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Lexical phonology of Chilcotin Andrews, Christina 1988

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LEXICAL PHONOLOGY OF CHILCOTIN by C h r i s t i n a Andrews B.A. The U n i v e r s i t y  of Minnesota, 1980  A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS  in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (Department of L i n g u i s t i c s )  We accept t h i s t h e s i s as conforming to the r e q u i r e d  standard  THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA June 1988 C h r i s t i n a Andrews, 1988  In  presenting  degree freely  this  in partial  fulfilment  at the University of British  Columbia,  available  copying  of this  department publication  or  thesis  for reference and study. thesis by  of this  for scholarly  his thesis  or  her  Department of  Linguistics  The University of British Columbia Vancouver, Canada  DE-6 (2/88)  I further  purposes gain  the  I agree  requirements  It  is  for an  that the Library shall  agree that  may be  representatives.  for financial  permission.  of  permission  granted  make it  for extensive  by the head  understood  advanced  that  shall not be allowed without  of my  copying  or  my written  11  ABSTRACT  T h i s t h e s i s a n a l y s e s the n a t i v e Indian language through the use of the l e x i c a l phonology model. collected  Chilcotin Data were  from f i v e speakers v a r y i n g i n age, d i a l e c t and sex.  Chapter 1 d i s c u s s e s the segemental, t o n a l and s y l l a b i c in C h i l c o t i n .  Chapter 2 i s a d i s c u s s i o n of the vowel  process, f l a t t e n i n g . rule the  Chapter  systems harmony  3 i s an a n a l y s i s of m o r p h o l o g i c a l  f o r m a t i o n and Chapters 4 through 7 present a d i s c u s s i o n of l e x i c a l and p o s t - l e x i c a l  levels.  C h i l c o t i n was found to be  composed of three l e x i c a l l e v e l s and one p o s t - l e x i c a l  level.  1 i i  TABLE OF CONTENTS  CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION  1.0 I n t r o d u c t i o n  1  1.1 Speakers Consulted 1.2 The C h i l c o t i n Segmental System  ...2 ,  5  1.2.1 Consonants...  5  1.2.2 Vowels  9  1.2.3 The S y l l a b l e  10  1.2.4 Tone  10  1.3 V e r b a l Morphology  11  Footnotes f o r Chapter 1  14  CHAPTER 2: FLATTENING  2.0 I n t r o d u c t i o n  15  2.1 F l a t t e n i n g  15  2.2 V e l a r  18  Harmony  2.3 A l v e o l a r  Harmony  23  2.3.1 Rightward A l v e o l a r Harmony..  23  2.3.2 Leftward A l v e o l a r Harmony.  26  2.3.3 Summary  27  2.4 T h e o r e t i c a l Aspects of Harmony  28  i v  2.4.1  Rightward  A l v e o l a r Harmony  2.4.2  Leftward A l v e o l a r Harmony  31  2.4.3  Velar  32  Harmony  29  2.5  Summary  33  2.6  Comparison to Cook (1987)  35  Footnotes f o r Chapter  2  38  CHAPTER 3: LEXICAL PHONOLOGY  3.0  Introduction  3.1  The L e x i c a l Phonology  3.2  Evidence f o r LP i n Athapaskan  43  3.3  M o r p h o l o g i c a l Rule Formation....  46  3.4  Summary  58  Footnotes f o r Chapter  40  3  Model  .40  59  CHAPTER 4: LEVEL 1  4.1  Morphology  60  4.1.1  Stems  60  4.1.2  Classifiers  61  4.1.3  Person Markers  62  4.1.4  Conjunct..  65  4.1.5  Mode  66  4.1.6  Derivative..  72  V  4.1.7 Summary  75  4.2 L e v e l 1 Phonology  76  4.2.1  Rules That Create a L e v e l 1 D i s t i n c t i o n  76  Vowel D e l e t i o n I  76  i-Lower ing  .. . . .  4.2.2 Rules That Apply a t L e v e l s 1 and 2 F r i c a t i v e Voicing 4.2.3 Rules That Only Apply a t L e v e l 1 D-ef f e e t  87 88 90 91  Continuant Coalescence Continuant D e l e t i o n 4.2.4 Vowel Rounding 4.3 Summary Footnotes f o r Chapter  82  ..94 95 100 101  4  102  CHAPTER 5: LEVEL 2  5.1 Morphology....... 5.1.1  Derivative Affixes  5.1.2 O b v i a t i v e 5.1.3  Subject A f f i x e s  5.1.4 Object A f f i x e s . . 5.2 L e v e l 2 Phonology 5.2.1  Vowel D e l e t i o n II  5.2.2 Onset Formation  108 108 115 ...116 118 119 119 121  v i  5.2.3 F r i c a t i v e V o i c i n g  123  5.2.4 D i p h t h o n g i z a t i o n  124  5.2.5 e - R a i s i n g  127  5.3 C o n c l u s i o n . . . Footnote f o r Chapter 5  —  130 131  CHAPTER 6: LEVEL 3  6.1 Morphology  132  6.1.1 Durative  132  6.1.2 Stems  133  6.1.3 Adverbs. . . 6.1.4 P o s t p o s i t i o n s 6.2 L e v e l 3 Phonology  133 134 136  6.2.1 Vowel D e l e t i o n II  136  6.2.2 Onset Formation  137  6.3 Summary  137  CHAPTER 7:P0ST-LEXICAL PHONOLOGY  7.0 I n t r o d u c t i o n  139  7.1 N a s a l i z a t i o n  139  7.2 /gh/ C o n t r a c t i o n  141  7.3 V e l a r D e l e t i o n  142  y i i  7.4 Onset D e f a u l t  1  4  3  7.5 Summary  1  4  4  7.6 Summary of T h e s i s  1  4  4  LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS  1  4  7  REFERENCES  148  v i 1 i  LIST OF TABLES  Table I : Table I I :  Speaker Information C h i l c o t i n Consonants  P- 4 P« 6  ACKNOWLEDGEMENT  I would Ingram,  l i k e to thank my commitee members: Dr. David  Dr. M. Dale Klnkade, and Dr. P a t r i c i a Shaw.  a l s o l i k e t o thank the many students and v i s i t i n g l e n t a h e l p i n g hand throughout the w r i t i n g of t h i s  I would  f a c u l t y that thesis:  Bruce Bagemihl, Henry Davis, Heather Goad, Kathy Hunt, Helen List,  Diane Massam, Yves Roberge, Diane Rodgers, and L i n d a  Walsh  ( f o r h e l p s p e c i f i c a l l y on the morphology s e c t i o n ) .  but c e r t a i n l y not l e a s t I would l i k e t o thank my f a m i l y f o r making  this a l l possible.  Last  1  CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION  1.0  Introduction T h i s t h e s i s presents a l e x i c a l phonology a n a l y s i s of  C h i l c o t i n , a language spoken i n the southwestern B r i t i s h Columbia, Canada.  I t proposes  area of  t h a t the t h e o r y of  l e x i c a l phonology ( K i p a r s k y 1982, 1983), h e r e a f t e r LP, provides an i n s i g h t f u l d e s c r i p t i o n of s e l e c t e d complex p h o n o l o g i c a l and m o r p h o l o g i c a l processes  found  in Chilcotin.  The present  chapter begins the p r e s e n t a t i o n with an i n t r o d u c t i o n t o Chilcotin.  I t p r o v i d e s an overview  of the n a t i v e  speakers  c o n s u l t e d , and the C h i l c o t i n segmental system, tones,  syllable  s t r u c t u r e , and v e r b a l morphology. Chapter  2 d i s c u s s e s the phenomenon of f l a t t e n i n g , a vowel  harmony process account  ( c . f . Cook 1983), and provides a t h e o r e t i c a l  f o r i t w i t h i n LP.  Although  t h i s chapter d e a l s with a  subset of the o v e r a l l phonology, I have ordered broader  i t before the  p h o n o l o g i c a l d i s c u s s i o n s i n c e an understanding of  flattening  i s necessary f o r the l a t t e r .  Chapter  3 begins the a n a l y s i s by g i v i n g an overview  of LP.  T h i s i s f o l l o w e d by the main body of the t h e s i s i n Chapters 4 through  7.  These o u t l i n e how the r u l e s of C h i l c o t i n phonology  operate a t each of three l e v e l s , and p o s t l e x i c a l l y .  2  1.1  Speakers Consulted Chilcotin  of  i s an Athapaskan  language^ which i s i s a member  the l a r g e r Na-Dene language f a m i l y .  southernmost Athapaskan  As B r i t i s h  language, C h i l c o t i n  Columbia's  i s surrounded  p r i m a r i l y by S a l i s h a n languages and i s bordered by L i l l o o e t and Shuswap.  I t s o n l y n e i g h b o r i n g Athapaskan  The data were c o l l e c t e d  i n Vancouver d u r i n g 1984 and 1985  from f i v e n a t i v e speakers who p a r t i c i p a t e d in a f i e l d  language i s C a r r i e r .  methods c l a s s on C h i l c o t i n .  speakers i s a s s i g n e d a l e t t e r A-E.)  i n v a r y i n g degrees  (Here each of the f i v e  A d d i t i o n a l data were  s u b s e q u e n t l y obtained from two of the speakers (A and B ) . The speakers ranged i n age from a young man i n h i s teens (C) t o a g r a n d f a t h e r i n h i s 50's (D). Speakers C, D and E had only r e c e n t l y l e f t  the r e s e r v e , while speakers A and B had  l i v e d away from the r e s e r v e f o r q u i t e some time. claimed to be a l s o f l u e n t  Speaker A  i n C a r r i e r as w e l l as having some  knowledge of French and German.  He had worked as a t r a n s l a t o r  in Canadian l e g a l c o u r t s f o r monolingual C h i l c o t i n s , and a l s o had some p r e v i o u s experience t e a c h i n g C h i l c o t i n t o an E n g l i s h speaker.  With the e x c e p t i o n of the e l d e s t man (D), a l l of the  speakers had some t r a i n i n g a t s c h o o l i n r e a d i n g and w r i t i n g Chilcotin.  In f a c t , speakers A and C o f t e n commented on the  phonetic t r a n s c r i p t i o n .  A l l of the speakers were f l u e n t i n  English. Due t o the d i f f e r e n c e s i n age, area, and time away from the r e s e r v e there i s v a r i a b i l i t y among the speakers f o r many forms.  3  This  is particularily noticiable  i n the  flattening  T h e r e a r e many i n s t a n c e s where s p e a k e r s do that'fall 2 for rule IRR.). five  within  the scope of the  formation).  Table I provides  speakers  consulted.  not  f l a t t e n vowels  flattening rules  These examples w i l l a summary o f  process.  (see  be m a r k e d  Chapter (FL.  i n f o r m a t i o n about  the  4  Table I .  Speaker  Speaker  Sex  M  Information  Age  Area  Late 20*s  Anaham  Languages Known  English,Carr ier, C h i l c o t i n , some German and French  B  F  E a r l y 20*s Nemiah V a l l e y  English, C h i l c o t i n  M  Late teens Nemiah V a l l e y  English, Chilcotin  M  Late 50's  English, C h i l c o t i n  F  E a r l y 20's Nemiah V a l l e y  A l e x i s Creek  English, Chilcotin  5  1.2  The  C h i l c o t i n Segmental System  In t h i s s e c t i o n , I w i l l d i s c u s s the segmental system of Chilcotin  (consonants,  vowels, and  overview of the C h i l c o t i n  1.2.1  t o n e s ) , and  syllable.  Consonants. C h i l c o t i n has a r i c h consonant system,  as shown i n Table  II.  The  i n v e n t o r y i s comprised of  f r i c a t i v e s , a f f r i c a t e s , n a s a l s , l i q u i d s ^ , and stops and and  Athapaskanist  orthographic  consonants.  The  u s u a l l y reserved  practices.  The  plain  unaspirated  a s p i r a t e d s e r i e s i s represented f o r v o i c e l e s s segments, while  by  for voiced those  the e j e c t i v e s  to the I n t e r n a t i o n a l Phonetic  T h i s p r a c t i c e i s e x e m p l i f i e d below f o r the  dento-alveolar  series:  Phonetic t t  Orthographic d  h  f  t t'  C h i l c o t i n consonant system e x h i b i t s f i v e p l a c e s of  articulation: glottal.  The  by the symbol u s u a l l y r e s e r v e d  are t r a n s c r i b e d i n c o n f o r m i t y  The  glides.  w i l l be t r a n s c r i b e d f o l l o w i n g t r a d i t i o n a l  i s represented  Alphabet.  stops,  a f f r i c a t e s appear i n three o r d e r s - - p l a i n , a s p i r a t e d ,  g l o t t a l i z e d , and  series  give a b r i e f  l a b i a l , dento-alveolar, alveopalatal, velar  Both the d e n t o - a l v e o l a r  and  velar series contain  and  6  Table I I . C h i l c o t i n consonants. F l a t consonants are by a r a i s e d  ~, and  Labial  follow t h e i r sharp  indicated  counterparts  Dento-  Alveo-  Velar  alveolar  p a l a t a l Unround  Glottal Round  Stops plain  9/9  gW  aspirated  k,k  kw,  glottalized  k'^k'  t'  k'w  Affr icates plain  dz,dz,dl  d3  aspirated  ts,ts,14  tf  glottalized  t s ^ t i ^ t * '  t j '  Fr i c a t i v e s voiceless  s, s  voiced  z, z  Nasals  m  gh  n  Glides  w  Laterals voiceless voiced  fW 3  4 1  / g W  kw  7  f u r t h e r s u b d i v i s i o n s determined by the  dento-alveolar series,  groups determined by t h e i r  their  type of r e l e a s e .  a f f r i c a t e s are  divided  into  type of r e l e a s e — l a t e r a l  In  two  or  sibilant:  (1)  The  Lateral a.  ?isdlos  b.  t^owesan  velar  'sleigh' E 'snake' E  d.  Release 'spittoon'  A  'head' A  tsai  also subdivided  i n t o two  groups-  unrounded:  Unrounded  'shirt' E  g_ ih  b.  k_wik_wih  'Canada Jay'  E  of the  most s a l i e n t  s u b d i v i s i o n s i n Table 2 i s  w  series.  In the  restricted flat  distinction  c. gaendzaz  'elbow' A  a.  flat-sharp  d.  found i n the  kantsai  consonants are Latimer  a n a l y s i s t h a t the  'basket' E  d e n t o - a l v e o l a r and  dento-alveolar series,  to s i b i l a n t s and  articulation.  Hz.  c. bidzax  Rounded  One  The  Sibilant  consonants are  rounded and  (2)  Release  the  velar  distinction  a f f r i c a t e s with s i b i l a n t  the  is  release.  c h a r a c t e r i z e d by a s l i g h t l y r e t r a c t e d (1978) has  f l a t series  found through s p e c t r o g r a p h i c  exhibits  a locus i n c r e a s e of  Some examples in phonetic t r a n s r i p t i o n  are:  500  8  (3)  Sharp  Flat  /s/  sae  'sun' B  /s/  tas  'bed' B  /z/  diz  'sister' A  /z/  zai  'belt' C  /ts/  di4tsaen  /ts/  tsa  'beaver' E  'blue' E  /ts'/ t s ' i  boat  /ts'/  /dz/  ' a l l day' E  /dz/  dz^ndi  ts'ay dzat  These d i f f e r e n c e s , however, are d i f f i c u l t  'tobacco' A  even f o r "a seasoned  Athapaskanist to d i s t i n g u i s h " (Cook 1983). p h o n e t i c d i f f e r e n c e may be, I w i l l  'plate' A  However s l i g h t the  argue i n Chapter 2 that the  phonology of C h i l c o t i n d e f i n i t e l y manifests a vowel harmony process of f l a t t e n i n g t r i g g e r e d The v e l a r s t o p s , d i v i d e d further subdivided marked  by f l a t consonants.  i n t o rounded and unrounded, are  i n t o sharp and f l a t ,  where f l a t v e l a r s are  p h o n e t i c a l l y by a heavy f r i c a t i v e o f f g l i d e and a  s l i g h t l y uvular a r t i c u l a t i o n , as seen i n the f o l l o w i n g  (4) Sharp  data:  Flat  /k/  tselEk^  'coyote' E  /RW/  kwikwih  /g/  9eg_uh  /gw/  tsainaeg_wi  /£/  'Canada Jay' E 'when' A 'hat' B  The f l a t v e l a r s are a l l marked r i g h t hand examples  /fc"w/  s a gXai  'my  foot* C  hunitt'awgxwa  'why'  D  /g/  nesgey  /g /  naeg_ ayltaeno 'did i t rain?' E  w  'I walked* E  w  by a heavy o f f g l i d e , and the  i n ( 4 ) have a r e t r a c t e d  uvular  9  articulation.  1.2.2  Vowels.  The vowel i n v e n t o r y i s comprised of s i x  u n d e r l y i n g sharp vowels and s i x a l l o p h o n i c f l a t vowels ( i . e . retracted). predictable  The presence of the f l a t  vowels i s e n t i r e l y  i n t h a t they occur o n l y when a f l a t  present w i t h i n the word (as w i l l be d i s c u s s e d i n Chapter 2 ) .  in further  detail  The vowel q u a l i t i e s with r e s p e c t to height and  backness are sketched  below:  Sharp i  consonant i s  Flat v  u  e  i  6  o  ai  ae  The s h a r p - f l a t correspondances are as f o l l o w s : i i  and e  > a, ae  > a, u  i  are n o n - c e n t r a l and a,B,v,6  (1986) l a b e l s these l a t t e r respectively.  > o, u  /in4i/  b.  /gunzun/  vowels have n a s a l vowels as  [ i 4 i ] 'one' E  c.  /kongh/  d.  /naen4cngh/  [guzun] [ke>]  Cook  two groups as f u l l and reduced  Both sharp and f l a t  a.  ae,a,u,o,e, and  and i are c e n t r a l i z e d .  allophones: (5)  > o.  > e or a i ,  ' i t i s good' A  'house' E [naiEy]  'horse' E  10  1.2.3  The S y l l a b l e •  I f o l l o w Cook (1986) i n assuming  t h e r e are t h r e e core s y l l a b l e t y p e s : CV,  CVC,  and CVC where C  i s any consonant, V i s a f u l l vowel, and V i s a reduced  vowel.  In the examples below, . ' stands f o r a s y l l a b l e boundary, 1  the  relevant syllable  and  is underlined.  (6) CV  CVC  ?in.tsi tsae  'grandfather' E  'beaver' E  se.k'i  •cow* E  may  'berries'  1 in  'dog' B  ?as.Kay  A  'child' A  CVC kWin.kWjh  'bluejay' E  'breastbone' A  yet dsas  'fishhook' A  Complex onsets occur i n my data v e r y i n f r e q u e n t l y . example I have i s [ s d l e y ]  1.2.4 will  Tone.  High  The o n l y  'pants'.  ('), low  (*)>  and mid tones  (which  be unmarked) are found i n C h i l c o t i n , as i n tko] 'house*  [dlik]  ' s q u i r r e l ' E, and  [ y a t ] 'breastbone' E.  Mid tones are d e r i v a b l e ( u n d e r l y i n g ) h i g h and  E,  (as i n Roberge 1985)  low tones.  A phonemic high tone  to a mid tone when i t occurs to the r i g h t as shown i n the p a i r s below.  from the  of a v o i c e d  lowers consonant  11  (7) a .  i . / d i / -->  tdi]  11. / k ' i / — >  b.  i . / z i /~> ii.  / s i / —>  'horn'  [k'i]  'willow'  [zail  'mouth  [sail  'belt'  A phonemic low tone r a i s e s after a voiceless  (8) a.  b.  [baet]  i . /Jen/  ii.  —>  [nen]  E  1  E  t o a mid  tde-paet]  'mittens'  E  tfen]  'song'  'back'  falling  tone  syllables that contain f u l l glides.  I will  t o n e when i t o c c u r s  n o t be  ' i t i s flattened'  E  (mid t o h i g h ) i s f o u n d o n l y  (mid t o l o w )  i s found i n  vowels, nasal consonants,  i n d i c a t i n g tone  phonology  understood.  See R o b e r g e (1985)  for further  1.3  Morphology  i s not  t h e i r v e r b a l morphology.  The  fully  analysis.  This t h e s i s d e a l s m a i n l y w i t h the phonology v e r b s t e m s and  and  i n t h i s t h e s i s as i t s  i n t e r a c t i o n s w i t h the segmental  Verbal  E  E  Of t h e c o n t o u r t o n e s , r i s i n g t o n e i n q u e s t i o n s , and  E  consonant.  i . / d e - p a e t / --> ii.  E  which  affects  minimal C h i l c o t i n  12  sentence  c o n t a i n s one word which i s composed of a s e r i e s of  p r e f i x e s b u i l t up on a v e r b a l stem.  A template  of these  p r e f i x e s i s as f o l l o w s ( a l s o see c h a r t a t the end of the t h e s i s for  a summary of the a b b r e v i a t i o n s used):  post - adv - stem - dur # obj - subj - oby - derv % derv - mode  I  2  3  conj - pm - c l s f II  12  13  4  5  6  7  8  9  1  0  - stem 14  (# and % i n d i c a t e d i f f e r e n t boundaries between a f f i x e s which will  be d i s c u s s e d i n d e t a i l  i n Chapter 3 ) .  As we can see i n the s t r i n g above, these a f f i x e s p r o v i d e i n f o r m a t i o n r e g a r d i n g s u b j e c t (6,12), o b j e c t (5,7), and mode and aspect  (4,10,11).  There are a l s o a f f i x e s of an a d v e r b i a l  (2,8,9) and p o s t p o s i t i o n a l  (1) nature.  Some examples of t h e i r  occurrence are g i v e n below. ( A l l of these examples are from speaker A ) .  (9) a. t a - z a i - s - t a e l derv mode pm stem b. naen - d3e - t i - 1 post  subj  derv c l s f  'I k i c k e d '  bin stem  'they swam away from y o u  1  13  d3l - yo - ghe - n subj  obv  mode  tael  'they k i c k e d i t (many t i m e s ) '  conj stem  ho - ghe - n - t s i 'you shot i t (many t i m e s ) ' derv mode pm stem na - gha - h - d - zun 'you ( p i ) are good a g a i n ' adv mode pm c l s f stem  14  Footnotes f o r Chapter 1  1. A l s o s p e l l e d  Athabaskan.  2. P h o n o l o g i c a l l y ,  the l a t e r a l s /4/ and / l /  class  themselves  with the f r i c a t i v e s i n regard to the f r i c a t i v e v o i c i n g whereby v o i c e l e s s Here 4  c o n t i n u a n t s become v o i c e d i n t e r v o c a l i c a l l y .  > 1.  3. There i s a v a r i a n t position,  rule  that  of z, which occurs i n s y l l a b l e  has some 1 q u a l i t y to i t .  borrowing of a s i m i l a r sound i n Thompson.  final  T h i s i s probably a  15  CHAPTER  2.0  2:  FLATTENING  Introduction T h i s chapter d e a l s with the vowel harmony process of  flattening.  I t precedes  the g e n e r a l chapter on phonology, as  an understanding of the f l a t t e n i n g process i s necessary t o the d i s c u s s i o n of the vowel mutation Latimer  r u l e s found  i n Chapters  (1978) argues t h a t the t r a d i t i o n a l term  4-7.  flattening  should be r e p l a c e d by a more p h o n e t i c a l l y d e s c r i p t i v e term. suggests the name ' r e t r a c t e d tongue r o o t ' or RTR.  Here I w i l l  r e t a i n the t r a d i t i o n a l term as a g e n e r a l name, but w i l l to  2.1  RTR  i n the more formal d e s c r i p t i o n of the  He  refer  rule.  Flattening F l a t t e n i n g i s a harmony process t r i g g e r e d by the  consonants-*-  (see Table 2 ) .  As a f i r s t approximation, we  say that sharp vowels are r e t r a c t e d to t h e i r when a f l a t not extend  consonant  flat  i s present i n the word.  beyond word b o u n d a r i e s ) .  v a r i a t i o n s are repeated below as  flat  allophones  ( F l a t t e n i n g does  The a l l o p h o n i c vowel  follows:  can  16  (1)  Sharp  Flat a i ,e 2  i E  a  z  a  ae  a  u  o  u  o  Before  v  d i s c u s s i n g the d e t a i l s of f l a t t e n i n g , I would  to d i s c u s s how  examples w i l l  be presented  Words w i l l be shown i n t h e i r phonetic  i n the  chapter.  forms, followed by  u n d e r l y i n g r e p r e s e n t a t i o n s between s l a n t  lines.  forms, a l l f l a t consonants and  flattened  vowels w i l l  underlined.  forms, however, I w i l l  In the u n d e r l y i n g  like  In  their  phonetic be only  u n d e r l i n e those vowels and  consonants which are i n v o l v e d i n the  aspect  discussed.  of f l a t t e n i n g being  In each of the examples below, ( i ) g i v e s an example of a flattened  vowel and  non-flat allophone.  ( i i ) an example with the The  f l a t vowel occurs  of the presence of a f l a t consonantal The  type  discussed  of t r i g g e r and shortly.  corresponding  i n each case because  t r i g g e r w i t h i n the word.  consequent spread  of harmony w i l l  be  17  (2) Some Examples a.  i —> i.  of F l a t t e n i n g  ai [sai-tain]  ii.  /si- tin/ perf stem 10 14  [ta-gha-ti4]  'he i s s l e e p i n g ' C  /tae-ghe-t14/  'we are going to s l e e p ' B  derv i n c stem 8 10 14 b.  i --> e i.  t t s ' i de-nazl  / t s i di_-nez/ 1  'the boat i s long* A  'boat' derv stem 9 14 ii.  [ t s ' i di_-n-di]  /ts' i  di^n-di/  'the boat  is short' A  'boat' derv conj stem 9 11 14 c.  e--> i.  a  [na4ey s a - s - t a i ] /na4ey si-s-t£4/ 'I k i c k e d the horse* B 'horse* p e r f pm stem 10 12 14  ii.  [ t a - g h i - n - t e 4 ] / t a e - g h i - n - t e 4 / 'he k i c k e d i n t o a group'B derv i n c conj stem 8 10 11 14  d.  ae --> i.  a  [ta-za-h-tal1  /te-si-eh-tael/  'you ( p i ) kicked* A  derv p e r f pm stem 9 10 12 14 ii.  [ta-zai-n-tael1  /te-si-in-tael/ 'you k i c k e d ' A derv p e r f pm stem 9 10 12 14  18  e.  u --> i.  o  [go-ze-t'in]  /gu-si-id-t'in/  'we want to s i n g  1  B  derv perf pm stem 8 10 12 14 ii.  [4aen g u - l i n ]  /4-aen  gu-lin/  'a l o t ' derv 8 f.  'there  is a lot' D  stem 14  — > o i .  I-dlox]  /dlux/  laugh .3  •to  stem 14 2.2  V e l a r Harmony Vowels may be f l a t t e n e d by the f o l l o w i n g v e l a r consonants:  /§/  9 /  £ /  W  w  Jc', x, xw,  gh/.  The extent  to which the  f l a t t e n i n g harmony spreads i s dependent upon the type of trigger  involved.  An a l v e o l a r t r i g g e r , s u b j e c t to c e r t a i n  r e s t r i c t i o n s to be d i s c u s s e d below, can a f f e c t vowels up to two s y l l a b l e s away.  In [na-ta-kasj  three vowels have succumbed  ' i t i s s l o w l y t u r n i n g ' B, a l l  to the f l a t t e n i n g p r o c e s s .  In  ( 2 ) a . i , b . i , c . i , and d . i above, a l l of the vowels i n the word have a l s o f l a t t e n e d .  The v e l a r t r i g g e r , however, can a f f e c t  o n l y vowels i n adjacent  s y l l a b l e s . T h i s can be seen by  contrasting  ( 2 ) b . i and a . i i above.  dento-alveo  / z / has f l a t t e n e d two vowels to i t s l e f t : / t s i  di-nez/ trigger,  > [ t s ' i de- nazl  In example  'boat i s l o n g ' .  ( 2 ) b . i , the  However, the v e l a r  t g h j , i n ( 2 ) a . i i can o n l y f l a t t e n the immediately  19  adjacent v o w e l s — resulting  [a] to the l e f t and  i n [ta-gha-ti4-] .  i n example ( 2 ) c .  We  le]  to the r i g h t ,  can see the process a t work a l s o  The v e l a r t r i g g e r  i n ( 2 ) c . i i has  flattened  o n l y the a d j a c e n t vowel t a e l , l e a v i n g the stem vowel as sharp [ e ] , whereas i n ( 2 ) c . i t h i s vowel has f l a t t e n e d t o [ a l because the t r i g g e r was  from the d e n t o - a l v e o l a r s e r i e s .  Other examples of the l i m i t e d spread from v e l a r s are g i v e n below.  In each case o n l y vowels i n immediately  n u c l e i ! have f l a t t e n e d .  adjacent  In f.and g. the f l a t t e n i n g process  spread l e f t w a r d over the n e u t r a l consonant  [4>] and  the  has  [-RTR]  [s]. ( 3 ) a . [Jcanxh]  /Jcaenxh/  b. Iho-ghe-n-tsi1  'spoon' E /hu-ghi-n-tsi/  'he shot i t r e p e a t e d l y ' B  derv ser conj stem 8 10 11 14 c. [hu-ta-gha-tsax] /hu-tae-ghc-tsaex/ derv derv i n c 8 8 10 d. [ x a - *?intsi]  /x^e-^intsi/  w  'we  are going a t i t ' B  stem 14 'our g r a n d f a t h e r ' E  poss stem e. Cne-s-gey]  /ne-s-gi/  'I walked' E  p e r f pm stem 10 f.  [betJet chair  12  14  da-ne-4-jcat 1 derv perf c l s f 8 10 13  /de-ni-l-lcEt/ stem 14  'he broke  the c h a i r in h a l f A  20  g.  [ b E t f c t  chair  da-na-s-£at]  /de-ni-s-4-lcet/ 'I broke the c h a i r in h a l f A derv perf pm stem 8 10 12 14  h.  [midoj  /midugh/  'whitertian' E  i.  [bilo]  /bilugh/  'knife'  j.  [i4a]  k.  [diya]  In the  last  /in4aengh/ 'one' /diyaengh/  E  'man'  E  four examples, a d d i t i o n a l r u l e s have a p p l i e d  g i v e the c o r r e c t s u r f a c e 7.1  E  form, a n a s a l i z e d vowel.  See  to  section  for further discussion. I f we  can see  compare the data above t o the  t h a t i t i s indeed the d i s t a n c e  p o t e n t i a l vowels which p r o h i b i t s the  f o l l o w i n g data,  from the t r i g g e r to  f l a t t e n i n g , rather  the manner of a r t i c u l a t i o n of the v e l a r t r i g g e r .  The  we the  than  examples  below i n d i c a t e the a b i l i t y of each type of v e l a r consonant .(stop, f r i c a t i v e , and adjacent  vowels. The  only occasional exception  the vowel [ i l .  T h i s could be due  f r o n t high vowel and has  l a b i o v e l a r ) to t r i g g e r f l a t t e n i n g i n  i n order  to the harmony process i s  to the  f a c t that  [i] is a  to a r t i c u l a t e i t the tongue r o o t  t o r e t u r n to a more n e u t r a l p o s i t i o n thus s t o p p i n g  r e t r a c t i n g process. f l a t t e n to  [e] or  In example ( 4 ) a . i , the  first  the  t i ] does  [ a i ] although i t i s w i t h i n the domain of  v e l a r harmony (see a l s o Latimer 1978  and  Cook 1983).  not  21  (4) Stops a. i — > a i i.  [ni-jcain]  /ni-£in/ perf 10  'we  paddled' E  stem 14  ii.  [?as£aiU  /es£i/  'child' E  iii.  [sa-gaij  /sth/  'my  iv.  [yajcaik]  /yaekik/  b. ae — > a ,  u—>  foot' C  'ball' B  o  i.  [sakot]  /saefcut/  'shadow' A  ii.  [yakox]  /yaekux/  'river'  A  (5) F r i c a t i v e s a. ae i".  —>a [ nae-ta-gjva-gh as ] w  /nae-tae-ghe-s-gh es/ w  obj 5  der i n c pm 8 10  'I am going to t i c k l e you' A b. e --> i.  a  [gax]  (6) L a b i o v e l a r s a. e — >  a  /gex/  'rabbit' A  stem 14  22  i.  [nae-ta-gha-s-gh as ] w  /nae-tae-ghe-s-g_h_ es/ w  obj derv i n c pm stem 5 8 10 12 14 •I am going t o t i c k l e you' A b. i — > i.  e  [bi-ta-s-k ey  /bi-te-s-k^iy/  w  post derv pm stem 1 9 12 14 'I am v o m i t t i n g ' A In t h i s l a s t example i t i s i n t e r e s t i n g to note t h a t  velar  f l a t t e n i n g , a l o c a l p r o c e s s , has spread over the sharp / s /  To d e s c r i b e the f a c t s of v e l a r  f l a t t e n i n g , a l l that i s  needed i s a l o c a l r u l e of the type found i n Anderson where the percentage mark can be i n t e r p r e t e d o f " the environment. discussed  I Velar  i n section  (An autosegmental  (1974),  "on e i t h e r  side  a n a l y s i s w i l l be  2.4.3).  Flattening V -->  [+RTR]  %  C f-anterior] [-coronal] [+RTR]  Vowels become f l a t when they are i n a nucleus t h a t s i d e , and immediately a d j a c e n t t o , f l a t consonants.  i s on e i t h e r  (or (+RTR1) v e l a r  23  2.3  Alveolar  Harmony  As has been noted elsewhere  (Latimer 1978, Cook 1983,  Krauss 1975), a l v e o l a r - t r i g g e r e d harmony c o n s i s t s of two d i s t i n c t processes.  One process  f l a t t e n s t o the r i g h t and i s  subject to s e v e r a l blocking r e s t r i c t i o n s .  The other  process  flattens  i n a l e f t w a r d d i r e c t i o n and i s unbounded i n i t s  spread.  I will  f i r s t d i s c u s s the rightward p r o c e s s , as i t i s  more l i m i t e d .  2.3.1 not spread  Rightward A l v e o l a r Harmony.  Rightward harmony does  beyond the vowel [ i ] (although i t does  f l a t t e n ) , and does not extend  beyond sharp consonants.  d e s i g n a t e s those consonants t h a t have a f l a t g, k', k , g , k w  w  , w  itself  , s, z, t s , dz, t s ' ) .  (Sharp  counterpart:  k,  The s e t of data below  i l l u s t r a t e s the i n a b i l i t y of rightward harmony t o f l a t t e n beyond the vowel [ i ] .  In the examples i n 7, the [ i ] has  f l a t t e n e d t o [ a i ] or [ e ) , but has blocked any f u r t h e r spread of the harmony.  (7) a. [ g o - z e - t i n ] 1  b.  [sai-daeh]  c.  [sai-deh]  /gu-si^-id-t • i n / derv p e r f stem 8 i 10 14 /si-daeh/ perf stem 10 14  /si-dEh/ p e r f stem 10 14  'we want' A  'I am s i t t i n g ' C  'I am l i v i n g  (with him)' B  24  d. [ n a - s a i - d s i t )  /nae-s^-dsi t / dur p e r f stem 4 10 14  e. [ t a - z a i - n - t a e l ]  'I crawled' B  /te-si-in-tael/  'you k i c k e d ' A  derv p e r f pm stem 9 10 12 14 f.  [na-se-bin]  /nae-si-bin/ dur 4  (I  p e r f stem 10 14  cannot account f o r the m i s s i n g person markers i n f and d ) . All  the  'I swam' A  of the above data have the p e r f e c t i v e marker / s i / as  b l o c k i n g element.  I have no other examples of a f l a t  or  a sharp / i /  of  affixes available.  3)  i s a p o s s i b l e source of an a d d i t i o n a l / s / .  /%>/  i n a p r e v e r b a l a f f i x because of the l i m i t e d type However, the i n c o r p o r a t e d stem  The f o l l o w i n g data i l l u s t r a t e  (position  the b l o c k i n g e f f e c t of  sharp consonants i n rightward harmony.  (Here both the  flat  consonant which causes f l a t t e n i n g and the sharp one which blocks (8)  i t are u n d e r l i n e d  a. [ b a - z a k ' i ]  /be-sek«i/ poss stem  b. [ ^ a - t a - z a - s - t s ' i ]  c.  i n the u n d e r l y i n g E  /^e-te-si-s-ts * i / 'I s h o t ' obj derv p e r f pm stem 5 9 10 12 14  (nae-g_ a-da-z-k'aen] w  'his cow'  forms).  w  /nae-g E-di-£-k_*aen/ adv obj derv p e r f 2 5 8 10  In so  the data above,  tk'J and  stem 14  [s] have blocked the harmony,  t h a t the vowels o c c u r r i n g to the r i g h t of the sharp  25  consonants remain sharp.  In (8)b and c, a r u l e f o r i - l o w e r i n g  (p.80) has f i r s t a p p l i e d , lowering the / i / consonant I s ] . Since the / i / f l a t t e n i n g process. discussed  has lowered,  to [e] before the i t does not block the  (The d e t a i l s of i-Lowering w i l l be  i n s e c t i o n 4.2.1).  Another s i t u a t i o n where / i /  does not block f l a t t e n i n g i s  when i t i s d e l e t e d before f l a t t e n i n g o c c u r s . examples  i l l u s t r a t e t h i s , where / i /  The f o l l o w i n g  d e l e t e s due to the  e x i s t e n c e of the f o l l o w i n g /e/ (see s e c t i o n 4.2.1 discussion). allowed  The f l a t t e n i n g process  for further  i n these examples i s  to spread t o the end of the word. T h i s shows t h a t i t i s  indeed the presence of f l a t t e n i n g . underlying  of t h i s vowel that blocks rightward  spread  (The / i / s which d e l e t e are u n d e r l i n e d i n the  forms).  (9) a. [ go-za-h-t' en ] /gu-s i_-eh-t * i n / derv p e r f pm stem 8 10 12 14 b. [ ta-z-ah-ta_l ] / t e - s i ^ - c h - t a e l / derv p e r f pm stem 8 10 12 14  'you ( p i . ) want' A  'you ( p i . ) k i c k e d ' A  Due t o the nature of rightward harmony, a segmental r u l e s i m i l a r to V e l a r F l a t t e n i n g encumbered.  i n s e c t i o n 2.2 would be v e r y  I t would have to s t a t e t h a t the harmony proceeded  u n l e s s e i t h e r a [-RTR] consonant or the vowel [ i ] was i n which case the vowel would become  [+RTR].  present,  26  2.3.2  Leftward A l v e o l a r Harmony.  Leftward harmony i s  unbounded, capable of s p r e a d i n g beyond both the vowel [ i ] and sharp consonants.  The f o l l o w i n g data i l l u s t r a t e  that  leftward  harmony spreads as f a r as p o s s i b l e w i t h i n the w o r d — e v e n  up to  three s y l l a b l e s away from the t r i g g e r .  (10) a. [ d a - t a - z a - s - t s ' E t ] /dae-te-zi-s-ts«et/ derv derv p e r f pm stem 8 8 10 12 14 (this b. NP  [dae] a f f i x c o u l d be e i t h e r derv or adv)  [da-na-l-daz]  /dE-nae-l-dez/ derv derv c l s f 8 8 13  c. i . [ n a - n a - t a - z a i - t i n 1  first  stem 14  s t a r t e d dreaming a g a i n ' B  [nae-na-ta-zai-tin 1 (note:  'ground meat' A  /nae-nae-tE-s^i-tin/ adv dur derv p e r f stem 2 4 8 10 14  'I ii.  'I f e l l down'  (same as above, spoken s l o w l y )  [nae] d i d not f l a t t e n )  Leftward harmony i s not blocked by the vowel / i / ,  as  the f o l l o w i n g data i l l u s t r a t e , where the f l a t t e n i n g process has spread beyond / i / . its  (The u n d e r l y i n g f l a t t e n e r and the / i /  l e f t are u n d e r l i n e d ) .  (11) a. [sa-deyaz]  /se-di_yEz/  'my male' A  poss stem b.  [na-de-naz]  /nae-di_-nez/ ' i t i s long a g a i n ' A adv derv stem 2 8 14  to  27  c. [na-de-s-k 'aen] /nae-di^-s_-k *aen/ ' i t i s burning a g a i n ' E adv derv p e r f stem 2 8 10 14 d.  [ y a - t e - z - l - t j T o s ] / y e - t i_-Z-l-t Jus/  'he i s h o l d i n g i t '  obv derv perf c l s f stem 7 8 10 13 14 e.  tna-ne-£-tl'on J  / n a e - n i ^ - s - t l ' un/  (from Cook 1983) 'fence'  4  Nor i s l e f t w a r d harmony blocked by sharp consonants, as shown i n (11). (11) f . [na-ta-k'a£] /nae-tae-k'ES/ ' i t i s s l o w l y t u r n i n g ' B dur derv stem 4 8 14 g.  [tanantilk'az]  /taenentilk'ez/  'water s t a r t s t o get cold' 5  In both these c a s e s , the harmony has spread over a sharp [ k ' J . Examples  ( l l ) a and ( 1 0 ) c . i show t h a t the harmony may spread as  f a r as the a d v e r b i a l a f f i x (position 4).  ( p o s i t i o n 2) and the d u r a t i v e  affix  As seen i n ( 1 0 ) c . i i , however, the process tends  to weaken as i t moves f u r t h e r and f u r t h e r away from the t r i g g e r , l e a v i n g the l e f t m o s t vowel as sharp when the word i s spoken s l o w l y .  2.3.3  Summary.  A l v e o l a r harmony has two d i s t i n c t  d i r e c t i o n a l processes. it / i /  When the harmony spreads t o the r i g h t ,  i s blocked by sharp consonants will  itself  and the vowel / i / ,  although  f l a t t e n t o [ a i ] or [ e ] . Leftward a l v e o l a r  harmony, on the other hand, i s not blocked by e i t h e r  sharp  28  consonants or the vowel / i / .  /i/,  however, i s somewhat  r e s i s t a n t to r e t r a c t i o n .  2.4  T h e o r e t i c a l Aspects of Harmony Having d e s c r i b e d  Chilcotin,  I now  the b i d i r e c t i o n a l harmony process i n  t u r n to the t h e o r e t i c a l mechanisms a v a i l a b l e  to d e s c r i b e a l v e o l a r harmony. Kiparsky should  (1985) suggests t h a t a l l harmony systems can  be handled  by the autosegmental framework  developed by Goldsmith (1976). autosegmental theory  Kiparsky  i s c o r r e c t and  r e q u i r e s no  supplementation f o r harmony processes' restrict  the use  claims  and  first  that  'the  metrical  (1985: 68).  He  wants to  of the m e t r i c a l framework, as developed i n  Hayes (1980), t o s t r e s s r u l e s , because the h i e r a r c h i c a l metrical trees transmissions  imply 'the c a p a c i t y f o r g l o b a l of p h o n o l o g i c a l  f u r t h e r claims  information'  large-scale  (1985: 2).  Kiparsky  t h a t implementing autosegmental harmony r u l e s  w i t h i n the  l e x i c a l phonology model, which we  have independent  motivation  for i n the grammar of E n g l i s h , e n t i r e l y does away  with the n e c e s s i t y of u s i n g both m e t r i c a l and frameworks to analyse what had  autosegmental  been e a r l i e r d e s c r i b e d  dominant versus d i r e c t i o n a l harmony (Kaye 1982;  Halle  as and  Vergnaud 1981). By u s i n g autosegmental r u l e s w i t h i n the model, we  no  longer  need the  s t r u c t u r e to d e s c r i b e  lexical  phonology  powerful mechanism of m e t r i c a l  harmony systems.  Such a d e c i s i o n  will  29  s i m p l i f y the p h o n o l o g i c a l component of many languages. ( l e x i c a l phonology) i s independently motivated (as w i l l be shown i n Chapter  As LP  for C h i l c o t i n  4), I f o l l o w K i p a r s k y i n  implementing an autosegmental approach t o vowel harmony w i t h i n the LP model.  2.4.1 Rightward A l v e o l a r Harmony. vowel / i /  As noted  e a r l i e r , the  and a l l sharp consonants block the spread of  rightward harmony.  I assume t h a t they are l i n k e d t o a t-RTR]  ( r e t r a c t e d tongue r o o t ) autosegment. harmony process  The t r i g g e r of the  i s a f l a t consonant which has a t t a c h e d t o i t a  [+RTR] autosegment as shown below.^  (12) a.  [+RTR][-RTR] [na-se-bin]  b.  /nae-s-i-bin/  'I swam' A  [+RTR] [-RTR]  [go-z-ah-ten1  I I /gu-z-eh-tin/  c.  'you ( p i . ) want i t ' A  [+RTR] [-RTR] [9a-ta-za-s-ts•i]  /?e-te-ze-s-ts•i/  'I shot' B  (I assume t h a t the O b l i g a t o r y Contour P r i n c i p l e w i l l c o l l a p s e the three  The  t-RTR] f e a t u r e s on the [ s i , [ t s ] and [ i l i n t o one.)  f e a t u r e [+RTR] i s allowed t o spread  restriction  of Goldsmith's  f r e e l y under the  Well Formedness C o n d i t i o n (WFC),  which s t a t e s t h a t there may not be any c r o s s i n g autosegmental  30  lines. spread  T h i s produces the phonetic of f+RTR] i s blocked  [+RTR] were to spread  forms shown i n ( 1 2 ) . The  by the [-RTR] autosegments.  beyond the l i n k e d [-RTR], c r o s s i n g l i n e s  would be c r e a t e d , thus v i o l a t i n g Goldsmith's WFC. t h a t i n the case of / i /  —>  the p r e l i n k e d [-RTR] of / i / node as shown below.  I f the  I assume  [ a i ] the [+RTR] f e a t u r e a t t a c h e s t o and c r e a t e s a branching  RTR  feature  7  [+RTR] [-RTR]  i  The  [+RTR] i s r e a l i z e d as the o n g l i d e  there  [a) i n [ a i ] . I assume  i s an o p t i o n a l low l e v e l phonetic  r u l e t h a t w i l l change  [ai] to [ e ] .  The  f o l l o w i n g r u l e can thus be w r i t t e n f o r rightward  harmony.  Rightward Spread  For those  Harmony [+RTR] t o the r i g h t .  vowels t h a t remain u n l i n k e d ,  r u l e t h a t i n s e r t s the f e a t u r e  I assume a d e f a u l t  [-RTR1 as i n (13).  31  (13) a.  I-RTR) / / g u w E n /  ->  [ ] b.  c.  /t/uh/  [ g u w e n ]  •after' A  [-RTR] >  ttfuh]  /be - y e t / — >  'and' D  [-RTR] / \ [be - y e t ]  ' h i s breastbone' E  Vowels (except / i / ) are unmarked f o r the f e a t u r e  [RTR] on the  segmental t i e r and w i l l r e c e i v e t h i s f e a t u r e o n l y through the default  rule.  2.4.2 Leftward A l v e o l a r Harmony. harmony, as shown e a r l i e r ,  Leftward a l v e o l a r  i s not blocked by the [-RTR]  autosegments of [ i ] or sharp consonants. autosegmental delinking rule  To prevent c r o s s i n g  l i n e s , I assume the f o l l o w i n g context s e n s i t i v e (as suggested by Dr. P a t r i c i a Shaw).  [-RTR] D e l i n k i n g  x  [-RTR]  x  [+RTR]  T h i s accounts f o r the f a c t t h a t the l i g h t diphthong [ a i ] (which has a [-RTR] f e a t u r e attached) i s never found t o the left  of a f l a t  trigger.  32  Leftward Harmony Spread  t+RTR] on the vowel  tier  Here are some examples of how t h i s r u l e operates :  (14) [-RTR] [+RTR] a. /nae-tae-k'es/  f+RTR]  —>  nae-tae-k'aes  —>  [na-ta-k'as]  'It i s slowly turning' B (-RTR] t+RTR]  [+RTRJ  b. / t a e n e n t i l k • e s / --> taene'ntilk ' es — > •water s t a r t s t o get c o l d ' [-RTR][+RTR] c. /nae-di-nez/ — >  (Latimer 1978:  nae-di-nez/ — >  V e l a r Harmony.  w r i t t e n as an autosegmental  [na-de-naz3  i s long a g a i n ' A  V e l a r Harmony can a l s o be  r u l e , with the r e s t r i c t i o n t h a t i t  spreads o n l y t o immediately a d j a c e n t vowels.  V e l a r Harmony 1)  Spread  9)  [+RTR]  'it  2.4.3  [ t a n a n t e l k ' as 1  [+RTR] b i d i r e c t i o n a l l y t o a maximum of one  nucleus i n e i t h e r  direction.  33  Some examples a r e g i v e n i n (15).  (15) t+RTR]  [+RTR]  I  a. /fcaenxh/  l\  —>  Jc a e n i h  [+RTR]  /  b. /de-ni-<i-k et/ — > N  •he  'spoon' E  |\  de-ni-4-k* e t — >  broke  [+RTR]  i t in h a l f  tde-ne-Rat] A  [+RTR]  I  2.5  [kanih]  [+RTR]  I  c. / s e - s a e R u t /  —>  /|\ --> se-saek" u t — >  [se-salcot]  'my  shadow  1  A  Summary The  f l a t t e n i n g phenomena a r e summarized below.  General D e s c r i p t i o n V e l a r Harmony - a f l a t v e l a r consonant adjacent  flattens  immediately  vowels.  A l v e o l a r Harmony Rightward  - a f l a t a l v e o l a r consonant  flattens  vowels t o the r i g h t but i s blocked by t i l and sharp Leftward  consonants. - a flat  a l v e o l a r consonant  vowels t o the l e f t .  T h i s process  flattens i s unbounded.  34  Autosegmental 1)  Representation  A l l f l a t consonants are l i n k e d t o a [+RTR] autosegment.  2)  The vowel  [ i j and a l l sharp consonants are l i n k e d  to a [-RTR] autosegment. 3)  There  sequence  i s a context s e n s i t i v e d e l i n k i n g  r u l e whereby the  [-RTR] [+RTR] i s not allowed and the [-RTR] d e l i n k s .  Rule Formation** Velar  Harmony Rule  Spread  [+RTR] b i d i r e c t i o n a l l y t o a maximum of one  nucleus i n e i t h e r d i r e c t i o n .  [RTR]  Delinkink  x  [-RTR]  Alveolar  Spread  x  [+RTR]  Harmony Rule  [+RTR]  (subject  t o the WFC)  35  Domain of RTR Harmony  None of these r u l e s a p p l y a c r o s s word boundaries as shown below.  (16)  a. [se t s i ^ £ a t ) W  »my knee' A  b.  [ba d 3 a | t l ' u l ]  ' h i s f i s h hook  c.  [ n i t s i _ zaz] 'deer s k i n ' A  1  A  T h e r e f o r e a l l three harmony r u l e s are a s s i g n e d to l e v e l 1 (Strong Domain Hypothesis) and do not shut o f f u n t i l the post-lexical  2.6  level  i s reached.  Compar ison to Cook  (1987)  The main arguements i n t h i s s e c t i o n were w r i t t e n the p u b l i c a t i o n of Cook's 1987 a r t i c l e . discuss  the d i f f e r e n c e s  before  In t h i s s e c t i o n I w i l l  between my data and that  i n Cook  (1987) . There are two main d i f f e r e n c e s . been mentioned.  In my data both  The f i r s t has a l r e a d y  I a i ] and [e] occur to the  r i g h t of a t r i g g e r , as shown below f o r each speaker i n s u f f i c i e n t data f o r speaker C ) .  (there  was  36  (17)  a i . [k as  se_-lin] 'I have a c o l d '  , w  cold perf  stem  10  ii.  [sa-zai]  A  14  'my mouth' A  poss mouth  b i . [ y o - g h e - n - t s i ] 'he shot i t (many times) ' B obv p e r f conj stem 7  ii.  10  [sai-daehl perf  stem  10  14  11  14  'I am s i t t i n g  1  B  c i . [ghe_-li] ' i t was' D  ii.  perf  stem  10  14  [nae-sai-tin] dur p e r f 4  10  stem 14  'I dreamt' D  (FL. IRR.)  37  d i . [ d e l s a - l e y n ] ' i t was bloody' E blood p e r f stem 10  ii.  (askaU  14  'child'  E  Cook r e p o r t s o n l y [ a i ] t o the r i g h t of the t r i g g e r and [e] t o the l e f t  The  (I a l s o have o n l y [e] t o the l e f t ) .  second  main d i f f e r e n c e i s Cook's account  of s i b i l a n t  harmony whereby "non-neutral s i b i l a n t s a s s i m i l a t e t o the rightmost non-neutral s i b i l a n t " l e f t w a r d harmony. feature.  (pg.56). T h i s s e r v e s t o block  Cook thus analyses the [+RTR] as a f l o a t i n g  I do not have any data t h a t exemplify  There are many b a s i c s i m i l a r i t e s has  this,however.  i n the a n a l y s e s .  2 main p r o c e s s e s ; a l v e o l a r and v e l a r .  Cook  He uses [+RTR] as  the spreading segment and [-RTRJ as the b l o c k i n g f e a t u r e . N e u t r a l consonants much more l i m i t e d vowels.  are a t t a c h e d t o n e i t h e r .  V e l a r harmony i s  i n scope and can f l a t t e n o n l y n e i g h b o r i n g  38  Footnotes f o r Chapter 2  1. T h i s type of vowel harmony, where the t r i g g e r consonant,  has a l s o been documented f o r the A f r i c a n  T i g r e by Vergnaud  2. Latimer of  (1985).  language  *  (1978: 20) s t a t e s t h a t o n l y [ a i ] occurs t o the r i g h t  the f l a t  left).  isa  consonant  (and [e] occurs o n l y when i t i s t o the  My data do not suggest t h i s I have examples from  four  of my speakers where both [ a i ] and fe] ocurr t o the r i g h t of the  trigger.  3. T h i s example i s from Cook (1976: 21).  4. I have l e f t meaning.  the a f f i x e s  undefined s i n c e I am unsure  of t h e i r  T h i s i s a verb s t r i n g t h a t f u n c t i o n s as a noun (a  zero d e r i v e d noun).  5. T h i s example i s from Latimer  (1978).  He does not provide an  e x p l a n a t i o n of the morphemes present i n t h i s s t r i n g . states that  Latimer  i n l e f t w a r d harmony [ i l sometimes does not f l a t t e n ,  although i t does not block the f u r t h e r spread of f l a t t e n i n g .  6. Having both f e a t u r e s present on the autosegmental not e n t i r e l y unprecedented.  tier is  K i p a r s k y uses both + and - n a s a l  f o r n a s a l harmony i n Guarani, and both + and - f o r Akan tongue  39  root harmony ( K i p a r s k y 1983).  7. I am indebted t o Dr. P a t r i c i a Shaw f o r t h i s s u g g e s t i o n .  8. I d e a l l y t h e r e should o n l y be one f l a t t e n i n g r u l e s i n c e i t i s the same f e a t u r e being spread i n each case.  I t has been  suggested t o me by Dr. Shaw t h a t the i n v e l a r harmony process both the v e l a r t r i g g e r and the RTR vowels may be l i n k e d t o a d o r s a l node on t h e i r  f e a t u r e t r e e s ( d o r s a l r e f e r s to the tongue  p o s i t i o n ) which would p r o h i b i t  f u r t h e r spread.  not be a b l e t o spread beyond the d o r s a l node.  t+RTRJ  would  CHAPTER 3: LEXICAL PHONOLOGY  3.0  Introduction As noted  i n s e c t i o n 1.3 of Chapter  1, the minimum sentence  i n C h i l c o t i n c o n s i s t s of a s e l e c t i o n of elements from the following verbal s t r i n g :  post adv stem dur # obj subj obv derv % derv mode conj pm c l s f stem  The a f f i x a t i o n of these v a r i o u s morphemes r e s u l t s i n a number of complex p h o n o l o g i c a l changes. presented  i n Chapters  4 through  as the t h e o r e t i c a l model.  Analyses of these w i l l be 7, using L e x i c a l Phonology (LP)  T h i s chapter g i v e s an overview of  the g e n e r a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the model and i t s a p p r o p r i a t e n e s s f o r the a n a l y s i s of C h i l c o t i n .  3.1  The L e x i c a l Phonology Model LP  i n t e r - o r d e r s morphology and phonology w i t h i n the  lexicon.  The l e x i c o n c o n s i s t s of ordered l e v e l s  (or s t r a t a )  and each m o r p h o l o g i c a l a f f i x a t i o n process takes p l a c e a t a particular  "The  level.  r u l e s of phonology i n t e r a c t with the morphology i n  t h a t the phonology r u l e s are assigned  specific  m o r p h o l o g i c a l s t r a t a as t h e i r domain and a given  41  phonological  rule applies  assigned to i t . "  These p h o n o l o g i c a l i n the and  only at the stratum t h a t  ( H a l l e & Mohanan  r u l e s are termed  is  1985)  ' l e x i c a l ' , s i n c e they apply  l e x i c o n a f t e r each a p p l i c a t i o n of a morphological r u l e ,  are  opposed to  ' p o s t - l e x i c a l ' r u l e s , which a p p l y a f t e r  the  syntax.1 Besides d i f f e r i n g and  i n t h e i r domain of a p p l i c a t i o n ,  p o s t - l e x i c a l r u l e s may  (Kiparsky  1985).  s e n s i t i v e and  may  For  one,  environment i s met. i n the  l e x i c a l r u l e s are  'across the  i s that  are s t r u c t u r e  u s u a l l y boundary  board' wherever t h e i r  P o s t - l e x i c a l r u l e s may  case of l e f t w a r d  difference  properties  have i d i o s y n c r a t i c e x c e p t i o n s , whereas  p o s t - l e x i c a l r u l e s apply  as  a l s o have d i f f e r e n t  lexical  a l s o be  harmony i n C h i l c o t i n .  optional,  Another  l e x i c a l r u l e s u s u a l l y produce s t r i n g s  preserving  introduce  nondistinctive  English.  The  i n the sense that they do features  introduction  that  not  such as n a s a l i z a t i o n i n  of n o n d i s t i n c t i v e  features  i s the  domain of p o s t - l e x i c a l r u l e s . Another d i s t i n c t i o n between l e x i c a l and is  i n t h e i r mode of a p p l i c a t i o n .  S t r i c t Cycle C o n d i t i o n  or SCC  p o s t - l e x i c a l r u l e s do not. phonological derived  r u l e s can  L e x i c a l r u l e s must obey the  (Kiparsky  The  SCC  1985), while  s t a t e s that  only a p p l y t o d e r i v e d  environment i s d e f i n e d  m o r p h o l o g i c a l or p h o n o l o g i c a l  p o s t - l e x i c a l rules  lexical  environments.  as a s t r i n g to which e i t h e r a r u l e of the  same l e v e l  has  A  42  applied. has  had  Thus a l e v e l 2 r u l e could neither  a l e v e l 2 m o r p h o l o g i c a l or p h o n o l o g i c a l  already apply.  Structure  prosodic structure v a l u e s , are the  SCC.  b u i l d i n g r u l e s , e.g.  or f i l l  in previously  rule  those which  unspecified  add  feature  c o n s i d e r e d by K i p a r s k y (1985) to be an e x c e p t i o n  As we  structure  not a p p l y to a form that  w i l l see  i n 5.2.2, however, a t l e a s t  b u i l d i n g r u l e i n C h i l c o t i n must obey the  to  one SCC.  K i p a r s k y (1985: 1) c l a i m s that the d i s t i n c t i o n between l e x i c a l and  post-lexical rules  implications does not  for l e a r n a b i l i t y .  have to f i x the  t h e i r ordering s e n s i t i v e and On  the  i s met  He  states  or other p r o p e r t i e s " . structure  and  i s not  that  "...the  preserving,  structure  If a r u l e  learner  checking  i s boundary  then i t must be  lexical.  whenever i t s environment  preserving,  then i t w i l l  be p o s t - l e x i c a l .  There are the  to i t s  domain of these r u l e s by  other hand, i f a r u l e a p p l i e s  necessarily  within  i s important due  two  opposing hypotheses r e g a r d i n g r u l e  lexicon.  K i p a r s k y (1984:5) s t a t e s  "...the grammar may  that:  s t i p u l a t e merely where a r u l e ceases to  a p p l y . . . A l l r u l e s are l e v e l of the  ordering  potentially applicable  first  a p p l y there p r o v i d e d t h a t  the  p r i n c i p l e s of grammar permit i t ; a t lower l e v e l s of  the  l e x i c o n and be  l e x i c o n , and  at the  i n the  'turned o f f  Hypothesis)."  but  post l e x i c a l no  new  l e v e l phonology r u l e s  ones added (The  may  Strong Domain  43  An a l t e r n a t i v e hypothesis f o r the assignment of r u l e domain i s given  i n H a l l e & Mohanan (1985).  post-lexical to the  They c l a i m t h a t  i s the most unmarked l e v e l and  l a t e s t l e v e l p o s s i b l e r a t h e r than the  Both K i p a r s k y  (1984) and  assigned  earliest.  of l e a r n a b i l i t y .  In  model, i t i s e a s i e r to l e a r n where a r u l e shuts o f f ,  while i n H a l l e and rule s t a r t s . any  r u l e s are  H a l l e & Mohanan (1985) c l a i m that  t h e i r model i s best s u i t e d to a theory Kiparsky's  the  Mohanan's, i t i s e a s i e r to l e a r n where a  I agree with Hargus (1985) that n e i t h e r c l a i m  e m p i r i c a l evidence to support i t .  chosen Kiparsky's  I have, t h e r e f o r e ,  model because i t e x p l a i n s  the  process of the  l e x i c a l i z a t i o n of r u l e s (Kiparsky  However, as we  w i l l see  historical 1982).  i n Chapter 4, the Strong Domain  Hypothesis must be weakened s l i g h t l y to a l l o w some new be added at n o n - i n i t i a l I f LP  l e v e l s of the  i n t e r p l a y of C h i l c o t i n morphology and  to d e s c r i b e  the  phonology, we  expect to f i n d data t h a t would i n d i c a t e the e x i s t e n c e post-lexical levels.  e a r l i e r generative  r u l e s to  lexicon.  i s the c o r r e c t model to use  l e x i c a l and  has  should of  Such data have been found i n  s t u d i e s of Athapaskan, as I w i l l  now  discuss.  3.2  Evidence f o r LP  E a r l i e r generative  i n Athapaskan  s t u d i e s noted a common  phonological  d i v i s i o n among a f f i x e s b u i l t up on the Athapaskan stem.  There  44  seemed to be a c l u s t e r i n g e f f e c t a t work, d i v i d i n g the of a f f i x e s i n t o two purposes  p h o n o l o g i c a l domains.  For  string  descriptive  I have represented t h i s word i n t e r n a l d i v i s i o n with a  boundary symbol of the type developed  by Chomsky & H a l l e  (1968). The  f i r s t p u b l i s h e d r e f e r e n c e t o boundary-related  phenomena i s found  i n L i (1946:409) where i t i s r e p o r t e d f o r  Chipewyan t h a t . . .  " . . . t h e r e are two the d i s j u n c t i v e . immediately  c l a s s e s of p r e f i x e s , the c o n j u n c t i v e and The c o n j u n c t i v e p r e f i x e s  before the stem and a f t e r the  objective prefixes...  occur pronominal  There are a l s o frequent  c o n t r a c t i o n s of these p r e f i x e s when they come t o g e t h e r . The d i s j u n c t i v e p r e f i x e s occur before the o b j e c t s and are l e s s connected  pronominal  with the stem...[they]  do  not as a r u l e c o n t r a c t with the c o n j u n c t i v e p r e f i x e s . "  S i m i l a r o b s e r v a t i o n s are made i n K a r i ' s study of the d i s j u n c t boundary i n Navaho and Tanaina. (p. 331)  (Kari  1975)  He s t a t e s  t h a t t h i s "word i n t e r n a l boundary... p l a y s a  significant role  i n the phonologies", d e s p i t e t h e i r  g e o g r a p h i c a l l y d i s t a n t from each o t h e r . creates a d i v i s i o n  being  T h i s d i s j u n c t boundary  i n the p r e f i x e s as shown below.  Here the #  marks the d i s j u n c t boundary where the p r e f i x e s to i t s l e f t d i s j u n c t , and  those to i t s r i g h t are c o n j u n c t .  are  45  M o r p h o l o g i c a l S t r u c t u r e of Navaho and Tanaina adverbial - iterative - plural 1 2 3 aspect - mode - p e r f e c t i v e 6 7 8 Kari  # d i r e c t object - d e i c t i c 4 5  - subject - c l a s s i f i e r 9 10  - stem 11  (p.333) adds the f o l l o w i n g comments about t h i s boundary:  " I t seems c l e a r are  that the secondary [or d i s j u n c t ]  prefixes  probably l a t e i n c o r p o r a t i o n s of independent  prefixes  as data from the a r c h a i c Eyak* language show t h a t Eyak verbs begin with the d i r e c t o b j e c t p o s i t i o n disjunct  prefixes  and what are  i n Athapaskan are p r e v e r b a l elements i n  Eyak."  T h i s secondary or d i s j u n c t large role the  i n my a n a l y s i s  boundary of Athapaskan p l a y s a  of C h i l c o t i n as w e l l .  d i v i s i o n between the d u r a t i v e and d i r e c t  Chilcotin. Sekani  It i s also  (Hargus 1985).  a major d i v i s i o n  object a f f i x e s i n  i n the phonology of  Instead of having t o encode t h i s  d i s t i n c t i o n with an ad hoc boundary, LP captures clustering  I t conforms t o  this  e f f e c t by proposing morphological s t r a t a  phonological rules  are assigned t o . The f a c t that  phonological rules  o n l y a p p l y t o some a f f i x e s  and  which certain  (or morphemes)  not t o others i s expected i n a theory which groups  i n t o separate c l a s s e s or s t r a t a .  affixes  In t h i s case, the primary or  conjunct a f f i x e s are a s s i g n e d t o one l e v e l and the secondary or  46  d i s j u n c t ones to While  another.  K a r i d i s c u s s e s two  on Athapaskan languages Li  (1946) has evidence  - - d i s j u n c t , pronominal  types of a f f i x e s , other r e s e a r c h  has suggested  even more d i s t i n c t i o n s .  f o r three types of a f f i x e s s u b j e c t and  o b j e c t , and  i n Chipewyan  conjunct.  Hargus (1985) has r e p o r t e d the e x i s t e n c e of four l e v e l s i n Sekani.  As w i l l be shown below, there i s evidence  morphological theoretical similar  levels  in Chilcotin.  framework i s d i f f e r e n t  Thus although  f o r three the  the c u r r e n t a n a l y s i s w i l l  be  i n content to t h a t d e s c r i b e d by L i f o r Chipewyan.  Before p r e s e n t i n g my a n a l y s i s of the p h o n o l o g i c a l and morphological  l e v e l s of C h i l c o t i n ,  I w i l l begin with a  d i s c u s s i o n of the nature of morphological r u l e s .  This i s  because the t h e o r e t i c a l assumptions which I am making are different  3. 3  from those u s u a l l y used  M o r p h o l o g i c a l Rule Athapaskan languages  any  theory of morphology.  strict  order.  t h i s order  i n LP"*.  Formation present three o r d e r i n g problems f o r First,  the v e r b a l a f f i x e s occur  A theory of a f f i x a t i o n w i l l have to ensure  i s preserved.  Second, the d i r e c t i o n  string is built  left,  i t v i o l a t e s Anderson's (1982) c l a i m t h a t the  d e r i v a t i o n should precede  because C h i l c o t i n has  that  i n which the  affix  of  i s problematic.  in a  I f i t i s done r i g h t to  t h a t of i n f l e c t i o n .  inflectional affixes  ( o b j e c t ) , 6 ( s u b j e c t ) , 7 ( o b v i a t i v e ) , and  affixation This i s  in positions 5 12  (person  marker).  47  ( I n f l e c t i o n i s d e f i n e d here as a f f i x e s which s p e c i f y e i t h e r person  or number of the s u b j e c t or o b j e c t . )  affixes  i n p o s i t i o n s 2 (adverb), 8 and  T h i r d , some of the  9 (both d e r i v a t i v e ) form  d i s c o n t i n u o u s stems with the stem of p o s i t i o n 14. examples are  [tae...daen]  'to d r i n k , [yae...tek]  convey the f u l l will  'to speak',  1  [ye...zun] 'to t h i n k ' , and cases both the stem and  Some  [dae...le4J  'to f l o a t ' .  In these  the d e r i v a t i v e a f f i x are needed to  meaning of the verb.  The  theory of a f f i x a t i o n  need to a l l o w f o r the i n t e r v e n t i o n of other  affixes  between these d i s c o n t i n u o u s elements. The  method of a f f i x a t i o n which I present below provides a  s o l u t i o n to a l l three of the above problems.  I will  present arguments i n favor of a r i g h t to l e f t  affixation  process, and  then t u r n to the d e t a i l s of the theory t h a t ensure  a f f i x order and a l l o w the presence As Rice  first  of d i s c o n t i n u o u s stems.  (1985) has pointed out,  are a t t a c h e d before  i f derivational  i n f l e c t i o n a l ones, i t i s necessary  p r e f i x the d e r i v a t i o n a l morphology onto the stem, and i n f i x a l l of the i n f l e c t i o n a l morphology. o b j e c t i o n a b l e on two  affixes  counts.  First,  to then  This i s  i t is counterintuitive,  s i n c e the l i n e a r order would not r e f l e c t the true o r d e r i n g of the a f f i x a t i o n p r o c e s s . phonologically.  Second, i t i s impossible to  As she comments (p. 159),  derivational string  entire  i s present, there i s no p h o n o l o g i c a l  context on which i n f i x a t i o n One  "Once the  formulate  (of i n f l e c t i o n ) can be d e f i n e d " .  would have to r e s o r t to an i n f i x a t i o n process d e f i n e d by  48  morphological p o s i t i o n .  Rice argues  that t h i s  is equally  unacceptable:  "It  might be p o s s i b l e t o formulate a complex  infixation  r u l e making c r u c i a l r e f e r e n c e t o v a r i o u s m o r p h o l o g i c a l boundary types but i f Anderson's t h e o r y were to permit r e s o r t i n g t o such d e v i c e s , h i s c l a i m t h a t a l l i n f l e c t i o n a l a f f i x e s must be o u t s i d e d e r i v a t i o n a l a f f i x e s would be rendered v i r t u a l l y u n f a l s i f i a b l e " .  Furthermore,  (Rice 1985:160)  i n LP an i n f i x a t i o n process d e f i n e d by  either  m o r p h o l o g i c a l p o s i t i o n or boundary type i s i m p o s s i b l e , s i n c e r e f e r r i n g to boundaries  m o r p h o l o g i c a l p o s i t i o n i s not allowed  have been done away with i n favor of  and  levels  (although r e f e r e n c e to m o r p h o l o g i c a l b r a c k e t i n g i s i n r e s t r i c t e d c o n d i t i o n s a v a i l a b l e to p h o n o l o g i c a l r u l e s ) . I f o l l o w R i c e i n assuming t h a t i n f l e c t i o n a l a f f i x a t i o n i n C h i l c o t i n must be allowed to precede c r e a t i n g a uniform r i g h t to l e f t The  affixation,  process.  t h e o r y of a f f i x a t i o n which I adopt  made f o r E n g l i s h by Aronoff (1976).  derivational  follows proposals  (1974), L i e b e r (1980), and  A f f i x a t i o n takes p l a c e s through  morphemes i n t o branching t r e e s .  Selkirk  the i n s e r t i o n of  In t h i s system, a f f i x e s have  s u b c a t e g o r i z a t i o n frames which ensure the co-occurrence  of  d i s c o n t i n u o u s morphemes while g e n e r a t i n g the c o r r e c t s u r f a c e order i n a uniform r i g h t t o l e f t  process.  49  Lieber  (1980) proposes a system of morphological  a f f i x a t i o n t h a t maintains a s i n g l e c o n t e x t - f r e e  r u l e which  generates u n l a b e l l e d b i n a r y branching t r e e s t r u c t u r e s . are  first  Stems  i n s e r t e d i n t o the t r e e s t r u c t u r e , followed by  a f f i x e s , based upon t h e i r s u b c a t e g o r i z a t i o n example, the E n g l i s h a d j e c t i v e  frames. For  'happy' i s f i r s t  inserted into  the t r e e , s i n c e i t i s a stem, e.g.  A /  happy Then the s u f f i x  '-ness*  subcategorization  A  i s inserted, subject to i t s  frame which s t a t e s t h a t  i t can only a t t a c h to  adjectives:  A / / happyA Each a f f i x  is listed  \ \ n  e s s  N  i n the l e x i c o n with a  subcategorization  frame which s t a t e s i t s co-occurrence r e s t r i c t i o n s .  For  E n g l i s h , f o r example, the s u f f i x e s '-ness' and ' - i z e ' would have the f o l l o w i n g subcategor i z a t ion frames: [N_  ]  v  ]JJ and  [adj  Thus '-ness' a t t a c h e s to the r i g h t of a d j e c t i v e s and  c r e a t e s nouns such as 'happiness', and ' - i z e ' a t t a c h e s t o the r i g h t of nouns t o c r e a t e verbs such as  'standardize'.  I can now show how t h i s a f f i x a t i o n process operates i n Chilcotin.  Due t o the many types of a f f i x e s found  i n the verb  50  s t r i n g I propose t h a t the r e l e v a n t subcategorization  for  are those of the a f f i x c a t e g o r i e s , i . e .  +stem, f c l a s s i f i e r , than simply  features  ±conjunct, ±mode, ±derlvative, e t c . r a t h e r  Noun and  Verb.  This  i s not very r a d i c a l  i f we  a t what Chomsky (1965:199) o r i g i n a l l y s a i d about the use and  V.  " I t i s q u i t e p o s s i b l e t h a t the c a t e g o r i e s  a d j e c t i v e are the r e f l e c t i o n of a deeper f e a t u r e each being a combination of f e a t u r e s Chomsky leaves question  and  continues  s i n c e they do The  use  the exact  the a b b r e v i a t i o n s  of f e a t u r e s Aronoff  such as  other  than N, V, and  N, V, and  A,  A i s not  entirely  (1974) uses a b s t r a c t m o r p h o l o g i c a l  'latinate',  'Greek', 'Romance*, and  '-hood' a t t a c h to the c o r r e c t r o o t s , e.g. '-hood' i s t + n a t i v e ] .  "The  sort".  f e a t u r e s an open  f o r E n g l i s h to ensure t h a t the a f f i x e s such as  and  structure,  f u n c t i o n as d i s c r e t e c l a s s e s i n E n g l i s h .  unprecedented. features  to use  of N  noun, verb,  of a more a b s t r a c t  nature of the  look  He  states  'native'  '-ity'  ' i t y ' is  and  [+latinate]  (p.19):  most important t h i n g to be noted about a f e a t u r e  like  latinate  i s t h a t i t i s a b s t r a c t . . . there  i s good evidence  t h a t the  feature  of morphemes.  Further the  latinate  i s a property  evidence... of the a b s t r a c t and  feature  latinate  a r b i t r a r y nature of  i s that monomorphemic (and  l a t i n a t e ) words tend to move i n t o the  native  c l a s s i f i c a t i o n f o r purposes of a f f i x a t i o n as and  statehood."  truly  in  priesthood  51  Selkirk  (1982) mentions the p o s s i b i l i t y of languages i n  which i t might be necessary to s p e c i f y such f e a t u r e s as gender, p l u r a l and  case i n order  to d e r i v e c o r r e c t a f f i x order.  The  f e a t u r e s I propose f o r C h i l c o t i n are used i n the subcategorization  frames of a f f i x e s to ensure t h a t they a t t a c h  i n the c o r r e c t order  to the c o r r e c t stems.  t h a t morphemes a t t a c h when o n l y the subcategorization  C r u c i a l l y , I assume  features  frames are present  and  in their  no other  features  are  present. To exemplify use  how  c o r r e c t a f f i x order  the mode a f f i x /ghe/  ( p o s i t i o n 10)  as an example.  a l l have the  features  t+clsf] in their subcategorization  conjunct  no o t h e r s , have been a t t a c h e d . and  The  [+pm], and  frames to ensure t h a t they ( p o s i t i o n 11), affixes  (The  up the b i n a r y branching  conjunct  affix  t r e e under the f o l l o w i n g  I:  person). percolate  Feature  (1980):  P e r c o l a t i o n Conventions  A l l f e a t u r e s of a stem morpheme, i . e . a morpheme  lacking a subcategorization  frame, l a b e l the  non-branching node dominating i t ;  and  is optional  f e a t u r e s of each morpheme w i l l  P e r c o l a t i o n Conventions, as d e f i n e d by L i e b e r  Feature  person  ( p o s i t i o n 13),  i s added o n l y i f the verb i s marked f o r t h i r d I assume t h a t the  I will  mode a f f i x e s  (t+conj]),  are added o n l y a f t e r the c l a s s i f i e r marker ( p o s i t i o n 12), and  i s obtained,  first  52  II:  A l l f e a t u r e s of an a f f i x p e r c o l a t e t o the f i r s t  branching node; III: II, if  I f a branching node f a l l s  t o o b t a i n any f e a t u r e s v i a  f e a t u r e s from the next lowest node p e r c o l a t e up t o i t , i t fails  i.e.  t o o b t a i n any f e a t u r e s t h a t a r e not m u t u a l l y  exclus ive.^  We can see how these operate by l o o k i n g a t the of the t r e e f o r •happiness'.  labelling  By Convention I, the f e a t u r e  of the stem 'happy' p e r c o l a t e s to the f i r s t  non-branching  f+A] node  dominating i t :  /\ / \ [+A] \ I \ 'happy' '-ness' By Convention I I , the f e a t u r e p e r c o l a t e s t o the f i r s t  I+N] of the a f f i x  '-ness'  branching node:  [+N] /\ / \ t+A] \ I \ 'happy' '-ness' Convention specified  I I I i s r u l e d out s i n c e the branching node i s a l r e a d y for a category.  The o p e r a t i o n  of Convention  I I I can be shown by g i v i n g  L i e b e r ' s example from L a t i n of 'dix-era-mus'.  /dix/ is  53  [-present],  / e r a / [ + p e r f e c t ] , and /mus/  [ + f i r s t person].  f e a t u r e s p e r c o l a t e up to the uppermost branching  These  node v i a  Convention I I I , s i n c e t h i s node has f a i l e d to r e c e i v e any s p e c i f i c a t i o n s f o r these f e a t u r e s v i a Convention I I : /  t+V] [-present] [+perfect] [+ 1 person] /\ / \ •dix' A / \ 'era' 'mus' To exemplify  these conventions f o r C h i l c o t i n a f f i x a t i o n , I  w i l l use the example /tae-s-daen/ 'I'm d r i n k i n g ' . i t s features tree.  [+stem, +drink],  i s f r e e l y inserted into a binary  By Convention I, the f e a t u r e s  percolate  /daen/, with  [+drinkj,  [+stem]  up:  [+drink] [+stemJ I 'drink' [+drink] [+stem] T h i s produces a node which the c l a s s i f i e r classifier  i s only s u b c a t e g o r i z e d  r e q u i r e any other  f e a t u r e s to be  can a t t a c h t o .  f o r stems and does not present.  The  54  /\ /  \  •1' \ [+clsf] \ \  [+drink] [+stem] •drink' t+drink J [+stem] At  this stage,  first  branching  the feature  f+clsf] w i l l  percolate  up t o t h e  node v i a C o n v e n t i o n I I :  t+clsf] /\ / \ '1' \ [+clsf] \ \  f+drink] [ tstetn] 'drink' [+drink]  t+stemj  Now,  by C o n v e n t i o n I I I , t h e f e a t u r e  p e r c o l a t e up t o t h e b r a n c h i n g specified  for that  feature:  [+drink]  i s also able to  n o d e , s i n c e t h i s node i s n o t  55  t+clsf] [+drink] A / \ •1' \ [+clsf] \ \  [+drink] f +stem] •drink' [+drink] [+stem] P e r s o n markers can feature  now  attach, since  [+clsf] in their  /  A  / 's' t+pm)  they require only  subcategorization  the  frames:  \  \ l+clsf] [+drink] /\ / \ '1' \ [+clsfj \ \  [+drink] [+steml  I  'drink' [+drink] [+stem] Next, the  person marker f e a t u r e p e r c o l a t e s  node v i a C o n v e n t i o n I I . also percolate  The  features  up v i a C o n v e n t i o n I I I :  to the  [ + c l s f ] and  branching [+drinkj  may  56  t +pm] [+clsf] t+drink] /\ / \ / \ •s' [+clsf] [+pml [+drink] /\ / \ •1' \ [+clsf] \ \  [+drink] (tstem}  I  •drink• [+drink J [tstem] The  phonologically  subcategorization marker  null  imperfect  marker can  now  frame r e q u i r e s  only  the  (where C o n v e n t i o n I I I has  also  applied):  attach,  p r e s e n c e of a  as  its  person  57  t+imp] [+pm] [+clsf] [•drink] /\ / \ / t+pm] 0 [+clsf] [+imp] [ + d r i n k ] /\ / \ / \ 's' [+clsf] [+pm] [+drink] /\ / \ •1' \ [+clsf] \ \  [+drink] [+stem] •drink' [+drink] [+stem] The t r e e a t t h i s p o i n t all  internal morphological  will  now e n t e r l e v e l  tree structures  2,  whereupon  are erased,  leaving:  [+imp] T+pm] f+clsf] [•drink] [0 Now  the l e v e l  frame  [  s -  1 - daen]  2 a f f i x /tae/,  w h i c h has t h e  +drink], i s allowed to attach,  subcategorization g i v i n g the t r e e :  58  /  A  \  / 'tae*  \ [+imp] [+pm] [+clsf] I+drink] I [0- s - 1 - daen]  A phonological  rule later deletes / l / ,  resulting in  [tae-s-daenl.  3.4  Summary We have seen above how the problematic  formation  process  can be s i m p l i f i e d  by using a few r e l a t i v e l y  s t r a i g h t f o r w a r d mechanisms t h a t have been motivated f o r E n g l i s h a f f i x a t i o n  C h i l c o t i n word  (Kipasky  independently 1982).  T h i s has been  done by making the f o l l o w i n g g e n e r a l assumptions: have s u b c a t e g o r i z a t i o n  frames;  (1) a f f i x e s  (2) the r e l e v a n t f e a t u r e s f o r  C h i l c o t i n c o n s i s t of s e v e r a l a f f i x c a t e g o r i e s of the type [clsf],  [mode], [person], e t c . , and of a b s t r a c t semantic  f e a t u r e s , e.g. [ d r i n k ] , [ t a l k ] , e t c . ( c . f . Aronoff 1980);  (3) word formation  i s i n the form of b i n a r y  1974, L i e b e r branching  t r e e s i n t o which a f f i x e s a r e i n s e r t e d , s u b j e c t t o t h e i r subcategorization  frames; and  P e r c o l a t i o n Conventions.  (4) there a r e three  Discontinuous  morphemes a r e no longer  a problem, nor i s a contiguous r i g h t t o l e f t process.  Feature  affixation  59  Footnotes f o r Chapter 3  1.  I assume t h a t a f t e r the l a s t l e x i c a l l e v e l the morphemes  enter the syntax where l e x i c a l  i n s e r t i o n takes p l a c e .  See  Chomsky (1981) f o r d e t a i l s .  2.  Eyak  is a sister  language t o the Athapaskan languages  which, a c c o r d i n g to Krauss, r e t a i n s many elements of an Eyak-Athapaskan  3.  See Speas  language a n c e s t o r .  (1984) f o r an a l t e r n a t i v e type of a f f i x a t i o n  d e v i c e f o r Navaho.  4.  There i s a f o u r t h convention t h a t d e a l s with compounds  which I have not i n c l u d e d here as i t i s not r e l e v a n t .  60  CHAPTER 4: THE LEXICAL PHONOLOGY OF CHILCOTIN: LEVEL 1  As mentioned i n the p r e v i o u s chapter, my a n a l y s i s of C h i l c o t i n proposes three l e v e l s t o the morphology. w i l l be presented  i n a separate chapter, with the c u r r e n t  chapter d e a l i n g with L e v e l 1. will  Each l e v e l  Within each of these c h a p t e r s , I  f i r s t d i s c u s s the m o r p h o l o g i c a l c l a s s e s which a r e  a s s o c i a t e d with i t , f o l l o w e d by a d e s c r i p t i o n of the r u l e s which a p p l y .  4.1  Morphology 4.1.1  Stems ( P o s i t i o n 14).  i n accordance  The C h i l c o t i n verb stems vary  with the mode and aspect of the e n t i r e  string.  Both the stem vowel and the f i n a l consonant may change, as can be seen i n the f o l l o w i n g examples:*  (1) a. [ t a e - z u l ]  'he's going t o s t a r t being good' A  derv stem 9 14 b. [na-gha-d-zun]  'he i s good a g a i n ' A  derv mode e l s stem 9 10 13 14 c. [na-gha-d-zun]  'he o f t e n becomes good' A  dur mode e l s stem 4 10 13 14  61  d. [nae-tae-d-zul]  'he i s going to be good a g a i n ' A  adv derv e l s stem 2 8 13 14 e. [ l a h i - z u l ]  'he i s not good  ( f o r the j o b ) ' A  neg derv stem 9 14 f.  [ l a hi-zuh]  'he's not good  (healthy)' A  neg derv stem 9 14 g. [ghe-n-zu]  'he was once good' A  mode conj stem 10 11 14 4.1.2  Classifiers  ( P o s i t i o n 13).  c l a s s i f i e r s : /d,1,4,*/ ^.  There a r e 4 C h i l c o t i n  When p r o d u c t i v e , / 4 /  t r a n s i t i v i t y as seen i n the data below:  (2) a. i . [da-z-*-k'an]  ' i t i s burning' E  derv p e r f e l s stem 9 10 13 14 ii.  [di-4-k'aen]  'I burned i t ' E  derv e l s stem 9 13 14 b. i . [g a-da-gha-s-0-mal] w  'I r o l l e d ' E  obj derv perf pm e l s stem 5 8 10 12 13 14  g e n e r a l l y marks  62  ii.  [g e-day-4--mal] w  'I r o l l e d  it'  E  obj derv e l s stem 5 9 13 14 c i.  [tae-^-sax]  'he i s g o i n g t o s p i t '  A  d e r v e l s stem 9 13 14 ii.  Tbs-dzax  bi-tae-4—sax]  h i s gum  adv d e r v c l s f  'he i s g o i n g t o s p i t h i s stem  I n some p a r a d i g m s , t h e c l a s s i f i e r transitivity. classifier  gum  i s n o t needed  1  t o mark  In the f o l l o w i n g t r a n s i t i v e verbs, the  i s /#/.  ( 3 ) a . [ h o - g h e - n - t * - t s i J 'you s h o t i t (many t i m e s ) ' B d e r v p e r f pm e l s s t e m 8 10 12 13 14 b.  [ys-0-daen]  'he i s d r i n k i n g  it  1  C  obv e l s s t e m 7 13 14 c.  'Mary'  [sai-n-tf-ta4]  'you k i c k e d M a r y '  B  p e r f pm e l s s t e m 10 12 13 14 In the m a j o r i t y of cases, the c l a s s i f i e r s i d i o s y n c r a t i c , and i t i s s i m p l e s t t o l i s t they attach  in their  have  become  t h e stems t o w h i c h  s u b c a t e g o r i z a t i o n frames.  4.1.3 P e r s o n M a r k e r s ( P o s i t i o n  12).  These a f f i x e s  mark  A  63  the person and number of the s u b j e c t . below with examples  The i n v e n t o r y i s l i s t e d  following:  S ingular  Person  Plural  s  id  Second  in  ch  Third  0  First  0 (marked by d 3 E i n position  (4) a.  [he-s-d3en]  6)  'I s i n g ' E  derv pm stem 9 12 14 b i . [h-in-d3En]  'you s i n g  1  E  derv pm stem The vowel here must be / i / r a i s e to [ i ] before  r a t h e r than /e/ (which would not  [n]) due to the f o l l o w i n g data where / E /  does indeed occur b e f o r e [ n ] .  ii.  [ne-nsz]  ' i t i s long' A  derv stem 9 14 iii.  [ t e - n a - d 3 i - y a - g h a - l - t J u t ] 'they caught i t a g a i n ' A adv dur subj obv p e r f c l s f 2 4 6 7 10 13  iv  stem 14  . [ g E - n i - n k ' a e z ] 'water i s c o l d ' W  (Cook  1987)  64  v.  c.  [nae-se-nae-ghe-ne-1-t.fens ] 'you are h i t t i n g  me' (Cook 1987)  'he s i n g s ' E  [he-*-d3en]  derv pm stem d.  [h-i-d3en]  'we  sing'  E  derv pm stem e i . [h-eh-d3en]  'you  (pi.) sing' E  derv pm stem T h i s a f f i x must be vowel i n i t i a l  due t o the f o l l o w i n g  e i i . [gax de-n_i-4-te4-] »he shot the r a b b i t ' r a b b i t derv p e r f c l s f 8 10 13 iii.  [gax de-n-e-4—te4]  iii,  B  stem 14 'you ( p i . ) shot the r a b b i t '  r a b b i t derv p e r f pm c l s f 8 10 12 13 The p e r f e c t i v e a f f i x  B  stem 14  i s / n i / as shown i n example  i i . In example  i t i s the vowel [e] t h a t s u r f a c e s . T h i s can o n l y be due t o  an / e / - i n i t i a l person marker.  The /h/ of the person marker  would have c o a l e s c e d with the f o l l o w i n g /4/ c l a s s i f i e r 4.2.3) before the / n i / p e r f e c t i v e was added.  (see  The /h/ would  thus not be a v a i l a b l e to lower the i of / n i / t o [ e ] . this  examples.  Therefore  person marker must be /eh/. (I a l s o assume that t h i s  i s vowel i n i t i a l  based on h i s t o r i c a l  has r e c o n s t r u c t e d t h i s  evidence.  a f f i x as *ax f o r Na-Dene.  affix  Krauss (1964)  65  f.  [d.3£-d3En]  'they s i n g ' E  subj stem 4.1.4  Conjunct  a f f i x /n/ .  ( P o s i t i o n 11).  I t occurs o n l y i n the t h i r d person  s t r i n g s that contain either perfective  affixes.  i s not c l e a r .  C h i l c o t i n has one conjunct forms of  the / g h i / s e r i a t i v e or / n i /  The f u n c t i o n of the conjunct i n C h i l c o t i n  In Sekani the conjunct a f f i x marks c o n j u g a t i o n  c l a s s e s of modes. (Hargus 1985).  (5) / g h i / S e r i a t i v e a.  [yo-ghe-n-tael]  'he k i c k e d i t ' ( s e r i a t . ) A  obv p e r f conj stem 7 10 11 14 b. [ y o - g h e - n - t s i ]  'he shot i t ' ( s e r i a t . ) B  obv p e r f conj stem 7 10 11 14 c.  [d3i-yo-ghe-n-tael]  'they k i c k e d i t ' ( s e r i a t . ) B  subj obv perf conj stem 6 7 10 11 14 d. [ s i t na-ghi-n-tsun]  'he k i s s e d me' B  (FL. IRR.)  pron dur p e r f conj stem 4 10 11 14 (6) / n i / P e r f e c t i v e a.  [dsi d3e-ni-n-dil]  'they a r r i v e d  •here' subj perf conj stem 6 10 11 14  here' A  66  b. 'Mary' [ n i - n - d i ] noun  'Mary was s h o r t ' A  p e r f conj stem 10 11 14  c. [na4ey x a - t a - n i - n - t a e l ] w  noun obj derv p e r f conj stem 5 9 10 11 14 •the horse was k i c k i n g  i n t o us' B  As can be seen i n the data below, conjunct i n the t h i r d  [n] occurs only  person.  (7) a . tyo-ghe-n-tael]  'he k i c k e d i t ' A  obv p e r f conj stem 7 10 11 14 b. [ho-gha-s-tael]  'I k i c k e d i t ' A  derv p e r f pm stem 8 10 12 14 c. [ho-gha-h-tael]  'you ( p i . ) k i c k e d i t ' A  derv p e r f pm stem 8 10 12 14 d.  [ho-ghe-tael]  'we k i c k e d i t ' A  derv p e r f stem 8 10 14  4.1.5  Mode ( P o s i t i o n 10).  These a f f i x e s ;  perfective,  i m p e r f e c t i v e , o p t a t i v e , i n c e p t i v e , and s e r i a t i v e —  mark the  modal mood of the verb s t r i n g as d e s c r i b e d i n the s e c t i o n s  67  below.  Perfective: action.'  4  /ni,si,ghe/.  This a f f i x  indicates a  The semantic d i s t i n c t i o n s among these three a f f i x e s  are not c l e a r from my d a t a .  Stems with which each has been  found are l i s t e d below.  /si/  /ghe/  /ni/  •shake' NP  'arrive *  'sing'  •turn' NP  •crawl *  'smell' NP  ' s p i t ' NP  'break  ' s c r a t c h ' NP  •shatter'  NP  in h a l f  ' shoot'  'glance a t ' NP •push' NP •poke' NP 'swim' 'want ( t o s i n g ) ' 'cut' NP •dream' ' f a l l down' •sit' 'get  completed  bloody' ( S E )  'sleep' ( S E ) •shoot* u n s p e c i f i e d  NP  • cry'  68  I have c l a s s i f i e d  the  /se/ a f f i x  i n 'get  bloody' and  'sleep'  a v a r i a t i o n of the  p e r f e c t i v e / s i / a f f i x rather  c o n j u n c t a f f i x due  to i t s semantic f u n c t i o n - a marker of  completed a c t i o n .  / s i / p e r f e c t i v e a l s o has  which cannot always be accounted f o r by the  / z i / as a  a  variant  intervocalic voicing  of  /s/.  Imperfective; indicates actions .speaker  (8) a.  /*/.  Phonologically  t h a t are  incomplete.  null, this affix Both examples are  from  A.  [na4-yae-0-s-ta*] post derv imp 1 8 10  'I am  speaking with  you'  pm stem 12 14  [sak'i ? e - d 3 e - t E - 0 - t s i h ]  b.  noun  this  than as  as  obj subj derv imp 5 6 9 10  stem 14  'they are  s h o o t i n g i n t o a group of cows'  Optative  /gh e/. w  Both p h o n o l o g i c a l l y  i s a very i n t e r e s t i n g a f f i x .  Phonologically  c e r t a i n vowels to the r i g h t , rounding and w i l l be  further discussed  and  semantically, i t affects  lowering them.  on pages 96-7). S e m a n t i c a l l y , t h i s  mode t r a n s l a t e s as a d e s i r e or wish of l i m i t e d s o r t s as following:  (This  i n the  6 9  (9) a. [gh o-d3En] w  opt 10  c.  'I'm t h i n k i n g about being good' A  stem 14  d. [wa-s-t/ah] opt 10  '(they asked) you to s i n g ' B  pm stem 12 14  [gha-su] opt 10  'I'm t h i n k i n g about being b i g ' A  pm stem 12 14  ( i n b. and d. the v e l a r i s not r e p r e s e n t e d  Inceptive: affix,  B  stem 14  b. [wo-n-d3en] opt 10  ' l e t ' s sing*  [gh] was so weakly a r t i c u l a t e d t h a t i t  i n the phonetic  / t a e . . .ghe/.  transcription)  / t a e / i n p o s i t i o n 8 plus  /ghe/, i n d i c a t e the i n c e p t i v e — a n  event or a c t i o n  this that  w i l l soon s t a r t . In the f i r s t person s i n g u l a r and the t h i r d person  singular  and p l u r a l , the p e r f e c t i v e /ghe/ o f t e n does not occur. This i s shown below i n the ( i ) examples.  (10) a. i . [ t a e - s - " ? i l ] derv pm stem 8 12 14  'I'm going t o look a t i t ' A  70  ii.  [ t a - g h a - l - ^ i l ] 'we are going t o look a t i t ' A derv i n c e l s stem 8 10 13 14  b.  i . [d3e-tae-dil]  'they are going t o d r i n k ' A  subj derv stem 6 8 14 ii.  [ta-gha-dil]  'you ( p i . ) are going t o d r i n k ' C  derv i n c stem 8 10 14 c. i . [ t a e - t s a t ]  'he i s going t o swing' E  derv stem 8 14 ii.  [ta-gha-n-tsat]  'you a r e going t o swing' E  derv i n c pm stem 8 10 12 14  The a f f i x a t i o n  of /ghe/ i s t h e r e f o r e  optional for third  s i n g u l a r and p l u r a l and the f i r s t . p e r s o n s i n g u l a r . s e c t i o n 7.2 f o r [gh] c o n t r a c t i o n  Ser i a t i v e  /ghi/.  person  (See  i n f a s t speech).  As mentioned e a r l i e r , the s e r i a t i v e  mode denotes u s u a l l y a s i n g u l a r a c t i o n t h a t has been repeated many times, as i n the f o l l o w i n g :  (11) a . i . [yo-ghe-n-tael] obv s e r conj stem 7 10 11 14  'he k i c k e d  i t many times' A  71  ii.  [ya-z-ta4]  'he k i c k e d i t once  obv p e r f stem 7 10 14 b. i . [ x a - d 3 o - g h i - n - t a e l ] 'they k i c k e d us many times' A (FL. IRR.) w  obj subj s e r conj stem 5 6 10 13 14 ii.  [d3e-ta-z-ta4-]  'they k i c k e d once' A  subj derv p e r f stem 6 9 10 14 c. i . [ s o - g h i - n - t a l ]  'he k i c k e d me many times' A (FL. IRR.)  obj s e r conj stem 7 10 11 14 ii.  tsa-z-ta4J  'he k i c k e d me once*  A  obj p e r f stem 5 10 14 d. i . Cho-ghe-n-tsi)  'you shot i t many times' A  derv s e r conj stem 9 10 11 14 ii.  'Mary* [hu-ni-n-tsax]  'you shoot Mary' A  noun derv p e r f conj stem 8 10 11 14 Of p h o n o l o g i c a l i n t e r e s t i s the vowel t o the l e f t seriative affix.  of the  In every case, i t i s the [+RTR] mid back  round vowel [ o ] , o f t e n accompanied by a [w] g l i d e .  This  phenomenon w i l l be f u r t h e r d i s c u s s e d i n the s e c t i o n on l e v e l 2 phonology.  72  4.1.6  Derivative  ( P o s i t i o n 9 ) . These a f f i x e s a r e  g e n e r a l l y q u i t e i d i o s y n c r a t i c and many must simply have t h e i r subcategorization features l i s t e d  i n the l e x i c o n .  At b e s t , I  can o n l y s t a t e semantic or paradigmatic t e n d e n c i e s among these affixes.  The a f f i x e s are l i s t e d  below with examples of each  and a semantic e x p l a n a t i o n when p o s s i b l e . /tc/. understood  (12) a.  This a f f i x  i s found  i n verb s t r i n g s t h a t have an  goal.  [ t a - z - t'as]  'he c u t i t ' A  derv p e r f stem 9 10 14 [d5E-te-ta4]  'they are k i c k i n g ' B  subj derv stem 6 9 14  c. [ ? a - t a - z a - s i ]  'I shot' A  obj der p e r f stem 5 9 10 14 d.  [ta-ze-4-kat]  'he broke' A  derv p e r f e l s stem 9 10 13 14  73  e. NP [ b i - t g - 4 - z a x l  'he u s u a l l y s p i t s NP  adv derv c l s f 2 9 13  f.  1  A  stem 14  [da-da-ta-za-4-vjn]  'you ( p i . ) glanced a t i t ' A  derv derv derv p e r f c l s f 8 8 9 10 13  stem 14  g. [ b i - n - t a - z a - 4 - q e y l 'you ( p i . ) vomited' A post adv derv p e r f c l s f 1 2 9 10 13  h. [ t u t a - z a - l e n ]  stem 14  'water i s f l o w i n g ' A  noun derv p e r f stem 9 10 14 i.  j.  [da-te-za-d-ts'at]  'I f e l l down' E  derv derv p e r f c l s f 8 9 10 13  stem 14  [naen-ta-za-s-bin1  'I s t a r t e d t o swim away from you' A  post derv p e r f pm stem 1 9 10 12 14 Idiosyncratic Derivatives.  /ne/ and / d i / are  i d i o s y n c r a t i c a l l y l i n k e d t o a stem.  /ne/ occurs with *to  t h i n k ' as shown below.  (13) a. t n e - s - a t ]  'I am t h i n k i n g '  derv pm stem 9 12 14  A  74  b. [n-j^-zat]  'you are t h i n k i n g ' A  derv pm stem c.  [ne-zat]  'he i s t h i n k i n g ' A  derv stem d. t n - i d - z a t ]  'we are t h i n k i n g ' A  derv pm stem e.  [n-eh-zat]  'you ( p i . ) are t h i n k i n g ' A  derv pm stem (In b. and d., / E / has d e l e t e d  before the vowel / i /  person marker see Vowel D e l e t i o n  I, s e c t i o n 4.2.1.)  / d i / co-occurs with the stem 'to say'.  (14) a. [hae-dc-s-den]  'I s a i d ' D  derv derv pm stem 9 8 12 14 b. [hae-dl-n-dEh]  'you s a i d  1  derv derv pm stem 12 14 9 8 c. [ h a e - d i - d E h ] derv derv stem 9 8 14  •he s a i d '  D  D  of the  75  d.  [hae-di-deh]  'we s a i d '  derv derv stem 9 8 14 e.  [hae-de-h-deh]  'you ( p i . ) s a i d '  derv derv pm stem 9 8 12 14 (In a., / i /  has lowered t o te] due t o the f o l l o w i n g  e., the / i /  has d e l e t e d before the person marker vowel / E / , see  s e c t i o n 4.2.1 f o r both  [ s ] , and i n  rules.)  In c o n c l u s i o n , the d e r i v a t i v e a f f i x e s of l e v e l one are / t e / , which a t t a c h e s t o verbs with a g o a l , and /ne/ and / d i / , which a r e c o m p l e t e l y i d i o s y n c r a t i c  4.1.7  in their  attachment.  Summary of Sect ion  L e v e l 1 c o n t a i n s the f o l l o w i n g m o r p h o l o g i c a l a f f i x e s :  derv  mode  conj  pm  n  s  clsf  Per te  ni  ne  si  in  4-  di  ghe  0  1  id  d  imp-  0  opt- g h e w  i n c - t a e . . .ghe ser- ghi  eh  0  stem  76  4. 2  L e v e l 1^ Phonology T h i s s e c t i o n i s d i v i d e d i n t o 3 main s u b s e c t i o n s :  rules that create a l e v e l 1 d i s t i n c t i o n ,  (1)  i . e . t h e i r environment  i s met a t l e v e l s 1, 2, and/or 3, but they a p p l y o n l y t o l e v e l 1 affixes); and  (2) r u l e s t h a t apply f r e e l y t o a f f i x e s of l e v e l s 1  2, but t h a t " s h u t - o f f " a f t e r l e v e l 2; and (3) r u l e s t h a t  a p p l y o n l y t o l e v e l 1 a f f i x e s but t h a t do not c r e a t e a l e v e l 1 distinction,  i . e . t h e i r environment i s met o n l y a t l e v e l 1.  4.2.1 Rules t h a t Create  a L e v e l iL D i s t i n c t i o n  Vowel D e l e t i o n I_. Three of the person marker a f f i x e s are vowel i n i t i a l - - / i n /  (second  person s i n g u l a r ) , / i d / ( f i r s t  person p l u r a l ) , and /eh/ (second of the form C V  5  i s added t o a s t r i n g beginning  VC person markers, a W  sequence i s c r e a t e d .  sequence i s not a l l o w a b l e . to  person p l u r a l ) .  with one of the T h i s CVVVC.stem 1  a consonant may be i n s e r t e d  ( c r e a t i n g 'CV.CVC. stem'), one of the  vowels could change i n t o a g l i d e or one of the vowels may delete  ( c r e a t i n g •CVC.stem').  of vowel d e l e t i o n .  C h i l c o t i n uses the l a s t  option  T h i s c r e a t e s the l e v e l 1-2 d i s t i n c t i o n a t  l e v e l 1 t h a t the l e f t m o s t vowel d e l e t e s rightmost  vowel d e l e t e s ) .  1  There are v a r i o u s options a v a i l a b l e  s y l l a b i f y such a sequence;  between the two V s  When an a f f i x  (at l e v e l 2, the  This i s i l l u s t r a t e d  i n the data  below f o r the l e v e l 1 a f f i x e s / t e / ' d e r i v a t i v e , and / s i / 1  77  •perfective•.  (15) a. [ t - i n - t e 4 ]  /te-In-te*/  'you are k i c k i n g ' A  derv pm stem 9 12 14 b. [ t - i d - t e 4 ] / t e - i d - t e 4 /  'we are k i c k i n g ' A  derv pm stem 9 12 14 c.  [te-te4]  /te-tcV  'he i s k i c k i n g ' A  derv stem 9 14. (16) a. NP  [bi-t-i_-4-saxl  NP  /bi-te-in-4-sax/ adv derv pm c l s f 2 9 12 13  stem 14  •you are s p i t t i n g NP' A b. NP  [bi-t-i-l-sax]  NP  /bi-te-id-4-sax/ adv derv pm c l s f 2 9 12 13  •we are s p i t t i n g NP c. NP  tbi-tE-4-sax]  NP  A  1  stem 14  6  /bi-te-4-sax/ adv derv c l s f 2 9 13  •he i s s p i t t i n g NP•  A  stem 14  78  (17) a. [na-s-ah-bin]  /nae-si-eh-bin/ dur p e r f pm stem 4 10 12 14  •you ( p i . ) swam  1  (A)  (here the / e / of the person marker has f l a t t e n e d t o [ a ] ) b. [na-se-bin]  /nae-si-s-bin/  'I swam' A  dur perf stem 4 10 , 14 (the / i /  of the p e r f e c t i v e marker has f l a t t e n e d t o t e ] ; I  cannot account f o r the m i s s i n g / s / person marker).  c. [na-se-bin]  /na-si-in-bin/  'you swam* A  dur p e r f stem 4 12 14 (here the / i /  o f the / s i /  p e r f e c t i v e has f l a t t e n e d t o [ e ] . I  can not account f o r the m i s s i n g /n/.)  (18) a.  [ s - a h - g  w  a t ]  / s i - e h - g W e t /  *you ( p i . ) poked' A  perf pm stem 10 13 14 (here the /e/ of the / e h / b.  [sai-gWat]  person marker has f l a t t e n e d t o [ a ] )  /si-s-gWet/  'I poked' A  p e r f stem 10 14 (the / i /  of the p e r f e c t i v e marker has f l a t t e n e n d t o [ a i ) ; I  cannot account f o r the m i s s i n g / s / person marker)  79  (19) a.  lgh-i_-l-gwat]  /ghe-in-l-gWet/ p e r f pm c l s f 10 12 13  [gh-i_-l-gwat]  'you  crawled' B  stem 14  /ghe-id-l-gw t/  'we  e  crawled  B  1  p e r f pm c l s f stem 10 12 13 14 c.  [gha-l-gWat]  /ghe-l-gWet/ perf c l s f 10 13  ( i n a. and  b.,  [ i ] has  the speech of speaker  'he  crawled' B  stem 14  f a i l e d to f l a t t e n .  T h i s was  common i n  B)  To account f o r these data the  f o l l o w i n g r u l e can  be  written:  Vowel D e l e t i o n 1^ V  -->  0  /  V  (I assume t h a t these are V s l o t s on the s k e l e t a l  The  Domain of Vowel D e l e t i o n I_.  The  t h a t Vowel D e l e t i o n I must precede RTR Harmony.  In (20)a,  d e l e t i n g the  Vowel D e l e t i o n  f o l l o w i n g data r e v e a l  Velar and  I has a p p l i e d  I i ] of the s e r i a t i v e marker (/ghi/),  V e l a r Harmony a p p l i e s f l a t t e n i n g / E / to  tier)  Alveolar first, then  [ a l . Example  RTR  (20)b  '80  r e v e a l s the u n d e r l y i n g  form of the s e r i a t i v e  (20) a. [ho-gh-ah-tael]  'you ( p i . ) kicked  affix.  i t (many times)  d e r v s e r pm stem 8 10 12 14 b.  [yo-ghe-n-tael] obv 7  'he kicked  i t (many times)  s e r conj stem 10 11 14  (the vowel of the s e r i a t i v e a f f i x has f l a t t e n e d t o [e] here) If V e l a r Harmony had a p p l i e d f i r s t ,  the f o l l o w i n g  ungrammatical form would be produced:  (21) a.  /hu-ghi-eh-tael/ ho-ghe-eh-tael [ho-gh-eh-tael]  The  RTR V e l a r Harmony Vowel D e l e t i o n I  same i n c o r r e c t o r d e r i n g can be seen i n the f o l l o w i n g  sentence: b. /gax h o - g h i - e h - t s i / gax  ho-ghe-eh-tsi  *[gax ho-gh-eh-tsi]  'you ( p i . ) shoot many r a b b i t s ' A RTR V e l a r harmony Vowel D e l e t i o n I  Vowel D e l e t i o n I must a l s o a p p l y before RTR A l v e o l a r Harmony. As shown i n the data below, the [ i ] of the p e r f e c t i v e marker / s i / d e l e t e s  ( v i a Vowel D e l e t i o n I) a f t e r being  affixed  to the [e] person marker, l e a v i n g [ S E ] (or [ Z E ] i f i t i s i n  81  inter-vocalic position).  (22)  a. / t e - s i - e h - z i /  'you ( p i . ) s p i t '  A  Vowel D e l e t i o n I tE-z -eh-zi RTR Harmony [ta-z  -ah-zl]  b. / t E - s i - E h - J c e t /  'you ( p i . ) broke NP' Vowel D e l e t i o n I  t E - z -eh-JtEt RTR Harmony [ t a - z -ah-kat]  c. / s i - E h - b i n /  'you ( p i . ) swam' Vowel D e l e t i o n I  s  -Eh-bin RTR Harmony  [s -ah-bin] ( A l l examples are from speaker A) Thus vowel D e l e t i o n I must apply before  both V e l a r and A l v e o l a r  Harmony. L e v e l Domain of Vowel D e l e t i o n I_. not a p p l y a t l e v e l s 2 or 3. the rightmost  In examples  Vowel D e l e t i o n I does (23) and (24), i t i s  vowel t h a t d e l e t e s r a t h e r than the l e f t m o s t .  82  (23) L e v e l 2 A f f i x e s a. /dae-eh-dil/  —>  [dae-h-dil]  'you  (pi.) arrived' A  derv pm stem 8 12 14 b. / h u - i d - t s a x / — >  [hu-tsax]  'we  shoot NP'  B  derv pm stem 8 12 14 c . /ni-eh-4-vaeh/--> derv pm c l s f 8 12 13  [ni-4-?aeh]  'you  ( p i . ) look a t i t ' A  stem 14  (24) L e v e l 3_ A f f i x e s  7  a. / n a e - i n - d 3 i t / — >  [ n a e - d 3 i t ] 'you are c r a w l i n g around'  adv pm stem 2 12 14 (I cannot account  f o r the m i s s i n g  In].)  b. / n a e - i d - l - d 3 i t / - - > [ n a e - l - d 3 i t ] 'we  are c r a w l i n g around 1  adv pm c l s f 2 12 13  stem 14  c. / n a e - E h - l - d 3 i t / - - > [nae-4-d3it] 'you adv pm c l s f 2 12 13  stem 14  ( a l l examples are from speaker In  e v e r y case,  ( p i . ) are c r a w l i n g around'  [ae] has remained  B) and the person marker vowel  has d e l e t e d .  i-Lowering.  Another  r u l e t h a t p r o v i d e s evidence  for level  B3  1 i s i-Lowering, where / i /  lowers t o [ E ] before  T h i s can be seen i n the f o l l o w i n g d a t a . in  (25) r e v e a l the u n d e r l y i n g  the  [s] or [ z ] .  A l l the ( i i ) example  form of the a f f i x  that  contains  /i/.  (25) a. i . [ n e - s - E h ]  /ni-s-ysh/  'I a r r i v e d h e r e  1  A  perf pm stem 10 12 14 ii.  [ni-yeh]  /ni-yeh/ perf 10  (this  'he a r r i v e d here' A  stem 14  [ n i ] i s the p e r f e c t i v e marker as i n [ni-4—tE4-] 'he  rabbit' A  b.  and  'you k i s s e d him' B  [hu-nae-ni-tsin]  i . [nae-bl-ta-zi-4-tsEt]  /nae-bl-ti-s-4-tSEt/  adv adv derv pm c l s f 1 1 8 12 13 'I pushed you away' ii.  shot  stem 14  B  [dae-bi-yu-ti^-4-tsEt ]  /dae-bi-yE-hu-t i _ - 4 - t s e t / adv adv obv derv c l s f 1 1 7 8 13  stem 14  'he pushed him over' B c.  i . [nae-ns-s-dsit]  /nae-ni-s-d3it/  *I crawled  across  adv p e r f pm stem 2 10 12 14 ii.  [nae-ni-dsit] /nae-ni-dsit/ adv p e r f 2 10  stem 14  'he crawled a c r o s s ' B  1  84  a.  i . [ne-s-icat]  /ni-s-l-ket/ p e r f pm c l s f  (the  [1] c l a s s i f i e r  'I broke NP' A stem  has d e l e t e d ; see Continuant  Deletion  below) ii.  Ini-l-kat]  /ni-l-ket/ perf c l s f 10 13  'he broke NP' A  stem 14  To account f o r these data the f o l l o w i n g r u l e can be wr i t t e n :  i-Lower ing V [+ high] [- back] Domain  Ighe],  >  V [-high]  of i-Lower ing.  V e l a r Harmony. /ghi/  —  i-Lowering  must be ordered  As shown below i n (26), the s e r i a t i v e  s u r f a c e s as [gha].  First,  i-Lowering  then V e l a r Harmony f l a t t e n s  (26) a. / h u - g h i - s - t a e l / hu-ghe-s-tael [ho-gha-s-tael] derv s e r pm stem 8 10 12 14  'I k i c k e d  i t (many t i m e s ) '  V e l a r Harmony  affix  applies, creating  [ghe] t o [gha].  i-Lower ing  before  85  b. / h u - g h i - s - t s i /  'I shot i t (many times) i-Lowering  hu-ghe-s-tsi  V e l a r Harmony  [ho-gha-s-tsi] derv s e r pm 8 10 12  stem 14  (both examples are from speaker  A)  i-Lowering and A l v e o l a r Harmony. a p p l y before A l v e o l a r Harmony.  i-Lowering must a l s o  In the examples below the  p e r f e c t i v e marker / s i / has become [ S E ] due t o the f o l l o w i n g person marker / s / .  The / E / has then r e t r a c t e d t o [a] due to  A l v e o l a r Harmony r e s u l t i n g  i n [sa] or [ z a j .  ordered before i-Lowering would produce *[sai  [se - (stem)]  - (stem)].  (27) a. [na-sa-s-bin]  'I swam' A  dur p e r f pm stem 4 10 12 14 b.  [?a-ta-za-s-i1  *I shot' A  obj derv p e r f pm stem 5 9 10 12 14 c. [ n a - z a - s - d 3 i t ] adv p e r f pm stem 2 10 12 14  'I crawled  A l v e o l a r Harmony  across' B  or  86  d. [ta-za-s-tsat]  'I f e l l down  1  E  derv p e r f pm stem 9 10 12 14 e. [ t a - z a - s - R a t ]  'I broke NP' A  derv p e r f pm stem 9 10 12 14 f.  [?a-ta-|a-s-tael]  'I k i c k e d  NP'  obj derv p e r f pm stem 5 9 10 12 14 L e v e l Domain of i-Lower ing. level  2.  When the / i /  i-Lowering does not a p p l y a t  of a l e v e l  2 a f f i x occurs t o the l e f t  of an [ s ] or [ z ] , i t does not lower to [e] as shown i n the examples  below.  (28) a. [ d 5 i - z u h l  'they are not good  (healthy)'  A  subj stem 6 14 b. [ d s i - z u ] subj 6 c.  'they a r e not good  stem 14  Iti-zahl derv stem 8 14  'he i s gone'  A  ( f o r the j o b ) ' A  87  d.  [nl-s-'Paeh]  'I look a t i t  1  A  derv pm stem 8 10 14 e.  [ghe-zu]  'he was  once good  1  A  derv stem 8 14 f.  [may  ghe-zun]  ' b e r r i e s are good' A  'berry' derv stem 8 14 g. [na-ne-s-tIon]  'fence'  adv derv perf ? 2 8 10 14  i(29),  Lowering  the  a l s o does not a p p l y a t l e v e l  Is)  to the immediate  [nae-bi-si-4-tsat ] adv adv p e r f c l s f 2 2 10 13  4.2.2  In example  [ i ] of the l e v e l 3 adverb / b i / has not lowered  although there i s an  (29)  3.  right.  'I pushed you around'  (FL.  Rules That Apply a t L e v e l s 1 and  turn to other r u l e s that a p p l y to l e v e l t o l e v e l 1.  IRR.)  stem 14  2  Having e s t a b l i s h e d the e x i s t e n c e of l e v e l 1, I w i l l  restricted  to [e]  That  1 affixes,  now  but are not  i s , they a l s o a p p l y at l e v e l  2.  86  Fricative Voicing.  The  f o l l o w i n g data  illustrate  the  phenomenon of f r i c a t i v e v o i c i n g , whereby f r i c a t i v e s become voiced  in intervocalic position.  In the examples below i t i s  the / s / of the p e r f e c t i v e marker / s i / (as i n [ n a e - s a i - t i n ] 'I dreamt  1  voiced  (30) a.  B and  [del sa-leyn]  (at l e v e l s 1 and  ' i t got bloody' E) which becomes  2).  [g a-dae-zai-ta41  'I k i c k e d  it'B  obj derv perf stem 5 8 10 14 b.  [tu t a - z a - l e n ]  'water i s flowing*  A  noun derv p e r f stem 9 10 14 c.  [ta-zai-4-kat] derv perf c l s f 9 10 13  d.  broke NP'  A  stem 14  [ta-zi_-4-tsat ] derv perf c l s f 9 10 13  e.  'he  'he  pushed NP'  E  stem 14  I?a-ta-za-tsi]  'I shot'  A  obj derv p e r f stem 5 9 10 14 These data  can be accounted f o r by the  following rule.  89  Fricative  V o i c i n g 10  [+vce] V  [+vce ] C [+cont]  V  Domain of F r i c a t i v e V o i c i n g .  T h i s r u l e a l s o a p p l i e s at  l e v e l 2, as can be seen i n the f o l l o w i n g example where the a f f i x t h a t c o n t r i b u t e s to the environment of the r u l e i s a level 2 affix.  (31)  [nae-j[zai-ta41]  'I kicked y o u  1  B  obj perf stem 5 10 14 At l e v e l 3, however,  i n t e r - v o c a l i c f r i c a t i v e s remain  voiceless.  (32) a. [ n a e - [ s c - s - d 3 i t ] ] 2  'I crawled' B  (FL. IRR.)  adv p e r f pm stem 2 10 12 14 b. [ n a e ~ 2 [ s a i - t i n ] 1 dur 4  p e r f stem 10 14  'I dreamt' C  (FL. IRR.)  90  c. [ n a e - y i - b - i g [ s a i - 4 - t s a t 1 ] adv adv adv perf c l s f 2 2 2 10 12  'I pushed him around' ( F L . IRR.)  B  stem 14  T h i s r u l e a l s o does not a p p l y p o s t - l e x i c a l l y to underived items or a c r o s s word boundaries.  (33) a. [ ^ e i i ]  'confluence' A  b. [t4owesan] c. [ i 4 i ] d.  'snake'  'one'  [ 4uwi 4aen] 'fish'  C  E 'a l o t of f i s h '  D  'a l o t '  As shown above, F r i c a t i v e V o i c i n g a p p l i e s a t l e v e l s 1 and 2 .  I f o l l o w K i p a r s k y ' s Strong Domain Hypothesis  assign  i t to both  1 1  4.2.3  (1984) and  levels.  Rules That Only Apply a t L e v e l 1^  Three other r u l e s t h a t a p p l y t o l e v e l 1 a f f i x e s , but do not p r o v i d e evidence f o r a l e v e l d i s t i n c t i o n , are D - e f f e c t common phenomenon i n Athapaskan), Continuant D e l e t i o n .  Continuant Coalescence, and  These three r u l e s p r o v i d e d i f f e r e n t  s t r a t e g i e s f o r g e t t i n g r i d of consonant string.  (a  Continuant Coalescence and  c l u s t e r s i n the verb  D - e f f e c t are a c t u a l l y  r a t h e r s i m i l a r i n t h a t they c o l l a p s e two a d j a c e n t  consonants  91  i n t o one, whereas i n Continuant D e l e t i o n a consonant rather  than c o a l e s c e s .  following order: Continuant  D - e f f e c t , Continuant Coalescence, and  D - e f f e c t , as i t has been t r a d i t i o n a l l y r e f e r r e d  i n v o l v e s the [d] c l a s s i f i e r  (or the /d/ of the f i r s t  p l u r a l / i d / ) and the stem i n i t i a l below  (34)  d  +  f — >  d3  d  +  z — >  dz  d  +  9 — >  t'  d  +  4 -->  r  d  +  gh  (a f l a p p e d  Some examples  are as f o l l o w s :  (35)  -->  d  consonants as  (see Howren 1971, Krauss 1969  1 2  +  i n the  Deletion.  D-effect. to,  These r u l e s w i l l be d i s c u s s e d  deletes  T  described  for further  details).  [1])  d3  a. Ine-s-d3en]  b. [sE-fen]  person  /ne-s-d-JTen/ 'I sang' E perf pm c l s f stem  'my  song' E  poss stem (All  modal v a r i a t i o n s of ' s i n g ' have the Id] c l a s s i f i e r  thus  tds] i n i t i a l .  I assume ' s i n g ' i s d e r i v e d  from  and are  'song'.)  92  (36)  d a.  +  z —>  dz  [na-ne-n-id-zat]  /na-ni-ni-id-zet/ d u r ? d e r v pm 4 9 10  b.  fna-ne-n-zat)  /nae-ni-ni-zet/ dur ? d e r v 4 9  (37)  d a.  +  9  -->  'he i s t h i n k i n g '  [k'aen za d g i - d a e - t ' a e z ] /k'aen za  (2)  [k'aen za d s i - d a e - h - ^ a e z ] ' j u s t now 'you (2)  d  stem 14  + 4 ->  p l a c e ' s u b j d e r v pm s t e m 6 8 12 14 just arrived  (somewhere)*  [ta-za-4;-k*at]  A  /k'aen za d s i - d a e - e h - ^ a e z / p l a c e ' s u b j d e r v pm 7 8 10 just arrived  / t i - s i - i d - 4 — Ret/ d e r v p e r f pm c l s f 9 10 12 13 /ti-si-4~k*et/ derv perf c l s f 9 10 13  (/ti/  d3i-dae-d-vaez/  stem 14  (somewhere)'  r  a. i . [ ta-ze-T-Jcat J  ii.  A  t'  'we  (38)  A  stem 14  ' j u s t now  b.  'we a r e t h i n k i n g '  'we  broke  stem 14  'he b r o k e stem 14  lowers t o [ t e ] then f l a t t e n s t o l a ) ) .  i t ' A  i t ' A  A  93  b. i . [ n i - l - v a e h ]  /ni-id-l-?aeh/  NP'  A  /ye-ni-4-9aeh/ 'he looks a t NP'  A  p e r f pm c l s f 10 12 13 ii.  [ye-ni-4-vaeh]  'we  looked a t  stem 14  obv perf c l s f 7 10 13  stem 14  To account f o r the behavior of t h i s c l a s s i f i e r f o l l o w i n g Wright (i.e.  (1984) and Speas  I assume,  (1984), that i t i s f l o a t i n g  i t i s not a t t a c h e d to i t s own  s k e l e t a l p o i n t ) and  l i n k up to the s k e l e t a l s l o t of the p r e c e d i n g stem In examples  will  consonant.  34, 35, and 36 t h i s w i l l c r e a t e an a f f r i c a t e or  e j e c t i v e , but i n the case of [1] < /d-1/ and  [g] < /d-gh/ the  [-cont] f e a t u r e of [d] takes precedence over the [+cont] of the stem consonant, as the sequence i n t o an a f f r i c a t e  /d-gh/ cannot be  syllabified  (although [ d l ] i s an a c c e p t a b l e a f f r i c a t e i n  C h i l c o t i n the combination /d-1/ r e s u l t s  i n [1].)  D-effect .C [-cont] [+vce]  [+cont]  Domain of D - e f f e e t .  —  >  [-cont] [+cont] [+vce]  This rule applies e x c l u s i v e l y to  l e v e l 1 a f f i x e s , as t h i s i s the o n l y p l a c e a t which the environment of the r u l e level  1.  i s met.  D-effect  i s thus a s s i g n e d to  94  Continuant Coalescence.  Whenever  [hi and [1] are a f f i x e d  a d j a c e n t t o one another, the s t r a t e g y used t o e l i m i n a t e t h i s continuant c l u s t e r the  i s c o a l e s c e n c e , as i n ( 3 8 ) . In each  [h] i s from the second  the / l /  is a classifier.  underlying  verb,  person p l u r a l person marker /eh/ and The i i . examples r e v e a l the  [1] c l a s s i f i e r .  (39) a. i . [gha-na-gu-4-yax] 'you ( p i . ) were p l a y i n g b a l l ' A adv dur derv c l s f 2 4 8 13 (FL. ii.  stem 14  IRR.)  [gha-na-gu-^-yax) 'he was p l a y i n g b a l l adv dur derv c l s f 2 4 8 13  1  A (FL. IRR.)  stem 14  b. i . [ gha-4_-g at ] 'you ( p i . ) were c r a w l i n g ' B w  perf c l s f 10 13 ii.  stem 14  [gha-l_-g at] 'he was c r a w l i n g ' B w  perf c l s f 10 13  stem 14  c. i . tbaen-ta-za-*-*?!! ] 'you ( p i ) swam away from i t post derv p e r f c l s f 1 9 10 13 (FL.  IRR.)  stem 14  1  A  95  ii.  [ b a e n - t a - z a - l - ' ? i l ] 'we swam away from i t ' A post derv p e r f c l s f 1 9 10 13  stem 14  (FL. IRR.) These data can be accounted  Continuant  f o r by the f o l l o w i n g r u l e .  Coalescence  C  .C I [+cont] [+lat ]  [-vce]  Domain of Continuant  C  C —  >  Coalescence.  t +cont] [+lat] [-vce1  t-vce]  Again, f o l l o w i n g  K i p a r s k y ' s Strong Domain Hypothesis, Continuant  Coalescence i s  a s s i g n e d t o l e v e l 1 e x c l u s i v e l y s i n c e t h i s i s the o n l y l e v e l where i t s environment i s met.  Continuant used  Deletion.  In the examples below, the s t r a t e g y  t o e l i m i n a t e c l u s t e r s of c o n t i n u a n t s i s d e l e t i o n r a t h e r  than c o a l e s c c e n c e .  When two c o n t i n u a n t s occur a d j a c e n t t o each  o t h e r , one of them always d e l e t e s . whose second The  This includes a f f r i c a t e s  member i s [+continuant]. f o l l o w i n g data are organized by consonant type.  In  each s e c t i o n , a l l i . examples a r e the r e s u l t of the a f f i x a t i o n of the a l v e o l a r c o n t i n u a n t / s / ( f i r s t person s i n g u l a r marker). string.  All ii.  person  examples r e v e a l the u n d e r l y i n g form of the  In the i . examples the second  continuant  ( i . e . the  96  rightmost)  (40)  deletes.  / s / and / z / a. i . [tae-s_-ul]  /tae-s-zul/  'I am going t o s t a r t being good' A  derv pm stem 8 12 14 ii.  [tae-zul]  'he i s going to s t a r t being good' A  derv stem 8 14 b. i . [hE-s-un]  /he-s-zun/'I am good' A derv pm stem 8 12 14  ii.  [hE-zun]  'he i s good' A  derv stem 8 14 c. i . [hE-s-uh]  /he-s-zuh/ 'I am not good' A derv pm stem 8 12 14  ii.  [he-zuh]  'he i s not good' A  derv stem 8 14 (41)  / s / and / t s / a. i . [tae-s_-ih]  /tae-s-tsih/  'I am s h o o t i n g ' A  derv pm stem 8 12 14 ii.  [tae-ts_ihl derv stem 8 14  'he i s s h o o t i n g ' A  97  b. i . [ ? a - t a - z a - s - i ]  /?e-te-za-s-tsi/  'I shoot NP' A  obj derv p e r f pm stem 5 8 10 12 14 ii.  [?a-ta-zai-n-tsi]  »you shoot  NP' B  obj derv p e r f pm stem 5 8 10 12 14 c. i . [hu-dae-s-i]  /hu-dae-s-tsi/  'I shot NP' A  derv derv pm stem 8 8 12 14 ii.  tho -ah-ts_i ] w  'you ( p i . ) shot NP' A  derv pm stem 8 12 14 (42)  / s / and /y/ a. i . [dae-s_-Eh]  /dae-s-yEh/  'I a r r i v e d ' A  derv pm stem 8 12 14 ii.  [day-yeh]  /dae-in-ysh/  'you a r r i v e d ' A  derv pm stem 8 12 14 (/n/ d e l e t e s a f t e r  i t n a s a l i z e s the p r e c e d i n g vowel).  b. i . [nE-s-aeh]  /nE-s-yaeh/  'I j u s t a r r i v e d  (somewhere)'  p e r f pm stem 10 12 14 ii.  [ni-yaeh]  'he j u s t a r r i v e d  (somewhere)' A  p e r f stem 10 14 c. i . [tae-s-aeh]  /tae-s-yaeh/ derv pm stem 8 12 14  'I am going to a r r i v e *  A  98  ii.  ttae-yaeh]  'he i s going to a r r i v e  A  1  derv stem 8 14 (43)  / s / and a.  / l /  i . [gha-s-Rey]  perf pm c l s f 10 12 13 ii.  stem 14  'he vomited' A  [ gha-^-Rey] perf c l s f 10 13  'I vomited' A  /gha-s-l-Riy/  stem 14  b. i . (gha-s_-g at) w  /ghe-s-l-g et/ perf pm c l s f 10 12 13  ii.  [ ghi-l_-g at ] w  perf pm c l s f 10 12 13  'I was c r a w l i n g '  w  stem 14  'you were c r a w l i n g '  B  stem 14  (the /n/ has d e l e t e d a f t e r n a s a l i z i n g the preceding c. i . [hc-s_-gi]  /he-s-l-gi/ derv pm c l s f 8 12 13  ii.  [he-l^-gi] derv pm c l s f 8 12 13  (44)  'you r u n '  'I run'  vowel.)  E  stem 14 E  stem 14  / s / and /*/ a.  i . [tc-s-ax]  B  /te-s-4--zaex/ derv pm c l s f 9 10 13  'I am s p i t t i n g ' A stem 14  99  I assume an i t e r a t i v e order of a p p l i c a t i o n of the d e l e t i o n for  t h i s example. ii.  First  [te-4-zax] derv c l s f 8 13  b.  / z / w i l l d e l e t e then  stem 14 /tae-s-4-ghes/ derv pm c l s f 8 10 13  [tae-4-ghas] derv c l s f 8 10  c.  'I am going to  tickle NP' A  stem 14  'he i s going to t i c k l e  NP'  A  stem 14  i . [ta-za-s-katI  /te-ze-s-^-ket/ derv p e r f pm c l s f 8 10 12 13  ii.  /4/.  'he i s s p i t t i n g ' A  i . [tae-s_-ghas]  ii.  rule  [ta-za-^-kat]  derv p e r f c l s f 8 10 13  'he broke NP'  'I broke NP'  A  stem 14  A  stem 14  As shown by the above data, when there i s a s e r i e s of two c o n t i n u a n t s present i n the s t r i n g the rightmost d e l e t e s , l e a v i n g the f i r s t f o l l o w i n g r u l e accounts  Continuant Deletion *1  C —> [+cont] [+cor1  0  person s i n g u l a r / s / i n t a c t .  f o r these d a t a .  3  /  one  C [+contJ I+cor1 t+ant]  1 4  The  100  Domain of Continuant D e l e t i o n .  Following  the Strong  Domain Hypothesis Continuant D e l e t i o n can be assigned I since  4.2.4  i t s environment i s not met a t any other  to l e v e l  level.  Vowel Rounding  T h i s occurs when the o p t a t i v e marker / g h c / i s present i n w  a string; Deletion this  the vowel t o the r i g h t I has a p p l i e d ) .  becomes round ( a f t e r  Vowel  I have i n c l u d e d the d i s c u s s i o n of  r u l e here and assume t h a t  i t a p p l i e s only a t l e v e l 1  because I do not have any examples of the o p t a t i v e mode where p r e f i x e s occur t o the l e f t of /gh e/. w  (45)  a.  /gh e-id-d3en/ w  —>  [gh -od-d3en] w  'let's sing'  B  opt pm stem 10  12  14  b. /gh e-in-d3en/ — > w  [gh -on-d3En] '(they asked) you t o w  sing' B  c. / g h e - s - t J a e h / — > w  [ g h a - s - t J a e h ] 'I am t h i n k i n g w  about being  big' A  1 0 1  To account f o r these data / g h e / has a t t a c h e d w  which w i l l spread  I propose t h a t the o p t a t i v e  affix  t o i t the autosegmental f e a t u r e l+round]  to the r i g h t .  The f o l l o w i n g r u l e can be  written.  Vowel Rounding  Spread the f e a t u r e  [+round] to the r i g h t .  Per i v a t i o n s ; [+round]  [+round]  /gh e-s-zu/  —>  w  (Continuant  (/e/ — >  [gh a-s-u] w  'I am t h i n k i n g about being  D e l e t i o n has a p p l i e d d e l e t i n g the / z / of the stem)  [a] as /e/ has no [+round] c o u n t e r p a r t  f o r these  speakers. )  4.3  Summary In c o n c l u s i o n we have the f o l l o w i n g r u l e system:  Level  good'  1: 1)  Vowel D e l e t i o n I  2)  Vowel Rounding  102  3)  Continuant  Deletion  4)  i-Lowering  5)  Continuant  6)  D-effeet  7)  F r i c a t i v e Voicing  8)  V e l a r Harmony  9)  A l v e o l a r Harmony  Coalescence  C r u c i a l Ordering 4,8; 4,9.  FOOTNOTES  1.  I t has been suggested  CHAPTER 4  ( K a r i 1975) that these v a r i a t i o n s  are the v e s t i g e s of two e a r l i e r p h o n o l o g i c a l s u f f i x a t i o n and stem vowel a b l a u t .  processes—stem  I w i l l not attempt  to trace  the C h i l c o t i n developments of these processes here.  2.  The modern C h i l c o t i n c l a s s i f i e r s  (d, 1, 4, and 0) d e r i v e  from "a f a r more complex system of c l a s s i f e r s than i s found i n the Athapaskan  languages today" ( H o i j e r 1948).  See a l s o  (1969) f o r f u r t h e r d i s c u s s i o n of a pre-Athapaskan classifiers.  s e t of  I w i l l not mark the 0 c l a s s i f i e r a f t e r the  d i s c u s s i o n of i t i n t h i s s e c t i o n .  Krauss  103  3.  Hargus (1985) has a r u l e  of Conjugation / a / D e l e t i o n f o r  Sekani whereby the / a / of the conjunct a f f i x /na/) and  (/gha/, / s a / or  d e l e t e s when there are no a f f i x e s i n t e r v e n i n g between i t  the stem.  T h i s appears  t o be the r e g u l a r case i n my data  i f the p r e f i x i s assumed t o be /na/. Conjunct  /n/ i s found  i n the t h i r d person, which i s n u l l p h o n o l o g i c a l l y .  only  Thus, as i n  Sekani, there a r e no a f f i x e s i n t e r v e n i n g between the conjunct marker and the stem. A form of the Sekani r u l e of Conjugation / a / D e l e t i o n seems t o a p p l y t o the / s i / p e r f e c t i v e a f f i x d e l e t e the vowel / i / . .  i n C h i l c o t i n and  In the t h i r d person s (or z) i s found  r a t h e r than the f u l l / s i /  (or [ z i ] ) .  T h i s can be seen  i n the  data below.  [tu t a - | - l e n ]  'water i s f l o w i n g ' A  'water' derv p e r f stem 9 10 14 [d3a-ta-z^tael]  'they k i c k e d ' B  subj derv p e r f stem 6 9 10 14 [ya_z-g at] w  'he poked somebody' A  obv p e r f stem 7 10 14 Instead of c l a s s i f y i n g t h i s / s / as a true conjunct as does Hargus, however, I w i l l r e s t r i c t  affix  i t to the mode s e t  104  (marking p e r f e c t i v e ) , and assume t h a t person. affix  t i j d e l e t e s i n the t h i r d  The p e r f e c t i v e never co-occurs with any other modal  (though conjunct /n/ does), and f u n c t i o n s the same as the  r e g u l a r / s i / p e r f e c t i v e marker. I thus have o n l y one conjunct a f f i x , /n/, which co-occurs f r e e l y with s e r i a t i v e / g h i / and p e r f e c t i v e / n i / when the subject  4.  is third  Hoijer  person.  (1948) has noted the f o l l o w i n g d i s t i n c t i o n s among  the p e r f e c t i v e a f f i x e s  f o r Athapaskan i n g e n e r a l :  / n i / : an a c t i o n that  i s t o a p o i n t or completive  / g h i / : an a c t i o n t h a t i s from a p o i n t or s t a t i c /si/:  5.  an a c t i o n t h a t i s s t a t i c  I use C's to a b b r e v i a t e an X s l o t  that i s dominated by an  onset or coda and V t o a b b r e v i a t e an X s l o t dominated by a nucleus.  A l s o I assume i n accordance  autosegmental  s t a b i l i t y t h a t d e l e t i o n on the s k e l e t a l t i e r does  not e n t a i l segmental  6.  with the c e n t r a l tenet of  deletion.  Evidence t h a t the person marker / i d / was indeed a f f i x e d i s  found  i n i t s behavior with the c l a s s i f i e r  /4/.  Here  /d+4/—>  [ 1 ].  7. I am simply assuming the e x i s t e n c e of l e v e l 3 here. evidence  f o r l e v e l 3 w i l l be provided i n Chapter  6.  Actual  105  8.  F u r t h e r evidence f o r / n i / b e l o n g i n g to l e v e l 2 i s found i n  the f o l l o w i n g  example:  /ni-Eh-l-'Jaeh/ --> derv pm c l s f 8 12 13  [ni-4-"?aeh]  I, whereby the / i /  i t would be s u b j e c t  of / n i / would d e l e t e  a f f i x a t i o n to the person marker /eh/  9. in NP'.  The  'push away', 'push i n t o ' and  /nae/.  the / b i / a f f i x  11.  (second person  plural).  I t occurs  See Witherspoon  i t would occur to the l e f t  of  (1977) f o r a d i s c u s s i o n of  i n Navaho.  c h o i c e i s seemingly a r b i t r a r y which f e a t u r e  I assume l e f t w a r d leftward  upon  'push over' but not i n 'push  I f i t were a p o s t - p o s i t i o n ,  The  t o Vowel  f u n c t i o n of / b i / here i s not e n t i r e l y c l e a r .  the adverb  10.  ( p i . ) look a t i t ' A  stem 14  I f / n i / were a l e v e l 1 a f f i x , Deletion  'you  spread  spread i n my  i n accordance  spreads.  with other r u l e s of  analysis.  F r i c a t i v e V o i c i n g a l s o a p p l i e s to p o s s e s s i v e pronoun-noun  c o n c a t e n a t i o n s as shown below.  [sail  •belt  [ s a k ' i ] ' cow  [sa - z a i ] [ s a - zaJc'i]  'my  belt'  'my  cow'  106  [411]  'bread'  [se - l i l ]  'my  bread'  [4in]  'dog'  [se - l i n ]  'my  dog'  ( A l l examples are from speaker  E.)  P o s s e s s i v e pronouns must thus be a f f i x e d a t l e v e l  12.  T h i s phenomenon i s common i n Athapaskan  Krauss  (1969)  1.  languages  and Hargus (1985) f o r f u r t h e r  discussion.  13.  I have no examples of /d + gh/.  14.  There are some examples from speaker A (which I  account  See  See Krauss  (1975:15).  cannot  f o r ) where the / s / person marker has d e l e t e d .  [ghi-zun]  /ghi-s-zun/ derv pm 8 12  'I  am good*  A  stem 14  [nae-?e-te-tae-tsih] /nae-?e-te-tae-s-tsih/ adv obj derv derv pm stem 1 5 8 8 12 14 'I am going to shoot' [ni-yeh]  / n i - s - y e h / '1 j u s t a r r i v e d perf pm 10 12  15.  A  I am assuming  that  stem 14 [+cont]  (from the /s/) i n the a f f r i c a t e  / t s / w i l l p r e v a i l over the {-cont] / t / . affricate  (somewhere)' A  However, when the  f o l l o w i n g / s / i s the d e r i v e d a f f r i c a t e  [dz] (d  107  classifier  p l u s / z / stem), the / s / does not d e l e t e .  t h i s stage the /d/ c l a s s i f i e r been s y l l a b i f i e d  i n t o an  [na-gha-s-d-zun] adv derv pm c l s f 2 9 12 13 [na-gha-s-d-zuhl adv s e r pm c l s f 2 10 12 13 [nae-te-s-d-zun) adv derv pm c l s f 2 9 12 13  and the [z] i n i t i a l  stem have not  affricate.  'I am good a g a i n ' A stem 14 'I o f t e n become good' A stem 14 I am going to be good a g a i n ' A stem 14  Perhaps at  108  CHAPTER 5: THE  5.1  LEXICAL PHONOLOGY OF CHILCOTIN: LEVEL 2  Morphology The  following l i s t  of a f f i x e s comprises l e v e l  5 Object Pronouns  6 Subject  e (unspecified) hae ( a r e a l ) se ( l s g . ) ne (2sg.) g e (3sg.) we ( l p l . ) WE ( 2 p l . ) g e b E (3pl.)  dse (3pl.) ts'e  7 Obviative  8 Derivative  ye  dae ni ye gu de i nae ghe ghi hu tae  w  w  Affixes  5,  6, and  2:  7 are s e m a n t i c a l l y s i m i l a r  i n t h a t they a l l  express i n f o r m a t i o n r e g a r d i n g  the s u b j e c t or o b j e c t of  verb.  (8) are mainly i d i o s y n c r a t i c  The  derivative affixes  were the d e r i v a t i v e a f f i x e s of l e v e l  the (as  1).  5.1.1  Derivative Affixes  Listed  below are the stems, with examples, i n which the  i d i o s y n c r a t i c d e r i v a t i v e a f f i x e s occur, non-idiosyncratic affixes  [hu] and  followed  [tae].  by  the  109  (1) /dae/  'float', 'arrive',  a.  'shake', ' f a l l ' ,  'roll',  'stop',  'follow , 1  'burn'  [te-dae-s-le4]  'I am  floating' A  adv derv pm stem 2 8 12 14 b.  [dae-za-s-ta]  'I am shaking' B  (FL.  IRR.)  derv p e r f pm stem 8 10 12 14 c.  [da-ta-za-s-tsat]  'I f e l l  down' A  derv derv p e r f pm stem 8 9 10 12 14 d.  NP  [g e-da-y-4-mell  'I r o l l e d  w  obj derv derv c l s f 5 8 8 13 e.  NP  [se-da-y-4-ti 3  f.  [d3e-da-y-n-dil]  NP  (down the h i l D ' E  stem 14  'NP  obj derv derv c l s f 5 8 8 13  the NP  stopped me'  E  stem 14 •they f o l l o w e d me'  A  subj derv derv conj stem 6 8 8 11 14 [dse-da-y-n-dil] subj derv 6 8 (2) / n i / a.  'they j u s t a r r i v e d ' A  derv conj stem 8 11 14  'look a t ' , 'fence' (g e-ni-4-vaeh] w  obj derv c l s f 5 8 13  'you  stem 14  ( p i . ) look a t i t ' A  110  b.  [na-ne-s-tlon ]  (3) /ye/  'fence'  (Krauss  1975)  'think'  a.  [dsi-ye-ne-zun]  'they are t h i n k i n g ' A  subj derv derv stem 6 8 9 14 (4) /gu/  'happy',  a.  'want', 'be*, 'hungry'  [d5£-gu-n-t'in]  'they are happy' D  subj derv conj stem 6 8 11 14 b.  [ 4-aen  gu-li ]  'there i s a l o t *  D  a l o t derv stem 8 14 c.  [go-ze-n-t'in]  'you want (to s i n g ) B  (FL. IRR.)  derv perf conj stem 8 10 11 14 d. [go-ta-zo]  'we are going to be hungry' D  derv derv stem 8 8 14 (See Hargus pg. I l l r e g a r d i n g occurence derivational affix (5)  /de/ a.  of the same c l a s s . )  'grind' NP  [da-na-l-daz]  derv derv c l s f 8 9 13  'ground NP' A stem 14  of more than one  Ill  (6) / i / level  (This a f f i x always co-occurs with another a f f i x  from  2) a. NP  I2i-gu-t'in]  »it looks l i k e NP * E  derv derv stem 8 8 14 (I assume t h a t t h i s / " ? i / i s the same a f f i x that occurs i n /d3e-ye-nae-i-4-9in/ be a l e v e l right  'they looked a t i t * A.  2 and not a l e v e l 3 a f f i x s i n c e i t occurs to the  of the o b v i a t i v e  affix.)  In the f o l l o w i n g examples / i / position  b.  I t must t h e r e f o r e  i n the  has changed to [y] due  to i t s  syllable.  [ha-y-yeh]  'I j u s t a r r i v e d  1  A  derv derv stem 8 8 14 c. tda-y-yeh]  'I j u s t a r r i v e d  (somewhere s p e c i f i c )  1  A  derv derv stem 8 8 14 d.  [ko g e-da-y_-4-k'aen] w  'the house burned  down' E  house obj derv derv c l s f stem 5 8 8 13 14 e. NP  [g e-da-£-4-mel] 'I r o l l e d the NP down the h i l l ' w  E  obj derv derv c l s f stem 5 8 8 13 14  (7) /nae/.  T h i s a f f i x i s homophonous with the l e v e l  affix.  to i t s placement  Due  3 durative  i n b. and c. to the r i g h t  of the  112  o b v i a t i v e and affix  o b j e c t a f f i x e s , however, i t must be a d e r i v a t i v e  of p o s i t i o n  a.  NP  8.  [g e-nae-s-gWat]  'I am  w  s h a k i n g NP'  B  obj derv pm stem 5 8 12 14 b.  [d5i-ye-nay-4-?in] s u b j obv derv c l s f 6 7 8 13  'they looked a t i t ' A stem 14  In the l a s t example, the /nae/  d i p h t o n g i z e s to [nay] due  presence  derivative.  of the u n d e r l y i n g / i /  (8) /ghe/ a.  t o the  'frighten' [na-gha-ne-d3ut]  ' i t f r i g h t e n e d you'  A  obj derv p e r f stem 5 8 10 14 b.  Isa-gha-ne-d3ut]  ' i t f r i g h t e n e d me'  A  obj derv p e r f stem 5 8 10 14 /hu/ completely  and  / t a e / are the o n l y a f f i x e s t h a t are  idiosyncratic  s e r i a t i v e verbs and  (9)  in their affixation.  Ihu-s-d3it] derv pm stem 8 12 14  /hu/  their semelfactive counterparts.  /hu/ a.  not  'I am poking  her l e g ' A  occurs i n  113  b.  [na4ey hu-ta4]  'the horse  i s k i c k i n g us' B  horse derv stem 8 14 c. (gax nae-hu-dae-tsi]  'he i s s h o o t i n g many r a b b i t s ' A  r a b b i t adv derv derv stem 2 8 8 14 d.  (FL. IRR.)  [gax hu-dc-ta-n-tsax] r a b b i t adv derv derv pm stem 2 8 8 12 14  'you are going t o shoot a l o t of r a b b i t s ' A e.  [hu-ni-n-tsi]  'you shot i t once' A  derv p e r f pm stem 8 10 12 14 f.  [ho-ghe-n-tsi1  'you k i c k e d i t many times' B  derv p e r f pm stem 8 10 12 14 g.  [ho-ghe-tsi]  'we shot i t many times' A  derv p e r f stem 8 10 14 (In  f . and g., the /u/ of /hu/ has f l a t t e n e d t o /o/.)  When a l e v e l coalescence.  2 a f f i x occurs t o the l e f t  of /hu/ there i s a  The h of /hu/ and the vowel of the o b j e c t a f f i x  do not s u r f a c e . (10) a. [Mary s-u-tae4]  /se-hu-tae4/ obj derv stem 5 8 14  'Mary i s k i c k i n g me  1  A  114  b. [Mary n-u-tae4] / n e - h u - t a e V obj 5 c.  [Mary £-u-tae4]  'Mary i s k i c k i n g you'  derv stem 8 14  /ye-hu-tae4/ 'Mary i s k i c k i n g him'  A  obv derv stem 5 8 14 /hu/ a l s o occurs i d i o s y n c r a t i c a l l y (11) a. [hu-4-nez]  'how t a l l  i n the f o l l o w i n g  paradigms  i s she?' A  derv c l s f stem 8 13 14 b. 'Heather' [hu-n-draen]  'Heather i s shy' A  derv conj stem 8 11 14 Because the /h/ of /hu/ does not s u r f a c e when another a f f i x of l e v e l 2 i s present I w i l l assume that the /h/ i s f l o a t i n g and is only r e a l i z e d  when an onet s l o t i s c r e a t e d  (see Onset  Formation 5.2.2).  /tae/.  T h i s a f f i x u s u a l l y co-occurs with the modal /ghe/ t o  c r e a t e the i n c e p t i v e mode. flattens  I f /ghe/ i s p r e s e n t , / t a e / always  to [ t a ] .  (12) a. [ta-gha-t'as] derv perf stem 8 10 14  'he i s going' A  115  b.  [ta-gha-t111  'we a r e going t o s l e e p * A  derv p e r f stem 8 10 14 c. [ta-gha-h-zul]  'you ( p i . ) are going t o be good* A  derv p e r f pm stem 8 10 12 14 d.  [?e-tae-s-dael]  'I am going hunting' A  obj derv pm stem 5 8 12 14 e.  [tae-yael]  *he i s going t o go* A  derv stem 8 14 5.1.2  Obviative  T h i s a f f i x occurs when both s u b j e c t and o b j e c t are t h i r d person, as i n the f o l l o w i n g : (13)  a.  [j[£-tE-l-zax]  'he i s s p i t t i n g NP * A  obv derv c l s f stem 7  8  13  14  /ye/ becomes [yo] i n the s e r i a t i v e / g h i / mode.  b. [ d g i - y o - g h i - n - t a e l ]  'they k i c k e d them many times'  subj obv s e r conj stem 6  7  10  12  14  B  (FL. IRR.)  116  c. t d 3 i - y o - g h e - n - t s l ] subj obv perf 6  7  'they shot i t ' A  conj stem  10  12  14  Although t h i s a f f i x never co-occurs wiht an object cannot  be c l a s s e d  with the p o s i t i o n 5 a f f i x e s as i t always  occurs t o the r i g h t of the s u b j e c t  5.1.3 This  affix, i t  marker, p o s i t i o n 6.  Subject A f f i x e s position i s f i l l e d  by two a f f i x e s — / d 3 e /  t h i r d person  p l u r a l , and / t s ' e / f o u r t h person p l u r a l (which corresponds t o 1  one• i n E n g l i s h ) .  (14) /dse/ a.  [ nae-d_3£-t i h ]  'they are dreaming' C  dur subj stem 4 6 14 b.  [henes  bi-nae-d_3e-kayn ] 'they are going i n a r a f t ' E  raft  adv dur subj stem 2 4 6 14  The vowel q u a l i t y of / d 3 E / v a r i e s of the verb. part  I t takes the form  of the paradigm.  affix  when the  /ghE/  mode i s  In the data below, the ( i i ) examples  person and r e v e a l  f o r each  [ d 3 a e ]  with the aspect  However, t h i s mode i s u s u a l l y absent i n  the t h i r d person forms. are n o n - t h i r d  i n accordance  paradigm.  the presence  of the / g h E / modal  117  (15)  a  i .  [nae-dsae-d-zun] adv subj c l s f 2  ii.  6  13  14  adv perf pm c l s f  b.  i .  10  12  13  perf c l s f  'he i s c r a w l i n g '  ii.  14  A  B  14  c. i . [dsae-dsen]  6  14  stem  13  stem  stem  14  w  subj  A  stem  [gha-l-g at]  10  'you ( p i . ) are good a g a i n '  'they are c r a w l i n g '  w  6  ii.  13  [dsae-l-g at] subj c l s f  A  stem  [na-gha-h-d-zun]  2  'they are good a g a i n '  [gh-en-d5en]  'they s a n g  1  'you sang'  E  E  p e r f pm stem 10  /d3£/ A.  12  14  a l s o changes t o [ d s i ] as i n [ d 3 i - n - z u n ]  In the o p t a t i v e , / d 3 e / becomes [dsu].  'they are good'  118  (16) a. [dsu-dsen]  '(they asked  us) i f we would s i n g ' B  subj stem 6 14 b.  [d3u-zu]  'they are t h i n k i n g about being good  1  B  subj stem 6 14 / t s ' e / occurs o n l y i n formal (17)  [ts'e-de-ni-l-tEll  'one shot a t i t ' B  subj derv p e r f c l s f 6 9 10 13 5.1.4  Object  speech.  stem 14  Affixes  T h i s i n c l u d e s the u n s p e c i f i e d  o b j e c t / E / and the  u n s p e c i f i e d a r e a l /hae/, as w e l l as the pronominal  direct  objects.  (18)  /E/  a.  [*?E-d5E-tg-ts  i h ] 'they are s h o o t i n g ' B  obj subj derv stem 5 6 9 14 b.  [ ? a - t a - z a - s - t a e l ] .'I k i c k e d ' A obj derv p e r f pm stem 5 9 10 12 14  (19) /hae/ a.  [hae-tae-s-ael] obj derv pm stem 5 8 12 14  'I am going to a r r i v e  (anywhere)' A  119  b.  [hae-dsa-y-n-dll1  'they a r r i v e d there" A  obj subj derv conj stem 5 6 8 11 14 c. [sae hae-?ael]  'the sun i s up ( t h e r e ) ' A  sun obj stem 5 14 d.  l ^ a e l d z i ha-y-?en] moon  'the moon i s out ( t h e r e ) ' A  obj derv stem 5 8 14 A  e.  [ t l ' a da-ha-y-kai 4]  'we are going t o s i t down ( t h e r e ) ' C  t h e r e ? obj derv stem 5 8 14 The  5.2  pronominal  d i r e c t o b j e c t s are l i s t e d  S ingular  Plural  se  we  ne  WE  „w_.  „w g e w  below.  be  L e v e l 2_ Phonology One p h o n o l o g i c a l process t h a t d i s t i n g u i s h e s l e v e l 2 from  l e v e l 1 i s Vowel D e l e t i o n , which occurs (as was d i s c u s s e d e a r l i e r ) when two vowels are a f f i x e d adjacent t o each other i n the verb.  5.2.1  Vowel D e l e t i o n II  In s e c t i o n 4.7, i t was shown that when a s e r i e s of vowels was produced  by a f f i x a t i o n a t l e v e l . 1 the l e f t m o s t vowel  120  deleted  (Vowel D e l e t i o n I ) .  The r e v e r s e occurs a t l e v e l  Here, when there are 2 adjacent vowels i n the s t r i n g , rightmost  2.  the  one d e l e t e s .  (20) a. / d a e - e h - d i l / — >  [dae-h-dil]  'you ( p i . ) a r r i v e d (somewhere s p e c i f i c ) '  derv pm 8  12  stem 14  b. / h u - i n - t s a x / — >  [hu-n-tsax]  'you are s h o o t i n g i t A 1  derv pm stem 8  c.  12  14  /ni-eh-l-^aeh/ —>  [ni-4-^aeh]  'you ( p i . ) looked a t i f  derv pm c l s f stem 8  d.  12  13  14  /ye-nae-eh-zen/ — >  [ye-nae-h-ZEn]  obv derv pm stem 7  8  12  14  'you ( p i . ) are t h i n k i n g about being good' A  (A)  121  e.  /tae-in-zul/  —>  [tae-n-zul]  'you are going t o s t a r t being good'  derv pm stem 8  12  14  In each case, the vowel of the person marker (the rightmost vowel) has d e l e t e d . rule  To account  f o r these data the f o l l o w i n g  can be w r i t t e n :  Vowel D e l e t i o n II V —>  0  (These are V s 5.2.2  V  on the s k e l e t a l  Onset  Another  /  tier.)  Formation  p h o n o l o g i c a l process t h a t d i s t i n g u i s h e s l e v e l 2  from l e v e l 1 i s Onset Formation. At l e v e l 2, any vowel affixes  (including  initial  the a f f i x /hu/ whose /h/ i s unattached)  r e c e i v e an onset s l o t .  The unattached  /h/ w i l l then l i n k up t o  t h i s newly c r e a t e d onset and the a f f i x w i l l be r e a l i z e d  as  [hu].  filled  In a l l other cases the empty onset s l o t w i l l be  in p o s t - l e x i c a l l y  Onset  with the d e f a u l t consonant  Formation x I [ V  x I  — >  [  x I  V  /*>/.  122  Although t h i s r u l e i s s t r u c t u r e - b u i l d i n g and structure-changing,  not  i t does obey the SCC and a p p l i e s o n l y to  s t r i n g s t h a t have had a p r e v i o u s morphological or p h o n o l o g i c a l r u l e of l e v e l 2 apply to them. Onset Formation  T h i s r u l e s out a p p l i c a t i o n of  t o s t r i n g s that enter l e v e l 2 with the vowel  i n i t i a l affixes /id/, the environmental  / i n / , and /eh/  (12).  Although they meet  c o n d i t i o n s of Onset Formation,  these  strings  w i l l enter l e v e l 3 unchanged unless they have independently  met  the conditons f o r Vowel D e l e t i o n . Onset Formation does a p p l y to vowel i n i t i a l  a f f i x e s of  l e v e l 2 as shown i n example (21).  (21) a.  [7_i_-gu-t  1  in)  ' i t looks l i k e  (something)  1  E  derv derv stem 8 8 14 b.  (4in ? a - t a - z a - s - t a e l 1  'I k i c k e d the dog'  A  dog obj derv perf pm stem 5 9 10 12 14 c. [ ? e - d 3 e - t e - t s i n ]  'they are s h o o t i n g i n t o a group ' B  obj subj derv stem 5 6 9 14 When a l e v e l 3 a f f i x  i s added, the empty onset  prevents vowel d e l e t i o n , as shown i n example  (22) a. t b i - n a e - " ? a - d 3 a z ] post adv obj stem 1 2 5 14  'something  slot  22.  to write with' (pencil) A  123  b.  fnae-?E-te-tae-tslh]  he i s going to shoot' A  adv obj derv derv stem 2 5 8 8 14 Onset Formation a l s o a p p l i e s a t l e v e l 3 as w e l l post-lexically,  (23) a.  as  as shown i n (21).  [?ae-nae-n-t'in]  'you work' E  adv dur pm stem 2 4 12 14 b.  f2£skai]  'child' E  c. [ ? i n t s i ] d.  'grandfather' E  [?aeldzi]  'moon' A  Onset Formation must then "turn on" a t l e v e l a p p l y throughout  the l e x i c a l and  post-lexical  Having e s t a b l i s h e d the d i s t i n c t i o n via  Vowel D e l e t i o n  distinction  between l e v e l s  levels.  between l e v e l s  II and Onset Formation,  d i s c u s s i o n of the p h o n o l o g i c a l  2, and continue to  I now  3:  Fricative  2  t u r n to a  processes t h a t c r e a t e  2 and  1 and  the  Voicing,  and  Diphthongization.  5.2.3  Fricative  Another 2 and  t h a t supports the d i s t i n c t i o n  3 is Fricative  alveolar The  rule  Voicing  Voicing.  I t was  f r i c a t i v e s become v o i c e d  same i s t r u e a t l e v e l  2.  between  shown i n Chapter  levels 4 that  i n t e r v o c a l i c a l l y at level  1.  124  (24) a . [ g a - z a i - t a 4 ] w  obj 5 b.  perf 10  /gW -si-tE4/  'I k i c k e d  e  it' B  stem 14  [na4ey d3a-za-ta4]  /d3E-§E-te4/  'they k i c k e d  the  horse' horse subj perf 6 10 c.  [gu-za-s-t'in]  stem 14 /gu-si-s-t'in/  d e r v p e r f pm s t e m 8 10 12 14  [na-sa-s-d3itJ adv 2  b.  'I want t o s i n g ' B (FL.  F r i c a t i v e s do not v o i c e a t l e v e l (25) a.  (B)  IRR.)  3.  'I crawled'  B  p e r f pm stem 10 12 14  [na-s^ai-tin]  I dreamt' C  dur p e r f stem 4 10 14 In each case  i n (25), the p e r f e c t i v e marker has  remained  as  A  v o i c e l e s s / s / although  5.2.4 The  position.  Diphthongization third  l e v e l s 2 and /Cae/  i t is in intervocalic  process t h a t e s t a b l i s h e s a d i s t i n c t i o n between  3 i s Diphthongization.  (where C stands  /i/-initial (26) through  affix, (30).  When an a f f i x of the  f o r any consonant) i s f o l l o w e d by  the r e s u l t  form  an  i s [Cay] as shown i n examples  125  (26) a.  [da-y-n-le4]  /dae-in-le4/  'you are f l o a t i n g '  A  derv pm stem 8 12 14 b.  [da-y_-d-le4]  /dae-id-le4/  'we  are f l o a t i n g '  A  derv pm stem 8 12 14 c.  [dae-le4]  /dae-le4/  'he  is floating'  A  derv stem 8 14 d.  [d5e-dae-le4]  /d3e-dae-le4/  'they are f l o a t i n g ' A  subj derv stem 6 8 14 (27) a.  [da-y-yeh]  /dae-i-yeh/  'he a r r i v e d ' A  derv derv stem 8 8 14 b.  [d5E-da-y-n-dil]  /dge-dae-i-n-dil/  'they a r r i v e d ' A  subj derv derv conj stem 6 8 8 11 14 c. [da-y-yeh]  /dae-i-in-yeh/  'you a r r i v e d ' A  derv derv pm stem 8 8 12 14 (28) a.  [na-y-4-?in]  /nae-i-4-?in/ dur derv c l s f 4 8 13  b.  [d3i-ye-na-y-4-9jn ]  'he looked a t i t ' A  stem 14  /d3£-ye-nae_-i_-4-^in/  subj obv derv derv c l s f 6 7 8 8 13 •they looked a t i t ' A  stem 14  126  c. [na-£-4-'?in]  / n a e - l - i n - 4 - ? i n ] 'you looked at i t ' A  derv derv pm c l s f 8 8 12 13 (29)  [ko g^-da-y-^-k'en]  /ko  stem 14  g e-dae-i-4-k'en/ w  house obj derv derv c l s f 5 8 8 13 'I burned (30)  [detsen g e-da-y-4-mel] w  the house  /detsen log  1  stem 14  E  g e-dae-i-4—mel/ w  obj derv derv c l s f 5 8 8 13  stem 14  •I r o l l e d the l o g (down the h i l l ) ' Nuclear F u s i o n  1  E  changes the p r o s o d i c o r g a n i z a t i o n of the  sequence / a e - i / by combining  them under one nucleus node.  Nuclear F u s i o n N X  N  N  X  • « ae Low  N X  I i  X  I I ae  i  l e v e l p h o n e t i c r u l e s w i l l change / i /  p o s t i o n i n the s y l l a b l e - the second  to [y] due  to i t s  h a l f of a branching  nucleus.  The O b l i g a t o r y Contour [ay] s i n c e both  Principle  [ae] and  w i l l change /ae-y/ to  [y] are [-back].  more marked element i t w i l l [a] .  (OCP)  Because [ae] i s the  l o s e i t s [-back] f e a t u r e and become  127  DomaIn of Nuclear F u s i o n . at  Nuclear F u s i o n can be ordered  l e v e l 1, i n accordance with the Strong Domain Hypothesis,  s i n c e t h e r e a r e no i n s t a n c e s of the seguence / a e - i / a t l e v e l 1. I t does not, however, a p p l y a t l e v e l below.  3, as shown by the data  Instead Vowel D e l e t i o n II w i l l a p p l y d e l e t i n g the  rightmost vowel.  (31) a. [nae-dsit1  /nae-in-dsit/  'you crawled around' B  adv pm stem 2 12 14 b. [ n a e - d 3 i t ]  / n a e - i d - d 5 i t / 'we crawled around' B adv pm stem 2 12 14  5.2.5  E-Raising  U n l i k e i-Lowering a t l e v e l 1 where / i /  —> [E] /  r a i s e s t o [ i ] a t l e v e l 2 when i t occurs before  s, /e/  [ y j , as can be  seen i n the f o l l o w i n g data where /d3e/ becomes [ d 3 i ] when i t i s affixed  t o the l e f t  of the [y] i n i t i a l  obviative a f f i x .  (32) a. [d3i_-v_o-ghe-n-tsi ] 'they shot i t (many t i m e s ) ' A subj obv ser conj stem 6 7 10 11 14 b. td3i_-y_o-ghe-n-tael ] 'they k i c k e d i t (many t i m e s ) ' B subj obv s e r conj stem 6 7 10 11 14 c.  [na4ey d 3 ^ - y a - z - t a t ]  'they k i c k e d the horse' B  horse subj derv p e r f stem 6 8 10 14  128  In c o n t r a s t to t h i s , the  underlying  (33)  a.  form of the  tnae-d3E-d-zuh] adv 2  b.  subj c l s f 6 13  The  f o l l o w i n g examples  subject  prefix  illustrate  (/djc/).  ' t h e y o f t e n become g o o d '  A  stem 14  [d3E-ti-4-kat] subj derv c l s f 6 8 13  the  'they broke the  window'  A  stem 14  f o l l o w i n g r u l e accounts for / E / r a i s i n g to I i ] .  E-Raising v  . * *•  [-low] [-back]  c  "••-.I  Domain o f applying  [+high]  E-Ra i s i n g .  elsewhere  found o n l y a t level  [+cont]  level  2 affixes,  (1984), since  i n my 2.  I have no data,  this  s i n c e the  Although t h i s  i t i s assigned i s the  e v i d e n c e of t h i s  rule  s e q u e n c e / E - y/  rule applies only  to l e v e l  1 following  l e a s t marked l e v e l  to  Kiparsky  for  assigning  The  labelled  rules.  Vowel D e l e t i o n  III  R e p e a t e d b e l o w i s e x a m p l e 10  f r o m 5.1.1  is  129  b r a c k e t s r e f e r t o the l e v e l a t which the a f f i x was  added.  ( R e c a l l t h a t while /h/ i s present on the segmental t i e r  i t has  no c o r r e s p o n d i n g s k e l e t a l p o i n t and i s thus i n v i s i b l e to the vowel d e l e t i o n  (10)  rules).  a. [Mary s-u-tae4]  2  [ s e - f h u - [ t a e 4 ] ] 'Mary i s k i c k i n g 2  1  me'  A  obj derv stem 5  b. [Mary n-u-tae4]  8  14  * "2fhu~ [tae4]] n E  2  1  'Mary i s k i c k i n g  obj derv stem 5  c. [Mary y-u-tae4]  2  8  you'  B  14  [ y e - [ h u - ^ f t a e 4 ] ] 'Mary i s k i c k i n g 2  him' B obv 7  derv stem 8  14  Vowel D e l e t i o n II would d e l e t e the rightmost vowel /u/. However, t h i s would g i v e the i n c o r r e c t r e s u l t .  I t i s the  l e f t m o s t vowel /e/ t h a t d e l e t e s l e a v i n g the /u/ i n t a c t .  There  must then be a t h i r d r u l e of vowel d e l e t i o n t h a t w i l l d e l e t e the l e f t m o s t vowel f o r the examples above but w i l l intact  i n example  leave i t  20 of s e c t i o n 5.2.1.  One d i f f e r e n c e between the examples  i n 10 and those  i n 20  130  i s t h a t a l l of the examples i n 10 are the r e s u l t a f f i x added to another l e v e l the CV a f f i x e s  of l e v e l  person marker). this until  In the examples i n 20  2 are added t o a l e v e l 1 a f f i x (a  The t h i r d  inner b r a c k e t i n g  2 affix.  of a l e v e l 2  r u l e of vowel d e l e t i o n can r e f e r to  s i n c e the inner brackets  the end of a l e v e l  (see K i p a r s k y  are not erased  1982).  Vowel D e l e t i o n I I I  2  5.3  tC V tV  -->  2  2  tC  [  v  2  Conclus i on  The f o l l o w i n g r u l e s apply t o l e v e l simply  2 affixes.  l i s t e d the r u l e s that have been d i s c u s s e d  Chapter.  in this  At the end of Chapter 6 the r u l e s w i l l be  at the optimal  l e v e l a t which they can apply.  1.  Vowel D e l e t i o n II  2.  Onset Formation  3.  Fricative  4.  Nuclear  5. 6.  Voicing Fusion  e-Raising Vowel D e l e t i o n I I I  I have  re-ordered  131  FOOTNOTES CHAPTER 5  1.  T h i s was suggested t o me by Dr. P a t r i c i a Shaw.  132  CHAPTER  6.1  6: THE LEXICAL PHONOLOGY OF CHILCOTIN: LEVEL 3  Morphology The  following a f f i x  1  p o s i t i o n s comprise l e v e l 3:  2  3  p o s t p o s i t i o n adverb  6.1.1 The  stem  4 durative  Durative durative  described  affix  /nae/  occurs i n verbs where the a c t i o n  spreads over a p e r i o d  of time.  This  verbs t h a t express an instantaneous a c t i o n  i s opposed t o  (such as ' k i c k ' and  •shoot').  (1) a. [ n a e - s a i - t i n ] dur 4 b.  perf 10  perf 10  'I swam' A  stem 14  [na-ghi-tsun] dur 4  d.  stem 14  Ina-se-bin] dur 4  c.  perf 10  'I dreamt' C  'you k i s s e d him long' B  stem 14  [na-gha-s-d-zun] dur 4  'I am good a g a i n ' A  perf pm c l s f stem 10 12 13 14  (FL. IRR.)  133  e.  [nae-g g-d5el]  ' i t snowed' E  w  dur obj stem 4 5 14 f.  [?ae-nae-tae-s-t'in]  'I am  going to work* E  adv dur derv pm stem 2 4 8 10 14 6.1.2  Stems  I have o n l y one data, although  example of an i n c o r p o r a t e d stem i n my  i n c o r p o r a t i o n i s a p r o d u c t i v e process i n  Chilcotin.  (2)  a.  £bi-na-zai-g a-k'an] 'something to c o l o r your mouth with ( l i p s t i c k ) ' A w  post poss noun obj stem 1 3 5 14 b.  [ s a - z a i ] 'my my mouth  6.1.3  mouth'  E  Adverbs  There i s a v a r i e t y of i d i o s y n c r a t i c l e v e l  3 adverbs.  few examples f o l l o w . (3) a.  [gha-na-g e-d5E-l-yax] w  adv dur 2 4 b.  'they are p l a y i n g b a l l '  obj subj c l s f stem 5 6 13 14  [tae-dsE-daen] adv subj stem 2 6 14  'they are d r i n k i n g ' A  (FL.  A IRR.)  A  134  c. [ t e - d 5 E - d a e - l c 4 ]  'they a r e f l o a t i n g ' A  adv subj derv stem 2 6 8 14 d.  [hae-dge-del]  'they are s a y i n g '  D  adv subj stem 2 6 14 e.  f.  [te-nae-dgi-ya-gha-l-tJut]  'they caught  adv adv subj obv perf c l s f 2 2 6 7 10 13  stem 14  [nae-bi-ti-zi-tsat]  i t again' A  'he pushed you around'  B  adv ? derv perf stem 2 9 10 14 (The speech g.  of B f r e q u e n t l y d i d not manifest f l a t t e n i n g . )  [bi-na-gha-s-Rwey1  'I vomited  it'A  post adv p e r f pm stem 1  2  10  12  14  h.  [?ae-nae-n-t'in]  'you are working'  i.  adv dur pm stem 2 4 12 14 f?ae-n-lal 'NP made NP'  E  (FL.  E  IRR.)  adv conj stem 2 11 14 6.1.4  Postpositions  There are two combination The  types of p o s t p o s i t i o n s .  One  of p o s t p o s i t i o n and pronoun (e.g.  other i s /bi/,  u s u a l l y t r a n s l a t e d as  'with'  is a 'from'-pronoun).  135  (4)  'from'-pronoun a.  [naen-ta-ze-n-bin]  'you swam away from you' A  post derv p e r f pm stem 1 9 10 12 14 b.  [saen-ta-ze-n-binl  'you swam away from me' A  post derv p e r f pm stem 1 9 10 12 14 c.  [baen-ta-ze-n-bin]  'you swam away from them' A  post derv perf pm stem 1 9 10 12 14 (5) / b i / a.  [bi-tae-daenl  'something t o d r i n k with  (cup)' A  post adv stem 1 2 14 b.  [bi-nae-^a-dgaz]  'something t o w r i t e with  (pencil)' A  post adv obj stem 1 2 5 14 c.  fbi-nae-na-ka]  'something t o make holes with (sewing machine)' A  post adv dur stem 1 2 4 14 d.  [ b i - y a e - s - t a k ] 'I am t a l k i n g i n t o something' A post derv pm stem 1 8 12 14  e.  [bi-tae-l-daen]  'make her d r i n k ' A  post adv c l s f stem 1 2 13 14  136  f.  [NP  bl-d5e-tae-l-zax)  post subj derv c l s f 1 6 8 13  'they are going t o s p i t  1  A  stem 14  (See Witherspoon (1977) f o r f u r t h e r d i s c u s s i o n of the / b i / affix 6.2  i n Athapaskan.) L e v e l 3_ Phonology There are o n l y two  rules that apply to l e v e l  Vowel D e l e t i o n II and Onset Formation. assigned to l e v e l  3.  and Onset Formation,  No new  3 affixes-  r u l e s are  With the e x c e p t i o n of Vowel D e l e t i o n II a l l other l e v e l  1 and  level  2 rules  shut-off.  6.2.1  Vowel D e l e t i o n II  As was  shown i n Chapter  5, when a s e r i e s of 2 vowels  occurs the rightmost one d e l e t e s a t l e v e l 2. at  level  T h i s i s a l s o true  3.  (6) a. / t a e - i n - d a e n / — >  [tae-daen]  'you are d r i n k i n g ' C  adv pm stem 2 12 14 b. /tae-ch-daen/  —>  [tae-daenJ  'you  ( p i . ) are d r i n k i n g ' C  adv pm stem 2 12 14 c. / ? a e - n a e - i n - t ' i n / — > adv dur pm stem 2 4 12 14  [?ae-nae-n-t'in]  'you  are working'  E  137  6.2.2  Onset  Formation  It was  a l s o shown i n Chapter 5 that Onset  Formation  a p p l i e s a t l e v e l 3 (as w e l l as word i n t e r n a l l y a t l e v e l 2), c r e a t i n g an empty onset s l o t before vowel (which w i l l be f i l l e d (23)a  i n by the d e f a u l t consonant /*?/). Example  from Chapter 5 i s repeated below.  [?ae-nae-n-t'in] adv dur pm 2 4 12 6.3  'you work' E  stem 14  Summary Only 2 p h o n o l o g i c a l  r u l e s a p p l y at l e v e l  D e l e t i o n I I , and Onset Formation. at  initial affixes  l e v e l s 1 and 2 have s h u t - o f f .  3-  Vowel  A l l other r u l e s that a p p l i e d L i s t e d below ( i n t h e i r  o p t i m a l order) i s the r u l e system that has been developed i n t h i s t h e s i s f o r the l e x i c a l component of C h i l c o t i n .  LEVEL 1 1.  Vowel D e l e t i o n I  2.  Vowel  3.  Continuant D e l e t i o n  4.  i-Lowering  5.  d-Effect  6.  F r i c a t i v e Voicing  7. 8.  Rounding  e-Raising Continuant Coalescence  138  9.  V e l a r Harmony  10.  A l v e o l a r Harmony  C r u c i a l l y ordered; 4,9; 4,10  LEVEL 2  Vowel D e l e t i o n I shuts o f f  i-Lowering shuts o f f (I assume t h a t a l l other l e v e l 1 r u l e s t h a t have not s h u t - o f f may a l s o a p p l y here. I have not ,however, l i s t e d  1.  Vowel D e l e t i o n I I  2.  Vowel D e l e t i o n I I I  3.  Onset Formation  4.  Nuclear F u s i o n  LEVEL 3  F r i c a t i v e V o i c i n g shuts o f f Nuclear F u s i o n shuts o f f  them).  139  CHAPTER  7.0  7 :  POST-LEXICAL PHONOLOGY  Introduction P o s t - l e x i c a l r u l e s a p p l y "across the board" wherever t h e i r  environment i s met (Kiparsky 1982.  N a s a l i z a t i o n , /ghe/  c o n t r a c t i o n , /gh/ D e l e t i o n , and Onset D e f a u l t a r e a l l post-lexical rules i n Chilcotin.  7.1  Nasalization Nasal vowels occur when u n d e r l y i n g l y they are followed by  a homo-syllabic continuant.  n a s a l which i s i n t u r n followed by a  There i s v a r i a t i o n i n my data as t o whether or not  the f o l l o w i n g continuant consonant  must be homosyllabic  with the n a s a l  (see Cook 1986). In example 1 below the continuant i s  homosyllabic  with  the nasal consonant and a n a s a l vowel  results.  (1) a. [ b i - t a - 4 - z a x ] / b i - t a e - i n - z e x / 'you w i l l  spit' A  post derv pm stem 1 8 12 14 b.  [tajg-4-tak] / t a e - i n - 4 - t e k / derv pm c l s f 8 12 13  c.  'you w i l l shoot' A  stem 14  [ta-ze-l-gey] / t e - s i - i n - l - g i y ] derv perf pm c l s f 8 10 12 13  'you are walking' stem 14  E  140  d.  [ha-l-gi] /he-in-l-gi) derv pm c l s f 8 12 13  'you run' E stem 14  In example 2 the vowel becomes n a s a l i z e d  although the  c o n t i n u a n t i s not h o m o s y l l a b i c .  (2) a. [da-y-yeh]  /dae-in-yeh/  'you a r r i v e d  (somewhere)' A  derv pm stem 8 12 14 b.  [hi-zOh]  /he-in-ztfh/  *you are not good  1  A  derv pm stem 8 12 14 c. [ i 4 i l  /in4i/  Example 3 appears  'one E t o be counter evidence  to example 2.  Here the vowel does not n a s a l i z e when the f o l l o w i n g  continuant  i s not h o m o s y l l a b i c .  (3) a. [ g h i - n - l i ]  /ghi-n-li/  ' i t used to be that way' A  mode conj stem 10 11 14 b.  [ta-n-zax]  /tae-n-zex/  'he i s going t o s p i t '  A  derv conj stem 8 11 14 c. C?ae-n-la]  V?ae-n-laegh/  'he i s making NP' E  adv conj stem 1 11 14 F u r t h e r r e s e a r c h needs to be done on the i n t e r a c t i o n between tone and n a s a l i z a t i o n .  In a l l of the examples that d i d  141  not n a s a l i z e the a f f i x attempt  i n v o l v e d was the c o n j u n c t .  to w r i t e a r u l e here as I t h i n k the n a s a l i z a t i o n  process i s r e l a t e d t o the tone  7.2  I w i l l not  rules.  /gh/ C o n t r a c t i o n In  deleted  f a s t speech the p e r f e c t i v e marker /ghe/ i s o f t e n i n i n t e r v o c a l i c p o s i t i o n a f t e r having r e t r a c t e d the  vowel t o i t s l e f t .  A l l of the cases of /ghe/ c o n t r a c t i o n  i n v o l v e the i n c e p t i v e mode: / t a e / (8) and /ghe/ (10).  Without  both / t a e / and /ghe/ having been present, the verb cannot be t r a n s l a t e d as the i n c e p t i v e . to  the l e f t  T h i s , and the f a c t that the vowel  of the m i s s i n g /ghe/ i s [+RTR], r u l e out the  p o s s i b i l t y of /ghe/ never having been added to the s t r i n g a t all.  (4) a. / t a e - g h e - t ' e s / --> [ t a - t ' e s ]  'he i s going t o c u t ' A  derv p e r f stem 8 10 14 b. / t a e - g h e - i n - t s e 4 / --> [ t a - n - t s e 4 ] 'you a r e going to swing' E derv p e r f pm stem 8 10 12 14 c. / g u t j a gu-tae-ghe-zu/  —>  [gut/a  go-ta-zo]  i n s i d e s derv derv p e r f stem 8 8 10 14 'their  i n s i d e s w i l l be numb (they a r e going t o be hungry)' E  T h i s process can be accounted  f o r by the f o l l o w i n g  rule.  142  gh  Contraction gh  —>  0  /  V  V  (the vowel of /ghe/ w i l l d e l e t e v i a one of the vowel d e l e t i o n rules).  7.3  Velar The  Deletion  [+RTR] v e l a r /gh/ a l s o d e l e t e s i n s y l l a b l e  p o s i t i o n a f t e r RTR applied.  Harmony and n a s a l i z a t i o n have  The o n l y examples  non-derived l e x i c a l  (5) a. /kungh/  -->  of s y l l a b l e f i n a l  items.  [ko] 'house' E  b. /naengh4-ingh/ — >  [na4ey] 'horse' E  c. / b i l u g h / — >  [bilo]  d. / m i d u g h / — >  [mido] 'whiteman' E.  'knife' E  The f o l l o w i n g r u l e can account f o r these  Velar  Deletion  r ime  I gh  —>  0  /  final  data.  /gh/ are i n  143  T h i s r u l e must be ordered a f t e r RTR  V e l a r Harmony due  to the  f a c t t h a t the a d j a c e n t vowels are a l l [+RTR].  7.4  Onset D e f a u l t It  was  shown e a r l i e r that vowel i n i t i a l  r e c e i v e an onset s l o t a t l e v e l s 2 and i n with / ? / p o s t l e x i c a l l y .  (6) a.  C?i-gu-t•in]  3.  affixes a l l  This s l o t  This i s i l l u s t r a t e d  ' i t looks l i k e  is filled  i n example  (something)' E  derv derv stem 8 8 14 b.  [nae-^e-te-tae-tsih]  'he  i s going to shoot' A  adv obj derv derv stem 2 5 8 8 14 c. Ibi-nae-^a-dsaz]  'something  to w r i t e with' A  post adv obj stem 1 2 5 14 The  f o l l o w i n g r u l e accounts  f o r these d a t a .  Onset D e f a u l t onset  »  rime  1  6.  144  7.5  Summary The f o l l o w i n g r u l e s apply a t the p o s t - l e x i c a l  1.  Nasalization  2.  gh C o n t r a c t i o n  3.  Velar  4.  Onset D e f a u l t  7.6  level.  Deletion  Summary of T h e s i s In c o n c l u s i o n , the f o l l o w i n g r u l e system has been  developed.  LEVEL 1 1.  Vowel D e l e t i o n I  2.  Vowel Rounding  3.  Continuant  4.  i-Lower ing  5.  D-effeet  6.  Fricative  7.  Continuant Coalescence  8.  e-Raising  9.  A l v e o l a r Harmony  10.  V e l a r Harmony  Deletion  Voicing  C r u c i a l Orderings;  4,9; 4,10.  145  LEVEL 2  Vowel D e l e t i o n I shuts o f f i-Lowering  shuts o f f  1.  Onset Formation  2.  Vowel D e l e t i o n II  3.  Vowel D e l e t i o n I I I  4.  Nuclear  Fusion  LEVEL 3_  F r i c a t i v e V o i c i n g shuts o f f Nuclear Fusion  shuts o f f  POST LEXICAL  1.  Velar  2.  gh  3.  Onset  Deletion  Contraction Default  I t has been shown t h a t some complex  i s s u e s of C h i l c o t i n  morphology and phonology become c l e a r e r when the theory of l e x i c a l phonology i s used to analyse r u l e s around groups of a f f i x e s  them. The c l u s t e r i n g of  i s a consequence of  phonological  146  r u l e s being assigned an  to morphological  levels.  What seems to be  i n t r i c a t e system of r u l e s becomes somewhat simpler where  r u l e a p p l i c a t i o n i s determined by c o n d i t i o n s such as the S t r i c t C y c l e C o n d i t i o n (Kiparsky 1982) ( s e c t i o n s 3.1 and 5.2.2), the Strong Domain Hypothesis  (Kiparsky 1982) ( s e c t i o n 5.5.2) and  the O b l i g a t o r y Contour P r i n c i p l e  ( s e c t i o n 5.2.5).  147  A b b r e v i a t i o n s Used i n T h i s T h e s i s  adv  Adverb  clsf  Classifier  conj  Conjunct  derv  Derivative  dur  Durative  FL. IRR. imp  Flattening Irregular  Imperfective  LP  L e x i c a l Phonology  obj  Object  obv  Obviative  OCP  O b l i g a t o r y Contour  perf  Perfective  Principle  pi.  plural  pm  Person Marker  post  Postposition  SCC  S t r i c t Cycle C o n d i t i o n  SDH  Strong Domain  ser  seriative  sg.  singular  subj  Subject  WFC  Well Formedness C o n d i t i o n  Hypothesis  148  REFERENCES Anderson, Stephen R. (1974). The O r g a n i z a t i o n of Phonology, New York, Academic P r e s s . Anderson, Stephen R. (1982). I n q u i r y , 13:571-612.  "Where's Morphology?"  Linguistic  A r o n o f f , Mark (1974). Word Formation i n Generative Grammar, L i n g u i s t i c I n q u i r y Monograph 1, Cambridge, MA, MIT Press Chomsky, Noam (1965). Aspects of the Theory of Syntax. Cambridge, MA, MIT P r e s s . Chomsky, Noam (1970). "Remarks on N o m i n a l i z a t i o n " . In R. Jacobs and P. Rosenbaum, eds. 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I n t e r n a t i o n a l J o u r n a l of Amerlean L i n g u i s t i c s 30:118-131.  150  Krauss, Michael (1969). "On the C l a s s i f i c a t i o n i n the Athapaskan, Eyak and T l i n g i t Verb." Indiana Univers i t y P u b l i c a t i o n s i n Anthropology and L i n g u i s t i c s , Memoir 24:49-83. Krauss, M i c h a e l (1975). " C h i l c o t i n Phonology, a D e s c r i p t i v e and H i s t o r i c a l Report with Recommendations f o r a C h i l c o t i n Orthography" Unpublished Manuscript, A l a s k a Native Language C e n t e r . Latimer, R i c h a r d (1978). "A Study of C h i l c o t i n F l a t t e n i n g " . M.A. t h e s i s , U n i v e r s i t y of C a l g a r y , C a l g a r y . L e e r , J e f f (1979). "Proto-Athabaskan Verb Stem V a r i a t i o n I : Phonology". A l a s k a Native Language Center Research Papers, 1. F a i r b a n k s . L i , Fang-Kuei (1946). "Chipewyan." In H. H o i j e r et a l . eds., V i k i n g Fund P u b l i c a t i o n s i n Anthropology, 6, New York, 398-423. L e i b e r , R o c h e l l e (1980). On the O r g a n i z a t i o n of the L e x i c o n Unpublished d o c t o r a l d i s s e r t a t i o n , MIT, Cambridge, MA. R i c e , Keren (1985). "On the Placement L i n g u i s t i c I n q u i r y 16:155-161.  of  Inflection",  Roberge, Yves (1984). "Tone i n C h i l c o t i n " , Unpublished Manuscript. U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia. S e l k i r k , E l i z a b e t h (1982). The Syntax of Words, L i n g u i s t i c I n q u i r y Monograph 7, Cambridge, MA, MIT P r e s s . S i e g e l , Dorothy (1974). T o p i c s i n E n g l i s h Morphology, Unpublished d o c t o r a l d i s s e r t a t i o n , MIT. Speas, Margaret (1984). "Navaho P r e f i x e s and Word S t r u c t u r e Typology", i n M. Speas and R. Sproat eds., MIT Working Papers i n L i n g u i s t i c s V o l . 7.  151  Vergnaud, Jean-Roger a t Montreal.  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