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Pudlo Pudlat : images of change Lister, Beverley-Ann 1984

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PUDLO PUDLAT: IMAGES OF CHANGE By BEVERLEY-ANN LISTER B.A., Carleton University, 1977 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS i n THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (Department of Art History) We accept t h i s thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA August 1984 (c) Beverley-Ann L i s t e r , 1984 In p r e s e n t i n g t h i s t h e s i s i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t o f the r e q u i r e m e n t s f o r an advanced degree a t the U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , I agree t h a t the L i b r a r y s h a l l make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e f o r r e f e r e n c e and s t u d y . I f u r t h e r agree t h a t p e r m i s s i o n f o r e x t e n s i v e c o p y i n g o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r s c h o l a r l y purposes may be g r a n t e d by the head o f my department o r by h i s o r her r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . I t i s u n d e r s t o o d t h a t c o p y i n g o r p u b l i c a t i o n o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r f i n a n c i a l g a i n s h a l l n o t be a l l o w e d w i t h o u t my w r i t t e n p e r m i s s i o n . Department o f The U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a 2075 Wesbrook P l a c e V a n c o u v e r , Canada V6T 1W5 Date I ^ U f r M U T ll&j DE-6 (2/79) ABSTRACT Two problems i n the a p p r e c i a t i o n of I n u i t a r t are f i r s t l y , the commercial cornerstone and, secondly, the c u l t u r a l gap, i n most cases, between the viewer and the a r t i s t . With regard to the f i r s t , although commercialism i s a f a c t , i t should not cloud the obvious v i s u a l and in f o r m a t i v e expressiveness of the works of such a r t i s t s as Pudlo Pu d l a t , the subject of t h i s t h e s i s . Rather than d w e l l upon the negative aspects of commercialism, we con-c e n t r a t e on the b e n e f i t s . For, without the monetary impulse, many a r t i s t s might not have begun to e x t e r n a l i z e , and thereby r e c o r d , the events and f e e l i n g s a s s o c i a t e d w i t h a c u l t u r e both removed from our own and a l s o undergoing the dramatic changes of a c c u l t u r a t i o n . This i s the essence of the second problem. I t i s one which faces anybody wishing to approach the u n f a m i l i a r . In t h i s p a r t i c u l a r case i t r e q u i r e d the reading of s o c i o l o g i c a l , a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l , and p s y c h o l o g i c a l a b s t r a c t s , among others. None of these as good as the primary experience, yet a l l geared to hel p i n g lower the b a r r i e r s of one's own c u l t u r a l b i a s . In s h o r t , extensive background i n f o r m a t i o n on t r a d i t i o n a l and a c c u l t u r a t i o n a l l i f e i n the North i s a n e c e s s i t y . Pudlo has been drawing f o r over twenty years, s i n c e the begin-ning of print-making. In reviewing the development of h i s oeuvre, one comes to an a p p r e c i a t i o n of h i s work and of the development of p r i n t -making i n the Canadian A r c t i c i n ge n e r a l , as w e l l as i n Cape Dorset, s p e c i f i c a l l y . i i The themes of Pudlo's p r i n t s r e v e a l h i s brand of h i s t o r i c i s m to be more than a documentation of t r a d i t i o n a l l i f e i n the North. The h u n t e r - t u r n e d - a r t i s t i n f u s e s i n f o r m a t i o n w i t h a profound depth of emotion. His shamanic images educate the l e s s w e l l informed and s u r e l y evoke memories and f e e l i n g s i n the i n i t i a t e d . P o r t r a y a l s of the land and animals p r o j e c t the I n u i t ' s long-standing respect f o r , and i n t i m a t e bond w i t h , nature. Pudlo i s one of the very few I n u i t a r t i s t s to i n c l u d e modern objects i n h i s drawings. In h i s choice and use of these m o t i f s , he creates a continuum between h i s shamanic past and the r a p i d l y changing present. i i i TABLE OF CONTENTS Page ABSTRACT i i LIST OF FIGURES v Chapter I INTRODUCTION . . . . 1 II THE CRAFT REVIVAL AND AN INTRODUCTION TO PUDLO . . . 11 III A REVIEW OF PUDLO'S GRAPHIC TECHNIQUES 15 IV THE HUNTER/SHAMAN 26 V THE HUNTER/ARTIST 32 VI PUDLO AND NATURE: THE BIRDS AND ANIMALS 41 VII PUDLO AND NATURE: THE LAND 51 VIII CONCLUSION: THE SEASONS . . 55 APPENDIX 58 GLOSSARY 61 BIBLIOGRAPHY 63 FIGURES 68 iv LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1 F i r s t two maps drawn by Inuit from memory. The t h i r d i s an actual map of Southampton Island. Source: G. Sutton i n Carpenter, 1973, p. 10. Figure 2 S p i r i t With Symbols. #49-1961. Stonecut (SC) . Figure 3 Man i n F i s h Weir. #19-1961. SC. Figure 4 S p i r i t Watching Games. #45-1964. SC. Figure 5 Drawing by Enooesweetok-—collected by film-maker Robert Flaherty, 1913-14. C o l l e c t i o n : The Royal Ontario Museum, Toronto. Source: Vastokas, 1971/72, p. 72. Figure 6 Drawing by Enooesweetok of the Sikosilingmint Tribe, Fox Land, B a f f i n Island. Collected by Robert Flaherty. Source: Carpenter, 1973, p. 169. Figure 7 Long Journey. #36-1974. SC. Figure 8 Middle: Bow f o r bow d r i l l , Thule cu l t u r e , near A r c t i c Bay, ivory, 16 7/10" long. C o l l e c t i o n : National Museum of Man, Ottawa. Source: Vastokas, 1971/72, p. 71. Figure 9 Tudlik (Loon). #38-1974. SC. Figure 10 Fi s h Lake. #37-1966. SC. Figure 11 A r c t i c W a t e r f a l l . #15-1976. SC and s t e n c i l (SS) . » Figure 12 Spring Landscape. #53-1977. SC and SS. Figure 13 Shores of the Settlement. 1979-commission. Lithograph. Figure 14 Umingmuk (Musk-ox). 1978. Lithograph. Figure 15 Naujaq Umiallu ( S e a g u l l and Boats). 1978. Lithograph. Figure 16 Eagle Carrying Han. #34-1963. SC. Figure 17 S p i r i t s . #36-1966. SC. Figure 18 P e r i l s of the Hunter. #38-1970. SC. Figure 19 Sea Goddess Held by B i r d . #21-1961. SS. Figure 20 Sedna. #24-1.76. SC. Figure 21 Middle: Female f i g u r i n e s . I g l o o l i k area Thule Cu l t u r e . I v o r y , l e n g t h 1%" to 2". C o l l e c t i o n : Eskimo Museum, C h u r c h i l l . Source: Swinton, 1972, p. 117. Bottom: B i r d f i g u r i n e s . I g l o o l i k area Thule C u l t u r e . I v o r y , l e n g t h I V to 2". C o l l e c t i o n : Eskimo Museum, C h u r c h i l l . Source: Swinton, 1972, p. 117. Figure 22 Woman With B i r d Image. #14-1961. SS. Figure 23 Shaman's Dwelling. #32-1975. SC. Figure 24 Two Loons at Sea. #52-1979. SC and SS. Figure 25 Thoughts of Home. #62-1975. Lithograph. Figure 26 Large Loon and Landscape. #27-1981. Lithograph. Figure 27 Metiq on M a l l i k (Duck on a Wave). #39-1983. SC. Figure 28 V i s i o n of Two Worlds. #19-1983. Lithograph and SS. Figure 29 Musk-ox i n the C i t y . #56-1979. SC and SS. Figure 30 Dream of Bear. #12-1976. SC. Figure 31 Bottom r i g h t : Landscape w i t h Caribou. 1977. Lithograph. v i Figure 32 Timiat Nunamiut (The Body of Land). 1976. L i t h o -graph. Habitat commission. Source: Dorset, 1981, p. 73. Figure 33 The Seasons. 1976. Lithograph. v i i Chapter I INTRODUCTION The r e l a t i o n s h i p between art and r e l i g i o n within the t r a d i t i o n a l Eskimo culture had been a close one (see Glossary for use of words Eskimo and I n u i t ) . Consideration of the people for the s p i r i t world was both pervasive and intensely personal. Each i n d i v i d u a l was responsible for observing a complex taboo system (Lantis, 1970, p. 319). F a i l u r e to do so opened the way for a possible penalty which might have affected the e n t i r e community. Every Eskimo therefore had some experience with, or knowledge about, the unknown. The i n d i v i d u a l was a constant attendant to the s p i r i t world. The shaman and h i s a s s i s t a n t s were responsible for looking a f t e r extreme s i t u -ations i n psychic a f f a i r s . This required the designing and c r a f t i n g of sacred and ceremonial objects and amulets (Boas, 1888, p. 184, and B a l i k c i , 1970, pp. 201 - 203). If amulets were worn as found (e.g. rare minerals, teeth, feathers), they were made e f f e c t i v e (powerful) through contact with a shaman, or someone considered s p i r i t u a l l y g i f t e d (Winnipeg Art G a l l e r y — WAG—1978, p. 203, and Rasmussen, 1929, pp. 150 and 153, and 1931, p. 269). This might be, f o r example, a c o n s i s t e n t l y successful hunter. T r a d i t i o n a l s c u l p t u r a l s k i l l s , u s ually attained by men, were the carving of stone, bone, ivory and i n some areas, wood. These a c t i v i t i e s existed alongside the graphic s k i l l s . Part of the woman's c r a f t was the applique (and l a t e r stitched) decoration of parkas. These designs were so s p e c i f i c and i n t r i c a t e that an informed i n d i v i d u a l could i d e n t i f y the 1 2 exact geographic l o c a t i o n and f a m i l i a l background of the wearer (Houston, 1967, p. 60). Men's graphic a r t included the i n c i s e d embellishment of t o o l s , tusks, and a n t l e r s . Also notable were p a r t i c u l a r l y remarkable cartographic s k i l l s . The drawings documented i n Carpenter (1973, p. 10; F i g . 1) show maps which were t r a d i t i o n a l l y made i n the snow. They d i s -play astounding d e t a i l with regard to memory, observation, and n a t u r a l -i s t i c representation. The Eskimo were nomadic. Therefore, t h e i r material culture was l i m i t e d to objects of necessity. Poetry, songs, and r e l i g i o u s and mytho-l o g i c a l t a l e s were preserved by a precise o r a l t r a d i t i o n . The demand for accuracy on the part of the t e l l e r of myths (often the shaman) i s e v i -denced by how well the s t o r i e s have remained the same over the centuries within groups, and s i m i l a r l y , across the A r c t i c (Rink, 1874, pp. 85 and 86) . The a r r i v a l of the hunters of the blue whale, approximately two hundred years ago, marked the s t a r t of increased kablunait-Inuit (see Glossary f o r translations) i n t e r a c t i o n . This contributed to the secular-i z a t i o n of a r t i s t i c production. Carving became predominantly decorative, or f u n c t i o n a l . Amulets now consisted only of found objects, and were never carved. This was the actual beginning of commercial production of Inuit a r t (George Swinton i n Canadian Eskimo Arts Council—CEAC—1971, p. 39). Throughout the whole nineteenth century there was a steady demand for Eskimo souvenir carvings i n the Eastern A r c t i c . As early as 1812, while stopping at Upper Savage Island i n the Hudson S t r a i t , McKeevor (1819) watched how natives ". . . no sooner got alongside than they began to t r a f f i c " (Martijn, 1964, p. 559). 3 These pieces made f o r trade were small models d e s c r i p t i v e of d a i l y tasks. S i g n i f i c a n t l y , the word 'model', when translated, i s the only word i n Inuktitut which approximates ours of 'art'. This word i s sananguaq which comes from sana—making, and nguaq-—the idea of a model (Swinton i n CEAC, 1971, p. 38).- That i s , a hand-crafted q u a l i t y repro-duction of a r e a l i t y , whether actual or imagined. At the turn of the nineteenth century Euro-American missionaries and teachers supplied the materials f o r , and introduced, drawing. That the graphic impulse already existed i s noted above, as well as by the following anecdote: The f i r s t drawings were done with a jack knife and a spoon on windows: When the window was frosted - the window of a b u i l d i n g - the f r o s t was scraped with a spoon. We would put the spoon i n our mouths and make i t warm that was how i t was done when we were s t i l l r e a l Eskimos. We were not t o l d by the white men how to draw; we did i t by ourselves when we were c h i l d r e n . (Peter P i t s e o l a k , 1976, p. 41) The kabluna presence (whalers, missionaries, traders, RCMP, Hudson's Bay Co. s t a f f ) was very strongly f e l t . This increased contact resulted i n the d i s r u p t i o n of the Inuit l i f e s t y l e — i n p a r t i c u l a r the economic and b e l i e f systems. The introduction of the white man's tools and firearms severely l i m i t e d the amount of carving which a hunter need do, and caused the breakdown of t r a d i t i o n a l hunting systems (Graburn, 1974, p. 3). Men no longer needed to hunt i n groups and they gradually became more competitive with one another. Age-old laws of in-group cooperation and sharing were shattered. Hunting f o r outsiders i n exchange for southern goods a l t e r e d the r e l i g i o u s r e l a t i o n s h i p between man and the animal world. The reasons f o r hunting were changed (WAG, 1978, p. 227). I t was no longer the shamans' 4 powers and hunters' r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s toward the s p i r i t s which were be-l i e v e d to t i l t the balance between man and h i s prey, i n man's favour. Further, the e c o l o g i c a l system which had e a s i l y accommodated the f r u g a l subsistence hunting practices of the Inuit, reeled under the pressure of the commercial onslaught. From the depression onward, the white fox fur trade, which had been the p r i n c i p a l means of support for the I n u i t , collapsed (Jenness, 1964, p. 50). P e l t s which had sold f o r f i f t y d o l l a r s i n 1929 brought i n only t h i r t y d o l l a r s i n 1930. Southern goods were subject to a p r i c e i n -crease of twenty-five percent. The p r i c e continued to drop and would never again r i s e s u f f i c i e n t l y to keep up with Southern i n f l a t i o n (Iglauer, 1962, p. 4). Government r e l i e f cheques became the p r i n c i p a l source of income f o r most Inuit (Iglauer, 1962, p. 53). Often faced with starvation, the people became increasingly dependent upon the Kablunait f o r material a i d . The Federal Government, r e a l i z i n g i t s moral r e s p o n s i b i l i t y to the people of the North (as well as the p o l i t i c a l l y s t r a t e g i c p o s i t i o n and' resource wealth of the land), made a number of attempts to provide a f i n a n c i a l base f o r the A r c t i c (Jenness, 1964, pp. 79f and p. 109). These e f f o r t s f a i l e d either because the necessary natural resources were non-renewable and/or e a s i l y depleted; or, as i n the case of reindeer herding, because the people were forced into an unfamiliar p r a c t i c e of a r i g i d timetable. Government subsidised arts and c r a f t s projects were therefore begun f o r e s s e n t i a l l y economic reasons. As noted, secular, commercial c r a f t production was not a new concept. What was new was the extent to which these commercial enterprises were organized. Handicraft projects had been t r i e d i n the past (Swinton, 1972, p. 124). I t was James Houston' insig h t and perseverence which resulted i n t h i s e f f o r t ' s v i r t u a l immme-diate success. As carving had generally been a male-oriented task, i t was the hunters who were i n i t i a l l y attracted to the sculpture project i n the l a t e 1940's. If the weather was favourable, the men were free to pursue the hunt (Houston, 1967, pp. 20 and 21). If i t became bad, they could carve. This supplemented t h e i r incomes so that they might continue to purchase the luxury goods from the South ( t h i s term i s used from the Northern perspective), to which they had become accustomed, without being s o l e l y dependent upon the Federal Welfare agencies. As one a r t i s t said of her beginnings i n the graphics project: I didn't want to be j u s t a person, not doing anything. I wanted to make something out of myself and to buy some food . . . That's the way we l i v e today - with money. ( P i t a l o o s i e i n WAG, 1980a, p. 25) Houston encouraged production and the carver was immediately com-pensated with c r e d i t at the Hudson's Bay Company o u t l e t . Whereas i n the past animal skins had been the p r i n c i p a l source of c r e d i t at the stores, sculptures now became the generally accepted commodity (Graburn, 1971, p. 16). I t was soon the most p r o l i f i c a r t i s t , rather than the successful hunter, who received the most c r e d i t . Accordingly, prestige systems showed signs of change. Many people s t i l l l i v e d i n what outwardly appeared to be the t r a d i t i o n a l manner. However, hunting f o r the white man and using h i s tools had already shaken the roots of s o c i a l organization, and had a l -tered extremely deep f e e l i n g s f or the animal and s p i r i t world. Never-6 theless, by s t i l l l i v i n g close to the land, memories of and f e e l i n g s for the 'old ways' (the times when the people were s t i l l nomadic) remained strong. This would not have been too d i f f i c u l t f o r the people of Cape Dorset, the f i r s t Northern a r t i s t i c community. Known i n i n u k t i t u t as Kingnait (the 'high land'), i t i s located on the Foxe Peninsula, south B a f f i n Island. In the l a t e 1950's i t was s t i l l a r e l a t i v e l y i s o l a t e d spot co n s i s t i n g of three hundred semi-nomadic Inui t and seven whites (Houston, 1960, p. 8). The productive functioning of cooperatives, of which the arts and c r a f t s i s only one type, r a p i d l y became a source of pride f or the people (Graburn, 1971, p. 116). They were i n i t i a l l y begun to boost both the Northern economy and community e f f o r t s . The intent was to employ Inuit in s p e c i f i c trades (e.g. hunting, house and boat b u i l d i n g , municipal services, e t c . ) , and to provide i n d i v i d u a l incomes (Iglauer, 1962, x i ) . A l l r e s i d u a l monies were returned to the community as a whole i n the form of e ither cash or goods. By the early s i x t i e s the cooperatives i n many communities had started t h e i r own r e t a i l o u t l e t s i n competition with those of the Hudson's Bay Company (Graburn, 1971, p. 116). By the l a t e 1970's they had become the larges t s i n g l e employer of Inuit i n Canada. Every year about six-and-a-half m i l l i o n d o l l a r s go out to cooperative members i n wages, s a l a r i e s , for goods produced - including the works of art cherished a l l over the world - and other payments. Aft e r only two decades, the A r c t i c cooperatives are generating more money i n t h i s annual six-and-a-half m i l l i o n i n wages and other re l a t e d payments than the t o t a l amount of loans and grants put into, them by a l l l e v e l s of government during the past twenty years. (Iglauer, 1962, x) 7 Since i t s s t a r t i n 1959, the West B a f f i n Co-op i n Cape Dorset has received the carvings and drawings from the a r t i s t s , seen to t h e i r commissions, and also ensured that t h e i r p r o f i t s from sales i n the South have been returned to the community. The commercialism of the arts projects i n the North i s , f o r many, the most d i f f i c u l t hurdle "in the path toward the appreciation of the arts of the I n u i t . This paper w i l l follow George Swinton's lead i n t h i s respect, and others, i n the b e l i e f that: The a b i l i t y to achieve good r e s u l t s despite - or because of -adversity seems to be one of the r e a l t r a d i t i o n s of Eskimo a r t and manifests i t s e l f with or without commercialism. (Swinton, 1972, p. 127) So-called 'airport ( g i f t shop) a r t ' e x i s t s as do Woolworth's velvet paintings. Neither disallow the p o s s i b i l i t y of q u a l i t y production with-i n the same cult u r e . S i m i l a r l y , a commercial cornerstone does not predicate a s i t u a -t i o n with s o l e l y monetary ben e f i t s . That i s , much good can (and has) come about f o r the people of the North as a d i r e c t r e s u l t of the arts and c r a f t s project. As chro n i c l e r of h i s community, the a r t i s t i s giving expression to, i n an ex c i t i n g and personal manner, events which were previously only seen or done. Or, he may attempt the even more e l u s i v e — g i v i n g form to ideas. The subject matter, the effluence of a d i s t i n c t i v e past, i s l a i d out f o r others to attempt to read. In the future the time may come when the Inui t no longer hunt game. Therefore I record on paper these events from the spoken word of my people and from my imagination. (Kananginak Pootoogook i n Dorset, 1981, p. 9) Al t e r a t i o n s brought about by the traumatic i n t r i c a c i e s of an 8 a c e u l t u r a t i v e present, emphasize the expressive p o t e n t i a l of the a r t s . That i s , the communication of a r e s o l u t i o n of tensions and doubts whether of a l i e n a t i o n or a n x i e t y over pass i v e acceptance of the changes ( J i r t h , 1966, p. 21) . The work may be an a i d to making the c u l t u r a l changes im-p l i c i t to the a c e u l t u r a t i v e s i t u a t i o n ( H e r s k o v i t s , 1959, p. 63). For, as T i v i Etook s a i d : In the past . . . though we spent months alone on the l a n d , we d i d not f e a r anything except hunger. Now we do not f i n d hunger but we f i n d f e a r . In the past we were never l o s t . Now we do not know where we are going. (1975, p. 9) Although there are instances i n which both the i n c e n t i v e and only reward f o r c r a f t production i s the f i n a n c i a l one, a r t i s t s such as Pudlo Pudlat, who w i l l be the main subject of t h i s paper, r i s e above t h i s . The new c r e a t i v e underpinnings, which are r e p l a c i n g the r e l i g i o u s b a s i s of the past, a l l o w the a r t i s t to u t i l i z e f o r e i g n concepts. He may then acquire new ideas and a e s t h e t i c concepts and r e a f f i r m h i s t e c h n i c a l and a e s t h e t i c a b i l i t i e s . While expressing h i s c u l t u r a l h e r i t a g e he may develop new p e r s p e c t i v e s on o l d e r ideas ( F r a s e r , 1966, p. 19). Many of the issues r a i s e d i n t h i s paper have already surfaced i n catalogues on I n u i t a r t and a r t i s t s . These g e n e r a l l y examine a p a r t i c u l a r theme or subject and the r e l e v a n t c o n t r i b u t i o n s of many a r t i s t s . Mono-graphs, when they do occur, o f t e n tend to be l i m i t e d to formal analyses of the a r t i s t s ' oeuvres. Pudlo's p r i n t s a l l o w i n s i g h t i n t o a man who s u c c e s s f u l l y made the t r a n s i t i o n from the nomadism of the past to settlement l i f e i n Cape Dorset. He was chosen to be the f o c a l p o i n t of t h i s essay f o r that reason and because, as w i l l be seen, h i s works d i s p l a y a considerable emotional depth and a e s t h e t i c s e n s i b i l i t y . That i s , he o f f e r s us a glimpse i n t o a world f a r removed from our experiences. By concentrating on Pudlo we u n d e r l i n e the premise that " i n d i v i d u a l i t y i s the foremost c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of Eskimo a r t " (Swinton, 1972, p. 143). I r e t u r n to my l i t t l e sdng And p a t i e n t l y I si n g i t Above f i s h i n g holes i n the i c e El s e I too q u i c k l y t i r e When f i s h i n g upstream When the wind blows c o l d Where I stand s h i v e r i n g Not g i v i n g myself time to wait f o r them I go home saying I t was the f i s h that f a i l e d - upstream - South B a f f i n I s l a n d (Lewis, 1971, p. 76) 10 Chapter II THE CRAFT REVIVAL AND AN INTRODUCTION TO PUDLO The Houstons (Alma and James) f i r s t introduced the art s and c r a f t s project, s p e c i f i c a l l y sculpture, to Cape Dorset i n 1951 ( f o r a de t a i l e d account see Houston, 1967, and Swinton, 1972). When discussing the idea with Pootoogook, the most i n f l u e n t i a l i n d i v i d u a l and hunter of the area, and father of the long-time president of the art s and c r a f t s co-op, he said that he would neither help nor hinder the progress of the project (Alma Houston i n WAG, 1980a, p. 15). One year l a t e r he was a contributor. In f a c t , i t was generally the most successful hunters who were i n i t i a l l y a ttracted to sc u l p t i n g . They were also often the most accomplished a r t i s t s (Graburn, 1971, p. 116). Print-making was organized i n 1957 (see National Museum of Man, 1977). With i t s development came the increased p a r t i c i p a t i o n of Inuit women. Although t r a d i t i o n a l Eskimo society was nearly p e r f e c t l y e g a l i -t a r i a n , carving did tend to f i t into the men's c r a f t . Therefore, few women took an a c t i v e part i n the art s and c r a f t s project p r i o r to the growth of drawing and print-making (Berry, 1966). James Houston spent f i v e months i n 1958 i n Japan (National Museum of Man, 1977, p. 40). There he learned about print-making techniques, s p e c i f i c a l l y Japanese wood-cutting. This affected both the workshop organization and s t y l i s t i c q u a l i t i e s of Inuit p r i n t s (Houston, 1967, p. 21, and Vastokas, 1971/72, p. 71). The noted bold-silhouetted forms i n t e r a c t i n g with blank b i t s of paper, and the framed s y l l a b i c signature, 11 12 are two t r a i t s of Japanese o r i g i n which occurred i n the e a r l y p r i n t s (see Appendix #2). Suggestions regarding subject matter and s t y l e were made by Houston, who was the f i r s t of a stream of Southern a r t i s t i c a d v i s o r s to the North. Marketing matters such as d i s t r i b u t i o n , q u a n t i t y , and p r i c e c o n t r o l were l a t e r p o l i c e d by the Canadian Eskimo A r t Committee (CEAC), founded i n 1961, and the Canadian A r c t i c Producers L i m i t e d (CAP), founded i n 1965.(Vastokas, 1971/72, p. 7 ) , The counterpart of CAP i n Nouveau Quebec i s La Federation des Cooperatives du Nouveau Quebec (FCNQ). The f a v o u r i t e subject matter of contemporary I n u i t a r t and i n p a r t i c u l a r , the I n u i t p r i n t , are the 'old ways' or the times when the people were s t i l l nomadic. The Southern market c e r t a i n l y had a d e t e r -mining e f f e c t i n t h i s matter. The 'old ways' are p r e f e r r e d i n part because the subjects meet w i t h the Euro-American impression of what i s t r u l y I n u i t (Swinton, 1972, p. 127). This has been coupled w i t h Houston's hope t h a t : these people who l a c k the w r i t t e n word may yet give us i n graphic terms t h e i r v i v i d concept of l i f e as i t i s l i v e d on the vast tundra that i s A r c t i c Canada. (Houston, 1956, p. 224) Jenness notes that the s e l e c t i o n of subject matter, i n the draw-ings which he discusses i n h i s 1922 p u b l i c a t i o n , was a l s o r e l a t e d to economic importance f o r the people. That i s , favoured subjects were those which were most f a m i l i a r and/or of greatest i n t e r e s t to the I n u i t , namely, animal and hunting scenes. The t r a d i t i o n a l r e l a t i o n s h i p t o , and s i g n i f i -cance o f , these themes had already been undermined. Yet, the a r t i s t s continued to d e p i c t the beauty of the creatures w i t h a respect perhaps tempered by the memory of the f e e l i n g s of communion w i t h the animal world. 13 Images of the mysteries and myths of the past have, perhaps f o r s i m i l a r reasons, become increasingly popular (Cape Dorset Annual Graphics C o l l e c -t i o n , Dorset, 1981, p. 8). Perhaps i n part as a r e s u l t of greater female input, subject matter was expanded to include scenes from d a i l y l i f e around the campsite. Although the conditions of the present are markedly d i f f e r e n t from those of the past, one can imagine that the d i s t i n c t i v e , barren tundra and harsh c l i m a t i c conditions serve as a continual reminder of a l i f e which had been dictated by those elements (Ray, 1977, p. 66). AN INTRODUCTION TO PUDLO Pudlo began to make the change away from Qeatuk, a nearby camp, toward settlement l i f e i n Cape Dorset j u s t as the print-making project was s t a r t i n g (Dorset, 1977, p. 63). Born to Quppa and Pudlat, Pudlo's birthdate i s now recorded as February 4th, 1916, the exact date not being known. He was born near Kamajuk, a campsite on Amadjuak Bay (Dorset, 1977, p. 63; 1979, p. 65; 1983, p. 11). Most of his childhood was spent i n small camps on South B a f f i n Island, Coates and Southampton Islands. He married his f i r s t wife, Meetik, i n Cape Dorset and then her s i s t e r , Quivirok. Both of these women died while Pudlo was r e l a t i v e l y young. The four c h i l d r e n from his f i r s t marriage died i n infancy and the only son of his second marriage, K e l l i p e l l i k , died i n 1968. Pudlo married the widowed Inukjuakjuk ( l a t e r also an a r t i s t ) i n the l a t e 1940's. Together they had s i x chil d r e n , of whom only three daughters have survived. In the l a t e f i f t i e s he and Inukjuakjuk (who i s now also dead) moved to Cape Dorset that he might receive medical attention f or his 14 r i g h t arm which was i n j u r e d i n a hunting accident (Dorset, 1983, p. 11). This was one of the most common reasons f o r an I n u i t f a m i l y ' s switch to settlement l i f e (Schwartz, 1978, pp. 33 and 37). Even those who were s t i l l able-bodied f e l t the pressure to move. Government o f f i c i a l s s t r o n g l y recommended the need f o r I n u i t c h i l d r e n to r e c e i v e a Southern education. The t r a d i t i o n a l l i f e s t y l e that Pudlo l e f t was already h e a v i l y i n -fluenced by white contact. Nonetheless, l e a v i n g the r e l a t i v e l y small hunting camps and e n t e r i n g communities which would r a p i d l y grow i n number and f u r t h e r a l t e r the people's e x i s t e n c e , was a traumatic experience. This i n f o r m a t i o n serves to give a b a s i c idea of Pudlo's background, h i s s o c i a l environment, and the pressures w i t h which he was d e a l i n g when he began h i s new career i n drawing. Pudlo was a hunter and although w i t h i n h i s time much of the o l d ways had been eroded away, there i s evidence i n h i s work of powerful memories. Images of a time when the hunter waited p a t i e n t l y and q u i e t l y on the s t i l l , immense tundra f o r the resumption of the hunt. A d i s c i p l i n e and a c o n c e n t r a t i o n a l l o w i n g r e v e r i e , perhaps to a d i f f e r e n t degree, but made of a s t u f f s i m i l a r to that of the shaman's ( L a n t i s , 1970, pp. 313 and 335). Due to the s e n s i t i v e d e a l i n g s w i t h s o u l s p i r i t s , hunting was, without a doubt, a s p i r i t u a l act w i t h sacred commitments (Swinton, 1972, p. 128). These f a c t o r s make the contemporary a r t i s t / h u n t e r the most l i k e l y recorder of among othe r s , shamanic images (WAG, 1978, p. 215). Chapter I I I A REVIEW OF PUDLO'S GRAPHIC TECHNIQUES Due to h i s i n j u r y , Pudlo d i d not pursue c a r v i n g to any great extent. Drawing became h i s s t r e n g t h . His f i r s t p r i n t s were published i n the 1961 Annual Cape Dorset Catalogue. These works are, i n many ways, exemplary of what i s now recognized as being s t y l i s t i c a l l y c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of Cape Dorset p r i n t s of the time (Vastokas, 1971/72, p. 71). The f i g u r e s are u s u a l l y l a r g e , f l a t masses, or s i l h o u e t t e s . The use of both colour and d e t a i l i s l i m i t e d . The b o l d l y executed forms are complemented w i t h an acute awareness of the a e s t h e t i c p o s s i b i l i t i e s of negative space. That i s , although the 'back-grounds' are g e n e r a l l y 'empty', they i n t e r a c t w i t h the f i g u r a l elements and heighten the design q u a l i t y of the surface. S i n g l e f i g u r e s g e n e r a l l y tend to appear s t a t i c , i f not r i g i d . Groups u s u a l l y evidence a c t u a l or i m p l i c i t movement (WAG, 1980, p. 43). A dramatic i l l u s t r a t i o n of an e a r l y p r i n t i s Pudlo's S p i r i t With  Symbols ( F i g . 2 ) . As w i t h most of the compositions of t h i s time, the f i g u r e i s c e n t r a l l y l o c a t e d . Both the face (or mask) and keyhole design on the torso are rendered i n p o s i t i v e elements against unprinted back-ground. That i t i s a woman i s s p e c i f i c a l l y i n d i c a t e d by the long t a i l of the amautik ( t r a d i t i o n a l woman's parka), as seen between her l e g s . The p a t t e r n of the keyhold p l a t e echoes the exaggerated bulges of her breasts and h i p s . S i m i l a r l y , the curve of the o b j e c t i n her l e f t hand 16 (a doorhandle? See N a t i o n a l Museum of Man, 1977, p. 24) i s complemented by that of her l e g g i n g s . This combination of b a s i c symmetry and r e p e t i t i o n demonstrates Pudlo's i n t e r e s t i n p a t t e r n . This p r e d i l e c t i o n i s repeated i n what i s c l o s e r to an applique s t y l e i n Man i n F i s h Weir ( F i g . 3). The image i s once again i n the middle of the page. A weir i s a trap made of stones i n the water and i s used to catch f i s h on t h e i r summer m i g r a t i o n u p - r i v e r . They are l i t e r a l l y trapped by t h e i r i n s t i n c t s , which w i l l not a l l o w them to turn around and escape. This makes i t r e l a t i v e l y easy f o r the w a i t i n g people to catch the f i s h . The w e i r , the stones on which the male f i g u r e ( i n d i c a t e d by the small parka hood—women have a l a r g e hood i n which the baby, on the mother's back, i s protected) stands, and the f i g u r e i t s e l f are the centre of a c t i v i t y and b i s e c t the composition. We see the weir and water from a bird's-eye vantage. The man i s apparently s i t u a t e d on the same plane as the s p e c t a t o r . A number of b i r d s at the 'top' are s i m i l a r l y seen from such a p r o f i l e view. Two b i r d s at the bottom of the page are turned on a f o r t y - f i v e degree angle. Depth i s i n d i c a t e d by ' p i l i n g ' f i g u r e s on top of one another (Vastokas, 1971/72, p. 77). The b i r d s at the 'top' are swimming. This i s i n d i c a t e d by t h e i r bodies being truncated. That i s , the lower p o r t i o n s are submerged. We assume that the others are standing on rocks i n the water. Pudlo's p e r s p e c t i v e i n t h i s work i s based on content r a t h e r than upon three-dimensional space CCarpenter, F l a h e r t y , and V a r l e y , 1959, p. 1) . A l l of the elements of t h i s composition are placed so that t h e i r most 17 recognizable . f e a t u r e s are most evident i n the s i l h o u e t t e . S i m i l a r l y , the f i s h , which are the most important aspect of the theme are, r e l a t i v e l y , the l a r g e s t o b j e c t s . The seemingly random, asymmetrical placement of f i g u r e s creates an i m p l i c a t i o n of movement (Vastokas, 1971/72, pp. 73 and 77). The f i s h and ducks at the 'bottom' i n d i c a t e the water c u r r e n t . This p a r t i c u l a r manner of expression i s r e l a t e d to a s p e c i f i c way of p e r c e i v i n g the world. Edmund Carpenter and M a r s h a l l McLuhan have c a l l e d i t " a c o u s t i c space" (1960, pp. 65-70). I t allows f o r d e p i c t i o n s which are as dynamic as nature i t s e l f f o r i t i s based on sound. As one may hear a number of things at the same time, so are the v a r i o u s aspects Of a s t o r y shown or r e l a t e d out of sequence. Being able to hear v a r i o u s things at the same time without having to change one's own p o s i t i o n , f i n d s i t s v i s u a l correspondent i n the combination of v i e w p o i n t s . This t r a d i t i o n a l Eskimoan manner of sensation a l s o accounts f o r the greater a t t e n t i o n to negative space. For, being attuned to a l l of the senses allows f o r such n o n - t a c t i l e things as sound and fragrance to almost l i t e r a l l y f i l l the a i r . The powerful t a c t i l i t y of these e a r l y p r i n t s , t h e i r s o l i d i t y , i s a reference to t h e i r a r t i s t i c precedents i n Cape Dorset-—the s c u l p t u r e s (Dorset, 1980, p. 7). In the m i d - s i x t i e s t h i s aspect g r a d u a l l y gave way to other q u a l i t i e s . With the i n t r o d u c t i o n of coloured p e n c i l s came the increase i n the use of colour i n p r i n t s . Pudlo's handling of i t remained f a i r l y s u b t l e . Even when h i s forms became more a b s t r a c t and hues appar-e n t l y flamboyant, the colour remained c l o s e to that of nature. Pudlo began to show a growing i n t e r e s t i n a t t e n t i o n to the surface i n the form of t e x t u r a l d e t a i l and markings. This was the beginning of 18 print-making and drawing coming i n t o t h e i r own. They were moving away from the s c u l p t u r a l q u a l i t i e s toward the two-dimensional as precedented i n i n c i s i n g (WAG, 1980a, p. 46). The f o l l o w i n g p r i n t i s an e a r l y example of Pudlo's use of deco-r a t i v e and geometric elements. S p i r i t Watching Games ( F i g . 4 ) , although q u i t e s c u l p t u r a l , i s l i g h t e n e d through the use of l i n e a r elements. T e x t u r a l markings which might be i m i t a t i v e of f e a t h e r s , are here s t y l i z e d on the wings and t a i l of the s p i r i t . A ground l i n e was o f t e n used to u n i t e the p a r t i c i p a n t s i n n a r r a t i v e scenes both i n p r e h i s t o r i c graphics and those of the recent past (Vastokas, 1971/72, p. 77). Here, i t c l e a r l y separates the men w r e s t l i n g i n the centre and the women, from the s p i r i t observer. Vastokas reproduces a p e n c i l drawing by Enooesweetok ( F i g . 5, 1971/72, p. 72) from ca. 1913. In i t , a caribou hunt i s depicted. The centre two l i n e s show the hunters l e a v i n g the camp w i t h empty s l e d s . On the l i n e above, they are r e t u r n i n g w i t h t h e i r p r i z e . On the bottom row, the men are seen t r a c k i n g . The next one up, they are s t a l k i n g the c a r i -bou. F i n a l l y , at the top, the chase, w i t h dogs. Below, the wounding of the animal. Each t i e r of the drawing i s u n i f i e d by a ground-line and the i m p l i c a t i o n of the landscape. However, the a c t u a l pieces are not organized i n t o what we c a l l a s e q u e n t i a l n a r r a t i v e . From top to bottom we see the chase, wounding, r e t u r n , departure, s t a l k i n g , and t r a c k i n g . As Peter P i t s e o l a k , sometimes noted as the f i r s t h i s t o r i a n of the North (Raine, 1980, p. 108), has s a i d of h i s t a l e s : My s t o r y i s not i n sequence though i t seems that way. Even our B i b l e i s not r e a l l y i n sequence. I n the B i b l e the f i r s t people j u s t have a baby. And the newborn i s 19 able to do powerful things i n no time. My s t o r y i s l i k e t h a t . I t i s not one t h i n g a f t e r another. (1975, p. 66) This concept i s more e l a b o r a t e l y s t a t e d i n another e a r l y t w entieth century drawing of a man hunting s e a l ( F i g . 6). Again we see a n a r r a t i v e , however there are not any ground-lines demarcating the v a r i o u s i n c i d e n t s . In the middle, the hunter t r a v e l s by dog s l e d . In three l o c a t i o n s he and the dogs look f o r a s e a l breathing hole. He w a i t s , bends over s l i g h t l y as the s e a l approaches at the top l e f t , and then prepares to harpoon i t . The hunter captures the animal i n the lower l e f t scene. F i s h Weir ( F i g . 3) i s perhaps more c l o s e l y r e l a t e d to t h i s draw-ing i n i t s sense of space. However, the l a c k of a t t e n t i o n to unnecessary d e t a i l and even anonymous (or symbolic) f i g u r a t i o n may r e f e r f a r t h e r back to p r e h i s t o r i c times: s p e c i f i c a l l y , the Thule (who i n h a b i t e d the A r c t i c from ca. 1000 to 1600 and are the d i r e c t ancestors of the contem-porary I n u i t ) , as seen f o r example on the bows of bow d r i l l s (Jenness, 1922, p. 174 and F i g . 8). I n c o n t r a s t to the above two drawings, the modern-ness of S p i r i t With Symbols ( F i g . 2 ) , F i s h Weir ( F i g . 3 ) , and S p i r i t Watching Games ( F i g . 4) l i e s i n t h e i r boldness and aura of mystery, beyond the symbolic, which pervades the images. The f a c t that they are momentary, r a t h e r than n a r r a t i v e , scenes, i s a l s o s i g n i f i c a n t . However, t h i s t r a i t had been developing i n I n u i t graphics s i n c e the e a r l y decades of t h i s century (Jenness, 1922, p. 173, and Fitzhugh and Kaplan, 1982, p. 175). Pudlo's Long Journey ( F i g . 7) i s s i m i l a r l y a combination of o l d and new m o t i f s . We see a man i n the lower right-hand corner beginning 20 h i s journey on f o o t . H i s progress i s traced to h i s d e s t i n a t i o n a t the upper r i g h t of the p a g e — a b u i l d i n g w i t h a cross-type shape on the top (see below). On the way he passes many i n u k s u i t (man-made landmarks g e n e r a l l y constructed of s t o n e — s e e N a t i o n a l Museum of Man, 1977, pp. 62 and 92, and B a l i k c i , 1970, p. 41). The blue amoeba-type shapes represent lakes from an a e r i a l p e r s p e c t i v e . L i k e F i s h Weir ( F i g . 3 ) , Long Journey i s enclosed w i t h the i m p l i c a t i o n of a secondary frame. I t i s a Thule t r a i t (Vastokas, 1971/72, p. 73 and F i g . 8 ) , and one which Pudlo employs repeatedly. I t might a l s o be l i k e n e d to the Povungnituk (an a r t i s t i c community i n Nouveau-Quebec) t r a d i t i o n of showing the stone boundaries of the p r i n t s . By drawing what looks l i k e a time lapse photograph, Pudlo has created a n a r r a t i v e w i t h a s i n g l e image. The ground-line u n i f i e s a s e r i e s of r e l a t e d move-ments thereby implying s e q u e n t i a l time. The immediate success of the a r t s and c r a f t s p r o j e c t and c o r r e -sponding growth of the s e n l a v i k (working p l a c e , i . e . the studio) r e s u l t e d i n an increase of i d e n t i t y f o r the I n u i t w i t h regards to the South, and an i n f l u x of Euro-American c u l t u r e . This increase i n c u l t u r a l i d e n t i t y and t e c h n i c a l e x p e r t i s e , coupled w i t h a c c u l t u r a t i o n , allowed the a r t i s t s an even greater wealth of sources from which they might draw. With t h i s awareness of the many s t y l i s t i c and formal choices which could be made from both the past and present, I n u i t print-making (and s c u l p t u r e ) emphasized i t s modernity. Long Journey i s an example of t h i s . The bold s i l h o u e t t e d forms of the e a r l i e r years are combined w i t h . an increase i n t e x t u r e , d e t a i l , and more complex manipulation of colour . Sequential time and a c o u s t i c space occur together r e s u l t i n g i n a p a t t e r n 21 which creates a three-dimensional experience d i s t i n c t i v e to Pudlo's work. His l o v e f o r design, and t a l e n t f o r combining the n a t u r a l w i t h the geometric, and the d e c o r a t i v e w i t h the f a c t u a l , i s perhaps most s t r i k i n g i n h i s r e p r e s e n t a t i o n s of b i r d s . In T u d l i k (Loon, F i g . 9 ) , the wading b i r d i s a d i s p l a y of both imaginative p a t t e r n and n a t u r a l undula-t i o n s . The l i n e of the neck and beak i s repeated by the r i g h t s i d e of the wing. The f e a t h e r s are o r n a t e l y s t y l i z e d as are the neck markings. The l i n e s of the water p a r a l l e l some of those i n the b i r d ' s body. Geo-metr i c shapes are included i n the t a i l ( t r i a n g l e s and c i r c l e s ) , wing ( c i r c l e s ) , and neck (squares). The f e a t h e r s seem v i r t u a l l y l i k e spray from the waves. The c o l o u r i n g i s s u b t l e . This almost geometric-type of r e d u c t i o n from nature i s evident i n Pudlo's landscapes as w e l l . I n the e a r l i e r part of h i s career, landscape, when i n c l u d e d , was but a reference or o u t l i n e , not a d e s c r i p -t i o n . F i s h Weir ( F i g . 3) and F i s h Lake ( F i g . 10) are both examples. In the l a t t e r , the l a k e i s seen from above. The l a r g e f i s h are viewed from the s i d e as are the s i l h o u e t t e d f i g u r e i n the foreground and i n u k s u i t on the f a r shore. Both the moon and red sun are i n the sky. A r c t i c W a t e r f a l l ( F i g . 11) i s exemplary of the mid-phase of Pudlo's landscape s t y l e . L i k e Long Journey ( F i g . 7), i t i s an enclosed composition. In the foreground are s i l h o u e t t e s of three i n u k s u i t , three people, and two dogs. They are dwarfed by a s p r i n g or summertime l a n d -scape. The season i s i n d i c a t e d by the c o l o u r , and f a c t that the dogs are c a r r y i n g packs in s t e a d of p u l l i n g s l e d s . The elements of t h i s landscape, as w i t h most of t h i s type, are set against a white background and are s t y l i z e d i n t o l i n e s and geometric 22 shapes. I n Spring Landscape ( F i g . 12), t h i s motif takes on greater com-p l e x i t y . An enclosed shape i s w i t h i n another and there are a l a r g e r number of f i g u r e s and a b s t r a c t i o n s from nature. In the foreground i s a s e a l s k i n t e n t . From i t to the mid-ground are the f o o t p r i n t s of the s i x men who are i c e - f i s h i n g on what i s apparently a l a k e seen from above. The men are h o l d i n g spears and w a i t i n g f o r the f i s h . Pudlo continues to combine viewpoints and to d i s r e g a r d l i n e a r p e r s p e c t i v e . I n t h i s r espect, he continues to use the symbols of the t r a d i t i o n a l I n u i t way of l i f e . This creates a s t i m u l a t i n g image which speaks of the s y n c h r o n i s t i c perceptions of the 'old ways'. I t i s s i m i l a r to the a l l - a r o u n d f e e l i n g of a c o u s t i c space, and the a b i l i t y to p e r c e i v e a l l aspects of the whole i n i t s e n t i r e t y . This contrasted to the l i n e a r process of moving from d e t a i l to d e t a i l . Pudlo i s an experimenter. He was immediately a t t r a c t e d to l i t h o -graphy when i t was introduced to Cape Dorset i n 1971. From 1971 to 1976 Kay Graham spent a f a i r b i t of time i n the community. Her presence prompted Pudlo and a number of other a r t i s t s to i n v e s t i g a t e the a t t r i -butes of a c r y l i c s as w e l l (Agnes Etherington Centre, 1979, p. 20). The p a r t i c u l a r appeal of l i t h o g r a p h y f o r some, i s that i t narrows the gap between the drawing and the f i n a l p r i n t product (Dorset, 1981, p. 63). The a r t i s t may execute the grease p e n c i l drawing on the same surface which w i l l e v e n t u a l l y be used f o r the a c t u a l p r i n t i n g . T h i s , however, i s not the case w i t h Pudlo, who p r e f e r s to r e t a i n the middleman and work d i r e c t l y on paper (Agnes Etherington Centre, 1979, p. 18). This freedom from the l i m i t a t i o n s of technique seems to have g r e a t l y i n -fluenced Pudlo's works. H i s stone-cuts were r e l a t i v e l y s t a t i c and 23 closed i n by a frame. Subjects were c e n t r a l l y placed and surrounded by l a r g e amounts of white paper. H i s new landscape s t y l e on the other hand i s more open. Use of colour i s more complex and l i n e s are l o o s e r . There i s a f l e x i b i l i t y of form and o f t e n the impression that the scene continues beyond the paper edges (Dorset, 1983, p. 12). Linear perspec-t i v e and a sense of n a t u r a l i s m take over from a c o u s t i c space. C e r t a i n l y there are exceptions as q u a l i t i e s c r i s s - c r o s s over the boundary. However, u n t i l the merger i s complete, the comparison i s o f t e n l i k e that of a Cezannesque s t i l l - l i f e to the frame of a motion p i c t u r e . Shores of the Settlement ( F i g . 13), a commissioned work, r e i t -erates Pudlo's e c l e c t i c i s m . P a t t e r n i s created w i t h combinations of colours and c o n t r a s t i n g areas of l i g h t and dark. The r o l l s of the land i m i t a t e the movement that one might expect to see i n the water. Instead, the water i s l i k e a backdrop. The s e a l (or walrus) s i t s almost s c u l p -t u r a l l y on an i c e flow i n the mid-ground. I t , the hunter i n the boat, and the many i n u k s u i t are s i l h o u e t t e d . The o l d e r p e r s p e c t i v a l techniques of p i l i n g , o verlapping (note the pre-fab b u i l d i n g s and landscape i n the foreground) and s c a l e r e d u c t i o n are combined to heighten both the f e e l i n g of f l a t n e s s and p a t t e r n , w h i l e c r e a t i n g an almost n a t u r a l - l o o k i n g l a n d -scape which captures the quiet of the North. This new l i g h t n e s s lends i t s e l f w e l l to making s t y l i s t i c r e f e r -ences from the past. Two 1978 l i t h o g r a p h s , Umingmuk (Musk-ox, F i g . 14) and Naujaq Umiallu ( S e a g u l l and Boats, F i g . 15), are d e l i c a t e l y rendered designs yet n a t u r a l l y d e s c r i p t i v e . The s t y l e i s reminiscent of the e a r l i e r drawings and i n c i s e d c a r v i n g s . In the f i r s t , musk-oxen are 24 s c a t t e r e d over the page on patches of landscape. The second combines three ground-lines i n t o a s i n g l e scene. Pudlo's e a r l y p r i n t s are as mysterious i n form as i n content. L a t e r on, geometric shapes and l i n e a r elements appear as elegant ab s t r a c -t i o n s from nature. From the outset one sees that Pudlo i s a designer. However, riot f o r the sake of p a t t e r n i t s e l f , but r a t h e r to u n i f y the page and m i r r o r the content. He c l e a r l y remains aware of h i s s t y l i s t i c o p t i o n s . I t w i l l be seen that t h i s e c l e c t i c i s m , t y p i c a l of the a r t i s t s of Cape Dorset, i n Pudlo's oeuvre becomes a complement to h i s e q u a l l y wide-ranged combination of symbols from the past and present. Hunter's In v o c a t i o n I am ashamed, I f e e l humbled and a f r a i d . My grandmother sent me out Sent me out to seek. I am out on an errand Seeking the precious game, Seeking the wandering fox. But a l a s , i t may be I s h a l l f r i g h t e n away That which I seek. I am ashamed, I f e e l humbled and a f r a i d , My grandmother and great-grandmother Sent me out to seek. I go on t h e i r errand a f t e r game, A f t e r the precious caribou But a l a s , i t may be I s h a l l f r i g h t e n away That which I seek. - O r p i n g a l i k (Colombo, 1981, p. 89) 25 Chapter IV THE HUNTER/SHAMAN I n t e g r a l to the a p p r e c i a t i o n of Pudlo's a r t i s the need to have some understanding of h i s l i f e as a hunter. P r i o r to the i n t r o d u c t i o n of Euro-American t o o l s to the North, there had been an unbroken chain from the hunt to the manufacture of weapons to the k i l l again (see David Gimmer i n Van St e e n s e l , 1966, p. 26). That i s , the hunters captured the animals which provided food and c l o t h i n g as w e l l as the implements which would f a c i l i t a t e continued hunting. The combined d i s c i p l i n e s of n e c e s s i t y and taboo created a s i t u a t i o n i n which waste was v i r t u a l l y i mpossible. As i n the case of hunting c a r i b o u , a number of methods were used by the Eskimo. In each case, the emphasis was upon both the p h y s i c a l and mental a b i l i t i e s of the i n d i v i d u a l and p a r t i c u l a r l y h i s a b i l i t y to coop-erate w i t h others ( B a l i k c i , 1970, pp. 3 7 f f ) . The s u c c e s s f u l hunter balanced a bold confidence w i t h a r e s p e c t -f u l cautiousness and an acute s e n s i t i v i t y (Raine, 1980, p. 82). Unnec-essary chances were not to be taken, as the harsh A r c t i c environment knew no f a v o u r i t e s . The i n d i v i d u a l had to be c o n t i n u a l l y mindful of the i n f o r -mation r e c e i v e d from each of h i s senses: the s l i g h t e s t sound, the d i r e c -t i o n of the wind as i t brushed on h i s f a c e , or the t e x t u r e of the snow. The even-tempered t r a i t s which were p r e f e r r e d , i f not expected, of i n d i -v i d u a l s i n everyday l i f e ( B r i g g s , 1970, pp. 328f and passim), were an absolute n e c e s s i t y i n a s u c c e s s f u l hunter. However, a deep emotional i n t e n s i t y was evidenced by the extent of the hunter's preoccupation w i t h 26 27 the animal world. The t r a d i t i o n a l Eskimo pantheon c o n s i s t e d of three c l a s s e s sepa-r a t e d according to f u n c t i o n , not power (Carpenter, 1955, p. 69). The f i r s t was of the e a r t h l y s p i r i t s . The second was the c l a s s of s p i r i t s t hat l i v e d above the ear t h . They were e s s e n t i a l l y p e r s o n i f i c a t i o n s of the n a t u r a l f o r c e s . L a s t l y was Sedna (a l s o known as Sumna, Taleelayo, e t c . ) . She protected the hunt, sea mammals, and the a f t e r - l i f e . She i s comparable to the general theme of the Lord of Animals (Lommell, 1967a, pp. 27 and 28) . Each and every t h i n g i n c r e a t i o n whether l i v i n g or inanimate had an essence c a l l e d i t s inua (Vastokas, 1967, p. 27). This has been t r a n s -l a t e d as "occupant, owner, d w e l l e r , or inmate" ( W i l l i a m T h a b l i t z e r i n WAG, 1978, p. 47). The inua " i s that which gives each l i v i n g t h i n g the par-t i c u l a r appearance which i t has" and i s i n f a c t represented as "a mini a -t u r e image of the c a r r i e r " (Lommell, 1967a, p. 30). The s p i r i t u a l chain between a l l l i v i n g t h i n g s was t h e r e f o r e unbroken and strong. This bond was p a r t i c u l a r l y powerful between men and animals, f o r there was an a d d i t i o n a l commonality of a s o u l f u l l i f e - f o r c e which guided thought, f e e l i n g , and a c t i o n (Lommell, 1967a, p. 30). This made the l i v i n g things s e n s i t i v e to the same p r i n c i p l e s of ex i s t e n c e . This anthropomorphising, coupled w i t h the t h r e a t of a l a c k of food, r e s u l t e d i n the s p i r i t u a l i z a t i o n of the hunt (Swinton, 1972, p. 128). The deep-seated empathy which man f e l t toward animals, h i s source of food, n e c e s s i t a t e d the sep a r a t i o n of body and so u l and the c r e a t i o n of the con-cept of an a f t e r - l i f e (Lommell, 1967a, p. 26). There were many game taboos which were followed according to s t r i c t r u l e s and the advice of 28 the shaman. For example, p a r t i c u l a r p a r t s of the slaughtered animal's body had to be attended to i n a s p e c i f i c way. This f a c i l i t a t e d r e i n -c a r n a t i o n ( L a n t i s , 1970, p. 327). The f e a r and/or g u i l t that "the g r e a t e s t danger i n l i f e l i e s i n the f a c t that man's food i s made up of s o u l s " was thereby eased (Aua i n Lommell, 1967a, p. 31). The union be-tween a l l l i v i n g things could be maintained. The shaman served as both mediator and a d v i s o r i n the r e l a t i o n -ship between man and nature/the s p i r i t u a l . For example, i f man angered Sedna by breaking a taboo, the angakoq (shaman) would descend to her under-water home ( v i a trance or seance) to p l a c a t e her (WAG, 1978, p. 122). The t r a d i t i o n a l Eskimo b e l i e f - s y s t e m a l s o placed enormous r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s upon the hunter. For example, i f game was scarce, i t was up to him to seek out Sedna and demand that she r e t u r n the animal supply (Carpenter, 1955, p. 71). This emphasized the b a s i c e g a l i t a r i a n i s m of Eskimo l i f e . Sedna, l i k e man, was bound to the same laws. I f she withheld game or took a l i f e .without j u s t cause, she would have to answer f o r her a c t i o n s . The s o c i a l and e c o l o g i c a l e f f e c t s of the i n t r o d u c t i o n of the r i f l e to the North were many (Hughes, 1965, p. 16). There was an increase ( o f t e n unnecessary) i n s l a u g h t e r . Animal m i g r a t i o n patterns were a l t e r e d and numbers were depleted (Schwartz, 1977, pp. 17ff) . Techniques of approaching animals and hunting i n general were changed. As already noted there was an increase i n i n d i v i d u a l e f f o r t over cooperative a c t i v -i t i e s . For example, caribou d r i v e s came to an end. Seal hole hunting became e x t i n c t and the animals were shot along open waters. With the end of breathing hole s e a l i n g went the associated sharing r u l e s ( B a l i k c i , 1960, p. 143) and a c c o r d i n g l y , t r a d i t i o n a l t r a d i n g systems were eroded 29 (Hughes, 1965, p. 17). The economic base of the Eskimo had been one of subsistence pro-d u c t i o n (Hughes, 1965, p. 17). Before the fox f u r trade, t h i s animal had been considered r e l a t i v e l y w o r t h l e s s . I t now became the valued com-modity i n a new exchange production economy. The economic independence of the Eskimo was ruined as i t f l u c t u a t e d w i t h the needs and trends of * the Southern market. The bond between men and animals was shattered as the l a t t e r came to represent the l u x u r i o u s m a t e r i a l o b j e c t s (which d i d make l i f e s i g n i f i -c a n t l y e a s i e r ) f o r which they were traded. P r i v a t e hunting was done w i t h Euro-American t o o l s and so the chain was broken. The hand-made was r e -placed w i t h the ready-made. The emphasis turned away from knowledge and c o n c e n t r a t i o n , toward apparatus (Lommell, 1967b, p. 16). The need f o r magic and r e l i g i o n decreased a c c o r d i n g l y as the new equipment tipped the s c a l e s i n the hunter's favour. Now that we have fi r e a r m s i t i s almost as i f we no longer need shamans, or taboo, f o r now i t i s not so d i f f i c u l t to procure food as i n the o l d days. ( K k i n i l i k — f r o m Back R i v e r — L i n Rasmussen, 1931, p. 227) t Concomitant w i t h the s e c u l a r i z a t i o n of the hunt, was the loosening of the bond between r e l i g i o n and a r t (Swinton, 1972, p. 128). Q u a l i t y and q u a n t i t y of production s u f f e r e d as shamanism g r a d u a l l y became a l e s s s i g n i f i c a n t f a c t o r w i t h i n the I n u i t l i f e s t y l e . I n the magical times of the past, such as the Dorset p e r i o d (ca. 1000 B.C. to 1000 A.D.), the h i g h l y s c u l p t u r a l and deeply i n c i s e d amulets and ceremonial o b j e c t s betrayed an intense m y s t i c a l i t y (Swinton, 1972, p. 117). The shaman and h i s a s s i s t a n t s were the only s p e c i a l i s t s 30 i n t h i s c u l t u r e , and t h e i r m o t i v a t i o n was c l e a r . They were by and l a r g e bound to f o l l o w e s t a b l i s h e d symbols f o r the sake of in-group c l a r i t y . The shaman, w i t h h i s a c t i v i t i e s , brought "the c o l l e c t i v e psyche i n t o order" (Lommell, 1967a, p. 12). As a d i r e c t r e s u l t of t h i s commitment, he was a l s o reasonably assured of h i s ' p u b l i c ' and i t s support ( F i r t h , 1965, p. 32). The ' a r t f o r b a r t e r i n g ' carvings o f , f o r example, the nineteenth century, were of a q u a l i t y which obviously i n d i c a t e d the l a c k of a com-parable emotional i n t e n s i t y . This change was an i n d i c a t o r of the devas-t a t i n g t u r n of events. As each had been preoccupied w i t h h i s r e l a t i o n -ship to the s p i r i t u a l , so d i d each one s u f f e r a l o s s w i t h regard to the f a d i n g of psychic r e a l i t i e s (Lommell, 1967a, p. 103). Commercial a r t i s t i c production was sporadic u n t i l Houston's massive, concentrated e f f o r t . The white Southern market responded with great enthusiasm. I t was only w i t h t h i s continued support and c o n t i n u a l output that the emotional under-pinnings of the new s e c u l a r a r t became evident. Fading memories re s u r f a c e d . S p i r i t Song Do you hear The v o i c e from the deep! a j a i - j i j a . The v o i c e from the deep! A j a i - j i j a . I w i l l v i s i t unclean women, probe behind man, break taboo. Aj , l e t the l a c e of the boot hang loose. Aj a i - j i j a. Do you hear the v o i c e from the deep? A j a i - j i j a The v o i c e from the deep! Aj a i - j i j a. I w i l l v i s i t unclean women, probe behind man, break taboo. A j , smooth the w r i n k l e s from the rounded cheeks! A j a i - j i j a . I walked out on the sea. M a r v e l l i n g , I heard the v o i c e from the deep, the song of the sea. I went out s l o w l y , pondering myself. The vast young i c e - f l o e s sighed, a j a i - j i j a aj a i - j i j a . Helping s p i r i t seeks the feasting-house. - Anonymous (Rasmussen, 1973, p. 3) 31 Chapter V THE HUNTER/ARTIST Having b a s i c a l l y looked at the foundations of Pudlo's h e r i t a g e , we now w i l l see what he as the h u n t e r / a r t i s t c o n t r i b u t e s . That i s , what the content of h i s i n d i v i d u a l works may t e l l us of h i s l i f e . As noted, the contemporary a r t i s t s have found t h e i r bearings i n the v i s u a l docu-mentation of the 'old ways'. Already i n the e a r l y phases of h i s career, Pudlo tended toward making images of the m y s t i c a l aspects of l i f e i n the A r c t i c . Both Boas and Hoffman document that r e p r e s e n t a t i o n s of the s p i r i -t u a l were few (1888, p. 184 and 1897, p. 912 r e s p e c t i v e l y ) . This may have been out of f e a r and respect f o r the s p i r i t s , or because of words of d i s -couragement from m i s s i o n a r i e s . Whatever the reason, t h i s i s no longer the case as shamanic images are a most c h a l l e n g i n g aspect and frequent subject of contemporary I n u i t a r t . In S p i r i t With Symbols ( F i g . 2) we see a female f i g u r e h o l d i n g what seems to be a door handle i n one hand and a key which might f i t i n t o the breast p l a t e i n the other ( N a t i o n a l Museum of Man, 1977, p. 74). The mask-like q u a l i t y of her face might be a reference to shamanism. Although ceremonial masks were most common i n Al a s k a , they were t r a d i t i o n a l l y known on B a f f i n I s l a n d both from Dorset remains (WAG, 1978, p. 180) and from those made from the hide of the bearded s e a l (Murdoch i n Hoffman, 1897, p. 914). Masks were t r a d i t i o n a l l y made by shamans and t h e i r a p prentices. Their f u n c t i o n , and t h e r e f o r e t h e i r power, was not so much to hide the wearer as i t was to serve as v i s u a l i z a t i o n s of the s p i r i t f o r c e s (WAG, 32 33 1978, p. 179). The shaman was p r i v y to these images. With the mask, he gave the people a concrete view of the s p i r i t world. The f a c t that t h i s i s a female f i g u r e opens the door to many p o s s i b l e avenues of i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of t h i s image. Both men and women could become shamans w i t h i n the t r a d i t i o n a l Eskimo s o c i e t y (WAG, 1978, p. 61). However, during the d e l i c a t e t r a n s i t i o n p e r i o d from the o l d to the new, C h r i s t i a n b e l i e f system, more women d i d so (Lewis, 1971, p. 169). The shaman's many a b i l i t i e s repeatedly emphasized the wholeness of l i f e . Shamanic transformation from human to animal, and back, symbol-i z e d the e s s e n t i a l union of these two forms of being. The shaman was al s o able to be both a man and a woman and to change from one to another as an i n d i c a t o r of another sense of wholeness (WAG, 1978, p. 63). S p i r i t  With Symbols may represent such a transformation. I t l^ w e a r i n g an amautik which has o f t e n been used to symbolize such changes and the g i v i n g of l i f e (WAG, 1980a, p. 105). Another p o s s i b i l i t y i s that t h i s image r e f e r s to the ways i n which women were s i n g l e d out i n the Eskimo taboo system. In some parts of the A r c t i c , the woman was s y m b o l i c a l l y l i n k e d to the r i t u a l surrounding, and the eventual outcome, of the hunt ( L a n t i s , 1970, p. 329). A c c o r d i n g l y , her taboo v i o l a t i o n s bore a penalty which would weigh more h e a v i l y upon the i n d i v i d u a l , and the group, than a man's (Lewis, 1971, p. 165). Could S p i r i t With Symbols be an acknowledgement of t h i s burden of a m o r a l i t y through f e a r ( L a n t i s , 1970, p. 330)? A concept b a s i c to Eskimo b e l i e f s was that there were not any 'good versus e v i l ' f o r c e s (Carpenter, 1955, p. 72). Rather, good and e v i l were part of the same whole. This i s a k i n to the p r i m o r d i a l image of the 34 Great and T e r r i b l e Mother as she has appeared i n the c r e a t i o n s of many c u l t u r e s (Neumann, 1955, passim). A number of fe a t u r e s of Pudlo's S p i r i t With Symbols are s t r i k i n g l y s i m i l a r to those of the archetype. For example, the exaggerated forms of her torso and her f r i g h t e n i n g v i s a g e (152). The keyhole, key and door handle might be references to the gate of r e b i r t h , or the womb, a l s o connected w i t h the Great Mother (159). She i s thus l i t e r a l l y ( p h y s i c a l l y ) a v e s s e l of transformation. S p i r i t u a l l y , she represents the process of transformation "which leads through s u f f e r i n g and death, s a c r i f i c e and a n n i h i l a t i o n , to renewal, r e -b i r t h and i m m o r t a l i t y " (291). As good she i s l i f e - g i v i n g . As bad she i s as s o c i a t e d w i t h the underworld (157). In S p i r i t With Symbols these are r e s p e c t i v e l y represented by the amautik and the Eskimo legend of A m a u t i l i k , the symbol of death who kidnapped c h i l d r e n (WAG, 1980, p. 105). The m y s t i c a l content i s somewhat l e s s d i f f i c u l t to p i n p o i n t i n Eagle Carrying Man ( F i g . 16). I t i s a r e p r e s e n t a t i o n of an angakoq being taken on a s p i r i t f l i g h t w i t h the a i d of h i s s p i r i t h e l p e r . In h i s hand he holds a wand, or a c o n j u r i n g s t i c k . This was a ceremonial object used f o r d i v i n a t i o n (WAG, 1978, p. 157). Shamans made such journeys to v i s i t and/or p l a c a t e a d e i t y , to o b t a i n power from a s p i r i t , or to get informati o n about l o s t s o u l s , people, or the l o c a t i o n s of animals f o r a hunt (WAG, 1978, p. 89). The b i r d s p i r i t ' s presence i n S p i r i t Watching Games ( F i g . 4) und e r l i n e s the importance of such a c t i v i t i e s i n t r a d i t i o n a l Eskimo s o c i e t y . I t oversees what appears to be a w r e s t l i n g match between the two men. A woman stands on e i t h e r s i d e . Such contests and j o u s t s were f r e q u e n t l y the manner i n which q u a r r e l s were s e t t l e d ( U n i v e r s i t y of A l b e r t a , 1978, 35 p. 8). The event became a time f o r r e c o n c i l i n g d i f f e r e n c e s . I t was t h e r e f o r e an occasion f o r c e l e b r a t i o n and not only f o r aggression. I t was the peaceful s p i r i t and cohesiveness of the community which was ensured. The world of the S p i r i t s ( F i g . 17) i s r e f e r r e d to i n the 1966 stonecut. In the dark of the n i g h t two dogs i n the foreground look out at a group of s p i r i t u a l beings. Pudlo has used an animal s k i n shape and t e x t u r e f o r the backdrop. The l a r g e s p i r i t i n the centre subdivides the composition. A l l of the s p i r i t s are anthropomorphized. The l a r g e one i s i n -s c r i b e d w i t h animals, thereby a t t e s t i n g to the e s s e n t i a l u n i t y of the s p i r i t u a l and n a t u r a l realms. I t was b e l i e v e d that s p i r i t s were e i t h e r i n d i f f e r e n t or k i n d l y disposed towards humans. They only became malev-ol e n t when mistreated by man, as i n the breaking of a taboo (Lommell, 1967a, p. 31). Another p o s s i b i l i t y i s that the l a r g e f i g u r e i n the centre i s a shaman wearing an a w e - i n s p i r i n g mask. Assuming that i t i s , the i n s c r i b e d animals might then be h i s h e l p i n g s p i r i t s . They look somewhat l i k e lemmings which were considered to be powerful s p i r i t f a m i l i a r s . Lemmings were thought to l i v e among the s t a r s and f e l l to the e a r t h when they became ass o c i a t e d w i t h a p a r t i c u l a r shaman (WAG, 1978, p. 49). The small ' s m i l i n g ' s p i r i t on the r i g h t i s i n t e r e s t i n g i n that i t has a face on i t s t o r s o . The mouth i s opened i n an 'o' shape and shows shamanic t e e t h . This c h a r a c t e r i s t i c can be traced back to Dorset imagery (WAG, 1978, p. 182). The open mouth, and blowing are a s s o c i a t e d w i t h a most revered n o t i o n , that of breath and the l i f e - f o r c e , or s o u l , of the 36 i n d i v i d u a l . Man i n F i s h Weir ( F i g . 3) v i r t u a l l y evokes f e c u n d i t y l i k e an amu-l e t . With i t s p h a l l i c shape and l a r g e f i s h swarming toward the enclosure, i t i s suggestive of human f e r t i l i t y as w e l l as a p l e n t i f u l hunt. This was a concern of the angakoq. With amulets and r i t u a l he helped women i n t h e i r hopes to have c h i l d r e n (WAG, 1978, p. 120). As intermediary between the human and animal world, he was expected to know the h a b i t s of the cr e a t u r e s , and advise the hunters a c c o r d i n g l y . This was a measure of h i s usefulness and e f f e c t i v e n e s s w i t h i n the community (Lommell, 1967, p. 27). F i s h Lake ( F i g . 10) i s e q u a l l y evocative. Both the sun and the moon are high i n the sky. This might be a reference to the myth about t h e i r o r i g i n . A brother and a s i s t e r unknowingly had an incestuous r e l a t i o n s h i p . When she discovered who her l o v e r was, she ran out of the snow-house c a r r y i n g a l i t t o r c h . Her brother followed her, a l s o c a r r y i n g a t o r c h . However, as they rose i n t o the sky, h i s went out. She became the sun and he the moon, forev e r chasing her across the heavens ( N a t i o n a l Museum of Man, 1977, p. 58). This then may be another r e p r e s e n t a t i o n of a t o t a l e x p e r i e n c e — t h e union of the day and the n i g h t sky, of l i g h t and of dark (Neumann, 1955, p. 56). The moon has al s o been a s s o c i a t e d w i t h f e r t i l i t y ( L a n t i s , 1970, pp. 316, 323, and 324). An angakoq might v i s i t the man i n the moon who, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the Western A r c t i c , was s a i d to have some c o n t r o l over animals. I n the Eastern A r c t i c , the moon's primary f u n c t i o n was i t s a s s o c i a t i o n w i t h human f e r t i l i t y and w i t h b e f r i e n d i n g orphans. I n u k s u i t are s i l h o u e t t e d on the f a r shore of F i s h Lake. Trans-l a t e d , inukshuk means " i n the l i k e n e s s of man". There are many of them 37 i n the Cape Dorset area. They are a l l made of stone. Theories are that they were land and cache markers, or that they were used i n the herding and c a p t u r i n g of caribou ( N a t i o n a l Museum of Man, 1977, pp. 62 and 92; and B a l i k c i , 1970, p. 41). They are a l s o route i n d i c a t o r s . The ones at Inukshukgaliut, p o i n t the way to Coral Harbour which i s 450 km west by boat (Schwartz, 1977, p. 17). In a d d i t i o n to the p r a c t i c a l , the i n u k s u i t had an emotional im-port f o r the Eskimo: . . . we can say. that the c a i r n s were, i n f a c t , a f o c a l p o i n t of t h e i r f a i t h , both f o r those departing as w e l l as f o r those who had to wait a n x i o u s l y f o r the hunters to r e t u r n . The c a i r n s must have gone w i t h the men as c l e a r images - l i k e v i v i d p i c t u r e s i n t h e i r minds knowing that t h e i r f a m i l i e s would be l o o k i n g at the same c a i r n s and, i n a way, praying to them f o r a safe t r i p . I t could be that t h i s was part of t h e i r formal r e l i g i o n . (Peter P i t s e o l a k i n Raine, 1980, p. 107) Hunters o f t e n placed a personal object w i t h i n a c a i r n . I t then became h i s symbol of s a f e t y u n t i l he returned to i t . That i t was made of stone was a l s o s i g n i f i c a n t , f o r stone was valued as being one of the most per-manent substances of a l l . A s o l i t a r y f i g u r e i s on the near shore of the l a k e . He i s so small i n comparison to the l a k e which i s teeming w i t h l a r g e f i s h , and to a l l of the space which surrounds him. I t i s a reminder of man's r e l a t i v e p o s i t i o n . F e r t i l i t y , abundance, and the aw e - i n s p i r i n g environment f i g u r e prominently i n the images above. These q u a l i t i e s a l s o d e s c r i b e the Earth Mother of t r a d i t i o n a l Eskimo mysticism, Sedna. As goddess and p r o t e c t r e s s of the hunt and animals, she was r e s p o n s i b l e f o r a l l changes i n the r e l a t i o n s h i p between the hunter and h i s prey. This i s f i g u r e d i n P e r i l s 38 of the Hunter ( F i g . 18). Alone i n h i s kayak, the man f i n d s himself threatened by, and f a c i n g , unknown creatures and dangers. Compared to the enormity of the elements, he i s q u i t e defenseless. Sedna, at the lower r i g h t , swims toward the v e s s e l , p o s s i b l y to intervene. The e a r l i e r Sea Goddess he l d by B i r d ( F i g . 19) i s a l s o r e a l i z e d i n bold s i l h o u e t t e d imagery. Sedna i s held i n the b i r d ' s (her husband?) mouth, upside-down. Her breasts are l a r g e and pendulous, emphasizing her maternal c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s . Her f i n g e r s are truncated and her legs merge i n t o a f i s h t a i l on which another b i r d s i t s . Compare the above two w i t h the 1976 Sedna ( F i g . 20). Here, she wears an elaborate mask. The Sedna f e s t i v a l was the only time during which masks were worn i n the c e n t r a l and Eastern A r c t i c (WAG, 1978, pp. 138 and 181). The goddess' hands are stumps which l o o k l i k e m i t t e n s . Her f e e t are s i m i l a r to those of a walrus. That animal was considered a powerful s p i r i t f a m i l i a r . Near her mouth are l i n e s which might represent the t r a d i t i o n a l t a t o o i n g of married women. Sedna i s wearing an amautik. This i s i n keeping both w i t h her maternal nature and, combined w i t h her walrus f e e t , w i t h the deep r e l a t i o n -ship between people and animals. The amautik i s an important symbol (WAG, 1980b, p. 24 and passim). In i t s design i t represents a knowledge of animals. In i t s f u n c t i o n , i t houses l i f e and the magic of b i r t h . Although the hunting was done by the man, i t s success, i n a number of r e s p e c t s , was determined by a woman (Neumann, 1955, p. 283). This woman was Sedna. Her maternal t r a i t s and c o n t r o l over the under-world l i n k her s t r o n g l y to the Great Mother archetype. The c o n t r o l she had over the animals' s o u l s , and t h e i r number, s i m i l a r l y p i n p o i n t s her 39 as a symbol of transformation. The ornamental d e t a i l on Sedna's amautik i s s t r i k i n g p a r t i c u l a r l y i n comparison to the s i l h o u e t t e s of the e a r l i e r years. The change i n the look of p r i n t s , as noted above, was due i n part to the increase i n t e c h n i c a l s o p h i s t i c a t i o n and e x p e r t i s e . C e r t a i n l y , the favourable market response encouraged the c o n t i n u a t i o n of t h i s newer s t y l e . The patterns here are not d i s s i m i l a r to those of Thule swimming b i r d f i g u r i n e s ( F i g . 20). The o r i g i n s and meanings of such embellishments are long ago f o r -gotten. I t i s assumed, however, that they d i d have a m y s t i c a l connection. The use of such surface decoration gave the pieces a l i g h t e r , l e s s i n -tense l o o k than those of t h e i r Dorset predecessors (Swinton, 1972, p. 117). The patterns on t h i s Sedna amautik a l s o r e f e r s to the o r i g i n a l f u n c t i o n of such designs. In the coming s e c t i o n we w i l l see that Pudlo moved away from the mysterious s i l h o u e t t e s of the e a r l i e r years. I t w i l l be shown that as he was i n c o r p o r a t i n g the d e c o r a t i v e elements of the 'new look' i n t o h i s s t y l e , he was a l s o i n f u s i n g them w i t h a new (and perhaps renewed) sub-stance. There once was a gi a n t bear who followed people f o r h i s prey. He was so b i g he swallowed them whole: Then they smothered to death i n s i d e him i f they hadn't already died of f r i g h t . E i t h e r the bear attacked them on the run, or i f they crawled i n t o a cave where he could not squeeze h i s enormous body i n , he stabbed them w i t h h i s whiskers l i k e t o o t h p i c k s , drawing them out one by one, and gulped them down. No one knew what to do u n t i l a wise man went out and l e t the bear swallow him, s l i d i n g r i g h t down h i s throat i n t o the b i g , dark, hot, slimy stomach. And once i n s i d e there, he took h i s k n i f e and simply cut him open, k i l l i n g him of course. He carved a door i n the bear's b e l l y and threw out those who had been eaten before, and then he stepped out himself and went home to get help w i t h the butchering. Everyone l i v e d on bear meat f o r a long time. That's the way i t goes: Monster one minute, food the next. - Kiakshuk (Gedalof, n.d., p. 71) 40 Chapter VI PUDLO AND NATURE: THE BIRDS AND ANIMALS Before p i c k i n g up the p o i n t s of the preceding s e c t i o n , i t w i l l be necessary to t r a c e the development of Pudlo's r e p r e s e n t a t i o n s of b i r d s which number s i g n i f i c a n t l y w i t h i n h i s oeuvre. They f i g u r e i n h i s s c u l p -t u r a l e f f o r t s (CEAC, 1971, pp. 156 and 172) and are a f a v o u r i t e subject matter of Cape Dorset a r t i n general (WAG, 1980a, p. 40). The i n t e r e s t i s not a new one. Since Dorset times, b i r d s have been, along w i t h bears, the most commonly represented of the shamanic f a m i l i a r s ( T a y l o r , 1967, p. 38). The e a r l i e r r e p r e s e n t a t i o n s of b i r d s seen above ( S p i r i t Watching  Games, F i g . 4; Eagle Carrying Man, F i g . 16; and Sea Goddess Held by B i r d , F i g . 19) co n t a i n overt references to the shamanic mysteries of the past. Woman W i t h B i r d Image ( F i g . 22) i s such a work as w e l l . As i n S p i r i t w i t h  Symbols ( F i g . 2) p o s i t i v e and negative combinations create an image on the f i g u r e ' s t o r s o . This time, a woman w i t h a b i r d . I f the woman i s a shaman, then t h i s may be a rendering of a transformation. That i s , of an angakoq assuming a b i r d - l i k e form, a b i r d being one of her s p i r i t h e l p e r s , so that she might be able to f l y . However, t h i s may a l s o be a v i s u a l i z a t i o n of the legend of women who had the a b i l i t y to t u r n i n t o b i r d s and f l y away w h i l e t h e i r men were on a hunt (WAG, 1979, p. 41). Bird/Woman imagery i s not unusual. The Thule female f i g u r i n e s ( F i g . 21) are s i m i l a r i n form and th e r e f o r e p o s s i b l y r e l a t e d c o n t e x t u r a l l y 41 42 to the b i r d f i g u r i n e s ( F i g . 22). Sedna shuns a l l s u i t o r s to e v e n t u a l l y marry, a b i r d . As a d i r e c t r e s u l t of t h i s union she becomes the symbol of the Great Mother i n Eskimo mysticism. Given the s i m i l a r i t y i n s t y l e and Pudlo's p r e d i l e c t i o n f o r working i n s e r i e s , Woman With B i r d Image i s l i k e l y a k i n i n meaning to S p i r i t With Symbols. In h i s t o r y , b i r d s have been a s s o c i a t e d w i t h the Great Mother archetype r e g u l a r l y (Neumann, 1955, p. 145f) . They represent a p o s i t i v e aspect of her nature i n t h e i r l i n k w i t h the heavens and thereby balance her r e l a t i o n s h i p to the underworld. Shaman's Dwelling ( F i g . 23) i s another example of Pudlo's c l o s e a s s o c i a t i o n of r e l i g i o n and b i r d s . A snow-house i s set i n t o a s t y l i z e d landscape and flanked by two very l a r g e b i r d s . Are they meant to be guardians of the shaman and/or the dwelling? The t i t u l a r reference i s to the o l d f a i t h , yet the house has a cross both over the entrance and on the ' r o o f . In the foreground, enclosed by the house, are f i v e i n u k s u i t , another reference to the o l d f a i t h . With the exception of t h e i r placement and the landscape formations, the composition i s as balanced and symmetrical as the crosses. Two t r a i t s evident i n Shaman's Dwelling can be traced to Thule precedents. The f i r s t i s the symmetry, here around a c r u c i f o r m as i t i s al s o i m p l i e d i n S p i r i t s ( F i g . 17). (Vastokas, 1971/72, p. 78). W i t h i n Pudlo's p r i n t s i t creates compositions of a n a t u r a l order which, when com-bined w i t h the content, i s v i r t u a l l y of a sacred k i n d . The second charac-t e r i s t i c i s that of the images being framed, or s e l f - e n c l o s e d . To the balance and harmony i s added a sense of containment: f o r a l l things have t h e i r place w i t h i n the environment (Myers, 1982, p. 77). Two Loons at Sea ( F i g . 24) i s a l s o symmetrical and d i v i d e d by a 43 cross which i s once again surrounded by two b i r d s . In t r a d i t i o n a l Eskimo b e l i e f s , loons were as s o c i a t e d w i t h s i g h t . A legend t e l l s of a b l i n d boy whose s i g h t was r e s t o r e d by a loon. They are a l s o l i n k e d to shamanic s i g h t , v i s i o n s , and ideas (WAG, 1978, p. 121). I t seems p o s s i b l e that t h i s image i s a reference to a shamanic journey. C l e a r l y , two loons do not need a boat f o r water t r a v e l . Per-haps then they are not a c t u a l l y b i r d s . Maybe they are shamans t r a v e l l i n g i n the form of t h e i r b i r d f a m i l i a r s . S i m i l a r l y , the two b i r d s i n Shaman's  Dwelling ( F i g . 23) might be the angakoq's guardian s p i r i t s . What remains i s to understand the cross which re c u r s c o n t i n u a l l y i n Pudlo's work. In the North, the cross f i g u r e s as both a contemporary and pre-h i s t o r i c symbol. I t appears as a frequent marking on Dorset shamanic paraphenalia (Swinton, 1967, pp. 43 and 45). I t s p r e c i s e meaning i n t h i s context i s not known. However, i t i s thought to have been a marker f o r a p a r t i c u l a r l y s e n s i t i v e area or item. Although apparently d e c o r a t i v e , i t i s a reminder of a language which once expressed, and thereby l i n k e d man t o , the s p i r i t u a l (Fitzhugh and Kaplan, 1982, p. 200). In the f a i t h of the o l d e r generation, the 'past' and 'present' b e l i e f systems co-e x i s t (Carpenter, 1955, p. 71). C h r i s t i a n i t y d i d not r e p l a c e , but r a t h e r added new dimensions t o , the peoples' creed. Pudlo's s t y l i s t i c e c l e c t i c i s m complements h i s i n t e g r a t i o n of symbols from the o l d and the new ways. Aspects of the past are a l t e r e d as they re-emerge i n t o a changed environment. Perceptions of the present are a f f e c t e d by t h e i r p o t e n t i a l to be evocative of memories. The contemporary a r t i s t may then even u n w i t t i n g l y record these perhaps vague r e c o l l e c t i o n s (WAG, 1978, p. 215). 44 The cross most f r e q u e n t l y appears on b u i l d i n g s , o f t e n over an entrance. I t i s a l s o connected w i t h a sense of home, or the end of a journey as i n Long Journey ( F i g . 7) arid Shaman's Dwelling ( F i g . 23). Thoughts of Home ( F i g . 25) contains both of these elements. In the f o r e -ground i s a landscape from which a f i g u r e approaches a ladder or a s t a i r -case-type o b j e c t . At the end of t h i s means of ascent are two t e n t s . Between them i s a f i g u r e i n a doorway, over which i s a c r o s s . I t has been noted that formerly popular domestic themes such as mother and c h i l d p o r t r a y a l s , are p r e s e n t l y r a r e l y depicted (Levine, 1977, p. 19). There are i m p l i c a t i o n s that t h i s i s i n d i c a t i v e of the breakdown of the once a l l - i m p o r t a n t f a m i l y u n i t (Schaefer, 1976, passim). That themes are r e l a t i v e l y impersonal and t h e r e f o r e c o n t a i n p e s s i m i s t i c under-tones . This i s c e r t a i n l y not the case w i t h Pudlo. His images seem f u l l of optimism. The manner i n which Pudlo so harmoniously combines r e f e r -ences to the o l d and the new s u r e l y i n d i c a t e s t h i s . His use of the cross -creates an aura of i t being a symbol of p r o t e c t i o n w i t h hope f o r the f u t u r e . I t i s an emblem which transcends s p e c i f i c periods of time. I t oversees a l l eras. I t s C h r i s t i a n meaning was i n part to symbolize man's need to extend h i s f a i t h from h i s own centre and move outward, as f o r example toward nature (Jung, 1964, p. 273). In h i s p r i n t s , w i t h the combination of l a d d e r s , there i s an i m p l i c a t i o n of movement and even ascent. Pudlo's f i g u r e s o f t e n journey toward the cross (see Long Journey [ F i g . 7] and Thoughts of Home [ F i g . 25]). The themes of memory, hope, and p r o t e c t i o n meander i n and out of Pudlo's oeuvre, c o n t i n u a l l y . 45 Pudlo's expression of the union of the environment and of l i v i n g t hings as seen i n T u d l i k (the b i r d and the water being j o i n e d by form and c o l o u r , F i g . 9), recurs i n the Large Loon and Landscape ( F i g . 26). Here, the two subjects are v i r t u a l l y a r e f l e c t i o n of one another. Both the b i r d and the land tower i n t o the sky. Each undulates i n form and i s made up of c o n t r a s t i n g patches of co l o u r . The land encloses lakes and other areas of blue. The l o o n , w i t h i t s shamanic i m p l i c a t i o n s , hovers over the p r e f a b r i c a t e d homes, the man i n h i s boat, and the l a n d -scape, w i t h a p r o t e c t i v e a i r . The e n t i r e composition seems e n c l o s e d — t h i s time w i t h a n e a r l y c i r c u l a r f o r m — a symbol of wholeness. This l i t h o seems to be a testament to the e s s e n t i a l u n i t y of l i f e as i t was p a r t i c u l a r l y f e l t i n the 'old ways'. A union of la n d , nature, and f a i t h (the s p i r i t u a l ) . The i n c l u s i o n of the contemporary housing might represent hope f o r the p r e s e n t — a n d f u t u r e . I f the t i n y h i l l o c k s i n the mid-ground are c a i r n s , then t h i s might be Pudlo's b l e s s i n g f o r Cape Dorset, known f o r i t s abundance of i n u k s u i t . A l s o , i t i s hig h land ( K i n g n a i t ) . Metiq on M a l l i k (Duck on a Wave, F i g . 27) i s a most resplendent l a s t example of t h i s expression of union. The composition i s s o l i d l y s i l h o u e t t e d on a white background. The b i r d i s on a wave. The o u t l i n e of the b i r d ' s wings, the t e x t u r a l markings, the use of c o l o u r , a l l create an ambiguity of references to l a n d , water, and animal. By i m p l i c a t i o n i t i s t h e r e f o r e a j o i n i n g of the three. I t i s a l s o a p e r f e c t union of form and content. The seemingly d e c o r a t i v e becomes a statement of wholeness. Since 1976, Pudlo's i n c l u s i o n of modern o b j e c t s i n h i s p r i n t s has been one of h i s trademarks. Only a very few other a r t i s t s have done 46 so as w e l l . In Pudlo's works t h i s v i r t u a l l y creates a continuum, or j o i n i n g , of two very d i f f e r e n t times. The most frequent i s the aeroplane. Comparable to b i r d s , planes have become contemporary symbols f o r p s y c h o l o g i c a l and p h y s i c a l t r a n -scendence (June, 1964, p. 156). To Pudlo, r i d i n g i n an aeroplane might be a present-day analogy f o r shamanic f l i g h t (Lommell, 1967, p. 103). That i s , the aeroplane could be reminiscent of the s p i r i t helper ( L a n t i s , 1970, p. 316). I n that i t i s a reminder of the psychic memories of the past, i t f u e l s the imagination and lends a c r e d i b i l i t y to fadin g memories. Pudlo once took an aeroplane r i d e over Resolute Bay: . . . the a i r p l a n e swooped down to take a good look at a musk-ox and some cari b o u . (Pudlo i n Dorset, 1978, p. 66) V i s i o n of Two Worlds ( F i g . 28) i s perhaps a v a r i a t i o n of that i n c i d e n t . On i t s back, the musk-ox has a dog w i t h an o l d s t y l e harness on, and a hunter w i t h a whip i n h i s hand. We assume that these are the symbols of the 'old world'. An aeroplane i s i n the sky. Pudlo seems to want to r e t a i n the connections between t h i s f l i g h t and the m y s t i c a l . The plane seems l i g h t and almost animated. The angle of the wings i s exaggerated so as to make them seem more l i k e that of a b i r d ' s . That Pudlo i s f a s c i n a t e d by musk-oxen i s undeniable. They appear throughout h i s oeuvre.i' The animals are not common to South B a f f i n I s l a n d . Pudlo says that he was "the f i r s t one to t r y to draw a musk-ox" (Dorset, 1979, p. 65). Although t h i s may be t r u e f o r the contemporary scene, Jenness records a p e n c i l drawing of one (1922, pp. 168 and 169). Musk-oxen do have t r a d i t i o n a l l i n k s w i t h shamanism (WAG, 1978, p. 76). However, they seem to appeal mostly to Pudlo's sense of humour. He appears to have fun p l a c i n g these awkward-looking animals i n t o e q u a l l y 47 p e c u l i a r s i t u a t i o n s , or making them something that they are not. A previous example was Umingmuk ( F i g . 14) i n which Pudlo made the creatures seem q u i t e l i g h t and d e l i c a t e . Of Umiimmak K a l u n a n i i t u k (Musk-ox i n the C i t y , F i g . 29) he w r i t e s : When I d i d t h i s drawing, I was t h i n k i n g that t h i s i s a church and t h i s i s a musk ox on top. Because I have seen churches having statues on top, that i s what I was t h i n k i n g about when I draw t h i s - even though t h i s i s not God or any-t h i n g l i k e t h a t . (Dorset, 1979, p. 65) In h i s frequent combination of musk-oxen w i t h modern ob j e c t s ( i n t h i s case, powerlines, a b u i l d i n g and a bus), one wonders i f g e n e r a l l y he con-s i d e r s the animals to be symbols of a time past. A l a s t look at an animal theme i s another l i g h t - h e a r t e d l o o k i n g p r i n t e n t i t l e d Dream of Bear ( F i g . 30). I t i s the s o r t of piece which earned Pudlo h i s r e p u t a t i o n f o r being u n p r e d i c t a b l e (Gray, 1974). In terms of h i s p r i n t - p r o d u c t i o n , i t i s one-of-a-kind. This i s unusual f o r Pudlo, whose themes and m o t i f s g e n e r a l l y come i n s e r i e s . Yet, t h i s p r i n t i s d i f f i c u l t to dismiss because of i t s three apparent references to shamanism. F i r s t l y , i n the t i t l e , the word 'dream'; secondly, the bear; and l a s t l y , that i t i s s i t t i n g next t o , what looks l i k e , a t r e e . Bear imagery, although r e l a t i v e l y infrequent i n Pudlo's work, i s prominent i n Eskimo c u l t u r e as both a symbol and the b a s i s f o r a good t a l e . In the l a t t e r r e s p e c t , the bear i s always a formidable and feared adversary. C o n q u e r i n g / k i l l i n g one of the animals gains much respect f o r the hunter. In the shamanic realm, the bear was the best, and the most power-f u l , of a l l of the animal s p i r i t helpers (WAG, 1978, p. 148). Perhaps 48 a c c o r d i n g l y , bear imagery i s outstanding i n the most m y s t i c a l Dorset p e r i o d (Swinton, 1967, p. 41 and passim). The bear, l i k e the shaman, was thought to be both extremely powerful as w e l l as dangerous. This animal was anthropomorphized more than any other, and i t was respected f o r i t s hunting a b i l i t i e s on i c e , water, and land (Thomson, 1981, p. 40). A frequent Dorset m o t i f , the f l y i n g bear, was symbolic of shaman-i c f l i g h t . This i s r e l e v a n t to Dream of Bear, i f the object between the animal and the man i s a t r e e . Shamanic Trees, or World Trees, have been i d e n t i f i e d i n both p r e h i s t o r i c and contemporary Eskimo a r t works (Vastokas, 1973/74, p. 110). In a s t a t e of ecstasy, the shaman makes a ceremonial climb up the cosmic t r e e . The voyage i s symbolic of the Ascent to Heaven where, f o r example, the angakoq may seek out a s i c k person's s o u l „fk>r c u r i n g ( E l i a d e , 1970, pp. 302 and 303). Is the man on the l e f t the shaman who, w i t h the a i d of h i s powerful h e l p e r , i s pre-paring the c e l e s t i a l voyage? The c o l l a r might be a reference to something l i k e the Old Bering Sea w r i s t c u f f and neck c o l l a r s which i n d i c a t e d a captured animal s p i r i t ( Fitzhugh and Kaplan, 1982, p. 198). In the e a r l y p r i n t s , the depth of Pudlo's content i s revealed w i t h bold imagery and symbols. L a t e r , the geometric elements and a b s t r a c t i o n s from nature o f t e n add an increased harmony to the already balanced compositions. These a d d i t i o n s are never p u r e l y d e c o r a t i v e . They help to r e v e a l the content of the work, perhaps i n much the same way that a b s t r a c t m o t i f s i n d i c a t e d the magical i n the a r t of the p r e h i s t o r i c p e riods. 49 Pudlo's i n c o r p o r a t i o n of both forms and objects from h i s and the Euro-American c u l t u r e s i n h i s work proves that he maintains h i s connec-t i o n s to the 'old ways' w h i l e developing w i t h i n the pressures of change. Marble I s l a n d Long ago, before my grandfather was born, some Eskimo f a m i l i e s used to t r a v e l from place to place. One time there was a f a m i l y of four w i t h an o l d woman. They l i v e d near Rankin I n l e t , N.W.T. The hunting was good f o r a few years, but not f o r long. The Uanik f a m i l y wanted to move to another land c a l l e d Kanuyalik, where there were l o t s of ca r i b o u . One th i n g that stopped them was the o l d woman. She wanted them to leave her. Uanik s a i d he hated to leave her h e l p l e s s . The o l d woman asked Uanik i f he had fo r g o t t e n what she had s a i d once. She had s a i d that she would stay behind i f they moved away and that she would l i k e to l i v e on the i c e that I looked l i k e an i s l a n d . So Uanik's f a m i l y , w i t h sorrow i n t h e i r h e a r t s , l e f t the o l d woman. One very c l e a r day the o l d woman sat on a rock l o o k i n g at the b i g i c e . She s a i d to h e r s e l f , " I wish, how I wish, that i c e could turn i n t o an i s l a n d so I could l i v e t h e r e . " Two years passed before Uanik came back to the spot where he had l e f t the o l d woman. The o l d woman wasn't anywhere on the l a n d . Uanik heard her saying: "Uanik, at l a s t I got my wish, please don't worry anymore." He saw that the i c e had turned to marble. "Uanik, my s p i r i t l i v e s on t h i s marble i s l a n d . " Now, when the people of Rankin I n l e t go to the i s l a n d , they must crawl a few f e e t i n respect of the o l d woman's s p i r i t . I n the summer, on a c l e a r day, the i s l a n d once again looks l i k e an i c e i s l a n d . - Leonie Kappi (Gedalof, ri.d., p. 72) 50 Chapter VII PUDLO AND NATURE: THE LAND As shown, Pudlo brings the viewer a step c l o s e r to the p o s s i -b i l i t y of a p p r e c i a t i n g the emotional basis of the 'old ways'. As the t r a d i t i o n a l f a i t h was founded upon a n i m i s t i c p r i n c i p l e s , the emphasis was upon t o t a l i t y o f , and communion w i t h , a l l aspects of l i f e and nature. On both the p r a c t i c a l and s p i r i t u a l l e v e l s , the n a t u r a l f o r c e s f i g u r e d prominently i n the Eskimo l i f e - s t y l e . We f e a r the Weather S p i r i t of e a r t h , that we must f i g h t against to wrest our food from land and sea. We f e a r S i l a (the Weather S p i r i t ) . We f e a r death and hunger i n the c o l d snow huts . . . . We f e a r the e v i l s p i r i t s of l i f e , those of the a i r , of the sea and of the earth . . . . (Rasmussen, I g l u l i k Eskimos, p. 56) Respect, tempered w i t h f e a r , was a dictum. A highest compliment paid to a person was to be c a l l e d 'Innumarit' — o n e who f u l f i l l e d the I n u i t h e r i t a g e (Herchmer, 1980, p. 24). This was someone who was a good hunter, p r o v i d e r , and who, above a l l , had respect f o r the land . A person came to f e e l r e l a t i v e l y small and i n s i g n i f i c a n t w h i le i n the b a t t l e f o r s u r v i v a l w i t h such a formidable adversary. This was to some extent a l l e v i a t e d by shamanism (Lommell, 1967a, p. 147). The solace came w i t h some l i m i t e d sense of c o n t r o l or understanding w i t h regard to the environment. The economic value of the land was th e r e f o r e tempered by an emo-t i o n a l respect which was so deep that the people endowed i t w i t h s p i r i t u a l 52 a t t r i b u t e s (Herchmer, 1980, p. 24). There are a few places where the s p i r i t s have to be shown your f r i e n d l y i n t e n t i o n s f i r s t before you can go there. In Baker Lake, even, there i s a small i s l a n d onto which you must crawl i f you land there so as not to make the s p i r i t mad at you. (Ruth Annaqtuusi i n WAG, 1982, p. 18). Any change i n the m a t e r i a l and s o c i a l c u l t u r e of a group a f f e c t s both the e c o l o g i c a l system and, e s p e c i a l l y , the way i n which the people p e r c e i v e i t (Murphy, 1964, pp. 851 and 852). The n o t i o n of respect, and s t r i v i n g to work and i n t e r a c t w i t h i n a given s i t u a t i o n , changed w i t h the a r r i v a l of the new technology. In i t s place grew the Euro-American a t t i t u d e of mastery. With i t , came the new perceptions of the land (Swinton, 1972, p. 108). As noted, the e a r l i e r of Pudlo's landscapes seem to have been approached w i t h r e l a t i v e c a u t i o n . L i k e F i s h Lake ( F i g . 10), they r e f l e c t an a t t i t u d e of mystery. When print-making and drawing moved away from the i n f l u e n c e of s c u l p t u r e , landscapes, belonging more to the two-dimensional medium, became more d e t a i l e d . A r c t i c W a t e r f a l l ( J i g . 11) and Spring Landscape ( F i g . 12) f o r example, a l b e i t q u i t e a b s t r a c t e d , are nonetheless f a r more d e s c r i p t i v e of: The abrupt f i o r d lands of B a f f i n I s l a n d , w i t h t h e i r c l i f f s and screes, t h e i r v ast g r a v e l l y outwash, t h e i r low domed h i l l s , t h e i r c o a s t a l strands and marshes, and t h e i r permanent ice-caps f r i n g e d w i t h y e a r l y - m e l t i n g snow patches . . . . (From the annual handbook of the Dominion Bureau of S t a t i s t i c s , Canada, 1971 i n Swinton, 1972, p. 107) In A r c t i c W a t e r f a l l , the sense of the past i s a t t r i b u t a b l e to the manner i n which the f i g u r e s are d e p i c t e d . They are small and r e l a t i v e l y i n s i g n i f i c a n t compared to the resplendent environment. They do not t r a v e l w i t h skidoos or ATC's, but i n the o l d way—on foo t w i t h dogs as beasts of 53 burden. In these renderings of the 'old ways', time seems f r o z e n , and the image of each i s monumental. In Spring Landscapes, we imagine the patience and qu i e t of the fishermen. They too seem i s o l a t e d i n time. Both of these images are contained and complete. Landscape w i t h Caribou ( F i g . 31) on the other hand seems to come from a d i f f e r e n t time. The animal has stopped, but f o r what only appears to be an i n s t a n t . The a n t l e r s are d e l i c a t e l y t i p p e d . One can imagine t h a t , i n response to the s l i g h t e s t sound or movement, the animal w i l l d a r t o f f . I s o l a t e d , the forms i n t h i s p r i n t are so g e n e r a l i z e d that they border upon a b s t r a c t i o n . I t i s t h e i r colours which r e t u r n us to nature. The l a r g e and small amoeba-like patches at one glance create a f l a t applique-type p a t t e r n . Yet combined, they q u i t e n a t u r a l l y d e scribe the d i p s , r o l l s , d e l i c a c y , and s o l i t u d e of the Northern environment. The v i s u a l i z a t i o n s o f , and knowledge about the environment may be new and changed. However, w i t h the increased cognizance has come a strong d e s i r e to p r o t e c t the land which fed the people f o r thousands of years. Along w i t h c a r i n g f o r the w i l d l i f e , t h i s i s s u e has become germaine to the maintenance of a c u l t u r a l i d e n t i t y i n the North (Schwartz, 1977, p. 53). This c e l e b r a t i o n of the land i s evident i n Pudlo's Timiat  Nunamiut (The Body of Land, F i g . 33). I t was commissioned by the Habitat United Nations Conference of Human Settlements, 1976. Pudlo f i l l s , the space and encloses the p i c t u r e as i n h i s o l d e r s t y l e . However, he works from a s i n g l e vantage p o i n t . The curves of the p l a n t s and l i g h t - h e a r t e d renderings of the walruses present a joyous image of the land and animals of the A r c t i c . 54 Along the l e f t - h a n d s i d e , a b i r d and a f i s h are each placed on a p e d e s t a l or a t r o p h y - l i k e d i s p l a y s h e l f . At the top, on s i m i l a r stands, are a hunter w i t h a f i s h spear approaching a ladder, and a s e a l . Next to that i s what looks l i k e a s c u l p t u r e of a hunter and a bear. They are back-to^back w i t h a pole between them. In the middle, a ladder reaches from the foreground landscape, to a walrus. I t i s an image f i l l e d w i t h j o y , p r i d e , b o u n t i f u l d i s p l a y s of the past, and hope. Chapter VIII CONCLUSION: THE SEASONS Notions of historiography are new to the I n u i t . T r a d i t i o n a l l y , the time o r i e n t a t i o n was of the 'here and now' (Lantis, 1970, p. 335). Whereas we might g r a p h i c a l l y represent our sense of time as a l i n e , the Eskimos' might have been a c i r c l e . As the souls of a l l l i v i n g things were i n f i n i t e l y reincarnated so were such aspects of o r i g i n an everlasting feature of the present. The shaman was the educator with regard to these matters. He was the guardian of the t a l e s which f o r so long had been the basis of l i f e i n the North. With the weakening of shamanic forces came the d i l u t i o n of the values and ideas of an age-old heritage. I t was i n part the arts and c r a f t s project which l i t e r a l l y retarded the progress of the t o t a l c u l t u r a l a s s i m i l a t i o n of the people (Isaacs, 1972, p. 18). The material representation of fading ideas and f e e l i n g s , and the recording of events which might never recur, prevented t h e i r being l o s t forever. More than that, i n t e l l i n g the Southern market of a past f u l l of depth, the a r t i s t projected both his pride, and that of which his people might f e e l more meaningfully. With t h i s there may have been some easing of the tensions of a traumatic present (Dawson et. a l . , 1974, p. 48). Pudlo, while allowing the elements of the new into h i s work, most c l e a r l y j o i n s the past and the present. I f at f i r s t the Euro-American 55 56 onslaught was overwhelming, i n Pudlo's oeuvre one sees the hope of a blending and union of two c u l t u r e s . The younger generation of I n u i t w i l l be reminded of t h e i r past and w i l l even t r y to r e c r e a t e i t (Dorothy Eber i n WAG, 1980a, p. 26). This i s most a p t l y expressed i n The Seasons ( F i g . 33). I t i s t r u l y an h i s t o r i c a l document. Pudlo has again organized the composition w i t h a c r u c i f o r m . I t reaches to the heavens f i l l e d w i t h s t a r s . Below them, landscape, i n u k s u i t , powerlines, and show-houses—with chimneys. At the mid - r i g h t i s a ship.' Below the s h i p , a l a k e i s seen from above w i t h people h i k i n g on i t s shores and b i r d s wading w i t h i n . There i s a p e c u l i a r - l o o k i n g object on the near shore. I t appears i n a number of Pudlo's p r i n t s . Is i t a skeleton? V a r i a t i o n s on the s o - c a l l e d "x-ray s t y l e " are common to the shamanic a r t s (Lommell, 1967, p. 133). These have come to be i n t e r p r e t e d as symbolic of a s p i r i t u a l permanence (Swinton, 1967, p. 41). A f t e r the f l e s h i s long gone, the bones remain and hence represent the e v e r - l a s t i n g s o u l . At the m i d - l e f t of the p r i n t , a dog team i s apparently tangled up and i s t r y i n g to p u l l a s l e d w i t h a kayak on i t . A man rushes towards the dogs. F o o t p r i n t s are evident i n the snow. Above t h i s i s a s t r i k i n g s t r u c t u r e . I t resembles Shaman's Dwelling ( F i g . 23) w i t h i t s crosses and two guardian b i r d s . I t might be a f a n t a s t i c church or a v a r i a t i o n on the l a r g e s o r t of i g l o o which was b u i l t f o r s p e c i f i c f e s t i v a l s (WAG, 1978, p. 139). Although there are i m p l i c a t i o n s of the scene c o n t i n u i n g beyond the edges, i t i s framed i n . A s e l f - c o n t a i n e d image subject to the 57 n a t u r a l order as d i c t a t e d by the c r o s s . I t speaks of the seasons of a man's time and of the time when h i s l i f e was governed by the seasons. Of s p r i n g by a l a k e , or kayak and s l e d t r a v e l . I t a l s o speaks of the seasons of a t e c h n o l o g i c a l change. From snow-houses to el a b o r a t e , never before imagined s t r u c t u r e s . From kayaks to s h i p s . Pudlo was born i n t o the r o l e of a hunter and learned from h i s f a t h e r on the ba s i s of many years of experience. I n h i s p r i n t s , he combines n a r r a t i v e and p a t t e r n , documentary and fantasy. He o f f e r s v i s u a l i z a t i o n s of the va r i o u s aspects of the m y s t i c a l — f e r t i l i t y , the Great Mother, e t c . We are thereby allowed an i n s i g h t i n t o the deeply emotional aspects of Pudlo's t r a d i t i o n a l l i f e s t y l e . He u t i l i z e s the "best of both worlds" i n h i s drawings. With t h i s e c l e c t i c i s m he creates a t r u l y three-dimensional experience f o r the spe c t a t o r . APPENDIX Although engraving, l i t h o g r a p h y , e t c h i n g , and s i l k screening have a l l , at some p o i n t , been part of the Cape Dorset experiment, stone-cut p r i n t s and s t e n c i l s ( e i t h e r alone or i n combination) have always been the most popular. Here then i s a b r i e f d e s c r i p t i o n of the two. (For a d e t a i l e d account see Jackson, 1981, and N a t i o n a l Museum of Man, 1977.) The Stone-cut A r t i s t s submit drawings to the a r t s and c r a f t s co-op. A committee then s e l e c t s those which are to be p r i n t e d . Such a drawing i s t r a n s f e r r e d (through the use of t r a c i n g and carbon papers) onto the surface of a stone which has been smoothed and painted white. (Serpentine, the green stone used a l s o f o r c a r v i n g , was o r i g i n a l l y q u a r r i e d where i t was found i n abundance i n West B a f f i n I s l a n d . I t i s now imported from commercial q u a r r i e s . I t was found to r e a c t best to the o i l - b a s e d ink. I t i s s o f t , not too porous, and good f o r c h i s e l l i n g . When mined i t o f t e n breaks away i n l a r g e s l a b s which are p e r f e c t i n s i z e f o r low r e l i e f carving.) The t r a n s f e r r e d image i s then defined w i t h I n d i a i n k . The white background i s c a r e f u l l y cut away w i t h c h i s e l s l e a v i n g only the r a i s e d image. I n the p r i n t i n g room, s o f t rubber r o l l e r s (one f o r each colour) are used to apply the p a i n t (from l i g h t c o l o u rs f i r s t , then to the dark ones) onto the stone. A heavy paper template p r o t e c t s the background from smudges during the p r i n t i n g process. Other colours may be s t e n c i l l e d on (see below) and the colour 58 59 pounded on w i t h a brush thereby a c h i e v i n g more v a r i e t y of colour and te x t u r e . The d i v i s i o n of labour (main p a r t i c i p a n t s being the a r t i s t and the c u t t e r ) and the f a c t that a low r e l i e f design i s cut i n t o a hard s u r f a c e , are the two main s i m i l a r i t i e s to the Japanese wood-cut p r i n t . Houston found i t necessary to adapt ukiyo-e p r i n t methods s i g n i f i c a n t l y f o r the Northern s i t u a t i o n . For example, ukiyo-e woodcutters make a d i f f e r e n t b l ock f o r each colour on the p r i n t . The pigment used i s a water s o l u b l e powder mixed w i t h a r i c e paste and i s a p p l i e d w i t h brushes. (See Saff and S a c i l o t t o , 1978, pp. 53-68.) The S t e n c i l Houston got the idea from watching women work w i t h s e a l s k i n . Shapes were cut out i n the s k i n and then brush-painted through, l e a v i n g images on the paper below. Scraped s e a l s k i n was soon found to be im-p r a c t i c a l and l a t e r s t e n c i l paper (or heavy wax paper) was s u b s t i t u t e d . U s u a l l y f i f t y p r i n t s are made and numbered f o r p u b l i c s a l e . For c l a r i t y i n a u t h e n t i c i t y they are a l s o embossed w i t h the Canadian Eskimo A r t s Council S e a l , p r i n t e d w i t h the co-op mark, and signed by both the print-maker and a r t i s t . Three e x t r a p r i n t s are a l s o p u l l e d : one f o r the Cape Dorset permanent c o l l e c t i o n , another f o r the N a t i o n a l Museum of Canada, and a t h i r d f o r the Department of Indian and Northern A f f a i r s f o r p u b l i c a t i o n and catalogue purposes. The stone, s t e n c i l , e t c . , are then destroyed. A l l drawings u s u a l l y remain i n the co-op. Since 1981, 60 the annual Dorset catalogues note that f i v e proofs are pulled and that p r i n t e r s are now i d e n t i f i e d by personal chops which appear on each p r i n t . GLOSSARY Amautik: Angakoq: Camp L i f e : Contemporary Pe r i o d : Eskimo: H i s t o r i c P eriod: I n u i t : Inukshuk: I n u k t i t u t : K a b l u n a i t : Old Ways: P r e h i s t o r i c P eriod; Sananguaq: The woman's parka. • Shaman. The t r a d i t i o n a l , nomadic l i f e s t y l e . Begins w i t h the time of i n t e n s i f i e d white contact, a f t e r World War I I , or from 1945 onward. Now used predominantly as an ant h r o p o l -o g i c a l and a r c h a e o l o g i c a l term. I t comes from a derogatory "Algonquin word meaning 'eater of raw f l e s h ' . From the d e c l i n e of the Thule P e r i o d and a r r i v a l of the k a b l u n a i t to about the middle of the twe n t i e t h century. 'The People'. The name that the i n h a b i t a n t s of the Canadian A r c t i c have given themselves. Used i n a l l contemporary references. Comes from the stem ' i n u k ' — ' t h e man*. Generally a stone c a i r n i n the shape of a man. Used as a landmark. The language of the I n u i t . 'The people w i t h heavy eyebrows'. The i n u k t i t u t term f o r the white people. The times when the people were s t i l l nomadic. Includes the Pre-Dorset Cul t u r e (or A r c t i c Small Tool T r a d i t i o n , ASTt, ca. 2500 B.C. -800 B.C.); Dorset Cul t u r e (ca. 1000 B.C. -1000 A.D.); and Thule Cul t u r e (ca. 1000 -1600). The making of a model. The c l o s e s t term i n i n u k t i t u t to equal ours of ' a r t ' . S e n l a v i k : The working p l a c e , or s t u d i o . 61 62 Settlement L i f e : L i v i n g i n white e s t a b l i s h e d towns. South: When used i n t h i s paper, r e f e r s to the I n u i t p e r s p e c t i v e . SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY ' BALIKCI, ASEN 1960 "Some A c c u l t u r a t i v e Trends Among The Canadian Eskimo," Anthropologica, n.s., V o l . 2, pp. 139-153. 1970 The N e t s i l i k Eskimo. : Garden C i t y , New York: N a t u r a l H i s t o r y Press. BERRY, JOHN W. 1966 "Temne and Eskimo Perceptual S k i l l s , " I n t e r n a t i o n a l J o u r n a l  of Psychology, V o l . I , No. 3, P a r i s , pp. 207-229. BOAS, FRANZ 1888 "The Ce n t r a l Eskimo," 6th Annual Report, Bureau of Ethnology, Washington, D.C. and U n i v e r s i t y of Nebraska Press, L i n c o l n , 1964. BRIGGS, JOAN L. 1970 Never i n Anger. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard U n i v e r s i t y Press. CARPENTER, EDMUND S. 1955 "Changes i n the Sedna Myth Among the A i v i l i k , " A n t h r o p o l o g i c a l  Papers of the U n i v e r s i t y of Ala s k a , V o l . I l l , pp. 69-73. 1959 Eskimo. With Robert F l a h e r t y and F r e d e r i c V a r l e y . Toronto: U n i v e r s i t y of Toronto Press. 1973 Eskimo R e a l i t i e s . New York: H o l t , Rinehart, and Winston. CARPENTER, E. S. and McLUHAN, M. 1960 "Acoustic Space," i n E x p l o r a t i o n s i n Communication. Boston: Beacon Press (BP-218) 1966, pp. 65-70. COLOMBO, JOHN ROBERT (ed.) 1981 Poems of the I n u i t . Oberon Press. DAWSON, C. E., FREDRICKSON, V-M., AND GRABURN, N. H. H. 1974 T r a d i t i o n s i n T r a n s i t i o n Culture Contact and M a t e r i a l Change. Berkeley, C a l i f o r n i a : Louise Museum of Anthropology. ELIADE, MIRCEA 1970 "Shamanism," i n Forgotten R e l i g i o n s . E d i t e d by V e r g i l i u s T. A. Ferm. Freeport, New York: Books f o r L i b r a r i e s Press. FIRTH, RAYMOND 1966 "The S o c i a l Framework of P r i m i t i v e A r t , " i n The Many Faces of  P r i m i t i v e A r t . Edi t e d by D. Fraser. Englewood C l i f f s , New Jersey: P r e n t i c e H a l l . 63 64 ISAACS, AVROM 1972 "On Dealing i n Eskimo A r t , " Canadian Forum, V o l . 52, J u l y / August, pp. 16-19. JACKSON, MARION 1981 "The A r t of Stonecuts and S t e n c i l s : A Look at the Printmaking Process," North, Summer, pp. 8-15. JENNESS, DIAMOND 1922 "Eskimo A r t s , " Geographical Review, V o l . X I I , A p r i l , pp. 161-174 1964 "Eskimo A d m i n i s t r a t i o n : I I . Canada," Techni c a l Paper No. 14, A r c t i c I n s t i t u t e of North America. JUNG, CARL G. 1964 Man and His Symbols. Garden C i t y , New York: Doubleday and Co., Inc. LANTIS, MARGARET 1970 "The R e l i g i o n of the Eskimos," i n Forgotten R e l i g i o n s . E d i t e d by V e r g i l i u s T. A. Ferm. Freeport, New York: Books f o r L i b r a r i e s Press. LEVINE, L. 1977 "We are S t i l l A l i v e , " Mayday, V o l . l , N o . 1, pp. 8-19. LEWIS, I . M. 1971 E c s t a t i c R e l i g i o n : An A n t h r o p o l o g i c a l Study of S p i r i t Possession  and Shamanism. Penguin Books L t d . LEWIS, RICHARD (ed.) 1971 I Breathe a New Song. New York: Simon and Schuster. LOMMELL, ANDREAS 1967a Shamanism: The Beginnings of A r t . Translated by Michael B u l l o c Toronto: McGraw-Hill Book Company. 1967b World of the E a r l y Hunters. Translated by Michael B u l l o c k . London: Evelyn, Adams, and Mackay. MURPHY, R. F. 1964 " S o c i a l Change and A c c u l t u r a t i s m , " Transactions of the New York  Academy of Sciences, V o l . 26, No. 7, pp. 845-854. MYERS, MARYBELLE 1980 Things Made by I n u i t . Montreal: Federation des Cooperatives du Nouveau Quebec. 1982 " J o s i e Papialook," Beaver, Summer, pp. 22-29. 65 NEUMANN, ERICH 1955 The Great Mother: An A n a l y s i s of the Archetype. Translated by Ralph Manheim. P r i n c e t o n : P r i n c e t o n U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1963. FITZHUGH, WILLIAM W. and KAPLAN, SUSAN A. 1982 Inua. Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian I n s t i t u t i o n Press. FRASER, DOUGLAS 1966 The Many Faces of P r i m i t i v e A r t . Englewood C l i f f s , New Jersey: P r e n t i c e H a l l . GEDALOF, ROBIN (ed.) n.d. Paper Stays Put: A C o l l e c t i o n of I n u i t W r i t i n g . Edmonton: H u r t i g P u b l i s h e r s . GRABURN, NELSON H. H. 1971 " T r a d i t i o n a l Economic I n s t i t u t i o n s and the A c c u l t u r a t i o n of Canadian Eskimso," i n Studies i n Economic Anthropology. E d i t e d by G. Daltbn. Washington: American A n t h r o p o l o g i c a l A s s o c i a t i o n . 1974 "A P r e l i m i n a r y A n a l y s i s of Symbolism i n Eskimo A r t , " Proceedings  of the F o r t i e t h I n t e r n a t i o n a l Congress of Am e r i c a n i s t s , V o l . 2, Rome, pp. 165-170. GRAY, PHILIP HOWARD 1974 Eskimo A r t i s t s . Boze, Montana. HERCHMER, H. L. 1980 "Twelfth Province," Canadian Heritage, June, pp. 22-24. HERSKOVITS, M. J . 1959 " A r t and Value," i n Aspects of P r i m i t i v e A r t by R.obert R e d f i e l d , M. J . H e r s k o v i t s , and Gordon F. Ekholm. New York: Museum of P r i m i t i v e A r t . HOFFMAN, WALTER J . 1897 The Graphic A r t of the Eskimos. Washington: Smithsonian I n s t i t u t e . HOUSTON, JAMES 1956 "My Friend Angatiawak," Canadian A r t , V o l . 12, Winter, pp. 222-224. 1960 "Eskimo Graphic A r t , " Canadian A r t , V o l . 17, January, pp. 8-15. 1967 Eskimo P r i n t s . Barre Mass.: Barre P u b l i s h e r s . HUGHES, C. C. 1965 "Under Four F l a g s : Recent Culture Change Among the Eskimos," Current Anthropology, V o l . VI, No. 1, February, pp. 3-69. 66 IGLAUER, EDITH 1962 I n u i t Journey. Vancouver: Douglas and Mcl n t y r e , 1979. PITSEOLAK, PETER 1975 People From Our Side. Edmonton: H u r t i g P u b l i s h e r s . 1976 "Coming of the Whitemen: How i t looked from our s i d e , " North, V o l . 23, July/August, pp. 40-42. RAINE, DAVID F. 1980 P i t s e o l a k : A Canadian Tragedy. Edmonton: H u r t i g P u b l i s h e r s . RASMUSSEN, KNUD 1929 I n t e l l e c t u a l C u l t u r e of the I g l u l i k Eskimos. F i f t h Thule, V o l . V I I , No. 1. 1931 The N e t s i l i k Eskimos: S o c i a l L i f e and S p i r i t u a l C u l t u r e . F i f t h Thule, V o l . V I I I , No. 1 & 2. 1973 Eskimo Poems: from Greenland and Canada. Translated and edited by Tom Lowenstein. U n i v e r s i t y of P i t t s b u r g h Press. RAY, DOROTHY JEAN 1977 Eskimo A r t : T r a d i t i o n and Innovation i n North Alaska. Vancouver: S. S. Douglas L t d . RINK, HENRIK 1875 Tales and T r a d i t i o n s of the Eskimo. London: W i l l i a m Blackwood and Sons, 1974. SAFF, DONALD and SACILOTTO, DELI 1978 Printmaking: H i s t o r y and Process. New York: H o l t , Rinehart, and Winston. SCHAEFER, OTTO 1976 "Yesterday and Today," A r c t i c , V o l . 29, March, pp. 87-91. SCHWARTZ, F. H. 1978 "The Cape Dorset Report," I n u i t Today, V o l . 4, No. 7, June, pp. 13-57. SWINTON, GEORGE 1967 "The Magico-Religious B a s i s , " i n " P r e h i s t o r i c Dorset A r t " by W i l l i a m E. Ta y l o r , J r . and George Swinton, Beaver, Autumn, pp. 32-47. 1971/72 "Eskimo A r t Reconsidered," artscanada, V o l . 28, December/ January, pp. 85-94. 1972 Sculpture of the Eskimo. Toronto: McClelland and Stewart. 67 TAYLOR, WILLIAM E. JR. 1967 "The S i l e n t Echoes of C u l t u r e , " i n " P r e h i s t o r i c Dorset A r t " by W i l l i a m E. Ta y l o r , J r . and George Swinton. Beaver, Autumn, pp. 32-47. THOMSON, J . S. and THOMAS, C. 1981 " S p i r i t s of Ear t h and Water," Canadian C o l l e c t o r , M a r c h / A p r i l , pp. 39-42. VAN STEENSEL, MAJA (ed.) 1966 People of L i g h t and Dark. Ottawa: Department of Indian A f f a i r s and Northern Development. VASTOKAS, JOAN 1967 "The R e l a t i o n of Form to Iconography i n Eskimo Masks," Beaver Autumn, pp. 26-31. 1971/72 " C o n t i n u i t i e s i n Eskimo Graphic S t y l e , " artscanada, V o l . 28, DEcember/January, pp. 68-83. 1973/74 "The Shamanic Tree of L i f e , " artscanada, V o l . 30, December/ January, pp. 25-30. AGNES ETHERINGTON CENTRE 1979 I n u i t A r t i n the 1970's. Kingston. CANADIAN ESKIMO ARTS COUNCIL 1971 Sculpture I n u i t : Masterworks of the Canadian A r c t i c . Toronto: U n i v e r s i t y of Toronto Press. NATIONAL MUSEUM OF MAN 1977 The I n u i t P r i n t . Ottawa. UNIVERSITY OF ALBERTA 1978 I n u i t Games and Contests: the C l i f f o r d E. Lee C o l l e c t i o n of P r i n t s . I n t r o d u c t i o n by George Swinton. Text by Helen C o l l i n s o n . Edmonton. WEST BAFFIN ESKIMO COOPERATIVE Cape Dorset Annual Graphics C o l l e c t i o n . Toronto. WINNIPEG ART GALLERY 1978 The Coming and Going of the Shaman: Eskimo Shamanism and A r t . Text by Jean B l o d g e t t . Winnipeg. 1979 Eskimo N a r r a t i v e . Winnipeg. 1980a Cape Dorset. Winnipeg. 1980b The I n u i t Amautik: I L i k e My Hood to be F u l l . Text by Bernadette D r i s c o l l . Winnipeg. 1982 I n u i t Myths, Legends, and Songs. Text by Bernadette D r i s c o l l . Winnipeg. 70 Figure 5. Drawing by Enooesweetok—collected by film-maker Robert Flaherty, 1913-14. C o l l e c t i o n : The Royal Ontario Museum, Toronto. Source: Vastokas, 1971/72, p. 72. Figure 6. Drawing by Enooesweetok of the Sikosilingmint Tribe, Fox Land, B a f f i n Island, Collected by Robert Flaherty. Source: Carpenter, 1973, p. 169, Figure 7. Long Journey. #36-1974. Stonecut. Figure 9. Tudlik (Loon). #38-1974. Stonecut. Figure 10. Fish Lake. #37-1966. Stonecut. Figure 12. Spring Landscape. Stonecut and S t e n c i l . #53-1977. 74 75 Figure 15. Naujaq Umiallu (Seagull and Boats). 1978. Lithograph. Figure 16. #34-1963. Eagle Carrying Man. Stonecut. 77 78 hut,,. il, into id higl is nude » i t l i JJJ Figure 21. Middle: Female f i g u r i n e s . I g l o o l i k area Thule Culture. Ivory, l e n g t h lh" to 2". C o l l e c t i o n : Eskimo Museum, C h u r c h i l l . Source: Swinton, 1972, p. 117. Bottom: B i r d f i g u r i n e s . I g l o o l i k area Thule C u l t u r e . I v o r y , length 1%" to 2". C o l l e c t i o n : Eskimo Museum, C h u r c h i l l . Source: Swinton, 1972, p. 117. Figure 22. Woman With B i r d  Image. #14-1961. Stonecut. 79 Figure 23. Shaman's Dwelling. #32-1975. Stonecut. Figure 24. Two Loons at Sea. #52-1979. Stonecut and S t e n c i l . 81 Figure 27. Metiq on M a l l i k (Duck on a Wave). #39-1983. Lithograph. Figure 28. V i s i o n of Two Worlds. #19-1983. Lithograph and S t e n c i l . 83 Pudlo GreyBirdlUn oiseau gns 20'/4-x 25 V , Edition 50 Pudlo Women at the Fish Lakes! Femmes se preparant A la peche 1 4 V x 1 8 V 2 " . Edition 75 Pudlo Fishing/Peche 20'/4-x 2 5 V . Edition 50 Pudlo Landscape with Caribou! Paysage et cahbou 22" x 2 5 V Edition 50 Figure 31. Bottom r i g h t : Landscape with Caribou. 1977. Lithograph. Figure 32. Timiat Nunamiut (The Body of Land). 1976. Lithograph. Habitat com-mission. Source: Dorset, 1981, p. 73. 1976. 

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