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Resonant and dissonant voices in the social landscape : the dynamics of a community economic development… Ree, Scott Alexander 1989

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RESONANT AND DISSONANT VOICES IN THE SOCIAL LANDSCAPE: THE DYNAMICS OF A COMMUNITY ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT DISCOURSE By SCOTT ALEXANDER REE B.A., The U n i v e r s i t y of V i c t o r i a , 1983 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS i n THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES School of Community and Regional Planning We accept t h i s t h e s i s as conforming to the r e q u i r e d standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA March 1989 @ Scott Alexander Ree, 1989 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Department The University of British Columbia Vancouver, Canada Date DE-6 (2/88) ABSTRACT This thesis i s about the enabling and disabling role played by s i g n i f y i n g systems such as language and discourse in processes of s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l change. A Community Economic Development discourse provides an example which i l l u s t r a t e s t h i s role. Central to the thesis is a supposition that as s o c i a l beings we are situated in formative relations, webs of s i g n i f i c a t i o n which are constructed through s o c i o - h i s t o r i c a l processes. These relations enable communication, association, ident i t y , and s o c i a l order, but as they are the product of exclusory processes, they are highly p o l i t i c a l ; they make our l i v e s meaningful but also powerful. Positions of domination and subordination can be formed and sustained in the exercise of order. Systems of s i g n i f i c a t i o n play an important role in shaping and reshaping formative relations, in structuring the s o c i a l landscape, by producing and reproducing meaning and knowledge. Meaning and knowledge aff e c t thought and action through selective l e g i t i m i z a t i o n . Sign systems, therefore, are never innocent, despite often appearing as though natural. These systems give meaning to and yet d i s t o r t l i v e d experience; they present arb i t r a r y associations as truth. In th i s way statements that people make are never e n t i r e l y separate from value systems, or from dynamics of power in society. These statements may, innocently or not, reproduce the prevailing s i g n i f i c a t i o n s and help sustain dominant and subordinant positions. Hence writers cannot disassociate themselves from the formative relations and strategies of control in which they are embedded, or from the power and influence of their work. This structuring process, however, is not complete. We are not t o t a l l y at the mercy of dominant c u l t u r a l patterns and imposed s i g n i f i c a t i o n s and meanings. To produce one must exclude. So there remain reserved and uncultivated spaces in the s o c i a l landscape. There are resistant texts and counter-discourses, there i s noise outside of order. This noise i n s i t e s and disrupts resonating currents. Disruption may force a break in formative relations and a change in the landscape. Community economic development provides an example of the effects of s i g n i f y i n g systems. In this thesis, fi v e p o s i t i o n a l characterizations are presented from statements about CED. These characterizations show that there are dissonant voices that challenge the dominant s i g n i f i c a t i o n s . Yet we also see the resonating power of myth, of dominant discourse, that transforms noise into order. i i TABLE OF CONTENTS page PREFACE. i v ACKNOWLEDGEMENT v i CHAPTER ONE: CITY NOISES: RESONANT AND DISSONANT VOICES 1 CHAPTER TWO: VOICES AT THE TABLE: A CED DISCOURSE 10 A. P o s i t i o n One: The S e r f ' s 11 B. P o s i t i o n Two: The Steward's 18 C. P o s i t i o n Three: The M i n s t r e l ' s 22 D. P o s i t i o n Four: The L o c a l Merchant's or Tax C o l l e c t o r ' s 28 E. P o s i t i o n F i v e : The Lord's 33 CHAPTER THREE: MEAL PREPARATIONS: MYTHICAL STORIES 39 A. Community Economic Development: Movement Without Change 41 B. Community Economic Development: The Real & The Imaginary 47 C. The C o n s t r u c t i o n of R e a l i t y 50 D. Language & R e a l i t y 52 E. Symbols & R e a l i t y 56 F. The P r o d u c t i v e Process & Power 59 G. Reproductive S t r a t e g i e s 63 H. The P r o d u c t i v e Process & I t s D i s c o n t e n t s 74 CHAPTER FOUR: THE MAIN MEAL 82 A. Reproductive Processes and CED 82 I. The Myths of Community & Development 85 I I . Signs of Support 87 I I I . Signs of D i s c o n t e n t 101 SELECTIVE BIBLIOGRAPHY. 109 PREFACE In the following thesis I have chosen to use in places a writing style that i s unconventional for a planning thesis. To what extent does this impair or enhance communication? As required by my thesis committee, t h i s preface i s included to address t h i s issue. One view is that an unconventional style may in fact l i m i t communication by not o f f e r i n g the reader enough comfort through f a m i l i a r i t y . I am of the opinion that following convention to too great an extent not only l i m i t s creative processes and makes for uninteresting reading, but more importantly i t l i m i t s the very expression of d i f f e r e n t points of view and ways of seeing the world. In short, t h i s results because the acts of writing and reading are highly complex a f f a i r s which are never free from the s o c i a l , economic, and p o l i t i c a l forces operating in a society. More on these forces can be found in the body of the text. For now l e t me offer a number of reasons why I have chosen the style employed in the thesis. F i r s t , the style I use, perhaps a style more common in the writing of l i t e r a t u r e , is not bound to the same degree by the conventions of s o c i a l science, such as the linear presentation of information or an adherence to only the h i s t o r i c a l l y retracted concerns of a given d i s c i p l i n e . As such, this style permits me greater freedom to span the breadth and complexity of l i f e . Also, i t allows me to incorporate into the text a wider range of voices and perspectives and to express d i f f e r e n t ways of knowing without the same tests of v a l i d i t y that at present s t i l l place l i m i t s on research in the s o c i a l sciences. Of course there are conventions to any kind of writing, and no s t y l e , mine or any other, i s innocent of judgement or value free; some things are presented and emphasized and others excluded. Second, the style I employ i s more overtly metaphorical. For metaphor i s one device by which a writer can provoke the readers to consider alternative ways of looking at the world. I f , as Nietzsche suggested, truths are only the acceptance of metaphorical insights as r e a l , then the approach I take is to use new metaphors to loosen the hold of old ones, to present with metaphor d i f f e r e n t relationships and hence di f f e r e n t ways of looking at new as well as old concerns and concepts. F i n a l l y , i t i s my hope that by so using the style chosen I may more f u l l y display the art of writing i t s e l f , in an e f f o r t to draw the reader's attention to the acts of writing and reading as a r t i s t i c as well as functional and p o l i t i c a l a f f a i r s . i v In regards to the aim of the t h e s i s , I t r y to i d e n t i f y and re-present the messages r e c e i v e d from statements people make about community economic development, and then examine how these messages operate i n d i f f e r e n t s o c i a l c i r c l e s . My hope i s that perhaps people w i l l be more r e f l e c t i v e of communication processes i f they r e a l i z e how t h e i r statements are r e c e i v e d and the kinds of messages t h e i r statements c a r r y . My concern f o r t h i s i s s u e arose while employed f o r a p e r i o d of four months as a community economic development worker i n B r i t i s h Columbia. During that time I n o t i c e d that people were saying the same t h i n g , they were using the same terms, but meaning something q u i t e d i f f e r e n t . To communicate, these d i f f e r e n c e s were not always made e x p l i c i t and t h i s o f t e n d i v e r t e d an i n i t i a l set of o b j e c t i v e s . v ACKNOWLEDGEMENT This work, while labeled as the mark of one, is more the result of a stimulating and supportive s o c i a l environment. Dr. Henry Hightower offered warmly his wisdom and friendship. Dr. David Ley encouraged c r e a t i v i t y while keeping my passions directed towards research of quality and exactness. Professor Shelagh Lindsey provided a constant source of r e f l e c t i o n and positiv e c r i t i q u e . From my UBC colleagues, who were always ready with a frie n d l y word, a compassionate ear, or a warm cup of tea, I drew great i n s p i r a t i o n , advice, support, and comfort. In pa r t i c u l a r , the Monday Group brightened many dark and dreary Vancouver days, and 2nd floor W.M. Annex compatriots made late nights and weekends bearable. I extend special thanks to Mike Beazley, Doug Konrad, Karen Hemmingson, and Glen A l l i s o n , who kindly commented on e a r l i e r drafts of the thesis, and to "professor" Raz, who lent me his thinking space while on sabbatical. My gratitude and esteem i s also extended to Norman Dale. Norman f i r s t opened my eyes to the power of naming and framing, and to the p o s s i b i l i t y of disempowering i n s t i t u t i o n a l arrangements. Many people outside the university gates generously offered information and ideas. In respect of their privacy I leave them unnamed but remembered in appreciation. Most importantly, these e f f o r t s express in but a small way the love and friendship I share with Izumi, to whom I dedicate t h i s thesis. F i n a l l y , I would be d e r e l i c t i f I did not mention that I alone am responsible for a l l mistakes and exclusions. vi 1 CHAPTER ONE: CITY NOISES Noise! I l i v e in a c i t y . Messages reverberate and echo amongst the cement monuments which symbolize, now globally, the "modern" landscape and an instance of control and order. It i s the p o s t - i n d u s t r i a l age, the age of information flows and specialized high-tech development. And i t is an age where the mass movement of i n d u s t r i a l output and information helps sculpture the s o c i a l landscape. Yet too i t is an age of turbulence—thermodynamics and entropy. Buildings decay and crumble; panels s h o r t - c i r c u i t ; power plants explode; useful output becomes useless waste--disorder prevails as time moves i r r e v e r s i b l y on. Voices of resentment sound: modernity has come to f u l l f r u i t i o n . Some say, in dramatic fashion, the frenzied cadence s i g n i f i e s the f i n a l act of the modern epic, post-modernity, before an explosion or implosion of the s o c i a l landscape and perhaps reformulation. Or worse, i t i s the f i r s t rumblings of a thunderous explosion of the physical environment. The gods r e v i l e modernity's b e l i e f in i t s own omnipotence. The promise of modernity l i e s shattered amidst the s o c i a l and physical despoilment which marks the power of myth. A power s t i l l evident in these sounds of resentment. Others suggest i t indicates a time of re s t l e s s waiting or absence. It is the i r o n i c r e l a t i o n between the modern ethos' desire for transformation, assent, even transcendence, 2 and the modern consciousness' clear realization--from i t s unbending and deductive pursuit of the truth about personal e x i s t e n c e — t h a t no transcendence i s possible, and that i t s self-image i s d i s t a s t e f u l . So l i f e becomes "change for change sake" and " k i l l i n g time." And at the same time i t i s a comfort seeking escape: in the g l i t t e r of shopping malls; in the reassuring words of commercial evangelism; or in a f l i g h t to a nostalgic "l o s t unity", or just the idealized "good old days". The medical profession seeks a magical e l i x i r . And neo-traditional architecture, with a "community" and "small town" design format, warm and secure the urban landscape for those who can pay. Abruptly I hear the loud tumultuous voices of complacency. These are the voices of self-proclaimed gods; the voices of those who s t i l l re-present as truth the myths that trace modernity. But time has eroded the foundations on which these truths were erected. Contradictions abound, many r a t t l i n g the very construct of "modern man". So perhaps the voices heard signal the fading sounds of a contemporary Tower of Babel, a f a l t e r i n g hegemonic discourse that continues to speak of l i b e r t y and freedom in a world that must constantly work to exclude and colonize for i t s very perpetuation. I turn, now voices echo f a i n t l y of a slow s o c i e t a l change. Not the.outcome of expiration or explosion, not the window dressing of restless waiting, and not controlled, progressive evolution. But rather this change i s a departure 3 of sorts--as a t r a v e l l e r , weary of the sights, smells, and sounds, moves randomly on. These are melodious sounds that c a l l for change by way of opening to p o s s i b i l i t y and difference through the music of cooperation, communication, understanding, and peace. It is a reserved beat of hope in the naked l i g h t of f a i l e d twentieth century attempts' at self-determined s o c i e t a l restructuring. And i t seems an odd mix of l o c a l rhythms. As I l i s t e n a smile comes to my face. In another d i r e c t i o n , another message. But i t s meaning escapes me. Perhaps i t i s of a language I do not know. I hear so many sounds as I stand, or I should say under-stand in deference to the god's f u l l knowing and human imperfection, at this one point in the so c i a l labyrinth. It is a space distinguished in part by i t s own i n t r i n s i c p e c u l i a r i t y but also i t s r e l a t i o n a l context. A polyphony? A symphony? A cacophony? It i s a constant bombardment. It encourages me to escape, through an auricular adjustment-or through a mental withdrawal to a more serene place and time. I r e s i s t wearing masks of im p a r t i a l i t y or autonomy and move on through the streets, walking soberly in the r i g i d shadows of o f f i c e towers, past fancy store fronts: their windows marking time--and, to some, progress—with an a r t f u l display of the la t e s t trinkets and trends. Wind howls down the lanes blowing up soot and garbage not hidden from sight--an increasing symbol of t h i s landscape. A beggar stands faceless to the many who deny his and escape their own r e a l i t y . Ahead, members of the 4 growing number of homeless seek another n i g h t ' s s h e l t e r from the elements; they merge with the wasted d e b r i s . What i s t h e i r understanding of progress? T h e i r v o i c e s are not heard. I turn a c o r n e r : d i s c o n t i n u i t y . Messages are now b l u r r e d . My own noise confuses. V o i c e s , s i g n s , words, meanings, m u l t i p l i c i t y . Wait! As I wander more d i s t i n g u i s h a b l e sounds emerge from the flow. The n o i s e grows louder as I draw near. I t expands to f i l l my head. In the process, the clamour that was c i t y - l i f e fades to a background hum. E x c l u s i o n opens t h i s enquiry. Under a time worn awning, i l l u m i n a t e d i n the amber glow of a s t r e e t lamp are seated a number of somewhat d i s h e v e l e d c h a r a c t e r s . T h e i r lack of order, t h e i r i n t e n s e and c a p t i v e looks, the impatient edge to t h e i r v o i c e s , and a t a b l e strewn with c o f f e e mugs s i g n a l s a heated and d i f f i c u l t d i s c u s s i o n . Messages are exchanged. The flow i s unbalanced. D i s p a r i t y marks the genesis of r e l a t i o n s . There i s d i f f e r e n c e and d i v i s i o n as there i s agreement and u n i t y . I n c l u s i o n and e x c l u s i o n . The s t a t i c of d i f f e r e n c e opens the system. Boundaries c o l l a p s e and reform: t r a n s f o r m a t i o n . The p a r a s i t i c o p e r a t o r 1 i s p r e s e n t . 1 The r o l e of the p a r a s i t e , as used in t h i s t e x t , c o i n c i d e s with the d e s c r i p t i o n presented by M i c h e l Serres i n The P a r a s i t e . As such, i t i s both the atom of a r e l a t i o n and the p r o d u c t i o n of a change i n t h i s r e l a t i o n . Thus the p a r a s i t e enables an ordered system of r e l a t i o n s , based on an e x c l u s i o n , but i t too causes a change in t h i s system, because (continued...) 5 I approach as innocuously as possible. Feigning detachment I s i t quietly at another t a b l e — s t i l l within earshot. Though external to their immediate conversation, I am now no longer a passer-by, part of the outside world. I have become an intruder into their space and discourse and my presence disrupts and transforms. Perhaps as I l i s t e n I do not understand. There are l o c a l customs and unspoken messages, and always there i s my capriciousness: my own noise. Also, with my a r r i v a l there i s hesitation and greater s e l e c t i v i t y to already selective words. Messages do not flow freely and information i s reserved. There i s purpose to t h i s meeting and, disinterested or not, a stranger makes the so c i a l environment uncomfortable. S t i l l , their discussion continues; as a parasite, I l i s t e n more a t t e n t i v e l y . To say everything and nothing, their's i s a discourse on community economic development (CED). What I mean i s that these words, conjoined, represent and evoke, in ways often c o n f l i c t i n g , a wide variety of concepts and practices. Thus i t i s a noisy discourse which, I quickly learn, has in the las t few years resonated. As a polyphony of sounds i t has f i l l e d l o c a l meeting places, the hallways of academia, the 1(...continued) that which was excluded i s always closely situated and ready to interrupt and disrupt. Interruption can bring the end of the system or cause i t to transform into a more complex order (for more on the role of the parasite see Chapter Three, pg.79-81). 6 chambers of government, the conference rooms of international gatherings, and the l i v i n g spaces that are home to the squawk-box. It has also worked i t s e l f into the fibres of documents, journals, publications, books, and term-papers. It captures voices from numerous d i s c i p l i n e s , a l l levels of government, d i f f e r e n t ideological perspectives, and a variety of c u l t u r a l heritages. If I understand c o r r e c t l y , the participants in th i s discussion are but a sampling of many voices, many spaces. That, though, does not mean each should be taken as representative of an established perspective, nor should each be considered completely unique, in the sense of a pure subject. From where I s i t , anyway, they seem somewhat amorphous and yet somewhat d i s t i n c t - - a s they mix personal history and c u l t u r a l heritage. They have gathered to try and convey and compare what each understands when she or he discourses about CED. The urgency to their task i s a growing dissonance between the kinds of practices and strategies d i f f e r e n t proponents associate with the CED l a b l e . Some proponents believe the most prevalent forms of practice depart from commonly held p r i n c i p l e s , and yet the same terms are used to describe a wide range of e f f o r t s . Different voices speak of community, cooperation, positive change, p a r t i c i p a t i o n , improved well being, l o c a l i n i t i a t i v e , integrated development, and so on. 7 This dissonance has brought the participants together. It would seem some seek order, some harmony, "and some space to make their own music. The meeting i t s e l f , perhaps, signals the desire to find at least some basis of understanding. But I hear that instead of agreement, as messages have c i r c u l a t e d they have become aware rather of many differences. A pa r t i c u l a r CED practice for one does not f i t with another's idea of CED p r i n c i p l e s , and so i t goes, with the decibel l e v e l r i s i n g , and certain voices p r e v a i l i n g . So evidently the dissonance i s r e a l ; not everyone means the same thing when they discoures about CED. As one explanation, this dissonance could be attributed to a clash of d i f f e r e n t ideas and b e l i e f s a r i s i n g d i r e c t l y from a par t i c u l a r socio-economic position. But s e t t l i n g on this explanation denies the dynamics at play here. No, by the tone of their discussion I would suggest th i s dissonance is the result of more than simply a clash of positions. Not that such a clash is unimportant or uninforming, only that there are other dynamics involved: dynamics found in the in t e r s t i c e s of a l l s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s . These dynamics stem in part from the forming, transforming, and deforming character of the symbols--especially language--we use to present and re-present l i f e in the absence of "true" referents and authentic o r i g i n s . And they stem in part from the play of these symbols within contingent s o c i a l processes. 8 It i s also in these noisy dynamics that both p o s s i b i l i t y and l i m i t a t i o n may be found, and too the l i f e b l o o d and death of the story that unfolds. So the noise has drawn attention, but i t can also signal the l a s t f l i c k e r i n g s of our streetlamp or the resonance of order. We had better press on. As for me, you may have gathered that something has changed. I now exhibit too much l o c a l knowledge for a stranger, a passer-by, even for one who free-loads on the words of others. You are correct; for the moment I am situated in the position of guest. It i s a position within and without, a position both reserved and effected, f i l l e d by i n v i t a t i o n and v o l i t i o n , and by both s i t u a t i o n a l and intentional circumstances. That i s , the increasingly discordant pitch of the group's dialogue was a l u r i n g message for the concerned and the curious--of which I am both. And by chance I was, as we say, in the right place at the right time. Of course not a l l would have stopped, listened, and discerned f a m i l i a r , interesting, and i n v i t i n g sounds. So, as always, my own past s t i l l haunts. Now, as guest, I may more readily feast on the words of others, I may interrupt and recount their s t o r i e s , investing in them new meanings as I weave them together in what must be considered a new f i c t i o n , i f , of course, s t i l l flavoured by the familiar and the old. Here I seek not harmony and order, though t h i s may by chance result as i t also may not; for such depends too on you the readers, guests of t h i s textual 9 engagement. Besides, contingency i s the way of l i f e even i f we are a l l not predisposed to delight in i t . Nor do I seek agreement — t h i s anyway I leave as a part for the host. Rather, as an impostor, as a parasite masquerading now as a guest, my role i s to disrupt the set, the structured, and the patterned, as gracefully as possible. Or, at least, graceful i t should be i f I wish a further i n v i t a t i o n . To foreshadow somewhat, in the next chapter (chapter two) you w i l l f i n d a characterization of five positions, drawn from statements about CED. These positions are each associated with a number of strategies and practices. In chapter three a messenger is invited to th i s textual engagement to t e l l of mythical stories which relate the significance of signs to s o c i a l order and dynamics of power. F i n a l l y , in chapter four the voice of the host returns to present a meal which serves up an examination of signs as they operate in the CED discourse. 10 CHAPTER TWO: VOICES AT THE TABLE: A DISCOURSE ON CED In t h i s chapter I textualize a discourse on community economic development heard at our t a b l e 1 . When vocal t h i s discourse resonates more as a murmur of messages c i r c u l a t i n g and swirling l i k e the flow of an undulating r i v e r , but as captured here only five p o s i t i o n a l characterizations are presented. I mention t h i s note of reservation to indicate that these are not intended as s t a t i c and isolated positions. So you may find points of intersection and places of overlap despite the somewhat discrete and arbitrary d i v i s i o n s that arise in the act of writing. Please be aware then that such d i v i s i o n s are constructed rather than natural; a b i l i t y , time, the r i g i d i t y of structure and, of course, power have produced the l i m i t i n g form presented here. In characterizing each position the aspects considered include: i) rationale for involvement; i i ) meanings associated with the signs community and development; i i i ) the role of CED; iv) the rela t i o n s h i p between individual and community; v) the s o c i a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s of both marginal and non-marginal individuals; vi) the proper, necessary, and desirable scales of the community, both in spacial extent and population numbers; and vi ) the i n i t i a t i v e s and strategies associated with a p a r t i c u l a r p o sition. Chapter references appear at the end of the chapter. 11 A. POSITION ONE: THE SERF'S I n t h i s p o s i t i o n , i m p a c t s f r o m a w o r l d o f u n e q u a l e x c h a n g e seem a l l t o o p r e v a l e n t . H e r e one i s m a r g i n a l i z e d , on t h e v e r y e d g e s o f t h e s y s t e m , removed f r o m t h e m i d - s t r e a m f l o w s o f money, i n f o r m a t i o n , a n d i n f l u e n c e . T h i s i s t h e q u i e t e s t v o i c e a t o u r t a b l e , u s u a l l y t h e s p o k e n f o r . D u r i n g t i m e s o f e c o n o m i c s u r p l u s crumbs f i l t e r down. L e g a l c h a n n e l s may e v e n be e s t a b l i s h e d t o g u a r a n t e e t h e f l o w of t h e s e c r u m b s . S e n t i m e n t a l c o m p a s s i o n a l s o e s t a b l i s h e s n o n -m a t e r i a l c h a n n e l s o f " h e l p " f o r " t h e v i c t i m " , l i k e g o v e r n m e n t s o c i a l s e r v i c e s . L e g i s l a t i v e m a r g i n a l i z a t i o n we m i g h t c a l l t h i s , c o n t e m p o r a r y f o r m o f an e x c l u s o r y p r o c e s s , w h i c h w o r k s t o p r o v i d e a c o n s t a n t s o u r c e o f f o o d f o r a s y s t e m o f r e l a t i o n s t h a t t h r i v e s on d i s t u r b a n c e s — c a s t now i n t h e g u i s e of t h e s e e x c l u d e d : t h e p o o r , t h e l a z y , t h e d i r t y , t h e n a t i v e , t h e f o r e i g n , t h e i l l , t h e c r a z y , t h e s t u p i d , t h e s i n g l e m o t h e r , t h e c o m m u n i s t , t h e u n e m p l o y e d , t h e b a c k w a r d , t h e u n s c i e n t i f i c , e t c . I n t h e p a s t , t h e c l o a k i n g o f h e a t h e n , w i t c h , o r b a r b a r i a n , s u p p l i e d a common s o u r c e o f e n e r g y f o r t h e m a i n t e n a n c e o f g r o u p o r d e r : what we c a l l t h e s a c r i f i c i a l l a m b . And what o f t o d a y ' s e x t e n s i v e c r i t i q u e a n d management o f t h o s e m a r g i n a l i z e d , t h e a b n o r m a l , i s t h i s n o t f o o d f o r a communal m e a l ? T h a t i s , d o e s n o t t h i s c r i t i q u e a n d management work m a i n l y t o r e c o n f i r m t h e d o m i n a n t p a t t e r n o f r e l a t i o n s ? A f f i l i a t i o n h e r e i s more o f t e n by u n s o u g h t m e m b e r s h i p t h a n by c h o i c e : by b i r t h , by s u b j e c t i o n , by c h a n c e . B u t t h o u g h 1 2 relations are o r i g i n a l l y formed based on shared plight and situation (socio-economic label and/or geographic proximity) a great deal of personal a f f i n i t y , mutual care, and mutual concern w i l l be found. The sharing of experiences, space, and needs provides a source of common identi t y , i t shapes the Serfs' signs and r e a l i t y . This commonality i s not to suggest a l l relationships are equitable: there are "informal" systems of unequal exchange; i t is just to suggest that there are also strong support networks and cooperative relationships, in spite of the a l i e n a t i o n and desperation that subjection tends to fashion. In t h i s position community economic development is seen as a p r a c t i c a l approach for those marginalized to af f e c t change. This is p a r t i c u l a r l y the case when crumbs get smaller and one i s forced to beg for them. Change i s envisioned on two d i f f e r e n t l e v e l s , as a somewhat immediate p o s s i b i l i t y at the individual l e v e l , and more remotely' as s o c i a l reconstruction. At the more immediate l e v e l , marginalized individuals may improve their own material and s o c i a l conditions; achieving movement within the linear flow of ordered time, a quantitative s h i f t within a single c u l t u r a l space. But t h i s change alone is an example of development based on modernization theory. Here one "progresses" by mimicking the symbols of those that present and re-present themselves as modern or developed. Of course the "developed" 13 2 are a l l too w i l l i n g to aid in t h i s travesty . Can you see the paradox? This mimicry helps reproduce the conditions that marginalize, even i f one serf improves his or her own l o t . It perpetuates the system of unequal exchanges that results in wastage. For only in the act of exclusion does the act of inclusion a r i s e . Of course i f a person or group i s lucky they may change their s o c i a l position and be on their way, from the banks of the river towards the main-stream. This creates a dilemma. But who would dare shatter the dream of such movement? CED i s also considered a process which could help change the circumstances which work to marginalize, that i s , CED may change the workings of power rel a t i o n s . This would be a change in l o c a l i t i e s : creating passages moving away from the main-stream. It is p o l i t i c a l and s o c i a l change of a more structural nature. So there is an emphasis on the form that development takes. Development i s not simply economic growth based on the play of r a t i o n a l competitors, business interests, and government managers. Which means i t is not s o c i a l and c u l t u r a l mimicry either; i t is not the reproduction of normalized s o c i a l i d e n t i t i e s and s o c i a l practices. Development i s not about Lords and Tax-Collectors tr a i n i n g Serfs how to p r o f i t off each other, and refer to such a system as "free" enterprise--as i f a l l things were considered equal. Thus the community part of CED implies a 2 . . The word travesty, in Latin, means to dress as another. 1 4 recognition that action taken as a group is e s s e n t i a l , in the sense that the whole i s greater than the sum of i t s parts. For only as a community do people have the c o l l e c t i v e strength to r e s i s t the disruptive forces that characterize the modern project. Within the group a system of relationships predicated on unequal exchange, subjection, and marginalization is avoided whenever possible. The commons is opened to p o s s i b i l i t y , not fenced off for exclusion. In t h i s way the practice of CED would be group defined e f f o r t s i n i t i a t e d by people considered a part of the community (rather than the administrative unit) which would strengthen community bonds and values in the process of meeting material and s o c i a l needs and while d i r e c t l y or i n d i r e c t l y responding to the conditions that marginalize. It is a move to broaden the role of the community, to provide material needs as well as those of care, support, and worth. CED, thus, can be seen as a process of enablement that contributes to changes in the s o c i a l landscape, a process that a l t e r s the flows of money, influence, and information. From the perspective of the Serf, development then is a process of q u a l i t a t i v e as well as quantitative s o c i a l change. And these are not necessarily one and the same, as many tax co l l e c t o r s are apt to believe. It i s a journey in space as well as time, an arduous journey, as the readers w i l l see. A number of i n i t i a t i v e s and strategies can be associated with t h i s p a r t i c u l a r position. Here they are considered in 1 5 their r e l a t i o n to various CED goals, and associated with s p e c i f i c examples (taken mostly from a B r i t i s h Columbia context). The readers should note that t h i s format w i l l be followed for each position. Community Centres — provide mutual aid, mutual support and identity, s k i l l s t r a i n i n g , a more secure s o c i a l environment, a c o l l e c t i v e voice working towards s o c i a l change. These associations aim towards the goals of strengthening community t i e s , community s e l f - r e l i a n c e , community control, use of l o c a l resources, increased l o c a l employment and income, broad-based involvement and decision making. Examples might include: Nelson's Women Centre, Carnegie Centre, Vancouver's Lesbian Connection. Workers Co-operatives -- offer a democratic work environment, s k i l l s t r a i n i n g , and mutual support. They aim towards the goals of c o l l e c t i v e decision making and r e s p o n s i b i l i t y , l o c a l employment, use of l o c a l resources, l o c a l s e l f - r e l i a n c e and control, and improvements in the s o c i a l environment. Examples might include: One Hundred Mile Employment Co-operative Association, Isadora's Co-operative Restaurant, B.C. Cafeteria Worker Co-operative, Mountain Muffin Works, Chur c h i l l Park Greenhouse Co-operative (these last two co-operatives are set up to employ mentally disabled adu l t s ) . Community Development Corporations & Societies -- provide a l o c a l l y based, community operated organization which offers grants, loan guarantees, s k i l l s t r a i n i n g , information, and 1 6 management assistance for l o c a l enterprise development. These organizations try to meet goals such as community s e l f -reliance and control, e t h i c a l use of l o c a l resources, stable l o c a l employment and income, shared decision making, and broad-based p a r t i c i p a t i o n . Examples might include: Nicola Valley Indian Development Corporation, Matsqui-Abbotsford Community Services, Nuu-Chah-Nulth Economic Development Corporation, West Coast WomenFutures Community Economic Development Society. Community Service Societies -- provide non-financial services to a community, such as employment tra i n i n g , counselling, management assistance, research, information ( l e g a l , advocacy, t r a n s l a t i o n s ) , education, mutual support, and a common voice working for s o c i a l change. Such organizations aim towards the goals of community s e l f - r e l i a n c e and control, e t h i c a l use of l o c a l resources, employment creation, and strengthening c o l l e c t i v e involvement and r e s p o n s i b i l i t y . Examples might include: Vancouver's Woman's Health C o l l e c t i v e , Entre Neues Femmes (Co-op Housing Service), Downtown East-side Residents Association, Women's S k i l l Development Society, Vancouver Community Legal Assistance Society. Community Land Trust -- this type of i n s t i t u t i o n a l arrangement, which is l o c a l l y controlled and open to anyone committed to the organization, offers a secure resource and a place to develop a s p i r i t of cooperation and mutual support. 17 It aims to meet the goals of s t a b i l i t y , control, s e l f -reliance, c o l l e c t i v e involvement and r e s p o n s i b i l i t y , and increased employment and income. In Canada, as far as I am aware, there are no examples of such Land Trusts. Community Based Credit Unions - - p r o v i d e f i n a n c i a l assistance, expertise and services for cooperative endeavors in areas such as s o c i a l action, health care, shelter, c h i l d care, and c o l l e c t i v e l y owned businesses. Such organizations aim towards the goals of community s t a b i l i t y and s e l f -reliance, job creation, e t h i c a l use of l o c a l resources, and c o l l e c t i v e involvement and r e s p o n s i b i l i t y . An example of this i n i t i a t i v e i s the CCEC Credit Union (Vancouver). Local Employment Training Programmes -- Provide s k i l l s t raining and job counseling. Such programmes aim towards the goals of employment and income generation. An example i s the YMCA Job Generation Programme. 18 B. POSITION TWO: THE STEWARD'S The Steward's is a position of dejection and sentiment, and of confused and c o n f l i c t i n g a f f i l i a t i o n s . At our table i t is the learned voice of concern and guidance that speaks for the quiet; the sadly included speaking about the excluded. And i t is the voice of both l i b e r a t i o n and incorporation. Here the unbalanced flows of money, influence, and information are cast as the disruptive and t o t a l i z i n g course of modernity. Proceeding by way of i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n , urbanization, and c a p i t a l accumulation, these flows spread out and c i r c u l a t e through the s o c i a l landscape. In their wake so c i a l boundaries and patterns are altered; i s o l a t e d s o c i a l domains are incorporated into global networks, and l o c a l pockets of inter-personal meaning and resistance disappear. The binding intermediary structures of society (e.g. church, extended family, guild, v i l l a g e , neighbourhood) are r a d i c a l l y transformed or e s s e n t i a l l y destroyed. L i f e by contact becomes l i f e through contract. Emerging instead is the demarcated, disembodied, and isolated domain of i n d i v i d u a l i t y . This i s a domain susceptible to a l i e n a t i o n , rootlessness, loss of s o c i a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y , and loss of material security in times of s c a r c i t y . And i t is a domain with three noticeable and i n t e r r e l a t e d corollaries--most evident in the urban s e t t i n g -poverty, emotional d i s t r e s s , and crime. Community has two mutually influencing dimensions here. In part i t i s 19 functional and reductive: the combination of s o c i a l structures ( r e l i g i o u s , governmental, economic, l e g a l , educational, etc.) for a s p e c i f i c geographic l o c a l i t y . It i s also in part the ideal of c o l l e c t i v i t y , equality, and shared id e n t i t y . By synthesizing these dimensions, through a spacial association, a "structured" s o c i a l arrangement takes on the warmth of the community i d e a l . The c a f e t e r i a becomes the communal dining room, and planning for the c i t y or neighbourhood is now done for the community. More importantly, an inclusive space i s established which gives ri s e to the notion of shared p l i g h t , of concern for a l l members of the community—even for the poor members excluded from the dinner table because of the dress code. In th i s space i s found the symbiotic rela t i o n s h i p between the marginalized and the concerned, between the Serf and the Steward. Or said better, i t is the act of inclusion as transformation that confirms the identity of the related positions. As such, recognizing the "victim" empowers the concerned; only i f one must be spoken for can one always speak. So though th i s act is in c l u s i v e , i t comes at the cost of remaining distant. Why community economic development? For the concerned, CED i s c l e a r l y about helping those excluded and displaced by the course of modernity. This i s change as s o c i a l mitigation. It is an attempt to balance exchanges, to redirect the flows of money, influence, and information, by d i r e c t l y helping the Serfs improve their position. It i s a recognition that the communal meal should be enjoyed by everyone. With a concern for equity, i t i s socio-economic development, not just economic development as economic growth and trickle-down. Progress here i s meeting everyone's needs, not just those with the loudest voices. But most importantly, i n i t i a t i v e s should be designed to encourage those marginalized to develop a sense of r e s p o n s i b i l i t y and to enable their p a r t i c i p a t i o n in community a f f a i r s , e specially in productive a c t i v i t y . It is f e l t that t h i s can only happen by people working together at the l o c a l l e v e l , cooperatively. This collaboration is c r i t i c a l , as i t i s understood that s o c i a l displacement occurs with the breakdown of community structures and a fracturing of s o c i a l roles. As understood in this perspective development is more moral. Outcomes of development narrowly viewed as economic growth endanger or destroy communal relations, cause the atrophy of community, and lead to inequitable relationships. Rather, development should be a process that fosters the economic and thus s o c i a l well-being of a l l members of a community and, as a result, strengthens the community. But though there i s an emphasis on the marginalized, as envisioned in t h i s position development i s also change within a single c u l t u r a l space. True i t i s about improving that space so that i t is more equitable and communal. It is the desire to put more chairs around the communal table. Indeed 21 th i s i s a caring gesture. But the table has already been set, the meal prepared, and places assigned. I n i t i a t i v e s and Strategies associated with t h i s position include the following. Community Development Corporations & Societies -- These provide a l o c a l l y based, community operated organization which offers grants, loan guarantees, s k i l l s t r a i n i n g , information, and management assistance for l o c a l enterprise development. The main goals of these organizations are job and income development, increased s e l f - r e l i a n c e , and community p a r t i c i p a t i o n . Unlike CDCs referenced in Position One, these place far less emphasis on structural change and c o l l e c t i v e e f f o r t . Examples might include: Nanaimo Community Employment Advisory Society, Kereda Services, New Westminister Economic Development Association, Downtown East-Side Economic Development Association, Cowichan Community 3 Development Advisory Society . Local Employment Training Programmes -- Provide s k i l l s t r a i n i n g and job counseling. Such programmes aim towards the goals of employment and income generation. An example i s the YMCA Job Generation Programme. It should be noted that under the terms and conditions of the Federal Government's "Community Futures Program", community development coorporations and s o c i e t i e s , such as those mentioned here, are termed "Business Development Centers". C. POSITION THREE: THE MINSTREL'S In t h i s p o s i t i o n one shares i n some ways the sentiment of our f r i e n d i n p o s i t i o n two. The course of modernity--marked by growth o r i e n t e d p l a n n i n g and p r o d u c t i o n — i s viewed as h i g h l y d i s r u p t i v e of the s o c i a l and p h y s i c a l environments. But t h i s i s a more general p o s i t i o n of concern. I t i s , at our t a b l e , the v o i c e of d e s p e r a t i o n that weeps f o r humanity's shared predicament, and the v o i c e of song that s o f t l y hums a ge n t l e n o s t a l g i c tune. Here, as the flows of money, i n f l u e n c e , and in f o r m a t i o n have entered the r e s e r v o i r s of c e n t r a l i z e d bureaucracy, mass markets, i n t e r n a t i o n a l conglomerates, urban c e n t r e s , the m i l i t a r y machinery, and the mass media, the s o c i a l landscape has been c o n s t a n t l y d e f i l e d , j u s t as huge mega-projects tend to d i s r u p t or destroy the wealth of r e l a t i o n s that c o n s t i t u t e any l o c a l landscape. L i f e becomes s t a n d a r d i z e d and d i s j u n c t i v e ; i t l o s e s i t s d i v e r s i t y . And i t becomes d i s t a n t ; impacting d e c i s i o n s are made i n f a r o f f p l a c e s . I t i s a packaged meal from an i n s t i t u t i o n a l k i t c h e n d e l i v e r e d by f a c e l e s s w a i t e r s and w a i t r e s s e s . And yet i t i s a meal that most have become dependent on. As the very machinery that debases a l s o grants the m a t e r i a l bases of our 'needy' e x i s t e n c e . Community used here s i g n i f i e s l o c a l i t y . T h i s a l s o has two r e l a t e d dimensions, one sugg e s t i v e and one d e s c r i p t i v e . As suggestive, community denotes a desirable set of relations imbued with the following q u a l i t i e s . Relations must be meaningful, which implies a sense of belonging, common iden t i t y , and frequent contact. The system of interaction should be democratic, which indicates shared s o c i a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y and shared decision making power. F i n a l l y , relations may have a geographic reference, which roots community and suggests a sense of place. In this way community i s linked to the ideal of the whole human; i t i s the realm where people intimately relate in a greater t o t a l i t y of s o c i a l roles. This is an ideal often embodied in the romantic image of intimate rural l i f e , an image set against the detached and segmented kinds of relations associated with the image of urban and suburban l i f e . The suggestive dimension is also the place of imagination. This is a world of present-time that responds to the absence associated with mass i n d u s t r i a l society: the absence of l o c a l or i ndividual decision making power and control; the absence of support and a sense of c o l l e c t i v e identity; the absence of a space for creating inter-personal meaning; and the absence of a caring relationship with nature. Community too, in i t s s i g n i f i c a t i o n of l o c a l i t y , contains a descriptive dimension; the term community i s associated with one's place of residence and the existing set of relationships within that space. This too i s a l o c a l i t y , but with a functional and reductive quality (in terms of the dominant discourse), so that the l o c a l set of relationships are constantly referred to d i s c u r s i v e l y in terms of their l e g a l , p o l i t i c a l , economic, s o c i a l , and c u l t u r a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , and functions--as i f these domains actually existed independent of each other and were isolated at the l o c a l l e v e l . When these two dimensions of community—the suggestive and the descriptive; the imaginary and the f u n c t i o n a l — a r e merged, as two pictures superimposed, descriptive l o c a l i t i e s l i k e the municipality become the " r e a l " for the desired ideal of community. This " r e a l " helps to negate the absence that i s mass society. The whole " l i v a b i l i t y " and "folk design" emphasis in urban planning and architecture i s perhaps indicative of t h i s desire for the " l o s t " community. As are entrance plaques declaring their towns or suburban areas to be " t o t a l communities." Community economic development is seen as a diversion from the reservoirs of mass society. It is an approach that counters the grand projects of modernity, valued on their flow rates and accumulation c a p a b i l i t i e s . Rather the stress i s on economic development as a more h o l i s t i c concept and integrative process. Quality not quantity; use of the term community s i g n i f i e s t h i s intent. Economic development should be from the grass-roots up as opposed to a t r i c k l e down format. Thus, the Minstrel believes, only at the l o c a l l e v e l w i l l i n i t i a t i v e s emphasize s o c i a l and environmental concerns. Of course reservoirs w i l l e x i s t , but formed l o c a l l y they w i l l be structured with a concern for s i t e topography, and situated to allow access from a l l d i r e c t i o n s . These l o c a l developments w i l l help loosen dependencies on corporate and state controlled reservoirs. This i s the idea of the community p i c n i c : face-to-face r e l a t i o n s , people contributing in a variety of ways as best they can, and home baked dishes prepared with a personal touch for a l l to enjoy. Development, l i k e community, i s a mixture of concrete and imaginary dimensions. Thus i t i s a journey in time within a single space—a quantitative shift--and yet i t i s also a movement in space--a q u a l i t a t i v e s h i f t . This is a s h i f t in scale and location, a restructuring from the massive to the disaggregate, from c e n t r a l i t y to l o c a l i t y , and from a focus on production to a focus on people. This s h i f t i s s o c i a l change based on the b e l i e f that "small is b e a u t i f u l , " as well as more harmonious and sustainable. Though i t i s often more a movement in semantic space than a change in the space of s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s . I n i t i a t i v e s and strategies associated with t h i s position include, as described above, Community Centres, Community Development Corporations & Societies, Community Service Societies, Co-operatives, Community Land Trusts, and Local Employment Training Programmes. There are several other i n i t i a t i v e s , as follows. 26 Business Incubators or E n t e r p r i s e Centres — These provide t r a i n i n g and f a c i l i t i e s , management a s s i s t a n c e , and c o n s u l t i n g s e r v i c e s f o r small e n t e r p r i s e development. They aim towards the goals of l o c a l employment and income g e n e r a t i o n , use of l o c a l resources, community s t a b i l i t y , and community s e l f - r e l i a n c e . Examples Include: Malaspina C o l l e g e E n t e r p r i s e Centre, YMCA Youth E n t e r p r i s e Center, Business E n t e r p r i s e Centre (New Westminister, B.C), New Caledonia E n t e r p r i s e Centre ( P r i n c e George, B.C.). Import Replacement -- T h i s s t r a t e g y p r o v i d e s o p p o r t u n i t i e s to r e t a i n money and jobs i n the l o c a l economy, d i v e r s i f y the economy, and e s t a b l i s h l o c a l l y owned and operated e n t e r p r i s e s . Often import replacement i s l i m i t e d to match-making e f f o r t s between l o c a l buyers and s e l l e r s . I t helps meet the goals of l o c a l job and income g e n e r a t i o n , use of l o c a l r e s o u r c e s , and community c o n t r o l and s e l f - r e l i a n c e . Examples might i n c l u d e : Better-Buy V i c t o r i a , B.C F i r s t Import Replacement. L o c a l Economic Development Commissions and Committees These o r g a n i z a t i o n s h e l p c o o r d i n a t e l o c a l economic development p r o j e c t r e s e a r c h and plan n i n g e f f o r t s , p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the area of e n t e r p r i s e development. They aim towards the goals of l o c a l income and job g e n e r a t i o n , use of l o c a l r e s o u r c e s , and community c o o p e r a t i o n and s e l f - r e l i a n c e . Examples might i n c l u d e : V i l l a g e of G r a n i s l e Economic Development Committee, Township of Langley Economic Development Commission, T r a i l Community Economic Action Committee.' Local Exchange Trading System — provide an "informal" and cooperative opportunity to exchange s k i l l s and goods within the community. These systems respond to the goals of l o c a l employment generation, s e l f - r e l i a n c e , and use of l o c a l resources. An example of this strategy i s the Comox Valley LETSystem. D. POSITION FOUR: THE LOCAL MERCHANT'S OR TAX-COLLECTOR'S In t h i s position, an individual i s marginalized in the sense that the community i s marginalized within the global economy. The external flows of money, influence, and information, once so readily accessible, have dried up. Flow patterns s h i f t and, l o c a l l y , the rate of economic growth declines. Factories close down, the welfare state goes bankrupt, exploitable resources wane. Businesses shut their doors and people s i t i d l e . The global networks, so favoured when c i r c u l a t i o n rates were high and exchanges b e n e f i c i a l , are now viewed as d e s t a b i l i z i n g . No longer with the resources to invest, the communal dining h a l l , established and maintained with the surplus from inter-regional exchanges, slowly d i l a p i d a t e s . At our table t h i s i s a voice of disenchantment, a voice of one who, as part of the community, has f a l l e n from grace. It i s the voice of the l o c a l Merchant or of the l o c a l Tax-Collector. As used in this position, community i s the s o c i a l landscape for an administrated l o c a l geography. This i s mainly a functional world, but present too i s an emotional and symbolic content. As functional t h i s world has several d i s j o i n t e d but overlapping c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s . It is an administrative unit (the legal confines which demarcate a municipality or township), and i t i s the l o c a l i z e d economic, p o l i t i c a l and s o c i a l systems that operate mostly within t h i s given confine. Community membership, by inclusion, consists of a l l who p a r t i c i p a t e in these systems. The sentiment that resides with the sharing of a demarcated space and common symbols provides emotional content. Here th i s commonality stems from an i d e n t i f i c a t i o n with other members of the administrative, functional community. It i s a sentiment most noticeable in times of trouble or f e s t i v i t y - - b o t h of which, by design or by circumstance, work to unite diverse interests and i d e n t i t i e s under the municipal or regional banner. Given today's pervasive concern for the state of most l o c a l economies, and the precepts of many analytic models, the community is readily considered the c o l l e c t i o n of l o c a l exchangers and workers. That i s , participants in the l o c a l marketplace: producers and consumers, buyers and s e l l e r s . Community economic development is encouraged as a way to improve the l o c a l economy. But improvement does not just mean economic growth, though this i s important. There is too a regard for economic s t a b i l i t y , in l i g h t of the v i c i s s i t u d e s of global flows. The key here i s not just to a t t r a c t as much external money as possible but to control somewhat the source of that money. To do th i s l o c a l ownership and investment i s encouraged. As an important consequence, th i s retains money in the l o c a l economy which l i k e l y increases the number of l o c a l exchanges and leads to economic growth and possibly jobs. And dependence on external flows i s reduced. In addition, CED i n i t i a t i v e s should encourage a diverse range of l o c a l l y owned businesses. Again t h i s is to l i m i t the impact of s h i f t i n g patterns in global networks and to reduce the i n s t a b i l i t y associated with a reliance on only one channel for incoming flows. F i n a l l y , there i s a concern for some of the s o c i a l and environmental cost of what i s commonly referred to as a "smokestack chasing" approach to economic growth. Economic development that integrates s o c i a l and environmental concerns i s encouraged. Here we might imagine a dining h a l l ; owned and operated by a l o c a l resident; i t s shelves stocked with l o c a l l y produced goods; and i t s employees a l l drawn from the l o c a l area. Development is also change within a single space, though i t i s about making that space more secure and protected from outside forces and internal impacts. Perhaps th i s is change as mitigation. Development as economic growth i s s t i l l important but so are concerns for the control and s t a b i l i t y of the l o c a l economy. By dire c t association, t h i s is community betterment. I n i t i a t i v e s and Strategies associated with t h i s position include, as described above, Community Development Corporations & Societies, Business Incubators or Enterprise Centres, Import Replacement, and Local Economic Development Commissions and Committees. Other i n i t i a t i v e s include the following. 31 Business Development A s s o c i a t i o n s — These o r g a n i z a t i o n s h e l p c o o r d i n a t e j o i n t p u b l i c / p r i v a t e l o c a l economic development p r o j e c t r e s e a r c h and plann i n g e f f o r t s , p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the area of business development. They aim towards the goals of l o c a l income and job g e n e r a t i o n , use of l o c a l r e s o urces, and community c o o p e r a t i o n and s e l f - r e l i a n c e . Examples might i n c l u d e : Powell River Business Development A s s o c i a t i o n , V i c t o r i a Business Development Commission, Cowichan Lake Socio-Economic Planning C o u n c i l . Home-Based Business Programme -- T h i s i s an i n i t i a t i v e that p r o v i d e s loans and a s s i s t a n c e f o r l o c a l e n t e r p r i s e development. Such a programme i s concerned with the goals of l o c a l income and employment g e n e r a t i o n s , use of l o c a l r esources, and l o c a l s e l f - r e l i a n c e . An example of t h i s programme i s the B.C. M i n i s t r y of Regional Development's "Home Business Programme". E n t r e p r e n e u r i a l T r a i n i n g Programme -- These programmes provide s k i l l s t r a i n i n g and c o u n s e l i n g f o r e n t e r p r i s e development. These programmes aim toward the goals of job and income g e n e r a t i o n , use of l o c a l r e s o u r c e s , and l o c a l s e l f -r e l i a n c e . Examples i n c l u d e : Vancouver Community C o l l e g e Small Business Development, Langara Community C o l l e g e (Vancouver) E n t r e p r e n e u r s h i p Programme, NW Athabasca U n i v e r s i t y ( A l b e r t a ) E n t r e p r e n e u r s h i p Programme. P h y s i c a l Renewal & Tourism Development Programmes -- Funding (grants & loans) i s pr o v i d e d f o r the r e v i t a l i z a t i o n of dilapidated areas and for tourism information, project development, and marketing. The goals of income and employment generation and l o c a l s e l f - r e l i a n c e are important. Examples include: B.C. Ministry of Municipal A f f a i r s ' Downtown R e v i t a l i z a t i o n Programme, B.C. Ministry of Tourism's Tourism Industry Support Program. Small Business Loan & Seed Capital Programmes -- These provide funding (loans & loan guarantees) for small enterprise development and expansion. The goal of income and employment generation i s of primary importance. Examples include: B.C. Ministry of Regional Development's Small Manufacturer's Incentive Program, B.C. Advanced Education & Job Training's Student Venture Loan Program, B.C. Ministry of State's Regional Seed Capital Program. E. POSITION FIVE: THE LORD'S In t h i s position, the benefits from a world of unequal exchange are p l e n t i f u l . Here one i s situated within the main-stream of global flows. Money, influence, and information are accessible and s k i l l f u l l y handled. This i s the position of the most empowered voice at our table, the one who speaks for the group, who presents his or her interests as common to a l l , as the community's. This i s the voice of the Lord. The welfare state reservoir i s considered, by this perspective, modernity's most abysmal and disruptive t e r r a i n . It intercepts the flows from progressive networks of exchange, interrupting free c i r c u l a t i o n , and rechannels these flows through less e f f i c i e n t and less productive passages. Transaction rates decrease, economic growth declines, and human evolution f a l t e r s . Progression becomes regression; in ever greater numbers free-loaders demand more handouts, and the government run soup kitchen becomes a permanent source of nourishment for the indolent. Also, l e g i s l a t i o n and agency regulation greatly contribute to the disappearance of individual r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for the body s o c i a l and an ov e r a l l concern for community. A reduction in voluntary a c t i v i t y indicates t h i s disappearance. The term community s i g n i f i e s a l e g a l l y bounded area where a c o l l e c t i o n of individuals, as economic actors pursuing t h e i r own (and by i n c l u s i o n community) betterment, gather, most i m p o r t a n t l y , f o r p r o d u c t i v e and consumptive a c t i v i t y . T h i s i s mainly a f u n c t i o n a l world. As an aggregate, i t i s that p l a c e of o r g a n i z a t i o n and s t r u c t u r e which enables maximum p r o d u c t i v e e f f i c i e n c y i n the economy. At a more per s o n a l l e v e l , i t i s a p l a c e of nourishment, a pl a c e that allows the i n d i v i d u a l to reach her or h i s f u l l p r o d u c t i v e p o t e n t i a l and, consequently, p o t e n t i a l to c o n t r i b u t e to community p r o g r e s s — m e a s u r e d u s u a l l y i n terms of economic growth and m a t e r i a l wealth. But community too has a s t r o n g moral content and a sentimental or i d e a l f l a v o u r . I t i s a p l a c e of t r a d i t i o n and h i e r a r c h y where one r e s p e c t s s t r u c t u r e s of a u t h o r i t y and b e l i e v e s i n the r i g h t s of the i n d i v i d u a l ( e s p e c i a l l y to accumulate), hard work, the church, and f a m i l y . The mythic r u r a l community, o f t e n p o r t r a y e d i n American f i l m and t e l e v i s i o n , i s a fond r e f e r e n t f o r t h i s sentiment. Community economic development i s seen as an approach that a c h i e v e s s o c i a l progress through l o c a l economic growth. I t i s thus a way to improve l o c a l c i r c u l a t i o n and l o c a l flow r a t e s by removing impediments and i n c r e a s i n g the number of l o c a l t r a n s a c t o r s . T h i s means r e - o r d e r i n g the l o c a l t e r r a i n , p a r t i c u l a r l y the p l a c e of government: with the welfare s t a t e r e s e r v o i r no longer such a prominent f e a t u r e of the s o c i a l landscape. Rather government should help order the community to a t t a i n maximum investment and income. T h i s means a s s i s t i n g and encouraging those with a concern f o r the community—those i n t e r e s t e d i n economic renewal and ' p r o g r e s s i v e ' a c t i o n , represented u s u a l l y by the l o c a l business and government e l i t e — t o pool resources and take the i n i t i a t i v e to strengthen the l o c a l economy. A l l i d l e resources should be put to work i n a cost e f f e c t i v e e f f o r t to address l o c a l economic problems such as unemployment, economic i n e f f i c i e n c y , and government debt. T h i s i s the idea of everyone i n the community c o o p e r a t i n g to produce or supply goods and s e r v i c e s f o r s a l e to p r i v a t e l y operated and co m p e t i t i v e "communal" k i t c h e n s . T h i s development i s q u a n t i t a t i v e : development as an incr e a s e i n in f o r m a t i o n and money; i t i s a s h i f t i n time w i t h i n a s i n g l e c u l t u r a l space. I t i s s o c i a l progress as economic growth. T h i s i s synonymous with i n c r e a s i n g the number of l o c a l l y i n i t i a t e d exchanges and the c i r c u l a t i o n r a t e s of money and i n f o r m a t i o n . Thus i t i s s o c i a l progress based on the promotion of f u l l community p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the " f r e e " world of unequal exchange. I n i t i a t i v e s and s t r a t e g i e s encourage here i n c l u d e , from above, Business Incubators or E n t e r p r i s e Centres, Business Development A s s o c i a t i o n s , Home-based Business Programmes, Import Replacement (as match-making), E n t r e p r e n e u r i a l T r a i n i n g Programmes, P h y s i c a l renewal & Tourism Development programmes, Small Business Loan & Seed C a p i t a l Programmes. Another i n i t i a t i v e i s the f o l l o w i n g . . 36 I n d u s t r i a l Development Programmes -- These p r o v i d e low i n t e r e s t loans and grants to i n d u s t r y f o r developing or expanding o p e r a t i o n s . The goal of income and employment gen e r a t i o n i s of primary importance. Examples i n c l u d e : B.C. M i n i s t r y of Regional Development's Low I n t e r e s t Loan A s s i s t a n c e Program, I n d u s t r i a l Development A s s i s t a n c e Program, and I n d u s t r i a l Development Agreement; Canada Department of Regional I n d u s t r i a l Expansion's Resource Industry Modernization Program. NOTES ON CHAPTER REFERENCES The v o i c e s I t e x t u a l i z e here have come from a wide range of sources; the t a b l e to which I m e t a p h o r i c a l l y r e f e r resembles more c l o s e l y a desk strewn with unpublished papers, books, j o u r n a l s a r t i c l e s , notes from i n t e r v i e w s , government p u b l i c a t i o n s , community o r g a n i z a t i o n documents and brochures, conference papers and proceedings, and notes from my own work and e d u c a t i o n a l experience. In what f o l l o w s , I r e f e r e n c e those works most r e l e v a n t to the composition of t h i s chapter. The readers should note that d i s c u s s i o n s with c o l l e a g u e s and p r a c t i t i o n e r s , while not d i r e c t l y acknowledged here, p r o v i d e d a constant source of input and r e f l e c t i o n . Chapter Format As f o r the o v e r a l l shaping of messages here, i n p a r t i c u l a r , Campfens (ed.) (1983); Chudnovsky (1987); Conn (1986); and Ross & Usher (1986), p r o v i d e d i n f o r m a t i v e sources of comparison. While b r i e f , Chudnovsky's and Conn's accounts are e s p e c i a l l y v i v i d , r e l a t i n g ideas to p r a c t i c a l examples. Ross & Usher's framework I f i n d r e l i e s too h e a v i l y on simple o p p o s i t i o n s : small i s good, b i g i s bad, e t c . ; but i t o f f e r s a good example of a n o s t a l g i c genre that f i n d s great favour i n the CED d i s c o u r s e . Campfens i s the most comprehensive of these works. Community My t h i n k i n g about community--as concept, i d e a l , s o c i o -economic s t r u c t u r e , geographic e n t i t y , symbolic c o n s t r u c t i o n , and d i s c o u r s e — w a s i n f l u e n c e d by a number of w r i t i n g s : Cohen (1985); Cox (1981); G a l l a h e r & P u d f i e l d (eds.) (1980); Gerecke (1988): G u s f i e l d (1975); Kamenka (ed.) (1982); Melnyk (1985); M i s r a & Preston (eds.) (1978); Nisbet (1953); P l a n t (1974). Of note, Plant takes the p o s i t i o n that language i s i n p a r t e v a l u a t i v e and thus argues that the concept of community i s always l i n k e d to p o l i t i c a l i d e o l o g y . Nisbet t r a c e s the n o t i o n of community and the search f o r i t as a mode of l i f e , as presented i n Western w r i t i n g s s i n c e the time of A r i s t o t l e and P l a t o . Cohen argues, using v i v i d examples, that community i s a dynamic and f l e x i b l e a s s o c i a t i o n based on shared symbols. Taken together, P l a n t ' s and Cohen's works g r e a t l y e n r i c h the community d i s c o u r s e which, t r a d i t i o n a l y , has emphasized d e s c r i p t i v e , i n s t r u m e n t a l , and Utopian views of community. Development On the concept, process, s t r a t e g y , and d i s c o u r s e of development, I have drawn upon, most n o t a b l y , Ardnt (1987); Bluestone & H a r r i s o n (1982); Friedmann & Weaver (1979); Korten (ed.) (1984); Anderson & Boothroyd (1984); and P e a t t i e (1981). E s p e c i a l l y Ardnt and Friedmann & Weaver present comprehensive reviews of the l i t e r a t u r e and t h i n k i n g on the t o p i c of development. Anderson & Boothroyd d i s c u s s the meaning of the development concept as reformulated i n the course of s o c i o - h i s t o r i c a l change. D i f f e r e n t understandings of development are r e l a t e d to the case of Native Indians i n Canada and the r o l e taken by the F e d e r a l Department of Indian A f f a i r s . P e a t t i e argues f o r a more i n t e r g r a t e d development p e r s p e c t i v e , which u n i t e s s o c i a l and c u l t u r a l i s s u e s with economic ones. Community Development For a broad i n t r o d u c t i o n to the concept, p r a c t i c e , and d i s c o u r s e of community development see Cary (ed.) (1970); Campfens (ed.) (1983): Douglas (1987); Du Sautoy (1962); Dykeman (1987); L l o y d (1967); Lotz (1987); Wileden (1970). Community Economic Development The CED d i s c o u r s e that I have t e x t u a l i z e d i n Chapter Two was g r e a t l y informed by a wide sample of w r i t i n g s . These i n c l u d e , most n o t a b l y : Beazley (1988); Clague (1985); C o f f e y & Polese (1984); Conn (1988); Davidson (1987); Dorsey & T i c o l l (eds.) (1984); G i l b e r t (1988); G o l d s t e i n (1980); Highland Resources L t d . (1983); MacLeod (1986); M a l i z i a (1985); Marchak (1986); Mathei (1981); O f f i c e of the Premier B.C. (1987); Reiten (1987); Shera (1986); S o c i a l Planning and Review C o u n c i l of B.C. (1985; 1986; 1987); Stankovic (1987); S t e i n (1971); Strandberg (1985); W i l l i a m s (1988). CHAPTER THREE: MEAL PREPARATIONS: MYTHICAL STORIES So f a r the p a r a s i t e has appeared i n the guises of urban dweller and round-table guest and has transformed n o i s e i n t o t e x t . V o i c e s from the c i t y and those d i s c o u r s i n g at a t a b l e have taken shape as p r i n t e d word: a p r e p a r a t i o n that enables the f i r s t and second courses of t h i s meal to be f u r t h e r consumed or savoured, as the p r o c l i v i t y of each t e x t u a l d i n e r might prompt. Noise becomes t e x t but noise p e r s i s t s . I t p e r s i s t s i n the s o c i a l landscape though c u l t i v a t e d ; i n the w i l d though tamed; in the r u r a l though urbanized; i n bodies though sub j e c t e d and d i s c i p l i n e d ; i n the environment though harvested; and i n words though s i g n i f i e d and f i l l e d with meaning. I t p e r s i s t s and d i s r u p t s ordered systems of r e l a t i o n s . And i t d i s r u p t s c laims of u n i v e r s a l t r u t h , as you, the readers, s h a l l see i n what f o l l o w s . Here i t has i n t e r r u p t e d the r e l a t i o n s h i p between reader and t e x t , that i s , between guest and meal. L e t ' s l i s t e n . In p a r t , i t resonates i n the head of the author, who was guest and i n t e r p r e t e r at the round-table and now has much more to r e l a t e . T h i s resonance e x c i t e s the system and b r i n g s t r a n s f o r m a t i o n . The second course ends and the next begins; the guest at the t a b l e becomes host and s t a r t s p r e p a r i n g f o r the next meal: the main course at t h i s banquet. But was he not always host, you t e x t u a l d i n e r s might ask? Is t h i s not the work of one voice, one free w i l l ? No, that would deny the influence of d i f f e r e n t r e l a t i o n a l contexts: the varying roles cast by situ a t i o n and structure. The word or the world is hardly created by one, despite the rhetoric of possessive individuals. And c l e a r l y we do not create in i s o l a t i o n or start from scratch. Noise too resonates in the text. An unexpected break in the flow of words, movement in semantic space, unfamiliar s i g n i f i c a t i o n s , an unconventional style or syntax: these interferences disrupt or perhaps corrupt r e l a t i o n s . Perhaps i t i s not the author but the text that disturbs i t s own relationship with the reader. The text disrupts communication. Words create s t a t i c . But wait! What of the reader. Is there not s t a t i c on the li n e between text and receiver: such as the interference from the readers' expectations, experiences, imagination, desire, identity, and whatever else disrupts the di r e c t flow and reception of information? Who now parasites the r e l a t i o n , and whose own dissonance disables communication? Best we say that a l l these noises contribute to the din, as do the rumblings of flatulence from your s t i l l u n s a t i s f i e d b e l l i e s . The two previous courses have sparked your appetites, I indeed hope, but may have l e f t you as of yet u n f u l f i l l e d . And though patient, you are beginning to question whether a main course i s intended. Well I, now in the role of host, had better take note of these rumblings and present something that appeases your cravings and perhaps quiets somewhat the noise, even i f only temporarily. To do thi s I would l i k e to refer back to the CED discourse presented in chapter two. A. COMMUNITY ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT: MOVEMENT WITHOUT CHANGE? The discourse in the last chapter showed that the label 'community economic development' has been attached to many forms of practice. It i s now a c l i c h e which contains a variety of messages and meanings. CED was intended by some to sig n i f y forms of practice and thought that would r e s i s t continuation of the status quo and provide a l t e r n a t i v e s to prevalent forms of doing, knowing, and being; i t was seen as more than just a technique or strategy for managing and improving l o c a l market conditions. For some proponents CED implied a d i f f i c u l t journey, moving away from a system of dominant relationships which marginalize and destroy. There was a concern for balancing the flows of influence, information, and money, and for more non-market values such as broad grass-roots p a r t i c i p a t i o n in decision making. Also there was a greater emphasis placed on c o l l e c t i v e action in addressing problems, in improving community well-being, and in increasing community s e l f - r e l i a n c e . But what that journey has reached is a t r i t e slogan, a cl i c h e which helps reproduce exi s t i n g r e l a t i o n a l patterns and thus the dominant culture. In t h i s way, CED primarily -signifies movement in the linear flow of ordered time occurring within a single and homogeneous c u l t u r a l space. The journey of CED has been a matter of movement with l i t t l e change. In Canada, at least, the label 'community economic development' has become most pervasively associated with p o l i c i e s and programmes promoting the practice of entrepreneurialism at the municipal or regional l e v e l s . As understood here, this practice refers to the i n i t i a t i n g and conducting of private business a c t i v i t y — a c t i v i t y valued in the market p l a c e — b y an individual or group for the purpose of increasing individual income and employment. Of course these observations are in part evaluative; but at the same time they are not without empirical grounding. A recent conference on CED held in Vancouver in September of 1988 provides one source of information. At t h i s conference, b i l l e d as a broad showcase for CED interests, I would estimate, based on calculations drawn from the showcase directory, that at least 70% of the participants represented businesses, consultants, government departments, committees, organizations, or associations concerned mainly with individual entrepreneurial t r a i n i n g and private enterprise development. Of the plenary speakers., only one addressed issues of s o c i a l equity and s o c i a l change, and he was promptly silenced by several participants expressing, indignantly, t h e i r b e l i e f that a concern for such issues disables private business a c t i v i t y and economic development. Most of the conference sponsors were large corporations. And though i t was b i l l e d as "From the Roots Up", a great emphasis was placed on p a t e r n a l i s t i c i n i t i a t i v e s directed by government or business "communities". Observes L e s l i e Kemp: The o r i g i n a l goal of the conference was to showcase a broad range of CED projects.... i t [the conference] f e l l short in i t s a b i l i t y to e f f e c t i v e l y "showcase" a wide range of CED projects. The cost of the booths proved pr o h i b i t i v e for many community projects. Most of the showcase space was used by either government agencies (the Home-Based Business Program of the Pro v i n c i a l Government, the Federal Business Development Bank and B.C. Hydro), educational i n s t i t u t i o n s (Vancouver Community College), and some businesses (1988) . In addition, I would note that several people working in the f i e l d of CED have also raised a concern about the kinds of practices now associated with CED 1. F i n a l l y , we may consider government programmes that are associated with the CED l a b e l . One such programme i s the B.C. government's "Community Organizations for Economic Development Program". This programme c l e a r l y expresses the government's "entrepreneurial" view of CED, as the following paragraph from a booklet outlining the programme guidelines e x p l i c i t l y indicates: In an attempt to aid the process of l o c a l , community-based economic development, the Province of B r i t i s h Columbia has introduced the. P r o v i n c i a l -Municipal Partnership Act. This new framework agreement stresses the need for f l e x i b i l i t y , co-For example see: Conn (1988); Goldstein (1985); Lane (1988); Williams, P. (1988). o p e r a t i o n and p a r t n e r s h i p between the p r o v i n c i a l and m u n i c i p a l l e v e l s of government to promote a l o c a l economic environment conducive to e n t r e p r e n e u r i a l a c t i v i t y , the b i r t h of new f i r m s , expansion of e x i s t i n g f i r m s and the c r e a t i o n of l a s t i n g jobs (pg.3). Another example, and perhaps the best i n terms of funding and a c t i v e involvement, i s the F e d e r a l Government's "Community Futures Program". Under the terms and c o n d i t i o n s of t h i s programme, funding i s to be d i r e c t e d towards a c t i v i t y aimed at i n c r e a s i n g p r i v a t e s e c t o r employment i n regions with high unemployment. Along these l i n e s , most of the funding i s intended to a s s i s t i n the expansion of small business or to h e l p unemployed workers and welfare r e c i p i e n t s become s e l f -employed "entrepreneurs". A c l o s e r look at t h i s programme, not only r a i s e s q u e s t i o n s about how i t r e l a t e s to concerns such as community s e l f - r e l i a n c e and s o c i a l e q u i t y , but a l s o how i t addresses i n any s i g n i f i c a n t way Employment Canada's mandate to f a c i l i t a t e labour adjustment. For the c u r r e n t f i s c a l year, i n the B.C. and Yukon r e g i o n , $9 m i l l i o n from a $16.5 m i l l i o n budget i s d i r e c t e d towards l o c a l l y based and operated Business Development Centres (BDC), whose mandate i s to administer small business loans and o f f e r t e c h n i c a l a s s i s t a n c e . Another $4.6 m i l l i o n goes towards the " S e l f Employment" o p t i o n . T h i s money i s p r o v i d e d i n l i e u of unemployment and welfare payments f o r f e i t e d when one becomes s e l f employed. Under the c o n d i t i o n s of t h i s o p t i o n , i n d i v i d u a l s are a l o t t e d $180 a week f o r a p e r i o d of one year while they get t h e i r business up and running ( c a p i t a l , however, must come from elsewhere, such as a loan from a BDC). In terms of the present budget of $4.6 m i l l i o n , t h i s would provide funding f o r only about 500 i n d i v i d u a l s . Of the $9 m i l l i o n BDC budget, $3 m i l l i o n i s used f o r a d m i n i s t r a t i v e c o s t s , and the other $6 m i l l i o n f o r loans of up to $75,000 each. With an average loan s i z e of $25,000, in t h i s o p t i o n of the programme there i s funding f o r a l l of 240 i n d i v i d u a l s . If we c o n s i d e r that the " o f f i c i a l " number of unemployed i n B.C. alone as of December 1988 i s 157,000, these f i g u r e s would h a r d l y i n d i c a t e a s e r i o u s attempt by the goverment to d i r e c t l y address the problem of unemployment through development e f f o r t s at the l o c a l l e v e l , l e t alone to address some of the broader concerns a s s o c i a t e d with CED. So while t h i s programme may h e l p a few people f u c t i o n independently i n a market economy, and may seem more prudent than the s u b s i d i z a t i o n of huge t r a n s n a t i o n a l c o r p o r a t i o n s (not that t h i s kind of s u b s i d i z a t i o n has ceased), d e s p i t e the r h e t o r i c of community, i t h a r d l y seems d i r e c t e d towards the kinds of changes some CED proponents might have hoped f o r . More c r i t i c a l l y , i t c o u l d be viewed as a programme designed to at best m i t i g a t e and at worst a s s i s t p r o duction p a t t e r n changes o c c u r r i n g i n the g l o b a l economic system. Here I r e f e r to changes encouraged by the economic d r i v e f o r g l o b a l c o m p e t i t i v e n e s s , such as the d e t e r r i t o r i a l i z a t i o n and s p e c i a l i z a t i o n of p r o d u c t i o n , and the s u b c o n t r a c t i n g of labour, changes which seem to f u r t h e r concentrate power in the hands of c o r p o r a t e and government e l i t e s and i n c r e a s e d i s p a r i t i e s between those who have i n f o r m a t i o n , i n f l u e n c e , 2 and money, and those who have not . The B.C. government's Home-Based Business Program c o u l d a l s o be viewed i n t h i s l i g h t , r e g a r d l e s s of the n o s t a l g i c r h e t o r i c employed to d i s g u i s e the "sweat shop" p o t e n t i a l of t h i s type of a c t i v i t y . Both these programmes f i t with changes o c c u r i n g i n other Western economies. W r i t i n g on the E n g l i s h experience Raphael Samuel notes: A government [Thatcher's] r u t h l e s s l y i n t e n t on modernising (and Americanising) B r i t i s h s o c i e t y , n e v e r t h e l e s s c a l l s f o r a r e t u r n to t r a d i t i o n a l ways. The EEC s u b s i d i s e s r e g i o n a l i s t p r o j e c t s . The m u l t i n a t i o n a l companies trade as l o c a l f i r m s . . . . The more cosmopolitan c a p i t a l i s m becomes, the more i t seems to wear a homespun look; the more nomadic i t s o p e r a t i o n s , the more i t a d v e r t i s e s i t s l o c a l a f f i l i a t i o n s " (1988:30). In l i g h t of such g l o b a l trends, and d e s p i t e a l l the t a l k about c o o p e r a t i o n and community involvement a s s o c i a t e d with the CED d i s c o u r s e , indeed we might best enquire as to the kind of change that has a c t u a l l y o c c u r r e d . As I have s t a t e d above, t h i s change seems more one of r e p r o d u c t i o n and i n c o r p o r a t i o n than anything e l s e . Hence, I have d e s c r i b e d i t as movement with l i t t l e change. S t i l l more needs to be s a i d . In what f o l l o w s , I s h a l l e x p l o r e change as i t i s viewed by d i f f e r e n t p e r s p e c t i v e s i n the d i s c o u r s e , and then develop an 2 For more on these changes see: A l b e r t s e n , N. 1988. "Postmodernism, Post-Fordism, and C r i t i c a l S o c i a l Theory" Environment and Planning D: S o c i e t y and Space Vol.6, 339-365. a l t e r n a t i v e viewpoint that c o n s i d e r s the r e l a t i o n s h i p s between systems of s i g n i f i c a t i o n ( e s p e c i a l l y language) and s t r u c t u r e s of power. That i s , I look at the way language, i n i t s r e l a t i o n s h i p to meaning and knowledge, p l a y s a c r i t i c a l r o l e i n the formation and t r a n s f o r m a t i o n of the s o c i a l l a n d s c a p e — t h e way i t helps to s u s t a i n dominant and subordinant p o s i t i o n s as w e l l as to ch a l l e n g e the l e g i t i m a c y of these p o s i t i o n s . B. COMMUNITY ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT: THE REAL & THE IMAGINARY Accord i n g to some people at the grass r o o t s , one ex p l a n a t i o n f o r the change r e f e r r e d to above i s that the name CED has been co-opted by e l i t e s i n government and business who only seek ways to promote g r e a t e r economic growth and development at the l o c a l and r e g i o n a l l e v e l s . These people b e l i e v e that the l a b e l CED i s now misused, r h e t o r i c a l l y , to cover f o r p o l i c i e s , programmes, and p r a c t i c e s that f u r t h e r b e n e f i t those who have much at the expense of those who have l i t t l e . Hence they p o i n t out that while the e x p l o i t a t i v e ideology of the r i g h t i s hidden i n words of s o c i a l e q u i t y and concern, most funding goes f o r e n t r e p r e n e u r i a l t r a i n i n g programmes or f o r o r g a n i z a t i o n s that encourage l o c a l business development, only sometimes p a t e r n a l i s t i c a l l y aimed at the unemployed or under-employed. Funding f o r programmes that a c t u a l l y address i n e q u i t i e s stemming from s t r u c t u r a l arrangements i n s o c i e t y i s almost n o n - e x i s t e n t . Those i n government departments concerned with CED suggest a d i f f e r e n t r e a l i t y . They say that what they are doing i s d i f f e r e n t from a more c o n v e n t i o n a l growth o r i e n t e d development approach; they c l a i m that there i s s o c i a l l e a r n i n g i n i n s t i t u t i o n s . So, i n f a c t , the p r a c t i c e s they promote f i t w e l l with the conception of CED as an a l t e r n a t i v e to main-stream economic development. For i n s t a n c e , as Paul W i l l i a m s concedes, "Employment and Immigration Canada's 'community f u t u r e s programme' i s t a r g e t t i n g economically depressed communities, f a c i l i t a t i n g the formation of community committees and p r o v i d i n g resources to s t i m u l a t e the l o c a l economy" (1988:3). And thus i t c o u l d be concluded that programmes l i k e "community f u t u r e s " do show a concern f o r gr e a t e r s o c i a l e q uity and s o c i a l change. As f o r the di s c r e p a n c y found between concept and p r a c t i c a l a p p l i c a t i o n , t h i s c o u l d be a t t r i b u t e d to a number of f a c t o r s which i n c l u d e : the general d i f f i c u l t y a s s o c i a t e d with c o n c e p t u a l a p p l i c a t i o n ; the s i z e , d e p a r t m e n t a l i z a t i o n , and l e t h a r g y of b u r e a c r a t i c s t r u c t u r e s ; a programme's terms of r e f e r e n c e ; and the e f f i c i e n c y and e f f e c t i v e n e s s c r i t e r i a p l a c e d on government funded programmes. People who view CED as entrepreneur ism a l s o suggest they are concerned with s o c i a l e q u i t y . So they proudly p o i n t to programmes and p r a c t i c e s that t r y to a s s i s t the unemployed in f i n d i n g work or becoming self-employed. In that they promote economic development at the community l e v e l , they as w e l l believe the practices they support are t r u l y CED. Moreover, they suggest that a practice such as small business training achieves di r e c t results that benefit the community, unlike practices favoured by people looking for government handouts. F i n a l l y , in response to claims that their ideas change the flavour of CED, they suggest that any such change i s just the shaping of r e a l i t y over fancy. What we can find in each of these explanations about change i s an adherence to some e s s e n t i a l i s t notion, some truth about CED. Assumed in t h i s adherence i s an absolute reference between language or signs and the material world. Such an assumption leads to debate over whose r e a l i t y is correct and whose is false or imaginary, in t h i s case, to a debate over which is the "true" meaning and practice of CED. This is a debate that I believe cripples c r i t i c a l thought, and covers over the d i v e r s i t y that i s l i f e in a desire for domination and the power that always accompanies claims of universal truth and h e i r a r c h i c a l arrangements of explanation. Hence, reversing t r a d i t i o n a l opositions, so that the " r e a l " becomes the "imaginary" and the "imaginary" the " r e a l " only a l t e r s power relationships, i t does not challenge them. Furthermore, this debate precludes any consideration of the mutability and thus manageability of language, and i t precludes consideration of the role language plays in s o c i a l formation, s o c i a l change, and relationships of domination and subordination, thus enabling the maintenance of these relat ionships. In what follows, rather than enter into this debate to posit a " r e a l " community economic development in order to counter false images, I choose a d i f f e r e n t path, I look at the way truth, through language, penetrates the CED discourse, perpetuates relationships of power, and cri p p l e s e f f o r t s to bring about s o c i a l change. To do t h i s , I must once again disrupt the system of relations at thi s textual dinner 3 engagement to introduce the voice of a nomadic messenger . This i s the voice of a parasite who brings words of wonder on the relationship between s i g n i f y i n g systems and structures of power from more distant i f s t i l l traversed regions of the so c i a l landscape. If a l l goes well, our messenger's story should help set the mood for the meal that follows. C. THE CONSTRUCTION OF REALITY This story may best begin by mentioning Giambattista Vico, who proposed in The New Science in 1725 that a l l humans impose a graspable, meaningful shape on r e a l i t y . That i s , the world i s mediated through the human mind, so the world we know i s that which the mind perceives as natural or true. For Vico, t h i s means that humans have created themselves, that 3 . . . The role of the messenger here i s similar to that attributed to the greek god Hermes. That i s , as one who could deliver a message but also disguise and manipulate i t as an impostor or a parasite (Serres, 1982). "the world of c i v i l society has c e r t a i n l y been made by men, and that i t s p r i n c i p l e s are therefore to be found within the modification of our own human mind" (1968:331). But this process i s not one-way, as might be argued from an e x i s t e n t i a l i s t or phenomenologist point of view. This i s a key point. Writes Terence Hawkes about Vico's thesis: This turns out to be a two-way a f f a i r of some complexity. For not only does man create s o c i e t i e s and i n s t i t u t i o n s in his own mind's image, but these in the end create him.... That i s , man constructs myths, the s o c i a l i n s t i t u t i o n s , v i r t u a l l y the whole world as he perceives i t , and in so doing he constructs himself. This making process involves the continual creation of recognizable and repeated forms which we can now term a process of structuring (1977:14). I mention Vico because he seems to be one of the f i r s t to write that human l i f e takes shape through structure, or systems of relations created by humans. His work, hence, supplants the s t i l l commonly held notion that human l i f e i s fashioned after some pre-existent, timeless model or plan that i s fundamentally knowable. Rather, for Vico t h i s process of structuring i s an attribute of the human mind. The result of t h i s process is that there can be no dir e c t perception of r e a l i t y : no objects can exist independent of a relationship with a knower and the system of relations in which the knower is situated. In other words, a l l perception of r e a l i t y i s derived from constructed relationships, and as i t is always mediated i t i s biased. This means that a l l truths are at best p a r t i a l and bound to h i s t o r i c a l , s o c i o - c u l t u r a l processes. Since V i c o ' s time t h i s idea of a made and s t r u c t u r e d world has taken on much more f l a v o u r i f the b a s i c i n g r e d i e n t s are s t i l l much the same. I t i s i n t e r e s t i n g to sample from t h i s 'new' menu. D. LANGUAGE & REALITY Let us s t a r t with two important and i n t e r e s t i n g i n s i g h t s , which form the b a s i s of t h i s s t o r y . The f i r s t i s a change in our understanding of language and s i g n systems. T h i s change was i n p a r t the r e s u l t of the work of the French l i n g u i s t Ferdinand de Saussure. He suggested that language--or more broadly s i g n systems--are not s u b s t a n t i v e but r e l a t i o n a l . Language i s not the aggregate of separate words or sounds, each with a p a r t i c u l a r meaning, but r a t h e r i s the t o t a l of a l l r e l a t e d 'items'. At the l e v e l of phonemes or morphomes, r e c o g n i t i o n and meaning depend on d i f f e r e n c e , on a s s o c i a t i v e r e l a t i o n s . R e c o g n i t i o n of a sound i s as much dependent on i t s r e l a t i o n to other sounds and to what i s not u t t e r e d as i t i s to the sound enunciated. T h i s r e l a t i o n a l dependence may i n a d d i t i o n be a t t r i b u t e d to words and i d e a s . Saussure a l s o proposed that language i s an a b s t r a c t system of s i g n s which expresses i d e a s . These sig n s are the r e l a t i o n s h i p between s i g n i f i e r s and s i g n i f i e d s , t h at i s , between form (whether a u d i b l e or w r i t t e n ) and concept. The process of s i g n i f i c a t i o n i s a process of encoding. In a primary system of communication, such as at the l e v e l of words (the l i n g u i s t i c sign), a s i g n i f i c a t i o n or sign results when a word (as utterance) i s " l i n k e d with a concept, when a s i g n i f i e r i s related to a s i g n i f i e d , when a code receives a message. We can digress somewhat for a moment and look at thi s process more cl o s e l y . The code i s the form in which the message is carried, i t is the repository for the message and hence must precede i t . This point i s important: for communication to be possible, for a message to be transmited, the code cannot be produced by i t s user during communication or else decoding by the reciever would not be possible. In thi s way, the message, writes Descombes: is not the expression of an experience; rather i t expresses the p o s s i b i l i t i e s and l i m i t a t i o n , in comparison with experience, of the code employed, whence the d i f f i c u l t y of a r t i c u l a t i n g the unforeseen (1980:95). Here the emphasis is placed on past convention and on the receiver. Thus to describe any production of messages as co d i f i e d " i s to say that the receiver, registering them in succession, is able to compare what he has received with what he could have received, what has been said with what might have been said" (Descombes, 1980:93). The emmitter i s also subject to the constraints of the code determined in advance. The narrator of a myth, for example, " i s simply a c t u a l i z i n g the p o s s i b i l i t i e s inherent in the code, or in the s i g n i f y i n g system to which he submits in order to speak" (Decombes, 1980:105). In th i s way i t i s the structure that decides. Though i f h i s t o r y i s so c r i t i c a l to communication, i f the range of meaning i s al r e a d y e s t a b l i s h e d i n language p r i o r to i t s use, we may ask how i s i t p o s s i b l e to r e l a t e new experiences? Perhaps one answer i s that suggested by Jaques Lacan, who h i g h l i g h t e d the r o l e of metaphor. Says Lacan, "Metaphor i s l o c a t e d p r e c i s e l y at the poin t where meaning i s produced out of non-meaning" ( c i t e d i n Descombes, 1980:96). In metaphor i t i s p o s s i b l e to go beyond the code and r e l a t e a message unforeseen by convention. D i s c u s s i n g Kenneth Burke's ideas L e n t r i c c h i a suggests the use of metaphor has broader i m p l i c a t i o n s , "To make metaphor i s to v i o l a t e i n one act the s t a t u s quo of d i s c o u r s e and of s o c i e t y " (1983:147). Metonymy may be another e n a b l i n g device, whereby a s i g n i f i e r can be s u b s t i t u t e d f o r another s i g n i f i e r to c r e a t e a new s i g n i f i c a t i o n . As an i n t e r e s t i n g note of r e f e r e n c e , N i e t z s c h e saw language as fundamentally metaphorical and d e s c r i b e d t r u t h s as "worn-out metaphors which have become powerless to a f f e c t the senses" ( i n S h i b l e s (ed.) 1972:5). It should a l s o be noted, i n systems of s i g n i f i c a t i o n the process of encoding i s a r b i t r a r y , which i s to say, there i s no n a t u r a l r e l a t i o n between the s i g n i f i e r and the s i g n i f i e d ; the r e s u l t i n g s i g n i s always d i s p l a c e d from any 'true' r e f e r e n t . S o c i o - h i s t o r i c processes determine the codes, and any " n a t u r a l n e s s " i s mainly the product of r e p e t i t i o n and h i s t o r i c a l f o r g e t t i n g , not something predetermined—which i m p l i e s that meaning i n language i s always a b s t r a c t . As such, we must q u e s t i o n any d i s t i n c t i o n made between n a t u r a l and p o e t i c language or between the language of s c i e n c e and that of f i c t i o n or myth. Writes Stewart on t h i s p o i n t : To have an o r d i n a r y language which proceeds as i f i t were pa r t of the m a t e r i a l world and a p o e t i c language made of d e v i a t i o n s from o r d i n a r y language i s to ignore the s l i p p a g e between language and r e f e r e n t which makes a l l language, from the o u t s e t , a d e v i a t i o n from "standardness" or " q u a l i t y , " a d e v i a t i o n which i n f a c t i s the p r o d u c t i v e p o s s i b i l i t y of language's e x i s t e n c e as a s o c i a l phenomenon (1984:17). As a p r o d u c t i v e s o c i a l phenomenon, language indeed has a t r a n s f o r m a t i v e c a p a c i t y . I t has a f l e x i b i l i t y that enables the p r e s e n t a t i o n of new experience and meaning, f o r example through metaphor. Yet i t a l s o a c t s as a c o n s e r v a t i v e f o r c e . T h i s i s i n p a r t the r e s u l t of i t s a r b i t r a r i n e s s . For as a r b i t r a r y there i s no b a s i s on which to doubt the r e l a t i o n s h i p which i s r e i n f o r c e d and n a t u r a l i z e d with every recurrence, as there i s no o u t s i d e r e a l i t y on which to draw (Hawkes, 1977). As we s h a l l see below, with s i g n systems of secondary meaning developed from the l i n g u i s t i c s i g n , f o r example s c i e n t i f i c d i s c o u r s e , " n a t u r a l i z a t i o n " i s more a s t r a t e g y r e l a t e d to power, c o n t r o l , and i d e n t i t y than that f o r m a l i z e d through a long t e m p o r a l i t y . For these sig n systems i t i s s o c i a l p r a x i s that c r e a t e s " n o n a r b i t r a r y " a r b i t r a r y r e l a t i o n s h i p s . The second i n s i g h t stems from the work of those e x p l o r i n g the r e l a t i o n s h i p between language and c u l t u r e . In p a t i c u l a r i t was g r e a t l y spurred by the work of Sa p i r and Whorf, American l i n g u i s t s who extended t h e i r understanding of language s t r u c t u r e i n t o a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l s t u d i e s . T h e i r h y p o t h e s i s was that language, to a l a r g e extent, s t r u c t u r e s our r e a l i t y ; i t i s a medium of e x p r e s s i o n , a code, by which a c u l t u r e comes to terms with nature. In the words of S a p i r : I t i s q u i t e an i l l u s i o n to imagine that one a d j u s t s to r e a l i t y e s s e n t i a l l y without the use of language and that language i s merely an i n c i d e n t a l means of s o l v i n g s p e c i f i c problems of communication or r e f l e c t i o n . The f a c t of the matter i s that the " r e a l world" i s to a l a r g e extent b u i l t up on the language h a b i t s of the group. No two languages are ever s u f f i c i e n t l y s i m i l a r to be co n s i d e r e d as r e p r e s e n t i n g the same s o c i a l r e a l i t y . ...We see and hear and otherwise experience very l a r g e l y as we do because the language h a b i t s of our community predispose c e r t a i n c h o i c e s of i n t e r p r e t a t i o n " ( c i t e d i n Hawkes, 1977:31). With t h i s i n s i g h t , the next step was to broaden the f i e l d of understanding. As Hawkes w r i t e s , " i t r e q u i r e s only a s l i g h t e x t e n s i o n of t h i s view to produce the i m p l i c a t i o n that perhaps the e n t i r e f i e l d of s o c i a l behaviour which c o n s t i t u t e s the c u l t u r e might i n f a c t a l s o represent an act of 'encoding' on the model of language" (1977:32). T h i s ' s l i g h t e x t e n s i o n , ' however, would open up a d i v e r s e range of i n q u i r y and d i s c u s s i o n i n , among o t h e r s , the s t u d i e s of anthropology, s o c i o l o g y , psychology, and ph i l o s o p h y . And i t would g r e a t l y e n l i v e n c r i t i c a l s o c i a l theory. E. SYMBOLS & REALITY Extending the model of language to aspects of s o c i a l l i f e such as myth, a r t , and r e l i g i o n , i n d i v e r s e c u l t u r a l c o n d i t i o n s , l e d people l i k e Claude L e v i - S t r a u s s to examine 4 the c u l t u r a l r o l e of symbols , e.g., r i t u a l , dance, a r t , food, a r c h i t e c t u r e . They were to conclude that these too act l i k e language (they are r e l a t i o n a l and at once form and concept) and make meaning of the world through a s t r u c t u r i n g p r o c e s s . Moreover, they argued that i t was through an exchange of these symbols, our s i g n i f y i n g systems, that we, as humans, c o u l d communicate and form c u l t u r e , community, and s o c i a l i d e n t i t i e s ; s i g n i f y i n g systems were the codes through which we c o n s t r u c t e d r e a l i t y and maintained s o c i a l membership. T h i s understanding l e d to broader a s s o c i a t i o n . In l i n k i n g human a f f i l i a t i o n and r e a l i t y to s i g n i f y i n g systems, i t was p o s s i b l e to p o s i t an isomorphism between the r o l e of myth and modern d i s c o u r s e . Writes Decombes: If i t i s true that the s i g n i f i e r i s e x t e r i o r to the su b j e c t , then the v a r i o u s p o l i t i c a l d i s c o u r s e s of i n d u s t r i a l s o c i e t y are analogous to the m y t h i c a l n a r r a t i v e s of s o - c a l l e d p r i m i t i v e s . In both cases the i n d i v i d u a l s are preceded by a language which s u s t a i n s the community, e n a b l i n g everyone to r e l a t e the t h i n g s that b e f a l l him, not perhaps e x a c t l y as they occur, but i n such a way as others understand.... The s e m i o l o g i c a l theorem of the e x t e r i o r i t y of the s i g n i f i e r has thus a p o l i t i c a l c o r o l l a r y . The s e l f - s t y l e d ' p o l i t i c a l i d e o l o g i e s ' of our s o c i e t i e s are very p r e c i s e l y , myth, and t h e i r symbolic e f f i c a c y (the t r u s t of the f a i t h f u l , the adherence of the masses) i s no guarantee of t h e i r correspondence with the r e a l i t y which they c l a i m to d e s c r i b e " (1980:106-107). The study of s i g n or symbolic systems i s r e f e r e d to as semiology or s e m i o t i c s . As a study of of symbols, L e v i -S t r auss claimed h i s programme as a semiology. Indeed, the s e m i o l o g i c a l theorem was making a p o l i t i c a l p o i n t . F i r s t , Descombes informs us, " I t demonstrated that the h o l d of i n s t i t u t i o n s over i n d i v i d u a l s can be t r a c e d to the ascendancy of language" (1980:108). Which means t h a t : "a dominant d i s c o u r s e i s the i m p o s i t i o n , not so much of c e r t a i n t r u t h s (dogmas, ' s i g n i f i e d s ' ) as of c e r t a i n language (formulas, ' s i g n i f i e r s ' ) , which the o p p o s i t i o n i t s e l f i s o b l i g e d to employ in order to make i t s o b j e c t i o n s know" (1980:108). Second, i t taught that s u c c e s s f u l communication and s o c i a l order depend on the acceptance of s i g n systems which give meaning to and yet d i s t o r t l i v e d experience, though in a way that presents an appearance of n a t u r a l n e s s . These teachings would spark great i n t e r e s t i n the r o l e and f u n c t i o n of "modern" l i t e r a r y and s o c i a l s c i e n c e d i s c o u r s e - - e s p e c i a l l y i n a t e x t u a l form--as w e l l as other s i g n i f y i n g systems such as a d v e r t i s i n g or t e l e v i s i o n news. In p a t i c u l a r , authors such as F o u c a u l t , S a i d , Debrod, W i l l i a m s , B a u d r i l l a r d , and Barthes, among oth e r s , focussed t h e i r a t t e n t i o n on the d i s t o r t i v e c a p a c i t y of s i g n i f y i n g s y s t e m s — t h e way these systems h e l p produce and reproduce in the s o c i a l landscape p a t t e r n s of domination and s u b o r d i n a t i o n . With t h e i r e f f o r t s processes of p r o d u c t i o n and r e p r o d u c t i o n , not j u s t i n terms of r e f i n e d m a t e r i a l s but of meaning and knowledge, were l i n k e d i n e x t r i c a b l y with power. In the next part of t h i s t a l e we can l i s t e n to some of t h e i r messages, as I d i s c u s s i n more d e t a i l the p r o d u c t i v e p r o c e s s . F. THE PRODUCTIVE PROCESS & POWER Whether for meals, t e x t s , s o c i a l i d e n t i t i e s , or c u l t u r e , an important aspect of the s t r u c t u r i n g process, as V i c o and others have suggested, i s the act of 'making', where t h i s i m p l i e s producing f o r some f u t u r e use. Or to speak l e s s d e f i n i t i v e l y and perhaps more true to e c o l o g i c a l , economic, and s o c i a l processes, where 'making' i m p l i e s the idea of a never ending, i r r e v e r s i b l e process of r e p r o d u c t i o n . P u t t i n g such s p e c i f i c s a s i d e , we can examine t h i s process i n more d e t a i l . P r o d u c t i o n r e q u i r e s c u t t i n g and chopping, adding and s u b t r a c t i n g , combining and s e p a r a t i n g , mixing and d i f f u s i n g , in short i t r e q u i r e s refinement--which means to f r e e from i m p u r i t i e s , or to c u l t u r e . T h i s process produces meanings, accepted behaviour, human i n s t i t u t i o n s , h i s t o r y , p a l a t a b l e c u i s i n e , e t c . But at the same time, to r e f i n e i s to l i m i t from p o s s i b i l i t y , i t i s to e l i m i n a t e noise and impose order. When we l i m i t or q u i e t we set boundaries; i n d i s c o u r s e we d e f i n e and d i v i d e ; we i n c l u d e and exclude; we c r e a t e c a t e g o r i e s l i k e (at l e a s t i n the E n g l i s h language) s u b j e c t and o b j e c t , s c i e n c e and a r t , r i c h and poor, developed and undeveloped, modern and t r a d i t i o n a l , that chop up the whole. T h i s process enables understanding by making sense of a complex and messy world, i t g i v e s meaningful shape to r e a l i t y . T h i s i s a m i r a c l e . Writes Stewart about language's r o l e i n t h i s r e f i n i n g process, " I f the form of experience i s that of an 'unmediated flow,' i t i s only language which enables us t o ^ d e f i n e t h i s i n d e f i n i t e n e s s " (1984:13). F u r t h e r , refinement enables us to e s t a b l i s h areas of agreement or c o n f o r m i t y , such as r u l e s of conduct and norms, that maintain some degree of group harmony or order. However, i f i t i s i n l i m i t i n g n o i s e , i n reducing the f i e l d of p o s s i b l e ideas and a c t i o n s that we f i n d order by e s t a b l i s h i n g knowledge systems and r e l a t i o n a l p a t t e r n s , i t i s a l s o the act of refinement that i s b i r t h to r e l a t i o n s of power and c o n t r o l , and i s the death of d i s c o v e r y . We cannot reproduce noise because i t i s the unknown and the unknowable, i t i s the r e a l and i t f r i g h t e n s . Only the a l r e a d y produced can be reproduced, known, and c o n t r o l l e d . In Nietzschean f a s h i o n , t h i s i s one of M i c h e l F o u c a u l t ' s important messages. ' D i s c u r s i v e formations' are always l i n k e d to mechanisms of c o n t r o l and p o s i t i o n s of a u t h o r i t y . The i m p l i c i t or e x p l i c i t t r u t h c laims of any d i s c o u r s e can be seen as a s t r a t e g y f o r e n a b l i n g one group or i n d i v i d u a l to maintain power over another. In other words, r e l a t i o n s h i p s of communication are t i e d r e c i p r o c a l l y to power r e l a t i o n s h i p s — w h i c h , suggests F o u c a u l t , "occur when a c t i o n s a f f e c t the p o s s i b i l i t y of other a c t i o n s " (1982:217-18). In t h i s way, p r o d u c t i v e processes, through refinement, must be seen as both e n a b l i n g and d i s a b l i n g . Something i s produced, r e l a t i o n s h i p s are formed, but these r e l a t i o n s h i p s r e q u i r e that something must be at l e a s t t e m p o r a r i l y excluded. I f these r e l a t i o n s h i p s are reproduced, exclusion becomes a permanent condition: i t becomes the norm and the law. Edward Said informs us that Antonio Gramsci was well aware that the productive process functions in t h i s dual fashion, though he referred to i t as a process of elaboration. Discussing Gramsci's understanding, Said writes " F i r s t , to elaborate means to refine, to work out... some prior or more powerful idea, to perpetuate a world view. Second, to elaborate means something more q u a l i t a t i v e l y p o s i t i v e , the proposition that culture i t s e l f or thought or art is a highly complex and quasi-autonomous extension of p o l i t i c a l r e a l i t y and... i t has a density, complexity, and historical-semantic value that is so strong as to make p o l i t i c s possible. Elaboration is the ensemble of patterns making i t feasible for society to maintain i t s e l f (1983:170-1). Gramsci, Said further informs us, was i n s i g h t f u l in having recognized that "subordination, fracturing, d i f f u s i n g , reproducing, as much as producing, creating, forcing, guiding, are a l l necessary aspects of elaboration (1983:171) Furthermore, that "elaboration aspires to the condition of hegemony..." (1983:172). In t h i s way, hegemonic processes fashion society through a positive and pursuasive power. Indeed, t h i s i s the secret of their effectiveness. The structuring process, which I have described here, f i t s well with Gramsci's concept of hegemony. This concept allows for a broader understanding of the processes that pattern the s o c i a l landscape. With hegemony, Gramsci goes beyond the idea of a r u l i n g economic class coercively imposing their formal and conscious system of meanings, v a l u e s , and b e l i e f on the consciousness of a subordinate c l a s s ( W i l l i a m s , 1977). He s t r e s s e s the p o l i t i c a l s i g n i f i c a n c e of a l l i n s t i t u t i o n s and p r a c t i c e s i n s o c i e t y i n v o l v e d i n processes of e l a b o r a t i o n . And he takes a broader view of power and p o l i t i c s , not reducing these phenomena to the s t a t e form (Smart, 1983). Though, s i g n i f i c a n t l y , he r e t a i n s from M a r x i s t c r i t i q u e the r e c o g n i t i o n that there are p o s i t i o n s of domination and s u b o r d i n a t i o n i n s o c i e t y , even i f they do not f a l l along simple c l a s s d i s t i n c t i o n s . Writes W i l l i a m s about t h i s concept: Hegemony i s then not only the a r t i c u l a t e upper l e v e l of 'ideology', nor are i t s forms of c o n t r o l only those o r d i n a r i l y seen as 'manipulation or ' i n d o c t r i n a t i o n ' . I t i s a whole body of p r a c t i c e s and e x p e c t a t i o n s , over the whole of l i v i n g : our senses and assignments of energy, our shaping p e r c e p t i o n s of o u r s e l v e s and our world. I t i s a l i v e d system of meanings and v a l u e s — c o n s t i t u t i v e and c o n s t i t u t i n g — w h i c h as they are experienced as p r a c t i c e s appear as r e c i p r o c a l l y c o n f i r m i n g (1977:110) . To sum the above, s t r u c t u r a l • f o r m a t ion or hegemony depends on refinement and r e p r o d u c t i o n , and these a c t s are never innocent, they are never f r e e from p o l i t i c s or power. R e l a t i o n s of power and a u t h o r i t y f i n d sustenance i n that which i s r e f i n e d and reproduced. So there i s no innocence when noise becomes t e x t , when o b s e r v a t i o n s become a n a l y s i s and c o n c l u s i o n s , and when t e x t becomes food f o r thought. Nor i s there innocence when the p o s i t i o n s i n the CED d i s c o u r s e are c h a r a c t e r i z e d . When forms are c o n t i n u o u s l y re-presented through an exchange of signs as a flow of messages, d i f f e r e n c e becomes ordered r e a l i t y ; i n a world dominated by p o s i t i v i s t i c s c i e n c e , the r e a l becomes r a t i o n a l ; a dominant d i s c o u r s e p r e v a i l s ; norms and s o c i a l i d e n t i t i e s are produced; and l i f e i s c u l t u r e d . But t h i s c u l t u r e may be more one of death than of l i f e . Says S e r r e s , "The always a l r e a d y i s only a cemetery where entropy r o t s matter away" (1980:122). There i s of course more to t h i s "mortal" process. Indeed, we may q u e s t i o n why we "accept" such an e n t r o p i c e x i s t a n c e , to use Se r r e s ' terminology. G. REPRODUCTIVE STRATEGIES Foucault o f f e r s one e x p l a n a t i o n through work which r e l a t e s " s c i e n t i f i c " d i s c o u r s e to s o c i a l formations and systems of domination. For Foucault a form of " s c i e n t i f i c " d i s c o u r s e , and the i n s t i t u t i o n s which produce i t i n "modern" s o c i e t i e s , are c e n t r a l to the p r o d u c t i o n and propogation of "regimes of t r u t h " (1980). And these "regimes", he argues, operate to l e g i t i m i z e c e r t a i n forms of doing, knowing, and being, to the d i s c r e d i t of o t h e r s . In t h i s way, d i s c o u r s e and i t s users are i n t r i n s i c to r e l a t i o n s of power and c o n t r o l i n s o c i e t y . For more on t h i s we can enter the t e x t of F o u c a l t : . . . t r u t h i s n ' t o u t s i d e power, or l a c k i n g i n power: c o n t r a r y to a myth whose h i s t o r y and f u n c t i o n s would repay f u r t h e r study, t r u t h i s n ' t the reward of f r e e s p i r i t s , the c h i l d of p r o t r a c t e d s o l i t u d e , nor the p r i v i l e g e of those who have succeeded i n l i b e r a t i n g themselves. T r u t h i s a t h i n g of t h i s world: i t i s produced only by v i r t u e of m u l t i p l e forms of c o n s t r a i n t . And i t induces r e g u l a r e f f e c t s of power. Each s o c i e t y has i t s regime of t r u t h , i t s 'general p o l i t i c s ' of truth: that i s , the types of discourse which i t accepts and makes function as true; the mechanisms and instances which enable one to d i s t i n g u i s h true and false statements (1972:131). The secret to the effectiveness of " s c i e n t i f i c " discourse i s twofold. F i r s t i t has i t s own internal system of regulations and rules. These rules work to govern the relevance of statements (we might c a l l t h i s a code), and thus to govern the users of discourse. This means that to s i g n i f y oneself, in the desire to be a member of some respected community, one must adopt the specialized language, the signs, of the community's discourse. But t h i s is also to adopt the rules of that d i s c o u r s e — t h e assumptions, valuations, norms; in e f f e c t , i t is to accept, i m p l i c i t l y or e x p l i c i t y , the truth claims of the discourse. Most importantly, by adopting a discourse one validates i t and this augments i t s power and influence. This i s not to say we can avoid becoming part of a sign community; we must do so to communicate. Rather, for Foucault, i t is a question of the i n t e l l e c t u a l (people who u t i l i z e knowledge, p a r t i c u l a r l y through writing) having an awareness about the " p o l i t i c s of truth". Writes Foucault: The i n t e l l e c t u a l can operate and struggle at the general l e v e l of that regime of truth which i s so essential to the structure and functioning of our society. There i s a battle 'for truth', or at least 'around t r u t h ' — i t being understood once again that by truth I do not mean 'the ensemble of truths which are to be discovered and accepted', but rather 'the ensemble of rules according to which the true and the false are separated and s p e c i f i c e f f e c t s of power attached to the true', i t being understood also that i t ' s not a matter of a battle 'on b e h a l f of the truth, but of a battle about the status of truth and the economic and p o l i t i c a l role i t plays (1980:132). The second attribute of "modern" discourse i s i t s a b l i l i t y to take on a naturalness and authority through i t s appearance as " s c i e n t i f i c " and hence v e r i f i a b l e by s c i e n t i f i c procedures. In e f f e c t , t h i s works in a positive way to disguise the pursuasive power of discourse, to make the rules and a f f i l i a t i o n s of discourse appear i n v i s i b l e . For Foucault, t h i s is an h i s t o r i c a l strategy that enables a more deceptive form of s o c i a l c o n t r o l . Said applaudes and reit e r a t e s this insight: Foucault's greatest i n t e l l e c t u a l contribution is to an understanding of how the w i l l to exercise dominant control in society and history has also discovered a way to clothe, disguise, rarefy, and wrap i t s e l f systematically in the language of truth, d i s c i p l i n e , r a t i o n a l i t y , u t i l i t a r i a n value, and knowledge. And this language, in i t s naturalness, authority, professionalism, assertiveness, and a n t i t h e o r e t i c a l directness, i s what Foucault has c a l l e d discourse" (1983:216). Through his e f f o r t s to r e p o l i t i c i z e discourse, by unveiling texts and showing their reciprocal relationship to systems of control in society, Foucault makes i t d i f f i c u l t for writers to disassociate themselves from the s p e c i f i c s o c i a l environment in which they are situated, or from the power and influence of their work. He thus shows l i t t l e patience for writers who hide behind a cloak of o b j e c t i v i t y or who claim autonomous thought. For even i f texts use a language of truth or r a t i o n a l i t y , they play a s i g n i f i c a n t and p o s i t i v e r o l e i n , w r i t e s S a i d , " s o c i a l processes of d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n , e x c l u s i o n , i n c o r p o r a t i o n , and r u l e . " More s p e c i f i c a l l y , " w r i t i n g i s no p r i v a t e e x e r c i s e of a f r e e s c r i p t i v e w i l l , but r a t h e r the a c t i v a t i o n of a immensely complex t i s s u e of f o r c e s , f o r which a tex t i s a p l a c e among other p l a c e s . . . where the s t r a t e g i e s of c o n t r o l i n s o c i e t y are conducted" (Said, 1983:215). What t h i s says i s that r e g a r d l e s s of t h e i r apparent i n v i s i b i l i t y , i m p a r t i a l i t y , or i s o l a t i o n , both t e x t s and t h e i r authors are embedded in formative r e l a t i o n s and dynamics of power; not only do t e x t s , to v a r y i n g measure, re-present the d i s c o u r s e s of the broader knowledge f i e l d and d i s c i p l i n e d landscape, i n doing so they may i n e f f e c t reproduce the systems of domination and c o n t r o l l e g i t i m i z e d by and l e g i t i m i z i n g these domains. L e n t r i c c h i a , r e h e a r s i n g Kenneth Burke's ideas, d e s c r i b e s more p r e c i s e l y how the w r i t e r may c o n t r i b u t e to hegemonic pr o c e s s e s : He may work, as i n the w r i t e r ' s c l a s s i c a l v o c a t i o n , on behalf of a dominant hegemony by r e i n f o r c i n g h a b i t s of thought and f e e l i n g that h e l p to s u s t a i n r u l i n g power: at the s t y l i s t i c l e v e l t h i s means, among other t h i n g s , that the w r i t e r s u s t a i n s consensus and the s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e by r e i n f o r c i n g the metaphors of everyday l i f e that are b u r i e d i n c l i c h e s - - a n d c l i c h e d consciousness--by p a s s i n g on the " t r u t h " of dead metaphors, and n a t u r a l i z e d conventions, l i k e " f r e e e n t e r p r i s e " (1983:147-8). F i n a l l y , Foucault t e l l s us that adopting a d i s c o u r s e i s never j u s t a q u e s t i o n of knowing, and a p p l y i n g knowledge i n some f u n c t i o n a l way; knowledge and power are i n t r i n s i c a l l y r e l a t e d . To know, to make meaning, t h i s r e q u i r e s the act of d i v i s i o n , s u b j e c t i o n , i n c o r p o r a t i o n , and e x c l u s i o n . I t i s not about c a s t i n g l i g h t on shadows, but about manipulating l i g h t and shadows. To know i s not simply to i d e n t i f y and to harmonize, but a l s o to c o n t r o l n o i s e . Perhaps t h i s means that r a t h e r than knowing something we should t r y to love something. I am not sure. What the above does say, however, i s that the power, a u t h o r i t y , and persuasion of l e g i t i m i z e d d i s c o u r s e s and t h e i r d i s c i p l e s may g r e a t l y a s s i s t hegemonic processes, p a r t i c u l a r l y when a l l t h i s i s hidden i n a language of t r u t h . An example may help e l u c i d a t e the p o i n t s r a i s e d above. As i t r e l a t e s to the sub j e c t matter of t h i s enquiry we can look at a taxonomy that i s at the heart of d i s c o u r s e i n the i n t e r n a t i o n a l development f i e l d : the c l a s s i f i c a t i o n of n a t i o n a l and r e g i o n a l economies as undeveloped--underdeveloped--developing--developed. Since the 1940's, the extent of "development", and by i n f e r e n c e "progress", of a country or region has been (and s t i l l i s ) p r i n c i p a l l y based on an economic growth formula, which hides c u l t u r a l judgement behind the mask of s c i e n t i f i c o b j e c t i v i t y and t r u t h . By way of t h i s formula, development i s r e l a t e d to " o b j e c t i v e l y " measured per c a p i t a l e v e l s of gross n a t i o n a l or r e g i o n a l product, an " o b j e c t i v e l y " measured l e v e l of technology (Friedmann & Weaver, 1979), and c o n s i d e r a t i o n s such as p o l i t i c a l and r e l i g i o u s p r a c t i c e , consumption and pr o d u c t i o n p a t t e r n s , and a country's education system. S i n c e t h e l a t e 1 9 6 0 ' s , a s m a l l b u t g r o w i n g number o f a c a d e m i c s a n d p o l i c y - m a k e r s have come t o a s s o c i a t e d e v e l o p m e n t w i t h " o b j e c t i v e l y " m e a s u r e d l e v e l s o f employment ( i n t h e wage s e c t o r ) a n d , more r e c e n t l y , m e a s u r e s o f p o v e r t y ( A r n d t , 1 9 8 7 ) . To t h e s e p e o p l e , i t w o u l d a p p e a r , d e v e l o p m e n t i s r e d i s t r i b u t i o n w i t h g r o w t h . I n a d d i t i o n , t h e r e a r e a s m a l l g r o u p o f p e o p l e who h a v e t a k e n a more c r i t i c a l p o s i t i o n a n d have r a i s e d t h e i s s u e o f s e l f - r e l i a n c e ( A r d n t , 1987; F r i e d m a n n & Weaver, 1 9 7 9 ) . T h i s h a s l e d t o a c r i t i q u e o f g r o w t h c e n t r e d d o c t r i n e , w h i c h t h e y f e e l l e a d s t o a d e p e n d e n c y on and d o m i n a t i o n by t r a n s n a t i o n a l c o r p o r a t i o n s a n d t h e w e a l t h y c o u n t r i e s o f t h e " d e v e l o p e d w o r l d " , a n d r e s u l t s i n u n d e r d e v e l o p m e n t r a t h e r t h a n d e v e l o p m e n t . From t h i s p e r s p e c t i v e d e v e l o p m e n t a nd p r o g r e s s , i f we b o r r o w F r i e d m a n n a nd Weaver's t e r m i n o l o g y , w i l l r e s u l t f r o m a more " t e r r i t o r i a l " r a t h e r t h a n a more " f u n c t i o n a l " a p p r o a c h t o t h e p r o c e s s o f e c o n o m i c a nd s o c i a l b e t t e r m e n t . The d e b a t e g o e s o n . What i n t e r e s t s me h e r e , t h o u g h , i s n o t so much t h e p a r t i c u l a r m e a s u r e m e n t s u s e d t o j u d g e d e v e l o p m e n t , b u t r a t h e r how, i n t h i s d i s c o u r s e , s i g n s a r e e m p l o y e d f o r p u r p o s e s o t h e r t h a n naming t h i n g s . I n t h i s c o n c e r n I r e j e c t any n o t i o n o f an a b s o l u t e r e f e r e n c e b e t w e e n l a n g u a g e a n d t h e m a t e r i a l w o r l d a n d i n s t e a d f o c u s on t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p b e t w e e n s i g n s y s t e m s , p o wer, and h e g e m o n i c p r o c e s s e s . T h i s f o c u s l e a d s me t o i d e n t i f y t h e v a l u a t i v e , c o n n o t i n g c o n t e n t o f t h e d e v e l o p m e n t taxonomy as an h i s t o r i c a l construct. Seen in t h i s way, the development taxonomy does not just denote, rather i t works as a smokescreen hiding socio-economic interest and c u l t u r a l biases. Hence, when someone schooled in the development discourse refers to a country as developed, by the conditions of the sign and discourse t h i s person should be aware that associated with this designation i s an assumption that on the whole Western culture and i t s practices, norms, and values are superior. More importantly, use of the development taxonomy, innocently or not, affirms the truth power of the sign and i t s discourse, a discourse which enables a whole network of journals, university departments, research f a c i l i t i e s , and government agencies. These in turn, through their vast production of information, r e c i p r o c a l l y confirm the truth of the sign u n t i l i t takes on an a h i s t o r i c a l , naturalized q u a l i t y , u n t i l i t becomes mythical. In this case, indeed so powerful was the discourse that, as I l l i c h writes, "Scarcely twenty years were enough to make two b i l l i o n people define themselves as underdeveloped" (1981:19). With this designation, they came to view their own as a culture of poverty and readily pledged allegiance to the Western model of development. Of no surprise, the benefits (e.g. money and influence) derived by Western state and business e l i t e from t h i s allegiance are legion. Herein we see hegemonic processes at work. B a r t h e s h i g h l i g h t s a n o t h e r r e p r o d u c t i v e s t r a t e g y i n h i s e x a m i n a t i o n o f t h e way p o w e r f u l g r o u p s i n s o c i e t y c a n c o n t r o l t h e p r o c e s s o f s i g n i f i c a t i o n . T h a t i s , how t h e y c a n c r e a t e and p e r p e t u a t e a s t r u e , c o n s t r u c t e d m e a n i n g s o r m y t h s . He p r o p o s e s t h a t t h e p r e v a l e n c e o f s o c i a l a n d c u l t u r a l f o r m s - -p r a c t i c e s a n d k n o w l e d g e s y s t e m s - - r e q u i r e t h a t m y t hs be a c c e p t e d a s n a t u r a l a n d t h u s e a s i l y r e - p r o d u c e d . What e n a b l e s a c c e p t a n c e ? S a y s B a r t h e s : The f u n c t i o n o f myth i s t o empty [ h i s t o r i c a l a n d p o l i t i c a l ] r e a l i t y . . . . M y t h d o e s n o t deny t h i n g s , on t h e c o n t r a r y , i t s f u n c t i o n i s t o t a l k a b o u t them; s i m p l y , i t p u r i f i e s them, i t makes them i n n o c e n t , i t g i v e s them a n a t u r a l a n d e t e r n a l j u s t i f i c a t i o n , i t g i v e s them a c l a r i t y w h i c h i s n o t t h a t o f an e x p l a n a t i o n b u t t h a t o f a s t a t e m e n t o f f a c t ( 1 9 7 2 : 1 4 2 ) To e x p l a i n how t h i s p r o c e s s w o r k s he f o c u s e s on t h e a r b i t r a r i n e s s o f s i g n s , d i s c u s s e d a b o v e . F o r B a r t h e s , myth o c c u r s when a s s o c i a t i o n s o f s e c o n d a r y m e a n i n g s become n a t u r a l i z e d . T h e s e a s s o c i a t i o n s a r e f o r m e d when t h e s i g n s o f a d e n o t a t i v e s i g n - s y s t e m s u c h a l a n g u a g e a r e u s e d f o r c o n n o t a t i v e p u r p o s e s , s u c h a s i n p o l i t i c a l d i s c o u r s e . When s u c h a s s o c i a t i o n s p r e c l u d e c r i t i c a l r e f l e c t i o n , m y t h ( a n d i d e o l o g y ) a r e b o r n . T h i s o c c u r s b e c a u s e o f t h e a m b i g u i t y ( o r one m i g h t s a y s u s c e p t i b i l i t y ) o f t h e s i g n . T h i s i s c r i t i c a l : " I t i s a t t h e same t i m e m e a n i n g a n d f o r m , f u l l on one s i d e a nd empty on t h e o t h e r " ( 1 9 7 2 : 1 1 7 ) . I n t h e c r e a t i o n o f m y t h , m e a n i n g i s " i m p o v e r i s h e d " by f o r m . "When i t becomes f o r m , t h e m e a n i n g l e a v e s i t s c o n t i n g e n c y b e h i n d ; i t e m p t i e s i t s e l f . . . h i s t o r y e v a p o r a t e s , o n l y t h e l e t t e r r e m a i n s " ( 1 9 7 2 : 1 1 7 ) . T h i s i s how one can s i g n i f y the importance of a d i n n e r p a r t y w i t h a b o t t l e of 'French wine', r e g a r d l e s s of i t s q u a l i t y . The s i g n i s the message. I t i s how we s i g n i f y a s o c i a l g r o u p i n g as c o o p e r a t i v e and of commonality by u s i n g the term community, d e s p i t e the q u a l i t y of r e l a t i o n s h i p s . The r e a d e r consumes myth i n n o c e n t l y because i t speaks of a n a t u r a l i z e d , not h i d d e n , r e l a t i o n s h i p . And t h i s i s the t r i c k ; "any s e m i o l o g i c a l system i s a system of v a l u e s ; now the myth-consumer t a k e s the s i g n i f i c a t i o n f o r a system of f a c t s ; myth i s read as a f a c t u a l system, whereas i t i s but a s e m i o l o g i c a l system" (1972:131). With the i d e a of myth as n a t u r a l i z e d r e l a t i o n s , B a r t h e s i n v e s t s , w r i t e s S t u r r o c k , "every moment and event i n a c u l t u r e w i t h a s i g n i f i c a n c e beyond the s i m p l y f u n c t i o n a l " (1986:93); he d e f i n e s the w o r l d as p o l i t i c a l . And he i d e n t i f i e s one mechanism by which dominant c u l t u r a l p a t t e r n s ar e produced and re-produced t o the b e n e f i t of c e r t a i n groups i n s o c i e t y . Of c o u r s e t h e r e a r e o t h e r s e p a r a t e and s u p p o r t i n g avenues of i n f l u e n c e which might f i n d f a v o u r a t a p a r t i c u l a r time and p l a c e i n h i s t o r y . For example, a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s d e s c r i b e the r e i n t e g r a t i v e power of shaman r i t u a l s . Or as Ley and Olds w r i t e : In n i n e t e e n t h - c e n t u r y l i b e r a l t h o u g h t , the d i s s e m i n a t i o n of c u l t u r e t h r o u g h compulsory e d u c a t i o n was c o n c e i v e d as an i m p o r t a n t means of ' c i v i l i z i n g ' the masses. Other v e h i c l e s of i n c o r p o r a t i o n i n c l u d e d the p r e s s , the market, and mass e n t e r t a i n m e n t (1988:192). A t p r e s e n t , t h e s e a v e n u e s s t i l l p l a y an i m p o r t a n t r o l e i n W e s t e r n s o c i e t i e s , a n d i n c r e a s i n g l y t h r o u g h o u t t h e w o r l d . H e n c e , p e o p l e who e x p l i c i t l y s u p p o r t d o m i n a n t c u l t u r a l p a t t e r n s u s u a l l y see t h e s e v e h i c l e s o f i n c o r p o r a t i o n a s p o s i t i v e d e v i c e s f o r e d u c a t i n g a d i s p a r a t e a nd u n c u l t u r e d p o p u l a t i o n , f o r p e r p e t u a t i n g t h e p u b l i c " g ood", a n d f o r m a i n t a i n i n g t h e e x i s t i n g s o c i a l o r d e r . B u t o t h e r s o c i a l t h e o r i s t s , p e r h a p s i n most adamant f a s h i o n H o r k h e i m e r and A d o r n o , c o n c l u d e t h a t h e t e r o g e n e o u s i n d i v i d u a l s a n d g r o u p s , e s p e c i a l l y t h o s e l i v i n g i n u r b a n s e t t i n g s , a r e p a c i f i e d a n d h o m o g e n i z e d t h r o u g h t h e s e d u c t i v e a n d m a n i p u l a t i v e w o r k i n g s o f t h e c u l t u r e i n d u s t r y . From t h i s p e r s p e c t i v e , an e c o n o m i c and p o l i t i c a l e l i t e m a i n t a i n s s o c i a l c o n t r o l a nd i t s p o s i t i o n o f a u t h o r i t y b y , i n e f f e c t , b r a i n w a s h i n g and n o r m a l i z i n g t h e m a s s e s . T h i s i s done t h r o u g h t h e s e d u c t i o n s and i l l u s i o n s o f a c o n s u m p t i v e p a c k a g e c a p a b l e o f i n v a d i n g a l l r e a l m s o f s o c i a l l i f e . T h e o r i s t s s u c h a s J e a n B a u d r i l l a r d a n d Guy D e b o r d b e l i e v e t h i s p r o c e s s o f s o c i a l a n d m e n t a l c o l o n i z a t i o n ( e s p e c i a l l y i n an e n v i r o n m e n t d o m i n a t e d by e l e c t r o n i c i m a g e s ) l e a d s t o t o t a l e n s l a v e m e n t i n a w o r l d o f s i g n i f i c a t i o n , f a n t a s y , a nd s p e c t a c l e . And t h i s o n l y f u r t h e r r e i n f o r c e s a nd f i x e s a d o m i n a n t s t r u c t u r e o f r e l a t i o n s b a s e d on u n e q u a l e x c h a n g e a n d m a r g i n a l i z a t i o n . S p e a k i n g i n a l e s s a t t r i b u t i v e and more d e s c r i p t i v e s e n s e , t h e r i g i d i t y o f s t r u c t u r e a l s o r e s u l t s b e c a u s e o u r r e a l i t y i s s h a p e d by e x i s t i n g f o r m s o f d o i n g , k n o w i n g a n d being. So when r e l a t i o n s h i p s of power are formed, that i s , when p a t t e r n s are set, the p o s s i b i l i t y of f u t u r e formations are dependent on e x i s t i n g p a t t e r n s . Again I would l i k e to r e f e r e n c e S a i d as he d e s c r i b e s t h i s two-way process as i t r e l a t e s to c u l t u r e : "The very p o s s i b i l i t y of c u l t u r e i s based on the n o t i o n of refinement. C u l t u r e i s an instrument f o r i d e n t i f y i n g , s e l e c t i n g , and a f f i r m i n g c e r t a i n 'good' t h i n g s , forms, p r a c t i c e s , or ideas over others and i n so doing c u l t u r e t r a n s m i t s , d i f f u s e s , p a r t i t i o n s , teaches, p r e s e n t s , propagates, persuades, and above a l l i t c r e a t e s and r e c r e a t e s i t s e l f as s p e c i a l i z e d apparatus f o r doing a l l those t h i n g s (1983:176). To put i t i n other words, we formulate c u l t u r e and at the same time submit o u r s e l v e s to the demands of c u l t u r e . That i s to say, as s o c i a l beings we are always s i t u a t e d i n formative r e l a t i o n s , webs of s i g n i f i c a t i o n that make our l i v e s m e a n i n g - f u l l and p o w e r - f u l l . Or perhaps b e t t e r , we are the product of those r e l a t i o n a l p a t t e r n s , spun from our changing s o c i a l and p h y s i c a l environments. T h i s i n t e r e s t i n g l y i s the message of t w e n t i e t h century d i s c o v e r i e s i n p h y s i c s and chemistry. Write P r i g o g i n e and Stengers: Demonstrations of i m p o s s i b i l i t y , whether i n r e l a t i v i t y , quantum mechanics, or thermodynamics, have shown us that nature cannot be d e s c r i b e d "from the o u t s i d e " as i f by a s p e c t a t o r . D e s c r i p t i o n i s d i a l o g u e , communication, and t h i s communication i s subject to c o n s t r a i n t s that demonstrate that we are macroscopic beings embedded in the p h y s i c a l world (1984:300) . To put our r e l a t i o n a l context i n e c o l o g i c a l terms, we prepare meals (or have "meals prepared f o r u s ) , are the product of those p r e p a r a t i o n s , and act as i n g r e d i e n t s f o r f u t u r e meals. E c o l o g i c a l , c u l i n a r y , or s o c i a l , t h i s can be viewed as an i r r e v e r s i b l e r e c y c l i n g p r o c e s s . R e l a t i n g t h i s process to the h i s t o r i c a l process, w r i t e s Descombes: It has always a l r e a d y begun, and i s always the s t o r y of a p r e v i o u s s t o r y ; the r e f e r e n t of n a r r a t i v e d i s c o u r s e i s never the crude f a c t , nor the dumb event, but other n a r r a t i v e s , other s t o r i e s , a great murmur pre c e d i n g , provoking, accompanying and f o l l o w i n g the p r o c e s s i o n of wars, f e s t i v a l s , l a b o u r s , time.... Thus i t i s that the s t o r y ( h i s t o r y ) never ends. Or perhaps, one s t o r y (one h i s t o r y ) does... (1980:186). H. THE PRODUCTIVE PROCESS & ITS DISCONTENTS How complete i s the p r o d u c t i v e process? T h i s i s an i n t e r e s t i n g q u e s t i o n because i t p o i n t s to two avenues of enquiry and concern that I s h a l l b r i e f l y o u t l i n e . Jurgen Habermas t r a v e l s down the f i r s t avenue. His concern i s with the idea of " r e a l i t y " as an endless process of r e - f o r m u l a t i o n or r e - p r e s e n t a t i o n . I f such i s the case, i f forms of doing, knowing, and being are always h i s t o r i c a l c o n s t r u c t s , from where does a c r i t i q u e a r i s e ? That i s , i f there are no u n i v e r s a l t r u t h s , no t i m e l e s s c a t e g o r i e s - - w h i c h Habermas b e l i e v e s can be found i n reason when d i s t o r t e d communications are e l i m i n a t e d — m o s t i m p o r t a n t l y , on what grounds can we judge an unjust system of r e l a t i o n s ? How can we reach a consensus that would l i b e r a t e us from systems of domination? T h i s l i n e of q u e s t i o n i n g stems from Habermas' r e l u c t a n c e to abandon the grand n a r r a t i v e s of progress and emancipation a s s o c i a t e d with modernity, that i s , to see these as h i s t o r i c a l f o r m u l a t i o n s . For Habermas, these ideas do not j u s t act as a r h e t o r i c a l mask f o r domination and i n j u s t i c e a s s o c i a t e d with Western ethnocentrism, as L y o t a r d suggests, but i n s t e a d provide g u i d i n g p r i n c i p l e s . He r a t h e r p o i n t s to s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e s that allow s p e c i a l groups to mediate communications and d i s t o r t r e a l i t y as the major d e t e r r e n t to s o c i e t a l l e a r n i n g . With t h i s understanding, Habermas separates produced r e a l i t i e s from " r e a l i t y " i t s e l f ; or i n other words, he separates a d i s t o r t e d s u b j e c t i v e r e a l i t y from an o b j e c t i v e r e a l i t y . T h i s i s h i s way out: u l t i m a t e l y , r e p r e s e n t a t i o n s can be viewed as such, u n i v e r a l reason w i l l r e v e a l the t r u t h , and one who adopts a reasonable p o s i t i o n may c l a i m u n i v e r s a l v a l i d i t y . But i t seems to me that by l i n k i n g r e a l i t y and t r u t h to pure reason, Habermas only f i n d s comfort in a world without human i m p e r f e c t i o n and d i v e r s i t y , and a world that continues to separate mind from body. Another avenue i s chosen by Jean B a u d r i l l a r d , who sees a l l s o c i a l formations as a b s t r a c t and without t r u e m a t e r i a l r e f e r e n t s . Thus u n l i k e Habermas, he accepts the notion that any given r e a l i t y i s the mediated and d i s t o r t e d c o n s t r u c t of symbolic systems. But he f i n d s t h i s n o t i o n , as played out i n our r e f e r e n t l e s s , " h y p e r - r e a l " consumer s o c i e t i e s , a l l the same d i s t a s t e f u l . That i s , he wants a true p u b l i c l i f e , one that can l e g i t i m a t e l y r e f u t e the myths of e s p e c i a l l y c a p i t a l i s m , s o c i a l i s m , and t h e i r p a rtner the modern s t a t e , but f i n d s only a world of s i m u l a t i o n and i m a g i n a t i o n . T h i s leaves Baudrillard in a quandary, not unlike Habermas, except that for Baudrillard there appears no way out. His i s a position, writes Racevskis, "...that recognizes nothing beyond a play of mirrors destined endlessly to r e f l e c t signs and images that can have no meaning beyond the i n f i n i t e l y regressive semiosis of the disembodied language in which they are trapped" (1983:163). As such, for Baudrillard t h i s is an a l l or nothing game. If there are no universal truths, there can be no v a l i d i t y , not even p a r t i a l . This means only one p o s s i b i l i t y is l e f t , to expose our "games" of constant deception and power, which he does with great s k i l l , appetite, and 'authority'. There is another avenue. We may pursue this by considering once again the productive process, but t h i s time by placing emphasis on the usually disregarded or d i s t a s t e f u l by-products of refinement, that excluded in the struggle against noise. For what else is the kitchen garbage i f not noise to the nose? What is a i r p o l l u t i o n i f not noise to the eyes? And what do a l l too many people deem the ghetto i f not noise to c i t y aesthetics and s o c i a l order? Something i s produced: r e l a t i o n s , order, culture, meaning, myth, id e n t i t y , text, poached salmon; but something must be excluded, even i f only temporarily. It i s this something that interrupts established relationships. Let us explore t h i s idea. For Foucault, power is central to the production of s p e c i f i c s o c i a l i d e n t i t i e s and s o c i a l practices from a f i e l d of p o s s i b i l i t y . S t r u c t u r e then marks reduced p o s s i b i l i t y and r e l a t i o n s of power. But noise s t i l l p e r s i s t s , and s i g n a l s r e s i s t a n c e to e s t a b l i s h e d forms. Writes F o u c a u l t , "Faced with a r e l a t i o n s h i p of power, a whole f i e l d of responses, r e a c t i o n s , r e s u l t s , and p o s s i b l e i n v e n t i o n s may open up" (1982:220). Notes Bakhtin on t h i s n o i s y i n t e r a c t i o n : C l a s s does not c o i n c i d e with the sign community, i . e . with the community, which i s the t o t a l i t y of users of the same set of sign s f o r i d e o l o g i c a l communication. Thus v a r i o u s d i f f e r e n t c l a s s e s w i l l use one and the same language. As a r e s u l t , d i f f e r e n t l y o r i e n t e d accents i n t e r s e c t i n every i d e o l o g i c a l s i g n . Sign becomes an arena of c l a s s s t r u g g l e ( c i t e d i n Stewart, 1984:18). But Bakhtin does o f f e r c a u t i o n , "The very same t h i n g that makes the i d e o l o g i c a l s i g n v i t a l and mutable i s a l s o , however, that which makes i t a r e f r a c t i n g and d i s t o r t i n g medium" ( c i t e d i n Stewart, 1984:18). S o c i a l commotion i s w e l l d e s c r i b e d by Raymond W i l l i a m s when he suggests that c u l t u r a l domination--what Gramsci c a l l s hegemony--is a process that "has c o n t i n u a l l y to be renewed, r e c r e a t e d , defended, and m o d i f i e d . [Because] i t i s a l s o c o n t i n u a l l y being r e s i s t e d , l i m i t e d , a l t e r e d , c h a l l e n g e d by press u r e s not at a l l i t s own" (1977:112). T h i s statement, at l e a s t , i n d i c a t e s that f o r W i l l i a m s as w e l l there are r e s e r v e d and u n c u l t i v a t e d spaces to the s o c i a l landscape: t h i s i s noise o u t s i d e the dominant p a t t e r n of messages and r e l a t i o n s , o u t s i d e of any imposed d i s c u r s i v e f o r m a t i o n — n o i s e that a l l o w s f o r other messages. From these spaces emerged the c r i t i c a l and r e s i s t a n t v o i c e s of the CED d i s c o u r s e : v o i c e s that were to c h a l l e n g e such a dominant myth as the one based on a n a t u r a l i z e d r e l a t i o n s h i p between economic growth and s o c i a l b e t t e r m e n t . Ch icano murals i n U . S . c i t i e s are another example of r e s i s t a n t t e x t s . And Ana M a r i a A l o n s ' s tudy of S i e r r a Madre peasants i n Mexico p r o v i d e s a f u r t h e r example of the p o s s i b i l i t y of space for r e s i s t a n t d i s c o u r s e s . From her o b s e r v a t i o n s , the p e r s i s t e n t n o i s e comes from past h i s t o r y . W r i t e s A l o n s : D e p l o y i n g d i s c o u r s e s r i c h i n b o d i l y symbols , such forms [ u n o f f i c i a l ] of r e s i s t a n c e , o f t en focus on the c o n s t i t u t i o n of s u b j e c t i v i t i e s , d i s p u t i n g and r e d e f i n i n g the ways in which power i s i n v e s t e d i n s o c i a l i d e n t i t i e s . C h a l l e n g i n g the dominant o r i g i n s t o r i e s which f i x , n a t u r a l i z e and l e g i t i m a t e a h i e r a r c h i z e d order of forms of i d e n t i t y and power, such c o u n t e r - d i s c o u r s e s ground an a l t e r n a t i v e v i s i o n of the body p e r s o n a l and the body p o l i t i c in a h i s t o r i c a l memory which d i s p u t e s o f f i c i a l r e -p r e s e n t a t i o n of the past (1988:14) . In c o n c l u d i n g A l o n s sugges t s , "The r e l a t i o n s h i p s between p o p u l a r and o f f i c i a l d i s c o u r s e s , l i k e those between s u b a l t e r n and dominant groups and c l a s s e s , are not f i x e d but c o n s t a n t l y n e g o t i a t e d . . . . p o p u l a r c u l t u r e reproduces dominant s i g n i f i c a t i o n s and a l s o t r a n s f o r m s and c o n t e s t s them" (1988:28) . What t h i s u n d e r s t a n d i n g i n t i m a t e s i s t h a t we are not c o m p l e t e l y at the mercy of c o l o n i z e d s i g n i f i e r s , imposed myths, the c u l t u r e i n d u s t r y , s o c i a l i d e n t i t i e s , knowledge systems, in s h o r t , dominant r e l a t i o n a l p a t t e r n s and hegemonic p r o c e s s e s . There are p o i n t s of r e s i s t a n c e , and e s t a b l i s h e d orders and norms can change, even i f t h i s change seems slow. S i t u a t e d n e s s , t h e r e f o r e , does not deny the p o s s i b i l i t y of c r i t i q u e and t r a n s f o r m a t i o n even i f i t makes t h i s d i f f i c u l t . M i c h e l Serres d e s c r i b e s t h i s process of formation and t r a n s f o r m a t i o n more p r e c i s e l y , along mathematical l i n e s . He suggests that to produce anything s t r u c t u r e d from a n o i s y environment--meaning, c u l t u r e , order, e t c . - - r e q u i r e s that a r e l a t i o n be formed, that i s , an exchange must occur between two. When t h i s happens, something e x t r a - - n o i s e , the p a r a s i t e , a t h i r d - - i s excluded though always present and ready to d i s r u p t and transform the system, perhaps i n c i t i n g a break i n r e l a t i o n s and death. Only with t h i s l o g i c can e v o l u t i o n a r y systems be understood, i s t r a n s f o r m a t i o n p o s s i b l e , and can we get beyond the perhaps comforting ( p a r t i c u l a r l y f o r those in power) but simple b e l i e f i n the tendency of systems to an e q u i l i b r i u m s t a t e . For S e r r e s , the excluded t h i r d i s the p a r a s i t e . The p a r a s i t e , the random, n o i s e , must always be excluded f o r order to emerge from d i s o r d e r . But because the p a r a s i t e i s always s i t u a t e d beside, an ordered system can be d i s r u p t e d , a r e l a t i o n i n t e r r u p t e d , forms of doing, knowing, and being a l t e r e d . A new system i s then produced "that i n general c o u l d be e n t i r e l y d i f f e r e n t from the one that was i n t e r r u p t e d " ( 1 9 8 2 : 1 8 ) . The p a r a s i t e , i n t h i s sense, i s the t r a n s f o r m i n g agent; i t i s that which nests on a r e l a t i o n and d i s r u p t s s t a b i l i t y and i n c i t e s change, or that which a g i t a t e s and 80 reassures the s t a t e of the system. Again l e t us enter the t e x t , "the p a r a s i t e i n t e r v e n e s , e n t e r s the system as an element of f l u c t u a t i o n . I t e x c i t e s i t or i n c i t e s i t ; i t puts i t i n t o motion, or i t p a r a l y z e s i t . I t changes i t s s t a t e , changes i t s e n e r g e t i c s t a t e , i t s displacements and condensation" (1982:191). To t a l k of p o s s i b i l i t y , f o r S e r r e s , i s to t a l k of p l u r a l i t y , d i f f e r e n c e , and t r a n s f o r m a t i o n . T h i s i s to t a l k of t h r e e . With t h r e e , r e l a t i o n s form and change. "The b i t of n o i s e , the small random element, transforms a system or one order i n t o another" (1982:21). With t h i s c a l c u l u s , he abandons the common tendency to reduce the f i e l d of p o s s i b i l i t y to o p p o s i t e s . "At t h i s p o i n t , the theory of tr a n s f o r m a t i o n s i s reduced to a poor choice of black and white, hot and c o l d , God and the D e v i l , true and f a l s e " (1982:20). For Ser r e s , to reduce p o s s i b i l i t y to o p p o s i t i o n s i s to reduce otherness to c o n t r a d i c t i o n , which i s to reduce e v e r y t h i n g to v i o l e n c e and war. In t h i s way, f o r example, one c o u l d be only a c a p i t a l i s t or a communist, or more p r e c i s e l y , one c o u l d be only and always an i n d u s t r i a l i s t . H i s t o r y begins and l i f e ends. P o s s i b i l i t y would be reduced to the s i n g u l a r , s i n c e the other, i n a r e l a t i o n of o p p o s i t e s , i s only the same in d i s g u i s e . The same and the other are master and counter-master i n a p e r p e t u a l s t r u g g l e . Writes S e r r e s , " I f there would be two e q u a l l y s t r o n g subsets, that of mastery and that of s l a v e r y , which would c o n s t a n t l y be changing p l a c e s ; there would be n e i t h e r m i r a c l e nor e x c e p t i o n " (1982:59). When t h i s happens, when e v e r y t h i n g i s reduced to the s i n g u l a r , when we see the world simply as s u b j e c t s and o b j e c t s , understanding a r i s e s from an a n a l y s i s of the t h i n g i n i t s e l f , as i f that analysed e x i s t e d separate from i t s r e l a t i o n a l c o n t e x t . Though t h i s understanding b r i n g s order, and though i t enables an a t t i t u d e of c o n t r o l and ma n i p u l a t i o n , i t d i s a b l e s e f f o r t s to understand complex systems of r e l a t i o n s and the way these systems form and change. I t a l s o leaves us i n d i v i d u a t e d and alone i n a s o c i a l environment that i s estranged from the n a t u r a l world. In a d d i t i o n , such an understanding works to exclude many noi s e s and many v o i c e s that deserve to be heard. In our present system of r e l a t i o n s , the v o i c e of the host has been subdued to allow f o r a more ordered flow of messages. But as our s t o r y ends t h i s v o i c e awakens and b r i n g s d i s r u p t i o n . Once again r e l a t i o n s h i p s change and so the system. The main meal at t h i s t e x t u a l dinner has been prepared and awaits p r e s e n t a t i o n . T h i s chapter ends and the next begins. CHAPTER FOUR: THE MAIN MEAL In the pr e v i o u s chapter, we heard through a messenger v o i c e s from s e l e c t e d spaces i n the s o c i a l landscape. These were re-presented i n a t a l e which h i g h l i g h t e d an important r e l a t i o n s h i p between systems of s i g n i f i c a t i o n — w h e t h e r spoken language, t e x t , d i s c o u r s e , myth, or other--and produced and reproduced forms of doing, knowing, and being. Most importantly, we le a r n e d that these systems are c r i t i c a l to the p r o d u c t i o n and r e p r o d u c t i o n of meaning and knowledge, and as such can be used to shape and maintain p a r t i c u l a r s o c i a l formations and c u l t u r a l p a t t e r n s . As these formations may work to the betterment of some groups and i n d i v i d u a l s and to the detriment of o t h e r s , systems of s i g n i f i c a t i o n can be seen to p l ay a c r i t i c a l r o l e i n r e l a t i o n s of domination and s u b o r d i n a t i o n . That i s , they are i n t e g r a l to hegemonic processes. In t h i s , the main meal of our t e x t u a l engagement, I examine the play of sign s i n r e l a t i o n to the CED d i s c o u r s e . T h i s p l a y , I s h a l l t r y to demonstrate, helps s t r u c t u r e the s o c i a l landscape and by so doing d i s a b l e s s o c i a l change. A. REPRODUCTIVE PROCESSES AND CED At the beginning of chapter t h r e e , I suggested that the l a b e l 'community economic development' has become a t r i t e slogan, a c l i c h e which helps reproduce e x i s t i n g r e l a t i o n a l p a t t e r n s and the dominant c u l t u r e , i n s t e a d of a s i g n i f i e r f o r forms of p r a c t i c e and thought that would r e s i s t c o n t i n u a t i o n of the s t a t u s quo. In t h i s way I suggested that the journey of CED has been a matter of movement with l i t t l e change. Of course not a l l would agree with such an a f f i r m a t i o n , though as I p o i n t e d out, there i s mounting e m p i r i c a l evidence to support my c l a i m , and an i n c r e a s i n g number of people are s t a r t i n g to doubt the r e l a t i o n s h i p between CED r h e t o r i c and p r a c t i c e . Since f o r many of i t s proponents CED s i g n i f i e d a d i f f i c u l t journey moving away from a system of domination which m a r g i n a l i z e s and d e s t r o y s , I suggested we should enquire as to the kind of change that has o c c u r r e d . Much has been s a i d between then and now, and more than once the r e l a t i o n s h i p between reader and t e x t has been d i s r u p t e d to b r i n g messages from l e s s t r a v e l e d regions of the s o c i a l landscape. Now I, i n my r o l e as host, would l i k e to present my e x p l a n a t i o n to the q u e s t i o n of change. My c o n c l u s i o n r e t u r n s to the r o l e of s i g n systems. In p a r t i c u l a r , I look at the way the dominant, p e r s u a s i v e , and p o w e r - f u l l myths 1 evoked by the s i g n s 'community' and 'development', have c a s t t h e i r s p e l l s and permeate the CED d i s c o u r s e . In s h o r t , here i s my argument: as my t h i c a l these signs c a r r y n a t u r a l i z e d meanings i n our present s o c i o - h i s t o r i c s i t u a t i o n . That i s , these meanings c o n f i r m our c u l t u r e ' s p r e v a i l i n g v a l u e s , norms, and 1 I use the term myth here i n a B a r t h e s i a n sense. Myth, then, r e s u l t s when a s e m i o l o g i c a l r e l a t i o n s h i p i s accepted as n a t u r a l , as t r u t h . i n s t i t u t i o n s . Moreover, these myths operate as part of a broader hegemonic d i s c o u r s e that works to perpetuate i n i q u i t o u s c u l t u r a l p a t t e r n s by masking a n o i s y r e a l i t y i n the name of l i b e r a t i o n and s o c i a l harmony. Advancing these signs as s i g n i f i e r s f o r a l t e r n a t i v e ideas, v a l u e s , and p r a c t i c e s , then, with l i m i t e d r e f l e c t i o n on t h e i r dominant, conc r e t e , and e x p l i c i t s i g n i f i c a n c e , does l i t t l e to i n c i t e change i n the system. Rather, as these myths play an important p a r t i n s t r u c t u r i n g the s o c i a l landscape, i t i s more l i k e l y that t h e i r use only i n c r e a s e s the h o l d of the dominant order by speaking i t s c o l o n i z e d language. So i n s t e a d of u n i t i n g a wide v a r i e t y of d i s s e n t i n g v o i c e s under a s i n g l e banner and towards s o c i a l change, use of these si g n s d i s a b l e s e f f o r t s to b r i n g about change; the dominant c u l t u r a l p a t t e r n s are s u s t a i n e d because the d i s c o u r s e i s s t i l l p r i v i l e g e d as r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of r e a l i t y and not viewed as an h i s t o r i c a l c o n s t r u c t i o n perpetuated to maintain p o s i t i o n s of a u t h o r i t y and domination. There i s more. L i m i t i n g one's argument to a debate over the " t r u e " meaning of terms such as "community" and "development" only impedes s e r i o u s c r i t i q u e of the powerful workings of myth. Here i s the consequence: even i f unintended, t h i s lack of c r i t i q u e leaves one h i g h l y s u s c e p t i b l e to f u r t h e r enactment of t h i s d e c e i t . Let us now review these p o i n t s in more d e t a i l . I. THE MYTHS OF COMMUNITY AND DEVELOPMENT As I have suggested e a r l i e r , the l a b e l "community economic development" has become, at l e a s t i n Canada, most p e r v a s i v e l y a s s o c i a t e d with p o l i c i e s and programmes promoting e n t r e p r e n e u r i a l i s m at the m u n i c i p a l or r e g i o n a l l e v e l s . I f i n d t h i s somewhat d i s c o u r a g i n g as I b e l i e v e the p r a c t i c e of m u n i c i p a l e n t r e p r e n e u r i a l i s m does not i n any s i g n i f i c a n t way r e f l e c t a concern f o r broader s t r u c t u r a l changes in s o c i e t y - -q u e s t i o n s of who makes d e c i s i o n s , who b e n e f i t s and who l o s e s , and the importance of non-monetary goals in economic i n i t i a t i v e s . In s h o r t , i t does not s i g n i f i c a n t l y a l t e r the s o c i a l landscape and the flows of money, i n f o r m a t i o n , and i n f l u e n c e . But i n l i g h t of the argument presented i n t h i s work, that there i s a strong r e l a t i o n s h i p between s i g n systems, power, and hegemonic processes, I do not f i n d such a t r e n d a l t o g e t h e r s u r p r i s i n g . Indeed, I would argue that the a s s o c i a t i o n between the CED l a b e l and the p r a c t i c e of m u n i c i p a l e n t r e p r e n e u r i a l i s m , i n a d d i t i o n to l o c a t i n g the myths of community and development, demonstrates the power of hegemonic proce s s e s . When the l a b e l 'community economic development' i s evoked as s y m b o l i z i n g thought and a c t i o n that would be d i f f e r e n t from the norm, i t i s r a t h e r the n a t u r a l i z e d or normalized meanings a s s o c i a t e d with these s i g n s — t h e myths--that are r e l a t e d . In t h i s way, i t i s these myths that come to dominate the d i s c o u r s e and p o s i t i v e l y s i g n i f y mainstream p r a c t i c e . What are these myths? In s h o r t , the myth of development r e s u l t s when notions such as p o s i t i v e socio-economic change and human betterment, even emancipation from poverty and ignorance, become a u t o m a t i c a l l y a s s o c i a t e d with a c u l t u r e of c o m p e t i t i v e and p o s s e s s i v e i n d i v i d u a l i s m measured, p r i n c i p a l l y , on the s c o r e - c a r d s of economic growth and market-valued employment; the myth of community r e s u l t s when such n o t i o n s as c o l l e c t i v i t y , mutual understanding, s o c i a l harmony, c o o p e r a t i o n , and s t a b i l i t y , become a u t o m a t i c a l l y a s s o c i a t e d with an a d m i n i s t r a t i v e u n i t (e.g. m u n i c i p a l i t y , township, r e g i o n a l d i s t r i c t ) and the r e d u c t i v e and i n s t r u m e n t a l socio-economic r e l a t i o n s h i p s t hat are a s s o c i a t e d with t h i s u n i t . Of course i t i s p o s s i b l e to make these a s s o c i a t i o n s i n some cases. For i n s t a n c e , there are probably m u n i c i p a l i t i e s or townships where, on the whole, the more d i r e c t , t o t a l , and s i g n i f i c a n t r e l a t i o n s h i p s of community dominate. E q u a l l y , there are b e n e f i t s to be d e r i v e d from an i n d u s t r i a l l y d r i v e n , growth o r i e n t e d approach to development. No, the v a l i d i t y of these a s s o c i a t i o n s i s not i n q u e s t i o n when they are p l a c e d w i t h i n c e r t a i n parameters and e v a l u a t e d on a case by case b a s i s . Rather, i t i s the n a t u r a l i z a t i o n of these a s s o c i a t i o n s , where they are presented and accepted as a h i s t o r i c a l t r u t h s , that I f i n d p r o b l e m a t i c . For i t i s here where c r i t i c a l thought i s r e p l a c e d by dogma, and where the s t r e n g t h of hegemony i s most r e l e n t l e s s . While i t i s not p o s s i b l e to t r a c e the development of these myths in t h i s enquiry, the sources from which these myths draw continued sustenance can be b r i e f l y o u t l i n e d . I I . SIGNS OF SUPPORT If we c o n s i d e r the d i s c o u r s e s and d i s c i p l i n e s i n our c u l t u r e that c o n t r i b u t e to hegemonic processes, i t becomes e a s i e r to understand how these myths a r i s e and why f o r many people the l a b e l "community economic development" most c l e a r l y s i g n i f i e s m u n i c i p a l entrepreneurism. Readers should note, these are d i s c o u r s e s at the heart of much s c h o l a r s h i p in the s o c i a l s c i e n c e s , and d i s c o u r s e s which c o n f i r m present i n s t i t u t i o n a l arrangements. The community myth, in p a r t , f i n d s nourishment i n two d i s c o u r s e s . The f i r s t i s an o f f s h o o t of what can be l a b l e d the d i s c o u r s e of t e c h n i c a l r a t i o n a l i t y . T h i s d i s c o u r s e r e l a t e s mainly to p o s i t i v i s t i c p hilosophy and d o c t r i n e , and p r o v i d e s the f o u n d a t i o n a l knowledge f o r such prominent and i n f l u e n c i a l d i c i p l i n e s and p r o f e s s i o n s as economics, s o c i o l o g y , p o l i t i c a l s c i e n c e , medicine, law, commerce, en g i n e e r i n g , and urban p l a n n i n g (Schon, 1983). P o s i t i v i s t i c p h i l osophy i s o f t e n l i n k e d to the w r i t i n g s of Newton and Decartes. T h i s philosophy p u r p o r t s a mechanistic and r e d u c t i v e view of l i f e , and a b e l i e f that through s c i e n t i f i c method humans can know, manipulate, and c o n t r o l the n a t u r a l environment (Berman, 1984). The d i s c o u r s e of t e c h n i c a l r a t i o n a l i t y extends p o s i t i v i s t i c d o c t r i n e to the s o c i a l environment. T h i s e x t e n s i o n g i v e s r i s e to a c o n t r o l o r i e n t e d view of the s o c i a l landscape, and to the idea of the s o c i a l body as a mechanical aggregate of i n d i v i d u a l p a r t s o p e r a t i n g on some fundamental law or p r i n c i p l e (e.g. s e l f - i n t e r e s t and reason). At the heart of t e c h n i c a l r a t i o n a l i t y i s an assumption that p o s i t i v i s t i c knowledge and t e c h n o l o g i c a l c o n t r o l can be a p p l i e d to human s o c i e t y to improve human w e l l - b e i n g . C e n t r a l to t h i s t h i n k i n g i s the means to ends schema. With the l o g i c of t h i s schema, the important q u e s t i o n i s one of how best to achieve c e r t a i n agreed upon.ends using s c i e n t i f i c and t e c h n i c a l know-how. Here we see the i n v i s i b i l i t y of d i s c o u r s e to which Foucault r e f e r r e d . In the p o s i t i o n of s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t , both ends and means are separated from p o l i t i c s and h i s t o r y . By assuming away the importance of one's i n f l u e n c e on the qu e s t i o n of ends, the p o l i t i c a l and h i s t o r i c a l q u e s t i o n , the s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t i s able to dwell i n the s o - c a l l e d i m p a r t i a l i t y of s c i e n t i f i c method. In the c l i m a t e of i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n , as i t occured i n the Western world, the q u e s t i o n became one of how best to manage and c o n t r o l the d i s o r d e r e d urban mileu while e n a b l i n g p r o d u c t i v e processes and p o s i t i v e socio-economic change. We can f i n d the answer to t h i s q u e s t i o n entrenched i n i n s t i t u t i o n a l thought and p r a c t i c e , as w e l l as i n the very s t r u c t u r i n g of i n s t i t u t i o n s such as government, the m i l i t a r y , and the u n i v e r s i t y . T h i s answer was the message c a r r i e d i n the d i s c o u r s e of t e c h n o l o g i c a l r a t i o n a l i t y : reduce the s o c i a l body to f u n c t i o n a l and i n s t r u m e n t a l terms. Through r e d u c t i o n i t was p o s s i b l e to c o n s t r u c t r o l e s , f u n c t i o n s , and i d e n t i t i e s . In sh o r t , i t was p o s s i b l e to know, where t h i s means to know i n order to c o n t r o l . Remember, d e s i g n a t i o n always i s i n p a r t c o n n o t a t i v e and, t h e r e f o r e , i s never separate from r e l a t i o n s of power. One r e s u l t of r e d u c t i o n was the b i r t h of a whole new p a t t e r n of s i g n i f i c a t i o n : we c o u l d r e f e r to human r e l a t i o n s s e p a r a t e l y as economic, p o l i t i c a l , e d u c a t i o n a l , r e l i g i o u s , or s o c i a l , and we cou l d set up d i s c i p l i n e s to examine, i n i s o l a t i o n , c e r t a i n f a c e t s of s o c i a l l i f e . We c o u l d a l s o t a l k about people as l e g a l e n t i t i e s , as producers and consumers, as managers and workers, as l a n d l o r d s and te n a n t s . Of relevance to our d i s c u s s i o n here, we c o u l d t a l k about the l o c a l p a t t e r n of r e l a t i o n s , about the community, as the c o l l e c t i o n of economic a c t o r s i n a market area, as a l o c a l pool of labour, or as the c o l l e c t i o n of l e g a l e n t i t i e s i n an a d m i n i s t r a t i v e u n i t , thus reducing a s s o c i a t i o n and c o l l e c t i v i t y to f u n t i o n a l and t e r r i t o r i a l terms. On t h i s p o i n t we might note the words of Michael Hibbard, who suggests that planners o f t e n d e f i n e community i n f u n c t i o n a l terms, as f o r example, a m u n i c i p a l i t y or school attendance area. Says Hibbard: These s o r t s of d e f i n i t i o n s have the v i r t u e s of s i m p l i c i t y and c e r t a i n t y , but they run the danger of m i s r e p r e s e n t a t i o n . The meaning of community l o s e s much of i t s r i c h n e s s because f u n c t i o n a l d e f i n i t i o n s miss the important c u l t u r a l nuances that g i v e meaning to the idea of community.... The c h a l l e n g e i s to capture those c u l t u r a l webs in plan-making, not to s i m p l i f y or exclude them (1988:536). A l s o i n the c l i m a t e of i n d u s t r i a l i s m we see the emergence of a second d i s c o u r s e on which the community myth draws sustenance. The d i s r u p t i v e changes brought about by i n d u s t r i a l processes drew the a t t e n t i o n of numerous w r i t e r s , not the l e a s t of which were Durkheim, Tonnies, and Weber. These w r i t e r s compared a g r a r i a n with i n d u s t r i a l s o c i a l arrangements (to s i m p l i f y g r e a t l y the breadth of t h e i r v a r i o u s works). T h i s comparison gave r i s e to Tonnies' famous 1 G e m e i n s c h a f t / G e s s e l s c h a f t ' typology and Durkheim's 'mechanical s o l i d a r i t y / o r g a n i c s o l i d a r i t y ' typology. On Tonnies' typology Cohen w r i t e s : Tonnies d e s c r i b e d a t r a n s i t i o n t a k i n g p l a c e between 'gemeinschaft', the s o c i e t y of intimacy, of c l o s e p e r s o n a l knowledge, of s t a b i l i t y , and g e s s e l s c h a f t , a s o c i e t y c h a r a c t e r i z e d by ego-focused, h i g h l y s p e c i f i c and p o s s i b l y d i s c o n t i n u o u s r e l a t i o n s h i p s , in which the i n d i v i d u a l i n t e r a c t s w i t h i n d i f f e r e n t s o i c a l m i l i e u x f o r d i f f e r e n t purposes (1985:22). From s p e c i f i c and l i m i t e d readings of these authors' works, emphasizing e s p e c i a l l y d e s c r i p t i v e c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s such as s p a c i a l extent and p o p u l a t i o n numbers, a d i s c o u r s e emerged which came to a s s o c i a t e the small and the l o c a l t e r r i t o r y with more t o t a l and s i g n i f i c a n t r e l a t i o n s h i p s of community. In p a r t i c u l a r , t h i s d i s c o u r s e was propogated by the Chicago school of s o c i o l o g y and anthropology, which, based on the works of L o u i s Wirth, Robert R e d f i e l d , and Robert Park among ot h e r s , c r e a t e d the popular r u r a l / u r b a n or f o l k / u r b a n dichotomies (Cohen, 1985; Pahl, 1968). With these dichotomies, r u r a l (community) s o c i e t y was sketched as s m a l l , s p a c i a l l y immediate, p a r o c h i a l , s t a b l e , and based on c o o p e r a t i v e r e l a t i o n s h i p s of ' t o t a l ' persons. Urban s o c i e t y , on the other hand, was sketched as more s p a c i a l l y d i v i d e d , fragmented, and based on f u n c t i o n a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s of s e l f -i n t e r e s t i n d i v i d u a l s . Referents f o r t h i s typology were found by comparing i n d u s t r i a l i z e d with 'peasant' s o c i e t i e s . While those from the Chicago school p l a c e d f o l k s o c i e t y and i n d u s t r i a l s o c i e t y on a p r o g r e s s i v e e v o l u t i o n a r y path, with f o l k s o c i e t y t r e a t e d as an a n a c h r o n i s t i c mode in 2 'modern' s o c i e t i e s , the a s s o c i a t i o n between communal r e l a t i o n s h i p s and l o c a l t e r r i t o r y has remained s t r o n g . Indeed, i t i s on the assumed v a l i d i t y of t h i s a s s o c i a t i o n that one i s able to d e s c r i b e with the warmly pursuasive term community, a given g e o g r a p h i c a l l y demarcated a d m i n i s t r a t i v e u n i t . G u s f i e l d notes the importance of t h i s assumption when he w r i t e s : The use of "community" as a general term f o r a r e a l t e r r i t o r i a l s ettlement, r a t h e r than s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s , has i t s r o o t s i n the tendency to i d e n t i f y the l o c a l , s m a l l , t e r r i t o r i a l u n i t with communal r e l a t i o n s h i p s and the l a r g e urban and r e g i o n a l u n i t s with s o c i e t a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s . Thus 2 Cohen (1985) suggests that those from the Chicago school misread Durkheim's work. Where Durkheim saw mechanical s o l i d a r i t y and organic s o l i d a r i t y as two s i d e s of the same c o i n , as two complementary modes o p e r a t i n g at the same moment in time, those from the Chicago school saw these types as stages i n s o c i a l e v o l u t i o n and thus h i s t o r i c a l l y i ncompatible. v i l l a g e , neighborhood and town appear as seats of community...(1975:32-33). I t i s a l s o through t h i s a s s o c i a t i o n that some people can r e f e r to the l o c a l market system not as a flow of c a p i t a l or as a system of c o m p e t i t i v e r e l a t i o n s h i p s and unequal exchange, but with terms such as c o o p e r a t i o n , mutual concern, . . . 3 community p a r t i c i p a t i o n , and community wealth . We w i l l hear the v o i c e s of these people s h o r t l y . The myth of development draws i t s nourishment p r i m a r i l y from the modernization d i s c o u r s e , which combines s o c i a l e v o l u t i o n theory and growth-centred economic d o c t r i n e . In s o c i a l e v o l u t i o n theory, 'development' s i g n i f i e s p o s i t i v e s o c i a l change, where t h i s occurs as an ine x o r a b l e and p r o g r e s s i v e l i n e a r movement from one stage to another. We f i n d t h i s model of change used i n t e l e o l o g i c a l f a s h i o n by Marx to o u t l i n e the i n e v i t a b l e demise of c a p i t a l i s m and f i n a l i t y of communism. In the Western world, t h i s s i m p l i s t i c model of change--as contemporary thought now views it--was adapted to f i t the c u l t u r e of c a p i t a l i s m . With t h i s a d a p t a t i o n development took on a h i g h l y s p e c i a l i z e d c o n n o t a t i o n . Where the m a t e r i a l f r u i t s of c a p i t a l i s t r e l a t i o n s , p o s i t i v e s c i e n c e , and technology had convinced the ben e f a c t o r s that s o c i a l e v o l u t i o n had indeed ended with the i n d u s t r i a l order, the f r e e market, the democratic s t a t e , and 3 For example see Economic Development S t r a t e g y Commission of The Comox V a l l e y . 1987. "An Economic Development Str a t e g y f o r The Comox V a l l e y " . "modern" man, p r o g r e s s i v e change became the i n e v i t a b l e r e s u l t of a c a p i t a l i s t p a t t e r n s of i n d u s t r i a l p r o d u c t i o n and the e n a b l i n g c u l t u r a l environment i n which t h i s c o u l d f l o u r i s h . In s h o r t , development as p o s i t i v e change was l i n k e d to a a c u l t u r e s t r u c t u r e d on r e l a t i o n s h i p s of unequal exchange and t e c h n i c a l mastery, and based on an e t h i c s of p o s s e s s i v e and c o m p e t i t i v e i n d i v i d u a l i s m . With the i n v e n t i o n of n a t i o n a l income accounts i n the l a t e 1930s and e a r l y 1940s, 'development' a l s o became a s s o c i a t e d with economic growth at the n a t i o n a l and r e g i o n a l l e v e l s (Friedmann & Weaver, 1979). By equating development and economic growth there was suddenly a new c a l c u l u s . Human betterment was now equated with a measured i n c r e a s e i n the p r o d u c t i v e c a p a c i t y and output of i n d u s t r y . In essence, t h i s reduced the path of h i s t o r y to movement in stages along a s i n g l e value dimension i n the homogenized space of g l o b a l c a p i t a l and i n d u s t r i a l r e l a t i o n s . In 1960, W.W. Rostow p o p u l a r i z e d t h i s view of h i s t o r y and gave government the task of o r g a n i z i n g the journey along the development path. On t h i s path, n o n - i n d u s t r i a l i z e d c u l t u r e was l a b l e d 'backward' or 'undeveloped' and i n d u s t r i a l i z e d c u l t u r e 'modern' or 'developed'. Development as a s i g n i f i e r f o r change now had a d i r e c t r e f e r e n t . The imaginary had become the r e a l and i t was j u s t a matter of a p p l i c a t i o n . With c o n t i n u e d r e s t r u c t u r i n g of the g l o b a l economic system in a d r i v e f o r i n t e r n a t i o n a l c o m p e t i t i v e n e s s , w i t h i n many Western c o u n t r i e s income and employment d i s p a r i t i e s between regions have i n c r e a s e d . In l i g h t of these changes, authors such as Cof f e y and Polese have promoted the idea of l o c a l development. T h i s approach i s n a t i o n a l growth-centred d o c t r i n e w r i t s m a l l , only with a s p e c i f i c emphasis p l a c e d on the need f o r r e g i o n a l p o l i c y aimed at s t i m u l a t i n g l o c a l e n t r e p r e n e u r i a l i s m . From t h e i r p e r s p e c t i v e the problem l i e s i n the region i t s e l f , i t i s not the r e s u l t of s t r u c t u r a l arrangements. A t t e n t i o n to l o c a l c o n d i t i o n s i s t h e r e f o r e important. T h i s i s o l a t i o n i s t view seems to p a r a l l e l an e f f o r t on the part of these w r i t e r s to " s o c i a l l y animate" (though not p o l i t i c a l l y animate) l o c a l development i n i t i a t i v e s , i n 4 e f f e c t to humanize the i n d i v i d u a l economic a c t o r . I would argue that t h i s r e s u l t s from a s h i f t i n focus to the l o c a l s c a l e . With t h i s s h i f t the l o c a l takes on a more p e r s o n a l i d e n t i t y , even though an in s t r u m e n t a l and r e d u c t i v e model i s s t i l l used as a d e s c r i p t i o n of r e a l i t y . Somehow, i n t a k i n g on t h i s i d e n t i t y the broader r e l a t i o n a l context i s d i s r e g a r d e d . In a d d i t i o n to s u s t a i n i n g d i s c o u r s e s , we may c o n s i d e r arenas where these myths are r e a d i l y v o c a l i z e d . Perhaps most not a b l y , they play an important p a r t i n the r h e t o r i c d e l i v e r e d by s t a t e and business e l i t e . As an act of s e l f empowerment and s e l f betterment, government l e a d e r s (whose 4 For example see, Co f f e y , W. & Polese, M. 1984. "Local Development: Conceptual Bases and P o l i c y I m p l i c a t i o n s " Regional S t u d i e s 19(2):85-93. r e p r e s e n t a t i o n i s g e o g r a p h i c a l l y designated) o f t e n indulge i n the r h e t o r i c of 'community' to put f o r t h t h e i r own values and ideas as those common to a l l . T h i s i s c l e a r l y demonstrated in a communique from the B.C. O f f i c e of the Premier e n t i t l e d D e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n . In t h i s communique we are f i r s t t o l d about the c o o p e r a t i v e s p i r i t and u n i t y of those r e s i d i n g i n l o c a l a d m i n i s t r a t i v e u n i t s : We know when th i n g s get tough we have to p u l l t o g ether, to draw upon our s t r e n g t h s . We must work on s o l u t i o n s developed from w i t h i n the community rat h e r than w a i t i n g f o r the b i g f i x . I t ' s neighbour-helping-neighbour that b u i l d s s t r o n g , d i v e r s i f i e d economies. I t ' s s h a r i n g ideas and i n f o r m a t i o n . That's what our d e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n plan i s a l l about. It says that the best ideas come about when neighbours s i t down and work out a common plan of a t t a c k . . . . There i s a strong d e s i r e in B r i t i s h Columbia's c i t i e s , towns and v i l l a g e s to take the f u t u r e i n t o t h e i r own hands...to make i t b e t t e r f o r a l l t h e i r c i t i z e n s . (1987:36-38) Next we f i n d out that the "community" i s a c t u a l l y made up of a s e l e c t group of people, mainly economic a c t o r s , who must take charge, and that "making i t b e t t e r " f o r the community, i n other words development, means mainly i n c r e a s i n g investment, income, and j o b s : It i s time to harness that d e s i r e . . . t o encourage communities to draw together t h e i r r e s o u r c e s . . . to engage chambers of commerce, s e r v i c e c l u b s and i n t e r e s t e d c i t i z e n s i n p r o g r e s s i v e a c t i o n so that they may be f u l l y prepared to seek out and a t t r a c t new job o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r t h e i r c i t i z e n s . . . . A w e l l - c o n c e i v e d and executed economic development s t r a t e g y should be the cornerstone of any community p l a n . . . i t takes stock and s e t s goals and tasks r i g h t on the bottom l i n e . . t o i n c r e a s e income and investment (39). F i n a l l y , we f i n d out about the " s m a l l " r o l e government s h a l l p l ay i n t h i s " c o o p e r a t i v e " and " d e c e n t r a l i z e d " endeavour: Our r o l e as a p r o v i n c i a l government w i l l be to seek out these o p p o r t u n i t i e s at the l o c a l l e v e l . . . a n d to nurture them so that they may evolve i n t o jobs and income. And i t i s a l l based i n our communities, whose c o l l e c t i v e e f f o r t makes a province s t r o n g . E i g h t r e g i o n a l m i n i s t e r s of s t a t e have been appointed. Each w i l l set up an economic development group and a resource team f o r t h e i r r e g i o n . Each development group w i l l i n c l u d e r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s of l o c a l and r e g i o n a l government, business and l a b o u r . . . . As an a s i d e , the Comox V a l l e y Economic Development Strat e g y Commission membership p r o v i d e s an i n f o r m a t i v e example of what the B.C. government means by community involvement. The membership i n c l u d e s a mayor, four aldermen, a bank manager, three business people, a c i t y t r e a s u r e r , a d i r e c t o r of p l a n n i n g , a commercial fisherman, and a union f i n a n c i a l s e c r e t a r y . A l s o , twelve of t h i r t e e n members are men i f " T e rry" i s indeed the name of a woman. As fo r the r h e t o r i c of 'development', i t p r o v i d e s an avenue f o r business and government i n t e r e s t s to d i s g u i s e the extent to which they may d i r e c t l y b e n e f i t from economic a c t i v i t y , and i t a l s o helps to s i l e n t l y r e c o n f i r m the values and c u l t u r e of those promoting change. Even though what they say i s h i g h l y u n l i k e l y , with t h i s r h e t o r i c they can c l a i m that c e r t a i n a c t i v i t y w i l l l e a d to economic growth, and thus to p o s i t i v e socio-economic change and improved w e l l - b e i n g f o r a l l . A quote by Ronald Reagan i n the Los Angeles Times on A p r i l 15, 1981 amply demonstrates t h i s p o i n t : As we look to the f u t u r e , we know that i t i s only through growth that we can continue our American way of l i f e and hope to enjoy i n c r e a s e d p r o s p e r i t y . For a growing economy s u s t a i n s our democracy and the p a r t n e r s h i p between workers and business and i n d u s t r y . Only with economic growth and f r e e e n t e r p r i s e can we ensure the expansion of economic and s o c i a l o p p o r t u n i t i e s which w i l l b e n e f i t a l l Americans ( c i t e d i n Friedmann, 1981:16). We can only wonder i f homeless people are as c o n f i d e n t about the b e n e f i t s of economic growth. L a s t l y , i n terms of sustenance, we may c o n s i d e r the i n s t i t u t i o n a l arrangements that r e c i p r o c a l l y c o n f i r m the myths of community and development. Examples of such arrangements i n c l u d e : the f e d e r a l , p r o v i n c i a l , and munici p a l government departments set up with a mandate to promote l o c a l (meaning m u n i c i p a l or r e g i o n a l d i s t r i c t ) economic growth and wage employment s t r a t e g i e s ; the government department's concerned with programmes aimed at p r o v i d i n g community s e r v i c e s and promoting common "community" val u e s and norms; and the vast array of re s e a r c h f a c i l i t i e s and p r i v a t e o r g a n i z a t i o n s a l s o f u e l e d by and f u e l i n g these myths: the economic development o r g a n i z a t i o n , the education and t r a i n i n g programmes. A l l of these c o n s i d e r a t i o n s r e f l e c t on r e p r o d u c t i v e processes; processes that s a t u r a t e the whole of l i v e d experience and which p l a c e l i m i t s on the p o s s i b i l i t y of change. They r e f l e c t the way the s o c i a l landscape i s s t r u c t u r e d and r e s t r u c t u r e d by dominant s i g n i f i c a t i o n s . As I have argued, r e p r o d u c t i v e processes are g r e a t l y f a c i l i t a t e d by the a c t i o n s of people in p o s i t i o n s of a u t h o r i t y and l e g i t i m a c y , people with overt or c o v e r t power who respond to and reproduce the s t o r i e s on which t h e i r i d e n t i t y , p r i v i l e g e and power depends. We f i n d t h i s f a c i l i t a t i o n i n the CED d i s c o u r s e . For i n s t a n c e , the business and government e l i t e of B.C., with t h e i r w e l l promoted " f r e e e n t e r p r i s e " mythology, a n x i o u s l y p l a c e under the CED banner programmes encouraging e n t r e p r e n e u r i a l i s m at the l o c a l l e v e l . That i s , i n a d d i t i o n to t h e i r mega-project approach to economic growth. The Home-Based Business Program i s one example of support fo r entrepreneur i a l i sm. Another i n f o r m a t i v e example i s that of the Downtown E a s t s i d e Economic Development S o c i e t y (DEEDS), which i s an o r g a n i z a t i o n i n Vancouver designed to promote and a s s i s t i n d i v i d u a l e n t r e p r e n e u r i a l i s m . While t h i s s o c i e t y has a membership of only 60, and i s e i t h e r unknown or c o n s i d e r e d with some animosity by many Downtown E a s t s i d e r e s i d e n t s , i t has r e c i e v e d grants from Canada Employment and Immigration t the sum of approximately $580,000 in the p e r i o d 1984-1988 ( G i l b e r t , 1988). By i t s e l f , t h i s i n f o r m a t i o n t e l l s us l i t t l e But when we c o n s i d e r the case of the Downtown E a s t s i d e Residence A s s o c i a t i o n (DERA), we get an idea of what CED s i g n i f i e s f o r the f e d e r a l goverment. While DERA has a membership of "3,800, has been i n o p e r a t i o n f o r f i f t e e n years, and i s w e l l respected by many members of the community, u n t i l t h i s year i t has only r e c e i v e d enough funding f o r one p a i d p o s i t i o n a n n u a l l y at $23,000, "renewable every year with some u n c e r t a i n t y " , w r i t e s G i l b e r t (1988:20). The d i f f e r e n c e , perhaps, i s DERA's o b j e c t i v e s . DERA i s a community s e r v i c e s o c i e t y working for s t r u c t u r a l changes in the s o c i a l landscape. I t i s a group concerned with q u e s t i o n s of e q u i t y and who makes d e c i s i o n s , and not j u s t one promoting l o c a l e n t r e p r e n e u r i a l i s m . There i s a l s o the example of a p l e n a r y s e s s i o n e n t i t l e d " L o c a l Government Community Economic Development", which was part of the CED conference h e l d i n Vancouver in September, 1988. At t h i s s e s s i o n four B.C. mayors d e s c r i b e d CED e f f o r t s undertaken by t h e i r p a r t i c u l a r m u n i c i p a l i t i e s . L e s l i e Kemp prov i d e s commentary: Audrey Moore, C a s t l e g a r mayor, d e s c r i b e d her town's e f f o r t s to imporve the o v e r a l l business c l i m a t e by s u p p o r t i n g a c i t i z e n ' s group whose present e f f o r t s are d i r e c t e d at d e v e l o p i n g a g o l f course. The mayor of Port A l b e r n i , G i l l i a n Trumper, d i s c u s s e d how i n f r a s t r u c t u r e development was important in making the town a t t r a c t i v e f o r businesses to r e l a o c a t e ; she a l s o c i t e d the development of aquaculture as being of key importance to Port A l b e r n i ' s economic development.... F i n a l l y , the mayor of W h i s t l e r , Drew M e r i d i t h , spoke about... major i n i t i a t i v e s h i s government was t a k i n g i n s e c u r i n g government loans f o r snow-making equipment (SPARC News, F a l l 1988). Most l o c a l business people a l s o promote mu n i c i p a l entrepreneur ism as CED. Indeed, they may c l a i m that t h e i r ' s has always been the p r a c t i c e of CED. The importance of t h e i r e f f o r t s , though, has been reco g n i z e d only r e c e n t l y with a g r e a t e r government concern f o r smaller economic development i n i t i a t i v e s i n l i g h t of high unemployment l e v e l s and growing debt l o a d s . The important l e a d r o l e played by chamber of commerce members in s e t t i n g up community o r g a n i z a t i o n s f o r economic development, as p a r t of the B.C. government's e n t r e p r e n e u r i a l e f f o r t , p r o v i d e s an example of what CED s i g n i f i e s f o r business people. E q u a l l y , l o c a l economic development o f f i c e r s , seeking ways to plug leakages i n the l o c a l economy i n order to i n c r e a s e wage employment and enhance tax revenues, a s s o c i a t e CED with forms of l o c a l entrepreneurism. In a telephone i n t e r v i e w with a researcher from the C i t y of Vancouver Economic Development O f f i c e , I was provided with an i n t e r e s t i n g l i s t of CED i n i t i a t i v e s undertaken by h i s o f f i c e . T h i s l i s t i n c l u d e d the " S t r a t e g i c C i t i e s Program", which i s an e f f o r t to set up trade t i e s with major c i t i e s i n the P a c i f i c Rim r e g i o n . As p a r t of t h i s programme, groups of 40 or 50 "high power executive types" go as trade d e l e g a t i o n s to the v a r i o u s " s i s t e r " c i t i e s . Other i n i t i a t i v e s mentioned were a downtown redevelopment programme and a business improvement areas programme. While from an i n s t r u m e n t a l p o i n t of view the p r a c t i c e of e n t r e p r e n e u r i a l i s m can be s a i d to best match these groups' o p e r a t i o n a l g o a l s , there i s something more p o l i t i c a l i n v o l v e d here. For each of these groups the CED l a b e l p r o v i d e s a convenient d i s g u i s e f o r a c t i v i t y which r e a f f i r m s p e r s o n a l i d e n t i t y , p o s i t i o n , and p r i v i l e g e . At our t a b l e we might address these people as Lords, Merchants, and Tax C o l l e c t o r s , and we would f i n d o u r s e l v e s imprisoned by the power of t h e i r words and r e a l i t y . But of course, t h i s s i m p l i f i e s to too great an extent the hegemonic processes at work here; i t p a i n t s an a b s t r a c t t o t a l i z a t i o n that W i l l i a m s reminds us i s never so i n p r a c t i c e ( Williams 1977). If popular c u l t u r e can transform and c o n t e s t dominant s i g n i f i c a t i o n s as w e l l as reproduce them, i f there are v o i c e s of r e s i s t a n c e i n the s o c i a l landscape, we must t r y and understand what happens to these v o i c e s i n the CED d i s c o u r s e . In other words, what has happened to the v o i c e s of those who saw CED as a path moving away from a system which m a r g i n a l i z e s and wastes? Here we turn to the messages of our Steward, M i n s t r e l , and S e r f . I I I . SIGNS OF DISCONTENT The concerns of the Steward go beyond those of l o c a l economic growth and the f u l l and e f f i c i e n t u t i l i z a t i o n of human and n a t u r a l r e s o u r c e s . M a t e r i a l nourishment f o r the communal body i s only one aspect of communal h e a l t h . The balanced flow of n u t r i e n t s , and the harmonious working of a l l body p a r t s are two of the Steward's other concerns. These are c a l l e d s o c i a l concerns. As we heard i n chapter two, the Steward f e e l s that the h e a l t h of the communal body i s r a p i d l y d e t e r i o r a t i n g i n the wake of i n c r e a s e d competition f o r the f r u i t s of i n d u s t r y , and that a b a l a n c i n g of flows i s r e q u i r e d . The welfare of the S e r f s i s an immediate p r i o r i t y . In our world, the guidance of the Steward comes in the form of m i t i g a t i v e d i s c o u r s e . In t h i s case, the Steward's words resonate with the values of community: values such as equal p a r t i c i p a t i o n by a l l members of the community, c o o p e r a t i o n , mutual understanding and support, community c o n t r o l , and community s e l f - r e l i a n c e . But as the d e s i r e f o r a r e f e r e n t , the need f o r funding, submersion in a world of i n d i v i d u a t i o n and h i e r a r c h y , or the d e s i r e f o r g r e a t e r i n f l u e n c e overcomes the Steward's v i s i o n , we see that the Steward's world can be shaped by the s t r u c t u r i n g power of myth. The Steward's sig n s take on a d i f f e r e n t meaning when the e n r i c h e d concept of community i s transposed onto the o b j e c t i v e " r e a l i t y " of a f u n c t i o n a l , r e d u c t i v e , and h i e r a r c h i c a l system of r e l a t i o n s , and when development i s r e l a t e d to gains i n market-valued p r o d u c t i o n and wage employment. Now spoken in r e l a t i o n to d i s c o u r s e s a s s o c i a t e d with the community and development myths, the Steward's message takes on the v o i c e of change as i n c o r p o r a t i o n r a t h e r than t r a n s f o r m a t i o n . P a r t i c i p a t i o n in the community becomes i n d i v i d u a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n l o c a l , and by e x t e n s i o n , g l o b a l market r e l a t i o n s h i p s . The concerns f o r s o c i a l development (to meet n o n - f i n a n c i a l needs) and c o l l e c t i v e v a l u e s are manifested as improvements in the income from wage employment of each i n d i v i d u a l member. S e l f - r e l i a n c e becomes top-down or government r e g u l a t e d business t r a i n i n g to prepare the i n d i v i d u a l Serf f o r s u r v i v a l i n the world of unequal exchange, with the value of c o o p e r a t i o n reduced to an • emphasis on channeling a share o f ' p r o f i t s back i n t o the l o c a l market p l a c e - - t h a t i s , i f one has the luxury to worry about s o c i a l goals i n the heat of g l o b a l c o m p e t i t i o n . I t i s t r u e , t h i s education a l t e r s the flow of i n f o r m a t i o n . Some S e r f s may be taught the Merchant tongue and improve t h e i r m a t e r i a l p o s i t i o n and s e c u r i t y v i s - a - v i s other S e r f s . With such knowledge, some may go on to h e l p t h e i r f e l l o w S e r f s . I n d i v i d u a l l y , they may even gain i n f l u e n c e and a s s e t s . But the Steward's d i s c o u r s e , while intended as communal guidance, does more to r e i n f o r c e the e x i s t i n g i n s t i t u t i o n a l s t r u c t u r e s and p a t t e r n s of domination and s u b o r d i n a t i o n than to a l t e r these p a t t e r n s d i r e c t l y to achieve a more balanced flow of i n f o r m a t i o n , money, and i n f l u e n c e . The M i n s t r e l ' s words r i n g of a l e s s fragmented and a l i e n a t e d s o c i a l m i l i e u . T h i s i s the music of an h o l i s t i c world of s o r t s , where there i s an i n t e g r a t i o n of the i n d i v i d u a l ' s s o c i a l r o l e s , as w e l l as group c o o p e r a t i o n and e q u a l i t y . Such are the g e n t l e yet sad sounds of the community i d e a l , sounds that lament f o r the l o s t harmony and s i m p l i c i t y that i s n o s t a l g i c a l l y a s s o c i a t e d with a s m a l l , r u r a l settlement or v i l l a g e . The M i n s t r e l c a l l s on the community i d e a l and a s s o c i a t e s i t with economic development to represent an a t t a c k on the s a n c t i t y of development as economic growth and a turn to c o l l e c t i v e v a l u e s and concerns. These concerns are f o r a balanced flow of money, i n f o r m a t i o n , and i n f l u e n c e , and f o r q u a l i t y of employment and the i n t e g r i t y of the p h y s i c a l landscape. But the M i n s t r e l ' s tune a l s o r e f l e c t s the power of myth. The communal way of l i f e a s s o c i a t e d with a v i l l a g e s e t t i n g i s transposed, u n c r i t i c a l l y , onto what passes as the "modern" v e r s i o n of community under the n a t i o n - s t a t e s t r u c t u r e , the m u n i c i p a l i t y or r e g i o n a l d i s t r i c t . Perhaps f o r the M i n s t r e l t h i s t r a n s p o s i t i o n r e s u l t s from e i t h e r the d e s i r e f o r a r e f e r e n t , an e f f o r t to harmonize with today's popular d i s c o u r s e s , or simply from t r y i n g to earn one's evening bread; perhaps i t i s some mix of these or other f o r c e s , I don't know. What i s c l e a r , however, i s that with such an a s s o c i a t i o n , the M i n s t r e l r e i n f o r c e s the " t r u t h " of the community myth. T h i s at once denies and l e g i t i m i z e s the i n i q u i t o u s , h i e r a r c h i c a l , and f u n c t i o n a l set of r e l a t i o n s h i p s that c o n s t i t u t e the m u n i c i p a l s t r u c t u r e . What do I mean? Let us look at the example of Community Development C o r p o r a t i o n s (CDC), set up at the m u n i c i p a l or r e g i o n a l d i s t r i c t l e v e l s under the f e d e r a l government's Community Futures Programme. As these c o r p o r a t i o n s are managed by and accountable to the "community", have on t h e i r boards only members of the "community", and are designed to h e l p , i n p a r t i c u l a r , l e s s f o r t u n a t e members of the "community", our M i n s t r e l would see CDCs as a good v e h i c l e f o r meeting the s o c i a l g o als of CED. But when we look c l o s e r we f i n d t h at even i f managed at the mu n i c i p a l l e v e l by members of the "community", the f e d e r a l government s t i l l has a t i g h t r e i g n on the funds. Thus the f e d e r a l government d i c t a t e s what the money i s used f o r , how i t i s to be d i s t r i b u t e d , and what v o i c e s should represent the community. What r e s u l t s ? The normalized r e l a t i o n s h i p s and i n s t i t u t i o n s are i m i t a t e d . Money i s loaned to i n d i v i d u a l s wishing to s t a r t t h e i r own e n t e r p r i s e s and enter the world of unequal exchange. And the v o i c e s of Merchants and Tax C o l l e c t o r s tend to represent the community on the CDC board. Dependence i s maintained while g i v i n g the i l l u s i o n of gr e a t e r independence with terms l i k e community and c o o p e r a t i o n . I do not want to imply that there are no p o s i t i v e r e s u l t s from CDC a c t i v i t i e s , or that a l l CDCs are the same. Indeed, CDCs are probably an e f f i c i e n t way to d i s t r i b u t e w e l f a r e d o l l a r s and get these d o l l a r s flowing through the l o c a l economy. A l s o , some S e r f s may b e n e f i t m a t e r i a l l y from access to c a p i t a l and t r a i n i n g , and move o f f t h e i r dependence on a welfare cheque. But from where I am s i t u a t e d , I have t r o u b l e a s s o c i a t i n g t h i s a c t i v i t y with the valu e s of co o p e r a t i o n and e q u i t y , and I have t r o u b l e viewing t h i s as a g r a s s - r o o t s development approach, even i f i t does occur at the l o c a l l e v e l . As the l o c a l t e r r a i n i s p r e c i p i t o u s and d e c e p t i v e , the r e l a t i o n s h i p s r e i n f o r c e d are r a t h e r h i e r a r c h i c a l and c o m p e t i t i v e . So the M i n s t r e l ' s message, l i k e the Steward's, tends more to r e i n f o r c e e x i s t i n g p a t t e r n s of domination than to b r i n g changes that might balance the flows of i n f o r m a t i o n , money, and i n f l u e n c e . The S e r f s ' messages are mixed. There are the r e c o n f i r m i n g v o i c e s of those who choose the m y t h i c a l path of, development with i t s promised t r e a s u r e s . Here we hear the v o i c e s of those who seek to improve t h e i r own l o t and be accepted as " p r o d u c t i v e " members of s o c i e t y . Yet there are a l s o the v o i c e s that c a l l f o r a change in l o c a t i o n s and movement away from a c u l t u r e of p o s s e s s i v e and c o m p e t i t i v e i n d i v i d u a l i s m . These are the v o i c e s of S e r f s who have a d i f f e r e n t understanding of what i t i s to value communal r e l a t i o n s h i p s ; they know in whom they can t r u s t , f i n d mutual understanding and support, and depend on i n times of t r o u b l e . Sure, the Lord may guarantee them a few crumbs, but i t rs to each other that they turn f i r s t when c r i s i s a r i s e s . Not that they can always h e l p each other, but they give what they can. Thus i t makes good sense to look to each other when t a l k i s of community economic development. T h i s i s a way to improve the l o t of the group i n which they f i n d support. These v o i c e s r e j e c t the myths of community and development, they r e j e c t the r h e t o r i c of Merchants and Lords, and they think of ways to a l t e r the landscape and balance the flows of money, i n f o r m a t i o n , and i n f l u e n c e . Community and economic development are not seen as separate processes; one concerned with the s o c i a l world and one with the m a t e r i a l world. Indeed, CED i s seen as a process aimed at s t r e n g t h e n i n g community bonds and values i n the process of meeting m a t e r i a l needs. To t h i s end, there i s an emphasis on c o o p e r a t i o n over c o m p e t i t i o n , and c o l l e c t i v i s m over i n d i v i d u a l i s m . But not unexpectedly, the v o i c e s of these S e r f s are not heard. The powerful myths of Community and Development now dominate and exclude other n o i s e s . These n o i s e s c a r r y the sound of d i s r u p t i o n and d i s c o n t i n u i t y , of change and u n c e r t a i n t y . But they a l s o c a r r y the message of p o s s i b i l i t y . They poin t to a l t e r n a t i v e paths through the s o c i a l landscape. The choice we have i s r e a l l y a simple one, to dwell i n the same c u l t u r a l space, a space of domination and e x c l u s i o n , or to journey along more u n c e r t a i n but perhaps more welcoming t e r r a i n . If nothing e l s e , I hope t h i s enquiry encourages movement in space as w e l l as time. F i n a l l y , I am reminded of a c o n v e r s a t i o n that I would l i k e to share with you before the noise of an empty page s i l e n c e s these words and marks the end of our t e x t u a l engagement. T h i s was a c o n v e r s a t i o n that took p l a c e between the great r u l e r K u b l a i Khan and the t r a v e l e r Marco Polo--as t o l d by I t a l o C a l v i n o i n I n v i s i b l e C i t i e s : Already the Great Khan was l e a f i n g through h i s a t l a s , over the maps of c i t i e s that menace in nightmares and m a l e d i c t i o n s : Enoch, Babylon, Yahooland, Butua, Brave New World. He s a i d : ' I t i s a l l u s e l e s s , i f the l a s t l a n d i n g - p l a c e can only be the i n f e r n a l c i t y , and i t i s there t h a t , i n ever-narrowing c i r c l e s , the c u r r e n t i s drawing us.' And Polo s a i d : 'The i n f e r n o of the l i v i n g i s not something that w i l l be; i f there i s one, i t i s what i s a l r e a d y here, the i n f e r n o where we l i v e every day, that we form by being together. There are two ways to escape s u f f e r i n g i t . 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