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Feminism as development planning theory Mattix, Ramona 1989

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FEMINISM AS DEVELOPMENT PLANNING THEORY by RAMONA MATTIX B.A. PSYCHOLOGY THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS. (PLANNING) in THE  FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES  SCHOOL OF COMMUNITY AND REGIONAL PLANNING We a c c e p t t h i s t h e s i s a s c o n f o r m i n g to the required standard  THE  UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA O c t o b e r 1989 (fc) RAMONA MATTIX, 1989  In  presenting this  degree at the  thesis  in  partial  fulfilment  of  the  requirements  University  of  British  Columbia,  I agree that the  freely available for reference and study. I further agree that copying  of  department  this thesis for scholarly or  by  his  or  her  for  It  is  advanced  Library shall make it  permission for extensive  purposes may be granted by the  representatives.  an  understood  head of my  that  publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without  copying  or  my written  permission.  o rv\rv\«-MV  The University of British Columbia Vancouver, Canada  DE-6 (2/88)  w4l  PU  F e m i n i s m As Development P l a n n i n g  Theory  ABSTRACT This  t h e s i s argues  advocating  equity  provides  much  theory  a  as w e l l  Feminism, and  relations. important  The form  it  needed  theory, These  keys  critique  arenas  practice  alternative views  transformational  of discourse analysis  of  power  submitted  as  that i s ,  social  i s offered i n this  change.  t h e s i s as a  to social  a n a l y s i s i s t o economic change.  change  The v o i c e  as  o f women,  h a s been o u t s i d e p u b l i c d i s c o u r s e , a n d t h i s  has contributed t o t h e i r  Within  socialism,  planning,  as important  men,  planning  views  are  force  i n general.  of liberalism,  t h a t becomes a f o r c e f o r s t r u c t u r a l concept  vis-a-vis  t o developmental  planning  offers  the p o l i t i c a l  f o r women  alternative to  i s submitted,  omission  feminism,  parity  as informing  of social  Marxist  and  i n the p o l i t i c a l  radical  planning  that  the  thesis  i s an  social  condition.  overview  of  t h e womens'  movement. I t a l s o c o n t a i n s an a n a l y s i s o f a l t e r n a t e p a t h s t o democracy h e l d and  discusses  by l i b e r a l ,  t h e importance  women s u p p o r t i n g The planning along  theory  possiblities  "hearing"  the contention  ii  and r a d i c a l p o s i t i o n s ,  of feminist  each i d e o l o g i c a l  liberatory  with  socialist  h e l d by  position. o f mainstream  the voice that  criticism  o f women  new i n s t i t u t i o n s  development i s explored, which  allow  for  social  womens' household  transformation  experience, level.  and  can by  best  be  initiating  met  by  change  valueing at  the  Table  o f Contents  Abstract Table o f Contents Acknowledgements  i i iv v i  Chapter One - F e m i n i s m A s D e v e l o p m e n t Theory Introduction Definitions The Power o f D i s c o u r s e o r V o i c e The C o n c e p t o f D i s c o u r s e The V a l u e o f a F e m i n i s t C r i t i q u e Empowerment  Planning 1 1 1 4 6 9 12  Chapter Two - F e m i n i s t H i s t o r y a n d F e m i n i s t T h o u g h t The Womens' Movement F e m i n i s t Theory  15 15 21  Chapter Three - T h r e e C o n c e p t i o n s  24 24 26  o f Power Liberalism The I n t e r a c t i o n o f t h e M a r k e t a n d S t a t e Development P l a n n i n g Theory i n t h e L i b e r a l Tradition Modernization Theory The L i b e r a l F e m i n i s t C r i t i q u e Socialism S o c i a l i s t T h e o r i e s o f Development Dependancy T h e o r y The S o c i a l i s t F e m i n i s t C r i t i q u e R a d i c a l Theory and P r a c t i c e R a d i c a l Development P l a n n i n g Theory and Practice The R a d i c a l F e m i n i s t C r i t i q u e C o n c e p t i o n s o f Power T r a n s l a t e R e a l L i f e  27 29 31 34 36 38 39 43 46 48 51  Chapter Four - D e v e l o p m e n t P l a n n i n g P r a c t i c e : T h e S i t u a t i o n of  Women The W o r l d o f Women M i s c o n c e p t i o n s i n Data  54 56 61  Chapter Five - Toward R a d i c a l F e m i n i s m Experience as Value E x p e r i e n c e A s Knowledge V a l u i n g Feminine Experience  Chapter Six - T r a n s f o r m a t i o n a l P l a n n i n g The H o u s e h o l d a s t h e S i t e o f T r a n s f o r m a t i o n a l Change  iv  66 70 75 78  81 82  The H o u s e h o l d a s P r o b l e m a t i c Conclusion P a r a l l e l Reconstruction I n c r e a s e d Gender E q u i t y Change i n Power R e l a t i o n s Enhanced Q u a l i t y o f L i f e Bibliography  v  85 8  9  91 93 95 96 99  Acknowledgements I Boothroyd, necessary well  as  and Dr.  gratitude  to  thank  important Julia  in to  this  to  advisor,  in  work.  "Monday  graduate  In  husband,  belief  the  values  her  for  called  transformational.  vi  Sneed, for  I  for  must  me  is  advice express  both as and my  motivational  during  I  would  for  his  in this  Peter  planning,  enormous  Finally,  Paul  of  thoughtful  the  played  school.  my  f e m i n i s t thought  addition,  they  Professor  discipline  for  Group"  acknowledge that  the  Gardner,  explorational force  years  my  for his conviction that  confidence  and  wish  work  my  like  two to  unwavering are  indeed  FEMINISM AS DEVELOPMENT  PLANNING  INTRODUCTION This  thesis  particularly women's issue  will  development  voice,  feminist  how  equity,  There theory  the d i s c i p l i n e  planning,  can not only  o f gender  practice.  show  become  a  c a n be v i e w e d  new window t h r o u g h  more  b u t c a n become  i s developed  development p l a n n i n g  through  theory.  attention  sensitive more  vantage  to  t o the  effective  point  as a primary  Feminist  of planning,  from  in  which  contribution to  c o n s i d e r a t i o n s open a  which t o see a p o p u l a t i o n o r a  political  ideology. The  thrust  supports  of  t h e message  transformational  perpetuate  hierarchical will can  focus and  existing  should  relations  development  be  informed  movement  planning,  that i s ,  c h a n g e i n a manner w h i c h  and m a t e r i a l l y based. on how  t h e womens'  development  p l a n n i n g w h i c h manages s o c i a l not  from  by  of This  planning  power thesis  theory  including  that  are  throughout  and  women's  does  practice voice i n  discourse.  Definitions Theory, originated,  in is a  the  hard,  scientific  hypothesis,  1  or  guess  sense about  as why  the and  term how  certain or  things  truth  social  by  occur.  various  sciences,  Thus,  theories  this  thesis,  Hypotheses experimental  however,  of  relationships  choices  of  action  on  be  of  assumptions  which  lend  the part  for validity  verified  f o r purposes  considered  effect  tested  procedures. Theory  cannot  planning,  are  c a n be  as  easily.  discussion  about  themselves  of those  i n the  cause  to  in and  specific  i n the p r a c t i c e  of  planning. Also stated  f o r the purpose of d e f i n i t i o n ,  that  political  planning  setting  psychological geographical  is  that  activity  serves  improvements boundaries  an  i t c a n be  to  which  (Grabow  and  occurs  direct  for constituents  generally in  physical  a  and  within  specific  1973;  Beazley,  Heskin,  1989) . Development planning  planning  i n particular,  region or a country than  other  development propel  a  direction  aims  to  account  a r e a s and  to  process  of  seeks,  offer  of i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n  Development  planning  and  are  for  The p r a c t i c e initiate  of and  in  the  development. diverse  o f the cause o f under-development  2  a  state  solutions  efficiency  and e c o n o m i c  theorists  reasons  o r advanced  fundamentally, t o  advancement  development  f o r the  or lack of i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n .  planning  assumptions  'mainstream'  i s at a less e f f i c i e n t  industrialized  inefficiencies  theory,  in  their  (Frank,  1966;  McClelland, singular  1961;  Rostow,  characteristic.  1960),  (the primary  practice)  specific  power,  using  particular  cause t o c r e a t e s o c i a l The  paths  head  in  the  As  will  their  seen,  to  markets  households.  contextual  in  in  radical  power  to  liberal  socialist  the  terms  terms  is  equity  and  adds  value.  For  the  purposes  be  considered  where t h e condition,  a  political and  of  theories  of  see  assumptions  fit.  theorists  socialist  and  visions  of  equity  is  current  contextual  made  planners,  Within  by  those  worldview  and about  equality  i n which  third,  of  liberal  of  this  commitment t o v a l u e s  3  of  governments, equity  i t is  to  in  notions  of  based  definition  theoretical  e q u a l i t y of  Equity  Equity  non-material the  is  defined.  opportunity.  thesis,  of  nature  socialist  from a r a d i c a l  conceptions  to  condition.  and  committment  difficult  decisions,  i s e q u a l i t y of  terms combines b o t h  equity w i l l  nature  planning  liberal,  and  feminist t h i n k i n g i s s i t u a t e d along  the  about  Equity  the  social  by  directions,  assumptions  often  theorist  between t h e o r y  about  and  proposed  definition  due  and  planning  a  directions.  precise  construct  to  be  same t h r e e A  political  share  change i n t h e d i r e c t i o n t h e y  general  according  connection  assumptions  development  three  radical, power.  for  a l l theorists  Each development  translates policy through  yet  of  stance,  opportunity,  of a non-material  nature  become cumulative. The  importance  of  context  in  a  comprehensive  t h e o r e t i c a l view o f o f p l a n n i n g theory has been noted: ...a more nearly adequate epistemology of p l a n n i n g p r a c t i c e would take account o f them [ t h e o r i s t s ] a l l . I t would d e s c r i b e t h e knowledge i m p l i c i t i n p l a n n i n g p r a c t i c e , i n c l u d i n g t h e knowhow by which planners frame both t h e s i t u a t i o n s o f t h e i r p r a c t i c e and t h e r o l e s which mediate t h e i r a c t i v i t i e s i n i n t e r p e r s o n a l , i n s t i t u t i o n a l , and p o l i t i c a l c o n t e x t s . I t would a l s o show how r o l e and context c o n t r i b u t e t h e formation o f knowingi n - p r a c t i c e (Schon, 1982:352). The  vision  o f development  theorists  and p l a n n e r s i s  thus bounded by t h e i r a n a l y s i s o f c u r r e n t p o l i t i c a l The  political  a l t e r n a t i v e s supported  by l i b e r a l ,  context.  socialist,  and r a d i c a l i d e o l o g i e s a r e u s e f u l f o r a n a l y s i s i n t h e manner in  which  they  Particularly  are  important  adopted  by  development  i s the expression  planners.  o f development  p l a n n i n g theory and p r a c t i c e as i t a f f e c t s women.  THE  POWER OF DISCOURSE OR VOICE In a d d i t i o n t o m u l t i p l i c i t y  variation  of solution,  feature,  the lack  significant  planning  o f theory, theory  of the voice  and u n s e t t l i n g  that  d e f i n i t i o n and  has another  o f women. a  I t i s both  profession  h i s t o r i c a l l y p r o v i d e d g o a l s f o r human s e t t l e m e n t p r e s c r i p t i o n s f o r s o c i a l , environmental  4  notable  which  has  and expert  and economic problem  solving  shows  participation  such by  an  of  feminist  theory  unified  is  there  comprehensive  planning  social  there  no  recognized  i s no  forum  for  ideas.  Friedmann's  analysis  If  women i n d i s c o u r s e ,  women's t h o u g h t s and John  neglect.  in  theory  which  critique.  547  devotes  he  page  only  describes  What he  two  i t  does say,  review  as  and  pages  to  having  no  however, i s :  Households are the c e n t r a l i n s t i t u t i o n i n c i v i l society. And i f the principal aim of a reconstructive practice is the recovery of political community as an autonomous domain through institutions of self-management, that community b e i n g t h e p o l i t i c a l e x p r e s s i o n o f c i v i l s o c i e t y , the r e c o n s t r u c t i o n of the household i n l i n e with feminist conceptions i s an essential s t e p ( F r i e d m a n n , 1987:269). What there also  are  no  we  widely  that  and  integrated often  seems  household"? to  by  in  the What  and male  alike?  What  occur  mandate case, i f the  fact  voices  c r e a t e a forum which h e a r d  5  changes  not  only  are  theorists,  but  reproduction,  community  economic in  feminist  the  limited  and  social  i f of  that,  planning  i n production  many  might the  the women  in political  theorists  practice  of  recognized  un-acknowledged  and  make  women's r o l e s  education,  planning  to  have  gone  development  and  planning  and  "reconstruction  o f women c o m p e l l e d  another  set of  theory  precepts  profession  to  in  were  not, of  as the  planning  priorities?  The  Concept o f  Discourse  Historically, first  articulated  Plato,  allowed  political  the by  Greek  of  discourse,  thinkers  such  as  which  was  Socrates  and  o n l y Greek male c i t i z e n s t o have a s o c i a l  ' v o i c e ' . Much  communications  theory  participation  of  importance  such  length  conception  of  later,  which  social  Jurgen  focused  on  dialogue  social  Habermas ideals  developed of  (Forester,  discourse  was  and  also  a  equity  in  1989).  The  explored  at  i n t h e work o f h i s t o r i a n p h i l o s o p h e r M i c h e a l  Foucault  (1972) . Foucault dominance has  the  of  various  power  dominant  to  major  result  were h a r d e r  about  of  increases to  resources.  control like  medicine,  were  useful,  is  Arising  situated The  prevent shapes  western  authority  that  naming,  wields  understanding  civilization the  a and  created  a s a method o f i n c r e a s i n g c o n t r o l  over  were b e c o m i n g material  from  to  6  beginning  self-sufficient  well-being  government new-found  personal  psychology, according  at  the  the  of  body  in  of  in  the  c o n t r o l by  mechanisms  to  therefore  p o p u l a t i o n who  of  or  contended  Industrial Revolution a general  power  discursive fields.  and  Foucault  discourse  that  name,  discourse  knowledge. a  believed  and  or  market  specialist  monopoly were  disciplines  criminology.  because  a  therefore,  self-sufficiency  s o c i o l o g y and Foucault,  by  and  as  of  These  what  he  termed which had  "a r e v e r s a l occurred  of the p o l i t i c a l  i n the 17th century.  p r e v i o u s l y been  monarch this  axis of individuation"  embodied  and e x c e r c i s e d  This  meant t h a t  i n t h e person  o n anonymous  power  of a ruler or  masses;  b u t power i n  i n s t a n c e d i d n o t have t h e p h y s i c a l c a p a c i t y t o e n f o r c e  compliance era,  over  however,  invasive,  every  subject  i t was p o w e r  and c o n t r o l l e d  psychological  a t a l l times.  that  became  anonymous  the individual  restrictions  I n t h e modern  through  heretofore  and a l l  s o c i a l and  uneccessary  and  unknown. The and  importance  of Foucault's  planning theory a l i k e  maintained  through  work  f o rfeminist  theory  i s i nhis analysis of the control  d i s c o u r s e . I f t h e p o w e r t o name  belongs  t o men o r c e r t a i n men, s a y , p l a n n e r s , t h e n a l l u n d e r s t a n d i n g and  knowledge r e l a t e d  men. by  t o t h e i r d i s c o u r s e i s shaped by those  I f development p l a n n i n g naming  others named  by  certain  arenas  definition  i n theory  f o r change,  (Forester,  argues  that  eliminates  Arenas  not often  1989).  planners  d e c i s i o n making, agenda s e t t i n g they  purport  i n f o r m a t i o n by framing is  i t also  i n c l u d e d women a n d m i n o r i t i e s . Forester  those  legitimates practice  comprehended.  to  Planners  7  and s h a p i n g  serve.  problems,  exercise  When he s a y s ,  power  "felt" planners they  needs o f manage  define  c a n a l s o be t h e agents  by  what  of false  assurance, as  which F o r e s t e r submits i s managing t r u s t ,  agents  of  illegitimacy  misrepresenation discourse Forester. public  is  (managing  often  Planners  interest  (managing  knowledge).  powerful  and  but, i n fact,  may  consent)  Planners  mis-used  may v i e w t h e m s e l v e s ,  then,  answer  as w e l l and  role  in  according  to  7  as s e r v i n g t h e  t o t h e dominant  'voice'. Similarly,  there  are  definitions  provided  dominant d i s c o u r s e which s p e c i f y t h e c u l t u r a l a Woman i s . E v e r y d a y t h i s way. I n s p e a k i n g  life  f o r women  by  the  n o t i o n o f what  i s made p r o b l e m a t i c i n  of her experience  a t graduate  school,  C a n a d i a n f e m i n i s t D o r t h y Shaw s t a t e s : "The forms o f thought, t h e means o f e x p r e s s i o n , t h a t we h a d a v a i l a b l e t o us t o formulate our e x p e r i e n c e were made o r c o n t r o l l e d b y men. From t h a t c e n t e r women a p p e a r e d a s o b j e c t s . I n r e l a t i o n t o men ( o f t h e r u l i n g c l a s s ) women's c o n s c i o u s n e s s d i d n o t , a n d most p r o b a b l y g e n e r a l l y s t i l l does n o t , a p p e a r a s an autonomous s o u r c e o f k n o w l e d g e , experience, relevance and i m a g i n a t i o n . Women's experience d i d n o t appear as t h e source o f an a u t h o r i t i a t i v e general expression o f t h e world. Women d i d n o t a p p e a r t o men a s men do t o one a n o t h e r , a s p e r s o n s who m i g h t s h a r e i n t h e common c o n s t r u c t i o n o f a s o c i a l r e a l i t y where t h a t i s essentially an i d e o l o g i c a l c o n s t r u c t i o n " (Shaw, 1987:51). I n t h e common c o n s t r u c t i o n o f r e a l i t y it  i s essential  shared been  with  male  that  women.  theory,  p r o p o s e d b y Shaw,  t h e power t o name b e a c k n o w l e d g e d a n d  Development therefore,  8  planning  theory,  which  requires the participation  has of  the in  voice  o f women,  a n d must  legitimate  women's  experience  i t s practice. In  a work w h i c h a d d r e s s e s  in particular, Forester  states  issues  o f power f o r  planners  that:  The e n c o u r a g e m e n t o f ' v o i c e ' i s i m p o r t a n t i n two related senses the broadly political and d e m o c r a t i c s e n s e o f 'the v o i c e o f t h e p e o p l e ' , a n d t h e more s p e c i f i c e x p e r i e n t i a l s e n s e c o n v e y e d b y Belenky et a l . i n their study o f women's e p i s t e m o l o g i c a l a n d e t h i c a l d e v e l o p m e n t : "What we had n o t a n t i c i p a t e d was t h a t ' v o i c e ' was more t h a n an a c a d e m i c s h o r t h a n d f o r a p e r s o n ' s p o i n t o f v i e w ... In describing their lives, women commonly talked about v o i c e a n d s i l e n c e : ' s p e a k i n g up', 'being s i l e n c e d ' , 'not b e i n g h e a r d ' i n an e n d l e s s v a r i e t y o f c o n n o t a t i o n s a l l h a v i n g t o do w i t h s e n s e o f mind, s e l f w o r t h ... women r e p e a t e d l y u s e d the metaphor o f v o i c e t o d e p i c t t h e i r i n t e l l e c t u a l and e t h i c a l d e v e l o p m e n t . " ... we h a v e a r g u e d t h a t planners can encourage (or obstruct) the development o f v o i c e s o f ... t h o s e who may b e vulnerable p o l i t i c a l l y f o rreasons o f c l a s s , race o r g e n d e r (1989:231).  THE  VALUE OF A FEMINIST CRITIQUE As  stated  earlier,  existing  change  a r e found  i n various  Despite  political  differences  feminism men  i n general  the  facets there  sense  o f laws  are several  a private  and household) b a s i s created  9  of  political  of feminist  c a n be s a i d t o promote  h a v e o p p r e s s e d women on b o t h  interpersonal  theories  thought.  ideas  that  - a belief  that  ( i n t h e sense o f  and on a p u b l i c s c a l e ( i n  and c u l t u r a l  beliefs  fostered  about  the i n f e r i o r i t y  oppression social  must  be  recognition  o f women), rectified,  The  social a  basically,  women  male  criticism  discourse  have  and  an  insistence  and i n t e g r i t y  grounded  of been  that  1963; D a l e y ,  understanding  and  patriarchy outside  Feminism  knowledge,  assumptions  class  holds  struggle,  growth  and  which  traced  (French,  regnancy  of  of  agrarian,  war  The  time  what  is  (about  was  and  rise  every today.  territories  non-hierarchical  Simply personal  into  stated,  level  dominant  seen  a  male  discourse  priori  and  as  an  five  of  patriarchy  modern can  10  be  and widespread, inhabited  (Eisler,  o f t h e female  and s u f f i c i e n t  hierarchy  by  1988). at the  precursor  a f f e c t i n g a n d d e f i n i n g human  o f gender  the  t h o u s a n d y e a r s ago)  previously  domination  t o the  thought,  the rise  of  communities  was a n e c e s s a r y  Manifestations  modes o f  ( D e B e a u v o i r , 1952;  f o l l o w i n g t h e a p p e a r a n c e o f nomadic i n v a d e r s organized  that,  i s derived  scientific  economy  1985).  to a historical  claims  is  inquiry challenges the  patriarchy  of the c a p i t a l i s t  religion  feminine  view.  that  the  the  theory  t h e dominant  1978). F e m i n i s t  e x c l u s i v e l y male w o r l d  this  on  of  i n feminist  s h a p e d i n r e l a t i o n s h i p s w i t h men, i s m a l e Friedan,  that  o f men.  criticism  primarily  and  of the value  experience v i s - a - v i s that  a determination  which  are  to  lives rooted  in  patriarchy  of e a r l i e r  periods  and which  continue  to  modern times are: 1. S p e c i f i c sexual d i v i s i o n s o f l a b o r 2. R e s t r i c t i o n o f women i n p u b l i c 3. C o n t r o l functions  life  o f womens' s e x u a l i t y and r e p r o d u c t i v e  4. Complex i d e o l o g y f o r female submissiveness sanctioned by government, r e l i g i o n and s o c i a l groups The  existence  conditions  contributes  examination  of  psychological, and  of  political  these  t o a wide  cause  by  archaeological, science  four  oppressive  and v a r i e d  social  intellectual  feminists  -  biological,  anthropological  research  (Eisler,  principally  1988; Diamond and  Quinby, 1988; F i s h e r , 1987; Basow, 1986; Bunch, 1987). These types  of research  have  female  inferiority,  equity  f o r a l l women.  development p l a n n i n g  l e d t o a r e j e c t i o n o f an  and support This  theory  political  i s especially  inherant  expressions  of  important f o r  and p r a c t i c e due t o t h e v e h i c l e  f o r e q u i t y t h a t "development" i m p l i e s . An theory  overall includes  feminist a  critique  political  o f development  context  (whether  planning liberal,  s o c i a l i s t o r r a d i c a l ) , p l a c e s t h e f o c i o f change a t both the household importance What  must  and t h e i n s t i t u t i o n a l of providing be  avoided,  level,  and emphasizes t h e  liberatory possibilities according  11  to  t o women.  feminists,  is a  situation or  her  critique social  where own  victimization.  bring change  private,  the individual i s held  alternative that  ways  only  theory  i n which  includes  and to  the  for his feminist  conceive  sphere  of  of the  o r t h e h o u s e h o l d , b u t t h e s p h e r e o f t h e p u b l i c . The  means f o r c r e a t i n g by  not  Feminist  responsible  social  change  feminists of a l l persuasions  i s most  often  referred to  a s empowerment.  Empowerment Empowerment through  which  is  liberatory;  individuals  their  lives.  major  feminist  can  I t i s the basis writer,  need f o r a comprehensive  Marilyn  i t  creates  influence  the d i r e c t i o n of  of the feminist French,  feminist theory,  conditions  paradigm.  speaking  about  states:  To a t t e m p t t o c r e a t e a f e m i n i s t p o l i t i c a l theory, an e c o n o m i c t h e o r y t h a t i n c l u d e s a l l o f what h a s b e e n o m i t t e d by m a l e t h e o r i e s , t o w r i t e p h i l o s o p h y from a p e r s p e c t i v e that i n c l u d e s t h e body a n d emotions, d e s p i s e d c a s t e s , l a b o r , c h i l d b i r t h and child rearing, that addresses itself to the complex and u n c l e a r m a t t e r o f r e p r o d u c t i v e r i g h t s , r e s p o n s i b l i t i e s , and p u r p o s e s , t o l o v e a n d n e e d , is t o t a c k l e problems at their most profound level.  12  A  the  We do n o t n e e d a p r o g r a m : a p r o g r a m i s a g r i d t h a t i s l o w e r e d upon a p o p u l a t i o n and k i l l s t h o s e who fall under i t s bars. I t makes uniform, i t r e g u l a t e s , i t f o r b i d s . We n e e d t h e o r y a n d f e e l i n g as r o u g h g u i d e s on w h i c h t o b u i l d a n e x t s t e p ; f l e x i b l e , responsive emotional theory capable of a d j u s t i n g t o human n e e d s a n d d e s i r e s when t h e s e c r e a t e c o n t r a d i c t i o n s . No s e t o f v a l u e s c a n c a l l i t s e l f a human m o r a l i t y u n l e s s i t b e g i n s w i t h t h e a c t u a l i t y o f t h e human c o n d i t i o n ; no political system can c o n t r i b u t e t o f e l i c i t y u n l e s s i t b e g i n s w i t h a human m o r a l i t y ( 1 9 8 5 : 4 8 8 ) . Feminism,  then  which broadcasts and  equity  women  to  i n both  influence  a c t toward  foundation  needs  be  o f empowerment r e s p o n d s t o male  and d e s i r e s ,  positive  and p u b l i c  development i t will  a  o f women, w h i c h  and s o c i a l  private  of  perspective,  on  the voice  female p e r s o n a l  enables  rests  social  and which  change  and  s p h e r e s . The s p h e r e s o f  planning argued,  from  includes  a  feminist  promotion  of  empowerment. The gender and  contention  will  issues  severely  practice;  second,  included theory  limits that  made  first,  that  development issues  of  itself;  establish feminists planners)  and  intentions gender and  finally,  that  and p r a c t i c e s  gender  equity  (on t h e p a r t  proponents  have n o t been  political, used  of  social  effective  some o f w h i c h e x i s t e d  13  neglect  planning  i n p l a n n i n g t h e o r y and p r a c t i c e a p a r t  economic  origins,  be  theory  cannot  from  of  be  feminist  social  and  i n t h e attempts t o  of both  governments,  justice  like  since  their  modern  philosophical  o v e r t h r e e h u n d r e d y e a r s ago.  To summarize: * When the s o c i a l r o l e and c a p a c i t i e s of women are ignored, implementation e f f o r t s in development fail. * The v o i c e of women must p l a n n i n g t h e o r y and p r a c t i c e .  inform  development  * Regardless of p o l i t i c a l o r i e n t a t i o n , development p l a n n i n g theory and p r a c t i c e cannot b r i n g about s o c i a l j u s t i c e a p a r t from f e m i n i s t concerns w i t h equity.  14  FEMINIST  This and  chapter w i l l  history.  liberal, the  short  importance  movement  of  A  socialist  feminist  HISTORY  be  concepts  feminist  THOUGHT  p r e s e n t a summary o f f e m i n i s t review  of feminist  theory,  and r a d i c a l models, w i l l  of  will  AND FEMINIST  the historical emphasized.  will  ideology  basis  Readers  be a f f o r d e d  thought  including  be d i s c u s s e d and of  the  women's  unfamiliar  an overiew  with  o f t h e scope  and a c t i v i t y .  THE WOMEN'S MOVEMENT Social  change  present occurred of  political,  often  a  which  a  outside  traditional 1987)  and  monarchist,  type  functions  institutional and  social  for social  movement,  less  pluralistic  technological  than  change has o f t e n of political  outside  the  private  and  sector  r e a c t i o n which gains groups,  operated  of  economic  (Bellah,  the  15  or  i n t h e form o f  involvement area  the credence or  t h e slow  innovation,  of citizens  government  power, w h i c h i s t h e t r a d i t i o n a l household  the  d i r e c t i v e . I n modern t i m e s t h e  . Movements b e g i n a n d f l o u r i s h  established  times  as a r e s u l t o f v i o l e n t r e v o l u t i o n ,  diffusion  catalyst  in  public  sector,  influences,  et a l . ,  and  the  1985; N e r f i n ,  out of public opinion or  and s u p p o r t  momentum  of  o f organized,  such  movements  creates the  a social  women's  democratic  force  movement  reform  century,  was  that  theory  and  h i s t o r i c a l l y most o f t e n The  women's  political  century. While women were  activity  be  custody women  Woman  beheaded, but sex" gains  (Marks  t h e government  were  historical  the  and  mid-nineteeth  to publishing i n  At  o f women  that  DeGouges, to  16  French  and t h e r i g h t t o  i n public  however, forum  and  who d e d i c a t e d t h e " R i g h t s t h e queen  forgotten the virtues  o f Napolean  the  Significantly,  not f o r h e r support  women were  time  u n t i l the  t o divorce, equal r i g h t s t o  t o speak  and D e C o u r t v i r o n ,  by F r e n c h  and  i n addition  on b e h a l f  the Citizen"  f o r "having  that  and freedoms f o r  and daughters.  Olympe  ostensibly  to  family property  n o t encouraged  and  t h e 19th  more r i g h t s  Revolution.  t o share  feminist  of  a s t h e 1500's, t h e r e was no o r g a n i z e d  b y women  of infants were  French of  rights  of  currently  organized  traced  R e p u b l i c awarded women t h e r i g h t inherit,  much  processes  I t i s i n reform  are  as an  privately,  o f t h e French  the  legacy of  expressed.  can  p u b l i c venues as e a r l y political  activity  women e s p o u s i n g  writing  in  i n Europe.  movement  activity  created  characterises  particularly  feminist  time  o f i t s own. T h e p o l i t i c a l  to last Bonaparte  less  1792, was  o f t h e monarchy,  which  1981:16).  in  Even than  belong  t o her  these  limited  t e n years as  rescinded these  rights  (French,  1985:192).  During the  the Industrial Revolution  workforce  women  often  sons.  became a p o l i t i c a l  worked  But with  organization  i n guilds  increased  by  the  curtailment  occupations  and  result,  entry  regulated  issue.  along  and  f o r specific  hours  t o p a r t i c u l a r trades  with  the effect  i n the workforce  further  from  market by l e g i s l a t i o n from  working  Women, order  therefore,  In with  later  specific  to certain As  a  b y women was  women  from  better  1 9 8 6 ) . Women were  ironically,  i n the job  to protect  factories on t h e i r  i n discourse  and  them  mines.  own b e h a l f i n  concerning  t h e women's movement  their  i n England  w i t h t h e l a b o r movement.  abolitionist Civil  eradicating confines  then,  union  promoted.  participation  t o organize  represented  in  or skills  i n English  and  o f women  (Walby,  t h e U.S., women's p o l i t i c a l  the  American  designed,  hours  In general,  associated  effective  began  t o be f a i r l y  welfare. is  long  men  was  time  husbands o r  activity  o f excluding  paying positions limited  their  by  o f t h e work  women i n  Prior t o that  side  industrial  guilds  industries,  i n England,  War  slavery.  movement.  women  During  organized  Much o f t h i s  of r e l i g i o u s organizations  women, l e d b y L u c r e t i a M o t t ,  17  activity  on  was and the  associated after  the  issue  of  work was done w i t h i n t h e such as t h e Quakers, b u t founded  their  own  anti-  slavery  group because t h e American A n t i - S l a v e r y S o c i e t y d i d  n o t p e r m i t women t o s p e a k a t i t s m e e t i n g s . women  i n the abolitionist  another 1848  woman a b o l i t i o n i s t ,  they  Falls,  movement  organized  Elizabeth  a Women's  New Y o r k w h i c h  Rights  movements viewed  and  reform,  and  f o r women  struggles  in  conditions  the  not  only  groups.  It  important  engineered opposed  through  t o being  to  those  movement became a f o r c e  for social  During  was  alone  that  of  life.  of  higher women's  better but  these  for  institution  evidence  living  for  other  reforms  were  a s s o c i a t i o n s as policy  small beginnings,  change o r  t h e women's  change.  t h e same p e r i o d a s t h e e a r l y  18  calls  mental  of. government  m a r k e t demand. And f r o m  women's  o f everyday  v o l u n t e e r and c h a r i t a b l e  the result  early  s u f f e r a g e , which  securing  women  note  calling for  secondly,  a l l provide  for  i n Seneca  institutions  of  that i n  condition.  and  of  direction  disadvantaged i s  prison  and  o f women p o l i t i c a l l y ,  and,  establishment  education  Convention  i n the quality  movement,  Mott  Stanton,  Wave' t h e s e  treatment  socially;  improvements  temperance  Cady  social  on two a r e a s :  as t h e key t o equal  determinant The  as t h e ' F i r s t  concentrated  economically  outraged  issued eleven resolutions  r e f o r m t o c o r r e c t women's u n e q u a l Characterized  so  The t r e a t m e n t o f  women's movements,  the  'cult  the  idealization  The  notion  morally that  of domesticity' o f women  offered  superior  civilized  media  by  this  on  practicing schools),  activity.  women  law  and  the 'cult  (such  Baxendall,  distinguishing sacrifice  and  force  as  them  that  world  of  as t h e i d e a l  the p o l i t i c a l  would  that  come b a c k  women  them  into  The  virtue  of respite  boundary expression  t o haunt  from medical  a counter  1963).  men,  popular  and i n s t i t u t i o n a l  entry  of  were  influence  i n the  1984; F r e n c h ,  paragons  was  and mother.  prohibiting  a n d t h e home a s a h a v e n  to limit  legal  Friedan,  as  this  i t was women's  (Marshall,  1976;  women  sphere  was  of domesticity' heralded  the competitive  household  of wife  Reflected  refusing  t o t h e women's movement  from  'cult'  t o men a n d t h a t human  Essentially,  i n the role  o f t h e day and i n government  limitations  1980;  appeared.  was  1985;  Tax,  result  of  and  self-  f o r husbands  to  define  f o r women's o f women.  women  force  after  the  activity I t was a  World  War  II. I n t h e U.S., women's p u s h f o r s u f f e r a g e , w h i c h b e g a n i n 1848 to  a t t h e Seneca succeed.  the  right  Convention,  Women i n most w e s t e r n t o vote  Switzerland still  Falls  barred  until  after  d i d not a t t a i n from v o t i n g  took  nations  World  sufferage  War  were  years  not granted  I . T h e women o f  until  i n certain local  19  seventy-two  1971 a n d were  e l e c t i o n s as l a t e  as  1985 ( F r e n c h , The  the  1985).  'Second  Wave' o f t h e women's movement  mid-twentieth  been  an  influx  century.  During  o f women  into  formerly  tinsmithing,  welcomed them d u r i n g  to  ended  and i n d u s t r y  return  jobs  to  t o women,  servicemen.  resurfaced  and  were  engagement  in  expertise  the  social  i n providing  The  once  again  role  of  with  historical  the c i v i l  association.  peace  movement  point  women were  alone  could  political forces  equality  against  t h e Vietnam aware  social,  t o suspect  that  of their  t h e o r i s t s appeared a t t h i s time  Daly  (1978),  sex;  Firestone  other  on l a n g u a g e ; M i l l e t  theorists (1970),  (1970), on r e p r o d u c t i o n ;  20  their  domesticity' by  their  and  their  i n t h e U.S. was  women  increasingly  the direction  over  defined  activity  anticipated  expected  husband.  I n t h e 1960s  and began  1963) a n d l a t e r  of  r i g h t s movement w i t h  becoming  not d e l i v e r  dictated  femininst Friedan,  directed  or  b u t when t h e  mothering  a home f o r t h e i r  had  as welding  s o hand  'cult  in  workforce.  down women were  I n t h e 1950s women's p o l i t i c a l connected  I I there  period,  and i n d o i n g  returning  women  such  that  was s c a l e d  t o t h e household  War  the industrial  Occupations  war  closed  World  occurred  which  i t had  supported the War. A t that  suffrage  economic other,  lives.  this  and  deeper  The  first  ( D e B e a u v o i r , 1952; surfaced,  such as  on t h e p o l i t i c s o f  MacKinnon  ( 1 9 8 3 ) , on  feminist  Marxism;  Chodorow  (1978),  contributed  to  Gilligan on  (1982),  female  feminist  on  female  psychology.  examinations  ethics  These  which  and women  attempted  to  c o n c e p t u a l i z e who a n d what t h o s e d e e p e r f o r c e s m i g h t b e . This  comprehensive  examination, c h a r a c t e r i s t i c  womens' movement, was n o t e d b y e c o n o m i s t H i l k k a  of the  Pietila:  The most i n t e r e s t i n g a n d t h e most o r i g i n a l o f t h e s e [ s o c i a l ] movements i s t h e womens' movement. It i s t h e most comprehensive and t h e l e a s t p r e j u d i c e d o f t h e movements w h i c h h a v e s t a r t e d a n d developed t h e i r a c t i v i t y over recent years. I t r e c e i v e s s u b s t a n c e a n d enhancement f r o m w i d e n i n g and d i v e r s i f y i n g womens's r e s e a r c h , w h i c h opens up new p e r s p e c t i v e s f o r equality between men a n d women as w e l l as for social transformation altogether. An analytical, cognitive women's movement a s s u c h i s [ t h e ] p e a c e movement. H e r e i t d i f f e r s d e c i s i v e l y from t h e s o - c a l l e d e q u a l r i g h t s movement, which has n o t questioned the basic s t r u c t u r e s and v a l u e s o f t h e p r e s e n t s o c i a l o r d e r , and w h i c h p u r s u e d e q u a l i t y f o r women i n [the] men's world on mainly male terms (Waring,1988:176).  Feminist A has  Theory  great  been  deal  done  any b i o l o g i c a l no  support  studies  of research  within  that  twenty  that  years  assumption o f i n f e r i o r i t y  (Basow,  regarding  1986; T a v r i s , the structure  communities  find  in  societies  specific  the last  i n t h e 'hard' sciences  o f women t o men h a s  1984).  And  cross-cultural  of the social  considerable variation  fabric  in  among r o l e s o f women  ( D u l e y a n d Edwards,  21  indicates  1 9 8 6 ) . Women, f o r  example,  a r e shown  determine such  as  bride  worth,  farming,  owning t h e i r a specific  of  political  to  the formation  Worldwide,  world's  workforce.  are lucky  y e t they  access  i f they  women  and  o f the balance  t o resources  can read  constitute  about  essential  In the third  o r even  work f o r  one h a l f  of the  They e x e r t t w o - t h i r d s o f t h e w o r l d ' s  one  10% o f t h e w o r l d ' s  one-hundreth  of  work  income a n d  t h e world's  property  1988). conditions of inequality  the situation  taken  to  activites  o f housing,  industrialization.  receive only  than  These of  ritual,  i n diverse  known t o be i n c o n t r o l  o f modern  wages.  (CIDA,  tribal  construction  power o r c o n t r o l  women  less  over  a n d t o engage  medicine,  group,  world,  own  control  own b u s i n e s s e s . Y e t nowhere o n e a r t h a r e women,  as  hours,  t o have  by  indicates  a  theorist  and f r a c t u r e d .  comprehensive  theory lack  promoted  i n o r d e r t o seek s o l u t i o n s .  feminist  complicated  have  The a p p r o a c h e s  are  intricate,  The p r e v i o u s l y c i t e d  by French  o f cohesive  Grimshaw, 1986; E l s h t a i n ,  analysis  (1985), social  analysis  call  as w e l l  critique  f o ra  as others,  ( R i c h , 1986;  1 9 8 1 ) . T h e power w h i c h  perpetuates  t h e o p p r e s s i o n o f women h a s b e e n a t t r i b u t e d b y f e m i n i s t s , a s noted  earlier,  composition 1974),  t o language,  of the family,  to class,  to sexuality  t o psychological pressures  22  to capitalism, itself  t o the  (Dworkin,  and i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s , and  to  the conventional  influences.  socialization of children,  I t i s submitted  that  among f e m i n i s t t h e o r i s t s l i e s cause,  but  with  the paucity  of  differing  solutions  oppression  of  assumptions  worldviews i.e., of  a  supported  women  about  are  power  feminist  paradigms  chapters, liberalism, connections discuss  imbues  regarding  I  will  theory examine  socialism of  each  the feminist  each  to  and  the  o f power. eliminate  aligned  with  existing  of social  social  with  In  assumptions  development  look  planning  to  following  inherant at theory  c r i t i q u e o f each o f t h e t h r e e .  23  change  importance  practice.  radicalism,  change,  I t i s the fact  of these  theory  and  the  to  and r a d i c a l i s m .  feminist  planning  agreement  feminists  and t h e c r e a t i o n  critique within  that  development  by  roughly  liberalism, socialism  other  not with f a u l t y a t t r i b u t i o n of  " c o r r e c t " p a t h t o democracy - t h e e q u a l s h a r i n g The  among  in the and  THREE CONCEPTIONS OF This chapter w i l l ideology,  c o v e r t h r e e main a s p e c t s o f  t h a t i s , t h r e e v i s i o n s o f how  workable  society  geographically,  in  a  culturally  world  and  Seventeenth  which our  century  democracy to  until  has  s t r u c t u r e power  children  (Calhoun,  s t r u c t u r e our  civic  of  belief  democratic  among  power h a s history  never at  democracy  been  an  were  justice  or  fairness  designs  for a  and  radical  be  to  day,  viewed  as  from  the  of  manner  in  be  to  democratic  for  created,  in  an  those  ideology manner  way  course,  mechanisms  changed,  the  the  d e m o c r a t i c a l l y shared,  were  the  i n the  we  which  society  are  been  during  or  The  in to  we core  shared that  written  governance  attempt  governed.  equally has  in  raise  ( K r i p e t a l . , 1 9 8 6 ) . The  problem,  ideal  governments  present  relations, 1973)  so  fractured  theory originated  i s t h a t power s h o u l d  The  least, as  to  obligation  a l l people.  is  and  socioeconomically.  the  come  political  to create a just that  From t h e t i m e modern p o l i t i c a l  termed  POWER  using  some  cases  bring  about  three  liberalism,  primary socialism  theory.  LIBERALISM Liberal  democracy,  or  24  liberalism,  is  based  on  the  principle  that  rights  i n d i v i d u a l s . Government  as  control.  Liberal  designed by  the  are  to  which  as  the  the  as  highways,  sphere  promoting  hospitals,  Everything  outside  (Andrew  household  and,  although  and  to  persons to  method o f  or  in  Reform  conditions  or,  only  these  includes good  systems sphere  is  1988).  importantly,  the  termed  providing  the  the  laws. private  includes  market.  the  Government  private  elements  in  society.  This  the  private  and  two  sphere  reform  i s the  viewed  by as  governmental  often  done  by  c h i e f mechanism u s e d  the in  change.  qualities  and  is  is  sphere,  i n t e r f e r e when power i s c o n c e n t r a t e d is  to  which  enforcing  that  in  referred  as  This  in  hegemony  c e r t a i n areas  such  manner  the  expressly  activities  and  of  institutions  are  a  than revolutionary enabling  are  Milroy,  to produce s o c i a l has  is  in  reform,  agent  governmental  there  activities  specific  an  i t s law-making  public  public  has  as  businesses  other  liberalism  the  control  i t tends to  interference  while  from  operate;  sewage  the  more  supposed  unjust  T h i s means t h a t can  and  therefore,  individuals  government  equal  i s viewed  p u b l i c sphere. I t g e n e r a l l y  seen  some  created  s i n g u l a r manner i n w h i c h  in  not  is  government,  protect  structured.  are  everyone  -  i t  is  incremental  rather  i t m a i n t a i n s e x i s t i n g power r e l a t i o n s  government some  25  to  cases,  respond to  to  unequal  protect  social  particular  interests  (Heilbroner,  1975).  The  relations  considered  most  in a  liberal  system  domains  the  -  capitalist  visible government  i n the  public  economy i n t h e p r i v a t e domain  of  power  a r e i n two  domain  and t h e  (Bergman,1986).  T h e s e domains a r e t h e m a j o r a r e a o f d i s c o u r s e a n d power in  modern  with  In our everyday  governmental  utilize deal  life.  government  with  laws  and  market c h o i c e s ,  level.  we  enforcers  infrastructure;  members o f o u r h o u s e h o l d intimate  lives  we  contend  of  those  pay  But these  areas  laws;  taxes.  income v i c i s s i t u d e s a n d human n e e d s  directly  We  we also  and w i t h t h e  and d e s i r e s  are not seperate  on an  entities  which a c t independently.  The Interaction of the Market and the State Under Liberalism Governments  claim  resources  i n t h e form  make p u r c h a s e s i n t h e m a r k e t w h i c h a s s i s t state  obligations  market.  This  economist  capitalism  local  benefit is  so  both  them  such  as  and t h e  historian  claimed  and  i n completing  households  essential  (1975)  subsidies,  and  that  without  highway  systems,  could not exist.  the other  available as  function  Heilbroner  unacknowledged  On  that  o f taxes  hand,  t h e market  affects  the  resources  t o g o v e r n m e n t s a n d h o u s e h o l d s on a g l o b a l basis,  as t h e d i m i n i s h i n g  26  numbers  as well  of family  farms  and  the  o i l embargo o f 1974  Households voting,  paying  current  unit  by of  its  of  and  in that  obeying  and  and  the  various  household  laws. as  voices  in  and  market  and  The  such and  government  household  affects  by  the  liberal  the  market  practice  For  of  strongly  example,  within a liberal  institutional  is  the  society  institutions,  by  participation  This  i n discourse.  movements w h i c h o c c u r  government  affirm  workforce.  participation  outside  or  consumption  in  individuals'  political  affect  consumption  members  consumption affects  everywhere taxes  i t s choice  demonstrate.  and  the  society  but  which  gain  are  the  support,  mechanism by w h i c h i n d i v i d u a l s c a n make t h e m s e l v e s  heard.  Development Planning i n the L i b e r a l T r a d i t i o n Liberalism reaching (Bellah rights  et  1985).  i n d i v i d u a l i s m , which  value only  choice. of  political  planning  f o r example. system  where  individual  Planning people  construction  is a distinct  development  variances,  ability  The  individual  that  wrongs,  'free' the  al. ,  of the  contextual and  on  r a m i f i c a t i o n s f o r the  governance zoning  focuses  This there  to  impinge  27  far-  social  life  endorsement expression  reflects  by  of  of  the  liberal  supporting  individualism creates are  expression  protects  of  has  no of  free choice choices  on  a  absolute  rights  values  through  by one  restricting another  in  the  same manner a s l i b e r a l Liberalism  government,  a l s o supports  i . e . by law.  equality of opportunity.  is  n o t t h e same a s e q u a l i t y o f r e s u l t ,  of  circumstance  are a  discrepancies  fact  western  because d i f f e r e n c e s  o f everyday  nations  life.  adopted  To  a  the  welfare  instability liberal  and  programs. inequality  nations  The  the creation  existence  of opportunity  of  has  t o t h e use o f mediation  mitigate  'development'  p r a c t i c e which i s not o f t e n r e c o g n i z e d as such: of  This  economic  l e d western  policies  such  as  g o v e r n m e n t management o f t h e economy, g o v e r n m e n t r e g u l a t i o n of  production  government physical  (including  provision  and s o c i a l ,  subsidies  of  massive  and t a x  apportionment),  infrastructure  and i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d  both  welfare.  Fundamentally, development p l a n n i n g under l i b e r a l i s m i s interventionist practice.  and  communities,  Countries)  development  planning  tends  isolated  structures  and  have  make  practice,  in  top  technologically  modern  grounded  Mainstream  bureaucratically  i.e.,  historically  lacked  themselves and  heavy  and  regions  and  ability  heard,  nations poor  to  with  the  Therefore,  a r e n o t made  development  democratically  28  be  Small  who  (Third  deal  large-scale organizations  society.  to  heirarchical.  economically the  reformist  are World  effectively, institutional  that  characterize  decisions,  b u t by  in  bureaucratic  professionals basis  informing  ( G o o d e l l , 1984;  government  Forester,  policy  on  a  top-down  1989).  Modernization Theory Development modernization theory  theory  theory  i s defined  views  a  along  a  labor.  scale A  should  encourage The  industrialized  technological 1972;  is  the  the  process  that  division this  growth as  are  in  well  as  Third  examples of  create  the of that  world  set  i s , evolving stages  of newly  examples  the  of  theory,  generally said  which  which  moves  by  growing  prosperity  1981).  tacitly  a  be  the  which  specialization  Japan  by on  that  expansion w i l l  residents of  to  economic  I t could  sophistication Boulding,  evolution  i n the T h i r d World  development nations;  and  called  Modernization  and  according  of  be  competition  complexity  of  strength  Modernization technological  rate  i n practice.  its  industrialized  (Rostow,  rapid  may  social  in a  planner,  countries  modernization patterns  players  terms 1988).  of  efficiency  economic  modernization  theory  increasing  development  production.  current  a  as  of  liberal  (Garbarino,  as  population  in  region  contends:  29  assumes  economic  improve t h e q u a l i t y or  country.  But  growth  and  of l i f e f o r  James  Garbarino  ...in most modernizing societies t h e economys e r v i c e s a s m a l l b u t p o l i t i c a l l y p o w e r f u l group o f e l i t e s . H o u s e h o l d and community f o o d n e e d s r e c e i v e low p r i o r i t y . Cash c r o p s and c a p i t a l intensive agriculture displace rural society, and s t i m u l a t i n g e x p o r t s t o s e c u r e f o r e i g n exchange i s the name o f t h e game. Stimulating a modern economic e l i t e i n t h e c u r r e n t h i s t o r i c a l c o n t e x t u s u a l l y causes c o l l a p s e o f t h e b a s i c a g r i c u l t u r a l subsistance economy i n the countryside. This p r o d u c e s r i s i n g unemployment a n d a g r o t e s q u e r u s h t o t h e b i g c i t i e s , where a few g e t l u c k y b u t f o r t h e most l i f e o f f e r s l i t t l e more t h a n survival (1988:158). Much  has  pitfalls theory  been  created as  the  written  by  development  basis  Bookchin,  1987; WCED,  debt  sufficient  is a  created through The agent of  role  1987).  because system  i s often  Kravitz  planner  who  translates  the  words  that  expressed  called  advocates they  of the Davidoff  t h e language  interest  (Thurow,  1984;  international  o f t h e problems  critical  really  claimed school  as an  the role  of  'radical'  were  t o those  society  through  advocacy planning,  serving the  t o r e p r e s e n t . The becomes  o f t h e dominant  a  conduit  d i s c o u r s e s so  without  voice.  In  o f t h e p r o f e s s i o n a l who s e r v e s  supports  30  a liberal  time  are understandable  'public'  modernization  of  example  was  development p l a n n i n g t h e r o l e the  crisis  (1968)  and n o t t h e c l i e n t s  advocate  The  of the planner within  claimed  uses  and  modernization.  w h i c h was a t t h a t  he  t h e dangers  change  and p o w e r f u l  liberal  advocate.  planning,  which  for social  o f modernization  an  demonstrating  this  notion  (Charoesin-o-  laro,  1985). Because  planners Yet,  modern  become  once  solutions  one more  again,  conundrum t h a t to  society  there  represenative is a  i s not well problems  i s so complicated  f o r constituents.  missing  addressed  created  element,  by  liberal  one o f h i e r a r c h i c a l a d m i n i s t r a t i o n  appropriate is  the point  liberal  The  a t which  L i b e r a l Feminist  particular liberal  supports  liberal  political  t h e problem  affect.  of liberal  becomes a p p a r e n t  and d i s p a r i t y  operated  both the p u b l i c the  political theory,  feminism  (Bunch,  as  forces  as w e l l ,  power.  which  older  to  power  of  mechanism  31  in  i s seen by nature o f the state  e x c l u d e women a n d according  to  forms o f p a t r i a r c h y  and m a i n t a i n  Introduction  terms  The s t a t e ,  domain o f g o v e r n m e n t  a  This  1987).  of opportunities,  In simple  replaced  t o promote  economy.  patriarchy  system.  and economic  feminist  that  and l i m i t e d a c c e s s t o  f o r women b u t t o m i n o r i t i e s  from  offering  Critique  oppression  social  minorities  of  Simply,  f e m i n i s t s t o stem f r o m t h e g e n d e r - s p e c i f i c  liberal  which  the value  social  policies  b y t h o s e whom d e c i s i o n s  development theory  Social  the  information  a  by r e f o r m i s t s  e x a c e r b a t e t h e p r o b l e m s o f modern l i f e . is  and l a r g e ,  male  dominance i n  and t h e p r i v a t e the  social  i s t h e most  domain  force  of  important  contribution of the liberal Support comes  for liberal  primarily  feminist critique feminist  from  historical  literature  that  governance  and p r i v a t e p r o p e r t y  (Mead, In  documents  1949; G o l d b e r g ,  other  result  words, of  activity radical  feminists  support  their  grandfather about have  a  men's the  rely  right  means  (French,  1985).  property  and n o t h i n g  and  Locke,  Women,  protection This  is a  modern t i m e s .  be  liberal  noted  to  (whom  1690, s p e a k i n g  he d e f i n e d  largely  a s men)  because  i t was  f o r t h e wages w h i c h without  view,  were  inheritance  had l i t t l e  right  of their  assumed t h a t a l l women w o u l d  heads  that  literature  t o s a y about t h e p r o d u c t s  and t h u s  as male  other  about  property  i n this  o f course,  have c h i l d r e n  them.  Locke,  property  of acquiring  or  a  was w e l l d e s c r i b e d b y t h e  citizens  to private  1986).  theory.  own l a b o r w h i c h was e x e r t e d  only  labor.  John  patriarchal  i s not considered  o f t h e same  stance  of liberalism,  of  I t should  of radical  that  anthropological  1984; Grimshaw,  o f women  o n much  equity  to industrialization  capitalism  political  h i s concern  prior  feminists.  critique  Patriarchal  and  1977; D e l p h y ,  oppression  liberal  regarding  t h e development  modernization,  by  theory  of liberalism.  to own  marry  would n o t r e q u i r e any p a r t i c u l a r o f households  political  F o r example,  32  attitude  would  which  census t a k e r s  take  carries  care of on t o  a u t o m a t i c a l l y term  t h e male as t h e household  head  i n many c o u n t r i e s  (Thorberg,  1985). In They  t h e main,  believe  opportunity, for  equal  legislation  Liberal  representative  o f equal  regarding  feminist  feminists, like  quality  of l i f e basis  structures  of  discrepancy  i n power  law,  liberal  leaving  society  a n d , i n some c a s e s , (Hewlett,  al.,  1984). The  patriarchal  for  feminism  believe the status  to  on a n  and economic  eliminate  a n d women,  the  according t o  from  e x p l o i t a t i o n by  1986; F r i e d a n ,  1963; G e l p i , e t  feminists  i s  because they  block to a just  33  reform.  be t r e a t e d e q u a l l y b e f o r e t h e  reform  i s founded  pro-choice  a r e examples o f  legal  And  men  support  c a n be i n c r e a s e d  be p r o t e c t e d  liberal  power t h r o u g h  as t h e major s t u m b l i n g liberal  must  1968; Bergman,  goal  planners,  intact.  and  of liberal  the existing  between  f e m i n i s t s , they  law  U.S.  i n the value  they  they  The p a s s a g e o f t h e  rights  o f human b e i n g s  incremental  liberal  the  reproductive  belief  work,  justice.  of  f e m i n i s t s work  i n t h e workforce,  pay f o r equal  in  views.  equality  Liberal  o f women  amendment  liberal  democracy,  efficiency.  o f government t o e n f o r c e rights  liberal  f e m i n i s t s support  participation  on b e h a l f  efforts  and  in  and market  greater  lobby  liberal  to  seepatriarchy  society.  on t h e f a c t  eliminate  that,  This goal of politically,  the  percentage o f high  remains the  low r e g a r d l e s s  USSR  (Tavris,  including  high  organizations, (Dye, the  ranking  1986) . power  eliminate  women i n n a t i o n a l  of political  1984) a n d  ranked  women  educational I t appears  wielders.  ideology:  less  than  in  5%  p a t r i a r c h a l power t h r o u g h  cultural  governments  men h a v e  feminists,  4% i n  i n t h e U.S.,  and  everywhere  Liberal  about  corporations,  institutions  that  governments  remained  then,  work  to  reform.  SOCIALISM For  the socialist,  capitalism,  the  owners  o f t h e means  the  liberal  deification  provide the This  equality  role  i s accomplished  (characteristic, and the  economic state  of equality  than  a  i s to foster  system,  fails to socialism,  manipulation  interest  administration role  in  that  of condition.  political  of special  f a r greater  under  equality  by e l i m i n a t i n g  a liberal  i s t h e reason  In essence,  f o r example,  t a k i n g by  of opportunity  e x p l o i t a t i o n b y means  plays  individuals  of production,  of condition.  of the state  or the profit  the  particularly  groups) so  lives  that of  the liberal  market system, would t o l e r a t e . It Marxist  is  impossible  philosophy.  oppression  begin  with  to  Marx's  discuss analysis  economic  34  class  socialism that  apart  disparity  structures  created  from and by  capitalism  i s the  governments  lens  focus  through which s o c i a l i s t  policies  equally  shared  resources  Marxist  vision  of  to  Marxist  class  socialist believe  and they  socialism and  an  a  ideal  are  convinced  classless,  a  through  not  of  the  in  of  often  countries,  which  resources  community,  means the  is  income of  one  mainstream  socialist  and  of  arbitrator people.  The  instead  to  often on  the  market  will  by  socialism  feature  of  influence state i n the state be  and  and  is  r e l a t i o n s of  acting  on  The  are  occur Social  believe  reform  and  redistribute economic  stance  i s that in  These  means.  could  characteristic  of  world.  two  different  liberalism  state  of  power o f  the  be  many  must  be  power b e t w e e n p r o d u c t i o n  h a v e no  behalf  35  That  those  Marxist  only  eliminating  socialism  they  Marxists  can  a  Within  both  throughout the  collective.  to  in  another.  than  i s said  hand,  competition  succeed  class  society  other  which ends.  separate.  the  connected  socialism.  violent,  communist c o u n t r i e s  important  recognized:  to  is  between  by  same  democratic easy  Democracy,  difference  the  democratic  control  and  exploitation  spheres  but  communist  change.  Socialism  generally  revolutionary,  democratic  An  society.  lies  brands  distinctions  measures  creation  analysis,  achieve  social  i t i s i m p o r t a n t t o remember t h e r e a r e  non-Marxist  called  and  Marxist  can  for  and  i t s own,  c o l l e c t i v e power  are the and but of  the  people. Reform under  the  sense  of  incremental over  sweeping  ( i n the  years).  brought  s o c i a l i s m can  about  change  sense t h a t  Social  change  through  be  such  within  reform  of  through reform  socialist  to  occur  identified special First,  the  implications  Socialist  the  for  conflict  and  for  between  dealing  may  be  or  spaced  therefore, are  is  primarily  greatly  of  of  of  social  or  changed  will the  be  oppression, Marxist  working  with  class  Secondly,  that  can  classes  which  are  theory  planning  inherent  labor.  change  oppressed  equal c o n t r o l of  formed t o r e - o r d e r  Theories  action  developement  from e x p l o i t a t i o n o f  collectively  i s not  relations.  i t suggests that u n t i l  strategies  reform)  administration,  asserts that  structures  materialist  ownership occurs,  benefit  the  government  collective  existing  as  institutions,  but  which  (in  ( C a s t e l l s , 1983).  from  eliminate  land  socialism,  measures  M a r x i s m g o e s f u r t h e r and only  as  economic p l a n s  economic o r r e l a t e d t o r e s o u r c e s , bureaucracy,  either revolutionary  has  theory.  resources  and  in society,  its  and  those  i t claims  conflict  who that  must  be  power r e l a t i o n s .  Development  Characteristic  of planning  heirarchical,  administrative  36  within  socialist  base  which  ideology  is  becomes  a  foundation  for  underlies  a  planning  belief  rationalism  as  restrict and  the  class.  in  the  1979) . P l a n n i n g  decisions. the  method  Centralized  superiority  to  decision  theories in socialist  area  of  discourse to  of  planning scientific  making  ideology  (Clammer,  consistently  conditions of  production  S i n c e Marx  "raised these questions most persistently and s y s t e m a t i c a l l y , he r e m a i n s a h i d d e n interlocutor i n much o f s o c i a l s c i e n c e d i s c o u r s e . " (Wolf, 1982) The  historical  planning  was  the  of  idea  which  e x p a n d e d by  Frank  a  type  of  (Wallerstein, proposed  Development" market  which  system  he  termed  the  maintaining  dominance  continues  to  During countries, path  the along  of  be  f o r development  a  based  similar  "The claimed  that  f u r t h e r the the  the  (Frank,  1966;  37  to  Out  of  been  WCED, 1 9 8 7 ) . socialist  n a t i o n s , have  increase  of  development  of the twentieth century  many T h i r d W o r l d  or  agenda  a t h e o r y which has  i n modern t i m e s  industrialization  Under-  capitalist  production.  applied  with  Andre  satellites,  widely  half  systems  of  capitalist  means o f  labor  fashion,  most  last  the  of  of  world  Development  resources  over  developed  global division  work came d e p e n d a n c y t h e o r y ,  planning theory  the  a  In  basically  used  a basis  demographically  countries, to  and  and  1974).  what  as  Immanual W a l l e r s t e i n who  undeveloped  Frank's  used  a g l o b a l market  became  theory  account  the  chosen  quality  of  life of  and  t o enhance  development,  technological but,  as  their Frank  proposed,  evolution,  instead,  development.  as  because  in  of  The  i s not  liberal  policies  reason f o r lack seen  as  lack  development  created  by  of  theory colonial  powers.  Dependency T h e o r y Dependency t h e o r y contends c a n be  dependency  eliminated  a model  used  i s linked  began  by  through  socialist  i n development  intersystemic  and  to colonial  d o m i n a t i o n and  colonial  practices  r e f o r m . Dependency t h e o r y  planning,  international  analyses  linkages  patterns  through  reveal  ways  i n which  social  change  occur.  These  linkages  created  dependencies which  be  a  result  as  the  of  structures  colonial  power  requiring  importing  f i n i s h e d goods t o t h e c o l o n i z e d The created  intervention nation  industrial  growth,  redistributions socialist reform  continues  and  of  aid  unequal  colony)  and  state,  to  failed  to  appear  to  but  such  selling  income To  i n the  or the  f o r the  of  (sometimes  38  of  time  exchange,  materials  a donor  practice.  i s reflected  or  as  country.  employment  of resources  development  policy  the  occured  raw  of either  (formerly  which  newly  purposes  residents, i n that  date,  termed  nation  this  of and  is a  socialist  neo-colonialism)  structure  and  policy  of  aid  t o T h i r d World c o u n t r i e s  1988;  based,  historical,  materially  e x p l o i t a t i v e r e l a t i o n s h i p s as t h e reason  f o rlack of  development Castells,  theory  identifies  (Frank,  1966;  1983; Hughes,  The  major  socialism  contributor  has been  initially  feminists  the Marxist  of  socialist  feminist  economic  critique  as a  agree  with  the  major  feminism based  socialist  e x p l o i t a t i o n , most o f them that  class,  even  theory  structures  oppression though  concurs with  and p r a c t i c e  I n t h e c a s e o f women, t h e c e n t r a l  is the  Marx's i n the  proposition  i s " t h a t women's s p e c i a l o p p r e s s i o n i s  on  the  (Leacock,  1972:57).  To  individual  change  must  structural  1982;  insistence  be r e c o g n i z e d  analysis  around  of socialist  1800's.  ultimately  economic  structured  observations  of  feminist  the theoretical  of the family  socialist  not support  early  of socialist  largely  e m p h a s i s on e l i m i n a t i n g  foundation  Wolf,  t o t h e o p p r e s s i o n o f women.  While  do  1977;  Critgue  contribution  t h e economics  Elliot,  1985).  The S o c i a l i s t Feminist  that  (CIDA,  WCED, 1 9 8 8 ) . Dependancy  to  by i n d u s t r i a l i z e d donors  family  socialist not  as  an  economic  feminists  supercede  the  a  unit"  focus focus  on for  change i n t h e h o u s e h o l d u n i t . As s t a t e d by Weir:  39  " . . . t h e emphasis on i d e o l o g y a n d i t s s u b j e c t i v e o p e r a t i o n i n t h e i n d i v i d u a l h a s t o o o f t e n meshed i n w i t h t h e e m p h a s i s on i n d i v i d u a l c h a n g e t h a t was a l w a y s a s t r a n d w i t h i n women's l i b e r a t i o n w i t h t h e result that personal l i f e s t y l e s [were thought] more amenable, a t l e a s t w i t h i n t h e m i d d l e c l a s s , t o c h a n g e t h a n l a t e monopoly c a p i t a l i s m a p p e a r s t o [be t o ] t h e m a i n t a r g e t o f f e m i n i s m . O f c o u r s e i t i s i m p o r t a n t i f i n d i v i d u a l men c l e a n lavatories and c h a n g e n a p p i e s . . . b u t s t r u c t u r a l c h a n g e i s r e q u i r e d as w e l l " (1986:132).  Feminist way they  Jean  i n which have  Bethke  women  have  Elshtain been  limited  had t o use t h e language  individuals  to  promote  addresses  their  a t length the  i n our time  of rights  collective  because  expressly  interests.  as She  submits: " T h e i r a r g u m e n t s h a d t o be c o m p r e s s e d w i t h i n t h e l i n g u i s t i c forms o f t h e l i b e r a l t r a d i t i o n . This meant t h a t woman's " r e a s o n " a s a p u b l i c p r e s e n c e couldn't g i v e v o i c e t o t h e p r i v a t e , s o c i a l bases of female identity, couldn't allow women's e x p e r i e n c e t o " s p e a k t o " t h e p u b l i c r e a l m ... She h a d no v o c a b u l a r y , i n p u b l i c s p e e c h , t o d e s c r i b e t h e nuances and t e x t u r e s o f h e r a c t u a l social r e l a t i o n s a n d s o c i a l l o c a t i o n . She l a c k e d terms that might have afforded her a heightened, r e f l e c t i v e u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f h e r s e l f and h e r w o r l d . The o p t i o n s l e f t open t o women were t o s p e a k t h e p u b l i c language o f l i b e r a l i s m and t o c o n c e i v e o f their entry into politics on those terms" (1981:127). While feminist also  these  quotes  are intended  to  comment o f l i b e r a l p o l i c e s t h a t  indicate  collective  -  an a  assumption  view  that  40  that  women  socialist  be  a  socialist  o p p r e s s women, t h e y themselves  development  are a  planning  theory  simply  feminists,  ignores.  women c o u l d  dominant d i s c o u r s e Williams, means  1988).  were  different  The  uneasy  "Why  only  Their  social  simply  than  was  used  when  a  woman  identification according  ideolgy  In this  silence,  have d e s c r i b e d Benaria, unheard  and v a l u e s  and v a l u e s  by t h e dominant  discourse.  socialism  be  other  oppression  socialist  socialist class  men,  with  " t h e problem o f silenced.  This  ( f e m i n i s t and otherwise) o f women  1984; W a r i n g ,  that  a  i s a n e a s y way t h a t  are effectively  theorists  like  working  dealing  socialist  the question,  analogous  with  as t h e i n v i s i b i l i t y  1982; S m i t h ,  and  more  The  can escape  h a d no  the concerns  feminist critique  way, women  a n d what  concerns  a l l women  to socialist  socialist women".  of  socialist  t h e words o f t h e  E l s h t a i n posed  proletarian?"(Elshtain:256).  as  ( S i c h t e r m a n n , 1986;  between  expressed  can't  even  ideology  because  those  alliance  words,  "speak" u s i n g  of socialist  of expression  feminists  In other  1987),  ( B o s e r u p , 1970;  i s t h e unseen and  feminism  i s determined t o  make known. Socialist capitalist is  then,  claim  that  elimination of  a c t i v i t y w i t h i n t h e family as w e l l as o u t s i d e i t ,  necessary  eliminate  feminists,  t o e l i m i n a t e c l a s s d i f f e r e n c e s , and i n so doing gender  exploitation  inequality.  i n particular  41  The  involves  solution  for  female  eradication of private  property  and  socialism  mandates  where  a  redistribution changing  women's l a b o r  will  T h i s means women s h o u l d their  familial  (Elshtain,  recognizes  One  society  feminists,  necessary  part  adjuncts.  When  to  requiring  1977; Walby, like  of  contains  i s that t h e whole  China,  a  'free'  after  as s o c i a l  the subordination  o f much o f  and  Marxism,  during the  needs  within  for  unity.  socialism,  a r e n o t viewed  fabric  of  society,  the revolution  end o l d p h i l o s o p h i c a l  good.  1986).  contradictions  women  unit  a n d housework  socialism  contradiction  socialist  Feminist  as an economic  as c h i l d c a r e  change a s w e l l  unrecognized  sought  such  feminism,  process of s o c i a l  the family  n o t be c o n s i d e r e d  functions  that  resources.  be r e l i e v e d b y t h e s t a t e  1981; M i l l e t ,  Socialist  of  and  say as a  b u t as  i n t h e 1930's,  religious  sanctions  o f women, Mao T s e Tung saw women  as: ...a v a s t reserve o f l a b o r power. T h i s reserve s h o u l d be t a p p e d a n d u s e d i n t h e s t r u g g l e t o b u i l d a mighty s o c i a l i s t country ( D u l e y a n d Edwards, 1986:264). This socialist  statement feminist  i s  precisely  critique.  Industry,  women a t t h e h e a r t h ,  requires  is  productivity  efficiency  and  womens' work a n d t h e i r provide  a reserve  the  their  fodder f a r from  f o r the wanting  p a r t i c i p a t i o n . Not only raised  by  commodifying  s e r v i c e s , b u t women i n t h e j o b m a r k e t  labor  pool.  42  Women e n t e r i n g  t h e workforce  during  periods  periods, labor  as  of  well  (Anand,  high as  1989;  Patriarchy  activity  providing  a  become  expendable  in  source  of  cheaper  D u l e y and Edwards,  as w e l l  as c l a s s  always  1986;  plays  an  Elliot,  1977).  important r o l e  oppression  from t h e vantage p o i n t  Structures  o f power, t h e economy and t h e c o l l e c t i v e ,  more  powerful  relations for  forces  o f men  socialist  Macintosh,  practice. based the  influence  (Leahy,  than and  in  feminist. are f a r  individual  figuratively,  1986;  Hartsock,  radical  thought  1985;  1978).  PRACTICE  in The  set  both  forth  inherent and  and  principle  Utopian  i s change  o f s t a t e power. R a d i c a l  freedom the  by  anarchist  operating  on a c r i t i q u e  position)  social  feminists  analyses  birthplace  of the s o c i a l i s t  and women, b o t h l i t e r a l l y  RADICAL THEORY AND The  of  low  of  the  collective  theories through  thought  individual good  of  had  and  action  espouses  (an  a l l  a  anarchist  (the  Utopian  vision). The Friedmann is  a  U t o p i a n and a n a r c h i s t t r a d i t i o n calls  singular  the  "politics  feature  of  of  radical  t h i n k e r s went on t o d e v e l o p t h e i r which  f a i l e d . Those  that  survived  43  o f s e p a r a t i s m , what  disengagement"  (1987:83),  p h i l o s o p h y . Many  own  communities,  o f t e n had  strong  Utopian  most o f religious  foundations,  of  such as t h e H u t t e r i t e s  (Melnyck,  Radical  theory  stands  the  liberalism  and  socialism  inspired  by  an  structured. forms, focus  a  Ross  this  to  be  levels,  and  Usher,  basis  people  workers  from  environment. reform,  of  or  The  a hierarchical  world  has  liberal  social  production were u s e d  (Heilbroner,  of 1980).  Friedmann,  1985;  Devall  and  attempts  Sessions, to  o f power  from  that which  government, from  not  amenable  seen  socialist  as  nature.  their to  Radical  through instruments  hegemony.  kinship,  market  P u b l i c and p r i v a t e  the democratic d e f i n i t i o n  44  provide  separation,  t o a c k n o w l e d g e t h e power o f t h e s t a t e  households. Capitalism,  on  households  n a t u r e and e c o n o m i c  structures  the  relations  P r i o r t o the Seventeenth century, very l i t t l e the  various  making  business  or  be  interest,  exchange o f r e l a t i o n s  and  might  of decision  public/private  labor,  critique  taken  of  19l4;  t h e o r y v i e w s power a s m a i n t a i n i n g i t s e l f of  the  power  critique  separations are  either  of  1973;  community,  their These  social  view  reforming  increased  from  o f how  worldviews  a  communities  Illich,  t h e d e m a r c a t i o n and  split  offers  (Kropotkin,  1987).  f o r the  view  existing  a decentralization  1986;  Bookchin,  solutions  a  and  and  alternative  communes,  democratic  1985;  is,  as  appears  community on  alternative  While  such  outside  1985).  separated trade  and  categories relative  to  of wealth,  and  i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n created  private  split  s u g g e s t e d by new  which  created,  Foucault  a  i n turn,  ( 1 9 7 2 ) . The  individualism that  change a  new  f o s t e r e d new  in  new  the  public/  world-view,  as  world view supported  social  a  behaviors:  What t h e great social transformation meant for i n d i v i d u a l s was that they faced challenges and u n c e r t a i n t i e s f o r w h i c h t h e y were n o t prepared. L e s s t h a n e v e r c o u l d t h e y c o u n t on r e l a t i n g t o others simply on the traditional grounds of k i n s h i p , l o c a l community, o r i n h e r i t e d s t a t u s . I n the new, mobile, middle-class world, one autonomous i n d i v i d u a l had to deal with other autonomous i n d i v i d u a l s i n s i t u a t i o n s where o n e ' s self esteem and prospects depended on one's ability to impress and negotiate. Social i n t e r a c t i o n s under these conditions were often intense, b u t a l s o l i m i t e d and transient (Bellah e t . a l , 1985:118). A  socialist  transformation precipitated based  on  analysis  of the  power  production.  in  the  analysis  evolutionary  and  more s p e c i a l i z a t i o n . R a d i c a l  spheres  power  of  hierarchical  manner,  communication  necessary  smaller  increments  had  that  based  45  to  modern on  isolation  which  private  of  split,  by  simply  was  capitalist proffer  an  force ordered  tasks  that  is,  for  the  required  by  more  a n a l y s i s would r e j e c t t h e s e  maintain  never  that  ordered  complexity  would  to  technological  f r e e m a r k e t where t h e  and  public/  would  the  explanations  insist  community  relations  Liberal  a c c e p t a n c e o f an  from  change  material  would  be  state  structured  adaptive life  community  and  market in  change  could  occur  interaction  a and in and  decision-making  which  heirarchical  dominance.  Radical  strategies  are  political  as  encouraged  toward  their  resources  own  meeting  are  formed  well  as  is  needs.  that  is  informed,  activity  which  i s considered other  counter  be  i . e . , to  Communities  are  seek  a priority  to  and  develop  integration  to  and  and  development  self  the  of  citizens,  of defining  lead  enhance  to  and  educating  rational,  force  territiorial  Local  tactics  planning  region vis-a-vis  to  by  making  These  a  1985).  promoted and  as  economic.  (Melnyck,  resources  local  act  self-reliance,  decision-making organizing  would  directed  community  or  areas.  Radical Development Planning Theory and Practice Beazley radical  (1989)  planning  identifies  five  characteristics  of  theory:  * I t i s emancipatory. * P l a n n i n g d e c i s i o n s a r e made b y c i t i z e n s t h e m s e l v e s . * I t sees p a r t i c p a t o r y p l a n n i n g as t h e fundamental agent f o r s o c i a l change. * Rather than being a p o l i t i c a l * I t i s committed The planners potential  major i s local and  issue  to justice that  control  protect  and  concerns  to allow  their  46  i t is political. equity. radical  development  p e o p l e t o maximize  environment.  In a  their  comprehensive  book,  People  submits t h a t  Centered radical  Development.  Russell  Ackoff  (1984)  development f o s t e r s :  ...a c a p a c i t y [ t h a t i s ] d e f i n e d by what [ p e o p l e ] c a n do w i t h w h a t e v e r t h e y h a v e t o i m p r o v e t h e i r q u a l i t y o f l i f e and that of others (Korten and K l a u s s , 1984:195). For from  radical  ends,  1982).  or  Means  T h e r e i s an more t h a n is  often  this  planners facts  are  is  (Forester,  and  values  unavoidably  ends  context  r a t i o n a l judgements o r  be  i n the  under  specific  elimination  service  liberal,  those  of  even  economy, and  a push f o r l i f e s t y l e s  the  industrialized  the  risk  of  color  facts.  that  apolitical  governance,  environment  Schon,  facist  value-driven  decisions technology -  whether  powers. ends,  goals,  t h a t do  growth  As  there  such  protection  stopping  means  1978;  in control  or  of objective,  top-down at  of  of  influences  f a c t s , and  socialist  statements of  separation  values  acknowledgment t h a t  used  no  from  opposed t o d e c l a r a t i o n s are  there  of in  as the the  more w i t h l e s s i n  world:  ...instrumental judgements are v a l u e laden, and problem s o l v i n g can o c c u r o n l y w i t h i n evaluative problem s e t t i n g s . . . [ i n ] the i n t e r p e r s o n a l context of p r a c t i c e . . . i n d i v i d u a l s create behavioral worlds which influence and are influenced by their activities and their ways of knowing (Schon, 1982:352). Radical community Change  is  or  planners regional  structural  fundamentally view  change  development  (Grabow,  only  far  47  in  so  as  et i t  i n terms al.,  of  1973).  affects  the  community  and  community  -  plans  structural  for  strategy  its relation radical  for  theory  household  or  in  liberal  and  which  be  seen,  the  to  change  add  to  a  of  and  no  basis.  focus  upon  non-  communities'  marginalized  easily the  radical  justice  radical  change  incorporate  both i s very s i m i l a r .  in  absence  global  tradionally  toward  because  extends  precisely  been  or  the  in  ideologies.  more  change by  that  could  in  proffered  activities  work  who  that  seeks  who  planners  a national  outside  an  individual  general  have  socialist  Planners  structures  demonstrates  m o n e t a r i z e d v a l u e s and but  power  planning  s o c i a l c h a n g e on  Radical  welfare,  to  and  of  feminist equity  Radical  also vision  ideology  feminism, as  development  direction  are  planning  household  and  will  theory  individual  change.  Radical  Feminist  Nothing  less  satisfactory Dworkin,  and  the  than  a  radical  and  that  i t i s the  1982;  female  marketplace  complete  feminist  MacKinnon,  male  satisfactory Rather,  to  1974;  enough t h a t  Critque  and  heirarchical entire  theorists  Firestone,  achieve the  paradigm  equal  48  (Daly,  1970).  is 1978;  It  is  not  treatment  in  law  is  it  household, relations  male s t r u c t u r i n g  shift  nor  be of  eliminated.  worldview  that  must b e c h a n g e d a n d i n i t s p l a c e a more ' f e m i n i n e ' must b e f r a m e d . one  bastion  reckoned  In t h i s  of  with  a  liberal  force  are  as  not only  stronghold,  t h a t i s equal  over-riding viewed  conception,  to class,  i n the formation  misogynist  worldview  i spatriarchy  or a  force  t o be  but patriarchy i s the  of a l l oppression.  and d e t e r m i n e d  t o command  Men the  dominant d i s c o u r s e . In falls  i t s most  back  proposing  expressed  to  Radical concepts,  feminism  parallel  an  t h e male.  As  Women  from  have  body  what  work  traits  and  there  i s  to control  as t h e beginning  Chernin,  been  Support a  of  Eisler,  i n this  female with 1988;  view, i s  for radical feminists  "rational",  on h i s t o r i c a l  male  mysogynist  driven facts,  the tradition of  m u t i l a t i o n and s u t t e e , and t h e w i d e s p r e a d  49  nature,  identified  1987;  o f women,  t o c o n t r o l o f nature. that  drive  historically  1983;  'feminine'  a s t h e b u r n i n g and t o r t u r e o f w i t c h e s ,  clitoral  by  as  i s t o feminism  re-valorizes  o p p r e s s i o n o f women i s b a s e d such  of  theory  formula  communities  dominance  "sexuality  1982) a n d c o n t r o l  contention  feminist  separatist  lesbian  the h i s t o r i c a l  mind  (Merchant,  Starhawk,  radical  (1982:515).  t o separate  nature  and  the pervasive  and sees  oppression.  form,  o l d Utopian  by MacKinnon,  t o Marxism"  and  the  separatist  alternative  is  on  extreme  existence  of  acts  of  historical social for  rape  sanction,  custom,  the  and  and  notion  beating  e.g.  i n war,  even  that  of  through  the  women or  through  law.  treatment  which  Other  of  support  works l i k e  earth  as  female,  womens'  from  biological  nursing, law,  and  are  functions,  e.g.,  often  feared  strictly  and  ritual  custom  functions  are  feminist  claim,  currently much as  nature  feminist  dominant  discourse  psychological seeming  The  major  feminist  critique  feminists  hold  participate  means  are  to  male  occur  are  of  the  for  a  individuals  social in  as  way  participation  theory and  50  community. at  and  through  These life,  same  radical  present  that  related  and  the  bases  is  cannot radical  that  radical  equity  level.  the  the  households  This,  and  of  reform  of  in  pernicious  privilege  that  changes toward  the  birth  is directly  importance  radical  show  men.  Power,  in  and  which  1980).  emphasized  men  to  referred  controlled  pervasive  men.  facet  that  i n the  to  of  advantage  superiority  reach.  which  theory  work  i n modern  s u p p r e s s i o n o f womens' v o i c e  radical  are  i s controlled at  hands o f  offered  philosophical  menarche,  (Merchant,  controlled  through technology i n the The  the  anthropological  and  and  women i s a n a l o g o u s from  to  had  religious  mens' t r e a t m e n t o f n a t u r e comes g e n e r a l l y P l a t o n i s m where n a t u r e and  have  must and  in And  also  justice  the  main,  radical  feminists must  are fervent  i n their  be t r a n s f o r m e d ,  Rich,  belief  not just  1986; S t a r h a w k ,  that  power  restructured  relations  ( F r e n c h , 1985;  1982; Chodorow, 1987; G i l l i g a n ,  1982).  CONCEPTIONS OF POWER TRANSLATE REAL L I F E T h u s f a r , t h r e e c o n c e p t s o f how t o manage s o c i a l under  three  human l i v e s concept  must  capitalist radical  perceptions  o f how  power  and i n s t i t u t i o n s have been r e v i e w e d :  of the state  people  their  different  be  market  concept  community  economy  the socialist  as t h e agent  o f technology  power w h i c h p r e v e n t  people  from  from  concept  of control;  and a l i e n a t i o n  and environment  controls  the liberal  as t h e neccessary mediation  protected;  change  which  of the and t h e  o f people  as t h e t o o l s  from  o f those i n  t h e formation o f democratic  community. There feminist  was i n c l u d e d critique  demonstrate of  theory control  i ssituated of  that  feminism  or  world  specific  and  i s internally  the causal  radicalism  51  considered by  parallel  to  fills  in  a l l feminist t y r a n n y and Friedmann's  an o v e r a l l the  to  assumptions  and  terms,  Contrary  divided  a  i n order  of theh i s t o r i c a l  sexism.  c a n be  view  theory  I n fundamental  i nthe fact  women  each  goes beyond  socialism  b l a n k s f o r each.  contention, critque  each  how f e m i n i s m  liberalism,  critical  of  within  social  attributional  causes o f those arena  t h r e e major t h e o r i e s which d i f f e r e n t i a t e t h e  o f power  feminist  struggles.  In  an  attempt  s i m i l a r i t i e s M a r i l y n French  to  articulate  suggests:  The major d i v i s i o n s among d i f f e r e n t groups o f f e m i n i s t s t o d a y l i e i n t h i s a r e a : n o t what we must do, b u t how. T h e r e i s g e n e r a l agreement about b a s i c p r i n c i p a l s , premises, as w e l l as about t h e v i s i o n o f a f e m i n i s t f u t u r e . . . ( F r e n c h , 1985:446). Elshtain, internal  whose m a j o r  division,  found  w r i t t e n work  this  discusses  feminist  i n common among f e m i n i s t s :  ...they would r e d e f i n e t h e b o u n d a r i e s of public and t h e p r i v a t e , t h e p e r s o n a l a n d t h e p o l i t i c a l , i n a manner t h a t o p e n s up c e r t a i n q u e s t i o n s f o r inquiry. They would "break the silence" of t r a d i t i o n a l p o l i t i c a l t h o u g h t on q u e s t i o n s o f t h e h i s t o r i c o p p r e s s i o n o f women a n d t h e a b s e n c e o f women f r o m t h e r e a l m o f p u b l i c s p e e c h (Elshtain, 1981:202). Nancy differences unified  Hartsock,  a  socialist  may b e t h e c o h e s i v e  glue  feminist, with  which  claims  t o form  a  critique:  F o r d i f f e r e n c e must b e n o t m e r e l y t o l e r a t e d , b u t seen as a fund o f necessary polarities between which our [ f e m i n i s t s ] c r e a t i v i t y can spark l i k e a dialectic . . . The o u t l i n e s ... o f an a d e q u a t e t h e o r y o f power g r o u n d e d a t t h e e p i s t e m o l o g i c a l l e v e l o f r e p r o d u c t i o n a r e now v i s i a b l e , i f only h a z i l y . I t i s a n u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f power r o o t e d i n and d e f i n e d n o t s i m p l y b y women's { s i c } e x p e r i e n c e but by t h e s y s t e m a t i c p u l l i n g t o g e t h e r and w o r k i n g out o f t h e l i b e r a t o r y p o s s i b i l i t e s present i n t h a t e x p e r i e n c e ( H a r t s o c k , 1985:259). T h e r e a r e s e v e r a l common g o a l s change  t o transform  feminist  theory:  real  life  the f i r s t  52  for political  that  c a n be  i s equality  and s o c i a l  found  before  in  a l l  law; t h e  second  i s the establishment  power  on  third  i s recognition  individual, social  previously  as  critique.  The womens  widespread  support  like  ideologies  which  in  other  of  ideologies  how of  by  feminism of  power,  will  world,  value  masculine  i tcould  of  reality.  have  53  and  1977;  social  based that  of  can  t o give  critiques  a  the  feminism  transformation In  so  f a r as  relations  analysis  and a ' k i n d e r ,  t o development  on  political,  inequity,  and p r o v o k e  1987;  feminist  Radical  patriarchy.  t o fairness, equity, contribute  are  attempted  t o gender  world-views  public  (Papanek,  perceptions  socialism.  to  t o have  influenced  models,  c a s t by s u p p o r t i n g  attention  itself  i n mind t h a t  translates and  i t s social  interpretations  I  i s , at  1985; Cameron,  t o keep  color  opposition  can bring  contribute  and  liberalism  vehement  fact  countries  powerful  feminism  expresses a r a d i c a l and  many  theoretical  are  social  o f feminism  already  1982; T h o r b e r g ,  alternatives and  the  has  1977) . I t i s c r u c i a l  glimpse  and t h e  as having  movement h a s r e v e a l e d  7  life)  paradigms,  aspect  claimed,  which  Safillos-Rothschild,  economic  levels;  a n d woman  important  Hartsock  (real  obscure  of nature  t h e most  present,  Douglas,  a n d community  relations of  concealed.  Perhaps  policy  of non-hierarchical  planning.  which  gentler'  DEVELOPMENT PLANNING PRACTICE: THE SITUATION OF WOMEN Development inertia as  planning  of democratic  theory  positive  and  1985;  t h e market Friedmann,  usually  1984;  Moser Two  that  ideas  which  second,  and  way,  who  socialist  planning  the -  facilitate  has  been  able  ( F o r e s t e r , 1989;  1 9 7 7 ) . The s t a t u s o f women i s  in  terms  of  their  economic  ( W a r i n g , 1988;  Tiffany,  1987). i n development  planning  are:  first,  access  resources;  to  similar  development In  has  i s already  development  the  Heilbroner,  but  rich  and  to  i s not p r i m a r i l y i n d i v i d u a l  returns.  becomes  person  only  inherent  has  that  diminishing  Elliot,  and Peake,  and  by  i n t h e s e r v i c e o f a power t r i o :  and t h e m a l e 1987;  captured  exclusively  i n a region or nation  development  group  - liberal  development  only  addressed  participation  currently  created  change,  to act e f f e c t i v e l y state,  reform  action  social  is  is  is  other  more  to  equal  based  on  words,  capacity  rich an  or  a  includes  the  person  undeveloped  richer. region  Put or  of  i s poor  for "richness"  become  and  notion who  a  than  a  another nations'  problem. A major d i f f i c u l t y planners rational framed  has  been  planning with  the  f o r governments  that,  in  spite  and b u r e a u c r a t s  of  the  existence  and c o n s t i t u t i o n s and m a n i f e s t o s intent  of  54  strengthening  like of  t h a t were  nations  and  benefitting  a l l citizens,  continue  i n c r e a s e and  (WCED,  to  1987).  administering has  the  alone  poverty  environment has  not  and  continues  solved  the  to  a  erode  question  e q u i t y - o f o p p o r t u n i t y , o r o f c o n d i t i o n - been  1984).  disease  resources with j u s t i c e t o competing u s e r s ;  (Development  not  Reform  oppression,  Studies  Perhaps,  as  value-free  consideration  of  Centre,  radicals  1984;  have  Brown,  urged,  c o n d i t i o n , nor  an  committment  values  to  equal  nor  achieved  1988;  what  of  Clark,  i s needed  is  c o n d i t i o n , but  by  governments  a and  citizens. Committment development can  be  focus The  to  planning  mediated on  political  political reform  a  does not  of  traditional  to  incremental  Nerfin  1987;  things social  type  played  from t h e  the  As  noted  of  by  fact  in that  change reform.  social  that  and  democratic  T h i s i s not  Ferguson  boundaries  than  in  alternative of  feminist strategy,  necessary  not  devoted  function  citizenry.  outside  a  are  evident  a  1987)  new see  d o m i n a n t power s t r u c t u r e s e v o l v i n g i n t o  movement,  more  mediated,  (e.g.,  womens'  always been  Values  been  a l t e r power r e l a t i o n s h i p s .  others  force  not  energies  mediation  movements o u t s i d e  as  most  movements i s e v i d e n t  argument,  third  has  practice.  and  precisely  values  now.  As  55  the  to  women  discourse and  French  s e c t i o n on  has  and  never  insists,  of  the  working  power been  a  has  viewed  "Capitalism  has  assimilated  swallowed this  rather  than  accordance  (1985:462).  world  i t has n o t broadened  women  in  maintain  women,  with  Development  traditional  alter  planning  liberal  i t has  And i t h a s done  i t s traditional  structures  o f women u n d e r  itself.  itself;  structures"  practice  has  helped  and has n o t b e n e f i t t e d t h e  or socialist  auspices  (Leahy,  1975-85  t o the  1986).  THE  WORLD OF WOMEN The  U.N.  betterment  o f women  have a t t a c h e d CIDA, newly  dedicated  dedicated  roles  really theories  from  the world.  Donor  the industrialized  countries. i n modern  action  countries  programs  Women  nations  were using  and quotas.  strategies  remain  targeted such  a  1985; S i w a t i b a u ,  that are  none  of  1985; Zak, 1 9 8 3 ) .  the l i b e r a l ,  adequate  analyses  a t t e m p t s t o compensate and r e c t i f y theories w i l l  fail?  and v a l u e s  56  political and  I s t h e problem  disparity  or  radical  and  that  i n j u s t i c e s b a s e d on t h e s e  Or i s i t simply  a b o u t womens' p e r s p e c t i v e  as  decade  (Keating  socialist  of  to for  things  Despite  rhetoric  (e.g.,  nations  t o a i d a n d a f f i r m a t i v e a c t i o n f o r women,  development Melville,  of  s t i p u l a t i o n s a f f e c t i n g women t o t h e a i d  developing  affirmative  decade  throughout  1988) t r a n s f e r r e d  mainstream  the  f o rlack that  of  information  t h e y have f a i l e d ?  A l o o k a t development t h e o r y implementation cultural  basis  oppressed women,  provides  and t h a t ,  these  both  proof  as models  women  As  thirds  leisure increased  The year  work h o u r s ,  (usually  invites  that,  on  women t o  worldwide,  force.  They  y e t they than  per capita  women  e x e r t two-  r e c e i v e o n l y 10%  one o n e - h u n d r e t h o f  by  o f t h e U.S. r o s e b y 90% a n d  22%,  b u t women's  work  hours  1 9 8 5 ) . Women i n t h e U.S.  make o n l y 64 c e n t s f o r e v e r y d o l l a r made b y that  has v a r i e d  only  slightly  over  20 y e a r s . GNP w o r l d w i d e since  t h e Second  f o r women  although  has i n c r e a s e d a t a r a t e  more  World  proceeds women  War,  at  a  t o t h e U.S. g o v e r n m e n t , a woman) h a v e  less  than  57  o f about  2%  but the rate  of  snails'  a r e admitted  t h a t were f o r m e r l y c l o s e d t o them, s u c h according  stage  (CIDA, 1 9 8 8 ) . Between 1929 a n d 1965 t h e  a percentage  improvement example,  o f t h e work  increased  Canada s t i l l  the l a s t  show  ( W i l l i a m s , 1988; H e w l e t t ,  male  per  product  time  data  income a n d own l e s s  property  net n a t i o n a l  a  half  o f t h e world's  of t h e world's  and  earlier,  about  the world's  progress f o r  b u t d o e s n o t p r o v i d e them w i t h t h e s c r i p t .  stated  constitute  remained  The three-way  w h i c h t h e a c t o f b a l a n c i n g power i s p l a y e d participate,  have  for positive  theories are limited.  on a c r o s s -  For  occupations  a s law and medicine,  families half  to  pace.  with  t h e median  one p a r e n t income o f  all  families.  people 1988) . several  Women  with  i n t h e U.S. l i v i n g In  Canada,  constitute  i n poverty  Armstrong  sociologists,  dominant d i s c o u r s e s  children  (Garbarino,1988;  and Armstrong  and argue  75% o f  similarly  (1986) that  a l l  Gelp, quote  what t h e  s a y i s n o t what t h e y r e a l l y d o :  In Canadian s o c i e t y , a s s e v e r a l s o c i o l o g i s t s have shown, equality of opportunity i s taught i n t h e o r y , b u t d e n i e d i n p r a c t i c e . C l e m e n t (1975:284) establishes i n h i s extensive examination o f the Canadian corporate e l i t e that " I t i s the class w h i c h h o l d s t h e power b a s e s o f s o c i e t y ( i n c l u d i n g t h e means o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n ) w h i c h i s a b l e , i n l a r g e p a r t , t o i n f l u e n c e and d i r e c t t h e i d e o l o g y of t h e population." By means o f what P i k e a n d Z u r e i k (1975:x) c a l l " m a n i p u l a t i v e socialization", the dominant groups are able t o " f o s t e r an internalization of p a r t i c l a r perceptions of social r e a l i t y " . T h r o u g h t h e i r i n f l u e n c e o v e r what P o r t e r (1965:460) i n h i s w i d e l y acclaimed The V e r t i c a l Mosiac, calls "ideological institutions", the dominant groups are able to encourage t h e a c c e p t a n c e o f t h e e x i s t i n g s o c i a l o r d e r . And t h e d i v i s i o n o f l a b o r by sex i s p a r t o f t h a t order ( A r m s t r o n g a n d A r m s t r o n g , 1984:197). Anthropologist  Peggy Sanday h a s f o r c e f u l l y  historically,  t h e one m a i n  female s t a t u s  i s p r o l o n g e d w a r f a r e w h i c h means m a l e  or  of labor  a shortage  1986).  Raising  contributing  the  t o equity  Another anthropologist,  precondition  argued  supply status  (cited of  may h a v e Ursula  58  o f any i n c r e a s e i n  i n Duley  women  another  that  a n d Edwards,  and,  therefore,  component  Sharmin s t a t e s :  absence  as w e l l .  It i s the distribution of property rights ( e s p e c i a l l y r i g h t s i n l a n d ) w h i c h we o u g h t t o l o o k at f i r s t o f a l l i f we w i s h t o u n d e r s t a n d t h e p o s i t i o n o f r u r a l women... T h e p o o r h a v e little p r o p e r t y t o p r o t e c t ' t h e norms g o v e r n i n g f e m a l e r o l e s w h i l e p e r m i t t i n g them t o p a r t i c i p a t e f r e e l y i n l a b o r , n e v e r t h e l e s s , l i m i t t h e ways i n w h i c h women c a n a c t u a l l y u s e w h a t e v e r e c o n o m i c power t h e y may d e r i v e from t h e i r role i n production ( D u l e y a n d Edwards, 1986:197). In  other  words,  women may p l a y  access  a critical  worldwide.  The  development,  a s measured  at  least  Traditional  dominant  development problems ostrich  which  poverty. western longer and  with  the profession i n t h e sand,  as a s o c i a l  current  example  Demographic  a r t i c u l a t e d by  often  issues  creates  has t o d e a l .  i.e.,if  by  more  Like  i f the social  problem,  of this  information  cultures  t h a n men, make a b o u t numbers  the voice of  an  problem  women a r e  i s no n e e d t o do a n y t h i n g a b o u t i t .  industrial  that  o f women.  o f gender  and p r a c t i c e  world  i s succeeding,  has s i l e n c e d t h e problems  by  o f women  that  growth,  Yet neglect  theory  i t s head  heard, there One  theory  itself  c a n n o t b e documented not  suggest  by economic  planning  planning  with  i n t h e development  presented  discourses.  with  of resources  because o f t h e e x p l o i t a t i o n  women b y c o n c e r n i n g the  role  data  i n part,  and c o n t r o l  of single  b y women, a r e i n c r e a s i n g  i s the feminization  has long  which  been  indicates  of  available i n  that  women  live  65% o f t h e money made b y men, parent  (Gelpi  59  families,  et al.,  usually  headed  1986; F u c h s ,  1986).  Statistics  from  of  f o r women  living  (averaging  about  households  70%  (1 i n 11) .  et.  Armstrong,  demographic casualties  dramatically  trend  a l , 1986:4;  that  often  Consequently,  This  female than  Fuchs,  1986;  headed  male  the majority  i s expected  with  facts  n o t been  have  and c o s t  which  headed of  poor  t o increase. Armstrong  to  deal  forthcoming.  t o government  and  from  lack  with  these  The  social  o f a c t i o n has  i g n o r e d . S o c i a l p r o g r a m s a r e among t h e f i r s t t o  c u t i n government o f these  facts,  increasing  whether  i s lowered  and  strategies  been l a r g e l y  the  less),  the standard  1985).  Active  spite  divorce  show t h a t  (1 i n 3) more  a r e females.  (Gelphi,  be  who  a r e poor  households people  t h e U.S. a n d Canada  budget  reductions  (Smith,  1986).  In  development p l a n n i n g does n o t address  poverty  among  women  i n t h e U.S., Canada,  i n any m e a n i n g f u l  or the Third  World  way,  (Elliot,  1977). Throughout policies other  social  comprise with  facilities  only  one f i f t h  as though  continue  by  males  nuclear  of a l l families  m a l e wage e a r n e r  do n o t s e e t h a t  received  planners  to  support  a s t h e d e s i g n and c o n s t r u c t i o n o f h o u s i n g and  a primary  planners is  such  t h e world  help  60  (which  (Garbarino,  1988))  were t h e norm.  a i d i n cash to  families  them  Development  and i n t r a i n i n g perform  roles  which they  traditionally in  (such  as c u l t i v a t i o n  o f food  s u b - S a h a r a n A f r i c a ) i s w a s t e d . CIDA, w h i c h h a s a  program in  do n o t do  crops  specific  f o r womens' d e v e l o p m e n t d o e s n o t m e n t i o n e q u i t y  i t s p o l i c y documents  (CIDA 1 9 8 7 ) . I n s t e a d  the focus  once i s on  g e t t i n g women i n t o t h e e c o n o m i c s y s t e m , d e s p i t e t h e e v i d e n c e that  women  become members  o f t h e low-paying  "pink  ghetto"  ( G e l p i e t a l . , 1986).  MISCONCEPTIONS IN DATA Integration consideration gender  i n planning  equity)  affects  used t o generate 50%  o f gender  of a given  theoretical  (besides  You  have  no  trouble  effects  of  Ignoring  walking,  your  only  but  choice  which i s  the fact  i n research  i n snow w i t h  practical  promotion o f  of information  i s female  t o walk  and  the obvious  the quality  population  to electing  unanticipated  a  d e c i s i o n s and p l a n s .  tantamount will  as  there  that  that  issues i s one  shoe.  may  become  be  quite  handicapping. A b a s i c a s s u m p t i o n o f much s o c i a l choices  or  behaviors  achievement associates research  theory  with  theory  the  developed  (McClelland  done  development  are  et  al.,  norm. by  61  For  i s t h a t male example,  McClelland  1953)  p r i m a r i l y male o f Kohlberg  research  was  developed  subjects,  (Kohlberg,  and  the his from  and t h e moral  1969)  used  male  profiles  in  studies  of  describing dominance  relationships formulated the  in  elaborate  I t was o n l y  Development  planning  transportation,  agriculture,  has o f t e n  that  will  patterns  and  opportunities 1988;  This in  training,  t o males,  male  male  hands  bias  percentages  of  failure  i s often  Bellah  women  in  or  primarily western  which  provide  and  employment  are marginalized  (Williams,  major  spheres o f a c t i v i t y along  As a r e s u l t , a i d projects  1 9 8 6 ) . The s t a b i l i t y founded  on  military  the lines of  there  are large  (Hughes,  1984;  of Third  World  administrative  r a r e l y i n c l u d e s women i n e i t h e r p r o f e s s i o n a l  positions. This  et.al.  economics  policies  development  nations.  governments  or advisory  i t addresses  traditional  loans,  concentrates  1984; C l a r k ,  that  whether  1982:139).  1986).  Siwatibau,  centrality  bank  and p a t t e r n s  modern i n d u s t r i a l i z e d  o f females i n  migration,  In creating  were  the role of  (Fisher,  follow  male  hierarchy  the role  studied  inevitably  W i l s o n and Weir,  of  Early  at  made s i m i l a r a s s u m p t i o n s ,  o f behavior.  education  that  only  emphasized  practice,  resources,  women  which  h a s been  development.  looked  theories  recently  a n d dominance  moral  animals  i n primate research  male.  kinship  and  human  (1985)  occurs  criticize  i n North America as w e l l . this  tendency  because i t  p r o d u c e s what h e t e r m s " P r o f e s s i o n a l s w i t h o u t c o n t e n t " :  62  " T h e i r outlook i s cosmopolitan, shaped by h i g h e r e d u c a t i o n and l i n k e d t o o t h e r s o f s i m i l a r t r a i n i n g and skills o r t o those o f s i m i l a r t a s t e s i n networks o f f r i e n d s . . . they a r e c l o s e l y t i e d t o the p r i o r i t i e s o f t h e c o r p o r a t e and governmental worlds. C a r e f u l l y worked out expert solutions a p p l i e d i n an atmosphere o f t o l e r a n c e bred o f easy m o b i l i t y appear t h e n a t u r a l way t o make life b e t t e r f o r everyone" (Ibid:210). Neglect  of  gender  and  effectiveness, therefore, planning  reflected  sexual of  roles  h i n d e r s the  o f t h e t r a n s l a t i o n o f development  t h e o r y t o a c t i o n even without a c r i t i q u e o f theory.  Deterioration  increase  cultural  of family  i n the rate  life  i n which  i n teenage s u i c i d e s  i n western we  divorce  and i n c i d e n c e  abuse. These a r e a l l c o n s i d e r e d  the s i z e  and pace  development  planning  processes,  its  accommodation  o f p h y s i c a l and  (Brown,  1988) . Yet  a l l i t s economic  isolated  t o modern  and remarry,  t o be d i r e c t r e s u l t s  o f modern change with  culture i s  suburban  mobility,  planning  cul-de-sacs,  has  no  and  strategy f o r  a s s i s t i n g people w i t h t h e d i s r u p t i v e and d e s t r u c t i v e e f f e c t s of fast-paced  change.  There has been no c l e a r r e c o g n i t i o n , catastrophes reproduction The  await  i f the  of labor  double b i n d  of  by women c o n t i n u e s  created  by changes  demands on women by s o c i e t y , household and l a b o r  production  either,  and  and economic  women f u l f i l l  r o l e s , cannot be r e s o l v e d  63  labor  t o be e x p l o i t e d .  i n social  i . e . , that  o f what  unless  both women  p a r t i c i p a t e i n s o l u t i o n s . As argued by E l s h t a i n (1981), l a c k of  resolution  sphere  and  will  create  prove  deterioration  disastrous  f o r the  of the private family  and t h e  household. Changes i n womens' r o l e s have been d r a s t i c throughout the world. Data i s simply individually sector  attempt  o f growth  not used t o support women as they  t o cope w i t h t h e changes. The l a r g e s t  i n industrialized  nations  i s the service  s e c t o r and t h e employees o f t h a t s e c t o r a r e p r i m a r i l y women (Smith, 1986; Armstrong and Armstrong, 1986). The p r o p o r t i o n of unemployed has remained thirty  years.  During  relatively  t h e same p e r i o d  have been drawn i n t o t h e l a b o r economy has mainly been by  women  the  nursing,  condition  suggests service  that sector  of  f o r c e . The expansion o f t h e  informal  and c h i l d  chronic  lower  century  e x p l o i t a t i o n of the production  sector  care.  t h e unprecedented i n the l a s t  over t h e l a s t  more and more women  i n areas p r e v i o u s l y  i n t h e non-cash,  preparation,  stable  wage  This,  contributed t o such  together  rates  economic  as meal  f o r women,  growth  has been based  and r e p r o d u c t i o n  with  i n the on t h e  of labor of  women. I t would seem, then, t h a t t h e enormous p r o d u c t i o n o f goods and s e r v i c e s which c h a r a c t e r i z e s modern s o c i e t i e s has been founded on t h e u t i l i t y o f two " f r e e " goods -  the labor  of women and t h e environment, both o f which a r e ignored i n  64  the economy u n t i l they have a market use.  65  TOWARD RADICAL  Relations that  they  modern and  of hierarchical  continue  dominance  t o t h e present  bureaucracies,  even  FEMINISM  businesses,  i n families.  In fact,  a r e so  day,  pervasive  f o r example, i n  educational  institutions  hierarchical  relations  dominance o r d e r most s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n s t o d a y e x c e p t e x p l i c i t l y mandated  a s t h e domain o f d e m o c r a t i c  simple  justice:  this  relationships  hierarchical. democratic bottom  terms  ideology,  of  Feminism,  There  creates  that  to  radical  cannot  pressure  rise  and  perseverance  of hierarchy  i n t h e face  encompassing  and p e r s i s t e n t domination  also  be  governed  by  on those to  feminism,  real.  tension f o r  i n societies  a continual  especially  social  a r e equal  i s , then,  the hierarchy  a  those  government.  And e v e n i n t h a t d o m a i n , e q u i t y i s more m y t h i c a l t h a n In  of  gain  atthe equity.  attributes the  o f democracy  t othe  o f one h a l f o f t h e  w o r l d ' s p o p u l a t i o n by t h e o t h e r , h i s t o r i c a l l y and on a d a i l y basis  i n o t h e r words, t o p a t r i a r c h y . Because  of the triadic  market and male, reform women.  The power  alone  wielded  -  will  change  will  structure of the state, not alter  by t h e s t a t e ,  patriarchy acting i n concert of a major s h i f t  power  i s so great  i n values  - political,  t h e dominant  discourse  66  the status of  t h e economy a n d  that nothing  short  economic and s o c i a l according  to radical  feminist  thought.  Because  reform  change,  i t would  appear  t h e forum  theory.  Only  i n radical  has n o t c r e a t e d  theory  f o r change  and  movement t o e q u i t y t a k e p l a c e b e c a u s e change i s paramount i n r a d i c a l Even practice  i n radical  forum,  practice  structural i s radical can  work t o w a r d  social  structural  ideologies. the translation  of theory t o  i s crucial:  "no m a t t e r how d e s i r a b l e t h e p o s t i n d u s t r i a l i d e a s may b e , t h e y r e m a i n p i o u s w i s h e s i f n o t l i n k e d t o c o n c r e t e p l a n s o f a c t i o n a n d o r g a n i z a t i o n . . . I am h i g h l y s y m p a t h e t i c t o t h e Utopian t r a d i t i o n a s a v i b r a n t source o f i n s p i r a t i o n , a r e j e c t i o n o ft h e pedestrian and the resigned acceptance of i r r a t i o n a l i t y and impoverishment - i n t h e b r o a d e s t sense o f everyday life...It i s therefore n e c e s s a r y t o remain w i t h i n the radical Utopian t r a d i t i o n , w h i l e a t t h e same time s u b j e c t i n g t h e s e  same  Utopian  evaluation" A  study  socialist done  by Leahy  development Mexico,  the  rigorous  inability  to eliminate  (1986).  strategies  four  developed  The  to  scrutiny  and  f o r either  the oppression  liberal  o f women was  She made a n e x t e n s i v e c o m p a r i s o n f o r women  i n four  or  countries:  of  Cuba,  t h e U.S. a n d t h e U.S.S.R.. H e r c h o i c e s o f c o u n t r i e s  reflects  (Mexico  of  policy  ideas  (Frankel,1987).  dimensions:  (U.S.  and  undeveloped  U.S.S.R.),  and  a n d U.S.) a n d M a r x i s t - S o c i a l i s t  conclusions of this  (Cuba  67  do  Mexico),  liberal-capitalist (Cuba a n d U.S.S.R.).  s t u d y showed t h a t  * Development and e q u i t y o c c u r due t o l e g i s l a t i o n .  and  i n a l l cases:  not automatically  * Development f o r women i s d e p e n d e n t a c c e s s t o r e s o u r c e s a n d c o n t r o l o f them.  on  their  * T h e d u a l r o l e r e q u i r e d o f women (mother a n d wage e a r n e r ) i s a p r o b l e m w h i c h must b e r e s o l v e d f o r equity t o occur. Leahy  points  development  to  policy.  several  First,  priority  contradictions  i f effeciency,  over  other  benefits  related  p r o d u c t i v i t y and  profit  take  rather  t h a n e c o n o m i c , p r o g r e s s f o r women i s l i m i t e d .  S e c o n d l y , women a r e p e n a l i z e d work and  i n t h e market they  state, to  place  are not given  t h e market  either  minimize  women f r o m  birth  adequate  or their  time  from  which would  these  assuming p u b l i c as w e l l  are social  o f f from  or raise  support  partners  o r share  which  for taking  t o give  to  roles.  children,  either the enable  This  as p r i v a t e  them  prohibits  roles  equally  w i t h men. Leahy,  while  operating  productivity,  modernization  the  pie',  with  'economic  progress  contradictory maintains  on  and  the  industrialization  and s t a t i n g t h e s e  for proposal  women, for  assumption  have been  nevertheless womens'  that enlarge  associated submits  development.  a She  that:  P r o g r e s s ( f o r women).. . w i l l be a f u n c t i o n o f t h e w i l l i n g n e s s o f s o c i e t y t o t r a d e some m e a s u r e o f its economic efficiency f o r greater social e q u i t y . . . ( p . 124) What  comes  through  clearly  68  i n Leahy's  work  i s the  message  that  childcare is  and  willing  out  of  too  an  few  to  pay,  nor  ideological  marginalized well  increased  are  housework a t  industrialized,  not  males  a  are  wage t h e men  ideal.  or  willing  or  able  market  Women o f  socialist  because  willing  to  or  into  policy  household  work  does  work  industrialized,  non-  and, not  on  this  countries  priorities  translated  take  government  share  liberal  governmental  to  of  more have  are  equity  are  importantly,  national  male  support. For  example,  specifically legistlate wife  targeted  a  Family  were e q u a l l y  Sharing well  because,  (Duley  and the  equality  Code  a  Cuba  responsible  development  was  specifying  to  to  provide  the that  for child  to the  failure  advocates  The  the  the  to  to and  housework.  p r o v e d t o work  analysts,  support  nation  husband  and  not  that  there  are  not  enforce  the  law  an  unwillingness  to t r a n s l a t e a p u b l i c ideology  of  p r i v a t e sphere.  cornerstone  practice  some  plan  first  care  Edwards, 1 9 8 6 ) . L e a h y s e e s i t a s p a r t o f most men  This  theory  women.  according  resources  o f on  designed  d o m e s t i c l a b o r r e s p o n s i b i l i t y has  enough  the  Cuba  of  on  translation  which r a d i c a l  altering  the  of  theory  theory  structure  to  practice  i s founded. i f the  is  Radical  results  of  fail. propensity  of  men  69  for  patriarchy  has  been  theoretically thesis  in feminist  theory  i n a manner c o n g r u e n t t o v a r i o u s  ideology. equity,  detailed  If  there  is  i n l i n e with  strategies  to  be  change  a l l feminist  identified  described  streams of in  the  goals,  in radical  in  political  direction  practical  feminism  this  may  and  very  of  real  well  be  required. Radical leanings,  feminists,  despite  life  ignored  which  markets or  men,  A major p a r t the  value  as  of  EXPERIENCE AS Tibor human which  and  not  the  he  the  been  political remedy  and  de-valued  contributions, discourse  struggle  discourses  of  of  and  which  are  governments, contributions.  i s f i n d i n g a way i n the  to  to  include  d e c i s i o n making which  power.  VALUE  Scitovisky  bases  (1978) did  on  Scitovisky  i s heavily  pleasure.  of  t r a d i t i o n a l l y valued  radical  satisfaction,  motivation. beings  outside  These  o f womens' e x p e r i e n c e  operates within  other  affinity  historically  1984).  are  in  of  f r o m women h a v e u n i q u e c o n t r i b u t i o n s have  (Grimshaw,  characterized  feminists  differences  degree of d e v i a t i o n , human  and  The  a  the  in  a  little  unique  analysis  psychology  submits  i n f l u e n c e d by  that two  psychological  70  known  the  of  and  book the  material  market  economics  behavior  opposing  about  of  forces, he  of  human  comfort  presents  is  we11-documented present  in  a novel  behaviorist  literature.  He  goes  on  to  argument:  P l e a s u r e and c o m f o r t h a v e n o t o n l y t u r n e d o u t t o be v e r y d i f f e r e n t m o t i v a t i n g f o r c e s ; they also seem to stand to each other in a peculiar r e l a t i o n , r e m i n i s c e n t o f a c c e l e r a t i o n and speed, w h i c h r e n d e r s c o n f l i c t i n e v i t a b l e . To some e x t e n t pleasure and comfort are mutually exclusive alternatives confronting the individual with c o n f l i c t ... (Ibid:59) Scitovsky m e a s u r e d by per  capita  claims  a collection  that not  made  knowing give  or  fundamentally how  Although  says or  many  sought  numbers c o u l d t h e n  material  strength  of  by  goods  It or  about  uses  the  the  who basis  of  different  is  we  comfort. have  elicit  which  household,  households  on  comfort  for  per  economy,  subjective,  judge  that provide  equity, ease  and  use  pleasure, the  and  we  attempt  individual  experiences.  Our  increasingly  offers  experiences.  The  meet  that  economy,  monotony  emptiness,  the  71  of  of with  for  of  does what.  rather  than  policies.  in  of  the  form  This  crave  living of  choice, arousal,  desire  primarily  novel  items  mass  products,  lack  a  noting  item  item  comfort.  acquisition  current a  to  an  standard are  power,  comes f r o m  values,  social  e.g.,  i s worth  S c i t o v s k y , c r e a t e s a c o n d i t i o n where we  through  our  of i n d i c e s that are m a t e r i a l ,  refrigerators  information  Information  levels,  the  income, p e r c a p i t a comsumption o f e l e c t r i c  number o f TV's choice  that  or  production, services  spirituality  and that  s u r r o u n d s modern l i f e stimulation  as  well  i s a t t r i b u t e d to a constant as  development  of  search  for  strong  feelings  of  radical  argument  is  a l i e n a t i o n toward s o c i e t y . The his  value  of  Scitovsky's  work  prescription for lifestyle  for  change:  We g e t and pay f o r more c o m f o r t t h a n i s n e c e s s a r y f o r t h e g o o d l i f e , and some o f o u r c o m f o r t s crowd o u t some o f t h e e n j o y m e n t s o f l i f e ... we f i n d i t h a r d t o a c c e p t t h e i d e a t h a t one way o f m a k i n g o u r l i f e s t y l e l e s s c o s t l y i s t o make i t l e s s austere ... As l o n g a s we a r e l e a d e r s ... we c a n h a r d l y advocate f o r o t h e r s a l i f e s t y l e d i f f e r e n t from our own ... ( 1 9 7 8 : 2 8 4 ) . In  other  rewarding  What  pleasure  replacement. an  pleasure  rather  are  here  than  Scitovsky's  Marilyn as  items  i s valued  a l t e r n a t i v e to  feminist  peoples'  i f material  pleasures. of  words,  kept  the  act  argument  French,  can from  i s the  consumption  a political  lives  has  who  be  made  more  interfering  with  subjective of  for  purchasing  choosing  been  argues  experience  echoed for  a  as  a  pleasure  as  by  radical  valuing  of  a l t e r n a t i v e t o v a l u i n g power:  To restore pleasure to centrality requires r e s t o r i n g t h e body, and t h e r e f o r e n a t u r e t o v a l u e . A l t h o u g h i t s h o u l d be c l e a r t h a t e x p e r i e n c e o f any s o r t i s r o o t e d i n t h e c o n t i n u u m o f mind/body, t h e split made in this continuum i s so old and r e s p e c t a b l e as t o s t a n d as t r u t h . P l e a s u r e is d i s d a i n e d b e c a u s e i t a p p e a r s r o o t e d i n t h e body a l o n e and t h e body i s d i s d a i n e d ( 1 9 8 5 : 4 4 4 ) . C e r t a i n experience, value  i n French's  then,  scenerio  has  that  72  an  intrinsic,  i s outside  pleasurable  existing  domains  of  power.  According  Descartes because it  has  to  required  that  i t h a s no v a l u e  provides  a  importantly  French,  means  philosophy  we  from  transcend  Plato  our  experience  o f i t s own, b u t i s v a l u a b l e  to  some  better  or  to  higher  only i f  end.  Most  F r e n c h g o e s on t o s a y :  The r e s t o r a t i o n o f body a n d n a t u r e t o v a l u e w o u l d p r e c l u d e t r e a t m e n t o f b o t h b o d i e s and n a t u r e t h a t p e r v a d e s o u r w o r l d - t h e t o r t u r e and d e p r i v a t i o n o f one, t h e e r o s i o n and p o l l u t i o n o f t h e o t h e r ... Lacking transcendent goals, we would have no reason to sacrifice ... p l e a s u r e to symbolic s u p e r i o r i t y (1985:5). Pleasure,  here,  change. But s o c i a l , transformation a  vision  reform  had  prescription  political  cannot  o f what  has  i s viewed  occur  will  move t o w a r d  glasnost  is not  and  new  French  and  the s o c i a l i s t  a claim  that  abstract, Feminism  context, Liberal lack  of  a s a n example o f t o o  (Walby, 1 9 8 6 ) . C e r t a i n l y t h e S o v i e t governments  when a t t e n t i o n  other  F o x , 1983; F r a n k e l ,  a  structures.  radicals,  o f P o l a n d and  i s paid  e x c l u s i v e l y , government has l i t t l e  Scitovsky, 1987;  effect  a n d t h e new  Hungary demonstrate t h a t notions  s u c c e s s f u l l y without  been c r i t i c i z e d  much a b s t r a c t t h e o r i z i n g  for social  and e c o n o m i c r e s t r u c t u r i n g o r  constitute  limited  has o f t e n  a s t h e mechanism  t o material  credibility. (e.g.,  What  Friedmann,  1987; Berman, 1981) h a v e i n common  the context  o f c h a n g e must b e e x p e r i e n t i a l ,  f o r new s t r u c t u r e s t o be s u c c e s s f u l . offers  the  experience  73  of  women  and  the  structures  which  change.  These  techniques  in  an a l t e r n a t i v e the  for social  womens'  mediation  their  principles,  y e t shared.  a s a model  specifically,  for social  i n t i m a t e human needs  utilized  household,  over  consideration  have  are, the  relationships  intimate  they  An  needs  and and  example  propensity  of  their  to  value  fundamental  c o n n e c t i o n s which feminist  comes f r o m a p e r t i n e n t  are  attention  comment  to  offering  e x p e r i e n t i a l , b u t c o n c r e t e example r e l a t e d t o  household: "A society that offers few o t h e r s o u r c e s o f psychic security and l i t t l e o t h e r means o f material support i s likely to throw people t o g e t h e r i n t o l i t t l e d e f e n s i v e groups and t o l e a v e t h o s e who do n o t f o r m s u c h g r u p s i s o l a t e d a n d d e p r i v e d . A male dominated s o c i e t y i s l i k e l y t o p r o d u c e a f o r m o f p r i v a t e l i f e i n w h i c h men a r e p r i v i l e g e d and p o w e r f u l . What i s n e e d e d i s n o t t o b u i l d up a n a l t e r n a t i v e t o t h e f a m i l y - new f o r m s o f h o u s e h o l d t h a t would f u l f i l a l l t h e needs t h a t f a m i l i e s a r e supposed t o f u l f i l today - b u t t o make t h e f a m i l y l e s s n e c e s s a r y , b u i l d i n g up a l l s o r t s o f o t h e r ways o f m e e t i n g p e o p l e ' s n e e d s , ways l e s s v o l a t i l e and i n a d e q u a t e t h a n t h o s e b a s e d on t h e assumption that blood i s thicker than w a t e r " ( B a r e t t and M c i n t o s h , f r o m The A n t i - S o c i a l F a m i l y , q u o t e d i n F r a n k e l , 1987, e m p h a s i s m i n e ) . Psychic  of  t h e working  knowledge.  flesh",  tools  This  marginalized  and  security,  by t h e o l o g i c a l  food  and c o m f o r t have  through which  experiential  commodified  fast  pleasure  i n forms  outlets  or  women h a v e  knowledge  dismissal  74  some  shaped  their  either  been  of "pleasures  such as maid women's  has  been  service,  experience  of the  therapy, has  been  controlled  by d i s c o u r s e  which has d e f i n e d  under w h i c h i t c a n be r e c o g n i z e d ,  that  the circumstances  i s , i n t h e household.  EXPERIENCE AS KNOWLEDGE The  body  experience  of  is  thought  the  romantic philosophy an  idealism  glorified  impulses  simply,  foundation  for  experiential popularized learning,  and  was  natural  activites,  was t h a t  perceiving  the  knowledge.  and  submitted  and v a l i d a t e d  planners  learning  spiritual  the idea  In  experiential  experience  or  knowledge  the  idea  part  that  of the  (unsullied hence  the  by  'nobel  image.  Very  radical  of  promotes  o f R o u s s e a u . T h e c o n c e p t was embodied i n  which  'civilization') savage'  basis  that  advocate  by d o i n g .  human  needs  Catholic theologian,  experience  world,  that  "knowledge  giving  Friedmann i t  (1987:81).  social  Not  from just  t o experience,  o f church  i n parishioners  termed  i s derived  importance  In a c r i t i q u e  75  John  terming  i n practice"  states:  sometimes  planning,  knowledge  i s t h e human  Mathew  attention to Fox,  radical  "... an e x a g g e r a t e d d o c t r i n e o f o r i g i n a l s i n , one that i s employed as a starting point for spirituality, plays kindly into t h e hands of empire-builders, slavemasters, and p a t r i a r c h a l society i n general. I t divides and thereby conquers, p i t t i n g one's t h o u g h t s a g a i n s t one's f e e l i n g s , o n e ' s body a g a i n s t o n e ' s s p i r i t , one's vocation against one's personal needs, people a g a i n s t t h e e a r t h , a n i m a l s and n a t u r e i n g e n e r a l . .. the a r t of savoring i s p o l i t i c a l l y suspect; pleasure i s too often a route to sharing the p l e a s u r e - which i s j u s t i c e making . . . p l e a s u r e , not w i l l and c o e r c i o n , i s how y o u most deeply t r a n s f o r m p e o p l e ... I b e l i e v e t h a t one p r i c e t h e West h a s p a i d f o r i g n o r i n g b l e s s i n g t h e o l o g y i s t h a t C h r i s t i a n i t y h a s v e r y few t a c t i c s f o r s o c i a l change" (1983:54). Like justice  French  making  "blessing  and S c i t o v s k y ,  Fox sees  potential  and l i b e r a t o r y p o s s i b i l i t e s  theology"  or  celebration  of  i n the  o f what he pleasurable  calls human  experience. Strategies transformation experiential ecology,  for have  also  and  by  Devall  others  humanistic. offering  Where  methods  forward  i n economics, identified  and S e s s i o n s ,  constituted  put  for by  1985).  Rozak  have  of transition  76  not  from  (1983) i n with  the  1984; B a h r o ,  'radical'  theorists  of alternative institutions  democratically, they  others  primarily  The  social  (1987) i n s o c i a l  (Schumacher, 1974; G o r z ,  have o f f e r e d c o n s t r u c t i o n s are  change,  Murray Bookchin  (1975)  e n v i r o n m e n t a l movement 1986;  been  references  Heilbroner,  business  radical  which  decentralized, been  so  successful  to the s o c i a l  change  and is they  support. "post  Calling  these  industrial  pentrating  radical  theorists for  Utopians",  Boris  social  Frankel  change  offers  a  critique:  "If one desires a society where energy is c o n s e r v e d , where u n n e c e s s a r i l y l a r g e v o l u m e s of raw m a t e r i a l s , f o o d and m a n u f a c t u r e d g o o d s a r e no longer transported across long distances in m i l l i o n s of environmentally d e s t r u c t i v e land, sea and a i r v e h i c l e s , where a m a j o r i t y o f citizens (rather than private companies and government bureaucracies) determine what, where, and how goods and services are produced, then social planning and open public discourse becomes essential...All those who believe that 'prosuming', simple barter or other forms of socio-economic i n t e r a c t i o n can r e p l a c e c a p i t a l i s t m a r k e t s and state planning - and yet guarantee equity and democracy are profoundly wrong" (Frankel:253). Frankel  points  community  level,  theorists  suggest,  out  that  despite  face-to-face equity  and  the  desirability  alternatives democracy  will  most  of  radical  require  state  institutions. "Healthy democratic, post-industrial public spheres require a l l the corresponding legal, cultural, educational and administrative structures which guarantee adjudication, m e d i a t i o n , r e p r e s e n t a t i o n and c h e c k s and balances" (Ibid:263) Because radical "special the  there  theory,  assumption  focus of  one  many t i m e s  interest",  limited  i s no  a of  wider  umbrella  radical  designation a  group,  public  77  which  can  p o s i t i o n s are which,  while  effectively support  and  cover  all  considered describing  prohibits encourages  the a  d i v e r s i t y w h i c h makes i t d i f f i c u l t a  force  broader  for  structural  political  potentially  level,  where  the  personal,  household  Personal  labor, true,  focus  an  a  feminism,  half  of  At  of the world.  social  and  i n every  change  form,  T h i s makes  begins  i d e a l v e h i c l e through  (not  at  just  the  household  level,  material manipulation  a s Marx w o u l d h a v e i t ) f u n d a m e n t a l l y and  household  at  the  which t o  change.  experience  a l l feminists  one  level,  implement s t r u c t u r a l  change.  however,  i n c l u d e s over  feminism,  to  social  f o r groups t o c o a l e s c e as  according or  actual  r e f l e c t s what i s  a b s t r a c t i o n s e r v e s t o p r o t e c t and  enhance dominant  discourses.  VALUING FEMININE EXPERIENCE Feminism, foundation relations.  as  therefore, model  on  offers  which  to  areas  as  body,  base  devalued.  The  Marxist question,  exploited  p o s i t i o n of t r a d i t i o n a l  radical  oppression womens'  and  for  emotion,  experiential  say  base  A l l a s s o c i a t i o n s o f female  particular  feminists,  women  with  much more t o  special  do  experiences  78  womens'  which "why  a  change  w i t h such and has do  their  has  and an  culturally  women r e m a i n  the  power  create  been  conditions  in  of  separate  nature  marriage?"  with  experiential  i n the  less to  do,  pay  and  and  intrinsic  value  historical  of and  functional French, that and  1985;  with  Hewlett,  t h e human v a l u e s experience  setting be  relations  of  men  1986).  children  Adrienne  (Chernin,  Rich  (1986)  women t h e m s e l v e s d e r i v e  nurturing  i s a universal  and  value  argues  from t h e a c t  negotiating  which  1987;  in  f o r i t s own  a  family  sake  should  cultivated. Equal  consideration  of  household  and t h e community  termed  "female  a  society and  and  i n a way  promotes  an  ethic"  women  would  in  the  work  i n c o r p o r a t e what  (Grimshaw,  1986:194)  of  the  has  been  into  larger  t h a t t e m p e r s t h e a b s t r a c t i o n o f modern experiential  H e l l e r ' s arguement  focus.  Grimshaw  quotes  life Agnes  that:  The v e r y f a c t t h a t women h a v e b e e n s o largely excluded from b r o a d e r s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l activity, and r e s t r i c t e d t o the world of the household or family, has meant that there are more s i m i l a r i t i e s , h i s t o r i c a l l y , between t h e l i v e s o f women t h a n between l i v e s o f men. Women h a v e t e n d e d t o l i v e . . . o n a s m a l l e r s c a l e , o c c u p i e d n o t s o much w i t h b o l d d e e d s o r g r e a t c a u s e s . . .but w i t h t h e d a i l i n e s s of a l i f e spent i n the d e t a i l e d tasks of managing a small community and meeting daily n e e d s . So, s u g g e s t s H e l l e r , " W i t h i n t h e framework o f t h e i r s m a l l w o r l d , women h a d t o l e a r n how t o manage a community. I t was a painstaking but p e a c e f u l o c c u p a t i o n w h i c h r e q u i r e d enormous t a c t , a g r e a t a b i l i t y t o smooth away c o n f l i c t s , a s w e l l as d e v o t i o n and sympathy" ( H e l l e r , 1 9 8 0 : 2 1 0 ) . . . i t i s a r g u a b l e t h a t [women] more t h a n men h a v e t e n d e d to have a profound scepticism and a m b i v a l e n c e a b o u t t h e s a c r i f i c e o f human l i v e s and l o v e s and the f a b r i c o f human l i f e t o t h e c a u s e s i n t h e name of which men have fought and despoiled and o p p r e s s e d o t h e r s (Grimshaw, 1986:195). The  female e t h i c  then, measures  79  the q u a l i t y  of l i f e  by  everyday in  intimacy,  terms  of  i n r e l a t i o n s h i p s and  abstract visons  or  occurrences,  values  that  and  diminish  not  human  experience. These p o s i t i v e tend t o impute  rational  economists  i g n o r e because t h e y have not been a b l e t o  adequately  value  particularly 1988; as  to  radical  Dworkin,  the  economic  them,  are  for  their  i n pleasure  change  the  the  personal  has  the p o t e n t i a l  which  valorized  f e m i n i s t , thought  1974). V a l u i n g  mind,  especially  "intangibles"  role  in  the  (Daly, and  feminism political,  social,  80  feminist,  1978; body,  Waring, as  well  comfort  and  political  and  p r e s c r i b e s . For and  f o r being the c a t a l y s t  planning.  the  knowledge,  i s part of the  radical  is truly  nature  in  radical  them,  feminism  to transformational  TRANSFORMATIONAL Transformational chapter  planning  describes various about  where  talks  and  some o f t h e d i f f i c u l t i e s  social  focuses  interpretation,  change.  This  which  he In  problems,  historical  begin  i n the process.  paradigm.  on s t r u c t u r a l a  might  transformational  (Ibid:389),  planning  uses  change  encountered  coined  theory"  mobilization  technique  transformational  (1985)  "transformative  means s t r u c t u r a l  s t r a t e g i e s f o r t h a t k i n d o f change  and  Friedmann  PLANNING  planning  drew  from  essence,  provides  perspective,  a  the  critical functions  d e m o c r a t i c a l l y a n d makes c h o i c e s b a s e d on v a l u e s . Alternative public  participation  democratic and  models  local  often  which  operate  groups  "small  is  a  credit  unions,  The  focus.  the  theory  by c o n t e x t u a l limited  Frankel's  view  promote  job  democratic  alternative radical however,  and  values  and p r a c t i c e  assumptions  concerns that  sharing  on  on  which  decentalization  i s b e a u t i f u l " may n o t i n s u r e e q u i t y a n d d e m o c r a c y  pointed  The  co-ops,  and  f o r extensive  decision-making  systems.  undermined,  and  planning  like  i n such  they  interest  in  exchange  articulated are  s t r a t e g i e s n e a r l y always c a l l  critique  for social pluralism  alternative  groups  of  lack  structural created and  of  development  change. by  institutions  81  relevant  the  participation  appears  of  t o a c t i n the  interests  o f democracy  information more  i s thereby  participatory.  reactive  rather  mirrors,  democratic  and,  while  power  than  this  proactive.  provides  i s not, i n fact,  organizations  that  governments,  current  practice,  1989). T h i s  Like  characterize  i s a myoptic  approved large  society,  planning  scale  especially  decisions,  b u t by  (Goodell,  b y many  in  bureaucratic  1984;  Forester,  c o n t r a d i c t i o n i n modern s o c i a l a n d  relationships  what  i s deemed t o b e d e m o c r a t i c are h i e r a r c h i c a l are not  equal.  Futhermore  The  movements  limits  This  the  is  planning  delegated  f o r participation,  and  democratically policy  o f smoke a n d  i s more o f t e n  modern  development  informing  game  but merely  h i e r a r c h i c a l and r e l a t i o n s t h a t  normally  a  institutions  a r e n o t made  professionals  political  the  c a n be  the participation i s  opportunities  shared,  because  and d e c i s i o n making  d e c i s i o n making  In  THE  increased  But i n general,  structures.  is  i n our h i e r a r c h i c a l society  fractured  their  reason  nature  effectivness that  of  socio-political  as agents  transformational  f o r t h a t c h a n g e must o c c u r  f o r change. change,  on a s i m p l e r  and  level.  HOUSEHOLD AS THE S I T E OF TRANSFORMATIONAL CHANGE The  private  household, sphere,  an  area  traditionally  i s the portion  82  of social  considered life  where  the women  are  considered  the  voice  where  begin  planning  household  life. has  stability  as  household  These  are decisions  and  i t s  hundreds  1989  ). A l l feminists human  of  the  enormous  of daily  and  fundamental  address  f o r both  i n the self-production  1987; F o r e s t e r ,  which t h e  o b l i g a t i o n of the  reason  existence  years  most  the  about  a n d what t o  members,  and mutual  as  household  of  the  t o produce  as household  argued  of function  life  variations contend  organization,  the  i n some f o r m must be s u p p o r t e d a n d t h e r e - b u i l d i n g  community  1963;  as w e l l  been  thousands  that,  arena.  where  The i n t i m a c y  of  (Friedmann,  acknowledged. D e c i s i o n s  to live,  i n this  perseverance  of  how  profession,  everyday  over  a n d n o r m a l l y a c t i v e , a n d where  o f women i s s o c i a l l y  to live,  produce  in  t o be p r o p e r l y  must  Chodorow,  begin  1978;  a t the household French,  1985;  level  Rich,  (Friedan,  1986;  Leahy,  1986). Some presented political  criteria by  sphere  Brian  change  construction, discussion  for social  of  and  Fay  (1975)  from  the  have  been  reconstruction  from a r a d i c a l  change  i n the household  in  his  arguments  perspective encapsulated  of  the  public  of in  about social  Elshtain's  and  v i e w p o i n t . She p a r a p h r a s e s F a y :  83  were  private  . . . F a y ' s b e d r o c k , t h a t t h e r e a r e r e a l human n e e d s , as well as wants, purposes, intentions, and d e s i r e s ; t h a t t h e s e needs have m o t i v a t i n g force; t h a t t h e y c a n be d i s t o r t e d and damaged; t h a t t h e y are e s s e n t i a l even i f d i s t o r t e d ; f i n a l l y , that t h e y s e r v e a s t h e p r e s u p p o s i t i o n a l b a s i s f o r any form o f s o c i a l existance and, i t f o l l o w s , f o r transformative possibilites as w e l l (Elshtain, 1981:314; e m p h a s i s m i n e ) . While the importance in  many  Maslow  ways, (1971)  discussed that  based  by  and the  meeting  In of  essential  to  any  the  on p r i v a t e  work  of  Forester  social  change  words,  the  private program  and of  human n e e d s i s ,  psychologist  communications  planner,  other  human  on the  incorporates  critical.  placed  distortion  (1981), with  social  the  needs change  already extension  human  recognition, social  Abraham  needs  expression are or  The  development.  household,  as  a  and e d u c a t i n g  larger  more c o m p l i c a t e d  come t o r e l y to  f o r the  t o be t h e r e s p o n s i b i l i t y o f t h e h o u s e h o l d .  civilizing and  and  considered  And m e e t i n g i n d i v i d u a l n e e d s h a s b e e n and c o n t i n u e s , most p a r t ,  is  h o u s e h o l d may  citizens,  f o r a decent  technological  institutions  complications.  84  which  and  therefore,  i n i t i a l point i t  socializing,  upon  of l i v i n g  sophistication',  planning,  for  h a s become overwhelmed  standard  be t h e i d e a l  transformational  mechanism  does  i t has  f o r access while  for articualtion not  by  come  the of  without  THE  HOUSEHOLD AS The  modern h o u s e h o l d  structures this  PROBLEMATIC  is  which  how  surround  patriarchy  reproduces  imitates  itself  i t . In is  the  larger  many ways,  perpetuated  (French,  1985).  institutional say  feminists,  how  hierarchy  and  It  is  important  to  remember: The h i e r a r c h i c a l c h a i n o f command i s a visible representation of power of the sort we call authority ... people in hierarchies are more l i k e l y t o a t t e n d t o t h o s e whose a b i l i t y a s w e l l a s p o s i t i o n t h e y c a n r e s p e c t . I f , however, t h e p e r s o n i n a u t h o r i t y seems l a c k i n g i n t h e p a r t i c u l a r s k i l l n e c e s s a r y f o r t h a t p o s i t i o n , he must nevertheless be obeyed and attended to, for his authority r e s i d e s i n t h i s p o s i t i o n and n o t i n h i m s e l f . ... T h i s e n s h r i n e m e n t o f a u t h o r i t y and t h e s y s t e m i t i s designed to uphold lead to gross v i o l a t i o n s of common s e n s e and e f f i c i e n c y as w e l l as o f humane i n t e r a c t i o n . . . you must d e f e r t o ( t h e b o s s ) him a s y o u do n o t w i s h t o r u i n y o u r own possibilities. Because of t h i s c o n t r a d i c t i o n . . . a l l h i e r a r c h i e s o p e r a t e by c o e r c i o n ( F r e n c h , 1 9 8 5 ) . Mcintosh oppression which  of  women  (1978) women  provide  suggests  by  supporting  unpaid  (Walby, 1 9 8 6 : 5 8 ) . S u p p o r t the  reluctance  under state  the  law  support.  of  states  and The  patriarchy  and  toward  nuclear  the  the  to  that  "the a  domestic  state  upholds  the  of  household  in  form  services  for t h i s contention to  can  p r o v i d e women w i t h  enforce state's  market  for  is  those  rights  uncertain  be  with  by  in  rights  adequate between  its policies  family,  welfare  p o l i c i e s which  marriage t o a poor partner,  divorce  l a w s and  85  male"  seen  equal  mediation  exemplified  a  penalize  refusal to  give  women  control  keeping  over  women  subordinate  state-dominated is  ample  economic when  their  men.  therapy  the state Perhaps,  examination  becomes  of  market  noted pool  on t h e p a t h  requires  consumption profit  Bellah  the  earlier,  by  reaches  a  this zenith  and moral  i n t h e marketing  o f womens'  traditional  i npost-industrial  participation  of  Not o n l y  commodifying  an u n p a i d  and/or  society,  o f motherhood  society.  career  women  and  the  i s efficiency  and  womens' s e r v i c e s  women i n t h e m a r k e t  by having  is  o f growth and development, t h e  o f t h e household.  produced  government  e t . a l . (1985)  American  The c o m m o d i f i c a t i o n  continue  in  i n market  to participate  r o l e s h a s become n e a r l y c o m p l e t e  assist  f o u n d a t i o n s and t h e r e  acts  as  t h e purchase  i s necessary  the heart.  To  Modern  transformation o f t h e household  impoverishment of  that  interests.  in  to  a l l o f which  i n s p i t e o f democratic  evidence  patriarchal feared  reproduction,  provide  but, as  a reserve  i n the household  labor  which has  few  redeeming f e a t u r e s i n a p o s t - i n d u s t r i a l  s o c i e t y . A s much  as  women  unpaid,  in  patriarchy, resolution jobs;  women  have  increasingly  household,  a  tension dual  like  role  the cult  86  or  benefit  i s simple  non-volitional.  much  paid  i n t h e workforce  of this  they  valorized,  the  to  This  play dual  benefit  t h e m a r k e t . The women  which role  work  has  two  become  i s currently  o f d o m e s t i c i t y was  earlier.  Magazines, "super  TV,  women"  relates  books who  and  do  radio  i t  from p e r s o n a l  are  filled  a l l . Feminist  with  images  sociologist  of  Smith  experience:  I c o u l d see, o f course, the m e r i t s o f b e i n g a b l e t o be t o t a l l y a b s o r b e d i n t h e r e l a t i o n s o f r u l i n g . I could see that f o r men, t h a t i s how these matters had been arranged, for of course my p r a c t i c a l p r o b l e m s , p a n i c s , and p l e a s u r e s o f t h i s double life came f r o m o p e r a t i n g i n b o t h worlds a c r o s s a g e n d e r d i v i d e t h a t was a t t h a t t i m e v e r y marked. T h e s e were two modes o f c o n s c i o u s n e s s t h a t c o u l d n o t c o e x i s t w i t h one a n o t h e r . I n p r a c t i c e o f c o u r s e , t h e y " e x i s t e d " i n t h e same p e r s o n , o f t e n in the same p l a c e s , and certainly they often competed w i t h one a n o t h e r f o r time. But moving f r o m one t o t h e o t h e r was a r e a l s h i f t , involving a different o r g a n i z a t i o n o f memory, a t t e n t i o n , r e l e v a n c e s and o b j e c t i v e s , and indeed different p r e s e n c e s . The s t r a i n s and a n x i e t i e s i n v o l v e d i n putting and holding together work sites, s c h e d u l e s , and modes o f c o n s c i o u s n e s s t h a t were not coordinated marked the separations i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d i n a gender d i v i s i o n o f l a b o r . . . The intellectual world spread out before me appeared, i n d e e d I e x p e r i e n c e d i t , as g e n d e r l e s s . But i t s apparent lack of center was indeed c e n t e r e d . I t was s t r u c t u r e d by i t s g e n d e r s u b t e x t . Interests, perspectives, relevances leaked from communities of male experience into the e x t e r n a l i z e d and o b j e c t i f i e d f o r m s o f d i s c o u r s e . W i t h i n t h e d i s c o u r s e s embedded i n t h e r e l a t i o n s o f r u l i n g , women were t h e O t h e r ( S m i t h , 1987). The of  the  facts, setting either  message o f t h i s p a s s a g e i s c r u c i a l voice  of  feelings that the  women and  have  state,  acknowledging  that  which  changes not  the  been market  part  of  87  comes in  from  a  experience  recognized or  to  real in  as  7  voice  a  world  in  that  of  household  legitimate  patriarchy,  womens  understanding  so  far  cannot  by as be  marketed,  purchased  or  induced  to  support  the  dominant  discourses. The  womens' movement,  critical the  changes  Revolution  the  a critique  government  response  i n the paid  and t h e c u l t  1950's) h a s a r t i c u l a t e d patriarchy,  women.  (note  has been  patriarchal  exploitation hours they  and p r o t e c t i o n  form  of  welfare  Inherently this support  from  the patriarchal  Transformational household  i s supported  and  equity  until  of the  the  response  from  limiting the  "suitable" f o r i nthe  rights,  etc.  o f t h e s t a t e has been t o only  cannot  by a l l c i v i l  and a m a t e r i a l l y based world  88  protection  exploitation  property  equity  " i n the instances  (Walby,1986:58).  planning  values.  balance  took)  by  o f employment  household fail"  greater  f o r example,  and  cases,  not greater  occur  and market  f o r women, o f o p p o r t u n i t y  b a s e d on n o n - m a t e r i a l  (e.g.,  of the larger forces of  given  means t h e r e s p o n s e  of  during the  of domesticity  patriarchal  payments  when i t w o u l d o t h e r w i s e  achieved  form  and t h e t y p e  them,  o f women  workforce  forces  were  o f t h e market,  worked  periods  a m o d i f i c a t i o n o f t h e power  P r i m a r i l y women  the  during  a n d t h e economy. A s i n o t h e r  between t h r e e a l r e a d y p o w e r f u l for  active  i n r o l e s and e x p e c t a t i o n s  i n t r o d u c t i o n o f women  Industrial  most  until  the  instituions  and c o n d i t i o n i s  e t h i c becomes a n e t h i c  CONCLUSION Planning Forester  i s grounded  defines  action"  of  responsibility by  planners  continuity few  i t , "Planning  (1989:3).  importance  societal  cannot  be  o f t h e management  and an i n f o r m a t i o n these  i s actively  such as t h e United municipal  eliminated, extension  i s a  which  Modernization  like  This  reform of  future  responsibility,  discounted,  of "public allows  sharing  and a s  a  the  f o r the  interest"  held  legitimation,  capacity  a  available to  professions. as a used  development on a g l o b a l  planning  p r a c t i c e and  level  organizations  N a t i o n s and a t a l o c a l  governments.  but  of social  i s the guidance  and a d m i n i s t r a t o r s  outside  theory  i n issues  female  o f t h e same  by level  by a g e n c i e s  C o l o n i a l dependancies  oppression  dominance.  is  not  a r e t o be  seen  as  an  I t i s i n t e r e s t i n g t o note  (and  n o t u n e x p e c t e d ) t h a t t h e p a r t i c i p a t i o n r a t e o f women i n  the  agencies  (Leahy, of  f o r development  institutional  i s low  professionals  i n f l u e n c e , women a r e u n d e r - r e p r e s e n t e d a n d m a r g i n a l i z e d .  involvement greater  a  guidance  1986) a n d , a s i n o t h e r  Certain  and  providing  radical o f women  and f e m i n i s t i n public  l i n k between s c i e n t i f i c  t h e emotional manner  that  well-being  would  life  i n order  more  t o promote  a  a n d t e c h n o l o g i c a l knowledge,  o f people  transform  89  theorists prescribe  a n d humane  society  action i n  (Friedmann,  1987;  Rostow, 1972; F r e n c h , Within understand reached,  that  and  importance predict U.S.  the  guidlines  that  equity  success.  follow,  and  are  to  yet to  attention  be  t o the  h a s no p r e c e d e n c e upon w h i c h t o  But, then, have  i t i s vital  goals  f o r women  o f the household  neither  prescience  d i d the authors about  of the  the longevity  of  creation. Within  the  context  planning  f o r change,  feminist  critique  analyses  of current  power.  Radical  provides  i n feminist  existing  development,  both  political  change,  and r e l a t i o n s o f  specifically  To i n c o r p o r a t e  mechanisms  i t is  t h e o r e t i c a l and f u n c t i o n a l  occurs  theory,  whether  o r managing  structures  planning  a n d power a r e n a s .  overt  address  of  d i r e c t i n g change  And d e v e l o p m e n t  political made  that  1986).  the transformative  constitution  their  1985; Grimshaw,  issues  development  which  effect  within  of equity  planning everyday  must life.  feminism g e n e r a l l y c a l l s f o r :  1 - Parallel re-construction the household.  o f t h e community a n d  2 - Increased gender e q u i t y and e c o n o m i c p o l i c i e s .  in political,  social  3 - Change i n t h e o r d e r and n a t u r e o f power r e l a t i o n s among human b e i n g s and b e t w e e n them a n d t h e i r environment. 4 - Enhanced members As  noted  quality  earlier,  of  life  for a l l  i t i s common  90  community  i n much  of  feminist  theory  to  regard  political  structures  hierarchical patriarchy, actress  the philosophical  in  as  nature.  as t h i s  foundation  primarily Politics  statement  of  current  patriarchal  did  not  attributed  and  come  to a  before  well  known  underscores:  "I've been m a r r i e d t o a f a s c i s t and m a r r i e d t o a M a r x i s t , and n e i t h e r one o f them t o o k o u t t h e g a r b a g e " ( T a v r i s , 1984:366). Development p l a n n i n g "take  theory  a n d p r a c t i c e must  learn to  t h e garbage o u t " by a c k n o w l e d g i n g t h e i n t r u s i v e n e s s o f  patriarchy, create  t h e market  change toward  objectives,  shared  development  planning  and t h e s t a t e i n p l a n n i n g  equity. by  By i n c o r p o r a t i n g t h e f o l l o w i n g  radical  could  efforts to  planners  be t h e agent  and  feminists,  f o r equity  i t has  the promise t o be.  P a r a l l e l Reconstruction Reconstruction occur not  simultaneously. only  using  information More  but  community  F o r development  'bottom  down'  avenues  up' avenues  i t requires  and  household  planning for  rank with  using  critique  as  91  networks  this  other  the  means  purpose.  administrative  i s viewed  i t reduces  must  disseminating  f o r t h e same  t h a t a r e n o n - h i e r a r c h i c a l and more  Supplanting feminist  the  'top  importantly,  connections  in  of  web-like. as p r e f e r a b l e  possibility  of  exploitation  of  the  reconstruction  called  many  by  a  few.  The  parallel  f o r h e r e i s one i n w h i c h t h e d u a l  role  o f women a s w a g e - e a r n e r and h o u s e h o l d w o r k e r i s m i t i g a t e d greater  inclusion  household and  of  men  responsibilities  household  levels.  between p u b l i c  informal  economies  at a l l institutional,  This,  and p r i v a t e  sense, would t h e r e  into  i n effect,  smudges  s p h e r e s . No l o n g e r ,  b e an i n s i s t e n c e  by and  community the  line  i n a Lockean  that:  "... i t i s o n l y i n a private sphere o f h i g h l y charged intimate relationships persisting over time t h a t the p o s s i b i l i t i e s f o r understanding are the g r e a t e s t . . . the abstract relations of the m a r k e t a n d l i b e r a l c i t i z e n s h i p do n o t a n d c a n n o t a l l o w f o r t h e p o s s i b i l i t i e s o f mutual r e c o g n i t i o n and i n t e r - s u b j e c t i v e understanding c h a r a c t e r i s t i c o f l o n g - t e r m i n t i m a t e human t i e s i n t h e p r i v a t e sphere" (Elshtain,1981:119). In the with  other  family  words,  that  It  i f social  communications is a  (1987:336),  the household o r  p e o p l e c a n come t o u n d e r s t a n d  one a n o t h e r  public  i t i s not j u s t within  structures  f o rtheir  reconstruction,  that  b e i n g s and t h e i r  acknowledges  allow  92  f o r and  value  own s a k e . as  suggested  by  the interdependency  participation i n a political  states:  and empathize  Friedmann o f human  community.  He  "We do n o t y e t h a v e a name f o r t h e s o c i a l p r o j e c t t h a t i s b e g i n n i n g t o t a k e s h a p e . But we do know i t s g e n e r a l aim, which i s t o take p o s s e s s i o n of the terrain of political community, and to t r a n s f o r m b o t h s t a t e and c o r p o r a t e economy i n ways t h a t w i l l p l a c e them a t t h e s e r v i c e o f human n e e d s at a l l the relevant levels of public life" (1985:341). What F r i e d m a n n d o e s n o t of  reconstruction  been  previously  primarily public  i s that met  met,  as  sphere i n the  industrial  society  own  New  developed  the  private  By  service service  type  by  sphere  and  women  in  placing sector  and  this  human n e e d s "  numbers,  1988).  devalues  as  Armstrong,  as  1984) of  long and  caring  has is the  women  ghetto,  power  androgynous  society  service  caring  as  the  and  a  post-  abilities  of  is  inclusion  relations.  eliminates activities  93  the of  quantitatively to  that  argued  recreates  (Friedmann:341)  economic c o n t r i b u t i o n  superior  have  equal only  as  relations"  community  some  hierarchical  and  social  recognized  Alternatively,  relations  of  household  qualitatively  economic  the  of  to  Equity  "patterns  c a n n o t be to  in by  low-paying  is vital  "service  women  measured  that  members.  I n c r e a s e d Gender  men  the  (Waring,  minorities  its  by  say  of  women.  (Hewlett,  1988;  women  the  valuation women  and  of  existing Yet,  of  (but  into  male  political creation  of  and an  of t r a d i t i o n a l which  could  be  s h a r e d w i t h men)  that  are  necessary  f o r the  reproduction  of  society. One  solution  integration each  sex  in  order  within  community.  here to  not  These  sheer  practically  of  gender e q u i t y the  for multiple  the  people,  except  at  household r e f l e c t  but  and  in  societal  a public  by the  mean  that  life. as  well  organization  radical  household  roles  within  fragmentation,  initiate  the  home/work  equity  i s also private  complexity  to  produce  of  social  household,  to  life  impossible  establishment  allow  changes  enormous  numbers  be  only  essentially political The  may  value  level.  make i t  changes  But  as  and  changes  in  transformation:  "The first and smallest political community in h i s t o r y [ t h a t ] . . . i s c h a r a c t e r i z e d by s t r o n g b o n d s o f a f f e c t i o n and c o n t i n u i n g m u t u a l o b l i g a t i o n s o f members t o w a r d e a c h o t h e r - b o n d s and o b l i g a t i o n s that both infuse and transcend the households p o l i t i c a l d i m e n s i o n s " (Friedmann, 1987:344). Human e x p r e s s i o n actions say  and  situations society  as  What also  attitudes  radical  obligations  been  i n the of  the  feminists, which  of  public  before  household.  personal  had  been  relegated  differentiation  of  misses to  now  is  through  political  94  What  that  be  a f f e c t i n g r e l a t i o n s of  blind  i s linked to  is  unimportance,  Friedmann  sphere  must  happen,  bonding to  legitimated  the  and  emotional by  modern  power.  something  that  history;  power  begins  others  that not  with  is  have the caste,  class  or race,  but i n intimate  relations  o f gender  which  o c c u r m a i n l y o u t s i d e t h e hegemony o f e c o n o m i c s  and p o l i t i c s .  These  patriarchical  in  relations  nature)  importance  (which  a r e f o r t h e most p a r t  directly of equity  affect  the  i n t h e human  household,  thus  the  community.  Change I n Power R e l a t i o n s It to  i s necessary that  participate  household this  equally  be l i t e r a l  means  market  nurturing,  of  of  does  child  these  unsupported  n o t mean  rearing  that  would  means  as  industrial  giving  recognizing household  to a  In real  terms  value  housework,  care  family  and  mean  households  nations.  the voice into  A  change  and  o f t h e aged  and  children). wage,  abandonment  i t s members  t o meet  their  i n power  needs  World  as  relations  a n d h e a r i n g and  before  t h o s e o f t h e community.  95  value to  i s the adoption of  t o the household of  other  unrecognized  a b i l i t y t o do s o i n t h e T h i r d  importance  concerns  their  o r imputing a d o l l a r  i t does  empower  as  members as  environment  playing with  return  What  should  previously  (such  to the state  to value their  well  the  household  activities.  measures and  of  as w e l l  figurative.  government  comforting the grieved, It  community  and n o t j u s t and  the  institutionally sick,  i n their  protection  activities  the a b i l i t y o f household  compressing  The it  is  enormous v a r i a t i o n important  empowerment  but  to in  of  allow  c u l t u r e s would  for  general  contextual  these  indicate that  definitions  definitions  would  of  include  measures t h a t : * Provide  equal  education  opportunities;  * Have p r i m a r y c o n c e r n w i t h  quality child  care;  * F o c u s on a f o r m o f a l t e r n a t i v e d e v e l o p m e n t p l a c e s p r i o r i t y on q u a l i t y o v e r q u a n t i t y ;  that  * C r e a t e mechanisms w h i c h a l l o w t h e h o u s e h o l d the community, including local government m a r k e t , t o a c t i v e l y communicate;  and and  * D e v e l o p a means f o r a c c o u n t i n g f o r r e s o u r c e use and human production and reproduction that separates d e s t r u c t i v e or harmful a c t i v i t i e s from those which l e n d themselves t o the w e l l - b e i n g of t h e community. These household power,  steps and  and  would  the  in  that  development cleaner, for  the  a  planning  that  f o r the  planet  toward in  the  giving  the  discourse  participation  by  of  women  as  communities.  Life places  environment,  and  way  voice  enable  more  appreciation  safer sick  would  long  h o u s e h o l d s and  Enhanced Q u a l i t y o f Planning  a  community  turn  members o f t h o s e  go  aged,  enhances  of  value cultural  pleasure,  and  among many o t h e r the  on w h i c h we  96  q u a l i t y of live.  on  non-monetary endowments,  respect  things life  for  and  care  will people  a  be and  The (e.g.,  implementation  modernization  of  various  o r dependency  f o r women, f o r more s h a r e d  and  Edwards,  commodified Social small  as  n o t worked  What  (WCED, 1987; L e a h y , 1986; feminism  offers  is a  submitted  steps  by  less  view.  f o r people.  comfort  have  t r a n s f o r m a t i o n under f e m i n i s t c r i t e r i a  manageable  creates  1986) .  world-  theory)  theories,  r e s o u r c e s b e t w e e n h a v e and h a v e -  not n a t i o n s o r f o r t h e environment Duly  development  which  minimize  the  The n a t u r e o f e n h a n c e d  French  and  Scitovsky,  occurs i n  trauma  quality  is a  change  of  life,  venture  from  t o p l e a s u r e , from q u a n t i t y t o q u a l i t y . Friedmann  household  must  argues  that  the  t h a t do n o t s u p p o r t t h e same v a l u e s o f q u a l i t y .  Principally,  individualism It for  would  a  rejection  itself  means  institutions  means  de-link  change from  de-linking  selectively  structural  of  the  and t h e g o a l o f m a t e r i a l  include  household  geographic members  community  toward  philosophy  collection  as wealth.  responsibility  each  other  of  and  b y and their  environment. In  the  words  of  transformation:  97  Adrienne  Rich,  this  social  " . . . c a n o n l y happen hand i n h a n d w i t h , neither before or after, o t h e r c l a i m s w h i c h women and c e r t a i n men h a v e b e e n d e n i e d f o r c e n t u r i e s : t h e c l a i m t o personhood; t h e c l a i m t o share j u s t l y i n t h e p r o d u c t s o f o u r l a b o r , n o t t o be u s e d m e r e l y a s a n i n s t r u m e n t , a r o l e , a womb, a p a i r o f h a n d s o r a back o r a s e t o f f i n g e r s ; t o p a r t i c i p a t e fully i n the decisions o f our workplace, our community; t o s p e a k f o r o u r s e l v e s , i n o u r own r i g h t " (1986:xvii). 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