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The origins of an illusion: British policy and opinion, and the development of Prussian liberalism, 1848-1871 Murray, Scott W. 1990

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THE ORIGINS OF AN ILLUSION: BRITISH POLICY AND OPINION, AND THE DEVELOPMENT OF LIBERALISM, 1848-1871  PRUSSIAN  by SCOTT W. B.A.,  MURRAY  The U n i v e r s i t y  A THESIS SUBMITTED  of Calgary,  1988  IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF  THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS In THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES DEPARTMENT OF  We  accept to  this  thesis  HISTORY  as  the r e g u l r e d  conforming  standard  THE UNIVERSITY OF B R I T I S H COLUMBIA June ©  Scott  W.  1990  Murray,  1990  In  presenting  degree freely  at  the  available  copying  of  department publication  this  of  in  partial  fulfilment  University  of  British  Columbia,  for  this or  thesis  reference  thesis by  this  for  his thesis  and  scholarly  or for  her  History  The University of British Columbia Vancouver, Canada  Date  DE-6  (2/88)  July  14, 1990  I  I further  purposes  gain  the  shall  requirements  agree  that  agree  may  representatives.  financial  permission.  Department of  study.  of  be  It not  that  the  be  Library  an  advanced  shall  permission for  granted  is  for  by  understood allowed  the  make  extensive  head  that  without  it  of  copying my  my or  written  i i ABSTRACT The  massive h i s t o r i o g r a p h y  Germany's d e v e l o p m e n t  dealing  In t h e f i r s t  with  the problem o f  h a l f of twentieth  by t h e n o t i o n  that  century  has been  strongly  Influenced  peculiar  national  c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s l e d Germany down a  Sonderweq, o r " s p e c i a l p a t h , " w h i c h d i v e r g e d other  Western  European n a t i o n s .  s c h o l a r l y a t t e n t i o n on v a r i o u s Intellectual nineteenth scholars  developments  century,  decline  However, by h e l p i n g political,  Interplay  during  this  during  the  the time a f f e c t e d both the f o r m u l a t i o n  of  British  statesmen a t c e r t a i n key p o i n t s  closely  during  the  following:  British role  this  period,  firstly,  p o l i c y regarding  of l i b e r a l  and t h e  period  Idealism  that  In E n g l a n d  and t h e  p u r s u e d by  during  expression  who  watched  I have  British  the p e r i o d  t h e v i e w s e x p r e s s e d by a g r o u p o f h i g h l y commentators  foreign  Prussia.  By e x a m i n i n g b o t h t h e p o l i c i e s  liberal  on The  t o which B r i t i s h  at  British  Impact  pivotal period.  certain I n t e l l e c t u a l currents  p o l i c y regarding  focus  i n Germany i n t h e  of authoritarianism  o f l i b e r a l i s m In P r u s s i a  to  t h e s i s has d i s t r a c t e d  the extent  a f f e c t e d the growth  of  and  o f I n t e r n a t i o n a l r e l a t i o n s had  s t u d y examines  1848-1871, and how  and  social  which t o o k p l a c e  t h e Sonderweq  Germany's d e v e l o p m e n t  policy  from t h a t  from e x a m i n i n g more c l o s e l y t h e p o s s i b l e  which t h e  present  certain  1848-1871,  Idealistic  affairs  In P r u s s i a  attempted to demonstrate  existing Interpretations  Prussia  have  of  overemphasized the  In t h e c a l c u l a t i o n s o f  British  p o l lcy-makera, pursued  who  pragmatic  unification  appear  I n s t e a d to  policies  aimed a t  o f Germany; and  group of B r i t i s h  have c o n s i s t e n t l y a  Prussian-led  secondly that  commentators who  l t was  provided  w i t h a s t y l e of r h e t o r i c which o b f u s c a t e d considerations this the  same c o r p u s o f conceptual  standard  - the  rhetoric  foundations  amongst  from  the  the  discourse  attempted  to  actual  on  clarify  developments t a k i n g  biases  Prussia  place  the  that  lt  was  laid  the  historians writing separating  during  this  and  why  German q u e s t i o n  has  so  the by  British I have  Important  this  o f how  since  p o l i c y , and  period,  I n the  I n Germany a t  scholarship notion  become  which pervaded  Britain's role  appreciation  the  to  p r a c t i c e of B r i t i s h  b r o a d e n i n g our on  pragmatic  a p p r o a c h t o German h i s t o r y ,  Anglo-American  liberal  the  "Whig" commentary w h i c h  f o r what was  latter  policy-makers  p o l i c y . Moreover,  Sonderweq t h e s i s . Thus, by  Identifying liberal  British  liberal,  Interpretative  particularly 1945  underlying  this  time,  while  subsequent r e a d i l y embraced  German h i s t o r y I s " p e c u l i a r " .  iv  CONTENTS  1.  2.  Abstract  11  Acknowledgements  v  Introduction: Anglo-Prussian and t h e Sonderweq T h e s i s British  and  Foreign  Policy,  t h e German Q u e s t i o n ,  Relations 1  Prussia,  1848-1871  Idealised: B r i t i s h  Liberal  21  3.  Prussia  Commentary  82  4.  Conclusions  132  Notes  139  Bibliography  164  ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would  like  t o thank. Dr. J o h n S. Conway f o r h i s  Insightful  comments and sage a d v i c e ,  invaluable  In t h e p r e p a r a t i o n o f t h i s  like  t o acknowledge  Winter,  the h e l p f u l  and t h e t i r e l e s s s u p p o r t  Frledrichs.  b o t h o f which p r o v e d paper.  I would  also  comments o f Dr. James H. o f Dr. C h r i s t o p h e r  CHAPTER 1  Anglo-Prussian  Introduction: R e l a t i o n s and t h e Sonderweq  Thes  1  Germany Is t h e h e a r t o f E u r o p e , and t h e l i m b s must a d j u s t themselves to t h e h e a r t , not the heart to the limbs. Hans C h r l s t o p h Seebohm BRD T r a n s p o r t M i n i s t e r , 1951. We  seek, a E u r o p e a n Germany, n o t a German E u r o p e . H a n s - D l e t r l c h Genscher BRD F o r e i g n M i n i s t e r , 1990. The  twice  c o n t i n u i n g attempts  attempted  In t h e p r e s e n t  domination through m i l i t a r y the  most p r o d u c t i v e  historiography. the  Nazi  nationalist not  conquest  legacy of t o t a l i t a r i a n i s m under the I n f l u e n c e  racism,  continues  world  has c e r t a i n l y  and c o n t r o v e r s i a l a r e a s  been one o f  of twentieth of a half  century  century  and g e n o c i d e ,  which  of a pernicious doctrine of  t o c a s t an u n p l e a s a n t  this  o f German h i s t o r y up t o 1933. One p r e d o m i n a n t massive h i s t o r i o g r a p h y d e a l i n g with  Germany's d e v e l o p m e n t notion that certain  In t h e t w e n t i e t h  shadow  over  that  of other  helped and  western European n a t i o n s  to focus  Intellectual  nineteenth  that  century  has been t h e  path,"  which d i v e r g e d  from  - a n o t i o n w h i c h has political,  social  developments which took p l a c e  In Germany  i n the  century.  The p e r i o d between 1848 and 1871 Is v i e w e d such as A.J.P. T a y l o r , as b e i n g o f  significance  since  German h i s t o r y " f a i l e d  militarism  the problem o f  s c h o l a r l y a t t e n t i o n on v a r i o u s  some h i s t o r i a n s ,  particular  Influence  peculiar national characteristics led  Germany down a Sonderweq, o r " s p e c i a l  by  to achieve  Germany  o n l y t h e c h a n g i n g f a c e o f modern Germany, b u t a l s o t h e whole  course on  century  Indeed, e v e n a t t h e d i s t a n c e  regime's  were p e r p e t r a t e d  by s c h o l a r s t o e x p l a i n why  triumphed  over  l t was d u r i n g t h i s  pivotal  period  t o t u r n " , as a u t h o r i t a r i a n i s m and  the l i b e r a l  forces  In Germany,  thus  2 e s t a b l i s h i n g at the Empire  w h i c h emerged  This  I n t e r p l a y of  d e v e l o p m e n t s . The namely, t h e  the  role  political  l e a d i n g up will  In  the  1871.  s c h o l a r s h i p has  w h i c h the  the  outset  political  present  largely  study  Ignored,  will  extent  the  to.which B r i t i s h  period  currents and  examine t h i s  i n 1871.  g r o w t h o f a u t h o r i t a r i a n i s m and  formulation  however, t h e  o f Germany d u r i n g  t o German u n i f i c a t i o n  Intellectual  German  1  I n t e r n a t i o n a l r e l a t i o n s had  development  during  o f the  on  impact  these  very  guestlon;  w h i c h Germany's E u r o p e a n n e i g h b o u r s p l a y e d  examine the  Prussia  character  the  the  expression  period  More s p e c i f i c a l l y ,  d e c l i n e of  at the  crucial  lt  foreign policy affected  1848-1871, and  i n England  that  In  how  liberalism  certain  time a f f e c t e d both  of B r i t i s h  In  policy  the  regarding  Prussla. Existing  I n t e r p r e t a t i o n s of the  England's mld-nlneteenth century British  policy-makers  Idealism,  but  that  Prussian  s t a t e was  goal  auspices  together  an  a u t h o r i t a r i a n German E m p i r e .  however,  is that  policy,  which  to defeat  liberal  formulation  sought  Instead  that  unification  of a l i b e r a l c o n s t i t u t i o n a l  u l t i m a t e l y f r u s t r a t e d by  such  of  liberal  o f b r i n g i n g about t h e  passions  In t h e  conseguences  German p o l i c y m a i n t a i n  nationalist  importance  and  were s t r o n g l y i n f l u e n c e d by  their  o f Germany u n d e r t h e  goals  Bismarck,  German l i b e r a l i s m  Idealism and to  authorities  In P r u s s i a  In o r d e r  unification  a c t u a l l y took place  What  was  not  and  of  the  to ensure t h a t - a policy  used  forge  I hope t o  show,  primary  Implementation of  strengthen  who  British  existing German  w h i c h was  largely  3 successful, unintended  although  scholarship nineteenth  factors has  are r e s p o n s i b l e f o r the  failed  to r e c o g n i z e t h i s  century B r i t i s h  although  historians  foreign  erroneous  writing  policy-makers  s i n c e the F i r s t  question  since only this  Europe o f a " w e s t e r n , Protestant"  equally  factor,  important  commentary on shown, t h e  Prussia  Idealised  commentators on  maintained  with a s t y l e  commentators'  s u p p r e s s i o n o f the  criticisms  of the  Moreover,  l t was  limited this  the c o n c e p t u a l  standard since thesis  Interpretive  1945  same c o r p u s  Induced  German  In  central  2  Another  liberal  p e r i o d . As  which B r i t i s h  during this  British  will  be  liberal  period provided  which o b f u s c a t e d policy.  goals  At t h e  of l i b e r a l  the same  about  overrode  policy  f o r what was  might  have  commentary t o become  t o German h i s t o r y ,  - t h e Sonderweq t h e s i s .  w h i c h has  to the  unanimous l a m e n t a t i o n s  Impact  approach  pursued  French  British  liberals'  foundations  Is t h e  a l l British  Influence."'  of r h e t o r i c  almost  to  predominantly  considerations underlying British  these  that  the presence  crucial  view o f P r u s s i a  previous  Anglo-American  despotism,  however, was  Bismarck's  laid  an  dimension  solution  of C a t h o l i c  during this  Prussia  statesmen  pragmatic  a liberal  bulwark a g a i n s t "Russian spread  that  century a c t i v e l y  p a r l i a m e n t a r y and  the  time,  was  of these  made by  would g u a r a n t e e  e n c r o a c h m e n t s and  One  W o r l d War  i n the mld-nlneteenth  aimed a t f a c i l i t a t i n g  fact  Important  policy.  assumption  policies  British  o f German l i b e r a l i s m  consequence.  Several  general,  the d e c l i n e  Ironically,  which the  particularly  l t Is t h i s  s c h o l a r s to look almost  had.  same  exclusively  to  4 internal  f a c t o r s when s e a r c h i n g  weakness  In Germany. As a r e s u l t ,  consider  e i t h e r the pragmatic,  shaped B r i t i s h which  such p o l i c i e s  developments What policies during  pursued  who  Increasingly  group, with  period,  clung  which  or the extent portentous  statesmen at c e r t a i n key p o i n t s  tenaciously  affairs  t o an u n m i t i g a t e d and regarding  during  o f t h o s e who  to threaten  at l e a s t u n t i l  liberal  the p o l i t i c a l  centrallty  this  period.  a c t u a l l y formulated  maintained  that  nothing  t h e s e c u r i t y and s t a b i l i t y  future  of Prussia i n  b o t h o f t h e s e two g r o u p s t o o k a  to Prussia,  to  Germany.  I t i s due t o t h e a p p a r e n t  comprised  motives  Is an e x a m i n a t i o n b o t h o f t h e  u n j u s t i f i e d optimism  respect  state,  this  stopped t o  1848-1871; and t h e v i e w s o f B r i t i s h  In P r u s s i a n  permitted  non-ldeologlcal  century  therefore,  German u n i f i c a t i o n t h a t Interest  few s c h o l a r s  a c t u a l l y a f f e c t e d these  by B r i t i s h  the p e r i o d  Prussia.  during  In n i n e t e e n t h  follows,  Idealists,  of  policies  f o r the source o f l i b e r a l i s m ' s  The  strong  first  British  policy  ought t o be o f the  Prussian  s u c h t i m e as Germany was c o n s o l i d a t e d .  second group,  comprised  of various  liberal  elite  - Judges,  J o u r n a l i s t s , minor d i p l o m a t s ,  engaged  In a c t i v e l y v o i c i n g t h e o p i n i o n  Prussia  i n t o an E n g l i s h - s t y l e c o n s t i t u t i o n a l p a r l i a m e n t a r y  was  Inevitable,  excluslvlst First, British  an I d e a l i s t i c  "Whig" p e r s p e c t i v e therefore,  opinion  of the educated  that  state  w h i c h was b a s e d on an  o f German  Prussia  M.P.'s -  the e v o l u t i o n o f  affairs.  we must examine t h e a c t u a l  p o l i c y regarding  misinterpretations  members  The  i n order  of the motives behind  course of  to r e c t i f y this  previous  p o l i c y , and t o  5 consider' the  extent  to which these  o f Germany's p o l i t i c a l of B r i t i s h complete second  policy  without  development  which a l s o  formed t h e  the  solution  belief  was  Is s t i l l  from  time, the  an  extent  failure  Indeed  study  with  a  style  politics,  approach to which  undoubtedly since,  be  the  but  to British  w i t h i n Germany t o  find  the  c o n t r i b u t e d to  t h a t Germany's  liberal-democratic tradition  a d i s a s t r o u s , I f temporary development  European  no  views o f  open q u e s t i o n . But  Idealists  and  The  course  p e r i o d would  o f the  Interpretive  the  But  demands o f B r i t i s h  even t o d a y .  of B r i t i s h  at the  "departure"  to the  c o n t r i b u t e d to the  mlsperceptIons  1871.  to  only provided policy-makers  b a s i s o f an  Germany w h i c h p e r s i s t s  a liberal  prior  a follow-up examination  well-suited  policy-makers  affected  regarding Prussia during this  g r o u p , w h i c h not  of r h e t o r i c  policies  o f the  w i t h i n the  West  wider  context.  A A A  Before  g o i n g on  Intellectual relations, the  first  a closer  to  larger  twentieth  - w h i c h has the  hitherto  s c h o l a r s h i p on  Anglo-Prussian  course  tradition  e x e r c i s e d such  -  a  modern Germany Is  whether  I t Is  question of Anglo-Prussian  debate r e g a r d i n g the century.  century  and  look at that h i s t o r l o g r a p h l c a l  In o r d e r t o d e t e r m i n e  f i t this  diplomatic  to mld-nlneteenth  i n f l u e n c e over  necessary  possible the  contours  Sonderweq t h e s i s  profound  t o examine t h e s e  Indeed  relations  o f German h i s t o r y  Into In  the  6 Although the idea Germany  itself,  difference political  and s o c i a l  fully  seeking  that  there  developed  Socialism.  since  that 3  nations  of t h i s  written  1945.  since  In a t t e m p t i n g  which  lies  In t h i s theme  themselves  In t h e f i r s t  that  of necessity  direction,  the " s p l i t a l w a y s be an  character,  and by t h e  In  i t sliberal  o f t h e Sonderweg t h e s i s - h i s t o r i a n s i n t o two g e n e r a l  from  groups t h a t  the mainstream  c a n be f o u n d t h o s e  scholars  c a n be  scholars In  o f Western who  1941 a g a i n s t that  maintain  t h e German  than S i r Robert  t h e German " b u t c h e r - b i r d " , there  existed  of thought,  5  that,  national  t h e West. The work although  Vanslttart's  tirades  nonetheless  a "traditionally  and t h a t  to  thought. '  as Rohan O ' B u t l e r and A.J.P. T a y l o r ,  and c o n v i n c i n g  German" l i n e  failure  s e n s e , " - t h e Idea  Germany has a l w a y s w a r r e d a g a i n s t  more s u b t l e  on Germany  f o r Germany's " p e r s i s t e n t  because o f c e r t a i n p e c u l i a r i t i e s  reaffirmed  scholars  from one a n o t h e r by t h e d a t e w h i c h e a c h a s s i g n s  Germany's " d e p a r t u r e "  in  has been  conundrum", t h e o r i g i n s o f  In t h e h i s t o r i o g r a p h y  to account  at the heart  distinguished  such  have s e t  o f Western Europe,  "intellectual  a home t o d e m o c r a c y  have d i v i d e d  of  difference  Hajo H o l b o r n ' s c l a i m  exerted  pervasiveness  give  and t h a t t h e  theme f o r h i s t o r i a n s , " has been b o r n e o u t by t h e  massive e f f o r t  to  significant  1945 by A n g l o - A m e r i c a n  between Germany and t h e West w i l l Important  exists a  consequences o f t h i s  from t h e o t h e r  to explain  National  notion  between German and " W e s t e r n " t h o u g h t ,  Germany a p a r t most  this  o f a German Sonderweg o r i g i n a t e d i n  as a r e s u l t ,  and  typically  t h e Germans had  7 experienced history. the  "everything except  Nor d i d t h i s  6 .  German r e v o l t  Saxon" embedded animosity been to  The locate late  the  the  d u r i n g the  often  of Is  political from the  course  the  Hence, of  Nazi  the  of  Into  Is  both the  the  the  held,  the  tenets  of  struggle  subordination of  has  who  and who of  appear  In  the  then  this  In Germany  and t w e n t i e t h b o t h the  since  devoted  historians  centuries,  began t o  the  7  centuries.  weakness o f  8  the  In Germany, and a  Hegelian metaphysical  conception  Enllghtment  Romantic r e v o l t and t h e  of  from  1 0  confused and t h u s  l i b e r a l i s m to  tradition  came to  Moreover, the  Napoleon,  the  rationalism struck a  r e i n f o r c e d throughout  hlstorlclst  became  against  French Revolution  was  Increasingly  liberalism.  against  lt  as  5  c e n t u r y by t h e  Prussian aristocrats  1945;  G e r m a n y ' s Sonderweq  the  that  p o l i t i c a l l y - f r a c t u r e d German community.' *  the  which  those  n a t u r a l law  Ideas of  Enlightenment  historiography  disappear  manifestations  believed  deep c h o r d In Germany, and t h i s nineteenth  German,  phenomenon.  nineteenth  Is  which h o l d s  In numerous works  of  they  their  from t h e " b a r b a r i c  faded a f t e r  and s o c i a l  lt  prevented  It  every  comprised of  West as  of  acceptance  penetrating  stemmed  and e a r l y n i n e t e e n t h  Instance,  state  argument,  by I n f e r e n c e ,  Judeo-Chr1stlan t r a d i t i o n of  the  of  philosophical origins  "departure"  general  West  Germany s l o w l y  group  eighteenth  first  the  breast  origins  second  describe  the  In t h e  elucidated,  f i n d i n g the  questionable  against  against  normality" throughout  reject  i n German the  l i b e r a l reforms after  began  1806 the  the  with  principal of the  fatal  German n a t i o n a l i s m .  1 1  Mortally  In  8 weakened by  a l l of these developments,  Vorma'rz p e r i o d would be  attached  temperament reform,  to  achieve  their  be  that  German l i b e r a l s ' final  nail  victories accept  rely  authority. This the  that  i n 1848.  arms  Iron  This  o f German l i b e r a l i s m , as Issues,  Chancellor's  and  Bismarck's would  s o l u t i o n In  1871  German R e i c h w h i c h the  1 5 2  to  revolutions  most German l i b e r a l s  f o r b o t h u n i t y and  i s , of course,  only  comprising  Germany's Sonderweg as  preservation  a highly  this  group's  I t began t o  n a t u r a l l y , much o f  the  of  a  satisfied  of  on  Is h e r e t h a t  Germany's " d e p a r t u r e "  traditions  developments  of the  Nonetheless,  West was  this  Interpretation  appear  In t h e  flowed with  sufficient  fairly  bed." * 1  force  In one  of  of  nineteenth  literature  from t h e  most t r a g i c a l l y  l t , "successive  i n the  twentieth  summary d e m o n s t r a t e s how,  have d e s c r i b e d  deep  s i m p l i f i e d synthesis  Sonderweg  concentrates  Eley  that  liberal  moment  1848  the  accompanying  Prussian  the  In  1 3  main p o i n t s  century;  on  coffin  pseudo-const 1 t u t l o n a l - p a r l l a m e n t a r y German d e s i r e s  and  s e i z e the  w i t h economic  ensured the  absence  g r o w i n g f a s c i n a t i o n w i t h power.  In t h e  middle c l a s s preoccupation  complacently  to  to  the  movement" o f  ends - a c o n s e q u e n c e o f  the  whirlwind  Interest  political  t h e y had  by  powerful middle c l a s s  both m a t e r i a l  a practical  belief  sprang the to  by  German l i b e r a l i s m f a i l e d  From the  was  o f a "numerous and  and  century,  since i t  liberal-democratic manifested. as  Blackbourn  historlographlcal d i r e c t i o n to cut  and  currents out  a  9 Upon c l o s e r attempt  to  establish  examination,  I d e n t i f y the Itself  explanation  however,  source of  In Germany, w h i c h  In t h e  erroneous assumptions.  from an  overanxious desire  In German h i s t o r y , anachronistic  transposition  and  nineteenth  centuries. "'  Nazi  scholars  Sonderweq t o  structures  as  Germany's f a i l u r e  the  like  that  coexistence  the  r e v o l u t Ion. * 1  based  most  these  continuities In  here;  b e l i e f that  the  late  eighteenth  and by  the  a t t r i b u t i o n of  a German  to  pass through a  Western-style  of  1688  which  and  In Germany o f  the  and  1789, modern  social  validity to  In  turn  economic structures,  of  both  experience  Germany's p a s t  that  Is o f  most  the such a  exists  a universal  "liberal-democratic"  development  - best  revealed  histories  of  and  countries  Cas  England  opposed to  Sonderweq, and  that  France - which the  In  a l l nations  In r e s p o n s e  to  us of  the to a l l have  each e x p e r i e n c e s a w h o l l y unique  i n d i v i d u a l development  to  pattern  Is a p p l i c a b l e  b e l i e f that  this  Interest  there  organic,  existing  the the  the  stems  fundamental assumption u n d e r l y i n g  of  of  upon  been amply d e m o n s t r a t e d  Germany's " f a i l u r e "  Interpretation  own  an  >  l t Is t h e  I.e.  Itself  h i s t o r y of  has  as  militaristic  c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of  q u e s t i o n s about  W e s t e r n " m o d e l " and  Is  offered  most o b v i o u s o f  w i t h pre-modern p o l i t i c a l  important  But  of  And  The  and  this  I n a b i l i t y to  sometimes r e s u l t e d  c i t e d above,  bourgeois r e v o l u t i o n  raises  In t u r n  I d e n t i f y the  eras onto 1  In  to  w h i c h has  Wllhelmlne  resulted  Is  twentieth century,  several  two  liberalism's  f o r Germany's a u t h o r i t a r i a n  tendencies  the  It appears that  varied  their  pattern  c i r c u m s t a n c e s } . Hence t h e l i b e r a l historians through  finds  and E n g l i s h - s t y l e  and m o r a l  n o r m a t i v e . ' When a p p l i e d  wars, t h i s  approach  which  liberal -  focused a t t e n t i o n  Immaturity, national  results  would a p p e a r on t h o s e  movement w h i c h d i d n o t c o n f o r m  In w h i c h t h e  t o have gone  f o rabstract  and an e x t r e m e l y  t o the "Western" p a t t e r n  philosophizing,  powerful  awry,  a s p e c t s o f t h e German  respect f o rthe a u t h o r i t y of the state  monarchy, a f o n d n e s s  attachment  and t h e  political t o t h e Idea o f  unity.  What  Is s i g n i f i c a n t  remarkably British  i n t h e wake o f two w o r l d  was s u r e t o p r o d u c e  o f German l i b e r a l i s m  inordinate  exclusively  p r e c o n c e p t i o n s In w h i c h  1 7  In t u r n  Sonderweg  p a r l i a m e n t a r y democracy a r e  considered  development  of these  them e v a l u a t i n g Germany's p a s t  a set of p o l i t i c a l  progress  bias  similar  about  to these  this  appeared  e v a l u a t i o n s o f contemporary  liberalism, proponents  evidence  In m l d - n l n e t e e n t h  liberal  h o l d i n g b i a s e s common  Idealists.  however, t h e s e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y  commentators on German l i b e r a l i s m , from  cancer growing  the B r i t i s h  rather  them m e r e l y  than r e g a r d i n g such  norm as e v i d e n c e  t o be t e m p o r a r y  reflection  o f t h e unbounded writing.  liberal  As w i l l be  British  o f a malignant  In t h e body o f t h e German l i b e r a l  considered  w h i c h t h e y were  century  P r u s s i a n and German  o f a German Sonderweg a r e s t i l l  shown l a t e r ,  criticisms  o f t h e e x t e n t t o which E n g l i s h - s p e a k i n g  a c e n t u r y ago amongst B r i t i s h  deviations  Is t h a t  movement,  aberrations - a  optimism  o f t h e p e r i o d In  One that  might e a s i l y  m i s i n t e r p r e t such  t h e Sonderweq h i s t o r i a n s '  restatements England  a century  however,  Is t h a t  centuries against  of observations earlier. In b o t h  Interpretation  norm  as p r o o f  a s s e r t i o n s are simply  accurate  made by f i r s t - h a n d  What  Is a c t u a l l y  the nineteenth  German c i r c u m s t a n c e s  a British  similarities  demonstrated  here,  and t h e t w e n t i e t h  have been measured  In a c l a s s i c  of history;  observers i n  application  exclusively  o f t h e "Whig"  I . e . t h e t e n d e n c y t o w r i t e "on t h e  side  o f P r o t e s t a n t s and Whigs, t o p r a i s e r e v o l u t i o n s p r o v i d e d  they  have been s u c c e s s f u l , t o e m p h a s i s e  progress  In t h e p a s t  ratification  some o f t h e "Whig" h i s t o r i a n s  practice  cited  o f the present." ® above e v e n f e l l  from t h e i r  the h i s t o r i c a l  describes  Germany's " c l a s s i c a l century  while  from t h e West  understanding  5  humanist  Koppel  context  Intellectual  throughout  as t h e s e  o f the l a t e  concepts  tradition  o f Germany's  by h i s e x i s t e d In  post-1945 Europe,  I . e . t h e West o f NATO and t h e EEC v s .  E a s t e r n communist  bloc.  It  Is, of course,  historlographlcal answers  the  Pinson  Hans Kohn's t r e a t m e n t  Is i n f o r m e d  o f West and E a s t  - I.e.  historical  tradition"  as p a r t o f t h e " n o b l e "  o f t h e Weimar R e p u b l i c , divergence  v i c t i m to  s t o r y by a s y s t e m o f d i r e c t  t o t h e p r e s e n t . " ' ' F o r example, 1  Indeed,  1  reference  eighteenth  Is a  d e s c r i b e d as t h e " p a t h e t i c f a l l a c y "  of "abstracting things  and...organlslng  principles of  and t o p r o d u c e a s t o r y w h i c h  I f not a g l o r i f i c a t i o n  what B u t t e r f l e l d  certain  the  2 0  easy  tradition  f o r the questions  to c r i t i c i z e like  a longstanding  t h e Sonderweq t h e s i s .  that o r i g i n a l l y  impelled i t s  Finding  proponents to  formulate  For  are  an  unless  we  "accident",  such a t h e s i s  prepared to  accept  Is not that  or a l t e r n a t i v e l y , that national  f a c i n g the  Socialism  of  the  turn  that  National  Weimar R e p u b l i c ,  dictated,  liberal  In p a r t  tradition,  conformed to  and  any  at  the  l e a s t , by  "Western" m o d e l .  In t h e  the  emerged  demise o f the  concentrate  nineteenth  on  century  are  that  decision  fortunes  of  Is a good one, Induced  left  from the  not  of these  exclusively  upon German l i b e r a l i s m ' s d e v i a t i o n s  evidence of  we  ruins  Weimar was  Whig b i a s e s  model as  h i s t o r i a n s has  the  was  Inevitable  weakness o f the  Thus t h e  2 1  however.  Socialism  character,  I r r e s p e c t i v e of whether or  Sonderweg t h e o r i s t s t o liberalism  that  simple  National  l t was  outcome o f Germany's p e r v e r s e fact  so  German tradition  by German  even  them t o  seize  from the  d e v e l o p m e n t a l weaknesses w i t h i n  In  If  the  almost Western  the  movement. There are, been  however, two  l a r g e l y overlooked  Sonderweg• liberal  The  first  movement  liberalism's after  1848.  i n the  Schmidt, the  by  nineteenth until  tendency to portraying studies  reveal  century.  was  still  an  the  on  have  Germany's the  German  Although  recognized  this  several strength,  a n t i c i p a t e German l t as  being  Inconsequential  o f Sheehan, S n e l l  to "take  that  I s s u e s which  v i t a l i t y of  Into  b o t h German l i b e r a l i s m and  century, 1867,  i s the  Implicitly  w h i c h have a t t e m p t e d  Important  scholarship  nineteenth  However, t h e  v i t a l i t y of  least  Is the  decline 2 2  this  of these  Sonderweg t h e o r i s t s have much more common  by  other  proper  Important  consideration  democracy"  German l i b e r a l force  and  In  the  movement,  In German  at  politics.--  3  have t u r n e d liberalism that  The  point  here  out  differently  liberalism  neither  peace and  strong  century,  decline  l i b e r a l i s m In Germany was  of  "peculiarity" appreciation  Its  this  actual But  t h e n we  must  period  can  only  such  at  a f t e r 1862,  and  liberalism  a f t e r 1867,  despite  the  to  by  I f we  quarter  notion  1871.  the  are  to  Hence  of  that  by  the a  the any  s i t u a t i o n described  by  explained  any  and  precluded  them t o  save t h e m s e l v e s and  the  time. * This 3 1  forces,  growing  vitality  then brings  to  rather this  than  and  it us  simply  may to  the  that  Is  Internal  particular situation -  h a v i n g "narrowed  a l t e r n a t i v e s that their  of  " c a p i t u l a t i o n " of  political  Sheehan as  choices  through a r e c o g n i t i o n  decline.  virtual  have c o n t r i b u t e d  often  to  most Sonderweg t h e o r i s t s , and  which e x t e r n a l  w e a k n e s s e s , may a  the  p r i o r to t h a t  Issue o v e r l o o k e d  extent  and  l e a s t , of a u t h o r i t a r i a n i s m  militarism  second  third  predestined  to  r e m a i n s t o be  In P r u s s i a  have p o s s e s s e d  German  f a c t o r s a f f e c t i n g Germany's  come a b o u t  p r i o r to  still  preponderance,  century;  m a g n i t u d e o f German l i b e r a l i s m ' s d e c l i n e  strength  there  century  shake t h i s  o f German h i s t o r y up of the  nineteenth  expansionist  important  nineteenth  would  German  In E u r o p e . But  possible  in that  things  o f w h i c h were c o n d u c i v e  stability  examine a l l o f t h e development  that not  In t h e  Moreover, n i n e t e e n t h  elements,  maintenance of  during  suggest  f o r Germany had  undoubtedly contained  ethnocentric  political  to  surrendered/been defeated  Is a moot p o i n t .  properly  Is not  I d e a l s . "*  !!S  liberals'  might have  enabled  As  has  relations context  already  with  of the  foreign and  the  subject  rise  and  of a u t h o r i t a r i a n i s m  i n the  neglected  period  by  l e a d i n g up  the  h i s t o r i a n s C a l t h o u g h the other  Issues,  l t Is e x t r e m e l y d i f f i c u l t  Impact w h i c h t h e  actual  policies  In Germany - t h e effect  appeasement  on  s u c h as  difficulties, Germany's  1930's  however, a r e  of  certainly the  be  least  not  for conservative  until  1848,  and  and  that  nationalist  passions  Alliance, throughout  particularly  to take  nineteenth  strong  the  political  And  this the  the  and  of  must  be  kind.  An  rich liberal memories bolstered  In Germany a t  frequently  III ensured  that  to outweigh l i b e r a l  period  after  1850.  And  Russia,  u l t r a - r e a c t i o n a r y Holy  a strong  century,  Influence  forces  the  Indeed,  distasteful  ambitious,  of Napoleon  of  the  Such  Russia,  despite  reactionary  would c o n t i n u e  architect  continued the  F r a n c e and  i n Germany i n t h e  "  French p o l i c i e s  f o r a study of  the  foreign policies  homeland t o t h e  on  French r e v o l u t i o n a r y armies  threatening  considerations  had  Insurmountable.  made t h a t ,  by  2 t e  of  wars  h i s t o r i c a l debate over  French enlightenment,  o f Germany's o c c u p a t i o n  Bismarck's  i s t e s t i m o n y to t h i s .  obvious candidates  argument c a n  support  continuing  has  attitudes  studied).  foreign countries  Immediate n e i g h b o u r s ,  considered  heritage  of  the  of  t o a c c u r a t e l y gauge  Germany o f B r i t i s h and  i n the  decline  to u n i f i c a t i o n ,  Germany's c o n s o l i d a t i o n , have been amply  affairs  Germany's  s p e c i f i c a l l y within  powers t o c e r t a i n  Admittedly,  of  I t s European neighbours,  German l i b e r a l i s m been l a r g e l y  been s u g g e s t e d ,  Interest  and  was  In B e r l i n .  In German a f f a i r s  known t o w i e l d  A s t u d y o f how  a  the  actions  o f both  t h e s e c o u n t r i e s Impacted  German l i b e r a l i s m prove  In t h e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y would,  therefore,  illuminating. In  this  study,  however,  I have c h o s e n  n o t i o n r e g a r d i n g t h e e x t e n t t o which Germany's p o l i t i c a l Numerous r e a s o n s  development  Justify  this  maritime  and c o m m e r c i a l  diplomatic prestige  England  foreign  to test  powers  this  affected  In t h e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y .  choice. F i r s t l y ,  p r e e m i n e n c e was a t I t s z e n i t h  its  on t h e f o r t u n e s o f  England's  In t h e m i d - n i n e t e e n t h  world  century; I t s  supremacy was as y e t u n c h a l l e n g e d and was s t i l l  indispensible  inpreserving  these  translated  European  stability.  When combined  the  o f genuine  I n f l u e n c e and power n e c e s s a r y t o f a c i l i t a t e  kind  the a c t i v e perceived  role  which England  t o be I t s n a t i o n a l  was n o t In such c l o s e  Russia,  circumstances  the Island  European  state  most  example,  sectors  England  f o rthis  classes  r e c o g n i z e d England  their  varied  c o r n , but a l s o  symbol o f s o c i a l  a certain  than  degree  such  most  of influence  In p a r t i c u l a r . was v i e w e d  more o r l e s s  tremendously.  period,  The German  f a v o u r a b l y by although the landowning  n o t o n l y as t h e p r i n c i p a l  as a t r a d i t i o n a l  stability,  ally  2 7  market f o r  against France, a  and home t o t h e " p r o u d e s t  a r i s t o c r a c y o f t h e w o r l d " . ' F o r German free-traders,  c e n t u r y were  position  o f German s o c i e t y d u r i n g t h i s  reasons  And a l t h o u g h  p r o x i m i t y t o Germany as F r a n c e and  was i n a b e t t e r  o v e r Germany, and P r u s s i a For  abroad.  In t h e m i d - n i n e t e e n t h  c o u n t r i e s to exercise  Into  In p r o t e c t i n g what l t  Interests  England  that  took  factors  I n d u s t r i a l i s t s and  b o t h t h e t h e o r y and t h e p r a c t i c e  o f England's  e c o n o m i c s y s t e m were r e g a r d e d "progressive" p o l i t i c a l the "fount  with great admiration.  f o r c e s I n Germany, E n g l a n d  of c o n s t i t u t i o n a l  liberty"  represented  Calthough the s o c i a l i s t s ,  a l o n g w i t h p e a s a n t s and h a n d i c r a f t s m e n , Implications of B r i t i s h  And f o r t h e  d i s l i k e d the  I n d u s t r i a l c a p i t a l 1 sm} • ^  The German  liberal  movement I n p a r t i c u l a r was s t r o n g l y I n f l u e n c e d b y t h e  British  constitutional parliamentary  liberal  groupings  model, as t h e v a r i o u s  t h r o u g h o u t Germany s e l e c t i v e l y  Interpreted  B r i t i s h c o n s t i t u t i o n a l h i s t o r y a c c o r d i n g t o t h e i r own on t h e s p e c t r u m o f German  liberalism.  2 , 5  *  When c o m b i n e d w i t h t h e p e r c e p t i o n t h a t E n g l a n d g e n e r a l l y sympathetic these  f a c t o r s served  position  was  t o t h e c a u s e o f German n a t i o n a l u n i t y , to heighten  from E n g l a n d , a s e n t i m e n t  German e x p e c t a t i o n s o f  support  w h i c h was f u r t h e r augmented by t h e  I m p o r t a n t d y n a s t i c t i e s e x i s t i n g b e t w e e n Germany and E n g l a n d . Gladstone's cases,  c l a i m t h a t such t i e s p r o v i d e d  "openings,  in delicate  f o r s a y i n g more, a n d s a y i n g l t a t once more g e n t l y and  more e f f i c a c i o u s l y ,  than  c o u l d be v e n t u r e d  I n t h e more  formal  c o r r e s p o n d e n c e , and r u d e r c o n t a c t s , o f G o v e r n m e n t s , " I s a m p l y d e m o n s t r a t e d by t h e e p i s t o l a r y and matchmaking a c t i v i t i e s o f Queen V i c t o r i a to and  Insure  and P r i n c e A l b e r t , b o t h  t h a t German p e r c e p t i o n s o f E n g l a n d r e m a i n  that B r i t i s h  I n f l u e n c e t h e r e n o t be  Together, t h e r e f o r e , these Justify  period  diminished.  circumstances  f o c u s i n g on E n g l a n d a s a t e s t  external  o f whom s o u g h t  l e a d i n g up t o u n i f i c a t i o n .  I t should,  favourable, 3 0  would appear t o  of the extent  f o r c e s a f f e c t e d Germany's p o l i t i c a l  tirelessly  t o which  development In the h o w e v e r , be  noted  that while  the  d e c l i n e of l i b e r a l i s m  themes In Germany's p o l i t i c a l century,  most o f t h e  circumstances during by  the  British  I s one  h i s t o r y i n the  the  German l i b e r a l  Palmerstonian diplomacy elsewhere  in their  i n Europe.  search  l i b e r a l i s m ' s d e c l i n e ; at the  very  recept1veness of those B r i t i s h Anglo-German r e l a t i o n s d u r i n g British  with  p o l i c y was  not  f o r the  I t Is t h i s  g u i d e d by  latter  from  s o u r c e s o f German  who  this period  an  recent  l e a s t I t has  scholars  attempt  movement,  w e l l have h e l p e d t o d i s s u a d e s c h o l a r s  l o o k i n g to England  that  that  t h i s p e r i o d were p r o p i t i o u s f o r an  to strengthen  w h i c h may  dominant  mld-nlneteenth  f a c t o r s c i t e d above s u g g e s t  a c t i o n w h i c h w o u l d have b e e n c o n s i s t e n t  point  of the  dulled  have  the  studied  to the  possibility  Ideological  conslderations. But felt  what a b o u t t h e  that there  was  influence over t h i s existed  any  British  perception  o f Germany? Was  it  need f o r E n g l a n d t o e x e r c i s e i t s  f r a c t i o u s European e n t i t y ? C e r t a i n l y  there  In m i d - c e n t u r y E n g l a n d a f a i r l y w i d e s p r e a d a f f i n i t y  Germany and  t h i s was  these,  as has  strong  British  been m e n t i o n e d , was  the  British  all  progressive  scientific subjects,  r e i n f o r c e d by  admiration  r e g a r d e d as nations  educational advances."  system, 3 1  dynastic.  s a t i s f y i n g most o f t h e should  and  [and]  be  musical  a  which by  which  scholarship,  In so many a c a d e m i c traditions,  c o m m e r c i a l and  During t h i s period  criteria  Judged: " r e f i n e d  leaders  of  Others Included  f o r German c u l t u r e - a c u l t u r e  endeavours, world fine a r t i s t i c  s e v e r a l f a c t o r s . One  for  there  was  an  unequalled  technological a l s o growing emphasis  placed well  on t h e common  as t h e i r On  religious  the subject  was d i v i d e d ; England  Teutonic  commonality.  however, B r i t i s h  as S o n t a g d o e s ,  Germany as a r e g i o n  black, r e a c t i o n a r i e s , l i b e r a l s  strengthen  certainly Carlyle  true  that,  who b e l i e v e d  organic,  idealised  properly  given  general  that  views d u r i n g  i n which  over  Germany's  of " L i b e r a l "  racial  and r e l i g i o u s  Moreover, B r i t i s h t o us h e r e ,  liberals  that  Junker  Influence  Prussia's  Influences  views o f P r u s s i a ,  to suggest,  3  made a c l e a r and s i m p l e  with  displeasure  In P r u s s i a n  that  Prussia  cited  Beyond on German  above.  which a r e o f p a r t i c u l a r Again,  l t Is an  distinction  most between  Calthough  lt  is  upon t h e p r e p o n d e r a n c e o f  p o l 11 l e s } .  alone  like  of dynastic,  as Kennedy d o e s , t h a t  p a r t i c i p a t i o n In t h e d e f e a t  growing b e l i e f  I t Is  political  by t h e k i n d s  were e q u a l l y d i v i d e d .  many l o o k e d  Is t o  government'," the  England. *  " c u l t u r e d " Germany and " r e a c t i o n a r y " P r u s s i a true  3 3  than  "a more r e f i n e d ,  e x i s t e d a broad range o f o p i n i o n s  cultural,  British  period.  'representative  many o f w h i c h were tempered  oversimplification  countries  'good government' was  politics,  interest  this  Germany r e p r e s e n t e d  behind that  however, t h e r e  and e v e r y o n e  by c o n s t i t u t i o n a l r e f o r m , "  In E n g l a n d was t h a t  lagged  of other  were  from " I d e o l o g i c a l g e r m a n o p h l l e s "  society,  preference  feeling  development this,  aside  e v e r y o n e In  were r e d r e p u b l i c a n s ,  h i s own c o u n t r y  grossly oversimplify British  that  opinion  where " c o n s e r v a t i v e s  was more a n x i o u s t o s e i z e t h e t e r r i t o r y to  and Germany, as  3 2  o f German p o l i t i c s ,  to suggest,  regarded  o r i g i n s of England  3 5 3  The f o n d  o f Napoleon,  memory o f and t h e  p o s s e s s e d t h e means o f u n i t i n g  Germany  so as t o c r e a t e  European bulwark a g a i n s t  that  F r a n c e and R u s s i a  towards moderating B r i t i s h e x a c t l y how At  this  far will  point  indifferent  much d e s i r e d  i n much g r e a t e r  l t s u f f i c e s to note t h a t  combined w i t h E n g l a n d ' s above c i t e d degree o f i n f l u e n c e reexamination, development regarding  i n Germany,  within  p r i o r to u n i f i c a t i o n ,  Prussia.  state.  Just  below.  were n o t  - a fact  which,  when  potential for exerting a  further j u s t i f i e s  the context  way  detail  the B r i t i s h  and German a f f a i r s  central  went a l o n g  views o f the H o h e n z o l l e r n  be examined  to Prussian  impregnable  o f Germany's of B r i t i s h  t h e need  for a  political  p o l i c y and  opinion  CHAPTER 2 British  Foreign  Policy,  P r u s s i a , and t h e German 1848-1871  Question,  One on  of the  most n o t e w o r t h y f e a t u r e s  Anglo-German r e l a t i o n s d u r i n g  recurrent  references  formulation Implies Ideas and  an  of  to the  British  "Inability  [as d i s t i n c t  material  or  from  a s h o r t c o m i n g because  or  at  this  scholars for  criticism  whose  their  to  that  expansionist  Germany and  British  In t h e  policies  were a f f e c t e d by policy that  had  on  time w i l l As  with  so  the be  long  regarding such  quarter  political the  approach to  the  nineteenth  type of  England,  an  during  and  of  by  and was  period  not  1848-1871  I f any,  British  e x i s t i n g In P r u s s i a  present  at  chapter.  f o r e i g n p o l i c y , England's l a r g e l y the  German q u e s t i o n  century  has  Most p r e v a l e n t , to  In h e r  above;  study of  during  been s u b j e c t  among p o l i c y - m a k e r s who  German p o l i c y a c c o r d i n g l y .  1  policy-makers  o f whether o r  what e f f e c t ,  the  Germany.  Anglo-American  Interests  the  real  Germany's  I.e.  I d e a l i s e d view o f Germany was  particularly  of  Inevitable,  authoritarian  question  Interpretation alluded  maintains that  which  In  British  liberal  numerous d i f f e r e n t I n t e r p r e t a t i o n s . the  Ideas  even p r i o r t o  circumstances  subjects  the  scholarship  much In the  pillory  Prussia  much o f B r i t i s h  of  to  This  Its  value  In t h i s  liberal  between an  Idealism,  t e s t the  a f t e r 1914  England's  run.  In  idealism,  cited  too  of  written  l t was  conflict  non-lnterventlonist third  triumph  recognize,  unification,  Inevitable  l t trusted  was  intention  failure  Idealism  Is  a c a r e f u l comparison with  Is g e n e r a l l y  eventual,  to  historiography  1848-1871  liberal  disinclination f a c t s ] by  as  Much o f  r o l e of  period  f o r e i g n p o l i c y . Such  conditions,"  l e a s t the  the  of the  to  however,  one  which  widespread  shaped  the  their  mld-nlneteenth  In  is  22 century 1925,  Anglo-German and  A.A.W. Ramsay was  claimed Office and  t h a t the had  "guided that  by  century  pragmatlsts  nineteenth  a b s t r a c t ideas of the  t o men  Right  and  century  Victorian  British  the  passivity scarcely  a l s o by  f e a r of France."  of B r i t i s h able  one  policy  to conceal  her  by  during this contempt  Foreign  and  were Claiming  2  Liberal  people  acting a l l the  misled,  liberal  partly  tendencies, by  the  p e r i o d , Ramsey  f o r such  moral  mld-nlneteenth  Disappointed  3  Ramsay  to a t t r a c t  Ramsay a c c u s e d  i d e a o f Germany, p a r t l y  who  Best."  v o i c e of the was  In  allowed  merged, a  statesmen of being "absorbed,  romantic  partly  idealist,"  who  the  Idea.  In t h e  a c t i o n s , men  representative institutions,  hopes o f t h e  the  s t a t e g o v e r n e d by  written  t o expound t h i s  a " u n i t e d Germany In w h i c h P r u s s i a was  through  and  In t h e  first  relations,  Ideals to govern t h e i r  constitutional  by  the  eighteenth  g i v e n way  political  Anglo-French  was  dangerous  Idealism: T h e r e Is s o m e t h i n g p a t h e t i c In t h a t c o n v i c t i o n o f t h e most h i g h - m i n d e d men i n t h e B r i t i s h p o l i t i c a l w o r l d - men like M o r l e r and C l a r e n d o n - t h a t c o m p l e t e s u c c e s s c o u l d n e v e r a t t e n d a n y t h i n g so immoral as t h e p o l i c y o f B i s m a r c k : t h a t r i g h t must t r i u m p h In t h e end, and t h a t ' b l o o d and I r o n ' h a v i n g r u l e d a w h i l e must p a s s away b e f o r e t h e s t r o n g e r f o r c e s o f J u s t i c e , l i b e r t y , and peace.''* Raymond S o n t a g ' s last  half  proceeded British  towards  o f Anglo-German r e l a t i o n s  during also  o f the  nineteenth  century,  w r i t t e n In 1938,  on  assumption  t h a t the  creed  the  liberalism,  Gladstone,  study  was  one  as of  p r a c t i s e d by Inexorable  I n d i v i d u a l i s m and  freedom, w i t h  England  such  and  the  men  mid-century as  Palmerston  irresistible  cosmopolitanism,  l e a d i n g and  of  the  "Progress  progress  Continent  and  towards  following."*  5  In  the  years  "sloughed  following o f f the  last  cosmopolitanism," state. that  Watching  1848,  unity, could  to b e l i e v e  was  endure;  The  that  Bismarck  that  the  they  he  insisted  "knew  dominant  therefore,  her triumphs  can  Ideological  be  found  powers and why  without  d e s t r o y e d her that  o f the case  c e n t u r y German p o l i c y was  seeking to e x p l a i n  did  had c r e a t e d Germans were  "British  In W.E.  that  shaped  Mosse's  England's  largely  Important  t h e German q u e s t i o n , w r i t t e n l t was  that  Prussia  provoking a c o a l i t i o n  was  by study  In 1958.  able to  o f the type  which  policy  between  In E n g l a n d  In  had  In t h e days o f F r e d e r i c k t h e G r e a t , " Mosse was  Influenced  t o no  small extent  promptings":  events  of  "achieve  7  doubts  was  win  I t was German c o n s t i t u t i o n a l i s m as much as n a t i o n a l c o n s o l i d a t i o n w h i c h had f o u n d f a v o u r i n E n g l a n d . The C o u r t and s e c t i o n s o f p u b l i c o p i n i o n t h o u g h t o f t h e German p r o b l e m In t e r m s w h i c h were a l m o s t e x c l u s i v e l y I d e o l o g i c a l . What t h e y saw was a s t r u g g l e between o r d e r e d freedom and d e s p o t i s m , t h e B r i t i s h and R u s s i a n 'ways o f l i f e ' . . . . A c o n s t i t u t i o n a l r e o r g a n i z a t i o n o f Germany would s t r e n g t h e n t h e E u r o p e a n c e n t r e . A l i b e r a l Germany was e x p e c t e d t o adopt a l i b e r a l c o m m e r c i a l p o l i c y . I d e a l i s m and s e l f - i n t e r e s t . . . happi l y c o i n c i d e d . ' Although  In  liberals  when he  state  national  statesmen  Ideal  "English  c o u l d win;  and  of the  British state  Ideals;  most p e r s u a s i v e s t a t e m e n t  idealism  but  Ideal  gradually  6  the European  argued  of t h e i r  when I t d i d e n d u r e ,  mld-nlneteenth liberal  the  doomed." T h e i r r e s p o n s e ,  they r e f u s e d to b e l i e v e  slaves."  all  Instead  a c r o s s the Channel,  rush to the defence  refused  individualism  o f Europe a c c e p t e d t h e  Germany, l i b e r a l i s m to  remnants o f  embracing  from  i f the r e s t  however, German l i b e r a l i s m  about  1848 the  and  1871  gave r i s e  possibility  to  of a united  serious Germany  by  b e c o m i n g an  English-style liberal  statesmen r e f u s e d Mosse c l a i m s , British  consider  alternative solutions  s u c h a l t e r n a t i v e s would  ideals.'"  Although  to  constitutional state,  since,  Inevitably " f a l l  several  discussed  to  below, t h e  area,  justified  role  which  liberal  power  question  whose works a r e  this  process  Idealism the  In E n g l a n d d u r i n g Germany was  "yes"  of  language  latter  frequently  Is not  so  certain  the  hindsight, question policy  on  Idealism  face  the was  value, of  British  that  this,  that  are In the  upon how  a to  the public however,  chooses  Mosse, w i t h the oh  policy  answer  former, one  be  benefit the  to  of  German  Interpreted  British  mistakenly b e l i e v i n g that  liberal  of B r i t a i n ' s  German p o l i c y .  question,  policy-makers during  as  this  we  shall  period  see,  that  maintained  In  romantic  What would a p p e a r t o  they then  those  British  In t h e i r  answer t o t h e  In p a r t  is  of  owing t o  statesmen  p r i n c i p a l determinant  little  actions  l t is possible  British  be  scholarship  statesmen's utterances and  point  i d e a l s and  questions,  Ramsay, S o n t a g and  basis the  Is  two  depends  mid-nineteenth century There  shown,  these  took B r i t i s h  at  of  decision-making  suggest  liberal  a v a i l a b l e evidence.  Is t h a t  the  will  much emphasis on  i n the  period  Germany. The  o b v i o u s and  Interpret  be  u s e d by  statements regarding  so  this  words, a n d / o r t h e  shaped by  will  the  asked at  c e n t r a l to  played  this  v i e w o f Germany? As to  be  in having placed  i n E n g l a n d ? Do  regarding  short  a l t e r n a t i v e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s of mld-nlneteenth century  scholars,  as  3  Anglo-German r e l a t i o n s i n t h e  these  British  most In  public  the  appearance of  German q u e s t i o n ,  strong which  support  included  for a  liberal  promoting  Prussia  In p a r t i c u l a r . M o r e o v e r ,  British  governments c o n t i n u a l l y d e c l a r e d  ensure that tenets  of  balance and  England's  liberal  Ideology,  what G r a n v i l l e d e s c r i b e d  But  this  was  ensuring  that  British  Interconnected  only  as  the  Office  and  h a l f the Interests,  the  hands o f  the  spread  Idea o f who  liberal  abhorred  the  pragmatic,  Nonetheless,  rather the  and  Mosse t o  Important cynical  who  Cexcept  In  idealistic  conclude  has  that  liberal  p r i n c i p l e underlying  half  British  involved  and  to  of course),  defense of In  like was  by  In p r i n c i p l e t o  external  Idealism  5  exclusively in  fact  such  was  during  Ramsay,  this Sontag  most  p o l i c y , while  K e n n e t h Bourne have a r g u e d  based  1 0  policy  the  the but  t o be  considerations.  led scholars  other." '  Foreign  continent,  In the  hand,  disrupted  England's a c t i o n s  that  h i s t o r i a n s s u c h as  be  Ireland,  a liberal  Investing  one  Inextricably  agreed the  the  delicate  the  b o t h the  f o r e i g n p o l i c y tended  than  on  other  not  to  adopted  corps remained almost  " r h e t o r i c of  with a dualism  The  fact  Idea o f g o i n g t o war  never abandoned," thus period  the  I n s t i t u t i o n s on  - England's  various  Intention  the  in  of s p e c i a l l y  own,"  w h i c h were  Whig a r i s t o c r a t s - men  self-determination  principles on  of  diplomatic  our  affairs,  Despite  on  w h i c h have  story.  with c o n t i n e n t a l  the  the  s t r i c t l y by  cultivation  l i b e r a l i t y to  Germany's g r o w i n g p a i n s .  l t their  non-intervention  Intimate r e l a t i o n s "with c o u n t r i e s s i m i l a r In  crown and  guided  the  development  which e n t a i l e d f i n d i n g t h a t  between a d h e r e n c e t o  Institutions  liberal  b o t h the  f o r e i g n p o l i c y be  s o l u t i o n to  more that  British  statesmen  inaction."  simply  a cloak, f o r t i m i d i t y  of the  British  t o P r u s s i a a t c e r t a i n key  government's p o l i c i e s  points during  1848-1871 r e v e a l s t h a t ,  In a l l l i k e l i h o o d ,  Idealism  fundamentally  nor  "timidity"  of B r i t a i n ' s Prussian  German p o l i c y .  strength  and  stability,  and  hence t o t h e  diminished;  any  effect  on  the  Moreover, associated statesmen that had  policies t o be  British the  fact  had  although  to the  the  sources  discussed not  later.  the  events of  only  policy-makers.  1 2  1871  liberal during  some, went  that  that  not  largely  Ignored.  extremism  convinced liberal  the  the  some  Prince  often British  Albert)  liberalism  therefore  course  sometimes  represented  of a l i b e r a l  for  policy; for  events, by  national  e v o l u t i o n , and  many  others  question would  lead  c o n s t i t u t i o n a l German s t a t e .  f o r such a complacent l t suffices  f a c t o r In t h e  of  l a r g e l y unnoticed  d i s p o s a l of the  be  goals  movement's p r o s p e c t s  f o r Germany's l i b e r a l  Here  goals  s u c c e s s f u l consummation o f B r i t i s h  been d i m i n i s h e d  way  actual  Germany's  of democratic  purportedly  Prussian  realization  Possible  the  The  l a m e n t e d by  the  to  a c t u a l l y I n i m i c a l to Prussian  were c o n f i d e n t  cleared  was  w e l l as  pursued.  that  movement was  continental liberalism  statesmen the  success  who  Cas  liberal  peace o f c e n t r a l E u r o p e ,  ominous e l e m e n t  with  neither  were t o e n s u r e  so v i t a l  with  period  which England's p u r s u i t of these  German l i b e r a l that  the  a l t e r e d the  These g o a l s  unification  had  and  1 1  A reexamination regard  "made I d e a l i s m  attitude will  to note t h a t  considerations  be  liberal of  Idealism  British  British Into  four periods:  which the by  p o l i c y regarding  nationalist  British  first, fervour  s t a t e s m e n t o be  stability;  the  was  support  i n the  relations;  the  as  Prussian  unification  In  1871,  It  sought  discussion  principal  was  period  calm  will  Fearful  now  o f the  our  by  sea  u n i o n may  much s u p p o r t the  cabinet  political  Secretary, Philippe,  land, 13  already within  disastrous Palmerston,  and  as  This  In B r i t a i n , had  In  four periods  revolutionary  mean."  reform  potentially  by  Prussia's  third  conflict, to  secure  period,  from  1862  Bismarck's  to  Germany's  policy-makers threats  to  foreign policy.  that  our  turn.  power o f " u n i t e d  and  In  Anglo-Prussian  of Bismarck's ambitious  In  forces unleashed  t o Queen V i c t o r i a  feel  the  t o remove p o t e n t i a l e x t e r n a l  of  employing the  Russia;  one  perceived  Crimean  In w h i c h B r i t i s h  In F r a n c e  appealed  o f the  was to  which extends  February r e v o l u t i o n Prussia  1848-1851, was  I n t e r v a l In  examination of these  divided  England's attempts  against  one  roughly  threat  mlnlstei—president  which a r o s e out  Is t o an  be  o f German l i b e r a l s  fourth period,  appointment  Prussia  from  the  war  a relatively  consistently  running  c h a r a c t e r i z e d by  1856-1862, was and  can  the  second c o v e r s  1854-1856, and Prussia's  the  Prussia  1848,  King  In t h e  years  so  particularly  as  since  '14,  was  kingdom as  hence, e m p l o y i n g t h e  with  the  " r h e t o r i c of  France  and  u n l i k e l y to  gain  crown  IV t o  a means o f  fall  in  what  1  pleased  IV  '15,  r e v o l u t i o n . * A c t u a l l y , the was  him  both the  urged F r e d e r i c k W i l l i a m h i s own  William  to "Let  '13,  dubious request  the  Frederick  to J o i n with  speech",  by  of  and  consider averting a  Foreign Louis  high-flown  liberalism," of  the  suggested  example o f h i s  admonishing the join  to F r e d e r i c k W i l l i a m Ill-fated  Prussian  In a c o n s e r v a t i v e  Palmerston  king  strengthen  Prussian  the  concerned  to the  political  Prussian The within  that  as  a way  state.  of the  fact  days,  that these as  the  king's  to England.  Into  days o f the  B a r o n Bunsen, t h e In E n g l a n d  brother  I t would  government r e g a r d i n g  one  Berlin,  to  of  reformist and  Palmerston  sentimental  attachment  threatened  the  William,  seem t h a t direction  r e v o l u t i o n was Prussian  any  longer  Justified,  Palmerston expressed  at  the  to  to  f u t u r e emperor,  mood o f t h e  British  events during  a hopeful  believes  In our  one,  regarding  events  least  future."  not  concerns that  the  these  Inducing  at the  this  lead to a general  war,  he  Frederick William  British  point.  growing  not Although  political Russian  ambitions,  a l s o r e s p o n d e d more IV's  "No  1 &  In P r u s s i a was  and  to  king  the  In c e n t r a l E u r o p e might e n c o u r a g e  positively  the  well  Instability perhaps  growing  r e v o l u t i o n a r i e s , as  t a k e n by  not  was  obvious  ambassador t o London, t o comment:  government's a t t i t u d e to these necessarily  that  became  compelling  to the  However, Bunsen's p e s s i m i s m  less  use  Holy A l l i a n c e  revolutionary fervour  Germany swept  f o r c i n g the  first  England  France,  Albert,  f e a r s were J u s t i f i e d  make c o n s t i t u t i o n a l c o n c e s s i o n s  flee  IVs  heed  revolution,  Prince  Frederick William  take  stability.  throughout  as  to get  the  to avoid  Like  1 5 5  traditions  IV on  he  from  directed against  lectured Frederick William concessions  aside  f o r h i s attempt  alliance  constitutional  was  neighbour;  IV t h a t  concessions  of  or 18  March, and  he  Issued  representative you  properly  any  plan  give  the  In F r a n k f u r t :  can  without  w h i c h has  for  i t more u n i t y and  took heart  from the  revolutionaries, things  following  In P r u s s i a  "[W]e  any  w i s h you  direct  Its object political  Prussian  w h i c h he  i n s t r u c t i o n s f o r the to  support  or u n f i t t i n g  king's  attempts  Interpreted  from g e t t i n g any  as  Germany  Prince  7  an  far  too  to c o n c i l i a t e  of  as  and  Albert  attempt  more out  as  Interference  to c o n s o l i d a t e vigour.'"'  British  to  the  prevent  hand:  He [ F r e d e r i c k W i l l i a m IV] has done e v e r y t h i n g t h a t was left t o him t o do, and has t h e r e b y done an Immense s e r v i c e t o Germany. She w i l l and must be c o n s t i t u t e d anew, and I f some Important P r i n c e f a l l s to undertake the t a s k , l t w i l l f a l l i n t o t h e hands o f c l u b s , s o c i e t i e s , p r o f e s s o r s , t h e o r i s t s and humbugs; and I f t h e work Is not begun soon, t h e masses w i l l s e i z e c o n t r o l of I t . " 1 6 3  Here t o o  then  l t would a p p e a r t h a t ,  were c o n c e r n e d , Prince  Consort  strength still of  and  convinced  securing  linked  to  that  this  the  at  stage  drawn t o t h e brought requests  Prussian  the  question  particular  reform  of  Juncture  r e m a i n e d as  affairs the  German t h e y were  a v i a b l e means  end.  desire  for Prussian  for a peaceful  reacted  designs  In t h e  were,  to  the  German l i b e r a l s .  more  Prussia  from b o t h t h e  Into  Federal  extravagant the  soon came t o o c c u p y  Elbe  and  the  which  Responding Frankfurt  to  new  the  attentions  duchies,  conflict.  Diet  Germany,  Thus, w h i l e  German r e v o l u t i o n s , B r i t i s h In t h e  however,  c o n s o l i d a t i o n of  In F r a n k f u r t  growing problem  Denmark and  stability  unfavourably  of the  German n a t i o n a l a s s e m b l y centre  as  f o r e i g n s e c r e t a r y and with  this  liberal  concerns  hence E n g l a n d  expansionist  British  were p r e o c c u p i e d  stability;  British  and  b o t h the  Insofar  had  were  Parliament, invade  Frederick. William  South J u t l a n d  government met  with  to  boldness.  be  Citing  ordered  of the  In t h e  not  only  only  In t h e  the  been  British  press,  Is spoken,  Prussians government  the  In a weak a d a p t a t i o n  Intervene  also  should  Disraeli  In t h e  to  of  the  Prussia's f o r such been  an  sought  some o f  the  ominous  wave, why  called  which  prompted  C " I f wheresoever the  German f l a g  Invade A l s a c e ? " ) , to  action,  w h i c h a v i n d i c a t i o n has  dreamy e f f u s i o n s o f German p r o f e s s o r s " ) , and  language  This  lack of j u s t i f i c a t i o n  o f German n a t i o n a l i s m  troops  r e v o l u t i o n a r y German  House o f Commons a g a i n s t  means by  e s t a b l i s h e d has  implications  Prussian  been e s t a b l i s h e d a t K i e l .  thunder  C"[T]he  attack  had  i n support  a stormy r e c e p t i o n  Disraeli  to  that  IV had  upon t h e  German  do  not  the  British  dispute:  I t Is f o r t h e I n t e r e s t o f E n g l a n d , and n o t o f E n g l a n d a l o n e , but a l l o f E u r o p e , t h a t peace be m a i n t a i n e d . And peace c a n n o t , I t h i n k , be m a i n t a i n e d I f the p o l i c y o f P r u s s i a be p e r m i t t e d t o p a s s u n n o t i c e d and u n c e n s u r e d . . . . [ M ] a y t h e p e a c e o f E u r o p e be m a i n t a i n e d by t h e J u s t i c e and t h e power o f E n g l a n d ! Palmerston,  however, was  strategic  and  which,  s e r v i n g the  by  liberals,  political  threatened  Implications  expansionist  Minister, foreign  'Alten Polen', act  as  which not  Involved  only  French,  new  liberal  Arnlm-Suckow, had  so  a bulwark a g a i n s t  a p p e a s i n g the  d e s i r e s o f the  Prussia restricted  p r o b l e m . The  H e l n r l c h von  policy  of P r u s s i a ' s  t o undermine P r u s s i a n / G e r m a n  were h i s c o n c e r n s r e g a r d i n g Schleswig-HolsteIn  much more c o n c e r n e d  and  Russia,  the  German stability.  solely  launched  the  actions,  Prussian  promoting the  that  with  an  to  the  Foreign ambitious  r e s t o r a t i o n of  revived Polish state  but  distracting  a l s o as them  a means o f  from  Nor  des  might both  Prussia's  aggressions  i n the  duchies.  Zo11vere1n r e p r e s e n t e d interests  of England,  Franco-Prussian attempts  A r n i m was  w h i c h he  P r u s s i a at the  problems;  aside  obvious  interests  which P r u s s i a ' s p o s s e s s i o n was  a l s o the  perhaps  t h r e a t to B r i t i s h  alliance,  l e a d i n g to general  2 1  not  t o u n d e r t a k e any  Meanwhile,  claims  that  Polish  policy,  the  o f the  he  Prussian  lnveterately  was  In r e s p o n s e  Palmerston,  to the  ministerial  and  growing p u b l i c support  to  duchies  would  only  Incite  f o l l o w a middle  path,  22  to F r e d e r i c k W i l l i a m  IVs  against  Prompted  abandoned n e u t r a l i t y  and  Prussia  to withdraw  Duchies,  rendered  less  d a n g e r o u s by  I t Is c l e a r  peace and  stability  Foreign Minister's  the  by  Germany's c o n s o l l d a t i o n ) , and  county  the  Joined  with  districts,  Russia shift  r e s i g n a t i o n o f Arnlm  Europe not  the  Cbest  interests secured  kind of  mob  and  evasiveness,  Danes,  a policy  advised  Berlin  Arnlm's  f o r the  therefore that B r i t i s h In c e n t r a l  Canning,  conservative  In E n g l a n d  from t h e  and  provoke  Poles,  demagogues."  of a  a c t i o n w h i c h might  finally  2 3  commercial  war.  through S t r a t f o r d  k i n g to " r a l l y the hostile  Hence  2 0  several  which c o u l d  a p r i s o n e r of h i s popular  the  1848.  Elbe  his  a neutral attitude regarding Schleswig-Holstein,  u r g i n g Arnlm Russia.  facilitate  Palmerston with  Palmerston t h e r e f o r e attempted adopting  economic  less-than-reassuring prospect  revolutionary Franco-Prussian Russia,  the  head o f u n i t e d G e r m a n y .  presented  there  that  to the  hoped would  foreign policy from t h e  fact  working towards e s t a b l i s h i n g a  Prussia's  represent,  o f the  a serious challenge  alliance  to place  Conscious  Palmerston In  urging  which In  was  June,  favoured through  idealistic  reunification  o f a l l Germans - t o be  o f Germany's n e i g h b o u r s - a d v o c a t e d  accomplished by  a t the  expense  German  liberal-nationalists. The  remainder of the  diplomatic  pressure,  Danish naval o f the year  William by  blockade,  fateful  later,  and  hoping to a l l e v i a t e  from C z a r N i c h o l a s  IV t o c o n c l u d e  negotiations  liberal policies  appreciated  by  effect  liberal-national  pur  his signature  crucial  support  those  "Our  been  t o the  proceedings  London P r o t o c o l A l t h o u g h he  r e v o l u t i o n , he  a result  d r i v e us  Austria,  and  therefore  But  how  J u s t i f i e d were t h e s e  Into  those  B r i t i s h cabinet  that  that  the  for  German  mentor,  has  acted  was  the  as  to equally  Berlin  England's complained  f a i l u r e to Into  with  blamed  on  1850,  secure  t o throw o u r s e l v e s  this  refused  nonetheless  of England's  "[Y]ou  the  had  friend  felt  a  followed  assumed  Albert's  In  l i b e r a l to  Prussia:  that  again  compatible  2  f o r the as  who  d e s t r u c t i o n . " * Bunsen, who  Insufficiently  Palmerston that,  admitted  Prussians  natural  terms  Not  hence E n g l a n d was  only  the  Frederick  London T r e a t y .  goals;  of B r i t i s h p o l i c y . had  of  to the  b r o k e out  Induced  movement, p r o m p t i n g P r i n c e  enemy b e n t on  leaders  1852  which these  Baron Stockmar, to c l a i m :  critical  IV a g r e e d  would a u t o m a t i c a l l y be  German-Prussian n a t i o n a l i s t devastating  effects  B r i t i s h government's pragmatism d u r i n g  British  affix  the  a n o t h e r a r m i s t i c e , w h i c h was  l e a d i n g to the  the  not  yet  was  an  a n t 1 - c l l m a c t i c . Bowing t o  Frederick William  dispute  the  was  Malmo a r m i s t i c e . A l t h o u g h war  pressure  surprisingly,  crisis  the  to  support arms  of  o f R u s s i a . " "' 2  complaints? had  1  Palmerston  "purposely  himself  abstained  from  departing, position  with  of  Prussia, the kind  upon by  little  of a balance  e v e n t h o u g h he  i t had  might be praise  von was  of the  parliament  by  f o r the  B r a n d e n b u r g as  Prussian  as  IV d u r i n g  own  w i s h e s . " Brougham was k i n g would be  Clearly  I t was  a  since  Frankfurt  policy-makers,  and  which the proposal  Eadowitz,  the the  was  dispute Frankfort  confident by  that  Parliament  that  had  f u r t h e r evidence British  crown and  the  new  conservative  Although Palmerston questioned  of  llllberallty  Westminster." ' 2 7  the  In conduct  of  Schleswlg-Holsteln  A s s e m b l y t h a n by In t h e  future  his  the  sound Judgement. " ' ' 2  alarmed  2  Arnlm  British  of t h i s  Is the  cabinet  afforded  Prussia's  1848  from t h e d i s r u p t i v e  over  a d v a n c e d by  Prussian  some  Europe.  r a d i c a l i s m of both  f o r German u n i f i c a t i o n ,  see  minister—president,  reiterated  h i s own  destabilizing  that  In November  believed that  "governed  the  Itself  so  powers o f  good Whig a t  liberals  Brougham, who  been " d i c t a t e d more by  Erfurt  as  government.  l a n d o w n e r whose  t o "any  Frankfurt  had  support  this  long  dampened  appointment  a conservative  Lord  Frederick William  the  But  2 6  w h i c h had,  British  continent  government's d e s i r e to d i s t a n c e  tendencies  von  Parliament,  from t h e  the  o f German u n i t y  r e s t o r e d among t h e  have been a b h o r r e n t  Prussian  passing."  over Schleswlg-Holsteln,  r e v o l u t i o n a r y f e r v o u r o f the  should  from  however, r e m a i n e d c e n t r a l t o P a l m e r s t o n ' s d e s i r e t o  Count F r l e d r l c h  and  o f what was  Frankfurt  support  Hence W h i t e h a l l ' s  The  the  Its Intransigence  what  [German] a f f a i r s ,  a p p l i e d p r i m a r i l y to questions  deliberated  lost  to these  of anxious observers  abstention  result  respect  Foreign  ability  to  subsequent to  the  Joseph  Maria  Minister. Implement  Radowltz's plan, federal plan  German  which c a l l e d  f o r the c r e a t i o n o f a P r u s s i a n - l e d  state excluding  A u s t r i a , he n o n e t h e l e s s  h i s b l e s s i n g , as he b e l i e v e d  I t would "no doubt be  a d v a n t a n g e o u s t o t h e German p e o p l e , internal  I n t e r e s t s , and t o t h e i r  consequently supportive for  with  reference  his  was P r i n c e  This  A l b e r t , who  c a n and w i l l  to Prince  satisfaction  Conservative "urgent shown." three  William  was e m p h a t i c  time  that  about  that  months l a t e r ,  collapse, realize  the E r f u r t  Albert  " I f only  the Revolution  feared  come t o look, a s k a n c e a t P r u s s i a n  the  1848 v a r i e t y , s h i f t i n g  of  1849. F o r A l b e r t  dictated radical of  this  shift,  realignments  law  3 0  In a  expressed  had " p r o v e n as that the  Is c l e a r l y  from d e l a y  Is c l e a r :  U n i o n was on t h e v e r g e o f  A u s t r i a and t h e P r i n c e s  had  forces  In P r u s s i a . "  o f 1848 I s by no means  their  strong  of defending  settlement  B o t h P a l m e r s t o n and A l b e r t , a l t h o u g h  conservative  and a  b u t he a l s o d e c l a r e d  when t h e E r f u r t  he l a m e n t e d ,  that  Parliament  [Erfurt]  i t was t h a t  settlement  1850, A l b e r t n o t o n l y  as l t Is p a t r i o t i c , "  What  t h e need  a definite  be f o u n d o n l y  I n May,  necessity of t h i s 31  and l t would  2 5  homogenous c e n t r a l a u t h o r i t y s e t up, c a p a b l e  letter  their  be a d v a n t a g e o u s t o E u r o p e a t l a r g e . " * Even more  Prussia to a c t : " I t Is high  order.  to both  foreign relations,  was made o f t h e German c o n s t i t u t i o n a l q u e s t i o n ,  and  gave t h e  would  finished!"  for different  3 2  reasons,  and German l i b e r a l i s m o f  support  t o t h e more  I n P r u s s i a w h i c h were r e s u r g e n t  by t h e end  l t was t h e f e a r o f "Red r e v o l u t i o n " w h i c h while  Palmerston,  anxious to prevent  o f t h e E u r o p e a n powers, and t h e  i n t e r n a t i o n a l agreements,  both  abrogation  was s u s p i c i o u s o f t h e " k i n e t i c "  character  of Prussian  statesmen,  he  could  however b a d l y elsewhere." These  to  do  line  other  same c o n s i d e r a t i o n s of  1850,  secure  an  which d e s t r o y e d  another  Immense  Import  advisors  be  throw and  none but  two  Crowns can  William by  that  "last  disturbances by  the  Foreign  day  nation  so  to  enlightened, entirely  vestiges  s u c h as  Secretary  present  are  so  refused  attached  realistic  European-wide  Implications  and  the  of the  I V s request  lt"), of  one  such  be  on  crisis:  In  Revolution." "' 3  who,  to b e l i e v e  to  while  Conservatism  going  free  1  while  " i t possible  government  In a  I n s t i t u t i o n s " as  when e v a l u a t i n g  of the  other...must  Impulsively scale  Palmerston,  r e - e s t a b l i s h despotic and  the  striking  Is a m a t t e r o f  handle  germ o f a f r e s h  he  a  of  responsible constitutional  properly  the  In t h e  F r a n c e on  the  alliance  and  face  A l b e r t , on  3  the  William's  In the  Germany." '* P r i n c e  claiming that  was  Frederick.  " i n t o the  to  Union  Austria ellcted  I t s weight  idea 1 1 s t i c a l l y  Prussia,  Erfurt  hand, Queen V i c t o r i a  that  was  the  reactions  t o answer F r e d e r i c k W i l l i a m  Hesse...and p o i s o n e d there  one  Anglo-Prussian  shattered  Finally,  Prussia,  actions  alliance  with  C'An  of the  warning Prince may  the  Prussia  hand, r e f u s e d  or  his  shaped B r i t i s h  Anglo-Prussian  England  Constitutional  way  English  t h a n oppose a l i b e r a l  h u m i l i a t i o n a t Olmvitz.  v i e w s . On  demanded t h a t  other  a practical  accorded with  impending danger of a c o n f l i c t v a r i e t y of  "As  3 3  In P r u s s i a ' s  attempt  not  such a  Hessian c r i s i s ended  liberalism:  "Russia  the on  Inwardly c h u c k l i n g  one  side  at  seeing  36 Germany come down In exasperation  and  so  to. the  Palmerston harboured for  bringing  necessity  about  of  of  Russia),  since he  a Prussian  was  a time  from E l n h e l t  brink, o f c i v i l illusions  war."  about  such a l a m e n t a b l e  British  Cparticularly and  no  short  clearly  Intense  Although  3 6  Prussia's r e s p o n s i b i l i t y  s i t u a t i o n , or  n e u t r a l i t y In any such a c o n f l i c t  to  ensuing  might  a t t r a c t e d by  the  conflict  also the  about  Involve  potential  France benefits  victory:  The l i k e l i h o o d i s t h a t I f s u c h a war s h o u l d b r e a k out t h e s y m p a t h i e s o f t h i s n a t i o n would be In f a v o u r o f P r u s s i a , P r o t e s t a n t and l i b e r a l ; but t h e r e i s a wide d i s t a n c e between sympathy and a c t i v e a s s i s t a n c e . The I n t e r e s t o f E n g l a n d and I s h o u l d say o f E u r o p e g e n e r a l l y would be t h a t out o f s u c h a war P r u s s i a s h o u l d come u n s c a t h e d and 1f p o s s i b l e e n l a r g e d and s t r e n g t h e n e d . [Emphasis mine] 3 y  Such an relatively tutelage  outcome, however, was  unscathed,  of  the  concludes that major B r i t i s h failure the  of  British  period  reactionary the  1851  defeat,"  the  Prussia  not  this  Prussian  seem, t h e r e f o r e , p r o m p t i n g s " was this  ministry.  least galling movement."  30  suggests that  represented o f w h i c h was  The  any  that the  and  the  England  abstain  rather  than  p r i n c i p a l determinant  tumultuous  period.  of  "the of  the  government  t h a n one  I f the  German l i b e r a l i s m , so  pragmatism  during  British  from  "a  above a c c o u n t  German p o l i c y o t h e r stability;  the  Hence Mosse  government's a t t i t u d e towards P r u s s i a  p o l i c y demanded t h a t  during  the  ensure c e n t r a l European  expansionist  Although  from Olmutz u n d e r  Manteuffel  German l i b e r a l  1848-1851, however,  to  emerged  t o be.  r e s t o r a t i o n settlement  never a c t i v e l y prosecuted sought  not  which  exigences  of  supporting be  l t . I t would  "Ideological British  policy  37  The  s e c o n d p e r i o d opens e a r l y In  antagonism During  between B r i t a i n ,  this  Prussia  period,  France  however,  f o r support,  and  l t was  r e l a t i o n s once a g a i n  Importance.  explained  Importance  by  o f P r u s s i a and  Prince  Austria  with  Russia  Britain  r a t h e r t h a n the  Anglo-Prussian As  1854  growing  i n the  who  reverse,  was  and  became an  Crimea. looking  to  thus  Issue  A l b e r t , the In a war  the  of  some  strategic  against  Russia  was  enormous: The w o r s t o f t h e war Is t h a t we c a n n o t b r i n g i t t o an e f f e c t i v e c o n c l u s i o n . R u s s i a Is a g r e a t and c l u m s y mass and t h e blows we c a n s t r i k e h e r In t h e few p l a c e s w h i c h we c a n r e a c h , w i l l not make a g r e a t I m p r e s s i o n on h e r . I f A u s t r i a and P r u s s i a go w i t h us, m a t t e r s a r e d i f f e r e n t and war becomes i m p o s s i b l e f o r R u s s i a . " 3 1  Frederick William Nicholas' resisted he  earnest the  d i d not  affect  Victoria's  1815,  however, h a v i n g  attempts  t o win  Prussia  Impassioned  that  p o s i t i o n as  "one  have been g u a r a n t o r s  sufficient  "flagitious  against scrutiny  policy"  of  weeks o f t h e  Russia, In t h e  right,  neutrality  Prussia  had  broken completely  Russia,  the  government was  with  asked  k i n g not  abdicate since  of  a r b i t e r s of IV  the  from  1  French d e c l a r a t i o n s of became the Reacting  the  not  Queen  Frederick William  and  parliament.  even  real  that  w h i c h "does  guardians  and  also  declared  Powers, w h i c h ,  neutrality.*  British  Prussia's British  Great  to d e f l e c t  Not  Prussian  of t r e a t i e s ,  Nations,"  was  the  o f the  defenders of the  Within  in a conflict 0  Czar  of P r u s s i a ,  Manteuffel  fatherland."*  plea  spurned  support  I n t e r e s t s o f our  civilisation,  his  the  w e s t e r n powers' a d v a n c e s .  want t o e m b r o i l  the  Prussia's  IV,  subject  t o rumours  of that  w e s t e r n powers and  I f e i t h e r the  hostile  war  Joined  tone  of  the  debates  In the  Prussian  Bunsen from h i s p o s t regard  to the  Clarendon, dismissed  the  was  "quite  But  while  joining IVs  Foreign  l t was  true  Justifiable  that  and  Prussia there  was  little  was  Indeed  liberalism  that  which  a part  Baron  meaning  the  on  declared  that l t  s u f f e r e d as  Russia.*  the  what  king  was  change o f and  Moreover,  a result  William  Rhine,  England,  policy  that lt  of t h i s  was policy  shift. In o p p o s i t i o n  to M a n t e u f f e l  which surrounded the Prussia  a "kind  William,  Following alliance  the  against  the  Intention against the  to  g r o u p was  comprised  conclusion  the  had  r e c e n t l y appeared  of  an  l e d by  Wochenblattparte1, any  plan  to  In  supported  treaty  Frederick William  of  IV  their moved  t h u s making e q u a l l y c l e a r concert  by  liberals.**  German powers r e a s s e r t e d  Thus Bunsen's r e c a l l  king's  Camarilla  the  Bunsen,  Austro-Prusslan  Petersburg,  remain o u t s i d e  called  of pro-Western  In which the  from S t .  Russia.  Prussian  This  and  In A p r i l  Independence  there  and  o f German Whig p a r t y "  Wochenblattparte1. Prince  king,  reactionary  his  o f Europe d i r e c t e d  from London was  steer his country  down a  3  Prussia  Frederick  Prussian  of t h i s .  2  government,  symbolic  with  with  country?"*  danger of  given  largely  relations  and  of  would p a s s o v e r t o  especially  although  this  In Aberdeen's  unfounded,  a p p r e h e n d was  to P r u s s i a ' s  Bunsen's r e c a l l Prussian  that  Russia,  a distinct,  regards  being  recall  "political  fear of a French a t t a c k  C l a r e n d o n d i d not  with  Secretary  Impossible"  any  between P r u s s i a  rumours as  f o r c e s with  affecting  i n London had  relations  the  Chambers, o r t h e  a part middle  of  path,  despite  deflect was  the B r i t i s h  government's a n x i o u s attempts  Frederick William  deemed  Injurious  from  his policy  to England's  significance  o f t h e s e e v e n t s was  is  by C l a r e n d o n ' s  suggested  by t h e P r i n c e about  years e a r l i e r Prussian  response  he  had  when l t was  reaction  "Bunsen's f a l l . . . Is b e s t f o r a l l p a r t i e s . "  and  the  significance  became a p p a r e n t  p o l i c y - m a k e r s to the  to  light  this  In May  treaty,  effective  o f the A u s t r o - P r u s s l a n t r e a t y t h e r e was  any  some d e b a t e  unrealistic  Ca  become a p p a r e n t offered  conditions,  pledged e i t h e r and  England  collective  this  Prince  Is t r u l y  statement twelve  the  revolting,  could and  full  years l a t e r  guarantee  Albert  long,  neutrality,  British  which and  when t h e E a r l  those  wholly would o n l y o f Derby  o f Luxembourg).* ' W i t h i n two be  In t h e  t h e German  commitments u n d e r 7  came  p a r t y to  i n t h e war.  I r o n y o f which  of England's  finally  concluded that  w i t h t h e west were " a b s u r b "  his interpretation  1867  not  that  o v e r whether or not  s e t out the c i r c u m s t a n c e s under  powers would J o i n  four  suppression  t a x i n g the p a t i e n c e of  c o o p e r a t i o n with France  which  Is c o n f i r m e d  concluded  contours of Prussia's  House o f L o r d s t h e Marquess o f C l a n r l c a r d e clauses  as  fullest.  1854,  under  the  liberal-minded  I t was  M t >  that  t o t h e news  now  o f t h e W o c h e n b l a t t p a r t e 1's  In E n g l a n d ,  When t h e terms  the  Albert  which  statesmen,  come t o Bunsen's d e f e n s e  recalled,  however, b e f o r e t h e p o l i t i c a l  fact  In P a r l i a m e n t ,  rumoured t h e n t h a t  ambassador would be  The  =  on B r i t i s h  Consort's u n c h a r a c t e r i s t i c  Bunsen. A l t h o u g h  of n e u t r a l i t y ,  Interests.* lost  to  the  months o f  h e a r d t o comment: " P r u s s i a ' s  conduct  t h e K i n g Is l o o k e d upon by a l l p o l i t i c a l  40 men to  here  with profound  Improve. T h e r e  Britain  made any  forces  In P r u s s i a  their  exists, attempt  government  however, no to encourage  to r e b e l  against  was  this  situation  evidence to suggest the  liberal  about that  pro-Western  the " r e v o l t i n g "  conduct  Palmerston  was  i n F e b r u a r y 1855,  the  called  upon t o form  Issue of P r u s s i a ' s  a  of  new  neutrality  become much more c o n t e n t i o u s , o w i n g l a r g e l y t o r e p o r t s  Prussia  was  parliament  providing  which  he  felt  was  role  Lord Lyndhurst  In t h e C r i m e a n  r e d u c i n g her,  In f a c t ,  Prussia's  t r e a c h e r o u s and  Influence  which  foreign  destructive  f o r a time,  suicidal  role to  to the  attributed  actions  to the  S t . P e t e r s b u r g e x e r t e d over the P r u s s i a n k i n g ,  his tirade  Prussian  possibly  scathing  to date - a  who  that  In  launched a  war  o f a s e c o n d - r a t e Power." L y n d h u r s t ,  closed  supplies.  " d e r o g a t o r y to her c h a r a c t e r ,  I n f l u e n c e , and  state  R u s s i a w i t h arms and  the Russophoblc  a t t a c k on P r u s s i a ' s  her  Nor  monarch. By t h e t i m e  had  contempt.  w i t h a summary o f t h e e s s e n t i a l  c h a r a c t e r of  policy:  I t Is a s i n g u l a r c i r c u m s t a n c e i n t h e h i s t o r y o f n a t i o n s . . . t h a t t h e i r d i p l o m a t i c c h a r a c t e r and t h e i r f o r e i g n p o l i c y have f r e q u e n t l y a permanent form, s u r v i v i n g s u c c e s s i v e monarchs and s u c c e s s i v e a d m l n i s t r a t I o n s . . . . I n t r a c i n g t h e f o r e i g n p o l i c y o f P r u s s i a from t h e r e i g n o f [ F r e d e r i c k I I ] down t o t h e p r e s e n t t i m e , l t w i l l be f o u n d e v e r t o e x h i b i t t h e same f e a t u r e s o f u n b l u s h i n g f r a u d and u n s c r u p u l o u s s e l f 1 s h n e s s . . . . I have no f a i t h In t h e P r u s s i a n Government, and I f my n o b l e F r i e n d [ C l a r e n d o n ] s h o u l d be tempted t o e n t e r I n t o any engagement w i t h t h a t Power, I s h o u l d be d i s p o s e d t o a d d r e s s him w i t h words o f c a u t i o n , 'Hunc t u , Romane, c a v e t o ' . Clarendon's t h e dilemma Prussia's  response  In which  neutrality.  to these  t h e government Frustrated  Inflammatory found  Itself  by P r u s s i a ' s  remarks  reveals  as a r e s u l t  inaction,  but  of  41 unwilling and  breach that  was  forming  London, C l a r e n d o n c h o s e t o e m p a t h i z e  desire and  t o widen the  f o r peace, while  f o r England,  lamenting  the  with  between the  Prussians'  consequences  of F r e d e r i c k William  IV's  Berlin  for Prussia,  policies:  We c a n have no o b j e c t o r I n t e r e s t but t o be on t e r m s o f f r i e n d l y r e l a t i o n w i t h P r u s s l a . . . . F o r n e a r l y a c e n t u r y she has t a k e n p a r t In a l l the g r e a t q u e s t i o n s o f E u r o p e ; she has a i d e d In m a i n t a i n i n g t h e e q u i l i b r i u m o f power In E u r o p e ; and l t has been a m e l a n c h o l y s p e c t a c l e t o see P r u s s i a a b d i c a t i n g t h e h i g h p o s i t i o n she has h i t h e r t o h e l d . . . . T h e g e n e r a l r e s u l t o f P r u s s i a n p o l i c y has, I f e a r , been t o f r u s t r a t e t h e u n i o n [ o f Germany], and t o p r e v e n t the v i g o r o u s t o n e and t h e u n i f o r m l a n g u a g e on the p a r t o f Germany, w h i c h would have gone so f a r t o s e c u r e f o r us t h a t p e a c e we a r e so a n x i o u s t o o b t a I n . . . . [ I ] t must be k e e n l y f e l t by t h e e n l i g h t e n e d , t h e b r a v e , and t h e p a t r i o t i c people of P r u s s i a . 5 3 0  Employing the  r h e t o r i c of a l i b e r a l  "enlightened"  Prussian  o f the idea  policies  that  liberals  or c o n s e r v a t i v e s ,  noteworthy since Itself  and  Franco-Prussian  had  after  because  on  the  the  opened  P r u s s i a was  excluding  In t h e  government  was  that  the  wars.  Crimean c o n f l i c t ,  contemplated  s p r i n g of  i t be  that  innocent  In the  strong  course  of events  complaints  the  victims  hands  the  of  interest  to  l a n g u a g e might  o u t b r e a k of both the  r e f r a i n e d from a d o p t i n g  during  less  a matter of great  l t a n t i c i p a t e d the  England  But  was  which h e l d  Clarendon thus r e i t e r a t e d  whether  suggestion  a p o s i t i v e Influence  the  rulers,  strength,  England. Clarendon's had  p e o p l e were more o r  of t h e i r  Prussian  idealls-t  have  is also  later  d i r e c t e d at  Austro-Prusslan  3 1  the  only  major E u r o p e a n power  a hostile  a t t i t u d e towards  Palmerston's  Prussia 1856.^  f o r c e d to defend  from t h e In t h e this  that  Russia  government  peace c o n f e r e n c e House o f Commons  policy  against  which the  arguments  42 w h i c h were t h e year e a r l i e r .  very  opposite  appreciation  influencing  British  however, u t i l i z e d the  t h o s e a d v a n c e d by  B e n j a m i n D i s r a e l i ' s comments on  o f p a r t i c u l a r i n t e r e s t as Minister's  of  importance  this  t h e y demonstrate the  f o r the  pragmatic  p o l i c y with regard  to  ideologically-weighted  o f good A n g l o - P r u s s i a n  Lyndhurst  a  question  future  are  Prime  considerations Prussia. language  He to  too, emphasize  relations:  [ I ] f l t be o f E u r o p e a n i n t e r e s t t h a t P r u s s i a s h o u l d be p r e s e n t at the C o n f e r e n c e s . . . i t i s , I say, e q u a l l y d e s i r a b l e , i n my o p i n i o n , f o r E n g l i s h I n t e r e s t s . . . . From t h e t i m e when P r u s s i a e n t e r e d I n t o t h e h i g h e s t c l a s s o f s o v e r e i g n t y , w i t h one b r i e f e x c e p t i o n , when she a c t e d n o t o r i o u s l y u n d e r c o m p u l s i o n , she has been our a l l y ; and from h i s t o r i c a l a s s o c i a t i o n s , from h e r geographical p o s i t i o n , from t h e n a t u r e o f h e r p r o d u c e , from t h e c h a r a c t e r o f h e r I n h a b i t a n t s , and, I may say, o f h e r r e l i g i o n , P r u s s i a i s a power w h i c h w i l l a l w a y s be r e g a r d e d w i t h g r e a t sympathy by t h e p e o p l e o f E n g l a n d , and w i t h p r o f o u n d I n t e r e s t by t h e s t a t e s m e n o f E n g l a n d . 5 3 3  In h i s r e s p o n s e , sentiments regarding  P a l m e r s t o n made no Prussia:  w i t h whom l t must a l w a y s be m a i n t a i n the question too  the  of  most  Prussia's  "not  neutrality", Conference."  515  period,  the  represented  *  In t h e played  the  only  the  only  could  f r i e n d s h i p . " As  "play  was  no  part  admitted In t h e  to  for  the here  that  reasons  for  "perfect  In the  the Congress  negotiations.  r e l a t i o n s during  Crimean c o n f l i c t  t i m e when B r i t i s h  to  peace c o n f e r e n c e ,  Prussia's  Anglo-Prussian the  country  having attempted  a minor r o l e  s i g n i f i c a n c e of  this  h i s answer, r e m a r k i n g  Prussia  of  of  from t h e  conflict;  end  context  Interest  criticise"  however, P r u s s i a  P a r i s , but Within  i n the  to  with D i s r a e l i ' s  Is u n d o u b t e d l y a Power  r e l a t i o n s of  tempered  entitled  remaining neutral  the  exclusion  Prime M i n i s t e r  E n g l a n d was  of  intimate  "Prussia  quarrel  Is t h a t l t  i n t e r e s t s turned  so  this  d e c i s i v e l y on every  other  leitmotif whether  Prussia's  important  was  response  Juncture  to a B r i t i s h  between  England's response  It Involved  conflict  in  to  1848  and  a Prussian  A u s t r i a , Luxembourg o r F r a n c e .  of r o l e s ,  might  expect  British  in greater  earnest,  during  o p e n i n g months o f t h e  the  response  was  which  and  the  seem t h a t  and  that  pragmatic  one  of r e l a t i v e  punctuated the  years  only  circumstances  once  that  reversa  have  particularly  Prussia's Its d e c l a r a t i o n  themselves to  served 2 5 3  guided  P r u s s i a , while  this  operations,  P r u s s i a was  nation.  acted  England'  by  "pouring  Here t o o the  then i t  British  Ideological  discourse.  as  end  of the  Prussian  C r i m e a n war  and  minister—president  for Anglo-Prussian  1862  relations,  d i s r u p t i v e events.  f o l l o w i n g the  In  Indeed,  kinds  British  idealists  Queen V i c t o r i a ' s  of  liberal  c o n s t i t u t i o n a l changes  b e l i e v e d were  I n e v i t a b l e . The  e l d e s t daughter to the  C b o t h o f whom were t h o u g h t  In  Congress of P a r i s ,  appeared extremely p r o p i t i o u s f o r e f f e c t i n g  the  1858  Prussian  o c c a s i o n a l l y by  Prussia  In  case,  i n damage-control  notion  quiescence  immediately  initiative,  Given t h i s  case through  considerations  p e r i o d between t h e  Bismarck's appointment  But  p u r p o s e would be  regarding  p o s t u r i n g d o m i n a t e d the  was  no  enlightened  government's p o l i c y  The  war.  the  statesmen r e s i g n e d  r e a s s e r t i n g the  ally",  o b l o q u y " on would  British  the  government t o  s u c h was  engaged h e n c e f o r t h  Involved  "natural  Indeed,  e s t a b l i s h e d Cln t h i s  of n e u t r a l i t y ) , response,  and  the  1871,  At  Schleswlg-Holsteln,  Hesse-Kassel, one  initiative.  Prince  to h o l d  In  which  marriage  of  of P r u s s i a ' s  liberal  views),  son and  the  appointment  his  mentally  in  that  same y e a r  Incompetent  direction  liberalizing  of these  brother  both  the  as  regent  While the  replacement  British  presumably because reform  was  British  by  press  the  "New  confirmed  remained  government r e s p o n d e d being  for  s i g n a l a change  Karl Hohenzollern-Slgmarlngen  trend.  changes,  William  seemed t o  for Prussia. Manteuffel's  Era" m i n i s t r y of Prince this  of Prince  e f f e c t e d In a  wary  positively, peaceful  manner. *• 15  The on  outbreak of the  Anglo-Prussian  Italian  relations.  P a l m e r s t o n ' s government was  war  The  principal  to ensure t h a t  unduly encouraging e i t h e r Russia that  sprang Foreign  temperate the  and  present  whether  Secretary  enlightened  war  shall  l t shall  be  perhaps to other  be  Itself  Hence t h e  embittered of  the  a f f a i r s ) derived assurances  that  "fundamentally in  hand." ' 55  3  France,  from P r i n c e Prince  British  little  no  reason  William crown's  restraint why  the  William  consolation  Prussia's  not  war  I t was  our  spread,  from  that  this  "Upon  limits  of  whole o f Germany,  Peace o f V l l l a f r a n c a  alienated  revelations  the  the  0 7  A u s t r i a and  by  the  w i t h i n the  o f E u r o p e . " ' But  sidestepped  of  bearing  o f P r u s s i a depends...  confined  the  little  concern  or France.  conduct  consequence of  had  Russell's belief  extended to  parts  In 1859  by  was "New  that,  or  and  having  been had  neutrality.  also disturbed  knowledge o f  from Queen  by  Prussian  Victoria's  proven that  policies  Italy,  Era" ministry  Cwho was  had  whether  unfortunate  preaching  Inside  the  should  not  there march  was hand  It the  Is  i n t e r e s t i n g to  British  government Interests censure  government c h o s e t o for their  position  at  which  1860  Prussia train, and by  In any  home o r arose  Prussia  to  and  travelling  and  boorish  out  the  of the  press  and  abroad  the  f l u r r y of  prosecutor's are  occasion  Prussian  clear  British  danger t h a t  notorious  In b o t h  one  f o r the  Prussia, but  in on  Times  harmless  Incensed  residing  rudeness,  which  a  England  another.  English  b e h a v i o u r , " the  threatening,  affair,  a quarrel  governments  "The  this  government's  because o f  that  which  Prussian  Imprisonment  I n s u l t s at  against  the  i n w h i c h no e x i s t e d no  upon  s o - c a l l e d MacDonald  claim  of t h e i r  with these  one  a r r e s t and  army c a p t a i n  arrogance  up  one  there  impair  of v i c i o u s attacks  followed  was  and  the  p u b l i c l y censure  In E u r o p e . The  hurl a  Prussian  series  way  of a B r i t i s h prompted t h e  the  conduct  were t h r e a t e n e d ,  would  In  note t h a t  Impudence, launched  a  Palmerston remarks:  I t Is I m p o s s i b l e t o c a s t y o u r eye o v e r the f a c e o f Europe and t o n o t e the r e l a t i o n s o f t h e d i f f e r e n t Powers t o e a c h o t h e r w i t h o u t s e e i n g t h a t l t Is t o t h e I n t e r e s t o f P r u s s i a t o c u l t i v a t e , not t h e f r i e n d s h i p o f t h e E n g l i s h Government o n l y , but t h e good o p i n i o n and the g o o d w i l l o f the E n g l i s h n a t i o n ; and, t h e r e f o r e , I s h o u l d say t h a t t h e i r c o n d u c t In t h i s a f f a i r has been...a b l u n d e r as w e l l as a c r i m e . 5 9  As  the  point for  Prussian out,  "the  England,  Great  on  liberal  Anglo-Prussian German r o o t s , British  George von  a l l i a n c e with Prussia account  Powers." T h i s  a manner t h a t  leader  of  the  in turn  betrayed  not  r e l a t i o n s and but  political  also mind:  his  Is l i k e w i s e  p o s i t i o n s t a k e n up  prompted only  V l n k e was  his  Prince  a  view  the  i n t o the  other  to respond of  h i s growing estrangement  Insights  to  necessity  by  Albert  Idealistic  quick  from  workings of  his  the  In  46 The Idea t h a t t h e B r i t i s h Government c o u l d s a c r i f i c e an I n d i v i d u a l c i t i z e n who Is s u p p o s e d t o have been I n j u r e d and I l l - t r e a t e d , i n o r d e r t h a t I t might c o n t i n u e on a more c o n v e n i e n t , f r i e n d l y f o o t i n g w i t h a n o t h e r Government, w h i c h might some day be o f use t o E n g l a n d In t i m e o f need, would be r e g a r d e d h e r e as t r e a s o n and c o n t e m p t i b l e c o w a r d i c e . . . P r u s s i a has a l w a y s been t a l k i n g o f b e i n g t h e o n l y n a t u r a l and r e a l a l l y o f E n g l a n d . . . . I r e p e a t , however, t h a t a l a r g e , l i b e r a l , g e n e r o u s p o l i c y Is t h e p r e l i m i n a r y c o n d i t i o n f o r an a l l i a n c e w i t h E n g l a n d . " 4  But  d e s p i t e a l l o f the r h e t o r i c ,  amounted t o a n y t h i n g more t h a n Impossible  that  this  Palmerston  f o r what was  Just  unpleasant t o be  the  in  1863.  The  incident  his last  the  and  final  course  the  policy  between  statesmen,  1863  and  also  1871  In t h e y e a r s  with  served  through  one  British  the  Possible  adhered  to  Interests  by  central Bismarck  unification.  would b e s t  this  latter  and  be the  P r u s s i a ' s aggrandizement  fulfillment  c o n t r i b u t e d to t h e i r why  to a  In  p r e s e r v a t i o n of Prussian s t a b i l i t y  o f Germany. A l t h o u g h  reasons  consistent  British  l e a d i n g up  British  consequences of the  policy  once  although  o f t h e most  steadfastly  s u b o r d i n a t i o n of the P r u s s i a n l i b e r a l  unintended  Prussia  some n o t a b l e e x c e p t i o n s , f o l l o w e d s u c h  because they b e l i e v e d  the  was  examined,  regarding Prussia.  course  consolidation  prepare  I t s u g l y head  a l l o f t h e momentous changes wrought  P r u s s i a n army  British  l t Is not  with  which h e l p e d to s a f e g u a r d P r u s s i a ' s p o s i t i o n  Europe amidst and  to  encounter  reared  p e r i o d t o be  most e v e n t f u l ,  i n terms o f B r i t i s h policy-makers  helped  never  & 1  fourth  certainly  MacDonald a f f a i r words, a l t h o u g h  when t h e S c h l e s w i g - H o l s t e i n p r o b l e m again  0  movement were of these  fulfillment  development  goals,  nonetheless.  in p a r t i c u l a r  and  a  received be  so  little  discussed The  i n the  period  perennial  conslderation following  Issue,  the  most c o n t r o v e r s i a l a s p e c t  of  British  over S c h l e s w l g - H o l s t e l n  duality  - strong  refusal  to  undertake  support  on  the  that  British  skill  and  characterization  of  their  f o r the  dispute.  he  and  the  on  the  that  declare  demands t h a t the  of  " w i t h an  hand, and  the  other  added h i s v o i c e Quarterly  to  Review,  policy wa3 3  thought The  such a c t i v e passivity  fact  England's act  for  only  l t was to  favour  that  opposition  not  of  muddle".  be  partially In  that  this England  frequently  I m p a r t i a l i t y In r e s p o n s e In Denmark's d e f e n s e . the  to  The  policies  of  when G l a d s t o n e  anonymous a r t i c l e  s u r p r i s i n g that  In  "official"  a c t i v e l y o p p o s i n g the  prompted c r i t i c i s m s o f much g r e a t e r  the  the British  German  P a l m e r s t o n ' s government n e v e r  - c h a r g e s w h i c h t o o k on  lack  this  f a r more  In p a r t i c u l a r , and  t h r o u g h an  that  accusation  pro-Danish  hand, m e r c i l e s s l y a t t a c k e d  this  a  British  "meddle and  E n g l a n d was  the  apparent  Incredible  D a n i s h war,  as  The  demonstrate  l e d to  Denmark, w h i l e  England  German powers, P r u s s i a  powers.*'  has  f o r example, can  support  Russell  opposition press,  one  O n l y once d i d P a l m e r s t o n p u b l i c l y s u g g e s t  would come t o did  the  responsible  actions  perception  will  that  problem.  1863-1864 i s I t s  this  the  entirely  P a l m e r s t o n ' s government, blamed  while  during  p o l i c y - m a k e r s were not  I860's o f  foreign p o l i c y during  Danes on  conducted  consistency"  In t h e  a c t i o n whatsoever to  But  p o l i c y was  In  f o r the  any  other.  revival  Schleswlg-Holsteln  dispute  support  policy-makers  chapter.  opens w i t h t h e  European  from B r i t i s h  undertook  government's  weight  when l t  was  later  been t h e  suggested, best,  Bismarck's It Incensed  perhaps the  Is no  doubt  at having  t r u e t h a t the to take  settled  p l a y e d an  l a r g e l y on  o p p o r t u n i t y to  the  action  i n 1852.  Important  certain  In m o d e r a t i n g  Danish  war,  himself claimed,  Impelled  to b l u n t R u s s e l l ' s  I n d i g n a t i o n over  helped  by  aggrandizement  the  complicated  on  the  o f the  British  Danish  not  " t o b r i n g on  Thus, o n l y by  consistently  preservation,  and  later  a war  the  government hope t o  an e x c u s e t o  the  least  which the  began, "by  restoration the  seek by the  himself  encouraging  may  throughout profit."*- '  aimed a t  o f peace c o u l d French  & &  German  o f w h i c h was  I I I sought  pursuing a p o l i c y  dlspute.  accompanied  as R u s s e l l  by w h i c h F r a n c e  frustrate  Cby  in suppressing  P r u s s i a n and  monarchy. But  hostilities  motives  Ideological  Schleswlg-HolsteIn  with  no  same  i n 1863  R h i n e - were, o f c o u r s e , objectives,  blamed  government's a c t i o n s  Germany by t u r n s , " N a p o l e o n  conflict  British  to Russia  British  l t Is e q u a l l y  The  6 5  convention  d e s i r e to preserve  J u s t a week b e f o r e  Denmark and  the  p r o v i d i n g France  Important  preservation noted  to guide  - the  not  Alvensleben Its support  l o n g and  These m o t i v e s  many o t h e r  the  pledged  Poles) also d u r i n g the  Palmerston  thought  " t h e r e was  that  had  the  a c t i o n s o f t h e German powers. But  t h a t , as P a l m e r s t o n  was  t h a t Queen  w h i c h was  g o i n g to w a r . "  strength  had  frustrate  government  whatever o f England  Prussia  war  In a d i s p u t e w h i c h was  I t Is a l s o role  to the  British  question had  Danish  e  government's response  certain  last  t h a t the  plans. *  t o have been Victoria  and  somewhat w i s h f u l l y ,  7  the the  emperor,  and  avert  a conflagration  more s e r i o u s t h a n As  early  as  t h e c o n s e q u e n c e s o f w h i c h would be  the  loss  1861  o f the E l b e d u c h i e s  British  concerns  t o P r u s s i a n I n t e r f e r e n c e In  Holsteln.  of Ellenborough  become one commented  Earl  demands In t h e d u c h i e s on P r u s s i a .  raised  that  the  possibility  of a French  " l e t [ P r u s s i a ] not  l e t her wait  rally  h e r t h e whole o f Germany In d e f e n s e  Prussia  t o a t t a c k Denmark f i r s t ,  "perilling  h e r own  Amidst  both  the Danish  separate Schleswlg agreement),  and  existence."  from  government p r o p o s e d  problem  In t h e d u c h i e s from  situation  Incorporation  6  and  with  t h e Danes, t h e the Patent  of Schleswlg  best  latter  1852 the  solutions  o f whom  March 1863  to  the  such  a  by  understood  f o r the E n g l i s h  calling  state.  that  t h e y would not " I am  Government t o h o l d  f o r the  Meanwhile,  In  would  In c o n j u n c t i o n w i t h  argued:  both  exacerbated  a l l difficulties  government,  I n v a s i o n o f Denmark, R u s s e l l  position  of the  execution,  different  Into the Danish  I f the B r i t i s h  German  violation  o f 30  "vanish"  distinctly  Were  g r a d u a l l y to  5  to o p p o s i t i o n claims that  l t be  l e t her  been  hopes o f p r e v e n t i n g j u s t  response  let  then  o c c u r r i n g . ' ' Such p r o p o s a l s were r e j e c t e d  t h e German D i e t the  Ca  several  In t h e  provoke  of r i g h t . " have  monarchy's a t t e m p t s  t h r e a t s of f e d e r a l  British  situation  might w e l l  attack  6 9  Holsteln  repeated  Is a t t a c k e d , and  she  to  Confederation's  hostilities, around  she  was  o f Denmark)  t h e German  H i s p r o p h e t i c a d v i c e was, till  Schleswlg-  Cwho, I r o n i c a l l y ,  o f t h e most v o c i f e r o u s d e f e n d e r s In t h e House o f L o r d s  Denmark.  were v o i c e d r e g a r d i n g t h e  r e a c t i o n o f France The  by  much  France,  permit  sure that i s to  a the  maintain  and a d h e r e t o t r e a t i e s on t h i s  dangerous  that  been  and q u e s t i o n a b l e  those r i g h t s  which  government's  aim, w h i c h was  central  have  fairly  made, and not t o  p a t h o f d e n y i n g t o Germany  belong to her." " 7  to preserve  Hence t h e  0  peace  E u r o p e , a p p e a r e d t o be t h r e a t e n e d  and  stability  on a l l s i d e s  o b s t i n a c y o f t h e Danes, by t h e g r o w i n g n a t i o n a l i s t Germany, and by N a p o l e o n  Ill's  advance  desire  In  - by t h e  fervour  In  f o r a g g r a n d i z e m e n t on t h e  Rh1ne. Palmerston's unfortunate  Commons s p e e c h o f 23 J u l y  w h i c h he d e c l a r e d  that  Danish r i g h t s  and  i n d e p e n d e n c e would  Denmark a l o n e  w i t h w h i c h t h e y would  p e r h a p s be b e t t e r and d i s p a t c h e d 19 J u l y his  assistance  inform  Foreign  would  feel  In t h e f a c e  the A u s t r i a n willingness  Importantly, Intervene:  that  "Such  Independence  and  S c h l e s w l g might Denmark."  73  Minister  Impelled  of federal  "lt  Foreign  would  to a c t i v e l y  a pretension  a r o u n d t h e same t i m e . ' 7  had  I n f o r m e d London  integrity  might  that  Denmark w i t h and he u r g e d t h e 7 2  Moreover,  well  Russell  him t o  Induce F r a n c e t o  be as d a n g e r o u s  be t o t h e Independence  rather  On  Denmark, but more  o f Germany as t h e  [Emphasis mine] Hence  1  n o t o n l y o f Sweden's  support  might  be  of correspondence received  execution,  execution  not  to contend," can  to provide  Minister  In  overthrow of  In V i e n n a on t h e 2 9 t h and t o l d  federal  P a l m e r s t o n ' s words,  that  on E n g l a n d and F r a n c e .  t o h i s ambassador  apparent  have  by t h e F o r e i g n O f f i c e  same c o u r s e o f a c t i o n wrote  find  u n d e r s t o o d In l i g h t  the Swedish  government  anyone a t t e m p t i n g a v i o l e n t  1863,  and  to the  Invasion of  Integrity of  l t Is p o s s i b l e  that  than t h r e a t e n i n g B r i t i s h  intervention  In t h e  d i s p u t e , were  the growing  possibility  In t h e t i m e and  Austrian  British  I n t e r v e n t i o n from  government worked c o n s i s t e n t l y  constitution  which  by u r g i n g t h e D a n i s h  amicable  remained  convinced that  adjustment,"  sentiments  but  s t r o n g l y pro-Danish. '*  any  by t h e  t h e c o u n t r y , he  and  that  the P r u s s i a n  January  1864,  k i n g to abrogate  sabre-rattling.  was  "capable  not  would be  the  an  taking action  t h e government and  danger e x i s t e d  t h e crown were  of Napoleon  In agreement  was  that  and  i n t h e S c h l e s w l g - H o l s t e i n d i s p u t e , and  Interest  was  "bound up w i t h t h e g e n e r a l  l t was.  74s  thus  t h e y had  Interest  Indeed  that  I I I u s i n g the d i s p u t e over  position  f o r such  to r e v e r s e I t . Moreover,  d u c h i e s as a means o f a g g r a n d i z i n g F r a n c e , government's o f f i c i a l  to  was,  between w i t h h o l d i n g " c o n s e n t "  both  Queen  i m p o s s i b l e f o r h e r government  however, a b i g d i f f e r e n c e actually  quite  highly  t o a German o c c u p a t i o n o f S c h l e s w l g . " ^ ^ T h e r e  I n v a s i o n , and  was  expressed  l t best to remind  Integrity  of  pro-German  on t h e o t h e r hand, was  thought  by  o p i n i o n , which  being  of  the  and  between t h e  public  sentiments  l t would be  Its  the problem  caught  the  to a v e r t the outbreak  to stop  British  s u r r e n d e r o f Denmark's  unpopular, "consent  alarmed  was  Russell,  7  throughout  he  o f t h e Queen, and  so p r a g m a t i c ;  and  so o f f e n d e d German n a t i o n a l i s t s ,  to c o n v i n c e the F e d e r a l D i e t  Palmerston  some o t h e r q u a r t e r .  speech  I n v a s i o n o f t h e d u c h i e s on 24  both  that  of  meant t o warn t h e German powers o f  between P a l m e r s t o n ' s  hostilities,  trying  instead  Interest  no that  a  real  the  the immediate their  of Europe,"  as  52 The  German  by p o i n t i n g "formal  I n v a s i o n o f t h e d u c h i e s , which  to the c o n s t i t u t i o n  and f i n a l  seriously alter felt  that  both  violation"  the B r i t i s h sides  would  who b e l i e v e d  Initiate  such n e g o t i a t i o n s ,  dispatch  government's p o s i t i o n ,  that  a slight  to the Rhenish  suggestion  Is c h a r a c t e r i s t i c  concern  might  a s l t was  would  be n e c e s s a r y t o Anglo-French  be f o l l o w e d  of h i s attitude how, u n l i k e  he r e f u s e d  f o r the s t a b i l i z i n g  response  h i s more  which  army  to t h i s  throughout the  to l e t p r i n c i p l e s  position  offer  by t h e  t o Copenhagen, and a F r e n c h  border. Palmerston's  and l t d e m o n s t r a t e s  Foreign Secretary,  push  suggested a J o i n t  squadron  contingent  dispute,  o f 18 November as Denmark's  o f t h e 1852 London T r e a t y , d i d n o t  If refused,  of a B r i t i s h  Justified  now be p r e p a r e d t o n e g o t l a t e . ^  Russell,  o f m e d i a t i o n which,  Prussia  enthusiastic  override h i s  Prussia  h e l d In  Europe: I s h a r e f u l l y y o u r I n d i g n a t i o n . The c o n d u c t o f A u s t r i a and P r u s s i a Is d i s c r e d i t a b l y bad, and one o r b o t h o f them w i l l s u f f e r f o r It before these matters are s e t t l e d . I r a t h e r d o u b t , however, t h e e x p e d i e n c y o f t a k i n g a t t h e p r e s e n t moment t h e s t e p s p r o p o s e d . . . . [ I ] t might n o t be a d v i s a b l e n o r f o r o u r own I n t e r e s t t o s u g g e s t t o F r a n c e an a t t a c k upon t h e P r u s s i a n R h e n i s h t e r r i t o r y . I t would s e r v e P r u s s i a r i g h t I f s u c h an a t t a c k were made; and I f P r u s s i a r e m a i n s In t h e wrong we c o u l d n o t t a k e p a r t w i t h h e r a g a i n s t F r a n c e . B u t t h e c o n q u e s t o f t h a t t e r r i t o r y by F r a n c e would be an e v i l f o r u s , and would s e r i o u s l y a f f e c t t h e p o s i t i o n o f H o l l a n d and Belgium. '' [Emphasis mine] 7  With and  t h e c r o s s i n g o f a P r u s s i a n detachment  rumours t h a t  would  sail  an A u s t r i a n  that  fleet  urged  Austria  Into  Jutland,  on i t s way t o Copenhagen  past the shores o f Great B r i t a i n ,  rose considerably. Russell  9  Once a g a i n t h e Queen u r g e d  tensions  In E n g l a n d  moderation,  Anglo-French mediation, while Palmerston and P r u s s i a  actually  Intended t o a t t a c k  doubted  Copenhagen.  He was i n s t e a d who  concerned  he b e l i e v e d  enabled  either  was k e e p i n g to seize  occupy the P a l a t i n a t e of  a Confederacy  needing In agree  o f the Rhine,"  the face o f England,  f o r 25 A p r i l .  government  should take  to the B a l t i c ,  a l l of these  France  course  s t e p s , such  t o reduce  censure  contrary to their  and R u s s i a ' s  I n a b i l i t y to  a peace  conference  l t was a r g u e d  that the  as d i s p a t c h i n g a B r i t i s h  the p o s s i b i l i t y o f t h i s  Ca s e n t i m e n t  t h r e e months l a t e r  Intention  o f one s i d e  t h e government w i s h e d  that  anticipated  such  an a c t i o n  would r u n  of e n t e r i n g the conference  "the balance  o f power  Hostilities  were t e m p o r a r i l y s u s p e n d e d ,  o f a l l the p a r t i e s  opened  was q u i c k l y a g r e e d  I n E u r o p e t o be preserved."  I n London.  that  t h e 1852 s e t t l e m e n t had t o be  c a b i n e t t h e r e f o r e began t o e n t e r t a i n  partition  5 9 0  and on 20 A p r i l t h e  abandoned a s a b a s i s f o r d i s c u s s i o n s a t t h e c o n f e r e n c e , British  " n o t as  o r t h e o t h e r , b u t I m p a r t i a l l y . " Above a l l  and t h e r i g h t s  officially  which  o f t h e government's  maintained,  It  schemes and o t h e r s 7  of action,  The government r e s p o n d e d  conference  or to  b e i n g u n s u c c e s s f u l , w h i c h c o u l d o n l y "menace t h e  Disraeli's  partisans  engagements " t o be  t o be Implemented. "'*  In p a r l i a m e n t  t r a n q u i l l i t y o f Europe"  policy).  from  emperor  provinces of Prussia,  circumstances  on any o t h e r common  general  himself free  o f the French  o f B a v a r i a , o r t o p u t h i m s e l f a t t h e head  only the r i g h t  conference  the a t t i t u d e  the Rhenish  was c a l l e d  fleet  with  o f t h e d u c h i e s . But B i s m a r c k ' s  and t h e  proposals f o r the  duplicity,  as w e l l as  his  o p p o s i t i o n t o t h e B r i t i s h government's p r o p o s a l s  prevented  any  progress  t o agree to  from  b e i n g made, w h i c h prompted  Russell  the  Queen's s u g g e s t i o n t h a t  encourage  him  ineffective, conference  however, and  would  In t u r n  that  the c a b i n e t  Indeed  offer  i n t h e days  suddenly appeared  French his to  foreign  policy  Majesty wishes  assistance  that  e  a  He  t h e n wrote  perhaps  more t h a n  dispute,  and  greatest  danger  d r a g g i n g us  he  told he  After  significant Russell,  was  who  Is t o be  he  had  e 3  with  upshot  crucial  the  Is t h a t  which  from  France  Italy." ** 6  Denmark: "But  t h e n comes t h e q u e s t i o n , what w i l l o f her a l l i a n c e  with England  be  simply  the "The  the Rhine, even  France's v o l t e - f a c e  attempt  was  J o i n i n g us  But  was  will  as much:  would c l a i m  been c o n v i n c e d t h a t  t o any  this  throughout  Queen V i c t o r i a  she  1)  I think,  the p r i c e  For Palmerston  t h e whole o f  previously  but  participation  as t h e p r i c e  understanding,  meeting  entertained  In which  the e f f e c t  had  III  to get a b i t of the  bought,  [ P a l m e r s t o n ] saw  possibly revolutionize  In  Napoleon  t o C l a r e n d o n : " I t Is c l e a r ,  a delighted  I n t o a war,  meeting  present circumstances to account  l t Is w o r t h . "  a c o n f i r m a t i o n of fears  resumed.  determined,  Cowley r e p o r t e d : "The  the French a l l i a n c e  the  t o Denmark, w i t h o r  f o r an A n g l o - F r e n c h  t u r n t h e A u s t r l a n s o u t o f V e n e t l a 2j  Rhine. "  be  June c a b i n e t  t o be  suspicions.  to turn  that  French.  was  overanxious  minister,  possible  t o renew once a g a i n h i s demands  England's  heightened B r i t i s h  and  proved  hostilities  l e a d i n g up t h e 24  future  This  S1  appeared  b r e a k up and  induced R u s s e l l  England's  which  l t soon  the c o o p e r a t i o n o f the  But which  write to King William  t o moderate h i s d e m a n d s .  This  without  she  was and  more  had  on  France's  t o come t o t h e a i d o f France  require  In c h e c k i n g t h e  55 ambition that was  o f Germany, and  price?" not,  aloof  and  the  from t h e  Treaty  duchies  June  However  the the  as  England  cabinet  that  Danes had  In O c t o b e r  Austria  above  of  to  Is o n l y  complicated  a small  p o l i c y may  i s commonly b e l i e v e d ,  European balance,  and  that  would  surrendered, they  remain  and  left  crossectlon  of  British  dispute.  not  have been  so  that  pragmatic  concerns  the  part,  c o n s i s t e n t l y t o o k p r e c e d e n c e o v e r a l l e l s e . Numerous  the  integrity  control the  Issues,  s u c h as  and  over the  formulation  of which P r u s s i a  the  entrance of  to  British  the  Prussia  and  Austria's  Accusations Just  deciding  that  i n f l u e n c e " of  diminishing seemed now  the to  actions  repeated  i t was  Prussia not  In t h e  i n the  " s t a l k unchallenged  and  again  by  from one  expression  later  dispute,  place  In  possible  which proved  decisive  oppose  duchies.  councils  public opinion,  the  other  and  their  E n g l a n d would  " s e c u r i t i e s f o r p e a c e , " and  In B r i t i s h  again  on  Integral  In t h e  a l l had  P a l m e r s t o n ' s government  England  an  D a n i s h monarchy,  Baltic,  whether or  a n o t h e r , " were a p r e d i c t a b l e some g r o u p s  the  p o l i c y ; but  consequences of a French a t t a c k when l t came t o  was  p o s i t i o n of Russia  Independence o f  by  the  about  Important  lt  over.  Schleswlg-Holsteln  British  pay  almost  1864,  fight  to  felt  England  w h i c h were resumed  signed  and  i t shows t h a t  Irresolute  Interest  decided  a month the  Vienna,  for Prussia  during  l t was  hostilities  Obviously policy  24  Within  of  l t the  [Emphasis mine] C l e a r l y t h e  9 5  on  Immediately.  Is  of  had  "lowered  Europe,  that end  Europe  satisfying and  were  historians.*  3 6  thereby  v i c e and  of  In Nor  the  the fact was  crime to  anger to  be  of  56 Palmerston Prussia  at P a r i s  stirred,  to  resist just  nor a v o i c e  l t into  Palmerston  consequences  f o r England  strengthened  by h a v i n g s u c c e s s f u l l y  Cwhlch l a t e r  encouraged  last  ministry  disposed  on  i n England  had  sought  l t Is n o t  foreign  affairs,  But l t  to a v e r t ,  than P r u s s i a ' s had  actions  inadvertently  p r o s e c u t e d the Danish  to challenge h i s  outcome f o r t h e  Hence  would voted  3 7  sake  of a  s u r p r i s i n g to f i n d after  of at Gasteln, Palmerston  the  war  however,  wider  that  t h e d u c h i e s had  wrote  If B r i t i s h war  i t was  that,  statesmen  had  In h i s  been  following:  3  learned  a n y t h i n g from  In t h e hands o f B i s m a r c k ,  in  been  I t was d i s h o n e s t and u n j u s t t o d e p r i v e Denmark o f S l e s w i g and H o l s t e i n . I t Is a n o t h e r q u e s t i o n how t h o s e two D u c h i e s , when s e p a r a t e d from Denmark, c a n be d i s p o s e d o f f o r t h e best I n t e r e s t s of Europe. I s h o u l d say t h a t , w i t h t h a t view, I t Is b e t t e r t h a t t h e y s h o u l d go t o I n c r e a s e t h e power o f P r u s s i a t h a n t h e y s h o u l d form a n o t h e r l i t t l e s t a t e t o be added t o t h e c l u s t e r o f s m a l l b o d i e s p o l i t i c which encumber Germany, and r e n d e r I t o f l e s s f o r c e t h a n l t ought t o be In t h e g e n e r a l b a l a n c e o f power In t h e w o r l d . P r u s s i a Is t o o weak as she now Is e v e r t o be h o n e s t and i n d e p e n d e n t In h e r a c t i o n ; and w i t h a view t o t h e f u t u r e , l t i s d e s i r a b l e t h a t Germany In t h e a g g r e g a t e , s h o u l d be s t r o n g , In o r d e r t o c o n t r o l t h o s e two a m b i t i o u s and a g g r e s s i v e powers, F r a n c e and R u s s i a . . • • [ A ] s t r o n g P r u s s i a Is e s s e n t i a l t o German s t r e n g t h . " 0 1  as  liberal  o f army r e f o r m ) ; P a l m e r s t o n ,  prepared to accept t h i s  letter  to deprive  nor a s h i l l i n g  in Berlin  Bismarck  o v e r the matter  peace.  and  of French aggression against  Illiberal  European  h i s head  n o r a man  Denmark. The  was  friend  upon t h e P r u s s i a n l o n a r c h , ' "  were more r e l e v a n t  opposition  opinion regarding  " [ I ] f o u r good  raised,  s u c h an a t t a c k w h i c h dangerous  of B r i t i s h  p r o v i n c e s , not a f i n g e r  such r e t r i b u t i o n  the h i g h l y Prussia  state  were t o t a k e  of her Rhenish  be  was  to the  In t h e wake o f t h e war:  neighbour Prussia  oblivious  the  Danish  Prussian diplomacy  had  t a k e n on a whole new c h a r a c t e r ,  by t h e way he s u b s e q u e n t l y u s e d provoking Austria  a fact  i n t h e t u g o f war t h a t  r e g a r d i n g Bismarck's  conduct  t h e D a n i s h war was n o t s h a r e d b y a l l . during  1865 t h a t  Irrespective  Bismarck  Prussia" threaten specifically,  as t h e i r  D u c h i e s t o t h e Kingdom  and  constitutional this  despite  their  was have  3  objections  were  Duke  raised  More  a i m was t o " a d d t h e  5  himself  I t soon became e v i d e n t ,  could  to Austria  statesmen  constitutional  appeared  t o have a v e r t e d war  and S c h l e s w l g t o P r u s s i a ,  that  o f such s t a b i l i t y , but ways i n E n g l a n d . As we  both o f the duchies should  Queen V i c t o r i a ,  demanded t h a t  that,  stability.  in different  Palmerston thought  have  however,  In p a r l i a m e n t , few B r i t i s h  t h e needs o f t h e P r u s s i a n  nonetheless Interpreted  world o p i n i o n  to i n s t a l l  the P r u s s i a n s to h i s r u l e ,  t o be a s t e p In t h e d i r e c t i o n  seen,  clear  from home p o l i t i c s and  G a s t e l n c o n v e n t i o n , which Holsteln  plan  o f Europe."  o f those o f European  have gone t o P r u s s i a . that  ruler,  privileges.*" ' ' Only Bismarck  such p r o t e s t a t i o n s  by a w a r d i n g  after  As l t s l o w l y became  Bismarck's  reconciling  more c l e a r l y .  movement ahead  appeared  that  attention  were p r e p a r e d t o p l a c e  The  i n the duchies  [ o f P r u s s i a ] as a means o f g a i n i n g  for himself,  diverting  stated  Palmerston's  the "ambitious aggressions o f  the " t r a n q u i l l i t y  l t was f e l t  a f t e r the  I n t e n d e d t o annex t h e d u c h i e s ,  i n t h e House o f Commons t h a t  popularity  ensued  o f the p o p u l a r i t y of Austria's  F r e d e r i c k o f Augustenberg  was d r i v e n home  t h e d u c h i e s as a means o f  s i g n i n g o f t h e T r e a t y o f V i e n n a . However, complacency  which  on t h e o t h e r hand,  England  felt  l e t t h e German powers,  58 and  Prussia  In p a r t i c u l a r ,  "Iniquity".' ' 5  Gasteln  0  know how t h e y  The Queen no doubt  represented  felt  about  feared the challenge  to the p r i n c i p l e  o f l e g i t lmacy. ' <5  g o v e r n m e n t ' s o n l y r e s p o n s e was t o be one o f q u i e t , disapproval.  Having  representatives Gasteln  Informed England's  abroad  convention  that  circular  1  which But t h e  tactful  diplomatic  t h e government c o n s i d e r e d t h e  t o be I n a p p r o p r i a t e ,  delicately-phrased  this  memo was  the f o l l o w i n g  dispatched:  T h i s i n s t r u c t i o n does n o t a u t h o r i z e you t o a d d r e s s o b s e r v a t i o n s on t h i s s u b j e c t t o t h e C o u r t t o w h i c h you a r e a c c r e d i t e d , b u t Is I n t e n d e d o n l y t o p o i n t o u t , when t h e o p p o r t u n i t y s h a l l p r e s e n t i t s e l f , what i s t h e l a n g u a g e you a r e e x p e c t e d t o hold." ' 5  With the G a s t e l n  2  convention  apparently  averted,  by  remonstrances against  British  But to  the " t r a n q u i l l i t y " be s h o r t - l i v e d ,  government, faced  that  this  which G a s t e l n  accompli,  and war  good would have been  served  display of powei—politics. had a f f o r d e d E u r o p e  proved  and by t h e s p r i n g o f 1865 R u s s e l l ' s new  the prospect  was F o r e i g n  o f a German c i v i l t h e aim o f B r i t i s h  Secretary,  once  again  war d i s r u p t i n g t h e peace o f policy  r e m a i n e d t h e same -  o f p r e s e r v i n g p e a c e - t h e e m p h a s i s w h i c h P a l m e r s t o n had  formerly placed reduced Office  on t h e s e c u r i t y o f P r u s s i a was d r a m a t i c a l l y  as a r e s u l t  of Clarendon's presence  In t h e F o r e i g n  In t h e p e r i o d l e a d i n g up t o t h e o u t b r e a k o f h o s t i l i t i e s  June. The  in  practical  In w h i c h C l a r e n d o n  E u r o p e . But w h i l e  In  little  a fait  new F o r e i g n  S e c r e t a r y had l i t t l e  t h e wake o f t h e D a n i s h war, p r i v a t e l y  [Austria] could give  the Prussians  sympathy stating  a licking,  for Prussia  t h a t " i f she  I am s u r e  that  59  E u r o p e would be  glad."-** N o n e t h e l e s s ,  g r o w i n g German p r o b l e m Bismarck, h i s c o n c e r n s the  duchies.  "present  In t h e about  F e a r f u l that  bud  by  Clarendon t r i e d unofficially  Prussia's  to nip  conveying  the to  confrontational policy  a German war  would d i s r u p t  e q u i l i b r i u m o f power," C l a r e n d o n  In  the  wrote:  S e t t i n g a s i d e f a m i l y t i e s , P r u s s i a Is t h e g r e a t P r o t e s t a n t Power o f E u r o p e , w i t h w h i c h we n a t u r a l l y have k i n d r e d f e e l i n g s , and l t would be w i t h deep r e g r e t t h a t we should see h e r r e g a r d e d as a common enemy, b e c a u s e a w i l f u l d i s t u r b e r o f the peace o f E u r o p e ; and s t i l l more I f , In t h e c o u r s e o f e v e n t s , we f o u n d o u r s e l v e s c o m p e l l e d t o t a k e any p a r t a g a i n s t h e r . . . . I t would r e f l e c t g r e a t c r e d i t upon P r u s s i a I f b e f o r e she went out In t h i s d u e l w i t h A u s t r i a she v o l u n t e e r e d t o p l a c e h e r s e l f In t h e hands o f s e c o n d s upon whose I m p a r t i a l i t y she c o u l d rely."*** Russell principal not  too  saw  concern  the  In t h e  " e i t h e r t o put  upon h e r  of these  two  dispute,  Prussia  N o r t h o f Germany not favour  p r e s e r v a t i o n o f peace as  now  by  belonging  proposing  Grand-Duke o f O l d e n b u r g , claims  wishes o f the  People  particular  Minister's  mediation  while  government  of the  or to  he  t h a t the  claims  policy  look  In  duchies  go  unfortunately which,  the  with  hoped t o a v o i d  two  was  both  to  Ignored  according  which a c c o r d  the  with  the to  the  Duchies.'"" ' I t would a p p e a r t h a t  In  12  Victoria's  Idealism  overruled  the  Prime  pragmatism.  i n the  correspondence by  "only  Instance  Nonetheless,  pursued  to her,  his proposal  were the  British  of t e r r i t o r i e s  o f Duke F r e d e r i c k o f A u g u s t e n b e r g ,  Queen V i c t o r i a ,  this  that  In p o s s e s s i o n  h u m i l i a t i o n . " But  evils  and  England's  Queen V i c t o r i a dispute.  with  the  But  as  was  anxious to o f f e r  she  made c l e a r In  Crown P r i n c e  to o f f e r  such m e d i a t i o n :  her  of P r u s s i a , the  B i s m a r c k made l t e x t r e m e l y d i f f i c u l t " I must  say,  British  course  f o r the as  British  much as  I  60 should still  lament war between P r u s s i a more  I f my government  gross a v i o l a t i o n ourselves to the  government  Prussia  the  Prussian  deceived actions  Upon b e i n g  king,  threatened  cabinet,  now  any a d v i c e ,  effort,  and a d v i s i n g him t h a t ,  about  Into  Indeed, he was  a fratlcldal  t o be r e b u f f e d ,  England',s o f f e r o f m e d i a t i o n ,  declared  be  one In w h i c h " n e i t h e r  honour nor E n g l i s h  concerned."  the  cabinet  relative  9 8  This,  recognized  Increase  about  III to reap  need  the  Foreign  resources  was n o t e n t i r e l y  of France,  that  refusal  Interests true, f o r r e s u l t In a  thereupon  In c o n v i n c i n g  f o r England t o remain a l o o f argued  concerned  the cabinet  from t h e German  of  quarrel,  t h e " m i l i t a r y and p e c u n i a r y  o f E n g l a n d " had t o be c a r e f u l l y managed. Not o n l y  I n f o r m e d Cowley: "Our g r e a t of a l l kinds  care  9 7  some a d v a n t a g e . But u n l i k e h i s  n e c e s s a r y because o f the s t a t e  resources  well  C l a r e n d o n does n o t a p p e a r t o have been  Secretary  war.  t h e German q u a r r e l t o  a German war c o u l d  F r e n c h d e s i g n s on P r u s s i a .  the  this  that  In t h e s t r e n g t h  e n c o u r a g i n g Napoleon predecessor,  of course,  whose  as t h e  the consequences o f a P r u s s i a n  English  being  o f "one man"  of  are  of the King,  w r i t i n g d i r e c t l y to  by t h e r e c k l e s s n e s s  t o p l u n g e Germany  that  or i n t e r f e r e with  Bismarck, was t h e M i n i s t e r  l t was V i c t o r i a ' s t u r n  concerned  pride  i n f o r m e d by t h e Prime M i n i s t e r  t o make one l a s t  and d i s h o n o u r e d  But  made t h e m s e l v e s p a r t i e s . . . t o so  would n o t " g i v e  decided  grieve  as t h e v i o l e n t a n n e x a t i o n o f t h e d u c h i e s  i n any way" w h i l e  Victoria  I should  o f a l l t h e p r i n c i p l e s on w h i c h we  In E n g l a n d ,  P r u s s i a . '"^^  and A u s t r i a ,  of Ireland,  but a l s o ,  must be f o r B e l g i u m  must be h u s b a n d e d  was  as he  and o u r  f o r f u l f i l l i n g our  T r e a t y engagements r e s p e c t i n g t h a t end,  Clarendon  Austria hoping  and  Italy,  perhaps  Clearly, In  the  those of  even l e n t  h i s support  Clarendon  a German war  had  h i s own  and  Ideas  had  this  n e g o t i a t i o n s with  Isolation  about  of  Prussia,  "licking".  Prussia's place  t h e y were d i s t i n c t l y  Clarendon  b e i n g fought  i t be  different  r e s i g n e d h i m s e l f to the  over the  spoils  o f 1864,  from fact  hoping  c o n f i n e d t o Germany. However, when q u e s t i o n e d  about  British  S e c r e t a r y promptly responded  further  thereby to c o n t r i b u t e to a P r u s s i a n  of Palmerston.  parliament  Xo  to French  w h i c h were aimed a t t h e  European balance,  only that  C o u n t r y . "•s"*  offers  of mediation,  assumed a p r o p e r  liberal  the  In  Foreign  attitude  and  thus:  [W]e have s t o o d a l o n e , and a l o n e we c o u l d do n o t h i n g a g a i n s t t h e d e t e r m i n a t i o n t h a t war was...the most e f f e c t i v e means o f g i v i n g e f f e c t t o an a m b i t i o u s p o l I c y . . . . More t h a n a m i l l i o n men a r e now armed and p r e p a r e d f o r c o n f l i c t . And I must say t h a t I t Is a m e l a n c h o l y s i g h t In t h i s e n l i g h t e n e d age, and t h e p r e s e n t s t a t e o f c i v i l i s a t i o n and p r o g r e s s , t h a t E u r o p e s h o u l d even be menaced w i t h a war f o r w h i c h no c a s u s b e l l i can be s a i d t o e x i s t . 1 0 0  As would be outbreak that  "a  four years  o f t h e F r a n c o - P r u s s i a n war, little  prevented the  the case  e n e r g e t i c language  t h e war  between P r u s s i a  reasonable  lt all!";  although  in  In B e r l i n  prior  office  circumstances propitious  immediately  f o r Bismarck's  Germany had  Informed  no  such  Austria. no  doubt  Clarendon  1 0 1  In t h e  that would  a  mind  of  "liberal, have  t o be  found the  d i d appear  British  d u r i n g the  1866  have  of h o s t i l i t i e s ,  p r e c e d i n g t h e war 1 0 2  argued.in  government was  to the outbreak  removal.  the  London" would  P r u s s i a n government  prevented  In  and  following  some p e o p l e  from  P r u s s i a n Crown P r i n c e s s t h e r e was  German-feeling,  later  d i p l o m a t i c sources s p r i n g o f 1866  that  the  q u e s t i o n o f war  future.  And  William  afforded  Victoria's Princess  with Austria  more e n c o u r a g i n g s t i l l  recommendations  to write:  minute  of Coburg,  "You  effort  royal  The brought  about  a m b a s s a d o r ' s and  f o r peace,  prompting  the  Indeed,  1 0 3  be  Intervention  rendered  here  on t h e p a r t  ineffective diplomacy,"  and  who  dismissal  this  kind  and  England  of wishful  the course pursued  little like  Is t h a t  were c o n s i s t e n t  regarding Prussia.  him  What  Palmerston's  potential  The  for Prussia,  to r e s t r a i n  Ironic).  from  was  when h o s t i l i t i e s  have  What  by  with previous  Is  Clarendon British  personal feelings  Is t h a t war,  us  Clarendon harboured  Is I r r e l e v a n t  Bismarck's  at  transpired.  that  that  Is I m p o r t a n t  to the  commenced.  and  t h e Queen  contributed the time  fact  d u r i n g the Danish  obstacles  who  thinking t e l l s  however,  Induced  British  t h e r e b y a v e r t e d the  evident  strong d i s l i k e  Duke  Bismarck.  could  actually  which  a  therefore  the events which  policy  even  participation.  Bismarck's  results  t h e means o f  of the  n o t h i n g about  produced  Crown  and  by C l a r e n d o n ,  Is n o t t o show t h a t  A u s t r o - P r u s s l a n war;  here,  King  Queen  t h e r e was  a wedge between K i n g W i l l i a m  t h e Queen's  point  Bismarck's  t h e warm r e c e p t i o n  a g a i n , d e a r e s t Mama, may  o f such " r o y a l  discouraged  for  made by t h e Queen's b r o t h e r — I n - l a w , t h e  attempted  f a m i l y was  resentful  was  conflagration."  to d r i v e  However t h i s  decisive  to both the B r i t i s h  a v e r t i n g a European last  was  had  Calthough  Clarendon's  a  not a  actions,  h e l p e d t o remove  p a t h , and  favourable International between P r u s s i a  thereby  situation and  existing  Austria  63 Soon a f t e r  the  place  in England  shift  i n focus  Bismarck's  not  with  By  neutrality  the  policy  the  new  1 0  *  But  there  amongst B r i t i s h  In a p o s i t i o n  the  British  In p a r l i a m e n t quickly adjusted existence  Is t h e  sentiments.  and  occasion, Industry Prussia  been  fought  No  longer  who  minds t o  were not  peace-loving more l i k e l y than  people,  the  of there  plunging  liberal and,  to p r o s e c u t e  of g r a s p i n g  at the  one  now  saw  M.P.  the  Stanley  lost  on  power either  government  coming  Into  adopted  Europe  Into  as " l i k e  p u r s u i t of  Conjuring  up  to  excluded. express war,  the  ourselves on  a  great  peaceful v i s i o n s of  head o f a u n i t e d Germany, W i l l i a m Horsman  i  that  consider  however w a r l i k e  ambition."  Prussia's  crown.  t o n e w h i c h was bent  at  remarkable  Germany. As  o p p o s i t i o n and  Idealistic  was  leading - military  British  possibility  Germans were d e s c r i b e d by sober  the  Lord  war  a u n i t e d Germany from w h i c h A u s t r i a would be  Noteworthy these  t o the  the  the  magnitude of  our  of  Impartial  as  Implications of t h i s  both  and  having  must make up  government, o r t h e  future  battle  a  at  conflict,  parties,"  to reorganize  a l e a d i n g - p e r h a p s as The  strict  the  also a  anger the  the  policy-makers,  Prussia  1 0 X 3  as  took  Secretary,  on  took place  s t a t e d : "We  of E u r o p e . "  "a  contending  succinctly as  Foreign  statement  most c r u c i a l  became a p p a r e n t ,  was  there  to c o n c e r n s about  time the  a week e a r l i e r .  transformation Prussia  gave way  between a l l t h e  Konlggratz  1866  t o German a f f a i r s ,  Intended to maintain  already decided,  victory  regards  made h i s f i r s t  s t a t i n g t h a t he  i n June  o n l y a change o f government, but  Iniquities  Germany i t s e l f . Stanley,  outbreak, o f war  spoke  a  64 o f an  "Intellectual  lethargy, national  and  and  a s p i r i n g nation,  w o r k i n g out  life,  a great  its political  new  power  peace o f E u r o p e . T h i s  the  E n g l i s h m i n i s t r y . " Even G l a d s t o n e , of Bismarck,  unification  of  Is t h e  endorsed  freedom w i t h  In E u r o p e ,  the  suspicion  a w a k i n g from a  and  consummation  the  new  a guarantee  t o be  despite  Idea o f a  long  his  for  desired  by  deep-seated  Prussian-led  Germany:  Germany c o n t a i n s t h e most numerous r a c e In E u r o p e ; one o f the most I n t e l l i g e n t , and p e r h a p s the most I n t e l l e c t u a l - a r a c e u n i t e d by I t s j u x t a p o s i t i o n , famous In h i s t o r y , h a v i n g t r a d i t i o n s i n f e r i o r t o t h o s e o f no o t h e r p e o p l e . . . . I t may be p o s s i b l e when t h e r i v a l r y In Germany Is a t an end t h e r e may be e s t a b l i s h e d between P r u s s l a . . . a n d t h e M i n o r s t a t e s s u c h r e l a t i o n s as w i l l do J u s t i c e t o t h e s e S t a t e s , and g i v e Germany h e r p r o p e r p o s i t i o n In E u r o p e . T h a t , I t h i n k , i s the p r o b l e m t o be s e t t l e d In Germany; and we s h o u l d not by a c t , o r e v e n by word, o f f e r any o b s t a c l e t o the s o l u t i o n o f t h a t p r o b l e m . '-10  Nor  was  solution. was  l t the  government's  Stanley's  p o s i t i o n on  the  British  policy  a u n i t e d Germany do  us?"  asked.  accorded  the  the  c o n s i s t e n t with  I n t e n t i o n t o oppose  fully  government not  Germany," t h e "injurious the  with  united,  England." All victory  of  such  Prince  liberal  clear,  "What harm  And  this,  of  the  Queen, who  could  course,  asked o n l y  that  of England." True  Victoria  Germany would be  being  declared  that,  to "A  a most u s e f u l a l l y  1 0 0  of t h i s ,  of course,  over A u s t r i a , the  Confederation,  and  the  and  I n d i f f e r e n t t o what p a s s e s  Influence  Consort,  was  past:  I n d i f f e r e n c e perhaps  p o s i t i o n and  memory o f t h e  strong,  views o f  situation  In t h e 1 0 7  "appear u t t e r l y  effect  t o the  he  new  such a  Ignored the  fact  d i s s o l u t i o n of the  establishment  of the  that  Prussia's  Germanic N o r t h German  to  In  Confederation  had  Prussia,  no  liberal of the  with  corresponding  constitutional Battle  same e f f e c t Prussia the  only strengthened  on  the  British  as  - that of r e c o n c i l i n g  German  advance  government  of Koniggratz,  concern  Luxembourg c r i s i s  Franco-Prussian  b e i n g made t o w a r d s  in that country.  l t d i d on  the  war  and  the  P r u s s i a n k i n g , and  the  problem which a l l o w e d  duchy).  o f Napoleon  E u r o p e as Germany c o n t i n u e d  sought  u n i f i c a t i o n . ' ' Although pursued  policy  to preserve  "rigidly  3  policy  British  to  i t was  thought  I f war  t h a t war  Germany's c o n s o l i d a t i o n , t o be  Early France's  British  i n the offer  to prevent  France  not  from  to  Bismarck  honour  and  In  t o move In t h e d i r e c t i o n  were t o b r e a k o u t , such  the  an  also  was  of to  British  occurrence  c o u l d o n l y damage t h e thereby  of  the  stability  prospects  damaging what were  the c o n t i n e n t .  following Prussia's hostile  to purchase  Stanley claimed  on  Impartial neutrality"  I n t e r e s t s on  crisis,  In a  throughout  peace and  government a s s i d u o u s l y worked t o p r e v e n t  act  In  handling of  attempts  P r u s s i a t o withdraw with  central  Holland,  solution  e v e n t u a l l y a g r e e i n g to a s o l u t i o n  once a g a i n  5 0  Ill's  S t r e n u o u s l y u r g i n g moderation  dispute  to  National Liberals  Cwhlch n e a r l y r e s u l t e d  to escape unscathed,  perceived  the  to demonstrate a  Belgium  for  verdict  t o have had  them t o a B l s m a r c k l a n  as a r e s u l t  this  since  The  for Prussia during their  In 1867  acquire  the  in  problem.  Palmerstonlan-1Ike  be  position  t h e r e f o r e , appears  D e r b y ' s government c o n t i n u e d  the  Bismarck's  Luxembourg from to understand  why  the  reaction  King  England  a c q u i r i n g t h e d u c h y when t h e  of should  government and  even  year.  and  the people  applauded  Prussia's  King William garrison  Prussia.  u r g i n g him  a t Luxembourg  offer  to agree  of d e s i r i n g  war  the  impending  their  explosive  Queen V i c t o r i a ,  apparent,  policies  In  In a l e t t e r  to  f o r the French withdrawal t h e w o r l d would  of Germany."  government c l e a r l y unification  denied.  which  to hinder, I f p o s s i b l e ,  "Her  could  anticipated  o f Germany, t h e y  potentially  1 1 1  the b r e a k i n g out  [Emphasis  1 1 2  of  accuse  claiming that,  see w i t h deep r e g r e t  Prussian policies  part  to withdraw the P r u s s i a n  a p p a r e n t l y so t r i f l i n g ,  Hence w h i l e t h e B r i t i s h  through  became more  same a d v i c e t o B i s m a r c k ,  the c o n s o l i d a t i o n  welcomed t h e  the p r e v i o u s  i f t h e F r e n c h r e q u e s t was  f o r an o b j e c t  but r e t a r d  o f war  claimed that  M a j e s t y ' s Government would o f a war,  already acquiesced to,  aggrandlzment  In exchange  of purchase,  Stanley offered  had  t h e government took, a more a c t i v e  attempting to r e s t r a i n  Prussia  own  However, as t h e d a n g e r  1 1 0  b o t h t h e crown and  their  of England  any  not  mine] and  sought rash  deleterious  to  this  goal. Thus,  In t h e hopes o f a v e r t i n g war,  In London  In June,  Independence be But  since  declared  policy  proposed  would c o n t r a v e n e  of n o n - i n t e r v e n t i o n , the  S t a n l e y h i m s e l f h a v i n g doubts  such a c o m m i t m e n t . and  guarantee.  i t was  that  p r e s e r v e d by means o f a c o l l e c t i v e  such a guarantee  opposition,  Minister  whereupon  a c o n f e r e n c e was  1 1 3  Idea  guarantee.  government's  met  about  Luxembourg's  with strong  t h e wisdom  However, b o w i n g t o p r e s s u r e from  t h e Queen, S t a n l e y a g r e e d  Though he  the  was  aware t h a t  to the  called  the  of Prime  proposed  t h e agreement  In q u e s t i o n  was  flawed  secure  as  and  that  a result,  nonetheless  since  Luxembourg's Stanley  Independence was  agreed  l t helped  collective  guarantee  to defuse  the  situation,  and  to withdraw without  with t h i s  result,  Stanley  And  In t h e  war  was  best  f o r the  wrote  House o f Commons he  guarantee of  backing down. *  year  sought  now,  and  Satisfied  1 1  In h i s J o u r n a l :  moment - f o r the  e v e n more u n l i k e l y  more  the  Prussia  here  any  to  permitted  war  not  "We  I think  averted  certa i n l y . "  to p r o v i d e  that  have  1 1 2 5  assurances  Prussia  h e r s e l f was  that the  this:  What P r u s s i a r e a l l y wants Is t i m e and r e p o s e t o s e c u r e h e r a c q u i s i t i o n s , t o c o n s o l i d a t e the t e r r i t o r y she has o b t a i n e d , t o a s s i m i l a t e t h e laws and i n s t i t u t i o n s o f h e r n e w l y - g a i n e d p r o v i n c e s , and t o f u s e t h e whole o f t h a t n e w l y - a c q u i r e d c o u n t r y I n t o one homogenous whole. A l l t h a t war c o u l d do f o r P r u s s i a would be t o g i v e an opportunity f o r p l o t s and c o n s p i r a c i e s o f a r e a c t i o n a r y nature...for a t t e m p t s t o undo what has been d o n e . 1 1 6  Stanley's relative  calm  words seemed t o in Anglo-Prussian  Luxembourg c r i s i s . appointment  of  C l a r e n d o n as  "would have a bad  are  known as  Queen's f e a r s whereupon he not of  to g i v e war  by  suggestions  that  to  Foreign effect  to  be  very  at  that  followed  was  fearful  Berlin,  K i n g and  slow t o  take  f o r the  where h i s  Queen o f  the that  i t . "  1  1  news o f  Spanish throne  the  fell  be  I t was  7  The  the  "careful prospects  held,  and  Into  this  a bomb.  new  opinions  Napoleon  Hohenzollern like  the  Prussia,  would be  e v e n f u r t h e r by  1 1  of  In G l a d s t o n e ' s  Prussia  European d i s a r m a m e n t . ® the  period  Germany," C l a r e n d o n a l l a y e d  diminished  that  the  Secretary  assurances that  and  by  a E u r o p e a n peace c o n f e r e n c e  atmosphere  candidature  relations  meeting w i t h the  offence  growing t a l k of peaceful  hostile  received  appeared  b o r n e out  A l t h o u g h Queen V i c t o r i a  ministry well  be  Ill's by  68  In one  examining  British  o f the p r i n c i p a l  prevented that  and  and t h e F r a n c o - P r u s s i a n war,  questions raised  I s : c o u l d England  t h e outbreak, o f h o s t i l i t i e s ?  "no a c t i o n  British  policy  psychologically  Although  Prussia,  many p e o p l e  Historically, England  however,  a t the time  t h e war was n o t p r e v e n t e d . the B r i t i s h  France  otherwise. '" 1 1  t o a s k whether o r n o t  t h e war; t h e f a c t  What s h o u l d  government's a c t u a l  open t o  war between  believed  l t Is p o i n t l e s s  c o u l d have p r e v e n t e d  Mosse has a r g u e d  or c o n s t i t u t i o n a l l y  m i n i s t e r s " c o u l d have a v e r t e d t h i s  have  o f the matter i s  I n s t e a d be examined Is  response  to the threat  o f war,  w h i c h c a n t h e n be compared w i t h a l t e r n a t i v e  courses of action.  The  s h o u l d have  point  here  a different averted in  course  at the time,  which,  previously The  British  candidature  war would have  courses of actions certain  policies  at f i r s t pursued  Important  that  by B r i t i s h first  pursued been actions  a v a i l a b l e to  questions are  were a c t u a l l y  g l a n c e , appear  government  i n March  England  done s o . But by e v a l u t l n g E n g l a n d ' s  r e g a r d i n g those  policies  that  i t did, or that  o f the a l t e r n a t i v e  policy-makers  those  than  had E n g l a n d  light  raised  Is n o t t o a r g u e  Implemented  t o be I n c o n s i s t e n t w i t h  statesmen.  learned of the Hohenzollern  1870 when t h e Crown P r i n c e s s o f P r u s s i a , a t  the  r e q u e s t o f K i n g W i l l i a m , wrote t o h e r mother f o r a d v i c e on  the  subject.  "the  proposed  impression  1 2 0  Although  arrangement  Clarendon  ventured  would p r o d u c e  the o p i n i o n that  an u n f a v o u r a b l e  In F r a n c e , " h i s a d v i c e t o t h e Queen was t h a t " l t  would n o t be e x p e d i e n t a matter  -  f o r Your M a j e s t y  In w h i c h no B r i t i s h  Interest  t o g i v e any a d v i c e  Is c o n c e r n e d . "  1 2 1  upon  Four  months p a s s e d , Paris,  however, b e f o r e  producing  a violent  Inducing  Granville,  latter's  death,  with  reaction  pressure,  Granville without  also  o f the candidature  after  this,  and l t began t o l o o k  neutrality  i n such  was a f r a i d  to transport troops  to England's  and  1 2 3  from  mediation,  while  task",  he began t o i n q u i r e t o Antwerp on v e r y  however, b o t h  commenting,  from  G l a d s t o n e and  the o p p o s i t i o n government,  somewhat d u b i o u s l y , t h a t " n e i t h e r F r a n c e n o r to enter  c o n s u l t i n g Great  made one l a s t  t h e two  condemned t h e a c t i o n s o f t h e F r e n c h  has a m o r a l r i g h t  really  government  that preserving  and t h u s  In t h e p a r l i a m e n t ,  refrained  claimed,  Prussia  ability  of the  a war would be "a most a r d u o u s  as  bench D i s r a e l i  encounter  Instead t o the consequences  o f Belgium,  notice.  as t h e P r u s s i a n  By now t h e B r i t i s h  given the v u l n e r a b i l i t y  and  Important  c o u l d be done t o r e s t r a i n  o f t h e Impending war. G l a d s t o n e  Granville  on t h e  t o Induce them s e r i o u s l y t o  and t h e P r u s s i a n k i n g ' s  on 13 J u l y .  that l i t t l e  belligerents,  short  acting  advised the a p p l i c a t i o n o f  Ambassador a t Ems l e d t o t h e p u b l i c a t i o n  famous Ems t e l e g r a m  British  avoid  any appearance o f d i c t a t i o n ,  began t o move q u i c k l y  the French  realised  upon t h e  1 5 a a  Events withdrawal  broke i n  chamber, and  government  the question at issue i n a l l i t s  bearings . "  with  Clarendon  t o urge t h a t t h e " F r e n c h  Governments o f P r u s s i a and S p a i n , consider  In t h e F r e n c h  who had s u c c e e d e d  precipitation."  "friendly  news o f t h e c a n d i d a t u r e  effort  I n t o a n y war w i t h o u t  Britain."  to o f f e r  1 2  *  On 18 J u l y  fully  Granville  P r u s s i a the s e r v i c e s o f B r i t i s h  b u t t h e y were r e f u s e d on t h e g r o u n d s t h a t any  negotiations national  at t h i s  feelings  point  would be  "misunderstood  o f Germany, e x c i t e d  menaces o f F r a n c e . " ' 1 2  2 5  France  by  the  as t h e y have been by  d e c l a r e d war  on  Prussia  the  the next  day. It  is possible  British  to  government c h o s e  p u r s u i n g more a c t i v e peace.  The  learned  first  k i n g any  asked  a policy  policies  of these  a d v i c e on t h e  comprehend  of  Inaction  the  was  him  In  Important  this The  to  In March when t h e government  matter.  that  Foreign Secretary  offering  Clarendon  his dislike  o c c a s i o n arose  i n t h e d i s p u t e , but  the B r i t i s h refrained  from  t h e most o b v i o u s  p r o v o k i n g Napoleon But  I f we  since  1848  to a c c e p t the w i t h d r a w a l .  recall  of these  I I I , perhaps  that  British  to d e t e r P r u s s i a  from  In t h i s  a t the expense of  war,  to  u n f o l d e d , and/or  policy-makers and  offered  had  since  There  are  government's  b e i n g the d e s i r e  with which events  of  more s t r e n u o u s l y  to apply g r e a t e r pressure to France  speed  intervention  government  e x p l a n a t i o n s f o r the B r i t i s h  the  diplomacy"  f o l l o w i n g P r u s s i a ' s withdrawal  numerous p o s s i b l e  Impartial,  d i d not  1 2 6  government  instance,  either  for "royal  u r g i n g the French  reluctance  the P r u s s i a n  d i s c o n t i n u e t h e Queen's  the c a n d i d a t u r e , at which p o i n t mediate  from  first  of the H o h e n z o l l e r n c a n d i d a t u r e  or that  Immediately  second  than  subject, despite William's request f o r  implications  Is u n l i k e l y ) ,  rather  the  aimed a t t h e p r e s e r v a t i o n o f  can o n l y surmise  Induced  to  o c c a s i o n s upon w h i c h  t h e Queen t o r e f r a i n  a d v i c e . We  Cwhlch  two  o f t h e H o h e n z o l l e r n c a n d i d a t u r e , and  Clarendon  such  identify  second remain fear  Belgium. ' 1 2  endeavoured 1863  In  of 7  particular  to prevent  resignation  a French  to the f a c t  a t t a c k on P r u s s i a , t h i s  of a Franco-Prussian  war In J u l y  becomes somewhat more p u z z l i n g . The c o m p o s i t i o n may have been a f a c t o r . Secretary Prussia than  l a y with  than  The s y m p a t h i e s  France  Clarendon),  Calthough while  were h i s p r e d e c e s s o r s ,  reaction  Gladstone  as would  to Prussia's intention  ability  likelihood enabled  to withstand  policy-makers  a Franco-Prussian Although  o f a French  impressive  s t r o n g , thanks  time.  1 2  ®  In t h e p r o c e s s ,  with  greater  t o be  complacency  Inevitable.  o f the Crimean c o n f l i c t  were  four years  i n part to the e f f o r t s  earlier  of writers  was  like  had r e p o r t e d g l o w i n g l y o f P r u s s i a ' s v i c t o r y a t  M o r e o v e r , when B i s m a r c k had announced t h e e x i s t e n c e  1867., t h e government  with  had r e s p o n d e d  In t h e I n t e r e s t  to suggest  Franco-Prussian  the south  positively,  German s t a t e s In claiming that l t  o f E u r o p e a n peace t o h e a r  o f Germany f o r d e f e n s i v e p u r p o s e s not  both i n  t h e memory o f P r u s s i a ' s  of Prussia's defensive a l l i a n c e s  was " g l a d  In h i s  a t t a c k , and In t h e  l o n g thought  performance a g a i n s t A u s t r i a  Edward D i c e y who the  Is t h a t c o n f i d e n c e  to accept  victory,  idealist  soon become e v i d e n t  a French  many T o r i e s and v e t e r a n s  confident  still  conflict,  h o s t i l e to  was more o f an  o f German u n i t y b e i n g a d v a n c e d  British  Foreign  t o annex A l s a c e - L o r r a i n e .  A n o t h e r e x p l a n a t i o n , however, Prussia's  less  1870  o f the c a b i n e t  o f t h e new  he was  apparent  that the B r i t i s h  b e i n g e f f e c t e d . " ' ' T h i s Is 1 2  government  war, f o r o b v i o u s l y t h i s which B r i t i s h  o f the union  looked  5  forward  to a  was n o t t h e c a s e . But  given  the I n t e r e s t  policy-makers  had h i t h e r t o  taken  In t h e q u e s t i o n o f German u n i t y , t h e p r e s e n t  government's  willingness t h e two  to a v e r t  belligerents  s u c h a war question, decade  might  earlier.  from  infamous  draft  imprudently government  actively  began, and  Immediately. treaty,  left  war's  which  1870.  turned  t o t h e German almost  a  not  the B r i t i s h  non-committal  about  take  neutrality  t h e F r e n c h ambassador the  was  Belgium,  had  British  and  treaties  were c o n c l u d e d w i t h b o t h to f u r t h e r  government e n c o u r a g e d also  response  s o u r , however, a m i d s t  to  the  Upon l e a r n i n g o f B e n e d e t t l ' s  1 3 1  In an e f f o r t  a League o f N e u t r a l s , which Prussia's  that  a t t e m p t i n g to prevent  In t h e hands o f B i s m a r c k ,  In August  Impact,  a resolution  thus B r i t i s h  moved q u i c k l y t o p r o t e c t  Prussia  between I  by t h e knowledge  certainly  guaranteeing Belgian n e u t r a l i t y and  itself  e n v i s i o n e d by L y n d h u r s t  government was  once h o s t i l i t i e s almost  probably dulled  t h e one  refrained  declared  interposing  1 3 0  the B r i t i s h  sides  was  by  h e l p to f a c i l i t a t e  much l i k e  Having war,  a conflict  Included I t a l y to England's  reports  that  France  minimize  the  formation of  and  Austria.  neutrality  the B r i t i s h  soon  were  h e l p i n g t o s u p p l y t h e F r e n c h army. T h i s d e v e l o p m e n t  prompted  f o l l o w i n g comment  diplomat  from S i r R o b e r t  w i t h an " u n r i v a l l e d capsule  a Birmingham extracted  firm  In a German h o s p i t a l  German p e o p l e did  cartridge  - s h o u l d such,  men's minds, r a i s e which  t h e government  Morler, a B r i t i s h  I n t i m a c y w i t h German p o l i t i c s " :  of a chassepot  a storm l t may  engraved God  - might,  of n a t i o n a l  "The  chance  to  v i n d i c t 1 v e n e s s In t h e  take g e n e r a t i o n s to a l l a y . " England's  of  be  In t h e p r e s e n t temper  deny t h e a c c u s a t i o n t h a t  the  copper  w i t h the trademark  forbid,  the  1 3 2  Nor  actions  of  were a form o f r e t a l i a t i o n war;  Granville  simply r e p l i e d  o f arms 15 y e a r s e a r l i e r , undisguised."  for Prussia's  collapse  followed  that  by t h e c a p t u r e  t h e war  September  that  necessity  for Prussia,  these  Prussia  Government  could  to c o n f i r m Idealism  which  o f Napoleon  "open  and  now  be ended  that  demands. The  l t was  government  more e a s i l y .  These  when B i s m a r c k announced  in turn  and L o r r a i n e  prompted  British  major p o l i c y  to the c r e a t i o n  was  I I I and t h e  l e d the B r i t i s h  on  was  the French  i n t h e hopes o f government's  decision  Indeed p r a g m a t i s m r a t h e r  which governed B r i t i s h  policy  27  a  response  respecting  o f t h e German Empire - would  a l t h o u g h t h e p r e s e n c e o f G l a d s t o n e now of  exportation  on 2 September  t o c a r r y on t h e war  demands - I t s l a s t prior  at l e a s t  the a n n e x a t i o n of A l s a c e  moderating Prussia's to  a t Sedan  soon e v a p o r a t e d , however,  Provisional  Prussia's  1 3 3  o f the Second Empire, which  to b e l i e v e hopes  unlike  E n g l a n d ' s was  France's crushing defeat Immediately  that,  conduct i n the Crimean  than  during this threatened  seem  liberal  period, t o change a l l  this. Because  t h e German p r e s s had been c a m p a i g n i n g f o r t h e  annexation of Alsace-Lorraine B i s m a r c k ' s announcement entirely  by s u r p r i s e .  In a n t i c i p a t i o n G l a d s t o n e on 9  since  the b e g i n n i n g o f the  d i d not c a t c h  the B r i t i s h  Perhaps h o p i n g to s o f t e n  of Prussia's  war,  government  up t h e  demands, Queen V i c t o r i a  government Informed  September:  The g r e a t d a n g e r f o r us In i n t e r f e r i n g Is t o have t h e a p p e a r a n c e o f w i s h i n g t o p r e v e n t Germany from making a l a s t i n g p e a c e , and from o b t a i n i n g s u c h s e c u r i t i e s from h e r [ F r a n c e ] as may r e a l l y p r e v e n t t h e r e c u r r e n c e o f a s i m i l a r  war....A p o w e r f u l Germany c a n n e v e r by d a n g e r o u s t o E n g l a n d but t h e v e r y r e v e r s e and o u r g r e a t o b j e c t s h o u l d t h e r e f o r e be t o have h e r f r i e n d l y and c o r d i a l t o w a r d s u s . * 1 3  Much t o t h e government  Queen's d e l i g h t , Intended  to  this  was  the  very p o l i c y  f o l l o w upon l e a r n i n g o f  which  the  Bismarck's  demands. The  Prime M i n i s t e r , however, d i s a g r e e d  of a c t i o n :  " I t seems t o me  questions  of p u b l i c r i g h t ,  Interest,  and  silence moral  matters  relating  once a g a i n Edinburgh cabinet argued  that B r i t i s h three  opening  militarism, to o p i n i o n  to  such  satisfied Russia  for  one  our  of the  being  country  a  British  position. by  1 3 6  and  In In  he  the the  George Goschen,  our  but  t h a t w h i c h we  Just  who  In  on  t o do  morality; C3) giving  political  on  truth."  what G l a d s t o n e weight  Granville  Is a t  sea,  1 3 7  cabinet  proposed  Into was  lead  p'reference  In' c o n v i n c i n g t h e  t o throw o u r  at present  Itself;  Blsmarcklsm,  sympathies not  succeeded  impossible  considered  and  In E u r o p e a g a i n s t  a g a i n s t Germany." Above a l l ,  "wasting  Gladstone's  1 3 3  a t a moment when e v e r y b o d y  a c t i o n and  however,  l t would be  In  If necessary,  endorsed  political  combatants,  Granville,  was  a common  anonymous a r t i c l e this  course raises  to r e c e i v e  by  "CI!) b e i n g r i g h t  retrograde  In t h i s  a  o p p o s i t i o n t o P r u s s i a ' s demands would  advantages:  and  grounding  "without  proposal  f o r us  questions."  support  a moral campaign  and  scale  Impossible  r e s o r t e d t o w r i t i n g an  Gladstone's  possess  that  In w h i c h a l l E u r o p e has  In c o n j u n c t i o n w i t h  Review t o h e l p  such  t h a t Count B i s m a r c k ' s p a p e r  I n d i g n a t i o n c o u l d o n l y be  remonstrance,  C2)  l t would be  with  the  afraid  French of  d e r i v e from m o r a l c a u s e s ,  by  75 l a y i n g down g e n e r a l  principles  when nobody w i l l  when i n a l l p r o b a b i l i t y  they  Gladstone  from a c t i n g upon h i s  was  convictions, via  despite  diplomatic  again,  the  fact  channels that  therefore, a B r i t i s h  political Clearly, the  prevented  expediency, the  British  British  will  that he  to  concerns expressed parliament  had  disregarded."  l t was  had  policy  helped  be  '  them, Hence  be  pressure  a p p l i e d . Once  i n a c t i o n , b o r n out  h e r e by  Bismarck's  one  and  liberal  suggested of  1 3 6  o n l y moral  facilitate  little  attend  of  plans.  lonely idealist  p l a c e - In t h e  formulation  In of  policy:  Whatever I f e e l a b o u t t h e German Government, I have t o o g r e a t a r e s p e c t and t o o g r e a t an esteem f o r t h e g r e a t mass o f t h e German p e o p l e not t o w i s h t o see them s a v e d from t h e g r e a t I n j u r y w h i c h a n n e x a t i o n would I n f l i c t upon t h e m s e l v e s . . . . The a n n e x a t i o n o f t h e p r o v i n c e s no man can doubt w i l l p r e v e n t c o n s t i t u t i o n a l d e v e l o p m e n t In Germany. ' ' 13  s  A A A  Not 1871  surprisingly,  brought  ranging  with  o f Germany In  a wide v a r i e t y o f r e s p o n s e s  of D i s r a e l i . * 1  In t h e  respect  h i s t o r y of these  unification  from C a r l y l e ' s e f f u s i v e a c c o l a d e s  rumblings Corrance  forth  the  0  But  the  Anglo-Prussian  the  England, ominous  f o l l o w i n g comments  House o f Commons a r e  to p e r c e p t i o n s  to  In  particularly  of Prussia  i n England,  r e l a t i o n s since  1848  January  had  from  John  Instructive and  how  the  affected  perceptions:  I know t h a t the g r e a t German p e o p l e a r e b o t h I n t e l l e c t u a l and p e a c e a b l e ; but I b e l i e v e the v e r y c o n t r a r y t o be t r u e of the Prussians...Was [ P r u s s i a ] not a p a r t n e r i n the p a r t i t i o n o f P o l a n d ? Was she not a p a r t n e r In the conspiracy against Schleswig-HolsteIn? And i s she not a t t h e p r e s e n t moment a d e t e r m i n e d c a n d i d a t e f o r the p o s s e s s i o n o f A l s a c e and L o r r a i n e ? . . . Added t o t h a t , when we f i n d t h a t she s e t h e r s e l f up as a g r e a t m i l i t a r y d y n a s t y -  76 Is not t h a t a p o l i c y In u t t e r o p p o s i t i o n t o the p r i n c i p l e s o f t h e L i b e r a l p a r t y o f t h i s c o u n t r y ? What has been t h e c a r e e r o f P r u s s i a s i n c e 1848? I t has been one In d i r e c t a n t a g o n i s m t o t h e c o n s t i t u t i o n a l i s m o f E u r o p e and I m m e d i a t e l y t o the c o n s t i t u t i o n o f F r a n k f o r t . . . . Count B i s m a r c k has s u p p r e s s e d a p o r t i o n o f Denmark b e c a u s e he f o u n d i t t o o L i b e r a l In i t s p r i n c i p l e s . He has a l s o s u p p r e s s e d t h e D i e t o f F r a n k f o r t b e c a u s e l t was too L i b e r a l . Is l t l i k e l y t h a t he w i l l c o n t i n u e t o t o l e r a t e S w i t z e r l a n d and Holland? * 1  As  evidence of  Germany u n i f i e d a t aggressive certainly reveal  sought  the  not  confusion  that  was  Prussia.  ally"  strengthen  enlightened liberals. Prussia  that  most  Couched  almost  the  - the  benefited 1848.  the  regard central  and  from t h e In t h e  the  l t was  the  things,  various  As  we  little  or  nothing  politically  i . e . the  Prussian  E u r o p e was  of  preeminent period,  policy  Idealism,  l t Is l i t t l e  goals  of  In  have  since  but  shaped  wonder  then  inconsistency. British  Prussia's  concern to  a  British  did  for their  have s e e n ,  was  purported  existing authorities  liberal  actual  Prussia?  this  the  made P r u s s i a  consequences of B r i t i s h  Tory realism,  an  British  monarchy - w h i c h a p p e a r e d t o  language of  be  comments  d u a l i t y of  supposedly  the  to  which  - these  people  society;  were c r i t i c i z e d  policy-makers during  out  good r e l a t i o n s were  Prussian  of Prussian  what t h e n were t h e  to  by  However t h e  contrary,  such p o l i c i e s  England  among o t h e r  spokesmen f o r t h i s  state  perhaps a  would t u r n  r e l a t i o n s with Prussia  e x c l u s i v e l y by  But  created  the  of England.  segment  On  of  of  Ostensibly,  because,  enlightenment  that  E u r o p e a n power - a d e v e l o p m e n t Interests  governments' a c t u a l to  of P r u s s i a  best  with Prussia  "natural  behest  In t h e  regarding  political  growing r e a l i z a t i o n  expansionist  the  policies  the  1  position  most  particularly  p o l i c y with  as  In  British the  German  question  loomed  i n importance  s t a t e s m e n were p r e d i s p o s e d , to  favour  seeing  the  memories o f t h e  concluded  that  the  - a goal  non-intervention  British  and  simple the  during  century  the  without  reference  policy  more a c t i v e l y to  their  facilitating  s t a t u s quo  policy  to the  was  of a  political liberal  during the  o f the  victory  l t i s not  of  this  extent  period.  to  one.  the  A l t h o u g h no  latter  sufficient  two  in growing  cannot  to  clear  be  evidence  understood  l o o s e l y be  simply  Italy.  and  processes,  argue failed  development,  In G r e e c e and  decline  Is c l e a r  because England  liberal  which  liberal  strands  I d e a l , and  o f what might  inconsequential  such g o a l s  Prussia  state-centered,  L i b e r a l s i n 1867  promote P r u s s i a ' s  support  In  to  German  German h i s t o r y ; i . e . t h e  1862,  National  In  through adherence  I n s e p a r a b i l i t y o f two  after  d e c l i n i n g fortunes  thus  stability  r e l a t i o n s h i p e x i s t s between t h e s e  " B l s m a r c k l s m . " Hence British  democratic  period affected Prussia's  and  of  Invoked  statesmen  in determining  paternalistic  breakaway o f t h e  that  this  e c l i p s e o f the  causal  and  1862  of B r i t i s h  Prussian  particularly  eventual  nationalism  after  Ideas  c o n s t i t u t i o n a l state  s a f e s t means o f  Involved  stems from t h e  authoritarian,  a liberal  d i s r u p t i o n s o f the heart  considerations,  idealistic  1848-49. B r i t i s h  the  British  In u n i f y i n g Germany  achieved  - was  difficulty  nineteenth success,  best  l a y at the  development  strategic  p r e s e r v a t i o n of p o l i t i c a l  Avoiding  policy  lead  destabilizing  a s s o c i a t e d with  The  Into  the  extremism  therefore  by  Although  i d e a o f German u n i f i c a t i o n ,  w h i c h would t h e n t a k e  unification.  1848.  largely  P r u s s i a transformed  Prussia  after  In  termed that to  contrast  British  policy-makers'  role  of  - be t h e y  instability  1851,  or e x t e r n a l ,  also  be t a k e n  either  in sheltering Prussia internal,  as d u r i n g  consequences o f a s e r i o u s state  the p e r i o d  into consideration  t o moderate, o r a v o i d  as was  since  sources  from  1848 t o  1862 - must  l t undoubtedly  helped  the p o s s i b l e  to the a u t h o r i t y o f the  and t h e monarchy i n P r u s s i a . In t h e f o r m e r o f t h e s e  or preserve  stability  British  opposition  through  support  two p e r i o d s  In P r u s s i a  British  f o r the resurgence  policy  I t was  that  of these t h r e a t s ,  regardless,  British  remove them. T h e r e  Is l i t t l e  the Gasteln  Alsace-Lorraine.  One  short  foreign  stability  after  however, o f t h e u n d e r l y i n g  doubt  British  that  that  s u c h e f f o r t s met  In t h e i r  policy-makers  Convention,  cause  with  crisis.  anticipation of further to the  Alvensleben  and t h e a n n e x a t i o n o f  C l e a r l y , the l i b e r a l  from B r i t i s h  incident  of a  the Hessian  to Prussian  B i s m a r c k ' s hand by a c q u i e s c i n g  little  fell  b o t h t h e D a n i s h war and t h e Luxembourg  Germany's u n i f i c a t i o n ,  to gain  under  p o l i c y - m a k e r s p e r s i s t e n t l y sought t o  l t c a n c e r t a i n l y be a r g u e d  Convention,  during  through  o f Arnlm, and  as a c o n s e q u e n c e o f B i s m a r c k ' s a c t i v e  1862 were e x t e r n a l ;  strengthened  support  to restore  both  of conservatlvlsm  to Prussia  the p r i n c i p a l t h r e a t s  success during  attempt  to the d e s t a b i l i z i n g p o l i c i e s  m i l i t a r y commitment  crisis).  this  was a c c o m p l i s h e d  B r a n d e n b u r g and R a d o w l t z C a l t h o u g h t h i s  And  perceived  following  altogether  challenge  from p o s s i b l e  movement  p o l i c y during  this  In p a r t i c u l a r I l l u s t r a t e s  s t a t e s m e n were t o t h e Idea o f p u r s u i n g  how  in Prussia  stood  period. averse  British  potentially disruptive  policies Berlin The  i n P r u s s i a . In 1867  became v a c a n t ,  task, o f  filling  presence  In B e r l i n  Interest  i n these  them t h r o u g h As  her  the  this  critical  objected  post  of B r i t i s h  second  such  vacancy  particular  took  an  active  attempted  to  Influence  appointments, correspondence  of previous  available  on  of  movement, and attempts  shall  Idealist,  see  she  who  had  later,  proper  who  3  immediately  would a i d h e r  and  Morler,  who  Having  a high  Tory  Buchanan's  admirer  of Bismarck"  Thus when t h e  post  to ensure  the  to the  her  in their  with  the  and  with  became  sympathetic husband  for  successor,  liberal  king;  her we  Princess Victoria's  endorsement  of  but  r e j e c t e d by  Lord  like  Idealistic.  this  the  c h o i c e was  Idea  o f a p p o i n t i n g someone who  P r u s s i a n Premier.  Despite  w h a t e v e r t o do  with  "meddling  the  Internal p o l i t i c s  In t h e s e ,  we  l e g i t i m a t e i n f l u e n c e i n matters  England of  only destroy affecting  was  pressure  Queen, S t a n l e y h e l d h i s g r o u n d , c l a i m i n g t h a t  t h a t by  who  Germany, as  opposed to the  and  Victoria.  a secret l i k i n g  whose v i e w s on  were e x t r e m e l y  d i d not  post.  was  "has  sought  would be  the  P r u s s i a n Crown P r i n c e s s  a l s o accused  1  Queen s u p p o r t e d  nothing  Prussia,  and  footing. *  someone who  S i r Robert  so c l e a r l y from t h e  the  mother, Queen  appointments to t h i s  "good e x c e l l e n t M o r l e r " , Stanley,  her  t o undermine B i s m a r c k ' s p o s i t i o n  was  The  who  with  a "very great  friendly  i n 1867,  appointment  choice  and  by  2  who  everything l i b e r a l " ,  was  1  of P r i n c e s s V i c t o r i a ,  Loftus, of being  whom he  years. *  complicated  Bismarck," P r i n c e s s V i c t o r i a Lord  In two  to  was  t o S i r Andrew Buchanan b e c a u s e he  "dislikes  ambassador  post  something of a l i b e r a l  was  the  our  Europe." ** 1  80 Although  S t a n l e y thought  as " v e r y - c l e v e r , of  German  Important earnest  Ideas",  men  with  1  the person  preserving  very hard-working: h i s reasons  p o s t were c l e a r :  men." ""' Any in  h i g h l y o f M o r i e r , once d e s c r i b i n g  Ideas  clearer  and  stability  for rejecting  M o r i e r was  o f a dreamer,  him  of l i b e r a l  are  full  for this  " t o o much In e a r n e s t ,  great a b i l i t i e s  rejection  of Morier -  something  him  sometimes  idealism  - as  and  unsafe manifest  In f a v o u r o f T o r y p r a g m a t i s m aimed a t  In P r u s s i a  Is d i f f i c u l t  to  imagine.  CHAPTER 3 Prussia Idealised: l s h L i b e r a l Commentary  82  The  fact  that  s e v e r a l prominent  British  Anglo-German r e l a t i o n s came t o r e g a r d the  principal  German p o l i c y consider this  declining  may  w e l l account  i . e . the  fortunes  to u n i f i c a t i o n . relations  during  British  statesmen,  of that  question  extent  to  which B r i t i s h  was by  period  negligible. pursuing  question:  helped  why  Mosse come t o  principles  underlying  Certainly,  E n g l a n d ' s r e p u t a t i o n as  c o n s t i t u t i o n a l parliamentary  as  England's  elsewhere exist,  In E u r o p e d u r i n g  these  principle  British  Germany Cand s u b s e q u e n t l y , profit  the  scholars that  guiding  from  such  I have  so  liberal  about  the  first  up  such that In  creation  This Ramsay,  basic  place?  w o r l d ' s o l d e s t and a f a c t o r In  century.  than t h i s  i d e a l i s m was in their  most this,  movements There  to an  did  help Important  r e l a t i o n s with  t h a t German l i b e r a l i s m  relations).  of  t o be  the  lamented.  s t a t e was  evidence  the  English-speaking  In the  nineteenth  statesmen  thought  did historians like  the  of  leading  Influence  facilitate  for liberal-national  however, more c o n c r e t e  convince  to  to  affected  period  of  century  l t demonstrates  which  policy  stable  support  the  such a c o n c l u s i o n  British  one  Anglo-Prussian  a German p o l i c y  w r i t i n g s i n c e W o r l d War r a i s e s the  of  Moreover,  S o n t a g and  was  as  beginning  policy  In t h e  suggests that  a u t h o r i t a r i a n German Empire  therefore  r a i s e d at the  above a c c o u n t  I n t e r e s t s of England,  historians  Idealism  f o r such s c h o l a r s ' f a i l u r e  o f German l i b e r a l i s m  this  Idealism  best  the  However t h e  liberal  the  liberal  determinants of England's mid-nineteenth  more c a r e f u l l y  paper;  h i s t o r i a n s of  stood  only  to  83 Such e v i d e n c e Germany  made d u r i n g t h i s  themselves. professed Into  Aside  stories  from  by B r i t i s h  of the s o - c a l l e d  statesmen  were p r o l i f i c  statements  about  transformed  to r e a l i z e  this  their  unshakable  p e o p l e , " and, above a l l , 1  Such  the B r i t i s h generally  statements elite  positive  a united  this  their  as E n g l a n d ' s  view.of  o f no  "natural  helped to convince  and h i s t o r i a n s  l a y at the root  where d i d t h i s  Germany o r i g i n a t e ? potential  Was  criticisms  style  since  that a  the future  of B r i t i s h  prospects  policy  during  of discourse regarding Prussia  i t simply a convenient  o f the F o r e i g n O f f i c e ' s  attitude  t o w a r d s an i n c r e a s i n g l y  Prussia?  Or does  this  role  to those  period. But  about  to free  inferior  undoubtedly  and o p t i m i s t i c  Germany  and t h e p a t r i o t i c  as t h e " g r e a t P r o t e s t a n t Power o f  as t h e s e  at the time  idealistic  "attachment  possession of " t r a d i t i o n s  for  position  from t h e  British  when l t came t o making  Europe,"  ally."- -  dream),  -  Cand t h e  "Coburg P l a n " which r e s u l t e d  their  other  Victoria's  - v i a Prussia  parliamentary state  Institutions," their  and Queen  the " e n l i g h t e n e d , the brave,  of Prussia,"  regarding  policy-makers  the P r i n c e Consort's  constitutional,  couple's attempts  people  period  i n the statements  dreams o f s e e i n g Germany  a liberal,  royal  I s t o be f o u n d  the e x i s t i n g period,  tone  of B r i t i s h  t o which B r i t i s h  contributors,  and what e f f e c t  statesmen  and tell  militaristic us  something  commentary on P r u s s i a  policy-makers  so, what were t h e c o n t o u r s o f t h i s  means f o r a v o i d i n g accomodating  authoritarian  I t s use by B r i t i s h  and  during  had t o r e s p o n d ?  commentary,  who  If  were I t s  d i d i t have on t h e f o r m u l a t i o n o f  84  British  policy  rhetorical It  style  Is t o t h e s e  order  w e l l - s u i t e d to the  questions  t o r o u n d out  Prussia  this  d u r i n g the  While regarded  England  British  t h a t we  period  as  liberals  the  i n the  touchstone  themselves.  British  2  these  they  British  political  development  political  constitutional Providence  as  possess  an  existence,  the  the  the  standard  free  half  liberals  "complete  Parliaments."  British  by  model  which the  although  their  of  been " s e l e c t e d by  o r d e r l y government  Its  to  l t was  seen  continued  p e r s i s t e n c e o f r e v o l u t i o n a r y waves w h i c h  were n o t  in particular  of  British  Review. F u r t h e r m o r e ,  nineteenth  liberals  3  soundness  e s t a b l i s h e d governments throughout  of the  of  Institutions  measured. The  and  Edinburgh  by  mother o f  was  and  r e p r e s e n t a t i v e government  expans1veness which ensured  the  the  and  century  superiority  expression of  a l s o used the  the  model o f  to engulf  reflected  an  guaranteed  institutions  d e s p i t e the  British  by  liberals  continued first  must be  as  with  more c o n v i c t i o n t h a n  In t h e  system o f government had  mankind," c l a i m e d to  liberty  evolved  Moreover,  foreign  of c o n s t i t u t i o n a l  faith  t h a t wherever found,  a t t e n t i o n s In  mid-nineteenth  government, none d i d so w i t h  certainty  on  t u r n our  politics?  1848-1871.  s y s t e m o f government was  modelled  needs o f B r i t i s h  must now  England's  were t o be  from t h a t o f p r o v i d i n g a  p i c t u r e of England's r e l a t i o n s  many E u r o p e a n  parliamentary the  regarding Prussia, aside  In  century.*  alone  in this  were drawn t o t h e  interpretations  Europe  of B r i t i s h  r e s p e c t . German  example o f B r i t a i n , constitutional  more c o n s e r v a t i v e c o m p l e x i o n o f German  and  history  political  85  culture,  they  constitution the  fully  appreciated  those  features  o f the B r i t i s h  w h i c h a t t r a c t e d them. As A l e x a n d e r Meyer wrote i n  Preussische  J a h r b i i c h e r i n 1864:  I f t h e l i b e r a l p a r t y o f t h e c o n t i n e n t w i s h e s t o summarize i n one s l o g a n t h e v a r i o u s demands l t makes i n a l l a r e a s o f political life - for ministerial responsibility, p a r l i a m e n t a r y c o n t r o l o f the budget, f i r m r e g u l a t i o n o f the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n , and s e c u r i n g o f f u n d a m e n t a l r i g h t s - t h e r e i s h a r d l y any o t h e r one t h a n t h e c r y h e a r d so o f t e n and so J u s t i f i a b l y : g i v e us an E n g l i s h c o n s t i t u t i o n ! " ' 1 2  Nevertheless, Albert  that  England  constitutional strongest that  i n England  "illusion"  British  specifically, Its  democratic  did this  I s how  mid-Victorian  empirical, progressive,  biases," affect  British  the p e r i o d  82  when e v e n t s d u r i n g  the  used a t the time,  historical  tradition  of p o l i t i c a l but t h e y  movements.  out o f which  More  Whig p e r s p e c t i v e , bourgeois,  to develop not o n l y  discourse  also  In the  affected  with  and  1848-1871, a t i m e w h i c h was  e x p e c t e d ? The answers t o s u c h q u e s t i o n s  Prussia  such n o t i o n s  v i e w s on t h e p o l i t i c a l  period " f a i l e d "  o r i g i n s o f the s t y l e  British  evils  future clearly  h i s t o r y of  what was t h e r e a c t i o n o f B r i t i s h this  question  v i c t i m to the  I n t h e c o n s t i t u t i o n a l and p a r l i a m e n t a r y  Germany? ' M o r e o v e r ,  the  is little  fell  to i n t e r p r e t f o r e i g n l i b e r a l  of P r u s s i a d u r i n g a watershed  there  England  and  f a r and away  f o r a l l the p o l i t i c a l  well-understood  how  "Protestant,  Moreover,  of L i b e r a l  a t t r i b u t e d to Palmerston) that  were "a p a n a c e a  attempts  6  In mid-Victorian  But l e s s  7  i n E u r o p e " was  itself.  Cmistakenly  Institutions  h e r e by P r i n c e  was " t h e s o l e r e p r e s e n t a t i v e  institutions  many p e o p l e  world."'  the c o n v i c t i o n expressed  liberals  I n t h e manner  help  to e x p l a i n  regarding  shed v a l u a b l e  light  s p r a n g t h e modern  on  86  Sonderweg t h e s i s , w h i c h the  perspective  of Western  A survey of B r i t i s h from the  seeks to  period  Just  yet  stood,  f o r the  p r i o r to  a c t i v e group of  v i e w s on  the  1871  most p a r t ,  1848  reveals  the  outside  correspondence,  and  In a r t i c l e s  Journals  Edinburgh  the  was  St.  Paul's,  these  were R.M. Liberal served  Some o f  M i l n e s and  as  British  Edward D i c e y and  written  liberals  background,  also  group of  British  This beyond British  scale  leaders  In P r u s s i a  "advancing" features:  Review,  f o r t h what and  in this  group  whom were  J o u r n a l i s t s such although  p o s i t i o n and  views h e l d  Prussian  determining Prussia's of  their  who as  clearly his  German  by  this  vocal  affairs  went  well  liberals.  group's assessments of  simply  who  Augustus L o f t u s ,  Albert,  because of both h i s o f f i c i a l the  In  Prussian  both of  Lord  exceptional  s h a r e d many o f  who  power -  set  figures  In Germany; and  D a v i d Masson. P r i n c e  - men  Review, F r a s e r ' s  S i r Austen Layard,  diplomats  a  f o r such L i b e r a l  most p r o m i n e n t  M o r i e r and  elite  Westminster  British  to  existed  i n Germany.  I n t e r p r e t a t i o n of  the  M.P.'s; S i r R o b e r t  there  liberal  North B r i t i s h  a remarkably c o n s i s t e n t  German a f f a i r s .  from  politics up  c o r r i d o r s of  Review, t h e  M a c M l l l a n ' s Magazine, the M a g a z l n e and  that  the  with developments  Prussian  revolutions  educated  were most c o n c e r n e d  as  German u n i q u e n e s s  "normalcy."  liberals'  Germany's u n i f i c a t i o n In small,  explain  progressive  liberal  to  liberal  support,  tide.  a p p r o x i m a t e p o s i t i o n on  rather  d e v e l o p m e n t , and than  Impede,  They a l s o c o n t a i n e d  assessments of P r u s s i a ' s  the  exhorting  the following  preparedness both  the  for  87  "genuine"  constitutionalism  leadership  role  unification the  monarchy  attempts  comparative view  and f i n a l l y ,  i n Prussia,  deviated  from  Prussian  politics  from  their  demonstrate  liberal  reveal  Illusion  that  eventually contrary. during of  The  fact  such  devices  their  own  this  views  active  which,  aside  period. of this  a n d German  growing  held stamp  of these  group  insularity of politics  maintained the would  evidence to the  failed  to materialize  was r a t i o n a l i z e d  which  the i n a b i l i t y  being  In a s s e s s i n g  the views  Institutions  t h e 1848 r e v o l t s  how  these processes  Institutions  despite  reform o f the British  Moreover,  above  that  themes,  commentators  liberal  i n Prussia,  analytical  liberal  corner. rise  emerge  with a  development  little  this  o f Prussian  English-style  history  actually  the Intellectual  liberal  system;  In d o m i n a t i n g t h e s c h o l a r l y  during  simply  monarchlsm  political  of Britain.  of these  succeeded  affairs  British  and a f t e r  various  that  than  were  to  regarding  observers put forth  assessments  how m o s t  example  e x a m i n a t i o n , however,  more  These  of liberal  discussions  on t h e b a s i s  o n German  attachments  a n d how much o r how  the "healthy"  Upon c l o s e r  England.  critical  consistency,  commentary  a pattern  In t h e  reappraisals of  and Prussian  and p a r l i a m e n t a r i s m  employed  of British  auspices;  the Prussian  examinations of British  constitutionalism  group  liberal  a n d how P r u s s i a n  that  and f o r the  was e x p e c t e d t o t a k e  to liberalize  to confirming  existed;  Prussia  o f Germany u n d e r  Prussian  affected  which  and p a r l i a m e n t a r i s m ,  away  b y means  out the p o s s i b i l i t y was J u s t British  Institutionally-inculcated  around t h e observers to  ideas  o f what  88 constituted resulted  " n o r m a l " c o n s t i t u t i o n a l and  in one-sided  analyses  of  Prussia's  d e v e l o p m e n t . W h i l e a c k n o w l e d g i n g the that  divided  British of  Prussian  liberals  Prussian  attitude  generally  British  a typical  liberal  f i t the  confidence  a t t e m p t s made t o  recognize  make B r i t i s h  Cdespite liberals  the  these  those  British  features mould.  such a n a l y s e s  i n the  what G e o f f  Eley  has  aware t h a t  was of  any  described  movements' n a t i o n a l  e f f o r t s of  The  Inevitability  l i b e r a l i s m . Seldom were  " n e c e s s a r y d i v e r s i t y In l i b e r a l existence"  differences  history,  aberrant  c o n d e s c e n s i o n which accompanied  p r o g r e s s towards E n g l i s h - s t y l e  of  political  r e g a r d e d as  practices  political  circumstantial  l i b e r a l i s m w h i c h d i d not  of  matched by  and  parliamentary  as  the  conditions  some Germans who  sought  to  s u c h d i v e r s i t y Indeed  e x l stedD. Hence  l t was  an  group's views of Idealism  positive,  regarding  of  British  almost  Prussia  idealism  Prussian  seldom p r e v a i l e d  formulation  on  unshakable  the  politics.  to  future  established  As  we  foreign  of  seen,  In t h e  such  actual  tone of  commentary  this liberal  1 0  attitude  In  longer  term,  In the  looking  at  even t o d a y p e r s i s t s among A n g l o - A m e r i c a n  England  German a f f a i r s scholars  of  such which  German  history. It  s h o u l d be  between t h e British  noted that  kinds of  liberal  there  existed  I s s u e s commented on  idealists,  and  this  extremely  Prussia.  a way  have  characterized  p o l i c y . However, t h e  f o s t e r a complacent of  that  over Tory r e a l i s m  deterministic  helped  Idealism  those  by  a vast  difference  t h i s group  which o c c u p i e d  the  of  89  attentions described In t h e i r  of B r i t i s h  below r e s t r i c t e d commentary on  Germany, a l t h o u g h for  this  limited  their  internal  with  British  shown,  role the  comment  policy-makers  significance  and  t o be  to  d i f f e r e n c e between t h e s e  eventual  triumph  of B r i t i s h affairs; hand, was  for Prussian are  liberals  British  popular  much l e s s  characterized  by  opinion  Its people.  public  favoured  opinion  Edward D i c e y  concluded  fact  of P r u s s i a ' s  war,  l t was  simply  development  and  regarding was  As  Berlin  will  be  the  and  England's  r e s u l t e d from  In the  group  the  other  often t o w a r d s the  state  British  Austro-Prussian aside  h i g h l y unpopular  British  Its  Prussian  P r u s s i a , on  Itself  the  of  views of t h i s  somewhat g r i e v o u s l y t h a t ,  the  in  an  t o e x p l a i n why  Austria during  because  of  expectations  themselves with  In s e e k i n g  aggressions  the  and  ambassador t o  f e e l i n g s of a n t i p a t h y  o f P r u s s i a and  of  perspectives.  c o n s i s t e n t , and  strong  British  development,  liberalism  concerned  Issues  concerning  what c h a r a c t e r i z e d t h e who  hand,  subject  subject  British  this  two  other  to those the  occasion  more c i r c u m s p e c t .  political  Influence  the  between the  d i f f e r e n c e s of opinion  In a t t e m p t i n g  the  and  f r e q u e n t l y addressed  perhaps the  from t h e  had  of P r u s s i a ' s  Sympathy  on  on  on  Issues  of P r u s s i a  often provided  policy-makers,  carried  idealists  to domestic  development  of P r u s s i a - although  tactful  Important  largely  foreign affairs;  royal families,  occasional  liberal  pronouncments o n l y  Prussia's  affairs  liberal  British  b r i s k correspondence  Prussian  -  the  official  The  themselves  foreign affairs  commentary.  connected  the  policy—makers.  p u b l i c " d i d not  war,  from  the  Danish like  the  90  Prussians  personally."ii  j  is certainly  t  been a g e n e r a l l y p o s i t i v e p e r c e p t i o n to  sour  i n the  unpleasant Prussian later  1860s,  Incidents  king's  Prussian  only  earlier  I n 1865  "Odious people But  Bismarck's  ship of had  century  German p e o p l e ,  regard.  Indeed,  character  of  observers  the  and  of  and  Prussians  Prussian that  progressive  In the  Internal  Such w i s h f u l  even b e f o r e  in  Foreign  1845  the  Germans a r e peculiarly the  people  politics"  by  the  part  liberal  their  regarded  a growing of  Instilled  In very  Into  Into  high  enlightened  soon abandon  these absolutism,  what  "the  John  normal  path  1 3  of B r i t i s h  outburst  of  Idealists  1848-49.  claim:  whole temper and  "We  habit  e x e r c i s e of p o l i t i c a l  of p u b l i c 1iberty....The  sense  the  i n the  entering  development."  who  c o n s i s t e n t l y held  F o r t n i g h t l y Review as  c a l c u l a t e d f o r the  enjoyment  which  the  1 2  1862  In p a r t i c u l a r ,  Q u a r t e r l y Review c o u l d  a p e o p l e by  new  sympathies,  say!"  quarter  Idealists  P r u s s i a would  the  such  convention:  with  same c o n f i d e n c e  t h i n k i n g on  In e v i d e n c e  I must  third  began  of Bismarck at  Gasteln  external policies  this  the  once  d l v i n e - r i g h t , and  public after  liberal  embrace " c i v i l i z e d  by  and  of  of pro-Prussian  that  British  belief  Morley described  are,  British  the  in England  a result  appearance  most o f t h e  l t was  the  h i s throne  been a c c u s e d  much o f the  of unease, throughout  the  as  what had  s t a t e . Even Queen V i c t o r i a ,  Prussians  I n t e r n a l and  nineteenth  first,  MacDonald a f f a i r  to h o l d  that  of Prussia  upon l e a r n i n g o f t h e  the  while  the  at  f o l l o w i n g the  helm o f the  exclaimed  as  claim  more q u i c k l y ,  a year  slowly  true  c o o l , sober,  was  Already  think of  the  mind  rights  and  systematic  91  German to  Is, o f a l l the  s p e c i e s o f genus Homo, t h e  d e l i b e r a t e w i s e l y on  successfully British  the  liberals  public affairs,  problem found  of  and  the  achieve  self-government." *  Thus,  1  l t reprehensible  Incomprehensible" that  to  Prussian  and  "not  In a  so  w e l l - s u i t e d f o r c o n s t i t u t i o n a l i s m on  before this  the  reform,  outburst  of  Prussian  l t was  1848  limit  self-government  country  liberal  the  British  government's motives  clear  what t h e  " o b s t r u c t i o n i s m " would  little great  stifle  resisting  p u b l i c o p i n i o n and  these  such  to  w h a t e v e r were t h e  a  monarchy went t o  lengths  model. But  best c a l c u l a t e d  t o R.M.  Mllnes  consequences of  for  even continuing  be:  F r e e t o t h i n k , r e a d y t o f e e l , a b l e t o f i g h t , - what can be wanting to the h e a l t h y s o c i a l s t a t e of t h i s g r e a t people? ...What Is s t i l l t h e u n s a t i s f i e d d e s i r e t h a t r a n k l e s at t h e h e a r t of the n a t i o n - t u r n i n g i t s k i n d l i e s t f e e l i n g s Into g a l l , and b l u n t i n g t h e edge o f p a t r i o t i s m ; c h a n g i n g t h e p o e t I n t o t h e s a t i r i s t , and t h e p h i l o s o p h e r I n t o t h e p a m p h l e t e e r ; making w i s e men f o o l i s h , and w i c k e d men mad; d i s t o r t i n g g r a c e s I n t o b r i b e s and k i n d words i n t o f a l s e h o o d s ? What Is t h e o b j e c t o f hopes so l o n g d e l a y e d , o f p r a y e r s so l o n g n e g l e c t e d , now f a s t a c c u l m u l a t i n g f o r t h e e v i l day o f v e n g e a n c e and d e s p a i r ? We answer, and t h e y answer - P o l i t i c a l d e v e l o p m e n t u n d e r L i b e r a l I n s t i t u t i o n s . ~' x  Nor "attend  was the  this  certainty  diminished  Frankfurt  in 1848-49.  the  Prussians actions from  success  cause of c o n s t i t u t i o n a l  seriously  Albert,  that  events  of  by 1 6  the  1848  liberty  setbacks  Indeed  f o r some In E n g l a n d ,  were a c o n f i r m a t i o n t h a t  of F r e d e r i c k William  shaken b y t h e  into  the  In N o r t h  IV had  future  prevented  hands o f r a d i c a l s .  f e a r that despotism  Germany,"  s u f f e r e d In B e r l i n  were s e n s i b l e t o where t h e i r  falling  would u l t i m a t e l y  was  Nor  about  and  like  Prince  the  l a y , and  that  the  the r e v o l u t i o n was  t o be  this  confidence  "relmposed  by  92  Austrian  P a l m e r s t o n used out  this  particularly free  government"  since  declared  claiming  Prussia's  This  be  was  role  assumption  that  enlightened,  Albert  1  Prussians  were "a  Prussia  h e r e by  people  would c o n t i n u e  Although  w h i c h the  the  great  In  the  1862,  face  British In  at  of  fact,  home and  the  British  stood  at  the  were p i n n e d formed  on  he  move t o w a r d s  as  the  dark,  that core  so  the  to  the to  be  from  dear.  the 2 0  "New  Era"  soon  vanished  minister—president  in  fast.  alarming character the  of  Bismarck's p o l i c i e s  1860s, r a t h e r  abandon t h e  cause  to  had  the  opposite  effect:  l t reaffirmed  their  was  the  Prussian  people,  as  the  opposed to  of  than  liberals  were t h e  "a  then  survive  I n 1858,  British  government, who  be  thanks p r i m a r i l y  llberal-mlnd held  ministry,  abroad d u r i n g  to  to  Morier,  healthy  Bismarck's appointment Idealism  openly  s h o r t - l i v e d a departure  hopes t h a t  Hohenzollern-Auerswald  ministry,  S i r Robert  f a r too  permanently a f f e c t e d by...so principles"  same  5  Manteuffel-Westfalen  expressed  IV  attached  success." ' '  period  belief,  sound  so  echoed these  c o n s t i t u t i o n a l i s m e v e n managed t o  the  and  Hesse-Kassel c r i s i s  its  dismissed  threatened,  constitutional principle,"  a n x i o u s about  the  how  " r a t i o n a l and  English-style of  seen  I f Frederick. William  In the  the  that  "so  Prince  1 0  that,  matter of m a i n t a i n i n g would " n o t  have  I n Germany was  Prussia  Institutions."  sentiments,  ^e  same I d e a l i s t i c r h e t o r i c when he  o f hand Queen V i c t o r i a ' s f e a r s  Constitutional  to  1850. a-v  arms upon Germany" In  both  I n d u c i n g these  l i b e r a l i s m In  Prussia,  conviction that  king  and  solemn r e p o s i t o r y o f t h e  his Prussian  lt  93  liberal  spirit.  Prussia,  the  declared: progress  2 3  -  In u r g i n g  British  "She and  ambassador t o  [Prussia]  of P r u s s i a Layard  r e s p o n d e d : "We  even t o of the  and  so  "Neither  the  maintained vigour,  British  that  this  Imminent  period  that  liberals  by  course  was  liberals  fact  Prince's  apparently  advance  Sir  the  Nor  believe  take  as  liberal  liberal  as  both  of William  that  the  an  liberal  this  of  regarding  there.  tenacity,  will  not  in  unfold the  Journalist  Anglo-Prussian  alliance  r a i s e d d o u b t s about Prussia  a d v a n c e d age, turn  Morley  2  i n E n g l a n d and I's  was  form." *  Institutions of  outbreak.  forever"; that  so  liberties  watched German a f f a i r s  confident  Austin  d i d the  knowledge live  fears  German r a c e , their  In  the  British  optimism which  B i s m a r c k can  " I m p o s s i b l e to  2 3  the  play  I n 1866, the  unity." that  a staunch advocate  upon the  will  would r e n o u n c e  a keen o b s e r v e r o f German p o l i t i c s ,  hopes w h i c h  she  Austria  believe  e v e r y o n e who  v i c t o r y of  Edward D i c e y ,  gradually  w h i c h have made Germany a n a t i o n ,  s e a s o n and not  Intelligence,  will  lessen  Count  l t was  of  and  Loftus,  In r e s p o n s e t o  2 2  national  war  K i n g nor  Obviously  and  their  eagerness,  due  during  cannot  Franco-Prussian In these  defeat  progressive,  accomplish  inspired  their  her  Lord  government, and  In E u r o p e . "  r a i s e d by  enlightened  the  w e a l t h o f Germany.... She  of a moderator  between B r i t a i n  Berlin,  represented  a c o n s t i t u t i o n a l system of part  closer ties  and  were  the  the  placing  Crown  mind:  I c a n r e c o l l e c t e x a c t l y t h e same hope b e i n g p l a c e d on the s u p p o s e d l i b e r a l i s m o f t h e p r e s e n t K i n g , when he was h e i r presumptive to the t h r o n e . P e r s o n a l l y , I a t t a c h v e r y l i t t l e c o n f i d e n c e to the p a r l i a m e n t a r y p r o c l i v i t i e s of P r u s s i a n p r i n c e s . . . . I doubt w h e t h e r t h e c a u s e o f parliamentary government, I n t h e way w h i c h we u n d e r s t a n d t h e word, w i l l  94  profit mine ]  much by t h e a g g r a n d i z e m e n t  Others too expressed  their  "progressive"  of Prussian  In t h e wake But  nature  concerns regarding  scepticism  war.  regarding  English-style  c o n s t i t u t i o n a l i s m was c l e a r l y the g e n e r a l l y  British  liberal  period.  Although discouraged  William  I's " u n n a t u r a l  commentary on P r u s s i a n  the  more a d v a n c e d  "capitulation" Idealistic  that  their  struggle claimed  Inevitable  also,  liberals  Such v i e w s were  Journals  German like  In l i t e r a r y  when o t h e r  in fact  liberals,  Helnrich  "[Tjhey  cannot  von S y b e l ,  succeed  splendid  and  that  In t h e i r  l t was a f t e r a l l , activity  scientific  conditions like  to the notion  are ready,  Identify  of England. " 2 7  r e i n f o r c e d by t h e w r i t i n g s o f  whose work was o f t e n  published  in  Review and t h e F o r t n i g h t l y  f o r example,  seriously believe,  power r e s t s c h i e f l y  clung  " t h e same  t h e Home and F o r e i g n  Rev lew.  IV and  embodiment o f e v e n  of despotism;  with a r a t i o n a l philosophy,"  prominent  William  L i b e r a l s t o B i s m a r c k a f t e r 1867,  that  w h i c h has made h e r f o r e m o s t  her  this  of the c o n s t i t u t i o n of  would e v e n t u a l l y  with the dark forces  will  during  p o s i t i o n s o f t h e L i b e r a l P a r t y " ) . ! and by t h e  German b r e t h r e n  achievement  and was  p o s i t i v e tone o f  s e e n as "a f a i r  group o f B r i t i s h  Morley,  exceptional,  by b o t h F r e d e r i c k  of the N a t i o n a l  this  distance  leading to  politics  Interpretations"  1850 Ca document w h i c h was  especially  t h e d i r e c t i o n and  had t r a v e l l e d down t h e p a t h  a t a l l In k e e p i n g w i t h  the supposedly  2 6  which P r u s s i a  not  [Emphasis  and German p o l i t i c s ,  o f the Franco-Prussian  Dicey's  of Prussia. ^BS  that  on an i n t e l l e c t u a l  asserted  a State, basis,  In 1871:  whose m i l i t a r y  on t h e  personal  95  services  o f a l l the  possesses a grand parliaments,  population." ®  auspices. their  could  would most  the  Germany. The  to  likely  In  a liberal  of  to the  Justifiable  asking:  favour  of  5  from above was  liberal about  by  realization  Italian  under  institutions  Prussian German  1866  Morier  the  which  Paul  s t a t e of P r u s s i a ' s  by  Its  d e a l t to  age,  means  Kennedy,  by  left  Liberal  unrest violent  among t h o s e  B l s m a r c k i a n method  entirely  would  about  forestalling  was  British  state  from b e l o w , " was  the  state  throughout  brought  to  German  unification,  In a way  according  liberal  that  c o n s t i t u t i o n a l Prussian  economic p r o s p e r i t y of  conviction that  mature  unpleasant  of a u n i t e d  methods o f  expressed  the  political  interpreted in  "What blows might be  Liberal  2  a  of i t s  brought  the  pressure  deeds?" ' * In  the  maintain  accomplished  liberal  Irresponsible  given  be  by  German u n i f i c a t i o n  superior  unification  In p a r t  Inspired  from above, w h i c h ,  many i n B r i t a i n  conflict,  while  progress  a l t e r n a t i v e to u n i f i c a t i o n  of "progressive, Imposition  the  debating  t o embrace a c o n s t i t u t i o n a l  f o r G r e e k and  spread  two  majority  despite  poised  prejudiced  hoped t h a t  b r i n g about  Ideals,  also  "enthusiasm"  facilitate  l o n g run,  a vast  i n t e r e s t In t h e  was  Already  Idealists  and  which  government.  In P r u s s i a ,  mlllenarlan1sm, unification  by  Prussia,  system of  British  institutions  by  that  i n t e r l u d e , was  parliamentary  a free press,  In t h e  repudiated  England,as proof  This  really,  - a State  Such s t a t e m e n t s were e a g e r l y  2  Blsmarckian  inhabitants  literature,  could  s y s t e m w h i c h was  educated  who  of  unnecessary, e s p e c i a l l y liberal  development:  and and  96  [ I ] f B i s m a r c k s u c c e e d s the w o r l d w i l l c l a p I t s hands and s a y t h a t he was t h e o n l y man who knew how t o b r i n g about what t h e w o r l d , w h i c h w o r s h i p s s u c c e s s , w i l l say was a consummation l t a l w a y s d e s i r e d . Whereas what i s r e a l l y p r o v e d i s t h a t P r u s s i a w a s . . . r e a l l y the h e a r t and l u n g s o f Germany, [and] t h a t she c o u l d , by h e r mere n a t u r a l d e v e l o p m e n t w i t h , I n s t e a d o f a q a I n s t , t h e l i b e r a l and n a t i o n a l f o r c e s o f Germany, have e f f e c t e d what r e q u i r e d t o be done by p e a c e f u l means and w i t h o u t bloodshed. '-' 3  Hence, on Germany, t h e w i t h the  of  that  English-style Interests,  British  by  the  t h u s Germany, was  than being  latter  was  threatened,  c r e a t i o n of  this  expressed  period  s u r p r i s i n g that  former  destined  reassured  were for  that  British  would a c t u a l l y  a Prussian-led  to  desire  German  see  of a l l B r i t i s h  be  national  Prussia  was  many o f t h e s e  reaction  itself  the  surest  began t o d e s c e n d on  sympathetic  to the that  cause o f  by  his belief  on  a c o n s t i t u t i o n a l and  European despotism Prussia's  British  the  In  representative and  1849,  f o l l o w i n g advice  Mllnes,  that  in  who  basis  of  a German  would  England  from P r i n c e  fast  Empire  soon make  secure."  a t hand a t  As  was  l i b e r a l i s m , stood  Europe r e a l l y  IV a p p e a l e d t o  not  i n s u r i n g such peace.  establishment  a t Olmu'tz c l o s e  William  parliamentarism  continental  "solid  i t is  I d e a l i s t s maintained  method o f Europe  Impossible  humiliation  Frederick  receive  the  governments  peace p r e v a i l In E u r o p e ,  p r o m o t i o n o f c o n s t i t u t i o n a l i s m and  1850,  i f the  coincide  3 1  during  to  policy-makers;  and  u n i f i c a t i o n of  I d e a l i s t s appeared to  l i b e r a l i s m , the  Given the  the  of a P r u s s i a n - l e d  British  Prussia,  rather  safeguarded  subject  hopes o f  goals  convinced  state.  the  the  end  With  3 2  of  f o r support,  Albert:  [A] P r u s s i a p r e p a r e d t o come f o r w a r d as a g e n u i n e p a t t e r n o f c o n s t i t u t i o n a l monarchy.on t h e c o n t i n e n t and w i t h  only  97  u n s e l f - s e e k i n g p a t r i o t i s m t o p r o t e c t the c o n s t i t u t i o n a l [ E r f u r t ] u n i o n and f o s t e r t h e d e v e l o p m e n t o f the S t a t e s o f Germany, w i l l p o s s e s s e s a m o r a l f o r c e s u f f i c i e n t by I t s e l f t o r e p e l any a t t a c k . - a f o r c e w h i c h w i l l meet w i t h E n g l a n d ' s sympathy and s u p p o r t . . . . I t w i l l be the s u r e s t guarantee to Europe of u n i v e r s a l p e a c e . 3 3  When W i l l i a m reiterated achieved the  this  by  an  "political  kernel  of  p o l i c y , b e l i e v i n g that honest  the  of  father-in-law's  of  the  Prussian  Prussia,  expected  Prussia's  her  Princess, %  this  however, L o r d  would become "a peace o f C e n t r a l the  central  source' o f security these  as  f o r the  regarding  Prussia,  reassured  and  the  "alone  can  the  be  the  saving  i n Germany - but  concern  here  throne,  l a y not  which  Importance  by  b o t h the positive  of  with  she Crown  In m a i n t a i n i n g  in England,  Layard  liberal  the  maintenance  back  -  of  a constitutional Prussia  Prussian-led  to d e v e l o p to  that  her  p r i n c i p l e s of  view  of t h i s  satisfaction"  the  consequences of  took a continent-wide  confident  was  and  Loftus  3  i t was  core  the  E u r o p e . " * - And  appearance  "the  p o s s e s s one'day soon. U n l i k e  Power o f g r e a t  E u r o p e was  destined  fate of  king,  hand, t o o k a more narrow  possible  C l e a r l y , her  w i t h the  was  other  believed  In t h e  daughter V i c t o r i a ,  embrace t h e  she  355  husband t o  he  the  Albert  constitution,  p o s i t i o n In Europe and  monarchy."  question;  feared  to  which  but  on  l a m e n t i n g the  failure  European peace,  Albert's  3  constitutionalism, only  1861,  confidence  I n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the  safety." *  problem,  not  In  summum bonum o f h u m a n i t y , " and  European  Crown P r i n c e s s view o f  I succeeded h i s brother  such a  who In  state,  institutions,  British,  "should  be  "affording additional  of peace. " "  Inevitability  anyone  German s t a t e  that  the  3>  Sentiments  of a l i b e r a l  Impact w h i c h t h i s  was  sure  such  as  victory t o have  In on  a  98  European about  stability  the  quelling  character  of  Prussia's  opposition  to  the  a d o p t e d by  most B r i t i s h  There British felt  goals  within the  England  we  had  trust  e x p r e s s . . . and that...it  Is t h e  l a c k of  the  comprehended  unyielding  British  constitutional particular. British that  the  movements on  and  p r i v i l e g e of  problems of  other  understanding,  or  at  the  process  fact  that  Institutions  "the  this  in Prussia  has  more  fault  ruin."  to  and  repeatedly  Involved  the  we  from  Incensed  so  by  the  "If  glibly  should  see  continental argued to  support  in Prussia upbraided to  In  the  remember  political  "corresponding duty  understand,  shortcoming that towards the  so  argued t h a t ,  for f a i l i n g about  was  seeing  l a y not  d u t y t h e y had  continent,  press  in  Unfortunately,  the  lt  the c o n s t i t u t i o n a l  nature of 3 3  the  vociferous  support  them a r i g h t , we  l e a s t t r y i n g to  to  5  the  institutions  talking freely  d i s c u s s . " ' ' I t was 3  the  success  the  1848-1849. He  systematic  British  countries  that  England  a n o t h e r who  the  l a c k of  sufficient  seemed b l i n d t o  M o r l e r was  public  of  national  governments which proved t h e i r Mllnes,  Prussia  period.  i n p a r t i c u l a r , was  i n Germany In  i f we  while  l a r g e l y because  l e d some o f  believe  Mllnes,  In our  concerns  development,  this  affairs,  them. The  Indifference  g o i n g on  the  i n the  Itself.  p a s s i v i t y and  struggles  Prussian  understand  as  political  British  however, a g r o w i n g c o n c e r n t h a t  spokesmen t o  In P r u s s i a ,  allay  accomodating a t t i t u d e towards  r e a l i s e d In P r u s s i a  liberal  to  statesmen d u r i n g  existed,  were n e g l e c t i n g  British much  also  t h e y d i d not  their  undoubtedly helped  the  of  subjects  we  Morler a t t r i b u t e d  development  been watched w i t h  less  of  free  interest  and  99  sympathy  i n England  exhibited races  on  the  t h a n have been a c c o r d e d  far less  congenial  of Southern Europe."*  of the  British  p u b l i c are  longer  passage,  from P r u s s i a n  soil  Morier's  0  similar  occupied  Insights  e v e n more e v i d e n t  i n w h i c h he  to  by  Into  phenomena  the the  In t h i s  Latin foibles  somewhat  seeks to e x p l a i n B r i t a i n ' s  aloofness  politics:  To t h e E n g l i s h m a n , In t h e happy enjoyment o f the p r i v i l e g e s s e c u r e d t o him by h i s I n s u l a r p o s i t i o n , t h e s t u d y o f f o r e i g n p o l i t i c s has a l w a y s been...more o r l e s s o f a d l l e t t a n t e k i n d . I t Is as a r e c r e a t i o n r a t h e r t h a n as an e a r n e s t p a r t o f a d a y ' s work t h a t he t u r n s t o the columns o f the newspaper r e c o r d i n g the ' f o r e i g n I n t e l l i g e n c e . ' From h i s p o i n t o f v i e w t h e p r o c l a m a t i o n , f o r I n s t a n c e , by a S p a n i s h J u n t a o f t h e E i g h t s o f Man has more o f p i c t u r e s q u e c i r c u m s t a n c e c o n n e c t e d w i t h l t t h a n can e v e r e n l i v e n a d e b a t e r e s p e c t i n g t h e r i g h t o f an I n d i v i d u a l I s r a e l i t e t o s i t at q u a r t e r s e s s i o n s i n the p r o v i n c e of Brandenburg, or a d i s c u s s i o n o f t h e t i t l e by w h i c h an I n d i v i d u a l c l e r g y m e n In Back P o m e r a n l a r e f u s e s t o m a r r y p a r t i e s l e g a l l y d i v o r c e d by the c i v i l t r i b u n a l . And y e t l t Is from m a t e r i a l s l i k e t h e s e , r a t h e r t h a n from s u c h as the f o r m e r , t h a t t h e C o n s t i t u t i o n a l m e t a l w h i c h p a s s e s c u r r e n t In E n g l a n d has been w r o u g h t . * 1  The press,  fact  as  of these  that  l t was  opposed to criticisms  the  British  British  governments,  suggests that  policy  during  this  p e r i o d - the  Prussia  - met  with  the  Idealists,  tacit  whose c o n f i d e n c e  the  after the  by  1864.  British  writing  Morier, policy  ambiguous c h a r a c t e r  of B r i t i s h  But  even here  the  public that  such p o l i c i e s  t o L a d y S a l i s b u r y i n 1864,  stability  In  were t r o u b l e d  the  to  British  Germany  of B r i t i s h  l t was  of  future of a l i b e r a l  apparent  of these  goal  brunt  liberal  the  and  British  British  u n s h a k a b l e . C e r t a i n l y some, l i k e  war,  underlying  approval In t h e  the  w h i c h b o r e the  p r e s e r v a t i o n of  was  caprlclousness  p u b l i c and  during  the  by  Danish  non-intervention  a p a t h y and  Ignorance  were a t t r i b u t e d . In  Morier  exclaimed:  "You  can  of  100  form no  conception  w h i c h an  the  country,  opinion  of  wisdom and or  which t h a t  o f Germany t h e  of  "strong the  two  w i t h one the  another.  that  "natural Berlin the  allies"  Prussian  " s a f e t y and  of  these  that  "should  be  British  liberals  Prussian It was  political  as  Liberalism be  England.*  British  of  Germany and  British  England, be  to  as  David  observers  the  Intimately  Interests  bound  British  thirty as  years  she  could  to  be  the  arose  the  full  the  of  Interpretations  p r a c t i c e s . Thus, w h i l e  the  England  the and  same p r i n c i p l e s  I t was  Prussia  nothing sympathy  "sympathy"  expressions  during  from  and  this,  England  c o n v i c t i o n among s u c h  Masson t h a t  from h a v i n g  later  in  indicated that  protestantism."** i n t e r e s t s of  that  Parliament,"  depend on  advocating  up  declared  i n Germany  the  England  together,  political  public  2  P a l m e r s t o n had  same s e n t i m e n t s  and  the  Queen V i c t o r i a ' s d a u g h t e r  3  to  f o r e i g n p o l i c y of  such c o n s t i t u t i o n a l s t a t e s  noted t h i s  t a i n t e d by  accompanied  1832  Indifference  I d e n t i c a l , " that  should  often  the  i n h i s attempt  echo."*  constitutional states  going c o r d i a l l y  belief  to  constitutional conflict, peace o f  the  gymnastics  c o n s t i t u t i o n a l development  i n t e r e s t of  e a r l y as  - constitutional liberty the  of  an  Prussian  the  considered  echoed  Prussia  that  a matter of he  through  more c o r r e c t l y s p e a k i n g ,  were c o n s i d e r e d As  go  political  p e r s i s t e d among t h e s e  on  Independence o f  " n e v e r be and  nations  to  p o l i c y Is but  belief  claims"  has  of the  consistency  perhaps,  Nonetheless there  had  intricacy  English diplomatist  vindicate his  of the  "ought from  for Prussian  to  Britain."*™' liberalism  s u p e r i o r i t y which of  hinder  frequently  foreign .countries'  Prussians  were r e g a r d e d  by  101  the  W e s t m i n s t e r Review t o " d e s e r v e  constitutional nonetheless  advances they  thought  Initiative  to  of t h e i r  l a c k the  brother  o f them, "as  of t h e i r  "their  Is gone out  the  sound  ends o f t h e  political  What c a n  6  Inconsistency who  be  Into  s a g a c i t y and  across  the  a l l lands,  or t h a t they  had  and  the  permeated B r i t i s h  the  and  bold  their  the  the  arising the  hand, t h e  c u l t u r e on  like  from t h i s  mists  of  the  the  other.  Inconsistency  Into of  conform  growing  Idealism  historian  said  form  must  of  l n e v l t a b i 1 1 1 I t y of Prussian  political  commentators  Into  one  be  that  words  "Invented  Is a  the  were  either  kind of ethnocentric hauteur  conservative tensions  the  for  l t c o u l d not  sea,"  seen emerging here  between, on embraced  development,  dissolved  "keen  Prussians  T e u t o n s . " Hence  brethren  world,"  made, t h e  world"  government, t o w h i c h . . . a l l modern n a t i o n s  or d i e . " *  liberals  had  w e l l of the  liberal  which For  more  Archibald were  British  Alison,  easily  time:  When E n g l a n d became a man, she put away c h i l d i s h t h i n g s . F r a n c e , by t h e s p o l i a t i o n s and d e s t r u c t i o n o f t h e f i r s t R e v o l u t i o n , has l o s t t h e e l e m e n t s o f f r e e d o m . But Germany y e t p o s s e s s e s them; and I f she does not abuse h e r a d v a n t a g e s , In two h u n d r e d y e a r s she may p o s s e s s t h e m i n g l e d f r e e d o m and s t a b i l i t y w h i c h now c o n s t i t u t e a t once t h e g l o r y and h a p p i n e s s o f E n g l a n d . * . 7  Not  a l l British  easily  able  to the  question  should  Imitate  this  the  observers  o f German a f f a i r s ,  to r e s o l v e these  only  o f how the  tensions,  much o r how  British  particularly  little  model. Nor,  liberalism  Prussian  as w i l l  such c o n t r a d i c t i o n Inherent  assessments of P r u s s i a n  however, were  be  when i t came liberals  shown,  In B r i t i s h  during this  so  was  liberals'  period.  102  Let  us  t u r n now  evaluations that  the  t o examine  of Prussian  Prussian  Ceven be  politics  and  that,  out  s e c u r i t y , P r u s s i a was  I f she  d i d not  determined  propitious  f o r the  Immediate  Morier,  3  o f German l i b e r a l i s m ,  felt  f o r the  kinds  proof  of t h i s ,  principles  at  stake  In t h e  1860's, p r i n c i p l e s ability, how  the  training, Prince  and  A l b e r t was  constitutional In  1853  party  how  possible,"  that  by  that  prospects  Prussia's  liberals  the  and  was  fully  were  fundamental of  defended  ripened  plainly In  the with  an  denoting  Parliamentary  i n c o n s t i t u t i o n a l d o c t r 1 ne. '" of Prussia's  readiness  P r u s s i a was  C o n s t i t u t i o n with of p u b l i c outcome o f  in Prussia  are  institutions  to  "ripe  William  be  for nothing  responsible  !Sa  for  government. R e b u k i n g P r i n c e  for representative  the  future  e l e m e n t , " she  a perseverance  l t was  expression  Disappointed conviction  and  "whether c o n d i t i o n s  declared  unfettered  recalled  liberal  constitutional conflict  parliamentary  than a " r e p r e s e n t a t i v e and  he  also convinced  matured  he  political  In P r u s s i a had  sound  f o r doubting  sufficiently  v i r t u e of  w h i c h were " a s s e r t e d  a determination, Liberal  by  to  In P r u s s i a were a c t u a l l y  of reforms Prussian  As  for  such a t t e n t i o n ) , l t remained  that,  seeking.^  liberal  of England's a t t e n t i o n  o p t i m i s t i c of the  "enormous s u p e r i o r i t y In e v e r y  group's  well-suited for  "growth" of h e a l t h y  ever  this  s o c i e t y . Having e s t a b l i s h e d  deserving  always get  detail  of c o n s i d e r a t i o n s  whether c i r c u m s t a n c e s  Institutions.*  prepared  and  p e o p l e were e m i n e n t l y  forms o f government, European  in greater  else"  Ministers  opinion." * 5 5  1848-1849, y e t  f i r m In  their  P r u s s i a would e v e n t u a l l y embrace E n g l i s h - s t y l e  103  political  institutions,  concluded  t h a t t h e hour o f P r u s s i a n l i b e r a l i s m  postponed,  the time  constitutional history  some B r i t i s h  not y e t b e i n g r i p e  self-government.  aspects  working at c r o s s purposes  t o such  above a l l w i t h t h e m y s t i q u e  Frederick  liberal  and worked  Frederick  II was seen  authorities  Irish  that  liberty  public  Journalist,  a l l those  3  Institutions  J o h n O'Hagan,  therefore  P r u s s i a would  lack  concluded  experienced  a u t h o r i t y I n t o a means o f foundations of  1848 was In a s t a t e  time  despotism,"  Even M o r i e r was f o r c e d t o c o n c l u d e  a l l Parliamentary  sufficient  and  at the d i s p o s a l of  c o u l d have a r i s e n . " " '  on t h e a n c i e n t 5 5  after  spirit,  to the t a s k o f c o n v e r t i n g the popular d e s i r e  self-government." * Prussia  had been  c o n s e r v a t i v e o f freedom, on w h i c h a  peace and f o r a s t r e n g t h e n e d  securing  from  Q u a r t e r l y Review, P r u s s i a  t o have " d e s t r o y e d  In t h e f a c e o f a c r i s i s "equal  family,  the achievements of  c r e a t e d " t h e most p e r f e c t  Judge and a l i b e r a l  statesmen for  surrounding  so as t o e x h a u s t  parliamentary constitution an  Prussian  o f the Hohenzollern  t h e men and t h e means o f a l l f a m i l i e s  f a m i l y . " ^ ^ Having  actually  development.  In w h i c h e v e r y t h i n g I n s t i t u t i o n a l  "constructed  and  political  p r e p a r a t i o n s f o r the  I I . According to the B r i t i s h  was a s t a t e  one  at Prussia's  o f P r u s s i a ' s past  h i s t o r y was synonymous w i t h t h e r i s e  place  had been  o f r e s p o n s i b l e r e p r e s e n t a t i v e government had n o t y e t  been made, w i t h c e r t a i n  and  however,  f o r P r u s s i a t o embrace  A glance  r e v e a l e d that the necessary  exercise  idealists,  w h i c h was "one  systems r e c e n t l y  Inseparable  Introduced,  has n o t e l a p s e d t o r e c o n c i l e  that  and where  and h a r m o n i z e t h e  104  old  absolutist  traditions  with  t h e new p o p u l a r f r a n c h i s e s . "  Hence P r u s s i a had " n e i t h e r t i m e of parliamentary  a school  statesmen .  P e r h a p s more s e r i o u s t h a n the  fact  had  y e t t o undergo  for  parliamentary  national  n o r o p p o r t u n i t y t o form  that "the popular  political  h a b i t s o f thought  Important  Inexperience  outside  was  Parliament"  m o d i f i c a t i o n s In P r u s s i a . In o r d e r  Institutions  expression,  such  t o f u n c t i o n p r o p e r l y as o r g a n s o f  l t was f i r s t  necessary,  according to the  W e s t m i n s t e r Review, t h a t t h e " I n d i v i d u a l s c o m p o s i n g t h e natIon...crystalllze dogma, in  themselves  s t r o n g enough t o c o n s t i t u t e  P r u s s i a the process  was c o m p l i c a t e d traditions" Prussia's  an a r t i c l e  of Identifying  by t h e p e r v a s i v e n e s s  referred  national  t o above,  identity.  h i s t o r y demonstrated B r i t i s h ) t h a t such with  by t h e f o r c e o f some  absolutist  a "political  British  constitutional  to the s a t i s f a c t i o n traditions  that the r e t a r d a t i o n  In p a r t a t l e a s t , attachment  to the o r i g i n a l  Hohenzollern possibility "political  the r e s u l t  were  of l i b e r a l  Irreconcilable  reform  Idealists In P r u s s i a was,  concern  over the  o f s u p p l a n t i n g P r u s s i a n monarchlsm w i t h dogma" e m b r a c i n g t h e p r i n c i p l e s  parliamentarism  the  Hohenzollerns'  a new  of constitutionalism  required, therefore, a careful place  strong  o f P r u s s i a n a b s o l u t i s m - the  monarchy. T h i s B r i t i s h  and  o f the  o f the P r u s s i a n people's  source  dogma"  w h i c h were c e n t r a l t o  h e a l t h y p a r l i a m e n t a r y government, B r i t i s h  concluded  1 t h . B u t  of the " o l d a b s o l u t i s t  traditions  Since  Cat l e a s t  such  of fa  political  In P r u s s i a ' s p o l i t i c a l  assessment o f  culture.  105  Although conflict how  i t was  i n the  difficult  was  until  to  outbreak of  this  l t became c l e a r J u s t  government,  that  dynastlclsm  established  r e m a i n e d as  b o t h n a t i o n a l i s t s and Baron Stockmar, s e n t i m e n t s " as and  the  Albert's  " s p e c i a l and  n e c e s s a r y development  this  attachment  because of  the  between the the  to  Intimate  H o h e n z o 1 l e r n s . The  state even  as  virtually  l e d the  therefore,  was  and  of  what a b o u t  hindered how  chief  Impediment  German n a t i o n a l  Prussian  state  f o r the determine  to  life."  and  the  the  the  sake o f  l i k e l y was  i t that  the  In  5 3 7  Prussia  strong exist  exploits  to  regard  of the  family  that  family  the  ambition,"  i t s princes." ® 0  The  specifically, affected How  monarchy I t s e l f ; of  by  genuine  seen to  monarch's r o l e  development  a  Hohenzollern  how,  Vienna  "dynastic  especially  t r a d i t i o n s had  the  the  prompting  mentor, t o d e s c r i b e  f o r p o l i t i c a l reform.  people conceive  of  Germany,  t r a d i t i o n s was  monarchical  country's preparedness  Prussia,  to  liberals  reckoned with  of  problem,  promoted o r  throughout  be  a product  "purely  And  to  "altogether  l t existed  Prussia?  force  conclude  that  with  Confederation,  Review t o  and  Prussian  German  Quarterly  state  strong  the  t e n d e n c y among P r u s s i a n s  Prussian  Prussia's  some B r i t i s h  r e l a t i o n s h i p w h i c h was the  monarchlsm  those c l a u s e s  commensurate w i t h t h e  British was  of  dynastic  h i s t o r y of  by  a powerful  liberals  Prince  exactly  a c l a s h between t h e s e p r i n c i p l e s  Imminent. C a r e f u l l y p r e s e r v e d w h i c h had  the c o n s t i t u t i o n a l  reconcile Prussian  parliamentary  p r i o r to  settlement  of  the  e a r l y 1860's t h a t  i t would be  constitutional recognized  not  liberal  that  did  the  In t h e had  governing  It h i t h e r t o  Institutions in  monarchy would  adapt  106  Itself  t o such  Institutions  once t h e y  were e s t a b l i s h e d ? Not  surprisingly,  t h e answers w h i c h B r i t i s h l i b e r a l s f o r m u l a t e d f o r  each o f these  questions  experiences It held  with  was  their  were a r e f l e c t i o n  constitutional  immediately obvious to a l l that monarch  In h i g h e r  regard  the  B r i t i s h crown had " l a i n p r a c t i c a l l y  s i n c e grown a c c u s t o m e d t o t h e f a c t  middle-classes of the s o c i a l and  were " a n t 1 - d y n a s t i c "  Prussians  felt  extremely  s u s p i c i o u s of these  fundamental  f o r the c r o w n .  Prussian  "obtained Prussian  i n the p e r i o d  an  after  people's attachment sustained  flew  which most  considered  on  and  In t h e f a c e o f  1850 P r u s s i a might s y s t e m " were  have  l t not f o r the  t o t h e monarchy. The e v e n t s o f by t h e crown d u r i n g who  this  reacted  t h e l i b e r a l s ' I n t e r p r e t a t i o n s o f t h e new  In  o f the r e a c t i o n a r y  unfortunate  f o r such  restrictions  rejecting  this  o f 1848,  l t was p o i n t e d l y a r g u e d by  shocked the s e n s i b i l i t i e s o f P r u s s i a n s ,  favour  exaggeration  respect  responsibility,  Indeed,  a sound c o n s t i t u t i o n a l  1848-49, and blows  the Prussian  as t h e y  of popular  supremacy, a l l o f w h i c h  of  l i b e r a l s were  as c o n s t i t u t i o n a l  ministerial  Ideas o f monarchlsm.  O'Hagan t h a t  Most B r i t i s h  t o the development  prerogatives,  was c l e a r l y  sentiments,  liberal principles  parliamentary  that  t h e deep l o y a l t y 6 0  who  the r i g h t s  which preceded the o u t b u r s t  i n keeping with  people  In a b e y a n c e " f o r a t  5  discontent  them o b s t a c l e s  that  and half.'-'" ' S t o c k m a r ' s c l a i m  was h a r d l y  royal  the P r u s s i a n  than d i d the B r i t i s h ,  long  a century  own  monarchy.  had  least  of England's  p e r i o d had  to t h i s  by  constitution  i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s of Manteuffel.  Of  d e v e l o p m e n t , O'Hagan w r o t e : " [ I ] t i s riot e a s y  107  for  a m i n i s t e r to  strengthen  the  example o f t h e Prussian  f o s t e r f r e e d o m when the  sovereign wishful  liberals'  1848-49, and ministry  be  Nor  was  explained  this  e x a m i n a t i o n o f the faction  "ministerial  the  face  on  - one  1848  of  Prussian  old  days of P r u s s i a n  the  Great,  the Manteuffel f  such  t o the  to the  two  - based  Its popular  on  self-trusting  policy  on  Crown, not  b a s e d on  the  historical  relation  of the  [Emphasis  mine] A l t h o u g h we  sentiments expressed Prussian  population  regarded  them as  faction  Right  principle,  Hohenzollern goal are  and  part but  of on  In t h e i r  not  t o what e x t e n t  l t was  c l e a r that  the  "logical  parliamentary  Alt Llberalen.  6 3  the  the  nation,  aimed a t told  the  the  Dynasty to the  a r c h a i c , p r i m a r i l y because to  with  Frederick  prograime."*-  i n M a t h l a s ' programme were t h o s e In g e n e r a l ,  were h o s t i l e  constitutional Prussian  Divine  the  an  o f monarchlsm: " G o i n g b a c k t o  a strong  the  that  w h i c h were c o - e x t e n s l v e  P r u s s i a of  other  Morier's  the  support  the  a  social  revealed  p a r t i e s composing  principles notions  In 1859  t o the  more t h a n any  monarchy.  monarchy s i m p l y  h i s t o r y , and  is  the  d i s r u p t i o n s of  revolution in Prussia.  parliament  of the  majority"  the  to  excellent  idealists;  attributing  attachment  eager  d i s t u r b i n g d i s r u p t i o n s o f the  Prussian  advocacy of p o l i t i c a l traditional  o n l y by  Inordinate  which attended  Mathlas  In t h e  have an  overexaggerated attachment  t e m p o r a r y r e a c t i o n t o the order  to c a p i t a l i z e  acquiescence  d e v e l o p m e n t s t o an  Here we  6 1  t h i n k i n g of B r i t i s h  inability  their  could  power."  people are  2  the  of  the  Morier  policies  consequences" of  programme a d v o c a t e d  of  the by  the  this  108 It the  was, o f c o u r s e ,  Prussian  people  anachronistic by  British  as  their  forced to confront  attachments to the P r u s s i a n that  from t h i s  experience  duty of l o y a l t y "  a distinction  Unfortunately,  long  in Prussia  elsewhere o f a f a l s e  sentiment  convinced  some B r i t i s h  the e x e r c i s e reached  o f t h e crown's to exclaim,  of responsible  that  remained  feeling  of pain  subjects. "  regarded  causes o f P r u s s i a ' s , example  I t , the B r i t i s h  "unexpressed  understanding  nation  support  would  Peers or Sovereign." possessed  which  P r u s s i a was n o t y e t r e a d y  i n 1863, t h e  i n evidence,  own l i p s  When t h e pervasiveness  prompting  Morler  Is s t i l l t h e  intense  c a u s e d e v e n t o men o f v e r y  idealists  from t h e B r i t i s h explained  than  i s the a c t u a l  advanced  opinions  by  as 1 1 l o y a l  fe!S  British principal  danger  k i n d o f problem  t o t h e Crown, and how  been b r a n d e d by t h e k i n g ' s  d u t y as  influencing political  " I t Is I n c r e d i b l e how d e e p - s e a t e d  of loyalty  described  i n England.  self-government.  proportions  Influence  feeling  having  liberals  crisis  "special  was a " f a r g r e a t e r  and l t was p r e c i s e l y t h i s  conflict  I t was hoped  the P r u s s i a n  since understood  there  personal  and t h e i r  actions,"  for  monarchy.  that  their  l e a r n t o d i s t i n g u i s h between what M o r l e r  "general  citizens,"  the c o n s t i t u t i o n a l c o n f l i c t  were f i n a l l y  liberals  p e o p l e would  during  such  loyalty  and l a t e r  as one o f t h e  Germany's,  deviations  o f c o n s t i t u t i o n a l g o v e r n m e n t . As c o n s t i t u t i o n functioned  Dicey  on t h e  t h a t . . . I f l t came t o a c o n t e s t , t h e  the Parliament  In p r e f e r e n c e  to either  But i n P r u s s i a t h e crown a'rgued t h a t i t  the d e c i d i n g vote  when l t came t o an I r r e c o n c i l a b l e  Issue,  a theory  b a s e d upon t h e c o n v i c t i o n  In t h e end s u p p o r t unfortunately, this  reluctance  to force  of  crown  theory  served  well  I t s power, B i s m a r c k ,  Chamber w h i c h  felt  however, were appointment Quarterly  as M i n i s t e r - P r e s i d e n t ,  Review d e s c r i b e d  with  the d y n a s t i c  In e f f e c t ,  to q u a r r e l  privileged  existence." "''  concluded the  long  Prussian  people  submit the  reform  stunted  England? '*' In g e n e r a l ,  was s h a r e d  by most B r i t i s h  what t h e B r 1 t 1 s h I l l u s t r a t i o n of step  that to  o f t h e body p o l i t i c , I s ,  until  very  own  British  while  liberals  I n e v i t a b l e In  such time as the to challenge  their 6  that  l t would  the "parliamentary  Bismarck's  a t t a c h m e n t s t o t h e monarchy. '  the P r u s s i a n  i t possible  wlelder  lmpotency,  at every  In P r u s s i a ,  s c r u t i n y of a parliamentary  regarding  feel  Hence many o f t h e s e  h i s authority to e i t h e r  6  providing  organization  Cand m a t e r i a l )  think  of the  of the  a decade b e f o r e  showed t h e m s e l v e s w i l l i n g  what a b o u t  idealists  of this  as "an i n s t r u c t i v e  r u n , would r e m a i n  sentimental But  liberal  This  6 6  to manipulate a  w i t h t h e means o f t h e i r 6  that  able  i n the face  Demonstrations at least  would  from  the purposes o f the defacto  c o n s t i t u t i o n a l i s m o f men who  quarrel  shrank  because o f the p r e s t i g e  "Impotent"  In e v i d e n c e  always  of experience."  who was e a s i l y  itself  monarchy's o p p o s i t i o n .  the  by t h e " t e s t  the Issue  "the nation  than the Parliament";  the C o n s t i t u t i o n a l party  disproving  Prussian  t h e Crown r a t h e r  that  monarchy I t s e l f ? a Hohenzollern  constitutional  3  Did B r i t i s h  king  would  r e s t r i c t i o n s , or  majority,  as was t h e c a s e In  seem t h a t  Dicey's  proclivities  own  scepticism  of Prussian  observers of Prussia.  princes"  A l t h o u g h , as  Dicey noted,  some p e o p l e  he  the P r i n c e o f P r u s s i a ,  was  still  when he  became t h e  Maqazine t h a t congenial  constitutional  1848  i n subsequent  the " f a i l u r e "  the p a r t o f  and  y e a r s was  F r e d e r i c k W i l l i a m IV nor to  break  free  Review t h e "warlike for  of these  revising entitle It  the him  was,  Itself,  and  sergeant  not  just  kind  of s i g n i f i c a n t  "The  the people's  "Inherent as  l t was  has  7  1  the  Neither  themselves the  the  King  of  maxims o f  of F r e d e r i c k I I .  from  In  shortcomings  able  Westminster  latter  of  is chiefly  these  remarkable  and  save  done n o t h i n g t o  enlightened people. "  attachment  development  change e x p e c t e d some e v i d e n c e , military  been a b a n d o n e d .  chance o f t h i s  happening,  not  o c c u p i e d the  who  In P r u s s i a  takes of p o l i t i c s , he  for  7 = i  c h a r a c t e r o f t h e P r u s s i a n monarchy  "stereotype absolutist  matter  felt,  founded  about  present  v i e w he  hindering liberal  there appeared  s c h o o l " had  In 1871  most  I n s t e a d the r e s u l t  W i l l i a m I ever proved  t h e r e f o r e , the  "the  by any  w i t h the  traditions  t o t h e g r a t i t u d e o f an  t o be  the  was  P r u s s i a n army system,  seen  until  but  not  in Prussia,"  f o l l o w i n g comment  the d r i l l  I t was  7 0  maxims, e l i c i t i n g  Hohenzollerns":  with Fraser's  were not  caused  incompatibility  mlltarlstic  h i s son F r e d e r i c k  of c o n s t i t u t i o n a l i s m  a monarchy as o b t a i n e d  absolutist  later  principles  Its advocates,  constitutionalism's such  and  to a s c i o n of H o h e n z o l l e r n . " that  on  f a v o u r upon W i l l i a m I when  Crown P r i n c e , most a g r e e d  example, and  looked with  7 3  to  l t , which  in Prussia.  In t h i s  situation,  at  a c c o r d i n g to Morler, n o t i o n s o f the  Since there appeared  some In E n g l a n d throne  Nor  concluded  of P r u s s i a ;  was was  any  least that  Hohenzollern t o be  little  that  i t did  t h e r e was  no  hope  for  liberty  In Europe as l o n g  m o n a r c h i e s were a l l o w e d  the Prussian 7  which pervaded t h e s e  monarchy's r o l e Prussia. belief  that  Prussia  contributed  obviously  contrasted  above r e g a r d i n g direction people.  sharply  Having e s t a b l i s h e d Prussian  with kind  that  liberals  were p e r c e i v e d  achieved  constitutionalism  and p a r l i a m e n t a r i s m  correctness departures  Perhaps the best embraced  the b e l i e f  Parliaments," liberal  that  l t could  and t h a t  goals  Cas s u c h  cautiously in Prussia;  detrimental  through  to confirm  that  t o the cause o f  In P r u s s i a  one had o n l y t o  h i s t o r i e s o f P r u s s i a and  such comparisons  both the  model, and t h e harm c a u s e d by  be I r r e f u t a b l y d e m o n s t r a t e d .  evidence that  liberal  be a m a t t e r o f  would t r a n s p i r e  i n the p o l i t i c a l  o f the E n g l i s h from  their  above. And In o r d e r  indeed  I t was t h o u g h t  in a  b e t s by d r a w i n g a t t e n t i o n t o t h e k i n d s  described  analogous events  described  o f the Prussian  the B r i t i s h  when t h i s  were  England.  Such a v i e w  I t would o n l y  such " d e v i a t i o n s "  find  f o r the  o f optimism  character  In E n g l a n d ) ,  t h e y hedged t h e i r  of " d e v i a t i o n s "  prepared  Idealist's  the i n e v i t a b l e progress of Prussia  avoided p r e d i c t i n g exactly instead  Institutions in  to the B r i t i s h  institutions.  owing t o " e n l i g h t e n e d "  time u n t i l "goals"  such  f e e l i n g of  of the Prussian  of liberal  was n o t y e t f u l l y  consequences o f a d o p t i n g  the general  discussions  In t h e e v o l u t i o n  A l l of this  Austrian)  to e x i s t . * Although t h i s p a r t i c u l a r  v i e w was an extreme one, l t t o o e x p r e s s e d pessimism  Cand  o f t h e degree t o which t h e B r i t i s h  E n g l a n d was Indeed t h e "mother o f  the h i s t o r i c a l  evolution  I n s t i t u t i o n s was somehow p a r a d i g m a t i c  of B r i t i s h  Is t h e way In  which developments British  In P r u s s i a were s e t a l o n g s i d e  "model", and j u d g e m e n t s made on t h e b a s i s o f P r u s s i a ' s  conformity  to this  were so n a i v e  circumstantial recognize,  model. Few commentators on P r u s s i a n  as t o demand t h a t  to r e p l a y B r i t i s h  the P r u s s i a n s  d i f f e r e n c e s . Indeed,  liberalism  the Progressives  parliamentary  labored  "goals"  after  development  the National  under  L i b e r a l s broke  liberals  were  o f V i c t o r i a n England,  Identify,  aspects  from t h a t  experience  dependence on t h e s t a t e  prevalence  commentators examined  by t h o s e  which d e v i a t e d  absence o f p r a c t i c a l  o f monarchlsm  o r so t h e  Prussian  f o r renumerat1on,  i n P r u s s i a ) , they  of the dispute conflict  in Prussia  I n t h e e a r l y 1860s was t h e r e f o r e  contemporary B r i t i s h beginnings  politicians, and t h e  were a l s o keen t o parallels  h i s t o r y o f P r u s s i a and E n g l a n d . The o v e r army r e f o r m  analysts  political  Ce . q. t h e  of England  amongst  so f a r a p p e a r  of Prussia's  f o r t h e sake o f f u r t h e r c o m p a r i s o n ,  political  event  to  C a l t h o u g h t h e g r a n t i n g o f such  f o r which P r u s s i a n  the B r i t i s h  t o have been t r o u b l e d  an  some were q u i t e p r e p a r e d  believed.  Thus, w h i l e  the  attempt  In 1867). But t h e c o n s t i t u t i o n a l and  s t r u g g l i n g were u l t i m a t e l y t h o s e  their  slavishly  c o n s t i t u t i o n a l history, irrespective of  m a g n a n i m i t y became g r u d g i n g  British  politics  and make p r o v i s i o n s f o r t h e u n i q u e c o n d i t i o n s  which P r u s s i a n  with  the h i s t o r i c a l  Into  transformation  aconstitutional  heartily  as t h e P r u s s i a n  between  embraced by  counterpart  o f the E n g l i s h r e v o l u t i o n o f the seventeenth  which w e l l - n i g h  embodied  Sonderweq h i s t o r i a n s ' ) c o n c e p t i o n  the B r i t i s h of p o l i t i c a l  to the century,  Cand t h e  liberals'  progress. -' 7  5  113 Hence, how  Prussian  liberals  themselves  In t h e i r  own  British,  and  the  Prussian  monarchy  constitutional conflict  a good measure o f  Prussia's  "progress"  was,  conducted  for  the  towards  English-style liberalism. It  Is q u i t e  between t h e s e nature,  to  two  own  struggles:  repeat  struggle...is our  c e r t a i n that  Itself  David M a s s o n .  7 6  the  First  And  yet  monarchy t h a n t h o s e o f British  that  to  of  that  centuries  the  fact  England, Masson  the  w i t h the  l t was Prussian  Prussian  earlier,  to that  this  English  more the liberals  as  the  British  scarcely existed  more  the  the  was  two  regarded  as  as  the  comparable a  committed  unrepentent.  In t h e o r y ,  Prussian  and  remained  such a n o t i o n ,  half a  s a c r i l e g e such a supremacy l t was  n e v e r mind  Cdespite  understood In p r a c t i c e ) .  stated:  T h a t any k i n g u n d e r a C o n s t i t u t i o n , were he t h e w i s e s t t h a t l i v e s , s h o u l d , f o r t h e s u p p o r t o f an I n c r e a s e d army, o r any o t h e r p u r p o s e , i n s i s t on h a v i n g more o f h i s p e o p l e ' 3 money t h a n t h e y t h r o u g h t h e i r r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s w i l l v o t e him, and, when t h e s e r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s a r e f i r m , s h o u l d announce h i s i n t e n t i o n o f t a k i n g the money w i t h o u t t h e i r c o n s e n t 'by means beyond the C o n s t i t u t i o n ' - t h i s i s a c o u r s e o f r o y a l c o n d u c t a n t i p a t h y t o w h i c h , and the c o n v i c t i o n t h a t l t ought t o be o p p o s e d and f r u s t r a t e d , may s u r e l y be assumed as I n c o r p o r a t e w i t h E n g l i s h n e r v e and b l o o d . The r i g h t o f t h e Commons o v e r the n a t i o n a l p u r s e Is a f u n d a m e n t a l p r i n c i p l e In our o w n . p o l i t l e s , and we can h a r d l y a v o i d e x t e n d i n g l t to P r u s s i a . [Emphasis mine] y g <  of  declared  which c o n v i n c e d  In E n g l a n d  than  struggle  people,"  actions' of  p r i n c i p l e of parliamentary  In P r u s s i a  any  exist  Prussian  b e g i n n i n g of  a c o n s t i t u t i o n a l monarch had  c o n s t i t u t i o n , and  the  But  apt,  constitutional conflict  7 7  Characteristically,  the  like  were seen t o  Is not  exactly.  E n g l a n d . ' In P r u s s i a ,  b r e a c h of the  challenge  "History  very  marvellously  Charles  similarities  in As  Even L o r d William  S a l i s b u r y was  I's " p e r t i n a c i t y "  In E n g l a n d , " "arrogating he  among t h o s e  where  had  l t was  could expect  nothing  S a l i s b u r y h i m s e l f , on  acknowledged  " e x c i t e d the  felt  powers w h o l l y  who  that  i f he  the  but  other  the  "fate  more r e s p e c t  f o r the  for  those  B r i t i s h Constitution." " '  But the  while  example  s e t by  I was  Charles  s e e n t o be  "wrongs o f t h e  Prussian  crown, most B r i t i s h  outcome t h a n Prussia's o f the  that achieved  constitutional  same k i n d s  British  general  Idealists  by  centuries  It  was  obvious,  Prussia  had  had  of parliamentary o f the  England  of the  1 3 0  felt  clearly  i t did  a healthy  that a  would p r o b a b l y Furthermore,  their  sense  present  result  securing a conflict,  f o r example, as was  statesmen";  demonstrated  maturity of p o l i t i c a l  from  because  these  the  parliamentary like  that  achieved  earlier.  " n e i t h e r time  constitutional  of  the  l t was  optimism r e g a r d i n g  nor  noted  earlier,  o p p o r t u n i t y to  form a  a c c o r d i n g t o O'Hagan, t h e  P r u s s i a n p a r l i a m e n t a r i a n s d u r i n g the  conflict  although  to  different  least two  and  dangerously  o f " w e a k n e s s e s " d e s c r i b e d above t h a t  from t h e  than  observers  victory,  England  Great  by  of Prussia's l i b e r a l s  in  William  k i n d " b e i n g committed  possibility at  I."  that  adhering  t h e r e was  corif 1 l e t .  tempered  then  5  I of England,  seem t h a t among P r u s s i a n l i b e r a l s those  of Charles  of F r e d e r i c k the 7  William  In  his position,"  hand, r e c o g n i z e d  "traditions  apprehension  persisted  had  o f the  greatest  i n c o n s i s t e n t with  else  that  that school actions  constitutional  both  the  "incomplete  s y s t e m , " and  the  kind of  development  "Imperfect  judgement" which proceeded  from t h i s  lack  of p r a c t i c a l  experience.®  impotency which B r i t i s h "privileged  " I f we  Long P a r l i a m e n t prevail  i n any  w h i c h has be  not  created  and  the  by  the  state."  the  Prussian  the  are and  little  British the  Prussian  like  the  of  again end  liberals  was  liberalism  Prussian  conflict  was  thought  strong  "The  and  Crown must  and  Pym,  would  member  problems  attachments  and  by  to c o n t a i n  Hampden.  vigour." nature  as  no  of  of kind  cause  of the of  noble "the  Hampden." Hence more o f t h e  3 3  unique  from t h e  once d i g n i f i e d and  the  Frederic  l a c k the  accumulation  to  s t r i n g s of  slngled-out Absent  to  of  Westphalen -  very  seen t o  of  time of  than the  The  future  Prussians  In o v e r s t r a i n e d  had  the  parliament,  f o r the  defeat  throne  was  the  In P r u s s i a . A c c o r d i n g  their  " a l l that  of E l i o t ,  the  were t h e  bode w e l l  Stuarts.  i n g r e d i e n t s " w h i c h Masson c l a i m e d English  that  independence,  there  high-mlndedness which the  situation  s u p p l i e s which each  here.  the  s t r u g g l e between  Prussian  Manteuffel  I ascend the are  crown  E n g l i s h of the  after  his coadjutors,  struggle against  Prussian  the  people's  constitutional conflict and  the  o f monarchlsm  d i d such c r i t i c i s m s  distinction  In  Finally,  crestfallen,  p o p u l a r i t y r e b o u n d and  r e s u l t e d from  hand o f t h e  foundation  3 2  political  a  was  of the  the  parliamentarians,  with  monarchy d i d not  s o o n e r does W i l l i a m  Prussia's  hard  had  constitutional conflict:  IV and  Nor  the  conflict  prevalence  Hohenzollern  Submissive  felt  was  K i n g . . . l t Is e v i d e n t  stopping  Magazine,  day  the  material  the  the  William  remember how  from t h e  Fraser'a  present  strengthened  similar  d i s a b l e d by  receives  liberals  existence" of Prussian  which e f f e c t i v e l y conflict:  S i m i l a r to t h i s  1  mere  the  "Tonnage and questions  Poundage" q u e s t i o n , and  of " I n t e l l e c t u a l  Tonnage and  and  Poundage q u e s t i o n  spiritual  superior British  attitude  These c o m p a r i s o n s  o f the  revolution for  served,  British  British  was  t h e r e f o r e , we alluded  to  their  system,  with  then find  while  i n the  confirming their  to P r u s s i a  people's  marked a t t a c h m e n t  inexperience. Prussia  to p a t t e r n I t s e l f  developed,  but  and  The the  particularly and  British  we  eventual  triumph  were f o r c e d  own  t o men  assessments  b e i n g the P r u s s i a n  t h e y had  their  political  closely  unwilling  of l i b e r a l i s m  to acknowledge,  where  a duty  fully  to  d i d not impart  benighted deny?'" ""' 2  foremost  In t h e i r  of e x i s t i n g British  t o abandon t h e i r in Prussia,  idealists  were  Institutions  belief  British  implicitly,  minds,  constitutional  adoption of B r i t i s h  at l e a s t  was  system:  In P r u s s i a ,  the wholesale  Although  evidence  of circumstance  t r u e lamp o f l i f e  parliamentary practices  by P r u s s i a .  believed  model r e m a i n e d  during their  chary to suggest  In  t h e q u e s t i o n o f how  peculiarities  the  Influences  t h e model o f E n g l a n d ,  of t h e i r  "Can  while  on  the B r i t i s h  to o t h e r s the b e n e f i t s  But  among t h e s e  English  of  p a r l i a m e n t a r i s m were c o n s i d e r e d  where such  Clearly,  of t r a n s i t o r y  t o t h e monarchy, and  Hence t h e r e a r o s e  constitutionalism  exist.  - foremost  of  suspicions that  result  peculiar  the  superiority  since  simply the  the  they r e a f f i r m e d  of P r u s s i a n l i b e r a l i s m ,  was  evidence  Prussian contest with  belief  which  inextricably  the "abnormal" development 1848,  other great  above.  t h e r e f o r e , a dual purpose;  liberals  political  of those liberty  i n England  a s s o c i a t e d . " ® * Here once a g a i n , that  less  In  the  Idealists  the e x i s t e n c e  117 of that and  chasm w h i c h  Is odd  expressed liberal  that  this  reserved  British  Interest  political  Prussia  their  that  s u c h an  away from t h e  by  the  political  cultures  of  England  Prussia. It  Yet  separated  reform  logical take to  was  observers In the  as  Itself  Prussian  cynically  Prussia  some d i d ,  although,  r i g h t to  p o l i t i c i a n s . ' " - - Of  this  5  then  back  reforms  was  Institutions.  Ironically,  criticize,  latter  for  arguments, which  English-style liberal  government, any 3  of  having  l t , should  consequence of t h e i r  e x a c t l y what  system o f  suitability  they conceived  f o r themselves the  own  o f Germany,  on  the  they  basis  of  a c t u a l l y undertaken  tendency,  Morler  remarked:  [ I ] t happens t h a t P r u s s i a , w h i l e w e a v i n g h e r C o n s t i t u t i o n a l woof a f t e r a p a t t e r n o f h e r own, not c o p i e d from t h a t o f any o f our s c h o o l s o f p o l i t i c a l d e s i g n , a p p e a r s t o us In so f a r t o be g u i l t y o f a p o l i t i c a l h e r e s y , as b e i n g o r t h o d o x n e i t h e r i n her dogmas nor i n her d i s s e n t from t h o s e dogmas, - f o r an E n g l i s h m a n , i n p o l i t i c s no l e s s t h a n i n r e l i g i o n , l i k e s h i s v e r y h e t e r o d o x y t o be o r t h o d o x . ® 7  But either  not  the  a l l British  unique  themselves,  or  a t t e m p t i n g to described peculiar  as  circumstances  the  of  of  the  absence of liberals  Prussian  p e o p l e s and  common h i s t o r i c a l  like  necessarily  to  M l l n e s came t o the  of p o l i t i c a l  British  state  Interests strange  was  of  liberals  consequences  f o r what F r e d e r i c k  I t s s t r u g g l i n g form and  ignorant  i n which P r u s s i a n  "unqerman n o t i o n s "  formation  were e n t i r e l y  p o t e n t i a l l y disastrous  f i t Prussia  Its "combination name -  liberals  William  of  IV  reform.®'  3  once When  considered,  u n d e r one  with  Its  associations,"  less  idealistic  the  that  l t was  polity  that  "Prussia  the  national  d i v i s i o n s - and  conclusion  found  should  not look  for  [constitutional] Instructive Quarterly  a p p e a r t o be t h e v i e w s e x p r e s s e d  English  that  anything  designated  fashion," like  Prussians,  vanity  normal  struggle,  is  that  liberals  about t h e circumstances"  l t might be v e r y England  agreeable to  Is d e s t i n e d  t o become  f o r a l l the world," the B r i t i s h  could  d i d n o t mean t h a t as i t was p l a y e d  for constitutional  n e v e r be t h e same as i t had been  the ultimate  some B r i t i s h  liberals  perceived  l i b e r a l i s m in Prussia  such a c h a r a c t e r  attempted  was t h o u g h t  t o be any  But what t h i s  does show  what most d i d n o t ;  had a c h a r a c t e r  a l l I t s own,  was n o t n e c e s s a r i l y c o n f o r m a b l e t o 3 1  Is I n t e r e s t i n g t o n o t e t h a t also  success o f t h i s  out i n P r u s s i a ,  f o r s u c h was n o t t h e c a s e .  themselves to a B r i t i s h support  own s p e c i a l  the " s t r u g g l e  English-style Institutions.' It  In t h e c a s e  r=  namely, t h a t and  or possible  o w i n g t o t h e i n s u l a r p o s i t i o n o f t h e l a t t e r . ' "° T h i s ,  assured,  that  while  In p o l i t i c s  thinking  c o n s t i t u t i o n o f t h e E n g l i s h , " he  " t o suppose t h a t  remember t h a t  in England,  less  out t h a t ,  on t h e c o n t i n e n t "  of course,  a r e f a r from  be more c o n c e r n e d  In t h e i r  the h i s t o r i c a l  school  also  liberty  "We  a f t e r the  o f Europe." Arguing that the  should  and r e a s o n a b l e  goes on t o p o i n t  should  In t h e B r i t I s h  o f t h e I n s t i t u t i o n s so  of people  among o t h e r s ,  " l e s s about  the  stated:  a counterpart  majority  "practicable  British  who  among u s , i s e i t h e r d e s i r a b l e  the great  and  Especially  Review by a s e l f - d e s c r i b e d c o n s t i t u t i o n a l i s t  "old  of  I n s t r u c t i o n and a n a l o g i e s . ' ' ^ '  In 1871 c e r t a i n  t o make t h i s audience  same p o i n t ,  i n an a t t e m p t  f o r t h e new German E m p i r e .  Among t h e s e  Prussian  addressing  to secure was  British  Reinhold  119 Paull,  who,  while  Edinburgh, of and  lecturing  at the  acknowledged both  England's  role  P r u s s i a In  as  an  the  example  Philosophical  Importance,  Institution  and  the  of  limitations  for other c o n s t i t u t i o n a l  states,  particular:  D i f f e r e n t In I t s o r i g i n from t h e a n c i e n t crown o f E n g l a n d , and o f a l a t e r d a t e , [ P r u s s i a ] has had t o s o l v e d i f f e r e n t p r o b l e m s t o o . In t h e i r s t r u g g l e s f o r p o l i t i c a l l i b e r t y t h e n a t i o n s o f E u r o p e w i l l e v e r l o o k up t o t h e c o n s t i t u t i o n a l p r i n c i p l e s o f y o u r c o u n t r y . But c a n t h e y be a d o p t e d In t h e i r f u l l e x t e n t as a u n i v e r s a l model, as a panacea f o r e v e r y p l a c e and e v e r y t i m e ? - 5 8 2  Paull  evidently felt  Karl  Hildebrand  unreflective  forms."  nobody e v e r  globe,  really  from  another  who  not. saw  f i t to q u e s t i o n  i n P r u s s i a of p o l i t i c a l  questioned  the  same form  Englishmen  whether  i t was  o f government  to negroes."  local  I n f l u e n c e , as  aristocratic suggestions  political  which  t h a t the  new  to  was  that  a d v i s a b l e to  "apply  to a l l nations  Thus, w h i l e  f o r self-government  rejected  concepts  In p a r t i c u l a r  owning to a p r e f e r e n c e and  the  "composed o f E n g l i s h e l e m e n t s a d a p t e d  What t r o u b l e d H i l d e b r a n d  Indiscriminately the  was  employment  were, e s s e n t i a l l y , French  that they could  of  himself  "when e x e r c i s e d under  In E n g l a n d , "  Germany h a s t i l y  Hildebrand adopt  British  practices:  Would l t not be In v a i n t o a t t e m p t f o u n d i n g a s t a t e a r t i f i c i a l l y upon t h e E n g l i s h p l a n , In a c o u n t r y l i k e Germany, p o l i t i c a l l y t h e r e s u l t o f 1648? Would l t be p o s s i b l e , e v e n were l t a d v i s a b l e , t o o b l i t e r a t e t h e t r a c e s o f t h r e e c e n t u r i e s o f Roman Law and F r e n c h a b s o l u t i s m from t h e pages o f h e r h i s t o r y , and l i n k h e r p r e s e n t p o l i t i c a l forms t o t h o s e o f L u t h e r ' s time?...Who c a n deny t h a t [ i t s b u r e a u c r a c y ] has c o n t r i b u t e d t o t h e power and g r e a t n e s s o f P r u s s i a ? And i s n o t t h e s a y i n g , 'Ye s h a l l know t h e t r e e by Its f r u i t , ' a p p l i c a b l e to p o l i t i c a l 1nst1tut i o n s ? " 9 3  Paull Prussian  and  state  Hildebrand's  o p p o s i t i o n to the  " a r t i f i c i a l l y upon t h e  refoundlng of  E n g l i s h p l a n , " was  the  the  120 result  of a d i f f i c u l t  addressed t h e i r  concerns.  propriety of r i g i d l y parliamentary allowing  problem  t o w h i c h many i n E n g l a n d  What was  applying  doctrines  really  abstract  to a country  Prussia,  of these  s e t t i n g i n w h i c h t h e y were e x p e c t e d t o s u r v i v e  For  Hildebrand  saw  In l t t h e k e y t o b o t h t h e p a s t  political  was  institutions  acknowledged t h a t "artificially  a question  In P r u s s i a  the P r u s s i a n  grafted"  institutions  "transplanted  de t o u t e s  a  reception,  Prussia military  and Germany.  Hildebrand  of Prussia "In  Germany had been  to a s o i l  utterly  unprepared f o r processes at  g r o w t h . " But In s p i t e o f t h i s ,  state,  character  and had s u c c e e d e d  as a in f u l f i l l i n g  what H i l d e b r a n d  r e g a r d e d as " t h e f u n d a m e n t a l c o n d i t i o n s  modern S t a t e s , "  - the maintenance o f order,  and I n d i v i d u a l  liberty.  of a l l  national  Having f u l f i l l e d  these  conditions  C a l t h o u g h "by d i f f e r e n t means and u n d e r o t h e r  than those  which the B r i t i s h  w h e t h e r E n g l a n d was conferred." abstract politics,  justified  Even more  theory" which  was  were a c c u s t o m e d t o ) , he  forms"  asked  i n " r e j e c t i n g the b e n e f i t s  Importantly,  he n o t e d  that  the " r e i g n o f  s e e n t o be d r a w i n g t o a c l o s e  in turn  as he  c o n s t i t u t i o n o f 1850 had been  i n t a c t her o r i g i n a l  and b u r e a u c r a t i c  Independence,  flourish.  development o f  o f s p r i n g i n g up by n a t u r a l  for their  had p r e s e r v e d  and f u t u r e  of northern  pieces  instead  season p r o p i t i o u s  and  within  o f 1848 and 1849," and t h a t t h e  parliamentary  their  than  of p a r t i c u l a r concern,  upon t h e body p o l i t i c  consequence o f the r i o t s  rather  doctrines  the  this  h e r e was t h e  c o n s t i t u t i o n a l and  like  f o r the " n a t u r a l " development  at issue  also  guaranteed  the " f u t u r e  i n Prussian  development o f  121 German p a r l i a m e n t a r y the  constitutional  curious latter  blend  and  of the  theoretical  Prussophiles  one  like  and  on  or the  hoped t h a t  Morler  and  the  Prussia, derived  needs. Only  liberalism  would  therefore, Morler from a p o s t e r i o r i  "political  fruits  o f P r u s s i a as  practical, and  e n s u r i n g both  two  approaches.  were a n x i o u s parliamentary  In t h e  the  Institutions  t h a t was  w e l l - s u i t e d to  constitutional  could  of  o f a permanent k i n d " c o u l d be  of  process  from a  o n l y method by  i t be  earning  history  of a " l i v i n g  Instead  as  demonstrate  In P r u s s i a , t h u s  experiences  considered  to  circumstances  evidence  the  institutions.'"™'  of these  flourish  a  the  Prussia  foundation  saw  with  see  Dicey and  regarded  to  under t h e s e  g o o d w i l l of England.  d o c t r i n e s . " T h i s he  former,  other  a strong p r a c t i c a l  country's  the  however, t e n d e d  Prussia's constitutional  rested  history  of P r u s s i a n p o l i t i c a l  idealists,  embracing e i t h e r  her  parliamentary  durability  British  the  and  g r a d u a l l y s u p p l a n t i n g the  fitness  that  I n s t i t u t i o n s . ' " " * Thus, H i l d e b r a n d  priori  which  matured  Prussia:  in  ,  A n a t u r a l g r o w i n g upwards o f a l i v i n g o r g a n i s m i n o b e d i e n c e t o laws w r i t t e n In t h e h i s t o r y o f t h e p a s t and In t h e c h a r a c t e r o f t h e p e o p l e , I n s t e a d o f an a r t i f i c i a l and I n o r g a n i c mechanism imposed from above, and o b e y i n g no Impulse but t h a t g i v e n t o i t by t h e c a p r i c e s o f an I n d i v i d u a l or the s t e r e o t y p e t r a d i t i o n s of a d y n a s t i c p o l i c y : s u c h Is t h e c o n t r a s t p r e s e n t e d by P r u s s i a n I n s t i t u t i o n s as compared w i t h t h o s e o f t h e t h r e e g i g a n t i c n e i g h b o u r s on whose f r o n t i e r s h e r own abut. " 1  Similarly, after new  the  new  German s t a t e w h i c h D i c e y  Sadowa - a s t a t e w h i c h would be  c o n d i t i o n s o f e x i s t e n c e " - was  theoretical.  I t .was  Instead,  he  6  saw  "virtually  being  P r u s s i a under  n e i t h e r Utopian,  argued,  formed  "eminently  nor  122  matter—of-fact, suited  t o commend  nation." future  itself  Hence b o t h  9 7  to r e s t .  And  indeed,  disapprobation, Dicey's  Prussian accused  liberals the  political no  British  reform  basis  to teach  o f making  solely  on  whole a r t and men  to govern  a l o n e . " The  "facilitating  and  ratiocination  wielded  an  application  this  In no  o f such  way  the  factual  and  Institutions expression  parliamentarism simply  origin  o t h e r hand,  same m i s t a k e s - that of  feared that w h i c h Burke  as M i l n e s  themselves,  - and  fact  matter  o f the  liberal  had  was  can  be  learned  In  Institutions,"  Imbibe  1 0 0  While  f o r the  political  it  for philosophy  constitutional  Prussians  d o c t r i n e s i n the  In  government  that  i n f l u e n c e at b e s t .  prepared  which  p o i n t e d out  this  a n a t u r a l penchant to  had  pursuing  mystery of c o n s t i t u t i o n a l  him  of  b a s i s o f a b s t r a c t schemes  indirect  an  9 8  the  And  9 9  perfecting  in turn predisposed  doctrines,  was  "well  about  b e i n g an  observers  In 1790  the  t r u e t h a t t h e German had  which  on  were making t h e  by e x p e r i e n c e  was  r a t h e r than  practices.  In e x p e r i e n c e .  "[T]he  g i v e n the  thus  German  were o p t i m i s t i c  warning t h a t P r u s s i a n  observers,  French  of the  "organic", a posteriori  parliamentary  Other  Is  men  appear u n f a m i l i a r to B r i t i s h  Prussia's  1849,  instincts  was  which P r u s s i a ' s p o l i t i c a l  acknowledgement o f t h e  had  to the  of these  f o u n d a t i o n on  were seen  might  common p l a c e , " and  o f a P r u s s i a n - l e d German s t a t e ,  concrete  of  p r o s a i c , and  actual  arena:  Hence In r e a d i n g t h e s p e e c h e s o f any c o n s t i t u t i o n a l l e a d e r s . . . o n e Is s t r u c k w i t h t h e d o c t r l n a I r e c o m p l a c e n c y w h i c h comes out In a l m o s t e v e r y s e n t e n c e , I m p a r t i n g t o a l l t h e y do In t h i s way t h e c a s t o f an e s o t e r i c s c i e n c e . 1 0 1  123 Even M o r i e r  lamented t h a t  Auerswald  ministry,  I when he  first  "doctrinaires strife."  became Regent  Such men  Prussian  had  life  liberal  of  ministry's  precipitous  protocol,  social  presidents  of  demonstrated  the  "tried  guided." England that  as  l t was  doctrinaire institutions It  account However, their  necessary i n the and  demise.  i f we  force  in  of  Prussia's  the to  leaders  of  of  "abstract  British  of  English  to  to  their  avoid  own  as  parties, the to  that  houses  o f f e r the  even w h i l e  Prussians  articulation  selecting,  preferred  which the  emulated,  the  Magazine  of o r g a n i z a t i o n  continued  f o r the  for  prominent  parliamentarians  r u l e s by  the  parliamentary  "mischievous habit" the  party  are  model  of  emphasizing being  too  liberal  practices. by  attaching thought,  look  at  how  the  importance  particularly  this  German  In p o l i t i c s ,  strategy  progress of  to  designed  British  to  l i b e r a l i s m In  Prussia.  c l o s e l y they a c t u a l l y adhered  Indigenous,  In P r u s s i a ,  such  another  disappointing  advocacy of  development  of r e a l  Moreover, F r a s e r ' s  1 0 2  of  were e m p l o y i n g y e t  f o r the  fire  William  l a r g e l y of  which perhaps a c c o u n t e d  example t o be  for a priori  Idealists  the  p e r f e c t " French pattern  seems t h a t  penchant  ties,  practical  an  i n the  s o l e l y by  over  composed  were c o n n e c t e d  Prussian  Hence t h e  1 0 3  was  Prussia,  and  Hohenzollern-  Influence  taken part  Chambers,  that  "theoretically of the  the  1858,  tried  c e r t a i n features  s u c h as  such  liberal  never r e a l l y  movement  and  that  In  t h a n men  doctrines"  argued  purportedly  which e x e r c i s e d  rather  parliamentary  the  non-doctrlnaIre  liberal  transparency of t h i s  strategy  to  immediately Prussian  becomes o b v i o u s .  liberals  doctrines  British  criticized political  in particular,  they  t h a t some o f P r u s s i a ' s d e v i a t i o n s from  example o f E n g l a n d experiences  the  f o r b e i n g o v e r l y - a t t a c h e d to the  of other c o u n t r i e s , France  to r e c o g n i z e  Prussian  For while  were t h e  d e r i v e d from  liberals  "deviations"  was  found the  direct  the  result  of a  the  Foremost  In w h i c h  among t h e s e  e x i s t e n c e o f u n e l e c t e d m i n i s t e r s and  a b s e n c e o f a law  of m i n i s t e r i a l  Prussia's  w h i c h were d e s c r i b e d as b e i n g " t o t a l l y  to the  polity  most  limited  government." * 1 0  who  Even t h o s e  political  ministerial Indeed, was  application  b e t t e r understood  Prussia's  to the  than  was  responsibility  o f the  most t h e balked was  convinced  like  at the  a concept  t h a t such  of  Albert  essential  the  - features of  principles  i n England,  culture  responsibility  Albert  healthy  posteriori  exceptional circumstances  themselves.  refused  opposed  popular and  Morler,  character of  suggestion  that  unsuitable for Prussia.  a concept,  o p e r a t i o n o f p a r l i a m e n t a r y government  central  as l t  In E n g l a n d ,  was  o  e v e n more n e c e s s a r y  on  the  "outgrowth of a r e l a t i o n Sovereign  and  of  Continent,  where g o v e r n m e n t s were  supremacy and  an  s u b o r d i n a t i o n between  subject":  [As] t h e s e r v a n t , t r a i n e d i n Ideas n a t u r a l t o t h i s r e l a t i o n , does n o t know w h i c h t o obey - t h e law o r t h e S o v e r e i g n - t h e e x i s t e n c e o f such a law [ o f r e s p o n s i b i l i t y ] would d e p r i v e him o f t h e e x c u s e w h i c h , s h o u l d he o f f e n d t h e law, and so be g u i l t y o f a c r i m e , Is r e a d y t o h i s hand i n t h e p h r a s e 'The S o v e r e i g n o r d e r e d I t so - I have m e r e l y o b e y e d ! ' ; w h i l e l t would be p r o t e c t i o n t o t h e S o v e r e i g n t h a t h i s s e r v a n t s , I f g u i l t y o f a c r i m e , s h o u l d not be a b l e t o s a d d l e him w i t h t h e blame o f i t . 1  Morler,  on  t h e o t h e r hand,  constitutional  conflict,  saw,  0  8  5  running throughout  a thread of u n r e a l i t y  the  whole  s i n c e the  liberal  125 majority  was  not  responsibility" regarded life  a c t i n g with hanging over  s u c h a law  - the  vote of  as  h a v i n g on  the  the  yesterday."  i t s head. L i k e  "regulating  the  Implied  of  practical  claims For  of  Just  sublimity  British as  and  l t Is d i f f i c u l t  also  the  normative,  liberals  affect  hand, w h i l e a law  s u c h a law  being  considered  most B r i t i s h  liberals  development,  even though  best  and  Prussia  the  responsibility."  l t appear  critical  a cornerstone  compromise o f  edifice,  of  7  s u c h a law  see  was  suggestion  "normal" parliamentary  in Prussia  clearly  E n g l a n d ' s r o l e as  the  w h i c h was  unacceptable  totally  to  * * *  British  Since  forego  Its  Prussia.  At  f o r not  having  absence  of  serious somehow  a repudiation  European  to  s u r p r i s i n g that  f o r e i g n to  such a  on  British  p r a c t i c e s was  implied  vanguard of  other.  r e s u l t from an  that  for  failure  Prussia  lucky  British  doctrines  the  i n the  were r e l u c t a n t t o  Any  to  liberals  their  l t Is not  v i c e s which g e n e r a l l y '  to  Inconsistent  Prussian  Germany were c o n s i d e r e d  1 0  the  foreign p o l i t i c a l  equally  constitutional-parliamentary  Justifiable  does  o f m i n i s t e r i a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y on  was  "contracted  so  t o have c r i t i c i z e d  u n r e f l e c t l v e adoption of  one  the  matchlessness of B r i t a i n ' s  experience  their  e f f e c t to  I d e a l i s t s appear  h i s t o r y w i t h the . suggest ion t h a t  for B r i t i s h  Morler  Parliamentary  constitutional was  of  Albert,  force  morrow t o g i v e  have been c o n t r a d i c t o r y . the  "Damocles-sword  1 0 6  . Here once a g a i n  reconcile  the  of  l i b e r a l i s m - an Idealists.  idea  Almost the  degree  liberals  without  to which the  was  "selected  e x c e p t i o n , the  p o l i t i c a l "consciousness  permeated with  by  Providence  as  evaluation  discussed  seem, d i d B r i t i s h one  eye  the  political  trying  firmly  affixed  development  t o e x p l a i n why  such  of  on  liberal  the  reality,  Illusions  concerning  employment  of those  above - s t r a t e g i e s peculiarity  belief  i n the  Involved  mid-nineteenth  o f P r u s s i a . But  whereas  failed,  largely British  In P r u s s i a was  s e t about  Prussia's p o l i t i c a l kinds of a n a l y t i c a l  which d e r i v e d t h e i r  the  e x p l a n a t o r y power which,  to h o l d f a s t  eventual  triumph  of t h e i r  Ideas,  coming l a t e r  their  described  liberals  the  this  s h o r i n g up  strategies  but  the  militated  accept  British  that Prussia represented  that  f u t u r e through  of Prussian circumstances,  t o be  liberals  assured.  r a t h e r than  idealists  with  contemplated  In P r u s s i a f o l l o w i n g 1848 But  keep  historians  c o n t r a r y , t h e y were c o n v i n c e d  British  seen  l t would  when a s s e s s i n g  II have been p r e o c c u p i e d  optimism.  the  the  century  permitted  consummation was Convinced  historical  so a l s o ,  Institutions  been  orderly  chapter  tradition,  British  events  Idealists'  Importantly,  and  had  a view t o a f f i r m i n g  In t h e  Institutions  unpleasant  the  opening  German l i b e r a l i s m  the  Unfortunately, against  that England free  reflect  British  P r u s s i a d u r i n g t h e p e r i o d 1848-1871  failure;  progress  liberal  on  of  J u s t as many o f t h e  In t h e  liberals  s i n c e W o r l d War  w r i t i n g about no  belief  o f German h i s t o r y w i t h  p r o p r i e t y o f the Western  writing  the  a model o f  government t o mankind." And Interpretations  v i e w s d e s c r i b e d above  even  from  most to  their  I f such  r a t h e r than  "intelligence,  sooner. the  a  progress  and  the  transformation idealists the  the  the  Era"  resistance  Crown P r i n c e ,  had  not  of  that  the  and  of  Prussian the  goals,  penchant  that  "un-English" later  criticism  accession  of  Prussians  the  parliamentary  appealing  since  called  which,  by  as  we  British  their  s u c h a law  have  British  was  best, to  that  to  parliamentary the  political  monarchy,  doctrines. attention  to  specifically  I d e a l i s t s had  prevalence to  adopted  In  their  of  this  suspend  their  long  enough  of m i n i s t e r i a l  Indispensable  therefore,  the  to  frequently  British  views o f  particular style  seen, was  the  Idealists,  delayed  a law  and  Prussia's  doctrinaire just  untried,  of  f o r the  willingness  too  I;  In p a r t i c u l a r ,  in  the  in  Upon  a "Whig" p e r s p e c t i v e  being  gave r i s e as  support  strategies called  l i b e r a l i s m . The  government. At  idealists  latter  attachments to  for abstract  they adopt,  responsibility,  of William  the  as  William  In H e s s e - C a s s e l  development,  these  British  such developments  p r a c t i c e s w h i c h were  i s confirmed  demand t h a t  discourse  be  of P r u s s i a n  perspective  this  "breakthrough"  demonstrates that  came t o  evaluation  inevitable,  Chamber, w i t h  their  each of  a t t i t u d e s and  liberal  r e v o l t s ; Frederick.  the  parliamentary  their  a  constitutional conflict.  of Prussians,  fact  Prussian  British  the  and  in a l i b e r a l  Prussian  The  to  1848  of  than r e t r e a t i n g , found excuses  inexperience  what  the  proof  such developments,  resulted  realization  and  as  ministry  during  constitutional rather  of  therefore  that  defense of c o n s t i t u t i o n a l i s m  "New  recognizing  was  embraced  character  apparent  1850;  of P r u s s i a  eagerly  liberal  IVs  w e a l t h o f Germany," and  of  adopted  by  these  128 British  statesmen  Prussia;  when d i s c u s s i n g  at worst,  It fostered  r e g a r d i n g the development Germany - a c o m p l a c e n c y set  aside  pursuit  a complacent  of l i b e r a l  which  which  relations attitude  Institutions  permitted B r i t i s h  any c o n c e r n s t h e y might  of policies  England's  Prussia's  In E n g l a n d  i n P r u s s i a and  policy-makers to  have had r e g a r d i n g  facilitated  with  their  u n i f i c a t i o n of  Germany. But  while  maintained  their  liberalism, Was  l t seems f a i r l y  less  illusions obvious  development  support  from  that  people  British  almost  which  Illusions  public.  entirely  In p r o m o t i n g  absent  from  acceptance of B r i t i s h  interest  that  demanded  In P r u s s i a n and  the B r i t i s h  government  described  above,  regarded  t o be  from t h e W e s t m l n l s t e r  an e x c e p t i o n t o t h e i d e a l i s t s '  policy  by  on t h e c o n t i n e n t  the I d e a l i s t s  In P r u s s i a  taken  o f any a c t i v e  t o be m i s u n d e r s t o o d  liberalism  notion that  Institutions  In 1851 i s c l e a r l y  were m a i n t a i n e d .  liberals  t h e many v i e w s  The f o l l o w i n g p a s s a g e  Idealists  of Prussian  Irrespective  thought  However, demands role  British  In t h e i n e v i t a b i l i t y o f  some B r i t i s h  were l a r g e l y  the p r o g r e s s o f l i b e r a l  Review  belief  Certainly  apparently confirming this  Inexorable.  such  In E n g l a n d t a k e a g r e a t e r  t a k e a more a c t i v e are  i s why  on t h e c o n t i n e n t ,  England?  German a f f a i r s the  as t o how  r e g a r d i n g the future  I t o u t o f an u n s h a k a b l e  liberal  clear  regarding Prussia  general  and Germany:  'The , c o n t i n e n t Is n o t y e t r i p e f o r c o n s t i t u t i o n a l f r e e d o m . B r o u g h t up under t h e t u t e l a g e o f a p o l i c e , t h e b u l k o f t h e p e o p l e do n o t even w i s h t o be c o n s t i t u t i o n a l l y g o v e r n e d , and t h e s l i g h t e s t r e l e a s e from a b s o l u t i s m would p l u n g e them I n t o a n a r c h y . A s t r o n g German c o n f e d e r a t i o n o r u n i o n , f o u n d e d upon p o p u l a r r i g h t s and l i b e r a l p r i n c i p l e s would d e r a n g e t h e b a l a n c e o f power; b u t w h i l e Germany Is g o v e r n e d upon a b s o l u t i s t p r i n c i p l e s , t h e r e Is l i t t l e f e a r o f even  y  129 commmercial c o m p e t i t i o n , and i t s s t a t e o f p o l i t i c a l d a r k n e s s w i l l make o u r Whig t w i l i g h t l o o k l i k e a noon-day o f l i b e r t y , and t h e mouths o f r a d i c a l s w i l l e a s i l y be s t o p p e d . ' Thus r u n s t h e r e a s o n i n g o f t h a t s h o r t - s i g h t e d p o l i c y t h a t d r a g s E n g l a n d down from t h e h e i g h t o f h e r g l o r i o u s m i s s i o n , to a s s i s t i n d e v e l o p i n g the l i b e r t i e s o f Europe. x o e  There  i s , however, a n o t h e r  Idealists' Prussia's for  the  after  1848j  s u c h an  the  as  Thus, was  universally, strayed It either  stability  British  circumstances  challenge  idealists  path  explanations  and  need  to  Ideal -  an  source  of  from t h e  possession  with  German  o f normal  the  notion that  that  British  which  operated  P r u s s i a had  the  validity  of "normal development", or England's  that  f o r the  same a t t e m p t  f u r n i s h e s the  that there  at p r o d u c i n g  own  past,  new  a p i c t u r e of  mind w i t h  acceptable  o f German  i n f l u e n c e of a  of  the  f o r Germany's  "un-Western" c h a r a c t e r  w r i t i n g under the  emerged  under w h o l l y  liberal  simply  development.  to question  Sonderweg e x p l a n a t i o n  be  explanation  during  o f n a t u r a l law  a continuation - albeit  development. A l s o  to  mid-nineteenth  the  concluded  unwillingness  - of t h i s  German h i s t o r y  the  for everything  principles  from t h e  f o r the  Is s i m p l y  as  In t h e  J o u r n e y down s u c h a p a t h  foundations which  b a s e d on  i s from t h i s  historical  liberal  I n v o k e d both  r a t h e r than  concept  an  development  British  the  conceived  model as  t o demands f o r f r e e t r a d e  temporarily  the  the  Justification  of a g l o b a l empire  liberalism  of  religiously  E n g l a n d ' s p r o s p e r i t y and  ZollvereIn.  British  for  a p p r o a c h r e l e a s e d them from t h e  universality  and  explanation  u s i n g what t h e y  of P r u s s i a ' s p o l i t i c a l  w h i c h was  century,  with  " d e v i a t i o n s " from t h e  course  question Ideal  preoccupation  related  strong  130 liberal  bias  Cinspired  In t h i s  consequences o f the T h i r d  Reich),  Sonderweq  t h e same a s s u m p t i o n s a b o u t Germany's h i s t o r i c a l  as  those  made by B r i t i s h  Goethe  idealists  Idealists,  was as y e t u n s t a i n e d  and was s t i l l  subject,  however,  t h e homeland  therefore,  taken the f i r s t  nineteenth that  tentative Thus  on Germany s i n c e "deviations"  like  wars, forces  Germany, w h i c h had  s t e p s towards the development  forBritish  century the p e c u l i a r i t i e s  ominousness  o f Bach and  to the s e l f - c o r r e c t i n g  already  institutions.  For t h i s  by t h e b u t c h e r y o f two w o r l d  t o be a t work. In t h o s e n a t i o n s ,  liberal  made many  development  a century e a r l i e r .  thought  of  f o r the  historians  of  group o f B r i t i s h  • \  c a s e by a r e v u l s i o n  idealists  of Prussian  o f the  history  lacked  and m a l i g n a n c y w h i c h much o f t h e h i s t o r i o g r a p h y 1945 has a t t r i b u t e d  from t h e West.  to these  so-called  CHAPTER 4 Conclus ions  132  A.A.W British  Ramsay's e x a m i n a t i o n o f t h e dilemma  government  contains  the  on t h e eve o f t h e A u s t r o - P r u s s l a n  the f o l l o w i n g  h i s t o r y would Danish  have  c o n f r o n t i n g the  speculations  on t h e c o u r s e  t a k e n had E n g l a n d a c t e d  war  In  1866  w h i c h German  differently  during  war:  Armed I n t e r v e n t i o n i n 1864 would i n e v i t a b l y have l e d t o t h e f a l l o f B i s m a r c k . Had h i s D a n i s h p o l i c y f a i l e d , as when s i n c e r e l y o p p o s e d by G r e a t B r i t a i n l t must have done, h i s p o s i t i o n i n B e r l i n , a l r e a d y d a n g e r o u s , would have become u n t e n a b l e . . . . The f a l l o f B i s m a r c k would have c l e a r e d t h e way f o r t h e L i b e r a l p a r t y . The K i n g would have been o b l i g e d to s u r r e n d e r t o them a t l a s t . . . . [ A ] b s o l u t e government In P r u s s i a would have been a t an end, and Germany would have been f r e e t o d e v e l o p a l o n g L i b e r a l and c o n s t i t u t i o n a l l i n e s . . . . T h e g o s p e l o f ' B l o o d and I r o n ' would have met, In I t s v e r y b e g i n n i n g s , t h e o n l y r e p l y t h a t might have c h e c k e d I t s p r o g r e s s . The I n b o r n t e n d e n c i e s o f t h e n a t i o n a l c h a r a c t e r t o w a r d s t h e w o r s h i p o f f o r c e and t h e l u s t o f c o n q u e s t would have been stamped down J u s t as t h e y were b e g i n n i n g t o show t h e m s e l v e s a f r e s h . I t would have been w e l l f o r t h e w o r l d had t h i s l e s s o n been l e a r n t In 1864, and not In 1 9 1 8 . 1  If  f o r a moment we  allow ourselves  of  speculation,  can c o n c l u d e t h a t ,  1945  Instead  opposition rise put  we  o f 1925,  she would have  t o B i s m a r c k In 1864  o f Nazism  and t h e h o r r o r s  l t a n o t h e r way,  of wishful  In t h i s  argued that have  prevented  o f t h e S e c o n d World War. nose been  w h i c h c a n be  theorists'  claim  o f Germany's p a s t . that  Western development never occurred,  Or t o  i t is this  in  In t h e  Sonderweg Sonderweg  from t h e " n o r m a l " p a t h o f  Is t h e a s s u m p t i o n t h a t ,  German, and  the  f o u n d i n much o f t h e  Implicit  Germany d e p a r t e d  In  longer, e t c .  h i s t o r i o g r a p h y on modern Germany, p a r t i c u l a r l y Interpretations  this  British  a r e n o t u n i q u e . Indeed,  thinking  same t y p e  had Ramsay w r i t t e n  would a l s o  had C l e o p a t r a ' s  Ramsay's s p e c u l a t i o n s same k i n d  t o engage  subsequent world  had  such a d e p a r t u r e  h i s t o r y would  have  133 turned  out  very d i f f e r e n t l y ;  Germany E n g l a n d ? " England  Cand p e r h a p s  aberrant the  clearly  R a l f Dahrendorf's  Implies  still  c o u l d be)  were  o f German h i s t o r y  have t h e r e f o r e r e g i s t e r e d  it  more a g r e e a b l e  u s i n g the  France past.  as Of  the this  fallacy  were s t i l l  attitude the  fait It  of  o f the  British like  been my  been my  Dicey  goals  may  liberalism  attempt  and  lulled  trouble time  with  when a l l  t o adopt  the  Mllnes,  p a p e r t o use  this  f o r the  In t h e  not  Nazi  e r a by  have p l a y e d  nineteenth policy  kind  to "demonstrate" t h a t  pursued  of Bismarck than  o r may  by  not  I n t o a s t a t e o f c o m p l a c e n c y by a course  that B r i t i s h  triumph  o f a u t h o r i t a r i a n i s m and  the  German E m p i r e ;  p o i n t i n g to the i n the  served  role  d e c l i n e of  I t would be  militarism l t was  men  Nor  has  Germany o f  single-handedly  or that  which  of Prussian l i b e r a l s .  century.  suggest  new  Germany's  have a l l been c l o s e d  Intention in this  I n t e n t i o n to, somehow a b s o l v e  responsibility England  lt difficult  and  3  policy-makers,  the  of England  would u l t i m a t e l y have p r e v a i l e d i n Germany had  Morler,  better  find  century,  protests against  remember t h e  f o r whom t h e y  r e d u c t i v e a n a l y s i s i n an  liberalism  lt  not  their  i f " r e c o n s t r u c t Ion"of  Is t h a t p e o p l e  historian  reverse  twentieth  C a r r once w r o t e : "The  open, and  accompli." has  E.H.  Unable to  2  been  f o r the  national histories  b a s i s f o r a "what  contemporary h i s t o r y options  i t not  i n the  many h i s t o r i a n s by  wasn't  t h a t Germany would have  p a t t e r n o f Germany's d e v e l o p m e n t .  t r o u b l e d course  q u e r y "Why  simply  the  German  absurd  brought over  which  to  about  liberalism  In  weakness o f  the  134 German  liberal  victory My  which  l e d to National  Socialism's  In Germany. I n t e n t i o n has been q u i t e  regarding to  tradition  Germany's p o l i t i c a l  accomplish  this  simply  t o broaden the debate  development,  by r a i s i n g  and I have  the p o s s i b i l i t y  attempted  that i n t e r n a t i o n a l  relations  a l s o a f f e c t e d t h e outcome o f Germany's  political  struggles  In t h e t h i r d  century.  demonstrating that 1848-1871 was unified  I n s p i r e d by p r a g m a t i c  thought  stability certain  these  played  liberalism's  through  the p e r i o d  Interests  to c a l l  was p r e o r d a i n e d  into  the r o l e  of B r i t i s h  Cas w e l l as t h e n o t i o n  defeat  regarding the i n Europe,  the p r e s e r v a t i o n o f  regarding  In t h e f o r m u l a t i o n  which  policy.  that  question liberal  It i s  German  by t h e p e c u l i a r i t y o f  d e v e l o p m e n t ) w h i c h have h i t h e r t o  h i s t o r i a n s from c o n s i d e r i n g more c a r e f u l l y t h e  to which B r i t i s h  situation after  as E n g l a n d ' s  assumptions  Germany's h i s t o r i c a l discouraged  during  concerns  In P r u s s i a - I have a t t e m p t e d  assumptions  extent  as w e l l  t o be s e r v e d  traditional  idealism  policy  By  shaped p r i m a r i l y by t h e d e s i r e t o see Germany  - a goal  best  o f the n i n e t e e n t h  England's P r u s s i a n  maintenance o f peace, and  quarter  policy  contributed  In w h i c h German l i b e r a l i s m  found  to the untenable itself  d u r i n g and  1848. Furthermore,  i t i s c l e a r from t h e above a n a l y s i s o f t h e  views o f B r i t i s h  liberal  has  with  been t w o f o l d  idealists' contributed  vocal  idealists  regard  that  to t h i s  t h e Impact o f t h i s  question.  Interpretations of Prussian  an i m p o r t a n t  political  dimension  group  F i r s t l y , the  and German  affairs  to the e x i s t i n g  rhetoric  about  Germany and and  the  shared  Britain.  i t s employment  satisfy  British  British  policy  a romantic  distinctly  historians indeed  helped on  shaped  to e s t a b l i s h  scholars'  Two,  and  started,  from  the  present  Important actually  development  the  questions are  by  find  historians  study n a t u r a l l y  Idealism  same  and  British  direct  Internal of  sources  like an  of  international  politicians  operated.  revolutions:  end;  writing  raises  l t o n l y goes h a l f w a y  of these affect  that  non-intervention, viewed  that  Intellectual  milieu  both  the  seem t o  German  P r u s s i a ' s and  exclusively  t h e r e was  and  s i n c e World  that  towards answering  Germany's  impact  i n t e r m s o f what B r i t a i n  p e r i o d . Palmerston,  Russell,  Granville  It  the  British  political  I t Is c l e a r  more t o B r i t i s h  Britain's  War  more q u e s t i o n s t h a n  q u e s t i o n s - t o what e x t e n t d i d  d u r i n g t h e p e r i o d 1848-1871.  above a n a l y s i s  to  by p e r m i t t i n g t h e i r  an e n d u r i n g  away from  helped  h e a v i l y c o l o r e d by  l t Is h a r d t o  g e n e r a l l y been p o s e d  policy  this  t o be  rhetoric,  the k i n d o f t e n d e n t i o u s atmosphere w i t h i n which l t  answers. Moreover, most  secondly,  liberal  I n c e s s a n t l y . I n attempting to e x t r i c a t e  question has  by  a t t e n t i o n s to the  A c c o r d i n g to Dahrendorf,  breed  largely  w i t h i n w h i c h German monarchs and  gets  between  w h i c h has  e t h n o c e n t r i c b i a s e s , these  111lberal1sm,  "Once one  policy-makers  German h i s t o r y w h i c h c o n t i n u e s t o  Anglo-American  relations  common l i n k s  o f Anglo-German r e l a t i o n s  o f German a f f a i r s liberal,  perspective  German  by B r i t i s h  was  and  It i s the p e r v a s i v e n e s s of t h i s  v i e w o f Germany. And  evaluations  Idealists  interests  policy  on  the  than  simply  Prussia  d i d not and  from  do  cannot during  Stanley a l l  be  136 pursued  active policies  bulwark a g a i n s t was  "Red  and  n a t u r a l l y regarded  interests;  aimed a t e n s u r i n g anarchical  as  that  government"  a potential threat  e v e n C l a r e n d o n was  Inclined  to  Bismarck" over a "democratic  believed  "democracy  subversion together."  of  a l l those  Furthermore,  5 5  times overldden aggression  by  or  an  L a s a l l e " since  which S o c i e t y  fears  the  he  I.e.  the  is held  of a renewal of  even by  which  British  s u c h c o n c e r n s were matched, and  British  In Europe,  to  i n Germany means s o c i a l i s m , laws by  remain a  i n Europe,  favour  "unprincipled that  Prussia  danger of  at  French  a-more  powerful  Russia. In o r d e r mattered, also  be  be  d e t e r m i n e whether B r i t a i n ' s a c t i o n s  however, r e a c t i o n s  examined,  shifting well  to  sands o f that  conservatism neutralize  and  their  Prussian  British  In P r u s s i a  little  liberalism. perspective,  clarify rhetoric  But  to  Prussia  to  In these  actual  liberal  mld-nlneteenth century  fate of  e v e n t s by  p r a c t i c e of biases  British  resurgence  arising  first  may of  out  of  were  of  to  Prussian from the  Prussian  policy affected been n e c e s s a r y separating  British  we  are  to  the  p o l i c y . And  which pervaded the idealists,  It  B r i t a i n ' s attempts  Initiatives  l t has  the  period.  f o r the  which B r i t i s h  p o l i c y must  within  this  examine p r o p e r l y ,  history,  Britain's role  the  to  consequence to the  political  identifying  support  diplomatic  extent  from t h e  during  I n 1849-1850, and  in order  the  to B r i t i s h  established  politics  diplomatic  B i s m a r c k ' s m i l i t a r y and  Prussia's  place  potential threats  relatively  in Prussia  really  by  rhetoric better  of  able  to  appreciate question is  how and why  subsequent  has so r e a d i l y  embraced  " p e c u l i a r " . A l lof this  s c h o l a r s h i p on t h e German the notion  h o p e f u l l y helps  a more b a l a n c e d - a p p r o a c h t o t h e f o r m a t i o n within  the wider context  of nineteenth  that  German h i s t o r y  t o c l e a r t h e way f o r o f t h e German  century  Empire  European h i s t o r y  NOTES AND  BIBLIOGRAPHY  139  CHAPTER 1  NOTES  1.  A.J.P. T a y l o r , The C o u r s e o f German H i s t o r y C a p r i c o r n Books, 1962), p. 68.  2.  W.E. Mosse, The E u r o p e a n Powers and t h e German 1848-1871 CLondon: Cambridge U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 5.  3.  F r i t z S t e r n , " I n t r o d u c t i o n , " The P a t h t o D i c t a t o r s h i p t r a n s , by J o h n Conway CGarden C i t y : D o u b l e d a y , 1966), p. v l i l . F o r an e x c e l l e n t I n t r o d u c t i o n t o t h e e v o l u t i o n o f t h e Sonderweq Idea, see D a v i d B l a c k b o u r n and G e o f f E l e y , The P e c u l i a r i t i e s o f German H i s t o r y CNew Y o r k : O x f o r d U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1984) pp. 2-10. Among t h e f i r s t t o q u e s t i o n t h e p o s i t i v e a s s u m p t i o n s w h i c h German s c h o l a r s g e n e r a l l y a s s o c i a t e d w i t h Germany's Sonderweq was E r n s t T r o e l t s c h . W r i t i n g i n 1920, T r o e l t s c h a r g u e d t h a t German t h o u g h t , " w h e t h e r i n p o l i t i c s , o r In h i s t o r y , o r i n e t h i c s , Is b a s e d on t h e Ideas o f t h e R o m a n t i c Counter—Revolution," w h i c h s e e k s t o c l e a r away t h e " e x p o s t u l a t e s o f w e s t - E u r o p e a n t h o u g h t , " and e r e c t i n s t e a d t h e " o r g a n i c I d e a l o f t h e g r o u p mind CGemeInge 1 s t ) . " E r n s t T r o e l t s c h , "The Ideas o f N a t u r a l Law and Humanity i n W o r l d P o l i t i c s , " N a t u r a l Law and t h e T h e o r y o f S o c i e t y e d . by O t t o G i e r k e , t r a n s , by E r n e s t B a r k e r CLondon: Cambridge U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1950), 1, pp. 201-215.  4.  Hajo H o l b o r n , 1971), p. 1.  5.  R a l f D a h r e n d o r f , S o c i e t y and Democracy In Germany C W e s t p o r t : Greenwood P r e s s , 1967), p. 14. T h e r e Is a l s o a M a r x i s t i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f t h e Sonderweg t h e s i s Csee I s a a c D e u t s c h e r , "Germany and M a r x i s m , " Marxism i n Our Time, e d . by Tamara D e u t s c h e r [ B e r k e l e y : Ramparts P r e s s , 1971]; N l c o s P o u l a n t z a s , P o l i t i c a l Power and t h e S o c i a l C l a s s e s [London: NLB, 1 9 7 4 ] ) , b u t l t has n o t had n e a r l y t h e same Impact on the h i s t o r i o g r a p h y on modern Germany as t h e l i b e r a l interpretatIon.  6.  F . L . C a r s t e n , "The H i s t o r i c a l R o o t s o f N a t i o n a l S o c i a l i s m , " U p h e a v a l and C o n t i n u i t y : A C e n t u r y o f German H i s t o r y e d . by E . J . F e u c h t w a n g e r CLondon: Oswald W o l f f , 1973), pp. 116-117; T a y l o r , The C o u r s e o f German H i s t o r y , p. 13.; Rohan 0 ' B u t l e r , The R o o t s o f N a t i o n a l S o c i a l i s m , 1783-1933 CLondon: F a b e r and F a b e r , 1941).  7.  The most t h o r o u g h a p p l i c a t i o n o f t h i s v i e w c a n be f o u n d i n P e t e r V l e r e c k ' s M e t a p o l l t l c s : The R o o t s o f t h e N a z i Mind CNew Y o r k : C a p r i c o r n Books, 1961). A l t h o u g h V l e r e c k o r i g i n a l l y published Metapol1tles i n 1941, i t was p o o r l y r e c e i v e d a t t h e t i m e , and was r e - r e l e a s e d more s u c c e s s f u l l y  Germany and E u r o p e  CNew Y o r k : Question, 1958), p.  CGarden C i t y : Doubeday,  140  a f t e r t h e end o f t h e war. See a l s o W i l l i a m S h i r e r , The R i s e and F a l l o f t h e T h i r d R e i c h CNew York.: Simon and S c h u s t e r , I 9 6 0 ) ; L o u i s S n y d e r , German N a t i o n a l i s m : The T r a g e d y o f a P e o p l e C P o r t W a s h i n g t o n : K e n n l k a t P r e s s , 1969). 8.  B l a c k b o u r n and E l e y c l a i m t h a t t h e s c h o l a r s h i p on t h e Sonderweg q u e s t i o n has "moved on t o more s o c i o l o g i c a l and s t r u c t u r a l t e r r a i n , " having Incorporated a l l o f the v a l u a b l e e l e m e n t s from t h e arguments In favq,ur o f t h e "German mind." T h i s t r e n d Is p a r t i c u l a r l y t r u e among German h i s t o r i a n s . Y e t t h e i d e a o f t h e "German mind" c o n t i n u e s t o e x e r c i s e an I m p o r t a n t I n f l u e n c e on t h e h i s t o r i o g r a p h y on modern Germany. P e c u l i a r i t i e s o f German H i s t o r y , pp. 5-9.  9.  George G. I g g e r s , The German C o n c e p t i o n o f H i s t o r y C C o n n e t i c u t : W e s l e y a n U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1968}, pp. 272-273; K o p p e l P l n s o n , Modern Germany: I t s H i s t o r y and C i v i l i z a t i o n CNew Y o r k : The M a c m i l l a n Co., 1954), p. 9; Gordon C r a i g , The Germans CNew Y o r k : Putnam's Sons, 1982), pp. 33-34. F o r T r o e l t s c h , t h i s same i d e a was t h e s o u r c e o f t h e " f i n a l and d e e p e s t d i f f e r e n c e between Germany and W e s t e r n E u r o p e . " " I d e a s o f N a t u r a l Law a n d Humanity," p. 210. F o r a u s e f u l summary o f t h i s Idea t h a t t h e p r o c e s s e s o f " b o u r g e o i s modernization" were, by t h e end o f t h e e i g h t e e n t h century, r e t a r d e d In Germany r e l a t i v e t o t h e d e v e l o p m e n t o f t h e s e p r o c e s s e s In F r a n c e and E n g l a n d Ca f a c t o r w h i c h i s t h o u g h t t o have c o n t r i b u t e d t o t h e g r o w t h a p o l i t i c a l a t t i t u d e s i n Germany), see A n t h o n y La Vopa, "The P o l i t i c s o f E n l i g h t e n m e n t : F r e d e r i c k G e d l k e and t h e German P r o f e s s i o n a l I d e o l o g y , " J o u r n a l o f Modern H i s t o r y 62 C1990), 34-35.  10.  E . J . F e u c h t w a n g e r , " I n t r o d u c t i o n , " U p h e a v a l and C o n t i n u i t y , pp. 12-13; T a l c o t t P a r s o n s , "Democracy and S o c i a l S t r u c t u r e In P r e - N a z i Germany," E s s a y s In S o c i o l o g i c a l T h e o r y C H l l n o l s : The F r e e P r e s s , 1954), p. 119; F r i t z S t e r n , The P o l i t i c s o f C u l t u r a l D e s p a i r CLondon: Cambridge U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1961), pp. x v i l - x i x ; C r a i g , - T h e Germans, pp. 26-30; I g g e r s , The German C o n c e p t i o n o f H i s t o r y , pp. 5-7.  11.  S n y d e r , German N a t i o n a l i s m , p. 102; I g g e r s , The German C o n c e p t i o n o f H i s t o r y , pp. 21-22. A l t h o u g h t o u t e d as a s t u d y w h i c h has a v o i d e d f a l l i n g b a c k on a Sonderweg e x p l a n a t i o n , H a r o l d James's A German I d e n t i t y , 1770-1990 CNew Y o r k : R o u t l e d g e , 1989), s i m p l y revamps t h e n o t i o n t h a t Germany d i v e r g e d from t h e West b y f o c u s i n g on t h e e c l e c t i c c h a r a c t e r o f German n a t i o n a l i s m : " T h e r e i s n o t h i n g s l n g u l a r l l y o r p e c u l i a r l y German about t h e i d e a o f an i n v e n t e d n a t i o n a l i t y : b u t what i s u n u s u a l a b o u t Germany Is t h a t a n a t i o n - s t a t e g e n e r a t e d In t h i s ' e a s t e r n ' way d e v e l o p e d i n t o a G r e a t Power on t h e E u r o p e a n and w o r l d s t a g e . " p. 32.  12.  L e o n a r d K r i e g e r , The German Idea o f Freedom C B o s t o n : H i l l , 1957), pp. 288-289; K a r l B r a c h e r , The German  Beacon  141  D i c t a t o r s h i p t r a n s , by J e a n S t e i n b e r g Books, 1973), pp. 32-33.  CMlddlesex:  Penguin  13.  I g g e r s , The German C o n c e p t i o n o f H i s t o r y , p. 23; Hans Kohn, The Mind o f Germany: The E d u c a t i o n o f a N a t i o n CNew Y o r k : H a r p e r and Row, 1960), pp. 139-150; K r l e g e r , The German Idea o f Freedom, pp. 401-405; C r a i g , The Germans, p. 32; James Sheehan, German L i b e r a l i s m In t h e N i n e t e e n t h C e n t u r y C C h l c a g o : U n i v e r s i t y o f C h i c a g o P r e s s , 1978), pp. 280-283. B l a c k b o u r n and E l e y a r e a l s o p r e p a r e d t o admit t h a t , as a c o n s e q u e n c e o f Germany's p o l i t i c a l h e r i t a g e , German l i b e r a l s d e m o n s t r a t e d a " m o d e s t l y s a t i s f i e d a c c e p t a n c e " In 1870 o f "a c o n s t i t u t i o n a l i s m . . . t h a t f e l l s h o r t o f f u l l parliamentarism." The P e c u l i a r i t i e s o f German H i s t o r y , p. 255.  14.  B l a c k b o u r n and pp. 4-5.  15.  As a good example o f t h i s , o b s e r v e T h e o d o r e Hamerow's c l a i m t h a t t h e p e n a l t y f o r t h e l i b e r a l s ' f a i l u r e In 1848 was " p a i d not i n 1849, but In 1918, In 1933 and i n 1945." R e s t o r a t i o n , R e v o l u t i o n and R e a c t i o n : E c o n o m i c s and P o l i t i c s i n Germany, 1815-1871 C P r l n c e t o n : Princeton U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1958), p. v l l l . See a l s o I g g e r s , The German C o n c e p t i o n o f H i s t o r y , p. 277; S n y d e r , German N a t l o n a l 1 s m , p. 104. More s e r i o u s , however, t h a n t h i s t e n d e n c y t o see c o n t i n u i t y where p e r h a p s none e x i s t s a r e the many f a l l a c i e s common t o the f i e l d o f N a z i p e d i g r e e - h u n t i n g , n i c e l y summarized by K l a u s E p s t e i n In " S h l r e r ' s H i s t o r y o f N a z i Germany," Review o f P o l i t i c s , 23 C1961), 230. A l t h o u g h c e r t a i n l y a more b a l a n c e d a p p r a i s a l of the " r o o t s " of N a t i o n a l S o c i a l i s m than t h a t of V l e r e c k and S h i r e r , F r i t z S t e r n ' s The P o l i t i c s o f C u l t u r a l D e s p a i r i s not e n t i r e l y f r e e from s u c h f a l l a c i e s . See pp. 294-295.  16.  B l a c k b o u r n and  17.  K l a u s P. F i s c h e r , "The Modern Age, 22 C1978),  18.  Herbert B u t t e r f l e l d , CLondon: G. B e l l and  19.  I b i d . , p.  20.  P i n s o n , Modern Germany, p. p. 352.  21.  Carsten, 116.  22.  F o r T a l c o t t P a r s o n s t h e f a c t t h a t Germany's a d m i n i s t r a t i v e b u r e a u c r a c y was not i n c o n f l i c t w i t h l i b e r a l - d e m o c r a t i c  Eley,  Eley,  The  The  Peculiarities  o f German  Peculiarities  o f German  L i b e r a l Image o f 371-383.  German  History,  History.  History,"  The Whig I n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f Sons, 1931), p. v.  History  30-31.  "The  Historical  19;  Kohn, The  Mind o f  Roots of N a t i o n a l  Germany,  Socialism,"  p.  142  i d e a s , and t h a t t h e p a t e r n a l i s t i c s o c i a l w e l f a r e system was i n a p o s i t i o n t o h e l p m i t i g a t e the c o n s e q u e n c e s o f extreme i n d i v i d u a l i s t i c c a p i t a l i s m suggested that a l i b e r a l - d e m o c r a t i c s o l u t i o n In Germany was v e r y p o s s i b l e . "Democracy and S o c i a l S t r u c t u r e In P r e - N a z l Germany," pp. 115-116. See a l s o C r a i g , The Germans, p. 32; K r l e g e r , The German Idea o f Freedom, pp. 401-402. Kohn a r g u e s t h a t In m l d - n l n e t e e n t h Germany, as i n t h e r e s t o f w e s t e r n E u r o p e , " l i b e r a l i s m was i n t h e a s c e n d a n c y , " but t h a t t h e German l i b e r a l s " w i t t i n g l y and w i l l i n g l y " r e v e r s e d t h i s " p r e v a i l i n g t r e n d " In exchange f o r n a t i o n a l power. The Mind o f Germany, pp. 11, 128-19. F o r K o p p e l P l n s o n , on the o t h e r hand, i t was p r e c i s e l y t h e a p o l i t i c a l n a t u r e o f the German " c l a s s i c a l humanist t r a d i t i o n " which p r e s a g e d the d e f e a t of l i b e r a l i s m i n Germany. Modern Germany, pp. 12-22. 23.  J u e r g e n D o e r r , "Democracy and L i b e r a l i s m i n N i n e t e e n t h C e n t u r y Germany," C a n a d i a n J o u r n a l o f H i s t o r y , 14 C1979), 437; Sheehan, German L i b e r a l i s m In t h e N i n e t e e n t h C e n t u r y ; J . L S n e l l and H. S c h m l t t , The D e m o c r a t i c Movement In Germany, 1789-1914 C C h a p e l H i l l , N.C.: U n i v e r s i t y of North C a r o l i n a P r e s s , 1976).  24.  G.R. Mork, "Bismarck, and the ' C a p i t u l a t i o n ' o f German L i b e r a l i s m , " J o u r n a l o f Modern H i s t o r y , 43 C1971), 59-75.  25.  Sheehan, German L i b e r a l i s m  26.  Not s u r p r i s i n g l y , German h i s t o r i a n s have been t h e l a r g e s t c o n t r i b u t o r s t o t h i s l a t t e r q u e s t i o n . F o r an e x c e l l e n t summary o f s u c h work, see Mosse, The E u r o p e a n Powers and t h e German Q u e s t i o n , A p p e n d i x A, pp. 375-381.  27.  P a u l Kennedy, The R i s e o f Anglo-German A n t a g o n i s m , 1860- 1914 CLondon: George A l l e n and Unwin, 1980), p. 7; Eugene A n d e r s o n , The S o c i a l and P o l i t i c a l C o n f l i c t i n P r u s s i a , 1858-1864 C L l n c o l n : U n i v e r s i t y o f N e b r a s k a P r e s s , 1954), p. 22.  28.  Kennedy, The  29.  S n e l l and S c h m i d t , The D e m o c r a t i c Movement In Germany, pp. 54, 140-141; C E . McClelland, The German H i s t o r i a n s and E n g l a n d ([Cambridge: Cambridge U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1971), pp. 78-79, 139-140; James, A German I d e n t i t y , pp. 21-22.  30.  W i l l i a m E. G l a d s t o n e , " L i f e and S p e e c h e s o f the P r i n c e C o n s o r t , " C o n t e m p o r a r y Review, 26 C1875), 12. See a l s o F r a n k H a r d l e , The P o l i t i c a l I n f l u e n c e o f Queen V i c t o r i a , 1861- 1901• CLondon: Humphrey M l l f o r d , 1935). On the e x i s t e n c e o f the s o - c a l l e d " C o b u r g p l a n " i n w h i c h A l b e r t , S t o c k m a r , K i n g L e o p o l d and o t h e r s p u r p o r t e d l y s o u g h t t o e n s u r e t h a t Germany be u n i f i e d under t h e a u s p i c e s o f a l i b e r a l c o n s t i t u t i o n a l P r u s s i a n s t a t e , see L. F a r a g o and A.  Rise  of  In the  Nineteenth Century,  Anglo-German A n t a g o n i s m ,  p.  p.  3.  7.  143  Sinclair, 4.  The R o y a l Web CNew Y o r k : MacGraw H i l l ,  31.  Kennedy, The R i s e  32.  Raymond S o n t a g , Germany and E n g l a n d : B a c k g r o u n d o f C o n f l i c t , 1848-1894 CLondon: D. A p p l e t o n , 1938), p. 32.  33. 34. 35.  o f Anglo-German  Antagonism,  1982), p.  pp. 103-123.  Ibid. Kennedy, The R i s e  o f Anglo-German  Antagonism,  pp. 118-119.  Ibid.  CHAPTER 2 1.  A.A.W. Ramsay, I d e a l i s m and F o r e i g n P o l i c y : A S t u d y o f t h e r e l a t i o n s o f G r e a t B r i t a i n w i t h Germany and F r a n c e , 1860-1878 CLondon: John Murray, 1925) pp. 4-5.  2.  Ibid.,  pp. 2-4.  3.  Ibid.,  p. 53.  4.  I b i d . , p. 148..  5.  Raymond S o n t a g , Germany and E n g l a n d : B a c k g r o u n d o f C o n f l i c t , 1848-1894, pp. v l l l - l x .  6.  Ibid.,  7.  W.E. Mosse, The E u r o p e a n 1848-1871, p. 46.  8-  Ibid.,  9.  L o r d E. F l t z m a u r i c e , L i f e o f Second E a r l G r a n v i l l e , 1815-1891 CNew York, Longmans, G r e e n and Co., 1905),  pp.  x-xl. Powers and t h e German  Question,  p. 362. p. 49.  10.  B e r n a r d P o r t e r , B r i t a i n E u r o p e and t h e W o r l d , 1815-1891 CLondon: George A l l e n and Unwin, 1983), p. 8; Kennedy, The R i s e o f Anglo-German A n t a g o n i s m , pp. 60-61.  11.  I b i d • ; K e n n e t h Bourne, The F o r e i g n P o l i c y o f V i c t o r i a n E n g l a n d C O x f o r d : C l a r e n d o n P r e s s , 1970), p. 122.  12.  Palmerston epitomized t h i s Janus-faced approach o f B r i t i s h p o l i c y - m a k e r s t o t h e German q u e s t i o n . H a v i n g c l a i m e d i n 1832 t h a t t h e " I n d e p e n d e n c e o f c o n s t i t u t i o n a l s t a t e s . . . c a n n e v e r be a m a t t e r o f i n d i f f e r e n c e t o t h e B r i t i s h P a r l i a m e n t , " P a l m e r s t o n c o n t i n u e s : " [ M ] y o p i n i o n Is t h a t as l o n g as o u r commerce I s o f i m p o r t a n c e t o u s , as l o n g as c o n t i n e n t a l a r m i e s a r e i n e x i s t e n c e , as l o n g as i t Is p o s s i b l e t h a t a power In one q u a r t e r may become d a n g e r o u s  144  t o a power In a n o t h e r - so l o n g must E n g l a n d l o o k w i t h I n t e r e s t upon t h e t r a n s a c t i o n s o f t h e C o n t i n e n t , and so l o n g as i t i s p r o p e r f o r t h i s c o u n t r y , In t h e m a i n t e n a n c e o f I t s own Independence, n o t t o s h u t I t s e y e s t o a n y t h i n g t h a t t h r e a t e n s t h e Independence o f Germany." R.W. Seton-Watson, B r i t a i n In E u r o p e , 1789-1914 CLondon: Cambridge U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1945}, p. 463. 13.  L e t t e r s o f Queen V i c t o r i a 177-178.  14.  In r e s p o n s e t o F r e d e r i c k W i l l i a m I V s a n t 1 - c o n s t i t u t i o n a l s t a n c e t h e p r e v i o u s y e a r , P r i n c e A l b e r t warned t h e P r u s s i a n k i n g : "The o n l y way t o d e a l w i t h t h i s o n r u s h t h r e a t e n i n g d e s t r u c t i o n Is t o b i n d t h a t p a r t o f t h e p e o p l e which has t h e means and t h e I n t e l l i g e n c e C l - e . t h e r e a l p e o p l e ) t o t h e government by t r u s t f u l l y a d m i t t i n g l t t o p a r t i c i p a t i o n In t h e a d m i n i s t r a t i o n o f i t s own l i f e . " F r a n k E y c k , The P r i n c e C o n s o r t : A P o l i t i c a l B i o g r a p h y C B o s t o n : Houghton M i f f l i n , 1959), p. 73.  15.  F r a n k Weber, " P a l m e r s t o n and P r u s s i a n L i b e r a l i s m , 1848," J o u r n a l o f Modern H i s t o r y , 35 C1963), 125; W i l l i a m O r r J r . , " B r i t i s h D i p l o m a c y and t h e German P r o b l e m , 1848-1850," A l b i o n , 10 C1978), 210.  16.  Memoirs o f B a r o n Bunsen 1869), l i , p. 101.  17.  Mosse, The  18.  L e t t e r s o f t h e P r i n c e C o n s o r t , 1831-1861, ed. by K u r t CNew Y o r k : E.P. P a t t o n , 1938) p. 139.  19.  Hansard's P a r l i a m e n t a r y 98:515-525.  20.  Mosse, The E u r o p e a n Powers, p. 13; Weber, " P a l m e r s t o n and P r u s s i a n L i b e r a l i s m , " pp. 129-131. A l t h o u g h Mosse c o n t e n d s t h a t Arnlm's p l a n s I n v o l v e d c r e a t i n g a k i n d o f Grand A l l i a n c e o f Germany, F r a n c e , P o l a n d and E n g l a n d , w h i c h would " I n t h e name o f l i b e r t y and t h e h a p p i n e s s o f p e o p l e s " l e a d a l i b e r a l c r u s a d e a g a i n s t " . d e s p o t i c R u s s i a , " Weber v i e w s Arnlm's p l a n s as b e i n g much more p r a g m a t i c , and as b e i n g shaped by h i s f e a r t h a t c o n f l i c t w i t h E n g l a n d was " I n e v i t a b l e " . In s u p p o r t o f Weber's view Is P a l m e r s t o n ' s memo t o A l b e r t In w h i c h he a r g u e s t h a t t h e Z o l l v e r e l n " I s I n t e n d e d t o c r i p p l e t h e t r a d e and m a n u f a c t u r e s o f E n g l a n d . " Hence B r i t i s h p o l i c y c o u l d o n l y l o o k upon t h e Z o l l v e r e I n as "a l e a g u e f o u n d e d In h o s t i l i t y t o E n g l a n d . " T h e o d o r e M a r t i n , L i f e o f H.R.H. The P r i n c e C o n s o r t CLondon: S m i t h , E l d e r & Co., 1880), 1, pp. 447-451.  European  [QVL], 1 s t s e r i e s ,  li,  pp.  CLondon: Longman's, G r e e n  Powers, p.  Debates  and  Co.,  16  CCommons), 3 r d  Jagow  series,  145  21.  Mosse, The E u r o p e a n Powers, p. 20; O r r , " B r i t i s h D i p l o m a c y , " p. 212. As p a r t o f h i s p o l i c y o f n e u t r a l i t y , P a l m e r s t o n f o r w a r d e d s e v e r a l p r o p o s a l s f o r compromise s o l u t i o n s t o t h e S c h l e s w l g - H o l s t e l n p r o b l e m . See Mosse, p. 20, n. 3.  22.  Weber, " P a l m e r s t o n and  23.  I b i d . , p. 134; O r r , " B r i t i s h D i p l o m a c y , " p. 215. Among t h e r e a s o n s f o r t h i s , growth In p u b l i c s u p p o r t f o r t h e D a n i s h c a u s e was t h e p u b l i c a t i o n by Bunsen o f a s p e c i o u s memo r e g a r d i n g t h e S c h l e s w l g - H o l s t e l n q u e s t i o n . Memoirs o f B a r o n Bunsen, 1 1 . p. 105.  24.  L a t e r C o r r e s p o n d e n c e o f L o r d John R u s s e l l , ed. by G.P. Gooch CLondon: M a c M l l l a n and Co., 1925), 1 1 , 32. A l s o damaging t o t h e n a t i o n a l program o f P a u l s k i r c h e was P a l m e r s t o n ' s r e f u s a l t o r e c o g n i z e t h e c h a r a c t e r o f t h e new R e l c h v e r w e s e r as a n y t h i n g o t h e r t h a n " p r o v i s i o n a l and t e m p o r a r y . " Mosse, The E u r o p e a n Powers, p. 33. F o r t h e t e x t o f t h e d i v i s i v e Malmo a r m i s t i c e , see B r i t i s h F o r e i g n and S t a t e P a p e r s . CLondon: H.M. S t a t i o n a r y O f f i c e , 1841-1934), 40 C1850), 1333.  25.  Weber, " P a l m e r s t o n and P r u s s i a n L i b e r a l i s m , " Memoirs o f B a r o n Bunsen, 1 1 , pp. 148-149.  26.  Mosse, The  27.  In B e r l i n W e s t m o r e l a n d e c h o e d t h i s s u p p o r t by r e s i s t i n g d e m o c r a t s ' r e q u e s t s t h a t he p r e s s u r e F r e d e r i c k W i l l i a m IV t o d i s m i s s B r a n d e n b u r g . Weber, " P a l m e r s t o n and P r u s s i a n L i b e r a l i s m , " p. 135.  28.  Hansard  29.  Mosse, The  30.  Letters  31.  Ibid.,  pp.  159-160.  32.  Ibid.,  pp.  163-164.  33.  "Weber and P r u s s i a n  34.  QVL,  35.  Letters  36.  QVL, 1 s t s e r i e s , i l , p. 329; E. A s h l e y , L i f e o f Henry John Temple, V i s c o u n t P a l m e r s t o n , 1846-1864 CLondon: R i c h a r d B e n t l e y , 1876), 1. pp. 242-243.  European  CLords),  Powers, p.  3rd s e r i e s ,  European  Liberalism,"  p.  p.  132.  136;  29.  100:1149.  Powers, p.  o f the P r i n c e  1st s e r i e s ,  Prussian  30.  C o n s o r t , p.  151.  i Liberalism,"  11, pp.  of the P r i n c e  p.  135.  328-329.  C o n s o r t , pp.  169-170,  174.  146  37.  The  38.  Mosse, The  39.  Ibid.,  40.  QVL,  41.  I b i d . , pp. p. 14.  42.  Hansard  43.  Ibid.,  - 44.  L a t e r Correspondence  p.  1st  of Lord  E u r o p e a n Powers, p.  John R u s s e l l ,  pp.  11,  p.  35.  42-43.  55. series,  p.  21.  22-23; M a r t i n ,  CLords), col.  3rd  Life  series,  o f the  Prince Consort,  111.  132:815-816.  818.  L o t h a r G a l l , B i s m a r c k : The White R e v o l u t i o n a r y t r a n s , J.A. Underwood CLondon: Unwin and A l l e n , 1986), 1, p. Mosse, The  45.  Ibid.;  46.  L e t t e r s o f the t o remark, "He l o t o f harm."  47.  Hansard  CLords),  48.  Martin,  Life  49.  Hansard  CLords),  50.  Ibid.,  51.  In w r i t i n g t o h e r u n c l e , t h e K i n g o f B e l g i u m , Queen V i c t o r i a e x p r e s s e d t h e s e same s e n t i m e n t s , m a i n t a i n i n g t h a t , " i f P r u s s i a and A u s t r i a had h e l d s t r o n g and d e c i d e d l a n g u a g e t o R u s s i a I n '53, we s h o u l d n e v e r have had t h i s war!" QVL, 1 s t s e r i e s , 111, p. 215.  52.  Perhaps p r e p a r i n g the ground f o r t h i s e x c l u s i o n , C l a r e n d o n p r o p o s e d a s t r o n g l y worded d r a f t be s e n t t o P r u s s i a I n J a n u a r y 1856, c r i t i c i z i n g t h a t c o u n t r y f o r i t s ambiguous p o s i t i o n In the Crimean c o n f l i c t . A l t h o u g h no doubt I n s p i r e d by h e r pro-German s e n t i m e n t s , Queen V i c t o r i a C p r o b a b l y on t h e a d v i c e o f A l b e r t ) a d o p t e d t h e p r u d e n t and p r a g m a t i c a t t i t u d e d i s p l a y e d by C l a r e n d o n t h e p r e v i o u s y e a r , d e m a n d i n g ' t h e t o n e o f t h i s d r a f t be s o f t e n e d : " I t i s q u i t e n a t u r a l and e x c u s a b l e t h a t our p a t i e n c e s h o u l d a t l a s t be worn out by t h e m i s e r a b l e p o l i c y w h i c h P r u s s i a I s p u r s u i n g , but l t c a n n e v e r o u r I n t e r e s t t o o p e n l y q u a r r e l w i t h h e r . " I b i d . , p. 205.  53.  Hansard  54.  Ibid.,  cols.  E u r o p e a n Powers, p.  by 120.  P r i n c e C o n s o r t , pp. 165, 213. A l b e r t goes on [Bunsen] knows t h a t he has o f t e n done me a  3rd  o f the  series,  133:976-977.  Prince Consort,  3rd  series,  111,  p.  92.  137:858-871.  876-878.  CCommons), 3 r d col.  58.  161.  series,  141:157-158.  147  55.  C h a r a c t e r i s t i c a l l y , P r i n c e A l b e r t r e c o g n i z e d t h i s soon a f t e r t h e war b r o k e o u t . To P r i n c e W i l l i a m he w r o t e : " I f e a r . . . t h a t p a s s i o n w i l l l e a d t o i n j u s t i c e , as t h e a t t a c k s o f o u r p r e s s on P r u s s i a a l r e a d y show t h a t t h e y p r o v o k e the same f e e l i n g s i n P r u s s i a ; and, no d o u b t , b e f o r e l o n g , n a t i o n s w h i c h have e v e r y r e a s o n and e v e r y I n t e r e s t t o m a i n t a i n the warmest m u t u a l f r i e n d s h i p , w i l l be m i s l e d i n t o the f o o l i s h n o t i o n t h a t t h e y s h o u l d In f a c t be enemies and hate each o t h e r . " M a r t i n , L i f e of the P r i n c e Consort, ill, pp. 137-138.  56.  The Times o f London, 3 O c t o b e r 1855; QVL, 1st s e r i e s , ill, p. 187; Eyck, The P r i n c e C o n s o r t , p. 243. G r a n v i l l e ' s r e s p o n s e t o t h e engagement Is p a r t l c u l a r 1 l y i n t e r e s t i n g : " T h e r e Is no d o u b t , my L o r d s , t h a t i n f r e e c o u n t r i e s , where r e p r e s e n t a t i v e i n s t i t u t i o n s p r e v a i l , R o y a l a l l i a n c e s have n o t t h e same e f f e c t on t h e h a p p i n e s s o r t h e p r o s p e r i t y o f t h e p e o p l e , w h i c h t h e y have i n c o u n t r i e s u n d e r more a b s o l u t e g o v e r n m e n t . . . . In t h e l a t t e r c o u n t r i e s l t f r e q u e n t l y happens t h a t t h e power o f a kingdom i s i n c r e a s e d o r d i m i n i s h e d by a R o y a l a l l i a n c e , sometimes l e a d i n g t o happiness, sometimes t o m i s e r y ; but on the p r e s e n t o c c a s i o n t h e r e i s need t o a n t i c i p a t e a n y t h i n g o f t h a t k i n d . " H a n s a r d C L o r d s ) , 3 r d s e r i e s , 148:753.  57.  B r i t i s h S e s s i o n a l P a p e r s : House o f Commons, ed. by E . J . E r l k s o n . 32 C1859):559-60; B r i t i s h and F o r e i g n S t a t e P a p e r s , 49 C1860): 1143. P a u l Hayes has i n t e r p r e t e d t h e E a r l o f M a l m e s b u r y ' s r e c o m m e n d a t i o n t h a t the B r i t i s h and P r u s s i a n g o v e r n m e n t s s e e k d u r i n g the I t a l i a n war t o " e n c o u r a g e as much as p o s s i b l e the good f e e l i n g and a m i t y o f a l l t h e German p o w e r s , " as a i m i n g a t the c r e a t i o n o f an a n t i - R u s s i a n c o a l i t i o n . Modern B r i t i s h F o r e i g n P o l i c y : The N i n e t e e n t h C e n t u r y , 1814-1880 CLondon: Adam and C h a r l e s B l a c k , 1975), p. 41. P r i n c e A l b e r t a l s o p r e a c h e d m o d e r a t i o n , a r g u i n g t h a t l t was c r u c i a l f o r P r u s s i a t o m a i n t a i n a " w a i t i n g p o s i t i o n , I f l t does not want t o expose I t s e l f and E u r o p e t o g r e a t d a n g e r s . " E y c k , The P r i n c e C o n s o r t , p. 244.  58.  F u r t h e r L e t t e r s o f Queen V i c t o r i a , ed. by H e c t o r B o l l t h o CLondon: T h o r n t o n - B u t t e r w o r t h , 1976), p. 109. P r i n c e A l b e r t l e a r n e d t h r o u g h h i s d a u g h t e r V i c t o r i a o f the P r u s s i a n ' s m o b i l i z a t i o n e f f o r t s f o l l o w i n g A u s t r i a ' s e a r l y d e f e a t s , and he I m p r u d e n t l y r e v e a l e d t h i s t o P r i n c e W i l l i a m when he wrote t o u r g e a g a i n s t P r u s s i a n m o b i l i z a t i o n . L. F a r a g o and A. S i n c l a i r , The R o y a l Web, pp. 59-60.  59.  R i c h a r d B a r k e l e y , The Empress F r e d e r i c k , t h e D a u g h t e r V i c t o r i a CLondon: M a c M i l l a n and Co., 1956) p. 81; The Times, 23 O c t o b e i — 1 , 6 November 1860; H a n s a r d C L o r d s ) , s e r i e s , 162:1187-1189.  of 3rd  148  60.  B r i t i s h and L i f e o f the  61.  P r i n c e s s V i c t o r i a c o m p l a i n e d t h a t the p r e s s and the g o v e r n m e n t ' s a t t a c k s upon P r u s s i a f u r t h e r a l i e n a t e d h e r from t h e P r u s s i a n c o u r t , w h i c h a l r e a d y v i e w e d h e r w i t h some s u s p i c i o n as an Enqla'nder. More s e r i o u s , however, a r e S i r R o b e r t M o r l e r ' s c l a i m s t h a t the " p r o m i s c u o u s s c u r r i l i t y " o f t h e Times a t t a c k s had " t o t a l l y d e m o r a l i z e d " Prussian l i b e r a l s , s u c h t h a t t h e y came t o t h i n k " a l l hope o f an u n d e r s t a n d i n g w i t h E n g l a n d I m p o s s i b l e . " Memoirs and L e t t e r s o f the R i g h t Hon. S i r R o b e r t M o r l e r , ed. by R o s s l y n Wemyss CLondon: Edward A r n o l d , 1911) 1, p. 247.  62.  Mosse, The  63.  W.E. G l a d s t o n e , "The C1964), 236-287.  64.  See  65.  QVL,  66.  Upon l e a r n i n g o f t h e A l v e n s l e b e n c o n v e n t i o n , R u s s e l l p r o p o s e d s e n d i n g the f o l l o w i n g d i s p a t c h t o P r u s s i a : "Her M a j e s t y ' s Government a r e f o r c e d t o a r r i v e a t t h e c o n c l u s i o n t h a t i t Is an A c t o f I n t e r v e n t i o n , w h i c h Is not J u s t i f i e d by n e c e s s i t y . . . a n d w h i c h may be q u o t e d by o t h e r Powers o f E u r o p e t o J u s t i f y I n t e r v e n t i o n In f a v o u r o f the I n s u r g e n t s . " However, P a l m e r s t o n and the Queen p r e v a i l e d on the F o r e i g n S e c r e t a r y t o c o n c e n t r a t e on R u s s i a as the c u l p r i t . T h i s prompted K i n g W i l l i a m t o t h a n k V i c t o r i a f o r t h e " c o n c i l i a t o r y and f r i e n d l y c o n d u c t o f Her M a j e s t y ' s Government," and f o r the " m o d e r a t i o n w i t h w h i c h the F r e n c h Government u n d e r the i n f l u e n c e o f Her M a j e s t y ' s G o v e n i e n t " had a c t e d . Mosse, The E u r o p e a n Powers, pp. 112, 116; QVL, 2nd s e r i e s , 1, pp. 66-67. S e v e r a l months l a t e r P a l m e r s t o n came t o the d e f e n s e o f P r u s s i a In the f a c e o f a c c u s a t i o n s t h a t l t was v i o l a t i n g I n t e r n a t i o n a l law by s u p p l y i n g arms and t r a n s p o r t t o R u s s i a n t r o o p s In P o l a n d . H a n s a r d CCommons), 3 r d s e r i e s , 170:1955-1956.  67.  The L a t e r C o r r e s p o n d e n c e o f L o r d J o h n R u s s e l l , l i , p. 306. H e n r y Cowley, the B r i t i s h ambassador t o P a r i s , a l s o b e l i e v e d t h a t N a p o l e o n I l l ' s a c t i o n s were shaped by t h e " p o s s i b i l i t y t h a t out o f the c o m p l i c a t i o n s s o m e t h i n g may t u r n up a d v a n t a g e o u s t o F r a n c e . " Mosse, The E u r o p e a n Powers, p. 164. A l t h o u g h e a r l y In t h e d i s p u t e the B r i t i s h government p r o b e d t h e F r e n c h a b o u t t h e p o s s i b i l i t y o f an a l l i a n c e d e s i g n e d t o p r o t e c t the D a n i s h monarchy from dismemberment, t h i s q u e r y f o l l o w e d so c l o s e l y on the h e e l s o f the P o l i s h a f f a i r t h a t l t s t o o d l i t t l e c h a n c e o f success.  chapter 2nd  F o r e i g n S t a t e P a p e r s , 52 C1861), 64; P r i n c e C o n s o r t , v, pp. 348-350.  E u r o p e a n Powers, p.  4,  note  series,  1,  Martin,  211.  Danish Duchies," Q u a r t e r l y  Review,  115  1. p.  142.  149  68.  Hansard  CLords), 3rd s e r i e s ,  69.  Having a l r e a d y advanced a p a r t i t i o n p r o p o s a l the p r e v i o u s y e a r , o n l y t o be r e b u f f e d by Copenhagen, R u s s e l l was a g a i n u r g e d by t h e Queen t o c o n s i d e r p a r t i t i o n as a s o l u t i o n t o t h e " I n t e r m i n a b l e q u a r r e l " between P r u s s i a and Denmark. QVL, 2nd s e r i e s , 1, pp. 23-24. F o r t h e t e x t o f R u s s e l l ' s e a r l i e r p r o p o s a l s , see B r i t i s h S e s s i o n a l P a p e r s 64 C1861):85-87.  70.  Hansard  CLords), 3rd Series,  71.  Hansard  CCommons), 3 r d S e r i e s ,  72.  Mosse, The E u r o p e a n  73.  Ibid.,  74.  QVL,  75.  P a l m e r s t o n was even f o r c e d t o d e f e n d h i s F o r e i g n S e c r e t a r y when he a n g e r e d t h e Queen by I m p l y i n g t o t h e P r u s s i a n ambassador t h a t E n g l a n d would come t o Denmark's a i d I n c a s e o f a German I n v a s i o n : " L o r d R u s s e l l I s o f c o u r s e w e l l aware t h a t an a c t u a l d e c i s i o n on a m a t t e r s u c h as t h a t I n q u e s t i o n does n o t r e s t w i t h any s i n g l e member o f t h e Government, but w i t h t h e C a b i n e t and y o u r M a j e s t y . " I b i d . , pp. 120, 132, 145.  76.  Ibid.,  77.  B r i t i s h S e s s i o n a l P a p e r s , 65 C1864):636. P a l m e r s t o n was c o n f i d e n t t h a t t h e German powers' a s s u r a n c e s t h a t t h e y were o n l y s e e k i n g t o r e s t o r e t h e c o n d i t i o n s o f t h e 1852 t r e a t y were g e n u i n e . Mosse, The E u r o p e a n Powers, pp. 174-175.  78.  A s h l e y , L i f e o f L o r d P a l m e r s t o n , i l , pp. 247-248. I t I s I n t e r e s t i n g that Palmerston appears to r e g r e t the f a c t that i n t h e e v e n t o f a F r a n c o - P r u s s i a n war E n g l a n d would be unable t o p a r t i c i p a t e because o f P r u s s i a ' s conduct i n the duchies.  79.  QVL,  80.  Hansard  81.  QVL,  82.  Mosse, The E u r o p e a n  83.  Ibid.,  84.  QVL,  pp.  161:2138-2139.  170:1748-1749,  1754-1755.  172:1252.  Powers, p. 152.  152-153.  2nd s e r i e s ,  1, pp.  p. 116; B r i t i s h  2nd s e r i e s ,  103-104.  Sessional  174:722-727,  i , p. 203. Powers, p. 204.  p. 205.  2nd s e r i e s ,  64 C1863):222.  i , p. 161.  CLords), 3rd s e r i e s ,  2nd s e r i e s ,  Papers,  1, p. 223.  739.  150  85.  I b i d . , p.  86.  Hansard  CCommons), 3 r d  87.  Ashley,  Life  88.  I b i d . , pp.  89.  H a n s a r d CCommons), 3 r d s e r i e s , 178:926-929. The s p e a k e r I n t h i s c a s e was S i r H a r r y V e r n e y , a pro-German M.P. whose comments r e v e a l a c u r i o u s b l e n d o f P a l m e r s t o n l a n realism and the k i n d o f i d e a l i s m d e s c r i b e d i n c h a p t e r 3. He was c o n f i d e n t t h a t B i s m a r c k c o u l d not p e r m a n e n t l y a l t e r t h e P r u s s i a n s ' " t r u e c h a r a c t e r - that of a mighty c o n s e r v a t i v e Power i n t h e m i d s t o f E u r o p e , w i t h p o p u l a t i o n s prosperous, w e l l - g o v e r n e d , and c o n t e n t e d , a b l e t o c u r b the a m b i t i o n o f F r a n c e on t h e one s i d e , and t h e a g g r e s s i o n s o f R u s s i a on the o t h e r , and g r a d u a l l y , but s u r e l y , a d v a n c i n g i n m a t e r i a l w e l f a r e , and I n a l l t h a t a p p e r t a i n s t o t r u e f r e e d o m and the b l e s s i n g s of c o n s t i t u t i o n a l o r d e r l y government."  90.  QVL,  91.  Of the Queen's i n d i g n a t i o n , P a l m e r s t o n wrote t o R u s s e l l : "The f a c t i s , as f a r a s the Queen I s c o n c e r n e d , t h a t so l o n g as the I n j u s t i c e c o m m i t t e d a p p e a r e d c a l c u l a t e d t o t h e b e n e f i t o f Germany and t h e Germans i t was a l r i g h t and p r o p e r ; but now t h a t an example I s a b o u t t o be s e t o f e x t i n g u i s h i n g p e t t y s t a t e s l i k e Coburg, her sense of r i g h t and wrong has become w o n d e r f u l l y k e e n . " F o u n d a t i o n s o f B r i t i s h F o r e i g n P o l i c y , ed. by H. T e m p e r l e y and L.M. Penson CLondon: F r a n k C a s s and Co., 1966), pp.. 279-280.  92.  Bourne, F o r e i g n  93.  R i c h a r d M i l l m a n , B r i t i s h F o r e i g n P o l i c y and t h e Coming o f the F r a n c o - P r u s s i a n War CLondon: O x f o r d U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1965), p. 8.  94.  Augustus L o f t u s , D i p l o m a t i c Reminiscences 1894), 2nd s e r i e s , 11, pp. 43-45.  95.  W.E. Mosse, "The Crown and F o r e i g n P o l i c y : Queen V i c t o r i a and t h e A u s t r o - P r u s s l a n C o n f l i c t , March-May, 1866," Cambridge H i s t o r i c a l J o u r n a l , 10 C1951), 208-209.  96.  QVL,  97.  I b i d . , p.  98.  I b i d . , pp. 314-315. In a c i r c u l a r memo o f 9 A p r i l t o B r i t i s h r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s i n the v a r i o u s German c o u r t s , C l a r e n d o n w r o t e : " [ H J o w e v e r much t h i s c o u n t r y may r e g r e t t o see Germany a p r e y t o c i v i l war, y e t so l o n g as the war i s  2nd  2nd  228.  of Lord  series,  176:826,  Palmerston,  11,  2084  pp.  255-256.  270-271.  series,  series,  i , p.  276.  P o l i c y , p.  1,  p.  383.  CLondon:  Cassell,  311.  317.  151  c o n f i n e d t o Germany t h e r e I s n o t a B r i t i s h I n t e r e s t o f s u f f i c i e n t magnitude t o r e n d e r Imperative t h e t e n d e r o f B r i t i s h good o f f i c e s . " M i l l m a n , B r i t i s h F o r e i g n P o l i c y , p. 25. 99.  Ibid.;  Mosse, The E u r o p e a n Powers, p.  100.  Hansard  CLords),  3rd series,  101.  Morier,  Memo 1 r 3 ,  1 1 , p. 61.  231.  183:573.  102. Your D e a r L e t t e r : P r i v a t e C o r r e s p o n d e n c e Between t h e Queen V i c t o r i a and t h e Crown P r i n c e s s o f P r u s s i a , 1865-1871, e d . by Roger F u l f o r d CLondon: Evans B r o s . , 1971), pp. 87-88. 103.  F a r a g o and S i n c l a i r , Memo I r s , i i , p. 58.  104.  Ibid.,  105.  Mosse, The E u r o p e a n Powers, p.  106.  H a n s a r d CCommons), 3 r d s e r i e s , 1247-1251.  107.  D i s r a e l i , D e r b y and t h e C o n s e r v a t i v e P a r t y : J o u r n a l s and Memoirs o f Edward Henry, L o r d S t a n l e y , 1849-1869 ed. b y J o h n V i n c e n t ( S u s s e x : H a r v e s t e r P r e s s , 1978),' p. 273. In t h e House o f L o r d s he r e s p o n d e d s i m i l a r l y , s t a t i n g : " I c a n n o t see t h a t t h e e x i s t e n c e o f such a [ N o r t h German] Power would be t o us a n y I n j u r y , a n y menace, o r a n y d e t r i m e n t . " H a n s a r d CCommons), 3 r d s e r i e s , 184:1256.  108.  QVL, 2nd s e r i e s ,  109.  N a t u r a l l y Queen V i c t o r i a was most a l a r m e d a t t h e p o s s i b l e c o n s e q u e n c e s f o r B e l g i u m o f a F r a n c o - P r u s s i a n war, a n d demanded t h a t E n g l a n d n o t s t a n d a l o o f : " E n g l a n d must show t h e w o r l d t h a t she i s n o t p r e p a r e d t o a b d i c a t e h e r p o s i t i o n as a g r e a t Power." QVL, 2nd s e r i e s , 1 , p. 419.  110.  Hansard  111.  Further Letters  Web, pp. 129-131;  Morier,  184:736-737.  112. M i l l m a n , 113.  The R o y a l  1 , p.  184:1223-1225, 1235,  364.  CCommons), 3 r d s e r i e s ,  British  241.  186:1255.  o f Queen V i c t o r i a , Foreign Policy,  pp. 163-164.  p. 78.  S t a n l e y was c r i t i c i s e d In t h e House o f Commons f o r h a v i n g "discounted our future p r o s p e r i t y f o r the present t r a n q u i l i t y o f E u r o p e . T h i s i s n o t s t a t e s m a n s h i p , i t Is a mere h a n d - t o - m o u t h p o l i c y . " H a n s a r d , 3 r d s e r i e s , 187:1911. In h i s d i a r y S t a n l e y w r o t e : " I t would be r e p u g n a n t t o t h e p r i n c i p l e s and f e e l i n g s o f P a r l i a m e n t a n d t h e P u b l i c t o do more, a n d s u r e l y . . . w e c a n n o t be e x p e c t e d t o f o r e g o a l l o u r  152  own p r i n c i p l e s , and v i e w s t o accomodate t h e f a n c i e s o f P r u s s i a . " C h r i s t o p h e r Howard, B r i t a i n a n d - t h e Casus B e l l i , 1822-1902 CLondon: A l t h o n e P r e s s , 1974), p. 69. 114.  The U n d e r s e c r e t a r y f o r F o r e i g n A f f a i r s a s s u r e d t h e i n e x p e r i e n c e d S t a n l e y t h a t t h e g u a r a n t e e "amounted t o n o t h i n g . " M i l l m a n , B r i t i s h F o r e i g n P o l i c y , p. 89. In commenting on D e r b y ' s " u n f o r t u n a t e " I n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f t h e g u a r a n t e e i n t h e House o f L o r d s , S t a n l e y w r o t e : "He r e p r e s e n t e d l t as n e a r l y w o r t h l e s s , w h i c h l t i s , but a l i t t l e more a m b i g u i t y a t t h i s moment would have been p r u d e n t . " J o u r n a l s and Memoirs o f L o r d S t a n l e y , p. 312.  115.  Howard, B r i t a i n  116.  H a n s a r d CCommons), 3 r d s e r i e s , 187:1920. Compare t h i s t o D i s r a e l i ' s s a r d o n i c r e p l y to the P r u s s i a n ambassador's c l a i m t h a t P r u s s i a d e s i r e d o n l y t o be l e f t I n p e a c e : "Yes, c e r t a i n l y . . . t e l l Count B i s m a r c k , t h a t we d o n ' t w i s h h e r [ P r u s s i a ] t o be d i s t u r b e d I n h e r d i g e s t i o n . " Mosse, The E u r o p e a n Powers, p. 295.  117.  I b i d . ; D.N. Raymond, B r i t i s h P o l i c y and O p i n i o n I n t h e F r a n c o - P r u s s i a n War CNew Y o r k : Longman's and G r e e n , 1921), p. 33.  118.  I t was t h r o u g h t h e B r i t i s h government t h a t t h e F r e n c h F o r e i g n M i n i s t e r i n i t i a t e d n e g o t i a t i o n s on disarmament w i t h P r u s s i a . C l a r e n d o n , however, r e m a i n e d s c e p t i c a l o f P r u s s i a ' s r o l e i n such a v e n t u r e : " H i s Majesty [King W i l l i a m ] does n o t d e s i r e war...but h i s army i s h i s i d o l , and he w i l l not l i s t e n t o any p r o p o s a l f o r i t s r e d u c t i o n . " QVL, 2nd s e r i e s , 11, p. 5.  119.  Mosse, The E u r o p e a n Powers, p. 388. The P r u s s i a n Crown P r i n c e s s wrote t o h e r mother soon a f t e r t h e war began, c l a i m i n g : " E n g l a n d c o u l d have and s h o u l d have p r e v e n t e d t h e war - by a r e b u k e and a t h r e a t t o t h e p a r t y who was t h e a g g r e s s o r . " QVL, 2nd s e r i e s , l i , pp. 79-80. M o r l e r a r g u e d t h a t E n g l a n d s h o u l d have o f f i c i a l l y b a c k e d P r u s s i a i n t h e war, as N a p o l e o n I I I would " n e v e r f a c e a c o a l i t i o n between E n g l a n d and Germany." Memo I r s , i l , p. 154. And i n p a r l i a m e n t t h e government was t a k e n t o t a s k on s e v e r a l o c c a s i o n s f o r not s p e a k i n g out a g a i n s t t h e war more e n e r g e t i c a l l y . H a n s a r d CCommons), 3 r d s e r i e s , 203:1299; 204:387-388. In h i s s t u d y o f B r i t i s h p o l i c y , M i l l m a n , like Mosse, a r g u e s t h a t E n g l a n d c o u l d not have p r e v e n t e d the war. B r i t i s h F o r e i g n P o l i c y , p. 198.  120.  QVL,  121.  Ibid.  122.  British  2nd  series,  and  11,  the  p.  Casus B e l l i ,  p.  73.  10.  S e s s i o n a l Papers,  70  C1870):2,  13.  153  123.  John Morley, L i f e of G l a d s t o n e , 1902), 11, p. 338-339.  124.  H a n s a r d CCommons), 3 r d s e r i e s , 203:343-347. Raymond a r g u e s t h a t t h i s must have been an u n c o m f o r t a b l e s e s s i o n f o r G l a d s t o n e : " I t must have been g a l l i n g t o s i t f e t t e r e d by t h e c h a i n s o f o f f i c e and h e a r t h e D l s r a e l l a n t h u n d e r a g a i n s t t h e F r e n c h Monarch who so w a n t o n l y d i s t u r b e d t h e peace o f E u r o p e . " B r i t i s h P o l i c y and O p i n i o n , p. 72.  125.  British  126.  A l t h o u g h Mosse c l a i m s t h a t C l a r e n d o n ' s "almost Incomprehensible n e g l i g e n c e had t h u s not a l i t t l e t o do w i t h t h e o u t b r e a k o f t h e war," he o f f e r s no e x p l a n a t i o n s f o r t h e a i l i n g F o r e i g n S e c r e t a r y ' s b e h a v i o r . Mosse, The E u r o p e a n Powers, p. 303, n. 1.  127.  QVL, 2nd s e r i e s , P o l i c y , p. 177.  128.  Raymond, B r i t i s h P o l i c y and O p i n i o n , p. 107. The Idealistic D i c e y , o f c o u r s e , a t t r i b u t e d P r u s s i a ' s v i c t o r y t o more t h a n J u s t t h e n e e d l e - g u n ; he saw P r u s s i a ' s h o m o g e n e i t y and e x c e l l e n t a d m 1 n s t r a t I o n c o n t r i b u t i n g t o a g e n u i n e sense o f n a t i o n a l c o n s c i o u s n e s s : " T h a t a n a t i o n i s a l w a y s more p o w e r f u l t h a n an army - t h i s , I t h i n k , Is t h e t r u e l e s s o n t o be l e a r n t from t h e war." "The Campaign i n Germany," M a c M l l l a n ' s Magazine 14 C1866): 386-394.  129.  Millman,  130.  A y e a r e a r l i e r C l a r e n d o n had a l s o n o t e d t h a t " i f F r a n c e a g g r e s s i v e , l t would do more t o cement Germany t o g e t h e r t h a n B i s m a r c k c o u l d a c h i e v e In f i v e y e a r s . " QVL, 2nd s e r i e s , i , pp. 624-626.  131.  The g o v e r n m e n t ' s r e s i g n a t i o n t o the f a c t o f t h i s l o n g - e x p e c t e d war Is e v i d e n t In G r a n v i l l e ' s d e c l a r a t i o n o f B r i t i s h n e u t r a l i t y : " I am c o n v i n c e d t h a t i n o r d e r t o m a i n t a i n t h e h o n o r o f t h i s c o u n t r y , and i n o r d e r t o be o f t h e g r e a t e s t use In r e s t o r i n g peace - o f such r e s t o r a t i o n i s p o s s i b l e - t h e b e s t c o u r s e we can p u r s u e Is i n words and i n a t t i t u d e t o m a i n t a i n a d i g n i f i e d and calm r e s e r v e . " H a n s a r d C L o r d s ) , 3 r d s e r i e s , 203:1056-1057.  132.  M o r i e r , Memo I r s , 11, p. 158. K i n g W i l l i a m c o m p l a i n e d t o Queen V i c t o r i a t h a t , " n o t w i t h s t a n d i n g E n g l a n d ' s declaration o f n e u t r a l i t y , h o r s e s , c o a l , and e v e n ammunition In t h e shape o f m i l l i o n s o f c a r t r i d g e s a r e b e i n g s h i p p e d t o F r a n c e from E n g l a n d . . . . T h i s g r i e v e s me d e e p l y . " QVL, 2nd s e r i e s , i l , pp. 50-52.  133.  British  S e s s i o n a l Papers,  British  li,  pp.  70  34-35; M i l l m a n ,  71  and  Co.,  C1870):68.  Foreign Policy,  S e s s i o n a l Papers,  CLondon: M a c M l l l a n  p.  British  Foreign  55.  C1870): 38-39,  77-81.  was  154  134.  The Queen and Mr. G l a d s t o n e , ed. by P h i l i p G u e d a l l a CLondon: Hodder and S t o u g h t o n , 1933), p. 277. Queen V i c t o r i a d i d , however, t e l e g r a p h K i n g W i l l i a m C w l t h G r a n v i l l e ' s b l e s s i n g ) , a s k i n g him "as a f r i e n d " i f he c o u l d "so shape h i s demands so as t o e n a b l e t h e F r e n c h t o a c c e p t them." QVL, 2nd s e r i e s , 1 1 , p. 71.  135.  D e r y c k S c h r e u d e r , " G l a d s t o n e as ' T r o u b l e m a k e r ' : F o r e i g n P o l i c y and t h e German A n n e x a t i o n o f A l s a c e - L o r r a i n e , 1870-1871," J o u r n a l o f B r i t i s h C1978):111. and  England,"  17  "Germany, F r a n c e C1870):550-572.  137.  Mosse, The  138.  Fltzmaurlce, Life  139.  Hansard  140.  A l t h o u g h t h e a g i n g " s a g e o f C h e l s e a " was w i d e l y c r i t i c i z e d f o r h i s extreme v i e w s on t h e c o n s e q u e n c e s o f F r a n c e ' s d e f e a t Csee Raymond, B r i t i s h P o l i c y and O p i n i o n , pp. 2 5 1 - 2 5 2 ) , D i s r a e l i ' s comments were much more b a l a n c e d : " T h i s war r e p r e s e n t t h e German r e v o l u t i o n - a g r e a t e r p o l i t i c a l event t h a t the French R e v o l u t i o n of the l a s t c e n t u r y . . . . not a s i n g l e p r i n c i p l e i n t h e management o f o u r f o r e i g n a f f a i r s , a c c e p t e d by a l l s t a t e s m e n f o r g u i d a n c e up t o s i x months ago, any l o n g e r e x i s t s . T h e r e I s not a d i p l o m a t i c t r a d i t i o n t h a t has n o t been swept away....The b a l a n c e o f power has been e n t i r e l y d e s t r o y e d , and t h e c o u n t r y w h i c h s u f f e r s most, and f e e l s t h e e f f e c t s o f t h e g r e a t change most, I s E n g l a n d . " H a n s a r d CCommons), 3 r d s e r i e s , 204:70.  141.  Ibid.,  142.  When t h e p o s t was v a c a n t I n 1865 and t h e F o r e i g n O f f i c e was l o o k i n g f o r a c a n d i d a t e , Punch s a r d o n i c a l l y r e m a r k e d , "We have hanged a l m o s t e v e r y b o d y f i t t o be s e n t t h e r e . " Hayes, Modern B r i t i s h F o r e i g n P o l i c y , p. 49.  143.  F u l f o r d , D e a r e s t Mama: L e t t e r s between Queen V i c t o r i a and t h e Crown P r i n c e s s o f P r u s s i a , 1861-1864, ed. by Roger F u l f o r d CLondon: Evans B r o s . , 1968), pp. 336-338; Your Dear L e t t e r , pp. 150-151.  144.  QVL, 2nd s e r i e s , i , pp. 461-466. In h i s p r i v a t e J o u r n a l , S t a n l e y r e m a r k e d t h a t t h e Queen's s u g g e s t i o n was " m a n i f e s t l y an i n t r i g u e a g a i n s t B i s m a r c k , c o n d u c t e d by t h e Crown P r i n c e s s . " J o u r n a l s and Memoirs o f L o r d S t a n l e y , p. 316.  of G r a n v i l l e ,  CCommons), 3 r d  cols.  series,  Review,  Studies,  136.  E u r o p e a n Powers, pp.  Edinburgh  Liberal  132  338-339. 1 1 , p.  63.  204:395.  438-439.  155  145.  I b i d . ; S e t o n - W a t s o n , B r i t a i n In E u r o p e , p. 487. M i l l m a n I n t e r p r e t e d S t a n l e y ' s r e j e c t i o n o f M o r l e r as p r o o f t h a t S t a n l e y was h i m s e l f "more German o r P r u s s i a n t h a n V i c t o r i a . " B r i t i s h F o r e i g n P o l i c y , p. 107.  has  CHAPTER 3 1.  See  Chapter 2  2.  T h i s b e l i e f amongst t h e B r i t i s h t h a t t h e i r p o l i t i c a l s y s t e m was i n c o m p a r a b l e r e s u l t e d i n a " c o n s c i o u s s u p e r i o r i t y and s e l f - c o n f i d e n c e which the f o r e i g n e r found e x c e s s i v e l y I r r i t a t i n g . " A.A.W. Ramsay, I d e a l i s m and F o r e i g n P o l i c y p. 6.  3.  D.R. Watson, "The B r i t i s h P a r l i a m e n t a r y System and t h e Growth o f C o n s t i t u t i o n a l Government In W e s t e r n E u r o p e , " In C . J . B a r t l e t t , ed. B r i t a i n P r e e m i n e n t CLondon: M a c M i l l a n , 1969) p. 101.  4.  R.M. M i l n e s , " R e f l e c t i o n s on the P o l i t i c a l S t a t e Germany," E d i n b u r g h Review, 89 C1849), 543.  5.  McClelland,  6.  Letters  7.  R.W. S e t o n - W a t s o n , B r i t a i n i n E u r o p e , 1789-1914 CLondon: Cambridge U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1945) p. 463.  8.  Fischer,  9.  G e o f f E l e y and D a v i d B l a c k b o u r n , German H i s t o r y , p. 78.  10.  T h i s idea t h a t i d e a l i s m c h a r a c t e r i z e d the B r i t i s h l i b e r a l s ' view o f Germany, a l t h o u g h f i r s t s u g g e s t e d by Ramsay, was l a t e r m o d i f i e d by P a u l Kennedy, who d e s c r i b e s B r i t i s h p o l i c y r e g a r d i n g Germany a f t e r 1864 as b e i n g shaped by c o n f l i c t between I d e a l i s t s and r e a l i s t s . " I d e a l i s t s and R e a l i s t s : B r i t i s h Views o f Germany, 1864-1939," T r a n s a c t i o n s o f the Royal H i s t o r i c a l S o c i e t y , 5th s e r i e s , 25 C1975), 137-155.  11.  Edward D i c e y , "The Campaign M a g a z i n e , 14 C1866), 387.  12.  QVL  13.  J o h n M o r l e y , " F r a n c e and Germany," F o r t n i g h t l y Review, 8 C1870), 370. Of t h i s t e n d e n c y t o assume t h a t E n g l i s h - s t y l e l i b e r a l d e v e l o p m e n t was I n e v i t a b l e , Ramsay w r o t e : " [ I ] n B r i t a i n the i d e a l form o f government was a c o n s t i t u t i o n a l  2nd  of  above.  The the  "The  German H i s t o r i a n s Prince  Consort,  L i b e r a l Image o f  Series,  i , p.  p.  and  England,  of  p.  131.  181.  German H i s t o r y , " The  p.  Peculiarities  In Germany,"  372. of  MacMlllan's  271.  156  o r l i m i t e d monarchy on t h e s t r i c t E n g l i s h s t y l e , and t h e B r i t i s h h a b i t u a l l y assumed t h a t a l l f o r e i g n s t a t e s w i t h L i b e r a l t e n d e n c i e s were moving In t h i s d i r e c t i o n . " I d e a l 1 s m and F o r e i g n P o l i c y p. 22. 14.  [Anonymous], " P o l i t i c a l R i g h t s o f t h e German P e o p l e , " F o r e i g n Q u a r t e r l y Review, 36 C1945), 168.  15.  R.M. M l l n e s , "The P o l i t i c a l S t a t e Review, 83 C1846), 224-225.  16.  Mllnes,  17.  QVL 1 s t S e r i e s ,  18.  Ibid.,  19.  Letters  of the Prince  20.  Morier,  Memoirs,  21.  F o l l o w i n g the f r i g h t e n i n g s p e c t a c l e o f P r u s s i a n - l e d armies b o m b a r d i n g P a r i s In 1871, t h i s d i s t i n c t i o n began t o be m o d i f i e d by many I n E n g l a n d , and was now made between P r u s s i a , " w h i c h was m i l i t a r i s t i c , r e a c t i o n a r y , and u n s c r u p u l o u s , and Germany, w h i c h was l i b e r a l , b o u r g e o i s and c u l t u r e d , I f only i t could r i d I t s e l f o f the poisonous I n f l u e n c e s o f t h e H o h e n z o l l e r n M a c h t s t a a t . " P a u l Kennedy, " I d e a l i s t s and R e a l i s t s : B r i t i s h Views o f Germany, 1864-1939," p. 141.  22.  Loftus,  23.  S i rAustin Layard, 1 C1867D, 291.  24.  M o r l e y , " F r a n c e and Germany," p. 370.  25.  Edward D i c e y , C1866), 487.  26.  F o r example A. E u b u l e - E v a n s , a l i b e r a l d i v i n e , a l s o q u e s t i o n e d Germany's s u p p o s e d l i b e r a l d e v e l o p m e n t . In e x a m i n i n g t h e h i s t o r y o f " c o n s t i t u t i o n a l Germany" from 1815 t o 1871, he c o n c l u d e d t h a t , "however changed may be t h e p r e s e n t p o s i t i o n o f Germany v i e w e d I n I t s I n t e r n a t i o n a l r e l a t i o n s , no p r o p o r t i o n a t e advance has been made I n I n t e r n a l development," e s p e c i a l l y In matters p e r t a i n i n g to c o n s t i t u t i o n a l change. " C o n s t i t u t i o n a l Germany," C o n t e m p o r a r y Review, 20 C1871), 839-853.  27.  M o r i e r , Memo I r s p. 370.  "Reflections  of P r u s s i a , " Edinburgh  on Germany," p. 540.  i l , p. 328.  p. 329. Consort,  p. 167.  1, p. 221.  Diplomatic  R e m i n i s c e n c e s , 2nd s e r i e s , "England's Place  1, p. 99.  In Europe," S t . Paul's,  "The New Germany," M a c M l l l a n ' s M a g a z i n e ,  14  1, p. 216; M o r l e y , " F r a n c e and Germany,"  157  28.  H e l n r l c h v o n S y b e l , "The German E m p i r e , " Review, 9 C1871D, 5.  29.  Paul  30.  Morler,  31.  I t was t h i s c o n c e r n w i t h n o t o n l y t h e ends b u t a l s o t h e means r e g a r d i n g German u n i f i c a t i o n w h i c h Queen V i c t o r i a was e x p r e s s i n g when she i n f o r m e d F r e d e r i c k W i l l i a m IV t h a t "Much would depend upon t h e manner w h i c h t h i s [new German] Power was r e p r e s e n t e d " among t h e powers o f E u r o p e . QVL, 1 s t S e r i e s , I I , p. 164.  32.  Mllnes,  33.  L e t t e r s o f the Prince Consort,  34.  Life  35.  D e a r e s t Mama: L e t t e r s between Queen V i c t o r i a and t h e Crown P r i n c e s s o f P r u s s i a , 1861-1864 e d . by R. F u l f o r d CLondon: Evans B r o s . , 1968), p. 5.  36.  Loftus, Diplomatic  37.  Layard,  "England's Place  38.  Mllnes,  " R e f l e c t i o n s on Germany," pp. 540-543.  39.  Morler,  Memo I r s ,  40.  Ibid.,  41.  Ibid.  Kennedy, The R i s e Memoirs,  Fortnightly  o f Anglo-German A n t a g o n i s m ,  pp. 7-8.  11, pp. 71-72.  " R e f l e c t i o n s on Germany," p. 552.  o f the Prince Consort,  pp. 169-170.  v, pp. 313-314.  Reminiscences,  2nd s e r i e s ,  1, p. 99.  i n E u r o p e , " pp. 290-291.  1, p. 393.  p. 180.  42.  Morler,  Memo I r s ,  i . pp. 401-402.  43.  Seton-Watson,  44.  Dearest  45.  D a v i d Masson, "The P r u s s i a n C o n t e s t and t h e F r e n c h Emperor's Roman P o l i c y , " M a c M l l l a n ' s M a g a z i n e , 7 C1862), 76.  46.  [Anonymous], "The P o l i t i c a l R e c o n s t r u c t i o n W e s t m i n s t e r Review, 97 C1872), 344-345.  47.  A r c h i b a l d A l i s o n , "The R e v o l u t i o n M a g a z i n e , 63 C1848), 652.  48.  The u s e o f o r g a n i c m e t a p h o r s , so common t o B r i t i s h d e s c r i p t i o n s o f t h e i r own p o l i t i c a l s y s t e m , was c a r r i e d  Britain  In E u r o p e ,  p.  463.  Mama, pp. 128-129.  o f Germany,"  i n Europe,"  Blackwood's  158  o v e r i n t o t h e i r t r e a t m e n t o f P r u s s i a n p o l i t i c s . In d i s c u s s i n g t h i s i s s u e o f p r e p a r e d n e s s , B r i t i s h w r i t e r s were f o n d o f u s i n g t h e image o f " s o l i " Into which c o n s t i t u t i o n a l / p a r l i a m e n t a r y " r o o t s " needed t o be sunk i n o r d e r t o s u r v i v e . M o r i e r , whose p r o s e was e x c e p t i o n a l l y e l o q u e n t , f u r n i s h e s b u t one example o f t h i s , as he d e s c r i b e d t h e P r o v i n c i a l E s t a t e s o f P r u s s i a , I n t r o d u c e d by F r e d e r i c k W i l l i a m I I I , as "a p a r a s i t i c a l p l a n t f o r c e d a r t i f i c i a l l y o v e r t h e naked masonry o f t h e o f f i c i a l system, and t e n d e d t o c l u s t e r g r a c e f u l l y about l t , b u t u n a b l e t o a f f o r d i t s u p p o r t , o r d e r i v e n o u r i s h m e n t from i t . . . . D u r i n g the t w e n t y - o d d y e a r s o f I t s e x i s t e n c e i t n e v e r s t r u c k r o o t . " Memo I r s 1, p. 213. See a l s o n o t e 96 below. 49.  Morier,  50.  S i r R o b e r t M o r i e r , "The R e c o n s t r u c t i o n B r i t i s h Review, 50 C1869), 285-286.  51.  Letters  52.  [Anonymous], " A u s t r i a and P r u s s i a Nationalities," B r i t i s h Quarterly  53. 54.  Memoirs,  11, 72.  of the Prince  Consort,  188-189.  - M o n a r c h i e s v. Review, 14 C1851},  Onno K l o p p , " P r u s s i a and t h e Gotha P a r t y , " Review, 1 C1864D, 104-105. J o h n O'Hagan, "The M i n i s t e r i a l  F o r e i g n Review, 1 C1864D,  55.  pp.  o f Germany," N o r t h  570.  Crisis  282.  Home and F o r e i g n  i n P r u s s i a , " Home and  M o r i e r , "The R e c o n s t r u c t i o n o f Germany," pp. 285-286. S y b e l too r e g a r d e d t h a t t h e r e l a t i v e youth o f p a r l i a m e n t a r y I n s t i t u t i o n s In P r u s s i a as a h a n d i c a p , a s t h e b r i e f p e r i o d d u r i n g w h i c h t h e y had e x i s t e d was " t o o s h o r t t o a f f o r d t h e population of a country a p r a c t i c a l t r a i n i n g for p a r l i a m e n t a r y g o v e r n m e n t . " S y b e l , "The German E m p i r e , " p.  13.  56.  [Anonymous], "The P o l i t i c a l  341  Reconstruction  o f Germany," p.  57.  Martin,  58.  [Anonymous], " A u s t r i a  59.  R o b e r t C e c i l , " P o l i t i c a l L e s s o n s o f t h e War," Q u a r t e r l y Review, 13 C18713, 274-275.  60.  Martin,  61.  J o h n O'Hagan, "The M i n i s t e r i a l  62.  Morier,  Life  Life  o f the Prince  1,  I, pp.  452-453.  and P r u s s i a , " p. 280.  of the Prince  Memo I r s ,  Consort,  177.  Consort,  I, p. 547.  Crisis,"  p. 570.  159  63.  Ibid.  64.  I b i d . , p.  312.  65.  I b i d . , p.  361.  66.  D i c e y , "The New Germany," p. 487. D i c e y a l s o s u g g e s t s t h a t l t was j u s t as w e l l t h a t s u c h a t e s t was n e v e r made, f o r even at the h e i g h t of the c o n s t i t u t i o n a l c o n f l i c t t h e r e was " n e v e r t h e s l i g h t e s t t a l k o f any d i s r u p t i o n o f the monarchy." D i c e y , "The Campaign In Germany," p. 288.  67.  M o r l e r , Memoirs, 11, Prussia," p. 284.  68.  M l l n e s was a c u r i o u s e x c e p t i o n t o t h i s , as he saw In t h e c h a r a c t e r o f t h e P r u s s i a n monarchy much o f what the B r i t i s h saw In t h e i r s . Hence he d i d not c o n s i d e r Prussian monarchlsm an o b s t a c l e t o l i b e r a l r e f o r m i n P r u s s i a : "A c o n s t i t u t i o n a l K i n g o f P r u s s i a has none o f t h a t a n c e s t r a l m a j e s t y t o abandon, w h i c h might have made the r u l e r s o f France, or Spain, or A u s t r i a c l i n g f a s t to a b s o l u t i s t t r a d i t i o n s . The p r o u d r e c o l l e c t i o n s o f h i s f o r e f a t h e r s a r e a l l p e r s o n a 1... and w h i c h , u n d e r c o n s t i t u t i o n a l forms o f government, p r e s e r v e t o t h e Crown a s a f e r and more l e g i t i m a t e a u t h o r i t y t h a n c o u l d , p e r h a p s , be e x e r c i s e d In c o u n t r i e s where the t h r o n e has been r a t h e r the o b j e c t o f f e a r t h a n o f l o v e , o f b l i n d homage t h a n o f r a t i o n a l r e g a r d . " M l l n e s , "The P o l i t i c a l S t a t e o f P r u s s i a , " pp. 231-232.  69.  S y b e l , d i s t r a u g h t by the s t a l e m a t e w h i c h had d e v e l o p e d i n the c o n s t i t u t i o n a l c o n f l i c t , hoped t h a t " l t might be t h a t we s h o u l d have t h e good f o r t u n e , l i k e t h a t o f t h e E n g l i s h In 1688 In the P r i n c e o f Orange, [ o f ] a s p i l t In the l e a d i n g c i r c l e s t h e m s e l v e s ; f o r example, a d e c l a r a t i o n o f t h e Crown P r i n c e f o r t h e c o n s t i t u t i o n . " A n d e r s o n , The S o c i a l and P o l i t i c a l C o n f l i c t i n P r u s s i a , 1858-1864, p. 237.  70.  [Anonymo u s ] , "The C1863), 418.  71.  [Anonymous], " A u s t r i a  72.  [Anonymous], " F r a n c e C1871), 206-207.  73.  Morler,  74.  [Anonymous],  75.  O t t o P f l a n z e d e s c r i b e s t h i s t r a n s i t i o n from an army c o n f l i c t t o a c o n s t i t u t i o n a l c o n f l i c t as t a k i n g p l a c e  pp.  114-115;  Prussian and and  [Anonymous], " A u s t r i a  Crisis,"  Magazine,  68  Germany," W e s t m i n s t e r Review,  95  Prussia,"  Fraser's  and  p.  290.  o  Memo I r s ,  1,  p.  "Austria  304. and  P r u s s i a , " p.  309.  in  160  September, 1862. B i s m a r c k and t h e Development o f Germany: The P e r i o d o f U n i f i c a t i o n , 1815-1871 C P r i n c e t o n : P r i n c e t o n U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1963}, p. 171. 76.  Masson, "The P r u s s i a n  77.  Wrote one o b s e r v e r : " I n c o n s i d e r i n g t h e b e h a v i o r o f t h e K i n g , one c a n n o t h e l p b e i n g s t r u c k w i t h t h e s i m i l a r i t y , w h i c h may be t r a c e d , between James S t u a r t and C h a r l e s , and t h e l a t e and p r e s e n t K i n g s o f P r u s s i a . " [Anonymous], "The P r u s s i a C r i s i s , " p. 416.  78.  Masson, "The P r u s s i a n  79.  Cecil,  80.  Masson, "The P r u s s i a n C o n t e s t , " p. 76. Among s u c h "wrongs" was t h e " s y s t e m a t i c and l o n g - c o n t i n u e d r e p r e s s i o n s o f many o f t h e v a r i o u s l i b e r t i e s and j u s t d e s i r e s o f an i n t e l l i g e n t and w e l l - e d u c a t e d n a t i o n . "  81.  O'Hagan, "The M i n i s t e r i a l  82.  Klopp,  83.  [Anonymous], "The P r u s s i a n C r i s i s , "  84.  Masson, "The P r u s s i a n  85.  D e a r e s t C h i l d : L e t t e r s Between Queen V i c t o r i a and t h e P r i n c e s s R o y a l , 1858-1861, e d . by R. F u l f o r d . CLondon: Evans B r o s . , 1964), p. 19.  86.  Masson, "The P r u s s i a n  87.  Morier,  88.  Ibid.,  89.  M l l n e s , "The P o l i t i c a l S t a t e , " p. 231. M l l n e s h e l d t h a t , b e c a u s e o f t h e need t o e n t r u s t " l a r g e and d i s t i n c t p o w e r s " t o l o c a l i n t e r e s t s , t h e A m e r i c a n example might p r o v e most a p p l i c a b l e to P r u s s i a .  90.  [Anonymous],  91.  M o r i e r i s c e r t a i n l y t h e b e s t example o f s u c h e n l i g h t e n e d o b s e r v e r s o f Germany. F o r example, i n commenting on t h e d i f f i c u l t i e s w h i c h t h e Grand Duke o f Baden e n c o u n t e r e d I n e x p r e s s i n g h i m s e l f on p o l i t i c a l i s s u e s , M o r i e r r e m a r k e d t h a t anyone I n Germany who becomes " p o s s e s s e d o f l i b e r a l i d e a s " does so by s u c h " p e r f e c t l y d i f f e r e n t a v e n u e s and s u c h p e r f e c t l y d i f f e r e n t t r a i n s o f t h o u g h t from t h o s e w h i c h a r e used by u s , whose l u n g s have been f i l l e d w i t h f r e e a i r  "Political  Contest,"  Contest,"  Lessons,"  p. 75.  p. 76.  pp. 267-268.  Crisis  i n P r u s s i a , " p. 570  " P r u s s i a and t h e Gotha P a r t y , " p. 105.  Memo I r s ,  Contest,"  Contest,"  p. 417.  pp. 75-76.  p. 76.  I , 181.  p. 215.  " A u s t r i a and P r u s s i a , ! ' pp. 272-274.  161 /  e v e r s i n c e we c o u l d b r e a t h e a t a l l , t h a t l t I s o f t e n v e r y d i f f i c u l t t o t r a c e t h e p r o c e s s by w h i c h t h e common g o a l has been a t t a i n e d . " Memo I r s , 1, p. 243. 92.  Relnhold P a u l i , "Prussia 83 C1871D, 216-217.  93.  K. H l l d e b r a n d , " P r o s p e c t s o f L i b e r a l i s m F o r t n i g h t l y Review, 10 C1871), 389-390,  94.  I b i d . , pp. 391, 413-418.  95.  H l l d e b r a n d f e l t t h a t i t was t h r o u g h t h i s d e v e l o p m e n t o f I n d i g e n o u s i d e a s t h a t emerged t h e c o n s t i t u t i o n a l law o f t h e W e s t e r n h e m i s p h e r e ' s t h r e e "most d u r a b l e " s t a t e s - Rome, V e n i c e a n d E n g l a n d : " T h e i r i n s t i t u t i o n s were n o t t h e work of conscious r e f l e c t i o n o r o f a f o r c i b l e a c t o f the w i l l ; t h e i r o r i g i n was n a t u r a l and t h e i r d e v e l o p m e n t t h e r e s u l t o f t h e changes which s u c c e s s i v e e v e n t s g r a d u a l l y brought a b o u t In f a c t s and I n t e r e s t s , r a t h e r t h a n i n t h e r e a l i s a t i o n o f a b s t r a c t Ideas and p r e c o n c e i v e d t h e o r i e s . " I b i d . , p. 414.  96.  Morler,  97.  Dicey,  98.  See n o t e 25 above.  99.  S i m i l a r t o B u r k e ' s o b j e c t i o n s were t h o s e o f Onno K l o p p , t h e H a n o v e r i a n c o n s e r v a t i v e who r a i l e d a g a i n s t t h e " v u l g a r l i b e r a l i s m " o f t h e Gotha p a r t y i n Germany: "They l o o k t o E n g l a n d as t h e model t o be i m i t a t e d ; and h e r e i n l i e s t h e g r e a t p o l i t i c a l and h i s t o r i c a l e r r o r o f t h e p a r t y , w h i c h r e s e m b l e s t h a t o f t h e F r e n c h l i b e r a l s i n 1790....The Gotha p a r t y Imagine t h a t t h e s e l f - g o v e r n i n g b o d i e s c a n be r e p l a c e d b y e l e c t i o n s a c c o r d i n g t o m a j o r i t i e s , o r some new scheme o f government unknown t o t h e t r a d i t i o n s , and n o t f o u n d e d upon t h e m a t e r i a l s , w h i c h t h e c o u n t r y has p r e s e r v e d . " " P r u s s i a a n d t h e Gotha P a r t y , " pp. 104-105.  100.  M l l n e s whole a n a l y s i s o f t h e 1848 r e v o l u t i o n s h i n g e d upon t h i s v e r y i s s u e , w h i c h he expounded i n t h e f o l l o w i n g manner: "Men have been so a c c u s t o m e d t o s p e a k i n g o f n a t i o n s being prepared f o r l i b e r a l i n s t i t u t i o n s before they obtain them, o f s o m e t h i n g w h i c h was t o be t h e i n s t r u c t i o n a n d t h e d i s c i p l i n e , o f t h e p o l i t i c a l catechumen, o f some m o r a l and I n t e l l e c t u a l f o u n d a t i o n t o be l a i d , upon w h i c h t h e p o l i t i c a l e d i f i c e was t o r i s e i n p r o p o r t i o n a t e a n d o r d e r l y b e a u t y , t h a t l t I s w e l l t h a t so c l e a r an example has been e x h i b i t e d o f t h e competency o f any but p o l i t i c a l c u l t u r e t o a d a p t mankind t o t h e d u t i e s a n d c a p a c i t i e s o f p o l i t i c a l l i f e . The o l d a n a l o g y o f l e a r n i n g t o swim w i t h o u t g o i n g i n t o t h e w a t e r r e m a i n s a c c u r a t e l y c o r r e c t . . . . N e l t h e r man  Memo I r s ,  1,  p.  and Germany," F r a s e r ' s  Magazine,  i n Germany," 398-399.  181.  "The New Germany," pp. 485,  487.  162  n o r a c t i o n can be t a u g h t s e l f c o n t r o l and t h e c o n d i t i o n s w h i c h t h e r e s u l t i s o b t a i n e d a r e as c o m p l i c a t e d and as m y s t e r i o u s , i n t h e n a t i o n a l , as i n t h e i n d i v i d u a l mind." " R e f l e c t i o n s on Germany," p. 538. 101.  [Anonymous], " A u s t r i a and  102.  Morier,  103.  [Anonymous], "The  104.  Ibid.  Memoirs,  1,  pp.  P r u s s i a , " p.  by  284.  315-315.  Prussian C r i s i s , "  L e t t e r s of the  106.  Morier,  107.  [Anonymous], "The P o l i t i c a l R e c o n s t r u c t i o n o f Germany," p. 334. O n l y a few r e a l i s t s , l i k e L o r d S a l i s b u r y , were p r e p a r e d t o a c c e p t t h a t , i n P r u s s i a a t l e a s t , i t was most o p p o r t u n e t h a t a m i n i s t e r d i d " n o t depend f o r h i s o f f i c i a l e x i s t e n c e upon t h e n i g h t l y c a p r i c e s o f a p o p u l a r a s s e m b l y . " C e c i l , " P o l i t i c a l L e s s o n s o f t h e War," pp. 276-277. C o n s c i o u s o f the f a c t t h a t the B r i t i s h r e g a r d e d the absence o f s u c h a law as a p o l i t i c a l v i c e , P r u s s i a n l i b e r a l s t h e m s e l v e s J u s t i f i e d t h i s s i t u a t i o n on t h e g r o u n d s t h a t l t had "grown up h i s t o r i c a l l y , " t h a t l t e x p r e s s e d t h e " a c t u a l s i t u a t i o n , " and t h a t l t c o r r e s p o n d e d "on t h e whole w i t h p u b l i c o p i n i o n " ; i n s h o r t , t h a t I t was b a s e d on the §_ p o s t e r i o r i experiences of P r u s s i a h e r s e l f . P a u l i , " P r u s s i a and Germany," p. 217. S y b e l J u s t i f i e d t h e a b s e n c e o f p a r l i a m e n t a r y government I n t h e new German R e i c h on t h e f o l l o w i n g g r o u n d s : " P a r l i a m e n t a r y government means t h e government o f t h e m a j o r i t y , f o r t h e t i m e b e i n g , o f t h e R e p r e s e n t a t i v e s o f the People. It Is e s s e n t i a l , t h e r e f o r e , t o I t s e x i s t e n c e t h a t t h e r e s h o u l d be a homogenous m a j o r i t y I n t h e p a r l i a m e n t , and t h a t l t s h o u l d be a b l e t o form a m i n i s t r y from I t s own members. Now b o t h t h e s e requirements have h i t h e r t o been w a n t i n g lri Germany, and I see ,no p r o s p e c t , a t p r e s e n t , o f t h e want b e i n g s p e e d i l y s u p p l i e d . " "The German E m p i r e , " p. 12.  108.  [Anonymous], " R e v o l u t i o n and Counter-Revolution," W e s t m i n s t e r Review, 55 C1851), 92-93.  Reconstruction  pp.  418.  105.  "The  Prince Consort  p.  354-355.  o f Germany," p.  286.  Conclusions 1.  Ramsay,  I d e a l i s m and  2.  Dahrendorf,  Foreign Policy,  S o c i e t y and  Democracy  pp.  218-219.  I n Germany, p.  15.  163  3.  E.H.Carr, 97-98.  What  Is History?  4.  Dahrendorf,  5.  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