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Women and work in Indonesia from 1970 to 1985 : capitalism and gender inequality in perspective Elmhirst, Rebecca Jane 1989

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WOMEN AND WORK CAPITALISM AND IN -INDONESIA FROM GENDER INEQUALITY 19.70 TO 1 985: IN PERSPECTIVE By REBECCA JANE ELMHIRST B.A.(Hons) U n i v e r s i t y of Newcastle Upon Tyne, 1987 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (Geography) We accept t h i s t h e s i s as conforming to the r e q u i r e d standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA October 1989 (c) Rebecca Jane E l m h i r s t In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be al lowed without my written permission. Department of GEOGRAPHY. The University of British Columbia Vancouver, Canada OCTOBER 22th. .1989 Date DE-6 (2/88) 11 ABSTRACT This thes is i s written in the context of studies of women in the Th ird World. Broadly, concern i s given to contemporary c r i t i q u e s of Western feminist theory which question the capacity of general theory to speak to the s p e c i f i c i t y of women's pos i t ions in places other than the West. In order to engage with women's d i f f eren t experiences of gender inequa l i ty , without los ing a sense of a general feminist problematic , th i s study uses a t h e o r e t i c a l framework that emphasizes the ways in which ideologies concerning gender inequal i ty are constructed and experienced in l o c a l l y s p e c i f i c ways. These issues are examined through a considerat ion of women's p o s i t i o n in the labour market in Indonesia. The 1970s and ear ly 1980s were periods of considerable economic res tructur ing and rapid s o c i a l change in Indonesia. Within the labour market, income-generating p o s s i b i l i t i e s sh i f ted from a g r i c u l t u r a l production to the service sector and, to a lesser extent, to industry . More recent ly (the ear ly 1980s), employment in the i n d u s t r i a l sector has been further c u r t a i l e d as Indonesia entered a per iod of economic aus ter i ty in response to dec l in ing world o i l p r i c e s , among other fac tors . Taking t h i s s i tua t ion as a point of departure, t h i s thes is examines changes and c o n t i n u i t i e s in women's p o s i t i o n in the labour market from 1970 to 1985, using data from the Indonesian census and Intercensal survey, and from various ethnographic accounts of women in the workforce. Women's labour force p a r t i c i p a t i o n and t h e i r concentrat ion in p a r t i c u l a r sectors and 111 occupations i s i n t e r p r e t e d as a response to c a p i t a l i s t r e s t r u c t u r i n g and a l s o to the c o n s t r u c t i o n of an ideology of gender which, through s t a t e r h e t o r i c and development p o l i c y , i s r e d e f i n i n g women as wives and mothers: a c c o r d i n g to a p a r t i c u l a r c o n c e p t i o n of what those r o l e s e n t a i l . I t i s argued that the ideology of f a m i l i a l i s m has r e - a s c r i b e d t a s k s , t o o l s and c o n d i t i o n s of work as "female" or "male". W i t h i n an alre a d y c o n s t r a i n e d s i t u a t i o n brought about by c a p i t a l i s t r e s t r u c t u r i n g i n Indonesia i n g e n e r a l , income-generating p o s s i b i l i t i e s f o r women are even more l i m i t e d . A c c o r d i n g to the f a m i l i a l ideology that i s being promoted by the s t a t e , women are being encouraged to leave the waged workforce, or are able to work only at i t s margins. iv TABLE OF CONTENTS ABSTRACT " i i TABLE OF CONTENTS i v LIST OF TABLES v i i i LIST OF FIGURES x ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS x i CHAPTER ONE INTRODUCTION 1 1.i The Context of the Study 4 1 . i i The S t r u c t u r e of the T h e s i s 8 l . i i i On Indonesia 10 1.iv Sources and Methodology 14 CHAPTER TWO PERSPECTIVES ON WOMEN IN THE LABOUR MARKET 18 2. i I n t r o d u c t i o n 18 2 . i i T h e o r i z i n g Women i n the Labour Market Without Feminism 20 2 . i i i Gender I n e q u a l i t y and Women's Work: S o c i a l i s t F e m i n i s t T h e o r i e s 29 (a) M a r x i s t Feminist P e r s p e c t i v e s 31 (b) D u a l i s t i c P e r s p e c t i v e s 36 (c) Gender I n e q u a l i t y as Ideology 46 2.iv C a p i t a l i s m , Gender I n e q u a l i t y and Ethnocentrism . 5 0 (a) Ethnocentrism and Feminist Theory 51 (b) Women and the St a t e 56 (c) M a n i f e s t a t i o n s of C a p i t a l i s m i n D i f f e r e n t P l a c e s . . . . 66 V TABLE OF CONTENTS (Continued) 2. v C o n c l u s i o n s 70 CHAPTER THREE CONTEXTUALIZING WOMEN'S WORK IN INDONESIA 72 3.i I n t r o d u c t i o n . . . . . . . 72 3 . i i Changes i n G l o b a l P a t t e r n s of Pr o d u c t i o n , C i r c u l a t i o n and Consumption 74 (a) Production 75 (b) C i r c u l a t i o n . 77 (c) Consumption 78 3 . i i i R e l a t i o n s of Pro d u c t i o n and C o n d i t i o n s of E x i s t e n c e : The Indonesian Context 79 (a) E c o l o g i c a l C o n d i t i o n s of E x i s t e n c e 80 (b) Demographic C o n d i t i o n s 82 (c) C l a s s and E t h n i c R e l a t i o n s 83 (d) The St a t e 89 3.iv Economic R e s t r u c t u r i n g : S e c t o r a l Change, C a p i t a l i z a t i o n and Investment 96 (a) Macro-Economic Growth: 1970-80 and 1980-85 97 (b) S e c t o r a l S h i f t s i n the Economy 100 (c) Summary 109 3. v R e s t r u c t u r i n g and Income-Generating P o s s i b i l i t i e s i n Indonesia 111 (a) Some General Comments 111 (b) S p a t i a l Segmentation: R u r a l and Urban Areas 120 (c) Segmentation and Ci r c u m s c r i b e d Employment P o s s i b i l i t i e s 1 35 VI TABLE OF CONTENTS (Continued) 3. v i Summary and Con c l u s i o n s 146 CHAPTER FOUR WORKPLACE, STATE AND HOUSEHOLD: THE CONSTRUCTION OF FAMILIAL IDEOLOGY IN INDONESIA 148 4.i I n t r o d u c t i o n ..148 4 . i i C o n s t r u c t i n g F a m i l i a l Ideology: Workplace, S t a t e and Household 1 50 (a) F a m i l i a l Ideology and Women's Oppression Today 150 (b) Ideology, S u b j e c t i v i t y and Gender I n e q u a l i t y 156 (c) F a m i l i a l i s m i n the State and the Workplace 160 4. i i i The Nature of F a m i l i a l i s m i n Indonesia 163 (a) F a m i l i a l i s m and Adat 166 (b) F a m i l i a l i s m and Islam 169 (c) F a m i l i a l i s m and the Women's Movement 170 (d) F a m i l i a l i s m , the Sta t e and Development Theory 172 4.iv The Operation of F a m i l i a l Ideology i n Indonesia 178 (a) F a m i l i a l i s m through the Media 178 (b) The St a t e and Development Programmes 179 (c) F a m i l i a l i s m i n Education and T r a i n i n g 180 (d) Workplace L e g i s l a t i o n 181 4.v Women i n the Labour Market: F a m i l i a l i s m i n the F a m i l y / Household and the Workplace 183 (a) In the Family/Household i n Indonesia 183 (b) In the Workplace i n Indonesia 195 4.vi C o n c l u s i o n ..205 TABLE OF CONTENTS (Continued) CHAPTER FIVE INDONESIAN WOMEN IN THE LABOUR MARKET: INTERPRETING CONTINUITY AND CHANGE 207 5.i I n t r o d u c t i o n 274 5. i i Women and Work i n Indonesia: An Overview 209 5 . i i i Women's Workforce P a r t i c i p a t i o n 219 (a) Processes at Work 220 (b) I m p l i c a t i o n s f o r Women's Workforce P a r t i c i p a t i o n . . . . 2 2 2 (c) Women i n the Informal and Formal Sector ....227 5.iv Female Employment by Economic Sector 232 (a) R e s t r u c t u r i n g i n the 1970s: S e c t o r a l D i s t r i b u t i o n . . . 232 (b) R e s t r u c t u r i n g i n the 1980s: S e c t o r a l D i s t r i b u t i o n . . . 236 5.v Female Employment by Occupation 254 (a) The Occ u p a t i o n a l D i s t r i b u t i o n of Women: 1980-85.....255 (b) F a m i l i a l i s m and Economic Change, by Occupation 262 5. v i Con c l u s i o n s 274 CHAPTER SIX CONCLUSION 277 6.i Understanding Female Labour Force P a r t i c i p a t i o n i n Indonesia 281 6. i i Some Con c l u s i o n s 283 6. i i i D i r e c t i o n s f o r F u r t h e r Research 288 REFERENCES CITED 291 APPENDIX 315 LIST OF TABLES Table Page 3.1 Indonesia's Gross Domestic Investment 1974-83 98 3.2 F o r e i g n Investment i n Indonesia and ASEAN 1970-84.... 99 3.3 Growth of Gross Domestic Product by Sector 1973-86... 101 3.4 P o p u l a t i o n aged 10 years and over 1971-80 and 1980-85 117 3.5 Workforce by Residence 1971-80 and 1980-85 1 18 5.1 Percentage of Workforce that i s Economically A c t i v e i n 1980 and 1985: Urban Areas 223 5.2 Percentage of Workforce that i s Economically A c t i v e i n 1980 and 1985: R u r a l Areas 224 5.3 D i s t r i b u t i o n of Employed Persons by Sector i n 197T and 1980: R u r a l Areas 234 5.4 D i s t r i b u t i o n of Employed Persons by Sector i n 1971 and 1980: Urban Areas ..235 5.5 D i s t r i b u t i o n of Employed Persons by Sector i n 1980 and 1985: R u r a l Areas 237 5.6 D i s t r i b u t i o n of Employed Persons by Sector i n 1980 and 1985: Urban Areas 238 5.7 Annual Growth of Workforce by Economic Sector 1980-85: Ru r a l Areas.... 239 5.8 Annual Growth of Workforce by Economic Sector 1980-85: Urban Areas 240 5.9 D i s t r i b u t i o n , of Employed Persons by Occupation i n 1980 and 1985: R u r a l Areas 256 IX 5.10 D i s t r i b u t i o n of Employed Persons by Occupation i n 1980 and 1985: Urban Areas 257 5.11 Segregation of the Female Workforce i n Indonesia by Occupation: 1980-85. 258 5.12 Annual Growth of the Workforce by Occupation 1980-85: Rur a l Areas 259 5.13 Annual Growth of the Workforce by Occupation 1980-85: Urban Areas 260 X LIST OF FIGURES Page F i g u r e 1 The Indonesian A r c h i p e l a g o 11 XI ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would l i k e to thank f i r s t of a l l my supervisor Dr. Terry McGee whose knowledge, support, and encouragement during the writing of t h i s thesis in p a r t i c u l a r , and during my stay at UBC in general, have been outstanding. In addition, I am grateful to my second reader Dr. Geraldine Pratt for her i n s i g h t f u l and constructive comments, and for many stimulating discussions within the Geography and Feminism reading group. From outside the department, I would l i k e to thank Peter Richards of the Indonesia Development Resource and Policy Project in the Instit u t e of Asian Research at UBC for his knowledge and assistance concerning the Indonesian sources used in thi s study. Among my colleagues in the Geography department I would l i k e to thank the inhabitants of two spaces: f i r s t , the frequenters of 21OJ for their computing advice and patience; and in p a r t i c u l a r , Sue Grimmond, Catherine Souch and Jamie Voogt. Second, I would l i k e to acknowledge the inhabitants of Room 227 for providing an i n t e l l e c t u a l l y i n s p i r i n g environment. Many thanks are also due to Debby L e s l i e for her comments and e d i t o r i a l s k i l l s . F i n a l l y , thanks should go to my family for a l l t h e i r support throughout. 1 CHAPTER ONE INTRODUCTION. There has been a growing r e c o g n i t i o n of the importance of gender i s s u e s w i t h i n contemporary western s o c i a l s c i e n c e over the l a s t twenty y e a r s . P a r a l l e l to t h i s has been an i n c r e a s i n g concern with these q u e s t i o n s i n non-western s e t t i n g s . The heightened i n t e r e s t i n g e n d e r - r e l a t e d i s s u e s i n the T h i r d World r e l a t e s to an i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of the enormous and s p e c i f i c impacts that economic and s o c i a l t r a n s f o r m a t i o n s have had upon the l i v e s of women i n d i f f e r e n t p l a c e s . While o s t e n s i b l y these q u e s t i o n s have been d i r e c t e d from the i n s t i t u t i o n a l c o n t e x t s of Anthropology, Economics and P o l i t i c a l S cience, geographers have a l s o been engaged i n g e n d e r - r e l a t e d r e s e a r c h i n the T h i r d World (see Horst, 1981; C h r i s t o p h e r s o n , 1983; IBG, 1984; McGee, 1985; Momsen and Townsend, 1987). From these d i s p a r a t e i n t e l l e c t u a l p o s i t i o n s , there has emerged a p a r t i c u l a r t r a n s - d i s c i p l i n a r y f i e l d of study which seeks to understand the p o s i t i o n of women i n d i f f e r e n t h i s t o r i c a l and g e o g r a p h i c a l s e t t i n g s . S i t u a t e d w i t h i n t h i s broad f i e l d of enquiry, t h i s t h e s i s focuses on the p o s i t i o n of women i n the workforce i n Indonesia and e x p l o r e s , at a t h e o r e t i c a l l e v e l , a number of contemporary i s s u e s i n f e m i n i s t theory i n g e n e r a l . At a s u b s t a n t i v e l e v e l , the focus i s upon i s s u e s surrounding gender r e l a t i o n s and s t r u c t u r a l changes concerning the labour market i n the 1970s and e a r l y 1980s: a p e r i o d of r a p i d s o c i a l and economic change i n Indonesia. In p a r t i c u l a r , a t t e n t i o n i s p a i d t o gender 2 relations and to the construction and reproduction of women's position in the workforce. Relative to other Asian countries, a high proportion of women in Indonesia are defined as economically active. Approximately 30% of working age women are in the labour force: t h i s figure has remained f a i r l y constant over the last several years. However, since the 1970s, p a r t i c u l a r patterns of female labour force p a r t i c i p a t i o n have emerged, in which women are concentrated into certain sectors and occupations within the labour market structure. Although differences can be observed between rural and urban areas, generally women were predominantly engaged in a g r i c u l t u r a l a c t i v i t i e s , in the formal sector (public services) and in the informal sector, p a r t i c u l a r l y in services such as trading. In addition, the involvement of women in formal sector industry has become more evident. Over the 1970s and increasingly in the early 1980s, a number of trends have emerged; in p a r t i c u l a r , the role of women in agriculture has declined, and the i n d u s t r i a l sector appears to have a greater proportion of male workers than previously. Women's position in the informal sector and in services in general, seems to have become more pronounced. In order to explain t h i s s i t u a t i o n , t h i s thesis argues that c o n t i n u i t i e s and changes in the nature of women's position in the labour market r e f l e c t a pa t r i a r c h a l ideology on the one hand, and the li n k s between global c a p i t a l i s t development and l o c a l factors on the other. The role played by the state in both aspects of t h i s process i s of central importance. Global 3 processes of change have affected the texture of the Indonesian labour market in a number of ways, as state investment p o l i c i e s and a number of pre -ex i s t ing aspects of Indonesian p o l i t i c a l economy have forged p a r t i c u l a r patterns of c a p i t a l i s t development. While th i s has affected the nature of income-generating p o s s i b i l i t i e s in Indonesia in general , the influence of p r e v a i l i n g gender ideology has led to women occupying a p a r t i c u l a r pos i t ion in the labour market. Following Michele Barret t (1980; 1988), p a t r i a r c h a l or f a m i l i a l ideology i s seen as a r e l a t i v e l y autonomous and material ly-grounded ideology of gender in which women are defined p r i m a r i l y by t h e i r roles as wives and mothers. This has f to be understood in h i s t o r i c a l l y s p e c i f i c terms. It i s argued that t h i s ideology has been constructed and reproduced through Indonesian customary law, the tenets of Islam, the s tate , and through the act ions of contemporary women's organizat ions . With respect to female labour force p a r t i c i p a t i o n , f ami l i a l i sm af fects the type of a c t i v i t y in which women are able to engage, both in an i d e o l o g i c a l sense, and in a mater ia l sense. This thes is attempts to e s t a b l i s h that both f a m i l i a l ideology, as i t i s manifested in contemporary Indonesia, and c a p i t a l i s t r e s t ruc tur ing within l o c a l condi t ions , underl ie the changes and c o n t i n u i t i e s that are observable in patterns of women's work over the 1970s and ear ly 1980s. The in terpre ta t ion of women's pos i t ion in the labour market in Indonesia i s derived from feminist pespectives on women and work that have been devised in an Anglo-American context. At a 4 t h e o r e t i c a l l e v e l i t i s rec o g n i s e d that there are problems a s s o c i a t e d with e x p o r t i n g theory from one context to another. Thus, the t h e s i s examines a number of debates that have emerged w i t h i n the f e m i n i s t l i t e r a t u r e with respect to understanding the p o s i t i o n of women across time and space, and that are of releva n c e to an a n a l y s i s of women i n the labour market i n Indonesia. 1 . i . The Context of the Study. Feminist r e s e a r c h on women i n the T h i r d World s i t s u n e a s i l y between two strands of thought and p r a c t i c e , f i r s t , western f e m i n i s t theory, and second, what has been c o l l e c t i v e l y dubbed "Women i n Development" (WID). Western f e m i n i s t theory has, u n t i l r e c e n t l y , been preoc c u p i e d with t h e o r i z i n g women's s u b o r d i n a t i o n i n general (and q u i t e o f t e n u n i v e r s a l i s t i c ) terms, based on premises o f t e n d e r i v e d from western ex p e r i e n c e . P o l i t i c a l l y , the aim has been to e s t a b l i s h general theory concerning women's p o s i t i o n : o f t e n t h i s has been couched i n a theory of p a t r i a r c h y , or of p a t r i a r c h a l s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s . By c o n t r a s t , the aims of Women i n Development have been concerned more with a m e l i o r a t i n g the c o n d i t i o n s of women's l i v e s w i t h i n the s o c i a l context of l o c a l v alue systems, and o f t e n without d i r e c t r e f e r e n c e to broader t h e o r e t i c a l schemas. As each of these strands has developed, a widening g u l f has emerged between western f e m i n i s t t h e o r i s t s , and proponents of WID who work i n government and non-governmental development 5 organizations, and in the f i e l d . Many of those in WID have questioned the approaches adopted in much of western feminist theory, in p a r t i c u l a r , the p r i v i l e g i n g of the o r e t i c a l purity over and above l o c a l concerns, and the exportation of a set of values which do not accord with the r e a l i t i e s of many women's li v e s (Tinker, 1985). Although the e f f o r t of WID advocates to sensi t i z e feminist theory to l o c a l values and d e f i n i t i o n s i s , to some degree j u s t i f i e d , adopting such a position raises a number of issues. It i s necessary to specify what i s meant by a " l o c a l d e f i n i t i o n of values" in a pa r t i c u l a r context. Given the e x p l i c i t l y emancipatory aims of feminist theory, and the i m p l i c i t l y emancipatory aims of WID, how are " l o c a l d e f i n i t i o n s " of values (for example, with respect to power relations between men and women) to be evaluated? P r i v i l e g i n g the l o c a l must not be a j u s t i f i c a t i o n for leaving a set of oppressive power relations intact. Nevertheless, western feminist theory needs to be responsive to the fact that relations of power between men and women may be experienced and expressed in quite d i f f e r e n t ways in d i f f e r e n t places and at d i f f e r e n t times. In order for WID to retain i t s c r i t i c a l edge, and for western feminism to recognize the p o s s i b i l i t y of va r i a t i o n in women's concerns, at some point, the gulf between WID and feminist theory needs to be bridged in order to account for "the oppression of women in i t s endless variety and monotonous s i m i l a r i t y " (Rubin, 1975: c i t e d in Fraser and Nicholson, 1988). Increasingly, t h i s has become a central concern of both 6 g e o g r a p h i c a l and f e m i n i s t r e s e a r c h , and i t i s a concern f o r which f e m i n i s t geographers are i n a p o s i t i o n to make an a c t i v e c o n t r i b u t i o n through a focus upon the ways i n which general processes are played out i n p a r t i c u l a r c o n t e x t s . At issue i s the concept of " d i f f e r e n c e " , around which much of the t h e o r e t i c a l underpinnings of t h i s t h e s i s are arranged. In emphasizing " d i f f e r e n c e " , f e m i n i s t r e s e a r c h on women i n the T h i r d World has r a i s e d a number of q u e s t i o n s . F i r s t , a w e l l - a r t i c u l a t e d c r i t i q u e of development theory from a range of f e m i n i s t p e r s p e c t i v e s has emerged. Within these c r i t i q u e s , many of the s u b s t a n t i v e and t h e o r e t i c a l concepts u n d e r l y i n g development r e s e a r c h i n g e n e r a l are p r o b l e m a t i z e d . I t i s r e c o g n i z e d that "development" i s experienced and responded to by women i n ways that may d i f f e r from the experiences and responses of men. Class-based development paradigms have been c h a l l e n g e d f o r the manner i n which gender d i f f e r e n c e s and i n e q u a l i t i e s are e c l i p s e d , and f e m i n i s t r e s e a r c h has sought to reformulate q u e s t i o n s around i s s u e s of gender i n e q u a l i t y and gender d i f f e r e n c e s , w i t h i n development p r o c e s s e s . Second, f e m i n i s t concepts d e r i v e d from white western middle c l a s s women's experience have been questioned, i n terms of t h e i r u n i v e r s a l t h e o r e t i c a l v a l i d i t y (Spivak, 1987; Ong, 1988). As Moore phrases i t with r e s p e c t to anthropology, there has been a r e c o g n i t i o n of the need to analyse how gender i s experienced and s t r u c t u r e d through c u l t u r e , through c o l o n i a l i s m , n e o - i m p e r i a l i s m , and through the r i s e of c a p i t a l i s m (Moore, 1988). 7 Third, questions concerning the s p a t i a l over-aggregation that i s i m p l i c i t in the very concept of "Third World" have been raised (Corbridge, 1986). While in some instances as a p o l i t i c a l r a l l y i n g point against western domination, the term Third World holds some u t i l i t y , the recognition of some monolithic Third World Other does not. Geographers, as well as anthropologists have begun to recognize the complexities surrounding the ways that a number of aspects of development and domination (class, race, gender, ethnicity) are experienced in d i f f e r e n t parts of the world, and the necessity to ide n t i f y the means by which relations of domination and subordination intersect at d i f f e r e n t times and in d i f f e r e n t places. An emphasis on difference, however, does not imply a rejection of general theory. It does, however, imply a rejection of t o t a l i z i n g theory which often obscures important issues, such as gender r e l a t i o n s . It i s recognised that although there are a number of general processes that can be i d e n t i f i e d globally such as c a p i t a l i s t development and female subordination, the way in which these are manifested does, for a variety of reasons, vary: at a l o c a l scale, and within or between countries and cultures. The purpose of thi s study therefore i s twofold: f i r s t , to take on board these t h e o r e t i c a l concerns and to consider the importance of gender as a s o c i a l r e l a t i o n through which peoples l i v e s take shape, and in addition, to consider the ways in which gender relations are constructed and experienced in a pa r t i c u l a r context: Indonesia. From a feminist perspective, the 8 study aims to unravel some of the a h i s t o r i c a l and u n i v e r s a l i s t i c assumptions t h a t u n d e r l i e mainstream t h e o r i z i n g about women's r o l e s and gender i n e q u a l i t i e s i n s o c i e t y . As such, t h e r e f o r e , the primary t h e o r e t i c a l focus i s upon gender, though i t should be recog n i z e d t h a t other types of s o c i a l r e l a t i o n are of c o n s i d e r a b l e importance a l s o . Second, these t h e o r e t i c a l concerns are taken to the s u b s t a n t i v e realm i n a d i s c u s s i o n of the p o s i t i o n of women i n the labour market i n Indonesia over the 1970s and 1980s. The aim i s to co n s i d e r how gender r e l a t i o n s have been c o n s t r u c t e d and manifested i n the i n d u s t r i a l and o c c u p a t i o n a l s t r u c t u r e of Indonesia. T h i s i s set w i t h i n an a n a l y s i s of the changing p o l i t i c a l economy of Indonesia i n the p e r i o d between 1970 and 1985. I . i i . The S t r u c t u r e of the T h e s i s . In order to accomplish the t h e o r e t i c a l and e m p i r i c a l aims of the t h e s i s put forward e a r l i e r , the t h e s i s i s d i v i d e d i n t o four main c h a p t e r s . Chapter Two examines both the f e m i n i s t and the non-feminist l i t e r a t u r e on women i n the labour market i n western and i n non-western s e t t i n g s . I t i s argued that t h e o r i e s of women i n the labour market e i t h e r c o n s i d e r women's r o l e s as n a t u r a l and t h e r e f o r e o u t s i d e the realm of a n a l y s i s , or i f they do t h e o r i z e women's r o l e s , the a n a l y s i s i s a h i s t o r i c a l or u n i v e r s a l i s t i c i n i t s assumptions. Instead, a f e m i n i s t p e r s p e c t i v e t h a t attempts to overcome these problems i s adopted, emphasizing the r o l e of a h i s t o r i c a l l y s p e c i f i c and 9 m a t e r i a l l y grounded ideology of gender. T h i s chapter examines the u t i l i t y of t h i s theory i n non-western co n t e x t s and exp l o r e s the i s s u e of d i f f e r e n c e and s p e c i f i c i t y i n terms of gender r e l a t i o n s and i n terms of the nature of c a p i t a l i s m . A t h e o r e t i c a l framework i s set up f o r a n a l y s i n g the p o s i t i o n of women i n s o c i e t y i n g e n e r a l , and i n the workforce i n p a r t i c u l a r . In order to c o n s i d e r the nature of women's p o s i t i o n i n the labour market i n Indonesia, Chapters Three and Four examine the s p e c i f i c i t i e s of c a p i t a l i s t development and gender r e l a t i o n s r e s p e c t i v e l y i n Indonesia. Chapter Three o u t l i n e s the p o l i t i c a l - e c o n o m i c context w i t h i n which the labour market i s s i t u a t e d . I t i s argued that the i n t e r a c t i o n of g l o b a l and l o c a l p r o cesses w i t h i n s p e c i f i c c o n d i t i o n s of e x i s t e n c e i n Indonesia have given r i s e to a p a r t i c u l a r range of income-generating p o s s i b i l i t i e s f o r d i f f e r e n t groups of people i n r u r a l and urban areas of Indonesia. In a d d i t i o n , some of the changes that have been t a k i n g p l a c e i n Indonesia i n the 1970s and 1980s that have i m p l i c a t i o n s f o r the labour f o r c e are c o n s i d e r e d . Chapter Four c o n s i d e r s the s p e c i f i c i t y of contemporary gender r e l a t i o n s i n Indonesia, f o c u s s i n g upon the c o n s t r u c t i o n and o p e r a t i o n of a p a r t i c u l a r gender ideology t h a t i s termed " f a m i l i a l i s m " . I t i s argued that although t h i s ideology i s h i s t o r i c a l l y rooted i n gender r e l a t i o n s t h a t are pre-c a p i t a l i s t , the form that i t takes i n contemporary Indonesia i s c o n d i t i o n e d by the a c t i v i t i e s of the s t a t e and by the m o t i v a t i o n s of a middle c l a s s women's movement t h a t together 10 have r e d e f i n e d the nature and meaning of women's i d e n t i t i e s and r o l e s i n g e n e r a l . I t i s suggested that through i t s o p e r a t i o n i n the s t a t e , the family/household and i n the workplace, Indonesian f a m i l i a l ideology has had a s i g n i f i c a n t impact upon the p o s i t i o n of women i n the labour market. F i n a l l y , i n Chapter F i v e the themes expl o r e d i n the pr e v i o u s chapters converge i n an i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of female labour f o r c e p a r t i c i p a t i o n as i t i s r e v e a l e d i n s t u d i e s of the workforce i n the 1970s, i n the 1980 census and 1985 i n t e r c e n s a l survey, and in v a r i o u s case s t u d i e s that have been concerned with the p o s i t i o n of women i n p a r t i c u l a r o c c u p a t i o n s . I t i s argued that together the p a r t i c u l a r contours of the labour market i n Indonesia i n the 1970s and e a r l y 1980s, and the t e x t u r e of contemporary Indonesian f a m i l i a l i d e ology have shaped the form taken by the p o s i t i o n of d i f f e r e n t groups of women i n the labour market i n both urban and r u r a l a r e a s . The t h e s i s concludes by e v a l u a t i n g the c a p a c i t y of t h i s p a r t i c u l a r framework f o r a n a l y s i n g women's p o s i t i o n i n the labour market i n d i f f e r e n t p l a c e s , and i n p a r t i c u l a r , i n Indonesia. 1 . i i i . On Indonesia. Indonesia comprises a c h a i n of t h i r t e e n thousand i s l a n d s , which span a d i s t a n c e of some three thousand m i l e s ( F i g u r e 1). With a p o p u l a t i o n of over 170 m i l l i o n (Hugo et a l . , 1987), i t i s the f i f t h most populous country i n the world ( a f t e r China, I n d i a , the S o v i e t Union and the U n i t e d S t a t e s ) . I t s 12 predominantly Islamic population ranks i t as the largest Muslim country in the world. The majority of the Indonesian population l i v e s on the island of Java where rural population densities of over 1000 per square kilometre are not uncommon. In addition, although Indonesia i s made up of over 300 d i s t i n c t ethnic groups, p o l i t i c a l l y and numerically i t i s dominated by the Javanese. In addition to i t s large and unevenly d i s t r i b u t e d population, Indonesia i s characterized by i t s natural resources. Indonesia i s one of the ten largest oil-producing countries, the largest exporter of natural gas: indeed, i t i s r i c h l y endowed with timber and mineral resources generally. Whereas the population of Indonesia i s concentrated on the inner islands (Java and B a l i ) , i t s resources are predominantly situated in the outer islands. This dichotomy between inner and outer Indonesia underscores regional patterns of development in Indonesia. Although Indonesia i s i d e n t i f i e d as a Southeast Asian country, and i s a member of ASEAN (Association of Southeast Asian Nations), the p o l i t i c a l economy of Indonesia does not suggest that i t i s a newly i n d u s t r i a l i z i n g country in the same manner as others in the region, as for example Malaysia. Indonesia i s predominantly a g r i c u l t u r a l , and i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n has u n t i l recently, been oriented towards the production of consumer goods for the domestic market by private and public domestic c a p i t a l . Investment in Indonesia by international c a p i t a l has been somewhat truncated. A central explanation for 13 the s p e c i f i c i t y of economic development in Indonesia concerns the role of the state in conditioning the nature of capitalism. Since the overthrow of Sukarno's l e f t - l e a n i n g Guided Democracy in 1965, the Indonesian state has been made up of Suharto's New Order Government: a bureaucratic authoritarian c r y s t a l l i z a t i o n of power around the m i l i t a r y , state o f f i c i a l s and elements of c a p i t a l . In the absence of a de-facto party system and financed by o i l revenues and loans from various f i n a n c i a l agencies, the state has a c t i v e l y pursued n a t i o n a l i s t i c i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n p o l i c i e s aimed at import substitution, that are resistent to foreign investment. This has led to a p a r t i c u l a r type of development in Indonesia, and a par t i c u l a r position within the c a p i t a l i s t world system, which in the l a s t few years seems to have been changing. In addition to the state's role in conditioning c a p i t a l i s t development in Indonesia, the state has played an active role in conditioning s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s in Indonesia, including relations of gender. H i s t o r i c a l l y , commentators have frequently noted the seemingly e g a l i t a r i a n relations that exist between men and women in Indonesia in comparison to other countries in Asia. Despite the fact that the majority of Indonesians are Muslim, there i s no r i g i d system of purdah, and women are quite v i s i b l e in Indonesian society, p a r t i c u l a r l y in the workforce. In addition, ethnographies indicate that women's position in the family/household i s quite strong, except in polygamous situations (Geertz, 1961). However, evidence suggests that through a variety of mechanisms, the state has attempted to 14 redefine the nature of gender re la t ions and women's ident i ty and ro les in Indonesia. Increas ingly , women's roles as wives and mothers are exalted, in new and p a r t i c u l a r ways that have ramif icat ions for the ir pos i t ion in a l l aspects of soc ie ty . In many respects , therefore , the s p e c i f i c i t y of the Indonesia l i e s in i t s population and resource endowments, and in the p a r t i c u l a r ro le played by the state in condi t ioning both the nature of c a p i t a l i s t development and the nature of s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s . In exploring issues of d i f ference and s p e c i f i c i t y in gender re la t ions and in c a p i t a l i s t development therefore , th i s study focusses on the ways in which each i s manifested in Indonesia, and upon the impl icat ions that each has for the pos i t i on of women in the labour market. 1.v. Sources and Methodology. It should be noted that th i s thes is i s p r i m a r i l y t h e o r e t i c a l in o r i e n t a t i o n , and that i t s contr ibut ion to an understanding of the Indonesian s i t u a t i o n , given that i t i s based on secondary sources, i s modest. Substantive mater ia l for the study was derived from two sources, f i r s t , from Indonesian census data , and second, from recent ethnographies that are concerned with the ana lys i s of various aspects of women's l i v e s . The census data used in th i s thes is i s taken p r i m a r i l y from the 1980 census survey (Sensus Penduduk Ser i S, No.2) , and from the 1985 intercensa l survey (Penduduk Indonesia Ser i Supas 15 No.5) t a b u l a t i o n s , both of which are compiled and p u b l i s h e d by the Indonesian Bureau of S t a t i s t i c s ( B i r o Pusat S t a t i s t i k ) . The 1980 census was compiled using a 5% random sample of the Indonesian p o p u l a t i o n which was then reboosted to represent the Indonesian p o p u l a t i o n as a whole. The 1985 census covered a sma l l e r sample: 3% of the Indonesian p o p u l a t i o n , and excluded i s o l a t e d groups, the homeless and Indonesian c i t i z e n s abroad. The census covered the economic a c t i v i t i e s of men and women over ten years of age, d e f i n i n g those that were economically a c t i v e as persons who d u r i n g the pr e v i o u s week performed an a c t i v i t y f o r pay or p r o f i t f o r the d u r a t i o n of at l e a s t one hour or more. There are a number of problems a s s o c i a t e d with u s i n g census data to d e s c r i b e the p o s i t i o n of women i n the labour market g e n e r a l l y , and p a r t i c u l a r l y i n co n t e x t s such as Indonesia. These problems are d e r i v e d from the way i n which the data are c o l l e c t e d and t a b u l a t e d , and from the assumptions that u n d e r l i e what the r e s e a r c h e r s c o n s i d e r as work. The tendency i s f o r women's work to be e c l i p s e d i n the census, owing f i r s t , to the f a c t t h at women o f t e n engage i n economic a c t i v i t i e s that are c o n c e p t u a l l y i n s e p a r a b l e from t h e i r domestic r o l e , and second, t h a t they o f t e n engage i n more than one a c t i v i t y at any one time. These i s s u e s are d i s c u s s e d f u r t h e r with r e s p e c t to the Indonesian census i n the appendix. D e s p i t e the problems that are a s s o c i a t e d with the use of census data, the census i s able to present a very broad and ge n e r a l p i c t u r e of female labour f o r c e p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n Indonesia, and i n a d d i t i o n can d e s c r i b e 16 i n numerical terms, some of the changes that are t a k i n g p l a c e . However, i t i s not p o s s i b l e to e x p l a i n or analyse p a t t e r n s of women's work on the b a s i s of census data a l o n e . The census t a b u l a t i o n s do not r e v e a l the nature of the occupations i n which women are engaged, nor the manner i n which t h i s might be changing. Thus, i n terms of the methodology of t h i s study, and the q u e s t i o n s that are being posed, i t i s necessary to supplement numerical data with m a t e r i a l d e r i v e d from a number of ethnographies concerning the engagement of women i n p a r t i c u l a r s e c t o r s and occupations w i t h i n the labour market. For the most p a r t , the s t u d i e s used here represent important f e m i n i s t r e s e a r c h that has been conducted i n the Indonesian context i n the l a s t few ye a r s . I n . u s i n g these as a s u b s t a n t i v e base f o r t h i s study, c a u t i o n i s e x e r c i s e d , however, because i n c o n s i d e r i n g women's p o s i t i o n i n the l i g h t of contemporary ethnographies, two problems emerge. F i r s t , although e f f o r t i s made to counter p r e v a i l i n g t e n dencies to "Javacentrism", the a v a i l a b i l i t y of data, not to mention the academic work to date t h a t i s sourced i n t h i s t h e s i s means that i n e v i t a b l y much of the d i s c u s s i o n r e s t s upon the Javanese s i t u a t i o n . T h i s s i t u a t i o n i s un f o r t u n a t e , and h i g h l i g h t s the need f o r gender-r e l a t e d primary r e s e a r c h that i s s e n s i t i v e to d i f f e r e n c e s w i t h i n Indonesia. Second, there are problems a s s o c i a t e d with basing i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s on s t u d i e s of women i n which i t i s not c l e a r how the study was conducted, and whether the nature of the q u e s t i o n s asked i n a d v e r t e n t l y obscured important i n f o r m a t i o n c oncerning gender i s s u e s . As with the census, 17 therefore, caution i s exercised when making interpretations and drawing conclusions based on the data in these studies. Census material and the case studies are interpreted in the l i g h t of the framework that i s outlined in the main body of the thesis. It i s hoped that through an analysis which unpacks some of the assumptions that underlie analyses of gender relations and women's position in the labour market, better insights on the nature of gender inequality in the Indonesian context can be gained. In addition, i t i s hoped that a consideration of the Indonesian situation i l l u s t r a t e s the importance of developing a h i s t o r i c a l l y and geographically s p e c i f i c understanding of the nature of gender r e l a t i o n s , and of processes of s o c i a l and economic change, but without losing sight of the importance of general feminist theory and practice. 18 CHAPTER TWO PERSPECTIVES ON WOMEN IN THE URBAN LABOUR MARKET. Write about woman... you say, Black woman... Write about me. . . Black woman catapulted g l o b a l l y . . . Mashed l i k e grated man-yoke. . . worn out l i k e khaki beaten on r i v e r s tones . . . Like c a r e f u l l y washed clothes spread out on wi ld bushes . . . She d r i e s . . . but these not wither, from eight ' t i l l four on the factory f l o o r . . . $1.20 an hour, even her youngest son earns much much more. (Evelyn Marius - "The Factory Floor") 2 . i . Introduct ion. In the las t decade, interes t in the nature of women's p a r t i c i p a t i o n in the labour force has grown s u b s t a n t i a l l y . In a d d i t i o n , there has been an overwhelming response to the challenge of analysing women's work: how d i f f erent forms of labour force p a r t i c i p a t i o n are constructed, reconstructed and dismantled in the face of s o c i a l and economic change. This chapter examines the t h e o r e t i c a l perspectives that attempt to conceptual ize and explain the s p e c i f i c i t i e s of women's pos i t ion in the work force; and in p a r t i c u l a r , women's segregation into p a r t i c u l a r occupations within the labour market. The chapter i s d iv ided into three main p a r t s . The f i r s t two parts examine the t h e o r e t i c a l perspectives that attempt to conceptual ize and explain the s p e c i f i c i t i e s of women's pos i t ion in the labour market. Following Barret t (1988, 1980) and Walby 19 (1986) i t i s p o s s i b l e to i d e n t i f y four main p e r s p e c t i v e s that attempt to co n f r o n t the i s s u e of gender i n e q u a l i t y and that underscore analyses of women i n the labour market: ( i ) Those who c o n s i d e r gender i n e q u a l i t y to be t h e o r e t i c a l l y i n s i g n i f i c a n t . ( i i ) Those who regard women's oppression as being d e r i v e d from c a p i t a l i s t r e l a t i o n s . ( i i i ) D u a l i s t i c approaches, which i d e n t i f y the a r t i c u l a t i o n of two a n a l y t i c a l l y independent s t r u c t u r e s : p a t r i a r c h y and c a p i t a l i s m . ( i v ) Those that c o n s i d e r gender i n e q u a l i t y as a h i s t o r i c a l l y - s p e c i f i c and r e l a t i v e l y autonomous id e o l o g y . The f o l l o w i n g d i s c u s s i o n of t h e o r i e s of women i n the labour market i s s t r u c t u r e d around these p e r s p e c t i v e s . The f i r s t p a r t of the chapter c o n s i d e r s those t h e o r i e s that regard gender i n e q u a l i t y as t h e o r e t i c a l l y i n s i g n i f i c a n t : i n other words, non-f e m i n i s t t h e o r i e s . Having d i s c u s s e d some of the inherent problems of p e r s p e c t i v e s that f a l l i n t o t h i s c a tegory, the second s e c t i o n of the chapter examines three s o c i a l i s t f e m i n i s t t h e o r i e s of gender i n e q u a l i t y i n the labour market, that are based on d i f f e r e n t a b s t r a c t c o n c e p t u a l i z a t i o n s of the r e l a t i o n s h i p between gender i n e q u a l i t y and c a p i t a l i s m . The t h i r d p a r t of the chapter c o n s i d e r s a theme that most t h e o r i e s have avoided, that i s , to what extent and how u s e f u l l y can theory t h a t i s premised on western experience be used as a framework f o r understanding what may be very s p e c i f i c processes 20 that are in operation in other contexts. It i s suggested that there are two p r i n c i p a l factors that must be taken into account when exporting general theory: f i r s t , the question of whether the nature of gender inequality can be regarded as h i s t o r i c a l l y and geographically universal, and secondly, the nature of capitalism as i t occurs at part i c u l a r h i s t o r i c a l and geographical conjunctures. The chapter concludes by outlining the issues that need to be taken account of when examining the position of women in the labour market in p a r t i c u l a r places: and in t h i s case, in Indonesia. 2 . i i . Theorizing Women in the Labour Market Without Feminism. Non-feminist accounts of women in the labour market do not deal d i r e c t l y with the notion of gender inequality in their analysis of women's p a r t i c i p a t i o n in the labour force: gender inequality i s seen as lying outside market re l a t i o n s , and therefore i s not accorded th e o r e t i c a l status. These theories include neoclassical theories (e.g. human c a p i t a l theory, s t a t i s t i c a l discrimination theory), and dual or segmented labour market theories. Also non-feminist, are ra d i c a l theories of labour market segmentation. Despite differences in ide o l o g i c a l and methodological orientations, each of these perspectives shares certain assumptions about the nature of the labour market and women's relationship to i t . Women's position in the labour market, and more generally, i s regarded in a somewhat n a t u r a l i s t i c sense, roughly based on women's c h i l d -21 bearing r o l e , a r o l e that i s l e f t unquestioned. Here I d e a l b r i e f l y with each of these p e r s p e c t i v e s and h i g h l i g h t some of the problems that such approaches h o l d f o r a n a l y s i n g the s p e c i f i c i t i e s of women's p o s i t i o n i n the labour market. The f i r s t of these t h e o r i e s i s human c a p i t a l theory, a n e o c l a s s i c a l p e r s p e c t i v e that accepts that women's p o s i t i o n i n the labour market i s s t r u c t u r a l l y d i f f e r e n t from that of men, but argues that t h i s i s due to the d i f f e r e n t amount of "human c a p i t a l " that women are a b l e to o f f e r , r e l a t i v e to men (Mincer, 1980). Women accrue l e s s human c a p i t a l ( i . e . s k i l l , e x perience, p r o d u c t i v i t y ) because of t h e i r r o l e i n the f a m i l y ( i n p a r t i c u l a r , i n c h i l d c a r e ) , f o r which they choose to take time out of p a i d work. Because of t h i s , the p r i c e of women's wage work i s l e s s than that of men and t h e r e f o r e a l l o c a t i o n of f a m i l y labour between market and non-market work i s based on the r a t i o n a l c a l c u l a t i o n of the d i f f e r e n t e a r n i n g power of f a m i l y members. Women's p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the labour market i s seen as one determined by labour supply f a c t o r s : i t i s the o c c u p a t i o n a l c h o i c e of members of a u n i f i e d f a m i l y based on a complementary d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n of r o l e s between men and women (Becker, 1965). T h i s p e r s p e c t i v e has been s u b j e c t to a number of c r i t i c i s m s . F i r s t , as i t i s based on " c h o i c e " f a c t o r s i t ignores the c o n s t r a i n t s that women face i n the labour market. Second, the emphasis on the household u t i l i t y maximizing f u n c t i o n assumes a given r o l e f o r women - that of c h i l d care - without a n a l y s i n g why t h i s i s women's work and why t h i s might s t r u c t u r e only 22 women's p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the labour market and not that of men. A s s o c i a t e d with t h i s p o i n t i s the qu e s t i o n of why only women appear to have these p r e f e r e n t i a l " t a s t e s " f o r the occupations that women f r e q u e n t l y are engaged i n . F i n a l l y , t h i s view has been c r i t i c i s e d f o r emphasizing supply f a c t o r s and i g n o r i n g demand f o r female labour (Blau and Jus e n i u s , 1976). A second view which may be c o n s i d e r e d as an o f f s h o o t of human c a p i t a l theory i s that of " s t a t i s t i c a l d i s c r i m i n a t i o n " (Phelps, 1980). T h i s p e r s p e c t i v e denies that the labour market operates p e r f e c t l y c o m p e t i t i v e l y , and i n s t e a d emphasizes demand f a c t o r s i n s t r u c t u r i n g the labour f o r c e p a r t i c i p a t i o n of women: namely, e x c l u s i o n a r y behaviour a g a i n s t women or other s o c i a l groups by employers whose a c t i o n s are based on sca r c e i n f o r m a t i o n (Yun, 1984). On average, women are seen as being l e s s q u a l i f i e d , l e s s r e l i a b l e and l e s s l i k e l y to stay i n the job f o r a long term than males. Employers t h e r e f o r e d i s c r i m i n a t e a g a i n s t women as a whole, r e g a r d l e s s of t h e i r i n d i v i d u a l q u a l i t i e s . Gender i n e q u a l i t y i s thus seen as the r e s u l t of a market i m p e r f e c t i o n that r e s t s on the "bounded r a t i o n a l i t y " of employers. T h i s view pres e n t s some problems a l s o . F i r s t , i t i s not c l e a r why employers should d i s c r i m i n a t e a g a i n s t a l l women i n c e r t a i n o c c u p a t i o n s , e s p e c i a l l y when t h i s i s seen as being a "disadvantage" i n an e s s e n t i a l l y gender-n e u t r a l market o p e r a t i o n ; and second, there i s inadequate a t t e n t i o n p a i d to the a c t u a l causes of the d i s c r i m i n a t i o n that appears to e x i s t i n the labour market (Blau and Jus e n i u s , 1976). 23 A t h i r d p e r s p e c t i v e which may be co n s i d e r e d non-feminist i s tha t which has been termed e i t h e r " d u a l " or "segmented" labour market theory. B a s i c a l l y t h i s approach to the study of women in the labour market i s d e r i v e d from Doeringer and P i o r e ' s " i n s t i t u t i o n a l " a n a l y s i s of i n t e r n a l labour markets (Doeringer and P i o r e , 1971). Segmented labour market theory argues a g a i n s t a n e o c l a s s i c a l assumption that the labour market i s p e r f e c t l y c o m p e t i t i v e , and suggests i n s t e a d that there e x i s t two d i s t i n c t labour markets each with boundaries determined by g e o g r a p h i c a l , o c c u p a t i o n a l and i n s t i t u t i o n a l f a c t o r s . The e x t e r n a l labour market comprises jobs that are f i l l e d from e x t e r n a l sources: such jobs are g e n e r a l l y l o w e r - l e v e l p o s i t i o n s . By c o n t r a s t , the i n t e r n a l labour market i n c l u d e s those job c a t e g o r i e s that are f i l l e d from i n t e r n a l sources, u s u a l l y through the promotion and upgrading of the e x i s t i n g workforce (Blau and J u s e n i u s , 1976). E n t r y to and e x c l u s i o n from the i n t e r n a l labour market i s governed by " s t a t i s t i c a l d i s c r i m i n a t i o n " a g a i n s t women, youth and p a r t i c u l a r e t h n i c groups, p o s s e s s i o n of f i r m - s p e c i f i c s k i l l s and t r a i n i n g , and s e n i o r i t y ( C h i p l i n and Sloane, 1980). Doeringer sees the o r i g i n s of the dual labour market as l y i n g i n t e c h n o l o g i c a l changes t h a t have accompanied i n d u s t r i a l development i n the tw e n t i e t h c e n t u r y , which, together with f l u c t u a t i o n s i n labour demand, has segmented the labour market w i t h i n and acro s s f i r m s i n t o separate labour markets of p r i v i l e g e d , b e t t e r p a i d workers, and of l e s s p r i v i l e g e d , l e s s w e l l p a i d and l e s s s t a b l e workers (Doeringer, 1980). 24 While i t might be conceded that segmentation mechanisms do operate in th i s .manner, c r i t i c i s m s of th i s ana lys i s that have been lodged from a r a d i c a l perspective argue that th i s view i s not e x p l i c i t enough in o u t l i n i n g the reasons for the occurence of labour market segmentation. Although agreeing with the whole notion of there being a ser ies of separate labour markets within the occupational s t ruc ture , r a d i c a l labour market segmentation theory views th i s as an outcome of a spec i f i c h i s t o r i c a l process: the r i s e of monopoly cap i ta l i sm in the Post-War period (Reich et a l , 1980; Gordon et a l , 1982). Gordon et a l . are c r i t i c a l of Doeringer and Piore on several accounts, f i r s t for f a i l i n g to analyse the determinants of s k i l l s , customs and rules in the workplace, secondly for not having an adequate theory of cap i ta l i sm and t h i r d l y , for ignoring c lass struggle that ex i s t s in the workplace, and hence for regarding the sources of segmentation as exogenous to the economic system. For them, labour market segmentation grew out of the needs of monopoly c a p i t a l to foster contro l over an increas ing ly homogeneous (and p o t e n t i a l l y p o l i t i c a l l y v o l a t i l e ) workforce. Labour market segmentation i s thus seen as a de l iberate strategy of c a p i t a l to d iv ide and conquer workers on the basis of pre -ex i s t ing r a c i a l , ethnic and gender antagonisms (Reich et a l . , 1980). J e l i n suggests that a s imi lar s i tua t ion can be observed in many T h i r d World labour markets, although i t s o r i g i n s are less c l ear cut : "the h i s t o r i c a l roots of segmentation have to be traced back to the p a r t i a l d i s s o l u t i o n of p r e c a p i t a l i s t 25 organizations, as well as to diverse i n s t i t u t i o n a l arrangements that are not always well known" ( J e l i n , 1982:254). Generally, segmentation i s seen as being something that is endogenous to the market, but the outcome is structured along the lin e s of pre-existing hierarchies which, in the above formulations, remain untheorized. Later theories of labour market segmentation have attempted e x p l i c i t l y to explain the s p e c i f i c i t i e s of women's position in the labour market using some notion of segmentation into internal/external or primary/secondary labour markets. Barron and Norris follow Gordon et a l . in their general approach but they argue that dual labour market theory (segmented labour market theory) is an appropriate theory for understanding women in the labour market as c l e a r l y women are concentrated in certain occupations (Barron and Norris, 1976). Women's concentration in the secondary labour market in less stable, less remunerated, less unionized and less s k i l l e d occupations i s explained by reference to five main c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s that may make a pa r t i c u l a r s o c i a l group a " l i k e l y source of secondary workers" (Barron and Norris, 1976:53). The fi v e c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s which they i d e n t i f y are worker di s p e n s a b i l i t y (voluntary or involuntary), conventional s o c i a l differences (and i n e q u a l i t i e s ) , a low interest in acquiring human c a p i t a l through t r a i n i n g , less concern with monetary rewards, and less worker solidarism. These are a l l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s with which women are endowed, p r i n c i p a l l y , i t i s argued, through their family/household role and partly through their labour market 26 experience (Walby, 1986). In an argument similar to that of Mincer (1980) and other human c a p i t a l t h e o r i s t s , Barron and Norris regard women's child-bearing/rearing role and dependence upon a male wage as being factors which lead to their status as secondary workers in the secondary labour market. This view i s echoed by Standing who suggests that in both Third World and Western contexts, women workers are placed in occupations within the secondary labour market because of the structural disadvantage accorded to them through their role as c h i l d -bearers, through their r e l a t i v e l y limited access to education and through resultant discrimination against women in the workforce (Standing, 1976; see also Jones, 1984a; L i u , 1984; Lim Lin Lean, 1984; Anker and Hein, 1986; and with reference to migration patterns of females in Southeast Asia see Shah and Smith, 1984). Evidently t h i s process does take place; the main fau l t with these analyses i s their f a i l u r e to problematize the reasons for women occupying the positions they do. The analysis needs to be pushed further back, therefore. Although these p a r t i c u l a r versions of labour market segmentation theory have been used to conceptualize the labour market in the Third World, a more important d u a l i s t i c perspective i s that which has emerged from debates concerning the "informal sector" or "petty commodity production" in the Third World and also more recently in the West (McGee, 1978,1979; Bromley and Gerry, 1979; Santos, 1979). There are some p a r a l l e l s between occupations within secondary labour markets (in the formal sector) and the informal sector, these 27 being t h e i r r e l a t i v e ease of e n t r y , l i m i t e d u n i o n i z a t i o n , r e l a t i v e l y low . r a t e s of r e t u r n to labour, and general i n s t a b i l i t y . The debates surrounding the inf o r m a l s e c t o r are concerned with e s t a b l i s h i n g the nature of the in f o r m a l s e c t o r (as e i t h e r an autonomous p r e c a p i t a l i s t " f o l k s e c t o r " or as evidence of the a r t i c u l a t i o n of modes of p r o d u c t i o n ) ; and with i t s r e l a t i o n s h i p to c a p i t a l (autonomous, f u n c t i o n a l or d i a l e c t i c a l ) . With res p e c t to women's p o s i t i o n i n the labour market, e m p i r i c a l evidence has c o n s i s t e n t l y shown the overwhelming importance of t h i s type of work f o r women i n T h i r d World c i t i e s as s t r e e t vendors, domestic s e r v a n t s , i n d u s t r i a l outworkers or p r o s t i t u t e s . Most d i s c u s s i o n s of the inf o r m a l s e c t o r acknowledge t h i s f a c t , yet as Roldan w r i t e s , other than r a t h e r hazy d i s c u s s i o n s of women's domestic o b l i g a t i o n s , u n t i l r e c e n t l y there has been l i t t l e s u s t a i n e d a n a l y s i s of "why women are so d i s p r o p o r t i o n a t e l y r e p r e s e n t e d i n those p a r t i c u l a r a c t i v i t i e s " (Roldan, 1985:253). As has been p o i n t e d out, most non-feminist accounts of women's p o s i t i o n i n the labour market c o n s i d e r the f a c t o r s that shape female labour f o r c e p a r t i c i p a t i o n to be exogenous to the market. T h i s c o u l d mean that gender i n e q u a l i t y i s regarded simply as a by-product of s t r u g g l e s between c a p i t a l and labour (as R e i c h et a l . , i m p l i c i t l y suggest) or as emanating from pre-e x i s t i n g non-market f a c t o r s that are then l e f t u n t h e o r i z e d . The most important of these s o - c a l l e d non-market f a c t o r s that the above accounts have managed t o evade i s that of women's r o l e i n the f a m i l y . Most accounts have accepted a set of a h i s t o r i c a l 28 and a c u l t u r a l assumptions about women's p o s i t i o n i n the household/family. F i r s t , the household i s seen as a u n i t y : gender h i e r a r c h i e s which e x i s t w i t h i n the household are not acknowledged ( H a r r i s , 1981). Second, i t i s assumed that women are dependent upon a male breadwinner and that women's p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the labour f o r c e i s as a secondary wage earner o n l y . T h i r d , t h i s i s c o n s i d e r e d to be a f u n c t i o n of women's c h i l d b e a r i n g r o l e . A f i n a l assumption that u n d e r l i e s both n e o c l a s s i c a l and segmentation t h e o r i e s i s the e x p e c t a t i o n that when supply and demand f a c t o r s change (such as women's human c a p i t a l or employer's d i s c r i m i n a t o r y a c t i o n s ) so w i l l o c c u p a t i o n a l s e g r e g a t i o n . In f a c t , as MacEwen S c o t t says, t h i s has c o n s i s t e n t l y been shown to be not the case (MacEwen S c o t t , 1986). In these t h e o r i e s , t h e r e f o r e , the market, or the c a p i t a l i s t system, i s seen as being gender n e u t r a l i t s e l f , gender d i v i s i o n s that are manifested are seen as p r e - e x i s t a n t , n a t u r a l and t h e r e f o r e are not c o n s i d e r e d t o be a p p r o p r i a t e o b j e c t s of a n a l y s i s i n themselves f o r t h e o r i e s of women i n the labour market (Hartmann, 1976; Walby, 1986). Fe m i n i s t t h e o r i s t s , r a t h e r than l e a v i n g these aspects of women's i n e q u a l i t y u n t h e o r i z e d , take them as t h e i r p o i n t of departure, engaging d i r e c t l y with t h i s problematic by r e l a t i n g gender i n e q u a l i t y i n the labour market to wider systems of domination such as p a t r i a r c h y and c a p i t a l i s m that may operate i n the household, workplace and the s t a t e . The next s e c t i o n of t h i s chapter c o n s i d e r s f e m i n i s t accounts of women's p o s i t i o n i n 29 the labour market: these are accounts which engage with the concept of gender inequality. 2 . i i i . Theorizing Gender Inequality and Women's Work: S o c i a l i s t  Feminist Perspectives. S o c i a l i s t feminist studies of women's employment take as their point of departure the s o c i a l construction of the gender d i v i s i o n of labour. The gender d i v i s i o n of labour under capitalism i s considered to be constructed in such a way that i t fosters and i s fostered by ine q u a l i t i e s between men and women at a variety of empirical l e v e l s , such as the family/household, the workplace and the state. Despite a variety of opinions on thi s matter, i t i s acknowledged that of central importance in understanding the rel a t i o n s h i p between gender and employment i s the relat i o n s h i p between capitalism and gender inequality which culminates in a h i e r a r c h i c a l gender d i v i s i o n of labour in which women are responsible for d i f f e r e n t (and less s o c i a l l y and economically valued) tasks than men. One manifestation of t h i s i s the nature of female p a r t i c i p a t i o n in paid employment. Understanding women's position in the labour market using a feminist analysis necessitates sketching out f i r s t , the origins of unequal gender relations and second, the r e l a t i o n s h i p between capitalism and gender inequality. In t h i s discussion, three broad feminist theories of gender inequality are considered, in general, and in the labour market in p a r t i c u l a r . Within these views, the ori g i n s of gender 30 i n e q u a l i t y i n the labour market are v a r i o u s l y seen f i r s t , as r e s u l t i n g from gender i n e q u a l i t i e s that are an inherent f e a t u r e of the c a p i t a l i s t system; second, from the i n t e r a c t i o n of two separate s t r u c t u r e s : c a p i t a l i s m and an autonomous p a t r i a r c h y ; and t h i r d , from the o p e r a t i o n of a r e l a t i v e l y autonomous, h i s t o r i c a l l y s p e c i f i c p a t r i a r c h a l i d eology ( f a m i l i a l i s m ) . In a d d i t i o n to t h e i r d i f f e r i n g t h e o r i e s of gender i n e q u a l i t y i n g e n e r a l , s t u d i e s of women i n the labour market vary a c c o r d i n g to whether the nature of women's p o s i t i o n i n the labour market i s seen as a r e s u l t of processes o p e r a t i n g i n the family/household, or i n the workplace, and o c c a s i o n a l l y t h i s i s extended to c o n s i d e r how these are r e l a t e d to s t a t e - l e v e l p r o c e s s e s . In some i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s these are r e s p e c t i v e l y r e f e r r e d to as supply f a c t o r s and demand f a c t o r s . In t h i s d i s c u s s i o n , however, t h i s terminology i s avoided where p o s s i b l e because of i t s n e o c l a s s i c a l c o n n o t a t i o n s and a l s o because of the f a c t that e x c l u s i o n and s t a t e processes tend to be e c l i p s e d i n t h i s type of c o n c e p t u a l i z a t i o n . T h i s s e c t i o n c o n s i d e r s a range of d i f f e r e n t views upon both women's e n t r y i n t o the labour market per se; and on sex se g r e g a t i o n w i t h i n the labour market from each of the three s o c i a l i s t f e m i n i s t p e r s p e c t i v e s o u t l i n e d above. Some of these s t u d i e s focus oh the f a m i l y as the seat of gender i n e q u a l i t y i n the labour market, o t h e r s as a r e s u l t of processes i n the workplace. More commonly, many p o i n t s of view i n t e r s e c t and o v e r l a p , making any kind of taxonomy of l i t e r a t u r e on s o c i a l i s t feminism a d i f f i c u l t t a s k . The f i r s t p a r t of t h i s s e c t i o n 31 c o n s i d e r s a number of Marx i s t f e m i n i s t p e r s p e c t i v e s on women i n the labour market, which c o n s i d e r women's i n e q u a l i t y i n the labour market to be r e l a t e d to family/household processes or to workplace pro c e s s e s . 2 . i i i . ( a ) Gender i n the Labour Market: M a r x i s t Feminist P e r s p e c t i v e s . M a r x i s t f e m i n i s t t h e o r i e s of gender i n e q u a l i t y arose as a response to "gender b l i n d " M a r x i s t theory i n which the s p e c i f i c i t i e s of women's p o s i t i o n were rendered i n v i s i b l e . M a r x i s t feminism c o n s i d e r s gender i n e q u a l i t y to be h i s t o r i c a l l y s p e c i f i c : women's p o s i t i o n i s regarded as being d e r i v a t i v e of c a p i t a l i s t r e l a t i o n s and p a t r i a r c h y , as an autonomous concept, i s denied any a n a l y t i c a l power. Instead, gender i n e q u a l i t y i s regarded as being an inherent p r o p e r t y of c a p i t a l i s m , that owes i t s o r i g i n s to women's domestic r o l e under the c a p i t a l i s t system (Armstrong, 1984; Armstrong and Armstrong, 1987b; Beechey, 1977; Braverman, 1974; Br u e g e l , 1986; Seccombe, 1987). Of those s t u d i e s t h a t c o n s i d e r c a p i t a l i s m i t s e l f to f o s t e r gender i n e q u a l i t y , perhaps the most widely c i t e d has been Beechey's e a r l y work on women as a "reserve army" of labour ( r e p u b l i s h e d i n Beechey, 1987) (see a l s o B r u e g e l , 1986, f o r a d i s c u s s i o n of the res e r v e army t h e s i s ) . In c o n s i d e r i n g women's en t r y i n t o the labour f o r c e , Beechey argues t h a t women have a d i s t i n c t i v e p o s i t i o n i n c a p i t a l i s t forms of the labour process - as cheap, u n s k i l l e d workers and as a 32 p o t e n t i a l l y disposable i n d u s t r i a l reserve army of labour (Beechey, 1987:9) and that th i s resul t s from the sexual d i v i s i o n of labour in the home: under cap i ta l i sm th i s creates women's dependence upon a male wage. Women's pos i t ion in the labour market i s thus s tructured by processes in the family/household: an arena that has taken on a p a r t i c u l a r role under c a p i t a l i s m , with women accorded a p a r t i c u l a r pos i t i on in the d i v i s i o n of labour as a r e s u l t . This view is echoed by Mies who re fers to i t as a process of "housewifization" in which women throughout the world are redefined as dependent housewives by the operation of c a p i t a l , which e f f e c t i v e l y cheapens the p r i c e of women's labour. Thus, female workers are accorded a pos i t ion in the labour market that i s quite d i f f erent from that of male workers (Mies, 1986; 1988; Bennholdt-Thomsen, 1988). A process s imi lar to th i s that i s occurring in p a r t i c u l a r instances i s described with reference to the i n t e r n a t i o n a l i z a t i o n of factory production that occurs when c a p i t a l expands geographical ly in order to ameliorate economic c r i s i s . The gender basis of the emergent i n t e r n a t i o n a l d i v i s i o n of labour i s emphasized, in which c a p i t a l subordinates women, and in turn i s able to benefit from the low cost of the i r labour (Grossman, 1979; Elson and Pearson, 1981; Fernandez-K e l l y , 1983; Fuentes and Ehrenre ich , 1983; Nash and Fernandez-K e l l y , 1983; ILO, 1985; Pearson, 1986; Safa , 1986). The employment of women in s o - c a l l e d world market fac tor i e s i s one outcome of th i s process in which low wages can be j u s t i f i e d by 33 women's d e f i n i t i o n as "secondary workers" whose income i s regarded as supplemental to f a m i l y r e p r o d u c t i o n (Heyzer, 1986), and low l e v e l s of worker o r g a n i z a t i o n are achieved by p a t e r n a l i s t i c methods of worker c o n t r o l on the job (Grossman, 1979). A s i m i l a r argument has been used to e x p l a i n the predominance of women i n the i n f o r m a l s e c t o r too (Fernandez-K e l l y , 1983; Roldan, 1985) and i n e n t e r p r i s e s i n pe r i - u r b a n areas ( A r i z p e and Aranda, 1986). In terms of o c c u p a t i o n a l s e g r e g a t i o n , t h e r e f o r e , women's p o s i t i o n i n the labour market i s seen as r e s u l t i n g from the l o g i c of c a p i t a l , and the c r e a t i o n of women as a subordinated group w i t h i n the workforce. A number of c r i t i c i s m s have been d i r e c t e d at the emphasis on s o - c a l l e d supply f a c t o r s , i . e . women's domestic s u b o r d i n a t i o n under c a p i t a l i s m , i n t h i s a n a l y s i s . Walby argues that i t i s a l s o p o s s i b l e to c o n s i d e r women's p o s i t i o n i n the home as being s t r u c t u r e d by t h e i r p o s i t i o n i n the labour market, and that emphasis should be given to the o p e r a t i o n of processes a c t u a l l y o c c u r r i n g i n the workplace. For t h i s reason, many who view c a p i t a l i s m as a system that f o s t e r s gender i n e q u a l i t y have turned to processes t h a t operate i n the workplace i n order to e x p l a i n gender s e g r e g a t i o n i n the labour market. Game and P r i n g l e i n t h e i r s i x c a s e - s t u d i e s of i n d u s t r y i n A u s t r a l i a l o c a t e the key processes governing women's entry i n t o the workforce and t h e i r s e g r e g a t i o n i n t o p a r t i c u l a r occupations as t a k i n g p l a c e i n the workplace i t s e l f (Game and P r i n g l e , 1983). In t h e i r study of the r e l a t i o n s h i p between gender, the 34 labour process and t e c h n o l o g i c a l change, Game and P r i n g l e ' s argument i s s i m i l a r i n some r e s p e c t s to that of " o c c u p a t i o n a l segmentation theory", except that they s t r e s s that c a p i t a l i s m i t s e l f i s i n h e r e n t l y gendered. The i n t e r a c t i o n of c a p i t a l and orga n i s e d male workers c r e a t e s a sex- t y p i n g of jobs through a s e r i e s of dichotomies ( s k i l l e d / u n s k i l l e d , h e a v y / l i g h t , t e c h n i c a l / n o n - t e c h n i c a l ) which at once d i v i d e s the workforce (to the b e n e f i t of c a p i t a l ) , and p r o t e c t s " s k i l l e d " male jobs (to the b e n e f i t of the worker). The types of occupations that women are able to secure are r e l a t e d to the a c t i v i t i e s of employers and male workers and these i n turn are r e i n f o r c e d by s t a t e l e g i s l a t i o n that j u s t i f i e s t h e i r a c t i o n s . However, the problem of the family/household i s not focussed on i n t h i s study, and thus i t i s uncl e a r why c a p i t a l i s m operates i n such a p a t r i a r c h a l f a s h i o n : i n other words, why should i t be women who are p l a c e d i n such a p o s i t i o n ? I t i s d i f f i c u l t to s i t u a t e the s t r u c t u r i n g of o c c u p a t i o n a l s e g r e g a t i o n i n e i t h e r the family/household or i n the workplace. More s e n s i t i v e are analyses that regard both of these arenas as m u t u a l l y - r e i n f o r c i n g . Most a n a l y s e s acknowledge t h i s but n e v e r t h e l e s s emphasize one p o s i t i o n or the oth e r . Armstrong, although o r i g i n a l l y c i t i n g women's p o s i t i o n i n the labour market ( o c c u p a t i o n a l segregation) as being s t r u c t u r e d through processes o p e r a t i n g i n the domestic sphere (Armstrong and Armstrong, 1978), now regards the process as being d i a l e c t i c a l . Gender s e g r e g a t i o n i s premised on the s e p a r a t i o n of p r o d u c t i v e and r e p r o d u c t i v e a c t i v i t i e s (both are c a p i t a l i s t ) . Women's 35 b i o l o g i c a l r e l a t i o n s h i p to r e p r o d u c t i o n c o n d i t i o n s t h e i r entry i n t o p a i d work, and t h e i r dependence upon men. However, processes o p e r a t i n g i n the workplace are a l s o given conceptual importance: these are seen to c r e a t e sex-segregation i n a l l a s p e c t s of l i f e - i n the home as w e l l as at work (Armstrong, 1984). Although i t seems that each of these p e r s p e c t i v e s d i f f e r s i n terms of the domain which i s given conceptual primacy i n s t r u c t u r i n g women's p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the labour market and gender s e g r e g a t i o n , gender i n e q u a l i t y i s seen as being endogenous to the market: c a p i t a l i s m i s gendered, whether t h i s i s w i t h i n the c a p i t a l i s t family/household or w i t h i n the workplace i t s e l f . M a r x i s t f e m i n i s t p e r s p e c t i v e s on gender i n e q u a l i t y have been c h a l l e n g e d by B a r r e t t (1980) and Connelly (1987) (amongst other s ) who make four p o i n t s . F i r s t , such p e r s p e c t i v e s do not account f o r aspects of women's s u b o r d i n a t i o n that predate c a p i t a l i s m (see f o r example the review of a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l i n v e s t i g a t i o n s to t h i s end i n Blumberg, 1984). Second, and r e l a t e d t o t h i s p o i n t , there i s no evidence to suggest that women's p o s i t i o n w i l l a u t o m a t i c a l l y improve a f t e r s o c i a l i s t r e v o l u t i o n : c l a s s s t r u g g l e and women's s t r u g g l e do not always c o i n c i d e . T h i r d l y , u n d e r l y i n g such analyses i s a b i o l o g i s t i c assumption that echoes some of the assumptions inherent i n non-f e m i n i s t theory, i . e . that women's r o l e i s somehow " n a t u r a l " and based on women's r e p r o d u c t i v e c a p a c i t y . T h i s i s a p o s i t i o n that has been v o c a l l y c h a l l e n g e d by p s y c h o a n a l y t i c a l 36 f e m i n i s t s l i k e Nancy Chodorow who s t r e s s the s o c i a l c o n s t r u c t i o n of sexual r e p r o d u c t i o n (Chodorow, 1978). F i n a l l y , t h i s focus tends to obscure the i n t e r e s t s that working c l a s s men have i n r e t a i n i n g women's subordinate p o s i t i o n as domestic l a b o u r e r s by emphasizing the importance of female s u b o r d i n a t i o n fo r c a p i t a l i s m r a t h e r than f o r men per se ( B a r r e t t , 1980; Walby, 1986; Connelly, 1987). In an attempt to d e a l with some of the problems of re d u c t i o n i s m that t h i s type of t h e o r i z i n g encounters, s o c i a l i s t f e m i n i s t s sought to e x p l a i n gender i n e q u a l i t y by re f e r e n c e to a s t r u c t u r e that i s separate from but operates with c a p i t a l i s m , that i s , p a t r i a r c h y . 2 . i i i . ( b ) Gender i n the Labour Market: D u a l i s t i c P e r s p e c t i v e s . Walby u s e f u l l y d i v i d e s d u a l i s t i c t h e o r i e s of gender i n e q u a l i t y i n t o f i r s t , views which c o n s i d e r the o p e r a t i o n of two spheres: the r e p r o d u c t i v e sphere (with p a t r i a r c h y as i t s mode of o p e r a t i o n ) , and the pr o d u c t i o n sphere (with c a p i t a l i s m as i t s mode of o p e r a t i o n ) ; and second, d u a l i s t i c approaches that c o n s i d e r the o p e r a t i o n of two p a r a l l e l s t r u c t u r e s p a t r i a r c h y and c a p i t a l i s m - i n a l l spheres (Walby, 1986). From the f i r s t type of d u a l i s t i c a n a l y s i s , the most i n f l u e n t i a l have been those p e r s p e c t i v e s which c o n s i d e r m a t e r i a l l i f e t o be composed of two spheres: p r o d u c t i o n and r e p r o d u c t i o n , whose r e l a t i o n s are determined by the o p e r a t i o n of p a t r i a r c h y and c a p i t a l i s m r e s p e c t i v e l y . T h i s type of d u a l i s t i c p e r s p e c t i v e regards women's p o s i t i o n as being determined by the r e l a t i o n s h i p between two separate spheres - the p r o d u c t i v e 37 sphere which comprises c a p i t a l i s m / waged work, and the r e p r o d u c t i v e sphere c o n s i s t i n g of "other forms of work", most commonly those that are c o n s i d e r e d "domestic" (Engels, 1972[1884]; Beneria and Sen, 1981; M e i l l a s o u x , 1981; Bryceson and V u o r e l a , 1984). Important i n determining women's su b o r d i n a t i o n i n these t h e o r i e s , t h e r e f o r e , are processes that are l o c a t e d w i t h i n the r e p r o d u c t i v e sphere but that become s i g n i f i c a n t when that sphere a r t i c u l a t e s with another mode of p r o d u c t i o n . Using the concept of "modes of human r e p r o d u c t i o n " Bryceson and Vuorela argue that women's p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n both s o c i a l r e p r o d u c t i o n and b i o l o g i c a l r e p r o d u c t i o n s t r u c t u r e s t h e i r p o s i t i o n i n p r o d u c t i v e work, but they i n s i s t t h a t t h e i r theory i s not b i o l o g i c a l l y d e t e r m i n i s t i c (Bryceson and V u o r e l a , 1984). While o s t e n s i b l y women's p o s i t i o n i n the labour market r e s u l t s from processes w i t h i n the r e p r o d u c t i v e sphere, of p r i n c i p a l importance i s the nature of the r e l a t i o n s h i p t h a t e x i s t s between the p r o d u c t i v e and r e p r o d u c t i v e spheres. They argue t h a t women's s u b o r d i n a t i o n i n the labour market r e s u l t s from the form taken by a r a t i o n a l i z a t i o n of labour time that takes p l a c e i n any s o c i e t i e s that e x h i b i t a sexual d i v i s i o n of labour, and which c u t s a c r o s s p a r t i c u l a r modes of p r o d u c t i o n . Based upon women's necessary r o l e i n pregnancy and b r e a s t -f e e d i n g , t h i s r a t i o n a l i z a t i o n r e l e g a t e s women "to labour tasks that are more conducive to accommodating pregnancy and c h i l d -b e a r i n g " (Bryceson and V u o r e l a , 1984:162). T h i s e x p l a i n s 38 women's p o s i t i o n i n par t - t i m e work, i n low-paid jobs i n secondary labour-markets, and i n the inf o r m a l s e c t o r . In a s i m i l a r manner, i n t h e i r e a r l i e r work Beneria and Sen take the idea of a s e p a r a t i o n of spheres to account f o r women's p o s i t i o n i n the labour market by c o n s i d e r i n g the importance that the p r e c i s e nature of the a r t i c u l a t i o n of these separate p r o d u c t i v e and r e p r o d u c t i v e spheres has f o r understanding o c c u p a t i o n a l s e g r e g a t i o n by sex. As a wage labour system emerges, p r o d u c t i o n and r e p r o d u c t i o n are f u r t h e r separated to the p o i n t that women's unique r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r r e p r o d u c t i v e a c t i v i t i e s becomes a disadvantage which s t r u c t u r e s t h e i r p o s i t i o n i n low-waged s e c t i o n s of the labour market, thus ent r e n c h i n g t h e i r dependency upon men (Beneria and Sen, 1981; Mackintosh, 1981; Mackenzie and Rose, 1983). F o l l o w i n g t h i s l o g i c , i n many d i s c u s s i o n s of women's seg r e g a t i o n i n t o the i n f o r m a l s e c t o r and i n t o p a r t i c u l a r a c t i v i t i e s t h e r e i n , women's a c t i v i t i e s i n the p r o d u c t i v e sphere are seen as exte n s i o n s of t h e i r domestic r o l e i n the r e p r o d u c t i v e sphere, and s u b j e c t to the c o n s t r a i n t s that domestic o b l i g a t i o n s pose. Hence the domestic d i v i s i o n of labour i s seen as a primary f a c t o r i n e x p l a i n i n g the c o n c e n t r a t i o n of women i n a c t i v i t i e s such as cooked food vending ( J e l l i n e k , 1987; T i n k e r , 1988), veget a b l e s e l l i n g (Nelson, 1979; Bunster and Chaney, 1985) and domestic s e r v i c e (Bunster and Chaney, 1985). In a d d i t i o n , many s t u d i e s of women and work have c o n s i d e r e d sex s e g r e g a t i o n i n the labour market to be a r e s u l t of the a r t i c u l a t i o n of a p a t r i a r c h a l f a m i l y form 39 ( f a m i l y system) with c a p i t a l i s m . Of these s t u d i e s , the most c o n v i n c i n g are those that d i s c u s s p a r t i c u l a r f a m i l y forms i n East A s i a where c o n t r o l of unmarried daughters by parents leads to t h e i r p o s i t i o n w i t h i n the wage labour market ( S a l a f f , 1981; Rung, 1983; Greenhalgh, 1985; Phongpaichit, 1988). G e n e r a l l y - s p e a k i n g , t h i s type of d u a l i s t i c p e r s p e c t i v e tends to regard women's p o s i t i o n i n the labour market as being s t r u c t u r e d by the c o n s t r a i n t s that women's p r i n c i p a l r e p r o d u c t i v e a c t i v i t i e s pose. The o p e r a t i o n of p a t r i a r c h y (or an e q u i v a l e n t s t r u c t u r e ) i s c o n f i n e d to the r e p r o d u c t i v e or domestic sphere - o c c u p a t i o n a l s e g r e g a t i o n r e s u l t s from the c o n s t r a i n t s t h e r e i n . There are a number of problems posed both by the a b s t r a c t underpinnings of t h i s type of a n a l y s i s , and by the a n a l y s i s i t s e l f . F i r s t , the c o n c e p t u a l i z a t i o n of r e p r o d u c t i o n tends to c o l l a p s e a number of q u i t e d i f f e r e n t a c t i v i t i e s i n t o the category " r e p r o d u c t i o n " , f o r example, b i o l o g i c a l r e p r o d u c t i o n and s o c i a l r e p r o d u c t i o n , s u b s i s t e n c e a c t i v i t e s ; and, as R e d c l i f t has p o i n t e d out, some i n f o r m a l s e c t o r a c t i v i t e s are a l s o seen as " r e p r o d u c t i v e " ( R e d c l i f t , 1985). Reproduction i s c l e a r l y a c h a o t i c c o n c e p t i o n . Second, and r e l a t e d to t h i s p o i n t , i s the problem of d i s t i n g u i s h i n g between p r o d u c t i v e and r e p r o d u c t i v e a c t i v i t i e s . These may form "separate spheres" i n some i n s t a n c e s but not i n a l l (Moore, 1988). Thus i t i s problematic to regard these spheres as e x c l u s i v e l y male and female, and to lodge the r o o t s of women's s u b o r d i n a t i o n u n i v e r s a l l y w i t h i n t h e i r r o l e as "reproducers" when i t i s not e n t i r e l y c l e a r what i s meant by 40 r e p r o d u c t i o n and how i t r e l a t e s to p r o d u c t i o n . T h i r d , there i s an inadequate c o n c e p t u a l i z a t i o n of the nature of p r o d u c t i v e a c t i v i t i e s : t h e i r s t r u c t u r e i s taken as given and i t i s uncl e a r j u s t from an a n a l y s i s of the domestic r o l e of women, why t h i s should pose such c o n s t r a i n t s upon p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n p r o d u c t i o n . F i n a l l y , t h i s type of d u a l i s t i c a n a l y s i s ignores the op e r a t i o n of gender i n e q u a l i t y i n the workplace. By f o c u s s i n g upon some form of " t r a d i t i o n a l p a t r i a r c h y " i n the f a m i l y or r e p r o d u c t i v e sphere, forms of p a t r i a r c h a l power i n the workplace such as employer e x c l u s i o n from p a r t i c u l a r forms of work, or men's i n t e r e s t s i n r e t a i n i n g women i n the home are down-played. The l a t t e r q u e s t i o n i s e x p l i c i t l y addressed i n the second type of d u a l i s t i c a n a l y s i s of women's p o s i t i o n , which comes from Hartmann's much d i s c u s s e d c o n s i d e r a t i o n of "The Unhappy Marriage of Marxism and Feminism" (Hartmann, 1981). In Hartmann's view, gender h i e r a r c h i e s ( p a t r i a r c h y ) and the mode of p r o d u c t i o n ( c a p i t a l i s m ) are two semi-autonomous systems which operate i n p a r t n e r s h i p to produce women's p o s i t i o n i n s o c i e t y . The r o o t s of p a t r i a r c h y , i t i s argued, l i e i n he t e r o s e x u a l monogamous marriage, and s e v e r a l other s o c i a l i n s t i t u t i o n s , which form the b a s i s of c o n t r o l of women's s e x u a l i t y and labour power by men (Hartmann, 1981). S y l v i a Walby i s a l s o sympathetic to the use of d u a l i s t i c a n a l y ses and suggests that they "capture the autonomy of p a t r i a r c h a l r e l a t i o n s w h i l s t not i g n o r i n g the s i g n i f i c a n c e of c a p i t a l i s t r e l a t i o n s " (Walby, 1986:33). Walby's v e r s i o n of dualism c o n s i d e r s both p a t r i a r c h y and c a p i t a l i s m to be modes of 41 p r o d u c t i o n , which d i f f e r simply i n t h e i r r e s p e c t i v e "modes of e x p l o i t a t i o n " (Walby, 1986:46). P a t r i a r c h y i n v o l v e s the s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s of men e x p l o i t i n g women, c a p i t a l i s m i n v o l v e s the s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s of c a p i t a l e x p l o i t i n g labour. P a t r i a r c h y as a mode of pr o d u c t i o n operates at a number of l e v e l s , i n c l u d i n g the household, the workplace and the s t a t e ; and as such i t may e x i s t i n c o n j u n c t i o n with modes of pro d u c t i o n other than c a p i t a l i s m . T h i s type of d u a l i s t i c p e r s p e c t i v e on women i n the workforce tends to see sex se g r e g a t i o n i n the labour market i n terms of the p a t r i a r c h a l a c t i v i t i e s of employers (through s k i l l d e s i g n a t i o n , the gendering of d i f f e r e n t t asks w i t h i n the o c c u p a t i o n a l s t r u c t u r e , and e x c l u s i o n of women from p a r t i c u l a r types of work); and i n terms of the a c t i v i t i e s of the male workers themselves: on the shop f l o o r and i n trade unions (Gannage, 1986). H e i d i Hartmann has been i n s t r u m e n t a l i n deve l o p i n g a dual-systems theory of women i n the labour market. Her work began as a c r i t i q u e of segmentation t h e o r i e s f o r f a i l i n g to acknowledge the r o l e t h at male workers had a l o n g s i d e male employers, i n s t r u c t u r i n g women's workforce p a r t i c i p a t i o n (Hartmann, 1976). Using a v a r i e t y of h i s t o r i c a l examples, i n her study she argues that women occupy a p a r t i c u l a r p o s i t i o n i n the s t r u c t u r e of the labour market that has a r i s e n through the p a t r i a r c h a l a c t i v i t i e s of male employers and male workers which worked a g a i n s t the l o g i c of an otherwise g e n d e r - b l i n d c a p i t a l i s m . 42 As Coyle suggests, often the short-term interes t s of male employees coincided with the long term interes ts of the employers (Coyle, 1982). Male workers f e l t that the i r jobs were threatened by low-paid women whose claims for employment or higher wages were cont inua l ly undermined by the idea that they were dependent, or at l eas t , secondary wage earners. Male workers thus organised to contro l women's labour by excluding women from p a r t i c u l a r protected occupations. Hartmann shows that regardless of whether i t was of advantage to c a p i t a l as a whole, women were excluded from primary occupations, and the ir pos i t ion as secondary workers was re inforced and entrenched: with the resul t that women were paid l e s s , t h e i r work was considered to be less s k i l l e d and they were more vulnerable to unemployment. Al leg ience to Hartmann is given by Thorbek who in her analys i s of women in the Bangkok labour market, argues that the s p e c i f i c i t y of women's pos i t ion is p a r t l y explained by the common p a t r i a r c h a l interes t "shared by most men and c a p i t a l i s t enterprises in favouring men on the labour market" that relegates women to t h e i r pos i t ion as secondary workers in both the formal sector and in informal sector employment (Thorbek, 1987:71). The notion of exclusion from employment has been extended to include " s k i l l " and "technology" as ways in which women can a c t i v e l y be excluded from p a r t i c u l a r occupations (Rogers, 1980; Dauber and C a i n , 1981; Coyle , 1982; Cockburn, 1983; 1986). Cockburn stresses that s k i l l d e f i n i t i o n and technology are p o l i t i c a l issues: they are e s s e n t i a l l y p a t r i a r c h a l and are 43 c o n t r o l l e d t o t h e d e t r i m e n t o f w o m e n . A p r i n c i p l e f a c t o r i n e x c l u d i n g w o m e n f r o m p a r t i c u l a r o c c u p a t i o n s i n t h e l a b o u r m a r k e t i s w h a t C o c k b u r n r e f e r s t o a s a " p r o c e s s o f a p p r o p r i a t i o n o f ( t h e ) p h y s i c a l a n d m e n t a l p r o p e r t i e s a n d t e c h n i c a l h a r d w a r e " b y m e n , w h i c h i n i t s e l f h a s c r e a t e d g e n d e r h i e r a r c h i e s i n t h e w o r k p l a c e ( C o c k b u r n , 1 9 8 6 : 1 0 0 ) . I m p o r t a n t i n h e r a n a l y s i s i s t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p b e t w e e n g e n d e r e d t e c h n o l o g y a n d p h y s i c a l p r o p e r t i e s o f m a l e s ( e . g . m u s c u l a r s t r e n g t h ) , i n d e e d s h e a r g u e s t h a t t e c h n o l o g i c a l d e v e l o p m e n t e x a c e r b a t e s p h y s i c a l d i f f e r e n c e s b e t w e e n m e n a n d w o m e n , a l t h o u g h i t n e e d n o t n e c e s s a r i l y d o s o . I n e s s e n c e , t h e r e f o r e , t e c h n o l o g y i s p o l i t i c a l : i t u l t i m a t e l y d i v i d e s t h e w o r k f o r c e i n t o s k i l l e d m e n a n d u n s k i l l e d w o m e n , t h r o u g h t h e p a t r i a r c h a l c o n t r o l o f t e c h n o l o g y b y b o t h men a s m e n a n d b y m e n a s e m p l o y e r s . T h i s t y p e o f e x p l a n a t i o n h a s , t o s o m e d e g r e e , b e e n u s e d t o e x p l a i n w o m e n ' s c o n c e n t r a t i o n i n i n f o r m a l a c t i v i t i e s w i t h i n t h e u r b a n l a b o u r m a r k e t ; o c c u p a t i o n a l s e g r e g a t i o n m a y i n p a r t r e s u l t f r o m t h e e x c l u s i o n a r y a c t i v i t i e s o f m a l e w o r k e r s a n d e m p l o y e r s w i t h r e s p e c t t o t h e s k i l l s a n d t e c h n o l o g y a s s o c i a t e d w i t h p a r t i c u l a r o c c u p a t i o n s i n t h e f o r m a l s e c t o r ( H e y z e r , 1 9 8 1 ) . A s C o y l e p o i n t s o u t , d e f i n i t i o n s o f s k i l l a r e f l u i d a n d c a n b e c h a n g e d t h r o u g h t h e p r o c e s s o f " d e s k i l l i n g " , i n w h i c h j o b s a r e r e d e f i n e d a s u n s k i l l e d b y e m p l o y e r s , t o j u s t i f y t h e e m p l o y m e n t o f l o w e r p a i d f e m a l e w o r k e r s . T h e r e a c t i o n o f o r g a n i z e d m a l e w o r k e r s i n t h e w e s t h a s b e e n t o p r e v e n t t h i s f r o m o c c u r r i n g : i t w o u l d s e e m t h a t o r g a n i s e d m a l e l a b o u r w a s c o n t e n t t o s e e w o m e n c o n t a i n e d w i t h i n 44 an unskilled low-paid and subordinate female ghetto and to defend s k i l l s on the basis of the preservation of masculine s k i l l s (Coyle, 1982:24). Hence occupational segregation i s created and recreated in the workplace as capitalism a r t i c u l a t e s with a pre-existing structure of patriarchy in what P h i l l i p s and Taylor c a l l "the sexualization of s k i l l l abels" ( P h i l l i p s and Taylor, 1986:63). Capitalism i s seen as being sex-blind, but through i t s rel a t i o n s h i p with patriarchy in the workplace i t leads to the segregation of women into low-paid, unskilled and poorly unionized employment. Dual systems theorists thus tend to stress the importance of processes of gender inequality as they occur in the workplace. Because patriarchy i s accorded autonomy, i t i s possible to locate the causes of women's-position in the labour market within the workplace, and not necessarily in the family/household. This has been an important insight in the l i t e r a t u r e on women in the labour market. Though dual-systems theory has c e r t a i n l y produced some helpful insights that concern gender inequality in the workplace, there are a number of problems that need to be considered. F i r s t , the use of an a h i s t o r i c a l and universal concept of "patriarchy" i s problematic, given the d i f f e r e n t expressions that gender inequality takes in d i f f e r e n t places and at d i f f e r e n t times. Second, there i s ample evidence that suggests that c a p i t a l i t s e l f i s not gender-blind as t h i s theory assumes but i s inherently "gendered" (Armstrong, 1984; MacEwen Scott, 1986b). For example, Humphrey makes the point that this 4 5 theory g i v e s no account of how labour markets themselves may adapt to the nature of the a v a i l a b l e labour f o r c e , or how occupations can be c o n s t r u c t e d around gender or r a c i a l i d e n t i t i e s . Furthermore, the a n a l y t i c dualism accorded between p a t r i a r c h y and c a p i t a l i s m i n v o l v e s too st a r k a c o n t r a s t between t h e i r r e s p e c t i v e spheres of i n f l u e n c e (Young, 1981). T h i s i s d i f f i c u l t to r e c o n c i l e with the f a c t that r e a l l i f e i s not d u a l i s t i c but an i n t e g r a t e d whole which i s s u f f u s e d with m u l t i p l e r e l a t i o n s of domin a t i o n / s u b o r d i n a t i o n based on race, e t h n i c i t y , n a t i o n a l i t y , age, e t c . , as w e l l as upon c l a s s and gender (Beneria and Roldan, 1987). As Beneria and Roldan w r i t e : Although c l a s s and gender may be a n a l y t i c a l l y d i s t i n g u i s h a b l e at a t h e o r e t i c a l l e v e l , i n p r a c t i c e they cannot be e a s i l y d i s e n t a n g l e d . The problem before us i s to b u i l d a u n i f y i n g theory and a n a l y s i s i n which m a t e r i a l and i d e o l o g i c a l f a c t o r s are an i n t e g r a l aspect of our understanding of economic and s o c i a l r e a l i t y . S t r a t e g i c a l l y t h i s i m p l i e s that c l a s s and gender must be d e a l t with si m u l t a n e o u s l y as pa r t of the s t r u g g l e towards e l i m i n a t i n g e x p l o i t a t i o n i n ge n e r a l and the oppression of women i n p a r t i c u l a r . (Beneria and Roldan, 1.987: 10). One of the most i n f l u e n t i a l c o n t r i b u t i o n s to t h i s end has come from Michele B a r r e t t who argues f o r c o n s i d e r i n g women's opp r e s s i o n not as "a t h e o r e t i c a l p r e r e q u i s i t e of c a p i t a l i s m " but as n e v e r t h e l e s s "embedded i n i t s [ c a p i t a l i s m ' s ] s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s and thus m a t e r i a l i n c h a r a c t e r " . The aim of her theory of gender i n e q u a l i t y i s to overcome the inherent b l i n d spots of M a r x i s t f e m i n i s t and dual-systems p e r s p e c t i v e s i n which the a n a l y s i s i s e i t h e r a h i s t o r i c a l or r e d u c t i o n i s t . The 46 next part of th i s sect ion discusses c r i t i c a l l y B a r r e t t ' s theory of gender inequa l i ty , to e s tab l i sh whether her theory does indeed enable these problems to be overcome. 2 . i i i . ( c ) Gender in the Labour Market: Gender Inequality as Ideology. In Women's Oppression Today (1980) Barrett argues against views that regard gender inequal i ty as e i ther a subset of c a p i t a l i s t r e la t ions or as a function of the operation of a c a p i t a l i s t -patr iarchy d u a l i t y . These approaches, she suggests, are unduly reduct ion i s t or a h i s t o r i c a l in t h e i r assumptions. Instead, Barret t argues that i t i s important to consider that women's pos i t ion in c a p i t a l i s t society i s the resu l t of protracted s truggle: cap i ta l i sm i s not necessar i ly p a t r i a r c h a l in i t s form, nor i s patr iarchy a funct ional requ i s i t e for c a p i t a l i s m , but due to a number of h i s t o r i c a l processes that were embedded in a p r e c a p i t a l i s t ideology of gender, such a s i tua t ion has a r i s e n . Barrett denies that patr iarchy has any a n a l y t i c a l weight, but suggests that i t i s correct to ta lk of p a t r i a r c h a l s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s . This pos i t i on allows the existence of p a t r i a r c h a l s o c i a l r e la t i ons in n o n - c a p i t a l i s t soc i e t i e s to be enterta ined, and in the context of th i s study, th i s i s an important po in t . Fundamental to B a r r e t t ' s account of gender inequa l i ty i s the notion of ideology which i s seen as being "an extremely important s i t e for the construct ion and reproduction of women's oppression" (Barret t , 1980:253). However, she denies that 47 women's oppression "rests exc lus ive ly on ideo log ica l processes" as th i s involves making one of two assumptions: f i r s t , that ideology i s absolutely autonomous of the economic r e l a t i o n s of cap i ta l i sm, or second, that "ideology is always grounded in material r e la t ions but that gender ideology i s grounded in economic re la t ions between women and men that exist independently of capi ta l i sm" (Barret t , 1980:252). Both of these pos i t ions she re jects outr ight as being i d e a l i s t and reduct ionis t re spec t ive ly . Instead, Barrett argues for a h i s t o r i c a l l y bounded ideology that i s mater ia l ly grounded but r e l a t i v e l y autonomous. Although she denies that gender ideology i s necessar i ly re la ted to economic r e l a t i o n s , ideology must be seen as being mater ia l ly grounded as no c lear separation between the i d e o l o g i c a l and the mater ia l realm ex i s t s : Ideology has played an important part in the h i s t o r i c a l construct ion of the c a p i t a l i s t d i v i s i o n of labour and in the reproduction of labour power. A sexual d i v i s i o n of labour, and accompanying ideologies of the appropriate meaning of labour for men and women, have been embedded in the c a p i t a l i s t d i v i s i o n of labour from i t s beginnings. It i s impossible to over-emphasize here the importance of an h i s t o r i c a l analys i s (Barre t t , 1980:98). The notion of ideology that Barret t employs with regard to gender inequa l i ty i s that of " f a m i l i a l ideology". It i s important to make the d i s t i n c t i o n between "the family" as an object ive r e a l i t y , and "famil ia l i sm" as an ideology which pervades not only the family but a l so other s i t e s of gender inequal i ty such as the state and the workplace. F a m i l i a l 48 ideology i s comprised of two p r i n c i p a l f e a t u r e s : f i r s t , as an i d e o l o g i c a l arena i n which gender i d e n t i t y and i t s meaning i s produced, n e g o t i a t e d and reproduced, and secondly the economic o r g a n i z a t i o n of the household which c o n s t i t u t e s the m a t e r i a l r e l a t i o n s which, to some degree, s t r u c t u r e women's dependence upon men. Women's p o s i t i o n i s seen as r e s u l t i n g from the o p e r a t i o n of a r e l a t i v e l y autonomous ideology of f a m i l i a l i s m which e x i s t s w i t h i n v a r i o u s spheres (the family/household, the workplace and the s t a t e ) and i s h i s t o r i c a l l y embedded i n the r e l a t i o n s of c a p i t a l i s m . Although acknowledging the importance of f a m i l i a l i d e o logy i n a l l spheres of l i f e , B a r r e t t regards women's labour market p o s i t i o n as being, i n most i n s t a n c e s , s t r u c t u r e d by processes w i t h i n the family/household. T h i s , she argues, i s why women's occupations i n the labour market resemble the general nature of women's work i n the household. I t s i n f l u e n c e i s a l s o f e l t through education and t r a i n i n g , through s t a t e i d e o l o g y , through the mass media and through the a c t i v i t i e s of trade unions which are respon s i v e to f a m i l i a l i d e o logy as w e l l as in s t r u m e n t a l i n reproducing i t . Processes that operate i n the workplace t o s t r u c t u r e women's p o s i t i o n i n the labour market (such as the e x c l u s i o n a r y a c t i v i t i e s of male employers and workers) are t h e r e f o r e seen as an exte n s i o n of a f a m i l i a l i d e ology which has a normative i n f l u e n c e over how women's waged work should be co n c e i v e d . As B a r r e t t w r i t e s : Even i n households where women c o n t r i b u t e c o n s i d e r a b l y to the f a m i l y budget, the 49 ideology of women's dependence remains strong ( B a r r e t t , 1980:215). Beneria and Roldan agree with B a r r e t t ' s f o r m u l a t i o n but extend her a n a l y s i s to c o n s i d e r the s t r u c t u r a t i o n of women's p o s i t i o n i n the labour market as w e l l as i n the family/household. They do not agree with p r i o r i t i z i n g e i t h e r the family/household or the workplace as domains of o p e r a t i o n f o r processes s t r u c t u r i n g the o c c u p a t i o n a l s e g r e g a t i o n of women. Instead, both are seen as being important, depending upon the context (Beneria and Roldan, 1987). In a d d i t i o n , as recent work i n A s i a has shown, the contemporary s t a t e i n many c o u n t r i e s p l a y s a c e n t r a l r o l e i n c o n d i t i o n i n g women's experience i n s o c i e t y i n g e n e r a l , and i n the labour market i n p a r t i c u l a r (Afshar, 1987). B a r r e t t ' s theory which emphasizes i d e o l o g i c a l processes and the i n t e r a c t i o n of s e t s of s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s w i t h i n a p a r t i c u l a r h i s t o r i c a l c ontext, seems ab l e t o transcend some of the problems that were i d e n t i f i e d e a r l i e r with the other f e m i n i s t p e r s p e c t i v e s on women i n the labour market. However, three i s s u e s need to be addressed. F i r s t , a t t e n t i o n must be given to the problems that are a s s o c i a t e d with t r a n s p o s i n g conceptual c a t e g o r i e s d e r i v e d from western e m p i r i c a l work t o other non-western c o n t e x t s ( T i n k e r , 1985; Ong, 1988). Of these, the c e n t r a l i t y of the f a m i l y i n e x p l a i n i n g gender i n e q u a l i t y and the concept of f a m i l i a l i d e ology as a f a c t o r t h a t s t r u c t u r e s women's labour market p o s i t i o n need to be unpacked. The degree to which something a k i n to f a m i l i a l i d e ology e x i s t s i n d i f f e e n t 50 p l a c e s must be understood, by s e n s i t i z i n g the assumptions that u n d e r l i e t h e o r i e s of gender i n e q u a l i t y to the s p e c i f i c i t i e s of women's experience i f they are to have any a n a l y t i c a l c a p a b i l i t y i n non-western c o n t e x t s . A second i s s u e that needs to be addressed concerns the r o l e of the s t a t e with respect to women. Given the v a r i a t i o n s i n the form and f u n c t i o n s of the s t a t e i n d i f f e r e n t p a r t s of the world, the r e l a t i o n s h i p between the s t a t e and women's p o s i t i o n needs to be t h e o r i z e d i n a manner that i s s e n s i t i v e to h i s t o r i c a l and ge o g r a p h i c a l s p e c i f i c i t y . T h i r d , and again r e l a t e d to the iss u e of h i s t o r i c a l and ge o g r a p h i c a l s p e c i f i c i t y , the nature of c a p i t a l i s m i n d i f f e r e n t p l a c e s needs to be given due a t t e n t i o n , given the importance of t h i s i n shaping people's experience i n a l l aspects of l i f e . With these three i s s u e s i n mind, the f o l l o w i n g s e c t i o n e x p l o r e s the problem of ethnocentrism g e n e r a l l y i n e x i s t i n g t h e o r i e s of women i n the labour market. Three themes are c o n s i d e r e d : f i r s t , gender i n e q u a l i t y and the problem of " f a m i l i a l i d e o l o g y " , second, the r o l e of the s t a t e with respect to women, and t h i r d , the nature of c a p i t a l i s m i n d i f f e r e n t p l a c e s . 2 . i v . T h e o r i z i n g Women's Work: C a p i t a l i s m . Gender I n e q u a l i t y  and Ethnocentrism. In any understanding of female labour f o r c e p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the contemporary world, the themes proposed above must be c o n c e p t u a l i z e d with a s e n s i t i v i t y to h i s t o r i c a l and 51 geographical s p e c i f i c i t y . In most d i scuss ions , there is a recognit ion that - the forms taken by cap i ta l i sm and the state vary from place to p lace , but less recognit ion that the nature of gender inequal i ty may l ikewise vary. The importance of recent c r i t i q u e s of western feminist perspectives on gender inequal i ty becomes evident when the u n i v e r s a l i t y of gender inequal i ty i s problematized, which, i t i s argued here, i s necessary when examining gender re la t ions in non-western contexts . This section discusses the issue of ethnocentrism in s o c i a l i s t feminist theory, with p a r t i c u l a r reference to B a r r e t t ' s work. Second, theories of the state and i t s r e l a t i o n s h i p to gender i n e q u a l i t i e s are o u t l i n e d , and t h i r d , perspectives on c a p i t a l i s t development are b r i e f l y sketched out, in order to h igh l ight the importance of contextua l iz ing women's experience in a conceptual izat ion that recognizes the importance of geographical and h i s t o r i c a l d i f f erence . 2 . i v . ( a ) Ethnocentrism and Feminist Theory. The ethnocentrism of feminist theory has been pointed out by feminists from two main camps: Black feminists in Europe and North America (see Carby, 1982; Parmar, 1982; Anthias and Yuval -Davis , 1983; Barrett and Mcintosh, 1985; Bhavnani and Coulson, 1986), and second, from women in non-western countries together with "women-in-development" groups (Tinker , 1985; Moore, 1988; Ong, 1988). There are four main points that need to be ra i sed when considering the u t i l i t y of exported gender theory: f i r s t , the heterogeneity of the category "woman"; 52 second, how notions of the family and the reproductive sphere vary across cu l tures ; and t h i r d , s o c i e t a l var ia t ions in women's experience of oppression. F i n a l l y , as feminism i s u l t imately a p o l i t i c a l movement, the r e l a t i o n s h i p between the aims of feminism and the struggles and goals of p a r t i c u l a r women in p a r t i c u l a r places must be given due a t t en t ion . Each of these has, in the end, a s ign i f i cance for women's pos i t ion in the labour market through the way in which women's acquiescence and struggles with gender i n e q u a l i t i e s i s manifested. Recent p o s t - s t r u c t u r a l i s t feminist perspectives have begun to ra ise questions about the construct ion of d i f f erent s u b j e c t i v i t i e s of women ( i . e . ways of being an ind iv idua l ) which, i t i s argued, suggests that there i s no universa l category "woman". Although constructed around the same b i o l o g i c a l reference of "female", femininity and womanhood embrace quite d i f f erent meanings and manifestations across time and space, which shape (and are shaped by) other factors such as c l a s s , race , e t h n i c i t y and s o - f o r t h , and that together comprise the subject p o s i t i o n of a p a r t i c u l a r i n d i v i d u a l (Weedon, 1987; Fraser and Nicholson, 1988). Thus, Spivak argues that the claims of western feminism to speak for a l l women are fundamentally misplaced. Rather than emphasising some sort of homogeneous "global s isterhood", perspectives on gender inequa l i ty should recognise the heterogeneity of the category "woman" and construct theories of gender inequa l i ty that are sens i t ive to the d i f ferences that th i s might imply (Spivak, 1987). 53 A second p o i n t concerns the qu e s t i o n of the c e n t r a l i t y of the f a m i l y and the r e p r o d u c t i v e sphere i n ex p l a n a t i o n s of gender i n e q u a l i t y , which should be problematized i n contemporary T h i r d World s e t t i n g s . Carby makes t h i s p o i n t when she argues that the concepts of the fa m i l y and the r e p r o d u c t i v e sphere become problematic when a p p l i e d to non-white, non-western women's l i v e s . She argues that the idea of a u n i v e r s a l " f a m i l i a l dependence" should be questioned, and t h a t , f o r a v a r i e t y of reasons, women's r o l e i n r e p r o d u c t i v e a c t i v i t i e s takes q u i t e d i f f e r e n t forms and meanings i n non-western s e t t i n g s . T h i s leads to the c o n s t r u c t i o n of f e m i n i n i t y that may d i f f e r from that found amongst white western women of v a r i o u s s o c i a l c l a s s e s . T h i s p o i n t i s echoed by Moore i n her review of contemporary a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l r e s e a r c h on the q u e s t i o n of gender (Moore, 1988). Given that they r e s t upon a set of assumptions concerning these a s p e c t s of women's l i v e s , the concepts of " f a m i l i a l i d e o l o g y " or " p a t r i a r c h y " must be deco n s t r u c t e d to take account of the s p e c i f i c i t i e s of d i f f e r e n t groups of non-white, non-western women i n other r e l i g i o - c u l t u r a l c o n t e x t s . T h i s has some important i m p l i c a t i o n s f o r t h e o r i e s that account f o r women's p o s i t i o n i n the labour market. The t h i r d p o i n t concerns the way i n which white western feminism has tended to underplay, and perhaps even reproduced, other oppressions such as racism and n e o - c o l o n i a l i s m that women fac e , and that s t r u c t u r e t h e i r p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the labour market. Carby i l l u s t r a t e s one in s t a n c e of t h i s p o i n t by r e f e r r i n g to the many d i s c u s s i o n s that have emerged that 54 concern the employment of Th ird World "nimble-fingered o r i e n t a l women" in world market manufacturing (e .g . Grossman, 1979; Elson and Pearson, 1981). Within these d iscuss ions , a t tent ion is focussed upon gender and the r e l a t i o n that i s implied by the adject ive "oriental" i s ignored (Carby, 1982). The marginal izat ion of rac ia l ly-demarcated processes in such analyses means that the s p e c i f i c i t y of non-western women's s i tua t ion i s e c l i p s e d . Also s i g n i f i c a n t in considering the use of feminist concepts in "other" sett ings i s the degree to which women's struggles against t h e i r oppression can be un iversa l i zed (Ong, 1988). This point i s of importance to the extent that women's struggles both r e f l e c t and s tructure gender inequal i ty in the labour market and elsewhere. Ong questions the monolithic representation of "Third World Women" that i s evident in some of the neoc las s i ca l and s o c i a l i s t feminist "women in development" l i t e r a t u r e which assumes a common bond between western and non-western women. These perspectives tend to present a tradi t ional /modern dichotomy onto which i s grafted e i ther some notion of the l i b e r a t i n g p o t e n t i a l of modernity or the idea of women being acted upon by abstract forces of cap i ta l i sm and p a t r i a r c h y , and subjected to "super-exp lo i ta t ion" . Within e i ther of these perspect ives Ong argues that there i s a tendency to "encode a b e l i e f in the ir [white western feminists] own c u l t u r a l super ior i ty" which faces the concerns of "feminism" but not of the women themselves (Ong, 1988:85). Universa l feminist concepts should be problematized, 55 given t h e i r p r o p e n s i t y f o r i g n o r i n g indigenous meanings and concerns. T h i s p o i n t i s a l s o made by Tinke r who takes issue with the e x p o r t a t i o n of "theory that does not accor d with the r e a l i t y of women's l i v e s i n de v e l o p i n g c o u n t r i e s as seen from these women's own p e r s p e c t i v e f s ] " ( T i n k e r , 1985). Desp i t e the concerns that are r a i s e d here, i t i s u n h e l p f u l to j e t t i s o n attempts at t h e o r i z i n g women's p o s i t i o n i n the labour market or elsewhere by c l a i m i n g that they are r a c i s t , e t h n o c e n t r i c or o r i e n t a l i s t . The importance of these c r i t i q u e s l i e s i n t h e i r c a p a c i t y to s e n s i t i z e western f e m i n i s t theory to the concerns of women beyond the white western middle c l a s s . Of the f e m i n i s t p e r s p e c t i v e s c o n s i d e r e d i n t h i s chapter, B a r r e t t ' s ideas seem to have the most u t i l i t y i n seeking to understand the processes that l e a d to gender i n e q u a l i t i e s i n d i f f e r e n t s o c i e t i e s , p r o v i d i n g that a sense of the s p e c i f i c i t y of the nature of gender i n e q u a l i t y i n p a r t i c u l a r s e t t i n g s i s r e t a i n e d . In responding to c r i t i c i s m s of her " e t h n o c e n t r i c " assumptions, B a r r e t t suggests that her " c h a r a c t e r i z a t i o n of the f a m i l y as the major agency of women's o p p r e s s i o n " perhaps underestimates the r o l e of s t a t e c o e r c i o n and v i o l e n c e i n opp r e s s i n g black and T h i r d World women i n contemporary B r i t a i n , f o r which concern should be shown ( B a r r e t t and Mcintosh, 1985). Her concern might be extended i n order t o i n c l u d e the r o l e of processes o p e r a t i n g i n the workplace as w e l l as i n the s t a t e , and to the r o l e p l a y e d by d i f f e r e n t r e l i g i o u s o r t h o d o x i e s such as Islam or C h r i s t i a n i t y i n both western and non-western s e t t i n g s . Women's p o s i t i o n i s not only s t r u c t u r e d by u n i l a t e r a l p r o c e s s e s w i t h i n 56 the household/family, but by something a k i n to " f a m i l i a l i d e o l o g y " (the nature of which must be s p e c i f i e d i n p a r t i c u l a r c ontexts) as i t operates i n the workplace and the s t a t e . I t makes more sense to t a l k of women's labour market p o s i t i o n as a r i s i n g from the d i a l e c t i c a l r e l a t i o n s h i p that e x i s t s between the household/family and the workplace, both of which are c o n d i t i o n e d by the a c t i v i t i e s of the s t a t e . The next part of t h i s s e c t i o n c o n s i d e r s the importance of the s t a t e i n shaping women's experience, as a step towards a theory of gender that i s s e n s i t i v e to the f a c t o r s that shape p a r t i c u l a r women's p o s i t i o n s i n p a r t i c u l a r s e t t i n g s . 2.iv.(b) Women and the S t a t e . The s t a t e p l a y s a c e n t r a l r o l e i n r e g u l a t i n g the c o n d i t i o n s of people's l i v e s i n a v a r i e t y of s i t u a t i o n s . As Dahlerup observes, i t seems mandatory t o i n c l u d e the r o l e of the s t a t e , s i n c e the s t a t e i s now i n t e g r a t e d i n t o a l l s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s i n modern s o c i e t y (Dahlerup, 1987:103) A c o n c e p t u a l i z a t i o n of the s t a t e i n t h i s d i s c u s s i o n i s necessary f o r two reasons: f i r s t , because of i t s r o l e i n r e g u l a t i n g the c o n d i t i o n s of c a p i t a l i s m and the contours of economic r e s t r u c t u r i n g , both of which have a s i g n i f i c a n t impact on the nature of the labour market. Second, the s t a t e p l a y s an important r o l e i n shaping s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s between d i f f e r e n t groups of people, ag a i n , with r a m i f i c a t i o n s f o r the p o s i t i o n that p a r t i c u l a r groups h o l d w i t h i n the labour market, and i n 57 society in general . A number of theories of the state based upon perspectives as diverse as c l a s s i c a l l i b e r a l i s m , s t r u c t u r a l funct ional i sm, Weberian perspect ives , and e l i t e theory have emerged (for an overview of each of these, see K n u t i l l a , 1987). Central to analysing the state in cap i ta l i sm, however, are Marxist theor ies . The fol lowing discuss ion out l ines some of the more important features of three Marxist theories of the s tate , which have been important in shaping the manner in which the re la t ionsh ip between women and the state has subsequently been theor ized . It i s suggested that the r e l a t i o n s h i p of the state with women in p a r t i c u l a r is ec l ipsed in many of these perspect ives , and that t h i s has given r i s e to a number of feminist theories of the state that aim to specify the ro le played by the state in s t r u c t u r i n g and re in forc ing gender i n e q u a l i t i e s . F i n a l l y , and in keeping with the need to avoid ethnocentrism, the issue of women and the state in non-western contexts i s addressed in t h e o r e t i c a l terms in order to specify the nature of the i r r e l a t i o n s h i p , and to out l ine the manner in which the state fosters gender i n e q u a l i t i e s , at d i f f erent h i s t o r i c a l and geographical conjunctures. Within Marxist theories of the state are a number of quite d i f f e r e n t perspect ives , each h i g h l i g h t i n g a d i f f e r e n t aspect of the s ta te ' s r o l e . Beyond the C l a s s i c a l Marxist notion of the state as "a committee for managing the a f f a i r s of the whole bourgeoisie", (Marx, c i t e d in M i l i b a n d , 1969:7) three main theories of the state can be recognized (Clark and Dear, 1984). 58 F i r s t , " i n s t r u m e n t a l i s t " views regard the s t a t e as a c t i v e l y s e r v i n g the i n t e r e s t s of a m o n o l i t h i c c a p i t a l i s t c l a s s . The form and f u n c t i o n s of the s t a t e r e f l e c t the accumulation motives of the c a p i t a l i s t c l a s s , and the p o l i t i c a l and economic dimensions of c a p i t a l i s m are c o l l a p s e d i n t o 'one another. Second, s t r u c t u r a l i s t p e r s p e c t i v e s on the s t a t e , a s s o c i a t e d with the work of Poulantzas c o n s i d e r the s t a t e to be r e l a t i v e l y autonomous to the c a p i t a l i s t c l a s s but to guarantee the long term i n t e r e s t s of the c a p i t a l i s t c l a s s as a whole, i n s t e a d of i n d i v i d u a l s w i t h i n the s t a t e , thus p r o t e c t i n g i t from v a r i o u s d i v e r g e n t i n t e r e s t s that e x i s t w i t h i n the b o u r g e o i s i e (Poulantzas, 1975). The r o l e of the s t a t e i s to a l l e v i a t e c l a s s c o n t r a d i c t i o n s , to generate accumulation, and to accommodate other c o n t r a d i c t i o n s that e x i s t w i t h i n s o c i e t y . T h i r d , " i d e o l o g i c a l p e r s p e c t i v e s " on the s t a t e emphasize the s t a t e ' s i d e o l o g i c a l r o l e . Through what A l t h u s s e r terms " i d e o l o g i c a l s t a t e apparatuses", such as education, the f a m i l y and so f o r t h , the s t a t e pursues c l a s s e x p l o i t a t i o n and c o n t r o l , i n order to reproduce c o n d i t i o n s f o r c a p i t a l i s t p r o d u c t i o n ( A l t h u s s e r , 1971). Gramscian p e r s p e c t i v e s a l s o emphasize the p o l i t i c a l a s p e c t s of the s t a t e , i n p a r t i c u l a r , i t s r o l e i n f o s t e r i n g a c t i v e consent to r u l i n g c l a s s i d e a s . However, the s t a t e i s seen as o p e r a t i n g , not i n a top-down manner, but on and through the p r e v a i l i n g system of b e l i e f s , v a l u e s , commonsense assumptions and s o c i a l a t t i t u d e s to or g a n i z e popular c u l t u r e i n i t s broadest sense and adapt i t to the needs of the dominant mode of p r o d u c t i o n (Jessop, 1982:148) '59 The r o l e of the s t a t e i n the r e g u l a t i o n of c l a s s r e l a t i o n s to serve the i n t e r e s t s e i t h e r of the c a p i t a l i s t c l a s s , or of the c a p i t a l i s t system, pro v i d e s the b a s i s of an a n a l y s i s of both the form and the f u n c t i o n of the s t a t e under c a p i t a l i s m ( K n u t i l l a , 1987). While e m p i r i c a l o b s e r v a t i o n of the o p e r a t i o n of the s t a t e suggests that indeed the s t a t e does appear to re g u l a t e c o n d i t i o n s f o r c a p i t a l i s t accumulation, i t i s apparent that because of t h e i r somewhat narrow d e f i n i t i o n of p o l i t i c s , M a r x i s t t h e o r i e s of the s t a t e are unable to d e a l with the r o l e p l a y e d by the s t a t e with respect to systems of domination and su b o r d i n a t i o n that are based upon c r i t e r i a other than c l a s s . More r e c e n t l y , t h e r e f o r e , a number of f e m i n i s t p e r s p e c t i v e s on the s t a t e have attempted to c o n c e p t u a l i z e the r e l a t i o n s h i p between women and the s t a t e . Although each of these t h e o r i e s d i f f e r i n important r e s p e c t s , i n gene r a l the r o l e of the s t a t e i s seen as a medium f o r c r e a t i n g and m a i n t a i n i n g c o n d i t i o n s that are a p p r o p r i a t e f o r c a p i t a l i s t accumulation. In g e n e r a l , f e m i n i s t t h e o r i e s of the s t a t e have focussed on the r o l e of the s t a t e i n reproducing women's i n e q u a l i t y i n a c a p i t a l i s t system, e i t h e r from a marxist p e r s p e c t i v e i n which the s t a t e i s viewed as c a p i t a l i s t , or from a dual-systems p e r s p e c t i v e , i n which the s t a t e i s viewed as mediating between c a p i t a l i s m and p a t r i a r c h y . Thus the s t a t e i s seen e i t h e r as s e r v i n g the i n t e r e s t s of c a p i t a l i s t s , or e l s e as s e r v i n g the i n t e r e s t s of men. E i t h e r way, the s t a t e has had a profound e f f e c t upon women that i s f e l t most d i r e c t l y through the way i n 60 which the s t a t e c o n d i t i o n s the labour market, the f a m i l y and gender r e l a t i o n s . In e a r l y M a r x i s t f e m i n i s t c o n c e p t u a l i z a t i o n s of the s t a t e , the s t a t e ' s r o l e i n m a i n t a i n i n g c o n d i t i o n s f o r c a p i t a l i s t accumulation was given a n a l y t i c a l primacy, and i t s r o l e i n reproducing gender i n e q u a l i t i e s was through the p r e s e r v a t i o n of women as e i t h e r a r e s e r v e army of labour, or as domestic l a b o u r e r s , s u b s i d i z i n g the r e p r o d u c t i o n of labour power and a m e l i o r a t i n g the a l i e n a t i n g e f f e c t s of wage labour (Jones, 1988). The r e l a t i o n s h i p between women and the s t a t e was thus subsumed under a more gen e r a l d i s c u s s i o n of the c a p i t a l i s t s t a t e and the f a m i l y . The i m p l i c i t r e d u c t i o n i s m of t h i s type of a n a l y s i s has s i n c e been c h a l l e n g e d by approaches that accord some s o r t of autonomy to " p a t r i a r c h y " : as a system of s u b o r d i n a t i o n along the l i n e s of gender. Although there are some d i f f e r e n c e s w i t h i n dual systems p e r s p e c t i v e s , i n g e n e r a l the s t a t e i s seen as both c a p i t a l i s t and p a t r i a r c h a l . The s t a t e i s concerned with mediating r e l a t i o n s of p r o d u c t i o n , and a l s o r e l a t i o n s of r e p r o d u c t i o n , which might i n c l u d e c o n t r o l of women's s e x u a l i t y and so f o r t h . I t s r o l e i s c h i e f l y as a mediator between the p o s s i b l e c o n t r a d i c t i o n s t hat a r i s e between c a p i t a l i s m (production) and p a t r i a r c h y ( r e p r o d u c t i o n ) (O'Brien, 1986). E i s e n s t e i n argues that the s t a t e i s r e l a t i v e l y autonomous to p a t r i a r c h a l i n t e r e s t s , and a l s o to c a p i t a l i s t i n t e r e s t s , but i n g e n e r a l i t i s i n s t r u m e n t a l i n m a i n t a i n i n g women as a secondary workforce, 61 and a l s o i n ma i n t a i n i n g women's p o s i t i o n i n the fa m i l y ( E i s e n s t e i n , 1984). R a d i c a l f e m i n i s t approaches are c r i t i c a l of dual-systems theory f o r c o n t i n u i n g to analyse the r e l a t i o n s h i p between the s t a t e and gender i n terms f u n c t i o n a l to c a p i t a l i s m . Instead, Mackinnon regards the s t a t e as an exp r e s s i o n of the i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z a t i o n of male power, and i t s norms and p o l i c i e s are r e f l e c t i v e of men's c o n t r o l over women's s e x u a l i t y . Gender i n e q u a l i t y i s thus p r i v i l e g e d as the fundamental d i v i s i o n i n s o c i e t y , and the d i v i s i o n upon which the form and f u n c t i o n of the s t a t e i s premised (MacKinnon, 1982). Although c e r t a i n l y the o p e r a t i o n of the s t a t e i n v a r i o u s spheres would suggest that c o n t r o l of women's s e x u a l i t y and r e p r o d u c t i v e c a p a b i l i t i e s i s an o b j e c t i v e of the s t a t e i n c e r t a i n i n s t a n c e s , MacKinnon's approach cannot account f o r other a s p e c t s of female s u b o r d i n a t i o n that the s t a t e appears to reproduce, f o r example, i n the workforce. Not a l l aspects of women's p o s i t i o n are r e d u c i b l e to c o n t r o l of women's s e x u a l i t y . In order to counter on the one hand, the r e d u c t i o n i s t t endencies of both r a d i c a l and M a r x i s t f e m i n i s t approaches, and on the other hand, the f u n c t i o n a l i s m of dual-systems theory, a number of s o c i a l i s t f e m i n i s t approaches have emerged t h a t emphasize the i d e o l o g i c a l r o l e of the s t a t e . Of these, the most i n f l u e n t i a l have been the d i s c u s s i o n s of the s t a t e by Mcintosh (1978) and by Wilson (1977). B r i e f l y , both of these p e r s p e c t i v e s emphasize the r o l e of the s t a t e i n supporting a s p e c i f i c family/household form o s t e n s i b l y to serve the 62 i n t e r e s t s of c a p i t a l . T h i s occurs through the i d e o l o g i c a l apparatuses of the s t a t e : f o r example, education and s t a t e p o l i c i e s . I n d i r e c t l y , however, the famil y and a l s o the mechanisms by which t h i s s i t u a t i o n i s achieved, support the oppression of women. In a somewhat c o n t r a d i c t o r y manner, the s t a t e a l s o supports the entry of women i n t o the workforce, a l b e i t as secondary workers. De s p i t e the i n t e n t i o n s of a v o i d i n g crude r e d u c t i o n i s m i n t h i s theory, the s t a t e i s s t i l l regarded as an e n t i t y which oppresses women i n order to serve the i n t e r e s t s of c a p i t a l . U l t i m a t e l y , t h e r e f o r e , the p o s i t i o n of women i s p r e d i c a t e d upon the f u n c t i o n of the s t a t e i n en s u r i n g c a p i t a l i s t accumulation. At some p o i n t , the r o l e of the s t a t e i n c o n t r o l l i n g women and i t s r o l e i n c a p i t a l i s t accumulation need to be t h e o r i z e d t o g e t h e r , to a v o i d the d u a l i t y t h a t i s inherent i n dual-systems accounts of women and the s t a t e . B a r r e t t c o n c e p t u a l i z e s the s t a t e i n a manner that owes much to the work of Wilson and Mcintosh, but by s t r e s s i n g the importance of h i s t o r i c a l a n a l y s i s , she attempts t o overcome f u n c t i o n a l i s m and re d u c t i o n i s m . She argues that the s t a t e does not n e c e s s a r i l y serve the i n t e r e s t s of men or. c a p i t a l i s t s , but that h i s t o r i c a l l y the s t a t e ' s i n t e r e s t i n s u b o r d i n a t i n g women so as to preserve the moral order, has somehow converged with the i n t e r e s t that the s t a t e has i n m a i n t a i n i n g c o n d i t i o n s f o r c a p i t a l accumulation. Thus, i n p a r t i c u l a r i n s t a n c e s the s t a t e operates i n an i d e o l o g i c a l manner t o promote a p a r t i c u l a r image 63 and role of women, that e f f e c t i v e l y condit ions women's existence. Following B a r r e t t , but taking the analys is a stage fur ther , Burton also focusses on the ideo log i ca l aspects of the s tate , but in addi t ion she stresses the role of agency: through contestat ion and mediation, and in p a r t i c u l a r through the e f fects that the women's movement has had upon the re la t i onsh ip between the state and women (Burton, 1985). According to these views, therefore , the state appears to maintain and re inforce gender inequal i ty through i t s ideo log ica l r o l e , and also through p a r t i c u l a r types of l e g i s l a t i o n that have impl icat ions for women. A number of commentators have ra i sed questions over whether e x i s t i n g theories of the state are able to engage with the problem of the state in countr ies outside Europe and North America, in the absence of l i b e r a l democracy and s o c i a l welfare programmes. In general , in the T h i r d World, the state operates less by consent than by coerc ion , the state i s not dependent upon publ ic f i s c a l support, and in a d d i t i o n , in ternat iona l c a p i t a l has h i s t o r i c a l l y tended to play a p a r t i c u l a r role in the form and function of the state (Taylor , 1985). Recognition of th i s has led to s p e c i f i c conceptual izat ions of the state in "dependent" or "peripheral" s i t u a t i o n s . Although broadly-speaking, the state i s viewed as an ent i ty that ensures c a p i t a l accumulation, perspectives on the state in the T h i r d World have emphasized, on the one hand, external forces and re la t ions of exchange, and on the other, in terna l 64 f o r c e s and r e l a t i o n s of p r o d u c t i o n . More r e c e n t l y , a number of approaches have emerged that emphasize the dynamic i n t e r a c t i o n of i n t e r n a l and e x t e r n a l f o r c e s ; together with the r o l e of s t r u g g l e and c o n t e s t a t i o n i n p a r t i c u l a r h i s t o r i c a l and g e o g r a p h i c a l s i t u a t i o n s . Of the f i r s t view, Dependency t h e o r i s t s c o n s i d e r the form and f u n c t i o n of the s t a t e to r e f l e c t the p o s i t i o n of a p a r t i c u l a r n a t i o n - s t a t e w i t h i n the g l o b a l economy. Dependent s t a t e s are c o n d i t i o n e d by the demands of m e t r o p o l i t a n c a p i t a l i s t s and the l o c a l comprador b o u r g e o i s i e , i n whose i n t e r e s t s the s t a t e operates. By c o n t r a s t , orthodox m a r x i s t s emphasize l o c a l c l a s s r e l a t i o n s : the s t a t e i s viewed l e s s i n an i n s t r u m e n t a l i s t v e i n , and more i n a s t r u c t u r a l i s t manner, as the s t a t e maintains c o n d i t i o n s f o r accumulation by a v a r i e t y of means, i n c l u d i n g , i n some i n s t a n c e s , c o e r c i o n and r e p r e s s i o n . The t h i r d view, which i s most c o n s i s t e n t with the a n a l y s i s that i s pursued here, c o n s i d e r s the s t a t e as a h i s t o r i c a l l y s p e c i f i c e n t i t y concerned with m a i n t a i n i n g c o n d i t i o n s f o r c a p i t a l i s t accumulation, but that i s r e s p o n s i v e to both i n t e r n a l and e x t e r n a l p r e s s u r e s (Cardoso and F a l e t t o , 1979). In a d d i t i o n to the importance of l o c a l c o n d i t i o n s of e x i s t e n c e , t h i s p e r s p e c t i v e emphasizes the r o l e of s t r u g g l e and human agency i n c r e a t i n g a p a r t i c u l a r form and r o l e of the s t a t e . Commonly, what has emerged i n many T h i r d World co n t e x t s i s what has been termed " b u r e a u c r a t i c a u t h o r i t a r i a n i s m " : a s t a t e which i s c h a r a c t e r i z e d by an a u t h o r i t a r i a n form and a d e v e l o p m e n t a l i s t r o l e . Park f o l l o w s t h i s p e r s p e c t i v e but 65 loosens the re la t i onsh ip that the state has with the economic realm by point ing out the i n s t i t u t i o n a l s e l f - i n t e r e s t that the state has in expanding and reproducing the mater ia l base of i t s p o l i t i c a l power (Park, 1988). Park therefore conceptualizes the state as being formed by the dynamic in terac t ion between external and in terna l forces , and between the economic-social sphere and the p o l i t i c a l - s t a t e sphere in the context of h i s t o r i c a l l y spec i f i c s tructures of domination such as c l a s s , r e l i g i o u s ident i ty and e t h n i c i t y . To th i s might be added gender. Under s i tuat ions of bureaucratic author i tar ian i sm, the state need not be predicated only on c l a s s , but also on gender re la t ions in p a r t i c u l a r ways. As Agarwal points out, along with western l i b e r a l democracies, T h i r d World states are a lso concerned with issues such as the domestication of women and the contro l of female sexual i ty through a range of p o l i c i e s and ideologies which may serve the interes ts of c a p i t a l , but not in any necessary way (Agarwal, 1988). Unlike the state in l i b e r a l democratic s i t u a t i o n s , however, the ro le of struggle i s somewhat truncated: mechanisms of repression and coercion mean that bureaucratic au thor i tar ian states are affected in f a i r l y l imi t ed ways by contemporary grass-roots women's movements. The s tate , therefore , i s seen as having no s ingle overarching purpose but rather as a c r y s t a l l i z a t i o n around a range of issues such as accumulation, d i s t r i b u t i o n of wealth and the preservat ion of a "moral order" in p a r t i c u l a r ways in p a r t i c u l a r contexts . 66 2 . i v . ( c ) M a n i f e s t a t i o n s of C a p i t a l i s m i n D i f f e r e n t P l a c e s . There are a number of d i f f e r e n t t h e o r i e s that are concerned with the nature of c a p i t a l i s m i n the T h i r d World. Rather than examining the i n t r i c a c i e s of these t h e o r i e s and t h e i r attendent c r i t i q u e s and c o u n t e r - c r i t i q u e s , the purpose of t h i s s e c t i o n i s to p o i n t out that from both an e m p i r i c a l and a t h e o r e t i c a l p o i n t of view, and f o r a v a r i e t y of h o t l y debated reasons, c a p i t a l i s m i s manifested i n q u i t e d i s t i n c t i v e ways i n T h i r d World c o u n t r i e s . Here I wish to po i n t b r i e f l y to the i m p l i c a t i o n s that t h i s has f o r the nature of the labour market, and how t h i s leads to c e r t a i n m i s g i v i n g s about the a p p l i c a b i l i t y of western-based f e m i n i s t t h e o r i e s of women i n the urban labour market i n other p l a c e s . The form taken by c a p i t a l i s m s t r u c t u r e s income-generating p o s s i b i l i t i e s i n d i f f e r e n t p l a c e s , as w e l l as being i t s e l f s t r u c t u r e d by the types of processes t h a t are at p l a y i n these d i f f e r e n t p l a c e s . T h i s has i m p l i c a t i o n s f o r the nature of the a c t i v i t i e s i n which men and women are engaged. Corbridge e f f e c t i v e l y summarizes four i n f l u e n t i a l p e r s p e c t i v e s t h a t have dominated r a d i c a l development theory, and which, d e s p i t e c e r t a i n e p i s t e m o l o g i c a l s i m i l a r i t i e s , d i f f e r i n the^way they c o n c e p t u a l i z e c a p i t a l i s m i n the T h i r d World (Corbridge, 1986). The f i r s t of these i s the neo-Marxist or Dependency theory of underdevelopment ( a s s o c i a t e d with Frank, 1969; Baran, 1973; W a l l e r s t e i n , 1979) which c o n c e i v e s of a c a p i t a l i s t world economy d i v i d e d i n t o a developed core and an "underdeveloped" p e r i p h e r y : a s i t u a t i o n which i s s t r u c t u r e d and maintained by 67 asymmetrical exchange r e l a t i o n s between core and p e r i p h e r y . T h i s leads to a s i t u a t i o n i n the p e r i p h e r y which i s d e s c r i b e d by Corbridge as a "morphology of backwardness" (Corbridge, 1986:40), wherein the income-generating p o s s i b i l i t i e s of people i n the p e r i p h e r y r e f l e c t the n e o - c o l o n i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p between core and p e r i p h e r y . The c l a i m i s that dependency r e l a t i o n s p reclude independent i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n i n the p e r i p h e r y . F o l l o w i n g t h i s t h e s i s through, i t would seem that t h i s i s r e f l e c t e d i n the nature of the labour market i n a p e r i p h e r a l context where p r o d u c t i o n i s e i t h e r geared towards primary commodities f o r exchange on the world market, or i s s u b s i s t e n c e p r o d u c t i o n f o r use at home. T h i s p e r s p e c t i v e has been s u b j e c t e d to major c r i t i c i s m s : the most important of these comes from the second p e r s p e c t i v e that Corbridge i d e n t i f i e s . T h i s second body of development theory a r i s e s from what has been r e f e r r e d to as the r e t u r n of c l a s s i c a l Marxism, i n which p r o d u c t i o n r e l a t i o n s are re-emphasised at the expense of exchange r e l a t i o n s . T h i s p e r s p e c t i v e , o r i g i n a l l y a s s o c i a t e d with Rosa Luxemburg, suggests that i n d e a l i n g with t u r b u l e n t labour r e l a t i o n s i n the core, and i n an e f f o r t to secure s u r p l u s v a l u e , " c a p i t a l i s t s must seek new ways of r e s t r u c t u r i n g c a p i t a l i s m , and t h i s may i n v o l v e the export of c a p i t a l to the c o l o n i e s " (Corbridge, 1986:47). The p e r i p h e r y thus becomes a s s i m i l a t e d i n t o the c a p i t a l i s t world economy. D i f f e r e n c e s i n the p e r i p h e r y r e s u l t from the l i m i t e d expansion of c a p i t a l i s m i n t o the p e r i p h e r y a t p a r t i c u l a r h i s t o r i c a l moments: again t h i s has i m p l i c a t i o n s f o r the nature of the labour market. T h i s 68 p e r s p e c t i v e leads i n t o the t h i r d view that Corbridge mentions, t h a t i s , S t r u c t u r a l M a r x i s t development theory. While acknowledging that c a p i t a l i s m i s a f o r c e f o r development, S t r u c t u r a l i s t p e r s p e c t i v e s account f o r the s p e c i f i c i t y of the nature of c a p i t a l i s m i n the p e r i p h e r y by r e f e r e n c e to an " a r t i c u l a t i o n of modes of p r o d u c t i o n " w i t h i n a given s o c i a l formation. In the p e r i p h e r y , the c a p i t a l i s t mode of p r o d u c t i o n a r t i c u l a t e s with a p r e - c a p i t a l i s t mode, g i v i n g r i s e to a d u a l i s t i c economy made up of, on the one hand, "modern" banking, "modern" i n d u s t r y and commercial a g r i c u l t u r e ; and on the other hand, " i n f o r m a l " a c t i v i t i e s such as money-l e n d i n g , h a n d i c r a f t s and s u b s i s t e n c e a g r i c u l t u r e . C l e a r l y t h i s has i m p l i c a t i o n s f o r the nature of the labour market i n p e r i p h e r a l s i t u a t i o n s (Corbridge, 1986:59). I t i s argued that the maintainence of p r e - c a p i t a l i s t forms e f f e c t i v e l y s u b s i d i z e s the c o s t of reproducing the c a p i t a l i s t mode of p r o d u c t i o n i n the c o r e . Thus, while t h i s p e r s p e c t i v e i s more s e n s i t i v e to s p e c i f i c i t y and l o c a l s t r u g g l e , i t assumes that the form of the p e r i p h e r y i s c o n d i t i o n e d by the "needs" of c a p i t a l i s m i n the c o r e . These three p e r s p e c t i v e s are c r i t i c i s e d by Corbridge f o r what he terms t h e i r " s p a t i a l o v e r - a g g r e g a t i o n " , which conceives of the c a p i t a l i s t world system as comprised of two types of a r e a : the core and the p e r i p h e r y , or North and South (Corbridge, 1986:11). While r e c o g n i s i n g i n t e r n a t i o n a l asymmetries of power and wealth, Corbridge argues that t h i s type of g e n e r a l i z a t i o n obscures more than i t r e v e a l s . Instead 69 he advocates a concern with " r e l a t i o n s of p r o d u c t i o n and c o n d i t i o n s of e x i s t e n c e " . F o l l o w i n g Cardoso (1979), he suggests that t h i s framework allows a s e n s i t i v i t y to d i v e r s e outcomes in the c a p i t a l i s t world economy by g i v i n g conceptual weight to the r o l e of agency through the s t r u g g l e s , s t r a t e g i e s and h i s t o r i e s of people i n p a r t i c u l a r p l a c e s ; and to c o n d i t i o n s of e x i s t e n c e (resource endowments and c l i m a t i c v a r i a t i o n , p o p u l a t i o n growth r a t e s , s t a t e p o l i c i e s , f o r example) that p l a c e e v e r - v a r y i n g boundaries on the p o s s i b i l i t i e s faced by d i f f e r e n t groups of people i n p a r t i c u l a r p l a c e s at p a r t i c u l a r times. In a d d i t i o n to t h i s , r e c o g n i t i o n should be given to the r o l e of consumption p r a c t i c e s , to what McGee has r e f e r r e d to as a convergence i n consumption p a t t e r n s (consumerism) that i s evident i n many T h i r d World c o n t e x t s . The r e l a t i o n s h i p between t h i s type of convergence i n consumption p r a c t i c e s and divergence i n terms of a country's r e l a t i o n s h i p with the i n t e r n a t i o n a l c a p i t a l i s t system v a r i e s from one s i t u a t i o n to another (Armstrong and McGee, 1985). T h i s r e c o g n i t i o n of d i f f e r e n c e w i t h i n the p e r i p h e r y , as w e l l as between the core and the p e r i p h e r y means that i t i s important to s p e c i f y the nature of c a p i t a l i s m i n a p a r t i c u l a r c o n t e x t , and the i m p l i c a t i o n s f o r that t h i s has f o r income-g e n e r a t i n g p o s s i b i l i t i e s t h a t are open f o r p a r t i c u l a r groups of people. For the purposes of s p e c i f y i n g the labour market s i t u a t i o n of women i n Indonesia, the next chapter i s concerned with c o n t e x t u a l i z i n g the Indonesian labour market. In order to h o l d any u t i l i t y i n d i f f e r e n t c o n t e x t s , f e m i n i s t t h e o r i e s 70 concerning gender i n e q u a l i t i e s i n western labour markets must be s e n s i t i z e d t o two main concerns: f i r s t , the r e l a t i o n s of domination that e x i s t g e n e r a l l y between the "core" and the "peri p h e r y " ; and second, i n r e c o g n i s i n g the he t e r o g e n e i t y of the p e r i p h e r y , the m u l t i p l i c i t y of d i f f e r e n t r e l a t i o n s of prod u c t i o n and c o n d i t i o n s of e x i s t e n c e that e x i s t w i t h i n the world economy. T h i s , together with a c u l t u r a l l y and h i s t o r i c a l l y s p e c i f i c c o n c e p t u a l i z a t i o n of gender i n e q u a l i t y , must u n d e r l i e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s of women i n the labour market. 2.v. C o n c l u s i o n s . F e m i n i s t p e r s p e c t i v e s on women i n the urban labour market have problematized many i s s u e s which u n d e r l i e women's p o s i t i o n i n the workforce, i n p a r t i c u l a r , the ways i n which unequal r e l a t i o n s of gender are expressed i n the family/household, the workplace and the s t a t e . A t t e n t i o n has been d i r e c t e d at the p o s i t i o n of women i n the labour market as secondary workers: t h e i r predominance i n low p a i d , p a r t - t i m e work, i n the i n f o r m a l s e c t o r and t h e i r s e g r e g a t i o n i n t o p a r t i c u l a r o c c u p a t i o n s . T h i s s i t u a t i o n has been c o n s i d e r e d i n terms of i t s r e l a t i o n s h i p with c a p i t a l i s m , p a t r i a r c h y and gender i d e o l o g i e s t h a t operate i n the family/household, i n the workplace and i n the s t a t e . Problems a r i s e , however, when the conc e p t u a l c a t e g o r i e s a s s o c i a t e d with white western feminism are transposed i n t o other c o n t e x t s . Recent c r i t i q u e s have suggested that the u n i v e r s a l i s t i c , a h i s t o r i c a l and r e d u c t i o n i s t assumptions of 71 much feminist theorizing on women (in the labour market and in society in general) are misplaced. This chapter has explored two issues which need to be problematized when theorizing women's position in the labour market in di f f e r e n t places. F i r s t , the manner in which gender inequality i s constructed and expressed in dif f e r e n t s i t u ations, based on the su b j e c t i v i t y of pa r t i c u l a r women in di f f e r e n t contexts, their struggles and their aims. It has been suggested that f a m i l i a l ideology i s constructed and contested in c u l t u r a l l y s p e c i f i c forms, and i s extended through h i s t o r i c a l l y and c u l t u r a l l y s p e c i f i c forms of the family/household, and the state. The second issue concerns the manner in which capitalism i s manifested: through the relati o n s h i p between global processes and l o c a l conditions of existence. The purpose of the next two chapters i s to follow up these issues in the Indonesian context, in order to construct a framework with which to analyse the position of women in the labour market in the context of p a r t i c u l a r patterns of economic restructuring within l o c a l conditions of existence,and under the influence of a h i s t o r i c a l l y and c u l t u r a l l y s p e c i f i c ideology of gender. 72 CHAPTER THREE CONTEXTUALIZING WOMEN'S WORK: STRUCTURAL CHANGE, CONDITIONS OF EXISTENCE AND THE INDONESIAN LABOUR MARKET. 3 . i . Introduction. In Chapter Two i t was argued that in order to understand women's position in the labour market, i t is necessary to build analyses upon a h i s t o r i c a l l y and c u l t u r a l l y - s p e c i f i c conceptualization of gender inequality. This approach should be combined with a recognition of the s p e c i f i c i t i e s of the political-economic context within which the labour market i s situated. This chapter considers aspects of Indonesian p o l i t i c a l economy in so far as they structure the labour market in Indonesia. By focusing on the interaction of global and lo c a l processes of change that are operating in the context of sp e c i f i c conditions of existence, t h i s chapter emphasizes the special c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the labour market in Indonesia. In addition, the aim i s to outline some of the changes that have been taking place in Indonesian p o l i t i c a l economy in recent years to give an overview of the implications that these changes have for labour markets in ru r a l and urban areas of Indonesia, and thus for the income-generating p o s s i b i l i t i e s that d i f f e r e n t groups of men and women are presented with. The chapter i s divided into four main sections. The f i r s t section i s concerned with global economic change, and in 73 p a r t i c u l a r with changes that have taken place in the geography of production, c i r c u l a t i o n and consumption that have had major implications world wide, and not least, for countries in Southeast Asia. The position of Indonesia in t h i s macro-economic scheme i s sketched out in the second section of the chapter which deals e x p l i c i t l y with the Indonesian context in three ways: f i r s t , in terms of changing ecological and demographic conditions; second, in terms of the struggles, strategies and h i s t o r i e s of the people in the face of macro-le v e l change, and t h i r d , through the nature of, and the role that, the state has played in mediating economic change in Indonesia. Having set the canvas of Indonesian p o l i t i c a l economy thus, the t h i r d section of t h i s chapter paints a more detailed picture of economic restructuring in Indonesia by discussing the s h i f t s of emphasis occurring between the three p r i n c i p a l economic sectors: agri c u l t u r e , manufacturing and services, in terms of labour and c a p i t a l investment, and their relationship to the state. The f i n a l section of the chapter discusses how the contours of Indonesian p o l i t i c a l economy and conditions of existence underlie and give shape to the labour market, and e f f e c t i v e l y structure (and are structured by) income-generating p o s s i b i l i t i e s in Indonesia. 74 3 . i i . Changes i n G l o b a l P a t t e r n s of Production, C i r c u l a t i o n and  Consumpt i o n . It i s c l e a r that there have been some q u i t e s t r i k i n g changes i n the c a p i t a l i s t world economy i n recent decades. The i n t e r n a t i o n a l i z a t i o n of c a p i t a l , the c o n t r o l of l a r g e s e t s of resources by c o r p o r a t i o n s whose a f f a i r s transcend the boundaries of n a t i o n - s t a t e s and changes i n processes of p r o d u c t i o n , c i r c u l a t i o n and consumption have been been d e s c r i b e d by a number of w r i t e r s ( F r o b e l et a l , 1980; Nash and Fern a n d e z - K e l l y , 1983; L i p i e t z , 1984, 1987; Harvey, 1985; Peet, 1987). Although there are d i f f e r e n c e s i n o p i n i o n as to how these processes are a l l e g e d to be o p e r a t i n g , among these views i t i s g e n e r a l l y accepted that the changes i n the nature of the world economy that have so f a r been apparent have a r i s e n (but not i n a "necessary" sense) as p a r t i c u l a r e f f o r t s to am e l i o r a t e the c r i s i s t h a t has been brought about by f a l l i n g r a t e s of p r o f i t i n the pr o d u c t i o n and r e a l i z a t i o n of s u r p l u s value i n the developed c o u n t r i e s . The changes that a f f e c t the T h i r d World i n p a r t i c u l a r ways can be c o n c e p t u a l i z e d as o p e r a t i n g i n three r e l a t e d spheres: p r o d u c t i o n , c i r c u l a t i o n and consumption (Armstrong and McGee, 1985). 75 3 . i i . ( a ) P r o d u c t i o n . One of the ways i n which s h i f t s i n the geography of c a p i t a l i s m has been d i s c u s s e d i s i n terms of the New I n t e r n a t i o n a l D i v i s i o n of Labour (NIDL) ( F r o b e l et a l . , 1980; Nash and Fernandez-Kelly, 1983), i n which throughout the 1970s c e r t a i n aspects of the p r o d u c t i o n process were i n c r e a s i n g l y being r e l o c a t e d to the T h i r d World. G i l b e r t i d e n t i f i e s four (not n e c e s s a r i l y s u c c e s s i v e or e x c l u s i v e ) NIDLs ( G i l b e r t , n.d.). Of these, the f i r s t NIDL i n v o l v e s the i n c o r p o r a t i o n of c o l o n i a l r e g i o ns as s u p p l i e r s of b a s i c commodities to core r e g i o n s . The second i n v o l v e s the i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n of p e r i p h e r a l r e g i o n s , e i t h e r by a n a t i o n a l b o u r g e o i s i e or by f o r e i g n e n t e r p r i s e or both, the t h i r d NIDL i s c h a r a c t e r i z e d by g l o b a l l y i n t e g r a t e d p r o d u c t i o n by m u l t i n a t i o n a l s that i s f a c i l i t a t e d by the c o l l a p s e of time-space i n the world economy (McGee, 1987). G i l b e r t argues that a l l three of these processes have had an uneven s p a t i a l impact w i t h i n regions such as A s i a , and thus i n some c o u n t r i e s p a t t e r n s of p r o d u c t i o n correspond to NIDL(3) at present (e.g. M a l a y s i a with i t s emphasis on export-l e d growth) while w i t h i n others NIDL(3) seems to be apparent only to a l i m i t e d e x t e n t , f o r example i n Indonesia - t h i s w i l l be d i s c u s s e d f u r t h e r below. To t h i s i t might be added that a s o - c a l l e d new wave of i n d u s t r i a l r e s t r u c t u r i n g i s becoming apparent. As c i r c u l a t i o n t e c h n o l o g i e s improve, there has been a s i g n i f i c a n t flow of investment back to the o l d i n d u s t r i a l 76 centres as advantages associated with locat ion in the Th ird World are outweighed (Robison et a l , 1987). Though i t i s c lear that in a general sense such processes have been in operation in the c a p i t a l i s t world economy in recent years , what should be stressed is the var ia t i on that ex is ts between d i f f erent T h i r d World countries in the way that they have been affected by and have responded to the i n t e r n a t i o n a l i z a t i o n of production ( L i p i e t z , 1984; 1987; Corbridge, 1988). L i p i e t z argues that i t i s important to re ta in a s e n s i t i v i t y to v a r i a t i o n s in techniques and re la t ions of production in g lobal accumulation, and to d i f f erent regimes of accumulation and associated modes of regu la t ion . He i d e n t i f i e s two "typ ica l schemas" to suggest the v a r i a t i o n that i s apparent in the outcomes of macro-level processes ( L i p i e t z , 1984:100). In many parts of the T h i r d World, the i n t e r n a t i o n a l i z a t i o n of c a p i t a l saw a growth in investment from the centre to the periphery in labour intensive production ("Taylor izat ion") , s p e c i f i c a l l y th i s mainly involved the production of t e x t i l e s and e l e c t r o n i c s . A second schema concerns the increasing occurence of what L i p i e t z terms "peripheral fordism" which has become apparent in some T h i r d World countr i e s . This involves the production of consumer products oriented towards a domestic market (and a l so , but to a lesser degree, export-oriented) in the per iphery, based on a strategy of "intensive accumulation" analogous to metropolitan fordism but per iphera l in the sense that on the whole i t does not involve aspects of production that are re la ted to s k i l l e d work processes ( L i p i e t z , 1984). 77 Whatever variation of these two schemas has come into being in a p a r t i c u l a r place i s related to the a c t i v i t i e s of the state (as a regulator) in i t s r e l a t i o n to international c a p i t a l , to l o c a l struggles along class, gender and ethnic f a u l t - l i n e s , and to the s p e c i f i c s of development and c r i s i s in a particular context. So although some general trends in the geography of the production sphere in the world economy can be i d e n t i f i e d , i t i s important to recognise that there has been a m u l t i p l i c i t y of outcomes between d i f f e r e n t regions, and between dif f e r e n t countries. 3.ii.(b) C i r c u l a t i o n . The second sphere in which notable changes have occurred in the l a s t decade or so i s that of c i r c u l a t i o n . It has become apparent that a process of "time-space collapse" has had s i g n i f i c a n t e f f e c t s upon the c i r c u l a t i o n of people, commodities and information in the world system (McGee, 1987). Movement of each of these has been enhanced by a series of technological developments in transportation ( a i r , sea and road), electronic and tele-communications ( s a t e l l i t e , t e l e v i s i o n , and electronic mail systems), and education (in English language and homogenized "science"), that enable people, commodities, information and c r e d i t to be transferred quickly between places, at a r e l a t i v e l y low cost. E f f e c t i v e l y what t h i s has led to i s a s i t u a t i o n of greater global interdependence, which has f a c i l i t a t e d some of the changes in production noted above, and 78 moreover, has a lso f a c i l i t a t e d the changes in patterns of consumption noted below. 3 . i i . ( c ) Consumption In the consumption sphere what has been apparent in the world economy in the las t couple of decades i s a growing convergence of both c o l l e c t i v e and i n d i v i d u a l consumption s ty les between d i f f erent countries (Armstrong and McGee, 1985). This i s most apparent amongst urban e l i t e s in most countries where modern sector consumer items and the l i f e - s t y l e s more usual ly associated with those of the West are becoming increas ingly prevalent . In part th i s has been fueled by the necessity to create markets in the Th ird World for mass produced items: a process that has been f a c i l i t a t e d by the c i r c u l a t i o n of information in the form of a d v e r t i z i n g , Th ird World and Western f i l m , t e l e v i s i o n , journal ism, popular l i t e r a t u r e and music. The growth of elements of western-style consumption patterns puts greater onus on the necessity of obtaining d i scre t ionary income. In some instances th i s may lead to increased l eve l s of entry into wage work. In a d d i t i o n , Armstrong and McGee recognise convergence in the b u i l t environment and in transport , mostly focussed on urban areas, although the l i f e -s ty les of the middle c lass that are associated with these changes are being rapid ly d i f fused to areas beyond the c i t y (Armstrong and McGee, 1985). 79 3 . i i i . R e l a t i o n s of Prod u c t i o n and C o n d i t i o n s of E x i s t e n c e : The  Indonesian Context. In the above d i s c u s s i o n l o c a l mediation of the processes of change that are o c c u r r i n g i n the world economy has been mentioned. The importance of l o c a l processes i s emphasized by a number of w r i t e r s : by the French R e g u l a t i o n i s t s who emphasise the r o l e of the s t a t e i n regimes of r e g u l a t i o n ( L i p i e t z , 1984;1987), by Corbridge who emphasizes the mediating e f f e c t s of c o n d i t i o n s of e x i s t e n c e (Corbridge, 1986;1988) and by Armstrong and McGee who emphasize the r o l e of c i t i e s as " t h e a t r e s " i n which e x t e r n a l and i n t e r n a l processes i n t e r a c t to g i v e r i s e to a p a r t i c u l a r experience of c a p i t a l i s t development. These themes are important i n the Indonesian c o n t e x t , and have q u i t e profound i m p l i c a t i o n s f o r the Indonesian labour market. L o c a l - l e v e l processes are comprised of a number of f a c t o r s which Corbridge c o l l e c t i v e l y r e f e r s to as "C o n d i t i o n s of E x i s t e n c e " ( C o r b r i d g e , 1986). These i n c l u d e the e c o l o g i c a l -demographic s i t u a t i o n that e x i s t s , i n t h i s case, i n Indonesia that p r e s e n t s p a r t i c u l a r c o n d i t i o n s of e x i s t e n c e f o r c a p i t a l i s t development, and the i n t e r a c t i o n of other h i s t o r i c a l l y - s i t u a t e d i n t e r n a l f o r c e s (such as the s t a t e , l o c a l c l a s s , gender and e t h n i c r e l a t i o n s ) . Together these g i v e r i s e to p a r t i c u l a r outcomes of the broad s t r u c t u r a l changes that are t a k i n g p l a c e i n the world economy i n g e n e r a l . In t h i s s e c t i o n , t h e r e f o r e , four ( r e l a t e d ) a s p e c t s of the c o n d i t i o n s of e x i s t e n c e that p l a y a d e f i n i t i v e r o l e i n shaping the nature of contemporary 80 c a p i t a l i s m and the labour market i n Indonesia are o u t l i n e d . These are (a) e c o l o g i c a l f a c t o r s , (b) demography - p o p u l a t i o n growth and movement, (c) h i s t o r i c a l aspects of c l a s s and e t h n i c r e l a t i o n s (gender r e l a t i o n s w i l l be d i s c u s s e d i n Chapter F o u r ) , and (d) the s t a t e . In a d d i t i o n , t h i s s e c t i o n i s concerned with i l l u s t r a t i n g the o v e r a l l e f f e c t s of the i n t e r a c t i o n of i n t e r n a l and e x t e r n a l f a c t o r s upon the nature of economic growth i n Indonesia. 3 . i i i . ( a ) E c o l o g i c a l C o n d i t i o n s of E x i s t e n c e i n Indonesia. Any overview of the ecology of Indonesia must begin with the o b s e r v a t i o n that Indonesia i s a d i v e r s e a r c h i p e l a g o comprising some 13,000 i s l a n d s . W i thin t h i s a r c h i p e l a g o there are d e f i n i t e c o n t r a s t s between upland and lowland eco-systems, between a l l u v i a l p l a i n s and v o l c a n i c peaks. However, many commentators dichotomize the Indonesian e c o l o g i c a l context along what Geertz r e f e r s to as "the fundamental a x i s of e c o l o g i c a l c o n t r a s t i n Indonesia" t h a t i s , between " i n n e r " ( i . e . Java, B a l i , Madura and west Lombok) and "outer" Indonesia (Geertz, 1963:13). Between these two r e g i o n s , Geertz r e c o g n i s e s two e c o l o g i c a l systems. In inner Indonesia "sawah" or wet r i c e predominates, whereas i n outer Indonesia, "swidden" or s h i f t i n g c u l t i v a t i o n i s p r e v a l e n t . The b a s i s f o r such a d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n l i e s i n the r e l a t i v e f e r t i l i t y of the s o i l s , and the type of a g r i c u l t u r e t h at i s s u s t a i n a b l e t h e r e i n (Hugo et a l . , 1987). The main c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of swidden ecology are f i r s t , the c l o s e r e l a t i o n s h i p t h a t the system has to the ecology of the t r o p i c a l 81 r a i n f o r e s t ' s d e l i c a t e e q u i l i b r i u m ; and secondly, the very low p o p u l a t i o n d e n s i t i e s that the swidden system i s a b l e to s u s t a i n . By c o n t r a s t , the p r i n c i p a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of sawah ecology and the wet r i c e t e r r a c e are f i r s t , the s t a b i l i t y and e n d u r a b i l i t y of the system given the f e r t i l e v o l c a n i c and a l l u v i a l s o i l s upon which i t r e s t s ; secondly, the importance of the supply and c o n t r o l of water i n the wet r i c e ecosystem; and t h i r d l y the need f o r s i g n i f i c a n t i n p uts of labour i n t o the system: to the p o i n t where q u i t e astounding l e v e l s of labour a b s o r p t i o n may be observed, and thus, high p o p u l a t i o n d e n s i t i e s p r e v a i l . Although w i t h i n t h i s t w o - f o l d schema there are many v a r i a t i o n s , as G eertz's c r i t i c s have p o i n t e d out (White, 1976; Alexander and Alexander, 1982), h i s c o n t e n t i o n that the d i f f e r e n c e s between sawah and swidden "have set the framework w i t h i n which the g e n e r a l a g r i c u l t u r a l economy of the country has developed" i s p l a u s i b l e , given the r e g i o n a l d i f f e r e n c e s t h a t can be observed i n Indonesia today (Geertz, 1963:37). T h i s dichotomy i s echoed a l s o i n terms of n o n - a g r i c u l t u r a l resource endowments, i n c l u d i n g o i l . Most of Indonesia's m i n e r a l r e s o u r c e s are l o c a t e d i n and around the outer i s l a n d s : Kalimantan, I r i a n Jaya, Sulawesi and Sumatera. T h i s has c r e a t e d p a r t i c u l a r p a t t e r n s of investment and r e g i o n a l development i n Indonesia. Besides t h e i r r o l e i n shaping r e g i o n a l development, m i n e r a l endowments present important " c o n d i t i o n s of e x i s t e n c e " i n the i n t e r n a t i o n a l context a l s o , and t h i s i s p a r t i c u l a r l y t r u e of o i l resources which have, through the s t a t e , played a 82 major role in the relationship between external processes of change and Indonesian p o l i t i c a l economy. In sum, the ecological conditions of existence in Indonesia have given r i s e to, or rather, f a c i l i t a t e d the development of a strongly dichotomized regional development. This i s characterized on the one hand by a p a r t i c u l a r l y labour-intensive form of wet r i c e production, which in spite of various changes in i t s labour-absorptive capacity (which are discussed later) continues to absorb a large number of the r u r a l workforce in Java, and continues to support ( a l b e i t , tenuously) high population densities in most areas in inner Indonesia. On the other hand a sit u a t i o n in outer Indonesia which by contrast i s characterized by mineral extractive a c t i v i t i e s and i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n associated with the resources found therein. In terms of i t s position in the world economy, pr e v a i l i n g environmental conditions create a situation in which the p o l i t i c a l economy of Indonesia i s p a r t i c u l a r l y responsive to fluctuations in commodity prices . In recent years th i s has been starkly i l l u s t r a t e d by the decline in world o i l prices, a discussion of the importance of o i l to Indonesia i s presented l a t e r . The next sub-section, however, discusses a second "condition of existence" in Indonesia, that i s , demography. 3 . i i i . ( b ) Demographic Conditions. The previous section made several oblique references to population in Indonesia; indeed in any consideration of the Indonesian context, consideration must at some point be given 83 to the important r o l e that demography has had to p l a y i n Indonesia's s p e c i f i c c o n d i t i o n s of e x i s t e n c e (Hugo et a l . , 1987). Three p o i n t s must be made about the demographic s i t u a t i o n of Indonesia. F i r s t , Indonesia's t o t a l p o p u l a t i o n i s l a r g e - around 165 m i l l i o n . Secondly, the s t r u c t u r e of the Indonesian p o p u l a t i o n i s an " a r c h e t y p a l expansive d i s t r i b u t i o n " a c r o s s ages, i n which the l a r g e s t c o h o r t s are those that represent the younger elements of the p o p u l a t i o n . Thus i n Indonesia, 39% of the p o p u l a t i o n i s under 15, and although the p o p u l a t i o n growth r a t e i s d e c r e a s i n g , t h i s s t r u c t u r a l s i t u a t i o n means that pressure on education and employment resources i s l i k e l y to p e r s i s t f o r q u i t e some time (Hugo et a l . , 1987). A t h i r d p o i n t r e l a t e s to the d i s t r i b u t i o n of the p o p u l a t i o n throughout Indonesia. Broadly speaking, r e g i o n a l d e n s i t i e s r e f l e c t the s c h e m a t i z a t i o n of inner and outer Indonesia that was d i s c u s s e d i n the p r e v i o u s s e c t i o n . According to Hugo et a l . in 1980 the p o p u l a t i o n of Java and B a l i r e presented 63.4% of the t o t a l Indonesian p o p u l a t i o n , on only 6.9% of the country's t o t a l l a n d a r e a . Within Java there are c o n s i d e r a b l e d i f f e r e n c e s in p o p u l a t i o n d e n s i t y ranging from l e s s than 200 per square kilometer i n p a r t s of r u r a l South West Java, to over a thousand i n p a r t s of r u r a l C e n t r a l Java (White, 1976; Hugo et a l . , 1987). Within t h i s broad p a t t e r n of p o p u l a t i o n d i s t r i b u t i o n , u r b a n i z a t i o n and migratory trends are a l s o of s i g n i f i c a n c e , although owing to the r e l a t i o n s h i p between m i g r a t i o n , u r b a n i z a t i o n and economic r e s t r u c t u r i n g , a more d e t a i l e d d i s c u s s i o n of t h i s f a c e t of Indonesian demography w i l l be 84 r e s e r v e d u n t i l the next s e c t i o n . With r e s p e c t to the p o l i t i c a l economy of Indonesia, the most s a l i e n t p o i n t to make concerns the f a c t t h at Indonesia has a s u b s t a n t i a l labour s u r p l u s which i s c o n c e n t r a t e d i n inner Indonesia, and that t h i s s u r p l u s , while i t i s by d e f i n i t i o n predominantly r u r a l , i s c h a r a c t e r i z e d by a high degree of m o b i l i t y between r u r a l , urban and p e r i -urban areas of Indonesia. 3 . i i i . ( c ) C l a s s and E t h n i c R e l a t i o n s i n H i s t o r i c a l P e r s p e c t i v e . The t h i r d " c o n d i t i o n of e x i s t e n c e " concerns s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s and i s comprised of two elements: e t h n i c i t y and c l a s s r e l a t i o n s . Here I d e a l b r i e f l y with both of these, the aim being to suggest the e f f e c t t h at these r e l a t i o n s have upon the nature of c a p i t a l i s m while r e c o g n i s i n g that they themselves are s t r u c t u r e d by c a p i t a l i s t f o r c e s : both i n t e r n a l and e x t e r n a l . (1) E t h n i c i t y and R e l i g i o n Indonesia i s c h a r a c t e r i z e d by a p a r t i c u l a r l y r i c h c u l t u r a l h e t e r o g e n e i t y that has been enhanced by s u c c e s s i v e m i g r a t i o n s of people, goods and ideas from p l a c e s as d i v e r s e as China, South A s i a , the Middle E a s t , and Europe. Today there are a l l e g e d to be over 300 e t h n i c groups, and 250 d i s t i n c t languages (Hugo et a l . , 1987), of which the dominance of the Javanese e t h n i c group (from c e n t r a l J a v a ) , both i n terms of s i z e and p o l i t i c a l l y i s n o t a b l e . Of the other major e t h n i c groups i n Indonesia the Sundanese of West Java comprise the next l a r g e s t group. Other groups o r i g i n a t i n g i n Java are the Madurese (some of whom are r e s i d e n t i n Java and i n Kalimantan); 85 the Orang Betawi ( J a k a r t a n s ) , a group made up h i s t o r i c a l l y from the i n t e r m a r r i a g e between indigenous groups, and Chinese, Arab and European migrants. For the r e s t of Indonesia, the main e t h n i c groups are the B a l i n e s e (on B a l i ) , Sasaks (on B a l i and Lombok), Bataks and the m a t r i l i n e a l Minangkabau on Sumatera, the Bugis, Torajanese, Minahassan, Makassarese and Mandarese i n Sulawesi, the Banjarese, c o a s t a l Malays and the Dayak from Kalimantan, and f i n a l l y the Moluccans, Timorese and Papuans i n the r e s t of Indonesia. Other s m a l l e r , a l b e i t d i s t i n c t groups a l s o are to be found (Hugo et a l . , 1987). In a d d i t i o n to the indigenous groups of Indonesia a s i g n i f i c a n t e t h n i c Chinese p o p u l a t i o n r e f l e c t s the i n t r o d u c t i o n of Chinese immigrant workers brought i n by the Dutch c o l o n i a l a d m i n i s t r a t i o n . In a d d i t i o n , the s i g n i f i c a n c e of r e l i g i o u s i d e n t i t y i n Indonesia should a l s o be mentioned. Indonesia i s c o n s i d e r e d to be I s l a m i c , indeed Indonesia holds the world's l a r g e s t I s l a m i c p o p u l a t i o n . Nominally the m a j o r i t y (87%) of the p o p u l a t i o n adheres to Islam. However, the nature of Islam i n Indonesia v a r i e s - from the more fundamentalist to forms i n f u s e d with l o c a l c u l t u r a l b e l i e f s . Islam tends to be s t r o n g e s t i n western areas such as Acheh ( i n Sumatera) and West Java, which i n p a r t r e f l e c t s i s o l a t i o n and the h i s t o r y of I s l a m i c permeation through Indonesia. Other r e l i g i o n s are embraced a l s o , e s p e c i a l l y C h r i s t i a n i t y ( 9 % ) , Hinduism (2%) ( B a l i ) , and Buddhism ( 1 % ) ; and a host of indigenous a n i m i s t i c b e l i e f s i n the more remote areas (Geertz, 1961). 86 There are two important p o i n t s to note about e t h n i c i t y and r e l i g i o u s d i f f e r e n c e i n Indonesia. The f i r s t concerns the d i f f e r e n t r e l a t i o n s h i p that each group h i s t o r i c a l l y has had with c a p i t a l i s t development: there e x i s t s a wide v a r i e t y of responses and r e s i s t a n c e s , which are not n e c e s s a r i l y common to a l l i n Indonesia. Most s i g n i f i c a n t are the r e l a t i o n s h i p s between the Javanese and the s t a t e , between fundamentalist I s l a m i c f o r c e s and the s t a t e , and between the Chinese and the s t a t e . For the former, i t i s c l e a r that Javanese c a p i t a l i s t elements w i t h i n the s t a t e have had q u i t e an impact on i n d u s t r i a l development s t r a t e g i e s i n which the Javanese have sought to preserve t h e i r own i n t e r e s t s . In a d d i t i o n , the dominance of the Javanese has r e s u l t e d i n the development of a p a r t i c u l a r l y J a v a c e n t r i c view of Indonesian development ( P r i n d i v i l l e , 1985). With res p e c t to Islam i n Indonesia, the r e t i c e n c e of the s t a t e towards being a s s o c i a t e d e x p l i c i t l y with Islam has been a f u r t h e r source of d i v i s i o n , p a r t i c u l a r l y with r e s p e c t to the i n f u s i o n of western (consumption?) v a l u e s i n t o Indonesia. For Chinese groups, s i g n i f i c a n t r a c i s t elements w i t h i n the s t a t e have c o n d i t i o n e d somewhat ambivalent a t t i t u d e s towards Chinese investment. The second p o i n t with res p e c t t o e t h n i c i t y i n Indonesia concerns the s t r e n g t h of i d e n t i t y f o r each group which tends to i n f l u e n c e the labour market s t r u c t u r e . T h i s w i l l be d i s c u s s e d f u r t h e r i n a l a t e r s e c t i o n . 87 (2) C l a s s R e l a t i o n s i n Contemporary Indonesia. P r e - c o l o n i a l power r e l a t i o n s among d i f f e r e n t e t h n i c groups, c o l o n i a l h i s t o r y and contemporary power r e l a t i o n s have given r i s e to extremely complex c r y s t a l l i z a t i o n s of power i n Indonesia. P a r t l y these r e f l e c t e t h n i c i t y and economic c l a s s , as w e l l as c u l t u r a l i d e a l s , but p r e c i s e l y how i s unclear and v a r i e s between d i f f e r e n t c o n t e x t s . I n t e r p r e t a t i o n s of c l a s s ( i n the broadest sense) have v a r i e d between " c u l t u r a l i s t " i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s which s t r e s s indigenous meanings and power i n the context of "shared poverty" (Geertz, 1961; 1963), and more s t r u c t u r a l i s t i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s which emphasize access to and c o n t r o l of economic resources and the d e c l i n e of the peasant "moral economy" ( S t o l e r , 1977; White, 1979; Hart, 1986; Robison, 1986). S t r u c t u r a l i s t accounts o f f e r a l e s s o p t i m i s t i c view of both r u r a l and urban c l a s s r e l a t i o n s than Geertz's c u l t u r a l i s t arguments. With res p e c t to r u r a l areas ( i n Java) i t i s suggested t h a t access to l a n d has been of a h i g h l y d i f f e r e n t i a t e d nature, indeed the l a n d l e s s have always been s i g n i f i c a n t i n number. For the most p a r t , i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s of t h i s k i n d have s t r e s s e d the s i g n i f i c a n c e that a number of h i s t o r i c a l moments have had upon c l a s s f o r m a t i o n . F i r s t , c o l o n i a l r e l a t i o n s i n t e n s i f i e d d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n , i n p a r t i c u l a r through the r e l a t i o n s h i p that the r u r a l e l i t e - l u r a h s etc -had with the Dutch c o l o n i a l a d m i n i s t r a t i o n (Robison, 1985). Second, the f a i l u r e of the communist p a r t y i n Indonesia in the 1960s to g a i n a f o o t h o l d i l l u s t r a t e d the u n w i l l i n g n e s s of small 88 peasant (abangan) farmers to concede r e l a t i o n s of patronage with l a r g e r landowners, from whom subs i s t e n c e s e c u r i t y was d e r i v e d (Hart, 1986), thus i n t e n s i f y i n g the power of the e l i t e . T h i r d , more recent processes of change such as the Green R e v o l u t i o n i n r u r a l Java has f u r t h e r s t r a t i f i e d v i l l a g e r s i n t o those with access to an a g r i c u l t u r a l l i v e l i h o o d and those without, those who can b e n e f i t from p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n o f f - f a r m p e t t y commodity p r o d u c t i o n and t r a d i n g , and those who cannot ( S t o l e r , 1977; White, 1979). In urban areas, i n Java and elsewhere, n o n - a g r i c u l t u r a l c l a s s d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n suggests the e x i s t e n c e of urban e l i t e s , a growing middle c l a s s , a small ( p r o l e t a r i a n i z e d ) working c l a s s , a l a r g e group of p e t t y commodity producers and i n f o r m a l s e c t o r workers, and the d i s e n f r a n c h i s e d urban poor. The urban o r i e n t a t i o n of the dominant c l a s s i n Indonesia (Hart, 1986) suggests s i g n i f i c a n t c l a s s t e n s i o n s i n urban areas: f o r example, between the s t a t e and i n f o r m a l s e c t o r workers ( J e l l i n e k , 1987), and a l s o i n the t i g h t c o n t r o l t h a t i s exerted over trade unions and other s o c i a l movements (Southwood and Flanagan, 1983; Marlow, 1989). Even w i t h i n the c a p i t a l i s t c l a s s , Robison argues that there i s s i g n i f i c a n t d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n between the indigenous b o u r g e o i s i e , c i v i l b u r e a u c r a t s , m i l i t a r y b u r e a u c r a t s and Chinese c a p i t a l i s t s (Robison, 1978). The r e l a t i o n s h i p between each of these elements i s wrought with t e n s i o n s and has given r i s e to the p a r t i c u l a r form that the s t a t e takes i n Indonesia. T h i s w i l l be d i s c u s s e d below. In areas o u t s i d e Java, c l a s s formation corresponds c l o s e l y to the 89 type of c a p i t a l i s t p e n e t r a t i o n that has p r e v a i l e d , r a t h e r than to the c o - e x i s t e n c e of p r e - c a p i t a l i s t power r e l a t i o n s . For the most p a r t , a process of p r o l e t a r i a n i z a t i o n has o c c u r r e d , a s s o c i a t e d with the labour that has been employed i n r e s o u r c e -e x t r a c t i v e i n d u s t r i e s (Robinson, 1986). In sum, the c l a s s s t r u c t u r e that i s apparent i n Indonesia seems to vary between r u r a l and urban areas (though i n the 1970s and 1980s t h i s has b l u r r e d ) , and between areas o u t s i d e Java and Java i t s e l f . The r e l a t i o n s h i p s between d i f f e r e n t c l a s s e s u n d e r l i e the r o l e that the s t a t e p l a y s i n Indonesia i n mediating, co o p t i n g and c o n s o l i d a t i n g . In s t r u c t u r i n g the nature of c a p i t a l i s m i n Indonesia (as w e l l as being s t r u c t u r e d by i t ) , a c o n s i d e r a t i o n of the r o l e of the s t a t e i n c o n d i t i o n i n g the e x i s t e n c e of c a p i t a l i s m i n Indonesia i s c e n t r a l . I t i s to t h i s that I now would l i k e to t u r n . 3 . i i i . ( d ) The S t a t e . The importance of the s t a t e as a c o n d i t i o n i n g f a c t o r i n Indonesian p o l i t i c a l economy cannot be over-emphasized. The p a r t i c u l a r form of the s t a t e i n Indonesia today owes much to the h i s t o r i c a l antecedents of both Dutch c o l o n i a l r u l e as d i s c u s s e d e a r l i e r , and Sukarno's Guided Democracy of the 1950s and e a r l y 1960s ( B u l k i n , 1984). In the era of Sukarno's "Guided Democracy" s t a t e n a t i o n a l i s m was e s t a b l i s h e d with commitment by the s t a t e to c o n t r o l a l l s e c t o r s of the Indonesian economy to ensure the development of g r e a t e r s e l f - s u f f i c i e n c y . 90 The replacement of "Guided Democracy" by Suharto's "New Order S t a t e " i n the mid-1960s has continued t h i s t r e n d , a l b e i t with a greater t e c h n o c r a t i c commitment to the establishment of p o l i t i c a l order and economic growth. U n t i l very r e c e n t l y the m i l i t a r y has played a s t r a t e g i c r o l e w i t h i n the s t a t e (Hein, 1989), and the s t a t e has c o n t i n u e d to be r e p r e s e n t a t i v e p r i n c i p a l l y of the Javanese e l i t e i n a form which appears to e x i s t i n a r e l a t i v e vacuum of c l a s s - b a s e d power. As Robison w r i t e s : i n western c a p i t a l i s t s o c i e t i e s the r e l a t i o n s h i p between s t a t e and c a p i t a l i s one i n which p u b l i c p o l i c y c r e a t e s the g e n e r a l c o n d i t i o n s f o r c a p i t a l accumulation and normally does not d i s c r i m i n a t e between d i f f e r e n t f i r m s , i n the Indonesian context the r e l a t i o n s h i p between s t a t e and c a p i t a l i s a l s o e x e r c i s e d on the b a s i s of s p e c i f i c and p e r s o n a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s between i n d i v i d u a l c a p i t a l i s t s and i n d i v i d u a l p o l i t i c o - b u r e a u c r a t s . The l a t t e r are a b l e to a p p r o p r i a t e the power to a l l o c a t e l i c e n c e s f o r import, c r e d i t , f o r e s t r y c o n c e s s i o n s , c o n s t r u c t i o n and supply c o n t r a c t s ; and the emergence of domestic business groups i n the post-independence p e r i o d has been l a r g e l y based on t h e i r a b i l i t y t o gain a ccess to these a p p r o p r i a t e d c o n c e s s i o n s . (Robison, 1986:392) Part of the e x p l a n a t i o n f o r the a b i l i t y of the Indonesian s t a t e to operate i n t h i s manner l i e s i n the f a c t t h a t at l e a s t u n t i l the e a r l y 1980s, the f i s c a l b a s i s of the Indonesian s t a t e was i n p a r t d e r i v e d from f o r e i g n sources, e i t h e r i n the form of petroleum tax ( i n p a r t i c u l a r ) or f o r e i g n a i d . Furthermore, the s t a t e i n Indonesia i s underpinned by two complimentary i d e o l o g i e s : f i r s t , P a n c a s i l a - the s t a t e ideology which 91 d e s ignates n a t i o n a l i s m , humanitarianism, r e p r e s e n t a t i v e government, b e l i e f i n one god, and s o c i a l j u s t i c e that e f f e c t i v e l y c o n f i n e s p o l i c y debates w i t h i n narrow l i m i t s ; and secondly, a t e c h n o c r a t i c ideology which presents the s t a t e as an instrument of developmentalism, d e d i c a t e d to a s c i e n t i f i c a l l y - c o n c e i v e d s t r a t e g y f o r the development of Indonesian s o c i e t y and the economy (Southwood and Flanagan, 1983; Robison, 1986; 1987). The s t a t e t h e r e f o r e has been a b l e , to some degree, to a v o i d the i s s u e of l e g i t i m a t i o n among working people, as i t has been r e l a t i v e l y independent of t h e i r e l e c t o r a l and f i s c a l support. For the labour market the most important i s s u e has been the c e n t r a l i t y of the s t a t e i n c o n d i t i o n i n g the l o c a l response to g l o b a l economic r e s t r u c t u r i n g , i n the form of the i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n s t r a t e g i e s that the s t a t e has been pursuing over the l a s t twenty or so years (Robison et a l . , 1987). The keystone i n the r e l a t i o n s h i p between the s t a t e , g l o b a l economic change and the labour market has been the a t t i t u d e of the New Order Government towards f o r e i g n investment and i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n . As L i p i e t z w r i t e s , the s t a t e i s the " a r c h e t y p a l form of r e g u l a t i o n " w i t h i n a regime of accumulation ( L i p i e t z , 1984:88). E f f e c t i v e l y , by adopting one or the other of two broad i n d u s t r i a l s t r a t e g i e s , at a m a c r o - l e v e l the s t a t e has c o n d i t i o n e d the nature of c a p i t a l i s t development in 92 Indonesia. (1) Import S u b s t i t u t i o n i n the 1970s. The New Order government's p o l i c i e s i n the 1970s were aimed p r i m a r i l y at import s u b s t i t u t i o n , and the a v a i l a b i l i t y of o i l -d e r i v e d f i n a n c i a l resources enabled and encouraged massive p u b l i c s e c t o r investment f o r t h i s purpose ( R o e p s t o r f f , 1985). Thus, much of the i n d u s t r i a l development o c c u r r i n g i n Indonesia over t h i s p e r i o d was o r i e n t e d to the domestic market i n a n a t i o n a l i s t i c e f f o r t to i n c r e a s e s e l f - r e l i a n c e and to reduce dependency on the world economy. Although f o r e i g n investment was allowed, i t was h e a v i l y r e g u l a t e d : l i c e n c e s from the s t a t e were d i f f i c u l t to o b t a i n , and many s e c t o r s of the economy were re s e r v e d f o r domestic c a p i t a l i n v e s t o r s only - p a r t i c u l a r l y those that were c l i e n t s of the s t a t e (Robison, 1987). ISI s t r a t e g i e s r e t a i n e d a f o o t h o l d i n Indonesia due to the composition of i n t e r e s t s w i t h i n the s t a t e which were p r e d i c a t e d on e a r n i n g s from the d i r e c t c a p i t a l investments of the s t a t e . In a d d i t i o n , d u r i n g the 1970s the a v a i l a b i l i t y of domestic and overseas f i n a n c e c a p i t a l f o r l a r g e s c a l e c a p i t a l i n t e n s i v e ISI p r o j e c t s maintained t h i s p a r t i c u l a r s t r a t e g y . F i n a l l y , and most im p o r t a n t l y , o i l and gas export earnings and c o r p o r a t e t a x a t i o n have cushioned Indonesia from e x t e r n a l economic p r e s s u r e s to abandon ISI s t r a t e g i e s i n favour of more l i b e r a l export-o r i e n t e d i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n s t r a t e g i e s (EOI). T h i s stands i n c o n t r a s t to other Southeast A s i a n c o u n t r i e s , such as M a l a y s i a , where i n the 1970s e x p o r t - o r i e n t e d i n d u s t r i a l growth and f o r e i g n investment have been a c t i v e l y pursued. In t h i s way, the 93 form taken by c a p i t a l i s m i n Indonesia was c l o s e l y r e g u l a t e d , and f o r e i g n investment and e f f e c t i v e l y foreign-owned i n d u s t r y d i s c o u r a g e d . (2) O i l P r i c e s and F i s c a l C r i s i s i n Indonesia i n the E a r l y 1980s. The d e c l i n e i n Indonesian o i l p r i c e s has been continuous s i n c e 1982, when o i l p r i c e s reached a peak p r i c e of U.S.$36.15 per b a r r e l . By January 1985 the p r i c e had dropped by 18% to $29.50, by December of that year, by another 14% and by January 1986 the p r i c e had f a l l e n yet another 16%. Glassburner estimates that each one d o l l a r drop i n the p r i c e of a b a r r e l of o i l represented a l o s s of roughly $400 m i l l i o n d o l l a r s i n export e a r n i n g s , together with a l o s s of 300 b i l l i o n Rupiah i n o i l tax revenues (Glassburner, 1986). For the s t a t e , these d e c l i n e s represented a s i g n i f i c a n t f i s c a l c r i s i s , as much of the s t a t e - l e d i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n over the 1970s had r e s t e d upon the a v a i l a b i l i t y of revenue from o i l . The o r i g i n s of the s h i f t i n the r e l a t i o n s h i p of the Indonesian s t a t e as a r e g u l a t o r of c a p i t a l i s t development and g l o b a l economic change can be l o c a t e d thus, and most observers agree that these changes represent an important watershed i n the i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n s t r a t e g y of the Indonesian government. F i s c a l c r i s i s i n Indonesia has enhanced the impact of g l o b a l economic f o r c e s upon the Indonesian economy, r e f o r m i s t moves were advocated by the World Bank i n the e a r l y 1980s, and g r a d u a l l y the s t a t e has, to some degree, c o n t r a c t e d i n an e f f o r t to reduce government expenditure (Robison, 1987). O v e r a l l , the impact of these 94 changes has been to b r i n g about a s h i f t towards a new s t r a t e g y of i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n , based to some degree on e x p o r t - o r i e n t e d growth (EOI). (3) E x p o r t - O r i e n t e d I n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n . The k e r n e l of export o r i e n t e d i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n (EOI) l i e s i n the move towards " a l l o c a t i v e e f f i c i e n c y " w i t h i n the world economy, i n order to take advantage of what are p e r c e i v e d as being Indonesia's "comparative advantages". In g e n e r a l , these r e l a t e to the c o n d i t i o n s of e x i s t e n c e d i s c u s s e d above, namely the n a t u r a l resources (e.g. m i n e r a l s , timber and palm o i l ) , and human resources ( i . e . a l a r g e pool of labour i n both r u r a l and urban areas of J a v a ) . Instead of state-funded growth, export earnings and the p r i v a t e s e c t o r are intended to be the new engines of growth. E a r l y e f f o r t s at encouraging e x p o r t - o r i e n t e d growth among s t a t e e n t e r p r i s e s have i n c l u d e d "the adoption of a counter-purchase p o l i c y i n 1980, designed to promote n o n - o i l exports by l i n k i n g c o n t r a c t s with s u p p l i e r s of c a p i t a l equipment f o r o v e r s e a s - f i n a n c e d development p r o j e c t s with e q u i v a l e n t purchases of Indonesian e x p o r t s " . S u c c e s s i v e d e v a l u a t i o n s of the r u p i a h have been aimed at encouraging e x p o r t - o r i e n t e d growth, emphasizing labour i n t e n s i v e i n d u s t r i e s , export promotion, and s m a l l - s c a l e e n t e r p r i s e ( R o e p s t o r f f , 1985:47). In a d d i t i o n , there has been a change i n a t t i t u d e s towards f o r e i g n investment c h a r a c t e r i z e d by an open door p o l i c y towards i n t e r n a t i o n a l c a p i t a l i n which the s t a t e has r e l a x e d the s t i p u l a t i o n s that f o r e i g n i n v e s t o r s are r e q u i r e d t o meet, and has made more s e c t o r s open to f o r e i g n 95 investment. A l so , c a p i t a l and ownership requirements for jo int ventures have been relaxed, and in an e f for t to a t t r a c t foreign investment, e f f i c i ency and competitiveness have been promoted by moves towards deregulation and l i b e r a l i z a t i o n (Hein, 1989). Despite e f for t s to increase the l e v e l of foreign investment in Indonesia, commentators have noted considerable resistence to the EOI strategy in Indonesia: f igures show that at least in the mid 1980s estimates of new foreign investments show a decl ine from U.S.$2.9 b i l l i o n in 1983, to U.S.$852 m i l l i o n in 1984 and U.S.$699 m i l l i o n in 1985 (Hainsworth, 1987). So although EOI s trategies invoked in the 1980s have had an impact on the p o l i t i c a l economy of Indonesia, evidence suggests that due to factors such as the persistence of c e r t a i n in teres t s in the government, problems of bureaucratic i n e r t i a , lack of in fras truc ture and low cap i ta l -output ra t io s that are apparent in the Indonesian s i t u a t i o n , the impact of foreign investment i s quite d i f f eren t from that experienced in other Southeast Asian countr i e s . To conclude th i s sec t ion , the operation of condit ions of existence are best seen as in terna l factors which condi t ion the e f fects of external r e l a t i o n s , i . e c a p i t a l i s m . Centra l to an understanding of the in terac t ion of external and in terna l factors i s a considerat ion of the s tate , which, given i t s h i s t o r i c a l and geographical s i t u a t i o n , has played a major and p i v o t a l ro le in condi t ioning the nature of economic growth in Indonesia p a r t i c u l a r l y in the 1980s. The next part of th i s chapter considers the impact that the r e l a t i o n s h i p between 96 g l o b a l and l o c a l p a t t e r n s of change and c o n d i t i o n s of e x i s t e n c e have had upon the s t r u c t u r e of the Indonesian economy i n the 1970s and e a r l y 1980s, with the aim of suggesting the i m p l i c a t i o n s that r e s t r u c t u r i n g has f o r the labour market at l a r g e . 3 . i v . Economic R e s t r u c t u r i n g : S e c t o r a l Change, C a p i t a l i z a t i o n  and Investment. T h i s s e c t i o n of the chapter c o n s i d e r s s t r u c t u r a l change i n the Indonesian economy by f o c u s i n g upon as p e c t s of change w i t h i n and between three major economic s e c t o r s : a g r i c u l t u r e , i n d u s t r y ( i n c l u d i n g manufacturing, resource e x t r a c t i o n and c o n s t r u c t i o n ) and s e r v i c e s over the 1970s and e a r l y 1980s. The focus i s p r i m a r i l y upon s h i f t s i n the r e l a t i v e c o n t r i b u t i o n of each of these s e c t o r s to Indonesia's G.D.P., and as r e c i p i e n t s of f o r e i g n and domestic investment (from the s t a t e and from the p r i v a t e s e c t o r ) . In a d d i t i o n , changes i n labour and c a p i t a l i n t e n s i t y i n each of these economic s e c t o r s are c o n s i d e r e d . F i r s t , however, t h i s s e c t i o n begins by d e s c r i b i n g aggregate economic growth and changes i n gross domestic and f o r e i g n investment i n Indonesia i n the face of d e c l i n i n g o i l revenues i n t h i s p e r i o d . 97 3.iv.(a) Macroeconomic growth i n Indonesia: 1970-1980, 1980-1985. (1) Gross Domestic Product. Most commentators agree that the 1970s was a p e r i o d of economic growth c h a r a c t e r i z e d by r a p i d r a t e s of i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n , c a p i t a l investment, and h i g h revenues from o i l . A c cording to BPS f i g u r e s , GDP growth over the 1970s (from 1973 to 1981) e x h i b i t e d an average annual r a t e of 7.5%, which stands i n c o n t r a s t to the r e l a t i v e s t a g n a t i o n of the 1960s when between 1960 and 1967 average annual GDP growth was only 1.7% ( H i l l , 1987b). However, economic growth i n the 1980s suggests a r e v e r s a l of the trends e x h i b i t e d i n the 1970s. GDP growth r a t e s more than h a l v e d : from 1980 to 1986 the average annual rate of growth was only 2.9%. (2) O i l Revenues There i s a c l o s e r e l a t i o n s h i p between GDP growth i n Indonesia and growth i n o i l revenues. Although o i l revenues i n c r e a s e d r a p i d l y over the 1970s (with a s l i g h t r e c e s s i o n i n the mid 1970s that r e s u l t e d from the Pertamina c r i s i s of 1976), a s i m i l a r watershed can be observed. As d i s c u s s e d e a r l i e r on i n the c hapter, r i s i n g o i l p r i c e s reached a peak i n 1982, but s i n c e then have undergone a r a p i d d e c l i n e . As a l a r g e p r o p o r t i o n of Indonesia's GDP i s d i r e c t l y and i n d i r e c t l y a s s o c i a t e d with o i l revenues, changes i n aggregate GDP i n the 98 1980s are not s u r p r i s i n g . (3) Gross Domestic Investment F i g u r e s concerning gross domestic investment i n the economy r e v e a l a s i m i l a r t r e n d . The t a b l e shows Indonesia's gross domestic investment from the 1974/75 f i s c a l year to 1984/85 i n b i l l i o n Rupiah, broken down i n t o p u b l i c and p r i v a t e investment. TABLE 3.1: INDONESIA'S GROSS DOMESTIC INVESTMENT, 1974-83 (Rp b i l l i o n ) 1974 1976 1978 1980 1981 1982 1983 GDI 1797 3205 4671 9485 1 1553 1 3056 12357 P u b l i c 1226 1866 2238 3901 6362 8366 7412 (% GDI) 68.2 58.2 47.9 41 . 1 55.1 64.1 60.0 P r i v a t e 571 1339 2433 5584 5191 4690 4945 (% GDI) 31.8 41 .8 52. 1 58.9 44.9 35.9 40.0 Source: adapted from Robison (1987), page 27. Robison suggests that gross domestic investment i n Indonesia, p a r t i c u l a r l y from the s t a t e , c o n t i n u e d unabated i n the f i r s t p a r t of the 1980s d e s p i t e f a l l i n g revenues from o i l . Mostly t h i s was an e f f o r t t o prevent the c o l l a p s e of an oil-dependent economy. However, r e f o r m i s t p r e s s u r e from the World Bank i n the e a r l y 1980s l e d Indonesia to reduce p u b l i c s e c t o r p r o j e c t investments by a s u b s t a n t i a l amount i n 1983 (Robison, 1987), and t h i s i s r e v e a l e d i n the t a b l e . P r i v a t e s e c t o r investment 99 declined faster, both in absolute terms, and as a percentage of gross domestic investment. (4) Foreign investment. Foreign investment in the 1970s generally increased, and this i n t e n s i f i e d in the early 1980s prior to the o i l price collapse, reaching a peak of US$2882 m i l l i o n in 1982. By the following year t h i s had halved, and by 1985 foreign investment was US$859 m i l l i o n - i t s lowest since the mid-1970s. The table shows foreign investment in Indonesia and in selected Developing countries to further i l l u s t r a t e t h i s trend. Within ASEAN, only the Philippines has a lower rate of foreign investment in the 1980-84 period. TABLE 3.2: FOREIGN INVESTMENT IN INDONESIA AND OTHER ASEAN COUNTRIES, (US$ million) Country sub-periods Total, 1970-74 1975-9 1980-4 1970-84 Indonesia 395 1560 1048 3003 Malaysia 1051 2128 5898 9077 Philippines -2 541 179 718 Singapore 1385 3277 8291 12953 Thailand 416 369 1370 2155 Source: Adapted from H i l l (1988) page 48. 100 In t h i s sketch of d e c l i n i n g aggregate r a t e s of growth the r e l a t i o n s h i p between changes i n GDP, l e v e l s of investment and the o i l c r i s i s r e v e a l a slowing down i n o v e r a l l growth r a t e s and, seemingly, a c r i s i s of investment that has become apparent i n the e a r l y 1980s, d e s p i t e the e f f o r t s of the s t a t e to b o l s t e r and d i v e r s i f y the economy. The next s e c t i o n turns to c o n s i d e r the r e l a t i o n s h i p that t h i s has with changes i n d i f f e r e n t s e c t o r s of the economy. 3.iv.(b) S e c t o r a l S h i f t s i n the Economy In a b s o l u t e terms there has been a f a i r l y s u b s t a n t i a l s h i f t i n GDP share from a g r i c u l t u r e to the i n d u s t r i a l and s e r v i c e s e c t o r s . World Bank f i g u r e s suggest that s i n c e 1965, a g r i c u l t u r e ' s share of aggregate GDP d e c l i n e d by over 50%. Throughout the 1970s (1973-1981), the c o n t r i b u t i o n of manufacturing to GDP was most s t r i k i n g , but i n more recent y e ars (1981-1986) the s e r v i c e s e c t o r and the a g r i c u l t u r e s e c t o r have begun to p l a y a much g r e a t e r r o l e i n g e n e r a t i n g GDP (though i t must be remembered that the aggregate GDP f i g u r e f o r the l a t t e r p e r i o d i s l e s s than h a l f that of the e a r l i e r p e r i o d c o n s i d e r e d h e r e ) . The t a b l e below shows the dominant trends i n each s e c t o r over the 1970s and e a r l y 1980s. 101 TABLE 3.3: GROWTH OF GROSS DOMESTIC PRODUCT BY SECTOR, 1973-86. Sector Annual Growth C o n t r i b u t i o n to Growth 1973-81 1981-6 1973-81 1981-86 Agr i c 3.6 2.8 16.7 23.0 Industry 9.8 1.3 37.4 17.7 S e r v i c e s 9.5 4.6 45.9 59.3 GDP 7.5 2.9 100.0 100.0 Source: Adapted from H i l l (1987b) page 3. suggests that manufacturing was h i t hardest r e c e s s i o n that the o i l c r i s i s i n Indonesia generated a g r i c u l t u r e and s e r v i c e s have proved to be more r e s i s t a n t to the o v e r a l l changes that t h i s has e n t a i l e d (Hart, 1986). S h i f t s i n investment r e v e a l s l i g h t l y d i f f e r e n t t r e n d s . The b i g g e s t r e c i p i e n t of government investment has been i n manufacturing, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the o i l i n d u s t r y , p r i m a r i l y to cushion the n e gative e f f e c t s of o i l p r i c e i n c r e a s e s and d i s i n v e s t m e n t from other sources. Throughout the 1970s and the e a r l y 80s, government support f o r a g r i c u l t u r e was f a i r l y s u b s t a n t i a l , but more r e c e n t l y the s t a t e has s c a l e d t h i s support down, i n favour of r u r a l i n d u s t r y and s e r v i c e s (Manning, 1988). Two d i s t i n c t p a t t e r n s emerge f o r the two p e r i o d s c o n s i d e r e d (1973-1981 and 1981-1986). I n i t i a l l y , the importance of a g r i c u l t u r e i s succeeded by the i n d u s t r i a l s e c t o r 102 i n GDP and investment terms, but l a t e r , s e r v i c e s assume a much gr e a t e r r e l a t i v e importance, and a g r i c u l t u r e has shown s i g n i f i c a n t r e s i l i e n c e ( p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the p r o d u c t i o n of food crops) to the ensuing r e c e s s i o n of the 1980s. Caution should be maintained when drawing a s s o c i a t i o n s between GDP, investment and employment. For t h i s reason, the f o l l o w i n g s e c t i o n s c o n s i d e r each economic s e c t o r i n more d e t a i l , paying a t t e n t i o n to trends i n s t a t e support and c a p i t a l i z a t i o n . (1) A g r i c u l t u r e The r e l a t i v e d e c l i n e i n the c o n t r i b u t i o n of a g r i c u l t u r e to GDP i n Indonesia i s r e l a t e d p r i m a r i l y to s t r u c t u r a l changes i n food c r o p p r o d u c t i o n - more s p e c i f i c a l l y , r i c e p r o d u c t i o n - i n the 1970s. Although a g r i c u l t u r e has d e c l i n e d i n i t s r e l a t i v e share of GDP, over the 1970s and the e a r l y 1980s a g r i c u l t u r a l expansion c o n t i n u e s to be a c h i e f component of GDP i n Indonesia (Hart, 1986). In the s e v e n t i e s , the s t r u g g l e f o r s e l f -s u f f i c i e n c y i n r i c e p r o d u c t i o n was r e a l i s e d and Indonesia became a net exporter of r i c e , i n s t e a d of a net importer (Birowono and Hansen, 1981). I n c r e a s i n g and s u s t a i n i n g r i c e p r o d u c t i o n was one of the key g o a l s of the New Order government i n the s e v e n t i e s through the Indonesian t r a n s l a t i o n of the Green R e v o l u t i o n ; namely the Bimas Program (Bimbingan Massal) which i n v o l v e d the p r o v i s i o n of the necessary i n p u t s needed to c u l t i v a t e the new high y i e l d i n g r i c e v a r i e t i e s , and b a s i c a l l y saw the c o n s o l i d a t i o n of two main processes of change i n a g r i c u l t u r a l p r o d u c t i o n (at l e a s t i n r u r a l J a v a ) . 103 These were commoditization and technological change - both of which were in operation in condit ions of dense population and labour surplus (White, 1976; S t o l e r , 1977; Pearse, 1980; Hayami and K i k u c h i , 1981; Hart ,1986) . General ly , the types of changes that have been noted are labour-saving technological changes, and the use of h i g h - y i e l d i n g v a r i e t i e s of r i c e in some cases. This has occurred in tandem with i n s t i t u t i o n a l changes associated with the commercialization and adaptation of " t r a d i t i o n a l " pa tron-c l i en t r e l a t i o n s in order to mesh with the requirements of c a p i t a l accumulation. As Hart argues, s t r u c t u r a l changes in Javanese r i c e a g r i c u l t u r e coincided with the transformation of the ent ire p o l i t i c a l economy of Indonesia under the New Order, and p a r t l y has been associated with the s ta te ' s increasing interest in securing the p o l i t i c a l patronage of r u r a l e l i t e s (Hart, 1986). More recent ly , s t r u c t u r a l changes in the a g r i c u l t u r a l sector have been affected by the state in new ways, in p a r t i c u l a r , by the replacement of the BIMAS c r e d i t programme with a more general c r e d i t programme aimed at economic a c t i v i t y as a whole in r u r a l areas . This i s the KUPEDES (Kredit Umum Pedesaan) which was implemented in ealy 1984, to make c r e d i t ava i lab le to merchants, bu i lders and cottage industry as wel l as to a g r i c u l t u r e : according to Glassburner, i n i t i a l l y more than 70% of the c r e d i t went to the trade (service) sector (Glassburner, 1986). In the estate crop sector , f igures show that the r e l a t i v e contr ibut ion of th i s sector to GDP has decl ined since the 1970s, to the point that in the ear ly 80s i t s contr ibut ion 104 was n e g l i g i b l e . In sum, although a g r i c u l t u r e remains an important component of growth in GDP f i g u r e s , i t i s c l e a r that some s u b s t a n t i a l s t r u c t u r a l changes such as c ommercialization/commoditization and c a p i t a l i z a t i o n u n d e r l i e t h i s , and together have s i g n i f i c a n t i m p l i c a t i o n s f o r the labour market. (2) Industry The d e c l i n e i n the r e l a t i v e c o n t r i b u t i o n of a g r i c u l t u r e to GDP growth i n Indonesia i s l a r g e l y due to the r e l a t i v e i n c r e a s e i n the importance of the i n d u s t r i a l s e c t o r i n the 1970s. T h i s t r e n d , however, has slowed i n the more recent p e r i o d , f o l l o w i n g the decrease i n o i l p r i c e s . T h i s s e c t i o n c o n s i d e r s some of the more s a l i e n t f e a t u r e s of the r e s t r u c t u r i n g of the i n d u s t r i a l s e c t o r i n the 1970s, and p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the 1980s. Accor d i n g to H i l l (1988), f i g u r e s showing manufacturing growth suggest that from 1971 to 1981, r e a l output almost quadrupled. A f t e r 1981 t h i s decreased, he argues, because of a f a l l i n the growth of domestic demand. From a s l i g h t l y d i f f e r e n t angle, R o e p s t o r f f p o i n t s out that the h i g h e s t growth r a t e s i n manufacturing value-added o c c u r r e d i n the 1970s, but that the 80s saw t h i s growth d e c l i n e ( R o e p s t o r f f , 1985). When broken down f u r t h e r , the i n c r e a s e and then d e c l i n e i n output or manufacturing v a l u e -added growth r a t e s of t h i s s e c t o r e x h i b i t p a r t i c u l a r f e a t u r e s a c c o r d i n g to whether p r o d u c t i o n i s of upstream or downstream goods, and export or domestic o r i e n t e d . In a d d i t i o n , changes i n the s t r u c t u r e of these i n d u s t r i e s have p a r t i c u l a r i m p l i c a t i o n s f o r the Indonesian space economy. 105 In the 1970s i n d u s t r i a l growth was p r i m a r i l y i n intermediate goods, (e.g. i r o n and s t e e l , e l e c t r i c a l machinery, cement, rubber products, wood products and f a b r i c a t e d metal products) ( R o e p s t o r f f , 1985). In t h i s p e r i o d there was a marked d e c l i n e i n the importance of i n d u s t r i e s a s s o c i a t e d with the a g r i c u l t u r a l s e c t o r , e.g. tobacco, f o o d - p r o c e s s i n g and beverages. T h i s corresponds with a general s h i f t over the 1970s from the p r o d u c t i o n of consumer goods towards intermediate and c a p i t a l goods. R o e p s t o r f f r e p o r t s that from 1971 to 1980 the m.v.a. share of consumer goods d e c l i n e d from 80% to 47% (not n e c e s s a r i l y consumer d u r a b l e s ) , intermediate goods rose from 13% to 35% and c a p i t a l goods share of manufacturing value-added rose from 6% to 16% ( R o e p s t o r f f , 1985). Since around 1980 r e a l growth i n the p r o d u c t i o n of c a p i t a l goods has dropped o f f , and much of the output growth i n the i n d u s t r i a l s e c t o r has been i n the p r o d u c t i o n of intermediate goods, i n i n d u s t r i e s that are a s s o c i a t e d with s t a t e support and that are g e n e r a l l y acknowledged as being c a p i t a l i n t e n s i v e (Robison, 1987; H i l l , 1988). More imp o r t a n t l y from an employment p e r s p e c t i v e , H i l l suggests that i n the mid-1980s, one of the major growth areas has been i n the consumer i n d u s t r i e s that have been able t o pen e t r a t e export markets, f o r example kretek c i g a r e t t e s , garments and f u r n i t u r e : l a b o u r - i n t e n s i v e o p e r a t i o n s , many of which are i n the p r i v a t e s e c t o r . In a d d i t i o n , r e s t r u c t u r i n g has i n v o l v e d s e v e r a l s h i f t s between the r e l a t i v e importance of c a p i t a l i n t e n s i v e and labour i n t e n s i v e p r o d u c t i o n . While the 1970s were c h a r a c t e r i z e d by 106 growth of c a p i t a l intensive production methods, in the 1980s there has been a growth in the importance of labour intensive production processes involv ing the production of consumer goods and resource processing for the domestic market. In par t , the growing importance of petty commodity production accounts for the apparent growth of importance in these types of industry . A second point to make concerns the impact that th i s re s t ruc tur ing i s having on the Indonesian space economy. The main impl icat ions of th i s i n d u s t r i a l s tructure for regional patterns of i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n are that manufacturing growth in the 1970s was r e l a t i v e l y concentrated s p a t i a l l y around c i t i e s in the form of assembly operat ions , and other comparatively labour- intens ive types of production ( H i l l , 1987a; Manning, 1988). By contras t , resource processing ( cap i ta l intensive) has tended to be located in the outer i s l ands , though some smaller operations are found in r u r a l areas of Java. More recent ly , c e r t a i n footloose labour intensive i n d u s t r i e s , p a r t i c u l a r l y those that are export-oriented and foreign-owned through jo in t ventures (e .g . e l e c t r o n i c s , t e x t i l e s , c igare t te s and so-forth) are to be found in r u r a l and per i -urban areas (Wolf, 1986), but the i r importance is s t i l l r e l a t i v e l y l i m i t e d (Jones, 1984) and urban concentration i s s t i l l the predominant pat tern . In sum, over the 1980s there appears to have been a change in emphasis from c a p i t a l intensive state-owned production of c a p i t a l goods for the domestic market to an emphasis on labour- intens ive production of consumer goods for the domestic market, and more recent ly , for export. Resource processing has been enhanced by 107 the r e l a x i n g of c o n t r o l s on j o i n t venture o p e r a t i o n s : such i n d u s t r i e s tend to be c a p i t a l i n t e n s i v e and e x p o r t - o r i e n t e d . (3) S e r v i c e s Included i n the s e r v i c e s e c t o r are t r a d e , t r a n s p o r t , f i n a n c e , p u b l i c a d m i n i s t r a t i o n and other s e r v i c e s (see H i l l , 1987b). In a d d i t i o n to these s u b - s e c t o r s , the s e r v i c e s e c t o r i s comprised of s t a t e s e c t o r s e r v i c e s , p r i v a t e but formal s e c t o r s e r v i c e s , and a host of i n f o r m a l s e r v i c e s of v a r i o u s types. The h e t e r o g e n e i t y of the s e r v i c e s e c t o r , l i k e the manufacturing s e c t o r , means that i t i s d i f f i c u l t to d i s e n t a n g l e the v a r i o u s threads of the r e s t r u c t u r i n g process and make any g e n e r a l statements, as c l e a r l y d i f f e r e n t a spects of the s e r v i c e s e c t o r are a f f e c t e d by and respond to economic changes in d i f f e r e n t ways. In the 1970s the s e r v i c e s e c t o r grew r a p i d l y i n GDP terms, as the t a b l e showing GDP by s e c t o r above suggests. The c o n t r i b u t i o n of the s e r v i c e s e c t o r to economic growth as a whole was about 45.9% from 1973 to 1981, the m a j o r i t y of which came from trade and p u b l i c a d m i n i s t r a t i o n . Some of the main s t r u c t u r a l changes that were apparent i n the s e r v i c e s e c t o r d u r i n g t h i s p e r i o d were r e l a t e d to p r e v a i l i n g government p o l i c i e s , and a l s o to changes i n demand - i n which the r i s i n g incomes of the middle c l a s s i n Indonesia was a s i g n i f i c a n t f a c t o r ( J e l l i n e k , 1987). Thus, u n d e r l y i n g p a t t e r n s of growth i n s e r v i c e s i n t h i s p e r i o d i s a s h i f t towards the f o r m a l i z a t i o n and commoditization of t r a d e , t r a n s p o r t and other s e r v i c e s which r e l a t e d mostly to the new demands of the w e a l t h i e r middle c l a s s (Dick, 1985). The second f e a t u r e that u n d e r l i e s o v e r a l l 108 growth rates in the service sector in th i s period i s i t s d i r e c t and i n d i r e c t support by the s tate . The r i s i n g p r i c e of o i l in the 1970s secured s u f f i c i e n t revenue for the state to expand investment in teaching and health programmes (Oey, 1985), and the strengthening of the state general ly in f i s c a l terms meant that the publ ic administrat ion sector f lour i shed as the state expanded. In r u r a l areas of Indonesia, growth in the service sector over the 1970s was associated with government penetration into the countryside through r u r a l c r e d i t programmes (Hart, 1986), through the so -ca l l ed Bemo Revolution in transportat ion services (Hugo, 1982), and through the expansion of marketing and trade. For the most p a r t , however, the growth in the service sector can be a t t r i b u t e d to the r e l a t i v e decl ine in the a g r i c u l t u r a l sector in employment absorpt ion, and the s h i f t of people into th i s sector , which in i t s e l f generated much of the res truc tur ing that was in evidence over th i s p e r i o d . Over the ear ly 1980s a change in res tructur ing trends can be recognised. Not s u r p r i s i n g l y , th i s re lates to the impact that recession and f i s c a l c r i s i s have had upon consumer demand, and upon the ro le of the s tate . Figures suggest that the annual growth rate of the service sector GDP in th i s per iod halved. However, in terms of i t s contr ibut ion to aggregate GDP in Indonesia i t became s i g n i f i c a n t l y more important (contr ibut ing 59.3% of growth from 1981 to 1986) ( H i l l , I987b:3). What these f igures h ide , or perhaps i m p l i c i t l y suggest, i s the r e l a t i v e in formal izat ion of the service sector . Although there continues 109 to be a f o r m a l i z a t i o n (of trade) and expansion of c e r t a i n s e r v i c e s such as teaching and h e a l t h , there has been a d e c l i n e i n the s e r v i c e s e c t o r w i t h i n p u b l i c a d m i n i s t r a t i o n ( H i l l , 1987b); and there has been a change i n the a t t i t u d e of the s t a t e to the in f o r m a l s e r v i c e s e c t o r . Whereas l e g i s l a t i v e p ressure on in f o r m a l t r a n s p o r t s e r v i c e s i n c i t i e s c o n t i n u e s , c e r t a i n other i n f o r m a l s e c t o r a c t i v i t i e s are deemed as being a way of d e a l i n g with unemployment that the c o n t r a c t i o n of the s t a t e i m p l i e s ( J e l l i n e k , 1987 c i t i n g Hidayat, 1986). Thus there are two seemingly c o n t r a d i c t o r y trends over the 1980s. F i r s t , the f i s c a l c r i s i s of the s t a t e t h a t has r e s u l t e d from d e c l i n i n g o i l revenues has l e d to a s i g n i f i c a n t change i n the r e l a t i o n s h i p between the s t a t e and the s e r v i c e s e c t o r , with many government-related s e r v i c e s being pruned down i n the 1980s, and the r e l a x i n g of government a t t i t u d e s to c e r t a i n a spects of the i n f o r m a l s e r v i c e s e c t o r . P a r a d o x i c a l l y , there has a l s o been an apparent i n t e n s i f i c a t i o n of the f o r m a l i z a t i o n process i n c e r t a i n aspects of the s e r v i c e s e c t o r , p a r t i c u l a r l y i n trade i n both r u r a l and urban a r e a s . Other trends from the s e v e n t i e s c o n t i n u e unabated, such as the expansion of r u r a l t r a n s p o r t , and other r u r a l s e r v i c e s , p a r t i c u l a r l y through s h i f t s i n s t a t e c r e d i t programmes that serve r u r a l a r e a s . 3 . i v . ( c ) Summary. Summarizing t h i s s e c t i o n , throughout the 1970s a number of trends emerged that have i m p l i c a t i o n s f o r the nature of the labour market. F i r s t , i n t h i s p e r i o d the Indonesian economy was 110 buoyant and exhibited rapid GDP growth. In sectoral terms, a s h i f t in emphasis from agriculture to import substitution manufacturing and services emerged, characterized by state support for capi t a l - i n t e n s i v e production of intermediate and c a p i t a l goods. Secondly there was an expansion of the state service sector oriented to the domestic market, and p a r t i c u l a r l y to a growing population of middle class consumers. In the 1980s aggregate GDP growth slowed down quickly, and in sectoral terms, industry became less of an engine of growth, as the service sector became more important. The restructuring of agriculture continues in the 1980s through mechanization, i n s t i t u t i o n a l change, commercialization and commoditization. Industry has increasingly become characterized by the production of intermediate goods and consumer goods for export, while in r e l a t i v e terms, c a p i t a l goods production has decreased in importance. Labour intensive export-oriented production has become more apparent, but remains dominated by small-scale and informal production units. Services have grown rapidly, some such as transport and trade, have become increasingly commoditized, while for others (e.g. vending), decreased state interference has maintained (and perhaps even increased) informalization. The next section considers the importance that these trends have for the labour market as a whole in Indonesia in the 1980s. I l l 3.v. Economic R e s t r u c t u r i n g and Income-Generating P o s s i b i l i t i e s  i n Indonesia: I m p l i c a t i o n s f o r the Labour Market. The above s e c t i o n has d e s c r i b e d the ways i n which the economic context of the labour market has changed i n the l a s t few y e a r s . T h i s s e c t i o n c o n s i d e r s the nature of the labour market from three a n g l e s . F i r s t , the gen e r a l s i t u a t i o n f o r earning an income i n Indonesia i s c o n s i d e r e d : the processes at p l a y , t h e i r e f f e c t s on employment p o s s i b i l i t i e s , and the r e l a t i o n s h i p of these with p o p u l a t i o n . Second, t h i s s e c t i o n o u t l i n e s the d i f f e r e n c e s i n the way that the labour market i s manifested i n urban and r u r a l areas i n Indonesia, and i n the l i g h t of recent changes, the b l u r r i n g of the d i s t i n c t i o n between these, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n Java. F i n a l l y , t h i s s e c t i o n p r e s e n t s an overview of labour market segmentation w i t h i n the formal s e c t o r , and between formal and i n f o r m a l labour markets. The aim i s to suggest the l i m i t a t i o n s on income gener a t i o n f o r d i f f e r e n t groups of people and to uncover some of the changes that have been apparent i n the form taken by d i f f e r e n t a s p e c t s of the labour market i n the 1970s and e a r l y 1980s. 3.v.(a) Income-generating P o s s i b i l i t i e s and S t r u c t u r a l Change: Some General Comments. (1) Processes of Change. Previous s e c t i o n s have i d e n t i f i e d the importance of s t a t e i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n p o l i c y i n shaping s e c t o r a l s h i f t s i n the 112 economy and the labour market i n Indonesia. To t h i s might be added two other c o n s e q u e n t i a l processes of change: p a t t e r n s of demand ( f o r p a r t i c u l a r goods and s e r v i c e s ) and u r b a n i z a t i o n . Each of these processes i s c o n s i d e r e d i n t u r n . Government i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n s t r a t e g i e s have had two p e r v a s i v e i n f l u e n c e s on the labour market. The f i r s t of these i s the c a p a c i t y of the s t a t e to b o l s t e r growth w i t h i n p a r t i c u l a r economic s e c t o r s which, by e x t e n s i v e l y i n c r e a s i n g the s i z e of a s e c t o r , e f f e c t i v e l y expands o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r employment: o c c a s i o n a l l y t h i s might be i n s p i t e of i n c r e a s i n g c a p i t a l i n t e n s i t y . The second i s the e f f e c t that investment has i n determining the r e l a t i v e f a c t o r i n t e n s i t y of an a c t i v i t y ( i n t h i s case, c a p i t a l or labour i n t e n s i t y ) and t h e r e f o r e i t s c a p a c i t y to absorb la b o u r . I n the 1970s, extremely r a p i d growth, i n c r e a s e d s t a t e p e n e t r a t i o n and a ge n e r a l s h i f t towards c a p i t a l i z a t i o n i n both the a g r i c u l t u r a l and i n d u s t r i a l s e c t o r s s h i f t e d employment p o s s i b i l i t i e s away from a g r i c u l t u r e and towards i n d u s t r y to some degree, but more imp o r t a n t l y towards s e r v i c e s (Oey, 1985; Manning, 1988). In the 1980s, i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n s t r a t e g y was c h a r a c t e r i z e d by a s u b s t a n t i a l slowdown i n the growth of the economy, a slowdown i n the t r e n d towards c a p i t a l i z a t i o n , a s s o c i a t e d with a s h i f t towards labour i n t e n s i v e p r o d u c t i o n methods. In a d d i t i o n to the impact that m a c r o - l e v e l government p o l i c y has had, a second manner by which the s t a t e has c o n d i t i o n e d the gen e r a l nature of the labour market i s through l o c a l - l e v e l l e g a l r e s t r i c t i o n s , which i n a number of i n s t a n c e s have had 113 s e v e r e ( a n d o f t e n c o n t r a d i c t o r y ) i n f l u e n c e s o n e m p l o y m e n t p o s s i b i l i t i e s , p a r t i c u l a r l y i n t h e i n f o r m a l s e c t o r . A s e c o n d p r o c e s s c o n c e r n s c h a n g i n g p a t t e r n s o f d e m a n d f o r p a r t i c u l a r g o o d s a n d s e r v i c e s : a p r o c e s s w h i c h h a s f a r - r e a c h i n g i m p l i c a t i o n s f o r i n c o m e - g e n e r a t i n g p o s s i b i l i t i e s . I n I n d o n e s i a c h a n g i n g p a t t e r n s o f d e m a n d c o r r e s p o n d c l o s e l y t o t h e c o n v e r g e n c e i n c o n s u m p t i o n p a t t e r n s t h a t i s i n e v i d e n c e t h r o u g h o u t t h e w o r l d e c o n o m y . T h i s i s a p r o c e s s t h a t i s s p e a r h e a d e d p r i m a r i l y b y u r b a n e l i t e s , a n d i s c o n s o l i d a t e d b y t h e m i d d l e c l a s s . I t i s c l e a r t h a t o v e r t h e p a s t f e w d e c a d e s a s i z e a b l e m i d d l e c l a s s h a s b e e n e m e r g i n g i n I n d o n e s i a w h o c o m p r i s e a n a m o r p h o u s g r o u p o f p e o p l e f r o m a v a r i e t y o f o c c u p a t i o n s , w h o h o l d i n c o m m o n c e r t a i n c o n s u m e r p r e f e r e n c e s , a n d w h o s h a r e a p a r t i c u l a r l i f e s t y l e ( D i c k , 1 9 8 5 ) . T h e i m p l i c a t i o n s t h a t t h e g r o w t h o f t h i s g r o u p h a s f o r e m p l o y m e n t p o s s i b i l i t i e s s t e m f r o m t h e s p e c i f i c i t i e s o f t h e i r c o n s u m e r p r e f e r e n c e s w h i c h t e n d t o b e o r i e n t e d t o i m p o r t e d o r c o m m o d i t i z e d g o o d s : i n g e n e r a l , c o n s u m e r d u r a b l e s a r e a n i m p o r t a n t c o m p o n e n t o f t h e i r e x p e n d i t u r e p a t t e r n s . J e l l i n e k s u g g e s t s t h a t t h e g r o w t h o f t h i s c o n s u m e r c u l t u r e h a s i n a d v e r t e n t l y e c l i p s e d m a n y i n f o r m a l s e c t o r a n d l a b o u r i n t e n s i v e i n d u s t r i e s a n d s e r v i c e s ( J e l l i n e k , 1 9 8 7 ) . I m p o r t a n t e x a m p l e s i n c l u d e t h e r e p l a c e m e n t o f m a r k e t t r a d e w i t h w e s t e r n -s t y l e s u p e r m a r k e t s , t h e p u r c h a s e o f c o m m e r c i a l l y p r o d u c e d r a t h e r t h a n i n d i g e n o u s g o o d s , a n d t h e u s e o f p r i v a t e c a r s r a t h e r t h a n b e c a k s o r o t h e r i n f o r m a l s e c t o r t r a n s p o r t s e r v i c e s . A l t h o u g h t h i s p r o c e s s h a s b e e n m o s t p r e v a l e n t i n c i t i e s , i n 114 p a r t i c u l a r i n J a k a r t a , i t i s , as Dick suggests, "being d i f f u s e d r a p i d l y throughout the country by the powerful media of education, t e l e v i s i o n , and magazines", indeed, i t " i s becoming the n a t i o n a l c u l t u r e " , though i t i s s t i l l a predominantly urban phenomenon (Dick, 1985:74). I t i s l i k e l y that t h i s process of convergence i n p a t t e r n s of demand w i l l c o ntinue to expand, d e s p i t e the banning of commercial a d v e r t i s i n g on t e l e v i s i o n i n Indonesia i n 1981. P r i o r to t h i s , the impact of the a d v e r t i s i n g of foreign-produced goods had q u i t e an impact on w e a l t h i e r elements of the p o p u l a t i o n as 73% of t e l e v i s i o n a d v e r t i s i n g i n 1976 was f o r imported products (Lent, 1987). The power of t e l e v i s i o n to i n f l u e n c e l i f e s t y l e s c o n t i n u e s , and the Indonesian government's commitment to developing a domestic s a t e l l i t e system i s l i k e l y to speed up and extend the c i r c u l a t i o n of such i n f o r m a t i o n - with a f u r t h e r impact on p a t t e r n s of demand. P a t t e r n s of demand have, however, been tempered i n recent years by the economic slump that Indonesia has been e x p e r i e n c i n g , and i n c r e a s i n g l y i n d u s t r i e s have had to seek export markets. For c e r t a i n i n d u s t r i e s t h i s has not been p o s s i b l e and employment p o s s i b i l i t i e s have been reduced as some i n d u s t r i e s , have had to d i s i n v e s t . F i n a l l y , s p a t i a l processes a s s o c i a t e d with r e s t r u c t u r i n g and u r b a n i z a t i o n are regarded as being important i n s t r u c t u r i n g the labour market. Although there are a number of problems a s s o c i a t e d with d e f i n i n g "urban areas", p a r t i c u l a r l y i n Indonesia ( f o r a d i s c u s s i o n of these, see McGee, 1984), i t i s c l e a r t h a t u r b a n i z a t i o n of the Indonesian p o p u l a t i o n c o n t i n u e s , 115 and that v a r i o u s processes a s s o c i a t e d with t h i s have had a s i g n i f i c a n t e f f e c t upon o v e r a l l employment p o s s i b i l i t i e s i n urban areas of Indonesia. (2) S t r u c t u r a l Change and Demand f o r Labour. The three processes o u t l i n e d above, together with the changes in Indonesian p o l i t i c a l economy sketched out e a r l i e r have given r i s e to a p a t t e r n of demand f o r labour that as Juoro suggests, i s c h a r a c t e r i z e d by a d e c l i n e i n employment e l a s t i c i t y i n g e n e r a l (Juoro, 1985). In the 1970s, economic growth was underpinned by a d e c l i n i n g c a p a c i t y f o r labour a b s o r p t i o n i n most s e c t o r s as c a p i t a l i z a t i o n became more widespread, and the development of government p o l i c y , changes i n demand and u r b a n i z a t i o n p r e c l u d e d the o p e r a t i o n of c e r t a i n labour i n t e n s i v e a c t i v i t i e s . However, the growth i n s i z e of the government bureaucracy ( r e s u l t i n g from i n c r e a s e d o i l revenues) c r e a t e d more than 1.5 m i l l i o n a d m i n i s t r a t i v e jobs w i t h i n the p u b l i c s e r v i c e s e c t o r (bey, 1985). D e s p i t e i n c r e a s e d c a p i t a l i z a t i o n of the i n d u s t r i a l s e c t o r , the aggregate growth of the s e c t o r was s u f f i c i e n t f o r the c r e a t i o n of manufacturing employment, mostly i n urban and p e r i u r b a n areas, at l e a s t i n t h i s p e r i o d (Jones, 1984). In the 1980s, the c o n f l i c t between GDP growth and employment o p p o r t u n i t y has continued, although growth has slowed down c o n s i d e r a b l y . The nature of c a p i t a l i z a t i o n and commoditization i n a g r i c u l t u r e has meant that r e l a t i v e labour-shedding has continued, but at a slower pace, and i n i n d u s t r y there has been some growth i n s m a l l - s c a l e labour i n t e n s i v e o p e r a t i o n s , but 116 c a p i t a l i z a t i o n continues and employment i s s t i l l being squeezed. Within the s e r v i c e s e c t o r , the changing r o l e of the s t a t e has meant that c e r t a i n elements of t h i s s e c t o r have shed o p p o r t u n i t i e s , but that the labour absorbing c a p a c i t y of the s e r v i c e s e c t o r as a whole has meant that i t has been able to p r o v i d e some o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r employment (the mechanism by which t h i s i s o c c u r r i n g i s the s u b j e c t of much debate and w i l l be d i s c u s s e d below). In g e n e r a l , t h e r e f o r e , i n the 1980s i n a b s o l u t e terms there has been a squeeze on employment p o s s i b i l i t i e s i n the labour market as growth slows down, d e s p i t e a r e l a t i v e s h i f t to labour i n t e n s i v e forms of p r o d u c t i o n . (3) S t r u c t u r a l Change and Demography. Changes i n the labour market over the 1980s - a c o n t i n u a t i o n of a t r e n d i n employment demand t h a t was apparent i n the 1970s, a l b e i t underpinned by d i f f e r e n t processes - should be p l a c e d w i t h i n the context of the s h i f t i n g "supply" of p o t e n t i a l workers. The t a b l e below shows changes i n the working age p o p u l a t i o n over the two time p e r i o d s . 117 TABLE 3.4: POPULATION AGED 10 YEARS AND OVER, 1971-80 & 1980-85. Residence 1971 1980 1985 1971- 1980-(000) (000) (000) 80 r1 85 r2 Indonesia 80246 104353 120380 2 .86 2. 86 urban 14617 24091 32515 5 .49 6. 00 r u r a l 65809 80262 87864 2 .18 1 . 81 Java 52314 66129 74929 2 .58 2. 50 urban 9780 16946 23105 6 .04 6. 20 r u r a l 42534 49184 51823 1 .60 1 . 05 Non-Java 281 12 38223 44997 3 .38 3. 26 urban 4837 7145 8499 4 .29 3. 47 r u r a l 23275 31078 35588 3 .18 2. 71 Sources: Oey (1985) t a b l e 3; BPS Sensus Penduduk, S e r i S2 1980, and BPS Supas S e r i Supas No.5 1985. - r1 i s percentage average annual growth from 1971 to 1980, c a l c u l a t e d u s i n g the e x p o n e n t i a l formula r = 1 n ( p [ 1 ] / p [ 0 ] ) / t ; where t=9.1; and r2 i s average annual growth u s i n g the same formula but where t=5. In the 1970s, the working age p o p u l a t i o n grew q u i t e r a p i d l y , suggesting an average annual growth r a t e of 2.86% (Oey, 1985). The average annual growth r a t e of the working age p o p u l a t i o n was c o n s i d e r a b l y higher i n urban areas (at 5.49%) than i n r u r a l areas (at 2.18%); p a r t i c u l a r l y urban Java (6.04%). Over the second p e r i o d , from 1980 to 1985, working age p o p u l a t i o n growth 118 rates continued to be high in urban areas in Java, but in other areas, urban and r u r a l , growth slowed down. Indonesia, p a r t i c u l a r l y Java, continues to display a "labour surplus" (Jones, 1984). This s i tua t ion of "labour surplus" i s also shown in the f igures descr ib ing the s ize of the workforce. In the Indonesian census, the workforce i s defined as those working, and a lso as those seeking work, s i ck , or on leave. It is ind ica t ive of the number of people ava i lab le for work, and thus of labour supply. Changes in the s ize of the workforce are shown in the table below. TABLE 3.5: WORKFORCE BY RESIDENCE, 1971-80 & 1980-85. Residence 1971 1980 1985 1971- 1980-(000) (000) (000) 80 r1 85 r2 Indonesia 39201 51553 62457 3.01 3.84 urban 5796 9726 13482 5.69 6.53 r u r a l 33414 41827 48974 2.47 3.16 Java 25757 33026 38956 2.73 3.30 urban 3983 7142 9920 6.42 6.57 r u r a l 21775 25883 29035 1.90 2.30 Non-Java 13453 18527 23238 3.52 4.53 urban 1813 2584 3561 3.89 6.42 r u r a l 11639 15944 19677 3.46 4.21 Sources: AS TABLE 3.4. 119 As Oey suggests, changes in the s ize of the workforce p r i m a r i l y re f l ec t population growth rates: both natural increase and increases re su l t ing from migration or transmigration (Oey, 1985). In absolute terms the workforce exhibi ted s i g n i f i c a n t growth in the 1970s: increases were p a r t i c u l a r l y s i g n i f i c a n t in urban areas thoughout Indonesia, and e s p e c i a l l y in urban Java. In the second per iod , from 1980 to 1985 average annual growth has increased to some degree. This trend was most discernable in urban areas outside Java which to some degree r e f l e c t s the transmigration of 0.5 m i l l i o n households through 1979 to 1984 during Repel i ta 3, and in r u r a l areas throughout Indonesia. Although as Manning suggests, ana lys i s of these patterns should be tempered by the fact that unusually high rates of female labour force p a r t i c i p a t i o n reported in the 1985 census have caused an upward "bias", these f igures suggest that the s i t u a t i o n of "labour surplus" continues to predominate labour market condit ions throughout Indonesia, and patterns of growth seem to indicate that i t i s r u r a l Indonesia in which th i s surplus i s most evident . When juxtaposed with the constrained employment p o s s i b i l i t i e s discussed e a r l i e r that are evident in Indonesia in both periods , and p a r t i c u l a r l y in t h i s per iod , i t seems that Oey's observation that "creation of new employment opportunit ies has been rather l i m i t e d r e l a t i v e to the s ize of the expanding labour force" holds true in the 1980s a lso (Oey, 1985:24). 120 3.iv.(b) S p a t i a l segmentation: changes i n r u r a l and urban labour markets. The above s e c t i o n has presented an overview of changes i n the broad employment p o s s i b i l i t i e s that e x i s t i n Indonesia, i n general terms. However, the uneven s p a t i a l impact of processes of change, and the nature of l o c a l i z e d c o n d i t i o n s of e x i s t e n c e has l e d to a wide v a r i e t y of labour market c o n d i t i o n s throughout Indonesia. While r e c o g n i s i n g the s i g n i f i c a n t complexity of t h i s , and at the r i s k of s p a t i a l over-a g g r e g a t i o n , t h i s s e c t i o n c o n s i d e r s the e f f e c t of processes of change on the nature of r u r a l and urban labour markets, and a l s o the b l u r r i n g of the r u r a l - u r b a n labour market d i s t i n c t i o n that i s becoming i n c r e a s i n g l y e v i d e n t , p a r t i c u l a r l y i n Java. T h i s s e c t i o n i s concerned with d i s c u s s i n g the employment p o s s i b i l i t i e s t h a t s t r u c t u r a l changes imply f o r the Indonesian p o p u l a t i o n as a whole. In a l a t e r chapter, the s p e c i f i c i t y of women's p o s i t i o n i n t h i s s i t u a t i o n w i l l be examined. (1) The r u r a l labour market: d i v e r s i f i c a t i o n or m a r g i n a l i z a t i o n ? Much has been w r i t t e n on the nature of the changes that have been apparent i n the r u r a l labour market i n Indonesia, i n p a r t i c u l a r i n r u r a l Java. Many w r i t e r s have made the ob s e r v a t i o n that there has been f a i r l y s u b s t a n t i a l l abour-shedding over the 1970s from a g r i c u l t u r e , and a s h i f t towards o f f - f a r m economic a c t i v i t i e s underpinned by s t r u c t u r a l changes 121 that have been evident in Indonesia over the 1970s and early 1980s. Hart suggests that there have been two main controvers ies surrounding the impact of s t r u c t u r a l transformation on women and men in r u r a l Java (Hart, 1985) which echo a debate that has been resounding throughout Asia (Islam, 1984). The f i r s t view contends that the a g r i c u l t u r a l labour force has decl ined in i t s growth rate due to the buoyancy of the Indonesian economy over the 1970s and the subsequent increase in opportunit ies in r u r a l of f - farm employment. E f f e c t i v e l y , th i s has "pulled" people out of a g r i c u l t u r e . The second point of view challenges th i s idea by suggesting that in fact people have been "pushed" out of a g r i c u l t u r e as a resu l t of the s t r u c t u r a l changes that have been apparent in Indonesian a g r i c u l t u r e , and increases in the growth of r u r a l of f - farm employment r e f l e c t a process of marg ina l i za t ion . Sympathizers of the f i r s t view point to the rapid increases in investment and output that occurred over the 1970s (as described in an e a r l i e r sec t ion) . They argue that the r u r a l economy has d i v e r s i f i e d and that the labour market acts in a competit ive manner, drawing people out of low-paid a g r i c u l t u r a l jobs and into better paid employment in r u r a l services (often in government re la ted jobs) and in r u r a l manufacturing (Leiserson et a l . , 1978). Hart concedes that there have been some gains in employment opportunit ies in r u r a l Java, p a r t i c u l a r l y in the la te 1970s and very ear ly 1980s during the s o - c a l l e d o i l bonanza, but that these opportunit ies were 122 r e s t r i c t e d t o c e r t a i n groups w i t h i n the r u r a l p o p u l a t i o n . To some degree the same can be s a i d f o r r e c e n t l y c r e a t e d o p p o r t u n i t i e s i n the 1980s, though these are even smaller i n impact because of an o v e r a l l slowdown i n general growth. The second view seems to be more p l a u s i b l e i n the Javanese context, however. Amongst those who suggest that labour market changes i n r u r a l Java r e s u l t from m a r g i n a l i z a t i o n there i s c o n s i d e r a b l e debate as to how t h i s process has o c c u r r e d . A g r i c u l t u r a l labour-shedding i s seen as the r e s u l t of the p o l a r i z a t i o n of r u r a l people d u r i n g the Green R e v o l u t i o n i n Java, the combination of t e c h n o l o g i c a l changes and p o p u l a t i o n growth ( C o l l i e r et a l . , 1973; White, 1976, 1979, 1984), or as a r e s u l t of p o p u l a t i o n p r e s s u r e and the i n t r o d u c t i o n of technology i n t o u n s u i t a b l e areas (Hayami and H a f i d , 1979; Hayami and K i k u c h i , 1982). More r e c e n t l y , Hart has p l a c e d emphasis on changes i n the labour process i n Javanese a g r i c u l t u r e , a s s o c i a t e d with the t r a n s f o r m a t i o n of the whole p o l i t i c a l economy of Indonesia i n the l a t e 1970s and e a r l y 1980s that together have had an impact on the r u r a l labour market (Hart, 1985, 1986). Her a n a l y s i s focuses on the replacement of r e l a t i v e l y e g a l i t a r i a n access to a g r i c u l t u r a l employment i n the v i l l a g e by e x c l u s i o n a r y modes of labour r e c r u i t m e n t , some of which are p r e - c a p i t a l i s t i n o r i g i n but which have been adopted and adapted i n order to l i m i t the s i z e of the workforce of p a r t i c u l a r landowners so as to o b t a i n b e t t e r p r o f i t s yet to a l s o maintain p o l i t i c a l patronage, at l e a s t from a p r o p o r t i o n of the v i l l a g e p o p u l a t i o n . 123 I n c r e a s i n g l y , bawon h a r v e s t i n g arrangements are being r e p l a c e d and augmented by e i t h e r waged tebasan modes of r e c r u i t m e n t , or kedokan. The g e n e r a l s i g n i f i c a n c e of these changes f o r the r u r a l labour market vary between each labour system. Under the tebasan system, o p p o r t u n i t i e s i n a g r i c u l t u r e are l i m i t e d to a small group of p r o l e t a r i a n waged workers, o f t e n from o u t s i d e the community. In the kedokan system, the s i t u a t i o n g i v e s r i s e t o d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n w i t h i n the v i l l a g e workforce between a group of middle income people with p r i v i l e g e d access to employment and i n c o n t r a s t , a group of under employed workers who must seek a l i v e l i h o o d o u t s i d e a g r i c u l t u r e . In a d d i t i o n , the d e c l i n e i n the e l a s t i c i t y of a g r i c u l t u r a l employment i n r u r a l Java i s g e n d e r - s p e c i f i c : as a r e s u l t of the changes o u t l i n e d above the workforce has become more masculine. T h i s w i l l be addressed i n a l a t e r c h a p t e r . A c c o r d i n g to Manning, in the 1980s a g r i c u l t u r a l l a b o u r -shedding has become l e s s acute: r a t h e r than an o v e r a l l d e c l i n e , the changes suggest a r e d i s t r i b u t i o n of a g r i c u l t u r a l o p p o r t u n i t i e s among d i f f e r e n t groups of the r u r a l p o p u l a t i o n . Over the 1970s and 1980s, the m a r g i n a l i z e d a g r i c u l t u r a l p o p u l a t i o n has moved i n t o the i n d u s t r i a l and s e r v i c e s e c t o r s i n o c cupations r e l a t e d to t r a d e , t r a n s p o r t a t i o n , s m a l l - s c a l e manufacturing, and l a r g e r s c a l e f o r e i g n and pribumi manufacturing i n r u r a l and urban f r i n g e a r e a s . For the most p a r t , these occupations are p o o r l y remunerated i n comparison to a g r i c u l t u r e . Research on r u r a l i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n i n Java has r e v e a l e d that wages are sub-subsistence i n many i n s t a n c e s and 124 the workforce ( o f t e n young s i n g l e women) i s e f f e c t i v e l y s u b s i d i z e d by the income generation of other f a m i l y members (Wolf, 1984; 1986). For many people, o c c u p a t i o n a l m u l t i p l i c i t y i s necessary f o r s u r v i v a l , and there i s s u b s t a n t i a l s t r a t i f i c a t i o n between the poor and l a n d l e s s , and w e a l t h i e r "middle income" people ( S o e t r i s n o , 1985). Most s t u d i e s do seem to g i v e credence to the m a r g i n a l i z a t i o n h y p o t h e s i s although c l e a r l y there have been " r e a l " o f f - f a r m o p p o r t u n i t i e s c r e a t e d that are r e l a t e d to government expenditure i n education and h e a l t h f a c i l i t i e s i n r u r a l a r e a s . However, such o p p o r t u n i t i e s are open to people on the b a s i s of s o c i a l c l a s s and e d u c a t i o n , and are of l i t t l e employment b e n e f i t to the m a j o r i t y of r u r a l d w e l l e r s i n Java or elsewhere (Hugo et a l . , 1987). Another f a c e t to the r u r a l labour market i n Java that i s i n some ways r e l a t e d to the m a r g i n a l i z a t i o n i s s u e i s the degree to which r u r a l i n h a b i t a n t s p a r t i c i p a t e i n the urban economy. T h i s i s s u e w i l l be taken up below. In r u r a l areas o u t s i d e Java, there i s l e s s p o s s i b i l i t y f o r p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n a c t i v i t i e s o u t s i d e a g r i c u l t u r e . In a d d i t i o n , the labour market i s o r i e n t e d more to the p r o d u c t i o n of i n d u s t r i a l crops and t h e r e f o r e the workforce i s much more p r o l e t a r i a n i z e d than the Javanese e q u i v a l e n t . In recent years there has been a d e c l i n e i n o p p o r t u n i t i e s i n cash crop p r o d u c t i o n owing to s h i f t s i n world demand. . In some areas, a g r i c u l t u r a l work i s augmented by employment i n r u r a l based i n d u s t r i e s , u s u a l l y resource e x t r a c t i o n such as the Soroako N i c k e l mine i n Sulawesi d e s c r i b e d by Robinson (1986). In her 125 discuss ion of the labour market in the mining community, Robinson makes the point that for many, work in the mining company (and associated a c t i v i t i e s ) is augmented by earnings from petty trade and a g r i c u l t u r e , which suggests that wages are subsistence l eve l or below, and that occupational m u l t i p l i c i t y i s commonplace among poorer elements of the community, in other words, i t i s a s i tua t ion not e n t i r e l y d i s s i m i l a r to that in r u r a l Java. Again, the labour market i s character ized by unequal access to employment and by s i g n i f i c a n t c lass d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n . (2) The urban labour market: growth, i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n , conservation or d i s s o l u t i o n . In Indonesia the urban labour market has been less systemat ica l ly analysed than the r u r a l labour market. There have, however, been a number of case studies in various c i t i e s in Indonesia and these, together with studies of economic change in Indonesia as a whole, suggest that despite some b l u r r i n g in the d i s t i n c t i o n between urban and r u r a l , the urban labour market d i f f e r s from the r u r a l labour market in a number of important ways. This sect ion out l ines the nature of the urban labour market in qui te general terms, and i d e n t i f i e s some of the changes that have been taking place in response to the s t r u c t u r a l changes of the 1970s and ear ly 1980s that were discussed e a r l i e r . Manning suggests that there are four main di f ferences between the r u r a l and the urban labour market in Indonesia (Manning, 1988). In p a r t , these d i f ferences help account for 126 the di f ferences in the response to economic change that i s evident between r u r a l and urban contexts . The f i r s t of these is the urban bias that i s evident in employment creat ion in of f -farm economic a c t i v i t i e s ( in both the service sector and the manufacturing sec tor ) . Over the 1970s the import-subst i tut ion strategy of the New Order government tended to intens i fy the urban bias of i n d u s t r i a l l o c a t i o n , such a c t i v i t i e s tended to locate in kotamadya or in kabupaten close to major urban areas (Jones, 1984). In the 1980s th i s has continued although i t has been tempered by the r u r a l locat ion of some types of industry in Java, as part of a new pattern of urbanizat ion in Java which w i l l be addressed l a t e r . The concentration of contro l and production in urban areas has led to increasing s p e c i a l i z a t i o n in the workforce, speeded up p r o l e t a r i a n i z a t i o n , and the p a r a l l e l growth of the informal sector (Forbes, 1988). A second d i s t i n g u i s h i n g feature of urban labour markets is the r e l a t i v e "labour surplus" which i s even more intense than that found in densely populated areas of Java. Patterns of natural increase in population are augmented by r u r a l to urban migration of a temporary and a permanant nature, and th i s together with the l i m i t e d number of employment opportunites in urban areas means that employment e l a s t i c i t i e s are comparatively low (Harr i s s , 1987). T h i r d l y , within the urban labour market there i s substant ia l segmentation. While the trichotomized model of the Indonesian labour market discussed by Speare and Harr i s (1986) i s over-simple in d i s t ingu i sh ing only between r u r a l , urban formal and urban informal labour 127 markets when c l e a r l y the informal/formal s p l i t i s evident in r u r a l areas a l so , i t i s nevertheless f a i r to suggest that segmentation i s more prevalent in urban areas. The f i n a l point concerns the di f ference between r u r a l and urban labour markets in areas of Indonesia that l i e outside Java. In the outer i s l ands , the d i s t i n c t i o n between r u r a l and urban labour markets i s much more c l e a r - c u t : par t ly th i s i s due to the nature of the r u r a l labour market in the outer i s lands , and the fact that a g r i c u l t u r e (rather than off - farm employment) plays a much more important ro le general ly in the r u r a l economy (Hugo et a l . , 1987). In studies of the urban labour market in Indonesia, a t tent ion has tended to focus on ways of conceptual iz ing various types of employment, and on how each of these are af fected by s t r u c t u r a l changes. The fol lowing discuss ion considers these issues , focussing on the s tructure of employment opportuni t i e s , and the changes that have been in evidence over the 1970s and ear ly 1980s. The urban labour market in Indonesia i s character ized by the d i s t i n c t i v e patterns of employment that are evident in many T h i r d World countr ie s , and that were a l luded to in Chapter Two. C h a r a c t e r i s t i c i s the predominance of informal , petty or small scale economic a c t i v i t i e s , that stand in contrast to the larger scale organized or formal sector a c t i v i t i e s . Although there i s much debate as to the precise c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of each side of th i s dichotomy (see for instance McGee, 1978; 1979; Santos, 1979; and the d iscuss ion in Bromley and Gerry , 1979), the ir 128 r e l a t i o n s h i p and whether t h i s simple dichotomy even e x i s t s ; as a taxonomy of a c t i v i t i e s w i t h i n the labour market t h i s c h a r a c t e r i z a t i o n has tended to dominate d e s c r i p t i o n s of the urban labour market f o r , as J e l l i n e k r u e f u l l y observes S c h o l a r s continue to use the dichotomy, w h i l s t c r i t i c i s i n g i t , because they can th i n k of no b e t t e r way of c o n c e p t u a l i z i n g urban economies undergoing r a p i d change. ( J e l l i n e k , 1987:171) In t h i s d i s c u s s i o n , and i n r e c o g n i t i o n of i t s l i m i t a t i o n s , t h i s dichotomous c o n c e p t u a l i z a t i o n of the urban labour market i s deployed, f o r the sake of s i m p l i c i t y of e x p o s i t i o n . In g e n e r a l , the formal s e c t o r of the urban labour market i n Indonesia i s comprised of employment o p p o r t u n i t i e s i n i n d u s t r y and, more impo r t a n t l y the s e r v i c e s e c t o r . Of the former, the m a j o r i t y of o p p o r t u n i t i e s are i n labour i n t e n s i v e types of manufacturing that are u s u a l l y l o c a t e d on the p e r i p h e r y of the urban areas, although there are some i n c a p i t a l i n t e n s i v e manufacturing and i n c o n s t r u c t i o n a l s o . The s e r v i c e s e c t o r , however, has demonstrated the g r e a t e s t c a p a c i t y to absorb labour, at l e a s t over the 1970s, and to some degree t h i s i s p r i m a r i l y r e l a t e d to the expansion of the government bureaucracy. In a d d i t i o n , labour a b s o r p t i o n i n t h i s s e c t o r i s comprised of employment i n formal trade (e.g., supermarkets) and s e r v i c e s (e.g., t r a n s p o r t a t i o n systems). What i s notable about the formal s e c t o r i s i t s r e l a t i v e l y l i m i t e d c a p a c i t y to o f f e r employment o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r the m a j o r i t y of urban r e s i d e n t s i n Indonesia. As H a r r i s s suggests, d e s p i t e the economic boom of the 1970s, employment e l a s t i c i t y of the formal 129 sector in urban areas was cut by 30%: a f igure which i s l i k e l y to be even higher in the 1980s, given the impact that recession has had on manufacturing (Harr i s s , 1987). In contrast to the formal sector , the informal sector in Indonesia i s character ized by a high . degree of labour absorpt ion, l arge ly because of the nature of the a c t i v i t i e s there in . The informal sector i s composed of a wide var ie ty of smal l - sca le informal a c t i v i t i e s : petty commodity production ( repa ir s , c l o t h i n g , food, and so f o r t h ) , and services (street vending, household serv ices , " i l l e g a l " serv ices , transportat ion) (Forbes, 1980; Moir , 1981; J e l l i n e k , 1987). Although these occupations d i f f e r in terms of the i r employment opportuni t i e s , commonalities that ex i s t between them are the i r f l e x i b i l i t y , transience , i n s t a b i l i t y , and u n p r e d i c t a b i l i t y ; t h e i r low returns and low hours, and the resultant tendency for p a r t i c i p a n t s to hold mult ip le occupations; and the tendency for th i s sect ion of the labour market to be associated with patterns of r u r a l to urban migrat ion . Although th i s sector of the labour market i s often associated with marg ina l i za t ion , t h i s i s too simple an a n a l y s i s . For some, the informal sector of fers better income-generating opportunit ies than the formal sector; as unionizat ion and minimum wage l e g i s l a t i o n are minimal in Indonesia there is no c l ear -cu t d i v i s i o n between the benef i ts of one over the other. Two main processes of change in the urban labour market can be i d e n t i f i e d in the 1970s and ear ly 1980s. The f i r s t of these i s the growth of labour supply (by natural increase or by 130 m i g r a t i o n from r u r a l areas) r e l a t i v e to growth i n labour demand through changes - i n employment o p p o r t u n i t i e s i n d i f f e r e n t s e c t o r s of the economy. The second type of change concerns the changing r e l a t i o n s h i p between i n f o r m a l and formal s e c t o r s of the labour market i n a process that Armstrong and McGee r e f e r to as c o n s e r v a t i o n and d i s s o l u t i o n . In essence t h i s process d e s c r i b e s how i n p e r i o d s of economic change, c e r t a i n a c t i v i t i e s i n the urban economy are r e s t r u c t u r e d and conserved i n a subordinate r e l a t i o n s h i p to c a p i t a l , or are d i s s o l v e d e n t i r e l y . To t h i s might be added the idea of s e l f - p r e s e r v a t i o n , i n which p a r t i c i p a n t s i n c e r t a i n a c t i v i t i e s are able to elude f o r c e s of change and hence preserve t h e i r e x i s t e n c e (Forbes, 1988: see a l s o the d i s c u s s i o n of t h i s i n other c o n t e x t s by C l a r k , 1988). Throughout the 1970s, the r e l a t i v e boom i n the Indonesian economy f a c i l i t a t e d the growth of c e r t a i n aspects of the formal s e c t o r . I n c r e a s i n g c o n s t r u c t i o n and i n d u s t r i a l development c r e a t e d a l i m i t e d number of employment o p p o r t u n i t i e s though f o r the most p a r t these developments were c a p i t a l i n t e n s i v e and thus of l i t t l e consequence f o r employment and the buoyancy of t h i s s e c t o r i n terms of growth and output cannot be s a i d to have drawn people out of other s e c t o r s of the economy to a s i g n i f i c a n t degree (Jones, 1984; Manning, 1988). By c o n t r a s t , the s e r v i c e s e c t o r , p a r t i c u l a r l y the p u b l i c s e c t o r , expanded very r a p i d l y and there was a c o n s i d e r a b l e a b s o r p t i o n of labour i n t o t h i s type of labour i n t e n s i v e employment. In a d d i t i o n , other commoditized s e r v i c e s grew r a p i d l y , eg t r a n s p o r t , s a l e s (supermarkets, and department s t o r e s ) . In c o n j u n c t i o n with 131 other p o l i t i c a l economic changes, the growth of t h i s s e c t o r of the economy had a f a i r l y dramatic e f f e c t on the i n f o r m a l s e c t o r in the 1970s. J e l l i n e k ' s d e s c r i p t i o n of l i f e i n a J a k a r t a kampung i n t h i s p e r i o d g i v e s a good impression of what undoubtably was happening i n many p a r t s of urban Indonesia, f o r example i n Ujung Pandang, Sulawesi (Forbes, 1981). During the 1970s, many i n f o r m a l s e c t o r a c t i v i t i e s became o b s o l e t e and were d i s s o l v e d . For example, the p e t t y commodity p r o d u c t i o n of c e r t a i n goods was superceded by the p r o d u c t i o n (more cheaply, with l e s s labour) of commoditized e q u i v a l e n t s , s t r e e t vending o p p o r t u n i t i e s were i n c r e a s i n g l y being c u r t a i l e d by competition from modern s t o r e s ( i n a d d i t i o n to l e g a l r e s t r i c t i o n s ) , employment i n r e p a i r shops became more untenable as cheap imports r e p l a c e d the need of customers to r e p a i r o l d items. In tandem with these changes, however, some a c t i v i t i e s were conserved: those that c o u l d r e a d i l y be f o r m a l i z e d : e.g. sweat shops, that c o u l d feed i n t o the formal s e c t o r through sub-c o n t r a c t i n g arrangements. Hence some employment p o s s i b i l i t i e s remained i n t a c t and even expanded. G e n e r a l l y , i t seems as though i n t h i s p e r i o d , the r e l a t i v e success of the formal s e c t o r e c l i p s e d the employment ge n e r a t i o n c a p a c i t y of the i n f o r m a l s e c t o r . In the 1980s many of these trends have co n t i n u e d , but there are some important d i f f e r e n c e s . In the formal s e c t o r , the s h i f t towards export o r i e n t a t i o n has generated an i n c r e a s e i n employment o p p o r t u n i t i e s i n labour i n t e n s i v e manufacturing, p r i m a r i l y on the f r i n g e s of urban areas (Mather, 1983; Jones, 132 1984; Manning, 1988). In a d d i t i o n , some employment has been c r e a t e d i n f r e e "trade zones, a l b e i t to a l i m i t e d extent, that s p e c i a l i z e i n labour i n t e n s i v e p r o d u c t i o n of t e x t i l e s and e l e c t r o n i c s f o r export (Warr, 1983). T h i s should be seen however, i n the context of much slower o v e r a l l growth i n t h i s p e r i o d . By c o n t r a s t , the d e c l i n i n g c a p a c i t y of the s t a t e to c r e a t e a d m i n i s t r a t i v e and other s e r v i c e s e c t o r employment has meant that there are much fewer o p p o r t u n i t i e s i n t h i s s e c t o r : as a r e s u l t , much of the young educated workforce i s under or unemployed (FEER, 1988 October:39). In g e n e r a l , the squeeze on the formal s e c t o r has not d i r e c t l y s t i m u l a t e d the in f o r m a l s e c t o r i n the 1980s. Many a c t i v i t i e s have been d i s s o l v e d e n t i r e l y i n c e r t a i n p l a c e s , and although c e r t a i n new vending o p p o r t u n i t i e s have a r i s e n (e.g., s e l l i n g books, magazines, p l a s t i c t o y s , k i t c h e n u t e n s i l s ) , and some a c t i v i t i e s have been preserved through t h e i r i n c o r p o r a t i o n i n t o the formal s e c t o r , much of the employment growth i s a r e s u l t of m a r g i n a l i z a t i o n i n a s i m i l a r manner to th a t of r u r a l a r e a s : as commoditization renders c e r t a i n a c t i v i t i e s o b s o l e t e , c e r t a i n groups of people are o b l i g e d to f i n d other ways of g e t t i n g by. I t c o u l d be argued that the development of s m a l l -s c a l e labour i n t e n s i v e manufacturing, s u b - c o n t r a c t i n g arrangements and so f o r t h , p a r t i c u l a r l y on the urban f r i n g e , together with the r e t r e a t of the s t a t e i n p r o v i d i n g a d m i n i s t r a t i v e jobs has meant t h a t the d i s t i n c t i o n between formal and in f o r m a l has become even more b l u r r e d i n urban areas, and that perhaps i t i s not over s t a t i n g a point to 133 suggest that a degree of i n f o r m a l i z a t i o n of the urban labour market has occu r r e d as more people are m a r g i n a l i z e d , and as urban employment o p p o r t u n i t i e s s h r i n k i n response to r e c e s s i o n . (3) C i r c u l a r m i g r a t i o n and the formation of desakota. E a r l i e r i n t h i s s e c t i o n the degree to which r u r a l i n h a b i t a n t s p a r t i c i p a t e d i n the urban economy was mentioned. T h i s s e c t i o n c o n s i d e r s two i s s u e s concerning the labour market that c a s t doubt on the t r a d i t i o n a l dichotomy between urban and r u r a l labour markets. The f i r s t of these concerns c i r c u l a r m i g r a t i o n , that i s , the temporary c i r c u l a t i o n of people between s p a t i a l l y separate areas - seasonal or otherwise - which has been the focus of s e v e r a l s t u d i e s i n v a r i o u s p a r t s of Indonesia (Hugo, 1978; 1982; J e l l i n e k , 1978; McGee, 1982; Lerman, 1983; H e t l e r , 1989). C i r c u l a r m i g r a t i o n i s a r e l a t i v e l y r e c e n t l y observed type of movement which appears to be g a i n i n g s i g n i f i c a n c e i n Java i n p a r t i c u l a r . I t i s a s s o c i a t e d with the movement of males (and to a l e s s e r degree, females) from r u r a l areas on a temporary b a s i s d u r i n g the s l a c k p e r i o d s of the a g r i c u l t u r a l c y c l e , or otherwise, i n order to s u b s i d i z e t h e i r s and t h e i r household's income with remittances from ( u s u a l l y ) i n f o r m a l s e c t o r employment i n urban areas, and, more s p e c i f i c a l l y on the f r i n g e s of urban a r e a s . E f f e c t i v e l y , the process of c i r c u l a r m i g r a t i o n has c o n t r i b u t e d to the b l u r r i n g of the r u r a l - u r b a n d i s t i n c t i o n , as more r u r a l d w e l l e r s are i n v o l v e d i n the urban economy. I t may a l s o account f o r the l a r g e number of urban 134 inhabitants in both the 1980 and 1985 census who reported the ir p r i n c i p a l occupation to be a g r i c u l t u r e . The second issue is one that has emerged in McGee's ana lys i s of urbanizat ion trends in Java (McGee, 1984; 1987). Having examined data on n o n - a g r i c u l t u r a l employment in Indonesia he supports C o l l i e r ' s conclusion that Java i s becoming a semi-urban populat ion, in which owing to a var ie ty of changes, ( inc luding c i r c u l a r migration) r u r a l inhabitants are e s tab l i sh ing and maintaining c lose employment t i e s with urban and peri -urban areas ( C o l l i e r , 1978). Thus, while by census d e f i n i t i o n s Java is a predominantly r u r a l area , the importance of n o n - a g r i c u l t u r a l employment for r u r a l res idents in the r u r a l areas themselves, and the c lose l i n k s between urban and r u r a l areas that enable r u r a l dwellers to p a r t i c i p a t e in the urban labour market suggests that t h i s conceptual izat ion may be mis leading. Instead, McGee i d e n t i f i e s new regions of economic in terac t ion which he terms "desakota". These regions are character ized by a mix of a g r i c u l t u r a l and low-income non-a g r i c u l t u r a l a c t i v i t e s , i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n that may be re lated to l o c a l a g r i c u l t u r e , and increased s p a t i a l m o b i l i t y . They tend to l i e outside urban core areas of Java, often in transportat ion c o r r i d o r s such as the road between Jakarta and Bogor, and between Surabaya and Sidoarjo (McGee, 1987). These conclusions are strongly supported by a number of observations from a var i e ty of sources (eg Jones, 1984; H a r r i s s , 1987; Hugo et a l . , 1987). In a d d i t i o n , research on factory employment in r u r a l and per i -urban areas has shown an increas ing propensity 135 for footloose manufacturing o u t f i t s to locate in such areas in order to take advantage of the p o s s i b i l i t y of paying sub-subsistence wages which are supplemented by the a g r i c u l t u r a l a c t i v i t i e s of the worker's family/household (Mather, 1983; Wolf, 1984; 1986). F i n a l l y , and in sum to th i s sec t ion , i t i s c l ear that general res tructur ing processes in Indonesia have var ied in the i r impact on r u r a l and urban labour markets. Within these, the gains from new employment opportunit ies that seemingly have been created in the 1970s and to a lesser extent in the ear ly 1980s are l i m i t e d , and there has been f a i r l y substant ia l marginal izat ion occurr ing . The f i n a l sect ion of t h i s chapter focuses on the nature of, extent of, and changes in other forms of segmentation that cross-cut urban and r u r a l labour markets in order to suggest the l i m i t a t i o n s upon access to income-generating a c t i v i t i e s that are posed for various groups of people in Indonesia in the context of macro and l o c a l l e v e l changes under p a r t i c u l a r condit ions of existence. 4 .v . (c ) Labour Market Segmentation and Circumscribed Employment P o s s i b i l i t i e s . The aim of th i s sect ion i s to examine some aspects of labour market segmentation within and between formal and informal labour markets that seem to be in evidence in the 1970s and the 1980s. It i s suggested that far from being competitive and undif ferented, the labour market i s segmented on a number of grounds, re la ted to l o c a l l e v e l processes and condit ions of 136 e x i s t e n c e that e f f e c t i v e l y c i r c u m s c r i b e the employment p o s s i b i l i t i e s of p a r t i c u l a r groups w i t h i n the workforce as a whole. As the focus of t h i s study i s on gender i n the labour market, a d i s c u s s i o n of the s p e c i f i c i t i e s of women's p o s i t i o n i n segmented labour markets i s r e s e r v e d f o r a l a t e r chapter. The purpose here i s to c o n s i d e r the ways i n which the labour market i s c r o s s - c u t by other f a c t o r s , such as e t h n i c i t y . Besides the f r e q u e n t l y d i s c u s s e d segmentation that i s apparent between formal and i n f o r m a l labour markets, t h i s s e c t i o n addresses the i s s u e of segmentation w i t h i n each of these s e c t o r s a l s o . In c o n c l u s i o n , the s p e c i f i c i t y of labour market segmentation i n Indonesia i s d i s c u s s e d . (1) T h e o r i e s of labour market segmentation. Labour market segmentation theory has sought to j e t t i s o n the n o t i o n t h a t the labour market operates c o m p e t i t i v e l y , and i n s t e a d argues that c e r t a i n groups w i t h i n the workforce are c o n f i n e d to p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n one of the two (or one of s e v e r a l ) d i s t i n c t segments w i t h i n labour markets, each wi t h boundaries determined by g e o g r a p h i c a l , o c c u p a t i o n a l and i n s t i t u t i o n a l f a c t o r s . Within the segmentation l i t e r a t u r e there are two broad views as to how t h i s s i t u a t i o n has a r i s e n ; on the one hand there are those that emphasize d i f f e r e n c e s between the segments on the grounds of i n s t i t u t i o n a l f a c t o r s such as l e v e l of u n i o n i z a t i o n , wages, and job s t a b i l i t y t h a t are d e r i v e d from t e c h n o l o g i c a l f a c t o r s i n c a p i t a l i s t development, and the n e c e s s i t y of m a i n t a i n i n g s k i l l e d workers i n p a r t i c u l a r technology- i n t e n s i v e s e c t o r s (Doeringer and P i o r e , 1971). 137 On the other hand there are those that emphasize c a p i t a l ' s "need" f o r c o n t r o l over the labour p r o c e s s : thus segmentation i s o f t e n based upon p r e - e x i s t i n g d i v i s i o n s between groups of people, and i s used as p a r t of an e f f o r t to d i v i d e and conquer workers (Gordon et a l . , 1982). While these t h e o r i e s have been d e v i s e d l a r g e l y i n western c o n t e x t s , they are n e v e r t h e l e s s u s e f u l t o o l s of a n a l y s i s i n T h i r d World s e t t i n g s where i n a d d i t i o n to the above, the c o n s e r v a t i o n and d i s s o l u t i o n of pre-c a p i t a l i s t and i n f o r m a l e d i f i c e s a l s o c r e a t e s and maintains segmentation ( J e l i n , 1982). Labour market segmentation takes many d i f f e r e n t forms i n urban and r u r a l areas of Indonesia. In d i f f e r e n t i n s t a n c e s i t would appear that each of these r a t i o n a l e s f o r segmentation are p l a u s i b l e : segmentation becomes apparent f o r a whole host of reasons, which may not n e c e s s a r i l y be mutually e x c l u s i v e . Rather than focus on the process by which segmentation appears, t h i s p a r t of the chapter accepts segmentation as given and seeks i n s t e a d to d e s c r i b e how segmentation along a number of c r i t e r i a e f f e c t i v e l y p r e c l u d e s e n t r y i n t o p a r t i c u l a r a s p e c t s of the labour market, and thus c u r t a i l s employment p o s s i b i l i t i e s f o r d i f f e r e n t groups of people i n d i f f e r e n t ways. The c r i t e r i a which appear to be important i n c l u d e gender, c l a s s , e t h n i c i t y , e ducation and s k i l l s ; as they are manifested i n Indonesia. (2) Segmentation between formal and i n f o r m a l labour markets. The most obvious and widely commented upon type of segmentation i n Indonesia i s that which e x i s t s between formal and i n f o r m a l s e c t o r s , p a r t i c u l a r l y i n urban a r e a s . The b a s i c 138 c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of each of these sectors in the Indonesian context have already been sketched out in th i s chapter. The task here i s to out l ine on what basis ind iv idua l s are able to gain entry into one or the other of these sec tors . Education, migration or residency status , contacts and patronage, and c lass pos i t ion comprise the four basic c r i t e r i a of segmentation that e x i s t , a l b e i t in s l i g h t l y d i f f erent forms, in urban and r u r a l areas in Indonesia, and that serve to c u r t a i l entry into (usually) the formal sector of the labour market. Many comparisons of formal and informal sector occupations have observed the di f ference in educational attainment between p a r t i c i p a n t s in these sectors (Papanek, 1976; Moir , 1981; J e l l i n e k , 1977, 1978, 1987). This has been marshalled as evidence that education i s an important factor in i n h i b i t i n g occupational mobi l i ty between the formal and informal sector . In a d d i t i o n , studies that have focussed on the r e c r u i t i n g s trategies of d i f f erent formal sector a c t i v i t i e s have supported t h i s : in general studies such as Wolf 's research in factory employment in r u r a l Java, J e l l i n e k ' s study of the employment of poor urban dwellers in Jakarta , and Manning's research in manufacturing segmentation in Indonesia as a whole, has tended suggest that formal sector employers seek employees with at least 3-4 years of primary schooling (Manning, 1980; Wolf, 1986; J e l l i n e k , 1987). This i s not just confined to higher scale service sector occupations, but also to r e l a t i v e l y low-s k i l l e d manufacturing employment. Educational requirements of d i f f e r e n t formal sector occupations, therefore , have tended to 139 preclude the employment of c e r t a i n i n d i v i d u a l s i n the formal s e c t o r of the labour market. The second c r i t e r i o n of segmentation between formal and i n f o r m a l s e c t o r s , that i s , m i g r a t i o n and r e s i d e n c y s t a t u s , i s of more consequence in urban than i n r u r a l a r e a s . Research by demographers such as C r o c k e t t (1983), Shah and Smith (1984), and from an a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l p e r s p e c t i v e by J e l l i n e k (1987) has h i g h l i g h t e d the importance of t h i s i n s t r u c t u r i n g e ntry i n t o v a r i o u s p a r t s of the labour market. C o n s i d e r a b l e work s t a t u s d i f f e r e n c e s have been found between d i f f e r e n t i n d i v i d u a l s on the b a s i s of d u r a t i o n of r e s i d e n c e i n urban areas - i n g e n e r a l , longer r e s i d e n c y i m p l i e s a g r e a t e r p r o p e n s i t y or a b i l i t y f o r entry i n t o formal s e c t o r employment. In p a r t , t h i s c r i t e r i o n i s r e l a t e d to the t h i r d , t h a t i s , c o n t a c t s and patronage. Throughout a l l aspects of l i f e i n Indonesia, c o n t a c t s and patronage form an important element of t r a n s a c t i o n s of a whole range of types. In r u r a l Java, Hart has shown how c o n t a c t s and l i n e s of patronage between p a r t i c u l a r groups of workers and the r u r a l e l i t e , u s u a l l y on the b a s i s of ownership of l a n d , are an important element i n s t r u c t u r i n g access to the more l u c r a t i v e and secure types of a g r i c u l t u r a l employment which might be conceived of as " f o r m a l " (Hart, 1986). In r u r a l and p e r i - u r b a n areas, e n t r y i n t o manufacturing employment i s very o f t e n on the b a s i s of c o n t a c t s : e i t h e r d i r e c t l y (through the v i l l a g e l u r a h -headperson), or i n d i r e c t l y , through networks of knowledge about the a v a i l a b i l i t y of v a r i o u s types of employment and about how to apply (Mather, 1983; Wolf, 1986). 140 By c o n t r a s t , i n urban areas, k i n s h i p , neighbourhood and area of o r i g i n c o n t a c t s provide the b a s i s f o r entry c e r t a i n l y i n t o manufacturing employment, and i n the 1970s, f o r entry i n t o formal s e c t o r government s e r v i c e s . In the l a t t e r case, the d e c l i n e i n growth and the r e s t r u c t u r i n g of t h i s s e c t o r have meant that l e s s p e r s o n a l i z e d modes of segmentation such as education have become of g r e a t e r consequence ( J e l l i n e k , 1987). F i n a l l y , and under-pinning many of the c r i t e r i a thus f a r d i s c u s s e d i s the i s s u e of s o c i a l c l a s s . Given that education, m i g r a t i o n s t a t u s and c o n t a c t s are c l o s e l y r e l a t e d to the s o c i a l c l a s s of an i n d i v i d u a l , t h i s i s c l e a r l y an important f a c t o r u n d e r l y i n g segmentation between formal and i n f o r m a l employment. In a d d i t i o n , i n many i n s t a n c e s , c l a s s has a more d i r e c t e f f e c t . In order to o b t a i n employment i n the formal s e c t o r , c o n s i d e r a b l e time and e f f o r t must be put i n t o l o o k i n g f o r employment. Few can a c t u a l l y a f f o r d the time away from other income-generating a c t i v i t i e s t o do t h i s ( J e l l i n e k , 1987). These segmentation c r i t e r i a p r o v i d e some e x p l a n a t i o n f o r why the labour market i n Indonesia does not operate c o m p e t i t i v e l y , and why c e r t a i n p o s s i b i l i t i e s are obscured from p a r t i c u l a r elements of the workforce. Although these c r i t e r i a c e r t a i n l y d i v i d e extremes between the formal and i n f o r m a l s e c t o r , i t i s c l e a r t h at the nature of labour market segmentation i n Indonesia i s more complex than a simple d u a l i s t i c model would imply. As Kannappan suggests, the labour market i n r u r a l and urban areas comprises a spectrum of c a p i t a l - w i d e n i n g a c t i v i t i e s and v a r i a t i o n s i n ease of e n t r y , e a r n i n g s , 141 and labour q u a l i t y that are not n e c e s s a r i l y r e l a t e d to formal s e c t o r / i n f o r m a l s e c t o r c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s . (Kannappan, 1985:705) The next s e c t i o n examines how segmentation c r i t e r i a serve to c r o s s - c u t and d i v i d e the formal and i n f o r m a l s e c t o r s themselves, thus p r e c l u d i n g the p a r t i c i p a t i o n of c e r t a i n i n d i v i d u a l s even w i t h i n each of these broad s e c t o r s . (3) Segmentation w i t h i n formal and i n f o r m a l labour markets. S t u d i e s of labour market segmentation i n Indonesia have r e v e a l e d that f a r from the formal labour market o p e r a t i n g i n a co m p e t i t i v e f a s h i o n , there i s a hig h degree of segmentation between d i f f e r e n t a s p e c t s of the formal s e c t o r . T h i s i s most n o t i c e a b l e i n the i n d u s t r i a l s e c t o r . Manning's (1980) d i s c u s s i o n of labour market segmentation i n Indonesian manufacturing suggests that employment i n t h i s s e c t o r should not be regarded as homogeneous, but r a t h e r i s segmented acr o s s four main s e c t o r s : domestic non-mechanized i n d u s t r y (employing mostly young, r e l a t i v e l y uneducated females with some work e x p e r i e n c e ) , domestic low c a p i t a l i n t e n s i v e i n d u s t r y (employing young males with l i t t l e e d u c a t i o n ) , domestic hi g h c a p i t a l i n t e n s i v e i n d u s t r y (employing young urban educated males), and f i n a l l y , foreign-owned i n d u s t r y (employing s k i l l e d educated urban males). Using evidence from h i s s t u d i e s of the weaving i n d u s t r y , and the manufacture of kretek ( c l o v e c i g a r e t t e s ) and c i g a r e t t e s , he shows the degree to which the formal s e c t o r i s segmented among these four s e c t o r s on the b a s i s of wage l e v e l s , management and c o n t r o l of labour, t e c h n o l o g i c a l 142 d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n , and the r o l e of f o r e i g n investment. The c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the workers i n each of these segments suggests that s i m i l a r c r i t e r i a of segmentation of workers are i n o p e r a t i o n w i t h i n the formal s e c t o r as were i n o p e r a t i o n between f o r m a l / i n f o r m a l s e c t o r s . In t h i s study, education, s k i l l s and gender d i f f e r e n c e s were brought i n t o p l a y , c o n f i n i n g c e r t a i n groups w i t h i n the workforce to c e r t a i n a c t i v i t i e s i n p a r t i c u l a r s e c t o r s . I t i s notable that there i s very l i t t l e d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n between formal and i n f o r m a l employment i n terms of u n i o n i z a t i o n . Throughout the formal s e c t o r u n i o n i z a t i o n i s of minimal consequence, l a r g e l y due to the s u c c e s s f u l e f f o r t s of the s t a t e i n c u r t a i l i n g labour unrest by a s e r i e s of laws ( p a n c a s i l a labour r e l a t i o n s ) that have e f f e c t i v e l y c r i m i n a l i z e d most union a c t i v i t i e s (Marlow, 1989). In a d d i t i o n to these c r i t e r i a might be added the r o l e of e t h n i c i t y which, through the mechanism of s t a t i s t i c a l d i s c r i m i n a t i o n based on proxy i n d i c a t o r s such as p l a c e of o r i g i n , e t h n i c , k i n s h i p group membership, and spoken language, p l a y s a r o l e i n the recruitment s t r a t e g i e s of i n d i v i d u a l s w i t h i n the formal s e c t o r . A second mechanism that e f f e c t i v e l y segments access to formal s e c t o r employment concerns the impact of c o n t a c t s and patronage. One example of how t h i s operates i s found i n r e s e a r c h on the employment of young women i n f a c t o r i e s i n r u r a l and p e r i - u r b a n areas i n Java. Mather (1983) found that l o c a l I s l a m i c l e a d e r s p l a y e d a major r o l e i n the recruitment of employees to the f a c t o r i e s : t h i s process was found to be o p e r a t i n g i n r u r a l Java where the 143 v i l l a g e head (lu r a h ) played a s i m i l a r r o l e (Wolf, 1986). E f f e c t i v e l y t h i s s t r u c t u r e d access to t h i s type of employment as w e l l as p r o v i d i n g an e f f e c t i v e means of labour c o n t r o l . In the a g r i c u l t u r a l labour market, segmentation c r i t e r i a p l a y an important r o l e i n s t r u c t u r i n g access to a g r i c u l t u r a l employment p o s s i b i l i t i e s . Though i n g e n e r a l , s k i l l i s an important f a c t o r , of much g r e a t e r consequence are r e l a t i o n s of patronage and access to a g r i c u l t u r a l land i n s t r u c t u r i n g access to p a i d a g r i c u l t u r a l work. Hart's s t u d i e s of e x c l u s i o n a r y labour arrangements, which have been d i s c u s s e d at l e n g t h i n e a r l i e r s e c t i o n s , suggest that m a r g i n a l i z a t i o n i n the labour p rocess i s s t r u c t u r e d by the nature of r e l a t i o n s that are f o s t e r e d between p a r t i c u l a r members of the r u r a l e l i t e (who can pro v i d e employment o p p o r t u n i t i e s ) and p a r t i c u l a r groups of the peasantry, based on patronage and p o l i t i c a l a l l e g i a n c e . Access to a g r i c u l t u r a l employment of groups who do not meet these c r i t e r i a i s s e v e r e l y c u r t a i l e d . In a d d i t i o n , access to a g r i c u l t u r a l land appears to underpin t h i s r e l a t i o n s h i p - the l a n d l e s s are p l a c e d at an even g r e a t e r disadvantage i n the r u r a l labour market than are those with access to sawah ( r i c e paddy). As with segmentation i n i n d u s t r y , t h i s can be regarded as an e f f e c t i v e means of s o c i a l c o n t r o l . W i t h i n the i n f o r m a l s e c t o r , segmentation i s important. H a r r i s s p o i n t s to the h i g h l y d i f f e r e n t i a t e d nature of the i n f o r m a l s e c t o r i n general /terms, on the b a s i s of the s t r u c t u r e of wages, types of economic u n i t s , r e l a t i v e s u b o r d i n a t i o n or autonomy, p r o t e c t i o n or l a c k of p r o t e c t i o n , i r r e g u l a r i t y or 144 r e g u l a r i t y and i n terms of the p a r t i c u l a r i z a t i o n of search procedures and access to employment i n d i f f e r e n t aspects of t h i s s e c t o r ( H a r r i s s , 1987). There i s much evidence to suggest that access to income-generating p o s s i b i l i t i e s i n t h i s s e c t o r i s not e n t i r e l y f r e e , and that there i s d i s t i n c t segmentation around these i s s u e s . There are four r e l a t e d c r i t e r i a by which c e r t a i n groups get channeled i n t o p a r t i c u l a r segments and occupations i s w i t h i n t h i s s e c t o r . F i r s t , e ducation l e v e l s tend to s t r u c t u r e ^ e n t r y i n t o p a r t i c u l a r occupations, p a r t i c u l a r l y those that r e q u i r e some l e v e l of l i t e r a c y . Second, and more imp o r t a n t l y , the p o s s e s s i o n of p a r t i c u l a r s k i l l s i s of great consequence. Often s k i l l s are d e r i v e d from c o n t a c t with f a m i l y or f r i e n d s and are passed on i n t h i s i n f o r m a l manner. As Moir p o i n t s out, the po s s e s s i o n of p a r t i c u l a r s k i l l s , or lack t h e r e o f tends to preclude o c c u p a t i o n a l m o b i l i t y or m o b i l i t y between d i f f e r e n t segments of the i n f o r m a l s e c t o r (Moir, 1981). A t h i r d f a c t o r which to some degree comprises a c r i t e r i o n of segmentation i n the i n f o r m a l s e c t o r i s t h a t of m i g r a t i o n . The o b l i g a t i o n f o r many urban workers to r e t u r n p e r i o d i c a l l y to the n a t a l v i l l a g e may c o n f i n e workers i n t o p a r t i c u l a r p a r t s of the i n f o r m a l s e c t o r - some occupations are more f l e x i b l e than o t h e r s , and thus more conducive t o combining with c i r c u l a r m igratory p a t t e r n s , f o r example, the i c e cream s e l l e r s of J a k a r t a d e s c r i b e d by J e l l i n e k (1978). F i n a l l y , and probably most im p o r t a n t l y i n t h i s c o n t e x t , i s the r o l e of c o n t a c t s i n d e f i n i n g the boundaries of employment p o s s i b i l i t i e s i n the urban i n f o r m a l s e c t o r . W i t h i n t h i s c r i t e r i o n are i n c l u d e d 145 f a c t o r s such as k i n s h i p , p l a c e of b i r t h and e t h n i c i t y . To t h i s might be added neighbourhood c o n t a c t s w i t h i n the c i t y as these tend to o v e r l a p with the f a c t o r s such as place of b i r t h . T h i s , as Forbes suggests, accounts f o r the " c l o s e d shop" nature of much small s c a l e e n t e r p r i s e on the b a s i s of p l a c e and e t h n i c l i n k s (Forbes, 1988). There are many examples of t h i s type of segmentation i n urban and r u r a l areas of Indonesia. S t u d i e s i n J a k a r t a r e v e a l c e r t a i n r e g i o n a l s p e c i a l i z a t i o n s such as the Batak bus d r i v e r s of J a k a r t a (Papanek, 1976), and the tendency f o r most domestic s e r v a n t s to o r i g i n a t e from C e n t r a l Java. In c i t i e s elsewhere i n Java, examples from v a r i o u s r e s e a r c h p r o j e c t s suggest that i n Semarang, Solo and J a k a r t a , female jamu ( t r a d i t i o n a l medicine) and male bakso (soup) vendors tend to o r i g i n a t e from Wonogiri i n C e n t r a l Java ( H e t l e r , 1989), and elsewhere vegetable and f r u i t s e l l e r s come from K l a t e n i n C e n t r a l Java (Speare and H a r r i s , 1986). Often, these r e g i o n a l s p e c i a l i z a t i o n s r e l a t e to the system of c o n t a c t s that e x i s t between c i t y and v i l l a g e . As Kannappan w r i t e s , the labour market i s blanketed by a network of formal and i n f o r m a l channels t h a t t r a n s m i t i n f o r m a t i o n about jobs and workers, d e s i r e d and a v a i l a b l e a t t r i b u t e s , and c o s t s and b e n e f i t s of search. (Kannappan, 1985:713) These p a t t e r n s a l s o r e f l e c t a c o n t i n u a t i o n of r e g i o n a l s p e c i a l i z a t i o n s that o r i g i n a l l y were based on the procurement of l o c a l i z e d raw m a t e r i a l s , and h i s t o r i c a l p a t t e r n s of p r o d u c t i o n (Sutoro, n.d.). I t i s evident t h a t p l a c e and 146 e t h n i c i t y play a s i g n i f i c a n t role in prescr ib ing the nature of employment of p a r t i c u l a r groups of the workforce. In par t , the manner in which c r i t e r i a of segmentation cross -cut the formal/ informal dichotomy is associated with the general b l u r r i n g between the two that seems to be becoming even more apparent in the ear ly 1980s. As employment p o s s i b i l i t i e s become even more r e s t r i c t e d in the formal and informal sector , labour market segmentation seems increas ingly to be based upon c r i t e r i a such as c l a s s , e t h n i c i t y , place of o r i g i n - factors that re la te d i r e c t l y to condit ions of existence in Indonesia. In sum, th i s i s suggestive of the s p e c i f i c i t i e s of the Indonesian s i t u a t i o n : while the mechanisms of conservation and d i s s o l u t i o n of d i f f erent p o s s i b i l i t i e s within the labour market i s s imi lar to that which i s apparent in other p laces , the form that th i s takes in th i s instance i s qui te spec i f i c to Indonesia, and r e f l e c t s the operation of macro-level processes with l o c a l processes and condit ions of existence. 3 . v i . Summary and Conclusions. This chapter has presented an overview of the context within which women's labour force p a r t i c i p a t i o n i s s i tuated . In p a r t i c u l a r , a t tent ion has focussed on the impl icat ions that s h i f t s in macro and l o c a l - l e v e l processes and the ir re la t ionsh ips have for the labour market, under p a r t i c u l a r condit ions of existence. It i s c l ear that over the 1970s and ear ly 1980s, g lobal changes have had a profound impact on 147 economic r e s t r u c t u r i n g i n Indonesia. The s p e c i f i c i t y of the way i n which these changes have been manifested i n Indonesia i s r e l a t e d to the r o l e played by the s t a t e , and by o v e r l a p p i n g r e l a t i o n s h i p s based on c l a s s and e t h n i c i t y . Together, these have forged the t e x t u r e of the labour market i n Indonesia. In a d d i t i o n , the p a r t i c u l a r i t i e s of employment are c o n d i t i o n e d by labour market segmentation which i s i t s e l f r e l a t e d to p r e v a i l i n g c o n d i t i o n s of e x i s t e n c e i n Indonesia. The r e s u l t i s a s e r i e s of d i s t i n c t employment p o s s i b i l i t i e s f o r p a r t i c u l a r groups of people i n Indonesia that over the 1970s and e a r l y 1980s appear to be changing. In the next chapter, the s p e c i f i c i t i e s of gender i n e q u a l i t y i n Indonesia are sketched out, i n p a r t i c u l a r , the c o n s t r u c t i o n and e x t e n s i o n of f a m i l i a l i d e ology i n Indonesia i n the 1970s and e a r l y 1980s. T h i s comprises the second s t e p i n the a n a l y s i s of changes and c o n t i n u i t i e s i n p a t t e r n s of women's employment throughout Indonesia i n t h i s p e r i o d . 148 CHAPTER FOUR WORKPLACE, STATE AND HOUSEHOLD: THE CONSTRUCTION OF FAMILIAL IDEOLOGY IN INDONESIA. Not a l l women become mothers, but a l l , o b v i o u s l y are daughters, and daughters become mothers. Even daughters who never become mothers must c o n f r o n t the i s s u e s of motherhood, because the p o s s i b i l i t y and even the p r o b a b i l i t y of motherhood remains. (Signe Hammer, 1986. C i t e d i n Maroney, 1987) The r o l e of women i n development should i n c r e a s e harmoniously with t h e i r r o l e i n c r e a t i n g h e a l t h y and prosperous f a m i l i e s , g u i d i n g the young g e n e r a t i o n , the youth and under f i v e s , i n the context of the development of the t o t a l Indonesian Man. ( R e p e l i t a I I I , 1978-1983) 4 . i . I n t r o d u c t i o n . The i s s u e of gender i n e q u a l i t y i s c e n t r a l to any understanding of the p o s i t i o n of women i n the labour market. In order t o ana l y s e women's work i n a p a r t i c u l a r c o n t e x t , i t i s necessary to examine f i r s t , the nature of gender r e l a t i o n s : t h e i r h i s t o r i c a l c o n s t r u c t i o n and n e g o t i a t i o n , and second, the manner i n which gender i n e q u a l i t i e s c r e a t e and dismantle p a r t i c u l a r forms of workforce p a r t i c i p a t i o n . T h i s chapter i s concerned with examining the nature and o p e r a t i o n of a p a r t i c u l a r i d e ology of gender i n Indonesia: i t s h i s t o r i c a l and c u l t u r a l s p e c i f i c i t y , and i t s i n f l u e n c e upon women's p o s i t i o n i n the labour market. The chapter i s composed of f i v e main p a r t s . The f i r s t p a r t of t h i s chapter r e t u r n s to B a r r e t t ' s f o r m u l a t i o n of " f a m i l i a l 149 i d e o l o g y " as an e x p l a n a t i o n of the means by which women's p o s i t i o n i n the labour market i s s t r u c t u r e d . In an e f f o r t to counter some of the problems that B a r r e t t ' s c o n c e p t u a l i z a t i o n encounters, her theory i s extended i n t o a framework, which, i t i s hoped, allows a broader and l e s s e t h n o c e n t r i c i n t e r p r e t a t i o n and a n a l y s i s of gender i n e q u a l i t y to be conducted. The second • p a r t of t h i s chapter d i s c u s s e s the nature of " f a m i l i a l i s m " w i t h i n a p a r t i c u l a r h i s t o r i c a l and c u l t u r a l s i t u a t i o n : Indonesia. A t t e n t i o n i s drawn to c o n t e s t e d and n e g o t i a t e d h i s t o r i c a l processes i n Indonesia t h a t have l e d to the emergence of p a r t i c u l a r n o t i o n s of gender i d e n t i t y and a p p r o p r i a t e r o l e s f o r men and women, that together c o n s t i t u t e what might now be termed " f a m i l i a l i d e o l o g y " i n contemporary Indonesia. The t h i r d p a r t of the chapter i s concerned more d i r e c t l y with the o p e r a t i o n of t h i s p a r t i c u l a r i d eology as a means of s t r u c t u r i n g women's employment p o s s i b i l i t i e s i n Indonesia, and e s p e c i a l l y i t s mode and spheres of o p e r a t i o n . Emphasis i s p l a c e d upon the r o l e of the s t a t e i n extending a p a r t i c u l a r v e r s i o n of f a m i l i a l i d e o l o g y throughout Indonesia. F i n a l l y , p a r t four c o n s i d e r s the ways i n which f a m i l i a l i d e o l o g y has i n f l u e n c e d ( i n a r e c i p r o c a l manner) women's p o s i t i o n i n the labour market i n Indonesia, the aim being to develop a framework f o r i n t e r p r e t i n g the s p e c i f i c i t i e s of women's labour f o r c e p a r t i c i p a t i o n which w i l l p r o v i d e a focus f o r Chapter F i v e of t h i s t h e s i s . 150 4 . i i . Constructing Familialism; Workplace, State and Household. The discussion of feminist analyses of gender i n e q u a l i t i e s in the labour market in Chapter Two emphasized the importance of avoiding on the one hand, the inherent reductionism common to marxist feminist theories of gender inequality, and on the other hand, the ahistoricism and universalism that pervade dual-systems theories of gender inequality. This has steered the t h e o r e t i c a l orientation of the discussion towards Michele Barrett's theorization of gender inequality, in which unequal relations between men and women are seen to rest upon the operation of a materially-grounded but r e l a t i v e l y autonomous ideology of familialism. The purpose of t h i s section i s f i r s t to c r i t i c a l l y sketch out in more d e t a i l , the architecture of Barrett's theory, and second, to raise some of i t s inherent d i f f i c u l t i e s . Having done so, an extended version of Barrett's theory w i l l be used as a template for a framework which, i t i s hoped, i s able to counter some of the more sal i e n t l i m i t a t i o n s of her theory, and that, in addition, i s useful for conceptualizing gender inequality in the contemporary Indonesian context. 4. i i . ( a ) F a m i l i a l Ideology and Women's Oppression Today. In Women's Oppression Today, Barrett proposes that gender inequality in contemporary c a p i t a l i s t society i s rooted in the operation of a p a r t i c u l a r "family/household system". This 151 comprises the conjuncture of two d i s t i n c t but r e l a t e d elements that together are m u t u a l l y - r e i n f o r c i n g : the gender d i v i s i o n of labour, and an ideology of f a m i l i a l i s m . B a r r e t t argues that although a d i v i s i o n of labour i s an i n t e g r a l p a r t of the l o g i c of c a p i t a l i s m , the se g r e g a t i o n of men and women i n t o p a r t i c u l a r p a r t s of t h i s d i v i s i o n i s not. For h i s t o r i c a l reasons, however, women have become r e s p o n s i b l e f o r p a r t i c u l a r a c t i v i t i e s , f o r example, c h i l d c a r e . T h i s a l l o c a t i o n of labour, she suggests, i s r e f l e c t i v e of a p r e - c a p i t a l i s t gender ideology that has been i n c o r p o r a t e d i n a manner that b e n e f i t s c a p i t a l i s m . I t i s not c a p i t a l i s m per se that subordinates women, nor any " n a t u r a l " r o l e of women, but the manner i n which a p a r t i c u l a r gender ideology has become a s s o c i a t e d with and i n c o r p o r a t e d w i t h i n the m a t e r i a l r e l a t i o n s of p r o d u c t i o n under c a p i t a l i s m . T h i s i d e o l o g y , together with the c o n s t r a i n t s posed by the gender d i v i s i o n of labour, serves to s t r u c t u r e women's p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the workforce f i r s t by a s c r i b i n g p a r t i c u l a r gendered i d e n t i t i e s ( s u b j e c t i v i t y ) to i n d i v i d u a l s , and second, by the i d e o l o g i c a l a s c r i p t i o n of p a r t i c u l a r t asks as a p p r o p r i a t e f o r men or women i n the family/household. F a m i l i a l i d e o l o g y i s r e c r e a t e d and endorsed by v a r i o u s i d e o l o g i c a l s t a t e apparatuses such as educati o n , the media, and other i d e o l o g i c a l a s p e c t s of the s t a t e , f o r example l e g i s l a t i o n concerning the workplace and "the f a m i l y " . The n o t i o n of ideology employed by B a r r e t t owes much to A l t h u s s e r (1971), f i r s t , through her emphasis on the r e l a t i v e autonomy of f a m i l i a l i s m to the m a t e r i a l ; and second, i n terms 152 of the manner i n which i t s e x t e n s i o n through the s o c i a l formation i s c o n c e p t u a l i z e d . In a d d i t i o n , the i n f l u e n c e and o p e r a t i o n of t h i s i d e ology i s conceived as a "top down" proce s s : the c e n t r a l r o l e of the b o u r g e i o s i e i n a r t i c u l a t i n g f a m i l i a l ideology i s noted i n p a r t i c u l a r . In essence, t h e r e f o r e , her d i s c u s s i o n of f a m i l i a l ideology suggests that she conceives of i t as a c l a s s - r e l a t e d p r o c e s s , which, she maintains, accounts f o r the apparent d i s j u n c t u r e that e x i s t s between the ideology and the r e a l i t i e s of the l i v e s of people from d i f f e r e n t c l a s s p o s i t i o n s . D e s p i t e the parentage of her theory, B a r r e t t d i s t a n c e s h e r s e l f somewhat from an A l t h u s s e r i a n p o s i t i o n by emphasizing the h i s t o r i c a l underpinnings of the r e l a t i o n s h i p between the m a t e r i a l and the i d e o l o g i c a l . As was suggested i n Chapter Two, two s u s t a i n e d c r i t i q u e s of the p o s i t i o n taken by B a r r e t t i n t h e o r i z i n g unequal gender r e l a t i o n s have emerged: f i r s t , with respect to the e t h n o c e n t r i c assumptions that underpin much of her a n a l y s i s , and second, f o r her c o n c e p t u a l i z a t i o n of i d e o l o g y . C r t i q u e s of B a r r e t t ' s ethnocentrism by both Black and T h i r d World f e m i n i s t s have tended to r e v o l v e around the i s s u e of the f a m i l y , i n p a r t i c u l a r , her conception of i t as the l o c u s of women's op p r e s s i o n . I t i s argued that while t h i s may be t r u e f o r white women i n the West, f o r other women, oppr e s s i o n may be f e l t p r i m a r i l y through other spheres such as the s t a t e . Although B a r r e t t c o n s i d e r s spheres other than the family/household as a l s o being important i n s t r u c t u r i n g women's oppr e s s i o n and r e i n f o r c i n g gender i n e q u a l i t y , she does, somewhat 153 problemat ica l ly , assume a common experience of the family/household nexus c r o s s - c u l t u r a l l y (Carby, 1982). In a d d i t i o n , and re lated to th i s po int , i s the cross -c u l t u r a l v a l i d i t y of her analys i s of "gendering" of i n d i v i d u a l s , given that the meanings ascribed to "female" are not necessar i ly the same e i ther temporally, or across cul tures (Fraser and Nicholson, 1988). Although s u b j e c t i v i t y may be b u i l t around the same concrete reference, i . e . women's b io logy , "womanhood" and what i t means to be female v a r i e s . To i l l u s t r a t e t h i s po int , in her introduct ion to the second ed i t ion of Women's Oppression Today, Barrett c i t e s the example of black women's work. Despite being character ized as heavy phys ica l labour, in black women's terms i t i s given a "feminine" a s c r i p t i o n , contrary to that which would be g iven, for example, to a white middle c la s s woman in a western context (Barret t , 1988). The second source of c r i t i c i s m concerns B a r r e t t ' s use of ideology as a basis of gender i n e q u a l i t y . In t h e i r d iscuss ion of B a r r e t t ' s ideas, Brenner and Ramas are c r i t i c a l of B a r r e t t ' s incorporat ion of ideology into her argument: they see i t as B a r r e t t ' s "deux ex machina, her means of escape from the vexing dilemma of the M a r x i s t - r e d u c t i o n i s t / d u a l systems- ideal i s t impasse of s o c i a l i s t feminist thought" (Brenner and Ramas, 1984). Their pos i t ion i s , in p a r t , r e f l e c t i v e of a general suspic ion in the mid- 1980s of any analys i s that was presented in Al thusser ian terms. This as ide , the problems that Brenner and Ramas ident i fy concern what they see as B a r r e t t ' s somewhat 154 s t a t i c d e p i c t i o n of f a m i l i a l ideology that i s couched w i t h i n an al r e a d y d e f i n e d set of ideas about women and men. In Brenner and Ramas's d i s c u s s i o n , B a r r e t t ' s concept of f a m i l i a l i d e ology i s c h a r a c t e r i z e d as a mysterious, powerful, unchanging phenomenon - one that imposes i t s e l f upon i n d i v i d u a l s who accept i t p a s s i v e l y and f o r reasons that are r e a l l y not very c l e a r (Brenner and Ramas, 1984:69) To some degree, t h i s i s an ac c u r a t e d e p i c t i o n : there i s a s t a t i c element to B a r r e t t ' s n o t i o n of f a m i l i a l i d e o l o g y , and her emphasis upon the "top down" o p e r a t i o n of a p r e - c a p i t a l i s t f a m i l i a l i d e ology e f f e c t i v e l y negates the p o s s i b i l i t y of human agency i n the c r e a t i o n and c o n t e s t a t i o n of that i d e o l o g y . To counter the problems that are inherent i n B a r r e t t ' s a n a l y s i s , Brenner and Ramas advocate j e t t i s o n i n g " i d e o l o g y " as a b a s i s f o r a n a l y s i n g unequal gender r e l a t i o n s , and i n s t e a d c a l l f o r a reest a b l i s h m e n t of e x p l a n a t i o n based upon the m a t e r i a l , i n p a r t i c u l a r , the gender d i v i s i o n of labour as c o n d i t i o n e d by women's b i o l o g y . T h i s p o s i t i o n i s o v e r l y r e d u c t i o n i s t f o r two reasons: f i r s t , i t i s problematic to reduce women's i n e q u a l i t y to a b i o l o g i c a l e x p l a n a t i o n . Second, t h e i r theory e f f e c t i v e l y reduces women's experience to c a p i t a l - l a b o u r power r e l a t i o n s . However, t h e i r advocation of an a n a l y s i s that regards the c o n s t r u c t i o n of i d e o l o g y as a mediated process i n which i n d i v i d u a l s a c t i v e l y engage, has the c a p a c i t y to overcome the s t a t i c c o n c e p t u a l i z a t i o n of ide o l o g y that i s evi d e n t i n B a r r e t t ' s account. 155 To counter the inherent problems of B a r r e t t ' s n o t i o n of i d e o l o g y : i t s u n i v e r s a l i s m , i t s s t a t i c nature, top-down o p e r a t i o n , and the manner in which i t i s i n p a r t premised on the c a p i t a l - l a b o u r r e l a t i o n , a number of i s s u e s need to be d e a l t with i n order to c o n s t r u c t a concept of ideology that has the a n a l y t i c a l c a p a c i t y to d e a l with unequal gender r e l a t i o n s i n v a r y i n g h i s t o r i c a l and c u l t u r a l c o n t e x t s . A more f l u i d concept of ideology would be one that i n c o r p o r a t e s f i r s t , as Brenner and Ramas suggest, the view t h a t ideology i s a c o n t e s t e d process, and second, the idea t h a t i d e n t i t i e s and r o l e s , as w e l l as ideology i t s e l f , are not premised on any f i x e d meaning, but i n s t e a d are s o c i a l l y - c o n s t r u c t e d w i t h i n given h i s t o r i c a l and c u l t u r a l c o n t e x t s , and are t h e r e f o r e changeable, a l b e i t , w i t h i n the c o n f i n e s of m a t e r i a l power r e l a t i o n s . T h i r d , the m a t e r i a l b a s i s f o r a more f l u i d gender ide o l o g y need not n e c e s s a r i l y be rooted i n the c a p i t a l - l a b o u r r e l a t i o n s h i p : other forms of power r e l a t i o n need to be given r e c o g n i t i o n a l s o . Throughout the 1970s, and more r e c e n t l y i n the 1980s, a s e r i e s of complex debates co n c e r n i n g i s s u e s of s u b j e c t i v i t y and i d e o l o g y have emerged that address the three themes o u t l i n e d above. The f o l l o w i n g s e c t i o n sketches a s p e c t s of these debates that are p e r t i n e n t to the r e c o n s t r u c t i o n of a theory of f a m i l i a l i d e o l o g y that i s s u g g e s t i v e of processes of n e g o t i a t i o n and change, without being e t h n o c e n t r i c or n e c e s s a r i l y r e d u c i b l e to c l a s s r e l a t i o n s . 156 4 . i i . ( b ) P e r s p e c t i v e s on Ideology, S u b j e c t i v i t y and Gender I n e q u a l i t y . In the 1970s, debates surrounding the issue of ideology among M a r x i s t s were concerned i n general with r e p l a c i n g the C l a s s i c a l M a r x i s t n o t i o n of " f a l s e c onsciousness" i n which ideology i s seen as c l a s s - b a s e d m y s t i f i c a t i o n , with a theory of ideology that was l e s s r e d u c t i o n i s t , and that had gr e a t e r a n a l y t i c a l c a p a b i l i t y . Among M a r x i s t s , two strands developed: A l t h u s s e r i a n approaches to id e o l o g y , and those r e l a t e d to the work of Gramsci. A l t h u s s e r ' s theory of ideology, upon which B a r r e t t ' s theory of gender i n e q u a l i t y i s based, emphasizes the r o l e of a r e l a t i v e l y autonomous ideology i n s u s t a i n i n g the re p r o d u c t i o n of c a p i t a l i s t r e l a t i o n s of p r o d u c t i o n ( H a l l , 1988). The r u l i n g i d e o l o g y , i t i s argued, i s extended through the a c t i v i t i e s of what are termed " i d e o l o g i c a l s t a t e apparatuses": education, f a m i l y p o l i c y , and the media, to name but a few. Besides i t s c l a s s c o n n o t a t i o n s , the m a t e r i a l base of r u l i n g i d e o l o g y i s l o c a t e d i n the " i n t e r p e l l a t i o n of i n d i v i d u a l s as s u b j e c t s " , whereby s u b j e c t i v i t y i s c o n s t i t u t e d by the r u l i n g i d e o l o g y . An i n d i v i d u a l thus becomes an agent of tha t p a r t i c u l a r i d eology (Weedon, 1987). Although A l t h u s s e r ' s theory of ide o l o g y has been very i n f l u e n t i a l , p a r t i c u l a r l y h i s no t i o n of s u b j e c t i v i t y , the i m p l i c i t f u n c t i o n a l i s m with which the theory i s imbued, l e d i n the 1970s to a r e k i n d l i n g of i n t e r e s t i n the work of Gramsci, i n p a r t i c u l a r , with the concept of hegemony. 157 By emphasizing the " s t r u g g l e and c o n t e s t a t i o n f o r the space i n which to c o n s t r u c t an i d e o l o g i c a l hegemony", Gramscian approaches aim to cut through the f u n c t i o n a l i s m and s t a t i c "top-down" n o t i o n of ideology that c h a r a c t e r i z e s many A l t h u s s e r i a n approaches, i n c l u d i n g the work of B a r r e t t ( H a l l , 1988:48). Acco r d i n g to Gramscian p e r s p e c t i v e s , the hegemony of a p a r t i c u l a r ideology i s the outcome of a h i s t o r i c a l process of s t r u g g l e between f o r m a l l y - a r t i c u l a t e d b e l i e f systems and popular knowledge. The advantages of t h i s l e s s s t a t i c type of c o n c e p t u a l i z a t i o n l i e f i r s t of a l l i n the emphasis on h i s t o r y and s t r u g g l e , which counter s , to some degree, A l t h u s s e r i a n f u n c t i o n a l i s m . Second, t h i s p a r t i c u l a r emphasis enables a more f l u i d c o n c e p t u a l i z a t i o n of ideology to be e n t e r t a i n e d , which i s open to n e g o t i a t i o n , and not p r e - o r d a i n e d . From the p o i n t of view of the argument being advanced here, Gramscian approaches to i d e o l o g y which emphasize ideology as a c o n t e s t e d process are h e l p f u l i n c o u n t e r i n g o v e r l y s t a t i c and top-down concepts of i d e o l o g y . However, l i k e other M a r x i s t t h e o r i e s of i d e o l o g y , i t i s by d e f i n i t i o n premised on the c a p i t a l - l a b o u r r e l a t i o n and other forms of power are ignored ( H a l l , 1988). Although i n many i n s t a n c e s , c l a s s - b a s e d power r e l a t i o n s are important i n s t r u c t u r i n g people's l i v e s , t h i s i s not n e c e s s a r i l y the case, and o f t e n other forms of power are present a l s o . Such a focus t h e r e f o r e tends to e c l i p s e other important power r e l a t i o n s , f o r i n s t a n c e , those between men and women. More r e c e n t l y , a v a r i e t y of p o s t - s t r u c t u r a l i s t p e r s p e c t i v e s on i d e o l o g y and d i s c o u r s e have been developed i n an e f f o r t to 158 c o n s i d e r other forms of power, and a l s o to problematize the i s s u e of meaning and s u b j e c t i v i t y (Weedon, 1987). A p r e l i m i n a r y c o n s i d e r a t i o n of some of the ways i n which p o s t - s t r u c t u r a l i s t t h e o r i e s have attended to the i s s u e of ideology may be h e l p f u l i n r e c o n c e p t u a l i z i n g analyses of gender i n e q u a l i t y that are based on some n o t i o n of i d e o l o g y . A c e n t r a l theme in post-s t r u c t u r a l i s t theory i s a d e n i a l that the world i s composed of f i x e d i n t r i n s i c meanings or s u b j e c t p o s i t i o n s ( i . e . ways of being an i n d i v i d u a l ) . Meaning i t s e l f i s not i n e v i t a b l e , but i n s t e a d may be accepted, n e g o t i a t e d or r e j e c t e d (Weedon, 1987). Thus, p r e v a i l i n g i d e o l o g i e s may be based upon meanings and s u b j e c t p o s i t i o n s that themselves are a b l e , indeed l i a b l e to s h i f t . A ccording to Weedon, however, the range of s u b j e c t p o s i t i o n s that are open to i n d i v i d u a l s , together with the a b i l i t y to n e g o t i a t e meaning, i s r e l a t e d to p r e v a i l i n g power r e l a t i o n s which may be based on c l a s s or on some other form of power, as t h i s operates i n a given h i s t o r i c a l and c u l t u r a l c o n t e x t . For the purposes of r e c o n c e p t u a l i z i n g f a m i l i a l i d e o l ogy, some of Gramsci's n o t i o n s of the c o n s t r u c t i o n of i d e o l o g y , together with some of the i n s i g h t s of p o s t - s t r u c t u r a l i s t theory are u s e f u l f o r four main reasons. F i r s t , by s u g g e s t i n g that s u b j e c t i v i t y and meaning are not f i x e d , but are f l u i d , t h i s type of approach i s a b l e to some degree to counter the i m p l i c i t e t hnocentrism that more e s s e n t i a l i s t accounts of ideology c o n t a i n . Second, and f o l l o w i n g on from t h i s p o i n t , i s the idea that the meanings accorded to the c a t e g o r y "woman" (or 159 " f e m i n i n i t y " ) and to " a p p r o p r i a t e " r o l e s f o r women are mutable, temporally and c u l t u r a l l y . T h i s enables a l e s s s t a t i c c o n c e p t u a l i z a t i o n of f a m i l i a l i s m to be forged, i n which women's r o l e s and i d e n t i t i e s are c u r r e n t and c u l t u r a l l y - s p e c i f i c d e f i n i t i o n s o n l y , that have emerged from a hegemonic gender ideology t h a t i n some in s t a n c e s warrants the term f a m i l i a l i s m . T h i r d , t h i s p o s i t i o n e f f e c t i v e l y "loosens the c l a s s b a s i s i n favour of a more general idea of domination or power, which can take a v a r i e t y of forms and agents" ( B a r r e t t , I 9 8 8 : x v i i i ) . By suggesting t h a t the b a s i s of i d e o l o g i e s and the s o c i a l power which they l e g i t i m i z e are not n e c e s s a r i l y r e d u c i b l e to the c a p i t a l labour r e l a t i o n , t h i s p e r s p e c t i v e opens up other p o s s i b i l i t i e s , such as the r o l e of r e l a t i o n s of gender or race, as p a r t of the formation of p a r t i c u l a r i d e o l o g i e s . F i n a l l y , the no t i o n of an ide o l o g y of f a m i l i a l i s m that i s f l u i d and open t o change, i s enhanced by the processes that u n d e r l i e i t s formation: the c o n t e s t a t i o n and c o e r c i o n that takes p l a c e between d i f f e r e n t i d e o l o g i c a l p o s i t i o n s . A dominant and hegemonic ideology of f a m i l i a l i s m i s extended and r e i n f o r c e d through reasoned accounts by powerful f o r c e s such as the s t a t e , the media, and formal education p r a c t i c e s ( H a l l , 1988), t o c r e a t e a general acceptance of gender norms. Through su b j e c t f o r m a t i o n , these may be embraced as common sense n o t i o n s of a c c e p t a b l e gendered behaviour, but they are not s t a t i c , or u n i v e r s a l ( F r a s e r and N i c h o l s o n , 1988). With these p o i n t s i n mind, i t i s p o s s i b l e t o modify B a r r e t t ' s theory i n order to problematize f a m i l i a l i d e o l o g y : to 160 establish whether i t exists as such, and i f so, how and when i t came about. By emphasizing c u l t u r a l l y - d e f i n e d h i s t o r i c a l processes, and s h i f t s in the meanings accorded to s o c i a l categories such as women, and women's work, an analysis of the formation and operation of a f l u i d but hegemonic f a m i l i a l ideology through contestation and coercion between genders and classes, may f a c i l i t a t e an understanding of the s h i f t i n g position of women in the labour market in Indonesia. 4 . i i . ( c ) F a m i l i a l Ideology in the State and the Workplace. According to Barrett's o r i g i n a l formulation of f a m i l i a l ideology, emphasis i s placed upon the family/household as the arena within which th i s p a r t i c u l a r ideology i s fostered and developed. The manner in which t h i s has taken place comprises two main elements: f i r s t , the formation of gender i d e n t i t i e s through the psychology of parenting, and second, through the al l o c a t i o n of p a r t i c u l a r tasks to p a r t i c u l a r individuals on the basis of gender. The gender d i v i s i o n of labour and other forms of gender inequality that exist outside the family/household are seen to re s u l t , a l b e i t in a reciprocal manner, from processes that originate in the family/household nexus. As has been remarked, t h i s type of conceptualization i s problematic in that i t assumes a universal meaning and central role to the family/household, while ignoring, or at l e a s t , playing i n s u f f i c i e n t attention to ideol o g i c a l processes that are in operation in d i f f e r e n t spheres. This section extends Barrett's theory to take account of two important s i t e s for the 161 c o n s t r u c t i o n and c o n t e s t a t i o n of gender i d e o l o g i e s , and i n p a r t i c u l a r , a v e r s i o n of gender ideology that might be termed " f a m i l i a l i s m " . The f i r s t s i t e i n which the c o n s t r u c t i o n of gender i n e q u a l i t i e s i s very important i s the s t a t e . F e m i n i s t s have drawn a t t e n t i o n to the f a c t that the s t a t e operates to reproduce gender r e l a t i o n s as w e l l as r e l a t i o n s of c l a s s . In terms of the c o n s t r u c t i o n and r e p r o d u c t i o n of f a m i l i a l ideology i n western l i b e r a l democracies, the welfar e s t a t e has been c i t e d as a prime arena through which a p a r t i c u l a r view of women's i d e n t i t i e s , t h e i r r o l e s and t h e i r domains i s extended. Through l e g i s l a t i o n and s t a t e b e n e f i t s , t h e r e f o r e , a p a r t i c u l a r f amily/household comprising a male breadwinner and dependent wife i s promoted. H i s t o r i c a l l y , t h i s has served the i n t e r e s t s of c a p i t a l accumulation, and p a t r i a r c h a l i n t e r e s t s a l s o . In a d d i t i o n , f a m i l i a l i d e o l o g y i s reproduced and extended through i d e o l o g i c a l s t a t e apparatuses, such as edu c a t i o n , the n a t i o n a l media and s o - f o r t h . The i s s u e of the s t a t e and f a m i l i a l ideology w i l l be taken up with r e s p e c t to Indonesia i n a l a t e r s e c t i o n . A second s i t e which i s of importance i s the workplace. In Chapter Two, Ma r x i s t and dual-systems t h e o r i e s of women i n the labour market were o u t l i n e d . Some of these emphasized the way in which processes o p e r a t i n g i n the workplace s t r u c t u r e d women's labour f o r c e p a r t i c i p a t i o n . Most o f t e n , t h i s was conceived of as a process of e x c l u s i o n of women by male workers (Hartmann, 1979), and a l s o through the gendering of p a r t i c u l a r 162 tasks and s k i l l s (Cockburn, 1983). The i n s i g h t s that these analyses have y i e l d e d can be brought to shed l i g h t on the c o n s t r u c t i o n of gender ideology i n the workplace, i n p a r t i c u l a r , an ideology of f a m i l i a l i s m . In t h i s s e c t i o n , t h e r e f o r e , one p a r t i c u l a r approach which i s u s e f u l to t h i s end i s c o n s i d e r e d : the work by Humphrey on gender d i v i s i o n s i n B r a z i l i a n i n d u s t r y (Humphrey, 1987) which i s sugg e s t i v e of the manner i n which i n d i v i d u a l s a c q u i r e p a r t i c u l a r subject p o s i t i o n s while i n the workplace, and second, the manner i n which p a r t i c u l a r tasks and occupations become "gendered". Humphrey argues that i n the workplace, i n d i v i d u a l s do not only a c q u i r e i d e n t i t i e s i n an androgenous sense, but as males and females. To some degree, the i d e n t i t i e s of male and female workers are r e l a t e d to c o n s t r u c t s of m a s c u l i n i t y and f e m i n i n i t y i n the wider s o c i e t y . However, Humphrey a l s o maintains that s p e c i f i c work i d e n t i t i e s are a l s o c o n s t r u c t e d and r e c r e a t e d with r e s p e c t to work, along l i n e s such as s k i l l , s t r e n g t h , competence and d i s c i p l i n e . As with the a c q u i s i t i o n of gender i d e n t i t y i n other spheres, there i s a constant r e d e f i n i t i o n of t h i s i d e n t i t y and the a p p r o p r i a t e r o l e s f o r men and women i n the course of s o c i a l p r a c t i c e , through the a c t i v i t i e s of both employers and employees (Humphrey, 1987). Humphrey's t h e o r e t i c a l o r i e n t a t i o n seems i m p l i c i t l y to be q u i t e c o n s i s t e n t with the manner i n which i d e o l o g i e s of gender are c o n c e p t u a l i z e d i n the a n a l y s i s i n t h i s study. The a s c r i p t i o n of s u b j e c t i v i t y and the meaning of the r o l e s of men and women are c o n s t r u c t e d , c o n t e s t e d and reproduced i n c u l t u r a l l y and 163 h i s t o r i c a l l y s p e c i f i c forms in the workplace, as well as in the state and the family/household. In sum, while moving away from Barrett's rather s t a t i c and ethnocentric concept of f a m i l i a l ideology, in t h i s analysis the emphasis on ideology i s retained, although i t i s viewed as a f l u i d process, incorporating s h i f t i n g s u b j e c t i v i t i e s and meanings. Nevertheless, f a m i l i a l ideology i s t i e d to materially-based power rela t i o n s , although these are not necessarily based upon the capital-labour r e l a t i o n . Gender inequality may not necessarily be " f a m i l i a l " in nature, but in instances where i t i s , i t needs to be s p e c i f i e d and analysed as a p a r t i c u l a r moment in the development of gender r e l a t i o n s . In addition, attention needs to be directed towards s i t e s of gender subordination in which gender inequality i s produced and reproduced that are beyond the family/household, for example, in the state and the workplace. The next section of t h i s chapter takes these t h e o r e t i c a l concerns to the substantive realm, in order to consider the nature of f a m i l i a l ideology in Indonesia. 4 . i i i . The Nature of Familialism in Indonesia. This section considers the issue of "fami l i a l i s m " in Indonesia as a process that in part i s rooted i n , a l b e i t r e l a t i v e l y autonomous to, the economic organization of the family/household, but that i s also comprised of an ideological arena within which gender identit y and i t s meaning i s created 164 a n d r e c r e a t e d i n f o r m s s p e c i f i c t o t h e I n d o n e s i a n c o n t e x t . O v e r t i m e , g e n d e r i d e o l o g i e s a n d " f a m i l i a l i s m " h a v e s h i f t e d , a s p r e v a i l i n g p r a c t i c e s a n d r e l a t i o n s o f p r o d u c t i o n , c i r c u l a t i o n a n d c o n s u m p t i o n h a v e a l t e r e d , a n d a s r e l a t i o n s o f p o w e r b e t w e e n men a n d w o m e n h a v e c h a n g e d . T h e a i m i s t o a n a l y s e t h i s p r o c e s s w h i l e r e m a i n i n g s e n s i t i v e t o t h e f a c t t h a t t h e " i m a g e s , a t t r i b u t e s , a c t i v i t i e s a n d a p p r o p r i a t e b e h a v i o u r a s s o c i a t e d w i t h w o m e n a r e a l w a y s c u l t u r a l l y a n d h i s t o r i c a l l y s p e c i f i c " t ( M o o r e , 1 9 8 8 : 5 ) . I t i s n e c e s s a r y , t h e r e f o r e , t o i d e n t i f y w h a t i s m e a n t b y f a m i l i a l i s m i n a p a r t i c u l a r c o n t e x t , i n t h i s c a s e , I n d o n e s i a : i . e . , i t s h i s t o r i c a l a n d c u l t u r a l s p e c i f i c i t y , i t s m a n i f e s t a t i o n i n t h e f a m i l y / h o u s e h o l d , i n t h e w o r k p l a c e a n d t h e s t a t e , a n d t h e i m p l i c a t i o n s o f i t s o p e r a t i o n f o r t h e l i v e s o f d i f f e r e n t g r o u p s o f p e o p l e i n v a r i o u s p a r t s o f I n d o n e s i a . B e s i d e s i t s r e l a t i o n s h i p t o t h e g e n d e r d i v i s i o n o f l a b o u r , g e n d e r i d e o l o g y i s p r e m i s e d o n f o u r m a j o r f a c t o r s t h a t h a v e s u c c e s s i v e l y d e f i n e d i t s f o r m a n d m e a n i n g i n I n d o n e s i a a s a " f a m i l i a l i d e o l o g y " . T h e r o l e o f a d a t , o r c u s t o m a r y l a w m u s t b e s e e n a s a p r e c u r s o r o f c o n t e m p o r a r y f a m i l i a l i d e o l o g y , a s m u s t t h e r o l e o f I s l a m . A t h i r d i n f l u e n c e i s t h a t o f t h e I n d o n e s i a n w o m e n ' s m o v e m e n t d u r i n g t h e s t r u g g l e f o r N a t i o n a l I n d e p e n d e n c e , a n d m o r e r e c e n t l y a l s o . F i n a l l y , f a m i l i a l i d e o l o g y i n I n d o n e s i a o w e s m u c h t o t h e w a y t h a t t h e s t a t e h a s i n t e r p r e t e d a n d p r o j e c t e d m e n ' s a n d w o m e n ' s r e s p e c t i v e r o l e s i n s o c i e t y . H e r e , e a c h o f t h e s e f a c t o r s i s c o n s i d e r e d i n t u r n . T o s o m e d e g r e e , t h e h i s t o r i c a l p r e c e d e n t s o f " f a m i l i a l i d e o l o g y " i n I n d o n e s i a l i e w i t h i n p r e c a p i t a l i s t n o t i o n s o f " m a l e " a n d " f e m a l e " , a n d 165 w i t h i n a p r e c a p i t a l i s t gender d i v i s i o n of l a b o u r . In e s t a b l i s h i n g the r o o t s of " f a m i l i a l i s m " i n Indonesia, two i s s u e s need to be borne i n mind. F i r s t , i t i s important to a v o i d making the assumption that p r i o r to the advent of c a p i t a l i s m i n Indonesia, e i t h e r of these elements were u n i v e r s a l , h i s t o r i c a l l y or g e o g r a p h i c a l l y . There were s i g n i f i c a n t d i f f e r e n c e s between f a m i l y systems i n d i f f e r e n t p a r t s of Indonesia as a comparison of the b i l a t e r a l Javanese f a m i l y d e s c r i b e d by Geertz (1961) and m a t r i l i n e a l Minangkabau k i n s h i p d e s c r i b e d by de Jong (1951) suggests. Second, i n using p u b l i s h e d ethnographies as a b a s i s on which to r e s t an argument concerning r e l a t i o n s of power between men and women, i t i s necessary to be aware that although these s t u d i e s y i e l d many i n s i g h t s , the frame of r e f e r e n c e from which r e s e a r c h q u e s t i o n s were d e v i s e d has changed. In other words, the types of q u e s t i o n s t h a t are of i n t e r e s t to f e m i n i s t s i n d i f f e r e n t c u l t u r a l s e t t i n g s today are not n e c e s s a r i l y the same as those posed from w i t h i n a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l d i s c o u r s e i n the 1950s. I t i s t h e r e f o r e l i k e l y t h a t some important i s s u e s are obscured. F a m i l i a l i d e o l o g y has grown out of the h i s t o r y and s t r u g g l e s around gender r e l a t i o n s i n Indonesia over a long p e r i o d of time. I t s c o n s t r u c t i o n has i n v o l v e d the i n t e r a c t i o n of four elements: ( i ) Adat or customary law, ( i i ) Islam, ( i i i ) the Indonesian Women's Movement and ( i v ) The contemporary s t a t e . These are c o n s i d e r e d i n t u r n . 166 4 . i i i . (a) F a m i l i a l Ideology and Adat. Adat refers to ancient l o c a l customary laws in Indonesia which r e f l e c t l o c a l conditions of l i f e . Adat continues to influence people's l i v e s through i t s primary concern with the regulation of kinship and inheritence in l o c a l l y - s p e c i f i c ways. One of the best analyses of the role of adat in t h i s context i s that by Cora Vreede de Stuers (1960), in which she i d e n t i f i e s kinship, marriage and inheritence laws as being fundamental to an understanding of "womanhood" and women's position within d i f f e r e n t groups. Adat has evolved " i n a constant and supple fashion with the l o c a l and regional conditions of l i f e " in Indonesia, and thus varies both between d i f f e r e n t ethnic groups and geographically (Vreede de Stuers, 1960:22). Nevertheless, observers have i d e n t i f i e d three p r i n c i p a l systems of adat associated with kinship in Indonesia that have implications for the position of women: the p a t r i l i n e a l system; and more commonly, the m a t r i l i n e a l system and the b i l i n e a l system, each of which influence kinship, marriage and inheritence. The l a t t e r two are considered b r i e f l y here, rather than the former which embraces only a small proportion of the Indonesian population. Hildred Geertz's ethnographic account of the Javanese family i s based on f i e l d work conducted in one area of East Java in the 1950s: pr i o r to the New Order and prior to the rapid s o c i a l and economic changes that have subsequently been experienced in Indonesia (Geertz, 1961). A comparison of her work on the 167 Javanese family and that of studies conducted more recently (e .g . Wolf, 1986) suggest both c o n t i n u i t i e s and changes in terms of the form of the family/household, the d i v i s i o n of labour and power r e l a t i o n s . The form of the Javanese family/household described by Geertz as large ly nuclear and based on a b i l a t e r a l k inship system s imi lar to that described by Wolf today (Wolf, 1986). Also consistent with the contemporary per iod , Geertz notes a high rate of divorce between men and women, though i t i s unusual for e i ther sex to be unmarried for a long period of time. Within the d i v i s i o n of labour, women are responsible for a l l domestic a c t i v i t i e s but these extend to the a g r i c u l t u r a l sphere and to the market. According to descr ipt ions of the d i v i s i o n of labour today, women continue to be responsible for a l l domestic tasks , but the i r capacity to p a r t i c i p a t e in extensions of th i s sphere has been c u r t a i l e d as the s p l i t between the domestic labour and "paid" work has deepened. Thus, women's domestic work, although invo lv ing s imi lar tasks within the home, has been redef ined. As i s the case today, women's power in the family/household i s a function of l i f e - s t a g e : unmarried women are protected, women that are married are l arge ly in charge of the domestic sphere, and older women have a r e l a t i v e l y strong pos i t ion in decision-making processes within the family group. In contrast to Geertz 's descr ip t ion of the Javanese family, de Jong's study of the Minangkabau of West Sumatra in the late 1940s/early 1950s, considers matr i l inear kinship and 168 i n h e r i t a n c e p a t t e r n s . I t i s argued that men are d e f i n e d as v i s i t o r s i n t h e i r wive's homes. T h i s has i m p l i c a t i o n s f o r r e l a t i o n s of power, and i n t h i s p a r t i c u l a r group i t i s suggested that women h o l d c o n s i d e r a b l e power over l i f e and economic d e c i s i o n s . However, i n terms of the domestic d i v i s i o n of labour, there i s no doubt that t h i s sphere i s l a r g e l y women's r e s p o n s i b i l i t y . Indeed, i n h i s study of Minangkabau i n the 1970s, Kahn notes that there i s no doubt that e f f e c t i v e l y a u t h o r i t y r e s t s with the male o u t s i d e the domestic realm, and perhaps even w i t h i n i t (Kahn, 1976). Des p i t e d i f f e r e n c e s between these systems i n terms of po s t -m a r i t a l r e s i d e n c e and i n h e r i t e n c e p a t t e r n s , the c e n t r a l i t y of women's wife-mother r o l e i n gene r a l i s n o t a b l e . B a r i e d suggests that t h i s i s r e f l e c t e d i n legends from most areas of Indonesia, i n which women are d e p i c t e d as p r e - r e q u i s i t e s f o r the s u r v i v a l of the group ( B a r i e d , 1986). In a d d i t i o n , i t i s worth n o t i n g that i n order to a p p r e c i a t e f u l l y the p o s i t i o n of the woman i n t r a d i t i o n a l c i r c l e s , i t i s necessary to remember that adat never p r o t e c t s i n d i v i d u a l i n t e r e s t s but guarantees i n the f i r s t p l a c e i n t e r e s t s a p p e r t a i n i n g to the group...Marriage and is s u e do not e x i s t to f u r t h e r the happiness of the i n d i v i d u a l ; they have a very d i f f e r e n t meaning: they are i n s t i t u t i o n s which h e l p to maintain the e x i s t e n c e of the clan. . . A woman proves her tr u e worth and comes i n t o her f u l l r i g h t s only on becoming wife and mother. (Vreede de Stu e r s , 1960:31) Owing t o the f a c t t h a t adat r e f l e c t s l o c a l c o n d i t i o n s of e x i s t e n c e and the nature of p r o d u c t i o n and s u b s i s t e n c e , i t 169 seems that women's r o l e s as c o - p a r t n e r s to men, and f a m i l i a l i d e o l o g i e s have r e f l e c t e d t h i s v a r i e t y a l s o . I t i s the wife's importance as an a c t i v e element i n r u r a l economy t h a t has determined her importance as a member of the community, where every a c t i o n i s guided by t r a d i t i o n and where everyone f u l f i l l s a f u n c t i o n with regard to the economy of the group. Her other f u n c t i o n , wife and mother, e s s e n t i a l to the s u r v i v a l of the group and c o r r e l a t i v e to the f i r s t , determines her p o s i t i o n i n p u b l i c and p r i v a t e a f f a i r s . (Vreede de St u e r s , 1960:43-44) Although women appear to have been r e l a t i v e l y empowered w i t h i n Indonesian s o c i e t y through t h e i r p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n economic l i f e and through the communal nature of adat, d e s p i t e some r e g i o n a l and e t h n i c v a r i a t i o n s , women were, by and l a r g e , i d e n t i f i e d with the domestic sphere (which here embraces s u b s i s t e n c e a c t i v i t i e s i n c l u d i n g a g r i c u l t u r e ) and with motherhood. 4 . i i i . ( b ) F a m i l i a l Ideology and Islam. In many ways, gender i d e o l o g i e s a s s o c i a t e d with Islam i n Indonesia are c o n s i s t e n t with those of adat, to the p o i n t where i t i s d i f f i c u l t t o d i s e n t a n g l e the r e l a t i v e i n f l u e n c e of e i t h e r system. However, although the emphasis on women's r o l e s as wives and mothers, and t h e i r g e n e r a l a s s o c i a t i o n with the domestic sphere has con t i n u e d under Islam, the manner i n which I s l a m i c i deology c o n c e p t u a l i z e s womanhood and women's r o l e s i s somewhat d i f f e r e n t . F i r s t , Islam i n Indonesia, as elsewhere i n the muslim world, c o n c e i v e s of women as being equal t o , but d i f f e r e n t from men. Women have s p e c i a l d u t i e s to perform i n 170 l i f e which separate them from the world of men, although t h i s i n i t s e l f does not n e c e s s a r i l y imply i n e q u a l i t y (Salyo, 1985). Second, and r e l a t e d to t h i s p o i n t , i s the f a c t that women are regarded as " n a t u r a l l y " weaker than men: t h e i r p h y s i c a l a t t r i b u t e s ( d e l i c a t e , weak, g e n t l e and c a r i n g ) mean that they e x c e l i n matters p e r t a i n i n g to love and a f f e c t i o n , and thus to a r o l e as home makers. Conversely, men are regarded as being s t r o n g , d e c i s i v e and able to cope with the harder aspects of l i f e , and are thus c o n s i d e r e d to be n a t u r a l l y s u i t e d to being breadwinners ( R a l i b y , 1985). A t h i r d p o i n t concerns the i d e a l i z a t i o n of women as wives and mothers: Isla m i c f a m i l i a l i d e o logy e x a l t s t h i s r o l e as being a woman's duty, not j u s t to the community, but to God. Women's o b l i g a t i o n t o w i f e - and motherhood as purported i n adat and I s l a m i c f a m i l i a l i d e o l o g y , has ensured the de j u r e , i f not the de f a c t o i n e v i t a b i l i t y of d o m e s t i c i t y f o r the m a j o r i t y of women i n Indonesia and the shaping of gender i d e n t i t y and a c u l t u r a l l y - s p e c i f i c n o t i o n of motherhood. I t i s important, however, t o recognise that there was no fundamental and pre-e x i s t i n g Indonesian f a m i l i a l i s m but i n s t e a d a f l u i d , ever-changing, n e g o t i a t e d ideology t h a t accompanied the emergence and d i s s o l u t i o n of d i f f e r e n t h i s t o r i c a l c o n d i t i o n s of e x i s t e n c e . 4 . i i i . ( c ) F a m i l i a l Ideology and the Women's Movement. In a d d i t i o n to the r o l e t h at adat and Islam have played i n shaping f a m i l i a l i d e ology i n Indonesia i s that played by the 171 women's movement i n Indonesia. F a m i l i a l i s m i n Indonesia today r e f l e c t s the demands of women that were brought onto the agenda du r i n g the s t r u g g l e f o r Independence i n the l a t e 19th and e a r l y 20th c e n t u r i e s , d u r i n g which time n a t i o n a l i s t i n t e r e s t s took on board the concerns of an emergent feminism i n Indonesia (Vreede de S t u e r s , 1960; Jayawardena, 1986). As the f e m i n i s t movement was comprised almost e n t i r e l y of a r i s t o c r a t i c or middle c l a s s women ( p a r t i c u l a r l y Javanese women) i t tended to r e f l e c t t h e i r concerns and t h e i r demands. T h i s i s n e a t l y i l l u s t r a t e d by re f e r e n c e to Raden Ajeng K a r t i n i , a young a r i s t o c r a t i c Javanese woman, whose p i o n e e r i n g e f f o r t s on behalf of " P r i y a y i " (Javanese a r i s t o c r a c y ) g i r l s and women has l e d to her becoming a c e l e b r a t e d symbol of the Women i n Development r h e t o r i c as purported by the s t a t e i n Indonesia (Manderson, 1980). Through her correspondence with a number of Dutch women d u r i n g an era when the European s u f f r a g e t t e movement was blossoming, K a r t i n i developed a f e m i n i s t consciousness that encouraged her to s t r u g g l e a g a i n s t the confinement that was the f a t e of a l l a r i s t o c r a t i c Javanese women p r i o r to marriage, to f i g h t f o r the r i g h t to a meaningful education f o r g i r l s , and to i n i t i a t e the s t r u g g l e a g a i n s t polygamy f o r a marriage system i n which women were i n v o l v e d as p a r t n e r s , not subordinates of t h e i r menfolk. Amongst other notable a r i s t o c r a t i c women, the e a r l y t w e n t i e t h century saw the emergence of a number of women's o r g a n i z a t i o n s , t h a t were concerned with i s s u e s such as access to e d u c a t i o n , i n p a r t i c u l a r , v o c a t i o n a l t r a i n i n g f o r g i r l s i n order that they be competent mothers; and f a m i l y law, i n 172 p a r t i c u l a r , polygamy and d i v o r c e ( B a r i e d , 1986). Women's s t r u g g l e s a g a i n s t these i s s u e s were embraced by the n a t i o n a l i s t movement, i n which the women's o r g a n i z a t i o n s p l a y e d an important r o l e . Women's d u t i e s as "mothers of the people" were i n c o r p o r a t e d i n t o n a t i o n a l i s t sentiment. When i n 1945 Independence was achieved, women's s t a t u s as equals of men was w r i t t e n i n t o the Indonesian c o n s t i t u t i o n (Manderson, 1980). However, perhaps i n a d v e r t a n t l y , the s t r u g g l e s of middle c l a s s Indonesian women together with the p r e v a i l i n g c o n c e p t u a l i z a t i o n of women i n adat and Islam brought i n t o focus a p a r t i c u l a r v i s i o n of Indonesian womanhood and of the c o n t r i b u t i o n of women to the development of the Indonesian n a t i o n . Once again, the view of women seeking g l o r y as daughters, wives and mothers ( i . e . i n r e l a t i o n to men) was r e i n f o r c e d . As Vreede de Stuers notes, t h i s was i n par t c o n s i s t e n t with the ideas of the post-independence women's movement which was committed to the r i g h t s of women w i t h i n t h e i r r o l e as wives and mothers (Vreede de S t u e r s , 1960). I t d i d , however, subsume the concerns of women as i n d i v i d u a l s under the concerns of a n d r o c e n t r i c development. 4 . i i i . ( d ) F a m i l i a l Ideology, The State and Development Theory. Since N a t i o n a l Independence, and i n c r e a s i n g l y s i n c e the advent of the New Order i n 1965, the s t a t e ' s i n t e r e s t i n women's o r g a n i z a t i o n s has continued i n a p a r t i c u l a r manner which c o l l a p s e s "women's i s s u e s " i n t o the i s s u e of "the fa m i l y and development", and i n t o the c e n t r a l i t y of women's r o l e 173 w i t h i n the fa m i l y ( H u l l , 1979; S u l l i v a n , 1983). Although women's o r g a n i z a t i o n s continued to have some i n f l u e n c e on the s t a t e and upon Indonesian development d u r i n g Sukarno's p r e s i d e n c y , t h i s was q u i c k l y cut short by Suharto's New Order government which r e s t r u c t u r e d women's o r g a n i z a t i o n s so as to pre c l u d e any form of s o c i a l c r i t i c i s m or t h r e a t to the s t a b i l i t y of an a u t h o r i t a r i a n regime. The women's o r g a n i z a t i o n s that were a s s o c i a t e d with the r i g h t s of working c l a s s women i n Indonesia were e f f e c t i v e l y made i l l e g a l by the s t a t e . The best known of these a s s o c i a t i o n s , GERWANI, which was concerned with with working women's r i g h t s and was l i n k e d with the Indonesian communist p a r t y (PKI). Owing to the events surrounding the so-c a l l e d attempted coup i n 1965 GERWANI was d i s s o l v e d by the New Order and has been wiped from w r i t t e n h i s t o r y i n Indonesia (Wieringa, 1988). A c c o r d i n g to the s t a t e ' s v e r s i o n of developmentalism, women's i d e n t i t i e s thus were formed around t h e i r c o n t r i b u t i o n to the s p i r i t u a l , moral, mental and p h y s i c a l w e l f a r e of t h e i r f a m i l i e s , and i n producing good f u t u r e c i t i z e n s . Women were seen i n p u r e l y r e l a t i o n a l terms: as mothers, daughters, s i s t e r s and wives. Through the Pembinaan Kesejahteraan Keluarga movement (PKK) which implements a l l government programmes f o r women at the g r a s s - r o o t s and v i l l a g e l e v e l , f i v e major r o l e s f o r women were conceived, i n the f o l l o w i n g o r d e r : ( i ) As l o y a l backstop and supporter of her husband. ( i i ) As c a r e t a k e r of the household. ( i i i ) As producer of f u t u r e g e n e r a t i o n s . 174 ( i v ) As the f a m i l y ' s prime s o c i a l i z e r . (v) As an Indonesian c i t i z e n . (Cabang Tingkat Pusat PERTIWI 1978:4 - c i t e d i n S u l l i v a n , 1983:148). T h i s p r e s c r i p t i o n was b u i l t i n t o the second F i v e Year Development Plan ( R e p e l i t a II) which covered the 1974 - 1979 p e r i o d . The s t a t e has r e s t r u c t u r e d the Indonesian women's movement so that i n e f f e c t , the d i f f e r e n t o r g a n i z a t i o n s have become p a r a l l e l but subordinate to a set of e q u i v a l e n t male o r g a n i z a t i o n s , so that the concerns of women are commensurate with the broad r u b r i c of Indonesian n a t i o n a l development. A number of groups have been formed which may be regarded as semi-governmental machineries. Examples i n c l u d e Dharma Wanita (wives of the c i v i l s e r v i c e ) , Dharma P e r t i w i (wives of the m i l i t a r y ) and KOWANI (Kongress Wanita Indonesia, or Indonesian women's c o n g r e s s ) . Although these groups have r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s , they are of a s u p p o r t i v e nature o n l y . As Wieringa suggests, s i n c e the d i s m a n t l i n g of the women's movement by the New Order i n the l a t e 1960s, although women's o r g a n i z a t i o n s e x i s t , they are middle c l a s s i n o r i e n t a t i o n , and operate w i t h i n s t r i c t l y d e f i n e d parameters. Indeed, "there i s no o r g a n i z a t i o n at a l l i n Indonesia d e a l i n g with f e m i n i s t concerns" (Wieringa, 1988:85). In a d d i t i o n , the women w i t h i n them are v o l u n t e e r s and t h e i r work i s not remunerated. More p a r t i c u l a r l y , the r o l e of these o r g a n i z a t i o n s i n reproducing f a m i l i a l i d e ology i s through the a c t i v i t i e s of "femocrats" and the wives of government o f f i c i a l s who regard themselves as exemplary f i g u r e s i n the pr o d u c t i o n 175 and reinforcement of a concept of women as the " p i l l a r s of the fa m i l y u n i t , who must make every e f f o r t to develop the s o c i a l , e d u c a t i o n a l and r e l i g i o u s l i v e s of themselves and t h e i r c h i l d r e n " ( P r i c e , 1983:104). Indeed, women's r o l e i n n a t i o n -b u i l d i n g should come second to fa m i l y t a s k s . G r i d j n s i l l u s t r a t e s t h i s with an anecdote of an i n c i d e n t that took p l a c e d u r i n g her f i e l d w o r k i n West Java. During H a r i Ibu (Mother's Day) p r e p a r a t i o n s , the wife of a managerial s t a f f member of the tea p l a n t a t i o n s a i d to the members of the women's o r g a n i z a t i o n : L a d i e s , before we s t a r t p l a y i n g v o l l e y b a l l we must f i r s t f i n i s h our work at home. By no means should we leave our husbands and c h i l d r e n j u s t l i k e t h a t ! ( G r i j n s , 1987:113) The i d e o l o g y of f a m i l i a l i s m and the s t e r e o t y p i c a l view of women purported by the s t a t e i s not remotely p r o g r e s s i v e nor r e f l e c t i v e of r e a l i t y f o r the m a j o r i t y of women who are not i n a p o s i t i o n e c o n o m i c a l l y to leave p r o d u c t i v e work i n order to c r e a t e and educate good Indonesian c i t i z e n s . Instead i t i s based ( i r o n i c a l l y ) on a Euro-American c o n c e p t u a l i z a t i o n of the f a m i l y and of d o m e s t i c i t y , i t appears to be independent of e t h n i c and c l a s s d i f f e r e n c e s and i s far-removed from the every day e x i s t e n c e of the m a j o r i t y of Indonesian women, d e s p i t e being o r i g i n a l l y rooted i n l o c a l e x p r e s s i o n s of both adat and Islam. As S u l l i v a n remarks, t h i s homogenizing ideology of f a m i l i a l i s m t h at i s r e f l e c t e d i n the r h e t o r i c of the s t a t e puts a f i r m o f f i c i a l stamp on the b e l i e f t h a t women's p l a c e i s i n the home, not i n 176 the f i e l d s or i n any other i n f l u e n t i a l sphere of economic a c t i v i t y . ( S u l l i v a n , 1983:156). The development of a hegemonic f a m i l i a l ideology i n Indonesia has thus culminated i n two r e l a t e d images of women, f i r s t , as mothers and secondly, as "housewives" which g e n e r a l l y a s c r i b e women to the u l t i m a t e d e s t i n a t i o n of wives and mothers. T h i s aspect of f a m i l i a l ideology a f f e c t s women of a l l ages: as p o t e n t i a l mothers/wives, and as c u r r e n t mothers/wives. Adat ideology and p r a c t i c e s suggest that t h i s a s c r i p t i o n has been an important p a r t of women's l i v e s f o r a long time: women only reach t h e i r f u l l s o c i a l i d e n t i t y on c h i l d - b e a r i n g . However, evidence from a v a r i e t y of c a s e - s t u d i e s i n . Indonesia, p a r t i c u l a r l y among w e a l t h i e r women, suggests that the c u l t u r a l meaning of mothering i s being r e d e f i n e d as men pl a y an ever-d e c l i n i n g r o l e i n the o v e r a l l p a r e n t i n g of small c h i l d r e n i n the family/household ( H u l l , 1979; Robinson, 1986; Branson and M i l l e r , 1988). T h i s has i m p l i c a t i o n s f o r how women's i d e n t i t i e s as mothers and as p o t e n t i a l mothers are p e r c e i v e d and c o n s t r u c t e d a t a v a r i e t y of l e v e l s . The second image of women, that i s , as housewives or at l e a s t , as p o t e n t i a l housewives i s a l s o evidence of the manner in which " d o m e s t i c i t y " and i t s meaning i s being r e s t r u c t u r e d . Mies has termed t h i s process " h o u s e w i f i z a t i o n " (Mies, 1988). Although i n Indonesia i t i s c l e a r that only a m i n o r i t y of women f i t i n t o a western c a t e g o r i z a t i o n of "housewife", as an aspect of f a m i l i a l i d e o l o g y , the a s c r i p t i o n of women to t h i s r o l e has a s i g n i f i c a n t i n f l u e n c e , at a normative l e v e l , upon the l i v e s 177 of many women. A new ethos of domesticity i s beginning to emerge in Indonesia, in which "separate spheres" for men and women are becoming part of a f a m i l i a l ideology, and for some, part of l i f e . In addition, the nature of domesticity, as purported in images of family l i f e , i s being redefined as the engagement of women in manual labour outside the home i s being shunned. Robinson's research in Sulawesi i s suggestive of t h i s process. The meaning imparted to "domestic" in the community that she studied prior to the development of a nickle mine d i f f e r e d from that of today. In previous eras, "domestic" implied a l l those a c t i v i t i e s associated with subsistence and se l f - p r o v i s i o n i n g , including p a r t i c i p a t i o n in agriculture; today "domestic" has come to mean "housewife". In most instances, of course, there i s a gap between the values, b e l i e f s and ideology of fa m i l i a l i s m and the actual demography and economy of the family/household, and women's l i v e s ( G i t t i n s , 1985). However, despite being discordant with the r e a l i t y of many women's l i v e s , "familialism" in Indonesia is very i n f l u e n t i a l , for two main reasons. F i r s t , i t i s rooted h i s t o r i c a l l y in adat and in Islam, and thus although the meaning of some of i t s main concepts has s h i f t e d , i t i s not e n t i r e l y a l i e n to the majority of people in Indonesia. Second, "famili a l i s m " i s an e s s e n t i a l l y middle c l a s s ideology. In a period of substantial changes in production, in the c i r c u l a t i o n of goods, ideas and people, and in consumption practices, the power of middle class discourse in Indonesia has strengthened, as the p r i y a y i or middle class world view "has become the 178 source and standard reference for many of the ideals and values of the larger community" (Raharjo and Hull, 1984:116). 4.iv. The Operation of Fam i l i a l Ideology in Indonesia. The influence of " f a m i l i a l ideology" i s f e l t in a number of spheres throughout l i f e in Indonesia by both men and women. This section i l l u s t r a t e s the means by which f a m i l i a l ideology makes i t s influence f e l t , and the manner in which i t i s produced and reproduced. F a m i l i a l ideology in Indonesia operates through the media, and through the state's rhetoric and p o l i c i e s with respect to development programmes, education and trai n i n g , and workplace l e g i s l a t i o n . Within each of these, p a r t i c u l a r roles and i d e n t i t i e s are negotiated and ascribed to men and women, which have ramifications for the types of a c t i v i t i e s in which they are thus able to engage, as s h a l l be shown in the next section. Here, the degree to which f a m i l i a l ideology i s manifested in each of the four related arenas mentioned above i s considered: the media, state development programmes, education and tr a i n i n g , and through workplace l e g i s l a t i o n . 4.iv.(a) Familialism Through the Media. Films, t e l e v i s i o n , newspapers, magazines and advertizing have, through increased l i t e r a c y , and increases in the penetration of media to most areas of Indonesia, come to play an important role in generating and perpetuating a part i c u l a r 179 form of f a m i l i a l i d e o l ogy, i n which men's and women's i d e n t i t i e s and r o l e s are p o r t r a y e d i n p a r t i c u l a r ways, not always commensurate with the r e a l i t y of t h e i r l i v e s and experiences i n Indonesia. Women's columns i n magazines and newspapers s t r e s s a view of women that c e n t r e s upon the home and the f a m i l y , upon f a s h i o n , and upon notions of romantic love that suggest a p a r t i c u l a r image of womanhood i n Indonesia (Manderson, 1980). In some j o u r n a l s , "model mother" com p e t i t i o n s f e a t u r e r e g u l a r l y , presumably o u t l i n i n g the p r i n c i p a l f e a t u r e s of a r o l e to which a l l women should a s p i r e (Woodcroft-Lee, 1983). 4.iv.(b) The S t a t e , Development Programmes and F a m i l i a l Ideology. E a r l i e r i n t h i s chapter, the pr o d u c t i o n and r e p r o d u c t i o n of a p a r t i c u l a r f a m i l i a l i d e o l o g y through the a c t i v i t i e s of the s t a t e was d e s c r i b e d . Of p a r t i c u l a r importance i n t h i s r e s p e c t , has been the r o l e played by the s t a t e through i t s r e l a t i o n s h i p with governmental and semi-governmental women's o r g a n i z a t i o n s , i n which women's c o n t r i b u t i o n to development i n Indonesia i s c o n c e p t u a l i z e d as one r e f l e c t i n g t h e i r " p r i n c i p a l r o l e as wives and mothers". Besides having been p a r t of the c r e a t i o n of a p a r t i c u l a r f a m i l i a l i d e ology i n Indonesia, development programmes have served to extend t h i s i d eology beyond the urban middle c l a s s and i n t o the urban and r u r a l kampungs. Thus, v a r i o u s s t u d i e s i n r u r a l Indonesia have shown how development programmes have c r e a t e d a normative s e p a r a t i o n of the domestic 180 domain, which is re f l ec ted in the d i v i s i o n of r u r a l extension e f for t s into a g r i c u l t u r e for men, and home economics, hea l th , n u t r i t i o n and family planning for women (White, 1985; ILO, 1986). In her discuss ion of the "development" e f for t s that were being made in a Yogyakarta kampung, S u l l i v a n suggests that the emphasis on l i f e - s t y l e improvements by the e l i t e women administrators ( inc luding makeup demonstrations) which were part of the PKK development i n i t i a t i v e s in urban areas, assumed that kampung women had the necessary surplus time and income in order to be able to a t t a i n r e l a t i v e l y unrea l izable middle c lass goals as "wives and mothers" in the development process ( S u l l i v a n , 1983). 4 . i v . ( c ) Fami l ia l i sm in Education and T r a i n i n g . According to most observers, education has a tendency to perpetuate c e r t a i n aspects of gender ideology in Indonesia (ILO, 1986). Its most s i g n i f i c a n t impact upon women is through the way in which women are channelled into p a r t i c u l a r f i e l d s of education, both vocat ional and academic, secular and muslim (Raharjo and H u l l , 1984). According to Manderson, at a l l l eve l s of vocat ional t r a i n i n g women have been steered towards teacher t r a i n i n g and health t r a i n i n g : r e f l e c t i n g an ideology in which women's ro le i s as helpmate a