o r i e s , f a c t u a l i n f o r m a t i o n , and a generous amount of i l l u s t r a t i o n . 9 The Paper was o r i g i n a l l y the p u b l i c a t i o n of the t e a and c o f f e e wholesaler, John C a s s e l l . In the l a t e 1840s he had entered the p u b l i s h i n g business with such small e n t e r p r i s e s as The Standard of Freedom, a weekly paper begun i n 1848. His a c t i v i t i e s q u i c k l y expanded to i n c l u d e a number of more ambitious s e r i a l p u b l i c a t i o n s , and by the e a r l y 1850s, i n a d d i t i o n to the Paper, he had brought out John C a s s e l l ' s  L i b r a r y and The Working Man's F r i e n d (both begun i n 1850), The I l l u s t r a t e d E x h i b i t o r , a T r i b u t e to the World's  I n d u s t r i a l J u b i l e e (1851), The Popular Educator (begun i n 1852), and The I l l u s t r a t e d Magazine of A r t (begun i n A p r i l 1853 ) . 1 0 I l l Although C a s s e l l was a seasoned p u b l i s h e r by the time he launched h i s Family Paper, he p u r p o r t e d l y had a poor head f o r b u s i n e s s . 1 1 Thus, d e s p i t e i t s i n i t i a l p o p u l a r i t y and ongoing r e g u l a r c i r c u l a t i o n of 250,000 or more, the Paper soon f e l l i n t o f i n a n c i a l d i f f i c u l t y . To meet c r e d i t o b l i g a t i o n s , C a s s e l l s o l d i t i n 1854 to the p r i n t i n g f i r m of P e t t e r and G a l p i n , who i n t u r n s o l d i t to magazine d i s t r i b u t o r s W. Kent and Company. S h o r t l y a f t e r , however, P e t t e r and G a l p i n took up t h e i r repurchase o p t i o n with Kent, and the Paper stayed i n t h e i r hands u n t i l P e t t e r ' s r e t i r e m e n t i n 1883. 1 2 On the v i r t u e of h i s name, C a s s e l l became a s e n i o r p a r t n e r i n 1858 and remained so u n t i l h i s death i n 1865. The Paper's f i r s t e d i t o r was John T i l l o t s o n , a popular w r i t e r of m i s c e l l a n e o u s n o n - f i c t i o n and s t o r i e s f o r b o y s . 1 3 T i l l o t s o n l e f t the Paper i n 1854 when i t changed hands. At t h a t time C a s s e l l h i m s e l f took over as e d i t o r and remained i n t h a t c a p a c i t y u n t i l the autumn of 1859 when he r e s i g n e d to make an extended v i s i t to America and open a New York branch of the bus i n e s s . A f t e r C a s s e l l ' s r e s i g n a t i o n , W i l l i a m P e t t e r became the magazine's e d i t o r and attempted to f o l l o w h i s predecessor's p o l i c y of combining entertainment and i n s t r u c t i o n . Thomas G a l p i n , however, pr e s s u r e d h i s p a r t n e r to make changes, and a f t e r 1860 the Paper devoted i t s e l f i n c r e a s i n g l y to p u r e l y e s c a p i s t amusement, to the e x c l u s i o n of more i n f o r m a t i v e but l e s s s a l e a b l e m a t e r i a l . 112 II The three main f i g u r e s who e d i t e d and operated the J o u r n a l , the M i s c e l l a n y and the Paper between 1845 and 1860 e v i n c e d d i f f e r e n t kinds and l e v e l s of commercial and s o c i a l i n t e r e s t s . The case of the London J o u r n a l ' s p r o p r i e t o r , George S t i f f , i s the most s t r a i g h t f o r w a r d , s i n c e there i s no evidence to suggest t h a t he was p r o f e s s i o n a l l y motivated by any concerns other than those r e l a t e d to commercial success. He seems i n f a c t to have been a model of the n i n e t e e n t h -century e n t r e p r e n e u r i a l s p i r i t i n i t s p u r e s t form. The most d e t a i l e d evidence on h i s c a r e e r comes from a contemporary p e r i o d i c a l p u b l i s h e r , Henry V i z e t e l l y . 1 4 According to t h i s source, S t i f f i n i t i a l l y was noteworthy only f o r h i s incompetence as an engraver. But, apart from t h i s purported a r t i s t i c f a i l i n g , h i s was a success s t o r y . E a r l y experience i n the engraving department of the I l l u s t r a t e d London News had undoubtedly awakened him to the commercial p o t e n t i a l of p i c t o r i a l s e r i a l p u b l i s h i n g . A f t e r l e a v i n g the ILN he noted the l a r g e c i r c u l a t i o n of the non-p i c t o r i a l weekly, the Family Herald; and, as V i z e t e l l y put i t , . . . S t i f f p u z z l e d h i s b r a i n s how he c o u l d best cut i n t o t h i s . F i n a l l y , he determined upon b r i n g i n g out a somewhat s i m i l a r sheet with i l l u s t r a t i o n s , and thereupon planned the subsequently well-known 'London J o u r n a l ' . 1 5 At t h i s p o i n t , without e i t h e r c a p i t a l or c r e d i t , he demonstrated h i s e n t r e p r e n e u r i a l panache. Through "pleading 113 and c a j o l e r y " he obtained s e v e r a l thousand pounds i n c r e d i t and loans from a number of engravers, wholesale s t a t i o n e r s , and a p r i n t e r (presumably V i c k e r s ) . Thus s u p p l i e d with the necessary p r i n t i n g machinery, paper and i l l u s t r a t i o n s , he then pursued " h i s one set purpose--the i n c r e a s i n g of the s a l e of h i s p u b l i c a t i o n . " T h i s he d i d by a j u d i c i o u s t a i l o r i n g of the J o u r n a l ' s content to what he p e r c e i v e d to be the t a s t e s of h i s p o t e n t i a l market. In a d d i t i o n to the magazine's s t a p l e f a r e of wide-ranging m i s c e l l a n e o u s s u b j e c t matter and generous i l l u s t r a t i o n , he added short s t o r i e s and c l i f f - h a n g e r s e r i a l novels by such b e s t - s e l l i n g w r i t e r s as Reynolds and J.F.Smith. And, as S t i f f r e l a t e d to V i z e t e l l y , "weekly c i r c u l a t i o n used to r i s e as many as 50,000" when the c o n c l u s i o n of one of these e x c i t i n g s e r i a l s approached. 1 6 Thus, by 1855 the J o u r n a l ' s s a l e s had reached 450,000; i t s annual p r o f i t i n some years was as high as 10,000 pounds; and i n 1857, on i t s s a l e to Ingram, the c o p y r i g h t was worth the then s u b s t a n t i a l sum of 24,000 pounds. 1 7 And a l l of t h i s was no small achievement, f o r , as the B o o k s e l l e r r e c o g n i z e d on h i s death i n 1874, "Mr. S t i f f pushed the London J o u r n a l i n t o a, then, unprecedented s a l e , [and] he may be regarded as one of the p r i n c i p a l p i o n e e r s of i l l u s t r a t e d l i t e r a t u r e i n i t s present popular f o r m . " 1 8 Another such pioneer, S t i f f ' s one-time e d i t o r turned competitor, G. W. M. Reynolds, was a l s o undoubtedly i n t e r e s t e d i n commercial success. As p u r p o r t e d l y "the most 114 popular w r i t e r " of h i s day, Reynolds had a l r e a d y enjoyed c o n s i d e r a b l e f i n a n c i a l r e t u r n s on h i s work by the time he began the M i s c e l l a n y . I t thus seems probable t h a t he, l i k e S t i f f , had a keen sense of popular t a s t e and an eye f o r the s o r t of p u b l i c a t i o n t hat would both s a t i s f y t h i s t a s t e and p o t e n t i a l l y t u r n a p r o f i t . There are no s u r v i v i n g records to show the exact s t a t e of the M i s c e l l a n y ' s f i n a n c e s . We do know, however, t h a t i t s c i r c u l a t i o n climbed s t e a d i l y , from a f a i r l y modest i n i t i a l f i g u r e of 30 to 40,000, to 200,000 i n 1855. 1 9 Thus, a f t e r C a s s e l l ' s Paper, the M i s c e l l a n y was the c h i e f contender f o r the J o u r n a l , s dominant p o s i t i o n i n the f i e l d of mid-century p i c t o r i a l p u b l i s h i n g . But however much Reynolds' commercial competitiveness might have r i v a l l e d t h a t of S t i f f , the motives d i c t a t i n g h i s a c t i v i t i e s as the M i s c e l l a n y ' s p r o p r i e t o r were not l i k e l y to have been simply a matter of b u s i n e s s . Although he came from an upper m i d d l e - c l a s s m i l i t a r y f a m i l y he had e a r l y i n l i f e abandoned an army c a r e e r i n favour of w r i t i n g , p u b l i s h i n g and the promotion of v a r i o u s s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l causes. He was a sympathizer with European r e v o l u t i o n a r y movements of the 1840s, an advocate of temperance and v a r i o u s kinds of s o c i a l reform and, from 1848 to 1851, a prominent spokesman f o r C h a r t i s m . 2 0 Reynolds' s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l concerns were o f t e n r e f l e c t e d through h i s f i c t i o n , but they found t h e i r most d i r e c t e x p r e s s i o n i n two of h i s p e r i o d i c a l p u b l i c a t i o n s : the P o l i t i c a l I n s t r u c t o r (1849-115 1850), whose main purpose was to promote Chartism; and Reynolds Newspaper (begun i n 1850), which proclaimed i t s e l f to be a " J o u r n a l of Democratic Progress and General I n t e r e s t . " 2 1 A number of s c h o l a r s have p o i n t e d to Reynolds' commercial appeal and the s e n s a t i o n a l content of much of h i s w r i t i n g and, on t h i s b a s i s , have questioned the depth of h i s p o l i t i c a l ; commitment and the s i n c e r i t y of h i s r a d i c a l v i e w p o i n t . 2 2 L i t e r a r y h i s t o r i a n Anne Humpherys, however, has taken a s l i g h t l y d i f f e r e n t approach and argued t h a t the s i n c e r i t y or i n s i n c e r i t y of Reynolds' r a d i c a l i s m i s not the most s i g n i f i c a n t i s s u e . Rather, i t i s more important simply to r ecognize that h i s c a r e e r combined a popular p o l i t i c a l outlook with an u n e r r i n g a b i l i t y to p i n p o i n t what was s a l e a b l e entertainment, and that t h i s combination was the source of h i s c o n t i n u i n g p o p u l a r i t y . As Humpherys puts i t , Reynolds work "came to r e s t , as i t were, on the f i n e p o i n t i n the popular mind where escapism and a c t i v i s m t o u c h " - - i n other words, she concludes, " h i s c o n t r a d i c t i o n s were the c o n t r a d i c t i o n s of the audience he was w r i t i n g f o r . " 2 3 T h i s p e r c e p t i o n seems p a r t i c u l a r l y a p p l i c a b l e to the M i s c e l l a n y '. For, as l a t e r d i s c u s s i o n w i l l attempt to show, i t j u d i c i o u s l y blended s t i m u l a t i n g e s c a p i s t entertainment with a c e r t a i n amount of t o p i c a l , m i l d l y r a d i c a l m a t e r i a l . And t h i s combination not only s a t i s f i e d Reynolds' dual s o c i a l and commercial purposes--as the M i s c e l l a n y ' s high 116 c i r c u l a t i o n argues, the t a s t e s and i n t e r e s t s of the reading populace were a l s o w e l l - s e r v e d . John C a s s e l l ' s was a somewhat d i f f e r e n t case from that of Reynolds and S t i f f . As a l r e a d y i n d i c a t e d , he d i d not d i s p l a y the l a t t e r ' s l e v e l of business e x p e r t i s e . T h i s was not n e c e s s a r i l y due to any n a t i v e i n a b i l i t y , but r a t h e r , as the h i s t o r i a n of C a s s e l l ' s p u b l i s h i n g house has suggested, i t was because C a s s e l l ' s "reforming enthusiasms" sometimes l e d him to n e g l e c t the t e d i o u s f i n a n c i a l d e t a i l s of h i s b u s i n e s s . 2 4 C e r t a i n l y , i n comparison with Reynolds and S t i f f , he was the one who most d i s p l a y e d the kind of r e f o r m i s t s p i r i t t h a t had c h a r a c t e r i z e d C h a r l e s Knight's p u b l i s h i n g c a r e e r . The son of Manchester working people, C a s s e l l was as a c h i l d employed i n a c o t t o n m i l l and then a v e l v e t e e n f a c t o r y ; he was next a c a r p e n t e r ' s a p p r e n t i c e u n t i l the 1830s, at which time he.became an i t i n e r a n t m i s s i o n a r y f o r the N a t i o n a l Temperance S o c i e t y . 2 5 In 1841, with the help of h i s w i f e ' s money, he e s t a b l i s h e d h i m s e l f as a tea and c o f f e e merchant, purveying what was i n h i s view a wholesome a l t e r n a t i v e to i n t o x i c a t i n g beverages. His f i r s t p u b l i s h i n g venture, The T e e t o t a l Times (begun i n 1847), a l s o r e f l e c t e d h i s commitment to temperance. However, the crusade a g a i n s t a l c o h o l was by no means the only s o c i a l cause t h a t C a s s e l l ' s c a r e e r embraced. In another of h i s e a r l y p u b l i c a t i o n s , The  Standard of Freedom, he a l i g n e d h i m s e l f with " R e l i g i o u s , 117 P o l i t i c a l , and Commercial Freedom throughout the world", while opposing " I n t o l e r a n c e , the Gibbet, Intemperance, War, and a l l other systems which degrade, demoralize, b r u t a l i z e , and d e s t r o y Mankind." 2 6 But l i k e h i s p u b l i s h i n g predecessor, Knight, C a s s e l l found h i s most consuming i n t e r e s t to be the s o c i a l and i n t e l l e c t u a l advancement of working people. And, l i k e Knight, he deplored what he con s i d e r e d to be the g e n e r a l l y poor q u a l i t y and "immoral tendency" of much of the popular l i t e r a t u r e of h i s day. He t h e r e f o r e conceived the Family Paper and most of h i s other p u b l i c a t i o n s as v e h i c l e s f o r promoting e d u c a t i o n and c o u n t e r a c t i n g "low t a s t e s " and extreme s e n s a t i o n a l i s m . 2 7 "I entered i n t o the p u b l i s h i n g Trade," he once s a i d , "to advance the moral and s o c i a l w e l l - b e i n g of the working c l a s s e s . " 2 8 Thus, compared with the J o u r n a l and M i s c e l l a n y , the Paper was the most s e r i o u s i n i t s u n d e r l y i n g i n t e n t . But, even so, we must remember t h a t i t was s t i l l a commercial e n t e r p r i s e ; i t was i n com p e t i t i o n with other such p u b l i c a t i o n s , and, l i k e them, i t had no formal a s s o c i a t i o n a l t i e s to honour. C a s s e l l , moreover, was no Knight i n one s i g n i f i c a n t r e s p e c t : he never l e t h i s high s o c i a l aims c o l o u r h i s view of what most of the p u b l i c wanted. The people he i n s i s t e d " w i l l not take what i s termed namby-pamby." 2 9 Thus he made sure t h a t the Paper c o n t a i n e d much tha t would be h i g h l y e n t e r t a i n i n g , and he achieved the 118 expected r e s u l t : as a contemporary observed, "popular a p p r e c i a t i o n was immediate." 3 0 I l l For a l l the d i v e r s i t y i n background, c h a r a c t e r and motives among S t i f f , Reynolds and C a s s e l l , the J o u r n a l . M i s c e l l a n y and Paper d i d not d i f f e r markedly i n t h e i r o v e r a l l appearance and content. Moreover, i n u s i n g wide-ranging s u b j e c t matter the second g e n e r a t i o n of p i c t o r i a l m i s c e l l a n i e s a l s o r e c a l l e d the v a r i e d content of the Penny  Magazine. These new magazines thus i n c l u d e d much th a t was " p l e a s i n g to a l l orders of the community", but l i k e t h e i r predecessor t h e i r major purpose was to appeal " p a r t i c u l a r l y to the i n d u s t r i o u s c l a s s e s . " 3 1 A c c o r d i n g l y , i n a l l three p u b l i c a t i o n s a s i g n i f i c a n t p o r t i o n of the o v e r a l l content addressed i t s e l f to working people's widening i n t e l l e c t u a l i n t e r e s t s and i n c r e a s i n g l i t e r a c y . For i n s t a n c e , i n a random sampling of i s s u e s of the J o u r n a l and the M i s c e l l a n y --from the p e r i o d s 1845 to 1846 and 1853 to 1854--the d e d i c a t e d reader would have encountered numerous a r t i c l e s , f e a t u r e d s e r i e s and short items t r e a t i n g t r a v e l and geography, contemporary l i f e and new i n v e n t i o n s , h i s t o r y and archeology, and noteworthy people of the past and pre s e n t . S i m i l a r l y , i n i t s f i r s t number of 31 December 1853, and i n a l l subsequent i s s u e s , the l a t e r e n t r y i n t o the f i e l d , C a s s e l l ' s Paper, a l s o o f f e r e d i t s readers "every matter of i n t e r e s t to the p u b l i c " : f o r example, b i o g r a p h i e s of "those 119 who l i v e d before us", accounts of " f a r d i s t a n t lands", and i n f o r m a t i o n on "the onward march of c i v i l i s a t i o n " . 3 2 The J o u r n a l , M i s c e l l a n y and Paper a l s o f o l l o w e d the Penny Magazine's l e a d i n t h e i r use of mechanized s t e r e o t y p e p r i n t i n g f o r the inexpensive mass-reproduction of q u a l i t y wood-engravings. L i k e Knight before them, S t i f f , Reynolds and C a s s e l l p l a c e d i l l u s t r a t i o n high amongst the most a t t r a c t i v e and s a l e a b l e f e a t u r e s of t h e i r p u b l i c a t i o n s . Never h a l f - h e a r t e d i n the promotion of h i s own e n t e r p r i s e , S t i f f d e c l a r e d t h a t the J o u r n a l ' s p i c t o r i a l department produced "the most b e a u t i f u l i l l u s t r a t i o n s ever i s s u e d from the p r e s s " ; h i s two r i v a l s , meanwhile, contented themselves with i n s e r t i n g an o c c a s i o n a l , more modest n o t i c e to the reader about the number and q u a l i t y of engravings i n the M i s c e l l a n y and Paper. 3 3 A l l three men took pains to secure the s e r v i c e s of t a l e n t e d a r t i s t s and engravers. Hablot K. Browne ("Phiz") o c c a s i o n a l l y c o n t r i b u t e d to the J o u r n a l . as d i d Cruikshank to the same p u b l i c a t i o n and to the Paper as w e l l ; John G i l b e r t , the prominent h i s t o r i c a l p a i n t e r and engraver, d i d o c c a s i o n a l work f o r both the J o u r n a l and the M i s c e l l a n y . and he designed the Paper's f i r s t headpiece ( p l a t e 40). For the most p a r t , though, the three magazines employed i l l u s t r a t o r s and engravers who are now l e s s g e n e r a l l y well-known but who a t t a i n e d at l e a s t a degree of prominence i n t h e i r own day through t h e i r work f o r popular f i c t i o n p u b l i s h e r s l i k e 120 Dicks, and f o r p e r i o d i c a l s such as Punch and the I l l u s t r a t e d  London News. Among ot h e r s , there were W. Corway, Louis Huard and T. H. Wilson of the J o u r n a l ; Henry Anelay and E. Hooper who i l l u s t r a t e d much of the M i s c e l l a n y ; and such c o n t r i b u t o r s to the Paper's p i c t o r i a l department as Kenny Meadows, T. H. N i c h o l s o n and G. F. S a r g e n t . 3 4 With such a pool of draughtsmen and engravers the second g e n e r a t i o n of p i c t o r i a l magazines was able to dispense imagery whose s t y l i s t i c competence r i v a l l e d and, perhaps, at times surpassed t h a t of the Penny Magazine's engravings. Thus, i n these l a t e r p u b l i c a t i o n s , t e x t u a l i n s t r u c t i o n i n s c i e n c e , geography, h i s t o r y and c u r r e n t a f f a i r s had as i t s complement t e c h n i c a l i l l u s t r a t i o n ( p l a t e 41), scenes of f o r e i g n lands and monuments ( p l a t e 42), r e p r e s e n t a t i o n s of h i s t o r i c a l events ( p l a t e 43), p o r t r a i t u r e ( p l a t e 44) and images of the modern world ( p l a t e 45). But i f the new magazines emulated t h e i r prototype i n the v a r i e t y of t h e i r i n s t r u c t i o n a l content and g e n e r o s i t y of i l l u s t r a t i o n , they a l s o added much th a t was i n n o v a t i v e i n l o w - p r i c e d p i c t o r i a l magazines. They o f f e r e d , f o r example, accounts of such c u r r r e n t events as the 1848 French r e v o l u t i o n , the Crimean war and c o n f l i c t s i n I n d i a ; and to o f f s e t such sobering m a t e r i a l they i n t r o d u c e d as w e l l t h e a t r i c a l anecdotes and reviews, r i d d l e s and other short humourous items, and an unprecedentedly generous amount of l i g h t poetry, t r e a t i n g nature, l o v e , f a m i l y l i f e , work, war 121 and p a t r i o t i s m . 3 5 In a d d i t i o n , at the end of every i s s u e of each magazine, "Notices to Correspondents" answered readers questions on a vast range of t o p i c s and concerns: the l i t e r a r y achievement of Chaucer, the h i s t o r y of Spanish wars, and the o r i g i n s of the almanac; how to enter i n t o a p p r e n t i c e s h i p and when to leave; what to do f o r baldness, bad s k i n and general d e b i l i t y ; where to o b t a i n a marriage l i c e n c e , how to get a d i v o r c e , and when to k i s s a lady. Beyond t h i s a r r a y of i n f o r m a t i o n and advice, the Paper a d d i t i o n a l l y s o l v e d chess problems and pr o v i d e d "Hopes and Helps f o r the Young." Moreover to show t h a t "the l a d i e s are not to be f o r g o t t e n " , i t a l s o i n c l u d e d r e c i p e s , ideas f o r needlework p r o j e c t s , and f a s h i o n news. The J o u r n a l and the M i s c e l l a n y were s i m i l a r l y i n t e r e s t e d i n a t t r a c t i n g a female r e a d e r s h i p and they too re p o r t e d on f a s h i o n , dispensed household h i n t s , and p r i n t e d " u s e f u l r e c e i p t s " and guides to beauty. In a d d i t i o n , they f r e q u e n t l y ran short b i o g r a p h i e s of notable--and, sometimes, n o t o r i o u s women: Jenny L i n d and other contemporary performers, Shakespeare's mother, F l o r e n c e N i g h t i n g a l e , C a t h e r i n e of Russia, and the be a u t i e s of the co u r t of Cha r l e s I I . 3 6 But whether they a i m e d . s p e c i f i c a l l y at women or youth, or addressed themselves to a wider c r o s s - s e c t i o n , many of these new t e x t s demanded imagery that was a l s o new to the f i e l d of inexpensive p u b l i s h i n g . In the Paper. f o r in s t a n c e , s t i t c h e r y p a t t e r n s and gameboard diagrams 122 c l a r i f i e d needlework i n s t r u c t i o n s and chess problems ( p l a t e 46), while r e p r e s e n t a t i o n s of performers, p l a y s and scenery accompanied t h e a t r i c a l news i n the J o u r n a l and the M i s c e l l a n y ( p l a t e 47). The same two a l s o i n c l u d e d p o r t r a i t u r e to complement t h e i r accounts of women's l i v e s ( p l a t e 67 [ d i s c u s s e d pp. 143-4]), and i n a l l three magazines d e p i c t i o n s of s t y l i s h l a d i e s and t h e i r r i b b o n s , l a c e s , f e a t h e r s and f r i n g e s enhanced r e p o r t s on the l a t e s t i n c o n t i n e n t a l f a s h i o n ( p l a t e 48). In many, perhaps most, cases the magazines' a r t i s t s designed engravings s p e c i f i c a l l y to accompany w r i t t e n m a t e r i a l . T h i s had a l s o been the predominant p r a c t i c e i n the Penny Magazine and was a departure from the e a r l i e r mode of i l l u s t r a t i n g inexpensive p u b l i c a t i o n s by l o o s e l y matching stock images to t e x t s . Sometimes, though, e d i t o r i a l p o l i c y r e q u i r e d yet another i n n o v a t i o n , and i n these i n s t a n c e s t e x t s had to be composed to s u i t i l l u s t r a t i o n s , r a t h e r than the other way round. Thomas F r o s t , an o c c a s i o n a l c o n t r i b u t o r to the Paper and s u b - e d i t o r of C a s s e l l ' s Popular  Educator and Magazine of A r t , r e c a l l e d one such i n c i d e n t , which must have oc c u r r e d e a r l y i n November 1854. The Paper's e d i t o r , John T i l l o t s o n , had asked F r o s t to w r i t e an a r t i c l e to accompany one of the i l l u s t r a t i o n s i n an ongoing s e r i e s of images of the C r i m e a — s c e n e s , f o r example, l i k e the " B a t t l e of Alma", reproduced i n p l a t e 49. As F r o s t 123 r e c o l l e c t e d i t , T i l l o t s o n ' s request f o r a complementary a r t i c l e was both f o r t h r i g h t and commercially pragmatic: You know the s o r t of t h i n g we want. The popular c l a p t r a p about B r i t i s h v a l o u r , and a compliment to the Emperor [Napoleon I I I ] , you know. I t has a l l been s a i d before, but we must say something about recent events; f o r our war i l l u s t r a t i o n s are ex c e e d i n g l y popular, and that i s . the key t h a t our accompaniments must be played i n . 3 7 But, popular as they were, war i l l u s t r a t i o n s and t h e i r d e s c r i p t i o n s c o u l d not match the wide and l a s t i n g appeal of one other f e a t u r e which d i s t i n g u i s h e d the Penny Magazine's successors from t h e i r p r o t o t y p e . T h i s was the e x c i t i n g f i c t i o n t h a t dominated the content of the J o u r n a l , M i s c e l l a n y and Paper. Week a f t e r week through the 1840s and 50s, these magazines captured the c o l l e c t i v e i m a g i n a t i o n of t h e i r readers with an a r r a y of short s t o r i e s e x p r e s s l y conceived to t i t i l l a t e , i n t r i g u e , or p l e a s u r a b l y h o r r i f y a l l those who made up the ever-growing market f o r e n t e r t a i n i n g f i c t i o n . In 1855, f o r example, the J o u r n a l o f f e r e d such s t i m u l a t i n g f a r e as "The Haunted M i r r o r " , "Hearts are not P l a y t h i n g s " , "The P i r a t e ' s Three V i s i t s " and "The Lover's Grave"; meanwhile the M i s c e l l a n y t h r i l l e d i t s r e a d e r s h i p with t a l e s l i k e "Tower of T e r r o r " , "The L i v i n g Corpse", "Love's Young Dream" and the "Drugged C h a l i c e " ; and, i n i t s t u r n , the Paper p r o v i d e d comparable s t i m u l a t i o n with "The F a t a l P l e a s u r e T r i p " , "Bandit's C a p t i v e " and "How Lucy was Cured of F l i r t i n g . " 3 8 124 A l l of t h i s , however, was no more than an entree to the f i c t i o n a l main course: the s e r i a l i z e d n o v e l . U n f a i l i n g l y , throughout t h e i r p u b l i c a t i o n l i v e s the three magazines f e a t u r e d at l e a s t one long-running s e r i a l each. And with good reason, f o r such works were immensely popular. One b o o k s e l l e r , James G. Bertram, remembered the "enormous demand" f o r the J o u r n a l and i t s competitors on account of t h e i r s e r i a l s . He r e c a l l e d too that some of h i s customers not only read works such as "'Kenneth,' an e x c i t i n g s t o r y p u b l i s h e d i n Reynolds' [ M i s c e l l a n y 1 " . but they a l s o became "so much i n t e r e s t e d i n the f a t e of the c h a r a c t e r s t h a t they used to v i s i t my shop i n the course of the week to chat about the s t o r y . " 3 9 The wide appeal and ready m a r k e t a b i l i t y of s e r i a l i z e d f i c t i o n made i t p r o f i t a b l e f o r the magazines' p r o p r i e t o r s to employ the most accomplished popular w r i t e r s of the time. In t h i s Reynolds, h i m s e l f a n o t a b l y s u c c e s s f u l author, had a d i s t i n c t advantage, f o r he was able to f e a t u r e h i s own h i g h l y s a l e a b l e work and thus a v o i d the c o m p e t i t i o n to engage s i m i l a r l y t a l e n t e d authors. His steady output of such e n t h r a l l i n g m a t e r i a l as Wagner, the Wehr—Wolf (1847), The C o r a l I s l a n d ; or. the H e r e d i t a r y Curse (1848-49) and The  Massacre of Glencoe (1852-53) was undoubtedly a c e n t r a l f a c t o r i n the M i s c e l l a n y ' s commercial s u c c e s s . 4 0 On the other hand S t i f f and C a s s e l l , not having Reynolds' n a r r a t i v e c a p a b i l i t i e s , were f o r c e d to v i e 125 a g g r e s s i v e l y f o r the s e r v i c e s of other p r o l i f i c and s a l e a b l e w r i t e r s of f i c t i o n . One such was J . F. Smith, the J o u r n a l ' s e d i t o r and c h i e f s e r i a l i s t a f t e r Reynolds' departure. As noted before, Smith's s e r i a l s - - f o r example, Minnigrey (1847), The W i l l and the Way (1853) and Woman and Her Master (1854)--did much to b u i l d the J o u r n a l ' s c i r c u l a t i o n to i t s unprecedented number. And t h i s d i d not pass unnoticed: i n 1855 C a s s e l l l u r e d Smith from the J o u r n a l with the o f f e r of a higher s a l a r y . The memoir of contemporary p u b l i s h e r Henry V i z e t e l l y p r o v i d e s an e n t e r t a i n i n g account of how the s e r i a l i s t e f f e c t e d h i s t r a n s i t i o n from the one magazine to the other: Smith, who always wrote h i s weekly i n s t a l l m e n t of 'copy' at the 'London J o u r n a l ' o f f i c e , chanced to be i n the middle of a s t o r y f o r S t i f f at the moment he had chosen f o r abandoning him. In t h i s dilemma he decided upon b r i n g i n g the t a l e to a sudden c l o s e , and to accomplish t h i s a r t i s t i c a l l y he blew up a l l the p r i n c i p a l c h a r a c t e r s on board a M i s s i s s i p p i steamboat, and handed the 'copy' to the boy i n w a i t i n g . Then, proud at having s o l v e d a troublesome d i f f i c u l t y , he descended the o f f i c e s t a i r s , and d i r e c t e d h i s steps . . . to take s e r v i c e under h i s new employer. 4 1 But, never confounded f o r long, S t i f f q u i c k l y r e p l a c e d Smith with the e q u a l l y popular P i e r c e Egan (who would l a t e r become the J o u r n a l ' s e d i t o r ) . And V i z e t e l l y remembered that Egan " i n g e n i o u s l y brought about the r e s u r r e c t i o n of such of [Smith's] c h a r a c t e r s as i t was d e s i r a b l e to r e s u s c i t a t e , and continued the marvellous s t o r y i n the 'London J o u r n a l ' f o r s e v e r a l months l o n g e r . " 4 2 Smith i n the meantime began a new s e r i a l , The S o l d i e r of Fortune, the f i r s t of many such 126 s t o r i e s t h a t he would w r i t e f o r the Paper i n the l a t e 1850s and e a r l y 60s. Smith's s e r i a l s and those which Reynolds, Egan and others produced f o r the three magazines are myriad, and the concern here i s n e i t h e r to l i s t t i t l e s nor d e s c r i b e p l o t s . N e v e r t h e l e s s we can take note of a n i n e t e e n t h - c e n t u r y commentary or two, and from these gather the g e n e r a l l y g r i p p i n g tone and content of the s e r i a l i z e d f i c t i o n t h a t c o n t r i b u t e d so g r e a t l y to the p o p u l a r i t y of the J o u r n a l and i t s two main competitors. The most s a l e a b l e examples of such f i c t i o n were, as V i z e t e l l y put i t , . . . lengthy and e x c i t i n g s t o r i e s , t e l l i n g how r i c h and poor babies were wickedly changed i n t h e i r perambulators by c o n n i v i n g nursemaids, how l o n g - l o s t w i l l s m i r a c u l o u s l y turned up i n the n i c k of time, and p e n n i l e s s beauty and v i r t u e were ' l e d to the hymenal a l t a r by the wealthy s c i o n of a noble house,' a f t e r he had gained the f a i r one's a f f e c t i o n s under some humble d i s g u i s e . And w r i t i n g i n a s i m i l a r v e i n , another commentator o f f e r e d t h i s d e s c r i p t i o n of the s u c c e s s f u l s e r i a l ' s c h a r a c t e r i z a t i o n and p l o t t i n g : The v i l l a i n s were g e n e r a l l y of high b i r t h and r e p u l s i v e presence; the lowly personages were always of r a v i s h i n g beauty and u n s u l l i e d v i r t u e . Innocence and l o v e l i n e s s i n a gingham gown were p e r p e t u a l l y pursued by v i c e and debauchery i n v a r n i s h e d boots and s p o t l e s s g l o v e s . L i f e was surrounded by mystery; d e t e c t i v e s were ever on the watch, and the most a s t o n i s h i n g p i t f a l l s and mantraps were concealed i n the path of the unwary and of the i n n o c e n t . 4 3 But i t was not such v e r b a l stimulus alone that the three magazines used to draw t h e i r r eaders. Adding to the 127 appeal of weekly s e r i a l adventures were the b o l d l y s t y l e d engravings that gave v i s i b l e form to c h a r a c t e r s and events. W r i t i n g i n 1859, the B r i t i s h Q u a r t e r l y Review's expert on "cheap l i t e r a t u r e " a p t l y remarked upon the t y p i c a l content and o v e r a l l e f f e c t of s e r i a l f i c t i o n ' s p i c t o r i a l accompaniments: the i l l u s t r a t i o n s , with few e x c e p t i o n s , are of a v i o l e n t or s i n i s t e r c h a r a c t e r . There i s u s u a l l y e i t h e r a 'deed of blood' going forward, or p r e p a r a t i o n s f o r i t . I f there be not a d i s h e v e l l e d v i l l a i n i n a slouched hat shooting a f a i r gentleman i n l a c e and t a s s e l s , or a brawny savage dragging an unprotected female i n t o a cavern by the h a i r of her head, we may reckon at l e a s t upon a man i n a c l o a k watching from behind a rock, or a ' s i t u a t i o n ' of t h r i l l i n g i n t e r e s t , i n which the f i g u r e s look as of they had been taken i n a spasm, and were suddenly p e t r i f i e d . The a r t employed upon these p i c t u r e s i s proper to the s u b j e c t . The e f f e c t s are broad, bold, and unscrupulous,. There i s an a p p r o p r i a t e f i e r c e n e s s i n the w i l d c u t t i n g and s l a s h i n g of the block; and the l e t t e r - p r e s s always f a l l s s h o r t of the haggard and f e r o c i o u s e x p r e s s i o n of the e n g r a v i n g . 4 4 C l e a r l y images s i m i l a r to those reproduced i n p l a t e s 50 to 52 must have prompted t h i s d e s c r i p t i o n . As these p l a t e s show, Reynolds' h i g h l y - c o l o u r e d t a l e s of romance and i n t r i g u e l e n t themselves w e l l to the kind of s t y l i s t i c and, i c o n o g r a p h i c excesses t h a t so bemused the Review's commentator. And, s i m i l a r l y , r e p r e s e n t a t i v e examples from the J o u r n a l and the Paper ( p l a t e s 53 and 54) make i t p l a i n t h a t Smith's s t o r i e s a l s o i n s p i r e d t h e i r share of s l a s h i n g d i a g o n a l s , f r e n z i e d c r o s s - h a t c h i n g s , melodramatic l i g h t i n g e f f e c t s and s i n i s t e r shadows. 128 As a l l of the engravings i n p l a t e s 50 to 54 show, these and many other such examples of the i l l u s t r a t i o n of s e r i a l f i c t i o n f r e q u e n t l y occupied a conspicuous p o s i t i o n on the f r o n t pages of the v a r i o u s i s s u e s i n which they appeared. Normally a half-page or more i n s i z e , o f t e n set below a given magazine's t i t l e , these p i c t u r e s were a p p a r e n t l y meant to a t t r a c t the n o t i c e of those who browsed at the windows and stands of b o o k s e l l e r s and news vendors. And without doubt they d i d so. For who but the most strong-minded reader, determinedly bent on self-improvement i n i t s p u r e s t form, c o u l d have f a i l e d to respond to the l u r e of v i v i d d e p i c t i o n s of j o u s t s and duels; g r i p p i n g p o r t r a y a l s of murders attempted and maidens i m p e r i l l e d ; glamourous scenes of the elegant g a t h e r i n g s and sumptuous surroundings of c o u r t and h i g h s o c i e t y ; a f f e c t i n g tableaux of love l o s t and found, b e t r o t h a l s , marriages and f a m i l y r e c o n c i l i a t i o n s ; p r o v o c a t i v e images of the s c a n t i l y - c l a d v i c t i m s of war, abduction and white s l a v e r y ; and the p i c t o r i a l drama of eleventh-hour rescues from burning b u i l d i n g s , watery graves and a s s o r t e d v i l l a i n s ' seamy h a u n t s . 4 5 In other words, such i l l u s t r a t i o n s not only added to the i n t e r e s t of every t h r i l l i n g i n s t a l l m e n t t h a t they p i c t u r e d , but a l s o helped to s e l l the magazines. In t h e i r p r o l i f i c use of f i c t i o n and i t s i l l u s t r a t i o n , and i n t h e i r i n t r o d u c t i o n of other kinds of m a t e r i a l l a r g e l y new to inexpensive p i c t o r i a l p u b l i s h i n g - - f a s h i o n 129 news, r e c i p e s , chess problems and so on--the three magazines p r o f e s s e d merely to o f f e r the necessary l e a v e n i n g to o f f s e t t h e i r more s e r i o u s and s p e c i f i c a l l y e d u c a t i o n a l content. The J o u r n a l d e c l a r e d i t s e l f to be "devoted to the amusement and i n s t r u c t i o n of the people"; the Paper vowed t h a t "to u n i t e amusement with i n s t r u c t i o n — o n e of the happiest marriages on e a r t h - - w i l l always be attempted"; and s i m i l a r l y the M i s c e l l a n y aimed to " s t e e r the medium course" between "too much l i g h t matter" and "another set of p e r i o d i c a l s [which] are too heavy." 4 6 Not content with a v e r b a l statement alone, the l a t t e r p u b l i c a t i o n a l s o expressed i t s aim p i c t o r i a l l y . P l a t e 55 reproduces the t i t l e page to the M i s c e l l a n y ' s f i r s t volume, where at c e n t r e - t o p Reynolds' image b e n i g n l y presides--midway between i n s t r u c t i o n , p e r s o n i f i e d i n the guise of Science, and entertainment, represented i n the persona of Romance. But, as we might gather from the c o n t r a s t between the comparative slenderness of Science and the buxom robustness of Romance, the M i s c e l l a n y ' s purported balance between the s e r i o u s and the amusing was i n f a c t weighted i n favour of the l a t t e r . Moreover, as i f i n c o n f i r m a t i o n of t h i s tendency, Reynolds' gaze turns away from Science and her sober accoutrements, toward the more b l a t a n t l y e n t h r a l l i n g (and s a l e a b l e ) charms of Romance. The content of the Jo u r n a l and the Paper r e f l e c t e d a s i m i l a r b i a s as both magazines, l i k e the M i s c e l l a n y , emphasized r e a d i l y marketed 130 entertainment over more p u r e l y i n s t r u c t i o n a l f a r e . 4 7 And, with t h e i r o v e r a l l e d i t o r i a l e f f o r t s thus d i r e c t e d toward p r o v i d i n g l i g h t d i v e r s i o n , the second g e n e r a t i o n of p i c t o r i a l m i s c e l l a n i e s c o u l d not o f f e r the same q u a n t i t y and kind of high-minded m a t e r i a l that had c h a r a c t e r i z e d the Penny Magazine. The c l e a r e s t s i g n a l of t h i s d i f f e r e n c e between the e a r l i e r p u b l i c a t i o n and i t s three s u c c e s s o r s was the s h i f t i n treatment of one p a r t i c u l a r f e a t u r e - - K n i g h t ' s i n n o v a t i v e c o n t r i b u t i o n to p i c t o r i a l p u b l i s h i n g — t h e d i s c u s s i o n and r e p r o d u c t i o n of works of a r t . IV I t i s only a m i l d exaggeration to say t h a t as the f i r s t s t i r r i n g s of the " a r t f o r a r t ' s sake" movement became d i s c e r n i b l e , the three new magazines espoused an opposing credo of " a r t l a r g e l y f o r entertainment's sake." For, while the J o u r n a l on o c c a s i o n i n c l u d e d a s e r i o u s d i s c u s s i o n of p a i n t i n g or s c u l p t u r e , 4 8 i t s general p o l i c y , l i k e t h a t of the M i s c e l l a n y and the Paper, was to t r e a t a r t as j u s t another sundry amusing item i n an a r r a y of such m a t e r i a l , a l l of which stood subordinate to the main s e l l i n g p o i n t , f i c t i o n . Or, p u t t i n g i t another way, i n the second g e n e r a t i o n of p i c t o r i a l m i s c e l l a n i e s there are i n d i c a t i o n s t h a t , i n i t s v i s u a l forms at l e a s t , high c u l t u r e had begun to r e t r e a t from the popular domain, back toward the t r a d i t i o n t h a t the Penny Magazine had b r i e f l y i n t e r r u p t e d : 131 what Knight had d e s c r i b e d as " a r t ' s long r e i g n of e x c l u s i v e n e s s . " And so, i n p l a c e of t h e i r predecessor's r i c h t a p e s t r y of a r t h i s t o r y , theory and imagery, the J o u r n a l , M i s c e l l a n y and Paper o f f e r e d a homelier, patchwork v e r s i o n of a r t f o r the people. Now, r a t h e r than a f e a t u r e , a r t was o f t e n a f i l l e r , as sh o r t , o f t e n u n i l l u s t r a t e d paragraphs on the "Fine A r t s " i n t e r p o s e d themselves as i f i n a f t e r t h o u g h t between columns l a b e l l e d " M i s c e l l a n e o u s " and the end-of-i s s u e "Notices to C o r r e s p o n d e n t s . " 4 9 The J o u r n a l on oc c a s i o n omitted even a b b r e v i a t e d d i s c u s s i o n of the f i n e a r t s and so l v e d the problem of excess space simply by i n s e r t i n g an a p p r o p r i a t e l y cropped image without a d d i t i o n a l e x p l a n a t o r y comment. In such cases the reproduced works of Raphael and Correggio, f o r example, became v i s u a l non  s e q u i t u r s amongst u n r e l a t e d "Gems of Thought", s n i p p e t s of poetry, s t a t i s t i c s , " F a c e t i a e " and "U s e f u l R e c e i p t s . " 5 0 When la y o u t space p e r m i t t e d the i n c l u s i o n of both a r e p r o d u c t i o n and some accompanying t e x t , a l l three magazines tended by t h e i r focus and p r e s e n t a t i o n to t r i v i a l i z e both the a r t and i t s p r o d u c t i o n . The M i s c e l l a n y , f o r i n s t a n c e , p u b l i s h e d an engraving of Van Dyke's p a i n t i n g , The V i r g i n , but, beyond a few b r i e f and g e n e r a l i z e d remarks about the a r t i s t ' s s t y l e , o f f e r e d l i t t l e i n the way of i n f o r m a t i v e a r t h i s t o r y and c r i t i c i s m . Instead, the reader l e a r n e d that Van Dyke always began work i n the morning, f r e q u e n t l y i n v i t e d 132 h i s model to lunch, and then, with a p p e t i t e but not c r e a t i v i t y sated, f i n i s h e d the p i c t u r e i n the a f t e r n o o n . 5 1 S i m i l a r l y , the M i s c e l l a n y ' s commentary on a reproduced genre scene by contemporary p a i n t e r Robert Mclnnes ( p l a t e 56) t o l d the reader nothing about the a r t i s t and p r o v i d e d only a c r i t i c a l word or two on the p i c t u r e ' s " l i f e - l i k e e f f e c t . " In t h i s case the major concern of the l i t e r a l l y - m i n d e d c r i t i c was to assure the reader t h a t [although] we Londoners are s c a r c e l y i n the h a b i t of t a k i n g our c h i l d r e n to the c l o i s t e r s of o l d c a t h e d r a l s to give them a bath, t h i s . . . d e t r a c t s nothing from the merits of the p i c t u r e . . 5 2 The Paper took a s i m i l a r l y t r i v i a l i z i n g approach to a r t , but f r e q u e n t l y added i t s own d i s t i n g u i s h i n g touch of c l o y i n g s e n t i m e n t a l i t y . For example, w r i t i n g on a r e p r o d u c t i o n of The Swing. a p a i n t i n g by academy a r t i s t F r e d e r i c k Goodall ( p l a t e 57), the magazine's commentator expressed the view t h a t "our p i c t u r e d e s c r i b e s i t s e l f . " Then, with a r t c r i t i c i s m thus n e a t l y disposed of, he or she proceeded to the main p o i n t : C h i l d r e n at p l a y are a p l e a s a n t s i g h t . . . . C h i l d r e n s o f t e n the heart; f o s t e r k i n d l y f e e l i n g s ; r e c a l l the p l e a s a n t passages of our own c h i l d h o o d --and so on i n a comparable v e i n . 5 3 I t was perhaps the same sen t i m e n t a l c r i t i c who had p r e v i o u s l y d e s c r i b e d another genre scene p u b l i s h e d i n the Paper, a r e p r o d u c t i o n of a p a i n t i n g e n t i t l e d The Grandfather's Watch. 5 4 The p i c t u r e shows a cottage room, i n which i s seated a p l e a s a n t - l o o k i n g 133 e l d e r l y man who holds h i s pocket watch to the ear of a small g i r l . Meanwhile, l e a n i n g on the back of the o l d man's c h a i r , the c h i l d ' s mother looks f o n d l y down upon the p a i r . A l l of t h i s the readers c o u l d have noted f o r themselves. But had they wished f u r t h e r enlightenment about the p a i n t i n g or i t s a r t i s t , they would have been d i s a p p o i n t e d ; f o r , r a t h e r than e x p l a i n i n g the t h e o r i e s and p r a c t i c e of a r t , the Paper's c r i t i c was more concerned with expanding upon k i n d l y g r a n d f a t h e r s , winsome c h i l d r e n , maternal s o l i c i t u d e and the marvels of horology. The i n s u b s t a n t i a l treatment of a r t which c h a r a c t e r i z e d the Penny Magazine's three successors d i d not a r i s e from any p a r t i c u l a r a nimosity toward the s u b j e c t on the p a r t of the magazine's e d i t o r s and p r o p r i e t o r s . C a s s e l l , i n f a c t , had by 1853 gained a r e p u t a t i o n as one of the foremost contemporary p o p u l a r i z e r s of a r t with the p u b l i c a t i o n of h i s Magazine of A r t (1853-56); and Reynolds' replacement at the J o u r n a l , John Wilson Ross, e v e n t u a l l y became e d i t o r of a p e r i o d i c a l conceived to promote popular knowledge of design, The U n i v e r s a l D e c o r a t o r . 5 5 Nothing i s known about the a t t i t u d e s to a r t of S t i f f , Reynolds, Smith and others c l o s e l y a s s o c i a t e d with the p r o d u c t i o n of the three magazines. There i s however no evidence to suggest that any of these men were a c t i v e l y i l l - d i s p o s e d toward e i t h e r a r t or i t s d i s s e m i n a t i o n to the people. Rather, what d i f f e r e n t i a t e d the new m i s c e l l a n i e s from the Penny Magazine 134 was t h e i r e d i t o r s ' and p r o p r i e t o r s ' emphasis on what had become more r e a d i l y s a l e a b l e imagery than a r t r e p r o d u c t i o n -imagery which, as we have a l r e a d y seen, accompanied works of f i c t i o n a l n a r r a t i v e . The focus on entertainment through s t o r y t e l l i n g was p a r t i c u l a r y pronounced i n the M i s c e l l a n y , and f r e q u e n t l y i t managed to r e c r e a t e a r t as n a r r a t i v e . In one such i n s t a n c e a short commentary on Verheyden's P e a s a n t - G i r l ' s Return ( p l a t e 58) transformed the p i c t u r e i n t o a v i s u a l short s t o r y whose ending was the u s u a l one of romantic f i c t i o n : We may fancy t h a t the young peasant g i r l has gone f o r t h to s e l l her eggs, her b u t t e r , and her p o u l t r y , and has brought home a good s t o r e of f r u i t , f lowers and vegetables i n her ample basket and i n the f o l d s of her apron. She knocks at the door, saying, ' I t i s I!'--and thereupon a k i n d mother or worthy o l d f a t h e r r i s e s and opens f o r her admittance. A l i t t l e l a t e r i n l i f e , and when she knocks at some other cottage-door, saying, ' I t i s I ! ' a watchful husband w i l l be ready to give her i n g r e s s . 5 6 In another case a r e p r o d u c t i o n of a Fragonard p a i n t i n g of a young woman engaged i n correspondence a l s o became an i m p l i e d n a r r a t i v e as the commentator s p e c u l a t e d about the contents of the p i c t u r e d l e t t e r , exclaimed over "the world of l o v i n g thoughts" i n the w r i t e r ' s mind, and a r t i s t i c a l l y evoked scenes of "whispered c o n v e r s a t i o n s i n crowded rooms", "the g e n t l e p ressure of hands when they meet i n the mazes of the dance" and "long moonlit wanderings i n shady lanes . . . ," 5 7 And f o r those who were a f f i c i o n a d o s of a r t as w e l l as romance, the author remembered to i n c l u d e a b r i e f addendum which named the p a i n t e r and engraver of the p i c t u r e and assured the reader t h a t " i t has never before been rendered i n wood." In a more notable and somewhat d i f f e r e n t k i n d of example, there was no need to weave a whole new s t o r y around the work of a r t . Instead, Reynolds simply a p p l i e d h i s own i n i m i t a b l e s t y l e to a h i g h l y - c o l o u r e d reworking of the n a r r a t i v e o r i g i n a l l y a s s o c i a t e d with a well-known s e r i e s of images. One-time readers of the Penny Magazine perhaps might have reco g n i z e d the scene of i n d u s t r y and i d l e n e s s reproduced i n p l a t e 59. But, u n l i k e the e a r l i e r magazine's image, the M i s c e l l a n y ' s v e r s i o n was not an i l l u s t r a t i o n f o r long q u o t a t i o n s from C h a r l e s Lamb's seminal essay on Hogarth; and i t was no longer s t r i c t l y a v i s u a l homily on c i v i l i z e d behaviour. Along with r e p r o d u c t i o n s of other engravings i n the s e r i e s , i t had become p a r t of the p i c t o r i a l accompaniment to one of Reynolds' t y p i c a l works of s e r i a l i z e d f i c t i o n . Running f o r s e v e r a l weeks i n mid-1847, t h i s was a f l o r i d t a l e of love and l i c e n t i o u s n e s s , g a l l a n t r y and degradation, v i r t u e - o u t r a g e d , vice-rampant, h o r r i b l e crime, d i s s i p a t i o n and d e p r a v i t y , d u e l l i n g , d r i n k i n g , dancing and gambling — a l l i n Old London at the time i n d i c a t e d i n the t i t l e : The Days of Hogarth. Needless to say, apart from i t s t i t l e and i l l u s t r a t i o n s , t h i s s t o r y had l i t t l e to do with the h i s t o r y and theory of f i n e a r t . 136 In other encounters between a r t and s e r i a l f i c t i o n , the former i n no way i n s p i r e d or p l a y e d a key r o l e i n the n a r r a t i v e . For the most p a r t i t had r e l i n q u i s h e d a l l claims to c e n t r e - s t a g e and now served as a backdrop to more r e a d i l y s a l e a b l e imagery. In one t y p i c a l engraving ( p l a t e 60), again from the M i s c e l l a n y . a p i c t u r e of the Madonna and C h i l d overlooks an episode from Reynolds' Massacre of  Glencoe. an h i s t o r i c a l t a l e of g r i p p i n g adventure and dubious accuracy t h a t f e a t u r e d i n s e v e r a l i s s u e s e a r l y i n 1853. C a s s e l l ' s Paper s i m i l a r l y i n c l u d e d many i l l u s t r a t i o n s i n which s t a p l e s of p a r l o u r a r t - - l i k e the seascape of p l a t e 61--hung i n the background of such a f f e c t i n g scenes as the one shown: "The Lost One Found," from J . F. Smith's 1858 s e r i a l , Smiles and Tears. And, not to be outdone, the J o u r n a l had some years e a r l i e r run an i l l u s t r a t i o n c o n t a i n i n g no l e s s than three p a i r s of p a i n t e d eyes to witness "Old M a r t i n P o i n t i n g Out the Murderer of S i r W i l l i a m Mowbray" ( p l a t e 62), from another Smith s e r i a l , The W i l l and  the Way, p u b l i s h e d i n 1853. In s h o r t , as these and other such examples i n d i c a t e , by the 1850s the J o u r n a l , M i s c e l l a n y and Paper had reduced a r t to a s u b s e r v i e n t p o s i t i o n i n a new popular realm where high drama, high i n t r i g u e and high romance had deposed high c u l t u r e . 5 8 And i n such a domain there was l i t t l e p l a c e f o r Somerset House e x h i b i t i o n room and a l l t h a t i t stood f o r . 137 But however much the new p i c t o r i a l m i s c e l l a n i e s d i v e r g e d from the Penny Magazine i n t h e i r l i g h t approach to f i n e a r t , they f o l l o w e d i n the wake of t h e i r protoype i n one important r e s p e c t . For, as we w i l l next see, the second g e n e r a t i o n a l s o managed to c o n t r i b u t e i t s share to the d i s s e m i n a t i o n of the c i v i l i z i n g v a l u e s a s s o c i a t e d with i n d i v i d u a l v i r t u e and s o c i a l s t a b i l i t y . 138 CHAPTER 5 The C i v i l i z i n g Image: The Second Generation and S o c i a l V i r t u e , 1845-1860 As our now f a m i l i a r commentator on "cheap l i t e r a t u r e " prepared h i s review and perused h i s c o p i e s of penny m i s c e l l a n i e s , he made the f o l l o w i n g o b s e r v a t i o n : As to the matter of wisdom i n the conduct of l i f e , the c o n t r o l of the pa s s i o n s , and the r e g u l a t i o n of the temper, . . . the axiomatic sentences, or, as they are c a l l e d i n the London J o u r n a l , the 'Gems of Thought,' . . . are n o t o r i o u s l y i n e x h a u s t i b l e . 1 And, once again, our commentator had demonstrated h i s astu t e n e s s . For, i n abandoning a Penny Magazine-style programme of s e r i o u s e d u c a t i o n i n f i n e a r t and other s u b j e c t s , the J o u r n a l by no means wholly n e g l e c t e d the matter of i t s readers' s o c i a l and moral i n s t r u c t i o n . S i m i l a r l y , d e s p i t e a l l t h e i r e f f o r t s to subordinate high c u l t u r e to entertainment, the M i s c e l l a n y and Paper a l s o found ways to t r a n s m i t a set of c i v i l i z e d v a l u e s and c i v i l i z i n g e x h o r t a t i o n s along with t h e i r t h r i l l i n g f i c t i o n and s p i r i t e d i l l u s t r a t i o n : improve y o u r s e l f ; p r a c t i c e 139 d i s c i p l i n e ; work hard; e x e r c i s e moderation. As they had been i n the Penny Magazine, these i d e a l s of s o c i a l v i r t u e were the catch-phrases of hegemony--the a u t h o r i t y of those i n p o s i t i o n s of p r i v i l e g e and power. F r e q u e n t l y the three magazines c o n f i n e d themselves to conveying g e n e r a l i z e d messages about the nature, and value f o r a l l , of c i v i l i z e d behaviour. But at times they a l s o managed to suggest that the meaning of " c i v i l i z e d " was f l u i d , t h a t i t s h i f t e d i n r e l a t i o n to an i n d i v i d u a l ' s p o s i t i o n and r o l e i n s o c i e t y . In other words, from the standpoint of the second g e n e r a t i o n of p i c t o r i a l m i s c e l l a n i e s , the i d e a l s of s o c i a l v i r t u e p e r m i t t e d v a r i a t i o n s on t h e i r main themes, v a r i a t i o n s s p e c i f i c to c l a s s and gender. But, as we have a l r e a d y noted, these magazines d i d not c o n s i s t e n t l y d i f f e r e n t i a t e v i r t u e i n t h i s way. We w i l l t u r n our a t t e n t i o n f i r s t to t h e i r more g e n e r a l i z e d e x p r e s s i o n s of hegemonic values--and to the items of i n f o r m a t i o n , the s t o r i e s , poems and images t h a t c l o t h e d c i v i l i z e d behaviour i n engaging, sometimes glamourous, garb. I In an 1846 e d i t o r i a l the J o u r n a l d e d i c a t e d i t s e l f to the spread of " l i g h t , u s e f u l t r u t h and moral improvement." 2 From time to time the M i s c e l l a n y and Paper made s i m i l a r avowals; and each of the three magazines o f f e r e d i t s share of s h o r t h o m i l i e s on the m e r i t s of p a t i e n c e , perseverance and self-improvement; s c i e n t i f i c f a c t s on the h e a l t h f u l 140 b e n e f i t s of mildness of temper; essays on e t i q u e t t e and p o l i t e n e s s , the hallmarks of c i v i l i z e d s o c i e t y ; h e a d l i n e s such as "Industry I t s Own Reward"; and d i r e warnings a g a i n s t the e v i l s of intemperance. 3 Indeed such c i v i l i z i n g m a t e r i a l was so e x t e n s i v e t h a t even C h a r l e s Knight, a r e l a t i v e p u r i s t i n these matters, somewhat r e l u c t a n t l y had to admit t h a t " f o r a l l t h e i r bad t a s t e , " the three magazines and t h e i r l i k e demonstrated p a r t i a l and manifest u t i l i t y i n some p o r t i o n s . . . . In the whole range of these t h i n g s we can d e t e c t nothing t h a t bears a p a r a l l e l w ith what used to be c a l l e d 'the blasphemous and s e d i t i o u s p r e s s . ' 4 But i t was not s o l e l y n o n - f i c t i o n a l m a t e r i a l t h a t promoted the v i r t u e s of work, s e l f - r e l i a n c e and moderation i n a l l t h i n g s . As e x c i t i n g , even t i t i l l a t i n g , as the magazines' f i c t i o n was, i t too tended to be m o r a l i s t i c i n tone and d i r e c t l y or i n d i r e c t l y s u p p o r t i v e of much the same s o r t of v a l u e s t h a t had c h a r a c t e r i z e d the Penny Magazine. In other words, i n the communication of a p a r t i c u l a r s o c i a l o utlook conducive to the maintenance of s o c i a l s t a b i l i t y , the d i f f e r e n c e between the e a r l i e r magazine and i t s new c o u n t e r p a r t s was a matter more of o s t e n s i b l e form r a t h e r than imbedded content. John C a s s e l l f o r one c l e a r l y r e c o g n i z e d the s o c i a l u t i l i t y of the k i n d of e n t e r t a i n i n g f i c t i o n t h a t s o l d h i s magazine. In an 1858 l e t t e r to Lord Brougham he wrote: Without p r o f e s s i n g to be a champion of F i c t i o n , I may be allowed to s t a t e my o p i n i o n t h a t novels may 141 be rendered something more than mere books of amusement. That they may be made a p p r o p r i a t e v e h i c l e s i n the conveyance of u s e f u l l e s s o n s , i n c u l c a t i n g good morals, c u l t i v a t i n g the best a f f e c t i o n s of the heart, k i n d l i n g the n o b l e s t a s p i r a t i o n s , awakening i n e r t ambition, i n c i t i n g to e n t e r p r i s e and e x e r t i o n , and thus advancing the Moral and i n t e l l e c t u a l w e l f a r e of the People at l a r g e . 5 And, c o n s i s t e n t with t h i s p hilosophy, the Paper's c h i e f s e r i a l i s t , Smith, managed to r e c o n c i l e a racy, readable s t y l e with "high moral tone," so t h a t , as one commentator ( p o s s i b l y C a s s e l l ) put i t , "he never panders to v i c e , nor p a i n t s the b r u t a l and abandoned i n a t t r a c t i v e c o l o u r s . " 6 S i m i l a r l y , however s e n s a t i o n a l f i c t i o n i n the J o u r n a l and M i s c e l l a n y might at times become, i t a l s o preserved and promoted a standard of c i v i l i z e d behaviour. Even Reynolds, whose s t o r i e s f o r the M i s c e l l a n y were comparatively t o l e r a n t of excess, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n sexual matters, f r e q u e n t l y made sure t h a t greed, p r o f l i g a c y and a l l forms of s o c i a l i r r e s p o s i b i l i t y came to a bad f i c t i o n a l e n d — e v e n i f they had managed to have a good, long, g r a p h i c a l l y e n t e r t a i n i n g run f o r t h e i r money i n e a r l i e r c hapters. Indeed, what Reynolds claimed f o r two of h i s most famous s t o r i e s - - T h e  M y s t e r i e s of London (1845-48) and The M y s t e r i e s of the Court  of London (1848-56)--might be s a i d of s e v e r a l other examples of h i s f i c t i o n : they were c o l l e c t i v e l y a "moral document" conceived w i t h a strong n o t i o n of s o c i a l and p e r s o n a l r i g h t and wrong. 7 In one such s t o r y , The Seamstress, which ran i n the M i s c e l l a n y i n mid-1850, the a r i s t o c r a t i c v i l l a i n s of the 142 p i e c e v a r i o u s l y d i e unpleasant deaths not only f o r t h e i r p e r s e c u t i o n of seamstresses and others i n t h e i r employ, but a l s o f o r such p e r s o n a l v i c e s as i d l e n e s s , d i s s i p a t i o n and greed. We have l e s s e x p l i c i t i n f o r m a t i o n on how S t i f f might have f e l t about the importance of redeeming s o c i a l and moral content i n the f i c t i o n f e a t u r e d i n the J o u r n a l . I t i s however suggestive that t h a t w r i t e r of incomparably "high moral tone," Smith, was the J o u r n a l ' s c h i e f s e r i a l i s t f o r s e v e r a l years before he j o i n e d the Paper. Other examples of the J o u r n a l ' s f i c t i o n are a l s o t e l l i n g . A random sampling of s t o r i e s from 1848 show the kind of moral underpinning that was p a r t of a wider c u l t u r a l concept of the i n d i v i d u a l behaviour necessary f o r a s t a b l e , c i v i l i z e d s o c i e t y . One such s t o r y , a t a l e of young love and marriage, was a l s o a s c a r c e l y v e i l e d l e c t u r e on f i s c a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y and the f o l l y of t r y i n g to l i v e beyond one's means and s t a t i o n i n l i f e ; another example, a s t o r y of thwarted love and t r a g i c death was intended to show the reader "the v a l u e l e s s n e s s of every p e r s o n a l grace and accomplishment" i f p a s s i o n and temper are "allowed to run r i o t with the w i l l " ; and s t i l l another "romance", with the i n t r i g u i n g t i t l e of "Scandal," c h a r t e d the path to madness taken by a b e a u t i f u l and charming young woman who was r e g r e t t a b l y prone to f r i v o l i t y and indulgence i n scandalous g o s s i p , the b e h a v i o u r a l aspects of her r e a l v i c e - - i d l e n e s s . 8 143 With the three magazines' f i c t i o n and n o n - f i c t i o n a l i k e so b l a t a n t i n t h e i r promotion of c i v i l i z e d and c i v i l i z i n g v a l u e s , there was not much need f o r f u r t h e r c l a r i f i c a t i o n through i l l u s t r a t i o n , and indeed many n o n - f i c t i o n a l items and short f i c t i o n a l p i e c e s had no accompanying p i c t o r i a l m a t e r i a l . Where i l l u s t r a t i o n was added, i t had l i t t l e to do but p r o v i d e general reinforcement f o r the t e x t u a l messages. For i n s t a n c e , p o r t r a i t s of de s e r v i n g i n d i v i d u a l s u s u a l l y accompanied b i o g r a p h i e s e x t o l l i n g t h e i r s u b j e c t s ' i n d i v i d u a l v i r t u e s and achievements i n the i n t e r e s t of c i v i l i z e d s o c i e t y . 9 In another k i n d of example, the J o u r n a l ran an engraving e n t i t l e d "The Ruined Family", which showed a homeless mother, f a t h e r and three c h i l d r e n a l l b e a r i n g the s a r t o r i a l t r a c e s of one-time g e n t i l i t y , but now brought down by what the adjacent essay r e f e r r e d to as "the e v i l e f f e c t s of d r i n k i n g . " The f o l l o w i n g i s s u e continued the theme with a s e r i e s of i l l u s t r a t i o n s by Cruikshank and commentary by Jo u r n a l c o n t r i b u t o r , R. S. Mackenzie, both of which t r a c e d another f a m i l y ' s descent i n t o d e g r a d a t i o n v i a "The B o t t l e . " 1 0 And, a d d i t i o n a l l y , i n a l l three magazines the i l l u s t r a t i o n of f i c t i o n echoed the t e x t s ' s o c i a l and moral messages with sympathetic renderings of the t r i b u l a t i o n s and triumphs of v i r t u o u s f a c t o r y g i r l s and t h e i r l i k e , c o mpelling images of other worthy c h a r a c t e r s who prosper both e c o n o m i c a l l y and e m o t i o n a l l y , and e q u a l l y graphic 144 p i c t u r e s of the v i l l a i n s , w a s t r e l s and drunkards who meet d i f f e r e n t , d e s e r v e d l y unpleasant f a t e s . 1 1 In r a r e i n s t a n c e s the imagery and d i s c o u r s e of f i n e a r t s a l s o helped to promote c i v i l i z i n g v a l u e s and behaviour. Apart from any other e f f e c t , the most notable example of t h i s s o r t might w e l l have induced a sense of de.ia vu i n some o l d e r readers of the J o u r n a l . In 1848 i t ran a s h o r t essay on a work of a r t once reproduced i n the Penny Magazine: the morning-after scene from Marriage a-la-Mode ( p l a t e 34). And here, a decade and a h a l f l a t e r , was a r t c r i t i c i s m i n the grand s t y l e of the e a r l i e r m a g a z i n e — a verbatim d e n u n c i a t i o n of " w i t h e r i n g s a t i e t y " , "poison i n the cup" and "the r u i n which has overwhelmed t h o u s a n d s . " 1 2 But, i n c o n t r a s t to the Penny Magazine's v e r s i o n , the J o u r n a l ' s i l l u s t r a t i o n of t h i s " u s e f u l l e c t u r e on m o r a l i t y " s i g n a l l e d a r t ' s regained e x c l u s i v i s m : the engraving p r o v i d e d was a f o l d - o u t supplement a v a i l a b l e o n l y to r e g u l a r s u b s c r i b e r s . But, with or without an accompanying r e p r o d u c t i o n , the above case was something of an anomaly. G e n e r a l l y speaking, the bland examples of academy p a i n t i n g and the t r i v i a l commentary t h a t were most c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of the three magazines' treatment of a r t had l i t t l e power to convey or even r e i n f o r c e c i v i l i z i n g v a l u e s - - t h e i r c u l t u r a l content was simply too s p a r s e . 1 3 T h i s i s not however to imply that there no longer e x i s t e d a p r e v a l e n t b e l i e f i n the c a p a c i t y 145 of f i n e a r t to e l e v a t e the viewer. T h i s t r a d i t i o n had i n f a c t p e r s i s t e d and by mid-century had developed an i n d u s t r i a l v a r i a n t . That i s , amongst the many reformers, w r i t e r s , s o c i a l c r i t i c s and others who c o n s i d e r e d the matter, i t was not from exposure to the o l d masterpieces of p a i n t i n g and s c u l p t u r e t h a t the working c l a s s would most b e n e f i t . Rather, f o r t h e i r own moral and a e s t h e t i c development, and the wider good of p r e s e r v i n g s o c i a l s t a b i l i t y and improving E n g l i s h manufactures, working people ought to l e a r n more about the p r i n c i p l e s of design and t h e i r p r a c t i c a l a p p l i c a t i o n to the p r o d u c t i o n of household o b j e c t s and s o - c a l l e d "minor" a r t forms—woven goods, brasswork, s i l v e r p l a t e , c h i n a and the l i k e . For, as one of i t s proponents argued, such education would have "an Economic, a Moral, and a S o c i a l value, f o r , i t tends to i n c r e a s e p r o d u c t i o n , i t produces h e a l t h y f e e l i n g s of content, and i t renders men d i s i n c l i n e d to d i s t u r b Law and O r d e r . " 1 4 The J o u r n a l , M i s c e l l a n y and Paper a l s o embraced the cause of p r a c t i c a l d e s ign e d u c a t i o n and i n c o r p o r a t e d numerous d i s c u s s i o n s and engravings of t a p e s t r y screens and c h a i r covers, s i l v e r c e l e r y bowls, p o r c e l a i n jugs and s a l t c e l l a r s , g l a s s vases, brass door-knockers, and c a s t - i r o n b o o t - s c r a p e r s . 1 5 The i l l u s t r a t i o n of a s i l v e r w ine-cooler i n p l a t e 63 i s t y p i c a l of i t s k i n d and, a d d i t i o n a l l y , i n s p i r e d the author of the accompanying a r t i c l e to i n t e r j e c t a m o r a l i z i n g word or two about the dangers of intemperance. 146 But the major concern of t h i s and other such a r t i c l e s was to disseminate knowledge about d e s i g n and so a i d the progress of E n g l i s h manufacturing. In t e x t s of t h i s s o r t and t h e i r a s s o c i a t e d p i c t u r e s there was u n d o u b t e d l y — t o r e c a l l Barthes' t e r m — a " t h i r d message." For, i n emphasizing design and i t s a p p l i c a t i o n s over p a i n t i n g and s c u l p t u r e , the three new magazines helped to v a l i d a t e the p r e v a i l i n g view t h a t there were two kinds of a e s t h e t i c experience: f o r the p r i v i l e g e d , the h i s t o r y , theory and imagery of f i n e a r t ; and f o r the p e o p l e — t h e p r i n c i p l e s and exemplars of p r a c t i c a l design. Thus, the r e f r a i n of the J o u r n a l . M i s c e l l a n y and Paper was a v a r i a t i o n on the o l d Penny-Magazine theme of improvement through a r t . Only now i t had become a c u l t u r a l l y d e p l e t e d , i f s t i l l somewhat f a m i l i a r , chorus: work hard; improve y o u r s e l f ; l e a r n d e s i g n s k i l l s ; i n c r e a s e E n g l i s h p r o d u c t i v i t y — i n s h o r t , be c i v i l i z e d a c c o r d i n g to your s t a t i o n . While thus encouraging a r t i s a n s and f a c t o r y workers to c u l t i v a t e s o c i a l v i r t u e through p r a c t i c a l design, the three magazines a l s o managed to p r o v i d e guidance f o r what was perhaps an even l a r g e r g r o u p — t h e i r female r e a d e r s . 1 6 As mentioned e a r l i e r , the J o u r n a l , M i s c e l l a n y and Paper r e g u l a r l y i n c l u d e d many items d i r e c t e d s p e c i f i c a l l y toward women. Combined wi t h other, g e n e r a l - i n t e r e s t content, t h i s m a t e r i a l too had i t s imbedded s o c i a l and moral values to impart. And, i f c i v i l i z e d s o c i a l v i r t u e was a d e s i r a b l e 147 t r a i t i n the r e a d e r s h i p at l a r g e , i t was even more p a r t i c u l a r l y a female imperative. Amongst numerous c o n t r i b u t o r s to a l l three magazines there was a consensus t h a t women should be p a t i e n t and f o r b e a r i n g , g e n t l e and n u r t u r i n g , c h e e r f u l and temperate, d u t i f u l and hard-working. And beyond a l l t h i s , i t need h a r d l y be s a i d , the i d e a l woman was as innocent of mind as she was pure i n body. For, as more than one w r i t e r was apt to p o i n t out, "woman's tr u e beauty" l a y i n her a b i l i t y to embody at once both s o c i a l and sexual v i r t u e . 1 7 But at the same time as they enthused over t h i s l o f t y and somewhat a b s t r a c t i d e a l of female beauty, these and other w r i t e r s e n e r g e t i c a l l y promoted a more earthbound and p h y s i c a l n o t i o n of beauty i n women. And f o r t h i s the suggested c r i t e r i a were o f t e n uncompromisingly e x p l i c i t . In the view of one expert, f o r example, the e s s e n t i a l elements of female a t t r a c t i v e n e s s were long and l u x u r i a n t h a i r , a "speaking eye", "even and w e l l set rows of t e e t h " , a d e l i c a t e hand, " f i n e l y - r o u n d e d arms" and a "well-formed f i g u r e . " And, concluded t h i s a e s t h e t i c t y r a n t , o n l y these p a r t i c u l a r a t t r i b u t e s " c o n s t i t u t e p h y s i c a l beauty, and nothing l e s s than these deserves the name." 1 8 Not everyone was q u i t e so dogmatic, however, and many c o n t r i b u t o r s not only acknowledged that p h y s i c a l beauty admitted some v a r i a t i o n , but that " a r t i f i c i a l means of enhancement" were a l s o p e r m i s s i b l e . The three magazines were f u l l of long and 148 s h o r t items, f a s h i o n r e p o r t s and i l l u s t r a t i o n s , and " n o t i c e s to correspondents", a l l of which advised readers on t h e i r d r e s s , h a i r s t y l e s , complexion and f i g u r e s . On t h i s l a s t s u b j e c t there was general agreement, and most a u t h o r i t i e s c o n s i d e r e d a well-rounded shape to be a p a r t i c u l a r l y important female a s s e t . The M i s c e l l a n y e s p e c i a l l y upheld t h i s view and Reynolds and other c o n t r i b u t o r s were i n c l i n e d to dwell l o v i n g l y on "undulating roundness and s o f t n e s s " , "voluptuous f u l l n e s s " and "heaving bosoms"--and, as p l a t e s 51 and 52 show, the l a t t e r had a tendency to s p i l l generously out of the a t t i r e of a g i t a t e d h e r o i n e s . 1 9 In s h o r t , i n t h e i r o v e r a l l t e x t u a l and p i c t o r i a l p o r t r a y a l of women, the J o u r n a l , M i s c e l l a n y and Paper presented t h e i r female readers with a r e s t r i c t i v e and e s s e n t i a l l y c o n t r a d i c t o r y i d e a l image of themselves. On the one hand, they were to epitomize the "true beauty" of goodness--on the other, the l e s s e r , but as c u l t u r a l l y h i g h l y - v a l u e d , beauty of face and form. And, more p a r a d o x i c a l l y s t i l l , the i d e a l woman was a l s o to be at once s e x u a l l y v i r t u o u s and s e x u a l l y a t t r a c t i v e . The s e r i a l i z e d s t o r i e s t h a t c o n t r i b u t e d so much to the magazines' s a l e s were r e p l e t e with the f i c t i o n a l embodiments of t h i s c o n t r a d i c t o r y image. Once again the most compelling examples come from the M i s c e l l a n y : There was the hardworking but e x c e p t i o n a l l y p r e t t y seamstress; the e q u a l l y i n d u s t r i o u s f a c t o r y g i r l whose innocent a t t r a c t i v e n e s s drew the ( 149 unwelcome a t t e n t i o n s of more than one manufacturer w i t h "a l u s t f u l eye"; and, from a d i f f e r e n t s o c i a l sphere, there was Lady E l l e n , who was not only c a p t i v a t i n g l y b e a u t i f u l , but so h i g h l y v i r t u o u s t h a t the mere thought of d i n i n g with a mo r a l l y suspect i n d i v i d u a l caused her to grow pale as death and f a l l i n t o an a r t i s t i c swoon with h a i r a t t r a c t i v e l y d i s a r r a n g e d and b r e a s t s p o i n t i n g p r o v o c a t i v e l y upwards. 2 0 But perhaps most a r r e s t i n g of a l l was the young woman p i c t u r e d i n p l a t e 64, the heroine of Reynolds' M y s t e r i e s of  London. As the accompanying t e x t informed the reader, "the annexed p o r t r a i t i s th a t of Lou i s a , the p e r s o n i f i c a t i o n of v i r t u e , innocence and every good q u a l i t y . " I t i s of course p o s s i b l e t h a t viewers saw Louisa's v i r t u e r e f l e c t e d i n her speaking eyes. But presumably they a l s o would not have f a i l e d to take i n the m e t i c u l o u s l y a r t l e s s c u r l s , e x q u i s i t e gown and, not l e a s t of a l l , a f i g u r e so pneumatic as to verge on defo r m i t y . We do not have f a r to look to account at l e a s t i n p a r t f o r L o u i s a and her l i k e . I f the three magazines are any guide, then the fundamental d u a l i t i e s of the feminine i d e a l --goodness and beauty, innocence and sexual a t t r a c t i v e n e s s — were hi g h q u a l i f i c a t i o n s f o r that one t h i n g which a l l women, r e g a r d l e s s of c l a s s , were to d e s i r e and, i f p o s s i b l e , a t t a i n . T h i s was marriage, or, more p r e c i s e l y , a g l o s s y v e r s i o n of i t . For while the magazines denied most of i t s v a r i e g a t e d r e a l i t y , not to mention how i n d i v i d u a l women f e l t 150 about t h a t r e a l i t y , they were nonetheless e f f u s i v e i n t h e i r view t h a t marriage was the n a t u r a l d e s t i n y , occupation, e x p e c t a t i o n and reward of a l l but the most unworthy of women. The a l t a r was of course the f a t e t h a t awaited most good and b e a u t i f u l heroines i n the f i c t i o n of Reynolds, Smith, Egan and other c o n t r i b u t o r s . Meanwhile, on the assumption t h a t a s i m i l a r happy ending was the l o t of most r e a l - l i f e women, essays and poems on female v i r t u e tended to c o n f l a t e womanly and w i f e l y : a good woman was a l s o , or i n e v i t a b l y would be, a good w i f e . 2 1 Other items focused on the l e s s romantic and i d e a l i s t i c s i d e of marriage and simply urged women to develop t h e i r p r a c t i c a l domestic s k i l l s . 2 2 And there were undoubtedly powerful g e n e t i c and s o c i a l reasons f o r encouraging women i n t h i s way. For, as one a u t h o r i t y e x p l a i n e d i t , women lac k e d men's s u p e r i o r " f a c u l t y of reason" and were t h e r e f o r e "out of pl a c e i n the p u l p i t , at the bar, i n the senate, or i n the p r o f e s s i o n c h a i r , " while, men c o n v e r s e l y were "out of pl a c e engaged i n the drudgery of the k i t c h e n , or i n s u p e r i n t e n d i n g the management of domestic a f f a i r s . " And, he argued, to suppose otherwise would be to "subvert the i n t e n t i o n s of nature, and in t r o d u c e d i s o r d e r i n t o the s o c i a l s ystem." 2 3 T h i s p o i n t of view together with the magazines' image of women was c o n s i s t e n t with the s o c i a l outlook embodied i n t h e i r other kinds of content. And so, to invoke Barthes again, i n the p i c t u r e s and t e x t s t h a t both t r e a t e d and addressed women, there was 151 an u n d e r l y i n g message, the g e n d e r - s p e c i f i c v e r s i o n of an o l d f a m i l i a r tune: work hard; improve your domestic s k i l l s ; a s p i r e to matrimony; be good but a l s o g o o d - l o o k i n g - - i n other words, be p r o p e r l y , f e m i n i n e l y c i v i l i z e d . Thus, through t h e i r r e p r e s e n t a t i o n of women, through the d i s c u s s i o n and i l l u s t r a t i o n of p r a c t i c a l design, through f i c t i o n and i t s i l l u s t r a t i o n , and through v a r i o u s other m i s c e l l a n e o u s items and images, the J o u r n a l , M i s c e l l a n y and Paper found ways to r e i t e r a t e and f o s t e r an a l r e a d y widely c u r r e n t set of s o c i a l l y c o n s e r v a t i v e v a l u e s . I t seems f a i r l y c l e a r t h a t such val u e s were i n t e g r a l l y bound up with a network of s o c i a l and economic power r e l a t i o n s . And, as p r e v i o u s chapters have argued, i t i s with r e f e r e n c e to Gramsci's thought t h a t we can best understand and e x p l a i n these r e l a t i o n s — o r , to be p r e c i s e , t h e i r e x p r e s s i o n i n the three magazines. II I t seems unproductive to regard the c i v i l i z i n g messages conveyed through the t e x t s and p i c t u r e s of the second g e n e r a t i o n of i l l u s t r a t e d magazines as i n s t a n c e s of attempted s o c i a l c o n t r o l through the popular p r e s s . There i s no evidence t h a t S t i f f , Reynolds, C a s s e l l and others i n v o l v e d i n the magazines' p r o d u c t i o n were motivated by c l a s s f e a r s f o r the s t a b i l i t y of s o c i e t y . S t i f f appears to have been a single-minded man of business, while Reynolds, we w i l l r e c a l l , was a spokesman f o r Chartism, and C a s s e l l , 152 once a l a b o u r e r h i m s e l f , d e d i c a t e d h i s e f f o r t s to the advancement, not the r e p r e s s i o n , of the working c l a s s . But even so i t must be remembered t h a t , whatever t h e i r beginnings, those who e d i t e d , operated and wrote f o r the magazines enjoyed s i g n i f i c a n t l y more s o c i a l and economic power than d i d the m a j o r i t y of t h e i r r eaders. Thus the m a t e r i a l t h at they produced cannot be a l t o g e t h e r d i v o r c e d from the i n t e r e s t s and p e r c e p t i o n s of those i n p o s i t i o n s of p r i v i l e g e and a u t h o r i t y . In other words, as was the case with the Penny Magazine--the J o u r n a l . M i s c e l l a n y and Paper at times conveyed the kind of s o c i a l v a l u e s c o n s i s t e n t with the Gramscian i d e a of hegemony. But, s t i l l f o l l o w i n g Gramsci, the t r a n s m i s s i o n and acceptance of these v a l u e s d i d not occur through some process of i m p o s i t i o n from above, but r a t h e r through consent n e g o t i a t e d between those who produced and those who purchased, read and looked at the magazines. And t h i s , a f t e r a l l , i s l i t t l e more than a matter of common sense, f o r the magazines' l a r g e numbers of readers were such by c h o i c e , and the commercial success of the J o u r n a l and i t s two main competitors c o u l d only have been founded on a consensus of approval f o r t h e i r content. As C a s s e l l p o i n t e d out to the p a r l i a m e n t a r y committee i n v e s t i g a t i n g newspaper stamps, those who read the Paper and l i k e p u b l i c a t i o n s had no t a s t e f o r condescending "twaddle", but they d i d want "f r e s h n e s s , v i g o u r of thought, and moral s e n t i m e n t . " 2 4 153 And c e r t a i n l y the three magazines gave them a l l of that--and more. For, i n comparison to the Penny Magazine, i t s s u c cessors o f f e r e d t h e i r w o r k i n g - c l a s s readers a more conspicuous b a s i s f o r the n e g o t i a t e d consent upon which the e f f e c t i v e n e s s of hegemony depended. 2 5 That i s , i n a d d i t i o n to the k i n d of m o r a l i s t i c , s o c i a l i z i n g content d e s c r i b e d above, the magazines a l s o i n c l u d e d m a t e r i a l t h a t showed another view of r e a l i t y or, i n v a r y i n g ways and degrees, represented the i n t e r e s t s of workers and others i n subordinate s o c i a l and economic p o s i t i o n s . T h i s a p p l i e s p a r t i c u l a r l y to the J o u r n a l . which took an e x p l i c i t stand on the matter and assured i t s readers t h a t "wherever we have allowed an undercurrent of p o l i t i c a l b i a s to a g i t a t e the s u r f a c e of our columns," that tendency had been and would continue to be i n favour of "the r e a l sinews of s o c i e t y " - -"the i n d u s t r i o u s c l a s s e s . " 2 6 And, as a sampling from 1848 r e v e a l s , i n l i n e with i t s avowed p o s i t i o n , the J o u r n a l took note of i t s readers' enthusiasm f o r a s e r i e s of a r t i c l e s on the French R e v o l u t i o n , responded to t h e i r requests f o r more of the same, and launched two f u r t h e r p r o - G a l l i c , pro-p o p u l i s t s e r i e s , one on "the grandest and most i n t e r e s t i n g f e a t u r e s of the g l o r i o u s popular outbreak of 1830," the other on the French R e v o l u t i o n of 1848, but s p i c e d with r e f e r e n c e s and comparisons to E n g l i s h C h a r t i s m . 2 7 In August of the same year i t s e r i a l i z e d Gideon G i l e s the Roper, the s t o r y of a poor man's " s t r u g g l e s to o b t a i n a l i v i n g " w r i t t e n 154 by a one-time working man, Thomas M i l l e r ; and at v a r i o u s times i n the p e r i o d sampled i t ran items with such t o p i c a l themes as the advantages of e m i g r a t i o n and the need to reduce the hours i n a working d a y . 2 8 A p a r t i c u l a r l y s t r i k i n g i n s t a n c e of i t s treatment of c u r r e n t s o c i a l i s s u e s was an i n d i g n a n t r e p o r t on " D e s t i t u t i o n i n the M e t r o p o l i s , " which condemned the "shocking s t a t e " of s e v e r a l London workhouses. To d r i v e home i t s p o i n t , the r e p o r t i n c l u d e d a number of i l l u s t r a t i o n s . One of these ( p l a t e 65a) was f o r emphasis by way of c o n t r a s t and p i c t u r e d a L i t e r a r y A s s o c i a t i o n b a l l on b e h a l f of Poland. Set a g a i n s t t h i s sumptuous scene with i t s w e l l - d r e s s e d people, c h a n d e l i e r , s t a t u a r y and r i c h l y ornamented w a l l s , the adjacent images became a l l the more t e l l i n g l y g r a phic i n t h e i r d e p i c t i o n of the overcrowding, bleakness and misery of the East and West London Unions and Gray's Inn Workhouse ( p l a t e 65, b-d). And i t was perhaps no a c c i d e n t t h a t the i l l u s t r a t i o n showing the East London Union i n c l u d e d a p o s t e r a d v e r t i s i n g C h a r l e s Cochrane's new Poor Man's Guardian, f o r there was a shade of t h a t paper's cru s a d i n g s p i r i t i n the J o u r n a l ' s images and account of " p a r o c h i a l abuses of power, more e s p e c i a l l y the huddling of the poor together l i k e s h eep." 2 9 The M i s c e l l a n y and Paper d i d not g e n e r a l l y engage i n such s t r a i g h t f o r w a r d s o c i a l reportage. But they nonetheless o f f e r e d t h e i r readers o c c a s i o n a l a l t e r n a t i v e s to p u r e l y hegemonic content: f o r i n s t a n c e , items empathizing with the 155 hardships of poverty, s t o r i e s of workers and t h e i r t r o u b l e s , p o r t r a i t s and accounts of reformers and r a d i c a l s , and Reynolds' s e r i e s of " L e t t e r s to the I n d u s t r i o u s C l a s s e s , " i n which he championed working people's r i g h t to improved education, p o l i t i c a l e x p r e s s i o n and m a t e r i a l w e l l - b e i n g . 3 0 And, as p l a t e 66's image of "The Aged Pauper" shows, sometimes even the i l l u s t r a t i o n of f i c t i o n acknowledged that the hard-working and v i r t u o u s d i d not always end t h e i r days i n m i d d l e - c l a s s c o m f o r t - - l e t alone the l a v i s h i n t e r i o r s of Gothic romance. But while the pauper woman represented an a l t e r n a t i v e view of s o c i a l r e a l i t y i n one sense, i n another she remained a p e r s o n i f i c a t i o n of hegemonic v a l u e s . For, ac c o r d i n g to the poem beneath her p i c t u r e , u n t i l age and poverty took t h e i r t o l l , she had conformed w e l l to the magazines' c o n v e n t i o n a l female image: she had been an i n d u s t r i o u s worker, l o v i n g wife, happy mother and, before a l l of t h a t , an a t t r a c t i v e enough g i r l to have been "crowned the v i l l a g e -queen." The prevalence of t h i s kind of image, and the f a c t t h a t i t can be i d e n t i f i e d i n m a t e r i a l whose main theme i s not woman and her r o l e , together suggest that Gramsci's n o t i o n of hegemony has to be extended a l i t t l e to take i n a h y b r i d concept. T h i s we might c a l l gender hegemony, and i t s purpose i s simply to add an a d d i t i o n a l l e v e l of d e s c r i p t i o n to the main model. Thus we can now t h i n k of the three magazines' female image as p a r t of those c u l t u r a l processes 156 i through which are enacted power r e l a t i o n s based, f i r s t of a l l , s p e c i f i c a l l y on sexual d i f f e r e n c e , and only s e c o n d a r i l y and i n c i d e n t a l l y on s o c i a l and economic i n e q u a l i t i e s . 3 1 But to recog n i z e the unequal nature of the power r e l a t i o n s of gender i s not to imply t h a t the female image was simply i n f l i c t e d upon women. For they, l i k e so many others of the populace at l a r g e , chose to buy, and to keep on buying, the new magazines. And, without doubt, t h i s ongoing a ct s i g n a l l e d t h e i r g e n e r a l i z e d consent to the female image purveyed. But the r e t u r n s on such consent were v a s t - - f o r a hegemonic i d e a l of themselves was only one aspect of a l l the i n f o r m a t i o n , entertainment and s u s t a i n i n g escapism t h a t women c o u l d now enjoy on an equal b a s i s with men. And, f o r the time, t h i s was no small gain: i n t h e i r n e g o t i a t i o n s with the c u l t u r a l r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s of a u t h o r i t y , women had bargained w e l l . And to t h e i r g eneral gain, moreover, they c o u l d add one f u r t h e r c o n c e s s i o n . For the three magazines o c c a s i o n a l l y countered t h e i r u s ual female image with m a t e r i a l t h a t presented a somewhat l e s s c o n v e n t i o n a l view of women and t h e i r l i v e s . For i n s t a n c e , i n Reynolds' 1847 s e r i a l , Wagner, the Wehr-Wolf. the heroine, N i s i d a ( p l a t e 52), d i s t i n g u i s h e d h e r s e l f by her c a r e f r e e abandonment of the i d e a l of chast i t y - - a n d , moreover, "she came to no worse end than o l d age, at which time she d i e d p e a c e f u l l y and, we suspect, o n l y m i l d l y repentant. Other f i c t i o n a l heroines may have been l e s s s e x u a l l y l i b e r a t e d than N i s i d a , but they nonetheless showed e x c e p t i o n a l e n t e r p r i s e , not to mention s a r t o r i a l r e v o l u t i o n i s m , when they donned male d i s g u i s e i n order to f a c i l i t a t e some d a r i n g and susp e n s e f u l e x p l o i t . 3 2 But not a l l a l t e r n a t i v e female images came from f i c t i o n . In one of i t s 1855 i s s u e s the Paper ran a l a r g e , showy engraving i n which a composed-looking young woman, known as Mademoiselle B o r e l l i the "Beast-Tamer," e f f i c i e n t l y h e l d at bay s e v e r a l l a r g e l i o n s , a l l f i x e d i n a t t i t u d e s of domestic c a t - l i k e d o c i l i t y - - a symbolic r e v e r s a l of the us u a l male-female power r e l a t i o n s h i p . And t h i s d i d not pass unnoticed by the r e g r e t t a b l y anonymous commentator who observed t h a t " . . . the l i o n s are her servants and f e e l her to be t h e i r m i s t r e s s . . . Mmlle B o r e l l i i s prominent by the calmness of her a t t i t u d e and the energy of her w i l l . " 3 3 But both she and her c a r e e r were d e c i d e d l y unusual. The t h e a t r i c a l stage o f f e r e d a l e s s e x o t i c , though s t i l l of course uncommon, way to bypass c o n v e n t i o n a l d o m e s t i c i t y . Large p o r t r a i t s and accompanying b i o g r a p h i e s of s i n g e r s and a c t r e s s e s were a r e c u r r e n t f e a t u r e i n each of the three magazines, but e s p e c i a l l y i n the J o u r n a l . And, i n c o n t r a s t to the s t e r e o t y p i c a l l y dubious r e p u t a t i o n of t h e a t r i c a l women, they i n v a r i a b l y got "good p r e s s . " A case i n p o i n t i s the b i o g r a p h i c a l d i s c u s s i o n and p o r t r a i t ( p l a t e 67) of the a c t r e s s , "Mrs. Keeley." The t e x t emphasized i t s s u b j e c t ' s t a l e n t and ca r e e r successes, while the 158 accompanying p i c t u r e showed a calm, p l e a s a n t l o o k i n g woman of perhaps young middle-age, with normal f i g u r e development and, to quote the t e x t , "countenance i n t e l l i g e n t " - - a l l i n a l l , a r e f r e s h i n g c o n t r a s t to the a r t i s t i c a l l y swooning Lady E l l e n and the vapi d , misshapen L o u i s a . 3 4 Mrs. Keeley, however, and other such a l t e r n a t i v e images were comparatively r a r e . And, where they d i d occur, they were never q u i t e f r e e of the more c o n v e n t i o n a l and r e s t r i c t i v e image of v i r t u e , d o m e s t i c i t y and beauty. Even Wagner's N i s i d a , i f not v i r t u o u s , was at l e a s t r a v i s h i n g l y b e a u t i f u l . Mademoiselle B o r e l l i was a l s o a beauty and there was i n a d d i t i o n no reason to doubt her v i r t u e . The women who donned men's c l o t h i n g somehow managed to be i n t r e p i d , yet p r o p e r l y g e n t l e and mild; and of course when at l a s t they emerged from t h e i r temporary male guise, they were always s t u n n i n g l y , f e m i n i n e l y b e a u t i f u l . With the ex c e p t i o n of Mrs. Keeley, whose appearance was ap p a r e n t l y uncommonly d i s t i n c t i v e , a c t r e s s e s and s i n g e r s were u s u a l l y accorded the d e s c r i p t i o n , " b e a u t i f u l , " and a l l i n f a c t do look c o n v e n t i o n a l l y a t t r a c t i v e i n t h e i r p i c t u r e s . Moreover, p o s s i b l y because the three magazines a d v e r t i s e d themselves as f a m i l y p u b l i c a t i o n s , those who wrote the accounts of a c t r e s s e s and s i n g e r s were always at pains to g l o s s over any r e a l l i f e p e c c a d i l l o e s and present t h e i r s u b j e c t s as women who never allowed t h e i r c h o i c e of ca r e e r to compromise s e r i o u s l y e i t h e r t h e i r o b l i g a t o r y female v i r t u e or t h e i r 159 s o c i a l and b i o l o g i c a l d e s t i n y . Mrs. Keeley f o r one was not only the blameless p r i d e of a "most r e s p e c t a b l e " county f a m i l y , but was a l s o the fond mother of two d a u g h t e r s — t h e i s s u e of her l e g a l and v i r t u o u s union with Mr. Keeley. Thus, f o r a l l t h a t the J o u r n a l . M i s c e l l a n y and Paper might sometimes have shown women p o s s i b i l i t i e s d i f f e r e n t from those w i t h i n t h e i r own experience, the view was always l i m i t e d by a g e n e r a l i z e d , not n e c e s s a r i l y f u l l y a r t i c u l a t e d , nor even conscious, p e r c e p t i o n of where a u t h o r i t y would seemingly always r e s t . As one male w r i t e r , more e n l i g h t e n e d than many, had d e c l a r e d with apparent s i n c e r i t y : "[women have] an i n t e l l i g e n c e equal to our own . . . . They deserve, t h e r e f o r e , the f u l l enjoyment of every p r i v i l e g e t h a t i t i s  i n our power to c o n f e r on them." 3 5 A s i m i l a r l y l i m i t e d v i s i o n s t r u c t u r e d the three magazines' f o r a y s i n t o p o l i t i c a l commentary and s o c i a l c r i t i c i s m . So, i n g e n e r a l , the best that they c o u l d o f f e r to counter the v a l u e s of hegemony were empathy or compassion f o r the p l i g h t of the d e p r i v e d or abused. There was l i t t l e i n the way of e n l i g h t e n e d a n a l y s i s of, or o u t r i g h t p r o t e s t a g a i n s t , the unequal d i s t r i b u t i o n of power t h a t l a y at the heart of s o c i a l i n j u s t i c e . 3 6 But these are c r i t i c i s m s from a present p e r s p e c t i v e . And, while i t i s important to make them, they should not d i s t r a c t us completely from a simpler approach to the l i v e d past. To that end we need only remember t h a t , whatever t h e i r shortcomings, the J o u r n a l , M i s c e l l a n y and Paper 160 brought a h i g h l e v e l of entertainment and escapism i n t o l i v e s t h a t only a s h o r t time ago had f e l t the want of such comforts. And t h a t , s u r e l y , i s why a great many people of both sexes, of v a r y i n g ages, c l a s s e s and i n t e r e s t s chose to buy the magazines and thus to become p a r t of a new kind of c u l t u r a l community t h a t had begun with the readers of the Penny Magazine. And i f the popular experience of imagery was now much f u r t h e r removed from the Somerset House e x h i b i t i o n room than i t had been j u s t f i f t e e n years ago, t h a t was not perhaps a matter of much concern to a m a j o r i t y of working people. For while t h e i r p i c t o r i a l l i f e had been de p l e t e d i n one d i r e c t i o n , along the l i n e s of s o c i a l and economic i n e q u a l i t y , i t had otherwise e n r i c h e d and expanded i t s e l f . For i t was not j u s t p r a c t i c a l d e s ign and the images of pots and b o o t - s c r a p e r s t h a t had r e p l a c e d a f f o r d a b l e , h i g h - q u a l i t y , f i n e a r t r e p r o d u c t i o n - - t h e Dying G l a d i a t o r had a l s o given way to needlework p a t t e r n s and gameboards, f a s h i o n and war i l l u s t r a t i o n , images of the t h e a t r i c a l world and i t s p l a y e r s , and, above a l l , to the teeming l i f e and l i n e s of the engraved i l l u s t r a t i o n of popular f i c t i o n . The people who p a r t i c i p a t e d i n and helped to shape t h i s expanded p i c t o r i a l experience are the s u b j e c t s of the next chapter. From the fragments of evidence t h a t remain, we can repeat a few words, p i c k out a response or two, from the v a s t number of i n d i v i d u a l s who bought, read and looked at the second g e n e r a t i o n of p i c t o r i a l m i s c e l l a n i e s and t h e i r ground-breaking predecessor. And, together, these i n d i v i d u a l s were a s o c i a l c r o s s - s e c t i o n of women and men, the poor and the comparatively prosperous, the l i t e r a t e and the u n l e t t e r e d , the young and the not so, the middle and the working c l a s s e s - - t h e y were, i n a word, the mass. 162 CHAPTER 6 The P r i n t e d Image and the Mass: The I l l u s t r a t e d Magazines and t h e i r Readership, 1832-1860 By the mid-1850s, Saturday afternoons were p r e d i c t a b l y busy i n the shops and at the stands of those who s o l d popular magazines. For to mark the end of a week's work "there now rushed i n the schoolboy, the a p p r e n t i c e , the m i l l i n e r , the f a c t o r y g i r l , the c l e r k , and the small s h o p k e e p e r " - - a l l i n t e n t on paying t h e i r pennies f o r the l a t e s t i s s u e s of the London J o u r n a l . Reynolds' M i s c e l l a n y and C a s s e l l ' s Paper. The commentator who had noted t h i s week-end "rush" was C h a r l e s Knight. And, as we would expect from one who was no merely c a s u a l observer of p u b l i s h i n g t r e n d s , h i s was a f a i r l y a ccurate and complete assessment of the range of people who read and looked at the new p i c t o r i a l m i s c e l l a n i e s . 1 Other contemporary observers a l s o remarked upon the r e a d e r s h i p of these magazines and, l i k e Knight, were of the o p i n i o n t h a t the J o u r n a l and i t s two main competitors a t t r a c t e d a "wide community" of the "lower middle and working c l a s s e s . " 2 But i t i s not from such contemporary commentary t h a t we g a i n our c l e a r e s t sense of t h i s community of readers. For that we need to t u r n to the magazines themselves and the pages c o n t a i n i n g t h e i r e d i t o r i a l correspondence. 3 Before pursuing t h i s source, though, a c a u t i o n a r y word or two i s necessary, f o r the magazines' correspondents are by no means as a c c e s s i b l e as we would wish. F i r s t of a l l , none of t h e i r l e t t e r s s u r v i v e i n the o r i g i n a l , nor were they reproduced i n the magazines. A l l t h a t we now have are the o f t e n c r y p t i c p r i n t e d r e p l i e s addressed to i n d i v i d u a l s i d e n t i f i e d only by t h e i r p l a c e of r e s i d e n c e , f i r s t names, se t s of i n i t i a l s , or pseudonyms. As we w i l l see, a few of these pseudonyms are t e l l i n g , but others--"A Constant Reader", "A S u b s c r i b e r " , "A S i n c e r e Admirer" and the l i k e -r e v e a l nothing about the correspondents' s o c i a l c l a s s , sex or age. And, to add to our d i f f i c u l t i e s , there are a host of t e r s e and enigmatic r e p l i e s t h a t allow f o r no i n f e r e n c e about the i n t e r e s t or query t h a t they answered: "Of course", "He may", "We cannot inform you" and so on. The q u e s t i o n of the a u t h e n t i c i t y of the correspondence i s a l s o of some concern. That i s , i t may w e l l be t h a t those who answered readers' l e t t e r s o c c a s i o n a l l y f i l l e d space with made-up r e p l i e s to n o n - e x i s t e n t q u e r i e s — o r , worse, perhaps there were no correspondents at a l l , only f a b r i c a t e d 164 answers. 4 But to adopt t h i s l a t t e r view i s to be o v e r l y s k e p t i c a l , f o r a l l three magazines o f f e r evidence t h a t they d i d indeed a t t r a c t a good d e a l of genuine correspondence. For example, at the end of most, i f not a l l , i s s u e s care was taken to provide p o t e n t i a l correspondents with c o r r e c t addresses and d e t a i l e d i n s t r u c t i o n s on d i r e c t i n g s p e c i a l i z e d q u e s t i o n s about chess or gardening to the proper respondents. In a d d i t i o n , i t i s p o s s i b l e to f i n d f requent, s i n c e r e l y fraught-sounding n o t i c e s to the e f f e c t t h at l e t t e r - w r i t e r s should stop sending t h e i r e f f o r t s to the " p r i v a t e r e s i d e n c e " of Mr. Reynolds" or "Mr. C a s s e l l " and address them i n s t e a d to the a p p r o p r i a t e o f f i c e . And s t i l l o ther such n o t i c e s begged correspondents to cease demanding immediate responses when the volume of t h e i r l e t t e r s made two or three weeks the i n e v i t a b l e wait f o r a p r i n t e d r e p l y . And then there was a l s o the noteworthy o c c a s i o n when the M i s c e l l a n y was f o r c e d to admit to the l o s s of a l l of the mail f o r December 15th, 1849, and to request any who may have w r i t t e n around t h a t time to re-submit t h e i r l e t t e r s . 5 Taken together, a l l of t h i s seems to r e p r e s e n t > d i s p r o p o r t i o n a t e e f f o r t merely to a u t h e n t i c a t e spurious c o r r e s p o n d e n c e — a f t e r a l l , the magazine's e d i t o r s and s t a f f had every r i g h t to compose such l e t t e r s i f they wished. I t thus seems probable t h a t the n o t i c e s to correspondents were genuine r e p l i e s to r e a l l e t t e r s . But i f they were not, or i f l e g i t i m a t e answers were o c c a s i o n a l l y s p i c e d with an 165 i n t e r s p e r s e d f a b r i c a t i o n or two, we s t i l l have a u s e f u l source h e r e - - f o r even faked r e p l i e s c o u l d at l e a s t give us a sense of the kinds of readers t h a t the magazines' producers expected to a t t r a c t . And t h a t i n i t s e l f would be v a l u a b l e , f o r as the magazines' success argues, S t i f f , Reynolds and C a s s e l l were a l l w e l l aware of where t h e i r market l a y . In other words, those t h a t they expected to reach and those t h a t they d i d reach were not v a s t l y d i f f e r e n t . I Bearing i n mind then t h e i r l i m i t a t i o n s and drawbacks, we can now see what remains to be i n f e r r e d from the magazines' correspondence pages. 6 We f i n d f i r s t of a l l that many of the pseudonyms are not as ambiguous as those noted above. One group of correspondents, f o r example, chose to i d e n t i f y themselves by the types of work t h a t they d i d . From t h i s we can gather t h a t those who wrote to, and by ex t e n s i o n a l l of those who read, the magazines came from s e v e r a l s o c i a l , o c c u p a t i o n a l and economic l e v e l s - - w i t h perhaps a m a j o r i t y comprising c l e r k s , shopkeepers and the more prosperous s t r a t a of the working c l a s s . 7 The r e a d e r s h i p i n general does not seem to have taken i n more than a scant number, i f any, of those i n h i g h - s t a t u s p r o f e s s i o n s - - s u c h as law or the Church--nor does i t appear to have i n c l u d e d many whose incomes were much beyond moderate. 166 Thus at the most ge n t e e l end of the s c a l e of s i g n i f i c a n t groups of readers were schoolmasters--none of whom gave d e t a i l s as to where or what they taught. T h e i r number was exceeded by the many others who were law c l e r k s , c i v i l s e r vants i n c l e r i c a l p o s i t i o n s , or simply u n d i f f e r e n t i a t e d c l e r k s or j u n i o r c l e r k s . And then there were a l l of those who a s p i r e d to such p o s i t i o n s . Among these h o p e f u l s was one Frank Mildmay, but, s a d l y f o r h i s ambition, the M i s c e l l a n y ' s respondent informed him dampeningly t h a t h i s "handwriting should be c l e a r e r f o r a c l e r k ' s s i t u a t i o n . " The unnamed keepers of u n s p e c i f i e d shops c o n s t i t u t e d another conspicuous group of correspondents, to whose number we might a l s o add the s e v e r a l who i d e n t i f i e d themselves as drapers or p u b l i c a n s , and the o c c a s i o n a l m i l l i n e r and c o n f e c t i o n e r who a l s o had concerns to express. S t i l l o thers i n d i c a t e d t h a t they were i n one of two kinds of s e r v i c e : a few s o l d i e r s wrote i n , although none gave h i s rank or regiment; and from time to time those i n domestic s e r v i c e sent i n t h e i r q u e r i e s — t h e r e was, f o r i n s t a n c e , the man servant seeking a change of scene and a new s i t u a t i o n as v a l e t to some s h i p ' s c a p t a i n , and the d a i r y maid who, f o r reasons unexplained, wanted to know how to make Bologna sausages. Apart from s e r v a n t s , the magazines correspondents took i n v a r i o u s other members of the working c l a s s . L e t t e r s signed "An A p p r e n t i c e " were p a r t i c u l a r l y abundant, and most 167 were q u e r i e s about the terms of t h e i r authors' indentures or complaints about t h e i r treatment at the hands of t h e i r masters. One w r i t e r " s u f f e r e d " from a want of proper i n s t r u c t i o n and s u p e r v i s i o n i n the workplace, while another j u s t i f i a b l y f e l t " d i s c a r d e d " because without h i s consent he had been assigned by one master to another. Others had managed to s u r v i v e the t r i a l s of a p p r e n t i c e s h i p and thus the magazine