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An evaluation framework for citizen participation in urban transportation planning Innes, Robert George 1988

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AN EVALUATION FRAMEWORK FOR CITIZEN PARTICIPATION IN URBAN TRANSPORTATION PLANNING By Robert George Innes B.A., The University of Guelph, 1980 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES The School of Community and Regional Planning We accept t h i s thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA September 1988 ©Robert George Innes, 1988 In p resen t ing this thesis in partial f u l f i lmen t o f t h e requ i remen ts fo r an advanced d e g r e e at t he Univers i ty o f British C o l u m b i a , I agree that t h e Library shall make it f ree ly available f o r re ference and s tudy . I fu r ther agree tha t permiss ion f o r ex tens ive c o p y i n g o f th is thesis f o r scholar ly pu rposes may b e g ran ted by the head o f m y d e p a r t m e n t o r by his o r her representat ives. It is u n d e r s t o o d that c o p y i n g o r pub l i ca t i on o f th is thesis fo r f inancial gain shall n o t be a l l o w e d w i t h o u t m y w r i t t e n pe rm iss ion . The Univers i ty o f Brit ish C o l u m b i a Vancouver , Canada D e p a r t m e n t o f Date DE-6 (2/88) ABSTRACT Although the planning and implementation of recent transportation projects have attempted to involve the public at c r i t i c a l stages, the persistance of c o n f l i c t s between an e f f i c i e n t metropolitan transportation system and the needs of residents of the quiet enjoyment of their communities suggests the need to study and evaluate the effectiveness of participatory planning. This thesis explores the role of c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n in urban transportation planning and proposes an evaluation framework which is tested through i t s application to two recent transportation projects. This framework includes nine requisites for e f f e c t i v e c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n which were drawn from the l i t e r a t u r e and the review of other related transportation case studies. These requisites relate to: •Objectives Defined *Good Timing • E f f e c t i v e Communications • A c c e s s i b i l i t y to the Process •Government Responsiveness •Community Representation •Commitment • C r e d i b i l i t y • F l e x i b i l i t y By drawing on the experiences and perceptions of key participants of each case, the thesis assessed the effectiveness of each program. An evaluation matrix which i s also based on these r e q u i s i t e s i s also proposed as a planning t o o l . i i The framework i s t e s t e d t h rough i t s a p p l i c a t i o n t o the C a s s i a r S t r e e t Connector case i n Vancouver and t h e K e n s i n g t o n Avenue Overpass p r o j e c t i n Burnaby. S e l e c t e d p a r t i c i p a n t s c o v e r i n g the l o c a l community, and a p p o i n t e d and e l e c t e d m u n i c i p a l and p r o v i n c i a l o f f i c i a l s who were i n v o l v e d i n each case were i n t e r v i e w e d . Through t h e i r p e r c e p t i o n s and i n s i g h t s , the framework was used t o a s s e s s the e f f e c t i v e n e s s of the c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n component of the c a s e . R e s u l t s suggest t h a t the framework can be c o n s i d e r e d a p o s i t i v e s t e p towards a more g e n e r a l framework and towards a g e n e r a l improvement i n the f i e l d of e v a l u a t i o n . W h i l e not a c o n c l u s i v e or e x h a u s t i v e l i s t of r e q u i s i t e s , the framework does o f f e r the advantage of i n c l u d i n g t h o s e r e q u i s i t e s w hich, a c c o r d i n g t o both the l i t e r a t u r e and the i n t e r v i e w e e s , are fundamental t o p a r t i c i p a t o r y p l a n n i n g . The proposed m a t r i x s h o u l d be c o n s i d e r e d as an e f f e c t i v e p l a n n i n g t o o l which a l l o w s f o r e v a l u a t i o n and m o n i t o r i n g complete p a r t i c i p a t i o n programs as w e l l as f o c u s s i n g on a s p e c i f i c r e q u i s i t e . F u r t h e r m o r e , i t can be used as b o t h an i n t e r i m and f i n a l r e p o r t c a r d on a c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n program. The m a t r i x a l s o l e n d s i t s e l f t o a s p r e a d s h e e t a p p l i c a t i o n . The t h e s i s s u g gests the importance of a w e l l d e f i n e d o r g a n i z a t i o n a l s t r u c t u r e f o r c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n such as an a d v i s o r y body or s u p e r v i s o r y committee. These s t r u c t u r e s appear t o o f f e r advantages i n p r o v i d i n g a forum f o r the major p a r t i c i p a n t s , i n c l u d i n g the a f f e c t e d communities, t o p a r t i c i p a t e e f f e c t i v e l y i n the p l a n n i n g p r o c e s s . F u r t h e r m o r e , the t h e s i s recommends t h a t the P r o v i n c i a l M i n i s t r y of T r a n s p o r t a t i o n and Highways' t r a n s p o r t a t i o n p l a n n i n g e f f o r t s would b e n e f i t from a s t r o n g p u b l i c c o n s u l t a t i o n f u n c t i o n , t o complement i t s e n g i n e e r i n g and t e c h n i c a l mandates. i v TABLE OF CONTENTS Abstract i i Table of Contents v Maps v i i Figures v i i Chapter One: Introduction, Purpose and Methodology 1 .0 Introduction 1 1.1 Purpose and Objectives of Study 2 1.2 Significance of the Study 3 1 . 3 Methodology 4 1.4 Scope and Limitations of the Study 9 1.5 Organization of the Study 10 1.6 C l a r i f i c a t i o n of C r i t i c a l Terms 11 Chapter Two: Citizen P a r t i c i p a t i o n in Urban Transportation Planning 2.1 Introduction 12 2.2 Roots of Citizen P a r t i c i p a t i o n 12 2.3 Representative versus Direct Democracy 16 2.4 Defining C i t i z e n P a r t i c i p a t i o n 17 2.5 The Purpose of Ci t i z e n P a r t i c i p a t i o n 20 2.6 Advantages of C i t i z e n P a r t i c i p a t i o n 24 2.7 Disadvantages of Ci t i z e n P a r t i c i p a t i o n 26 2.8 Evolution of Ci t i z e n P a r t i c i p a t i o n in Urban Transportation Planning 29 2.9 Why Evaluate C i t i z e n Participation? 33 2.10 The Canadian Experience 36 2.11 The Elements of Ef f e c t i v e C i t i z e n P a r t i c i p a t i o n (A Conceptual Framework) 41 Chapter Three: The Case Studies 3.1 Introduction 54 3.2 The Cassiar Street Connector History 55 The Participants 65 Cit i z e n P a r t i c i p a t i o n in the Process 68 v 3.3 The K e n s i n g t o n Road Overpass H i s t o r y 74 The P a r t i c i p a n t s 81 C i t i z e n P a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the P r o c e s s 83 Ch a p t e r F o u r : A n a l y s i s 4.1 I n t r o d u c t i o n 88 4.2 The C a s s i a r S t r e e t Connector 89 4.2.1 Element #1 O b j e c t i v e D e f i n i t i o n 89 4.2.2 Element #2 T i m i n g 93 4.2.3 Element #3 Communiciation 99 4.2.4 Element #4 A c c e s s i b i l i t y t o P r o c e s s . . . . 103 4.2.5 Element #5 Government R e s p o n s i v e n e s s . . . 105 4.2.6 Element #6 Community R e p r e s e n t a t i o n . . . . 108 4.2.7 Element #7 Commitment 109 4.2.8 Element #8 C r e d i b i l i t y 112 4.2.9 Element #9 F l e x i b i l i t y 114 4.3 The K e n s i n g t o n Road Overpass 4.3.1 Element #1 O b j e c t i v e D e f i n i t i o n 115 4.3.2 Element #2 T i m i n g 117 4.3.3 Element #3 Communication 121 4.3.4 Element #4 A c c e s s i b i l i t y t o P r o c e s s . . . . 123 4.3.5 Element #5 Government Responsiveness..125 4.3.6 Element #6 Community R e p r e s e n t a t i o n . . . . 127 4.3.7 Element #7 Commitment 129 4.3.8 Element #8 C r e d i b i l i t y 131 4.3.9 Element #9 F l e x i b i l i t y 132 4.4 An E v a l u a t i o n M a t r i x 134 C h a p t e r F i v e : C o n c l u s i o n s and Recommendations 137 B i b l i o g r a p h y 144 P e r s o n a l I n t e r v i e w s 149 vi ; -L i s t of Maps and Figures Map 1-Location of Cassiar Street/Hastings-Sunrise.... 7 Map 2- Location of Kensington Overpass 8 Figure 1- An Evaluation Framework 52 Figure 2- An Evaluation Matrix 136 CHAPTER ONE 1.0 Introduction The e f f i c i e n c y and equity of the transportation system are important in the context of the metropolitan economy, i t s s o c i a l and environmental linkages and the perceptions of costs and benefits to c i t i z e n s . There is evidence to show however that metropolitan transportation planning has too often contributed to community environmental deterioration. In recent years, the planning and implementation of urban transportation projects have recognized this and have attempted to involve the affected c i t i z e n s . Yet, c o n f l i c t s between the needs for an e f f i c i e n t transportation system and the needs of residents for the quiet enjoyment of their communities continue to emerge. Past experiences in c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n in r e l a t i o n to urban transportation provide planners with valuable lessons with which to make public involvement in transportation planning more ef f e c t i v e and constructive. Furthermore, the l i t e r a t u r e on c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n offer planners a wealth of information on e f f e c t i v e participatory processes. It is from these two sources that evaluation c r i t e r i a w i l l be drawn to be used in assessing the effectiveness of public involvement in transportation planning. 1 As the need for greater metropolitan a c c e s s i b i l i t y grows, the demands for increased public involvement w i l l also grow. In response, planners must be ready with an e f f e c t i v e participatory process in order that those c i t i z e n s who are impacted by a transportation planning decision are aware of the appropriate avenues to meaningful p a r t i c i p a t i o n . In the United States in p a r t i c u l a r , public values are becoming the p r i n c i p a l c r i t e r i a for evaluating transportation projects of a l l kinds. (Roden, 1984, VII-2). In Canada, as evident from the case studies to be examined here, there is also a growing concern by planners and engineers for the recognition of public concerns and values in urban transportation planning. Gone are the days when t r a f f i c demand and other s t r i c t l y quantitative factors were the basis of transportation planning. 1.1 Purpose and Objectives of the Study The p r i n c i p a l aim of t h i s study i s to propose and test a c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n evaluation framework for urban transportation planning in Canada. This framework can serve as a basis for further t e s t i n g and refinements by other planners in similar cases. Planners need to better understand the relationship between metropolitan transportation planning and the needs of communities for environmental quali t y , and i t is hoped that this study w i l l o f f e r a positive step in this d i r e c t i o n . Meaningful public involvement in the planning 2 process i s a necessary component in f a c i l i t a t i n g t h i s understanding. S p e c i f i c study objectives are: (1) To propose, for further testing and refinement, an evaluation framework for positive c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n for urban transportation planning in Canada. (2) To examine the c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n component of two transportation planning processes within the Greater Vancouver area by drawing on the experience of important participants in each of these cases. (3) To assess the effectiveness of the c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n processes associated with these two cases. (4) To ident i f y planning implications and recommendations re l a t i n g to c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n in urban transportation planning which w i l l help planners professionally in similar projects. 1.2 Significance of the Study This study w i l l examine and evaluate the effectiveness of c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n in the development and implementation of two transportation projects in a metropolitan area. An evaluation framework for c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n i s proposed 3 which includes nine re q u i s i t e s for a p a r t i c i p a t i o n program. This framework i s then tested by evaluating the participatory process in each case. It is assumed in the study that the achievement of an e f f e c t i v e process w i l l lead to an eff e c t i v e outcome which balances the needs for metropolitan access with the needs for r e s i d e n t i a l environmental q u a l i t y . In this manner, the thesis w i l l supplement the l i t e r a t u r e on c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n which has not dealt extensively with evaluation. It is stressed that while the framework presented here represents a valuable contribution to the l i t e r a t u r e , i t is only one step towards improving c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n evaluation processes. But, i t i s only through systematic evaluations such as t h i s , that community planners w i l l be able to improve their own effectiveness and through which c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n programs w i l l remain meaningful, constructive and relevant. While the study w i l l examine two well-known cases in the Greater Vancouver area, i t i s also hoped that the framework developed herein w i l l prove useful to both community planners and urban transportation planners in other Canadian c i t i e s . 1.3 Methodology In order to measure the effectiveness of c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n in urban transportation planning, a case study approach has been adopted. The basic methodology for the study i s outlined below. 4 1. F i r s t , a conceptual framework, which includes nine requisites for an e f f e c t i v e c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n program, has been developed from the l i t e r a t u r e and from a review of other similar urban transportation planning projects in Canada. 2. Second, t h i s framework i s tested through i t s a p p l i c a t i o n to two recent urban transportation planning projects in the Greater Vancouver area. Overviews of these two cases were developed through secondary sources such as municipal f i l e s , newspaper a r t i c l e s and reports. A preliminary l i s t of participants including c i t i z e n representatives, c i v i c and pr o v i n c i a l staff as well as c i v i c and p r o v i n c i a l elected o f f i c i a l s who were involved in each case was drawn which was followed by a series of personal, open ended interviews. These interviews not only yielded additional d e t a i l s on the projects but also provided the study's primary a n a l y t i c a l basis through each participant's unique insights and perceptions on the public process in each project. The names of additional participants were sought from the i n i t i a l interviewees through a system termed by R.S. Bolan (1975) as "reputational snowballing". A l i s t of interviewees i s provided in Appendix A. 5 Case One: C a s s i a r S t r e e t C o n n e c t o r , Vancouver. In the H a s t i n g s - S u n r i s e community i n E a s t Vancouver, C a s s i a r S t r e e t between the Trans-Canada Highway and the Second Narrows B r i d g e has l o n g been a c o n t e n t i o u s i s s u e t o a r e a r e s i d e n t s . As an i m p o r t a n t c o n n e c t o r i n the t r a n s p o r t a t i o n system, C a s s i a r S t r e e t f u n n e l s more than 50,000 v e h i c l e s per day t h rough the m i d d l e of the n eighbourhood. L o c a l a r e a r e s i d e n t s , the C i t y of Vancouver and the P r o v i n c i a l Government have been engaged f o r s e v e r a l y e a r s i n p l a n n i n g f o r t h i s t r a n s p o r t a t i o n f a c i l i t y . (See Map 1) Case Two: K e n s i n g t o n Avenue Overpass, Burnaby. The c o n s t r u c t i o n of the K e n s i n g t o n Avenue Overpass over the B u r l i n g t o n N o r t h e r n R a i l w a y and the Lougheed Highway was one of a s e r i e s of c o n t r o v e r s i a l t r a n s p o r t a t i o n i s s u e s i n Burnaby d u r i n g the 1970's and e a r l y 1980's. The o v e r p a s s and the e x t e n s i o n of K e n s i n g t o n Avenue as an a r t e r i a l was s o u n d l y c r i t i c i z e d by a r e a r e s i d e n t s who p e r c e i v e d t h a t the p r o j e c t t h r e a t e n e d the e n v i r o n m e n t a l q u a l i t y of a d j a c e n t r e s i d e n t i a l neighbourhoods. The K e n s i n g t o n Avenue i s s u e proved t o be the c a t a l y s t f o r the p r e p a r a t i o n of the D i s t r i c t ' s Comprehensive T r a n s p o r t a t i o n P l a n . (See Map 2) 3. T h i r d , t h e e v a l u a t i o n framework i t s e l f was a s s e s s e d based on the case s t u d y a n a l y s i s . An e v a l u t i o n m a t r i x which can be e a s i l y used and a d a p t e d by p l a n n e r s i n a s s e s s i n g c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n p r o c e s s e s i s proposed and t e s t e d . T h i s m a t r i x supplements the e v a l u a t i o n framework by summarizing the a n a l y s e s of t h e two c a s e s t u d i e s . 4. F o u r t h , g e n e r a l p l a n n i n g i m p l i c a t i o n s and recommendations r e l a t i n g t o c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n urban t r a n s p o r t a t i o n p l a n n i n g and t h e e v a l u a t i o n of c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n were de v e l o p e d . 6 MAP 1 LOCATION AND CONTEXT OF CASSIAR STREET/HASTINGS - SUNRISE TRANS-CANADA HIGHWAY i HASTINGS-SUNRISE MAP 2 LOCATION AND CONTEXT OF KENSINGTON OVERPASS 8 1.4 Scope and L i m i t a t i o n s of the T h e s i s T h i s study i s concerned w i t h e x a m i n i n g the c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n p r o c e s s e s of two case s t u d i e s . I n the C a s s i a r Connector c a s e , the e v a l u a t i o n i s c o n f i n e d t o t h e p e r i o d from 1980 when the M i n i s t e r of T r a n s p o r t a t i o n and Highways announced the p r e l i m i n a r y p l a n s f o r t h e Connector u n t i l the time when the " r e f i n e d composite scheme", as a pr o d u c t of consensus among the major p a r t i c i p a n t s , was s e l e c t e d as the p r e f e r r e d Connector a l i g n m e n t . T h i s p e r i o d of time c o v e r s the phase of most i n t e n s e c i t i z e n i n v o l v e m e n t . E x a m i n a t i o n of the K e n s i n g t o n Avenue Overpass case i s l i m i t e d t o the p e r i o d commencing i n 1974 w i t h the a d o p t i o n of the D i s t r i c t of Burnaby's 1974 T r a n s p o r t a t i o n P l a n which i n c l u d e d the M u n i c i p a l i t y ' s p r o p o s a l f o r t h e o v e r p a s s and the u p g r a d i n g of K e n s i n g t o n Avenue t o an a r t e r i a l r o u t e . The a p p r o v a l by M u n i c i p a l C o u n c i l f o r t h e Burnaby Comprehensive T r a n s p o r t a t i o n P l a n i n 1979 which i n c l u d e d the compromise scheme f o r the o v e r p a s s marks the end of the a n a l y s i s p e r i o d . C e r t a i n l i m i t a t i o n s a s s o c i a t e d w i t h t h e methodology used h e r e i n must a l s o be r e c o g n i z e d . F i r s t , because t h i s a n a l y s i s r e l i e s h e a v i l y on the p e r c e p t i o n of s e v e r a l p a r t i c i p a n t s and a t t e m p t s t o measure an e s s e n t i a l l y q u a l i t a t i v e a s p e c t , i t i s open t o a degree of s u b j e c t i v i t y and b i a s . A l s o , s i n c e the case s t u d i e s have e v o l v e d over l o n g p e r i o d s of t i m e , c e r t a i n key i n d i v i d u a l s were u n a v a i l a b l e f o r comment. T h i s was accompanied by the p o t e n t i a l problem of poor r e c o l l e c t i o n of 9 c e r t a i n d e t a i l s by the participants. By interviewing a broad cross-section of participants the problem of s u b j e c t i v i t y w i l l be e f f e c t i v e l y reduced. Second, since the data and interviews were conducted by an independent party, the influence of bias w i l l also be reduced. The framework proposed here also offers further refinement in the f i e l d of evaluation in that i t combines the essential process and outcome oriented elements for c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n . In the past, evaluation exercises have tended to focus primarily on process elements which, although have yielded valuable i n s i g h t s , have not zeroed in on effectiveness measures such as representativeness, l e v e l of awareness, and participants' influence and impact at the decision making phase. The evalution matrix presented in Chapter Four also reduces the inherent s u b j e c t i v i t y . 1.5 Organization of the Thesis This thesis i s divided into fi v e chapters. Chapter One outlines the p r a c t i c a l significance and the purpose and objectives of the thesis and also provides an affirmation of the value of c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n in urban transportation planning. Chapter Two considers the general theoretical context of c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n in planning and then s p e c i f i c a l l y in urban transportation planning. The evolution of c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n , i t s major advantages and l i m i t a t i o n s and the rationale for evaluating public p a r t i c i p a t i o n in 10 planning are then considered. A conceptual framework, comprised of nine requisites of an e f f e c t i v e public consultation process and which are considered fundamental to public planning, is proposed and which w i l l be used to evaluate the two case studies. Chapter Three presents a d e t a i l e d description of the two case studies. The chapter outlines both the Cassiar Street Connector and the Kensington Street Overpass in terms of their h i s t o r i e s , the major participants and the role of public p a r t i c i p a t i o n . Chapter Four analyses each of the two case studies by testing the conceptual framework that was proposed in Chapter Two. The effectiveness of c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n in each case is measured in terms of each of these requisites. An evaluation matrix which summarizes the analysis and which can be used by other planners is also proposed. The f i n a l chapter of the thesis presents the conclusion of the study and outlines recommendations for further evaluation of c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n in urban transportation planning. Areas of further research are also suggested. 1.5 C l a r i f i c a t i o n of C r i t i c a l Terms In t h i s particular study, four terms; c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n , public p a r t i c i p a t i o n , public involvement, and open planning process, are used interchangeably throughout the thesis and are assumed to capture s i m i l a r planning a c t i v i t i e s . 1 1 CHAPTER TWO CITIZEN PARTICIPATION IN PLANNING 2.1 Introduction The purposes of t h i s chapter are to review the l i t e r a t u r e on evaluating the effectiveness of c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n in planning and to develop an evaluation framework. We s t a r t with c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n in general. The roots and purposes of c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n must be considered, a working d e f i n i t i o n formulated and f i n a l l y both the positive and negative aspects of p a r t i c i p a t i o n must be i d e n t i f i e d . Next, the evolution of c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n i s examined in r e l a t i o n to urban transportation planning. In the l i t e r a t u r e on c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n in transportation planning, nine requisites of e f f e c t i v e c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n programs are i d e n t i f i e d . These form a conceptual framework which i s l a t e r used to evaluate the two case studies. 2.2 Roots of C i t i z e n P a r t i c i p a t i o n in Planning Although the h i s t o r i c a l roots of c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n in planning and public p o l i c y decision making can be traced to the e a r l i e s t days of l i b e r a l democracy, i t has only been since the 1950's and early 1960's that c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n has been considered an " i d e n t i f i a b l e and organized movement" (Oosthuizen, 1984, 203) The post-World War II period has been characterized by public demand for an increased role in 12 decision making and planning. Several reasons have been advanced in the l i t e r a t u r e to explain the increase of c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n as one of the central elements of contemporary community planning. F i r s t , public alienation from government agencies that f a i l e d to consider the s o c i a l and environmental impacts of large public f a c i l i t i e s was growing. In response, increasing awareness and activism associated with environmental issues soon prompted central authorities to take note and address the demands for public involvement in the policy process. Second, the emergence of a diverse, p l u r a l society in the 1950's and 1960's threatened t r a d i t i o n a l planning methods which had long been the exclusive domain of professionals and technical experts. F i n a l l y , the inherent commitment by public planners to s o c i a l issues and equity reinforced the profession's need to consult the public on a variety of issues. The public's increasing d i s i l l u s i o n with central authority, the processes and e f f e c t s of planning, and a growing awareness of environmental issues were central to the emerging s o c i a l activism of the early 1960's. No longer was the public prepared to allow further widespread community disruption and d i s l o c a t i o n caused by urban renewal schemes, housing developments and in the United States, the a n t i -poverty programs. Cullingworth notes that during t h i s period, 1 3 C i t i z e n s , responding to a growing sense of f r u s t r a t i o n at their i n a b i l i t y to control the development of their own c i t i e s and neighbourhoods, demanded that t h e i r views be better represented in City H a l l . (Cullingworth, 1984, 8) C i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n in planning can be seen largely as a by-product of this activism which in several cases helped to stop or at least postpone a number of large c a p i t a l projects in many major urban centres. It i s not e n t i r e l y f a i r however to equate c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n with the c a n c e l l a t i o n of several large urban renewal or transportation projects. C i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n was also seen as a positive means to advance the involvement of c i t i z e n s and the sharing of r e s p o n s i b i l i t y in many other planning decisions. P a r t i c u l a r l y in the United States, c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n emerged during t h i s period as a means to induce co-operation in urban renewal and to help support the rights of the poor in the American anti-poverty programs. (Burke, 1979, 12; Oosthuizen, 1984, 208) A discernable increase in the public's interest for environmental matters was also evident during t h i s period. Oosthuizen notes that "people were better educated, enjoyed improved l i v i n g standards and consequently had more time to devote to such public matters." (Oosthuizen, 1984, 209) Of p a r t i c u l a r public concern again were the devastating environmental impacts of major renewal projects and transportation improvements on urban communities. 1 4 The planning profession i t s e l f can also be credited in part with the emergence of participatory decision making processes. Through the nature of the profession's purpose and inherent commitment to public welfare and s o c i a l equity, planners had developed a sympathetic ear to public concerns and involvement in the planning process. In addition, the growing complexity of urban l i f e during the 1960's, r e f l e c t e d in the growth of numerous competing interests spawning new demands for p a r t i c i p a t i o n , i s also considered by planners as one of the basic d r i v i n g forces behind public p a r t i c i p a t i o n . (Oosthuizen, 1984, 209) It was apparent that within t h i s urban complexity c i t i z e n s were trying to protect t h e i r own interests in the face of growing environmental and s o c i a l disruption. By providing opportunities for involvement, c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n processes helped solve both the communication and organizational problems which accompanied an increasingly p l u r a l society. Burke supports t h i s statement and also notes that the evolution of multiple planning centres and a changed decision making environment had a l t e r e d the t r a d i t i o n a l rational and comprehensive concept of planning. "Planning was no longer the exclusive domain of technical experts and as such could no longer afford not to include the public in key public policy decisions." (Burke, 1979, 14) 1 5 2.3 R e p r e s e n t a t i v e v e r s u s D i r e c t Democracy: Why C i t i z e n  P a r t i c i p a t i o n ? But g i v e n the Canadian form of r e p r e s e n t a t i v e democracy which s u p p o s e d l y p r o v i d e s a l i n k between government and t h o s e b e i n g governed, why are a d d i t i o n a l avenues of p o l i t i c a l i n volvement n e c e s s a r y ? Are not the b a l l o t box, p u b l i c h e a r i n g s and d i r e c t communication w i t h a r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s u f f i c i e n t t o p r o v i d e r e s p o n s i v e governance. Not so, a c c o r d i n g t o S e w e l l and Coppock, who w h i l e r e c o g n i z i n g the m e r i t s of t h e r e p r e s e n t a t i v e system, a l s o see the v a l u e i n more d i r e c t d e m o c r a t i c p r o c e s s e s p r o v i d e d by c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n . They suggest t h a t the r e p r e s e n t a t i v e form of governance i s l e s s than p e r f e c t . T h i s ( r e p r e s e n t a t i v e system) works w e l l when t h e i n t e r e s t s can be i d e n t i f i e d , when those a f f e c t e d can a r t i c u l a t e t h e i r views and when c h a n n e l s of communication are w e l l - known t o the i n d i v i d u a l s i n v o l v e d . I t works l e s s w e l l when i t i s d i f f i c u l t t o d e t e r m i n e p r e c i s e l y whose i n t e r e s t s would be a f f e c t e d and when p e o p l e do not have t o convey t h e i r v i e w s . ( S e w e l l and Coppock, 1979,1) S e w e l l and Coppock see d e m o c r a t i c p r o c e s s e s such as c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n as an e f f e c t i v e complement t o our r e p r e s e n t a t i v e form of government, not as i t s replacement. They add t h a t the concept of r e p r e s e n t a t i v e democracy has been somewhat t a r n i s h e d by the emergence of s t r o n g p o l i t i c a l i d e o l o g i e s and by v o t i n g systems w h i c h a l l o w the e l e c t i o n of those who do not have an a b s o l u t e m a j o r i t y . ( S e w e l l and Coppock, 1979, 1) M i c h a e l Clague a l s o sees the use of the b a l l o t box as t h e p r i n c i p a l form of p o l i t i c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n Canada as one of 1 6 the inadequacies of representative government. He suggests the need for more d i r e c t ongoing participatory processes which w i l l also help address two other weaknesses he sees in the Canadian p o l i t i c a l process. Another serious weakness l i e s in the growing misalignment of our three formal l e g i s l a t i v e levels in Canada among themselves and increasingly to the populace as a whole the t h i r d weakness i s the information problem....citizens, l e g i s l a t o r s and bureaucrats are unable at present to maintain a communication flow that informs, educates and instructs a l l parties involved. (Clague, 1971, 35). 2.4 A D e f i n i t i o n of C i t i z e n P a r t i c i p a t i o n From a survey of the l i t e r a t u r e i t would appear that there are as many d e f i n i t i o n s of c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n as there are authors on the subject. Two common themes however emerge in the l i t e r a t u r e . The f i r s t theme sees c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n as a means of sharing decision making and p o s i t i v e l y influencing the policy process. A second theme considers c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n as a means to control power and decision making. The f i r s t theme- c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n as a means of sharing r e s p o n s i b i l i t y and influence, has been put forward by authors such as Michael Fagence. Fagence argues that c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n i s a decision making relationship, an exercise in c o llaboration. (Fagence, 1977, 4) From this perspective, p a r t i c i p a t i o n i s also viewed as a means to broaden the base of the p l u r a l i s t system so that planning and decision making become open processes of management. (Smith, 1984, 254) 1 7 Des Connor shares this perspective and sees c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n as: "a systematic process of mutual education and co-operation that provides an opportunity for those affected, their representatives and technical s p e c i a l i s t s to work together to create a plan" (Connor, 1985, 1-3) Roden addressed th i s collaborative perspective of c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n by recognizing that community involvement becomes the process of bringing together a l l of the people who can contribute to a solution in a consultative decision making process...(Roden, 1984, 11 — 1 ) To other authors, the collaborative and p o s i t i v e perspective i s seen through the objectives of c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n . Glass sees c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n as "an information exchange that brings planners and c i t i z e n s together for the purpose of sharing ideas and concerns." (Glass, 1979, 182) In contrast to t h i s perspective, the second theme views c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n as a power struggle or an attempt to gain control over the decision making and p o l i c y process. Arnstein's widely-cited discussion also considers t h i s element of power as central to the notion of c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n . Arnstein speaks of c i t i z e n power as the a b i l i t y to maintain f u l l managerial power in the planning process. She maintains that t h i s i s c r i t i c a l to e f f e c t i v e c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n . "My answer to the c r i t i c a l what question i s simply that c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n i s a categorical term for c i t i z e n power.... In short, i t i s the means by which they can induce s i g n i f i c a n t s o c i a l reforms which enable them to share in the benefits of the a f f l u e n t society." (Arnstein, 1969, p.276) 18 The Metropolitan Toronto Bureau of Municipal Research shares t h i s perspective and defined p a r t i c i p a t i o n as a a component of the democratic system which permits non-elected members of the community to exercise some control over planning and decision making which goes beyond elec t i o n s . (Toronto, 1975, 10) The f i r s t theme, the a b i l i t y of non-elected community members sharing in the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of making decisions and p o s i t i v e l y influencing the policy process perhaps best addresses a balanced v i s i o n of urban transportation planning. In t h i s v i s i o n , e f f e c t i v e c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n i s seen as a means of balancing the need for e f f i c i e n t metropolitan a c c e s s i b i l t y and the needs for r e s i d e n t i a l environmental qua l i t y and holds the promise for more e f f e c t i v e transportation plans. Community members who w i l l be d i r e c t l y impacted by a transportation f a c i l i t y must be given an opportunity to share in the decisions. This perspective sees c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n as a positive and constructive influence in the planning process. Wellman shares this perspective and views public p a r t i c i p a t i o n in transportation planning as, the attempt by potential c l i e n t e l e s to make transportation planning more responsive to their interest and values. As a consequence (of such responsiveness), considerations other than the c l a s s i c engineering ones of costs, safety, speed are being taken into account in transportation decision making. (Wellman, 1977, 639) In the Canadian p o l i t i c a l context which i s characterized by strong democratic t r a d i t i o n s and collaboration, i t i s also 19 more appropriate to focus on a p a r t i c i p a t o r y and i n f l u e n t i a l role rather than a role of domination and d i c t a t o r i a l powers. A conceptual framework to evaluate the effectiveness of c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n must consider t h i s sense of collaboration and mutualism. 2.5 The Purpose of C i t i z e n P a r t i c i p a t i o n The basic concept of public p a r t i c i p a t i o n i s based on the desire to stimulate the involvement of the public in planning and development matters which concerns them. (Oosthuizen, 1984, 206) The rationale behind t h i s i s that the consequences of public policy decisions af f e c t the public both d i r e c t l y and i n d i r e c t l y and in most cases a f f e c t them over the long term. C i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n has been used over the years to handle several tasks. It has been used to disseminate valuable information, to c o l l e c t both factual and perceptual information and knowledge, to help reach decisions and resolve c o n f l i c t s , and to gain support for agency decisions. Moreover, c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n processes often act as a watchdog over individual rights, to gain trust and confidence, to identify and evaluate a l t e r n a t i v e s , to ensure that the decisions of governments r e f l e c t the preferences of the people, to induce behavioral changes and to help ident i f y potential problems and issues. 20 2.5.1 Information Dissemination: Information on current and future agency actions help to keep the public informed on matters that a f f e c t them. (Graham, 1978, 13) Through this sharing and exchange of ideas and facts, a l l participants are able to make better informed decisions. Glass notes that in th i s way c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n also performs an educational role; "an extension of the information exchange objective, helping to explain the why and how of the plan." (Glass, 1979, 182) 2.5.2 Information C o l l e c t i o n ; C i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n can also serve as a means of gathering both factual and perceptual information about an issue. (Graham, 1978, 13) A par t i c i p a t o r y process can draw on the knowledge of lo c a l residents in order to gain a broader perspective of the si t u a t i o n and improve the effectiveness of planning by gaining a better understanding of community goals and values. The systematic recruitment of l o c a l observations can also supplement data sources. (Connor, 1985, 1) These l o c a l resources can be tapped for c r e a t i v i t y and hidden expertise. "It ( c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n ) i s a source of wisdom and information and thus improves the effectiveness of planning decisions." (Burke, 1979, 89) 2.5.3 Consensus Building and C o n f l i c t Resolution: Planning, a c t i v i t i e s are frequently characterised by c o n f l i c t and 21 subsequent bargaining. In such matters, p a r t i c i p a t i o n processes have helped to reach consensus by bringing participants together and providing a forum for open communication and discussion. (Graham, 1978, 13) Mediation and negotiation on a p a r t i c u l a r issue are central roles which suggest the importance of c i t i z e n involvement in the planning process. "This consensus building depends on the a b i l i t y of the planner to bring a l l the pa r t i e s to the bargaining table and to keep them there long enough to develop a shared commitment to the success of the group." (Susskind, 1977, 39) 2.5.4 Support Building: As Edmund Burke has indicated, the p a r t i c i p a t i o n of c i t i z e n s in the decision making process helps to build a "constituency of support for the planning agency and i t s a c t i v i t i e s . " (Burke, 1979, 84) An enduring trust and confidence can be b u i l t during the course of honest, open p a r t i c i p a t i o n . H o s t i l i t i e s can be handled more e f f e c t i v e l y , thus making i t more l i k e l y that the public w i l l accept and support decisions. 2.5.5 I d e n t i f i c a t i o n and Evaluation of Alternatives: Glass also maintains that c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n provides the public with a voice in planning and decision making in order to improve plans, decisions and service d e l i v e r y . (Glass, 1979, 181) Concerned c i t i z e n s are often capable of providing rational alternatives to solutions proposed by the experts. 22 (Pendakur, 1972, 168) Furthermore, a l t e r n a t i v e s which r e f l e c t the broader concerns of competing i n t e r e s t s in s o c i e t y can be generated and assessed more o b j e c t i v e l y i n an open, p a r t i c i p a t o r y p rocess. 2.5.6 Ensure Government R e s p o n s i b i l i t y and A c c o u n t a b i l i t y ; In i t s review of c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n , the United S t a t e s Department of T r a n s p o r t a t i o n found that p u b l i c involvement i n p l a n n i n g "ensures that the d e c i s i o n s of governments r e f l e c t the p r e f e r e n c e s of the people, to ensure the responsiveness and a c c o u n t a b i l i t y of government to the c i t i z e n . " (U.S. Dept. of T r a n s p o r t a t i o n , 1976.) P a r t i c i p a t i o n programs, along with c a s t i n g a b a l l o t on e l e c t i o n day, p r o v i d e one of the few o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r the p u b l i c to strengthen the democratic process and to have i t s v o i c e heard to ensure that our r e p r e s e n t a t i v e form of democracy remains accountable. Furthermore, i t i s a way i n which i n d i v i d u a l and c o l l e c t i v e r i g h t s can be p r o t e c t e d . (Burke, 1979, 89) 2.5.7 B e h a v i o r a l Changes; As Des Connor notes, the l i k e l i h o o d and ease of changing behaviour i s g r e a t l y i n c r e a s e d i f people s y s t e m a t i c a l l y become aware, i n t e r e s t e d and informed and thus convinced that the new behaviour i s needed. (Connor, 1972, 1) S i m i l a r l y , one of Edmund Burke's s t r a t e g i e s for a c h i e v i n g p l a n n i n g o b j e c t i v e s through c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n i s a b e h a v i o r a l change s t r a t e g y . The o b j e c t i v e i s to induce change 23 i n a system or subsystem by changing the behaviour of e i t h e r the system's members or i n f l u e n t i a l r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s of that system. (Burke, 1979, 93) 2.6 Advantages of C i t i z e n P a r t i c i p a t i o n I t has been argued t h a t c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n has o f f e r e d s e v e r a l advantages to the p l a n n i n g process. These merits range from improving the democratic processes f o r i n d i v i d u a l s to p a r t i c i p a t e i n p u b l i c p o l i c y matters, to p r o v i d i n g f o r the development of plans which r e f l e c t the d i v e r s e and changing needs and values of s o c i e t y . Bent F l y v b e r g maintains that the f o l l o w i n g four advantages can be c r e d i t e d to i n v o l v i n g the p u b l i c i n the planning p r o c e s s . 2.6.1 D i r e c t Democracy C e r t a i n l y , the s t r e n g t h e n i n g of an i n d i v i d u a l ' s democratic r i g h t s has been the "most widely used argument in support of c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n " ( F l y v b e r g , 1984, 16) By opening up channels f o r d i r e c t c i t i z e n access to the d e c i s i o n making process, government d e c i s i o n s w i l l b e t t e r r e f l e c t p u b l i c wishes. F l y v b e r g c a u t i o n s however that the extent to which p u b l i c involvement i n p l a n n i n g a c t u a l l y c o n t r i b u t e s to improving access for i n d i v i d u a l s and groups to e x e r c i s e these democratic r i g h t s depends l a r g e l y on the degree of power c i t i z e n s have and that the degree of power i s dependent upon the type of c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n that i s i n c o r p o r a t e d i n t o 24 the p r o c e s s . ( F l y v b e r g , 1984, 16) Oosthuizen c a l l s these "the p o l i t i c a l and s o c i a l advantages of c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n " . By t h i s he means that p u b l i c involvement " a c t i v a t e s the p o p u l a t i o n , evokes a sense of community and helps to overcome a sense of h e l p l e s s n e s s . " (Oosthuizen, 1984, 216) 2.6.2 Be t t e r Balance of I d e o l o g i e s and Values C i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n a l s o opens up the p l a n n i n g p r o c e s s to a wider v a r i e t y of i d e o l o g i e s and val u e s . Consequently, t h e r e i s l e s s l i k e l i h o o d that one ideology w i l l dominate and more l i k e l i h o o d t h a t the r e s u l t a n t plan w i l l b e t t e r r e f l e c t the d i v e r s e group of i n t e r e s t s which i t a f f e c t s . " P a r t i c i p a t i o n p r o v i d e s a forum f o r the exchange of idea s and p r i o r i t i e s . . . a n d allows f o r an assessment of the p r a c t i c a l i t y and a c c e p t a b i l i t y of planning p r o p o s a l s . (Oosthuizen, 1984, 216) 2.6.3 More E f f e c t i v e and Comprehensive Plans The c h a l l e n g e of customary ways and viewpoints may l e a d to a broader approach to plann i n g and r e s u l t i n more comprehensive, c o o r d i n a t e d and e f f e c t i v e problem s o l v i n g . ( F l y v b e r g , 1984, 17) S o c i a l and environmental concerns, which are o f t e n not accounted f o r i n t r a d i t i o n a l p l a n n i n g p r o c e s s e s , tend to r e c e i v e more a t t e n t i o n i n an open p l a n n i n g p r o c e s s . Furthermore, "the combination of the t e c h n i c a l s k i l l s of plann e r s with c i t i z e n knowledge i s seen as a means to develop t e c h n i c a l l y sound plans that are t e c h n i c a l l y f e a s i b l e . " 25 (Flyvberg, 1984, 17) 2.6.4 F l e x i b i l i t y and Adaptability Traditional r a t i o n a l and comprehensive planning has been c r i t i c i z e d for being too r i g i d and placing too much emphasis on expert and technical expertise. Contemporary society however is not r i g i d , but instead i s a dynamic evolution of needs, ideas and accomplishments. Planning processes for such a society should therefore complement this and be open towards "changes in general s o c i e t a l development such as economic, p o l i t i c a l and i d e o l o g i c a l changes" (Flyvberg, 1984, 17). The result w i l l be f l e x i b l e planning processes and plans which are adaptable to dynamic s o c i a l needs. 2.7 Disadvantages of C i t i z e n P a r t i c i p a t i o n Having addressed the p o s i t i v e aspects of c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n , the l i m i t a t i o n s must also be recognized. Although i t i s d i f f i c u l t to argue against what would appear to be a strong case for participatory planning, the l i t e r a t u r e does provide a good indication of the problems of an open planning process. "For each claimed advantage of open (transportation) planning, there appears to be at least one claimed disadvantage" (Flyvberg, 1984, 17) 26 2.7.1 Non-representative nature of p a r t i c i p a t i o n Questions of r e p r e s e n t a t i v e n e s s are common i n d i s c u s s i o n s on c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n . "The problem of s u f f i c i e n t and equal r e p r e s e n t a t i o n i s a headache for the d e c i s i o n making body." (Oosthuizen, 1984, 218) U s u a l l y i t i s the h i g h l y v o c a l m i n o r i t y which w i l l dominate the p l a n n i n g p r o c e s s , a f a c t which r a i s e s s e r i o u s q u e s t i o n s about the democratic r e p r e s e n t a t i v e n e s s of p u b l i c involvement. Furthermore, e m p i r i c a l s t u d i e s have shown that c e r t a i n groups (women, the l e s s educated, the poor and the e l d e r l y ) p a r t i c i p a t e l e s s i n the p o l i c y p r o c e s s . ( F l y v b e r g , 1984, 18) 2.7.2 Tokenism P u b l i c involvement in p l a n n i n g does not n e c e s s a r i l y mean that d e c i s i o n s w i l l address p u b l i c concerns nor that the process was f a i r , open and a c c e s s i b l e . I t has been argued that the " e s t a b l i s h e d p o l i t i c a l a d m i n i s t r a t i v e system may be u n w i l l i n g to give away power i n determining the outcome of p l a n n i n g . ( F l y v b e r g , 1984, 18) Although c i t i z e n s may have been i n v o l v e d throughout the process, the f i n a l outcome was u l t i m a t e l y l e f t up to the p o l i t i c a l powers. C i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n t h i s sense can be seen as tokenism; simply a means by which the p u b l i c endorses what has a l r e a d y been decided. (Sewell and Coppock, 1977, 5) Lawrence Susskind and Michael E l l i o t (1984) regard t h i s sense of tokenism as an attempt on the p a r t of p u b l i c o f f i c i a l s to undermine p u b l i c 27 p a r t i c i p a t i o n programs. They have found that i n some in s t a n c e s , " l o c a l p u b l i c o f f i c i a l s have l i m i t e d access to government d e c i s i o n making by r e t a i n i n g c o n t r o l over the p a r t i c i p a t o r y p r o c e s s and undermining any attempt to r e d i s t r i b u t e power and r e s p o n s i b i l i t y . " (Susskind and E l l i o t , 1984, 156) 2.7.3 A l i e n a t i o n and D i s t r u s t An "open" p l a n n i n g process opens up the p o t e n t i a l f o r c o n f l i c t and c o n f r o n t a t i o n . Often i t has l e d to " i n c r e a s i n g a l i e n a t i o n , b i t t e r n e s s and d i s t r u s t among the v a r i o u s groups in the community. (Head, 1971, 24) F l y v b e r g a l s o r e c o g n i z e s t h i s l i m i t a t i o n and notes that "openness may l e a d to p o l a r i z a t i o n and c o n f l i c t which c o u l d be unpleasant to e s t a b l i s h e d p o l i t i c i a n s and p l a n n e r s . . . . c o n f 1 i c t may a r i s e between c i t i z e n groups and the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n , between d i f f e r e n t c i t i z e n groups and between d i f f e r e n t p a r t s of the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n . " ( F l y v b e r g , 1984, 18) 2.7.4 Costs and Time Another f r e q u e n t l y v o i c e d c r i t i c i s m of c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n i s t h a t i t tends to i n c r e a s e the f i n a n c i a l c o s t s of the p l a n n i n g p r o c e s s as w e l l as slow i t down. (Oosthuizen, 1984, 212, F l y v b e r g , 1984, 19) Costs and time can a l s o be r e l a t e d to the degree to which a d m i n i s t r a t i v e and o r g a n i z a t i o n a l e f f o r t i s r e q u i r e d f o r e f f e c t i v e c i t i z e n 28 involvement i n pla n n i n g . Anthony Catanese views these c o s t s as important l i m i t a t i o n s to c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n . " I t i s q u i t e c l e a r that c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the p l a n n i n g process w i l l have to be l e s s expensive, more ti m e l y and l e s s demanding on i t s s u p p o r t e r s . (Catanese, 1984, 129) 2.8 Rise of C i t i z e n P a r t i c i p a t i o n in T r a n s p o r t a t i o n Planning The c o n s t r u c t i o n of t r a n s p o r t a t i o n f a c i l i t i e s i n North America p a r t i c u l a r l y d u r i n g the 1950's and 1960's o f t e n had d e v a s t a t i n g s o c i a l and environmental impacts on many urban communities. T h i s p e r i o d a l s o w i tnessed the r i s e of environmental awareness a c t i v i s m which has been c r e d i t e d with p r o v i d i n g a foundation f o r widespread c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n . In Canada, i t was the t h r e a t of such f a c i l i t i e s as the Waterfront Freeway i n Vancouver and the Spadina Expressway i n M e t r o p o l i t a n Toronto d u r i n g the 1960's t h a t suggested the need f o r a c t i v e p u b l i c involvement i n the p l a n n i n g f o r these and other t r a n s p o r t a t i o n p r o j e c t s . C i t i z e n o p p o s i t i o n to these two p r o j e c t s i n p a r t i c u l a r , u l t i m a t e l y l e d to the p r o j e c t s ' abandonment, only however a f t e r s u b s t a n t i a l sums of money had been spent on land a c q u i s i t i o n , s t u d i e s , and i n the case of Spadina, p a r t i a l c o n s t r u c t i o n of a freeway which now stops a b r u p t l y i n North Toronto. In a d d i t i o n to these r e a c t i v e episodes of c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n , t h e r e are s e v e r a l other r e l a t e d reasons which encouraged p u b l i c involvement i n 29 urban transportation planning. F i r s t , the role of the emerging activism and the concerns for environmental protection associated with urban transportation disputes are well documented (see Bourne for Spadina, Pendakur for Vancouver, and Gakenheimer for Boston). The r i s e of c i t i z e n involvement in transportation planning can also be a t t r i b u t e d to other factors including the growing discontent with t r a d i t i o n a l planning which was considered the domain of engineers and professionals, s o c i a l equity concerns which raised questions concerning equal mobility and the f a i r d i s t r i b u t i o n of the negative and p o s i t i v e impacts of transport f a c i l i t i e s . Also, the role of transportation was being seen in an e n t i r e l y new l i g h t , not simply as a service providing mobility and access but as a lever for broad s o c i a l policy development. F i n a l l y , transportation planning was subject to the growing urban complexity and pluralism. 2.8.1 Growing Public Discontent Ralph Gakenheimer maintains that in the post World War II period there have been two phases of urban transportation planning in North America. The f i r s t phase which lasted u n t i l the 1960's was characterized by rapid expansion of urban transportation systems, b u i l t largely to s a t i s f y the pent-up demand of car ownership, growing c i t i e s and an expanding population. (Gakenheimer, 1976, 11) Access within c i t i e s could be i s o l a t e d as the central purpose of the planning 30 process and was emphasized almost to the exclusion of other considerations. (Gakenheimer, 1976, 12) It was the demand for transportation services, largely determined through models and technical inquiry that was the basis for urban transportation planning during t h i s period. In reference to t h i s period, Cullingworth notes that the transportation planning of the f i f t i e s and s i x t i e s fooled most of the people some of the time and that the major p o l i t i c a l issues concerning r e l a t i v e provision for public and private transport were disguised as technical issues The desecration of urban communities which followed eventually led, v i a public protest against the bulldozers, to a reversal of p o l i c y and a r e d e f i n i t i o n of the problem. (Cullingworth, 1984, 3) The problems during the f i r s t phase were capacity, speed and power; the obvious solutions were to b u i l d new and better f a c i l i t i e s and vehicles.(Roden, 1984, 1-2) But, over time, these benefits were tarnished by increasing awareness of their environmental and s o c i a l impacts. The inequities of transportation systems in terms of the d i s t r i b u t i o n of costs and benefits were soon questioned by an increasingly informed and a c t i v i s t population demanding opportunities for p a r t i c i p a t i o n in transport planning. (Wachs, 1982, 54) The time had come for the transportation analysts to consider more than t r a f f i c demand and quantitative factors in their analyses. Social, environmental and economic considerations were to become ce n t r a l elements in the new methods of transportation planning which were central to Gakenheimer's second phase of urban transportation planning; 31 a phase that was characterized by an increasingly l i b e r a l urban ethos, a concern for the welfare of the disadvantaged, p a r t i c u l a r l y the low-income, central c i t y dwellers who have to deal with the freeways and expressways which largely served the suburban masses. (Gakenheimer, 1976, 16-17) It was clear that transportation planning was "no longer the exclusive domain of professional planners." (United States Department of Transportation, 1976a, 11) Transportation planning had become controversial, complex and had to answer more than purely technical questions. 2.8.2 The New Role of Transportation The t r a d i t i o n a l role of transportation as s t r i c t l y a provider of access and mobility i s today complemented with an equally important function. In recent years, transportation has been increasingly perceived as a lever of general s o c i a l p o l i c y ; a trend that has increased public involvement in the decision making process. (Levinson and Weant, 1982, 3) Through the 1970's in p a r t i c u l a r , urban transportation planning became linked with environmental q u a l i t y and mobility opportunities for special groups. (Levinson and Weant, 1982, 3) C i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n , as a means of providing for these special concerns to be heard, has proven to be essential in the planning process. 32 2.8.3 T r a n s p o r t a t i o n and P l u r a l i s m S o c i e t y ' s i n c r e a s i n g p l u r a l i s m , w i t h i n which urban t r a n s p o r t a t i o n p l a n n i n g f u n c t i o n s , has a l s o c o n t r i b u t e d t o the r i s e of c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n t r a n s p o r t a t i o n p l a n n i n g . L i k e s o c i e t y a t l a r g e , t h e t r a n s p o r t a t i o n s e c t o r i s no l o n g e r a s i n g l e homogeneous c o n s t i t u e n c y u n i t e d by a few m u t u a l l y agreed upon g o a l s and demands. T r a n s p o r t a t i o n d e c i s i o n makers must now c o n f r o n t dozens of i n t e r e s t groups each demanding a d i f f e r e n t a l l o c a t i o n of r e s o u r c e s , each w i t h i t s own i d e a s as t o what c o n s t i t u t e s a f a i r d i s t r i b u t i o n of t r a n s p o r t b e n e f i t s . ( O r s k i , 1982, 20) C i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n p r o c e s s e s a r e i n c r e a s i n g l y b e i n g employed t o b a l a n c e t h e s e c o m p e t i n g i n t e r e s t s and t o a l l o w each i n t e r e s t t o be e f f e c t i v e l y h e a r d . M a r t i n Wachs contends t h a t demands f o r c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n c o n s t i t u t e one of t h e u n d e r p i n n i n g s of c u r r e n t t r a n s p o r t a t i o n p o l i c y . T h i s p o l i c y i s now b e i n g i n f l u e n c e d by the growing c o n c e r n s f o r i n e q u i t i e s i n urban t r a n s p o r t a t i o n i n v e s t m e n t s and the demand f o r g r e a t e r p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n p u b l i c d e c i s i o n making by many i n t e r e s t groups and s p a t i a l l y d e f i n e d community groups. (Wachs, 1982, 54) 2.9 Why E v a l u a t e C i t i z e n P a r t i c i p a t i o n ? A p p r o p r i a t e s t r a t e g i e s and t e c h n i q u e s and the o v e r a l l d e s i r a b i l i t y of p u b l i c i n v o l v e m e n t i n p l a n n i n g have tended t o comprise much of the c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n l i t e r a t u r e . The e v a l u a t i o n of p a r t i c i p a t o r y p r o c e s s e s however has emerged o n l y r e c e n t l y as an i mportant a r e a of i n v e s t i g a t i o n . C o n s e q u e n t l y , t h e r e has been l i t t l e r e f e r e n c e t o e f f e c t i v e e v a l u a t i o n 33 p r o c e s s e s or p r a c t i c a l e v a l u a t i o n c r i t e r i a . With the h i g h p r o b a b i l i t y of i n c r e a s e d demands for c i t i z e n involvement, i t i s c r i t i c a l that p a r t i c i p a t i o n processes remain r e l e v a n t and c o n s t r u c t i v e . I t i s only through the e v a l u a t i o n of c u r r e n t and past programs that we are to gain from past experiences; to l e a r n what has worked and does not work and b a s i c a l l y to understand the complexity of the whole c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n p r o c e s s . (Rosener, 1978, 462) Other reasons can be c i t e d f o r e v a l u a t i n g c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n processes. F i r s t , c o s t ; c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n programs are not cheap. I n v o l v i n g the p u b l i c i n p l a n n i n g has f r e q u e n t l y been c r i t i c i z e d f o r i n c r e a s i n g p r o j e c t c o s t s and by c a u s i n g implementation d e l a y s . New processes and procedures f o r i n v o l v i n g c i t i z e n s i n the a d m i n i s t r a t i v e a c t i v i t i e s of government r e q u i r e s u b s t a n t i a l amounts of s t a f f time as w e l l as d i r e c t expenditures. (Rosenbaum, 1980, 1) In the c u r r e n t era of f i s c a l r e s t r a i n t , p a r t i c i p a t i o n programs w i l l i n c r e a s i n g l y be e v a l u a t e d on cost e f f e c t i v e n e s s . Mark Goldberg, i n h i s a n a l y s i s of e v a l u a t i o n and p r o c e d u r a l reform, o f f e r s two more reasons f o r e v a l u a t i n g c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n programs. He argues that the r a p i d expansion of c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n over the l a s t two decades r e q u i r e s constant m o nitoring i n order to remain r e l e v a n t . Goldberg a l s o suggests that we need to be ready w i t h comparable r i g o r o u s and r e l e v a n t e v a l u a t i o n s t u d i e s when the c r i t i c s of c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n ask f o r evidence that these programs have done any good. (Goldberg, 1980, 5) 34 We must continue to evaluate c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n processes in order to strengthen the decision making capacity of our representative i n s t i t u t i o n s . (Cohen, 1980, 10) We can expect that even with current f i s c a l r e s t raint measures in government, c i t i z e n access to public policy decision making w i l l remain an i n t e g r a l part of the planning process. Citizens w i l l expect to be included in t h i s process. "Citizen p a r t i c i p a t i o n in transportation planning i s not a simple or casual matter... and must be as well planned as any other element of the agency's operation." (U.S. Department of Transportation, 1976, 57) Part of t h i s planning involves evaluation of previous programs so we can learn from the experiences of others and hopefully not make the same mistakes twice. Citize n p a r t i c i p a t i o n must be considered a fundamental element in the transportation planning process. It i s a way of developing a plan that r e a l i s t i c a l l y r e f l e c t s the values of the community. (Roden 1984, VII-1) Given the continued demand for public involvement and the recognition of transportation as one of the central policy areas of urban development, the very future of transportation planning w i l l become increasingly dependent on public involvement. Furthermore, the i r r e v e r s i b i l i t y of some transportation projects in terms of the s i g n i f i c a n t long term environmental and s o c i a l impacts on urban communities only strengthens the need for e f f e c t i v e public scrutiny and involvement. 35 2.10 The Canadian E x p e r i e n c e The c o n f l i c t i n g i n t e r e s t s of m e t r o p o l i t a n t r a n s p o r t a t i o n e f f i c i e n c y and l o c a l neighbourhood e n v i r o n m e n t a l q u a l i t y have been of c o n s i d e r a b l e debate i n Canadian c i t i e s . V a l u a b l e l e s s o n s can be taken from e a r l i e r e x p e r i e n c e s such as the Spadina Expressway i n M e t r o p o l i t a n T o r o n t o , and the W a t e r f r o n t Freeway, neighbourhood t r a f f i c c o n t r o l p l a n s and t r a f f i c n o i s e abatement s t u d i e s i n Vancouver. These p a s t c a s e s have a l l s uggested the importance of p u b l i c i n v o l v e m e n t i n the d e c i s i o n making p r o c e s s . Spadina Expressway, T o r o n t o . P r o b a b l y the most famous debate i n urban t r a n s p o r t a t i o n p l a n n i n g i n Canada concerns the Spadina Expressway i n M e t r o p o l i t a n T o r o n t o ( M e t r o ) . F i r s t proposed as a l i m i t e d a c c e s s freeway r o u t e f o r Metro's r a p i d l y expanding n o r t h w e s t suburban communities i n the l a t e 1950's, the Spadina debate c e n t r e d on the c o n f l i c t of m e t r o p o l i t a n i n t e r e s t s and t h o s e of c e n t r a l c i t y communities. W h i l e suburban communities f a v o u r e d the c o n s t r u c t i o n of the new expressway, o l d e r c o m m u n i t i e s , p r i m a r i l y i n the C i t y of T o r o n t o , opposed the p l a n s on t h e grounds t h a t i t would cause the d e s t r u c t i o n of homes and p a r k l a n d . (Bourne, 1981, 3) The Spadina debate r a i s e d q u e s t i o n s about the r i g h t s of r e s i d e n t s i n suburban communities t o f r e e and easy a c c e s s t o downtown T o r o n t o and 36 the r i g h t s of c e n t r a l c i t y r e s i d e n t s to the enjoyment of t h e i r neighbourhoods. A f t e r years of c o n t r o v e r s y which s t a r t e d in the 1950's and which ended i n 1976 with the O n t a r i o P r o v i n c i a l Government's d e c i s i o n to stop c o n s t r u c t i o n of the expressway, the debate s t r o n g l y i n f l u e n c e d the p u b l i c ' s r o l e in t r a n s p o r t a t i o n p l a n n i n g i n Metro and indeed in Canada. T h i s debate may w e l l c o n t i n u e i n t o the 1990's as Spadina proponents are once again u r g i n g f o r the completion of the expressway l i n k to address Metro's mounting t r a n s p o r t a t i o n problem. One important l e s s o n from the Spadina Expressway debate was that the i n t e r e s t e d p u b l i c must be c o n s i d e r e d i n t r a n s p o r t a t i o n p l a n n i n g . The complete l a c k of c i t i z e n involvement i n the e a r l y stages of p l a n n i n g and design c o n t r i b u t e d to the s t r o n g backlash a g a i n s t the e n t i r e p r o j e c t . The Spadina movement c r e a t e d a base of "people power" and from t h i s v i c t o r y t h e r e grew a l i n k between the people and the e l e c t e d o f f i c i a l . (Bourne, 1981, 40) Furthermore, the debate has helped to advance the argument that the p u b l i c wants to be i n v o l v e d i n t r a n s p o r t a t i o n p o l i c y d e c i s i o n s and that s p e c i a l emphasis must be p l a c e d on the need to p u b l i c l y a i r the i s s u e s surrounding t r a n s p o r t a t i o n d e c i s i o n s so that the p u b l i c may be more f u l l y informed on matters of utmost importance to the v i t a l i t y of t h e i r m u n i c i p a l i t y . (Bourne, 1981, 46) 37 Waterfront Freeway, Vancouver, B.C. Another Canadian freeway debate of the 1960's concerned the proposed Waterfront Freeway in Vancouver, B.C. In June, 1967, Vancouver City Council approved a proposal to construct an expressway along Burrard Inlet to connect with the Georgia Street viaduct by way of C a r r a l l Street, a major route through the City's famous Chinatown. As in the Spadina case, the interests of metropolitan transportation goals came into c o n f l i c t with the interests of central c i t y residents who viewed the proposal as a threat to t h e i r community. The debate which followed can only be considered as one of the more dramatic and colourful in the c i t y ' s recent past. City Council, supported by downtown business interests were i l l -prepared for the unexpected opposition from the anti-freeway proponents. These groups argued that the proposed route would have destroyed the i n t e g r i t y and unity of Chinatown and other inner c i t y communities. C i t i z e n opposition to the proposed Waterfront Freeway was successful in blocking the construction of the f a c i l i t y . The controversy contributed to the r i s e of the Strathcona Property Owner's and Tenant's Association which was successful in pressing government to change the emphasis of i t s urban renewal programs from demolition to one of r e h a b i l i t a t i o n and preservation. (Graham, 1978, 2) The Waterfront Freeway debate also forced c i t y o f f i c i a l s to become increasingly aware and apprehensive about narrow minded planning decisions. 38 D e c i s i o n s must r e f l e c t the needs, valu e s and a s p i r a t i o n s of the c i t i z e n s and c i t i z e n s must be i n v o l v e d in the d e c i s i o n making p r o c e s s . (Graham, 1978, 2) I t was c l e a r to C i t y C o u n c i l that f a c t o r s other than t e c h n i c a l c o n s i d e r a t i o n s such as t r a f f i c demand had to be i n c o r p o r a t e d i n t o t r a n s p o r t a t i o n p l a n n i n g . Boundary Road, Vancouver, B.C. Another case which i n v o l v e s the c o n f l i c t i n g i n t e r e s t s of e f f i c i e n t m e t r o p o l i t a n access and r e s i d e n t i a l environmental q u a l i t y concerns the case of Boundary Road. Boundary i s a f o u r - l a n e a r t e r i a l which separates the C i t y of Vancouver on the west from the M u n i c i p a l i t y of Burnaby on the e a s t . As an a r t e r i a l r o u te, Boundary Road serves an important l i n k i n the r e g i o n ' s t r a n s p o r t a t i o n network by p r o v i d i n g a major n o r t h -south route from H a s t i n g s S t r e e t to Marine D r i v e . F o l l o w i n g a 1974 d e c i s i o n by the P r o v i n c i a l Government and the C i t y of Vancouver to widen Boundary Road to accommodate i n c r e a s e d t r a f f i c , n o i s e was i d e n t i f i e d as a major c o n s t r a i n t to urban development i n the a r e a . A study c a r r i e d out i n 1983 to determine the o v e r a l l p e r c e i v e d and r e a l t r a f f i c noise l e v e l s i n the area p o i n t e d to the need to i n c l u d e c i t i z e n s i n the p l a n n i n g of urban t r a f f i c n oise abatement f a c i l i t i e s . In a d d i t i o n , the study p o i n t e d to the need f o r e f f e c t i v e c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the r e t r o f i t t i n g of e x i s t i n g noise b a r r i e r s and that p a r t i c i p a t i o n 39 should be assured at a l l points in the planning process and construction, especially in relation to design and landscaping choices. (Pendakur and Plyplacz, 1984, 483-484) The Boundary Road issue also i l l u s t r a t e s ^ the importance that c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n can play. In t h e i r analysis of the case, Pendakur and Plypacz argue that as much attention must be be paid to the factors that a f f e c t the perceived effectiveness (of noise barriers) as to those a f f e c t i n g actual acoustical effectiveness." (Pendakur and Plyplacz, 1984, 486) In t h i s case, c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n lead to the recognition of the need to balance "perceived" human l e v e l s with t e c h n i c a l l y determined noise l e v e l s . The most e f f e c t i v e method to determine these perceptions is through c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n . Shauqhnessy Heights, Vancouver. The Shaughnessy Heights neighbourhood t r a f f i c control plan represents another Vancouver example of the metropolitan transportation/neighbourhood environmental q u a l i t y c o n f l i c t . Throughout the 1970's and early 1980's, Shaughnessy Heights, an affluent r e s i d e n t i a l neighbourhood in Vancouver, had been beset by problems of t r a f f i c shortcutting on neighbourhood streets. The question of the rights of the majority of c i t i z e n s to travel on any public street versus the rights of residents to the quiet enjoyment of the i r communities emerged as a controversial c o n f l i c t . Area complaints about non-local 40 t r a f f i c volumes and speed l e d to the p r e p a r a t i o n of the neighbourhood t r a f f i c plan which addressed the t r a f f i c f i l t r a t i o n problems by proposing a system of s t r e e t d i v e r t e r s which were to d i s c o u r a g e n o n - l o c a l t r a f f i c . Jacobsen et a l . (1982) i d e n t i f i e d the r o l e of the l o c a l c i t i z e n and c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n g e n e r a l as being c r i t i c a l to the success of the neighbourhood t r a f f i c c o n t r o l plans and u l t i m a t e l y in improving the environmental q u a l i t y of Shaughnessy. C e n t r a l to t h e i r a n a l y s i s and f i n d i n g s was that p a r t i c i p a t i o n must be an ongoing and thorough process. P a r t i c i p a t i o n must be i n c o r p o r a t e d i n t o the p l a n n i n g s t a g e s , the d e v i s i n g of a t r i a l plan and i t s monitoring as w e l l as the implementation of the permanent pl a n and c i r c u l a t i o n p l a n . (Jacobsen, 1982, 13) 2.11 The R e q u i s i t e s of E f f e c t i v e C i t i z e n . P a r t i c i p a t i o n The p r e c e d i n g review of r e l e v a n t l i t e r a t u r e and s e l e c t e d t r a n s p o r t a t i o n p r o j e c t s has i d e n t i f i e d s e v e r a l r e q u i s i t e s which c o n t r i b u t e to an e f f e c t i v e c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n p r o c e s s . They w i l l form the b a s i s of a framework to be t e s t e d through a p p l i c a t i o n of the two case s t u d i e s . In a d d i t i o n , the i n t e n t i s to i d e n t i f y the c e n t r a l r e q u i s i t e s f o r e f f e c t i v e c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n and to determine how each were addressed in a p a r t i c u l a r t r a n s p o r t a t i o n planning p r o j e c t . The nine r e q u i s i t e s a r e : 4 1 W e l l D e f i n e d O b j e c t i v e s Good Timing E f f e c t i v e Communications A c c e s s i b l e P r o c e s s Broad Community R e p r e s e n t a t i o n Government R e s p o n s i v e n e s s O v e r a l l C r e d i b i l i t y O v e r a l l Commitment F l e x i b l e P r o c e s s 2.11.1 W e l l D e f i n e d O b j e c t i v e s F i r s t and foremost,, the o b j e c t i v e s of the p a r t i c i p a t i o n p r o c e s s need t o be d e f i n e d and f u l l y u n d e r s t o o d by a l l p a r t i c i p a n t s . " O b j e c t i v e s , the s p e c i f i c changes or c o n d i t i o n s which a program i s expected t o produce must be c l e a r t o a l l i n v o l v e d or the e f f e c t i v e n e s s of t h e p a r t i c i p a t i o n w i l l be s u s p e c t " (Rosener, 1978, 458). O b j e c t i v e s a r e v i t a l t o the e n t i r e c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n p r o c e s s s i n c e they u s u a l l y d i c t a t e the form of the program as w e l l as the s p e c i f i c t e c h n i q u e s which w i l l be n e c e s s a r y t o a c h i e v e them. "Techniques f o r i n v o l v i n g the p u b l i c s h o u l d s e r v e the purpose of the program. They s h o u l d not be p e r f u n c t o r y t o the d e c i s i o n making p r o c e s s . " (Roden, 1984, 11-10) James G l a s s s t r e s s e s the i m p o r t a n c e of d e f i n i n g the o b j e c t i v e s a t the o u t s e t of the program and t h e i r importance t o c h o o s i n g the a p p r o p r i a t e t e c h n i q u e . " I f the program's o b j e c t i v e s a r e not c l e a r l y u n d e r s t o o d , the s e l e c t i o n of t e c h n i q u e s becomes a hap-hazard p r o c e s s . ( G l a s s , 1979, 188) S i n c e a program may a l s o i n c l u d e more than one o b j e c t i v e , the 42 program may a l s o i n v o l v e more than one technique, t h e r e f o r e utmost a t t e n t i o n must be p a i d to the d e f i n i t i o n of o b j e c t i v e s . 2.11.2 Good Timing I t has been g e n e r a l l y accepted that the p u b l i c should be i n v o l v e d i n the process as e a r l y as p o s s i b l e . Involvement at key p o i n t s throughout the process i s c r i t i c a l i n order that balanced p l a n n i n g s o l u t i o n s are found. In p a r t i c u l a r , the p u b l i c should be approached e a r l y enough to have a proper chance to understand the problem and to t h i n k about i t ; they should be given o p p o r t u n i t y to propose s o l u t i o n s before any o p t i o n s have been e f f e c t i v e l y c l o s e d E a r l y involvement w i l l a l s o h e l p m i n o r i t i e s f e e l that they have not been d i s r e g a r d e d . (Thomson, 1977, 68) The p a r t i c i p a t i o n process should a l s o occur s i m u l t a n e o u s l y with the p l a n n i n g or t e c h n i c a l work of the p r o j e c t . (Roden, 1984, 11 — 1) P u b l i c involvement i n t r a n s p o r t a t i o n p l a n n i n g cannot be c o n s i d e r e d as a s u b s t i t u t e f o r t e c h n i c a l a n a l y s i s or v i c e v e r s a . They go hand in hand, each element complementing the o t her. Although i t i s d i f f i c u l t to foresee the problems of a t r a n s p o r t a t i o n p l a n n i n g p r o j e c t , e a r l y and ongoing involvement of the p u b l i c can s i g n a l p o t e n t i a l problems and i s s u e s before a heavy investment i n any one approach i s made. (Graham, 1978, 43) E a r l y involvement a l s o helps to b u i l d confidence and t r u s t , a b e n e f i t r e c o g n i z e d by the U n i t e d S t a t e s 43 Department of Transportation. Early involvement i s important. If too much time lapses, i t may be d i f f i c u l t to s t i l l be f l e x i b l e , rumours may have spread misinformation, and l o c a l leaders may f e e l ignored and become d i s t r u s t i n g . " (U.S. Department of Transportation, 1976, 9) 2.11.3 E f f e c t i v e Communications Another basis of e f f e c t i v e c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n i s the communication between the p a r t i c i p a n t s . This means a two-way exchange of both factual and perceptual information, opinions, values and ideas. Good communication l i n k s are e s s e n t i a l in achieving the intended outcome of the program. They should also outline the l i m i t a t i o n s and p o s s i b i l i t i e s of the c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n process in helping to resolve the issue at hand. "This w i l l help to eliminate any u n r e a l i s t i c expectations on the part of the public and w i l l also help to build c r e d i b i l i t y into the process." (Roden, 1984, II-9) In transportation planning, one of the potential p i t f a l l s i s the overuse of technical language and jargon. In order for the public to r e a l i s t i c a l l y assess the plans, the program must be e f f e c t i v e in translating and communicating technical materials into language and graphics that the public can e a s i l y understand. (Roden, 1984, II-9) Furthermore, i f information is too technical, c i t i z e n s may become suspicious about commitment to an open p a r t i c i p a t o r y process. (Graham, 1978, 36) Another potential p i t f a l l i s the use of technical 44 expertise by professional staff to defend the agency's proposal or to reject the public's suggestions. (Roden, 1984, 11-10) Part of e f f e c t i v e communications i s the a b i l i t y to incorporate the public's views into the plan. Accurate and meaningful information should be presented in the c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n program. S i m i l a r l y , p a r t i c i p a n t s to the process, p a r t i c u l a r l y the public, should f e e l that they have received relevant and useful information. Crosby et a l . note that another problem of c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n i s that too often information i s presented in a way that i s patronizing to the public. (Crosby et a l . , 1986, 172) There must be s u f f i c i e n t time for participants to learn the information and to r e f l e c t on the values and goals relevant to the decision. (Crosby et a l . , 1986, 172) 2.11.4 Accessible Process Another element of e f f e c t i v e c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n i s that of a c c e s s i b i l i t y and the opportunity to p a r t i c i p a t e . The public should know when, how and where they can p a r t i c i p a t e . Anyone who feels that they have a useful contribution should have the opportunity to do so. (U.S. Department of Transportation, 1976a, 8) In Hinerfeld's evaluation of c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n , e f f e c t i v e involvement was synonymous with the public's a b i l i t y to state i t s case or present i t s perspectives on the matters at issue to decision makers.... (Hinerfeld, 1980, 13) 45 2.11.5 Broad Community R e p r e s e n t a t i o n Every e f f o r t s h o u l d be made t o ensure t h a t the p a r t i c i p a n t s i n the p r o c e s s a r e r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of the broader community. A common c o m p l a i n t of p a r t i c i p a t i o n programs i s t h a t the " v o c a l m i n o r i t y " does not n e c e s s a r i l y r e p r e s e n t the v i e w s , d e s i r e s or i d e a s of t h e " s i l e n t m a j o r i t y " . The problem appears t o be i n d e t e r m i n i n g who e x a c t l y s h o u l d p a r t i c i p a t e i n the p r o c e s s . Indeed, t h e r e a r e a l s o problems i f too many people want t o get i n v o l v e d . I f l a r g e numbers of peopl e do p a r t i c i p a t e , e f f e c t i v e d e c i s i o n i s v i r t u a l l y i m p o s s i b l e . C o n v e r s e l y , i f o n l y a s e l e c t group shows up, then the q u e s t i o n must be r a i s e d as t o who th e y r e a l l y r e p r e s e n t . " (Crosby et a l . 1986, 171) T h e r e f o r e t h e r e i s the need f o r a b a l a n c e d approach t o ensure a b r o a d r e p r e s e n t a t i o n of the p u b l i c , a method of " s y s t e m a t i c a l l y t a r g e t t i n g the v a r i o u s p u b l i c s t o ensure t h a t the a c t i v e m i n o r i t y i s r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of the broader community". (Roden, 1984, I I - 8 ) T h i s b a l a n c e can p o t e n t i a l l y h e l p t o a v o i d two common c r i t i c i s m s of c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n ; b i a s and m i s r e p r e s e n t a t i o n . ( S m i t h , 1984, 255) Crosby e t a l . suggest t h a t a commonly used method t o c o r r e c t t h i s (problem of r e p r e s e n t a t i o n ) i s t h r o u g h the appointment of p a r t i c i p a n t s by e l e c t e d o f f i c i a l s w i t h an attempt t o ensure t h a t the s i g n i f i c a n t groups i n the community a r e r e p r e s e n t e d . (Crosby e t a l , 1986, 171) 46 2.11.6 Government Responsiveness Government responsiveness is a practical gauge to measure the extent to which citizen input was used in the formulation of a plan or project recommendations. (Hinerfeld, 1980, 13) The very validity of the program can'be called into question if citizen views and recommendations are not evident. The program must visibly demonstrate consideration (or preferably) the use of public input so as to validate the effort. (Roden, 1984, 11-10) Similarly, Rosener considers the extent to which citizen input was used in policy and planning decisions as one of the evaluation c r i t e r i a used to judge the effectiveness of a citizen participation program. (Rosener, 1978, 461) Crosby et a l . also maintain that public participation recommendations should be followed through. "Recommendations should have a high probability of being heeded by appropriate public o f f i c i a l s . (Crosby et a l . , 1986, 173) The very legitimacy of the process can be questioned i f there is not an assurance that participation is going to be a valued and meaningful element of the planning process. During and after a public participation exercise, citizens should feel satisfied with the responsiveness of the agency and that the program has been receptive to the feelings and opinions expressed by the community. (Roden, 1984, II-8) 2.11.7 Overall Credibility Trust and confidence among the participants are c r i t i c a l 47 t o an e f f e c t i v e c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n program. These elements do not occur i m m e d i a t e l y and must be b u i l t over the d u r a t i o n of the p a r t i c i p a t i o n p r o c e s s . A g a i n , the v a l i d i t y and l e g i t i m a c y of the p r o c e s s may be t h w a r t e d i f t h e r e i s not a s t r o n g sense of c r e d i b i l i t y among the p a r t i c i p a n t s . Roden m a i n t a i n s t h a t one way t o a c h i e v e p u b l i c c r e d i b i l i t y i n the d e c i s i o n making p r o c e s s i s f o r the program t o m a i n t a i n a h i g h l e v e l of v i s i b i l i t y . (Roden, 1984, 111 — 1) He a l s o argues t h a t the s u c c e s s of a community involvement program i s h i g h l y dependent on the p e r c e p t i o n which the agency and p u b l i c have of one a n o t h e r . (Roden, 1984, 111- 1 ) C r e d i b i l i t y i s u s u a l l y b u i l t t h r o u g h many of the s m a l l e r components of a p a r t i c i p a t i o n p r o c e s s such as p r o v i d i n g and exchanging c o r r e c t i n f o r m a t i o n , s e t t i n g agendas and e n s u r i n g t h a t i n t e r e s t e d p a r t i e s have been g i v e n an e q u a l o p p o r t u n i t y t o p a r t i c i p a t e . F a i r p r o c e e d i n g s a r e e s s e n t i a l t o m a i n t a i n i n g c r e d i b i l i t y and l e g i t i m a c y . I f the p a r t i c i p a t i o n p r o c e s s i s p e r c e i v e d t o be u n f a i r , t h e p u b l i c may withdraw t h e i r s u p port f o r the whole program. (Crosby e t a l . , 1986, 172) 2.11.8 O v e r a l l Commitment C i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n must be approached w i t h an a t t i t u d e of openness, r e s p o n s i v e n e s s and g e n e r a l commitment t o the concept and i d e a l s of p a r t i c i p a t i o n . (Hoover and A l t s h u l e r , 1977) The whole p r o c e s s can t u r n i n t o a m e a n i n g l e s s , empty e x p e r i e n c e i f t h e r e i s not t h i s commitment by both the p u b l i c 48 and p u b l i c o f f i c i a l s . Graham i n c l u d e d the a t t i t u d e s of a d m i n i s t r a t o r s , p l a n n e r s and e l e c t e d o f f i c i a l s as one of the major f a c t o r s t o be c o n s i d e r e d when d e v e l o p i n g a c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n program. (Graham, 1978, 85) H i n e r f e l d ' s work w i t h community l e a g u e s i n the U n i t e d S t a t e s found t h a t the a t t i t u d e s of the o f f i c i a l s w i t h the d e c i s i o n making a u t h o r i t y were c o n s i d e r e d t o be a major f a c t o r i n d e t e r m i n i n g the e f f e c t i v e n e s s of c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n programs ( H i n e r f e l d , 1980, 13) 2.11.9 P r o c e s s F l e x i b i l i t y F i n a l l y , the p a r t i c i p a t i o n p r o c e s s s h o u l d be f l e x i b l e and a d a p t a b l e t o the d i v e r s i t y and dynamics of the i s s u e . Not o n l y s h o u l d the p r o c e s s be f l e x i b l e t o the needs of the p u b l i c but a l s o t o p u b l i c o f f i c i a l s . " F l e x i b i l i t y of d e s i g n i s i m p o r t a n t because i t a l l o w s the p r o c e s s t o be adapted t o meet the needs of the p u b l i c o f f i c i a l s t o whom the recommendations a r e d i r e c t e d . (Crosby et a l . , 1986, 173) The U.S. Department of T r a n s p o r t a t i o n a l s o m a i n t a i n s t h a t f l e x i b i l i t y i s c r i t i c a l t o an e f f e c t i v e c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n program and s t r e s s e s t h a t p a r t i c i p a n t s s h o u l d be i n v o l v e d d i r e c t l y i n d e f i n i n g the p r o c e s s . (U.S. Department of T r a n s p o r t a t i o n , 1976, 9) F l e x i b i l i t y i s c r i t i c a l g i v e n a l l t h e u n c e r t a i n t i e s and the u n f o r e s e e n c i r c u m s t a n c e s which a r e i n h e r e n t i n the p l a n n i n g p r o c e s s . R e g u l a r e v a l u a t i o n of the c i t i z e n 49 p a r t i c i p a t i o n p r o c e s s w i l l h e l p t o m o n i t o r changes and w i l l s i g n a l where and when a d a p t a t i o n s a r e n e c e s s a r y . As Des Connor has n o t e d , "There i s o n l y one c e r t a i n t y - the program d e s i g n e d a t t h e s t a r t of the p r o j e c t w i l l be i n a p p r o p r i a t e i n some i m p o r t a n t ways by i t s c o m p l e t i o n . (Connor, 1978, p.5) 2.11 M e r i t s and L i m i t a t i o n s of the Framework These r e q u i s i t e s of e f f e c t i v e c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n w i l l now be a p p l i e d t o t h e two case s t u d i e s . F i g u r e One summarizes t h e n i n e r e q u i s i t e s and poses c r i t i c a l e v a l u a t i o n q u e s t i o n s which s h o u l d be a d d r e s s e d i n t r a n s p o r t a t i o n p l a n n i n g i n g e n e r a l and i n t h e case s t u d i e s i n p a r t i c u l a r . These q u e s t i o n s f o r m u l a t e the e v a l u a t i o n c r i t e r i a w h i ch, once answered, w i l l y i e l d p r a c t i c a l and m e a n i n g f u l i n s i g h t s - i n t o the two c a s e s . E f f e c t i v e n e s s w i l l be measured i n terms of the e x t e n t t o which t h e r e q u i s i t e was a c t u a l l y a c h i e v e d d u r i n g the c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n program. Because the framework r e l i e s on the p e r c e p t i o n of key p a r t i c i p a n t s i n each c a s e , the study r e c o g n i z e s the i n f l u e n c e of s u b j e c t i v i t y and p e r s o n a l v a l u e s i n a t t e m p t i n g t o e v a l u a t e e s s e n t i a l l y q u a l i t a t i v e a s p e c t s such as p u b l i c p a r t i c i p a t i o n . A l s o , the framework can o n l y be used as a q u a l i t a t i v e mechanism f o r a n a l y s i s and as such the measurement problems t h a t t h i s r a i s e s a r e a l s o r e c o g n i z e d . However, the m e r i t s of t h i s p a r t i c u l a r framework s h o u l d o f f e r the user m e a n i n g f u l and p r a c t i c a l r e s u l t s . 50 F i r s t , the d a t a r e q u i r e m e n t s f o r the a n a l y s i s ( c o l l e c t e d t h r o u g h p e r s o n a l i n - d e p t h i n t e r v i e w s w i t h key p a r t i c i p a n t s and the r e view of agency f i l e s ) a r e r e l a t i v e l y l o w - c o s t and a c c e s s i b l e . Second, s i n c e the e v a l u a t i o n i s b e i n g undertaken by an independent o b s e r v e r , the i n f l u e n c e of b i a s and t o a c e r t a i n degree s u b j e c t i v i t y a r e e f f e c t i v e l y r e d u c e d . T h i r d , the proposed e v a l u a t i o n m a t r i x which summarizes the a n a l y s i s a t t e m p t s t o reduce the s u b j e c t i v i t y by a s s i g n i n g q u a n t i t a t i v e f a c t o r s t o each r e q u i s i t e . F i n a l l y , by t a k i n g i n t o account the key p a r t i c i p a n t s i n the p r o c e s s ( o t h e r than the c e n t r a l p l a n n i n g agency) the framework i n c o r p o r a t e s a broader p e r s p e c t i v e on c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n than i s u s u a l l y the c a s e . 51 Figure 1 EVALUATION FRAMEWORK REQUISITE EVALUATION QUESTIONS OBJECTIVES DEFINED • Where goals of citizen participation program clearly defined/under stood by all participants? • Did key participants feel that they had been involved in establishing objectives? GOODTIMING 0 T, s there evidence of early public involvement? • Was the public given sufficient time to respond to and provide alter natives? • Did the participation phase occur simultaneously with the technical planning? • Did the participants feel that their involvement was considered at key points in the project? • Was sufficient advance notice given for proposals and meetings etc. EFFECTIVE • Are participants satisfied that there was an open two-way exchange COMMUNICATION of information? • Was the language and technical information being used comprehen sible to all key participants? •Is there evidence that technical assistance was available to the public throughout the process? • Are records of meetings and events kept and are they open to the public and administration? • Is there evidence that there is interaction and feedback between par ticipants? (as measured by meetings, letters, and telephone calls?) • Is there evidence of reporting back to the community at large? (Press releases, regular newsletters etc.) ACCESSIBILITY TO • Are participants satisfied that there was full awareness on all oppor PROCESS tunities for participation? • Is there evidence of equitable access to all community residents? • Were meetings held in community? • Were meetings held during off-work periods? • Is there evidence of advance notice and adequate publication of meetings? 52 REQUISITE EVALUATION QUESTIONS C O M M U N I T Y • Are key participants satisfied that a broad segment of the population R E P R E S E N T A T I O N has been aware of what was at stake to them personally? • Is there agreement by key participants that the active minority adequately represents the community? G O V E R N M E N T • Are participants satisfied that public recommendations will be R E S P O N S I V E N E S S followed? • Do the public perceive that the key decisions reflect the outcome of the participation process? • Is there evidence that ideas generated through the process have figured in the final decisions? C R E D I B I L I T Y • Is there a perception among participants that the process was fair, open and accessible? • Is there evidence of tangible products such as surveys, reports, minutes that have been used to maintain visibility and credibility? C O M M I T M E N T • Is there evidence that there was a firm commitment to the participa tion process? • Did key participants feel that their participation affected outcome? F L E X I B I L I T Y • Is there evidence that the process was flexible and adaptable? • Did key participants perceive that the process was flexible? 53 CHAPTER THREE THE CASE STUDIES 3 . 1 I n t r o d u c t i o n T h i s chapter i n t r o d u c e s the two case s t u d i e s that w i l l be a n a l y z e d i n t h i s t h e s i s . F i r s t , the C a s s i a r S t r e e t Connector i n the C i t y of Vancouver i s considered; then the l a t t e r p a r t of the chapter examines the Kensington Road Overpass in the M u n i c i p a l i t y of Burnaby. A review of these two p r o j e c t s , p a r t i c u l a r l y the c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n p r o cesses, w i l l prove u s e f u l i n determining the extent to which the nine r e q u i s i t e s d i s c u s s e d i n the previous chapter were achieved. Both case s t u d i e s are presented i n terms of t h e i r r e s p e c t i v e h i s t o r i e s , the p r i n c i p a l p a r t i c i p a n t s and an overview of the c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n process r e l a t e d to each p r o j e c t . While d i f f e r e n t i n many r e s p e c t s , these two cases r e f l e c t s e v e r a l s i m i l a r c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s which make them a p p r o p r i a t e f o r an a n a l y s i s of t h i s type. F i r s t , both p r o j e c t s i n v o l v e d e f f o r t s to c o n s t r u c t major t r a n s p o r t a t i o n works w i t h i n the Greater Vancouver a r e a . Second, both i n v o l v e d r e l a t i v e l y l a r g e expenditures of p u b l i c money. The C a s s i a r p r o j e c t , although not yet c o n s t r u c t e d i s expected to c o s t between $75 m i l l i o n t o $80 m i l l i o n . The f i n a l b i l l f o r the Kensington p r o j e c t which was completed i n 1984 came to j u s t over $20 m i l l i o n . T h i r d , both p r o j e c t s , although deemed v i t a l and necessary l i n k s i n the region's o v e r a l l 54 t r a n s p o r t a t i o n system, were p e r c e i v e d i n i t i a l l y t o t h r e a t e n r e s i d e n t i a l e n v i r o n m e n t a l q u a l i t y . As a consequence, both p r o j e c t s have been the s u b j e c t of c o n s i d e r a b l e debate and b o t h have e x p e r i e n c e d a c t i v e c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n ( a l t h o u g h i n d i f f e r e n t forms) p r o c e s s e s . C i t i z e n r e a c t i o n i n both c a s e s was based on the fundamental g o a l of r e s i d e n t i a l e n v i r o n m e n t a l q u a l i t y and l i v e a b l e n e i g h b o u r h o o d s . (the m e t r o p o l i t a n a c c e s s i b i l i t y v e r s u s n eighbourhood c o n f l i c t ! ) 3.2 C a s s i a r S t r e e t C o n n e c t o r , V a ncouver.  3.2.1 H i s t o r y  3.2.1.1 The I s s u e C a s s i a r S t r e e t i n V ancouver's e a s t end has l o n g been a source of c o n t r o v e r s y f o r the P r o v i n c i a l Government, the C i t y of Vancouver and of c o u r s e , a r e a r e s i d e n t s . A p t l y termed the " m i s s i n g l i n k " i n the Trans-Canada Highway system t h r o u g h the G r e a t e r Vancouver r e g i o n , C a s s i a r S t r e e t i s an a r t e r i a l road t h a t c o n n e c t s the Trans-Canada Highway i n Burnaby w i t h the Second Narrows B r i d g e a c r o s s B u r r a r d I n l e t . S i n c e the 1960's, the i n c r e a s e i n r e g i o n a l t r a f f i c and the e x p l o s i v e growth of commuter t r a f f i c between the C i t y of Vancouver and the r a p i d l y expanding suburban communities t o the e a s t of the C i t y have r e s u l t e d i n an o v e r l o a d i n g on C a s s i a r S t r e e t and on H a s t i n g s S t r e e t , a major e a s t - w e s t a r t e r i a l t h a t i n t e r s e c t s C a s s i a r and l e a d s d i r e c t l y t o Vancouver's downtown c o r e . ( F e n c o - L a v a l i n , 1983, 1) C a s s i a r i s a l s o a r e s i d e n t i a l s t r e e t 5S" a l o n g i t s e n t i r e l e n g t h , however t r a f f i c c ounts r e v e a l t h a t volumes have exceeded 50,000 v e h i c l e s per day, f a r i n e x c e s s of what a r e s i d e n t i a l s t r e e t s h o u l d c a r r y . ( C i t y of Vancouver, 1985, 11) C o n s e q u e n t l y , area r e s i d e n t s have become i n c r e a s i n g l y c o n c e r n e d about the e n v i r o n m e n t a l e f f e c t s of C a s s i a r S t r e e t t r a f f i c on t h e i r neighbourhood. In a d d i t i o n , t r a f f i c c o n g e s t i o n caused by d e l a y s a t t h e C a s s i a r / H a s t i n g s i n t e r s e c t i o n d u r i n g peak hours has r e s u l t e d i n commuters i n f i l t r a t i n g a d j a c e n t r e s i d e n t i a l a r e a s i n s e a r c h of a l t e r n a t i v e r o u t e s . The e f f e c t s of n o i s e and a i r p o l l u t i o n a s s o c i a t e d w i t h C a s s i a r have a l s o been the source of a r e a r e s i d e n t s ' c o n c e r n s . 3.2.1.2 The P r o v i n c e Responds but the C i t i z e n s "Take i t t o  the S t r e e t s " The growing problem v i s a v i s C a s s i a r S t r e e t was r e c o g n i z e d as e a r l y a s . the 1960's by the B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a M i n i s t r y of T r a n s p o r t a t i o n and Highways which a t the t i m e commissioned a study by N.D. Lea C o n s u l t a n t s of Vancouver t o e v a l u a t e the 1 C a s s i a r S t r e e t s i t u a t i o n and the need f o r i m p r o v i n g the. l i n k between the Trans-Canada Highway and t h e Second Narrows B r i d g e . The study examined the f e a s i b i l i t y of s e v e r a l l i n k s but recommended t h a t a f u l l grade s e p a r a t e d freeway was the most a p p r o p r i a t e t o address the g r o w i n g t r a f f i c demands. C o n s t r u c t i o n on the proposed freeway l i n k however d i d not occur a t t h a t t i m e . 56 During the 1960's and 1970's the t r a f f i c problems along C a s s i a r S t r e e t and the adjacent r e s i d e n t i a l neighbourhood co n t i n u e d to worsen. By 1979, a f t e r s e v e r a l years of area r e s i d e n t complaints to C i t y H a l l r e g a r d i n g what was p e r c e i v e d to be a lack of a c t i o n by the C i t y of Vancouver, area r e s i d e n t s mounted a demonstration w i t h i n the neighbourhood p r o t e s t i n g l o c a l t r a f f i c c o n d i t i o n s . During t h i s demonstration, about 100 l o c a l r e s i d e n t s p h y s i c a l l y t r i e d to stop commuters who were u s i n g the s i d e s t r e e t s as a l t e r n a t i v e routes to downtown Vancouver. The C i t y of Vancouver addressed the area's t r a f f i c problems at the time by implementing a s e r i e s of remedial t r a f f i c management measures which were intended to discourage n o n - l o c a l t r a f f i c from using the community's s t r e e t s . In a d d i t i o n , area r e s i d e n t s p e t i t i o n e d Vancouver C i t y C o u n c i l and the B r i t i s h Columbia Government to " s o r t out the mess". (Beasley, 1984, p.24) and to o f f e r some long term s o l u t i o n s to the growing problems i n the area. In response, the B r i t i s h Columbia M i n i s t r y of T r a n s p o r t a t i o n and Highways s t a r t e d p r e l i m i n a r y work on a f u l l freeway design f o r the Connector. In March, 1980, the M i n i s t r y of T r a n s p o r t a t i o n and Highways u n v e i l e d i t s p r e l i m i n a r y p r o p o s a l f o r a depressed, open freeway l i n k . The p r o p o s a l was submitted f o r review to Vancouver C i t y C o u n c i l which i n t u r n sought comment from the r e s i d e n t i a l communities d i r e c t l y a f f e c t e d by the p r o p o s a l . 57 3.2.1.3 The Community i s O r g a n i z e d and Takes a S t a n d P r i o r t o t h i s announcement, the C i t y of Vancouver had j u s t i n i t i a t e d a L o c a l Area P l a n n i n g p r o c e s s f o r the H a s t i n g s - S u n r i s e a r e a of the e a s t end. T h i s community-based p l a n n i n g p r o c e s s responded t o demands from a r e a r e s i d e n t s t h a t a p l a n n i n g program was n e c e s s a r y t o a d d r e s s the a r e a ' s g rowing l a n d use, redevelopment and t r a n s p o r t a t i o n p r e s s u r e s . The p l a n n i n g program spawned the H a s t i n g s - S u n r i s e C i t i z e n P l a n n i n g Committee (HSCPC) which c o m p r i s e d an u m b r e l l a group of e x i s t i n g c i t i z e n and b u s i n e s s groups as w e l l as t h e community at l a r g e . ( C i t y of Vancouver, 1985, v) The HSCPC, w h i c h was f u l l y endorsed by C i t y C o u n c i l , was e s t a b l i s h e d t o p r o v i d e a d v i c e on p l a n n i n g i s s u e s which a f f e c t e d the H a s t i n g s - S u n r i s e a r e a . The HSCPC which i s s t i l l a c t i v e today was not o n l y i n s t r u m e n t a l i n the p r e p a r a t i o n of the H a s t i n g s - S u n r i s e L o c a l Area P l a n which was approved by C i t y C o u n c i l i n 1985, but was and s t i l l i s the community's v o i c e f o r the C a s s i a r C o n n e c t o r i s s u e . The p r o p o s a l which was u n v e i l e d i n March, 1980 , was w i d e l y c r i t i c i z e d by the community on the b a s i s t h a t t h e proposed open freeway would be d i s a s t r o u s t o t h e community and t h a t l o s s of more than one hundred homes was t o o h i g h a p r i c e t o pay f o r the c o n s t r u c t i o n of the p r o j e c t . The Committee (HSCPC) m a i n t a i n e d t h a t the proposed c o n n e c t o r scheme would be " f u n d a m e n t a l l y d e s t r u c t i v e t o V a n c o u v e r i t e s i n H a s t i n g s -S u n r i s e as a community and as i n d i v i d u a l s . " (Vancouver Sun, 58 1980.) W h i l e a g r e e i n g i n p r i n c i p l e t h a t a freeway l i n k was n e c e s s a r y , they saw t h a t the p r o p o s a l p r o v i d e d too few community b e n e f i t s c o n s i d e r i n g the s i z e of the co n n e c t o r and t h a t the l a c k of any s o c i a l or e n v i r o n m e n t a l impact a n a l y s i s was u n a c c e p t a b l e . T h e i r c r i t i q u e of the p r o p o s a l c a l l e d f o r the study of a l t e r n a t i v e schemes t o a d d r e s s the many s o c i a l , e n v i r o n m e n t a l and community c o n c e r n s . In May, 1980, a f t e r s e v e r a l weeks of community d i s c u s s i o n and meetings w i t h b o t h C i v i c s t a f f and P r o v i n c i a l Highways M i n i s t r y s t a f f , t he HSCPC unanimously adopted a C a s s i a r Connector P o s i t i o n P a p e r . T h i s paper o u t l i n e d the community's p e r s p e c t i v e on the problem p a r t i c u l a r l y i n terms of r e s i d e n t s ' i n a b i l i t y t o l i v e and work p e a c e f u l l y i n t h e i r own community due t o the C a s s i a r S t r e e t t r a f f i c s i t u a t i o n and i n terms of the f r u s t r a t i o n and wasted time i n c r e a s i n g l y b e i n g e x p e r i e n c e d by commuters. ( C i t y of Vancouver Correspondence, 1980) C e n t r a l t o t h i s p o s i t i o n paper were ten p r i n c i p l e s which were founded on the fundamental o b j e c t i v e t o see H a s t i n g s - S u n r i s e p r e s e r v e d as a l i v a b l e r e s i d e n t i a l community and which the HSCPC would use as c r i t e r i a t o e v a l u a t e any c o n n e c t o r p r o p o s a l s . The p o s i t i o n paper i n c l u d e d an e v a l u a t i o n of the p r e l i m i n a r y open t r e n c h freeway p r o p o s a l . The paper f u r t h e r recommended t h a t an independent m u l t i - d i s c i p l i n a r y s t u d y be undertaken t o d e v e l o p a d d i t i o n a l a l t e r n a t i v e s f o r the c o r r i d o r and t o examine t h e s o c i a l , e n v i r o n m e n t a l and community impacts of the p r o j e c t . The HSCPC P o s i t i o n Paper a l s o o u t l i n e d 59 n i n e t e e n t r a f f i c management measures which were recommended t o a d d ress th e problem u n t i l a l o n g term s o l u t i o n c o u l d be reached. These i n c l u d e d v a r i o u s p a r k i n g p r o h i b i t i o n s and t r u c k t r a f f i c r e s t r i c t i o n s on r e s i d e n t i a l s t r e e t s o f f C a s s i a r S t r e e t . C i t y C o u n c i l has s u b s e q u e n t l y implemented some of these measures. Vancouver C i t y C o u n c i l endorsed t h e s e p r i n c i p l e s as p r e s e n t e d by the HSCPC and s u p p o r t e d the community's recommendation t h a t the P r o v i n c e r e t a i n a c o n s u l t a n t t o undertake a m u l t i - d i s c i p l i n a r y study t o e v a l u a t e the c u r r e n t p r o p o s a l and t o d e v e l o p a l t e r n a t i v e schemes. C i t y C o u n c i l a l s o recommended t h a t the C i t y and the community be g i v e n an o p p o r t u n i t y t o p a r t i c i p a t e i n the c o n s u l t a n t s t u d y i n c l u d i n g p r e p a r a t i o n of i t s Terms of R e f e r e n c e , t h e s e l e c t i o n of a l t e r n a t i v e schemes and the r e v i e w and subsequent recommendations f o r a p r e f e r r e d c o n n e c t o r scheme. 3.2.1.4 P r o v i n c e Consents t o a Committee but the P r o v i n c e ' s  c r e d i b i l i t y i s t e s t e d . In r e s p o n s e , a S u p e r v i s o r y Committee w i t h r e p r e s e n t a t i o n from c i v i c s t a f f , HSCPC and the M i n i s t r y of T r a n s p o r t a t i o n and Highways was e s t a b l i s h e d t o c o o r d i n a t e and manage the p r e p a r a t i o n of the independent s t u d y . The Committee met weekly u n t i l the consensus of the r e f i n e d c o m p o s i t e scheme was r e a c h e d . 60 The e s t a b l i s h m e n t of the S u p e r v i s o r y Committee, which proved i n s t r u m e n t a l throughout the p l a n n i n g p r o c e s s , d i d not come about e a s i l y . A f t e r some i n i t i a l d e l a y , A l e x F r a s e r , the M i n i s t e r of T r a n s p o r t a t i o n and Highways a t the tim e , agreed i n June, 1980 t h a t the m u l t i - d i s c i p l i n a r y s t u d y be und e r t a k e n . The M i n i s t e r a l s o c o n c u r r e d w i t h the C i t y ' s recommendation t h a t t h e HSCPC be a c t i v e l y i n v o l v e d i n the st u d y . The s t u d y was t o be funded p a r t i a l l y by the C i t y of Vancouver (25%) and t h e P r o v i n c e of B r i t i s h Columbia ( 7 5 % ) ; a formul a t h a t was i n t e n d e d t o ensure t h a t a l l would have ac c e s s and be committed t o the p r o c e s s . However, w h i l e t h e M i n i s t e r and Mayor Jack V o l r i c h agreed t o complete t h e s t u d y , the P r o v i n c e c o n t i n u e d t o purchase p r o p e r t y and homes a l o n g the proposed r i g h t of way. L o c a l concern prompted the HSCPC t o c a l l f o r a moratorium on the purchase of any more p r o p e r t i e s u n t i l a f i n a l freeway c o n f i g u r a t i o n was approved. The HSCPC a l s o wanted those homes t h a t had a l r e a d y been purchased t o be r e n t e d o u t . The M i n i s t e r s u b s e q u e n t l y a g r e e d t o these two r e q u e s t s . L a t e r i n 1980, a f t e r s e v e r a l months of d i s c u s s i o n among the HSCPC, c i v i c and p r o v i n c i a l s t a f f , t h e Terms of Re f e r e n c e f o r the C o n s u l t a n t s t u d y were co m p l e t e d . I t was not u n t i l mid-1981 however t h a t a c a l l f o r p r o p o s a l s t o complete the study went o u t . 61 3.2.1.5 The Study i s Delayed and The P r o v i n c e l o s e s f u r t h e r  c r e d i b i l i t y A c c o r d i n g t o the Terms of R e f e r e n c e , t h e c o n s u l t a n t study would d e v e l o p two a l t e r n a t i v e c o n f i g u r a t i o n s i n c o n s u l t a t i o n w i t h i n t e r e s t e d p a r t i e s and these new schemes, a l o n g w i t h the o r i g i n a l l y proposed c o n f i g u r a t i o n , were t o be e v a l u a t e d and compared w i t h r e s p e c t t o s o c i a l , community, economic and e n g i n e e r i n g i m pacts. Even w i t h P r o v i n c i a l agreement t o u n d e r t a k e the s t u d y , i t was not u n t i l one year l a t e r , a f t e r s t r o n g l o b b y i n g from the C i t y of Vancouver and the HSCPC, t h a t the s t u d y r e c e i v e d the "go ahead" from the P r o v i n c e . The one y e a r d e l a y was a t t r i b u t e d by the M i n i s t e r of T r a n s p o r t a t i o n and Highways t o the f a c t t h a t the study had not been funded i n t h e M i n i s t r y ' s budget and t h a t "due t o u n c e r t a i n t y as t o when work (on C a s s i a r Connector) might b e g i n , t h e r e were c o n c e r n s as t o whether the c o n s u l t a n t s t u d y ought t o be u n d e r t a k e n . " ( C i t y of Vancouver c o r r e s p o n d e n c e , 1982) A c o n s u l t i n g team; Fenco-L a v a l i n , was e v e n t u a l l y s e l e c t e d t o u n d e r t a k e the study which was completed i n June, 1983. D e l a y s however a l s o h i n d e r e d the r e l e a s e of the f i n i s h e d s t u d y . I t was r e p o r t e d t h a t the M i n i s t e r was annoyed w i t h the C i t y f o r h a v i n g r e q u e s t e d and recommended the c l o s u r e of the Skeena underpass and the Cambridge S t r e e t o v e r p a s s over C a s s i a r S t r e e t as a r e m e d i a l 62 measure. The M i n i s t e r argued t h a t the C i t y was g i v i n g i n too much t o t h e c i t i z e n s . 3.2.1.6 The Study i s Completed and consensus i s Reached The Study was f i n a l l y r e l e a s e d i n O c t o b e r , 1983 and s u b m i t t e d t o the C i t y and HSCPC f o r comment. The f e a s i b i l i t y of t h r e e a l t e r n a t i v e a l i g n m e n t s f o r the Connector i n c l u d i n g the o r i g i n a l open t r e n c h freeway scheme was examined i n the s t u d y . A second scheme i n v o l v e d a cut and c o v e r freeway a l i g n m e n t w h i l e the t h i r d scheme i n v o l v e d a t u n n e l t o p a r a l l e l Boundary Road. F o l l o w i n g the r e p o r t ' s r e l e a s e , the C i t y of Vancouver undertook a f u r t h e r p u b l i c c o n s u l t a t i o n program t o b r i e f V a n c o u v e r i t e s about the C a s s i a r S t r e e t o p t i o n s and t o u n d e r s t a n d p u b l i c c o n cerns and p r e f e r e n c e s f o r the C o n n e c t o r . ( B e a s l e y , 1984, 26) From t h i s c o n s u l t a t i o n and from t h e C i t y ' s own t e c h n i c a l r e v iew of the f e a s i b i l i t y s t u d y ' s a l t e r n a t i v e schemes, a composite scheme f o r the C a s s i a r Freeway l i n k a g e was d e v e l o p e d . The c o m p o s i t e brought t o g e t h e r what were d e s c r i b e d as "the best a s p e c t s of the p r e v i o u s schemes w h i l e s i m p l i f y i n g c o n n e c t i o n s so as t o l i m i t p r o p e r t y a c q u i s i t i o n and c o s t s . ( B e a s l e y , 1984, 26) T h i s p l a n r e c e i v e d an unprecedented l e v e l of support from not o n l y the l o c a l p l a n n i n g committee but a l s o from Vancouver C i t y C o u n c i l , the Vancouver C i t y P l a n n i n g Commission and s e v e r a l s u r r o u n d i n g m u n i c i p a l i t i e s . 63 The composite scheme was then s e n t back t o the P r o v i n c i a l Government where the M i n i s t r y of T r a n s p o r t a t i o n and Highways recommended t h a t the scheme's f e a s i b i l i t y be e v a l u a t e d by the c o n s u l t a n t s t u d y team. The f e a s i b i l i t y a n a l y s i s of the composite scheme was p r e s e n t e d i n 1985. The community endorsed the r e f i n e d composite scheme s u b j e c t t o s e v e r a l c o n d i t i o n s i n c l u d i n g c o n t i n u e d p u b l i c i n v o l v e m e n t i n the f i n a l d e s i g n s t a g e s f o r the c o n n e c t o r and adequate compensation f o r those people who would be d i s p l a c e d by t h e new l i n k . Today, a l t h o u g h t h e r e i s consensus on the r e f i n e d composite scheme, no d e c i s i o n has been made by the P r o v i n c e t o p r e p a r e d e t a i l e d d e s i g n work and t o undertake c o n s t r u c t i o n p l a n s . 3.2.1.7 Summary The b r i e f h i s t o r y of the C a s s i a r S t r e e t p r o j e c t h e l p s t o h i g h l i g h t some imp o r t a n t a s p e c t s of the c a s e . F i r s t , i t r e f l e c t s the c l a s s i c approach t o e a r l y urban t r a n s p o r t a t i o n p l a n n i n g i n the 1960" s and 1970's wh i c h was s a d l y l a c k i n g i n p u b l i c c o n s u l t a t i o n and d i d not a c c o u n t f o r any s o c i a l or e n v i r o n m e n t a l impact assessments. The c a s e a l s o r e f l e c t s the t e n a c i t y and p e r s i s t a n c e of Vancouver's e a s t end r e s i d e n t s i n t h e i r p l a n n i n g p r o c e s s e s . A r e a r e s i d e n t s a r e not a f r a i d t o ta k e r a t h e r d r a m a t i c measures such as s t r e e t d e m o n s t r a t i o n s t o have t h e i r v o i c e heard. T h i s s t r o n g c h a r a c t e r of t h e H a s t i n g s - S u n r i s e community has p l a y e d an i m p o r t a n t r o l e i n 64 the planning for Cassiar and w i l l continue to do so u n t i l the project i s actually completed. F i n a l l y , a h i s t o r i c a l review of the Cassiar Street case also r e f l e c t s the unwilling p a r t i c i p a t i o n of the Provincial government in the planning process and how the government's c r e d i b i l i t y was tested throughout the process. Although the Province did agree to p a r t i c i p a t e through the supervisory Committee i t would appear that through the process, the Province was more concerned with a f i n i s h e d product rather than the actual process of planning for the l i n k . 3.3 The Participants The p r i n c i p a l participants in the Cassiar Street Connector case include the B r i t i s h Columbia Ministry of Transportation and Highways, the City of Vancouver and the l o c a l community residents; represented by the Hastings-Sunrise C i t i z e n s Planning Committee. Brief overviews of each p a r t i c i p a n t ' s respcective role in the case are provided. 3.3.1 Ministry of Transportation and Highways The Ministry i s responsible for the development, construction and maintenance of the Province's highway and transportation system. This responsibilty extends to the Cassiar Connector project since the link forms part of the B r i t i s h Columbia and indeed the nation's highway network. As a key decision maker in the process, the Province probably 65 h o l d s the most weight s i n c e i t c o n t r o l s the purse s t r i n g s on the f u n d i n g of the p r o j e c t and has u l t i m a t e a u t h o r i t y t o b u i l d . From the time the p r e l i m i n a r y p r o p o s a l was p r e s e n t e d i n March,1980 u n t i l the agreement on the r e f i n e d c o m p o s i t e scheme, the M i n i s t r y was an a c t i v e p a r t i c i p a n t i n terms of p r e p a r i n g t e c h n i c a l work as w e l l as i n v o l v e m e n t on the Study's S u p e r v i s o r y Committee. 3.3.2 The C i t y of Vancouver W i t h r e s p e c t t o the C a s s i a r C o n n e c t o r , the C i t y C o u n c i l , the P l a n n i n g Department and the E n g i n e e r i n g Department were the p r i n c i p a l a c t o r s i n v o l v e d a t t h e c i v i c l e v e l . C i t y C o u n c i l i s the key d e c i s i o n making body f o r the C i t y . As the p r i n c i p a l v o i c e f o r the r e s i d e n t s of Vancouver, C o u n c i l ' s r o l e i n the case i s c r i t i c a l i n terms of s u p p o r t and endorsement of the p l a n s , d i r e c t i n g s t a f f t o c a r r y out c e r t a i n f u n c t i o n s and p r o v i d i n g a l i a i s o n between the l o c a l community and the P r o v i n c e . I t must be r e c o g n i z e d t h a t d u r i n g t h i s p e r i o d , the Vancouver C i t y C o u n c i l was dominated by a " l e f t of c e n t r e " p o l i t i c a l p e r s p e c t i v e . In t h i s r e s p e c t , the C o u n c i l ' s p l a n n i n g approach w i t h i t s s t r o n g p u b l i c c o n s u l t a t i o n o r i e n t a t i o n , i s e x p l a i n e d . In t h e C a s s i a r c a s e , C i t y C o u n c i l ' s view and s u p p o r t of t h e p r o j e c t i s a c r i t i c a l f a c t o r i n i t s e v e n t u a l i m p l e m e n t a t i o n , e n s u r i n g t h a t the scheme meets c i t y o b j e c t i v e s . The C i t y , t h r o u g h r e p r e s e n t a t i o n by the C i t y P l a n n i n g Department and E n g i n e e r i n g 66 Department, was a l s o a p a r t i c i p a n t on the S u p e r v i s o r y Committee. The C i t y P l a n n i n g Department took the l e a d r o l e i n the p a r t i c i p a t o r y p r o c e s s . Through the C i t y ' s L o c a l Area P l a n n i n g Program, the P l a n n i n g Department a c t e d as a f a c i l i t a t o r f o r p u b l i c c o n s u l t a t i o n w i t h the H a s t i n g s - S u n r i s e community. A l o n g w i t h c o - o r d i n a t i n g t h i s p a r t i c u l a r p a r t i c i p a t o r y p r o c e s s , p l a n n i n g s t a f f l o c a t e d i n the community p r o v i d e d t e c h n i c a l and p r o f e s s i o n a l a d v i c e t o r e s i d e n t s on an o n g o i n g b a s i s . The C i t y E n g i n e e r i n g Department was p r i m a r i l y r e s p o n s i b l e f o r the t e c h n i c a l r e v i e w p r o c e s s . W i t h i t s mandate t o ensure the f r e e f l o w of t r a f f i c t h r o u g h o u t the C i t y , C i t y E n g i n e e r s p r o v i d e d t e c h n i c a l e x p e r t i s e d u r i n g the r e v i e w of the p r o p o s a l s . E n g i n e e r i n g s t a f f a l s o a s s i s t e d i n t h e development of a l t e r n a t i v e schemes. 3.3.3 The L o c a l Community Vancouver's e a s t end has l o n g been known f o r i t s a c t i v e and v o c a l community groups and the HSCPC has proven t o be no e x c e p t i o n . The a r e a ' s p r e d o m i n a t e l y w o r k i n g c l a s s t r a d i t i o n s a r e r e f l e c t e d i n i t s s t r o n g a c t i v i s t p e r s p e c t i v e . A l s o of n o te i s the f a c t t h a t the a r e a i s a l o n g time New Democrat s t r o n g h o l d both f e d e r a l l y and p r o v i n c i a l l y . The " l e f t " p o l i t i c a l o r i e n t a t i o n of the a r e a i s r e f l e c t e d i n the a r e a ' s a p p r o a c h t o p o l i t i c s ; a p e r s p e c t i v e t h a t i s f r e q u e n t l y a t odds w i t h the P r o v i n c i a l Government. 67 Throughout th e p l a n n i n g p r o c e s s f o r the C a s s i a r C o n n e ctor, the l o c a l community has been r e p r e s e n t e d by the H a s t i n g s - S u n r i s e C i t i z e n s P l a n n i n g Committee. E s t a b l i s h e d i n 1980 as p a r t of the L o c a l Area P l a n n i n g Program, the HSCPC, as a v o l u n t e e r o r g a n i z a t i o n , r e p r e s e n t s a wide v a r i e t y of r e s i d e n t s and i n t e r e s t groups throughout the H a s t i n g s - S u n r i s e a r e a . The Committee i s f u l l y endorsed by Vancouver C i t y C o u n c i l . The group's p r i n c i p a l f u n c t i o n has been t o a c t as a watchdog f o r the H a s t i n g s - S u n r i s e e n s u r i n g t h a t the community's i n t e r e s t s i n b o t h t h e L o c a l Area P l a n n i n g program and i n i s s u e s such as C a s s i a r S t r e e t are a d d r e s s e d . As an a d v i s o r y body to C i t y C o u n c i l on m a t t e r s of c o n c e r n t o l o c a l r e s i d e n t s i n c l u d i n g z o n i n g , re-development, s o c i a l i s s u e s and of c o u r s e t r a n s p o r t a t i o n i s s u e s , the Committee has been a p r i n c i p a l p a r t i c i p a n t d u r i n g t h e C a s s i a r debate by r e s p o n d i n g t o p r o p o s a l s f o r the C o n n e c t o r and through i t s p a r t i c i p a t i o n on the S u p e r v i s o r y Committee. 3.4 C i t i z e n P a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the P r o c e s s . What i s perhaps most s i g n i f i c a n t about c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n d u r i n g the C a s s i a r debate i s how the p r o c e s s has moved from b e i n g p r i m a r i l y r e a c t i v e i n n a t u r e t o one c h a r a c t e r i z e d by a more p r o a c t i v e p a r t i c i p a t i o n by the p u b l i c . More r e c e n t e v e n t s ( s i n c e the d e c i s i o n on the r e f i n e d composite scheme) would seem t o i n d i c a t e a r e t u r n t o a more 68 r e a c t i v e r o l e f o r the HSCPC. ( C o u t t s , 1988) The f o l l o w i n g h i g h l i g h t s p u b l i c involvement i n the C a s s i a r Case u n t i l the time t h a t consensus was reached on the r e f i n e d c o m p o s i t e scheme. 3.4.1 The C i t i z e n s React A l t h o u g h a r e a r e s i d e n t s were a c t i v e l y p r o t e s t i n g the t r a f f i c problems i n the a r e a p r i o r t o t h e P r o v i n c i a l Government's announcement of the p r e l i m i n a r y open t r e n c h p r o p o s a l i n March, 1980, the community was never g i v e n an o p p o r t u n i t y t o p a r t i c i p a t e i n the d i s c u s s i o n s . At t h a t t i m e , p r o v i n c i a l o f f i c i a l s i n c l u d i n g the A s s i s t a n t Deputy M i n i s t e r of the M i n i s t r y of T r a n s p o r t a t i o n and Highways met w i t h b o t h c i v i c o f f i c i a l s and the H a s t i n g s - S u n r i s e community t o p r e s e n t the p r o p o s a l and t o seek t h e i r support f o r the p r o j e c t . As p a r t of i t s re v i e w of the p r o j e c t , the C i t y of Vancouver r e f e r r e d the p l a n s t o the Community ( i e . HSCPC) f o r comment. T h i s s i g n a l l e d the i n i t i a t i o n of broader community d i s c u s s i o n . A sub-committee of the newly e s t a b l i s h e d HSCPC was s t r u c k t o d e a l s o l e l y w i t h the C a s s i a r i s s u e . As p a r t of the community's comments, which were h i g h l y c r i t i c a l of the o r i g i n a l p r o p o s a l ' s impact on the s u r r o u n d i n g r e s i d e n t i a l a r e a , the HSCPC adopted a p o s i t i o n paper which o u t l i n e d the community's p e r s p e c t i v e on the Connector p r o j e c t as w e l l as the ten p r i n c i p l e s which the community argued s h o u l d be used t o e v a l u a t e M i n i s t r y p r o p o s a l s . The p o s i t i o n paper a l s o 69 c a l l e d f o r the. p r e p a r a t i o n of an independent, m u l t i -d i s c i p l i n a r y s t u d y on the C a s s i a r C o n n e c t o r . C o n c u r r e n t w i t h the p r e p a r a t i o n of the p o s i t i o n paper, the HSCPC undertook a community survey which i n d i c a t e d a f a i r l y w i d e s p r e a d d i s a p p r o v a l of the proposed open t r e n c h l i n k . In June, 1980, Vancouver C i t y C o u n c i l endorsed the HSCPC's p o s i t i o n paper on C a s s i a r and urged the P r o v i n c e t o c a r r y out the m u l t i - d i s c i p l i n a r y study which would examine the p r o j e c t ' s s o c i a l and e n v i r o n m e n t a l i m p a c t s . In response t o i n c r e a s i n g community c o n c e r n about the C a s s i a r p r o j e c t , the Vancouver P l a n n i n g Department a r r a n g e d t o have M i n i s t r y of T r a n s p o r t a t i o n and Highways s t a f f l o c a t e d t e m p o r a r i l y i n the H a s t i n g s - S u n r i s e s i t e p l a n n i n g o f f i c e t o answer q u e s t i o n s and p r o v i d e i n f o r m a t i o n t o l o c a l r e s i d e n t s . A f t e r some d e l a y , the M i n i s t r y a greed t o c a r r y out the m u l t i - d i s c i p l i n a r y s t u d y and t o f u l l p a r t i c i p a t i o n by HSCPC i n the s t u d y . I t was a l s o agreed t h a t management of the c o n s u l t a n t s ' s t u d y would be c a r r i e d out under the a u s p i c e s of a S u p e r v i s o r y Committee which would c o n s i s t of p r o v i n c i a l , c i v i c and community r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . T h i s Committee was unique i n t h a t i t was the f i r s t time i n B r i t i s h Columbia t h a t such a p r o j e c t was u n d e r t a k e n w i t h community involvement on a management team. As p a r t of the S u p e r v i s o r y Committee, HSCPC then got down t o work w i t h P r o v i n c i a l and C i v i c s t a f f t o pre p a r e Terms of R e f e r e n c e f o r the s t u d y . D u r i n g the p r e p a r a t i o n of the C o n s u l t a n t s ' s t u d y , the Committee met 70 weekly i n the community. Both the o b j e c t i v e s of the st u d y and the c o n s u l t a n t work r e q u i r e m e n t s s e t out p r o v i s i o n s f o r ongoing community involvement through t h e S u p e r v i s o r y Commi t t e e . W h i l e the HSCPC was c o n t i n u i n g t o work on t h e Terms of Ref e r e n c e f o r the C o n s u l t a n t Study, an o p i n i o n p o l l was p r e p a r e d j o i n t l y by the Community, the P l a n n i n g and E n g i n e e r i n g Departments t o determine the e x t e n t of s u p p o r t f o r a s e r i e s of r e m e d i a l t r a f f i c b a r r i e r s i n t h e a r e a as o r i g i n a l l y p r e s e n t e d i n the community's P o s i t i o n Paper. Of p a r t i c u l a r i n t e r e s t were measures t o p r e v e n t commuter t r a f f i c from s h o r t c u t t i n g on Skeena and Cambridge S t r e e t s . A m a j o r i t y of the 556 homes surveyed d i d not support the i n s t a l l a t i o n of the b a r r i e r s . C i t y C o u n c i l r e c e i v e d t h e r e s u l t s of the m u l t i - l i n g u a l survey and c o n c u r r e d w i t h the r e s u l t s but d i r e c t e d C i v i c s t a f f t o c o n t i n u e d i s c u s s i o n s w i t h a r e a r e s i d e n t s i n an attempt t o f i n d o t h e r s o l u t i o n s . In O c t o b e r , 1983, the l o n g a w a i t e d c o n s u l t a n t ' s s t u d y was r e l e a s e d by the P r o v i n c e t o the C i t y of Vancouver f o r r e v i e w . The C i t y P l a n n i n g Department, working w i t h the HSCPC, s e t up a review p r o c e s s , the main o b j e c t i v e of which was t o recommend a p r e f e r r e d scheme to the M i n i s t r y of T r a n s p o r t a t i o n and Highways. The review p r o c e s s a l s o p r o v i d e d an o p p o r t u n i t y t o review t e c h n i c a l q u e s t i o n s , get a d d i t i o n a l i n f o r m a t i o n t o the community and d e v e l o p the HSCPC p o s i t i o n on t h e Connector.. The P r o v i n c e o r i g i n a l l y gave t h r e e weeks f o r t h e C i t y t o 71 respond t o the C o n s u l t a n t s t u d y . Both the C i t y and the Community f e l t t h a t t h i s was u n s a t i s f a c t o r y and were s u c c e s s f u l i n e x t e n d i n g the review p e r i o d t o t h r e e months. A s e r i e s of weekly meetings were h e l d i n the community t o review the s t u d y . In a d d i t i o n , two p u b l i c meetings were h e l d i n December, 1983 t o p r e s e n t the p r o p o s a l t o the o v e r a l l community. I n J a n u a r y , 1984, HSCPC f i n a l i z e d i t s recommendation t o C i t y C o u n c i l i n the form of the composite scheme w h i c h had been developed i n c o n j u c t i o n w i t h C i v i c s t a f f . L a t e r t h a t same month, C i t y C o u n c i l ' s S t a n d i n g Committee on T r a n s p o r t a t i o n and S t r a t e g i c P l a n n i n g met i n the Community t o r e c e i v e t h e community's (and the C i t y ' s ) p o s i t i o n on the C a s s i a r S t r e e t C o n n e c t o r . At the meeting, the composi t e scheme was e n d o r s e d by the C o u n c i l Committee. C i t y C o u n c i l unanimously s u p p o r t e d the scheme l a t e r t h a t month. I t i s i m p o r t a n t t o note t h a t the HSCPC p o s i t i o n on the composite scheme i n c l u d e d s e v e r a l c o n d i t i o n s one of which m a i n t a i n e d t h a t the HSCPC s h o u l d c o n t i n u e t o be i n c l u d e d i n the ongoing p l a n n i n g and d e s i g n phase f o r the C a s s i a r l i n k . The c o m p o s i t e scheme was then sent t o V i c t o r i a f o r r e v i e w . The M i n i s t r y of T r a n s p o r t a t i o n and Highways r e f e r r e d the c o m p o s i t e scheme t o the o r i g i n a l c o n s u l t a n t f o r re v i e w which e v e n t u a l l y e ndorsed the composite scheme w i t h some r e f i n e m e n t s . S i n c e t h e d e c i s i o n on the r e f i n e d c o m p o s i t e scheme, the community, t h r o u g h the HSCPC, has c o n t i n u e d t o 72 keep a b r e a s t of the C a s s i a r Connector i s s u e and has c o n t i n u e d t o p l a y an a c t i v e r o l e i n subsequent m e e t i n g s . No f u r t h e r d e s i g n work has been done by the P r o v i n c e . 3.4.2 Summary Three i m p o r t a n t achievements r e l a t i n g t o the c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n p r o c e s s s h o u l d be h i g h l i g h t e d . I n i t i a l r e a c t i v e response by the c i t i z e n s of H a s t i n g s - S u n r i s e t o the M i n i s t r y ' s p r o p o s a l was t y p i c a l of urban t r a n s p o r t a t i o n p l a n n i n g d u r i n g t h i s p e r i o d . But f o l l o w i n g t h i s , c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n o f f e r e d a means of a c h i e v i n g s t e p s towards r e a c h i n g a d e c i s i o n t h a t was a g r e e a b l e t o a l l p a r t i c i p a n t s . The f i r s t achievement, a l t h o u g h not d i r e c t l y r e l a t e d t o the C a s s i a r p r o j e c t , was the e s t a b l i s h m e n t of the HSCPC as the community's v o i c e a t C i t y H a l l . The Committee has been e f f e c t i v e i n e n s u r i n g t h a t the community's i n t e r e s t s a r e a d d r e s s e d i n the p l a n n i n g f o r the C a s s i a r l i n k . Second, the e s t a b l i s h m e n t of the S u p e r v i s o r y Committee t o manage the p r e p a r a t i o n of the c o n s u l t a n t s ' s t u d y r e f l e c t e d a degree of commitment and r e s p o n s i v e n e s s t o c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n on the p a r t of a l l p a r t i e s i n v o l v e d . T h i r d , the c o m p l e t i o n of the c o n s u l t a n t s ' study r e p r e s e n t e d an a t t e m p t t o a d d r e s s the community's i n t e r e s t s i n the p r o j e c t , s p e c i f i c a l l y the s o c i a l and e n v i r o n m e n t a l c o n c e r n s . 73 3.5 K e n s i n g t o n Avenue Overpass, Burnaby. The second urban t r a n s p o r t a t i o n p l a n n i n g case to be examined i n v o l v e s the c o n s t r u c t i o n of the K e n s i n g t o n Avenue o v e r p a s s over the B u r l i n g t o n N o r t h e r n R a i l w a y i n Burnaby. What s t a r t e d out as an a r t e r i a l road improvement proved t o be a c a t a l y s t t h a t l e a d t o the p r e p a r a t i o n of a comprehensive M u n i c i p a l t r a n s p o r t a t i o n p l a n . T h i s p l a n n i n g p r o c e s s not o n l y r e c o g n i z e d the i n v o l v e m e n t of c i t i z e n s , but a l s o l e a d t o the entrenchment of r e s i d e n t i a l neighbourhood p r e s e r v a t i o n as one of t h e p l a n ' s fundamental t e n e t s . T h i s case a l s o i l l u s t r a t e s t h e c o n f l i c t between m e t r o p o l i t a n a c c e s s i b i l i t y and t h e r i g h t s of c i t i z e n s t o p r e s e r v e t h e i r r e s i d e n t i a l e n v i r o n m e n t a l q u a l i t y . A b r i e f h i s t o r y of the K e n s i n g t o n Avenue Overpass case and the p r e p a r a t i o n of the Burnaby T r a n s p o r t a t i o n P l a n i s p r o v i d e d . The p r i n c i p a l p a r t i c i p a n t s and an o v e r v i e w of the c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n p r o c e s s f o r the case a r e a l s o r e v i e w e d . 3.5.1 H i s t o r y  3.5.1.1 The I s s u e I t became q u i t e c l e a r t h r o u g h the c o u r s e of t h i s study t h a t e x a m i n a t i o n of the K e n s i n g t o n Avenue Overpass c o n t r o v e r s y c o u l d not be undertaken w i t h o u t c o n s i d e r i n g the broader t r a f f i c i s s u e s i n Burnaby i n the e a r l y 1970's. The K e n s i n g t o n Road c a s e , w h i l e one of s e v e r a l l o c a l i z e d t r a f f i c i s s u e s i n Burnaby, i s perhaps the most noteworthy. 74 P l a n n i n g f o r the K e n s i n g t o n Road o v e r p a s s i n Burnaby goes back to the l a t e 1950's when the M e t r o p o l i t a n Highway P l a n n i n g Committee i d e n t i f i e d the l a c k of a r t e r i a l road c a p a c i t y on c e r t a i n N o r t h / s o u t h road a l i g n m e n t s i n Burnaby. E x i s t i n g c a p a c i t y , i t was argued, would not s a t i s f y the p r o j e c t e d demand f o r t r a n s p o r t a t i o n f a c i l i t i e s brought about by the r a p i d e x p a n s i o n of suburban communities such as Burnaby d u r i n g the l a t e 1950's and e a r l y 1960's. K e n s i n g t o n Avenue was one of the proposed n o r t h - s o u t h r o u t e s which was i d e n t i f i e d t o accomodate the demand. At the time the st u d y was c a r r i e d o u t , K e n s i n g t o n appeared t o be a l o g i c a l c h o i c e f o r the road s i n c e i t formed the boundary between two s c h o o l catchment a r e a s and, g i v e n i t s r e l a t i v e l o c a t i o n and d i s t a n c e between S p e r l i n g Avenue t o the e a s t and Holdom Avenue t o the west, was an i d e a l road f o r a r t e r i a l improvements. D u r i n g t h e 1960's,. as suburban growth c o n t i n u e d i n Burnaby, the a r e a a l o n g K e n s i n g t o n soon dev e l o p e d i n t o the p r e d o m i n a t e l y s i n g l e f a m i l y r e s i d e n t i a l a r e a t h a t e x i s t s t oday. As the a r e a c o n t i n u e d t o d e v e l o p , p r o s p e c t i v e homebuyers a l o n g K e n s i n g t o n were a d v i s e d by M u n i c i p a l s t a f f of the M u n i c i p a l i t y ' s l o n g term p l a n s t o upgrade K e n s i n g t o n and c o n s t r u c t the ov e r p a s s over the BNR. 3.5.1.2 The D i s t r i c t Responds and t h e C i t i z e n s React R e c o g n i z i n g the need f o r a major road p o l i c y and s u p p o r t i n g p l a n which would be r e s p o n s i v e t o f u t u r e t r a v e l 75 demands, the Burnaby T r a n s p o r t a t i o n Study t o 1 9 8 5 was p r e p a r e d and s u b s e q u e n t l y adopted i n p r i n c i p l e by M u n i c i p a l C o u n c i l i n 1 9 7 4 . (Burnaby, 1 9 7 8 , 2 ) In the r e p o r t , K e n s i n g t o n Avenue was once a g a i n i d e n t i f i e d as the major n o r t h - s o u t h a r t e r i a l r o u t e f o r c e n t r a l Burnaby. Upgrading K e n s i n g t o n Avenue was c o n s i d e r e d a h i g h p r i o r i t y on the b a s i s of i t s c e n t r a l l o c a t i o n and the broader m u n i c i p a l and m e t r o p o l i t a n wide b e n e f i t s t h a t would be a c h i e v e d through the p r o j e c t . A f u r t h e r study was commissioned by the M u n i c i p a l i t y t o examine the f e a s i b i l i t y of s e v e r a l a l t e r n a t i v e a l i g n m e n t s f o r t h e n o r t h - s o u t h a r t e r i a l r o u t e . The r e p o r t e n t i t l e d , K e n s i n g t o n and S p e r l i n g A l i g n m e n t : A Comparative A n a l y s i s was c o m p l e t e d i n response t o i n c r e a s i n g c o n g e s t i o n and d e l a y s t o v e h i c l e t r a f f i c i n the v i c i n i t y of the a t - g r a d e c r o s s i n g of t h e B u r l i n g t o n N o r t h e r n R a i l w a y a t S p e r l i n g Avenue. The s t u d y i d e n t i f i e d K e n s i n g t o n Avenue as the most d e s i r e a b l e a l i g n m e n t f o r a grade s e p a r a t e d c r o s s i n g of the B u r l i n g t o n N o r t h e r n R a i l r o a d and the Lougheed Highway. In J a n u a r y , 1 9 7 5 , M u n i c i p a l C o u n c i l adopted the K e n s i n g t o n Avenue a l i g n m e n t as the p r e f e r r e d r o u t e f o r a r t e r i a l u p g r a d i n g . That same y e a r , a r e a r e s i d e n t s a l o n g K e n s i n g t o n Avenue were i n f o r m e d of the M u n i c i p a l i t y ' s d e c i s i o n t o upgrade K e n s i n g t o n Avenue t o a major n o r t h - s o u t h a r t e r i a l . I n r e s p o n s e , the K e n s i n g t o n Homeowners' A s s o c i a t i o n (KHOA) was formed ,to f i g h t the p r o p o s a l which would see t h e i r s t r e e t , become a major t h o r o u g h f a r e . KHOA argued t h a t the a l i g n m e n t 7 6 s h o u l d p r o c e e d n o r t h on S p e r l i n g Avenue r a t h e r than a l o n g K e n s i n g t o n . The KHOA p r o p o s a l i n t u r n spawned the c r e a t i o n of the S p e r l i n g Avenue R e s i d e n t s ' A s s o c i a t i o n which t o g e t h e r w i t h KHOA, sought a l t e r n a t i v e a l i g n m e n t s which would not impact t h e i r r e s p e c t i v e c o m m u n i t i e s . W h i l e the 1974 T r a n s p o r t a t i o n P l a n r e p r e s e n t e d a statement by M u n i c i p a l C o u n c i l t o a d d r e s s the growing t r a f f i c problems c o n f r o n t i n g Burnaby, i t was w i d e l y c r i t i c i z e d by r e s i d e n t s who p e r c e i v e d t h a t the p l a n and i t s road p r o p o s a l s ( p a r t i c u l a r l y K e n s i n g t o n Avenue) t h r e a t e n e d the s a n c t i t y of r e s i d e n t i a l e n v i r o n m e n t a l q u a l i t y i n the M u n i c i p a l i t y . ( W i l s o n , 1984, 5) The K e n s i n g t o n Avenue c o n t r o v e r s y then became enmeshed i n the anger and w i d e s p r e a d d i s a p p r o v a l of the 1974 T r a n s p o r t a t i o n P l a n . ( W i l s o n , 1984, 5) R e s i d e n t s argued t h a t i f no a c t i o n was t a k e n , they would f i n d themselves l o c a t e d on a h e a v i l y t r a v e l l e d major a r t e r i a l . R e s i d e n t s were a l s o s t r o n g l y concerned about the problems a s s o c i a t e d w i t h t r a f f i c i n f i l t r a t i o n and s h o r t c u t t i n g t h rough r e s i d e n t i a l neighbourhoods. 3.5.1.3 Burnaby's "Impasse" i n T r a n s p o r t a t i o n P l a n n i n g C o u n c i l ' s a d o p t i o n of the T r a n s p o r t a t i o n P l a n i n 1975 l e d e v e n t u a l l y t o an impasse i n t r a f f i c p l a n n i n g i n the M u n i c i p a l i t y . By 1978, Burnaby's r a t e p a y e r groups, i n c l u d i n g the K e n s i n g t o n Homeowners' A s s o c i a t i o n and the S p e r l i n g Avenue R e s i d e n t s A s s o c i a t i o n had s u c c e s s f u l l y p o l i t i c i z e d t he t r a f f i c 77 i s s u e t h r o u g h an unprecedented number of C o u n c i l appearances which a f f e c t e d M u n i c i p a l C o u n c i l ' s a b i l i t y t o proceed w i t h any of the 1975 P l a n ' s p r o p o s a l s . By p r e s e n t i n g c o u n t l e s s s u b m i s s i o n s b e f o r e M u n i c i p a l C o u n c i l , the r a t e p a y e r groups were a b l e t o f l o o d C o u n c i l meetings w i t h t r a f f i c r e l a t e d i s s u e s . Road p l a n n i n g and the p r o t e c t i o n of r e s i d e n t i a l neighbourhoods had become a l o c a l p o l i t i c a l i s s u e . At the same t i m e , i t was a g a i n r e c o g n i z e d by M u n i c i p a l s t a f f t h a t t h e r e was a growing need t o p r o v i d e the n o r t h - s o u t h grade s e p a r a t e d a l i g n m e n t between the r e s i d e n t i a l a r e a s and the major a c t i v i t y c e n t r e s on e i t h e r s i d e of t h e BNR. (Burnaby, 1978, 3) M u n i c i p a l C o u n c i l r e c o n s i d e r e d i t s e a r l i e r d e c i s i o n of 1975 and d i r e c t e d s t a f f t o l o o k a t a l t e r n a t i v e a l i g n m e n t s which were t o overpass the BNR and connect t o the Lougheed Highway a t grade. As m u n i c i p a l and r e g i o n a l t r a f f i c c o n t i n u e d t o grow, the need f o r a c e n t r a l l y l o c a t e d o v e r p a s s of the BNR t h a t c o u l d e f f i c i e n t l y accommodate the d a i l y volumes of a p p r o x i m a t e l y 19,100 v e h i c l e s as w e l l as any f u t u r e i n c r e a s e of n o r t h s o u t h t r a f f i c a c r o s s the t r a c k s a l s o grew. (Burnaby, 1978, 3) In response, the M u n i c i p a l i t y p r e p a r e d a f u r t h e r c o m p a r a t i v e e v a l u a t i o n f o r the K e n s i n g t o n O v e r p a s s . ( K e n s i n g t o n Overpass A l t e r n a t i v e s ; A Comparative E v a l u a t i o n ) 78 3.5.1 .4 A Need for a Comprehensive Plan: The BTC is establ ished The impasse v i s a v i s the M u n i c i p a l i t y ' s transportat ion plan and the r e a l i z a t i o n by Counci l members that neither the Kensington Overpass projec t nor any of the other road projects in Burnaby should be considered in i s o l a t i o n of the others lead to Counc i l ' s dec i s ion to consider a new approach to transportat ion p lanning . In February 1978, in response to the growing demands placed on Munic ipal Counci l and the subsequent recognit ion that a comprehensive plan was urgently needed, Municipal Counci l e s tab l i shed the Burnaby Transportat ion Committee. This advisory Committee which consisted of three Aldermen and two c i t i z e n representat ives was charged with the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of preparing a Comprehensive Transportat ion Plan which was to r e f l e c t broad community discuss ion on the subject and address the major transportat ion issues in Burnaby. Following a ser ies of publ ic meetings and consultat ions with the M u n i c i p a l i t y ' s res ident groups, several municipal transportat ion object ives emerged, p a r t i c u l a r l y the protect ion of r e s i d e n t i a l neighbourhood q u a l i t y . It was from th i s process and subsequent commitment to i t s underlying object ives that a decis ion on Kensington Avenue was achieved. With the transportat ion plan in p lace , s ta f f and c i t i z e n groups set out to f ind a so lut ion that was agreeable to those involved. 79 The K e n s i n g t o n Avenue o v e r p a s s was i d e n t i f i e d i n the P l a n as one of the M u n i c i p a l i t y ' s p r i o r i t y t r a n s p o r t a t i o n improvements. An a c c e p t a b l e c o n f i g u r a t i o n f o r t h e o v e r p a s s and a l i g n m e n t was approved by BTC; a c o n f i g u r a t i o n which i n f a c t was c o n c e i v e d by the S p e r l i n g Avenue R e s i d e n t ' s A s s o c i a t i o n . The K e n s i n g t o n Overpass was f i n a l l y c o n s t r u c t e d and opened t o t r a f f i c i n 1984. 3.5.1.5 Summary The K e n s i n g t o n Overpass p r o j e c t , l i k e t h e C a s s i a r p r o j e c t , i n i t i a l l y r e f l e c t e d the l a c k of d i r e c t c i t i z e n c o n s u l t a t i o n i n urban t r a n s p o r t a t i o n p l a n n i n g d u r i n g the 1960's and e a r l y 1970's. L o c a l t r a n s p o r t a t i o n i n i t i a t i v e s such as K e n s i n g t o n were met w i t h a s t r o n g r e a c t i v e f o r c e from a r e a r e s i d e n t s . The m e t r o p o l i t a n a c c e s s i b i l i t y / r e s i d e n t i a l e n v i r o n m e n t a l q u a l i t y c o n f l i c t emerged i n Burnaby as a hot p o l i t i c a l i s s u e d u r i n g the 1970's and which e v e n t u a l l y l e a d t o a comprehenisve M u n i c i p a l T r a n s p o r t a t i o n P l a n the c e n t r a l premise of which was the p r o t e c t i o n of Burnaby's r e s i d e n t i a l neighbourhoods. The emergence of an o r g a n i z a t i o n a l s t r u c t u r e f o r c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n such as the BTC i s a l s o of n o t e . T h i s s t r u c t u r e as e x p r e s s e d by i n t e r v i e w e e s was e f f e c t i v e i n d e a l i n g w i t h the impasse t h a t encompassed Burnaby's t r a n s p o r t a t i o n p l a n n i n g i n the 1970's and f o r p r o v i d i n g an e f f e c t i v e mechanism f o r c i t i z e n i n v o l v m e n t t h a t h e l p e d r e s o l v e the i s s u e s of the t i m e . 80 3.6 The P a r t i c i p a n t s A l t h o u g h one c o u l d i n c l u d e the B r i t i s h Columbia M i n i s t r y of T r a n s p o r t a t i o n and Highways and the s e v e r a l c i t i z e n s groups t h a t were a c t i v e i n the p r e p a r a t i o n of the Burnaby T r a n s p o r t a t i o n P l a n , the p r i n c i p a l a c t o r s i n the K e n s i n g t o n Avenue o v e r p a s s c a s e were the M u n i c i p a l i t y of Burnaby, p a r t i c u l a r l y t h r o u g h the Burnaby T r a n s p o r t a t i o n Committee, and two ad hoc c i t i z e n groups which were e s t a b l i s h e d s o l e l y w i t h the i n t e n t i o n of a d d r e s s i n g the i s s u e . These two groups a r e the K e n s i n g t o n Home Owner A s s o c i a t i o n (KHOA) and the S p e r l i n g Avenue R e s i d e n t s ' A s s o c i a t i o n (SARA). 3.6.1 The M u n i c i p a l i t y of Burnaby The p r i n c i p a l p a r t i c i p a n t s a t the M u n i c i p a l l e v e l i n c l u d e the M u n i c i p a l C o u n c i l and the Burnaby T r a n s p o r t a t i o n Committee. I t was the Burnaby M u n i c i p a l C o u n c i l which adopted the 1974 T r a n s p o r t a t i o n P l a n and the i n i t i a l a p p r o v a l f o r the Ke n s i n g t o n O v e r p a s s . M u n i c i p a l C o u n c i l a l s o i n t r o d u c e d the money bylaws which were i n t e n d e d t o promulgate funds f o r the c o m p l e t i o n of the p r o j e c t s and which were s u b s e q u e n t l y d e f e a t e d by t h e p u b l i c . I n 1978, i n response t o the growing concerns f o r t r a n s p o r t a t i o n i s s u e s w i t h i n the M u n i c i p a l i t y , the C o u n c i l e s t a b l i s h e d t h e Burnaby T r a n s p o r t a t i o n Committee, an a d v i s o r y body whose f u n c t i o n i t was t o : (a) r e v i e w the movement of goods and p e o p l e i n the M u n i c i p a l i t y i n the c o n t e x t of the p r e s e n t road and t r a n s i t system; the proposed 1985 roads c o n c e p t , the 81 o v e r a l l p l a n n i n g f o r the f u t u r e of Burnaby, t h e GVRD and P r o v i n c i a l T r a n s p o r t a t i o n P l a n s . (b) r e c e i v e i n p u t from i n t e r e s t e d c i t i z e n s or c i t i z e n groups on m a t t e r s of t r a n s p o r t a t i o n (c) r e p o r t and recommend t o C o u n c i l a c t i o n s t h a t C o u n c i l s h o u l d take on the r e s u l t s of t h i s r e v i e w (Burnaby, 1979, 15) The BTC, which c o n s i s t e d of t h r e e a l d e r m e n , two c i t i z e n r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s and two s e n i o r s t a f f members, worked w i t h c i t i z e n groups i n the p r e p a r a t i o n of the M u n i c i p a l i t y ' s Comprehensive T r a n s p o r t a t i o n P l a n . 3.6.2 The L o c a l Community The l o c a l a r e a r e s i d e n t groups were ad hoc groups formed s o l e l y t o d e a l w i t h the K e n s i n g t o n Avenue i s s u e . A l t h o u g h the f o l l o w i n g two groups were the most a c t i v e i n the Ke n s i n g t o n Overpass i s s u e t h e r e were s e v e r a l o t h e r ad hoc r e s i d e n t groups which were a c t i v e i n the p r e p a r a t i o n of the Comprehensive T r a n s p o r t a t i o n P l a n . 3.6.2.1 K e n s i n g t o n Home Owners' A s s o c i a t i o n ( K H O A ) KHOA was e s t a b l i s h e d i n 1975 i n response t o the M u n i c i p a l i t y ' s p r o p o s a l t o c o n s t r u c t t h e K e n s i n g t o n o v e r p a s s . Area r e s i d e n t s , f a c e d w i t h the p r o s p e c t of h a v i n g t h e i r r e s i d e n t i a l s t r e e t t u r n e d i n t o a p r i m a r y a r t e r i a l , o r g a n i z e d t h emselves t o f i g h t t he p r o p o s a l and s u b s e q u e n t l y mounted a v i g o u r o u s campaign t o d e f e a t the p r o p o s a l . The group la u n c h e d 82 an a c t i v e l o b b y campaign t o get C o u n c i l t o change i t s mind on the K e n s i n g t o n i s s u e . 3.6.2.2 S p e r l i n g Avenue R e s i d e n t s ' A s s o c i a t i o n (SARA) When i t was su g g e s t e d t h a t S p e r l i n g Avenue be c o n s i d e r e d as an a l t e r n a t i v e r o u t e t o the K e n s i n g t o n a l i g n m e n t , r e s i d e n t s a l o n g S p e r l i n g o r g a n i z e d and formed the S p e r l i n g Avenue R e s i d e n t s ' A s s o c i a t i o n . ( P r o v i n c e , 1982) T h e i r a c t i v i t i e s were a t f i r s t i n t e n d e d t o b l o c k p r o p o s a l s by KHOA but i n the lo n g term e v e n t u a l l y d e v e l o p e d the d e s i g n which was used t o c o n s t r u c t the o v e r p a s s . 3.7 The C i t i z e n P a r t i c i p a t i o n P r o c e s s . 3.7.1 Another " R e a c t i v e " B e g i n n i n g As i n t h e C a s s i a r S t r e e t Connector c a s e , i n i t i a l c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n was p r i m a r i l y r e a c t i v e i n n a t u r e . When M u n i c i p a l C o u n c i l adopted the 1974 T r a n s p o r t a t i o n P l a n , no p u b l i c i n p u t had been sought and the M u n i c i p a l C o u n c i l took no s t e p s t o s e l l i t t o the c i t i z e n s . ( W i l s o n , 1984, 9) P u b l i c i n p u t had been r e s t r i c t e d t o v o t i n g on the two M u n i c i p a l money bylaws t o f i n a n c e the p r o j e c t as w e l l as o t h e r road p r o j e c t s . The c i t i z e n s of Burnaby v o i c e d t h e i r o p i n i o n s of the road p l a n s by s o u n d l y d e f e a t i n g the bylaws. The proposed improvements t o K e n s i n g t o n Avenue, as one of the road 83 proposals included in the 1974 Plan, were central to c i t i z e n reaction. 3.7.2 The Impasse in Ci t i z e n P a r t i c i p a t i o n The years 1974-78 were characterized by increasing activism in transportation issues in Burnaby and the growth of numerous ad hoc ratepayer groups which were a l l fighting s p e c i f i c road and transportation improvements in their area of the Muncipality. The repeated appearance of these groups before Municipal Council eventually created a s i t u a t i o n which strongly suggested the need for a Comprehensive Transportation Plan for the Municipality. The Municipality could no longer afford to look at transportation matters on an ad hoc basis and recognized the need for a long range, systems approach to t r a f f i c planning in the Municipality. 3.7.3 The BTC addresses the Impasse The resultant impasse in transportation planning led Burnaby Council to establish the Burnaby Transportation Committee in 1978 which was seen as an advisory vehicle to f a c i l i t a t e c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n p r i marily during the preparation of the Municipality's Transportation Plan. Following the establishment of the Transportation Committee u n t i l the Municipal Council's adoption of the Transportation Plan in 1979, c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n followed an informal yet structured process of public meetings, workshops and hearings. 84 I t should be noted that the BTC c o n t i n u e s to be a c t i v e in a d v i s i n g M u n i c i p a l C o u n c i l on t r a n s p o r t a t i o n p l a n n i n g matters w i t h i n Burnaby. Concurrent with the e s t a b l i s h m e n t of the BTC, M u n i c i p a l s t a f f was p r e p a r i n g the r e p o r t e n t i t l e d Kensington Overpass  A l t e r n a t i v e s : A Comparative E v a l u a t i o n . T h i s study f u r t h e r examined the need for an overpass and s t u d i e d s e v e r a l a l t e r n a t i v e designs fo r the p r o j e c t . As p a r t of the process of e v a l u a t i o n , the Planning Department surveyed a l l p r o p e r t y owners w i t h i n the d e f i n e d study a r e a . Residents were a d v i s e d of the a l t e r n a t i v e s and were i n v i t e d to o f f e r comments on them. One hundred and seventy one l e t t e r s and two p e t i t i o n s were r e c e i v e d back. Meanwhile, the BTC undertook the p r e p a r a t i o n of a Comprehensive T r a n s p o r t a t i o n Plan f o r Burnaby. In June, 1979, community groups w i t h i n the M u n i c i p a l i t y were i n v i t e d to submit t h e i r views on t r a n s p o r t a t i o n i n Burnaby at two p u b l i c meetings. P u b l i c awareness and d i s c u s s i o n on t r a n s p o r t a t i o n p l a n n i n g was generated through a brochure e n t i t l e d "Towards a Comprehensive T r a n s p o r t a t i o n P o l i c y f o r Burnaby" which was d i s t r i b u t e d to every household and b u s i n e s s i n Burnaby. The brochure i d e n t i f i e d the major t r a n s p o r t a t i o n i s s u e s and some of the proposed s o l u t i o n s to area problems and was intended "to help get a well-rounded community p e r s p e c t i v e of the p r e v a i l i n g and p o s s i b l e f u t u r e t r a n s p o r t a t i o n problems both in Burnaby and the region as a whole" (Burnaby, 1979, 15.) 85 F o l l o w i n g t h i s , the BTC p r e p a r e d D r a f t T r a n s p o r t a t i o n P o l i c i e s  f o r Burnaby which documented f o u r t e e n major p o l i c y a r e a s and s e t out the a p p r o p r i a t e i m p l e m e n t a t i o n a c t i o n . The p r o t e c t i o n of r e s i d e n t i a l e n v i r o n m e n t a l q u a l i t y was one of thes e major i s s u e s upon which so much of the c i t i z e n a c t i v i s m was based and which has gui d e d t r a n s p o r t a t i o n p l a n n i n g i n Burnaby s i n c e 1 979. P r i o r t o M u n i c i p a l C o u n c i l ' s r e v i e w and subsequent a d o p t i o n of the P o l i c y R e p o r t , two a d d i t i o n a l meetings were h e l d t o d i s c u s s and r e v i e w the major p o l i c y recommendations. T h i s r e p o r t p r o v i d e d a framework f o r the development of t h e M u n i c i p a l i t y ' s Comprehensive T r a n s p o r t a t i o n P l a n which had as i t s fundamental g o a l : " F a c i l i t a t e the movement of peopl e and goods w i t h i n t h e M u n i c i p a l i t y i n a manner t h a t i s most c o s t e f f e c t i v e and e f f i c i e n t w h i l e a t the same time e n d e a v o u r i n g t o m a i n t a i n and improve the i n t e g r i t y and environment of r e s i d e n t i a l neighbourhoods." A s e r i e s of workshops were h e l d i n 1979 t o examine i n d e t a i l t he major f a c t o r s t h a t would i n f l u e n c e how t h e t r a n s p o r t a t i o n p l a n would u l t i m a t e l y be s t r u c t u r e d . (Burnaby, 1979, 17) M i n i s t r y of T r a n s p o r t a t i o n and Highways r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s , l o c a l t r a n s i t o f f i c i a l s and M u n i c i p a l s t a f f were i n v o l v e d i n these s e s s i o n s t o p r o v i d e t e c h n i c a l a s s i s t a n c e and e x p e r t i s e . The D r a f t T r a n s p o r t a t i o n P l a n was p r e p a r e d i n 1979. P u b l i c awareness of the p r o c e s s and community feedback on t h e 86 proposed plan was generated through the d i s t r i b u t i o n of a s p e c i a l l e a f l e t to every r e s i d e n c e i n the M u n i c i p a l i t y . The d r a f t plan was presented to the Community at three p u b l i c meetings where the p u b l i c c o u l d comment p r i o r to BTC's submission of the d r a f t p l a n to M u n i c i p a l C o u n c i l which adopted the Plan i n August, 1979. 87 CHAPTER FOUR ANALYSIS 4.1 I n t r o d u c t i o n The c o n c e p t u a l framework d e v e l o p e d i n C h a p t e r Two p r o v i d e s a t o o l t o e v a l u a t e the e f f e c t i v e n e s s of t h e c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n p r o c e s s e s i n each case s t u d y . The framework, drawn from the l i t e r a t u r e and from o t h e r urban t r a n s p o r t a t i o n p r o j e c t s , i n c l u d e d n i n e r e q u i s i t e s f o r e f f e c t i v e c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n . The r e q u i s i t e s a r e : * W e l l D e f i n e d O b j e c t i v e s *Good T i m i n g • E f f e c t i v e Communications • A c c e s s i b l e P r o c e s s •Government Responsiveness •Broad Community R e p r e s e n t a t i o n • O v e r a l l Commitment • O v e r a l l C r e d i b i l i t y • F l e x i b l e P r o c e s s T h i s c h a p t e r , through a p p l i c a t i o n of the framework, a s s e s s e s the e f f e c t i v e n e s s of the c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n element of the two case s t u d i e s . A s e r i e s of open ended p e r s o n a l i n t e r v i e w s w i t h key p a r t i c i p a n t s i n each p r o j e c t p r o v i d e d the p r i m a r y d a t a upon which t h i s a n a l y s i s i s based. I n t e r v i e w e e s not o n l y came from the l o c a l community, but a l s o r e p r e s e n t e d c i v i c e l e c t e d and a p p o i n t e d o f f i c i a l s , t h u s p r o v i d i n g a broad p e r s p e c t i v e on the p r o j e c t s . In t h e C a s s i a r c a s e , the p r o v i n c i a l MLA and s e l e c t e d M i n i s t r y s t a f f who were i n v o l v e d w i t h t h e p r o j e c t were a l s o i n t e r v i e w e d . 88 The interviews not only tested the a p p l i c a b i l i t y of the framework but also provided an opportunity to s o l i c i t comments on the framework i t s e l f and to determine from the perspective of the participants, i f i t adequately addressed the basic elements of e f f e c t i v e c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n . In t h i s respect, the framework was received p o s i t i v e l y thus adding assurances and v a l i d i t y to i t s a p p l i c a t i o n and relevance. This chapter f i r s t reviews the Cassiar Connector case and secondly considers the Kensington Overpass project in terms of each of the nine r e q u i s i t e s . An evualation matrix is then proposed which summarizes the analysis and the results of the study. 4.2 THE CASSIAR CONNECTOR CASE  4.2.1 Objectives 4.2.1.1 Different Views on what the objectives were Perceptions that the objectives of the c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n were well defined varied amongst the pa r t i c i p a n t s . Indeed, the perception of what the objectives were varied s i g n i f i c a n t l y . To City s t a f f , the objectives for public involvement were set out in the Local Area Planning process, and consequently i t was maintained that the general p r i n c i p l e s of the program, as a major par t i c i p a t o r y planning process, were well known by a l l participants. 89 In the view of c i t y s t a f f , the agenda for public involvement was e x p l i c i t and there was a good e f f o r t by the City to get c i t i z e n s involved. (Beasley Interview) The City questioned however whether the Province understood the c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n objectives for the Cassiar project. City Council representatives also argued that objectives were well defined. They supported this view by maintaining that both the LAP and HSCPC were sophisticated p a r t i c i p a t o r y processes and that an organizational i n f r a s t r u c t u r e was in place for the entire community to understand the objectives. The community however, tended to be a l i t t l e more cautious in their response and offered a more c y n i c a l perception. The community f e l t that while the objectives were well understood by a l l participants, they were not necessarily accepted by a l l , p a r t i c u l a r l y the City's engineering s t a f f and the Ministry of Transportation and Highways. P a t r i c i a Coutts maintained that there was "a resistance from the engineers when the community presented their a l t e r n a t i v e s " . (Coutts interview) This cynicism toward engineering s t a f f at both the c i v i c and p r o v i n c i a l l e v e l appeared to be a common link through the community's eyes. The concerns that the p r o v i n c i a l government may not have f u l l y accepted the objectives of the c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n program may have had some basis. Ministry s t a f f conceded that the entire planning process for Cassiar got off to a bad star t by the Ministry's presentation of only one option which did 90 not i n c l u d e any s o c i a l or e n v i r o n m e n t a l impact a n a l y s i s . M i c h a e l O'Connor i n d i c a t e d t h a t i n i t i a l l y the M i n i s t r y o n l y wanted t o d e a l w i t h the C i t y C o u n c i l on the P r o j e c t and argued t h a t C i t y C o u n c i l " c o u l d d e a l w i t h the c i t i z e n s " . (O'Connor i n t e r v i e w ) A p p a r e n t l y , s e n i o r M i n i s t r y a d m i n i s t r a t i o n wanted to p u l l out of t h e p a r t i c i p a t i o n p r o c e s s a l t o g e t h e r s i n c e they f e l t t h a t t h e y were not " i n c o n t r o l ". However, O'Connor, the R e g i o n a l D i r e c t o r of Highways a t the t i m e , wanted t o remain i n the program n o t i n g t h a t he was b e g i n n i n g t o see some p r o g r e s s i n the p r o c e s s p a r t i c u l a r l y i n terms of f i n d i n g a s o l u t i o n t h a t c o u l d have been a g r e e a b l e t o a l l . O'Connor mentioned t h a t the M i n i s t r y found i t d i f f i c u l t t o d e a l w i t h the community v a l u e s w h i c h were f u n d a m e n t a l l y d i f f e r e n t from those of the M i n i s t r y . The r e s i d e n t s ' complete concern f o r t h e i r own community ( v i e w e d as s e l f i n t e r e s t by the M i n i s t r y ) , r e g a r d l e s s of c o s t o r time s c h e d u l e s , was of such o p p o s i t e o r i e n t a t i o n from the M i n i s t r y t h a t they found i t d i f f i c u l t t o d e a l w i t h a s e t of v a l u e s t h a t was c o m p l e t e l y f o r e i g n t o an e n g i n e e r i n g p e r s p e c t i v e . (O'Connor i n t e r v i e w ) 4.2.1.2 The Terms of R e f e r e n c e e s t a b l i s h O b j e c t i v e s A l l p a r t i c i p a n t s a greed t h a t they were s u f f i c i e n t l y i n v o l v e d i n e s t a b l i s h i n g the o b j e c t i v e s of the p a r t i c i p a t o r y p r o c e s s which were s p e l t out i n the Terms of Reference f o r the c o n s u l t a n t ' s S t u d y . The S u p e r v i s o r y Committee which was established to manage the preparation of the consultant's study played a c r i t i c a l role in the p a r t i c i p a t o r y process. The Committee, comprised of community representatives, the City of Vancouver and the Ministry of Transportation and Highways represented the f i r s t time that the public had been involved in managing a technical management commitment for a major p r o v i n c i a l transportation project. Community representation on the Supervisory Committee however did not come about e a s i l y . The Province of B r i t i s h Columbia i n i t i a l l y refused to accept the community's p a r t i c i p a t i o n in the process as an equal partner. The City of Vancouver however encouraged the l o c a l community's involvement which was f i n a l l y recognized as part of the City's delegation on the Supervisory Committee. Nonetheless, i t was widely regarded that a l l p a r t i c i p a n t s had input into establishing the objectives of the p a r t i c i p a t o r y process. The lack of consensus on what the objectives were at the outset r e f l e c t s the lack of understanding and the unwilling p a r t i c i p a t i o n of the Province in the process. The objectives of the participatory process however, under the Supervisory Committee, were well known and understood. This accounts for the Committee's effectiveness in reaching the consensus. 9 2 4.2.2 Timing 4.2.2.1 No i n i t i a l Public Involvement The timing of public involvement in the Cassiar Connector issue must be considered from two perspectives. F i r s t , public involvement was v i r t u a l l y non-existent when the Minister of Transportation and Highways f i r s t announced the preliminary plan in 1980. To City engineering participants, the public p a r t i c i p a t i o n process was borne out of early confrontation in 1979 when Vancouver Heights residents took to the streets to demonstrate the continual shortcutting of non-local t r a f f i c through t h e i r neighbourhood. When the City of Vancouver received the proposal from the Provincial Government i t was the C i t y (not the Province) which sought community comments on the project. Second, once the decision was made between the p a r t i c i p a n t s to prepare a consultant study and to work through a Supervisory Committee, public p a r t i c i p a t i o n took on a more formal and p o s i t i v e structure. C i t i z e n involvement was outlined in the study's Terms of Reference which c l e a r l y l a i d out how, where and when public involvement would be considered. C i v i c s t a f f were strongly c r i t i c a l of the Province's i n i t i a l approach to the Cassiar Street project, s p e c i f i c a l l y that no public input had been sought in the o r i g i n a l plans and the Province was acquiring land along the proposed right of way without proper n o t i f i c a t i o n s . Beasley indicated that the 93 C i t y g a i n e d c o n s i d e r a b l e c r e d i b i l i t y i n the p r o c e s s i n i t s " s o r t i n g out of the mess" i n r e l a t i o n s between the P r o v i n c e and the Community. The C i t y a c t e d as an a dvocate f o r the c i t i z e n s who were s u c c e s s f u l i n g e t t i n g a moratorium p l a c e d on p r o p e r t y a c q u i s i t i o n s . The t i m i n g r e q u i s i t e r a i s e d the i s s u e t h a t maybe community s o l i d a r i t y may been l a c k i n g . (Thomsett i n t e r v i e w ) The i n t e r v i e w s exposed a l a c k of s o l i d a r i t y w i t h i n the H a s t i n g s - S u n r i s e community and between the community and the C i t y . In what was d e s c r i b e d by one c i t y r e p r e s e n t a t i v e as an " o v e r p a r t i c i p a t i o n " by Vancouver H e i g h t s r e s i d e n t s , i t was apparent t h a t Vancouver H e i g h t s r e s i d e n t s and c i t y s t a f f d i d not get a l o n g a t v a r i o u s p o i n t s i n the p r o c e s s . Vancouver H e i g h t s r e s i d e n t s , who were p r i m a r i l y r e s p o n s i b l e f o r the s t r e e t d e m o n s t r a t i o n i n 1980, were d e s c r i b e d as " u n t r u s t i n g , n e g a t i v e and not r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of the HSCPC." (Thomsett i n t e r v i e w ) In r e s p o n s e , the Vancouver H e i g h t s r e s i d e n t s i n d i c a t e d t h a t C i t y P l a n n i n g s t a f f were a t times p l a y i n g p o l i t i c s w i t h . t h e C a s s i a r i s s u e by d e l a y i n g r e p o r t s f o r example. F u r t h e r q u e s t i o n i n g f a i l e d t o uncover much more of t h i s c o n t r o v e r s y . 4.2.2.2 The Second Phase: A More P o s i t i v e Approach I t was commonly agreed t h a t d u r i n g t h e second phase, p u b l i c i nvolvement o c c u r r e d e a r l y enough f o r t h e community t o e f f e c t i v e l y have t h e i r say i n the p r o j e c t . P u b l i c involvement 94 as the central focus of the Terms of Reference, and a well-organized l o c a l community are perhaps responsible for t h i s . The HSCPC, as the " o f f i c i a l voice" of the community, was n o t i f i e d immediately of the proposal by the City after the Province had made i t s submission. Most public p a r t i c i p a t i o n regarding Cassiar was and s t i l l i s carried out through the HSCPC. 4.2.2.3 S u f f i c i e n t Review Time: The Province "Pushes" There was some concern however expressed by c i v i c s t a f f and community representatives that the Province was not providing s u f f i c i e n t review time for the public to respond to and provide alternatives to the o r i g i n a l Cassiar Connector, p a r t i c u l a r l y after the Consultant's study was released. The review and comment period for the study was i n i t i a l l y l imited to three weeks. Both the City and the HSCPC considered i t unfair for the Province to expect that the City's and community's comments would be provided within this period. The three weeks was extended and i t was during this short intense review that the composite scheme, which served as a precursor of the preferred refined composite scheme, was developed. The short review period was also considered unfair considering the fact that the Province had reviewed the study for almost 12 months before returning i t to the City for comments. 95 4.2.2.4 Has the " r e a l " t e c h n i c a l p l a n n i n g been completed? Wi t h the e x c e p t i o n of the o r i g i n a l 1980 p r o p o s a l , the C i t y and t h e P r o v i n c e a g r e e d t h a t t e c h n i c a l p l a n n i n g f o r the C a s s i a r l i n k d i d occur s i m u l t a n e o u s l y w i t h the p a r t i c i p a t i o n p r o c e s s . The e s t a b l i s h m e n t of the S u p e r v i s o r y Committee was c r e d i t e d f o r e n s u r i n g t h i s would o c c u r . L i n e drawings of the p r o p o s a l were made a v a i l a b l e t o t h e HSCPC f o r comment, and a l t e r a t i o n s t o the d e s i g n were c o n s i d e r e d and i n c o r p o r a t e d i n t o the schemes. A l t h o u g h t h e community does r e c o g n i z e t h i s i n p u t , they s t i l l f e e l t h a t the t e c h n i c a l work i s s t i l l t o be completed and w i l l be u n d e r t a k e n when the P r o v i n c e makes i t s f i n a l d e c i s i o n on the C o n n e c t o r . The HSCPC has c o n t i n u e d t o be i n v o l v e d i n o r d e r t o keep t h e community's o b j e c t i v e s r e g a r d i n g C a s s i a r s t i l l v i s i b l e . The c y n i c i s m t h a t the community f e l t and i n f a c t c o n t i n u e s t o f e e l towards the P r o v i n c e c o n t i n u e d t o emerge. A l t h o u g h t h e r e has been a co n s e n s u s reached on the r e f i n e d composite scheme, the community s t i l l f e e l s t h a t the P r o v i n c e "does not have a l l t h e i r c a r d s on t h e t a b l e " and t h a t the P r o v i n c e i s "not g e n u i n e l y i n t e r e s t e d i n the compromise s o l u t i o n " but would r a t h e r push the l e a s t c o s t p r o j e c t t h r o u g h . The community a l s o f e l t c h e a t e d i n t h a t t h e i r i n p u t was not c o n s i d e r e d i n the i n i t i a l p r o p o s a l . Even though the C i t y recommended t h a t the HSCPC become e q u a l l y i n v o l v e d i n t h e p l a n n i n g p r o c e s s , the P r o v i n c e ' s r e s i s t a n c e t o community 96 i n v o l v e m e n t n e g a t i v e l y a f f e c t e d r e l a t i o n s h i p s . In f a c t , C i t y P l a n n i n g s t a f f i n d i c a t e d t h a t the C i t y "had t o be i n s i s t e n t and a g g r e s s i v e w i t h t h e P r o v i n c e i n g e t t i n g any p u b l i c c o n s u l t a t i o n i n the p r o j e c t a t a l l . ( B e a s e l y i n t e r v i e w ) Key p o i n t s i n t h e C a s s i a r Connector debate c o u l d be c o n s i d e r e d as the i n i t i a l p r o p o s a l , t h e e s t a b l i s h m e n t of t h e S u p e r v i s o r y Committee t o manage the p r e p a r a t i o n of t h e C o n s u l t a n t s Study, the p r e p a r a t i o n of Terms of R e f e r e n c e f o r the independent c o n s u l t a n t s s t u d y , s e l e c t i o n of the c o n s u l t a n t and f i n a l l y r e v i e w of the a l t e r n a t i v e schemes f o r the l i n k . A r e v i e w of the community's p a r t i c i p a t i o n r e v e a l s a mixed p a t t e r n of i n v o l v e m e n t . The HSCPC P o s i t i o n Paper, developed i n response t o t h e 1980 p r o p o s a l , was a l s o c o n s i d e r e d a c r i t i c a l s t e p f o r t h e C i t y and the community. The Paper p r o v i d e d an o p p o r t u n i t y f o r the C i t y and the H a s t i n g s - S u n r i s e group t o "get t h e i r a c t t o g e t h e r " T h i s P o s i t i o n Paper became an i m p o r t a n t t o o l f o r a l l p a r t i c i p a n t s , i n c l u d i n g the c o n s u l t a n t s i n t h e i r r e v i e w of t h e a l t e r n a t i v e s . A l t h o u g h the community wanted an independent s t u d y , t h e P r o v i n c e b a l k e d a t the s t u d y . The HSCPC l o b b i e d o t h e r M u n i c i p a l i t i e s i n the G r e a t e r Vancouver a r e a t o put p r e s s u r e on V i c t o r i a t o get the s t u d y underway. I t took t h i s e x t r a p r e s s u r e t o get the s t u d y o f f the ground. 97 4.2.2.5 The S u p e r v i s o r y Committee ensures Involvement Once t h e r e was agreement t o p r o c e e d w i t h the C o n s u l t a n t ' s s t u d y , the p r e p a r a t i o n of i t s Terms of R e f e r e n c e r e p r e s e n t e d one of the more i n t e n s e p e r i o d s of c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n d u r i n g t h e p r o j e c t . Through i t s r e p r e s e n t a t i o n on the Committee, the community was s u c c e s s f u l i n p r o v i d i n g i n p u t i n t o the Terms. As members of t h e Committee, the community r e t a i n e d a f i r s t hand r o l e i n the s e l e c t i o n of the c o n s u l t a n t and f i n a l l y i n the r e v i e w of the a l t e r n a t i v e schemes which were dev e l o p e d i n the f i n a l s t u d y . In a d d i t i o n t o t h e o n g o i n g work of the S u p e r v i s o r y Committee and i t s l i a i s o n w i t h the H a s t i n g s - S u n r i s e community, the p u b l i c was a l s o i n v i t e d t o p a r t i c i p a t e t h r o u g h s e v e r a l p u b l i c meetings h e l d i n the community. In a show of support t o the p a r t i c i p a t i o n p r o c e s s , even the C i t y C o u n c i l ' s S t a n d i n g Committee on T r a n s p o r t a t i o n and S t r a t e g i c P l a n n i n g h e l d meetings d e a l i n g w i t h the C o n n e c t o r r i g h t i n the community. Not o n l y d i d t h e f o r m a t i o n of the S u p e r v i s o r y Committee ensure p a r t i c i p a t i o n a t key p o i n t s throughout the p l a n n i n g p r o c e s s as s e t out i n the Terms of Ref e r e n c e but i t was a l s o agreed t h a t the c l o s e l i a i s o n between the C i t y P l a n n i n g Department and t h e HSCPC f a c i l i t a t e d the i n c l u s i o n of the community a t key p o i n t s . P l a n n e r s w o r k i n g d i r e c t l y w i t h the community made sure t h a t t h e l o c a l p u b l i c was i n v o l v e d . 98 In summary, the l a c k of e a r l y p u b l i c i n v o l v e m e n t i n the p l a n n i n g f o r C a s s i a r c o n t r i b u t e d t o the s t r o n g b a c k l a s h i l l u s t r a t e d t h r ough the s t r e e t d e m o n s t r a t i o n s t h a t were used t o get the C i t y and the P r o v i n c e t o a c t . The second phase of the p l a n n i n g p r o c e s s , however, under the S u p e r v i s o r y Committee, was more e f f e c t i v e i n terms of t i m i n g and i n v o l v e d a c l o s e r w o r k i n g r e l a t i o n s h i p w i t h the community. 4.2.3 Communications 4.2.3.1 An Open-ended Communication P r o c e s s : N a t u r a l or Forced? There was agreement amongst a l l p a r t i c i p a n t s t h a t t h e p r o c e s s and p a r t i c u l a r l y the exchange of i n f o r m a t i o n under the S u p e r v i s o r y Committee was f a i r and open. But a t the same time t h e r e was a r e c u r r i n g p e r c e p t i o n t h a t the P r o v i n c e was not a w i l l i n g p a r t n e r i n the p r o c e s s . C i t y p l a n n i n g s t a f f , C i t y e n g i n e e r s and C i t y C o u n c i l members f e l t t h a t the P r o v i n c e was not as open t o an exchange of i n f o r m a t i o n as they had hoped, p a r t i c u l a r l y a t the b e g i n n i n g of t h e p r o c e s s . But w h i l e C i t y P l a n n i n g s t a f f were "saddened" by the f a c t t h a t the P r o v i n c e was not as w i l l i n g t o be i n v o l v e d , they were h o p e f u l t h a t i n the f u t u r e , P r o v i n c i a l e n g i n e e r i n g s t a f f may be more open t o p a r t i c i p a t o r y p l a n n i n g p r o c e s s , p a r t i c u l a r l y as younger e n g i n e e r s who perhaps a r e more s e n s i t i v e and who r e c o g n i z e t h e 99 value of public involvement within the ranks of the Ministry personnel. What emerges from an analysis of the Cassiar Connector case i s evidence of the c l a s s i c c r i t i c i s m of engineers who are not able (required) to communicate e f f e c t i v e l y with the public. This was even recognized by the former Ministry staff who was interviewed. The Supervisory Committee was widely credited for opening up the process. The community's perspective on the flow of information i s s l i g h t l y d i f f e r e n t . Community representatives f e l t that both Provincial and City engineers were not as receptive as they had hoped. The HSCPC f e l t that the linear l i n e of communications, with information o r i g i n a t i n g with the Provincial engineers who then passed i t on to the City Engineers, then to the City planners and f i n a l l y to the Community, was not conducive to good communications. It was f e l t that the Engineers were holding back information and were not committed to p a r t i c i p a t i o n . The preparation of the independent Study was praised because i t seemed to open up lines of communication among the participants. But once the study was completed, the community f e l t that the communication li n e s were once again shut down. This f e e l i n g of alienation which the HSCPC continues to fe e l stems from the fact that although the community i s supposed to meet with Provincial engineers t o s e t t l e the outstanding issues, the community has 100 been " l e f t i n the d a r k " i n terms of meetings w i t h b o t h c i v i c and p r o v i n c i a l s t a f f . ( C o u t t s I n t e r v i e w ) 4.2.3.2 I n f o r m a t i o n was u n d e r s t o o d by a l l C o n s i d e r i n g the magnitude of the e n g i n e e r i n g p r o p o s a l f o r the Connector and i t s t e c h n i c a l n a t u r e , i t was s u r p r i s i n g t h a t t h e r e were no c o m p l a i n t s or concerns t h a t the i n f o r m a t i o n was e i t h e r t o o t e c h n i c a l or complex f o r community r e s i d e n t s t o comprehend. A l t h o u g h i t was c o n s i d e r e d a v e r y e d u c a t i o n a l p r o c e s s f o r a l l concerned and t h a t a t the v e r y i n i t i a l s t a g e s of the p r o c e s s , t e c h n i c a l i n f o r m a t i o n was a b i t o verwhelming, t h e r e was a g e n e r a l consensus t h a t the i n f o r m a t i o n t h a t was p r o v i d e d t o the community was r e a d i l y u n d e r s t o o d . C e r t a i n l y the p resence of community p l a n n i n g s t a f f the l o c a l a r e a who c o u l d answer p u b l i c e n q u i r i e s a i d e d i n t h i s r e s p e c t . But t h e r e was a l s o a f e e l i n g t h a t those c i t i z e n s who wanted t o p a r t i c i p a t e made a s t r o n g commitment t o t a k e time and u n d e r s t a n d t h e key c o n c e p t s . Indeed, the community p l a n n e r s were re g a r d e d as " l i f e s a v e r s " f o r the community. ( O l i v i e r i i n t e r v i e w ) Furthermore, p l a n n i n g s t a f f i n H a s t i n g s - S u n r i s e h e l p e d t o " d e m y s t i f y " any problems t h a t may have a r i s e n . S i m i l a r l y , C i t y e n g i n e e r s were always on hand a t e i t h e r the p l a n n e r s ' or the r e s i d e n t s ' r e q u e s t t o a d d r e s s t e c h n i c a l c o n c e r n s . Even M i n i s t r y s t a f f m a i n t a i n e d t h a t C i t y p l a n n i n g s t a f f h e l p e d i n the communication p r o c e s s . M i c h a e l O'Connor 101 conceded that the Ministry of Transportation and Highways are not "communicators" but are "highway builders". He did state however that through the p a r t i c i p a t o r y process they were "getting close to a solution that would have been acceptable to a l l " (O'Connor interview) The only c r i t i c i s m offered in terms of technical information was that a l l representations of the proposed link were prepared as uni-dimensional wall maps and li n e drawings. It was suggested by the community that although they were well prepared, a three dimensional representation or model of the linkage schemes would have helped residents v i s u a l i z e some of the i n t r i c a c i e s of the project. In response to early public c r i t i c i s m of the project, the Ministry also made an attempt to be more accessible and to help residents understand the proposal by placing an Information O f f i c e r in the Hastings-Sunrise Planning o f f i c e on a temporary basis. The Information O f f i c e r was supposed to provide information and answers to requests and public enquiries. There was however l i t t l e r e c o l l e c t i o n by the public or c i v i c s t a f f of the Ministry s t a f f being located in the planning s i t e o f f i c e . This could perhaps be t e l l i n g evidence of the effectiveness of t h i s i n i t i a t i v e . 4.2.3.3 The Records are Open - Minutes and records of meetings are held in the City H a l l . City Council reports, City Manager's reports and staff 1 0 2 r e p o r t s r e l a t i n g t o C a s s i a r are a l l open f o r p u b l i c view. In terms of i n t e r a c t i o n and feedback t o t h e p u b l i c t h e r e i s e v i d e n c e t o support the c l a i m t h a t t h e p r o c e s s was open. L e t t e r s from the p u b l i c t o both the M i n i s t e r and the Mayor were always responded t o . The HSCPC was a l s o r e l a t i v e l y e f f e c t i v e i n terms of r e p o r t i n g back t o t h e community. P r e s s r e l e a s e s and a r t i c l e s i n both the l o c a l and c i t y wide newspapers were common. In a d d i t i o n , the l o c a l p l a n n i n g committee a l s o produced a monthly n e w s l e t t e r , but t h i s e f f o r t was d i s c o n t i n u e d because of f i n a n c i a l c o n s t r a i n t s . In summary, the C a s s i a r case met t h i s r e q u i s i t e t o a l a r g e degree. The p r o c e s s was p e r c e i v e d t o be open and f a i r ; the i n f o r m a t i o n used was e a s i l y u n d e r s t o o d and f i n a l l y , the f a c t t h a t an independent person was a b l e t o r e v i e w the r e c o r d s p e r t a i n i n g t o the C a s s i a r case r e f l e c t s an open p r o c e s s . The o n l y n e g a t i v e f a c t o r here was the r e c u r r i n g p e r c e p t i o n of the P r o v i n c e as i n i t i a l l y h o l d i n g back i n f o r m a t i o n , a problem which appeared t o be r e c t i f i e d by the S u p e r v i s o r y Committee. 4.2.4 A c c e s s i b i l i t y t o P r o c e s s 4.2.4.1 An A c c e s s i b l e P r o c e s s W i t h the e x c e p t i o n of the i n i t i a l p r e l i m i n a r y p r o p o s a l f o r the C o n n ector, t h e r e was g e n e r a l agreement by a l l p a r t i c i p a n t s t h a t the p l a n n i n g p r o c e s s was a c c e s s i b l e t o the 1 03 community. While i t was also recognized that while i t was d i f f i c u l t to reach everyone impacted by the proposal, the process was accessible to the extent that the people who were interested could par t i c i p a t e in a meaningful way. If there was one segment of the population that was not reached adequately, i t would have been the elderly residents l i v i n g along the proposed right of way. (Beasley interview) The p a r t i c i p a t o r y process perhaps f e l l short of i t s ideals when dealing with these residents . Beasley agreed that engineers and even the planners involved in the project had to be more sens i t i v e to the area's residents since they were "disrupting " people's l i v e s . (Beasley interview) Certainly, in terms of l o c a l and c i t y wide media coverage, the Cassiar Connector issue must be considered on of the higher p r o f i l e planning debates in the area. 4.2.4.2 An Equitable Process As mentioned, the c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n process associated with Cassiar has been described by both c i v i c elected and appointed o f f i c i a l s as one of the more pa r t i c i p a t o r y processes in urban transportation planning in the area. S i m i l a r l y , i t was praised for being one of the more exemplary in terms of providing equitable access for community residents to p a r t i c i p a t e . The l o c a l community also praised the a c c e s s i b i l i t y of the process. Meetings were held in the community during off work hours thus ensuring opportunities 1 04 f o r the w i d e s t p o s s i b l e p a r t i c i p a t i o n by i n t e r e s t e d r e s i d e n t s . Most meetings were h e l d i n the H a s t i n g s Community C e n t r e , w i t h a d d i t i o n a l meetings commonly b e i n g h e l d i n l o c a l a r e a s c h o o l s which a l l o w e d a l l of the a r e a ' s r e s i d e n t s e q u i t a b l e a c c e s s t o p a r t i c i p a t e ( c o n s i d e r i n g t h a t H a s t i n g s - S u n r i s e i s such a l a r g e a r e a ) A c c o r d i n g t o the HSCPC " i f r e s i d e n t s d i d not know of the p r o c e s s , i t was t h e i r own f a u l t " ( C o u t t s i n t e r v i e w ) . F u r t h e r m o r e , t h e r e was consensus t h a t s u f f i c i e n t n o t i c e was always g i v e n f o r p u b l i c meetings and e v e n t s a t which p u b l i c i n p u t was sought. A c c o r d i n g t o t h o s e members of the p u b l i c who were i n t e r v i e w e d , they would not c o n s i d e r any d i f f e r e n t approaches t o the p l a n n i n g p r o c e s s . In terms of a c c e s s i b i l i t y , t h e C a s s i a r case r e f l e c t s a g r e a t d e a l of a c c e s s i b i l i t y which can be c r e d i t e d f o r the most p a r t t o the S u p e r v i s o r y Committee. The HSCPC and the S u p e r v i s o r y Committee were e f f e c t i v e v e h i c l e s f o r p r o v i d i n g a c c e s s t o the p l a n n i n g p r o c e s s . I t appeared t h a t d u r i n g the S u p e r v i s o r y Committee's t e n u r e , t h e r e was a s t r o n g attempt t o p r o v i d e the w i d e s t means of a c c e s s and o p p o r t u n i t y f o r inv o l v e m e n t . 4.2.5 Government Res p o n s i v e n e s s While i t must be remembered t h a t t h e C a s s i a r Connector i s s t i l l not b u i l t we can s t i l l g et an i d e a of the degree of government r e s p o n s i v e n e s s t o t h e p u b l i c . But i n terms of a f i n a l outcome i t i s s t i l l d i f f i c u l t t o d e t e r m i n e , p a r t i c u l a r l y 105 from the community's p e r s p e c t i v e , whether the p u b l i c ' s recommendations w i l l be f o l l o w e d . But i f we c o n s i d e r t h e Co n n e c t o r i s s u e up u n t i l t h e r e was g e n e r a l consensus amongst the p r i n c i p a l a c t o r s on the r e f i n e d composite scheme, i t i s p o s s i b l e t o c o n s i d e r government's r e s p o n s i v e n e s s i n terms of th e d e c i s i o n s and events l e a d i n g up t o the r e f i n e d c o m p o s i t e scheme. 4.2.5 1 F e e l i n g s of S k e p t i c i s m towards the P r o v i n c e O v e r a l l , t h e r e was a p e r c e p t i o n t h a t the C i t y of Vancouver was r e c e p t i v e t o community i n p u t . The HSCPC f e l t t h a t t h e i r i n p u t and recommendations were f u l l y c o n s i d e r e d by th e C i t y i n the d e c i s i o n s l e a d i n g up t o the r e f i n e d c o m p o s i t e scheme. There was however, a g e n e r a l mood of s k e p t i c i s m from t h e community, c i t y p l a n n i n g s t a f f and c i t y c o u n c i l r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s t h a t the P r o v i n c e w i l l n o t , i n the end, w h o l e h e a r t e d l y c o n s i d e r the p u b l i c ' s recommendations. T h i s s k e p t i c i s m stems from p a s t problems the community has e x p e r i e n c e d i n g e t t i n g the P r o v i n c e t o r e c o g n i z e the i n t e r e s t of a r e a r e s i d e n t s and from f e e l i n g s t h a t the P r o v i n c e has al w a y s " h e l d back" i n f o r m a t i o n from the community (Pederson and O l i v i e r i i n t e r v i e w s , 1988) Both D a v i e s and F o r d s hare t h i s s k e p t i c i s m i n terms of p r o v i n c i a l government r e s p o n s i v e n e s s and f e e l t h a t the P r o v i n c e i s b a l k i n g a t recommendations t h a t were a g r e e d upon through the S u p e r v i s o r y Committee. 1 06 4.2.5.2 A Compromise Solution through P a r t i c i p a t i o n To the extent that the refined composite scheme r e f l e c t s the community's recommendations and p a r t i c i p a t i o n in the process, the public did perceive that key decisions have reflected the outcome of the p a r t i c i p a t i o n process. But i t must be remembered that t h i s design scheme did not come ea s i l y . Furthermore, there are s t i l l some outstanding questions, most notably on compensation for expropriated properties and to a Pr o v i n c i a l commitment to further c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n in the f i n a l design phase of the project (when and i f a decision to proceed with the project goes ahead) But, while there remains skepticism in terms of the f i n a l outcome, the Pr o v i n c i a l Government has been responsive to a certain degree to the l o c a l community. F i r s t , the Province heeded the community's c a l l for a moratorium on the acquisition of properties along the proposed Right of Way by the Province. Second, the Province heeded the Community's c a l l for an independent study and f i n a l l y , the refined composite scheme which was i n i t i a l l y worked out between the City and the HSCPC. Each of these recommendations stands as evidence that l o c a l public concerns were considered and assessed in the decisions made to date on the Cassiar Connector. 1 07 In summary, the C a s s i a r case was e f f e c t i v e i n c o n s i d e r i n g and u s i n g p u b l i c i n p u t i n the key p l a n n i n g d e c i s i o n s . F i r s t , t h e f a c t t h e r e was an independent study completed i s l a r g e l y due t o the community's e f f o r t s . S e c o n d l y , the community's r e q u e s t s f o r a moratorium on the purchase of houses a l o n g the proposed R i g h t of Way was a d d r e s s e d . F i n a l l y , the c o m p o s i t e scheme, as a product of c i t y and community p a r t i c i p a t i o n , f u r t h e r a t t e s t s t o a degree of government r e s p o n s i v e n e s s . 4.2.6 Community R e p r e s e n t a t i o n 4.2.6.1 The HSCPC: A genuine attempt a t community r e p r e s e n t a t i o n Community r e p r e s e n t a t i o n has o f t e n been c i t e d as one of the d o w n f a l l s of p u b l i c involvement i n p l a n n i n g . In a l m o s t a l l c a s e s t h e r e i s a c o r e group ( u s u a l l y a m i n o r i t y of the community) which t a k e s the l e a d r o l e i n a d v o c a t i n g the community's p o s i t i o n on an i s s u e . The C a s s i a r c o n n e c t o r and the HSCPC i s no e x c e p t i o n . There was however g e n e r a l agreement t h a t the HSCPC, as the H a s t i n g s - S u n r i s e " v o i c e " , d i d a d e q u a t e l y r e p r e s e n t the co n c e r n s of the broader community and i n p a r t i c u l a r t h o s e people d i r e c t l y impacted by the proposed freeway. In p a r t , t h e s e c l a i m s can stem from the f a c t t h a t the Terms of Refe r e n c e f o r the HSCPC c l e a r l y s p e l t out t h a t i t s c o m p o s i t i o n was t o r e f l e c t both the demographic and g e o g r a p h i c 108 p r o f i l e of the community a t l a r g e . T h i s c o m p o s i t i o n was always under r e v i e w and changes were made when n e c e s s a r y . ( B e a s l e y and C o u t t s i n t e r v i e w s , 1988) F u r t h e r m o r e , every attempt was made t h r o u g h a v a r i e t y of p a r t i c i p a t i o n t e c h n i q u e s ( n e w s l e t t e r s , a r t i c l e s i n l o c a l newspapers, i n f o r m a l meetings) t o engage the s u p p o r t of t h e w i d e r community. In g e n e r a l , i t can be argued t h a t t h r o u g h the LAP p r o c e s s , the C i t y and the Committee were e f f e c t i v e i n r e p r e s e n t i n g the community and e f f e c t i v e l y t r a n s m i t t i n g and r e c e i v i n g i n f o r m a t i o n . S t i l l , i t has t o be r e c o g n i z e d t h a t r e g a r d l e s s of how c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n i s approached, i t i s almost i m p o s s i b l e t o make a l l p e o p l e d i r e c t l y i m p a c t e d by an i s s u e be aware and p a r t i c i p a t e . O v e r a l l however, t h e r e was consensus t h a t the community g e n e r a l l y knew what was a t s t a k e t o them p e r s o n a l l y . The C a s s i a r Case was e f f e c t i v e i n terms of community r e p r e s e n t a t i o n . The HSCPC was b r o a d l y r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of the community and made a s t r o n g e f f o r t t o remain so as e v i d e n c e d i n i t s Terms of R e f e r e n c e w h i c h a s s u r e d a s t r o n g degree of r e p r e s e n t a t i v e n e s s . There was a l s o an o v e r a l l p e r c e p t i o n t h a t the community knew what was a t s t a k e t o them p e r s o n a l l y . 4.2.7 Commitment 4.2.7.1 A Q u e s t i o n a b l e P r o v i n c i a l Commitment? S i n c e t h e r e was g e n e r a l agreement amongst t h e C i t y , the P r o v i n c e and the l o c a l community t h a t a freeway l i n k was 109 needed there was broader commitment to c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n than otherwise may have been the case. The interviews revealed a strong commitment by both the City and the residents (through the HSCPC) to the pa r t i c i p a t i o n process. And while i t was perceived that there was a commitment to participatory planning at the D i s t r i c t l e v e l of the Ministry of Transportation and Highways, i t was f e l t that this same commitment was not shared throughout the entire Ministry hierarchy. Both Beasley and Thomsett f e l t that the "Province was being dragged along in i t s commitment to the process". (Beasley and Thomsett interviews) Indeed, the D i s t r i c t l e v e l representative of the Ministry did recognize certain limitations in i t s a b i l i t y to communicate with the public. Consequently, perceptions of the Province as an unwilling partner in the process may be well founded. (O'Connor interview) But, as O'Connor pointed out, p o l i t i c a l influences may have played a part here. A change in 1980 in the mayor of Vancouver brought a l e f t leaning mayor with strong t i e s to the NDP. Michael O'Connor noted that, just as the Ministry's Regional staff was beginning to notice p o s i t i v e results through the participatory process, M i n i s t e r i a l support for the program was withdrawn. O'Connor perceived that t h i s was probably due to the election of Michael Harcourt as Mayor. City Council's commitment can be seen through the Local Area Planning program and i t s endorsement of the HSCPC. City Council was s o l i d l y behind the process. Even p o l i t i c a l 1 1 0 allegiances were put aside when i t came to the participatory process associated with the Cassiar Connector. ( Beasley , Ford interviews) 4.2.7.2 The community wants action now! The HSCPC was undoubtedly committed to the process. This commitment remains today and i s reflected in their continued presence and involvement in the project. (Coutts interview) In the words of one HSCPC member, "Of course we are committed, we were fighti n g for our l i v e s " . ( O l i v i e r i interview) But while there i s s t i l l commitment to the process, i t was again possible to detect feelings of cynicism from the community. While recognizing the City's commitment to the process, the lo c a l residents now want action and a f i n a l decision on the project. (Pederson interview) 4.2.7.3 Consensus through C i t i z e n P a r t i c i p a t i o n A l l p a r t i c i p a n t s f e l t that the public p a r t i c i p a t i o n process did influence the outcome of the project. While remembering that the project i s not yet b u i l t , i t i s safe to say that public p a r t i c i p a t i o n has probably stopped the Province from building the lowest cost project and has forced the Ministry to consider the broader s o c i a l and community impacts of the i r decision. The community feels that "the open trench scheme would have been b u i l t , with bare concrete, no landscaping, no sound barri e r s and no consideration for 1 1 1 community i m p a c t s . " ( P e d e r s o n , 1988) The r e f i n e d c o m p o s i t e scheme as a consensus of the proposed l i n k i s p r o o f t h a t c i t i z e n i n volvement d i d a f f e c t the outcome t o d a t e . Commitment t o the c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n p r o c e s s was e v i d e n t by a l l p a r t i c i p a n t s except the P r o v i n c e , and t h i s i s where the o v e r a l l e f f e c t i v e n e s s of the p r o c e s s i s d i m i n i s h e d . F u r t h e r m o r e , w h i l e comments and a t t i t u d e s from the community and the C i t y i n d i c a t e d openness and r e s p o n s i v e n e s s , t h i s was not the case when P r o v i n c i a l r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s were c o n c e r n e d . -4.2.8 C r e d i b i l i t y 4.2.8.1 An E d u c a t i o n a l P r o c e s s f o r a l l What i s a l s o i n t e r e s t i n g t o note i n t h e C a s s i a r Connector p r o j e c t i s t h a t the p r o c e s s was foremost an e d u c a t i o n a l p r o c e s s f o r a l l a c t o r s . For the community, i t p r o v i d e d an o p p o r t u n i t y t o d e a l w i t h b oth the l o c a l and p r o v i n c i a l governments i n an e f f o r t t o r e s o l v e a common pro b l e m . For the P r o v i n c e , i t was the f i r s t o p p o r t u n i t y t o be engaged i n a p u b l i c p a r t i c i p a t o r y p r o c e s s r e l a t i n g t o i t s t r a n s p o r t a t i o n p l a n n i n g f u n c t i o n . For the C i t y , a s t r o n g p a r t n e r s h i p w i t h the community was d e v e l o p e d , each p a r t y s e n s i t i v e t o the o t h e r s needs. A l s o of i n t e r e s t i s t h a t the p r o c e s s d i d , over i t s c o u r s e , b u i l t t r u s t and c o n f i d e n c e . ( t o v a r y i n g d e g r e e s ) amongst the p a r t i c i p a n t s . ( B e a s l e y i n t e r v i e w ) 1 1 2 4.2.8.2 The S u p e r v i s o r y Committee "opens" the P r o c e s s I t was w i d e l y p e r c e i v e d t h a t the p r o c e s s was open, f a i r and a c c e s s i b l e , ( s p e c i f i c a l l y i f we a r e l o o k i n g a t the time up t o the d e c i s i o n on the r e f i n e d composite scheme) But, here a g a i n s k e p t i c i s m towards the P r o v i n c e ' s r o l e emerges. While a g r e e i n g t h a t t h e p l a n n i n g p r o c e s s was open, Ma r i o n O l i v i e r i of the HSCPC s t r e s s e d t h a t i t was the community t h a t " p r i e d i t open". ( O l i v i e r i i n t e r v i e w ) The p a r t i c i p a t i o n s t r u c t u r e t h a t was e s t a b l i s h e d t h r o u g h the S u p e r v i s o r y Committee e n a b l e d the key p a r t i c i p a n t s t o s i t down and d i s c u s s a common problem and t r y t o r e s o l v e i t . The community s u r v e y s and s a m p l i n g t h a t were und e r t a k e n l e n t a s t r o n g degree of c r e d i b i l i t y t o the p a r t i c i p a t o r y p r o c e s s . I t was from t h e s e s u r v e y s t h a t c e r t a i n key d e c i s i o n s were made. The C a s s i a r P o s i t i o n Paper which c l e a r l y s p e l t out t h e community's i n t e n t i o n s w i t h r e s p e c t w i t h the Connector i s a l s o e v i d e n c e of the c r e d i b i l i t y i n the p r o c e s s . The Paper i s s t i l l b e i n g used as a p r i n c i p a l document by the HSCPC. W h i l e t h e c r e d i b i l i t y was b u i l t up over the d u r a t i o n of the C a s s i a r c a s e , p a r t i c u l a r l y between the C i t y and the community, t h e r e c u r r i n g s k e p t i c i s m about the P r o v i n c e ' s i n t e n t i o n s seemed t o c l o u d the o v e r a l l e f f e c t i v e n e s s . R e g a r d l e s s , c r e d i b i l i t y was a l s o b u i l t t h r o u g h the r e l a t i v l e y h i g h p r o f i l e n a t u r e of the C a s s i a r p r o j e c t w i t h i n the 113 Community and at times, as evidenced in the media, in the City. 4.2.9 F l e x i b i l i t y It appears that the perception of f l e x i b i l i t y varies with the participants. Clear lines however, are drawn among the major actors. F i r s t , the City administration and s t a f f f e l t that the process was open and f l e x i b l e . They maintained that technocrats were forced to look at a l t e r n a t i v e routes as well as the s o c i a l and environmental impacts through the study and that the numerous opportunities for c i t i z e n input r e f l e c t the process' f l e x i b i l i t y . Furthermore, the r e l a t i v e informality of the process (through the Supervisory Committee) allowed for process adjustment when i t was needed. (Rudberg interview) It was suggested that the lack of p o l i t i c a l representation on the committee contributed to this f l e x i b i l i t y . It was f e l t that there was no need for any committee members to "posture p o l i t i c a l l y " which allowed for a better flow of communications. (Rudberg interview) The City's elected o f f i c i a l s also concurred that the process was f l e x i b l e and that the consensus reflected in the refined composite scheme attests to this f l e x i b i l i t y . (Ford and Davies interviews) 1 1 4 4.2.9.1 Who was i n C o n t r o l ? The community on the o t h e r hand f e e l s t h a t the p r o c e s s was l e s s f l e x i b l e and was t o a l a r g e e x t e n t c o n t r o l l e d by the P r o v i n c e . "The p r o c e s s was always c o n t r o l l e d by the p r o v i n c e . . . we always f e l t l i k e we were d a n c i n g t o the p r o v i n c e " ( C o u t t s i n t e r v i e w ) They d i d however agree t h a t the g r e a t e s t f l e x i b i l i t y was e v i d e n t d u r i n g the p e r i o d when the S u p e r v i s o r y Committee was f u n c t i o n i n g d u r i n g the p r e p a r a t i o n of the c o n s u l t a n t ' s s t u d y . 4.3 KENSINGTON AVENUE OVERPASS/BURNABY TRANSPORTATION PLAN 4.3.1 O b j e c t i v e s D e f i n e d 4.3.1.1 The BTC as a t u r n i n g p o i n t The a p p a r e n t l a c k of c o o r d i n a t i o n i n terms of c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n b e f o r e 1978, the year i n which the Burnaby T r a n s p o r t a t i o n Committee was e s t a b l i s h e d , would l e a d t o the c o n c l u s i o n t h a t t h e r e were no s e t o b j e c t i v e s f o r c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n t r a n s p o r t a t i o n p l a n n i n g i n the M u n i c i p a l i t y . In terms of t h e K e n s i n g t o n o v e r p a s s i t was suggested t h a t the o b j e c t i v e of p u b l i c involvement b e f o r e 1978 was merely t o s t o p the p r o j e c t . S t o p p i n g o t h e r road p r o j e c t s were the o b j e c t i v e s of s e v e r a l o t h e r Burnaby r e s i d e n t groups which a t the time were a l l f i g h t i n g t r a n s p o r t a t i o n p r o j e c t s t h a t were p e r c e i v e d 1 1 5 t o t h r e a t e n the " s a n c t i t y " of the M u n i c i p a l i t y ' s r e s i d e n t i a l neighbourhoods. The f o r m a t i o n of the Burnaby T r a n s p o r t a t i o n Committee i n 1978 however o f f e r e d the r a t h e r c h a o t i c p u b l i c p a r t i c i p a t i o n p r o c e s s i n Burnaby w i t h a c o o r d i n a t e d a l t e r n a t i v e form of i n v o l v e m e n t . The BTC, as t h e v e h i c l e f o r c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n urban t r a n s p o r t a t i o n p l a n n i n g i n Burnaby, was e s t a b l i s h e d by M u n i c i p a l C o u n c i l p r e c i s e l y t o a d d r e s s t h i s . The o b j e c t i v e s of c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n a r e s p e l t out i n the Committee's Terms of R e f e r e n c e . As an a d v i s o r y Committee of M u n i c i p a l C o u n c i l , the BTC was e s t a b l i s h e d t o p r e p a r e a comprehensive t r a n s p o r t a t i o n p l a n f o r Burnaby and t o r e c e i v e i n p u t from i n t e r e s t e d c i t i z e n groups i n the M u n i c i p a l i t y on t r a n s p o r t a t i o n m a t t e r s . The o b j e c t i v e s became broader based and were meant t o a d d r e s s a w i d e r range of t r a n s p o r t a t i o n problems i n Burnaby than pre-1978. As Bob T a r l i n g had n o t e d , d u r i n g the p o s t - 1 9 7 8 p e r i o d , a l l r e s i d e n t s know where t o go and how t o d e a l w i t h M u n i c i p a l C o u n c i l . ( T a r l i n g i n t e r v i e w ) A l t h o u g h the s p e c i f i c o b j e c t i v e s f o r the BTC were o u t l i n e d by M u n i c i p a l C o u n c i l , i t c o u l d be argued t h a t i n d i r e c t l y a l l p a r t i e s were i n v o l v e d i n e s t a b l i s h i n g t h e o b j e c t i v e s . The two c i t i z e n r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s on the Burnaby T r a n s p o r t a t i o n Committee were c r e d i t e d w i t h e n s u r i n g t h a t o b j e c t i v e s of the p a r t i c i p a t o r y p r o c e s s were w e l l known. The c r e d i t t h a t the "channels of communication were c l e a n c u t " can 1 1 6 be g i v e n t o the BTC. (Elwood i n t e r v i e w ) These r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s r e g u l a r l y r e p o r t e d back t o a l l r a t e p a y e r g r o u p s . S i m i l a r l y , the r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s took r a t e p a y e r c o n c e r n s and i n p u t back t o the T r a n s p o r t a t i o n Committee. A c o n s i d e r a b l e degree of t r u s t and c o n f i d e n c e i n the s e two r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s was r e f l e c t e d from a l l p a r t i c i p a n t s . In summary, the K e n s i n g t o n case a l s o i l l u s t r a t e s the l a c k of p u b l i c i n p u t and s o c i a l and e n v i r o n m e n t a l impact assessment t h a t was common i n t r a n s p o r t a t i o n p l a n n i n g i n the 1960's and e a r l y 1970's. The BTC however s o l v e d t h i s problem and t h r o u g h i t the o b j e c t i v e s of c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n became w e l l known. T h i s c o n t r i b u t e d t o the o v e r a l l e f f e c t i v e n e s s of the the Burnaby T r a n s p o r t a t i o n P l a n , a P o l i c y which i s s t i l l i n e f f e c t t o d a y . 4.3.2 T i m i n g 4.3.2.1 Another R e a c t i v e Case; P l a n f i r s t ; T a l k L a t e r . L i k e the C a s s i a r Case, t h e r e was no p u b l i c involvement i n th e e a r l y p l a n n i n g s t a g e s f o r the K e n s i n g t o n Overpass or i n th e p r e p a r a t i o n of the 1974 T r a n s p o r t a t i o n P l a n . I t would a l s o appear t h a t t h i s i n i t i a l l a c k of p u b l i c c o n s u l t a t i o n and the b a c k l a s h t h a t f o l l o w e d proved t o be the impetus f o r the p u b l i c r e a c t i o n t h a t f o l l o w e d . In the K e n s i n g t o n c a s e , the f o r m a t i o n of the K e n s i n g t o n Homeowner's A s s o c i a t i o n (KHOA) i n 1975 s i g n a l l e d the s t a r t of p u b l i c p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the p r o j e c t . U n t i l t h i s time the M u n i c i p a l i t y had not sought any 1 1 7 public input into the project. Although the entry of the KHOA into the debate was purely reactive in nature, c i t i z e n s f e l t that their p a r t i c i p a t i o n and involvement was early enough to be e f f e c t i v e over the long term in the issue. (Tarling interview) It was largely due to the fact that the KHOA was organized and active at a r e l a t i v e l y early date that they were able to respond quickly and e f f e c t i v e l y to the Municipality's proposals. Municipal s t a f f also f e l t that s u f f i c i e n t time was given to the l o c a l residents to respond to alternatives and to provide input. (Scott interview) Once the Burnaby Transportation Committee was established, concerns and complaints from c i t i z e n s could be dealt with more e f f e c t i v e l y and in a coordinated fashion. The two c i t i z e n representatives on the Committee would report back to the groups regularly and would ensure that the c i t i z e n s ' concerns were being heard. As one interviewee mentioned, "before the BTC, there was no public involvement whatsoever in urban transportation planning in Burnaby, merely reactive p a r t i c i p a t i o n . The BTC was f u l l y aware of their communities' wishes. (Elwood interview) 4.3.2.2 Technical Planning and P a r t i c i p a t i o n : Not Simultaneous With the exception of the conceptual proposals, the technical planning phase for the Kensington project was not 1 18 c a r r i e d out s i m u l t a n e o u s l y w i t h the c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n phase. B e f o r e 1978 and the f o r m a t i o n of the Burnaby T r a n s p o r t a t i o n Committee, t e c h n i c a l p l a n n i n g f o r the K e n s i n g t o n Avenue Overpass was l i m i t e d t o p r e l i m i n a r y p r o p o s a l s showing a l t e r n a t i v e a l i g n m e n t s . D e t a i l e d d e s i g n work and p l a n n i n g o c c u r r e d l a t e r when the p r e f e r r e d scheme was adopted by M u n i c i p a l C o u n c i l as p a r t of the T r a n s p o r t a t i o n P l a n . I t was d u r i n g t h i s l a t t e r p e r i o d t h a t c i t i z e n i n v o l v e m e n t i n the K e n s i n g t o n Avenue overpass i n p a r t i c u l a r and the Burnaby T r a n s p o r t a t i o n P l a n i n g e n e r a l was waning. As mentioned, the o r i g i n a l K e n s i n g t o n Avenue p r o p o s a l i n v o l v e d no p u b l i c i n p u t . C i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n d u r i n g t h i s phase was merely r e a c t i v e i n n a t u r e . I t c o u l d be ar g u e d however t h a t c i t i z e n i n p u t was c o n s i d e r e d t o the e x t e n t t h a t p u b l i c a p p r o v a l was r e q u i r e d f o r the money by-laws t h a t were i n t e n d e d t o f i n a n c e the p r o j e c t s and which were put b e f o r e the p e o p l e of Burnaby f o r r a t i f i c a t i o n . Burnaby r e s i d e n t s however v o t e d t h e s e money by-laws down. The Burnaby T r a n s p o r t a t i o n Committee was s e t up p r e c i s e l y i n response t o the impasse i n t r a f f i c p l a n n i n g and t o p r e p a r e a Comprehensive T r a n s p o r t a t i o n P l a n f o r the M u n i c i p a l i t y . S i n c e c i t i z e n i n p u t was now mandated through the Terms of R e f e r e n c e f o r the Committee, t h e r e was a s u b s t a n t i a l change i n the p u b l i c p r o c e s s as compared t o the pre-1978 p e r i o d . F o l l o w i n g the Committee's e s t a b l i s h m e n t , two p u b l i c m e e t i n g s were h e l d w i t h the t h i r t e e n community groups t o p r e s e n t t h e i r 119 views on t r a n s p o r t a t i o n i n Burnaby. The Committee sent out b r o c h u r e s t o every h o u s e h o l d i n Burnaby i n an e f f o r t t o engage p u b l i c involvement i n t h e p l a n n i n g p r o c e s s . From these m eetings and a d d i t i o n a l p u b l i c and s t a f f i n p u t , t h e Committee p r e p a r e d the D r a f t T r a n s p o r t a t i o n P o l i c i e s f o r Burnaby r e p o r t which o u t l i n e d f o u r t e e n major p o l i c y a r e a s . The Committee went back t o the p u b l i c w i t h t h i s r e p o r t f o r r e v i e w and t o c o n s i d e r amendments t o i t . T h i s p o l i c y r e p o r t was used as a framework f o r the Burnaby T r a n s p o r t a t i o n P l a n . D u r i n g t h i s p e r i o d , the two c i t i z e n r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s on the Committee were c o n s t a n t l y meeting w i t h the v a r i o u s r a t e p a y e r groups i n Burnaby. F u r t h e r p u b l i c meetings were h e l d t o r e c e i v e comments and t o c o n s i d e r changes t o the p l a n based on p u b l i c r e a c t i o n . F o l l o w i n g t h i s the Committee met i n d i v i d u a l l y w i t h f o u r of the r a t e p a y e r groups t o d e a l w i t h s p e c i f i c p l a n p r o p o s a l s . The K e n s i n g t o n Avenue groups were two of t h e s e groups. 4.3.2.3 The V a l u e of O r g a n i z a t i o n a l P r eparedness With the e x c e p t i o n of the o r i g i n a l K e n s i n g t o n Avenue p r o p o s a l t h e r e was w i d e s p r e a d agreement t h a t t h e r e was s u f f i c i e n t n o t i c e g i v e n t o p r o p o s a l s . But the v a l u e of community o r g a n i z a t i o n can be seen h e r e . As Bob T a r l i n g n o t e s , the f a c t t h a t the community was a l r e a d y o r g a n i z e d h e l p s . "We would not have had s u f f i c i e n t time i f we had not been o r g a n i z e d . " ( T a r l i n g i n t e r v i e w e , 1988) L o c a l newspapers and n o t i c e s which were sen t out t h r o u g h the M u n i c i p a l i t y ' s 1 20 p u b l i c s c h o o l s were used to a d v e r t i s e upcoming m e e t i n g s . In a d d i t i o n , e l e c t r o n i c media was used e x t e n s i v e l y t o c o v e r the t r a n s p o r t a t i o n p l a n p r o c e s s i n Burnaby. In summary, a g a i n the v a l u e of the BTC i s e x h i b i t e d . The Committee was a b l e t o r e c t i f y the d e f i c i e n c i e s i n the c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n p r o c e s s . S i m i l a r l y , the case i l l u s t r a t e s t he v a l u e of o r g a n i z a t i o n a l p r e p a r e d n e s s , which a l l o w e d r e s i d e n t s a l o n g K e n s i n g t o n and S p e r l i n g t o p a r t i c i p a t e more e f f e c i t v e l y i n t he p r e p a r a t i o n of the Burnaby T r a n s p o r t a t i o n P l a n . 4.3.3. Communications 4.3.3.1 The BTC "opens" up the communication f l o w A g a i n , i n terms of communication, t h e r e a r e marked d i f f e r e n c e s i n the p u b l i c p r o c e s s between the pre-1978 p e r i o d and the post-1978 p e r i o d . B e f o r e 1978, r e s i d e n t s f e l t t h a t communication l i n k s between c i t i z e n s and the M u n i c i p a l i t y c o u l d have been b e t t e r . As Bob T a r l i n g i n d i c a t e d , " R e s i d e n t s were not s a t i s f i e d t h a t t h e r e was an open exchange of i n f o r m a t i o n between the communities and the M u n i c i p a l E n g i n e e r i n g Department." ( T a r l i n g i n t e r v i e w ) A f t e r the e s t a b l i s h m e n t of the Burnaby T r a n s p o r t a t i o n Committee, t h e r e was a g e n e r a l p e r c e p t i o n t h a t the f l o w of i n f o r m a t i o n was much more open and a c c e s s i b l e . The BTC s o l v e d the communication problem and was a b l e t o c i r c u m v e n t the system" ( T a r l i n g i n t e r v i e w ) As Tom C o n s t a b l e n o t e d , "Communication was the s o l e r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of the group. ( C o n s t a b l e i n t e r v i e w ) The 121 two community r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s a g a i n can be c r e d i t e d f o r e n s u r i n g t h a t r e s i d e n t s were a b l e t o get i n f o r m a t i o n and t h a t t h e i r c o n cerns were b e i n g a d d r e s s e d by the committee. From th o s e p a r t i c i p a n t s i n t e r v i e w e d , t h e r e was consensus t h a t the i n f o r m a t i o n and language b e i n g used d u r i n g the K e n s i n g t o n Overpass debate and the P l a n p r e p a r a t i o n p r o c e s s was s i m p l e and s t r a i g h t f o r w a r d . Community r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s f e l t s a t i s f i e d t h a t they had r e c e i v e d a c c u r a t e and c o m p r e h e n s i b l e i n f o r m a t i o n . D u r i n g the pre-1978 p e r i o d , even d u r i n g the d i s c u s s i o n s c e n t r e d around the K e n s i n g t o n Avenue overpass i s s u e , t h e p r o p o s a l was d i s c u s s e d i n terms which c i t i z e n s c o u l d u n d e r s t a n d e a s i l y . 4.3.3.2 T e c h n i c a l A s s i s t a n c e B e f o r e the T r a n s p o r t a t i o n Committee was e s t a b l i s h e d , community groups such as the K e n s i n g t o n Homeowners' A s s o c i a t i o n and t h e S p e r l i n g Avenue R e s i d e n t s ' A s s o c i a t i o n had t o r e l y on t h e i r own r e s o u r c e s f o r r e s e a r c h and a n a l y s i s . No d i r e c t t e c h n i c a l a s s i s t a n c e was made a v a i l a b l e t o the groups. T h i s however was not p e r c e i v e d t o be a problem. A s s i s t a n c e was a v a i l a b l e from the M u n i c i p a l E n g i n e e r i n g and P l a n n i n g Departments who p r o v i d e d h e l p and i n f o r m a t i o n when r e q u e s t e d . O v e r a l l , c i t i z e n groups had no problems g e t t i n g the n e c e s s a r y d a t a t o do t h e i r own a n a l y s i s . T h i s openness was r e f l e c t e d i n Alderman Lawson's s t a t e m e n t t h a t "KHOA and SARA were never t u r n e d down on a r e q u e s t f o r i n f o r m a t i o n . (Lawson i n t e r v i e w ) 1 22 Once the Burnaby. T r a n s p o r t a t i o n Committee had been e s t a b l i s h e d , t e c h n i c a l a s s i s t a n c e became even more a v a i l a b l e f o r c i t i z e n groups. The two c i t i z e n r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s proved p a r t i c u l a r l y i n s t r u m e n t a l i n t h i s r e s p e c t by a c t i n g as a l i a i s o n between the M u n i c i p a l i t y and the p u b l i c . The t r u s t and c o n f i d e n c e t h a t was p l a c e d on the c i t i z e n r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s of the Committee became p a r t i c u l a r l y e v i d e n t . The Committee, th r o u g h t h e s e two r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s , always r e p o r t e d back on a r e g u l a r b a s i s . The K e n s i n g t o n c a s e , as e x p e r i e n c e d t h r o u g h t h e BTC, was p a r t i c u l a r l y e f f e c t i v e i n terms of communication. The BTC p r o v i d e d the n e c e s s a r y l i n k between c i t i z e n s and the M u n i c i p a l i t y . The e f f e c t i v e n e s s of the BTC i s perhaps b e s t r e f l e c t e d i n the q u a l i t y of the two c i t i z e n r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s i n whom was p l a c e so much t r u s t and c o n f i d e n c e . I t was t h e s e two i n d i v i d u a l s who t r u l y u n d e r s t o o d the v a l u e of c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n . 4.3.4 A c c e s s i b i l i t y t o P r o c e s s 4.3.4.1 No Problems w i t h A c c e s s i b i l i t y The K e n s i n g t o n Avenue p r o j e c t and accompanying c o n t r o v e r s y was w e l l p u b l i c i z e d l o c a l l y . L o c a l newspapers, l o c a l media, the r e l a t i v e l y c o n f i n e d g e o g r a p h i c a r e a and the v o c a l r e s i d e n t groups which were a c t i v e i n t h e p r o j e c t made r e s i d e n t s aware of the p r o j e c t . (Lawson, T a r l i n g , S c o t t i n t e r v i e w s ) Those who wanted t o be i n f o r m e d were a b l e t o get 1 23 information and pa r t i c i p a t e as they wished. (Lawson interview) KHOA and SARA were l o c a l l y based organizations through which the public could p a r t i c i p a t e . KHOA made sure residents along Kensington Avenue were aware of their presence and the Municipality's plans to widen and extend Kensington. Membership in KHOA was open to any residents who were interested in the project. A c c e s s i b i l i t y to Municipal Council before 1978 did not appear to be a problem. It could be argued that i t was perhaps an o v e r - a c c e s s i b i l i t y to Council that lead to the impasse in t r a f f i c planning. The formation of the Burnaby Transportation Committee offered a structure which helped to coordinate these avenues for p a r t i c i p a t i o n and which, through the work of the c i t i z e n representatives on the committee, were well known by a l l community groups in the Municipality. Public meetings were well advertised and meetings were held at times of the day which would ensure the widest possible p a r t i c i p a t i o n by interested residents. Furthermore, meetings were held in the communities which would also open up opportunities for p a r t i c i p a t i o n by area residents. Thus, the value of the BTC i s again i l l u s t r a t e d in terms of providing a c c e s s i b i i l i t y to the decision making process. A careful and thoughtful p a r t i c i p a t i o n strategy which ensured the widest opportunities for involvement was developed and executed. This, in the long term, i s reflected in the wide 124 a c c e p t a n c e and s a t i s f a c t i o n w i t h the Burnaby T r a n s p o r t a t i o n P l a n . 4.3.5 Government R e s p o n s i v e n e s s 4.3.5.1 The A r t of Compromise The f i n a l d e s i g n f o r the K e n s i n g t o n Avenue o v e r p a s s which was i n c l u d e d i n the 1979 Burnaby T r a n s p o r t a t i o n P l a n and which was f i n a l l y c o n s t r u c t e d was o r i g i n a l l y c o n c e i v e d by the SARA group. In t h i s r e s p e c t , i t can be argued t h a t p u b l i c recommendations were f o l l o w e d . The f i n a l d e s i g n was a compromise between the two c i t i z e n g r o u p s . Thus, t h e r e i s agreement amongst the p a r t i c i p a n t s t h a t i d e a s and p r o p o s a l s g e n e r a t e d throughout the p r o c e s s were f u l l y r e c e i v e d and c o n s i d e r e d by the d e c i s i o n makers. U n l i k e the C a s s i a r Connector which t o d a t e i s s t i l l not f i n i s h e d , the K e n s i n g t o n Overpass case p r o v i d e s an o p p o r t u n i t y t o e v a l u a t e the f i n a l outcome (a f i n i s h e d p r o j e c t ) and weigh i t a g a i n s t the p u b l i c p r o c e s s . But, i t would be u n f a i r t o s t a t e t h a t t h e e n t i r e p r o c e s s was c h a r a c t e r i z e d by t h i s l e v e l of government r e c e p t i v e n e s s and r e s p o n s i v e n e s s . The 1970's (pre-BTC) were c h a r a c t e r i z e d by a l a c k of government r e s p o n s i v e n e s s i n t r a n s p o r t a t i o n p l a n n i n g . The degree of c i t i z e n u n r e s t w i t h t r a n s p o r t a t i o n p l a n n i n g i n the 1970's i n Burnaby r e f l e c t s t h i s . 1 25 4.3.5.2 The BTC: A T u r n i n g P o i n t i n P a r t i c i p a t i o n I t was w i d e l y f e l t t h a t the Burnaby T r a n s p o r t a t i o n Committee was d e f i n i t e l y a t u r n i n g p o i n t i n the manner i n w h i c h c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n was h a n d l e d i n the M u n i c i p a l i t y . The Committee, as an a d v i s o r y body to M u n i c i p a l C o u n c i l and w i t h i t s two c i t i z e n r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s , h e r a l d e d a p e r i o d of open and r e c e p t i v e government / c i t i z e n r e l a t i o n s i n Burnaby. The Committee s t r u c t u r e was p r a i s e d by p a r t i c i p a n t s f o r i t s a b i l i t y t o t a k e the p r e s s u r e o f f M u n i c i p a l C o u n c i l thus p e r m i t t i n g f o r the f i r s t time i n Burnaby's h i s t o r y , the o p p o r t u n i t y f o r a f u l l phase of p u b l i c c o n s u l t a t i o n where i s s u e s such as the K e n s i n g t o n Avenue c o u l d be a d d r e s s e d w i t h i n t h e scope of a comprehensive t r a n s p o r t a t i o n p l a n f o r the e n t i r e M u n i c i p a l i t y . ( T a r l i n g i n t e r v i e w ) 4.3.5.3 Remaining S k e p t i c i s m : the Danger of Complacency? There i s s t i l l some s k e p t i c i s m t h a t community groups s h o u l d not get t o o complacent w i t h the c u r r e n t d i r e c t i o n of t r a n s p o r t a t i o n p l a n n i n g i n Burnaby. (Jo h n s t o n i n t e r v i e w ) J o h n s t o n sums up t h i s s k e p t i c i s m by n o t i n g t h a t "A change i n M u n i c i p a l C o u n c i l c o u l d change the d i r e c t i o n of the M u n i c i p a l i t y ' s t r a n s p o r t a t i o n p l a n n i n g f o c u s away from n e i g h b o u r h o o d p r o t e c t i o n . N o t h i n g i s f o r e v e r and we s h o u l d not g e t t o o c o m p l a c e n t . " (J o h n s t o n i n t e r v i e w ) A l t h o u g h the Burnaby T r a n s p o r t a t i o n P l a n has been r e g a r d e d by t h e p a r t i c i p a n t s as an e f f e c t i v e p l a n n i n g t o o l f o r 126 the M u n i c i p a l i t y , t h e r e i s s t i l l a f e e l i n g t h a t some of the ot h e r c o n t r o v e r s i a l p r o j e c t s such as the Stormont Connector may s t i l l not be "dead i s s u e s " . Some p a r t i c i p a n t s f e l t t h a t r e s i d e n t s s h o u l d not get too complacent w i t h r e s p e c t t o some of these p r o j e c t s . Some c o n t e n d t h a t f u t u r e M u n i c i p a l C o u n c i l s may o v e r t u r n the work of the BTC and open up a new s e r i e s of debate and c o n f r o n t a t i o n i n t r a n s p o r t a t i o n p l a n n i n g i n Burnaby. In summary, the outcome of the K e n s i n g t o n overpass case r e f l e c t e d a s t r o n g degree of p u b l i c i n p u t ; s p e c i f i c a l l y t he compromise s o l u t i o n f o r the f i n a l d e s i g n of the o v e r p a s s . But t h i s government r e s p o n s i v e n e s s must be c r e d i t e d towards the BTC which o f f e r e d a s t r u c t u r e w i t h i n which t o d i s c u s s the t r a n s p o r t a t i o n problem and t h r o u g h a n a l y s i s and d i s c u s s i o n , a r r i v e a t a workable s o l u t i o n which was a g r e e a b l e t o a l l p a r t i c i p a n t s . 4.3.6 Community R e p r e s e n t a t i o n 4.3.6.1 A P e r c e p t i o n of Adequate R e p r e s e n t a t i o n The problem of community r e p r e s e n t a t i o n which f r e q u e n t l y beset many c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n p r o c e s s e s d i d not appear t o be a problem i n Burnaby. Not o n l y was the K e n s i n g t o n Homeowners' A s s o c i a t i o n the m a j o r i t y v o i c e f o r the K e n s i n g t o n Avenue a r e a r e s i d e n t s , but the o t h e r r e s i d e n t s groups which were c o n t a c t e d and which were i n v o l v e d i n the p r e p a r a t i o n of the Burnaby T r a n s p o r t a t i o n P l a n were p e r c e i v e d t o be w i d e l y 1 27 r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of t h e i r r e s p e c t i v e a r e a s . ( T a r l i n g , B e l h o u s e , and S c o t t i n t e r v i e w s ) G r a n t e d , i n each group t h e r e were spokespeople and l e a d e r s which emerged d u r i n g the debate but t h e r e was a g e n e r a l show of s o l i d a r i t y from r e s i d e n t p a r t i c i p a n t s f o r t h e i r r e s p e c t i v e r a t e p a y e r group. In the case of the K e n s i n g t o n Homeowners' A s s o c i a t i o n an a c t i v e membership d r i v e s o l i c i t e d the support of t h o s e r e s i d e n t s who wanted t o become i n v o l v e d . I t was a l s o f e l t t h a t i n the K e n s i n g t o n Avenue c a s e , a r e a r e s i d e n t s knew what was a t s t a k e t o them p e r s o n a l l y . Not o n l y were i n d i v i d u a l homeowners n o t i f i e d of the M u n i c i p a l i t y ' s i n t e n t i o n s r e g a r d i n g K e n s i n g t o n , but the KHOA were s u c c e s s f u l i n e d u c a t i n g the a r e a r e s i d e n t s on the p r o j e c t . ( T a r l i n g , , 1 988) The r e l a t i v e t i m e l y r e s o l u t i o n of the overpass i s s u e , t h r o u g h the work of KHOA, SARA and BTC cam be c r e d i t e d t o the s t r o n g degree of community support t o thes e groups. The p e r c e i v e d show of s o l i d a r i t y f o r each group and the wide a c c e p t a n c e of the f i n a l o verpass d e s i g n a t t e s t s t o t h i s s u p p o r t . 128 4.3.7 Commitment 4.3.7.1 The BTC: An a f f i r m a t i o n of C o u n c i l ' s commitment t o  P a r t i c i p a t i o n A g a i n i n terms of commitment i t i s n e c e s s a r y t o l o o k at the K e n s i n g t o n Avenue o v e r p a s s case from the p e r s p e c t i v e of the two time p e r i o d s ; pre-1978 and post-1978. B e f o r e the Burnaby T r a n s p o r t a t i o n Committee was e s t a b l i s h e d i n 1978, commitment t o p u b l i c i n v o l v e m e n t c o u l d be a t t r i b u t e d p r o b a b l y o n l y t o the r e s i d e n t g r o u p s . I t was d u r i n g t h i s p e r i o d t h a t KHOA, SARA and a host of o t h e r r a t e p a y e r groups were formed t o r e a c t t o the M u n i c i p a l i t y ' s t r a n s p o r t a t i o n p l a n n i n g p r o c e s s . G t P u b l i c i n v o l v e m e n t i n the p r o c e s s was the r a i s o n d ' e t r e f o r these groups. A c c o r d i n g t o t h e community groups, the p r e -1978 p e r i o d was one of non-commitment on the p a r t of the M u n i c i p a l i t y i n terms of p u b l i c p a r t i c i p a t i o n . A l t h o u g h the p u b l i c was i n v i t e d t o p a r t i c i p a t e t h r o u g h h e a r i n g s , e f f e c t i v e two-way p u b l i c p a r t i c i p a t i o n was l a c k i n g i n the e a r l i e r t r a n s p o r t a t i o n p l a n n i n g p r o c e s s . The M u n i c i p a l C o u n c i l r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s however v i e w e d t h i n g s d i f f e r e n t l y . I t was m a i n t a i n e d t h a t i t was t h e s e h e a r i n g s t h a t c o n s t i t u t e d an open two way c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n p r o c e s s . (Lawson i n t e r v i e w ) But i f t h i s c o n s t i t u t e d an open two way p a r t i c i p a t i o n p r o c e s s , then why was t h e r e an impasse i n t r a n s p o r t a t i o n p l a n n i n g i n the M u n i c i p a l i t y ? The f o r m a t i o n of the BTC, which had as p a r t of i t s mandate t o seek p u b l i c i n p u t i n t h e p r e p a r a t i o n of the 129 M u n i c i p a l i t y ' s T r a n s p o r t a t i o n P l a n and the r e s o l u t i o n of the o u t s t a n d i n g road p r o j e c t s , s i g n a l l e d a p e r i o d of commitment by a l l p a r t i c i p a n t s . The BTC was commonly r e g a r d e d by p a r t i c i p a n t s as committed t o the r o l e of p u b l i c i n v o l v e m e n t i n p l a n n i n g . I t was noted t h a t d u r i n g t h i s p e r i o d , p o l i t i c a l a l l e g i a n c e s were s e t a s i d e and t h e r e was a s t r o n g v i s i b l e commitment from the Committee members t o do what was b e s t f o r the e n t i r e M u n i c i p a l i t y and t o seek s o l u t i o n s t o Burnaby's t r a n s p o r t a t i o n i s s u e s of which K e n s i n g t o n Avenue was one of the most c o n t e n t i o u s . ( T a r l i n g and S c o t t i n t e r v i e w s ) T h i s commitment by BTC members was i n t u r n r e f l e c t e d i n the c o n t i n u e d commitment of the r a t e p a y e r groups t o a c h i e v e a Comprehensive T r a n s p o r t a t i o n P l a n f o r Burnaby which would p r o v i d e some degree of neighbourhood p r o t e c t i o n . R e s i d e n t p a r t i c i p a n t s and M u n i c i p a l s t a f f agreed t h a t p u b l i c p a r t i c i p a t i o n d i d i n f l u e n c e the outcome of the e n t i r e p r o c e s s . The r e s u l t a n t T r a n s p o r t a t i o n P l a n b a l a n c e d n eighbourhood p r o t e c t i o n w i t h m u n i c i p a l i t y and m e t r o p o l i t a n a c c e s s i b i l i t y . The demise of most of thes e groups a f t e r the P l a n was adopted perhaps can a t t e s t t o the f a c t t h a t the P l a n i t s e l f a c h i e v e d s o l u t i o n s t o many of o t h e r i s s u e s t h a t caused these groups t o o r g a n i z e i n the f i r s t p l a c e . The K e n s i n g t o n o v e r p a s s case as seen through the BTC can be judged e f f e c t i v e i n terms of commitment by a l l p a r t i c i p a n t s t o t he p r o c e s s . The p e r c e i v e d l a c k of commitment d u r i n g the pre-1979 p e r i o d appeared t o be r e p l a c e d by a genuine 1 30 commmitment, p a r t i c u l a r l y t h r o u g h the work of the Committee i n p r o v i d i n g a m e a n i n g f u l p a r t i c i p a t o r y p r o c e s s . 4.3.8 C r e d i b i l i t y 4.3.8.1 B r i d g i n g t h e C r e d i b i l i t y Gap through P a r t i c i p a t i o n From the v i e w s of a l l p a r t i c i p a n t s , the Burnaby T r a n s p o r t a t i o n Committee can a g a i n be c r e d i t e d f o r e n s u r i n g t h a t the p u b l i c p r o c e s s i n Burnaby's T r a n s p o r t a t i o n P l a n and s p e c i f i c a l l y i n the K e n s i n g t o n Avenue Overpass p r o j e c t was open, f a i r and a c c e s s i b l e . The committee model used i n Burnaby t o a d d r e s s the t r a n s p o r t a t i o n i s s u e s a t the time was e f f e c t i v e i n b r i n g i n g about the t i m e l y r e s o l u t i o n of some of the M u n i c i p a l i t y ' s most l o n g s t a n d i n g t r a n s p o r t a t i o n i s s u e s i n c l u d i n g the K e n s i n g t o n Avenue Overpass. A c c o r d i n g t o the M u n i c i p a l i t y ' s former Mayor, Tom C o n s t a b l e , a l t h o u g h t h e r e was c o n s i d e r a b l e d i s c u s s i o n on t r a n s p o r t a t i o n m a t t e r s i n Burnaby, the T r a n s p o r t a t i o n Committee f o r m a l i z e d the p r o c e s s t o a c e r t a i n e x t e n t and gave t o r e s i d e n t s the c r e d i b i l i t y and commitment t h a t was so b a d l y needed i n 1978. ( C o n s t a b l e i n t e r v i e w , 1988) The t r u s t and c o n f i d e n c e t h a t was b u i l t d u r i n g the BTC and t h e p r e p a r a t i o n of the Burnaby T r a n s p o r t a t i o n P l a n was a l s o r e c o g n i z e d by ex-alderman Lawson who s t r e s s e d t h a t " t h r o u g h th e K e n s i n g t o n i s s u e and through the p a r t i c i p a t o r y p r o c e s s as c a r r i e d out t h r o u g h the BTC, t h e r e was a p o s i t i v e change i n t h e approach t o t r a n s p o r t a t i o n p l a n n i n g i n Burnaby. (Lawson i n t e r v i e w ) 131 The K e n s i n g t o n case e x h i b i t e d , as i l l u s t r a t e d t h r o u g h the work of the BTC, a s t r o n g sense of c r e d i b i l i t y . the t r u s t and c o n f i d e n c e i n the a b i l i t i e s and commitment of t h e c i t i z e n r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s and indeed the whole committee was a p p a r e n t . F u r t h e r m o r e , by p r o v i d i n g ample i n f o r m a t i o n back t o the community and t h r o u g h i t s r e l a t i v e l y h i g h l o c a l p r o f i l e , the Committee was a b l e t o m a i n t a i n v i s i b i l t y on the t r a n s p o r t a t i o n i s s u e s and the p l a n p r e p a r a t i o n s t a g e . 4.3.9 F l e x i b i l i t y The pre-1978 and post-1978 p e r i o d a g a i n i s i m p o r t a n t i n terms of the p u b l i c p r o c e s s ' s f l e x i b i l i t y . The f a i l u r e by M u n i c i p a l C o u n c i l t o address and r e s o l v e the M u n i c i p a l i t y ' s most p r e s s i n g t r a n s p o r t a t i o n problems i n c l u d i n g K e n s i n g t o n Avenue d u r i n g the 1970's, can be a t t r i b u t e d t o the i n f l e x i b i l i t y and i n a b i l i t y of the p r o c e s s t o adapt t o the demands b e i n g p l a c e d on C o u n c i l by the i n c r e a s i n g number of r a t e p a y e r g r o u p s . The "impasse" r e s u l t i n g from t h i s i n f l e x i b i l i t y and which c u l m i n a t e d i n 1978 w i t h t h e e v e n t u a l e s t a b l i s h m e n t of the BTC can a l s o be a t t r i b u t e d t o the problems of d e a l i n g w i t h numerous, i s o l a t e d r e s i d e n t groups and not h a v i n g the a p p r o p r i a t e s t r u c t u r e i n p l a c e t o a d d r e s s each. "The p r o c e s s , when d e a l i n g w i t h i s o l a t e d groups was l e s s f l e x i b l e and l e s s a d a p t a b l e . The BTC a l l o w e d f o r f l e x i b i l i t y . ( T a r l i n g i n t e r v i e w ) 1 32 The Committee has also been credited with introducing a l e v e l of f l e x i b i l i t y that was instrumental to the transportation planning process and in the widespread Municipal support for the Plan. In terms of the Kensington Avenue Overpass, the same can be said. The BTC, which recommended the proposal, loosened up the process and brought about a constructive process for the groups (KHOA and SARA and the Municipality) to s i t down and work out a process that was amenable to a l l groups. (Constable interview) The BTC "gave greater means for f l e x i b i l i t y , was able to look at things in greater depth and at the impacts on the larger community" (Tarling interview) To Municipal Council at the time, the fact that the location and design of the Kensington overpass was changed is "testament to the f l e x i b i l i t y of the process." (Lawson interview) In summary, the BTC again proved i t s effectiveness by allowing for f l e x i b i l i t y into the process and addressing the perceived problems of an i n f l e x i b l e Municipal Council. As stated, this f l e x i b i l i t y which produced a compromise solution to the Kensington issue, also was c r i t i c a l in gaining the widespreade Municipal support for the Burnaby Transportation Plan. 1 3 3 4.4 An E v a l u a t i o n M a t r i x The r e l a t i v e m e r i t s and e f f e c t i v e n e s s of the c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n p r o c e s s e s can be e v a l u a t e d u s i n g t h e m a t r i x shown i n F i g u r e Two. The m a t r i x can be used t o e v a l u a t e p a s t p r o c e s s e s as w e l l as c u r r e n t c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n e x e r c i s e s . T h i s p a r t i c u l a r m a t r i x i s t e s t e d u s i n g t h e C a s s i a r and K e n s i n g t o n c a s e s . I t s h o u l d be s t r e s s e d t h a t t h e m a t r i x r e p r e s e n t s how one i n d i v i d u a l can e v a l u a t e the e f f e c t i v e n e s s of c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n a g i v e n s i t u a t i o n a c c e p t i n g the f a c t t h a t the f i n a l v a l u e s w i l l r e f l e c t t h a t i n d i v i d u a l ' s v a l u e s and b i a s e s . T h i s m a t r i x however i n c l u d e s the n i n e fundamental r e q u i s i t e s of p a r t i c i p a t o r y p l a n n i n g and p r o v i d e s a good m o n i t o r i n g t o o l which can be used by p l a n n e r s t o e v a l u a t e the e f f e c t i v e n e s s of o t h e r c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n p r o c e s s e s . S i m i l a r l y , i t can be used by c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a n t s t o e v a l u a t e a c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n p r o c e s s . F i r s t , a b r i e f d e s c r i p t i o n of how t h i s m a t r i x works i s n e c e s s a r y . I t i s assumed t h a t a l l r e q u i s i t e s a r e e q u a l i n w e i g h t , ( t e n p o i n t s ) A s c o r e of ten on any r e q u i s i t e would mean t h a t t h a t p a r t i c u l a r r e q u i s i t e was e f f e c t i v e l y a c h i e v e d i n the p r o c e s s . C o n v e r s e l y , a z e r o s c o r e would r e f l e c t a l a c k of e f f e c t i v e n e s s i n terms of t h a t r e q u i s i t e . P o i n t s a r e d e t e r m i n e d by a s s i g n i n g e q u a l v a l u e s t o e v a l u a t i o n q u e s t i o n s , (t e n d i v i d e d by the number of e v a l u a t i o n q u e s t i o n s e q u a l s the v a l u e of the e v a l u a t i o n q u e s t i o n . ) A p o s i t i v e ( yes) response 134 t o a q u e s t i o n r e c e i v e s a f u l l s c o r e whereas a n e g a t i v e ( n o ) r e s p o n s e r e c e i v e s a z e r o s c o r e . Next, s c o r e s a re added t o det e r m i n e the e f f e c t i v e n e s s l e v e l f o r each case s t u d y . The maximum s c o r e f o r any case study i s n i n e t y p o i n t s which would r e f l e c t an exemplary c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n p r o c e s s . The minimum s c o r e f o r a case study t o be judged e f f e c t i v e i s f o r t y - f i v e . As F i g u r e Two r e v e a l s , b o t h case s t u d i e s r e f l e c t r e l a t i v e l y e f f e c t i v e c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n p r o c e s s . The f a c t t h a t n e i t h e r s c o r e approached t h e maximum of n i n e t y p o i n t s r e l a t e s t o the f a c t t h a t not a l l r e q u i s i t e s were f u l l y a c h i e v e d i n e i t h e r case and t h a t some q u e s t i o n s on the e f f e c t i v e n e s s r e m a i n . 1 35 ( F i g u r e 2 Evaluation Matrix R E Q U I S I T E CASSIAR KENSINGTON OBJECTIVES DEFINED 5 5 GOOD TIMING 6 6 EFFECTIVE COMMUNICATIONS 10 8.5 ACCESSIBILITY TO PROCESS 8 10 GOVERNMENT RESPONSIVENESS 6.6 10 COMMUNITY REPRESENTATION 10 10 COMMITMENT 5 10 CREDIBILITY 5 " 10 FLEXIBILITY 10 10 EFFECTIVENESS SCALE 65.6 79-5 (MAXIMUM = 90) Maximum = 90 Points Minimum = 45 Points to be effective. 136 CHAPTER FIVE CONCLUSIONS AND POLICY IMPLICATIONS At the outset of t h i s study the proposition was made that e f f e c t i v e c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n offers an opportunity to balance the c o n f l i c t i n g needs of metropolitan a c c e s s i b i l i t y and r e s i d e n t i a l environmental q u a l i t y . In addition, i t was suggested that there was a need to seriously evaluate our past experiences in c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n r e l a t i n g to urban transportation planning i f we are to ensure appropriate and relevant planning responses in the face of increased demand for improved a c c e s s i b i l i t y and, as a result, the increased pressure on r e s i d e n t i a l communities. To support t h i s argument, an evaluation framework which included nine essential requisites for e f f e c t i v e c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n was proposed and subsequently applied to two recent urban transportation planning projects in Greater Vancouver. Through a series of personal interviews with several key participants and the review of secondary sources, the framework was tested and the c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n component in each planning case was subsequently evaluated. Generally, from the analysis of these two cases, i t can be concluded that c i t i z e n involvement did f a c i l i t a t e a balance between the c o n f l i c t i n g i n t e r e s t s . The processes that were developed in response to the issue lead to consensus that r e f l e c t e d not only community concerns about r e s i d e n t i a l 1 37 e n v i r o n m e n t a l q u a l i t y , but a l s o t h e need t o p r o v i d e e f f i c i e n t a c c e s s i b i l i t y throughout G r e a t e r Vancouver. P o l i c y i m p l i c a t i o n s from t h i s s t u d y l i e s p e c i f i c a l l y i n c o n s i d e r i n g : a) the adequacy of the e v a l u a t i o n framework used i n the s t u d y . b) the proposed e v a l u a t i o n m a t r i x as an e f f e c t i v e p l a n n i n g t o o l . c) the e f f e c t i v e n e s s of the c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n p r o c e s s i n each case study and t h e l e s s o n s t h a t can be d e r i v e d from each. The E v a l u a t i o n Framework A l l too o f t e n , the e v a l u a t i o n of c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n p r o c e s s e s have been o v e r l o o k e d or not c o n s i d e r e d as an i n t e g r a l p a r t of the p l a n n i n g p r o c e s s . Yet i t i s from e v a l u a t i o n s such as these t h a t we a r e a b l e t o improve our p l a n n i n g responses t o problems. W h i l e the t h e s i s c l e a r l y r e c o g n i z e s the need t o i n v o l v e the p u b l i c i n an attempt t o b a l a n c e the c o n f l i c t s of u r b a n / m e t r o p o l i t a n a c c e s s i b i l i t y and r e s i d e n t i a l e n v i r o n m e n t a l q u a l i t y , i t c o n t e n d s t h a t e v a l u a t i o n of p a r t i c i p a t o r y p l a n n i n g must be e n t r e n c h e d i n t o our p l a n n i n g p r a c t i c e . The framework proposed h e r e can be c o n s i d e r e d as a p o s i t i v e s t e p towards a more g e n e r a l framework and towards a g e n e r a l improvement i n the f i e l d of e v a l u a t i o n . W h i l e not a c o n c l u s i v e nor e x h a u s t i v e l i s t of r e q u i s i t e s , the framework appeared t o c a p t u r e the fundamental a s p e c t s of p a r t i c i p a t o r y 138 p l a n n i n g , as drawn from the l i t e r a t u r e and the review of o t h e r c a s e s t u d i e s . The framework was r e c e i v e d f a v o u r a b a l y by the i n t e r v i e w e e s . The r e q u i s i t e s proposed here would be used a g a i n but i t i s suggested t h a t " o r g a n i z a t i o n a l s t r u c t u r e " as a r e q u i s i t e f o r e f f e c t i v e c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n be added. The two c a s e s reviewed here suggested the v a l u e of such a s t r u c t u r e t h a t was a b l e t o p r o v i d e a c c e s s i b l i t y and commmitment t o the r e s o l u t i o n of a p l a n n i n g problem. The framework a l s o o f f e r s p a r t i c u l a r b e n e f i t s i n t h a t i t s d a t a r e q u i r e m e n t s a r e r e l a t i v e l y low c o s t and easy t o o b t a i n . A l s o , i t t a k e s i n t o a c c o u n t the p a r t i c i p a t i o n of a broad range of p a r t i c i p a n t s i n c l u d i n g the p u b l i c , m u n i c i p a l and p r o v i n c i a l e l e c t e d and a p p o i n t e d o f f i c i a l s . F i n a l l y , the r e l a t i v e i m p a r t i a l i t y of an independent e v a l u a t o r h e l p e d t o reduce problems of b i a s and s u b j e c t i v i t y . Some improvements f o r p o t e n t i a l uses of t h i s framework a r e s u g g e s t e d . A l t h o u g h the framework was r e l a t i v e l y easy t o use, t h e e v a l u a t i o n q u e s t i o n s may be reworded t o c l a r i f y t h e i r i n t e n t . F u r t h e r m o r e , a p r e - t e s t of the framework i s a d v i s e a b l e b e f o r e a c t u a l l y p r o c e e d i n g w i t h i t s f u l l a p p l i c a t i o n . 1 39 The Evaluation Matrix as an E f f e c t i v e Planning Tool The proposed evaluation matrix can be considered an e f f e c t i v e planning tool however some cautionary notes are necessary. It provides a good summary of the case studies and their effectiveness, but i t i s necessasry to stress that this is one person's evaluation of the process and thus i s open to that individual's s u b j e c t i v i t y and bias. But as a planning tool , i t provides a monitoring mechanism which can be e a s i l y employed as an interim or f i n a l . e v a l u a t i o n report card. Used as an interim evaluator, the matrix could point to s p e c i f i c requisites that may not be adequately addressed. Thus, i t is possible for the planner to focus attention on that p a r t i c u l a r element. Indeed, the matrix can be used by multi-users or participants in a program from c i t i z e n groups to planning committees to professional planners as a basis for discussion on improving a c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n process. Its s i m p l i c i t y also f a c i l i t a t e s i t s use by multiple users or participants in a c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n program. The matrix also o f f e r s advantages in that i t can be adopted to a spreadsheet format for quick and easy reference and application. However, given these advantages, i t must be stressed that a l l requisites are assumed to be equal weight. The matrix does not indicate i f in r e a l i t y a p a r t i c u l a r requisite may be more important than another. 1 40 Lessons from the C a s s i a r and Kensington Cases An O r g a n i z a t i o n a l S t r u c t u r e f o r C i t i z e n P a r t i c i p a t i o n The value of an organized s t r u c t u r e f o r c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n becomes q u i t e c l e a r through the a n a l y s i s of both c a s e s . A s t r u c t u r e d approach, as represented by the C a s s i a r S u p e r v i s o r y Committee and the Burnaby T r a n s p o r t a t i o n Committee p l a y e d c r i t i c a l r o l e s i n the r e s o l u t i o n of each i s s u e . These committees were in s t r u m e n t a l i n p r o v i d i n g a forum i n which each i s s u e c o u l d be d i s c u s s e d . As a d v i s o r y bodies w i t h c i t i z e n r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s , the committees allowed the p u b l i c to a c t i n p a r t as an equal partner i n the d e c i s i o n making pr o c e s s . The committees a l s o p r o v i d e d a forum where a l l p a r t i e s i n v o l v e d i n the p r o j e c t c o u l d d i s c u s s and p o t e n t i a l l y r e s o l v e a common problem. In both cases the r o l e s of each p a r t i c i p a n t i n the committee were c l e a r l y l a i d out, which i n t u r n r e f l e c t e d i n a wide r e c o g n i t i o n of the o b j e c t i v e s f o r the p a r t i c i p a t o r y p r o c e s s . The s t r u c t u r e s presented here, which d e f i n e d the r o l e of each p a r t i c i p a n t , p a r t i c u l a r l y the p u b l i c , supports Edmund Burke's p r o p o s i t i o n that e f f e c t i v e n e s s of c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n depends on "the s p e c i f i e d r o l e t h a t c i t i z e n s are given i n a planning o r g a n i z a t i o n . " (Burke, 1979) I t i s urged that such s t r u c t u r e s be e s t a b l i s h e d e a r l y i n the process and that a l l p a r t i e s a f f e c t e d by a p a r t i c u l a r t r a n s p o r t a t i o n p l a n n i n g p r o j e c t be i n v i t e d to p a r t i c i p a t e . 141 1 In terms of the two case s t u d i e s , f u r t h e r c o n c l u s i o n s can be drawn. In the C a s s i a r Connector case, one s p e c i f i c c o n c l u s i o n stands out. F i r s t , the p l a n n i n g process as d e f i n e d by the p e r i o d of time i n which the Supervisory Committee was a c t i v e can be d e s c r i b e d o v e r a l l as an open, c o n s t r u c t i v e p r o c e s s . T h i s again p o i n t s to the e f f e c t i v e n e s s of the Supervisory Committee as an o r g a n i z a t i o n a l s t r u c t u r e which was able to b r i n g the major p a r t i c i p a n t s together i n t o one group and to work out a common problem. The committee was c r e d i t e d f o r much of the openness that c h a r a c t e r i z e d t h i s p e r i o d of planning f o r the C a s s i a r Connector. Likewise, the Burnaby T r a n s p o r t a t i o n Committee was p r a i s e d f o r i t s r o l e i n p r o v i d i n g a c o o r d i n a t e d p a r t i c i p a t o r y p l a n n i n g s t r u c t u r e which p r o v i d e d f o r the meaningful p a r t i c i p a t i o n of Burnaby's c i t i z e n s i n the p r e p a r a t i o n of that M u n i c i p a l i t y ' s Comprehensive T r a n s p o r t a t i o n P l a n . The Value of P a r t i c i p a t i o n i n Urban T r a n s p o r t a t i o n Planning Another l e s s o n suggests the value of p u b l i c p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n t r a n s p o r t a t i o n p l a n n i n g . t h i s l e s s o n i s perhaps best d i r e c t e d to the M i n i s t r y of T r a n s p o r t a t i o n and Highways. T r a n s p o r t a t i o n i s of such fundamental importance to an urban area that not only should the users be c o n s u l t e d but a l s o those people who w i l l be d i r e c t l y impacted by a t r a n s p o r t a t i o n p l a n n i n g d e c i s i o n . The C a s s i a r case i n p a r t i c u l a r p o i n t s to 142 the need f o r a stronger p a r t i c i p a t o r y approach to p l a n n i n g by the P r o v i n c i a l M i n i s t r y . But t h i s depends on the p o l i t i c a l w i l l of the P r o v i n c i a l government i t s e l f . The p l a n n i n g f o r the proposed Regional T r a n s p o r t a t i o n Plan f o r Greater Vancouver as w e l l as the propsoed E a s t s i d e Expressway in Vancouver must include p u b l i c c o n s u l t a t i o n as p a r t of a comprehensive planning response. Related to t h i s i s t h a t while there may be hope i n the f u t u r e as e n g i n e e r s c o n t i n u e to recognize the importance of s o c i a l and environmental f a c t o r s , they must a l s o become b e t t e r communicators of t h e i r p l a n s . T h i s can only be accomplished by a more balanced approach to t r a n s p o r t a t i o n p l a n n i n g - a balance a c h i e v e d through the use of e f f e c t i v e c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n p r o c e s s e s . 1 43 BIBLIOGRAPHY A l t s h u l e r , A l a n , James P. Womack and John R. Pucher. 1979. The  Urban T r a n s p o r t a t i o n System: P o l i t i c s and P o l i c y  Innovat i o n . Cambridge, Mass.: The MIT P r e s s . A r n s t e i n , S h e r r y R. 1969. "A Ladder of C i t i z e n P a r t i c i p a t i o n " J o u r n a l of the American I n s t i t u t e of P l a n n e r s . Vo1. 35, J u l y , 1969. pp.216-224. B e n w e l l , Mary and Werner Brog. 1983. 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P l a n n i n g f o r C a s s i a r S t r e e t . Q u a r t e r l y Review. O c t o b e r , 1981. pp.7-9. Wachs, M a r t i n . 1982. " T r a n s p o r t a t i o n P o l i c y i n the 1980's" In Urban T r a n s p o r t a t i o n ; P e r s p e c t i v e s and P r o s p e c t s . H e r b e r t ST L e v i n s o n and R o b e r t h~. Weant. ( E d i t o r s ) . W e stport, C o n n e c t i c u t : Eno F o u n d a t i o n f o r T r a n s p o r t a t i o n . Wellman, B a r r y . 1977. " P u b l i c P a r t i c i p a t i o n i n T r a n s p o r t a t i o n P l a n n i n g . " T r a f f i c Q u a r t e r l y . V o l . 31, No. , pp. W i l s o n , J.W. 1984. "The B e t t e r Way and Why i t Worked: An Example of s u c c e s s f u l c i t i z e n i n v o l v e m e n t i n p l a n n i n g " U n p u b l i s h e d Research paper, Simon F r a s e r U n i v e r s i t y . 1 4ft APPENDIX A PERSONAL INTERVIEWS Larry Beasley, Associate Director, City of Vancouver Planning Department Jack Belhouse, Director, Long Range Planning, D i s t r i c t of Burnaby. Tom Constable, Former Mayor, D i s t r i c t of Burnaby. P a t r i c i a Couttts, Chairperson, Hastings-Sunrise C i t i z e n s Planning Committee. Libby Davies, Alderman, Vancouver City Council Hugh Elwood, Director, East Burnaby Resident's Association. Margarite Ford, Former Alderman, Vancouver City Council O l i e Johnson, Member, East Burnaby Resident's Association. Doreen Lawson, Former Alderman, Municipality of Burnaby. Peter Liivamagi, Transportation Planner, D i s t r i c t of Burnaby Michael O'Connor, Director of Engineering, GVRD. Marion O l i v i e r i , Vice-Chairperson, Hastings-Sunrise C i t i z e n s Planning Committee. Richard Pederson, Past President, Vancouver Heights Citi z e n s Committee. Dave Rudberg, Assistant City Engineer, City of Vancouver. Walter Scott, Transportation Planner, D i s t r i c t of Burnaby. Bob T a r l i n g , Past President,Kensington Homeowners Association and C i t i z e n Representative, Burnaby Transportation Committee. Dave Thomsett, Area Planner, City of Vancouver. Bob Williams, Member of the Legislative Assembly, Vancouver East. 1 <5Q 

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