UBC Theses and Dissertations

UBC Theses Logo

UBC Theses and Dissertations

The Church Missionary Society Red River Mission and the emergence of a native ministry 1820-1860, with… Stevenson, Winona L. 1988

Your browser doesn't seem to have a PDF viewer, please download the PDF to view this item.

Item Metadata

Download

Media
831-UBC_1988_A8 S74.pdf [ 12.89MB ]
Metadata
JSON: 831-1.0097815.json
JSON-LD: 831-1.0097815-ld.json
RDF/XML (Pretty): 831-1.0097815-rdf.xml
RDF/JSON: 831-1.0097815-rdf.json
Turtle: 831-1.0097815-turtle.txt
N-Triples: 831-1.0097815-rdf-ntriples.txt
Original Record: 831-1.0097815-source.json
Full Text
831-1.0097815-fulltext.txt
Citation
831-1.0097815.ris

Full Text

T H E  C H U R C H  E M E R G E N C E  MISSIONARY  O F A OF  NATIVE  C H A R L E S  SOCIETY  R E D RIVER  MINISTRY P R A T T  1820-1860,  MISSION  WITH  O F T O U C H W O O D  A  A N DT H E  C A S E  HILLS  by WINONA B.A.,  A  L. S T E V E N S O N  Honours, Universitj  r  of Manitoba, 1986  T H E S I S S U B M I T T E D IN P A R T I A L F U L F I L M E N T THE  REQUIREMENTS FOR T H E DEGREE MASTER  OF  OF ARTS  in  THE  FACULTY  OF GRADUATE  STUDIES  (Department of History)  We  accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard  THE  UNIVERSITY  O F BRITISH  COLUMBIA  June, 1988  ® WINONA  L. S T E V E N S O N , 1988  OF  STUDY  In  presenting  degree freely  at  this  the  thesis  in  partial  fulfilment  of  University  of  British  Columbia,  I agree  available for  copying  of  department publication  this or of  reference  thesis by  this  for  his thesis  and study. scholarly  or for  her  Department  of  The University of British Vancouver, Canada  Date  DE-6  (2/88)  J  Columbia  purposes  gain shall  requirements that  agree  may  representatives.  financial  permission.  I further  the  It not  be is  that  the  permission  granted  allowed  an  advanced  Library shall  by  understood be  for  for  the that  without  make  it  extensive  head  of  my  copying  or  my  written  ABSTRACT This England, North  ethnohistorical  Church  study  Missionary  West.  The  intent  misconceptions  and  inadequate  impact  of  Western  analyse  the  church  workers  is  and  what  (CMS)  twofold.  first  First  motivated  among  for its own  peoples  The  way  to  of life  local H B C  who  would have access to "higher" learning and  Furthermore, it had gatherers  with  their primary  no  "civilized" notions  a  handful  emerged from the Red the religious and  1850s Native  - have  Charles  Second,  to  recruit  and  Land  Native  Rather  political  than factors  to open its doors to  it intended a  and  it will  to  protect  and  significant role in the determined  the quality they would received. its Native  that might induce  them  labourers and  fur  to neglect or abandon  and  schoolteachers  formally  educated  Native  Until now, neglected  these by  men  traversed the  middlemen  in this  indicates that  their  boundaries the way  ethnohistorians interested  process. The purpose ii  of the  and  men, case  were  Red  goals, and  in Indian-missionary the  study  loyalties  the  for European  - their attitudes, activities,  these  men  were primed to partake  with the responsibility of paving  socio-cultural change. Yet  the  Pratt,  converted  cultural transformations of their respective societies. By  been  and  buffers, and  prevailing  intellectual tools. It  of bogging-down  of  catechists and  christian expansion.  encounters  the  CMS  River mission school, where they  River settlement, charged  impacts  Canadian  goals,  of  occupations.  However,  in  intention  the  participate.  played  dissemination of Western values, social order, and  in  program.  in Rupert's  Church  establishment,  that socio-economic  (HBC)  whose  purposes.  education  men  a  re-evaluate  about the  these  of  Ministry  decision of the  evangelical zeal, it is clear  activity  emergence  it will  Indian the  Company  the  Native  interpretations  Canada's  forced the Hudson's Bay  maintain  Society  conditions surrounding  philanthropic  mission  examines  forerunners, the  of one  may'  very  such  man,  well  have  been  at  odds  with  those  of  their  European spirituality, skills, and survival.  This  "middlemen," their  thesis  from  European  the  superiors.  that  a  closer  perspective of their will  understanding of Indian responses  syncretized  Indigenous  and  ways of life in the best interests of his peoples'  proposes  superiors,  Pratt  have  a  to christian  or failure.  iii  examination  of  these  prospective converts, as profound  impact  missions, and  on  spiritual  opposed to our  future  their relative success  TABLE  OF  CONTENTS  ABSTRACT LIST OF T A B L E S LIST OF F I G U R E S ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS  ii v vi vii  I. Introduction A. The Historiography of Indian-Missionary Relations B. Indian-Missionary Encounters in the Canadian North West C. The Limitations of the Historiography on Indian Education  1 1 8 10  II. Religion and Education in Rupert's Land, 1800-1833 A. Obligations and Programs of the HBC B. The Church Missionary Society and John West, 1820-1823 C. HBC Chaplain-CMS Missionary: Conflicts in Interests D. Church and State: Compromise and Coexistance  19 19 23 26 37  III. Red  River Indian Mission A. The Reverend John B. John West's "Little C. The Indian Mission  IV. The  Graduates of John West's Indian Mission School A. Career and Occupational Opportunities B. Traditional Occupations: Hunting, Trapping, and C. Agriculture at Red River D. The Hudson's Bay Company E. The Church Missionary Society  V. The  School and Students, 1820-1833 West, 1820-1823 Charges," The Indian Students School, Program and Curriculum  46 46 49 57 71 71 72 73 77 81  Fishing  Expansion of the CMS Indian Mission Program A. Background B. The Red River Indian Settlement C. Beyond Red River: The Emergence of a Native Ministry D. Henry Venn and the CMS Native Church Policy E. Indian and European Brothers in Christ  VI. Charles Pratt of Touchwood Hills (1816-1888), CMS Native Catechist A. Askenootow Nihtowa-ki-nisin of the Young Dogs B. "Our Man in the Field" C. Askenootow and His People D. The Legacy of Charles Pratt  88 88 91 98 112 115 ..  130 130 144 148 157  VII. Conclusion A. Summary B. John West's Indian Mission School Reconsidered C. Native Catechists: the Missing Link  160 160 165 169  Bibliography  176  A P P E N D I X I: F O R T P E L L Y A C C O U N T BY A B R A H A M  - PLAINS CREE TRADING COWLEY, 4 M A Y 1852  iv  FORMALITIES:  AN 188  LIST Table  1: CMS  -  HBC  OF  TABLES  Joint Education Program Cost Sharing, 1822  Table 2: Indian Mission Students Recruited by the HBC, Table 3: Indian Mission Students  1824-1825  31 41  Recruited by John West, 1820-1833  50  Table 4: Protestant Schoolteachers in the Red River Settlement, 1833  86  Table 5: C M S  North  West America Mission Stations, 1860  Table 6: CMS  Indian Missions Founded and Occupied  v  by Charles Pratt  104 131  LIST  OF  FIGURES  Figure 1: Photographs of Henry Budd, James Settee and  Charles Pratt  17  Figure 2: A  Sketch of John West's Red  River Indian Mission School, 1822  ....29  Figure 3: A  Sketch of John West's Red  River Indian Mission School, 1823  ....30  Figure 4: Protestant Day Settlement, 1833  and  Boarding  Schools  in the Red  River 38  Figure 5: Map Showing the Origins of the Indian Mission Students Recruited by John West During his Inland Travels, 1820-1823  51  Figure 6: Letter from James Hope to the Church Missionary (London) 25 June 1823  Society 59  Figure 7: Letter from Henry Budd to the Church Missionary (London) 26 June 1823  Society  Figure 8: Indian Settlement,  Red  River, June  60  10, 1838  96  Figure 9: Map Showing the Locations of CMS Mission Stations, Central Division of the North-West America Mission, Founded by Native and European Missionaries, 1860 Figure  10: Region Covered by  Charles Pratt, Native  Catechist, 1851-1884,  Showing the Location of Post-1876 Indian Reserves Figure  132  11: "Fishing Lakes, Qu'Appelle River", 1859  Figure 12: "Plan of the Fishing Lakes", Showing the Location of the Qu'Appelle Mission  vi  106  134 CMS 135  ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This study support, Indian  would never  and advise Movement  of Arthur  have been completed J. Ray, my  and Marylou  Andrews  without  advisor. Along  the encouragement, with  the American  Island, Indians  of Seabird  in  the Fur  Trade inspired me to pursue a life in search of answers to the once indomitable question: "How encouragement and  Frank  did we  get into this  and confidence Tough.  In  also  predicament  came  addition,  from  nikowiy  Pahta-punT-skwasis, Theresa, provided my thank TLC,  my  fellow graduate  Verna  been  research sponsored  Bernelda  Wheeler  Ekosini  driving force and purpose.  students, especially  supported  assistantship  Percy!  ekwa  Paulette, for their  nitanis  I want to  nimble  graduate  fingers,  committee  Barman, James Huzel, Diane Newell, and Arthur Ray. My studies  generously  me  place?" Unfailing  Kirkness, Jennifer Brown,  and advise, likewise, Gertie, Pauline and Vera, and my  members Jean have  in the first  Ray who  and the Fisher River band  through This  by Professor  six years  study  of book-learning  is dedicated  provided  at Koostatak, with  to the loving  me  funding.  and strength of  nimoshomak Colin, Josiah, and Charles Cowley Pratt. Kinanaskomitinawaw.  vii  a  Manitoba, who  post-secondary  memory  with  I. I N T R O D U C T I O N  A.  THE  HISTORIOGRAPHY  General encounters As  INDIAN-MISSIONARY  RELATIONS  trends in historical interpretations of first-contact Indian-christian  have undergone a series of re-evaluations over  the past few decades.  a result, historical sources, methods, and questions have changed considerably.  Earlier  secondary  missionaries warding  who  accounts were  off guileful  "improving"  their  journals and other or  OF  skills,  presented  fur traders  flocks.  These  as benevolent and land  ecclesiastical  assess  the pervasive  these  and courageous tenacity of  protectors  hungry  archival remains of church  to critically  regurgitated  praised the self-sacrificing  settlers  while  hagiographies workers.  primary  1  sources,  of Indian  simultaneously  are based  Lacking many  peoples,  on the  the inclination, historians  self-righteous, Eurocentric and paternalistic  have  attitudes of  the time. Since most of these early works were written by christian missiologists, or  church  perspective. It  historians,  evangelical  efforts  were  judged  from  the missionary  2  is apparent  from  the primary  and secondary  literature  that  early  evangelical efforts were facilitated to a large degree by the labours and support  Hagiography i s g e n e r a l l y defined as the idealized or idiolized biographies of Great Men, be they saints in a theological sense, or, historically venerated persons or groups. A number of missionaries in Rupert's Land wrote about their experiences in Indian country. For example, John West, The Substance of a Journal During a Residence at the Red River Colony, British North America in the Years 1820-1823 (London: L. B. Seeley & Son, 1824; reprint ed., Vancouver: Alcuin Society, 1967); Egerton Ryerson Young, "The Story of My Life" Being Reminiscences of Sixty Years Public Service in Canada, J. G. Hodgins ed. (Toronto: William Briggs, 1888). The two texts most frequently used by historians studying Indian mission activity of the Anglican church in Western Canada are excellent examples of this trend: T. C. B. Boon, The Anglican Church From the Bay to the Rockies: a History of the Ecclesiastical Province of Rupert's Land and its Dioceses from 1820 to 1950 (Toronto: Ryerson Press, 1962); Eugene Stock, The History of the Church Missionary Society, Its Environment, Its Men and Its Work, 4 vols. (London: Church Missionary Society, 1899). 1  2  1  2 of initial Indian converts.  Nevertheless, though it was these  3  who often paved the way for European regions - by  - they  Christianity  men, and women,  missionaries to enter hitherto untouched  are credited with only peripheral significance, or  in a few individual cases, as exceptional oddities. Larger  factors help  always been understood and  by scholars as the study  following new-world  reactors, Church  and  penetration."  to real  peripheral frontier  explain this perspective. History as a discipline has  historical  historians  Turner exemplify this attitude. The  early  like  study  Studies  what  development  first  between European  perceived  of Indigenous  post-contact The  they  cultural  major  study  European and  cultures  changes  and Native  Francis  European  to be  were  treated  in North  Parkman  and  static  was  as passive  America. Frederick  not much  Early Jackson  from  better:  while  "progress," anthropologists sought and inferior  in the "ethnographic  primitive  present"  missionary  efforts  cultures.  simply  6  ignored  and fur traders.  America  dealing with  the reciprocal relationship  cultures  was  Bailey's  Algonkian were  developments  of anthropology  resulting  in North  Eastern  peoples  activities prior to  5  historians chose to focus on dynamic to  Native  of European  A.  Cultures,  methodological  approach  not taken  however, until  the field of ethnohistory  G.  1505-1700.  7  seriously  emerged  by  which  The His  other prompted  Conflict work  of  and  anthropologists, academics to  William Bertal Heeney ed., Leaders of the Canadian Church, 2nd ser. (Toronto: Musson Book Co., 1920), p. 65; John Webster Grant, Moon In WintertimeMissionaries and the Indians of Canada in Encounter since 1534 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1984), p. 78-9, 174. "Bruce G. Trigger, "Ethnohistory: Problems and Prospects," Ethnohistory vol. 29, no. 1 (1982), p. 3. Francis Parkman, The Jesuits in North American in the Seventeenth Century, 2nd ed. (Boston: Little, Brown & Co., 1927); Louis Phelps Kellogg ed., The Early Writings of Frederick Jackson Turner (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1938). Trigger, "Ethnohistory," pp. 3-4. 2nd ed. (Toronto: University of Toronto Press Reprint, 1967) 3  5  6  7  3 re-evaluate  the role  of Native  America, and their responses Anthropologists understanding Initially,  the object  in the historical  to European  domination.  gradually  sensitized  were  post-contact  peoples  Native  of their  cultures,  studies  was  to  use  give evidence of historical  approach  for and against Indian sources  to help  to Native  archaeologists. application.  Indian  land  in an historical  history treaty  now  known  and land  the  in the context  claims  context. as  claims  of  of acculturation. develop  more  were being called upon  cases, which  Initially  required the  the interdisciplinary  ethnohistory issues  of North  importance  governments  humane and effective Indian policies. B y the 1960s they to  development  provided  was  initiated  by  for its practical  8  Historians were slower  to grasp  the inter-disciplinary use of sources and  methods. Such did not occur until the early active roles Native people  1970s.  9  Since then, studies on the  assumed in the past have increased dramatically. This  new  enthusiasm  of historians was prompted by a number of contemporary  and  forces. The counter-culture movement of the 1960s sensitized academia to the  plight of colonized peoples new  social  history  and to the disadvantaged  approach  that  emerged  events  in their own societies. The  pulled  historians  away  from  nationalist-type historical studies to begin focusing on the daily lives of "ordinary" Contrary toBruce Trigger's claim that the ethnohistorical approach to Native history was developed by anthropologists, Arthur Ray and Charles Bishop have shown that archaeologists were among the first to combine archival and archaeological data of historic Indian groups. The journal Ethnohistory grew out of the 1953 "Ohio Valley Historic Indian Conference." Trigger, "Ethnohistory," p. 4; Charles A. Bishop and Arthur J. Ray, "Ethnohistoric Research in the Central Subarctic: Some Conceptual and Methodological Problems," The Western Canadian Journal of Anthropology vol. 6, no. 1 (1976), p. 119. A handful of economic historians and human geographers have also been drawn to ethnohistorical research and have contributed new skills and unique approaches to the study of Native history. See for example, Arthur J. Ray, Indians in the Fur Trade: their roles as trappers, hunters, and middlemen in the lands southwest of Hudson Bay 1660-1870 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1974); Abraham Rotstein, "Fur Trade and Empire: A n Institutional Analysis," (Ph.D. thesis, University of Toronto, 1967). 8  9  4 peoples.  Anthropological studies, like  10  theoretical concepts  such  Bailey's,  introduced  to historical  as "cultural relativism" which were found  enquiry  to provide a  useful approach to the study of post-contact socio-cultural change. Historians have since generally accepted the idea that in studying relations between two cultures, each needs to be understood The  most  in its own terms.  significant  force encouraging  however, has come from  Native  and  have  artistic  expresssion  peoples created  themselves. among  awareness of their past and present. Native America's  past,  and a major  recent interest Increased  Euro-North  people  in Indian  have  re-evaluation of previous  political  Americans demanded  All the developments in and around  activity a  new  a place in  interpretations  worlds, motives, activities, and relations within the colonial context.  history  of their  11  academia have profoundly influenced  how scholars perceive the Indian-missionary experience. Historians began rejecting Eurocentric assessing  ideals  of christian  missionary  literature  evangelicalism and developing  new  more  1960s  critically.  By  the late  challenging ecclesiastical hagiographies. Missionary literature as  much  and past.  about the intellectual, moral,  their societies over As a result,  particular  attitudes  methods for they  was found  social and political premises  to reveal  of the men  time, as it did about the conditions and events  major towards  studies emerged Indian  peoples.  on the "missionary-mind" 12  The work  of such  were  of the  and their  scholars as  Robin Fisher and Kenneth Coates eds., "Introduction," in Out of the Background: Readings on Canadian Native History (Toronto: Copp, Clarke Pitman, 1988), p. 1. For an overview of the impact Native people have had on the course of academic research see Francis Jennings, "A Growing Partnership: Historians, Anthropologists and American Indian History," Ethnohistory vol. 29, no. 1 (1982): 21-34; Terry P. Wilson, "Custer Never Would Have Believed It: Native American Studies in Academia," American Indian Quarterly vol. 5, no. 3 (1979): 207-28. Harvey Roy Pearce, Savagism and Civilization: A Study of the Indian and the American Mind (Baltimore: John Hopkins Press Reprint, 1977); Robert F. Berkhoffer Jr., The White Man's Indian: Images of the American Indian From Columbus to the Present Day (New York: Random House Reprint, 1979); Cornelius J. Jaenen, Friend and Foe: Aspects of French-Amerindian Culture Contact in the 1 0  1 1  12  5 Robert  Berkhoffer  were  and Francis  not purely  peoples strove  from  Jennings  has demonstrated  philanthropic; missionaries  land, resource,  to radically  transform  and power Indian  that  mission  efforts  did not generally  protect  Native  hungry  Europeans. Rather,  these  societies and in the process, consciously or  inadvertantly aided European expansion  and conquest  in North  America.  1 3  While this more recent literature provides a general understanding missionary  world  view  ethnocentric undertones.  and its residual  effects  it still has  Christianity have been treated only superficially. Native people  were still generally  and  reactors or helpless victims; Missionaries were  viewed  uncompromising, and were blamed for the loss of Indians' integrity.  writing  in this  vein  missionary activities. is  Native  peoples,  to accept or reject  as passive  compelling  on Native  of the  people  seen  The reasons  men  15  have  taken  presentist  standards  to moralize  as rigid 14  Many  and condemn  As James Axtell points out however, "the historian's aim  not to chastize the actors of the past, who are mortally incorrigible, but to  (cont'd) Sixteenth and Seventeenth Century (Toronto: McClelland & Stewart, 1976); More recent regional analyses of missionary literature are, Sara Carter, "Man's Mission of Subjugation: The Publications of John McLean, John McDougall and Egerton Ryerson Young, Nineteenth Century Methodist Missionaries in Western Canada" (M.A. thesis, University of Saskatchewan, 1981); Vera K. Fast, "A Research Note on the Journals of John West," Journal of Canadian Church Historical Society 21 (1979): 30-38. Robert F. Berkhoffer Jr., Salvation and the Savage: An Analysis of Protestant Missions and America Indian Response, 1787-1862 (Lexington: University of Kentucky Press, 1964); Francis Jennings, The Invasion of America: Indians, Colonialism and the Cant of Conquest (Chapill Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1975); James P. Ronda, '"We Are Well As We Are': A n Indian Critique of Seventeenth-Century Christian Missions," William and Mary Quarterly vol. 34, no. 4 (1977): 67. "James Axtell, "Some Thoughts on the Ethnohistory of Missions," Ethnohistory vol. 29, no. 1 (1982), p. 35. For example see, Harold Cardinal, The Unjust Society: The Tragedy of Canada's Indians (Edmonton: M. G. Hurtig, 1969); More recent regional studies that follow this trend include, Eric Ronald Porter, "The Anglican Church and Native Education: Residential Schools and Assimilation" (Ph.D. thesis, University of Toronto, 1971); Emma LaRoque, "White Control of Indian 'Education'," (M.A. thesis, University of Manitoba, 1978). 12  13  1  15  6  let  himself and his contemporaries  be judged  and instructed by the past."  tendency to condemn or apologize for past injustices still  lingers  16  The  however. Some  ethnohistorians like Calvin Martin take the apologetic theme to great extremes by arguing  that  European  historians  will  While it is true that Euro-North Native  every  effort  rising ranks have opened  truly  understand  the  because history is an intellectual tool of European culture.  "thoughtworld"  view  never  history  through  Indian  to understand  eyes  American scholars can never and hearts, it is important  thoroughly to make and the  of Native academics like Vine Deloria and the late D'Arcy  McNickle,  to Indian  techniques  1 7  of inquiry  doors  it. Inter-disciplinary  Native  peoples' world-views and rationales.  18  Scholars are  turning their attention towards how Indian people  perceived missionaries and the  active  transformations. Ethnohistorians  roles  they  assumed  in their  own cultural  like James Axtell and Bruce G. Trigger have demonstrated that Native to  missionary  of  factors in the Indian context. Changing demographic, economic, political, social  and  ideological  efforts were active decisions that were prompted  responses  factors  affected  an individual's  or a group's  by a wide range  decision to adopt,  adapt, or reject the way of life offered by christian missionaries. However,  scholars  are still  heavily  influenced  by  19  the attitudes and  Axtell, "Ethnohistory: A Historian's Viewpoint," in The European and the Indian: Essays in the Ethnohistory of Colonial North America (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1982), p. 13. C a l v i n Martin ed., The American Indian and the Problem of History (New York: Oxford University Press, 1987), pp. 16, 27. V i n e Deloria Jr., Custer Died for Your Sins: An Indian Manifesto (New York: Macmillan Press, 1969), "An Indian Plea to the Churches," Los Angeles Times, 6 February 1973, and God is Red (New York: Grosset & Dunlap, 1973); D'Arcy McNickle, Native American Tribalism: Indian Survivals and Renewals (New York: Oxford University Press Reprint, 1973). James P. Ronda and James Axtell, Indian Missions: A Critical Bibliography (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1978); Trigger, Natives and Newcomers: Canada's "Heroic Age" Reconsidered (Kingston: McGill-Queen's University Press, 1985); James Axtell, The Invasion Within: The Contest of Cultures in Colonial North America (New York: Oxford University Press, 1985). 16  1 7  1 8  19  7 standards  of their  missions been  is still judged  challenged  developed  For example,  from  one of the most relations.  the success  interpretations Christianity. concommitant, displacement,  offers  of Indian  on  offered  may  a  conversion to  Christianity  better  alternative  to Indian  its to  groups at  suggests  that the success or failure of missions can be measured by the degree  disruptive claims,  forces. "Ethnic  promises  determined  survival  a  was  expansion,  and Indian  amount  of Christianity  the  least  be  claimed took  gauge  to cultural  for assessing  or failure of missions.  groups  threatened  people  were  Axtell  their "ethnic identity" in the face of  as opposed  better  goals,  22  transformation, he how  Indian  people  By using this approach, Axtell  demonstrates that missionaries were most successful when  of Indian  military  people  to provide  the success  convincingly  survival."  missionary  and  junctures  were able to defend  of using  to revolutionize  their  that  or annihilation  Instead  set of standards for  viewed  comparatively  who has  difficult  to which Indian people  history.  appraisal has  to the study of  that promises  the premise  and subjugation  in their  approaches  have  of Indian  for example,  an alternative missions  peoples  is built  starvation,  Axtell,  Axtell  21  agriculture,  James  and innovative  how Indian  His thesis  like  or "failure"  This one-sided  20  recent  or failure  about  the "success"  in European terms.  by ethnohistorians  missionary-Indian judging  sources.  by European most  social,  successful when  and "civilization." From  the very  economic and they  accepted  this perspective it can  that on the whole, missions were uniformly successful because Indian what  they  needed  and accepted  only  as much  as they  had to  in  °See for example, Ian A. Getty, "The Failure of the Native Church Policy of the CMS in the North West," in Religion and Society in the Prairie West, ed. Richard Allen, (Regina: Canadian Plains Research Center, 1974): 19-34; Frits Pannekoek, "Protestant Agricultural Zions for the Western Indian," Journal of the Canadian Church Historical Society, vol.14, no. 3 (1972): 55-66. Axtell, "Missions," Supra. Ibid., p. 37. 2  2 1  2 2  8  order to "maintain their cultural integrity and ensure their Even  though  understanding the  same  AxtelPs  how Indian people  drawbacks  European-Indian  as other  christian  Native  peoples  Nearly  all the literature  though  few in number,  Christianity.  approach  is a step  in the right  direction  ethnohistorical  encounters  consulted played earliest  approaches  and neglects of  because  the impact  toward  among  Christianity  their  so far indicates that initial  an important Native  role  church  converted  country-men.  Indian  in the expansion  workers  are given  This is especially  encounters  in Canada and more particularly in the Canadian North  from  it emphasizes that  treatment.  B.  23  may have viewed missions, it still suffers  had on the diffusion  Yet, these  survival."  converts, of Indian  only  cursory  true of the literature focusing on missionary-Indian  INDIAN-MISSIONARY  ENCOUNTERS  IN  THE  West.  CANADIAN  NORTH  WEST  John  Webster Grant  provides the first  missionary-Indian encounters of  the mission  conversion  activity  employed  demonstrates  that  in C a n a d a .  of a  by  each,  the Church  number  major comprehensive  overview of  He documents the westward  24  expansion  of churches,  describes  the  various  Indian  responses.  Missionary  Society  (CMS),  above  and  missionarj' organizations in the Canadian  West, successfully  the methods of  nurtured  Grant  all other a  Native  of Native  church  ministry and incorporated it into its own ranks. Even workers  though Grant's  is comparatively  appraisal of the role  better than  previous  attention to the roles, activities and impact on 2 3  2  individual  studies, it still  pays  very  little  of these men. The few major studies  Native missionaries and their missions  Ibid., p. 39. * Grant, Moon in Wintertime, Supra.  and impact  are basically biographical in  9 nature  and as such  analyses.  of Native  mission  history, like  constituted  Grant,  North  have  more  the writers  only considered  Peter  those  own ranks.  Jacobs  European  their  West America  less  of  than  were  of church Native  comparative  ordained  their  and Indian  missionaries who  Men like  Henry  clergymen  European  who were  acculturated country-men. In the case  They  them  were  of  were few in number. By 1860 the total  ordained  ministers. The bulk  the  as the Canadian  of the C M S employed in Indian mission work was twenty-six  among  Budd of  counterparts.  mission, covering the region known  mid-West, men of this calibre  three  in the way  indoctrinated, humbled by their origins, and considered themselves  or better than  workforce  much  is that  minority within their  to be even  were thoroughly  CMS  workers  and the methodist  perceived  above  church  an elite  CMS  very  A more significant reason why we know so little about the role and  25  impact  the  do not offer  of C M S  Native  and only  Native  church  workers was made up of lowly catechists and schoolteachers. The  role of Native  catechists should  not be underestimated.  the first C M S agents to traverse the boundaries in  the first half of the 19th century  Indian missions and schools.  6 2  They  of the the Red River  and were  were  Settlement  the first to establish  inland  They not only taught the children and translated  sermons, they lived among their prospective converts and therefore lived closer to the  Indian  alongside  way of life.  Indians  Though  they  planting gardens  encouraged  and raising  sedentary livestock,  farming they  also  and worked partook in  A few biographies of Canadian Native missionaries are, Kathrine Pettipas ed., Diary of the Reverend Henry Budd 1870-1875, vol. 4 (Winnipeg: Manitoba Record Society Publications, 1974); Isaac K. Makindisa, "The Praying Man: The Life and Times of Henry Bird Steinhauer," (Ph.D. thesis, University of Alberta, 1984); Isabel Thompson Kelsey, Joseph Brant, 1743-1807: A Man of Two Worlds (Syracuse: Syracuse University Press, 1984); Donald B. Smith, Sacred Feathers: The Reverend Peter Jones (Kahkewaquonaby) and the Mississauga Indians (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1987). The Red River Settlement, presently named Winnipeg, is situated at the confluence of the Red and Assiniboine Rivers in Manitoba. 2 5  2 6  10 trapping, Even or  fishing,  and  more so than  hunting  Just as Euro-Canadian lives  of  Europeanized daily  ordinary  their  own  livelihoods.  entered the Indian  peoples,  conditions of Native  recruitment  of Native  church  biographies of Great Men histories  and  tell little of  biographies  of  catechists  therefore, are  and  more  their  Native  systematic  catechists, their  relations  congregations.  the field. We  need  to know  more  hope to acquire a  encounter  highly  studies  with  the  on  the  local  What  and  the  active  about these  more complete  role  Native  christian  church  and  hierarchy impacts in  "middlemen" before  understanding  people  we  training  their respective Native congregations, as well as their comparative  ever  realm,  Native ministers offer little insight into the lives, expectations, and  need  can  suppliment  a closer connection to the ways of their country-men.  political history and  desperately  and  to  their Native superiors, these men  rather, they maintained  the  expeditions  assumed  we  of the Indian-christian in  their  own  cultural  transformations.  C.  THE  LIMITATIONS  OF  THE  HISTORIOGRAPHY  ON  INDIAN  EDUCATION  In futile  the  and  without  case  of the  innaccurate  first  to  Company  and  secular developments  (HBC). The  century. It dictated  bound  to  support education  HBC  comply  and  how also  to  activities, HBC  in  had  its very  good-will of the Canada  the  authority, and controlled  its territories  very  Land, however, it would  understand  basically  Western  because  in Western  in Rupert's  attempt  considering the  Bay  served. The  CMS  education specific  until  rise  the  programs  expectations  ministry  influence of the  Hudson's  influenced both  temporal  latter  during  the  first  half  half  developed of the  existence in Rupert's  Company. Thus, the  both  Native  or  a  be  HBC,  the  of the  and  CMS,  land  of  the who  19th  these  which  depended CMS,  19th  on  and century  was the  Indian were  11 inextricably bound together. Indian education during the early missionary period in Rupert's received focus  Land has  scant attention by writers of Indian and education history. Most studies  on the post-1870 era when  industrial  residential  schools  under  government.  Post-confederation  comparatively  more  change  for three Indian  the  mission  early  the direction  Indian  attention from reasons:  restructure  parochial mission  and support  education  scholars  the thrust  interested  and values  era; historical  sources  expanded  have  in directed  such  received  socio-cultural  residential  increased  into  of the federal  programs  of government  childrens' world-views school  schools were  schools to  considerably  as DIA  records  from made  much easier; and finally, the residential schools were far more effective  research  from a Euro-Canadian perspective because Indian societies were less able to resist the  government  children bands  were  agents  recruited  by missionaries prior  in the Canadian  entities point  "beyond  that  Rupert's  will  and missionaries who recruited  West  were  the pedagogical be discussed  Land, Reverend  still  reach  politically  and economically  of Europeans."  West, could  children.  Fewer  27  to the reserve era because  further on is that  John  their  One  28  the first  not cajole  very  CMS  or coerce  Indian  independent significant  missionary in Native  parents  into giving up their children in the 1820s. A l l but the orphans were sent to the Red  River  Indian  school  by  choice.  It is therefore  apparent  that  historians  interested in directed socio-cultural change have been far more attracted to Indian education least  able  peoples Indian  during  the period  to resist.  The course  in the previous people  when  era when  Indian  people  and impact missionary  were  relatively  powerless and  of Western  education  efforts  least  were  on Indian  successful and  were successfully resistant, has been a far less appealing  area of  David W. Adams, "Before Canada: Toward an Ethnohistory of Indian Education," History of Education Quarterly vol. 28, no. 1 (1988), p. 98. Ibid. 2 7  2 8  12 inquiry. Another education  reason  why  programs has received very  earlier time period tend  indiscriminately. Little  mileaus,  socio-economic  separate  ideas  three  or no regard  of children.  impact  of early  Indian  of Company, settler, and Indian is given  roles and status, different  and motives the H B C groups  and  little attention is because historians of this  to treat the education  children  these  the development  and C M S  The  to the unique  educational  "needs,"  had for extending  greatest  weakness  cultural and the  education to  of studies  on the  development of Western religious and educational institutions in Rupert's Land is the  preoccupation  with  the education  expense of the "Indian factor." who  29  of settler  and Company  children at  the  For example, John Foster and Frits Pannekoek,  are well known for their work on the impact of early C M S efforts on Red  River fur trade society basically disregard the fact that the original goals of the C M S were directed towards Indian mission work. to  John  West's Indian  John West is presented was  program  They pay too little attention  or the results  it achieved.  as an uncompromising, overzealous  3 1  Reverend  idealist whose mission  bound to fail. What Foster and Pannekoek neglect to consider is that while  West's ideals was  mission  30  and goals  not his primary  conflicted  with  the fur trade  oligarchy, pleasing  object. West was an Indian missionary  them  and during his three  The earliest studies, for example, fall within the H B C hagiography genre, and as such, pay very little attention to the "Indian" aspect of the Red River mission school. See M. P. Toombs, "Educational Policy of the Hudson's Bay Company," Saskatchewan History vol. 4, no. 1 (1951): 1-10; J. W. Chalmers, "Education and the Honourable Company," Alberta Historical Review vol. 13, no. 3 (1965): 25-28, a more recent study by Chalmers on Indian education is Education behind the Buckskin Certain: a History of Native Education in Canada (Edmonton, 1974); W. B. Ready, "Early Red River Schools," The Beaver Outfit 278:3 (1947): 34-37. John E. Foster, "The Anglican Clergy in the Red River Settlement, 1820-1826" (M.A. thesis, University of Alberta, 1966); Frits Pannekoek, "The Churches and the Social Structure in the Red River Area, 1818-1870," (Ph.D. thesis, Queen's University, 1974). 'John E. Foster. "Program for the Red River Mission: The Anglican Clergy, 1820-1826," Social History 4 (1969), pp. 74, 65. 2 9  3  3  0  13 short  years  went  on to become  priorities HBC's  in Rupert's  Land,  the first C M S  and goals, West's  vigorous  he recruited Native  efforts  opposition. More  were  a handful  of Indian  children  missionaries. In terms  successfully  generally, Foster  realized,  of his own  in spite  and Pannekoek  who  focus  of the on the  English-speaking Mixed-blood and settler factions of Red River society and thereby neglect to assess the impact present elitist one-sided HBC  of West's efforts among the Indian population.Their  appraisals of mission activity from the perspectives of the  and its close and loyal  result  of their  "civilization."  32  Turnarian However,  CMS  coherts  who  approach: the frontier in fairness  followed  West  are the direct  conflict between  barbarism and  to Pannekoek  and Foster,  reflect the state of historical inquiry in their field. Even focus on Native education responses  of Indians  In  sharp  analyse and  sons  and daughters  of retired and  contrast to the general literature is Jennifer Brown's  distinguishes the Country-born education  studies that purport to  3 3  article on the education of upper-echelon  of  available  the impact  from  to each  of CMS  their Country-born  merely  fail to distinguish between the experiences, needs, and  and the Mixed-blood  active fur trade personnel.  they  Country-born  children.  the Indian students  group.  Although  Sylvia  34  two-part  Brown carefully  in terms of the quality Van Kirk  and Brown  missionaries on the social status of Native  offspring, neither provide any systematic  treatment  women of the  Pannekoek, "Churches," Supra, and, "A Probe into the Demographic Structures of Nineteenth Century Red River," in Essays on Western History, ed. Lewis H. Thomas (Edmonton: University of Alberta Press, 1976): 83-95; and "The Anglican Church and the Disintigration of Red River Society, 1818-1870," in The West and the Nation: Essays in Honour of W. L. Morton, eds. Carl Berger and Ramsay Cook (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart Ltd., 1976): 72-91. A. N. Thompson also follows this theme in "John West: A Study of the Conflict Between Civilization and the F u r Trade," Journal of the Canadian Church Historical Society vol. 12, no. 3 (1970): 44-57. D . Bruce Sealey, Monographs in Education, Vol. Ill, The Education of Native Peoples in Manitoba (Winnipeg: University of Manitoba Press, 1980). "Ultimate Respectabilty: Fur-Trade Children in the 'Civilized World'," The Beaver Part I (Winter 1977): 4-10, Part II (Spring 1978): 48-55. 3 2  3 3  3 4  14 impact  of missionaries  on  Indian  societies  or  consider  Indian  responses.  3  5  However, their appraisals of the subsequent professional and social experiences of educated Indians  Country-borns  can be compared. These  the experiences those and  model  to which  two scholars make  the experiences it clear,  of educated  for example, that  of first generation English Country-borns were quite different from in terms of both  social mobility  degrees of acceptance within both the European and Indian frameworks.  a Native  overall goal of this study  ministry within the CMS  19th  century.  begin  with  to  a  of later generations, and also of Indians  The  The  provide  Given  the above  36  is to trace and describe the emergence of  in Rupert's Land during the first half of the  considerations, it is clear  that  the story  must  the initial development of British educational and religious institutions.  circumstances  and forces at work that motivated  the educational  examined. A  and  number  religious  influences  of historical questions  the H B C to open its doors  of CMS  will  missionaries  be addressed.  What  must  be  were the  goals and priorities of the CMS North West America mission?  What role did the  HBC  Who  play  intended the  HBC  facilities  in the development  of educational  to serve? How did Indian education and CMS? in Rupert's  The fact Land  was  that  institutions?  these  and conversion fit into the goals of  the establishment  wrought  were  with  complex  of. Indian political,  educational  economic, and  Jennifer S . I L Brown, Strangers in Blood, Fur Trade Families in Indian Country (Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, 1980); Sylvia V a n Kirk, "Many Tender Ties," Women in Fur Trade Society, 1670-1870 (Winnipeg: Watson & Dwyer Ltd., 1980). Carol Judd, like Brown, is sensitive to the fact that regardless of the amount of educational training Country-born sons received, by the late 1830s their chances to obtain positions in the H B C above the servant ranks were little better than those of their more "Native" counterparts. Carol M. Judd, "Mixt Bands of Many Nations: 1821-1870," in Old Trails and New Directions: Papers of the Third North American Fur Trade Conference, eds. Carol M. Judd and Arthur J. Ray (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1980), p. 139, and "Native labour and social stratification in the Hudson's Bay Company's northern department, 1770-1870," Canadian Review of Sociology and Anthropology vol. 17, no. 4 (1980): 305-14. 3 5  36  15 social conflicts, did not deter John West. In spite of the difficulties, he to  recruit and train a handful of Indian children who  first  Native  church  re-evaluations  workers in Western  of John  West  and  Canada. As  his Indian  managed  were later to become the previously indicated, serious  mission  are required  by  scholars  interested in the early development of Indian education in Western Canada. This study they  analyzes his ideals, goals, methods of outreach, and education programs as relate  to the direction  of Indian  education  and  the emergence of a  CMS  Native ministry. A the  first  the  types  educated  conditions Since  systematic  of employment  and converted  of work  they  of John Society  Indian  were  that ' encouraged  most  Missionary  study  West's Indian a  pursue careers in mission work; how  other and how  to  that were  in Western undertake,  them  graduates  close examination  hierarchy; and finally, how  men  trained  or prevented  opportunties  from entered  must  be  available to  Canada will and  the  socio-economic  obtaining various the ranks  made  illustrate  positions.  of the Church  of why  they  chose to  they were incorporated into the local church  European and Native church  workers related to each  each were treated by their respective superiors.  General  statements  about the role and impact  be offered because too little is known of them  of Native catechists cannot  at this time. A  brief case  study  of the life and work of Native catechist Charles Pratt will demonstrate that they were a distinct class of men be  overlooked.  lowest,  they  Within  had  no  whose importance in Indian history can no longer  the local voice  church  or power  hierarchy  their  status was  in the decision-making  ranked  process,  and  accomplishments were given minimal recognition. Instead of asking if these church their  workers were successul in changing respective  suggested  peoples,  this  paper  earlier by James Axtell.  the their  Native  the world-views and ways of life of  proposes  that  we  follow  the  approach  16 can  We considered missions  begin  christian do  by  missions  for their  considered "failures" by that  offered some  Indian  bands'  as  an  histories.  under  trying  helped  his people with  they  It is likely  active  can as  that  of a  what  did Native  all of this? Instead of critically  first  3 7  at  that were  Christianity  dismal.  a  Indian  very  is to  CMS  critical  peoples  Native  missionary  agents stage in  considered  their  of an  who  in any  way  skills, were surely considered Native  organization bent  answers may  shed  that more  can  specific  catechists on  new  how  restructuring light on  case-studies on  better understand  how  and  and  their  schoolteachers take  church  Indians perceived  in their  workers understand  might  their  attacking pioneer missionaries, as  at critical times appear  in their histories. As to be  a  social  Native  they made  to varying degrees.  should stop to consider the the abilities  glance  cultural victory.  missions  what it did for their collective well-being. Initially  survival?  at  that  seek to find out how  agents  we  catechists  make adjustments  Indian  their loyalties.  Native  what  starvation  ways of life. The  required before  of late, we  context; what did  syncratic  results  decisions to convert, for various reasons,  And  Indian  congregations  successful because it helped them to survive  efforts  roles did the  trend  the  to  above, it is clear  their conversion and  Native  example, those  then,  Christianity  them. Then, we  goals, their impact, and  are  in an  his Western knowledge and  Indian world-views and  catechists  For  considered  alternative  conditions. The  the  not  whether  agricultural development and  perceived their roles as  Given  successful or  also  adoption or adaptation of  successful by  determine  the standards set in 19th century London, but who  people  agriculture  to  ethnic survival?  left a legacy of marginal  say  trying  What  conversion  and  roles to be in is the  popular  of Indian societies to James Axtell  defeat may  suggests,  in turn be  a  Figure 1 continued  Charles Pratt of Touchwood  Hills, c. 1860s  Credit: Nimoshom Colin Pratt, (private collection of writer)  II. RELIGION AND EDUCATION IN RUPERT'S LAND, 1800-1833  A. OBLIGATIONS  AND  PROGRAMS  For the first one hundred very  little  HBC  did not consider Indians  reasons:  concern  existed  OF THE HBC  years of the HBC's presence in Rupert's  for the religious  it had no intention  conversion of Indian  objects of Western of giving  Indian  peoples. The  conversion primarily  people  Land  the means  for  two  to question  Company accounts, and second, the H B C would not permit any outside forces to divert Indian attention away encouraged a  the traplines. Christianity, the Company held,  settlement which would interfere with the production of fur. For over  century  relatively  from  then, free  Indian  from  people  external  within  sources  the boundaries  of directed  of Rupert's  cultural  change  any  intellectual  Land  were  outside of the  economic sphere. The  few  enlightenment  meagre  at the Bay  country-born children. and  daughters  By  the late  attempts  1  were  Unschooled  initiated  by  Company  or  employees  spiritual for their  and unskilled in Rupert's Land, Company  sons  had few options but to follow the paths of their Indian mothers. 18th century  children and the growing  though,  the H B C London  its  obligations.  colonization "colony  of very  the ever-increasing  numbers  of country-born  concerns of Company family men over the fate of their  offspring forced  potential  to provide  2  Committee for the first time  At a  useful  time  Hands"  of extreme  in their  midst  labour  to take  seriously  shortages,  encouraged  this  the London  John Webster Grant, Moon in Wintertime: Missionaries and the Indians in Canada in Encounter since 1534 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1984), p. 98; Vera Kathrin Fast, "The Protestant Missionary and F u r Trade Society: Initial Contact in the Hudson's Bay Territory, 1820-1850," (Ph.D. thesis, University of Manitoba, 1984), p. 35. E . E. Rich, History of the Hudson's Bay Company, 1670-1870, 3 vols. (New York: Macmillan, 1961), vol. I, pp. 31, 54. 1  2  19  20  Committee  to experiment in education.  of primary Despite  books and a number  good  Between  3  1794 and 1810, large supplies  of school teachers were sent to bayside posts.  intentions, circumstances  at the Bay would  not support  the new  policy. * While education the  program  monopoly  under  of other  Parliamentary  criticizing  was  Crown  struggling to devise  chartered  and commercial  the Company  of its Charter,  advancements.  Committee  for the Bay, its exclusive monopoly  rights  attack.  publicly guise  the London  without  for pursuing encouraging  trade  a  rights,  corporations, were  interest  groups  colonial  along  with  increasingly  in Britain  private economic  British  satisfactory  were  goals, under the  or other  commercial  5  Thomas  Douglas, the fifth  Earl  of Selkirk, was one of the Company's  greatest critics. Having purchased  enough H B C  opposition  developed  to colonization, Selkirk  shares  to override the Company's  his plan to establish  an agricultural  colony in the Red River Valley. He recruited colonists from Scotland and provided them  with  educational  grants and  of farm  religious  land,  facilities.  temporary shelter from the storm  temporary The  colony  support,  and  not only  the promise of  offered  of public criticism in England,  the H B C  it also promised  Provincial Archives of Manitoba, Hudson's Bay Company Archives, A.6/17, cited in Jennifer S. H. Brown, Strangers in Blood, Fur Trade Company Families in Indian Country, (Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, 1980), p. 77 (hereinafter cited P A M HBCA) "For example, James Cloustan was one of three schoolmasters hired by the Company in London and stationed at East Main post. He remained there for about five years, until he was swept away by the call of the fur trade. The rest of his life was spent as a Company clerk. Besides run-away teachers, irregular attendence was a great hinderance in maintaining Company schools. Children often joined their parents in tasks which took them away from the posts. Since more girls than boys reaped any benefit from these early schools, it was determined that the costs were too high and it would take too long to form the colony of useful hands they envisioned: Ibid., pp. 7, 16; J. W. Chalmers, "Education and the Honourable Company," Alberta historical Review vol. 13, no. 3 (1965), p. 25. 3  5  Brown, Strangers in Blood, p.  200.  to  ease  the problems  trade  families  settle  with  the  supply  at Company  their  expense  of supporting  base. The London  the increasing numbers  by providing a place  farming  community  a superfluous Committee  would  of dependent fur  for retired  free the Company  population, and provide  supported  servants to from  potential  Selkirk's plan, and in 1812  Fort Douglas at the confluence  food the  of the Red and Assiniboine  6  Another the  from  posts  families. A  first settlers reached Rivers.  stemming  "moral  support  previously neglected  and religious  obligation of the Company  improvement  of the Red River  colony  of the Indians."  softened  the blows  7  was to promote  Though  from  the HBC's  parliamentary and  commercial interest groups, it did little to allay attacks from the rising ranks of British evangelicalism. The London Committee was well aware of its responsibilty. In a letter to the Governor, George Simpson, they moral  and religious  Company  improvement  as proprietors of the country,  exclusive liscence. They to fulfill this duty. religious  of three  employees,  Not different,  duties  imposed  upon the  and as part of the conditions of their  also felt morally responsible, as British christian subjects,  distinct  children of settlers, which by then  country-born  were  Thus, the H B C became responsible for the educational and  8  instruction  Company  of Indians  stated that the "civilization",  were  groups  of children in Rupert's  included the country-born  the most  numerous.  They  were  Land. The  children of retired followed  by the  children of active Company employees, and Indian children. only  were  socio-economic  the cultural class  backgrounds  differences were  also  of each prominent  group  of children  within  Company  Ibid., p. 168; W. R Toombs, "Educational Policy of the Hudson's Bay Company," Saskatchewan History" 4 (1951), p. 2. P A M HBCA, A.6/21, fo. 50, Governor and Committee to George Simpson, 11 March 1823. P A M HBCA, A.6/21, fo. 284, Governor and Committee to George Simpson, 16 January 1828. 6  7  8  22 ranks. Company to  Canada  officers who  or  England  boarding  schools  for  between  Company  for  previously had  the option of sending  schooling  pushing  "higher"  officers  were  education  and  at  servants  Red  were  the  Company  River.  so  their children to  However,  pronounced  establish  class  that  the  lines former  strongly opposed their children receiving the same education, in the same facilties, as  the children  Committee  was  of Indians  and  faced  finding  with  "common a  settlers."  solution to meet the  everyone, as frugally  as possible. In the end,  including  of Company  the  Rupert's  wishes  previously ineffective  needs of their Committee England  employee's  members,  missionary  as  missionary  1816  encouraged  the  societies  already  at  other  British  many opinions and  any  path  London needs of  other factor  of education in  of  developing an  of the  the  HBC  to meet the educational  evangelical bent  Company  to  seek  the  1816  Committee work  was  trying  among  Church  of  spiritual obligations.  As  aid  of  to entice into  Indigenous  colonies. The  of leading London  peoples  challenge was  Rupert's in the  not  taken  Land United lightly  options were carefully considered, especially those of local and  1820,  about the  letters, it is clear idea  children, and  London  questions to the Bay  the  attempts  the  officers. Between  these  the  societies to meet its educational and  States, Canada, and and  wishes and  costs, more than  officers, determined  HBC  Land. The  early  Therefore, the  9  establishing  all-encompassing  London  possibility  that the an  the  London  Indian  Committee  of extending Committee  boarding  education program.  school 1  sent  education  was at  detailed  lists  of  to Indians. In  already committed  to  Red  to  River,  and  0  Sylvia Van Kirk, "Many Tender Ties, "Women in Fur Trade Society in Western Canada, 1670-1870 (Winnipeg: Watson & Dwyer Publishing, 1980), p. 149; PAM HBCA, D.4/3, George Simpson to the Governor and Council of the Southern Department, 1 December 1823. °In a letter to James Bird dated 20 May 1818, the London Committee requested the following information: "Could the parents of Indian children be prevailed upon to permit their children to be civilized and educated, would they 9  1  23 While there was and  most  peoples,  the  experienced fact  no in  doubt that missionary  societies were the best suited  educating,  and  that they  were  converting,  also  financially  "civilizing"  self-sufficient  non-christian  was  a decisive  boon in the Company's favour. From the beginning, the Company was to the idea of meeting the requirements Company chaplain, schoolmaster,  and  an  The  major  plan  was  Indian  mission.  1 1  all-encompassing  education  their funds  resources on  not  and  mandated  employees.  to  meet  Undaunted,  of all parties by  combining the duties of  missionary to Indians under the auspicies of stumbling  block  in  the  that established missionary  opinion  of the  the  needs  the  HBC  London  of  either  hoped  Committee  number of native Indians who  European  that  a  members,  B.  THE  could be  inhabitants of the Bay.  CHURCH  Initially Rupert's whose  MISSIONARY  the  HBC  societies  focused  colonists  sufficient  was  Land  that  was  willing  resolve  could  be  tempered  1  "the  first  or  number  Company of  Indian  schoolmasters.  object must  In  be  the  received for the purpose of civilizing  and  education," but the plan would, of course, be settlers and  Company's  "heathen" Indigenous societies exclusively. They were  children would "induce" a society to send out missionaries and the  committed  of great service to the families of  2  SOCIETY  unable to  AND  to  accept in  time.  JOHN  attract their A  a  WEST,  1820-1823  missionary  society  into  sought  one  proposal, so fledgling  they  society,  not  yet  very  (cont'd) allow them tobe placed in Schools for the purposes, would they be satisfied with occasionally visiting the children and could any number be so placed out and what would be the annual expense of clothing and feeding each child?." P A M Ecclesiastical Province of Rupert's Land Collection, P337/PRL-84-2/file 7-1008, Governor and Committee to James Bird, 20 May 1818, (hereinafter cited as P A M EPRLC); Ibid., Governor and Committee to Governor Semple, 8 May 1826. Chalmers, "Education," p. 37. P A M EPRLC, P337/PRL-84-2/file 7-1008, Governor and Committee to James Bird, 20 May 1818. 1 0  1 1  12  24 established greatest  or experienced,  hope. Besides  Committee religion  who were  to Rupert's  Colville.  Along  13  which  Lord most  Land  with  also contained  Selkirk, involved  factions, offered the  the leading members in the extension  were Benjamin  other  sympathetic  influential  of the H B C  of British  Harrison, Nicholas  businessmen,  and Andrew  and clergymen,  these  men belonged  1799  the Clapham Sect founded the Society for Missions to Africa and the East  for  to an evangelical society known  education and  Garry,  politicians,  London  the purpose of propagating  renamed  the Church  Committee  members  Sect. In  the gospel abroad. In 1812 the organization was  Missionary were  as the Clapham  Society.  intimately  Since  14  associated  became the most likely choice for Rupert's  a  with  number  HBC  the CMS,  London  that  society  Land.  Though the C M S was interested in establishing missions in British America, refused  it was to  exclusively  administer  devoted  the  to work  Company's  among  Indigenous  all-encompassing  North  peoples and  education  plan.  15  Nevertheless, Reverend John West, an active C M S member, saw the potential for Indian  mission  work  in the Company's  accepted  the position  catechist  George  thereafter. HBC £100  Harbridge  "to make 17  a  chaplain  was hired  Though the C M S  and Reverend  Land." 13  16  of Company  territories. In the spring of 1820 West in Rupert's  by the Company  could not be induced  Land.  The Anglican  as schoolmaster  to offer full support  West, he was able to secure  from  trial  for the natives  of what  could  be done  soon  to the  the Society a grant of in Rupert's  For the time being the full financial burden for education fell squarely  Chalmers, "Education," p. 37.  "Usher, "Apostles and Aborigines: The Social Theory of the Church Missionary Society," 7 (1971), pp. 41, 28. Ibid.; Fast, "Protestant Missionary," pp. 64-65; Grant, Moon in Wintertime, p. 82. Canon E. K. Matheson, "Old Days in Canada West," Canadian Churchman (26 May 1921). William Bertal Heeney, John West and his Red River Mission, (Toronto: The Musson Book Company Limited, 1920), p. 36. 1  1 5  16  17  25 on  the shoulders of the HBC.  that  the  could  be  CMS  could be  demonstrated  West and  persuaded  that the  the Company were nonetheless  to extend  an  arm  region offered a  into  fertile  Rupert's  field  optimistic  Land  if it  for Indian  mission  Governor  William  work. In Williams  May  at  of  York  1820  Fort  the  that  London  Reverend  West  chaplain. West's duties, as instructed by "religious instruction and  Committee had  been  engaged  as  Company  the London Committee, were to provide  consolation to servants  of the  the  River "for servants' children to save expenses of sending them to Williams  was  religious services at York, to arrange where  he  respect." made  was 18  to  No the  to  be  stationed, and  where in the religious  settlers. Without the  or  full  London  instructed  to  ensure  to  "make  Committee's  of the  CMS  sure  all treat  instruction of the  or any  performed  River colony  him  was  children other  superintend  West  for his transport to the Red  educational instruction support  to establish and  nature  schools at Red  [England]."  and  as  and  country  permit"  Company  of the country  this  other circumstances  notified  with  any  due  reference  of Indians  missionary  or  society,  the London Committee had  no intention of financially supporting the instruction of  any  other  its own.  HBC  was  children cropped  except and  West and  on the children of Company men,  The  Harbridge  all-encompassing were expected  education  plan  of the  to focus their attention  or more likely, Company officers.  1  9  P A M EPRLC, P337/PRL-84-2/file 7-1008, Governor and Committee to Governor William Williams, 24 May 1820. Company servants' wages were never enough to cover the costs of educating one or more of their children abroad. The only ones who were able to pay for education were those in the officer classes, so it is apparent that the Company children the London Committee was referring to were those of Company officers. 18  1 9  26 C.  HBC  York  CHAPLAIN-CMS  On  August  Flats.  From  missionary  than  tolerate.  5,  the  1820  the the  Contrary  ameliorate  MISSIONARY:  Reverend  moment  "sad"  his  West  of his  Governor to  CONFLICTS  and  and  arrival  condition of the  Harbridge  proved  expected  West's  Native  INTERESTS  George  West  Committee  instructions,  IN  to  or  Indians.  Native enclaves  and of  Undaunted morally  European Scots by  and  the  armed  English  CMS's  with  Company  refusal  their  small  could prove that the  men  support  rather  and a  than  their  mission  feasible there  to to  plans  posts, and  only  the  Mixed-blood  in Rupert's  small  families. Land  and  zealously pursued his  of an Indian mission school. He  endeavour was  a  interested in all the  show of confidence, West  personal goal - the establishment he  to  Land  bayside  was his  at  of  prepared  Accordingly,  20  of Company children. West was  inhabitants of Rupert's  more  objective  went far beyond holding services at the numerous inland and superintending the education  be  were  immediate  landed  was  believed that if  hope that the  CMS  could be pursuaded to support his plans. In plan  West's capacity as  for the  education  York Factory in 1820 establishment  Company  of Company he  submitted  of a boarding  chaplain he  the  promptly  expenses of the  leaving him  school  a  his arrival  at  River settlement that would house  children from outlying posts. The  rejected the very  after  to develop  a proposal to the London Committee for the  responsible for the maintenance of the children and Committee  expected  officers' children. Soon  school at the Red  a large number of country-born  was  plan. The West  was  HBC  the buildings.  Committee  was  too  hired to establish  temporarily free to pursue his Indian mission and  21  would  The  frugal and  be  London to  cover  superintend,  settler day  school  John West, The Substance of a Journal During a Residence at the Red River Colony, British North America in the Years 1820-1823, (Vancouver: Alcuin Society Reprint, 1967), p. 12. Ibid., p. 11; Heeney, John West, p. 13. 2 0  2 1  27 programs. West 1820. very  arrived  During start,  constituted  the winter he  his  that  the migratory,  the principal hinderance when Indian  this step was  farming  prerequisites  was  River  settlement  in October of  to teach  "nomadic"  life  of Indian  them  adopted  sedentary  ways: the best way to  agriculture. Accordingly, West decided that  would include the rudiments of agriculture.  of "civilization,"  of inculcating  planned  to establish  he  believed that and  Christianity  three  schools  possible. First, and most important  the  schools  finer  at Red  were  qualities  River  school for the Indian  as many  and  and Country-born  West  people  as  the Indian residential planned  wives and older children  a  in the  2 3  The staff  2  effective  of "civilization."  to reach  in West's opinion, was  the most  school, followed by the day school for settler children. Finally, West  settlement.  2  supposed to instill the traits of industry and settlement, the  means  Sunday  peoples  to their conversion. Significant progress could  people  Red River education program  While  in the Red  he began formulating his education program. From the  believed  only be achieved achieve  at his station  temporary students  accomodations provided  were  educational facilities.  24  provide  for the  apartments  He  soon  overcrowded  by the Company so  West  drew  up  for the mission plans  for his  argued that a "substantial building" was neccessary to schoolmaster  and  Indian  students,  a  day  school,  West, Substance, p. 139. John E. Foster, "The Anglican Clergy in the Red River Settlement: 1820-1826," (M.A. thesis, University of Alberta, 1966), p. 125. When the West party first arrived at Red River they were temporarily housed in a room at Fort Douglas while repairs were being made on an abandoned farmhouse some three miles up river. The room served as sleeping quarters, school, and church for two months before Harbridge and the students moved up river: Wardens and Vestry of St. John's Cathedral, From Mission to Cathedral: John West (Winnipeg: St. John's Cathedral, 1945), p. 14, (hereinafter cited as St. John's, From Mission to Cathedral,). 2 2  2 3  2 4  28  Sunday  school, and  church.  the spring of 1821. job,  but progress  because  the  The  was  The  2 5  HBC  provided twelve  slow and  missionary  construction of the  was  in 1822  the colony in  1823.  As  Company  at the inland and with  and  often  absent  Figure  Figures  26  2  shows how  rather than  the  local  Indian  bands for the  Company  a  formal  proposal  station  at the  Red  to the  maintain  the  proposal  CMS  that  CMS  sketch  therefore,  provides  a  of the  it looked  when John West left  services, baptisms, and interest and  children, posts, and  his  Committee members Garry  to establish  his £100  Red  marriages  preoccupation colony,  was  just  and  Harrison attended  West  the CMS  John West held the dual position of HBC  the CMS  River District  schoolmaster.  The  of  1822  the  regular  The  to send  mission  been able to  HBC  London  meeting in London to CMS  agreed.  Chaplain  Mission. George Harbridge Society promised  a  West  hoped would prove to  worthwhile.  then  Red  in February  of 1821,  grant, West had  West's  CMS  summer  three Indian boys which he  and and  in the  support on  proposal,  Factory  in London  River colony. With  secure a building and  as  and  1823  2 7  his annual visit to York  of the  for the  purpose of recruiting children for his mission  During sent  unemployed men  his pastoral visits  bayside posts. Reflecting his primary  people  school.  3  on  chaplain, West performed  Indian  visited  otherwise  began in  the facility not completed until January of  unable to supervise the construction. River mission  school facilities  and  was an  28  From  Superintendent  also re-appointed  assistant clergyman  W e s t , Substance, p. 53. Alfred C. Garrioch, First Furrows (Winnipeg: Stovel Co., 1923), p. 58. St. John's, From Mission to Cathedral, p. 14. P A M HBCA, A.6/20, fo. 65, Benjamin Harrison to John West, 26 February 1822. 25  2 6  2 7  2 8  29  Figure 2  A  Sketch  of John West's Red River Indian Mission School,  1822  "Reverend John West's home, Red River Settlement" Credit: Provincial Archives of Manitoba, Rupert's Land Collection, 2, c. 1822.  30  Figure 3  A  Sketch of John West's Red  River Indian Mission School,  1823  "St. John's Cathedral" Credit: Provincial Archives of Manitoba, Rupert's Land Collection, 3, c.  and  schoolmistress as soon as arrangements could be made.  half years, venture  West's efforts had  with  the HBC  finally  convinced  the  CMS  29  to enter  to educate all Rupert's Landers. Table  costs of the enterprise were divided between the Company  After one  and  1823.  and  one  into a joint  1 shows how  the  the Society in its  initial phase. Following to West that the  2 9  Ibid., fos. 66,  the new  65.  CMS-HBC  agreement, the  measures were intended  HBC "not  London Committee stressed only  to better the condition  31  Table 1  CMS  —  HBC  Joint Education Program, Cost Sharing Agreement,  Expenditures  CMS  Salaries: Minister  1822  .  HBC  £200  £100  Schoolmaster  100  100  Mission Buildings  200  School Supplies  - £12  --  350*  --  each, whichever is less.  Source: P A M HBCA, A. 6/20, fo. 64, 66, Governor and to John West, 26 February 1822.  of the  native heathen but  whole country  would  your  office  of Chaplain  support  Committee  to  wasted  take  expand no  second Indian  in  in 1822.  Committee  30  Having  instructed  secured  Simpson  Apparently  3 1  place to those mission  had  work.  news  of  West  was  "quite compatible  with  the  HBC  Nevertheless,  the  replaced Williams as governor  the  neglected boarding  had  London and  its  of York  the London  school plan for  I b i d . , fo. 60, Governor and Committee to John West, 27 March 1822. Ibid., fo. 66, Benjamin Harrison to John West, 26 February 1822.  3 1  worried  that he  joint' venture  the financial support of the CMS,  to pursue  30  was  of West, now  the  HBC  all inhabitants of the  have control or influence."  conveying  implications to George Simpson, who Factory  highly beneficial to  Company."  his  time  Committee of the  situation as missionary was  to the  that its priorities would CMS  be  over which the Company  further reminded that his new  plus labour  varied  Child Maintenance (Indian boarders) * £ 3 5 0 flat rate or £10  200  32 the Country-born servants  children of active Company men.  with  increasingly  large  as  burdensome. The  were "to remain peace  families  of the  well  London  as  They did so because Company  orphaned  Committee  children  feared  that  were  becoming  if this population  in their present condition they would become dangerous to the  country  and  safety  of the  posts." Elaborating on  this  point they  noted:  It is both dangerous and expensive to support a numerous population of this discription in an uneducated and savage condition, and it would be impolitic and inexpedient to encourage and allow them to collect in different parts of the country, where they would not be under any proper superintendence. The establishment of Clergymen and Schools at the Red River settlement where means of religious instruction and education will be afforded them and where they will be under a regular police and Government by the establishment of Magistrates ...points out the proper mode of disposing of this numerous class of persons. 3  The  2  London Committee decided that it would be "prudent and  some expense in placing be  civilized  among  the  and  these people  instructed  Company's  where they  in religion."  lower  ranks  and  33  may  Apparently  economical to incur  maintain themselves  and  the threat of social unrest  their offspring  required more  immediate  attention than did the desires of Company officers at this time. When the CMS  and  HBC  venture, neither party foresaw dual  capacity of missionary  however, ideological and HBC  officials,  man;  his every thought  the  London  especially  Committee  entered into its joint religious and educational  any  major difficulties  to Indians  and  in having  West  chaplain to all others. Before long  personality clashes surfaced between West and Governor and he  Simpson.  act in the  Simpson  was  a  devoted  the local Company  action held the Company's interests paramount. Like had  certain  expectations of West  that  went  beyond  PAM HBCA, A.6/20, fo. 40, Governor and Committee to George Simpson, 8 March 1822. Ibid., fo. 25, Governor and Committee to George Simpson, 27 February 1822. 3 2  3 3  33 purely  religious matters.  major  role  reflect  a  in the degree  As  exersize of  a  member  of the  of  social  leadership  loyalty  to  the  local ruling elite, West played  Company  and  Simpson  which  was  administration of local government. Whenever West was Company  policies in his clerical position, the  he  was  neither  Rupert's Land. The  discrete nor  pulpit and  vehemently  attack  and  him  to  responsible  for  the  unable to support him  certain  to act with  not a loyal Company  in his opinions  on  the  state  man;  of affairs in  3 4  settlement  men  silent  expected  governor expected  discretion. But, to Simpson's great irrition, West was  a  gave  at  West  outlying various  religious,  posts.  Company  settlers. This made him  moral,  He  took  policies  and  social  advantage  and  the  unpopular with  authority  of  social  all but  this  in  position  mores  of  the to  Company  the most pious. West  condemed "custom of the country" marriage practises especially among the officer ranks,  and  his  Company men. trade.  35  accusations He  West's  criticisms  absorbed,  re-established traders  to  did  abuse  not  go  were  unheeded  the export of rum via  the  in its monopoly  their  alcohol  aimed  also attacked the Company for its use  increased restrictions on competition  of  posts.  1821  and  at  settler  and  of liquor in the Indian the  London  Committee  to Rupert's Land. With the fur trade  HBC-NWC  position  Furthermore,  and  both  no  parliament  merger,  longer  the  needed  ordered  Company to  entice  restrictions  on  was Indian  alcohol  trade as a condition for the renewal of their trading licenses. Not furious  that  only was the  alcohol. A l l this  Simpson outraged  London only  Committee  added  to  by  West's criticisms, he  supported  Simpson's  West's  contempt  position  for the  was on  even more the  clergyman  "Foster, "Anglican Clergy," pp. 49-50. Ibid., p. 54; Public Archives of Canada, Church Missionary Society (hereafter cited PAC CMSA), A. 98, West Journal, 25 December 1822.  use and  of his  3  3 5  Archives  34  mission.  From  36  education.  the beginning,  He saw Indian  Simpson  missions,  opposed  West's  like everything  the fur trade and claimed that Indian  program  else, from  for Indian  the viewpoint of  missions:  in my humble opinion will be attended with little other good than filling the pockets and bellies of some hungry missionaries and schoolmasters and rearing the Indians in habits of indolence. They are already too much enlightened by the late opposition and more of it would in my opinion do harm instead of good to the fur trade. I have always remarked that an enlightened Indian is good for nothing. 3 7  The  London Committee admonished  the  education  Simpson for his attitude and conduct towards  of Indians. All monopolies were presently unpopular  in Britain it  claimed, and  unless every reasonable encouragement and facility is afforded to the human endeavours of the Church Missionary Society towards the civilization of the native Indians in the neighbourhood...great and well merited odium will be exited in the country against the Company. 38  However, many was  often  opinions  of the local H B C  engaged  of these  officers  in verbal conflicts officers  were  shared  with  motivated  Simpson's  them. From  by greed:  opinions, and West  West's  "they  perspective the  cannot  conceal  their  fears lest the plans which we have in seeking to civilize and evangelize the poor Indian  will be the means  of lessening the quantum  of fur and  consequently  Simpson was against the London Committee's decision to withdraw alcohol from the Indian trade because, in his view; " i f Spirits were witheld it would materially discourage them [Indians] and produce a lassitude which Weight of other property could not remove." Furthermore, "the people will not have an opportunity of disgorging their heavy Wages." George Simpson to Andrew Colville, 20 May 1822, cited in Frederick Merk ed., Fur Trade and Empire: George Simpson's Journals, Remarks Connected with the Fur Trade in the Course of a Voyage from York Factory to Fort George and back to York Factory 1824-1825; Together with Accompanying Documents, (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1931), p. 183. Ibid.. 3 6  3 7  P A M HBCA, A.6/21, fo. 262, Governor and Committee to George Simpson, 12 March 1822. 3 8  35 gain."  39  When to the CMS  and  Europeans harmful  West  returned to London in 1823  HBC.  generally, to  the  The  he  submitted a lengthy report  report constituted a major  and  Company  operations of  the  men  in  attack on the behavior of  particular,  mission. Apparently  which the  West  London  Committee  decided that West's attitude and  actions against certain officers - and  Company - were out of line and  unacceptable. Soon thereafter, the HBC  West of his duties and he never again set foot in Rupert's Land. * As  promised, the CMS  had  sent a clergyman, Reverend  replace West during his furlow to England. He assistant at the Red West was Jones  the CMS  officially promoted  Prior from  the  hired  by  HBC.  The  or hamper  the Company  promotion  Company  they directed secular neglected  and  the  had  Company  the minister temporal  boarding  to replace  Jones no  received  intention  him.  At  very  to act as his  the  plan  the  Finally for  Company's Jones  Company  was  and  and  time  instructions  Jones  to repeat  not to publicly 2  Furthermore,  to act on  ordered to pursue  children  David  11 1  operations. * needs  after  same  detailed  of allowing  in its fur trading  to meet  priorities.  school  0  Chaplaincy in the spring of 1824, Reverend  West's "mistakes." Accordingly, the London Committee warned him criticize  relieved  over. Shortly  Jones to Superintendent of the mission station.  to his official  hence the  David Jones to  also supposed  River mission when West's furlow was  relieved of his H B C  was  was  deemed  to  focus  their  the  long  on  the  P A C CMSA, A. 98, John West to Henry Budd, 26 November 1822. Ibid., A. 98, John West Report, 3 December 1823; John Foster, "Program for the Red River Mission: The Anglican Clergy 1820-1826," Social History 4 (1969), p. 71. For a more thorough analysis on the relations and conflicts between Reverend West and the local HBC administration see A. N. Thompson, "John West: A Study of the Conflict Between Civilization and the Fur Trade," Journal of the Canadian Church Historical Society 12 (1970), Supra. PAM HBCA, A.6/21, fo. 87, Governor and Committee to George Simpson, 3 June 1825. " Ibid., A. 6/21, fo. 322, Governor and Committee to David Jones, 12 March 1824. 3 9  ft0  4 1  2  36 educational These  and spiritual  directives  needs of the colony, as opposed  profoundly  affected  the future  to Indian  of the C M S  families.  Indian  43  mission  program. By October  the time  Reverend  of 1823, West's  consisted,  as evident  which served  Jones  mission  from  school  Figure  as a church  arrived was  and schoolhouse.  addition to the Indian  school every  day.  45  firmly  3, of a number  students,  settlement in  established. The  station  of buildings, the largest of  There were two cabins, or "sleeping  quarters" for the minister and schoolmaster, In  at the Red River  and two for the Indian students.  twenty  to thirty  settler  children  4 4  attended  Among the day students were a handful of Company officer  children who were boarded in homes at the settlement. The  number of settler children attending the mission day school increased  dramatically soon after Jones arrived. The steady influx into the colony of retired Company and  men and their families quickly over-taxed  the already  overcrowded  forced  Jones  to expand  added  work, he petitioned  Since the number to  build  a second  day school.  the mission the C M S  of church church  4 3  for help  by sending  Parent  and school  in his second  48  Reverend  of settlers  year. With  Committee to send  all  an assistant.  the 47  also increased dramatically, Jones decided some  seven  miles  down  opened for services in January  school was in operation by July. call  The increasing numbers  facilities  attendants  Plain. St. Paul's Middlechurch  4 6  the resources of the mission  The C M S  river  of 1825, and the  in London responded  and Mrs. William  at Image  Cockran.  to Jones's  The Cockran's  Ibid.  "West, Substance, pp. 139; St. John's, Mission to Cathedral, p. 5; P A C CMSA, A. 88, James Hope to the CMS, 26 June 1823. St. John's, From Mission to Cathedral, p. 3. P A C CMSA, A. 92, Jones Journal, 16 November 1823. P A C CMSA, A. 92, David Jones to Josiah Pratt, 22 October 1824. G a r r i o c h , First Furrows, p. 67; P A C CMSA, A. 92, Jones Journal, 26 July 1825; Historic Resources Branch, Manitoba Culture, Heritage and Recreation, St. Paul's Middlechurch. (Winnipeg: Historic Resources Branch, 1983), p. 1. 4  4 5  4 6  4 7  48  37 arrived  at the mission  Middlechurch.  4  school in October  of 1825 and Jones  moved  down to  9  Jones  and Cockran  immediately  set to work  on  the plans  for  the  proposed boarding school for Company children. In 1827 Reverend Cockran opened St.  Andrew's  mission for  Lowerchurch  (see Figure 4).  the daughters  instruction around families.  Mrs. Cockran  51  Company  the ever  Rapids.  managed  AND  During  also  and taught  down  river  from the  school was established primarily  men. They  population  received  the bulk  of settler  included  a  of their  children  who  number  of Indian  the female boarders.  lived  In addition  and religious instruction, the girls received training in  "the ways of civilized women."  CHURCH  14 miles  increasing numbers  This  to their regular academic  D.  Rapids,  St. Andrew's boarding  of active  alongside  Grand  50  at Grand  STATE:  52  COMPROMISE  West's chaplaincy  Indian  AND  COEXISTANCE  students  were recruited  from  bands in  the course of his pastoral visits to inland and bayside posts. Jones, on the other hand,  was  seldom  directed  traversed  to attend  the boundaries  the needs  of the growing  of the settlement  colony.  Since  Jones  he had no opportunity to  recruit new students for the Indian mission school. With all the resources at the mission's  disposal,  the C M S  Parent  Committee  expected  flourish. In order to appease the Society, the H B C keeping Northern  the mission station supplied with Council at York Factory passed  it to expand,  if  not  assumed the responsibility of  Indian students. On  19 July  Resolution No. 96 which  1824  directed  the Post  P A M HBCA, A. 6/21, fo. 87, Governor and Committee to George Simpson, 3 June 1825. G a r r i o c h , First Furrows, p. 69; W. L. Morton, Manitoba: A History, 2nd ed. (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1967), p. 373. Ibid., p. 91; Garrioch, First Furrows, p. 70. Van Kirk, "Many Tender Ties," p. 146. 4 9  50  5  1  5 2  38  Figure 4  Protestant Day  and Boarding Schools in the Red River Settlement,  1833  Sae u ta lux ^ ^ T Encampment S .t3Pee tsr' School 1 8 3 M (n ua skia kalige& etlaux) Id ngowa V ) Sau Sugar Ponit , Lower Fort Gayr •/ S nR derw sis JBk A G arn.tdA a p d 1827 f o Lafce  Winnipeg  Ili'Trrinriinnt  Msisoin18S chool 2 2 Red Rvier183 A 3cademy^1^,  Sources:  "A Sketch of the Red River, by Wm. Cockran. Feb 10/29", cited: Bredin, "The Red River Academy", The Beaver, Outfit 305:3 (Winter 1874), p. 10; "Map of fort of the Valley of Red River North of the 49th Parallel to accompany a Report on the Canadian Red River Exploring Expedition by H.Y. Hind", in John Warkenton and Richard I. Ruggles, Historical Atlas of Manitoba (Winnipeg: The Historical and Scientific Society of Manitoba, 1970), p. 212.  39 Factors to afford every assistance,  to facilitate and promote the humane and benevolent intentions of the Church Missionary Society towards the procuring for the purpose of Christianizing, the children of such of the Indians as the parents may be induced to part with. 5 3  The  expense  absorbed  of this  endeavour  was  divided  transportation costs, and the CMS,  between  which  the  authorized  expend up to £3 on goods to outfit each child for the journey. Prior aid  to the passing  the Indian  mission  Committee  continuously  Red  served  River  of Resolution  program  West, even  directed him to do so. Apparently,  to placate Simpson  Governor not only  No. 96, Simpson  under Reverend  tabled Resolution  potential benefits to accrue  No. 96, he suddenly  *  made  no effort to  though  the London  West's removal  from  his attitude. The  appeared  educated and converted  which  the Company to 5  who immediately changed  from having  Company,  alert to the  Indians at hand:  There may be a difference of opinions as to the effect the conversion of the Indians might have on the trade; I cannot however forsee that it could be at all injurious, on the contrary I believe it would be highly beneficial thereto as they would in time imbibe our manners and customs and imitate us in Dress; our Supplies would thus become necessary to them which would increase the consumption of European produce & manufactures and in like measures increase & benefit our trade as they would find it requisite to become more industrious and to turn their attention more seriously to the Chase in order to be enabled to provide themselves with such supplies." 55  Within Indian the  a  year  mission  mission  of the Resolution, school.  during  56  Simpson  his Columbia  nine  new  students  were  admitted  even personally recruited two young River  expedition, Spokan  Garry  into the boys for  and Kootenay  Resolution No. 96, Minutes of Council, Northern Department, 10 July 1824, in Merk, Fur Trade and Empire, p. 236. "Ibid. I b i d . p. 108. P A C CMSA, A. 87, William Garrioch to Edward Bickersteth, 8 August 1826; P A M HBCA, A. 4/la, fo. 64. 5 3  5  5 5  5 6  40 Pelly.  Table  2 lists  the names  and origins  of the chldren  recruited  by H B C  officers up to the end of 1825. Simpson's  sudden  turn  around  proved  superficial.  He begrudgingly set  aside his personal views on Indian mission work for the benefit of the Company, which  was under  Though  quietened  mission  work  continuous  attack  in London  by his superiors, Simpson  which  he strongly believed  by evangelical social  still harboured would  interfere  Apparently  Jones was heavily influenced by a number  soon  he took  after  over  the Red River  contempt with  for Indian  the fur trade.  of Simpson's  mission, its focus  reformers.  sentiments;  and priorities  were  supplanted by those of the local H B C officials. During day  West's  sojourn  as Company  chaplain  school for settler  children  and the plans  for a boarding  Company  employees' children, had been subordinate  Following  Jones'  arrival  in 1823,  Reverend  Jones  focused  more  the priorities  on the needs  and C M S  missionary, the school for active  to the Indian mission school.  of the mission  of the settlement  were  reversed.  and Company.  Contrary to West's opinions, Jones did not believe that the Indian mission school held much promise of success. A s early as the winter of 1823 Jones urged the Country-born, mission extend  program  that  rather the Indian children, were the key to a successful Indian in the Northwest.  57  In his plea to the C M S to allow him to  the Indian mission resources to Country-born  children, Jones stated;  Should God make the Half-breeds subjects of his grace, they are the Missionaries for this country: they are initiated into the habits of the Indian and are consequently more able to expose themselves, - they can speak the language and can bear all the hardships that the Indian himself can. 58  When Jones requested  57  58  the C M S to sponsor  Cockran's female boarding  PAC CMSA, A. 92, Jones Journal, 11 December 1823. Ibid.  school, he  41  Table 2  Indian Mission Students Recruited by the HBC, 1824-1825  Date of Arrival  Names  Origin  12 Oct. 1824  James Settee  Nelson River District  Swampy  12 Oct. 1824  David Jones  Nelson River District  Swampy Cree  12 Oct. 1824  John Spence  Nelson River District  Swampy  Nelson River District  Swampy Cree  Fort Churchill  Inuit  ?  Cree  ?  Saulteaux  12 Oct. 1824 12 Oct. 1824 Fall 1824 Winter  1824  28 May 28  1825  May 1825  William  Garrioch  Colin Leslie William  Cochran  Edwan Bickersteth  Nationality Cree  Cree  Spokan Garry  Columbian  District  Spokan  Kootaney  Columbian  District  Kootaney  Pelly  Sources: P A C CMS, A. 87, William Garrioch to Edward Bickersteth, 8 August 1826. P A M HBCA, E.4/la, fo. 64.  justified  the plan  by claiming  that  it would  produce  the much  needed  female  missionaries for Rupert's Land:  Experience has taught the Society, the influence which female education is calculated to produce in an uncivilized Country... The females in question [Country-born daughters of Company officers] are never likely to see any Country, but this. In the course of time, they will be disposed of in marriage to persons of the Country: and may we not hope, that thus we shall have Female Missionaries by and by throughout the Indian Territories? 5 9  While Jones successfully convinced the CMS  of the practibility of focusing mission  efforts on the country-born at Red River, he effectively justified 5 9  Ibid., David Jones to Secretaries, 24 August 1826.  his decision to  42 act  on Simpson's boarding  school  mandate. The boarding  school was established  specifically to meet the educational "needs" of the daughters of Company officers, who  were  board.  the only  the boarding  school  qualities of housewifery,  They  persistently  settler  objected  and Indian  domestic  who  skills."  could  A  more  strove  but the Company  to their  "refined  daughters  afford  the tuition  English  to train  officers were  being  want  and  her girls  in  the  still not satisfied.  educated  alongside  common  their daughters learning  education"  of turning these  Jones sided with the officers. far more  Mrs. Cockran  children, nor did they  Cockran was not in favour  and  employees  60  At finer  Company  is what  they  "menial  wanted.  61  girls into "ladies all at once," but  By 1830 new plans were underway for a fourth  62  prestigious church  and boarding  school  at Red River  (see Figure  4). When Jones approached the CMS boarding  school, the CMS  was critical  admitted  that  was  Factors, was  the school  Chief Traders,  able  to coax intrusion.  establish  a boarding  possibly  attract  The  and they  questioned  specifically  of the Parent  Catholic  school  Bishop  protestant children by offering  River  at this  Jones  of Chief  employ. Nevertheless, he  Committee with  at Red  in the settlement  his motives.  for the children  and clerks in the Company's  the support  Catholic  planned  for a tutor and governess for the new  was time,  6 3  the threat of a also  planning to  and could  quite  exclusive educational facilities for  "higher" learning. By the  the fall of 1833 the Red River Academy  tutor John  MacCallum  and the governess  was in full operation under  Mrs. Mary  Lowman, who  were  Ibid. Van Kirk, "Many Tender Ties," p. 148. P A C CMSA, William Cockran to Secretaries, 20 July 1831, cited in Ibid. Thomas F. Bredin, "Red River Academy," The Beaver Outfit 305:3 (Winter 1964), p. 11. 6  0  6 1  6 2  6 3  43 sent  out from  enrollment servants  London  by the C M S  in the Academy ranks  exceeded  4 6  the fur trade"  tidy sums.  Jones  and quality  directed  of men in the lower  or £ 3 0 if it was decided  Ross described  that  them, could  afford  to pay such  towards  country-born  reflected  Simpson's agricultural  Jones  Simpson's elitist and self-interested stance on  of schooling  was as disparate  school,  cost of  the fur trade gentry, or the "great nabobs  adopted  education  considered  salaries  The proposed  65  direction  were  the annual  Only  as Alexander  Undoubtedly, the  Committee.  of the HBC; £ 2 0 per year,  uniforms would be provided. of  Parent  as their  sentiments  on  instruction  de-emphasized  a  at Red River. The educational programs children  generally,  socio-economic Indians  and  necessary  its importance.  situations agriculture.  subject  To  and  the quality were. Jones  also  Whereas  West  at the Indian  encourage  of  Indians  mission  to pursue  livelihoods as farmers, Jones stated, "would bring on an unpleasant collusion with the  Company." By  Columbia  66  the time District  Simpson  in May  returned  to Red River  of 1825, his old intolerance  school had been rekindled. During his inland death of two Indian mission b o y s .  67  deaths  Rupert's  children the 6  caused  Indians throughout  received  from  a  visit  to the  of the Indian mission  travels Simpson heard news of the  A t that time, rumours and fears about the Land  at the mission school. Angry  to question the treatment the  Indians posed  a major threat to  settlement and the fur trade. To avoid any troubles Simpson's response was  "Bredin, "Red River Academy," pp. 11-12.  Alexander Ross, The Red River Settlement: Its Rise, Progress, and Present State. With Some Accounts Of The Native Races and Its General History (London: Smith, Elder & Co., 1856, reprinted ed. Minneapolis, Minn.: Rass & Haines, 1957), p. 132. P A C CMSA, A. 92, David Jones to Secretary, 1 July 1827. P A M HBCA, D. 4/5, fo. 169, George Simpson to David Jones, 26 August 1825: The two boys who passed away that spring were William Sharpe and Joseph Harbridge. P A M HBCA, D. 4/lb, fos. 16, 17, 6 5  6 6  6 7  44 immediate; he closed the doors Simpson  informed  the interior.  68  Jones  of the Indian mission school. In August of 1825  that no more  Indian  students  could  be recruited  from  Simpson made no effort to conciliate the relatives of the deceased  boys, nor did he defend  the Indian  mission  school. On  the contrary, he seized  the  opportunity  as the just cause he needed to close the Indian mission  and  withdraw his begrudged support. As expected, Jones complied  order. Yet, Jones took  school  with Simpson's  advantage of the fact that the sole interest of the  CMS  in London was with Indian conversion and education. He decided to maintain the Indian mission school with the students who the  HBC  depended  on  the  CMS  educational programs in Red River. In Jones's  still remained, because both  for half  the financial  support  he and  of all the  69  the fall of 1832, a number  of Company  parsonage in anticipation of the completion  officer children  and opening  boarded at  of the Red River  Academy. The Academy was built on the grounds of John West's Indian mission school. Before took from  advantage the  the doors  of the Academy  of another  grounds  entirely.  unfortunate The  were officially opened, George  incident  incident  to remove  involved  an  the Indian  encounter  Simpson students  between  two  students which resulted in an "unplanned" pregnancy. The young lady, Annabella McKenzie, was man,  an Academy  Charles Pratt, was  incident threatened  candidate  who  boarded at Jones's  a residential student  house. The young  at the Indian mission  to close the school before it was  ordered its construction to halt in November. He  school. The  even opened when  Simpson  demanded that Cockran relocate  the Indian mission boys to St Andrew's and would not allow further construction on the Academy until April of 1833 when the boys were moved  downriver.  P A M HBCA, D. 4/5, George Simpson to David Jones, 26 August 1825. P A C CMSA, A. 92, Jones to Secretary, 1 July 1827. PAC CMSA, A.96, William Smith to William Jowett, 18 December Bredin, "Red River Academy," p. 12.  70  6 8  6 9  7 0  1833;  45 Simpson had  successfully managed to push the Indian residential  aside to make way Indian  mission,  sight, out the  local  children and  for the sons and  once  the  of mind. It is not HBC  were  became  subordinate  effect, Jones  acted  however,  went on  the  the  life  to  CMS  the  Reverend  education  of the the  not  carried  children that  Jones. The  and  of this  deemed  unsuited  CMS  students. That feat was  accomplished  by  the original students  Indian  John  ground-breaking  catechists, school  ahead of their European and  teachers,  Rupert's Land  of Indian  as  a whole, did not  children. Nevertheless,  the  mission school did receive comparatively religious  training.  maintenance and  Having  were  interpreters,  genteel Country-born  It is clear that the political and in  discussed  support  ten  successors will follow.  education  it turned  for the  ministry  Country-born  of the Red the  River  out  in  field  and  missionaries,  climate at Red  issues  program  both  well  John  West  education  recruited  for his  good academic, industrial, agricultural the  as  River, and  a serious plan for the  students  nations  contemporaries.  socio-economic  status of the Indian school at Red  of John West's Indian  of focus. In  of his well-educated  proteges  Indian  children,  among interior Indian  any  West's  of  Church of England in  by  school.  of  settler  change  Jones, or  mission  by  education  of Company  Jones  The  educational goals of  factions in Rupert's Land. As  pioneering efforts of the out  officers.  peripheral - out  that the  practicability  elite  became  to become the groundbreaking missionaries of the  Rupert's Land. The were  through  to please very  of community  difficult to conclude  realized  Jones convinced  out,  center  daughters of active Company  students  surrounding  the  development,  River, a detailed  during his tenure  and  and  examination under his  III.  A.  R E D RIVER  THE  INDIAN  REVEREND  Of Rupert's  MISSION  JOHN  WEST,  all the European  Land  in the early  "initial contact missionary."  SCHOOL  A N D STUDENTS,  1820-1823  Church  of England  missionaries  Indian his  before  1  school  people the  first  ideas  to them  his journies to the H B C  Indian  noting for three very school  and programs  and Indian  became  posts  and general  important  education  West  the cornerstone  attitude  towards  local  Indian  West established  in Western  of the federal  visited  their children for  reasons. John  program  Land,  of the Red River  about Christianity, and recruited  at Red River. His background  is worth  came to  Besides being the first missionary in Rupert's  1842. On  bands, spoke  who  19th century only John West could be considered an  West was the only one who actually traversed the boundaries settlement  1820-1833  Canada. His  government's  Indian  education policies after confederation. And finally, John West was the missionary who  recruited,  guided,  and influenced the first Native  church  workers  of  the  CMS. John from  was born  St. Edmund's hall  After  Society  Henry  Simeon,  a good  prosperous friend  of 1778 in England  University with  posted  Budd. Budd  and no doubt played  the potentially  in November  at Oxford  graduating, the church  of Reverend  on  West  him at Roothing  was deeply  and relative  field  a Master's of Arts degree. Essex  through  Missionary  West to focus his  of Rupert's marriage,  2  under the rectorship  involved in the Church  a role in encouraging mission  and graduated  Land.  Reverend  attention Charles  further influenced John  West. Simeon was considered one of England's greatest evangelical leaders of the Vera Kathrin Fast, "The Protestant Missionary and F u r Trade Society: Initial Contact in the Hudson's Bay Territory, 1820-1850," (Ph.D. thesis, University of Manitoba, 1984), p. 64. P A C , EPRLC, P. 45, PR1-84-39, file 5-1002, "Obituary Notice of the Reverend John West," Gentleman's Magazine, February 1846. 1  2  46  47 day  and  was  a founding member of the Clapham Sect.  the prospects of mission work that he  gave up  his curacy  Chaplain to the the HBC. Unlike genuine came  interest into  peoples.  data  on  Indian  in 1820  missionaries  of  Indians  to accept  so exited by  in Rupert's  the  journals  his  various  contain  a  time  and  Land  appointment of  Indian  later,  groups  considerable  in true  practices like  missionary  fashion, West  West  with  amount  the habits, occupations, characteristics, and  Nevertheless,  5  at Roothing  cultures of the  His  American  West was  a  other  in the  contact.  ethnographic  various  many  among North  3  noted  whom of  and  a he  valuable  dress of Indian and  polygamy, horse-taking, gambling, warring,  rituals, and justice. His description of Indian education  had  denounced religious  child rearing strongly  reflected his ethnocentric European view:  He [an Indian] is a murderer by habit, engendered from his earliest age; and the scalping knife and the tomahawk, and the unforgiving pursuit of his own enemy, or his father's enemy, till he has drenched his hands in, and satiated his revenge with his blood, is but the necessary issue of a principle on which his education is formed. 6  Though West made a concerted effort to study always an  Indian religious concepts, he  was  evangelical missionary with an urgent goal:  What can calm these furocious[sic] feelings, and curb this savage fury of the passion in the tortutous destruction of defenceless women and sucking infants? What, but the introduction and influence of Christianity, the best civilizer of the wandering natives of these dreary Fast, " Protestant Missionary" pp. 20, 65. "Canon E. K. Matheson, "Old Days in Canada West," Canadian Churchman (26 May 1921) For example, in January of 1821 West carefully described the style of clothing worn by plains hunters he met in the Qu'Appelle Valley: "The skin was the principal, and almost the only article of dress they wore, and was wrapped around them, or worn tastefully over the shoulders like the highland plaid." John West, The Substance of a Journal During a Residence at the Red River Colony, British North America in the Years 1820-1823, (Vancouver: Alcuin Society Reprint, 1967), p. 36. Ibid., p. 142. 3  5  6  48 wilds, and the most probable means of fixing them in pursuit of agriculture, and of those social advantages and privileges to which they are at present strangers. 7  West  was a European  that  the Gospel,  Indian  peoples  idealist, but he was not so impracticable  on its own, could  he envisioned.  question of whether Indian West  the goals  contemporaries  peoples  of achieving  primary had  should  them,  troubled  transformation of  by the philosophical  be christianized or "civilized" first. To  were  not mutually  exclusive.  Like his  character  would  8  that education  "be led to comprehend their  the cultural  he could not envision a civilized man who was not a christian or  West was convinced  before  about  Nor was he ever  a christian who was not civilized.  could  bring  as to believe  the benefits to be received change  object of schooling should  to be taught  to read  was imperative  before  under  before from  could  read  the Bible.  peoples  civilization" or  the influence of C h r i s t i a n i t y .  be to inculcate the christian they  Indian  religion;  9  The  Indians  Overwhelmed by  their independent nature, West determined soon after his arrival in Rupert's Land that the only hope for change lay in affecting the children of Indians: "If little hope  could  be cherished  of the adult  habits of life, it appears to me  Indian  in his wandering  that a wide and most extensive field  itself for cultivation in the instruction of native children." West was convinced He  that  and unsettled  Christianity  presented  10  and agriculture went hand in hand.  believed that significant progress in the conversion of Indian peoples could not  be achieved  until after they had adopted sedentary  ways:  Ibid., p! 80. Much of West's interest in Indian peoples may well have been rooted in his belief that Indians were of biblical Hebraic origin and had arrived in North America from Asia over the land bridge. Ibid., p. 51. Jean Usher, "Apostles and Aborigines: The Social Theory of the Church Missionary Society," Social History 7 (1971), p. 37. West, Substance, p. 140. Ibid., p. 12. 7  8  9  10  49 Necessity may compel the adult Indian to take up the spade and submit to manual labour, but a child brought up in the love of cultivating a garden will be naturally led to the culture of the field as a means of subsistence: and educated in the principles of Christianty, he will become stationary to partake of the advantages and privileges of civilization. It is through these means of instruction that a change will be gradually affected in the character of the North American Indian, who in his present savage state thinks it beneath the dignity of his independence to till the ground. 1 1  John  West  proposed  at  possible  his  Christianity,  to incorporate  Red  River  rudiments  the  other utilitarian subjects  B.  JOHN  WEST'S  When settlement had  West  as  in the fall of 1820  finally they  his their  By  - Henry  Budd  nine - the  various  Fort  year  dates  of  included  husbandry,  and  construction.  Douglas  at  the  Red  River they  mission school:  of Chief Withaweecapo,  old son  of a  Mixed-blood  to West during his journey  West had  as  STUDENTS  old son  eight year  inland regions. Table  national backgrounds, and  he  church, school, or residence, but  gave her son  the summer of 1823  travels, from  building  INDIAN  reached  these  animal  and  and  THE  no  Among  life  rural  Indian boys for West's proposed Indian  widow from Norway House who 1 2  school.  cooking,  had  of English  elements  agriculture  sewing,  - James Hope - the  Sakacheweskam  settlement.  mission  CHARGES,"  party  already recruited two  many  education,  "LITTLE  the  Pemutewithinew and  Indian  of  such  as  to the  collected ten Indian children on 3  arrival.  lists who Figure  these 5  children were,  shows  where  West  recruited them during his inland journies. West claimed  that his recruitment  "mild persuasion  and  are no  instances of kidnapping  1  recorded  'Ibid., p.  1 3  13  the principle of  His claim appears to be plausible since there or force. The  day  John West arrived at  139.  P A C CMSA, A. Substance, p. 88. Ibid., p. 133. 12  conviction."  modes were based on  88,  Ceorge  Harbridge  to Josiah Pratt, 1 July  1824;  West,  50  Table 3  Indian Mission Students Recruited by John West, 1820-1833  Date of Arrival  Original Names  Christian Names  Origin  Nationality  14 Oct. 1820  Pemutewithinew  James Hope  York  14 Oct. 1820  Sakacheweskam  Henry  Budd  Norway House  25 May 1821  Pemuteuithinew  Joseph Harbridge*  Beaver  24 May 1822  Askenootow  Charles Pratt  Qu'Appelle Lakes  AssiniboineCree (Mixed-blood)  24 May 1822  Kananugusid  John  York  Factory  Muskago  24 May 1822  Tackagouatim  Harriette West  York  Factory  Muskago  24 May 1822  Sakachesicoithenew  Henry  50 miles south of York  Muskago Mixed-blood  fall 1822  Nehougatim  Sarah Budd  Norway House  Muskago Mixed-blood  15 Oct. 1823  Chimayarzey  Thomas Hassel  Fort Churchill  Chipewyan  15 Oct. 1823  Chuckethee  William  Fort Churchill  Chipewyan  Hope  Sinclair  Sharpe*  Factory  Muskago  MuskagoMixed-blood Creek  Plains Cree  Sources: P A M CMS, A. 88, George Harbridge to Josiah Pratt, 1 July 1824, and A. 92, Jones Journal, 5 May 1825. P A M HBCA, E.4/la, fo. 43d. Isaac Cowie, The Company of Adventurers, A Narrative of Seven Years in the Service of the Hudson's Bay Company During 1867-1874, (Toronto: William Briggs, 1913), p. 235. * Joseph Harbridge and William Sharpe died of consumption (tuberculosis) while attending the Indian mission school, in February and March of 1825, respectively.  Figure 5 Map  Showing the Origins of the Indian Mission Students Recruited by John West During his Inland Travels, 1820-1823 'Thomas Hassel William Sharpe _- -^ , Churchill*-. ^ (1823)  — 6 Aug. - 14 Oct. 1820 >—15 Jan. -5 Feb. 1821 (West also went to York Factory in July and returned in Oct. but did not procure any children on that journeyl • • 22 July 1822- 10 June - 18 Aug. 1823 100  Hudson 8ay  York Factory  200  Miles  N  Henry Budd (1820) I 1* Norway House  A  ' Winnipeg  STONE INDIANS  i, .\SAULTEAUX\ INDIANS :  CREE\lNDIANS Manitoba Housed ASSINIBOINE OR\STONE INDIANS Fort Qu'Appelle  QuAPP^  ^ *  /  \v  Charles Pratt (1822) / ^ Joseph Harbridge (1821) ASSINIBOINE INDIANS Souns  Fort Douglas • Sarah Budd (1822))  Brandon House f Pembina ol-31  Source: John A. the Red (London: Society,  M. West, The Substance of a Journal During a Residence at River Colony, British North America in the Years 1820-1823 L. B. Seeley & son, 1824; reprinted ed., Vancouver: The Alcuin 1967).  52 York Fort he surveyed give  up  their  interpreter  the Indian parents of the area to find out if they would  children for his proposed  West  interviewed  mission  school.  Chief Withaweecapo of York  With  the aid of an  Factory  and expressed  his desire to take two of the ChiePs sons with him to the Red River settlement. West  told  Withaweecapo  white  man's knowledge  "tearfully  promised  encouraged  and religion."  [West]  by this triumph  North American instruction.  that he would  Indian  Over  15  two  maintain  Following  their  of his boys." * 1  the children  conversation West  was  the years  overjoyed  his children" for education  his experience  with  Withaweecapo  "in  Withaweecapo  believing that it "established the principle  would part with  left a strong impression  and educate  and  that the  and religious  and his family  on him:  He yielded to my request; and I shall never forget the affectionate manner in which he brought his eldest boy in his arms, and placed him in the canoe on the morning of my departure from York Factory. 16  Following practice  his initial  of seeking  experience  out influential  with  male  Chief Withaweecapo, West  leaders  in each  Indian  made a  community  he  visited. Through an interpreter he related his purpose. Discussion usually followed and  the Indian people  the  discussions verbatim  with  Chief  meeting  Peguis  with  asked a number of questions. West did not record any of but he did keep notes  of Netley  Peguis  failed  Creek  beginning  on a few conversations in the fall  to win any of the Chiefs  he had  of 1820. His first  sons  or other  Indian  children for the mission. No doubt West was disappointed, but he did not relent. Two years later he approached Peguis  again, bluntly stating that he wanted two  "PAC CMSA, A. 98, John West Report to the Hudson's Bay Company and the Church Missionary Society, 3 December 1823. (hereinafter cited as John West Report.) West, Substance, p. 13. Ibid., p. 12. 1  15  16  53 of  the Chiefs  sons  to attend  the Indian  mission  school. Peguis  Indian children needed to be educated and he promised sons  to the school the following  frankly  told  matters." his  West Only  17  that  "Indians  spring. like  When  that  he would send two of his  making  to have  agreed  time  this  pledge  to consider  the Chief  about  these  after the two men smoked the pipe did Peguis finally express  reservations about West's Proposal. According to West Peguis;  shrewdly asked me what I would do with the children after they are taught what I wished them to know. I told him they might return to their parents if they wished it, but my hope was that they would see the advantage of making gardens, and cultivating the soil, so as not to be exposed to hunger and starvation...[the children] would read the Book that the Great Spirit has given to them, which the Indians had not yet known, and would teach them how to live well and die happy. 1 8  Peguis  warned  adopting  a  that  his people  sedentary  Indian customs, such embraced  life.  might  Undaunted  not be very West  then  receptive  informed  to the idea of  Peguis  that  certain  as polygamy, would also have to be abandoned when they The Chief retorted  Christianity.  that  he could see no reason  why an  Indian man could not have two wives  when a certain settler he knew had two.  In  arrived  spite  school  of these  fulfilling  presenting widowed  West sister.  reservations  his promise with West  spent  until 1837.  by bringing  one of his own was  explanation. The Chief said Peguis  Peguis  a long time  angered  one young sons,  by  he was still pondering  two months  "thinking  at the mission  boy. However,  Peguis  Peguis's  later  brought action  about  instead of  the son of  and  demanded  his an  it." As it turned out,  the issue; his first son was not baptized  19  Apparently  the motives  that  impelled  Indian  'West, Substance, pp. 95^ 96~! Ibid., p. 96. Historic Resources Branch, Manitoba Culture, Heritage Peguis (Winnipeg: Historic Resources Branch, 1984), p. 7.  parents,  guardians, or  1  1 8  19  and Recreation, Chief  54 leaders t o hand their children over to West varied greatly. Peguis and had  little  proximity  reason  to give up  to the colony and  their  religion  friendly  a  choose  new  way  of  life  Ten  and  more years passed  worship,  in  pressures seem to have been the motivation. By large  game  animals  were  considerably  reduced, and  and  20  colony.  Creek  The  becoming  they  Saulteaux chose  clear  C h r i s t i a n i t y  Even  their  close  before they began  growing  numbers.  Economic  the 1830s the buffalo and other  scarce,  were very  choice was  o f life.  way  associations with the settler did not entice  the Saulteaux to change immediately. to  and  his people  the  Indians'  dependent on  - revitalize  land  base  was  the  HBC  supplies from  or starve. Most  of the Netley  and its concomitant, agriculture.  Many other parents, like Peguis, were sceptical of West and his motives. In  the spring of 1823  from  Indians who  West reported that he  West's care shortly after he  be taken away. The to  education of  learn about  - Joseph  in January  they feared he  because  she  was sons  feared they would  22  parents  Harbridge  1821.  "prejudices"  mother retrieved her two  balked  at  He  - sent his son  had  West's  receptive. The  West's religion. West came across Joseph's  Qu'Appelle  many  that, "they would be all the same as dead  true."  Indian  One  of their chilrdren, others were very  Pemuteuithineu  from  many  2 1  obtained them  mother lamented  her, if what she heard was Although  encountered  were against giving their children because  collecting children to take back to England. from  had  camped  to the  proposal  for  Plains Cree  the  father  mission ' school to  people on his return trip among  these  Plains  Cree  hunters and  the following morning while breaking camp, he came across the boy.  West  Joseph's  asked  Ibid. PAC West, by the mission. 2  0  2  1  2 2  father if he  could take the child  back to Red  River with  CMSA, A. 98, West Journal, 24 March 1823. Substance, pp. 129, 130. West claims that these rumours were started Catholics in the settlement to prejudice the Indians against the CMS P A C CMSA, A. 98, John West Report, 3 December 1823.  55 him  and  and  stood between the Great Spirit and  Four  apparently the father  responded  months later when the Company  River District they deposited Joseph after Joseph  arrived from  Charles Pratt Swan  River  - who District  returned when he every  intention  I asked  for his son,  the Indians, he would send him boats reached  Red  River from  into the care of the missionary.  23  to  me."  the  Swan  One  year  the interior, the Company boats brought Askenootow -  came from known  a band  as  the  could read and of  favourably: "as  returning  of local Stonies or Assiniboines in the  Young  write. " 2  home  to  Dogs. Charles's people  wanted  him  Thomas Hassell, or Chinnayarzy, had  Fort  Churchill  as  a  "Scribe."  25  His  Chipewyan father stipulated that he wanted his son to be "taught more than the Indians  knew."  He  also  helped  West  Chuckathee - William Sharpe - from on  the journey  procure  boy  named  his widowed mother to accompany  his son  to the mission school. When  another  young  they parted their father told  that the boys were to be returned "when they had learnt enough." Only Tackagouatim 1822  and  abandoned. 50  the  the  original  ten  - who  was  West  Harry  a Mixed-blood  of York  Factory. In July  were  given to West  -  Sinclair was  Harry  students  Sakachesicoithenew  Fort, two  take  of  - Harriette  miles south  York to  27  two  Sinclair  -  orphan  of 1822  26  actually at York  who  was  West gave the boy  Since Harry  was  a blanket and  nearly  naked  while West  and  orphans: Factory in apparently  whose people lived some was  Indian people paddled their canoe alongide West's and  boy.  West  suffering  then agreed to take him  from  enroute to asked  him  the  cold,  to the colony on his  West, Substance, pp. 38, 54; P A C CMSA, A. 88, George Harbridge to Josiah Pratt, 1 July 1824. "Ibid.; Cowie, Company of Adventurers, A Narrative of Seven Years in the Service of the Hudson's Bay Company During 1867-1874 (Toronto: William Briggs, 1913), p. 235. PAC CMSA, A. 88, George Harbridge to Josiah Pratt, 1 July 1824. West, Substance, pp. 152-153. PAC CMSA, A. 88, George Harbridge to Josiah Pratt, 1 July 1824. 2 3  2  2 5  2 6  2 7  56 return. West returned  from that trip with  Harriette,  and six respectively, West  second  Red  nine  son Kananugusid  Besides Budd  aged  Chuckethee  - John  Hope  the two other  and his sister  three children. As well as Harry and  - who was only  There  were  motives in sending  Chief five  Withaweecapo's  years  old. old.  fatherless children at the school were  Sarah. Sarah  and their mother Agathus  River in the fall of 1822. Sarah attended  the resident domestic.  obtained  followed  28  Henry  Henry to  classes and Agathus was hired as  29  a  few occasions  when  West  believed  that  the parents'  their children to school were not as honourable or sincere as  he  had previously thought. Peguis's  widowed sister's actions are a case in point.  In  early January  placed  of 1823 Peguis  care. The boy apparently in  his studies.  0 3  "permitted"  adjusted  Two weeks  his arrival  went  the mother  unheeded  his mother  accused  to encourage  and eventually  the mother  of using  on  a  regular  her son to remain  the boy refused her son to obtain  with a "lazy bad Indian she was living with." visited  returned basis.  and too lengthy  in West's himself  and West When  West  in duration he  at . school. West's  to return  to school.  He  pleas then  the clothing and blanket the  school issued, and of using the school as a temporary  Most of the parents  old nephew  his mother  determined that the visits were far too frequent implored  year  well, was happy, and soon submersed  after  the boy to visit  his nine  shelter while she was off  3 1  their children as often as they  could. Some  I b i d . ; West, Substance, pp. 89, 91. P A C CMSA, A. 88, George Harbridge to Josiah Pratt, 1 July 1824. P A C CMSA, A. 98, John West Report, 3 December 1823. 'During their conversion the mother told West that the only reason she brought her son to the school was because she was unable to provide for him. West angrily offered the mother and son an ultimatum: either the boy return to school or stay with his mother and return the school supplies. The boy chose to stay with his mother so West took his clothes and blanket which "rather offended them." The mother retorted that they had "bad medicine for those who displeased them4." Ibid.; West, Substance, pp. I l l , 112. 28  2 9  3 0  3  57 parents  like  Agathus  and  Withaweecapo  relocated to the settlement. was  traumatic  how  their  After  a  lonely.  children  learning. A t permitted  and  first  were  being  West was  were  probably  treated and  curious and  wanted  to  the  by  some  best way  the  those  from  families, he  to retain distant  one  another  interuption  repealed  effective  "with  of Indians  regions  program  Western  which  rather  Canada.  In  became West's  "reconciled to restraint and than were those who  C.  THE  INDIAN  Since depended  on  had  their  than  over  little  or  no  about  they  and  restraint."  3 3  their  the misuse of the  policy. West believed  students  from  were  child  in constantly visiting  visitation  the  those  the  was  to only  immediate  enroll  vicinity. " 3  with open access, West instituted a residential  the  cornerstone  view,  children  of from  later  education  more  easy access to their homes.  SCHOOL,  "civilization"  ability  what  child  distant  programs regions  in  were  were happy on the establishment" much more readily  MISSION  West's  his open  control  Thus, after his initial experiments school  concerned  know  children when near to them" along with what he believed was mission  permanently  sensitive to the bonds between parent and to visit  of "having  and  doubt the separation between parent and  Parents  family members year  No  32  followed their children  to  read  PROGRAM  and and  3 5  AND  christianization speak  English,  CURRICULUM  goal he  for Indian  children  wasted  time  no  in  preparing them for that ultimate "achievement." James Hope's education began on Fast, "Protestant Missionary," p. 420; Wardens and Vestry of St. John's Cathedral, From Mission to Cathedral: John West, (Winnipeg: St. John's Cathedral, 1945), p. 5. West believed that the parents were not "insensible to the care and kindness that were shewn to them [children]" and cited an instance in which Joseph's father held a highly prized horse for the missionary as a gift of gratitude. West planned to repay the father for this kindness with "blankets, or any other useful European articles he might want and which could be procured." West, Substance, p. 81. "Ibid.; P A C CMSA, A. 98, West Journal, 20 April 1823. West, Substance, p. 130. 3 2  3 3  3  3 5  58 6  August  reached  1820, the day he left  Norway  House  on  York  Factory  with  the 5th of October,  West. By  the boy  entirety the Lord's Prayer each morning and evening.  36  A  was  the time reciting  remarkable  they in  its  feat for a  nine year old boy who could not speak a word of English. In fact, none of the original ten students brought of  the English language,  able  to read. After  "read  with  know  the meaning  to the mission school by West had any command  and most could not speak English long after they were  twenty-one  tolerable  ease  months  any part  residence at the school, Harriette  of the New  of any sentence."  could  Testament" but she did  Schoolmaster  Harbridge  found  this  "not most  exasperating:  Until they learn to talk fluently it is next to impossible to convey an idea to their minds, they may read a sentence fluently, and even learn to repeat it; and not understand a single syllable. 3 7  Thus,  the first  'English  Canada  was  children  memorized  the  Chief  based  Truths  on  as  a  constant  the Church of  Second  the  Language  drilling,  recitation,  of England,  Christian  Religion.  program' and  (ESL) in Western  daily  devotions. The  Watt's, and Lewis's Catechisms, and They  studied the Bible  books, and sang hymns during and after school hours.  38  Apparently  and prayer singing gave  the children great joy and soon after learning how to print they were encouraged to  create  their  own  hymns  and poems. Samples  of the students' hymns are  available in Figures 6 and 7. Although indicate  that  monosyllables.  each  it generally Within  English comfortably 36  child  progressed took  less  two to three  and was by then  at his or her own than  years ready  one a  child  year could  for baptism.  to  pace,  read  speak  the records  and and  3 8  understand  This sacrament was a  I b i d . , pp. 12, 14.  3 7  print in  P A C CMSA, A. 88, George Harbridge to Josiah Pratt, 1 July 1824. West, Substance, pp. 59, 104.  Figure 6  Letter from James Hope to the Church Missionary Society (London), 25 June 1823  Church Mission House Red River Colony North America June 25th 1823  To the Committee Church Mission Society  Gentlemen: I am  a Missionary School Boy, and am  taught to read the Bible, And keep  it in mind. And I have a Brother here, and He is learning to read the first little Book. And I have been taught by George Harbridge. And my called James Hope, I am  an Indian Boy. And I have been baptized by Mr.  West. And I pray, every Morning book and my  Name is  and Evening. And I have learnt the Hymn  Catechism. And I have been taught to do my  sums: there are  Five Boys and Two girls and the Names of them are Henry Budd, Joseph Harbridge, Charles Pratt, Harry West. This letter comes from  Sinclair, John Hope, Sarah Budd> and, Harriette  James Hope, it was written in the School at Red  River Colony on the 25th of June 1823. Great God thy glorious name we praise. An Ebenezer we would raise Rich are the mercies that we share Thy goodness language cant declare This Here Thy Thy  school is for thy service rais'd thou art to be sought and prais'd gospel learnt - Thy day rever'd will obey'd - Thy threatenings fear'd  For these great Thy Spirit send Our benefactors And crown our  ends thy grace impart to every heart richly bless teachers with success  Source: P A C CMSA, A.88, George Harbridge to Josiah Pratt, 26 June 1823.  Figure 7  Letter from Henry Budd to the Church Missionary Society (London), 26 June 1823  Teach us Lord to know thy word; And better learn thy will; Our minds, with sin and folly stor'd, Do thee with wisdom fill, Our hearts to every evil prone, In mercy Lord Subdue; Each foe to thee and us dethrone And form us all anew Oh let a vain and thoughtless race,Thy pardning [sic] mercy prove; Begin betimes to seek thy face And thy commandments love. Tis ours to join in songs of praise, For thy indulgent care; Tis ours to learn thy sacred ways And mutual blessings share. Then be it ours with power to feel, Thine influence with in; Constraining us to do thy will And flee the paths of sin. This hymn was written by me  - Henry Budd - in the School at Red River  Colony June 26th 1823.  Source: P A C CMSA, A.88, George Harbridge to Josiah Pratt, 26 June 1823.  61 test in itself. In order to pass, each their  three  progress.  basic  For  texts.  example,  months, while Henry  Each  39  child  Charles  Budd  and  student had was  Pratt  to demonstrate  baptized  received  they  according  the  to  understood  his  sacrament  or  after  her  thirteen  James Hope recieved it twenty-one months after  first arriving at the mission school. These three boys were considered to be the best of the young scholars and Each  was  a  "good boy"  standards Henry still  and  rest.""  Budd  quick, and  and  was  were looked upon favourably by possessed  an  "amiable"  the most "amiable"  apparently  of a  more  the  schoolmaster.  disposition. By  of them  all: "He  thoughtful turn  Harbridge's  is remarkably  of mind  than  the  0  Each  child  displayed  distinct  academic  aptitude  levels  and  personal  characteristics which worked either for or against their "progress" at the school. For  example, it took  qualifications he fine and Harry  Thomas Hassel three years  Sinclair, while  a  quick  respects  Harbridge Harriette  her  had was  feelings and  inferior...she  little  faith  "not very  in  the  which  they  Nevertheless,  even  noted  once  in 1824  indicated attained  a  to be  Obedient  difficult  Sarah  and  and  was  and  endeavour. Harriette  was  promising be  bold  of  either  described as  tradition, valued degree lost  on  of  the  0 0  girls, The  and  obedience,  learned  "civility."  occasion. For  [Hope] is docile if not  "in  impudent."  "rather dull."  amiability of  and  was  example,  irritated, but  I b i d . , p. 121; P A C CMSA, A. 98, John West to Josiah Pratt, 28 1822; P A M HBCA, E. 4/la, fo. 39. P A C CMSA, A. 88, George Harbridge to Josiah Pratt, 1 July 1824. 39  docile."  to manage,  rather  potential  the  a "very  of good disposition" while Sarah  it could  that "John  most  hopeless in any  academic  quick" and  amiable,  the  is foreward  ministers, reflecting their own believed  "very  learner, was  English  Harbridge  also  thought William Sharpe was  "of a meek spirit tender many  nine months to earn  needed for baptism, yet Harbridge considered him  promising lad." Thomas was  Harbridge  and  when August  62 he is, he is quite an In Indian staff  the  Indian."  controlled  children  were  cleared and  41  and  taught  enclosed  sedentary  environment of the  agriculture  a  and  portion of land  Each of the older boys received his own took  "great delight in their gardens."  gardens  served  to  keep  their  spirits  was  known  severe  melancholia  which  A.  Garrioch, a  subsequent teacher  this  C.  illness  to  excessive  students' transition expanded  over  vegetables, as by the  1830  time  the  and  well as  livestock.  that the schoolmaster  afternoons  was  so  because they who  prized  were employed on them  for their  school shown in Figure school and  4 7  children  behind  the  of the  outdoor  students  people  as  and  school.  4 3  apparently activity, the  suffered from "thinking long."  at the  school, stated that they  attributed  so  garden  ease  the  of life  the  "as  Some  amongst Indian  farming  to  work  to the  cultivation  complained  irregular  reaping much benefit from i t .  up.  The  46  immediately  Furthermore, as an  old way  included  The  42  school, the  little section to cultivate and  44  booklearning,  from  stock-raising.  mission  of  helped  new.  to  The  45  grains,  school  root  operations became  that the boys' attendance preclude  any  sanguine  farm  crops, so  the  and  extensive  at school in  hope  of their  In the summer months the boys skipped school the mission farm, or on  agricultural  skills.  2, the enclosed  48  garden  local farms by  In  the  sketches  can  be  seen  of the  to the  settlers mission  left of the  church building.  Industry  was  considered  a  most  important  trait  to  teach  the  children,  1bid. West, Substance, p. 81. P A M HBCA, B. 235/a/5, fo. 44. "West, Substance, p. 81. Garrioch, Correction Line, p. 91, cited in A. N. Thompson, "The Expansion of the Church of England in Rupert's Land from 1820 to 1839 under the Hudson's Bay Company and the Church Missionary Society," (Ph.D. thesis, Cambridge University, 1962), p. 111. West, Substance, p. 97. P A C CMSA, A. 87, William Garrioch to Edward Bickersteth, 1 August 1830. Ibid., 24 February 1829. 4  1  4 2  4 3  4  4 5  4 6  4 7  4 8  63 boys and girls alike. After the arrival of the schoolmistress in the fall of 1822 the  two girls  sending  received  additional  instruction  arts."  Besides  out the usual supplies of spellers, slates, pencils, and other educational  condonments, the London office of the C M S knitting were  in the "domestic  needles,  taught  threads,  buttons,  to sew "clothes  housekeeping chores. During  scissors,  like  white  dispatched and other people  quantities of sewing and domestic  wore"  tools. The girls  and to cook  and do  4 9  West's  sojourn  at Red River, he strove  school self-supporting. The combined  support  of the C M S  to make  the mission  and H B C could hardly  provide for the students already in residence which meant they had to depend a great deal on the mission farm Alexander and  produce and country  Ross, stated that the progress  provisions. A  of agricultural  contemporary,  development  was slow  uncertain in West's time, but enough was produced at the mission to "keep  hope alive." Ross added:  on the strength of that hope a few Indian children were collected together by Mr. West, and put to school among the children of whites. This was all that was or could well be done at this time; for everything was regulated by the prospect of the crops, the labour and success of the husband man. 50  Thus, the mission depended  a  strawberries and  great from  farm deal  effort bore important on  the plains,  nature's black  bounty.  Raspberries  and staff also  from  the woods,  and red currants, gooseberries, cranberries,  wild root crops were harvested annually. The  fruit. The students  school also had in its employ  51  an Indian  hunter  named  Asau  who  West, Substance, p. 96; P A C CMSA, A. 88, George Harbridge to Josiah Pratt, 1 July 1824. Alexander Ross, The Red River Settlement: Its Rise, Progress, and Present State. With Some Accounts of The Native Races and Its General History, To The Present Day, (Minneapolis: Rass & Haines Reprint, 1957), p. 277. 'West, Substance, p. 100. 4 9  5  5  0  64 performed two important tutored  the Indian  tasks. He supplied the school with  mission  boys  in hunting  skills  weaponry. In this aspect West's Indian mission  fresh meat and he  and the use and care of  school was unique.  Later Indian  schools and missionaries denounced the hunting way of life altogether. West was a realist in this regard. During his time the hunt was necessary  to survive, and  with much forethought Reverend West encouraged the boys to sharpen whenever  the opportunties  dexterity  in hunting  arose.  and fishing,  52  Furthermore,  the boys  West  would  knew  be despised  their skills  that  without  in their  home  communities: "Reading or writing will gain but little credit," but if a Native child "has were  learned to mend a gun, he will be highly respected." being  traditional own  primed skills  primarily  and practical  survival, it would  help  to carry  the gospel  knowledge  would  them  gain  back  not only  acceptance  Since the children  53  to their  homelands,  be required for their  and possibly prestige among  their own people. Schoolmaster "Hatred some  of Control  Harbridge  and Subjugation,"  of the children  exhibited  reported  were  "unsocial," "sullen,"  dragged  many  instances  and disciplinary up  the path  or "meek" dispositions  acts  of furious  indicate  that  to "civility." Others,  who  may  which  tempers,  well  have  resigned  themselves to their lot. True conversion required that all incompatible beliefs and practices be renounced as false. Christianity possessed and and  wrong that went far beyond inappropriate  behavoir."  Christianity placed a premium  Ibid.; and His PAC "John Canada 5 3  5  of right  traditional Indian considerations of "appropriate  Also  in  sharp  contrast  to  Native  customs,  on strict regularity, order, and discipline; none of  these values could have been readily comprehensible 5 2  absolute standards  to the young students. * In 5  St. John's, Mission to Cathedral, p. 5; William Bertal Heeney, John West Red River Mission, (Toronto: Musson Book Co., 1920), p. 39. CMSA, A. 98, John West to C M S Committee, ? July 1822. Webster Grant, Moon in Wintertime: Missionaries and the Indians of in Encounter since 1534 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1984), p.  65 the  final  analysis, true  conversion required  these young children to denounce the  world-views of their families, and join in its total eradication. After almost three years  of schooling  Henry  Budd  wrote a poem  which gives  a good indication of  the effectiveness of Reverend West's indoctrination program: "Oh let a Vain and Thoughtless race, Thy  pardning [sic] mercy prove;  Begin betimes to seek thy face And Indian punishment.  children  were  Schoolmaster  thy commandments love," subject  to psychological  Harbridge  stated  that  5 5  intimidation the  and  corporal  of  physical  purpose  punishment was to aquaint the students with the "distinguishing characteristics of right and wrong." often  made  when  forms  he  first  arrived  enrolled  by the schoolmaster  Apparently  on a  amount of such attention  the schoolmaster's perseverence  exhibited less and less of his "reprehensible  inclinations" over  to instruction fostered  to take retrieved"  because  protective her two  she heard  that  children during  action. sons  West  many  stories  West's chaplaincy  For example,  from  the school  had threatened  and fears  one soon  about  and led  of the mothers after  they  to cut their ears  "(cont'd) 243. P A C CMSA, A. 88, Henry Budd to the CMS, 26 June 1823. P A C CMSA, A. 88, George Harbridge to Josiah Pratt, 1 July 1824. Ibid.  5 5  5 7  employed  a disproportionate  at the school.  approaches  parents  "clandestinely  5 6  were  mistreatment of the mission school  Indian  5  frequent "correction" and Harbridge  5 7  These the  of punishment  basis. Young Sharpe received  paid off as William time.  Sharpe received  him an example in front of the the other children. As a means of  control, various regular  William  56  were off if  66  they  left the  school grounds without  this  far. However, it is within  permission.  the  realms  The  58  missionaries never  of possibility  that  they  these kinds of threats. Some Indian parents  were unwilling to take  they  tactics  did  parents conduct.  not  approve  of  struck  their  rarely Rather,  they  of discipline  most difficult inclinations"  restraint is laid other  and  their  children  students. For  him  result  saw  have  experienced  a  customs.  Most  and  had  where  been  children  raised were  in  usually  for  permission, especially  served three times a Originally mission  West  the numerous tasks he  Harbridge had  was  been  and  resident students, and  Sunday  School  teacher, Harbridge  was  was  the  a  free  mission  by  complete  his greatest  and  other "reprehensible  anger  to  where help  school they  food  of  no the  when  different set of social  which  sole  sharing  was  themselves  to  were  was  schoolmaster with  acting in the  punished  rationed  how  at  the  he  carried  capacity of mission  after the daily  and  Indian out  care and  clerk  and  nurturing  arrival of his fiancee, Elizabeth Bowden, in  a welcome addition to the mission. Miss  ^PAC CMSA, A. 98, John West Report, 3 December 1823. Ibid., George Harbridge to Josiah Pratt, 1 July 1824. 5 9  behaviour  Indian students, on  to a  generally satisfied  also looked  the resident Indian students. The  the fall of 1822  rules  responsible for. Besides providing daily instruction to  the day  of  Native  day.  George  school and  The  59  communities  contrast, at the  without  and  and  rearing practices "where  and  provisions at will. In sharp taking anything  rigid  to be  was  make  chances  lot of fear, confusion, and  to various forms of English discipline them  this  did  school.  enforce  regarded  child  subjected  of  the  acceptable  it, pilfering  of Indian  at  not  socially  either upon habits or appetites."  hand, must  commonplace  did  he  Harbridge  direct  they  used  disdained what  Indian  challenge. As a  children  Harbridge  in new  were  disciplinary  taught  example. Schoolmaster lack  the  went  Bowden, who  was  67 married  to Harbridge  soon after her arrival, was hired  to serve as schoolmistress to the female  students.  in London by the C M S  60  Soon after Reverend West left Red River in 1823, the Harbridges  came  under much criticism which led to much contention at the Red River settlement. During  the four  months  between  Harbridges were left in charge complaints Jones  charged  everyone of  against the conduct that  connected  prior  that  Simpson  the mission  departure  of the mission station. and qualifications  to his arrival,  and Jones' 61  arrival, the  Following Jones' arrival,  of both  Mr. Harbridge  Harbridges  were  rife.  had all but alienated  with the mission school, including the Indian students because  his haughtiness, lack  George  West's  of respectability, and poor  was the most  outspoken  school was suffering  critic  because  academic  skills.  62  Governor  of the Harbridges. He asserted the instructors  were  unqualified.  More specifically Simpson stated that schoolmaster Harbridge was:  self-conceited...stupid, ignorant, consequential and illiterate. Some of our half-breed boys in the colony can teach him instead of their receiving instruction from him. 63  Simpson had no kind words for schoolmistress Harbridge either:  she is above her situation, assuming more of the lady than is necessary, short tempered, paying little or no attention to her charge and treating the children under her care as menial servants without regard to their instruction or comfort. * 6  PAC CMSA, A. 98, John West to Josiah Pratt, 28 August 1822; West, Substance, p. 91. Ibid., A.92, David Jones to Josiah Pratt, 24 July 1824; Ibid., A. 88, George Harbridge to Josiah Pratt, 18 July 1823. I b i d . , A. 92, David Jones to Josiah Pratt, 24 July 1824. George Simpson to Andrew Colville, 31 May 1824, in E. H. Oliver, The Canadian North-West, Its Early Development and Legislative Records, Minutes of the Councils of the Red River Colony and the Northern Department of Rupert's Land. (Ottawa: Government Printing Bureau, 1914), vol. 1, p. 259. "PAM HBCA, D. 4/3, fo. 140, George Simpson to Benjamin Harrison, 1 August 1824. 6  0  6 1  62  6 3  6  68 Of  all the charges  against the couple, Jones  considered Mr. Harbridge's  intemperance  intolerable. In July  of 1824 Reverend  Jones  his  School  wanted  removed  Sunday  station.  mission but was forced qualified replacement The a  climax  Columbia  in June  to keep him on as schoolmaster  available.  claimed  that  of 1825. Governor  Simpson  1825. On  arrived  in February  and March  of that  the boys died of consumption; these  news and rumours  of the mission school deaths  there. He took  reached  at Red River from the  year  Simpson learned Harbridge  respectively.  two were  tuberculosis.  Jones  66  the first of many  Simpson stated  67  throughout  rousing Indian fears and questions on the treatment  from  because there was no  his homeward journey  Indian residential school students to die from  obviously  from the  of two Indian mission boys, William Sharpe and Joseph  buried  once again  entirely  6 5  District on 28 May  were  Harbridge  Harbridge of  tension and conflicts between Jones, Simpson, and Harbridge  of the deaths who  He  stripped  "sinful"  Rupert's  Land  that were  their children were receiving  advantage of the fears and reported threats of Indian parents to  lambast  deserved  the objects of the Indian mission the severe  reprimand  dolled  school. George  out by Jones,  Harbridge  but the attacks  Simpson were especially severe. Before  Simpson  arrived  his wife's positions. After verbal affronts, Harbridge  at Red River, Harbridge  two weeks  of Simpson's  had defended  uncontained  his  antagonism  and and  requested leave to return to England. He claimed that  P A C CMSA, A. 92, David Jones to Josiah Pratt, 24 July 1824. P A M HBCA, D. 4/5, fo. 169, George Simpson to Reverend David Jones, 26 August 1825; P A M HBCA, E. 4/lb, fos. 16,17. Jones stated that during the winter of 1824-1825 the Settlement was plagued with severe starvation. The winter was mild and the buffalo remained out on the open prairie. Metis hunters and the mission hunter returned from the hunt empty-handed and starving. A number of boarding school students at the mission were ill and the Company surgeon told Jones that the lack of fresh meat in their diets was the cause. P A C CMSA, A. 92, Jones Journal, 5 May 1825. 6 S  6 6  6 7  69  his  wife's  William  "ill-health"  Garrioch,  necessitated their  a  retired  Company  Harbridge's request. In July of 1825 boats  for York  attacks have  Factory  seen  Simpson  Governor self-seeking,  in fact  that Mrs.  comfort  of  6 9  there  was  Harbridge was  situation  Harriette  was  "confinement." around  forceful  school were the  much  truth  and  granted  the Company  uncompromising rewarded. As  month  to  them.  by  closing  we the  at  the  Since  and  the  after  girls'  Mrs.  cabin  usefullness,"  only  the  Harbridge's  Simpson's  their labour  one  who  Budd  was  Simpson's  official  to  live  pregnancy.  removed from with  and  was  suffered  being  the Columbia  the  on  unable  withdrawn  taught  account to  While  Mrs.  the care  and  Harbridges.  from  District in 1825,  to  of Mrs. her  sew.  7 1  Harbridge's usual task  full-time studies to assist  upkeep of the mission.  closure of the  The  "being made  how  perform  Indian mission  more students were in fact admitted. For example the two school from  used  claiming that the girl was  schoolmistress was  the mission, Sarah  Following  example,  well-founded. Harriette West worked as a maid, or rather,  Domestic not  For  took advantage of the children and  her mother in the care of the students and  to the  and  well  following  confined, eight year old Harriette was  Agathus  with  Simpson's  mission  schoolmaster justified this irregularity by aquainted  schoolmaster  secured  70  lady-in-waiting, during  Harbridge was  the the  as  Jones  68  Simpson's accusations against the Harbridge's were not entirely  for personal use a  and  clerk,  departure.  the Harbridge family boarded  England.  exploited  Indian mission school.  charge  and  against Harbridge  permanent  Spokan  7 2  school a  boys Simpson Garry  and  few  brought Kootenay  Ibid., A. 87, George Harbridge to Josiah Pratt, 20 October 1824; Ibid., George Harbridge to David Jones 10 June 1825. P A M HBCA, B. 235/a/7, fo. 5. ° P A M HBCA, D. 4/5, George Simpson to David Jones, .26 August 1825. PAM CMSA, A. 88, George Harbridge to Josiah Pratt, 1 July 1824. Ibid. 6 8  6 9  7  7 1  7 2  70 Pelly, returned from  a visit to their homes in 1829 with five young friends or  relatives  country. Since  from  their  were not denied admission.  these  boys  were  also  sons  of Chiefs,  they  7 3  P A C CMSA, A. 87, William Garrioch to Edward Bickersteth, 4 August 1829; Clifford M. Drury, "Notes and Suggestions, Oregon Indians in the Red River School," Pacific Historical Review 7 (1938), pp. 50-51. 7 3  A.  IV. THE  GRADUATES OF  CAREER  AND  There to determine  J O H N WEST'S INDIAN MISSION SCHOOL  OCCUPATIONAL  appears  to have  OPPORTUNITIES  been no  school. In fact, there is no  any  public  other  "had  guidelines used  acknowledgement  indication that graduation  of  academic  grown  up  to  many  Western  Canada  manhood."  When  1  valued to  and  unique  have  they  left  abilities.  received  a  the  They  European  were  speak  their  their families and  languages,  more  ten years than  maintained  home communities, and  - hunting, trapping, and and  had  fishing.  Each young man  of formal education; they  adequate  writing  and  skills.  first  men  Indians  and  unlike  later  of contact with  well-read and  Furthermore,  received more and  better qualified instruction in agriculture and  any  River schoolboy  because  their industrial training, the  short, these  possessed of  the  students  had  stockraising than  young  men  were well  qualified to obtain fruitful employment, even in a fledgling settlement governed a  monopolistic corporation where  They  were  Company  qualified  to  live  as  clerks or accountants,  the range hunters  of career opportunities were  and  trappers, intensive  schoolteachers, and  with  1  PAC PAC  by  limited.  agriculturalists,  more training, Anglican  missionaries.  2  in  also received between six  Cockran  peers. In  young  competent bush survival skills had  2  place.  knowledge. They could  emphasis Reverend  of their Red  placed on  the  education  were relatively  maths  took  free will, when they  varying degrees  possessed  from  ceremonies or  school, these  graduates, they retained a variety of indigenous skills and still  the teachers  accomplishment  the students left the establishment of their own  possessed  all  by  whether or not the Indian students were qualified to graduate  the mission  Apparently  official  CMSA, A. 96, William Smith to Secretaries, 11 August 1833. CMSA, A. 87, William Garrioch Edward Bickersteth, 8 August  1826.  72 It is a difficult task to follow the career paths of all of West's because  there  is very  little  primary  data  available about  students, Harriette West, Sarah Budd, and Harry trail. and  them. Three  of the  Sinclair have left no traceable  It is quite possible that the girls were married  soon after leaving school,  Harry may have remained at Red River as a labourer. Fortunately, we can  follow  the career  paths of the other  five  students,  Thomas Hassel, and James and John Hope. mentioned Company newspaper  have  been  pieced  together  Archives,  the Church  Missionary  articles  and published  primary  TRADITIONAL  OCCUPATIONS:  Apparently, career  choices  Henry  Budd, Charles Pratt,  The career paths of the five men  3  from  been the subject of any major published  B.  proteges  data  available in the Hudson's Bay  Society sources.  works.  Archives, Only  and from  Henry  Budd's life has  4  HUNTING,  TRAPPING,  AND  FISHING  hunting, trapping, and fishing were the least popular  of the mission  school  a few  graduates.  The unpopularity  traditional means of living can be readily understood given  full-time  of these  more  the instability of the  resources, market, and profits of the fur industry at that time. A more effective deterrant experienced of life  though, was no doubt the heavy  Christian indoctrination the students  at school. A l l the early missionaries denounced the hunt and the way  it necessitated. Reverend  cherished  of the adult Indian  Reverend  Cockran  West firmly  believed that  in his wandering  was constantly  exhorting  "little  and unsettled  the same. That  hope could be  habits  of life."  the students  5  who  Two of" the original ten students, Joseph Harbridge and William Sharpe died while attending the Indian mission school in the spring of 1825. P A M HBCA, E. 4/lb, fos. 16,17. "Kathrine Pettipas ed., The Diary of the Reverend Henry Budd 1870-1875 (Winnipeg: Manitoba Record Society Publications, 1974), Supra. John West, The Substance of a Journal During a Residence at the Red River Colony, British North America in the Years 1820-1823 (Vancouver: Alcuin Society Reprint, 1967), p. 12. 3  5  73 were  the object  agriculture and  of such  constant  discourses  and the evils of the hunt  unchristianlike is very  would  understandable.  on  later  the pious view  Nonetheless,  the latter  for  a living  summer will  for two years  later,  Pratt  clandestinely fled  scandale.  Neverthess,  6  year  may  after  he was able  in their lives. Charles  from  the mission  have  had little  becoming  to make  choice  entangled  for a  school.  In this  have  C.  7  living  despite  in the matter,  flight  because he  chose to return to  the indoctrination  respect he was unlike his other  he received at  contemporaries  for whom  we  accounts.  AGRICULTURE  As farmers. took  in 1848-1849,  the  in a disreputable  his two year  stead-fastly refused to snub the hunt. In fact he apparently hunting  school in  in 1848. On the First occassion, which  well  the school  men were  at least twice in his life. He hunted  following his flight  of 1832, and for another  be discussed  having  occupation  as disdainful  each of these  forced to resort to the hunt for survival at various times Pratt made hunting his primary  rightiousness of  AT  noted,  RED  RIVER  the graduates  of the Indian  mission  This was largely due to the efforts of Reverend  over  the management  established  of the the C M S  by West in 1822 to train  farm  school  were  William  proficient  Cockran who  in 1825. It had been  the Indian students  in agriculture and to  provide them with food. Initially the mission garden was a small enclosed plot of land  immediately  quadrupled.  8  behind  the school but by 1829 the acreage  The Red River  school possessed  census  for that  year  under  indicates that  production  the mission  one of the most extensive farms in the settlement. It included  Thomas F. Bredin, "The Red River Academy," The Beaver Outfit 305:3 (1974), p. 12. P A C CMSA, A. 87, Cowley Journal, 18 December 1842, 15 March 1849. P A M HBCA, B. 235/a/5, fo. 44. 6  7  8  74 20  cultivated  one  bull,  acres, three houses, one barn, two stables, two horses, one mare,  four  cows,  two  calves,  four  oxen,  41  swine,  harrows, one boat, and two canoes. The mission farm  three  ploughs, two  was sufficiently productive  to feed the twelve resident students, the families of the three mission employees, and  yield  good  a surplus which  farmers  that  was sold in the settlement.  in 1830 Schoolmaster  Garrioch  9  The boys  complained  became such  that  they  attended afternoon classes in almost every season of the year because  hardly  the boys,  from the smallest to the biggest, found constant employment on the mission and neighboring farms. As  soon  on local farms. and  Henry  1 0  as the young men left the mission school they were  Apparently Charles Pratt was the only exception. James Hope  1 1  Budd  were  the first  to leave school  in 1828 at which  went to work on local farms. The year before, Henry Cask, House.  renamed 12  William  James Hope,  employed  James  Budd,  and John moved  brought Hopes'  his large  Factory. James remained  his family father  family  on his father's lot or elsewhere.  13  John  to Red River  Withaweecapo,  who  from was  settlement  Norway baptized  from  1832 and he was employed  Hope remained  both  Budd's older brother The  to the Indian  at Red River until  time  York either  at school until at least  P A M HBCA, E. 5/3; William Cockran to Dandeson Coates, 5 August 1829, cited in Corneluis J. Jaenen, "Foundations of Dual Education at Red River, 1811-34," Transactions of the Historical and Scientific Society of Manitoba 3 (1965), p. 65. ° P A C CMSA, A. 87, William Garrioch to Edward Bickersteth, 24 February 1829, 7 August 1830. P A C CMSA, A. 96, William Smith to Secretaries, 11 August 1833. Probably about the same time their sister Sarah and mother Agathus left the mission school considering that when James passed-away in 1829, Henry moved into the family farm to help his mother and sister-in-law: Pettipas, Diary of Henry Budd., p. xviii; A. N. Thompson, "The Expansion of the Church of England in Rupert's Land from 1820 to 1839 under the Hudson's Bay Company and the Church Missionary Society," (Ph.D. thesis: Cambridge University, 1962), p. 373. 1 cannot determine exactly when Withaweecapo arrived permanently in the settlement so it is not certain whether James worked on the family lot or not. Thompson, "Expansion", p. 418. 9  1  1 1  12  13  75 1834,  then  worked  on the farm  of his brother-in-law  Thomas  Thomas  until  1842. * John may also have worked on his father's lot following Withaweecapo's 1  death in 1836. With  the exception  under study sector  15  of John Hope, none of the mission  chose to depend on employment  of Red River  for any great  length  school graduates  as wages labourers in the farming of time. Generally  this  reflects the  precarious state of early Red River agriculture at Red River as much as it does the persona] inclinations of the young men. Natural calamities like locusts, floods, and  early  frosts  affected the hired  hands  as much  as they  did the farmers  themselves. Furthermore, wage labour jobs in agriculture were usually seasonal or part-time. affair  Alexander  though  Ross stated in 1855, that  servants  were  engaged  agricultural  for various  lengths  work  was a family  of time.  Some  were  hired daily, monthly, or for terms of one year, but their wages were determined by  the season or volume of work done. For example, day labourers in the hay  and hired  harvest  season  in less  whole, farm £20  work  received  intensive seasons  labourers  per year  engaged  about  received  for one year  2s 6d per day, while  about terms  those  Is 6d per day. On the received  the going  rate of  which was about the same, if not more, than servant positions in  the HBC. Besides  wages, farm  of the length of their terms. An  on the average  hands always received food and shelter regardless  16  Historian, Frits Pannekoek points out that by the end of the 1830s  sufficient quantities of land for farming  were almost impossible  to obtain in the  "P. C.Pembrum, "Death of an Old Timer", Saskatchewan Herald. 16, no. 20 (24 August 1894), p. 2; P A M HBCA, E. 4/lb, fo. 245d. John's sister Fanny Hope married Thomas in December of 1835. Pembrum's article states that Thomas Thomas was John Hope's cousin which could well be true if the family still practiced traditional cross-cousin marriages. P A M HBCA, E. 4/lb, fo. 302d. Alexander Ross, The Red River Settlement: Its Rise, Progress, and Present State, With Some Accounts Of The Native Races and Its General History, To The Present Day (Minneapolis, Minn.: Rass & Hines Reprint, 1957), p. 394. 1  15  16  76 colony.  But there was still plenty of land available at the northernmost limits  17  of the settlement graduates farm  and beyond. Given  did not become  at Grand  Rapids,  the above, one questions  landed  farmers.  and John  Hope  farm, but neither of them  stayed very  Henry may  Budd  have  took  taken  why  over  over  the Indian  his brother's  Withaweecapo's  long at it. The rest worked  as seasonal  labourers for a short time as well. Jacqueline  Gresko  offers  a few possible explanations  aversion to individual farming. Her studies on the late  for their  apparent  19th century Catholic-run  Indian residential schools at Qu'Appelle (Saskatchewan) and at St. Mary's (British Columbia) Rather,  show  they  wage labour on  domestic  that  ex-pupils  seldom  returned  to their  people  work or dug seneca  more profitable  that  it allowed  than  Indian  people  to work  ties. Furthermore, because  of Saskatchewan  Sundance gatherings. Only returned  in communal  1 8  seasonal  and women  attraction  together. In other seasonal  took  seems to be  words, seasonal  rounds and maintain  the farming  wage  traditional  sector usually only offered  to pursue more personal activities. In  in the 1890s, that meant  attending  pow-wows and  1 9  a few of the earlier  to their  farming.  labour jobs were considered easier  farming, but the most obvious  seasonal work, the workers had free time case  them  individual  for white farmers  root. Wage  labour jobs could be fit into traditional  the  to pursue  and joined  work. Men generally harvested  and  socio-economic  chose  graduates  of the Red River  mission  school  home communities. It appears as though most made the Red  "A Probe into the Demographic Structure of Nineteenth Century Red River," in Essays on Western History, ed. Lewis H. Thomas (Edmonton: University of Alberta Press, 1976), p. 83. Jacqueline Gresko, "Creating Little Dominions Within the Dominion: Early Catholic Indian Schools in Saskatchewan and British Columbia," in Indian Education in Canada vol. I: The Legacy, eds. Jean Barman, Yvonne Hebert and Don McCaskill (Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, 1986), pp. 98-9. Ibid. 17  18  19  77 River  colony, or the Indian  Henry  Budd  and community,  especially  and the Hope boys whose families relocated in the south  from the  north. Working apparently  together  more  Settlement,  as farm  appealing  hands  their  food, but they  lives.  Farming  they  their  their  families  own  in the colony  was  farms. Nevertheless, the  received at Red River served them well  not only  were able to share  homes  with  that establishing  agricultural training and experience throughout  their  gave  them  a supplemental  source of  their knowledge with Indian bands that were  in need of an additional source of subsistence.  D.  THE  HUDSON'S  Equipped and  fishing,  school  BAY  with  and their  appear  to have  COMPANY  farming, academic  the more  traditional  skills of hunting, trapping,  talents, the graduates  been prime  candidates  for employment  servant and clerical classes of the HBC. By the time the  HBC  was  actively  recruiting  of John  servants  from  West's  mission  in the specialized  the young men left school within  the  Country-born  community at the Red River settlement, by the time Budd and James Hope left school in 1828, the Company had hired River.  Between  annually  varied  thirteen.  and  1836 the number  from  four  (1834)  the Company  of Rupert's  effectively barred Judd  1825  11 of them from Red  of Country-born  to twenty-five  men  recruited  (1833) but averaged  around  20  Though Natives  51 new recruits,  states  that  from this  Land  had adjusted  in the lower  its hiring servant  entering the specialized racially  stratified  hiring  practices to include more  classess, Native  servant policy  and clerical  men  were  ranks. Carol  in the post-1821  period  Carol M. Judd, "Mixt Bands of Many Nations: 1821-70," Old Trails and New Directions: Papers of the Third North American Fur Trade Conference, eds. Carol M. Judd and Arthur J. Ray (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1980), p. 133. 2  0  78 marginalized  Native  people in Company ranks:  For the First time in the history of the fur trade, ethnic derivation, "class," and status were intertwined. For the First time it meant that as a native employee of the Hudson's Bay Company one was with few exceptions also a low status member of the servant "class." 2 1  Native  men,  middleman and  generally  the  ranks. During  labourious  tasks  months they  packed  the  at the  hauling wood, cooking,  Country-born winter posts  months  the  the  boats or  things. Tripmen performed  the  but  seasonal  were only  steersman.  Each  inland  Seven  these  rowers  of  bowsman  was  boat  stationed  upcoming obstructions and  be  was  the backs of the £16  and  eighth  at the  boat's bow  where he  with  a pole, he  helped  received  £20  annually.  within this class ended with  the  summer portaged  a  advised  steer the  eventually  and  was  which weighed  average was  and  a  steersman.  steersman  craft out  100  as  to a  bowsman.  the  with  on  voyage. These  and  actually the captain. His  portages.  menial  occasionally Indians  worked at the oar  to load the packets,  the  middlemen  of the  rowers  the  the  generally  year  eight  middlemen,  middlemen at the  per  by  but  steersmen  £20  duration  were  steersman of each boat was  to steer the craft, and  same duties as  and  in  all the  canoes, and  promoted to bowsman  manned  did  the buildings. In the  Mixed-blood men  When his services were not required he crew. The  the  employed  Fishing, chopping  paddled the  hired for the  positions were also Filled by  well. In time, a middleman could  were  middlemen  maintaining  cargo among other inland brigades  Metis,  which included; hunting,  constructing and  furs, rowed  and  The of  of danger.  the rest of the major task  was  pounds each, on  Middlemen salaries ranged between £17.  Bowsmen  Opportunties  position of the  received  for career  £18  and  advancement  guide or "commadore." He  was  Carol M. Judd, "Native Labour and Social StratiFication in the Hudson's Bay Company's Northern Department, 1770-1870," Canadian Review of Sociology and Anthropology vol. 17, no. 4 (1980), p. 314. 2  1  79 the most important  official of the brigade  and his major task was to look after  business transactions at Company posts enroute. He also supported  the authority  of the steersmen. On rare occasions guide salaries went as high as £35. The of  a  Company  impossible barred able  highest level job a common servant could hope for was outpost.  for a Native  from  man  in the post-1821  to attain  entering the specialized  to enter  However,  However  as apprentices  these  positions were  this  servant  though  ranks  the educational  22  it became  Native  until  such  to young  immediate family members in the vicinity. Even  position.  to tradesmen limted  period  men  1830. Then  as masons unencumbered  employment  in the lower  living male graduates Of  these, only  Hope  under  one was promoted  Chief  were also they  were  men  with  no  2 3  backgrounds  of John  West's  ranks.  A t least  five  proteges could only  of the original six  of the mission school joined the servant ranks of the HBC.  who joined the Company  District  servant  next to  and gunsmiths.  qualified them for the upper level clerical positions in the HBC, they gain  post-master  Factor  to the junior  officer ranks.  in 1832 and was stationed  Peter  Warren  Dease.  From  This was James at the Athabaska  1836 to 1839 Hope  served in the Arctic Land Expedition under Dease and Thomas Simpson. By then he  was earning  scale  £ 4 0 per year  for the specialized  Company  expired  in May  which placed him at the highest end of the pay  servant  rank.  2  fl  His last  known  of 1840 and his wherabouts  contract afterwards  with the remain  a  Judd, "Mixt Bands," pp! 127-128, 139; Joseph James Hargrave, "Annual Routine in Red River Settlement," in Historical Essays on the Prairie Provinces, ed. Donald Swainson (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart Limited, 1970), pp. 35-36, 32. "Minutes of the Northern Department at York Factory," 3 July 1830, in E. H. Oliver ed., The Canadian North-West, Its Early Development and Legislative Records, Minutes of the Councils of the Red River COlony and the Northern Department of Rupert's Land (Ottawa: Government Printing Bureau, 1914), vol. I, p. 653. "PAM HBCA, B. 239/g/79, fo. 14; Douglas Mackay, The Honourable Company, 2nd ed. (Toronto: McClelland & Stewart Ltd., 1966), pp. 239-41. 2 2  2 3  2  80 mystery. Henry  Budd  took leave of his farming to work for the Company  short period of time between 1832  and  1835. He  (Rainy Lake) as a tripper or a middleman the  at an  stationed at Lac L a  annual  salary  end of his contract, Budd returned to his farm at Grand  River settlement. John in  was  the  1852  Athabaska  are vague  farming  at  Athabaska  the  Hope entered the Company  district for seven but  it is clear  Red  District  River  for  years. His  that  Indian  at  least  he  Settlement  one  more  of £ 1 7 .  ranks in 1842  a  that  contract  he  term.  and  between  considerable  and  Pratt  as a hunter. He and  remained  bowsman Pratt  was  stationed  entered the Company's  was  (1837-1838).  at  a  after  capacity For  the  until last  to steersman  number  of  Swan  1846, two  one  annual posts  salary  while  a  of time  Thomas  Hassel  2  and  the  1840.  He  7  his two  years of his H B C  at an Lake  except for a  and  to  26  hired as a middleman in the Swan Lake  in that  promoted  ranks  1849  returned  stationed at Norway House under Chief Factor Donald Ross. Charles  At  2 5  remained  amount  worked for the Company for a short period of time between 1831 was  Pliue  Rapids in the Red  wherabouts  spent  for a  year sojourn  District in year  career  of £ 2 2 .  28  Company  term  1835 as  a  (1846-1848) Pratt  was  servant, but  apparently he spent most of his winters at Manitoba House on the eastern shore of was  Lake  Manitoba.  the only  In  person  1844 at that  Reverend post who  Abraham could  Cowley  commented  read or w r i t e .  29  that  Pratt  In fact, on  at  P A M HBCA, B. 239/g/72-74, fos. 11. John Hope acted as a witness for a number of marriages which are recorded in the H B C marriage registers. In 1858 Hope witnessed Chief Peguis sign his will. Pembrum, "Old Timer," p. 2; George Van Der Goes Ladd, Shall We Gather at the River? (Toronto: United Church of Canada, 1986), p. 116. Nan Shipley, The James Evans Story (Toronto: Ryerson Press, 1966), pp. 50, 52. P A M HBCA, B. 159/d/26-41, fos. 1 for the years 1835 to 1848; Hargrave, "Annual Routine," p. 35. P A C CMSA, A. 86, A. Cowley Journal, 2 January 1845. Z 6  2 6  2 7  2 8  2 9  81 least one the  occasion, Charles Pratt was  Shoal  River outpost  in 1 8 3 7 .  in charge of entering the Pratt probably  30  THE  CHURCH  MISSIONARY  John West had Indian  boys  prepare people.  in  them  to  Even  3 1  character and an  envisioned that his mission  more  practical  propogate  the  schoolmaster  habits  gospel  George  of  dashed. As view  ministry; Given  in the  in  that  there  was  object  third,  and  school  1827  in  any  retired  older  when Henry  agreed  best  in the  be  generations  Budd  it is not  of the  mission  and  close  but  would  also  their  own  among  attention  to  when Reverend David  of the  Indian  the  by  no  mission  Jones  boys  was  months of his arrival. Jones took  the  emergence  of an  Country-born  Indian  population.  doubt refering to the  3 3  Country-born  officers, as opposed to the more humble of  Country-born  settlers  James Hope were ready  surprising school  paid  immediate  served  Company  homelands  But  32  potential  hope  life,  innure  searching for traits which would indicate  his elitist predisposition, Jones was  Therefore,  sending  no  would  children of active and second,  missionary  school would not only  their  previously mentioned, within a few that  at that salary level.  "civilized"  Harbridge  development of each boy,  all faith  and  SOCIETY  aptitude for tenacious christian conversion.  arrived,  the  the  debts at  did a lot of book work  accounting while officially in the capacity of middleman, and  E.  Indian  that  students  Jones into  had the  Red  River.  to leave the  mission  serious field.  34  at  misgivings In  1828,  Cockran  with Jones: " i f the Indian school boys reurn to their families with  P A M HBCA, B. 159/a/17, fo. 3. PAM HBCA, A. 6/20, fo. 63, Benjamin Harrison to John West, 26 1822. P A C CMSA, A. 88, George Harbridge to Josiah Pratt, 1 July 1824. P A C CMS, A. 92, Jones Journal, 11 December 1823. "PAC CMSA, A. 92, David Jones to Secretary, 1 July 1827.  about  hearts  3 0  3 1  3 2  3 3  3  February  82  unchanged by grace, they will likely become the worst of Indians." Surviving  records  though there is every their and  general Smith  knowledge, aptititudes Garrioch  indicate  that  this  indication that the students  studies while  attending  the mission  were  quick  to praise  the boys  but  both  repeatedly  expressed  or desires  to acquire  reported  prophesy  that  knowledge" but the "work of grace  self-fulfilling  had progressed  advancements  misgivings  about  knowledge.  In August  students  were  even  favourably in  school. Schoolmasters  for their  the Lord's  all the Indian  was  35  the  advancing  Garrioch  in wordly students' of 1826 in "head  in their hearts" was not all that could be  hoped for: "knowledge in the brain gains some ground but the light of God [sic] in  the heart  does not yet manifest  itself  challenge been met by 1833. In August  to our observation."  of that year  36  Nor had the  Smith reported  that they  were still progressing in wordly knowledge but: "the Saviors knowledge they do not  exhibit  a desire a f t e r . "  37  By this  time  five  Indian  mission school. Schoolmaster Smith could not contain his  students  had left the  disappointment:  5 have left us since my last communication to you and I am sorry to say not in such a way as I would have wished they had already grown up to manhood, & are now engaged as labourers to farmers & others through the settlement. None returned to their country and Tribe. None returned to impart the Glad tidings of Salvation, Shall I say - None Returned "To give Thanks to God... " 3  It is reasonable a he  negative  impact  8  to suppose that Jones's attitude toward the students had  on their motivation  to embrace  set. Jones, Cockran and Smith had expected  Christianity by the standards  to witness  some manifestation of  P A C CMSA, William Cockran to Edward Bickersteth, 7 August 1828, cited in Thompson, "Expansion," p. 121. P A C CMSA, A. 87, William Garrioch to Edward Bickersteth, 3 August 1826, 8 August 1826. P A C CMSA, A. 96, William Smith to Secretaries, 11 August 1833. Ibid. 3 5  3 6  3 7  3 8  83 a  conversion  Indian  experience,  students. Under  encouragement and  lived  up  to  high standards  they  aside. By  West's  set by  1833  time. The the  Red  HBC River  mission  strictly forbade the CMS until  the  of the  objects of much  work. When Jones took over, they held that the students  vague, unstated,  late  school graduates  Jones's  to enter the  settlement  detect in any  though  obviously  exhibited the aptitude  standards, there were no  missionary  field  in any  resources  capacity at this  from proselytizing beyond the fringes of  1839.  Had  39  the  mission  school  graduates  directed their full attention towards preaching  to their country-men without  support  no  or  authority, they  would  have  had  They would have been forced to hunt, fish, and so, would have undermined the objects of the Not CMS  only were there no  mission work beyond Red  social  status barred  John  West's proteges  readers Red  as  were  River  followed  the  of the  and  the  upper  means  to  support  their  parishoners  for  3 9  PAC  qualified  CMSA, A.  to partake in  River, racist attitudes against their ancestry obtaining any qualified other  CMS  class  to be  CMS  positions in the  schoolteachers  local residents. The  preferred those Country-born  and  problem  of purely  men.  Sunday  school  teachers,  schoolteachers. Local recruitment not only saved re-establishing  in doing  CMS.  In  order  instructors  from  England,  bible  Sunday was  to  class  and  settlement. school  that the  European  ever-increasing demands on the mission school facilities, Jones and to  CMS  themselves.  trap for survival, and  opportunities for these young men  from  were as  many  settlers  by  them  had  Jones.  inclination for missionary work by  or opportunities for them  the  not were  the local CMS  expectations, or  Smith and  did  students  were primed for missonary  Nevertheless, even if the and  apparently  West's tutalege the  were basically brushed not  which  descent,  meet  the  Cockran turned readers,  and  the expense of transporting and it was  an  96, John Smithurst to Secretaries, 1 August  effective 1843.  means  of  84 drawing  settlers into the  from  the  from  among the  there  were  demands most  upper  not  families and  qualified  schools. Having gentlemen  were  1825.  Bunn  Rupert's Land  received Cockran  had  in 1819  Indian  mission  CMS  teaching  at  Sunday  of the  European retired too  secondary  school teachers  settlement,  officer and  were selected  schoolteachers  were  men  after  in the many  settlement  years  tired, or just  too  busy  first  of these  studied  in England  for ten  from  appointments.  St. Andrew's school  and  licence."  1825  to  John Peter  1  years  William  1831,  had  Garrioch Garrioch  and  the end  of 1833,  was  hired  school, St.  he  Garrioch  returned who  two  sons  worked  with  replaced  William  teacher of the old mission school, renamed St. John's Parish School. * By  their  of former Chief Factor Thomas Bunn of at Jones's Middlechurch  school  with  educated Country-born sons of these  consideration. The  medical  the  of Company service,  schoolmaster  a  though,  to meet  first  with  chosen  clerical classes. Apparently  old, too  John Bunn, the son  Factory, became the  the  strata  Company  officers were given  Paul's. John  at  retired  While  4 0  farms to work as teachers. The  as early as York  lower  enough  of the  of these  retired  and  church.  taught who  also  Reverend Smith  as  2  there were five protestant schools in the Red  colony. Of these, four were sponsored in whole or in part by  to  the CMS. *  3  River Three  John E . F o s t e r , "Program for the Red River Mission: The Anglican Clergy 1820-1826," Social History 4 (1969), pp. 66, 69. * 'Jennifer S. H. Brown, Strangers in Blood Fur Trade Families in Indian Country (Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, 1980), p. 170; John E. Foster, "The Anglican Clergy in the Red River Settlement: 1820-1826," (M.A. thesis, University of Alberta, 1966), p. 134. Peter Garrioch left his teaching position in 1837 and soon after chose more exiting employment as a free trader. Pannekoek, "Demographic," p. 89; Thompson, "Expansion," p. 402. The fifth school was a private non-parochial venture started by John Pritchard in 1829. In 1833 Pritchard received an education grant from the H B C Northern Department to subsidize the tuition fees. The school, which was called "The Elms" served local boys and a number of American fur trade sons: Jaenen, "Dual Education," p. 67; J. A. Peake, "Robert McDonald (1829-1913) The Great Unknown Missionary of the Northwest", Journal of the Canadian Church Historical Society, vol. 18, no. 3 (1975), p. 55; Oliver, Canadian North-West, vol. II, pp. 755-6. 4  0  4 2  4 3  85 of the C M S  schools catered exclusively to the middle  and upper echelons  River. The only school in the settlement that looked of the poor  was St. John's parish school which  buildings of John West's Indian mission  at Red  after the educational needs  was located in the renovated  school. *  Table  4  4 outlines the types of  schools in place at Red River in 1833, and the origins of their school teachers. Figure 4 shows where the schools were located in the colony. The  preference  for retired  fur trade gentry  for teaching positions at this time one  can be readily  school in the settlement catered to middle  Needless  to say, those  displeasure settler  about  children  very  their  would  same  children  Company  being  undoubtedly  children instructed by Indians. Apart their  children  educated  English g e n t r y .  been  from  in the more  understood  given  sons  that all but  and upper elite levels of society. officers  educated  have  and their Country-born  who  alongside  previously Indian  strongly opposed  expressed  and common  to having  the racial discrimination, they  refined  habits  and cultured  their  wanted  manners of  It was these local attitudes which led the C M S to spend most  45  of its energies on the settlers and H B C elite, even though the organization was founded indigenous from  and  mandated  peoples.  St. John's  That  to  extend  a few Indian  and St. Andrew's  Furthermore, little,  Christianity families  schools  and  English  reaped  at this  if any consideration was given  time  "civilization" to  any educational benefits was almost  accidental.  to the future prospects and  "After the Indian students left this school in 1833, Reverend Jones tried to revive the tuition fee system that West established, to cover the wages of the teacher. But schoolmaster Smith refused to "harass these poor people" for fees, even when his salary was cut from £ 1 0 0 to £ 3 5 per year. In 1834 Smith pleaded with the C M S Parent Committee to let his be a free school. Those who could pay had already enrolled their children in the newer exclusive schools because they did not want their children educated alongside Indian children. In 1834 Smith was replaced by Peter Garrioch, and the tuition issue was resolved. Bishop of Rupert's Land, "The Church in Manitoba," Mission Life, Vol. Ill, new series, Part I (London: W. Wells Gardner, 1872), p. 196; P A C CMSA, A. 96, William Smith to Secretaries, 1 August 1834. 4  S y l v i a V a n Kirk, "Many Tender Ties", Women in Fur Trade Society in Western Canada, 1670-1870 (Winnipeg: Watson & Dwyer Publishing, 1980), pp. 147-48. 4 5  86  Table 4  Protestant Schoolteachers in the Red River Settlement,  Name  1833  Origin of Birth  Experience in Rupertsland  William Garrioch  England  retired H B C trader and second clerk  St. John's (Upper Church)  parochial day school  CMS  Peter Corrigal  Orkney Islands  retired H B C chief trader  St. Paul's (Middle Church)  parochial day school  CMS & tuition  Rev. William & Anne Cockran  England  sent by C M S in 1825  parochial day & boarding school  CMS & tuition  Mrs. Mary Lowman  England  sent by C M S in 1833  Red River Academy  parochial boarding school  CMS/ HBC & tuition  John Macallum  Scotland  sent by C M S in 1833  Red River Academy  parochial boarding school  CMS/ HBC & tuition  John Pritchard  Scotland  retired H B C officer  The  Elms  secular day school  HBC & tuition  Joseph Cook*  Rupertsland  retired H B C labourer  St. Peter's (Indian settlement)  Indian day & boarding school  CMS  School  St.  Andrew's (Lower Church)  Status  Support  * Joseph Cook was an H B C labourer and the son of William H . Cook, former Chief Factor at York Factory, who retired to Red River after 33 years of H B C service. Along with William Garrioch and Peter Corrigal, William H . Cook was considered to be among the "principal patriarchs" of the colony. Sources:  P A C , C M S A , A.96, William Smith to Secretaries, 29 July 1831; Foster, "Anglican Clergy", p. 134; Van Kirk, "Many Tender Ties", p. 149; Jaenen, "Dual Education", p. 67; Garrioch, First Furrows, p. 75; Fast, "Protestant Missionary", p. 75; Bredin, "Red River Academy", p. 12; A . N . Thompson, "The Wife of the Missionary", Journal of the Canadian Church Historical Society, vol. 15, no. 2 (1973), p. 36; Pannekoek, "Demographic", pp. 84, 86; Brown, Strangers in Blood, p. 170; Oliver, Canadian North-West, vol. II, pp. 755-56.  87 the potential contributions the Indian mission school graduates could make. Jones simply assumed the young men would be absorbed into the Red River community or possibly return to their home communities.  ft 6  * Frits 6  Journal  Pannekoek,  "Protestant  of the Canadian  Agricultural  Zions for  Church Historical Society 14  the  (1972), p.  Western Indian," 56.  V. T H E EXPANSION OF T H E CMS INDIAN MISSION P R O G R A M  A.  BACKGROUND John  North  Webster Grant  America  Native  has satisfactorily established that throughout  church  workers  played  a prominent  role  transformations of their respective societies. In time, the CMS as  the most  ranks as  successful missionary  society to find  the foundation  Canada.  of one of the most  prominent  in the cultural  would be heralded  a significant  for Native leaders and John West's Indian mission  British  place within  its  school would be hailed  Native  ministries  in Western  1  Any graduates  attempt  were  understanding  to understand  not immediately  why  utilized  of the role the church  the talents by  played  of the mission  the C M S  must  in the colony,  begin  school  with  an  and its relationship  with  the colonial powers at this time. When seen in this context, it is apparent  that  a number  workers  of factors  worked  in the local church.  to delay  As we  have  the employment  of Native  church  seen there was no "need"for  Native  catechists at Red River in the 1820s and early need  for schoolteachers, conditions at the colony  from  obtaining these  positions. Racism  was  1830s, and though there was a prevented  a major  missionary  authorities  societies  in major  of its time,  missionary  needed  work.  to this  reasons. The CMS, like  the financial  In Western  graduates  contributing factor  state of affairs, but there were other equally important other  the Native  Canada  support  of secular  the support  and  good-will of the local H B C was critical to the survival of the CMS. In turn, the HBC  depended on support from the C M S The  HBC  authorities  to further its goals.  in Rupert's  Land  and  England  had  certain  'John Webster Grant, Moon in Wintertime: Missionaries and the Indians of Canada in Encounter since 1534 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1984), p. 115. 88  89 expectations of the C M S and since the Company was  the civil authority in Rupert's  held the balance  of power and  Land, it is not surprising that their priorities  became the priorities of the local CMS. The immediate interests of the Company were  clear;  producing  it was critically  Indian  workers  important  to prevent  sedentary  agriculturalists.  into  the transformation  labour  force in the bush.  2  Therefore,  allowing the C M S to encourage Native peoples in farming  villages. The local CMS  fur  In fact, the overriding  policy of the Company toward Native peoples was aimed at keeping accessible  of  the H B C  a cheap and  had no intention of  to leave the bush and congregate  had no option but to adhere to the wishes  of the local HBC. As we have seen, going against Governor Simpson would have put the C M S in a vulnerable position with few allies, as John West's experience illustrates. collisions  Jones with  and the C M S  the Company  C M S could not nurture had a  satisfied home-base  Parent  could  have  and utilize Native  Committee similar  firmly  Anglican  and  any further  repercussions. As a result, the  church  workers until such  established at Red River, then  time  as it  the Sociey  would  be in a  Native catechists and clergy in Indian mission work. mission  activities  focused  English-speaking settlers and active Company  exclusively  on  the  families  of  servants until well into the 1830s.  function of the missionaries, as determined  evangelical  that  the immediate needs of the Company. With that accomplished, and  position to sponsor  The  realized  ideals, was to inculcate the socially  by the H B C stablizing  values  and their  own  of Christianity  "civilization," and to recreate at Red River an English agricultural community  where  fur trade  cast-offs would  support  the trade  rather than  hinder  i t . The 3  Arthur J~. Ray, Indians Jn the Fur Trade: their role as trappers, hunters and middlemen in the lands southwest of Hudson Bay, 1660-1870 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1974), p. 218. Frits Pannekoek, "The Anglican Church and the Dissintigration of Red River Society, 1818-1870," in The West and the Nation Essays in Honour of W. L. Morton, eds., Carl Berger and Ramsay Cook, (Toronto: McCleland & Stewart, 1976), p. 75; George V a n Der Goes Ladd, Shall We Gather at the River? 2  3  90 HBC  was especially  concerned  control over them. The C M S  about  this  population  because  it had very  little  and Roman Catholic missionaries however, possessed  the means to bring some semblence of social control to Red River and they were more than willing to take on that challenge. The trade  task of transforming a motley collection of ex-fur traders, unruly fur  progenies,  resources  and a handful  and energies  shared  similar  keeping  with  mission  and Chaplain  the  needs  of remnant  of Jones  goals,  their  his position  Scottish  and Cockran.  approaches  consumed  Nevertheless,  and methods  though  differed  echelons  focused  of Red River  all the  both  men  considerably. In  and obligations as Superintendant  to the Company, Jones  of the upper  settlers  of the Society's  his attention on meeting  society. Cockran, on the other  hand, followed the flow of settlement to the northern limits of the colony where he  focused  on the ever-increasing numbers  means. The vast majority of these were  retired  ancestors social  Company  by two or more  and technical  English  sedentary  skills  and  second or third  the rudiments  fl  seperated  from  generations.  These  lower-class  folk  needed  to establish  of lesser  generation Country-born  were  they  themselves  their  men  European  had few of  the  as prototypes of  was a prerequisite to their  Accordingly, most of Cockran's time  of farm  families  who  agriculturalists, which  into Red River society. them  servants  of Country-born  assimilation  was spent teaching  and home management, acceptable  social  behavior,  other moral christian values. Since the recipients were, on the whole, willing  converts, Cockran was encouraged with church  at Grand Rapids. By the early  the community  that developed  1830s the church  around his  had successfully  reached  (cont'd) (Toronto: United Church of Canada, 1986), p. 59; John E. Foster, "Program for the Red River Mission: The Anglican Clergy 1820-1826," Social History 4 (1969), p. 49. *Van Der Goes Ladd, Shall We Gather? p. 59; John E. Foster, "Cockran, William," Dictionary of Canadian Biography, vol. IX, 1861-1870, ed. Frances G. Halpenny (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1976), pp. 134-35. 3  91 most of the stable and  THE  RED  attracted  and  and  the  local HBC  settlement  could be  RIVER  servants  River and  its missions  distant  fast  with  becoming  a  the efforts of  superfluous population.  SETTLEMENT  Country-born  to Red  from  INDIAN  was  satisfied  Cockran in settling this once troublesome and  Retired  people  settlers,  orderly center. The  Jones and  B.  English-speaking  regions, and  from  were  not  the  only  prospective  at this time. Large the  immediate  settlers  numbers of Indian  vicinity  came  to  observe  sample the labours of the settlers, others chose to stay. The  colony  had  hosted  inception. According to one  a  steady  flow  of  Native  of the earliest settlers, Alexander  visitors  since its  Ross, Indian  peoples  took little interest in the affairs of the infant colony, "unless to look down with contempt on us."  5  As  people  our  painful drudgery,  industry developed,  began  partake,  slow and  edging  Ross  themselves  if possible, in the  large numbers of Swampy boundaries  of Northern  The Saulteaux, options existence  Swampy were  at in  hand, the  stated, some  in, "not  fruits  observers were the Swampy Crees  of our  Manitoba and  becoming many north  seasonal employment with  toil."  to  refuge  from  these, and  as  numerous at  annoy  interested  themselves, the  Indian but  they  sea coast.  by  Red  were the  River and  created hardships, and  called  Eventually,  7  heavy  day  River. by  the  mid-1820s. With from  to  most attentive  the regions within the present  declining ' resources  the HBC  labour  Of  6  more  Saskatchewan stayed on at Red  increasingly  where  indeed  Muskagowak  sought  of the  from the lowlands  Cree people  Crees, or  or, it might be, interupt and  their  local few  precarious  competition  for  often, destition. Some  Alexander Ross, The Red River Settlement: Its Rise, Progress, and Present State. With Some Accounts Of The Native Races and Its General History, To The Present Day (Minneapolis: Rass & Haines Reprint, 1957), p. 275. Ibid. Ibid., p. 276. 5  6  7  92 joined  relatives  already  established  missions  and at Netley  alarmed  by the southern  of  so many  Indian  numbers from Creek  among  the Saulteaux.  Having  same  Cockran  people  in the settlement. Hoping  continued on to the settlement.  at Grand among  Rapids, Reverend  the local  Saulteaux  opposed  an  large  gather there. While  Cockran  was determined  to allow  the plan. Being  experimental  farm  permission  and mission  early  him to build  the evangelical  In 1831 he obtained  As  to accomplish  an  the majority of his band missionary from  at Netley  that  George Creek.  Simpson  left him little choice.  of Indian people 0 1  and a handful of Muskagowak followers relocated  location offered protected  better farm Cockran's  land  than  prospective  Netley Creek, farmers  he was,  Simpson to  settlement and political pressures from  England  as 1829 agricultural  numbers  move  imposition  such  reluctant to give his consent but the growing  Peguis  was  9  and Muskagowak.  pressuring Chief Peguis  persisted.  establish  Simpson  to prevent  would  mission at Netley Creek. Peguis was reluctant because  Cockran  Governor  8  around the  successfully established a sedentary farming community among the  was  thoroughly  settled  migration of northern labourers and by the  to supply their needs in the hopes that they  Country-born  others  remaining in the colony, Simpson established an outpost at Netley  some did, many  the  Creek  at the colony,  was  in  the  By 1833  to Cook's Creek. This  but more significantly, the  from  the jeering  Saulteaux  traditionalists who wanted neither farming nor Muskagowak on their lands.  11  P A C CMSA, A. 96, William Smith to Secretaries, 11 August 1833; V a n Der Goes Ladd, Shall We Gather? p. 92; Ross, Red River Settlement, p. 283; Jennifer S. H. Brown, Strangers in Blood, Fur Trade Company Families in Indian Country (Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, 1980), p. 217; Ray, Indians in the Fur Trade, p. 118. Ross, Red River Settlement, p. 283; Ray, Indians in the Fur Trade, p. 218. Van Der Goes Ladd, Shall We Gather?, p. 66. 'Ibid. George V a n George V a n Der Goes Ladd presents an insightful account on the interplay of forces, both Saulteaux and British colonial, that motivated Peguis to accept Cockran's offer. In his discussion of the relationship between Peguis and Cockran, Ladd describes how these two men viewed and understood B  9  1  1  0  93 All of the work Cockran did at Netley Creek, and occurred  in  Committee Indians  addition to  his  usual  refused to grant  until  1833.  him  duties  authority or  Despite  12  ministerial  this  because  funding  handicap,  later at Cock's Creek, the  to extend  Cockran  CMS  Parent  his mission to  established  a  viable  agricultural mission at Cook's Creek; ten families were farming that summer by  Christmas  that  the  due  34  initial  children were attending the day success  of the  Indian  school.  agricultural  Most historians agree  13  mission  at Cook's Creek  entirely to the tireless efforts of William Cockran. * The  problem with  1  view is that most of the mission  were  Muskagowak,  would have found them  came  dependency  to on  and  Saulteaux  Red  the  HBC,  cohesiveness.  1  who  were part of the  Saulteaux.  It  into the farming  River  for  the  that  is likely  that  success  the  still  had  purpose.  After  a  of the  Muskagowak  only vestiges of their  relatively  high  hired  Hemmings alongside  of  traditional  were far more the  degree  independent of  cultural  5  When William Cockran opened the Indian school at Cook's Creek in he  this  generations  to adjust to Cockran's regime, than  maintained  was  sector eventually because many of  specific  Muskagowak  initial  economic systems left. Because of this, they  more prepared who  not  their way  political, social, and amiable  Indians  and  Joseph Cook Cockran  Cook the as  as  former a  the  schoolteacher.  Chief  catechist  Factor  since  at  of  Cook  was  York  Factory.  least  1831  the  and  son He  was  1833  of  William  had  worked  apparently  a  (cont'd) each other as individuals and as representatives of their respective cultures. Ross, Red River Settlement, p. 280; Van Der Goes Ladd, Shall We Gather? p. 65. Ibid., p. 93. °See Frits Pannekoek, "Protestant Agricultural Zions for the Western Indian," Journal of the Canadian Church Historical Society 14 (1972): 55-66; W. L. Morton, Manitoba: A History, 2nd ed. (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1967); A. C. Garrioch, First Furrows, (Winnipeg: Stovel Co., 1923). Van Der Goes Ladd, Shall We Gather? p. 90; Ross, Red River Settlement, p. 287. 1 1  1 2  1 3  1  1 5  94 hard-working and dedicated church worker. "respectible  and  accomplishment Garrioch  intelligent  of whatever  peculiarities education  Alexander Ross described Cook as a  who  was  has been  done  impressed  had perfect knowledge  of the Indians."  with  Company's  to Red River  to the Swampies."  A. C.  Cook, who  though  records  as "Steady  good  Given  Clerk  nor T r a d e r . "  qualifications It is more  respectable  social  19  than  Cook  had obtained  probable  situation  that  he  at Red River  first  some  to teach. Cook  and later  as a trader  described  in the  but a tolerable  as "Active and Steady but neither  the above it is doubtful  any of the  a good  of the "habits and  and active deficient in Education  he was described  17  was not only  in 1823. In 1822 he was  trader." The following year  school.  in the  in the Company's service as a labourer  he retired  better  instrumental  and understanding  Nevertheless,  1 8  "highly  in Canada, it appears that he was not highly qualified  24 years  before  good  was also favourably  worker, but also  spent  half-breed,"  16  graduates  was  hired  that  Cook  of John because  and his years  West's  possessed mission  of his relatively  of Indian  experience in  the interior. Starting and  Cook  a new mission  to build  the houses,  Sunday  school  oversee  the operations  instructed and  in cultivation  storage  shortage  and prayer  of farm  Cockran  required more hands than those barns,  meetings  church  and school  had to be conducted  of the day school,  and the new  and stock-raising, the handling  of just Cockran  that  were  needed.  and someone  had to  settlers  had to be  of tools, the preparation  produce, sewing, and much more. To overcome his labour  turned  to the very  Indian  students  neither he nor Jones had  seen any hope for, a few years earlier.  16  1 7  18  19  Garrioch, First Furrows, p. 7o7 Foster, "William Cockran," p. 135. Ross, Red River Settlement, pp. 279-80. Garrioch, First Furrows, p. 75. P A M HBCA, A. 34/1, fo. 57, cited in Brown, Strangers in Blood, p. 170.  95 The Rapids  students  who  in 1833 were  soon  development  at the Indian  school  participated.  also  were relocated from actively  A  20  in the building and agricultural  few of those  Hope, for example,  was  deeply  involved  Smithurst  A  his farm  left  in the  If nothing else, John Hope was an exemplary model of the Christian envisioned.  on  had already  Settlement.  Cockran  his brother-in-law  who  while  that  with  school to Grand  community  English-Indian  working  employed  Settlement.  John  the old mission  description  of him  at the Indian  by  Reverend  in 1841 gives an indication of the degree to which Hope had, at least  outwardly, assimilated the teachings of his youth:  Had Mr. West been at the Indian church this morning and seen a fine looking young man of 27 dressed in an English made blue frock coat dark cloth trousers handsome wastecoat and a silk hankerchief[sic] neatly tied about his neck he would hardly have recognized the naked greasy little urchin put into his Canoe at York by Withaweecapo more than twenty years ago. Here indeed is the fruits of Mr. West's labours found after many days. 21  The  Indian  educated Native eye  by  men  of Reverend  planned  Settlement  became  a training  Cockran. Figure  8 illustrates  how  of Indian  1838. In time, it produced a number of CMS the least  Lake, Manitoba, who included  John  of sorts where  young  were able to put their talents to work under the watchful  out by Cockran and the number  clergy. None  ground  of these had been  Hope, Joseph  was James sent  Settlement  was  houses that had been built  catechists, school teachers, and  Settee,  to the mission  Monkman, John  the Indian  a Muskagowak school  A. Mckay,  from  in 1825.  Henry  22  Split  Others  Cochrane, and  A. N^ Thompson, "The Expansion of the Church of England in Rupert's Land from 1820 to 1839 under the Hudson's Bay Company and the Church Missionary Society," (Ph.D. thesis, Cambridge University, 1962), p. 484. PAC CMSA, A. 96, Smithurst Journal, 26 January 1841. Smithurst apparently confused John with his brother James in this instance since it was James who was lowered into John West's canoe by Withaweecapo in 1820. PAM HBCA, E. 4/la, fo. 64; P A C CMSA, A. 87, William Garrioch to Edward Bickersteth, 8 August 1826. 20  2 1  2 2  96  Figure 8  Indian Settlement, Red  River, June 10,  1838  Jor»€. 13 , I S 3 S  Source: PAC'CMSA, A. 77, Jones Journal, 13 June  possibly mission  Henry  Budd.  23  school graduates  James  Settee  to become CMS  and  Henry  Budd  catechists and  were  1838.  the  first  Indian  school teachers. By  the  Henry Budd was farming at Grand Rapids until 1837. No evidence has ben uncovered in the primary sources which suggest he was active at the Indian Settlement, so it is possible that he assisted Cockran around St. Andrew's church. Regardless of where he received his catechetical training, Budd was obviously highly regarded by Cockran to have received his 1837 appointment at St. John's parochial school. 2 3  97 late  1830s  Settee  was  teaching  at Park's  Creek  school, and in 1837 Budd  replaced Peter Garrioch at St. John's parish school. * 2  Given  the general attitude of Jones towards the graduates  of the Indian  mission school, it was at first surprising to find Budd teaching at St. John's. A closer  examination  clarify from  the matter. the lowest  children afford were  That  strata  to pay tuition not so adverse ones  settlement  salary  First  26  was  The high  parish school looked  fees  and Country-born  children  at the private schools.  to having  an Indian  that  much  turnover  rate  the shortage of Jones's  of teachers  was appointed  the other educated  schoolmaster  Country-born  rather than  children  whose parents  could not  was  these  children  of competant  at this  after  of Indian  their  time  helps to  by a handful  Apparently  25  teach  it afforded also indicates that the position Budd  his appointment  of the colony. It was attended  were. Furthermore, such  surrounding  of all, St. John's  and by poor settler  privileged  them.  of the circumstances  school  as the more  teachers  spent  parents  in  searching for  and the meagre  was not highly desireable. Joseph  the  27  Cook or any one of  men in the settlement also suggests that he was  well qualified for the position.  *Kathrine Pettipas ed., The Diary of the Reverend Henry Budd 1870-1875 (Winnipeg: Manitoba Record Society Publications, 1974), p. xix; A. 86, Cowley Journal, 21 October 1841. P A C CMSA, A. 96, William Smith to Secretaries, 1, 3 August 1834. Foster, "Program," p. 67. Following the closure of the Indian residence at the mission school, the schoolmaster's salary was reduced from £ 1 0 0 to £ 3 5 a year under the mistaken belief that the parents would pay a small tuition fee. So far, there is no indication that the salary was increased when it became apparent that the parents could not pay. Since this was the reason William Smith left the school, it is very possible that the salary remained at £35. P A C CMSA, A. 96, William Smith to Secretaries, 1 August 1834. 2  2 5  2 6  2 7  98 C.  BEYOND  RED  RIVER:  Governor  EMERGENCE  George Simpson  CMS  missionaries at Red  that  any  Simpson's  THE  a  tight  activity  approval.  While  beyond Jones  the  this  NATIVE  on  and  boundaries  accepted  A  reign  River. Reverends Jones  missionary 28  held  OF  from  received  low  the  CMS  priority  Parent  because  financial means were limited. In Land  the  end,  Committee.  the  CMS  of the  clearly  confinement,  Cockran  the lack of support he  Indian mission  work  at Red  elsewhere  the  threat  of losing than  their  Simpson's approval to establish  for  retired  Columbia  Saskatchewan  region  servants in the been  favourably  enroute,  he  increased even more, when Jones year.  3 1  The  CMS  Methodists arrived  suffered  Belcourt  to  Lake  very  permanently  further  and  Manitoba  priests, Fathers Norbert Blanchet  received  became  at their proposed  with the blessings of the HBC, Father  their  first troubled blow  Modest Demurs received Governor  had  French Canadian  River. The  and  priests  and  hold in Rupert's  struck in 1838  the  River  philanthropic ideals, that pushed  into action beyond the boundaries of Red when two  feeble  was  that  found it  2 9  it was  Company  understood  settlement required  focused its efforts  to other missionary societies, rather  the CMS  movements of the  Cockran  exasperating. His frustrations were further heightened by received  the  MINISTRY  by  When  some  anxious.  Cree  learned  peoples  in the  His  30  in  1840  agitation  headquarters  when  survey  the  the  at Norway  when Bishop Provencher to  Cockran  moved back to England  setbacks new  District.  area  was  that same Wesleyan  House, again  of Red  for  a mission  River sent  possible  mission  P A M HBCA, D. 6/24, fo. 259; P A C CMSA, A. 92, David Jones to CMS Committee, 10 February 1829, In 1839 the CMS allocated a paltry £1,000 towards efforts in British North America while New Zealand and the West Indies received £16,000 and £19,000 respectively. Eugene Stock, The History of the Church Missionary Society: Its Environment, Its Men and Its Work (London: Church Missionary Society, 1899), vol. I, p. 476. Grant, Moon in Wintertime, p. 100. Garrioch, First Furrows, p. 74. Z 8  2 9  3  0  3 1  99 sites. on  Belcourt established two tentative stations on that trip, one at Duck Bay  32  Lake Winnipegosis  and the other near the H B C post Manitoba House.  33  The  Catholic intrusion into regions covetted by Cockran was more than he could bear. By  the close of 1840 he entered the inland race for Indian souls. Cockran's  major  difficulty  Catholic-Protestant contest with  was  that  he  had  very little help from the C M S Parent  Funds and other support for missionary efforts in Rupert's that time, although House  died  Cumberland funds,  the C M S  half his estate  Swampy sent  Cree.  for protestant Apparently  John  mission  still  were sparse at  relieved  responsible  efforts  in anticipation  Smithurst  was contested by Leith's relatives. The C M S  Smithurst  the  Committee.  to Red  among the  of the expected River  in 1839.  monetary gift did not materialize immediately  court battle that lasted until  was  34  Reverend  Unfortunately, the expected the will  Land  enter  promising. In 1838 Chief Factor James Leith of Cumberland  and left House  to  1849.  Cockran  because  was drawn into a tedious  35  of his Indian  for the other  three  Settlement  churches  duties but Cockran  in the colony.  36  The  On 4 M a r c h 1840 the H B C granted four Methodist missionaries permission to establish missions at Norway House, Lac L a Pluie, and Fort Edmonton. Contrary to established norms, the H B C offered to provide free transportation to the Methodists and accommodation and supplies equal to those allocated Commissioned Officers. The H B C supported the Methodist mission because it offered an opportunity to stem the southern flow of northern Cree trappers. Simpson personally approved of the Methodists because, unlike the Anglicans, they did not plan to develop sedentary agricultural Indian missions. E. H. Oliver, The Canadian North-West, Its Early Development and Legislative Records, Minutes of the Councils of the Red River Colony and the Northern Department of Rupert's Land (Ottawa: Government Printing Bureau, 1914), vol. II, pp. 801, 829-30; Grant, Moon in Wintertime, p. 101. Reverend A. C. Morice, History of the Catholic Church in Western Canada from Lake Superior to the Pacific (1659-1895) (Toronto: Musson Book Co., 1910), vol. I, p. 177. T. C. B. Boon, The Anglican Church from the Bay to the Rockies: History of the Ecclesiastical Province of Rupert's Land and its Dioceses from 1820 to 1855 (Toronto: Ryerson Press, 1962), p. 58. Ibid.; Garrioch, First Furrows, p. 75. Ibid. 32  33  34  35  36  100 ministerial duties connected no  with these four  churches  left both  missionaries with  time to spare. Even if relief had been available, it is apparent that neither  was  prepared  funds.  to establish  new  inland  Nevertheless, Cockran  37  was  missions  from  determined  scratch  to face  without  additional  the challenge  of the  Catholic advance using whatever local resources he could muster. What he needed most  was  a  cost-efficient,  familiar with the land  readily  available  pool of church  and its people beyond  the boundaries  most obvious candidates were the graduates of John These purposes, and  men  possessed  and more. They  all the necessary  had enough  training  who  from  Cockran's  point  of view  their self-sufficiency. These educated interior,  kinship  even  ties almost  held the promise satisfied  better,  that  they  guaranteed  West's Indian Mission school. requirements  for Cockran's  and knowledge in the scriptures  was their  But more  access to inland  bands and  Native men not only knew Indian peoples in  were their  related  initial  to them.  acceptance  Their  among  skills inland  and their bands, and  of cutting-off rival denominations. Furthermore, Cockran  a proper  were  of Red River. The  sufficient secular education to preach and teach the fundamentals.  important  the  workers  mission station  would  be established  could be  by these men. Not  onty were they well trained in carpentry, masonry, agriculture, and stock-raising, most of John  West's graduates had wives and families by the early  also  that  ensured  "civilized"  female  visible and that the household men  had subsistence skills  nurtured  under  Cockran  abhored  support their  John  realm  would be  tasks would be taken care of. The fact that these  tutelage he was  was relieved  an  additional  to know  boon.  that  had been  Even  these  men  though could  families on the bounties of the land. This meant there would be  less of a strain on local church 37  in the domestic  - hunting, gathering, and fishing - which  West's  the hunt,  influences  1840s which  Pettipas, Diary of Henry Budd,  resources. No extra funds would be needed for p. xi.  101 interpreters, graduates  schoolteachers,  labourers, or domestics,  because  the mission  school  and their families fulfilled all these capacities.  Cockran's first James Settee. They catechists  candidates  for inland  were the first Native  and schoolteachers, and they  missionaries were Henry  graduates  the C M S  had satisfied  their  Budd and  had appointed as  superiors in carrying  out their respective duties. Besides being the first Native catechist sent into the field, Henry Budd was also the first C M S Red  agent to go beyond the boundaries of  River since John West. In June of 1840 Cockran persuaded Budd to prepare  Cumberland wife  Betsey  Simpson  House for missionary and his mother  granted  the CMS  work. On the 22nd of June Henry  Agathus, permission  left  the settlement.  to establish  House in an attempt to stop local Swampy Crees  a  from  Budd,  Governor  38  mission  his  George  at Cumberland  migrating to Red River.  Previously in 1838, Simpson directed John Rowand, who replaced James Leith as Chief Factor that year, to promise the Indians and  develop  an  enterprise; nor were  additional  a farm  resources.  a clergyman to help them settle  near the fort. But, the H B C was unwilling to finance such Cockran  Thus,  and  the idea  Smithurst  was  shelved  willing  to do  for a couple  so  of years. The  threat of Roman Catholic competition in the region forced the local CMS advantage  of Simpson's  provided the necessary the  self-serving  manpower.  and Henry  Red River and suggested  mission  station.  Since  Settee  Budd  to take  and his family  The following year James Settee wintered in  Beaver Creek-Moose Mountain region with  under the leadership of Youstans to  39  offer,  without  a band of Assiboine Cree  Guide. In the spring of 1842 Settee  peoples returned  that Fort Ellice would also be a likely place for a had already  obtained  the approval  of the local  Manitoba, Department of Cultural Affairs and Historic Resources, Reverend Henry Budd (Winnipeg: Historic Resources Branch, 1981), p. 1. Not long after he arrived at Cumberland, conflicts with the local H B C officials forced Budd to relocate his mission to The Pas instead. Pettipas, Diary of Henry Budd, pp. xiii, xxi, xi. 3 8  39  102 Indians  for this  venture,  the CMS  with his wife Sally and f a m i l y . In  the fall  of 1841 the CMS  Indian was for  were immediately  Settlement,  being  primed  the task.  Manitoba about  41  Therefore,  to select another  15  miles  Manitoba, Cowley  north  counter  three  of these  Committee  to Fort Ellice  sent  two  European  Cowley to the Red River  Cockran at the colony  Indian mission  churches.  inland  mission  John  work, but he soon proved  in the spring of 1842 Cowley site.  House,  42  on  Having  was  decided  the eastern  sent  Roberts unsuited  to Lake  on a location shore  of Lake  to Red River to collect his family and supplies. By  September the mission was in operation. All  Parent  and deacon Abraham  of Manitoba  returned  returned  put to work as pastoral aids, the former at the  the latter with for inland  and Settee  40  assistants, catechist John Roberts colony. They  agreed,  first  CMS  43  missions  were  strategically  located to  the inland moves of the Catholic missionaries. Father Darveau, who was  stationed at Duck Bay in 1842, was hemmed in from the north by Henry Budd, J . F. Klaus, "The Early Missions of the Swan River District, 1821-1869," Saskatchewan History vol. 17 (1964), pp. 61, 71; P A C CMSA, A. 96, John Smithurst to Secretaries, 26 October 1842. Roberts was constantly complaining to the Parent Committee about the working conditions and poor salaries of European catechists. What he sought was ordination and then an appointment to Cumberland House, but neither were forthcoming. Cockran claimed that Roberts not only lacked the skills needed to establish a new station, he failed to display any attachment to Indian peoples. PAC CMSA, A. 95, John Roberts to the CMS Committee, 16, 17 August 1842, and to Dandeson Coates, 16 August 1842; William Cockran to Secretaries, 9 August 1842, cited in Pettipas, Diary of Henry Budd, p. xxiv. P A C CMSA, A. 96, John Smithurst to Secretaries, 4 January 1842; Ibid., A. 95, James Roberts to Dandeson Coates, 9 August 1842; Ibid., A. 86, Abraham Cowley to Dandeson Coates, 26 July 1842. The first mission site Cowley selected was at Birch Lake near E l m Point. By winter it was apparent that the place was not a popular camping site among the local Saulteaux Indians, so in January of 1843 Cowley relocated the mission to Partridge Crop on Lake St. Martin. When he first visited the area in December of 1842, Cowley found ten log houses, numerous tents and canoes, and a storage house with over 22,000 whitefish in stock. Realizing that this semi-permanent village was home to a large population of Indian people, Cowley lost no time in joining them. P A C CMSA, A. 86, Cowley Journal, 17 January 1843. 4 0  4 1  4 2  4 3  103 the  south-east  by Cowley,  chagrin of the CMS  and the south-west by James  Settee. Much  to  the  this did not discourage Darveau whose itinerary encompassed  Fort Pelly, Swan Lake Post, and even The Pas. Darveau was joined briefly that year  by Father  prospective by  Thibault who visited  mission  Fathers  site  LaFleche  a number  of Indian camps enroute  at Fort Edmonton. Thibault and Darveau  and Tache  who opened  a mission  1846. * In an effort to check the highly mobile made their  forays  to Indian  missions.  A s a result,  qualified presence By  camps  in Rupert's  1860 the C M S  and fur trade the CMS  had thirteen  were  Europeans  lay teachers  workers, only Native  employed  by  mission  twelve  were  Conversely,  three were ordained. The bulk  locations of the CMS  and maintain  5.  45  a  of whom  ordained  were Native. Of  clergymen, and three  of the twenty-six of the CMS  at various  inland  missions.  46  West  These thirteen stations  Native  church  Figure  church  workers were  and catechists. By 1860 there were twenty-three  the C M S  reach of  stations in its North  workers, twenty-six  in the field,  and catechists.  lay teachers  reasonable  to establish  are listed in Table  were manned by forty-one church fifteen  was able  within  catechists also  Land beyond Red River.  America Mission; each of these  the  posts  were followed  at He a la Crosse in  priests, the C M S  4  to his  9  such  men  shows the  mission stations in the Canadian mid-west in 1860. Out of  M o r i c e , Catholic Church, pp. 177-78; Grant, Moon in Wintertime, pp. 102-3. In 1860 the North West America Mission was divided into seven districts or principal stations which superintended a number of smaller stations and outstations. In 1873 the C M S divided the North West America Mission into three divisions: North Western, Central, and North Eastern and each of these was further subdivided into districts. Church Missionary Society, Church Missionary Atlas: Map of British North America (London: Church Missionary Society, 1873), p. 56; Henry Youle Hind, Narrative of the Canadian Red River Exploring Expedition of 1857 And of The Assiniboine and Saskatchewan Exploring Expedition of 1858, 2 vols. (Edmonton: M. G. Hurtig Reprint, 1971), vol. II, pp. 405-6. This excludes those who were hired on a temporary basis for specific tasks. For example, many Native men were hired as labourers, guides, and in transportation for short terms. Ibid.; P A C CMSA, A. 86, Cowley Journal, 4 August 1842. 44  4 5  4 6  104 Table 5 CMS  District 1. Red River  North West America Mission Stations, 1860  Headquarters  Stations  Red River Settlement* (St. Andrew's)  St. Andrew's St. Paul's St. John's  Portage la Prairie* (St. Mary's)  St. Mary's  Indian Settlement (St. Peter's)  St. Peter's  Fort Alexander  Fort Alexander Islington Landsdowne  2. Manitoba  Fairford  Fairford Fort Pelly Touchwood Hills Qu'Appelle Lakes  3. Cumberland  Cumberland House (Devon)  Devon Moose Lake Nepowewin Stanley  4. English River  The Pas (Stanley)  Stanley  5. York Factory  York Factory  York Factory  6. James Bay  Moose Fort  Moose Fort Rupert's House  7. Pacific  Fort Simpson (Metlakatla)  Metlakatla  These mission stations were not Indian missions. They were parish churches, and the congregations were largely made up of European and Country-born settlers. Sources: Henry Youle Hind, Narrative of the Canadian Exploring Expedition of 1857 and of the Assiniboine and Saskatchewan Exploring Expedition of 1858 (Edmonton: M.G. Hurtig Ltd. Reprint, 1971, vol. 2, pp. 405-6; CMS, Church Missionary Atlas: Map of British North America (London: CMS, 1873), pp. 55-6. PAC, CMSA, A. 86, A. 87, A. 95, A. 96.  105 the  thirteen  founded by  major  Native church  All and St.  stations,  the  Native  early 1850s had  the  early  interpreters  and  missionaries  made  the best way converts  were  founded  church  workers who  Settlement  Native  church  schoolteachers. no  at Red  effort  workers  Unlike  began  John  to learn any  possible.  47  As  their  West, the  handicap,  a  dire  were  field in the  Native  need  number  of  of  a  1840s  Native  men  James  careers  European  languages. They  as  Anglican  believed that  to teach English to their prospective  more inland mission  bilingual  and  parochial  first  stations opened, the  Settee had  retained their aboriginal languages. Abraham  in  rest  River. Like Henry Budd  need for Native interpreters grew. While Budd and  hand, was  the  been educated either at the old Indian Mission School or at  quickly as  because they  Europeans  were out in the  to inculcate "civilization" was  as  by  workers.  Peter's in the Indian  Settee,  three  assistant. received  48  As  "on  no  need for them  Cowley, on a  result  the  job"  site  in  the  of  other  Cowley's  training  as  schoolteachers at his Partridge Crop mission. When acccompanied Garrioch from  Red  after  a  as  Cowley by  first  five  arrived  assistants.  at 49  his new  A  year  later  his interpreter-teacher. Garrioch was  River who lengthy  had  career  replaced James Settee in  the  HBC.  50  mission  Within  a  the  local  1842,  CMS  first generation  he  hired  John  Country-born  at Park  Creek school in  a  Garrioch  year  was  became  1842, the  Grant, Moon in Wintertime, p. 111. Though Cowley never sought to achieve fluency in Saulteaux, he was interested in the language. In 1844 he proposed to rename his mission, then called Partridge Crop, to its original Saulteaux version, "Penaoo Moota Seepe". Such was never done though and in 1851 Bishop Anderson renamed Cowley's mission, "Fairford." P A C CMSA, A. 86, Cowley to Secretaries, 19 November 1844, Cowley Journal, 10 March 1851. P A C CMSA, A. 86, Cowley Journal, 4 August 1842. John Garrioch was the son of William Garrioch, a retired Company Officer who served as schoolmaster at the Red River Indian Mission School from 1825 to 1831. John Garrioch was a middleman in the Swan River District from 1838 until the end of the 1840-41 Outfit. During his final year he was promoted to the position of interpreter and his salary increased from £17 to £30 per annum. 4 7  4 8  4 9  5 0  106  Figure 9  Map Showing the Locations of CMS Mission Stations, Central Division of the North-West America Mission, Founded by Native and European Missionaries, 1860  Sources:  C.M.S., Church Missionary Atlas: Map of British North America, (London: C.M.S., 1873), pp. 55-6. P.A.C. C.M.S.A., Original Correspondence, Incoming, 1822-1900. H. Y. Hind, Narrative of the Canadian Red River Exploring Expedition of 1857 and Assiniboine and Saskatchewan Exploring Expeditions of 1858. (Edmonton: M. G. Hurtig Ltd. Reprint, 1971).  107 mission  schoolteacher. Along  with  his wife Elizabeth, he was also responsible for  the daily care of the students under the watchful eyes of Mrs. Cowley who was officially  in charge  of the mission  school.  51  Garrioch left  Partridge Crop  years later and was replaced by Joseph Monkman, a Saulteaux  three  or Muskagowak  from the Red River Indian Settlement. The following year John Mckay took Monkman's job because the latter had to return to his Red River farm. Mckay in  remained at his post until the late  52  John  1850s except for a one year absence  1850/1851. That one year gap was filled by Charles Pratt, a contemporary of  Budd and Settee. Some  53  Native  catechists were  sent  out to prepare  new  inland  missions,  others were sent to established missions as interpreters, and schoolteachers. the  first  use  of Native  new  ground  catechists emerged. Native  and establish  mission  other  Native  raised  up to the time  as such  school. While  John  ordained  Mckay Native  from  new  them  mission  54  In  two decades of inland Indian mission activity, a distinct pattern in the  that seperated  and  over  they  Country-born  were  catechists who were stations possessed  catechists; they  were removed from catechists like  John  very  specific  were born  qualities  "Indian" and  their families to attend Garrioch, Thomas  selected as assistants to European  catechists; Henry  selected to break  Cook,  catechists and later,  Budd, Charles Pratt, James  Settee, and John  (cont'd) P A C CMSA, A. 96 Smith to Secretaries, 29 July 1831; Garrioch, First Furrows, p. 80. P A M HBCA, B. 159/d729-32, fos. 1. P A C CMSA, A. 86, Abraham Cowley to Secretaries, 31 July 1843; Ibid., Cowley Journal, 18 April 1846. I b i d . , 24 April 1846; Ibid., Abraham Cowley to Reverend Davies, 21 July 1847. I b i d . , Cowley Journal, 15 April 1850, 15 April 1851. "The tasks of these men, and their families, were never as specific as their titles however. Outside their assigned duties, Native catechists were also expected to perform menial and labourious tasks at the missions, as required by circumstances. For example, while Charles Pratt was employed as Cowley's schoolteacher at Partridge Crop, he was also in charge of road construction and the procurement of country provisions. Besides overseeing these strenuous activities, he did more than his share of actual work. P A C CMSA, A. 86, Cowley Journal, 26 August 1850. 50  5 1  52  53  5  108 Hope were selected to establish new The when was  the  logic behind mission  the  selection criterion  locations and  sent to Cumberland  to regions where their own  among the  5 5  for ground-breakers are  prospective Indian  House  among the Plains Cree and  mission stations.  converts  Swampy  Cree,  is considered. Budd and  Pratt  Assiniboine, or Stony bands. Both men first  were raised by generally  into host communities than their Country-born  European or Europeanized  taught  generally found  as  them  Europeanized  parents. John  a  among  Beaver  year  reestablish  a  possessed  mission  common  indicated  by  the  among southern at Beaver was  again  the  there  kinship  in ties  experiences  pointed  out  a better chance counterparts  who  above their maternal than  those  brethren,  who  were  not  Plains The  56  dialect  Cree  condition with  their  Settee, a  when  he  attempted  to  that  Native  catechists  host  bands  is further  northern  Swampy  Cree,  sent  Plains Cree bands. Settee's attempt to establish the first mission  Creek proved sent  region  1850.  of James  to  a  the  dismal Plains,  Qu'Appelle Lakes Mission. By of the  were directed  Mckay, for example, did not even last  Creek  and  being  less agreeable  influenced by full  sent  fathers. Those in the latter group were  to consider themselves  therefore Indians  was  languages were spoken, among people they were  directly or indirectly related. Obviously, "Indian" catechists stood of being accepted  apparent  by that  the  a  this  by  time  the to  end  replace  the spring of 1859,  Plains Cree  it was  mistake  and  mistake  Stonies. to  send  of 1845. Charles  Settee was 58  In  Settee  1857 to  In  57  Pratt  1858  he  at  the  literally chased  out  Henry  Youle  Qu'Appelle  Hind  because  The only exception appears to have been Robert McDonald, the Country-born son of a retired European H B C servant. McDonald was ordained priest in 1853, and was sent to Fort Yukon in 1862. F. A. Peake, "Robert McDonald (1829-1913): The Great Unknown Missionary of the Northwest," Journal of the Canadian Church historical Society vol. 17 (1975), pp. 55-6. P A C CMSA, A. 86, Cowley Journal, 26 March 1850, 22 March 1851. P A C CMSA, A. 96, William Smithurst to Secretaries, 1 August 1845. Klaus, "Indian Missions," p. 68. 5 5  5 6  5 7  5 8  109 difficulties  would surely surface:  It is a wrong policy to send a Swampy Cree among the Plain Cree, or an Ojibway amongst the Crees, as a teacher and minister of religion. These highly sensitive and jealous people do not willing accept gifts or favours which involve any recognition of mental superiority in the donor from one not of their own kindred, language, and blood; although he may be of their race. 59  Though the Indian bands of the Beaver Creek - Qu'Appelle River region were  notoriously independant  averse  to having  Settee  might  the  and aggressive  a missionary  indicate.  Charles  among Pratt,  them  at that  time,  they  as the experiences  a Mixed-blood  were  of Mckay and  Assiniboine-Cree, established  Qu'Appelle Lakes Mission in 1854 and lived rather harmoniously  bands of the area up to the day he left in 1858. From frequent  excursions  months at a t i m e .  into 60  the area  and often  stayed  not so  among the  1858 to 1885 he made  at Qu'Appelle  Lakes for  The major difference between Settee, Mckay, and Charles  Pratt was that Pratt had close relatives among the bands he worked with, and he  spoke the Plains Cree dialect.  61  There were no opportunties available in Rupert's early  Native  further study to  prepare  catechists to prepare in England.  Land  for the ministry. To do so would  The local CMS  needed ordained  who could ordain them.  ministers in the field  require  had neither the funds nor the facilities  Native catechists for ordination until the 1850s. A  the lack of bishops in the C M S  for any of these  62  further block was  The C M S  and encouraged church  bishops  realized it to join its  Hind, Narrative, vol. I, p. 324. P A C CMSA, A. 95, Pratt Journal, 31 August 1858, 2 September 1858. P A C CMSA, A. 86, Abraham Cowley to Henry Venn, 15 August 1851. Ian Getty points out that up to the 1840s there was very little cooperation between the high church leaders and the CMS. As the resources of the Society grew, its membership increased, and its missions spread throughout the Empire, it gained recognition as the evangelical wing of the Church of England. "The Failure of the Native Church Policy of the C M S in the North West," in Religion and Society in the Prairie West, ed. Richard Allen (Regina: Canadian Plains Research Center, 1974), p. 20. 5 9  6 0  6 1  6 2  110 ranks.  Bishops  appointed  to regions  in the New  active, not only  forstalled  problems between  better  relations  between  working  Committee.  first tour of Rupert's  George  stations  CMS  bodies  that the focus  community  at Red  at converting the Indian  Land.  64  The CMS  of Montreal  visited  report of his observations  CMS' send out more church Rupert's  local  the C M S  was  and Society, it created and  Land by an Anglican Bishop  Mountain  a lengthy  reported  Country-born directed  Jehosaphat  and sent  Mountain  the church  where  the  Parent  6 3  The Bishop  the  World  of the local River  and  CMS that  occured  in  the Red River to the C M S  1844.  mission  in London.  was on the European and "no  systematic  effort"  population. He therefore recommended  was  that the  workers and that a new bishopric be established in Parent Committee responded favourably to Mountain's  recommendations but was unable  to support  an increased thrust until 1849. That  year the long, drawn out court battle with the relatives of the late Chief Factor James received  Leith  was  a hefty  decided  in favour  of the Society. The C M S  £10,000  settlement  for its North  West  soon thereafter  Mission  work.  65  Leith endowment made possible the establishment of the Diocese of Rupert's and  the appointment of Reverend David When  Anderson  Committee  voted  Red  colony.  River  Bishop  £500  immediately  the schoolmaster  66  was  appointed  he arrived  Land  Anderson as its first bishop. to his new  towards the establishment  When  The  position,  of a Native  at Red River  the CMS  Parent  seminary  at the  in October  of 1849,  the  moved into the Red River Academy. As fate would have it,  of the Academy, John MacCallum, died the very  day Anderson  I b i d . , pp. 20-1. "Bishop George Jehosephat Mountain, Journal of the Bishop of Montreal, During a Visit to the Church Missionary Society's North-West America Mission (London, T. C. Johns, 1845), pp. 203-4. Boon, Bay to the Rockies, pp. 58-60. Ibid., p. 60. b3  6  6 5  6 6  arrived.  The  67  livestock  and  executors  of  MacCallum's  implements  to  the  authority of the for  CMS  Parent  Bishop  estate for  sold  the  Committee, Bishop  sum  of  Anderson  Academy  buildings,  £330.  With  68  obtained  the  the  facilities  the specific purpose of establishing a training school for Native catechists and  missionaries. Twenty-six years Native Seminary was Bishop John's  who  Collegiate.  remained  interested students. which  70  in  Rupert's Land  a  girls  in  attendence  school was  in  removed  by  the  Anderson ministry  and  the  became  two  and  to attend  provided  the  Collegiate. The  free room and  enrolled. Among  (1850-52), Henry  the  Budd  were  Charles  Jr. and  John  Settee,  The  closure of the  Collegiate was  an  River  school  Mission  MacCallum was  Red  River  were  1832,  expeditiously and  ordained by  Bishop  claimed first  per year.  catechists and  Pratt  men to  be  seminary candidates  (1850),  of James  7 1  Soon after  schoolteachers  Robert  McDonald  (1850-55), James  Henry Cockrane (1853-58).  Academy  ironic twist of fate. In  who  local  young  Country-born  £10  son  Settee, John Garrioch, Thomas Cook (1853), and  The  69  at  scholarships were tenable for  board, and  first  renamed St.  boarded  Anderson's  Scholarships were awarded to the Native and them  and  established for them in 1851.  interviewed  career  were  Anderson opened his seminary, a number of Native were  the idea of a  revived.  The  were  enabled  three years  after John West left  Anderson took full control of the Academy which he  homes until another  6 7  the  and  the  opening  the Native  students  maliciously forced  Mountain in  of St. John's of the  off the  Red  mission  1844.  Thomas F. Bredin, "The Red River Academy," The Beaver Outfit 305:3 (1974), p. 15. In 1851 the CMS sent out Schoolmistress Mills and her two daughters. Mrs. Mills set up a female boarding school at St. Andrew's in a house purchased from Archdeacon Cockran by the Society, which was named "St. Cross." Ibid., p. 16. The boys were Colin Campbell McKenzie and Roderick Ross. Both remained at the Collegiate for three full years, then went on to Cambridge. They returned to Rupert's Land in due time, but not in the CMS ministry. Ibid., p. 15. 1bid. 6 8  6 9  7 0  7  1  112 grounds to facilitate the more "refined" educational needs of the upper in Rupert's  echelons  Land. Eighteen years later, a handful of the original mission students  returned and the genteel sons and daughters  of the wealthy  are forced to study  alongside Indians, or, as in the case of the girls, relinquish their posh seats to Indians.  D.  HENRY  VENN  AND  THE  CMS  NATIVE  CHURCH  POLICY  Reverend Henry Venn was Secretary of the C M S Parent 1841  to  1872. The policies  missionaries century. were  around  and principles  the world  throughout  developed  by  the second-half  Committee from  him guided  CMS  of the nineteenth  Venn's basic ideas about the methods and goals of missionary  72  outlined in his "Minute  Teachers,"  Upon  the Emploj^ment  and Ordination  which was issued to missionaries in the f i e l d .  73  work  of Native  By 1869, his ideas  were consolidated into a number of working principles that came to be known as the Native Church Policy (NCP). The by the  goal of Venn's N C P was to raise  a self-governing and self-propogating Native European  workers.  church.  missionary, he believed, was to educate  The missionary  congregations  a local Native  of converted  to enter  hitherto  The primary and train  untouched  Native peoples, and select from  communities,  among them  promising  Venn also believed that a European missionary's stay in one community experience  in other  would  parts  7 3  7  be free  of the world  Jean Usher, "Apostles and Aborigines: The Social Missionary Society, " Social History 7 (1971), p. 41. Stock, History of the CMS, vol. II, p. 415. "Getty, "Failure," p. 21. 7 2  Native  form  fields.  missionary  to local  church  as possible so the European  because  to pass  Native  quickly  be brief  was  function of  leaders.  should  leadership  supported  church  74  Religious  was  clergy  Theory  pastors as  to enter  showed  new  that  of the Church  113 converts  became  "superior  race"  personally if they  attached  stayed  and  too long  dependent  upon  missionaries  of a  among them. Self-reliance among the  converted was to be encouraged so funds and personnel could would be free for mission  efforts further  congregations  would  afield.  form  Venn  75  believed  the basis  that  in time  of an Indigenous  these  national  which would then be integrated in the larger church structure. One "very  ethnocentric, The but  NCP  enlightened  social  it was also based  provided  an efficient  it also implied  on "optimism" model  a relatively high  cultural relativism. Missionaries  many Native  strongly  believed  potential  converts.  While  and "up-to-date  for the transformation  Church Policy a and  of Indian  their host  influenced  the church  should  Christianity should  Anglicans refused  by the failure  77  cultures  cultures and  and learn their languages, thoughts, and views.  be integrated  assume  man's religion,"  into  the daily  the qualities  have to choose between their "nationality and religion."  strongly  culturally  anthropology."  of an  religion rather than an imposing exotic one, he believed, so Native not  body  degree of respect and an embrionic form of  peoples saw Christianity as a "White  that  Christian  religiously  were instructed to study  make every effort to understand Since  theory."  Native  76  historian, Ian Getty, considers Henry Venn's Native  remarkably  local  of the Anglican  had failed because they attempted  church  78  Venn  lives of  Indigenous  people would  Henry  Venn was  in Ireland. There the  to impose the English language and  to communicate in the Irish tongue. The Irish believed that the Anglicans  were trying to impose English acendency and therefore rejected them  outright.  79  Venn believed that the only effective method of evangelizing was to translate the  Usher, "Apostles and Aborigines," p. 44. Getty, "Failure," p. 21. Ibid. I b i d . , p. 21; Usher, "Apostles and Aborigines," p. 43. Jean Usher, William Duncan of Metlakatla: A Victorian Missionary Columbia (Ottawa: National Museum of Man, 1974): 13. 7 5  7 6  7 7  78  7 9  in  British  114 scriptures into the mother tongue of their prospective converts the  development of an  his day  Indigenous church.  Since  Venn  felt a great urgency in their objects it was  to educate the  missionary  in the  language  attempt to impose a foreign language and  and  and  and  to encouragae  other  evangelicals of  more practical and  views of the  host  exotic world-view on  expedient  culture, than  large numbers of  Indigenous peoples. Venn's most to  NCP  differed  only  slightly  significant difference between them  focus  on  the  adult  sector  of the  from  was  the  in  hand, had  the  from  field. While imposing  Cockran  populations,  and  between  River  different ideas on  Venn  their  own  Jones  simultaniously  higher  very  while  them.  As  on  society. Cockran  habits,  and  opposite.  8 1  respective  earlier,  values  that  The  energy on  ideologies  of  ideas  that  the  and  Cockran  peoples playing a major role in their own  each  even  of "civilization" upon  industrious farming  were  to  prospective  was  nurturing a Native  Jones  on  emphasis  himself an  that his  converts, missionary  differed  on  refrain  greatly  inculcating the  upper strata man,  and  he  of  ministry. The any  paternalistic vision  conversion. That a few  Red  sought  of "civilization." Neither  precluded  the  methods of missionaries  congregations  Jones'  The  missionaries  Cockran, on  missionaries  tastes  West.  believed  Jones and  80  more functional, "working man's" form  them expended any Eurocentric  was  the  their  indicated  habits, mores, and  to impress a  ideas,  West  objects and  strongly maintained  did just  imposed  the  of John  that Venn encouraged  efforts would be more effective directed at children. other  ideas  of and  of  Native  Native  church  Eric Porter points out that by the late nineteenth century experience proved, and Anglican missionaries agreed, that conversion and "civilization" should be redirected towards the children rather than the adults. Thereafter, the education of Native children, via residential and industrial schools, became their primary focus. "The Anglican Church in Native Education: Residential Schools and Assimilation," (Ph.D. thesis, University of Toronto, 1981), p. 29. Henry Venn, "Dismissal of Missionaries," cited in Usher, "Apostles and Aborigines," p. 46. 8 0  8  1  115 workers could emerge at all in the 1840s was more the result of circumstance, rather than  object. The employment of Native men and women in the field was  an expedient measure to counter the potential impact Nevertheless, by the time handful of Native of  potential  Parent  Bishop  candidates  in the mission  Committee behind  INDIAN  AND  In made  BROTHERS  IN  pay them  to secure  discovery. It realized  mission builders was very  the same  single  European  James  Roberts  a  relatively enthusiastic  CHRIST  a hold that  salaries  catechist  as their  at Red River  was sent to the colony  preached  alternately at the Upper, Middle  meetings  and did pastoral visits.  preached  and taught,  he was  82  in the interior, the CMS using  economical.  quite able to survive off the land when necessary to  With  West America Mission.  of its race  important  ground-breaking  schools.  him, it was up to Anderson to introduce Venn's Native  EUROPEAN  the course  a very  Anderson arrived at Red River there existed a  catechists and schoolteachers already in the field, and a - pool  Church Policy to the North  E.  of Catholic incursions afield.  These men  and the CMS  European received  Native  catechists as were generally was not bound  counter-parts. In 1842 the an  annual  salary  of £120.  in 1841. As Cockran's pastoral aid  he  and Lower churches, officiated at Bible  Henry  Budd  on the other  hand, not only  also responsible for the secular tasks associated  with carving a new mission station out of the woods. Henry Budd did twice the amount of work as Roberts  yet only received £ 1 0 0 for his labours. This salary  might not have been too inequitable except cover  2  3  all the expenses  of establishing  for the fact that Budd  the mission.  83  James  Settee  also had to was also  P A C CMSA, A. 95, James Roberts to Dandeson Coates, 9, 16 August 1842. P A C CMSA, A. 78, John Smithurst to Secretaries, 1 August 1842.  116  given £ 1 0 0 for his labours and expenses at Beaver C r e e k . James Roberts which  is a  strong  by  Natives,  and subscriptions.  Clergyman  it extemely difficult to survive on his £ 1 2 0 salary,  indication  incurred  "The  Roberts  found  84  of the Indian  included 85  catechists' poverty  provisions, clothing, In his appeal  and the Catechist must  level.  Expenses  transportation, charities to  for higher  wages, Roberts  eat and drink  the same  stated:  things and  wear the same clothes." £ 1 5 0 or £ 1 6 0 would better meet his personal needs. Abraham  Cowley  was  expected  to accomplish  the same  86  objectives as  Budd and Settee but his status as a deacon and a European provided him a far better  salary.  87  Cowley  received  £200  per annum.  however, Cowley received an additional allowance building  a new  mission  station,  88  and a number  Unlike  Budd  of £ 1 0 0 to cover of servants  and Settee the costs of  and labourers to  assist him. In August of 1842, when Cowley left Red River for his new post on Lake Manitoba, his outfit consisted of;  eight oxen with loaded carts, four of which I have bought for the purpose, two I have hired, & the others are drawing the property family etc of my interpreter [John Garrioch], five cows, three heifers, eight calves, one bull, six ewes, six lambs, two wethers[sic], two pigs, & four fowls, myself & Mrs. Cowley, the interpreter his wife & six children, a man servant & a maid servant, a carpenter, a labourer, the old man of whom I hired the carts together with Indians & a half breed who happened to be crossing & offered to assist with the  "PAC CMSA, A. 96, John Smithurst to Secretaries, 30 July 1844. The price of horses ran about £ 2 0 each and Roberts claimed that the keep and blacksmith bills totalled about £25 per year. He also complained bitterly that Indians and Half-breeds were always looking for hand-outs and cared "but little where we get our support from. They also know that we have flour, meat grocery, money tc. tc. in our houses and they consider that they ought to have a share in need as we preach to others the duty of helping and assisting one another." P A C CMSA, A. 95, James Roberts to Dandeson Coates, 16 August 1842. Ibid. Cowley was ordained to the priesthood by Bishop George Jehosephat Mountain during his tour of Rupert's Land in 1844. P A C CMSA, A. 96, John Smithurst to Secretaries, 26 October 1842. 8  8 5  8 6  8 7  8 8  117 cattle.  Settee on man to  89  the other hand, was  were expected perform  to do  all the  the work of four men  chores  Mrs.  performed at Partridge Crop. he  given the assistance of one  Cowley, Mrs.  assistance family  he  may  received very  well  his brother-in-law  have with  1854,  starved the  out  Corresponding  the  with  when he  the  his  expected  maid  servant  a hunter  when  was  transferred to  If it were not for the  91  Thomas  on  and  Settee was  and  provided  left to fend for himself.  from  occassion Pratt pleaded help him  was  Sally  Garrioch  Charles Pratt was  90  began the mission at Fort Pelly but after  the Qu'Appelle Lakes, he  and  labourer. He  Sinclair,  Plains.  Committee  On  Pratt more  for a man  and  his  than  one  or two  to  with the work at the mission:  I often find it very hard, when there is no man to assist me in my labours labouring for the Gospel amongst the heathen & supporting a sustenance of my large family, hunting food for them & to preserve our cattle. It is too much for one man. 9 2  Throughout  Pratt's  country, his only complaint August  of  breakfast  1859, this  in a  morning  thirty-eight was  that he  state of near for my  years  9  as  a  CMS  could barely provide  starvation he  children how  often  do  search  was  forced  of game. In  buffalo hunting 8 9  PAC  to  make the  as  winter  many  as  two  trips  a  they  to  suffer  society."  month  in  Indian  for his family. In  wrote; "nothing  since I have become a member of the Church Mission'y Pratt  catechist  to  93  eat for with  Quite often the  Plains in  of 1858-1859, for example, Pratt went on  expeditions that lasted  from  two  CMSA, A. 86, Cowley Journal, 4 August  to eleven  me  five  days each, depending  1842.  PAC CMSA, A. 96, John Smithhurst's Instructions to James Settee, 1 October 1843. PAC CMSA, A. 86, Cowley Journal, 6 April 1852; A. 95, Pratt Journal, 30 January 1859. Ibid. Ibid., 29 August 1859. 9  0  9 1  9 2  9  3  118 on  the  by  the Pratt party  and  location of the  his  went  good  Pratt's  hunting  A  total number  absolutely  joined the local Crees on travelled  with  at  Qu'Appelle  the  Lakes  of thirteen animals were killed  of himself, his thirteen year old son  brother-in-law  when  often  stationed  94  which consisted  friend and  buffalo  Thomas who  herd.  Thomas  necessary.  Crees  1854  to  to  hooks. But  Pratt's sons and  even  there  life  was  often  daughters were forced  9 6  various  1858,  fish  when they were running. Usually the whole family was and  95  Usually  buffalo expeditions.  local  from  Sinclair.  precarious.  to fish on  Charles  Pratt  it was  Josiah  and  Besides hunting,  the  fishing were  lakes.  While  or tending  at least one  Sunday  only  readily available  spearing On  Josiah,  in order  nets  occasion  to stave  of  hunger:  greatly am I grieved today all my children are hangling for fish from the least to the greatest, they are, really hungary [sic], cannot wait until tomorrow, I alone excepting with two of the youngest. O lord, pardon our inequity, for it is great. 9  Hunting family  to  traded  at  entirely  on  and  supplement the  fishing their  Company  the  produce  neighbouring HBC  posts.  9  were  not  7  the  only  means  livelihood. Sometimes posts  of  for  their  provisions.  farm,  or  on  9B  they  employed  trapped  Other  times  donations  and  by  the  Pratt  furs which  were  they  depended  collections from  9  I b i d . , 13-21 October 1858, 4-15 December 1858, 21-24 December 1858, 11-15 January 1859, 24-30 January 1859. Ibid. I b i d . , 8 December 1858. Ibid., A. 81, Pratt Journal, 28 February 1869. P A M HBCA, B. 159/a/18, fo. 18; P A C CMSA, A. 98, Pratt Journal, month of November 1869. "Ibid., A. 95, Pratt Journal, 14 June 1859. In 1868 HBC officers and servants made a collection among themselves and presented the proceeds to Pratt and his family at Touchwood Hills. PAC CMSA, A. 87, Minutes of the Meeting of the Finance Committee, 7 May 1868. Local HBC post-masters also donated small gifts of. provisions and sometimes provided for his family while he was off chasing buffalo on the Plains. Ibid., A. 95, Pratt Journal, 14 December 1858. S4  9 5  96  9 7  9 8  119 Fritz Pannekoek stated that farming operations expand  because  potatoes."  Pratt  preferred  Recent research  100  entire Pratt family, and problem  they  had  fifteen  camps  besides  lack  one  seed  potato  of  at  his flock was  for each.  10  and  hunt  Little  provisions,  spring of 1859,  Touchwood  Hills  than  and  mission  did not grub  in err.  The  gardens.  The  was  insufficient  for example, Pratt  mission,  all of  whom  to work with were pieces of wood or sticks. on  Even  1  buffalo  hasty  hard in the  reliable  adequate tools. In the  of Indians  enthusiastic as  trade  proves this judgement too  wanted to plant seed. All they had As  "trap,  local Indians laboured  all faced,  quantities of seed and  to  at Pratt's mission  this occasion, as  late  as  Pratt barely  1878  Pratt  was  had  more than  still  without  adequate tools at Touchwood Hills:  I have but one hoe to work with, I feel often, discouraged, to be still hoeing, now, near twenty-nine years, in the Church Missionary service, I am now geting [sic] an old-man now, no plough yet, for me, why am I thus. 1 0  2  There were also many instances when the threat of starvation compelled Pratt to slaughter  his  Pratt  "incompetency,"  of  stock.  1 0 3  The  local  CMS  "improvidence,"  remonstrated and  "want  there were also times when European missionaries for  survival. Joseph Reader was  Hills mission  from  provisions so  low  and  students.  1  0 5  1874  to  stationed as  1881.  that Reader was Reader's  pastoral  The  these of  and  economy." " 10  accused However  were obliged to kill their oxen  superintendent of Pratt's Touchwood  winter  of  1877-1878 was  "compelled  to kill an  work  even  was  acts  more  ox"  so  to feed  hampered  Pannekoek, "Agricultural Zions," p. 58. P A C CMSA, A. 95, Pratt Journal, 21 May 1859. I b i d . , A. 104, Pratt Journal, 17 May 1878. I b i d . , A. 95, Pratt Journal, 12 November 1859. "Ibid., A. 100, Abraham Cowley to Henry Wright, 18 December A. 87, Abraham Cowley to Secretaries, 7 September 1868. I b i d . , A. 103, Reader Journal, 6 December 1877.  harsh  and  his family than  was  1873.  Ibid.,  1 00  1 0 1  1 0 2  1 0 3  1 0  1 0 5  120 Pratt because, he claimed, his allowance  could not cover the "necessities of life."  Even though Reader received more than twice as much as Pratt, he was forced to spend most of his time f a r m i n g . for  lack of effort  Therefore, it is apparent that it was not  106  that Pratt's mission  farm  did not flourish, or that he was  often destitute. Disparate workers Venn  were  before  ministers  in  he even  was  hoped  CMS.  the salaries  that  with  David  of European  church  was instructed  by Henry  at the colony, to adjust the salaries  of Native  "Native  Anderson  and Native  wants  and habits  and not to European  Since the thrust of Venn's N C P was to nurture self-supporting  107  he did not want his Native  habits."  congregations the  arrived  in accordance  churches,  their  between  institutionalized. Bishop  requirements." Native  ranges  B y forcing  1 08  the Native  them  ministers becoming  to remain  pastors  could  in their  more  "proper  effectively  "too European positions," it  encourage  their  to share the mission costs and thus relieve the financial burden of  1 0 9  Even  before  Venn's  directive  came  into  force, Native  catechists  in  the  field received less than  half the financial support of their European counterparts.  Venn's  formalized  NCP  merely  this  racist  practice.  The  greatest  salary  discrepencies occurred between the European and Native ordained priests. In 1873 there were eight European  and eight Native  priests stationed in Rupert's  Land.  Europeans received £ 2 0 0 per year while their Native counterparts received £100. Both  groups  improvement  received over  equal  earlier  stipends  practises,  for the expenses  but only  of the mission,  the Europeans  an  received a family  allowance. European missionaries recieved between £ 1 0 to £15 per child per year I b i d . , A. 104, Joseph Reader to Christopher C. Fenn, 4 December 1879. H e n r y Venn to the Bishop of Rupert's Land, 5 June 1849, quoted in Pettipas, Diary of Henry Budd, p. xi. Ibid. Ibid. 1 0 6  1 0 7  1 0 8  10 9  121 to help defray their  education expenses. For example, in 1871 Reverend  George  £ 6 0 to cover  was allowed  sons attending school in England. for  his four  daughters  would  room  and board  George estimated  and education  Henry  fees for  his  that that the same education  cost him between  £ 5 0 and £ 6 0 per year.  1  1  0  Native ministers also had large families but they did not receive family education allowances. CMS  While  to attend  educated  of Native  St. John's  Collegiate,  in England By  had  a handful  by this date.  the 1870s  realized  offspring  research  were  suggests  sponsored  that  only  by the one was  1 11  the salaries  not increased. They  clergy  of the Native  catechists  and schoolteachers  still received £ 5 0 per year, but the Finance  that the expenses of establishing  and running  Committee  a school were the same  for catechists as it was for deacons so they equalized their incomes by providing the catechists with schoolmasters  a £ 2 0 per year  received an additional  expenses. In 1870 Pratt insulting  than  ministers  recieved  the unequal when  workers. In 1874 Joseph with  an  received  additional  they  freight allowance. allowance  such  pay took  1 12  to cover  an allowance  scales over  were  Every repair  missions  and other school  of £50.  the double started  few years the  1 13  Even  bonuses by  more  European  Native  church  Reader, a European deacon, was sent to Pratt's mission  allowance  of £ 1 0 0 for building  construction  and  other  ° P A C CMSA, A. 99, Henry George to Christopher C. Fenn, 6 November 1871. 'Reverend Cowley and Bishop Anderson sponsored at least two of Pratt's children at St. John's. P A C CMSA, A. 86, Pratt Journal, 22 June 1855; A few of James Settee's children were also sponsored but not all children of Native clergy were. Thomas Vincent, for example, had to pay his childrens' board and fees at St. John's out of his own meagre salary. Ibid., A. 100, John Horden to Secretaries, 11 September 1872; However, Henry Budd Jr. attended Islington College in England under the sponsorship of Anderson. Budd Jr. returned in 1863 but had not finished his training because of illness. Pettipas, Diary of Henry Budd, p. xxxvi. P A C CMSA, A. 99, Abraham Cowley to Secretaries, 30 August 1871. Ibid., Bishop of Rupert's Land to Christopher C. Fenn, 17 December 1870. 1 1  1 1  1 12  1 13  122  expenses. and  11  * The Little Touchwood Hills mission had been operating since 1858  included a handful  church  by the time  of Indian houses, a mission house, and a near complete  Reader arrived, yet he was given  a new mission  allowance  which in fact paid him for most of the work that Pratt had already done.  11 5  By  the late  1860s  there  were  a  number  of complaints  missionaries about the difficulty of surviving on their low incomes.  1 16  from  Native  They were  not insentive to Venn's goal for self-supporting Native churches. In fact, contrary to Eric Porter's position, Native church But  the idea.  11 7  their incomes were far too low to cover basic subsistence which meant that  they  spent  Native of  workers generally supported  more  time  congregations  their  Native  Indian Settlement  in pursuit of provisions than  were too economically  ministers, even  if they  was still unable  Indian mission in Western Canada. The 1870  Bishop  of Rupert's  depressed had wanted  evangelizing. Furthermore, to subsidize the livelihoods to. By  1875 St Peter's  to help their minister, and it was the oldest 11 8  land empathized  with  the Native clergy men. In  he wrote on their behalf to the Parent Committee in London:  I believe some of the most effective of your staff or missionaries are several of the Native Clergy. It is doubtless a little trying to human Nature to see themselves labouring with great difficulty and hardship on £ 1 0 0 a year in this [sic] most expensive Country, whilst others inferior to them as they must feel in Efficiency -in everything in fact...are receiving what really sometimes [sic] short of £300 simply because Europeans from England. 1  1 9  * P A C CMSA, A. 100, "Rupert's Land Missions - Estimates for the Year Ending September 30th, 1874" Abraham Cowley; Boon, Bay To The Rockies, p. 157n. P A C CMSA, A. 81, Joseph Reader to Christopher C. Fenn, 20 January 1876. P A C CMSA, A. 87, Abraham Cowley to Secretaries, 27 February 1869. P o r t e r , "Residential Schools," p. 22. P A C CMSA, A. 81, John A. Mackay to Christopher C. Fenn, 27 March 1875. P A C CMSA, A. 99, Bishop of Rupert's Land to Christopher C. Fenn, 17 December 1870. 1 1  1 15  1 16  1 1 7  1 1 8  1 1 9  123 On  one occasion  the C M S  Rupert's  Land  salaries,  the idea  could support The beyond Budd  did consider  but apparently,  because  a plan  it required  was abandoned. Not even  their churches. only  and Thomas  limit  Vincent  John Horden, requested  decrease  established  clergymen prescribed  to have  ever  for Native  salaries in  in European  non-Indian  received  church  communities  an increase of £ 4 0 or £ 5 0 per year  Vincent  was because he wanted  claimed  that the cost of living and Vincent's  increases  were  Henry  superior, Reverend on his behalf. John  Horden requested  a £ 6 0 per year  status in the community  wage  workers  of Moosenee. In 1872 Vincent's  S. Long is of the opinion that the only reason  Vincent's  a  clergy  12 0  two Native  the maximum  to equalize  an increase for  increase himself.  12 1  Horden  social status required extra income.  he claimed,  was "certainly considerably lower  than that of mere clerks in the H.B.C. service, and to three fourths of them he is  much  superior  both  in intellect  and e n e r g y . "  salary was increased to £ 1 2 0 per year Henry  Budd, still only received  Budd's  salary  was also  £ 100.  increased  1  23  122  Soon  thereafter  while the other Native Kathrine  in light  priests, including  Pettipas claimed  of his social  Vincent's  that Henry  status. While  this is  partly true, the bulk of his increase was the result of his ordination to deacon's status plus  in December £ 5 freight  of 1850. As a catechist Budd  allowance  and a month  after  had received  £ 5 0 per year  ordination his total  income was  Henry George at St. Mary's mission, Portage la Prairie, stated that his primarily "Half-breed" congregation was unable to render any material aid in support of the church. It might also be mentioned however that George was very concerned at this time because the C M S was seriously considering withdrawing funds because they no longer considered his an Indian mission station. Ibid., Henry George to Christopher C. Fenn, 6 November 1871. John S. Long, "Archdeacon Thomas Vincent of Moosonee and the Handicap of 'Metis' Racial Status" The Canadian Journal of Native Studies 3 (1983), p. 104. P A C CMSA, A. 100, John Horden to Secretary, 11 September 1872. Ibid., "Rupert's Land Missions - Estimates for the Year ending September 30th, 1874," Abraham Cowley. 12  12 1  1 2 2  12 3  124 increased to £100, Venn the  £25 more per year than  stated that "Budd salary  was  quite  has been  proper  European  as a deacon  deacons,  so much  identified  in his case."  however, Budd's salary was never of pay. Even  what other Native deacons received.  12  ft  Contrary  English habits that  to Pettipas's claim,  equalized to a European missionary's standard  at £ 1 0 0 per year  and when  with  he was  he was getting  ordained  a  priest  £ 5 0 less  his salary  than  was not  increased. It remained at £100, on par with his Native brethren. While  the low salaries paid to Native agents  self-sufficiency, significant  factor  paternalism Committee for  in effect that  of local  it kept  contributed  church  was encouraging  a Native  them  dependent  to  officials.  their As  were supposed to encourage  on the c h u r c h .  dependency  early  as  1845  was  1 2 5  A  more  the inherent  the CMS  Parent  local missionaries to seek out prospective candidates  ministry, but the locals  were pessimistic. John  Smithurst believed  that a Native ministry would take a very long time to mature:  There are young men of genuine piety and apt at learning, but at present lack the disposition for long and steady application. The remains of old habits and customs producing a love of change still clings to them, but in time [sic] will wear out, and then we may hope to see them capable of being placed in responsible stations were[sic] steadiness and close attention are r e q u i s i t e . 126  Five years later Smithurst was of the same opinion. He simply the  capacity  of Native  agents  to assume  responsibility  had no faith in  for their  own  mission  stations:  The native character is generally unstable. A native does well enough under the guidence of a European but when left to himself sinks into indolent listnessess and does next to nothing. This has been the case " Henry Venn to" Robert James, 4 April 1851 quoted in Pettipas, Diary of Henry Budd, p. xxx. P A C CMSA, A. 100, Bishop of Rupert's Land to Christopher C. Fenn, 17 December 1870. P A C CMSA, A. 96, John Smithurst to Secretaries, 1 August 1845. 1 2  12 5  12 e  125 in almost nine instances out of ten where the Hudson's Bay Company have put natives in charge of a Trading post with no one near at hand to keep them right. From the love of moving about inherent in the natives of the Country they would appear to me far better suited to break up new ground than be left in Charge of an old station. 12 7  Smithurst  was  not basing  his opinions  on  the experiences  catechists  already in the field, rather he based  the H B C  had with their Native employees. Contrary  prepare  new  contravened  three  themselves were  stations  of Venn's  for European  main  employed  its Native  missionaries. In  principles;  Native  his opinions on the experiences  to Venn's NCP, the local CMS  mission  of those  most  agents to  doing  did not bother  so  they  to aquaint  well with their host cultures or learn the language fluently, Europeans  not sent  into  hitherto  untouched  regions,  and  they  did not encourage  independence. The result was not only a dependent congregation, but an unhappy and  dependent  Native  were not prepared new  having  indicates  to take on all the strenuous  mission station, and many  without few  ministry. Evidence  were probably  first established friendly  that the European ministers  tasks associated with building a fearful of entering Indian country  relations with  the locals. There  were a  exceptions of course, Cowley at Lake Manitoba and William Duncan at Fort  Simpson, for example. The usually could  European  over-zealous  missionaries  greenhorns  sent  with  to take  fanciful  hardly have sat well with their Native  relationship  between  Charles  Pratt  ideas  suspended  1 2 7  was compelled  and Charles  Pratt.  Only  to step in. Taking  after  Hillyer  Indian  missions  were  and superior attitudes  which  "seconds." Hillyer  jealousies and open conflicts between the two men local CMS  over  A  case  of Fort  reached  such  in point is the Pelly.  Tensions,  heights that the  Hillyer's side in the conflicts, they  successfully  alienated  I b i d . , John Smithurst to Henry Venn, 6 August 1850.  the local Indians and  126 HBC  personel  did the  CMS  realize  that  mismanagement that was the root of strife built up Hillyer destroyed. to Red River  1  it was  attitude  at Fort Pelly. Everything  and  Pratt had  For the sake of the mission, Hillyer was recalled  28  and Pratt was reinstated at Fort  the Hillyer-Pratt affair was that the CMS state of the mission  Hillyer's  Pelly.  automatically  was the fault of their Native  The telling point of  12 9  assumed that the chaotic  catechist, as opposed to their  European catechist. Conflicts  and  ill-feelings  were  often  European missionaries  treated their Native  Vera  out that  K. Fast  missionaries  points  about  unequal  example complained  there  prevelant  in  situations  assistants in a condescending manner.  were a number of complaints from  workloads  where  and  that he and his Native  poor  treatment.  counterparts  Joseph  Native  Cook, for  were often treated "no  better that a common labourer." He went on to add; "I can assure you, Sir, we are  beginning  to get disgusted  with  our situation  &  the treatment  & the  distinction which has been made between us and the European Catechists, & the too-much Lordship and  arrogance  missionaries Native Cowley  being was  excerized  not  over  confined  us."  to  1 30  purely  This  innate  professional  even went so far as to meddle in the family  missionaries.  Following  presumptuously  the death  selected  believed, would be of great  of Catherine  second  wife  paternalism  affairs.  European  and personal  Pratt  for Charles.  lives of  in 1869, Abraham This  woman, he  benefit to the workings of the society, and he was  quite sorry when Pratt refused. were the topic of discussion  a  British  1 3 1  Reverend  and Mrs. Settee's  marital relations  at at least one meeting of the Finance  Committee.  P A C CMSA, A. 86, Cowley Journal, 28 December 1853, 17 February 1854. I b i d . , 21 March, 12 April, 7 June 1854. cited in Vera K. Fast, "The Protestant Missionary and F u r Trade Society: Initial Contact in the Hudons's Bay Territory, 1820-1850," (Ph.D. thesis: University of Manitoba, 1984), p. 244. P A C CMSA, A. 100, Cowley Journal, 9 September 1871. 1 2 B  1 2 9  1 30  1 3 1  127 In  1869  the Committee  determined  that  hindering her husband's work. Apparently and  Mrs. Hale  husband  had been  had been  sent  to take  upon  Settees  a "temporary  to the new  European  is telling  missionaries  this  mission  of years. Initially  where  1 3 4  in light  to insist  that  of evidence  "as a  the Committee  to send the  "would  of reform  be  under  might  be  the natives  don't  do well  Of all the European missionaries, Cowley was the worst hypocrite in four years  of a single  of intensive mission  1842  and 1846 were for infant children of H B C  to an old friend in England stood empty  convert. The only  Cowley lamented  work  baptisms  at Partridge Crop, he he performed  between  employees. In a private letter  the sorry state of his work. The  and the only way he could get anj' Indian adults to attend  was to bribe them  with  bribe the children to get them  "a pint of flour  to attend  each day." He even  school with  had to  one-half a pint of flour a  Henry Budd on the other hand produced far better results in half the  1 35  time  with less help at hand. After two years  day  students  June  which her  to the contrary, European  rule  not boast  day.  they  are opportunities  could  services  at Fairford  In the end it was decided  132  where  that even  continued  regard. After  church  was  resentful that Reverend  the mission  at Scanterbury  &  temper  13 3  It  alone."  over  violent  had were to either suspend James Settee, or  divorse."  Superintendence  afforded."  she was very  supervising for a number  decided that the only choices they insist  Mrs. Settee's  at The Pas Budd had 32 regular  and 42 adults preparing for baptisms.  of 1842 he baptized  During  Smithurst's  visit in  27 infants, 22 day students, and 39 a d u l t s .  1 3 6  In  CMSA, A. 87, Abraham Cowley to Secretaries, 20 August 1867. Ibid. "Ibid., Cowley Journal, 1 October 1861. P A C CMSA, A. 86, Abraham Cowley to Reverend W. Davies, 17 July 1846. T. C. B. Boon, "Budd, Henry," in Dictionary of Canadian Biography vol. X, 1871-1880, ed. Marc L a Ferreur (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1982), p. 108. i3 2 p 13 3  1 3  1 3 5  1 3 6  A  C  128 the numbers game used by missionaries to determine the relative success  of an  Indian mission, Budd's outshone Cowley's by leaps and bounds. It baptism  is difficult  to assess  the number  of converts  because, as a catechist, he could not perform  Reverend  Reader  communicants,  reported  and  23  that  school  Touchwood Hills mission.  137  however  people  because  the  there  children  were  134  attending  the sacrament. By 1877 christian  the mission  still  migrated  seasonally  handful  gardened,  fished  of baptized  converts  and h u n t e d .  138  a  The convert  Qu'Appelle-Touchwood least  once  Usually  a  year,  during  whom  In the winter  by about one-third as people  13 9  though annual  figures  Reader  Pratt  gives  the Pratt  months  family  his small  Mountain  and  the daily  rounds  Lakes, and back to Touchwood  two  to three weeks. *  visits  at Indian 1  The  number  camps  plains,  they  three  or more by  again  dispersed throughout  was  the area at visits  dogsled  (see figure  group  the entire  throughout  went  travelled,  ways to make  in 1877 covered  travelled  usually made  winter  the  a  from  Touchwood Hills to Fort Qu'Appelle then to Upper Lakes Qu'Appelle, Las  at Little  Among this number  went their separate  Hills. Like Pratt, Reader  their  school  10  the summer of 1871, Pratt and his  with  usually reduced livelihood.  converts,  between  "friends" numbered about 30 at the Upper Lakes Qu'Appelle. a  prepared for  Not all the converts actually lived near the mission  Qu'Appelle River and the woodlands. During  were  Pratt  year. Little  Buffalo and  8). The journey  the area  took  about  0  of baptisms,  however, are not fair  criterion  to judge the  "success" of Pratt's missionary efforts for a number of reasons: First, since Pratt was  1 3 9  were baptised during  P A C CMSA, A. 103, Annual Letter of Joseph Reader, 16 January 1878. Ibid., A. 99, Pratt Journal, 6 June 1871. I b i d . , 10 December 1871. I b i d . , A. 81, Pratt Journal, 25, 26 January 1877.  1 3 7  13 8  usually alone on the prairie missions, all his adherents  1ft0  129 the annual absent  or bi-annual tours of Archdeacon Cowley. Many  during these times  so the head  number of followers. Furthermore, for met,  determining  the  success  counts  do  Indian farmers  not always include the actual  the "numbers game" is an  of missions. Though  were  the  inadequate quotient  baptismal  criterions  were  seldom is it ever indicated whether these individuals lived as christians. For  example, most baptized Indians did not become sedentary regularly attend Sunday services.  farmers, nor  did they  VI.  CHARLES  PRATT  OF  T O U C H W O O D  HILLS  (1816-1888),  CMS  NATIVE  CATECHIST  A.  ASKENOOTOW  NIHTOWA-KI-NISIN  OF  Charles Pratt, Askenootow, was John West for the Red school and  a  schoolteacher,  River Indian  THE  mission school.  in the  interpreter,  catechist for the  District. Like Henry Budd  and  HBC  two  were founded and  contemporaries,  Charles  Pratt  Canada who about CMS. the  was  Pratt or 2  CMS,  church  the  the  only  of the  context  other  of christian church,  deserve  CMS  in the  38  HBC  and  years  as  Swan  River  supervised  6 outlines when and  shows where they  lower  a  where these  were located. Unlike his  CMS  church  worker  date, very little has  ranked  Native  church  conversion, Native  and  the  in  workers  Charles  in  the  ministry in  relations between  congregations,  Western  been published  appreciate the rise of a Native  their  a  never ordained into the ministry. In fact,  ground-breaking  to more thoroughly  workers, the  others like him  10  not eventually ordained. To any  In order  Figure  Reverend  Following his ten years at  James Settee, Pratt established and  however, Pratt was  was  1  service, Pratt spent  number of inland Indian mission stations. Table missions  DOGS  the fourth student recruited by  further thirteen and  YOUNG  Native  Pratt  and  more serious attention.  Charles Pratt was named after Josiah Pratt who was the Secretary of the CMS in London during West's stay in Rupert's Land. Josiah Pratt was born in Birmingham England in 1768 and graduated from St. Edmund's Hall, Oxford, in 1789. Throughout his life he was a close friend of George West, elder brother of John. A. N. Thompson, "The Expansion of the Church of England in Rupert's Land from 1820 to 1839 under the Hudson's Bay Company and the Church Missionary Society," (Ph.D. thesis, Cambridge University, 1962), p. 456. Some of his exploits and experiences have been mentioned or discussed in a handful of published sources but the only piece focusing specifically on Pratt was done by Frits Pannekoek, "Pratt, Charles"' in Dictionary of Canadian Biography vol. XI, 1881-1890, ed. Francis G. Halpenny (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1982): 711-12; Jane McCracken also wrote an unpublished account of Pratt and his Qu'Appelle Lakes mission, "The Church Missionary Society and It's Mission at the Qu'Appelle Lakes 1852-1870's" (Regina: Saskatchewan Department of Culture and Recreation, 1985). 1  2  130  131  Table 6  CMS  Indian Missions Founded and Occupied  by Charles Pratt  Dates  Mission  Location  1851-1853  Fort Pelly  1 mile west of H B C Fort Pelly  1854-1858  Qu'Appelle Lakes  Between Echo and Mission Lakes, Qu'Appelle River  1858-1877  Little Touchwood Hills (St. Lukes)  Present day Gordon's I.R.  Round Lake  Present day Ochapowace I.R.  1  1877 1878-1883  Big  Touchwood Hills  2  Present day Daystar's I.R.  Sources: P A C CMSA, A. 95, A. 81, A. 98, A. 99, A. 103, A. 104, A. I l l , A. 112, Journals of Charles Pratt, 1851-1884. 'Following Settee's hasty retreat from Qu'Appelle Lakes in 1859, Charles Pratt divided his time equally between Qu'Appelle Lakes (summer and winter) and Little Touchwood Hills (spring and fall). The location of St. Lukes mission changed twice. Pratt established the first site in 1858 about 2 miles from the H B C post. In 1874 Reverend Joseph Reader moved the mission 2 1/2 miles southwest of its original site. This posed a problem when the Reserve was surveyed because the mission was 3/4 of a mile west of Gordon's I.R. When Gilbert Cook took over the mission in 1883 he was successful in getting the government to extend the western boundary of the Reserve to include the mission. P A C CMSA, A. 103, Reader Journal, 6 December 1877; A. 104, Abraham Cowley to Reverend Purday, 20 May 1880; A. I l l , Minutes of the Finance Committee, 20 February 1883; Bishop of Rupert's Land to Christopher C. Fenn, 25 July 1883. 2  Region Covered by  Source:  Figure 10 Charles Pratt, Native Catechist, 1851-1884, Showing the Location of Post-1876 Indian Reserves  P A C CMSA, A. 81, 95, 98, 99, Charles Pratt, 1851-1884.  103,  104,  111,  112,  Journals of  133 Charles spring  Pratt  arrived  fur brigades from  brigade  at Fort  at Red River  the Swan  Qu'Appelle.  3  115 miles downriver  Qu'Appelle River. Figure in  1859 when Henry  from  birth  is difficult  schoolmaster  Apparently  Rivers  Youle Hind travelled  occupied  mission he founded  to determine.  among  a  Plains  mixed  Harbridge  Cree  band  and Pratt was born on the  The closest who  reported  and Assiniboine,  of Plains  12 shows where  area of his birth place later became the site in 1854."  Cree  The exact date of his  estimation that  comes  Pratt's  the time of Pratt's birth, the Qu'Appelle  by  post was located  through, and Figure  eight years in 1824, which places his birth date around At  he boarded the  1820s, Qu'Appelle  and Qu'Appelle  the H B C  11 illustrates the environmental landscape of the region  Lakes  George  1822 aboard  there, between Mission and Echo Lakes  Pratt was born. The approximate of the Qu'Appelle  district.  In the early  near the junction of the Assiniboine some  River  on 24 May  or Stony  "Suppos'd  1816.  Fishing bands.  and Assiniboine  from  his first Age" was  5  Lakes 6  Pratt  peoples  region was was  known  born  as the  Young Dogs. His mother was Assiniboine and his father was the Mixed-blood son of a French fur trader and a presently unknown Indian woman.  7  The Plains  John West, The Substance of a Journal During a Residence at the Red River Colony, British North American in the Years 1820-1823 (Vancouver: Alcuin Society Reprint, 1967), p. 80. "In 1867 Pratt told H B C clerk Isaac Cowie that he was born at the fish barrier, about one-quarter of a mile downriver from the new location of Fort Qu'Appelle which was situated between the Second and Third Fishing Lakes on the Qu'Appelle River. Isaac Cowie, Company of Adventurers, A Narrative of Seven Years in the Service of the Hudson's Bay Company During 186 7-1874 (Toronto: William Briggs, 1913), pp. 201, 235. P A C CMSA, A. 88, George Harbridge to Josiah Pratt, 1 July 1824. Arthur Ray, Indians in the Fur Trade: their role as trappers, hunters, and middlemen in the lands southwest od Hudson Bat, 1660-1870 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1974), pp. 95, 235. To date, the literature provides a number of speculations about Pratt's parentage. Harbridge stated that Pratt was procurred from the Assiniboine and he lists him as such in his 1824 annual report. Harbridge further stated that Pratt's father was a "Half-breed son of a French Nobleman." In 1859 Henry Youle Hind stated that Pratt was simply a "half-breed," while John Palliser (1859) and Governor Alexander Morris (1874) stated he was a pure Indian of 3  5  6  7  134 Figure 11 "Fishing Lakes, Qu'Appelle River", 1859  Source: Henry Youle Hind, Narrative of the Canadian Exploring Expedition of 1857 and of the Assiniboine and Saskatchewan Exploring Expedition of 1858. (Edmonton: M.G. Hurtig Ltd. Reprint, 1971) I: facing p. 321. (cont'd) Cree extraction. There are two statements left by Pratt himself regarding his parentage. In his 1869 journal Pratt stated that his mother's first language was Assiniboine. Earlier in 1867 Pratt told fur trader Isaac Cowie that he was "pure Indian...of the mixed Assiniboine and Cree blood of the sept [sic] known as 'Young Dogs' or 'Puppies,' in the Cree Equivalent." Pannekoek suggests that Pratt was "probably the son of a Stony mother and a Cree or Metis father." The writer will not argue with Pratt's own statements and will qualify his claim about being a pure Indian because his people traced their identity through matrilineal lines. The photograph in Figure 1 indicates that there is little doubt he was of mixed European and Indian ancestry. P A C CMSA, A. 88, George Harbridge to Josiah Pratt, 1 July 1824; H. Y. Hind, Narrative of the Canadian Red River Exploring Expedition of 1857 And of The Assiniboine And Saskatchewan Exploring Expedition of 1858 (Edmonton: M. G. Hurtig Reprint, 1971), vol. I, p. 317; Irene M. Spry ed., The Papers of the Palliser Expedition, 1857-1860 (Toronto: Champlain Society, 1968): 137; Alexander Morris, The Treaties of Canada with the Indians of Manitoba and the North-West Territories (Toronto: Belfords, Clarke & Co., 1880), p. 82; P A C CMSA, A. 95, Pratt Journal, 30 May 1869; Cowie, Company of Adventurers, p. 235; Pannekoek, "Charles Pratt," p. 711. 7  135 Figure 12  "Plan  SmU «Jiliw  of the Fishing  Lakes",  Showing the Location Mission  of the C M S  Qu'Appelle  tm mm Jnm\  Source: Henry Youle Hind, Narrative of the Canadian Exploring Expedition of 1857 and of the Assiniboine and Saskatchewan Exploring Expedition of 1858. (Edmonton: M.G. Hurtig Ltd. Reprint, 1971) I: facing p. 329.  Cree and Assiniboine were primarily buffalo hunting 1819  Chief  nations furs  in the Swan  pemmican  9  William  Hemming  Cook  reported  that  at that time. In  bands  from  the two  traded: dried provisions, buffalo robes, leather, and wolf, badger and fox  increased  8  Factor  equestrians  River  in the early provisioners  District.  8  As competition  1800s, the demand increased.  9  for pemmican  A t the peak  P A M HBCA, B. 159/e/l, fo. 6. Ray, Indians in the Fur Trade, pp. 104,  between  133.  fur trade  companies  provisions and therefore  of the North  West  Company  136 (NWC)  and H B C  economically  competition  and politically  period, the Plains buffalo hunters powerful  and independent  bands  were  the most  in the Canadian  mid-west. They successfully played one fur company against the other in order to secure little  the best access  demands. offensive,  rates  of exchange  and privileges.  to the buffalo themselves, Their  10  political  and sometimes  they  and economic even  Because  were  tactics  life-threatenning  forced  were  the companies had to submit  often  by inland  to Indian  considered  ruthless,  fur traders.  11  Cook  reported that the Assiniboines, and those Plains Cree who permanently associated with  them, were  [woodlands]."  1  1821  2  haughty  When John  his party  because  "more  and resentful  West  travelled  received two armed  the Stonies were reported  than  those  to Qu'Appelle  escorts from  fort  the H B C  to be in the immediate  Dogs band, under the leadership of Chief Piapot, harassed territories, Doctor  especially  that,  travellers  and Metis  buffalo  in the winter of at Brandon  area.  House  The Young  13  any strangers in their hunters.  14  In 1861  John Rae's party happened to cross Piapot's path: "They are particularly  forward, troublesome, the  white  of the low country  latter "they  and thievish. They gave us a sample of their adroitness in  capacity by stealing were  a very  3 of our best  unruly  set of curs  horses." who  15  He went  act in the most  on to add oppressive  manner" towards the few Metis who lived in the area by "levying a heavy fine  ° P A M HBCA, B. 159/a/7, fo. 7; Ray, Indians in the Fur Trade, pp. 207, 213. Earl of Southesk, Saskatchewan and the Rocky Mountains: A Diary and Narrative of Travel, Sport, and Adventure, During a Journey Through The Hudson's Bay Company's Territories in 1859 and 1860. (Edmonton: M. G. Hurtig Reprint, 1969) p. 327; Ray, Indians in the Fur Trade, pp. 133-34. P A M HBCA, B. 159/e/l, fo. 6. West, Substance, p. 34. "Chief Piapot was Charles Pratt's first cousin and was himself a mixed Cree-Assiniboine. Irene M. Spry, ed., "A Visit to Red River and the Saskatchewan, 1861, By Dr. John Rae, FRGS," The Geographical Journal 140, Part I (February 1974): 11. 1  1 1  12  13  1  1 5  137  for  every  animal  [buffalo] they  kill."  A s late as 1867 the Assiniboines were  1 6  upholding their notorious reputations. Isaac Cowie reported that even their Plains Cree in  and Saulteaux  contempt.  Cowie  17  rather  than  neighbors around may  have  Qu'Appelle  and Touchwood Hills  misinterpreted these  held them  exhortations as contempt  as more probable expressions of jealousy and respect. Nevertheless,  evidence strongly indicates that Charles Pratt's people had a powerful reputation on the Plains that lasted well into the 1870s.  1 8  Charles Pratt was sent to school at Red River in the spring Less than one year earlier, the H B C and NWC  of  1822.  competition ended, leaving Plains  people with less bargaining power. It is not difficult to suppose that members of the Young Dogs band would seek to obtain as much of an upper-edge with the HBC no  as possible. The two things the Company possessed, that Indian people had access to at that time, were reading and writing skills. What Company clerks  wrote  in their  nominally and  inquisitive  symbols  possession  ledgers was no doubt mind  entered  of "little  days, was accorded  would  hanker  in the debt writing,"  understood over  the details,  ledgers. Furthermore,  as hand-written  a relatively  in general terms  high degree  notes  but even a  especially  the words  any Indian  person in  were  refered  to in those  of status with the Company. H B C  officials gave these notes of authority to recognized trading chiefs and when they were shown to Company expect 19  the  a gift  men at the posts or on the plains, the bearer could  of tobacco, which  was considered to be an expression of respect.  In 1869 Isaac Cowie claimed that the greatest ambition Young  of Chief Piapot of  Dogs, was to obtain a masinahikanis, or "writing," for his amulet.  Ibid. Cowie, Company of Adventurers, pp. 311-13. Ray, Indians in the Fur Trade, p. 213. W. P. Stewart, My Name is Piapot (Maple Creek, Sask.: Butterfly Books Ltd., 1981), p. 32. 16  17  18  19  138 The  HBC  refused  authority and As  to  give  Piapot  the  evidence indicates, Indian  so strong  Red  to  acquire  of being  the  tender age  book-learning  returned  children were. His  heading east to Red Apparently seriously. He that  he  when  he  River and Charles  had  the  benefit  learned  to  called  his  a  arrival  of  read  mission  him  on  at  the  or  promising student.  23  got was  The  22  school  one  of their sons  people  and  write."  sent  "on  into "an  serious  It is  2 1  spring fur  was  brigade  In  and  his  1824  upon the  baptized he  at the  report,  whole  may  thirteen months after  was  a  hardworking  Pratt took less time to qualify for baptism than any was  skills  there is no indication  trouble.  is further indication that  peers, including Henry Budd who  the  school.  interesting boy,  fact that he  the  John West as  the  of  such knowledge  Pratt took his responsibility to learn these new  misbehaved  good boy."  value  his  not recruited by  applied himself thoughtfully to his studies and  ever  his  of six, young Askenootow was  for  the Indian  recognize  of the  desire to acquire  people voluntarily placed  Harbridge stated that Charles be  to  peoples' understanding  also significant to note that Askenootow was other  refused  among the Young Dogs band that they gave up  River  condition  they  2 0  underestimated. The  for that specific purpose. At to  because  leadership among his people.  the written word cannot be was  one  and  of his  school twenty-one months before  he  received the sacrament. ' 2  Charles school. Though and  the  progressed 2 0  2  1  2 2  2 3  2  older  Pratt spent a seldom  mentioned  students,  satisfactorily  little more than ten specifically  meaning in  their  those  in the who  academic  had  studies.  years at the  Indian  mission  schoolmasters' reports, Pratt been The  there  boys  the  were  Cowie, Company of Adventurers, pp. 243-44. PAC CMSA, A. 88, George Harbridge to Josiah Pratt, 1 July Ibid. PAM HBCA, E. 4/la, fo. 43d. "Ibid., fo. 39.  1824.  longest, also  well  139 acquainted  with  the doctrinal parts of the Scriptures, but apparently just  familiar with  the the teachings  schoolmasters.  25  of the Bible did not satisfy  As previously stated, they  expected  the missionaries or  to witness  experience," some outward exhibition of evangelical enthusiasm that the boys were truly prepared their own heritage. The mission evangelical spark  being  a  "conversion  that would indicate  to turn their backs on almost  every  aspect of  staff sought in vain for some indication of an  in their students because they truly believed that "If the Indian  school boys return to their families with hearts unchanged by grace, they will  become the worst of Indians."  had  left the Indian school, and none had lived up to the evangelical expectations  or  standards  of their  teachers.  By  26  1833 Pratt  However, contrary  27  and four  fellow  likely  students  to the opinions of Jones,  Smith, and Cockran, these young men were profoundly affected by their christian indoctrination. As indicated inclinations  to propogate  missionaries  and  earlier, most  the gospel  teachers  were  of them  among simply  also followed their evangelical  their  country-men.  unaware  and  The Red River  insensitive  to the  subtle-but-sure cultural transformations of their charges. It is also no doubt true that they were so blinded by their white superiority, Eurocentric and paternalistic attitudes  that  they  christian  doctrine  could  not believe  and ideology  these  or that  they  men could  were  capable  be dedicated  of absorbing and  powerful  enough to capture and hold a congregation. By  the summer  leave the mission their Red  school. Three  families. Since River, these  of 1832, Pratt  the families  was  sixteen years  old and ready to  of his school chums had already of Henry  Budd  and James  Hope  left  to rejoin  relocated to  two remained in the colony. However, Thomas Hassel  returned  P A C CMSA, A. 96, William Smith to Secretaries, 29 July 1831. William Cockran to Edward Bickersteth, 7 August 1828, cited in Thompson, "Expansion," p. 121. P A C CMSA, A. 96, William Smith to Secretaries, 11 August 1833. 2 5  2 6  2 7  140 to  his people at Fort  expected men  to rejoin  Churchill in the winter of 1832,  his family  the following  and  autumn. Even  Charles though  Pratt  these  was young  held some missionary potential and inclination, Reverend Jones still had little  hope that they could do  any  spiritual good  among their kindred in distant  regions: Thomas Hassel...wrote to me very affectionately last winter, lamenting the absence of any opportunity of attending the means of Grace. Charles Pratt...goes to Qu'Appelle this Autumn and will pass the winter among his relations; though we are not satsified as to the religious principles of these Boys still it is impossible to say what good consequences may arise from these visits. 2 8  About  a  month  after  Jones  wrote  the above,  an  unfortunate incident hastened  Pratt's departure from the Indian Mission. In boarding  1832  a number  of students from  at Jones' parsonage  Academy. Among these was Chief  Factor  House.  of the  Charles  29  and  and  do  responsible. the  responsible  30  of the opening  of the  River  District  discovered  Charles  Whatever  Red  River  Annabella McKenzie, daughter of Roderick McKenzie, who  was  stationed  at  Annabella took a shine to each other and  "honourable"  party.  in anticipation  English  1832, when Annabella was Charles  prominent fur trade families were  was  thing, his  "in the family  either or  he  way,"  Cumberland  in August of  general census held  not prepared to assume  responsibility  may  he  not  reasons, Charles  have  believed  clandestinely  fled  was  the  from  the  P A C CMSA, A. 92, David Jones to Dandeson Coates, 25 July 1832. E . H. Oliver, The Canadian North-West, Its Early Development and Legislative Records, Minutes of the Councils of the Red River Colony and the Northern Department of Rupert's Land (Ottawa: Government Printing Bureau, 1914), vol. I, p. 674. Governor Simpson was of the opinion that it was Annabella who seduced Pratt. Simpson described the girl as "a poor silly stupid creature ...[a] half idiot thing," who had "absolutely commited rape" upon another Indian boy of thirteen years. PABC, Donald Ross Correspondence, George Simpson to Donald Ross, 20 December 1822, cited in Sylvia Van Kirk, "Many Tender Ties", Women in Fur Trade Society in Western Canada, 1670-1870 (Winnipeg: Watson & Dwyer Publishing, 1980), p. 273n.; P A M HBCA, B. 135/c/2, fo. 96. 2 8  2 9  3 0  141 mission  school  soon  after  Annabella's  condition became known.  His  3 1  flight  left  the poor girl in a delicate predicament, but arrangements for her care were soon made. In River.  September  of  1832  she  was  married  to John  Clarke  Since he  did not join the HBC  Qu'Appelle as planned. with  the  HBC  first three-year capacity until the  capacity  £17  and  in the  1846.  per  Red  River  was  re-hired as  His final two  his HBC  stint as a hunter as  a  bowsman.  a middleman  and  he  was  signed  Following his  33  remained  in that  years in the Company's employ were spent in salary for those  thirteen  years  ranged  between  career not all of Pratt's tasks were specific to his job  previously mentioned, he  occasion Pratt was  35  at least On  1838  his skills and  but its racist hiring practices prevented 37  Throughout  his HBC  one  another  sent to Carlton House to instruct the Company clerk on  Obviously  clerk's salary.  entered Indian debts on  the task of the post-master, clerk or trader.  fresh vaccine during the 36  District  returned to his people at  3  occasion, which was  River District.  he probably  River is not known.  annum. "  as a labourer. As  to prepare  Swan  of steersman. His  £22  until 1835,  Following his three-year  contract, he  During  a  of  3 2  Exactly where Charles Pratt went after he left Red  on  Spence  how  smallpox epidemic that swept the Swan training were valued by  the Company,  Pratt from obtaining a clerk's position or career, Pratt had  the  opportunity  to  Thomas Bredin, "The Red River Academy," The Beaver Outfit 305:3 (1974), p. 12. P A M HBCA, E.4/lb, fo.235, 11 September 1832. June McCracken erroneously suggests that Pratt and his "sweetheart" may have been married. "Qu'Appelle Lakes," p. 12. P A M HBCA, B. 159/d/26-28, fos. 1. "Ibid.; P A M HBCA, B. 159/d/29-39, fos. 1. I b i d . , B. 159.a/17, fo. 3. Ibid., fo. 12. June McCracken erroneously stated that Pratt was an interpreter in the HBC. Though he no doubt did a lot of interpreting in trade transactions, he was never officially classified or paid as such. "Qu'Appelle Lakes," p. 12. 3  1  3 2  3 3  3  35  3 6  3 7  142 travel throughout the Swan River District among Indian bands he was related to, or  with  under  whom  became  acquainted. Even  though  he left  the mission  unfavourable circumstances, he never lost sight of the objects John  prepared not  he soon  him for. Pratt  wane  would  once  read  was a converted christian  he joined  and his missionary  the fur trade. In his free  to and teach  those around  time  him who were  West's proteges who remained  zeal did  on Sundays,  interested.  38  West  Pratt  Pratt was  not  the only one of John  faithful to the church  and  missionization during a H B C career. John Hope also volunteered his time to  read and to teach visiting and neighbouring Indians while employed in  the Athabasca District. Hope was reputed to have  a  parochial school among the Dog Rib Chipewyans Abraham  in  the spring  which  Cowley  established  about  Partridge  Crop  fifteen  A  at Great Bear Lake.  was stationed  across  the lake  A t their  deep  first  3 9  Manitoba  at Manitoba  from  meeting,  the soon Cowley  House to be  baptized  friendship was kindled between the two  that lasted a life time. Whenever he had the chance, Pratt would bring his  family  to Cowley's  December down  infant mission for Sunday  of 1842, Cowley  was unable  two  upbringing PAC  men  services. On one such occasion in  to lecture  at Red River on business. Since Pratt  and bilingual, Cowley  3 8  Pratt  miles 0  1  the  time  mission."  Pratt's eldest daughter Anne." men  single-handedly established  met Pratt on the former's first trip to Lake  of 1842. A t that  was located  by the H B C  because  his interpreter was  was well versed  in the scriptures  got him to interpret the day's sermon. Earlier in the day,  had a  lengthy  and his future  conversation.  intentions  CMSA, A. 86, Cowley  Pratt  in Godly  told  work.  Cowley  Cowley  of his C M S  expressed  great  Journal, 2 Jan. 1845.  John Hope eventually joined the service of the CMS. In 1877 he was their catechist at the Battleford reserves and remained in that capacity until 1894. P. C. Pembrum, "Death of an Old Timer," Saskatchewan Herald, vol. 16, no. 20 (24 August 1894), p. 2. PAC CMSA, A. 86, Cowley Journal, 24 June, 18 December 1842. • Ibid., 24 June 1842. 39  fl0  1  143 interest in Pratt and  recorded his observations:  He seems aware of the deplorable spiritual state of his brethren after the flesh, & anxious to devote himself for their salvation. His plan is to embrace the Indian life, roam with them, & as opportunity serves speak of the Lord Jesus." 2  Cowley was  pleased with Pratt's command over the English language and  judged,  as  could, that Pratt  In  best  he  "interpreted with  admirable  precision.""  3  the  end, Cowley remarked that the labours of his predecessors were not in vain. Cowley  baptized three  of Pratt's children  Pratt offered his assistance to Cowley could."" in  Cowley's secular labours  the early years. The  were  already  livestock houses 1846  the and  to  relocated  life  horticultural  he  when  offered were  6  hunter.  By  the  and very  the  1846,  and  endeavours whenever  were crowned  House  post was  the  new  techniques,  appealing. Pratt  school."  5  He  was  with  he  success  was  1849  he  produce,  volunteered  especially  temporarily  close of the  spring of  of Lake Manitoba and  and  were settled in the region of the mission  the  At  1842  closed and  was  and  to build  helpful  1847-1848 Outfit  After thirteen years as a Company servant, he  of a  southern end  at  Manitoba  at Partridge Crop." 7  who  people,  also assisted  his mission  at Partridge Crop  Saulteaux  missionary  1848  the HBC." the  a  and  between  from  its staff Pratt  left  decided to return to  building  a  cabin on  the  doing volunteer catechetical work among  " P A C CMSA, A. 86, Cowley Journal, 18 December 1842. " Ibid. ""Cowley baptized the following Pratts: Ann, 24 June 1842; Caroline, 6 October 1844; Josiah, 13 August 1846; Catherine, wife of Charles, and a newborn daughter, 20 April 1851. PAC CMSA, A. 86, Cowley Journal. " Ibid., 10 October 1846. " Michael Payne, "Fairford Mission" (Unpublished Report, Department of Culture, Heritage and Recreation, Historic Resources Branch, Winnipeg, 1986), pp. 26-7. PAC CMSA, A.86, Cowley Journal, 22 August 1846, 24 October 1846. A l l in all over 30 people connected with Manitoba House moved near the mission. They included Post-master McKay, his wife and seven children; an interpreter, his wife and eight children; Charles Pratt, his wife and three children; another servant, his wife and one child, and four single men. " P A M HBCA, B. 159/d/41, fo. 4. 2  3  5  6  7  144 his  own people.  B.  "OUR  48  MAN  The  IN  first  THE  FIELD"  diocese  meeting  Collegiate in January CMS  missionaries  of the meeting Finance  of 1850. The meeting  in Rupert' Land  organizational matters. * of  the  would  Parent  Committee,  were  approved.  at  was  to develop  Indian  meeting mission  the C M S  Swan River there  Cowley  had any inland  lobbying  a  at St. John's  for evaluating  but  feasible plan  later  local  called the  financial and  was ultimately under the  generally  Bishop  pressing  Anderson's  matters  for the expansion  discussed of inland  work.  Abraham who  Committee,  One of the most  50  held  Anderson presiding. The purpose  The Corresponding Committee  9  CMS  was  was attended by all the European  with Bishop  be responsible  recommendations this  Land  was to establish a Correspondence  Committee, that  control  in Rupert's  was the only  experience.  Parent  As  Committee  European  early  missionary,  as the fall  since  John  of 1848 Cowley  to establish a new  mission  District. Large numbers of Plains Indians frequented  meeting, Cowley  suggested  that  a schoolteacher.  a mission  station should  was  in the H B C  the H B C  and Cowley was certain that many would be open to Christianity,  those at Fort Pelly who had requested  West,  posts  at least  A t the 1850 diocese  51  be established  Pelly with outstations at the Shoal and Swan Rivers. Since  at Fort  lack of funds posed  ""PAM HBCA, E.4/2, fo.61d. P A C CMSA, A.86, Cowley Journal, 15 March 1849, 28 March 1849. When Pratt left Partridge Crop in 1848 he left his eldest son Josiah with Cowley to attend the mission school there. Josiah was about six years of age at that time. Ibid., 14 April 1849. Kathrine Pettipas ed., The Diary of the Reverend Henry Budd 1870-1875 (Winnipeg: Manitoba Record Society Publications, 1974), vol. 4, p. xv. Ian Getty, "The Failure of the Native Church Policy of the C M S in the North West," in Religion and Society in the Prairie West, ed. Richard Allen, (Regina: Canadian Plains Research Center, 1974), p. 22. P A C CMSA, A. 86, Abraham Cowley to Secretaries, 2 August 1848. fl9  5 0  5 1  145 the  greatest  mission  obstacle,  he  Cowley  proposed.  In  52  suggestion to establish a the  set the  new  introduced. Anderson  Cowley was  the  best  by  of  Cowley's recommendation following  the  Collegiate. His  could plan  not  spring  speak  for Pratt  so  a  he  scandal of  was  no  Pelly and  further  instructed  re-established.  Pratt  1832.  5  That  as  catechist  that  I  have  not  to  send  a  few  language  Partridge  Land, he  Bishop Anderson  received  very  specific  Partridge  and  doctrinal faith:  "He  seen." Pratt  of  Anderson  54  to Partridge  upcoming appointment was very  He  authorized Crop  until  Pratt's back  that  well. However, Anderson  Crop very  taken  was  Crop  months of catechetical upgrading  long.  He  into  and  fold  to the the  already River the  at  his potential.  first appointed  instructions from  the  had  Swan  background  indication of Anderson's faith in his sincerity and When  Charles Pratt were  for  of "eminent service" in the  was  that  with a good knowledge of Scriptures...  get  informed  Pratt  a  Cowley's  3  his personal qualities and  decided  Saulteaux  doubt  new  at Fort  could  at  the  mission  concern over the  to remain  for with  Native  that this catechist would be Anderson  funds agreed  both  but  only  the  own  diocese meeting, Bishop Anderson and  impressed  the  his  Anderson  recommended  specimen  of  Bishop  [Pratt] is a very engaging young man, is  £50  end,  abandoned Creek mission be Soon after the  aside  at  Pratt  did  not  decided  District.  5  5  disreputable  all is a  strong  5 6  Bishopric  Society's  of Rupert's  secretary  Henry  Ibid., 8 July 1850. Cowley further suggested that if funds for "aggressive action beyond among the heathen" were too scarce, they should be pulled out of the "more civilized parts", meaning Red River and Portage la Prairie. Cowley was distressed that so much CMS Indian work monies were being used to support established settlement churches, and so little being used in actual Indian work. Ibid., Cowley Journal, 8 January 1850. PAC CMSA, A. 82, Bishop of Rupert's Land to Henry Venn, 30 January 1850. "Ibid. Ibid. It is also quite possible, on the other hand, that Pratt's name had been cleared of the charges laid against him during the "Annabella affair." 5 2  5 3  5  5 5  5 6  146 Venn clergy  on the application  of the Native  was Venn's primary  Church  object. Anderson  Policy. The raising  was granted  £500  of a Native  to establish St.  John's Collegiate for this purpose and was instructed to train James Henry  Budd  Collegiate they  for ordination  as soon  was in operation  were  already  as possible.  neither Budd  nor Settee  importantly, however, both  until  replacements  were  could be found.  ordination.  Collegiate for  were  a little  candidates  Though  58  for three  more who  the scholarships  than  year  or no prior  awarded  to  1850 and commenced  catechists  and schoolteachers  performed  a large number  1850  was  he  placed  Native  mission  work  under  never did  men  direct  at the  Settee, only  attended  to younger  or volunteer  experience.  for his new posting.  his duties two days l a t e r .  working  respective posts  out, Budd  at Partridge Crop to replace schoolmaster  13 April  Apparently  servants of the  scholarships went  Anderson was apparently confident that Pratt was ready Pratt arrived  once the  for a few months in 1854 prior  The full  59  even  enrolled.  at their  periods, Charles Pratt, like  two months.  had little  needed  As it turned  attend the Collegiate and Settee only attended to  were  well established as responsible and valuable  Society. More qualified  However,  57  Settee and  60  John McKay on Like other  European  Native  supervision, Pratt  of purely secular duties. For example, in the fall of  in charge  of a  road  building  project  which  was not  ^Thompson, "Expansion," pp. 372, 485. P A C CMSA, A. 95, Settee Journal, 6 July 1854. P A C CMSA, A. 86, Cowley Journal, 13 April 1850. A l l the secondary sources the writer looked at that had any mention of Pratt's post-mission school education erroneously claim that he went to the Collegiate in 1848 and spent about two years there under the tutelage of Anderson or Cockran. See Pannekoek, "Pratt, Charles," p. 712; McCracken, "Qu'Appelle Lakes," p. 13; T. C. B. Boon, The Anglican Church from the Bay to the Rockies: History of the Ecclesiastical Province of Rupert's Land and its Dioceses from 1820 to 1955 (Toronto: Ryerson Press, 1962), p. 157n. However, according to Abraham Cowley, Pratt was a hunter from the time he left the Company in 1848 until he went to Red River in February of 1850. P A C CMSA, A. 86, 13, 15, 18 April 1850. 5 8  5 9  6 0  147  completed  until he  his secular  left the  mission, the  tasks were performed  following  when Cowley  spring.  was  6  Apparently, most  1  of  available to assume  Pratt's  Bishop Anderson recalled Charles Pratt to Red  River.  teaching duties. In March of 1851 John  McKay  was  withdrawn  being sent back to Partridge in May  and,  when he  reasons. First, it was  Crop  to replace  the  which  expected  and  reduce the  to  Cowley  Pratt  6 2  discussed  earlier,  left for Red  River  Anderson to prepare Fort Pelly Indian children  who  partake  a  central  trading  HBC depot  Swan River District and for large  numbers  of  their reception,  or  at  least, that  they  6  in the  occasional  great  faith  the in  buffalo  chase  to  and  would  location offered direct access to buffalo herds. *  as  Plains  traded there were relatives of both Charles  financial strain on had  mission site for a number of practical  headquarters of the  insured  tolerated. Furthermore, the was  instructed by  selected for a new  mentioned, was  Pratt,  Pratt.  to establish a school there for any  Indian bands. Among those who Catherine  Creek, for reasons  6 3  Fort Pelly was  previously  Beaver  arrived, was  as a mission station and wished to attend.  from  be  Pratt  subsidize  his  living  manage  his  new  CMS. Pratt's  ability  to  responsibility:  knowing the worth of his own soul he [Pratt] highly values theirs & desires earnestly to do something to set forward their salvation. He was ready & desirous of his own accord & therefore gladly fell in with my proposal to carry the word of God & go to instruct his kinsmen after the f l e s h . 65  'Ibid., 26 August 1850, 16 May 1851. Ibid., 22 March 1851. I b i d . , and Abraham Cowley to Henry Venn, 15 July 1851. "Ibid. Ibid. Though Cowley takes credit for suggesting Fort Pelly, it was actually Pratt who suggested that catechetical work should be done among his people in the Swan River District. Ibid., Cowley Journal, 18 December 1842. 6  6 2  63  6  6  5  148 Charles  Pratt  preparing  arrived  logs and  about one  mile  at  Fort  west of Fort Pelly  ASKENOOTOW  AND  Like Settee and not  directly  and  related  to him.  people  was  an  unnamed  were out  the  mission  locals  were  in 1851  When  he  told  son on  one  they  of a the  local Cree  large  group  not be  disappointed wait a while &  next day  Saulteaux. a  few  the  night.  69  enveloped During  at a  site  comforted  that  he  were  Plains Cree  of his  Pratt's  arrival  a  build the mission. Among  Medicine  Man, 67  Cha-wah-cis, whose  As  the  locals returned  inquired about his purpose among he  his apparent then you  by  However,  days  intended  to  enthusiasm  spread  and  the  gospel  impatience:  "do  shall have your will, when all the  6 8  the old Medicine  Man  Cha-wah-cis arrived  from the Plains. Following the usual fur trading ceremonials celebrations  began  chose to build  Trail  frequented  Plains at that t i m e .  all people,  The  Hills  volunteered to help him  among  Indians come together."  was  primarily  from the Plains they visited Pratt's camp and them.  immediately  house. He  Touchwood  generally good. Within  hunting  and  initially sent to live among people who  Fort Pelly  the  reception was  on  1851  PEOPLE  Mackay, Pratt was  handful of young Indian men these  of  66  HIS  Assiniboine, but  immediate  in July  clearing land for his new  called the "Indian Elbow."  C.  Pelly  the the  post, Indian affair, the  Old  camp, and Man,  new  armed  and  mission  with  with his people business, site  grand  throughout  his Medicine  Bundle  P A C CMSA, A. 95, Pratt Journal, 31 July, 1, 2 August 1851; Ibid., A. 86, Cowley Journal, 3 April 1852; J. F. Klaus, "The Early Missions of the Swan River District," Saskatchewan History 17 (1964), p. 65. Pratt apparently got along well with the lad who showed his interest by accepting a deck of alphabet cards. P A C CMSA, A. 95, Pratt Journal, 3, 5 August 1851. Ibid., 11 August 1851. By the 1850s the pre-trade activities at Fort Pelly were not as formal or lengthy as those described by Andrew Graham at York Factory fifty or more 6 6  6 7  6 8  6 9  149 and  son, visited Pratt and indignantly demanded his removal: "Who  come here? I never told you to come &  build on my  told you to  lands, go back, go back,  from whence you came, ...& if you still build you shall find the dread of me so long  as I [am] here  lands." with  70  The two men  evangelical  apparently was  you shall  zeal,  realized  argued  until  that  and  him a visit  understood  presented,  with  a gift  could  sincere  and, if he accepted  case.  Cha-wah-cis  the  72  that,  the old man  without  of tobacco  the gift,  with was  Cha-wah-cis'  of tobacco.  be assured  and build  one intoxicated  day he met with  the significance  the receiver  violently,  at length  night  doomed, so the next  paying  not be safe, go back  Pratt  led away.  Pratt  on Cree  terms by  was himself a Cree-Stony  as a peace that  rum, the other  approval, his mission  the old man  71  on your own  offering.  When  it was  the presenter's intentions  he was obliged  to hear  were  the presenter's  accepted Pratt's offering. The two men conversed well into  evening, shared a meal, and continued their discourses until sunrise the next  morning. In  the end Cha-wah-cis not only  build, he also  promised  granted Pratt  his protection. While  permission to stay and  Cha-wah-cis was not open  to  the  idea of christian conversion, his greatest opposition to Pratt's presence was that (cont'd) years earlier. However, they were stately affairs as described by Abraham Cowley in the spring of 1852. See Appendix I, "Fort Pelly - Plains Cree Trade Formalities"; G. Williams ed., Andrew Graham's Observations on Hudson's Bay, 1767-1791 (London: Hudson's Bay Record Society, 1969), pp. 316-19, cited in Arthur J. Ray and Donald Freeman, 'Give Us Good Measure': an economic analysis of relations between the Indians and the Hudson's Bay Company before 1763 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1978), pp 55-7. I b i d . , 12 August 1851. Ibid., 13 August 1851. In January of 1872 Pratt recorded that the Blackfeet sent "seven white bladders of tobacco of peace" to bands inhabiting the lower Saskatchewan region. The inherent message of each bladder was that war and death would follow if the peace was broken. To accept the tobacco signified one's acceptance of the peace-treaty. P A C CMSA, A.99, 15 January 1872. For more information on Cree diplomacy and protocal see David G. Mandelbawm, The Plains Cree: An Ethnographic, Historical and Comparative Study (Regina: Canadian Plains Research Center, 1978). 69  70  7  1  7 2  150 he  was an outsider. He initially  told  Pratt to go back to his own people, but  when Pratt informed him that he was "one of his country-men," meaning related through  marriage  welcomed h i m . of  or blood, Cha-wah-cis  No  oratory  doubt  the Medicine  Man  abilties, another well-respected  Another local Medicine Man named showed and  great  interest in Pratt's  bands they  were  apparently  very  troubled  was  also  Indian  Little  outburst and  over  to them  impressed  by  Pratt's  skill.  Shell, and Chief Gabriel  sermons. On behalf  invited him to speak  spent a considerable of the Afterlife  for his initial  In following Cree protocal and diplomacy, Pratt won the favour  73  Cha-wah-cis.  persuasive  apologized  of their respective  families  about his knowledge. Both  his message  Cote,  men  of sin and the afterlife and  amount of time pondering the issue. * Pratt's interpretation 7  intrigued them  the most. Before  he pitched  off for the Plains  that September, Cote told Pratt: "I am sure you will get all the Indians to your wish before long, for they God  see already  after death so you s a y . " Apparently  Little  they  of the Old  any other  way to  get  75  Shell  and Cote  concept of Christianity as they were with version  cannot live  were  not so taken  the whole  the messanger and his vision. Pratt's  Testament was strongly  influenced  peoples were connected to the biblical "Lost T r i b e s " . influenced by John West who believed  by  76  by his belief that  Indian  He in turn was no doubt  in the same notion.  77  In fact, similarities  in the traits and customs of Isrealites and Plains Indians were Pratt's favourite topic of conversation. 73  PAC  In 1867 he and Company clerk Isaac Cowie discussed the  CMSA, A. 96, 13, 14 August 1851.  These two were so involved with Pratt's sermon on the topic that they ordered all the people to move their tents so their drinking and partying would not disturb the discussions. Ibid., 7, 15 August 1851. I b i d . , 20 September 1851. Cowie, Company of Adventurers, p. 235. West believed that the North American Indians were of Hebraic origin, descended from some of the "scattered tribes of the children of Isreal." West, Substance, p. 91. 74  75  76  77  151 subject Pratt  at length presented  related  and the latter his prospective  to people  cosmosology  found flock  in the Bible.  Pratt's  with  He  and religious beliefs. Cowie  arguments  evidence  also  adapted  recorded  that  that  quite  "plausible."  they  78  were distantly  the Scriptures  to their  as far as he could  remember, it was his [Pratt's] idea to begin by ingrafting the religion of the old dispensation as more suitable to the understanding and conditions of the Indian than the higher truths of Chrisitanity, which, I understood, would be taught in due time after they, like the Jews, had been prepared to receive and comprehend them. 79  Unlike  Henry  Budd  and their European  counterparts,  Pratt  world-view of his people outright. He did not plan to destroy life  and replace  it with  European  Christianity, rather,  did not attack the their entire way of  it appears  as. though he  sought to enhance it. The  CMS  interpretations.  80  locals, Charles  however, Hillyer  were  not pleased  complained  with  Pratt's  than  one occasion  on more  Pratt's interpretation of his sermons were seldom verbatim. Hillyer Cree  to understand  explained  them  that  Pratt  did not just  in his own terms.  he  did not dispute  as  Charles  81  the effectiveness  was interpreting my  read  the Scripture  methods or  knew enough lessons,  of Pratt's  Sermon  methods: "One Sunday  on the coming  afternoon  of Christ, or rather, I was very  impressed..."  sermons  number  The old man  he  Joseph Reader had the same complaint but  think preaching another sermon on the same subject, this Indian 82  that  mentioned  had listened  to Pratt's  much on a  of occasions before Reader arrived in 1874, and was very interested in  Cowie was stationed at Fort Qu'Appelle when he knew Pratt. Cowie, Company of Adventurers, pp. 235, 190. Ibid. p. 235. Ibid. P A C CMSA, A. 88, Hillyer Journal, 30 September 1852. I b i d . , A. 81, Joseph Reader to Henry Wright, 22 January 1875. 7 8  7 9  8  0  8 1  82  152  the idea of the "burning of this world." Hillyer  and  Reader  had  prospective flocks. For example, of smoking this  and  "innate"  therefore  vowed  habit  he  was  prevented  However, Hillyer was  little respect for the views Reader  would that  them  83  end  to it. His major  it consumed ever  too  much  attaining  a  of  and  complaint about  their  incomes  "comfortable"  even more Eurocentric than Reader. He  christian virtue of generosity  of their  could not tolerate the widespread practise  put an  from  or customs  and  lifestyle.  8 4  preached about the  of helping ones' fellows in one  breath, and in  the next complained bitterly about Indians appearing at his home at dinner-time in the expectation of being fed. On and  listening to him  longer  to hear  offensive  and  one occasion, Chief Cote was  preach. After some time the old man  more  " i f I am  turned  him  given  away.  food."  However,  prepared to listen to Hillyer's words and the  local  custom  of  feeding  Quite  houseguests.  Reader's  (1874-81),  found  was  also  Having  been  stay  Cote's proposition offended. He  treated  a distance of one  and  was  to observe in  such  a  one-half days  8 6  the opposite of Hillyer, Pratt  standards. Between  Cote  stated he would  no doubt expected the man  disrespectful manner, Cote moved his camp travel from Fort Pelly.  Hillyer  85  visiting Hillyer  Hillyer's Pratt  sojourn  was  alone  in the on  was Swan  the  generous  to a  River  District  Plains  under  the  fault, by  CMS  (1852-54) and supervision  of  Ibid. Ibid., Annual Letter of Joseph Reader, entry dated 5 August 1874. I b i d . , A. 88, Hillyer Journal, 30 September 1852. Ibid. Following Pratt's suspension from Fort Pelly in 1853, Cote and Little Shell stayed away from the mission. Hillyer had all but alienated the locals with his superior and haughty attitude. By the time Hillyer was recalled in 1854 Cowley was of the opinion that he was not suited for practical Indian work, rather he was "best adapted for a sphere where secular labours & the many trials connected with it need not trouble or embarass" the CMS. Ibid., A. 86, Cowley Journal, 12 April 1854. 8 3  8 4  85  8 6  153  Abraham  Cowley.  all his food  Cowley's most consistent critism was  87  and  supplies with  little or no  that Pratt gave away  consideration  for his future  needs.  8 8  Indian people were not the only recipients of Pratt's good will. When the Palliser expedition  reached his mission  exchanged  "a  very  possessed. A t  a  fine  at Qu'Appelle in September of 1857  mare"  with  them  indeed generous.  Hind  Ellice-Qu'Appelle  trail  Lakes. Pratt gave  Hind  and  the  Fort  Qu'Appelle  region, its resources, Hills  Mission  when  and the  The  89  people. Since Hind  party  Hind  90  Indians and duties and  commented  that  of buffalo, but the  at Indian a he  great was  Henry Youle  of information  arrive  about  at the  there,  Crooked  "well  acqainted  Touchwood  Pratt instructed  with  scarcely sensible of the  responsibility of his charge."  9 1  the  9  habits  stated,  and  Hind's  practical, and  Christian spirit," but  or  criticisms,  it  is  frugal. Charles'  the clear  actions  writer disagrees. that  true  were  more  9 3  From  christian in line  honour feasting. After thirty-three years in the  was  2  Jane McCracken is of the opinion that Pratt's selfless generosity "true  of  importance of his  Pratt's generosity, he  characteristic of the country, " i f not Christian sympathy."  his  the  of his young heifers in honour of their  Pratt was  apparently  they  Hills, between  unable to be to  horses  horses for their livelihood,  Head deal  Pratt  wretched  following year Pratt met  expected  James McKay, Hind's guide, to kill one arrival.  two  time when Plains people depended on  Pratt's action was on  for  Charles  Reverend  generosity with  Cowley's was  Indian  service of the  revealed  CMS,  more  generosity Pratt's  The two usually met once or* twice a year; when Pratt went to Red River for his stipend and supplies, and to hand in his journals, or when Cowley made his annual inspection foray into the Qu'Appelle-Touchwood Hills area. P A C CMSA, A. 100, Abraham Cowley to Henry Wright, 18 December 1873. Spry, Palliser Papers, p. 138. H i n d , Narrative, pp. 317-8. Ibid., p. 317. Ibid. M c C r a c k e n , "Qu'Appelle Lakes," p. 34. 8 7  8 8  8 9  9 0  9  92  93  1  154 extreme generosity was  still a major point of centention with Cowley:  I have occasionally to write him severely; but it is always like wounding an aged & dear friend. Year after year have I had to remonstrate with him, being so careless of himself, allowing Indians to sponge upon him, till he is reduced to great extremities; often to almost starvation. " 9  What his  Cowley did not consider however, was  neighbors  and  initially accepted  to Indian bands who  continued  acceptance  lives  the  of  Europeanized he  Gordon  their  the  was  sent  to  Gordon  many in  innured himself into the daily  transform.  food.  Pratt had Even the  when  aspects  directly  Unlike  his  as  an  1852-1853, Pratt  equal. wintered  European  his people.  During at  his  and  Rather,  shortlived  Qu'Appelle  Lakes  there that his life-long friendship with Chief George  was  buffalo. The  guns, tools, and  livelihood.  in  was  area. However, it is clear that his  to the fact that he  people. It was  began.  on  he  Fort Pelly  live together, but  existed  frequented  due  realm  from  living hunting  a  was  people  with his own  worse off than  at Qu'Appelle Lakes because he  counterparts, Pratt did not isolate himself from  entered  suspension  no  relatives.  Pratt was related  that Pratt was  himself  a  Gordon and  they  Mixed-blood  made  his  Pratt families did not always travel  and  did, they  shared  raised  Cree  who  everything: tents, cabins, horses,  9 5  little choice but to cooperate after  he  Plains alone,  was and  stationed teach  and  with the locals in order to secure at  Qu'Appelle preach  on  he the  could  not  have  salary  the  CMS  "PAC CMSA, A. 112, Abraham Cowley to Christopher C. Fenn, 6 August 1884. Gordon was baptized by Bishop David Anderson. In 1858 when Pratt was directed to leave Qu'Appelle Lakes mission to James Settee and build a new one at Touchwood Hills, the Gordon family and that of White Horse, moved with him. When Treaty No. 4 was signed in 1874, Pratt took out membership with George Gordon's band and spent the last years of his life on the Gordon's Reserve. His descendants still live there today. PAC CMSA, A. 103 Pratt Journal, 2 September 1872. 9  9 5  155 afforded him. As  much as the CMS  refused to believe it, Pratt depended on his  people for his physical survival. One efforts  were  everyone hunters  more  that he  Pratt  lived  with  effective. Furthermore,  returned from  other occasions Pratt  share his provisions and and  his own  consumption  the  Nepowewin.  97  When  he  them  times  meat for him  tough,  and his  care of his neighbours  It was,  96  were  many occasions the  therefore, expected  1859  could not hoard  had  from  Red  no  River  every  Henry  Budd did  summer  with  a  to share his wealth for as long as  qualms  about  Pratt convinced a few  at his mission in Little Touchwood  his provisions for  out in small amounts as  returned  In  with  alone; group  supplies when these were available. Despite the  lasted. Apparently, Pratt  bothered the local CMS.  when  in the  the P l a i n s .  cartload of supplies, his people expected him supplies  Plains  ravings of his superiors, Pratt or ration  buffalo  amongst them. On  left his family  went out hunting buffalo on  rantings  at  and  shared what little food they had  family. On while he  efficient  could not easily hunt  Hills to farm. To  sharing, but  it greatly  Plains families to settle  encourage  their efforts  he  took as much responsibility for their welfare as he could. In fact his prospective farmers because were no  expected he  was  him the one  longer readily  to  help  who  them  from  his own  available. On  one  to help  them  prepared  gardens  started. For  wished  Pratt handed  9 8  to plant gardens  and  when  farms, Pratt even provided them with example, in  1858  George  another unnamed convert each received a young heifer from Pratt.  I b i d . , 30 September 1859. P e t t i p a s , Diary of Henry Budd, p. xxv. P A C CMSA, A. 95, Pratt Journal, 12 November "Ibid., 26 October 1858. S6  97  9 8  their  made good by butchering  were trying to farm.  stock to those who  get  they  occasion he  who  converts were ready to establish their own livestock  while  talked them into moving to a region where buffalo  his only bull to feed those about him out seed  out  1859.  9 9  Gordon  and  156 When nations  the  of the  Touchwood  given up  any  as  adjusted  they  enough farm  government  started  support  a  plans  Hills-Qu'Appelle Lakes  hope that the CMS to  making  new  was  mode  of  to feed his family and  sure  tools, and  that  the  treat  region, Pratt  with  the  living. he  They  had  government  would  no  had  pretty well  barely  provided  assistant to help  provide  the  farm.  people  It is mind North worse great  In the  By  1 0 0  summer  of 1878  Pratt  established reserve. He  gardens,  and  built  ploughing  and  teaching them  people while they  then  the late  1870s  counted  on to  God, now put the indians, if rebel, & that to settle down,  into the not, the will be without,  1  spring and  onto their newly  people  about the future welfare of his people:  discouraging for the poor Indians, would of the government to give more help to American Indian race will, certainly, ever, the indian [sic] will never be able help. 10  the  with  with supplies,  however, it became clear that even the government could not be very concerned  him  produce. If not the church,  the instruction they needed to settle and  help. Pratt was  Indian  would provide tangible assistance to his people  or keep the mission stocked with country  Pratt  to  a  second  laboured.  mission  helped  helped among  to farm, Pratt  was  Daystar  them them.  and  build 10 2  his people  houses and  When  netting fish  he  move  prepare  was  to help feed  not the  103  I b i d . , A. 99, Pratt Journal, 15 January 1872. 1bid., A. 104, Pratt Journal, 7 May 1878. I b i d . , 10 March 1878. He borrowed Joseph Reader's plow to dig the soil, since he had none of his own, but the oxen provided by the Indian Department were sickly and too wild to be harnessed. Pratt tried to hitch his bull to the plough harness but the animal went crazy and everyone scattered for fear of it. Ploughing could not be done until after someone ran over to Reader's mission at Little Touchwood to borrow his ox. P A C CMSA, A. 104, Pratt Journal, 7, 8 May 1878. I b i d . , 16 March 1878. 1 0 0  1 0  1 0 2  1 0 3  1  157  D.  THE LEGACY  OF CHARLES  Throughout  PRATT  his thirty-eight  years  was  related  work, Pratt to them  kept  interests  of his people  marriage  so his concern was genuine. Unlike the highly Europeanized  not only  shared  did  at heart. He  of mission  his knowledge and skills, he shared  through  his livelihood  the best blood and  Budd, Pratt and life. He  his best to live up to the CMS's expectations, but he also knew that there  was  little  their  very  incorporated  use in keeping survival into  was  children  at his mission  a constant  his mission  for Western  issue. His major  itinerary.  Sometimes  hunting  he  spent  education  when  expeditions  were  up  to a  month  hunting out on the Plains and visiting small bands. Daytimes were spent chasing buffalo sharing  alongside  his friends  his visions  over  a  and prospective converts, and evenings meal  and a  campfire.  He  was  were  respected  spent  for  his  traditional skills, which included hunting, speech-making, and story-telling. Zealous evangelical rantings would not have been tolerated for any great length of time in  such  close quarters and apparently  a  high  degree  of "impression  fervour, but Pratt  Pratt respected  that. His journals display  management" in the form  of zealous  no doubt constantly feared that his mission  which would leave the people  all alone, without  would  christian be closed  any help, and himself out of a  job  for which he was well suited. Furthermore, he was always under the threat  of  being  relocated  superintendent, convince  when  at  the  one was  whim  of  the  around. In order  the Committee to keep him posted  the impression  local  Finance  to keep  Committee  his mission  he was doing things their way  the Indian people were receptive and responding  with  translated, syncratic  open and  since he could not convince  them  upon them that  to the christian call. Contrary to  views, but in line with Venn's NCP, Pratt . gained  his skillfully  a  there, he had to give his superiors  of the practicability of doing it his way, and he had to impress  local CMS  or  version of christian  his small following  theology, which  was  158 more readily obsorbed he  into Plains Cree  present a comprehensible  agriculture, which  at  mainstay.  the  Given  first  supplemented  above,  was  successful,  mentioned,  some  contemporary  as  leadership  a in  survival was  culturally tact  transformations people as one the  Pratt Indian  Pratt's  contrary  and  peoples  experienced  of  And  example, he  it was  had  CMS  their  of  Touchwood  Hills  attests  the  to  his  superiors  helped lands,  entire  the  most  provided  the  Cree  and  his with  way  1 0 5  1 0 6  1 0 7  as  people  to  traditional of life  and  starvation  and  die by  could  and  Pratt  politically powerful bands  subjugation  little  else  give  to a  his  rejoiced  people.  permanence  that his secular and  reserve  they  the  1878, can  to share  the H B C  Pratt's mission  equalled by temporal  nurture  get  shall they live, I know  in his ability  That  scarlet  about. In  know, how  provisions from 1 0 7  in the  but  most concerned  not really  even borrowed  knew his  the hundreds during the  do  was  and  cultural  West. He  very  efforts  few  other  were, and  " See James Axtell, "Some Thoughts on the Ethnohistory of Ethnohistory vol. 29, no. 1 (1982), Supra. P A C CMSA, A. 95, 20, 28 December 1856 and 11 April 1857. I b i d . , A. 104, Pratt Journal, 18, 19 April 1878. I b i d . , 28 March 1878. 1 0  and,  tumultuous  Canadian  to show them, what to do... how  "achieved fact  Plains  of  their  in the  their survival he  with his people. He missionaries  the  traditional  when  one  his people  Unlike his contemporaries,  to  on  wrote: "poor Indians, I do  along without guidence  he  views  later  Pratt's efforts  experienced  1856-1857  epidemic  1 0 6  the  group,  witnessed  fever  not."  to  among  and  "  10  watched  for  mission  point in history  transition period. He  10 5  livelihoods  of the most economically independant  Plains,  survivors.  their  historians.  cohesive  a  threatened.  Charles  on  at  Assiniboine cosmosology. Not only did  version of Western theology, Pratt offered his people  Assiniboine  survive  and  what  and fellow at  Little  missions" still  are,  Missions,"  159  appreciated  by George Gordon's band.  10 8  Frits Pannekoek states that Charles knew  only  too well  that the best  The  writer  but  he was a Nehiyow, and his world  ancestry. as  Cowie  agrees that Pratt died  days  pointed  out,  they  were  unlike  other  Mixed-bloods  bitter  Pratt  was  towards  treatment he received endure  indicates  of the mixed-bloods had v a n i s h e d . "  lamenting the state of his world  109  and people,  was Nehiyawihcikewin, despite  his mixed  George Gordon and most of his band were also of mixed descent, but  were  to  Pratt died a bitter man because "he  in their that  in that  and brought respect.  110  up with  the C M S  faith  that  to say how  he lamented the  and the hardships he and his people had  country. His last  his christian  the Indians" and  It is difficult  the end, but it is certain  from own  "born  journal  in the rewards  entry  dated  13 July 1884  of the Afterlife,  or his  Indigenous Spirit World kept him going through times that offered little hope. He wrote: Evening Service 21st Chap revelations, & God shall wipe away all tears from their eyes, no more death, nor sorrow, nor crying nor any more pain. Blessed Lord God prepare & fit us for that day. 1  11  K l a u s , "Early Missions," p. 69. Pannekoek, "Pratt, Charles," p. 712. Cowie, Company of Adventurers, pp. 362-63. P A C CMSA, A. 104, Pratt Journal, 13 July 1884. Pratt spent his last years as schoolteacher and catechist on Gordon's Reserve, Saskatchewan. In April of 1885 he suffered a parolytic stroke that left him paralyzed and helpless until his death in 1888. 1 0 8  10 9  1 10  1 11  VII. CONCLUSION  A.  SUMMARY  As  we  established  have  seen,  in Rupert's  Land  the  Hudson's " Bay  for over  one  hundred  efforts were made to provide its employees and or educational "improvement." At  the  Company years  18th  been  before  the Native  turn of the  had  any  firmly  concerted  inhabitants, religious  century, the culmination  of a number of factors forced the Company  to live up  to its social and  obligations.  demanded  that  Bayside  and  inland  employees  Western instruction for their Country-born the  cries of British  groups threatened an  evangelicals, social reformers,  in 1820.  Society,  an  West  was  also an  evangelical organization  hired  instruction financial  onset,  that  the  Clearly  CMS the  HBC,  planned  with  object  of  member  was  realized  provide  the an  an  other  commercial  Land  zealous  Indian Indian  its active  and  retired  of the  devoted  that  the  would lobbying  mission mission  objects of the  services under the auspices of an considerably  done however, until  to  Church the  interest  Land. In Company Missionary  conversion  and  the empire.  not to convert and  inherently undermine the to  HBC  to establish  Company's perspective was would  the  inhabitants of Rupert's  burden, the  convinced 1822.  the  of the  provide  Reverend John West as  active  "civilization" of Indigenous societies throughout From  and  HBC  the Company's exclusive licence to trade in Rupert's  effort to pacify its critics, the H B C  chaplain  children. Little was  the  moral  intellectual be  costly. To  Red  Rupert's  spiritual  reduce this  of Reverend  at the in  and  John  West,  River  colony in  Land  from  "civilize" Native peoples; to do fur trade. Rather,  employees  the local  educational  and  the so HBC  spiritual  Indian mission. In this manner, the costs were  reduced.  Contrary to the best interests and 160  wishes of the local HBC,  John West's  161 primary  object was  entered Rupert's  the salvation of Indian souls. Even before the CMS  Land, West began formulating an  a number of visits to inland  Indian mission program. After  Company posts and  Indian camps, West  that his most promising prospects for "success" would be found children. In time, the program West developed of Native  officially  determined  among the Indian  for the "civilization" and  children became the foundation of Indian education  education  policies in Western  Canada. John West's immediate goal for his Indian mission school was his  students  and  train  them  in the  more  practical  aspects  of  "civilization"  agriculture - in the hopes that they would eventually disseminate knowledge  among  HBC  John  and  West  stay in Rupert's Indian mission  their  country-men. Since conflicted  Land was program  in both  was  and  successors  enthusiasm. Bowing  Red  River  took  Since  then  where  designs  he  left  John be  mundane  West  the  spread  the  off, but  with  West's  sojourn, the education  much  less  zeal  officials, later missionaries  HBC  and  retired Company  local  missionaries  the Indian mission school was attention of the  seen  throughout  local  resources from John West's Indian mission school to  formally educated had  of the  matters,  CMS had  was  employess  depended  maintained  on  and the  until the  returning to its original  reached  adulthood  school to seek employment. This small group of men  first converted and  would  policies  the conversion and  of local HBC  objects - Indian missions. John West's students leaving the  and  and  well underway.  immediate needs of active and  settlers.  1830s. By  up  to the  financial support of the CMS, early  spiritual  firmly established and  transfered their energies and the interests and  goals  -  their new-found  brief. Nevertheless, during his three year  of eight resident Indian children was West's  the  to convert  and  were  constituted the  Indian people in Western Canada.  in his students Rupert's  Land.  the His  means  by  education  which program i  the not  gospel only  162 equipped  them  themselves, decidedly  with  it also  the  necessary  nurtured  greater advantage  certain over  their  European purely  skills  Indian  European  much  fishing the  forethought  students  he  "would be  realized  highly  respected."  them. Within  successors  any  wilderness to propogate the Company and  inland  the  sons and  the  CMS  gospel would be  Indian  daughters  to put  nations  skills  governed  by  a  agriculturalists employment prepared social  lower  the  outside the  servant  ranks  their or  period  sanguine  Jones  and  HBC  to  them  prospects  for  loyal to the  more  time  specifically,  and  being  and  focus  unique and  much  in  a  fledgling  They  settlement  were  maths  prepared  their  religious  any  prospects  sector. A l l the  at various  times  first and  of  for varying  only other wage jobs they could get were as farm Committee, ? July  prevailing obtaining  entered  the  lengths of  labourers at  1822.  for  background  their  graduates  qualified them  ministry. Nevertheless, the  precluded  convinced  men.  limited.  and  accountants,  CMSA, A. 98, John West to CMS  will  that sending them into the  for the  were  in the  he  stated that none of  Country-born,  work  literacy  wage labour  of the  their hunting  Parent Committee their only hope  available  for further training of  less  retired Company  corporation  schoolteachers  attitudes  service. The 'PAC  as  a  field. West  officers. Jones successfully  mission  opportunties  hunters,  them  dexterity in hunting  of John West's school possessed  monopolistic and  them  employment  the  far  the  Company  aside its Indian  but  to develop  disasterous. Jones was  lay with  of active  Indian graduates  gave  learned to mend a gun  David  told the CMS  attention on the children of active and  valued  and  ministerial potential and  its objectives, and  for reaching  The  had  months of his arrival, Reverend  the Indian students had  which  missionaries  despised" in their home communties: "Reading or  West's  1  skills  that without  Writing will gain but little credit...[but] if he has be  become  counterparts in the  encouraged his students to maintain their languages, skills. With  to  Red  163 River. The these  local CMS  young men  had  just  north  unsettled  for the unique skills and  to revive its Indian  of the  Settlement, required a  pool  of  Native  schoolteachers. By  the  mission  qualities of  program  and  River settlement.  first Indian agricultural mission was  regions  its  ready  of the Red  with limited manpower and to  place or use  until it was  traverse the boundaries The  no  established in the early  at Cook's Creek. The great  creation of new  deal of physical and  spiritual  financial resources, the local CMS  graduates  for  1840s, all but one  labourers,  missions in labour.  was  interpreters,  1830s  Faced  forced to look catechists,  and  of John West's original Indian students  were actively involved in Indian mission work. In  1840,  interdenominational  competition  forced the Anglicans out of their Red been  in Rupert's  Land  for twenty  in  the  Canadian  North  River stronghold. Though CMS  years, none traversed the  agents  boundaries  Settlement  to reach inland Indian bands since John West's last journey  The  had  CMS  neither spare  schoolteachers. By  Budd established the He  was  Fort Ellice  years  of the  in  1823.  turned to their small pool of Native  the close of 1840,  first inland mission  followed two  had  resources nor clergymen to send inland. In order to  enter the inland race for Indian souls, they catechists and  West  later by  among the Plains Cree,  at The  CMS  Pas  among the  James Settee who and  in 1851  by  Native catechist Henry Swampy  Cree.  established a mission at  Charles Pratt who  founded  the Fort Pelly mission among the Saulteaux, Plains Cree and Assiniboine. The  first  tour of the  CMS  North-West  Mission  by  an  resulted in a number of changes in the focus of the local CMS Following his 1844 for the  their CMS  lack of a Parent  establishment  of a  visit, Bishop systematic Committee new  Anglican  Bishop  mission program.  George Jehosephat Mountain chastized the locals Indian to  conversion program. The  send  out  Bishopric in Western  more  men  Canada. In  and 1849  Bishop called the  petitioned for Diocese  the of  164 Rupert's  Land  Anderson. renewed  came  The  into  being  establishment  enthusiasm  under  of local  of the  Parent  Henry  the  Venn,  the  direction  Committee,  ideas  of the  and  Bishop,  authority, an  mission activities in the Canadian North Under  its first  increased  spurred  the  Reverend budget,  expansion  of  the  CMS  churches  could  Society  were  transformation  which self-governing, self-supporting, and  be  of Indian  Indian cultures and missionaries  was  christians. They and  refrain  distinctly  nurtured.  from  The  to  establish  it was  these  imposing  European  institution  an  the  of Indian  consolidated.  based  on  would  an  change. The  1850s, mapped  model  in  the  role of the European of  the host cultures, learn the  develop  for  implied respect for  congregations  habits, tastes, and  Henry  self-propogating Native  efficient  self-supporting  were instructed to study  Missionaries were to educate and  enter new  provided  their abilities to adapt and  Indigenous  talents, and  NCP  societies, but  and  in London, Reverend  Venn's Native Church Policy, which evolved during the 1840s and out the means by  David  West.  secretary of the  policies  the  ideas an  Native  languages,  in order  Indigenous  that  a  setting.  train local Native clergy utilizing existing  skills,  resources. Once in place, the European missionaries would be free to  fields,  and  thus the gospel would be  spread.  Venn's ideas, similar in many respects to West's, offered every indication of  missionary  of  Native  there  were  success. By  catechists were twenty-six  mission work.  the time already  Native  and  Bishop  Anderson  in place, and fifteen  arrived  more  European  soon  agents  in 1849  a  followed. By employed  in  handful 1860 Indian  165 B.  JOHN  WEST'S  It  INDIAN  is clear  writers of Indian mission  school  judgements  that  writers  education  and  and  MISSION  of Western  RECONSIDERED  Canadian  history have neglected  his students.  have  SCHOOL  diminished  As  a  education  John West's Red River  result,  they  have  the importance  and  impact  approach. For example, Cornelius Jaenen's claim that there change" in the Indian been proven wrong.  education  program  history and  made  Indian  erroneous  of his unique  was no "appreciable  following West's removal in 1823, has  John Foster basically agrees with Jaenen but he does go a  2  bit further by pointing out that the priorities and emphasis of the school shifted under  Jones' direction  Indian  from  Country-born and settler population occured, goals  however, is doubtful  of the CMS  Reverend decision  Jones' neglect to yield  problem  to  plan  he disregards  towards  for the primary  does  to contain  Indian object  priorities  so without  mission  that  of the  He  condones  and salutes his  of the local  the Company's  at Red River  the original  work.  of the CMS  and goals  considering  "civilization"  the fact  HBC. The  motivies and  in the hopes  or neglect  wanted  that  their  portion  primary  occupations  of the population  in the fur trade.  in Rupert's  Land  directly involved in its fur trade operations to become prototypes farmers. protect fur  to that  that inland  labourers and trappers would not be so affected by innovative changes as  abandon  only  directed  and "civilization"  at Red River. His. analysis of why this shift  because  to the immediate  is, Foster  unrealistic Indian  were  conversion  3  that  The H B C was not  of English rural  The Company hoped to contain this innovation at Red River in order to and maintain  trade  would  be  its inland pool of Native doomed  if large  labourers  numbers  and fur-gatherers. The  of Indians  became  sedentary  Cornelius Jaenen, "Foundations of Dual Education at Red River, 1811-1834," Transactions of the Historical and Scientific Society of Manitoba 3 (1965), p. 62. John Foster, "Program for the Red River Mission: The Anglican Clergy 1820-1826," Social History 4 (1969), pp. 67-8, 74. 2  3  166 farmers. John idealist." HBC  West  But  he  authorities  Contrary than  has  can  been  only be  and  the  portrayed viewed  any  changes  this  regard,  among he  such  was  a  indicated, Jones  Indian  could  as  an  overzealous,  from  "weak-kneed" missionary  to prevailing notions, West  his successors. As  as  very  people  the perspective of the local who  followed  made he  been  no  concerted  feared  almost  little respect for Indian cultures and Evidence  so  far  HBC  a  dismal  considered  every  aspect  studying  his host  indicates  that  cultures. In  "cultural relativism" by  attempting  activities,  beliefs.  understand concluded  and  religious  Indian  notions  that the  religious  of  John  missionary to affect  reprimand.  In  failure  an  Abraham  of Indian  West's  effect  he  He  West the  made  an  Afterlife, of the  life.  as  Cowley  They  had  and  methods  of  spent considerable time  Native  and  embryonic  significant  Spirits.  tribes  and  form  of  habits, mores, economic  especially  God,  inland  goals  practiced an  to understand  ideas  and  1823.  their abilities.  conversion were well ahead of his contemporaries. effort  in  attempts  local  Indian missionary. In the other extreme, William Cockran went to great lengths to change  him  far more realistic Indian  because  well have  uncompromising  were  In  attempt the  similar  end  to he  enough to  those of the Jews that the former were undoubtedly related to the lost tribes of Isreal. Through Indian  this connection  students  that  Europeans. Native  the  catechist  West  Indians Charles  was of  able to convince Canada  Pratt  later  inland Indian bands of the same. Apparently varying  degrees to the  christian  teachings  they were distantly related to important for  were used  distant this  71-3.  kin  approach  one  of his  to  certain  to  convince  some Indian peoples were drawn in  when  they  were  shown  "proof  that  actors in the Bible. Thus, West provided  a certain amount of syncretism between Christianity and  "Ibid., pp. 52, 65,  at least  Indigenous religions.  167 West possibly  also realized  looked  cultivated  that in order  up to by their  Indian  skills,  for his students  country-men, they  particularly  hunting  to be accepted and  had to possess  and gunsmithy.  certain  Whereas  finely  Reverend  Cockran abhored the hunt and the way of life it necessitated, West realized that the  hunt  was not only  vital  for survival,  it also  provided  his proteges the  opportunity to be of service to inland Indian bands and possibly to gain prestige among them. Of all the early  European C M S missionaries, West was the most  accommodating in an Indian context. Generalizations based on post-1870 residential school circumstances generally  apply  to West's Indian  example, Emma  L a Roque  school and should  claims  that  Indian  their children underwent coercive indoctrination. only  occur  resistence,  in situations  where  as in the post-1870  directed reserve  West. It has been established here  5  be carefully  do not  reassessed. For  parents  "watched  helplessly" as  Evidence  suggests  that this could  cultural transition  change  met with  weakened  era in the Canadian  North  that West could not cajole or coerce  Indian  parents to give up their children, nor could he refuse them when they decided to withdraw  their children from  generally  economically,  missionary  offerings  his school. In the early  socially,  and politically  outright. Therefore,  another  mission school that has not been comparatively  1820s Indian bands were  independent unique assessed  aspect  enough  to refuse  of West's Indian  is that attendence  was  voluntary. All but the orphans were sent to school by choice. One  very  important  point made  by LaRoque  and substantiated here is  that Indian parents appreciated the practical rewards of having educated especially their ability to understand  weights, measures, and accounts  Emma LaRoque, "White Control of Indian of Manitoba, 1978), p. 47. 5  children,  in order to  'Education,' (M.A. thesis, University  168  protect  themselves  offered  prestige  from  and  unscrupulous  authority  in  alternative methods of supplementing The mission  way  school  the has  question been  traders. the  In  6  addition, Western  Indian-fur  trade  of  the  treated  in  and  their  much  fur  goals and  trade  emphasis  on  "success the  or  failure"  secondary  his methods clashed with  operations. Furthermore, Indians  as  opposed  he  to the  settlers  the  natives."  Since  8  the  disinterest  of  Native  of  he  had  little  as  Indian  also  needs  was  too unrealistic  and  goals of the  HBC  the that at  West  lied  due  interest in Indian  education,  as  placed  River.  7  too  Jaenen  to the "disinterest  peoples  has  never  stopped  and  suggests  evangelical missionaries in the past, Jaenen's analysis is inadequate that  well  West's  literature  argues  claims that the failure of the Indian mission school was of  as  their livelihoods.  reassessment. Foster claims that West failed because he uncompromising. His  context,  education  opposed  to the  education  of  others. West's Indian mission judged fact  from  fulfill  the  the  school can  perspective of the  HBC.  objects of its founder  students, rather than ground-breaking  and  Jones' Country-born  missionaries  in the  only be  considered  Contrary hence  the  CMS.  North  83%  the  numbers  game, West  not  only  John  achieved  (five out of six) of his male students who  a  100%  reached  West's  to become the  West.  perspective, West's efforts were even more spectacular than In  "failure" if it is  to Foster's claim, it did in  students, went on  Canadian  a  From  a  Indian CMS  missionary  previously considered. conversion  adulthood  record, but  became Indian  missionaries. Using  6  7  8  Axtell's  model  it is clear  Ibid., pp. 45, 38. Foster, "Program," pp. 71-4. Jaenen, "Dual Foundation," p. 66.  that  West's  efforts  among  the  Indian  169 students were successful from of  discontinuity  students  with  found  Furthermore, traditional  the  relatively  their perspective. For the price of varying degrees  world-views secure  and  of  some  they were not only able to return and  socio-economic  point. Evidence  suggests  impact  of John  that West was  approach. results  interpretations  Furthermore,  We  by  had  students, or how  NATIVE  do  not  missionary  and  do  not  know  and  standards,  how  how  elements,  many  all the  THE  consider  starting  studies will  many how  West  more  he  take  a  more  achieved  such  of his scriptural to his  in his conversion methods and  results.  of West's  explained  ideas  and  methods  were  results.  LINK  Indian mission activities in the latter  19th century considers the Native Church Policy of Henry Venn  its application in the Canadian North assess  CMS  a  these  MISSING  literature on  provide  well ahead of his time in a  that further  important syncretism was  we  Almost  to  on  political order.  know, for example: how  possible syncratic  CATECHISTS:  half of the  prestige.  were also able to assist  employed by his students in the field, or their comparative  C.  West's  live among their people  West, it does  unique  of ways. It is therefore hoped  spectacular  peoples,  the scope of this study does not allow for a thorough re-evaluation  ideas, methods, and  comparative  their  authority and  lands with traditional leadership intact, they  While  number  traditions  employment  their people in adjusting to a new  of the  and  the how  relative  success  it has  been  or  West. It is beyond the scope of this study  failure  treated  and  in  of the order  NCP,  to  but  suggest  it is worthwhile directions  to  for future  research. The by  two  reasons  historians.  contributing  for the "failure" of the NCP Frits  Pannekoek  to its downfall. In  and  part, the  Ian  have been fairly well treated  Getty  climactic  list  and  a  variety  of  factors  geographical realities  of  170 the  North  addition,  West there  simply were  would  not support  inherent  shortcomings  inflexible and did not take into account out  "ideal" christian  Indian  missions. In  of the policy  itself.  It was too  the inability of the missionaries to carry  its mandate. Missionaries in the field were too Eurocentric, intolerant, and  incapable of respecting the differences and similarities of non-christian cultures in order to nurture the development of a truly independent Indigenous church. analyses of Getty here  point  The  and Pannekoek are not as simplistic as stated, but the object  is to illustrate  vantage  9  that  all the factors  of the C M S  Parent  considered  Committee,  were  reached  the local  from the  missionaries, and  environmental constraints. From conversion  Henry  Venn's  program  missionaries  were  was  perspective,  the key  the development  to act as catalysts  of a  to  Native  but the cultural  of Native  scholars  have  people given  in their  little  own conversion  Getty  and Pannekoek  neglect  transformation  of Indian  CMS  Native  Church  Venn's emphasis on the  it is surprising  Policy  church  to find that workers and  or failure of the NCP. Because historians .like  to take  conclusions are purely one-sided  Indian  European  consideration to the C M S Native  their role in the relative success  successful ministry.  societies had to come from within to be effective. Given role  a  the "Indian  factor"  into  account,  their  or Eurocentric. The "success" or "failure" of the  cannot  be considered  within  these  narrow confines.  For a more complete understanding  of the N C P specifically, and Indian-missionary  relations  consider the roles of Native  their  generally, we must  relations  with  their  first  European  counterparts  congregations, as well as their comparative  and their  church respective  workers, Native  goals and impact.  F r i t s Pannekoek, "Protestant Agricultural Zions for the Western Indian," Journal of the Canadian Church Historical Society 14 (1972); Ian Getty, "The Failure of the Native Church Policy of the C M S in the North West," in Religion and Society in the Prairie West, ed. Richard Allen (Regina: Canadian Plains Reserch Center, 1974). 9  171 It has been demonstrated that Native the most labourious, risky, and menial  church  workers were employed in  tasks of CMS  Indian mission work. They  were sent inland as ground-breakers to build and prepare schools.  Once  these  missionaries.  In  bands  who  John  Mckay  were  many  were  well established, they  cases  considered  and  Native hostile  Charles  church and  Pratt,  were  for  missions and day  taken  workers  dangerous  new  over  were  by  example,  sent  European  inland  among  outsiders. James  Settee,  were  sent  Cree-Assiniboine territory with only a single assistant at a time men  by  into  Plains  when even  would not travel alone when bands from these nations were reported to be  nearby. Furthermore, since the bulk of the Indian mission work force was up  HBC  of Native  catechists and  schoolteachers,  they  performed  prestigious tasks. Catechists and schoolteachers could be found variety  of  maintaining  labourious mission  jobs,  such  as  hunting,  buildings, in addition  to  most  of the less  working at a wide  gardening,  their  made  teaching,  constructing  and  interpreting,  and  itinerary tasks. Even Native deacons and priests were relegated to the status of "seconds" in the presence The suggests and  who  mixed  one  point  of European missionaries. historians  is that the CMS was  Indian  men  and  to  neglect  that  the  made clear distinctions between who  within their  ancestry, the Country-born  European  tend  Indian  ranks. Those who  were  or Mixed-bloods, were  or Mixed-blood  women, who  evidence was  strongly  Country-born  referred  to by their  the direct  offspring of  were  also influenced in  their growing years by the values and outlooks of their fathers. In other words, they  were Europeanized  were raised  and influenced by their Indian  of their Western both early  to varying degrees.  education  Those who  were considered  mothers prior  "Indian"  to the commencement  and conversion. Charles Pratt and Henry  Budd  were  Mixed-blood men, for example, but were considered "Indian" because of their upbringing,  and  apparently  also  because  they  were  not  influenced  by  172 Europeanized  fathers.  The  local  Europeanized  appease  CMS  sensitive in  its Red  the  River  European schoolteachers  Country-born generation  was  Country-borns  contexts. To first, with  CMS  men  from  well  to the social  Red  settlement  clientele, the CMS  of Indians  and  inland  and  Indian  strove to provide  them  and catechists and then, with first generation  established  Country-born and Indian men  when the demand  River  standing  fur trade  families.  Second  or  older  only received Red River positions in the  increased dramatically and could not be met by persons  from the preferred categories, and when the clientele was less discriminating. For example, placed  the first  in schools  settlers who  Indian that  schoolteachers,  paid  James  the lowest  occupied the lowest stratum  Settee  salaries  and  and  Henry  catered  Budd, were  to Indians  and  of Red River society.  In the context of Indian mission work, distinct roles were again allocated to  Indian  sent  and  inland  Country-born  to establish  Country-born  church  new  missions  catechists were  sent  previously, this strategy proved especially cases  when Indian  of Henry  Budd  men  workers.  and gather  to assist  to be very  were sent  at The  Pas  Generally,  the Beaver  disproves potentially  better  hasty  and  equipped  self-serving  for inland  congregations  while  missionaries. As indicated  among their own and  catechists were  efficient and effective when followed,  Charles  Creek region by the Plains Cree  Jones'  potential  European  Country-born catechist John Mckay, on the other of  Indian  Pratt  as in the  at Qu'Appelle  hand, was  literally  Lakes.  chased out  and Assiniboine. His experience  claim  Indian  country-men  that mission  the work  Country-born than  the  were Indian  students were. Indian  catechists  were  more  converts in the field and did possess succeed  easily  assimilated  by  their  all the skills and resources  in their efforts by European missionary  they  prospective needed to  standards. Did they in fact meet  173 the  great  church that  expectations  hagiography  of their  European  literature been silent  any profound  impact  the lowly  superiors? If so, why  has even the  about their deeds? It is quite possible  catechists had on the expansion  of Indian  Christianity was overshadowed by the European or Native priests who followed in their  wake. Then  same  impact  again  on  it is possible that catechists simply  their  Country-men  Native  priests  treated  by their prospective converts?  they as deeply superiors? Native  did. How  touched  Or, were  then  as  can their  the European impact  Were  did not have the  or highly  Europeanized  be ascertained? How  they  failures  were  they  as missionaries? Were  by pure evangelical zeal? Were they as idealistic as their  they  catechists. Before  more  practical?  So  little  any general statements  to be done. It is clear, however, that Native  class  of men.  study  of Charles  known  about  can be made more case-studies  need  The case  is presently  Pratt  catechists were  clearly  a  distinct  indicates that that his  goals, values, priorities, and loyalties were often at odds with his CMS superiors. As  far as the local CMS  was concerned,  Charles Pratt held the promise  of great evangelical victories and of creating successful Indian mission stations. In the  end, however,  his accomplishments  superiors. Pratt's mission  station  never  satisfied  at Touchwood  Hills  the expectations never  developed  of his  into the  ideal christian Indian agricultural mission envisioned by the CMS. Neither did he successfully convince his people  to give up the hunt in favour of agriculture and  stock-raising. But it did achieve Touchwood Though  only  mission  the original  replaced, George  Hills  Touchwood  Gordon  be  site Hills  was was  a longevity unequalled founded  moved  mission  considered  considered successful.  mediocre;  1858  a few times  still  and catechist Charles  in  stands  Pratt. By  it was  neither  and  has  few others. Big  never  been  closed.  and the buildings have been  among CMS a  by very  the descendents standards  dismal  of Chief  though, it could  failure,  nor  was it  174 Using the  Indian  was  AxtelPs  people  successful.  leadership people  was  energies them  it was  It  intact  Pratt's  meant  helped  at  a  them  As  survive their  shown,  catechist. He  on  sent  him  it was  not  away  as  traditional  history  only  a  when their  lived  their needs became his, if they  people  that from  the perspective of  to transform, Pratt's Touchwood  point in  threatened.  of their  and  model, however, it is clear  their  among  child  to  with  very  survival  were not  small  lands,  Hills  traditional  survival  that  them, he  his people their  was  adjust. He  Cowley were  himself  them  all that he  coerced  above  Budd  He  spoke  interpreted  face their possessed  were not expected  or Henry  not  authorities,  helped  them  his people  mainstay.  learn  and  understand  enhance  it turned out, Pratt's training served originally expected.  was  there to help  on their  undermined  the  behalf  points  of  world  with  changing  such  a  would  they  he  heavy  lived  have  despite the very real sincerity of Pratt's own well have  their  to  the  view  primary  As  them and  increasingly  and  bargaining  hope. He  unselfishly  price  as one  like  exact. Pratt's converts were his equals  or cajoled. Because  them, nor  the  - skills, knowledge, shelter, provisions. And,  to pay  would  with  to his return home.  political independence waned, Pratt  the  foreign  positions, and offered  and  the  one  taught them farming which at first supplemented their livelihoods  provided  powerful  political position. As  a  prior  well, though not quite in terms of what they  economic  later  and  as  consumed  ways of these European intruders so that his people could maintain and their socio-economic  mission  among  let him.  them  he  It appears  and  they  could not  raise  therefore, that  christian conversion, he  objects of the  CMS  Abraham  may  very  in the best interests of  his people. The or, were Pratt  is  question still to be answered is, was  his values, priorities, representative  of  and  his  goals, shared contemporaries,  Pratt an exception to the rule, by our  his fellow catechists? If understanding  of  the  175 Indian-christian experience, in Western Canada re-evaluations. For  example,  if it becomes  at least, will undergo some serious  evident  that  other  Native catechists  held views and values similar to Pratt's, it is conceivable that the failure of the Native  Church  Policy  activities of its own  in Western  Canada  Native church workers.  was  in part  due  to the  subversive  BIBLIOGRAPHY  1 PRIMARY SOURCES Most  of the primary  Correspondence  and Journals  sources  for this  of the CMS  so their  records contain detailed  programs and local the  writers  were  affairs. These  must  products of their  came  North-West  missionaries were under the direct supervision London  study  from  America  of the CMS  Mission. Local  Parent Committee in  reports of mission  activity, education  be assessed critically,  time. Anything  the Incoming  relating  however,  because  to Native people is  tainted with self-righteous, Eurocentric, and paternalistic attitudes and opinions. Native  missionaries also  left  journals  and  correspondence  which are  extremely valuable since they offer insights on the relations these men had with their  hosts cultures, the HBC, and the local church  hierarchy. But it must be  remembered that these men were also products of their time exhibit  a  high  management."  1  degree  In short,  of  church  workers  Gerald  Berreman's  control the impression another Native  what  often  group  thesis develops  conveys  attitudes  of the European  were  constant  pressure  terms  describes one group's about  the same  self-righteous under  Berreman  and their writings  their  attempt to  them. The literature left by Eurocentric,  missionaries, because  to prove  "impression  evangelical  patronizing the. former  orthodoxy  and group  and gain  acceptance. HBC  documents,  on  establishment of the church relations  between  the other  hand,  provide  rich  material  on the  and schools at Red River and give insights on the  representatives of the Company  and CMS.  Servant  account  Gerald B\ Berreman, Behind Many Masks: Ethnography and Impression Management in a Himalyan Village (New York: The Society for Applied Anthropology, 1962), pp. 1-5 passim. 1  176  177 books used in conjunction with data by  to follow the H B C  Baptismal  economic  character  Like  the C M S  light  of the  registers, provide enough  careers of a number of Native  the CMS. Company district  and  and Marriage  reports offer a glimpse  of the regions  material, those Company's  where  of the H B C  local  Indian  men who were educated of the demographic, social  missions  must be read  anti-Indian  mission  were established.  critically  stance  and  especially in condescending  attitudes of its officers towards Native people generally. Published observations early  they  Indian  valuable  primary offer  missions  because  are also  on all aspects era. John  the CMS  journals. West's book obtained  sources  tells  them, describes  where  their  for the many  detailed  of the fur trade, early settlement, and Substance of a  West's  archives  valuable  files  contain  he obtained  early education  Journal  only  parts  his Native  is particularly of his original  students  and how he  program, elaborates  on his ideas  about their future employment, and reveals how he perceived  his relations  the  George Mountain's  local H B C  officials  and inhabitants of Red River. Bishop  with  journal of his tour of the North-West America Mission in 1844 provides a fairly objective view of the state of Indian mission work at that time. A. C. Garrioch's First Furrows offers an earlier secondary account of Indian mission efforts at Red River  and beyond, but it falls  hagiographic personal  than  objectively  observations  into the church historical.  of active  Native  missiologists' genre  For the purpose church  workers  of this  and is more study, his  is his most  valuable  contribution. Exploration journals also provide work  and Native  missionaries.  Henry  first-hand Youle  observations of Indian  Hind's  narrative  throughout  the Red River, Assiniboine, and Saskatchewan  the  source  best  observations,  and  in this  category.  commentaries  He  about,  mission  of his travels  Districts  was by far  offers  historical  overviews,  detailed  inland  missions,  missionaries,  HBC  178 activities,  the environment  lesser extent, the Earl Canadian  mid-west  and resources,  Indian  bands. To a  far  of Southesk's Diary and Narrative of Travel through the  provides  similar  observations.  Settlement is useful for its first-hand at  and specific  Alexander  descriptions of early  Red River. His anti-Anglican stance  provides  a critical  Ross's life  Red River  and mission  work  perspective of C M S  Indian mission work, but must be considered carefully in light of its biases. Journals of  primary  George his  sources  administration  policies  published records of the H B C are the last  to be considered  here.  Frederick  Simpson's travel journal to the Columbia  personal  inland  and other  Indian  opinions  on  Indian  mission  work.  and legislative records as they mission  and financial  work  provides  support,  which  District  edited  volume of  in 1824-1825 includes  Oliver's  synthesis  of early  relate to Red River education and  information were  Merk's  catagory  about  the Company's  often quite different  from  official  Simpson's  personal sentiments. Isaac Cowie's Company of Adventurers was particularly useful on  the state of the H B C trade and mission activities in the Swan River District  in the late 1860s.  A. Published Sources Church Missionary Society. The Church Missionary Society Atlas, Maps of the Various Missions of the Church Missionary Society With Illustrative Letters and Press. 5th ed. London: Church Mission House, 1873. Cowie, Isaac. Company of Adventurers, A Narrative of Seven Years in the Service of the Hudson's Bay Company During 1867-1874. Toronto: William Briggs, 1913. Garrioch, Alfred C. First Furrows. Winnipeg: Stovel Co., 1923. Hargrave, Joseph James. "Annual Routine in Red River Settlement." In Historical Essays on the Prairie Provinces, pp. 28-44. Edited by Donald Swainson. Toronto: McClelland & Stewart, 1970.  179 Hind, Henry Youle. Narrative of the Canadian Red River Exploring Expedition of 1857 And of The Assiniboine And Saskatchewan Exploring Expedition of 1858. 2 vols. Edmonton: M. G. Hurtig Reprint, 1971. Merk, Frederick, ed. Fur Trade and Empire: George Simpson's Journals, Remarks Connected with the Fur Trade in the Course of a Voyage from York Factory to Fort George and back to York Factory 1824-1825; together with Accompanying Documents. Cambridge, Harvard University Press, 1931. Morice, Reverend A. G. History of the Catholic Church in Western Canada from Lake Superior to the Pacific (1659-1895). 2 vols. Toronto: Musson Book Co., 1910. Morris, Alexander. The Treaties of Canada with the Indians of Manitoba and the North-West Territories. Toronto: Belfords, Clarke & Co., 1880; reprinted ed., Toronto: Coles Publishing Co., 1971. Mountain, Bishop George Jehosephat. Journal of the Bishop of Montreal, During a Visit to the Church Missionary Society's North-West America Mission. London: T. C. Johns, 1845. Oliver, E. H. The Canadian North-West, Its Early Development and Legislative Records, Minutes of the Councils of the Red River Colony and the Northern Department of Rupert's Land. 2 vols. Publication of the Canadian Archives, no. 9. Ottawa: Government Printing Bureau, 1914. Pettipas, Katherine, ed. The Diary of the Reverend Henry Budd 4. Winnipeg: Manitoba Record Society Publications, 1974.  1870-1875.  Vol.  Ross, Alexander. The Red River Settlement: Its Rise, Progress, and Present State. With Some Accounts Of The Native Races and Its General History, To The Present Day. London: Smith, Elder & Co., 1856; reprinted ed., Minneapolis, Minn.: Rass & Haines, 1957. Southesk, Earl. Saskatchewan and the Rocky Mountains: A Diary and Narrative of Travel, Sport, and Adventure, During a Journey Through The Hudson's Bay Company's Territories in 1859 and 1860. Edmonton: M. G. Hurtig Reprint, 1969. Spry,  Irene M., ed. The Papers Champlain Society, 1968.  of the Palliser  Expedition,  1857-1860. Toronto:  "A visit to Red River and The Saskatchewan, 1861, By Dr. John Rae, FRGS." The Geographical Journal 140, Part 1 (February 1974): 1-17. Warkenton, John and Richard I. Ruggles, eds. Historical Atlas of Manitoba: A Selection of Facsimile Maps, Plans and Sketches from 1612 to 1969. Winnipeg: The Historical and Scientific Society of Manitoba, 1970. r  West, John A. M. The Substance of a Journal During a Residence at the Red River Colony, British North America in the Years 1820-1823. London: L. B. Seeley & Son, 1824; reprinted ed., Vancouver: Alcuin Society, 1967.  180 Young, Egerton Ryerson. "The Story of My Life" Being a Reminiscences of Sixty Years Public Service in Canada. Edited by J . G. Hodgins. Toronto: William Briggs, 1888.  B. Archival Sources a. Hudson's Bay Company Archives Including microfilm collection available on inter-library loan.  Governor George Simpson Correspondence (reel nos. 3M3, 3M4, 3M5).  Outward,  1823-26, D.4/3, 5 and  10  London Office Correspondence Books Outwards - H B C Official, 1822-28, A.6/20-21 (reel no. 40). Moose Factory  Correspondence Books Inward, 1832, B.135/c/2 (reel no. 1M376).  Red  River Register of Baptisms, 1820-41, E.4/la (reel nos. 4M4 and 4M5).  Red  River Settlement Register no.4M5).  Red  River Settlement of Baptisms, Marriages & Burials, 1841-51, E.4/2 (reel no. 4M5).  Red  River Census Returns, 1829, E.5/3 (reel no. 4M5).  Servant's Characters  of Marriages  &  Burials,  1820-41, E.4/lb  (reel  and Staff Records, 1822-30, A.34/1.  Swan  River District Journal (Fort Pelly), 17-19 (reel no. 1M117).  Swan  River District Account (reel no. 1M572).  Books-Servant  1818-19  Book  and 1837-57, B.159/a/7 and  Debts,  1835-48, B. 159/d/26-41  Swan River District Report (Fort Pelly), 1818-19, B.159/e/l (reel  no.lM781).  Winnipeg Post Journal, 1822-23 and 1825-26, B.235/a/5 and 7 (reel no. 1M153).  181 York  Factory Post Abstracts B.239/g/72-74 and 79.  b. Provincial  of  Servant's  Accounts,  1832-34  and  1839-40,  Archives of Manitoba  Ecclesiastical Province of Rupert's Land Collection P.337/PRL-84-2/file 7-1008, West, John/ Correspondence. P.345/PRL-84-39/file 5-1002, Obituary Notice.  c. Church Missionary Society Archives North West America Mission, Original Incoming Journals, Committee Minutes and Correspondence. Microfilm collection, Main Library, University of British Columbia, Microforms Division.  fi. Newspapers Canadian Churchman Mission Life Saskatchewan  Herald  2 S E C O N D A R Y SOURCES A. Published Sources Adams, David W. "Before Canada: Toward an Ethnohistory of Indian Education." History of Education Quarterly 28 (1988): 95-106. Axtell, James. The European and the Indian: Essays in the Ethnohistory Colonial North America. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1982. "Some 35-41.  Thoughts  on the  Ethnohistory of Missions." Ethnohistory 29  of  (1982):  Bailey, Alfred G. The Conflict of European and Eastern Algonkian Cultures, 1505-1700. 2nd ed. Toronto: University of Toronto Press Reprint, 1967. Barman, Jean; Hebert, Yvonne; and McCaskill, Don, eds. Canada. Vol. 1: The Legacy. Vancouver: University Press, 1986.  Indian Education in of British Columbia  Berkhoffer, Robert F . J r . Salvation and the Savage: An Analysis of Protestant Missions and American Indian Response, 1787-1862. Lexington: University of Kentucky Press, 1964.  182 The White Man's Indian: Images of the North American Indian From Columbus to the Present Day. New York: Random House Reprint, 1979. Berreman, Gerald D. Behind Many Masks: Ethnography and Impression Management in a Himalyan Village. New York: Society for Applied Anthropology, 1962. Bishop, Charles A. and Arthur J . Ray. "Ethnohistoric Research in the Central Subarctic: Some Conceptual and Methodological Probles." Western Canadian Journal of Anthropology 6 (1976): 116-44. Boon, T. C. B. The Anglican Church from the Bay to the Rockies: History of the Ecclesiastical Province of Rupert's Land and its Dioceses from 1820 to 1955. Toronto: Ryerson Press, 1962. "Budd, Henry." Dictionary of Canadian Biography. Vol. 10. 1871-1880, pp. 108-109. Edited by Marc L a Ferreur. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1982. Bredin, Thomas F. "The Red River Academy." The Beaver Outfit 10-17.  305:3 (1974):  Brown, Jennifer S. H. "Ultimate Respectability: Fur-Trade Children in the 'Civilized World'." The Beaver Pt. 1 Outfit 308:3 (1977): 4-10; Pt. 2 Outfit 308:4 (1978): 48-55. Strangers in Blood, Fur Trade Company Families Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, 1980.  in  Indian  Country.  Cardinal, Harold. The Unjust Society: The Tragedy of Canada's Indians. Edmonton: M. G. Hurtig, 1969. Chalmers, J. W. "Education and the Honourable Review 13 (1965): 25-28. Education Behind the Buckskin Curtain: Canada. Edmonton: 1974. Deloria, Vine Jr. Custer Died for Your Sins: Macmillan, 1969.  Company."  Alberta Historical  a History of Native Education in  An  Indian Manifesto. New  York:  . God is Red. New York: Grossett & Dunlop, 1973. "An  Indian Plea to the Churches." Los Angeles Times 6 February 1973.  Drury, Clifford M. "Notes and Suggestions: Oregon Indians in the Red River School." Pacific Historical Review 7 (1935): 50-60. Fast, Vera Kathrin. "A Research Note on the Journals of John of the Canadian Church Historical Society 21 (1979): 30-38.  West." Journal  Fisher, Robin and Kenneth Coates, eds. Out of the Background: Readings Canadian Native History. Toronto: Copp, Clarke Pitman, 1988.  on  183 Foster, John E. "Program for the Red River Mission: The Anglican 1820-1826." Social History 4 (November 1969): 49-75.  Clergy  "Cochran, William." Dictionary of Canadian Biography. Vol. 9. 1861-1870. Edited by Francis G. Halpenny. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1976. Getty, Ian A. "The Failure of the Native Church Policy of the CMS in the North West." Religion and Society in the Prairie West, pp. 19-34. Edited by Richard Allen. Regina: Canadian Plains Research Center, 1974. Grant, John Webster. Moon of Wintertime: Missionaries and the Indians of Canada in Encounter since 1534. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1984. Gresko, Jacqueline. "Creating Little Dominions Within the Dominion: Early Catholic Indian Schools in Saskatchewan and British Columbia." Indian Education in Canada Vol. 1: The Legacy, pp. 88-109. Edited by Jean Barman, Yvonne Hebert and Don McCaskill. Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, 1986. Heeney, William Bertal, ed. Leaders Musson Book Co., 1920.  of the Canadian  Church.  2nd ser. Toronto:  John West and His Red River Mission. Toronto: Musson Book Co., Jaenen, Cornelius J . "Foundations Transactions of the Historical 35-68.  1920.  of Dual Education at Red River, 1811-34." and Scientific Society of Manitoba 3 (1965):  Friend and Foe: Aspects of French-Amerindian Culture Contact in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Century. Toronto: McClelland & Stewart, 1976. Jennings, Francis. The Invasion of America: Indians, Colonialism, and the Cant of Conquest. Chapill Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1975. "A Growing Partnership: Historians, Anthropologists History." Ethnohistory 29 (1982): 21-34.  and American  Indian  Judd, Carol M. "Mixt Bands of Many Nations: 1821-70." Old Trails and New Directions: Papers of the Third North American Fur Trade Conference, pp. 127-146. Edited by Carol M. Judd and Arthur J . Ray. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1980. "Native Labour and Social Sratification in the Hudson's Bay Company's Northern Department, 1770-1870." Canadian Review of Sociology and Anthropology 17 (1980): 305-14. Kellogg, Louise Phelps, ed. The Early Madisson: University Press, 1938.  Writings  of  Kelsey, Isabel Thompson. Joseph Brant, 1743-1807: Syracuse: Syracuse University Press, 1984.  Frederick  Jackson  Turner.  A  of  Worlds.  Man  Two  184 Klaus, J. F. "The Early Missions of the Swan History 17 (1964): 60-76. Long,  River  District."  Saskatchewan  John S. "Archdeacon Thomas Vincent of Moosonee and the Handicap of 'Metis' Racial Status." The Canadian Journal of Native Studies 3 (1983): 95-116.  Mackay, Douglas. The Stewart, 1966.  Honourable  Company.  2nd ed. Toronto:  McClelland  Mandelbawm, David G. The Plains Cree: An Ethnographic, Historical Comparative Study. Regina: Canadian Plains Research Center, 1987. Manitoba Culture, Heritage and Recreation, Historic Resources Henry Budd. Winnipeg: Historic Resources Branch, 1975.  &  and  Branch. Reverend  St. Paul's Middlechurch. Winnipeg: Historic Resources Branch, 1983. Chief Peguis. Winnipeg: Historic Resources Branch, 1984. Martin, Calvin, ed. The American Indian Oxford University Press, 1987.  and the Problem of History.  New  York:  McNickle, D'Arcy. Native American Tribalism: Indian Survivals and Renewals. New York: Oxford University Press Reprint, 1973. Morton, W. L. Manitoba: Press, 1967.  A  History.  2nd ed. Toronto: University  of Toronto  Pannekoek, Frits. "Protestant Agricultural Zions for the Western Indian." Journal of the Canadian Church Historical Society 14 (September 1972): 55-66. "The Anglican Church and the Disintegration of Red River Society, 1818-1870." The West and the Nation: Essays in Honour of W. L. Morton, pp. 72-91. Edited by Carl Berger and Ramsay Cook. Toronto: McClelland & Stewart, 1976. "A Probe into the Demographic Structure of Nineteenth Century Red River." Essays on Western History, pp. 83-95. Edited by Lewis H. Thomas. Edmonton: University of Alberta Press, 1976. "Pratt, Charles." Dictionary of Canadian Biography. Vol. 11. 1881-1890, pp. 711-12. Edited by Francis G. Halpenny. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1982. Parkman, Francis. The Jesuits in North America ed. Boston: Little, Brown & Co., 1927.  in the Seventeenth Century. 2nd  Peake, F. A. "Robert McDonald (1829-1913): The Great Unknown Missionary of the Northwest." Journal of the Canadian Church Historical Society 17 (September 1975): 55-71.  185 "The Achievements and Frustrations of James Hunter." Canadian Church Historical Society 19 (1977): 138-165.  Journal  of the  Pearce, Harvey Roy. Savagism and Civilization: A Study of the Indian and the American Mind. Baltimore: John Hopkins Press Reprint, 1977. Ronda, James P. '"We Are Well As We Are': A n Seventeenth-Century Christian Missions." William and (1977): 66-82. and James Axtell. Indian Missions: A Indiana University Press, 1978.  Critical  Indian Critique of Mary Quarterly 34  Bibliography.  Bloomington:  Raj', Arthur J. Indians in the Fur Trade: their role as trappers, hunters, and middlemen in the lands southwest of Hudson Bay, 1660-1870. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1974. Ray,  Arthur J. and Donald B. Freeman. 'Give Us Good Measure': an economic analysis of relations between the Indians and the Hudson's Bay Company before 1763 Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1978.  Ready, W. B. "Early Red River Schools." The Beaver Outfit 278:3 (1947): 34-37. Rich, E. E. The History of the Hudson's Bay Company. 2 vols. London: Hudson's Bay Record Society, 1951-1952. Sealey, D. Bruce. Monographs in Education. Vol. 3: The Education of Native Peoples in Manitoba. Winnipeg: University of Manitoba Press, 1980. Shipley, Nan. The James Evans Story. Toronto: Ryerson Press, 1966. Smith, Donald B. Sacred Feathers: The Reverend Peter Jones (Kahkewaquonaby) and the Mississauga Indians. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1987. Stewart, W. P. My Name Is Piapot. Maple  Creek, Sask.: Butterfly Books, 1981.  Stock, Eugene. The History of the Church Missionary Society: Its Environment, Its Men and Its Work. 4 vols. London: Church Missionary Society, 1899. Thompson, Arthur N. "John West: A Study of the Conflict Between Civilization and the F u r Trade." Journal of the Canadian Church Historical Society 12 (September 1970): 44-57. "The Wife of the Missionary." Journal Society 15 (June 1973): 35-44.  of the Canadian Church Historical  Toombs, M. P. "Educational Policy of the Hudson's Bay Company." Saskatchewan History 4 (1951): 1-10. Trigger, Bruce G. "Ethnohistory: Problems 1-18.  and Prospects." Ethnohistory 29 (1982):  186 Natives  and  Newcomers:  Canada's  "Heroic  Age"  Reconsidered.  Kingston:  McGill-Queen's University Press, 1985. Usher, Jean. "Apostles and Aborigines: The Social Theory Missionary Society." Social History 7 (1971): 28-52. William  Duncan  of Metlakatla:  A  Victorian  Missionary  of the Church  in  British  Columbia.  Ottawa: National Museum of Man, 1974. Van  Der Goes Ladd, George. Shall Church of Canada, 1986.  Van  Kirk,  Canada,  Sylvia.  'Many  1670-1870.  Tender  Ties',  We Gather  Women  Winnipeg: Watson &  at  in  the River?  Fur  Trade  Toronto:  Society  in  United  Western  Dwyer Publishing, 1980.  Wardens and Vestry of St. John's Cathedral. From West. Winnipeg: St. John's Cathedral, 1945.  Mission  to Cathedral:  John  Wilson, Terry P. "Custer Never Would Have Believed it: Native American Studies in Academia." American Indian Quarterly 5 (1979): 207-228.  B. Unpublished Sources Burelle, John P. "A Critical Response to D. Bruce Sealey's The Education of Native Peoples in Manitoba." Paper in possession of author, University of Manitoba, 1981. Carter, Sara. "Man's Mission of Subjugation: the Publications of John McLean, John McDougall and Egerton Ryerson Young, Nineteenth Century Methodist Missionaries in Western Canada." M.A. thesis, University of Saskatchewan, 1981. Fast, Vera K. "The Protestant Missionary and F u r Trade Society: Initial Contact in the Hudson's Bay Territory, 1820-1850." Ph.D. thesis, University of Manitoba, 1984. Foster, John E. "The Anglican Clergy in the Red River Settlement: M.A. thesis, University of Alberta, 1966. La  Rogue, Emma. "White Control of Indian of Manitoba, 1978.  'Education'."  1820-1826."  M.A. thesis, University  Makindisa, Isaac K. "The Praying Man: The Life and Times Steinhauer." Ph.D. thesis, University of Alberta, 1984.  of Henry  Bird  McCracken, Jane. "The Church Missionary Society and Its Mission at the Qu'Appelle Lakes 1852-1870's." Saskatchewan Department of Culture & Recreation, 1985. Payne, Michael. "Fairford Mission." Report, Manitoba Department of Culture, Heritage and Recreation, Historic Resources Branch, Winnipeg, 1986.  187 Porter, Eric. "The Anglican Church in Native Education: Residential Assimilation." Ph.D. thesis, University of Toronto, 1981.  Schools and  Rempel, A. "The Influence of Religion on Education for Native People Manitoba prior to 1870." M.Ed, thesis, University of Manitoba, 1973. Rotstein, Abraham. "Fur Trade and Empire: thesis, University of Toronto, 1967.  An  Institutional Analysis."  in  Ph.D.  Thompson, A. N. "The Expansion of the Church of England in Rupert's Land from 1820 to 1839 under the Hudson's Bay Company and the Church Missionary Society." Ph.D. thesis, Cambridge University, 1962.  APPENDIX I FORT P E L L Y • PLAINS C R E E TRADING AN  A C C O U N T BY A B R A H A M  188  FORMALITIES:  COWLEY, 4 MAY 1852  189 APPENDIX I Fort Pelly - Plains Cree Trading Formalities: An  Account by  Abraham  Cowley, 4 May  1852  Early in the morning of 4 May 1852 a lone Indian rode to Fort Pelly to announce the arrival of an unnamed band of Plains Cree who were apparently under the leadership of an old Medicine Man named Cha-wah-cis, and the Guard Post people who were coming to trade. Reverend Abraham Cowley was at Fort Pelly at the time, inspecting the efforts of Native catechist Charles Pratt, and recorded his observations of the trade events. 1  The Crees halted at Pratt's, as I believe is their custom, to dress, & prepare to appear at the Ft. This gives Charles an opportunity to speak with them. When painted etc to their satisfaction they left Pratt's on their way to the Ft. firing salutes at intervals as they advanced but no flag or salute replied from the Ft. Still they fired as they proceeded, till they reached the Ft. where they arrived in due marching order & were met & welcomed by Mr. Buchanan. In the same stately order they proceeded through the yard & into the the room where I was sitting. The Chief walked first, an old Ojibwa followed & after him all the rest in single file & very stately. This seemed remarkable as I had never seen anything like it among Indians before; there was a dignity in their deportment which was quite imposing. The room had been previously prepared for their reception & they took their seats in the same dignified manner in which they had hitherto conducted themselves. Tobacco was on the table & the Interpreter [McKay] filled & handed a pipe to the Chief, who having smoked a little while passed it on to the next, meanwhile the Interpreter filled another pipe for him which he used as before...  Buchanan then made a speech which Mr. McKay interpreted on the state of trade and its prospects, and the duties of the Chief. The Chief replied but Cowley did not indicate the details of his presentation. Following the speeches, one glass of rum was poured to each man present, then everyone left the room to conduct their trade. By late evening, the doors of the fort were closed and the Indians were celebrating the fruits of their labour.  Source: P A C 1  of to  CMSA, A.86,  Cowley Journal, 4 May  1852.  Cowley could have been referring to the Indians who generally frequented one Fort Pelly's outposts, Guard House which was located in the Red Deer Valley the north. P A M H B C A B.159/a/18, fol9.  

Cite

Citation Scheme:

        

Citations by CSL (citeproc-js)

Usage Statistics

Share

Embed

Customize your widget with the following options, then copy and paste the code below into the HTML of your page to embed this item in your website.
                        
                            <div id="ubcOpenCollectionsWidgetDisplay">
                            <script id="ubcOpenCollectionsWidget"
                            src="{[{embed.src}]}"
                            data-item="{[{embed.item}]}"
                            data-collection="{[{embed.collection}]}"
                            data-metadata="{[{embed.showMetadata}]}"
                            data-width="{[{embed.width}]}"
                            async >
                            </script>
                            </div>
                        
                    
IIIF logo Our image viewer uses the IIIF 2.0 standard. To load this item in other compatible viewers, use this url:
http://iiif.library.ubc.ca/presentation/dsp.831.1-0097815/manifest

Comment

Related Items