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The quest for national unity : Ottawa's constitutional strategy in the Trudeau era Mikloska, John A. 1989

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THE QUEST FOR NATIONAL UNITY: OTTAWA'S CONSTITUTIONAL STRATEGY IN THE TRUDEAU ERA By JOHN A. MIKLOSKA B . A . , W i l - f r i d L a u r i e r U n i v e r s i t y , 1985 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS i n THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES Department o-f P o l i t i c a l S c i e n c e We accept t h i s t h e s i s as conforming t o the r e q u i r e d standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA September 1989 (o) John A. Mikloska, 1989 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Department of Qo L\Ti <:.AL 5Wg/V<£g The University of British Columbia Vancouver, Canada Date DE-6 (2788) ABSTRACT T h e r i s e o-f Q u e b e c o i s n a t i o n a l i s m i n t h e 1960s a n d r e g i o n a l -i s m i n t h e 1970s p r e s e n t e d a c o n s i d e r a b l e t h r e a t t o t h e C a n a d i a n s t a t e . A v a r i e t y o-f p o l i t i c a l , i n s t i t u t i o n a l , e c o n o m i c and s o c i o - c u l t u r a l - f a c t o r s h a v e c o n t r i b u t e d t o t h e s e p h e n o m e n a . One o-f t h e p r i m a r y p r e o c c u p a t i o n s o f t h e f e d e r a l g o v e r n m e n t i n r e c e n t d e c a d e s h a s b e e n t h e r e s o l u t i o n o f t h e n a t i o n a l u n i t y p r o b l e m . D u r i n g t h e t e n u r e o f P i e r r e T r u d e a u a s p r i m e m i n i s t e r , O t t a w a d e v e l o p e d an i n t r i g u i n g and m u l t i - f a c e t e d c o n s t i t u t i o n a l s t r a t e g y t o d e a l w i t h t h e c h a l l e n g e s f a c i n g C a n a d i a n f e d e r a l i s m . T h i s t h e s i s h a s d i v i d e d t h a t s t r a t e g y i n t o t h r e e m a j o r p a r t s : t h e r e f o r m o f f e d e r a l i n s t i t u t i o n s i n an i n t r a s t a t e d i r e c t i o n ; t h e p o l i c i e s o f b i 1 i n g u a l i s m and m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m ; a n d t h e e n t r e n c h -ment o f a c o n s t i t u t i o n a l B i l l o f R i g h t s . T h e s e i n i t i a t i v e s may b e b r e i f l y d e s c r i b e d a s a r e s t r u c t u r i n g o f i n s t i t u t i o n s a n d s t a t e — s o c i e t y r e l a t i o n s d e s i g n e d t o s t r e n g t h e n t h e n a t i o n a l g o v e r n m e n t a n d c o m m u n i t y a t t h e e x p e n s e o f t h e i r p r o v i n c i a l c o u n t e r p a r t s . T h e f e d e r a l p l a n was an a t t e m p t t o b u i l d a p a n -C a n a d i a n i d e n t i t y w h i c h t r a n s c e n d e d r e g i o n a l i d e n t i t i e s , t o l i m i t t h e l e g i s l a t i v e c a p a c i t i e s o f p r o v i n c i a l g o v e r n m e n t s , and t o i n c r e a s e t h e s a l i e n c e o f n o n - t e r r i t o r i a l c l e a v a g e s . T h e n a t i o n a l u n i t y s t r a t e g y o f t h e T r u d e a u g o v e r n m e n t c a n b e v i e w e d a s p a r t o f a h i s t o r i c a l p a t t e r n o f f e d e r a l i n i t i a t i v e s d e s i g n e d t o p r e v e n t t h e p r o v i n c i a l i z a t i o n o f t h e c o u n t r y . How-e v e r , by e m p h a s i z i n g C a n a d a ' s l i n g u i s t i c d u a l i t y a n d c u l t u r a l d i v e r s i t y a n d b y s h i f t i n g t h e f o c u s o n t o i n d i v i d u a l r i g h t s a n d t h e s y m b o l i c a s p e c t s o f s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n , T r u d e a u ' s f o r m u l a d i v e r g e d somewhat f r o m p r e v i o u s n a t i o n - b u i l d i n g v e n t u r e s . i i i TABLE OF CONTENTS Ab s t r a c t i i Acknowledgements i v I n t r o d u c t i o n 1 Endnotes 7 Chapter 1: The Roots of D i s u n i t y 8 Endnotes 28 Chapter 2: The R e s t r u c t u r i n g o-f Fe d e r a l I n s t i t u t i o n s 30 Endnotes 48 Chapter 3: B i 1 i n g u a l i s m and M u l t i c u l t u r a l ism 49 Endnotes 68 Charter 4: A C o n s t i t u t i o n a l B i l l of R i g h t s 70 Endnotes 87 C o n c l u s i o n 89 Endnotes 100 B i b l i o g r a p h y 101 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS In c o m p l e t i n g t h i s work, I owe a g r e a t d e a l o-f t h a n k s t o a number o-f p e o p l e . F i r s t o-f a l l , I would l i k e t o th a n k A l a n C a i r n s -from whose knowledge I h a v e b e n e - f i t t e d a g r e a t d e a l . H i s g u i d a n c e and en c o u r a g e m e n t o v e r t h e p a s t -four months have, been i n v a l u a b 1 e . My a p p r e c i a t i o n a l s o e x t e n d s t o c o m m i t t e e members P h i l R e s n i c k and Sam L a S e l v a -for t h e i r c o n t r i b u t i o n s . A d d i t i o n a l t h a n k s go t o G a b r i e l l a and Tony -for t h e i r h e l p - f u l comments on e a r l i e r d r a f t s . F i n a l l y , I must e x p r e s s my g r a t i t u d e t o my -family f o r t h e moral s u p p o r t t h e y have g i v e n me d u r i n g my y e a r s a t UBC. To them I d e d i c a t e t h i s t h e s i s . 1 INTRODUCTION In r e c e n t decades, the Canadian -federation has been s u b j e c t t o an a r r a y o-f c e n t r i f u g a l p r e s s u r e s , some of which have p r e s e n t -ed a s e r i o u s c h a l l e n g e t o i t s continued e x i s t e n c e . The r i s e of the new s t a t e - c e n t r e d Quebecois n a t i o n a l i s m t h a t emerged i n the 1960s brought demands f o r g r e a t e r p r o v i n c i a l autonomy, " s p e c i a l s t a t u s , " and even o u t r i g h t p o l i t i c a l independence. In the f o l l o w i n g decade, the development of the broader phenomenon of " p r o v i n c i a l i s m " or " r e g i o n a l i s m " w i t h i n E n g l i s h Canada produced s i m i l a r demands f o r a d e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n of powers and f o r an i n -creased p r o v i n c i a l r o l e i n n a t i o n a l policy—making. The i n c r e a s e d power and a s s e r t i v e n e s s of p r o v i n c i a l regimes s e t the stage f o r a s e r i e s of dramatic c o n f r o n a t i o n s with Ottawa. While many clea v a g e s have emerged i n Canadian s o c i e t y d u r i n g the postwar e r a , those of the l i n g u i s t i c and r e g i o n a l c h a r a c t e r have been the most s a l i e n t and have been the o n l y ones with t h e p o t e n t i a l t o t h r e a t e n the t e r r i t o r i a l i n t e g r i t y of the Canadian s t a t e . Not o n l y d i d the emergence of r e g i o n a l i s m and dualism i n t e n s i f y the intergovernmental s t r u g g l e f o r power, i t gave r i s e t o a l t e r n a t i v e c o n c e p t i o n s of community which put t h e very l e g i t i m a c y of the f e d e r a l government and the Canadian c o n s t i t u -t i o n i n q u e s t i o n . The phenomena of Quebec n a t i o n a l i s m and p r o v i n c i a l i s m brought with them a r e d e f i n i t i o n of Canada which emphasized p r o v i n c i a l governments, communities and i d e n t i t i e s at the expense of t h e i r n a t i o n a l c o u n t e r p a r t s . Canada was p e r c e i v e d 2 as an e n t i t y i n which p r o v i n c e s were the b a s i c u n i t and the n a t i o n a l i n t e r e s t was no more than the aggregate o-f p r o v i n c i a l i n t e r e s t s . The n a t i o n a l u n i t y " c r i s i s " t h a t emerged i n Canada demanded a d e f i n i t i v e response on b e h a l f of the c e n t r a l government i n Ottawa. The promotion of n a t i o n a l u n i t y has indeed been a funda-mental concern of the f e d e r a l government over the past t h r e e decades. Reacting t o the b a l k a n i z a t i o n of Canada and the d e c l i n e of i t s own power and l e g i t i m a c y , the f e d e r a l government developed an i n t r i g u i n g and m u l t i - f a c e t e d s t r a t e g y f o r enhancing n a t i o n a l i n t e g r a t i o n . A r t i c u l a t e d i n t h i s s t r a t e g y was a r i v a l c o n c e p t i o n of Canada, one which saw the c e n t r a l government as paramount and the n a t i o n a l community as more than the sum of i t s component p a r t s . The purpose of t h i s t h e s i s w i l l be t o examine Ottawa's n a t i o n a l u n i t y s t r a t e g y from i t s i n i t i a l responses t o the Quebec c h a l l e n g e i n the 1960s t o the s i g n i n g of the 1982 C o n s t i t u t i o n a l Accord. Given the time p e r i o d under c o n s i d e r a t i o n , the primary — — though hot e x c l u s i v e — f o c u s w i l l be on the y ears i n which P i e r r e E l l i o t Trudeau was prime m i n i s t e r with p a r t i c u l a r emphasis on h i s personal c o n t r i b u t i o n t o the d i r e c t i o n of f e d e r a l i n i t i a -t i v e s . I t w i l l attempt t o address the f o l l o w i n g q u e s t i o n s : 1) what d i d Ottawa p e r c e i v e t o be the r o o t cause of l i n g u i s t i c and r e g i o n a l c o n f l i c t ? 2) what were the u n d e r l y i n g t h e o r e t i c a l assumptions behind the s t r a t e g y f o r promoting n a t i o n a l u n i t y ? and 3) how d i d t h i s s t r a t e g y change — i f at a l l — over t h i s 3 time p e r i o d ? Ottawa's pl a n -for promoting n a t i o n a l u n i t y may be s u c c i n c t l y d e s c r i b e d as an attempt t o r e s t r u c t u r e f e d e r a l i n s t i t u t i o n s and s t a t e - s o c i e t y r e l a t i o n s i n order t o strengthen the n a t i o n a l gov-ernment and community t o the detriment of p r o v i n c i a l governments and communities. I t i n v o l v e d the development of i n i t i a t i v e s designed not o n l y t o l i m i t the power and i n f l u e n c e of p r o v i n c i a l regimes, but t o r e o r i e n t c i t i z e n l o y a l t i e s and i d e n t i f i c a t i o n toward the n a t i o n a l l e v e l . T h i s was t o be achieved by g i v i n g "symbolic and p r a c t i c a l e x p r e s s i o n t o a n a t i o n a l c i t i z e n s h i p independent of r e g i o n a l l o c a t i o n . " 1 D i s c u s s i o n of the n a t i o n - b u i l d i n g s t r a t e g y of the f e d e r a l government has been d i v i d e d i n t o t h r e e p a r t s and w i l l be d e a l t with i n d i v i d u a l l y i n c h a p t e r s 2 through 4.= Chapter 2 w i l l look at the attempt t o enhance the " i n t r a s t a t e " dimension of Canadian f e d e r a l i s m — t h a t i s , the attempt t o s e n s i t i z e f e d e r a l i n s t -i t u t i o n s t o r e g i o n a l p a r t i c u l a r i s m s . I t was a n t i c i p a t e d t h a t through a s e l e c t i v e r e g i o n a l i n p u t i n t o n a t i o n a l policy-making, the f e d e r a l government co u l d enhance i t s l e g i t i m a c y w h i l e l i m i t -i n g the c a p a c i t y of p r o v i n c i a l governments t o present themselves as the o n l y e f f e c t i v e r e g i o n a l r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . U l t i m a t e l y , the Trudeau a d m i n i s t r a t i o n was u n s u c c e s s f u l i n implementing the bulk of these reforms. One of the most important items on the f e d e r a l agenda was the f o r g i n g of a common and u n i f y i n g "pan-Canadian" i d e n t i t y . One of the c o r n e r s t o n e s of t h i s o b j e c t i v e were the p o l i c i e s of b i l i n g -ual ism and m u l t i c u l t u r a l ism. Responding t o the g r i e v a n c e s of 4 French-Canadians and ethnic m i n o r i t i e s , these p o l i c i e s were intended to a l l e v i a t e -feelings o-f a l i e n a t i o n experienced by these groups and to make Canada's French-Engl ish d u a l i t y and c u l t u r a l d i v e r s i t y centra l a t t r i b u t e s o-f the Canadian i d e n t i t y . The i n c l u s i o n of b i l i n g u a l i s m and m u l t i c u l t u r a l ism into the 1982 Charter of Rights and Freedoms helped further t h i s object ive and was an important aspect of the Charter ' s n a t i o n - b u i l d i n g dimen-s i o n . This subject w i l l be the focus of d i scuss ion i n chapter 3. The potent ia l of the Charter to enhance nat ional uni ty was not simply confined to the fact that i t contained provis ions regarding language and c u l t u r e . As chapter 4 w i l l demonstrate, the entrenchment of a cons t i tu t iona l B i l l of Rights was intended to arouse a r i g h t s consciousness among Canadians; to endow c i t i z e n s with a common i d e n t i t y as bearers of r i g h t s independent of p r o v i n c i a l res idency. It a l so re f l ec ted the f i rm commitment on behalf of federal e l i t e s to 1iberal-democratic p r i n c i p l e s . Such a document, along with the p o l i c i e s of b i l i n g u a l i s m and m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m , was intended to lessen the sa l i ence of t e r -r i t o r i a l c o n f l i c t and to l i m i t the l e g i s l a t i v e c a p a b i l i t i e s of p r o v i n c i a l governments. The capacity of governments to partake i n such premeditated acts of p o l i t i c a l and s o c i a l engineering has been f a c i l i t a t e d i n modern times by the increased " p o l i t i c i z a t i o n " of soc ie ty . State and soc ie ty have become t i g h t l y interwoven making s o c i e t i e s h igh ly suscept ib le to change by governmental a c t i v i t y and i n s t i t u t i o n a l arrangements. Both the federal and the prov inc ia l 5 s t a t e i n Canada have engaged themselves i n the a r t of r e f a s h i o n -i n g t h e i r communities and both are i n t i m a t e l y aware of the consequences such a c t i o n s can have f o r t h e i r own a u t h o r i t y and l e g i t i m a c y . T h e i r a c t i o n s have had an enormous impact on the development and e v o l u t i o n of our c o l l e c t i v e i d e n t i t y . 3 A c a r e f u l look a t the Trudeau government's n a t i o n a l u n i t y s t r a t e g y w i l l r e v e a l some s t r i k i n g c o n t i n u i t i e s with the past. H i s t o r i c a l l y , the f e d e r a l governent has c o n s i s t e n t l y acted t o p r o t e c t and promote the n a t i o n a l community and i d e n t i t y whenever threatened. As Alan C a i r n s observes: To look back a t the major i n i t i a t i v e s i s t o see a s t r o n g t h r e a d of b a s i c purpose: the ever renewed f e d e r a l e f f o r t t o proceed i n c r e m e n t a l l y t o the e v o l u t i o n a r y c r e a t i o n of the symbolic and p r a c t i c a l a t t r i b u t e s of a s i n g l e Canadian c i t i z e n s h i p . F e d e r a l p o l i c y i n the r e c e n t c o n s t i t u t i o n review p r o c e s s was the contemporary e x p r e s s i o n of t h i s h i s t o r i c and t r a d i t i o n a l f e d e r a l government e f f o r t t o strengthen the n a t i o n a l community and t o r e s i s t the p r o v i n c i a l i z a t i o n of the Canadian people.* D e s p i t e these s i m i l a r i t i e s , nation—bui 1ding i n the Trudeau e r a had some important d i s t i n g u i s h i n g f e a t u r e s . Whereas past undertakings have foc u s s e d on such areas as the promotion of economic union or the development of uniform standards i n s o c i a l s e r v i c e s , Trudeau*s primary f o c u s was on the fundamental r i g h t s and freedoms of i n d i v i d u a l s . 8 5 Canadian c i t i z e n s h i p was t o be r e d e f i n e d i n terms of the common p o s s e s s i o n of 1iberal-democratic r i g h t s . In a d d i t i o n , the Trudeau e r a was marked by a r e l a t i v e s h i f t i n s t a t e a c t i v i t y from the m a t e r i a l order t o t h e symbolic o r d e r . F i n a l l y , w h i l e p r e v i o u s n a t i o n - b u i l d i n g e f f o r t s d i d not que s t i o n the c o n t i n u a t i o n of the country as a B r i t i s h - t y p e s o c i e t y , Trudeau sought t o e s t a b l i s h a d i s t i n c t l y Canadian 6 i d e n t i t y based on the v a l u e s of l i n g u i s t i c d u a l i t y and c u l t u r a l d i v e r s i t y . Before e n t e r i n g i n t o a more d e t a i l e d examination of Ottawa's n a t i o n a l u n i t y s t r a t e g y , i t would be u s e f u l t o o u t l i n e some the e x p l a n a t i o n s as t o why Canada has experienced such a high l e v e l of c o n f l i c t and d i s u n i t y . Chapter 1 w i l l c o n s i s t of a general overview of t h e academic l i t e r a t u r e on t h i s s u b j e c t . I t w i l l look at the c o n t r i b u t i o n of i n s t i t u t i o n a l , p o l i t i c a l , economic, and s o c i o - c u l t u r a l f a c t o r s t o the n a t i o n a l u n i t y dilemma. As w i l l become e v i d e n t , a combination of f a c t o r s has induced r e g i o n a l l y based i n t e r e s t s t o f i n d e x p r e s s i o n through p r o v i n c i a l governments. T h i s has served both t o s t r e n g t h e n p r o v i n c i a l power and t o i n c r e a s e intergovernmental c o n f l i c t . The response of the f e d e r a l government was guided by i t s assessment as t o which of these f a c t o r s i t c o n s i d e r e d t o be most r e l e v a n t . I t s reponse was a l s o determined by the p a r t i c u l a r t h e o r e t i c a l assumptions r e g a r d i n g p o l i t i c a l i n t e g r a t i o n t o which i t s u b s c r i b e d , by c o n s i d e r a t i o n s of s e l f - i n t e r e s t , and by the p o l i c y instruments at i t s d i s p o s a l . 7 ENDNOTES: I n t r o d u c t i o n 1. Rainer Knopff and F.L. Morton, "Nation—bui1ding and the Charter of R i g h t s and Freedoms" i n Alan C a i r n s and Cyn t h i a W i l l i a m s , r e s e a r c h c o o r d i n a t o r s , C o n s t i t u t i o n a l i s m . C i t i z e n s h i p and S o c i e t y i n Canada v o l . 33 of the Macdonald Commission S t u d i e s (Toronto: U n i v e r s i t y of Toronto Press, 1985) p. 136 2. I t should be noted here t h a t t h i s t h e s i s w i l l not g i v e a complete account of the Trudeau government's n a t i o n — b u i 1 i n g s t r a t e g y , but w i l l c o n c e n t r a t e on the c o n s t i t u t i o n a l dimension. There are , indeed, other components t o the o v e r a l l s t r a t e g y i n c l u d e d among which a r e i n i t i a t i v e s i n the areas of economic and f o r e i g n p o l i c y . 3. Alan C. C a i r n s , "The Embedded S t a t e : S t a t e - S o c i e t y R e l a t i o n s i n Canada" i n K e i t h Banting, r e a s e a r c h c o o r d i n a t o r , S t a t e and S o c i e t y : Canada i n  Comparative P e r s p e c t i v e v o l . 31 of t h e Macdonald Commission S t u d i e s (Toronto: U n i v e r s t y of Toronto Press, 1986) 4. C a i r n s , "The Canadian C o n s t i t u t i o n a l Experiment" Dalhousie Law Review IX:1 (November 1984) p. 97 5. T h i s i s not t o c l a i m t h a t the Trudeau government ignored the economic and s o c i a l realms e n t i r e l y or t h a t p r e v i o u s a d m i n i s t r a t i o n s excluded i n d i v i d u a l r i g h t s from t h e r e n a t i o n - b u i l d i n g e f f o r t s . D i e f e n -baker had indeed enacted the Canadian B i l l of R i g h t s i n 1960 and Trudeau brought f o r t h the N a t i o n a l Energy Program d u r i n g h i s f i n a l mandate i n o f f i c e . There has, however, been a r e l a t i v e s h i f t i n the d i r e c t i o n noted. 8 CHAPTER 1 THE ROOTS OF DISUNITY Regional and l i n g u i s t i c c o n f l i c t has been p a r t of Canadian p o l i t i c a l l i f e s i n c e C o n f e d e r a t i o n . Often m a n i f e s t i n g themselves i n the form of f e d e r a l - p r o v i n c i a l c o n f r o n t a t i o n , these phenomena have presented a fundamental c h a l l e n g e t o Canadian u n i t y . How-ever, i t was not u n t i l the 1960s t h a t a s u b s t a n t i a l i n t e n s i f i c a -t i o n of such c o n f l i c t o c c u r r e d . U n t i l t h a t time, the postwar e r a had been marked by r e l a t i v e harmony. The term, " c o o p e r a t i v e f e d e r a l i s m " was o f t e n used t o c h a r a c t e r i z e f e d e r a l - p r o v i n c i a l r e l a t i o n s d u r i n g t h i s p e r i o d . A number of f a c t o r s can be c i t e d as having c o n t r i b u t e d t o the d e t e r i o r a t i o n of the broad consensus t h a t had developed on p o l i t i c a l o b j e c t i v e s . T h i s chapter w i l l o u t l i n e some the the major e x p l a n a t i o n s f o r the n a t i o n a l u n i t y problem i n Canada. I t w i l l be d i v i d e d i n t o t h r e e s e c t i o n s : the f i r s t w i l l deal with s o c i o - c u l t u r a l e x p l a n a t i o n s ; the second with economic f a c t o r s ; and the t h i r d with the impact of p o l i t i c a l e l i t e s and i n s t i t u t i o n s . SOCIO-CULTURAL FACTORS Some p o l i t i c a l t h e o r i s t s have argued t h a t the development of a homogeneous p o l i t i c a l c u l t u r e or a common p o l e of i d e n t i f i c a -t i o n i s a necessary p r e r e q u i s i t e f o r the maintenance of u n i t y and s t a b i l i t y w i t h i n e t h n i c a l l y and/or r e g i o n a l l y d i v i d e d s o c i e t i e s . 9 P o l i t i c a l i n t e g r a t i o n depends, a c c o r d i n g t o K a r l Deutsch, on the e x i s t e n c e o-f "common va l u e s , thoughts, or • f e e l i n g s " and a "common attachment t o symbols." 1 David B e l l and L o m e Tepperman argue t h a t common c u l t u r a l t r a i t s a re p r e c i s e l y what i s l a c k i n g i n Canada, t h a t c u l t u r a l d i v e r s i t y i s what l i e s a t t h e r o o t of Canada's n a t i o n a l u n i t y c r i s i s . 2 They c l a i m t h a t t h e r e i s an absence of a s i n g l e p o l i t i c a l c u l t u r e i n Canada r e s u l t i n g i n a s i t u a t i o n i n which c i t i z e n s i d e n t i f y themselves v e r y l i t t l e with the n a t i o n a l community and t h e f e d e r a l l e v e l of government. Although B e l l and Tepperman have s u r e l y underestimated t h e e x i s t e n c e of a Canadian i d e n t i t y , i t i s undoubtedly t r u e t h a t p o l i t i c a l a t t i t u d e s and b e l i e f s vary from r e g i o n t o r e g i o n . E m p i r i c a l evidence t o t h i s e f f e c t i s p r o v i d e d i n a study undertaken by David E l k i n s and Ri c h a r d Simeon. 3 By comparing c r o s s - c o u n t r y survey data on p o l i t i c a l e f f i c a c y , t r u s t and involvement, they conclude t h a t t h e r e i s indeed r e g i o n a l v a r i a t i o n s , p a r t i c u l a r l y between the two dominant l i n g u i s t i c groups. These diver g e n c e s are a t t r i b u t e d t o a v a r i e t y of f a c t o r s i n c l u d i n g d i f f e r e n c e s i n settlement p a t t e r n s , c o l o n i a l back-ground, and e t h n i c composition. S o c i o l o g i s t Raymond Breton has argued t h a t the importance of the s y m b o l i c - c u l t u r a l dimension of s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n has been underestimated i n the study of p o l i t i c s . A s o c i e t y ' s symbolic order — d e f i n e d as the manner i n which v a l u e s , norms, customs, i d e a s , e t c . a re i n c o r p o r a t e d i n t o the o p e r a t i o n s of p u b l i c i n s t i t u t i o n s — r e p r e s e n t s the c o l l e c t i v e i d e n t i t y of a people and, hence, i t s c o n s t r u c t i o n has important i m p l i c a t i o n s f o r the 10 cohesiveness o-f s o c i e t y . As Breton e x p l a i n s : The i d e n t i t y component o-f the symbolic order i s import-ant -for i n d i v i d u a l members of the s o c i e t y ; ... th e r e i s an interdependence between the i n d i v i d u a l and c o l l e c t i v e p r o c e s s e s of i d e n t i t y f o r m a t i o n . Thus, i n d i v i d u a l s expect t o r e c o g n i z e themselves i n p u b l i c i n s t i t u t i o n s . They expect some c o n s i s t e n c y between t h e i r p r i v a t e i d e n t i t i e s and the symbolic c o n t e n t s upheld by p u b l i c a u t h o r i t i e s , embedded i n the s o c i e t a l i n s t i t u t i o n s , and c e l e b r a t e d i n p u b l i c events. Otherwise, i n d i v i d u a l s f e e l l i k e s o c i a l s t r a n g e r s ; they f e e l t h a t t h e s o c i e t y i s not t h e i r s o c i e t y . * Depending on how the symbolic order i s c o n s t r u c t e d , i t may have an i n t e g r a t i v e e f f e c t or i t may induce a f e e l i n g of p o l i t i c a l a l i e n a t i o n with c e r t a i n segments of s o c i e t y . For many French-Canadians, the l a t t e r was c e r t a i n l y t he case p r i o r t o t h e l a t e 1960s. " T h e i r i n t e n s e f e e l i n g was t h a t Canadian s o c i e t y was not t h e i r s o c i e t y , i t s i n s t i t u t i o n s not t h e i r i n s t i t u t i o n s , i t s meanings and symbols not t h e i r meanings and symbols. They f e l t a l i e n or s t r a n g e r s , and i n i n c r e a s i n g numbers, they wanted out." 8 5 Another approach l i n k s the r e c e n t r i s e of e t h n o — n a t i o n a l movements i n Canada and the r e s t of the Western world t o the growth of the s t a t e and the i m p e r a t i v e s of economic moderniza-t i o n . M i l t o n Esraan 6 has argued t h a t i n d u s t r i a l i z e d c o u n t r i e s have undergone a pro c e s s of economic r a t i o n a l i z a t i o n and b u r e a u c r a t i c c e n t r a l i z a t i o n , r e s u l t i n g i n a s h i f t of economic c o n t r o l and p r o s p e r i t y away from p e r i p h e r a l r e g i o n s t o the c e n t r e . Moreover, advances i n communications have f a c i l i t a t e d the p e n e t r a t i o n of i d e a s and v a l u e s from c e n t r e t o p e r i p h e r y and from m a j o r i t y l i n g u i s t i c communities t o m i n o r i t y l i n g u i s t i c communities. T h i s has r e s u l t e d i n an i n c r e a s e d t h r e a t of c u l t u r a l a s s i m i l a t i o n , 11 c r e a t i n g a r e a c t i o n w i t h i n m i n o r i t y communities t o r e a s s e r t t h e i r d i s t i n c t i d e n t i t i e s through c o l l e c t i v e a c t i o n . The case o-f Quebec i s undoubtedly the most v i v i d example o-f a i c u l t u r a l l y based intergovernmental c o n - f l i c t . In t h e e a r l y 1960s, Quebec s o c i e t y underwent a remarkable t r a n s f o r m a t i o n known as the "Quiet R e v o l u t i o n . " T h i s phenomenon was not so much an upheaval of p o l i t i c a l and socio-economic s t r u c t u r e s — though changes i n these areas c e r t a i n l y d i d take p l a c e — as i t was a " r e v o l u t i o n " i n i d e o l o g y . I t was f i r s t and foremost a r e f o r m u l a t i o n of a t t i t u d e s r e g a r d i n g the "purpose and c h a r a c t e r of s o c i e t y and s t a t e . " The Quiet R e v o l u t i o n marked the wholesale r e j e c t i o n of the t r a d i t i o n a l v a l u e s of r u r a l , C a t h o l i c Quebec and t h e i r replacement with s e c u l a r , m a t e r i a l i s t v a l u e s more attuned t o an i n d u s t r i a l i z e d and urbanized s o c i e t y . As Kenneth McRoberts and Dale Posgate note, " t h i s i d e o l o g i c a l r e v o l u t i o n c o n s t i t u t e d a long-avoided r e c o n c i l i a t i o n with s o c i a l and economic development. 1 1 7 The Quiet R e v o l u t i o n ushered i n a new n a t i o n a l i s m i n Quebec, one t h a t p e r c e i v e d s o c i a l and economic development t o be a p r e -r e q u i s i t e r a t h e r than an impediment t o l i n g u i s t i c and c u l t u r a l s u r v i v a l . I t was through the development of a dynamic economy owned and c o n t r o l l e d by French-Canadians with French as the dominant language t h a t " n a t i o n a l " s u r v i v a l would be ensured. The o l d d e f e n s i v e n a t i o n a l i s m of " s u r v i v a n c e " was r e p l a c e d by t h e new " r a t t r a p a g e " and the d e s i r e t o become "mattres chez nous." Of course, the movement toward modernization presented an i n c r e a s e d t h r e a t of l i n g u i s t i c and c u l t u r a l a s s i m i l a t i o n . The i m p e r a t i v e s o-f modernization and n a t i o n a l s u r v i v a l demanded an i n c r e a s e d r o l e •for the p r o v i n c i a l s t a t e i n the s o c i a l , economic and c u l t u r a l realms. Foremost among these were the c o l l e c t i v i s t language p o l i c i e s , B i l l 22 and B i l l 101. The Quebec government's a c t i v i t i e s brought i t i n t o d i r e c t con-frontation with Ottawa, which r e s i s t e d i t s expansionism and viewed i t s language p o l i c i e s as a d i r e t h r e a t t o Canadian u n i t y . S o c i o - c u l t u r a l -factors have, there-fore, been a s i g n i f i c a n t c o n t r i b u t i n g f a c t o r t o the i n c r e a s e i n r e g i o n a l and — more i m p o r t a n t l y — l i n g u i s t i c c o n f l i c t i n Canada. POLITICAL ECONOMY The study of p o l i t i c a l economy p r o v i d e s some i n t e r e s t i n g i n s i g h t s i n t o the anatomy of r e g i o n a l and l i n g u i s t i c c o n f l i c t . The i n t e r a c t i o n between market f o r c e s and the s t a t e i n Canada has r e s u l t e d i n r e g i o n a l d i s p a r i t i e s which have been the cause of c o n s i d e r a b l e t e n s i o n . Some have argued t h a t C e n t r a l Canada has been the primary b e n e f a c t o r of f e d e r a l economic p o l i c i e s a t the expense of the Western and Maritime r e g i o n s . e The p r o t e c t i v e t a r i f f s i n s t i t u t e d under the N a t i o n a l P o l i c y , f o r example, served the i n t e r e s t s of the manufacturing s e c t o r s of O n t a r i o and Quebec w h i l e lowering the l i v i n g standards i n the p e r i p h e r a l r e g i o n s and i n h i b i t i n g these r e g i o n s from e s t a b l i s h i n g advantageous com-m e r c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n s with neighbouring American r e g i o n s . C o n f l i c t between Canada's two dominant l i n g u i s t i c groups has been at l e a s t p a r t i a l l y motivated by economic d i s p a r i t i e s . Along with the movement toward modernization t h a t swept Quebec i n the 1960s came a f e e l i n g of resentment among many French-Canadians because of t h e i r i n f e r i o r socio-economic s t a t u s and l a c k of c a r e e r o p p o r t u n i t i e s and m o b i l i t y i n the b u s i n e s s world and i n the f e d e r a l p u b l i c service.'* Perhaps the most i n t r i g u i n g argument r e l a t i n g p o l i t i c a l c o n f l i c t t o economic f o r c e s i s one which l i n k s intergovernmental s t r i f e with c l a s s c o n f l i c t . Garth Stevenson argues t h a t t h e key t o understanding f e d e r a l - p r o v i n c i a l c o n f l i c t l i e s i n " c e r t a i n c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the p o l i t i c a l economy of Canada, which both produced c o n f l i c t s between d i f f e r e n t c l a s s e s and c l a s s f r a c t i o n s and at the same time caused these contending f o r c e s t o i d e n t i f y t h e i r i n t e r e s t s with d i f f e r e n t l e v e l s of government, and v i c e versa." 1° Stevenson c l a i m s t h a t the r e g i o n a l nature of the economy coupled with the f a c t t h a t j u r i s d i c t i o n over n a t u r a l r e s o u r c e s r e s t s with the p r o v i n c e s has c r e a t e d not o n l y a high l e v e l of i n t e r - r e g i o n a l c o n f l i c t , but a n a t u r a l a l l i a n c e between the p r o v i n c e s and t h e i r major r e s o u r c e i n d u s t r i e s . Given the power of the r e s o u r c e s e c t o r , t h i s a l l i a n c e has strengthened p r o v i n c i a l governments r e l a t i v e t o Ottawa. I t has enabled the p r o v i n c i a l s t a t e t o expand and d i v e r s i f y and has u l t i m a t e l y served as a d e c e n t r a l i z i n g f o r c e i n Canadian f e d e r a l i s m . T h i s process i s a p t l y summarized by Stevenson as f o l l o w s : In Canada, important s e c t i o n s of the r u l i n g c l a s s have an i n t e r e s t i n s t r e n g t h e n i n g the p r o v i n c e s i n r e l a t i o n t o Ottawa. ... P r o v i n c i a l j u r i s d i c t i o n over r e s o u r c e s makes c o n t r o l over the p r o v i n c i a l s t a t e apparatus important t o 14 c e r t a i n s e c t i o n s o-f the b o u r g e o i s i e , and g i v e s them an i n t e r e s t i n s t r e n g t h e n i n g the p r o v i n c i a l s t a t e and p r o v i d i n g i t with the wherewithal t o c a r r y out i t s •functions e-f-fectively. The i n c r e a s i n g e f f e c t i v e n e s s and power of the p r o v i n c i a l s t a t e , as w e l l as i t s revenues from r e s o u r c e r o y a l t i e s , g i v e i t the means t o assume new f u n c t i o n s and a c q u i r e new a s s e t s . These i n t u r n make i t s t i l l more e s s e n t i a l f o r the b o u r g e o i s i e — no longer simply those elements d i r e c t l y i n t e r e s t e d i n r e s o u r c e s — t o s o l i d i f y t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p with th e p r o v i n c i a l s t a t e on which they i n c r e a s i n g l y r e l y t o promote t h e i r common i n t e r e s t s . The p rocess thus c o n t i n u e s i n d e f i n i t e l y . 1 1 Canadian h i s t o r y i s r e p l e t e with examples of how c o n f l i c t s between c l a s s e s or c l a s s f r a c t i o n s have been t r a n s l a t e d i n t o r e g i o n a l or f e d e r a l - p r o v i n c i a l c o n f l i c t . The c o n t r o v e r s y surrounding the N a t i o n a l P o l i c y of S i r John A. Macdonald i s a c l a s s i c example of how governments took s i d e s i n a b a t t l e between p r i v a t e economic a c t o r s . In t h i s case, manufacturing i n t e r e s t s were i n c o n f l i c t with r e s o u r c e / a g r i c u l t u r a l i n t e r e s t s . F e d e r a l -p r o v i n c i a l c o n f r o n t a t i o n between O n t a r i o and Ottawa was p a r t -i c u l a r l y i n t e n s e i n the e a r l y p a r t of the t w e n t i e t h century over such i s s u e s as the i m p o s i t i o n of a "manufacturing c o n d i t i o n " on c e r t a i n raw m a t e r i a l e x p o r t s by Queen's Park and the p r o v i n c i a l takeover of h y d r o - e l e c t r i c power f a c i l i t i e s . These c o n f l i c t s were i n s t i g a t e d by the d i v e r g e n t i n t e r e s t s of f o r e i g n r e s o u r c e c a p i t a l and those of the l o c a l b o u r g e o i s i e , the former a l i g n i n g i t s e l f with Ottawa and the l a t t e r with T o r o n t o . 1 2 C o n f l i c t s between the p r a i r i e p r o v i n c e s and the f e d e r a l government d e r i v e from what C.B. Macpherson has c a l l e d the " q u a s i - c o l o n i a l " s t a t u s imposed on the r e g i o n by the c a p i t a l i s t i n t e r e s t s of c e n t r a l Canada. The independent commodity producers of the p r a i r i e s turned t o t h e i r p r o v i n c i a l governments t o seek 15 r e d r e s s -from f e d e r a l t a r i f f and f r e i g h t p o l i c i e s t h a t c a t e r e d t o the i n t e r e s t s of e a s t e r n c a p i t a l . The e l e c t i o n of the S o c i a l C r e d i t P a r t y i n A l b e r t a i n 1935 r e f l e c t e d western d i s c o n t e n t with the f e d e r a l government and marked th e beginning of a s e r i e s of c o n f r o n t a t i o n s r e s u l t i n g from Premier W i l l i a m A berhart's unorthodox attempts t o deal with the problems of t h e Great D e p r e s s i o n . 1 3 Economic based d i s p u t e s between Ottawa and the p r a i r i e p r o v i n c e s p e r s i s t e d d u r i n g the postwar p e r i o d . L a r r y P r a t t and John Richards have given a f u l l account of how f e d e r a l - p r o v i n c i a l c o n f l i c t was sparked by i n t e r v e n t i o n i s t p o l i c i e s on b e h a l f of the A l b e r t a n and Saskatchewan governments. 1'* The Blakeney and Lougheed regimes i n s t i t u t e d a number of r e g u l a t o r y and revenue—producing measures which brought o p p o s i t i o n from m u l t i n a t i o n a l r e s o u r c e f i r m s and the f e d e r a l government. These a c t i o n s had the broad support of the r i s i n g indigenous middle c l a s s which i n c l u d e d b u s i n e s s e n t r e p r e n e u r s , urban p r o f e s s i o n a l s , and s t a t e admin-i s t r a t o r s — a l l of whom b e n e f i t t e d g r e a t l y from the r e s u l t i n g socio-economic developments. They were the d r i v i n g f o r c e behind the government's a c t i o n s and p r o v i d e d the knowhow and e x p e r t i s e f o r t h e i r p r o v i n c e - b u i l d i n g ventures. The c o n f l i c t surrounding the N a t i o n a l Energy Program (NEP) i n the e a r l y 1980s was p a r t i c u l a r l y i n t e n s e . The NEP was p a r t of the Trudeau governments e f f o r t t o r e a s s e r t f e d e r a l primacy i n the energy s e c t o r . In t h i s case, an a l l i a n c e between the producing p r o v i n c e s and the m u l t i n a t i o n a l o i l companies was p i t t e d a g a i n s t the f e d e r a l government and the c o r p o r a t e i n t e r e s t s of c e n t r a l 16 Canada, which wanted t o ensure a cheap energy supply t o enhance t h e i r c o m p e t i t i v e p o s i t i o n . 1 = 5 A c l a s s - b a s e d i n t e r p r e t a t i o n has a l s o been gi v e n t o c o n f l i c t s between Ottawa and Quebec. McRoberts and Posgate argue t h a t changes i n the c l a s s s t r u c t u r e of Quebec s o c i e t y h e l p e x p l a i n the r i s e of the new n a t i o n a l i s m i n the 1960s. l* As i n t h e West, u r b a n i z a t i o n and i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n l e d t o the emergence of a "new middle c l a s s " with a vested i n t e r e s t i n a more autonomous and i n t e r v e n t i o n i s t p r o v i n c i a l s t a t e . Eager t o expand t h e i r personal o p p o r t u n i t i e s , t h i s group of urban p r o f e s s i o n a l s and businessmen favoured a r a p i d expansion of s o c i a l s e r v i c e s and economic a c t i v i t y . The attempt t o gain c o n t r o l of s o c i a l i n s t i t u t i o n s brought them i n t o c o n f r o n t a t i o n with the C a t h o l i c Church w h i l e e f f o r t s t o move i n t o higher p o s i t i o n s i n the economic spheres were impeded by the dominant anglophone b u s i n e s s e s t a b l i s h m e n t . The s o l u t i o n i n both cases was t o use the p r o v i n c i a l government as the v e h i c l e f o r a c h i e v i n g t h e i r o b j e c t i v e s . The new middle c l a s s was l a r g e l y r e s p o n s i b l e f o r the development of the new Quebecois n a t i o n a l i s m which s t r e s s e d the v i r t u e s of " r a t t r a p a g e " or modernization, the need t o take c o n t r o l of t h e i r economic d e s t i n y , and the expansion of p r o v i n c i a l power at the expense of the f e d e r a l government. In the words of A l b e r t Breton, " n a t i o n -a l i s m i s a t o o l used by the m i d d l e - c l a s s t o accede t o wealth and power." 1^ Despite the e a r l i e r a s s e r t i o n t h a t p r o v i n c i a l governments have gained i n r e l a t i v e s t r e n g t h due t o support g i v e n t° them by 17 r e s o u r c e c a p i t a l , i t i s apparent -from the above examples t h a t p r i v a t e i n t e r e s t s a r e not o r i e n t e d toward any one l e v e l o-f government on a permanent b a s i s . As P r a t t and R i c h a r d s a s t u t e l y observe: There i s no evidence -for the argument t h a t b i g business i n Canada has t y p i c a l l y r e s i s t e d c e n t r a l i z a t i o n and -favoured p r o v i n c i a l autonomy. The o n l y t h i n g s t h a t c a p i t a l c o n s i s t e n t l y s u p p o rts are i t s own i n t e r e s t s , and when these have been threatened by a g g r e s s i v e p r o v i n c i a l governments, b u s i n e s s has u n h e s i t a t i n g l y pushed -for a s t r o n g e r c e n t r a l government. ... About a l l t h a t can be concluded i s t h a t b i g b u s i n e s s understands t h a t . a -federal system p r o v i d e s i n t e r e s t groups with a number o-f p o t e n t i a l sources of lev e r a g e and veto p o i n t s , and t h a t c a p i t a l , l i k e p e r f i d i o u s A l b i o n , has no permanent a l l i e s or enemies, o n l y permanent i n t e r e s t s . 1 0 To summarize, the n o t i o n t h a t f e d e r a l - p r o v i n c i a l c o n f l i c t can be a t t r i b u t e d t o the e x i s t e n c e of economic or c l a s s - b a s e d c o n f l i c t i s a v a l u a b l e p e r s p e c t i v e t h a t h e l p s us t o b e t t e r understand the t u r b u l e n t world of intergovernmental r e l a t i o n s i n Canada. POLITICAL ELITES AND INSTITUTIONS The i n s t i t u t i o n s and e l i t e s of the Canadian p o l i t i c a l system have a l s o c o n t r i b u t e d t o l i n g u i s t i c and r e g i o n a l t e n s i o n and, t h e r e f o r e , the c o n f l i c t between the two l e v e l s of government. The r a p i d expansion of the p u b l i c s e c t o r at both the f e d e r a l and p r o v i n c i a l l e v e l s i n the absence of a c l e a r l y d e f i n e d d i v i s i o n of powers has l e d t o i n t e n s e intergovernmental c o m p e t i t i o n . In a d d i t i o n , t h e w r i t t e n c o n s t i t u t i o n and the pr o c e s s of j u d i c i a l review have empowered the p r o v i n c e s , e n a b l i n g them t o c h a l l e n g e the dominance of the f e d e r a l government. F i n a l l y , n a t i o n a l 18 i n s t i t u t i o n s g e n e r a l l y have tended t o be i n s e n s i t i v e t o r e g i o n a l i n t e r e s t s , thus f o r c i n g these i n t e r e s t s t o f i n d e x p r e s s i o n through p r o v i n c i a l governments. Consequently, an unnecessary s t r a i n has been p l a c e d on f e d e r a l - p r o v i n c i a l r e l a t i o n s . P u b l i c s e c t o r expansion i s a phenomenon common t o a l l Western i n d u s t r i a l i z e d c o u n t r i e s i n the contemporary e r a . The Canadian experi e n c e i s marked by expansion a t both the n a t i o n a l and p r o v i n c i a l l e v e l s , with the l a t t e r expanding more r a p i d l y than the former over the past 30 y e a r s . A number of f a c t o r s have been c i t e d as c o n t r i b u t i n g t o the growth of the p u b l i c s e c t o r . For example, the p r o c e s s of i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n and u r b a n i z a t i o n has l e d t o tremendous s o c i a l change, thus g i v i n g r i s e t o t h e need f o r a wide range of s o c i a l w e l f a r e programs. C e r t a i n " e x t e r n a l i t i e s " of the c a p i t a l i s t system such as economic f l u c t u a t i o n s , e n v i r o n -mental p o l l u t i o n and o c c u p a t i o n a l hazards have r e s u l t e d i n the need f o r i n c r e a s e d governmental i n t e r v e n t i o n and r e g u l a t i o n . Moreover, the p r o l i f e r a t i o n of o r g a n i z e d s p e c i a l i n t e r e s t groups has put i n c r e a s e d p r e s s u r e on governments t o a c t on t h e i r b e h a l f . F i n a l l y , governments have expanded p u b l i c s e r v i c e s i n an e f f o r t t o enhance t h e i r l e g i t i m a c y i n the eyes of those they govern. The d e c l i n e of t r a d i t i o n a l v a l u e s , the i n c r e a s e d h e t e r o g e n e i t y of s o c i e t y , and i n c r e a s e d p u b l i c awareness have a l l c o n t r i b u t e d t o a l e g i t i m a c y problem f o r modern Western governments. l < 5 > Of course, one need not look t o f a c t o r s e x t e r n a l t o the p o l i t i c a l p r o c e s s i n order t o e x p l a i n p u b l i c s e c t o r expansion. Alan C a i r n s has argued t h a t t h e r e i s b u i l t i n t o the Canadian p o l i t i c a l system a " b i a s i n -favour o-f b i g n e s s . " 2 0 As i n a l l modern s o c i a l democratic s o c i e t i e s , the e l e c t o r a l system tends t o f o s t e r c o m p e t i t i v e b i d d i n g and a s h o r t - t e r m outlook among p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s , and the tax system i s endowed with the c a p a c i t y t o absorb i n c r e a s e s i n government spending by b r o a d l y d i s t r i b u t i n g the c o s t s . Moreover, i n h e r e n t i n any governmental o r g a n i z a t i o n i s a tendency toward expansion. P o l i t i c a l and b u r e a u c r a t i c e l i t e s at both l e v e l s are d r i v e n by the d e s i r e t o enhance t h e i r own s t a t u s and power. In the Canadian case, such e x p a n s i o n i s t t e n d e n c i e s are f u r t h e r abetted by a vague and outdated w r i t t e n c o n s t i t u t i o n which has f a i l e d t o c l e a r l y demarcate t h e j u r i s d i c -t i o n a l boundaries between the two l e v e l s of government. T h i s has g i v e n each l e v e l the i n c e n t i v e t o launch preemptive s t r i k e s i n t o new areas of j u r i s d i c t i o n and even t o i n t r u d e i n t o p o l i c y areas normally r e s e r v e d f o r the o t h e r . The i n e v i t a b l e outcome has been a high degree of j u r i s d i c t i o n a l o v e r l a p and entanglement. C a i r n s has gone so f a r as t o d e s c r i b e the s i t u a t i o n as one approaching "intergovernmental anarchy." He goes on t o c l a i m t h a t "EtDhe f e d e r a l - p r o v i n c i a l game has gotten out of hand, and we are i n danger of being l e f t not with a f l e x i b l e d i v i s i o n of powers, but a n o n - e x i s t e n t d i v i s i o n . " 2 1 The f a c t t h a t t h e p r o v i n c i a l s t a t e has expanded more r a p i d l y than i t s f e d e r a l c o u n t e r p a r t a l s o h e l p s e x p l a i n the i n c r e a s e i n intergovernmental c o n f l i c t . The p r o v i n c e s have emerged as powerful and independent a c t o r s , thus g i v i n g them the c a p a c i t y t o c h a l l e n g e the dominance of the c e n t r a l government i n a way t h a t was p r e v i o u s l y not f e a s i b l e . T h i s can l a r g e l y be e x p l a i n e d by 20 the f a c t t h a t the BNA Act gave the p r o v i n c e s c o n t r o l over those p o l i c y areas which, i n the postwar e r a , went on t o become the growth areas of government. Among these were h e a l t h , w e l f a r e , educ a t i o n , and n a t u r a l r e s o u r c e s . As the p r o v i n c i a l governments expanded i n t o these areas, they became endowed with i n c r e a s i n g a d m i n i s t r a t i v e and f i s c a l r e s o u r c e s and were headed by new l e a d e r s who embarked on ambitious " p r o v i n c e - b u i l d i n g " ventures. Armed with these new c a p a c i t i e s , the p r o v i n c e s were i n a p o s i t i o n t o c h a l l e n g e f e d e r a l a u t h o r i t y . Canadian f e d e r a l i s m has become c h a r a c t e r i z e d by b i g government a t both l e v e l s , each endowed with s i z a b l e p u b l i c s e c t o r s and i n t e n t on moulding t h e i r economies and s o c i e t i e s t o t h e i r own p u r p o s e s . 2 2 Another approach t o e x p l a i n i n g the expansion of p r o v i n c i a l power f o c u s s e s on the process of j u d i c i a l review. One of the preeminent r o l e s of the j u d i c i a r y i n a f e d e r a l system i s t o i n t e r p r e t the meaning of the c o n s t i t u t i o n i n times of i n t e r -governmental deadlock. In performing t h i s f u n c t i o n , the c o u r t s can p o t e n t i a l l y have a major impact on the a l l o c a t i o n of j u r i s d i c t i o n a l powers. Some s c h o l a r s contend t h a t d u r i n g i t s tenure, the J u d i c i a l Committee of t h e P r i v y C o u n c i l (JCPC) made s e v e r a l c r i t i c a l m i s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s of the c o n s t i t u t i o n t h a t r e s u l t e d i n e x c e s s i v e i n c r e a s e s i n p r o v i n c i a l power a t the expense of the dominion government. Frank S c o t t has argued t h a t the general power of Parliament t o enact l e g i s l a t i o n f o r the "Peace, Order, and Sood Government of Canada" was narrowly and i n a c c u r a t e l y i n t e r p r e t e d as being an "emergency" power r a t h e r 21 than the r e s i d u a l power i t was i n i t i a l l y intended t o be. In a d d i t i o n , the "Regulation o-f Trade and Commerce" s e t out i n s e c t i o n 91 was a l s o narrowly i n t e r p r e t e d w h i l e p r o v i n c i a l powers under the "Property and C i v i l R i g h t s " c l a u s e o-f s e c t i o n 92 were given a r e l a t i v e l y broad i n t e r p r e t a t i o n . Hence, i n i t s a d j u d i c a -t i o n of c o n s t i t u t i o n a l matters, the JCPC i n c r e a s e d the powers of the p r o v i n c i a l governments thus b r i n g i n g them i n t o j u r i s d i c t i o n a l a r eas i n which the dominion government was a l r e a d y a c t i v e l y i n v o l v e d . 2 3 Having r e p l a c e d the JCPC i n 1949, the Supreme Court of Canada proved t o be somewhat l e s s r e s t r i c t i v e i n d e f i n i n g f e d e r a l powers, though i t d i d not by and l a r g e abandon the precedents s e t by i t s predecessor. However, u n l i k e the J u d i c i a l Committee, the Supreme Court has played a r e l a t i v e l y i n s i g n i f i c a n t r o l e i n the e v o l u t i o n of the d i v i s i o n of powers p r i o r t o the 1970s. The primary reason f o r t h i s i s t h a t p o l i t i c a l l e a d e r s became l e s s w i l l i n g t o r e s o r t t o the c o u r t s as a way of r e s o l v i n g j u r i s d i c -t i o n a l d i s p u t e s . Court d e c i s i o n s came t o by viewed as u n p r e d i c t -a b l e , o v e r l y r i g i d , and l a c k i n g i n c l a r i t y , thus d i s c r e d i t i n g the e n t i r e p rocess of j u d i c i a l review. The l a c k of f a i t h i n j u d i c i a l decision-making l e d governments t o seek r e s o l u t i o n of j u r i s d i c -t i o n a l d i s p u t e s through intergovernmental n e g o t i a t i o n s . 2 - * The c u l t u r a l and l i n g u i s t i c d i v e r s i t y of Canada combined with the r e g i o n a l i z e d nature of the economy v i r t u a l l y ensures the e x i s t e n c e of c o n f l i c t r e g a r d l e s s of the kind of p o l i t i c a l s t r u c -t u r e s i n p l a c e . Yet, i t i s e v i d e n t t h a t the f e d e r a l i n s t i t u t i o n s 22 of government have exacerbated r e g i o n a l t e n s i o n s i n a number of ways due t o t h e i r i n a b i l i t y t o e f f e c t i v e l y accommodate r e g i o n a l i n t e r e s t s . A u s e f u l d i s t i n c t i o n has. been made by Donald Smiley between two methods i n which t o deal with the d i v e r s i t i e s w i t h i n f e d e r a l s o c i e t i e s . 2 5 5 The f i r s t , which has come t o be known as " i n t e r s t a t e " f e d e r a l i s m , i n v o l v e s the r e p r e s e n t a t i o n of r e g i o n a l i n t e r e s t s throuoh p r o v i n c i a l governments. Consequent-l y , t h i s model i s p r i m a r i l y concerned with the r e l a t i o n s and the d i s t r i b u t i o n of powers between the two o r d e r s of government. The second, known as " i n t r a s t a t e " f e d e r a l i s m , i n v o l v e s the e x p r e s s i o n of r e g i o n a l i n t e r e s t s w i t h i n the c e n t r a l government. Simply s t a t e d , Smiley's argument i s t h a t the Canadian f e d e r a l system has come t o r e l y almost e x c l u s i v e l y on the former while i g n o r i n g the l a t t e r i n i t s attempt t o accommodate t e r r i t o r i a l i n t e r e s t s , thus p l a c i n g an e x c e s s i v e burden on intergovernmental r e l a t i o n s . Canada was the f i r s t c o untry t o combine f e d e r a l i s m with a p a r l i a m e n t a r y form of government — a combination not e a s i l y r e c o n c i l a b l e . While a f e d e r a l system was adopted t o r e f l e c t the c o u n t r y ' s r e g i o n a l d i v e r s i t y , a p a r l i a m e n t a r y system based on the Westminister model e x h i b i t s a s t r o n g " m a j o r i t a r i a n " t h r u s t . Un-l i k e the American system where power a t the c e n t r e i s fragmented, t h e r e i s a c o n c e n t r a t i o n of power i n Canada which enables the governing p a r t y , under most circumstances, t o d i c t a t e p u b l i c p o l i c y without the o b s t r u c t i o n of m i n o r i t y groups. As the Canadian p o l i t i c a l system evolved, power has become more and more con c e n t r a t e d i n the hands of the prime m i n i s t e r and the s e n i o r c a b i n e t members. In c o n j u n c t i o n with t h i s development, n a t i o n a l 23 i n s t i t u t i o n s — i n c l u d i n g the House o-f Commons, the Senate, the e l e c t o r a l system, p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s , the c a b i n e t , and the -federal bureaucracy — have evolved i n a -fashion t h a t has made them l e s s r e s p o n s i v e t o r e g i o n a l p a r t i c u l a r i s m s . A predominant f e a t u r e of the House of Commons i s t h e r i g i d p a r t y d i s c i p l i n e e x h i b i t e d i n p a r l i a m e n t a r y v o t i n g . U n l i k e the e a r l y years of Co n f e d e r a t i o n when MPs were u n r e s t r a i n e d by p a r t y d i c t a t e s , d i s s e n t i n g votes a r e now a r a r e o c c u r r e n c e . A study of two p a r l i a m e n t a r y s e s s i o n s i n 1963 r e v e a l e d t h a t 96.8 per cent of a l l votes c a s t by MPs were c o n s i s t e n t with the p o s i t i o n of t h e i r p a r t y l e a d e r s h i p . In f a c t , 78.1 per cent of MPs never broke with the p a r t y l i n e d u r i n g these s e s s i o n s . 2 6 Consequently, Members of Parliament a re i n h i b i t e d from a c t i n g as e f f e c t i v e r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s of t h e i r r e g i o n s or c o n s t i t u e n c i e s . P a r t y caucuses do g i v e i n d i v i d u a l MPs the o p p o r t u n i t i e s t o present r e g i o n a l viewpoints, though the s e c r e c y of t h i s forum makes i t d i f f i c u l t t o assess the impact t h a t t h i s has had. J u s t as t h e House of Commons has not adequately given e x p r e s s i o n t o t e r r i t o r i a l l y based i n t e r e s t s , n e i t h e r has the Senate. I t was the i n i t i a l i n t e n t i o n of the F a t h e r s of Con-f e d e r a t i o n t h a t t h i s body se r v e as a forum i n which r e g i o n a l i n t e r e s t s c o u l d have an i n f l u e n c e on f e d e r a l decision-making. However, the f a c t t h a t the Senate i s e n t i r e l y appointed by the prime m i n i s t e r u s u a l l y on the b a s i s of p a r t y patronage has g r a d u a l l y undermined i t s l e g i t i m a c y as a democratic and r e g i o n a l -l y r e p r e s e n t a t i v e body. Although f o r m a l l y s t i l l powerful, i n 24 p r a c t i c e , the upper house has d e c l i n e d i n importance over the y e a r s as p r e s s u r e -from e l e c t e d o-F-ficials and p u b l i c o p i n i o n has r e l e g a t e d i t t o the s i d e l i n e s of n a t i o n a l p o l i t i c s . Numerous p r o p o s a l s advocating the reform or a b o l i t i o n of the Senate have appeared, p a r t i c u l a r l y over the past twenty y e a r s . The f i r s t - p a s t - t h e - p o s t e l e c t o r a l system has a l s o served t o i n h i b i t the e x p r e s s i o n of r e g i o n a l i n t e r e s t s a t the f e d e r a l l e v e l by c ausing c e r t a i n r e g i o n s t o be underrepresented w i t h i n p a r t y caucuses. In h i s study of the e l e c t o r a l and p a r t y systems, C a i r n s 2 7 ' argues t h a t p o l i t i c a l l e a d e r s are encouraged t o con-c e n t r a t e t h e i r campaign e f f o r t and appeal on those p a r t s of the country where they are most l i k e l y t o a chieve s u c c e s s i n terms of p a r l i a m e n t a r y s e a t s and t o i g n o r e the other p a r t s . T h i s s t r a t e g y , i n t u r n , tends t o c r e a t e r e g i o n a l l y based p a r t i e s and r e g i o n a l b l o c s of s e a t s i n the l e g i s l a t u r e , thus r e i n f o r c i n g the t e r — r i t o r i a l d i v i s i o n s w i t h i n the country. At no time i n Canadian h i s t o r y was t h i s more acute than i n the l a t e s e v e n t i e s and e a r l y e i g h t i e s when the f e d e r a l L i b e r a l s and T o r i e s had v i r t u a l l y no r e p r e s e n t a t i o n i n the West and Quebec, r e s p e c t i v e l y . Given t h a t the e x t r a - p a r l i a m e n t a r y wings of Canadian p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s a r e v i r t u a l l y excluded from any s u b s t a n t i v e decision-making, a l a r g e imbalance i n the r e g i o n a l composition of the caucus i s bound t o have a major impact on p a r t y p o l i c y . In C a i r n s ' s words, "the general p e r s p e c t i v e s and p o l i c y o r i e n t a t i o n s of a p a r t y are l i k e l y t o be skewed i n favour of those i n t e r e s t s which, by v i r t u e of s t r o n g p a r l i a m e n t a r y r e p r e s e n t a t i o n , can v i g o r o u s l y a s s e r t t h e i r c l a i m s . " 2 B Should the governing p a r t y f i n d i t s e l f i n such a s i t u a t i o n , i t runs the r i s k of a l i e n a t i n g c e r t a i n s e c t i o n s of the country, hence c o n t r i b u t i n g t o r e g i o n a l t e n s i o n s and f e d e r a l - p r o v i n c i a l c o n f l i c t . The f e d e r a l p u b l i c s e r v i c e has a l s o evolved i n a manner which has made i t l e s s r e g i o n a l l y r e p r e s e n t a t i v e . The patronage system of r e c r u i t m e n t was r e p l a c e d by one based on the me r i t p r i n c i p l e by the Borden a d m i n i s t r a t i o n i n 1918-1919. One of t h e most note-worthy consequences was the d e c l i n e of French-Canadian p a r t i c i p a -t i o n i n the f e d e r a l p u b l i c s e r v i c e . T e c h n o c r a t i c e f f i c i e n c y became the governing p r i n c i p l e of the bureaucracy — a p r i n c i p l e which l e a d s t o a b i a s towards u n i f o r m i t y and i n s e n s i t i v i t y t o r e g i o n a l p a r t i c u l a r i s m s . F i n a l l y , changes i n the s t r u c t u r e and o p e r a t i o n of the f e d e r a l c a b i n e t have c o n t r i b u t e d g r e a t l y t o the d e c l i n e of the i n t r a s t a t e dimension of Canadian f e d e r a l i s m . Due t o the con-c e n t r a t i o n of power i n the e x e c u t i v e , the extent t o which the c e n t r a l government i s r e c e p t i v e t o r e g i o n a l concerns w i l l depend l a r g e l y on how the c a b i n e t f u n c t i o n s . The t r a n s i t i o n from what S t e f a n Dupre c a l l s t he "departmentalized c a b i n e t " t o the " i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d c a b i n e t " i n the l a t e 1950s and e a r l y 1960s had a profound impact on the f e d e r a l system. 2'" The i n c r e a s e d r o l e of c e n t r a l a gencies and the Prime M i n i s t e r ' s O f f i c e , and the s h i f t toward a c o l l e g i a l process of decision-making are among the major f e a t u r e s of the present-day e x e c u t i v e . Although c a b i n e t s g e n e r a l l y tend t o be comprised of members from a l l r e g i o n s , the new reforms have di m i n i s h e d the c a p a c i t y of m i n i s t e r s t o act as 26 r e g i o n a l b r o k e r s i n the way they once d i d . N e v e r t h e l e s s , as Herman Bakvis p o i n t s out, the r o l e o-f the c a b i n e t as a -forum i n which r e g i o n a l concerns are a r t i c u l a t e d has been undervalued. D e s p i t e i t s r e c e n t e v o l u t i o n , "the Canadian c a b i n e t does remain as the o n l y s i g n i f i c a n t i n t r a - s t a t e component i n the Canadian f e d e r a l s y s t e m . 3 0 P o l i t i c a l i n s t i t u t i o n s are, t o a l a r g e e x t e n t , shaped by e t h n i c and r e g i o n a l f o r c e s , but they a l s o have a profound impact on whether these cleavages become suppressed or more pronounced. To quote a f r e q u e n t l y c i t e d passage by E.E. S c h a t t s c h n e i d e r : " A l l forms of p o l i t i c a l o r g a n i z a t i o n have a b i a s i n favour of t h e e x p l o i t a t i o n of some kind of c o n f l i c t and the s u p p r e s s i o n of o t h e r s . ... Some i s s u e s are o r g a n i z e d i n t o p o l i t i c s w h i l e o t h e r s are o r g a n i z e d o u t . " 3 1 In a p p l y i n g t h i s i n s i g h t t o the Canadian case, Richard Simeon c l a i m s t h a t our p o l i t i c a l i n s t i t u t i o n s " serve s y s t e m a t i c a l l y t o r e i n f o r c e and make s a l i e n t the t e r -r i t o r i a l dimensions of p o l i t i c a l l i f e , and t o dampen, minimize or c u r t a i l non-regional — or n a t i o n a l — cleavages. We i n s t i t u -t i o n a l i z e the r e g i o n a l d i m e n s i o n s . " 3 2 The end r e s u l t has been a high degree of f e d e r a l - p r o v i n c i a l c o n f l i c t . CONCLUSION The academic community has engaged i n a v a s t amount of r e s e a r c h i n r e c e n t decades f o r the purpose of uncovering the u n d e r l y i n g causes of Canada's n a t i o n a l u n i t y c r i s i s . T h i s chapter i s but a small r e p r e s e n t a t i v e sample of t h i s l i t e r a t u r e . 27 C u l t u r a l , economic, and p o l i t i c a l / i n s t i t u t i o n a l f a c t o r s have a l l p layed a c o n t r i b u t i n g r o l e . However, the c l a r i f i c a t i o n of the r o o t causes of d i s u n i t y i n any given s o c i e t y w i l l not n e c e s s a r i l y culminate i n the a b i l i t y t o r e v e r s e such t r e n d s . Disagreements on a p p r o p r i a t e a c t i o n , the l i m i t s of p o l i t i c a l power, c o n f l i c t i n g p o l i t i c a l i n t e r e s t s , b u r e a u c r a t i c i n e r t i a , and t h e circumstances of h i s t o r y and geography combine t o make such problems extremely d i f f i c u l t t o r e s o l v e . It i s i n t h i s context t h a t we now t u r n t o the e f f o r t s of the Trudeau government t o s u s t a i n n a t i o n a l u n i t y i n the f a c e of t h e v a r i e g a t e d c e n t r i f u g a l f o r c e s a t work. The f o l l o w i n g c h a p t e r s w i l l o u t l i n e t h r e e broad n a t i o n - b u i l d i n g s t r a t e g i e s and the r a t i o n a l e behind them. They w i l l f o c u s on what Ottawa i d e n t i f i e d as the r o o t causes of d i s u n i t y and on what o b s t a c l e s i t had t o overcome i n order t o a c h ieve i t s o b j e c t i v e s . 28 ENDNOTES: CHAPTER 1 1. K a r l W. Deutsch, N a t i o n a l i s m and S o c i a l Communication: An I n q u i r y i n t o the Foundations o-f N a t i o n a l i t y (New York: Technology P r e s s o-f M. I.T. and John Wiley & Sons, 1953) p. 13 2. David B e l l and L ome Tepperman, The Roots of D i s u n i t y : A Look at Canadian P o l i t i c a l C u l t u r e (Toronto: M c C l e l l a n d and Stewart, 1979) 3. David J . E l k i n s and R i c h a r d Simeon, " P r o v i n c i a l P o l i t i c a l C u l t u r e s i n Canada" i n E l k i n s and Simeon, eds. Smal1  Worlds: P r o v i n c e s and P a r t i e s i n Canadian P o l i t i c a l  L i f e (Toronto: Methuen, 1980) 4. Raymond Breton, "The p r o d u c t i o n and a l l o c a t i o n of symbolic r e s o u r c e s : an a n a l y s i s of the l i n g u i s t i c and e t h n o c u l t u r a l f i e l d s i n Canada" Canadian Review of S o c i o l o g y and  Anthropology 21:2 (1984) p. 125 5. I b i d . p. 129 6. M i l t o n J . Esman, ed. E t h n i c C o n f l i c t i n t h e Western World ( I t h i c a : C o r n e l l U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1977) 7. Kenneth McRoberts and Dale Posgate, Quebec: S o c i a l Change and P o l i t i c a l C r i s i s r e v i s e d e d i t i o n (Toronto: M c C l e l l a n d and Stewart, 1980) p. 94-95 8. David Jay Bercuson, ed. Canada and the Burden of U n i t y (Toronto: Macmillan of Canada, 1977) 9. See Book 3 of t h e Report by t h e Royal Commission of B i l i n g u a l i s m and B i c u l t u r a l ism. Hugh R. I n n i s , B i l i n g u a l ism and B i c u l t u r a l i s m : An abridged v e r s i o n of  the Royal Commission Report (Toronto: M c C l e l l a n d and Stewart, 1973) 10. Garth Stevenson, U n f u l f i l l e d Union: Canadian F e d e r a l i s m and N a t i o n a l U n i t y (Toronto: Gage P u b l i s h i n g , 1982) p. 67 11. I b i d . p. 78-79 12. C h r i s t o p h e r Armstrong, The P o l i t i c s of F e d e r a l i s m : O n t a r i o ' s R e l a t i o n s with the F e d e r a l Government. 1867- 1942 (Toronto: U n i v e r s i t y of Toronto Press, 1981) 13. C.B. Macpherson, Democracy i n A l b e r t a : S o c i a l C r e d i t and the P a r t y System second e d i t i o n (Toronto: U n i v e r s i t y of Toronto Press, 1962) and J.R. M a l l o r y , S o c i a l C r e d i t  and the F e d e r a l Power i n Canada (Toronto: U n i v e r s i t y of Toronto Press, 1954) 14. L a r r y P r a t t and John Richards, P r a i r i e C a p i t a l i s m : Power and Infuence i n the New West (Toronto: M c C l e l l a n d and Stewart, 1979) 15. David Milne, Tug of War: Ottawa and the P r o v i n c e s Under Trudeau and Mulroney (Toronto: James Lorimer & Company, 1986) 16. McRoberts and Posgate, Quebec p.98-103 17. C i t e d i n : I b i d . p. 101 29 18. P r a t t and R i c h a r d s , P r a i r i e C a p i t a l i s m p. 8 19. For a good overview on f a c t o r s c o n t r i b u t i n g t o i n c r e a s e d s t a t e a c t i v i t y , see: Stevenson, "The D i v i s i o n of Powers" i n R i c h a r d Simeon, r e s e a r c h c o o r d i n a t o r , The D i v i s i o n  of Power and P u b l i c P o l i c y v o l . 61 of the Macdonald Commission S t u d i e s (Toronto: U n i v e r s i t y of Toronto Press, 1985) p. 102-109 20. Alan C. C a i r n s , "The Other C r i s i s of Canadian F e d e r a l i s m " Canadian P u b l i c A d m i n i s t r a t i o n 22 (1979) pp. 175-95 21. I b i d . p. 186-87 22. I b i d . p. 180-82 23. Frank R. S c o t t , Essays on the C o n s t i t u t i o n : Aspects of Canadian Law and P o l i t i c s (Toronto: U n i v e r s i t y of Toronto P r e s s , 1977) p. 261-266 24. F l e t c h e r , " J u d i c i a l Review and t h e D i v i s i o n of Powers i n Canada" i n J . Peter Meekison, ed. Canadian  F e d e r a l i s m : Myth or R e a l i t y t h i r d e d i t i o n (Toronto: Methuen, 1977) p. 119-120 25. Donald V. Smiley, "The S t r u c t u r a l Problem of Canadian F e d e r a l i s m " Canadian P u b l i c A d m i n i s t r a t i o n 14 ( F a l l 1971) 26. D o n a l d V. Smiley and Ronald L. Watts, I n t r a s t a t e F e d e r a l i s m i n Canada v o l . 39 of the Macdonald Commission S t u d i e s . (Toronto: U n i v e r s i t y of Toronto, 1985) p. 92. I t i s not l i k e l y t h a t these f i g u r e s would be any d i f f e r e n t today. 27. C a i r n s , "The e l e c t o r a l System and the P a r t y System i n Canada, 1921-1965" Canadian J o u r n a l of P o l i t i c a l  S c i e n c e 1 (March 1968) pp. 55-80 28. I b i d . p. 70 29. J . S t e f a n Dupre, "The W o r k a b i l i t y of E x e c u t i v e F e d e r a l i s m i n Canada" i n R i c h a r d Simeon, r e s e a r c h c o o r d i n a t o r , Intergovernmental R e l a t i o n s v o l . 63 of the Macdonald Commission S t u d i e s (Toronto: U n i v e r s i t y of Toronto Press, 1985) 30. Herman Bakvis, "American S t y l e I n t r a - s t a t e F e d e r a l i s m and the Canadian C a b i n e t " paper presented a t the Conference on "Comparative F e d e r a l i s m : Changing Theory and P r a c t i c e i n the Adaptive Canadian and American F e d e r a l Systems," Hanover, New Hampshire, June 22-25, 1989. p. 5 31. C i t e d i n : R i c h a r d Simeon, "Regionalism and Canadian P o l i t i c a l I n s t i t u t i o n s " i n Meekison, ed. Canadian  Fe d e r a l ism p. 294 32. I b i d . p. 292 30 CHAPTER 2 THE RESTRUCTURING OF FEDERAL INSTITUTIONS The c e n t r a l government has o f t e n been c r i t i c i z e d f o r being i n s e n s i t i v e t o r e g i o n a l i n t e r e s t s . Yet, p r i o r t o t h e mid 1970s, l i t t l e a t t e n t i o n was given t o the i n t r a s t a t e dimension of Canadian f e d e r a l i s m . C o n s t i t u t i o n a l debate l e a d i n g up t o t h e 1971 V i c t o r i a C h a r t e r focussed almost e x c l u s i v e l y on i n t e r s t a t e a f f a i r s , with some d i s c u s s i o n concerning r i g h t s - b a s e d i s s u e s . Given t h a t the major impetus f o r c o n s t i t u t i o n a l change had emanated from Quebec, debate was monopolized by the i s s u e of F r e n c h - E n g l i s h r e l a t i o n s . Demands from the Quebec government tended t o concern the r e v i s i o n of the formal d i v i s i o n of powers i n order t o i n c r e a s e p r o v i n c i a l power and autonomy r a t h e r than the t r a n s f o r m a t i o n of i n s t i t u t i o n a l s t r u c t u r e s t o r a i s e prov-i n c i a l i n f l u e n c e i n c e n t r a l policy—making. E n g l i s h - C a n a d i a n s and t h e i r p r o v i n c i a l e l i t e s , on the other hand, g e n e r a l l y tended t o be s a t i s f i e d with the e x i s t i n g i n s t i t u t i o n a l arrangements at the f e d e r a l l e v e l . G rievances c e r t a i n l y e x i s t e d but tended t o be of a n o n - i n s t i t u t i o n a l nature, f o c u s i n g on such matters as r e g i o n a l economic development and e q u a l i z a t i o n . 1 From the f e d e r a l government came o n l y h a l f — h e a r t e d sug-g e s t i o n s r e g a r d i n g the reform of c e n t r a l i n s t i t u t i o n s . In i t s p o s i t i o n paper prepared f o r the f i r s t F e d e r a l — P r o v i n c i a l Conference on the C o n s t i t u t i o n , s e v e r a l r e f e r e n c e s were made 31 r e g a r d i n g s t r u c t u r a l change o-f an i n t r a s t a t e nature. I t d e c l a r e d t h a t " C t l h e Government o-f Canada b e l i e v e s t h a t the c e n t r a l i n s t i t u t i o n s o-f government must be designed t o ensure t h a t the [ f e d e r a l ] c h a r a c t e r of the country i s p r e s e r v e d . " 2 There i s an e x p l i c i t r e c o g n i t i o n t h a t the Senate was inadequate i n t h i s r e gard, and t h a t i t s f u n c t i o n , powers and method of appointment should be reviewed. However, Senate reform was not c o n s i d e r e d an immediate p r i o r i t y and was, i n ' f a c t , not recommended as a t o p i c of d i s c u s s i o n a t the upcoming conference. The Supreme Court was a l s o mentioned as a p o s s i b l e s u b j e c t of review. Again, l i t t l e was mentioned i n the way of c o n c r e t e p r o p o s a l s . Regarding the f e d e r a l p u b l i c s e r v i c e , t h e r e was an expressed d e s i r e t o c o n t i n u e the i n t r a s t a t e reforms designed t o make t h a t i n s t i t u t i o n more r e f l e c t i v e of Canada's F r e n c h - E n g l i s h d u a l i t y . Released b e f o r e the second C o n s t i t u t i o n a l Conference i n 1969, The C o n s t i t u t i o n and the People of Canada s t a t e d more e x p l i c i t l y the government's p o s i t i o n r e g a r d i n g the reform of c e n t r a l i n s t i t u t i o n s . It recommended t h a t the Senate "be r e -o r g a n i z e d t o p r o v i d e f o r the e x p r e s s i o n i n i t , i n a more d i r e c t and formal manner than at present, of the i n t e r e s t s of the p r o v i n c e s . " 3 To t h i s end, Ottawa proposed t h a t both l e v e l s of government take p a r t i n the s e l e c t i o n of Senators. An e l e c t e d Senate was e x p l i c i t l y r e j e c t e d on t h e grounds t h a t p r o v i n c i a l governments should have at l e a s t some r e p r e s e n t a t i o n i n the upper chamber and t h a t such an i n s t i t u t i o n c o u l d p o t e n t i a l l y t h r e a t e n the dominant p o s i t i o n of the lower house. The Senate should, a c c o r d i n g t o the f e d e r a l government, be given the a u t h o r i t y t o 32 r a t i f y appointments t o the Supreme Court and be g i v e n s p e c i a l powers i n matters concerning language and human r i g h t s l e g i s l a -t i o n . One can see i n these recommendations an embryonic v e r s i o n of the more comprehensive i n i t i a t i v e t h a t was t o be taken i n t h i s f i e l d almost a decade l a t e r . Regarding Supreme Court a p p o i n t -ments, the f e d e r a l government acknowledged t h a t " i t would be p r e f e r a b l e t h a t t h e r e be some form of p a r t i c i p a t i o n on b e h a l f of the p r o v i n c e s . " To t h i s end, i t was recommended t h a t a l l appointments r e q u i r e r a t i f i c a t i o n by the Senate. De s p i t e the recommendations t h a t d i s c u s i o n s of i n t r a s t a t e reforms be i n c l u d e d i n the c o n s t i t u t i o n a l review p r o c e s s , l i t t l e a t t e n t i o n appears t o have been g i v e n t o these matters d u r i n g the c o n s t i t u t i o n a l n e g i t i a t i o n s l e a d i n g up t o the V i c t o r i a Conference of 1971. The V i c t o r i a Charter c o n t a i n e d o n l y one i n s t i t u t i o n a l change of an i n t r a s t a t e nature. The F i r s t M i n i s t e r s had agreed t h a t f e d e r a l — p r o v i n c i a l c o n s u l t a t i o n s would take p l a c e p r i o r t o any appointments t o the Supreme Court. However, the u l t i m a t e demise of the Charter meant t h a t even these minimal reforms d i d not come t o pass. Within the Canadian academic community, th e concept of i n t r a s t a t e f e d e r a l i s m began t o r e c e i v e c u r r e n c y f o l l o w i n g the p u b l i c a t i o n of Donald Smiley's seminal 1971 a r t i c l e , "The S t r u c t u r a l Problem of Canadian F e d e r a l i s m . " T h i s r e p r e s e n t s the f i r s t i n s t a n c e i n which the i n t r a s t a t e model of f e d e r a l i s m was e x p l i c i t l y s p e l l e d out i n Canadian academia. In i t , Smiley warns t h a t "a r a d i c a l r e s t r u c t u r i n g of t h e i n s t i t u t i o n s of the Govern-ment o-f Canada may be the p r i c e f o r the s u r v i v a l o-f the Canadian •federal system. The re-form of c e n t r a l i n s t i t u t i o n s a l s o r e c e i v e d a t t e n t i o n from the S p e c i a l J o i n t Committee of the Senate and House of Commons on the C o n s t i t u t i o n , more commonly known as the Molgat-MacGuigan Committee. In i t s 1972 Report, recommendation 39 s t a t e d t h a t h a l f the Senate should be "appointed by the Federal Government from a panel of nominees submitted by t h e a p p r o p r i a t e P r o v i n c i a l or T e r r i t o r i a l Government." 5 5 C o n s i s t e n t with the V i c t o r i a C h a r t e r , i t a l s o recommended t h a t p r o v i n c i a l governments be c o n s u l t e d on the appointment of Supreme Court judges. How-ever, d e s p i t e these developments, l i t t l e p u b l i c d i s c u s s i o n was generated on i n t r a s t a t e reforms at t h i s time. By the mid 1970s, c o n s t i t u t i o n a l debate had f i n a l l y moved beyond the narrow c o n f i n e s of F r e n c h — E n g l i s h r e l a t i o n s as new demands f o r change began t o emerge from a p r e v i o u s l y dormant E n g l i s h Canada. The broader phenomenon of " r e g i o n a l i s m " or " p r o v i n c i a l i s m " appeared on the Canadian p o l i t i c a l scene thus i n t r o d u c i n g a d i f f e r e n t dimension t o the p r o c e s s of c o n s t i t u -t i o n a l review. A new "conventional wisdom" emerged i n which i n t r a s t a t e as opposed t o i n t e r s t a t e reform was seen as the a p p r o p r i a t e s o l u t i o n t o the problems c o n f r o n t i n g the Canadian f e d e r a l system. In s t a r k c o n t r a s t t o the p r e v i o u s decade, a p l e t h o r a of c o n s t i t u t i o n a l p r o p o s a l s i n v o k i n g the r e s t r u c t u r i n g of c e n t r a l i n s t i t u t i o n s was brought f o r t h by a v a r i e t y of governmental and non-governmental sources a l i k e . Among prov-i n c i a l governments, the most comprehensive p r o p o s a l s of t h i s 34 nature emanated from B r i t i s h Columbia i n 1978 and from A l b e r t a i n 19B2. The f e d e r a l l y appointed Pepin-Robarts Task Force on Canadian U n i t y a l s o recommended s e v e r a l i n t r a s t a t e reforms i n i t s f i n a l r e p o r t . Other p r o p o s a l s emerged from the P r o g r e s s i v e C o n s e r v a t i v e P a r t y of Canada, Canadian Bar A s s o c i a t i o n , the Canada West Foundation, the O n t a r i o A d v i s o r y Committee on C o n f e d e r a t i o n , the Quebec L i b e r a l P a r t y , as well as a number of independent academic s t u d i e s . F i n a l l y , the f e d e r a l government i t s e l f i n t r o d u c e d the C o n s t i t u t i o n a l Amendment B i l l i n t o the House of Commons i n June 1978, thus o f f i c i a l l y commencing the second major round of C o n s t i t u t i o n a l debate. The B i l l emerged i n c o n j u n c t i o n with a s u p p o r t i n g White Paper, A Time For A c t i o n , and was f o l l o w e d by a s e r i e s of p o s i t i o n papers c l a r i f y i n g the government ' s v a r i o u s p r o p o s a l s . Reasons f o r the r e l a t i v e s h i f t i n c o n s t i t u t i o n a l debate from i n t e r s t a t e t o i n t r a s t a t e f e d e r a l i s m and from dualism t o r e g i o n -a l i s m are t w o f o l d . F i r s t l y , the coming t o power of the P a r t i Quebecois put an abrupt end t o Quebec's a c t i v i s m i n c o n s t i t u t i o n -a l p o l i t i c s . Having no i n t e r e s t i n working toward a renewed f e d e r a l i s m , the PQ government went i n t o a s e l f - i m p o s e d e x i l e from the n a t i o n a l p o l i t i c a l arena and c o n c e n t r a t e d on amassing popular support w i t h i n the p r o v i n c e f o r i t s s e p a r a t i s t p l a t f o r m . Quebec's withdrawal i n t u r n encouraged p r o v i n c i a l governments and organ-i z a t i o n s i n E n g l i s h Canada t o i g n o r e dualism i n t h e i r c o n s t i t u -t i o n a l p r o p o s a l s . Secondly, the major impetus f o r i n t r a s t a t e reforms came from western Canada. Western a s s e r t i v e n e s s grew as 35 the r e g i o n sought t o r a i s e i t s p o l i t i c a l power t o a l e v e l comparable with i t s newly a t t a i n e d economic power. B i t t e r d i s p u t e s over Ottawa's n a t u r a l r e s o u r c e p o l i c i e s combined with the v i r t u a l absence o-f r e p r e s e n t a t i o n w i t h i n f e d e r a l L i b e r a l caucuses i n the 1970s induced a f e e l i n g of a l i e n a t i o n among westerners, thus prompting them t o seek a l t e r n a t i v e means through which to e x e r c i s e i n f l u e n c e over the c e n t r a l government. While western d i s c o n t e n t was by no means a new phenomenon, i t had h i s t o r i c a l l y been expressed through a t t a c k s a g a i n s t p a r t y d i s c i p l i n e or Ottawa's economic p o l i c i e s , not i n terms of i n s t i t u t i o n a l reform. As Roger G i b b i n s notes, i t was not u n t i l the mid 1970s t h a t western g r i e v a n c e s were t r a n s l a t e d i n t o an " a l t e r n a t i v e c o n s t i t u t i o n a l v i s i o n " — a v i s i o n i n which i n t r a -s t a t e reform played a prominent r o l e . 6 A u s e f u l d i s t i n c t i o n has been made by Alan C a i r n s between two d i s t i n c t v e r s i o n s of i n t r a s t a t e f e d e r a l i s m . - 7 The f i r s t , e n t i t l e d , " p r o v i n c i a l i n t r a s t a t e f e d e r a l i s m , " i n c l u d e s those arrangements i n which r e g i o n a l i n t e r e s t s are represented w i t h i n f e d e r a l i n s t i t u t i o n s by p r o v i n c i a l governments. A prime example of t h i s i s the Bundesrat of the F e d e r a l R e p u b l i c of Germany. The second, e n t i t l e d , " c e n t r a l i s t i n t r a s t a t e f e d e r a l i s m , " i n v o l v e s the a l l o c a t i o n of t h i s a u t h o r i t y t o non-governmental r e g i o n a l a c t o r s . In t h i s case, the A u s t r a l i a n and American Senates s e r v e as u s e f u l examples. Not s u r p r i s i n g l y , p r o v i n c i a l government p r o p o s a l s f o r i n t r a s t a t e reform tended t o be more a k i n t o the former v e r s i o n , while Ottawa's p r o p o s a l s c l e a r l y favoured the l a t t e r . Each v e r s i o n i s claimed by i t s proponents t o be the best 36 means through which t o enhance n a t i o n a l u n i t y and the l e g i t i m a c y o-f the -federal government. Be-fore d i s c u s s i n g Ottawa's C o n s t i t u t i o n a l Amendment B i l l , i t would be u s e f u l t o g i v e some a t t e n t i o n t o the more prominent p r o v i n c i a l i s t p r o p o s a l s . A general understanding of the p r e v a i l -i n g p r o v i n c i a l i s t thought w i l l help put the f e d e r a l government's i n i t i a t i v e i n proper p e r s p e c t i v e . The f o l l o w i n g s e c t i o n w i l l o u t l i n e the major i n t r a s t a t e recommendations of the Pepin—Robarts Task Force, the government of B r i t i s h Columbia, and the Quebec L i b e r a l P a r t y . The f i r s t i s chosen because i t c o n t a i n s the recommendations of a major f e d e r a l l y appointed commission asked t o deal s p e c i f i c a l l y with the i s s u e of n a t i o n a l u n i t y . The second i s i n c l u d e d not o n l y because i t r e p r e s e n t s a western p e r s p e c t i v e , but because i t c o n t a i n s the most comprehensive of a l l i n t r a s t a t e p r o p o s a l s t o emerge from the p r o v i n c i a l c a p i t a l s . F i n a l l y , the PLQ document i s i n c l u d e d because i t r e p r e s e n t s a p o l i t i c a l a l t e r n a t i v e a c c e p t a b l e t o Quebecois n a t i o n a l i s t s of a n o n - s e p a r a t i s t p e r s u a s i o n . Appointed by the Trudeau government i n the summer of 1977, the Task Force on Canadian U n i t y conducted a s e r i e s of c r o s s -country p u b l i c h e a r i n g s over a one and a h a l f year p e r i o d t o s o l i c i t the views of Canadians on the i s s u e of n a t i o n a l u n i t y . T h i s was f o l l o w e d by the r e l e a s e of a r e p o r t c o n t a i n i n g the o b s e r v a t i o n s and recommendations of the Commissioners. In A F u t u r e Together, t h e i r understanding of the r o o t causes of d i s u n i t y i s r e v e a l e d : We b e l i e v e t h a t the heart of the present c r i s i s i s t o be d i s c o v e r e d i n the i n t e r s e c t i n g c o n f l i c t s c r e a t e d by two kinds of cleavages i n Canadian s o c i e t y and by the p o l i -t i c a l a g e ncies which express and mediate them. The f i r s t and more p r e s s i n g cleavage i s t h a t o l d Canadian d i v i s i o n between "the French" and "the E n g l i s h . " ... The second cleavage i s t h a t which d i v i d e s the v a r i o u s r e g i o n s of Canada and t h e i r p o p u l a t i o n s from one another. 1 3 In d e a l i n g with the c h a l l e n g e s presented by d u a l i s m and r e g i o n a l i s m , the Task Force recommended t h a t the c o n d i t i o n s be c r e a t e d which would a l l o w f o r the f u l l e x p r e s s i o n of these d i v e r s i t i e s . T h i s would be accomplished through the d e c e n t r a l -i z a t i o n of powers t o the p r o v i n c e s i n a number of j u r i s d i c t i o n s and by the r e s t r u c t u r i n g of c e n t r a l i n s t i t u t i o n s i n order t o make them more r e s p o n s i v e t o p r o v i n c i a l concerns. The Commission's i n t r a s t a t e p r o p o s a l s i n c l u d e the replacement of the Senate with the "Council of the F e d e r a t i o n " and the reform of the e l e c t o r a l system.* The new second chamber would be composed of p r o v i n c i a l d e l e g a t i o n s l e d by p r o v i n c i a l c a b i n e t m i n i s t e r s a c t i n g on the i n s t r u c t i o n s of t h e i r r e s p e c t i v e govern-ments. I t would c o n t a i n "no more than 60 v o t i n g members" with a d i s t r i b u t i o n weighted i n favour of t h e s m a l l e r p r o v i n c e s . F e d e r a l c a b i n e t m i n i s t e r s c o u l d a l s o p a r t i c i p a t e as non-voting members. T h i s would g i v e the c e n t r a l government the o p p o r t u n i t y of defending proposed l e g i s l a t i o n w i t h i n the C o u n c i l . The C o u n c i l would have a suspensive veto over l e g i s l a t i v e b i l l s i n areas of p r o v i n c i a l and concurrent j u r i s d i c t i o n , the d u r a t i o n of which v a r i e d a c c o r d i n g t o the category of l e g i s l a t i o n . A l s o s u b j e c t t o C o u n c i l approval would be f e d e r a l appointments t o the Supreme Court and t o major c e n t r a l agencies and Crown c o r p o r a t i o n s . 38 The Task Force a l s o recommended changes t o the e l e c t o r a l system i n order t o compensate f o r the tendency of p a r t y member— s h i p i n the lower house t o become concentrated i n t o r e g i o n a l b l o c s . Recognizing the t h r e a t t h a t t h i s phenomenon may pose t o n a t i o n a l u n i t y , i t was proposed t h a t approximately s i x t y s e a t s be added t o the House of Commons and a l l o c a t e d a c c o r d i n g t o a system of p r o p o r t i o n a l r e p r e s e n t a t i o n . The primary purpose of t h i s measure was t o g i v e p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s s e a t s i n r e g i o n s where they o r d i n a r i l y would r e c e i v e none or very few. Such a system would improve the r e p r e s e n t a t i v e n e s s of p a r t i e s w h i l e not g r e a t l y i n c r e a s i n g the l i k e l i h o o d of m i n o r i t y governments. At the 1978 F i r s t M i n i s t e r s ' conference, Premier B i l l Bennett presented a n i n e - p a r t b r i e f o u t l i n i n g the B.C. government's p r o p o s a l s f o r c o n s t i t u t i o n a l reform. The document begins by e x p r e s s i n g " d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n with the importance g i v e n t o B r i t i s h Columbia w i t h i n our present f e d e r a l system." I t goes on t o d e c l a r e t h a t western a l i e n a t i o n and maritime r e g i o n a l d i s p a r i t i e s a r e not merely c a t c h phrases, ...they express s e r i o u s concerns with deep-seated s t r u c t u r a l d e f i c i e n c i e s i n the c e n t r a l i n s t i t u t i o n s of f e d e r a l i s m , the d i v i s i o n of powers, and with c e r t a i n l o n g s t a n d i n g n a t i o n a l p o l i c i e s . 1 0 Among the i n i t i a l p r o p o s a l s forwarded i s t h a t B r i t i s h Columbia be e l e v a t e d t o the s t a t u s of " r e g i o n " on the b a s i s of i t s d i s t i n c t n e s s and r i s i n g importance i n the Canadian f e d e r a t i o n . In a d d i t i o n , the reform of c e n t r a l i n s t i t u t i o n s was co n s i d e r e d a high p r i o r i t y by the Bennett Government. As o u t l i n e d i n Paper No. 3, i t advocated a r e c o n s t i t u t e d , Bundesrat-type Senate that would be t r u l y r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of p r o v i n c i a l 39 governments. I t was t o c o n s i s t of s i x t y members, twelve from each of the c o u n t r y ' s f i v e r e g i o n s . Each p r o v i n c i a l government would appoint Senators t o r e p r e s e n t i t i n c l u d i n g a " l e a d i n g Senator" from w i t h i n i t s own c a b i n e t . The r e v i s e d Senate would have the c a p a b i l i t y t o employ an a b s o l u t e or a suspensive veto depending on the circumstances. The a b s o l u t e veto would apply t o appointments t o the Supreme Court and t o f e d e r a l Crown c o r p -o r a t i o n s and agencies. I t would a l s o apply t o the f e d e r a l d e c l a r a t o r y power, t o the f e d e r a l spending power i n a r e a s of p r o v i n c i a l j u r i s d i c t i o n , t o f e d e r a l laws a d m i n i s t e r e d by t h e p r o v i n c e s , and t o most c o n s t i t u t i o n a l amendments. Such a v e t o would be e x e r c i s e d by the l e a d i n g Senators who would c a s t a b l o c vote on b e h a l f of t h e i r r e s p e c t i v e governments. A suspensive veto would apply t o a l l other matters with the e x c e p t i o n of money b i l l s . In e x e r c i s i n g t h i s p r e r o g a t i v e , a l l Senators would vote as f r e e agents u n r e s t r i c t e d by t h e i r p r o v i n c i a l governments. Quebec L i b e r a l P a r t y (PLQ) sought t o f o r m u l a t e an a t t r a c t i v e a l t e r n a t i v e t o the PQ's " S o v e r e i g n t y — A s s o c i a t i o n " p r i o r t o the Quebec Referendum. Released i n e a r l y 1980, the s o - c a l l e d "Beige Paper" proposed a l a r g e — s c a l e d e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n of f i s c a l and l e g i s l a t i v e powers along with i n t r a s t a t e reforms of a s t r o n g l y p r o v i n c i a l i s t n a t u r e . 1 1 C e n t r a l t o the PLQ's recommendations was the replacement of the Senate by the "Federal C o u n c i l . " The C o u n c i l was t o be composed of d e l e g a t i o n s appointed by and r e s p o n s i b l e t o the p r o v i n c i a l governments, and was t o have at l e a s t 25 per cent of i t s membership from Quebec. I t would have r a t i f i c a t i o n powers not u n l i k e those of the r e v i s e d Senate i n the B.C. p r o p o s a l s . In a d d i t i o n , i t would have an a d v i s o r y c a p a c i t y i n a l l areas of f e d e r a l j u r i s d i c t i o n t h a t s u b s t a n t i a l l y a f f e c t the p r o v i n c e s and r e g i o n s . F i n a l l y , i t was recommended t h a t a " D u a l i s t Committee" of the Federal C o u n c i l be e s t a b l i s h e d with an equal number of French- and E n g l i s h - s p e a k i n g members. The Committee would have the a u t h o r i t y t o r a t i f y a l l f e d e r a l laws p e r t a i n i n g t o language and c u l t u r e . A l l t h r e e of the p r o v i n c i a l i s t p r o p o s a l s recommend t h a t the Senate be transformed from an independent chamber of sober— second-thought i n t o what i s e s s e n t i a l l y an intergovernmental body. The senate was t o become an instrument of " e x e c u t i v e f e d e r a l i s m . " I t s primary f u n c t i o n s would be t o ensure p r o v i n c i a l i n put i n t o f e d e r a l policy-making and t o improve the conduct of f e d e r a l - p r o v i n c i a l r e l a t i o n s . A l l of the above p r o p o s a l s recommended s i m i l a r reforms with r e s p e c t t o the Supreme Court of Canada. The e x i s t e n c e , composi-t i o n and j u r i s d i c t i o n of the Court would be entrenched i n t o the c o n s t i t u t i o n . Appointments t o the Court by the f e d e r a l govern-ment would r e q u i r e the r a t i f i c a t i o n of the newly c o n s t i t u t e d second chamber. The Pepin-Robarts and B.C. p r o p o s a l s c o n t a i n e d an a d d i t i o n a l f e a t u r e r e q u i r i n g t h a t c o n s u l t a t i o n s be undertaken with p r o v i n c i a l Attorneys-General — a measure s i m i l a r t o t h a t adopted at the V i c t o r i a Conference. Recommendations were a l s o made t o ensure a broad r e g i o n a l composition w i t h i n the Supreme Court. S p e c i a l a t t e n t i o n was given i n the PLQ and Pepin-Robarts p r o p o s a l s t o the p r o p o r t i o n of judges t o be appointed from Quebec 41 and t o the general dual nature of the Court and i t s o p e r a t i o n . Inherent i n the p r o v i n c i a l i s t p r o p o s a l s was a p a r t i c u l a r v i s i o n of the Canadian community which saw t h e p r o v i n c i a l governments as the most l e g i t i m a t e r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s of r e g i o n a l i n t e r e s t s and a s p i r a t i o n s . They i n c o r p o r a t e d a compact theory of C o n f e d e r a t i o n which viewed the p r o v i n c e s as the b a s i c u n i t s of the p o l i t i c a l system and the f e d e r a l government as t h e i r c r e a t i o n . Canada, i t would seem, i s no more than t h e sum of i t s component p a r t s . The p r e v a i l i n g theme i n p r o v i n c i a l i s t t h i n k i n g was that the r o l e of the f e d e r a l government i n p r o v i n c i a l a f f a i r s had t o be r e s t r i c t e d w h ile the r o l e of p r o v i n c i a l governments i n f e d e r a l a f f a i r s needed t o be augmented — a complete r e v e r s a l of the i n t e n t i o n s of the Founding F a t h e r s . The purpose of c o n s t i t u -t i o n a l reform, t h e r e f o r e , was t o r e s t r u c t u r e c e n t r a l i n s t i t u t i o n s so t h a t p r o v i n c i a l i n t e r e s t s were b e t t e r r e p r e s e n t e d . Regional and l i n g u i s t i c d i v e r s i t i e s are t o be accommodated and not sup-pressed. There i s no r e c o g n i t i o n w i t h i n p r o v i n c i a l i s t thought of a t e n s i o n between t e r r i t o r i a l d i v e r s i t y and n a t i o n a l u n i t y . In f a c t , such d i v e r s i t y i s viewed as a v a l u a b l e r e s o u r c e which, when f u l l y expressed, can enhance n a t i o n a l u n i t y . In an e f f o r t t o r e g a i n c o n t r o l over the c o n s t i t u t i o n a l agenda i n the f a c e of the v a r i o u s p r o v i n c i a l i s t i n i t i a t i v e s and p r e s s u r e s , the Trudeau government embarked on i t s own p l a n of a c t i o n , thus i n i t i a t i n g a new round of c o n s t i t u t i o n a l review. The e x p e r i e n c e of the f a i l e d V i c t o r i a C harter and the p e r c e i v e d need f o r an immediate response t o the s e p a r a t i s t t h r e a t prompted 42 Ottawa t o develop a new s t r a t e g y -for the second round. The procedure -for c o n s t i t u t i o n a l re-form was d i v i d e d i n t o two phases. Phase I i n c l u d e d re-forms which the -federal government b e l i e v e d c o u l d be u n i l a t e r a l l y undertaken through a simple a c t of P a r l -iament. Phase I I , t o be c a r r i e d out a t a l a t e r date, i n c l u d e d those reforms r e q u i r i n g p r o v i n c i a l approval and the involvement of the B r i t i s h Parliament — n a m e l y , p a t r i a t i o n and an amending formula. Phase I e n t a i l e d a comprehensive s e t of p r o p o s a l s i n t r o d u c e d i n P arliament as the C o n s t i t u t i o n a l Amendment B i l l , more commonly known as B i l l C -60. 1 3 The B i l l c o n t a i n e d a s e r i e s of reforms of c e n t r a l i n s t i t u t i o n s i n c l u d i n g the f e d e r a l e x e c u t i v e , the Senate, and the Supreme Court. Because i t d e a l t s o l e l y with the reform of f e d e r a l i n s t i t u t i o n s , the Trudeau a d m i n i s t r a t i o n assumed t h a t p r o v i n c i a l approval would not be necessary. However, a sub-sequent Supreme Court r u l i n g d e c l a r e d t h a t such approval was indeed necessary and, hence, s t r u c k down the l e g i s l a t i o n as u n c o n s t i t u t i o n a l . D e s p i t e i t s u l t i m a t e f a i l u r e , B i l l C-60 i s n e v e r t h e l e s s i n t e r e s t i n g f o r the i n s i g h t i t p r o v i d e s r e g a r d i n g the Trudeau government's co n c e p t i o n of how g r e a t e r n a t i o n a l u n i t y was t o be achieved. P r o v i s i o n s concerning t h e Supreme Court of Canada are s e t out i n s e c t i o n s 101-115 of the C o n s t i t u t i o n a l Amendment B i l l and a r e f u r t h e r e l a b o r a t e d on i n a s e p a r a t e p o s i t i o n p a p e r . 1 3 To begin, the e x i s t e n c e , composition, and j u r i s d i c t i o n of the Court would become entrenched i n t o the c o n s t i t u t i o n . Changes r e g a r d i n g the composition o-f the Court and the appointment o-f i t s judges are a l s o i n c l u d e d . The number o-f judges was t o be i n c r e a s e d from n i n e t o eleven, of which f o u r were t o come from Quebec and a t l e a s t one from each of the other f o u r r e g i o n s (B.C. i s c o n s i d e r e d a separate r e g i o n under t h i s f o r m u l a ) . I t was a l s o s t i p u l a t e d t h a t the f e d e r a l government had t o c o n s u l t with p r o v i n c i a l A t t orneys-General r e g a r d i n g j u d i c i a l appointments and p r o v i s i o n s were s e t out concerning the r e s o l u t i o n of deadlocks. F i n a l l y , a l l appointments would have t o r e c e i v e r a t i f i c a t i o n i n a newly c o n s t i t u t e d second chamber. The p r o v i s i o n s c o n t a i n e d i n B i l l C-60 r e g a r d i n g Supreme Court appointments are e s s e n t i a l l y the same as those agreed upon at the V i c t o r i a Conference, with the a d d i t i o n a l requirement of upper house approval f o r a l l appointments. As i n the f i r s t round of c o n s t i t u t i o n a l review, the f e d e r a l government r e a f f i r m e d i t s b e l i e f t h a t p r o v i n c e s should have a v o i c e i n the s e l e c t i o n of Supreme Court j u s t i c e s and t h a t the r e g i o n a l composition of the Court should be an important c o n s i d e r a t i o n . However, i t was a l s o committed t o m a i n t a i n i n g an uncumbersome appointment process and t o e n s u r i n g t h a t w e l 1 - q u a l i f i e d i n d i v i d u a l s were a s s i g n e d t o t h e Court. Judges were i n no way t o become " r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s " of t h e i r r e s p e c t i v e r e g i o n s or p r o v i n c e s . The i m p a r t i a l i t y of the Court had t o be maintained. Under the proposed formula, t h e s e o b j e c t i v e s were l i k e l y t o be upheld. Hence, by r e l i n q u i s h i n g i t s monopoly on j u d i c i a l appointments i n t h i s manner, th e f e d e r a l government would have enhanced the l e g i t i m a c y of the Court w h i l e not p u t t i n g undue power i n the hands of the p r o v i n c i a l govern-44 merits. The most important i n s t i t u t i o n a l change c o n t a i n e d i n B i l l C-60 i n v o l v e d the replacement o-f the Senate by the "House o-f the F e d e r a t i o n " ( s e c t i o n s 62-70). The House was t o c o n t a i n 118 members, hal-f of which were t o be s e l e c t e d by the House of Commons and the other h a l f by the p r o v i n c i a l l e g i s l a t u r e s . Seats were t o be d i s t r i b u t e d i n the f o l l o w i n g manner: 32 f o r the A t l a n t i c p r o v i n c e s ; 24 f o r O n t a r i o ; 24 f o r Quebec; 36 f o r the Western p r o v i n c e s ; and one f o r each of the n o r t h e r n t e r r i t o r i e s . T h i s r e p r e s e n t e d a s u b s t a n t i a l i n c r e a s e i n Western r e p r e s e n t a t i o n i n t h e upper house r e l a t i v e t o the o t h e r r e g i o n s . 1 ' * Members would be appointed by p a r t y l e a d e r s i n p r o p o r t i o n t o t h e i r p a r t i e s ' share of the popular vote i n the most re c e n t general e l e c t i o n . Under t h i s formula, each p r o v i n c e would have Senators r e p r e s e n t -i n g a d i v e r s i t y of i n t e r e s t s . Furthermore, because e l e c t i o n s a r e h e l d at l e a s t once every f i v e y e ars i n each of the eleven p o l i t i c a l u n i t s , membership i n the House of the F e d e r a t i o n would be s u b j e c t t o almost continuous change. Powers a l l o c a t e d t o the House of the F e d e r a t i o n i n c l u d e d the r i g h t t o c o n f i r m or r e j e c t appointments of Supreme Court judges and of heads of c e r t a i n f e d e r a l agencies and Crown c o r p o r a t i o n s . In a d d i t i o n , i t was t o have a two-month suspensive veto over most l e g i s l a t i o n passed by the lower house. Formally, t h i s would e n t a i l a r e d u c t i o n i n the upper house's present a b i l i t y t o employ an a b s o l u t e veto. In p r a c t i c a l terms, however, t h i s power has long f a l l e n i n t o d i s u s e and, consequently, a de f a c t o i n c r e a s e 45 i n power w o u l d a c t u a l l y r e s u l t . F i n a l l y , l e g i s l a t i o n o f " s p e c i a l l i n g u i s t i c s i g n i f i c a n c e " w o u l d r e q u i r e a d o u b l e m a j o r i t y i n t h e House o f t h e F e d e r a t i o n — t h a t i s , a m a j o r i t y o f E n g l i s h -s p e a k i n g and o f F r e n c h - s p e a k i n g members — i n o r d e r t o r e c e i v e p a s s a g e . I n t h e f e d e r a l p o s i t i o n p a p e r on t h e House o f t h e F e d e r a t i o n , t h e d e s i r e t o r e p l a c e t h e S e n a t e i s j u s t i f i e d on t h e g r o u n d s t h a t " t h e c o u n t r y a n d P a r l i a m e n t n e e d a s e c o n d c hamber t h a t w i l l f u n c t i o n a s a p o l i t i c a l l y e f f e c t i v e r e g i o n a l f o r u m . " T h r e e c r i t e r i a f o r a new s e c o n d chamber a r e s e t o u t : 1. The s e c o n d chamber s h o u l d c o n s t i t u t e a f o r u m i n w h i c h r e g i o n a l v i e w s may f r e e l y b e e x p r e s s e d . 2. The r e g i o n a l v i e w s e x p r e s s e d i n t h e s e c o n d chamber s h o u l d r e f l e c t t h e b r o a d e s t p o s s i b l e mix o f r e p r e s e n t -a t i v e g r o u p s . 3. The House o f Commons s h o u l d r e m a i n s u p r e m e , s o t h a t t h e p r i n c i p l e o f r e s p o n s i b l e p a r l i a m e n t a r y g o v e r n m e n t w i l l b e p r e s e r v e d . U s i n g t h e s e c r i t e r i a , an e l e c t e d S e n a t e i s r e j e c t e d on t h e g r o u n d s t h a t s u c h a b o d y w o u l d become p l a g u e d b y t h e p r o b l e m o f p a r t y d i s c i p l i n e a s i s t h e c a s e w i t h t h e A u s t r a l i a n u p p e r h o u s e . S u c h an i n s t i t u t i o n w o u l d be u n a b l e t o f u l f i l l t h e f i r s t c r i t e r i o n . An e l e c t e d S e n a t e may a l s o b e i n a p o s i t i o n t o c h a l l e n g e t h e d o m i n a n c e o f t h e l o w e r h o u s e . S h o u l d t h e S e n a t e b e c o n t r o l l e d b y t h e o p p o s i t i o n p a r t y i n t h e House o f Commons, i t w o u l d be i n a p o s i t i o n t o p e r s i s t e n t l y t h w a r t t h e w i l l o f t h a t b o d y . A B u n d e s r a t - t y p e s o l u t i o n , i n w h i c h S e n a t o r s a c t e d a s d i r e c t r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s o f p r o v i n c i a l g o v e r n m e n t s , i s a l s o r e j e c t e d on t h e p r i n c i p l e t h a t t h e s e c o n d c r i t e r i o n w o u l d n o t b e met. I n a f i r s t - p a s t - t h e - p o s t e l e c t o r a l s y s t e m , i t i s n o t 46 uncommon -for governments t o a t t a i n o-f-fice with the support o-f o n l y a m i n o r i t y o-f the e l e c t o r a t e . Hence, i t i s argued t h a t governing p a r t i e s do not adequ a t e l y ^ r e p r e s e n t t h e d i v e r s i t y o-f i n t e r e s t s w i t h i n p r o v i n c i a l s o c i e t i e s . For these reasons, the -federal government determined t h a t an i n d i r e c t l y e l e c t e d second chamber was the a l t e r n a t i v e best s u i t e d t o the co u n t r y ' s needs. The -fact t h a t i t i s an appointed body would make i t l e s s l i k e l y t h a t i t would c h a l l e n g e the w i l l or dominance o-f the House of Commons with great frequency. Regard-i n g the composition of the new second chamber, the mix of f e d e r a l and p r o v i n c i a l a ppointees was defended on the grounds t h a t "both r e p r e s e n t r e g i o n a l i n t e r e s t s , although from d i f f e r e n t p e rspec-t i v e s . " Given the d i v e r s i t y of i t s membership, the House of the F e d e r a t i o n i s u n l i k e l y t o f a l l under the c o n t r o l of the governing p a r t y or the o f f i c i a l o p p o s i t i o n of the day. I t i s t h e r e f o r e reasoned t h a t p a r t y d i s c i p l i n e should p l a y a minor r o l e and, as a r e s u l t , r e g i o n a l v iewpoints c o u l d be more f r e e l y expressed. With a l l o p p o s i t i o n as well as government p a r t i e s r e p r e s e n t e d , the debates would probably be more vig o r o u s , and the c o n f r o n t a t i o n of d i f f e r i n g views and t h e i r r e c o n c i l i a t i o n would probably be a more open proc e s s . 1 < f a From a n a t i o n a l u n i t y s t a n d p o i n t , the Trudeau government's e x p e c t a t i o n was t h a t the House of the F e d e r a t i o n would help moderate r e g i o n a l t e n s i o n s through the formation w i t h i n the House of d i f f e r e n t i n t e r — p a r t y a l l i a n c e s t h a t c r o s s p r o v i n c i a l boundaries. 1 - 7 Once i n d i v i d u a l s or groups m o b i l i z e on p a r t i c u l a r i s s u e s which form a l l i a n c e s t h a t transcend p r o v i n c i a l boundries, t e r r i t o r i a l c l e avages tend t o become l e s s s a l i e n t . Ottawa a l s o 47 sought t o enhance i t s own l e g i t i m a c y by c r e a t i n g a c e n t r a l i n s t i t u t i o n t h a t was more s e n s i t i v e t o r e g i o n a l i n t e r e s t s while, at the same time, not unduly i n c r e a s i n g the powers of the p r o v i n c i a l governments. By having each p r o v i n c e r e p r e s e n t e d by a m u l t i p l i c i t y of i n t e r e s t s , the d i v e r s i t i e s c o n t a i n e d w i t h i n p r o v i n c i a l s o c i e t i e s are emphasized. T h i s i n t u r n , s e r v e s t o undermine the c a p a c i t y of p r o v i n c i a l governments t o present themselves as the s o l e l e g i t i m a t e r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s of r e g i o n a l i n t e r e s t s . 1 B . Contrary t o the view of the Pepin-Robarts Commission and many p r o v i n c i a l governments which saw t h e p r o v i n c e s as t h e " b a s i c b u i l d i n g b l o c k s of Canadian S o c i e t y , " the Trudeau government had an e n t i r e l y d i f f e r e n t v i s i o n of Canada. In i t s eyes, the n a t i o n a l community was paramount and needed t o be strengthened i n the f a c e of the p r o v i n c i a l i s t c h a l l e n g e . Rather than being a mere c o l l e c t i o n of p r o v i n c e s , Canada was c o n s i d e r e d more than the sum of i t s component p a r t s . Regionalism and dualism were looked upon as f o r c e s t h a t had t o be c o n t a i n e d and undermined, not accommodated. Ottawa's i n t r a s t a t e c o n s t i t u t i o n a l p r o p o s a l s r e f l e c t e d t h i s view. I t sought t o reform c e n t r a l i n s t i t u t i o n s i n a manner t h a t c h a l l e n g e d p r o v i n c i a l a u t h o r i t y and l e g i t i m a c y w h i l e enhancing i t s own. 48 ENDNOTES: CHAPTER 2 1. Donald V. Smiley and Ronald L. Watts, I n t r a s t a t e F e d e r a l i s m i n Canada v o l . 39 o-f the Macdonald Com-miss i o n S t u d i e s (Toronto: U n i v e r s i t y o-f Toronto Press, 1985) p. 9-10 2. Rt. Hon. L e s t e r B. Pearson, F e d e r a l i s m -for the Future (Ottawa: 1968) p. 24 3. Canada, The C o n s t i t u t i o n and t h e People o-f Canada (Ottawa: 1969) p. 30 4. Smiley, "The S t r u c t u r a l Problem of Canadian F e d e r a l i s m " Canadian P u b l i c A d m i n i s t r a t i o n 14 ( F a l l 1971) p. 327 5. C i t e d i n : Edward McWhinney, Quebec and t h e C o n s t i t u t i o n 1960-1978 (Toronto: U n i v e r s i t y of Toronto P r e s s , 1979) p. 51-52 6. Roger G i b b i n s , " C o n s t i t u t i o n a l P o l i t i c s and the West" i n K e i t h Banting and R i c h a r d Simeon, eds. And No One  Cheered: F e d e r a l i s m . Democracy and t h e C o n s t i t u t i o n Act (Toronto: Methuen, 1983) p. 120 7. Alan C. C a i r n s , From I n t e r s t a t e t o I n t r a s t a t e F e d e r a l i s m i n Canada I n s t i t u t e D i s c u s s i o n Paper No. 5 (Kingston: Queen's U n i v e r s i t y , I n s t i t u t e of Intergovernmental R e l a t i o n s , 1979) p. 11-13 8. Canada, Task F o r c e on Canadian Uni t y , A F uture Together: Observations and Recommendations (Ottawa: M i n i s t e r of Supply and S e r v i c e s , 1979) p.21 9. I b i d . chapter 7 10. B r i t i s h Columbia, B r i t i s h Columbia's C o n s t i t u t i o n a l P r o p o s a l s ( V i c t o r i a : 1978) p. 3 11. Quebec L i b e r a l P a r t y , C o n s t i t u t i o n a l Committee, A New Canadian F e d e r a t i o n (Montreal: 1980) See chapter 9 f o r i n t r a s t a t e p r o p o s a l s . 12. Canada, The C o n s t i t u t i o n a l Amendment B i l l s Text and E x p l a n a t o r y Notes (Ottawa: M i n i s t e r of Supply and S e r v i c e s , 1978) 13. Canada, C o n s t i t u t i o n a l Reform: The Supreme Court of Canada (Ottawa: N a t i o n a l U n i t y O f f i c e , 1978) 14. The e x i s t i n g Senate d i s t r i b u t i o n was: 30 f o r the A t l a n t i c p r o v i n c e s and 24 f o r each of the other t h r e e r e g i o n s . 15. Canada, C o n s t i t u t i o n a l Reform: House of the F e d e r a t i o n (Ottawa: N a t i o n a l U n i t y O f f i c e , 1978) p. 13 16. I b i d . p. 11 17. I b i d . p. 12 18. C a i r n s , "Recent F e d e r a l i s t C o n s t i t u t i o n a l P r o p o s a l s : A Review" Canadian P u b l i c P o l i c y 3 (Summer 1979) p. 356 49 CHAPTER 3 B I L I N G U A L I S M and MULTICULTURALISM The s e c o n d m a j o r component o f t h e f e d e r a l g o v e r n m e n t ' s n a t i o n a l u n i t y s t r a t e g y was t h e p o l i c y o f o f f i c i a l b i l i n g u a l i s m and i t s c o n c o m i t a n t , m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m . I n s p i r e d b y t h e r e c o m m e n d a t i o n s o f t h e R o y a l C o m m i s s i o n on B i l i n g u a l i s m and B i c u l t u r a l i s m a s w e l l a s t h e p o l i t i c a l w i l l o f e l i t e s i n O t t a w a , b i l i n g u a l i s m was t h e f e d e r a l g o v e r n m e n t ' s f i r s t m a j o r r e s p o n s e t o t h e c h a l l e n g e p r e s e n t e d t o t h e C a n a d i a n p o l i t i c a l s y s t e m by t h e new n a t i o n a l i s m i n Quebec. M u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m s i g n i f i e d an o f f i c i a l r e c o g n i t i o n o f t h e c o n t r i b u t i o n s t h a t o t h e r e t h n i c g r o u p s h a v e made t o C a n a d i a n s o c i e t y . I t was a r e p u d i a t i o n o f t h e t e n d e n c y t o v i e w t h e C a n a d i a n c o m m u n i t y p u r e l y i n d u a l i s t i c t e r m s . B i l i n g u a l i s m and m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m may be s e e n a s p a r t o f an a t t e m p t t o f o r g e a new C a n a d i a n i d e n t i t y — one t h a t t r a n s c e n d e d r e g i o n a l i d e n t i t i e s and c o u l d b i n d c i t i z e n s t o t h e n a t i o n a l c o m m u n i t y . I t was a t o n c e a t r a n s f o r m a t i o n o f p u b l i c i n s t i t u t i o n s t h a t r e f l e c t e d c h a n g i n g s o c i a l r e a l i t i e s and a work o f s o c i a l e n g i n e e r i n g d e s i g n e d t o r e i n f o r c e c e r t a i n a t t i t u d e s a n d c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s t h a t w o u l d s t r e n g t h e n C a n a d i a n u n i t y . I t was, i n a d d i t i o n , an a c t d e s i g n e d t o l i m i t t h e s c o p e o f p r o v i n c i a l power w i t h r e s p e c t t o t h e t r e a t m e n t o f c i t i z e n s . The p o l i c y o f o f f i c i a l b i l i n g u a l i s m was f i r s t a n n o u n c e d i n A p r i l 1966 by P r i m e M i n i s t e r L e s t e r P e a r s o n . F o c u s s i n g p r i m a r i l y 50 on the o p e r a t i o n s o-f the -federal c i v i l s e r v i c e , the Prime M i n i s t e r i s s u e d the -following statement: The government hopes and expects t h a t , w i t h i n a reasonable p e r i o d of years, a s t a t e of a f f a i r s w i l l be reached i n the p u b l i c s e r v i c e whereby (a) i t w i l l be a normal p r a c t i c e f o r o r a l or w r i t t e n communications w i t h i n the s e r v i c e t o be made i n e i t h e r o f f i c i a l language a t the o p t i o n of the person making them, i n the knowledge t h a t they w i l l be understood by those d i r e c t l y concerned5 (b) communications with the p u b l i c w i l l n o rmally be i n e i t h e r o f f i c i a l language having regard t o the person being served; (c) the l i n g u i s t i c and c u l t u r a l v a l u e s of both E n g l i s h -speaking and French-speaking Canadians w i l l be r e f l e c t e d through c i v i l s e r v i c e r e c r u i t m e n t and t r a i n i n g . 1 Three y e a r s l a t e r , Parliament enacted t h e O f f i c i a l Languages Act which d r a m a t i c a l l y expanded the new l i n g u i s t i c regime thus thoroughly e n t r e n c h i n g i t i n Canadian p u b l i c l i f e . O f f i c i a l b i l i n g u a l ism may be s u b - d i v i d e d i n t o f o u r major p a r t s : the g r a n t i n g of equal s t a t u s t o the French and E n g l i s h languages; the expansion of French language s e r v i c e s by f e d e r a l i n s t i t u t i o n s ; p u b l i c employment p r a c t i c e s and the language of the workplace; and f i n a l l y , language r i g h t s with r e s p e c t t o e d u c a t i o n and the fu n d i n g of second language e d u c a t i o n . Regarding the s t a t u s of the French and E n g l i s h languages, s e c t i o n 2 of the O f f i c i a l Languages Act d e c l a r e s t h a t "the E n g l i s h and French languages are t h e o f f i c i a l languages of Canada and possess and enjoy e q u a l i t y of s t a t u s and equal r i g h t s and p r i v i l e g e s as t o t h e i r use i n a l l the i n s t i t u t i o n s of Parliament and the government of Canada." S e c t i o n 133 of the C o n s t i t u t i o n Act, 1867 had a l r e a d y d e c l a r e d French and E n g l i s h t o be the 51 languages o-f Parliament and o-f -federal c o u r t s , and b i l i n g u a l i s m had s i n c e been extended i n t o such symbolic areas as stamps (1927), c u r r e n c y (1936), and -federal cheques (1962). The new l e g i s l a t i o n , however, was much -farther r e a c h i n g i n t h a t i t a ttached the s t a t u s o-f " o - f - f i c i a l language" t o French and E n g l i s h and extended the p r i n c i p l e o-f language e q u a l i t y i n t o a l l areas o-f the -federal p u b l i c s e c t o r as well as c e r t a i n areas of the p r i v a t e s e c t o r . In p r a c t i c e , t h i s meant t h a t a l l s t a t u t e s , s i g n s and p u b l i c a t i o n s i s s u e d by f e d e r a l i n s t i t u t i o n s as well as consumer product l a b e l s had t o appear i n both o f f i c i a l languages — a p r a c t i c e which u n t i l t h a t time had u s u a l l y been c a r r i e d out almost e x c l u s i v e l y i n E n g l i s h . 2 The O f f i c i a l Languages Act a l s o changed th e nature of the s e r v i c e s p rovided by agencies and i n s t i t u t i o n s of the f e d e r a l government by e n s u r i n g t h a t these s e r v i c e s were provided i n both languages a c r o s s the country. In e f f e c t , the purpose of the l e g i s l a t i o n was t o extend French language s e r v i c e s o u t s i d e Quebec, where they had p r e v i o u s l y been v i r t u a l l y n o n - e x i s t e n t . T h i s p r o v i s i o n of the Act was based on the p r i n c i p l e t h a t "Canadians should be a b l e t o communicate with, and t o r e c e i v e s e r v i c e s from, the f e d e r a l i n s t i t u t i o n s of government i n the o f f i c i a l language of t h e i r c h o i c e and arrangements should be made t o t h i s e f f e c t wherever t h e r e i s s u f f i c i e n t demand f o r i t . " 3 Both of the above p r i n c i p l e s r e g a r d i n g language s t a t u s and s e r v i c e s were i n c o r p o r a t e d i n t o the 1982 C h a r t e r of R i g h t s and Freedoms under S e c t i o n s 16(2) and 20(1), r e s p e c t i v e l y , with v i r t u a l l y i d e n t i c a l wording. 52 The t h i r d aspect of o f f i c i a l b i l i n g u a l ism was t o e l i m i n a t e the i n e q u a l i t y between anglophones and francophones with r e s p e c t t o employment o p p o r t u n i t i e s and career m o b i l i t y i n the f e d e r a l c i v i l s e r v i c e on the p r i n c i p l e t h a t "Canadians of t h e two o f f i c i a l language groups should have e q u i t a b l e o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r employment and a c a r e e r i n the f e d e r a l i n s t i t u t i o n s of government and t o c a r r y out t h e i r work i n the o f f i c i a l language of t h e i r choice."'* I n i t i a t i v e s t o t h i s e f f e c t were i n i t i a l l y undertaken i n 1966 and were f o l l o w e d by f u r t h e r measures i n 1973 i n which language requirements were atta c h e d t o a l l f e d e r a l p u b l i c s e r v i c e p o s i t i o n s and measures were taken t o promote an i n c r e a s e d use of French w i t h i n the s e r v i c e . As a r e s u l t , 19 per cent of a l l p o s i t i o n s — 45 per cent w i t h i n the N a t i o n a l C a p i t a l Region — were desi g n a t e d as " b i l i n g u a l " w h ile 13 per cent were c a t e g o r i z e d as r e q u i r i n g p r o f i c i e n c y i n French o n l y . 5 5 The f i n a l aspect of o f f i c i a l b i l i n g u a l i s m d e a l s with the s u b j e c t of language e d u c a t i o n . S u b s t a n t i a l funding has been a l l o c a t e d by the f e d e r a l government s i n c e 1970 t o encourage Canadians t o a c q u i r e knowledge of both o f f i c i a l languages. T h i s investment was made on the f o l l o w i n g assumption: Knowledge of t h e two o f f i c i a l languages of Canada, by those Canadians who may choose t o l e a r n them, i s d e s i r a b l e as a personal and n a t i o n a l a s s e t so t h a t members of t h e two o f f i c i a l language groups may be a b l e t o communicate with each o t h e r , understand and c h e r i s h each o t h e r s d i v e r s e ways of l i f e , and s e r v e as a n a t u r a l l i n k between the two l i n g u i s t i c communities.* The f e d e r a l government a l s o took c e r t a i n i n i t i a t i v e s designed t o enhance the r i g h t s of l i n g u i s t i c m i n o r i t y groups with r e s p e c t 53 t o e d u c a t i o n . The entrenchment o-f these r i g h t s was advocated i n •federal c o n s t i t u t i o n a l p r o p o s a l s s i n c e the 1960s and they were i n c o r p - o r a t e d i n t o the 1982 C harter of R i g h t s and Freedoms under S e c t i o n 23. The i n s i s t e n c e t h a t t h e s e l i n g u i s t i c r i g h t s be i n c l u d e d i n the C h a r t e r and not s u b j e c t t o the l e g i s l a t i v e o v e r r i d e c l a u s e i s a c l e a r i n d i c a t i o n of the importance attached t o them by the f e d e r a l L i b e r a l s . The p o l i c y of o f f i c i a l b i l i n g u a l i s m has been remarkably s u c c e s s f u l i n meeting s e v e r a l of Ottawa's key o b j e c t i v e s . Far— r e a c h i n g changes have taken p l a c e w i t h i n f e d e r a l i n s t i t u t i o n s . These i n s t i t u t i o n s have come t o r e f l e c t more a c c u r a t e l y the dual nature of Canadian s o c i e t y . Moreover, the growth of "French Power" p a r t i c u l a r l y i n Ottawa has been q u i t e dramatic. French has become a language of work and francophones now occupy a share of c i v i l s e r v i c e p o s i t i o n s more i n l i n e with t h i e r p r o p o r t i o n of the p o p u l a t i o n . Whereas i n 1965 francophones occupied o n l y 21 per cent of a l l f e d e r a l p u b l i c s e r v i c e p o s i t i o n s and o n l y 17 percent of s e n i o r p o s i t i o n s , by 1984 they had a t t a i n e d a l e v e l of 27 per cent and 25 per cent, r e s p e c t i v e l y . ' 7 The s t i m u l u s f o r o f f i c i a l b i l i n g u a l i s m came i n l a r g e p a r t from the r e s e a r c h and recommendations of the Royal Commission on B i l i n g u a l i s m and B i c u l t u r a l i s m . E s t a b l i s h e d i n 1963 by the Pearson government, the Commission was asked " t o i n q u i r e i n t o and r e p o r t upon the e x i s t i n g s t a t e of b i l i n g u a l i s m and b i c u l t u r a l i s m i n Canada and t o recommend what s t e p s should be taken t o develop the Canadian C o n f e d e r a t i o n on the b a s i s of an equal p a r t n e r s h i p between the two founding r a c e s . " 0 Co-chaired by Andre Laurendeau 54 and Davidson Dunton, the B & B Commission was a c t i v e over an e i g h t - y e a r p e r i o d d u r i n g which i t produced a p r e l i m i n a r y r e p o r t along with s i x leng t h y volumes. Given the Commission's profound i n f l u e n c e on the t h i n k i n g and p o l i c i e s of f e d e r a l e l i t e s , i t would be u s e f u l t o o u t l i n e some of i t s major f i n d i n g s and pr o p o s a l s . In the course of i t s i n v e s t i g a t i o n s , t h e B & B Commission came t o the c o n c l u s i o n t h a t r e l a t i o n s between anglophones and francophones i n Canada were p r o f o u n d l y unequal i n v i r t u a l l y every r e s p e c t . A l a r g e d i s p a r i t y e x i s t e d both i n the symbolic s t a t u s and i n the f u n c t i o n a l r o l e of the French and E n g l i s h languages w i t h i n Canadian p u b l i c l i f e . In a d d i t i o n , the gap i n s o c i o -economic c o n d i t i o n between anglophones and francophones was c o n s i d e r a b l e . These i n e q u a l i t i e s were c i t e d as the primary source of French-Canadian g r i e v a n c e s . According t o the Com-mi s s i o n , they presented a c o n s i d e r a b l e t h r e a t t o n a t i o n a l u n i t y and immediate a c t i o n was necessary t o ensure t h a t they were e l i m i n a t e d . The B in B Commission charged t h a t the r i g h t s of l i n g u i s t i c m i n o r i t i e s o u t s i d e of Quebec have h i s t o r i c a l l y been s y s t e m a t i c a l l y ignored. These "language r i g h t s " r e f e r t o the a b i l i t y t o communicate with p u b l i c a u t h o r i t i e s i n one's mother tongue and the r i g h t s of pa r e n t s t o have t h e i r c h i l d r e n r e c e i v e p u b l i c e d u c a t i o n i n the o f f i c i a l language of t h e i r c h o i c e . In order t o ensure the p r o t e c t i o n of l i n g u i s t i c m i n o r i t i e s , Book 1 of the Commission's Report recommended t h a t e q u a l i t y of s t a t u s 55 between the French and E n g l i s h languages, and the l i n g u i s t i c r i g h t s t h a t -follow -from t h i s , be -formally r e c o g n i z e d both a t the -federal l e v e l and i n t h e p r o v i n c e s of O n t a r i o and New Brunswick. T h i s would a l l o w the French-speaking m i n o r i t i e s o u t s i d e of Quebec the same b e n e f i t s t h a t have t r a d i t i o n a l l y been enjoyed by the E n g l i s h - s p e a k i n g m i n o r i t y w i t h i n Quebec. I t would s e r v e t o demonstrate t h a t the French language i s not and should not be c o n f i n e d t o the p r o v i n c e of Quebec. The Commission p o r t r a y e d the c u r r e n t s i t u a t i o n as f o l l o w s : CTlhe i m p o s s i b i l i t y of l i v i n g a f u l l l i f e i n French o u t s i d e Quebec (and even i n c e r t a i n p a r t s of Quebec) i s c e r t a i n l y one cause of the present c r i s i s i n Canada. L i v i n g i n French must be made p o s s i b l e i n every p a r t of Canada where t h e r e a re enough French-speaking people.' 5' The e x t e n s i o n of l i n g u i s t i c r i g h t s and s e r v i c e s t o a l l of French Canada would serve t o demonstrate t h a t the French language i s not and should not be c o n f i n e d t o the p r o v i n c e of Quebec, and t h a t French-Canadians need not look t o the Quebec government as the s o l e defender of t h e i r language and c u l t u r e . I t would help e l i m i n a t e much of the d i s c o n t e n t i n French Canada and, as a r e s u l t , undermine the r a i s o n d ' e t r e of Quebec n a t i o n a l i s m . D e s p i t e the importance attached t o the e q u a l i t y of language s t a t u s , the B & B Commission expressed an even g r e a t e r concern f o r s o c i a l and economic i n e q u a l i t i e s . On t h i s s u b j e c t , the f o l l o w i n g warning was expressed: Formal l i n g u i s t i c e q u a l i t y i s of l i t t l e importance t o those l i v i n g under a system t h a t always p l a c e s them i n i n f e r i o r s o c i a l and economic c o n d i t i o n s . Such a p a r t n e r s h i p i s not o n l y unequal, but may i n the long run i m p e r i l Confederation? the f a t e of the two c u l t u r e s and the two dominant languages of Canada, w i t h i n two d i s t i n c t s o c i e t i e s , u l t i m a t e l y depends on t h e i r p o s i t i o n s i n the 56 work world and i n the economy at l a r g e . 1 0 The Commission expressed concern t h a t i n v i r t u a l l y every measure o-f socio-economic s t a t u s — income, e d u c a t i o n , occupa-t i o n , or ownership of i n d u s t r y — the p o s i t i o n of francophones i s c o n s i d e r a b l y lower than t h a t of anglophones. The r e s t r i c t e d use of the French language i n both the p u b l i c and p r i v a t e s e c t o r s was c i t e d as a major o c c u p a t i o n a l disadvantage f o r francophones i n t h a t i t i n h i b i t e d t h e i r upward m o b i l i t y and the a b i l i t y t o perform t h e i r work e f f e c t i v e l y . Thus, i n order t h a t e q u a l i t y with r e s p e c t t o socio-economic c o n d i t i o n be a t t a i n e d , i t was recommended i n Book 3 t h a t the c o n d i t i o n s be c r e a t e d t h a t would enable members o f both l i n g u i s t i c groups t o share comparable ac c e s s t o s o c i e t y ' s m a t e r i a l wealth and t o p o s i t i o n s of power, along with t h e a b i l i t y t o p a r t i c i p a t e i n the work world i n the o f f i c i a l language of one's c h o i c e . The f e d e r a l bureaucracy was s p e c i f i c a l l y s i n g l e d out as a t a r g e t of c r i t i c i s m and reform: "The p o s s i b i l i t y of n a t i o n a l d i s i n t e g r a t i o n has f o r c e d a reexamination of the l i n g u i s t i c p o l i c i e s of the P u b l i c S e r v i c e . ...no i n s t i t u t i o n r e q u i r e s reform more u r g e n t l y than does the f e d e r a l a d m i n i s t r a t i o n . " 1 1 The p r e -dominance of E n g l i s h as the language of work has r e s u l t e d i n low p a r t i c i p a t i o n and m o b i l i t y r a t e s f o r French-Canadians. The Commission i n s i s t e d t h a t the p u b l i c s e r v i c e be reformed i n an i n t r a s t a t e d i r e c t i o n , thus making i t more r e f l e c t i v e of Canada's l i n g u i s t i c d u a l i t y . It was t o be transformed i n t o a thoroughly b i l i n g u a l i n s t i t u t i o n t h a t p r o t e c t e d the l i n g u i s t i c r i g h t s of i t s employees as w e l l as i t s c l i e n t s . The e x p l i c i t c o r r e l a t i o n 57 between the s t r u c t u r e and o p e r a t i o n of the p u b l i c s e r v i c e and n a t i o n a l u n i t y i s a c l e a r i n d i c a t i o n of the importance attached t o these reforms by the Commission. Not a l l of the major recommendations of the B & B Commission, however, were t r a n s l a t e d i n t o government p o l i c y . For example, the proposed c r e a t i o n of "French-language u n i t s " (Book 3, P a r t II) and " b i l i n g u a l d i s t r i c t s " i n t h e p u b l i c s e r v i c e (Book 1, Pa r t I I ) , d i d not r e c e i v e d s u f f i c i e n t p o l i t i c a l support. More s i g n i f i c a n t was the government's r e j e c t i o n of the r e f e r e n c e t o Canada as a " b i c u l t u r a l " country. Although Book 4 dwelled at l e n g t h on the c o n s i d e r a b l e c o n t r i b u t i o n s "other e t h n i c groups" have made t o Canadian l i f e and encouraged government support f o r v a r i o u s c u l t u r a l a c t i v i t i e s , the Commission u l t i m a t e l y maintained a conception of Canada based e s s e n t i a l l y on two c u l t u r a l groups. It i s c l e a r t h a t we must not overlook Canada's c u l t u r a l d i v e r s i t y , always keeping i n mind t h a t t h e r e a r e two dominant c u l t u r e s , t h e French and E n g l i s h . I t i s i n t h i s p e r s p e c t i v e t h a t we s h a l l study the c o n t r i b u t i o n of v a r i o u s other c u l t u r e s t o t h e l i f e of the c o u n t r y . 1 2 In the p l a c e of b i c u l t u r a l i s m , the f e d e r a l government adopted a p o l i c y of " m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m " ( t h i s i n i t i a t i v e w i l l be d e a l t with i n f u r t h e r d e t a i l l a t e r on i n t h i s c h a p t e r ) . Perhaps as s i g n i f i c a n t as t h e impact of the B & B Commission on subsequent government p o l i c y was t h a t of the p o l i t i c a l e l i t e s i n Ottawa; i n p a r t i c u l a r , the prime m i n i s t e r h i m s e l f . I t would be d i f f i c u l t t o o v e r e s t i m a t e the i n f l u e n c e t h a t P i e r r e Trudeau has had on language p o l i c y i n Canada. Although o f f i c i a l b i l i n g u a l i s m had a c t u a l l y begun i n 1966 under L e s t e r Pearson, i t 58 d i d not reach - f r u i t i o n u n t i l a f t e r Trudeau took over as l e a d e r . It was, a f t e r a l l , Trudeau who i n t r o d u c e d the f a r — r e a c h i n g l e g i s l a t i o n of the O f f i c i a l Languages Act and v i g i l a n t l y ensured t h a t i t s o b j e c t i v e s were achieved. H i s primary purpose f o r e n t e r i n g f e d e r a l p o l i t i c s was, indeed, t o s t r e n g t h e n n a t i o n a l u n i t y by i n c r e a s i n g the "French f a c t " w i t h i n n a t i o n a l i n s t i t u -t i o n s . According t o one of h i s b i o g r a p h e r s , " b i 1 i n g u a l i s m [was! t o Trudeau as the CPR was t o John A. Macdonald, h i s instrument f o r b u i l d i n g a continent-wide country out of a huddled group of p r o v i n c e s . " 1 3 In h i s academic w r i t i n g s of the 1950s and 1960s, Trudeau dwelled a t l e n g t h on the causes and s o l u t i o n s t o the problems f a c i n g Canadian f e d e r a l i s m . Not u n l i k e the B Ik B Commission, he saw the r o o t s of French-Canadian d i s c o n t e n t l y i n g i n the c o n d i t i o n of i n e q u a l i t y between the two major l i n g u i s t i c groups. In a submission t o the C o n s t i t u t i o n Committee of t h e Quebec L e g i s l a t i v e Assembly i n 1965, Trudeau wrote t h a t "the E n g l i s h -speaking m a j o r i t y has behaved, h i s t o r i c a l l y , as though French Canadians were merely one of the c o u n t r y ' s e t h n i c m i n o r i t i e s , with a few s p e c i a l p r i v i l e g e s . " He went on t o lament the f a c t t h a t E n g l i s h had become the predominant language w i t h i n the f e d e r a l c i v i l s e r v i c e and a g encies of the f e d e r a l government, t h a t the l i n g u i s t i c r i g h t s of m i n o r i t i e s o u t s i d e of Quebec have been v i r t u a l l y ignored, and t h a t E n g l i s h Canadian and American c o r p o r a t i o n s e s t a b l i s h e d i n Quebec have not r e s p e c t e d the language and c u l t u r e of i t s francophone i n h a b i t a n t s . For Trudeau, t h e r e i s a c l e a r l i n k between the e x t e n s i o n of 59 l i n g u i s t i c r i g h t s and n a t i o n a l u n i t y . The Canadian community must i n v e s t , f o r the defence and b e t t e r a p p r e c i a t i o n of the French language, as much time, energy, and money as are r e q u i r e d t o prevent the c o u n t r y from breaking up. ... In p r a c t i c e , t h i s can be achieved by a c o n s t i t u t i o n a l amendment g r a n t i n g French m i n o r i t i e s i n other p r o v i n c e s ... the same r i g h t s and p r i v i l e g e s as the E n g l i s h m i n o r i t y i n Quebec. Trudeau maintained tremendous c o n s i s t e n c y i n h i s outlook r e g a r d i n g the n a t i o n a l u n i t y q u e s t i o n throughout h i s many ye a r s i n o f f i c e . He maintained a s t r o n g commitment not o n l y t o extend-ing r i g h t s and s e r v i c e s t o the francophone community but t o e n t r e n c h i n g those r i g h t s and s e r v i c e s i n t o the w r i t t e n c o n s t i t u -t i o n . T h i s would p r o v i d e French-Canadians with a f e e l i n g of l i n g u i s t i c s e c u r i t y t h a t was p r e v i o u s l y l a c k i n g . In doing so, i t would enhance the l e g i t i m a c y of and l o y a l t y toward the f e d e r a l l e v e l of government. I t would a l s o i n s t i l l a g r e a t e r attachment t o the Canadian community thus enhancing the "French-Canadian" i d e n t i t y over the narrower "Quebecois" i d e n t i t y . Furthermore, T r u d e a u 7 s language p o l i c y was c o n s i s t e n t with h i s l o n g - h e l d commitment t o the p r i n c i p l e s of l i b e r a l i s m . Language r i g h t s , as a l l r i g h t s , were seen as b e l o n g i n g t o i n d i v i d u a l s , not s o c i e t i e s . Because of the importance he a t t a c h e d t o i n d i v i d u a l freedoms, Trudeau r e j e c t e d any n o t i o n of c o l l e c t i v e language r i g h t s . O f f i c i a l government statements r e g a r d i n g b i l i n g u a l i s m a l s o r e v e a l what Ottawa saw as the n a t i o n a l u n i t y p o t e n t i a l of t h i s p o l i c y . A 1977 p u b l i c a t i o n e n t i t l e d , A N a t i o n a l Understanding, dwelled at l e n g t h on the enormous d i v e r s i t i e s w i t h i n Canadian s o c i e t y and the d i f f i c u l t i e s t h i s has presented i n the way of 60 f o r g i n g a common Canadian i d e n t i t y . I t concludes p a r a d o x i c a l l y t h a t " n a t i o n a l u n i t y cannot e x i s t without a deep and a b i d i n g a f f i r m a t i o n of p e r s o n a l , c u l t u r a l and r e g i o n a l d i f f erences. " 1 = 5 U n i t y i s not n e c e s s a r i l y achieved through u n i f o r m i t y . Canada's l i n g u i s t i c and c u l t u r a l d i f f e r e n c e s are, t h e r e f o r e , a t once a s ource of d i s u n i t y and the f o u n d a t i o n of a u n i f y i n g c o l l e c t i v e i d e n t i t y . ...Canadians must be w i l l i n g t o l i v e t o g e t h e r i n a c o u n t r y of d i f f e r e n c e s , a c c e p t i n g , even r e j o i c i n g , i n those d i f f e r e n c e s . ...Canadians must accept and, whenever they can, c r e a t e the c o n d i t i o n s i n which those d i f f e r e n c e s a r e welcomed and can f l o u r i s h , even i f i t means s a c r i f i c i n g some of t h e i r own convenience or accommodating t h e i r own p o i n t of view t o t h a t of o t h e r s . 1 * Dn the s u r f a c e , t h i s sounds very s i m i l a r t o the p r o p o s a l s forwarded by the Pepin-Robarts Commission and a number of p r o v i n c i a l governments, f o r i t emphasizes the need t o accommodate as opposed t o undermine Canada's d i v e r s i t y . However, the d i v e r s i t i e s t o be accommodated under the f e d e r a l i s t formula a r e not the t e r r i t o r i a l l y based p r o v i n c i a l i d e n t i t i e s . They are, r a t h e r , the d i v e r s i t i e s t h a t e x i s t w i t h i n the p r o v i n c e s . L i n g u i s t i c m i n o r i t i e s of each p r o v i n c e were t o be p r o t e c t e d i n order t o prevent the c o i n c i d e n c e of p r o v i n c i a l and l i n g u i s t i c communities. Furthermore, by r a i s i n g the r e c o g n i t i o n and s t a t u s of o f f i c i a l language m i n o r i t i e s , p r o v i n c i a l l e g i s l a t u r e s are presented with a d i s i n c e n t i v e t o enact any c o l l e c t i v i s t measures on b e h a l f of t h e i r p r o v i n c i a l m a j o r i t i e s t h a t may j e o p a r d i z e the s t a t u s of these groups. Rea c t i o n toward o f f i c i a l b i l i n g u a l i s m v a r i e d throughout the country. In Quebec, language p o l i c y moved i n a d i r e c t i o n o p p o s i t e t o t h a t o-f the -federal government. The p o l i t i c a l e l i t e s t h a t had taken power -following the Quiet R e v o l u t i o n were no longer content t o accept the socio-economic p l i g h t o-f French-Canadians and the i n - f e r i o r p o s i t i o n o-f the French language i n Quebec s o c i e t y . T h i s , along with new demographic t r e n d s and the a s s i m i l a t i o n i s t p r e s s u r e s a s s o c i a t e d with modernization, convinced the Quebec government t h a t c o r r e c t i v e l e g i s l a t i v e measures needed t o be taken. The new language p o l i c y adopted by Ottawa was c o n s i d e r e d inadequate t o ensure t h e long-term s u r v i v a l o-f t he French language and c u l t u r e . Hence, b i l i n g u a l i s m — a l o n g - s t a n d i n g p r a c t i c e i n the p r o v i n c e of Quebec — was r e p l a c e d by a p o l i c y of u n i 1 i n g u a l i s m . Responding t o the recommendations of the Gendron Royal Commission, the Bourassa Government i n t r o d u c e d B i l l 22 i n the Assemblee n a t i o n a l e i n 1974. The B i l l d e c l a r e d French t o be the s o l e o f f i c i a l language of the p r o v i n c e , brought f o r t h measures t o i n c r e a s e the use of French i n the work world, and p l a c e d c e r t a i n r e s t r i c t i o n s on the a b i l i t y of immigrants t o e n r o l l t h e i r c h i l d r e n i n E n g l i s h language s c h o o l s . Three y e a r s l a t e r , more comprehensive and f a r — r e a c h i n g language l e g i s l a t i o n was passed by the governing P a r t i Quebecois. B i l l 101 went beyond B i l l 22 i n i t s p r o v i s i o n s r e g a r d i n g e d u c a t i o n and the " f r a n c i z a t i o n " of the workplace, and i n t r o d u c e d new measures r e q u i r i n g commercial a d v e r t i s i n g t o be i n French o n l y . The language p o l i c i e s of Quebec and Ottawa were both designed t o p r o t e c t the French language, but attempted t o do so through 62 e n t i r e l y di-f-ferent means. The -federal government advocated the p r o t e c t i o n o-f language r i g h t s on an i n d i v i d u a l b a s i s , whereas the Quebec government was p r i m a r i l y i n t e r e s t e d i n advancing the r i g h t s o-f -franco-Quebeckers on a c o l l e c t i v e b a s i s , even i-f the r i g h t s of the E n g l i s h - s p e a k i n g m i n o r i t y had t o be s a c r i f i c e d . Quebec n a t i o n a l i s t s argued t h a t because of t h e i r m i n o r i t y p o s i t i o n w i t h i n Canada, a p o l i c y of b i l i n g u a l i s m with i t s emphasis on i n d i v i d u a l r i g h t s would simply s e r v e the i n t e r e s t s of E n g l i s h m a j o r i t y and l e a d t o the eventual a s s i m i l a t i o n of the Quebecois n a t i o n . Because the " n a t i o n , " with a l l i t s l i n g u i s t i c and c u l t u r a l a t t r i b u t e s , i s fundamental t o the development of the i n d i v i d u a l and h i s / h e r sense of s e l f - i d e n t i t y , i t s p r o t e c t i o n and s u r v i v a l are c o n s i d e r e d a top p r i o r i t y . 1 7 Even Quebecois of a f e d e r a l i s t p e r s u a s i o n tend t o support the c o l l e c t i v i s t t h r u s t of t h e i r p r o v i n c i a l language laws. They argue t h a t the l i n g u i s t i c and c u l t u r a l s e c u r i t y which the l e g i s l a t i o n i s intended t o f o s t e r i s e s s e n t i a l t o Canadian u n i t y f o r the simple reason t h a t Quebeckers w i l l r e j e c t any p o l i t i c a l arrangement t h a t t h r e a t e n s t h e i r n a t i o n a l s u r v i v a l . A language p o l i c y based s o l e l y on i n d i v i d u a l r i g h t s simply does not p r o v i d e the s e c u r i t y t h a t franco-Quebeckers s e e k . 1 S Hence, they tend t o espouse a c o n s o c i a t i o n a l s o l u t i o n t o the Canadian f e d e r a l system, one marked by a high degree of p r o v i n c i a l autonomy and s i g n -i f i c a n t p r o v i n c i a l i n p u t i n t o decision-making at the f e d e r a l l e v e l . Given the r e a c t i o n i n Quebec t o the f e d e r a l language 63 p o l i c i e s , i t i s apparent t h a t the d i a g n o s i s o-f Trudeau and the B & B Commission r e g a r d i n g the r o o t causes of French-Canadian d i s c o n t e n t was based on premises t h a t were not e n t i r e l y a c c u r a t e . B i l i n g u a l i s m , as i t turned out, was o n l y a p a r t i a l s o l u t i o n t o the Quebec c h a l l e n g e . While s u i t a b l e at the -federal l e v e l , i t was no longer c o n s i d e r e d a p p r o p r i a t e f o r the needs of f r a n c o -Quebeckers at the p r o v i n c i a l l e v e l . I t was, i n s h o r t , a necessary but not a s u f f i c i e n t means of a l l a y i n g Quebecois g r i e v a n c e s . The r e a c t i o n t o o f f i c i a l b i l i n g u a l i s m o u t s i d e of Quebec was v a r i e d . Some saw i t as a necessary s a c r i f i c e f o r n a t i o n a l u n i t y w h i l e o t h e r s responded with o u t r i g h t h o s t i l i t y . While p u b l i c support f o r the expansion of French-language s e r v i c e s was g e n e r a l l y f a v o u r a b l e , the e l e v a t i o n of French t o o f f i c i a l and equal s t a t u s was not. Non-francophones g e n e r a l l y tended t o regard Canada as an E n g l i s h - s p e a k i n g country, r e j e c t i n g any n o t i o n s of compact theory or egual p a r t n e r s h i p . O p p o s i t i o n was i n t e n s e p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the West and among Canadians of non-E n g l i s h , non-French o r i g i n . Because of t h e i r small numbers, French-Canadians tended t o be looked upon by Westerners as j u s t another e t h n i c group d e s e r v i n g of no s p e c i a l treatment and were expected t o a s s i m i l a t e l i k e a l l the o t h e r s . Other e t h n i c groups tended t o see b i l i n g u a l i s m i n n e g a t i v e terms because i t d e f i n e d Canada i n a manner t h a t d i d not s u f f i c i e n t l y r e f l e c t t h e i r c o n t r i b u t i o n t o i t , thus making them f e e l as s e c o n d - c l a s s c i t i z e n s . I t was, i n s h o r t , the r e l a t i v e d e c l i n e i n s t a t u s t h a t determined the n e g a t i v e r e a c t i o n t o b i l i n g u a l i s m o u t s i d e of the 64 non-francophone community. 3 0 Consequently, i t may be s a i d t h a t , at l e a s t i n the s h o r t term, b i l i n g u a l ism was more of a n a t i o n — d i v i d i n g than a n a t i o n -b u i l d i n g phenomenon. However, r e c e n t p u b l i c o p i n i o n surveys suggest overwhelming support f o r o f f i c i a l b i l i n g u a l ism and seem t o i n d i c a t e t h a t Canadians have come t o r egard l i n g u i s t i c d u a l i t y t o be an important component of the Canadian i d e n t i t y . 3 5 1 Responding t o the c r i t i c i s m s noted above and t o t h e ever— i n c r e a s i n g h e t e r o g e n e i t y of Canadian s o c i e t y , the f e d e r a l government chose t o complement i t s p o l i c y of b i l i n g u a l ism with t h a t of m u l t i c u l t u r a l ism. Announcing t h i s p o l i c y t o the House of Commons on October 8, 1971, Prime M i n i s t e r Trudeau s t a t e d t h a t "although t h e r e are two o f f i c i a l languages, t h e r e i s no o f f i c i a l c u l t u r e , nor does any e t h n i c group take precedence over any o t h e r . " 2 2 1 C o n t r a r y t o the B & B Commission's a n a l y s i s and the PQ's White Paper on language p o l i c y , 2 3 language and c u l t u r e were e x p l i c i t l y s eparated. The f e d e r a l government r e c o g n i z e d t h a t language has a dual f u n c t i o n — i t i s both a v e h i c l e f o r t h e t r a n s m i s s i o n of c u l t u r e and a means of communication which i s c u l t u r a l l y n e u t r a l — and t h a t f o r the purposes of p u b l i c p o l i c y i t was advantageous t o p l a c e emphasis on the l a t t e r thus, i n e f f e c t , d i v o r c i n g language from c u l t u r e . Not o n l y was t h e concept of an " o f f i c i a l c u l t u r e " c o n t r a r y t o t h e government's i d e o l o g i c a l commitment t o the t e n e t s of l i b e r a l i s m , but b i -c u l t u r a l i s m had t o be r e p u d i a t e d i n order t o s a l v a g e b i 1 i n g u a l i srn i n the f a c e of i n t e n s e c r i t i c i s m from e t h n i c m i n o r i t y groups. 2'* 65 The -federal government opted -for " m u l t i c u l t u r a l ism w i t h i n a b i l i n g u a l -framework," thus a f f i r m i n g t h a t Canada i s open t o a l l c u l t u r e s and r e c o g n i z e s a l l c u l t u r e s as being e q u a l . The prime m i n i s t e r a s s e r t e d t h a t support f o r t h i s new i n i t i a t i v e would be p r ovided i n f o u r ways: F i r s t , r e s o u r c e s p e r m i t t i n g , the Government w i l l seek t o a s s i s t a l l Canadian c u l t u r a l groups t h a t have demonstrated a d e s i r e and e f f o r t t o c o n t i n u e t o develop, a c a p a c i t y t o grow and c o n t r i b u t e t o Canada, and a c l e a r need f o r a s s i s t a n c e , the small and weak groups no l e s s than the s t r o n g and h i g h l y o r g a n i z e d . Second, the Government w i l l a s s i s t members of a l l c u l t u r a l groups t o overcome c u l t u r a l b a r r i e r s t o f u l l p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n Canadian s o c i e t y . T h i r d , the Government w i l l promote c r e a t i v e encounters and i n t e r c h a n g e among a l l Canadian c u l t u r a l groups i n the i n t e r e s t of n a t i o n a l u n i t y . Fourth, t h e Government w i l l c o n t i n u e t o a s s i s t immigrants t o a c q u i r e a t l e a s t one of Canada's o f f i c i a l languages i n order t o become p a r t i c i p a n t s i n Canadian s o c i e t y . 2 1 5 As with the p o l i c y of b i l i n g u a l i s m , m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m has a l s o been given c o n s t i t u t i o n a l r e c o g n i t i o n i n the C harter of R i g h t s and Freedoms. S e c t i o n 27 i n s t r u c t s the c o u r t s t o i n t e r p r e t the C h a r t e r " i n a manner c o n s i s t e n t with the p r e s e r v a t i o n and enhancement of the m u l t i c u l t u r a l h e r i t a g e of Canadians" and S e c t i o n 15 p r o h i b i t s d i s c r i m i n a t i o n on the b a s i s of e t h n i c i t y . J u s t i f i c a t i o n f o r the p o l i c y of m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m was p r e s e n t -ed i n terms of i t s enrichment of s o c i e t y , i t s moral c o r r e c t n e s s , and i t s n a t i o n a l u n i t y p o t e n t i a l . As with statements concerning i t s language p o l i c y , the f e d e r a l government b e l i e v e d t h a t u n i t y would be enhanced through the r e c o g n i t i o n of d i v e r s i t y . Rather than c o n t r i b u t i n g t o s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l fragmentation, c u l t u r a l p l u r a l i s m would become an e s s e n t i a l p a r t of the Canadian 66 i d e n t i t y , thus s e r v i n g as a u n i f y i n g f o r c e . C M u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m would! help t o break down d i s c r i m i n a t o r y a t t i t u d e s and c u l t u r a l j e a l o u s i e s . N a t i o n a l u n i t y , i f i t i s t o mean anything i n a deeply personal sense, must be founded on c o n f i d e n c e i n one's own i d e n t i t y * out of t h i s can grow r e s p e c t f o r t h a t of o t h e r s and a w i l l i n g n e s s t o share i d e a s , a t t i t u d e s and assumptions. A v i g o r o u s p o l i c y of m u l t i c u l t u r a l ism w i l l help c r e a t e t h i s i n i t i a l c o n f i d e n c e . I t can form the base of a s o c i e t y which i s based on f a i r p l a y f o r a l l . Z A In a d d i t i o n , m u l t i c u l t u r a l ism would; a l s o have t h e e f f e c t of enhancing the l o y a l t y and i d e n t i f i c a t i o n f e l t by e t h n i c m i n o r i t y groups toward the c e n t r a l government. In a c q u i r i n g such an a l l y — one t h a t was becoming i n c r e a s i n g l y powerful by v i r t u e of i t s r i s i n g share of the p o p u l a t i o n — Ottawa would be a b l e t o streng t h e n i t s p o s i t i o n v i a the p r o v i n c e s . As with bi1ingualism, many Franco-Quebeckers expressed s t r o n g r e s e r v a t i o n s about m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m . They b e l i e v e d t h a t Canada should be d e f i n e d i n terms of i t s F r e n c h - E n g l i s h d u a l i t y and viewed any d e v i a t i o n from t h i s d e f i n i t i o n as a t h r e a t t o t h e i r s t a t u s . Not u n l i k e the B & B Commission, they saw language and c u l t u r e as i n s e p a r a b l e and argued t h a t b i l i n g u a l ism should be supplemented by a p o l i c y of b i c u l t u r a l i s m . 2 7 The p o l i c i e s of b i l i n g u a l ism and m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m and t h e i r c o n s t i t u t i o n a l entrenchment were designed t o f o s t e r a new and u n i f y i n g pan-Canadian i d e n t i t y , one based upon the p r i n c i p l e s of l i n g u i s t i c d u a l i t y and c u l t u r a l d i v e r s i t y . Confronted with a s i t u a t i o n i n which the e x i s t i n g p o l i t i c a l order was no longer a c c e p t a b l e t o i n c r e a s i n g l y i d e n t i t y - c o n s c i o u s French-Canadians and e t h n i c m i n o r i t y groups, the Canadian s t a t e sought t o r e f a s h i o n , both on a symbolic and p r a c t i c a l l e v e l , t he f e d e r a l i n s t i t u t i o n s of government and i t s r e l a t i o n s with the country's l i n g u i s t i c and c u l t u r a l communities. I t was a n t i c i p a t e d t h a t such measures would help r e s t o r e the a l l e g i a n c e s of f r a n c o -Quebeckers and m u l t i c u l t u r a l groups t o the n a t i o n a l government and community. Of the two p o l i c i e s , b i l i n g u a l i s m was c l e a r l y t h e most important i n the minds of f e d e r a l e l i t e s . I t was, a f t e r a l l , the d e s i r e of e s t a b l i s h i n g a t r u l y b i l i n g u a l country t h a t i n s p i r e d much of Trudeau's w r i t i n g s and, u l t i m a t e l y , h i s d e c i s i o n t o enter p u b l i c l i f e . I t was b i l i n g u a l i s m t h a t r e c e i v e d the bulk of h i s government's a t t e n t i o n and f i n a n c i a l r e s o u r c e s . M u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m , on the other hand, was i n t r o d u c e d more as an a f t e r thought: i t was a means of g a t h e r i n g p o l i t i c a l support f o r — and, indeed, s a l v a g i n g — the more important o b j e c t i v e of b i l i n g u a l i s m . Once e s t a b l i s h e d , however, m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m became an important p a r t of the L i b e r a l government's n a t i o n - b u i l d i n g agenda. F i n a l l y , Ottawa's l i n g u i s t i c and c u l t u r a l p o l i c i e s were guided by i t s i d e o l o g i c a l d i s p o s i t i o n toward l i b e r a l i s m . I t i n s i s t e d t h a t r i g h t s and s e r v i c e s be awarded t o i n d i v i d u a l c i t i z e n s , not t o c o l l e c t i v i t i e s . The outcome of f e d e r a l i n i t i a t i v e s was a l s o determined not o n l y by the e x t e n t of i t s j u r i s d i c t i o n a l a u t h o r i t y but by the responses of p r o v i n c i a l a d m i n i s t r a t i o n s . Quebec shunned b i l i n g u a l i s m and opted f o r a u n i l i n g u a l regime. While other p r o v i n c e s have extended French language s e r v i c e s , o n l y New Brunswick was d e c l a r e d i t s e l f o f f i c i a l l y b i l i n g u a l . The uncooperativeness of p r o v i n c i a l governments has s u r e l y been a f a c t o r i n l i m i t i n g the e f f e c t i v e -ness of the f-ederal i n i t i a t i v e . 68 ENDNOTES: CHAPTER 3 1. C i t e d i n : Donald V. Smiley, Canada i n Question: F e d e r a l i s m i n the E i g h t i e s t h i r d e d i t i o n (Toronto: McGraw-Hill Ryerson, 1980) p. 230 2. Roger G i b b i n s , C o n f l i c t and U n i t y : An I n t r o d u c t i o n t o Canadian P o l i t i c a l L i f e (Toronto: Methuen, 1985) p.68-69 3. Canada, A N a t i o n a l Understanding: The O f f i c i a l Languages of Canada (Ottawa: M i n i s t e r of Supply and S e r v i c e s , 1977) p. 45 4. I b i d . 5. Smiley, Canada i n Question p. 229-31 6. Canada, A N a t i o n a l Understanding p. 44 7. G i b b i n s , C o n f l i c t and U n i t y p. 70 8. Hugh R. I n n i s , B i l i n g u a l i s m and B i c u l t u r a l i s m : An abridged v e r s i o n of the Royal Commission Report (Toronto: M c C l e l l a n d and Stewart, 1973) p. 184-85 9. 10. 1 1 . 12. I b i d . P- 30 I b i d . P- 75 I b i d . P- 93 I b i d . P- 135 13. R i c h a r d Gwyn, The Northern Magus: P i e r r e Trudeau and Canadians (Toronto: M c C l e l l a n d and Stewart, 1980) p. 220 14. P i e r r e Trudeau, F e d e r a l i s m and the French Canadians (Toronto: Macmillan of Canada, 1968) p. 32 15. Canada, A N a t i o n a l Understanding p. 35 16. I b i d . p. 38 17. T h i s p o i n t i s f u r t h e r developed i n : C h a r l e s T a y l o r , "Why Do Nations Have t o Become S t a t e s ? " i n S t a n l e y G. French, ed. P h i l o s o p h e r s Look at Canadian C o n f e d e r a t i o n (Montreal: Canadian P h i l o s o p h i c a l A s s o c i a t i o n , 1979) 18. See Jean A. Laponce, "The French language i n Canada: t e n s i o n s between geography and p o l i t i c s " P o l i t i c a l  Geography Q u a r t e r l y 3 ( A p r i l 1984) pp. 91-104 19. See, f o r example, the Beige Paper of the PLQ. Quebec L i b e r a l P a r t y , A New Canadian F e d e r a t i o n (Montreal: 1980) 20. G i b b i n s , C o n f l i c t and U n i t y p. 71-72 21. 73. IX of anglophones and 95.971 of francophones c o n s i d e r i t "important" t o p r e s e r v e b i l i n g u a l i s m a t the f e d e r a l l e v e l . See: Paul M. Sniderman, e t a l . . P o l i t i c a l C u l t u r e and the Problem of Double Standards: Mass and E l i t e A t t i t u d e s Toward Language R i g h t s i n the Canadian C h a r t e r of R i g h t s and Freedoms" Canadian Journal of P o l i t i c a l S c i e n c e XXII:2 (June 1989) p. 264. T h i s h i g h l e v e l of support may have waned i n r e c e n t months as a r e s u l t of the c o n t r o v e r s i a l language l e g i s l a t i o n ( B i l l 178) passed i n Quebec by the Bourassa government. 6 9 2 2 . Canada, Mul t i c u l t u r a l i s m and t h e Government o-f Canada (Ottawa: M i n i s t e r of Supply and S e r v i c e s , 1 9 7 8 ) p. 4 5 2 3 . Quebec, Quebec's P o l i c y on the French Language (Quebec C i t y : 1 9 7 7 ) On page 2 , the PQ d e c l a r e s t h a t "CtUhe French i n Quebec have never b e l i e v e d t h a t t h e i r language c o u l d be d i s s o c i a t e d from the d e s t i n y of the e n t i r e n a t i o n a l i t y , of i t s economy and i t s c u l t u r e . " 2 4 . Rainer Knopff, "Language and C u l t u r e i n the Canadian Debate: The B a t t l e of the White Papers" Canadian Review of  S t u d i e s i n N a t i o n a l i s m V I : 1 (Spring 1 9 7 9 ) p. 6 6 - 6 8 2 5 . Canada, M u l t i c u l t u r a l ism and the Government of Canada p. 46 2 6 . I b i d . p. 4 5 2 7 . T.C. C h r i s t o p h e r , "The 1 9 8 2 Canadian Charter of R i g h t s and Freedoms and M u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m " Canadian Review of S t u d i e s  i n N a t i o n a l i s m XIV:2 ( 1 9 8 7 ) p. 3 3 9 70 CHAPTER 4 A CONSTITUTIONAL BILL -OF RIGHTS In J u l y 1967, Prime M i n i s t e r Pearson announced h i s i n t e n t i o n t o h o l d a f e d e r a l - p r o v i n c i a l conference i n order t o d i s c u s s the p o s s i b i l i t y of entr e n c h i n g a B i l l of R i g h t s i n t o t h e c o n s t i t u -t i o n . The p o s i t i o n paper prepared f o r t h a t conference, F e d e r a l ism  f o r the Future, s t a t e d c a t e g o r i c a l l y t h a t "CtJhe f i r s t goal of the Canadian f e d e r a t i o n , i n the o p i n i o n of the Government of Canada, i s the p r o t e c t i o n of the r i g h t s of the i n d i v i d u a l . " 1 S h o r t l y t h e r e a f t e r , J u s t i c e M i n i s t e r P i e r r e Trudeau r e l e a s e d a document e n t i t l e d , A Canadian Charter of Human Ri g h t s , o u t l i n i n g i n f u r t h e r d e t a i l the con t e n t s of the proposed B i l l of R i g h t s . 2 The c o n s t i t u t i o n a l p r o t e c t i o n of fundamental r i g h t s was a high p r i o r i t y of the f e d e r a l L i b e r a l s when they i n i t i a l l y d e c l a r e d t h e i r w i l l i n g n e s s t o proceed with c o n s t i t u t i o n a l renewal and remained the c e n t r a l theme of a l l subsequent c o n s t i t u t i o n a l p r o p o s a l s . Ottawa had, i n f a c t , succeeded i n i n c l u d i n g a B i l l of R i g h t s i n the 1971 V i c t o r i a C h a r t e r , a l b e i t i n a l e s s comprehen-s i v e form than i t had intended. T h i s was, however, n u l l i f i e d a f t e r Quebec withdrew i t s support f o r the C h a r t e r . Seven y e a r s l a t e r , the f a i l e d C o n s t i t u t i o n a l Amendment B i l l a l s o contained a "Charter of Human R i g h t s and Freedoms." T h i s C harter was a l s o l i m i t e d by the f a c t t h a t i t would i n i t i a l l y have been b i n d i n g 71 o n l y on the f e d e r a l government and would have bound the p r o v i n c e s upon t h e i r consent. So deeply was the Trudeau government com-mit t e d t o the entrenchment of a c h a r t e r , t h a t , i n the months p r i o r t o t h e 1981 C o n s t i t u t i o n a l Accord, i t r e p e a t e d l y threatened u n i l a t e r a l a c t i o n t o achieve t h i s o b j e c t i v e . The s t r o n g commitment on behalf of the Trudeau a d m i n i s t r a t i o n t o a c o n s t i t u t i o n a l B i l l of R i g h t s can be a t t r i b u t e d t o two key f a c t o r s . The f i r s t i s the s t r o n g c o n v i c t i o n h e l d by f e d e r a l e l i t e s t h a t the fundamental r i g h t s and freedoms of c i t i z e n s must be b e t t e r p r o t e c t e d from the abuses of power by p u b l i c a u t h o r i t -i e s and from the o f t e n i n s e n s i t i v e w i l l of m a j o r i t i e s . It was, indeed, t h i s j u s t i f i c a t i o n t h a t was most o f t e n put f o r t h by Ottawa i n i t s e f f o r t t o amass p u b l i c support f o r i t s p r o p o s a l s . The second f a c t o r l i e s i n the p e r c e i v e d " n a t i o n - b u i l d i n g " c a p a c i t y of a c h a r t e r . I t was a n t i c i p a t e d t h a t a Charter of R i g h t s would undermine the p r o v i n c i a l i z i n g t r e n d s w i t h i n Canadian f e d e r a l i s m by enhancing the "Canadian" i d e n t i t y of c i t i z e n s at the expense of r e g i o n a l i d e n t i t i e s , by e n s u r i n g t h a t c e r t a i n minimal n a t i o n a l standards are maintained i n p r o v i n c i a l l e g i s l a -t i o n , and by r e d u c i n g the s a l i e n c e of t e r r i t o r i a l c leavages. T h i s would, i n t u r n , s t r e n g t h e n the hand of the f e d e r a l govern-ment i n d e a l i n g with i t s p r o v i n c i a l c o u n t e r p a r t s . As Peter R u s s e l l has argued, " C t l h i s n a t i o n a l u n i t y f u n c t i o n of the Charter i s most r e l e v a n t t o e x p l a i n i n g why p o l i t i c i a n s , e s p e c i a l -l y those who l e d t h e f e d e r a l government, pushed so hard f o r the C h a r t e r . " 3 As i n d i c a t e d above, the c o n t e n t s of the proposed c o n s t i t u -72 t i o n a l B i l l o-f R i g h t s were i n i t i a l l y s e t out i n d e t a i l i n A Canadian C h a r t e r o-f Human R i g h t s and were r e s t a t e d with r e l a t i v e c o n s i s t e n c y i n subsequent documents. The r i g h t s and •freedoms t o be i n c l u d e d i n the new Charter were c l a s s i f i e d i n t o •four c a t e g o r i e s : p o l i t i c a l , l e g a l , e g a l i t a r i a n , and l i n g u i s t i c (economic r i g h t s were a l s o d i s c u s s e d but were not recommended -for i n c l u s i o n i n the C h a r t e r ) . Included under p o l i t i c a l r i g h t s were t r a d i t i o n a l l i b e r a l r i g h t s such as freedom of e x p r e s s i o n , freedom of c o n s c i e n c e and r e l i g i o n , freedom of assembly and a s s o c i a t i o n , and freedom of the p r e s s . Using the language of the 1960 Canadian B i l l of R i g h t s , l e g a l guarantees i n c l u d e d 'the r i g h t of the i n d i v i d u a l t o l i f e , l i b e r t y , s e c u r i t y of the person and the enjoyment of p r o p e r t y ' . Other r i g h t s i n c l u d e d i n t h i s c a t e g o r y — and a l s o o r i g i n a t i n g i n the 1960 B i l l —- were t h e guarantee of ' e q u a l i t y b e f o r e the law and the p r o t e c t i o n of the law' along with the gamut of t r a d i t i o n a l r i g h t s a s s o c i a t e d with the a r r e s t and t r i a l of an accused person ( i e . the presumption of innocence u n t i l proven g u i l t y , the r i g h t t o a f a i r h e a r i n g , e t c . ) . The p r o v i s i o n of e g a l i t a r i a n r i g h t s would p r o h i b i t d i s c r i m i n a t i o n on the b a s i s of r a c e , n a t i o n a l or e t h n i c o r i g i n , c o l o u r , r e l i g i o n , or sex. F i n a l l y , l i n g u i s t i c r i g h t s — as a l r e a d y o u t l i n e d i n the p r e v i o u s chapter — would e n t i t l e e very c i t i z e n the r i g h t t o communicate with the f e d e r a l i n s t i t u t i o n s of government and r e c e i v e a p u b l i c e d u c a t i o n i n the o f f i c i a l language of h i s / h e r c h o i c e . Fourteen years l a t e r , the f i n a l d r a f t of the Charter of 73 R i g h t s and Freedoms co n t a i n e d s e v e r a l a d d i t i o n s and omissions. Among the more s i g n i f i c a n t changes were the a d d i t i o n a l c a t e g o r i e s of democratic and m o b i l i t y r i g h t s . These i n c l u d e d the r i g h t of a l l c i t i z e n s t o vote, t o run f o r p u b l i c o f f i c e , and t o take up r e s i d e n c y i n the p r o v i n c e of t h e i r c h o i c e . The l e g a l r i g h t t o the enjoyment of p r o p e r t y , however, was omitted i n the 1982 C h a r t e r . Responding t o p r e s s u r e by f e m i n i s t lobby groups, e q u a l i t y r i g h t s were r e v i s e d t o i n c l u d e e q u a l i t y "under the law" and the "equal b e n e f i t of the law." F i n a l l y , the p r o h i b i t i o n of d i s c r i m i n a t i o n was extended t o the c a t e g o r i e s of age and mental or p h y s i c a l d i s a b i l i t y . In the postwar era, p u b l i c i n t e r e s t i n the entrenchment of fundamental r i g h t s i n t o the Canadian c o n s t i t u t i o n can be a t t r i b u t e d t o a number of f a c t o r s — both domestic and i n t e r — n a t i o n a l . D o m e s t i c a l l y , the i n t e r n i n g of Japanese-Canadians d u r i n g the Second World War and i n c i d e n t s i n v o l v i n g the i l l -treatment and p e r s e c u t i o n of Jehovah Witnesses by the D u p l e s s i s regime a l s o served t o generate p u b l i c support f o r s t r o n g e r r i g h t s guarantees. In the 1970s, the enactment of the War Measures Act and r e v e l a t i o n s p e r t a i n i n g t o the abuse of power by the RCMP's S e c u r i t y S e r v i c e f u r t h e r r e i n f o r c e d t h i s support. P r o v i n c e s had become i n c r e a s i n g l y a c t i v e i n the e s t a b l i s h m e n t of human r i g h t s commissions and the i n v o c a t i o n of l e g i s l a t i o n p e r t a i n i n g t o i n d i v i d u a l freedoms which, i n t u r n , r a i s e d f e d e r a l i n t e r e s t i n t h e s u b j e c t . F i n a l l y , i t had become apparent t h a t the 1960 Canadian B i l l of R i g h t s i n t r o d u c e d by the Diefenbaker a d m i n i s t r a t i o n was not as e f f e c t i v e i n p r o t e c t i n g r i g h t s as many 74 had a n t i c i p a t e d . Because i t was simply an a c t o-f Parliament, i t tended to be given a r a t h e r narrow i n t e r p r e t a t i o n by the Supreme Court o-f Canada. 4 There i s a l s o an important i n t e r n a t i o n a l dimension t o the i n c r e a s e d i n t e r e s t i n the i s s u e o-f r i g h t s . The d e c l i n e of B r i t a i n both as major power i n world a f f a i r s and as an important t r a d i n g p a r t n e r eroded the Canadian attachment t o such B r i t i s h i n s t i t u t i o n s as the p r i n c i p l e of p a r l i a m e n t a r y supremacy. The American expe r i e n c e with a B i l l of R i g h t s and the j u d i c i a l a c t i v i s m t h a t i t spawned had come t o be seen as an a t t r a c t i v e a l t e r n a t i v e . F i n a l l y , t h e r e was a renewed commitment w i t h i n t h e i n t e r n a t i o n a l community t o the i n a l i e n a b l e r i g h t s of the i n d i v i d u a l a r i s i n g from the e x p e r i e n c e of f a s c i s m i n Europe. T h i s was r e f l e c t e d i n the U n i v e r s a l D e c l a r a t i o n of Human R i g h t s passed i n the United Nation's General Assembly i n 194S and i n subsequent i n t e r n a t i o n a l covenants. These developments had a s t r o n g impact on Canadian t h i n k i n g . They brought p r e s s u r e on Canada t o emulate the i n t e r n a t i o n a l p a t t e r n r e g a r d i n g human r i g h t s and c r e a t e d an atmosphere w i t h i n the g l o b a l community i n which the p o s s e s s i o n of a C harter of R i g h t s became a important symbol of s t a t u s and modernity. 5 5 In Ottawa, i n t e r e s t i n the entrenchment of fundamental r i g h t s was d e r i v e d , i n l a r g e p a r t , from the deep commitment among f e d e r a l e l i t e s t o l i b e r a l democratic p r i n c i p l e s . These p r i n -c i p l e s were we l l a r t i c u l a t e d i n government p o s i t i o n papers. From the i n i t i a l p o s i t i o n paper which s t a t e d t h a t "the r i g h t s of 75 people must precede the r i g h t s o-f governments" 6 t o the 1978 White Paper which d e c l a r e d t h a t " C t l h e renewal o-f the F e d e r a t i o n must con-firm the pre-eminence o-f c i t i z e n s over i n s t i t u t i o n s , " 7 -the -federal government r e p e a t e d l y a s s e r t e d i t s c o n v i c t i o n t h a t s o v e r e i g n t y w i t h i n Canada must u l t i m a t e l y l i e with the people and th a t i t i s the duty o-f government t o ensure t h a t the -fundamental r i g h t s of Canadians — i n c l u d i n g l i n g u i s t i c r i g h t s — are p r o t e c t e d . These p r i n c i p l e s a r e perhaps most e l o q u e n t l y s t a t e d i n the 1969 p o s i t i o n paper, The C o n s t i t u t i o n and t h e People of  Canada. Government should not be an end i n i t s e l f , but i n s t e a d a means of promoting the w e l l — b e i n g of the people. In the process of c o n t i t u t i o n a l review we should t h e r e f o r e look t o the needs of people b e f o r e we look t o the needs of government. ... Human r i g h t s are, a f t e r a l l , of equal importance t o every person whatever may be h i s p r o v i n c e , r e g i o n , r e l i g i o n , or language. The need f o r freedom of thought and a c t i o n , f o r p r o t e c t i o n of l i b e r t y and s e c u r i t y of f a i r laws, f o r equal treatment without p r e j u d i c e , and f o r the means of e x p r e s s i n g o n e s e l f i n the o f f i c i a l language of h i s c h o i c e — these a re b a s i c t o a l l of our people. I t should be a primary purpose of government t o secure these t h i n g s , f o r without them man l o s e s the peace, d i g n i t y and power of s e l f — e x p r e s s i o n which should be p a r t of h i s unique h e r i t a g e . B While the d e c i s i o n w i t h i n the L i b e r a l p a r t y t o make a B i l l of R i g h t s the c e n t r e p i e c e of i t s c o n s t i t u t i o n a l p r o p o s a l s had a l r e a d y been taken p r i o r t o the ascent of Trudeau t o p a r t y l e a d e r , Trudeau undoubtedly had a c o n s i d e r a b l e i n f l u e n c e on t h a t d e c i s i o n i n h i s c a p a c i t y as J u s t i c e M i n i s t e r and was instr u m e n t a l both i n subsequent i n i t i a t i v e s and i n the u l t i m a t e success of t h i s o b j e c t i v e . Trudeau had long been a p a s s i o n a t e defender of the r i g h t s of the i n d i v i d u a l and a s t r o n g c r i t i c of n a t i o n a l i s m i n any form. H i s p o l i t i c a l p h i l o s o p h y was f i r m l y r o o t e d w i t h i n 76 t h e l i b e r a l t r a d i t i o n . F o l l o w i n g t h e i d e a s o f J o h n L o c k e a n d t h e " p h i l o s o p h e s " o f t h e E n l i g h t e n m e n t p e r i o d , T r u d e a u e m b r a c e d a t h e o r y o f r i g h t s t h a t c e n t r e s on t h e i n d i v i d u a l . F o r T r u d e a u , human b e i n g s a r e by n a t u r e f r e e , i n d e p e n d e n t , a nd r a t i o n a l a g e n t s t h a t a r e endowed w i t h c e r t a i n i n a l i e n a b l e r i g h t s . The p r e s e r v a -t i o n and a d v a n c e m e n t o f i n d i v i d u a l l i b e r t i e s s h o u l d , t h e r e f o r e , be t h e u l t i m a t e g o a l o f a n y p o l i t i c a l s y s t e m i n o r d e r t h a t e a c h p e r s o n may be a b l e t o f o l l o w h i s / h e r own p a t h t o h a p p i n e s s a n d s e l f — f u l f i 1 l m e n t . I b e l i e v e t h a t , i n t h e l a s t a n a l y s i s , a human b e i n g i n t h e p r i v a c y o f h i s own mi n d h a s t h e e x c l u s i v e a u t h o r i t y t o c h o o s e h i s own s c a l e o f v a l u e s and t o d e c i d e w h i c h f o r c e s w i l l t a k e p r e c e d e n c e o v e r o t h e r s . A g o o d c o n s t i t u t i o n i s one t h a t d o e s n o t p r e j u d g e a n y o f t h e s e q u e s t i o n s , b u t l e a v e s c i t i z e n s f r e e t o o r i e n t t h e i r human d e s t i n i e s a s t h e y s e e f i t . * 5 ' T r u d e a u h a s l o n g b e e n an adamant o p p o n e n t o f n a t i o n a l i s m , an i d e o l o g y w h i c h he c o n s i d e r e d t o be d e s t r u c t i v e a n d i n c o m p a t i b l e w i t h t h e d e v e l o p m e n t o f a " j u s t s o c i e t y . " I n h i s a r t i c l e , "New T r e a s o n o f t h e I n t e l l e c t u a l s , " T r u d e a u a r g u e s t h e c a s e f o r h i s r e j e c t i o n o f n a t i o n a l i s m . A g a i n , h i s t h o u g h t i s r o o t e d i n h i s o v e r w h e l m i n g e m p h a s i s on t h e v a l u e o f t h e i n d i v i d u a l . He a r g u e s t h a t human b e i n g s a r e n o t b o u n d b y t h e i r l a n g u a g e , c u l t u r e o r r a c e , b u t r a t h e r t r a n s c e n d a n y o f t h e s e l a b e l s . Any a t t e m p t t o i d e n t i t y a p e r s o n s o l e l y w i t h t h e s e c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s w o u l d c o n s t i t u t e a d e n i a l o f h i s / h e r d i g n i t y . 1 0 I t i s t h e i n d i v i d u a l d e f i n e d a s a f r e e a n d m o r a l a g e n t t h a t must b e t h e p r i m a r y c o n c e r n o f a n y p o l i t i c a l s y s t e m . P a r a p h r a s i n g L o r d A c t o n , T r u d e a u a r g u e s t h a t when t h e n a t i o n becomes t h e b a s i s o f t h e 77 s t a t e , the i n d i v i d u a l i s no longer paramount. Rather than the s t a t e e x i s t i n g t o ser v e the i n d i v i d u a l , the i n d i v i d u a l e x i s t s t o se r v e the n a t i o n - s t a t e . CI In a t t a c h i n g such importance t o the i d e a o-f n a t i o n , [ n a t i o n a l i s t s ] a re s u r e l y l e d t o a d e f i n i t i o n of the common good as a f u n c t i o n of an e t h n i c group, r a t h e r than of a l l the people, r e g a r d l e s s of c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s . T h i s i s why the n a t i o n a l i s t i c government i s by na t u r e i n t o l e r -ant, d i s c r i m i n a t o r y , and when a l l i s s a i d and done, t o t a l i t a r i a n . A t r u l y democratic government cannot be ' n a t i o n a l i s t * , because i t must pursue the good of a l l i t s c i t i z e n s , without p r e j u d i c e t o e t h n i c o r i g i n . ... any t h i n k i n g t h a t c a l l s f o r f u l l s o v e r e i g n powers f o r n a t i o n s i s p o l i t i c a l l y r e a c t i o n a r y because i t would put complete and p e r f e c t power i n the hands of a community which i s i n c a p a b l e of r e a l i z i n g a complete and p e r f e c t s o c i e t y . 1 1 Hence, Trudeau concludes with Acton t h a t the c o e x i s t e n c e of many e t h n i c groups w i t h i n a s i n g l e s t a t e p r o v i d e s the best insurance of personal freedom. Trudeau's c o n v i c t i o n t h a t the u l t i m a t e r o l e of the s t a t e i s the p r o t e c t i o n and f u r t h e r a n c e of i n d i v i d u a l freedoms l e d him t o become a s t r o n g supporter of democratic p r i n c i p l e s and of a f e d e r a l system of government: the former because i t p l a c e s u l t i m a t e s o v e r e i g n t y with the people and the l a t t e r because i t p r o t e c t s the i n d i v i d u a l from an o v e r — c o n c e n t r a t i o n of s t a t e power. I t a l s o l e d him t o advocate the i n c o r p o r a t i o n of a B i l l of R i g h t s i n t o the w r i t t e n c o n s t i t u t i o n . The entrenchment of such a b i l l — one which was t o i n c l u d e language r i g h t s as we l l as t r a d i t i o n a l p o l i t i c a l and s o c i a l r i g h t s — was a r e l a t i v e l y c o n s i s t e n t aspect of Trudeau's p o l i t i c a l t h i n k i n g from h i s e a r l y w r i t i n g s i n the 1950s t o h i s f i n a l mandate i n o f f i c e . In a d d i t i o n t o i t s f u n c t i o n as a guarantor of fundamental r i g h t s and l i b e r t i e s , a c o n s t i t u t i o n a l B i l l of Ri g h t s was c l e a r l y 78 r e c o g n i z e d at an e a r l y stage as n a t i o n - b u i l d i n g d e v i c e . In h i s address t o the Canadian Bar A s s o c i a t i o n i n 1967 wh i l e s e r v i n g as M i n i s t e r o-f J u s t i c e , Trudeau a-f-firmed t h a t i n adopting such a document "we w i l l be t e s t i n g — and, h o p e f u l l y , e s t a b l i s h i n g — the u n i t y of C a n a d a . " 1 2 The most o f t e n c i t e d n a t i o n - b u i l d i n g f e a t u r e of a c o n s t i t u -t i o n a l B i l l of R i g h t s both i n f e d e r a l p o s i t i o n papers and academic works a l i k e i s i t s p o t e n t i a l t o ser v e as a u n i f y i n g symbol. I t i s u n i f y i n g i n the sense t h a t i t would endow c i t i z e n s with an i d e n t i t y as s o v e r e i g n , r i g h t s - b e a r i n g e n t i t i e s ; an i d e n t i t y they would u n i v e r s a l l y share r e g a r d l e s s of r e g i o n a l o r i g i n . T h i s would, i n t u r n , promote an attachment t o t h e n a t i o n a l l e v e l . The c a p a c i t y of symbols or the "symbolic o r d e r " t o s e r v e as i n t e g r a t i v e d e v i c e s has been the fo c u s of c o n s i d e r a b l e a t t e n t i o n among s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t s . Raymond Breton was in s t r u m e n t a l i n b r i n g i n g t h i s i d e a t o the f o r e of Canadian p o l i t i c a l t h i n k i n g i n h i s seminal 1977 a r t i c l e , "The p r o d u c t i o n and a l l o c a t i o n of symbolic r e s o u r c e s . " Breton argues t h a t "much of s o c i e t y ' s a c t i v i t i e s cannot be adequately understood i f we over—emphasize the m a t e r i a l dimension t o t h e detriment of the symbolic dimension of s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n . " 1 3 H i s b a s i c premise i s t h a t t h e r e i s a t i g h t i n t e r c o n n e c t e d n e s s between a s o c i e t y ' s symbolic order and the c o l l e c t i v e i d e n t i t y of i t s people; t h a t c o l l e c t i v e i d e n t i t i e s a r e both r e f l e c t e d i n and f o r g e d by the symbolic o r d e r . He c l a i m s t h a t much of the re c e n t t u r m o i l i n Canadian p o l i t i c a l l i f e can be e x p l a i n e d from t h i s p e r s p e c t i v e — t h a t i s , governments act ing to a l t e r the symbolic order and various groups react ing to changes to t h e i r pos i t i on within the s o c i a l h ierarchy . The s tate , as recent Canadian h i s t o r y w i l l a t t e s t , i s in t imate ly involved i n the process o-f r e s t ruc tur ing the i d e n t i t i e s o-f i t s c i t i z e n s through the manipulation of the symbolic order . General ly speaking, t h i s object ive i s pursued for a number of purposes, a l l of which are i n t e r r e l a t e d . They inc lude the generation of l o y a l t y or leg i t imacy, the redress ing of grievances, and the promotion of p o l i t i c a l i n t e g r a t i o n . The task of the Canadian government in forging a un i fy ing i d e n t i t y has always been a d i f f i c u l t one and has been grea t ly complicated in the postwar period by the p r o l i f e r a t i o n of new and diverse group i d e n t i t i e s . Canada's cont inuat ion as a t r a d i t i o n a l B r i t i s h - t y p e soc ie ty was challenged by a greater assert iveness of French-Canadians, ethnic m i n o r i t i e s , nat ive groups, the women's movement, v i s i b l e minor i t i e s — a l l of whom demanded increased recogni t ion and s tatus . Most s i g n i f i c a n t from a nat ional uni ty standpoint was the r i s e of Quebecois nat ional ism and the more general phenomenon of p r o v i n c i a l i s m . These t e r r i t o r i a l i d e n t i t i e s presented the most ser ious obstacle to the central government i n i t s e f f o r t to b u i l d a common and uni fy ing Canadian i d e n t i t y . Cairns has eloquently described the s i t u a t i o n in the fo l lowing manner: The psychic in tegrat ion of these mushrooming i d e n t i t i e s in to a common harmonious Canadianism i s one of the centra l contemporary challenges fac ing the Canadian federal s ta te . The f a i l u r e of the s tate to meet t h i s challenge w i l l not leave the populace unmoved. We w i l l be l e f t f loundering i f no overarching sense of community emerges . 1 4 80 The e f f o r t t o e s t a b l i s h t h i s " o verarching sense of community" i s perhaps best a r t i c u l a t e d i n the 1978 White Paper, A Time f o r  A c t i o n , which preceded B i l l C-60. In b r i e f , t h i s document argues that the v a l u e s t o which a l l Canadians commonly a s p i r e must be c l e a r l y expressed i n the w r i t t e n c o n s t i t u t i o n . I t r e c o g n i z e s t h a t a c o n s t i t u t i o n i s not merely a formal statement of governmental or s t a t e - s o c i e t y r e l a t i o n s , but an instrument capable of moulding or enhancing c e r t a i n i d e n t i t i e s and a t t i t u d e s . I t has an e d u c a t i v e c a p a c i t y with an a b i l i t y t o i n s p i r e p a t r i o t i s m and s o l i d a r i t y . The i n t e r — r e l a t i o n s h i p between the symbolic order — of which the c o n s t i t u t i o n i s an important component — and the i n d i v i d u a l c i t i z e n ' s world of i d e n t i t i e s and meanings i s c l e a r l y r e c o g n i z e d . Included among the va l u e s t o which Canadians commonly a s p i r e are the p r e -eminence and fundamental r i g h t s of the i n d i v i d u a l , democratic p r i n c i p l e s , e q u a l i t y of o p p o r t u n i t y f o r a l l . These v a l u e s are an i n t e g r a l p a r t of the Canadian i d e n t i t y and should, a c c o r d i n g t o Ottawa, be c l e a r l y expressed i n the c o n s t i t u t i o n a l o r d e r . In a d d i t i o n , i t b e l i e v e d t h a t those v a l u e s t h a t would f u r t h e r the cause of n a t i o n a l u n i t y — namely, language e q u a l i t y and c u l t u r a l d i v e r s i t y — should a l s o be i n c o r p o r a t e d i n t o the c o n s t i t u t i o n a l order so t h a t they too may become an i n t e g r a l p a r t of the Canadian psyche. In a d d i t i o n t o i t s symbolic dimension, a c o n s t i t u t i o n a l B i l l of R i g h t s would s e t i n motion a process of j u d i c i a l review t h a t would have important i m p l i c a t i o n s f o r l e g i s l a t i v e powers i n Canada. W r i t i n g on the 1982 C o n s t i t u t i o n a l Accord, Peter R u s s e l l 81 a r g u e s t h a t i t i s n o t a t t h e s y m b o l i c l e v e l t h a t t h e C h a r t e r w i l l h a v e i t s g r e a t e s t n a t i o n a l i z i n g e-f-fect, b u t r a t h e r t h r o u g h t h e g e n e r a t i o n o f j u d i c i a l p o l i c y - m a k i n g a t t h e e x p e n s e o f l e g i s l a -t i v e p o l i c y - m a k i n g . 1 = Whereas l e g i s l a t i v e p o l i c y - m a k i n g t e n d s t o r e s u l t i n a d i v e r s i t y o f p r o v i n c i a l l a w s and s t a n d a r d s , t h e Supreme C o u r t — b e i n g a c e n t r a l i z e d and n a t i o n a l i n s t i t u t i o n — w i l l s e t " u n i f o r m n a t i o n a l s t a n d a r d s " w h i c h a l l p r o v i n c i a l l e g i s l a t u r e s would be o b l i g e d t o f o l l o w . In e f f e c t , t h e C h a r t e r would, i n C a i r n s ' s words " s e t l i m i t s t o t h e d i v e r s i t i e s o f t r e a t m e n t o f C a n a d i a n c i t i z e n s by p r o v i n c i a l g o v e r n m e n t s . " 1 * ' A l t h o u g h t h e C h a r t e r w o u l d a p p l y t o l a w s a t b o t h l e v e l s , i t was more l i k e l y t o h a v e a d i s p r o p o r t i o n a t e i m p a c t on t h e l e g i s l a t i v e autonomy o f t h e p r o v i n c e s . The US e x p e r i e n c e w i t h a B i l l o f R i g h t s f o l l o w i n g t h e F o u r t e e n t h Amendment 1 7 and a r e c e n t s t u d y o f C h a r t e r c a s e s between 1982 and 1988 c o n f i r m t h i s p o i n t . 1 B D u r i n g t h i s p e r i o d , t h e c o u r t s o f a p p e a l h a v e n u l l i f i e d a t o t a l o f 65 s t a t u t e s , o f w h i c h 33 were p r o v i n c i a l and 32 were f e d e r a l . D e s p i t e t h e a p p a r e n t e q u i t y i n j u d i c i a l n u l l i f i c a t i o n s , c l o s e r o b s e r v a t i o n r e v e a l s t h a t t h e p r o v i n c i a l s t a t u t e s r e f e r r e d t o were p r i m a r i l y " s u b s t a n t i v e " i n c h a r a c t e r (56%) w h i l e t h e f e d e r a l s t a t u t e s were l a r g e l y " p r o c e d u r a l " i n n a t u r e ( 8 2 % ) . F u r t h e r — more, most o f t h e f e d e r a l s t a t u t e s (64%) were e n a c t e d p r i o r t o 1970 w h i l e t h e v a s t m a j o r i t y o f t h e p r o v i n c i a l s t a t u t e s (85%) a p p e a r e d a f t e r t h a t y e a r . The s t u d y c o n c l u d e d n o t o n l y t h a t t h e C h a r t e r h a s had a g r e a t e r i m p a c t on p r o v i n c i a l p o l i c y - m a k i n g , b u t t h a t t h e i m p a c t o f t h e C h a r t e r on l e g i s l a t i v e s t a t u t e s has been 82 g r a d u a l l y i n c r e a s i n g . There i s yet another more s u b t l e way i n which a c o n s t i t u -t i o n a l B i l l o-f R i g h t s c o u l d s e r v e a n a t i o n a l u n i t y -function. I t was c o n s i d e r e d t o have a c e n t r i p e t a l e-f-fect based on i t s c a p a c i t y t o m o b i l i z e c i t i z e n s on n a t i o n a l or n o n - t e r r i t o r i a l i s s u e s . The pe r v a s i v e n e s s o-f the t e r r i t o r i a l dimension o-f Canadian p o l i t i c a l l i f e has l e d many s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t s t o argued t h a t c r o s s - c u t t i n g c l e a v a g e s need t o be developed. John P o r t e r , f o r example, has advocated the need t o promote an i d e o l o g i c a l l y - b a s e d p o l i t i c s t h a t w i l l d i v i d e Canadian s o c i e t y along c l a s s l i n e s as opposed t o r e g i o n a l l i n e s . 1 9 The Charter of R i g h t s was expected t o f u l f i l l a s i m i l a r r o l e . The c o n s t i t u t i o n would be transformed from a document t h a t d e a l t e n t i r e l y with governmental r e l a t i o n s i n t o one which emphasizes the r e l a t i o n s h i p between c i t i z e n and s t a t e . I t would m o b i l i z e Canadians on a whole host of r i g h t s - b a s e d i s s u e s which would tend t o be n a t i o n a l i n scope and l e s s l i k e l y t o r e s u l t i n intergovernmental d i s p u t e s . Canadians would become d i v i d e d on such i s s u e s as a b o r t i o n , the c e n s o r s h i p of pornography or other o f f e n s i v e m a t e r i a l , the l i m i t a t i o n of p o l i c e a u t h o r i t y , school p r a y e r s , c a p i t a l punishment, compulsory r e t i r e m e n t , a f f i r m a t i v e a c t i o n , e t c . — i s s u e s which, as R u s s e l l notes, "do not c a l l i n t o question the l e g i t i m a c y of Canada as a n a t i o n a l p o l i t i c a l community." 2 0 Thus f a r , the a n a l y s i s of the f e d e r a l m o t i v a t i o n s concerning a c o n s t i t u t i o n a l B i l l of R i g h t s has tended t o d i s t i n g u i s h the o b j e c t i v e s of ent r e n c h i n g l i b e r a l - d e m o c r a t i c p r i n c i p l e s and enhancing n a t i o n a l i n t e g r a t i o n . Yet, i t may be argued that 83 •federal e l i t e s — and Trudeau, i n p a r t i c u l a r — saw these g o a l s as i n s e p a r a b l e . U n i t y was t o be a t t a i n e d through t h e e s t a b l i s h -ment of a p o l i t i c a l order which i s p e r c e i v e d as f a i r and j u s t — one t o which c i t i z e n s would grant t h e i r a l l e g i a n c e and l o y a l t y . For example, Trudeau*s w r i t i n g s c l e a r l y i n d i c a t e t h a t n a t i o n a l u n i t y would be e s t a b l i s h e d through the p r o t e c t i o n and promotion of l i n g u i s t i c r i g h t s . As e l a b o r a t e d i n the p r e v i o u s chapter, he f i r m l y b e l i e v e d t h a t the d e n i a l of French language r i g h t s o u t s i d e of Quebec was one of the root causes of the e x i s t i n g c r i s i s i n Canadian f e d e r a l i s m . By d e c l a r i n g and s e c u r i n g t h e s e r i g h t s , t h e f e d e r a l government would e s t a b l i s h i t s e l f as a l e g i t i m a t e defend-er of the French language and c u l t u r e , thus removing much of t h e r a i s o n d ' e t r e of the new Quebecois n a t i o n a l i s m . According t o Trudeau, o n l y when the Canadian p o l i t y e s t a b l i s h e d i t s e l f as t r u l y b i l i n g u a l with equal r i g h t s and s t a t u s guaranteed t o both l i n g u i s t i c groups c o u l d i t hope t o a c q u i r e the l e g i t i m a c y i n the eyes of al1 i t s c i t i z e n s needed t o ensure n a t i o n a l u n i t y . T h i s argument may be extended t o a c o n s t i t u t i o n a l B i l l of R i g h t s as a whole. By guaranteeing a broad range of fundamental r i g h t s and freedoms t o i t s c i t i z e n r y , a p o l i t i c a l order may be gi v e n a l e g i t i m a c y i t p r e v i o u s l y l a c k e d . T h i s argument i s developed f u r t h e r i n a r e c e n t a r t i c l e by Sam La S e l v a . Looking a t Trudeau's academic w r i t i n g s , L a S e l v a notes t h a t Trudeau, as a p o l i t i c a l p h i l o s o p h e r , was preoccupied f i r s t and foremost with the q u e s t i o n of j u s t i c e . More s p e c i f i c a l l y , he was concerned with e s t a b l i s h i n g the c o n d i t i o n s f o r human pr o g r e s s and the 84 j u s t i f i c a t i o n o-f a u t h o r i t y . To t h i s end, f e d e r a l i s m i s espoused as the optimal and most r a t i o n a l system of government. However, f e d e r a l i s m i s somewhat l i m i t e d i n t h a t i t i s concerned p r i m a r i l y with governmental a c t o r s and does not take i n d i v i d u a l s and groups i n t o account. A Charter of R i g h t s i s , t h e r e f o r e , r e q u i r e d t o g i v e them adequate r e c o g n i t i o n and t o f u l l y r e s o l v e the problem of r e c o n c i l i n g the i n d i v i d u a l with the s t a t e . In order f o r a p o l i t i c a l system t o f u l l y a t t a i n l e g i t i m a c y and s t a b i l i t y , i t must be seen as f a i r and j u s t by the c i t i z e n r y . T h e r e f o r e , a c c o r d i n g t o Trudeau, n a t i o n a l u n i t y i s achieved as much through the p e r c e p t i o n of l e g i t i m a c y v i a l i b e r a l j u s t i c e as through some sentimental attachment t o the n a t i o n a l community or the c e n t r a l i z a t i o n of p o l i t i c a l power. "For Trudeau the p o l i t i c a l t h e o r i s t , the p r i n c i p l e s of s t a t e c r a f t were d i c t a t e d by the requirements of j u s t i c e and the cohesion of the n a t i o n was based on the soundness of i t s p r i n c i p l e s . " 2 1 In i t s e f f o r t t o s e l l the C h a r t e r , the f e d e r a l government focu s s e d almost e n t i r e l y on i t s symbolic and r i g h t s enhancing f u n c t i o n and downplayed or denied any c l a i m t h a t f e d e r a l power would be augmented at the expense of the p r o v i n c e s . I t emphasized t h a t a C h a r t e r of R i g h t s would not e n t a i l any t r a n s f e r of powers between governments, but r a t h e r a t r a n s f e r of power from a l 1 governments t o the people. I t i n c l u d e d i n v i r t u a l l y every proposal a p r o v i s i o n t h a t no new l e g i s l a t i v e a u t h o r i t y would be a c q u i r e d by any l e v e l of government as a r e s u l t of the C h a r t e r . 2 2 I t would, undoubtedly, have been s t r a t e g i c a l l y unwise to h a i l the Charter as a f e d e r a l power grab while t r y i n g t o o b t a i n p r o v i n c i a l c o n s e n t -for i t . N e v e r t h e l e s s , Ottawa was w i t h o u t q u e s t i o n aware o-f t h e C h a r t e r ' s p o t e n t i a l . The -fact t h a t i t o-f-fered t o a b o l i s h t h e - f e d e r a l powers o f r e s e r v a t i o n and d i s a l l o w a n c e a s a q u i d p r o quo i s a c l e a r r e c o g n i t i o n t h a t p r o v i n c i a l powers would be s u f f i c i e n t l y r e s t r i c t e d s o a s t o r e n d e r s u c h powers s u p e r f l u o u s . 2 3 P r o v i n c i a l o p p o s i t i o n t o t h e C h a r t e r came i n t h e f o r m o f a d e f e n c e o f t h e B r i t i s h t r a d i t i o n o f p a r l i a m e n t a r y supremacy. P r e m i e r s A l l a n B l a k e n e y o f S a s k a t c h e w a n and S t e r l i n g L y o n o f M a n i t o b a were amongst t h e more v o c a l d e f e n d e r s o f t h i s p r i n c i p l e d u r i n g t h e f i n a l r o u n d o f c o n s t i t u t i o n a l n e g o t i a t i o n s . C o g n i z a n t o f t h e l i m i t a t i o n s t h a t i t would impose on p r o v i n c i a l powers, t h e y s t e a d f a s t l y o p p o s e d t h e C h a r t e r d e s p i t e o v e r w h e l m i n g p u b l i c s u p p o r t f o r t h e document and were i n s t r u m e n t a l i n s e c u r i n g t h e i n c l u s i o n o f t h e l e g i s l a t i v e o v e r r i d e i n i t s f i n a l d r a f t . Lyon and B l a k e n e y a r g u e d t h a t i t would be i n a p p r o p r i a t e t o p l a c e e x c e s s i v e a u t h o r i t y t o make p o l i t i c a l d e c i s i o n s i n t h e hands o f a p p o i n t e d and u n a c c o u n t a b l e j u d g e s ; t h a t s u c h a u t h o r i t y i s b e s t l e f t w i t h t h e d u l y e l e c t e d l e g i s l a t u r e s where t h e p e o p l e c a n p a r t i c i p a t e i n and i n f l u e n c e p o l i t i c a l c h o i c e s . The e n t r e n c h m e n t o f a c h a r t e r would make i t d i f f i c u l t t o c h a n g e l e g i s l a t i o n a s t h e v a l u e s and norms o f s o c i e t y c h a n g e . I t would u n j u s t l y impose a c e r t a i n s e t o f v a l u e s on f u t u r e g e n e r a t i o n s — a k i n d o f " g e n e r a t i o n a l i m p e r i a l i s m . " 2 * In B l a k e n e y ' s words: I s a y t h a t many o f t h e s e i s s u e s a r e b e t t e r l e f t t o be d e a l t w i t h a t a p r o v i n c i a l l e v e l where p o s s i b l e o r a t a n a t i o n a l l e v e l , b u t a t l e a s t a t a l e v e l where we can r e s p o n d t o t h e f e l t n e e d s o f C a n a d i a n s a s t h e y e x i s t 86 today, and change i t 10 years l a t er i-f the -felt needs of Canadians are d i f f e r e n t . I fee l . . . very, very s trongly , that we are making a mistake to turn over many of these d i f f i c u l t issues to the courts for dec is ion because I bel ieve that the c i t i z e n bel ieves that he has a r ight to a voice in those decis ions . . . 2 = 5 Both federal and p r o v i n c i a l governments adopted the r h e t o r i c of popular sovereignty in the cons t i tu t iona l debate over the Charter . Each claimed that i t s p o s i t i o n represented genuine democratic i d e a l s . Although there may have been a bona f ide commitment in each camp to the p r i n c i p l e s i t espoused, i t i s not co inc identa l that these p r i n c i p l e s were self—serving. P r o v i n c i a l governments had a vested in teres t in maintaining a broad scope of l e g i s l a t i v e act ion i n order to protect t h e i r prov ince -bu i ld ing ambitions. Ottawa, on the other hand, sought to augment i t s own power and legit imacy by strengthening the attachment of c i t i z e n s to the nat ional community through the establishment of a common i d e n t i t y as r i g h t s bearers, by r e s t r i c t i n g the capacity of p r o v i n c i a l governments to construct d i s t i n c t i v e p r o v i n c i a l communities and i d e n t i t i e s through the implementation of divergent standards of r i g h t s , and by reducing the sa l ience of t e r r i t o r i a l cleavages upon which p r o v i n c i a l power and legit imacy t h r i v e s . 87 ENDNOTES: CHAPTER 4 1. Rt. Hon. L e s t e r B. Pearson, F e d e r a l i s m -for the Future (Ottawa: 1968) p. 18 2. Hon. P i e r r e E l l i o t Trudeau, M i n i s t e r o-f J u s t i c e , A Canadian Charter o-f R i g h t s (Ottawa: Queen's P r i n t e r , 1968) 3. Peter H. R u s s e l l , "The P o l i t i c a l Purposes of t h e Canadian Charter of R i g h t s and Freedoms" Canadian Bar Review 61 (1983) p. 31 4. I b i d . p. 33-35 5. Alan C. C a i r n s , "The I n t e r n a t i o n a l Dimension of C o n s t i t u t i o n a l Change: The C h a r t e r " (1987) 6. Pearson, F e d e r a l i s m f o r the Future p. 8 7. Rt. Hon. P i e r r e E l l i o t Trudeau, A Time f o r A c t i o n : Toward the Renewal of the Canadian F e d e r a t i o n (Ottawa: M i n i s t e r of Supply and S e r v i c e s Canada, 1978) p. 8 8. Canada, The C o n s t i t u t i o n and the People of Canada (Ottawa: 1969) p. 14 9. Trudeau, F e d e r a l i s m and the French Canadians (Toronto: Macmillan of Canada, 196B) p. 11 10. I b i d . P- 159 11. I b i d . P- 169 12. I b i d . P- 54 9 13. Raymond Breton, The p r o d u c t i o n and a l l o c a t i o n of symbolic r e s o u r c e s : an a n a l y s i s of the l i n g u i s t i c and e t h n o c u l t u r a l f i e l d s i n Canada" Canadian Review of S o c i o l o g y and  Anthropology 21:2 (1984) p. 124 14. C a i r n s , "The Canadian C o n s t i t u t i o n a l Experiment" Da l h o u s i e Law Review IX:1 (November 1984) p. 92 15. R u s s e l l , "The P o l i t i c a l Purposes of the Canadian Charter of R i g h t s and Freedoms" p. 40 16. C a i r n s , "Recent F e d e r a l i s t C o n s t i t u t i o n a l P r o p o s a l s : A Review Essay" Canadian P u b l i c P o l i c y 3 (Summer 1979) p. 354 17. The Fourteenth Amendment d e c l a r e s t h a t no s t a t e s h a l l " d e p r i v e any person of l i f e , l i b e r t y , or p r o p e r t y , without due process of law." P r i o r t o t h i s , the B i l l of R i g h t s a p p l i e d o n l y t o the f e d e r a l l e v e l of government. IB. F.L. Morton, et a l . . " J u d i c i a l N u l l i f i c a t i o n of S t a t u t e s Under the Charter of R i g h t s and Freedoms, 1982-1988" Paper prepared f o r a J o i n t S e s s i o n of the Annual meeting of the Canadian P o l i t i c a l S c i e n c e A s s o c i a t i o n a n d the Canadian Law and S o c i e t y A s s o c i a t i o n , June 3, 1989 19. John P o r t e r , The V e r t i c a l Mosaic: An A n a l y s i s of S o c i a l C l a s s and Power i n Canada (Toronto: U n i v e r s i t y of Toronto Press, 1965) p. 368-69 20. R u s s e l l , "The p o l i t i c a l Purposes of the Canadian Charter of R i g h t s and Freedoms" p. 41. The a b o r t i o n i s s u e has been the most s a l i e n t i n r e c e n t months. Not o n l y has i t 88 mobil ized Canadians along n o n - t e r r i t o r i a l l i n e s , but the recent Supreme Court dec is ion s t r i k i n g down a r u l i n g by the Quebec Court o-f Appeal (August 8) may a c t u a l l y serve to l e g i t i m i z e the Canadian Charter against the Quebec Charter in the eyes o-f many Quebecois pro-choice advocates. Much depends however on the Supreme Court ' s just i - f i cat ions which have not yet been re leased . However, a note of caution i s warranted here. The increased tensions over language p o l i c y in recent months indicates that the Charter a l so has the potent ia l to induce t e r r i t o r i a l l y based c o n f l i c t as w e l l . Samuel V. LaSelva, "Does the Canadian Charter Rest on a Mistake?" The Windsor Yearbook of Access to J u s t i c e VIII (1988) p. 223 See, for example, Canada, The Const i tut ion and the  People of Canada p. 22, and Const i tut ionaL  Reform: Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms (Ottawa: Canadian National Unity O f f i c e , 1978) p. 2 See Ib id . p. 4. Trudeau a lso recommended t h i s in 1965, see Federalism and the French Canadians p. 45 Term used by Alan Cairns in seminar discuss ion Cited i n : Rainer Knopff and F . L . Morton, "Nation-Bui lding and the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms" in Alan Cairns and Cynthia Wil l iams, research coordinators , Cons t i tu t iona l i sm. C i t i z e n s h i p and Society in Canada v o l . 33 of the Macdonald Commission Studies (Toronto: Univers i ty of Toronto Press, 1985) p. 170 89 CONCLUSION J~ The primary t a s k s o-f the s t a t e a r e the c r e a t i o n and maintenance o-f i n t e r n a l order and the p r o t e c t i o n o-f i t s own t e r r i t o r i a l i n t e g r i t y i n the i n t e r n a t i o n a l system. A r e l a t e d task i s the i n t e g r a t i o n of the r e g i o n s , c l a s s e s , e t h n i c i t i e s , l i f e s t y l e s , g e n e r a t i o n s , and gender and other cleavages t h a t always p u l l s o c i e t y a p a r t , erode the sense of community, and weaken the c a p a c i t y f o r e f f e c t i v e c o l l e c t i v e a c t i o n . 1 The above o b s e r v a t i o n i s p a r t i c u l a r l y p e r t i n e n t t o the r e c e n t Canadian experience. I t has been i n c r e a s i n g l y f e a s i b l e and, indeed, necessary f o r the Canadian s t a t e t o engage i n such i n t e g r a t i v e a c t i v i t i e s — f e a s i b l e because of the high degree of interdependence t h a t has developed between s t a t e and s o c i e t y and necessary i n order t o c o u n t e r a c t the c e n t r i f u g a l f o r c e s which c h a l l e n g e d i t s a u t h o r i t y and l e g i t i m a c y . The r a p i d expansion of the p u b l i c s e c t o r i n the postwar e r a has r e s u l t e d i n the development of a m u l t i p l i c i t y of l i n k a g e s and i n t e r r e l a t i o n s h i p s between s t a t e and s o c i e t y . Gone ar e the days of t h e n i g h t watchman s t a t e when governments had o n l y a m i n i s e u l e involvement i n the spheres of s o c i a l w e l f a r e and economic development. Governments have become endowed with massive human and f i s c a l r e s o u r c e s e n a b l i n g them t o p e n e t r a t e v i r t u a l l y every aspect of our l i v e s . The consequent " p o l i t i c i z a t i o n " of s o c i e t y has r e s u l t e d i n a s i t u a t i o n whereby the a c t i v i t i e s of governments and the f u n c t i o n i n g of p u b l i c i n s t i t u t i o n s , both at the symbolic and s u b s t a n t i v e l e v e l , have a profound e f f e c t on the formation of c o l l e c t i v e v a l u e s , norms, i d e n t i t i e s and a l l e g i a n c e s . Through the r e s t r u c t u r i n g of p u b l i c i n s t i t u t i o n s and s t a t e -90 s o c i e t y r e l a t i o n s , modern s t a t e s have become i n t i m a t e l y i n v o l v e d i n a complex and continuous process o-f s o c i a l e n g i n e e r i n g d e s i g n -ed Xo shape s o c i e t i e s a c c o r d i n g t o t h e i r i m p e r a t i v e s . However, t h i s i s not t o p o r t r a y the s t a t e as an independent, autonomous agent o-f Orwell i a n p r o p o r t i o n s capable of imposing i t s designs upon a r e c e p t i v e and m a l l e a b l e s o c i e t y . To t h e c o n t r a r y , govern-ments are r e s t r i c t e d i n t h e i r a c t i o n s by numerous f a c t o r s . The s t a t e i s "embedded" i n , and hence c o n s t r a i n e d by, t h e s o c i e t y i t g o v e r n s . 2 In f e d e r a l systems with o v e r l a p p i n g j u r i s d i c t i o n s , governmental ambitions are r e s t r i c t e d by the e x i s t e n c e of other governments which o f t e n have d i v e r g e n t i n t e r e s t s and espouse d i f f e r e n t c o n c e p t i o n s of community. F i n a l l y , governments are l i m i t e d by the p o l i c y instruments a v a i l a b l e t o them through the c o n s t i t u t i o n a l d i v i s i o n of powers and by t h e i r own p r e v i o u s p o l i c y i n i t i a t i v e s which i n v a r i a b l y c r e a t e a c e r t a i n degree of b u r e a u c r a t i c i n e r t i a w i t h i n the s t a t e apparatus. Moreover, governments a r e guided by c o n s i d e r a t i o n s of s e l f -i n t e r e s t and by the i d e o l o g i c a l d i s p o s i t i o n s of t h e i r l e a d e r s . L i k e any o r g a n i z a t i o n , the s t a t e c a r r i e s out i t s a c t i v i t i e s with an eye toward i t s own s e l f - p r e s e r v a t i o n and, where p o s s i b l e , i t s s e l f - a g g r a n d i z e m e n t . Ideology a l s o p l a y s an important r o l e . P o l i t i c i a n s do not enter p u b l i c l i f e without some prec o n c e i v e d i d e a s about the world: each b r i n g s h i s / h e r own p h i l o s o p h i c a l baggage and attempts t o impose i t on the p o l i t i c a l o r d e r . Over the past t h r e e decades, the Canadian f e d e r a t i o n has become s u b j e c t t o an a r r a y of d e c e n t r a l i z i n g f o r c e s which have 91 presented a c o n s i d e r a b l e t h r e a t t o i t s continued e x i s t e n c e . Beginning with the emergence o-f the new n a t i o n a l i s m i n Quebec and s p r e a d i n g t o the E n g l i s h - s p e a k i n g p r o v i n c e s , demands emerged -for i n c r e a s e d p r o v i n c i a l autonomy and a g r e a t e r p r o v i n c i a l v o i c e i n f e d e r a l p o licy-making. At the extreme was the a d d i t i o n a l t h r e a t of Quebec separatism. A v a r i e t y of p o l i t i c a l , i n s t i t u t i o n a l , economic, and s o c i o - c u l t u r a l f a c t o r s have c o n t r i b u t e d t o the growth of p r o v i n c i a l power and the i n c r e a s e d s a l i e n c e of d u a l i s m and r e g i o n a l i s m . Seeing the need t o respond t o these d e v e l o p -ments, the f e d e r a l government had t o d e c i d e which of these f a c t o r s c o n t r i b u t e d the most t o the p r o v i n c i a l i s t t h r e a t . Taking i n t o account the v a r i o u s l i m i t a t i o n s t o which i t was s u b j e c t and i t s own s e l f - i m p o s e d i m p e r a t i v e s , the Trudeau government d e v e l o p -ed a c o n s t i t u t i o n a l s t r a t e g y t h a t focussed p r i m a r i l y on the s o c i o - c u l t u r a l dimension and the reform of f e d e r a l i n s t i t u t i o n s . T h i s t h e s i s has d i v i d e d the f e d e r a l government's n a t i o n a l u n i t y s t r a t e g y i n t o t h r e e segments: the attempted r e s t r u c t u r i n g of c e n t r a l i n s t i t u t i o n s i n an i n t r a s t a t e d i r e c t i o n ; the p o l i c i e s of b i l i n g u a l i s m and m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m ; and the c o n s t i t u t i o n a l entrenchment of a B i l l of R i g h t s . The reform of f e d e r a l i n s t i t u t i o n s was designed t o enhance Ottawa's r e s p o n s i v e n e s s t o r e g i o n a l concerns. The e x i s t i n g s t r u c t u r e s and o p e r a t i o n s have induced a c o n s i d e r a b l e degree of p o l i t i c a l a l i e n a t i o n and intergovernmental c o n f l i c t , p a r t i c u l a r l y s i n c e the e a r l y s i x t i e s . In order t o r e g a i n i t s f a l t e r i n g l e g i t i m a c y , the f e d e r a l government proposed a s e t of reforms r e f e r r e d t o as " c e n t r a l i s t i n t r a s t a t e f e d e r a l i s m . " C a t e g o r i c a l l y 92 r e j e c t i n g the c l a i m t h a t p r o v i n c i a l governments are the onl y l e g i t i m a t e or capable r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s o-f r e g i o n a l i n t e r e s t s , Ottawa i n s i s t e d t h a t a re-formed upper house c o n t a i n d i v e r s e r e g i o n a l r e p r e s e n t a t i o n of which p r o v i n c i a l regimes were but minor p l a y e r s . Although i n t r a s t a t e reforms were i n c l u d e d among f e d e r a l i s t p r o p o s a l s s i n c e 1968, they c l e a r l y were not a high p r i o r i t y of the Trudeau government. With the demise of B i l l C—60 and the r e t u r n of the L i b e r a l s t o power i n 1980, t h e i d e a was a l l but abandoned i n the f i n a l round of c o n s t i t u t i o n a l n e g o t i a t i o n . O f f i c i a l b i l i n g u a l i s m was a p o l i c y adopted i n d i r e c t response t o t h e new n a t i o n a l i s m i n Quebec. F e d e r a l i n s t i t u t i o n s were reformed t o b e t t e r r e f l e c t the francophone s i d e of Canada's dual n a ture and l i n g u i s t i c r i g h t s were i n s t i t u t e d f o r the purpose of p r o t e c t i n g francophone communities o u t s i d e of Quebec. In doing t h i s , the f e d e r a l government hoped t o e s t a b l i s h i t s e l f as a capable and l e g i t i m a t e defender of the French language and c u l t u r e and t o encourage among French-Canadians a s t r o n g e r i d e n t i f i c a t i o n with the n a t i o n a l community. M u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m , on the other hand, emerged as a response t o e t h n i c m i n o r i t i e s of non-French, n o n - B r i t i s h o r i g i n who res e n t e d the growing tendency t o d e f i n e Canada i n d u a l i s t i c terms. Such a d e f i n i t i o n d i d not a c c u r a t e l y r e f l e c t t h e i r c o n t r i b u t i o n s t o Canadian s o c i e t y making them f e e l as s e c o n d - c l a s s c i t i z e n s . In order t o s a l v a g e b i -l i n g u a l i s m , Ottawa i n s t i t u t e d the p o l i c y of m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m thus e s t a b l i s h i n g both l i n g u i s t i c d u a l i t y and c u l t u r a l d i v e r s i t y as fundamental a t t r i b u t e s of t h e Canadian community and i d e n t i t y . 93 An entrenched B i l l of R i g h t s has been the f o c a l p o i n t of f e d e r a l p r o p o s a l s s i n c e the onset of the c o n s t i t u t i o n a l review pr o c e s s . Support f o r such a document among f e d e r a l e l i t e s came as a r e s u l t of a deep commitment t o 1 i b e r a l - d e m o c r a t i c p r i n c i p l e s and a b e l i e f i n i t s n a t i o n - b u i l d i n g p o t e n t i a l . C o n s i s t i n g of a v a r i e t y of p o l i t i c a l , l e g a l , e g a l i t a r i a n and l i n g u i s t i c r i g h t s , a B i l l of R i g h t s was intended t o p r o t e c t the fundamental r i g h t s of i n d i v i d u a l s and m i n o r i t i e s , t o s e r v e as a u n i f y i n g symbol, and t o act as a v e h i c l e f o r keeping p r o v i n c i a l i s m i n check. The f e d e r a l o b j e c t i v e was e v e n t u a l l y achieved through the 1982 Charter of R i g h t s and Freedoms, a l b e i t with the i n c l u s i o n of a l e g i s l a t i v e o v e r r i d e c l a u s e . Seen i n i t s e n t i r e t y , the f e d e r a l n a t i o n a l u n i t y s t r a t e g y was e s s e n t i a l l y an attempt t o undermine r a t h e r than accommodate the c e n t r i f u g a l , p r o v i n c i a l i z i n g f o r c e s w i t h i n Canadian f e d e r a l i s m . T h i s was, indeed, the u l t i m a t e o b j e c t i v e of the t h r e e i n i t i a t i v e s noted above. There i s an i m p l i c i t r e j e c t i o n of c o n s o c i a t i o n a l t h e o r y which c l a i m s t h a t p o l i t i c a l union can by enhanced through the p r o v i s i o n of g r e a t e r autonomy f o r su b - n a t i o n a l u n i t s . 3 To succumb t o the d e c e n t r a l i z i n g p r e s s u r e s would, a c c o r d i n g t o Ottawa, l e a d Canada down the " s l i p p e r y s l o p e " toward p o l i t i c a l d i s i n t e g r a t i o n . The o v e r a l l f e d e r a l s t r a t e g y contained t h r e e major components. F i r s t of a l l , i t i n v o l v e d what Knopff and Morton r e f e r t o as an attempt t o " e s t a b l i s h and a r t i c u l a t e the c o n d i t i o n s of a n a t i o n a l c i t i z e n s h i p and i d e n t i t y which t r a n s -cended r e g i o n a l i d e n t i t i e s . " " * Secondly, i t sought t o reduce the s a l i e n c e of r e g i o n a l cleavages by encouraging the development of 94 c r o s s - c u t t i n g c l e a v a g e s w h i c h d i d n o t r u n a l o n g t e r r i t o r i a l l i n e s . F i n a l l y , O t t a w a a t t e m p t e d t o e r r e c t c e r t a i n b a r r i e r s i n h i b i t i n g p r o v i n c i a l g o v e r n m e n t s -from c o n s t r u c t i n g d i s t i n c t p r o v i n c i a l s o c i e t i e s a n d i d e n t i t i e s . O t t a w a c l e a r l y r e c o g n i z e d t h a t t h e e s t a b l i s h m e n t o-f a common p o l e o-f i d e n t i f i c a t i o n was e s s e n t i a l t o c r e a t i n g t h e p o l i t i c a l w i l l t o p r e s e r v e t h e f e d e r a l u n i o n . I t a l s o r e c o g n i z e d t h a t t h e c o l l e c t i v e i d e n t i t i e s c a n be e f f e c t i v e l y m o d i f i e d by t h e s t a t e . H e n c e , i t s o u g h t t h r o u g h t h e r e f a s h i o n i n g o f p u b l i c i n s t i t u t i o n s a n d s t a t e - s o c i e t y r e l a t i o n s t o c o n s t r u c t a common and u n i f y i n g p a n - C a n a d i a n i d e n t i t y w h i c h s u r p a s s e d p r o v i n c i a l i d e n t i t i e s i n i m p o r t a n c e . A c o n s t i t u t i o n a l B i l l o f R i g h t s a n d t h e p o l i c i e s o f b i l i n g u a l i s m a n d m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m w e r e i n t e n d e d t o s e r v e p r e -c i s e l y t h i s p u r p o s e . They w o u l d f o s t e r a u n i f y i n g c o l l e c t i v e i d e n t i t y b a s e d on a common a d h e r e n c e t o 1 i b e r a l - d e m o c r a t i c p r i n c i p l e s and t h e v a l u e s o f l i n g u i s t i c d u a l i t y and c u l t u r a l d i v e r s i t y . The p r e d o m i n a n c e o f t h e t e r r i t o r i a l d i m e n s i o n o f C a n a d i a n p o l i t i c a l l i f e h a s p r o m p t e d t h e f e d e r a l g o v e r n m e n t t o s e e k ways i n w h i c h t o i n c r e a s e t h e s a l i e n c e o f n o n - t e r r i t o r i a l , o r c r o s s -c u t t i n g , c l e a v a g e s . The C h a r t e r , f o r e x a m p l e , by i n d u c i n g r i g h t s c o n s c i o u s n e s s was i n t e n d e d t o m o b i l i z e and d i v i d e c i t i z e n s o n i d e o l o g i c a l l y a n d m o r a l l y b a s e d i s s u e s , i s s u e s w h i c h a r e n a t i o n a l i n s c o p e a n d , c o n s e q u e n t l y , do n o t b r i n g t h e l e g i t i m a c y o f t h e c e n t r a l g o v e r n m e n t i n t o q u e s t i o n . O f f i c i a l B i l i n g u a l i s m , w i t h i t s e m p h a s i s on m i n o r i t y l a n g u a g e r i g h t s c a n a l s o b e s e e n f r o m 95 t h i s perspect ive . By susta ining o- f f ic ia l language minor i t i e s within provinces , Ottawa hoped to prevent a coincidence o-f l i n g u i s t i c and p o l i t i c a l boundaries. F i n a l l y , the in tras ta te proposals -for Senate re-form embodied i n B i l l C-60 provided -for the existence o-f a d i v e r s i t y o-f regional in t eres t s within the upper chamber i n the a n t i c i p a t i o n that t h i s would induce a l l i a n c e s and d i v i s i o n s which d id not run exc lus ive ly along f e d e r a l - p r o v i n c i a l l i n e s . Federal i n i t i a t i v e s were a lso designed to l i m i t the scope of p r o v i n c i a l power and t h e i r capaci ty to forge stronger p r o v i n c i a l communities and i d e n t i t i e s . By t rans fer ing policy-making author i ty f r o m the l e g i s l a t u r e s to the j u d i c i a r y , the Charter was expected t o a s s i s t in the establishment of "uniform nat ional standards" from which provinces could not deviate . The p o l i c i e s of b i l i n g u a l i s m and mul t i cu l tura l i sm placed an emphasis on i n t r a -p r o v i n c i a l d i v e r s i t i e s . By endowing l i n g u i s t i c minor i t i e s with status and recogn i t ion , p r o v i n c i a l l e g i s l a t u r e s are hindered from enacting measures on behalf of t h e i r major i t i e s which may i n -f r i n g e upon the r i g h t s of these groups. In e f f ec t , the federal s trategy i n h i b i t s p r o v i n c i a l governments from construct ing d i s t i c t i v e p r o v i n c i a l s o c i e t i e s and i d e n t i t i e s through the d i f f e r e n t i a l treatment of c i t i z e n s . The p o l i t i c a l maneuvering c a r r i e d out on behalf of the federal government i n pursui t of i t s object ives evolved over time. In the f i r s t round of cons t i tu t iona l negot iat ions , Trudeau was content to adhere to the conventional requirement of unani -mous consent by a l l provinces . However, with the f a i l u r e of the 96 V i c t o r i a Charter and the r i s e t o power o-f the P a r t i Quebecois, Trudeau began t o look s e r i o u s l y a t the o p t i o n of u n i l a t e r a l a c t i o n . Although B i l l C-60 c o n t a i n e d some u n i l a t e r a l elements, i t s t i l l acknowledged t h a t p r o v i n c i a l approval was r e q u i r e d t o p a t r i a t e the c o n s t i t u t i o n and t o i n c l u d e w i t h i n i t a new amending formula. A f t e r the c o l l a p s e of the n e g o t i a t i o n s t h a t f o l l o w e d the Quebec Referendum, Ottawa decided t h a t even t h i s requirement c o u l d be waved and proceded t o embark on the u n i l a t e r a l o p t i o n . There i s some question concerning the c o m p a t i b i l i t y of the f e d e r a l p o l i c i e s and p r o p o s a l s . The pan-Canadianism espoused by Trudeau i s i n some r e s p e c t s a n t i t h e t i c a l t o the u n d e r l y i n g premises of i n t r a s t a t e f e d e r a l i s m , even i n i t s c e n t r a l i s t form. I n t r a s t a t e f e d e r a l i s m assumes t h a t the n a t i o n a l i n t e r e s t i s d e r i v e d from the aggregate of r e g i o n a l i n t e r e s t s . Based on a compact the o r y of f e d e r a l i s m , t h i s p e r s p e c t i v e tends t o view p r o v i n c i a l communities and i d e n t i t i e s as paramount. Although i t i s compatible with the o v e r a l l s t r a t e g y of enhancing f e d e r a l l e g i t i m a c y and l i m i t i n g p r o v i n c i a l power, i n t r a s t a t e f e d e r a l i s m seems i r r e c o n c i l a b l e with a v i s i o n t h a t seeks t o e s t a b l i s h a transcendent n a t i o n a l i d e n t i t y , sees the country as more than t h e sum of i t s p a r t s , and i s concerned more with i n c r e a s i n g f e d e r a l i n p u t i n t o p r o v i n c i a l policy-making than v i c e v e r s a . The i n t r a -s t a t e p r o p o s a l s of the Trudeau government can perhaps be best understood as a pragmatic response t o the many p r o v i n c i a l i s t p r o p o s a l s t h a t were r e c e i v i n g wide a t t e n t i o n and support at the time. T h i s may e x p l a i n why the i n t r a s t a t e i n i t i a t i v e was pursued 97 with l e s s v i g o r than the o t h e r s and why i t was so q u i c k l y abandoned a f t e r the Supreme Court s t r u c k down B i l l C-60. The n a t i o n - b u i l d i n g p l a n s o-F the -federal government were c o n s t r a i n e d by the l i m i t s of i t s j u r i s d i c t i o n a l a u t h o r i t y and subverted by powerful and e q u a l l y ambitious p r o v i n c i a l regimes which adhered t o opposing v i s i o n of Canadian f e d e r a l i s m . Prov-i n c i a l o p p o s i t i o n t o B i l l C-60 prompted the f e d e r a l government t o r e f e r the l e g i s l a t i o n t o the c o u r t s , a d e c i s i o n which was t o b r i n g about an abrupt end t o Ottawa's i n t r a s t a t e ambitions. In the area of language p o l i c y , Quebec moved i n a d i r e c t i o n o p p o s i t e t o t h a t t o t h a t of the f e d e r a l government by adopting a u n i l i n g u a l regime w h i l e no other p r o v i n c e with th e e x c e p t i o n of New Brunswick has yet d e c l a r e d i t s e l f b i l i n g u a l . T h i s has s e r i o u s l y undermined the f e d e r a l a s p i r a t i o n s of b u i l d i n g a t h oroughly b i l i n g u a l country. F i n a l l y , the p r o v i n c i a l o p p o s i t i o n t o a c o n s t i t u t i o n a l B i l l of R i g h t s j u s t i f i e d by the p r i n c i p l e of p a r l i a m e n t a r y supremacy r e s u l t e d i n a Charter weakened by the i n c l u s i o n of a " n o t w i t h s t a n d ing" c l a u s e . The f a c t t h a t Quebec was not a s i g n a t o r y t o the 1981 C o n s t i t u t i o n a l Accord a l s o took away some of i t s l e g i t i m a c y and n a t i o n - b u i l d i n g p o t e n t i a l . I n c o n s i s t e n c i e s and shortcomings i n governmental p o l i c i e s are commonplace i n the world of p r a c t i c a l p o l i t i c s . T h e o r i e s and i d e a s when put i n t o p r a c t i c e become s u b j e c t t o a range of h o s t i l e p o l i t i c a l , i n s t i t u t i o n a l and s o c i e t a l f o r c e s , and emerge as p o l i c i e s i n a somewhat d i l u t e d and a l t e r e d form. Any t h e o r e t i c a l assessment of governmental p o l i c y must take i n t o account the e x i s t e n c e of these c o u n t e r v e i 1 i n g f o r c e s . 98 The Trudeau government's o v e r a l l o b j e c t i v e of undermining p r o v i n c i a l i z i n g t r e n d s and enhancing f e d e r a l power and l e g i t i m a c y i s by no means a novel approach. I t i s c o n s i s t e n t with a number of f e d e r a l i n i t i a t i v e s throughout Canadian h i s t o r y . Macdonald's N a t i o n a l P o l i c y i s a prime example of an attempt t o i n t e g r a t e d i v e r s e p r o v i n c i a l economies and s o c i e t i e s through the i m p o s i t i o n of t a r i f f b a r r i e r s and the development of a n a t i o n a l t r a n s p o r t a -t i o n system. F o l l o w i n g the Great Depression, Ottawa's move t o assume j u r i s d i c t i o n over unemployment in s u r a n c e and o l d age pensions through c o n s t i t u t i o n a l amendments and i t s e f f e c t i v e use of c o n d i t i o n a l g r a n t s and the f e d e r a l spending power t o implement c e r t a i n s o c i a l programs can be seen as an attempt t o e s t a b l i s h a f i r m b a s i s f o r Canadian c i t i z e n s h i p through the p r o v i s i o n of uniform w e l f a r e e n t i t l e m e n t s . In a d d i t i o n , the 1960 s t a t u t o r y B i l l of R i g h t s — d e s p i t e i t s l i m i t e d nature — was yet another attempt t o f a s h i o n a Canadian c i t i z e n s h i p , t h i s time based on the equal e n t i t l e m e n t of r i g h t s . The i n i t i a t i v e s of the Trudeau government can, t h e r e f o r e , be seen as p a r t of the ongoing f e d e r a l e f f o r t t o e s t a b l i s h "the symbolic and p r a c t i c a l a t t r i b u t e s of a s i n g l e Canadian c i t i z e n s h i p , . . . t o s t r e n g t h e n the n a t i o n a l community and t o r e s i s t the p r o v i n c i a l i z a t i o n of the Canadian people."= De s p i t e these s i m i l a r i t i e s , t h e r e are s e v e r a l ways i n which the f e d e r a l s t r a t e g y i n the Trudeau e r a d i v e r g e d from p r e v i o u s e f f o r t s . The p r e o c c u p a t i o n with r i g h t s as a means of s t r e n g t h -ening the n a t i o n a l government and community i s c e r t a i n l y one of 99 the key d i s t i n g u i s h i n g -features o-f t h i s p e r i o d . Although t h i s began i n i t i a l l y i n the Die-fenbaker years, i t was Trudeau who completed the task through the c o n s t i t u t i o n a l entrenchment of t h e s e r i g h t s . Moreover,the expansion of s t a t e a c t i v i t y beyond the m a t e r i a l order and i n t o the symbolic realm i s another important d i s t i n g u i s h i n g c h a r a c t e r i s t i c . The r e d i s t r i b u t i o n of s o c i a l s t a t u s through change i n the symbolic order has became an i n t e g r a l p a r t of the f e d e r a l government's n a t i o n - b u i l d i n g p l a n s . F i n a l l y , w h ile p r e v i o u s e f f o r t s d i d not q u e s t i o n the c o n t i n u a t i o n of Canada as a B r i t i s h - t y p e s o c i e t y , Trudeau sought t o develop a u n i f y i n g and d i s t i n c t l y Canadian i d e n t i t y and v a l u e system based on the country's l i n g u i s t i c d u a l i t y and c u l t u r a l d i v e r s i t y . To conclude, the Trudeau e r a was marked by an i n t r i g u i n g and and m u l t i - f a c e t e d s t r a t e g y f o r promoting n a t i o n a l i n t e g r a t i o n . It i n v o l v e d a t i t a n i c s t r u g g l e over governmental power and competing c o n c e p t i o n s of community which w i l l undoubtedly have a l a s t i n g impact on Canadian p o l i t i c a l l i f e . While c o n t i n u i n g the f e d e r a l t r a d i t i o n of b a t t l i n g the p r o v i n c i a l i z a t i o n of Canada, the n a t i o n a l u n i t y s t r a t e g y of the Trudeau government had some important f e a t u r e s t h a t d i s t i n g u i s h e d i t from i t s p r e d e c e s s o r s . Changing s o c i e t a l f o r c e s c r e a t e d new p o l i t i c a l t e n s i o n s t h a t demanded a l t e r n a t i v e and i n n o v a t i v e responses i f Canada was t o c o n t i n u e as a n a t i o n i n t o the next century. Although i t i s o f t e n d i f f i c u l t t o e s t a b l i s h c a u s a l l i n k s between s t a t e a c t i v i t y and p o l i t i c a l outcomes, i t would appear t h a t the n a t i o n - b u i l d i n g e f f o r t s i n the Trudeau e r a have been at l e a s t moderately suc-c e s s f u l i n a c h i e v i n g the o b j e c t i v e of g r e a t e r n a t i o n a l u n i t y . 100 ENDNOTES: CONCLUSION 1. Alan C. C a i r n s , "The Embedded S t a t e : S t a t e - S o c i e t y R e l a t i o n s i n Canada" i n K e i t h Banting, r e s e a r c h C o o r d i n a t o r , S t a t e and S o c i e t y : Canada i n  Comparative P e r s p e c t i v e v o l . 31 o-f the Macdonald Commission S t u d i e s (Toronto: U n i v e r s i t y of Toronto Press, 1985) 2. I b i d . . p. 55-58 3. C o n s o c i a t i o n a l t h e o r y p o s i t s t h a t " d i s t i n c t l i n e s of cleavage among s u b c u l t u r e s may a c t u a l l y h elp r a t h e r than hinder p e a c e f u l r e l a t i o n s among them. Because good s o c i a l f e n c e s may make good p o l i t i c a l neighbours, a kind of v o l u n t a r y a p a r t h e i d p o l i c y may be t h e most a p p r o p r i a t e s o l u t i o n f o r a d i v i d e d s o c i e t y . " See: Arend L i j p h a r t , " C u l t u r a l D i v e r s i t y and T h e o r i e s of P o l i t i c a l I n t e g r a t i o n " Canadian J o u r n a l of P o l i t i c a l  S c i e n c e IV:1 (March 1971) p. 11 4. Rainer Knopff and F.L. Morton, "Nation—Bui 1 dirig and the Charter of R i g h t s and Freedoms" i n Alan C a i r n s and C y n t h i a W i l l i a m s , r e s e a r c h c o o r d i n a t o r s , C o n s t i t u t i o n a l i s m . C i t i z e n s h i p and S o c i e t y i n Canada (Toronto: U n i v e r s i t y of Toronto Press, 1985) p. 143 5. 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