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Still at odds : highly educated women and marriage Bennett, Diane 1988

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STILL A T ODDS: HIGHLY E D U C A T E D WOMEN AND MARRIAGE by DIANE BENNETT B.A., University of Washington,  1984  A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS  FOR THE DEGREE OF  MASTER OF ARTS  in THE F A C U L T Y OF GRADUATE STUDIES Department of Anthropology and Sociology  We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard  THE UNIVERSITY  OF BRITISH COLUMBIA  21 June  1988  ® Diane Bennett,  1988  In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at The University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission.  Department of Anthropology and Sociology The University of British Columbia 2075 Wesbrook Place Vancouver, Canada V6T 1W5 Date: 21 June  1988  ABSTRACT  This research examines  the  relationship between  marriage in Canada using statistical, the 1971,  1976  determine  if  and 1981  the  higher education  and eventual  ethnographic and historical data. Data from  Canadian census Public Use Sample Tapes are used to  inverse  relationship  between  higher  education  and  eventual  marriage for women in the United States is observed in the Canadian population. The data indicate a strong,  negative  relationship between  higher education and  eventual marriage for women in Canada. Although the relationship appears to be weakening, in 1981 and 27  percent  20  percent  of women, age  50-64 with a bachelor's degree  with a graduate or professional degree never married compared  to 5 percent of women with a high school education. For men in the same age group there was no difference in the percent who never married by educational level. Men with a high school education, bachelor's or graduate degree all had a nonmarriage  rate  census  is  data  of also  8  percent.  used  to  To account analyze  for  mating  this  relationship  preferences  and  for women,  sex  ratios  in  Canada. With respect to education the preferences are in the predicted direction. Men tend to marry  women with equal or less education  and women tend to  marry men with equal or greater education. This contributes  to an unfavorable  ratio of eligible males to highly educated females who have postponed  marriage  until their thirties.  In  addition,  this  research  examines  the  relationship  between  education  and  marriage as it is perceived by the highly educated, unmarried woman. The data are  from in-depth interviews with a sample of 15  ii  never married women with  professional  and graduate  degrees  engaged  in professional careers.  profiles the career goals of these women and their expectations about marriage.  The women were not found to be antimarriage  The major factor  The study  and perceptions or antifamily.  contributing to the women's postponement of marriage  is the  incompatibility of traditional marriage with career commitment, especially during the early stages of career development. The combination of both family life and participation in the labor force is difficult for women to manage, but add to that many years of post-secondary schooling, long hours of weekend work, geographic mobility and a competitive work environment and it is not difficult to understand that  these  women wait  until  their  careers  are  established before  trying to  combine family life (as it is now structured) and career. Another important factor contributing to the  women's postponement of marriage  most men have not changed their expectations each other in a marital arrangement.  is their perception that  of what men and women do for  They feel the majority of eligible males  prefer a wife that will subordinate her own career development to the demands of family. For these women, the ideal marriage is one where both husband and wife have  continuous and self-fulfilling extra-domestic  career  roles  as  well  as  meaningful and involving family roles.  Finally,  this research  also provides a historical perspective  between  education and marriage.  on the relationship  Although higher education for women carried  within it the potential for dramatic change in women's occupational as well as psychological states, a survey of one hundred years of college and domesticity in America shows that this dramatic shift did not occur.' Unlike feminists involved in political struggle, the earliest women in higher education did not have clearly  iii  defined targets or goals. Even into the mid-twentieth century higher education for women insured a clinging to traditional values of domesticity, placed in a frame of professionalism, and hindered the ease with which college-educated women could choose life styles  not  sanctioned  by domesticity.  Where  possible,  data in this  study are placed in a historic framework to emphasize that, while the barriers to combining family and career  are  falling,  educated women.  iv  many  problems remain for highly  ACKNOWLEDGEMENT  My appreciation goes to the members of my committee generously shared their thoughts with me.  and to the women who  T A B L E OF CONTENTS Abstract  ii  Acknowledgement  v  List of Figures List of Tables  vii ,  Chapter 1. INTRODUCTION  viii 1  Chapter 2. EDUCATION AND MARRIAGE IN HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE 2.1. A Century of College and Domesticity in America  ..6 9  Chapter 3. EDUCATION AND MARRIAGE: THE CANADIAN POPULATION 3.1. Contemporary Marriage Patterns 3.2. Census Data, 1971-1981 3.3. Mate Selection 3.4. Sex Ratios  30 30 47 67 77  Chapter 4. EDUCATION AND MARRIAGE: WHAT WOMEN SAY 4.1. Is Marriage Still An Attractive Option? 4.2. Are Men Unwilling to Marry Highly Educated Women?" .. 4.3. Woman's Dilemma  87 95 105 120  Chapter 5. CONCLUSIONS  134  Bibliography  140  vi  LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1. Contemporary Marriage Patterns  31  Figure 2. Women's Educational Attainment  41  Figure 3. Percent Never Married by Sex and Education, Age 30 + , 1981  49  Figure 4. Percent Never Married by Sex, Education and Year, Age 30+  51  Figure 5. Percent Never Married by Sex, Education and Age  52  Figure 6. Percent Never Married, Age 50+ by Sex, Education and Year  54  Figure 7. Percent Never Married, Age 30-49 and 50-64, by Education and Year 62  vii  LIST OF  TABLES  Table 1. Women's University Enrolment  43  Table 2. Degrees Earned by Field of Study  44  Table 3. Degrees held by Sex, Age and Year  45  Table 4. Percent Never Married by Sex, Education, Age and Year  48  Table 5. Percent Never Married by Age, Occupation and Education  56  Table 6. Percent Employed by Occupation and Presence of Children  59  Table 7. Percent Completing University by Age At First Marriage  60  Table 8. Percent Never Married: Census Traced Birth Cohorts  64  Table 9. Difference in Percent Never Married by Sex, Education and Year  65  Table 10. Assortative Mating for Education  71  Table 11. Ratio of Men per 100 Women  78  Table 12. Sex Ratios For The Highly Educated  80  viii  CHAPTER  In  contemporary  labor  force  North  1. INTRODUCTION  American society  participation are at  women's  an all-time  educational  high.  These  attainment and  changes  have given  women greater choice about the direction of their lives, including more freedom to make deliberate  decisions about marriage.  More  variation in marriage  patterns  exists today than was true in the past.  Cohabitation before marriage, delaying  marriage  becoming  or  (Goldscheider  foregoing and Waite  marriage 1986).  are  All of these  more  changes  socially  combine  to  acceptable alter  the  centrality of marriage for women at different stages of the life cycle.  Since the early  1970s, the rate of first marriages  experienced by individuals  aged fifteen and over has declined substantially in the U.S. and Canada. This pattern, quite  which has been characteristic  steady  over  of both men and women and has been  time, has contributed to the increasing proportion of single  young adults in the population. Becker (1981) presents  theoretical models which  suggest that the recent trends are primarily reflective of. changes in the incidence of marriage  since the rising economic status of women leaves  incentive to enter rate of first changes  traditional marriages.  marriages  reflects  them with less  Other researchers believe the declining  changes  in the timing  of marriages,  in its ultimate incidence. According to Cherlin (1981:  proportion of single young adults in the 1970s and early  and not  11), "the higher  1980s suggests only  that they are marrying later,  not foregoing marriage. It is unlikely that their  lifetime  will  percent."  proportions Whatever  marrying  fall  below  the  the cause or causes of this  1  historical  minimum  growing percentage  of 90  of single  INTRODUCTION / 2 adults, one of the most noteworthy demographic generalizations  about this group  is that they tend to include the highest percentages of people in the lower (those with less than  than five years of schooling)  sixteen  especially  years  of schooling)  and upper extremes (those with more  of the educational  the case for women with higher education  distribution. And this is (Carter  and Glick  1970,  Moorman 1987).  A growing number of adult women now work for wages in addition to caring for •their husbands, children and homes (Bianchi and Spain 1986: 2). If taking care of  a family and home  are traditionally  important  tasks  to society  and the  individual, and if paid labor force participation is becoming increasingly important, how do women combine both successfully? Delayed age at marriage childbearing may be adaptations  and delayed  to competing roles. By remaining single longer,  women can pursue schooling and work without family responsibilities. Women's median age at first marriage rose from 20.8 to 22.8 between 1970 and 1983 in the U.S. (Bianchi and Spain 1986) and from 21.4 to 23.1 in Canada (Statistics Canada increased  1984),  suggesting  opportunities  that  women  in education  were  and the labor  made great strides in educational attainment: age  beginning to take force.  Indeed,  advantage of women have  the proportion of Canadian women,  25-34 with a university degree more than doubled, from 5 percent  percent,  between  to 14  1971 and 1983 (Statistics Canada 1985), and in the U.S. the  percent increased from 12 to 21 between 1970 and 1980 (Bianchi and Spain).  The  observation of a positive relationship between  and  postponing or foregoing marriage  attaining a college education  among American women is not a recent  INTRODUCTION / 3 Finding.  A  survey  taken  in  1895  of  1,805  members  of  the  Association of  Collegiate Alumnae in the U.S. found that of those female graduates 35,  over age  46 percent never married compared to 10 percent for non-collegians (Woody  1974:  207).  Almost one hundred years later in 1986,  a Harvard-Yale study (Bennett  and Bloom 1985)  the mass media  1  seized on  that predicted that a single,  white, college-educated, thirty-year-old woman's chance of ever marrying was percent marriage further  and a forty-year-old's chance  1.3  percent.  The message  20.2  that delaying  may ultimately mean foregoing it for college-educated women sparked investigation using different methods  and data.  But, despite  the more  optimistic forecast from the U.S. Census Bureau (Moorman 1987)  of a 58 to 66  percent  chance  to 23  chance  for forty-year-olds,  of ever  maids swept the media, confirm  marrying for thirty-year-olds and a  2  a  flurry  of savage  stories  17  percent  about thirty-year-old old  the popularity of which seemed to reflect a desire "to  what everybody suspected  all along: that many women who seem to  have it all will never have mates." (Faludi 1987:  62)  Forecasts and probabilistic statements about eventual marriage  aside, the actual  percentage of women in the U.S. aged 35-44 with four or more years of college who never married was  31  percent  decade to 21 percent in 1950, and  Glick  1976:  310)  nonmarriage rate of 11  and  in 1940,  and declined in each  14 percent in 1960, 11  percent  percent  in  1980  successive  13 percent in 1970 (Moorman  1987:  for college educated women compares  (Carter 2).  This  to a 9  ^Newsweek, June 2~ 1986. Cover Story "The Marriage Crunch"; Discover, March 1987. "Here Come the Brides, But In What Numbers?'"; Ms., July 1987. "The Marriage Trap". Glamour, September 1986. "Forever Single?"; Harper's Bazaar, September 1987. "Are You Turning Men Off?". 2  INTRODUCTION / 4 percent rate for college educated men and a 4 percent rate for women with only a high school education. Although the trend for better-educated lower marriage  rates  appears  'better-educated'  now  means  to  be declining  a  graduate  in the  degree  U.S., it  whereas  could be that  before  bachelor's degree. For example, for those aged 50-64 in 1980 bachelor's degree, women were 2.5  women to have  it  was  a  with more than a  times more likely to never marry than men  in the same category (15 percent vs. 6 percent) and more than 3.5  times more  likely to never marry than women with only a high school education (15 percent vs.  4 percent) (Moorman 1987:  3). In the U.S., the inverse relationship is still  present, and with significant gender differences.  Using  Canadian census  data  from  1971,  1976  and  1981,  this  study  will  determine if the trends and variations in the relationship between education and marriage observed in the United States are present in the Canadian population. Because  the  process  of marriage  begins  logically with  selection, census data will also be examined for assortative and  sex  degrees  ratios. In and 40  1982,  percent  Canadian women earned 51 of all master's degrees.  the  process  of mate  mating for education  percent of all bachelor's  This means  that fewer men  must now "marry down" with regard to education and competition must now be increasing  among  college  educated  women  for  marriage  to  available  college-educated men.  What are the consequences for women's marital prospects if they attain higher levels  of  education  university  education?  and marriage  To  explore  and how issues  such  further as  the  relationship  assortative  between  mating and  sex  INTRODUCTION / 5 ratios  pertain  experiences  to  marital  choices,  this  study  examines  women's  feelings  and  by in-depth interviews with 15 highly educated, unmarried women in  professional careers. This research also provides a historical perspective  on the  relationship between education and marriage.  This study is exploratory.  Because no well-developed theory is available to guide  analysis, specify critical variables or generate hypotheses, of this study called for an exploratory theory.  study designed to discover, not verify,  Thus, with the use of historical data,  those issues  that have  and continue  the research questions  to  Chapter Two seeks to illuminate  impinge on highly  educated  women's  marital behavior. With the use of statistical data, Chapter Three seeks a careful look at the record to disabuse us of any misleading common notions about the present  relationship  between  education  and  marriage.  And with  the  use  of  ethnographic data, Chapter Four seeks to explore the correlates and implications of the observed relationship for the individual and society.  CHAPTER  2. EDUCATION  AND  MARRIAGE IN HISTORICAL  PERSPECTIVE  Throughout the nineteenth century the idea of a separate sphere for women was the  ideological framework  colleges  within which North American women lived.  to women did not threaten this  idea of separate spheres  purpose was to make women into better wives and mothers.  Opening  because its  However, higher  education for women also carried within it the potential for dramatic change in women's occupational as well as psychological states. This dramatic  shift did not  occur. Unlike radical feminists involved in political struggle, the earliest women in higher education did not have clearly defined targets or goals. This chapter will show  that  insured  a  even  into  the  mid-twentieth  clinging to traditional  values  century  higher  of domesticity,  education placed  for  in a  professionalism, and hindered the ease with which college-educated  women  frame  of  women could  choose life styles not sanctioned by domesticity.  Despite the opening of Mary Sharp College in 1851,  the significant breakthough  in higher education for American women did not occur until after the Civil War with  the  opening of Vassar  College  in  1865.  opened to women at Mount Allison in 1862. in  1878  Queen's, in 1881  Toronto. Not all courses,  Dalhousie, in however,  In  Canada,  university classes  Other universities quickly followed,  1884  McGill  and the  were open to women. For  would not permit women to enter its faculty of medicine until women made up 11 States,  however,  36  percent percent  of all college students of the  students  6  University of  example, 1917.  In  McGill 1900  in Canada. In the United  in universities  and colleges  were  EDUCATION AND MARRIAGE IN HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE / 7 women. Cook and Mitchinson (1976: 120) believe the difference is due in part to the fact that "in the U.S. women's colleges received much financial support and thus offered a viable alternative to coeducation."  In  the  late  nineteenth  century  Canadian  women's  attempts  to  enter  both  professional schools and university life were met by fierce public controversy over the probable harmful effects  study would have on their health, on their future  roles as mothers and on the male students who would be in close proximity to them. However, as L'Esperance (1983: 9) observes, the same resistance was not encountered  when a  campaign  for university courses  in domestic  science for  women was started in the 1890s.  Adelaide  Hoodless spent  many  years  attempting  to make home economics (or  domestic science, as it was originally called) a part of the school curriculum in Ontario. » What bothered Mrs. Hoodless was the absence of domestic science in higher education in Canada: "I am at the present time preparing my daughter for a university education, but to my sorrow I find that my conscience compels me to send her to the United States to be educated at Columbia University, because there is a Domestic Science class there" (Patterson  1977: 29). Domestic  science seemed to Hoodless the only hope in stemming the tide of women away from the home. She believed, "girls should have special opportunties for acquiring a knowledge which not only develops strong character but fits them for their God-given place in life" (p. 33). With the establishment of college programs at Toronto, McGill, Acadia and Mount Allison by 1908, the vocation of homemaking was approaching the professional status that Hoodless always claimed was its  EDUCATION AND MARRIAGE IN HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE / 8 ultimate goal. L'Esperance concludes: The enthusiasm for home economics which members of the male educational bureacracy expressed was undoubtedly due to the ideology which Hoodless saw as underpinning the practical aspects of the subject. This ideology strongly reinforced the traditional doctrine of the separate spheres of men and women and stressed the moral and social importance of the domestic role for women (1983: 10).  Despite this important domestic role for women, the literature women's  higher  education  in Canada  (Gillett  1981; Ford  on the history of  1985;  Guppy  1987) emphasizes women's participation (admission, enrolment, degree performance),  not the relationship  between  women's domestic status. For example, Hundred  that  university  et al.  attainment,  education  and the  in A Path Not Strewn With Roses: One  Years of Women at The University  1884-1984,  Anne Ford  does not provide information on the marital status of the collegiate  women she  profiles. A typical entry reads,  of Toronto,  "in 1923 Norma Henrietta Ford became the first  women to receive a PH.D. degree in Entomology at the University. In that same year,  she was appointed  the first  female  faculty  member  (with  the title of  Instructor) in the Department of Biology" (1985: 48). And in We Walked Very Warily: A History of Women at McGill,  Margaret Gillett cites the U.S. statistics  at Vassar College showing that of the 959 Vassar graduates of the classes of 1867-1892 only 53 percent  were married by 1915 (1981:  16). She adds, "the  marital record for the early women at McGill was consistent picture" (Ibid), although she does not provide any numbers.  3  with this general And no discussion  Appendix E of the book (Gillett 1981: 432) shows that in 1923, of 680 McGill women who graduated between 1888-1923, 228 were married, 26 died and 92 had degrees beyond the bachelor's. (It is a mystery why the original investigator made the mutually exclusive categories of being married, being dead and having a higher degree.) Assuming that those who died or had higher degrees were married, the percent married was 51 percent. 3  EDUCATION AND MARRIAGE IN HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE / 9 of the relationship between higher education and marriage is offered.  There is much more information on the relationship between higher education and domesticity for the United States than for Canada, and what is available for Canada suggests a close parallel with the situation in the United States. The remainder of this chapter will therefore focus oh the better documented American experience.  2.1. A C E N T U R Y OF C O L L E G E AND  DOMESTICITY IN AMERICA  The ideal of the American family was challenged and changed at two historical periods. The first was the Industrial Revolution, and the second, World War II. The greatest change was  to  shift the  the  Industrial Revolution made that affected gender roles  locus of work from the  home  to  somewhere  else.  In  the  industrializing countries of the nineteenth and early twentieth century, with the decline of agriculture and handicraft and the organization of other factories,  firms and shops,  the  home was  gradually replaced as  activities in the  locus of  work. The Industrial Revolution, by systematically separating the workplace from the  home,  destroyed  for  the  first  time  the  direct  division  of labor between  husband and wife. Male and female roles remained distinct, as they had always been, but they assumed a radically new character. The man's work, instead of being directly integrated with that of wife and children in the home or on the surrounding land, firms. The man's  was integrated economic  with that of non-kin in factories,  role became  shops and  in one sense more important to the  family, for he was the link between the family and wider market economy, but  EDUCATION AND MARRIAGE IN HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE / 10 at  the  wife,  same time,  relegated to  domestic  duties  degree her  his personal the  that  home women  economic  role  as had  participation  in the  her  still  sphere,  always  performed  performed,  became restricted.  She  household diminished. His  but  the  parental  an  unprecedented  to  could not  produce  and  what  the  family consumed, because production had been removed from the home. She could not sell goods and services or her labor in the marketplace, because her domestic duties precluded that. She could not enter the  wider economy  except indirectly  through her husband. The husband not only worked in the wider world but was paid as an individual with no reference to his family role. Although his wife and children had a claim on his income, it was still his income, and they had no control over its amount or its source.  The ideological justification- of this division of labor and activity is referred to as the doctrine of separate spheres. It was strongest in the United States from to  1920  (Davis  contemplate  1984:  404).  Middle-  and  upper-class  women  were  left  their own self-definition exclusively in terms of the domestic  Some historians have called this ideology of woman's  sphere  Womanhood."  Cult  In  the  eyes  of these  historians,  the  the  1860 to  circle.  "Cult of True  of True Womanhood  relegated women strictly to the confines of the home by declaring that the four female  cardinal  (Welter  1966:  virtues 372)  legal  and  "piety,  Furthermore,  perceived by society his  were  social  purity,  the wife, as  submissiveness the  and  mistress of the  as  well as  home,  was  and herself as the moral superior of the husband, though inferior.  Men had  an  ethical  obligation  to  preserve women in the home since women were intrinsically more men  domesticity."  uniquely endowed  with  the  emotional  qualities  protect  and  moral than necessary  to  EDUCATION AND MARRIAGE IN HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE / 11 oversee the private sphere.  The close relationship between the higher education of women and their important place  in the family is shown by the outcry  against  the  education of women  when that education seemed to be interfering with the traditional role of women in the family. The occasion was the discovery toward the end of the nineteenth century  of the lower marriage  age at marriage  rate among the college educated and their older  -- which postponed the birth of a first child, thereby reducing  the total number of children ever born in alumna's survey taken in 1895  of 1,805  found that of those female compared  to  10  percent  preceding figure indicates,  families." For example,  a  members of the Association of Collegiate Alumnae  graduates over age  for  non-collegians  35,  (Woody  46  percent  1974:  never married  207).  But  the majority of college women did eventually  albeit later than most of the noneducated. When, in 1890,  as  the  marry,  the median age  at  first marriage for women in the United States was 22, that of women graduates was over 25  (Solomon 1985:  121).  And white mothers born in the  1900s with  college degrees averaged one less child than those who did not finish high school (Spanier and Glick 1980a:  101).  Solomon concludes that the earliest college women assumed they had to make a "Most students came from middle- to upper middle-class families, probably daughters of professional or business people. College did not become fashionable for upper-class women until well into the twentieth century. Most often, the established eastern elites preferred to educate daughters privately at home, in boarding school and through travel abroad. College was dismissed as preparation for women who had no option but to be schoolteachers. The Immigration Commission's report of 1911 found that of all female students at 63 colleges across the country, 24 percent had immigrant parents. The same report noted that blacks comprised only 0.3 percent of the female student population (Solomon 1985: 76).  EDUCATION AND MARRIAGE IN HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE / 12 definitive  choice  commitments  between  (p.  119).  marriage  and  its  obligations,  and  career  with  its  A society with different values would have offered less  sacrificial alternatives. Victorian America did not. And when fertility was hard to control, for a mother to pursue a career did indeed make it difficult to attend to the rearing of children. That career and marriage remained separate spheres for collegiate women is made particularly evident with regard to their participation in the prestigious professions: medicine, law and academia.  In  1880  there  there were exactly  were  only  1,341.  75  female lawyers in America: thirty years  Meanwhile,  some  states  were  forbidding  later,  women  to  practice law, while dozens of the leading law schools excluded them from learning it,  most  notably  constituted only  Columbia,  1.4  Harvard  and  Georgetown.  In  1920  women  still  percent of all lawyers in the United States. In medicine,  women represented 6 percent of all doctors in 1910,  but this participation rate  was not sustained. Whereas women in medical schools sometimes comprised as much as  10  percent  of their class  in the  1880s and  1890s, by  1910  their  proportion was usually half that. Mary Walsh's Doctors Wanted: No Women Need Apply  5  medical  argues  that  school  policies which tightened  increased  for  obtaining a 1920  the  general  men.  fluctuations  And, as  medical degree American Medical  hospitals  that  in female  in the  as case  encountered  enrolments prestige  women  for  of earning  the a  further obstacles  Association directory  included  depended on  on  succeeded in becoming lawyers and doctors  their  field  law  staffs.  40  Those  made a courageous  of medicine  degree,  to actual  listed only  restrictive  women  practice. In out  of  482  women who  commitment. A  EDUCATION AND MARRIAGE IN HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE / 13 substantial majority of women doctors (67 to 75 percent) did not combine medical careers with marriage (Solomon: 127).  6  Of all the professions  presumably open to collegiate  was  nursing that  only one besides  was readily  women, in the end there  accessible:  teaching.  In 1880  almost nine out of ten professional women were teachers; in 1910, two out three still chose this course.  But of the half million women educators in 1910, only  3,000 worked in colleges.  The large majority  worked in one-room  schoolhouses.  Most were young, and, partly because so many communities would not employ married women, all but a Tew were single (Filene  1986: 33). Women pursuing  careers in higher education faced many challenges. At most coeducational doctoral  fellowships were unequally distributed,  women  changing  and usually  schools,  with the proportion a lotted to  declining in the  1900s.  At Columbia,  the best  fellowships (of $650, at a time when a year's full-time study cost about $600) were reserved exclusively for men, and out of 32 scholarships of $150, women could  apply  for only  four  (Solomon:  136).  Most  PhD holders  who realized  professional goals remained single. Seventy-five percent of all women who earned PhDs between 1877 and 1924 remained unmarried (Degler 1980: 385).  The lives of Alice Freeman Palmer and M . Carey Thomas illustrate that career and marriage  remained separate spheres for college -  educated  women, and as  presidents of women's colleges, these two women also serve as examples of those Marriage rates for lawyers do" not seem to be available. A review of the lawyers listed in Notable American Women (James 1971), indicates that for those born between 1829 and 1887, only 50 percent combined a law career with marriage. And one third of these remained childless while another third worked either as social activists or in their husband's law firm. 6  EDUCATION AND MARRIAGE IN HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE / 14 who spoke out on acceptable spheres of feminine concern in turn of the century America.  Alice Freeman Palmer became the president of Wellesley college in 1882.  It was  always difficult for her to reconcile rigorous intellectual training for women with her feelings about the primacy of the family. Much of her energies at Wellesley were  consumed  womanliness  in trying to  would  be  mold college  combined  to  women so  insure  their  that  their  superior  intellect and  ability  as  wives,  mothers, teachers and charity workers. But as president of Wellesley College she had amassed power and influence which did not fit images of submissive wives and mothers whose arena was limited to homes, schools and churches. In  1884  she met George Herbert Palmer, Harvard's moral philosopher, and in 1886  he  urged her to leave Wellesley and marry him. When she raised the possibility of his coming to Wellesley, Palmer reacted strongly: "I am sure you would feel it somewhat  humiliating to see  She left the college in 1887,  me marry into a position." (Frankfort  1977:  20)  and although married life with George Palmer was  never really "quiet," since Freeman worked on many charitable causes, she never again attained the power and influence that her years as Wellesley's president had brought her.  The  pattern  of Palmer's  life  provides  a  contrast  to  Martha  Carey Thomas,  president of Bryn Mawr College. Thomas did not make concessions to domesticity and she took a firm stand in favor of the intellect. Thomas wished to prove women's equal and  women  had  if not superior abilities, and in order to do this she felt men to  compete  in the  same  arenas.  It  was  in the  area  of  EDUCATION AND MARRIAGE IN HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE / 15 academics  and research  demonstrate she  that Thomas  their strength.  strongly  affirmed  her  believed women  would best be able to  She never married, and in a widely quoted passage belief  that  ambitious  careers  and  marriage  were  diametrical opposites: Women scholars have another and still more cruel handicap. They have spent half a lifetime in fitting themselves for their chosen work and then may be asked to choose between it and marriage. No one can estimate the number of women who remain unmarried in revolt before such a horrible alternative (Frankfort: 33).  The differences  between  Alice Freeman  Palmer  and M. Carey Thomas  toward  proper female roles were not merely rhetorical, for these women's administrations were intensely personal and reflected Palmer,  in committing herself to training women first as  scholars, moral  their own life experiences.  Freeman  women, rather than  was concerned with all aspects of her students' development -- social,  and intellectual.  prowess  Alice  as  the  M. Carey  essential  goal  Thomas,  of college  on the life.  In  other  hand, saw  contrast  to  scholarly  Wellesley,  the  curriculum of Bryn Mawr would not tolerate 'frivolous' subjects such as music or drawing. And even though courses in such areas as domestic science and hygiene began to appear as courses in many women's colleges by 1900,  only courses in  architecture or art history were allowed, since they had the potential to develop into  disciplinary  domestic  subjects.  By  1910,  economy were becoming more  careers  for  women  in  social  work  and  clearly defined and professionalized, and  because of the new technological emphasis,  were given applied scientific status.  But, as Frankfort observes: Thomas, always sensitive to the possible degradation of women, must have feared that these new careers were merely an attempt to  EDUCATION AND MARRIAGE IN HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE / 16 professionalize traditional areas of acceptability for women (p. 36). And,  while Wellesley required students  to care for their rooms as well as to  participate in the general domestic work of the college, Bryn Mawr shunned this concession to domesticity. The curriculum as well as aspects of student life were modelled after the finest men's colleges, where no student would ever be asked to help with the maintenance of the college.  Students who attended Bryn Mawr in its early years were, it seems, influenced by Thomas's views. When comparing statistical  data for Wellesley College and  Bryn Mawr, it becomes clear that there were differences between the two not only in image but also in career patterns of graduates. During the twenty year period,  1889  Although  to  the  1908,  figure  43 is  percent  still  33  of all Wellesley graduates percent  higher  than  that  never married. for  the  general  population, it is lower by 10 percent than the figure for Bryn Mawr students. More married Wellesley graduates  had children than Bryn Mawr graduates:  77  compared with 68 percent. Figures for advanced study and occupation show more marked differences. For those Wellesley women who graduated between 1889 and 1908,  65 percent had no occupation listed in the registers while only 10 percent  of Bryn Mawr graduates  were in the same category. The fact that 10 percent  of Bryn Mawr graduates became college instructors becomes more revealing when compared with a 2 percent figure for Wellesley. In addition, while 61 percent of Bryn  Mawr  women  had  some  graduate  school  study,  only  36  percent  of  Wellesley graduates did (Frankfort 1977). These figures give evidence to the fact that  Bryn  marriage  Mawr  did really  stand  out  as  a  school where,  in these  years,  rates were particulary low and advanced study and occupation rates  EDUCATION AND MARRIAGE IN HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE / 17 were  quite  colleges,  high.  The college  which sought  subservient  to  to  domestic  represented  mold  wives  a  departure  and mothers  preoccupations.  This  is  from traditional female  whose  reflected  intellects in  the  would be figures  for  Wellesley where a blend of married life with intellectual pursuits was considered desirable for the model college graduate. Thomas's  attempts  to  create  an  However, as will be discussed, Carey  institution  which  departed  from  traditional  women's colleges became increasingly ineffective.  In order  to  place  these numbers  in a  more  comprehensive  perspective,  it is  useful to compare those of both colleges with those of a coeducational institution. The  figures  for  Wellesley. For  the  University of Michigan occupation rates are  they  are  more  similar  to  comparable between Michigan  (34  percent) and Wellesley (35 percent), but these are in contrast to Bryn Mawr  (90  percent).  example,  show  In addition, few women who attended Michigan or Wellesley went on  for advanced study: 21  percent  percent of Bryn Mawr students of the  century  --  in both  and 36 percent,  respectively, compared with 61  (Ibid). Indeed, many academic men at the turn  coeducational  and  male  institutions  -  feared  an  overlapping of the roles of educated men and women. They seemed intent not only on providing 'scientific' evidence of innate differences, but also on supporting separate courses of study. From the studies of Cornell's Professor Burt Wilder, in which he attempted to relate brain size to intelligence and found that the female brain was  usually smaller and presumably less  functional, to the monumental  influence of Sigmund Freud, evidence appeared to establish sex differences. Even economic  theory  served  to support and strengthen  conservative  notions of  sex  differences and reinforce separate spheres of activity for men and women. In The  EDUCATION AND MARRIAGE IN HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE / 18 Theory of. the Leisure Class, Thorstein Veblen, a graduate student in economics at Cornell in 1891  wrote of the separate economic functions for each sex.  male  the  produced,  female  was  the  consumer  of goods.  In  this  As the  theoretical  framework, woman remained outside the sphere of economic productivity and was most honored for her lack of effort. Coupled with economic theory, the scientific evidence refuted  of  sex  the  differentials  arguments  of  in  intelligence,  reformers  for  personality  equal  traits,  educational  and  and  aptitudes  professional  opportunity of women.  In a similar vein, in 1887  the Association of Collegiate Alumnae, later known as  the  of  American  Association  University  Women,  urged  women's  colleges  to  prepare women for homemaking and child rearing in addition to preparation for social work. Significantly, feminists never spoke before the ACA or contributed to its publications. Indeed, the ACA membership as a group had nothing to do with feminists who were active in the suffrage movement. Unlike these more radical spokeswomen spoke instead  who talked of equality between of accommodating  their sex (Frankfort 1977:  98).  their  the  sexes,  education to the  most  college  women  'natural' inclinations of  7  Coeducational colleges often appear in history textbooks as an enlightened societal development which testified to the possibility of realizing some form of equality between  the  sexes  in  mid-nineteenth  century  America,  but  as  the  following  Of the early Alumnae of McGill University, Gillett (1981: 374) reports, "when in 1910 Delta Sigma held a debate 'Resolved that women be given the franchise,' the motion was lost; then, as a matter of interest, a standing vote of the meeting was taken to ascertain the personal views of those present. It was found that 29 were in favour of suffrage and 32 were against." 7  EDUCATION AND MARRIAGE IN HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE 7 19 example of Cornell University the  enrolment  of  women  8  and  will show, shifts in policies only served to contain to  change  the  focus  of women's  curricula  in  coeducational institutions.  The decision to admit women to Cornell University was made in 1872  at a time  when only 29 percent of the institutions of higher education in the U.S. were coeducational. But by 1879,  Cornell was in a precarious condition: enrolment had  declined and costs were higher. The anticipated increase in the number of women living in the women's dormitory had not materialized, so in 1884  it was ruled  that all women would be required to live in the residence. Anyone who did not wish to comply could obtain an honorable dismissal. With the establishment  of  compulsory dormitory residence for women, the university administration made, for the first time, a clear distinction in its policy between male and female This policy, which began after Sage Hall constructed.  It  was had  as  filled to a  an  economic  measure,  lasted  for  capacity and additional dorms  widespread,  long-range  influence  on  78  students.  years, long  for women were the  experience  of  women at Cornell.  As a result of the compulsory dormitory requirement, the university assumed two functions in the education of women which it did not perform as extensively for men. The first was to protect women and to supervise their behavior, and the second was training in the social graces. Sage Hall was  to provide the same  social training provided by the 'excellent private home.' Mandatory residence also The same trends have been documented for the University of California, Chicago, Michigan and Wisconsin as well as Boston and Stanford University (Conable 1977; Frankfort 1977; Newcomer 1959; Solomon 1985). 8  EDUCATION AND MARRIAGE IN HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE / 20 established an absolute limit on the numbers of women accepted for admission. Therefore, the admission criteria for women and men were no longer the same. As the numbers of students competing for admission continually increased, limits on enrolment were necessary  and quotas for both sexes were established. Quotas  for male applicants were determined by the availability of classroom space. For women,  the  quotas  equalled the  number of dormitory  spaces  available.  This  subjected women to more selective admission criteria than were applied for men.  Home economics began its rise  at  Cornell in 1900.  Such training offered the  potential for improving American home and family life, but it also reaffirmed woman's traditional place in the domestic sphere, and was a means of removing women from the academic  and professional mainstream. Many talented women,  who might have become scientists and mathematicians, were counseled to study home economics. Cornell's admissions policies reflected this conservative that  sex,  rather  segregation  than  ability,  did determine  educational  view so  opportunities.  of the sexes was maintained; only women were  Strict  admitted to home  economics and only men were permitted to prepare themselves in such fields as engineering program  and  was  law  so well  (Conable regarded  1977:  115).  and so  The  university's  popular that by  home  1925,  economics  it became  a  separate college and soon had its own specially designed building to facilitate the expansion of the curriculum.  While in the nineteenth century most educated women had perceived two distinct life paths — marriage or career -.- women in the early twentieth century now started thinking about a third choice: marriage and Career. But it is crucial to  EDUCATION AND MARRIAGE IN HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE / 21 note  that  'career'  in this  context  so-called semi-professions. Between graduates  still 1889  meant  teaching  and 1918,  69  and social work, the percent  of Bryn  Mawr  who had ever worked were employed as teachers, social workers or  librarians compared to 5 percent who were ever employed as doctors or lawyers. The respective figures for Wellesley graduates  are  66 and 3 percent (Frankfort  1977). Social service occupations were to satisfy the college woman who was torn between domesticity and a desire to make use of her special preparation. An illustration  of the  'new' professional wife that had heeded  the  call to  make  intellectuality subservient to domesticity is found in the life of Ellen H. Richards. She founded the American Home Economics Association and the titles of some of her numerous publications speak for themselves: Cleaning  The Chemistry of Cooking and  and Food Materials and their Adulteration.  Richards  was  admitted  to  the  non-coeducational  Massachusetts  Institute  of  Technology as a special student in chemistry where she received a B.S. degree in 1873,  and in the same year a M.A. from Vassar, after submitting a thesis  in which she estimated the amount of vanadium in iron ore from a deposit at Cold Spring, N.Y. Although she continued her graduate years  she  because,  never  "the  received  the  doctorate  chemistry  MIT's domain -  Like  Alice  which she  had hoped, reportedly  heads of the department did not wish a woman to receive the  first D.S. in chemistry" (James 1971: sanitary  for  study at MIT for two  in the  143).  In 1876  Woman's Laboratory,  she became an instructor in  an alternative  structure  within  although not part of the regular academic program.  Palmer  of Wellesley, Richards  also  married late  in life,  but her  EDUCATION AND MARRIAGE IN HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE / 22 marriage did not in any way interfere with her career. Both Richards and her husband remained on the faculty at MIT. He specialized in mining engineering, and  as  professor  held  a  higher  position than  she, as  instructor.  Richards  remained childless, and her success at MIT and her lack of conflict about her career in general is definitely related to the type of study that she was engaged in and her ideas about women's role as 'missionaries to a suffering humanity.' As early as 1890 she advocated the study of domestic economy in all colleges for  women. The college  home  sphere.  must,  she thought,  maintain the dignity of woman's  For Richards, the conflict between intellectuality and domesticity  was never really a problem; she had resolved it by finding a niche for herself that compromised neither her sense of womanliness nor her academic training. But as Frankfort concludes: Richards, in attempting to place home economics on an equal footing with other newly touted applied sciences such as engineering, was making a false comparison. Because home economy -- and even social service work -- were seen as inherently feminine, they would not easily attain the stature of men's work (p. 105).  Ellen Richards's life was the prototype of the domestic complacency that seemed to characterize college-educated women after 1910 (Strieker 1976: 6). They clung to domesticity under the guise of domestic science. The numbers indicate that more and more Bryn Mawr and Wellesley women were choosing a life in which domestic  affairs  were  the first priority. Of those  Bryn  Mawr  students who  graduated between 1909-1918, 33 percent never married compared to 53 percent between 1889-1908. Almost as dramatic are the respective figures for Wellesley at  27 and 42 percent.  In addition, both groups of women were having more  children after 1908: the increase for Bryn Mawr was from 68 to 74 percent,  EDUCATION AND MARRIAGE IN HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE / 23 and for Wellesley from 77  to 88  percent.  However, figures for occupations of  Bryn Mawr graduates indicate the percentage of those employed fell from 90 to 77 percent, while Wellesley figures in this category remain almost constant at 35 and 33 1908.  percent.  Fewer Bryn Mawr women went on to graduate  The percentage  dropped from 61  to 49  percent.  schools after  For Wellesley students,  there is a slight increase from 36 to 43 percent.  Interestingly,  the  figures  resembled  each  other  University  of  Michigan.  deteriorated,  for  but  both  also  of  these  approached  Indeed,  Carey  largely under the pressure  female specialties  that were in tune  women's the  Thomas's  colleges  pattern  now  of  the  orthodoxy  at  not  only  coeducational Bryn  Mawr  of outside opinion which insisted upon  with domesticity.  By  1910  her  students'  admiration was tinged with criticism, and they succeeded in modifying some of her harsh directives. At this time Thomas began to accept courses in social work at  Bryn Mawr  and her rhetoric began to change as well, telling her students  that it might be possible for women to successfully combine marriage  and an  academic career.  The question of how to combine career or job and marriage was urgent in the 1920s because  so many women college graduates  by then were marrying, as  they had not at the end of the nineteenth century (Solomon: 120).  In 1925, in  recognition of the new trend, Smith College set up The Institute To Coordinate Women's Interests, which was  to experiment  with ways  of helping women to  combine  The  established  or  career  and  family.  Institute  experimented  with  cooperative nurseries, communal laundries, shopping groups, and central kitchens.  EDUCATION AND MARRIAGE IN HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE / 24 And in 1932 the board of trustees of Barnard College also announced a policy of granting a six-month leave of absence with full pay to any woman faculty or staff member who was going to have a baby. How effectively the new schemes would have worked and how deeply they would have reached  socially were not  to be learned. The Depression of the 1930s killed off not only these particular efforts but even the public discussion of how women might combine career and family.  As the Depression deepened,  women  who worked  husbands. majority  Degler  was to  (1980:  413)  the most common  be fired or denied jobs concludes  that  right  experience of married if they  down to  had working  1940  the great  of women shaped their lives and their work around their families. In  1940 only about 15 percent of married women in the country were working (p. 418).  Although the years during World War II offered more women varied types of advanced  training  1960 brought  and professional opportunities,  setbacks  and changes.  woman . differed markedly candidate  However,  the period between  1945 and  the post-World War II  from her predecessors:  college  she was not only an eager  for matrimony, likely to be married by age twenty-two,  but marriage  no longer removed her from the work force. Paradoxically, at a time when more college-educated dominant  wives and mothers worked, a return  cultural  ethos,  embodied  in  what  has  to family values was the been  referred  to  as the  "togetherness doctrine" (Hunt and Hunt 1982), "the feminine mystique" (Friedan 1963), and the "cult of domesticity" (Filene 1986). It was a time when women's place  in the home  mothers,  were  was idealized,  portrayed  and employed  unsympathetically.  women,  The myth  especially  employed  of expanding  affluence  EDUCATION AND MARRIAGE IN HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE / 25 prevailed, minimizing perceptions of social inequality and many women's need for paid jobs (Hunt and Hunt 1982). <  Most educated wives and mothers were still employed in those fields regarded as traditional for females: teaching, nursing, social work, and low-level management. Those who pursued serious academic the  prestigious  Women  as  themselves  male  fields  potential rejected,  of  graduate  studies, especially in relation to careers in  medicine, students  law  or  and  academia  professional  took  lonely  trainees  due in part to the discriminatory quotas  paths.  often found  favoring veterans  under the GI Bill. Graduate women had to be far better qualified than men to gain admission; and married women desiring to enroll part-time difficult. Of all PhDs conferred in 1950 compared to  18 percent  students  lost  students  decreased  in 1930.  ground relative from 43  to  10 percent were earned by women, as  Similarly, at men; the  percent  found it very  the undergraduate  level, women  proportion of women among college  in 1930  to  3l percent  in 1950  with the  percentage of women earning bachelor's or first professional degrees falling from 40 to 24 between these years.  For  years  it was  almost  an axiom  of feminists  and anti-feminists  alike that  when wives would enter the paid work force they would gain not only a sense of personal  accomplishment  but  also  a new  sense of independence within the  family that could not help altering traditional relationships. It is Carl Degler's thesis that neither the hopes of the one nor the fears of the other have been borne out. family,  He believes women's  while the  family is still  work in the main is still shaped around the shaped  around, the  work of men.  Since the  EDUCATION AND MARRIAGE IN HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE / 26 Industrial Revolution, an assumption of the modern family has been that women are the primary child-rearers.  As a result, there remains a fundamental tension,  if not conflict, between the individualistic interests of women and those of the family. That domesticity still remained the primary concern and sphere of most women  is  indicated  by census  data  from  1960.  It  shows  that  the  more  dependent the children in a family the less likely the mother was to work. The negative  correlation  between  the presence  of small children in the home and  wives' participation in the labor force was not as strong in the 1970 census data, but it was still significant (p. 430).  The  continued  orientation  of women's  lives  to the family  also  explains why  women over 45 constituted in the 1950s and 1960s the largest age group then entering the work force.  They were women going to work after their children  had been raised. It also accounts for the apparent paradox that the proportion of married women working was rising at the same time that the birth rate was going up. The women who were entering the work force were older women; it was the young women who were having the children. In 1960 only 16 percent of women ages 25-34 with a high school diploma worked full-time, year round. The  respective  percentages  for women  with a bachelor's  degree and graduate  education 'are 15 and 18. By 1970 the percentages had not changed significantly (18, 15 and 22 respectively). It was not until 1980 that the figures reached 29, 35  and 30  participation  percent in  the  (Bianchi labor  and Spain  force  over  the  1986: life  31). course  Nevertheless, still  women's  remains  more  discontinuous than men's, as women continue to exit and reenter the labor force more times than men. Estimates from 1980 suggest that on average, men will  EDUCATION AND MARRIAGE IN HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE / 27 enter  the  labor  force  3.9  times  and exit  voluntarily 3.6  times.  women will enter 5.5 times and exit voluntarily 5.4 times (p. 153). percent of all employed women worked part-time or part-year.  On average In 1980,  52  Degler concludes  that women's work is clearly subordinated to the needs of the family, in fact the work is often entered into for the physical comfort of the family and the achievement of its educational and consumer goals.  While women were making great strides in their labor force participation between 1950  and 1980,  both  professional and  degrees  they also made great gains in their educational attainment -- in academic  programs.  to 23 percent in 1980.  all: from only 2 percent percent in 1980. 1970s.  than  1 percent  of dentistry  were awarded to women in i960 compared with 13 percent in  The proportion of medical degrees 1960  Fewer  The  quadrupled,  granted to women rose from 6 percent in  The legal profession saw the greatest increase of  of all law degrees  going to women in 1960  to  while the and 1980  of  dental  degrees  proportion of law  awarded  degrees  (Bianchi and Spain 1986:  to  women  more  11 percent were earned by women; in 1970 it had increased to  30  percent  (p.  than  conferred on women doubled 123).  This trend is evident in  the percentage of women receiving doctorates. Of all the PhDs conferred in  1980  30  Much of this change was concentrated in the latter half of the  proportion  between 1975  1980.  1965  the percent was up to 13, but by 122).  Along with women's gains in  education and the labor force was the unprecedented increase in the proportion of women between the ages of 20 and 24 who remained single. In 1983 was 56 percent, though in 1960  the figure  it had only been 28 percent (p. 12). Although  the trend runs through all educational levels, it is especially noticeable among  EDUCATION AND MARRIAGE IN HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE / 28 college-educated women. That this postponement or eventual rejection of marriage is related  to  education is suggested  by the  fact that  15  percent  of women  between 35 and 44 years of age with some graduate education in 1980  had not  married. This figure is to be compared with the 4 percent of women in that age bracket without college who were still single (Moorman 1987:  In  the  American  family  women  are  the  primary  child  2).  rearers.  Thus  philosophically and practically the family and women's individuality are difficult to reconcile. Compared with men the great majority of working women over the last century and a half have generally shaped their work around their family while, equally clearly, men have shaped their family life around their work. Certainly, even in the  1980s, it is difficult if not impossible for most women to think  about a career under such an intra-family arrangement  -  that is, to' perceive  work as enduring, personally important and primary, since by definition a career cannot be a part-time job or be interrupted for extended periods of child rearing. The very fact that some professional women have had to exert extraordinary personal efforts and incur exceptional financial costs to combine career and family make it clear Thus,  that such a solution is hardly practical for women in general.  Degler concludes that the current  "postponement or outright rejection of  marriage by educated women may be a sign of their pursuit of individuality, just as  many  college-educated  women  at  the  end of the  nineteenth  century  also  rejected marriage when it did not appear to accomodate their individual interest as women." (p.  458)  The first collegiate  women had to  choose  between career  and marriage. And  EDUCATION AND MARRIAGE IN HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE / 29 when it became evident that they chose career to a greater extent than expected and when married, had a fertility rate lower than expected,  university men at  the turn of the century seemed intent not only on providing 'scientific' evidence of sex differences, but also on supporting separate courses of study latter supported by many women themselves.  It is concluded here  with the  that higher  education did not permanently challenge the domesticity cult, but rather, continued to  prescribe,  even  into  the second  half of the twentieth  century,  a role of  subservience and dedication to the home and family for women. And in spite of the  labor  family  force  remained  transformation as primary  combined  with work,  secondary  and supplementary  after  World  and central  to be sure,  War II,  women's  as it had ever  but into  the 1970s  relation  been.  that  to the  It was now  outside job was  to the family, which still remained the primary  concern and sphere of most women.  But,  as the next chapter  will  show,  there have  been major  changes  in the  marriage and work patterns in North America since the 1970s. Most notable are the older age at first marriage higher  education  and lower marriage rates. Women are pursuing  and developing  ties  to  the  workplace  that  resemble  the  committed, permanent patterns once reserved for men. Canadian women in 1981 had a total representation of 19 percent in male-dominated professions, compared to 11 percent in 1971, with those age 15r34 accounting for 61 percent of this increase.  Chapter Three provides a statistical  family status.  picture of these women and their  C H A P T E R 3. E D U C A T I O N A N D MARRIAGE: T H E C A N A D I A N POPULATION  This section examines the relationship between education and marriage, providing a statistical portrait of women and men in Canada by comparing census  data  from 1971, 1976 and 1981. The decade of the 1970s was of special significance to women in Canada; during this period society's  attitudes  towards  women as  well as women's self-perceptions underwent a profound change. This was due to complex economic, social and cultural transformations which have been and are still being debated. A summary of contemporary marriage patterns  and women's  present educational status will introduce this chapter.  3.1. CONTEMPORARY MARRIAGE  The  recent increase  thirties who have  PATTERNS  in the proportion of adults  in their  twenties  and early  never married combined with increasingly favorable  attitudes  toward single life have led to speculation that a higher proportion of adults are remaining  single throughout  unclear whether maxium  life  now than  the proportion who never  of 10 percent.  Between  1971  was true marry  and 1981  in the past.  will rise  above  the percent  It is still the historic  never  married  increased for younger cohorts of women from 69 to 72 for those age 15-24 and from  10 to  12 for those  age 25-44,  but for women age 65 and over the  percentage never married decreased from 11 to 7, with similar patterns for men (Statistics Canada 1985). While these decreases are admittedly small, they do not suggest that lifetime singlehood is increasing. Moorman (1987:  30  2), of the U.S.  EDUCATION AND MARRIAGE: THE CANADIAN POPULATION / 31  Figure 1. Contemporary Marriage Patterns  EDUCATION AND MARRIAGE: T H E CANADIAN POPULATION Census  Bureau,  describes  the similar  situation  found among  Americans  / 32 as a  "combination of delay and forego with delay probably playing the stronger role."  Between  1972 and 1982, the marriage rate  9  in Canada has decreased from 71  to 51 for women and from 74 to 56 for men (see Figure 1). Since 1946 the median age at first marriage men.  decreased  fairly consistently  for both women and  In 1946 it stood at 23 and 25 years respectively  and by 1975 it had  declined to 22 for .women and 24 for men. Since 1975, however, the median age at first marriage has steadily increased to 24 years in 1985 for women and 26 years for men (see Figure 1). One. result of later marriages is a delayed age at first birth  which is related  to reduced  fertility  (Marini  1981).  Figure  1 also  shows this overall decline in fertility in Canada from a rate of 68 in 1971 to 56 in 1982. The decline in fertility is evident for women of all ages, although among women in their early thirties the rate has actually risen somewhat from 64 in 1975 to 69 in 1982 (Statistics Canada 1985: 14).  The  number of divorces in Canada climbed steadily since  1968. Prior to 1968  adultery had been the principal basis for divorce in Canada (Wilson 1986: 21), but the Divorce Act of that year added to the number of justifiable grounds for dissolution. Between 1970 and 1983, the divorce rate however,  has actually  declined since  1982  from  1 0  1164  nearly doubled. The rate, to 1003  in 1985 (see  Figure 1). Thus, while there has been a recent decrease in the divorce rate, the increase in median age at first marriage and lower marriage rates do indicate a trend to delay and possibly forego marriage in Canada at present. 9 1  Marriages per 1,000 single, widowed and divorced population 15 and over. °Divorces per 100,000 married women aged 15 years and over.  EDUCATION AND MARRIAGE: THE CANADIAN POPULATION 7 33 Several  causes  and  correlates  of  delayed  and  rejected  marriage  have  been  suggested. If recent cohorts are indeed foregoing marriage, an explanation can be found  in  the  "marriage  squeeze"  concept  associated  with  the  baby boom  generation. Demographers have coined the phrase "marriage squeeze" to describe the  instability  marriageable  that  persons  arises  when  of each  there  sex.  is  an  imbalance  Such squeezes  have  in  the  number of  frequently occurred in  countries suffering severe war losses, where there is a shortage in the number of  marriageable-age  males.  An abrupt  change  in  fertility  also  generates  a  subsequent marriage squeeze. This occurred following World War II in the United States and Canada as a result of the baby boom between 1945-1965. In  1947,  there were nearly one million more babies born in the U.S. than there were in 1945.  In the mid-1960s the large cohort of females born in 1947  have  sought  spouses  from cohorts  of slightly older males  would normally  born in 1945  and  earlier, but there were too few such men.  Those that propose a sex ratio imbalance as the cause of delaying and foregoing marriage  (Guttentag  and Secord  1983)  state that  when eligible males  are in  scarce supply and there is an overabundance of women, women have a subjective sense of powerlessness and feel devalued by society, that marriage will tend to lose its value for both sexes and women will seek their economic independence apart from marriage. These authors conclude that the outstanding characteristic of times when women are in oversupply is that "men would not remain committed to the same  woman throughout her childbearing years.  The culture would not  emphasize love and commitment, and a lower value would be placed on marriage and the family" (p. 21).  1  EDUCATION AND MARRIAGE: THE CANADIAN POPULATION / 34 There are of course several possible outcomes to a marriage squeeze. A larger proportion of women may remain permanently single or marry later than they otherwise would. Or, for example, with respect to the baby boom generation, the proportion  ever  marrying  may not change  at  all if  women  adjust  their  preferences for slightly older males downward or upward. Schoen and Baj (1985) have studied marriage squeezes of varying intensities over the 1910-76 period in the  U.S., Belgium,  squeeze  Sweden, and Switzerland and concluded that the marriage  has generally  had relatively  small  but non-negligible effects  on the  proportion ever marrying and small to moderate effects on the average age at marriage.  Another explanation for the current postponement of marriage is the rebirth of the women's movement, which emerged in the late 1960s and gained strength in the early 1970s. A goal of the movement was to demonstrate that women had alternatives  to being wives and mothers. The climate created by the movement  opened new educational, occupational and legal options for all women. Heer and Grossbard-Schechtman (1981) suggest that in addition to the women's movement, various  other  social and demographic factors,  served to increase  the attractiveness  many  of alternatives  linked  to the movement,  to the traditional roles of  wife and mother. Legalized abortion and advances in contraception contributed to the  ability to avoid unplanned children, which in turn  led to more  tolerant  attitudes toward premarital sex and cohabitation. The practice of men and women living account  together  before or instead of marriage  for part  is a growing trend which may  of the delay in age at first marriage  (Spanier  1983). The  actual number of unmarried couples living together in the U.S. more than tripled  EDUCATION AND MARRIAGE: T H E CANADIAN POPULATION / 35 between 1960  and 1983,  from 439,000 to 1.9  million (Ibid). Living together as  husband and wife without legal sanction of marriage has become more socially acceptable  in  the  past  twenty  years,  primarily among  younger  adults. One  quarter of men and nearly two fifths of cohabiting women in 1981  were under  age twenty-five. Spanier (1983) found that never married women in a cohabiting relationship  were  more  likely  to  have  a  college  degree  than  either  married  women or cohabiting men and were most likely to be living with highly educated men. Bianchi and Spain (p. 20) believe this evidence suggests "that cohabitation is seen as  an alternative or precursor to marriage  for less traditional women  interested in higher education and careers."  Other  attitudinal and lifestyle variables  may  also  be  related  to  a  delay in  marriage. The high divorce rate may dissuade people from early marriage, and lifetime singlehood is a more acceptable  option now than it was in the past.  Attitudinal evidence shows that most young people and their parents  no longer  view getting married as preferable to remaining single and do not disapprove of those  who  choose  not  to  wed  (Goldscheider  and  Waite  1986).  Are women  choosing not to marry because marriage has become a relatively less attractive option than nonmarriage? Research on sex role differences shows that traditionally defined family roles are very different for men and women. Women, historically have terms  gained financially from marriage, of  privacy,  friends,  and control  but they over  give up more  schedules  than men in  and lifestyles  (Bernard  1982). Demographic data indicate that the married state appears to be associated with more stress for women than for men. Men gain disproportionately from the noneconomic benefits associated with marriage -  in particular, household, services,  EDUCATION AND MARRIAGE: T H E CANADIAN POPULATION / 36 but also survivorship and mental and physical health (Gove and Hughes 1979). Nadelson and Notman (1981) report that married women seek help for physical and emotional problems more often than married men or single women. However, with regard to mental health, a survey of those released from Canadian mental and psychiatric hospitals shows that the rate for married women was 97 and for married men 98. In comparison, the rate for never married women was 217 and for never  married men 401. Rates for widowed or divorced people were even  higher: 236 for women and 551 for men (Statistics Canada: 100).  Others have  argue that the high levels of nonmarriage resulted  from  economic  hardship.  characteristic  Easterlin  (1978)  of the 1970s  suggests  that  the  recession of the 1970s which included labor market problems for the large baby boom generation made it difficult for young people to marry and start a family while "maintaining the standard of living they had come to expect from growing up in relatively affluent homes" (p. 380).  Modernization or social change  theory attributes the decline in marriage  to the  loss of functions that society expects families to perform as industrialization and economic  growth  advances.  Westoff  (1983)  proposes  marriage  and low fertility are a result of social change  fundamental changes in the economic  system.  erosion  authority,  of  traditional  urbanization,  and religious  mass education,  equality  and independence  proposes  that  with such  These  that  both  social  change  social changes include the  the  growth  and the ideology has come  age at  that are propelled by  of individualism,  a rising status of women reflected  of women,  later  a loss  in increasing  of consumerism. He in family functions  EDUCATION AND MARRIAGE: THE CANADIAN POPULATION / 37 including economic, religious and educational functions.  Future  plans  and preferences  to  work  later  in life  appear  to result  in a  postponement of marriage. As a result of the rise in labor force participation for older, married women, single young women today are more likely to believe they will be working later in life. This expectation the  more  educated,  themselves  to postpone  in the ' work  world.  marrying Cherlin  might lead some women, especially while they  (1981)  found  invest some  time  establishing  evidence  for this  hypothesis in a U.S. national sample of single women in their late teens and early twenties who were first interviewed in 1969, then reinterviewed two years later. Whether  a woman was working at the time of the first interview made  little or no difference for whether she had married two years later. But women who said at the first interview that they planned to work at age thirty-five were, in general, less likely to have married two years later. During the period in which the study took place: 1969-1975, the proportion of young single women who planned to work at age thirty-five rose dramatically, especially among those with more education.  Bianchi and Spain (1986) assert that the data on the substitution of work for marriage  are contradictory.  Cherlin (1981) cites two studies showing that fewer  "women had married in areas of the U.S. where job opportunities  for women  were better, as measured by the demand in the area for jobs usually filled by women. Waite increase  and Spitze (1981), however,  a single  woman's  contacts  with  found that employment can act to eligible men and thus  likelihood of marriage. Bianchi and Spain (1986: 18) conclude:  increase the  EDUCATION AND MARRIAGE: T H E CANADIAN POPULATION  / 38  The increase in female labor force participation means that more women are financially independent and do not view marriage as a way of being cared for. Some would argue that marriage, therefore, may provide less economic utility to women - and to men -- in a situation in which both partners work outside the home versus one in which husbands specialize in market work and wives in nonmarket work (p. 18).  This argument is based on Becker's (1981) economic theory which focuses on the gain to marriage as. the key element. He argues that since women are becoming more  like men in the workplace and have  fewer chores to perform at home  because of lowered fertility and technological improvements, a sexual division of labor makes less sense on economic grounds than it once did, thus reducing the gain to marriage and therefore the incentive to be married. The key question is whether there are fundamental economic and social changes under way that are undermining the sexual men  division of labor  and the comparative  advantage  than  and women were historically believed to have in market activity and home  production, respectively.  Rather  than  viewing  delayed  or  substitution of work for marriage, marriage  patterns as a result  rejected  marriage  as  the  result  of the  perhaps it is more useful to view changing  of the conflict between work and marriage for  women, especially for women in professional careers. Marshall (1987) makes the observation: A professional career requires commitment, and is usually environment. For women, these a traditional family notion of a wife (p. 14).  certain levels of education, work-force associated with a demanding work requirements are not compatible with breadwinning husband and homemaking  EDUCATION AND MARRIAGE: T H E CANADIAN POPULATION / 39 Married women with full-time employment in the labor force are also responsible for  most of the housework, and those with children do most of the parenting  (Geerken and Gove 1983; Luxton 1981: Meissner et al. 1975). Because women who  are employed outside the home continue to bear  the primary burden of  family and home care, Canadian women in the labor force average almost four hours each day on domestic and child care duties compared with six hours for women not in the labor force and two hours for men. Employed women have an average of a half-hour of discretionary time less each day than men and an hour  and three-quarter  (Statistics  Canada  Marshall  suggests  less  than  1985: 5). Thus, that  many  women  who are  not in the labor  in order to fulfill their  women have  force  career aspirations,  indeed developed new patterns  of  behavior that vary from the traditional role. With respect to foregoing marriage, she  found  that  in Canada  15  percent  of females,  age  45  and over in  male-dominated professions had never married, compared to 7 percent of women in non-professional occupations. And if the women in these occupations hold a university degree then the percentages  never marrying increase  to 27 and 19,  respectively. The other response to conflicting work and family roles for women is to postpone marriage. The average age at first marriage is consistently one to three years higher for females with a university degree, within all occupational groups (Marshall: 41).  Bianchi and Spain  (1986)  believe a college  education exposes  a woman to a  variety of experiences, in particular greater employment opportunities, which "may reduce her interest in marriage" work  for  marriage'  argument,  (p. 71). But rather Marini  (1984),  like  than this 'substitution of Marshall,  proposes  that  EDUCATION AND MARRIAGE: T H E CANADIAN POPULATION / 40 individual attainment are  and family roles function as complements  more discrete spheres  experience  marriage  for women but  for men. She found that males were more likely to  and children prior to leaving school because  sex differences  in adult family roles made marriage  and parenthood more compatible with the  continuation  than  of education  for males  for females.  Marini  concludes  that  educational attainment is the most important determinant of the ordering of role changes during the transition to adulthood for both sexes, and that: Although for men, the continuation of education does not permit direct fulfillment of the traditional . male role of provider, because of its future payoff for the well-being of the family, it is viewed as an investment in the family's future. Women's educational and occupational pursuits tend to be viewed as secondary to those of their husbands. Women who pursue high levels of education therefore experience a small increase in the probability of entry into marriage and parenthood prior to leaving school than males who pursue correspondingly high levels of education (1984: 79).  To summarize, there have been major changes in the marriage patterns of North America since the 1970s. Most notable is the older age at first marriage and lower marriage rates, for both men and women. Although lifetime singlehood may be increasing, the role of wife continues to be adopted by the vast majority of adult Spain:  women.  Marriage  remains  central  to most  women's  39). What has changed is the timing of entry  lives  (Bianchi and  into marriage  and the  extent of a woman's adult life that is spent in the married state.  Women's Present Educational Status  During the period 1970-71 to 1982-83 Canadian women made great strides in improving their educational qualifications. Figure 2 provides a summary. One of  EDUCATION AND MARRIAGE: THE CANADIAN POPULATION  Figure 2. Women's Educational Attainment  / 41  EDUCATION AND MARRIAGE: THE CANADIAN POPULATION / 42 these improvements has been the increase university. more  Between  than  doubled.  1970  in the number of women attending  and 1982,  total  undergraduate  compares  with  a  This  17  enrolment of women  percent  increase  for men.  Nevertheless, the full-time enrolment rate for men in 1982 was almost 2 percent greater than that of women, although the gap has grown smaller each  year  (Satistics Canada 1985: 23).  In 1982, 51 percent of all university students were women, an increase from 37 percent in 1970 (Ibid). At the undergraduate level, women made up 52 percent of  students  in  underrepresented  1982,  up  at graduate  from  39  in  1970.  However,  levels. Women accounted  they  for only  are  still  40 percent of  graduate students in 1982 although this is an increase from 23 percent in 1970 (see  Figure  2).  undergraduate  The small  level is  a  female  majority  function, in part,  in total  enrolment  of the large  and at the  number  of women  enrolled part-time. As Table 1 shows, in 1982 women comprised 61 percent of the total part-time undergraduate population; however, as full-time undergraduate students as well as part-time and full-time graduate students, women were still in the minority as percent of the total: 47, 42 and 38 respectively.  Given the higher enrolment rates of women between  1970-71  follows that a growing proportion of those receiving degrees  and 1982-83, it are women. The  more advanced the degree,  however, the smaller the percentage  1982,  percent  women  received  51  of all bachelor's  master's degrees and 25 percent of doctorates.  degrees,  of women. In 40  percent  of  The corresponding percentages in  1971 were 38, 22 and 9 (p. 24). Despite the fact that more women are earning  EDUCATION AND MARRIAGE: T H E CANADIAN POPULATION / 43  FULL-TIME AND PART-TIME UNIVERSITY ENROLMENT, BY LEVEL, 1970-71 to 1982-83 Undergraduate  Graduate  Total  Full-time  Part-time  Full-tine  Part^lme  Women as a X of T o t a l  Women as a X of Total  Women as a X of T o t a l  Women as a X of T o t a l  Women as a X of T o t a l  1970-71  36.7  42.4  22.3  23.7  1971-72  37.7  47.2  22.6  24.1  38.7  1972-73  38.5  52.8  24.3  26.0  40.8  1973-74  39.6  54.0  26.0  27.3  42.0  1974-75  41.1  54.7  27.3  28.8  43.4  1975-76  42.4  54.3  . 29.2  30.0  44.2  1076-77  43.7  56.3  30.5  32.5  45.9  1977-78  44.4  58.0  31.8  34.8  47.3  1978-79  45.0  58.5  33.2  36.1  48.0  37.0  1979-80  *  *  35.3  37.0  49.0  1980-81  46.0  60.1  36.1  38.7  49.7  1981-82  46.7  60.0  37.3  40.7  50.1  1982-83  46.8  60.6  37.6  42.3  50.6  *Data a l a s Ing f i tm source. SOURCE: Women l n Canada: A S t a t i s t i c a l Report. S t a t i s t i c s Canada Catalogue 89-503E, Tables 1  Table 1. Women's University Enrolment  degrees, they remain concentrated in traditional female fields of study including education, fine and applied arts and the humanities. But as Table 2 and Figure 2 show, women have made some inroads into male dominated  areas.  Between  1971 and 1982 the percent of law graduates who were women went from 9 to 38 percent, and in medicine from 13 to 36 percent. Because until recently so few  women  enrolled  in master's  programs  of any kind,  men dominated in  virtually all fields except in fine and applied arts. However, as Table 2 shows, by 1982 women were earning more master's degrees than men in education and health professions,  as well as in fine and applied arts. Also, the proportion of  EDUCATION AND MARRIAGE: THE CANADIAN  POPULATION / 44  BACHELOR'S, MASTER'S AND DOCTORAL DECREES GRANTED BY FIELD OF STUDY, 1971 AND 1982 Bachelor's 1971  1982  Women as a 7. of T o t a l  Master's 1971  Doctoral  1982  Women as a 7. of Total  1971  1982  Women as a 7. of T o t a l  B i o l o g i c a l sciences 39.2  52.8  21.8  37.9  8.7  23.1  Commer  34.2  1.4  25.5  0.0  5.6  4.3  19.8  -  -  6.2  -  Dentistry Education Engineering & applied sciences  -  52.8  70.0  27.7  52.3  6.5  42.7  1.2  9.3  1.0  8.5  0.0  4.4  16.7  Fine & applied arts  54.8  64.1  52.4  55.5  Health professions  48.6  62.5  33.1  59.2  Humanities  47.0  61.5  36.8  56.9  -  -  9.3  37.6  -  19.4  28.5  9.8  20.0  6.7  36.2  -  Law Math 4 p h y s i c a l sciences Medicine  -  -  12.8  9.7 21.1  33.3 25.2 34.5  11.4  -  Includes person with Master's and Professional degrees (MD, LLB, DDS). SOURCE: Women In Canada: A Statistical Report. Statistics Canada Catalogue 89-503E, Tables 4,5,6.  Table 2. Degrees Earned by Field of Study  women graduating from traditionally male disciplines is increasing. The percentage of master's degrees in commerce awarded to women rose from  1 to 26 percent  between 1971 and 1982 (see Figure 2).  Although there is no field of study in which women earn more doctorates than men, the proportion of women graduates has increased in all fields. For example,  EDUCATION AND MARRIAGE: THE CANADIAN POPULATION / 45 in 1982 women accounted  for 11 percent of math and physical science doctoral  graduates, up from 7 in 1971 (see Table 2).  PERCENT OF WOMEN AND MEN HOLDING BACHELOR AND GRADUATE DEGREES BY AGE AND CENSUS YEAR Bachelor's --  Woman  Men  1971  1976  1981  1971  1976  1981  4.S  7.9 5.2 2.8 2.2 1.0  7.8 7.7 3.4 2.2 1.4  5.1 3.8 3.2 2.3 1.4  9.2 9.4 5.3 4.1 2.4  8.2 10.8 6.0 4.0 2.5  Age  20-29 30-39 40-49 50-64  years years years years  Over 64  2.4 1.7 1.4 .6  Graduate Men  Women  1971 20-29 30-39 40-49 50-64  years years years years Over 64  1.9 1.3 1.1 , .9 .5  1976  1981  1971  1976  1981  .9 1.4 .8 .5 .3  1.9 3.4 1.9 1.3 .7  4.9 6.0 4.5 3.2 1.3  2.1 5.4 3.6 2.2 1.5  2.3 7.5 6.2 4.3 2.5  SOURCE: 1971, 1976 and 1981 Canadian Census Public Use Sample Tapes.  Table 3. Degrees held by Sex, Age and Year  The  narrowing  of the education  gap is more pronounced  cohorts. Table 3 shows the percentage and  graduate  in the younger age  of each age cohort completing bachelor's  degrees. For all age groups and all census years, the percent of  men shows a higher value at both educational levels. For those age 30 and over  EDUCATION AND MARRIAGE: THE CANADIAN POPULATION at  the bachelor's  level, both men and women show consistently  / 46  higher values  with each successively younger age group and with each succeeding census year. For example, just over 3 percent of women aged 40-49 held a bachelor's degree in 1981, while just under 8 percent of women aged 30-39 had completed college in that year. This improvement is somewhat tempered by the fact that there is still a fairly large discrepancy between the proportion of men and women age 30-39 who completed a bachelor's degree. In 1971 there was a 1.4 percentage point difference between men and women, but by 1981 that gap had widened to 3.1 percentage points. However, for those 20-29 an almost negligible gap of 0.6 percentage points in 1971 decreased to 0.4 in 1981.  As  evident at the bachelor's level, the percent  of men again shows a higher  value across all age groups and census years among holders of graduate degrees. Also evident is the narrowing of an education gap for the younger age cohorts. In  1971,  among those age 40-49, there was a 3 percentage point difference  between men and women. By 1981 that gap had widened to 4. However, for those age 20-29 the gap narrowed from 3.0 percentage points in 1971 to less than half a percentage point in 1981.  To  summarize,  university  and  underrepresented  women have attaining in both  made  great strides  university  degrees.  full-time undergraduate  recipients of master's and doctoral degrees.  in the proportion enrolled in However, and graduate  they  levels  still  and as  But as higher education has become  more of a norm for women these gaps have grown smaller between 1981,  are  especially for the youngest cohort (see Figure 2).  1971 and  EDUCATION AND MARRIAGE: T H E CANADIAN POPULATION / 47 3.2. CENSUS D A T A ,  This  section  1971-1981  examines  the  relationship  between  education  and  marriage  and  provides a statistical picture of women and men in Canada by comparing census data  from  1971,  1976  and  Sample Tape prepared  1981.  from the  The analysis  is based  Canadian census.  on the Public Use  The data  are  based on a  one-in-five random sample of Canadian census reports in 1971  and 1976  one-in-twenty  tapes  random  sample  from  the  1981  census.  These  and a  provide  a  subsample representative of the Canadian population as a whole (Cook: 1972).  It  should  be  noted  that  beginning in  1976  the  Canadian census  no longer  distinguished between legally-married couples and those living together in 'common law' marriages. Thus, when census respondents declare that they are part of a husband-wife household, this statement is accepted at face value whether or not a  formal  Statistics has  marriage  ceremony  has  taken  place  (Davids  1980:  177).  Even  if  Canada has not made the assumption that the definition of marriage  remained  constant,  the  ambiguity  around  the  issue  of  the  definition  of  marriage does cloud interpretation and comparison of data over time. During the decade  of the  and this may marital  1970s, have  status over  society's affected  attitudes  the  time. What  definition of what constitutes  a  towards  cohabitation underwent change  ease with which census has  not  changed is the  respondents reported assumption that the  married couple is heterosexual,  so homosexual  couples are excluded from the census data on marriage.  The message from the census data is unequivocal. Figure 3 shows that  PERCENTAGE NEVER MARRIED BY EDUCATION, AGE AND CENSUS YEAR Education High . School  Some P o s t Secondary  1  Bachelor's Degree  Graduate Degree  1971  1976  1981  1971  1976  1981  1971  1976  1981  1971  1976  1981  20-7.9 y e a r s  26.3  29.2  32.7  45.5  35.2  41.6  51.0  44.0  46.6  45.8  45.7  47.3  Census  Year  Females  30-39 y e a r s  6.5  6.6  7.2  11.7  9.4  10.2  23.3  19.0  17.0  26.5  17.9  19.5  40-49 y e a r s  6.4  5.2  4.8  9.5  7.6  6.9  18.1  21.4  14.4  28.7  31.1  21.8  50-64 y e a r s  8.1  6.0  5.3  11.1  12.4  9.8  29.1  23.1  19.6  40.0  35.0  26.6  10.3  8.2  7.7  14.4  19.8  18.0  32.8  34.3  29.9  38.0  54.3  34.4  20-29 y e a r s  45.6  49.3  52.2  61.6  42.6  53.9  52.0  51.0  54.7  39.3  38.1  45.0 13.3  O v e r 64 y e a r s  Males 30-39 y e a r s  11.7  11.4  11.8  10.6  8.7  11.1  11.3  13.3  16.7  13.3  11.3  40-49 y e a r s  9.9  8.7  7.6  6.1  4.8  4.8  10.1  10.9  6.3  11.1  9.4  7.5  50-64 y e a r s  9.1  8.3  7.5  5.2  5.2  4.7  7.2  10.4  8.3  9.6  9.9  8.2  10.6  9.5  7.3  9.4  8.1  6.9  16.0  11.8  9.0  17.0  9.0  10.4  O v e r 64 y e a r s  Includes persons  w i t h a high school diploma o r l e s s .  Includes persons  w i t h Master's, D o c t o r a l and P r o f e s s i o n a l  2 SOURCE:  1 9 7 1 , 1976 a n d 1981 C a n a d i a n  degrees.  Census P u b l i c Use Sample Tapes.  EDUCATION AND MARRIAGE: THE CANADIAN POPULATION / 49  i  Percent never married by sex and education, 1981 50 T  I  Figure 3. Percent Never Married by Sex and Education, Age 30 + ,  1981  for women, there is a positive association between education and postponing or foregoing marriage reads across  (the  percentage  of women never  married increases  the figure from high school education to graduate  as one  education). For  men, there  is little difference in the percent who never marry by educational  attainment.  In  1981  the  percentage  of men,  age  30  and over,  who never  EDUCATION AND MARRIAGE: T H E CANADIAN POPULATION / 50 married was 9 percent for those with a high school education or less and 10 percent  for those  percentage increased further  with  who never  a  bachelor's  married  5 points for those 9 points for those  or  was 6  with with  graduate  percent  degree.  for those  For women, with  high  the  school,  some post-secondary education, increased a a  bachelor's degree  and increased an even  further 6 percent for those with a professional or graduate degree. That is, 20 percent of women with  a bachelor's degree  and 26 percent with a graduate  degree postponed or rejected marriage compared to 6 percent of women with high school or less.  Figure 4 shows that when controlled for census year, the positive relationship between education and delaying  or foregoing marriage  for women still  holds,  although it is weaker in 1981 than in 1971. (This will be addressed fully in a subsequent section.)  For example,  13 percent of men age 30  graduate degrees never married in 1971 in contrast with graduate degrees.  The respective percentages  and over with  to 33 percent of women  in 1976 and 1981  are 10  percent versus 35 percent and 10 percent verus 26 percent.  Figure 5 shows that when controlled for age this positive relationship between educational attainment and never marrying for women continues to hold. For all age groups the percentage difference between men and women never married at the high school or less category ranges from less than 1 point (age 65 and over) to 5 points (age 30-39), differences are greater, 65+).  whereas  ranging from  at the graduate  level the percentage  6 points (age 30-39) to 24 points (age  That is, the significant gender difference in percent never marrying by  EDUCATION AND MARRIAGE: THE CANADIAN POPULATION / 51 Percent never married by sex and education, 1971  Percent never married by sex and education, 1976  1 I2  0  *+  Percent never married by sax and education, 1981  Figure 4. Percent Never Married by Sex, Education and Year, Age  30+  EDUCATION  AND MARRIAGE:  Percent never married by sex and education, age 30-39,1981 <  Percent never married by education and census year, age 50-64,1981  THE CANADIAN POPULATION  / 52  Percent never married by education and census year, age 40-49, 1981  Percent never momed by education and census year, age 65+, 1981  v»tf*  Sort*  EtJUOOtlOH  Figure 5. Percent Never Married by Sex, Education and Age  education is evident in all age groups, although it is less for the youngest cohort (30-39). While there are  still 6 percentage points separating  the sexes in this  cohort at the graduate level, there is a negligible .3 percentage points between them at the bachelor's level.  EDUCATION AND MARRIAGE: T H E CANADIAN POPULATION  / 53  But because education is selective by age, and because the likelihood of marriage extends  well beyond the mean age at first marriage,  it is useful to look at  those over age 49 for a consideration of the never married population. Otherwise, it is likely to underestimate the final marriage experience for those age 20-29 or even age 30-39. A detail of the 1981 Public  Use Sample Tape not presented  here shows that 95 percent of women and men at all educational levels have married for the first time by age 34 to 37. Selecting out those over age 49 ensures that those being considered are the most likely to never marry. Figure 6 indicates that for those age 50 and over in the high school or less educational category,  men are slightly more likely to never marry than are women. In 1976  9 percent of men and 7 percent of women never married and there was less than  one percentage  point difference between  the sexes  in the other  census  years. But as soon as women are exposed to post-secondary education, regardless of level attained (see Table 4), the percent of women never marrying is greater than for men and this higher nonmarriage rate increases further for those with a university degree. For example, in 1971 13 percent of men with a university degree (bachelor's or above) never married compared to 34 percent of women. By 1976, the respective percentages  had dropped to 11 and 32 and by 1981 to 9  and  28, reducing the gender gap from 21 to 19 percentage points between 1971  and  1981. Nevertheless, in each census year,  women with a university degree  were two and half to three times more likely to never marry than were men with a university degree.  That higher education does increase the likelihood of never marrying for women is  supported by the findings  of a recent  Statistics  Canada report  in which  EDUCATION AND MARRIAGE: THE CANADIAN POPULATION /  Percent never married, age 50+ with high school or less by sex and census year  40- ••  Legend  a  eZJ Mala ••  30-  C o  p  Foma»  204  1971  1976  1981  Census year  SOUaCX: Tabla l  Percent never married, age 50+ with a university degree by sex and census year  1971  1976  1981  Census year  Figure  6. Percent Never Married, Age  50+  by Sex,  Education and Year  54  EDUCATION AND MARRIAGE: T H E CANADIAN POPULATION Marshall  (1987)  examined  marriage in 1981. percent  the  effect  of  occupation  Canadian women in 1981  15-34  accounting for 61  higher  11  percent  percent of this increase  definition for male-dominated professions takes  education on  had a total representation  in male-dominated professions, compared to  those age  and  / 55  in  of 19  1971,  with  (p. 24). Marshall's  into consideration the  percentage  that female and male workers constitute of all workers in the labor force. For example,  in  1971,  therefore  if  66  females  percent  or  as  a percentage  more  Marshall defined the profession as in 1971,  34  of the  of all workers were  people  in a  35  percent,  profession were  male,  'male-dominated.' According to this definition,  of 46 professions were male-dominated and they include: engineers,  architects, physicists, judges, lawyers, university professors, physicians and dentists (p. 20).  Marshall used census data  to examine the relationship between occupation and  marriage, while controlling for educational level. She found significant differences in the never married and age at first marriage categories. For example, Table 5 shows that for women age 45 and over with schooling below a university degree, 15 percent of those in male-dominated professions never married compared to 27 percent of those with a university degree in male-dominated professions. And for those in other professions with less than a university degree married compared to 23  percent  of women with a university degree  professions. The respective percentages and  19.  degree  Thus,  are  10 percent never in other  for those women in non-professions are 7  even in non-professional occupations  women with a university  more likely to never marry than women without a degree at any  occupational level.  EDUCATION AND MARRIAGE: THE CANADIAN POPULATION / 56  PERCENT OF WOMEN 25 YEARS AND OVER WHO WORKED SINCE JANAUARY 1, 1980, BY AGE GROUPS, OCCUPATION AND LEVEL OF EDUCATION SHOWING NEVER MARRIED AND AVERAGE AGE AT FIRST MARRIAGE, 1981 E d u c a t i o n and O c c u p a t i o n groups Age  group  S c h o o l i n g below u n i v e r s i t y degree  U n i v e r s i t y degree o r above  Male Other Non dominated p r o f e s - p r o f e s professions slona sions  Male Other Non dominated p r o f e s - p r o f e s professions sions sions  25 y e a r s and o v e r Never m a r r i e d Average age a t f i r s t marriage  .16.11  11.3  10.3  27.3  24.1  24.7  23  23  22  24  24  24  21.7  16.3  16.1  31.6  26.9  29.5  22  22  21  23  23  23  18.9  19.3  15.2  25  24  24  26.7  22.8  19.1  26  25  26  25-34 y e a r s Never m a r r i e d Average age a t f i r s t marriage 35-44 y e a r s Never M a r r i e d Average age a t f i r s t marriage  9.9  22  7.7  23  6.3  21  45 y e a r s and o v e r Never m a r r i e d Average age a t f i r s t marriage  14.9 24  9.9 24  7.1 23  SOURCE: K a t h a r i n e M a r s h a l l , Who a r e t h e P r o f e s s i o n a l Women? S t a t i s t i c s Canada C a t a l o g u e 99-951, Table X I I I .  Table 5. Percent Never Married by Age, Occupation and Education  The  data  EDUCATION  AND MARRIAGE:  T H E CANADIAN POPULATION  also  variation between  occupational  indicate  groups  / 57  within the same  educational category. In each case, the male-dominated professional group had the highest percent  of never  university degree, compared to 23  27  married. For those women age  percent  percent  45  in male-dominated professions  in other professions  and 19  and over with a had never  percent  married  in non-professions  (see Table 5).  That the combination of a university degree and labor force participation in a male-dominated profession is the situation most likely to result in a woman never marrying is illustrated below. Percent of Women Age 45 + Never Married by Occupation and Education, 1981 (Source: Table 5) Occupation  NonProfessional  Maledominated Profession  Education  Without  That  Univ. Degree  7  15  With Univ. Degree  19  27  is,  7  compared  to  women  attain  percent 15 a  of  percent  women  in  of women  university  degree  respectively. Marshall concludes:  non-professional  occupations  in male-dominated those  percentages  never  professions.  increase  to  married  But 19  when  and  27,  EDUCATION AND MARRIAGE: THE CANADIAN POPULATION  / 58  The combination of both home and family responsibilities and a work-force occupation is difficult for women to manage. However, it would be even more difficult if the job in the work-force was a professional career which required many years of post-secondary schooling, possibly long hours of weekend work, travelling and a competitive work environment, which demands career commitment (p. 41).  Again, the delaying effect of higher education is also evident in Marshall's data: the average age at first marriage was consistently one to three years higher for females  with a university degree than  occupational  groups.  non-professional  For  group,  example,  45  years  the  for those without a degree, average  and over  age  with  a  at  first  within all  marriage  university  for  the  degree was  26  years, while for the same group without a university degree the average was 23 years (see Table 5).  Table 6 shows that women in male-dominated professions stand out as distinct from women in other professions and non-professions in that only 62 percent of women  in male-dominated  women  in other  professions  professions  and  71  are  wives,  percent  compared  to  in non-professions.  69  percent  of  And the  62  percent of women in male-dominated professions that are wives stand in contrast to the 80 percent of-males in male-dominated professions who are husbands.  A second significant difference is the fact that 40 percent of married women in male-dominated professions had no children at home whereas men and women in all other groups had much lower rates, ranging from 25 percent to 32 (Table 6).  Marshall (p. 43)  suggests that females  percent  in male-dominated professions  may either be delaying having children or are choosing not to have children at  EDUCATION AND MARRIAGE: THE CANADIAN  POPULATION / 59  PERCENTAGE OF FAMILY PERSONS 25 YEARS AND OVER WHO WORKED SINCE JANUARY 1, 1980, BY OCCUPATION AND SEX, 1981  Total .  FEMALE  With No c h i l d r e n c h i l d r e n present present  ;  Male-dominated professions  61.9  39.8  40.2  Other professions  69.1  67.9  32.1  Non-professions  71.4  69.0  31.0  Male-dominated professions  80.0  69.9  30.1  Other p r o f e s s i o n s  78.6  75.2  24.8  Non-professions  79.4  69.2  30.8  MALE  SOURCE: Katharine Marshall, Who are the P r o f e s s i o n a l Women? S t a t i s t i c s Canada Catalogue 99-951  Table 6. Percent Employed by Occupation and Presence of Children  all, and concludes that these findings, "are further indication  that it may be  easier for males than for females to maintain both a family and a professional career at the same time" (p. 34).  The  delay in marriage associated with completing four or more years of college  can be clearly demonstrated  by examining the median age at first marriage by  educational level. A detail of the data from the 1981 census Public Use Sample Tape,  not presented here, shows that women  age 30 and over  who held a  bachelor's degree had a median age at first marriage 2.1 years later than those  EDUCATION AND MARRIAGE: THE CANADIAN with a high school education or less (22.9 and  years and 20.8  POPULATION / 60 years, respectively);  those with a graduate degree had a median age at first marriage of 23.5  years.  PERCENTAGE OF WOMEN AND MEN AGES 30 AND OVER WHO COMPLETED FOUR OR MORE YEARS OF COLLEGE BY AGE AT FIRST MARRIAGE AND CENSUS YEAR T. Completing BA Degree Women  X Completing Degree  Men  Craiduaee  Women  Men  1971  1981  1971  1981  1871  1981  1971  1981  Under 18 y e a r s  1.0  1.0  .0  .0  1.0  0.0  0.0  0.0  18 o r 19 y e a r s  3.0  5.0  1.0  1.0  3.0  4.0  1.0  1.0  20 o r 21 y e a r s  11.0  18.0  4.0  6.0  9.0  16.0  5.0  7.0  22 o r 23 y e a r s  22.0  27.0  16.0  22.0  18.0  24.0  13.0  20.0  24 o r 23 y e a r s  21.0  19.0  30.0  24.0  19.0  19.0  22.0  23.0  26 Co 30 y e a r s  29.0  20.0  35.0  32.0  27.0  23.0  41.0  33.0  31 Co 34 y e a r s  8.0  6.0  8.0  8.0  11.0  7.0  12.0  9.0  Over 34 y e a r s  5.0  3.0  6.0  4.0  12.0  5.0  8.0  6.0  Age ac F i r s c M a r r i a g e  SOURCE: 1971 and 1981 Canadian Census P u b l i c Use Sample Tapes.  Table 7. Percent Completing University by Age At First Marriage  Table 7 shows the relationship between age at first marriage and completion of a college degree. In 1981 married  only 6 percent of women, age 30 and over who had  in their teens held a bachelor's  degree,  and 0.4  percent  a  graduate  degree. Only 1 percent of teenaged grooms had either a bachelor's or graduate degree. In contrast,  persons who married after age 21 had much higher college  completion rates. In 1981,  women age 30 and over who had married at age 22  or 23 had the highest completion rates for both bachelor's and graduate degrees.  EDUCATION AND MARRIAGE: THE CANADIAN POPULATION / 61 Men who married at 24 or 25 years were the most likely to hold either degree. In  Table 7,  it  should be noted that  completion rates for graduate 1981  the  highest  graduate  degrees degree  married at the earlier age of 22 1971  in  1971  women who had the  were married at  completion rates or 23  age  were  24  or 25,  found  highest but in  among  those  years. Table 7 also indicates that in  a greater percentage of women who had married at 20 and 21 years held  bachelor's and graduate degrees (11 and 9 percent) than the percent of men who had  married at  these ages  (4  and 5  completion rate increased in 1981 6  and 7 percent  percent),  and further  that this higher  to 18 and 16 percent for women compared to  for men. Although census  variables do not indicate whether  these men and women were currently in a first or second marriage or divorced, this higher completion rate for women who had married at suggests  these young ages  a greater accessibility for women to continued higher education  after  marriage compared to men and is certainly a reflection of the dramatic rise in female university enrolment in the mid-1970s.  Neither of the observed trends  in contemporary marriage  patterns  (delaying or  foregoing) requires nor presumes that the positive relationship for women- between education and never marrying in Canada will be maintained for future cohorts. By examining the marriage experiences level  one can  see  that  this  of birth cohorts of women by education  relationship has  been weakening with successive  cohorts and between census years. This is shown graphically in Figure 7. Table 8 shows the percent never married by age and education for three birth cohorts of women from the 1971  to  1981  census. It should be noted that the percent  never married decreases within a cohort as it ages. For example, among women  EDUCATION AND MARRIAGE: T H E CANADIAN POPULATION / 62  Percent never irrarried of women, age 30—¥9 by education and census year  50-  eZl •1 CSJ O  Legend High ichoot Sam* post «M B a c M o r i dor Gradual* dor  30-  Percent never married of women, age 50— 64 by education and census year  80 50-  Legend EZJ SB IS] O  Mali school Sonw post soc Bachelor's dor Graduate dor  ' SOUCCtl TaMa t  Figure 7. Percent Never Married, Age 30-49 and 50-64, by Education and Year  EDUCATION AND MARRIAGE: T H E CANADIAN POPULATION / 63 age 30-39 in 1971 with a bachelor's degree 23 percent had never married but as the cohort ages to 40-49 in 1981 14 percent' had never married. And for this same cohort with a graduate degree the respective numbers are 27 and 22 percent. However, these lower never married percentages bachelor's  degrees  and 22  for women  with graduate  (ie., 14 for women with degrees)  must  still be  contrasted to the respective figures for men: 6 and 8 percent as well as the 5 percent of women with a high school education or less who never married.  Table 8 shows that the percent never married also decreases with identical age groups  across  census  years,  supporting  the  suggestion  that  relationship between education and delaying or foregoing marriage  the  positive  for women is  weakening over time. For example, among those women age 40-49 in 1971 with a graduate degree 29 percent had never married, but in 1981 22 percent of the 40-49 age group had never married. Again, this contrasts to the respective figure of 8 percent for men and to the 5 percent of women with only a high school education who never married (see Table 4).  Table 9 shows that for all age groups there is a decreasing difference in the percent  never  marrying between women with high school and women with a  university degree across the census years. For example, the percentage difference between those with a high school education who never married and those with a bachelor's degree who never married has decreased from 17 in 1971 to 12 in 1976  to  10  in 1981  for women  age 30-39.  And the percentage  difference  between those with a high school education and those with a graduate  degree  has changed from 20 in 1971 to 11 in 1976 to 12 in 1981 for women age  I  EDUCATION AND MARRIAGE:  THE CANADIAN POPULATION / 64  PERCENT OF WOMEN, AGES 20-64, NEVER MARRIED BY ACE AND EDUCATION: CENSUS TRACED BIRTH COHORTS Age and E d u c a t i o n Age ac Census  1922-1932  - B i r t h Cohorts1932-1941  1942-1951  High School o r l e s s 20-29 30-39 40-49 50-64  years years years years  Some P o s t Secondary 20-29 y e a r s 30-39 y e a r s 40-49 y e a r s 50-64 y e a r s B a c h e l o r ' s Degree 20-29 y e a r s 30-39 y e a r s . 40-49 y e a r s 50-64 y e a r s Graduate Degree 20-29 y e a r s 30-39 y e a r s 40-49 y e a r s 50-64 y e a r s  6.4  6.5 4.3  26.3 7.2  5.3  11.1 9.8  18.1 19.6  28.7 26.6  11.7 6.9  23.3 14.4  26.5 21.8  45.5 10.2  51.0 17.0  45.8 19.5  SOURCE: 1971 and 1981 Canadian Census P u b l i c Use Sample Tapes.  Table 8. Percent Never Married: Census Traced Birth Cohorts  30-39. That the relationship between education and never marrying shows signs of weakening is made particularly evident by the youngest cohorts (20-29, 30-39). For  example,  in 1981  for those women  age 20-29  the percentage  difference  between those with high school and those with a bachelor' degree was 14 while  EDUCATION  AND MARRIAGE:  THE CANADIAN POPULATION  / 65  DIFFERENCE IN PERCENT NEVER MARRIED BETWEEN HIGH SCHOOL AND COLLEGE EDUCATION LEVELS FOR WOMEN, BY AGE AND YEAR D i f f e r e n c e between high school and bachelor's degree  Difference between high school and graduate degree  Age  1971  1976  1981  1971  1976  1981  20-29 years  24.7  14.8  13.9  19.5  16.5  14.6 12.3,  30-39 years  16.8  12.4  9.8  20.0  11.3  40-49 years  •11.7  16.2  9.6  22.3  25.9  17.0  50-64 years  21.0  17.1 14.3  31.9  29.0  21.3  DIFFERENCE IN PERCENT NEVER MARRIED BETWEEN MEN AND WOMEN FOR COLLEGE DEGREE, AGE AND CENSUS YEAR D i f f e r e n c e between men and women with bachelor's degree  Difference between men and women with graduate degree  1971  1976  1971  1976  20-29 years  -1.0  -7.0  -8.1*  6.  7.6  30-39 years  12.0  0.3  13.  6.6  8.1  17.  21.7  14.3  30.  25.1  18.4  1981  1981  Age  40-49 years 50-64 years  8.0 21.9  5.7 10.5 12.7  11.3  2.3 6.2  *NegaCive f i g u r e r e f l e c t s that MORE men never marry i n t h i s category than women. SOURCE: Tapes.  1971, 1976 and 1981 Canadian Census Public Use Sample  Table 9. Difference in Percent Never Married by Sex, Education and Year  the percentage difference for those with high school and those with a graduate degree was 15. For the 30-39 cohort the respective figures are 10 and 12. For the older cohorts the effect of obtaining a graduate degree is still strong: the percentage difference between those with high school and those with a bachelor's  EDUCATION AND MARRIAGE: THE CANADIAN POPULATION / 66 degree is 14 whereas the percentage  difference between those with high school  and those with a graduate degree remains high at 21.  The  differences between men and women are also declining across census years.  For  those men and women age 30-39 with a bachelor's degree, the percentage  difference in those never marrying decreased from 12 in 1971 to 6 in 1976 to less than .5 in 1981. At the graduate level, the differences have also decreased. In and  1981 the difference between men and women was 2.3 for those age 20-29 6.0 for those age 30-39. For the older cohorts the gender differences are  still strong. In 1981, for those men and women age 50-64 with a bachelor's degree the difference was 11 percent. For those with a graduate or professional degree the difference was 18 percent (see Table 9).  Although the relationship between education and never marrying for women in Canada appears to be weakening, especially for the younger and middle cohorts, the relationship remains strong. In 1981 14 percent of women age 40-49 with a bachelor's degree  and 22 percent with a graduate  degree postponed or rejected  marriage compared to 5 percent of women with high school and 8 percent of men at any educational level.  One  possible  explanation  for the positive  association  between  education, and  postponing and foregoing marriage for women is the difference between the mate selection process among men and women. What follows in the final sections of this chapter  is a consideration of (1) human mate selection and (2) imbalances  between the number of males and females available for mate selection.  EDUCATION AND MARRIAGE: THE CANADIAN POPULATION  / 67  3.3. M A T E SELECTION  Historically, every  human mating  have  way imaginable. Major variants  exogamy  deviated from randomness  contrast,  in nearly  include polygyny, polyandry, endogamy,  and hypergamy. One deviation from randomness  reliably demonstrated, In  systems  that has never been  however, is the tendency of opposites to marry or mate.  assortative  mating,  which  can be  defined  as  the  individuals based on their similarity on one or more characteristics,  coupling of is the most  common deviation from random mating in Western societies (Thiessen and Gregg 1985). Homogamy is another term to denote positive assortative mating, whereas heterogamy  refers  to  the tendency  toward  dissimilar  or  negative  assortative  mating.  The range of traits for which marriage partners assort is astonishing. Individuals assort on nearly all anthropometric characteristics,  various achievement and ability  measures  and a host of sociological and demographic variables (Buss 1985: 48).  Age  probably  is  the  variable  for  which  assortment  is  the  strongest.  1 1  Correlations between spouses for age typically range between 0.7 and 0.9, with a mean  of about  correlation background These  0.8;  in this  context,  more  than  0.5  is  a  high  degree  of  (Ibid). In addition to age, generally, education, race, religion, ethnic and socioeconomic  status  show  the strongest  are followed by overall physical attractiveness  assortment  (.4) personality  (.6-. 9).  1 2  variables  It should be noted, however, that younger couples tend to be more similar in age than older couples, a finding that reflects a larger age gap between spouses in second marriages (Secord 1983). Numbers in brackets are correlation coefficients. A higher correlation indicates more similarity on a trait. 1 2  EDUCATION AND MARRIAGE: T H E CANADIAN POPULATION  / 68  (.25), number of siblings (.2), height, weight and eye color (. 1-.2), and a host of other physical characteristics (.15) (Buss 1985: 49). Prospective mates do indeed associate  on the basis of resemblance, especially physical attractiveness.  Social  psychologists have documented the importance of physical beauty in mate selection (Adams  1977).  Clearly,  individuals  express  interest in others • of high physical  attractiveness, but in fact associate with those of equal attractiveness.  In one study of college students cited by Thiessen and Gregg couples on campus were rated for attractiveness on a 5-point scale by independent investigators. The findings  gave  dramatic evidence for assortment.  Sixty percent of the coupled  individuals were within one-half scale point of each other, and 85 percent were within one scale point. No couple showed a disparity between the partners of more than 2.5 points. And 60 percent of couples who were highly similar in attractiveness  engaged in more intimate contacts,  such as holding hands and  walking arm-in-arm compared to 46 percent of those of moderate similarity and 22  percent  of those  of low similarity.  Thiessen  and Gregg  also report that  couples who date in college are more likely to remain together for at least two years  if they  Couples  .32;  on attributes  than if they  who separated and couples who remained together  correlations vs.  are more similar  13  are less  similar.  had the following  on selected characteristics, respectively: physical attractiveness: .16  SAT, math:  .11  vs. .31;  SAT, verbal:  .15  vs. .33;  and sex-role  attitudes: .41 vs. .50 (p. 118). And in a longitudinal study involving four years (p.  119), it was demonstrated that couples who remained married for four or  more  years  were  more similar  on a host of traits  than were  couples who  Once again, a higher correlation indicates more similarity on a trait.  EDUCATION AND MARRIAGE: T H E CANADIAN POPULATION obtained a divorce. For  36  / 69  physical, cultural and personality characteristics  25  (69 percent) showed greater concordance among those couples remaining married.  To date there is no agreement  as to why assortative mating occurs, why it is  generally positive, rather than negative, and why the degree of assortment varies according to the individualistic,  trait involved.  Three classes of explanation have been given:  sociocultural and genetic  (Eckland 1968;  Murstein 1976;  Thiessen  and Gregg 1980).  Individualistic theories  suggest  that there are  that predispose certain  individuals  individuals  others  search  instinctual  out  in form, seek  among people  to gravitate toward each other. Accordingly,  who  others  perceptual reactions  fit  an  unconscious  who conform to  siblings or who seem to be like themselves,  template,  images  presumably  of their  parents  or  or look for those individuals who  complement their need systems.  Sociocultural  theories,  on the  other  hand, attend  to  demographic  or  economic  influences on mate selection. Individuals may marry simply because of geographic proximity,  because  they  population, or because the  same racial  share  similar  values  and  belief  patterns  within  a  they are socially confined to the same economic class or  and ethnic  groups. Finally,  assortative  mating may  occur in  order to insure a perpetuation of wealth and tradition, or the exchange of goods and favors.  Behavior  geneticists  point  out  that  while  the  individualistic and  sociocultural  EDUCATION AND MARRIAGE: THE CANADIAN POPULATION  / 70  theories offer some definition of the range and conditions of mate selection, and that sociocultural barriers may set the outside limits on mating practices, they do not  explain  why  assortment  positive. Several genetic  would  inbreeding increases number  favor  results  occurs  within  these limits and is typically  models have been devised which point to the possible  evolutionary consequences selection  still  of positive assortment  positive  in  assortment  deleterious  (at  and it is concluded that natural least  consequences)  up  because  to  the  point  "positive  where  assortment  the genetic potential for altruism (reduces its cost) and increases of  reproductive  each  parent's  effort"  genes  (Thiessen  among  the  and Gregg  1980:  offspring without 116).  Conversely,  an  the  additional  disassortative  mating is less likely to evolve because it diminishes gene similarity among family members and therefore kin selection. Thus disassortative mating would have to be offset by substantial reproductive advantages in order for the strategy to succeed.  Among the demographic characteristics  of husbands and wives, education is one  of the most appropriate for analyzing the process of mate selection because  it  can be applied to both spouses, whereas occupation and income can sometimes be applied to only one of the partners. Table 10 shows the extent to which marital partners tend to have a similar level of educational attainment by showing how far  married  couples  deviate  from marrying at  random with respect  partner's educational level. All entries in the table would be 1.0 no  deviations  from the  "expected  value."  Entries  above  1.0  to  their  if there were  show  a  greater  concentration of marital partners with specified combinations of education than a random distribution would produce. The most frequently occurring combinations of marital partners,  as shown in Table 10  is for those with some  post-secondary  EDUCATION AND MARRIAGE: THE CANADIAN POPULATION / 71  RATIO OF ACTUAL NUMBER OF COUPLES WITH SPECIFIED EDUCATIONAL ATTAINMENT COMPLETED BY HUSBAND AND WIFE TO EXPECTED NUMBER I F COUPLES MARRIED AT RANDOM. FOR MARRIED COUPLES E d u c a t i o n o f HUSBAND Education o f WIFE  1  High school  High school  j j1  1971  20-29 y e a r s 30-39 y e a r s 40-49 y e a r s  !  1 , 1  ii . i  j  50-59 y e a r s Some pose s e e . 20-29 y e a r s 30-39 y e a r s 40-49 y e a r s 50-59 y e a r s Bachelor's o r above 20-29 y e a r s 30-39 y e a r s 40-49 y e a r s 50-59 y e a r s  1.2  1  1976  1981  .8  .7 .7 .8 .8  .9 .9 .9  Some p o s t secondary 1971 1976 1981  j1 Ij j j1 j1 j  1.0  }  1  J 1 !  .4  .6  .7  .5 .5  .7 .9  .8 1.1 1.2  *  6  1.0  I  i . i  j1  .2 .3  !  *  7  .1 .1 .2 .2  .1 .1 .2 .2  2.0 1.3 1.3 1.5  2.4  .6  .4  .4  1.9 1.9 2.1  .5 .6 .7  .3 .3 .3  .3 .3 .4  1.5  4.8  6.9  1.7  2.6 2.9  4.5 7.6 9.8  6.8 9.5 13.3  2.9 3.1 3.5  1.9 2.4 3.6 5.1  2.1 3.4 5.3 •  1.2 1.1 2.3 4.0  1.9 1.5 2.4 4.0  4.8 6.0 7.5 13.0  3.0 4.6 7.3 6.5  3.1 3.6 6.0 6.7  .9 .3 .8 .8  1  -  3  1 1.0  1  1.9  4.0  1 -.7 !  Bachelor s o r above 1971 1976 1981  1 - 5  I n c l u d e s persons w i t h a h i g h s c h o o l d i p l o m a o r l e s s . SOURCE: 1981 Canadian Census P u b l i c Use Sample Tape.  Table 10. Assortative Mating for Education  education to have spouses with some post-secondary education, and for those with a university degree to have spouses with a university degree. For example, in 1981,  marriages  between those  age  40-49 in which both spouses have some  EDUCATION AND MARRIAGE: post-secondary  education  occurred  10  T H E CANADIAN POPULATION  times  more often than  / 72  would have been  expected by chance, and for. those where both spouses have a university degree, these marriages  occurred 6 times more often than would be expected if people  were randomly mating. As expected, the highest values in the rows and columns are  those where the spouses were in the same educational level, and the next  highest are those where they were in an adjacent level. But for a husband the adjacent  level means  having a wife with a lower educational level, and for a  wife the adjacent level means having a husband with a higher level of education. For those age 40-49 in 1981, and  women with some  expected,  marriages between men with a university degree  post-secondary  while marriages  education occurred  by chance.  The following is a  levels of married couples from Table 10. In 1971,  times  between men with some post-secondary  women with a university degree occurred 2.4 expected  3.4  1  more  than  education and  times more than would have been  summary  of data  on the  educational  4  among every 100 couples:  80 husbands and wives were in the same educational level 15 husbands were higher 5 wives were higher In 1976,  among every 100 couples:  64 husbands and wives were in the same educational level 26 husbands were higher 11 wives were higher "It is important to note that these figures would vary if different educational categories were used. For example, selecting out graduate degrees would mean fewer matches in the 'same educational level' category. Unfortunately, census categories on these variables collapsed all university degrees into BACHELOR'S 1  DEGREE  OR  HIGHER.  EDUCATION AND MARRIAGE: THE CANADIAN POPULATION  / 73  In 1981, among every 100 couples: 59 husbands and wives were in the same educational level 28 husbands were higher 13 wives were higher The up  above tabulations show that both men and women have increasingly married educationally, but that men are more likely to outdistance  educational attainment.  In 1981, among every  their wives in  100 married couples 28 involved  husbands with higher levels of education than the wives, while only 13 couples involved wives with higher education than the husband.  For  the combination of spouses  Table  having the same education as their  10 shows that assortment  example,  is more important for the older cohorts. For  those age 50-59 with some post-secondary  with the same education  13 times  education married  more often than was expected  while those age 20-29 did so 7 times more often. Between assortment  has become  more  partners,  important  for those  with  by chance,  1971  some  partners  and 198.1,  post-secondary  education across all age groups, while for those with high school or less or a university  degree,  the frequency has declined across all age groups.  those age 20-29 with a university degree were someone  with a university degree  In 1971  5 times more likely to marry  than is expected by chance,  while in 1981  they were 3 times more likely to assort.  For  the combination of men marrying women with less  shows  that men with a university degree  education, _ Table 10  are only half as likely  to marry  women with high school or less than is expected. Men with a university degree  EDUCATION AND MARRIAGE: T H E CANADIAN POPULATION however,  do marry  / 74  women with some post-secondary education 2 to 5 times  more often than expected and these ratios have remained fairly stable from 1971 to  1981. The trend for increasing assortment  with  the older cohorts  is also  evident for men marrying women with less education.  For  the combination of women marrying men with  less  education, the least  frequently occurring combination in the table is for women with  a university  degree to marry men with high school or less (and conversely, for a man with high school or less to marry a woman with a university degree). This occurs only 20 percent as often as expected. However, women with a university degree increasingly married men with some post-secondary education between 1971 and 1981,  and across all age groups. In 1971, female college graduates age 20-29  married men with some post-secondary education 70 percent as often as expected, in 1976 such marriages increased to 120 percent and by 1981 increased to 190 percent, or almost twice as often as expected. The situation is similar for those women age 30-39 with some post-secondary education marrying men with high school or less. 1971,  Here the respective  observed to expected  percents  are: 50 in  90 in 1976 and 110 in 1981, so that these women married down in  1981 10 percent more than was expected by chance. Conversely, men are also marrying up more frequently. However, it is important to note that while men age  40-49  with  some  post-secondary education in 1981  married women with  bachelor's degrees twice as often as expected (up 100 percent from 1971) - they are  still  10  times  more  education than is expected.  likely  to marry  women with  some  post-secondary  EDUCATION AND MARRIAGE: THE CANADIAN POPULATION / 75 While Table 10 does indicate that women tend to marry up, women with high school or less are least likely to do so, especially in the combination of high school educated wives with college educated husbands. In 1981 this combination occurred only 30 to 40 percent as often as expected, post-secondary  while women with some  education married college educated men 2 to 5 times more often  than expected.  The limitations of this data need to be highlighted. First, educational categories were collapsed to 'bachelor's  degree or higher' in the census  data required for  Table 10. This did not allow for selecting out graduate degrees. Also, the census data do not reveal if the husbands and wives in Table 10 were in a first or subsequent marriage: SCHOOLING  and  the two variables cross-tabulated  HIGHEST  LEVEL  important because mate selection  OF  appears  are HIGHEST  SCHOOLING  to change  OF  LEVEL  SPOUSE.  OF  This  in second marriages  is  (Mott  and Moore 1983; Spanier 1983). However, where data has been used of couples who  are in a  first  marriage,  the results  indicate  the same  assortment by  education (Carter and Glick 1976).  To summarize, generally both men and women tend to marry  mates with the  same general class and cultural background. But within that common background, men tend to marry women slightly below them in education, occupation and age. This is known sociologically as the marriage  gradiant  and the result  is that  there is no one for the men at the bottom to marry, and conversely, there are no men for the women at the top to marry. That is, the never married men tend to be 'bottom-of-the-barreF  and the never married women  'cream-of-the-crop'  EDUCATION AND MARRIAGE: THE CANADIAN POPULATION / 76 (Bernard  1982). Carter  and Glick  (1976) provide some evidence for the male  'bottom of the barrel' phenomenon in the United States. For men age 35-44 in 1960,  the largest percent never married were those with less than five years of  schooling (19 percent) compared to those with a bachelor's degree (7 percent) (p. 403).  In 1960, those occupations with the largest percent of men age 30 and  over never married were waiters, personal-service laborers, gardeners, stock clerks and finance clerks show that  6.6  (p. 316). Canadian 1981 census  percent  of men over  data,  not presented  here,  age 50 in blue collar occupations never  married compared to 3.6 percent of men in professional occupations. And when classified by socioeconomic status (SES), white men in the U.S. in 1970, age 45-54  with high  earnings)  were  SES, (ie., those  nearly  all currently  with the highest married  (95  education,  percent).  1 5  occupation and  Only  a few (2  percent) of the upper SES men had never married. By contrast, ,77 percent of the low SES men were currently married and 13 percent had never married (p. 405).  And further,  characteristics,  when  SES level  is  defined  in  terms  of  only  two  education and occupation, then upper SES men who have never  married have the lowest earnings of any marital status in that SES level. Lower SES men who have never married have the second lowest earnings of that level, only slightly higher than divorced men (Ibid).  Thus  for 'women at the top' the men they  want  are those  that are least  available - statistically. The popular notion appears to be:  Further, educated, professional men marry earlier and stay married longer than other men (Blumstein 1983), while their female peers have a higher probability of divorce (Stein 1981) and a lower probability of remarriage than other women (Mott and Moore 1983). 1 5  EDUCATION AND MARRIAGE: THE CANADIAN POPULATION / 77 The female elite have become demographic losers; they've priced themselves out of the market. The problem that used to concern only heiresses -- where to find a suitable mate among the sparsely stocked and heavily fished pool of men at the top -- now afflicts an entire class. (Stein 1981: 22)  The  following  section  will  examine  more  closely  the imbalances  between the  numbers of males and females available for mate selection.  3.4. SEX RATIOS  Table  11 shows that in 1981, for every  100 unmarried  16  women age 22-26  there were 102 unmarried men age 24-28. And for each ten year increment in age the respective number of men to 100 women is 84, 81, and 67 until for women over  age 56 the ratio is 33. These numbers reflect  another  form of  marriage squeeze, that of differential mortality rates between men and women. The sex ratio, which favors males at birth (about 105 white males for every 100 white females in the U.S.) begins to drop below 100 at 32 years of age (Spanier and Glick above,  a  direct  1980). But because of the 'marrying up' syndrome outlined  comparison  of the men and women  in each  age bracket  underestimates the problem. For a more realistic picture of eligible mates, Table 11 also outlines the sex ratio (usually expressed as number of males per 100 females)  by women's educational level.  Based on the mating/marriage  observed in Table 10, potential mates for women  17  patterns  are assumed as follows:  Men with high school or some post-secondary education as potential mates for women with high school or less. 1 6  Never married, divorced or widowed  1 7  A man two years older than a woman is considered the potential mate.  EDUCATION AND MARRIAGE: T H E CANADIAN POPULATION  / 78  RATIO OF MEN PER 100 WOMEN: 1981 By E d u c a t i o n Total Unmarried  High school or leas  Soma BA P o s t Sec. Degree  Grad. Degree  24-28 y e a r s  Unmarried women 22-26 y e a r s  102  133  151  138  139  91  118  171  174  133  84  105  130  167'  130  78  97  99  149  133  81  96  87  152  132  79  91  35  155  99  67  75  75  145  85  33  35  35  97  88  Unmarried men 29-33 y e a r s Unmarried women 27-31 y e a r s Unmarried man 34-38 y e a r s Unmarried women 32-36 y e a r s Unmarried men 39-43 y e a r s Unmarried women 37-41 y e a r s Unmarried men 44-48 y e a r s Unmarried women 42-46 y e a r s Unmarried men 49-53 y e a r s Unmarried women 47-51 y e a r s Unmarried men 54-58 y e a r s Unmarried women 52-56 y e a r s Unmarried men o v e r 58 y e a r s Unmarried women o v e r 56 y e a r s 1  Men w i t h h i g h s c h o o l o r some p o s t as p o t e n t i a l mates f o r women w i t h h i g h school. Men w i t h some p o s t secondary ed. BA and g r a d u a t e degree as p o t e n t i a l mates f o r women w i t h some p o s t secondary e d u c a t i o n .  3  Men w i t h a BA and graduate degree as p o t e n t i a l mates f o r women w i t h a BA. a g r a d u a t e degree as p o t e n t i a l mates f o r women w i t h a graduate degree.  Sten w i t h  SOURCE: 1981 Canadian Census P u b l i c Use Sample Tapes.  Table 11. Ratio of Men per 100 Women  EDUCATION AND MARRIAGE: Men  T H E CANADIAN POPULATION  / 79  with some post-secondary education, a bachelor's or graduate degree  as potential mates for women with some post-secondary education. Men  with a bachelor's or graduate degree as potential mates for women  with a bachelor's degree. Men  with  a  graduate  degree  as  potential mates  for women with  a  graduate degree. From Table 11, it can be seen that women with bachelor's as well as graduate degrees experience a more favorable sex ratio than do women with only a high school education. For example, for women age 32-36 every degree  100 women with a bachelor's degree, and 105  for women with  high  there are  167 men for  130 for women with a graduate  school or less.  Between women with  bachelor's and graduate degrees, those with bachelor's degrees experience a more favorable sex ratio in all but one age category. In fact, at the bachelor's level it is only women over 56 years who experience a sex ratio of less than 100 men per  100 women. And even women with graduate degrees do not experience a  negative sex ratio until age 47-51. At this point, one cannot accept numerical imbalances  against  highly  educated women as  higher percent never married.  However,  a viable  explanation for their  on a relative scale,  a very different  picture is painted when number of women per 100 men is considered. Again, using  Table  10  to determine eligible  mates,  potential marriage  partners  are  assumed as follows: Women  with  some  post-secondary  education,  bachelor's  and graduate  degrees as potential mates for men with a graduate degree. Men  with  a  graduate  graduate degree.  degree  as  potential mates  for women with  a  EDUCATION AND MARRIAGE: THE CANADIAN POPULATION  / 80  SEX RATIO FOR MEM AND WOMEN WITH GRADUATE DEGREES: 1981 R a t i o o f Women p e r 100 men  1,  Age  7 R a t i o o f Men' p e r 100 women  Unmarried men 24-28 y e a r s Unmarried women 22-26 y e a r s  952  139  Unmarried man 29-33 y e a r s Unmarried women 27-31 y e a r s  543  133  Unmarried men 34-38 y e a r s Unmarried women 32-36 y e a r s  490  130  Unmarried men 39-43 y e a r s Unmarried woman 37-41 y e a r s  516  133  Unmarried man 44-48 y e a r s Unmarried women 42-46 y e a r s  508  132  Unmarried men 49-53 y e a r s Unmarried women 47-51 y e a r s  630  99  Unmarried man 54-58 y e a r s Unmarried woman 52-56 y e a r s  783  85  1184  88  Unmarried men o v e r 58 y e a r s Unmarried women o v e r 56 y e a r s  Women w i t h some p o s t secondary e d u c a t i o n , BA degree and g r a d u a t e degree as p o t e n t i a l mates f o r men w i t h a g r a d u a t e degree. ^Men w i t h a g r a d u a t e degree as p o t e n c i a l mates f o r women w i t h a graduate degree. SOURCE: 1981 Canadian Census P u b l i c Use Sample Tape.  Table 12. Sex Ratios For The Highly Educated  The  numbers in Table 12 are  dramatic and unequivocal. Because men tend to  marry women with equal or less education, the potential mate pool for them is much larger than for women who tend not to 'marry  down.' For example,  for  every 100 unmarried men age 34-38, with graduate or professional degrees, there are 490  potential women. This compares to 130  men for every 100  women age  EDUCATION AND MARRIAGE: THE CANADIAN POPULATION / 81 32-36. And for every  100  men over  58  there are  1,184  women available, in  contrast to 88 men for every 100 women over age 56.  What  are  the  consequences  for  such an unbalanced sex  ratio  for the  highly  educated? Two social psychologists, Marci Guttentag and Paul Secord (1983) have written  on this  imbalances  states  subject  and their  that both  the  theory  of marriage  attractiveness  and  in terms  the  stability  of sex of  ratio  marriage  depend on the sex. ratio among eligible mates. When men are in excess supply and women are in undersupply, young adult women are highly valued because of their  scarcity,  and traditional sex  roles  are  common. There is likely to be a  clear sexual division of labor, which implies that men earn most of the income while women occupy the family role of homemaker and mother. Women do not strive  for  mobility  economic  on  marriage  independence, to  a  man  but  pin their  from  a  high  hopes  for  upward  socioeconomic  economic  background.  In  general, society places a strong cultural emphasis on the male's commitment to a single partner  for many  years  or  for life.  Conversely, if men are  in scarce  supply and there is a surplus of women, women have a subjective sense of powerlessness and feel devalued by society. The outstanding characteristic of times when women are in oversupply is: That men would not remain committed to the same woman throughout her childbearing years. The culture would not emphasize love and commitment, and a lower value would be placed on marriage and the family (Guttentag and Secord 1983:21).  When men are in short supply they have more bargaining power in a. potential relationship  because  there  are  more  women  among  whom  they  can  choose.  EDUCATION AND MARRIAGE: T H E CANADIAN POPULATION / 82 Conversely, women have relatively less leverage because they have fewer options. Under such circumstances men have a 'favorable balance of exchange.' Guttentag and  Secord's theory of marriage in terms of sex ratio imbalances is rooted in  social exchange theory. The link between sex ratios and the form that sex roles take is as follows: Each relationship is initially formed and maintained through a process of negotiation, bargaining, and compromise .... The individual member whose sex is in short supply has a stronger position and is less dependent on the partner because of the larger number of alternative relationships available to him or her (p. 23). This  aspect of social exchange  theory  is similar to  Becker's  (1981) economic  theory of marriage. According to Becker, if the number of men in the marriage market is less than the number of women, then most of the gain from marriage accrues to men. More generally, the sex ratio of eligible men and women has a bearing on who gains from marriage. If men are scarce relative to the number of women, exchange theory predicts the following events: (1) first marriage will occur at a later age for men; (2) there will be an increase in the proportion of men  who remain single; (3) the pool of divorced men will grow; and (4) there  will be more divorced and widowed men who do not remarry. Taken together, these predictions imply  that men should  want to  avoid marriage  (Espanshade  1985).  As  for women, Guttentag and Secord feel that,  under conditions of low sex  ratios, the social bond of commitment in male-female relationships is weakened. Women are likely to feel exploited, and this sentiment induces women to redefine male-female roles  and to reduce their dependency on a male partner. Women  EDUCATION AND MARRIAGE: T H E CANADIAN POPULATION / 83 may rapidly become less willing to make a commitment to a relationship with a man. Thus, because of the oversupply of women, weakened commitments by men toward women lead in turn to weakened commitments in the opposite direction.  Guttentag and Secord outline other historical periods which offer some interesting parallels in terms of what sheer numbers can mean to the status of women. In the late Middle Ages, a surplus of upper-class women (the result, primarily, of the  Crusades)  coincided with  an  upsurge  of feminism. Women began running  feudal estates for the first time. They entered convents  in increasing numbers,  and their power in the Catholic Church increased, giving rise to the cult of the Virgin  Mary.  The convents  were,  in fact,  so crowded that  female  communes  called "Beguines" evolved outside the church and produced radical literature that argued that women might commune directly with God without going through male priests. The spinning wheel, invented in twelfth-century France, made it possible for the first time for a woman to have some economic independence (hence the derivation of the word 'spinster').  In seventeenth  and eighteenth-century  Europe, the  excess of women led to a  strong upsurge of feminine mysticism. When religious leaders from Europe tried to transplant that tradition to America -  which in those days offered the much  rarer phenomenon of a sex imbalance favoring females rather than males — the reception was very different: religion flourished in the new world, but mysticism did not. Historian Herbert Moller notes that the "vast majority of women had no reason to withdraw to solitary lives and to indulge in fantasy gratification, since their  chances  of marriage  were  excellent  and their economic  utility high"  (p.  EDUCATION AND MARRIAGE: T H E CANADIAN POPULATION / 84  117).  Though  it would  numerical  be simplistic to suggest  a direct  causal  link  between the  imbalance arising in the 1960s in the U.S. and the beginning of  contemporary  feminism,  Stein  (1981)  suggests  that  the  plurality  of women,  coupled with post-World War II economic growth, created a more fertile ground for feminism than had existed ever before in history. Social psychologist Carol Tavris concludes: "You get feminist movements only in particular times, but not when women are a scarcity.  Consciousness is the result of social and economic  conditions, and not the other way around."  18  What are the consequences of an unfavorable sex ratio on women's entrance into marriage? Women can either forego marriage or marry at a later age, or they can alter the long-ingrained tradition of marrying up with regard to slightly older males  and socioeconomic  status.  As discussed, Canadian women married down  more in 1981 with regard to education, but there are few historical precedents to a reversal in the age pattern: in England in 1599, 21 percent of wives were older than 1981:  their  husbands; in France  in 1778,  27 percent  were  older (Stein  33). However, it is interesting to note that for cohabitating couples in the  U.S., 12 percent of the couples with a never married man and 6 percent of the couples with an ever married man involve a female partner that is in an older five-year cohort than the man (only 4 percent of married women are in this older cohort).  In general, therefore,  marital history,  are more  likely  young unmarried women regardless  of their  than married women to be older than their  EDUCATION AND MARRIAGE: T H E CANADIAN POPULATION / 85 partners (Spanier 1983:284).  Among the black population in the United States, where sex ratio imbalances are even more extreme than among whites, differential patterns of mate selection are evident (Spanier account  and Glick  for the lower  1980). Espenshade (1985) lists several factors which  sex ratios  among blacks  than  whites.  First,  there is  typically a greater underenumeration of black males than black females in U.S. census counts. Second, a disproportionate number of black men are in the armed forces and in penal and other institutions. Third, blacks have lower sex ratios at birth  than  whites,  with  102  black  male  births  compared to 105 white males born to every  to every  100 black  females,  100 white females. Fourth, death  rates are especially high among black males.  Black males  are more than six  times as likely as whites to die from homicides (p.233). The result is a more restricted  field of marriage  Spanier and Glick  eligibles for black females  (1980) have  than for white females.  found that black women enlarge  their field of  eligibles by marrying males who tend to be older (however, black females are no more likely than white females to marry males who are younger than they are); who have  lower educational  attainment  in only  attainment  18 percent  (the husband is higher  of couples, whereas  in educational  the wife is higher in 36  percent); and who have previously been married. These findings suggest that the sex  ratio imbalance may have important consequences  entrance  into  speculation  marriage,  that  higher  as rates  well as:  "providing  of maritial  for the black population's  preliminary  instability  among  support blacks  to the may be  associated with their higher incidence of deviation from normative mate selection patterns" (p. 723).  EDUCATION AND MARRIAGE: THE CANADIAN POPULATION / 86 In  summary, there is in Canada an unfavorable sex  women who postpone marriage, (which results as  ratio for highly educated  relative to men. But this unfavorable sex ratio  from the differential mating preferences  differential mortality)  does  not usually precede  discussed above, as well  the  age  at  which marital  decisions are made. While the census data have revealed that an unfavorable sex ratio is a major factor inhibiting the marital prospects of highly educated women in their thirties, the question remains: why do highly educated, successful women postpone marriage  until this age,  thereby increasing their chances  marriage? To answer this question, ethnographic data is necessary.  of foregoing Chapter Four  explores the thoughts and experiences of fifteen women who have departed from the traditional path of marriage and child rearing which usually occurs at ages 23 and 24 respectively; who have pursued higher education and developed ties to the workplace that resemble the committed, permanent pattern once reserved for men; home  and who have rejected the domestic path that places children, family and above  all  else.  These  women's  lives  offer  especially  rich  clues  to  understanding the sources, shape and likely future implications of the changes in women's behavior.  CHAPTER 4. EDUCATION AND MARRIAGE: WHAT WOMEN SAY  Chapter Two concluded with Carl Degler's argument that the equality of women and the institution of the family have long been at odds with each other because the historic North American family has depended for its existence and character on women's subordination of their individual interests to those of the family. He further  argues  that this essential nature,  which first became  apparent  in the  early nineteenth century, has not altered: Women" are still the primary child-rearers, even when they work, and the purpose of their work, in the main, is to support and advance the family, not to realize themselves as individuals (Degler 1980: 453). That the individual interest of women and the family are at odds is supported by  the  census  data  for  Canada presented  in Chapter  Three.  Women with a  university degree are two and a half times more likely to never marry than are those men with the same education. In 198.1, 27 percent of women over age 45 with a university degree  employed in male-dominated professions never married  compared to 7 percent of women in the general population. Professional roles, as they  are  presently  conceived  reduce  women's  chances  for  family life.  Some  women don't care and have rejected marriage or motherhood voluntarily, but the greater number do care (McBroom 1986:  239).  Is this fundamental tension, if not  conflict, between the individual interests  of women and those of the family the  reason highly educated, professional women are postponing and rejecting marriage? Or, as women enter positions once held by men do they become less attracted to marriage  or less  attractive as  marriage  partners?  To try  to answer these  questions I have asked a group of never married, highly educated, professional 87  EDUCATION AND MARRIAGE: WHAT WOMEN SAY / 88 women to speak for themselves.  The Sample  The following discussion of highly educated women who have postponed marriage is based on interviews with a nonprobability sample of fifteen women, thirty-one to forty years of age currently living in Vancouver, B.C.. Names of potential participants were obtained from personal and organization contacts of colleagues as well as suggestions from participants themselves of others who met the study criteria. The interview schedule was structured to guide the interview and ensure comparability. It was open-ended to allow for probing and discovery of the range of possible answers. The interviews, which averaged one to two hours in length, were taped and subsequently transcribed.  Care was taken to achieve a sense of rapport and trust with the respondents. The interviews took place at times and in settings deemed most comfortable by the  respondents.  having  never  environment  Although  married and my  is  the a  women are sensitive  assurance  to  one.  excellent The  prospective  articulators,  choice  of  respondents  a that  the  issue of  non-threatening the  interview  questions on being single had not been found to be 'too personal' by women in preliminary interviews put the respondents at ease and encouraged disclosure  -  to which only the interview material itself can testify. Being single is an issue about which the women have read and thought a great deal. It is a subject . they discuss with friends. With remarkably little prodding, most respondents spoke of their lives with ease, confidence and enthusiasm. In fact, many questions were  EDUCATION AND MARRIAGE: WHAT WOMEN SAY / 89 answered before I could ask them.  Participants were assured that their answers would be held in strict confidence and, where necessary, order  to  preserve  interpretation groups.  In  depictions of individual respondents  anonymity.  of the data light  as  of these  This  small,  representative  limitations this  have been altered in  nonrandom sample  does  not allow  or to infer significance for larger study  is  considered exploratory in  nature.  The criteria for sample selection was never married, heterosexual women, between the ages of 30 and 40 with a degree beyond the bachelor's level. The fifteen participants  earned  various  credentials,  including  first  professional  architecture,  dentistry, law, medicine; master's degrees; and doctorates.  degrees  in  Three of  the women hold master's degrees in addition to a professional degree, and two have  more  than  one  professional degree.  Only  one  of  the  women  has  not  completed requirements for a higher degree beyond the bachelor's. The distribution of the occupations is as follows: four lawyers, four physicians (all are specialists), two architects,  two professors, one dentist, one journalist and one stock broker.  Nirie  professional or  attended  remaining  six enrolled after  graduate  school  gaining other  shortly  after  work experience.  college The age  and  the  range is  from 31 to 40, with a mean age of slightly over 34 years and a median age of 33.5  years.  In North America, marriage is a dominant and favored reality. In fact, married life, whether happy or unhappy, is viewed as normative, while the single life is  EDUCATION AND MARRIAGE: WHAT WOMEN SAY / 90 commonly thought of as an unnatural status and as a manifestation of cultural incompetence.  1 9  This  has  led  to  misrepresentation,  misunderstanding and  stereotyping. But as this and other studies (Austrom 1984; Lovell 1983) show, the stereotypes Aside  from  being  highly  of the never educated  1978; Peters  married woman are not supported.  and involved  in successful  careers,  the  participants in this group are socially active, with friends of both sexes. All are articulate  as  well  as  sophisticated  in grooming  self-confidence highlights the physical attractiveness  and manner.  The level of  of these women. The majority  had had at least one opportunity to marry and most have had the experience of cohabiting.  Using Stein's (1981) typology of singlehood (see Table 1) the distribution of the sample is as follows: fourteen of the fifteen participants are singles who expect to be married within some finite period of time (two temporary voluntary and twelve temporary involuntary), and one plans "absolutely on not getting married unless the perfect man drops himself on my doorstep" (stable involuntary).  The Demand For An Account  In  this culture it is simply assumed that everyone will marry. It is further  assumed  that  they  will  marry  by a certain  age. If an individual  has not  married between the ages of twenty-five and thirty this becomes observable and mentionable. For individuals who are otherwise competent, their having never Lovell (1978: 41) uses the term 'competence' to refer to "the display of commonsense knowledge of the social structures of any given collective enterprise that is provided by its bona fide members." 1 9  EDUCATION AND MARRIAGE: WHAT WOMEN SAY / 91 TABLE 1 TYPOLOGY  OF  SINGLEHOOD  Voluntary  Temporary  Involuntary  Never married and formerly married who are postponing marriage by not currently seeking mates, but who are not opposed to the idea of marriage.  Those who have been actively seeking mates for shorter or longer periods of time, but have not yet found mates.  Includes those who are living together in order to try out marriagelike arrangements.  Those who were not interested in marriage or remarriage for some period of time but are now actively seeking mates.  Those choosing to be single.  Never marrieds and formerly marrieds who wanted to marry or remarry, have hot found a mate and and have more or less accepted being single as a probable life state.  Those cohabiting who do not intend to marry.  Stable  Those whose life styles preclude the possibility of marriage. SOURCE: (Stein 1981: married  is  seen  as  unexpected  and  culture that such individuals account  20  11) perplexing.  Thus it is demanded  by  the  for their single status.  Scott and Lyman define an account as: "A linguistic device employed whenever an action is subjected to valuative inquiry. Such devices are a crucial element in 2 0  EDUCATION AND MARRIAGE: WHAT WOMEN SAY / 92 This  chapter  departure.  2 1  takes  such  'accounts  for  being  still  single'  as  its  point  of  From them, it is hoped that a better understanding can be gained  of the choices highly educated women make in their personal and professional lives  --  especially  with  regard  to  their  expectations  and  perceptions  about  marriage.  One of the marry  earliest  demands for  of why highly educated women  less than noncollegiate women took the form of an article  Monthly Magazine Marry?"  (Davis  in  1928.  when colleges  marriage detrimental popularly marry':  rates to held  The title  1928). Indeed,  education and marriage time  an account  of a  observation of the  "Why They  inverse  opened  collegiate woman's in  to  women  women  indicated  matrimonial 1928  for  in America  the  chances"  "that (p.  Failed to  relationship between  for women was not new even in 1928,  were  reasons  pointedly asked,  in Harper's  sixty  higher 460).  'failure of college  for from the years  earlier,  education Davis  lists  was the  women to  First: If they attend a woman's college, girls are removed from the society of eligible young men during four of the most important years. Second: They either enter college with a desire for a career or during their college course become fired with some specific enthusiasm. Third: Having received more than the non-college women in the way of training of powers of observation and reason, they are more likely to be critical of men and less likely to fall in love blindly. Fourth: Being prepared to earn an honest livelihood, they need not marry for support. Fifth: The type of girl who attends college is likely to be personally unbeautiful, unattractive (cont'd) the social order since they prevent conflicts from arising by verbally bridging the gap between action and expectation. Moreover, accounts are 'situated' according to the statuses of the interactants, and are standardized within cultures so that certain accounts are terminologically stabilized and routinely expected when activity falls outside the domain of expectations (Cited in Lovell 1978: 42). 2 0  2  1  See  Verna Lovell,  1978.  Still Single: An Ethnography of Having Never Married.  Unpublished Master's Thesis, University of British Columbia.  EDUCATION AND MARRIAGE: WHAT WOMEN SAY / 93 and dowdy. Sixth: Men as a class do not care to marry women who may prove to be their intellectual equals or superiors (p. 461). Katharine Davis's response to the above was to let a group of college women speak  for  themselves.  The  words  of  those  who  spoke  for  themselves  were  collected from written answers to, "a questionnaire on the sex life of the normal never married college graduate out of college at least five years" the 1200 respondents,  2 2  1044  (p. 462).  Of  told why, from their own point of view, they had  not married. Some of the comments are especially noteworthy for their similarity to those made sixty years later by the participants in this study. They include: "No  opportunity to meet men." "I find that the men who are  congenial are  already married, and often to very stupid women." "The real reason is my own selfishness." "I have no desire to marry man  for the sake of marrying. The right  did not appear and I would marry no other." "Personal ambition prevented  marriage. Since I was twenty-eight, however, I have had less personal ambition and  more eagerness for motherhood." Specifically, the largest number of women  in 1928,  (28  percent) said they never met the right man. And in the present  sample from 1988  one third of the women also gave that reason. Other similar  accounts given across the years are: fell in love with man I could not marry -for example, "He died," "He married someone else"; lack of opportunity to meet men; the  currently engaged; and homosexual relations prevented. Davis mentions that 1927  presentation of the play, "The Captive" focused the attention of the  public upon homosexuality which before that time had never been made a topic of conversation in polite society. In answer to the question as to why she had failed  to  marry,  17  women of the  1044  replied that  it  was  due  to  The mean age of the sample is just under 37 years and the mode 30; of these women had professional or graduate degrees. 2  2  their 340  EDUCATION AND MARRIAGE: WHAT WOMEN SAY / 94 relations with other women; but in another section with "intense emotional relations  of the questionnaire dealing  with other girls or women," 22  women stated  that this relationship had been one influence in causing them to remain single, while 41 others stated that it was possibly a factor.  23  Davis was surprised to find the small number of women citing desire for career (2 percent) as the reason  for not marrying. And in 1988  it is still surprising  that only one participant cited this in light of the often expressed opinion as to the responsibility of this factor.  But despite the similarities of accounts between significant differences. Present in 1928, to familial obligations  and/or  surprising that cohabitation  objections  1928  and 1988,  but totally lacking in 1988  there are  two  are references  as reasons for not marrying. It is not  is cited only in 1988.  Neither of the  two women  cohabiting (one for seven years, the other for less than one year) see it as a replacement for legal marriage. Each has plans to eventually marry the man she is living with. Although alternative sexual orientations are reasons why some professional women have elected not to marry or become involved in any other form of lasting heterosexual relationship, I have elected not to include homosexual women in the sample because I feel this would introduce a new and complicating dimension to the subject I am trying to understand. Nevertheless, one woman told me of her homosexual relationship during the interview, and although I have not included her in the data, I do recognize that highly educated, professional women who are lesbians justifiably feel that their goals and way of life are in need of definition and interpretation as well as heterosexual's. For professional women cohabiting in lesbian relationships there is the burden of being in a discriminated-against minority. This woman does not make the relationship known within her profession at large or to her colleagues. (This explains why she was suggested as a participant.) To them she simply has a female roommate. She believes that if she were labelled a lesbian it would affect her perceived effectiveness and status in her profession. 2 3  EDUCATION AND MARRIAGE: WHAT WOMEN SAY / 95 Today, the three popularly held notions of why highly educated women postpone or reject marriage is the lack of interest of highly educated women in marriage at  all; the  unwillingness of males  to marry  women of that status;  and the  difficulty for women to reconcile the conflicts of maintaining both a professional career and family life. These will be considered in turn. A complete consideration of the relationship between education and marriage would require hearing from men, especially college educated men married to women who are not -- but this will have to await further study. Nevertheless, gaining an insight into the male perspective can be approached by examining why one third of the participants say the reason they are  not married is because they have not met the right  man. Why did not the right man appear?  4.1. IS  MARRIAGE  STILL  AN  ATTRACTIVE  OPTION?  One of the popularly held reasons as to why highly educated, successful women tend  to  postpone  or  reject  marriage  assumes  that  the  higher  the  economic  achievement of females, the less their desire to accept the confining traditional familial sex-role of w'ife-mother-homemaker. But, since economic achievement rarely precedes  marital  decisons,  this  explanation  is  open to  question. Most of the  women are just now becoming financially secure or finishing payments on student loans. Only one has been able to buy real estate -- and this is in partnership with the "that  man she is living with. Yohalem (1979: 30)  women  who  are  strongly  motivated  toward  believes it is possible,  careers  may  refrain from  marrying in order to concentrate upon their occupational goals, thereby eventually achieving greater economic success than those who do marry." Presumptive future  EDUCATION AND MARRIAGE: WHAT WOMEN SAY / 96 gains does seem to result in a feeling among the women that they do not need marriage for economic security: Yes, I would say we need marriage less economically and  also in the sense  of time because out of twenty-four hours a career takes a  lot of time and  our life is filled. I think often, people — maybe who don't have a particular path •- look to marriage as  something that will take care of them in  a  financial sense for the rest of their life, but also take care of what they're going to be doing with the rest of their lives. Whereas if you want to go off and  be an architect you know that a lot of your time will be spent on  architecture. You do things. You  have something in your life already to do.  People like to  never see a person who really likes to just sit around day  after day doing nothing.  But, while they may need marriage less in a financial or time sense, women  want a  permanent,  all the  committed relationship, and preferably within legal  marriage. And this includes those women who are cohabiting.  Spanier (1980) concludes that society is more willing to ignore marital status in its evaluation and treatment of unmarried cohabiting individuals, and those who are already in the mainstream of society are more willing to consider unmarried cohabitation  as  an  acceptable  (or  tolerable)  living  arrangement  (p.  287).  He  believes that among never married persons, unmarried cohabitation can be seen as a contemporary extension of the courtship process, perhaps contributing to the postponement of marriage. This applies to the two lawyers in this sample who are  cohabiting.  They  consider  their  status  to  be  very  different  from legal  EDUCATION AND MARRIAGE: WHAT WOMEN SAY / 97 marriage. Neither plan to forego marriage because they are now cohabiting. One wants to marry because she wants, "that feeling of permanence, it's important to me and I don't feel married now." For the other, the reason is more social: I'm  beginning  to  that.  to feel I think  restrictions dimension social  sort  of looking  ties  you don't  need  to have.  has validity.  for someone quite  to spend  lives proceed  It impinges we show  else.  the person  — and it has taken the rest as  of my life  planned,  with  to think  of  religious the  on m e not to be able to  committed  The reason  open  to a lot  A n d the  to the world  a completely  found  you down  to me. But I'm beginning  The face  of commitment  I want  just  we have  we haven't  afraid  their  actually  and he's certainly  dimension  of it is not significant  one because  because  If  and difficulties  him my husband.  accurate  for us to get married,  the legal  dimension  call  it's time  is not really  relationship.  why we're we want  We're not  not married  to marry.  Before,  years,  but now I can honestly  this  person.  cohabitation will  have  an  is not I was say  served to postpone  marriage in their lives, not to forego it.  Not  only  do all of the  women want  a  committed  relationship within legal  marriage, but twelve of the fifteen women want to have children (only one does not and two are ambivalent). Although some had originally wanted three or more children, with the biological clock ticking, most now speak in terms of one or two.  The answers  to the question: 'By what age would you like to start a  family?' range from "Two years ago!" to "Last year it was thirty-eight, now it's forty!" Most said,  "It changes all the time!" But the cut-off age seems to be  EDUCATION AND MARRIAGE: WHAT WOMEN SAY 7 98 forty. It is to this age that most of the women are postponing a decision on whether to have children without marriage -- whether biologically or by adoption. Seven reject outright the idea of having children without marriage because "it is selfish to intentionally bring a child into a single-parent family," or because of financial reasons. If I'm forty and or  if he  have not met someone I want to have a relationship with,  is not committed to co-parenting, I  would not, I  would adopt on  my own.  I  would definitely not biologically bring a child into the world  without a  father. But  financially,  I  kids! [age  37]  am  adoption  on  my  own,  if I  can  amenable to that. Who wants to go  get  myself set  up  through life without  It is important to note that the women emphasize their willingness to make the compromises required to sustain a relationship. But it is equally important to note that one must distinguish between the building phase of a career and the more established phase. These women make it clear that during the training and building stages a woman is definitely not likely to compromise her career plans for  a  relationship.  But  those  who  are  established  and  can  afford  to,  give  examples of cutting back work hours, relocating, planning on fewer children and "accomplishing less" as compromises they have or are making. This is especially true for those who have had experience cohabiting.  Thus it is not correct to conclude that these women lack an interest in marriage or children or that they are not willing to compromise to do so, but it must be emphasized that they have not been ready to do this until their early thirties.  EDUCATION AND MARRIAGE: WHAT WOMEN SAY / 99 Even  more,  it must  be emphasized that  it is not traditional marriage  these  women are interested in.  In  fact, one of the most striking attributes  of these women generally is that  they are nontraditional. They are nontraditional because  of their involvement in  careers which are less compatible with the conventional pattern of subordination of  women's  personal  career  development  to  the  demands  of families and  husbands' careers than are the more typical job roles for women.  24  That is, the  careers of these women are not compatible with "companionate" marriage which emphasizes the wife's emotional support rather than her labor in the household or marketplace  and does not question the breadwinner/homemaker distinction. In  this "companionate" marriage women channel their talents and energies into an auxiliary role relative to their husbands' careers, rather than pursuing their own mobility (Hunt and Hunt 1982). But for these participants, the ideal marriage is one where both husband and wife have continuous and self-fulfilling extra-domestic career roles as well as meaningful and involving family roles. In such a family the wife invests in her own career development, moving toward a principle of equity based on role "symmetry" between  spouses  (Young and Willmott 1973).  This principle assumes that as women pursue their own careers, men engage in more domestic work, resulting in a more balanced sharing of breadwinning and  "The term 'career' Hi used here to designate a form of work involvement that is continuous, developmental, demands a high level of commitment, and is intrinsically rewarding (Hunt and Hunt 1982: 499). The job-versus-career distinction is partly subjective and represents a continuum rather than discrete categories of work involvement. The arguments presented here with respect to careers apply to work roles that require more than a nine-to-five (or conventional full - time) investment of self for success or satisfaction. The premise underlying this research is that a woman's decision to undertake advanced studies in a professional or graduate degree program is an implied commitment to a career. 2  EDUCATION AND MARRIAGE: WHAT WOMEN SAY /  100  homemaking responsibilities in families.  Whether to take extended periods out for child rearing is really not an option for these women, for their careers are not compatible with traditional family life. This  is not surprising because  combined easily  in the  same  career and family involvement have never been person.  As Hochschild  observed,  2 5  "The career  system is shaped for and by the man with a family who is family-free." And certainly  those institutions whose primary goals  vested interest  are  power  and profit have  a  in rewarding most highly those whose personal orientations give  priority to political or corporate  success over family well-being. There seems to  be an inherent contradiction between the commitment to become No. 1, the best, the first and the commitment to a rich family life. These women have made a commitment to career. They see their work as enduring, personally important and primary. And, as for men, this means full-time, year-round employment without interruptions  for  extended  periods  of  child  rearing.  Even  the  self-employed  physicians and lawyers do not feel they can leave a practice for more than six months.  For  the  freelance journalist and architects there appears  freedom in exiting and reentering the profession, as  well as  to be more  some amount of  flexibility in scheduling.  Thus,  given the  rewarding  careers,  desire it  is  to  pursue  not  the  most  surprising that  competitive, the  women  demanding and often expect  — require —  changes in the sex-role division of labor in the family. While housework could be taken .over by paid help, all but one woman assumes that child rearing will be  2 5  Quoted in Hunt and Hunt 1982:  503.  EDUCATION AND MARRIAGE: WHAT WOMEN SAY /  101  an equally shared responsibilty in her marriage. Over and over it came out that if a man was not willing to share in this, "Then, I'd walk away." "I wouldn't marry him." And they have 'walked away' and 'not married him.' One woman tells of returning from a month in France,  where her sister  is seeing a man  there who "doesn't do a thing!" She describes, for example, how this man sits at the table, and how everything is brought to him and how everything is taken away.  She  concludes  that,  "He would  never  survive  in North  America. No  woman would look at him." The general feeling is: I don't ever want to get into that situation of writing down a list of this is your job  and  this is  mine. But  at  the  same time it  shouldn't  assumption  that it would be my duty to look after the kids and  was  me  doing  women saying Big  deal. I  this great favor by 'Oh,  he's  sharing  so good he  in  it.  You  be  an  that he  know, you have  helps with this, that and  the other.'  mean she's out working full-time too so what's so good about  it? I mean that's just part of it. Sure that's nice — but I'm waiting for the day when it's something not for comment.  Even when the women were growing up and thinking about the future, marriage was not a top priority although most remember having "always assumed that I would get  married." A lawyer,  who also  holds a  master's degree  in English  literature is the only exception: At  sixteen I  wanted a  traditional,  absolutely  traditional female role. Even  later, at twenty, I really wanted to look after a family, house. That's what I doing  it,  but  wanted and  intelligence gets in  I the  think I  a husband and  a  would have been very happy  way sometimes if you  are  good in  EDUCATION AND MARRIAGE: WHAT WOMEN SAY / school. And  I  was very good in school. You  102  know, you get scholarships  and you go to university and you start on the treadmill.  Otherwise,  the  majority  teenager and starting  to  of  the  responses  think about the  to  the  future,  question,  'When  you  were  a  what did you think you'd be  doing at the age you are now?' went like this:  University. I  wanted to go to university, but that's it. I didn't see beyond  that.  I always knew it would be something intellectual.  To  get  at  future  family plans,  I had to  probe  further:  "How about combining  that with marriage and a family?"  It was always work related. It was always my career goals. I never thought of marrying and a family or anything like that -- that I can recall. It was always what I was going to do.  From  the time I  was a little kid — you know when people say to little  girls,  what do you want to be when you grow up and some say 'I want to  be a  mommy,' or 'I want to get married and have babies,' I  never said  that. That was not my goal in life. Never did I think my whole object in life was to marry somebody and devote myself to someone. I I'm too selfish on that.  think maybe  EDUCATION AND MARRIAGE: WHAT WOMEN SAY / 103 If the women don't remember marriage being a concrete goal or an aspiration in the teen years, neither do they mention it or the idea of combining marriage and  career when they think back to their future plans at the age of twenty.  Again, I had to probe to get at their future image of themselves in relation to marriage -- and even then, marriage remained a distant, foreign concept: Even  at  nineteen when I  was  involved  in  a  serious relationship  I just  couldn't picture it. I could not feature it. It didn't make any sense.  I remember saying to him, kids? Kids! Are you serious! Get married. Forget it. A couple of our friends at that time had gotten married at twenty-one. I remember saying this age.  I  really, just  — H-O-L-Y,  mean I really  they're ruining  always thought I  strongly  their lives getting married at  would get  career oriented. But  married. But part  didn't think I would ever change. But at that age I  of  I  it was  was still he  really  was so keenly career  oriented. Nothing at that point was going to dissuade me at all.  That traditional marriage is not compatible with the women's concept of married life is evident in their response to: 'When you see other women about your age with  children,  who don't have  jobs  or  careers  --  does  that  bring  out  any  response in you?' Three women say they feel sorry for them. Another three say they don't know anyone in that category  and can't comment, although one of  them, a lawyer who has practiced family law, believes: A  lot depends on the husband. If he doesn't value it, it is a sad situation.  You're so vulnerable to being left with those children and  no money and no  EDUCATION AND MARRIAGE: WHAT WOMEN SAY / 104 access to money and totally dependent on his good will.  For  the remaining eight there is a sense of "I wouldn't see myself doing that,"  as well as "Awe and amazement that they can do it." As  much as I say I could be a full-time mother and I think I am sure I  could. I  don't think I'd  want that as a long-time thing. Really,  completely fulfilled individual.  But I  don't know if I  could juggle  to be a both at  the same time.  Yea, I think, are they different than me? I just think I'd go crazy after a year. I don't think I could be happy just staying home day after day after day after day. I'm Cooking  is  only fun  not particularly  good at housework. I  if you're cooking for an  event. As  don't like it. a  day  to day  activity, it's frightening. I do envy them the children, but I think I envy the concept rather than the reality.  I  feel sorry for  them. Like  my poor sister. She  hates me  because from  where she sits I have everything. Unless they are a special kind of woman that can channel what little energy they have left into something they really want to do — which is hard for them especially if their husband doesn't encourage them, they have a pretty tough time. I admire a good mother. I really do. And I think they're wonderful. I don't know how they do it.  I couldn't just sit at home. It would drive me crazy. When I look at my mom  who had  no choice I  think — /  mean depression is classically  a  EDUCATION AND MARRIAGE: WHAT WOMEN SAY / woman's disease and lot of it has  105  there may be some biological differences but I think a  to do just  with the situation women are put  in.  They are  trapped. I mean sure someone has to do it and it's all very satisfying, but being trapped with the kids all day long would drive you up the wall. even if  husbands  home and  understand,  they still go  clean up after the kids and  for what they do.  to work and  they get  you  And  still sit at  social contact and prestige  What prestige do you get for sitting at home. 'Oh, aren't  you a good mother.' It would be impossible for me.  4.2. A R E M E N UNWILLING TO M A R R Y HIGHLY E D U C A T E D  The  WOMEN?  highly educated women in this sample want to be married, although not  perhaps in traditional marriages. They would like to see marriage move toward a principle based on role 'symmetry' between spouses. This principle assumes that as  women  resulting  in  pursue a  their  more  own  careers,  balanced  men  sharing  engage  of  in  more  breadwinning  domestic  and  work,  homemaking  responsibilities in families. If women want fifty-fifty child rearing responsibilities, both careers may suffer, so the question of the husband's willingness to accept such a limitation on his own career is an important issue. The majority of the women in this sample think most men have not changed their expectations  of  what men and women do for each other in a marital arrangement. They're looking  at  problem, that can  the  women who  look after kids,  can  give  up  their  careers with  that have the time to extend  no  themselves  for them. They want you to have more of your mind available for them.  EDUCATION AND MARRIAGE: WHAT WOMEN SAY / 106 They want you to be there -  to fit into their plans.  But men don't really  want the clinging type either, so you have to be independent — you know, a Barbie doll that is bright.  But  as the second entry hints at, there is also a perception that men do not  want to marry a woman who is completely traditional. There is the realization that, "most men want a better standard of living than they can provide on one salary," while, at the same time expecting their wife to look after the child rearing responsibilities: children]  and then  "They  hop back  expect her to take out the few years [for the into  something  satisfying  again."  One woman  referred to this as "selective traditionalism." Some of the young male lawyers I know are very, very interested in having the other income. In fact, they're sort of adding it up:  'Well if I marry her  and she makes this, and I make that, then we're gonna have this much — and  it's gonna  be fantastic!' But at the same time they want the structure  of the relationship to be pretty traditional.  It would probably be me who wanted to take more time off to be home with the kids. He's afraid I want to be "a West Van woman." You know, take the kids to hockey, play tennis, come home, watch soap operas, throw some dinner  on with the help of the Nanny! He  sees being a traditional  wife as a way of being lazy.  In  1962  Strole et al.. concluded that females with high education were most  likely to remain single because "many males in their active courting roles tend  EDUCATION AND MARRIAGE: WHAT WOMEN SAY / 107 to choose a wife who enhances their culturally conditioned self-image of masculine dominance" (p. 180). This raises the issue of mate selection (see Chapter Three). Generally both men and women tend to marry mates within the same general class and cultural background. But within that same background, men tend to marry women slightly below them in education, occupation and age. Most of the women believe, "there are very few men who are willing to put up with the difficulties of having somebody who is an equal partner." I think men often get their intellectual socialization in discussion from other men — I  mean that's the history of men's clubs. And  their wife, they see  differently. They love her and the family, but they don't expect her to carry on intellectual discussions. Still,  in our society men will accept marrying a  woman who isn't nearly as well educated -- the 'don't worry your pretty little head about it' sort of attitude, whereas women, when they get married they want someone they can talk to. A  lot of male doctors don't want to  marry a doctor because they don't want the horrendous lifestyle in a wife — and for a male doctor there are lots of bright nurses and technicians and those sorts of people out there. I mean they may not be bright enough to pass a theoretical chemistry course like I did,  but they are certainly bright  enough to have a good life with.  "The  problem for highly educated women is that men just stay right clear of  them. You just don't get asked out and that's it." It seems that most men are still threatened by successful women. Nearly  everyone had an anecdote about  'being found out' as a successful woman: "You can see the expression on their face change automatically." One woman, whose appearance brings Princess Diana  EDUCATION AND MARRIAGE: WHAT WOMEN SAY / 108 to mind, tells of meeting men at Whistler Mountain: I've met quite a few men skiing, talking ' and inevitable  he'll  "What  come for do  you  a  like on  few  do?"  And  runs. as  the chair and you just start  And soon  I'm as  just I  waiting  say  for the  that I  am  a  physician, I have to -- without a doubt, I have to have a response ready or something ready to continue the conversation on because there's always a big pause. And  then they go,  "oh, so you're a family doctor." I get a sense  that if I said, oh yea I'm your general, nice family doctor delivering babies and  stuff -- it's hard  specialist some will say  to say,  but definitely as  "what in,"  but usually  soon as that's it.  I  say I'm  a  Usually there's  silence, and then they get off the chair and "see ya." I haven't met a man skiing  who can take it, 'cause most of them are at that level. I haven't  managed to run into a lawyer or somebody like that.  A stock broker who is also an accomplished golfer adds, /  mean I play golf to a three handicap and if I beat a guy on the golf  course — well, we might not even be considered appropriate .... they be  inferior for  Christ's  sake! My friends  say,  How can  why don't you just  three-putt every time you get to the green so you won't beat them. I've never done  that. I'm  not going  to blow my brains out. I  mean,  if you do  something better than they can because you've been at it for twenty-five years — if they can't deal with it, what kind of relationship am I gonna build! I am not going to put up with their ego problems.  Men  are definitely threatened by successful women, one hundred percent. It  EDUCATION AND MARRIAGE: WHAT WOMEN SAY / has  happened at least twenty times to me.  younger men.) out and and  (That's why I  There were all kinds of men  they wouldn't. And  I'd  109  went out with  that really wanted to ask me  hear like two or three years later about so  so who really, really liked me,  but wouldn't ask me out -- because I  was a professor — whatever big deal that was.  While men tend to prefer equal or lower status wives, women tend to prefer equal or more status in their husbands. In her study of forty-four professional women  entitled  The  Third  Sex:  The  New Professional  Women, anthropologist  Patricia McBroom (1986) approached the issue of the standards  highly educated  women set for potential mates: Their crossed expectations, the fact that they are still single and hoping to have a family, indicate how complicated the issues are. Why haven't these women found men they wanted to marry? Why are so many of them still single? From my interviews, I could find no simple answer. There were many reasons, one of them being that the more money and status a woman achieves, the more she expects from a prospective mate. No matter how good she is, he must still be better. Shades of the old double standard, female variety (p. 178). The women in this sample 'admit' to this. One lawyer offers an explanation for why trying to 'marry up' doesn't usually work for successful women: One  of the  real factors is that I  think most women are  still looking for  men who are more successful. You're simply not going to find men who are more successful than you who are going to let you continue to wail through your career. He's going to want support and he's going to want to put you in a subordinate role — and generally speaking, men some woman in a subordinate role.  like that already have  EDUCATION AND MARRIAGE: WHAT WOMEN SAY / 110 While only one woman admitted  that a potential  husband "must be  wealthy,"  intellectual compatibility was the primary consideration and thirteen of the Fifteen reported that most of the men they are or have been involved with are at least as educated or successful as they themselves are. The women maintain that they don't discriminate:  "I don't say I can't go out with an electrician  -- it's just  that we don't have the same values. There's nothing to talk about." It has  to be someone who is intellectual because that's important to me.  I  don't mean to sound -- intellectual sounds kind of snobby, but you know what I  mean,  to  be  able to  have a  abstract level. If I couldn't do that I'd  conversation with somebody on be very frustrated.  But one third of the women believe it is silly to women "are too picky." They believe "It's  an  think that highly educated  the other way around -- an electrician  would not go out with us!"  To my question, 'Do most men think successful women demand too much in a relationship?' eight of the women said yes, emphatically; only one said no; and the remaining six  said they  didn't know. In fact,  "don't know" responses of any of the questions:  "I  what goes through men's minds." "I think men are  this question got  the most  don't know. I don't know confused at the  moment."  "I'm not too sure what men are looking for in women these days." Nevertheless, those that were emphatic, gave emphatic A  lot of men  answers:  don't want a partner as I  see a partner and  I  think most  women who have attained certain standards in the working world and  who  are comfortable in the working world -- I mean the working world operates  EDUCATION AND MARRIAGE:  WHAT WOMEN SAY /  111  in such a way that, you know, you want something and your client wants something; or you want something and your subcontractor wants something and a compromise is reached. I mean there's a certain way that you work things through in the rational business world. And so women who work in that  world  I  relationships  think  and  a  would  have  lot of  men  those may  wouldn't have as much control. You  kinds  shy  of  expectations for  away from  their  that because they  know, they wouldn't be gods in the  eyes of their women..  One  woman offered an "admittedly  extreme example," but one that she  believes  reflects "a very, very, very common attitude."  There is this man, a friend of a good friend. He's successful, a lawyer now in the fdm business. He's thirty-seven, sophisticated, a good looking guy — a real Canadian He's  success story. He's gone to the Philipines to look for a wife.  interviewed a  number  of  women and  chances are  he's going  to go  through with this because he does not want a demanding Canadian woman. Men  aren't  used to dealing  — this is a  social revolution we are talking  about. This is a shocking thing that women are now trying to take some control. It's not a comfortable situation for men.  Because  the  financially of  a  to  dependent  man,  indicates, accept  women  not  "don't  have  on them"  primarily  his  to  less  desireable  at  they often earning  women who are dependent the  look  someone  with  concentrate on various  power.  But  as  on a man's income  attributes  the  in a  potential  the are  view  to  being  other qualities  following  passage  perhaps more likely  mate  or  to  enhance  a  EDUCATION AND MARRIAGE: WHAT WOMEN SAY / 112 man's 1962:  "culturally conditioned self-image of masculine dominance" (Strole  et al.  180) than are women who are not financially dependent: A  generation ago  professional  a  lot  women ask:  of  women  why  am  married I  getting  to  gain  married?  a  status whereas  I  can  have  an  interesting life, travel, have a nice home, I can have everything — except a relationship  with  someone  —  on  my  own.  So  therefore that  actual  interpersonal relationship becomes a very important thing. I mean in a way I  think we are  almost more romantic  women who are thinking  and  in more practical  less sensible than these, other terms, whereas for  us what we  want is this. very special relationship because we have all the other things. And  so therefore that's maybe why we are so demanding.  I was also interested in the women's perception of the sex ratio. Despite the mass  media image of a  'male shortage'  or  a  'marriage  squeeze,' the  rather  favorable ratio of educated men to women in their age category in Canada (see Chapter Three) has not escaped the women's attention. There is a feeling that, "they're  somehow,  somehow  I  think  they're  out  there."  Only  two  women  mentioned that the "pool of marriageable applicants, has shrunk by the time we want to marry." But what they all have an appreciation of is men's preference' to marry down with regard to occupation or status and women's preference to marry  up — which expands men's potential mate  pool (and excludes most of  these women) relative to that of the women. For example, a lawyer says male lawyers will go out with another lawyer, but not one that is more successful. Thus:  EDUCATION AND MARRIAGE: /  wouldn't say lack of available men. I  WHAT WOMEN SAY /  113  would say it's hard to meet the  men that are out there. There aren't very many men that I am likely to be able to relate to because there are  too many men who are threatened by  successful women.  If you are a certain kind of person, there's lots of single men. There was a woman staying  with me  this summer  (who drove me  actually) who looks a lot like Daryl Hannah, ya  out of my mind  the actress! Well, let me tell  there are a lot of single men in this city because she found a whole  bunch of them. Real fast. Some of them are still phoning here ....  The  majority of the women believe it is not simply a lack of men in absolute  numerical terms, but a lack of opportunity to meet those that are addition  to  women, the  the  perception  that  lifestyle inherent  to relationships as  well as  many  in being a  men  are  still  threatened  professional means  a greater chance of geographic  available. In by  successful  less time to  devote  mobility. A professor  observes:  You can find the men. They are there, but it takes energy. You have to dig  hard. Men complain about a  lack of good women too. You have to  work at it.  Are  you working at it now?  Are you kidding — with teaching and meeting the publisher's deadline.  EDUCATION AND MARRIAGE: WHAT WOMEN SAY / /  114  don't know if there is or whether it's the lack of a method of meeting  them.  My personal experience is that there is a lack of available men, make, maybe, as  much of  a  but I don't  concentrated effort to meet them. Because I  don't know where to meet these people. There are good people there.  As one lawyer observes, "No one ever teaches you how to go out there and think about getting married and accomplishing it. It just rolls along." Only one woman, who is now engaged at thirty-eight, said she developed a 'five-year plan' at  age thirty-five to get  married. She knew marriage  and a family was  an  important priority for her so she decided to approach it systematically, as she had other challenges and goals in her professional life. "I went to places where I might meet the kinds of men I like . . .  I changed my hair." The man she  is marrying is in the same profession and it is he who is relocating.  This is not to imply that these women do not have very strong social lives. Their female friends are extremely important to them, as are their platonic male friends. But when it comes to romantic interests, voluntarily added that "I  about one third of the women  don't really date enough to contribute much to this  conversation." "This gets embarrassing. Hardly any of us go out." One woman makes this observation: I  might be better at looking and finding  have male friends  because I  feel part  relationships with men if I didn't of  it  — as  well as  wanting  a  relationship — part of it is having the male perspective and point of view in  EDUCATION AND MARRIAGE: WHAT WOMEN SAY / your life. And  115  because you're often with platonic friends you don't feel there  are no men in your life or that it's void in terms of the male perspective -you sort of get  it in a surrogate sense without the intimacy. And  if you're  somewhat intellectual — if you're mind has some strength over your physical needs for  men  men,  we go to movies and  and  then you  can  sort of say,  'Yea,  I  see  we go out dancing and  men  and  I  talk to  we do these things  together -- and you're getting everything except the sexual intimate contact — so you can fool yourself.  Not  one of the women said they . could ask a. man out for whom they had a  romantic  interest. The general  consensus  being: "I  don't have  the  guts."  Only  one architect said she is able to ask men to whom she is attracted to lectures or conferences of mutual interest.  For  those women returning  physicians in residency  to  for a  university  for further  post-graduate degrees or  specialized area of medicine, lack of time  is a  critical factor in limiting their opportunity to meet men and sustain relationships. A resident in internal medicine states that she can't recall a weekend where she hasn't done any work. And for a recent qualifying exam, she recalls taking off exactly four Saturday  nights in four months. Otherwise, in addition to working  at the hospital during the week, she studied every Friday night, every night and all day Sunday. She reassured  me that, "everyone  Saturday  does it, to  pass."  One PhD candidate was obviously dismayed that I, as a graduate student - who should know better -  would ask:  What priority does your relationship with xxxx have in your life?  EDUCATION AND MARRIAGE: Well •- I  WHAT WOMEN SAY /  116  don't — there is nothing else that -- Because -- As you know,  going to school is so all consuming there isn't any time to rank anything else. You can't.  Even women well established  in their  professions  feel a  time  pressure,  so that  when there is free time, it's spent catching up with friends or family:  /  know more nonprofessional women, who are younger  -- secretaries and  things like that who do plan evenings out where they meet lots of people. But as you age,  as you get more into your career, you also — how you  socialize changes too. When I see my friends I just really want to see my friends  and  spend time with them. And  it's almost like I'd  dinner with them at home than go out. Your  rather have  time is short, your time is  precious. Who you see is precious. And it's almost like I'd rather spend the time with my friends that I know and that I can count on than put myself in the situation of doing things that I might like to do — and that I might enjoy like a gourmet cooking class or a cross country skiing club, but it's almost like I'd  rather stay with who I  know because you need a certain  amount of emotional sustenance and you can rely on the people you already know for that.  Another characteristic of the job  or  attend  graduate  women  school.  Europe or the United States at  is their willingness to relocate to  Eleven  have  moved  to/from  Eastern  accept a Canada,  various times in their careers. A thirty-two  year  old internist who has  trained in four Canadian cities from Halifax to  Vancouver  believes  made much attempt to "get  knew she  she has  not  close" because she  EDUCATION AND MARRIAGE:  WHAT WOMEN SAY /  117  might be leaving within a year:  The last thing I want to do is, get attached to somebody and then not have a job  here because there are  no positions here (well there are research  positions but I want to see patients). I think I've put it off. What would I do if I got attached to someone here? For here. You can't move when you own a Then I  would be sacrificing  instance xxxx owns a business  business and  what would I do?  my career and maybe with the old biological  clock ticking maybe I've put it off too long.  When  one  of the  lawyers  being interviewed for this  mentioned  to  her  female  study on 'highly educated,  their careers,' their reaction  colleagues  2  6  that she  was  single women committed  to  was:  Whoever concluded that because you're not married and over thirty that this was a choice of a career!  They think people assume they chose career over marriage?  Yea, but most of them think, I feel, that it just happened to you. You are so busy doing what you're doing. And I think a lot of us get sucked into the  money thing.  People get  tied up  in  their professions. Life  complicated to slow down and get married. I  don't know a  gets too  lot of people  who set out with the priorty of finding someone to marry any more. You get so involved in what you're doing that you don't really think about it.. You think they might happen along — but they don't.  2  6  Of the five women lawyers in this twenty person firm, one is married.  EDUCATION AND MARRIAGE: WHAT WOMEN SAY / 118 This feeling of there being lots of time is a common theme: You don't really think about it too much and then suddenly you're roaring into the end of your twenties and you think — wait a minute, I  think I  blew it.  We all think we're kids. I  know the clock is going  tick somewhere but  inside we all feel there's lots of time. I don't know when you start thinking there's not lots of time because there's gotta be a time when there's not — most of my friends who are at this age [age 31 ] they're not going  inside don't believe that  to be married. That's someone else. We all think we're  eighteen and life is great.  Wanting  children  and the biological clock seems to be the factor that starts  women thinking 'there's not lots of time.' Oh  absolutely. Oh yea.  terms of time. I  Otherwise you've got forever really don't you, in  mean it's not great but it doesn't really matter, but in  terms of children it really matters, [age  38]  To the question, 'Do you think that, overall, the attitude of professional women is:  if  marriage  unequivocally  said  happens,  that's  great,  if  yes: "Although it's still  not,  I've  got  a  good  life?'  a big deal you don't have  Six  to be  devastated." Five unequivocally said no: "Women with careers only are not all that happy." And the remaining four qualified their answers. The stock broker said it best:  EDUCATION AND MARRIAGE: WHAT WOMEN SAY / /  119  think you have to adopt that attitude otherwise you're going to be dead in  the water.  I will not quote at length from these responses because I think the mere asking of this question points to the thesis:  that highly educated,  primary argument  and basic  assumption of this  professional women and the institution of marriage  and  the family have long been -- and still remain in conflict with each other.  The  family's  interests to education  existence  assumes that  those of her  and  work  in  a  woman  family. And if a a  serious  postponing or foregoing marriage,  way,  will  subordinate  her individual  woman  chooses to  pursue  thereby  increasing  she is asked by anthropologists  her  higher  chances  of  and society  as  a whole to produce rationalizations of contentment with that choice. The point is this: that a man will spend one third of his adult life in gainful work is the premise on which the plans for his life are based. But for a woman, widespread social expectations create the necessity for a choice. She must decide whether to include work in her plans, and, if so, how much of her life she should devote to  it.  Graduate  or  professionl education  represents such  a  decision  point, but  women who decide to include work in a serious way can rarely look forward to fulfilling their career commitments  with as much certainty as most men because  men know that regardless of their marital or paternal status, they usually will be able to give as much time as necessary to their careers. For women, looming in  the  future  is  the  probability that  marriage  modification or abandonment of the work goals.  and  motherhood  will  demand  EDUCATION AND MARRIAGE: WHAT WOMEN SAY / 120 4.3. WOMAN'S  DILEMMA  The woman who is seriously interested in preparing for a professional career is disadvantaged from the start. She may have the option of not getting married or of not having children, but this is not really socially acceptable (although it may be becoming more so), even if it proves to be personally satisfying, which is not always the case. She does have the option of marriage and motherhood, which is acceptable, even expected, but in that event she is likely to have to accomodate her career to her family. To assume that such accommodations are always satisfying is to deprecate the seriousness of purpose with which many women enter career training (Yohalem 1979: 6).  Alice Yohalem (1979) has studied the lives of 226 women who graduated from Columbia University in 1963. These women represent every graduate faculty and professional school at Columbia University. In 1974 she estimated each woman's occupational achievement  using the following criteria: earnings, rank or job title,  job responsibilities, professional reputation,  equality of employing institution, and  productivity. She reports that a composite portrait of the typical high achiever included attainment science  of a first professional degree or of the PhD in a social  who had always  worked  full-time,  full-year;  was working  in public  employment in a male-dominated occupation; and who had either never married or,  if married,  had borne  occupational achievement  no more  than  one child.  Those  with the lowest  were typified by a master's degree in science  humanities who had spent less than three-fourths  or the  of her life in the labor force;  was working for a business firm in an occupation in which female employees are well or overrepresented; Yohalem  concludes  and who had a minimum of three children (p. 142).  that it is not the presence of children, per se, but the  absence from the labor force they cause that leads to the lower achievement of mothers.  Given this association  (for women) of occupational  success and family  EDUCATION AND MARRIAGE: WHAT WOMEN SAY / 121 status, it is surprising that only one woman made reference to this and it is the woman who cites desire for career as her reason for not marrying: In  India  there were several women specialists around  weren't married. And  I  went to England  and  and  I  saw most  saw the same thing.  The  women doctors that were married were GPs. They were not specialists. I saw that and sort of thought, if I am going to do anything I knew the chances were high  that I  might not get  married simply because of what I was  doing.  It  is also  difficulty marrying,  surprising  or  conflict  that not one of the of combining  career  women  in this  and marriage  as  sample  cited the  a reason for not  even though reference to 'woman's dilemma' surfaced over and over  again: I am not convinced if I had children if I could be a full-time career person and mother at the same time. I don't know, a lot of people do it and they all  have nannies and this kind of thing. I'm still amazed.  They /"full-time mothers./ have different — it's not even priorities — their life is on a different schedule. They've built a family and I've built a career. They could not have spent the same amount of time or intensity in a job because a great amount of their intensity goes toward their children. My intensity has gone elsewhere.  Lovell (1978) believes that because marriage is such a highly valued institution in our society, the never married must provide for a display of their cultural  EDUCATION AND MARRIAGE: WHAT WOMEN SAY / competence  by affirming a number of society's  122  other values and beliefs. So, for  example, a man who emphasizes the importance of establishing a career "will be seen by his peers as displaying not only an 'adequate' account but, as well, an admirable  account  for  having never  married"  (p.  52).  But  is  'establishing  a  career' a culturally competent or admirable account for a woman to offer given that another highly valued institution, the family, has depended for its existence and  character  on a  woman's  subordination of her  members of her family? As Slater (1970: 72)  individual  interest  to  the  observes:  "Career" is in itself a masculine concept (i.e., designed for males in our society). When we say "career" it connotes a demanding, rigorous, preordained life pattern, to whose goals everything else is ruthlessly subordinated -- everything pleasurable, human, emotional, bodily, frivolous. It is a stern Calvinistic word. When a man asks a woman if she wants a career, it is intimidating. He is saying, are you willing to suppress half of your being as I am, neglect your family as I do, exploit personal relationships as I do, renouce all personal spontaneity as I do? And of course, to cite the conflict of career and marriage for not marrying is to admit that marriage highly  educated  and family has  women  are  been subordinated to career. Unlike men,  confronted  with  the  need  to  reconcile  conflicting  personal and social expectations because of the choice they have made to pursue work in a serious way. And thirteen of the women feel stigmatized for it. This ranges from being invited to dinner parties only when one is seeing someone on a steady basis to messages of, "Doesn't any man want you?" or "What the hell is wrong with you?" At thirty-six I went through a really insecure period where I thought: well I think I'm  OK,  but maybe there is something wrong with me.  But  it's not  my fault. Society makes you feel it is, though. It really does. It's like you've  EDUCATION AND MARRIAGE: WHAT WOMEN SAY /  123  got some incredible social disease if you are still on the shelf.  The  three most frequently cited accounts for having not married in this sample  are:  never met the right man; haven't  felt ready  until now ("not emotionally  ready," "now I know more what I want in a man"); and loved man I could not marry  ("he  died,"  competence because own  "he  married  someone  else").  All are  displays of cultural  they "support the cultural value that while marriage  right is certainly  important  it  is even more  important  to have  in its a good  marriage. While one might have married any number of men . . .  it was seen,  in  (Lovell:  the  interest  of the values of the culture,  as  'better' not to"  53).  Thus, these accounts are within the boundaries of our culturally sanctioned beliefs and  values. While both men and women are asked to account for not marrying,  citing pursuit of a career does not yet seem to be one 'sanctioned' for women. About one third of the women prefaced statements about their career goals, what Degler would refer  to as  'their individualistic interests,'  with: "maybe  I'm too  selfish."  When asked if women have  had to give up anything important  in order  to  pursue a career, the response was always related to family. The  Super Women I  know have had  to make some sacrifices because  they  can't do it. But these women figured it out for us, so we know that there isn't such a thing. The finally pay  admit it: you  Super  Women had  have to give up  to come to grips  with it and  something, a clean house, money to  someone to clean it, time with the kids. I think men  have to give up  family life too but maybe they never really thought of it as something really  EDUCATION AND MARRIAGE: WHAT WOMEN SAY /  124  important to start with.  When asked about marriage  and career and whether they could have combined  the two successfully, most think they could not have done it. /  doubt it. I  shouldn't say that unequivocally,  but I  have friends who are  married and were married through law school. In a lot of cases I think the way they managed it was because of  the type of positions their husbands  had, for instance those that worked shifts or had odd schedules. I think it's harder and  takes more time and your freedom is not there. If I had been  married I would not have gone to graduate school in California or practiced in Hawaii.  I could have gone to the master's program at UBC,  but frankly  it was more appealing to go somewhere else to do graduate work.  Well, other women have done it — /  could have been married, but not with  children.  What this woman doesn't mention at this point in the interview is that she left a man in California with whom she had been cohabiting (he was unable to work in Canada) to come here for a professorship. What if she had been married and relocation was not an option for her husband?  Children are  obviously at  the  heart of the  problem of reconciling family and  career. The women's impressions of working women with young children range from "I envy her, she's managed to do both," to "pretty  skeptical -  the kids  are getting the short end of the stick," or "I wonder how tired she is!" As for  EDUCATION AND MARRIAGE: WHAT WOMEN SAY / seeing  themselves  combine  child  rearing  and  manage it. For those involved in freelance  career,  most  assume  125  they  will  work the combination is perceived to  be easier primarily because of the ease in reentry  and flexibility in scheduling.  / write humor. I can write humor about kids. It's all grist for the mill, it's all research, right!  The women have been reluctant  to renounce  careers in favor of motherhood, and  they are equally unwilling to do the reverse.  / don't see realistically having children before age 33, 34,  35 /"age 31 now7  because we have just bought this house and there is no way I could take that kind of time off, financially. Personally, I see myself wanting to take at least a year off after the first child, yet in the back of my mind I know that's not gonna happen. It seems like three or four months is all you can manage. You just can't leave in terms of the money lost; the loss of a year counting  towards partnership;  and  the  loss  of  a  year's experience  everything is so important at this beginning stage.  Again,  the  distinction  between  the  early  phase  of  career  versus  the  more  established phase surfaced.  I think if you're really serious about a career, you need to get that set up first -  to. a certain level. I could have gotten married at the end of med  school and had kids in residency — that's manageable, but you have to first get to a certain level. I did my undergraduate degree with a girlfriend who now has three kids. She  says, 'I'll never do med school, how can I, it's  impossible.' She's right. There were two women in my class who had kids  EDUCATION AND MARRIAGE: WHAT WOMEN SAY / going through med  school. One  almost didn't make it and  126  the other was  always at the bottom of the class. It's horrible, they barely made it.  But, therein lies part of the dilemma. When the women are established in their careers somewhere in their thirties -- and can now begin to manage both career and family all the problems of not having/taking the opportunity to meet men set in: "I didn't realize how easy it had been to meet people at university, after I got out meeting men fell off by about eighty percent." the  marriage  market  becomes  progressively  more  With increasing age,  favorable  for  men  and less  favorable for women, not only because of the 'double standard of aging' but also because of differential mortality. The combination of mating preferences  and the  sex ratio also become important factors.  men in  While there are  130  their thirties, with professional or graduate degrees for every  single  27  100  single women  in that category, because men tend to 'marry down' there are 490  single women  with some post-secondary education, bachelor's, professional or graduate degrees to those 100 single men (see Table 12, Chapter 3). Thus, it is very likely that one reason one third of the women have not met the right man yet is, as Stein phrases it, The female elite have become demographic losers; they've priced themselves out of the market. The problem that used to concern only heiresses - where to find a suitable mate among the sparsely stocked and heavily fished pool of men at the top -- now afflicts an entire class (1981: 22).  If many highly educated women must postpone marriage in order to pursue a career -- only to become 'demographic losers,' should they shift downward their  Never married, divorced, widowed  EDUCATION AND MARRIAGE: WHAT WOMEN SAY / 127 preference for men with equal education? A study which surveyed couples filing suit for divorce in an American midwestern city found that in 45 percent of the couples where the wife had a higher educational level, husbands had resorted to violence within the family compared to 9 percent of husbands in couples where the wife had equal or less education (Blood and Blood 1978: and Macke (1981) have  looked at  women who received graduate university between  1964  the  marital  adjustment  144).  Houseknecht  of 663  professional  and professional degrees from a large American  and 1974.  They found that the most important factor  determining the women's marital adjustment  was having a supportive husband,  specifically, "one who is willing to quit his job and move to advance the wife's career; one who does not insist that the wife quit her job and move to advance his  career;  and  one  who  shares  similar values  and beliefs,  especially  women's employment, as represented by educational homogamy" (p. 651).  about Women  in educationally homogamous marriages  reported greater consensus (shared beliefs,  value orientations) between themselves  and their husbands than did women who  were not in homogamous marriages,  "which is not surprising since education  has  been  found  to  be  one  of  2 8  the  most  important  variables  attitudes, generally, and sex-role attitudes, specifically" (p. 656). women in educationally homogamous marriages  because  educational  predicting  Interestingly, the  did not differ significantly from  those in educationally nonhomogamous marriages affection expression. But  for  on the scales for cohesion and  homogamy  is  related  consensus (specifically, husbands and wives' beliefs about whether  to  greater  wives should  make use of their training and pursue their careers) and therefore  presumably  The authors of this report state that women in nonhomogamous marriages could have only married down since these women had as much education as could be obtained in this society (p. 655). 2  8  EDUCATION AND MARRIAGE: WHAT WOMEN SAY /  128  related to a husband's support and accomodation to his wife's career, educational homogamy appears to be an important factor in the marital adjustment of highly educated, professional women.  If the female elite become 'demographic losers' because and  if they  postpone  marriage  at  least  partly  they postpone marriage,  because  of  the  difficulty in  combining both career and family life -- what is the solution for the conflict between the individualistic interests of women and those of the family? Quality child care is not a pressing need for these women because  they  can afford  nannies or other reliable child care. The majority of the women see  part-time  work as the solution because they do want to spend as much time as possible with their children, especially during the first years.  Bianchi and Spain (1986:  132) report that: Women with college degrees devote more than twice as many hours to childcare as women with fewer than 12 years of schooling, 83 percent more time than high school graduates, and 59 percent more time than women with one to three years of college. Highly educated mothers of preschoolers spend more time playing with their children, reading to them and taking them on educational outings than do less-well educated mothers. After more than a century of higher education for women, it appears that it is achieving its original goal of making women more effective mothers. But  as the professional world is now structured, part-time employment is simply  not  an  option -- for women or  men. Once again,  those  women involved in  have a friend who is a landscape architect who is  married with a two  freelance work find it easier: /  and  a  situation,  half  year  old.  theoretically,  She  works out  because she  is  of  her  home. It's  a  able to combine being a  very good wife and  EDUCATION AND MARRIAGE: WHAT WOMEN SAY / 129 mother -- doing all the important things she wants to do with her daughter and  still work. I say theoretically, because she still has to juggle back and  forth, and  she  that when her  takes clients who understand that she little girl gets sick the  has  a  little girl, so  clients know they won't get their  drawings until a few days later.  This woman has made a very important point. Some social scientists, seeing the dilemma  of  combining  career  and  family  for  women,  have  called  for  a  restructuring of the work environment to create the kind of part-time work or job-sharing that would permit women to structure their work and careers around family responsibilities. They  speak only of the woman's role, that women are  uniquely responsible for child rearing. But if traditional work patterns  must be  abandoned to accomodate women's family responsibilities, then the work of most women will  in fact  be different from men's.  Two different career  structures  would leave women, once again, as inferiors and their work as second best ~ and as with the landscape architect above, filling two roles with difficulty. Thus McBroom (1986) insists that something more profound is needed than a change in work patterns  for women. She advocates  that men be integrated  into the  domestic sphere, with the same rights and duties as women in the family. She believes that if men are brought close to their children as nurturant parents, the entire  system  of professions  and corporations  (which arose  in the  nineteenth  century from a masculine culture separated from the family) will be changed and will effect a change in the masculine ethos (p. 248).  Specifically, men with the  same  sphere  would  offer  mothers,  rights  corporations  and offer  duties fathers  as the  women in the same  family  privileges  they  mean with  that the  exception of disability leave for childbirth. It would also mean that women give  EDUCATION AND MARRIAGE: WHAT WOMEN SAY / up  their  primary  right  over  children, sharing  rearing them but the legal preference  not  only  the  130  responsibility for  at gaining custody in a divorce suit. And  it means that the priorities of the workplace would change significantly, to allow both men and women the time and energy to rear families.  In contemporary North American society, women claim custody of children on the basis of their dominant role in nurturing. The crux of the issue is the child's welfare, not the mother's right. McBroom believes men will integrate the gender spheres just as women have been struggling to do because: It makes sense that in a time when women must relinquish their domination of this [domestic] sphere to pursue careers, men would increase their participation, not because they are altrusitically motivated to make things easier for women but because it is the only way to reach equality with women in the divorce courts, where women have the right and means of taking the children. American men have no choice but to become better parents or let their children go (p. 250).  This is certainly a revolutionary idea -- and not just with respect to men. The outcry from women at the growing number of fathers being granted custody of children nineteenth  is  a  reminder  century  to  that those  many of  women,  today,  believe  from that  the  anti-feminists  women  are  in  in need  the of  protection under the law, not equality.  Another dilemma for professional women is that the reality of women's lives in the  professional world is that they don't gain the  they learn to act like men (McBroom 1986:  66).  authority  they  seek  unless  This includes full-time, full-year  participation in one's profession to adoption of its behavior, style, dress, mentality  EDUCATION AND MARRIAGE: WHAT WOMEN SAY / 131 and value systems. McBroom puts it this way: They learn that many human dimensions of the personality must be kept out of sight during working hours. Learning to act like men, or at least, not to stand out as different from men, is an important first step in developing a successful professional identity. A woman may struggle against these models or refuse to learn them, but at her peril. The unreconstructed woman does not do well in a professional setting (p. 66).  This dilemma surfaced during the interviews for this study: To get to the top you have to be very competitive and that's  acceptable if  it's  a  man.  But  you  listen  successful women. They are afraid of her. Men ask, say she  can't. She  has had  very aggressive. And  to  men  talking  about  'Why can't she relax?' I  to be three times better than you guys to get  where she's going. She can't switch off all of a sudden.  This then sets up an absolute paradox: how can women change the professional culture to include the instrumentalities  to facilitate combined attention  to career  and family when, in gaining their own power in the professional world, women validate a male attitude that the way men have been doing it all along is the correct way? McBroom is correct to point out, "The fault lies in the roles, not in the gender"  (p. 235).  The women in the sample acknowledge this important  aspect of how men are perceiving the changes in traditional roles:  Although  I  resent it,  I  understand. I  have sympathy for  changed midstream because they feel they've lost out.  men  who got  They used to be able  to have a woman raise their children and do everything and  now they have  EDUCATION AND MARRIAGE: WHAT WOMEN SAY / 132 to do all this -  and they don't feel they've gained anything.  They feel  women have gained something and they are sympathetic to women, yet they don't want it to change. Men say, well what do women want — it's true, women don't know what they want either. There are the Feminists and those that want to stay home and those that are caught inbetween. I don't feel bitter. But there is a sadness that I haven't been able to find somebody, or that it hasn't worked out.  To  summarize this chapter  study. Because significance  groups.  It  it is concluded that  marriage because traditional  the major limitation  of this  the sample is small and nonrandom, it is impossible to infer  for larger  consideration  is to first underline  is exploratory highly  they do in fact  marriage  where  in nature,  and with  this  educated women postpone and forego  lack an interest  to channel their  talents and  energies into an auxiliary role relative to their husbands' careers,  rather than  pursuing their own career  women are expected  in marriage, but only in  mobility.  Traditional marriage  is still at odds with  those women who choose to pursue work in a serious way, primarily because women are still the primary child rearers  and this impedes full-time, full-year  uninterrupted  force.  participation  in the  labor  The demographic  reality  of  postponing marriage in order to realize individualistic interests also means that the marriage market becomes progressively less favorable for women, not only because of the 'double standard of aging' but also because of a less favorable sex ratio. And if the women's perception that most men have not changed their expectations  of what  arrangement is accurate,  men and women  do for each  other  in a  marital  the majority of eligible males will prefer a wife that  EDUCATION AND MARRIAGE: WHAT WOMEN SAY / will  subordinate  her  own career development  women who prefer a marital arrangement while husbands  engage in more  domestic  to  the  demands  133  of family. The  where wives pursue their own careers roles  resulting in a  more  balanced  sharing of breadwinning and homemaking responsibilities are assuming a situation in which both careers may suffer. For most men, such a situation would not enhance "their culturally conditioned self-image of masculine dominance" (Strole et al. 1962:  180).  A physician concludes: >  There aren't many men  who can handle a smart, successful woman and not  feel threatened, although there are getting to be more and more and more of them -- and  in twenty years I'm  sure there'll be tons of them. So, I think  it's just an unfortunate time that we're in and  we're caught in a bad time  because the women have made a lot more sociological progress than men. It is  so  unfortunate that there are  so few  men  who have moved as fast in  their changing perceptions of roles as women have.  The  above  included  passage and Davis's "Why They Failed to in  this  domestic/professional  chapter sphere  is  not  to  prove  impossible, but to  that  Marry?" of  1928  are  reconciliation  of  the  point out  that  the  problems  highly educated women cope with, at great personal cost, are deep and recurring and they are not over.  CHAPTER  This  concluding chapter  between  marriage  and  5. CONCLUSIONS  summarizes higher  the  major  education  findings about  in Canada.  census Public Use Sample Tapes of 1971,  1976  Data  and 1981  the  relationship  from the  Canadian  show that there is a  strong, negative relationship between education and eventual marriage for women. In 1981  20  percent of women, age  30  and over with a bachelor's degree and  26 percent with a graduate or professional degree postponed or rejected marriage compared to 6 percent of women with a high school education. For men there was little difference in the percent who never married by educational level. The percentages never married ranged from 9 percent for those with high, school to 10 percent for those with a bachelor's or graduate degree.  When  controlled  for  age,  continues to hold. In 1981  this  relationship  between  education  and  marriage  9 percent of men age 50 and over with a university  degree (bachelor's and above) never married compared to 28 percent of women in that  category.  although it  And when  appears  bachelor's degree, 1976  35,  for  to be weakening.  census  For  year  women age  the 50  relationship and over  the percent never married declined from 29 in 1971  to 20 in 1981.  are 40,  controlled  The respective  holds, with a  to 23 in  figures for women with a graduate degree  and 27 percent. Nevertheless, these lower 1981  figures (20  percent  for women with a bachelor's degree and 27 percent for women with a graduate degree) must still be compared to the with  a  high  school  education  and  5 percent  the  educational level.  134  5-8  nonmarriage  percent  rate  rate for women  for  men  at  any  CONCLUSIONS / 135 Katharine Canadian  Marshall women's  (1987)  included  family status,  occupational  and her data  status  in her  analysis  show that a woman with a  university degree increases her chance of' delaying and foregoing marriage further  if she combines  that education  of  with employment  even  in a male-dominated  profession. In 1981, 27 percent of women over age 45 with a university degree employed in a male-dominated profession never married compared to 19 percent of women with a university degree employed in a non-professional occupation. And, again, this relationship holds when controlled for age.  Although the negative relationship between education and marriage for women in Canada appears explanation  to be weakening, the relationship remains  for this  relationship  is the difference  process between men and women. The census  strong. One possible  between  the mate  selection  data show that in Canada men  tend to marry women with equal or less education while women tend to marry men  with equal or more  husbands  and wives  were  education.  In 1981, among every  in the same  educational  level,  higher and 13 wives were higher. Such mating preferences of eligible men for highly educated,  28  100 couples, husbands  59  were  affect the sex ratio  professional women who postpone  marriage.  Because women with graduate and professional degrees have as much education as  can be obtained in this  society  they  cannot  marry  up educationally, and  because highly educated women tend not to marry down the ratio of men with equal education is 130 to every degree. females  100 women with a graduate or professional  By contrast, because men do tend to marry down the ratio of eligible is 490  Guttentag  for every  100 men with  a graduate or professional  degree.  and Secord (1983) believe that when men are in short supply they  CONCLUSIONS /  136  have more bargaining power in a potential relationship because there are more women  among whom they  relatively  less  leverage  can  choose.  because  Conversely, they  they  have  fewer  believe women have options.  Under  such  circumstances women have a 'less favorable balance of exchange.'  But  this unfavorable sex ratio for highly educated women who have postponed  marriage (which results from the mating preferences mentioned above as well as differential mortality) does not usually precede the age at which marital decisions are made. While the census data has revealed that an unfavorable sex ratio is a major factor inhibiting the marital prospects of highly educated women in their thirties,  the question remains: why do many highly educated  women postpone  marrying until this age, thereby increasing their chances of foregoing marriage?  To answer this question, ethnographic data is necessary.  My in-depth interviews  with fifteen highly educated, professional women were exploratory. I began them with the three popularly held reasons less. These are:  (1)  as women enter  less attracted to marriage; become  less  attractive  (2)  as  for why highly educated  women marry  positions once held by men they become  as they enter positions once held by men they  marriage  partners;  and  (3)  the  conflict  between  marriage and career mobility for women forces women to postpone marriage until they are established in their careers.  The women in this sample do express a lack of interest in traditional marriage where  women  are  expected  to  channel  their  talents  and  energies  into  an  auxiliary role relative to their husbands' careers, rather than pursuing their own  CONCLUSIONS / 137 career  mobility. Traditional marriage  is  still  at odds with those  women who  choose to pursue work in a serious way, primarily because women are still the major child rearers and this impedes full-time, full-year uninterupted participation in  the  labor  force.  These  women  want  a  marital  arrangement  where  wives  pursue their own careers while husbands engage in more domestic roles resulting in a more balanced sharing of breadwinning and homemaking responsibilities.  To  consider  attractive  whether  as  marriage  highly educated, partners  professional  would require  women  talking to  are  considered  men,  but  less  if these  women's perception that most men have not changed their expectations of what men  and women do for each other  in a marital arrangement  is accurate, the  majority of eligible males will prefer a wife that will subordinate her own career development to the demands of family.  And, while none of the women cite 'conflict of combining career and family' as a reason for not being married, this issue surfaced over and over again in the interviews. The majority believe they could not have successfully combined family life and career at the early stages of their career. The women feel that most men  are  not  willing to risk their  own career success by assuming half the  responsibility for child rearing or by quitting a job and moving to advance  a  wife's career.  Some analysts  view the statistics which show a weakening of the relationship  between education and marriage generation of women:  for women as  representative  of a  transitional  CONCLUSIONS /  138  If higher education becomes even more of a norm for women than it is for the most recent cohorts included here, it should have less of an effect on eventual marriage, and the trend of decreasing differences in percent ever marrying by education level should continue (Moorman 1987: 6). In such analyses pioneers,  the  (see  women  also Carter, and Glick who  professional roles,  with the  changed now. Yet  history  when it  became evident  made  the  1976:  difficult  404)  transition  implication that this  was  tells us a different story. that  highly educated  there are from  in the  always  the  traditional  past,  to  that it is  Chapter Two shows that  women  in the  late  nineteenth  century chose career to a greater extent than expected and when married, had a fertility rate lower than expected,  university men at  the  turn of the  seemed intent not only on providing 'scientific' evidence of sex also on supporting separate courses of study -- with the many  women themselves.  work insured  a  clinging  This to  century  differences, but  latter  supported by  professionalization of domestic science and social traditional  values  of  domesticity  in  the  higher  education of women even into mid-twentieth century, and hindered the ease with which  college-educated  women  could  choose  life  styles  not  sanctioned  by  domesticity. The point of summarizing the history of college and domesticity in America is not to prove that integration of the spheres is impossible for women, but to point out that the problems highly educated women cope with are deep and recurring  and  they  are  not  over.  As McBroom (1986) points out,  "The  historic division in the spheres that puts parenting in the hands of women and productivity in the hands of men means that every woman who wants both roles has to cope with cultural problems, making the merger difficult. And, while the barriers are falling, many problems remain" (p.  237).  CONCLUSIONS /  139  Degler believes that the realization of women's individuality and family life will be  difficult to  opposition  to  movement  those  has  companionate hierarchy  combine that  stood  family  and  because  the  underlie  central  women's  for  democracy,  the  nineteenth  of  scorned  equality  and  values  of  the  emancipation. individualism  and  twentieth  meritocracy.  family  Where and  has  in  women's  meritocracy  centuries  Thus  the  stand  the  extolled  philosophically  and  practically the family and women's individuality are difficult to reconcile. Although most women still consider  a family relationship to be important,  many women  today find the realization of themselves as persons impossible to achieve within a family situation. At present, women seem to have two choices: (1) a continuation of traditional marriage,  with perhaps  an opportunity for  the  woman to work  outside the home, though for supportive rather than individualistic ends, or (2) to postpone  (and thereby  increase  chances of foregoing)  family life in pursuit of  individual fulfillment. The ideal goal, it would seem, would be one in which the values of family and the realization of women's individuality could be reconciled. In  1919,  the Smith College Weekly raised an issue that still confronts women  sixty years later: We cannot believe that it is woman must choose between may have both. There must of our generation to find the  2 9  Quoted in Filene 1986:  141.  fixed in the nature of things that a a home and her work, when a man be a way out and it is the problem way. 2  9  BIBLIOGRAPHY Adams, G. 1977. "Physical attractiveness research: Toward a developmental  social  psychology of beauty," Human Development 20: 217-239. 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