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Feminism as development planning theory Mattix, Ramona 1989

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FEMINISM AS DEVELOPMENT PLANNING THEORY by RAMONA MATTIX B.A. PSYCHOLOGY THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS. (PLANNING) i n THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES SCHOOL OF COMMUNITY AND REGIONAL PLANNING We accept t h i s t h e s i s as conforming t o the r e q u i r e d standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA October 1989 (fc) RAMONA MATTIX, 1989 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. The University of British Columbia Vancouver, Canada w 4 l PU o rv\rv\«-MV DE-6 (2/88) Feminism As Development Pl a n n i n g Theory ABSTRACT T h i s t h e s i s argues t h a t feminism, the p o l i t i c a l f o r c e advocating e q u i t y and p a r i t y f o r women v i s - a - v i s men, pr o v i d e s a much needed c r i t i q u e t o developmental p l a n n i n g theory as w e l l as informing p l a n n i n g p r a c t i c e i n g e n e r a l . Feminism, i n the p o l i t i c a l arenas of l i b e r a l i s m , s o c i a l i s m , and r a d i c a l theory, o f f e r s a l t e r n a t i v e views o f power r e l a t i o n s . These a l t e r n a t i v e views a re submitted as important keys t o t r a n s f o r m a t i o n a l p l a n n i n g , t h a t i s , pl a n n i n g t h a t becomes a f o r c e f o r s t r u c t u r a l s o c i a l change. The concept of d i s c o u r s e i s o f f e r e d i n t h i s t h e s i s as a form of s o c i a l a n a l y s i s as important t o s o c i a l change as M a r x i s t a n a l y s i s i s to economic change. The v o i c e o f women, i t i s submitted, has been o u t s i d e p u b l i c d i s c o u r s e , and t h i s omission has c o n t r i b u t e d t o t h e i r s o c i a l c o n d i t i o n . W i t h i n the t h e s i s i s an overview o f the womens' movement. I t a l s o contains an a n a l y s i s o f a l t e r n a t e paths t o democracy h e l d by l i b e r a l , s o c i a l i s t and r a d i c a l p o s i t i o n s , and d i s c u s s e s the importance of f e m i n i s t c r i t i c i s m h e l d by women s u p p o r t i n g each i d e o l o g i c a l p o s i t i o n . The l i b e r a t o r y p o s s i b l i t i e s of mainstream development p l a n n i n g t h e o r y "hearing" the v o i c e of women i s explored, along w i t h the co n t e n t i o n t h a t new i n s t i t u t i o n s which allow i i f o r s o c i a l t r a n s f o r m a t i o n can best be met by v a l u e i n g womens' experience, and by i n i t i a t i n g change a t the household l e v e l . Table o f Contents A b s t r a c t i i Table o f Contents i v Acknowledgements v i Chapter One - Feminism As Development P l a n n i n g Theory 1 I n t r o d u c t i o n 1 D e f i n i t i o n s 1 The Power of Dis c o u r s e or V o i c e 4 The Concept o f Dis c o u r s e 6 The Value o f a F e m i n i s t C r i t i q u e 9 Empowerment 12 Chapter Two - Fe m i n i s t H i s t o r y and F e m i n i s t Thought 15 The Womens' Movement 15 Fe m i n i s t Theory 21 Chapter Three - Three Conceptions o f Power 24 L i b e r a l i s m 24 The I n t e r a c t i o n of the Market and S t a t e 2 6 Development Planning Theory i n the L i b e r a l T r a d i t i o n 27 Mod e r n i z a t i o n Theory 29 The L i b e r a l F e m i n i s t C r i t i q u e 31 S o c i a l i s m 34 S o c i a l i s t T h e o r i e s o f Development 36 Dependancy Theory 38 The S o c i a l i s t F e m i n i s t C r i t i q u e 39 R a d i c a l Theory and P r a c t i c e 43 R a d i c a l Development Pl a n n i n g Theory and P r a c t i c e 46 The R a d i c a l F e m i n i s t C r i t i q u e 48 Conceptions of Power T r a n s l a t e Real L i f e 51 Chapter Four - Development Planning P r a c t i c e : The S i t u a t i o n of Women 54 The World o f Women 56 Misconce p t i o n s i n Data 61 Chapter Five - Toward R a d i c a l Feminism 66 Experience as Value 70 Experience As Knowledge 75 V a l u i n g Feminine Experience 78 Chapter Six - T r a n s f o r m a t i o n a l P l a n n i n g 81 The Household as the S i t e o f T r a n s f o r m a t i o n a l Change 82 iv The Household as Problematic 85 C o n c l u s i o n 8 9 P a r a l l e l R e c o n s t r u c t i o n 91 Increased Gender E q u i t y 93 Change i n Power R e l a t i o n s 95 Enhanced Q u a l i t y o f L i f e 96 B i b l i o g r a p h y 99 v Acknowledgements I wish t o thank my a d v i s o r , P r o f e s s o r Peter Boothroyd, f o r h i s c o n v i c t i o n t h a t f e m i n i s t thought i s both necessary and important t o the d i s c i p l i n e o f p l a n n i n g , as w e l l as Dr. J u l i a Gardner, f o r h e r t h o u g h t f u l a d v i c e and c o n f i d e n c e i n t h i s work. In a d d i t i o n , I must express my g r a t i t u d e t o "Monday Group" f o r the enormous m o t i v a t i o n a l and e x p l o r a t i o n a l f o r c e they p l a y e d f o r me d u r i n g my two years i n graduate s c h o o l . F i n a l l y , I would l i k e t o acknowledge my husband, Paul Sneed, f o r h i s unwavering b e l i e f t h a t the v a l u e s c a l l e d f o r i n t h i s work are indeed t r a n s f o r m a t i o n a l . vi FEMINISM AS DEVELOPMENT PLANNING INTRODUCTION T h i s t h e s i s w i l l show how the d i s c i p l i n e o f p l a n n i n g , p a r t i c u l a r l y development p l a n n i n g , through a t t e n t i o n t o women's v o i c e , can not onl y become more s e n s i t i v e t o the i s s u e o f gender e q u i t y , but can become more e f f e c t i v e i n p r a c t i c e . There i s developed a vantage p o i n t from which f e m i n i s t t h e o r y can be viewed as a primary c o n t r i b u t i o n t o development p l a n n i n g theory. F e m i n i s t c o n s i d e r a t i o n s open a new window through which t o see a p o p u l a t i o n o r a p o l i t i c a l i d e o l o g y . The t h r u s t o f the message from the womens' movement supports t r a n s f o r m a t i o n a l development p l a n n i n g , t h a t i s , p l a n n i n g which manages s o c i a l change i n a manner which does not perpetuate e x i s t i n g r e l a t i o n s o f power t h a t are h i e r a r c h i c a l and m a t e r i a l l y based. T h i s t h e s i s throughout w i l l focus on how development p l a n n i n g t h e o r y and p r a c t i c e can and should be informed by i n c l u d i n g women's v o i c e i n d i s c o u r s e . D e f i n i t i o n s Theory, i n the hard, s c i e n t i f i c sense as the term o r i g i n a t e d , i s a hy p o t h e s i s , o r guess about why and how 1 c e r t a i n t h i n g s occur. Hypotheses can be t e s t e d f o r v a l i d i t y o r t r u t h by v a r i o u s experimental procedures. Theory i n the s o c i a l s c i e n c e s , however, cannot be v e r i f i e d as e a s i l y . Thus, t h e o r i e s of p l a n n i n g , f o r purposes o f d i s c u s s i o n i n t h i s t h e s i s , are c o n s i d e r e d assumptions about cause and e f f e c t r e l a t i o n s h i p s which l e n d themselves t o s p e c i f i c c h o i c e s of a c t i o n on the p a r t of those i n the p r a c t i c e of p l a n n i n g . A l s o f o r the purpose of d e f i n i t i o n , i t can be g e n e r a l l y s t a t e d t h a t p l a n n i n g i s an a c t i v i t y which occurs i n a p o l i t i c a l s e t t i n g t h a t s e r v e s t o d i r e c t p h y s i c a l and p s y c h o l o g i c a l improvements f o r c o n s t i t u e n t s w i t h i n s p e c i f i c g e o g r a p h i c a l boundaries (Grabow and Heskin, 1973; Beazley, 1989) . Development p l a n n i n g theory, 'mainstream' development p l a n n i n g i n p a r t i c u l a r , aims t o account f o r the reasons a r e g i o n or a country i s a t a l e s s e f f i c i e n t o r advanced s t a t e than o t h e r i n d u s t r i a l i z e d areas and t o o f f e r s o l u t i o n s f o r i n e f f i c i e n c i e s or l a c k of i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n . The p r a c t i c e of development p l a n n i n g seeks, fundamentally, t o i n i t i a t e and p r o p e l a process of advancement and e f f i c i e n c y i n the d i r e c t i o n o f i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n and economic development. Development p l a n n i n g t h e o r i s t s are d i v e r s e i n t h e i r assumptions of the cause of under-development (Frank, 1966; 2 M c C l e l l a n d , 1961; Rostow, 1960), y e t a l l t h e o r i s t s share a s i n g u l a r c h a r a c t e r i s t i c . Each development p l a n n i n g t h e o r i s t t r a n s l a t e s p o l i c y (the primary c o n n e c t i o n between th e o r y and p r a c t i c e ) through s p e c i f i c assumptions about the nature of power, u s i n g p a r t i c u l a r p o l i t i c a l and s o c i a l t h e o r i e s of cause t o c r e a t e s o c i a l change i n the d i r e c t i o n they see f i t . The paths f o r development proposed by p l a n n i n g t h e o r i s t s head i n t h r e e g e n e r a l d i r e c t i o n s , l i b e r a l , s o c i a l i s t and r a d i c a l , a c c o r d i n g t o t h e i r assumptions and v i s i o n s about power. As w i l l be seen, f e m i n i s t t h i n k i n g i s s i t u a t e d along the same t h r e e d i r e c t i o n s . A p r e c i s e d e f i n i t i o n of e q u i t y i s d i f f i c u l t t o c o n s t r u c t due t o the c u r r e n t c o n t e x t u a l nature of assumptions about power made by p l a n n e r s , governments, markets and households. W i t h i n those d e c i s i o n s , e q u i t y i s o f t e n c o n t e x t u a l t o the worldview i n which i t i s d e f i n e d . E q u i t y i n l i b e r a l terms i s e q u a l i t y of o p p o r t u n i t y . E q u i t y i n s o c i a l i s t terms i s e q u a l i t y of c o n d i t i o n . E q u i t y i n r a d i c a l terms combines both l i b e r a l and s o c i a l i s t n o t i o n s of e q u i t y and adds a t h i r d , committment t o n o n - m a t e r i a l based v a l u e . For the purposes of t h i s t h e s i s , the d e f i n i t i o n of e q u i t y w i l l be c o n s i d e r e d from a r a d i c a l t h e o r e t i c a l stance, where the p o l i t i c a l conceptions of e q u a l i t y of o p p o r t u n i t y , c o n d i t i o n , and commitment t o v a l u e s of a non-material nature 3 become cumulative. The importance of context i n a comprehensive t h e o r e t i c a l view of of planning theory has been noted: ...a more nearly adequate epistemology of planning practice would take account of them [theorists] a l l . I t would describe the knowledge i m p l i c i t i n planning practice, including the know-how by which planners frame both the situ a t i o n s of t h e i r practice and the roles which mediate t h e i r a c t i v i t i e s i n interpersonal, i n s t i t u t i o n a l , and p o l i t i c a l contexts. I t would also show how r o l e and context contribute the formation of knowing-in-practice (Schon, 1982:352). The v i s i o n of development t h e o r i s t s and planners i s thus bounded by t h e i r analysis of current p o l i t i c a l context. The p o l i t i c a l alternatives supported by l i b e r a l , s o c i a l i s t , and r a d i c a l ideologies are useful for analysis i n the manner in which they are adopted by development planners. P a r t i c u l a r l y important i s the expression of development planning theory and practice as i t a f f e c t s women. THE POWER OF DISCOURSE OR VOICE In addition to m u l t i p l i c i t y of theory, d e f i n i t i o n and va r i a t i o n of solution, planning theory has another notable feature, the lack of the voice of women. I t i s both s i g n i f i c a n t and unsettling that a profession which has h i s t o r i c a l l y provided goals for human settlement and expert prescriptions for s o c i a l , environmental and economic problem 4 s o l v i n g shows such an n e g l e c t . I f t h e r e i s no r e c o g n i z e d p a r t i c i p a t i o n by women i n d i s c o u r s e , t h e r e i s no forum f o r women's thoughts and i d e a s . John Friedmann's comprehensive 547 page review and a n a l y s i s of p l a n n i n g theory devotes o n l y two pages t o f e m i n i s t t h e o r y i n which he d e s c r i b e s i t as having no u n i f i e d s o c i a l c r i t i q u e . What he does say, however, i s : Households are the c e n t r a l i n s t i t u t i o n i n c i v i l s o c i e t y . And i f the p r i n c i p a l aim of a r e c o n s t r u c t i v e p r a c t i c e i s the r e c o v e r y of p o l i t i c a l community as an autonomous domain through i n s t i t u t i o n s of self-management, t h a t community being the p o l i t i c a l e x p r e s s i o n o f c i v i l s o c i e t y , the r e c o n s t r u c t i o n of the household i n l i n e w i t h f e m i n i s t conceptions i s an e s s e n t i a l s t e p (Friedmann, 1987:269). What are we t o make of the f a c t t h a t , not o n l y are t h e r e no w i d e l y r e c o g n i z e d women p l a n n i n g t h e o r i s t s , but a l s o t h a t women's r o l e s i n p r o d u c t i o n and r e p r o d u c t i o n , i n e d u c a t i o n , and i n p o l i t i c a l and s o c i a l community have gone un-acknowledged by many male economic development and p l a n n i n g t h e o r i s t s a l i k e ? What changes i n p l a n n i n g theory and p r a c t i c e might occur i f f e m i n i s t p r e c e p t s were i n t e g r a t e d i n the mandate of the p r o f e s s i o n and not, as o f t e n seems the case, l i m i t e d t o " r e c o n s t r u c t i o n of the household"? What i f the v o i c e s of women compelled p l a n n i n g t o c r e a t e a forum which heard another s e t of p r i o r i t i e s ? 5 The Concept o f D i s c o u r s e H i s t o r i c a l l y , the c o n c e p t i o n of d i s c o u r s e , which was f i r s t a r t i c u l a t e d by Greek t h i n k e r s such as S o c r a t e s and P l a t o , allowed o n l y Greek male c i t i z e n s t o have a s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l ' v o i c e ' . Much l a t e r , Jurgen Habermas developed a communications theory which focused on i d e a l s of e q u i t y i n p a r t i c i p a t i o n of s o c i a l d i a l o g u e ( F o r e s t e r , 1989). The importance of such s o c i a l d i s c o u r s e was a l s o e x p l o r e d a t l e n g t h i n the work of h i s t o r i a n p h i l o s o p h e r M i c h e a l F o u c a u l t (1972) . F o u c a u l t b e l i e v e d t h a t power i s s i t u a t e d i n the dominance of v a r i o u s d i s c u r s i v e f i e l d s . The a u t h o r i t y t h a t has the power t o name, or t o prevent naming, w i e l d s a dominant d i s c o u r s e and t h e r e f o r e shapes understanding and knowledge. F o u c a u l t contended western c i v i l i z a t i o n c r e a t e d a major d i s c o u r s e about the body a t the b e g i n n i n g of the I n d u s t r i a l R e v o l u t i o n as a method of i n c r e a s i n g c o n t r o l over a g e n e r a l p o p u l a t i o n who were becoming s e l f - s u f f i c i e n t as a r e s u l t o f i n c r e a s e s i n m a t e r i a l w e l l - b e i n g and t h e r e f o r e , were harder t o c o n t r o l by government or by market monopoly o f r e s o u r c e s . A r i s i n g from new-found s e l f - s u f f i c i e n c y were c o n t r o l mechanisms of p e r s o n a l and s p e c i a l i s t d i s c i p l i n e s l i k e medicine, psychology, s o c i o l o g y and c r i m i n o l o g y . These were u s e f u l , a c c o r d i n g t o F o u c a u l t , because o f what he 6 termed "a r e v e r s a l o f t h e p o l i t i c a l a x i s o f i n d i v i d u a t i o n " w h i c h o c c u r r e d i n t h e 17th c e n t u r y . T h i s meant t h a t power had p r e v i o u s l y been embodied i n t h e p e r s o n o f a r u l e r o r monarch and e x c e r c i s e d on anonymous masses; b u t power i n t h i s i n s t a n c e d i d not have t h e p h y s i c a l c a p a c i t y t o e n f o r c e c o m p l i a n c e o v e r e v e r y s u b j e c t a t a l l t i m e s . I n t h e modern e r a , however, i t was power t h a t became anonymous and a l l i n v a s i v e , and c o n t r o l l e d t h e i n d i v i d u a l t h r o u g h s o c i a l and p s y c h o l o g i c a l r e s t r i c t i o n s h e r e t o f o r e u n e c c e s s a r y and unknown. The importance o f F o u c a u l t ' s work f o r f e m i n i s t t h e o r y and p l a n n i n g t h e o r y a l i k e i s i n h i s a n a l y s i s o f t h e c o n t r o l m a i n t a i n e d t h r o u g h d i s c o u r s e . I f t h e power t o name b e l o n g s t o men o r c e r t a i n men, say, p l a n n e r s , t h e n a l l u n d e r s t a n d i n g and knowledge r e l a t e d t o t h e i r d i s c o u r s e i s shaped by t h o s e men. I f development p l a n n i n g i n t h e o r y l e g i t i m a t e s p r a c t i c e by naming c e r t a i n arenas f o r change, i t a l s o e l i m i n a t e s o t h e r s by d e f i n i t i o n ( F o r e s t e r , 1989). Arenas n o t o f t e n named i n c l u d e d women and m i n o r i t i e s . F o r e s t e r argues t h a t p l a n n e r s e x e r c i s e power by d e c i s i o n making, agenda s e t t i n g and s h a p i n g " f e l t " needs o f t h o s e t h e y p u r p o r t t o s e r v e . When p l a n n e r s manage i n f o r m a t i o n by f r a m i n g problems, he s a y s , t h e y d e f i n e what i s comprehended. P l a n n e r s can a l s o be t h e age n t s o f f a l s e 7 assurance, which F o r e s t e r submits i s managing t r u s t , as w e l l as agents o f i l l e g i t i m a c y (managing consent) and m i s r e p r e s e n a t i o n (managing knowledge). P l a n n e r s 7 r o l e i n d i s c o u r s e i s o f t e n powerful and mis-used a c c o r d i n g t o F o r e s t e r . Planners may view themselves, then, as s e r v i n g the p u b l i c i n t e r e s t but, i n f a c t , may answer t o the dominant ' v o i c e ' . S i m i l a r l y , t h e r e are d e f i n i t i o n s p r o v i d e d by the dominant d i s c o u r s e which s p e c i f y the c u l t u r a l n o t i o n o f what a Woman i s . Everyday l i f e f o r women i s made p r o b l e m a t i c i n t h i s way. In speaking of her experience a t graduate s c h o o l , Canadian f e m i n i s t Dorthy Shaw s t a t e s : "The forms of thought, the means o f e x p r e s s i o n , t h a t we had a v a i l a b l e t o us t o formulate our experience were made or c o n t r o l l e d by men. From t h a t c e n t e r women appeared as o b j e c t s . In r e l a t i o n t o men (of the r u l i n g c l a s s ) women's consciousness d i d not, and most probably g e n e r a l l y s t i l l does not, appear as an autonomous source o f knowledge, experience, r e l e v a n c e and i m a g i n a t i o n . Women's experience d i d not appear as the source o f an a u t h o r i t i a t i v e g e n e r a l e x p r e s s i o n o f the world. Women d i d not appear t o men as men do t o one another, as persons who might share i n the common c o n s t r u c t i o n o f a s o c i a l r e a l i t y where t h a t i s e s s e n t i a l l y an i d e o l o g i c a l c o n s t r u c t i o n " (Shaw, 1987:51). In the common c o n s t r u c t i o n o f r e a l i t y proposed by Shaw, i t i s e s s e n t i a l t h a t the power t o name be acknowledged and shared w i t h women. Development p l a n n i n g theory, which has been male theory, t h e r e f o r e , r e q u i r e s the p a r t i c i p a t i o n o f 8 the v o i c e o f women, and must l e g i t i m a t e women's experience i n i t s p r a c t i c e . In a work which addresses i s s u e s o f power f o r p l a n n e r s i n p a r t i c u l a r , F o r e s t e r s t a t e s t h a t : The encouragement of ' v o i c e ' i s important i n two r e l a t e d senses - the b r o a d l y p o l i t i c a l and democratic sense o f 'the v o i c e o f the people', and the more s p e c i f i c e x p e r i e n t i a l sense conveyed by Belenky e t a l . i n t h e i r study of women's e p i s t e m o l o g i c a l and e t h i c a l development: "What we had not a n t i c i p a t e d was t h a t ' v o i c e ' was more than an academic shorthand f o r a person's p o i n t o f view ... In d e s c r i b i n g t h e i r l i v e s , women commonly t a l k e d about v o i c e and s i l e n c e : 'speaking up', 'being s i l e n c e d ' , 'not being heard' i n an end l e s s v a r i e t y o f conn o t a t i o n s a l l having t o do w i t h sense o f mind, s e l f w o r t h ... women r e p e a t e d l y used the metaphor of v o i c e t o d e p i c t t h e i r i n t e l l e c t u a l and e t h i c a l development." ... we have argued t h a t p l a n n e r s can encourage (or o b s t r u c t ) the development o f v o i c e s o f ... those who may be v u l n e r a b l e p o l i t i c a l l y f o r reasons o f c l a s s , r a c e or gender (1989:231). THE VALUE OF A FEMINIST CRITIQUE As s t a t e d e a r l i e r , e x i s t i n g t h e o r i e s o f p o l i t i c a l change are found i n v a r i o u s f a c e t s o f f e m i n i s t thought. D e s p i t e p o l i t i c a l d i f f e r e n c e s t h e r e are s e v e r a l i d e a s t h a t feminism i n ge n e r a l can be s a i d t o promote - a b e l i e f t h a t men have oppressed women on both a p r i v a t e ( i n t he sense of i n t e r p e r s o n a l and household) b a s i s and on a p u b l i c s c a l e ( i n the sense o f laws c r e a t e d and c u l t u r a l b e l i e f s f o s t e r e d 9 about the i n f e r i o r i t y o f women), a d e t e r m i n a t i o n t h a t t h i s o p p r e s s i o n must be r e c t i f i e d , and an i n s i s t e n c e on the s o c i a l r e c o g n i t i o n o f the v a l u e and i n t e g r i t y o f feminine e x p e r i e n c e v i s - a - v i s t h a t o f men. The s o c i a l c r i t i c i s m grounded i n f e m i n i s t t h e o r y i s p r i m a r i l y a c r i t i c i s m o f p a t r i a r c h y and c l a i m s t h a t , b a s i c a l l y , women have been o u t s i d e the dominant modes of male d i s c o u r s e and t h a t knowledge, which i s d e r i v e d and shaped i n r e l a t i o n s h i p s w i t h men, i s male (DeBeauvoir, 1952; F r i e d a n , 1963; Daley, 1978). F e m i n i s t i n q u i r y c h a l l e n g e s the understanding and assumptions of what i s seen as an e x c l u s i v e l y male world view. Feminism holds t h a t p a t r i a r c h y was a p r i o r i t o the c l a s s s t r u g g l e , the regnancy of s c i e n t i f i c thought, the growth of the c a p i t a l i s t economy and the r i s e o f modern r e l i g i o n (French, 1985). The r i s e o f p a t r i a r c h y can be t r a c e d t o a h i s t o r i c a l time (about f i v e thousand years ago) f o l l o w i n g the appearance of nomadic i n v a d e r s and widespread, o r g a n i z e d war i n t o t e r r i t o r i e s p r e v i o u s l y i n h a b i t e d by a g r a r i a n , n o n - h i e r a r c h i c a l communities ( E i s l e r , 1988). Simply s t a t e d , male domination o f the female a t the p e r s o n a l l e v e l was a necessary and s u f f i c i e n t p r e c u r s o r t o every dominant d i s c o u r s e a f f e c t i n g and d e f i n i n g human l i v e s today. M a n i f e s t a t i o n s o f gender h i e r a r c h y which are rooted 10 i n patriarchy of e a r l i e r periods and which continue to modern times are: 1. S p e c i f i c sexual d i v i s i o n s of labor 2. R e s t r i c t i o n of women i n public l i f e 3. Control of womens' sexuality and reproductive functions 4. Complex ideology f or female submissiveness sanctioned by government, r e l i g i o n and s o c i a l groups The existence of these four oppressive s o c i a l conditions contributes to a wide and varied i n t e l l e c t u a l examination of cause by feminists - p r i n c i p a l l y psychological, archaeological, b i o l o g i c a l , anthropological and p o l i t i c a l science research ( E i s l e r , 1988; Diamond and Quinby, 1988; Fisher, 1987; Basow, 1986; Bunch, 1987). These types of research have led to a r e j e c t i o n of an inherant female i n f e r i o r i t y , and support p o l i t i c a l expressions of equity for a l l women. This i s e s p e c i a l l y important for development planning theory and practice due to the vehicle for equity that "development" implies. An o v e r a l l feminist c r i t i q u e of development planning theory includes a p o l i t i c a l context (whether l i b e r a l , s o c i a l i s t or r a d i c a l ) , places the f o c i of change at both the household and the i n s t i t u t i o n a l l e v e l , and emphasizes the importance of providing l i b e r a t o r y p o s s i b i l i t i e s to women. What must be avoided, according to feminists, i s a 11 s i t u a t i o n where the i n d i v i d u a l i s h e l d r e s p o n s i b l e f o r h i s or her own v i c t i m i z a t i o n . F e m i n i s t t h e o r y and f e m i n i s t c r i t i q u e b r i n g a l t e r n a t i v e ways i n which t o conc e i v e o f s o c i a l change t h a t not o n l y i n c l u d e s the sphere of the p r i v a t e , o r the household, but the sphere o f the p u b l i c . The means f o r c r e a t i n g s o c i a l change i s most o f t e n r e f e r r e d t o by f e m i n i s t s o f a l l p e r s u a s i o n s as empowerment. Empowerment Empowerment i s l i b e r a t o r y ; i t c r e a t e s c o n d i t i o n s through which i n d i v i d u a l s can i n f l u e n c e the d i r e c t i o n o f t h e i r l i v e s . I t i s the b a s i s o f the f e m i n i s t paradigm. A major f e m i n i s t w r i t e r , M a r i l y n French, speaking about the need f o r a comprehensive f e m i n i s t theory, s t a t e s : To attempt t o c r e a t e a f e m i n i s t p o l i t i c a l theory, an economic theory t h a t i n c l u d e s a l l o f what has been omitted by male t h e o r i e s , t o w r i t e p h i l o s o p h y from a p e r s p e c t i v e t h a t i n c l u d e s the body and emotions, d e s p i s e d c a s t e s , l a b o r , c h i l d b i r t h and c h i l d r e a r i n g , t h a t addresses i t s e l f t o the complex and u n c l e a r matter of r e p r o d u c t i v e r i g h t s , r e s p o n s i b l i t i e s , and purposes, t o l o v e and need, i s t o t a c k l e problems a t t h e i r most profound l e v e l . 12 We do not need a program: a program i s a g r i d t h a t i s lowered upon a p o p u l a t i o n and k i l l s those who f a l l under i t s ba r s . I t makes uniform, i t r e g u l a t e s , i t f o r b i d s . We need t h e o r y and f e e l i n g as rough guides on which t o b u i l d a next st e p ; f l e x i b l e , r e s p o n s i v e emotional t h e o r y capable of a d j u s t i n g t o human needs and d e s i r e s when these c r e a t e c o n t r a d i c t i o n s . No s e t o f v a l u e s can c a l l i t s e l f a human m o r a l i t y u n l e s s i t begins w i t h the a c t u a l i t y o f the human c o n d i t i o n ; no p o l i t i c a l system can c o n t r i b u t e t o f e l i c i t y u n l e s s i t begins w i t h a human m o r a l i t y (1985:488). Feminism, then r e s t s on a fo u n d a t i o n o f empowerment which broad c a s t s the v o i c e of women, which responds t o male and female p e r s o n a l and s o c i a l needs and d e s i r e s , and which enables women t o a c t toward p o s i t i v e s o c i a l change and e q u i t y i n both p r i v a t e and p u b l i c spheres. The spheres of i n f l u e n c e o f development p l a n n i n g from a f e m i n i s t p e r s p e c t i v e , i t w i l l be argued, i n c l u d e s promotion of empowerment. The c o n t e n t i o n w i l l be made f i r s t , t h a t n e g l e c t o f gender i s s u e s s e v e r e l y l i m i t s development p l a n n i n g theory and p r a c t i c e ; second, t h a t i s s u e s o f gender cannot be i n c l u d e d i n p l a n n i n g theory and p r a c t i c e a p a r t from f e m i n i s t t h e o r y i t s e l f ; and f i n a l l y , t h a t p o l i t i c a l , s o c i a l and economic i n t e n t i o n s and p r a c t i c e s used i n the attempts t o e s t a b l i s h gender e q u i t y (on the p a r t o f both governments, f e m i n i s t s and proponents of s o c i a l j u s t i c e l i k e modern planners) have not been e f f e c t i v e s i n c e t h e i r p h i l o s o p h i c a l o r i g i n s , some of which e x i s t e d over t h r e e hundred y e a r s ago. 13 To summarize: * When the s o c i a l r o l e and capac i t i e s of women are ignored, implementation e f f o r t s i n development f a i l . * The voice of women must inform development planning theory and p r a c t i c e . * Regardless of p o l i t i c a l o r i e n t a t i o n , development planning theory and p r a c t i c e cannot br ing about s o c i a l j u s t i c e apart from feminist concerns with equi ty . 14 F E M I N I S T H I S T O R Y A N D F E M I N I S T T H O U G H T T h i s chapter w i l l p r e s e n t a summary of f e m i n i s t thought and h i s t o r y . A s h o r t review o f f e m i n i s t theory, i n c l u d i n g l i b e r a l , s o c i a l i s t and r a d i c a l models, w i l l be d i s c u s s e d and the importance o f the h i s t o r i c a l b a s i s o f the women's movement w i l l be emphasized. Readers u n f a m i l i a r w i t h f e m i n i s t concepts w i l l be a f f o r d e d an overiew o f the scope of f e m i n i s t i d e o l o g y and a c t i v i t y . THE WOMEN'S MOVEMENT S o c i a l change i n l e s s p l u r a l i s t i c times than the pre s e n t o c c u r r e d as a r e s u l t of v i o l e n t r e v o l u t i o n , the slow d i f f u s i o n o f s o c i a l and t e c h n o l o g i c a l i n n o v a t i o n , o r p o l i t i c a l , o f t e n monarchist, d i r e c t i v e . In modern times the c a t a l y s t f o r s o c i a l change has o f t e n operated i n the form o f a movement, a type o f p o l i t i c a l involvement o f c i t i z e n s which f u n c t i o n s o u t s i d e the area o f government and i n s t i t u t i o n a l power, which i s the t r a d i t i o n a l p u b l i c s e c t o r , and o u t s i d e household and economic i n f l u e n c e s , the t r a d i t i o n a l p r i v a t e s e c t o r ( B e l l a h , e t a l . , 1985; N e r f i n , 1987) . Movements be g i n and f l o u r i s h out of p u b l i c o p i n i o n or r e a c t i o n which g a i n s the credence and support o f organized, e s t a b l i s h e d groups, o r the momentum o f such movements 15 c r e a t e s a s o c i a l f o r c e o f i t s own. The p o l i t i c a l l e g a c y of the women's movement was c r e a t e d i n the proc e s s e s o f democratic reform t h a t c h a r a c t e r i s e s much o f the 19th century, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n Europe. I t i s i n reform t h a t f e m i n i s t t h e o r y and a c t i v i t y are c u r r e n t l y and were h i s t o r i c a l l y most o f t e n expressed. The women's movement as an or g a n i z e d h i s t o r i c a l and p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y can be t r a c e d t o the mid-nineteeth century. While women espousing more r i g h t s and freedoms f o r women were w r i t i n g p r i v a t e l y , i n a d d i t i o n t o p u b l i s h i n g i n p u b l i c venues as e a r l y as the 1500's, t h e r e was no orga n i z e d p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y by women on b e h a l f o f women u n t i l the time o f the French R e v o l u t i o n . At t h a t time the French R e p u b l i c awarded women the r i g h t t o d i v o r c e , equal r i g h t s t o i n h e r i t , r i g h t s t o share f a m i l y p r o p e r t y and the r i g h t t o custody o f i n f a n t s and daughters. S i g n i f i c a n t l y , however, women were not encouraged t o speak i n p u b l i c forum and French f e m i n i s t Olympe DeGouges, who d e d i c a t e d t h e "Rights of Woman and the C i t i z e n " t o the queen i n 1792, was beheaded, o s t e n s i b l y not f o r her support o f the monarchy, but f o r "having f o r g o t t e n the v i r t u e s which belong t o her sex" (Marks and DeCourtviron, 1981:16). Even these l i m i t e d g a i n s by French women were t o l a s t l e s s than t e n years as the government of Napolean Bonaparte r e s c i n d e d these r i g h t s 16 (French, 1985:192). During the I n d u s t r i a l R e v o l u t i o n i n England, women i n the workforce became a p o l i t i c a l i s s u e . P r i o r t o t h a t time women o f t e n worked i n g u i l d s along s i d e t h e i r husbands o r sons. But wit h i n c r e a s e d i n d u s t r i a l a c t i v i t y and union o r g a n i z a t i o n by the g u i l d s and by men i n s p e c i f i c i n d u s t r i e s , c u r t a i l m e n t o f the work of women t o c e r t a i n o c c u p a t i o n s and f o r s p e c i f i c hours was promoted. As a r e s u l t , e n t r y t o p a r t i c u l a r t r a d e s o r s k i l l s by women was r e g u l a t e d w i t h the e f f e c t o f e x c l u d i n g women from b e t t e r p aying p o s i t i o n s i n the workforce (Walby, 1986). Women were f u r t h e r l i m i t e d from e f f e c t i v e p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the job market by l e g i s l a t i o n designed, i r o n i c a l l y , t o p r o t e c t them from working long hours i n E n g l i s h f a c t o r i e s and mines. Women, t h e r e f o r e , began t o orga n i z e on t h e i r own b e h a l f i n ord e r t o be f a i r l y r e p r e s e n t e d i n d i s c o u r s e c o n c e r n i n g t h e i r w e l f a r e . In g e n e r a l , then, the women's movement i n England i s a s s o c i a t e d w i t h the l a b o r movement. In the U.S., women's p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y was a s s o c i a t e d w i t h the a b o l i t i o n i s t movement. During and a f t e r the American C i v i l War women org a n i z e d on the i s s u e of e r a d i c a t i n g s l a v e r y . Much of t h i s work was done w i t h i n the c o n f i n e s o f r e l i g i o u s o r g a n i z a t i o n s such as the Quakers, but l a t e r women, l e d by L u c r e t i a Mott, founded t h e i r own a n t i -17 s l a v e r y group because the American A n t i - S l a v e r y S o c i e t y d i d not permit women t o speak a t i t s meetings. The treatment o f women i n the a b o l i t i o n i s t movement so outraged Mott and another woman a b o l i t i o n i s t , E l i z a b e t h Cady Stanton, t h a t i n 1848 they o r g a n i z e d a Women's R i g h t s Convention i n Seneca F a l l s , New York which i s s u e d e l e v e n r e s o l u t i o n s c a l l i n g f o r reform t o c o r r e c t women's unequal s o c i a l c o n d i t i o n . C h a r a c t e r i z e d as the ' F i r s t Wave' these e a r l y women's movements co n c e n t r a t e d on two areas: s u f f e r a g e , which was viewed as the key t o equal treatment of women p o l i t i c a l l y , e c o n o m i c a l l y and s o c i a l l y ; and, secondly, c a l l s f o r determinant improvements i n the q u a l i t y of everyday l i f e . The temperance movement, p r i s o n and mental i n s t i t u t i o n reform, and establishment o f i n s t i t u t i o n s o f h i g h e r e d u c a t i o n f o r women a l l p r o v i d e evidence o f women's s t r u g g l e s i n the d i r e c t i o n of s e c u r i n g b e t t e r l i v i n g c o n d i t i o n s not onl y f o r women alone but f o r other disadvantaged groups. I t i s important t o note t h a t these reforms were engineered through v o l u n t e e r and c h a r i t a b l e a s s o c i a t i o n s as opposed t o be i n g the r e s u l t of. government p o l i c y change or market demand. And from those s m a l l beginnings, the women's movement became a f o r c e f o r s o c i a l change. During the same p e r i o d as the e a r l y women's movements, 18 the ' c u l t o f d o m e s t i c i t y ' appeared. E s s e n t i a l l y , t h i s was the i d e a l i z a t i o n of women i n the r o l e of w i f e and mother. The n o t i o n o f f e r e d by t h i s ' c u l t ' was t h a t women were m o r a l l y s u p e r i o r t o men and t h a t i t was women's i n f l u e n c e t h a t c i v i l i z e d human a c t i v i t y . R e f l e c t e d i n the popular media o f the day and i n government l e g a l and i n s t i t u t i o n a l l i m i t a t i o n s on women (such as p r o h i b i t i n g them from p r a c t i c i n g law and r e f u s i n g them e n t r y i n t o medical s c h o o l s ) , the ' c u l t o f d o m e s t i c i t y ' h e r a l d e d a counter f o r c e t o the women's movement ( M a r s h a l l , 1984; French, 1985; Tax, 1980; Baxendall, 1976; F r i e d a n , 1963). The r e s u l t of d i s t i n g u i s h i n g women as paragons o f v i r t u e and s e l f -s a c r i f i c e and the home as a haven o f r e s p i t e f o r husbands from the c o m p e t i t i v e world o f men, was t o d e f i n e the household sphere as the i d e a l boundary f o r women's a c t i v i t y and t o l i m i t the p o l i t i c a l e x p r e s s i o n o f women. I t was a f o r c e t h a t would come back t o haunt women a f t e r World War I I . In the U.S., women's push f o r s u f f e r a g e , which began i n 1848 a t the Seneca F a l l s Convention, took seventy-two years t o succeed. Women i n most western n a t i o n s were not granted the r i g h t t o vote u n t i l a f t e r World War I. The women of S w i t z e r l a n d d i d not a t t a i n s u f f e r a g e u n t i l 1971 and were s t i l l b a r r e d from v o t i n g i n c e r t a i n l o c a l e l e c t i o n s as l a t e 19 as 1985 (French, 1985). The 'Second Wave' of the women's movement o c c u r r e d i n the mid-twentieth century. During World War I I t h e r e had been an i n f l u x o f women i n t o the i n d u s t r i a l workforce. Occupations f o r m e r l y c l o s e d t o women, such as welding or t i n s m i t h i n g , welcomed them d u r i n g t h a t p e r i o d , but when the war ended and i n d u s t r y was s c a l e d down women were expected t o r e t u r n t o the household and i n doing so hand over t h e i r j o bs t o r e t u r n i n g servicemen. The ' c u l t o f d o m e s t i c i t y ' r e s u r f a c e d and women were once agai n d e f i n e d by t h e i r engagement i n the s o c i a l r o l e o f mothering and t h e i r e x p e r t i s e i n p r o v i d i n g a home f o r t h e i r husband. In the 1950s women's p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y i n the U.S. was connected w i t h the c i v i l r i g h t s movement w i t h which i t had h i s t o r i c a l a s s o c i a t i o n . In the 1960s women supported the peace movement d i r e c t e d a g a i n s t the Vietnam War. At t h i s p o i n t women were becoming i n c r e a s i n g l y aware t h a t s u f f r a g e alone c o u l d not d e l i v e r a n t i c i p a t e d s o c i a l , economic and p o l i t i c a l e q u a l i t y and began t o suspect t h a t other, deeper f o r c e s d i c t a t e d the d i r e c t i o n o f t h e i r l i v e s . The f i r s t f e m i n i n s t t h e o r i s t s appeared a t t h i s time (DeBeauvoir, 1952; F r i e d a n , 1963) and l a t e r o t h e r t h e o r i s t s s u r f a c e d , such as Daly (1978), on language; M i l l e t (1970), on the p o l i t i c s of sex; F i r e s t o n e (1970), on r e p r o d u c t i o n ; MacKinnon (1983), on 20 f e m i n i s t Marxism; G i l l i g a n (1982), on female e t h i c s and Chodorow (1978), on female psychology. These women c o n t r i b u t e d t o f e m i n i s t examinations which attempted t o c o n c e p t u a l i z e who and what those deeper f o r c e s might be. T h i s comprehensive examination, c h a r a c t e r i s t i c o f the womens' movement, was noted by economist H i l k k a P i e t i l a : The most i n t e r e s t i n g and the most o r i g i n a l o f these [ s o c i a l ] movements i s the womens' movement. I t i s the most comprehensive and the l e a s t p r e j u d i c e d of the movements which have s t a r t e d and developed t h e i r a c t i v i t y over r e c e n t y e a r s . I t r e c e i v e s substance and enhancement from widening and d i v e r s i f y i n g womens's r e s e a r c h , which opens up new p e r s p e c t i v e s f o r e q u a l i t y between men and women as w e l l as f o r s o c i a l t r a n s f o r m a t i o n a l t o g e t h e r . An a n a l y t i c a l , c o g n i t i v e women's movement as such i s [the] peace movement. Here i t d i f f e r s d e c i s i v e l y from the s o - c a l l e d equal r i g h t s movement, which has not questioned the b a s i c s t r u c t u r e s and v a l u e s o f the pr e s e n t s o c i a l order, and which pursued e q u a l i t y f o r women i n [the] men's world on mainly male terms (Waring,1988:176). F e m i n i s t Theory A g r e a t d e a l of r e s e a r c h i n the 'hard' s c i e n c e s t h a t has been done w i t h i n the l a s t twenty years i n d i c a t e s t h a t any b i o l o g i c a l assumption o f i n f e r i o r i t y o f women t o men has no support (Basow, 1986; T a v r i s , 1984). And c r o s s - c u l t u r a l s t u d i e s r e g a r d i n g the s t r u c t u r e o f the s o c i a l f a b r i c i n communities f i n d c o n s i d e r a b l e v a r i a t i o n among r o l e s o f women i n s p e c i f i c s o c i e t i e s (Duley and Edwards, 1986). Women, f o r 21 example, are shown t o have c o n t r o l over t r i b a l r i t u a l , t o determine b r i d e worth, and t o engage i n d i v e r s e a c t i v i t e s such as farming, medicine, c o n s t r u c t i o n o f housing, and owning t h e i r own bu s i n e s s e s . Yet nowhere on e a r t h are women, as a s p e c i f i c group, known t o be i n c o n t r o l o f the balance of p o l i t i c a l power or c o n t r o l access t o r e s o u r c e s e s s e n t i a l t o the formation o f modern i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n . In the t h i r d world, women are l u c k y i f they can read o r even work f o r wages. Worldwide, women c o n s t i t u t e about one h a l f o f the world's workforce. They e x e r t t w o - t h i r d s o f the world's work hours, y e t they r e c e i v e o n l y 10% of the world's income and own l e s s than one one-hundreth o f the world's p r o p e r t y (CIDA, 1988). These c o n d i t i o n s o f i n e q u a l i t y have promoted a n a l y s i s of the s i t u a t i o n i n order t o seek s o l u t i o n s . The approaches taken by f e m i n i s t t h e o r i s t a n a l y s i s a re i n t r i c a t e , c o m p l i cated and f r a c t u r e d . The p r e v i o u s l y c i t e d c a l l f o r a comprehensive theory by French (1985), as w e l l as oth e r s , i n d i c a t e s a l a c k o f cohesive s o c i a l c r i t i q u e (Rich, 1986; Grimshaw, 1986; E l s h t a i n , 1981). The power which perpetuates the o p p r e s s i o n o f women has been a t t r i b u t e d by f e m i n i s t s , as noted e a r l i e r , t o language, t o c l a s s , t o c a p i t a l i s m , t o the composition o f the f a m i l y , t o s e x u a l i t y i t s e l f (Dworkin, 1974), t o p s y c h o l o g i c a l p r e s s u r e s and i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s , and 22 t o the c o n v e n t i o n a l s o c i a l i z a t i o n o f c h i l d r e n , among other i n f l u e n c e s . I t i s submitted t h a t the p a u c i t y o f agreement among f e m i n i s t t h e o r i s t s l i e s not w i t h f a u l t y a t t r i b u t i o n of cause, but wit h d i f f e r i n g assumptions r e g a r d i n g the " c o r r e c t " path t o democracy - the equal s h a r i n g o f power. The s o l u t i o n s supported by f e m i n i s t s t o e l i m i n a t e o p p r e s s i o n of women are roughly a l i g n e d w i t h e x i s t i n g worldviews about power and the c r e a t i o n o f s o c i a l change, i . e . , l i b e r a l i s m , s o c i a l i s m and r a d i c a l i s m . I t i s the f a c t of a f e m i n i s t c r i t i q u e w i t h i n each of these s o c i a l change paradigms t h a t imbues f e m i n i s t t h e o r y w i t h importance t o development p l a n n i n g theory and p r a c t i c e . In f o l l o w i n g c h a p t e r s , I w i l l examine the assumptions i n h e r a n t i n l i b e r a l i s m , s o c i a l i s m and r a d i c a l i s m , l o o k a t the connections of each t o development p l a n n i n g t h e o r y and d i s c u s s the f e m i n i s t c r i t i q u e o f each of the t h r e e . 23 THREE CONCEPTIONS OF POWER T h i s chapter w i l l cover t h r e e main a s p e c t s of p o l i t i c a l i d e o l o g y , t h a t i s , t h r e e v i s i o n s of how t o c r e a t e a j u s t and workable s o c i e t y i n a world t h a t i s f r a c t u r e d g e o g r a p h i c a l l y , c u l t u r a l l y and s o c i o e c o n o m i c a l l y . From the time modern p o l i t i c a l t h e o r y o r i g i n a t e d i n the Seventeenth century u n t i l the p r e s e n t day, the i d e o l o g y termed democracy has come t o be viewed as the manner i n which t o s t r u c t u r e power r e l a t i o n s , from the way we r a i s e our c h i l d r e n (Calhoun, 1973) t o the manner i n which we s t r u c t u r e our c i v i c o b l i g a t i o n ( K r i p e t a l . , 1986). The core of democratic b e l i e f i s t h a t power should be e q u a l l y shared among a l l people. The problem, of course, has been t h a t power has never been d e m o c r a t i c a l l y shared, d u r i n g w r i t t e n h i s t o r y a t l e a s t , so mechanisms f o r governance u s i n g democracy as an i d e a l were c r e a t e d , or i n some cases governments were changed, i n an attempt t o b r i n g about j u s t i c e or f a i r n e s s t o those governed. The t h r e e primary designs f o r a democratic s o c i e t y are l i b e r a l i s m , s o c i a l i s m and r a d i c a l t h e o r y . LIBERALISM L i b e r a l democracy, o r l i b e r a l i s m , i s based on the 24 p r i n c i p l e t h a t everyone i s c r e a t e d equal and has s p e c i f i c r i g h t s as i n d i v i d u a l s . Government i s viewed as an agent of c o n t r o l . L i b e r a l government, t h e r e f o r e , i s e x p r e s s l y designed t o p r o t e c t i n d i v i d u a l s from governmental hegemony by the s i n g u l a r manner i n which i t s law-making i n s t i t u t i o n s are s t r u c t u r e d . T h i s means t h a t t h e r e are o n l y c e r t a i n areas i n which the government can operate; these are r e f e r r e d t o as the p u b l i c sphere. I t g e n e r a l l y i n c l u d e s a c t i v i t i e s which are seen as promoting the p u b l i c good such as p r o v i d i n g highways, h o s p i t a l s , sewage systems and e n f o r c i n g laws. E v e r y t h i n g o u t s i d e the p u b l i c sphere i s termed the p r i v a t e sphere (Andrew and M i l r o y , 1988). T h i s i n c l u d e s the household and, more im p o r t a n t l y , the market. Government i s not supposed t o c o n t r o l a c t i v i t i e s i n the p r i v a t e sphere, although i t tends t o i n t e r f e r e when power i s c o n c e n t r a t e d by some persons or b u s i n e s s e s i n a manner t h a t i s viewed as u n j u s t t o o t h e r elements i n s o c i e t y . T h i s governmental i n t e r f e r e n c e i n the p r i v a t e sphere i s o f t e n done by the method o f reform, and reform i s the c h i e f mechanism used i n l i b e r a l i s m t o produce s o c i a l change. Reform has two q u a l i t i e s - i t i s i n c r e m e n t a l r a t h e r than r e v o l u t i o n a r y and i t maintains e x i s t i n g power r e l a t i o n s w h i l e e n a b l i n g the government t o respond t o unequal s o c i a l c o n d i t i o n s or, i n some cases, t o p r o t e c t p a r t i c u l a r 25 i n t e r e s t s ( H e i l b r o n e r , 1975). The r e l a t i o n s o f power c o n s i d e r e d most v i s i b l e i n a l i b e r a l system are i n two domains - the government i n the p u b l i c domain and the c a p i t a l i s t economy i n the p r i v a t e domain (Bergman,1986). These domains are the major area o f d i s c o u r s e and power i n modern l i f e . In our everyday l i v e s we contend d i r e c t l y w i t h governmental laws and e n f o r c e r s o f those laws; we u t i l i z e government i n f r a s t r u c t u r e ; we pay taxe s . We a l s o d e a l w i t h market c h o i c e s , income v i c i s s i t u d e s and w i t h the members of our household and human needs and d e s i r e s on an i n t i m a t e l e v e l . But these areas are not sep e r a t e e n t i t i e s which a c t independently. The Interaction of the Market and the State Under Liberalism Governments c l a i m r e s o u r c e s i n the form o f taxes and make purchases i n the market which a s s i s t them i n completing s t a t e o b l i g a t i o n s t h a t b e n e f i t both households and the market. T h i s f u n c t i o n i s so e s s e n t i a l h i s t o r i a n and economist H e i l b r o n e r (1975) claim e d t h a t without unacknowledged s u b s i d i e s , such as highway systems, c a p i t a l i s m c o u l d not e x i s t . On the other hand, the market a f f e c t s the reso u r c e s a v a i l a b l e t o governments and households on a g l o b a l as w e l l as l o c a l b a s i s , as the d i m i n i s h i n g numbers of f a m i l y farms 26 and the o i l embargo of 1974 demonstrate. Households everywhere a f f e c t or a f f i r m government by v o t i n g , paying taxes and obeying laws. The household i s the c u r r e n t u n i t of consumption and as such a f f e c t s the market by i t s c h o i c e i n t h a t consumption and by the p a r t i c i p a t i o n of i t s members i n the workforce. T h i s p r a c t i c e of consumption and p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n l i b e r a l s o c i e t y s t r o n g l y a f f e c t s i n d i v i d u a l s ' v o i c e s i n d i s c o u r s e . For example, the p o l i t i c a l movements which occur w i t h i n a l i b e r a l s o c i e t y but o u t s i d e government and market i n s t i t u t i o n s , and which g a i n v a r i o u s household and i n s t i t u t i o n a l support, are the mechanism by which i n d i v i d u a l s can make themselves heard. Development Planning in the Liberal Tradition L i b e r a l i s m focuses on i n d i v i d u a l i s m , which has f a r -r e a c h i n g r a m i f i c a t i o n s f o r the c o n s t r u c t i o n of s o c i a l l i f e ( B e l l a h e t a l . , 1985). The p o l i t i c a l endorsement of the r i g h t s of the i n d i v i d u a l i s a d i s t i n c t e x p r e s s i o n of l i b e r a l governance t h a t development p l a n n i n g r e f l e c t s by s u p p o r t i n g zoning v a r i a n c e s , f o r example. T h i s i n d i v i d u a l i s m c r e a t e s a c o n t e x t u a l v a l u e system where t h e r e are no a b s o l u t e r i g h t s and wrongs, onl y i n d i v i d u a l e x p r e s s i o n of v a l u e s through ' f r e e ' c h o i c e . P l a n n i n g p r o t e c t s f r e e c h o i c e by r e s t r i c t i n g the a b i l i t y of people t o impinge c h o i c e s on one another i n 27 the same manner as l i b e r a l government, i . e . by law. L i b e r a l i s m a l s o supports e q u a l i t y o f o p p o r t u n i t y . T h i s i s not the same as e q u a l i t y o f r e s u l t , because d i f f e r e n c e s o f circumstance are a f a c t o f everyday l i f e . To m i t i g a t e d i s c r e p a n c i e s western n a t i o n s adopted a 'development' p r a c t i c e which i s not o f t e n r e c o g n i z e d as such: the c r e a t i o n of t h e w e l f a r e programs. The e x i s t e n c e o f economic i n s t a b i l i t y and i n e q u a l i t y o f o p p o r t u n i t y has l e d western l i b e r a l n a t i o n s t o the use of mediation p o l i c i e s such as government management of the economy, government r e g u l a t i o n of p r o d u c t i o n ( i n c l u d i n g s u b s i d i e s and tax apportionment), government p r o v i s i o n o f massive i n f r a s t r u c t u r e both p h y s i c a l and s o c i a l , and i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d w e l f a r e . Fundamentally, development p l a n n i n g under l i b e r a l i s m i s i n t e r v e n t i o n i s t and h i s t o r i c a l l y grounded i n r e f o r m i s t p r a c t i c e . Mainstream development p l a n n i n g tends t o be b u r e a u c r a t i c a l l y top heavy and h e i r a r c h i c a l . Small communities, i s o l a t e d r e g i o n s and n a t i o n s who are t e c h n o l o g i c a l l y and ec o n o m i c a l l y poor ( T h i r d World Co u n t r i e s ) have l a c k e d the a b i l i t y t o d e a l e f f e c t i v e l y , i . e . , make themselves heard, w i t h the i n s t i t u t i o n a l s t r u c t u r e s and l a r g e - s c a l e o r g a n i z a t i o n s t h a t c h a r a c t e r i z e modern s o c i e t y . T h e r e f o r e , development d e c i s i o n s , i n p r a c t i c e , are not made d e m o c r a t i c a l l y but by b u r e a u c r a t i c 28 p r o f e s s i o n a l s i n f o r m i n g government p o l i c y on a top-down b a s i s (Goodell, 1984; F o r e s t e r , 1989). Modernization Theory Development theory i n l i b e r a l terms may be c a l l e d m o dernization theory (Garbarino, 1988). M o d e r n i z a t i o n t h e o r y i s d e f i n e d as a th e o r y of s o c i a l e v o l u t i o n which views a p o p u l a t i o n as p l a y e r s i n a c o m p e t i t i o n t h a t moves alo n g a s c a l e of i n c r e a s i n g complexity and d i v i s i o n o f l a b o r . A development planner, a c c o r d i n g t o t h i s theory, should encourage e f f i c i e n c y and s p e c i a l i z a t i o n of p r o d u c t i o n . The r a p i d r a t e of economic growth i n newly i n d u s t r i a l i z e d c o u n t r i e s i n the T h i r d World as w e l l as the c u r r e n t economic s t r e n g t h o f Japan are examples of mode r n i z a t i o n i n p r a c t i c e . I t c o u l d be g e n e r a l l y s a i d t h a t modernization i s the process by which the T h i r d world p a t t e r n s i t s development on the examples s e t by i n d u s t r i a l i z e d n a t i o n s ; t h a t i s , e v o l v i n g stages of growing t e c h n o l o g i c a l s o p h i s t i c a t i o n which c r e a t e p r o s p e r i t y (Rostow, 1972; Boulding, 1981). M o d e r n i z a t i o n t a c i t l y assumes economic growth and t e c h n o l o g i c a l expansion w i l l improve the q u a l i t y of l i f e f o r the r e s i d e n t s of a r e g i o n or country. But James Garbarino contends: 29 . . . i n most modernizing s o c i e t i e s the economy-s e r v i c e s a s m a l l but p o l i t i c a l l y powerful group o f e l i t e s . Household and community food needs r e c e i v e low p r i o r i t y . Cash crops and c a p i t a l i n t e n s i v e a g r i c u l t u r e d i s p l a c e r u r a l s o c i e t y , and s t i m u l a t i n g exports t o secure f o r e i g n exchange i s the name of the game. S t i m u l a t i n g a modern economic e l i t e i n the c u r r e n t h i s t o r i c a l c o ntext u s u a l l y causes c o l l a p s e o f the b a s i c a g r i c u l t u r a l s u b s i s t a n c e economy i n the c o u n t r y s i d e . T h i s produces r i s i n g unemployment and a grotesque rush t o the b i g c i t i e s , where a few get l u c k y but f o r the most l i f e o f f e r s l i t t l e more than s u r v i v a l (1988:158). Much has been w r i t t e n demonstrating the dangers and p i t f a l l s c r e a t e d by development which uses modernization t h e o r y as the b a s i s f o r s o c i a l change (Thurow, 1984; Bookchin, 1987; WCED, 1987). The c r i s i s o f i n t e r n a t i o n a l debt i s a s u f f i c i e n t and powerful example o f the problems c r e a t e d through l i b e r a l m odernization. The r o l e o f the planner w i t h i n a l i b e r a l s o c i e t y as an agent o f modernization i s o f t e n expressed through the r o l e of an advocate. K r a v i t z (1968) was c r i t i c a l o f advocacy p l a n n i n g , which was a t t h a t time c a l l e d ' r a d i c a l ' p l a n n i n g , because he claimed t h a t advocates were r e a l l y s e r v i n g the system and not the c l i e n t s they claimed t o r e p r e s e n t . The advocate p l a n n e r of the D a v i d o f f s c h o o l becomes a c o n d u i t who t r a n s l a t e s the language o f the dominant d i s c o u r s e s so the words are understandable t o those without v o i c e . In development p l a n n i n g the r o l e o f the p r o f e s s i o n a l who serves the ' p u b l i c ' i n t e r e s t supports t h i s n o t i o n (Charoesin-o-30 l a r o , 1985). Because modern s o c i e t y i s so com p l i c a t e d and l a r g e , p l a n n e r s become one more r e p r e s e n a t i v e f o r c o n s t i t u e n t s . Yet, once again, t h e r e i s a m i s s i n g element, a s o c i a l conundrum t h a t i s not w e l l addressed by r e f o r m i s t s o f f e r i n g s o l u t i o n s t o problems c r e a t e d by l i b e r a l p o l i c i e s t h a t exacerbate the problems o f modern l i f e . Simply, the problem i s one o f h i e r a r c h i c a l a d m i n i s t r a t i o n and l i m i t e d access t o a p p r o p r i a t e i n f o r m a t i o n by those whom d e c i s i o n s a f f e c t . T h i s i s the p o i n t a t which the v a l u e o f l i b e r a l feminism t o l i b e r a l development theory becomes apparent (Bunch, 1987). The L i b e r a l F e m i n i s t C r i t i q u e S o c i a l o p p r e s s i o n and d i s p a r i t y of o p p o r t u n i t i e s , i n p a r t i c u l a r f o r women but t o m i n o r i t i e s as w e l l , i s seen by l i b e r a l f e m i n i s t s t o stem from the g e n d e r - s p e c i f i c nature o f the l i b e r a l p o l i t i c a l system. In simple terms the s t a t e supports s o c i a l and economic f o r c e s which exclude women and m i n o r i t i e s from p o l i t i c a l power. The s t a t e , a c c o r d i n g t o l i b e r a l f e m i n i s t theory, r e p l a c e d o l d e r forms o f p a t r i a r c h y which operated t o promote and ma i n t a i n male dominance i n both the p u b l i c domain of government and the p r i v a t e domain of the economy. I n t r o d u c t i o n of the s o c i a l f o r c e of p a t r i a r c h y as a power mechanism i s the most important 31 c o n t r i b u t i o n o f the l i b e r a l f e m i n i s t c r i t i q u e o f l i b e r a l i s m . Support f o r l i b e r a l f e m i n i s t t h e o r y r e g a r d i n g e q u i t y comes p r i m a r i l y from h i s t o r i c a l and a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l l i t e r a t u r e t h a t documents the development o f p a t r i a r c h a l governance and p r i v a t e p r o p e r t y p r i o r t o i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n (Mead, 1949; Goldberg, 1977; Delphy, 1984; Grimshaw, 1986). In o t h e r words, o p p r e s s i o n of women i s not c o n s i d e r e d a r e s u l t o f modernization, c a p i t a l i s m o r oth e r l i b e r a l a c t i v i t y by l i b e r a l f e m i n i s t s . I t should be noted t h a t r a d i c a l f e m i n i s t s r e l y on much of the same l i t e r a t u r e t o support t h e i r c r i t i q u e o f r a d i c a l t heory. P a t r i a r c h a l p o l i t i c a l stance was w e l l d e s c r i b e d by the gr a n d f a t h e r o f l i b e r a l i s m , John Locke, about 1690, speaking about h i s concern t h a t c i t i z e n s (whom he d e f i n e d as men) have a r i g h t t o p r i v a t e p r o p e r t y l a r g e l y because i t was men's own l a b o r which was exer t e d f o r the wages which were the o n l y means of a c q u i r i n g p r o p e r t y without i n h e r i t a n c e (French, 1985). Women, i n t h i s view, had l i t t l e r i g h t t o pr o p e r t y and no t h i n g t o say about the products o f t h e i r own l a b o r . Locke, o f course, assumed t h a t a l l women would marry and have c h i l d r e n and thus would not r e q u i r e any p a r t i c u l a r p r o t e c t i o n as male heads o f households would take care of them. T h i s i s a p o l i t i c a l a t t i t u d e which c a r r i e s on t o modern times. For example, census t a k e r s a u t o m a t i c a l l y term 32 the male as the household head i n many c o u n t r i e s (Thorberg, 1985). In the main, l i b e r a l f e m i n i s t s support l i b e r a l views. They b e l i e v e i n r e p r e s e n t a t i v e democracy, e q u a l i t y o f op p o r t u n i t y , and market e f f i c i e n c y . L i b e r a l f e m i n i s t s work f o r g r e a t e r p a r t i c i p a t i o n o f women i n the workforce, they lobby on b e h a l f o f equal pay f o r equal work, they support e f f o r t s o f government t o en f o r c e j u s t i c e . The passage o f the equal r i g h t s amendment i n the U.S. and p r o - c h o i c e l e g i s l a t i o n r e g a r d i n g r e p r o d u c t i v e r i g h t s are examples of l i b e r a l f e m i n i s t b e l i e f i n the v a l u e o f l i b e r a l reform. L i b e r a l f e m i n i s t s , l i k e l i b e r a l p l a n n e r s , b e l i e v e the s t a t u s and q u a l i t y o f l i f e o f human beings can be i n c r e a s e d on an incre m e n t a l b a s i s l e a v i n g the e x i s t i n g l e g a l and economic s t r u c t u r e s o f s o c i e t y i n t a c t . And t o e l i m i n a t e the di s c r e p a n c y i n power between men and women, a c c o r d i n g t o l i b e r a l f e m i n i s t s , they must be t r e a t e d e q u a l l y b e f o r e the law, and, i n some cases, be p r o t e c t e d from e x p l o i t a t i o n by law (Hewlett, 1968; Bergman, 1986; F r i e d a n , 1963; G e l p i , e t a l . , 1984). The g o a l f o r l i b e r a l f e m i n i s t s i s t o e l i m i n a t e p a t r i a r c h a l power through reform because they see p a t r i a r c h y as the major stumbling b l o c k t o a j u s t s o c i e t y . T h i s g o a l o f l i b e r a l feminism i s founded on the f a c t t h a t , p o l i t i c a l l y , 33 the percentage o f h i g h r a n k i n g women i n n a t i o n a l governments remains low r e g a r d l e s s o f p o l i t i c a l i d e o l o g y : about 4% i n the USSR ( T a v r i s , 1984) and l e s s than 5% i n the U.S., i n c l u d i n g h i g h ranked women i n c o r p o r a t i o n s , c u l t u r a l o r g a n i z a t i o n s , e d u c a t i o n a l i n s t i t u t i o n s and governments (Dye, 1986) . I t appears t h a t everywhere men have remained the power w i e l d e r s . L i b e r a l f e m i n i s t s , then, work t o e l i m i n a t e p a t r i a r c h a l power through reform. SOCIALISM For the s o c i a l i s t , c a p i t a l i s m , o r the p r o f i t t a k i n g by the owners of the means of p r o d u c t i o n , i s the reason t h a t the l i b e r a l d e i f i c a t i o n o f e q u a l i t y o f o p p o r t u n i t y f a i l s t o pr o v i d e e q u a l i t y o f c o n d i t i o n . In essence, under s o c i a l i s m , the r o l e o f the s t a t e i s t o f o s t e r e q u a l i t y o f c o n d i t i o n . T h i s i s accomplished by e l i m i n a t i n g p o l i t i c a l m a n i p u l a t i o n ( c h a r a c t e r i s t i c , f o r example, o f s p e c i a l i n t e r e s t groups) and economic e x p l o i t a t i o n by means a d m i n i s t r a t i o n so t h a t the s t a t e p l a y s a f a r g r e a t e r r o l e i n the l i v e s of i n d i v i d u a l s than a l i b e r a l system, p a r t i c u l a r l y t he l i b e r a l market system, would t o l e r a t e . I t i s im p o s s i b l e t o d i s c u s s s o c i a l i s m a p a r t from M a r x i s t p h i l o s o p h y . Marx's a n a l y s i s t h a t d i s p a r i t y and op p r e s s i o n b e g i n w i t h economic c l a s s s t r u c t u r e s c r e a t e d by 34 c a p i t a l i s m i s the l e n s through which s o c i a l i s t and communist governments focus p o l i c i e s f o r s o c i a l change. Democracy, e q u a l l y shared r e s o u r c e s and c r e a t i o n of community, i s the M a r x i s t v i s i o n of an i d e a l s o c i e t y . S o c i a l i s m i s connected t o M a r x i s t c l a s s a n a l y s i s , but the d i f f e r e n c e between a s o c i a l i s t and a M a r x i s t l i e s i n the means by which they b e l i e v e they can achieve g e n e r a l l y the same ends. W i t h i n s o c i a l i s m i t i s important t o remember t h e r e are both M a r x i s t and non-Marxist brands of democratic s o c i a l i s m . These d i s t i n c t i o n s are not o f t e n easy t o s e p a r a t e . M a r x i s t s are convinced a c l a s s l e s s , democratic s o c i e t y can o n l y occur through r e v o l u t i o n a r y , o f t e n v i o l e n t , means. S o c i a l democratic c o u n t r i e s , on the o t h e r hand, b e l i e v e reform measures which c o n t r o l market c o m p e t i t i o n and r e d i s t r i b u t e r e s o u r c e s and income w i l l succeed i n e l i m i n a t i n g economic e x p l o i t a t i o n of one c l a s s by another. That stance c o u l d be c a l l e d mainstream s o c i a l i s m and i s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of many s o c i a l i s t and communist c o u n t r i e s throughout the world. An important f e a t u r e of s o c i a l i s m i s t h a t two d i f f e r e n t spheres o f i n f l u e n c e than those i n l i b e r a l i s m are r e c o g n i z e d : s t a t e and c o l l e c t i v e . The s t a t e must be the a r b i t r a t o r i n the r e l a t i o n s of power between p r o d u c t i o n and people. The s t a t e i s s a i d t o have no power o f i t s own, but i n s t e a d t o be a c t i n g on b e h a l f of the c o l l e c t i v e power of 35 the people. Reform under s o c i a l i s m can be e i t h e r r e v o l u t i o n a r y ( i n the sense of sweeping change such as l a n d reform) or incremental ( i n the sense t h a t economic p l a n s may be spaced over y e a r s ) . S o c i a l change w i t h i n s o c i a l i s m , t h e r e f o r e , i s brought about through reform measures which are p r i m a r i l y economic or r e l a t e d t o r e s o u r c e s , but the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n , or bureaucracy, of s o c i a l i s t government i s not g r e a t l y changed through reform ( C a s t e l l s , 1983). Marxism goes f u r t h e r and a s s e r t s t h a t s o c i a l change can o n l y occur from the c o l l e c t i v e a c t i o n o f oppressed c l a s s e s t o e l i m i n a t e e x i s t i n g s t r u c t u r e s of o p p r e s s i o n , which are i d e n t i f i e d as m a t e r i a l i s t r e l a t i o n s . M a r x i s t t h e o r y has s p e c i a l i m p l i c a t i o n s f o r developement p l a n n i n g t h e o r y . F i r s t , i t suggests t h a t u n t i l equal c o n t r o l of r e s o u r c e s and ownership occurs, c o n f l i c t w i l l be i n h e r e n t i n s o c i e t y , i t s i n s t i t u t i o n s , and between the working c l a s s and those who b e n e f i t from e x p l o i t a t i o n of l a b o r . Secondly, i t c l a i m s t h a t s t r a t e g i e s f o r d e a l i n g w i t h t h a t c o n f l i c t must be c o l l e c t i v e l y formed t o r e - o r d e r power r e l a t i o n s . S o c i a l i s t T h e o r i e s o f Development C h a r a c t e r i s t i c of p l a n n i n g w i t h i n s o c i a l i s t i d e o l o g y i s the h e i r a r c h i c a l , a d m i n i s t r a t i v e base which becomes a 36 f o u n d a t i o n f o r p l a n n i n g d e c i s i o n s . C e n t r a l i z e d p l a n n i n g u n d e r l i e s a b e l i e f i n the s u p e r i o r i t y of s c i e n t i f i c r a t i o n a l i s m as the method t o d e c i s i o n making (Clammer, 1979) . P l a n n i n g t h e o r i e s i n s o c i a l i s t i d e o l o g y c o n s i s t e n t l y r e s t r i c t the area of d i s c o u r s e t o c o n d i t i o n s of p r o d u c t i o n and c l a s s . S i n c e Marx " r a i s e d these q u e s t i o n s most p e r s i s t e n t l y and s y s t e m a t i c a l l y , he remains a hidden i n t e r l o c u t o r i n much of s o c i a l s c i e n c e d i s c o u r s e . " (Wolf, 1982) The h i s t o r i c a l account used as a b a s i s f o r development p l a n n i n g was expanded by Immanual W a l l e r s t e i n who developed the i d e a of a g l o b a l market and a g l o b a l d i v i s i o n of l a b o r which became a type of demographically based world systems t h e o r y ( W a l l e r s t e i n , 1974). In a s i m i l a r f a s h i o n , Andre Frank proposed what he termed "The Development of Under-Development" which b a s i c a l l y claimed t h a t the c a p i t a l i s t market system used the r e s o u r c e s of s a t e l l i t e s , o r undeveloped c o u n t r i e s , t o f u r t h e r the c a p i t a l i s t agenda of m a i n t a i n i n g dominance over the means of p r o d u c t i o n . Out of Frank's work came dependancy theory, a t h e o r y which has been and c o n t i n u e s t o be the most wi d e l y a p p l i e d development p l a n n i n g t h e o r y i n modern times (Frank, 1966; WCED, 1987). During the l a s t h a l f of the t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r y s o c i a l i s t c o u n t r i e s , along w i t h many T h i r d World n a t i o n s , have chosen the path of i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n t o i n c r e a s e the q u a l i t y of 37 l i f e and t o enhance t h e i r development. The reason f o r l a c k of development, as Frank proposed, i s not seen as l a c k of t e c h n o l o g i c a l e v o l u t i o n , as i n l i b e r a l development theory but, i n s t e a d , because of p o l i c i e s c r e a t e d by c o l o n i a l powers. Dependency Theory Dependency theory i s l i n k e d t o c o l o n i a l domination and contends dependency began through c o l o n i a l p r a c t i c e s which can be e l i m i n a t e d by s o c i a l i s t reform. Dependency th e o r y as a model used i n development p l a n n i n g , a n a l y s e s p a t t e r n s of i n t e r s y s t e m i c and i n t e r n a t i o n a l l i n k a g e s through time t o r e v e a l ways i n which s o c i a l change occured o r f a i l e d t o occur. These l i n k a g e s c r e a t e d dependencies which appear t o be a r e s u l t of s t r u c t u r e s r e q u i r i n g unequal exchange, such as the c o l o n i a l power importing raw m a t e r i a l s but s e l l i n g f i n i s h e d goods t o the c o l o n i z e d country. The i n t e r v e n t i o n of e i t h e r a donor s t a t e , or the newly c r e a t e d n a t i o n ( f o r m e r l y the colony) f o r the purposes of i n d u s t r i a l growth, employment of r e s i d e n t s , and r e d i s t r i b u t i o n s of re s o u r c e s and income i n t h a t n a t i o n i s a s o c i a l i s t development p r a c t i c e . To date, t h i s s o c i a l i s t reform p o l i c y o f a i d (sometimes termed n e o - c o l o n i a l i s m ) c o n t i n u e s and i s r e f l e c t e d i n the s t r u c t u r e and p o l i c y o f 38 a i d t o T h i r d World c o u n t r i e s by i n d u s t r i a l i z e d donors (CIDA, 1988; WCED, 1988). Dependancy theory i d e n t i f i e s h i s t o r i c a l , m a t e r i a l l y based, e x p l o i t a t i v e r e l a t i o n s h i p s as the reason f o r l a c k of development (Frank, 1966; E l l i o t , 1977; Wolf, 1982; C a s t e l l s , 1983; Hughes, 1985). The Socialist Feminist Critgue The major c o n t r i b u t i o n o f s o c i a l i s t f e m i n i s t c r i t i q u e t o s o c i a l i s m has been l a r g e l y the t h e o r e t i c a l i n s i s t e n c e t h a t the economics o f the f a m i l y be r e c o g n i z e d as a major c o n t r i b u t o r t o the op p r e s s i o n o f women. While s o c i a l i s t f e m i n i s t s agree w i t h the s o c i a l i s t emphasis on e l i m i n a t i n g economic e x p l o i t a t i o n , most of them do not support the M a r x i s t a n a l y s i s t h a t o p p r e s s i o n i s i n i t i a l l y s t r u c t u r e d around c l a s s , even though the fou n d a t i o n o f s o c i a l i s t f e m i n i s t theory concurs w i t h Marx's o b s e r v a t i o n s of economic s t r u c t u r e s and p r a c t i c e i n the e a r l y 1800's. In the case o f women, the c e n t r a l p r o p o s i t i o n o f s o c i a l i s t feminism i s " t h a t women's s p e c i a l o p p r e s s i o n i s u l t i m a t e l y based on the f a m i l y as an economic u n i t " (Leacock, 1972:57). To s o c i a l i s t f e m i n i s t s a focus on i n d i v i d u a l change must not supercede the focus f o r s t r u c t u r a l change i n the household u n i t . As s t a t e d by Weir: 39 "...the emphasis on i d e o l o g y and i t s s u b j e c t i v e o p e r a t i o n i n the i n d i v i d u a l has too o f t e n meshed i n w i t h the emphasis on i n d i v i d u a l change t h a t was always a s t r a n d w i t h i n women's l i b e r a t i o n w i t h the r e s u l t t h a t p e r s o n a l l i f e s t y l e s [were thought] more amenable, a t l e a s t w i t h i n the middle c l a s s , t o change than l a t e monopoly c a p i t a l i s m appears t o [be to] the main t a r g e t o f feminism. Of course i t i s important i f i n d i v i d u a l men c l e a n l a v a t o r i e s and change nappies . . . but s t r u c t u r a l change i s r e q u i r e d as w e l l " (1986:132). F e m i n i s t Jean Bethke E l s h t a i n addresses a t l e n g t h the way i n which women have been l i m i t e d i n our time because they have had t o use the language o f r i g h t s e x p r e s s l y as i n d i v i d u a l s t o promote t h e i r c o l l e c t i v e i n t e r e s t s . She submits: " T h e i r arguments had t o be compressed w i t h i n the l i n g u i s t i c forms o f the l i b e r a l t r a d i t i o n . T h i s meant t h a t woman's "reason" as a p u b l i c presence c o u l d n ' t g i v e v o i c e t o the p r i v a t e , s o c i a l bases of female i d e n t i t y , c o u l d n ' t a l l o w women's experience t o "speak t o " the p u b l i c realm ... She had no vocabulary, i n p u b l i c speech, t o d e s c r i b e the nuances and t e x t u r e s o f her a c t u a l s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s and s o c i a l l o c a t i o n . She l a c k e d terms t h a t might have a f f o r d e d her a heightened, r e f l e c t i v e understanding o f h e r s e l f and her world. The o p t i o n s l e f t open t o women were t o speak the p u b l i c language o f l i b e r a l i s m and t o conc e i v e o f t h e i r e n t r y i n t o p o l i t i c s on those terms" (1981:127). While these quotes are intended t o be a s o c i a l i s t f e m i n i s t comment of l i b e r a l p o l i c e s t h a t oppress women, they a l s o i n d i c a t e an assumption t h a t women themselves are a c o l l e c t i v e - a view t h a t s o c i a l i s t development p l a n n i n g 40 t h e o r y simply i g n o r e s . In oth e r words, even as s o c i a l i s t f e m i n i s t s , women c o u l d o n l y "speak" u s i n g the words of the dominant d i s c o u r s e o f s o c i a l i s t i d e o l o g y (Sichtermann, 1986; W i l l i a m s , 1988). T h e i r s o c i a l concerns and v a l u e s had no means of e x p r e s s i o n simply because the concerns and v a l u e s were d i f f e r e n t than those used by the dominant d i s c o u r s e . The uneasy a l l i a n c e between s o c i a l i s m and s o c i a l i s t f e m i n i s t s was expressed when E l s h t a i n posed the qu e s t i o n , "Why can't a woman be more l i k e a p r o l e t a r i a n ? " ( E l s h t a i n : 2 5 6 ) . The analogous s o c i a l i s t i d e n t i f i c a t i o n o f a l l women with working c l a s s men, a c c o r d i n g t o s o c i a l i s t f e m i n i s t c r i t i q u e i s an easy way t h a t s o c i a l i s t i d e o l g y can escape d e a l i n g w i t h "the problem o f women". In t h i s way, women are e f f e c t i v e l y s i l e n c e d . T h i s s i l e n c e , and what oth e r t h e o r i s t s ( f e m i n i s t and otherwise) have d e s c r i b e d as the i n v i s i b i l i t y o f women (Boserup, 1970; Benari a , 1982; Smith, 1984; Waring, 1987), i s the unseen and unheard o p p r e s s i o n t h a t s o c i a l i s t feminism i s determined t o make known. S o c i a l i s t f e m i n i s t s , then, c l a i m t h a t e l i m i n a t i o n o f c a p i t a l i s t a c t i v i t y w i t h i n the f a m i l y as w e l l as o u t s i d e i t , i s necessary t o e l i m i n a t e c l a s s d i f f e r e n c e s , and i n so doing e l i m i n a t e gender i n e q u a l i t y . The s o l u t i o n f o r female e x p l o i t a t i o n i n p a r t i c u l a r i n v o l v e s e r a d i c a t i o n o f p r i v a t e 41 p r o p e r t y and a r e d i s t r i b u t i o n o f r e s o u r c e s . F e m i n i s t s o c i a l i s m mandates changing the f a m i l y as an economic u n i t where women's l a b o r w i l l not be c o n s i d e r e d a ' f r e e ' good. T h i s means women should be r e l i e v e d by the s t a t e o f much of t h e i r f a m i l i a l f u n c t i o n s such as c h i l d c a r e and housework ( E l s h t a i n , 1981; M i l l e t , 1977; Walby, 1986). S o c i a l i s t feminism, l i k e s o c i a l i s m and Marxism, r e c o g n i z e s t h a t s o c i e t y c o n t a i n s c o n t r a d i c t i o n s d u r i n g the proc e s s o f s o c i a l change as w e l l as s o c i a l needs f o r u n i t y . One unrecognized c o n t r a d i c t i o n w i t h i n s o c i a l i s m , say s o c i a l i s t f e m i n i s t s , i s t h a t women are not viewed as a necessary p a r t o f the whole f a b r i c o f s o c i e t y , but as ad j u n c t s . When China, a f t e r the r e v o l u t i o n i n the 1930's, sought t o end o l d p h i l o s o p h i c a l and r e l i g i o u s s a n c t i o n s r e q u i r i n g the s u b o r d i n a t i o n o f women, Mao Tse Tung saw women as: ...a v a s t r e s e r v e o f l a b o r power. T h i s r e s e r v e should be tapped and used i n the s t r u g g l e t o b u i l d a mighty s o c i a l i s t country (Duley and Edwards, 1986:264). T h i s statement i s p r e c i s e l y t he fodder f o r the s o c i a l i s t f e m i n i s t c r i t i q u e . Industry, f a r from wanting women a t the hearth, r e q u i r e s t h e i r p a r t i c i p a t i o n . Not only i s e f f i c i e n c y and p r o d u c t i v i t y r a i s e d by commodifying womens' work and t h e i r s e r v i c e s , but women i n the job market p r o v i d e a r e s e r v e l a b o r p o o l . Women e n t e r i n g the workforce 42 d u r i n g p e r i o d s o f h i g h a c t i v i t y become expendable i n low p e r i o d s , as w e l l as p r o v i d i n g a source of always cheaper l a b o r (Anand, 1989; Duley and Edwards, 1986; E l l i o t , 1977). P a t r i a r c h y as w e l l as c l a s s p l a y s an important r o l e i n o p p r e s s i o n from the vantage p o i n t of the s o c i a l i s t f e m i n i s t . S t r u c t u r e s of power, the economy and the c o l l e c t i v e , are f a r more powerful f o r c e s of s o c i a l i n f l u e n c e than i n d i v i d u a l r e l a t i o n s o f men and women, both l i t e r a l l y and f i g u r a t i v e l y , f o r s o c i a l i s t f e m i n i s t s (Leahy, 1986; Hartsock, 1985; Macintosh, 1978). RADICAL THEORY AND PRACTICE The analyses set f o r t h by r a d i c a l thought had a birthplace i n both anarchist and Utopian t h e o r i e s and p r a c t i c e . The o p e r a t i n g p r i n c i p l e i s change through a c t i o n based on a c r i t i q u e o f s t a t e power. R a d i c a l thought espouses the inherent freedom of the i n d i v i d u a l (an anarchist position) and the c o l l e c t i v e good of a l l (the Utopian v i s i o n ) . The Utopian and a n a r c h i s t t r a d i t i o n of separatism, what Friedmann c a l l s the " p o l i t i c s o f disengagement" (1987:83), i s a s i n g u l a r f e a t u r e of r a d i c a l p h i l o s o p h y . Many Utopian thinkers went on t o develop t h e i r own communities, most of which f a i l e d . Those t h a t s u r v i v e d o f t e n had s t r o n g r e l i g i o u s 43 foundations, such as the H u t t e r i t e s (Melnyck, 1985). R a d i c a l theory stands o u t s i d e the e x i s t i n g worldviews of l i b e r a l i s m and s o c i a l i s m and o f f e r s a s o c i a l c r i t i q u e i n s p i r e d by an a l t e r n a t i v e view of how the world might be s t r u c t u r e d . While t h i s a l t e r n a t i v e view has taken v a r i o u s forms, such as communes, or communities o f i n t e r e s t , the focus appears t o be a reforming of power r e l a t i o n s on community l e v e l s , and a d e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n of d e c i s i o n making on a democratic b a s i s (Kropotkin, 19l4; Friedmann, 1985; Ross and Usher, 1986; I l l i c h , 1973; D e v a l l and S e s s i o n s , 1985; Bookchin, 1987). The c r i t i q u e attempts t o p r o v i d e s o l u t i o n s f o r the i n c r e a s e d p u b l i c / p r i v a t e s e p a r a t i o n , t h a t i s , the demarcation and exchange of r e l a t i o n s o f power which s p l i t people from community, b u s i n e s s from government, workers from t h e i r l a b o r , and households from t h e i r environment. These s e p a r a t i o n s are not seen as amenable t o reform, o f e i t h e r l i b e r a l o r s o c i a l i s t n ature. R a d i c a l t h e o r y views power as m a i n t a i n i n g i t s e l f through instruments of a h i e r a r c h i c a l nature and economic hegemony. P r i o r t o the Seventeenth century, v e r y l i t t l e s eparated the s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e s of k i n s h i p , market t r a d e and p r o d u c t i o n ( H e i l b r o n e r , 1980). P u b l i c and p r i v a t e c a t e g o r i e s were used t o acknowledge the power of the s t a t e r e l a t i v e t o households. C a p i t a l i s m , the democratic d e f i n i t i o n o f wealth, 44 and i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n c r e a t e d a change i n the p u b l i c / p r i v a t e s p l i t which c r e a t e d , i n t u r n , a new world-view, as suggested by F o u c a u l t (1972). The new world view supported a new i n d i v i d u a l i s m t h a t f o s t e r e d new s o c i a l b e h a v i o r s : What the g r e a t s o c i a l t r a n s f o r m a t i o n meant f o r i n d i v i d u a l s was t h a t they faced c h a l l e n g e s and u n c e r t a i n t i e s f o r which they were not prepared. Less than ever c o u l d they count on r e l a t i n g t o o t h e r s simply on the t r a d i t i o n a l grounds of k i n s h i p , l o c a l community, or i n h e r i t e d s t a t u s . In the new, mobile, m i d d l e - c l a s s world, one autonomous i n d i v i d u a l had t o d e a l w i t h o t h e r autonomous i n d i v i d u a l s i n s i t u a t i o n s where one's s e l f esteem and p r o s p e c t s depended on one's a b i l i t y t o impress and n e g o t i a t e . S o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n s under these c o n d i t i o n s were o f t e n i n t e n s e , but a l s o l i m i t e d and t r a n s i e n t ( B e l l a h e t . a l , 1985:118). A s o c i a l i s t a n a l y s i s would i n s i s t t h a t the t r a n s f o r m a t i o n of power from community t o i s o l a t i o n which p r e c i p i t a t e d the change i n the p u b l i c / p r i v a t e s p l i t , was based on m a t e r i a l r e l a t i o n s ordered by c a p i t a l i s t p r o d u c t i o n . L i b e r a l a n a l y s i s would simply p r o f f e r an acceptance of an e v o l u t i o n a r y t e c h n o l o g i c a l f o r c e ordered by the f r e e market where the complexity o f t a s k s r e q u i r e d more and more s p e c i a l i z a t i o n . R a d i c a l a n a l y s i s would r e j e c t these e x p l a n a t i o n s and would m a i n t a i n t h a t s t a t e and market spheres of power never had t o be s t r u c t u r e d i n a h i e r a r c h i c a l manner, t h a t i s , a d a p t i v e change and communication necessary f o r modern l i f e c o u l d occur i n s m a l l e r increments based on community i n t e r a c t i o n and 45 decision-making which would a c t as a counter f o r c e t o h e i r a r c h i c a l dominance. R a d i c a l s t r a t e g i e s are formed t o be t e r r i t i o r i a l and are p o l i t i c a l as w e l l as economic. Communities are encouraged toward s e l f - r e l i a n c e , i . e . , t o seek and develop t h e i r own r e s o u r c e s (Melnyck, 1985). L o c a l i n t e g r a t i o n of decision-making i s promoted by e d u c a t i n g c i t i z e n s , o r g a n i z i n g r e s o u r c e s and making a p r i o r i t y o f d e f i n i n g and meeting l o c a l needs. These t a c t i c s l e a d t o development p l a n n i n g t h a t i s informed, r a t i o n a l , and s e l f d i r e c t e d a c t i v i t y which i s c o n s i d e r e d t o enhance the community or r e g i o n v i s - a - v i s other areas. Radical Development Planning Theory and Practice Beazley (1989) i d e n t i f i e s f i v e c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f r a d i c a l p l a n n i n g theory: * I t i s emancipatory. * P l a n n i n g d e c i s i o n s are made by c i t i z e n s themselves. * I t sees p a r t i c p a t o r y p l a n n i n g as the fundamental agent f o r s o c i a l change. * Rather than being a p o l i t i c a l i t i s p o l i t i c a l . * I t i s committed t o j u s t i c e and e q u i t y . The major i s s u e t h a t concerns r a d i c a l development p l a n n e r s i s l o c a l c o n t r o l t o a l l o w people t o maximize t h e i r p o t e n t i a l and p r o t e c t t h e i r environment. In a comprehensive 46 book, People Centered Development. R u s s e l l A c k o f f (1984) submits t h a t r a d i c a l development f o s t e r s : ...a c a p a c i t y [ t h a t i s ] d e f i n e d by what [people] can do w i t h whatever they have t o improve t h e i r q u a l i t y of l i f e and t h a t o f o t h e r s (Korten and Klauss, 1984:195). For r a d i c a l p l a n n e r s t h e r e i s no s e p a r a t i o n of means from ends, or f a c t s from v a l u e s ( F o r e s t e r , 1978; Schon, 1982). Means are ends and v a l u e s unavoidably c o l o r f a c t s . There i s an acknowledgment t h a t context i n f l u e n c e s d e c i s i o n s more than r a t i o n a l judgements or f a c t s , and t h a t technology i s o f t e n used i n the s e r v i c e of those i n c o n t r o l - whether t h i s be under l i b e r a l , s o c i a l i s t or f a c i s t powers. As opposed t o d e c l a r a t i o n s of o b j e c t i v e , a p o l i t i c a l ends, t h e r e are s p e c i f i c statements of v a l u e - d r i v e n g o a l s , such as e l i m i n a t i o n of top-down governance, p r o t e c t i o n o f the environment even a t the r i s k of s t o p p i n g growth i n the economy, and a push f o r l i f e s t y l e s t h a t do more wit h l e s s i n the i n d u s t r i a l i z e d world: . . . i n s t r u m e n t a l judgements are v a l u e laden, and problem s o l v i n g can occur o n l y w i t h i n e v a l u a t i v e problem s e t t i n g s . . . [ i n ] the i n t e r p e r s o n a l c o n t e x t of p r a c t i c e . . . i n d i v i d u a l s c r e a t e b e h a v i o r a l worlds which i n f l u e n c e and are i n f l u e n c e d by t h e i r a c t i v i t i e s and t h e i r ways of knowing (Schon, 1982:352). R a d i c a l p l a n n e r s fundamentally view change i n terms of community or r e g i o n a l development (Grabow, e t a l . , 1973). Change i s s t r u c t u r a l o n l y i n so f a r as i t a f f e c t s the 47 community and i t s r e l a t i o n t o power s t r u c t u r e s o u t s i d e the community - r a d i c a l p l a n n i n g demonstrates an absence of p l a n s f o r s t r u c t u r a l household or i n d i v i d u a l change and no s t r a t e g y f o r s o c i a l change on a n a t i o n a l or g l o b a l b a s i s . R a d i c a l t h e o r y i n g e n e r a l seeks t o focus upon non-monetarized v a l u e s and a c t i v i t i e s t h a t add t o a communities' w e l f a r e , but which have been t r a d i o n a l l y m a r g i n a l i z e d i n l i b e r a l and s o c i a l i s t i d e o l o g i e s . P lanners who work toward r a d i c a l change are a l s o p l a n n e r s who c o u l d more e a s i l y i n c o r p o r a t e f e m i n i s t v i s i o n i n t h a t change because the j u s t i c e and e q u i t y i d e o l o g y p r o f f e r e d by both i s v e r y s i m i l a r . R a d i c a l feminism, as w i l l be seen, extends r a d i c a l development p l a n n i n g theory p r e c i s e l y i n the d i r e c t i o n of household and i n d i v i d u a l change. R a d i c a l F e m i n i s t C r i t q u e Nothing l e s s than a complete paradigm s h i f t i s s a t i s f a c t o r y t o r a d i c a l f e m i n i s t t h e o r i s t s (Daly, 1978; Dworkin, 1974; MacKinnon, 1982; F i r e s t o n e , 1970). I t i s not enough t h a t male and female achieve equal treatment i n law and the marketplace and the household, nor i s i t s a t i s f a c t o r y t h a t h e i r a r c h i c a l r e l a t i o n s be e l i m i n a t e d . Rather, i t i s the e n t i r e male s t r u c t u r i n g o f worldview t h a t 48 must be changed and i n i t s p l a c e a more 'feminine' worldview must be framed. In t h i s c o nception, not o n l y i s p a t r i a r c h y one b a s t i o n of a l i b e r a l s t r o n g h o l d , o r a f o r c e t o be reckoned w i t h t h a t i s equal t o c l a s s , but p a t r i a r c h y i s the o v e r - r i d i n g f o r c e i n the formation o f a l l o p p r e s s i o n . Men are viewed as m i s o g y n i s t and determined t o command the dominant d i s c o u r s e . In i t s most extreme form, r a d i c a l f e m i n i s t theory f a l l s back on the o l d Utopian s e p a r a t i s t formula by prop o s i n g s e p a r a t i s t and l e s b i a n communities as an a l t e r n a t i v e t o the p e r v a s i v e dominance of the male. As expressed by MacKinnon, " s e x u a l i t y i s t o feminism what work i s t o Marxism" (1982:515). R a d i c a l feminism r e - v a l o r i z e s 'feminine' t r a i t s and concepts, and sees the h i s t o r i c a l d r i v e t o c o n t r o l nature, and t o separate mind from body as the be g i n n i n g o f female o p p r e s s i o n . Women have h i s t o r i c a l l y been i d e n t i f i e d w i t h nature (Merchant, 1983; Chernin, 1987; E i s l e r , 1988; Starhawk, 1982) and c o n t r o l o f women, i n t h i s view, i s p a r a l l e l t o c o n t r o l o f nature. Support f o r r a d i c a l f e m i n i s t s c o n t e n t i o n t h a t t h e r e i s a " r a t i o n a l " , male d r i v e n o p p r e s s i o n o f women i s based on h i s t o r i c a l mysogynist f a c t s , such as the burn i n g and t o r t u r e o f witches, the t r a d i t i o n of c l i t o r a l m u t i l a t i o n and s u t t e e , and the widespread e x i s t e n c e 49 of a c t s of rape and b e a t i n g of women which have had h i s t o r i c a l s a n c t i o n , e.g. i n war, or through r e l i g i o u s and s o c i a l custom, and even through law. Other support o f f e r e d f o r the n o t i o n t h a t the treatment of women i s analogous t o mens' treatment of nature comes g e n e r a l l y from p h i l o s o p h i c a l works l i k e P l a tonism where nature and the e a r t h are r e f e r r e d t o as female, and from a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l work which show womens' b i o l o g i c a l f u n c t i o n s , e.g., menarche, b i r t h and n u r s i n g , are o f t e n f e a r e d and s t r i c t l y c o n t r o l l e d through law, custom and r i t u a l (Merchant, 1980). These same f u n c t i o n s are c u r r e n t l y c o n t r o l l e d i n modern l i f e , r a d i c a l f e m i n i s t c l a i m , much as nature i s c o n t r o l l e d a t p r e s e n t through technology i n the hands of men. The s u p p r e s s i o n of womens' v o i c e i s d i r e c t l y r e l a t e d i n r a d i c a l f e m i n i s t theory t o the p e r v a s i v e and p e r n i c i o u s dominant d i s c o u r s e of men. Power, p r i v i l e g e and p s y c h o l o g i c a l advantage are emphasized as the bases of the seeming s u p e r i o r i t y of men i n a way t h a t reform cannot reach. The major f a c e t and importance o f the r a d i c a l f e m i n i s t c r i t i q u e f o r r a d i c a l t h e o r y i s t h a t r a d i c a l f e m i n i s t s h o l d t h a t i n d i v i d u a l s and households must a l s o p a r t i c i p a t e i n the s o c i a l changes toward e q u i t y and j u s t i c e which are t o occur i n the community. T h i s , i n the main, means male p a r t i c i p a t i o n a t t h a t l e v e l . And r a d i c a l 50 f e m i n i s t s are f e r v e n t i n t h e i r b e l i e f t h a t power r e l a t i o n s must be transformed, not j u s t r e s t r u c t u r e d (French, 1985; Ric h , 1986; Starhawk, 1982; Chodorow, 1987; G i l l i g a n , 1982). CONCEPTIONS OF POWER TRANSLATE REAL LIFE Thus f a r , t h r e e concepts o f how t o manage s o c i a l change under t h r e e d i f f e r e n t p e r c e p t i o n s o f how power c o n t r o l s human l i v e s and i n s t i t u t i o n s have been reviewed: the l i b e r a l concept o f the s t a t e as the neccessary m e d i a t i o n from which people must be p r o t e c t e d ; the s o c i a l i s t concept o f the c a p i t a l i s t market economy as the agent o f c o n t r o l ; and the r a d i c a l concept o f technology and a l i e n a t i o n o f people from t h e i r community and environment as the t o o l s o f those i n power which prevent people from the formation o f democratic community. There was i n c l u d e d w i t h i n each world view a p a r a l l e l f e m i n i s t c r i t i q u e o f each s p e c i f i c t h e o r y i n or d e r t o demonstrate how feminism goes beyond the c a u s a l assumptions o f l i b e r a l i s m , s o c i a l i s m and r a d i c a l i s m and f i l l s i n c r i t i c a l b lanks f o r each. In fundamental terms, a l l f e m i n i s t t h e o r y i s s i t u a t e d i n the f a c t o f the h i s t o r i c a l tyranny and c o n t r o l o f women or sexism. Contrary t o Friedmann's c o n t e n t i o n , feminism can be c o n s i d e r e d an o v e r a l l s o c i a l c r i t q u e t h a t i s i n t e r n a l l y d i v i d e d by the a t t r i b u t i o n a l 51 causes o f those t h r e e major t h e o r i e s which d i f f e r e n t i a t e the arena o f power s t r u g g l e s . In an attempt t o a r t i c u l a t e f e m i n i s t s i m i l a r i t i e s M a r i l y n French suggests: The major d i v i s i o n s among d i f f e r e n t groups o f f e m i n i s t s today l i e i n t h i s area: not what we must do, but how. There i s g e n e r a l agreement about b a s i c p r i n c i p a l s , premises, as w e l l as about the v i s i o n o f a f e m i n i s t f u t u r e . . . ( F r e n c h , 1985:446). E l s h t a i n , whose major w r i t t e n work d i s c u s s e s f e m i n i s t i n t e r n a l d i v i s i o n , found t h i s i n common among f e m i n i s t s : ...they would r e d e f i n e the boundaries o f p u b l i c and the p r i v a t e , the p e r s o n a l and the p o l i t i c a l , i n a manner t h a t opens up c e r t a i n q u e s t i o n s f o r i n q u i r y . They would "break the s i l e n c e " o f t r a d i t i o n a l p o l i t i c a l thought on q u e s t i o n s o f the h i s t o r i c o p p r e s s i o n o f women and the absence o f women from the realm o f p u b l i c speech ( E l s h t a i n , 1981:202). Nancy Hartsock, a s o c i a l i s t f e m i n i s t , c l a i m s d i f f e r e n c e s may be the coh e s i v e g l u e w i t h which t o form a u n i f i e d c r i t i q u e : For d i f f e r e n c e must be not merely t o l e r a t e d , but seen as a fund o f necessary p o l a r i t i e s between which our [ f e m i n i s t s ] c r e a t i v i t y can spark l i k e a d i a l e c t i c . . . The o u t l i n e s ... of an adequate t h e o r y o f power grounded a t the e p i s t e m o l o g i c a l l e v e l o f r e p r o d u c t i o n are now v i s i a b l e , i f onl y h a z i l y . I t i s an understanding o f power r o o t e d i n and d e f i n e d not simply by women's {sic} e x p e r i e n c e but by the sy s t e m a t i c p u l l i n g t o g e t h e r and working out o f the l i b e r a t o r y p o s s i b i l i t e s p r e s e n t i n t h a t e x p e r i e n c e (Hartsock, 1985:259). There are s e v e r a l common g o a l s f o r p o l i t i c a l and s o c i a l change t o tr a n s f o r m r e a l l i f e t h a t can be found i n a l l f e m i n i s t theory: the f i r s t i s e q u a l i t y b e f o r e law; the 52 second i s the estab l i s h m e n t of n o n - h i e r a r c h i c a l r e l a t i o n s of power on i n d i v i d u a l , s o c i a l and community l e v e l s ; and the t h i r d i s r e c o g n i t i o n of nature and woman as having v a l u e p r e v i o u s l y concealed. Perhaps the most important aspect o f feminism i s , a t pres e n t , as Hartsock claimed, the f a c t o f i t s s o c i a l c r i t i q u e . The womens7 movement has r e v e a l e d i t s e l f t o have widespread support which has a l r e a d y i n f l u e n c e d p u b l i c p o l i c y ( r e a l l i f e ) i n many c o u n t r i e s (Papanek, 1977; S a f i l l o s - R o t h s c h i l d , 1982; Thorberg, 1985; Cameron, 1987; Douglas, 1977) . I t i s c r u c i a l t o keep i n mind t h a t f e m i n i s t paradigms, l i k e o t h e r t h e o r e t i c a l models, are based on i d e o l o g i e s which are powerful i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s t h a t can obscure a l t e r n a t i v e s and c o l o r p e r c e p t i o n s o f p o l i t i c a l , economic and s o c i a l r e a l i t y . I have attempted t o g i v e a glimpse o f how feminism t r a n s l a t e s and c r i t i q u e s the i d e o l o g i e s o f l i b e r a l i s m and s o c i a l i s m . R a d i c a l feminism expresses a r a d i c a l c a s t by s u p p o r t i n g s o c i a l t r a n s f o r m a t i o n and by vehement o p p o s i t i o n t o p a t r i a r c h y . In so f a r as feminism can b r i n g a t t e n t i o n t o gender i n e q u i t y , r e l a t i o n s of power, masculine world-views and provoke a n a l y s i s which w i l l c o n t r i b u t e t o f a i r n e s s , e q u i t y , and a 'kinder, g e n t l e r ' world, i t c o u l d c o n t r i b u t e t o development p l a n n i n g . 53 DEVELOPMENT PLANNING PRACTICE: THE SITUATION OF WOMEN Development p l a n n i n g i s c u r r e n t l y captured by the i n e r t i a o f democratic reform - l i b e r a l and s o c i a l i s t - and as t h e o r y and a c t i o n c r e a t e d e x c l u s i v e l y t o f a c i l i t a t e p o s i t i v e s o c i a l change, development p l a n n i n g has been a b l e t o a c t e f f e c t i v e l y o n l y i n the s e r v i c e of a power t r i o : the s t a t e , the market and the male ( F o r e s t e r , 1989; H e i l b r o n e r , 1985; Friedmann, 1987; E l l i o t , 1977). The s t a t u s o f women i s u s u a l l y addressed o n l y i n terms of t h e i r economic p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n a r e g i o n or n a t i o n (Waring, 1988; T i f f a n y , 1984; Moser and Peake, 1987). Two ide a s i n h e r e n t i n development p l a n n i n g are: f i r s t , t h a t development i s not p r i m a r i l y i n d i v i d u a l but i n c l u d e s a group which has access t o s i m i l a r o r equal r e s o u r c e s ; and second, t h a t development i s based on the n o t i o n of d i m i n i s h i n g r e t u r n s . In o t h e r words, a person who i s poor and becomes r i c h has more c a p a c i t y f o r " r i c h n e s s " than a person who i s a l r e a d y r i c h t o become r i c h e r . Put another way, development i s an undeveloped r e g i o n o r n a t i o n s ' problem. A major d i f f i c u l t y f o r governments and b u r e a u c r a t s l i k e p l a n n e r s has been t h a t , i n s p i t e o f the e x i s t e n c e of r a t i o n a l p l a n n i n g and c o n s t i t u t i o n s and man i f e s t o s t h a t were framed w i t h the i n t e n t of s t r e n g t h e n i n g n a t i o n s and 54 b e n e f i t t i n g a l l c i t i z e n s , o p p r e s s i o n , p o v e r t y and d i s e a s e c o n t i n u e t o i n c r e a s e and the environment c o n t i n u e s t o erode (WCED, 1987). Reform alone has not s o l v e d the q u e s t i o n of a d m i n i s t e r i n g r e s o u r c e s w i t h j u s t i c e t o competing u s e r s ; nor has e q u i t y - of o p p o r t u n i t y , or of c o n d i t i o n - been achieved (Development S t u d i e s Centre, 1984; Brown, 1988; C l a r k , 1984). Perhaps, as r a d i c a l s have urged, what i s needed i s not a v a l u e - f r e e c o n d i t i o n , nor an equal c o n d i t i o n , but a c o n s i d e r a t i o n of committment t o v a l u e s by governments and c i t i z e n s . Committment t o v a l u e s has not been e v i d e n t i n development p l a n n i n g p r a c t i c e . Values are not t h i n g s t h a t can be mediated and most e n e r g i e s devoted t o s o c i a l change focus on p r e c i s e l y a mediated, incremental type of reform. The p o l i t i c a l mediation f u n c t i o n p l a y e d by s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l movements i s e v i d e n t from the f a c t t h a t democratic reform does not a l t e r power r e l a t i o n s h i p s . T h i s i s not a new argument, o t h e r s (e.g., N e r f i n 1987; Ferguson 1987) see movements o u t s i d e dominant power s t r u c t u r e s e v o l v i n g i n t o a t h i r d f o r c e of c i t i z e n r y . As noted i n the s e c t i o n on the womens' movement, the a l t e r n a t i v e t o women o f working o u t s i d e t r a d i t i o n a l boundaries of d i s c o u r s e and power has always been a f e m i n i s t s t r a t e g y , and has never been viewed as more necessary than now. As French i n s i s t s , " C a p i t a l i s m 55 has a s s i m i l a t e d women, i t has not broadened i t s e l f ; i t has swallowed women r a t h e r than a l t e r i t s e l f . And i t has done t h i s i n accordance w i t h i t s t r a d i t i o n a l s t r u c t u r e s " (1985:462). Development p l a n n i n g p r a c t i c e has helped m a i n t a i n t r a d i t i o n a l s t r u c t u r e s and has not b e n e f i t t e d the world o f women under l i b e r a l o r s o c i a l i s t a u s p i c e s (Leahy, 1986). THE WORLD OF WOMEN The U.N. d e d i c a t e d the decade o f 1975-85 t o the betterment o f women throughout the world. Donor c o u n t r i e s have a t t a c h e d s t i p u l a t i o n s a f f e c t i n g women t o the a i d (e.g., CIDA, 1988) t r a n s f e r r e d from the i n d u s t r i a l i z e d n a t i o n s t o newly d e v e l o p i n g c o u n t r i e s . Women were t a r g e t e d f o r mainstream r o l e s i n modern n a t i o n s u s i n g such t h i n g s as a f f i r m a t i v e a c t i o n programs and quotas. De s p i t e a decade d e d i c a t e d t o a i d and a f f i r m a t i v e a c t i o n f o r women, p o l i t i c a l development s t r a t e g i e s remain r h e t o r i c (Keating and M e l v i l l e , 1985; Siwatibau, 1985; Zak, 1983). I s the problem r e a l l y t h a t none of the l i b e r a l , s o c i a l i s t o r r a d i c a l t h e o r i e s are adequate analyses o f d i s p a r i t y and t h a t attempts t o compensate and r e c t i f y i n j u s t i c e s based on these t h e o r i e s w i l l f a i l ? Or i s i t simply f o r l a c k o f i n f o r m a t i o n about womens' p e r s p e c t i v e and v a l u e s t h a t they have f a i l e d ? 56 A l o o k a t development theory implementation on a c r o s s -c u l t u r a l b a s i s p r o v i d e s both p r o o f women have remained oppressed and t h a t , as models f o r p o s i t i v e p r o g r e s s f o r women, these t h e o r i e s are l i m i t e d . The three-way stage on which the a c t of b a l a n c i n g power i s p l a y e d i n v i t e s women t o p a r t i c i p a t e , but does not p r o v i d e them w i t h the s c r i p t . As s t a t e d e a r l i e r , data show t h a t , worldwide, women c o n s t i t u t e about h a l f o f the work f o r c e . They e x e r t two-t h i r d s of the world's work hours, y e t they r e c e i v e o n l y 10% of the world's income and own l e s s than one one-hundreth of the world's p r o p e r t y (CIDA, 1988). Between 1929 and 1965 the net n a t i o n a l product per c a p i t a o f the U.S. ro s e by 90% and l e i s u r e time i n c r e a s e d by 22%, but women's work hours i n c r e a s e d (Williams, 1988; Hewlett, 1985). Women i n the U.S. and Canada s t i l l make onl y 64 cents f o r every d o l l a r made by a male a percentage t h a t has v a r i e d o n l y s l i g h t l y over the l a s t 20 ye a r s . The GNP worldwide has i n c r e a s e d a t a r a t e o f about 2% per year s i n c e the Second World War, but the r a t e o f improvement f o r women proceeds a t a s n a i l s ' pace. For example, although more women are admitted t o occupations t h a t were f o r m e r l y c l o s e d t o them, such as law and medicine, a c c o r d i n g t o the U.S. government, f a m i l i e s w i t h one parent ( u s u a l l y a woman) have l e s s than h a l f the median income of 57 a l l f a m i l i e s . Women with c h i l d r e n c o n s t i t u t e 75% o f a l l people i n the U.S. l i v i n g i n pov e r t y (Garbarino,1988; Gelp, 1988) . In Canada, Armstrong and Armstrong (1986) quote s e v e r a l s o c i o l o g i s t s , and argue s i m i l a r l y t h a t what the dominant d i s c o u r s e s say i s not what they r e a l l y do: In Canadian s o c i e t y , as s e v e r a l s o c i o l o g i s t s have shown, e q u a l i t y of o p p o r t u n i t y i s taught i n theory, but denied i n p r a c t i c e . Clement (1975:284) e s t a b l i s h e s i n h i s e x t e n s i v e examination o f the Canadian c o r p o r a t e e l i t e t h a t " I t i s the c l a s s which h o l d s the power bases o f s o c i e t y ( i n c l u d i n g the means of communication) which i s a b l e , i n l a r g e p a r t , t o i n f l u e n c e and d i r e c t the i d e o l o g y of t he p o p u l a t i o n . " By means of what Pike and Zu r e i k (1975:x) c a l l " manipulative s o c i a l i z a t i o n " , the dominant groups are a b l e t o " f o s t e r an i n t e r n a l i z a t i o n o f p a r t i c l a r p e r c e p t i o n s o f s o c i a l r e a l i t y " . Through t h e i r i n f l u e n c e over what P o r t e r (1965:460) i n h i s wi d e l y acclaimed The V e r t i c a l Mosiac, c a l l s " i d e o l o g i c a l i n s t i t u t i o n s " , the dominant groups are a b l e t o encourage the acceptance o f the e x i s t i n g s o c i a l order. And the d i v i s i o n o f l a b o r by sex i s p a r t o f t h a t order (Armstrong and Armstrong, 1984:197). A n t h r o p o l o g i s t Peggy Sanday has f o r c e f u l l y argued t h a t h i s t o r i c a l l y , the one main p r e c o n d i t i o n o f any i n c r e a s e i n female s t a t u s i s prolonged warfare which means male absence or a shortage o f l a b o r supply ( c i t e d i n Duley and Edwards, 1986). R a i s i n g the s t a t u s o f women and, t h e r e f o r e , c o n t r i b u t i n g t o e q u i t y may have another component as w e l l . Another a n t h r o p o l o g i s t , U r s u l a Sharmin s t a t e s : 58 I t i s the d i s t r i b u t i o n of p r o p e r t y r i g h t s ( e s p e c i a l l y r i g h t s i n land) which we ought t o look a t f i r s t o f a l l i f we wish t o understand the p o s i t i o n o f r u r a l women... The poor have l i t t l e p r o p e r t y t o p r o t e c t ' the norms governing female r o l e s w h i l e p e r m i t t i n g them t o p a r t i c i p a t e f r e e l y i n l a b o r , n e v e r t h e l e s s , l i m i t the ways i n which women can a c t u a l l y use whatever economic power they may d e r i v e from t h e i r r o l e i n p r o d u c t i o n (Duley and Edwards, 1986:197). In o t h e r words, access and c o n t r o l o f re s o u r c e s by women may p l a y a c r i t i c a l r o l e i n the development o f women worldwide. The data presented suggest t h a t world development, as measured by economic growth, i s succeeding, at l e a s t i n p a r t , because of the e x p l o i t a t i o n o f women. T r a d i t i o n a l p l a n n i n g theory has s i l e n c e d the v o i c e of women by concerning i t s e l f w i t h the problems a r t i c u l a t e d by the dominant d i s c o u r s e s . Yet n e g l e c t o f gender i s s u e s by development p l a n n i n g theory and p r a c t i c e o f t e n c r e a t e s more problems w i t h which the p r o f e s s i o n has t o d e a l . L i k e an o s t r i c h w i t h i t s head i n the sand, i f the s o c i a l problem cannot be documented as a s o c i a l problem, i . e . , i f women are not heard, t h e r e i s no need t o do any t h i n g about i t . One c u r r e n t example of t h i s i s the f e m i n i z a t i o n of pover t y . Demographic i n f o r m a t i o n has lo n g been a v a i l a b l e i n western i n d u s t r i a l c u l t u r e s which i n d i c a t e s t h a t women l i v e l o n g e r than men, make about 65% of the money made by men, and t h a t numbers of s i n g l e parent f a m i l i e s , u s u a l l y headed by women, are i n c r e a s i n g ( G e l p i e t a l . , 1986; Fuchs, 1986). 59 S t a t i s t i c s from the U.S. and Canada show t h a t the standard of l i v i n g f o r women who d i v o r c e i s lowered d r a m a t i c a l l y (averaging about 70% l e s s ) , and t h a t female headed households are poor (1 i n 3) more o f t e n than male headed households (1 i n 11) . Consequently, the m a j o r i t y o f poor people a re females. T h i s t r e n d i s expected t o i n c r e a s e . ( G e l p h i , e t . a l , 1986:4; Fuchs, 1986; Armstrong and Armstrong, 1985). A c t i v e s t r a t e g i e s w i t h which t o d e a l w i t h these demographic f a c t s have not been forthcoming. The s o c i a l c a s u a l t i e s and c o s t t o government from l a c k o f a c t i o n has been l a r g e l y i gnored. S o c i a l programs are among the f i r s t t o be c u t i n government budget r e d u c t i o n s (Smith, 1986). In s p i t e o f these f a c t s , development p l a n n i n g does not address the i n c r e a s i n g p overty among women i n any meaningful way, whether i n the U.S., Canada, o r the T h i r d World ( E l l i o t , 1977). Throughout the world p l a n n e r s c o n t i n u e t o support p o l i c i e s such as the de s i g n and c o n s t r u c t i o n o f housing and othe r s o c i a l f a c i l i t i e s as though n u c l e a r f a m i l i e s (which comprise o n l y one f i f t h o f a l l f a m i l i e s (Garbarino, 1988)) w i t h a primary male wage earner were the norm. Development p l a n n e r s do not see t h a t a i d i n cash and i n t r a i n i n g which i s r e c e i v e d by males t o he l p them perform r o l e s they 60 t r a d i t i o n a l l y do not do (such as c u l t i v a t i o n o f food crops i n sub-Saharan A f r i c a ) i s wasted. CIDA, which has a s p e c i f i c program f o r womens' development does not mention e q u i t y once i n i t s p o l i c y documents (CIDA 1987). Instead the focus i s on g e t t i n g women i n t o the economic system, d e s p i t e the evidence t h a t women become members of the low-paying "pink ghetto" ( G e l p i e t a l . , 1986). MISCONCEPTIONS IN DATA I n t e g r a t i o n o f gender as a t h e o r e t i c a l and p r a c t i c a l c o n s i d e r a t i o n i n p l a n n i n g (besides the obvious promotion of gender equ i t y ) a f f e c t s the q u a l i t y o f i n f o r m a t i o n which i s used t o generate d e c i s i o n s and p l a n s . I g n o r i n g the f a c t t h a t 50% o f a g i v e n p o p u l a t i o n i s female i n r e s e a r c h i s s u e s i s tantamount t o e l e c t i n g t o walk i n snow wit h o n l y one shoe. You w i l l have no t r o u b l e walking, but t h e r e may be u n a n t i c i p a t e d e f f e c t s o f your c h o i c e t h a t become q u i t e handicapping. A b a s i c assumption of much s o c i a l r e s e a r c h i s t h a t male c h o i c e s o r be h a v i o r s are the norm. For example, the achievement theory developed by M c C l e l l a n d and h i s a s s o c i a t e s ( M c C l e l l a n d e t a l . , 1953) was developed from r e s e a r c h done wi t h p r i m a r i l y male s u b j e c t s , and the moral development theory o f Kohlberg (Kohlberg, 1969) used male 61 p r o f i l e s i n d e s c r i b i n g human moral development. E a r l y s t u d i e s o f dominance i n animals looked o n l y a t male r e l a t i o n s h i p s and e l a b o r a t e t h e o r i e s o f h i e r a r c h y were formulated i n primate r e s e a r c h which emphasized the r o l e of the male. I t was only r e c e n t l y t h a t the r o l e o f females i n k i n s h i p and dominance has been s t u d i e d ( F i s h e r , 1982:139). Development p l a n n i n g p r a c t i c e , whether i t addresses r e s o u r c e s , t r a n s p o r t a t i o n , m i g r a t i o n , economics or a g r i c u l t u r e , has o f t e n made s i m i l a r assumptions, p r i m a r i l y t h a t women w i l l i n e v i t a b l y f o l l o w t r a d i t i o n a l western p a t t e r n s o f behavior. In c r e a t i n g p o l i c i e s which p r o v i d e e d u c a t i o n and t r a i n i n g , bank l o a n s , and employment o p p o r t u n i t i e s t o males, women are m a r g i n a l i z e d ( W i l l i a m s , 1988; Wilson and Weir, 1986). T h i s male b i a s c o n c e n t r a t e s major spheres o f a c t i v i t y i n male hands and p a t t e r n s development al o n g the l i n e s o f modern i n d u s t r i a l i z e d n a t i o n s . As a r e s u l t , t h e r e are l a r g e percentages o f f a i l u r e i n a i d p r o j e c t s (Hughes, 1984; Siwatibau, 1984; C l a r k , 1986). The s t a b i l i t y o f T h i r d World governments i s o f t e n founded on m i l i t a r y a d m i n i s t r a t i v e c e n t r a l i t y t h a t r a r e l y i n c l u d e s women i n e i t h e r p r o f e s s i o n a l o r a d v i s o r y p o s i t i o n s . T h i s occurs i n North America as w e l l . B e l l a h e t . a l . (1985) c r i t i c i z e t h i s tendency because i t produces what he terms " P r o f e s s i o n a l s without content": 62 "Their outlook i s cosmopolitan, shaped by higher education and linked to others of s i m i l a r t r a i n i n g and s k i l l s or to those of s i m i l a r tastes i n networks of friends . . . they are cl o s e l y t i e d to the p r i o r i t i e s of the corporate and governmental worlds. Carefully worked out expert solutions applied i n an atmosphere of tolerance bred of easy mobility appear the natural way to make l i f e better for everyone" (Ibid:210). Neglect of gender and c u l t u r a l roles hinders the effectiveness, therefore, of the t r a n s l a t i o n of development planning theory to action even without a c r i t i q u e of theory. Deterioration of family l i f e i n western culture i s re f l e c t e d i n the rate i n which we divorce and remarry, increase i n teenage suicides and incidence of physical and sexual abuse. These are a l l considered to be d i r e c t results of the siz e and pace of modern change (Brown, 1988) . Yet development planning with a l l i t s economic planning processes, i t s iso l a t e d suburban cul-de-sacs, and accommodation to modern mobility, has no strategy f or a s s i s t i n g people with the disruptive and destructive e f f e c t s of fast-paced change. There has been no clea r recognition, either, of what catastrophes await i f the production of labor and reproduction of labor by women continues to be exploited. The double bind created by changes i n s o c i a l and economic demands on women by society, i . e . , that women f u l f i l l both household and labor roles, cannot be resolved unless women 63 p a r t i c i p a t e i n solutions. As argued by El s h t a i n (1981), lack of resolution w i l l create deterioration of the private sphere and prove disastrous f or the family and the household. Changes i n womens' roles have been d r a s t i c throughout the world. Data i s simply not used to support women as they i n d i v i d u a l l y attempt to cope with the changes. The largest sector of growth i n i n d u s t r i a l i z e d nations i s the service sector and the employees of that sector are primarily women (Smith, 1986; Armstrong and Armstrong, 1986). The proportion of unemployed has remained r e l a t i v e l y stable over the l a s t t h i r t y years. During the same period more and more women have been drawn into the labor force. The expansion of the economy has mainly been i n areas previously contributed to by women i n the non-cash, informal sector such as meal preparation, nursing, and c h i l d care. This, together with the condition of chronic lower wage rates f or women, suggests that the unprecedented economic growth i n the service sector i n the l a s t century has been based on the exp l o i t a t i o n of the production and reproduction of labor of women. I t would seem, then, that the enormous production of goods and services which characterizes modern s o c i e t i e s has been founded on the u t i l i t y of two "free" goods - the labor of women and the environment, both of which are ignored i n 64 the economy u n t i l they have a market use. 65 TOWARD RADICAL FEMINISM R e l a t i o n s o f h i e r a r c h i c a l dominance a r e so p e r v a s i v e t h a t t h e y c o n t i n u e t o t h e p r e s e n t day, f o r example, i n modern b u r e a u c r a c i e s , b u s i n e s s e s , e d u c a t i o n a l i n s t i t u t i o n s and even i n f a m i l i e s . I n f a c t , h i e r a r c h i c a l r e l a t i o n s o f dominance o r d e r most s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n s t o d a y e x c e p t t h o s e e x p l i c i t l y mandated as t h e domain o f d e m o c r a t i c government. And even i n t h a t domain, e q u i t y i s more m y t h i c a l t h a n r e a l . I n s i m p l e terms t h i s c r e a t e s a s o c i a l t e n s i o n f o r j u s t i c e : r e l a t i o n s h i p s t h a t a r e e q u a l cannot a l s o be h i e r a r c h i c a l . There i s , t h e n , i n s o c i e t i e s governed by d e m o c r a t i c i d e o l o g y , a c o n t i n u a l p r e s s u r e on t h o s e a t t h e bottom o f t h e h i e r a r c h y t o r i s e and t o g a i n e q u i t y . Feminism, e s p e c i a l l y r a d i c a l f e m i n i s m , a t t r i b u t e s t h e p e r s e v e r a n c e o f h i e r a r c h y i n t h e f a c e o f democracy t o t h e encompassing and p e r s i s t e n t d o m i n a t i o n o f one h a l f o f t h e w o r l d ' s p o p u l a t i o n by t h e o t h e r , h i s t o r i c a l l y and on a d a i l y b a s i s i n o t h e r words, t o p a t r i a r c h y . Because o f t h e t r i a d i c power s t r u c t u r e o f t h e s t a t e , market and male, r e f o r m a l o n e w i l l n o t a l t e r t h e s t a t u s o f women. The power w i e l d e d by t h e s t a t e , t h e economy and p a t r i a r c h y a c t i n g i n c o n c e r t i s so g r e a t t h a t n o t h i n g s h o r t o f a major s h i f t i n v a l u e s - p o l i t i c a l , economic and s o c i a l - w i l l change t h e dominant d i s c o u r s e a c c o r d i n g t o r a d i c a l 66 f e m i n i s t thought. Because reform has not c r e a t e d s t r u c t u r a l change, i t would appear the forum f o r change i s r a d i c a l t h e o r y . Only i n r a d i c a l t heory and p r a c t i c e can s o c i a l movement t o e q u i t y take p l a c e because work toward s t r u c t u r a l change i s paramount i n r a d i c a l i d e o l o g i e s . Even i n r a d i c a l forum, the t r a n s l a t i o n o f the o r y t o p r a c t i c e i s c r u c i a l : "no matter how d e s i r a b l e the post i n d u s t r i a l i d e a s may be, they remain p i o u s wishes i f not l i n k e d t o con c r e t e p l a n s o f a c t i o n and o r g a n i z a t i o n . . . I am h i g h l y sympathetic t o the Utopian t r a d i t i o n as a v i b r a n t source o f i n s p i r a t i o n , a r e j e c t i o n o f the p e d e s t r i a n and the r e s i g n e d acceptance o f i r r a t i o n a l i t y and impoverishment - i n the broadest sense - of everyday l i f e . . . I t i s t h e r e f o r e necessary t o remain within the r a d i c a l Utopian t r a d i t i o n , while a t the same time s u b j e c t i n g these same Utopian ideas t o rigorous scrutiny and evaluation" (Frankel,1987). A study of the i n a b i l i t y f o r e i t h e r l i b e r a l or s o c i a l i s t p o l i c y t o e l i m i n a t e the o p p r e s s i o n o f women was done by Leahy (1986). She made an e x t e n s i v e comparison of development s t r a t e g i e s f o r women i n f o u r c o u n t r i e s : Cuba, Mexico, the U.S. and the U.S.S.R.. Her c h o i c e s o f c o u n t r i e s r e f l e c t s f o u r dimensions: undeveloped (Cuba and Mexico), developed (U.S. and U.S.S.R.), and l i b e r a l - c a p i t a l i s t (Mexico and U.S.) and M a r x i s t - S o c i a l i s t (Cuba and U.S.S.R.). The c o n c l u s i o n s o f t h i s study showed t h a t i n a l l cases: * Development and e q u i t y do not a u t o m a t i c a l l y occur due t o l e g i s l a t i o n . 67 * Development f o r women i s dependent on t h e i r access t o resou r c e s and c o n t r o l o f them. * The dua l r o l e r e q u i r e d o f women (mother and wage earner) i s a problem which must be r e s o l v e d f o r e q u i t y t o occur. Leahy p o i n t s t o s e v e r a l c o n t r a d i c t i o n s r e l a t e d t o development p o l i c y . F i r s t , i f e f f e c i e n c y , p r o d u c t i v i t y and p r o f i t take p r i o r i t y over o t h e r b e n e f i t s which are s o c i a l r a t h e r than economic, pr o g r e s s f o r women i s l i m i t e d . Secondly, women are p e n a l i z e d f o r t a k i n g time o f f from work i n the market p l a c e t o g i v e b i r t h o r r a i s e c h i l d r e n , and they are not gi v e n adequate support from e i t h e r the s t a t e , t he market o r t h e i r p a r t n e r s which would enable them t o e i t h e r minimize or share these r o l e s . T h i s p r o h i b i t s women from assuming p u b l i c as w e l l as p r i v a t e r o l e s e q u a l l y w i t h men. Leahy, w h i l e o p e r a t i n g on the assumption t h a t p r o d u c t i v i t y , modernization and i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n e n l a r g e the 'economic p i e ' , and s t a t i n g these have been a s s o c i a t e d w i t h p r o g r e s s f o r women, n e v e r t h e l e s s submits a c o n t r a d i c t o r y p r o p o s a l f o r womens' development. She main t a i n s t h a t : Progress ( f o r women).. . w i l l be a f u n c t i o n o f the w i l l i n g n e s s of s o c i e t y t o t r a d e some measure of i t s economic e f f i c i e n c y f o r g r e a t e r s o c i a l e q u i t y . . . ( p . 124) What comes through c l e a r l y i n Leahy's work i s the 68 message t h a t too few males are w i l l i n g or a b l e t o take on c h i l d c a r e and housework a t a wage the market or government i s w i l l i n g t o pay, nor are men w i l l i n g t o share t h i s work out of an i d e o l o g i c a l i d e a l . Women of i n d u s t r i a l i z e d , non-i n d u s t r i a l i z e d , s o c i a l i s t or l i b e r a l c o u n t r i e s are m a r g i n a l i z e d because governmental p r i o r i t i e s of e q u i t y are not w e l l t r a n s l a t e d i n t o p o l i c y and, more i m p o r t a n t l y , i n c r e a s e d household work does not have n a t i o n a l male support. For example, Cuba designed a development p l a n t h a t s p e c i f i c a l l y t a r g e t e d women. Cuba was the f i r s t n a t i o n t o l e g i s t l a t e a Family Code s p e c i f y i n g t h a t the husband and w i f e were e q u a l l y r e s p o n s i b l e f o r c h i l d c a r e and housework. S h a r i n g domestic l a b o r r e s p o n s i b i l i t y has not proved t o work w e l l because, a c c o r d i n g t o some a n a l y s t s , t h e r e are not enough re s o u r c e s t o p r o v i d e the support t o e n f o r c e the law (Duley and Edwards, 1986). Leahy sees i t as an u n w i l l i n g n e s s o f on the p a r t of most men t o t r a n s l a t e a p u b l i c i d e o l o g y of e q u a l i t y t o the p r i v a t e sphere. T h i s f a i l u r e of t r a n s l a t i o n of t h e o r y t o p r a c t i c e i s the c o r n e r s t o n e on which r a d i c a l theory i s founded. R a d i c a l t h e o r y advocates a l t e r i n g the s t r u c t u r e i f the r e s u l t s of p r a c t i c e f a i l . The p r o p e n s i t y of men f o r p a t r i a r c h y has been 69 t h e o r e t i c a l l y d e t a i l e d i n f e m i n i s t t h e o r y d e s c r i b e d i n t h i s t h e s i s i n a manner congruent t o v a r i o u s streams of p o l i t i c a l i d e o l o g y . I f t h e r e i s t o be change i n the d i r e c t i o n of e q u i t y , i n l i n e with a l l f e m i n i s t g o a l s , p r a c t i c a l and r e a l s t r a t e g i e s i d e n t i f i e d i n r a d i c a l feminism may v e r y w e l l be r e q u i r e d . R a d i c a l f e m i n i s t s , and f e m i n i s t s of o t h e r p o l i t i c a l l e a n i n g s , d e s p i t e d i f f e r e n c e s i n a f f i n i t y of remedy and degree of d e v i a t i o n , from women have unique c o n t r i b u t i o n s t o human l i f e which have h i s t o r i c a l l y been de-valued and i g n o r e d (Grimshaw, 1984). These c o n t r i b u t i o n s , which are c h a r a c t e r i z e d as o u t s i d e the d i s c o u r s e of governments, markets or men, are not t r a d i t i o n a l l y v a l u e d c o n t r i b u t i o n s . A major p a r t of r a d i c a l s t r u g g l e i s f i n d i n g a way t o i n c l u d e the v a l u e of womens' experience i n the d e c i s i o n making which operates w i t h i n the d i s c o u r s e s of power. EXPERIENCE AS VALUE T i b o r S c i t o v i s k y (1978) i n a l i t t l e known book about human s a t i s f a c t i o n , d i d a unique a n a l y s i s of the market which he bases on the psychology and economics of m o t i v a t i o n . S c i t o v i s k y submits t h a t the b e h a v i o r of human beings i s h e a v i l y i n f l u e n c e d by two opposing f o r c e s , comfort and p l e a s u r e . The p s y c h o l o g i c a l m a t e r i a l he p r e s e n t s i s 70 we11-documented i n b e h a v i o r i s t l i t e r a t u r e . He goes on t o p r e s e n t a novel argument: P l e a s u r e and comfort have not o n l y t u r n e d out t o be v e r y d i f f e r e n t m o t i v a t i n g f o r c e s ; they a l s o seem t o stand t o each o t h e r i n a p e c u l i a r r e l a t i o n , r e m i n i s c e n t of a c c e l e r a t i o n and speed, which renders c o n f l i c t i n e v i t a b l e . To some extent p l e a s u r e and comfort are mutually e x c l u s i v e a l t e r n a t i v e s c o n f r o n t i n g the i n d i v i d u a l w i t h c o n f l i c t ... (Ibid:59 ) S c i t o v s k y c l a i m s t h a t the s t r e n g t h of our economy, measured by a c o l l e c t i o n of i n d i c e s t h a t are m a t e r i a l , e.g., per c a p i t a income, per c a p i t a comsumption of e l e c t r i c power, number of TV's or r e f r i g e r a t o r s per household, comes from a c h o i c e made fundamentally f o r comfort. I t i s worth n o t i n g t h a t knowing how many households have o r use an item does not g i v e i n f o r m a t i o n about who uses the item f o r what. Info r m a t i o n sought on the b a s i s of v a l u e s , r a t h e r than numbers c o u l d then e l i c i t d i f f e r e n t s o c i a l p o l i c i e s . Although comfort i s s u b j e c t i v e , standard of l i v i n g l e v e l s , by which we judge e q u i t y , are i n the form of m a t e r i a l goods t h a t p r o v i d e ease and comfort. T h i s c h o i c e , says S c i t o v s k y , c r e a t e s a c o n d i t i o n where we c r a v e a r o u s a l , o r p l e a s u r e , and we attempt t o meet t h a t d e s i r e p r i m a r i l y through the i n d i v i d u a l a c q u i s i t i o n o f novel items or e x p e r i e n c e s . Our c u r r e n t economy, w i t h mass p r o d u c t i o n , i n c r e a s i n g l y o f f e r s a monotony of products, s e r v i c e s and e x p e r i e n c e s . The emptiness, the l a c k o f s p i r i t u a l i t y t h a t 71 surrounds modern l i f e i s a t t r i b u t e d t o a c o n s t a n t s e a r c h f o r s t i m u l a t i o n as w e l l as development of s t r o n g f e e l i n g s of a l i e n a t i o n toward s o c i e t y . The v a l u e of S c i t o v s k y ' s work f o r r a d i c a l argument i s h i s p r e s c r i p t i o n f o r l i f e s t y l e change: We get and pay f o r more comfort than i s necessary f o r the good l i f e , and some of our comforts crowd out some of the enjoyments of l i f e ... we f i n d i t hard t o accept the i d e a t h a t one way o f making our l i f e s t y l e l e s s c o s t l y i s t o make i t l e s s a u s t e r e ... As long as we are l e a d e r s ... we can h a r d l y advocate f o r o t h e r s a l i f e s t y l e d i f f e r e n t from our own ... (1978:284). In o t h e r words, pe o p l e s ' l i v e s can be made more rewarding i f m a t e r i a l items are kept from i n t e r f e r i n g with p l e a s u r e s . What i s v a l u e d here i s the s u b j e c t i v e experience o f p l e a s u r e r a t h e r than the a c t o f p u r c h a s i n g as a replacement. S c i t o v s k y ' s argument f o r choosing p l e a s u r e as an a l t e r n a t i v e t o consumption has been echoed by r a d i c a l f e m i n i s t M a r i l y n French, who argues f o r a v a l u i n g of p l e a s u r e as a p o l i t i c a l a l t e r n a t i v e t o v a l u i n g power: To r e s t o r e p l e a s u r e t o c e n t r a l i t y r e q u i r e s r e s t o r i n g the body, and t h e r e f o r e nature t o v a l u e . Although i t should be c l e a r t h a t e x p e r i e n c e o f any s o r t i s r o o t e d i n the continuum of mind/body, the s p l i t made i n t h i s continuum i s so o l d and r e s p e c t a b l e as t o stand as t r u t h . P l e a s u r e i s d i s d a i n e d because i t appears r o o t e d i n the body alone and the body i s d i s d a i n e d (1985:444). C e r t a i n experience, then, has an i n t r i n s i c , p l e a s u r a b l e v a l u e i n French's s c e n e r i o t h a t i s o u t s i d e e x i s t i n g domains 72 of power. A c c o r d i n g t o French, p h i l o s o p h y from P l a t o t o Descartes has r e q u i r e d t h a t we tr a n s c e n d our experience because i t has no v a l u e o f i t s own, but i s v a l u a b l e o n l y i f i t p r o v i d e s a means t o some b e t t e r o r h i g h e r end. Most i m p o r t a n t l y French goes on t o say: The r e s t o r a t i o n o f body and nature t o v a l u e would p r e c l u d e treatment o f both bodies and nature t h a t pervades our world - the t o r t u r e and d e p r i v a t i o n o f one, the e r o s i o n and p o l l u t i o n o f the o t h e r ... Lack i n g transcendent g o a l s , we would have no reason t o s a c r i f i c e ... p l e a s u r e t o symbolic s u p e r i o r i t y (1985:5). Pl e a s u r e , here, i s viewed as the mechanism f o r s o c i a l change. But s o c i a l , p o l i t i c a l and economic r e s t r u c t u r i n g or t r a n s f o r m a t i o n cannot occur s u c c e s s f u l l y without a context, a v i s i o n o f what w i l l c o n s t i t u t e new s t r u c t u r e s . L i b e r a l reform has had l i m i t e d e f f e c t and the s o c i a l i s t l a c k o f p r e s c r i p t i o n has o f t e n been c r i t i c i z e d as an example of too much a b s t r a c t t h e o r i z i n g (Walby, 1986). C e r t a i n l y the S o v i e t move toward g l a s n o s t and the new governments of Poland and Hungary demonstrate t h a t when a t t e n t i o n i s p a i d t o m a t e r i a l n o t i o n s e x c l u s i v e l y , government has l i t t l e c r e d i b i l i t y . What S c i t o v s k y , French and oth e r r a d i c a l s , (e.g., Friedmann, 1987; Fox, 1983; F r a n k e l , 1987; Berman, 1981) have i n common i s a c l a i m t h a t the context of change must be e x p e r i e n t i a l , not a b s t r a c t , f o r new s t r u c t u r e s t o be s u c c e s s f u l . Feminism o f f e r s the experience o f women and the 73 s t r u c t u r e s which they have u t i l i z e d as a model f o r s o c i a l change. These are, s p e c i f i c a l l y , womens' mediation tech n i q u e s i n the household, t h e i r p r o p e n s i t y t o v a l u e r e l a t i o n s h i p s over p r i n c i p l e s , and t h e i r fundamental c o n s i d e r a t i o n f o r s o c i a l needs and conne c t i o n s which are i n t i m a t e y e t shared. An example of f e m i n i s t a t t e n t i o n t o i n t i m a t e human needs comes from a p e r t i n e n t comment o f f e r i n g an a l t e r n a t i v e e x p e r i e n t i a l , but c o n c r e t e example r e l a t e d t o the household: "A s o c i e t y t h a t o f f e r s few o t h e r sources of p s y c h i c s e c u r i t y and l i t t l e o t h e r means of m a t e r i a l support i s l i k e l y t o throw people t o g e t h e r i n t o l i t t l e d e f e n s i v e groups and t o leave those who do not form such grups i s o l a t e d and d e p r i v e d . A male dominated s o c i e t y i s l i k e l y t o produce a form of p r i v a t e l i f e i n which men are p r i v i l e g e d and powerful. What i s needed i s not t o b u i l d up an a l t e r n a t i v e t o the f a m i l y - new forms of household t h a t would f u l f i l a l l the needs t h a t f a m i l i e s are supposed t o f u l f i l today - but t o make the f a m i l y l e s s necessary, b u i l d i n g up a l l s o r t s o f ot h e r ways of meeting people's needs, ways l e s s v o l a t i l e and inadequate than those based on the assumption t h a t b l o o d i s t h i c k e r than water" ( B a r e t t and Mcintosh, from The A n t i - S o c i a l Family, quoted i n F r a n k e l , 1987, emphasis mine). P s y c h i c s e c u r i t y , p l e a s u r e and comfort have been some of the working t o o l s through which women have shaped t h e i r knowledge. T h i s e x p e r i e n t i a l knowledge has e i t h e r been m a r g i n a l i z e d by t h e o l o g i c a l d i s m i s s a l o f " p l e a s u r e s o f the f l e s h " , commodified i n forms such as maid s e r v i c e , therapy, and f a s t food o u t l e t s o r women's experi e n c e has been 74 c o n t r o l l e d by d i s c o u r s e which has d e f i n e d the circumstances under which i t can be rec o g n i z e d , t h a t i s , i n the household. EXPERIENCE AS KNOWLEDGE The body of thought t h a t promotes the id e a t h a t e x p e r i e n c e i s the b a s i s o f knowledge was p a r t o f the romantic p h i l o s o p h y o f Rousseau. The concept was embodied i n an i d e a l i s m which g l o r i f i e d n a t u r a l ( u n s u l l i e d by ' c i v i l i z a t i o n ' ) impulses and a c t i v i t e s , hence the 'nobel savage' image. Very simply, the i d e a was t h a t e x p e r i e n c e i s the human fou n d a t i o n f o r p e r c e i v i n g the world, sometimes termed e x p e r i e n t i a l knowledge. In p l a n n i n g , John Friedmann p o p u l a r i z e d e x p e r i e n t i a l knowledge terming i t s o c i a l l e a r n i n g , and submitted t h a t "knowledge i s d e r i v e d from experience and v a l i d a t e d i n p r a c t i c e " (1987:81). Not j u s t r a d i c a l p l a n n e r s advocate g i v i n g importance t o experience, or l e a r n i n g by doing. In a c r i t i q u e o f church a t t e n t i o n t o s p i r i t u a l human needs i n p a r i s h i o n e r s Mathew Fox, r a d i c a l C a t h o l i c t h e o l o g i a n , s t a t e s : 75 "... an exaggerated d o c t r i n e o f o r i g i n a l s i n , one t h a t i s employed as a s t a r t i n g p o i n t f o r s p i r i t u a l i t y , p l a y s k i n d l y i n t o the hands of em p i r e - b u i l d e r s , slavemasters, and p a t r i a r c h a l s o c i e t y i n g e n e r a l . I t d i v i d e s and thereby conquers, p i t t i n g one's thoughts a g a i n s t one's f e e l i n g s , one's body a g a i n s t one's s p i r i t , one's v o c a t i o n a g a i n s t one's p e r s o n a l needs, people a g a i n s t the e a r t h , animals and nature i n g e n e r a l . . . the a r t of s a v o r i n g i s p o l i t i c a l l y suspect; p l e a s u r e i s too o f t e n a rou t e t o s h a r i n g the p l e a s u r e - which i s j u s t i c e making . . . p l e a s u r e , not w i l l and c o e r c i o n , i s how you most deeply t r a n s f o r m people ... I b e l i e v e t h a t one p r i c e the West has p a i d f o r i g n o r i n g b l e s s i n g t h e o l o g y i s t h a t C h r i s t i a n i t y has ve r y few t a c t i c s f o r s o c i a l change" (1983:54). L i k e French and S c i t o v s k y , Fox sees p o t e n t i a l i n the j u s t i c e making and l i b e r a t o r y p o s s i b i l i t e s o f what he c a l l s " b l e s s i n g t h e o l o g y " or c e l e b r a t i o n o f p l e a s u r a b l e human exper i e n c e . S t r a t e g i e s f o r r a d i c a l change, f o r s o c i a l t r a n s f o r m a t i o n have a l s o been put forward by o t h e r s from e x p e r i e n t i a l r e f e r e n c e s Murray Bookchin (1987) i n s o c i a l ecology, H e i l b r o n e r , (1975) i n economics, Rozak (1983) i n bu s i n e s s and by ot h e r s i d e n t i f i e d p r i m a r i l y w i t h the environmental movement (Schumacher, 1974; Gorz, 1984; Bahro, 1986; D e v a l l and Se s s i o n s , 1985). The ' r a d i c a l ' t h e o r i s t s have o f f e r e d c o n s t r u c t i o n s o f a l t e r n a t i v e i n s t i t u t i o n s which are c o n s t i t u t e d d e m o c r a t i c a l l y , d e c e n t r a l i z e d , and human i s t i c . Where they have not been so s u c c e s s f u l i s o f f e r i n g methods of t r a n s i t i o n t o the s o c i a l change they 76 support. C a l l i n g these r a d i c a l t h e o r i s t s f o r s o c i a l change "post i n d u s t r i a l Utopians", B o r i s F r a n k e l o f f e r s a p e n t r a t i n g c r i t i q u e : " I f one d e s i r e s a s o c i e t y where energy i s conserved, where u n n e c e s s a r i l y l a r g e volumes of raw m a t e r i a l s , food and manufactured goods are no l o n g e r t r a n s p o r t e d a c r o s s l o n g d i s t a n c e s i n m i l l i o n s of e n v i r o n m e n t a l l y d e s t r u c t i v e l a n d , sea and a i r v e h i c l e s , where a m a j o r i t y of c i t i z e n s ( r a t h e r than p r i v a t e companies and government bur e a u c r a c i e s ) determine what, where, and how goods and s e r v i c e s are produced, then s o c i a l p l a n n i n g and open p u b l i c d i s c o u r s e becomes e s s e n t i a l . . . A l l those who b e l i e v e t h a t 'prosuming', simple b a r t e r o r o t h e r forms o f socio-economic i n t e r a c t i o n can r e p l a c e c a p i t a l i s t markets and s t a t e p l a n n i n g - and y e t guarantee e q u i t y and democracy - are p r o f o u n d l y wrong" (Frankel:253). F r a n k e l p o i n t s out t h a t d e s p i t e the d e s i r a b i l i t y of community l e v e l , f a c e - t o - f a c e a l t e r n a t i v e s most r a d i c a l t h e o r i s t s suggest, e q u i t y and democracy w i l l r e q u i r e s t a t e i n s t i t u t i o n s . "Healthy democratic, p o s t - i n d u s t r i a l p u b l i c spheres r e q u i r e a l l the c o r r e s p o n d i n g l e g a l , c u l t u r a l , e d u c a t i o n a l and a d m i n i s t r a t i v e s t r u c t u r e s which guarantee a d j u d i c a t i o n , mediation, r e p r e s e n t a t i o n and checks and b a l a n c e s " (Ibid:263) Because t h e r e i s no one umbrella which can cover a l l r a d i c a l theory, many times r a d i c a l p o s i t i o n s are c o n s i d e r e d " s p e c i a l i n t e r e s t " , a d e s i g n a t i o n which, w h i l e d e s c r i b i n g the l i m i t e d focus of a group, e f f e c t i v e l y p r o h i b i t s the assumption o f wider p u b l i c support and encourages a 77 d i v e r s i t y which makes i t d i f f i c u l t f o r groups t o c o a l e s c e as a f o r c e f o r s t r u c t u r a l s o c i a l change. At a household and broader p o l i t i c a l l e v e l , however, feminism, i n every form, p o t e n t i a l l y i n c l u d e s over one h a l f of the world. T h i s makes feminism, where the focus of s o c i a l change begins a t the p e r s o n a l , household l e v e l , an i d e a l v e h i c l e through which t o implement s t r u c t u r a l change. Personal experience a t the household l e v e l , a c c o r d i n g t o a l l f e m i n i s t s (not j u s t m a t e r i a l m a n i p u l a t i o n or a c t u a l l a b o r , as Marx would have i t ) fundamentally r e f l e c t s what i s t r u e , and a b s t r a c t i o n serves t o p r o t e c t and enhance dominant d i s c o u r s e s . VALUING FEMININE EXPERIENCE Feminism, t h e r e f o r e , o f f e r s womens' e x p e r i e n t i a l f o u n d a t i o n as model on which t o base a change of power r e l a t i o n s . A l l a s s o c i a t i o n s of female w i t h such separate and p a r t i c u l a r areas as body, emotion, and nature c r e a t e an e x p e r i e n t i a l base f o r women which has been c u l t u r a l l y devalued. The M a r x i s t q u e s t i o n , "why do women remain i n the e x p l o i t e d p o s i t i o n of t r a d i t i o n a l marriage?" has l e s s t o do, say r a d i c a l f e m i n i s t s , w i t h c o n d i t i o n s and pay and o p p r e s s i o n and much more t o do w i t h the i n t r i n s i c v a l u e of womens' s p e c i a l experiences i n t h e i r h i s t o r i c a l and 78 f u n c t i o n a l r e l a t i o n s w i t h men and c h i l d r e n (Chernin, 1987; French, 1985; Hewlett, 1986). Adrienne R i c h (1986) argues t h a t the human v a l u e s women themselves d e r i v e from the a c t and e x perience of n u r t u r i n g and n e g o t i a t i n g i n a f a m i l y s e t t i n g i s a u n i v e r s a l v a l u e which f o r i t s own sake should be c u l t i v a t e d . Equal c o n s i d e r a t i o n of women i n the work of the household and the community would i n c o r p o r a t e what has been termed a "female e t h i c " (Grimshaw, 1986:194) i n t o l a r g e r s o c i e t y i n a way t h a t tempers the a b s t r a c t i o n o f modern l i f e and promotes an e x p e r i e n t i a l f o c u s . Grimshaw quotes Agnes H e l l e r ' s arguement t h a t : The v e r y f a c t t h a t women have been so l a r g e l y excluded from broader s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y , and r e s t r i c t e d t o the world of the household or f a m i l y , has meant t h a t t h e r e are more s i m i l a r i t i e s , h i s t o r i c a l l y , between the l i v e s o f women than between l i v e s o f men. Women have tended t o l i v e . . . o n a s m a l l e r s c a l e , occupied not so much wi t h b o l d deeds or g r e a t causes. . .but w i t h the d a i l i n e s s o f a l i f e spent i n the d e t a i l e d t a s k s of managing a sma l l community and meeting d a i l y needs. So, suggests H e l l e r , "Within the framework of t h e i r s m a l l world, women had t o l e a r n how t o manage a community. I t was a p a i n s t a k i n g but p e a c e f u l o c c u p a t i o n which r e q u i r e d enormous t a c t , a g r e a t a b i l i t y t o smooth away c o n f l i c t s , as w e l l as d e v o t i o n and sympathy" ( H e l l e r , 1980:210)... i t i s arguable t h a t [women] more than men have tended t o have a profound s c e p t i c i s m and ambivalence about the s a c r i f i c e o f human l i v e s and l o v e s and the f a b r i c of human l i f e t o the causes i n the name of which men have fought and d e s p o i l e d and oppressed o t h e r s (Grimshaw, 1986:195). The female e t h i c then, measures the q u a l i t y o f l i f e by 79 everyday intimacy, i n r e l a t i o n s h i p s and occurrences, and not i n terms o f a b s t r a c t v i s o n s or v a l u e s t h a t d i m i n i s h human experience. These p o s i t i v e " i n t a n g i b l e s " which r a t i o n a l economists tend t o i g n o r e because they have not been a b l e t o adequately impute v a l u e t o them, are v a l o r i z e d i n f e m i n i s t , p a r t i c u l a r l y r a d i c a l f e m i n i s t , thought (Daly, 1978; Waring, 1988; Dworkin, 1974). V a l u i n g nature and the body, as w e l l as the mind, f o r t h e i r r o l e i n knowledge, comfort and e s p e c i a l l y i n p l e a s u r e i s p a r t of the s o c i a l , p o l i t i c a l and economic change the r a d i c a l feminism p r e s c r i b e s . For them, the p e r s o n a l i s t r u l y the p o l i t i c a l , and r a d i c a l feminism has the p o t e n t i a l f o r being the c a t a l y s t t o t r a n s f o r m a t i o n a l p l a n n i n g . 80 TRANSFORMATIONAL PLANNING T r a n s f o r m a t i o n a l p l a n n i n g means s t r u c t u r a l change. T h i s c h a p t e r d e s c r i b e s v a r i o u s s t r a t e g i e s f o r t h a t k i n d o f change and t a l k s about where t r a n s f o r m a t i o n a l change might begin and some of the d i f f i c u l t i e s encountered i n the pr o c e s s . Friedmann (1985) c o i n e d t r a n s f o r m a t i o n a l p l a n n i n g " t r a n s f o r m a t i v e theory" (Ibid:389), which he drew from a s o c i a l m o b i l i z a t i o n p l a n n i n g paradigm. In essence, the technique focuses on s t r u c t u r a l problems, p r o v i d e s c r i t i c a l i n t e r p r e t a t i o n , uses a h i s t o r i c a l p e r s p e c t i v e , f u n c t i o n s d e m o c r a t i c a l l y and makes c h o i c e s based on v a l u e s . A l t e r n a t i v e s t r a t e g i e s n e a r l y always c a l l f o r e x t e n s i v e p u b l i c p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n decision-making and promote democratic models l i k e co-ops, c r e d i t unions, j o b s h a r i n g and l o c a l exchange systems. The democratic v a l u e s a r t i c u l a t e d i n such a l t e r n a t i v e r a d i c a l t h e o r y and p r a c t i c e are o f t e n undermined, however, by c o n t e x t u a l assumptions on which they operate and the l i m i t e d concerns on which i n t e r e s t groups focu s . F r a n k e l ' s view t h a t d e c e n t a l i z a t i o n and " s m a l l i s b e a u t i f u l " may not i n s u r e e q u i t y and democracy i s a p o i n t e d c r i t i q u e o f l a c k o f r e l e v a n t development p l a n n i n g f o r s o c i a l s t r u c t u r a l change. The p l u r a l i s m c r e a t e d by the p a r t i c i p a t i o n of a l t e r n a t i v e groups and i n s t i t u t i o n s appears t o a c t i n the 81 i n t e r e s t s o f democracy i n our h i e r a r c h i c a l s o c i e t y because i n f o r m a t i o n i s thereby i n c r e a s e d and d e c i s i o n making can be more p a r t i c i p a t o r y . But i n g e n e r a l , the p a r t i c i p a t i o n i s r e a c t i v e r a t h e r than p r o a c t i v e . L i k e a game of smoke and m i r r o r s , democratic d e c i s i o n making i s more o f t e n d e l e g a t e d and, w h i l e t h i s p r o v i d e s o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r p a r t i c i p a t i o n , power i s not, i n f a c t , shared, but merely approved by many s t r u c t u r e s . In the i n s t i t u t i o n s and l a r g e s c a l e o r g a n i z a t i o n s t h a t c h a r a c t e r i z e modern s o c i e t y , e s p e c i a l l y governments, c u r r e n t development p l a n n i n g d e c i s i o n s , i n p r a c t i c e , are not made d e m o c r a t i c a l l y but by b u r e a u c r a t i c p r o f e s s i o n a l s i n f o r m i n g p o l i c y ( G o o d e l l , 1984; F o r e s t e r , 1989). T h i s i s a myoptic c o n t r a d i c t i o n i n modern s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s what i s deemed t o be democratic i s h i e r a r c h i c a l and r e l a t i o n s t h a t are h i e r a r c h i c a l a re not normally e q u a l . Futhermore The f r a c t u r e d nature o f s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l movements l i m i t s t h e i r e f f e c t i v n e s s as agents f o r change. T h i s i s the reason t h a t t r a n s f o r m a t i o n a l change, and p l a n n i n g f o r t h a t change must occur on a s i m p l e r l e v e l . THE HOUSEHOLD AS THE SITE OF TRANSFORMATIONAL CHANGE The household, an area t r a d i t i o n a l l y c o n s i d e r e d the p r i v a t e sphere, i s the p o r t i o n o f s o c i a l l i f e where women 82 are c o n s i d e r e d t o be p r o p e r l y and normally a c t i v e , and where the v o i c e o f women i s s o c i a l l y acknowledged. D e c i s i o n s about where t o l i v e , how t o l i v e , where t o produce and what t o produce begin i n t h i s arena. These are d e c i s i o n s which the p l a n n i n g p r o f e s s i o n , as w e l l as household members, address i n everyday l i f e . The intim a c y and mutual o b l i g a t i o n o f the household has been argued as the reason f o r both the perseverance o f household e x i s t e n c e and i t s enormous s t a b i l i t y o f f u n c t i o n i n the s e l f - p r o d u c t i o n o f d a i l y l i f e over thousands o f years and hundreds of v a r i a t i o n s (Friedmann, 1987; F o r e s t e r , 1989 ). A l l f e m i n i s t s contend t h a t , as the most fundamental human o r g a n i z a t i o n , the household i n some form must be supported and the r e - b u i l d i n g of community must begin a t the household l e v e l ( F r i e d a n , 1963; Chodorow, 1978; French, 1985; R i c h , 1986; Leahy, 1986). Some c r i t e r i a f o r s o c i a l change i n the household were presented by B r i a n Fay (1975) i n h i s arguments about p o l i t i c a l change from the p e r s p e c t i v e o f s o c i a l c o n s t r u c t i o n , and have been encapsulated i n E l s h t a i n ' s d i s c u s s i o n of r e c o n s t r u c t i o n o f the p u b l i c and p r i v a t e sphere from a r a d i c a l viewpoint. She paraphrases Fay: 83 ...Fay's bedrock, t h a t t h e r e are r e a l human needs, as w e l l as wants, purposes, i n t e n t i o n s , and d e s i r e s ; t h a t these needs have m o t i v a t i n g f o r c e ; t h a t they can be d i s t o r t e d and damaged; t h a t they are e s s e n t i a l even i f d i s t o r t e d ; f i n a l l y , t h a t they serve as the p r e s u p p o s i t i o n a l b a s i s f o r any form of s o c i a l e x i s t a n c e and, i t f o l l o w s , f o r t r a n s f o r m a t i v e p o s s i b i l i t e s as w e l l ( E l s h t a i n , 1981:314; emphasis mine). While the importance p l a c e d on p r i v a t e human needs i s , i n many ways, based on the work of p s y c h o l o g i s t Abraham Maslow (1971) and the communications d i s t o r t i o n a l r e a d y d i s c u s s e d by the planner, F o r e s t e r (1981), the e x t e n s i o n t h a t i n c o r p o r a t e s s o c i a l change w i t h human needs i s c r i t i c a l . In other words, the r e c o g n i t i o n , e x p r e s s i o n and meeting o f human p r i v a t e and s o c i a l needs are c o n s i d e r e d e s s e n t i a l t o any program of s o c i a l change o r development. And meeting i n d i v i d u a l needs has been and c o n t i n u e s , f o r the most p a r t , t o be the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of the household. The household, as a mechanism f o r s o c i a l i z i n g , c i v i l i z i n g and educating c i t i z e n s , has become overwhelmed by l a r g e r and more complicated i n s t i t u t i o n s upon which i t has come t o r e l y f o r a decent standard o f l i v i n g and f o r access t o t e c h n o l o g i c a l s o p h i s t i c a t i o n ' , t h e r e f o r e , w h i l e the household may be the i d e a l i n i t i a l p o i n t f o r a r t i c u a l t i o n o f t r a n s f o r m a t i o n a l p l a n n i n g , i t does not come without c o m p l i c a t i o n s . 84 THE HOUSEHOLD AS PROBLEMATIC The modern household i m i t a t e s the l a r g e r i n s t i t u t i o n a l s t r u c t u r e s which surround i t . In many ways, say f e m i n i s t s , t h i s i s how p a t r i a r c h y i s perpetuated and how h i e r a r c h y reproduces i t s e l f (French, 1985). I t i s important t o remember: The h i e r a r c h i c a l c h a i n of command i s a v i s i b l e r e p r e s e n t a t i o n of power of the s o r t we c a l l a u t h o r i t y ... people i n h i e r a r c h i e s are more l i k e l y t o a t t e n d t o those whose a b i l i t y as w e l l as p o s i t i o n they can r e s p e c t . I f , however, the person i n a u t h o r i t y seems l a c k i n g i n the p a r t i c u l a r s k i l l n ecessary f o r t h a t p o s i t i o n , he must n e v e r t h e l e s s be obeyed and attended t o , f o r h i s a u t h o r i t y r e s i d e s i n t h i s p o s i t i o n and not i n h i m s e l f . ... T h i s enshrinement of a u t h o r i t y and the system i t i s designed t o uphold l e a d t o g r o s s v i o l a t i o n s of common sense and e f f i c i e n c y as w e l l as of humane i n t e r a c t i o n . . . you must d e f e r t o (the boss) him as you do not wish t o r u i n your own p o s s i b i l i t i e s . Because of t h i s c o n t r a d i c t i o n . . . a l l h i e r a r c h i e s operate by c o e r c i o n (French, 1985). Mcintosh (1978) suggests t h a t "the s t a t e upholds the o p p r e s s i o n of women by s u p p o r t i n g a form of household i n which women p r o v i d e unpaid domestic s e r v i c e s f o r a male" (Walby, 1986:58). Support f o r t h i s c o n t e n t i o n can be seen i n the r e l u c t a n c e of s t a t e s t o p r o v i d e women w i t h equal r i g h t s under the law and t o e n f o r c e those r i g h t s w i t h adequate s t a t e support. The s t a t e ' s u n c e r t a i n m e d i a t i o n between p a t r i a r c h y and the market i s e x e m p l i f i e d by i t s p o l i c i e s toward the n u c l e a r f a m i l y , w e l f a r e p o l i c i e s which p e n a l i z e marriage t o a poor p a r t n e r , d i v o r c e laws and r e f u s a l t o g i v e 85 women c o n t r o l over r e p r o d u c t i o n , a l l o f which a s s i s t i n keeping women subordinate t o men. Modern government i s state-dominated i n s p i t e o f democratic foundations and the r e i s ample evidence t h a t the s t a t e a c t s i n market and/or p a t r i a r c h a l i n t e r e s t s . Perhaps, as B e l l a h e t . a l . (1985) f e a r e d i n t h e i r examination o f American s o c i e t y , t h i s economic t r a n s f o r m a t i o n o f the household reaches a z e n i t h when therapy becomes the purchase o f motherhood and moral impoverishment i s necessary t o p a r t i c i p a t e i n the marketing of the h e a r t . The commodification o f womens' t r a d i t i o n a l r o l e s has become n e a r l y complete i n p o s t - i n d u s t r i a l s o c i e t y . To c o n t i n u e on the path o f growth and development, the market r e q u i r e s the p a r t i c i p a t i o n o f women and the consumption o f the household. Not o n l y i s e f f i c i e n c y and p r o f i t produced by commodifying womens' s e r v i c e s but, as noted e a r l i e r , women i n the market p r o v i d e a r e s e r v e l a b o r p o o l by having an unpaid c a r e e r i n the household which has few redeeming f e a t u r e s i n a p o s t - i n d u s t r i a l s o c i e t y . As much as women i n the household, p a i d o r unpaid, b e n e f i t p a t r i a r c h y , women i n the workforce b e n e f i t t he market. The r e s o l u t i o n o f t h i s t e n s i o n i s simple women work two j o b s ; they have a dua l r o l e t o p l a y which has become i n c r e a s i n g l y n o n - v o l i t i o n a l . T h i s d u a l r o l e i s c u r r e n t l y v a l o r i z e d , much l i k e the c u l t o f d o m e s t i c i t y was e a r l i e r . 86 Magazines, TV, books and r a d i o are f i l l e d w i t h images of "super women" who do i t a l l . F e m i n i s t s o c i o l o g i s t Smith r e l a t e s from p e r s o n a l experience: I c o u l d see, of course, the m e r i t s o f b e i n g a b l e t o be t o t a l l y absorbed i n the r e l a t i o n s of r u l i n g . I c o u l d see t h a t f o r men, t h a t i s how these matters had been arranged, f o r of course my p r a c t i c a l problems, p a n i c s , and p l e a s u r e s of t h i s double l i f e came from o p e r a t i n g i n both worlds a c r o s s a gender d i v i d e t h a t was a t t h a t time v e r y marked. These were two modes of consciousness t h a t c o u l d not c o e x i s t w i t h one another. In p r a c t i c e of course, they " e x i s t e d " i n the same person, o f t e n i n the same p l a c e s , and c e r t a i n l y they o f t e n competed wi t h one another f o r time. But moving from one t o the other was a r e a l s h i f t , i n v o l v i n g a d i f f e r e n t o r g a n i z a t i o n of memory, a t t e n t i o n , r e l e v a n c e s and o b j e c t i v e s , and indeed d i f f e r e n t presences. The s t r a i n s and a n x i e t i e s i n v o l v e d i n p u t t i n g and h o l d i n g t o g e t h e r work s i t e s , schedules, and modes of consciousness t h a t were not c o o r d i n a t e d marked the s e p a r a t i o n s i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d i n a gender d i v i s i o n o f l a b o r . . . The i n t e l l e c t u a l world spread out b e f o r e me appeared, indeed I experienced i t , as g e n d e r l e s s . But i t s apparent l a c k of c e n t e r was indeed c e n t e r e d . I t was s t r u c t u r e d by i t s gender subtext. I n t e r e s t s , p e r s p e c t i v e s , r e l e v a n c e s leaked from communities of male experience i n t o the e x t e r n a l i z e d and o b j e c t i f i e d forms of d i s c o u r s e . W i t h i n the d i s c o u r s e s embedded i n the r e l a t i o n s of r u l i n g , women were the Other(Smith, 1987). The message of t h i s passage i s c r u c i a l t o understanding of the v o i c e of women which comes from a r e a l world of f a c t s , f e e l i n g s and changes i n experience i n a household s e t t i n g t h a t have not been r e c o g n i z e d as l e g i t i m a t e by e i t h e r the s t a t e , the market or p a t r i a r c h y , i n so f a r as acknowledging t h a t p a r t of womens7 v o i c e t h a t cannot be 87 marketed, purchased o r induced t o support the dominant d i s c o u r s e s . The womens' movement, most a c t i v e d u r i n g p e r i o d s of c r i t i c a l changes i n r o l e s and e x p e c t a t i o n s o f women (e.g., the i n t r o d u c t i o n o f women i n the p a i d workforce d u r i n g the I n d u s t r i a l R e v o l u t i o n and the c u l t o f d o m e s t i c i t y o f the 1950's) has a r t i c u l a t e d a c r i t i q u e o f the l a r g e r f o r c e s of p a t r i a r c h y , government and the economy. As i n ot h e r cases, the response has been a m o d i f i c a t i o n o f the power balance between t h r e e a l r e a d y powerful f o r c e s not g r e a t e r e q u i t y f o r women. P r i m a r i l y women were g i v e n g r e a t e r p r o t e c t i o n (note the p a t r i a r c h a l form the response took) from e x p l o i t a t i o n o f the market, f o r example, by l i m i t i n g the hours they worked and the type o f employment " s u i t a b l e " f o r them, and p r o t e c t i o n from p a t r i a r c h a l e x p l o i t a t i o n i n the form o f w e l f a r e payments and p r o p e r t y r i g h t s , e t c . I n h e r e n t l y t h i s means the response o f the s t a t e has been t o support the p a t r i a r c h a l household o n l y " i n the i n s t a n c e s when i t would otherwise f a i l " (Walby,1986:58). T r a n s f o r m a t i o n a l p l a n n i n g cannot occur u n t i l the household i s supported by a l l c i v i l and market i n s t i t u i o n s and u n t i l e q u i t y f o r women, of o p p o r t u n i t y and c o n d i t i o n i s achieved and a m a t e r i a l l y based world e t h i c becomes an e t h i c based on non-material v a l u e s . 88 CONCLUSION Pla n n i n g i s grounded i n i s s u e s o f s o c i a l reform and as F o r e s t e r d e f i n e s i t , "Planning i s the guidance of f u t u r e a c t i o n " (1989:3). T h i s i s a s o c i e t a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y , the importance o f which cannot be di s c o u n t e d , f o r the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y o f the management of " p u b l i c i n t e r e s t " h e l d by p l a n n e r s and a d m i n i s t r a t o r s a l l o w s a l e g i t i m a t i o n , a c o n t i n u i t y and an i n f o r m a t i o n s h a r i n g c a p a c i t y a v a i l a b l e t o few o u t s i d e these p r o f e s s i o n s . M o d e r n i z a t i o n as a development p l a n n i n g p r a c t i c e and the o r y i s a c t i v e l y used on a g l o b a l l e v e l by o r g a n i z a t i o n s such as the U n i t e d Nations and a t a l o c a l l e v e l by agencies l i k e m u n i c i p a l governments. C o l o n i a l dependancies a re t o be e l i m i n a t e d , but female o p p r e s s i o n i s not seen as an ex t e n s i o n of the same dominance. I t i s i n t e r e s t i n g t o note (and not unexpected) t h a t the p a r t i c i p a t i o n r a t e o f women i n the agencies p r o v i d i n g guidance f o r development i s low (Leahy, 1986) and, as i n othe r i n s t i t u t i o n a l p r o f e s s i o n a l s o f i n f l u e n c e , women are under-represented and m a r g i n a l i z e d . C e r t a i n r a d i c a l and f e m i n i s t t h e o r i s t s p r e s c r i b e more involvement o f women i n p u b l i c l i f e i n or d e r t o promote a g r e a t e r l i n k between s c i e n t i f i c and t e c h n o l o g i c a l knowledge, and the emotional w e l l - b e i n g o f people and humane a c t i o n i n a manner t h a t would t r a n s f o r m s o c i e t y (Friedmann, 1987; 89 Rostow, 1972; French, 1985; Grimshaw, 1986). W i t h i n the g u i d l i n e s t h a t f o l l o w , i t i s v i t a l t o understand t h a t the t r a n s f o r m a t i v e g o a l s a re y e t t o be reached, and t h a t e q u i t y f o r women and a t t e n t i o n t o the importance of the household has no precedence upon which t o  p r e d i c t success. But, then, n e i t h e r d i d the authors o f the U.S. c o n s t i t u t i o n have p r e s c i e n c e about the l o n g e v i t y o f t h e i r c r e a t i o n . W i t h i n the context o f development, whether i t i s p l a n n i n g f o r change, d i r e c t i n g change or managing change, f e m i n i s t c r i t i q u e p r o v i d e s both t h e o r e t i c a l and f u n c t i o n a l a n a l y s e s o f c u r r e n t p o l i t i c a l s t r u c t u r e s and r e l a t i o n s o f power. And development p l a n n i n g occurs s p e c i f i c a l l y w i t h i n p o l i t i c a l and power arenas. To i n c o r p o r a t e i s s u e s o f e q u i t y made o v e r t i n f e m i n i s t theory, development p l a n n i n g must address e x i s t i n g mechanisms which e f f e c t everyday l i f e . R a d i c a l feminism g e n e r a l l y c a l l s f o r : 1 - P a r a l l e l r e - c o n s t r u c t i o n o f the community and the household. 2 - Increased gender e q u i t y i n p o l i t i c a l , s o c i a l and economic p o l i c i e s . 3 - Change i n the order and nature o f power r e l a t i o n s among human beings and between them and t h e i r environment. 4 - Enhanced q u a l i t y of l i f e f o r a l l community members As noted e a r l i e r , i t i s common i n much of f e m i n i s t 90 t h e o r y t o re g a r d the p h i l o s o p h i c a l f o u n d a t i o n o f c u r r e n t p o l i t i c a l s t r u c t u r e s as p r i m a r i l y p a t r i a r c h a l and h i e r a r c h i c a l i n nature. P o l i t i c s d i d not come b e f o r e p a t r i a r c h y , as t h i s statement a t t r i b u t e d t o a w e l l known a c t r e s s underscores: "I've been married t o a f a s c i s t and married t o a M a r x i s t , and n e i t h e r one of them took out the garbage" ( T a v r i s , 1984:366). Development p l a n n i n g t h e o r y and p r a c t i c e must l e a r n t o "take the garbage out" by acknowledging the i n t r u s i v e n e s s o f p a t r i a r c h y , the market and the s t a t e i n p l a n n i n g e f f o r t s t o c r e a t e change toward e q u i t y . By i n c o r p o r a t i n g the f o l l o w i n g o b j e c t i v e s , shared by r a d i c a l p l a n n e r s and f e m i n i s t s , development p l a n n i n g c o u l d be the agent f o r e q u i t y i t has the promise t o be. Parallel Reconstruction R e c o n s t r u c t i o n o f the community and household must occur s i m u l t a n e o u s l y . For development p l a n n i n g t h i s means not o n l y u s i n g 'top down' avenues f o r d i s s e m i n a t i n g i n f o r m a t i o n but 'bottom up' avenues f o r the same purpose. More i m p o r t a n t l y , i t r e q u i r e s u s i n g o t h e r a d m i n i s t r a t i v e c o n n e c t i o n s t h a t are n o n - h i e r a r c h i c a l and more web-like. S u p p l a n t i n g rank w i t h networks i s viewed as p r e f e r a b l e i n f e m i n i s t c r i t i q u e as i t reduces the p o s s i b i l i t y of 91 e x p l o i t a t i o n o f the many by a few. The p a r a l l e l r e c o n s t r u c t i o n c a l l e d f o r here i s one i n which the d u a l r o l e of women as wage-earner and household worker i s m i t i g a t e d by g r e a t e r i n c l u s i o n o f men i n t o i n f o r m a l economies and household r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s a t a l l i n s t i t u t i o n a l , community and household l e v e l s . T h i s , i n e f f e c t , smudges the l i n e between p u b l i c and p r i v a t e spheres. No lon g e r , i n a Lockean sense, would t h e r e be an i n s i s t e n c e t h a t : "... i t i s onl y i n a p r i v a t e sphere o f h i g h l y charged i n t i m a t e r e l a t i o n s h i p s p e r s i s t i n g over time t h a t the p o s s i b i l i t i e s f o r understanding are the g r e a t e s t . . . the a b s t r a c t r e l a t i o n s o f the market and l i b e r a l c i t i z e n s h i p do not and cannot a l l o w f o r the p o s s i b i l i t i e s o f mutual r e c o g n i t i o n and i n t e r - s u b j e c t i v e understanding c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of long-term i n t i m a t e human t i e s i n the p r i v a t e sphere" (Elshtain,1981:119). In o t h e r words, i t i s not j u s t w i t h i n the household o r the f a m i l y t h a t people can come t o understand and empathize w i t h one another i f s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e s a l l o w f o r and val u e p u b l i c communications f o r t h e i r own sake. I t i s a r e c o n s t r u c t i o n , as suggested by Friedmann (1987:336), t h a t acknowledges the interdependency o f human beings and t h e i r p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n a p o l i t i c a l community. He s t a t e s : 92 "We do not y e t have a name f o r the s o c i a l p r o j e c t t h a t i s b e g i n n i n g t o take shape. But we do know i t s g e n e r a l aim, which i s t o take p o s s e s s i o n o f the t e r r a i n of p o l i t i c a l community, and t o t r a n s f o r m both s t a t e and c o r p o r a t e economy i n ways t h a t w i l l p l a c e them a t the s e r v i c e of human needs a t a l l the r e l e v a n t l e v e l s of p u b l i c l i f e " (1985:341). What Friedmann does not say t h a t i s v i t a l t o t h i s type o f r e c o n s t r u c t i o n i s t h a t the " s e r v i c e of human needs" has been p r e v i o u s l y met by women i n the p r i v a t e sphere and i s p r i m a r i l y met, as measured by numbers, by women i n the p u b l i c sphere (Waring, 1988). By p l a c i n g women and m i n o r i t i e s i n the low-paying s e r v i c e s e c t o r ghetto, a p o s t -i n d u s t r i a l s o c i e t y devalues s e r v i c e and c a r i n g a b i l i t i e s of i t s own members. Increased Gender E q u i t y New " p a t t e r n s of s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s " (Friedmann:341) cannot be developed as long as the economic c o n t r i b u t i o n of men t o the household and community i s q u a n t i t a t i v e l y and q u a l i t a t i v e l y r e c o g n i z e d as s u p e r i o r t o t h a t of women. A l t e r n a t i v e l y , as some have argued (Hewlett, 1988; Armstrong, 1984) equal i n c l u s i o n o f women i n t o male r e l a t i o n s of power onl y r e c r e a t e s e x i s t i n g p o l i t i c a l and economic h i e r a r c h i c a l r e l a t i o n s . Yet, the c r e a t i o n of an androgynous s o c i e t y e l i m i n a t e s the v a l u a t i o n of t r a d i t i o n a l s e r v i c e and c a r i n g a c t i v i t i e s of women (but which c o u l d be 93 shared w i t h men) t h a t are necessary f o r the r e p r o d u c t i o n of s o c i e t y . One s o l u t i o n here may be e s t a b l i s h m e n t o f home/work i n t e g r a t i o n i n o r d e r t o a l l o w f o r m u l t i p l e s o c i a l r o l e s by each sex w i t h i n not o n l y the household, but w i t h i n the community. These changes t o produce e q u i t y mean t h a t e s s e n t i a l l y p o l i t i c a l l i f e i s a l s o p r i v a t e l i f e . The enormous complexity and fragmentation, as w e l l as sheer numbers of people, i n s o c i e t a l o r g a n i z a t i o n make i t p r a c t i c a l l y i m p o s s i b l e t o i n i t i a t e r a d i c a l v a l u e changes and gender e q u i t y except a t the household l e v e l . But changes i n the household r e f l e c t a p u b l i c t r a n s f o r m a t i o n : "The f i r s t and s m a l l e s t p o l i t i c a l community i n h i s t o r y [ t h a t ] . . . i s c h a r a c t e r i z e d by s t r o n g bonds of a f f e c t i o n and c o n t i n u i n g mutual o b l i g a t i o n s of members toward each ot h e r - bonds and o b l i g a t i o n s t h a t both i n f u s e and t r a n s c e n d the households p o l i t i c a l dimensions" (Friedmann, 1987:344). Human e x p r e s s i o n i n the p u b l i c sphere i s l i n k e d t o the a c t i o n s and a t t i t u d e s of the household. What must happen, say r a d i c a l f e m i n i s t s , i s t h a t p e r s o n a l bonding and o b l i g a t i o n s which b e f o r e had been r e l e g a t e d t o emotional s i t u a t i o n s of unimportance, now be l e g i t i m a t e d by modern s o c i e t y as a f f e c t i n g r e l a t i o n s of power. What Friedmann misses i s something t h a t o t h e r s have a l s o been b l i n d t o through h i s t o r y ; t h a t i s the d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n of p o l i t i c a l power begins not w i t h c a s t e , 94 c l a s s o r race, but i n i n t i m a t e r e l a t i o n s o f gender which occur mainly o u t s i d e the hegemony of economics and p o l i t i c s . These r e l a t i o n s (which are f o r the most p a r t p a t r i a r c h i c a l i n nature) d i r e c t l y a f f e c t the household, thus the importance o f e q u i t y i n the human community. Change In Power R e l a t i o n s I t i s necessary t h a t the a b i l i t y o f household members t o p a r t i c i p a t e e q u a l l y i n t h e i r community as w e l l as t h e i r household be l i t e r a l and not j u s t f i g u r a t i v e . In r e a l terms t h i s means market and government should v a l u e housework, n u r t u r i n g , p r o t e c t i o n of the environment and other a c t i v i t i e s o f the household p r e v i o u s l y unrecognized and i n s t i t u t i o n a l l y unsupported (such as c a r e of the aged and s i c k , c o m f o r t i n g the g r i e v e d , p l a y i n g w i t h c h i l d r e n ) . I t does not mean r e t u r n t o a f a m i l y wage, abandonment of c h i l d r e a r i n g t o the s t a t e o r imputing a d o l l a r v a l u e t o these a c t i v i t i e s . What i t does mean i s the adoption o f measures t h a t would empower households t o meet t h e i r needs and t o v a l u e t h e i r a b i l i t y t o do so i n the T h i r d World as w e l l as i n d u s t r i a l n a t i o n s . A change i n power r e l a t i o n s means g i v i n g importance t o the household and h e a r i n g and r e c o g n i z i n g the v o i c e o f i t s members b e f o r e compressing household concerns i n t o those o f the community. 95 The enormous v a r i a t i o n of c u l t u r e s would i n d i c a t e t h a t i t i s important t o a l l o w f o r c o n t e x t u a l d e f i n i t i o n s of empowerment but i n g e n e r a l these d e f i n i t i o n s would i n c l u d e measures t h a t : * P r o v i d e equal e d u c a t i o n o p p o r t u n i t i e s ; * Have primary concern w i t h q u a l i t y c h i l d c a r e ; * Focus on a form of a l t e r n a t i v e development t h a t p l a c e s p r i o r i t y on q u a l i t y over q u a n t i t y ; * Create mechanisms which a l l o w the household and the community, i n c l u d i n g l o c a l government and market, t o a c t i v e l y communicate; * Develop a means f o r a c c o u n t i n g f o r r e s o u r c e use and human p r o d u c t i o n and r e p r o d u c t i o n t h a t separates d e s t r u c t i v e or harmful a c t i v i t i e s from those which l e n d themselves t o the w e l l - b e i n g of the community. These steps would go a l o n g way toward g i v i n g the household and the community a v o i c e i n the d i s c o u r s e of power, and i n t u r n would enable p a r t i c i p a t i o n by women as members of those households and communities. Enhanced Q u a l i t y of L i f e P l a n n i n g t h a t p l a c e s more v a l u e on non-monetary development a p p r e c i a t i o n of c u l t u r a l endowments, a c l e a n e r , s a f e r environment, p l e a s u r e , and r e s p e c t and care f o r the s i c k and aged, among many oth e r t h i n g s w i l l be p l a n n i n g t h a t enhances the q u a l i t y of l i f e f o r people and f o r the p l a n e t on which we l i v e . 96 The implementation o f v a r i o u s development t h e o r i e s , (e.g., modernization o r dependency theory) have not worked f o r women, f o r more shared r e s o u r c e s between have and have-not n a t i o n s o r f o r the environment (WCED, 1987; Leahy, 1986; Duly and Edwards, 1986) . What feminism o f f e r s i s a l e s s commodified world- view. S o c i a l t r a n s f o r m a t i o n under f e m i n i s t c r i t e r i a o ccurs i n sm a l l manageable steps which minimize the trauma change c r e a t e s f o r people. The nature o f enhanced q u a l i t y o f l i f e , as submitted by French and S c i t o v s k y , i s a venture from comfort t o p l e a s u r e , from q u a n t i t y t o q u a l i t y . Friedmann argues t h a t s t r u c t u r a l change means the household must s e l e c t i v e l y d e - l i n k i t s e l f from i n s t i t u t i o n s t h a t do not support the same v a l u e s o f q u a l i t y . P r i n c i p a l l y , d e - l i n k i n g means a r e j e c t i o n o f the p h i l o s o p h y o f i n d i v i d u a l i s m and the go a l o f m a t e r i a l c o l l e c t i o n as wealth. I t would i n c l u d e geographic community r e s p o n s i b i l i t y by and f o r household members toward each o t h e r and t h e i r environment. In the words of Adrienne R i c h , t h i s s o c i a l t r a n s f o r m a t i o n : 97 "...can o n l y happen hand i n hand with, n e i t h e r b e f o r e or a f t e r , other c l a i m s which women and c e r t a i n men have been denied f o r c e n t u r i e s : the c l a i m t o personhood; the c l a i m t o share j u s t l y i n the products o f our l a b o r , not t o be used merely as an instrument, a r o l e , a womb, a p a i r o f hands o r a back or a s e t of f i n g e r s ; t o p a r t i c i p a t e f u l l y i n the d e c i s i o n s o f our workplace, our community; t o speak f o r o u r s e l v e s , i n our own r i g h t " ( 1 9 8 6 : x v i i ) . 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